Request of
IRev. ib* <L Scabbing, D.
to tbe library
of tbe
of Toronto
1901
BEQUEST OF
REV. CANON SCADDIfiG, D. D.
TORONTO, 1901.
/ITM-OMAS
KPARTMENirtLL.ua™, ,.
THE HISTORY
OF
ENGLISH POETRY,
FROM THE
CLOSE OF THE ELEVENTH CENTURY
TO THE
COMMENCEMENT OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED,
THREE DISSERTATIONS:
1. OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
2. ON THE INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
3. ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
BY
THOMAS WARTON, B.C.
FELLOW OK TRINITY COLLEGE, OXFORD, AND OF THE SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIES, AND
PROFESSOR OF POETRY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.
FROM THE EDITION OF 1824
SUPERINTENDED BY THE LATE
RICHARD PRICE, ESQ.
INCLUDING THE NOTES OF MR. RITSON, DR. ASHBY, MR. DOUCE, AND
MR. PARK.
NOW FURTHER IMPROVED BY THE CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS
OF SEVERAL EMINENT ANTIQUARIES.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
LONDON;
PRINTED FOR THOMAS TEGG, 73 CHEAPSIDE.
1840.
troi
WB
V.I
cap.
PRINTED BY RICHARD AND JOHN E. TAYLOR,
RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET.
ADVERTISEMENT.
THE Edition of 1824, in four volumes octavo, which has for
some time been out of print, and upon which the present is
founded, has been generally esteemed for its correctness, and
for a valuable body of materials for the illustration of the work
collected by Mr. Park, including numerous manuscript notes
by Ritson, Ashby, Douce, and other eminent antiquaries*, but
especially on account of the important corrections and additions
made by its much-lamented Editor, Mr. Richard Price; for
whom, though his name did not appear on its publication, it
deservedly obtained considerable reputation.
With regard to what he contributed under the head of addi-
tions, may be mentioned in particular his notes, or rather essays,
on the Lais of Marie de France, on the Saxon Ode on the Victory
of Athelstan, on the Romance of Sir Tristram, on the Visions
of Piers Plouhman, and his learned Preface, in which is con-
tair?.d a very interesting view of the inquiries that form the
subjects of Warton's work, the manner in which he has treated
them, their progress since the publication of his work, and of
the controversies to which it gave rise. The corrections made by
Mr. Price must be considered also as having added much to the
value of the edition ; both those which apply to errors in War-
ton's glossarial notes, and those which resulted from a collation
of many of the specimens "with manuscripts in the British
Museum or editions of acknowledged fidelity." The latter,
from the great carelessness of Warton as a transcriber, were very
numerous, and not less important, many passages having been
rendered quite unintelligible from errors in copying.
* See Editor's Preface, p. (92).
IV ADVERTISEMENT.
The very necessary task of freeing Warton's work from a
defect which so greatly impaired its value, has however been
carried out to a much greater extent in the present edition,
through the zeal and care of Sir Frederic Madden, who, on
learning that the work had once more been placed in my
hands by the Publisher, not only most kindly offered to collate
the text of the specimens in the earlier period by the best manu-
scripts, but has contributed a considerable number of notes of
great interest, from the important corrections and additional
information which they contain. In addition to these, which
are distinguished by the letter M., the present Edition has
received an accession of various valuable Notes, which have
been contributed by Mr. Thorpe and Mr. J. M. Kemble, both
deeply versed in the earliest form of our national poetry; by
Mr. Wright, Editor of the Collection of the e Ancient Political
Songs5 lately published by the Camden Society ; Mr. W. J.
Thorns, the Secretary of that Society; the Rev. R. Garnett, of
the British Museum ; and by my brother, Mr. Edward Taylor,
Gresham Professor of Music. These are severally distinguished
by the initials T. or Th., K., W., W. J. T., R. G., and E. T. I
have, moreover, ventured occasionally to add a few, which bear
my own initials.
It remains only to state that those Additional Notes from the
collections of Dr. Ashby and Mr. Park, which, having come
into the hands of the Publisher too late to be otherwise inserted
in the edition of 1824, were printed at the end of the volumes,
have in the present Edition been annexed to the passages to
which they relate : and as the present enlarged form of the
page has occasioned numerous alterations in the references both
in the Notes and Index, much care has been taken to avoid the
errors which often result from such a change.
RICHARD TAYLOR.
May 18th, 1840.
SOME NOTICES OF THE LATE RICHARD PRICE, ESQ.
Of my lamented friend Mr. Price, to whom the superintendence of
the edition of 1824 was, at my suggestion, committed, the following
Notices may be preserved in this page, as testimonials of the estima-
tion in which his character and acquirements have been held by men
of learning. — R.T.
Dr. G. J. THORKELIN, in his work entitled " De Danorum Rebus Gestis,
fyc." being the first edition of .Beowulf published ; Copenhagen, 1815.
" Quanta vero apud veteres celebritate et admiratione floruerit Welandus,
vel inde liquet, quod regum decus jElfretlus Magnus (ut me monuit vir doc-
tissimus et mini amicissimus RICHARDUS PRICE), in sua versione Consolationis
Philosophise ab An. M. Sever. Boethio scriptas," &c., p. 266.
Dr. JAMES GRIMM, in " Hymnorum Veterls Ecclesicp, Interpretatio Theotisca;"
Gottingen, 1830.
" Pertzium V. Cl. literarum causa iter Anglicanum ingredientem de his
Hymnis compellavi. Itaque is PRICIO auctor fuit viro doctissimo et huma-
nissimo, ut omnes transscribi et ad me mitti curaret, brevique tempore ab illo
nactus sum quod antea frustra diuque exspectaveram." — p. 4.
The Rev. W. D. CONYBEARE, in the Introduction to the Illustrations of Anglo-
Saxon Poetry, by the late Rev. J. J. Conybeare.
" He had not inserted the original Saxon, in the understanding that it is
the intention of Mr. PRICE to publish it critically in the work on Saxon Poetry
which he has announced in his very valuable Edition of Warton's History of
English Poetry. The learning and acuteness of that able philologist and anti-
quary will doubtless clear away the difficulties which have, in a few instances,
reduced the present translator to the necessity of circuitous and conjectural
interpretation." — p. Ixxxvii.
The late Mr. EDGAR TAYLOR, F.S.A., the translator of Wace's Chronicle of
the Norman Conquests, in his "Lays of the Minnesingers and Troubadours."
"These sheets were in the printer's hands when the new Edition of Warton's
History of English Poetry appeared. The reader is referred to it, not only in
connexion with the observations made above on the romance of Tristan (on
which subject an excellent note will be found), but in relation to the romances
of Titurel and Parcival The opportunity must not be omitted of bearing
testimony to the very great merit of this new edition of a work now rendered
doubly valuable. The Editor brings to his task that intimate acquaintance
with ancient Scandinavian and German literature, which is so necessary to a
full development of the subject, but in which the French and English anti-
quaries have hitherto been lamentably deficient." — p. 109.
" For a great deal of valuable information on these points, I must again
refer to the excellent Preface of the Editor of Warton. The little collection of
' German Popular Stories,' which he has thought worthy of his notice, only
touched on a subject highly interesting, no doubt, but requiring for its full de-
vi
velopment a depth of research far heyond my means : I would gladly leave it
in the able hands into which the Editor's Preface shows that it has fallen." —
Ib. p. 116.
To these maybe added the passage from Mr. Thorpe's translation of the Saxon
Grammar of the late Professor Rask of Copenhagen, quoted below at p. Ixxxi :
also the following from Mr. THORPE'S Preface to his Collection of the "Ancient
Laws and Institutes of England, published under the authority of the Record
Commission :" —
" A short space must now be devoted to the memory of a good man and
highly accomplished scholar, my lamented predecessor in this work, the late
RICHARD PRICE, Esq., by whose labours my own have been considerably light-
ened, and who, had he been longer spared to his friends and country, would,
no doubt, have raised another monument of his industry and learning in the
work subsequently committed to the care of a less experienced successor."
" Mr. PRICE was the editor of an improved edition of Warton's History of
English Poetry, in four volumes, 8vo ; also of a valuable edition of Blackstone's
Commentaries in four volumes, London, 1830; and of the Saxon Chronicle
to the year 1066, contained in the first volume of the ' Materials for the History
of Great Britain,' not yet completed." — Preface, p. xvii.
CONTENTS.
VOL. I.
Page
Author's Preface (3)
Mr. Price's Preface to the Edition of 1824 (9)
Note by R. T. on the Genealogies of the Northern Epic Heroes ... (95)
DISSERTATION I.
Of the Origin of Romantic Fiction in Europe i
Note B. by Mr. Price on the Lais of Marie de France Ivii
Note C. by Mr. Price on the Saxon Ode on the Victory of Athelstan Ixvi
DISSERTATION II.
On the Introduction of Learning into England Ixxxii
DISSERTATION III.
On the Gesta Romanorum .. .. cxxxix
THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH POETRY.
SECTION I.
State of Language. Prevalence of the French Language before and after
the Norman Conquest. Specimens of Norman-Saxon poems. Legends
in verse. Earliest Love-songs. Alexandrine Vei'ses. Satirical Pieces.
First English Metrical Romance 1
SECTION II.
Satirical Ballad in the Thirteenth Century. The King's Poet. Robert
of Gloucester. Antient Political Ballads. Robert of Brunne. The
Brut of England. Le Roman de Rou. Gests and Jestours. Ercel-
doune and Kendale. Bishop Grosthead. Monks write for the Min-
strels. Monastic Libraries full of Romances. Minstrels admitted into
the Monasteries. Regnorum Chronica and Mirabilia Mundi. Early
European Travellers into the East. Elegy on Edward the First 42
Note by Mr. Price on the Romance of Sir Tristrem 95
Additional Note on Sir Tristrem .. .109
Vlll CONTENTS.
SECTION III. Page
Effects of the Increase of Tales of Chivalry. Rise of Chivalry. Crusades.
Rise and Improvements of Romance. View of the Rise of Metrical
Romances. Their Currency about the End of the Thirteenth Century.
French Minstrels in England. Provencial Poets. Popular Romances.
Dares Phrygius. Guido de Colonna. Fabulous Histories of Alex-
ander. Pilpay's Fables. Roman d'Alexandre. Alexandrines. Com-
munications between the French and English Minstrels. Use of the
Provencial Writers. Two sorts of Troubadours 112
Note A. by Mr. Price on the Sangreal 149
SECTION IV.
Examination and Specimens of the Metrical Romance of Richard the
First. Greek Fire. Military Machines used in the Crusades. Mu-
sical Instruments of the Saracen Armies. Ignorance of Geography in
the dark ages 155
SECTION V.
Specimens of other Popular Metrical Romances which appeared about the
end of the thirteenth century. Sir Guy. The Squier of Low Degree.
Sir Degore. King Robert of Sicily. The King of Tars. Ippomedon.
La Mort Arthur e. Subjects of antient tapestry 170
Note by R. T. on Robert the Devil 207
TO HIS GRACE
GEORGE,
DUKE OF MARLBOROUGH,
MARQUIS OF BLANDFORD,
KNIGHT OF THE MOST NOBLE ORDER OF THE GARTER,
A JUDGE AND A PATRON
OF
THE POLITE ARTS,
THIS WORK IS MOST HUMBLY INSCRIBED
BY HIS GRACE'S MOST OBLIGED
AND MOST OBEDIENT SERVANT,
THOMAS WARTON.
VOL. I.
AUTHOR'S PREFACE.
IN an age advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that
species of curiosity commences, which is busied in contemplating
the progress of social life, in displaying the gradations of science,
and in tracing the transitions from barbarism to civility.
That these speculations should become the favourite pursuits,
and the fashionable topics, of such a period, is extremely natu-
ral. We look back on the savage condition of our ancestors
with the triumph of superiority ; we are pleased to mark the
steps by which we have been raised from rudeness to elegance ;
and our reflections on this subject are accompanied with a con-
scious pride, arising in great measure from a tacit comparison of
the infinite disproportion between the feeble efforts of remote
ages, and our present improvements in knowledge.
In the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, prac-
tices, and opinions of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast
with those of our own times, and by exhibiting human nature
and human inventions in new lights, in unexpected appearances,
and in various forms, are objects which forcibly strike a feeling
imagination.
Nor does this spectacle afford nothing more than a fruitless
gratification to the fancy. It teaches us to set a just estimation
on our own acquisitions ; and encourages us to cherish that cul-
a 2
(4) PREFACE.
tivation, which is so closely connected with the existence and
the exercise of every social virtue.
On these principles, to develope the dawnings of genius,, and
to pursue the progress of our national poetry, from a rude origin
and obscure beginnings, to its perfection in a polished age, must
prove an interesting and instructive investigation. But a
history of poetry, for another reason, yet on the same principles,
must be more especially productive of entertainment and utility:
I mean, as it is an art, whose object is human society ; as it has
the peculiar merit, in its operations on that object, of faithfully
recording the features of the times, and of preserving the most
picturesque and expressive representations of manners ; and, be-
cause the first monuments of composition in every nation are
those of the poet, as it possesses the additional advantage of
transmitting to posterity genuine delineations of life in its sim-
plest stages. Let me add, that anecdotes of the rudiments of a
favourite art will always be particularly pleasing. The more
early specimens of poetry must ever amuse, in proportion to the
pleasure which we receive from its finished productions.
Much however depends on the execution of such a design a,
and my readers are to decide in what degree I have done justice
to so specious and promising a disquisition. Yet a few more
words will not be perhaps improper, in vindication, or rather in
explanation, of the manner in which my work has been con-
ducted. I am sure I do not mean, nor can I pretend, to apo-
logise for its defects.
I have chose to exhibit the history of our poetry in a chrono-
logical series ; not distributing my matter into detached articles,
a [Ritson has observed that " The Hi- since it may be considered as one of the
story of English Poetry stands high in highest testimonies to the merits of Mr.
public estimation ; that the subject is Warton's elaborate and multifarious pub-
equally curious, interesting and abstruse ; lication, that Ritson himself, in his lynx-
and that he should have experienced sa- eyed scrutiny, has detected little more
tisfaction in finding the work entirely free than what a liberal and candid mind
from error." Obs. p. 2. This was penned, would have communicated to the historian
alas! with a selfish disregard to that ur- as a mere table of errata. — PARK.]
bane moral maxim, humanum est errare ;
PREFACE. (5)
of periodical divisions, or of general heads. Yet I have not al-
ways adhered so scrupulously to the regularity of annals, but
that I have often deviated into incidental digressions ; and have
sometimes stopped in the course of my career, for the sake of
recapitulation, for the purpose of collecting scattered notices
into a single and uniform point of view, for the more exact in-
spection of a topic which required a separate consideration, or
for a comparative survey of the poetry of other nations.
A few years ago, Mr. MASON, with that liberality which ever
accompanies true genius, gave me an authentic copy of Mr.
POPE'S scheme of a History of English Poetry, in which our
poets were classed under their supposed respective schools.
The late lamented Mr. GRAY had also projected a work of this
kind, and translated some Runic odes for its illustration, now
published ; but soon relinquishing the prosecution of a design,
which would have detained him from his own noble inventions,
he most obligingly condescended to favour me with the sub-
stance of his plan, which I found to be that of Mr. PoPEb, con-
siderably enlarged, extended, and improved.
It is vanity in me to have mentioned these communications.
But I am apprehensive my vanity will justly be thought much
greater, when it shall appear, that in giving the history of En-
glish poetry, I have rejected the ideas of men who are its most
distinguished ornaments. To confess the real truth, upon ex-
amination and experiment, I soon discovered their mode of treat-
ing my subject, plausible as it is, and brilliant in theory, to be
attended with difficulties and inconveniences, and productive of
embarrassment both to the reader and the writer. Like other
b [See Pope's plan for a History of En- the classification of our English poets by
glish Poetry, with another formed upon Pope ; and Dr. Warton made a new ar-
it by Gray, together with a letter to War- rangement of them into four different
ton, in the Gent. Mag. for 1783. It has classes and degrees, because he thought
also been inserted by Mr. Mant and Mr. A. we do not sufficiently attend to the differ-
Chalmers in their Lives of Warton. Mr. ence between a man of wit, a man of sense,
Malone, in vol. 3. of Dryden's Prose and a true poet. Ded. to Essay on Pope.
Works, pointed out several mistakes in — PA UK.]
(6) PREFACE.
ingenious systems, it sacrificed much useful intelligence to the
observance of arrangement ; and in the place of that satisfaction
which results from a clearness and a fulness of information.,
seemed only to substitute the merit of disposition, and the praise
of contrivance. The constraint imposed by a mechanical atten-
tion to this distribution, appeared to me to destroy that free ex-
ertion of research with which such a history ought to be executed,
and not easily reconcileable with that complication, variety, and
extent of materials, which it ought to comprehend.
The method I have pursued, on one account at least, seems
preferable to all others. My performance, in its present form,
exhibits without transposition the gradual improvements of our
poetry, at the same time that it uniformly represents the pro-
gression of our language.
Some perhaps will be of opinion, that these annals ought to
have commenced with a view of the Saxon poetry. But besides
that a legitimate illustration of that jejune and intricate subject0
would have almost doubled my labour, that the Saxon language
is familiar only to a few learned antiquaries, that our Saxon
poems are for the most part little more than religious rhapsodies,
and that scarce any compositions remain marked with the native
images of that people in their pagan state d, every reader that re-
flects but for a moment on our political establishment must per-
ceive, that the Saxon poetry has no connection with the nature
* [This subject has since been very was the temper which dictated this forced
ably and learnedly illustrated by the pen inference ; and what a "picture in little "
of Mr. Sharon Turner, in his History of does it exhibit of morbid spleen!! In-
the Anglo-Saxons, to which the antiqua- deed, the critic seems totally to misap-
rian reader is referred. — PARK.] prehend the drift of Mr. Warton's reason-
d [To evince the unhappy tendency of ing; who only infers that when the Saxons
Ritson's criticisms on Mr. Warton's Hi- were converted to Christianity, they lost
story, the following comment upon this all the wild imagery of their old super-
passage may serve as a sufficient sample. stitions ; and composed religious rhap-
" It may seem (says the critic) a very ex- sodies in lieu of their native barbaric
traordinary idea in a Christian minister songs.— See Gent. Mag. Nov. 1782, p.
(and who is not only the historian of poets 528. — PARK.] [The reasoning upon
but a poet himself) that these people could which the author endeavours to justify
not have a poetical genius, because they his neglect of the Saxon period, in a Hi-
were not pagans ; and that religion and story of English Poetry, is, however, by
poetry are incompatible." How pitiable no means satisfactory. — R. T.]
PREFACE. (7)
and purpose of my present undertaking. Before the Norman
accession, which succeeded to the Saxon government, we were
an unformed and an unsettled race. That mighty revolution
obliterated almost all relation to the former inhabitants of this
island ; and produced that signal change in our policy, consti-
tution and public manners, the effects of which have reached
modern times. The beginning of these annals seems therefore
to be most properly dated from that era, when our national cha-
racter began to dawn.
It was recommended to me, by a person eminent in the re-
public of letters, totally to exclude from these volumes any men-
tion of the English drama. I am very sensible that a just history
of our Stage is alone sufficient to form an entire and extensive
work ; and this argument, which is by no means precluded by
the attempt here offered to the public, still remains separately to
be discussed, at large, and in form. But as it was professedly
my intention to comprise every species of English Poetry, this,
among the rest, of course claimed a place in these annals, and
necessarily fell into my general design. At the same time, as in
this situation it could only become a subordinate object, it was
impossible I should examine it with that critical precision and
particularity, which so large, so curious, and so important an
article of our poetical literature demands and deserves. To have
considered it in its full extent, would have produced the unwieldy
excrescence of a disproportionate episode ; not to have consider-
ed it at all, had been an omission, which must detract from the
integrity of my intended plan. I flatter myself, however, that
from evidences hitherto unexplored, I have recovered hints which
may facilitate the labours of those, who shall hereafter be inclined
to investigate the ancient state of dramatic exhibition in this
country, with due comprehension and accuracy.
It will probably be remarked, that the citations in the first
volume are numerous, and sometimes very prolix. But it should
(8) PREFACE.
be remembered^ that most of these are extracted from ancient
manuscript poems never before printed, and hitherto but little
known. Nor was it easy to illustrate the darker and more distant
periods of our poetry, without producing ample specimens. In
the mean time, I hope to merit the thanks of the antiquarian,
for enriching the stock of our early literature by these new ac-
cessions ; and I trust I shall gratify the reader of taste, in having
so frequently rescued from oblivion the rude inventions and
irregular beauties of the heroic tale, or the romantic legend.
The design of the DISSERTATIONS is to prepare the reader,
by considering apart, in a connected and comprehensive detail,
some material points of a general and preliminary nature, and
which could not either with equal propriety or convenience be
introduced, at least not so formally discussed, in the body of the
book ; to establish certain fundamental principles to which fre-
quent appeals might occasionally be made, and to clear the way
for various observations arising in the course of my future in-
quiries.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE
TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
1 HE " History of English Poetry" assumes the first place in the cata-
logue of Warton's prose writings, and, to use the language of his bio-
grapher, " forms the most solid basis of his reputation." Though not
the only labour of his life, which embraces the study of early English
poetry and antiquities, it is still the only one to which he devoted him-
self with the ardour inspired by a favourite occupation, or in which the
nature of his subject allowed him a fair and appropriate field for the
display of his genius, his erudition, and his taste. His other produc-
tions are either testimonials of what he felt due to his rank in his col-
lege, or the amusements in which an active mind indulges when relaxing
from severer pursuits ; and even much of his poetry contains but a va-
ried disposition of the same imagery which enlivens the pages of his
history. In this his most voluminous and most important work, he
found a subject commanding all the resources of his richly stored and
fertile mind ; a task which had excited the attention of two distinguished
poets1, as an undertaking not unworthy of their talents; where the du-
ties were arduous, the path untrodden, and not a little of public pre-
judice to subdue against the worth and utility of his object2. But
Warton was too much in love with his theme, and too confident in his
own ability, to be dismayed by difficulties which industry might over-
come, or opinions having no better foundation than vulgar belief un-
supported by knowledge ; and the success attendant upon the publica-
tion of his first volume, which speedily reached a second edition3, en-
1 The reader will find Pope's plan of ing as was never read," and " the classics
his projected history, enlarged by Gray, of an age that heard of none," were still
in Dr. Mant's Life of Warton. The rea- fresh in public recollection.
sons for differing from his predecessors 3 This second edition is not a mere re-
are given by Warton in the prtiUce to his print of the title-page ; it is marked by
first volume. several typographical errors which do not
2 Pope's sneers against " all such read- occur in the first.
(10) MK. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
couraged him to persevere in his course. A second and a third volume
appeared in due succession; a small portion of the fourth had been
committed to the press, when death arrested his hand, just as he was
entering on the most interesting and brilliant period of our poetic an-
nals— the reign of Queen Elizabeth.
The comprehensive plan upon which Warton had commenced this
work, so far exceeded his expectations of its possible extent, that
though the original design was to have been completed in two volumes,
there was still as much to do as had been accomplished, when his la-
bours were thus abruptly terminated. Of this plan it had been a lead-
ing principle, that the historian was not to confine himself to the strict
letter of his subject, a chronological account of poets and their writings,
with an estimate of their merits or defects. The range of inquiry was
to be extended further, beyond its obvious or perhaps its lawful limits ;
and the History of English Poetry to be made a channel for conveying
information on the state of manners and customs among our feudal
ancestry, the literature and arts of England and occasionally of Europe
at large. A life longer than Warton's might have been unequal to the
execution of such an extensive project ; and there will be as many
opinions upon the necessity of thus enlarging the boundaries of his
theme, as of the manner in which he has acquitted himself in the under-
taking. For while the general reader will complain of the frequent
calls upon his patience for these repeated digressions, the scholar will
regret, that subjects so attractive and copious in themselves are only
passingly or superficially treated of. Without attempting to justify or
deny the force of these objections, it may be more to our present pur-
pose to inquire, what may have been the author's views of his duty, and
the manner in which this was to be accomplished. In common with
every one else who has duly canvassed the subject, Warton indisputably
felt that the poetry of a rude and earlier age, with very few exceptions,
can only command a share of later attention in proportion as it has ex-
ercised an influence over the times producing it, or conveys a picture
of the institutions, modes of thinking or general habits of the society
for which it was written. To have given specimens of these produc-
tions in all their native nakedness, would have been to ensure for them
neglect from the listless student, and misapprehension from the more
zealous but uninformed inquirer. A commentary was indispensably
necessary, not a mere gloss upon words, but things, a luminous expo-
sition of whatever had changed its character, or grown obsolete in the
lapse of time, and which, as it unfolded to the reader's view the for-
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (11)
gotten customs of the day, assisted him to live and feel in the spirit of
the poet's age. For such a purpose it was requisite to enter largely
into the domestic and civil economy of our ancestors, their public and
private sports, the entertainments of the baronial hall, the martial ex-
ercises of the tournament, the alternate solemnities and buffooneries
of misdirected devotion, and those coarser pastimes and amusements,
which relieve the toil of industry, and give a zest to the labours of the
humbler classes. The spirit and gallant enterprize of chivalry was to be
recorded in conjunction with the juggler's dexterity arid the necro-
mancer's art ; the avocations of the cloister, the wode-craft of the feudal
lord, and the services of his retainer, were each to receive a share of
the general notice ; and though romance and minstrelsy might be the
prominent characteristics of the age, the occult mysteries of alchemy
were not to be overlooked. With these were to be ranged, the popular
superstitions of a departed pagan faith, and the legendary marvels of a
new religion ; the relations of the citizen to the state, and of the eccle-
siastic to the community ; the effects produced by the important political
events of five centuries, and their consequences on the progress of civi-
lization and national literature. In addition to these varied topics,
Warton considered it equally imperative upon him to account for the
striking contrast existing between the poetry of the ancient and modern
world ; and, in developing what he has termed the origin of romantic
fiction, to discuss the causes which embellished or corrupted it, and to
explain those anomalies which appear to separate it both from more re-
cent compositions and the classic remains of antiquity. He also knew,
that though poetry be not the child of learning, it is modified in every
age by the current knowledge of the country, and that as an imita-
tive art, it is always either borrowing from the imagery of existing
models, or wrestling with the excellences which distinguish them. It
was therefore not only necessary to investigate the degree of classic
lore which still diffused its light amid the gloom of the earlier ages of
barbarism, but to show the disguises and corruptions under which a still
greater portion had recommended itself to popular notice, and courted
attention as the memorials of ancient and occasionally of national enter-
prize. But the middle age had also produced a learning of its own, and
the scholar and the poet were so frequently united in the same person-
age, that in this ill-assorted match of science " wedded to immortal
verse," the muse was often made the mere domestic drudge of her abs-
truse and erudite consort. Of this once highly- valued knowledge, so
little has descended to our own times, that the modern reader, without
(12) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
a guide to instruct him in his progress, feels like the traveller before the
walls of Persepolis, who gazes on the inscriptions of a powerful but ex-
tinguished race, without a key to the character recording their deeds.
Above all, it was of importance to notice the successive acquisitions,
in the shape of translation or imitation, from the more polished produc-
tions of Greece and Rome ; and to mark the dawn of that ssra, which,
by directing the human mind to the study of classical antiquity, was to
give a new impetus to science and literature, and by the changes it in-
troduced to effect a total revolution in the laws which had previously
governed them. This is clearly the outline of what Warton proposed
to himself as his duty : — of the mode in which this design has been ful-
filled it must be left to others to determine. But let it not be hastily
inferred, that when he has been excursive upon some collateral topic,
lie has consequently given it an importance disproportionate to its real
bearing on his subject ; or that the languor produced upon the reader's
mind in certain periods of these annals, is exclusively the author's
fault. The results attendant upon literary, as well as moral or political
changes, are not always distinguished by that manifest equality to their
exciting cause, which strikes the sense on a first recital ; and the poetry
of so many centuries, like the temper of the times, or the constitution
of the seasons, must necessarily exhibit the same fitful vicissitudes of
character, the same alternations of fertility and unproductiveness. Of
the materials transmitted to his hands, whether marked by excellence,
or proverbial for insipidity, it is still the historian's duty to record their
existence ; and though many of these may contain no single ray of genius
to redeem their numerous absurdities, they yet may throw considerable
lighten the state of public opinion, and the ruling tastes or customs of
their age. The most popular poetry of its day is well known not always
to be the most meritorious, however safely we may trust to the equity
of time for repairing this injustice. The only question therefore will
be, as to the degree in which such compositions ought to be commu-
nicated. In the earlier periods, where any memorials are exceedingly
scanty, and those generally varying in their prevailing character, a
greater latitude will be granted than in those where the invention of
printing equally contributed to multiply the materials, and render the
documents more generally accessible. Of Warton's consideration in
this respect, it will be sufficient to remark, that in the sixteenth cen-
tury (when every man seems to have been visited with a call to court
the muse, and had an opportunity of giving publicity to his concep-
tions,) he has frequently consigned a herd of spiritless versifiers to the
Mil. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (13)
"narrow durance" of a note. There is another point upon which it
may be more difficult to rescue his fame at the bar of outraged cri-
ticism : but as this seems to have been a crime of malice prepense,
rather than inadvertency, his name must be left to sanctify the deed.
The want of order in the arrangement of his subject is a charge
which has been repeated both by friends and foes. A part of this
Warton seems to have intentionally adopted. In a letter to Gray,
tracing the outline of his forthcoming history, he specifically states, " I
should have said before, that although I proceed chronologically, yet I
often stand still to give some general view, as perhaps of a particular
species of poetry , &c., and even to anticipate sometimes for this purpose.
These views often form one section ; yet are interwoven into the tenor
of the work without interrupting my historical series4." He possibly
thought, that as it is of the essence of romantic poetry " to delight in
an intimate commingling of extremes, in the blending and contrasting
of the most opposing elements5," it was equally so of its historian to
deviate from established rules; and may have been so smitten with his
ancient masters as to conceive some of their distinguishing character-
istics not unworthy of occasional imitation. But when it is said that
his materials are ill digested, that we are frequently called upon in a
later century to travel back to one preceding, that we are then treated
. with specimens which ought to have found a place in an earlier chap-
ter6, the zeal of criticism is made to exceed the limits either of justice
or candour. It is wholly overlooked, that Warton was the first adven-
turer in the extensive region through which he journeyed, and into
which the usual pioneers of literature had scarcely penetrated. Beyond
his own persevering industry, he had little to assist his researches ; his
materials lay widely scattered, and not always very accessible; new
matter was constantly arising, as chance or the spirit of inquiry evolved
the contents of our public libraries7, and he had the double duty to
perform of discovering his subject, and writing its history.
But these objections, whether founded in error, or justified by facts,
4 Chalmers's Biog. Diet. art. Warton. he published his first volume. It is well
5 Schlegel on Dramatic Literature, vol. known, that they were accidentally dis-
iii. p. 14. covered by Mr. Tyrwhitt, while engaged
« See Monthly Review for 1793. — Dr. in searching for MSS. of Chaucer. A
Mant, who has refuted some of these similar accident led to the discovery of
charges, states them to have been copied the alliterative romance on the adventures
(without acknowledgement) by Dr. An- of Sir Gawain, quoted vol. i. p. 100, by
derson, in his Life of Warton. May we the writer of this note ; and which there is
not rather infer, that Dr. Anderson felt every reason to believe must have passed
no obligation to acknowledge a quotation through the hands of Mr. Ritson. [Lately
from himself? edited by Sir F. Madden for the Banna-
1 The poems of Minot could only have tyne Club. — R.T.]
been known to Warton by report, when
(14) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
have all been urged with temper, and are distinguished by that con-
sideration for Warton's personal character, which every gentleman is
entitled to, and every liberal scholar prides himself upon observing.
In those now to be noticed, a widely different spirit was manifested ;
and one so opposite to every principle of decent or manly feeling, that
it might be safely left to the contempt which Warton in the proud
conviction of his own honour and integrity bestowed upon it, were it
not interwoven with matter requiring attention on other accounts, of
which occasional notice has been taken in the body of the work, and
which must again be the subject of discussion. The reader of early
English poetry will be at no loss to perceive, that the objections and
conduct here spoken of, are those of the late Mr. Ritson. To be
zealous in detecting error, exposing folly, or checking the presump-
tuous arrogance of any literary despot, is an obligation which the
commonwealth of learning imposes upon all her sons. The tone of
the reproof, and the character of the offence, are all that will be de-
manded of the ministrant in his office; and so great is the latitude
allowed, that he who will condescend " to break a butterfly upon a
wheel," secundum artem, runs no greater risk, than a gentle censure
for the eccentricity of his taste ; and even acrimony, where great pro-
vocation has been given, may pass for just and honest indignation.
But Mr. Ritson, in the execution of his censorial duty, indulged in a
vein of low scurrility and gross personalities, wholly without example
since the days of Curll. He not only combated Warton's opinions,
and corrected his errors, questioned his scholarship, and denied his
ability ; but impugned his veracity, attacked his morality, and openly
accused him of all those mean and despicable arts, by which a needy
scribbler attempts to rifle the public purse. There would have been
little in this beyond the common operation of a nine days' wonder, and
the ferment of the hour which every deviation from established prac-
tice is sure to excite, had the charges been limited to a single publi-
cation. But for a period of twenty years, both while the object of
them was living, and after his decease, they were repeated in every
variety of form, always from the same amiable motives, though occa-
sionally in a subdued style of animosity. The result of this extraor-
dinary course was the establishment of Mr. Ritson as the critical lord
paramount in the realms of romance and minstrelsy ; his fiat became
the ruling law, and no audacious hand was to raise the veil which
covered the infirmities of the suzerain. For though he has magnified
those venial errors, which, as the human mind is constituted, are almost
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (15)
inseparable from such an undertaking as Warton's, into offences which
only meet their parallel in the criminal nomenclature of the country —
into fraud, imposture and forgery — yet his own labours in the same
department of literature, his " Ancient Songs," and " Metrical Ro-
mances," though scarcely equalling a tithe of the " History of English
Poetry," are marked by the same kinds of inaccuracy as those he has
so coarsely branded. Indeed on such a subject it would have been as
marvellous as unaccountable, if they had not : — but this is foreign to
our purpose. It will rather be asked, whether the historian of English
poetry may not have provoked this treatment by his own intemperance
of rebuke, or want of charity towards others ; and whether the vehe-
mence of Mr. Ritson's indignation, and the virulence of his invective,
may not have had a more commensurate motive, than the misquotation
of a date, a name or a text, or the fallacy of a mere speculative opinion.
With the exception of one misdemeanor hereafter to be mentioned, —
a sin in itself of pardonable levity, if it must be so stigmatized, — War-
ton's conduct towards his fellow-labourers in the mine of antiquarian
research, was distinguished by a tone of courtesy and complimentary
address, which the sterner principles of the present day have rejected
as bordering too closely upon adulation. Of this therefore as a gene-
ral charge he must be acquitted, and equally so of any intention to
wound the feelings or undermine the reputation of Mr. Ritson, as that
gentleman's first publication connected with early English literature8,
was his " Observations" on Warton's history9. The causes of this ex-
8 A Collection of Garlands (which can- the vulgar ballad of Old Simon the King,
not now be referred to) may bear an earlier with a strict injunction not to show it to
date. But this was a local publication, this editour [Mr. Ritson], which however
not likely to extend beyond the limits of he immediately brought him !" Yet these
a country town. The " Observations " were honourable men !
produced a controversy in the Gentleman's 9 In this extraordinary pamphlet, Mr.
Magazine for 1782-83. The first letter Ritson made thirty-eight remarks upon
on the subject, signed Verax, was in all the multifarious matter contained in War-
probability written by Warton. (See his ton's first volume (extending to p. 224,
letter to Mr. Nichols of the same date, in- vol. ii. of the present edition). Nine of
closing a communication to that Miscel- these consist of those personalities already
lany, and requesting a concealment of the spoken of, or are mere objections to the
writer's name.) Those signed A. S. were conduct and order of the work. Thirteen
by the late Mr. Russell of Sydney College. are devoted to glossarial corrections, among
The letter signed Vindex contains inter- which are the candid specimen recorded
nal evidence of Mr. Ritson's hand, who vol. ii. p. 5, note °, and two literal inter-
may also have drawn up the epitome of pretations, instead of two very appropriate
his pamphlet (1783, p. 281). But who paraphrases. The remaining fifteen, or
was Castigator ? (1782, p. 571). Was it rather the subjects they refer to, it may be
the same worthy personage of whom his worth while to analyse. One of these had
friend records the following creditable been already corrected by Warton in the
transaction ? " This venerabilissimus epi- Emendations appended to the second vo-
scopus [the bishop of Dromore], upon a lume, — a circumstance which Mr. Ritson
different occasion, gave Mister Steevens a either knew, or ought to have known, as
:r;inscM-ipt from the above [folio] MS., of he carefully picked his way through this
(16) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
traordinary persecution must hence be sought for in other directions.
Among these it is not difficult to detect the sullen rancour of a jealous
and self-appointed rival, the workings of an inferior mind, aiming at
notoriety by an insolent triumph over talents, which it at once envies
and despairs of equalling. The " taste and elegance " with which
Warton had embellished his narrative, became a source of chagrin to a
man who sought distinction by a style of orthography, resembling any
thing but the language of his native country ; and hence the sarcastic
tone in which these graceful advantages are complimented, while they
are carefully contrasted with the historian's " habitual blunders." War-
ton's learning was also of no common order ; and his reading of that
extensive kind which enabled him to illustrate his theme from the
varied circle of ancient and modern literature ; and here again it be-
came matter of exultation to discover, that his knowledge of Italian
had once been but limited, or to hint that his acquaintance with Hickes's
Thesaurus had been assisted by a translation of " Wotton's Conspec-
tus." But in the gaiety of his heart, Warton had smiled at the solemn
dullness of Hearne, the idol of Mr.Ritson's affections; he had descanted
on the laboured triflings of this diligent antiquary in a style of success-
ful yet playful irony, and chose to entertain no very exalted opinion of
the patient drudgery by which " Thomas" was to recommend himself
to posterity. This was an unpardonable offence, and little short of a
declaration of hostilities by anticipation : for though genius will ap-
prove the well-directed satire which exposes its own peculiar foibles,
while portraying the follies of a contemporary, yet moody mediocrity
never forgives the bolt which, aimed at another's eccentricities, inad-
vertently grazes its own inviolable person. In addition, the historian
of English poetry was a Christian, a churchman, and a distinguished
member of his college ; all and either of them sufficient to condemn
additional matter, for the purpose of sup- Mr. Ritson has convicted the historian of
plying two corrections, one of which he "ignorance;" though two of these refer
afterwards recalled, and in furnishing the to matters that are rather probable than
other committed an error equally great certain: but in four of the remaining five,
with that he amended. A second corn- he has offered objections or corrections on
prises the very " egregious blunder" of subjects, where the charges of error only
calling a piece of political rhyme a " bal- rebound upon himself. The fifteenth re-
lad," when it is not written in " your fers to a subject where Warton candidly
ballad-metre." In a third, Warton has acknowledges his inability to gratify the
chosen to make a direct inference, where reader's curiosity. Thus, with the excep-
the affair admits neither of absolute proof tion of the glossarial inaccuracies, of which
nor disproof. And a fourth offers an opi- more will be said hereafter, Mr. Ritson
nion, but a mere and guarded opinion, as can only be admitted to have corrected
to the age of a poem, in which there is seven mistakes, or more rigidly speaking
every reason to believe he was correct. five, in a 4to volume of 468 pages, and in
(See Mr. Park's note, vol. ii. p. 104 c.) In the execution of which he has himself be-
scven examples it may be allowed that come chargeable with/owr.
;wi. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
him in the eyes of a man whose creed was confined to a rigid absti-
nence from animal food ; with whom a clergyman was but another
name for a " lazy, stinking and ignorant monk ;" and who seems never
to have been better pleased, than when retailing the coarse and point-
less ribaldry of the fifteenth century against the honours and dignities
of an University. To this full measure of indiscretion, Warton had
superadded a warm admiration of the powers and learning of Warbur-
ton ; and had even adopted, and considerably amplified, the fanciful
theory of this eminent prelate on the origin of romantic fiction. This
again was siding with the enemy. The bishop of Gloucester had con-
ducted a merciless prosecution against a sect of which Mr.Ritson made
no scruple to acknowledge himself a follower, the " Kpicureorum factio,
sequo semper errore a vero devia et ilia existimans ridenda quse ne-
sciat 10," and unhappily for his fame and the cause he advocated, in the
possession of a giant's strength had too frequently exercised it with the
cruelty of a giant. The tyranny of the master was therefore to be
avenged on the head of his otherwise too guilty pupil ; and the double
end to be gained, of inflicting an insidious wound upon a foe too pow-
erful to be encountered in the open field11, and crushing an unresisting
and applauded rival. But enough of this revolting subject, of which
justice to the memory of an amiable, unoffending and elegant scholar
required that some notice should be taken, and which no language can
be too strong to mark with deserved reprobation.
It is now time to turn to those objections of Mr. Ritson, which em-
brace the literary defects of the History of English Poetry.
There can be no intention of dragging the reader through the minute
and tedious details, with which this branch of the controversy is bur-
thened. Wherever the better information of Mr. Ritson has been
available, (at least in all cases where his reasoning has produced con-
viction on the editor's mind,) his corrections will be found submitted in
their appropriate places. But as the more important of these were di-
10 Macrobins Som. Scipionis, in init. Round Table." Ib. p. 46. " The poet^|
11 It is ludicrous in the extreme to ob- of Provence borrowed their art from the
serve a man of Mr. Ritson's attainments, French or Normans." Ib. p. 50. "There
stating Warburton's " distinguishing cha- is but one single romance existing that can
racteristic" to be "a want of knowledge." be attributed to a troubadour." p. 51.
The "habitual mendacity" of the same " Before the first crusade, or for more than
learned prelate finds its parallel, if mere half a century after it, there was not one
errors of opinion must receive thij bland single romance on the achievements of
distinction, in such hasty assertions as the Arthur or his knights." Ib. p. 52. To
following : " The real chanson de Roland enumerate all the unfounded assertions
was unquestionably a metrical romance of contained in the section immediately fol-
great length." Introd. to Met. Rom. p. 37. lowing "the Saxon and English language"
" The Armoricans never possessed a single would be to write a small treatise.
story on the subject of Arthur and the
VOL. I. 1)
(18) MR. PRICE'S PREPACK TO THE EDITION OF
rected against opinions rather than facts, and consequently, whether
correct or inadmissible, could not always be inserted or combated in
the body of the work, without deranging Warton's text or causing too
frequent repetitions, they have been reserved for consideration here,/
and may be classed under the general heads of: — objections to the
Dissertation on the Origin of Romantic Fiction, the credibility of
Geoffrey of Monmouth's history, the character of Warton's specimens,
and his glossarial illustrations of them.
If the object of this examination were a mere defence of Warton's
opinions, by exposing the false positions assumed by his adversary, it
would be an easy task to show that Mr. Ritson's sweeping assertions
with regard to the general relations between the Moors in Spain and
their conquered subjects, or even their Christian foes, are not borne
out by the facts. The inferences he has drawn would consequently
fall of themselves ; and it might be added, that the discoveries of our
own times have sufficiently proved the possibility of this decried system
being upheld, if the general principle it assumes, and which has been
applied by Mr. Ritson to the progress of Romance in England, Italy
and Germany, were otherwise allowable. The romance of Antar might
be offered as a sufficient type for all subsequent tales of chivalry ; and
the story of the Sid Batallah adduced as a proof, that the Spaniards
could endow a national hero with a title borrowed from the favourite
champion of their foes 12. But this would be creating a phantom for
the purpose of foiling an over-zealous adversary. The ends of truth
will be better advanced by examining the causes which led to Warton's
adoption of this dazzling theory, and an estimate of its application to
the subject it was intended to develope.
The light sketch given by Warburton of the origin of romance in
Spain, traced the whole stream of chivalrous fiction to two sources, —
the chronicle of the Pseudo-Turpin relative to Charlemagne and his
peers, and the British history of Geoffrey of Monmouth. In this system
P there were many points totally irreconcileable with the state of the
subject, both before and after the periods at which these productions
obtained a circulation ; and it was therefore necessary to account for
12 Of course this is only stated hypothe- among the Saracens. The Moorish Sid
tically. The reason assigned in the Chro- died in the campaign against Constanti-
nicle for the appellation is indisputably a nople, anno 738. See Jahrbiicher der
fable; since every tributary Moor would Litteratur, No. 14. The German romances
have used the same address, Sid, Master, on the story of the 'Saint Graal (to be
to his Spanish liege lord. The Arabian noticed hereafter) are derived from an
romance is noticed by Warton, Diss. i. p. Arabic source, through the medium of the
xi. ; and Mr. von Hammer has recently Provei^al.
borne evidence to its great popularity
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (19)
what might be termed, the anticipations of their narratives, and even
their omissions, by the discovery of a more prolific fountain-head. A
large portion of the marvellous imagery contained in the early poetry
of Europe, was found to have its counterpart in the creations of Ori-
ental genius. To account for this, by a direct communication between
the East and West, was the problem that Warton proposed to solve ;
and as the asra of the first crusade was too recent to meet the diffi-
culties already alluded to, and Warburton had been supposed to prove
that the first romances were of Spanish origin, the subject seemed to
connect itself in a very natural order with the Moorish conquest of
that country. A more extensive acquaintance with the general litera-
ture of the dark and middle ages has fully proved the fallacy of this
assumption, which could only have been entertained in the infancy of
the study. But that such an hypothesis should have been conceived
in this stage of the subject, will be no impeachment of Warton's gene-
ral judgement, when it is recollected, that his contemporary Dr. Percy
had adopted a system equally exclusive ; and that Dr. Ley den, at a
later period, advocated a third upon the same contracted principles.
The analogous conduct of such men, though not wholly exculpatory,
is at least a proof that the causes for this procedure rested on no slight
foundation. There is however one leading error in Warton's Disser-
tation, an error it only shares in common with the theories opposed to
it, arising from too confined a view of the natural limits of his subject,
and too general an application of the system in detail. The conse-
quence has been an unavoidable confusion between the essence and
the costume of romantic fiction, and the exclusive appropriation of the
common property of mankind to a particular age and people. Indeed,
the learned projectors of these several systems no sooner begin to dis-
close the details of their schemes, than we instantly recognise the ele-
ments of national fable in every country of whose literature we possess
a knowledge ; and notwithstanding the professed intention of conduct-
ing an examination into the origin of romantic fiction, their disquisi-
tions silently merge into the origin of fiction in general. To such an
inquiry it is evident there can be no chronological limits. The fictions
of one period, with some modification, are found to have had an exist-
ence in that immediately preceding ; and the further we pursue the
investigation, the more we become convinced of a regular transmis-
sion through the succession of time, or that many seeming resem-
blances and imitations are sprung from common organic causes, till at
length the .question escapes us as a matter of historical research, and
1)2
(20) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
resolves itself into one purely psychological. It is even difficult to con-
ceive any period of human existence, where the disposition to in-
dulge in these illusions of fancy has not been a leading characteristic
of the mind. The infancy of society, as the first in the order of
time, also affords some circumstances highly favourable to the develop-
ment of this faculty. In such a state, the secret and invisible bands
which connect the human race with the animal and vegetable creation,
are either felt more forcibly than in an age of conventional refinement,
or are more frequently presented to the imagination. Man regards him-
self then but as the first link in the chain of animate and inanimate na-
ture, as the associate and fellow of all that exists around him, rather
than as a separate being of a distinct and superior order. His atten-
tion is arrested by the lifeless or breathing objects of his daily inter-
course, not merely as they contribute to his numerous wants and plea-
sures, but as they exhibit any affinity or more remote analogy with the
mysterious properties of his being. Subject to the same laws of life
and death, of procreation and decay, or partially endowed with the
same passions, sympathies and propensities, the speechless companion
of his toil and amusement, the forest in which he resides, or the plant
which flourishes beneath his care, are to him but varied types of
his own intricate organization. In the exterior form of these, the faith-
ful record of his senses forbids any material change ; but the internal
structure, which is wholly removed from the view, may be fashioned
and constituted at pleasure. The qualities which this is to assume,
need only be defined by the measure of the will; and hence we see that,
not content with granting to each separate class a mere generic vitality
suitable to its kind, he bestows on all the same mingled frame of matter
and mind, which gives the chief value to his own existence. Nor is
this playful exercise of the inventive faculties confined to the sentient
objects of the creation ; it is extended over the whole material and im-
material world, and applied to every thing of which the mind has either
a perfect or only a faint conception. The physical phaenomena of na-
ture, the tenets of a public creed, the speculations of ancient wisdom13,
or the exposition of a moral duty, are alike subjected to the same fan-
18 See the celebrated passage in the cause of existence as well as destruction
Iliad viii. 17. relative to the golden chain to all; than me nothing higher is found,
of Jupiter, with Heyne's account of the and nothing without me. O friend ! this
interpretations bestowed upon it in the ALL hangs united on me like the pearls
ancient world. Mr. F. Schlegel has given that are strung on a fillet." Ueber die
a parallel passage from the Bhagavatgita, Sprache und Weisheit der Indier, p. 303.
where Vishnu illustrates the extent of his See also II. i. 422. with the ancient expo-
power by a similar image : — " / am the sitors.
MR. PKICE's PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (21)
tastic impress, and made to assume those forms which, by an approxi-
mation to the animal contour, assist the understanding in seizing their
peculiar qualities, and the memory in retaining them. It is this per-
sonification of the blind efforts of nature, which has given rise to those
wild and distorted elements that abound in all profane cosmogonies ;
where, by a singular combination of the awful and sublime with the
monstrous and revolting, an attempt is made to render intelligible those
infinite energies of matter which surpass the limits of human compre-
hension. The same law is evident in the obscure embodiment of a
moral axiom, or an abstract quality, as shadowed forth in the enigma14;
in all that condensed imagery which has found its way into the pro-
verbial expressions of nations ; and some of the most surprising in-
cidents in romantic narrative have no better foundation than the con-
version of a name into an event15. But of this universal tendency to
confer a spiritual existence upon the lifeless productions of nature, and
to give a corporeal form and expression to the properties and concep-
tions of matter and mind, it would be superfluous to offer any laboured
proof. The whole religious system of the ancient world, with one ex-
ception, may be adduced as an exemplification of the fact ; and even
the sacred writings of the Old Testament contain occasional indications
of a similar practice 16.
The operation of this principle, while it is sufficient to account for
all the marvels of popular fiction, will also lead to the establishment of
two conclusions : first, that wherever there may have been any resem-
blance in the objects calling it forth, the imagery produced will exhibit
a corresponding similarity of character ; and secondly, that a large pro-
portion of the symbols thus brought into circulation, like the primitive
roots in language, will be found recurring in almost every country, as
a common property inherited by descent. In illustration of these con-
14 Considerable collections on this sub- doubt, that we are indebted to the name
ject are to be found in the preface to Re- of Cypselus (a chest) for the marvellous
senius's edition of the Edda. The whole story related by Herodotus, v. 92. See
argument is very elaborately discussed also the fable relative to Priam (from
in Mr. Creuzer's learned work, Symbolik TrpiavOai, Apollodorus Biblioth. ii. 6. 4.)
und Mythologie der Alten Volker be- and Ajax (from aieros, Schol. in Find,
senders der Griechen, vol. i. Leipsig 1st. 5-'. 76.). To the same cause, perhaps,
1810. we may also attribute the tale of Pelops
15 The name of Coeur de Lion has fur- and his ivory shoulder. The concurrent
nished king Richard's romance with the practice of the minstrel poets will show
well-known incident of his combat with a these recitals not to have been mere fancies
lion. A still more remarkable illustration of the grammarians.
of the same practice is to be found in the 16 See the fable of the trees, Judges ix.
German romance, Heinrich der Lowe, or 8. ; of the thistle and the cedar, 2 Chro-
Henry the Lion. See Gorres Volks- nicies xxv. 18.
bucher, p. 91. There can be as little
(22) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
elusions, we need only refer to those local traditions of distant coun-
tries which profess to record the history of some unusual appearance
on the surface of the soil17, the peculiar character of a vegetable pro-
duction, or the structure of a public monument. Whether in ancient
Greece or modern Europe, every object of this kind that meets the
traveller's eye is found to have a chronicle of its origin ; the causes
assigned for its existence, or its natural and artificial attributes, wear a
common mythic garb ; while in either country these narratives are so
strikingly allied to the fictions of popular song, that it is sometimes dif-
ficult to decide whether the muse lias supplied their substance, or been
herself indebted to them for some of her most attractive incidents Ks. A
mound of earth becomes the sepulchre of a favourite heroiy ; a pile of
enormous stones, the easy labour of some gigantic craftsmen20 ; a single
one, the stupendous nstrument of daily exercise to a fabulous king Q1 ;
*7 At the entrance of a cave near the
plain of Marathon, Pausanias saw a num-
ber of loose stones, which at a distance
resembled goats. The country-people
called them Pan's Flock. (Attica, 26.)
A similar group on Marlborough Down is
still called the Gray Wethers. A tuft of
cypresses near Psophis, in Arcadia, was
called the Virgins. (Arcad. c. 24.) On the
downs between Wadebridge and St. Co-
lumb, there is a line of stones called the
Nine Maids. Borlase Ant. of Corn. p. 159.
The Glastonbury thorn, which budded on
Christmas day, was a dry hawthorn staff
miraculously planted by St. Joseph. Col-
linson's Somersetshire, ii. p. 265. This
is a common miracle in the history of the
Dionysic thyrsus. A myrtle at Trcezene,
whose leaves were full of holes, was said
to have been thus perforated by Phaedra
in her moments of despair. (Paus. i. 22.
See also ii. 28. and 32.)
18 There can be little doubt that the
story of the Phaeacian ship (Od. xiii. 163.)
was taken from some local tradition well
known at the period. In the time of Pro-
copius it had become localized at the mo-
dern Cassope ; notwithstanding an inscrip-
tion explained the origin of the votive
structure to which it was attached. At
the present day, a small island near the
harbour of Corfu, claims the honour of be-
ing the original bark. In the same way
many incidents in the Argonautica re-
ceived a " local habitation." According
to Timonax, Jason and Medea were mar-
ried at Colchis, where the bridal bed was
shown. Timeeus denied this, and referred
to the nuptial altars at Cercyra. (Schol.
in Apoll. Rhod. iv. 1217.) The earlir::l
version of this fiction may be supposed to
have confirmed the Colchian tradition ;
but as the limits of the sphere of action
became extended, the later narratives of
necessity embraced other fables. Hence
the Argonautic poems became for ancient
geography and local tradition, what the
syncretic statues of Cybele were for an-
cient symbols. The passage in Apollo-
nius, 1. i. v. 1305. is evidently taken from
a local fiction, as it refers to the racking-
stones commemorating the event.
19 In localizing these traditions, little
regard is paid to the contending claims of
other districts. Several mounds are shown
in various parts of Denmark, as the graves
of Vidrich Verlandsen, and as many of
the giant Langbein. (Miiller Saga Biblio-
thek, vol. ii. p. 224.) The residence of
Habor and Signe, so celebrated in Danish
sang, has been appropriated in the same
way; and has given name to a variety of
places. (Udvalgte Danske Viser, vol. iii.
p. 403.) Scottish tradition has trans-
ferred the burial-place of Thomas the
Rhymer, from Erceldown to a tomhan
which rises in a plain near Inverness.
Grant's Essays, &c. vol. ii. p. 158.
20 The Cyclops were the contrivers of
these works in ancient times, whose place
has been supplied by the Giants. See
the books relative to Stonehenge, Giant's
Causeway, &c. The Arabs have a tra-
dition, that Cleopatra's needle was once
surrounded by seven others, which were
brought from mount Berym to Alex-
andria, by seven giants of the tribe of
Aad.
21 The common people call a crom-
leach, near Lligwy in Anglesea, Coeten
Arthur, or Arthur's Quoit. Jones's Bardic
Mu?. p. 60. The general character of the
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (23)
the conformation of a rock, or a mark upon its surface, attests the an-
ger or the presence of some divinity 22 ; and the emblems and decora-
tions of a monumental effigy must either be explained from the events
of popular history-3, or perverted from their original character to give
some passage in it a locality 24. It is thus too that the volcanic erup-
tions of Lydia, Sicily, Cilicia, and Boeotia, were respectively attributed
to the agency of Typhon" ; that the purple tints upon certain flowers
were said to have originated with the deaths of Ajax, Adonis, and
Hyacinthus ; that the story of the man in the moon has found a circu-
lation throughout the world ; and that the clash of elements in the
thunder-storm was ascribed in Hellas to the rolling chariot-wheels of
Jove76, and in Scandinavia to the ponderous waggon of the Norwegian
Thor. The same general principle has likewise led to that community
of ideas entertained by all mankind of the glories and felicities of the
past. Every age has been delighted to dwell with sentiments of admi-
ration upon the memory of the " good old times ;" they still continue
to form a theme of fond and lavish applause ; and the philosophic Agis
had to console his desponding countryman with a remark which every
man's experience has made familiar, " that the fading virtues of later
times were a cause of grief to his father Archidamus, who again had
listened to the same regrets from his own venerable sire27." In this,
indeed, the feelings and conduct of nations in their collective capacity,
only present us with a counterpart to individual opinion. The sinking
energies of increasing age, like the dimness of enfeebled vision, have a
constant tendency to deprive passing events of their natural sharpness
of outline, and the broader features of their character ; and we learn to
charge them with an indistinctness of form, and a sombre tameness of
colouring, which only exists in the spectator's mind. The defects of
our own impaired and waning organs become transferred to the change-
Homeric poems will justify the conclusion, sence at the battle of Regillus. De Nat.
that a similar monument supplied the in- Deor. iii. 5. 11. 2.
cident in the Odyssey, viii. ver. 194. The 23 The statue of Nemesis at Rhamnus
Locrians showed an enormous stone be- gave rise to a Grecian fable, that the stone
fore the door of Euthymus, which he was of which it was made had been brought to
said to have placed there by his own ef- Marathon by the Persians, for the pur-
forts. Ael. V. Hist. viii. 18. pose of erecting a victorious trophy.
22 At mount Sipylus in Attica, there (Paus. i. 33.) That it was a mere fable,
was a rock, which at some distance re- every practice of their enemies clearly
sembled a woman weeping; the inha- proves.
bitants called it Niobe. (Paus. i. 21.) The 24 See the account of sir John Con-
footstep of Hercules was seen imprinted on yers's tomb in Gough's Camden, iii. p.
a rock near the river Tyra in Scythia, 114.
Herod, iv. 82. In Cicero's time the marks 25 Schol. in Lycoph. v. 177.
of the horses' hoofs of Castor and Pollux 26 Hesychius in v. e\Keffi(3povTa.
were still shown as a proof of their prc? ~7 Plutarch. Apophtheg. Lncon. 17.
(2<i) MIL PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
less objects around us ; and in proportion as the imagination recalls the
impressions of earlier life, when the sense enjoyed the robust and
healthy action of youth, the present is doomed to suffer by an unjust
and degrading contrast. Thus also in the lengthened vista of popu-
lar tradition, every thing which is shrouded in the obscurity of a distant
age, is made to partake of those physical and temporal advantages
which the fancy has bestowed upon the reign of Saturn in Hesperia-8,
or the joys of Asgard before the arrival of the gigantic visitants from
Jotunheim20. The qualities of the mind, and the properties of the body,
are then supposed to share in the native vigour of a young creation; and
those cherished objects of man's early wishes, extreme longevity and
great corporeal strength, are believed to be the enviable lot of all30.
Hence the fictions of every country have agreed in regarding an un-
usual extension of the thread of life as a mark of divine favour31; and
every national hero has been endowed with gigantic stature3'2, and
28 See Diod. Sic. iii. 61. Compare
also Hesiod's account of the golden age,
Op. et Dies, v. 108, &c, The comic side
of the picture is to be found in Athen.
1. vi. p. 267, &c. But the ancients always
had some distant country, where these
fancied blessings were still enjoyed. In
the earlier periods, ^Ethiopia seems to
liave been the name ascribed to this land
of promise (II. 1. 423. Od. i. 22.); and
hence perhaps the flattering, though some-
what sobered picture, of its inhabitants
given by Herodotus iii. c. 17—24. Later
traditions place the scene in the country
of the Hyperboraeans, a people changing
their locality from the northern extremity
of Asia to that of Europe, or even the
coast of Gaul (compare Diod. Sic. 2. c. 47.
with Pomponius Mela, 3. c. 5.), and to
whom Strabo, on the authority of Simo-
nides and Pindar, has given a life of a
thousand years, lib. xv. p. 711. Another
chain of fiction assigns it to the isles of the
West (Od. iv. 563), and from hence have
sprung the descriptions of Horace (Epod.
xvi. 41), and Plutarch (in Vit. Sertor.).
I'or similar accounts of India see Ctesias
ap. Wesseling's Herod, p. 831. and Pliny
vii. 2.
29 Edda of Snorro Dgemesaga, 12.
a(> Josephus, after noticing the age of
Noah, cites the testimonies of Manetho
for the extreme longevity of the early
Egyptians ; of Hieronymus for that of the
Phoenicians; of Hesiod, Hecatams, &c. for
the Grecians ; all of whom gave a thou-
sand years to the life of man in the first
periods of the world. Archseolog. i. c. 3.
§ y. For the same advantage enjoyed by
the early Egyptian kings, see Diod. Sic.i.
26. and compare Pliny's account of the
Arcadians and .ZEtolians, some of whom
lived three hundred years. Hist. Nat. vii.
48. The long-lived ^Ethiopians of Hero-
dotus, who, be it remembered, were the
tallest and most beautiful of mankind,
usually lived 120 years. Herod, iii. c. 17.
23.
31 At the siege of Troy the "Pylian
sage " was living his third age. II. i. 250.
A Lycian tradition has assigned to Sar-
pedon a life of three ages, as the favour-
ite son of Jove. Apollod. Bibl. iii. 1, 2.
Heyne, forgetful that we are here on my-
thic ground, wishes to follow Diodorus,
who attempts to give the narrative an air
of probability, by making two Sarpedons,
a grandsire and his grandson. Tiresias
was said to have lived seven ages, and
Agatharchides more than five. (Meurs. in
Lycophr. v. 682.) Norna-Gest, as he
lighted the candle on which his existence
depended, said he was three hundred
years old. (Norna-Gest Saga in Miiller's
Saga-Bibliothek, vol. ii. p. 113.) Toke
Tokesen was also fated to live two ages of
man, Ib. p. 117. and Hildebrand, the in-
vincible champion and Mentor of Theodo-
ric, died aged 180 or 200 years. Ib. 278.
32 The sandal of Perseus found at
Chemnis was two cubits in length. Herod,
ii. c. 91. The footstep of Hercules shown
in Scythia, was of the same size. Ib. iv. c.
82. ; though the more sober traditions
make his whole stature only four cubits
and a foot. (Herod. Ponticus ad Lycophr.
v. 663.) Lycophron calls Achilles TOV
, Cass. v. 860. The body of
MB. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1821. (25)
made to possess all those virtues which the common consent of mankind
unites in considering so, or the ruder ethics of an earlier period have
substituted for such.
With regard to those standing types of popular fiction, which have
been compared to the roots of language, the history of their application
in various periods of society displays the same frequent recurrence of
certain primitive images, and the same series of ever-changing analysis
and combination which mark the growth and progress of language it-
self. There will appear something fanciful perhaps in this comparison,
yet the nearer we investigate it, the more we shall feel assured, that
many of the laws which have governed the one are strictly analogous
with those which have swayed the development of the other ; and that,
however much we may dispute as to the causes which have called forth
these important phenomena of the mind, their subsequent regulation
is considerably less equivocal. The mass of primitives in every lan-
guage, (even in those whose decided character gives them the aspect
of parent dialects,) is well known to bear a very small proportion to the
wealth of its vocabulary ; and at some stage of human existence, even
these elementary terms must have been sufficient to express the wants,
and effect an interchange of thought, between the several members of
the community. As fresh necessities arose, and the bounds of know-
ledge became extended, the original types in their simple import would
be unequal to the demands of every new occasion ; and hence the in-
troduction of a long roll of meanings to the primitives, and all the in-
tricacies of analysis and synthesis, which have given wealth, dignity,
and expression to language. There is however no fact more certain,
within our knowledge of the past and our experience of the present,
than that words neither have been nor are now invented; but that they
always have been compounded from existing roots in the dialect re-
Orestes when found measured seven cu- 111.) Theoderic of Berne was two ells
bits. (Herod, i. c. 68.) And for the large broad between the shoulders, tall as an
size of Ajax, Pelops and Theseus, see Eteu (giant), and stronger than any man
Pans. i. 35. v. 13. and Pint, in Vit. c. 36. would believe who had not seen him.
A Feroe song says of Sigurdr (the Sieg- (Wilkina-Saga, c. 14.) The grave of
fred of the Nibelungen Lied), that he Gavvain was fourteen feet long, the re-
grew more in one month than others did pute.i stature of Little John. (Ritson.)
in twelve. (Compare the romance of Sir Of Arthur, Higden has said : " Also have
Gowghther and Homer's account of Otus mynde that Arthures chyn-bone that was
and Ephialtes, Od. xi. 308.) He was so thenne (on the discovery of his body at
tall, that when he walked through a field Glastonbury) shewed, was lenger by thre
of ripe rye, the point of his sword (which ynches than the legge and the knee of the
was seven spans long) might be seen above lengest man, that was thenne founde.
the standing corn. (Miiller, p. 61.) A Also the face of his forhede,bytvveene hys
hair of his horse's tail, which Gest shuwed two cyen, was a sparine brode." Trevisa's
king Oluf, measured seven ells. (Ib. p. transl. f. 290. rec.
(26) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
quiring them, or borrowed from some collateral source ; and for this
very obvious reason, that any other mode of proceeding would wholly
defeat the only end for which language was intended, the communica-
tion of our wishes, feelings and opinions. That the progress of popular
fiction has followed a nearly similar course, a slight consideration of
the subject will tend to assure us. The extraordinary process already
aHuded to, which, by endowing inanimate objects with sense, feeling,
and spirituality, robs man of his proudest distinction, is no new creation
of elementary forms previously unknown, but a simple transference of
peculiar properties, the characteristics of a more perfect class of beings,
to others less perfectly constituted. The prophetic ship, the grateful
ant, the courteous tree33, et hoc genus omne, are none of them subjected
to any mutation in their physical qualities ; they merely receive an ad-
ditional grant of certain ethical attributes, which, like secondary mean-
ings in language, enlarge their power without varying their natural ap-
pearance. Even the personification of immaterial things, though ap-
proaching nearest to the plastic nature of a really creative power, is
but an extension of the same principle. For though in these the ex-
ternal forms be wholly supplied by the fancy, the inherent qualities of
the thing personified furnish the outline of all its moral endowments ;
and the contrast between the abstract property in its original state, and
the living image representing it, is not more striking than between the
different objects which are expressed in language by one common sym-
bol34. The wildest efforts of the imagination can only exhibit to us a
fresh combination of well-known types drawn from the store-house of
nature ; and it is the propriety of the new arrangement, the felicitous
juxtaposition of the stranger elements in their novel relation to each
other, which marks the .genius of the artist, which fixes the distance
between a Boccacio and a Troveur, a Shakspeare and a Brooke35.
The same chaste economy which has regulated the development of lan-
guage, is equally conspicuous in the history of popular fiction ; and,
like the vocabulary of a nation once supplied with a stock of appro-
priate imagery, all its subsequent additions seem to have arisen in very
slow progression. For this we must again refer to the prevailing state
33 See Grimm's Kinder- und Haus- and Popular Fictions, and his Fairy My-
Marchen and Muller's Saga-Bibliothek, thology. — R. T.]
passim. [See also German Popular Stories 34 The burning lava of jEtna was made
translated from the above work of J. and the type of Typhceus's fury ; but the con-
W. Grimm, and published with Notes in trast here is not greater than between those
2 vols. 12mo. by the late Mr. Edgar Tay- objects of domestic use which are named
lor, 1823 and 182G; and republished in after animals, such as a cat, dog, horse, &c.
1839 in 1 vol. under the title of Gammer 35 See Brooke's poem on the subject of
Grcthel ; see also Mr. Keightlcy's Tales Romeo and Juliet in Malonc's Shakspeare.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (27)
of society and the condition of those common agents by whom both
subjects have been fostered. The more degraded the intellectual cul-
ture of a nation upon its first appearance in history, the poorer will be
found its vocabulary, with reference to the innate resources of the lan-
guage ; and the subsequent wealth of every dialect will be discovered
to have been attendant upon the progress of civilization, and the acqui-
sition of new ideas36. The patrons of popular fiction, as the very name
implies, belong to that class of the community which, amid all the
changes and revolutions that are operating around it, always retains a
considerable portion of its primitive characteristics. Among these may
be reckoned the narrow circle of its necessities in the use of language
and expression, and the modest demands of its intellectual tastes, so
opposite to that later epicurism of the mind, a refined and learned taste,
which is only to be appeased by an unceasing round of novelties. Lin-
acquainted with the feverish joys occasioned by the use of strong and
fresh excitements, popular taste only asks for a repetition of its favour-
ite themes ; and, blest with the pure and limited wants of infancy, it
listens to the " twice-told tale" with the eagerness and simplicity of a
child. It is on this principle that every country in Europe has invested
its popular fictions with the same common marvels ; that all acknow-
ledge the agency of the lifeless productions of nature ; the intervention
of the same supernatural machinery; the existence of elves, fairies,
dwarfs, giants, witches and enchanters ; the use of spells, charms and
amulets ; and all those highly-gifted objects, of whatever form or name,
whose attributes refute every principle of human experience, which are
to conceal the possessor's person, annihilate the bounds of space, or
command a gratification of all our wishes. These are the constantly-
recurring types which embellish the popular tale, which hence have
been transferred to the more laboured pages of romance ; and which,
far from owing their first appearance in Europe to the Arabic conquest
of Spain, or the migration of Odin to Scandinavia, are known to have
been current on its eastern verge long anterior to the aera of legitimate
history 37. The Nereids of antiquity, the daughters of the " sea-born
36 "J'ai eu des idees nouvelles ; il a Grimm, Sir W.Scott's Essay on the Faeries
bien fallu trouver des nouveaux mots, ou of Popular Superstition (Minstrelsy, vol.
donner aux anciens de nouvelles accep- ii.), and some useful collections in Brand's
tions," says Montesquieu in the Adver- Popular Antiquities, vol. ii. A further
tisement to his Esprit des Loix. consideration of the subject is reserved for
3? It will be felt, that this intricate and another occasion ; when the authorities
copious subject could only be generally for some opinions, which may appear
noticed here. More ample sources of in- either too bold or paradoxical, and which
formation are to be found in the preface could not be introduced here, will be given
and notes to the Kinder- und Hans- at length.
Marchen of Messrs. Jacob and William
(28) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OP 1824.
seer," are evidently the same with the Mermaids of the British and
Northern shores ; the habitations of both are fixed in crystal caves, or
coral palaces, beneath the waters of the ocean ; and they are alike di-
stinguished for their partialities to the human race, and their prophetic
powers in disclosing the events of futurity. The Naiads only differ in
name from the Nixen38 of Germany and Scandinavia (Nisser), or the
Water- Elves of our countryman ^Elfric ; and the Nornae, who wove the
web of life and sang the fortunes of the illustrious Helga, are but the
same companions who attended Ilithyia at the births of lamos and Her-
cules39, Indeed so striking is the resemblance between these divinities
and the Grecian Mcerae, that we not only find them officiating at the
birth of a hero,. conferring upon him an amulet which is to endow him
with a charmed existence, or cutting short the thread of his being, but,
like their prototype or parallel, varying in their number — from three to
nine, — as they figure in their various avocations, of Nornae or Valkyriar,
as Parcae or Muses40. In the Highland Urisks41, the Russian Le-
schies42, and the Pomeranian or Wendish Berstucs43, we perceive the
38 The Russian Rusalkis belong to the
same family. They are represented as a
race of beautiful virgins, with long green
hair, living in lakes and rivers, and who
were generally seen swinging on the
branches of trees, bathing in the flood, or
dressing their hair in the meads beside a
running stream. Mone's continuation of
Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. i. p. 145.
39 Compare Helga quitha hin fyrsta, in
Saemund's Edda, with Pindar Ol. vi. 72.
and Anton. Liberalis, c. 29.
40 A further illustration of this subject
must also be reserved for a future publi-
cation.
41 The Urisk has a figure between a
goat and a man ; in short, precisely that
of a Grecian Satyr. — Notes to the Lady
of the Lake, p. 356. There are few anti-
quarian subjects requiring more revision
tHan the modern nomenclature of this
sylvan family. This confusion of charac-
ter and name is no where more apparent
than in the account of the ancient monu-
ments in the British Museum. The Gre-
cian Satyr is perfectly human in the lower
extremities of his person; but the Panes
(for the ancients acknowledged more than
one Pan, as well as more than one Sile-
nus) and Panisci preserved the legs and
thighs of a goat.
42 These Russian divinities had a hu-
man body, horns on the head, projecting
pointed ears, and a bushy beard. Below
they were formed like a goat. (Compare
the well-known group of Pan and Olym-
pus in the Villa Albani, and the repre-
sentations of the same subject in the Pit-
ture d'Ercolano.) They had the power
of changing their stature as they pleased.
When they walked through the grass,
they were just seen above it ; in walking
through forests, their heads ranged above
the highest trees. Woods and groves
were consecrated to them, and no one
dared offend them, as they excited in the
culprit's mind the most appalling terrors,
or in a feigned voice seduced him through
unknown ways to their caves, where they
tickled him to death. Mone, p. 143.
Among the Finns these practices were at-
tributed to a god Lekkio and a goddess
Ajataa. The first assumed the form of a
man, dog, crow, or some other bird, for
the purpose of exciting terror ; and the
latter led the traveller astray. Ib. 59. The
reader will not fail to recognise in this the
Panic terrors of the Arcadian god ; and to
be reminded of the Olympian invocation,
which called Pan Rhea's Kvva Travro-
Sairov. Find. Frag. ap. Aristot. Rhetor,
ii. 24. The irritable temperament of tlvese
sylvan deities is also common to their par-
allel. Theocritus, Id. i. v. 15.
43 The worship of these deities appears
to have been common to all the Sclavonic
tribes situated between the Vistula and the
Elbe. This district has been divided by
some chroniclers into Pomerania and
Vandalia, an arrangement which has
caused the inhabitants of the latter to be
confounded with the Teutonic invaders of
MR. PRICK'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (29)
same sylvan family, who, under the name of Panes and Panisci, presided
over the fields and forests of Arcadia. The general meetings of the first
were held on Ben-Venew, like the biennial assembly of the Fauns on
mount Parnassus ; and the Sclavonian hunter invoked the assistance of
his Zlebog44, the Finn of his Wainamoinen45, and the Laplander of his
Storjunkare'46, with the same solemnity as that with which the Greek
implored the aid of the " shaggy god of Arcady." Another feature
in the national creed of the same mountainous district of Greece, is to
be met with in the ballad of the Elfin-Gray47 ; and if the testimony of
^Elfric, in his translation of Dryades by Wudu-Elfen, is to be received
as any thing more than a learned exercise48, the same notion must have
prevailed in this country. But the collection from whence the ballad
alluded to has been taken, the Danish Kiaempe-Viser, contains more
than this single example of such a belief ; and the reader will find be-
low49 a local tradition, preserved in Germany, which will remind him
the Empire. The term in the text has
been borrowed from the German to avoid
this inaccuracy; but Trevisa has shown
that there was a name for it in England :
" Wyntlandia, that ilonde is by-west Den-
mark, and is a barren londe ; and men
[go there] out of byleve, they selle wynde
to the shypmen that come to theyr portes
and havenes, as it were closed under
knottes of threde. And as the knottes be
unknytte the wynde wexe at theyr wylle."
f. 32. In all their attributes the Berstucs
appear to have been the same with the
Russian Leschies.
44 The head of the Berstucs was Zlebog,
usually explained The angry god. Fren-
eel de Diis Soraborum et aliorum Slavo-
rum ap. Hoffmann Script. Rer. Lusat.
torn. ii. p. 234-6. Care must be taken
not to confound them with the Prussian
dwarfs, called Barstuck ; and who perhaps
have usurped a name which designates
their form rather than their occupation.
In Durham and Newcastle the English
Puck is called Bar-quest.
45 Wainamoinen was the inventor of
the kandele (a stringed instrument played
like the guitar), and the author of all in-
ventions which have benefited the human
race. He was implored by the hunter,
the fisherman and the birdcatcher, to play
upon his kandele, that the game might
fall into their nets. Mone, 54.
46 This name has been borrowed from
the Norwegians. In Tornea Lapland the
same deity is called Seite. He is supreme
lord of the whole animal creation (with
the exception of the human race), and
patron of hunting, fishing, &c. He fre-
quently appears to the fishermen &c. of
Lulea Lapmark, dressed like a Norwegian
nobleman in black, of a tall and com-
manding figure, with the feet of a bird,
and with a gun on his shoulder. His ap-
pearance never fails to produce a success-
ful fishery or chase. Mone, 36.
4? See the Notes to the Lady of the
Lake.
48 It may be questioned, whether this
catalogue of^Elfric's(dun-elfen,berg-elfen,
munt-elfen, feld-elfen, wudu-elfen, sss-
elfen, water-elfen,) ever obtained a cir-
culation among the people. It is at least
rendered extremely suspicious by its
strict accordance with the import of the
Grecian names.
49 "A peasant named Hans Krepel,
being one day at work on a heath near
Salzburg, 'a little wild or moss-wifie'
appeared to him, and begged that on
leaving his labour he would cut three
crosses on the last tree he hewed down.
This request the man neglected to comply
with. On the following day she appeared
again, saying, ' Ah ! my man, why did you
not cut the three crosses yesterday ? It
would have been of service both to me and
yourself. In the evening, and especially
at night, we are constantly hunted by the
wild huntsmen, and are obliged to allow
them to worry us, unless we can reach
one of these trees with a cross on it ; for
from thence they have no power to remove
us.' To this the boor replied with his
wonted churlishness, ' Pooh ! pooh ! of
what use can it be ? how can the crosses
help you? I shall do no such thing to
please you, indeed.' Upon this the wyfie
(30) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
of the conversation between Peraebius and an Hamadryad. How far
the Duergar of the Edda were originally distinct from a similar class of
dwarfish agents, who are to be met with in the popular creed of every
European nation, cannot now be precisely ascertained50. The earliest
memorials of them in the fictions of Germany and Scandinavia, present
us with the same metallurgic divinities who in the mythology of Hellas
were known by the various names of Cabiri, Hephsesti, Telchines, and
Idaean Dactyli51. In the other countries of Europe, the traces of their
flew upon him, and squeezed him so
forcibly that he became ill after it, not-
withstanding he was a stout fellow. Such
wyfies, and even mannikins, are said to
dwell upon that heath, under the ground,
or in obscure parts of the forest, and to
have holes, in which they lie on green
moss, as indeed they are said to be clothed
all over with moss." Praetorius says, he
heard this story from an old dame, who
knew the before-mentioned Hans Krepel,
and adds, the time of day was a [little]
after noon, an hour not usually devoted
to labour, because at such a time "this
sort of diablerie frequently occurs." An-
thropodemusPlutonicus, Magdeburg 16C6.
vol. ii. p. 231. For this superstitious at-
tention to silence at noon, see Theocritus,
Id. i. v. 15.; and for the persecution of
the Nymphs by Pan, the romance of
Longus, p. 63. ed. Villoison, where it is
said of him, Traverai de ovdeTroTe Apv-
acriv evo")(Xi>)v, KCLI ETri/ti^Xicri Nvju^ais
TTjoayjwara Trape^wv. The passage re-
lative to the Hamadryad, who threatened
Peraebius with the consequences of neg-
lecting to prop the falling oak, in which
she lived, is to be found in the Schol. to
Apollon. Rhod. ii. v. 479.
50 The Northern traditions relative to
the Duerga, are among the most obscure
points of Eddaic lore, and are too import-
ant to be discussed in a note. Their re-
sidence in stone seems to be a portion of
the same belief which gave rise to the
XiOoL e/ii//t^oi of antiquity. The author
of the Orphic poem on stones mentions one
in the possession of Helenus, which not
only uttered oracular responses, but was
perceived to breathe, ver. 339. et seq.
Photius (coll. 242. p. 1062, from the life
of Isidorus by Damascius) mentions an-
other in the possession of a certain Euse-
bius. This was a meteoric stone, which
had fallen from heaven. On being asked
to what deity it belonged, it replied,
Gennaeus — a god worshiped at the Sy-
rian Heliopolis. Others were said to be
subject to Saturn, Jupiter, the Sun, &c.
(For this notion of the daemons being the
subordinate followers of some superior
god, whose name they bore, see Plutarch
de Defectu Orac. 21.) This will serve to
illustrate the account given by Pausanias
of the thirty stones at Pharae, each of
which was inscribed with the name of
some god. (vii. c. 22.) Damascius thought
the stone in question to be under divine,
Isidorus only demoniacal influence. Pho-
tius treats the whole story as a mere piece
of jugglery. Plato, however, has said,
that these lithic oracles were of the same
antiquity as that of the oak at Dodona.
Phaedrus 276.
51 The spirit of later times, with its
characteristic tendency of studying beauty
of form in all its imagery, having con-
verted these ancient deities into the youth-
ful Curetes, Corybantes and Dioscuri, a
confusion arose in the nomenclature of
them which wholly baffled the attempts of
Strabo to reduce into a system. See the
tenth book of this geographer, under the
head of Theologoumena. The Dwarf of
ancient mythology is perhaps best repre-
sented on the coins of Cossyra, where the
figure closely accords with the description
of the mining dwarf given by Praetorius,
i. p. 243. Another representation, from
the creed of Egypt, may be seen among
the terracottas of the British Museum,
No. 42. Mr. Coombe calls "this short
naked human figure " Osiris ; but there
can be little doubt, that it exhibits the
dwarfish god of Memphis, whose deformity
excited the scorn and ridicule of Cam-
byses. This deity, whether we call him
Phthas or Hephaestus, resembled in his
person the Pataeci or tutelary divinities of
Phoenicia, to whom Herodotus has assign-
ed the figure of a pygmy man. (Thalia, c.
37.) The attributes on this anda similar mo-
nument may be easily accounted for. The
reader who is desirous of learning the es-
teem in which these divinities were held
in the ancient world, may consult a treatise
" On the Deities of Samothrace " by
Mr. von Schelling, a gentleman chiefly
known in Europe for his philosophical
works, but who is known to his friends
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (31)
existence as a separate class, chiefly occupied in the labours of the
forge, are not so clearly defined; and if a few scattered traditions52
seem to favour a contrary opinion, it is equally certain that they have
been more frequently confounded with a kindred race, the Brownies or
Fairies. The former, as is well known, are the same diminutive beings
with the Lares of Latium, an order of beneficent spirits, whom Cicero 53
has taught us to consider as nearly identical with the Grecian Daemon,
In Germany they have received a long catalogue of appellations, all
descriptive of their form, their disposition, or their dress ; but whether
marked by the title of Gutichen, Brownie, Lar, or Daemon, we observe
in all the same points of general resemblance ; all have been alike re-
garded as the guardians of the domestic hearth, the awarders of pros-
perity, and the averters of evil ; and the author of the Orphic Hymn
endows the particular Daemon of his invocation with the same attri-
butes that are given by Hildebrand to the whole tribe of Gutichens or
"gude neighbours54." The English Puck, the Scottish Bogle, the
French Esprit Follet, or Goblin — the Gobelinus of monkish Latinity —
and the German Kobold, are only varied names for the Grecian Koba-
lus65 ; whose sole delight consisted in perplexing the human race, and
calling up those harmless terrors that constantly hover round the minds
of the timid. To excite the wrath, indeed, of this mischievous spirit,
was attended with fatal consequences to the luckless objects who rashly
courted it; and Preetorius (i. p. 140.) has preserved a notice of his
cruelty to some miners of St. Anneberg, to whom he appeared under the
guise of the Scottish Kelpie, with a horse's head, and whom he destroy-
ed by his pestiferous breath. The midnight depredators mentioned by
for his extensive erudition in every branch names for any kind of spirit, and corre-
of ancient and modern learning, and who, spond to the " Pouk " of Piers Plouhman.
among the numerous virtues that adorn In Danish " spog " means a joke, trick or
his private character, is particularly di- prank; and hence the character of Robin
stinguished for his hospitality to the Goodfellow. In Iceland, Puki is regarded
"stranger, who sojourns in a foreign as an evil sprite ; and in the language of
land." that country "atpukra" means both to
52 Essay on the Faeries of popular Su- make a murmuring noise, and to steal
perstition, p. 163. clandestinely. The names of these spirits
53 " Quanquam enim Daemon latius seem to have originated in their boisterous
patere quodam modo videatur, non du- temper. " Spuken," Germ., to make a
bito tamen quin melius sit, Larem, quam noise ; " spog," Dan., obstreperous mirth ;
Dsemonem vertere, ut sit species pro ge- " pukke," Dan. to boast, scold. The Ger-
nere." De Universitate. mans use "pochen," in the same figurative
54 Hymn 72. and Hildebrand vom sense, though literally it means to strike,
Hexenwerke, p. 310. beat, and is the same with our poke. In
55 See the Scholiast to Aristoph. Plut. Ditmarsh, the brownie, or domestic fairy,
v. 279. The English and Scottish terms is called Nitsche-Puk. The French "gobe-
are the same as the German " Spuk," and lin " seems to spring either from a dimi-
the Danish " Spogelse," without the sibi- nutive — Koboldein ? or a feminine termi-
lant aspiration. These words are general nation, Koboldinn ?
(32) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
Gervase of Tilbury, who oppressed the sleeper, injured his person, de-
spoiled his property, and bore off his children, are either confounded
by that worthy chronicler with the separate characters of the Ephialtes
and Lamia ; or the local creed of some particular spot had concentrated
in his day the propensities of both in one personage. The numerous
tales gathered by Praetorius observe the classical distinctions of anti-
quity ; with them it is the Incubus or Alp, who causes those painful
sensations during sleep, which the ancient physicians have so aptly
termed the nocturnal epilepsy ; and it is the same race of misshapen
old hags with the Lamiae of Gervase 56, who, like the ancient Lamia
larvata, alternately terrify and carry away the infant from his cradle.
Sir Walter Scott, from whose Essay " on the Faeries of Popular Su-
perstition " the preceding notice of the Lamiae recorded by Gervase
has been taken, has also extracted from the Physica Curiosa of Schott,
a Frisian account of the same destructive tribe, where a similar con-
fusion appears to prevail, though with a different class of spirits. " In
the time of the Emperor Lotharius, in 830," says Schott, " many spectres
infested Friesland, particularly the white nymphs of the ancients, which
the moderns denominate witte wiven, who inhabited a subterraneous
cavern, formed in a wonderful manner, without human art, on the top
of a lofty mountain. These were accustomed to surprise benighted
travellers, shepherds watching their herds and flocks, and women newly
delivered, with their children; and convey them into their caverns,
from which subterraneous murmurs, the cries of children, the groans
and lamentations of men, and sometimes imperfect words and all kinds
of musical sounds were heard to proceed." Divested of the colouring
which seems to identify these spectres " with the fairies of popular opi-
nion," a parallel fiction is related by Antonius Liberalis (c. 8.) in his
account of Sybaris, to whom others gave the more appropriate title of
Lamia ; and, with a change of sex in the agent, the same idea is found
56 With this class must also be reckon- racter ; and of which Vossius has said :
ed the Gyre-Carline, or mother-witch of " Nam erunt Lamise spectra in formosa-
Scotland, whose name is so expressive of rum mulierum figuram conformata, quse
her character (gyr-falcon, ger-hound, adolescentes formosos voluptatibus deli-
Trevisa). niebant, dum eos devorarent." Etymolog.
Thair dwelt ane grit Gyre-Carling, in S. Lat. in Lamia. Compare also' Diodo-
awld Betokis bour, rus s account of the queen of Libyssa,
That levit upoun Christiane menis flesche, L «• ?• 754' Vossius has likewise shown
and rewheids unleipit. that the same notion was current m Jud^a.
There is one circumstance in the history
In this she becomes identified with the of the Gyre-Carline, which runs through
" Raw-head-and-bloody-bone,s " of the all mythology :
English nursery. In the fiction on which T
the beautiful ballad of Glenfinlas is found- ^ P* Betok was l'°rn
ed, we have the poetic version of her cha- Scho (the G' Carhne) bred °f an acorn*-
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (33)
in the curious narratives of Pausanias and ^Elian, relative to the " dark
daemon " or hero of Temessa 57. The earliest memorial of them in
European fiction is preserved to us in the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beo-
wulf. In this curious repository of genuine Northern tradition, by far
the most interesting portion of the work is devoted to an account of the
hero's combats with a male and female spirit, whose nightly ravages in the
hall of Hrothgar are marked by all the atrocities of the Grecian fable.
Under the comprehensive name of Fairy, almost every member of
the preceding catalogue has been indiscriminately mingled in the
living recitals of the cotter's family circle, and the printed collections
of our popular tales. A slight attention, however, to the distinctive
marks established in the ancient world, will easily remedy the confusion ;
and few readers will require to be told, that the fairies who attend the
birth and foretell the fortunes of a hero or heroine, who connect the
destinies of some favoured object with the observance of a command or
the preservation of an amulet, are the venerable Parca? of antiquity.
The same rule will hold good of the rest ; and it therefore only remains
to notice the Fairy of romance, and the Elf or Fairy of the mountain-
heath. The former has been considered to have derived her origin
from the same country which has supplied us with the name. For this
hypothesis there is better reason than usually attaches itself to the so-
lution of an antiquarian problem by the etymologist ; and Warton has
57 Vid. jElian. Hist. viii. c. 18. Pau- nicors or nicers, a species of sea monster
sanias, vi. 6. The people of Temessa of which many fables are current at the
having slain a companion of Ulysses, (who present day in Iceland, and who in the
had violated the chastity of a virgin,) his true spirit of a berserkr, undertakes the
spirit sought revenge, by carrying slaugh- task of subduing Grendel from a pure love
ter and destruction into every house and of glory. The result in both fables is the
the whole country round. The Pythian same. The dark daemon is worsted and
oracle recommended the erection of a sinks into a lake, where he afterwards is
temple, the consecration of a grove, and found dead of his wounds. The female
an annual sacrifice of the fairest virgin in spirit is Grendel's mother's, who answers
Temessa, as the only means of appeasing to the description of A. Liberalis. It may
the angry spirit. This was done. On one be worth noticing, that a picture preserved
of these occasions, an Olympian victor at Temessa, representing the combat of
named Euthymus, inspired by mingled Euthymus, exhibited the daemon clothed
feelings of love and compassion for the in a wolf-skin, and the name of the north-
beautiful victim, resolved on effecting her ern hero is Beo-wulf, the wolf-tamer,
rescue; and having awaited the arrival of [If ulfbe considered to mean Help, as
the daemon, a struggle ensued, from which in Rad-ulf, Bot-ulf, &c., the w may belong
the latter made his escape, and for ever, to the first syllable. In a short note which
by sinking into the sea. The ravages of I communicated to Mr. Conybeare (Illus-
Grendel appear have been prompted by trations of A. Sax. Poetry, 1826, p. 286,)
the death of an uncle. Hrothgar (in whose I suggested that Beaw, or Beowius, of the
palace the spirit's nightly incursions are genealogies in the Saxon Chronicle and
made) and his council vainly implore the W. of Malrnesbury, was identical with
powers of hell (it is a Christian who thus Beowulf, " Cutha and Cuthwulf being also
denominates the gods of the heathen king) used indifferently : comp. A. 495 and 854."
for the means of commuting the deadly Beaw occupies the same place in the series
feud. The intelligence reaches Beowulf, with Biaf of Snorro's Edda, ed. Goransson,
a champion who had acquired an exten- p. 6. — R.T.]
sive reputation by his victories over the
VOL. I. C
(34) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
already shown that the titles of the most distinguished in European
romance are borrowed almost to the letter from the fables of the East.
The Persian Mergian and Urganda have unquestionably furnished Ita-
lian poetry with its Morgana and Urganda ; and there is considerable
plausibility in the assertion 58, that the Peri of the former country has
58 This guarded mode of expression
must not be mistaken for a love of para-
dox ; it has proceeded from doubts in the
writer's mind, which at present he wants
leisure to satisfy. The French term for
our fairy or fay is fee; and, like the Ita-
lian fata, is said to be derived from fatua.
" Faerie" was a general name for an illu-
sion ; a sense in which it is always used
by Chaucer. As an appellation for the
elfin-race, in this country, it is certainly
of late date ; and perhaps a mere corrup-
tion, a name given to the agent from his
acts. It is certainly not of Northern ori-
gin. Some of the earliest French tales of
"faerie" acknowledge a Breton source;
may not the term itself be Celtic ? The
" Ionic Pheres of Hesychius," which has
been mentioned as an apparent synonym
with the Persian Peri, is but a different
aspiration of the Attic 6rjp (Germ."thier");
and which, whether applied to centaurs or
satyrs, could only b,ave been given to mark
their affinity with the animal race.
[Further examination wholly excludes the supposed connection of the word FAIRY
with the Persian Peri. Indeed as Feerie is obviously formed from Fee in the same
manner as diablerie from diable, or chevalerie from cheval, the origin of the mono-
syllable Fay or Fee only is to be sought, without the formative termination ; and the
forms in which this word and its congeners exist in the Romance dialects seem to
leave no doubt that the Latin Fatum is its real source,
Latin.
Fatum.
Fata, the Fates.
Italian.
Fato.
Fata, enchantress.
Spanish.
Hadas, Hadadas, witches,
enchanttd nymphs.
Hadar, to divine.
Hadado, lucky.
Fatare, to charm.
Fatatum, destined. Fatato, destined,
(Sallust, B. Cat. c. 47.) charmed.
Hadador, sorcerer.
Fatatura, charm.
Thus, Fatum, Fee, Fairy:
just as Pratum, Pre, Prairie.
Mr. Tyrwhitt has the following note on
the word Faerie, in the Wif of Bathes
Tale : " Feerie, Fr. from fee, the French
name for those fantastical beings which in
the Gothick languages are called Alfs or
Elves. The corresponding names to fee
in the other Romance dialects are fata,
Ital., and hada, Span. ; so that it is pro-
bable that all three are derived from the
Lat. fatum, which in the barbarous ages
was corrupted into fatus and fata. See
Menage, in v. Fee. Du Cange, in v. Fadus.
Mr. Keightley, in his Tales and Popu-
lar Fictions, 1834, p. 340, expresses his
opinion, " that, as from the Latin grains
came the Italian verb aggradare, and the
French agreer, so from fatum came affa-
tare,fatare, (Ital.) and faer, feer, (Fr.),
signifying to enchant ; and that fato, fata,
fae,faee,fee, are participles of these verbs.
I believe there is not a single passage in
the old French romances, in which these
last words occur, where they may not be
taken participially ; such are les chevaliers
faes, les dames faees, and the continually
recurring phrase elle sembloit (or ressem-
bloit)fee. La fee is, therefore, lafemme
French.
Fee.
Feer, to enchant.
Fee.
Feerie.
fee, and une fee is une femmefee In
the Pentamerone/ata and fatata are evi-
dently employed as equivalents. I there-
fore regard fata as nothing more than
fatata, contracted after the usual rule of
the Italian language, and esteem unafatato
signify merely una donnafatata."
See also Mr. Keightley's Fairy Mytho-
logy, 1833, vol. i. p. 1 1, and vol. ii. pp. 239,
309 ; where the conclusions at which he
arrives coincide with those given in the
above note, which, with Mr. Price's appro-
bation, I appended to the Edition of 1824,
vol. iv. p. 482.
Mr. Keightley enumerates the following
conjectures as to the etymology of Fay,
and Fairy : Hebr. IKS), beauty : Greek,
0»/,oes : Lat. Fatua the wife of Faunus,
and the last syllable of Nym-pha : Per-
sian peri : Breton,/*^, or mat, good : A.S.
far an, to go : O. Eng. feres, companions :
Eng. fair. The A. Sax. fcege, or fceie,
Scotch fey, resembles in appearance ; but
I am not aware that it has ever been re-
ferred to, and its meaning is fated to die.
Vide infra, p. Ixxi. — R. TAYLOR.]
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (35)
been transmitted through the medium of the Arabic. But uniformity of
name, even admitting an identity of character, is insufficient to prove
that the idea attached to the new appellative is of no older date in the
country to which it has been transferred than the period when the
stranger term was first introduced. The Pelasgian priesthood recom-
mended the adoption of Egyptian titles for the unnamed divinities of
Hellenic worship, on discovering that their secret had been divulged ;
and the adoration of the Bsetyli precedes the annals of authentic history
in Greece, while the name is of foreign extraction, and evidently bor-
rowed at a very late period. If therefore the English * fairy,' or the
French ( f eerie,' have been imported from the East, the term itself
must be of comparatively recent date ; though the popular notion re-
specting the nature and attributes of the beings who bore it is wholly
lost in the twilight of antiquity. There is no essential difference be-
tween the Persian Peri and the Grecian Nymph, however variedly the
inventive genius of either country may have endowed them in points
of minor consideration. They are both the common offspring of the
same speculative opinion, which peopled the elements with a race of
purer essences, as the connecting link between man and his Creator;
and the modern Persian, in adopting those " who hover in the balmy
clouds 59, live in the colours of the rainbow, and exist on the odour of
flowers," has only fixed his choice upon a different class from the an-
cient Greek. It will however be remembered, that in the particulars
just enumerated, the Fairies of Italian romance bear no resemblance
to the Peris of the East ; and that, in almost every thing else except
the name, they are, for the most part, only a reproduction of the Circe
and Calypso of the Odyssey. The Fairies in the Lays of Lanval and
Graelent, or in the romances of Melusina and Partenopex de Blois,
have neither the gross propensities of the daughter of Helios, nor the
power and exalted rank of the Ogygian enchantress. They approach
nearer, both in character and fortunes, to the nymphs who sought the
alliance or yielded to the importunities of Daphnis and Rhoecus60, and,
like their Grecian predecessors, were equally doomed to experience
the hollow frailty of human engagements. The conditions imposed
upon the heroes of Hellenic fable were the same in substance, though
somewhat differing in form, from those enjoined the knights of French
59 These aerial nymphs were not foreign 60 For Daphnis see Parthenius, c. 18 ;
to the Grecian creed ; at least the celestial for Rhoecus Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. ii.
nymphs of Mnesimachus can only be ac- v. 479. See also the history of Caunus in
counted for on this notion. Schol. in Conon, c. 2. ; and of Philammon, Ib. c. 7.
Apollon. Rhod. iv. v. 1412.
c2
(36) MR. PRICE'S PREPACR TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
romance, and were alike transgressed from motives of self-gratification,
or a weak compliance with the solicitations of others. There is some-
thing more consolatory in the final catastrophe attached to the modern
fictions ; but this, as is well known, has been taken, in common with
the general outline of the events, from the beautiful apologue of Apu-
leius One of the earliest tales of faery in our own language, and per-
haps the most important for the influence it seems to have had on later
productions, is contained in the old romance of Orfeo and Heurodis61.
The leading incidents of this poem have been borrowed from the clas-
sical story of Orpheus and Eurydice, and Mr. Ritson has truly pro-
nounced its character in saying, This lay or tale is a Gothic metamor-
phosis of the episode so beautifully related by Ovid. A later writer,
from whose authority it is rarely safe to deviate, and to whose illustra-
tions of popular fiction the present sketch is so much indebted, has re-
jected this opinion, and produced it as an example of "Gothic mythology
engrafted on the fables of Greece62." In support of this assertion,
even Sir Walter Scott's extensive knowledge of the subject might find
it difficult to offer anything like satisfactory proof.
The minor embellishments of the poem, the rank and quality of Or-
pheus, the picture of his court, the occupations of the Elfin king, and
the fortunate issue of the harper's descent, are certainly foreign to the
Grecian story, and have been either copied from the institutions of the
minstrel's age, or are the ready suggestions of his own invention. But
the whole machinery of the fable — the power of Pluto and his queen
(for such Chaucer has instructed us to call the king of Faery), the
brilliant description of Elfin land, its glorious abodes and delightful
scenery, and the joyous revelry of those who had secured a residence
in the regions of bliss, and the miseries
Of folke that were thidder ybrought,
And thought dead and were nought, —
are of legitimate Grecian origin, and may be read with little variety of
style, though with less minuteness of detail, in the visions of Thespesius
and Timarchus, recorded by Plutarch 63.
61 It is to be regretted that Mr. Ritson De Genio Socrat. c. 22. If to these the
chose to follow the Harleian MS. of this reader will add Pindar's description of the
romance, which is so palpably inferior to Elysian amusements (cited in Plut.Consol.
the Auchinleck copy. ad Apoll. c. 35. and with some additions
62 Essay on the Faeries, &c. ut supra. in his tract De Occulte Vivendo, c. vii.)
[Also Mr. Keightley's Fairy Mythology.] and the narrative of the Socratic yEschines
61 De Sera Num. Vind. c, 22. (where (Axiochus, § 20.) on the same subject, he
the text reads Soleus the Thespesian ; but will find a parallel for almost every pecu-
Wyttenbach has approved of Reiske's cor- liarity of these regions mentioned in the
rection, which reverses the terms) and Auchinleck MS. of Orfeo. The popular
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The history of such descents, whether professing to be made in per-
son, or by a separation of •" the intelligent soul " from its grosser fel-
low, and the body64, was a favourite topic in the ancient world ; and
many visions of the infernal regions which are made to figure in modern
hagiology, from the narrative of Bede6b to the metrical legend of Owain
Miles, have borrowed largely from these pagan sources. It is however
obvious, that Chaucer's " Pluto king of Fayrie" and his " Queen Pros-
erpina" have been derived from this or a similar source; and the con-
fusion which has arisen between the Fairies of Romance and the Elves
of rural tradition, may in all probability be ascribed " to those poets
who have adopted his phraseology." By Dunbar, Pluto is styled " an
elricke incubus in a clothe of grene," the well-known elfin livery ; and
Montgomery confers upon the " king of Pharie" the same verdant
garb, an elvish stature, and weds him to the Elf-queen.
All grathed into green,
Some hobland on a hemp-stalk, hovand to the hight,
The king of Pharie and his court, with the Elf-queen,
With many elfish incubus was ridand that night.
There is nothing in the " Marchaunt's Tale" to justify this diminution
of king Pluto's fair proportions, or to identify Queen Proserpina with
the Elf-queen. But in another of Chaucer's tales, the practices of the
latter and her followers are called " faeries" or illusive visions ; and it
will easily be felt, that the use of a common name to denote their re-
spective actions, might eventually lead to the notion of a community of
character.
In olde dayes of the king Artour —
All was this lond ful filled of faerie ;
view of the subject is discussed in his deeply into Northern and Oriental mytho-
usual manner by Lucian in his several logy. The lady Similt, while seated be-
pieces, Ver. Hist. ii. Necyom. Catapl. and neath a linden tree, is carried off by king
Philops., and a compound of esoteric and Laurin in the same clandestine manner
exoteric doctrines on the same point is to that the king of Faerie conveys away
be found in the Frogs of Aristophanes. Heurodis. (See Weber's Illustrations of
Sir Walter Scott justly considers the ymp- Northern Antiquities, p. 150.) The rock
tree, a tree consecrated to some daemon, of entrance to the fairy realm is the Xew-
rather than a grafted tree, as interpreted icada TreTprjv of the Odyssey, xxiv. 11.;
by Mr. Ritson. This point of popular and perhaps the lapis manalis of Latium.
superstition seems to be referred to by 64 See Wyttenbach's note to the vision
Socrates in the Phaedrus, where, with his of Thespesius, concerning this division of
accustomed style of irony, he ascribes a the soul into vovs and ip^X*?? an<l the
sudden fit of nympholepsy to the vicinage sources from whence Plutarch obtained it.
of a plane-tree adorned with images, and C5 Hist. Ecclesiast., lib. v. c. 13. Corn-
dedicated to the Nymphs. (Phaedr. 276.) pare also the vision or trance of the Pam-
But this idea of daemoniacal trees enters phylian Er in Plato's Itep. lib. x. in fine,
(38) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The elf-quene with her joly compaynie,
Danced ful oft in many a grene mede. —
But now can no man see non elves mo,
For the grete charitee and prayeres
Of limitoures, and other holy freres,
That serchen euery land, and euery streme —
This maketh that ther ben no faeries.
For ther as wont to walken was an elf
Ther walketh now the limitour himself.
WIFE OF BATH'S TALE.
However this may be, there can be little doubt that at one period the
popular creed made the same distinctions between the queen of Faerie
and the Elf-queen that were observed in Grecian mythology between
their undoubted parallels, Artemis and Persephone. At present the
traces of this division are only faintly discernible ; and in the Scottish
ballad of Tamlane, (Minstrelsy, vol. ii.) the hero, though "a wee wee
man," declares himself & fairy both in " lyth and limb," a communica-
tion which leaves us at no loss to divine the size of the fairy queen
who had " borrowed him." The beautiful ballad of Thomas the
Rhymer66, and even the burlesque imitation of some forgotten romance
by Chaucer in his " Rhyme of Sir Thopas," make the Elf-queen
either joint or sole sovereign of fairy-land; while the locality, scenery
and inhabitants of the country prove it to be the same district de-
scribed in Sir Orfeo. In the former fiction she is represented as only
quitting the court of her grisly spouse, to chase the " wild fee" upon
earth6?; her costume and attributes are of the same sylvan cast with
those which distinguished the huntress-queen of antiquity ; and the
fame of her beauty inspires the lovelorn Sir Thopas with the same rash
resolves which from a similar cause were said to have fired the bosom
of Pirithous. In the remaining details of Thomas the Rhymer, she is
66 The editor has already sinned too of his birth-place. The strong power of
deeply against the fame of true Thomas, local association has been sufficiently ma-
(see infra, p. 96.) to make the conceal- nifested in the character acquired by a
inent of his opinion respecting this my- recent residence at Erceldoune. See pre-
sterious personage a saving condition on face to Sir Tristram.
which he might build a hope of forgive- 6? A very veracious gentleman in one of
ness for his previous indiscretion. He Lucian's dialogues, has borne testimony
will therefore further state that, after con- to the hunting propensities of the Queen
trasting the little we know of the real, of Hell, whom he calls Hecate. (Philops.
withthefictitioushistoryofauldRymer," c. 17.) The account of the elf-queen and
he has arrived at that conviction, which is her followers while engaged in the chase
easier felt than accounted for, that the laird maybe compared with Od. vii. 101. and
of Erccldoun has usurped the honours and Virgil's imitation of the same passage,
reputation of some earlier seer, and ga- JEn. i. 498.
thercd round his name the local tradition
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (39)
clearly identified with the daughter of Demeter ; and the description
of the journey to Eli-land68 will remind the reader of a story in ^lian
respecting the fabled Anostos, or that country whose expressive name
has been so aptly paraphrased,
The bourne from whence no traveller returns.
In the Grecian fiction, "the blude that's shed on earth" seems rather
to have impregnated the atmosphere69, than dyed " the springs of
that countrie :" but the rivers that flowed around it, the waters of joy
and grief, each produced a tree, whose fruits were as marvellous in
their effects as the apple bestowed on " true Thomas." Nor is the
prophetic power acquired by the Rhymer in consequence of his visit
to this unearthly region, a novel feature in the history of such fictions.
In one of Plutarch's tracts70, a certain Cleombrotus entertains the
company with an account of an eastern traveller, whose character and
fortunes are still more remarkable than those of the Scottish seer. Of
this man we are told, that he only appeared among his fellow mortals
once a year. The rest of his time was spent in the society of the
nymphs and demons, who had granted him an unusual share of per-
sonal beauty, had rendered him proof against disease, and supplied him
with a fruit, which was to satisfy his hunger, and of which he partook
only once a month. He was moreover endowed with a miraculous gift
of tongues, his conversation resembled a spontaneous flow of verse, his
knowledge was universal, and an annual visitation of prophetic fervor
enabled him to unfold the hidden secrets of futurity.
The Elves and Fairies of rural tradition who " dance their ringlets
to the whistling wind," and the traces of whose midnight revels are still
detected on the sward, seem originally to have been distinguished from
the Fairies of romance, by their diminutive stature and the use of a
common livery. In the former circumstance popular fiction has only
68 Three days they travel through dark- « See Milan, Var. Hist. iii. 18. In Lu-
ness, up to their knees in water, and only cian's Ver. Hist. ii. 3. (and which contains
hear the " swowyng of the flode." In only exaggerated statements of popular
this we have the ocean stream and Cim- opinion), one of the rivers encompassing
merian darkness, Od. xi. 13. The spot his region of torment flows with blood,
where Thomas laid his head in the lady's The bloody Acherousian rock in Aristo-
lap, is the same cross-way in which Minos, phanes (Frogs, 474.) appears to be con-
Rhadamanthus, and ^Eacus held their nected with a similar notion,
tribunal; one of whose roads led to the 7° De Defectu Oraculorum, c, 21. Lu-
isles of the blest, and the other to Tarta- cian plays upon the supposed knowledge
rus. Plat. Gorg. p. 524. The forbidden of future events gained by a visit to the
fruit, whose taste cut off all hope of re- infernal regions, in his Ver. Hist. ii. and.
turn, is another version of the pomegra- Philops. For the use made of it by mo-
natc-apple which figures so mysteriously dern poets see Heyne's fourteenth Excur-
in the history of Proserpine. sus to the sixth book of the JEneid.
(40) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
been faithful to the earliest creed of nations, respecting the size and
form of their domestic and inferior deities ; and of which examples are
to be found in the household gods of Laban, the Pataeci of Phenicia,
the Cabiri of Egypt and Samothrace, the Idaean Dactyli of Crete, the
Anaces of Athens, the Dioscuri of Lacedaemon, the earth-god Tages
of Etruria, and the Lares of Latium. It would be out of place to enter
here upon the probable causes which have led to this community of
opinions as to the stature of these subordinate divinities ; and it will be
sufficient to remark, that the practice of romance in elevating them to
the standard of "human mortals71," has only followed an ancient pre-
cedent already noticed in speaking of the dwarfs. There is even reason
to believe, that the occasional adoption of a larger form was not wholly
inconsistent with the popular belief on the subject ; since the fairy of
Alice Pearson once appeared to her in " the guise of a lustie man," and
the ballad of Tamlane admits a change of shape to be a leading cha-
racteristic of the whole fairy race :
Our shape and size we can convert
To either large or small ;
An old nutshell 's the same to us
As is the lofty hall.?'
But the stature of the Elves and Fairies who presided over the mountain-
heath, will find a parallel in a kindred race, the rural Lars of Italy ;
while their attributes, their habitations, their length of life, and even
their name, will establish their affinity with the Grecian nymphs.
" Their drinking-cup or horn," which was " to prove a cornucopia of
good fortune to him who had the courage to seize it73," is the sacred
chalice of the Nymphs, whose inexhaustible resources are so frequently
noticed in Grecian fable, and to which we shall again have occasion to
71 A distinction used by Titania in the 7* See the Essay on the Fairies, &c.,
Midsummer Night's Dream, act ii. sc. 2. where mention is made of the goblet pre-
72 The minor details of this ballad wear served in Eden-hall in Cumberland, on
too modern an aspect to make it of au- which the prosperity of the Musgrave
thority, unless supported by other testi- family depended. Prsetorius informs us,
mony. The story however is indisputably that a member of the house of Alvesch-
ancient. The same power has been al- leben received a ring from a Nixe, to
ready noticed in the Russian Leschies, which the future fortunes of his desc<nd-
and is also ascribed to king Laurin in the ants were said to be attached. Anthropode-
Little Garden of Roses, p. 153. mus Plutonicus, i. p. 113. Another Ger-
Little was king Laurin, but from many man family, the Ranzaus, held their pros-
a precious gem perity by the tenure of a fairy spindle.
His wondrous strength and power and his lb- P- 1J5. The Scholiast to Lucian's
bold courage came ; Rllet- Praecept says, that every prosperous
Tall at times his stature grew, with spells person was supposed to have Amaltheea's
ofgrammary, [he be. horn in his possession.
Then to the noblest princes fellow might
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (41)
refer. The places of their abode, — the interior of green hills, or the
islands of a mountain-lake, with all the gorgeous decorations of their
dwellings, — are but a repetition of the Dionysic and Nymphseic caves
described by Plutarch and Diodorus74 ; and their term of life, like the
existence of the daughters of Ocean, though extending to an immea-
surable length75 when compared with that of the human race, had still
its prescribed and settled limits. To this it may be added, that the dif-
ferent appellations assigned them in Hellas and Northern Europe, ap-
pear to have arisen from a common idea of their nature ; and that in
the respective languages of these countries the words elf and nymph 76
convey a similar meaning.
After this brief review of a most important subdivision of the ele-
ments of popular fiction, it will not be too much to affirm, that if their
introduction into Europe, and their application to the embellishment of
romantic poetry, had been dependent upon foreign agency, the national
creed of Greece has the fairest claim to be considered as the parent
source. But in this, as in so many other points of public faith com-
mon to the Greek and the Barbarian, it is impossible not to perceive
the fragments of a belief brought from some earlier seat of empire, and
which neither could have been imported into Hellas and Western Europe
by a new dynasty of kings, nor communicated by a band of roving
minstrels. In the illustrations they have received during the long course
of their preservation, and under circumstances so varying as all the
public and private events that fill the histories of these countries, there
will of course be many particulars exhibiting little affinity with each
other, and which taken separately may seem to deny this community
of their origin. But even these, when carefully examined, will be
mostly found to resolve themselves into distinctions arising from a dif-
ference of national character, or corruptions produced by some later
change in national institutions ; and the most discordant will hardly
afford a stronger contrast in their lineaments, than the physical differ-
?4 See Plutarch de Sera Num. Vind., a stream of running water, and hence the
and Diod. Sic. lib. iii. c. 68. name of the river Elbe. The Grecian
?3 For the lives of the fairies, see Mr. vv[A<f>t) has the same import with the Latin
Reed's note to the Midsummer Night's lympha, an idea which is also preserved
Dream, in the variorum edition of Shak- in the Roman name for the disease called
speare ; for that of the Nymphs (which Nympholepsy. " Vulgo autem memoriae
Hesiod makes equal to nine thousand proditum est, quicumque speciem quan-
seven hundred and twenty years), Plu- dam e fonte, id est, effigiem nyrr.phae vi-
tarch De Defectu Oraculor. c. xi. Pindar derint, furendi non fecisse (inem, quos
gives the Dryads a much shorter term, or Graeci vv[j,(po\riTrTovs, Latini lymphalos
a life equivalent to that of the trees they appellant." Fcstus, ap. Salm. Exercit.
inhabit. Ib. Plin. 7C5. [Alveus ; Alpheus.]
76 In the Northern languages elf means
(42) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
ences displayed in the conformation of the human frame upon the
shores of the ^JEgean Sea and the banks of the Frozen Ocean. In
Greece, like every thing else which has been exposed to the refining
taste of that extraordinary people, they will all be found submitted to
the same plastic norm which fitted the bard's " thick-coming fancies"
for the studies of the sculptor : and in modern Europe, a new religion,
in attempting to curtail their influence or obliterate the remembrance
of them, has more or less corrupted the memorials of their attributes.
It is to the latter that we must more particularly look for an explanation
of those anomalies, which not only appear to contradict our recollec-
tions of antiquity, but occasionally to exhibit the popular faith as being
at variance with itself. It will scarcely need remark, that the intro-
duction of Christianity among the nations of the West, must speedily
have effected a change in general opinion, as to the right, and the de-
gree, in which these imaginary divinities were commissioned to exert a
power over the destinies of man. But so gradual were the successes
of the triumphant faith over this particular branch of the ancient creed,
that although the memory of "Thunaer, Wodan, and Saxnote77,"(?) is
77 Such are the names of the three di-
vinities mentioned in the Francic profes-
sion of faith published by Eccard. Francia
Orientalis, vol. i. p. 440. Ek forsacho
Thunaer ende Woden, ende Sax-
note, end allem them unholdum the hira
genotas sint. I renounce (forsake) Thu-
naer and Wodan and Saxnote, and all
those impious (spirits) that are their as-
sociates. The name of Saxnote has been
a stumbling-block to the critics, and ap-
pears likely to remain so. In its present
condition the word has certainly no intel-
ligible meaning, and, if correct, refers to
a deity of whom no other trace exists.
The usual interpretation, Saxon Odin, is
a mere conjecture, and certainly not a
happy one. The same may be said of Mr.
A. W. Schlegel's emendation (Indische
Bibliothek, p. 256.) of Saxrnote or assem-
bly of the Saxons, at which they celebrated
heathen festivals, and which is as objec-
tionable on the score of grammar as the
decried Saxnote. One remarkable cir-
cumstance in the present text is, that
Thunaer and Wodan are not inflected,
while the conjunction has gained the very
addition in which they are defective. It
is to be regretted that no one has consulted
the original document since the publica-
tion of the first transcript. — It is difficult
to understand why this formulary should
be made the foundation of a theory, that
Wodan and Odin are distinct personages.
The well-known practice of the Scandi-
navian dialects, which suppresses the aspi-
rate in all those words that in the cog-
nate tongues begin with a w, will suffi-
ciently account for the difference of ortho-
graphy. That they occupied the same
rank in the respective mythologies of the
two great Teutonic stocks, is confirmed
by the days named after them. In En-
gland we have had successively Wodnes-
dag and Wednesday (prout Wensday).
In Denmark it has been Odins-dagr and
Oens-dag. It was from this circumstance,
in all probability, coupled with the notion
of Wodan's or Odin's psychopompic du-
ties, that the Romans were induced to
consider him as the same deity with their
own Mercury. In an Etruscan patera
published by Winkelmann and afterwards
by Lanzi, this god is seen weighing the
souls of Memnon and Achilles; which
would afford another reason for the sup-
posed affinity. But the worship of Odin
as supreme God, like that of Dionysus in
his mysteries, and perhaps of Osiris (see
Zoega De Usu Obeliscorum), appears to
have been a comparatively recent feature
in the Northern creed. Thunaer, Thor,
was the Thunderer, and hel'd the same
precedence in Norway, the last refuge of
his worship, that he does in the Francic
renunciation. The day consecrated by his
name was also the Northern sabbath.
There is so much affinity between some
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (43)
scarcely distinguishable among the documents of several centuries, a
continued belief in the agency of their subordinate associates still main-
tains its sway over every sequestered district of Northern Europe.
Perhaps the sweeping clause which was to embrace the whole of this
fraternity, and who were far too numerous to be specifically named,
either admitted of an accommodating latitude in the interpretation, or
was taken with considerable mental reservation. However this may
be, we shall have no difficulty in believing that the expounders of the
new religion were rarely free from those impressions which, imbibed in
early infancy, the reason vainly struggles to eradicate in after life, and
of which it may be said, that however little they generally appear to
govern our external conduct, they always maintain their ground in the
recesses of the mind. Few could have been bold enough to assert that
the memorials of the past, and the alleged experience of the present,
had no better foundation than the terrors and caprice of an over-heated
imagination, or those illusions of the sense which owe their existence
to disease or defective organization. Many must have retained a lurk-
ing conviction of the truth of their former belief ; and even where this
was not the case, the weapon which had been so successfully wielded
in crushing the rule of Wodan, could only be exerted with diminished
effect ; since the same day which heard the proofs of his identity with
the Evil One, also witnessed the suppression of that ceremonial which
alone ensured the permanency of the public faith. On the other hand,
the superstitions of the forest, the mountain, or the domestic hearth,
were attended with but few rites, and those of such a nature as to be
easily concealed from the general eye. The divinities addressed were
mostly local, either attached to particular places, persons, or things,
and only petitioned or deprecated in matters of private interest. And
however forcibly it might be urged that their interference in human
affairs was only prompted by the machinations of Satan, yet as this
was nothing better than a change of name in the cause, without denying
the effect, and no equivalent agency was made to supply its place, these
arguments only tended to corrupt without extirpating the obnoxious
opinions. The consequence of such a temporizing system, — but which,
with reference to the state of society that it was called upon to influ-
ence, contains more practical wisdom than it has usually received credit
for, — was a gradual amalgamation of the ancient and established faith.
parts of the history of Odih, Dionysus, and and ^Egyptian mythology, without viola-
Osiris, that the name of either might be ting the general truth of the recital,
substituted in the respective accounts of ["Vodden, er ver kaullum OJrin." Snor-
Snorro, and the several writers on Greek ro's Edda, p. 6.]
(44) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OP 1824.
In those documents approaching nearest to the aera of a nation's con-
version, such as the oldest Icelandic Sagas, we find the mention of these
domestic deities attended with no diminution of their power, or dero-
gation from their former rank. In later periods they are chiefly noticed
to mark the malignancy of their disposition, or to ridicule their impo-
tent pretensions, and occasionally they are brought forward to bear their
reluctant testimony to the superiority of the dominant faith. From this
source have emanated those recitals which exhibit to us either dwarfs
or fairies expressing a desire of procuring the baptismal rite for their
infant offspring ; and those corruptions of a still later age, which repre-
sent their condition as only seemingly felicitous, and the joys and mar-
vels of their subterranean abodes as the mere varnished exterior of
misery and filth78. It is true, where the stream of tradition has con-
tinued pure, we still find them spoken of as the beneficent friends and
protectors of mankind ; as still in the enjoyment of their attributes and
pleasures, their gardens of ever-blooming verdure, 'their adamantine
palaces, their feasts, their revelry, their super-earthly and entrancing
music. The Gael indeed has condemned his Daoine Shi' to the hollow
mockery of these delights ; but the Cymry, more faithful to the tenets
of his ancestors, believes his Tylwyth Teg to be in the continuance of
their former rights and happiness, which the folly alone of the human
race has deprived the present generation from sharing in79.
There will be no necessity for entering minutely into those embel-
lishments of popular fiction, which owe their existence to a general be-
lief in the powers of magic, sortilege, and divination 80. The conformity
78 Perhaps to these ought to be added human nature has frailties enough to an-
" the paying the kane to hell;" but if, as swer for, without ascribing to its " malig-
it is believed, the whole fairy system be nity " the invention of magic rites and ce-
but another name for the ancient demon- remonies. Nothing can be more clear in
ology, the fine may be explained upon this important chapter of the history of
other principles. The same argument the human mind, than that the invocation
will then apply to the declaration of the and the charm have regularly descended
Northumbrian dwarf, who hoped for an from the exploded liturgies of the temple ;
ultimate though remote salvation. See and that the discarded mantle of infant
notes to the Lady of the Lake. The bet- science has " rested on" the wizard and
ter portion of the ancient demons were the crone. The beldame who mutters the
souls in a progressive advancement to- spell over the bruise or the wound, only
wards perfection, and on their return to practises the same honourable " craft "
their celestial birth-place. which proved the divine descent of the
?9 See Grahame's Sketches, &c. quoted Asclepiades ; and the cattle-spayer of Fin-
in the notes to the Lady of the Lake, and land publicly chants the Runic rhyme,
Davies's Celtic Mythology, p. 156. at the present day, with the same assu-
80 It may be right to caution the reader ranee of its efficacy with which the epode
against a very common error, in which was sung by the priests of Pergamus and
the motives that gave rise to the practice Epidaurus. Comp. Pind. Pyth. iii. 91.
of magic and divination have been con- These arts, like their names, bore once a
founded with the criminal abuses that sacred character ; and however much they
sprang from their use in later times. Poor may have been made to minister to the
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (45)
of practice between the ancient and modern world in their application
of these several arts has been generally acknowledged, and no exclusive
theory has obtained to account for the mode of their transmission.
Warton indeed has observed, that "the Runic (Northern) magic is
more like that of Canidia in Horace, the Romantic resembles that of
Armida in Tasso :" but this is an artificial distinction, which had no
existence in the popular creed, however much it may seem to be au-
thorized by the documents to which he has referred. The magic of
the North (like the poetry in which it is found) may in a great degree
be considered as only a genial reflex of the practices of daily life ; since
many of the records preserving it were written at a period when the
charms to produce the surprising effects noticed by Warton might more
or less be procured at every wizard's cell. The magic of romance with
" the sublime solemnity of its necromantic machinery " was obviously a
matter of only traditional belief. A few vain pretenders to superior
intelligence in the art could alone have professed to accomplish its
marvels81, or some equally silly boasters to have witnessed them; and
having sprung from the busy workings of the fancy in decorating the
tamer elements of the popular faith, could have no other existence than
in its own fictitious memorials. On this account it is of necessity
wanting in all those poems which, like the early Icelandic songs, make
the slightest pretensions to historical worth ; and can only abound in
such productions as either treat of subjects professedly mythological,
or are the manifest creation of the writer's invention. An injudicious
comparison of these very opposite kinds of composition, has clearly led
to the erroneous opinion offered by Warton ; and it will be sufficient
to remark, that the legitimate spell of " grammarye" is to be found in
follies and vices of the multitude, in their attention, and to invest himself with the ti-
decried and degraded state, they are clear- tie Faustus junior : " Sic enim titulum sibi
ly referable in their origin to one of the convenientem formavit magister Georgius
most exalted principles of our nature, or Sabellicus Faustus junior, fons necroman-
(to use the language of Prometheus) were ticorum, astrologus, magus secundus, chi-
first resorted to daipoaiv TTOOS rjdovr)v romanticus, agromariticus, pyromanticus,
(^Esch. P. V. v. 494.). Their history may et in hydra arte secundus." Mr. Gb'rres
tend to confirm the axiom, — that the re- has given this passage from a letter of
ligious usages of one age often become Trithemius, dated August 20, 1507. The
the superstition of a succeeding one : but venerable Abbot, after noticing several of
it will also teach the more consolatory his idle boasts, proceeds : " In ultima quo-
doctrine, that the impulses of the human que hujus anni quadragesima venit Stau-
heart may be founded in error, without ronesum (Creutznach), et simili stultitia
necessarily involving either malignity or gloriosus de se pollicebatur ingentia, di-
crime. cens se in Alchemia omnium qui fuerint
81 Among these may be reckoned the unquam esse perfectissimum, et scire at-
mysterious personage, who in the six- que posse quicquid homines optaverint"
teenth century availed himself of a widely See Gorres Volks-biicher, p. 242,
circulated tradition to excite the public
(46) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
the Odyssey, the Edda, and the popular tale82, as well as in those ro-
mances which suggested the use of it to Tasso. If more frequently
resorted to in later compositions than in the earlier fictions, we must
rather attribute this circumstance to the spirit of the times in which
they were written, than to any want of faith in the auditors of a ruder
age : the extravagant events of Beowulf's life might make many a bold
romancer blush for the poverty of his imagination.
In referring to those various objects of inanimate nature whose mar-
vellous attributes are usually classed among the chief attractions of ro-
mance, it will be equally unnecessary to enter largely into the question
of their origin, as the recent labours of abler antiquaries83 have clearly
proved that we are not indebted to the middle age for their first ap-
pearance in popular poetry. For every purpose of the present inquiry,
it will be sufficient to enumerate a few of the most important points of
coincidence between the fictions of the ancient and modern world ; and,
in noticing some of the disguises under which a common idea has been
made to pass from one narrative to another, to evince the fondness of
popular taste for a constant recurrence of its favourite types. MM.
Grimm have already shown that the fatal garment of Dejanira, — and
which by Euripides has been connected with a later fable, — still lives
in the German tale of Faithful John ; and that no image is more com-
mon, or assumes a greater variety of forms, in the current fictions of
their native country, than the insidious present sent by Vulcan to his
mother Juno84.
Another favourite symbol, and entering deeply into the decorations
of romance, is the talisman of virtue, by which the frailties of either
sex were exposed to public detection ; and which Mr. Dunlop, with
his accustomed accuracy, has referred to the trial at the Stygian foun-
tain, and traced through the Greek romances of the Empire to the
romances of chivalry and the pages of Ariosto. In the prose romance
of Tristram, whence the poet of Ferrara most probably borrowed it,
the ordeal consists in quaffing the beverage of a drinking-horn, which
no sooner approaches the culprit's lips, than the contents are wasted
over his person. In Perceforest and in Amadis, a garland and rose,
which " bloom on the head of her who is faithful, and fade upon the
brow of the inconstant," are the proofs of the appellant's purity : and
82 See the Odyss. x'rii. 190. Thor's ad- German Popular Stories, translated from
ventures at Utgarda, Daemesaga, 41. and that work] ; and a valuable essay on the
Chaucer's Frankelein's Tale. same subject contained in the Quarterly
88 See the preface and notes to the Review, No. xxxvii.
Kinder- und Haus-Marchen of MM. M Kinder- und Haus-Marchen, vol. iii.
Grimm [also the late Mr. Edgar Taylor's p. 19 and 149.
MB. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1821. (4?)
in the ballad published by Dr. Percy, of the Boy and the Mantle,
where the same test is introduced, the minstrel poet has adhered to the
traditions of Wales, which attribute a similar power to the mantle, the
knife, and the goblet of Tegau Euroron, the chaste and lovely bride
of Caradoc with the strong arm86. From hence it may have been
transferred to the girdle of Florimel, in the Fairy Queen ; while Al-
bertus Magnus, in affirming that " a magnet placed beneath the pillow
of an incontinent woman will infallibly eject her from her bed," has
preserved to us the vulgar, and perhaps the earliest, belief on the sub-
ject86. The glass of Agrippa, which, till our own times, played a di-
stinguished part in the history of the gallant Surry, has been recently
made familiar to the reader's acquaintance by the German story of
Snowdrop87. But this, in all probability, has only descended to us
from a mirror preserved near the temple of Ceres at Patras; or
one less artificially constructed, though more miraculously gifted, a
well near the oracle of Apollo Thurxis, in Lycia88. The zone of
Hippolyte89, which gave a supernatural vigour to the " thews and
limbs " of the wearer, is not to be distinguished from the girdle of the
Norwegian Thor ; and there can be little doubt, that the brisingamen
of Freyia, which graced the person of the same pugnacious deity on
his visit to Thrymheim90, is the cestus of Venus under another name
and form. Without possessing either the aegis-hialmr of the Edda, or
the aegis of Minerva, it might be dangerous to assert that these petri-
fying objects are verbally identical ; since nothing short of their terrific
power would be a sufficient protection against the host of Hellenic
philologers, whom such a declaration would infallibly call to arms 91.
85 Jones's Bardic Museum, p. 60 ; from 88 See Pausanias, vii. 21. The former
whence all the subsequent notices of Bri- only exhibited the person and condition
tish marvel have been taken. of health of the party inquired after ; —
86 This power is given to the magnet, the latter displayed whatever was desired,
in the Orphic poem on Stones, v. 314, &c. 89 Et%e $e 'iTnroXvTri TOV Apeos %ta-
87 See the German Popular Stories <rr?7pa,(rujU/3oXovrov7rpwreuen>d7ra<ra>v.
from the Kinder- und Haus-Marchen of Apollod. Bibl. ii. 5. 9. In Parsee lore the
MM. Grimm, p. 133. It is to be hoped girdle was a symbol of power over Ahri-
that the ingenious translator of this col- man. In the Little Rose-garden, the belt
lection will continue his labours. The of Thor has descended to king Laurin.
nature of his plan seems to have excluded Weber, p. 153. The ring given by the lady
many of the tales most interesting to an Similt to her brother Dietlieb, also ensured
antiquary ; but a supplementary volume, victory to him who wore it. Ib. p. 164.
containing some of these, accompanied 90 See Ssemund's Edda, Thryms-Quida.
with that illustration which the translator 91 Aiyis may have meant a breastplate
appears so well able to supply, would or helmet made of goat-skin, just as KWCIJ
greatly increase our obligation to him. meant a skull-cap or helmet made of dog-
[The late Mr. Edgar Taylor subsequently skin ; but the fable on which the Greek
published a second volume, but on the grammarians have accounted for the ap-
same plan as the first : these he re-edited, plication of the term to the armour of
shortly before his decease, in one volume, Jupiter and his daughter, is an idle fabri-
with the title " Gammer Grethel," 1839.] cation. The qualities of this weapon un-
(48) MB. PRICK'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
In obedience, therefore, to the dictates of " the better part of valour,"
it will be most prudent to remark, that they strikingly agree in their
appalling attributes, and that the thunderer of Norway was as efficient-
ly armed for combat as his brother of Olympus. This segis-hialmr is
affirmed to have been the crafty workmanship of the dwarfs, the re-
puted authors of every " cunning instrument " in Northern fiction ; and
who manufactured for An the Bow-swinger and Orvar Odd those highly -
tempered arrows, which, like the fabled dart of Procris, never missed
their object ; and having inflicted a mortal wound, returned to the
bowstring which had emitted themr2. Another specimen of their in-
genuity is the ship of Freyr, called Skidbladnir, which though suffi-
ciently spacious to contain the whole tribe of the Asse, with their arms
and equipments, was yet so artfully contrived, that it might be folded
like a handkerchief and carried about in the pocket13. The sails of
this extraordinary vessel were no sooner hoisted than a favourable wind
sprang up ; an attribute which has descended to another ornament of
Icelandic fable, the bark Ellide : but this, like the first, and often est-
sung, of ancient ships, was also gifted with the power of understanding
human speech94. Homer, however, has told us, that the fleets of Alci-
nous combined the advantage of the favouring gale with an intelligence
which enabled them to divine the wishes of those they bore, and that
they also had the power of reaching their destined port without the
assistance of a helmsman or a guide.
So shalt thou instant reach the realm assign'd,
In wondrous ships, self-moved, instinct with mind :
No helm secures their course, no pilot guides ;
Like men intelligent, they plough the tides ;
Conscious of every coast and every bay
That lies beneath the sun's alluring ray.
In other fictions common to the ancient and modern world, this idea
doubtedly had some connexion with its "que cieret," JEn. viii. 354, For the same
name : reason, and not from his goatish form, we
auti V ap' W/tot<nv fiaXer aiytia Ov*. m** be asfsu,red' the g°d of Arcadia> *h?
ct^yi. K p. author of the Panic terror, was called
™™ HEPI MEN HANTH 4>OBOS ^&n' In eandic "«r " mean* the
FSTE^ANQTO 11 v 738 stormy sea ; and in Anglo-Saxon we have
" eggian " to excite, " eg-stream " a tor-
The verb aiffffu), from whence this term rent, " ege " fear, and " egesian" to scare.
takes its derivation, meant — to move ra- 92 Compare Muller's Saga-Bibliothek,
pidly, to be violently agitated ; and hence p. 532-41, with Hyginus, ed. Staveren,
atyiv, the tempestuous wind, and ai£, the p. 189.
appellation given to the stormy Capella, 93 Edda of Snorro, Daemesaga 37.
or the star whose rising was productive of e4 Muller's Saga-Bibliothek, vol. ii. p.
hurricanes. The aegis-bearing Jupiter of 459. and 592.
Virgil is the cloud-compeller — "nimbos-
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (49)
has been improved on, and applied to a vast variety of objects for con-
veying the person from place to place. Herodotus, with his charac-
teristic love of the marvellous, (tempered as this passion was by an un-
rivalled perception of the truth,) found it impossible to pass unnoticed
the fable of Abaris and his dart-'5. He has, however, only mentioned
the common tradition of his day, that it transported the Hyperborean
philosopher wherever he wished, and left to Jamblichus the further
particulars of its history. From the Pythagorean romance of this
writer we learn, that Abaris had procured it in the temple of the Hy-
perborean Apollo ; and that in addition to the services it had rendered
him in his several journeys " by flood and field," it had assisted him in
performing lustrations, expelling pestilences, and allaying the fury of
the winds96. The place of its deposit clearly shows it to have been the
same miraculous weapon employed by the Delian god in destroying the
Cyclops ; for another authority informs us, he buried this fatal dart in
an Hyperborean mountain, and that when banished from Olympus, it
was daily borne to him on the winds, laden with all the fruits of the
season97. In this latter attribute it becomes identified with the horn
of Amalthaea, and serves to explain the mystery overlooked by Jam-
blichus, how Abaris, like another Epimenides, might devote his time
to the service of the gods, and yet never be seen to eat or drink. In
the traditions of Wales, this dart has been accommodated to the more
stately fashions of later times ; and one of the thirteen marvellous pro-
ductions of Britain is the car of Morgan, which carried the possessor
to whatever district he desired. But here again we have only another
form for the talaria of the Nymphs, with which Perseus winged his
way to the residence of Medusa ; or the ring in the German tale, The
King of the Golden Mountain, — while in the popular story of Fortu-
natus it assumes the humbler guise of a wishing-cap, and in the rela-
tions of the Kurds, and the history of Tom Thumb, it has descended
to the lowly shape of a pair of seven-leagued boots. Another object
enumerated among the thirteen marvellous productions of Britain, is
the veil or mask of Arthur, which had the power of rendering the
wearer's person invisible, without interrupting his view of the things
around him. In other fables of the same country, this property is also
given to the ring of Eluned 9R, the Lunet of the old English romance
of Ywaine and Gawaine : and in several German tales the hero is made
93 Melpom. c. 36. a conclusion, that the Welsh and English
96 Jamblichus, Vit. Pythag. c. 19. 28. romances follow a different tradition. In
97 Hyginus, Astron. c. 15. the Heldenbuch this ring is given to Otnit
98 Mr. Jones calls Eluned the lover of by his mother. Weber, p. 49.
Owain ; which, if correct, would justify
VOL. I. d
(50) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
to conceal himself from the " ken" of his companions by the assistance
of an enchanted cloak. The romance of king Laurin, and the far-
famed Nibelungen-lied, follow the general traditions of the North,
which confine this mysterious attribute to a nebel-kappe, or fog-cap.
But however varied the objects to which this quality has been assigned,
we cannot fail to recognise the same common property which distin-
guished the helm of Pluto, worn by Perseus in his combat with Me-
dusa, or the equally notorious ring of Gyges, whose history has been
recorded by Plato ". Without detaining the reader to trace the lyre
of Hellenic fable through the hands of its several possessors, from Mer-
cury to Amphion —
Dictus et Amphion, Thebanae conditor arcis,
Saxa movere sono testudinis, et prece blanda
Ducere quo vellet— Hon. Ar. Poet. v. 393.
we may proceed to remark, that the earliest notice of its occurrence in
Northern fiction is to be found in the mythology of Finland. Waina-
moinen, the supreme god of the Finnish Olympus, was the inventor of
a stringed instrument called the kandele, which, resembling a kit in its
construction, is still played as a guitar. " When this beneficent deity
presented the result of his labours to mankind, no mortal hand pos-
sessed the skill to awake its harmonies, till the god himself, touching
the strings, and accompanying its notes with his voice, caused the
birds in the air, the beasts of the field, and the fishes of the sea to listen
attentively to the strain, and even Wainamoinen was moved to tears,
which fell like pearls adown his robe 10°." This account, which is lite-
rally copied from Finnish tradition, will lose nothing by a comparison
with the Grecian fable of Orpheus, and will recall to the reader's me-
mory the celebrated gem representing Pan, the Grecian Wainamoinen,
playing upon his pipe in the centre of the ecliptic. The fictions of our
99 De Repub. iii. p. 359. Plato has lustration is given, cannot be more speci-
most vexatiously dismissed a part of the fically referred to than by citing the Scholia
history of this ring with a icae .... aXXa to Pluto published by Riihnken.
Te St] a fivOoXoyovin, little thinking that 10° Mone's continuation of Creutzer, i.
the modern antiquary would have been p. 54. But this tradition appears to have
more beholden to him for information on found its way into Scotland. In a singu-
this head than for all the subtleties of the lar composition, published by Sir Walter
Cratylus, or the speculations of the Par- Scott, " An Interlude on the laying of a
menides. Eucrates, in ' Lucian's Philo- Gaist," we find the following allusion to
pseudes, unblushingly affirms that he had it:
one of these rings in his possession, and
had used it on a very trying occasion And sune mareit the gaist the fle,
The ancients explained the helm of Pluto And cround him kinS of Kandelie ;
to be an impervious cloud surrounding And they Sat theme betwene
the person of the wearer (such no doubt Orpheus king and Elpha quene.
as is described in the Little Garden of Minstrelsy, vol. i. p. 164.
Roses) : but the passage in which this il-
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OP 1824. (51)
own country, or more correctly speaking those of Scotland and Wales,
have substituted the harp, as a more decidedly national instrument, for
the lyre and kandele, and bestowed it upon two native musicians,
Glaskyrion and Glenkindie, if indeed we are justified in separating
these persons101. The former is the hero of a well-known ballad in
Dr. Percy's Reliques, (vol. iii. p. 84-,) and is placed by Chaucer in the
same rank of eminence with the son of Calliope :
There herde I play on a harpe,
That sowned both well and sharpe,
Hym Orpheus full craftily ;
And on this side fast by,
Sate the harper Orion (Amphion ?)*
And Eacides, Chirion,
And other harpers many one,
And the Briton Glaskyrion. House of Fame.
The powers of Glenkindie's harp exceed all that has been said of its
rival instruments :
He 'd harpit a fish out o saut water,
Or water out o' a stane,
Or milk out o' a maiden's breast,
That bairn had never nane 102.
From hence the transition to the horn of Oberon, " which if softly
sounded would make every one dance who was not of an irreproachable
character;" or the harp of Sigurd l03, which caused inanimate objects
to caper in the wildest confusion, was but an easy step. In popular
story the same qualities have been conferred upon the fiddle of the
German tale The Jew in the Bush, and the pipe of Jack in The mery
101 j^|r> Jamieson seems to consider fame, for the spirited manner in which he
Glenkindie a corruption of some local shook off the trammels of the Ritsonian
name, which has been substituted for school, in his first publication, and vindi-
Glaskyrion. There can be no doubt that cated the tasteful labours of Warton and
the ballad published by him, as well as Dr. Percy.
that in Dr. Percy's collection, refers to * The " harper Orion" is not meant
the same personage ; but who this cele- by Chaucer for AmpMon, as Price strangely
brated harper may have been, whether a conjectures, butdrion. — R.G.
native of Wales, Scotland, or any other 102 Jamieson's Scottish Ballads, vol. i.
country, is not so clear. The same ra- p. 93.
tionale will also apply to the name. — It is 103 Herraud of Bosa's Saga, p. 49-51.
to be regretted that a gentleman so emi- The pipes of Dorco and Daphnis, in the
nently qualified as Mr. Jamieson to illus- pastoral romance of Longus, seem to have
trate the popular antiquities of his native had much the same effect upon their re-
country, should have abandoned a career spective flocks. See pp. 25. 111. 112. (ed.
in which he has already attained so much Villoison.) The pipe of Pan, in the same
distinction, and might have acquired still romance, equals any thing recorded of its
greater. His name must ever be held in modern parallels,
estimation by the friends of Warton's
(12
(52) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
Geste of the Frere and the Boye, and have thus developed the oppo-
site and contrasting elements contained in this as in every other fable,
and without which no mythos seems to be complete.
A still more favourite ornament of popular fiction is the highly-
gifted object, of whatever form or name, which is to supply the fortu-
nate owner with the gratification of some particular wish, or to furnish
him with the golden means of satisfying every want. In British fable
this property has been given to the dish or napkin of Rhydderch the
Scholar, which, like the table, or table-cloth, introduced into a variety
of German tales, no sooner received its master's commands, than it be-
came covered with a sumptuous banquet. The counterpart of Rhyd-
derch's dish is to be found in another British marvel, the horn of Bran,
which spontaneously produced whatever liquor was called for : and a
repetition of the same idea occurs in the goblet given by Oberon to
Huon of Bourdeaux, which in the hands of a good man became filled
with the most costly wine. In Fortunatus, and those tales which are
either imitations of his adventures or copied from a common original,
an inexhaustible purse is made to meet the demands of every occasion ;
while in others, a bird, a tree, and even the human person, are made to
generate in the same miraculous manner a daily provision of gold104.
A modification of the same idea is also found in the basket of Gwyddno,
which no sooner received a deposit of food for one, than the gift be-
came multiplied into a supply for a hundred ; or in those stories, where
the charity bestowed upon the houseless wanderer is rewarded by an
endless stock of some requisite article of subsistence105. In Hellenic
fable, we have already seen the dart of Apollo enabling Abaris to live
without appearing to partake of sustenance ; and the narrative of Cle-
ombrotus, also noticed before, seems to imply some similar resource on
the part of his Eastern traveller. Another mysterious personage of
early Grecian fable, and whose goetic practices, like those of Abaris,
have secured for him a dubious fame, is Epimenides the Cretan. Of
him we are also told that he was never known to eat, but that he allayed
his hunger by occasionally tasting a precious edible bestowed upon
him by the Nymphs ; and which he carefully kept preserved in an ox's
104 Mr. Gorreshns observed, in speaking MM. Grimm's collection. The note on
of Fortunatus, that the story of the goose this story contains references to the same
which laid a golden egg is only a variation idea in the fictions of Greece, China, and
of this prolific subject; and that the history India. It seems to have escaped these
of the world contains little more than a learned German antiquaries, that a much
kind of Argonautic expedition after the earlier notice of the same miraculous
same golden fleece. For the other par- agency is to be found in the " widow's
ticnlars referred to in the text, see Kinder- cruse" of the Old Testament, 1 Kings,
und Haus-Marchen, No. 60. 122. 130. chap. xvii.
105 See Der Arme und der Rciche, in
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OB1 1821. (53)
hoof106. The popular creed of Attica, which seems to have delighted
in investing the Theban Hercules with much the same absurdities that
Northern fable has gathered round the person of Thor, had recourse
to a similar invention as the only appropriate means of appeasing this
divinity's ravenous appetites. It has accordingly conferred upon him
the horn of AmalthaBa, the fruit of his victory over the river-god Ache-
lous ; and of which the earliest tradition on record has given the popu-
lar view of its powers, that it never failed to produce a constant store
of food 107. As such, it becomes identified with the ^Ethiopian table of
the sun, mentioned by Herodotus 108 ; but in later fictions this idea has
been refined into a horn, containing every possible delicacy of the ve-
getable kingdom, overflowing with all earthly good, and conferring
wealth and prosperity upon every one who might chance to possess
This necessarily brings us to the history of the holy Graal110, or a
106 See Diogenes Laertius, ed. Menage,
vol. i. p. 73.
W See Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. v.
433. and Pherecydes in Apollod. Bibl. ii.
7. 5.
108 See Herod, ill. 18. Mela, c. 10. (qua>
passim apposita sunt, affirmant innasci
subinde divinitus) : and Soliuus, c. 30.
109 See the Scholiast to Lucian's Rhet.
Prsecept., and Eustathius, as before. The
" Navigium" of the same writer contains
some curious allusions to different points
of popular belief, and which may be com-
pared with the subjects treated of in the
text. One of the parties wishes for a set
of rings to endow him with the following
qualities and advantages : a never-failing
store of health ; a person invulnerable, in-
visible, of irresistible charms, and having
the concentrated strength of 10,000 men ;
a power of flying through the air, of en-
tering every dwelling-house strongly se-
cured, and of casting a deep sleep upon
whom he chose. Another person in the
same piece asks for the wand of Mercury,
which is to ensure him an inexhaustible
supply of gold. For this wand of wealth
and luck, see the Homeric Hymn to Mer-
cury, v. 529 ; and' compare Epict. ap. Ar-
rian. Diss. iii. 20. p. 435. ed. Schweigh.,
where it is said to convert every thing it
touched into gold. This idea of its power
found an early .circulation in the North;
for one of the Glossaries published by
Professor Nyerup, in his Symbol. Teut.,
and certainly not of a later date than the
tenth century, translates caduceuma, uun-
shiligarta. The Vilkina Saga mentions
a ring which is to excite affection in the
wearer towards the donor (Muller, p. 233.),
and the love-stone of Helen is well known.
Servius (ad ^En. iii. 279.) notices an oint-
ment, prepared by Venus, which had si-
milar powers. The Horny Siegfried be-
comes invulnerable by bathing in the
blood of a slaughtered dragon ; and Medea
gave Jason an ointment producing the
same effect for the space of four-and-
twenty hours. (Apollod. Bibl. i. 9. 23.)
Orvar Odd had a kirtel which was to pre-
serve him against death by fire or water,
hunger or the sword, so long as he never
turned his back upon a foe. Muller, 533.
110 The connexion between these sym-
bols, a horn and a cup, will be apparent,
on recollecting that the former was the
most ancient species of drinking-vessel
. both among Greeks and Barbarians. See
Athen. xi. c. 51. Xenophon also notices
the application of horns to the same pur-
pose among the Thracians. Anab. vii. 2.
23 : and it will be needless to offer any
examples from the well-known customs
of Western Europe. It will also be evi-
dent why both these utensils should be
chosen as the types of fecundity, abun-
dance, and vivification, when we remem-
ber that both were the receptacles of that
element, which was either the symbol of
life (£w?7S TO vypov avpfioXov, Proclus in
Timaeum, p. 318,) or the principal co-
operating power in generation (<rwepyei
yap yevecret . ... TO vdwp. Porphyrius
de Antro Nymph, c. 17.). Hence the cor-
nucopia was bestowed upon all those dei-
ties who presided over fertility or human
prosperity ; upon Achelous and the Nile,
Bonus Eventus and Annona, from their
share in fostering the fruits of the earth ;
upon Tyche or Fortuna, the Agatho-
(54) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
sacred cup, which in the house of king Pecheur " appeared daily at the
hour of repast, in the hands of a lady, who carried it three times round
the table, which was immediately replenished with all the delicacies the
guests could desire." The origin of this miraculous vessel, and the
manner of its transmission to Europe, are thus related by Robert Bor-
" The day on which the Saviour of the world suffered, death
ron
was destroyed, and our life restored : on that day there were few who
believed on him ; but there was a knight named Joseph of Arimatheea,
(a fine city in the land of Aromat). In this city Joseph was born, but
had come to Jerusalem seven years before our Lord was crucified, and
had embraced the Christian faith ; but did not dare to profess it for fear
of the wicked Jews. He was full of wisdom, free from envy and pride,
and charitable to the poor. This Joseph was at Jerusalem with his
daemon, the tutelary Genii of towns or
persons (such as the Roman emperors),
the Lares, &c. from their beneficial aid in
the direction of human affairs. A cor-
nucopia of good fortune has already been
noticed in the possession of the Northern
Elves or Fays ; and one of the Nymphs
in the celebrated relievo of Callimachus
leads the way with this identical symbol.
On the same principle, we meet with a
Demeter Poteriophorus, and a Rhea Cra-
terophorus, the Bonas Dese and Magnae
Matres of the ancient world ; and the mo-
dius of Serapis, the giver and the receiver,
is clearly referable to the same source.
(Serapidis capiti modius superpositus, quia
indicet vitam mortalibus frugum largitate
praeberi. Rufinus Hist. Eccles. ii. 23.)
For further illustration of this copious
subject, see Mr. Creuzer's Dionysus, sive
Commentationes Academicae de Rerum
Bacchicarum Orphicarumque Originibus
et Causis; Heidelbergae 1808.
111 Mr. Ritson has declared Robert
Borron to be " a man of straw." But as
he has offered no authority for such an
assertion, the mere CLVTOS etya of this critic
is not likely to have much weight beyond
his school. The Vatican manuscript, No.
1687, commences with these words, "Me-
sir Robert de Boron, qui cheste estore
translata de Latin en Romance, par le
commandement de sainte eglise :" and no
one can for a moment doubt the influence
of the Romish priesthood, in the peculiar
colouring given to the narrative. Mr.
Ritson has also been a strenuous opponent
of all such declarations as claim a Latin,
Greek, or Arabic original for the subject-
matter recorded. There may be occasional
grounds for scepticism on this point ; but
the sweeping incredulity which rejects
every assertion of the kind, is equally
prejudicial to a right knowledge of the
subject, with the easy faith it affects to
despise. We know the mutations inflicted
upon the " Seven Wise Masters" prior to
its receiving an English dress ; a variety
of Italian tales and French fabliaux are of
Arabic or Oriental origin ; Greek fable
must have been the immediate source of
Alexander's story ; the expedition of At-
tila, and Amis and Amillion still exist in
Latin verse ; and " Walther [of Aquitain's]
and Hildegund's flight from Attila, was
sung in Latin hexameters, on the model
of Virgil and Lucan, by Eckhart, a priest
of St. Galle (An. 973.)" The Anglo-
Saxon fragment of Judith was not taken
directly from the Apocryphal narrative.
The variations indeed from this document
are, generally speaking, of such a kind as
any translator might be supposed to in-
dulge in, without our having recourse to
another original. But in one passage we
meet with a very distinct mention of a
musquito-net ; an article of furniture not
specified in the Book of Judith, which
could not have been in use in these North-
ern realms, and of which the account must
have travelled from the countries situated
on the Mediterranean Sea. The original
legend or romance must hence have been
composed in a Southern dialect: and those
who remember the alleged proficiency of
the Anglo-Saxon monks in Greek, may
be induced to fix their election on that
language. The immediate source from
whence the Scop derived his narrative, is
of course beyond our inquiry ; but such a
fact will teach us circumspection in form-
ing any general theory as to the trans-
mission of romantic fictions. Apollonius
of Tyre, another Greek romance, also ex-
ists in Anglo-Saxon prose. [Lately edited
by Mr. Thorpe.]
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (55)
wife and son, who was also named Joseph. His father's family crossed
the sea to that place which is now called England, but was then called
Great Britain ; and crossed it ' sans aviron au pan de sa chemise112.'
Joseph had been in the house where Jesus Christ took his last supper
with his apostles ; he there found the plate off which the Son of God
had eaten ; he possessed himself of it, carried it home, and made use of
it to collect the blood which flowed from his side, and his other wounds ;
and this plate is called the Saint Graal." This, however, is only the
Breton or British account of the Saint Graal. The German romancers
have followed a different version of its history, and derive their know-
ledge of the subject, though indirectly, from an Oriental source. The
Titurel and Parcifal of Wolfram von Eschenbach n3 are respectively
devoted to the discovery and the quest of this miraculous vessel : and
in both we find a similar account of its powers to that given in the nar-
rative of Robert Borron. The circumstances, however, and the agents
which have been connected with it, are wholly different from those
contained in the rival version. The name of Arthur is more sparingly
introduced than in the Western fiction ; and the theatre of its most im-
portant events is laid in either Asia or Africa. The immediate source
of Eschenbach's poem was a Provencal romance written by one Kyot
or Guiot. Of this writer nothing further appears to be known, than
the memorial of his labours preserved in the Parcifal of his German
translator, and a notice of his strictures upon Chretien de Troyes114,
112 This account has been extracted is referred to the late Mr. Edgar Taylor's
from a version of Borron' s prologue, in " Lays of the Minnesingers or German
the British Bibliographer, vol. i. The Troubadours of the twelfth and thirteenth
translator has there rendered " sans avi- centuries ; illustrated by specimens of the
ron, — without oars." The original has cotemporary Lyric Poetry of Provence
been given in the text from Roquefort's and other parts of Europe : with histo-
Glossary : it contains no verbal obscurity, rical and critical notices, and engravings
but the allusion is not intelligible to the from the MS. of Minnesingers in the
writer of this note. King's library at Paris, and from other
[The allusion is to a very common mi- sources. London, 1825." This elegant
racle in Roman catholic legends. When volume, sent forth without the name of
a saint wants to cross the water, he gene- the author, and under a title perhaps
rally makes his cloak, or some similar not adapted for attracting notice, did not
garment, serve as a ferry-boat ; thus get- meet with the success which it so well
ting safely conveyed to his place of desti- merited. An- analysis of the story of
nation without oar, sail, or rudder. The Parcifal has been given in the Biblio-
Portuguese missionary Gouvea gravely theque Univ. de Geneve, for Sept. 1837,
relates a like exploit of the Grand Lama, where the Saint Graal is said to have been
whom he calls the bishop of Tibet. — R.G.] " une pierre precieuse qui se detacha de
113 These notices of Eschenbach's la couronne de Satan, lorsqu'il fut pre-
poems have been collected from Mr. cip'te du ciel." — R.T.]
Gorres's preface to Lohengrin, an old Ger- m The language of Eschenbach is thus
man romance, founded on the same fiction given by Mr. Gorres from the printed
as the Chevelere Assigne. (See vol. ii. p. edition of the Parcifal :
107. [For information respecting Wolfram Ob von Troys meister Christian
von Eschenbach, and other German poets Diesem Maere hat Unrecht getan,
of the same class in the middle ages, as Daz (des) mach wohl zurnen Kyot,
well as those of Provence, the North of Der unz die rechten Maere enbot.
France, Italy, and Catalonia, the reader i. c. Since Master Christian of Troyes has
(56) MR. PRICK'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
who, like most of the Norman troveurs, seems to have drawn his ma-
terials from an Armorican source. From Wolfram's poem we gather,
that Master Kyot obtained his first knowledge of the Graal from a ma-
nuscript he discovered at Toledo. This volume was written in a heathen
character, of which the troubadour was compelled to make himself mas-
ter; and the baptismal rite enabled him to accomplish this arduous
task without the aid of necromancy. The author of this mysterious
record was a certain heathen astronomer, Flegetanis by name, who on
the mother's side traced up his genealogy to king Solomon ; but having
a Saracen father, he had adhered to his paternal faith, and worshiped
a calf. Flegetanis was deeply versed in all the motions of the heavenly
bodies ; and in the hallowed volume deposited at Toledo, he had care-
fully inscribed the result of his nocturnal studies. But the book con-
tained nothing more than the astronomer had really read most myste-
riously depicted in the skies U5. Even the name of the Graal was there
emblazoned, together with the important fact, that a band of spirits had
left it behind them upon earth, as they winged their way to their ce-
lestial abodes.
The acquisition of this knowledge stimulated Kyot to further in-
quiries, and he proceeded to search in Latin books for the name of that
people which had been considered worthy of guarding the Graal. He
perused the chronicles of Brittany, France and Ireland, without much
success ; but in the annals of Anjou he found the whole story recount-
ed : he there read a complete history of Mazadan and his race, how
Titurel brought the Graal to Amfortas, whose sister Herzelunde be-
came the wife of Gamuret and the mother of Parcifal. This is clearly
borrowed from the proeme of Kyot. Divested of its extraordinary
colouring) we may receive it as amounting to this : that Kyot was in-
debted to an Arabic original for some of his details, and that the rest
were collected from European records of the same fiction. The truth
of this is supported by the internal evidence. The scene for the most
part is not only laid in the East, but a large proportion of the names
are of decidedly Oriental origin. The Saracens are always spoken of
with consideration ; Christian knights unhesitatingly enroll themselves
under the banner of the Caliph ; no trace of religious animosities is to
be found between the followers of the Crescent and the Cross ; and the
done this tale an injustice, Kyot may well adoption of Greek traditions, there is the
be angry, who has presented us with the most convincing proof in what is said of
right narrative. the aspis Eccidsemon and the fish Galeotes.
* In the work already referred to, The latter is intimately connected with
Mr. Gb'rres has endeavoured to prove that the Northern fiction relative to the Ni-
Flegetanis must have had a Greek original cors, so frequently mentioned in Beo-
before him. Of -this, or at least of the wulf.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (57)
Arabic appellations of the seven planets are thus distinctly enumerated :
Z\val (Zuhael), Saturn; Musteri, Jupiter; Muret (Meryt), Mars;
Samsi (Shems), the Sun; Alligasir (the brilliant), Venus; Kitr(Kedr,
the obscure), Mercury ; Kamer (Ksemer), the Moon. Whether the
name of Parcifal be taken from the Arabic Parse or Parseh Fal, the
pure or the poor dummling, as conjectured by Mr. Gorres, must be
left to the decision of the Oriental scholar: but the narrative already
given affords a strong corroboration of his opinion, that Flegetanis is
a corruption of Felek-daneh, an astronomer.
The Breton and Proven9al fictions, as we have seen, unite in bring-
ing this mysterious vessel from the East, a quarter of the globe whose
earliest records present us with a marvellous cup, as extraordinary in
its powers as any thing attributed to the Graal. Such a cup is well
known to have occupied a conspicuous place among the traditions of
the Jews, and from the Patriarch Joseph116, the chaste and provident
minister of Pharaoh, to have descended to the great object of Hebrew
veneration and glory, the illustrious king Solomon117. It will there-
fore be no matter of surprise to those who remember the talismanic
effect of a name in the general history of fiction, that a descendant of
this distinguished sovereign should be found to write its history ; or
that another Joseph should be made the instrument of conveying it to
the kingdoms of Western Europe. In Persian fable, the same miracu-
lous vessel has been bestowed upon the great Jemshid118, the pattern
16 " Is not this it in which my lofd science, which has so beneficially unfold-
drinketh ? And whereby indeed he di- ed the destinies of the West. A parallel
vinetli 1 " Gen. xliv. 5. In Norden's time fable is found in Messenian story. When
the custom of divining by a cup was still the Lacedaemonians stormed the fortress
continued. " Je sais," dit Baram Cashef on mount Ira, Aristomenes, warned by
de Derri au Juif, qui servoit d'entre- the Delphic oracle, secreted in the earth
metteur aux voyageurs Europeens, some unknown article, which was to be a
" quelles gens vous etes ; j'ai consulte ma future talisman of security to his unfortu-
coupe, et j'y ai trouve, que vous etiez nate countrymen. After the battle of
ceux, dont un de nos prophetes a dit, qu'il Leuctra, the Argive commander Epiteles
viendroit des Francs travestis, qui feraient was directed in a dream to exhume this
enfin venir un grand nombre d'autres mysterious deposit. It was then discover-
Francs, qui feroient la conquete du pays, ed to be a brazen ewer, containing a roll
et examineroienttout." Voyage d'Egypte of finely beaten tin, on which were in-
et de Nubie, iii. 08. The lecanomanty scribed the mysteries of the great divini-
of the Greeks is well known. ties (TO>V jueyctXwv Qewv . . . . r) TeXerrj.
1J7 The Clavicula Salomonis contains a Pans. iv. c. 20. 26.)
singular variation of this fiction. The 118 " Giam en Perse signifie un coupe
supernatural knowledge of Solomon was ou verre a boire, et un miroir. Les Ori-
recorded in a volume, which Rehoboam entaux, qui fabriquent cette espece de
inclosed in an ivory ewer, and deposited vases ou ustensiles de toutes sortes des
in his father's tomb. On repairing the metaux aussi bien que de verre ou de cry-
royal sepulchre, some wise men of Baby- stal, et en plusieurs figures differentes,
Ion discovered the cup, and having ex- rnais qui approchent toutes de spherique,
tracted the volume, an angel revealed the donnent aussi ce nom a un globe celeste,
key to its mysterious writing to one Troes Us disent, que 1'ancien roi Gianschid, qui
a Greek ; and hence the stream of occult . est Ic Salomon des Perses, et Alexandre
(58) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
of perfect kings, in whose reign the golden age was realized in Iran,
and under whose mild and beneficent sway it became a land of undis-
turbed felicity. On digging the foundations of Estakar (Persepolis),
this favourite of Orrnuzd, and his legitimate representative upon earth,
discovered the goblet of the Sun ; and hence the cause of all those
blessings which attended his prosperous reign, and his unbounded
knowledge of both terrestrial and celestial affairs. From the founder
of the Persian monarchy it passed into the hands of Alexander the
Great110, the hero of all later Oriental fiction ; and Ferdusi introduces
the Macedonian conqueror addressing this sacred cup as " the ruling
prince of the heavenly bodies, and as the auspicious emblem of his
victorious career." By other Eastern poets it has been referred to as
a symbol of the world, and the fecundating powers of Nature ; while
others again have considered it as the source of all true divination and
augury, of the mysterious arts of chemistry, and the genuine philoso-
pher's stone120. A goblet of the Sun also forms a favourite object in
Grecian fable121. On approaching the shores of the Western Ocean,
this divinity was supposed to abandon his chariot, and, placing himself
in a cup, to be borne through the centre of the earth. Having visited
(according to Stesichorus) his mother, wife and children, he then pro-
ceeded to the opposite point of the hemisphere, where another car
awaited his arrival, with which he resumed his diurnal course. The
Theban Hercules, the original type of all erratic champions, once ven-
tured to attack the son of Hyperion ; but on being reproved for his
temerity he withheld his hand, and received as a reward for his obe-
dience the golden chalice of the god. This he now ascended ; and
le Grand, avoient de ces coupes, globes, testate nostra." Shahnameh, as quoted
ou miroirs, par le moyen desquels ils con- in Wilkins's Persian Chrestomathia, p.
noissoient toutes les choses naturels, et 171, and Creuzer's Dionysus, p. 62.
quelquefois meme les surnaturelles. La 12° In the article already referred to,
coupe qui servoit a Joseph le Patriarche Herbelot says, The Persian poets make of
pour deviner, et celle de Nestor dans Ho- this cup, " tantot le symbole de la nature
mere, ou toute la nature etoit represented et du monde, tantot celui du vin, quelque-
symboliquement, ont pu fournir aux Ori- fois celui de la divination et des augures,
entaux le sujet de cette fiction. Un poete et enfin de la chymie, et de la pierre phi-
Turc dit, Lorsque j'aurai ete eclaire des losophale."
lumieres du ciel, mon ame deviendra le m See the fragments of this mythos,
miroir du monde, dans lequel je decouvrai as variously related in Athenaeus, lib. xi.
les secrets les plus caches." Herbelot p. 469-70. Mimnermus calls it the couch
Biblioth. Orient, s. v. Giam. of the Sun, in allusion, as Athenaeus ob-
119 " Quum Alexander pervenisset in serves, to the concave form of the cup.
palatium suum, gyrantes exierunt Graeci This seems to have been a common me-
locis suis, et laeti non viderunt noctem tonymy ; for in the passage already cited
regis, (viderunt autem) quatuor pocula. from Pausanias, the brazen ewer depo-
Gyrantibus ita locutus est (Alexander) : sited by Aristomenes is termed a brazen
Salvi estote, laetamini hoc fausto omine bed by the old man who appeared to Epi-
nostro, hie enim scyphus in pugna est teles in his dream,
salus nostra, princeps siderum est in po-
MR. PRICED PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (59)
during a furious storm, excited for the purpose of putting his courage
to the test, he traversed the ocean in it till he reached the western
island of Erythsea122. The Platonists have dwelt at large upon Her-
cules thus completing his labours in the West ; and, connecting this
circumstance with the fancied position of the islands of the blest, have
implied that it was here he overcame the vain illusions of a terrestrial
life, and that henceforth he resided in the realms of truth and eternal
light. With them, as in the school from whence their leading dogmas
were derived — the mysteries of Paganism — a cup is the constant sym-
bol of " vivific power ; " and this goblet of the Sun becomes the same
type of regeneration and a return to a better life with the Graal of
romantic fiction. Another version of the contest between Hercules
and the Sun, or Apollo, transfers the scene of action to Delphi, and
makes the object of strife between these heaven-born kinsmen the cele-
brated tripod of the oracle. But in the symbolical language of Greece,
a tripod and a goblet (crater) were synonymous terms 123 ; and the
grammarians have informed us, that from this combat between the
brothers, and their subsequent reconciliation, arose the prophetic
122 From the Grecian terminology of
their drinking-vessels, it is clear that a
cup and a ship were originally correlative
ideas; and the catalogue of Athenseus
(lib. xi.) recites several words indiscri-
minately implying either the one or the
other. The twofold import of these terms
will tend to explain an apparent deviation
on the part of the Greeks and Romans,
from the general type adopted by other
nations in the form of their receptacles
for the dead. The vase or urn of the
former, the larnax of Egypt, the ship or
boat of Western Europe, and the canoe
of the American savage, are all connected
with the same primitive idea expressed
in the Welsh apophthegm : " Pawb a ddaw
i'r Ddavar Long — Every one will come
into the ship of the earth." By whatever
steps the Greek proceeded from liis simple
bowl or boat, to all the luxury of form dis-
played in his cinereal urns, the larnax,
ship, or coffin of other nations was by no
means a needful accommodation to the
doctrine, which forbade the incremation
of the dead. The ashes of Balldur (Dse-
mesaga, c. 43.) were deposited in the ship
Hringhorne, the body of Scyld (Beowulf,
c. 1.) in a bark laden with arms and rai-
ment, and committed to the guidance of
the ocean. The varying language of the
Iliad seems to countenance a similar di-
stinction between Greek and Phrygian
rites. The ashes of Patroclus are consign-
ed to a golden cup (es xpvffctlv
xxiii. 253.) ; those of Hector to a golden
ark or coffer (xpvcreiijv es\apvaica, xxiv.
795. Compare Thucydides, ii. 34); forit
is by no means clear, that the latter term
ever implied an urn, however much such
an interpretation might be justified by
analogy. We are not, however, to infer,
that either of these utensils was the em-
blem of death or annihilation, or that this
application to funereal purposes was in
any way at variance with the Platonic
doctrine of the text. For as the cup or
vase was the symbol of vivific power, of
generation, or an earthly existence, so
also it was the type of regeneration, or a
continued life in a happier and more ex-
alted state. The savage is buried in his
canoe, that he may be conveyed to the
residence of departed souls ; the Greek
was taught in the mysteries, that the Di-
onysic vase would be a passport to the
Elysian fields ; and the religion of Egypt
enjoined, that every worshiper of Osiris
should appear before his subterranean
judge in the same kind of receptacle as
that which had inclosed the mortal frame
of this divinity. It only remains to ob-
serve, that a boat of glass was the symbol
of initiation into the Druidical mysteries.
Davies's Celtic Mythology, p. 211.
123 Kcu TO viKtjTrjpiov ev &iovvaovt
rpnrovs .... dei de voeiv rpiTroda rov
Aiovvffov, TOV Kparrtpa. Athenaeus ii.
143.
(60) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
powers of Hercules. It will however be remembered, that the trans-
lators of the Septuagint, in their version of the Hebrew text, have ren-
dered the divining cup of Joseph by the Greek term " Condy." Of
this vessel Athenseus has preserved the following account from Nico-
machus. " The name of this cup is Persian. It originally meant the
celestial lantern of Hermes, which in form resembled the world, and
was at once the source of the divine marvels, and all the fruits that
abound upon earth. On this account it is used in libations 124." The
reader of Plato will have no difficulty in connecting this mundane cup
with the first crater, in which the Demiurgus of the universe mixed
the materials of his future creation ; in which the soul of the world
was tempered to its due consistency, and from whence the souls that
animate corporeal substances were dispersed among the stars125. The
mention of this primary bowl gave rise among the Platonists to a se-
cond or distributive cup of souls, which they bestowed upon Dionysus,
as lord of the sensitive universe ; and hence the Nymphs, as ministrants
and followers of this divinity, as the authorized inspectors of genera-
tion, were said to be supplied with the same symbol. According to
some authorities, these goblets are placed at opposite points of the
firmament, and are respectively the types of generation, or the soul's
descent into this realm of sensual pleasure, and of palingenesy, or the
soul's return to those celestial regions from whence it sprang126. The
former stands between the signs of Cancer and Leo, immediately before
the human portal ; and a draught of the oblivious beverage it contains
occasions forgetfulness of those pure delights in which the soul had
previously lived, and excites a turbulent propensity towards a material
and earthly existence127. The latter is placed at one extremity of the
124 Athenseus, xi. 478. The present genuine record, appears to occupy the
version is founded on the correction of same place in Celtic mythology. (See the
Mr. Creuzer, who has at length rendered Hanes Taliessin in Mr. Davies's Celtic
this passage intelligible by reading 'Eppov Myth.) Ceridwen, we are told, was " the
ITTVOS, where both Casaubon and Schweig- goddess of various seeds," from whose
haiiser have 'EPJWITTTTOS. The latter critic caldron was derived every thing sacred,
has acknowledged the advantage of this pure and primitive. Gwyon the Little
emendation. See Dionysus, &c. p. 26 et sits watching the caldron of inspiration,
seq. Nicomachus has used the term ap- till three drops of the precious compound
^)lied by Plato (Leg. i. 644.) to the whole alight on his finger. On tasting these,
animal creation, TOJV Oewv TO. OavpctTa. every event of futurity becomes unfolded
125 Timseus, 41, 42. to his view. This appears to be the " no-
126 See Mr. Creuzer's Symbolik, &c. vum potum materialis alluvionis," the in-
vol. iii. 410, &c. who has collected the toxicating draught which inspires the
scattered notices of Proclus and Plotinus soul with an irresistible propensity to a
on the subject. Compare also Porphyry's corporeal existence. " Hsec est autem
interesting tract De Antro Nympharum, hyle, quae omne corpus mundi quod ubi-
and Macrobius's Somnium Scipionis. cumque cernimus ideis impressa for-
127 See Macrobius, S. Scip. i. c. 12. The mavit." (Macrob. i. 12.) It is this which
caldron of Ceridwen, if founded on a protrudes the soul into Leo, and furnishes
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (61)
table of the gods (the milky way). It is held by Ganymede or Aqua-
rius, the guardian of the southern fishes (king Pecheur?); and it is
only by a favourable lot from this urn of destiny, that the soul is
enabled to find a passage through the portal of the gods (Capricorn)
to the circle of eternal felicity.
The sacred vessel of modern fiction is no less distinguished for its
attributes. The seat reserved for it at the Round Table, was called
" the siege perilous," of which a hermit had declared, " There shall
never none sit in that siege but one, but if he be destroyed," [and that
one] "shall win the Sancgreall128." On the day this seat was to re-
ceive its appointed tenant, two inscriptions were found miraculously
traced upon it : " Four hundred winters and four and fifty accom-
plished after the birth of our Lord Jesus Christ ought the siege to be
fulfilled :" and, " This is the siege of Sir Galahad the good knight."
The healing virtues of the Graal are exemplified on the wounded per-
sons of Sir Bors and Sir Percival120, two of the knights destined to
it with a prescience of its future career
(" cum vero ad Leonem labendo perve-
nerint, illic conditionis futurae auspicantur
exordium." Ib.). Gwyon is now pursued
by Ceridwen, and transforms himself suc-
cessively into a hare, a fish, and a bird,
while the goddess becomes a greyhound-
bitch, an otter, and a sparrow-hawk. De-
spairing of escape he assumes the form of
a grain of wheat, and is swallowed by
Ceridwen in the shape of a black high-
crested hen. Ceridwen becomes pregnant,
and at the expiration of nine months
brings forth Taliessin, whom she exposes
in a boat or coracle. In this we appear
to have the soul's progression through the
various elements which supply it with the
vehicles necessary for incorporation. "Ter~
tius vero elementorum ordo, ita ad nos
conversus, habeatur, ut terram ultimam
facial, et caeteris in medium redactis in
terram desinat, tarn ima quam summa
postremitas : igitur sphaera Martis ignis
habeatur, aer Jovis; Saturni aqua, terra
vero Aplanes, in qua Elysios campos esse
puris animis deputatos antiquitas nobis
intelligendum reliquit : de his campis
anima, cum in corpus emittitur, per tres
elementorum ordines, trina morte, ad
corpus usque descendit." (Ib.) The pur-
suit of Ceridwen would then be a personi-
fication of that necessity, by which souls
are compelled to descend, in order that
the economy of the universe may be su-
stained. " For the sensitive life suffers
from the external bodies of fire and air,
earth and water falling upon it ; and con-
sidering all the passions as mighty through
the vileness of its life, is the cause of tu-
mult to the soul." Procl. in Tim. as cited
by Mr. T. Taylor, ii. p. 513. Another
favourite figure of the same school is, that
the soul is hurled like seed into the
realms of generation. Ib. 510. The re-
mainder of the tale is a piece of common
mythology. Mr. Davies admits that the
bardic lore was a compound of Pagan and
Christian dogmas ; and it therefore be-
comes a question, whether this Paganism
was purely Druidical, or that syncretic
system adopted by Pelagius from the
Platonizing fathers of the Eastern church.
The theological tenets of the triads (Wil-
liams's Poems, vol. ii.) are obviously de-
rived from this source.
128 Morte Arthur, P. iii. c. 1.
129 On this occasion Sir Percival " had
a glimmering of that vessel, and of the
maiden that bore it ; for he was perfect
and clene." (M. Arth. c. 14.) And again :
" I wot wele what it is. It is an holy
vessel that is borne by a maiden, and
thereon is a part of the holy blood of our
blessed Saviour." Ib. There is no clue
in the romance to the genealogy of this
damsel. But Mr. Creuzer has shown that
" a perfect and clean maiden" who bore
a holy vessel, was a well-known character
in Grecian story. Amymone, the blame-
less daughter of Danaus, was exempt from
the punishment inflicted upon her father's
children, because she had resisted the soli-
citations of a Satyr (sensual love). Hence
she was permitted to draw the cooling re-
viving draught of consolation and bliss
in a perfect vase. Her sisters, who had
(62) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
accomplish the Quest. A cripple of ten years' suffering is restored to
health by touching the table on which it is borne ; and a nameless
knight of perfect and unspotted life is admitted to kiss it, and finds an
instantaneous cure for his maladies. But the courage, prowess and
chivalric accomplishments of Sir Launcelot are rendered unavailing in
the Quest, by his guilty commerce with Queen Guenever. He is per-
mitted to see its marvellous effects upon the knight already mentioned,
and who, less worthy than himself in earthly endowments, is yet uncon-
taminated by mortal sin ; and once indeed he is suffered to approach
the chamber containing it. But a voice forbids his penetrating to the
interior of the sanctuary : yet, having rashly disregarded the admoni-
tion, he falls a victim to his fatal curiosity, and continues in an almost
lifeless condition for four-and-thirty days. A similar punishment is
inflicted upon king Evelake, who having " nighed so nigh" to the holy
vessel " that our Lord was displeased with him," he became " blasted
with excess of light," and remained " almost blind" the rest of his
life130. The most solemn instance of its agency in the presence of a
profane assembly, occurs on the day of Sir Galahad's assuming the
siege perilous : " Then anon they heard cracking and crying of thun-
yielded to temptation, who had resigned
themselves to Desire, were doomed to
spend their time in fruitless attempts to
fill a bottomless or broken vase, or a per-
forated sieve ; and to become the standing
types of the uninitiated, or souls wallow-
ing in the mire of material existence.
(The story of the murder was unknown to
Homer and Apollodorus, and was doubt-
lessly a later fiction.) The Greeks also
placed a vase upon the graves of the un-
married persons, as a symbol of celibacy ;
a practice that seems to illustrate the lan-
guage of Joseph of Arimathy to Sir Per-
cival : " And wotest thou wherefore [our
Lord] hath sent me more than other ? for
thou hast resembled me in two things ;
one is, that thou hast seen the Sancgreall,
and the other is that thou hast been a
dene maiden as I am." c. 103.
130 The punishment here inflicted upon
Sir Lancelot and king Evelake, is founded
upon an idea, which seems to have per-
vaded the mythology of most nations, that
the person of the Deity is too effulgent
for mortal sight, and that any attempt at
a direct inspection is sure to be punished
with a loss of vision or the senses. Hence
the stories of Tiresias and Actaeon, of
Herse and Aglauros (Paus. i. 18.), of Eu-
rypylus (Ib. vii. 19.), and Maneros (Plut.
de Isid. et Osirid. c. 17.) ; and the explana-
tion given to the disease called nympho-
lepsy is clearly referable to the same opi-
nion : " Vulgo autem memoriae proditum
est, quicumque speciem quandam e fonte,
id est, effigiem nymphae, viderint, furendi
non fecisse finem, quos Graeci w\ityo\r}-
TTTOVS, Latini lymphatos appellant." Fes-
tus. Hence also the eyes were averted
on meeting a hero or heroical demon ;
and an Heroon was passed in silence.
Schol. in Aristoph. Aves, 1490-3. The
same opinion appears to have been cur-
rent among the Germanic tribes who wor-
shiped the goddess Hertha. Her annual
circuit was made in a veiled car ; but the
servants who washed the body of the god-
dess on her return, and who consequently
must have gazed upon her person, were re-
ported to have been " swallowed up quick"
by the earth. When Hercules demanded
an epiphany of the god Ammon, we are told
this divinity assumed a ram's vizor, a fic-
tion which seems to be connected with the
same common opinion. (Herod, ii. 42.)
The numerous veiled statues seen by
Pausanias in his tour through Greece, the
veiled goblet carried in the Dionysic pro-
cession at Alexandria (Athen. lib. v. 268.),
and the general introduction of the Graal
(wherein was " a part of the holy blood of
our blessed Saviour") covered with sa-
myte,may be considered as further illus-
trations.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (63)
der, that hem thought the place should all to-rive. In the midst of the
blast, entered a sunbeam, more clear by seven times than ever they saw
day; and all they were alighted of the grace of the holy ghost131.
Then there entered into the hall, the holy Grale covered with white
samite ; but there was none that might see it, nor who bare it ; and
then was all the hall full filled with good odours ; and every knight
had such meat and drink as he best loved in this world ; and when the
holy Grale had been borne through the hall, then the holy vessel de-
parted suddenly, that they wist not where it became." (c. 35.) But
these are the mere secular benefits in the power of the sacred cup to
bestow. To those allowed to share in its spiritual advantages, who by
a life of purity and blameless conduct had capacitated themselves for
a more intimate communion with it, it became a cup of eternal life
and salvation. On its first epiphany to Sir Galahad and his fellows,
131 In the ancient world a cup or gob-
let was not only considered as the most
suitable kind of vessel for libations, but it
was also regarded as an appropriate type
of the Deity. This no doubt arose from
the widely extended dogma, that the De-
miurgus of the universe framed the world
in his own image. The illustrations of
this opinion, as exemplified in votive offer-
ings, in the form of an egg, a globe, sphere,
hemisphere, cup, dish, &c. would fill a
volume ; and happily Mr. Creuzer by his
" Dionysus" has rendered further proof
on the subject unnecessary. In ^Egyp-
tian processions a vase led the way as an
image of Osiris (Plut. 496) ; a small urn
was the effigy of Isis (Apuleius, Meta-
morph. xi. p. 693) ; a bowl or goblet was
borne on a chariot, as the emblem of Dio-
nysus, in the festival described by Calixe-
nus (Athenaeus, v. 268) ; and hence the
long catalogue of craters, tripods, &c. so
common in the furniture of ancient tem-
ples. That the same symbol was acknow-
ledged in other countries previously to
any general intercourse with the Roman
powers, is more than probable. Herodo-
tus has stated of the Issedones, that they
decorated the skulls of the departed with
gold, reserving them as images (see Salmas.
in Solin. p. 192.) of their ancestors, when
they performed those annual rites which
the Greeks called yeveaia. From this we
may infer that the Issedones entertained
the same notions of the dead that we find
prevailing in almost every ancient and
modern nation in a Pagan state ; and that
they enrolled their deceased relatives
among those domestic deities who by a
general system of euphemy have been
called Oeot xp'jo^ot, Dii Manes, Gutichen
and Guid Neighbours. As the guardians
of the family hearth, and the household
gods of their descendants, the same class
of spirits was also termed by the Greeks and
Romans Oeoi KctToiKtdtoi, Lares, Trarpipoi
Oeot, and Dii Penates. (See Salmasius
Exercit. Plin. p. 46.) Now the images
shown at Lavinium, as the identical sta-
tues of the Penates brought to Italy by
JEne&s, consisted of KijpvKia fftdrjpa cat
Xa\Ka, icai Kepapov Tpwi'jcoy. (Dion.
Hal. i. 67.) With the true or fictitious
history of ^Eneas we are not concerned ;
it is sufficient to know the form of those
symbols which were acknowledged in Italy
as suitable representations of the Penates.
For an explanation of the caduceal figures
we may refer to Servius : " Nullus enim
locus sine Genio est, qui per anguem ple-
rumque ostenditur." The Trojan bowl
and Issedonian skull will illustrate each
other. Livy has also said, " Galli Boii
caput ducis (Postumii) praecisum ovantes
templo — intulere : purgato inde capite, ut
mos iis est, calvum auro caelavere ; idque
sacrum vas iis erat, quo solennibus liba-
rent ; poculumque idem sacerdoti esse ac
templi antistitibus." It will be remem-
bered, that according to the Edda, the skull
of Ymir was converted into the canopy of
heaven (Daemesaga). Something is said
on this subject at page xxvi. below, which,
though written without the passages above
cited being in the Editor's recollection, he
by no means wishes to retract, so far as
the moderns are concerned. Through in-
advertency the authorities for that note
have been omitted, viz. Bartholin for the
facts, and the " Transactions of the Scan-
dinavian Society," page 323. 1813. for the
correction.
(64) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
the great mystery of the Romish church is visibly demonstrated before
them. The transubstantiation of the sacred wafer is effected in their
presence, palpably and sensibly; the hallowed " bread become flesh"
is deposited in the cup ; and the Redeemer of the world emerges from
it to administer to his " knights servants and true children, which
[were] come out of deadly life into spiritual life, the high meat .which
[they] had so much desired." Still they " did not see that which
they most desired to see, so openly as they were to behold it in the city
of Sarras in the spiritual place." Here Sir Galahad's vision of the
transcendent attributes of the Graal.is perfected ; his participation in
its hallowed contents is consummated to the full extent of his wishes ;
he has now obtained the only meed for which this life is worth en-
during— a certainty of passing to a better : his earthly travails close,
" his soul departs unto Christ, and a great multitude of angels" is seen
to " bear it up to heaven. Also his two fellows saw come from heaven
a hand, but they saw not the body; and then it came right to the vessel
and took it and so bare it up to heaven. Sithence was there
never no man so hardy for to say that he had seen the Sangreall."
In the Arabic version the holy vessel is delivered by an angel to
Titurel, at whose birth another minister of heaven attended, and fore-
told the infant hero's future glory, by declaring that he was destined
to wear the crown of Paradise. By him a temple is built for its pre-
servation upon Montsalvaez, " a sacred mountain, which stands in Sal-
vatierra132, a district of Arragon, and lying adjacent to the valley of
Roncevalles and upon the high road from France to Compostella."
The materials for this structure are of the most costly and imperishable
description : they are all produced in their appropriate forms and con-
nection by the miraculous power of the Graal ; and the outline of the
building is unexpectedly discovered upon a rock of onyx, which the
day before had been cleansed of the weeds and herbage that encum-
bered it. The access to the sanctuary is rendered invisible to all, ex-
cept the chosen few, by an impervious forest of cedar, cypress and
ebony surrounding it. By the. daily contemplation of the Graal,
Titurel's life is prolonged to " more than five hundred years ;" just as
the glorious career of Jemshid was extended to nearly seven centuries
from a similar cause ; and he only sinks to the sleep of death, from
omitting to visit it during the space of ten days. In Lohengrin, Mont-
132 This Montsalvaez in Salvatierra is in would account for the castle of Luces
all probability the Salisberi of the Norman Sieur de Gast being " pres de Salisberi,"
Romancers ; the Mons salutis (Sawles- or adjoining the sanctuary in which the
byrig?) of the Christian world. This Graal was preserved.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (65)
salvaez assumes the place of the isle of Avalon in British romance l33 ;
and forms the fabled place of retreat of Arthur and his followers. It
is here that the British monarch awaits the hour of his re-appearance
upon earth 134 ; but far from remaining insensible to those chivalric
duties which rendered his court an asylum for injured beauty and
distressed sovereigns, he still holds a communication with the world,
and occasionally dispatches a faithful champion to grant assistance in
cases of momentous need l36. Here also the Graal maintains the sanc-
133 The retreat of Arthur to the isle of
Avalon forms an exact parallel to what
Hesiod has sung of the heroes who fell in
the Trojan war, &c. (Op. et Dies, 140.)
The skolion of Callistratus relative to
Harmodius and Aristogeiton shows how
late this beautiful fiction continued to be
a favourite with the Athenians. In the
Islands of the Blest we hear of Semele
being married to Rhadamanthus, and
Helen to Achilles. The offspring of this
latter union was a winged boy, Eupho-
rion, who was destroyed by Jupiter in the
island of Melos. (Ptolem. Hephsest. c. 4.)
Mr. Owen has said of " Arthur the son of
Uthyr Bendragon, that he was a mytholo-
gical and probably allegorical personage,
and the Arcturus or Great Bear" of the
celestial sphere. It is to be regretted
that the Welsh antiquaries have told us
so little of this mystic Arthur. The Fins,
one of the oldest European tribes, and
whose destinies have been even more
evil-starred than those of the Celts, retain
the following article of their ancient faith :
— When the soul is permitted to ascend
the shoulders of Ursa Major, it passes into
the highest heaven, and the last stage of
felicity. (Mone, ubi supra, 62.) Some-
thing of this kind is absolutely necessary
to make many parts of the Morte Arthur
intelligible ; for that in this we have to
do with the mythological Arthur, would
be clear even to those who had no know-
ledge of an historical British prince. Not
that the compilers of these fictions were at
all aware of the ground they were tread-
ing, any more than Homer, when he de-
scribed the contest between Vulcan and
the Scamander, believed himself " to be
philosophizing Orphically," to speak with
Philostratus. (Heroic, p. 100. ed. Boisson-
nade.) The writers of romance, like the
great Maeonian (si licet componere, Sic.),
appear to have poured forth in song the
sacred lore of an earlier period, but which
having already received a secular or hi-
storical cast, was uttered as such by them
with the most unsuspecting good faith.
131 The doctrine of the rnetempsycho-
VOL. I.
sis, which formed so conspicuous an arti-
cle of the Celtic creed, would be sufficient
to account for the Breton tradition rela-
tive to Arthur's re-appearance upon earth.
A similar belief was entertained respect-
ing Ogier le Danois, whose identity with
Helgi, a hero of Ssemund's Edda,has been
already noticed. At the close of the song
" Helgi and Svava," it is stated, that these
persons were born again ; and at the end
of the second song concerning Helgi Hun-
dings-bane, we have, " It was believed in
the olden time that men might be bora
again. Helgi and SSgrunr are said to
have been regenerated. He was then
called Helgi Haddingia-skate ; but she,
Kara Halfdens daughter." The compiler
of this collection does not fail to add, that
in -his time this opinion was regarded as
an old-wives' tale. The French romances
however have perpetuated the tradition.
135 The author of Lohengrin makes
Eschenbach assert, that his information
respecting Arthur's " residence in the
mountain, the manner in which the Bri-
tish monarch and his hundred followers
were provided with food, raiment, horses,
and armour, and the names of the cham-
pions whom he had dispatched to aid the
Christian world," was obtained from St.
Brandan. Lohengrin or the " Chevelere
Assigne " was one of these heroes. In
this Arthur assumes the duty allotted to
Proserpine, who, according to Pindar,
" having cleansed the soul of its impu-
rities, re-dispatches it to the upper sun,
where it becomes distinguished for its
wisdom or its power, and in after-time is
ranked among the heroes of public vene-
ration." See Plato's Meno 81. and Her-
mann's disposition of this fragment in the
3rd volume of Heyne's Pindar. In Ger-
many this tradition respecting the Graal
became localized : Four miles from Dann,
St. Barbara's hill is seen to rise conically
from the centre of a plain. By many in-
fatuated Germans this hill is called the
Graal, who also believe that it contains
numerous living persons, whose lives will
be prolonged till the day of judgement,
(66) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
tity of its character ; and becomes at once the register of human
grievances and necessities, and the interpreter of the will of Heaven
as to the best mode of redressing them 13(5. But even here its tran-
scendent purity requires a similar degree of unblemished worth in
those who consult its dictates: the attendant knights in Arthur's
train are too corrupt and sensual to approach the hallowed fane ;
and the infant children of Perceval and Lancelot, and the daughter
of the courteous Gawaine are alone considered fit to step within the
sacred shrine. Perhaps this would be the place to connect these
scattered fragments of general tradition, and to offer a few remarks
upon the import of a symbol which has thus found its way into the
popular creed of so many distant nations. But a history of romantic
fiction forms no part of the present attempt, nor an exposition of those
esoteric doctrines, which, taught in the heathen temple and perpetuated
in the early stages of the Romish church, have descended to the mul-
titude in a less impressive but more attractive guise.
There is, however, one point upon which it may be necessary to
make a more explicit avowal, lest the general tendency of the preceding
remarks should be construed into an acquiescence in opinions wholly
disclaimed. Though the marvels of popular fiction, both in the an-
cient and modern world, have thus been referred to the same common
origin, it is by no means intended to affirm that the elements of ficti-
tious narrative in Greek and Roman literature are nowhere to be found
embodied in the productions of the middle age137. Such an assertion
would be at variance with the most limited experience of the subject,
and might be refuted by a simple reference to the German tales of
MM. Grimm. In the story of the " Serpent-leaf," the principal inci-
dent accords with the account of Glaucus and Polyidus, as related by
Apollodorus 138 ; the cranes of Ibycus figure under another form in the
and who pass their time there in a round of seems more probable than that the corn-
continued revelry and pleasure. Theod- posers of romance were well acquainted
eric a Niem. lib. ii. de Schismat. c. 20. with the ancient Greek and Latin poets."
as cited by Praetorius, i. 395. (Met. Rom. iii. p. 324.) But here his own
136 The distress of Elsam von Brabant favourite figure in dialectic inight cer-
is made known to Arthur by her ringing tainly have been retorted upon him : Is it
a bell, a subject upon which there is no so nominated in the bond ?
space to dilate. But the reader will not i» Compare Grimm's Kinder- und
fail to remember that a brazen vessel (or Haus-Marchen, No. 16, with Apollod.
bell) is sounded when Simaetha invokes Biblioth. iii. 3. 1. There is perhaps no
Hecate (Theocritus, ii. 36.), and that a fable that has obtained a more extensive
similar rite was observed at Athens when circulation than this. Another version of
the Hierophant invoked the same Goddess the story attributes the cure of Glaucus to
as Core or Proserpine. See Apollodorus, .ZEsculapius (Hyg. Astron. 14.) : and ac-
as cited by the Scholiast to Theocritus, cording to Xanthus, as cited by Pliny
and compare the preceding note, (Hist. Nat. lib. xxv. c. 5.), it formed a
1S? Mr. Ritson has said, " Nothing piece of Lydian history. A recent num-
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (67)
tale of the Jew and the Skinker13' ; and the slipper of Cinderella finds
a parallel, though somewhat sobered, in the history of the celebrated
Rhodope140. In another story of the same collection we meet with the
fabled punishment of Regulus, inflicted on the persons of two cul-
prits141; Ovid's Baucis and Philemon may be said to have furnished
the basis of the Poor and the Rich Man l42; the Gaudief and his Master
contains the history of the Thessalian Erisichthon143 ; the Boeotian
Sphinx exerts her agency in a variety of forms 144 ; and the descent of
Rhampsinitus, and his diceing with Demeter, is shadowed forth in a
series of narratives145. Another of Ovid's fables, the history of Picus
and Circe, is in strict analogy with a considerable portion of the " Two
Brothers ;" other incidents may be said to have been borrowed from
the account of the same enchantress in the Odyssey : the annual sacri-
fice of a virgin to the destructive dragon forms a pendant to the story
in Pausanias concerning the dark demon of Temessa ; and the test of
the hero's success, the production of the dragon's tongue, which also
ber of the Quarterly Review (No. 58.) has
cited the following illustration of it from
Roger Bacon's Opus Majus : " At Paris
there was lately a sage, who sought out
the serpent's nest, and selecting one of the
reptiles, he cut it into small pieces, leaving
only as much undissected membrane as
was sufficient to prevent the fragments
from falling asunder. The dying serpent
crawled as well as it could until it found
a leaf, whose touch immediately united
the severed body ; and the sage, thus
guided by the "creature whom he had
mangled, was taught to gather a plant of
inestimable virtue." While this sheet
was passing through the press, a similar
story was related to the Editor, of an old
crone practising leech-craft in Glamorgan-
shire at the present day. The ancient
name of this valuable herb was balis or
ballis. (Comp. Pliny with the Etymol.
Magnum.) In the Lai d'Eliduc, two
weasels are substituted for the serpents of
the ancient fiction.
"9 Grimm, No. 115. Cic. Tusc. 4. c.
43.
140 Grimm, No. 21. JElian. Var. Hist,
lib. xiii. c. 32.
141 Grimm, No. 13. Appian in Liby-
cis. In the note to the " Three Manni-
kins in the Wood," it is stated from the
Great Chronicle of Holland, that this
punishment was inflicted on Gerhard van
Velzen, for the murder of Count Florence
V. of Holland (1296). After being rolled
in the cask for three days, he was asked
how he felt, when he intrepidly replied :
Ich ben noch dezelve man
Die Graaf Floris zyn leven nam.
I am still the self-same man who took
away the life of Count Florence! The
same punishment is also mentioned in the
Swedish popular ballads published by
Geyer and Afzelius, i. No. 3 ; the Danish
Kiempe Viser, No. 165; in Perrault's
Fairy Tale " Les Fees," and the Penta-
merone, iii. 10. (Grimm.) [See also Mr.
Edgar Taylor's German Popular Stories,
and the Notes.]
142 Grimm, No. 87. Ovid. Met. viii.
679, where the presence of a divinity is
manifested by a miracle running through
the fictions of every country:
Interea, quoties haustum cratera, repleri
Sponte sua, per seque vident succrescere
vina,
Attoniti, &c.
Compare note 105. p. (52) above.
143 Grimm, No. 68, Ovid. Met. viii.
738. and .Elian. Var. Hist. i. 28.
144 The popular view of this subject in
the ancient world is given by Pausanias,
ix. c. 26. who represents the Sphinx as
a natural daughter of Laius, entrusted
with a secret delivered to Cadmus by the
oracle at Delphi. The rightful heir to
the throne was in possession of the solu-
tion to this mystery ; the illegitimate pre-
tenders were detected by their ignorance
of it, and suffered the penalty due to their
deceit.
145 Grimm, No. 82, and the note con-
taining the several variations of the tale.
Herodotus ii. 122.
(68) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
occurs in the romances of Wolf-dietrich and Tristram, is to be met with
in the local history of Megara146. The mysterious cave of "Gaffer
Death" receives its chief importance from its resemblance to a similar
scene in the vision of Timarchus 147 ; and the most interesting tale in
the whole collection — whether we speak with reference to its contents,
or the admirable style of the narrative — the Machandel Boom148 — is
146 Grimm, No. 60. Ovid. Met. xiv.
327. Odyss. x. 230-335. Comp. Ovid. xiv.
270. Pausanias vi. c. 6. (See note 57. p.
(33) above.) Weber's Northern Antiqui-
ties, p. 123. Sir Tristram, fytte 2. st. 37.
The scholiast to Apollonius Rhodius re-
lates, on the authority of the Megarica,
that Alcathous the son of Pelops, having
slain Chrysippus, fled from Megara, and
settled in some other town. The Mega-
raean territory being afterwards ravaged
by a lion, persons were dispatched to de-
stroy it ; but Alcathous, meeting the mon-
ster, slew it, and cut out the tongue, with
which he returned to Megara. The party
sent to perform the exploit also returned,
averring the success of their enterprise ;
when Alcathous advanced, and produced
the lion's tongue, to the confusion of his
adversaries. Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. lib.
i. v. 517.
14? Grimm, No. 44. « Gaffer Death...
now led the physician into a subterranean
cavern, containing an endless number of
many thousand thousand lighted candles.
Some were long, others half-burnt, and
others again almost out. Every instant
some of these candles became extinguished,
and others lighted anew ; and the flame was
seen to move from one part of the cave to
another. Look here ! (said Death to his
companion,) these are the vital sparks of
human existence." In Plutarch's tract
" De Genio Socratis," Timarchus is made
to address his mysterious guide thus :
" But I see nothing except a number of
stars shooting about the chasm, some of
which are plunging into it, and others
shining brilliantly and rising out of it."
These are said to be the intellectual por-
tions of the soul (Nous), or demoniacal
intelligences, and the ascending stars souls
upon their return from earth ; the others,
souls descending into life. c. 22. In this
we receive the key to the attribute be-
stowed upon the ancient divinities who
presided over generation and childbirth,
such as Lucina, Artemis-Phosphorus, &c.
and hence also the analogy between the
stories of Meleager and Norna-Gest may
be explained from a common point of po-
pular faith.
148 This extraordinary tale will be
found in the second volume of Mr. Edgar
Taylor's German Popular Stories, now on
the eve of publication. To this the reader
is referred, who will feel grateful that no
garbled abstract of it is here attempted.
The points of coincidence may be thus
briefly stated. In the Cretan fable, the
destruction of Zagreus is attributed to the
jealousy of his step-mother Juno ; and the
Titans (those telluric powers who were
created to avenge their mother's connubial
wrongs) are the instruments of her cruelty.
The infant god is allured to an inner
chamber, by a present of toys and fruit
(among these an apple}, and is forthwith
murdered. The dismembered body is
now placed in a kettle, for the repast of
his destroyers; but the vapour ascending
to heaven, the deed is detected, and the
perpetrators struck dead by the lightning
of Jove. Apollo collects the bones of his
deceased brother, and buries them at Del-
phi, where the palingenesy of Bacchus
was celebrated periodically by the Hosii
and Thyades. (Compare Clemens Alex.
Protrept. p. 15. ed. Potter; Nonnus Dio-
nys. vi. 174, &c. and Plutarch de Isid. et
Osirid. c. 35. et De Esu Carnium, i. c. vii.)
But this again is only another version of
the Egyptian mythos relative to Osiris,
which will supply us wrth the chest, the
tree, the sisterly affection, and perhaps the
bird (though the last may be explained
on other grounds). (Plut. de Isid. &c. c.
13. et seqq.) Mr. Grimm wishes to con-
sider the " Machandel-Boom" the ju-
niper-tree ; and not the " Mandel," or al-
mond-tree. It will be remembered, that
the latter was believed by the ancient
world to possess very important properties.
The fruit of one species, the Amygdala,
impregnated the daughter of the river
Sangarius with the Phrygian Attys (Pans,
vii. 17) ; and another, the Persea, was the
sacred plant of Isis, so conspicuous on
Egyptian monuments. (For this inter-
pretation of the Persea, see S. de Sacy's
Abd-allatif Relation de 1'Egypte, p. 47-
72, and the Christian and Mahommedan
fictions there cited.) This story of dress-
ing and eating a child is historically re-
lated of Atreus, Tantalus, Procne, Harpa-
lice (Hyginus ed. Staveren, 206), and
Astyages (Herod, i. 1 19) ; and is obviously
a piece of traditional scandal borrowed
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (69)
but a popular view of the same mythos upon which the Platonists have
expended so much commentary — the history of the Cretan Bacchus
or Zagreus. In Sweden, the story of Hero and Leander has become
localized, and forms the subject of an interesting national ballad ; the
fate of Midas is to be found incorporated as an undoubted point of
Irish history 149 ; and the treasury of Rhampsinitus has passed from
Egypt to Greece, and from Mycenae to Venice160. The youthful hi-
story of Theseus bears a strong resemblance to many parts of Sir De-
gore; the white and black sails, the emblems'of his success or failure,
are attached to the history of Tristram and fair Ysoude ; the ball of
silk given him by Ariadne has passed into the hands of the Russian
witch Jaga-Baba ; and the heroic feat which was to establish the proof
of his descent, has been inserted in the lives of Arthur, and the North-
ern Sigurdr131. The talisman of Meleager — "Althaea's firebrand"—
has been conferred upon the aged Norna-Gest, a follower of king
Olaf )52 ; the artifice of Jack the Giant-killer, in throwing a stone among
his enemies, occurs in the histories of Cadmus and Jason153 ; and the
perilous labour of Alcmene is circumstantially related in the Scottish
ballad of Willie's Lady li4. Among the marvellous tales with which
the traveller Pytheas chose to enliven the narrative of his voyage, at
from ancient mythology. The Platonistic ions than the Grecian hero ; for on the day
exposition of it will be found in Mr. Tay- king Olaf recommended him to try the
lor's tract upon the Bacchic Mysteries experiment of lighting the candle, he was
(Pamphleteer, No. 15.). 300 years old. Ib.
"9 Keating's Hist, of Ireland, as cited 153 Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. Hi. 1178.
by MM. Grimm, iii. 391. 154 Minstrelsy of the Border, vol. ii.
150 Compare Herod, ii. c. 121. Schol. Sir Walter Scott has observed, that the
in Aristoph. Nub. 508. and the notes to billie-blind, who detects the mother's
Childe Harold, canto iv. charm in this ballad, was a species of do-
151 Compare Plutarch's Life of Theseus mestic spirit or Brownie. The Thebans
with Sir Degore, as published in the " Se- appear to have held a similar opinion re-
lect Pieces of Early Popular Poetry ; " lative to Galinthias, whom they considered
Scott's Sir Tristram, p. 199; Prince Wla- a ministrant of Hecate, and to whom the
dimir and his Round Table, a collection first sacrifice was performed during the
of early Russian Heroic Songs, Leipzig festival of Hercules. (Anton. Lib. c. 29.)
1819, 8vo, as cited by Mone 130; the They were hence reputed to worship a
Morte Arthur, P. I. c. 4 ; and the Vol- weasel (j£lian. Hist. Nat. xii. v.), an ani-
sunga Saga, Miiller, p. 31. mal of an exceedingly ominous character
152 Apollod. Biblioth. i. c. 8. 1. " At in the ancient world. (Theophrastus Cha-
length Gest told them the reason of his ract. 17.) In the reputed house of Amphi-
being called Norna-Gest. Three Volar tryon, Pausanias (ix. 11.) saw a relievo
cast his nativity ; the two first spaced representing the Sorceresses (Pharmaci-
every thing that was good, but the last des) sent by Juno to obstruct Alcmene's
became displeased, and said the child labour. According to him (and he ga-
should not live longer than the candle thered the account at Thebes), they were
lasted which was then burning. Upon this defeated by Historis, a daughter of Ti-
the two Volar seized the light, and bade resias ; which again confirms the analogy
his mother preserve it, saying, it was not between the ancient and modern fiction,
to be lighted till the day of his death." for Tiresias and his family move in The-
Norna-Gest's Saga, Miiller 113. Gest ban story with all the importance of tute-
was more fortunate in his family connex- lary divinities.
(70) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
the risk of sacrificing his character for discernment and veracity, the
following has been preserved by the Scholiast to Apollonius Rhodius :
" Vulcan appears to have taken up his abode in the islands of Lipara
and Strongyle,... ...and it was formerly said, that whoever chose to carry
there a piece of unwrought iron, and at the same time deposited the
value of the labour, might on the following morning come and have a
sword, or whatever else he wished, for itli5." This fiction has a double
claim upon our attention, both from the manner in which it became
localized at a very early period in England, and from the interest it
has recently excited by its reception into one of those unrivalled pro-
ductions* which have given a new character to the literature of the
day. In a letter written by Francis Wise to Dr. Mead, " concerning
some antiquities in Berkshire, particularly the White Horse," an ac-
count is given of a remarkable pile of stones, to which the following
notice is attached : " All the account which the country people are able
to give of it is : At this place lived formerly an invisible smith ; and if
a traveller's horse had left a shoe upon the road, he had no more to do
than to bring the horse to this place with a piece of money, and
leaving both there for some little time, he might come again, and find
the money gone, but the horse new shoed. The stones standing upon
the Rudgeway, as it is called, I suppose gave occasion to the whole
being called Wayland-Smith, which is the name it was always known
by to the country-people." The reader will have no difficulty in de-
tecting here the previous recital of Pytheas, or in recognising in this
simple tradition the germ of a more recent fiction, as it has been un-
folded in the novel of Kenilworth *. But he may not be equally aware,
that the personage whose abilities it has so unostentatiously transmitted,
is a very important character in early Northern poetry ; and that the
fame of " Wayland-Smith," though less widely extended than it now
promises to become, was once the theme of general admiration, from
the banks of the Bosphorus156 to the Atlantic and Frozen oceans.
155 Schol. in Apoll. Rhod. iv. 761. Belle-SauvageonLudgateHill,(chap.xiii.)
* [Alfred the Great speaks of Welond &c. &c. So mean a profanation of an an-
" the wise smith " as a renowned person- cient poetic tradition is far from being de-
age of the remotest antiquity ; and, para- serving of praise, but must be considered
phrasing the reflections of Boethius on the as one of those bookmaking expedients re-
transient nature of human glory, exclaims, sorted to for the supply of the incessant
"Where are now the bones of Welond? or demands of a lucrative and recklessly
who knows the place where they were de- prolific manufacture. — R. T.]
posited ? " Sir Walter Scott, however, has 156 In the Vilkina-Saga he is called
no scruple in producing him as a matter- Velent : but the author adds, he bore the
of-fact parish blacksmith and mountebank name of Volundr among the Varingar.
of Berkshire, in the reign of Queen Eliza- These Bapayyoi were mercenaries in the
beth, uttering much common-place gossip, service of the Greek emperors. See Anna
shopping in Fleet Street, putting up at the Cornn., Codrin., &c. and Ducange v. Ba-
MB. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The first historical song in the Edda of Saemund — if it be lawful to give
this name to a composition containing such a strong admixture of
mythological matter — is devoted to the fortunes of a celebrated smith
called Volundr*. The Vilkina-Saga, a production of the fourteenth
century, enters more fully into his history ; and he is spoken of by va-
rious writers between the ninth and fourteenth centuries157 as the fa-
bricator of every curious weapon, or unusual piece of art. In the out-
line of his story there is a very strong analogy f with the events that
shine so marvellously in the life of Daedalus. The flight of Volundr
from his native country, like that of the Athenian artist, is attributed
to an act of violence upon the persons of two rival craftsmen. His first
reception at the court of Nidung is attended by every demonstration
of kindness and attention; but an accidental offence occasions the
seizure and mutilation of his person, and he is compelled to labour in-
cessantly in the duties of the forge for his tyrannical host. The double
cruelties inflicted on him, in the loss of liberty and his bodily injuries,
inspire him with sentiments of revenge : the infant sons of his perse-
cutor fall the victims of his artifice ; their sister is seduced and publicly
disgraced; and the triumphant artist, having attached wings to his
person, takes his way through the air to seek a more friendly em-
ployer158. It is not a little remarkable, that the only term in the Ice-
landic language to designate a labyrinth is Volundar-hus — a Weland's
house159.
rangii. In the eleventh century, the to auctore, (but who was living in 1159,)
Northern portion of this body-guard p. 252. See also the romance of Horn-
amounted to 300, according to the Flatos child and Maiden Riminild, in Ritson's
Codex, c. 507-8, which makes a distinc- Met. Rom. vol. iii. p. 295.
tion between them and the French and f [See Mr. T. Keightley's " Tales and
Flemings in the Imperial service. Miiller, Popular Fictions, their Resemblance and
149. Transmission from Country to Country,"
* [Conybeare's Illustrations, p. 236.] 1834, p. 271. He scarcely admits the
ls? Some of these have been already analogy.]
noticed. (See Alfred's Boethius, and the 158 These circumstances are taken from
poem of Beowulf, and note y p. Ixii. below.) the recital given in the Vilkina-Saga.
The following may be added from M tiller's (Miiller, 154.) The Eddaic song makes
Saga-Bibliothek : " Et nisi duratis Vue- no mention of Volundr's flight to the court
landia fabrica giris obstaret . . . ." from a of Nithuthur (Nidung), nor of his killing
Latin poem of the ninth century, entitled his instructors the Dwarfs : a deed of mere
" De prima Expeditione Attilae regis Hun- self-defence according to the Vilkina-Saga,
norum in Gallia, ac de rebus gestis Walt- since, his rapid improvement having ex-
harii Aquitanorum principis." Lipsiae cited their envy, they were devising apian
1780. In Labbe's Bibliotheca MSS. Nova, for destroying him.
torn, ii., the following notice occurs : 159 The name of Volundr became a ge-
" Gillermus Sector Ferri hoc nomen sor- neral name in the North for any distin-
titus est, quia cum Normannis confligens guished artist, whether working in stone
venire solito conflictu deluctans, ense corto or iron. The same may be said of Dse-
vel scorto durissimo, quern Valandus faber dalus in Greece (datda\\eiv, daiSaXci),
condiderat, per medium corpus loricatum whose labours are found to run through a
secavit una percussione." Historia Ponti- succession of ages ; and who, in addition
ficum et Comitum Engolismensium incer- to his numerous inventions, constructed
(72) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The resemblances here detailed are obviously too intimate to have
been the result of accident, or a common development of circumstances
possessing some general affinity. The majority, on investigation, will
be found to have been derived, however indirectly, from sources of
classical antiquity ; and their existence in this dismembered state forci-
bly illustrates a remark of Mr. Campbell's, which is equally distinguished
for its truth and beauty : " that fiction travels on still lighter wings
[than science], and scatters the seeds of her wild flowers imperceptibly
over the world, till they surprise us by springing up with similarity, in
regions the most remotely divided160." But while these resemblances
tend to establish the fact, that popular fiction is in its nature traditive161,
they necessarily direct our attention to another important question —
the degree of antiquity to be ascribed to the great national fables rela-
tive to Arthur, Theoderic, and Charlemagne. It will be almost need-
less to remark, that the admixture of genuine occurrences in all these
romances is so disproportionate to the fictitious materials by which it
is surrounded, that without the influence of particular names, and the
locality given to the action, we should never connect the events de-
tailed with personages of authentic history. The deeds ascribed to
Charlemagne, by a mere change of scene, become as " germane" to the
life of the most illustrious of the Gothic kings as any of the circum-
stances advanced in his own veracious Vilkina-Saga. A similar trans-
ference might be effected, in the " most antient and famous history of
Prince Arthur," without violating the probability or disturbing the ac-
curacy of the account : and the same process might be applied, with
equal success, to almost every other romance laying claim to an histori-
cal character. But though all parties may be agreed, that the sub-
structure of these recitals is essentially fabulous, the great point to be
investigated, is the sera when each fable first obtained a circulation.
Are the fictitious memorials thus united to the names of these several
European kings the sole invention of an age posterior to their respect-
ive reigns ? or the accumulated traditions of a long succession of cen-
such enormous works in Egypt, Sicily and To this may be added the doctrine of an
Crete. In the former country he received ancient aphorism cited by Demosthenes
divine honours (Diod. Sic. i. p. 109.) ; the (De falsa legatione) :
mythologic character of Volundr is clear - *,> -\ \ «
^ . f 3>nun o ov TIS irainrav airo\\VTai. riv-
from the Edda; and Praetonus speaks of n r
o • • i •> i 117 t. XT' TlVCt TTOAAOt
Spirits Volands and Water- ruxen as syn- . , y Q
Aaoi d>nui£w0r Oeos vv TIS eon Kai
onymous terms. If we allow the daugh- Y '•
ter of Nidung to take the place of Pasi-
phae, the Athenian proverb will be fully 61 Suppose we on things traditive divide,
substantiated : ev TTCLVTI fivOy KO.I TO Aat- . And both appeal to Scripture to de-
<$a\ov fjLvaos. Suidas, i. p. 752. cide. — DRYDEN.
160 Essay on English Poetry, p. 30.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (73)
turies, both antecedent and subsequent to the period in which the events
are placed? It cannot be expected that such an extensive subject will
receive the discussion it merits, on the present occasion ; but as some
of the preceding remarks are founded on an assumption that the latter
position is demonstrable, the general question may be illustrated by
one example out of many, of the mode in which this amalgamation has
been effected in Northern Romance.
The life of Theoderic of Berne, the mirror of German chivalry, has
been connected in later romance with the adventures of Siegfried, the
hero of the Nibelungen Lied*. The authentic history of this latter
prince is wholly beyond the hope of recovery ; but under the more de-
cidedly Northern name of Sigurdr, he has been allowed the same di-
stinction in Icelandic fiction, that attends him in the fables of Germany.
In Saemund's Edda his achievements are recorded in a series of simple
narrative songs ; and the Volsunga-Saga is wholly devoted to the for-
tunes of his family. The ground-work of Siegfried's story is indis-
putably the fatal treasure, originally the property of Andvar the dwarf;
but which, extorted from him by violence, as a ransom for three cap-
tive deities, receives a doom from the injured Duergr, which involves
every after-possessor in the same inevitable ruin as the necklace of
Eriphyle in Grecian story. In the Nibelungen Lied the previous hi-
story of the " hoard" is wholly overlooked ; and its acquisition by Sieg-
fried, notwithstanding the important part assigned it in the subsequent
stages of the recital, forms only a subsidiary argument. The Edda
dwells with a spirit of eager yet mournful pleasure upon the successive
acts of iniquity by which the threat of Andvar is substantiated ; and
the iron mask of destiny obtrudes itself at every step, with the same
appalling rigour as in the tragic theatre of Greece. But in either nar-
rative, the hero of the tale, whether Sigurdr or Siegfried, is spoken of
as the son of Sigmund, and to him are attributed the destruction of the
dragon, and the consequent spoliation of the treasure. A document
nearer home, but which has evidently wandered to these shores from
the North, the Anglo-Saxon poem of Beowulf, gives a different version
of the story. In this interesting record of early Danish fable, the dis-
comfiture of Grendel gives occasion for the introduction of a Scop, or
bard, who, like Demodocus in the Odyssey, entertains the warriors at
Hrothgar's table with an account of deeds of earlier adventure. In
compliment to Beowulf, he selects the most distinguished event in
Northern history ; and the subject of his song is the slaughter of
* [See the late Mr. E. Taylor's Lays of the Minnesingers, above referred to.]
(74) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
the dragon, and the seizure of the treasure by Sigmund the Wael-
sing 162. We are not to consider this as an accidental variation, either
intentionally or ignorantly supplied by the Christian translator or re-
novator of the poem ; the celebrity of Sigmund is supported by the
mention of his name in other Northern documents. In the Hyndlu-
Lioth he is connected with Hermod163 as a favourite of the Gods,
upon whom Odin had bestowed a sword as a mark of his approval.
And in the celebrated Drapr upon the death of Eric Blodoxe, who
was slain in a descent upon the English coast during the tenth cen-
tury, and which is perhaps the oldest Icelandic poem having reference
to a contemporary historical event, Sigmund is summoned by Odin, as
the most distinguished member of Valhalla, to advance and receive the
Norwegian king. But independently of this collateral testimony, the
song of the Anglo-Saxon scop contains internal evidence of its fidelity
to the genuine tradition. The Edda and the Volsunga-Saga make
Sigmund the son of a king Volsungr, whom they place at the head of
the genealogic line ; and consider as the founder of the Volsunga dy-
nasty. It is however certain, that this Volsungr is a mere fictitious
personage ; since, on every principle of analogy, the Volsunga race
must have derived their family appellative from an ancestor of the
name of Vols, just as the Skioldings obtained theirs from Skiold, the
Skilfings from Skilf, and the Hildings from Hildr. Now this is the
genealogy observed by the Anglo-Saxon scop ; who first speaks gene-
rally of the Waelsing race, and then specifically of Sigmund the off-
spring of Waels l65. From this it will be clear that Sigurdr or Siegfried
162 The text of Thorkelin reads, Dedit Hermodo
Thaet he framsige Galeam et loricam,
Munde secgan &c. p. 68. At Sigmundo
Ensem accipere (ferre, habere).
The manuscript, Thig .g dearly the sigmund of the Anglo_
Thset he fram Sigemunde Saxon scop, who immediately passes to
Secgan hyrde. the history of Hermod. The same may
[Ed. Kemble, 1. 1743.] be said of the Sigmund mentioned in
Mr. Grundtvig, a Danish poet, has the K.in* J.ric>8 draPr> wh.ere he is conjoined
merit of first making known the connection J1* J™ son Smfioti. (Compare Sm-
between this song and the Edda, by a fiotla-lok in Saemund s Edda.)
communication inserted in the « Kjoben- 16° Waelsinges gewm-Waelses eafera,
havns Skilderi." (Miiller, p. 381.) It was fd' .Th°£eh?' P' 68A' 6?' 0Of the Icf
detected in the first sheets sent to this landic Volundr, the Anglo-Saxons made
country as a specimen of the forthcoming We.land> «f th.ey h Jve mad* W«ls °.f V.ols-
publication. [A correct- edition of the —Any objection that might be raised to
text of Beowulf was published in 1833 by the antlqultY of the Edda from this cir-
Mr. J. M. Kemble, to whose Prefaces and ^umstance would only apply to the Intro-
Appendix the reader is referred.— R. T.] d"ctl(m to the son^' whlch "confessedly
or a more recent date. It will hence be
63 Gaf han Hermpthi clear, that at the time when these poems
Hialm ac bryniu, were collected, the fiction was of such an-
En Sigmundi tiquity that it had become corrupted at the
Sverth at thiggia. vol. i. p. 315. source. The authenticity of the Edda
MB. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (75)
in the great event of his history has been made to assume the place of
his father Sigmund, upon the same arbitrary principle that the Theban
Hercules has gathered round his name the achievements of so many
earlier heroes. Nor is this perhaps the only mutation to which the
Northern fiction has been subjected. The catastrophe of the fable, as
we have already seen, is wholly dependent upon the treasure of And-
var ; and the founder of the Wselsing dynasty bears a name, which in
the Icelandic and Anglo-Saxon language is nearly synonymous with
wealth or riches 166.
certainly does not stand in need of the
additional support here given ; but it
must be gratifying to those who have
favoured the integrity of these Songs, to
find their opinions confirmed by such con-
clusive and unimpeachable testimony.
Mr. Miiller, in the interesting volume so
repeatedly referred to in various parts of
this preface, has satisfactorily accounted
for the silence of Saxo Grammaticus upon
this branch of fabulous Northern history.
In his day the fiction had become lo-
calized on the Rhine, and was received by
him as a portion of authentic German
story. (Saga-Bibliothek, ii. p. 401.)
166 Upon a future occasion the Editor
will offer his reasons for believing that the
present song has been transposed from
its proper place, to make way for an epi-
sode upon the exploits of Hengest, in-
serted at p. 82. ed. Thorkelin. The sub-
ject of this latter document is evidently
taken from a larger poem, of which a
fragment has been published by Hickes ;
and is known under the name of the
Battle of Finsburh. In Beowulf the actors
are Fin, Hnaef, Hengest, Guthlaf and
Oslaf; in the fragment the same names
occur, with the substitution of Ordlaf for
Oslaf. The scene in either piece is Finnes -
ham, or Finnes-burh, the residence of the
before-mentioned Fin. That in these we
have an allusion to the founder of the
kingdom of Kent, and not to a purely fa-
bulous personage of the same name, will
be rendered probable, on recollecting that
the events recorded contain no admixture
of marvellous matter. Both productions
are clearly of the same historical class,
and written in the same sober spirit, with
the fragment of Brythnoth ; for the
Eotena-cyn of Beowulf, over whom Fin
is said to reign, is a general term in
Northern poetry for any hostile nation not
of the Teutonic stock. From hence it is
desired to make two deductions : First,
that the events alluded to are anterior to
the close of the fifth century; and second-
ly, that the introduction of this episode
into the present poem was not likely to be
made after the year 723, when Egbert
expelled the last monarch of Kent and
dissolved the heptarchy. For this last
deduction more explicit reasons will be
given as before stated on another occa-
sion. It only remains to observe, that
the Hengest mentioned in Beowulf was a
native of Friesland," and to ask whether
Fin was a Celt ? and can the Gaelic anti-
quaries connect him with any Erse sove-
reign bearing this name ?
[The Battle of Finsburh has been print-
ed with Dr. Grundtvig's and Mr. Kemble's
" Beowulf," and in Conybeare's Illustra-
tions, p. 173. in which work there is also
a translation, by the Editor, the Rev.
W. D. Conybeare, of The Death of Byrht-
noth, p. xc. the original text of which is
given in Mr. Thorpe's Analecta, under
the title of The Battle of Maldon. — With
regard to the age of Beowulf, Mr. Kemble
says, " the poem was probably brought
hither by some of those Anglo-Saxons
who, in A.D. 495, accompanied Cerdic
and Cyneric." Pref. p. xix. Some par-
ticulars relative to the mythic personages
whose names occur in these Saxon poems,
were, subsequently to the publication of
the last edition, communicated by Mr.
Price, through me, to the Rev. W. D. Co-
nybeare, and were given in the Note, p.
281. appended to the " Illustrations," on
its publication in 1826, together with some
remarks of my own, suggested by a com-
parison which I had made of the Genealo-
gies in the Saxon Chronicle with those of
Nennius, both in Gale's edition, and in
that which had recently been published
from the Vatican MS. by my venerable
friend the Rev. W. Gunn.
I there ventured to suggest in the note,
p. 286. that the Beaw of the Saxon
Chronicle, An. 854. might be Beowulf:
— " 9. Beaw or Eeowius:— [for Beowulf?
—So Cutha and Cuthwulf are indiffer-
ently read in the Genealogies : compare
An. 495. and 854.]"
My conjecture has now .been satisfacto-
rily confirmed in the Postscript to the Pre-
face of Mr. Kemble's Beowulf, vol. ii. con-
(76') MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The great length to which the preceding remarks have been carried *
will make it necessary to be less excursive in considering the second of
Mr. Ritson's objections ; and fortunately the previous labours of Mr.
Ellis167 have rendered any discussion of the subject almost superfluous.
The fidelity of Geoffrey of Monmouth in the execution of his labours
— at least his scrupulous exactness in preparing the readers mind for
any important deviations from, or suppression of, his original — has
been so satisfactorily established, that we might cite his example as an
instance of good faith that would have done honour to a more critical
age, and shining conspicuously amid the general laxity of his own 168.
The licences he has allowed himself, in the shape of amplification, are
to all appearance nothing more than a common rhetorical exercise, in-
herited by the middle ages from the best days of antiquity : and the
letters and speeches introduced, admitting them to be of his own com-
position, are the necessary appendage of the school in which he was
disciplined. To charge him with " imposture and forgery " for pur-
suing such a course, is as just as it would be to doubt the general pro-
bity of Livy, for a similar practice in the Roman History: and to ques-
tion his veracity, because the subject of his translation is a record of
incredible events, is a degree of hypercriticism which could only have
taining a very learned and able investiga- emigration." Hist, of England, vol. i. p.
tion relative to these Genealogies, and the 448. It is difficult to understand why
heroes of the northern mythology. Geoffrey was more or less a " mere "
I am led, however, to dissent from Mr. translator for these omissions, or how such
Kemble's conjecture, p. vii. that in Bo- a practice could make him an original
erinus the r is substituted by a mistake of writer.— The editor has to apologize for
the copyer (in the time of Hen. VI.) for not having referred to this interesting
the Saxon w ; as I find in a corresponding work of Mr. Turner's in the early portion
genealogy in Resenius's edition of the of Warton's History : but an. absence from
Edda, that the next person to Skiold is his native country at the period of its pub-
Biaff or Bjar ; and in that of Goransson, lication, and for some years afterwards,
Biaf, or Baur ; which shows that the r in caused him to be unacquainted with its
Boerinus is founded upon an ancient syn- contents. It will be needless to add, how
onym. " Biaf, er ver kaullum Baur : " — much he might have been benefited per-
" Biaf, nobis Bear." Edda, Gorans, p. 6. sonally by an earlier knowledge of its ex-
— R. TAYLOR.] istence, and the trouble he might have
* See note appended to this Preface, been spared in travelling over much of the
p. (93). same ground Mr. Turner has now so
16? Metrical Romances, vol. i. Introd. agreeably shortened to every future in-
168 Mr. Sharon Turner (in a recent quirer. While thus reading his confession,
work) has persevered in his objections to the editor will also express his regret at
Geoffrey's fidelity : " Several of Jeffrey's being unacquainted (from the same cause)
interspersed observations imply, that he with a most valuable Essay on the Popu-
has rather made a book of his own, than lar Mythology of the Middle Ages con-
merely translated an author. If he merely tained in the Quarterly Review for Janu-
translated, why should he decline to han- ary 1820, and to which his attention was
die particular points of the history be- directed by a general reference in a fo-
cause Gildas had already told them, or reign publication, Grimm's Kinder-March-
told them better? He assumes here a en. [Since repeated in the English trans-
right of shaping his work as he pleased, as lation, entitled "German Popular Sto-
he does also when he declares his inten- ries."]
tion of relating elsewhere the Armorican
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (77)
been resorted to by a mind eager to escape conviction. But in this, as
in almost everything else which was exposed to the reprobation of Mr.
Ritson, there was a secondary design in the back-ground, of more im-
portance than the original proposition ; and an unqualified denial of
Geoffrey's Armorican original was an indispensable step towards ad-
vancing a favourite theory of his own. The substance of this theory
may be given in the language of its author : " That the English ac-
quired the art of romance-writing from the French seems clear and
certain, as most of the specimens of that art in the former language are
palpable and manifest translations of those in the other : and this too
may serve to account for the origin of romance in Italy, Spain, Ger-
many and Scandinavia. But the French romances are too ancient to
be indebted for their existence to more barbarous nations 169." With
the truth or fallacy of this hypothesis we are not at present concerned.
But it will be obvious that its success must at any time have depended
upon the degree of credit assigned to the repeated declarations of Geof-
frey, and the claims possessed by Armorica to an original property in the
British Chronicle170. A sweeping contradiction therefore, without the
shadow of proof — as if proof in such a case would have been an insult
to the reader's understanding — was to destroy every belief in the
former; while a constant call for proof, a most vehement " iteration"
for the original documents, and an unmeaning speculation upon the
physical inabilities of the whole Armorican nation, from the rugged-
ness of their language, to cultivate poetry, was to silence every preten-
sion of the latter. A more candid spirit of criticism has at length con-
ceded, that a general charge of imposture unsupported by testimony,
169 Metrical Romances, i. p. c. It may Norman minstrels could thus descend to
be as well to subjoin the succeeding para- poach upon Armorican ground, they might
graph in Mr. Ritson's dissertation, for the also have gleaned their intelligence rela-
benefit of those who can reconcile the con- tive to Bevis of Hampton and Guy of War-
tradiction it contains, to the doctrine wick on an English soil. But this again
avowed in the passage cited above : " It would destroy the sneer against the " hi-
is, therefor, a vain and futile endeavour storian of English Poetry," who has call-
to seek for the origin of romance: in all ed these redoubted champions " English
agees and countrys, where literature has heroes." — " Wis " is a genuine Saxon
been cultivateed, and genius and taste name occurring in the Chronicle, and
have inspire'd, whether in India, Persia, Beo-wis might be formed on the analogy
Greece, Italy or France, the early- of Beo-wulf. That the Norman minstrels,
est product of that cultivation, and that like their brothers of Germany and Scan-
genius and taste, has been poetry and ro- dinavia, should have sought in every di-
mance, with reciprocal obligations, per- rection for subjects of romantic adventure,
haps, between one country and another. will be considered no disparagement to
The Arabians, the Persians, the Turks, their genius, except by that gentle band
and, in short, almost every nation in the of critics who believe that the dramatist
globe abound in romancees of their own who borrows his plot is inferior to the
invention." Ibid. ci. play-wright who invents one.
tf° There are those who will say, If the
(78) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
or even a showing of some adequate motive for the concealment of
the truth, is not to overrule the repeated affirmations of a writer no
ways interested in maintaining a false plea ; and that, however much
the tortuous propensities of one man's mind might incline him to prefer
the crooked policy of fraud to the more simple path of plain-dealing,
the contagion of such a disease was not likely to extend itself to a long
list of authorities, all of whom must have been injured rather than
benefited by the confession, who could have had no common motives
with the first propounder of the deceit, and who were divided both by
time and situation from any connexion with him, and generally speak-
ing from any intercourse with each other. The concurrent testimony
of the French romancers is now admitted to have proved the existence
of a large body of fiction relative to Arthur in the province of Brit-
tany : and while they confirm the assertions of Geoffrey in this single
particular, it is equally clear they have neither echoed his language,
nor borrowed his materials. Every further investigation of the subject
only tends to support the opinion pronounced by Mr.Douce ; that "the
tales of Arthur and his knights, which have appeared in so many forms,
and under the various titles of the St. Graal, Tristan de Leonnois, Lan-
celot du Lac, &c. were not immediately borrowed from the work of
Geoffrey of Monmouth, but from his Armoric originals171.
The great evil with which this long-contested question appears to
be threatened at the present day, is an extreme equally dangerous
with the incredulity of Mr. Ritson — a disposition to receive as authen-
tic history, under a slightly fabulous colouring, every incident recorded
in the British Chronicle. An allegorical interpretation is now inflicted
upon all the marvellous circumstances ; a forced construction imposed
upon the less glaring deviations from probability ; and the usual sub-
terfuge of baffled research, — erroneous readings, and etymological
sophistry, — is made to reduce every stubborn and intractable text to
something like the consistency required. It might have been expected
that the notorious failures of Dionysius and Plutarch in Roman history
would have prevented the repetition of an error, which neither learning
nor ingenuity can render palatable; and that the havoc and deadly ruin
effected by these ancient writers (in other respects so valuable) in one
of the most beautiful and interesting monuments of traditional story,
would have acted as a sufficient corrective on all future aspirants.
The favourers of this system might at least have been instructed by
the philosophic example of Livy — if it be lawful to ascribe to philo-
171 See below, p. xiii.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (79)
sophy a line of conduct which perhaps was prompted by a powerful
sense of poetic beauty, — that traditional record can only gain in the
hands of the -future historian, by one attractive aid, the grandeur and
lofty graces of that incomparable style in which the first decade is
written ; and that the best duty towards antiquity, and the most agree-
able one towards posterity, is to transmit the narrative received as an
unsophisticated tradition, in all the plenitude of its marvels, and the
awful dignity of its supernatural agency. For however largely we may
concede that real events have supplied the substance of any traditive
story, yet the amount of absolute facts, and the manner of those facts,
the period of their occurrence, the names of the agents, and the locality
given to the scene — are all combined upon principles so wholly beyond
our knowledge, that it becomes impossible to fix with certainty upon
any single point better authenticated than its fellow. Probability in
such decisions will often prove the most fallacious guide we can follow ;
for, independently of the acknowledged historical axiom, that " le vrai
n'est pas toujours le vraisemblable," innumerable instances might be
adduced, where tradition has had recourse to this very probability, to
confer a plausible sanction upon her most fictitious and romantic inci-
dents172. It will be a much more useful labour, wherever it can be
effected, to trace the progress of this traditional story in the country
where it has become located, by a reference to those natural or arti-
ficial monuments which are the unvarying sources of fictitious events l73 ;
172 The story of the doves at Dodona told Solon, " You Greeks are always chil,
and the origin of the oracle there, is too dren " (Plato, Tim. p. 22.) ; and that the
well known to require a repetition. There Greeks, who believed every tale these art-
is a connexion and propriety in the solu- ful foreigners chose to impose upon them,
tion given by Herodotus, which on a first were proverbial for their admiration of the
perusal carries conviction to the reader's wondrous out of their own country. (Vide
mind. Yet nothing can be more ques- Paus. ix. c. 36.) This strong predilection
tionable than the whole recital. The for Egyptian marvels did not escape the no-
honours of the sacred oak were shared in tice of Heliodorus. Aiyvirnov yap O.KOV-
common with Jupiter, by Dione, whose cpa KO.I dirjyr][J,a Trav, 'EXXrjvucrjs ctKOTjs
symbol, a golden dove, like the golden eTrayorarov. Lib. ii. p. 92. ed. Coray. A
swallows on the brazen roof of Apollo at desire of tracing every thing to an Egyp-
Delphi, (Find. Frag. vol. Hi. p. 54.) was tian origin is as conspicuous in the whole
seen suspended from the branches of the body of Grecian story, as the propensity
venerable tree. (Philostrat. Icon. ii. 34. of the middle ages to trace their institu-
p. 858-9.) Hence the tradition. The tions and genealogic stock to king Priam,
explanation of the Egyptian priesthood is According to Sir Stamford Raffles, the
rendered intelligible by a passage in the Malays universally attempt to trace their
Horapollo (ii. 32.), where it is stated that descent from Alexander and his followers,
a black dove was the sacred symbol, under Pamphleteer, vol. 8.
which these people expressed a woman 173 Higden Will inform us how busily
maintaining her widowhood till death. tradition works in this way : " There is
That this obvious source of the Dodonaan another sygne and token before ye Popes
fable should have yielded to the impro- palays, an horse of bras, and a man syt-
bable dictum of the Theban priesthood, tyng theron, and holdeth his right honde
will not appear remarkable, when we re- as though he spake to the peple, and hold-
member that the same class of men had eth his brydell in his lyfte honde, and
(80) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
and, by a strict comparison of its details with the analogous memorials
of other nations, to separate those elements which are obviously of na-
tive growth, from the occurrences bearing the impress of a foreign
origin174. We shall gain little perhaps by such a course for the history
of human events ; but it will be an important accession to our stock of
knowledge on the history of the human mind. It will infallibly dis-
play, as in the analysis of every similar record, the operation of that
refining principle which is ever obliterating the monotonous deeds of
violence that^n*!! the chronicle of a nation's early career ; and exhibit
the brightest attribute in the catalogue of man's intellectual endow-
ments— a glowing and vigorous imagination, — bestowing upon all the
impulses of the mind a splendour and virtuous dignity, which, however
fallacious historically considered, are never without a powerfully re-
deeming good, the ethical tendency of all their lessons.
The character of the specimens interspersed throughout Warton's
History is a subject of more immediate moment; as it is intimately
connected with a question which must be previously adjusted, before
we can hope to see any advances towards a history of the English
language. The most zealous friend of his fame will readily admit,
that his extracts from our early poetry have not been made with
hath a cucko bytwen his hors heres. And hym with his honde, and bare hym into
a seke dvverf under his feet. Pylgryms the cyte. And for drede leste he sholde
callen that man Theodericus. And the helpe hymselfe with his craft yf he myght
comyns call him Constantinus; but clerkes speke, he threwe hym undir the hors
of the courte calle hym Marcus and Q,uin- . feet, and the horse al to-trade hym. And
tus Curtius They that calle hym Mar- therfor that ymage was made in remem-
cus, telle this reson and skyll. There was braunce of this dede." Then follows the
a dwerf of the kynred of Messenis, his account of those who called it Q. Curtius.
craft was Nygromancye. Whan he had Trevisa's Translation, p. 24.
subdewed kynges that dwelled nyghe J?4 The manner in which national fable
hym, and made hem subgette to hym, swelled its mass of incident in the ancient
thenne he wente to Rome, to warre with world, by having recourse to this practice,
the Romayns. And with his craft he be- has been already noticed at pp. (22) (23).
nam the Romayns power and might for to With the Greeks and Romans, every hero
smyte, and beseged hem longe tyme iclosed whom they found celebrated in a foreign
within the cyte. This dwerf went every soil for his prowess against wild beasts,
day tofore the sonne rysyng in to the felde robbers or tyrants, was their own divinity
for to do his crafte. Whan the Romayns Hercules ; and every traveller who had
had espyed that maner doynge of the touched on a distant coast, Ulysses. This
dwerf, they spake to Marcus, a noble system of appropriating the native tra-
knyght, and behyghthym lordshyp of the ditions of their neighbours was not con-
cyte, and a memoryall in mynde for ever- fined to the ancients. The followers of
more, yf he wolde defende hem and save King Sigurd lorlafar, who visited Constan-
the cyte. Thenne Marcus made an hole tinople in the year 1111, on their return
thrugh the walle, longe er it were daye, from the holy land, brought an account to
for to abyde his crafte to cache this dwerf. Norway that they had seen the images of
And whan it was tyme, the cucko sange, their early kings, the Asae, the Volsunga?,
and warned hym of the daye. Thenne and the Giukings, erected in the Hippo-
Marcus reysed to, and bycause he myght drome of the Imperial city. Heimskrin-
not hytte the dwerf with wepen, he caught gla, vol. iii. p. 245.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (81)
that attention to the orthography of his manuscripts, which the ex-
ample and authority of Mr. Ritson have since established as an indis-
pensable law. There are occasional* instances also, where inadvertency
has produced some confusion of the sense, by erroneous readings of his
text ; and a few errors involving the same results, from indistinct-
ness in the manuscript, or the difficulty of deciphering correctly some
unusual or obsolete term. For the last of these deficiencies no further
justification will be offered, than that they are of a kind which every
publisher of early poetry must be more or less exposed to; that they
are neither so important nor so numerous as they are usually consi-
dered ; and that some allowance is due to the lax opinions entertained
upon the subject when Warton's History made its appearance. The
former will require a more minute investigation, both from the obloquy
cast upon his reputation for omitting to observe it, and the importance
it -has been made to assume in the labours of every subsequent anti-
quary. The golden rule of Mr. Ritson, enforced by the precept and
example of twenty years, and scrupulously adhered to by his disciples,
is " integrity to the original text." The genius of the language, the
qualifications of the transcriber, and the power of oral delivery upon
the original writer, have been considered so subsidiary to this primary
and elemental point, that they are scarcely noticed, or wholly omitted,
in the discussion of the question. Every thing written has had con-
ferred upon it the authority of an explicit statute, and fidelity to the
letter of a manuscript is only to be infringed under certain obvious
limitations. There might have been something to colour the rigid
course thus prescribed, if it had been either proved or found that there
was a general consistency observed in any single manuscript with itself,
or that the various modes of writing the same word in one document
were countenanced by a systematic mode of deviation in another. But
so far is this from being the case, that a single line often exhibits a
cfiange in the component letters of the same word (and which may
have been written in the previous pages with every variety it is capable
of) ; and no diligence or ingenuity can establish a rule, which will re-
concile the orthography of one manuscript to that of its fellow, upon
any principle of order or grammatical analogy. There is, however,
nothing singular in this state of our early English texts, or of a nature
not to admit of a comparatively easy solution. By far the greater num-
* £It might more truly be said, ' fre- tions, but had often obliterated the sense
quent instances.' Mr. Price treats this sub- of the original, giving occasion to glossa-
ject with too much indulgence ; as War- rial conjectures which the collation of the
ton's errors in transcribing were by no text has shown to be wholly groundless,,
means confined to orthographical varia- — 11. T.]
VOL. I. f
(82) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
bcr of these discrepancies may be fairly ascribed to the inattention of
transcribers, a class of men whose heedless blunders have cast a pro-
verbial stigma upon their labours, and who, to pass over the charges
left against them by the ancient world, have been successively exposed
to the anathemas of Orm and the censures of Chaucer. For the rest,
we must refer to the circumstances under which the original documents
were written, or the autographs as they were dismissed from the hands
of their respective authors.
At whatever age we assume the subject, subsequent to the Norman
conquest, and previous to the invention of printing, the very absence
of this most important of human arts might of itself assure us, that the
forms of orthography would be more or less fluctuating, from the total
want of any considerable number of copies following one general prin-
ciple in the composition of their words. There never could have been,
as at the present day, any multiplied exemplars of the same work, the
literal fac-similes of each other, — and consequently the reciprocal gua-
rantees of their respective integrity and fidelity to the original text ;
nor any acknowledged standard of appeal which was to direct the mind
in cases of dubious issue. Hence every writer would of course adopt
the general style acquired during his school instruction ; and where this
chanced to be defective, he would naturally fly to analogy as the best
arbitrator of his doubts. Now, though nothing is more certain than
that the existing laws of our language are the consequences of some
antecedent ones, and that all are governed by an analogy systematic in
its constitution ; yet nothing also is more clear, than that unless we
pursue this analogy according to its governing principle, it will lead us
to the most erroneous and indefensible conclusions. Let any one for ex-
ample assume some particular letters, as the unvarying representatives
of any determinate sound ; and having applied them .in conjunction
with the remaining symbols making up the different words in which
this sound recurs, compare his novel mode of association with that ge-
nerally received. The result will give him a language strongly resem-
bling the written compositions of all our early manuscripts, with one
grand distinction, — that though this kind of analogy has been chiefly
followed, it was never systematically adhered to ; and that the excep-
tions to the rule have been hardly less numerous than the cases in
which it has been applied. This we may readily conceive to have
arisen from the influence of the style acquired enforcing one kind
of analogy, and the unbiassed judgement of the writer — unbiassed
except by the natural power of oral delivery — giving direction to
another. The latter indeed must have been the universal guide in
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (83)
all cases of -uncertainty ; and, for the reason before given, both a
varying and unsatisfactory one. In addition to these difficulties, there
was another co-operating cause, which will of itself explain a large
body of minor variations. The study of the English language, in com-
mon with that of every vernacular dialect in Europe, was the offspring
of comparatively recent ages ; and of the component parts which fill
the measure of this study, orthography was nearly the last to occupy
public attention. That it would have followed in the order of time,
without the invention of printing, is clear from the attention bestowed
upon it by the ancient world175. But it never could have demanded
any share of serious notice, until the literature of the country had been
to a certain degree matured ; until grammar as a science had become
sedulously pursued ; and the labours of grammarians had established
certain rules of orthoepy, which every writer would have willingly fol-
lowed. From a combination of these causes, therefore, the unsettled
state of early orthography is easily deducible. The confusion it has
originated will be evident on the perusal of a single page in Mr. Ritson's
Romances : but the corollary which has been drawn from it — that the
manuscripts exhibit a text whose integrity ought invariably to be pre-
served— can only be admitted under a presumption that the enuncia-
tion of those who wrote them was as fluctuating as their graphic forms.
The latter proposition is an inevitable consequence of the previous in-
ference; and is a position in itself so unwarrantable and incredible, that
it needs only to be considered with reference to its practicability, to
receive the condemnation it merits.
It is true, a great deal of traditionary opinion might be cited in
favour of such an hypothesis, and several distinguished writers of our
own day have been found to lend it the countenance of their names.
Mr. Mitford has declared, that the Brut of Layamon displays " all the
appearance of a language thrown into confusion by the circumstances,
of those who spoke it176;" and Mr. Sharon Turner has observed of our
175 The state of our Anglo-Saxon ma- startling to the zealous admirer of our
nuscripts and the labours of vElfric alone early literature, he will rather attribute
might be cited in proof of these positions. them to the same cause which during an
176 See Mr. Mitford's Harmony of Lan- age of romantic poetry makes the effusions
guage. The expressions in the text have of Mr. Campbell's muse appear an echo of
been taken from Mr. Campbell's citation, the chaste simplicity and measured energy
in his Essay on English Poetry, p. 33, of Attic song. [The much -desired pub-
where the reader will also find an able re- lication of the two texts of Layamon by
futation of Mr. Ellis's opinions upon the the Society of Antiquaries, with the glos-
progress of the English language. — It is sarial annotations of Sir F. Madden, will
impossible that Mr. Campbell should not throw much light on the early history of
at all times be awake to the spirit of ge- our language. The same may be said
nuine poetry, however disguised by the of some of the pieces lately printed in the
rust of antiquity. And if some of the Re.li.qni(p Antique of Messrs. Wright and
criticisms in this genial Essay prove rather Halliwell, and in other collections : whilst
f2
(84) MR. PRICE'S PREPACK TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
language, in a still earlier stage, — " The Saxon anomalies of grammar
seem to have been so capricious, and so confused, that their meaning
must have been often rather conjectured, than understood ; and hence
it is, that their poetry, especially in Beowulf, is often so unintelligible
to us. There is no settled grammar to guarantee the meaning ; we
cannot guess so well nor so rapidly as they, who, talking every day in
the same phrases, were familiar with their own absurdities. Or per-
haps when the harper recited, they often caught his meaning from his
gesticulation, felt it when they did not understand it, and thought ob-
scurity to be the result of superior ability 177." It will be no disparage-
ment to the talents of these distinguished historians, that a subject un-
connected with the general tenor of their studies, and only incidentally
brought before them, should have eluded their penetration ; or that a
plausible theory, rather extensively accredited, should have surprised
them into an acquiescence in its doctrines. But when it is asserted,
under the authority of a name so deservedly esteemed as Mr. Mitford's,
that political disturbances have produced a corresponding confusion in
the structure of a nation's language, and that a disjointed time has been
found to subvert the whole economy of a dialect, we are in justice
bound to inquire, by what law of our nature these singular results en-
sue, and in what degree the example given will warrant such a con-
clusion. We may readily grant the learned advocate of this hypothesis
any state of civil confusion he chooses to assume, in the ages imme-
diately following upon the Norman conquest ; and still, with every ad-
vantage of this concession, the position he has adopted must preserve
all the native nakedness of its character. For, until it shall be shown
that political commotions have a decided tendency to derange the in-
tellectual and physical powers, in the same degree that they disorganize
civil society ; and that, under the influence of troubled times, men are
by the printing of the Exeter Book, under real existence, and your reasons for its dis-
the superintendence of Mr. Thorpe, to continuance. Both propositions are equally
whose care it has been entrusted by the defensible, and entitled to the same de-
Saxon Committee of the Society of And- gree of credence. It is a common piece
quaries, a very considerable addition to of address with the favourers of this
the body of Anglo-Saxon poetry will be theory, to refer us to the language of some
made accessible to the student. — R.T.] savage Indian tribe, of whom we know as
J7? History of England, vol. i. p. 564. much as the traveller has been pleased to
All opinions of this kind are evidently inform us. The personal qualifications of
founded upon the belief that language is the latter to speak upon the question we
the product of man's invention ; and that have no means of deciding. In a parallel
the succession of time alone has perfected case, Dr. Johnson justly charged Montes-
the first crude conceptions of his mind. quieu with want of fairness, for deducing
To such a belief we may apply the argu- a general principle from some observance
ment opposed to those who conceive the obtaining in Mexico or Japan, it might be,
human race to have grown out of the earth for which he could adduce no better au-
like so many cabbages. Bring forward thority than the vague account of some
your proof that this phenomenon had a traveller whom accident had taken there.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (85)
prone to forget the natural means of communicating their ideas, to
falter in their speech, and recur to the babble of their infancy, — we
certainly have not advanced beyond the threshold of the argument.
That such effects have ever occurred from the cause alleged, in any
previous age, remains yet to be demonstrated ; that they do not occur
in the existing state of society, — that they are not therefore the neces-
sary results of any acknowledged law of our nature,— the experience
of the last thirty years of European warfare and political change may
at least serve as a testimony.
An influx of foreigners, or a constant intercourse with and depend-
ence upon them, may corrupt the idiom of a dialect to a limited extent,
or charge it with a large accumulation of exotic terms; but this change
in the external relation of the people speaking the dialect, will neither
confound the original elements of which it is composed, nor destroy the
previous character of its grammar. The lingua franca, as it is called,
of the shores washed by the Mediterranean sea, contains an admixture
of words requiring all the powers of an erudite linguist to trace the
several ingredients to their parent sources ; yet with all the corruptions
and innovations to which this oddly assorted dialect has been subject-
ed, it invariably acknowledges the laws of Italian grammar. A similar
inundation of foreign terms is to be found in the German writers of the
seventeenth century, where the mass of Latin, Greek and French ex-
pressions almost exceeds the number of vernacular words : yet here
again the stranger matter has been made to accommodate itself to the
same inflections and modal changes as those which govern the native
stock. In considering the language of Layamon, however, there is no
necessity for having recourse to this line of argument. In the speci-
men published by Mr. Ellis, not a Gallicism is to be found, nor even a
Norman term : and so far from exhibiting any " appearance of a lan-
guage thrown into confusion by the circumstances of those who spoke
it," nearly every important form of Anglo-Saxon grammar is rigidly
adhered to ; and so little was the language altered at this advanced
period of Norman influence, that a few slight variations might convert
it into genuine Anglo-Saxon. That some change had taken place in
the style of composition and general structure of the language, since
the days of Alfred, is a matter beyond dispute ; but that these muta-
tions were a consequence of the Norman invasion, or were even acce-
lerated by that event, is wholly incapable of proof; and nothing is sup-
ported upon a firmer principle of rational induction, than that the same
effects would have ensued if William and his followers had remained in
their native soil. The substance of the change is admitted on all hands
(86) MR, PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
to consist in the suppression of those grammatical intricacies, occasion-
ed by the inflection of nouns, the seemingly arbitrary distinctions of
gender, the government of prepositions, &c.* How far this may be con-
sidered as the result of an innate law of the language, or some general
law in the organization of those who spoke it, we may leave for the
present undecided : but that it was no way dependent upon external
circumstances, upon foreign influence or political disturbances, is esta-
blished by this undeniable fact, — that every branch of the Low German
stock, from whence the Anglo-Saxon sprang, displays the same simpli-
fication of its grammar. In all these languages, there has been a con-
stant tendency to relieve themselves of that precision which chooses a
fresh symbol for every shade of meaning, to lessen the amount of nice
distinctions, and detect as it were a royal road to the interchange of
opinion. Yet in thus diminishing their grammatical forms and simpli-
fying their rules, in this common effort to evince a striking contrast to
the usual effects of civilization, all confusion has been prevented by the
very manner in which the operation has been conducted : for the revo-
lution produced has been so gradual in its progress, that it is only to
be discovered on a comparison of the respective languages at periods
of a considerable interval.
The opinions of Mr. Turner178 upon the character of the Anglo-
Saxon language might be safely left to the decision of the practical in-
quirer, who, without allowing himself to be dazzled by the brilliancy of
an abstract speculation, or to be swayed by the influence of a long-
established prejudice, considers every theory with reference to man in
[* A similar revolution took place in as well perhaps to offer one instance out
the Greek language, in the decline of the of a thousand, in proof of the assistance to
Byzantine empire, as has been noticed by be gained by a knowledge of the Anglo-
Dr. Priestley, Lecture xiv. On the Theory Saxon grammar. The following passage,
of Language ; — also by A. W. Schlegel in as it stands in our present text, is false in
his "Observations sur la Langue Pro- its grammatical construction, and defective
ven9ale," 1818, p. 13, where he terms it a in alliteration :
change from the synthetic to the analytic Gif thu Grendles dearst
form, answering to Priestley's divisions Night longne
into complex and simple.— R.T.] Fyrstne anbidan.
«« It would take a much greater space, Mr. Turner's translation :
to offer a detailed refutation of Mr. Tur- Tf. ., ,
ner's opinions, than is occupied in the ori- {J™ daref ^e Gre.n?el
ginal recital of them. But in a future ™e ?™ °f a long ni8ht
publication, when examining Mr. Tyr-
whitt's Essay on the Language and Versi- Restore the grammar, and we obtain the
fication of Chaucer, the editor pledges alliteration,without changing a letter of the
himself to substantiate by the most irre- text :
fragable proofs all that he has advanced. Gif thu Grendles dearst
In the present state of the question, he AHght-longne fyrst
can only appeal to the common sense and .Mean bidan.
daily experience of the reader, coupled If thou darest Grendles (encounter,
with an assurance that the counsel and gething,o( t\ie context)
practice of Junius and Hickes are directly (A) night long space
opposed to this novel theory. It may be Near abide.
MR. PRICK'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (87)
society. To him we might appeal for the solution of our doubts, as to
the possibility of conducting the commonest concerns of life, with these
imperfect means of communicating our wants ; or how the Babel-like
confusion attendant upon a people, who had " no settled grammar to
guarantee their meaning, who were compelled to guess the import of
their mutual absurdities," was not to involve a second dissolution of the
social compact, and another separation of the families of the earth so
visited. But fortunately Mr. Turner, in the same spirit of candour that
attends all his investigations, has supplied us with the proofs upon
which his conclusions are grounded ; and in so doing has afforded us
the most satisfactory means of producing a refutation of his opinions.
It may appear surprising, but it is nevertheless true, that of the nume-
rous specimens adduced in support of the " capricious anomalies " to be
found in Saxon grammar, not a single instance occurs which is not
rigidly in unison with the laws of that grammar : and so strikingly con-
sistent is the obedience they display to the rules there enforced, that
any future historian of the language might select the same examples in
proof of a contrary position. He would only have to apprise the reader
of some peculiarities in those laws, which Mr. Turner seems to have
misunderstood, or not to have been acquainted with ; and to inform him
that the simple rule observed in our own times respecting the genders
of nouns, was not acknowledged in Saxon grammar ; and consequently,
that in this department there was a greater degree of complexity ; that
the inflection of nouns was governed by no single norm, but varied as
in the languages of the ancient world ; that every class embraced in this
same part of speech, was not alike perfectly inflected ; that some exhibit
a change of termination in almost every case, while others approach the
simplicity of our present forms, having only a change in the genitive ;
that a difference in the sense produced a change in the government of
the prepositions179; and lastly, that the adjective was differently in-
flected, as it was used in conjunction with the definite or indefinite ar-
ticle. With these observances, a reader unacquainted with a single line
of Anglo-Saxon, and only assisted by the paradigm of declensions con-
tained in any grammar, might reduce Mr. Turner's anomalies to their
original order ; and collect from the regularity with which they conform
to the standards given, the general spirit of uniformity that obtained
throughout the language. Indeed there is nothing more striking, or
more interesting to the ardent philologer, than the order and regularity
preserved in Anglo-Saxon composition, the variety of expression, the
1?9 Mr. Turner has noticed this pecu- was systematically observed ; which is the
liarity, but then he has denied that it point at issue.
(88) MR. PRICK'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
innate richness, and plastic power with which the language is endowed ;
and there are few things more keenly felt by the student of Northern
literature, or a mind strongly alive to the same qualities as they are re-
tained in the language of Germany, than that all these excellences
should have disappeared in our own. But it will be better to remain
silent on a subject of such vain regret, and to avail ourselves of the
only advantage to be derived from the knowledge of it. It is capable
of demonstration, that in the golden days of Anglo-Saxon literature,
the sera of Alfred, the language of written composition was stable in its
character, and to all appearance continued so till the cultivation of it
among the learned became no longer an object of emulation. The
mutations that ensued, it has been already asserted, were not the result
of any capricious feeling, acknowledging no general principle of action ;
but a revolution effected upon certain and determinate laws, which,
however undefined in their origin, are sufficiently evident in their con-
sequences. The general result has been, a language whose grammatical
rules have been long ascertained, at least in every particular bearing
upon the present subject ; and we are thus supplied with two unvarying
standards of appeal at the extremes of the inquiry. Now, in such a
state of the question, it will be obvious that every word which has
retained to our own times the orthography bestowed upon it by the
Anglo-Saxons, must during the intervening periods have preserved in
the enunciation a general similarity of sound ; and that however differ-
ently it may be written, or whatever additional letters or variations of
them may have been conferred upon it by transcribers, there could
have been only one legitimate form of its orthography. The changes
introduced could only have been caused by an attempt to reconcile the
orthography with the sounds emitted in delivery ; and ought not to be
considered as in any degree indicative of a fluctuation in the mode of
pronouncing them. In another numerous class of words, it is equally
clear that a change of orthography from the Anglo-Saxon forms has
arisen solely from the abolition of the accentual marks which distin-
guished the long and short syllables. As a substitute for the former,
the Norman scribes, or at least the disciples of the Norman school of
writing, had recourse to the analogy which governed the French lan-
guage ; and to avoid the confusion which would have sprung from ob-
serving the same form in writing a certain number of letters differently
enounced and bearing a different meaning, they elongated the word, or
attached as it were an accent instead of superscribing it. From hence
has emanated an extensive list of terms, having final e's and duplicate
consonants ; and which were no more the representatives of additional
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (89)
syllables, than the acute or grave accent in the Greek language is a
mark of metrical quantity180. Of those variations which arose from
elision, a change in the enunciation, or from the adoption of a new
combination of letters for the same sound, it is impossible to speak
briefly ; and a diligent comparison of our early texts, and a clear un-
derstanding of the analogies which have prevailed in the constitution
of words, can alone enable us to speak decisively. But with this know-
ledge before us of the real state of the question, it is high time to re-
lieve ourselves of the arbitrary restrictions imposed by a critic wholly
ignorant of the first principles by which language is regulated ; whose
acquaintance with the fountain head of "English undefikd" induced
him to call it " a meagre and barren jargon which was incapable of dis-
charging its functions," (though possessing all the natural copiousness
and plastic power of the Greek) ; and whose love for the lore itself
seems rather to have arisen from a blind admiration of those barbaric
innovations which make it repulsive to the scholar and the man of taste,
than from any feeling of the excellences that adorn it181. The tram-
mels of the Ritsonian school can only perpetuate error, by justifying
the preconceived notions of " confusion and anomalies," from the very
documents that ought to contain a refutation of such opinions ; and we
can never hope to obtain a legitimate series of specimens, duly illus-
trating the rise and progress of the language, till we recur to the same
principles in establishing our texts that have been observed by every
editor of a Greek or Roman classic. With such a system for our guide,
we may expect to see the natural order which prevailed in the enunci-
ation of the language, restored to the pages recording it ; and an effect-
ual check imposed upon the " multiplying spawn" of reprints, which,
in addition to all the errors preserved in the first impression from the
manuscript, uniformly present us with the further mistakes of the ty-
pographer. Whether such a principle was felt by Warton, in the sub-
stitution he has made of more recent forms in his text, for the unsettled
orthography of his manuscripts, must now be a fruitless inquiry ; but
we shall have no difficulty in convincing ourselves, that his specimens
would have been more intelligible to the age in which they were writ-
ten, if enounced by a modern, than the transcripts of Mr. Ritson with
all their scrupulous fidelity.
180 The converse of this can only be peruseers,of such a collection are deceive'd
maintained, under an assumption that the and impose'd upon ; the pleasure they re-
Anglo-Saxon words of one syllable multi- ceive is derive 'd from the idea of antiquity,
plied their numbers after the conquest, which in fact is perfect illusion ! " There
and in some succeeding century subsided is no parrying an objection of this kind,
into their primitive simplicity. which, forcible as it may be, is not quite
181 Mr. Ritson has thus spoken of Dr. original. It is the language of that worthy
Percy's corrections of the Reliques of gentleman, M. la Rancune, in the Roman
English Poetry : " The purchaseers and Comique, troisieme partie, e. 9.
(90) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
The glossarial notes of Warton form so small a portion of his labours
that they would not have required a distinct enumeration, had they not
been made the subject of Mr. Ritson's animadversion. That they con-
stituted no essential part of his undertaking, that his general views of
our early poetry, and his opinions upon the respective merits of our
poets, would have been as accurate and perspicuous without subjoining
a single glossarial illustration, or failing to thrice the extent in which
he has committed himself, will be felt by any liberal critic who will
take the trouble of examining how fe\v of Warton's positions are affected
by these deficiencies. The amount of obsolete terms in any early
writer bears so small a proportion to the general mass of his matter,
that his genius might be appreciated, and his excellences portrayed,
by a person unable to refer to a single gloss on the text. The assist-
ance thus acquired may develope particular beauties, or give a firmer
comprehension of their effect ; but the poetry which depends for its
merit upon the felicity of single phrases, whose import is only to be
gathered from isolated terms, can scarcely suffer by our want of ability
to detect its disjointed meaning. For every purpose of an historian,
Warton's skill in glossography was certainly sufficient ; and if not co-
extensive with the vaunted acquirements182 of his opponent, it will
hardly rank him lower in the scale of such attainments than the place
allotted his adversary. There are few men at the present day who have
given their attention to this subject, that will think otherwise than
lightly of the " utmost care observed in the glossary " to the Metrical
Romances ; and no one who has advanced to any proficiency in the
study, who will not readily acknowledge the easy nature of such la-
bours, how little of success is to be considered as the result of mental
energy, the effort of genius rather than passive industry.
It now only remains to give an account of the plan upon which the
present Edition has been conducted. The text of Warton has been
scrupulously preserved with the exception of a few unimportant cor-
rections, of which notice is given by the interpolations being printed
182 Whenever Mr. Ritson felt disposed of him.' The boy however manifestly
to read a lecture on glossography, Mr. El- intends our seedy knight no compliment
lis was usually summoned before the ma- in the question he asks : ' Is he aught/
gisterial chair. The following amusing spe- says he, ' but a wretch (or begerly ras-
cimen may be cited by way of example : cal) ? What does any one care for him' ? "
"Thanseyde f/te &oy,Nyshebutawrecche? Now simple as this passage maybe, Mr.
What thar any man of hym recche? Ritson has contrived to " misconceive" it
Mister Ellis hath strangely misconceive'd in two places : first by affixing a note of
this simple passage; supposeing awreche interrogation to wrecche; and secondly by
as it is there printed [i. e. in Ways Fab- overlooking the verb "thar" (need). This
liaux] to be one word, and the meaning obsolete term occurs frequently in Mr.
' He is not without his revenge (i. e. com- Ritson's volumes, but finds no place in hii
pemation) whatever any man may think glossary.
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (91 )
within brackets. The specimens of early poetry have been either col-
lated with MSS. in the British Museum !83, or copied from editions of
acknowledged fidelity184; and the glossarial notes corrected wherever
the editor's ability was equal to the task. But less attention has been
directed to this latter subject than would otherwise have been bestowed
upon it, from an intention long entertained of giving a general glossary
to the whole work, which should embrace Warton's numerous omis-
sions. The additional notes are such as appeared necessary, either for
illustration or emendation of the subjects noticed : but the editor was
early taught that the former would comprise a small part of his duties,
since, however lavish Warton may appear in the communication of his
matter, it will be obvious to any one who will trace him through his
authorities, that he has been parsimonious rather than prodigal in the
use of his resources. With such a hint, it was therefore considered in-
cumbent to give no additional illustration which could by possibility
have been within his knowledge. To the First Dissertation such notes
have been added as could be conveniently introduced without inter-
fering with Warton's theory ; the Second is so complete in itself, that
the editor has been unable to detect in the more recent labours of Eich-
horn, Heeren, Turner and Berrington, any omission which may not be
considered as intentional. The Third relates to a subject of which War-
ton has rather uncovered the surface than explored the depths ; and
which, notwithstanding the subsequent and important labours of Mr.
Douce, still awaits a further investigation. In this Edition, however, it
has been made to follow those originally prefixed by Warton to his first
volume, from a conviction that it will be found equally useful in prepa-
ring the reader's mind for the topics discussed in the succeeding pages.
But though thus compelled to speak of his own labours as first in the
order of time, and with reference to the disposition of the work, the
editor has the pleasing task of communicating that the most important
contributions to these volumes have flowed from other sources. Nearly
the whole of Warton's first and second volume had been sent to the
press when the publisher acquired by purchase the papers of Mr. Park,
a gentleman whose general acquaintance with early English literature
is too well known to need remark, and whose attention for many years
183 Mr. Park's collations of the Oxford cond. [In the present edition, vol. ii. pp.
MSS. will be found at the end of the re- 338 — 360.] It has been faithfully reprinted
spective volumes containing Warton's from Warton's text with all the inaccura-
transcripts. [These collations are now cies of the first transcripts (as they were
incorporated into the text.] gathered at the time from periodical pub-
184 The section on the Rowleian con- lications), that the reader interested in the
troversy forms an exception. It was ori- subject might form an estimate of the state
ginally intended to throw this chapter into of the question when Warton pronounced
an appendix; but a new division of the his decision.
volumes brought it to the close of the se-
(92) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
has been directed to an improved edition of the History of English
Poetry. Among the accessions thus obtained were found some valu-
able remarks by Mr. Ritson, Mr. Douce, and an extract of every thing
worthy of notice in the copious notes of Dr. Ashby 185, and an extensive
body of illustrations either collected or written by Mr. Park, of which
it would be presumption in a person so little qualified as their present
editor to offer an opinion. To have incorporated this newly acquired
matter in the respective pages to which it refers was found impossible,
without cancelling nearly the whole impression, and it has therefore
been subjoined in the shape of additional notes at the close of each
volume*. Fortunately, however, the greater share of Mr. Park's com-
mentary was directed to the contents of Warton's Third Volume, and
was consequently obtained in time to be inserted beneath the original
text. For this portion of the edition, indeed, Mr. Park may be considered
responsible, as the editor's notes were withdrawn wherever they touched
upon a common subject, and those remaining are too few to need any
specific mention. It would have been more agreeable if such an oppor-
tunity had presented itself in an earlier stage of the work ; but however
much might have been gained by having the same information com-
municated in a more pleasing form, this was not thought sufficient to
countervail the objection that might have been brought against the
work for its extensive repetitions. Wherever therefore Mr. Park's
remarks on the previous volumes referred to a common subject without
supplying any further illustration of it, they have been suppressed : but
this, with the exception of a few animadversions of a sectarian tendency,
and one or two notes copied from other writers, and obviously inaccu-
rate, forms the whole that has been withdrawn from the public eye.
In the progress of his duties, a variety of subjects presented them-
selves to the editor's mind, as requiring some further illustration than
could be lawfully comprised within the limits of a note ; and under
this impression he more than once ventured to promise a further dis-
cussion of the points at issue, in some subsequent part of the work.
But the materials connected with these topics have so grown under his
hands, that he has been compelled to relinquish the intention, and to
reserve for a separate and future undertaking the inquiries to which
they relate. The promised account of the distinctions of dialect in
the Anglo-Saxon language, and the state of their poetry186, has been
185 The papers of Dr. Ashby were also they will bear no comparison, as to value
purchased at the same time (at no small and importance, with those of Mr. Price,
expense) ; but they were not found to con- — R.T.j
tain anything of consequence which had 186 The Anglo-Saxon ode given at p.
not been previously used by Mr. Park. Ixvi. will be considered a substitute
* [In the present edition they are in- perhaps for this omission. One of the
corporated. It is admitted, however, that obscurities in that poem may be removed
MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824. (93)
in part withheld for the same reasons ; arid partly from a knowledge
subsequently obtained that the subject was in much better hands. A
volume containing numerous specimens of Anglo-Saxon and Anglo-
Norman poetry, with translations and illustrations by the Rev. J. J.
Conybeare, is on the eve of publication *.
NOTE omitted at p. (76.) 1. 1.
FOR the same reason (want of space) it has been found necessary to
omit any examination of the general style of the romantic tale, and the
tone and colouring of its events, as compared with similar productions
of the ancient world. The latter indeed are only preserved to us in
the meagre notices of the grammarians ; but even these inadequate
memorials contain the traces of all those lineaments which have been
supposed to confer an original character upon the poetry of modern
Europe. The same love of adventure, of heroic enterprise, and gallant
daring ; the same fondness for extraordinary incident and marvellous
agency obtrudes itself at every step : and to take one example out of
many, the Life of Perseus might be made to pass for the outline of an
old romance or the story of a genuine chevalier preux. Let the reader
only remember the illegitimate but royal descent of this hero, his ex-
posure to almost certain death in infancy, his providential escape, the
hospitality of Dictys, the criminal artifices of Polydectes, the gallant
vow by which the unsuspecting stranger hopes to lessen his obligation
to the royal house of Seriphus, the consequences of that vow, the aid
he receives from a god and goddess, the stratagem by which he gains
a power over the monstrous daughter of Phorcys — who alone can in-
struct him in the road which leads to the dwelling of the Nymphs — the
gifts conferred upon him by the latter, the magic scrip (which is to
conceal the Gorgon's head without undergoing petrifaction}, the winged
sandals (which are to transport him through the air), the helmet of
Pluto (which is to render him invisible), the sword of Mercury, or, ac-
cording to other traditions, of Vulcan, and the assistance given him by
Minerva in his encounter with the terrific object of his pursuit, — let
the reader only recall these circumstances to his memory, and he will
instantly recognise the common details of early European romance.
Again : his punishment of the inhospitable and wily Atlas, the rescue
of Andromeda, and the slaughter of the monster about to devour her ;
the rivalry and defeat of Phineus, the delivery of Danae from the lust
of Polydectes, and the ultimate succession of Perseus to the throne of
Argos, which he forgoes that he may become the founder of another
kingdom, — only complete the train of events, which make up the suc-
cessful course of a modern hero's adventures. A mere change of
names and places, — with the substitution of a dwarf for Mercury, and
by a slight emendation of the text. [See his brother, the Rev. Will. Dan. Cony-
the proposed emendation, " we rig and beare, rector of Sully, who has made many
wiges ssed," in note 12, p. Ixxii.] valuable additions. It is however con-
* [The lamented death of Mr. Cony- fined to the Anglo-Saxon period, and
beare retarded for some time the appear- does not include the Anglo-Norman. —
ance of this volume, but it was eventually M.]
published in 1826 under the editorship of
(94) MR. PRICE'S PREFACE TO THE EDITION OF 1824.
a fairy for Minerva, of a giantess for the Phorcydes, of a mild enchan-
tress for the Nymphs, a magician for Atlas, and the terrific flash of the
hero's eyes for the petrifying power of Medusa's head — an Icelandic
romance would say " at hafa aegishialmr i augom," — with a due ad-
mixture of all the pageantry of feudal manners, would give us a ro-
mance, which, for variety of incident and the prolific use of supernatu-
ral agency, might vie with any popular production of the middle-age*.
The extraordinary properties of the sandals and helmet have already
been shown to occupy a conspicuous rank among the wonders of mo-
dern romance ; the sword of Mercury was called Harpe, as that of
Arthur was named Excalibor ; while to prove the affinity of this sin-
gular story with the genuine elements of popular fiction, all its inci-
dents are to be found in the life of the Northern Sigurdr, or the Nea-
politan tale of Lo Dragone (Pentamerone, Giorn. iv. Nov. 85.).
There is another point connected with the present subject, upon
which a similar silence has been observed, and found exclusively in
modern romance, — the tone of chivalric devotion to the commands
and wishes of the softer sex, and the general spirit of gallantry, which
without the influence of passion acknowledged their rights and privi-
leges. On a future occasion it will be shown, that in considering this
question, the expressions of Tacitus in his Germany have been too
literally interpreted. There is little in this valuable tract, relative to
the female sex, which does not find a parallel in the institutions of
other nations of the ancient world, wherever we find a notice of them,
under a similar degree of civilization. The respect paid to female in-
spiration ought not to receive a more enlarged acceptation than is
given to the remark of Pythagoras : " He further observed, that the
inventor of names perceiving the genus of women is most adapted
to piety, gave to each of their ages the appellation of some Deity. In
conformity to which also, the oracles in Dodona and at Delphi are
unfolded into light by a woman." (Iamb. Life of Pythagoras, c. xi.
Taylor's Transl.) Indeed the customs of the Doric States have been
wholly overlooked in settling this question, and the Attic or Ionic
system of seclusion taken for the general practice of all Greece f. Is
there any thing in Tacitus more decidedly in favour of female rights,
than the apophthegm of Gorgo preserved by Plutarch (and quoted
from memory)? " Of all your sex in Greece," said a stranger, " you
Lacedaemonian women alone govern the men." " True," replied
Gorgo ; " but then we alone are the mothers of men." The elder Cato
met a similar charge by observing, — " Omnes homines mulieribus im-
perant, nos omnibus hominibus, nobis mulieres." But here again it
was insufficient to check those results so mournfully portrayed by
Tacitus in his Annals and his History. If, however, this feeling were
of Northern or Germanic origin, we might naturally expect that it
would be most apparent among those nations who were last converted
to Christianity, and who are known to have preserved so many of their
ancient opinions. Now Mr. Muller, who has just risen from the per-
usal of all the Northern Sagas, assures us, that there is no trace of
romantic gallantry in any of these productions : and it is clear from
his analysis of many, that the Scandinavian women in early times were
* [See Keightley's Mythology, ed. 2. and Private Life of the Ancient Greeks,"
p. 414.] a translation of which has been lately
t [See Dr. Heinrich Hase's " Public published,— R.T.]
NOTE ON THE XOUTHKRN" GENEALOGIES. (95)
cuffed and buffeted with as little compunction as Amroo and Morfri
castigate Ibla. (See Antar, i. 331. ii. 71.) We might with equal pro-
priety attempt to trace to the forests of Germany all the subtleties of
the scholastic philosophy (and which arose in the same age as the
courts of Love), as to claim for their inhabitants that reverence and
adoration of the female sex which has descended to our own times.
This deference to female rights and the establishment of an equality
between the sexes have in their origin been wholly independent of
love as a passion, (whose language in all ages and among all nations
has been the same,) and are manifestly the offspring of that dispensa-
tion which has purified religion of every sensual rite, and which, by
spiritualizing all our hopes and wishes of a future existence, has shed
the same refining influence* on our present institutions : " L'amour de
Dieu et des dames" was not a mere form.
[* See Aikin's Epistles on Women, 1810; Ep. iii. 1. 248.]
NOTE ON THE GENEALOGIES OF THE NORTHERN EPIC HEROES.
I subjoin the genealogy from the Edda of Snorro Sturleson to which I have
alluded in my note (p. 75.) ; and if I am right in supposing that it was over-
looked formerly by Mr. Conybeare and Mr. Price in their inquiries relative to
the mythic personages of Anglo-Saxon poetry in which I had the pleasure to
participate, and recently by Mr. Kemble in the very interesting disquisitions in
which he has so ably followed up these investigations, I shall be glad that it
has once more fallen in my way to contribute anything to the elucidation of a
question which long ago interested me, when I was first led to suggest that
Beow-ulf was the Beaw of the Saxon genealogies.
Whether we are to consider the names in these genealogies as those of per-
sonages having really existed, and indebted for their supernatural attributes to
traditionary exaggeration, — or of the mythic personifications of principles or
attributes which were worshipped as gods, and " from being gods, have sunk
into epic heroes," may afford matter for curious speculation. Mr. Kemble ap-
pears to have come over to the latter opinion, upon grounds which he states
much at length in his Postscript. He there suggests that Beow might have
been the principle of fertility, or god of harvest, (as Eostre was the goddess of
spring,) whence his connection with Sceaf ; — that Scildwa was an appellative
of the Deity as a protector] Geata, as the author of abundance ; and so of others,
from etymological conjecture. He concludes that when all the names are re-
jected from the lists " which are mere appellatives of God, there remain to us
five only, Sceafa, Beowa, Geat,- Finn, and Woden •" "of these five the two last
and three first seem respectively classed together, and denote the active,
moving godhead, and the fruitful increase-giving godhead." p. xxvi. ; and he
thence argues " that the three first are names of Woden himself in one of his
characters, — and the two last in another of his characters." Yet though ori-
ginally " mere appellatives of God," he nevertheless looks upon all the names
as having acquired personality, and thus been " introduced into epic poetry,
and represented as gods to be worshipped with altars and sacrifice, until
Christianity, by overturning the old creed, reduced them to the rank of heroes."
p. xxvi.
I confess, however, that such a view of the subject appears to me rather to
originate in notions derived from philosophical speculation or later schemes of
theology, involving even the meaning of the terms ' person' and 'personality,'
than in what can be conceived of a barbarous people in such early times :
and I should still be inclined, instead of attributing to their deities this
ideal origin, to seek for them as really distinct persons, of whose individual '
(96)
NOTE ON THE NORTHERN GENEALOGIES.
existence traces may perhaps still be found among the earliest records of the
north.
Edda of Snorro Sturleson.
Saxon Chron.
TextusRoffensis
Edit.ofResenius.
Goransson's edit.
An. 854.
Wesscx geneal.
MS. Trin.
Siff
Sif, the~sybill
Adam
Adam, &c.
Noah.
Loride
Lorrithi
Seth
Japhet.
Henrede
En oh
Wyngethor
Vingithor
Jared
Wingener
Vingener
Matusalem
Matlmsal
Moda
Moda
Lamech
Lamec
Mage
Mage
Noe
Cespheth
Sefsmeg
Sceaf,
Sceaf, Sescef,
Strepheus.
[id est, filius
fuit filius Noae
Noe]. &c.
natusin Area
Lieding,
Bedvig
Bedwig
Bedwig
Bedegius.
(Livding)
Hwala
Guala.
Athra,
Atra,
Hathra
Hadra
Hadra.
(Annann)
Urmann
(nobis Annan)
Itrman
Itermon
Heraman
Sternodius.
Modar
Eremodr
Heremod
Heremod
Sceph.
Skialdun,
Skialldun,
Sceldwa
Scealdwa
Sceldius.
(nobis Skiold)
BlAFF,
(nobis Skiolld)
BlAF,
BEAW
BEAW
BOERINUS.
(nobis Bjar)
(nobis Bear)
Nennius,
Gunn's edit.
Taetwa
Tethwa
Jat
Jat
Geat
Eata
•Geta, qiiifttit
Gudolff
Gudolfr
Godwulf
Godulf, [aliis
filius del.
Geta]
Foleguald.
Finn
Finr
Finn
Fhm
Finn
Friallaff,
Frialafr,
Frithuwulf
Fredulf.
(nobis Friedlieff)
(nobis Fridleif )
Freawine
Frealaf
Frealof.
Frithuwald
VODIN,
VODDEN,
WODEN
WODEN Frea-
WODEN.
(nobis Odinn)
Wegdeck
Viturgils
Bseldeck
Brand
(nobis O]?in)
Odin's 4 sons,
fVegdreg
Beldeg
<^ nobis Baldr
Ba?ldseg
Brond
Frithugar
Freawine
lafing
Baldaeg
Brand
Freodegar
Freawine
Guechta.
Freawine
Sigge
Ignr
I Sigi
LSkiolld
Wig
Gewis
Esla
Wig
Gewis
Esla
Guicta.
Guictglis.
II en gist &
Elesa
Elesa
7/or.vrt.
Cerdic
Cerdic
Creoda
Creoda
Cynric
Cynric
Ceawlin[Celm
Ceawlin
Cuthwine
Cud wine
Cutha[-wulf]
Cutha
Ceolwald
Ceolward
Cenred
Cenred
Thus " Beaf and Beir" are not to be " at once rejected as Norse blunder*,
occurring only in the Fornaldar Sbg," as Mr. Kemble (Postscript, p. xiii.) had
supposed. Buri, mentioned by him at p. xxv. as a progenitor of Woden, is a
name also having some resemblance to Boerinus. Lieding, in the edition of
Kesemus, may have been the error of a transcriber for Bedwig; as probably Stre-
pheus has been for Scepheus, Sternodius either for Itermon or Heremod, and
•olepald in Gale for Folcpalb, who in Nennius takes the place of Godulf.
subject will probably receive further illustration whenever Mr. Thorpe
shall publish his translation, with notes and additions, of Lappenberg's valuable
history ot England during the Saxon period.— R, TAYLOR.
OF THE
ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION
IN EUROPE.
DISSERTATION I.
JLHAT peculiar and arbitrary species of Fiction which we commonly
call Romantic, was entirely unknown to the writers of Greece and
Rome *. It appears to have been imported into Europe by a people,
whose modes of thinking, and habits of invention, are not natural to
that country. It is generally supposed to have been borrowed from the
Arabians f. But this origin has not been hitherto perhaps examined
or ascertained with a sufficient degree of accuracy. It is my present
design, by a more distinct and extended inquiry than has yet been ap-
plied to the subject, to trace the manner and the period of its introduc-
tion into the popular belief, the oral poetry, and the literature, of the
Europeans.
It is an established maxim of modern criticism that the fictions of
* [" It cannot be true," says Ritson,
" that romance was entirely unknown to
the writers of Greece and Rome ; since,
without considering the Iliad, Odyssey,
jEneid, &c. in that point of view, we have
many ancient compositions, which-clearly
fall within that denomination : as the pas-
toral of Daphnis and Chloe by Longus;
the ./Ethiopicks of Heliodorus ; Xenophon's
Ephesian History," &c. &c. (MS-, note in
Dr. Raine's copy of Warton's History,
purchased from Ritson's library.) To
these recollections, Mr. Douce has added
the romance of Apuleius ; the loves of
Clitophon and Leucippe, by Achilles Ta-
tius ; and the very curious Adventures of
Rhodanes and Sinonis, or the Babylonic.
Romance, of which an epitome is preserved
by Photius in his Bibliotheca, Cod. xciv.
" This," says Mr. D., "is perhaps the old-
est work of the kind, being composed by
one lamblicus, who lived under Marcus
Aurelius."
" The progress of romance and the state
VOL. I.
of learning in the middle ages (says Gib-
bon, Decline and Fall,) are illustrated by
Mr. Thomas Warton with the taste of a
poet, and the minute diligence of an anti-
quarian. I have derived much instruction
from the two learned dissertations prefixed
to the first volume of his History of En-
glish Poetry."— PARK.]
[This is a mere cavil of Mr. Ritson's,
who could not believe a scholar of Warton's
attainments to have been unacquainted
with these erotic novels. Several of them
are mentioned in vol. ii. Sect. xii. note b
(second series). In the dissertation on Ro-
mance and Minstrelsy, Warton is even re-
proached for describing another — the loves
of Clitophon and Leucippe — as a "poetical
novel of Greece." In fact, it is manifest
from this expression, that Warton chose to
exclude this and similar productions from
the title of romantic fictions. — PRICE.]
t [See Huet, Traite de 1'Origine des
Romans, who has discussed this opinion
at large. — DOUCE.]
11 DISSERTATION I.
Arabian imagination were communicated to the western world by
means of the Crusades. Undoubtedly those expeditions greatly con-
tributed to propagate this mode of fabling in Europe. But it is evi-
dent (although a circumstance which certainly makes no material dif-
ference as to the principles here established,) that these fancies were
introduced at a much earlier period. The Saracens, or Arabians,
having been for some time seated on the northern coasts of Africa,
entered Spain about the beginning of the eighth century a. Of this
country they soon effected a complete conquest ; and imposing their
religion, language, and customs, upon the inhabitants, erected a royal
seat in the capital city of Cordova*.
That by means of this establishment they first revived the sciences
of Greece in Europe, will be proved at large in another place b : and it
is obvious to conclude, that at the same time they disseminated those
extravagant inventions which were so peculiar to their romantic and
creative genius. A manuscript cited by Du Cange acquaints us, that
the Spaniards, soon after the irruption of the Saracens, entirely
neglected the study of the Latin language ; and, captivated with the
novelty of the oriental books imported by these strangers, suddenly
adopted an unusual pomp of style, and an affected elevation of
diction0. The ideal tales of these Eastern invaders, recommended by
a brilliancy of description, a variety of imagery, and an exuberance of
invention, hitherto unknown and unfamiliar to the cold and barren
conceptions of a western climate, were eagerly caught up, and univer-
sally diffused. From Spain, by the communications of a constant
commercial intercourse through the ports of Toulon and Marseilles,
they soon passed into France and Italy f.
In France, no province, or district, seems to have given these fictions
of the Arabians a more welcome or a more early reception, than the
inhabitants of ArmoricaJ or Basse-Bretagne, nowBritany§ ; for no part
a See Almakin, edit. Erpenius, p. 72. but one mentioned by any ancient writer,
* [The conquest of Spain by the Ara- which existed before the first Crusade un-
bians becomes one of the most curious and der Godfrey earl of Bologne, afterward
important events recorded in history, when king of Jerusalem, in 1097. — PARK.]
it is considered as having in a great degree J [From Ar y-mor ucha', i. e. on the
contributed to the progress of civilization upper sea. See Jones's Relicks of the
in Europe, and to the diffusion of science Welsh Bards. — PARK.]
and art. (See this illustrated in the Ara- § ["The laws of this country," says Rit-
bian Antiquities of Spain, by J.C. Murphy.) son, " were anciently very celebrated, al-
" But there is evidence, though not the most though not one, nor even the smallest ves-
satisfactory," says Mr. Douce, " that the tige of one, in its vernacular language (a
fabulous stories of Arthur and his Knights dialect of the Britanno-Celtic) is known
existed either among the French or En- to exist. The Bretons have but one single
glish Britons, before the conquest of Spain poem, of any consequence, in their native
by the Arabians." — PARK.] idiom, ancient or modern : the predictions
b See the second Dissertation. of a pretended prophet, named Gwinglaff,
c " Arabico eloquio sublimati," &c. Du the MS. whereof is dated 1450."- Notes
Cang. Gloss. Med. Inf. Latinitat. torn. i. to Metric. Rom. iii. 329. Ritson after-
Prsef. p. xxvii. § 31. wards expresses his belief, that by Bre-
f [Ritson avers, that there is not one tagne and Bretons were meant the island
single French romance now extant, and and inhabitants of Great Britain. At the
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
Ill
of France can boast so great a number of antient romances0. Many
poems of high antiquity, composed by the Armorican bards, still
remain d, and are frequently cited by Father Lobineau in his learned
same time, it does not (he thinks) appear,
that any such lays are preserved in Wales
any more than in Basse- Bretagne, if, in
fact, they ever existed in either country.
Ibid. p. 332. In his Dissertation on Ro-
mance and Minstrelsy, (p. xxiv.) Ritson
adds two other Armoric poems to the pre-
dictions of Gwinglaff, viz. the life of Gwe-
nole, abbot of Landevenec, one of their
fabulous saints ; and a little dramatic piece
on the taking of Jerusalem. Thus, our
doughty critic, from being too positive and
too peremptory, had cause to correct his
own hallucinations as well as those of
others. — PARK.]
[See the "Essais Historiques sur les
Bardes," &c. by the late Abbe de la Rue,
torn. i. pp. 1-100. 8vo. Caen, 1834. — M.]
c The reason on which this conclusion
is founded, will appear hereafter. ["It is
difficult," says Mr. Douce, " to conceive,
that the people of Britany could have been
influenced by the Arabians at any period."
—PARK.]
d In the British Museum is a set of old
French tales of chivalry in verse, written,
as it seems, by the bards of Bretagne.
MSS. Harl. 978. 107.
[These tales were not written by the
bards of Bretagne, but by a poetess of the
name of Marie de France, of whom no-
thing is known. In one of these lais she
names herself, and says that most of her
tales are borrowed from the old British
lais. The scenes of several of these stories
are laid in Bretagne, which appears some-
times to mean Britany in France, and
sometimes Great Britain1. — DOUCE.]
[Marie is not mentioned in Le Grand's
catalogue, though he has modernised and
published her Fables in French, from king
Alfred's Anglo-Saxon version of ^Esop.
That she had written lays seems not to
have been known to him. M. de la Rue
has given a list of her lays in Archaeol. xiii.
42. They are twelve in number and one
of them contains 1184 verses. She also
wrote a history or tale in French verse, of
St. Patrick's Purgatory, two copies of which
are in the British Museum. This was early
translated into English under the title of
O wayne Miles (Sir Owen). Mr. Ellis, in his
Specimens of early English Metrical Ro-
mances, has introduced an abstract or ana-
lysis of the lays of Marie, which he informs
us that Ritson either neglected to read, or
was unable to understand ; since he de-
nied their Armorican origin. See his ob-
servations, vol. i. p. 137. Mr. Way pub-
lished an elegant version of the first of
these lays (Guigemar) in his Fabliaux;
and Mr. Ellis printed an early translation
of the third (Lai le Fresne) from the Au-
chinleck MS. in his Romance Specimens.
— PARK.]
" TRISTRAM a WALES" is mentioned,
f. 171. b.
Tristram ki bien saveit HARPEIR.
In the adventure of the knight ELIDUC,
f. 172. b.
En Bretaine ot un chevalier
Pruz, 6 curteis, hardi, e fier.
Again, under the same champion, f. 173.
II tient sun chemin tut avant.
A la mer vient, si est passez,
En Toteneis est arrivez ;
Plusurs reis ot en la tere,
Entr'eus eurent estrif 6 guere,
Vers Excestre en eel pais —
TOTENEIS is Totness in Devonshire. —
Under the knight MILUN, f. 166.
Milun fu de Suthwales nez.
He is celebrated for his exploits in Ire-
land, Norway, Gothland, Lotharingia, Al-
bany, &c.
Under LAUNVAL, f. 154. b.
En Bretun 1'apelent Lanval.
Under GUIGEMAR, f. 141.
La caumbre ert painte tut entur :
Venus le dieuesse d'amur,
Fu tres bien mis en la peinture,
Les traiz mustrez e la nature,
Cument hum deit amur tenir,
E lealment e bien servir.
Le livre Ovide u il ensegne, &c.
This description of a chamber painted
with Venus and the three mysteries of na-
ture, and the allusion to Ovid, prove the
tales before us to be of no very high anti-
quity. But they are undoubtedly taken
from others much older, of the same
country.
[Mr. Douce observes that Warton has to-
tally misunderstood these lines, in which
there is nothing about the mysteries of na-
ture ; and they mean no more than that
the chamber exhibited the description and
manner how a man should fall in love, &c.
Mustrez is put for montre. — PARK.]
At the end of ELIDUC'S tale we have
these lines, f. 181.
1 See Note B. at the end of this Dissertation.
02
IV DISSERTATION I.
history of Basse-Bretagne6. This territory was, as it were, newly
peopled in the fourth century by a colony or army of the Welsh, who
migrated thither under the conduct of Maximus, a Roman general in
Britain f, and Conau, lord of Meiriadoc or Denbighland &. The Armoric
language now spoken in Britany is a dialect of the Welsh: and so
strong a resemblance still subsists between the two languages, that in
our late conquest of Belleisle (1756), such of our soldiers as were
natives of Wales were understood by the peasantry *. Milton, whose
imagination was much struck with the old British story, more than
once alludes to the Welsh colony planted in Armorica by Maximus,
and the prince of Meiriadoc.
Et tandem ARMORICOS Britonum sub lege colonosh.
And in the PARADISE LOST he mentions indiscriminately the knights
of Wales and Armorica, as the customary retinue of king Arthur.
_ What resounds
In fable or romance of Uther's son
Begirt with BRITISH and ARMORIC knights1.
This migration of the Welsh into Britany or Armorica, which
during the distraction of the empire, (in consequence of the numerous
armies of barbarians with which Rome was surrounded on every side,)
had thrown off its dependence on the Romans, seems to have occa-
sioned a close connexion between the two countries for many centu-
ries11. Nor will it prove less necessary to our purpose to observe, that
Del aventure de ces treis, chieftain of North Wales. She was born
Li auncien BRETUN curteis at Caernarvon, where her chapel is still
Firent le lai pour remembrer shown. Mon. Antiq. p. 166. seq.
Que hum nel' deust pas oublier. s See Hist, de Bretagne,par d'Argentre,
And under the tale of FRESNE, f. 148. P- 2. Peel's Wales, p. 1, 2. seq. and
p. 6. edit. 1584. Lhuyd's Etymol. p. 32.
Li BRETUN en firent un to. ^ 3 And Galfrid/Mon. yHist. PBrit.
At the conclusion of most of the tales it is lib> v< c> 12. yii. 3. ix. 2. Compare Borlase,
said that these LAIS were made by the Antiq. Cornwall, b. i. ch. 10. p. 40.
poets of Bretaigne. Another of the tales * [Mr. Ellis further observes, that the
is thus closed, f. 146. Sclavonian sailors, employed on board of
De cest conte k'o'i avez Venetian ships in the Russian trade, never
Fu Gugemer le LAI trovez fail to recognise a kindred dialect on their
Q,ui hum dist en harpe e en rote arrival at St. Petersburgh. Historical
Bone en est a oi'r la note. Sketch of the Rise and Progress of the
e Histoire de Bretagne, ii. torn. fol. [Mr. English Poetry and Language, i. 8.—
Ritson says, he repeatedly, but unsuccess- PARK.]
fully, examined Lobineau for these cita- h Mansus.
tions, and that Mr. Douce had equally failed l Parad. L. i. 579. Compare Pelloutier,
in discovering them. — PRICE.] Mem. sur la Langue Celt. fol. torn. i. 19.
f Maximus appears to have set up a se- k This secession of the Welsh, at so cri-
parate interest in Britain, and to have en- tical a period, was extremely natural, into
gaged an army of the provincial Britons a neighbouring maritime country, with
on his side against the Romans. Not sue - which they had constantly trafficked, and
ceeding in his designs, he was obliged to which, like themselves, had disclaimed the
retire with his British troops to the con- Roman yoke.
tinent, as in the text. He had a consider- [That the British soldiers, enrolled by
able interest in Wales, having married Maximus, wandered into Armorica after
EUena daughter of Eudda, a powerful his death, and new named it, seems to be
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. V
the Cornish Britons, whose language was another dialect of the antient
British, from the fourth or fifth century downwards, maintained a no
less intimate correspondence with the natives of Armorica: inter-
marrying with them, and perpetually resorting thither for the educa-
tion of their children, for advice, for procuring troops against the
Saxons, for the purposes of traffick, and various other occasions. This
connexion was so strongly kept up, that an ingenious French antiquary
supposes, that the communications of the Arrnoricans with the Cornish
had chiefly contributed to give a roughness or rather hardness to the
romance or French language in some of the provinces, towards the
eleventh century, which was not before discernible1. And this inter-
course will appear more natural, if we consider, that not only Armo-
rica*, a maritime province of Gaul, never much frequented by the
Remans, and now totally deserted by them, was still in some measure
a Celtic nation; but that also the inhabitants of Cornwall, together
with those of Devonshire, and of the adjoining parts of Somersetshire,
intermixing in a very slight degree with the Romans, and having
suffered fewer important alterations in their original constitution and
customs from the imperial laws and police than any other province of
this island, long preserved their genuine manners and British character;
and forming a sort of separate principality under the government of a
succession of powerful chieftains, usually denominated princes or dukes
of Cornwall, remained partly in a state of independence during the
Saxon heptarchy, and were not entirely reduced till the Norman con-
quest. Cornwall, in particular, retained its old Celtic dialect till the
reign of Elizabeth"1.
And here I digress a moment to remark, that in the circumstance just
unfounded. I cannot avoid agreeing with prince of the Cambrian Britons, which was
Du Bos, that "quant aux terns ou la peu- published with the original text in 1792.
plade des Britons insulaires s'est etablie It comprises the poem mentioned by Mr.
dans les Gaules," it was not before the year Warton, which is marked by many poetic
513. Hist. Crit. ii. 470. — TURNER.] and pathetic passages. Lly ware flourished
It is not related in any Greek or Ro- from about A.D. 520 to 630, at the period
man historian. But their silence is by no of Arthur and Cadwallon. See Owen's
means a sufficient warrant for us to reject Cambrian Biography. — PARK.]
the numerous testimonies of the old Bri- l M. 1'Abbe Lebeuf, Recherches, &c.
tish writers concerning this event. It is Mem. de Litt. torn. xvii. p. 718. edit. 4to.
mentioned, in particular, by Lly ware Hen, " Je pense que cela dura jusqu'a ce que le
a famous bard, who lived only one hun- commerce de ces provinces avec les peu-
dred and fifty years afterwards. Many of pies du Nord, et de rAllemagne, et SUR
his poems are still extant, in which he TOUT celui des HABITANS DE L'ARMO-
celebrates his twenty-four sons who wore RIQUE AVEC L'ANGLOIS, vers 1'onzierae
gold chains, and were all killed in battles sidcle," &c.
against the Saxons. * [Armorica was the north-west corner
[Eight of the Elegies of Llywarc Hen, of Gaul, included between the Loire, the
or Llywarc the Aged, were selected and Seine, and the Atlantic. — PARK.]
translated by Richard Thomas, A. B. of m See Camd. Brit. i. 44. edit. 1723.
Jesus College, Oxford; but these transla- Lhuyd's Arch. p. 253. [It did not en-
tions being more distinguished by their tirely cease to be spoken till of late years,
elegance than fidelity, the learned Mr. as may be gathered from an account of the
Owen produced a literal version of the death of an old Cornish woman, in the
Heroic Elegies, and other pieces of this Gentleman's Magazine for 1785. — PARK.]
VI DISSERTATION I.
mentioned about Wales, of its connexion with Armorica, we perceive
the solution of a difficulty, which at first sight appears extremely pro-
blematical: I mean, not only that Wales should have been so constantly
made the theatre of the old British chivalry, but that so many of the
favourite fictions which occur in the early French romances, should
also be literally found in the tales and chronicles of the elder Welsh
bards n. It was owing to the perpetual communication kept up between
the Welsh and the people of Armorica, who abounded in these fictions,
and who naturally took occasion to interweave them into the history of
their friends and allies. Nor are we now at a loss to give the reason
why Cornwall, in the same French romances, is made the scene and the
subject of so many romantic adventures0. In the mean time we may
observe, (what indeed has been already implied,) that a strict intercourse
was upheld between Cornwall and Wales. Their languages, customs,
and alliances, as I have hinted, were the same; and they were separated
only by a strait of inconsiderable breadth. Cornwall is frequently
styled West- Wales , by the British writers. At the invasion of the
Saxons, both countries became indiscriminately the receptacle of the
fugitive Britons*. We find the Welsh and Cornish, as one people,
often uniting themselves as in a national cause against the Saxons.
They were frequently subject to the same prince P, who sometimes re-
sided in Whales, and sometimes in Cornwall ; and the kings or dukes of
Cornwall were perpetually sung by the Welsh bards. Llygad Gwr, a
Welsh bard, in his sublime and spirited ode to Llwellyn, son of Grun-
fludd, the last prince of Wales of the British line, has a wish, "May the
prints of the hoofs of my prince's steed be seen as far as CORNWALL**."
Traditions about king Arthur, to mention no more instances, are as
popular in Cornwall as in Wales; and most of the romantic castles,
n The story of LE COURT MANTEL, or more probably the "Pays de Cornuaille "
the BOY AND THE MANTLE, told by an in France, a name formerly given to a part
old French troubadour cited by M. de of Bretagne. — DOUCE.]
Sainte Palaye, is recorded in many manu- * [The chronicle of the Abbey of Mont
script Welsh chronicles, as I learn from St. Michael, gives the year 513 as the pe-
original letters of Lhuydin the Ashmolean riod of the flight into Bretagne: Anno
Museum. See Mem. Anc. Chev. i. 119. 513 venerunt transmarini Britanni in Ar-
And Obs. Spenser, i. § ii. p. 54. 55. And moricam, id est minorem Britanniam. The
from the same authority I am informed, ancient Saxon poet (apud Duchesne Hist,
that the fiction of the giant's coat com- Franc. Script. 2. p. 148.) also peoples Bre-
posed of the beards of the kings whom he tagne after the Saxon conquest. — TUR-
had conquered, is related in the legends NER.]
of the bards of both countries. See Obs. p Who was sometimes chosen from
Spens, ut supr. p. 24. seq. But instances Wales and Cornwall, and sometimes from
are innumerable. ARMORICA. Borlase, ubi supr. p. 403.
• Hence in the Armorican tales just See also p. 375. 377. 393. And Concil.
quoted, mention is made of Totness and Spelman. torn. i. 9. 112. edit. 1639. fol.
Exeter, anciently included in Cornwall. Stillingfleet's Orig. Brit. ch. 5. p. 344. seq.
In Chaucer's Romaunt of the Rose we edit. 1688. fol. From CORNUWALLIA,
have " Hornpipis of Cornewaile," among used by the Latin monkish historians,
a great variety of musical instruments, came the present name Cornwall. Bor-
v. 4250. This is literally from the French lase, ibid. p. 325.
original, v. 3991. [The Cornwall men- q Evans, p. 43.
tioned in the Romance of the Rose was
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
Vll
rocks, rivers, and caves of both nations, are alike at this day distin-
guished by some noble achievement, at least by the name, of that cele-
brated champion. But to return.
About the year 1100, Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, a learned man,
and a diligent collector of histories, travelling through France, procured
in Armorica an antient chronicle written in the British or Armorican
language, entitled, BRUT-Y-BRENHINEJ>, or THE HISTORY OF THE
KINGS OF BRITAIN^ This book he brought into England, and com-
municated it to Geoffrey of Monmouth, a Welsh Benedictine monk,
an elegant writer of Latin, and admirably skilled in the British tongue.
Geoffrey, at the request and recommendation of Walter, the archdea-
con, translated this British chronicle into Latin 8, executing the transla-
tion with a tolerable degree of purity and great fidelity, yet* not without
* In the curious library of the family of
Davies at Llanerk in Denbighshire, there
is a copy of this chronicle in the hand-
writing of Guttyn Owen, a celebrated
Welsh bard and antiquarian about the
year 1470, who ascribes it to Tyssilio a
bishop, and the son of Brockmael-Yscyth-
roc prince of Powis. Tyssilio indeed
wrote a HISTORY OF BRITAIN; but that
work, as we are assured by Lhuyd in the
Archaeologia, was entirely ecclesiastical,
and has been long since lost.
[The Brut of Tyssilio was published in
the second volume of the Welsh Archaeo-
logy. A translation by the Rev. P. Roberts
has since appeared [1811] under the title
of A Chronicle of the British Kings. The
first book of Guttyn Owain's copy being
much more ample in its details than the
other MSS., was incorporated by Mr. Ro-
berts in his volume. The remaining
books appear to contain no material varia-
tions.— PRICE.]
[From a critical comparison of the Welsh
texts, as translated by Mr. Roberts, with
the Latin of Geoffrey, there does not re-
main the slightest doubt in my mind, that
the former were all taken from the latter,
and are much more recent. — M.]
8 See Galfr. Mon. L. i. c. 1. xii. 1. 20.
ix. 2. Bale, ii. 65. Thompson's Pref.
to Geoffrey's Hist. Transl. edit. Lond.
1718. p. xxx. xvi.
* Geoffrey confesses, that he took some
part of his account of king Arthur's
achievements from the mouth of his friend
Walter, the archdeacon; who probably
related to the translator some of the tra-
ditions on this subject which he had heard
in Armorica, or which at that time might
have been popular in Wales. Hist. Brit.
Galfr. Mon. lib. xi. c. i. He also owns
that Merlin's prophecies were not in the
Armorican original. Ib. vii. 2. Compare
Thompson's Pref. ut supr. p. xxv. xxvii.
The speeches and letters were forged by
Geoffrey ; and in the description of battles
our translator has not scrupled frequent
variations and additions.
I am obliged to an ingenious antiqua-
rian in British literature, Mr. Morris of
Penbryn, for the following curious remarks
concerning Geoffrey's original and his
translation. " Geoffrey's SYLVIUS, in the
British original, is SILIUS, which in Latin
would make J ULIUS. This illustrates and
confirms Lambarde's BRUTUS JULIUS.
Peramb. Kent, p. 12. See also in the Bri-
tish bards. And hence Milton's objection
is removed. Hist. Engl. p. 12. There
are no FL AMINES or ARCHFL AMINES in
the British book. See Usher's Primord.
p. 57. Dubl. edit. There are very few
speeches in the original, and those very
short. Geoffrey's FULGENIUS is in the
British copy SULIEN, which by analogy
in Latin would be JULIANUS. See Mil-
ton's Hist. Eng. p. 100. There is no LEIL
in the British ; that king's name was
LLEON. Geoffrey's CAERLISLE is in the
British CAER LLEON, or West-Chester. In
the British, LLAW AP CYNFARCH should
have been translated LEO, which is now
rendered LOTH. This has brought much
confusion into the old Scotch history. I
find no BELINUS in the British copy ; the
name is BELI, which should have been in
Latin BELIUS, or BELGIUS. Geoffrey's
BRENNUS in the original is BRAN, a com-
mon name among the Britons ; as BRAN
AP DYFNWAL, &c. See Suidas's JSprjv.
It appears by the original, that the British
name of CARAUSIUS was CARAWN ; hence
TREGARAUN, i. e. TREGARON, and the
river CAR AUN, which gives name to ABER-
CORN. In the British there is no division
into books and chapters, a mark of anti-
quity. Those whom the translator calls
CONSULS of Rome when Brennus took
it, are in the original TWYSOGION, i. e.
Vlll
DISSERTATION I.
some interpolations. It was probably finished after the year 1138U
[1128*].
It is difficult to ascertain exactly the period at which our translator's
original romance may probably be supposed to have been compiled.
Yet this is a curious speculation, and will illustrate our argument. I
am inclined to think that the work consists of fables thrown out by dif-
ferent rhapsodists at different times, which afterwards were collected
and digested into an entire history, and perhaps with new decorations
of fancy added by the compiler, who most probably was one of the
professed bards, or rather a poetical historian, of Armorica or Basse-
Bretagne. In this state, and under this form, I suppose it to have fallen
into the hands of Geoffrey of Monmouth. If the hypothesis hereafter
advanced concerning the particular species of fiction on which this
narrative is founded, should be granted, it cannot, from what I have
already proved, be more antient than the eighth century : and we may
reasonably conclude, that it was composed much later, as some con-
siderable length of time must have been necessary for the propagation
and establishment of that species of fiction. The simple subject of this
princes or generals. The Gwalenses,
GWALO, or GWALAS, are added by Geof-
frey, B. xii. c. 19." To what is here ob-
served about SILIUS, I will add, that ab-
bot Whethamsted, in his MS. Granarium,
mentions SILOIUS the father of Brutus.
" Quomodo Brutus SILOII filius ad litora
Anglise venit," &c. Granar. Part i. Lit.
A. MSS. Cotton. Nero, C. vi. Brit. Mus.
This gentleman has in his possession a
very antient manuscript of the original,
and has been many years preparing ma-
terials for giving an accurate and faithful
translation of it into English. The manu-
script in Jesus College library at Oxford
which Wynne pretends to be the same
which Geoffrey himself made use of, is
evidently not older than the sixteenth
century. [Certainly an error ; the manu-
script cannot be later than the middle of the
fourteenth. — M.] Mr. Price, the Bodleian
librarian, to whose friendship this work is
much indebted, has two copies lately given
him by Mr. Banks, much more antient and
perfect. But there is reason to suspect,
that most of the British manuscripts of this
history are translations from Geoffrey's
Latin : for Britannia they have BRYT-
TAEN, which in the original would have
beenPRYDAiN. Geoffrey's translation, and
for obvious reasons, is a very common ma-
nuscript. Compare Lhuyd's Arch. p. 265.
u Thompson says, 1128. ubi supr. p. xxx.
Geoffrey's age is ascertained beyond a
doubt, even if other proofs were wanting,
from the contemporaries whom he men-
tions. Such as Robert earl of Glocester,
natural son of Henry the First, and Alex-
ander bishop of Lincoln, his patrons : he
mentions also William of Malmesbury, and
Henry of Huntingdon. Wharton places
Geoffrey's death in the year 1154. Episc.
Assav. p. 306. Robert de Monte, who
continued Sigebert's chronicle down to the
year 1183, in the preface to that work ex-
pressly says, that he took some of the ma-
terials of his supplement from the HISTO-
RIA BRITONUM, lately translated out of
British into Latin. This was manifestly
Geoffrey's book. Alfred of Beverly, who
evidently wrote his Annales, published
by Hearne, between the years 1148 and
11 50 [in the year 11 29. — TURNER.], bor-
rowed his account of the British kings
from Geoffrey's Historia, whose words
he sometimes literally transcribes. For
instance, Alfred, in speaking of Arthur's
keeping Whitsuntide at Caerleon, says,
that the Historia Britonum enumerated
all the kings who came thither on Arthur's
invitation ; and then adds, " Prseter hos
non remansit princeps alicujus pretii citra
Hispaniam qui ad istud edictum non ve-
nerit." Alured. Bev. Annal. p. 63. edit.
Hearne. These are Geoffrey's own words ;
and so much his own, that they are one
of his additions to the British original.
But the curious reader, who desires a com-
plete and critical discussion of this point,
may consult an original letter of bishop
Lloyd, preserved among Tanner's manu-
scripts at Oxford, num. 94,
[This letter was printed in Gutch's
Collectanea Curiosa, and in Owen's Bri-
tish Remains, and affords little information
worthy of notice.— DOUCE.]
* [See Mr. Turner's History of En-
gland, i. p. 457.— PRICE.]
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. IX
chronicle, divested of its romantic embellishments, is a deduction of the
Welsh princes from the Trojan Brutus to Cadwallader, who reigned in
the seventh century v. It must be acknowledged, that many European
nations were antiently fond of tracing their descent from Troy. Hun-
nibaldus Francus, in his Latin history of France, written in the sixth
century, beginning with the Trojan war, and ending with Clovis the
First, ascribes the origin of the French nation to Francio, a son of
Priam w. So universal was this humour, and carried to such an absurd
excess of extravagance, that under the reign of Justinian, even the
Greeks were ambitious of being thought to be descended from the Tro-
jans, their antient and notorious enemies. Unless we adopt the idea of
those antiquaries, who contend that Europe was peopled from Phrygia,
it will be hard to discover at what period, or from what source, so strange
and improbable a notion could take its rise, especially among nations
unacquainted with history, and overwhelmed in ignorance. The most
rational mode of accounting for it, is to suppose, that the revival of Vir-
gil's ^Eneid about the sixth or seventh century, which represented the
Trojans as the founders of Rome, the capital of the supreme pontiff,
and a city on various other accounts, in the early ages of Christianity,
highly reverenced and distinguished, occasioned an emulation in many
other European nations of claiming an alliance to the same respectable
original. The monks and other ecclesiastics, the only readers and writers
of the age, were likely to broach, and were interested in propagating,
such an opinion. As the more barbarous countries of Europe began to
be tinctured with literature, there was hardly one of them but fell into
the fashion of deducing its original from some of the nations most cele-
brated in the antient books. Tfrose who did not aspire so high as king
Priam, or who found that claim pre-occupied, boasted to be descended
from some of the generals of Alexander the Great, from Prusias king
of Bithynia, from the Greeks or the Egyptians. It is not in the mean
time quite improbable, that as most of the European nations were pro-
vincial to the Romans, those who fancied themselves to be of Trojan
extraction might have imbibed this notion, at least have acquired a
general knowledge of the Trojan story, from their conquerors; more
especially the Britons, who continued so long under the yoke of Rome*.
But as to the story of Brutus in particular, Geoffrey's hero, it may be
presumed that his legend was not contrived, nor the history of his suc-
v This notion of their extraction from them to boast no more of their relation to
the Trojans had so infatuated the Welsh, the conquered and fugitive Trojans, but
that even so late as the year 1284, arch- to glory in the victorious cross of Christ,
bishop Peckham, in his injunctions to the Condi. Wilkins, torn. ii. p. 106. edit. 1737.
diocese of St. Asaph, orders the people to fol.
abstain from giving credit to idle dreams w It is among the Scriptores Rer. Ger-
and visions, a superstition which they had man. Sim. Schard. torn. i. p. 301. edit,
contracted from their belief in the dream Basil. 1574. fol. It consists of eighteen
of their founder Brutus, in the temple of books.
Diana, concerning his arrival in Britain, * See infr. Sect. iii. p. 131.
The archbishop very seriously advises
X DISSERTATION I.
cessors invented, till after the ninth century : for Nennius, who lived
about the middle of that century, not only speaks of Brutus with great
obscurity and inconsistency, but seems totally uninformed as to every
circumstance of the British affairs which preceded Caesar's invasion.
There are other proofs that this piece could not have existed before
the ninth century. Alfred's Saxon translation of the Mercian law is
mentioned x, and Charlemagne's Twelve Peers, by an anachronism not
uncommon in romance, are said to be present at king Arthur's magni-
ficent coronation in the city of Caerleony. It were easy to produce
instances, that this chronicle was undoubtedly framed after the legend
of Saint Ursula, the acts of Saint Lucius, and the historical writings of
the venerable Bede had undergone some degree of circulation in the
world. At the same time it contains many passages which incline us
to determine, that some parts of it at least were written after or about
the eleventh century. I will not insist on that passage, in which the
title of legate of the apostolic see is attributed to Dubricius in the cha-
racter of primate of Britain ; as it appears for obvious reasons to have
been an artful interpolation of the translator, who was an ecclesiastic.
But I will select other arguments. Canute's forest, or Cannock-wood
in Staffordshire occurs; and Canute died in the year 1036Z. At the
ideal coronation of king Arthur just mentioned, a tournament is de-
scribed as exhibited in its highest splendor. "Many knights," says our
Armoric fabler, " famous for feats of chivalry, were present, with appa-
rel and arms of the same colour and fashion. They formed a species
of diversion in imitation of a fight on horseback, and the ladies being
placed on the walls of the castles, darted amorous glances on the com-
batants. None of these ladies esteemed any knight worthy of her love,
but such as had given proof of his gallantry in three several encounters.
Thus the valour of the men encouraged chastity in the women, and the
attention of the women proved an incentive to the soldier's bravery a."
Here is the practice of chivalry under the combined ideas of love and
military prowess, as they seem to have subsisted after the feudal consti-
tution had acquired greater degrees not only of stability but of splen-
dor and refinement15. And although a species of tournament was ex-
hibited in France at the reconciliation of the sons of Lewis the Feeble,
in the close of the ninth century, and at the beginning of the tenth, the
coronation of the emperor Henry was solemnized with martial enter-
tainments, in which many parties were introduced fighting on horse-
back ; yet it was long afterwards that these games were accompanied
with the peculiar formalities, and ceremonious usages, here described0.
x L. iii. c. 13. y L. ix. c. 12. et rebus gestis ejus. Lib. i. De Mensa
* L. vii. c. 4. a L. ix. c. 12. rotunda et STRENUIS EQUITIBUS. Lib. i.
b Pitts mentions an anonymous writer See Pitts, p. 122. Bale, x. 21. Usser.
under the name of EREMITABRITANNUS, Primord. p. 17. This subject could not
who studied history and astronomy, and have been treated by so early a writer.
flourished about the year 720. He wrote, ["Why so," says Mr. Ashby, " if Arthur
besides, a book in an unknown language, reigned in 506 ?" — PARK.]
entitled, Sanctum Graal, De Rege Arthuro c See infr. Sect. iii. p. 1 13. and Sect. xii.
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XI
In the mean time, we cannot answer for the innovations of a translator
in such a description. The burial of Hengist, the Saxon chief, who is
said to have been interred not after the pagan fashion, as Geoffrey ren-
ders the words of the original, but after the manner of the SOLDANS *,
is partly an argument that our romance was composed about the time
of the crusades. It was not till those memorable campaigns of mis-
taken devotion had infatuated the western world, that the soldans or
sultans of Babylon, of Egypt, of Iconium, and other eastern kingdoms,
became familiar in Europe. Not that the notion of this piece being
written so late as the crusades in the least invalidates the doctrine de-
livered in this discourse. Not even if we suppose that Geoffrey of
Monmouth was its original composer. That notion rather tends to
confirm and establish my system. On the whole we may venture to
affirm, that this chronicle, supposed to contain the ideas of the Welsh
bards, entirely consists of Arabian inventions. And in this view, no
difference is made whether it was compiled about the tenth century, at
which time, if not before, the Arabians from their settlement in Spain
must have communicated their romantic fables to other parts of Europe,
especially to the French ; or whether it first appeared in the eleventh
century, after the crusades had multiplied these fables to an excessive
degree, and made them universally popular. And although the gene-
ral cast of the inventions contained in this romance is alone sufficient
to point out the source from whence they were derived, yet I choose
to prove to a demonstration what is here advanced, by producing and
examining some particular passages.
The books of the Arabians and Persians abound with extravagant
traditions about the giants Gog and Magog. These they call Jagiouge
and Magiouge ; and the Caucasian wall, said to be built by Alexander
the Great from the Caspian to the Black Sea, in order to cover the
frontiers of his dominion, and to prevent the incursions of the Scy-
in the account of Boccacio's Theseid, and Arabian book entitled, " Scirat al Mogiah-
the Greco-barbarous poem DeNuptiis The- edir," i. e. "The Eaves of the most valiant
sei et Emiliae, vol. ii. I will here produce, Champions." Num. 1079.
from that learned orientalist M.D'Herbe- * [It is not easy to conjecture whence
lot, some curious traits of Arabian knight- Warton derived this singular statement,
errantry, which the reader may apply to The words of Geoffrey, when speaking of
the principles of this Dissertation as he Hengist's burial, are : "At Aurelius, ut
pleases. erat in cunctis rebus modestus, jussit eum
" BATTHALL. — Une homme hardi et sepeliri, et cumulum terras super corpus
vaillant, qui cherche des avantures tels ejus, pagano more, apponi," lib. viii. c. 7. ;
qu'etoient les chevaliers errans de nos an- and the passage is literally so translated
ciens Romans." He adds, that Batthall, by Wace, La3amon, and Robert of Brunne.
an Arabian, who lived about the year of Warton refers toGeoffrey's original, as con-
Christ 740, was a warrior of this class, fidently as if such an acknowledged text
concerning whom many marvellous feats were actually in existence, when in reali-
of arms are reported : that his life was ty we have nothing but the recent Welsh
written in a large volume, " mais qu'elle versions of Geoffrey's Latin history, with
est toute remplie ft exaggerations et de which in the above passage they perfectly
menterics." Bibl. Oriental, p. 193 a. b. agree. — M.]
In the royal library at Paris, there is an
Xll
DISSERTATION I.
thiansd, is called by the orientals the WALL of GOG and MAGOG e.
One of the most formidable giants, according to our Armorican
romance, which opposed the landing of Brutus in Britain, was Goema-
got. He was twelve cubits high, and would unroot an oak as easily
d Compare M. Petit de la Croix, Hist.
Genghizcan, 1. iv. c. 9.
e Herbelot, Bibl. Oriental, p. 157. 291.
318. 438. 470. 528. 795. 796. 811. &c.
They call Tartary the land of Jagiouge
and Magiouge. This wall, some few frag-
ments of which still remain, they pretend
to have been built with all sorts of metals.
See Abulfaraj Hist. Dynast, edit. Pococke,
p. 62. A.D. 1673. It was an old tradition
among the Tartars, that the people of
Jagiouge and Magiouge were perpetually
endeavouring to make a passage through
this fortress ; but that they would not suc-
ceed in their attempt till the day of judg-
ment. See Hist. Geneal. des Tartars
d' Abulgazi Bahadut Khan, p. 43. About
the year 808, the caliph Al Amin having
heard wonderful reports concerning this
wall or barrier, sent his interpreter Sa-
lam, with a guard of fifty men, to view it.
After a dangerous journey of near two
months, Salam and his party arrived in a
desolated country, where they beheld the
ruins of many cities destroyed by the peo-
ple of Jagiouge and Magiouge. In six
days more they reached the castles near
the mountain Kokaiya or Caucasus. This
mountain is inaccessibly steep, perpetually
covered with snows and thick clouds, and
encompasses the country of Jagiouge and
Magiouge, which is full of cultivated fields
and cities. At an opening of this moun-
tain the fortress appears: and travelling
forwards, at the distance of two stages,
they found another mountain, with a ditch
cut through it one hundred and fifty cu-
bits wide : and within the aperture an iron
gate fifty cubits high, supported by vast
buttresses, having an iron bulwark crown-
ed with iron turrets, reaching to the sum-
mit of the mountain itself, which is too
high to be seen. The valves, lintels,
threshold, blots, lock and key, are all re-
presented of proportionable magnitude.
The governor of the castle, above men-
tioned, once in every week, mounted on
horseback with ten others on horseback,
comes to this gate, and striking it three
times with a hammer weighingfive pounds,
an d then listening, hears a murmuring noise
from within. This noise is supposed to pro-
ceedfromthe Jagiouge and Magiouge con-
fined there. Salam was told that they
often appeared on the battlements of the
bulwark. He returned after passing twen-
ty-eight months in this extraordinary
expedition. See Mod. Univ. Hist. vol.
iv. B. i. § 2. p. 15, 16, 17. And Anc.
vol. xx. pag. 23. [See Weber's note on
Gog and Magog in his Metr. Rom. vol. iii.
p. 321. — M.] [It is by no means impro-
bable that the mention of Gog and Magog
in the Apocalypse gave rise to their gene-
ral notoriety both in the East and West.
This prophecy must have been applied to
the Huns under Attila at a very early pe-
riod ; for in the Anonymous Chronicle
of Hungary, published by Schwandtner
(Scriptor. Rer. Hungar. Tom. i.) we find
it making a part of the national history.
Attila is there said to be a descendant of
Magog, the son of Japhet, (Genesis ch. x.
ver. 2.) from whom the Hungarians are
also called Moger. This is evidently not
the production of the writer's own imagi-
nation, but the simple record of a tradi*
tion, which had obtained a currency among
his countrymen, and which, combined with
the subsequent history of Almus and Ar-
pad, wears the appearance of being ex-
tracted from some poetic narrative of the
events. — PRICE.] Pliny, speaking of the
PORT.S: CAUCASIA, mentions, "ingens
naturae opus,montibus interrupts repente,
ubi fores obditaeferratis trabibus," &c. Nat.
Hist. lib. vi. c. 2. Czar Peter the First,
in his expedition into Persia, had the. cu-
riosity to survey the ruins of this wall :
and some leagues within the mountain he
found a skirt of it which seemed entire,
and was about fifteen feet high. In some
other parts it is still six or seven feet in
height. It seems at first sight to be built
of stone: but it consists of petrified earth,
sand, and shells, which compose a sub-
stance of great solidity. It has been
chiefly destroyed by the neighbouring in-
habitants, for the sake of its materials :
and most of the adjacent towns and vil-
lages are built out of its ruins. Bentinck's
Notes on Abulgazi, p. 722. Engl. edit.
See Chardin's Travels, p. 1 76. And Struys's
Voyage, B. iii. c. 20. p. 226. Olearius's
Travels of the Holstein Ambassad. B. vii.
p. 403. Geograph. Nubiens. vi. c. 9. And
Act. Petropolit. vol. i. p. 405. By the way,
this work probably preceded the time of
Alexander: it does not appear, from the
course of his victories, that he ever came
near the Caspian gates. The first and '
fabulous history of the eastern nations,
will perhaps be found to begin with the
exploits of this Grecian hero.
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. Xlll
as an hazel wand : but after a most obstinate encounter with Corineus,
he was tumbled into the sea from the summit of a steep cliff on the
rocky shores of Cornwall, and dashed in pieces against the huge crags
of the declivity. The place where he fell, adds our historian, taking
its name from the giant's fall, is called LAM-GOEMAGOT, or GOEMA-
GOT'S LEAP, to this dayf. A no less monstrous giant, whom king
Arthur slew on Saint Michael's Mount in Cornwall *, is said by this
fabler to have come from Spain. Here the origin of these stories is
evidently betrayed &. The Arabians, or Saracens, as I have hinted
above, had conquered Spain, and were settled there. Arthur having
killed this redoubted giant, declares that he had combated with none
of equal strength and prowess, since he overcame the mighty giant
Ritho, on the mountain Aravius, who had made himself a robe of the
beards of the kings whom he had killed. This tale is in Spenser's
Faerie Queene. A magician brought from Spain is called to the as-
sistance of Edwin a prince of Northumberland11, educated under
Solomon, king of the Armoricans1. In the prophecy of Merlin, de-
livered to Vortigern after the battle of the dragons, forged perhaps
by the translator Geoffrey, yet apparently in the spirit and manner of
the rest, we have the Arabians named, and their situations in Spain
and Africa. " From Conau shall come forth a wild boar, whose tusks
shall destroy the oaks of the forests of France. The ARABIANS and
AFRICANS shall dread him; and he shall continue his rapid course
into the most distant parts of Spain V This is king Arthur. In the
same prophecy, mention is made of the " Woods of Africa." In
another place Gormund king of the Africans occurs1. In a battle
f Lib. i. c. 16. ed in so mariy forms, and under the various
[Mr. Roberts in his extreme zeal for titles of the St. Graal, Tristam de Leon-
stripping the British History of all its fie- nois, Lancelot du Lac, &c., were not im-
tions, and every romantic allusion, con- mediately borrowed from the work of
ceives this name a fabrication from the Geoffrey of Monmouth, but from his Ar-
mint of Geoffrey. The Welsh copies read moric originals. The St. Graal is a worlc
Gogmagog ; yet as PonticusVirunnius, who of great antiquity, probably of the eighth
lived in the fifteenth century, reads Goer- century. There are Welsh MSS. of it still
magog, Mr. Roberts has " little doubt but existing, which, though not very old, were
that the original was Cawr-Madog, i. e. the probably copied from earlier ones, and are,
giant or great warrior" Beliagog is the it is to be presumed, more genuine copies
name of a giant in Sir Tristram. — PRICE.] of the ancient romance, than any other ex-
* [But there is a Saint Michael's Mount tant. — DOUCE.]
in Normandy, which is called Tombelaine, h The Cumbrian and Northumbrian
and Geoffrey of Monmouth says the place Britons, as powerful opponents of the Sax-
was called Tumba Helense, to which the ons, were strongly allied to the Welsh and
combat is said to have related. — DOUCE.] Cornish.
[The Norrnan Mount St. Michael is un- * Lib. xii. c. 1. 4, 5, 6.
doubtedly the one referred to by Geoffrey. k Lib. vii. c. 3.
See the "Histoire Pittoresque du Mont- l Lib. xii. 2. xi. 8. 10.
Saint-Michel et de Tombelene. ParMaxi- ["Gormund," says Mr. Ritson, "in
milien Raoul. 8vo. Par. 1833. and Le Livre authentic history was a king of the Danes
des Legendes. Par L^ Roux de Lincy. In- who infested England in the ninth cen-
troduction, p. 104. 8vo. Par. 1836. — M.] tury, and was defeated and baptized by
e L. x. c. 3. Alfred." Dissertation on Romance, &c.
[It is very certain that the tales of Ar- p. 23. — PARK.]
thur and his Knights which have appear-
XIV DISSERTATION I.
Avhich Arthur fights against the Romans, some of the principal leaders
in the Roman army are, Alifantinam king of Spain, Pandrasus king of
Egypt, Boccus king of the Medes, Evander king of Syria, Micipsa
king of Babylon, and a duke of Phrygiam. It is obvious to suppose
how these countries became so familiar to the bard of our chronicle.
The old fictions about Stonehenge were derived from the same inex-
haustible source of extravagant imagination. We are told in this
romance, that the giants conveyed the stones which compose this
miraculous monument from the farthest coasts of Africa. Every one
of these stones is supposed to be mystical, and to contain a medicinal
virtue : an idea drawn from the medical skill of the Arabians n, and
more particularly from the Arabian doctrine of attributing healing
qualities, and other occult properties, to stones °. Merlin's transforma-
tion of Uther into Gorlois, and of Ulfin into Bricel, by the power of
some medical preparation, is a species of Arabian magic, which pro-
fessed to work the most wonderful deceptions of this kind, and is men-
tioned at large hereafter, in tracing the inventions of Chaucer's poetry.
The attribution of prophetical language to birds was common among
the orientals ; and an eagle is supposed to speak at building the walls
of the city of Paladur, now Shaftesbury p. The Arabians cultivated
the study of philosophy, particularly astronomy, with amazing ardour^.
Hence arose the tradition, reported by our historian, that in king Ar-
thur's reign, there subsisted at Caer-leon in Glamorganshire a college
of two hundred philosophers, who studied astronomy and other sciences ;
and who were particularly employed in watching the courses of the
stars, and predicting events to the king from their observations1". Ed-
win's Spanish magician above mentioned, by his knowledge of the flight
of birds, and the courses of the stars, is said to foretell future disasters.
In the same strain Merlin prognosticates Uther's success in battle by
the appearance of a comet8. The same enchanter's wonderful skill in
mechanical powers, by which he removes the giant's Dance, or Stone-
henge, from Ireland into England, and the notion that this stupendous
structure was raised by a PROFOUND PHILOSOPHICAL KNOWLEDGE OF
THE MECHANICAL ARTS, are founded on the Arabic literature*. To
m Lib. x. c. 5. 8. 10. .* three hundred British nobles massacred
n See infr. p. 9. And vol.ii. Sect. xiii. by the Saxon Hengist. See Sect. ii. infr.
Note on the description of RICHESSE in pp. 50, 51. No DRUIDICAL monument,
the Romaunt of the Rose. of which so many remains were common,
0 This chronicle was evidently compiled engaged their attention or interested them
to do honour to the Britons and their af- so much, as this NATIONAL memorial ap-
fairs, and especially in opposition to the pears to have done.
Saxons. Now the importance with which p Lib. ii. c. 9. See vol. ii. Sect. xv.
these romancers seem to speak of Stone- on the Squier's Tale.
henge, and the many beautiful fictions q See Diss. ii. And vol. ii. Sect. xv. near
with which they have been so studious to the end.
embellish its origin, and to aggrandise its r Lib. viii. c. 15.
history, appear to me strongly to favour * Lib. ix. c. 12.
the hypothesis, that Stonehenge is a Bri- * Lib. viii. c. 10. See vol. ii. Sect. xv.
tish monument ; and indeed to prove, that passim.
it was really erected in memory of the
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
XV
which we may add king Bladud's magical operations". Dragons are a
sure mark of orientalism*. One of these in our romance is a "terrible
dragon flying from the west, breathing fire, and illuminating all the
country with the brightness of his eyesv." In another place we have a
giant mounted on a winged dragon : the dragon erects his scaly tail,
and wafts his rider to the clouds with great rapidity w.
Arthur and Charlemagne are the first and original heroes of ro-
mance. And as Geoffrey's history is the grand repository of the acts
of Arthur, so a fabulous history ascribed to Turpin is the ground-
work of all the chimerical legends which have been related concern-
ing the conquests of Charlemagne and his twelve peers f. Its subject
is the expulsion of the Saracens from Spain: and it is filled with
fictions evidently congenial with those which characterise Geoffrey's
history*.
Some suppose, as I have hinted above, this romance to have been
written by Turpin, a monk of the eighth century ; who, for his know-
ledge of the Latin language, his sanctity, and gallant exploits against
the Spanish Saracens, was preferred to the archbishoprick of Rheims
by Charlemagne. Others believe it to have been forged under arch-
u Lib. ii. c. 10.
* [The stability of Mr. Warton's asser-
tion has been shaken by Sir Walter Scott,
who states that the idea of this fabulous
animal was familiar to the Celtic tribes at
an early period, and was borne on the
banner of Pendragon, who from that cir-
cumstance derived his name. A dragon
was also the standard of the renowned
Arthur. A description of this banner, the
magical work of Merlin, occurs in the ro-
mance of Arthur and Merlin in the Au-
chinleck MS.
Merlin bar her gonfanoun ;
Upon the top stode a dragoun,
Swithe griseliche a lilel croune,
Fast him biheld al tho in the toune,
For the mouth he had grinninge
And the tong out flatlinge
That out kest sparkes of fer,
Into the skies that flowen cler ; &c.
In the Welsh triads (adds the same au-
thority) I find the dragon repeatedly men-
tioned : and in a battle fought at Bedford,
about 752, betwixt Ethelbald king of
Mercia, and Cuthred king of Wessex, a
golden dragon, the banner of the latter, was
borne in the front of the combat by Edel-
heim or Edelhun, a chief of the West
Saxons. Notes on Sir Tristram, p. 290. —
PARK.]
[Among the Celtic tribes, as among the
Finns and Sclavonians, the serpent ap-
pears to have been held in sacred estima-
tion ; and the early traditions of the North
abound in fables relative to dragons who
lay slumbering upon the golden "hoard"
by day, and wandered through the air
by night. But as the heroes of North-
ern adventure are usually engaged in ex-
tirpating this imaginary race, it is not
improbable that some of these narratives
may have been founded on the conflicts
between the Finnish and Scandinavian
priesthoods. — PRICE.]
v Lib. x. c. 2.
w Lib. vii. c. 4.
•f- ["But this," says Ritson, "requires
it to have been written before the year
1066, when the adventures and exploits
of Charlemagne, Rowland and Oliver were
chaunted at the battle of Hastings; where-
as there is strong internal proof that this
romance was written long after the time
of Charlemagne." Dissert, on Rom. and
Minst. p. 47. — PARK.]
* I will mention only one among many
others. The Christians under Charlemagne
are said to have found in Spain a golden
idol, or image of Mahomet, as high as a
bird can fly. It was framed by Mahomet
himself of the purest metal, who by his
knowledge in necromancy had sealed up
within it a legion of diabolical spirits. It
held in its hand a prodigious club ; and
the Saracens had a prophetic tradition,
that this club should fall from the hand of
the image in that year when a certain
king should be born in France, &c. J.
Turpini Hist, de Vit. Carol. Magn. et Ro-
landi, cap. iv. f. 2. a.
XVI DISSERTATION I.
bishop Turpin's name * about that time. Others very soon afterwards,
in the reign of Charles the Bald". That is, about the year 870".
Voltaire, a writer of much deeper research than is imagined, and the
first who has displayed the literature and customs of the dark ages
with any degree of penetration and comprehension, speaking of the
fictitious tales concerning Charlemagne, has remarked, " Ces fables
qu'un moine ecrivit au onzieme siecle, sous le nom de 1'archeveque
Turpin z." And it might easily be shown that just before the com-
mencement of the thirteenth century, romantic stories about Charle-
magne were more fashionable than ever among the French minstrels.
That is, on the recent publication of this fabulous history of Charle-
magne. Historical evidence concurs with numerous internal argu-
ments to prove, that it must have been compiled after the crusades.
In the twentieth chapter, a pretended pilgrimage of Charlemagne to
the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem is recorded : a forgery seemingly
contrived with a design to give an importance to those wild expeditions,
and which would easily be believed when thus authenticated by an
archbishop*.
There is another strong internal proof that this romance was written
long after the time of Charlemagne. Our historian is speaking of the
numerous chiefs and kings who came with their armies to assist his
hero : among the rest he mentions earl Oell, and adds, " Of this man
there is a song commonly sung among the minstrels even to this dayb."
Nor will I believe, that the European art of war, in the eighth century,
could bring into the field such a prodigious parade of battering rams
and wooden castles, as those with which Charlemagne is said to have
besieged the city Agennumc : the crusades seem to have made these
* ["Whose true name," says Ritson, relate to Oel. The romance of Ogier Da-
"was Tilpin, and who died before Charle- nois, originally written in rhyme, is here
magne; though Robert Gaguin, in his probably referred to. — DOUCE.] — [The
licentious translation of the work, 1527, language of Turpin seems rather to imply
makes him relate his own death. Another a ballad or song on the achievements of
pretended version of this Pseudo- Turpin, this hero, such as is still to be found in the
said to have been made by one Mickius or Danish Kjempe Viser. The name, how-
Michael le Harnes, who lived in 1206, has ever written, — Oger, Ogier, Odiger, Hoi-
little or nothing in common with its false ger, — clearly refers to Helgi, a hero of the
original." Diss. on Rom. and Minst. p. 46. Edda and the Volsunga-Saga. In the
—PARK..] earlier traditions the theatre of his actions
* See Hist. Acad. des Inscript. &c. vii. is confined to Denmark and the neigh-
293. edit. 4to. bouring countries ; but the later fictions
y See Catel, Mem. de 1'Hist. du Lan- embellish his career with all the marvels
guedoc, p. 545. of romance ; and after leading him as a
* Hist. Gen. ch. viii. CEuvr. tom.i. p. 84. conqueror over the greater part of Europe
edit. Genev. 1756. and Asia, transport him to the isle of Ava-
3 See infr. p. 128. Ion, where he still resides with Morgan la
b " De hoc canitur in cantilena usque ad faye. — PRICE.]
hodiernum diem." cap. xi. f.4.b. edit.Schard. c Ibid. cap. ix. f. 3. b. The writer adds,
Francof. 1566. fol. Chronograph. Quat. " Cseterisque artificiis ad capiendum," &c.
[In the best MSS. of Turpin, the above See also cap. x. ibid. Compare Sect. iv.
passage refers to Oger king of Denmark, infr. p. 162. In one of Charlemagne's
whose name is omitted in that followed battles, the Saracens advance with hor-
by the editor of Turpin's history here ci- rible visors bearded and horned, and with
ted. There is no work that is known to drums or cymbals. " Tenentesque sin-
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUIIOPK. XVII
huge military machines common in the European armies. However,
\ve may suspect it appeared before, yet not long before, Geoffrey's ro-
mance; who mentions Charlemagne's TWELVE PEERS, so lavishly ce-
lebrated in Turpin's book, as present at King Arthur's imaginary coro-
nation at Caer-leon. Although the twelve peers of France occur in
chronicles of the tenth century d; and they might besides have been
suggested to Geoffrey's original author from popular traditions and
songs of minstrels. We are sure it was extant before the year 1122 ;
for Calixtus the Second in that year, by papal authority, pronounced
this history to be genuine6. Monsieur Allard affirms that it was writ-
ten, and in the eleventh century, at Vienne by a monk of Saint An-
drew'sf. This monk was probably nothing more than some Latin
translator : but a learned French antiquary is of opinion, that it was
originally composed in Latin ; and moreover, that the most antient
romances, even those of the Round Table, were originally written
in that language g. Oienhart, and with the greatest probability, sup-
poses it to be the work of a Spaniard. He quotes an authentic ma-
nuscript to prove that it was brought out of Spain into France be-
fore the close of the twelfth century h; and that the miraculous ex-
ploits performed in Spain by Charlemagne and earl Roland, recorded
in this romantic history, were unknown among the French before that
period : except only that some few of them were obscurely and imper-
fectly sketched in the metrical tales of those who sung heroic adven-
tures1. Oienhart's supposition that this history was compiled in Spain,
the centre of oriental fabling in Europe, at once accounts for the
nature and extravagance of its fictions, and immediately points to their
Arabian origin1"'. As to the French manuscript of this history, it is a
guli TYMPANA, quse manibus fortiter per- sung at the battle of Hastings. But see
cutiebant." The unusual spectacle and this romance, cap. xx. f. 8. b. where Tur-
sound terrified the horses of the Christian pin seems to refer to some other fabulous
army, and threw them into confusion. In materials or history concerning Charle-
a second engagement, Charlemagne com- magne. Particularly about Galafar and
inanded the eyes of the horses to be co- Braiamant, which make such a figure in
vered, and their ears to be stopped. Tur- Boyardo and Ariosto.
pin, cap. xviii. f. 7. b. The latter expe- k Innumerable romantic stories, of Ara-
dient is copied in the Romance of Richard bian growth, are to this day current among
the First, written about the eleventh the common people of Spain, which
century. [About the year 1300. — M.] they call CUJENTOS DE VIEJAS. I will
See Sect. iv. infr. p. 163. See also what relate one from that lively picture of
is said of the Saracen drums, ibid. p. the Spaniards, Relation du Voyage d'E-
169. spagne, by Mademoiselle Dunois. Within
d Flodoard of Rheims first mentions the antient castle of Toledo, they say,
them, whose chronicle comes down to there was a vast cavern, whose entrance
966. was strongly barricadoed. It was uni-
e Magn. Chron. Belgic. pag. 150. sub versally believed, that if any person en-
ann. Compare J. Long. Bibl. Hist. Gall. tered this cavern, the most fatal disasters
num. 6671. And Lambec. ii. p. 333. would happen to the Spaniards. Thus it
f Bibl. de Dauphine, p. 224. remained closely shut and unentered for
B See vol. ii. p. 221. Note3. many ages. At length king Roderigo,
h See infr. p. 138. having less credulity but more courage and
1 Arnoldi Oienharti Notit. utriusque curiosity than his ancestors, commanded
Vasconiae, edit. Paris, 1638. 4to. page 397. this formidable recess to be opened. At
lib. iii. c. 3. Such was Roland's song, entering, he began to suspect the traditions
VOL. T. I
XV1U DISSERTATION I.
translation from Turpin's Latin, made by Michael le Harnes in the
year 12071. And, by the way, from the translator's declaration, that
there was a great impropriety in translating Latin prose into verse, we
may conclude, that at the commencement of the thirteenth century the
French generally made their translations into verse.
In these two fabulous chronicles the foundations of romance seem to
be laid. The principal characters, the leading subjects, and the funda-
mental fictions, which have supplied such ample matter to this singular
species of composition, are here first displayed. Arid although the long
continuance of the crusades imported innumerable inventions of a si-
milar complexion, and substituted the achievements of new champions
and the wonders of other countries, yet the tales of Arthur and of
Charlemagne, diversified indeed, or enlarged with additional embellish-
ments, still continued to prevail, and to be the favourite topics : and
this, partly from their early popularity, partly from the quantity and
the beauty of the fictions with which they were at first supported, and
especially because the design of the crusades had made those subjects
so fashionable in which Christians fought with infidels. In a word, these
volumes are the first specimens extant in this mode of writing. No
European history before these has mentioned giants, enchanters, dragons,
and the like monstrous and arbitrary fictions. And the reason is ob-
vious : they were written at a time when a new and unnatural mode of
thinking took place in Europe, introduced by our communication with
the east.
Hitherto I have considered the Saracens, either at their immigration
into Spain about the ninth century, or at the time of the crusades, as
the first authors of romantic fabling among the Europeans. But a
late ingenious critic has advanced an hypothesis, which assigns a new
source, and a much earlier date, to these fictions. I will cite his opi-
nion of this matter in his own words. " Our old romances of chivalry
of the people to be true: a terrible tempest l See Du Chesne, torn. v. p. 60. And
arose, and all the elements seemed united Mem. Lit. xvii. 737. seq. It is in the royal
to embarrass him. Nevertheless, he ven- library at Paris, Num. 8190. Probably the
tured forwards into the cave, where he French Turpin in the British Museum is
discerned by the light of his torches cer- the same, Cod. MSS. Harl. 273. 23. f. 86.
tain figures or statues of men, whose ha- See infr. p. 137. See instances of the
biliments and arms were strange and un- English translating prose Latin books
couth. One of them had a sword of shining into English, and sometimes French verse,
brass, on which it was written in Arabic Sect. ii. infr. passim,
characters, that the time approached when In the king's library at Paris, there is
the Spanish nation should be destroyed, a translation of Dares Phrygius into French
and that it would not be long before the rhymes by Godfrey of Waterford an Irish
warriors, whose images were placed there, Jacobin, a writer not mentioned by Tan-
should arrive in Spain. The writer adds, ner, in the thirteenth century. Mem.
" Je n'ai jamais ete en aucun endroit, oii Litt. torn. xvii. p. 736. Compare Sect. iii.
Ton fasse PLUS DE CAS des CONTES FA- infr. p. 128, Note y. [See De la Rue's
BULEUX qu'enEspagne." Edit, a la Haye, Essais sur les Bardes, &c. torn. iii. p. 211.
1691. torn. iii. pp. 158, 159. 12mo. See who adds, that this writer was assisted in
infr. Sect. iii. pp. 114, 115. And the Life his translation by Gervais Copale, and re-
of Cervantes, by Don Gregorio Mayans. fers to MS. 7856. Bibl. du Roi, for copies
§ 27. § 47. § 48. § 49. of the works ascribed to them.— M.]
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XIX
may be derived in a LINEAL DESCENT from the antient historical songs
of the Gothic bards and scalds.— Many of those songs are still pre-
served in the north, which exhibit all the seeds of chivalry before it be-
came a solemn institution. — Even the common arbitrary fictions of ro-
mance were most of them familiar to the antient scalds of the north,
long before the time of the crusades. They believed the existence of
giants and dwarfs, they had some notion of fairies, they were strongly
possessed with the belief of spells and inchantment, and were fond of
inventing combats with dragons and monsters1"." Monsieur Mallet, a
very able and elegant inquirer into the genius and antiquities of the
northern nations, maintains the same doctrine. He seems to think, that
many of the opinions and practices of the Goths, however obsolete, still
obscurely subsist. He adds, " May we not rank among these, for ex-
ample, that love and admiration for the profession of arms which pre-
vailed among our ancestors even to fanaticism, mad as it were through
system, and brave from a point of honour ? — Can we not explain from
the Gothic religion, how judiciary combats, and proofs by the ordeal,
to the astonishment of posterity, were admitted by the legislature of all
Europe" ; and how, even to the present age, the people are still infatu-
ated with a belief of the power of magicians, witches, spirits, and
genii, concealed under the earth or in the waters? — Do we not dis-
cover in these religious opinions, that source of the marvellous with
which our ancestors filled their romances ; in which we see dwarfs and
giants, fairies and demons?" &c.° And in another place, " The
fortresses of the Goths were only rude castles situated on the summits
of rocks, and rendered inaccessible by thick misshapen walls. As
these walls ran winding round the castles, they often called them by a
name which signified SERPENTS or DRAGONS ; and in these they
usually secured the women and young virgins of distinction, who
were seldom safe at a time when so many enterprising heroes were
rambling up and down in search of adventures. It was this custom
which gave occasion to antient romancers, who know not how to
describe any thing simply, to invent so many fables concerning
m Percy on Antient Metr. Rom. i. p. 3, who commanded all controversies to be de-
4, edit. 1767. cided by the sword. Worm. p. 68. Infa-
" For the judiciary combats, as also for vour of this barbarous institution it ought
common athletic exercises, they formed to be remembered, that the practice of thus
an amphitheatrical circus of rude stones. marking out the place of battle must have
"Quaedam [saxa] CIRCOS claudebant, in prevented much bloodshed, and saved many
quibus gigantes et pugiles DUELLO strenue innocent lives : for if either combatant was
decertabant." Worm. p. 62. And again, by any accident forced out of the circus, he
"Nee mora, CIRCUATUR campus, milite was to lose his cause, or to pay three marks
CIRCUS stipatur, concurrunt pugiles." p. of pure silver as a redemption for his life.
65. It is remarkable, that circs of the Worm. p. 68, 69. In the year 987, the
same sort are still to be seen in Cornwall, ordeal was substituted in Denmark instead
so famous at this day for the athletic art : of the duel ; a mode of decision, at least
in which also they sometimes exhibited in a political sense, less absurd, as it pro-
their scriptural interludes, vol. ii. p. 70. moted military skill.
Frotho the Great, king of Denmark, in the ° Mallet, Introduction £ 1'Histoire de
first century, is said to have been the first Dannemarc, &c. torn. ii. p. 9.
XX DISSERTATION I.
princesses of great beauty guarded by dragons, and afterwards deli-
vered by invincible champions'1."
I do not mean entirely to reject this hypothesis; but I will endea-
vour to show how far I think it is true, and in what manner or degree
it may be reconciled with the system delivered above.
A few years before the birth of Christ, soon after Mithridates had
been overthrown by Pompey, a nation of Asiatic Goths, who pos-
sessed that regio-n of Asia which PS now called Georgia, and is con-
nected on the south with Persia, alarmed at the progressive encroach-
ments of the Roman armies, retired in vast multitudes under the
conduct of their leader Odin, or Woden, into the northern parts of
Europe, not subject to the Roman government, and settled in Den-
mark, Norway, Sweden, and other districts of the Scandinavian
territory'1. As they brought with them many useful arts, particularly
the knowledge of letters, which Odin is said to have invented1", they
were hospitably received by the natives, and by degrees acquired a
safe and peaceable establishment in the new country, which seems to-
have adopted their language, laws, and' religion. Odin is said t© have
been styled a god by the Scandinavians; an appellation which the
superior address and specious abilities of this Asiatic chief easily ex-
torted from a more savage and uncivilised people.
This migration is confirmed by the concurrent testimonies of
various historians: but there is no better evidence of it, than that con-
spicuous similarity subsisting at this day between several customs- of
p Mallet, IntvocL ch. ix. p. 243. torn. ii. lahdicarum periti ; unde et Odinus RUN-
[This and other similar passages in HOFDI seu Runarum (i. e. Literarum) auc-
Mallet's lively history would form an ex- tor vocatur." OI. Worm. Liter. Runic, cap.
eellent supplement to the Homeric alle- 20. edit. Hafn. 1651. Some writers refer
gories of Heraclides Panticus. — PRICE.] the origin of the Grecian language, sci-
q " Unicam gentium Asiaticarurn im- ences, and religion to the Scythians, who
migrationem, in orbem Arctoum factam, were connected towards the south with
uostroe antiquitates commemorant. Sed Odin's Goths. I cannot bring a greater
earn tamen non primam. Verum circa authority than that of Salmasius, " Satis
annum tandem vicesimum quartum ante certum ex his colligi potest linguam, ut
natum Christum, Romanis exercitibus au- gentem, HELLENICAM, a septentrione et
spiciis Pompeii Magni in Asiae parte, Phry- SCYTHIA originem traxisse, non a meridie.
gia Minore, grassantibus. Ilia enim epo- Inde LITERS GR^ECORUM, inde Mus£:
chaad hanc rem chronologi nostri utuntur. PIERIDES, inde sacrorum initia." Stlmas.
In cujus (GYLVI SUECI^E regis) tempora de Hellenist, p. 400. As a further proof I
incidit Odinus, Asiaticae immigrationis, shall observe, that the antient poet Tha-
factoe anno 24 ante natum Christum, an- myris was so much esteemed by the Scy-
tesignanus." Crymogsea, Arngrim. Jon. thians on account of his poetry, KiBapwdid,
lib. i. cap. 4. p. 30, 31. edit. Hamburg. that they chose him their king. Conon.
1609. See also Bartholin. Antiquitat. Dan. Narrat. Poet. cap. vii. edit. Gal. But Tha-
lib. 55. cap. 8. p. 407. 555. c. 2. p. 652. edit. myris was a Thracian : and a late inge-
1689. Lazius, de Gent. Migrat. 1. x. fol. nious antiquarian endeavours to prove,
573. 30. edit. fol. 1600. Compare Ol. Rud- that the Goths were descended from the
beck. cap. v. sect. 2. p. 95. xiv. sect. 2. p. Thracians, and that the Greeks and Thra-
67. There is a memoir on this subject cians were only different clans of the same
lately published in the Petersburg Trans- people. Clarke's Connexion, &c. ch. ii.
actions, but I choose to refer to original au- p. 65.
thorhies. See torn. v. p. 297. edit. 1738. 4to. [See also Mr. Pinkerton's Dissertation
* " Odino etiam et aliis, qui ex Asia hue on the Goths, and Dr. Jamiesou's Hermes
devenere, tribuunt multi antiquitatum Is- Scythicus.— PRICE.]
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXI
the Georgians, as described by Chardin, and those of certain cantons
of Norway and Sweden, which have preserved their antient manners
in the purest degree8. Not that other striking implicit and internal
proofs, which often carry more conviction than direct historical asser-
tions, are wanting to point out this migration. The antient inhabitants
of Denmark and Norway inscribed the exploits of their kings and
heroes on rocks, in characters called Runic ; and of this practice many
marks are said still to remain in those countries1. This art or custom
of writing on rocks is Asiatic ". Modern travellers report, that there
are Runic inscriptions now existing in the deserts of Tartary*. The
WRITTEN MOUNTAINS of the Jews* are an instance that this fashion was
oriental. Antiently, when one of these northern chiefs fell honourably
in battle, his weapons, his war-horse, and his wife, were consumed with
himself on the same funeral piley. I need not remind my readers how
religiously this horrible ceremony of sacrificing the wife to the dead
husband is at present observed in the east. There is a very remark-
able correspondence, in numberless important and fundamental points,
between the Druidical and the Persian superstitions: and notwith-
standing the evidence of Caesar, who speaks only from popular report,
and without precision, on a subject which he cared little about, it is
the opinion of the learned Banier, that the Druids were formed on the
model of the Magiz. In this hypothesis he is seconded by a modern
antiquary; who further supposes, that Odin's followers imported this
establishment into Scandinavia, from the confines of Persia*. The
Scandinavians attributed divine virtue to the misletoe ; it is mentioned
in their EDDA, or system of religious doctrines, where it is said to
grow on the west side of Val-hall, or Odin's elysiumh. That Druidical
* See Pontoppidan. Nat. Hist. Norway, noticed by Pococke and Niebuhr. But it
torn. ii. c. JO. § 1, 2, 3. is not at all certain that these inscriptions
1 See Saxo Grammat. Praef.ad Hist. Dan. were written by the Jews, nor is it yet de-
and Hist. lib. vii. See also OL Worm. Mo- termined in what character they appear,
num. Dan. lib. iii. Engravings of the whole are given in the
u Paulus Jovius, a writer indeed not of Transactions of the Royal Society of Li-
the best credit, says, that Annihal engraved terature, vol. ii. part i. p. 147. — M.]
characters on the Alpine rocks, as a testi- y See Keysler, p. 147. Two funeral ce-
mony of his passage over them, and that remonies, one of BURNING, the other of
they were remaining there two centuries BURYING their dead, at different times
ago. Hist. lib. xv. p. 163. prevailed in the north; and have distiri-
* See Voyage par Strahlemberg, &c%. A guished two eras in the old northern his-
Description of the Northern and Eastern tory. The first was called the AGE OF FIRE,
Parts of Europe and Asia. Schroder says, the second the AGE OF HILLS,
from Olaus Rudbeckius, that RUNES, or z Mytholog. Expliq. ii. p. 628. 4to.
letters, were invented by Magog the Scy- a M. Mallet, Hist. Dannem. i. p. 56.
thian, and communicated to Tuisco the ce- See also Keysler, p. 152.
lebrated German chieftain, in the year of b Edd. Isl. fab. xxviii. Compare Keys-
the world 1799. Praef. ad Lexicon Latino- ler, Antiquit. Sel. Sept. p. 304. seq. The
Scandic. Germans, a Teutonic tribe, call it to this
* [Warton here refers to the sculptured day «' the Branch of Spectres." But see
rocks described in " a Journal from Grand Dr. Percy's ingenious note on this passage
Cairo to Mount Sinai and back again;" in the Edda. Northern Antiquities, vol. ii.
edited by Dr. Robert Clayton, bishop of p. 143.
Clogher, 4to. Lond. 1753. p. 34. and also
XXII DISSERTATION I.
rites existed among the Scandinavians we are informed from many
antient Erse poems, which say that the British Druids, in the extre-
mity of their affairs, solicited and obtained aid from Scandinavia0.
The Gothic hell exactly resembles that which we find in the religious
systems of the Persians, the most abounding in superstition of all the
eastern nations. One of the circumstances is, and an oriental idea, that
it is full of scorpions and serpents d. The doctrines of Zeno, who
borrowed most of his opinions from the Persian philosophers, are not
uncommon in the EDDA. Lok, the evil deity of the Goths, is pro-
bably the Arimanius of the Persians. In some of the most antient
Jslandic chronicles, the Turks are mentioned as belonging to the juris-
diction of the Scandinavians. Mahomet, not so great an inventor as is
imagined, adopted into his religion many favourite notions and super-
stitions from the bordering nations which were the offspring of the
Scythians, and especially from the Turks. Accordingly, we find the
Alcoran agreeing with the Runic theology in various instances. I will
mention only one. It is one of the beatitudes of the Mahometan
paradise, that blooming virgins shall administer the most luscious wines.
Thus in Odin's Val-hall, or the Gothic elysium, the departed heroes
received cups of the strongest mead and ale from the hands of the
virgin-goddesses called Valkyres6. Alfred, in his Saxon account of
the northern seas, taken from the mouth of Ohther, a Norwegian, who
had been sent by that monarch to discover a north-east passage into
the Indies, constantly calls these nations the ORIENTALS f. And as
these eastern tribes brought with them into the north a certain degree
of refinement, of luxury and splendour, which appeared singular and
prodigious among barbarians ; one of their early historians describes a
person better dressed than usual, by saying, " he was so well cloathed,
that you might have taken him for one of the Asiatics 8." Wormius
mentions a Runic incantation, in which an Asiatic enchantress is
invoked11. Various other instances might here be added, some of
which will occasionally arise in the future course of our inquiries.
c Ossian's Works. Cathlin, ii. p. 216. ants of the Scandinavian peninsula, whose
Not. edit. 1765. vol. ii. They add, that country lay upon his starboard quarter,
among the auxiliaries came many magi- while steering due north from Halgoland
cians. in Norway.— PRICE.]
d See Hyde, Relig. Vet. Pers. p. 399. 404. g LANDNAMA-SAGA. See Mallet, Hist.
But compare what is said of the Edda, to- Dannem. c. ii.
wards the close of this Discourse. h Lit. Run. p. 209, edit. 1651. The
* Odin only drank wine in Val-hall, Goths came from the neighbourhood of
Edd. Myth, xxxiv. See Keysler, p. 152. Colchis, the region of witchcraft, and the
f See Preface to Alfred's Saxon Oro- country of Medea, famous for her incanta-
sius, published by Spelman. [And since tions. The eastern pagans from the very
by Daines Barrington.] Vit. jElfredi. earliest ages have had their enchanters.
Spelm. Append, vi. [Oht-here was not sent Now the magicians of Egypt, they also did
by Alfred. This voyage was undertaken in like manner with their enchantments.
for the gratification of his own curiosity, Exod. vii. 11. See also vii. 18, 19. ix. 11,
and the furtherance of his commercial &c. When the people of Israel had overrun
views. He was doubtlessly ignorant of the the country of Balak, he invites Balaam, a
existence of Asia. The Orientals, to use the neighbouring pi-ince, to curse them, or He-
language of the text, were those inhabit- stroy them by magic, which he seems to
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
It is notorious, that many traces of oriental usages are found amongst
all the European nations during their pagan state ; and this pheno-
menon is rationally resolved, on the supposition that all Europe was
originally peopled from the east. But as the resemblance which the
pagan Scandinavians bore to the eastern nations in manners, monu-
ments, opinions, and practices, is so very perceptible and apparent, an
inference arises, that their migration from the east must have happened
at a period by many ages more recent, and therefore most probably
about the time specified by their historians. In the mean time we
must remember, that a distinction is to be made between this expedi-
tion of Odin's Goths, who formed a settlement in Scandinavia, and
those innumerable armies of barbarous adventurers, who some centu-
ries afterwards, distinguished by the same name, at different periods
overwhelmed Europe, and at length extinguished the Roman Empire.
When we consider the rapid conquests of the nations which may be
comprehended under the common name of Scythians, and not only
those conducted by Odin, but by Attila, Theoderic and Genseric, we
cannot ascribe such successes to brutal courage only. To say that
some of these irresistible conquerors made war on a luxurious, effemi-
nate, and enervated people, is a plausible and easy mode of accounting
for their conquests: but this reason will not operate with equal force in
the histories of Genghizcan and Tamerlane, who destroyed mighty
empires founded on arms and military discipline, and who baffled the
efforts of the ablest leaders. Their science and genius in war, such as
t then was, cannot therefore be doubted : that they were not deficient
in the arts of peace, I have already hinted, and now proceed to produce
more particular proofs. Innumerable and very fundamental errors
have crept into our reasonings and systems about savage life, resulting
merely from those strong and undistinguishing notions of barbarism,
which our prejudices have hastily formed concerning the character of
all rude nations1.
Among other arts which Odin's Goths planted in Scandinavia, their
skill in poetry, to which they were addicted in a peculiar manner, and
which they cultivated with a wonderful enthusiasm, seems to be most
worthy our regard, and especially in our present inquiry.
have professed. And the elders of Moab de- spells got into the ritual of chivalry. In all
parted with the rewards of DIVINATION in legal single combats, each champion at-
their hand. Num. xxii. 7. Surely there is tested upon oath, that he did not carry
no ENCHANTMENT against Israel, xxiii. about him any herb, SPELL, or ENCH AN T-
23. And he went out, as at other times, to MENT. Dugdal. Orig. Juridic. p. 82. See
seek for ENCHANTMENTS, xxiv. 1, &c. Hickes's account of the silver Dano-Saxon
Odin himself was not only a warrior, but shield, dug up in the Isle of Ely, having a
a magician, and his Asiatics were called magical Runic inscription, supposed to
Jncantationum auctores. Chron. Norweg. render those who bore it in battle invulne-
apud Bartholin. 1. iii. c. 2. p. 657. Cry- rable. Apud Hickes. Thesaur. Dissertat.
mog. Arngrim. lib. i. cap. vii. p. 511. Epistol. p. 187.
From this source, those who adopt the prin- » See this argument pursued in the Se-
ciples just mentioned in this discourse, may cond Dissertation,
be inclined to think, that the notion of
XXIV DISSERTATION 1.
As the principal heroes of their expedition into the north were
honourably distinguished from the Europeans, or original Scandina-
vians, under the name of AS^E, or Asiatics, so the verses or language,
of this people, were denominated ASAMAL, or ASIATIC speech1*.
Their poetry contained not only the praises of their heroes, but their
popular traditions and their religious rites; and was filled with those
fictions which the most exaggerated pagan superstition would naturally
implant in the wild imaginations of an Asiatic people. And from this
principle alone, I mean of their Asiatic origin, some critics would at
once account for a certain capricious spirit of extravagance, and those
bold eccentric conceptions, which so strongly distinguish the old
northern poetry1. Nor is this fantastic imagery the only mark of
Asiaticism which appears in the Runic odes. They have a certain sub-
lime and figurative cast of diction, which is indeed one of their predo-
minant characteristics"1. I am very sensible that all rude nations are
naturally apt to cloathe their sentiments in this style. A propensity to
this mode of expression is necessarily occasioned by the poverty of their
language, which obliges them frequently to substitute similitudes and
circumlocutions : it arises in great measure from feelings undisguised
and unrestrained by custom or art, and from the genuine efforts of
nature working more at large in uncultivated minds. In the infancy
of society, the passions and the imaginations are alike uncontroled.
But another cause seems to have concurred in producing the effect
here mentioned. When obvious terms and phrases evidently occurred,
the Runic poets are fond of departing from the common and esta-
blished diction. They appear to use circumlocution and comparisons
not as a matter of necessity, but of choice and skill : nor are these me-
taphorical colourings so much the result of want of words, as of
warmth of fancy".
k " Linguam Danicam antiquam, cujus have a different character ; it will be more
in rythmis usus fuit, veteres appellarunt inflated and gigantic.
ASAMAL, id est Asiaticam, vel ASARUM m Thus, a rainbow is called, the bridge
SERMONEM ; quod eum ex Asia Odinus of the gods. Poetry, the mead of Odin. The
serum in Daniam, Norwegian!, Sueciam, earth, the vessel that floats on ages. A ship,
ttliasque regiones septentrionales, invex- the horse of the waves. Ice, the vast bridge.
erit." Steph. Stephan. Prafat. ad Saxon. Herbs, the fleece of the earth. A battle, a
(irammat. Hist. bath of blood, the hail of Odin, the shock of
1 A most ingenious critic observes, that bucklers. A tongue, the sword of words.
" what we have been long accustomed to Night, the veil of cares. Rocks, the bones
call the ORIENTAL VEIN of poetry, because of the earth. Arrows, the hailstones ofhel-
some of the EARLIEST poetical productions mets, fyc. fyc.
have come to us from the east, is probably n In a strict geographical sense, the ori-
no more ORIENTAL than OCCIDENTAL." ginal country of these Asiatic Goths might
Blair's Crit. Diss. on Ossian, vol. ii. p. 317. not be so situated as physically to have pro-
But all the LATER oriental writers through duced these effects. Yet it is to be obser-
all ages have been particularly distin- ved, that intercourse and vicinity are in
puished for this VEIN. Hence it is here this case sometimes equivalent to climate,
characteristical of a country, not of an age. The Persian traditions and superstitions
I will allow, on this writer's very just and were current even in the northern parts of
penetrating principles, that an early north- Tartary. Georgia, however, may be fairly
ern ode shall be as sublime as an eastern considered as a part of Persia. It is equal
one: yet the sublimity of the latter shall in fertility to any of the eastern Turkish
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXV
Their warmth of fancy, however, if supposed to have proceeded
from the principles above suggested, in a few generations after this
migration into Scandinavia, must have lost much of its natural heat
and genuine force. Yet ideas and sentiments, especially of this sort,
once imbibed, are long remembered and retained, in savage life. Their
religion, among other causes, might have contributed to keep this
spirit alive ; and to preserve their original stock of images, and native
mode of expression, unchanged and unabated by climate or country.
In the mean time we may suppose, that the new situation of these
people in Scandinavia might have added a darker shade and a more
savage complexion to their former fictions and superstitions ; and that
the formidable objects of nature to which they became familiarised in
those northern solitudes, the piny precipices, the frozen mountains,
and the gloomy forests, acted on their imaginations, and gave a tinc-
ture of horror to their imagery.
A skill in poetry seems in some measure to have been a national
science among the Scandinavians, and to have been familiar to almost
every order and degree. Their kings and warriors partook of this epi-
demic enthusiasm, and on frequent occasions are represented as
breaking forth into spontaneous songs and verses0. But the exercise
of the poetical talent was properly confined to a stated profession : and
provinces in Asia. It affords tlie richest
wines, and other luxuries of life, in the
greatest abundance. The most beautiful
virgins for the seraglio are fetched from
this province. In the mean time, thus
much at least may be said of a warm cli-
mate, exclusive of its supposed immediate
physical influence on the human mind and
temperament. It exhibits all the produc-
tions of nature in their highest perfection
and beauty ; while the excessive heat of
the sun, and the fewer incitements to la-
bour and industry, dispose the inhabitants
to indolence, and to living much abroad in
scenes of nature. These circumstances are
favourable to the operations of fancy.
0 Harold Hardraade, king of Norway,
composed sixteen songs of his expedition
into Africa. Asbiorn Pruda, a Danish
champion, described his past life in nine
strophes, while his enemy Bruce, a giant,
was tearing out his bowels. " i. Tell my
mother Suanhita in Denmark, that site will
•not this summer comb the hair of her son.
I had promised her to return, but noiv my
side shall feel the edge of the sword, ii. It
was far otherwise, when ive sate at home
in mirth, cheering ourselves with the drink
of ale ; and coming from Hordeland passed
the gulf in our ships ; when we quaffed
mead, and conversed of liberty. Now I
alone am fallen into the narrorv prisons of
the grants, iii. It was far otherwise," &c.
Every stanza is introduced with the same
choral burden. Bartholin. Antiquit. Danic.
1. i. cap. 10. p. 158. edit. 1689. [Asbiorn
Pruda lived at the close of the tenth and the
beginning of the eleventh century. But
his Saga, which abounds in the most mar-
vellous adventures, and this celebrated
death-song, were fabricated in the four-
teenth century. See Suhm's History of
Denmark, vol. 3, p. 294.— PRICE.] The
noble epicedium of Regner Lodbrog is
more commonly known. The champion
Orvar-Odd, after his expeditions into va-
rious countries, sung, on his death-bed,
the most memorable events of his life in
metre. [Orvar-Odd's Saga, from which
Torfseus (Hist. Norv. P. i. p. 263—284)
has extracted the more sober parts of the
narrative, is a romantic composition of
the fourteenth or fifteenth century. It
is even very uncertain whether such a
person ever existed. — PRICE.] Hallmund,
being mortally wounded, commanded his
daughter to listen to a poem which he
was about to deliver, containing histories
of his victories, and to engrave it on ta-
blets of wood. Bartholin. ibid. p. 162.
Saxo Grammaticus gives us a regular ode,
uttered by the son of a king of Norway,
who by mistake had been buried alive,
and was discovered and awakened by a
party of soldiers digging for treasure.
Sax. Grammat. lib. 5. p. 50. There are
instances recorded of their speaking in
metre on the most common occurrences.
XXVI
DISSERTATION I.
with their poetry the Goths imported into Europe a species of poets or
singers, whom they called SCALDS or POLISHERS of LANGUAGE. This
order of men, as we shall see more distinctly below, was held in the
highest honour and veneration : they received the most liberal rewards
for their verses, attended the festivals of heroic chiefs, accompanied
them in battle, and celebrated their victories11.
These Scandinavian bards appear to have been esteemed and enter-
tained in other countries besides their own, and by that means to have
probably communicated their fictions to various parts of Europe. I will
give my reasons for this supposition.
In the early ages of Europe, before many regular governments took
place, revolutions, emigrations, and invasions were frequent and almost
universal. Nations were alternately destroyed or formed ; and the want
of political security exposed the inhabitants of every country to a state
of eternal fluctuation. That Britain was originally peopled from Gaul,
a nation of the Celts, is allowed : but that many colonies from the north-
ern parts of Europe were afterwards successively planted in Britain and
the neighbouring islands, is an hypothesis equally rational, and not al-
together destitute of historical evidence. Nor was any nation more
likely than the Scandinavian Goths, 1 mean in their early periods, to
p The Sogdians were a people who lived
eastward of the Caspian sea, not far from
the country of Odin's Goths. Quintus Cur-
tius relates, that when some of that people
were condemned to death by Alexander on
account of a revolt, they rejoiced greatly,
and testified their joy by SINGING VERSES
and dancing. When the king inquired the
reason of their joy, they answered, " that
being soon to be RESTORED TO THEIR
ANCESTORS by so great a conqueror, they
could not help celebrating so honourable a
death, which was the WISH of all brave
men, in their own ACCUSTOMED SONGS."
Lib. vii. c. 8. I am obliged to Dr. Percy
for pointing out- this passage. From the
correspondence of manners and principles
it holds forth between the Scandinavians
and the Sogdians, it contains a striking
proof of Odin's migration from the east to
the north : first, in the spontaneous exer-
cise of the poetical talent ; and secondly,
in the opinion, that a glorious or warlike
death, which admitted them to the com-
pany of their friends and parents in an-
other world, was to be embraced with the
most eager alacrity, and the highest sen-
sations of pleasure. This is the doctrine of
the Edda. In the same spirit, RIDENS
MORIAR is the triumphant close of Regner
Lodbrog's dying ode. [See Keysler, ubi
infr. p. 154.] I cannot help adding here
another stroke from this ode, which seems
also to be founded on eastern manners.
He speaks with great rapture of drinking,
" ex concavis crateribus craniorum." The
inhabitants of the island of Ceylon to this
day carouse at their feasts, from cups or
bowls made of the sculls of their deceased
ancestors. Ives's Voyage to India, ch. 5,
p. 62. Lond. 1773. 4to. This practice these
islanders undoubtedly received from the
neighbouring continent. Compare Keysler,
Antiquitat. Sel. Septentr. p. 362. seq.
[Silius Italicus charges the Celts with
indulging in a similar practice :
At Celtae vacui capitis circundare gaudent
Ossa (nefas) auro, et mensis ea pocula
servant.
And the Longobardic and Bavarian histo-
ries record single examples of its occurrence
for the gratification of personal revenge.
But except the passage quoted by Warton,
there is no authority for the existence of
such a custom in the North as a national
habit ; and in this a violent and far-fetched
metaphor has been erroneously translated,
to be made the basis of an imputation
equally revolting and absurd. The origi-
nal Islandic text stands thus :
Drekkum bior at bragdi
Ur biug-vidom hausa.
Instantly we shall drink ale
From the skull's winding trees.
Or in the sober phrase of common par-
lance: "We shall drink our beer out of
horns." The Celtic antiquaries may per-
haps be able to offer a similar vindication
of their uncivilized ancestors. — PRICE.]
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXV11
make descents on Britain. They possessed the spirit of adventure in an
eminent degree. They were habituated to dangerous enterprises. They
were acquainted with distant coasts, exercised in navigation, and fond
of making expeditions, in hopes of conquest, and in search of new ac-
quisitions. As to Scotland and Ireland, there is the highest probability,
that the Scutes, who conquered both those countries, and possessed them
under the names of Albin Scutes and Irin Scutes, were a people of Nor-
way. The Caledonians are expressly called by many judicious antiqua-
ries a Scandinavian colony. The names of places and persons, over all
that part of Scotland which the Picts inhabited, are of Scandinavian ex-
traction. A simple catalogue of them only would immediately convince
us, that they are not of Celtic, or British origin. Flaherty reports it as
a received opinion, and a general doctrine, that the Picts migrated into
Britain and Ireland from Scandinavia 1. I forbear to accumulate a pe-
dantic parade of authorities on this occasion : nor can it be expected
that I should enter into a formal and exact examination of this obscure
and complicated subject in its full extent, which is here only introduced
incidentally. I will only add, that Scotland and Ireland, as being si-
tuated more to the north, and probably less difficult of access than Bri-
tain, might have been objects on which our northern adventurers were
invited to try some of their earliest excursions ; and that the Orkney-
islands remained long under the jurisdiction of the Norwegian po-
tentates.
In these expeditions, the northern emigrants, as we shall prove more
particularly below, were undoubtedly attended by their scalds or poets.
Yet even in times of peace, and without the supposition of conquest or
invasion, the Scandinavian scalds might have been well known in the
British islands. Possessed of a specious and pleasing talent, they fre-
quented the courts of the British, Scottish, and Irish chieftains. They
were itinerants by their institution, and made voyages, out of curiosity,
or in quest of rewards, to those islands or coasts which lay within the
circle of their maritime knowledge. By these means, they established
an interest, rendered their profession popular, propagated their art, and
circulated their fictions, in other countries, and at a distance from home.
Torfaeus asserts positively, that various Islandic odes now remain, which
q It is conjectured by Wormius, that [The Celtic population of Ireland pre-
Ireland is derived from the Runic Yr, a cedes the period of legitimate history,
bow, for the use of which the Irish were Their migration to Scotland has been re-
once famous. Lit. Run. c. xvii. p. 92. ferred with great probability to the earlier
The Asiatics, near the lake Mseotis, from part of the fourth century. But the origin
which Odin led his colony into Europe, of the Picts, their language, the etymology
were celebrated archers. Hence Hercules " of the names of places and persons over
in Theocritus, Idyll, xiii. 56. that part of Scotland which they inhabit-
-M«,*,™ *.&,„ „*«?*>• «g«. e J'" is a subject which divides the opinions
of Scottish antiquaries. See Mr. Chal-
Compare Salmas. de Hellen. p. 3G9. mers's Caledonia, and Dr. Jamieson's Ety-
And Flahert. Ogyg. Part. iii. cap. xviii. mological Scottish Dictionary (Tntroduc-
p. 188. edit. 1685. Stillingfleet's Orig, tion). — PRICE.]
Brit. Prsef. p. xxxviii.
XXV111 DISSERTATION I.
were sung by the Scandinavian bards before the kings of England and
Ireland, and for which they received liberal gratuities1". They were
more especially caressed and rewarded at the courts of those princes
who were distinguished for their warlike character, and their passion
for military glory.
Olaus Wormius informs us, that great numbers of the northern scalds
constantly resided in the courts of the kings of Sweden, Denmark, and
England3. Hence the tradition in an antient Islandic Saga, or poetical
history, may be explained ; which says, that Odin's language was ori-
ginally used, not only in Denmark, Sweden and Norway, but even in
England t. Indeed it may be naturally concluded from these suggestions,
that the Scandinavian tongue became familiar in the British islands by
the songs of the scalds; unless it be rather presumed, that a previous
knowledge of that tongue in Britain was the means of facilitating the
admission of those poets, and preparing the way for their reception.
And here it will be much to our present argument to observe, that
some of the old Gothic and Scandinavian superstitions are to this day
retained in the English language. MARA, from whence our Night-mare
is derived, was in the Runic theology a spirit or spectre of the night,
which seized men in their sleep, and suddenly deprived them of speech
and motion u. NICK A was the Gothic demon who' inhabited the element
of water, and who strangled persons that were drowning w. BOH was
one of the most fierce and formidable of the Gothic generals x, and the
son of Odin ; the mention of whose name was sufficient to spread an
immediate panic among his enemies y.
* Torf. Hist. Oread, in Praefat. [See the some degree almost over all England, many
Sagas of Egill, and Gunnlaug Ormstunga. other poems are composed, mentioned like-
— PRICE.] wise in Wanley's Catalogue. [See the Pre-
8 Lit. Dan. p. 195. ed. 4to. face to this edition. — PRICE.] Itisthecon-
1 Bartholin. iii. 2. p. 651. It was a stant doctrine of the Danish historians, that
constant old British tradition, that king the Danes and Angles, whose successors
Arthur conquered Ireland, Gothland, Den- gave the name to this island, had the same
mark, and Norway. See Galfrid. Monum. origin.
ix. 11. Rob. of Glouc. ed. Hearne, p. 180. u See Keysler, Antiquitat. Sel. Septen-
182. What is said in the text must have trional. p. 497. edit. 1720.
greatly facilitated the Saxon and Danish w See Keysler, ut supr. p. 261. And in
conquests in England. The works of the Addend, ibid. p. 588.
genuine Caedmon are written in the Ian- x See Keysler, ibid. p. 105. p. 130.
guage of the antient Angles, who were y See Temple's Essays, part 4. p. 346.
nearly connected with the Jutes. Hence See also instances of conformity between
that language resembled the antient Da- English and Gothic superstitions in Bar-
nish, as appears from passages of Csedmon tholinus, 1 ii. cap. 2. p. 262. 266. It may
cited by Wanley. Hence also it happen- be urged, that these superstitions might be
ed, that the later Dano-Saxonic dialect, introduced by the Danes ; of whom I shall
in which Junius's Poetical Paraphrase of speak below. But this brings us to just
Genesis was written, is likewise so very the same point. The learned Hickes was
similar to the language of the antient of opinion, from a multitude of instances,
Angles, who settled in the more northern that our trial by a jury of Twelve, was an
parts of England. [See, in relation to early Scandinavian institution, and that it
this imaginary Dano-Saxonic dialect, Mr. was brought from thence into England ;
Thorpe's remarks, in the preface to his yet he supposes, at a period later than is
edition of Caedmon, 8vo. 1832. — M.] And necessary, the Norman invasion. See
in this dialect, which indeed prevailed in VVootton's Conspectus of Hickes'sThesaur.
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXIX
The fictions of Odin and of his Scandinavians, must have taken still
deeper root in the British islands, at least in England, from the Saxon
and Danish invasions.
That the tales of the Scandinavian scalds flourished among the Saxons,
who succeeded to the Britons, and became possessors of England in the
sixth century, may be justly presumed2. The Saxons were originally
seated in the Cimbric Chersonese, or those territories which have been
since called Jutland, Angelen, and Holstein ; and were fond of tracing
p. 46. Lond. 1708. And Hickes. The-
snur. Dissertat. Epistol. vol. i. p. 38. seq.
The number TWELVE was sacred among
the Septentrional tribes. Odin's Judges
are TWELVE, and have TWELVE seats in
Gladheim. Edd. Isl. fab. vii. The God
of the Eddahas TWELVE names, ibid, fab.i.
An Aristocracy of TWELVE is a well-known
antient establishment in the North. In the
Dialogue between Hervor and Angantyr,
the latter promises to give Hervor TWELVE
MEN'S DEATHS. [He gives her that which
is to be the death of twelve men — the
sword Tirfing. — PRICE.] Hervarar-Saga,
apud 01. Verel. cap. vii. p. 91. The Druid-
ical circular monuments of separate stones
erect, are more frequently of the number
TWELVE, than of any other number. See
Borlase, Antiquit. Cornw. B. iii. ch. vii.
edit. 1769. fol. And Toland, Hist. Druid.
p. 89. 158. 160. See also Martin's Hebrid.
p. 9. In Zealand and Sweden, many an-
tient circular monuments, consisting each
of twelve rude stones, still remain, which
were the places of judicature. My late
very learned, ingenious, and respected
friend, Dr. Borlase, pointed out to me
monuments of the same sort in Cornwall.
Compare Keysler, p. 93. And it will il-
lustrate remarks already made, and the
principles insinuated in this Dissertation,
to observe, that these monuments are found
in Persia, near Tauris. [See the Voyages
de Chardin, p. 377. ed. 1686. 12mo. It is
astonishing, that after the most evident
proofs of these stone monuments being the
production of our northern ancestors, wri-
ters will persist without any authority what-
ever in calling them Druidical. — DOUCE.]
[It is also "astonishing," that with such
"evident proofs'' of their existence in al-
most every part of Europe and Asia, they
should be exclusively assigned either to
"our northern ancestors," or their Celtic
antagonists. The occurrence of such mo-
numents in Cornwall, where the Saxons
only obtained a footing at a very late pe-
riod, and in those parts of Ireland which
were frequented by neither Saxons nor
Scandinavians, clearly forbids the assump-
tion of their Teutonic origin; while their
name (Thing-stadar), and the purpose to
which they were applied in the North of
Europe, may receive an illustration from
the page of Homer.
KyovKts §'«£« Aaov igtjruav' ol $i ytgovrtg
EiUr' ifl %l<rTOiffl KlQotg, llgto (VI XVX*.U.
II. xviii. 503.
These "sacred circles" in the North were
not only used as places of public assembly,
but were the scenes of all judicial proceed-
ings. From a passage in the 67th chapter
,of Egills-Saga, there is reason to believe,
that they were also made the theatres of the
" trial by battle." The Irish antiquaries
consider them to have been places of public
worship. "Magh-Adhair, a plain of ado-
ration, where stood an open temple consist-
ing of a circle of tall straight stone pillars
with a very large flat stone called Crom-
leac, serving for an altar, constructed by
the Druids and similar to that in Exodus
xxiv. 'And Moses builded an altar
under the hill, and twelve pillars, accord-
ing to the twelve tribes of Israel.'" O'Brian
in voc. — PRICE.] Geoffrey of Monmouth
affords instances in his British History.
The knights sent into Wales by Fitzham-
mon, in 1091, were TWELVE. Powel, p.
124. sub anno. See also an instance in
Du Carell, Anglo-Norman Antiq. p. 9.
It is probable that Charlemagne formed
his TWELVE PEERS on this principle.
From whom Spenser evidently took his
TWELVE KNIGHTS.
[In the poem of Beowulf 'twolf wintra
tid,' the time of twelve winters, is evidently
a mere epic form of expression to denote
an indefinite period. It is like the forty
days of the Hebrews, the inn/aug of the
Iliad, the eleven of Piers Plowman. This
number therefore ought not to be inter-
preted too literally, unless supported by
the context. — PRICE.]
z "Ex vetustioribus poetis Cimbrorutn,
nempe Scaldis et Theotiscae gentis versifi-
catoribus, plane multa, ut par est credere,
sumpsere." Hickes. Thesaur. i. p. 101,
See p. 117.
XXX
DISSERTATION I.
the descent of their princes from Odina. They were therefore a part of
the Scandinavian tribes. They imported with them into England the
old Runic language and letters. This appears from inscriptions on
coins b, stones0, and other monuments; and from some of their manu-
scripts'1. It is well known that Runic inscriptions have been discovered
in Cumberland and Scotland ; and that there is even extant a coin of
king Offa, with a Runic legend6. But the conversion of the Saxons to
Christianity, which happened before the seventh century, entirely ba-
nished the common use of those characters^ which were esteemed un-
hallowed and necromantic ; and with their antient superstitions, which
yet prevailed for some time in the popular belief, abolished in some
measure their native and original vein of poetic fabling ?. They sud-
denly became a mild and polished people, addicted to the arts of peace,
and the exercise of devotion ; and the poems they have left us are chiefly
moral rhapsodies, scriptural histories or religious invocations11. Yet even
* See Gibson's Chron. Saxon, p. 12. seq.
Historians mention WODEN'S BEORTH,
i. e. Woden's hill, in Wiltshire. See Mil-
ton, Hist. Engl. An. 588.
b See Sir A. Fountaine's Pref. Saxon
Money. OFFA. REX. Sc. BOTRED MONE-
TARIUS, &c. See also Serenii Diction.
Anglo- Suecico- Latin. Praef. p. 21.
c See Hickes's Thesaur. BAPTISTERIUM
BRIDEKIRKENSE. Par. Hi. p. 4. Tab. ii. —
SAXUM REVELLENSE apud Scotos. Ibid.
Tab. iv. p. 5. — CRUX LAPIDEA apudBeau-
castle. Wanley Catal. MSS. Anglo-Sax,
pag. 248. ad calc. Hickes. Thesaur. AN-
NULUS AUREUS. Drake's York, Append.
p. J02. Tab. N. 26. And Gordon's Itin.
Septentr. p. 168.
d See Hickes's Thesaur. Par.i. p. 135.
136. 148. Par. iii. Tab. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.
It may be conjectured that these charac-
ters were introduced by the Danes. It is
certain that they never grew into common
use. They were at least inconvenient, as
consisting of capitals. We have no re-
mains of Saxon writing so old as the sixth
century. Nor are there any of the seventh,
except a very few charters. [Bibl. Bodl.
NE. D. 11. 19. seq.] [This reference can-
not be correct, since the only MS. that
answers to the mark NE. D. ii. (there is no
xi.) 19, is now in the Auctarium, F. 3. 34,
and contains no charters whatever. Pre-
fixed to it is the portrait of St. Dunstan,
engraved by Hickes and Strutt, and ab-
surdly supposed to have been drawn by
Dunstan himself. See infr. Diss. ii. page
ci. note p. — M.] See Hickes's Thesaur.
Par. i. p. 169. See also CHARTA ODIL-
REDI AD MONASTERIUM DE BERKING.
Tab. i. Casley's Cat. Bibl, Reg. in the Bri-
tish Museum.
e See Archaeol. vol. ii. p. 131. A. D.
1773. 4to.
f But see Hickes, ubi supr. i. p. 140.
E It has been suggested to me by an in-
genious friend, that GUY and SIR BEVIS,
the first of whom lived in the reign of
Athelstan, and the latter, as some sup-
pose, in that of Edgar, both Christian cham-
pions against the pagan Danes, were ori-
ginally subjects of the genuine Saxon bards.
But I rather think, they began to be cele-
brated in or after the crusades ; the nature
of which expeditions dictated to the ro-
mance-writers, and brought into vogue,
stories of Christians fighting with infidel
heroes. The cause was the same, and the
circumstances partly parallel ; and this be-
ing once the fashion, they consulted their
own histories for heroes, and combats were
feigned with Danish giants, as well as with
the Saracen. See infr. Sect. iii. pp. 143.
144. There is the story of BEVIS in
British, YSTORI BOUN o HAMTUN.
Lhuyd's Arch. Brit. p. 264.
h Except an ode on Athelstan, trans-
lated below. See Sect. i. p. 2. See also
the description of the city of Durham.
Hickes, p. 179. It has nothing of the wild
strain of poetry. The saints and relics of
Durham church seen to have struck the
poet most, in describing that city. I can-
not discern the supposed sublimity of those
mysterious dithyrambics, which close the
Saxon MENOLOGE, or poetic calendar,
written about the tenth century, printed
by Hickes, Gramm. Anglo-Sax, p. 207.
They seem to be prophecies and proverbs ;
or rather splendid fragments from differ-
ent poems, thrown together without con-
nection.
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXXI
in these pieces they have frequent allusions to the old scaldic fables and
heroes. Thus, in an Anglo-Saxon poem on Judith, Holofernes is called
BALDER, or leader and prince of warriors. And in a poetical para-
phrase on Genesis, Abimelech has the same appellation *. This Balder
was a famous chieftain of the Asiatic Goths, the son of Odin, and sup-
posed to inhabit a magnificent hall in the future place of rewards. The
same Anglo-Saxon paraphrast, in his prosopopoeia of Satan addressing
his companions plunged in the infernal abyss, adopts many images and
expressions used in the very sublime description of the Eddie hell k :
Henry of Huntingdon ' complains of certain extraneous words and un-
common figures of speech, in a Saxon ode on a victory of king Athelstan.
These were all scaldic expressions or allusions. But I will give a literal
English translation of this poem, which cannot be well understood with-
out premising its occasion. In the year 938, Anlaif*, a pagan king of
the Hybernians and the adjacent isles, invited by Constantine king of
the Scots, entered the river Abi or Humber with a strong fleet. Our
Saxon king Athelstan, and his brother Eadmund Clito [aetheling], met
them with a numerous army, near a place called Brunenburgh ; and after
a most obstinate and bloody resistance, drove them back to their ships.
The battle lasted from day-break till the evening. On the side of An-
laff were slain five petty kings, and seven chiefs or generals. "King
Adelstan, the glory of leaders, the giver of gold chains to his nobles, and
his brother Eadmund, both shining with the brightness of a long train
of ancestors, struck [the adversary ^ in war; at Brunenburgh, with the
edge of the sword, they clove the wall of shields. The high banners
fell. The earls of the departed Edward fell; for it was born within
them, even from the loins of their kindred, to defend the treasures and
the houses of their country, and their gifts, against the hatred of stran-
gers. The nation of the Scots, and the fatal inhabitants of ships, fell.
The hills resounded, and the armed men were covered with sweat.
From the time the sun, the king of stars, the torch of the eternal
one, rose chearful above the hills, till he returned to his habitation.
There lay many of the northern men, pierced with lances ; they lay
wounded, with their shields pierced through : and also the Scots, the
hateful harvest of battle. The chosen bands of the West-Saxons, going
out to battle, pressed on the steps of the detested nations, and slew their
flying rear with sharp and bloody swords. The soft effeminate men
yielded up their spears. The Mercians did not fear or fly the rough
game of the hand. There was no safety to them, who sought the land
1 See Hickes. Thesaur. i. p. 10. who Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 343. Anlaf,whom
adds many more instances. Athelstan had expelled from the kingdom
k Fab. xlix. See Hickes, ubi supr. p. of North-humbria, was in all probability a
116. [See Conybeare'slllustr.p. 190; and Christian. Wulstan archbishop of York,
Thorpe's Csedmon, p. 271, 274, 285, &c.] who united with Anlaf in his second at-
1 Who has greatly misrepresented the tempt to recover his inheritance, would
sense by a bad Latin translation. Hist. hardly have fought under a Pagan banner,
lib. v. p. 203. — PRICE.]
* [See Mr. Turner's History of the
XXXH DISSERTATION I.
with Anlaffin the bosom of the ship, to die in fight. Five youthful kings
fell in the place of fight, slain with swords ; and seven captains of Anlaff,
with the innumerable army of Scottish mariners : there the lord of the
Normans [Northernmen] was chased ; and their army, now made small,
was driven to the prow of the ship. The ship sounded with the waves;
and the king, marching into the yellow sea, escaped alive. And so it
was, the wise northern king Constantine, a veteran chief, returning by
flight to his own army, bowed down in the camp, left his own son worn
out with wounds in the place of slaughter ; in vain did he lament his
earls, in vain his lost friends. Nor less did Anlaff, the yellow-haired
leader, the battle-ax of slaughter, a youth in war, but an old man in un-
derstanding, boast himself a conqueror in fight, when the darts flew
against Edward's earls, and their banners met. Then those northern
soldiers, covered with shame, the sad refuse of darts in the resounding
whirlpool ofHumber, departed in their ships with rudders, to seek through
the deep the Irish city and their own land. While both the brothers,
the king and Clito, lamenting even their own victory, together returned
home ; leaving behind them the flesh -devouring raven, the dark-blue
toad greedy of slaughter, the black crow with horny bill, and the hoarse
toad, the eagle a companion of battles, with the devouring kite, and that
brindled savage beast the wolf of the wood, to be glutted with the white
food of the slain. Never was so great a slaughter in this island, since
the Angles and Saxons, the fierce beginners of war, coming hither from
the east, and seeking Britain through the wide sea, overcame the Bri-
tons excelling in honour, and gained possession of their land"1."
This piece, and many other Saxon odes and songs now remaining^ are
written in a metre much resembling that of the scaldic dialogue at the
tomb of Angantyr*, which has been beautifully translated into English,
in the true spirit of the original, and in a genuine strain of poetry, by
Gray. The extemporaneous effusions of the glowing bard seem natu-
rally to have fallen into this measure, arid it was probably more easily
suited to the voice or harp. Their versification for the most part seems
to have been that of the Runic poetry.
As literature, the certain attendant, as it is the parent, of true religion
and civility, gained ground among the Saxons, poetry no longer re-
mained a separate science, and the profession of bard seems gradually
to have declined among them: I mean the bard under those appropriated
characteristics, and that peculiar appointment, which he sustained among
m The original was first printed by of Gibson, and of course shares the faults
Wheloc in the Saxon Chronicle, p. 555. of its original. — PRICE.]
Cant. 1644. See Hickes. Thes. Prsefat. * [The invocation of Hervor at the tomb
p. xiv. And ibid. Gramm. Anglo-Sax. of her father Angantyr was translated in
p. 181. prose by Dr. Hickes. It was republished
[At the close of this Dissertation the with emendations by Dr. Percy in 1763,
reader will find the original ode and a and has since been closely and paraphra-
nearly literal version of it. The transla- stically versified by Mr. Mathias and Miss
tion in the text was made from the Latin Seward. — PARK.]
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE.
the Scandinavian pagans. Yet their national love of verse and music
still so strongly predominated, that in the place of their old scalders a
new rank of poets arose, called GLEEMEN or Harpers". These probably
gave rise to the order of English Minstrels, who flourished till the six-
teenth century.
And here I stop to point out one of the principal reasons, why the
Scandinavian bards have transmitted to modern times so much more of
their native poetry, than the rest of their southern neighbours. It is
true, that the inhabitants of Sweden, Denmark, and Norway, — whether
or no from their Asiatic origin, from their poverty which compelled them
to seek their fortunes at foreign courts by the exercise of a popular art,
from the success of their bards, the nature of their republican govern-
ment, or their habits of unsettled life, — were more given to verse than
any other Gothic, or even Celtic tribe. But this is not all : they re-
mained pagans, and retained their original manners, much longer than
any of their Gothic kindred. They were not completely converted to
Christianity till the tenth century0. Hence, under the concurrence how-
ever of some of the causes just mentioned, their scaldic profession ac-
quired greater degrees of strength and of maturity ; and from an unin-
terrupted possession through many ages of the most romantic religious
superstitions, and the preservation of those rough, manners which are so
favourable to the poetical spirit, was enabled to produce, not only more
genuine, but more numerous compositions. True religion would have
checked the impetuosity of their passions, suppressed their wild exertions
of fancy, and banished that striking train of imagery, which their poetry
derived from a barbarous theology. This circumstance also suggests to
our consideration, those superior advantages arid opportunities arising
from leisure and length of time, which they enjoyed above others, of
circulating their poetry far and wide, of giving a general currency
to their mode of fabling, of rendering their skill in versification more
universally and familiarly known, and a more conspicuous and popular
object of admiration or imitation to the neighbouring countries. Hence
too it has happened, that modern times have not only attained much
fuller information concerning their historical transactions, but are so in-
timately acquainted with the peculiarities of their character.
It is probable, that the Danish invasions produced a considerable al-
n GLEEMAN answers to the Latin Jo- decreed that no bishop, or any ecclesiastic,
CULATOR. Fabyan speaking of Blage- shall keep or have CITHAR./EDAS, and it is
bride, an ancient British king, famous for added QU^ECUMQUE SYMPHONIACA ; nor
his skill in poetry and music, calls him " a permit plays or sports, LUDOS VEL Jocos,
conynge musicyan, called of the Britons undoubtedly inimical and gesticulatory en-
god of GLEEMEN." Chron. f. xxxii. ed. tertainments, to be exhibited in his pre-
1533. This Fabyan translated from Geof- sence. Malmesb. Gest. Pontif. lib. iii. p.
frey of Monmouth's account of the same 263. edit. vet. And Concil. Spelman. 1. 1.
British king, "ut DEUS JOCULATOUUM p. 159. edit. 1639. fol.
videretur." Hist. Brit. lib. i. c. 22. It ° See bishop Lloyd's Hist. Account of
appears from the injunctions given to the Church Government in Great Britain, &c.
British church in the year 680, that female chap. i. §.11. 4to. Lond. 1684. And Cry-
harpers were not then uncommon. It is mog. Arngrim. L. i. cap. 10. p. 104,
VOL. I. C
XXXIV
DISSERTATION I.
teration in the manners of our Anglo-Saxon ancestors. Although their
connections with England were transient and interrupted, and on the
whole scarcely lasted two hundred years, yet many of the Danish cus-
toms began to prevail among the inhabitants, which seem to have given a
new turn to their temper and genius. The Danish fashion of excessive
drinking, for instance, a vice almost natural to the northern nations, be-
came so general among the Anglo-Saxons, that it was found necessary
to restrain so pernicious and contagious a practice by a particular sta-
tute1*. Hence it seems likely, that so popular an entertainment as their
poetry gained ground; especially if we consider, that in their expeditions
against England they were of course attended by many northern scalds,
who constantly made a part of their military retinue, and whose lan-
guage was understood by the Saxons. Rogwald lord of the Orcades,
who was also himself a poet, going on an expedition into Palestine, car-
ried with him two Islandic bards'1. The noble ode, called in the north-
ern chronicles the ELOGIUM OF HACONr, king of Norway, was com-
posed on a battle in which that prince with eight of his brothers fell,
p See Lambarde's Archaionom. And
Bartholin. ii. c. xii. p. 542.
q Ol. Worm. Lit. Run. p. 195. ed. 1636.
* In this ode are these very sublime
imageries and prosopopoeias.
" The goddesses who preside over bat-
tles come, sent forth by Odin. They go to
choose among the princes of the illustrious
race of Yngvon a man who is to perish,
and to go to dwell in the palace of the
gods."
" Gondula leaned on the end of her lance,
and thus bespoke her companions. The
assembly of the gods is going to be increa-
sed: the gods invite Hacon, with his nu-
merous host, to enter the palace of Odin."
" Thus spake these glorious nymphs of
war : who were seated on their horses, who
were covered with their shields and hel-
mets, and appeared full of some great
thought."
" Hacon heard their discourse. Why,
said he, why hast thou thus disposed of the
battle ? Were we not worthy to have ob-
tained of the gods a more perfect victory ?
It is we, she replied, who have given it thee.
It is we who have put thine enemies to
flight."
"Now, added she, let us push forward
our steeds across those green worlds, which
are the residence of the gods. Let us go
tell Odin that the king is coming to visit
him in his palace."
"When Odin heard this news, he said,
Hermode and Brago, my sons, go to meet
the king: a king, admired by all men for
his valour, approaches to our hall."
"At length king Hacon approaches ; and
arriving from the battle is still all be-
sprinkled and runningdown with blood. At
the sight of Odin, he cries out, Ah ! how
severe and terrible does this god appear to
me!"
"The hero Brago replies, Come, thou
that wast the terror of the bravest warriors :
Come hither, and rejoin thine eight bro-
thers : the heroes who reside here shall
live with thee in peace : Go, drink Ale in
the circle of heroes."
"But this valiant king exclaims, I will
still keep my arms : a warrior ought care-
fully to preserve his mail and helmet : it
is dangerous to be a moment without the
spear in one's hand."
" The wolf Fenris shall burst his chains
and dart with rage upon his enemies, before
so brave a king shall again appear upon
earth," &c.
Snorron. Hist. Reg. Sept.i. p. 163. This
ode was written so early as the year 960.
There is a great variety and boldness in
the transitions. An action is carried on by
a set of the most awful ideal personages,
finely imagined. The goddesses of battle,
Odin, his sons Hermode and Brago, and
the spectre of the deceased king, are all in-
troduced, speaking and acting as in adrama.
The panegyric is nobly conducted, and
arises out of the sublimity of the fiction.
[A somewhat different version of the
above ode is printed in Percy's Five Runic
pieces. By the wolf Fenris, he observes,
the northern nations understood a kind of
demon, or evil principle, at enmity with
the gods, who though at present chained
up from doing mischief, was hereafter to
break loose and destroy the world. See
F.dda.— PARK.]
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXXV
by the scald Eyvynd ; who for his superior skill in poetry was called the
CROSS OF POETS, [Eyvindr Skalldaspillir*,] and fought in the battle
which he celebrated. Hacon earl of Norway was accompanied by five
celebrated bards in the battle of Jomsburgh : and we are told, that each
of them sung an ode to animate the soldiers before the engagement
began9. They appear to have been regularly brought into action. Olave,
a king of Norway, when his army was prepared for the onset, placed
three scalds about him, and exclaimed aloud, " You shall not only record
in your verses what you have HEARD, but what you have SEEN." They
each delivered an ode on the spot*. These northern chiefs appear to
have so frequently hazarded their lives with such amazing intrepidity,
merely in expectation of meriting a panegyric from their poets, the
judges, and the spectators of their gallant behaviour. That scalds were
common in the Danish armies when they invaded England, appears from
a stratagem of Alfred ; who, availing himself of his skill in oral poetry and
playing on the harp, entered the Danish camp habited in that character,
and procured a hospitable reception. This was in the year 878 u. An-
lafff , a Danish king, used the same disguise for reconnoitring the camp
of our Saxon monarch Athelstan : taking his station near Athelstan's
pavilion, he entertained the king and his chiefs with his verses and music,
and was dismissed with an honourable reward w. As Anlaff's dialect
must have discovered him to have been a Dane ; here is a proof, of what
I shall bring more, that the Saxons, even in the midst of mutual hos-
tilities, treated the Danish scalds with favour and respect. That the Is-
landic bards were common in England during the Danish invasions,
there are numerous proofs. Egill, a celebrated Islandic poet, having
' murthered the son and many of the friends of Eric Blodoxe, king of
Denmark or Norway, then residing in Northumberland, and which he
had just conquered, procured a pardon by singing before the king, at
the command of his queen Gunhilde, an extemporaneous odex. Egill
compliments the king, who probably was his patron, with the appellation
of the English chief. " I offer my freight to the king. I owe a poem
for my ransom. I present to the ENGLISH CHIEF the mead of Odiny."
Afterwards he calls this Danish conqueror the commander of the Scot-
tish fleet. " The commander of the Scottish fleet fattened the ravenous
* [Skalldaspillir, poetarum alpha, cui w Malmesb. ii. 6. I am aware, that the
omnesinvidentpoetae.] truth of both these anecdotes respecting
s Bartholin. p. 172. Alfred and Anlaff has been controverted.
1 Olaf. Sag. apud Verel. ad Herv. Sag. But no sufficient argument has yet been
p. 178. Bartholin. p. 172. offered for pronouncing them spurious, or
u Ingulph. Hist. p. 869. Malmesb. ii. c even suspicious. See an ingenious Dis-
ci. 4. p. 43. sertation in the Archaeologia, vol. ii. p.
f [This is the same Anlaff mentioned 100. seq. A. D. 1773. 4to.
above, p. xxxi. Though of Danish de- x See Crymogr. Angrim. Jon. lib. ii. p.
scent, yet as his family had possessed the 125. edit. 1609.
throne of North-humbria for more than y See Ol. Worm. Lit. Run. p. 227. 195.
one generation, it is most probable that he All the chiefs of Eric were also present at
spoke the dialect of his province or what the recital of this ode, which is in a noble
Hickes calls the Dano-Saxon. — PHICE.] strain.
cc2
XXXVI DISSERTATION I.
birds. The sister of Nera [Death] trampled on the foe: she trampled
on the evening food of the eagle." The Scots usually joined the Danish
or Norwegian invaders in their attempts on the northern parts of Britain7-:
and from this circumstance a new argument arises, to show the close
communication and alliance which must have subsisted between Scot-
land and Scandinavia. Egill, although of the enemy's party *, was a
singular favourite of king Athelstan. Athelstan once asked Egill how
he escaped due punishment from Eric Blodoxe, the king of North-
umberland, for the very capital and enormous crime which I have just
mentioned. On which Egill immediately related the whole of that trans-
action to the Saxon king, in a sublime ode still extant3. On another
occasion Athelstan presented Egill with two rings, and two large cabi-
nets filled with silver; promising at the same time, to grant him any gift
or favour which he should choose to request. Egill, struck with grati-
tude, immediately composed a panegyrical poem in the Norwegian lan-
guage, then common to both nations, on the virtues of Athelstan,
which the latter as generously requited with two marcs of pure goldb.
Here is likewise another argument, that the Saxons had no small esteem
for the scaldic poetry. It is highly reasonable to conjecture, that our
Danish king Canute, a potentate of most extensive jurisdiction, and not
only king of England, but of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, was not
without the customary retinue of the northern courts, in which the
scalds held so distinguished and important a station. Human nature,
in a savage state, aspires to some species of merit, and in every stage of
society is alike susceptible of flattery, when addressed to the reigning
passion. The sole object of these northern princes was military glory.
It is certain that Canute delighted in this mode of entertainment, which
lie patronized and liberally rewarded. It is related in KNYTLINGA-SAGA,
or Canute's History, that he commanded the scald Loftunga to be put to
death, for daring to comprehend his achievements in too concise a
poem. " Nemo," said he, " ante te, ausus est de me BREVES CANTILENAS
componere." A curious picture of the tyrant, the patron, and the bar-
barian, united ! But the bard extorted a speedy pardon, and with much
address, by producing the next day before the king at dinner an ode of
more than thirty strophes, for which Canute gave him fifty marcs of
purified silver c. In the mean time, the Danish language began to grow
56 See the Saxon epinicion in praise of p. 169, 170. See Knytlinga-Saga, in
king Athelstan. supr. citat. p. xxxi. Hen. Catal. Codd. MSS. Bibl. Holm. Hickes.
Hunting. 1. v. p, 203. 204. Thesaur. ii. 312.
* [Egill fought on Athelstan's side, and [Canute's threat — for he did not " corn-
did signal service in the battle at Brunan- maud the scald to be put to death" — is
burh. — PRICE.] thus translated by Mr. Turner : "Are you
B Torfeus Hist. Oread. Praefat. " Rei not ashamed to do what none but your-
statim ordinem metro nunc satis obscuro self has dared, to write a short poem upon
exposuit." Torfseus adds, which is much me ? Unless by to-morrow's dinner you
to our purpose, " nequaquam ita narraturus produce above thirty strophes on the same
NON INTELLIGENTI." subject, your head shall be the penalty."
b Crymog. Am. Jon. p. 129. ut supr. Hist, of Anglo-Saxons, vol. i. p. 437. The
F Bartholin. Antiquit. Danic. lib. i. c. 10. result was as Warton states. — PRICE.]
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. XXXVU
perfectly familiar in England. It was eagerly learned by the Saxon
clergy and nobility, from a principle of ingratiating themselves with
Canute : and there are many manuscripts now remaining, by which it
will appear, that the Danish runes were much studied among our Saxon
ancestors under the reign of that monarch d.
The songs of the Irish bards are by some conceived to be strongly
marked with the traces of scaldic imagination ; and these traces, which
will be reconsidered, are believed still to survive among a species of
poetical historians, whom they call TALE-TELLERS, supposed to be the
descendants of the original Irish bards6. A writer of equal elegance and
veracity relates, " that a gentleman of the north of Ireland has told me
of his own experience, that in his wolf-huntings there, when he used to
be abroad in the mountains three or four days together, and laid very
ill a-nights, so as he could not well sleep, they would bring him one of
these TALE-TELLERS, that when he lay down would begin a story of a
KING, or a GYANT, a DWARF, and a DAMOSEL*?' These are topics in
which the Runic poetry is said to have been greatly conversant.
Nor is it improbable that the Welsh bards * might have been ac-
d Hickes, ubi supr. i. 134.136.
e We are informed by the Irish histo-
rians, that saint Patrick, when he convert-
ed Ireland to the Christian faith, destroyed
three hundred volumes of the songs of the
Irish bards. Such was their dignity in
this country, that they were permitted to
w.ear a robe of the same colour with that
of the royal family. They were constantly
summoned to a triennial festival : and the
most approved songs delivered at this as-
sembly were ordered to be preserved in
the custody of the king's historian or an-
tiquary. Many of these compositions are
referred to by Keating, as the foundation
of his History of Ireland. Ample estates
were apropriated to them, that they might
live in a condition of independence and
ea>e. The profession was hereditary; but
when a bard died, his estate devolved not
to his eldest son, but to such of his family
as discovered the most distinguished ta-
lents for poetry and music. Every prin-
cipal bard retained thirty of inferior note,
as his attendants; and a bard of the se-
condary class was followed by a retinue of
fifteen. They seem to have been at their
height in the year 558. See Keating's
History of Ireland, p. 127. 132. 370. 380.
And Pref. p. 23. None of their poems
have been translated.
There is an article in the LAWS of Ke-
neth king of Scotland, promulged in the
year 850, which places the bards of Scot-
land, who certainly were held in equal es-
teem with those of the neighbouring coun-
tries, in the lowest station. "Fugitivos,
BARDOS, otio addictos, scurras et hujus-
modi hominum genus, loris et flagris cae-
dunto." Apud Hector. Boeth. Lib. x.p.201.
edit. 1574. But Salmasius very justly ob-
serves, that for BARDOS we should read
VARGOS, or VERGOS, i. e. Vagabonds.
[Such, said the late ingenious Mr.
Walker, was the celebrity of the Irish mu-
sic, that the Welsh bards condescended to
receive instructions in their musical art
from those of Ireland. Gryffydd ap Co-
nan, king of North Wales, about the time
that Stephen was king of England, deter-
mined to reform the Welsh bards, and
brought over many Irish bards for that
purpose. This Gryffydd, according to the
intelligent Mr. Owen, was a distinguished
patron of the poets and musicians of his
native country, and called several con-
gresses, wherein laws were established for
the better regulation of poetry and music,
as well as of such as cultivated those sci-
ences. These congresses were open to the
people of Wales, as well as of Ireland and
Scandinavia, and professors from each
country attended : whence what was found
peculiar to one people, and worthy of adop-
tion, was received and established in the
rest. Hist. Mem. of Irish Bards, p, 103>
Cambrian Biogr. p. 145. — PARK.]
f Sir W. Temple's Essays, part iv. p,
349.
s The bards of Britain were originally
a constitutional appendage of the druidical
hierarchy. In the parish of Llanjdan in
the isle of Anglesey, there are still to be
seen in the ruins of an arch-druid's man-
sion, which they call TRER DREW, that is
the DRUID'S MANSION, Near it are mark*
XXXV111
DISSERTATION I.
quainted with the Scandinavian scalds. I mean before their communi-
cations with Armorica, mentioned at large above. The prosody of the
Welsh bards depended much on alliteration h. Hence they seem to have
paid an attention to the scaldic versification. The Islandic poets are said
to have carried alliteration to the highest pitch of exactness in their
earliest periods ; whereas the Welsh bards of the sixth century used it
but sparingly, and in a very imperfect degree. In this circumstance a
proof of imitation, at least of emulation, is implied *. There are moreover
strong instances of conformity between the manners of the two nations ;
which, however, may be accounted for on general principles arising from
our comparative observations on rude life. Yet it is remarkable that
mead, the northern nectar, or favourite liquor of the Goths k, who seem to
have stamped it with the character of a poetical drink, was no less cele-
brated among the Welsh1. The songs of both nations abound with its
praises; and it seems in both to have been alike the delight of the warrior
and the bard. Taliessin, as Lhuyd informs us, wrote a panegyrical ode
on this inspiring beverage of the bee ; or, as he translates it, De Mulso
of the habitations of the separate conven-
tual societies, which were under his imme-
diate orders and inspection. Among these is
TRER BEIRD, or, as they call it to this day,
the HAMLET OF THE BARDS. Rowland's
Mona, p. 83. 88. But so strong was the
attachment of the Celtic nations, among
which we reckon Britain, to poetry, that,
amidst all the changes of government and
manners, even long after the order of
Druids was extinct,and the national religion
altered, the bards, acquiring a sort of civil
capacity, and a new establishment, still
continued to flourish. And with regard to
Britain, the bards flourished most in those
parts of it which most strongly retained
their native Celtic character. The Britons
living in those countries that were between
the Trent or Humber and the Thames, by
far the greatest portion of this island, in
the midst of the Roman garrisons and co-
lonies, had been so long inured to the
customs of the Romans, that they preserved
very little of the British; and from this
long and habitual intercourse, before the
fifth century, they seem to have lost their
original language. We cannot discover
the slightest trace, in the poems of the
bards, the Lives of the British saints, or
any other ancient monument, that they
held any correspondence with the Welsh,
the Cornish, the Cumbrian, or the Strath-
cluyd Britons. Among other British in-
stitutions grown obsolete among them, they
seem to have lost the use of bards ; at least
there are no memorials of any they had,
nor any of their songs remaining: nor do
the Welsh or Cumbrian poets ever touch
upon any transactions that passed in those
countries, after they were relinquished by
the Romans.
And here we see the reason why the
Welsh bards flourished so much and so
long. But moreover the Welsh, kept in
awe as they were by the Romans, harassed
by the Saxons, and eternally jealous of the
attacks, the encroachments, and the neigh-
bourhood of aliens, were on this account
attached to their Celtic manners : this si-
tuation, and these circumstances inspired
them with a pride and an obstinacy for
maintaining a national distinction, and for
preserving their ancient usages, among
which the bardic profession is so eminent.
h See vol. ii. p. 106. note".
* I am however informed by a very in-
telligent antiquary in British literature,
that there are manifest marks of allitera-
tion in some druidical fragments still re-
maining, undoubtedly composed before the
Britons could have possibly mixed in the
smallest degree with any Gothic nation.
Rhyme is likewise found in the British
poetry at the earliest period, in those dru-
idical triplets called ENGLYN MILWR, or
the WARRIOR'S SoNG,in which every verse
is closed with a consonant syllable. See
a metrical Druid oracle in Borlase's An-
tiquit. Cornwall. B. iii. ch. 5. p. 185. edit.
1769.
k And of the ancient Franks. Gre-
gory of Tours mentions a Frank drinking
this liquor; and adds, that he acquired
this habit from the BARBAROUS or Frank-
ish nations. Hist. Franc, lib. viii. c. 33.
p. 404. ed. 1699. Paris, fol.
1 See vol.ii. p. 195.
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN KUBOPE. XXXIX
seu HYDROMELI k. In Hoel Dha's Welsh laws, translated by Wotton, we
have, "In omni convivio in quo MULSUM bibitur1." From which pas-
sage, it seems to have been served up only at high festivals. By the
same constitutions, at every feast in the king's castle-hall, the prefect or
marshal of the hall is to receive from the queen, by the hands of the
steward, a HORN OF MEAD. It is also ordered, among the privileges an-
nexed to the office of prefect of the royal-hall, that the king's bard shall
sing to him as often as he pleases m. One of the stated officers of the
king's household is CONFECTOR MULSI : and this officer, together with
the master of the horse n, the master of the hawks, the smith of the pa-
lace0, the royal bard?, the first musician 4, with some others, have a right
k Tanner Bibl. p. 706.
1 Leg. Wall. L. i. cap. xxiv. p. 45.
m Ibid. L.i. cap.xii. p. 17.
n When the king makes a present of a
horse, this officer is to receive a fee ; but
not when the present is made to a bishop,
the master of the hawks, or to the Mimus.
The latter is exempt, on account of the
entertainment he afforded the court at
being presented with a horse by the king:
the horse is to be led out of the hall with
capistrum testiculis alUgatum. Ibid. L. i.
cap. xvii. p. 31. MIMUS seems here to
be a MIMIC, or a gesticulator. Carpentier
mentions a " JOCULATOR qui sciebat
TOMBARE, to tumble" Gang. Lat. Gloss.
Suppl. Verb. TOMBARE. In the Saxon
canons given by king Edgar, about the
year 9GO, it is ordered, that no priest shall
be a POET, or exercise the MIMICAL or
histrionical art in any degree, either in
public or private. Can. 58. Concil. Spel-
man, tpm.i. p. 455. edit. 1639. fol. In
Edgar's Oration to Dunstan, the Ml Ml,
Minstrels, are said to sing and dance.
Ibid. p. 477. Much the same injunction
occurs in the Saxon Laws of the North-
umbrian Priests, given in 988. Cap.
xli. ibid. p. 498. MIMUS seems some-
times to have signified THE FOOL. As
in Gregory of Tours, speaking of the
MIMUS of Miroakingof Gallicia: " Erat
enim MIMUS REGIS, qui ei per VETCBA
JOCULARIA LiETixiAM erat solitus EX-
CITARE. Sed non cum adjuvit aliquis
CACHINNUS, neque praestigiis artis suae,"
&c. Gregor. Turonens. Miracul. S. Mar-
tin, lib. iv. cap. vii. p. 1119. Opp. Paris.
1699. fol. edit. Ruinart.
0 He is to work free : except for ma-
king the king's caldron, the iron bands,
and other furniture for his castle- gate,
and the iron-work for his mills. Leg.
Wall. L. i. cap. xliv. p. 67.
p By these constitutions, given about
the year 940, (he bard of the Welsh
kings is a domestic officer. The king is
to allow him a horse and a woollen
robe ; and the queen a linen garment.
The prefect of the palace, or governor of
the castle, is privileged to sit next him in
the hall, on the three principal feast days,
and to put the harp into his hand. On
the three feast days he is to have the
steward's robe for a fee. He i* to at-
tend, if the queen desires a song in her
chamber. An ox or cow is to be given
out of the booty or prey (chiefly consisting
of cattle) taken from the English by the
king's domestics : and while the prey is
dividing, he is to sing the praises of the
BRITISH KINGS or KINGDOM. If, when
the king's domestics go out to make de-
predations, he sings or plays before them,
he is to receive the best bullock. When
the king's army is in array, he is to sing
the Song of the BRITISH KINGS. When
invested with his office, the king is to give
him a harp, (other constitutions say a chess-
board,) and the queen a ring of gold: nor
is he to give away the harp on any ac-
count. When he goes out of the palace
to sing with other bards, he is to receive a
double portion of the largesse or gratuity.
If he ask a gift or favour of the king, he
is to be fined by singing an ode or poem;
if of a nobleman or chief, three ; if of a
vassal, he is to sing him to sleep. Leg.
Wall. L. i. cap. xix. p. 35. Mention is
made of the bard who gains the CHAIR in
the hall. Ibid. Artie. 5. After a con-
test of bards in the hall, the bard who
gains the chair, is to give the JUDGE OF
THE HALL, another officer, a horn, (cornu
bubalinum) a ring, and the cushion of his
chair. Ibid. L. i. cap. xvi. p. 26. When
the king rides out of his castle, five bards
are to accompany him. Ibid. L. i. cap. viii.
p. 1 1. The Cornu Bubalinum may be ex-
plained from a passage in a poem, com-
posed about the year 1160, by Owain
Cyveiliog, prince of Powis, which he en-
titled HIRLAS, from a large drinking-horn
so called, used at feasts in his castle-hall.
" Pour out, O cup-bearer, sweet and plea-
sant mead (the spear is red in the time of
X DISSERTATION I.
to ber seated in the hall. We have already seen, that the Scandinavian
scalds were well known in Ireland : and there is sufficient evidence to
prove, that the Welsh bards were early connected with the Irish. Even
so late as the eleventh century, the practice continued among the Welsh
bards, of receiving instructions in the bardic profession from Ireland.
The Welsh bards were reformed and regulated by GryfFyth ap Conan,
king of Wales, in the year 1078. At the same time he brought over
with him from Ireland many Irish bards, for the information and im-
provement of the Welsh 9. Powell acquaints us, that this prince " brought
over with him from Ireland divers cunning musicians into Wales, who
devised in a manner all the instrumental music that is now there used :
as appeareth, as well by the bookes written of the same, as also by the
names of the tunes and measures used among them to this daieV In
Ireland, to kill a bard was highly criminal : and to seize his estate, even
for the public service and in time of national distress, was deemed an act
of sacrilege u. Thus in the old Welsh laws, whoever even slightly injured
a bard, was to be fined six cows and one hundred and twenty pence. The
murtherer of a bard was to be fined one hundred and twenty-six cowsw.
Nor must I pass over, what reflects much light on this reasoning, that the
establishment of the household of the old Irish chiefs exactly resembles
that of the Welsh kings. For, besides the bard, the musician, and the
smith, they have both a physician, a huntsman, and other corresponding
officers *. We must also remember, that an intercourse was necessarily
need) from the horns of wild oxen, RipuariorumetWesinorum. Lindenbroch.
covered with gold, to the souls of those Cod. LL. Antiq. Wisigoth. etc. A.D. 613.
departed heroes." Evans, p. 12. Tit. 5. § ult.
By these laws the king's harp is to be The caliphs, and other eastern potent-
worth one hundred and twenty pence ; ates, had their bards, whom they treated
but that of a gentleman, or one not a with equal respect. Sir John Maunde-
vassal, sixty pence. The king's chess- ville, who travelled in 1340, says, that
board is valued at the same price : and when the emperor of Cathay, or great
the instrument for fixing or tuning the Cham of Tartary, is seated at dinner in
strings of the king's harp, at twenty-four high pomp with his lords, " no man is so
pence. His drinking-horn, at one pound. hardi to speak to him except it be Musi-
Ibid. L. iii. cap. vii. p. 265. CIANS to solace the emperor." chap. Ixvii.
' There are two musicians: the Mu- p. 100. Here is another proof of the cor-
sicus 1'niMARius, who probably was a respondence between the eastern and
teacher, and certainly a superintendent northern customs : and this instance might
over the rest; and the HALL-MUSICIAN. be brought as an argument of the bardic
Leg. ut supr. L. i. cap. xlv. p. 68. institution being fetched from the east.
T " Jus cathedrae." Ibid. L. i. cap. x. Leo Afer mentions thePoeto curia: of the
p. 13. Caliph's court at Bagdad, about the year
• See Selden, Drayt. Polyolb. S. ix. 990. De Med. et Philos. Arab. cap. iv.
pag. 156. S. iv. pag. 67. edit. 1613. fol. Those poets were in most repute among
* Hist, of Cambr. p. 191. edit. 1584. the Arabians, who could speak extempo-
" Keating's Hist. Ireland, pag. 132. raneous verses to the Caliph. Euseb. Re-
w Leg. Wall, ut supr. L. i. cap. xix. naudot. apud Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xiii. p.
pag. 35. seq. See also cap. xlv. p. 68. 249. Thomson, in the Castle of Indo-
We find the same respect paid to the lence, mentions the BARD IN WAITING
bard in other constitutions. " Qui HAR- being introduced to lull the Caliph asleep.
PATOREM, &c. Whoever shall strike a And Maundeville mentions MINSTKELLES
HARPER who can harp in a public assem- as established officers in the court of the
bly, shall compound with him by a com- emperor of Cathay,
position of four times more, than for any x See Temple, ubi supr. p. 346.
other man of the same condition." Legg.
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. xll
produced between the Welsh and Scandinavians from the piratical ir-
ruptions of the latter : their scalds, as I have already remarked, were
respected and patronised in the courts of those princes, whose territories
were the principal objects of the Danish invasions. Torfaeus expressly
affirms this of the Anglo-Saxon arid Irish kings ; and it is at least pro-
bable, that they were entertained with equal regard by the Welsh princes,
who so frequently concurred with the Danes in distressing the English.
It may be added, that the Welsh, although living in a separate and de-
tached situation, and so strongly prejudiced in favour of their own usages,
yet from neighbourhood, and unavoidable communications of various
kinds, might have imbibed the ideas of the Scandinavian bards from the
Saxons and Danes, after those nations had occupied and overspread all
the other parts of our island.
Many pieces of the Scottish bards are still remaining in the highlands
of Scotland. Of these a curious specimen, and which considered in a
more extensive and general respect, is a valuable monument of the poetry
of a rude period, has lately been given to the world, under the title of
the WORKS OF OSSIAN. It is indeed very remarkable, that in these
poems, the terrible graces, which so naturally characterise, and so ge-
nerally constitute, the early poetry of a barbarous people, should so
frequently give place to a gentler set of manners, to the social sensi-
bilities of polished life, and a more civilised and elegant species of
imagination. Nor is this circumstance, which disarranges all our
established ideas concerning the savage stages of society, easily to be
accounted for, unless we suppose, that the Celtic tribes, who were so
strongly addicted to poetical composition, and who made it so much
their study from the earliest times, might by degrees have attained a
higher vein of poetical refinement, than could at first sight or on com-
mon principles be expected among nations, whom we are accustomed to
call barbarous ; that some few instances of an elevated strain of friend-
ship, of love, and other sentimental feelings, existing in such nations,
might lay the foundation for introducing a set of manners among the
bards, more refined and exalted than the real manners of the country ;
and that panegyrics on those virtues, transmitted with improvements from
bard to bard, must at length have formed characters of ideal excellence,
which might propagate among the people real manners bordering on the
poetical. These poems, however, notwithstanding the difference between
the Gothic and the Celtic rituals, contain many visible vestiges of Scan-
dinavian superstition. The allusions in the songs of Ossian to spirits,
•who preside over the different parts and direct the various operations of
nature, who send storms over the deep, and rejoice in the shrieks of the
shipwrecked mariner, who call down lightning to blast the forest or
cleave the rock, and diffuse irresistible pestilence among the people,
beautifully conducted indeed, and heightened, under the skilful hand of
a master bard, entirely correspond with the Runic system, and breathe
the spirit of its poetry. One fiction in particular, the most EXTRAVA-
GANT in all O^sian's poems, is founded on an essential article of the
xlii
DISSERTATION I.
Runic belief. It is where Fingal fights with the spirit of Loda.
Nothing could aggrandise Fingal's heroism more highly than this
marvellous encounter. It was esteemed among the ancient Danes the
most daring act of courage to engage with a ghost y. Had Ossian found
it convenient to have introduced religion into his compositions2, not
only a new source had been opened to the sublime, in describing the
rites of sacrifice, the horrors of incantation, the solemn evocations of
infernal beings, and the like dreadful superstitions, but probably many
stronger and more characteristical evidences would have appeared, of
his knowledge of the imagery of the Scandinavian poets.
Nor must we forget, that the Scandinavians had conquered many
countries bordering upon France in the fourth century*. Hence the
Franks must have been in some measure used to their language, well
acquainted with their manners, and conversant in their poetry. Charle-
magne is said to have delighted in repeating the most ancient and
barbarous odes, which celebrated the battles of ancient kings b. But we
y Bartholin. De Contemptu Mortis
apud Dan. L. ii. c. 2. p. 258. And ibid,
p. 260. There are many other marks of
Gothic customs and superstitions in Ossian.
The fashion of marking the sepulchres of
their chiefs with circles of stones, corre-
sponds with what Olaus Wormius relates
of the Danes. Monum. Danic. Hafn. 1634.
p. 38. See also Ol. Magn. Hist. xvi.
2. In the Hervarar Sega, the sword of
Suarfulama is forged by the dwarfs, and
called Tirfing. Hick es, vol. i. p. 193. So
Fingal's sword was made by an enchanter,
and was called the SON of LUNO. And,
what is more, this Luno was the Vulcan
of the north, lived in Juteland, and made
complete suits of armour for many of the
Scandinavian heroes. See Temora, B. vii.
p. 159. Ossian, vol. ii. edit. 1765. Hence
the bards of both countries made him a
celebrated enchanter. By the way, the
names of sword-smiths were thought
worthy to be recorded in history. Hove-
den says, that when Geoffrey of Planta-
genet was knighted, they brought him a
sword from the royal treasure, where it
had been laid up from old times, " being
the workmanship of Galan, the most ex-
cellent of all sword-smiths." Hoved. f.444.
ii. Sect. 50. The mere mechanic, who is
only mentioned as a skilful artist in hi-
story, becomes a magician or a preter-
natural being in romance.
[The sword-smith here recorded, is the
hero of the Volundar-quitha in Saemund's
Edda. He is called Weland in the poem
of Beowulf; Welond by king Alfred in
his translation of Boethius ; and Guielan-
dus by Geoffrey of Monmouth. Mr. Ellis
affirms that he is also spoken of in the
Minstrelsy of the Scottish Border. This
has escaped me ; but it is to this circum-
stance, perhaps, that we are indebted for
the introduction of his name in the novel
of Kenilworth. — PRICE.]
[The preposterous introduction of this
venerable mythic personage into a novel,
the time of which is laid in the reign of Eli-
zabeth, may be ascribed to Scott's eagerness
to turn every thing thriftily to^eccount in
his wholesale literary manufactory. — R.T.]
[See on the subject of the Smith Ve-
lant, an article by G. B. Depping, in the
New Monthly Magazine for 1822, p. 527,
and the same paper very much augmented
in " Veland le Forgeron ; Dissertation sur
une tradition du moyen age ; par G. B.
Depping et Francisque Michel." 8vo. Par.
1833.— M.]
z This perplexing and extraordinary
circumstance, I mean the absence of all
religious ideas from the poems of Ossian,
is accounted for by Mr. Macpherson with
much address. See Dissertation prefixed,
vol.i. p. viii. ix. edit. 1765. See also the
elegant critical Dissertation of the very
judicious Dr. Blair, vol. ii. p. 379.
a Hickes. Thes. i. part ii. p. 4.
b Eginhart. cap. viii. n. 34. Bartholin.
i. c. 10. p. 154. Diodorus Siculus says,
that the Gauls, who were Celts, delivered
the spoils won in battle, yet reeking with
blood, to their attendants : these were
carried in triumph, while an epinicial
song was chanted, Traiavi^o vres Kai adov-
res vp,vov GTTIVIKIOV. Lib. v. p. 352. See
also p. 308. " The Celts," says ^lian,
" I hear, are the most enterprising of men :
they make those warriors who die bravely
in fight the subject of songs, rwv Aer/ta-
Twv." Var. Hist. Lib. xxii. c. 23. Posi-
donius gives us a specimen of the manner
of a Celtic bard. He reports, that Luer-
nius, a Celtic chief, was accustomed, out
of a desire of popularity, to gather crowds
of his people together, and to throw them
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. xliii
are not informed whether these were Scandinavian, Celtic, or Teutonic
poems.
gold and silver from his chariot. Once
he was attended at a sumptuous banquet
by one of their bards, who received in
reward for his song a purse of gold. On
this the bard renewed his song, adding,
to express his patron's excessive gene-
rosity, this hyperbolical panegyric : " The
earth over which his chariot-wheels pass,
instantly brings forth gold and precious
gifts to enrich mankind." Athen. vi. 184.
Tacitus says, that Arminius, the con-
queror of Varus, " is yet sung among the
barbarous nations." That is, probably
among the original Germans. Annal. ii.
And Mor. Germ. ii. 3. Joannes Aventinus,
a Bavarian, who wrote about the year
1520, has a curious passage, " A great
number of verses in praise of the virtues
of Attila, are still extant among us, pa-
trio sermone more majorum perscripta."
Annal. Boior. L. ii. p. 130. edit. 1627.
He immediately adds, " Nam et adhuc
VULGO CANITUR, et est popularibus
nostris, etsi LITERARUM RUDIBUS, no-
tissimus." Again, speaking of Alexander
the Great, he says, " Boios eidem bellum
indixisse ANTIQUIS CANITUR CARMINI-
BUS." ibid. Lib. i. p. 25. Concerning
king Brennus, says the same historian,
" Carmina vernaculo sermone facta legi in
bibliothecis." ibid. Lib.i. p. 16. and p.26.
And again, of Ingeram, Adalogerion, and
others of their ancient heroes, " Ingerami
et Adalogerionis nomina frequentissime
in fastis referuntur; ipsos, more majorum,
antiquis proavi celebrarunt carminibus,
quae in bibliothecis extant. Subsequuntur,
quos patrio sermone adhuc canimus, La-
ertes atque Ulysses." ibid. Lib. i. p. 15.
The same historian also relates, that his
countrymen had a poetical history called
the Book of Heroes, containing the
achievements of the German warriors,
ibid. Lib.i. p. 18. See also ibid. Lib.vii.
p. 432. Lib. i. p. 9. And many other pas-
sages to this purpose. [The reader who
is desirous of further information on this
copious subject, may consult Mr. von der
Hagen's republication of the " Helden-
buch," or his " Grundriss zur Geschichte
der Deutschen Poesie." — PRICE.] Suffri-
dus Petrus cites some old Frisian rhymes,
De Orig. Frisior. 1. iii. c. 2. Compare
Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol.i. p. 235.
edit. 1772. From Trithemius a German
abbot and historian, who wrote about
1 490, we learn, that among the ancient
Franks and Germans, it was an exercise in
the education of youth, for them to learn
to repeat and to sing verses of the
achievements of their heroes. Compend.
Annal. L. i. p. 11. edit. Francof. 1601.
Probably these were the poems which
Charlemagne is said to have committed
to memory.
The most ancient Theotisc or Teutonic
ode I know, is an Epinicion published by
Schilter, in the second volume of his
Thesaurus Antiquilatum Teutonicarum,
written in the year 883. He entitles it
EHINIKION rhythmo Teutonico Ludo-
vico regi acclamatum cum Northmannos
anno DCCCCXXXIII vicisset. It is in
rhyme, and in the four-lined stanza. It
was transcribed by Mabillon from a
manuscript in the monastery of Saint
Amand in Holland. I will give a spe-
cimen from Schiller's Latin interpreta-
tion, but not on account of the merit of
the poetry. " The king seized his shield
and lance, galloping hastily. He truly
wished to revenge himself on his adver-
saries. Nor was there a long delay : he
found the Normans. He said, thanks be
to God, at seeing what he desired. The
king rushed on boldly, he first begun the
customary song [rather, the holy song,
lioth frono] Kyrie eleison, in which they
all joined. The song was sung, the battle
begun. The blood appeared in the cheeks
of the impatient Franks. Every soldier
took his revenge, but none like Louis.
Impetuous, bold," &c. As to the mili-
tary chorus Kyrie eleison, it appears to
have been used by the Christian emperors
before an engagement. See B.ona, Rer.
Liturg. ii. c. 4. Vossius, Theolog. Gentil.
i. c. 2. 3. Matth. Brouerius de Niedek,
De Populor. vet. et recent. Adorationi-
bus, p. 31. And among the ancient Nor-
vegians, Erlingus Scacchius, before he
attacked earl Sigund, commanded his
army to pronounce this formulary aloud,
and to strike their shields. See Dolmerus
ad HIRD-SKRAAN, sive Jus Aulicum antiq.
Norvegic. p. 51. p. 413. edit. Hafn. 1673.
Engelhusius, in describing a battle with
the Huns in the year 934, relates, that
the Christians at the onset cried Kyrie
eleison, but on the other side, diabolica
vox hiu, hiu, hiu, auditur. Chronic,
p. 1073. in torn. ii. Scriptor. Bruns. Leib-
nit. Compare Bed. Hist. Eccles. A nglican.
lib. ii. c. 20. And Schilterus, ubi supr.
p. 17. And Sarbiev. Od. 1. 24. The
Greek church appears to have had a set
of military hymns, probably for the use
of the soldiers, either in battle or in the
camp. In a Catalogue of the manuscripts
of the library of Berne, there is " Sylloge
Tacticorum Leonis Imperatoris cui operi
finemimponunt HYMNI MILITARES qui-
XtlV
DISSERTATION I
About the beginning of the tenth century, France was invaded by
the Normans, or NORTHERN-MEN, an army of adventurers from Nor-
way, Denmark, and Sweden. And although the conquerors, espe-
cially when their success does not solely depend on superiority of
numbers, usually assume the manners of the conquered, yet these
strangers must have still further familiarised in France many of their
northern fictions.
From this general circulation in these and other countries, and from
that popularity which it is natural to suppose they must have acquired,
the scaldic inventions might have taken deep root in Europe0. At
least they seem to have prepared the way for the more easy admission
of the Arabian fabling about the ninth century, by which they were,
however, in great measure, superseded. The Arabian fictions were of
a more splendid nature, and better adapted to the increasing civility of
the times. Less horrible and gross, they had a novelty, a variety, and
a magnificence, which carried with them the charm of fascination.
Yet it is probable, that many of the scaldic imaginations might have
been blended with the Arabian. In the mean time, there is great
reason to believe, that the Gothic scalds enriched their vein of fabling
from this new and fruitful source of fiction, opened by the Arabians in
Spain, and afterwards propagated by the crusades. It was in many
bus iste titulus, Aico\ov8ia
€7Tt Ka.Tev(i)$n)(rei KO.I o-UjLt/ia^i^ errpa-
T-OB," &c. Catal. Cod. &c. p. 600. See
Meursius's edit, of Leo's Tactics, c. xii.
p. 155. Lugd. Bat. 1612. .4 to. But to
return to the main subject of this tedious
note. Wagenseil, in a letter to Cuperus,
mentions a treatise written by one Ernest
Casimir Wassenback, I suppose a German,
with this title, " De Bardis ac Barditu,
sive antiquis Carminibus ac Cantilenis
veterum Germanorum Dissertatio, cui
junctus est de S. Annone Coloniensi archi-
episcopo vetustlssimus omnium Germa-
norum rhythmus el monumentum." See
Polen. Supplem. Thesaur. Gronov. et
Graev. torn. iv. p. 24. I do not think it
was ever published. See Joach. Swabius,
de Semnotheis veterum Germanorum phi-
losophis. p. 8. And Sect. i. infr. p. 7.
PeHoutier, sur la Lang. Celt. part. i. torn. i.
ch.xii. p. 20.
£Mr Warton in this note refers to Vos-
sius ; but that author does not speak of
the Kyrie eleisoii as a war-cry, but merely
as a common invocation to the Deity
among the Christians. — DOUCE.] — [But
Warton is perfectly correct as to the fact,
though he may have misquoted his au-
thority: " Kyrie eleison cantantes more
fidelium militum properantium ad bel-
lum, saliendo ingress! sunt Rhenum." —
Mirac. S. Verenae, torn. i. Sept. p. 170.
col. 2. Carpentier in voce. — Bede records
a similar practice. " Tune subito Germa-
nos signifer universes admonet et prsedicat,
ut voci suse uno clamore respondeant, se-
curisque hostibns qui se insperatos adesse
confiderent ALLELUIA tertio repetitum
Sacerdotes exclamabant. Sequitur una
vox omnium et elatum clarnorem reper-
cusso aere montium conclusa multipli-
cant," &c. Beda, Lib. i Eccl. Hist. Anglic,
cap. xx. But see Schiller's notes to this
Epinicion, v. 94 ; where other authorities
are cited. — PRICE.]
We must be careful to distinguish be-
tween the poetry of the Scandinavians,
the Teutonics, and the Celts. As most of
the Celtic and Teutonic nations were early
converted to Christianity, it is hard to find
any of their native songs. But I must
except the poems of Ossian, which are
noble and genuine remains of the Celtic
poetry.
[A contrary opinion of their genuine-
ness is now generally and with justice re-
ceived as the true one. See Laing's
edition of Ossian, and Adelung's Mithri-
dates.— M.]
c Of the long continuance of the Celtic
superstitions in the popular belief, see
what is said in the most elegant and ju-
dicious piece of criticism which the pre-
sent age has produced, Mrs. Montague's
Essay on Shakspeare, p. 145. edit. 1772.
OF THE ORIGIN OP ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. xlv
respects congenial to their ownd: and the northern bards, who visited
the countries where these new fancies were spreading, must have been
naturally struck with such wonders, and were certainly fond of picking
up fresh embellishments, and new strokes of the marvellous, for aug-
menting and improving their stock of poetry. The earliest scald now
on record is not before the year 750 : from which time the scalds
flourished in the northern countries, till below the year 1157e. The
celebrated ode of Regner Lodbrog was composed about the end of the
ninth century f.
And that this hypothesis is partly true, may be concluded from the
subjects of some of the old Scandic romances, manuscripts of which
now remain in the royal library at Stockholm. The titles of a few
shall serve for a specimen ; which I will make no apology for giving at
large. " SAGAN AF HIALMTER oc OLWER. The History of Hialmter
king of Sweden, son of a Syrian princess, and of Olver Jarl. Con-
taining their expeditions into Hunland, and Arabia, with their numerous
encounters with the Vikings and the giants. Also their leagues with Alsota,
daughter of Ringer king of Arabia, afterwards married to Hervor king
of Hunland, &c. SAGAN AF SIOD. The History of Siod, son of
Ridgare king of England ; who first was made king of England, after-
wards of Babylon and Niniveh. Comprehending various occurrences
in Saxland, Babylon, Greece, Africa, and especially in Eirice* the
region of the giants. — SAGAN AF ALEFLECK. The History of Ale-
d Besides the general wildness of the
imagery in both, among 'other particular
circumstances of coincidence which might
be mentioned here, the practice of giving
names to swords, which we find in the
scaldic poems, occurs also among the
Arabians. In the Hervarar Saga, the
sword of Suarfulama is called TIRFING.
Hickes. Thes. i. p. 193. The names of
swords of many of the old northern chiefs
are given us by Olaus Wormius, Lit. Run.
cap. xix. p. 110. 4to ed. Thus, Herbelot
recites a long catalogue of the names of
the swords of the most famous Arabian
and Persic warriors. V. Saif. p. 736 b.
Mahomet had nine swords, all which are
named ; as were also his bows, quivers,
cuirasses, helmets, and lances. His
swords were called The Piercing, Ruin,
Death, &c. Mod. Univ. Hist. i. p. 253.
This is common in the romance- writers
and Ariosto. Mahomet's horses had also
pompous or heroic appellations ; such as
The Swift, The Thunderer, Shaking the
earth with his hoof, The Red, &c. as like-
wise his mules, asses, and camels. Horses
were named in this manner among the
Runic heroes. See Ol. Wurm. ut supr.
p. 110. Odin's horse was called SLEIPNER.
See Edda Island, fab. xxi. I could give
other proofs ; but we have already wan-
dered too far, in what Spenser calls, this
delightfull londc of Faerie. Yet I must
add, that from one, or both, of these
sources, king Arthur's sword is named
in Geoffrey of Monmouth. Lib. ix. cap.
11. Ron is also the name of his lance,
ibid. cap. 4. And Turpin calls Charle-
magne's sword Gaudiosa. See Obs.
Spens. i. §. vi. p. 214. By the way,
from these correspondencies, an argu-
ment might be drawn, to prove the ori-
ental origin of the Goths. And some
perhaps may think them proofs of the
doctrine just now suggested in the text,
that the scalds borrowed from the Ara-
bians.
[See a very curious description of
Gaileon's sword Duransard in the ro-
mance of " La plaisante et delectable
Histoire de Gerileon d'Angleterre." Paris
1572. p. 47. A sword of a most enormous
size is related by Froissart to have been
used by Archibald Douglas. See Lib. ii.
c. 10. — DOUCE.]
[See also Taylor's Glory of Regality,
p. 71.— PRICE.]
e Ol. Worm. Lit. Run. p. 241.
f Jd. Ibid. p. 196. Vid. infr. p. xlvii.
note °.
g In the Latin EIRIC^EA REGIONE. f.
Erst- or Irish land.
xlvi
DISSERTATION I.
fleck, a king of England, and of his expeditions into India and
Tartanj.— SAG AN AF ERIK WIDFORLA. The History of Eric the
traveller, who, with his companion Eric, a Danish prince, undertook a
wonderful journey to Odin's Hall, or Oden's Aker, near the river Pison
in India^" Here we see the circle of the Islandic poetry enlarged :
and the names of countries and cities belonging to another quarter of
the globe, Arabia, India, Tartary, Syria, Greece, Babylon, and Nini-
veh, intermixed with those of Hunland, Sweden, and England, and
adopted into the northern romantic narratives. Even Charlemagne
and Arthur, whose histories, as we have already seen, had been so
lavishly decorated by the Arabian fablers, did not escape the Scandina-
vian scalds1. Accordingly we find these subjects among their Sagas.
" SAGAN AF ERIK EINGLANDS KAPPE. The History of Eric, son of
king Hiac, king Arthur's chief wrestler. — HISTORICAL RHYMES of
king Arthur, containing his league with Charlemagne SAGAN AF
IVENT. The History of Ivent, king Arthur's principal champion,
containing his battles with the giantsk. SAGAN AF KARLAMAG-
NUSE OF HOPPUM HANS. The History of Charlemagne, of his cham-
pions, and captains. Containing all his actions in several parts.
1. Of his birth and coronation; and the combat of Carvetus king of
Babylon, with Oddegir the Dane1. 2. Of Aglandus king of Africa,
and of his son Jatmund, and their wars in Spain with Charlemagne.
" Wanley, apud Hickes, iii. p. 314.
seq.
1 It is amazing how early and how uni-
versally this fable was spread. G. de la
Flamma says, that in the year 1339, an
ancient tomb of a king of the Lombards
was broke up in Italy. On his sword was
written, " C'el est 1'espee de Meser Tris-
tant, un qui occist 1'Amoroyt d'Yrlant."
— i. e. " This is the sword of sir Tris-
tram, who killed Amoroyt of Ireland."
Script. Ital. torn. xii. 1028. The Ger-
mans are said to have some very ancient
narrative songs on our old British heroes,
Tristram, Gawain, and the rest of the
knights Von der Tafel-ronde. See Gol-
dast. Not. Vit. Carol. Magn. p. 207. edit.
1711.
k They have also, " BRETOMANNA
SAGA, The History of the Britons, from
Eneas the Trojan to the emperor Con-
stantius." Wanl. ibid. There are many
others, perhaps of later date, relating to
English history, particularly the history
of William the Bastard and other chris-
tians, in their expedition into the holy
land. The history of the destruction of
the monasteries in England, by William
Rufus. Wanl. ibid.
[It will perhaps be superfluous to re-
mark, that all the Sagas mentioned in the
text, are the production of an age long
subsequent to the reign of William Rufus.
— PRICE.]
In the history of the library at Upsal,
I find the following articles, which are
left to the conjectures of the curious
enquirer. Historia Biblioth. Upsaliens.
per Celsium. Ups. 1745. 8vo. pag. 88.
Artie, vii. Varise Britannorum fabulae,
quas in carmine conversas olim, atque
in conviviis ad citharam decantari solitas
fuisse, perhibent. Sunt autem relationes
de GUIAMARO equite Britannise meri-
dionalis ^Eskeliod Britannis veteribus
dictae. De Nobilium duorum conjugibus
gemellos enixis ; et id genus alia.
pag. 37. Artie, v. Drama epwriKov fol. in
membran. Res continet amatorias, olim,
ad jocum concitandum Islandica lingua
scriptum. — ibid. Artie, vii. The history
of Duke Julianus, son of S. Giles. Con-
taining many things of Earl William and
Rosamund. In the ancient Islandic.
See Observations on the Fairy Queen,
i. p. 203. 204. §. vi.
1 Mabillon thinks, that Turpin first
called this hero a Dane. But this notion
is refuted by Bartholinus, Antiq. Danic.
ii. 13. p. 578. His old Gothic sword,
SPATHA, and iron shield, are still pre-
served and shown in a monastery of the
north, Bartholin. ibid. p. 579.
OP THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. xlvil
3. Of Roland, and his, combat with Villaline king of Spain. 4. Of
Ottuel's conversion to Christianity, and his marriage with Charle-
magne's daughter. 5. Of Hugh king of Constantinople, and the
memorable exploits of his champions. 6. Of the wars of Ferracute
king of Spain. 7« Of Charlemagne's achievements in Rouncevalles,
and of his death1"." In another of the Sagas, Jarl, a magician of
Saxland, .exhibits his feats of necromancy before Charlemagne. We
learn from Olaus Magnus, that Roland's magical horn, of which arch-
bishop Turpin relates such wonders, and among others that it might
be heard at the distance of twenty miles, was frequently celebrated in
the songs of the Islandic bards". It is not likely that these pieces,
to say no more, were not composed till the Scandinavian tribes had
been converted to Christianity ; that is, as I have before observed,
about the close of the tenth century. These barbarians had an infinite
and a national contempt for the Christians, whose religion inculcated a
spirit of peace, gentleness and civility ; qualities so dissimilar to those
of their own ferocious and warlike disposition, and which they natu-
rally interpreted to be the marks of cowardice and pusillanimity0. It
has, however, been urged, that as the irruption of the Normans into
France, under their leader Rollo, did not take place till towards the
beginning of the tenth century, at which period the scaldic art was
arrived to the highest perfection in Rollo's native country, we can
easily trace the descent of the French and English romances of chivalry
from the Northern Sagas. It is supposed, that Rollo carried with him
many scalds from the north, who transmitted their skill to their chil-
dren and successors; and that these, adopting the religion, opinions,
and language of the new country, substituted the heroes of Christen-
dom, instead of those of their pagan ancestors, and began to celebrate
the feats of Charlemagne, Roland, and Oliver, whose true history they
set off and embellished with the scaldic figments of dwarfs, giants,
dragons, and enchantments'1. There is, however, some reason to be-
lieve, that these fictions were current among the French long before ;
and, if the principles advanced in the former part of this dissertation
be true, the fables adhering to Charlemagne's real history must be
referred to another source.
Let me add, that the enchantments of the Runic poetry are very
m Wanley, ut supr. p. 314. mall, who was said to have written it at
n See infr. Sect.iii. p. 135. the request of Aslaug, Lodbrog's widow.
0 Regner Lodbrog, in his Dying Ode, But Mr. Erichsen, the learned and ju-
speaking of a battle fought against the dicious editor of the Royal Mirror and
Christians, says, in ridicule of the eucha- Gunlaug Ormstunga Saga, selected this
rist, " There we celebrated a MASS very expression (odda messu) as a proof
[Missu, Island.~\ of weapons." of its later origin, and of the author being
[As the narrative of this ode is couched a Christian. It is now usually assigned
in the first person, it was for a long time to the close of the eleventh or beginning
considered to be Regner's own produc- of the twelfth century. — PRICE.]
tion. A more sober spirit of criticism p Percy's Ess. Metr. Rom. p. viii.
afterwards referred it to Bragi hinn ga-
xlviii DISSERTATION I.
different from those in our romances of chivalry. The former chiefly
deal in spells and charms, such as would preserve from poison, blunt
the weapons of an enemy, procure victory, allay a tempest, cure bodily
diseases, or call the dead from their tombs ; in uttering a form of my-
sterious words, or inscribing Runic characters. The magicians of
romance are chiefly employed in forming and conducting a train of
deceptions. There is an air of barbaric horror in the incantations of
the scaldic fablers : the magicians of romance often present visions of
pleasure and delight ; and, although not without their alarming terrors,
sometimes lead us through flowery, forests, and raise up palaces glitter-
ing with gold and precious stones. The Runic magic is more like that
of Canidia in Horace, the romantic resembles that of Armida in
Tas»o. The operations of the one are frequently but mere tricks, in
comparison of that sublime solemnity of necromantic machinery which
the other so awfully displays.
It is also remarkable, that in the earlier scaldic odes, we find but few
dragons, giants, and fairies*. These were introduced afterwards, and
are the progeny of Arabian fancy. Nor indeed do these imaginary
beings often occur in any of the compositions which preceded the in-
troduction of that species of fabling. On this reasoning, the Irish
tale-teller mentioned above could not be a lineal descendant of the
elder Irish bards. The absence of giants and dragons, and let me add,
of many other traces of that fantastic and brilliant imagery which com-
poses the system of Arabian imagination, from the poems of Ossian, are
a striking proof of their antiquity. It has already been suggested, at
what period, and from what origin, those fancies got footing in the
Welsh poetry: we do not find them in the odes of Taliessin or
Aneurinq. This reasoning explains an observation of an ingenious
* [With the exception of the "fairies," overwhelm them, like a deluge, in one
this is strikingly incorrect. The Edda and slaughter: for unheeding I have lost a
Beowulf, the earliest remains of Northern friend, who was brave in resisting his
poetry, make frequent mention of giants enemies. I drank of the wine and rne-
(Jotna-kyn, Eotena-cyn, the Etens-kin) theglin of Mordai, whose spear was of
and dragons. The latter speaks of both huge size. In the shock of the battle he
land and sea dragons, (eord-draca, sae- prepared food for the eagle. When Cyd-
draca, earth-drake, sea-drake). — PRICE.] wal hastened forward, a shout arose:
q Who flourished about the year 570. before the yellow morning, when he gave
He has left a long spirited poem called the signal, he broke the shield into small
GODODIX, often alluded to by the later splinters. The men hastened to Catt-
Welsh bards, which celebrates a battle raeth, noble in birth : their drink was
fought against the Saxons near Cattraeth, wine and mead out of golden cups. There
under the conduct of Mynnydawe Eiddin, were three hundred and sixty-three
in which all the Britons, three only ex- adorned with chains of gold; but of those
cepted, among which was the bard Aneurin who, filled with wine, rushed on to the
himself, were slain. I will give a speci- fight, only three escaped, who hewed
men. " The men whose drink was mead, their way with the sword, the warrior of
comely in shape, hastened to Cattraeth. Acron, Conan Dacarawd, and I the bard
These impetuous warriors in ranks, armed Aneurin, red with blood, otherwise I
with red spears, long and bending, began should not have survived to compose this
the battle. Might I speak my revenge song. When Caradoc hastened to the
against the people of the Deiri, I would war, he was the son of a wild boar, in
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. xlix
critic in this species of literature, and who has studied tiie works of
the Welsh bards with much attention. " There are not such extrava-
gant FLIGHTS in any poetic compositions, except it be in the EASTERN;
to which, as far as I can judge by the few translated specimens I have
seen, they bear a near resemblance*" I will venture to say he does
not meet with these flights in the elder Welsh bards. The beautiful
romantic fiction, that king Arthur, after being wounded in the fatal
battle of Cainlan, was conveyed by an Elfin princess into the land of
Faery, or spirits, to be healed of his wounds, that he reigns there still
as a mighty potentate in all his pristine splendour, and will one day
return to resume his throne in Britain, and restore the solemnities of
his champions, often occurs in the antient Welsh bards8; but not in
the most antient. It is found in the compositions of the Welsh bards
only, who flourished after the native vein of British fabling had been
tinctured by these FAIRY TALES, which the Arabians had propagated
in Armorica, and which the Welsh had received from their connexion
with that province of Gaul. Such a fiction as this is entirely different
from the cast and complexion of the ideas of the original Welsh poets.
It is easy to collect from the Welsh odes, written after the tenth cen-
tury, many signatures of this EXOTIC imagery. Such as, " Their
assault was like strong lions. He is valorous as a lion, who can resist
his lance ? The dragon of Mona's sons were so brave in fight, that
there was horrible consternation, and upon Tal Moelvre a thousand
banners. Our lion has brought to Trallwng three armies. A dragon
he was from the beginning, unterrified in battle. A dragon of Ovain.
Thou art a prince firm in battle, like an elephant. Their assault was
hewing down the Saxons ; a bull in the modern Welsh. See the learned and in-
conflict of fight, he twisted the wood genious Mr. Evans's Dissertatio de Bardis,,
[spear] from their hands. Gurien saw p. 68 — 75.
not his father after he had lifted the glis- r Evans, ubi supr. Pref. p. iv.
tening mead in his hand. I praise all the s The Arabians call the Fairies Ginn,
warriors who thus met in the battle, and and the Persians Peri. The former call
attacked the foe with one mind. Their Fairy-land, Ginnistian, many beautiful
life was short, but they have left a long cities of which they have described in
regret to their friends. Yet of the Saxons their fabulous histories. See Herbclot,
they slew more than seven . . . , . There Bibl. Orient. Gian. p. 306 a. Genn. p. 375
was many a mother shedding tears. The a. Peri. p. 701 b. They pretend that the
song is due to thee who hast attained the fairies built the city of Esthekar, or Per-
highest glory: thou who wast like fire, sepolis. Id. in V. p. 327 a. One of the most
thunder and storm: O Rudd Fedell, war- eminent of the Oriental fairies was MER-
like champion, excellent in might, you GIAN PERI, or Mergian the Fairy. Herbel.
still think of the war. The noble chiefs ut supr. V. Peri, p. 702 a. Thahamurath,
deserve to be celebrated in verse, who p. 1017 a. This was a good fairy, and
after the fight made the rivers to over- imprisoned for ages in a cavern by tha
flow their banks with blood. Their hands giant Demrusch, from which she was de--
glutted the throats of the dark-brown livered by Thahamurath, whom she after-
eagles, and skilfully prepared food for the wards assisted inconqueringanothergiant,
ravenous birds. Of all the chiefs who his enemy. Id. ibid. And this is the fairy
went to Cattraeth with golden chains," or elfin queen, called in the French ro-
&c. This poem is extremely difficult to mances MORGAN LE FAY, Morgain the
be understood, being written, if not in fairy, who preserved king Arthur. See
the Pictish language, at least in a dialect Obs. on Spenser's Fairy Queen, i. 63. 65.
»f the Britons very different from the §. ii.
VOL. I. d
1 DISSERTATION I.
as of strong lions The lion of Cemais fierce in the onset, when the
army rusheth to be covered with red. He saw Llewellyn like a burn-
ing dragon in the strife of Arson. He is furious in fight like an out-
rageous dragon. Like the roaring of a furious lion, in the search of
prey, is thy thirst of praise." Instead of producing more proofs from
the multitude that might be mentioned, for the sake of illustration of
our argument, I will contrast these with some of their natural unadul-
terated thoughts. " Fetch the drinking-horn, whose gloss is like the
wave of the sea. Tudor is like a wolf rushing on his prey. They
were all covered with blood when they returned, and the high hills and
the dales enjoyed the sun equally*. O thou virgin, that shinest like
snow on the brows of Aran " ; like the fine spiders webs on the grass on
a summer's day. The army at Offa's dike panted for glory, the
soldiers of Venedotia, and the men of London, were as the alternate
motion of the waves on the sea shore, where the sea-mew screams.
The hovering crows were numberless : the ravens croaked, they were
ready to suck the prostrate carcases. His enemies are scattered as
leaves on the side of hills driven by hurricanes. He is a warrior like
a surge on the beach that covers the wild salmons. Her eye was
piercing like that of the hawkw: her face shone like the pearly dew on
Eryri*. Llewellyn is a hero who setteth castles on fire. I have
watched all night on the beadh, where the sea-gulls, whose plumes
glitter, sport on the bed of billows; and where the herbage, growing
in a solitary place, is of a deep green V These images are all drawn
from their own country, from their situation and circumstances ; and,
although highly poetical, are in general of a more sober and temperate
colouring. In a word, not only that elevation of allusion, which many
suppose to be peculiar to the poetry of Wales, but that fertility of
fiction, and those marvellous fables recorded in Geoffrey of Monmouth,
which the generality of readers, who do not sufficiently attend to the
origin of that historian's romantic materials, believe to be the genuine
offspring of the Welsh poets, are of foreign growth. And, to return to
the ground of this argument, there is the strongest reason to suspect, that
even the Gothic EDDA, or system of poetic mythology of the northern
nations, is enriched with those higher strokes of oriental imagination,
which the Arabians had communicated to the Europeans. Into this
extravagant tissue of unmeaning allegory, false philosophy, and false
theology, it was easy to incorporate their most wild and romantic con-
ceptions*.
1 A beautiful periphrasis for noon-day, v See Evans, ubi supr. p. 8. 10, 11. 15,
and extremely natural in so mountainous 16. 21, 22, 23. 26. 28. 34. 37. 39, 40, 41,
a country as Wales. This circumstance 42. And his Diss. de Bard. p. 84. Com-
of time added to the merit of the action. pare Aneurin's ode, cited above.
u The high mountains in Merioneth- * Huet is of opinion, that the EDDA is
entirely the production of Snorro's fancy.
See it.fr. vol. n. p. 158. note3. But this is saying too much. See Orig.
Mountains of snow, from Eiry, snow. Roman, p. 1 16. The first Edda was com.-
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. Il
It must be confessed, that the ideas of chivalry, the appendage and
the subject of romance, subsisted among the Goths. But this must be
understood under certain limitations. There is no peculiarity which
more strongly discriminates the manners of the Greeks and Romans
from those of modern times, than that small degree of attention and
respect with which those nations treated the fair sex, and that incon-
siderable share which they were permitted to take in conversation, and
the general commerce of life. For the truth of this observation, we
need only appeal to the classic writers, in which their women appear
to have been devoted to a state of seclusion and obscurity. One is sur-
prised that barbarians should be greater masters of complaisance than
the most polished people that ever existed. No sooner was the Roman
empire overthrown, and the Goths had overpowered Europe, than we
find the female character assuming an unusual importance and author-
ity, and distinguished with new privileges, in all the European govern-
ments established by the northern conquerors. Even amidst the con-
fusions of savage war, and among the almost incredible enormities
committed by the Goths at their invasion of the empire, they forbore
to offer any violence to the women. This perhaps is one of the most
striking features in the new state of manners, which took jMace about
the seventh century : and it is to this period, and to this people, that
we must refer the origin of gallantry in Europe. The Romans never
introduced these sentiments into their European provinces.
The Goths believed some divine and prophetic quality to be inherent
in their women ; they admitted them into their councils, and consulted
them on the public business of the state. They were suffered to con-
duct the great events which they predicted. Ganna, a prophetic virgin
piled, undoubtedly with many additions ligible and connected prose narrative,
and interpolations, from fictions and tra- The object of Saemund appears to have
ditions in the old Runic poems, by Saemund been, the formation of a poetic Antho-
Sigfusson, surnamed the Learned, [Sage] logy, rather than a regular series of mythic
about the year 1057. He seems to have and historic documents; — that of Snorro,
made it his business to select or digest to offer a general outline of the Northern
into one body such of these pieces as were mythology. The Rev. P. Erasmus Miiller,
best calculated .to furnish a collection of in his tract " Ueber die Asalehre" has
poetic phrases and figures. He studied successfully vindicated Snorro from the
in Germany, and chiefly at Cologne. charge of palming upon the world his
This first Edda being not only prolix, but own inventions as the religious code of
perplexed and obscure, a second, which is the North. It should however be remark-
that now extant, was compiled by Snorro ed, that tradition alone or very recent ma-
Sturleson, born in the year 1179. nuscripts attribute the formation of the
[This has been copied from Mallet, first collection to Saenmnd. This does
who seems only to have seen the Edda not rest on certain testimony. — PRICE.]
of Snorro as published by Resenius. It is certain, and very observable, that
The Edda of Saemund has since been in the EDDA we find much more of giants,
published at Copenhagen by the Arnse- dragons, and other imaginary beings, un-
Magnaean Commission. The labours of doubtedly belonging to Arabian romance,
Saemund were confined to collecting the than in the earlier Scaldic odes. By the
mythological and historical songs of his way, there are many strokes in both the
country, which he probably prefaced and EDDAS taken from the REVELATION of
interspersed with a few remarks in prose; St. John, which must come from the com-
— those of Snorro, to reducing the same pilers who were Christians,
or a similar collection into a more intel-
Hi DISSRRTATION I.
of the Marcomanni, a German or Gaulish tribe, was sent by her nation
to Rome, and admitted into the presence of Domitian, to treat concern-
ing terms of peace y. Tacitus relates, that Velleda, another German
prophetess, held frequent conferences with the Roman generals ; and
that on some occasions, on account of the sacredness of her person, she
was placed at a great distance on a high tower, from whence, like an
oracular divinity, she conveyed her answers by some chosen messenger2.
She appears to have preserved the supreme rule over her own people
and the neighbouring tribes a. And there are other instances, that the
government among the antient Germans was sometimes vested in the
women b. This practice also prevailed among the Sitones or Norwe-
gians0. The Cimbri, a Scandinavian tribe, were accompanied at their
assemblies by venerable and hoary-headed prophetesses, appareled in
long linen vestments of a splendid white d. Their matrons and daugh-
ters acquired a reverence from their skill in studying simples, and their
knowledge of healing wounds, arts reputed mysterious. The wives
frequently attended their husbands in the most perilous expeditions,
and fought with great intrepidity in the most bloody engagements6.
These nations dreaded captivity, more on the account of their women,
than on thefr own : and the Romans, availing themselves of this appre-
hension, often demanded their noblest virgins for hostages f. From
these circumstances, the women even claimed a sort of precedence,
at least an equality subsisted between the sexes, in the Gothic con-
stitutions.
But the deference paid to the fair sex, which produced the spirit of
gallantry, is chiefly to be sought for in those strong and exaggerated
ideas of female chastity which prevailed among the northern nations.
Hence the lover's devotion to his mistress was increased, his attentions
to her service multiplied, his affection heightened, and his solicitude
aggravated, in proportion as the difficulty of obtaining her was en-
hanced : and the passion of love acquired a degree of delicacy, when
controlled by the principles of honour and purity. The highest ex-
cellence of character then known was a superiority in arms ; and that
rival was most likely to gain his lady's regard, who was the bravest
champion. Here we see valour inspired by love. In the mean time,
* Dio. lib. Ixvii. p. 761. Dissertatio de Mulieribus Fatidicis vete-
* Hist. lib. iv. p. 953. edit. D'Orlean. rum Celtarum gentiumque Septentriona-
f°l' Hum. See also Cluverius's Germania
He says just before, " ea virgo late Antiqua, lib. i. cap. xxiv. pag. 165. edit,
imperitabat." Ibid. p. 951. He saw her fol. Lugd. Bat. 1631. It were easy to
in the reign of Vespasian. De Morib. trace the WEIRD sisters, and our modern
German, p. 972. where he likewise men- witches, to this source,
tions Aurinia. e See Sect vii infr VQ, n p 33 DJ
b See Tacit. Hist. lib. v. p. 969. ut odorus Siculus says, that among the Scy-
8UPr- thians the women are trained to war as
De Morib. German, p. 983. ut supra. well as the men, to whom they are not in-
* Strab. Geograph. lib. viii. p. 205. edit. fe-rior in strength and courage. L. ii. p. 90.
Is. Cas. 1587. fol. Compare Keysler, ' Tacit, de Morib. Germ. pag. 972. ut
Amiquit. Sel. Septentrional, p. 371. viz. supr.
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. liii
the same heroic spirit which was the survest claim to the favour of the
ladies, was often exerted in their protection : a protection much wanted
in an age of rapine, of plunder, and piracy ; when the weakness of the
softer sex was exposed to continual dangers and unexpected attacks*
It is easy to suppose the officious emulation and ardour of many a
gallant young warrior, pressing forward to be foremost in this honour-
able service, which flattered the most agreeable of all passions, and
which gratified every enthusiasm of the times, especially the fashionable
foulness for a wandering and military life. In the mean time, we may
conceive the lady thus won, or thus defended, conscious of her own im-
portance, affecting an air of stateliness : it was her pride to have pre-
served her chastity inviolate, she could perceive no merit but that of
invincible bravery, and could only be approached in terms of respect
and submission.
Among the Scandinavians, a people so fond of cloathing adventures
in verse, these gallantries must naturally become the subject of poetry,
with its fictitious embellishments. Accordingly, we find their chivalry
displayed in their odes ; pieces, which at the same time greatly confirm
these observations. The famous ode of Regner Lodbrog affords a
striking instance ; in which, being imprisoned in a loathsome dungeon,
and condemned to be destroyed by venomous serpents, he solaces his
desperate situation by recollecting and reciting the glorious exploits of
his past life. One of these, and the first which he commemorates, was an
achievement of chivalry. It was the delivery of a beautiful Swedish
princess from an impregnable fortress, in which she was forcibly de-
tained by one of her father's captains. Her father issued a proclama-
tion, promising that whoever would rescue the lady should have her in
marriage. Regner succeeded in the attempt, and married the fair
captive. This was about the year 860 h. There are other strokes in
Regner's ode, which, although not belonging to this particular story,
deserve to be pointed out here, as illustrative of our argument. Such
as, " It was [not*] like' being placed near a beautiful virgin on a
couch. — It was [not*] like kissing a young widow in the first seat at
g See instances of this sort of violence [This " History of Hialmar " is a
in the ancient HISTORY OF HIALMAR, a modern forgery. See the Rev. P. Miiller's
Runic romance, p. 135, 136. 140. Diss. preface to Haldorsen's Islandic Dic-
Epist. ad calc. Hickes. Thesaur. vol. i. tionary, where other "figments" of a. si-
where also is a challenge between two milar kind are catalogued. — PRICE.]
champions for king Hialmar's daughter. „ Histor. Norw. torn. i. lib
erich presents . ines.ivnaoe h
:? ±; ?hoVnr ££? 2s r fhe:
other, mmA Hramur, «, e Udy herse.f,
r fhe: »< Asiruga the a h
praeclara 6est* s'ockholm-
piece, which is in Runic capital characters,
was written before the year 1000. Many * [The original in both passages reads,
stories of this kij^d might be produced Verat sem — It was not like. — PRICE.]
from the northern chronicles.
Hv DISSERTATION I.
a feast. I made to struggle in the twilight* that golden-haired chief
who passed his mornings among the young maidens, and loved to con-
verse with widows.— lie who aspires to the love of young virgins,
ought always to be foremost in the din of arms1." It is worthy of re-
mark, that these sentiments occur to Regner while he is in the midst
of his tortures, and at the point of death. Thus many of the heroes in
Froissart, in the greatest extremities of danger, recollect their amours,
and die thinking of their mistresses. And by the way, in the same
strain, Boh, a Danish champion, having lost his chin, and one o^is
cheeks, by a single stroke from Thurstain Midlang, only reflected how
he should be received, when thus maimed and disfigured, by the Danish
girls. He instantly exclaimed in a tone of savage gallantry, " The
Danish virgins will not now willingly or easily give me kisses, if I should
perhaps return homek." But there is an ode, in the KNYTLINGA-
SAGA, written by Harald the VALIANT, which is professedly a song of
chivalry ; and which, exclusive of its wild spirit of adventure, and its
images of savage life, has the romantic air of a set of stanzas composed
by a Provencial troubadour. Harald appears to have been one of the
most eminent adventurers of his age. He had killed the king of Dron-
theim in a bloody engagement. He had traversed all the seas, and
visited all the coasts, of the north ; and had carried his piratical enter-
prises even as far as the Mediterranean, and the shores of Africa. He
was at length taken prisoner, and detained for some time at Constan-
tinople. He complains in this ode, that the reputation he had acquired
by so many hazardous exploits, by his skill in single combat, riding,
swimming, gliding along the ice, darting, rowing, and guiding a ship
through the rocks, had not been able to make any impression on Elis-
siff, or Elisabeth, the beautiful daughter of Jarilas, king of Russia1.
Here, however, chivalry subsisted but in its rudiments. Under the
feudal establishments, which were soon afterwards erected in Europe,
it received new vigour, and was invested with the formalities of a regu-
lar institution. The nature and circumstances of that peculiar model
of government were highly favourable to this strange spirit of fantastic
heroism ; which, however unmeaning and ridiculous it may seem, had
the most serious and salutary consequences in assisting the general
growth of refinement, and the progression of civilisation, in forming
the manners of Europe, in inculcating the principles of honour, and in
* [Dr. Percy has it, " in the twilight I saw retire the fair-haired
of death," which adds greatly to the sub- Maids-lad at morning,
limity of the passage. See the second of And sort-speaker of (the) widow.
?Jr* Pi™S °frJ^ P°e«y' I1"1"16* ln The Perso" "lluded to w«s A»™> *
1 , 63. The « Chief" was Harold Harfax, ince £ the Hebrides. Mr. Park pro-
king of Norway -PARK ] ^bly means Harald Harfager, who was
[Unhappily the Islandic text makes no not born at the time.-PRiCE.]
mention of the " twilight. i gt jg ^ jp 9^
Har-fagran sa ek hraukva, fc Chron. Norveg. p. 136.
Meyar-dreng at morgni, 1 Bartholin. p. 54.
Oe mal-vin eckio,
OF THE ORIGIN OF ROMANTIC FICTION IN EUROPE. lv
teaching modes of decorum. The genius of the feudal policy was per-
fectly martial. A numerous nobility, formed into separate principali-
ties, affecting independence, and mutually jealous of their privileges
and honours, necessarily lived in a state of hostility. This situation
rendered personal strength and courage the most requisite and essential
accomplishments. And hence, even in time of peace, they had no con-
ception of any diversions or public ceremonies, but such as were of the
military kind. Yet, as the courts of these petty princes were thronged
with ladies of the most eminent distinction and quality, the ruling pas-
sion for war was tempered with courtesy. The prize of contending
champions was adjudged by the ladies ; who did not think it incon-
sistent to be present or to preside at the bloody spectacles of the times;
and who, themselves, seem to have contracted an unnatural and unbe-
coming ferocity, while they softened the manners of those valorous
knights who fought for their approbation. The high notions of a
noble descent, which arose from the condition of the feudal constitu-
tion, and the ambition of forming an alliance with powerful and opu-
lent families, cherished this romantic system. It was hard to obtain
the fair feudatory, who was the object of universal adoration. Not
only the splendour of birth, but the magnificent castle surrounded with
embattelled walls, guarded with massy towers, and crowned with lofty
pinnacles, served to inflame the imagination, and to create an attach-
ment to some illustrious heiress, whose point of honour it was to be
chaste and inaccessible. And the difficulty of success on these occa-
sions seems in great measure to have given rise to that sentimental
love of romance, which acquiesced in a distant respectful admiration,
and did not aspire to possession. The want of an uniform administra-
tion of justice, the general disorder, and state of universal anarchy,
which naturally sprung from the principles of the feudal policy, pre-
sented perpetual opportunities of checking the oppressions of arbitrary
lords, of delivering captives injuriously detained in the baronial castles,
of punishing robbers, of succouring the distressed, and of avenging the
impotent and the unarmed, who were every moment exposed to the
most licentious insults and injuries. The violence and injustice of the
times gave birth to valour and humanity. These acts conferred a lustre
and an importance on the character of men professing arms, who made
force the substitute of law. In the mean time, the crusades, so preg-
nant with enterprize, heightened the habits of this warlike fanaticism ;
and when these foreign expeditions were ended, in which the hermits
and pilgrims of Palestine had been defended, nothing remained to
employ the activity of adventurers but the protection of innocence at
home. Chivalry by degrees was consecrated by religion, whose author-
ity tinctured every passion, and was engrafted into every institution
of the superstitious ages; and at length composed that singular picture
of manners, in which the love of a god and of the ladies were reconciled,
v DISSERTATION I.
the saint and the hero were blended, and charity and revenge, zeal and
gallantry, devotion and valour, were united.
Those who think that chivalry started late, from the nature of the
feudal constitution, confound an improved effect with a simple cause.
Not having distinctly considered all the particularities belonging to the
genius, manners, and usages of the Gothic tribes, and accustomed to
contemplate nations under the general idea of barbarians, they cannot
look for the seeds of elegance amongst men distinguished only for their
ignorance and their inhumanity. The rude origin of this heroic gal-
lantry was quickly overwhelmed and extinguished by the superior
pomp which it necessarily adopted from the gradual diffusion of opu-
lence and civility, and that blaze of splendour with which it was sur-
rounded, amid the magnificence of the feudal solemnities. But above
all, it was lost and forgotten in that higher degree of embellishment
which at length it began to receive from the representations of ro-
mance.
From the foregoing observations taken together, the following general
and comprehensive conclusion seems to result :
Amid the gloom of superstition, in an age of the grossest ignorance
and credulity, a taste for the wonders of oriental fiction was introduced
by the Arabians into Europe, many countries of which were already
seasoned to a reception of its extravagancies by means of the poetry
of the Gothic scalds, who perhaps originally derived their ideas from
the same fruitful region of invention. These fictions, coinciding with
the reigning manners, and perpetually kept up and improved in the
tales of troubadours and minstrels, seem to have centred about the
eleventh century in the ideal histories of Turpin and Geoffrey of Mon-
mouth, which record the supposititious achievements of Charlemagne
and king Arthur, where they formed the groundwork of that species of
fabulous narrative called romance. And from these beginnings or
causes, afterwards enlarged and enriched by kindred fancies fetched
from the crusades, that singular and capricious mode of imagination
arose, which at length composed the marvellous machineries of the more
sublime Italian poets, and of their disciple Spenser.
[NOTE. — The whole of this essay is extremely illogical and unsatisfactory. War-
ton's leading position. — respecting the influence of Arabic literature in Europe,— is
unsound, and most of the proofs which he alleges are matters which require proving
themselves. The two poems of Beowulf and the Nibelungen Lied, are a complete
practical refutation of his entire system.— R. G.]
Note B.
BY MR. PRICE.
ON THE LAIS OF MARIE DE FRANCE.
See DISSERTATION I. page iii. Note [d].
THE opinion advanced in this note [d], that the " Lays of Brittany"
were written in French by bards of that province, was withdrawn in a
subsequent volume. (See vol. ii. p. 323, note A.) Since then, the
poems of Marie have been published under the following title: " Poesies
de Marie de France, ou Recueil de Lais, Fables et autres Productions
de cette Femme celebre, par B. de Roquefort: Paris, 1820: 2 vols.
8vo." In addition to the twelve Lays contained in the Harl. MS. (cited
above), M. Roquefort has inserted the Lai de Graelent, given in Bar-
bazan (tom.iv. p. 157), arid the Lai de 1'Epine, analysed by Le Grand
(torn. iii. p. 24-4?). We are not informed upon what authority these
pieces are assigned to Marie, and it is probable that internal evidence
alone has governed the editor in his decision. This is sufficiently
striking to arrest the attention of a foreigner little acquainted with the
niceties of the dialect in which they are written : but the fact, if such,
ought to have been stated. On the authority of a line which does not
occur in M. Roquefort's copy, M. de la Rue is disposed to ascribe the
Lai de 1'Epine to Guillaume-le-Normand. Such an omission would not
be extraordinary in different manuscripts of the same work, whether
the result of accident or design : but M. Roquefort mentions the cir-
cumstance as if he and his learned friend had both consulted the same
document. If this be the case, it may be observed in corroboration
of the objection raised by the latter to the claim of Guillaume, that
the introduction to the Lay shows it to have formed one of a series, and
that it was not an occasional or unconnected production.
Les aventures trespassers,
Que diversement ai contees,
NeV ai pas dites sans garant ;
Les estores en tra'i avant ;
Ki encore sont a Carlion,
Ens le monstier Saint Aaron,
Et en Bretaigne sont seues*.
The late Mr. Ritson chose to deny the Armorican origin of these
Lays ; and to infer, in a long and specious note appended to the romance
of Emare, that by the terms " Bretagne and Bretons," so repeatedly
mentioned in them, were intended " the country and people of Great
Britain." To a part of this proposition Mr. Douce also seems to assent.
* v. 3.
Iviii NOTE ON THE LAIS
The evident design of Mr. Ritson in this singular declaration, was to
counteract a belief that there ever existed a mass of popular poetry in
Brittany, recording either native traditions, or romantic history con-
nected with the country from whence a portion of its inhabitants had
migrated. It was of importance to disprove this fact, as it so powerfully
militated against a favourite principle laid down in the " Dissertation
on Romance," that Geoffrey of Monmouth was the inventor of the
Chronicle bearing his name, — that the labours of this " impostour"
became the storehouse of every after fabler on the British story, — and
that previous to its appearance the minstrels of France were as unac-
quainted with the exploits of Arthur and his followers, as their Kal-
muck brethren are at the present day. By investing Marie with the
character of an original writer, the question of Geoffrey's veracity, as
to the means by which he obtained possession of his original, and his
fidelity in executing a translation, became materially circumscribed ;
and the wild assertion of the editor of Pelloutier's Dictionary, that " the
Armorican Britons have not cultivated poetry, and the language such as
they speak it, does not appear able to ply to the measure, or to the sweet-
ness and to the harmony of verse" might then be said to stand uncon-
fronted by opposing testimony. It will be needless to enter here upon
either- of these positions, which affect a subject to be discussed here-
after ; and it will be sufficient to offer a general protest against the col-
lateral evidence adduced by Mr. Ritson, as to the meaning of the word
" Breton" in several old French romances. There is but one passage
out of many thus unnecessarily pressed into the service, which contains
any thing more than a general reference to " Breton lays :"
Bons Lais de harpe vus apris
Lais Bretuns de nostre pais.
This is given from a fragment in Mr. Douce's possession, and is cited
in the language of Tristan to Ysolt. But Mr. Ritson has omitted to
mention that it was uttered by Tristan in the presence of king Mark,
when he had assumed the character of a madman, and was just arrived
from a foreign country, of which the name is not specified. In all pro-
bability this country was Brittany, as the adventure seems the coun-
terpart to his assumption of the beggar's garb in our English romance.
But admitting there was a slight discrepancy between the language
of various romances, as to the position of Bretagne, the question of
Marie's claim to the invention of these lays can neither be invalidated
nor supported by it. Every one is aware that there is no topic upon
which the general language of romance is more unsettled and contra-
dictory, than its geographical details. The same liberties allowed in
forming a genealogic line for the hero, were extended to the fictitious
scene of his actions ; and countries the most remote were as reacjily
transferred to a close and intimate proximity, as their customs and lan-
guages were rendered identical. It would be of the essence of hyper-
OF MARIK DE FRANCE. lix
criticism to censure this practice, which might be justified by the very
charter-rolls of romance, as indeed it would be the height of absurdity
to bring such details to the test of chorographic truth. The only
object for consideration in applying the information thus conveyed,
must be the apparent intentions of the communicant, the probable ex-
tent of his personal knowledge, or the accuracy of his avowed author-
ities, and how far, in the exercise of these resources, he is likely to
have been swayed by the suggestions of his fancy, or misdirected by
his ignorance. It will be worse than useless to heap together, as
Mr. Ritson has done, the whole mass of evidence to be gathered from
every source, without regard to the varied character of the proofs thus
collected, and by drawing a general inference, to assign the same author-
ity to that which is confessedly fabulous, as to that which may have
been uttered in good faith. Every writer ought to be weighed in his
own scale ; and the only hope we can have of eliciting an author's in-
tentions, must be, by resorting to his own declarations in illustration
of his own peculiar meaning. Now with respect to Marie, M. de la
Rue* has already shown, from the prologue to the poems, that she only
aspired to the character of a translator. Her first intention was to have
given a version in Romance, of some Latin writer; but finding the
ground preoccupied, she abandoned this design, and resolved on versi-
fying the Breton tales which she had heard recited or found recorded.
Des Lais pensai k'o'i aveie
Ne dutai pas, bien le saveie,
Ke pur remanbrance les firent
Des aventures k'il oi'rent —
Plusurs en ai o'i conter,
Ne voil laisser nes' oblier ;
Rimez en ai, e fait ditie
Soventes fiez en ai veillie.
This is frequently referred to in various parts of her poems ; some of
which were translated from written documents ; others versified from
recollection, or oral communication ; while the majority either acknow-
ledge a Breton original, or contain decided proofs of a connection with
that country. Of this the evidence shall now be submitted.
The first poem in M. Roquefort's collection is the Lai de Gugemer,
which opens with the following exordium :
Les cuntes ke jo sai verais
Dunt li Bretun unt fait lor Lais,
Vus cunterai assez briefment
El cief de cest coumencement.
Sulunc la lettre e lescriture
Vus musterai une aventure
* Archaeologia, vol. xiii.
Jx tfOTE ON THE LAIS
Ki en Bretuiyne la menur,
Avint al tens ancienur*.
The Lai d'Equitan who was " Sire de Nauns," (and of whose achieve-
ments " LiBretun firent un Lai") also commences with a direct tes-
timony to the practice of recording deeds of chivalry and heroic adven-
ture in that country :
Mut unt est6 noble Barun,
Cil de Bretaine li Bretun ;
Jadis suleient par pruesce,
Par curteisie, e par noblesce,
Des aventures qu'ils oieent,
Ki a plusur gent aveneient
Fere les Lais pur remenbrance
Qu'en ne les meist en ubliance.
N'ent firent ceo o'i cuntur
Ki n'est fet mie a ublier.
The Lai de Bisclaveret is not specifically acknowledged as a Breton
lay ; but the scene is laid in " Bretaine," and the Breton term from
which the story derives its name, is cited in contradistinction to that
current in the adjoining 'duchy of Normandy :
Bisclaveret ad nun en Bretan,
Garwell 1'apelent li Norman.
From the Lai deLausticf we obtain a similar testimony, with the
additional declaration of its being a Breton lay :
Une aventure vus dirai
Dunt li Bretun firent un Lai;
Laustic ad nun ceo m'est avis,
Si 1'apelent en lur pai's ;
Ceo est Reisun en Franceis,
E Nihtegale en dreit Engleis.
The scene is at St. Maloes. Of the Lai des deux Amans and of the
Lai de Graelent it is said, " Un Lai en firent li Bretun ;" of the Lai de
1'Epine, " Li Breton en firent un Lai ;" and of the Lai d'Eliduc,
* v. 21. the Nightingale and her plaintive song
•f- MM. de la Rue and Roquefort speak are declared to be typical of the doctrines
of an English version of this lay, and refer and sufferings of Jesus Christ.
to the Cotton MS. Cal. A. II. These gen- [The English poem is a translation
tlemen were either misled by a similarity from the Latin one composed by John
in the title of the poem in question, Hoveden, chaplain to Eleanor, queen of
(Nightingale,) or a manuscript note in Edward the First, intitled Meditatio de
the Museum copy of the catalogue of the Nativitate $c. Domini vocata Philomela
Cotton MSS. The English poem is a Canticum. See Tanner, roc. Hoveden. — M.]
mystic rhapsody on holy living ; in which
OP MARIE DE FRANCE. x
De un mut ancien Lai Bretun
Le cunte e tute la reisun,
Vus dirai si cum jeo entent
La verite mun escient.
Of these four, the scene of the first is laid in Normandy, and of the
rest in " Bretaine." Of the remaining six, the Lai du Frene places the
action in " Bretaine," without giving a more positive locality to the
scene. It was a tale which Marie had heard recounted, but which she
does not expressly claim as a " Breton lay." The Lai de Chevrefeuille
was translated from a written original :
Plusurs le m'unt cunte e dit,
E jeo lai trove en escrit.
•
It contains no reference to " Bretaine " or the " Bretons :" and, if we
could forget Mr. Ritson's arbitrary dogmas relative to the poverty of
native genius both before and after the Conquest, might be supposed to
owe its existence to some English poem now no. more :
Tristam ki bien saveit harper,
En aveit feit un nuvel Lai
Asez brevement le numerai.
Gotelef 1'apelent en Engleis,
Chevrefoil li nument en Franceis ;
Dit vus en ai la ve"rite
Del' Lai que j'ai ici cunte.
There is reason to believe the Lai de Milun is not of Breton origin,
as Marie deviates from her usual phraseology in announcing her
authority.
De lur amur e de lur bien
Firent un Lai li Auncien ;
E jeo qui 1'ai mis en escrit
Ai recunter mut me delit.
The hero was born in South Wales :
Milun fu de Suht- Wales nez :
a country also called Gales :
Jeo quid k'il est de Gales nez:
E si est Milun apelez.
Mention is likewise made of Northumberland ; but the younger Milun's
journey from England to Brittany is so circumstantially narrated, that
every doubt as to the geographical position of the latter must be re-
moved :
A Suht-hamptune vait passer,
Cum il ainz pot se mist en mer,
A Barbefluet (Barfleur. R.) est arrivez,
Dreit en Brutaine est alez.
Lxii NOTE ON THE LAIS
With reference to the same journey it is afterward said :
En Normendie est passez,
Puis est desque Bretaine alez.
We also gather from the same lay the names by which the inhabit-
ants of this and several adjoining countries were designated.
Al munt Seint-Michel s'asemblerent,
Normein, e Bretun i alerent ;
E li Flamenc, e li Franceis,
Mes ni ot guere de Engleis.
In these specimens there is not the slightest evidence to prove, as as-
serted by Mr. Ritson, that by " Bretaine and Breton were intended the
country and people of Great Brittain." On the contrary whenever
Marie enters into detail, we constantly find that by " Bretaine" she
understood Brittany, and by " Breton " either the inhabitants or lan-
guage of that province. No specific mention is made of England as a
country ; but the people and their dialect are alike called Engleis ;
and the unequivocal appellation given to Wales precludes all possibility
of supposing it was implied under .the name of " Bretaine."
We now come to those Lays which Mr. Ritson has selected as con-
taining the strongest confirmation of his opinion : " She must however
[by Bretaine] mean Great Britain in the Lay of Lanval, where she
mentions Kardoel, and that of Ywenec where she speaks of Carwent
(i.e. Venta Silurum, now Chepstow), which she places upon the Du-
glas instead of the Wye." Unhappily for the accuracy of this conclu-
sion, the name of Bretaine never occurs throughout the Lai de Lanval.
Marie certainly cites the Bretons as her authority for the narrative :
Od li s'en vait en Avalon,
Ce nus racuntent li Breton —
and calls Lanval a Breton name :
L'aventure d'un autre Lai
Cum il avint vus cunterai ;
Feit fu d'un mult, riche vassal,
En Bretun 1'apelent Lanval.
But we have already seen that these terms can have no reference to
Great Britain. The Lai d'Ywenec certainly favours Mr. Ritson's opi-
nion. It speaks of Caerwent (which, though the Roman Venta Silurum,
is not Chepstow,) and places it in Bretaigne :
En Bretaigne aveit jadis
Uns riches Huns vielz et ancis ;
De Caerwent fut avoez,
Et du pa'is Sire clamez :
La cite si est sor Dnglas
OF MARIE DE FRANCE.
A similar combination occurs in the Lai de 1'Epine :
Les estores en tra'i avant ;
Ki encore sont a Carlion^
Ens le monstier Saint-Aaron,
Et en Bretaigne sont seues —
It would seem as if M. Roquefort had suspected that Marie in this
passage was not alluding to Caerleon in Wales ; for he observes in a
note : " II existoit en France une ile Saint- Aaron. Elle a ete ren-
fermee dans la ville de Saint-Malo, au moyen d'une chaussee." That
there either was a Caerleon in Armorica, or, what is far more probable,
that Marie by her own powerful dictum transferred this town from the
opposite side of the Channel, is evident from a passage in the Lai de
Chaitivel. The events of this poem are stated to have transpired " en
Bretaine a Nantes :" but iij the course of the narrative, without the
slightest indication of a change of scene, we find the following 'date
produced as the period when some of the transactions occurred :
A la feste Saint- Aaron,
K'uni celebroit a Carlion.
In this we have the clearest acknowledgement, that in the estimation
of the writer, Nantz and Caerleon were towns of the same province ;
and the previous testimony, with one exception, has declared that pro-
vince to have been Bretaine in France. If, however, we accept Marie's
representation of herself, and consider her as the translator of these
poems, even this exception loses its force. For what could be more
natural to suppose on her part, than that the scene of those adventures
which formed the theme of Armorican song should be laid in Armorica?
or that even where her original made mention of Britain (Wales) as
the theatre of the events it registered, she should through ignorance
or design interpret the expression as referring to Brittany ? How
much more probable is it, that either of these causes may have ope-
rated in producing the seeming contradiction between the Lai d'Ywenec
and every other poem in the collection, than that Marie should have
stultified herself by confounding two countries under one common
name, for both of which on other occasions she had a distinctive ap-
pellation !
Of the interpretation given to her language or that of her contem-
poraries in this country, we have the most satisfactory evidence in
Chaucer :
Thise old gentil Bretons in hir dayes,
Of diverse aventures maden layes,
Rimeyed in hir firste Breton tonge ; —
And on of hem have I in remembrance, —
In Armorike, that called is Bretaigne, &c.
NOTE OX THK LAIS
This may be contrasted with the conclusion of the Lai d'Eliduc.
Del' Aventure de ces treis,
Li auncien Bretun curteis
Firent le Lai pur remembrer,
Que hum nel' deust pas oblier.
Even Mr. Ritson has admitted, that the author of Sir Orpheo may
" perhaps allude to the Armorican Britons," when he says :
In Brytayn this layes arne ywrytt,
Furst y founde and forthe ygete,
Of aventures that fillen by dayes
Wherof Brytons made her layes.
This is but a similar declaration to the language of Marie already cited
from the Lai d'Equitan. Of the popularity of "Orpheo's" story in
Armorica, we have a sufficient testimony in the Lai d'Epine :
Le Lais escoutent d'Aielis,
Que uns Yrois doucement note
Mout le sonne ens sa rote.
Apries celi d'autre commenche,
Nus d'iaus ni noise ne ni tenche ;
Le Lai lor sone d' Orphey —
There is one peculiarity in the language of Marie relative to this
subject which remains to be noticed. In the Lai de Graelent she speaks
of " Bretaigne le menur," an expression which occurs once again in the
Lai d'Eliduc. But this refinement is not preserved throughout either
of the poems : for in the first we have " En Bretaigne est venue al
port ;" and in the second, " En Bretaine ot un Chevalier," — both with
reference to the same country. Of a " Bretaine le grand" there is no
trace in the whole collection : and if it be allowable to speculate upon
a question so perfectly beyond the grasp of certainty, the utmost we
can venture to infer will be, that though Marie may have found this
distinctive nomenclature in her original text, she evidently neglected to
observe it. We know from other sources, that in her time one of these
countries was better known by its subdivision into the realms of Engle-
terre and Gales.
The second volume of M.Roquefort's edition of Marie's Poems con-
tains her Fables. It is not intended to exhaust the reader's patience
by entering into a discussion of the source from whence these fables
were derived ; but as MM. de la Rue and Roquefort have attempted to
claim her English original as the production of Henry the First, the
subject cannot be wholly passed over in silence. These gentlemen do
not seem to have known that a copy of the fables preserved at Oxford
unites with the Harleian MS. 78. in attributing the English version to
king Alfred :
OF MARIE DK FRANCE. IxV
Le reiz Alurcz que mut 1'ama
Le translata puis en Engleis*.
This, supported as it is by the several disguises of the Pasquier and
King's MSS. which read Auvert and Affrus, and the declaration of the
Latin version (King's MS. 15. A. vii.), that the same fables " were
rendered into English by the orders of king Alfred," is more than suffi-
cient to outweigh the testimony of the Harleian MSS. 4333, which
ascribes Marie's original to a king Henry. It also seems to have
escaped the same diligent antiquaries, that the English language of
Henry the First could not have differed materially from the Anglo-
Saxon of Alfred ; that any person, whether native or foreigner, who
could master the one, would find no difficulty in comprehending the
other ; arid consequently, that the argument raised on the imagined
obscurities of the earlier copy is perfectly groundless. As to " the
uncouth language of Robert of Gloucester," which is supposed to have
cost Marie so much labour in acquiring, we must remember, that how-
ever horrific this dialect may appear to modern Frenchmen, — printed
as it is with a chevaux-de-frise of Saxon consonants, — its rude ortho-
graphy only slightly varied from the language of general conversation
in the Chronicler's age. There could be no greater difficulty in learning
to read or speak it, than is felt by a foreigner in modern English. In
addition, there is reason to believe, that in Marie's time, some popular
Anglo-Saxon subjects were rendered accessible to the modern reader,
by the same process which fitted the early poetry of Italy for general
circulation at the present day. We know, from certain testimony, that
at a subsequent period the Brut of Layamon was made intelligible by
a more recent version ; and probability seems to favour the belief, that
such was the case with the " Sayings of Alfred," formerly in the Cotton
Library. If these " Sayings" were registered by one of Alfred's con-
temporaries, or in the Anglo-Saxon language, they were doubtlessly
written in the same metre as the translation appended to the edition of
his Boethius, and would only have received the dress in which they are
exhibited by Wanley, about the time of Richard I., or John. Mr. Sha-
ron Turner has produced this collection of apophthegms as the first
specimen of English prose ; but they are evidently written in the same
mixed style of rhyme and alliterative metre which we find in Layamon.
It is this circumstance which has suggested the possibility of their being
recorded at an earlier date than the language in which they are written.
* MSS. JAMES, viii. p. 23. Bibl. Bodl. the period when she lived, see De la Rue's
cited below, vol. ii. p. 253. " Essais sur les Bardes, les Jongleurs, et
[Mr. Price was not aware in producing les Trouveres," torn. iii. pp. 47 — 100; Ro-
this additional authority, that the MS. bert, " Fables inedits des 12e, 13e, et 14e
James only contains a recent copy by siecles," torn. i. pp. clii — clix. 8vo. Par,
James himself of the Harleian MS., and 1825; Meon's Preface to the " Roman du
consequently adds nothing to the argu- Renart." 8vo. Par. 1826 ; and Miss L, S.
ment. In addition to the works referred Costello's Specimens of the Early Poetry of
to for information respecting Marie and France, pp. 43-49. 8vo. Lond. 1835. — M.]
VOL. i. e
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
seems to indicate : but of course neither this, nor the claim of Alfred
to the English version of ^sop, is insisted upon as demonstrable. The
only object of these remarks is to impugn the evidence which MM. de
la Rue and Roquefort consider as conclusive in favour of Henry I.
In closing this excursive note it may not be amiss to observe, that
the Harl. MS. calls Marie's collection of fables L'Ysopet or the little
jEsop, of which a Dutch translation is said to have been made in the
13th century. (See Van Wyn, Historische Avondstonden, p. 263.)
This title appears to have been given it by way of distinction from
another collection of fables, probably made at an earlier period and
derived from a purer source. The latter is mentioned in the prologue
to Merlant's Spiegel Historiael.
In Cyrus tiden was Esopus
De Favelare, wi lessent dus,
Die de favele conde maken
Hoe beesten en vogle spraken :
Hierute es gemaect Aviaen
En andere boeken, sender waen,
Die man Esopus heet, bi namen.
Waren oec die si bequamen
Die hevet Calfstaf en Nodekyn
Ghedicht, en rime scone en fyn.
i. e. We read that Esop, the fabler, who made fables how the birds and
beasts converse, lived in the time of Cyrus. No doubt Aviaen (Avi-
enus?) drew from it and other books which people call Esopus.
Calfstaf and Noydekyn put into fair rhymes those which they took
pleasure in.
NOTE C.
BY MR. PRICE.
ON THE SAXON ODE ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
See DISSERTATION I. page xxxii. Note[m].
THE text of this poem has been formed from a collation of the Cotton
MSS. Tiberius A. vi. B. i. B. iv. In the translation an attempt has been
made to preserve the original idiom as nearly as possible without pro-
ducing obscurity; and in every deviation from this rule, the literal
meaning has been inserted within brackets *. The words in parentheses
are supplied for the purpose of making the narrative more connected,
* [The words in Italics in the present have been added: and the references to
edition are inserted in conformity with the Beowulf are adapted to the text of Mr
corrections pointed out in the Notes which Kemble.— R T ]
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHKLSTAN.
Jxvii
and have thus been separated from the context, that one of the leading
features in the style of Anglo-Saxon poetry might be more apparent to
the English reader. For the benefit of the Anglo-Saxon student, a close
attention has been paid in rendering the grammatical inflections of the
text, a practice almost wholly disused since the days of Hickes ; but
which cannot be too strongly recommended to every future translator
from this language, whether of prose or verse. The extracts from Mr.
Turner's and Mr. Ingram's versions cited in the notes, have been taken
from the History of the Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii., and the recent edition of
the Saxon Chronicle, An. 938. But those variations alone have been
noticed which differed in common from the present translation.
j^Ethelstan cyning,
eorla drihten,
beorna beah-gyfa,
and his brother eac,
Eadmund aetheling l,
ealdor langne tir2,
1 The reader must be cautioned against
receiving this literal interpretation of the
text, in the same literal spirit. The terms
eorl and beorn — man and bairn — are used
with great latitude of meaning in Anglo-
Saxon poetry ; and though generally ap-
plied to persons of eminent rank or ex-
alted courage, we have no proof of their
appropriation as hereditary titles of di-
stinction at the early period when this ode
was composed. The word " y£theling"
— strictly speaking The son of the aethel
or noble — appears to have gained an im-
port in England nearly corresponding to
our modern prince. In the Saxon Chro-
nicle it is almost always, if not exclusively,
confined to personages of the blood royal.
Perhaps there is neither of these terms
whose modern representative differs so es-
sentially from its original as " ealdor." At
the present day no idea of rank is attached
to the word " elder," and none of autho-
rity except among some religious sects,
and a few incorporated societies. In An-
glo-Saxon poetry it rarely, if ever, occurs as
marking seniority in point of age. Even the
infant Edward is called an " elder of earls."
And feng his beam
syth-than to cyne-rice ;
cyld unweaxen,
eorla ealdor,
tham waes Eadweard nama.
And his bairn took
after that to the kingdom ;
child unwaxen,
elder of earls,
to whom was Edward name.
['Beorn,' masc., a warrior, chieftain,
JEthelstan (the) king,
lord of earls, \_men~\
bracelet-giver of barons, [chieftains']
and his brother eke,
Eadmund (the) prince,
very illustrious chieftain, \Jiif e-long glory~\
baron, &c. pi. beornas; while 'beam,' neut.
(Scott, bairn) a child, has its sing, and pi.
alike. ' Eorl ' is frequently used for man in
Anglo-Saxon poetry, and "is not a title as
with us any more than beorn." — Kemble.]
2 Elder ! a lasting glory, T. Elder, of
ancient race, I. But " tir " is not used sub-
stantively in the present instance. " Eald-
or langne-tir," or " Langne-tir ealdor,"
exhibits the same inverted construction as
" flota fami -heals," ship foamy-necked;
" aetheling aer-god," noble exceeding-good,
&c. The present translation of "tir"
is founded upon an etymology pointed out
in the glossary to Saemund's Edda, where
it is declared to be synonymous with the
Danish " zyr," and the German " zier."
In the Low German dialects, the z of the
upper circles (which is compounded of t, s,
like the Greek £ of d, s) is almost always
represented by t, and splendour, bright-
ness, glory, &c. are certainly among the
most prevalent ideas attached to " tir "
when used as a substantive. If this in-
terpretation be correct, — power, dominion,
or victory, must be considered as only se-
condary meanings; and the compound ad-
jectives "tir-meahtig" (exceeding mighty),
" tir-faest " (exceeding faster firm), " tir-
eadig" (exceeding blessed), evidently
point to the first of these. There can be little
doubt but the following passage of Beowulf
(iv.) preserves another compound of" tir :"
Ed. Thorkelin, p. 24 : ed. Kemble, 1. 583.
Swylce ic magu-thegnas,
mine hate,
with feonda gehwone,
flotan eowerne,
niw tyr-wydne,
Ixviii
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
geslogon * set secce,
sweorda ecgum,
ymbe Brunanburh.
Bord-weal clufon,
heowon heatho-linda3,
combated in [at] battle, [in battle won]
with edges of swords,
near Brunanburh.
(They) clove the board-wall,
hewed the high lindens [war -lindens],
nacan on sande,
arum healdan-
And I will also
order my fellow-thanes,
against every foe,
your vessel
deep (and) exceeding wide,
boat on the sand,
carefully to hold.
" Niwe " is here equivalent to " niwel ; "
as in the expression " niwe be naesse,
low by the nose or promontory. " Tyr-
wydne nacan" is clearly synonymous
with " sid-faethmed scip," the wide-bo-
somed ship, occurring shortly afterwards.
The learned editor's version, pice obduc-
tam, is founded on an expression still pre-
served in his native language (Icelandic),
and of which Hire has recorded the fol-
lowing example : " Let ban leggia eld i
tyrwid oc gb'ra bala scipino ; " Jussit ig-
nem taedae subjiciendum, pyramque in
nave struendam. " Arum," which the La-
tin version renders " remis," is used ad-
verbially, like hwilum, gyddum, &c. The
vessel lay upon the beach, and was after-
wards moored; there could therefore be
no use for her oars. The present version
of "arum" is founded on the following
passage, where Waltheow says she has no
doubt but Hrothulf will prove a kind pro-
tector to her children :
ThaRt he tha geogothe wile,
arum healdan.
That he the youths will
carefully protect (hold). 1. 2363.
"Arum" (lit. with cares, attentions,) is in
the dative case plural. See note 34.
[" The objections to Mr. Turner's and Mr.
Ingram's translations are not greater than
those to Mr. Price's, but his note is more
objectionable still. Tir, says the note, is
an adjective: 1 know none such ; nor even
were there such an adjective, compounded
with another adjective, could the first part
of the compound have, when joined with
the second, an accusative case. In this it
differs from the compounds cited in the
note, and from all others ; for the first
\vord in a compound never has either
gender, number or case. The same ob-
jection does not apply to the new reading
cited from Beowulf; yet, were it to be
translated as Mr. Price thinks, not niw-
tirwydne, new-pitched, but niw tir-wydne,
deep and exceedingly wide, it would remain
to be shown why one adjective was, as it
ought to be, in the masc. ace. sing., while
the first remained altogether without an
inflection : of course nacan, rymbam, would
require niwne as well as tyr-wydne.
The fact is thattir is a substantive, ealdor-
langne the compound adjective [so " ond-
langne," p. Ixxiii. — R. T.] agreeing with
it, and the whole passage must be trans-
lated thus, 'a life-long glory — they won
by striking, at the battle.' Ealdor, vita,
is quite as common in A.-S. poetry as
ealdor, princeps." — K.]
* [geslogon, &c. Thus Caedm. p. 129.
1. 26.
ac J»u most heonon hufte laedan.
]>e ic be set hilde gesloh.
but thou hence may'stlead the spoil,
which I for thee have won in battle.
See also Grundtvig's Pref. to transl. of
Beow. p. xxvi.]
3 They hewed the noble banners, T.
And hewed their banners, I. In this in-
terpretation of " lind" all our vocabu-
laries agree. The translation of the text
has been founded upon the following au-
thorities. When Beowulf resolves to
encounter the "fire-drake" who had laid
waste his territory, he orders a " wig-
bord," war-board (as it is called), of iron
to be made ; for we are told that,
Wisse he gearwe,
thaet him holt-wudu,
helpan ne meahte,
lind with lige.
He knew readily,
that him forest-wood
might not help,
linden against fire. 1.4673.
And when Wiglaf prepares to join his
lord in the combat, it is said of him :
Hond-rond gefeng,
Geolwe linde,
Hand-round he seized
the yellow linden. 1. 5215.
[Rask objects to this translation, Angl.
Sax. Gr.. Pref. Iviii., as erroneously im-
plying a connexion between the adjective
round and the Iceland. rond,clypeus, and
suggests manuale scutum as the more pro-
per version. — M.]
In the fragment of Judith, (Thorpe,
Anal. p. 137.) "lind" and " bord" are
used in the same connexion as in the pre-
sent text :
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHBLSTAN.
Ixix
hamora lafura4,
eaforan Eadweardes.
Swa him geoethele 5 wses
with relics of hammers (i. e. swords),
(the) children \_offspring~\ of Edward.
Such [so] was to them (their native) no-
\_As was their nature] [bility,
Stopon heatho-rincas,
beornas to beadowe,
bordum betheahte,
hwealfum linduin.
(The) [lofty] warriors stepped,
bairns [barons'] to (the) battle,
bedeckt (with) boards,
(with) concave lindens.
The following extract from the fragment
of Brithnoth shows both terms to have
been synonymous :
Leofsunu gemaelde,
and his lind ahof,
bordtogebeorge. Thorpe, An. p. 128.
Leofsunu spoke,
and hove up his linden,
[his] board for protection.
It may, however, be contended, that
though " lind " in all these passages evi-
dently means a shield ; yet " heatholind,"
whose qualifying adjective seems rather
an inappropriate epithet for a buckler,
may have a different import. The fol-
lowing examples of a similar combination
will remove even this objection :
Ne hyrde ic cymlicor
ceol gegyrwan,
hilde-waepnum,
and heatho-wsedum,
billum and byrnum. Beow. 1. 75.
Nor heard I of a comelier
keel (ship) prepared,
(with) war weapons,
and high-weeds, (garments) [battle-
with bills and burnies. weeds]
Nemne him heatho-byrne
helpe gefremede.
Unless him (his) high-burnie [war-
with help had assisted. mail]
Mr. Grimm found this expression in the
Low-Saxon fragment of Hildebrand and
Hathubrand, where, misled by the com-
mon interpretation of " lind-wiggende,"
vexilliferi — he has expended much inge-
nuity and learning in making a very sim-
ple narrative unnecessarily obscure.
hewun harmlicco
huitte scilti,
unti im iro lintun
luttilo wurtun.
(they) hewed harm-like
(their) white shields,
until to them their lindens
became little.
Mr. Grimm translates "lintun," gebende
— bands or girdles.
[" Heafto does not signify altus, the in-
congruity of which epithet when applied
to a shield has not escaped Mr. Price. It
denotes bellum, and is merely a prefix.
See the Gloss. Beow. vol. i."— K.]
4 The survivors of the family, T. With
the wrecks of their hammers, I. The
only authority for the former interpreta-
tion is a meaning assigned to " hamora"
in Lye's vocabulary. It will be suffi-
cient to remark, that if there were any
thing like probability to justify such a
translation, we ought at least to read
" With the survivors of the family ;" as
" lafum" stands in the ablative case plu-
ral. A similar expression occurs once in
Beowulf, where we know from the con-
text that neither of the versions cited above
would suit the sense. The sword of
Wiglaf has recently severed the dragon's
body in two : with reference to which it
is said,
Ac him irenna,
ecga fornamon,
hearde heatho-scearde,
homera lafe,
thaet se wid-floga,
wundum stille,
hreas on hrusan,
hord-aerne neah,
But him iron
edges seized,
the hard high-sherd [war-sherds]^
(the) relic of hammers,
that the wide-flier,
still (quiet) with wounds,
fell on the earth,
hoard-hall near. 1. 5651.
In this poem " gomel-laf, eald-laf, yrfe-
laf," are common expressions for -
sword ; and there can be little doubr jut
the language of the text is a m^aPno"
rical description of such a w
similar phrase in Icelandic
w°uld
occasion no difficulty.
Gloss. Beow. vol. i. p. 2"'
;e Kemble
'
ancestors, T. **;
kindred zeal, I. °re'? thele, ls
Xeyopei/ov. ~! y,ersl°n °f ;he text is
founded on ,/e foll°w«ng declaration of
^lfwine?jIlowerofBrithnoth:
jc vlle mine aethelo
p. urn gecythan.
Ixx
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
from cneo-maegum
thaet hie aet campe oft6,
with lathra gehwaene,
land ealgodon,
hord and hamas,
hettend crungon7.
thaet ic waes on Myrcon
miccles cynnes.
I will my nobility
manifest to all,
that I among Mercians was
of a mickle kin. Thorpe, An. p. 127.
Mr. Ingram's translation of cneo-maegum
— kindred zeal, is perfectly indefensible.
[Rask, in the Preface to his Anglo-
Saxon Grammar, p. Iviii., remarks on
Price's translation of this word: " geseSele
baud invenit [scil. in Bjbrnonis Haldor-
sonii Lexico], itaque per a)?elo, i. e. aejjelo
nobilitas exposuit, quum tamen ae]?elo gen.
fern, sit, et a geaeftele neut. gen. diversum ;
scribitur enim hoc (ge, more Isl. abjecto)
Islandis eftli, et a Bjbrnone aeque recte
natura, indoles, genius vertitur." — M.]
6 That they in the field often, T. That
they at camp often, I. Yet " camp-
stede " is translated battle-place by Mr.
Tui'ner, and field of battle by Mr. Ingram.
" JEt campe " would have been equally
descriptive of a sea-fight. It has no
connexion with our modern camp, Fr.
campus, Lat.
7 Pursuing they destroyed the Scottish
people, T. Pursuing fell the Scottish
clans, I. In these translations " hettend
crungon " is separated from its context ;
and though it is a common practice of
Anglo-Saxon poetry to unite by the alli-
teration, lines wholly unconnected by the
sense, yet in the present instance both
are terminated by the same period. It
may be questioned whether " hettan,"
persequi, has any existence beyond the
pages of Lye, where it is inserted as the
root of " hettend." There is reason to
Mieve,' that it was obsolete at a very
al-r period, and that its participle pre-
mt a.ne was retained in a substantive
au n to denote an enemy or pur-
suing one. xyhen the verb wag required
it would .eem,havebeenuaed
the aspirate :
Ehtende waes \
deorc death scua,
duguthe and geogov^
Pursuing was
(the) dark death shado
old (ad lit. valentes) and
Beowulf,
from (their) ancestors,
that they in [at] battle oft,
against every foe [loathed one],
(the) land preserved [defended] ,
hoard and homes,
(the) enemy crushed, [cringed, actively.']
At all events, the examples recorded by
Lye only exhibit the substantive hettend,
to which the following may be added :
Gif ic thaet gefricge,
ofer floda-begang,
thaet thec ymbsittende
egesan thywath,
swa thec hetende
hwilum dydon.
If I that hear,
over the floods-gang,
that thee the round-sitting ones
oppress with terror,
so (as) thee enemies
(ere) while did. Beow. 1. 3648.
Syth-than hie gefricgeath
frean userne
ealdor-leasne ;
thone the aer geheold,
with hettendum,
hord and rice.
After that they hear
our sovereign (to be)
life-less ;
he who ere held,
against (our) foes,
hoard and kingdom. Ib. I. 5999.
Mr. Ingram's translation is obviously in-
correct. The whole context proves the
Scots to have been the yielding party,
and consequently they were the pur-
sued, not those pursuing; and if, with
Mr. Turner, we apply " pursuing" to
the victors, Athelstan and Edward, the
participle (as it then would be) ought to
stand in the nominative case plural —
hettende — and not in the accusative sin-
gular.
[" There is a dangerous mixture of
ehtian, persequi, and hatian, odlsse, in
this note ; I should be inclined to think
that ehtian comes from oht, terror. Het-
tan, according to the custom of«the A. S.
which in certain cases doubles a conso-
nant instead of writing it before i or jt
corresponds to the Gothic hatjan, odisse.
There is, however,-another verb in Gothic,
viz. hatan, and this the Anglo-Saxon
seems to have followed in its verb, while
it recorded the existence of the other by
forming from it such a participial noun
as hettend, inimicus, which, like feond,
hostis, freond, amicus, is really the par-
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
Ixxi
Scotta leode,
and scip-flotan,
faege feollon8.
Feld dennade*,
secga swate 9,
(The) Scottish people,
and the mariners,
fated fell.
The field , \_flw! d\
with warriors' blood,
ticiple of a verb used as a noun. There
should be a full stop after hamas. Het-
tend is the nom. to crungon : the foes
bowed, cringed. So in Beowulf, 1. 2419,
' he under rande gecranc,' he cringed under
shield, i.e. died." — K.]
» They fell dead, T. In numbers fell, I.
This expression occurs again below, "faege
to feohte," where Mr. Ingram expounds
it, the hardy fight. It seems almost su-
perfluous to add, that one of these inter-
pretations must be erroneous ; and it will
be shown immediately that neither is
correct. Mr. Turner with more consist-
ency translates the second example " for
deadly fight;" making " faege" an adjec-
tive agreeing with " feohte," and conse-
quently like its substantive governed by
the preposition "to." But independently
of the impossibility to produce an ex-
ample, where any Anglo-Saxon prepo-
sition exhibits this twofold power, — a
retroactive and prospective regimen, —
the dative singular and plural of "faege"
would be either " faegum " or " faegan,"
accordingly as it was used with the defi-
nite or indefinite article. In the lan-
guages of the North, " faege," however
written, means fated to die ; or, to use
the interpretation of the Glossary to Sae-
mund's Edda, morti jam destinatus, brevi
moriturus. [The Scotch Fey.'} This is the
only version equally suited to both ex-
amples in the present text ; and it might
be supported by numerous instances from
Caedmon and Beowulf. A confirmation of
its general import may also be drawn from
the use of " unfaegne " in the latter poem.
Wyrd oft nereth
unfaegne eorl,
thonne his ellen deah.
Fate oft preserveth
a man not fated to die,
when his courage is good for aught.
Beowulf, 1. 1139.
[The word occurs in similar passages of
Layamon : fseie ther feollen, 1. 1742.
feollen the faeie
falewede nebbes. K 4162.
See, further, the Additional Note in p.
Ixxxi.— R. T.]
* The Cotton MS. Tiberius B. iv. reads
" dennode ;" Tiberius A. vi. and B. i.
read " dennade," which is supported by
the Cambridge MS. For this unusual
expression no satisfactory meaning has
been found ; and it is left to the ingenuity
and better fortune of some future trans-
lator. Mr. Turner and Mr. Ingram, who
render this line — the field resounded,
mid the din of the field — have followed a
reading recorded by Gibson, " dynede," —
and which, notwithstanding the collective
authority of four excellent manuscripts in
favour of the present text, is possibly cor-
rect. In this case, however, " dynede "
must not be interpreted in a literal sense,
but considered as synonymous with the
Icelandic " dundi," from " dynia," re-
sonare, irruere. " Blodid dundi [dynede]
og tarin tidt," Creberrima erat stillatio
turn sanguinis, turn lacrymarum. " Hridin
dynr yfir," — procella cum strepitu irruit.
— [Rask confirms Mr. Price's conjecture,
and refers to Biorn Haldorsen's Lexic.
Island.* v. Dyn. — Hen. Huntind. reads
" colles resonuerunt." Layamon has
"eorthe dunede;" 1.21230.— R. T.]
9 The warriors swate, T. The warrior
swate, I. To justify these translations
we ought to read either, " secgas switon"
or " secg swat." The latter, which offers
least violence to the text, is clearly im-
possible, since no line of Anglo-Saxon
poetry can have less than four syllables.
There is however no necessity for chan-
ging a single letter of the text, as " swate "
is the dat. case sing, of " swat," blood, and
" secga " the gen. plural of " secg." It
may be safely asserted that " swat " in
Anglo-Saxon poetry never means "sweat"
in its modern acceptation.
Tha thaet sweord ongan,
setter heatho-swate,
hilde gicelum,
wig-bil wanian.
Then that sword began,
after the mighty blood [war-blood~],
with battle-droppings,
war-bill (to) wane. Beowulf, 1. 3210.
Swa thaet blod gesprang,
hatost heatho-swata.
So that blood sprang,
hottest mighty gorelbattle-gore}. 1.3333.
Wulf Wonreding
waepne geraehte,
thaet him for swenge,
swat aedrum sprong.
Wolf the son of Wonred
reached (him) with weapon,
that to him for the swinge (blow)
blood from the veins sprang. 1. 5925.
Ixxii
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
sith-than sunne up,
on inorgen-tld,
maere tuncgol,
glad ofer grundas101,
Godes candel beorht,
eces Drihtnes ;
oth-thset sio aethele gesceaft,
sah to setle11.
Thaer laeg secg monig,
garuni ageted,
guman northerne,
ofer scyld scoten.
Swylc Scyttisc eac,
werig wiges saed 12.
West-Seaxe forth,
ondlangne daeg,
since the sun up,
on morrow-tide,
mighty planet,
glided over grounds, [Me deeps~\
bright candle of God,
of the eternal Lord ;
till the noble creature
sank to (her) seat [settle}.
There lay many a warrior,
strewed by darts,
northern man*, [mewj
shot over (the) shield.
So Scottish eke,
weary of war — . [weary p, sated with war.']
The West- Saxons forth,
the continuous day,
The German " schweiss " (sweat) still
means the blood of a wild boar.
[The above assertion concerning the
meaning of swat in Anglo-Saxon poetry
must be taken with some limitation, for in
the three instances of its use referred to
in the Index to Caedmon, the first is,
p. 31. 1. 8.
sceolde on wite a
mid swate and mid sorgum,
siftftan libban,
where it can have no other meaning but
sweat, and is so rendered by Thorpe. —
If.]
1° Glad, T. and I. But " glad " is the
past tense of glidan, to glide ; and formed
like rad from ridan, bad from bidan, &c.
in all of which the accentuated a was pro-
nounced like o in rode. It is the glode
of " Le Bone Florence of Rome."
Thorow the foreste the lady rode,
All glemed there sche glode,
Till sche came in a felde. v. 1710.
In Sir Launfal, Mr. Ritson leaves it un-
explained.
Another cours together they r6d,
That syr Launfal helm of-glod. v. 574.
Unless we admit this interpretation of
"glad," the first part of the proposition
will be a mere string of predicates with-
out a verb. The antithesis to "glad ofer
grundas " is " sah to setle."
[In Beowulf, 1. 4140. Mr. Kemble ren-
ders "syththan heofones gim glad ofer
grundas,"." after the gem of heaven glided
over the deeps." — R. T.]
11 Hastened to her setting, T. Sat in
the western main, I. Sah is the past
tense of sigan, to incline, sink down ;
and follows the same norm as stall, from
stigan ; hnah, from hnigan, &c.
' ["man" is wrong. The line is an
apposition to " secg monig," and is in the
nom. pi. — THORPE.]
12 Weary with ruddy battle, T. The
mighty seed of Mars, I. In the first of
these versions the reading of the Cotton
MSS. Tiberius B. iv. has been followed :
" werig wiges raed." This manuscript,
however, exhibits great marks of negli-
gence on the part of the transcriber, and,
if correct in its orthography on the pre-
sent occasion, is equally obscure with the
language of the other copies. " Raed "
cannot be the adjective red, as this would
give us a false concord. — [Mr. Bosworth
gives "saed" in his text, and 'ruddy' in
his version. Mr. Henshall, in that which
he seems to have led Mr. Ellis to believe
a literal version, and therefore obscure !
(Specimens, vol. i.p. 15.) renders the pass-
age "red with worrying war"!] If "saed"
be the genuine reading, it would be diffi-
cult to point out a better authenticated
version than Mr. Ingram's, provided the
word is to be taken substantively. But
even this has been rejected, from a feeling
that the context requires a verb, and a
doubt whether such a metaphor be in uni-
son with the general spirit of Anglo-Saxon
poetry. [Mr. Price adds, in a note in
p. (119), edit. 1824, of his preface, " If
for ' werig wiges saed ' we read ' werig and
wiges saed,' weary and sad of (on account
of, the) war, the present difficulty va-
nishes, and the expression may be justi-
fied by the ' hilde ssedne ' of Beowulf, ed.
Thorkelin, p. 202," where it is errone-
ously printed " faedne." Mr. Kemble's
rendering is, however, without doubt the
right one, "satiated with battle"; see his
edition, 1837, and Glossary. So also
M. Goth, "sad, sothjan," satur, satin-are;
Is), "saddr," Gerrn. ''satt," Fris. "saath."
-R.T.]
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
Ixxiii
eorod-cystum 13,
on last laegdon
lathum theodum.
Heowon here-flyman,
hindan thearle14,
mecum mylen-scearpum
Myrce ne wyrndon
heardes hand-plegan,
haeletha nanum,
thara the mid Anlafe,
ofer ear-geblond,
on lides bosme, •
land gesohton,
faege to feohte.
Fife laegon,
on tham campstede,
cyningas geonge,
sweordum aswefede.
Swylc seofen eac,
eorlas Anlafes ;
unrim heriges 16,
in battalions,
laid on the foot-steps
to the loathed race.
(They) hewed (the) fugitives
hind wards exceedingly \_from behind amain,~]
5. with swords mill-sharp.
The Mercians refused not
the hard hand-play,
to none of the men \_to any heroes^
of those who with Anlaf,
over the ocean,
in [on] the ship's bosom,
sought (our) land,
fated to the fight.
Five lay,
on the battle-stead,
young kings,
soothed [slumbered, act.~] with swords.
[by swords in slumber laid.]
So seven eke,
earls of Anlaf 's ;
numberless of the army,
13 With a chosen band, T. With chosen
troops, I. The Anglo-Saxon " cysta,"
though clearly derived from " ceosan " to
choose, appears to have obtained a speci-
fic meaning somewhat similar to our regi-
ment or battalion.
Hsefde cista gehwilc,
cuthes werodes,
gar-berendra,
guth-fremmendra,
tyn hund geteled.
Had each cista,
of approved troops,
of spear-bearing,
of war enacting (ones)
ten hundred taled (numbered).
Caedm. 67. 25.— Ed. Thorpe, 192.
["cista" is the gen. pi. and cannot
have the same form in the nom. ; the geni-
tive of cista would be cistena. The nom.
is cist, gen. cista. — THORPE.]
14 The behind ones fiercely, T. Scat-
tered the rear, I. But " hindan " pos-
sesses the same adverbial power as
"eastan" occurring below. [This power,
however, is derived from its termination
"on," which, like the Greek 9ev, de-
notes motion from a place. See Rask,
339.— II. T.]
15 This reading has been retained on
the authority of the Cotton MSS. Tibe-
rius A. vi. B. i. The reasons for such
an epithet are not so clear, however ob-
vious this would be if applied to modern
times. But with our present limited
knowledge of the Anglo-Saxon language,
and of the arts, customs and modes of
thinking of our ancestors, it would be
highly absurd to reject an expression,
merely because its propriety is not felt.
The more intelligible reading " mycel
scearpum " wears all the appearance of a
gloss. [Mill-sharp; from the grindstone
with which the weapons were made keen :
so " scur-heard," hardened by scouring ;
"feol-scearp," sharpened with the file,
file-sharp. — KKMBLE.]
16 And innumerable of the army of the
fleet — and the Scots. There was chased
away, the lord of the Northmen, by ne-
cessity driven to the voice of the ship.
With a small host, with the crew of his
ship, the king of the fleet departed on the
yellow flood. T. And of the ship's crew
unnumbered crowds. There was dis-
persed the little band of hardy Scots, the
dread of the Northern hordes urged to
the noisy deep by unrelenting fate. The
king of the fleet with his slender craft
escaped with his life on the felon flood. I.
The present translation differs occasion-
ally from both these versions. Where it
agrees with either, no vindication will be
necessary; but some of its variations are
too important not to require an account
Ixxiv
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
flotan and Sceotta.
Thaer geflymed wearth
Northmanna bregu,
nyde geb^ded,
to lides stefne,
of sailors and Scots.
There was chased away
the leader of the Northmen, (i. e. Anlaf.)
compelled by need,
to the ship's prow,
of the authorities from whence they are
derived. — The Anglo-Saxon "flota" (the
floater) equally meant a ship and a sailor.
Flota waes on ythum,
bat under beorge.
Ship was on the waters,
boat under rock. Beowulf, 1. 419.
Of its secondary meaning, a sailor, — an
example has already occurred in the com-
pound, " scip-flota ; " and the fragment of
Brithnoth has preserved the simple sub-
stantive, as in the present text:
Se flod ut-gewat,
tha flotan stodon gearowe,
wicinga fela,
wiges georne.
The flood departed out,
the sailors stood prepared,
of the vikings many,
desirous of battle.
Thorpe, Anal. p. 123.
"Stefn " like " flota " had also a twofold
meaning. Lye has only recorded one of
these — the human voice, — and upon this
both the interpretations cited above are
evidently founded. But it likewise im-
plied the prow of a ship ; and this is the
only sense which will give connexion or
intelligence to the present narrative. A
similar example occurs in Beowulf:
Flota waes on ythum,
bat under beorge,
beornas gearwe
on stefn stigon.
Ship was on the waters,
boat under rock,
(the) bairns [barons] readily
ascended the prow. 1. 419.
[So " from stem to stern : " and Milton
"stemming nightly tow'rd the pole." —
R. T.] In German," Steven " still means
the stem of a ship ; and in Danish this part
of a vessel is called the For-staevn, by way
of distinction from the Bag-stsevn, or stern.
It will also be found in the second part of
the Edda:
Brim-runar scaltu rista,
ef thu vilt borgit hafa,
a sundi segl-maurom;
a stafni thaer seal rista,
oc a starnar-blatha,
oc leggia eld i ar.
Sea-runes shalt thou carve,
if thou wilt have protected,
sail-horses (ships) in the sea ;
in the prow shalt (thou) carve
and in the stern-blade, (rudder)
and lay fire in the oar.
But "stefn " must not be confounded with
" stefna," a ship, frequently occurring in
Beowulf, and which the Latin translation
always (I believe) renders " prora."
Gewat thse ofer waeg-holm,
winde gefysed,
flota fami-heals,
fugle gelicost.
Oth-thset ymb an tid,
otheres dogores,
wunden stefna,
gewaden haefde,
thset tha lithende
land gesawon.
Departed then over (the) billowy
hastened by the wind, [main,
the foamy-necked ship,
likest to a fowl.
Till that about six o'clock
of the other (next) day,
the curved bark
had (so) waded,
that the voyagers
saw land. 1. 432.
For an illustration of "cread" the reader
is referred to vol. ii. p. 71, where this line
is translated. And in further support of
the version there given, the following ex-
tract from the fragment of Brithnoth may
be quoted: (Thorpe, Anal. p. 122.)
We willath mid tham sceattum,
us to scype gangan,
on-flot iferan,
and eow frithes healdan.
We will with the scot (treasures)
us to ship gang,
afloat proceed,
and hold peace with you.
[" It should be remarked that the
distinction between stefn, prora, and
stefn, vox, depends upon their genders,
the former being masc., the latter fern.
When a is appended to a substantive of
this nature, it converts it into a kind of
epicene masc., denoting that the person
represented is distinguished by the pos-
session of, or partaking in, that which the
original substantive signified : thus neb, a
beak, has hyrned-nebba, the horned beak-
ed one, i. e. the raven. Here, also, wun-
den-stefna means the curved prowed one,
i. e. the «/iip."— K.]
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
Ixxv
litle werede.
Cread cnear* on-flot,
cyning ut-gewat,
on fealone flod,
feorh generede.
Swylc thaer eac se froda17,
mid fleame corn,
on his cyththe north,
Constantinus,
har hylderinc 18.
Hreman ne thorfte
meca gemanan-f-.
Her waes his maga sceard19,
with a little band.
(The) ship drove [crowded] afloat,
(the) king departed out,
on the fallow flood,
preserved (his) life.
So there also the sapient \_venerable~] one
by flight came
on \_to~] his country north,
Constantine,
hoary warrior.
He needed not to boast
of the commerce of swords. men']
Here was his kindred troop [bandofkins-
* [Ohg. chnar O. N. knorr, navis mer-
catoria, navigium.— TH.]
17 The routed one, T. the valiant
chief, I. By which of these epithets are
we to translate the title bestowed upon
Saemund, for his extraordinary learning ?
— Saemundr Iciinnfrodi. The age of Con-
stantine procured for him this distinction,
which in Beowulf is so frequently applied
to the veteran Hrothgar. — [Mr. Kemble's
Glossary to Beowulf has " frod, setate pro-
vectus, prudens."]
18 The hoarse din of Hilda, T. The
hoary Hildrinc, I. It is quite an assump-
tion of modern writers, that this goddess
of war was acknowledged by the Anglo-
Saxons; and no ingenuity can reconcile
Mr. Turner's translation with the Anglo-
Saxon text. Mr. Ingram most unnecessarily
makes " hylderinc " a proper name, which,
if correct on the present occasion, would be
equally so in the following passage, where
Beowulf plunges into the "mere" to seek
the residence of Grendel's mother:
Brim-wylm onfeng
hilderince:
Sea- wave received
(the) warrior: 1. 2988.
or in the preamble to Brithnoth's dying
address :
Tha gyt that word gecwseth
har hilderinc.
Then yet the word quoth
(the) hoary warrior.
Thorpe, Anal. p. 126.
With these examples before us, there can
be little doubt but that we ought to insert
"rinc" in the following extract relating
to the funeral obsequies of Beowulf:
That waes wunden gold,
on waen hladen,
seghwaes unrim,
aethelinge boren,
har hilde [rinc] [deor, K.]
to Hrones-naesse.
Then was the twisted gold
on wain laden,
numberless of each
with the atheling borne,
hoary warrior,
to Hron's-ness. 1. 6262.
f Mr. Ingram, who reads " maecan
gemanan," translates it " among his
kindred." But " maeca," if it exist at
all as a nominative case, can never mean
" a relative."
19 He was the fragment of his relations,
of his friends felled in the folk-place, T.
Here was his remnant of relations and
friends slain with the sword in the crowd-
ed fight, I. It is difficult to conceive upon
what principle the soldiers of Constantine,
who fell in the battle, could be called
either the fragment or remnant of his fol-
lowers. A similar expression — here-laf —
is afterwards applied with evident pro-
priety to the survivors of the conflict.
The present translation has been hazard-
ed, from a belief that " sceard " is syno-
nymous with " sceare " (the German
schaar, a band or troop) ; and " maga-
sceard," like "mago-driht," descriptive
of the personal or household troops of
Constantine.
Tha wses Hrothgare,
here-sped gyfen,
wiges weorth-mynd;
thast him his wine-magas,
georne hyrdon—
oth thaet seo geogoth geweox
-mago-driht micel.
Then was to Hrothgar
army-success given,
honour of war ;
that him his friendly-relatives
willingly heard (obeyed) —
till the youth waxed (in years) —
mickle kindred band. 1. 128.
Ixxvi
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
freonda* gefylled,
on folc-stede,
beslaegen aet secce;
and his sunu (he) forlet
on wsel-stowe,
wundum-forgrunden,
geongne aet guthe.
Gylpan ne thorfte,
beorn blanden-feax20,
bill-geslehtes,
eald inwitta21;
ne Anlaf thy ma,
mid heora here-lafum,
hlihan ne thorfton,
thset hi beadu-weorca 22
beteran wurdon,
on camp-stede,
cumbol-gehnastes,
gar mittinge23,
gumena gemotes,
waepen-gewrixles,
of friends destroyed (felled), \_deprivedof
on the folk-stead, friends']
slain \_bereft-\~\ in [at] battle;
and his son he left
on the slaughter-place,
mangled with wounds,
young in [at] the fight.
He needed not to boast,
bairn \_warrior~] blended- haired,
of the bill-clashing,
old deceiver;
nor Anlaf any more,
with the relics of their armies,
needed not to laugh,
that they of warlike works
better (men) were,
on the battle-stead,
at [of] the conflict of banners,
the meeting of spears,
the assembly of men,
the interchange of weapons,
* [That is, deprived through their be-
ing felled (befylled.)— TH.]
f [Bereft through their being slain (be-
slaegen) : such in these two instances and
elsewhere being the force of the privative
it?.— TH.]
20 The lad with flaxen hair, T. The
fair-haired youth, I. Mr. Turner appears
to refer these expressions to Constantine's
son ; Mr. Ingram certainly does. There
would be little propriety in declaring a
dead man's inability to boast, or the un-
fitness of such a proceeding even if there
were any thing to colour such an inter-
pretation. But blonden-feax is a phrase
which in Anglo-Saxon poetry is only ap-
plied to those advanced in life ; and is
used to denote that mixture of colour
which the hair assumes on approaching
or increasing senility. The German
" blond," at the present day, marks a co-
lour neither white nor brown, but mingled
with tints of each. [In Csedmon, "blonden
feax" is applied to Sarah and to Lot See
Mr. Thorpe's edit, and the note, p. 141.
-R. T.]
21 The old in wit, T. Nor old Inwood,
I. The orthography of the present text
is supported by the Cotton MSS. Tiberius
A. vi. & B. i. Mr. Ingram reads " in-
widda," of which he has made " Inwood ;"
though the learned translator has omitted
to inform us who this venerable personage
might be. It is rather singular that he
should appear again, with no slight ubi-
quity of person, in the fragment of Judith :
Swa se inwidda,
ofer ealne daeg,
dryht-guman sine
drencte mid wine.
So the deceiver,
over the whole day,
his followers
drenched with wine.
Thorpe, Anal. p. 132.
[Mr. Henshall has made of it " old in
wisdom ;" and of " Beorn blanden feax,
bill geslihtes," " His barons bold in fight,
slaughtered by the bill;" "With Bad
wardes eaforan plegodon," " Guarded by
an oath of or en pledged." His version,
indeed, abounds throughout with the most
preposterous blunders and absurdities ;
yet it seems to have been accepted with
thankfulness by Mr. G. Ellis, and was in-
serted in his Specimens with unsuspecting
faith, as being " as literal as possible." —
R. T.]
22 That they for works of battle were,
T. That they on the field of stern com-
mand better workmen were, I. But
" beado-weorca" is the genitive case
plural of " beadu-weorc," and to justify
these translations ought to have been
" beadu-weorcum " (T.) or " beadu-
wyrhtan" (I).
23 Mr. Ingram reads "mittinges," which
can only owe its existence to the negli-
gence of a transcriber. The genitive case
of " milling " is " mittinge."
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
Ixxvii
thaes the hie on wael-felda
with Eadweardes
eaforan plegodon.
Gewiton hym tha Northmen,
naegledon cnearrum,
dreorig daretha laf 24,
on dinges25 mere26,
ofer deop wseter,
Dyflin secan,
eft Yraland27,
sewisc-mode.
Swylcef tha gebrother,
begen aet samne,
cyninsr and aetheling,
cyththe sohton,
West Seaxna land,
wiges hremige28.
Laeton him behindan,
of that which* they on the slaughter-field
with Edward's
P
children played.
The Northmen departed,
(in their) nailed ships,
gory relic of the darts,
on,
over deep water,
Dublin to seek,
Ireland again,
with a shamed mind.
So too the brothers,
both together,
king and prince,
sought (their) country,
land of the West Saxons,
of \_in~\ (the) war exulting.
(They) left behind them,
* [For that they, $c.~\ [From the time
that,$c.— TH.]
24 Dreary relics of the darts, T. Dreary
remnant, I. This expression seems rath-
er to refer to the wounded condition of
the fugitives. The present version may
be justified by the following extracts from
Beowulf:
Thonne wses theos medo-heal,
driht-sele dreor-fah,
thonne daeg lixte,
eal benc-thelu,
blode bestymed.
Then was this mead-hall,
troop-hall gore stained,
when day lighted (dawned),
all (the) table,
sprinkled with blood. 1. 962.
Thonne blode-fah,
husa selest,
heoro-dreorig stod.
Then stained with blood,
the best of houses,
stood sword-gory. 1. 1862.
Water under wolcnum,
wael-dreore fah.
Water under clouds,
stained with slaughter-gore. 1. 3261.
85 This reading has been retained in
preference to the "dinnes" of Gibson, on
the authority of Tiberius B. i. The other
Cotton MSS. read " dynges" A. vi.
" dynges " B. iv.
26 On the stormy sea, T. On the
roaring sea, I. There is every probability
that these translations give the sense of
this passage, though some doubts may be
entertained as to the integrity of the pre-
sent text. If " dynges-mere " be the
genuine reading, it must be considered as
a parallel phrase with " wiges-heard,
hordes-heard," &c. where two substantives
are united in one word, the former of
which stands in the genitive case with an
adjective power. Of this practice the ex-
amples are too numerous and too noto-
rious to require further illustration.
"Dinges-mere " would then be a "ken-
ningar nafn " given to the ocean from the
continual clashing of its waves. For it
will be remembered that the literal im-
port of " mere " is a mere or lake, [qu.]
and this could not be applied to the Irish
channel without some qualifying expres-
sion. Ids clearly impossible that "dinges,"
if correct, can stand alone, as "on" never
governs a genitive case. On " thone
mere," on " thsene mere." See Lye in
voce.
27 Mr. Ingram retains " heora land"
in the text, and translates the variation
— Yraland. All the Cotton MSS. unite
in reading " eft "; and we learn from other
sources that this statement is historically
correct.
f [Postea frater uterque rediit West-
sexe, belli reliquias post se deserentes,
carnes virorum in escam paratas. Ergo
corvus niger, ore cornutus, et buffo livens,
aquila cum milvo, canis lupusque mixtus
colore, his sunt deliciis diu recreati. Hen.
Huntind. lib. v.]
28 The screamers of war, T. In fight
triumphant, I. It has already been said
of the fugitive Constantine that he had no
cause to exult — hreman ne thorfte ; this
is left to the victors. This expression
Ixxviii
NOTE ON THE SAXON ODE
hra brittian,
salowig padan*211,
thone sweartan hraefn,
hyrned-nebban ;
and thone hasean padan
occurs repeatedly in Beowulf, where it is
always applied to the successful party:
Thanon eft gewat,
huthe hremig,
to ham faran,
mid thaere wael-fylle,
wica neosan.
Thence (Grendel) again departed,
with prey exulting,
to home (to) go,
with the slaughtered-slain,
to approach (his) dwelling. 1. 246.
Guth-rinc gold-wlanc,
graes-moldan trsed,
since hremig.
Warrior (Beowulf) bright in gold,
grass-mould trode,
with wealth exulting. 1. 3758.
Nu her thara banena,
byre nat hwylces,
fraetwum hremig,
on flet gseth ;
morthres gylpeth,
and thone maththum1 byreth,
thone the thu mid rihte
raedan sceoldest.
Now of those banes (murderers),
(the) son (I) know not of which,
with ornaments exulting,
in (the) hall goeth-;
boasteth of the murder,
and the jewel (i. e. a sword) beareth,
that thou by right
shouldest command (or wield).
1. 4101.
29 The dismal kite, T. The sallow
kite, I. Whatever idea may have been
attached to " padan ", it is manifestly not
a species but a genus. It occurs again
immediately as characteristic of the eagle.
There is, however, reason to believe that
these lines have been transposed, and that
we ought to read
Thone sweartan hrsefn,
salowig padan.
Caedmon unites with the present text
in calling the raven both " swarth and
sallow :"
Let tha ymb worn daga
sweartne fleogan,
hraefn ofer heah flod.
Noe tealde,
thaet he on neode hine
(the) corse to enjoy,
(the) sallowy , [salloiu of coat']
(the) swarth raven,
the horned nibbed one ; [with horned nib']
and the dusky —
-, [coated?'] [toad]
secan wolde ;
ac se feond,
salwig fethera,
secan nolde. Ed. Thorpe, p. 86.1. 30.
Then after some days (he) let
swarth fly,
raven over high flood.
Noah reckoned (told)
that he from need him
seek would;
but the fiend,
sallowy of feathers,
would not seek (him). 33. 5.
It will be remembered that the Anglo-
Saxon "blac" was equivalent to our black
and yellow. [Ger. bleich, pale, hence Angl.
to bleach.]
[In Beowulf, 1. 3599. we have "thaet
hraefn blaca," which Mr. Kemble renders
" the pale raven." In the Glossary to Beo-
wulf, vol. i.p. 250, he refers "pada" to the
Gothic Paida, tunica ; and points out the
following epithets as formed with it :
" salo-pad," and " sal wig-pad," in the
Exeter Book, fol. 87 b. ; and "salwig-
pada" Judith, p. 24 ; as also in the text
above : qui vestem fulvum gerit : — which
then would be dun-coated, tawny-vested.
See also the Glossary to Thorpe's Ana-
lecta. — R. T.]
* [salowig padan (sallow of coat) is cer-
tainly an epithet of the sweartan hraefn
in the next line. There is no occasion, in
such a composition, to suppose, with Mr.
Price, any transposition. See n. 29. — TH.]
f [pada here may signify toad (pad-
dock) the bufo of Hen. Hunt.— TH.]
30 And the hoarse toad, T. And the
hoarse vulture, I. The latter version is
totally without authority. The former
is justified in part by our vocabularies,
though evidently at variance with the
context. The Cotton MSS. Tiberius A. vi.
reads haso (the nom. case), which shows
this word to have had a twofold termina-
tion: haso and haswe — like salo and
salwe, fealo and fealwe. The nomencla-
ture of Anglo-Saxon colours must neces-
sarily be very obscure; but as we find ihe
public road called " fealwe straete " (Beo-
wulf); and the passage made for the Is-
raelites over the Red Sea " haswe straeda"
(Caedmon), the version of the present
text cannot be materially out.
1 Maththum must not be confounded with mathmum, the dative case plural of
mathm.
ON THE VICTORY OF ATHELSTAN.
Ixxix
earn seftan hwit31,
aeses brucan,
graedigne guth-hafoc ;
and thaet graege deor,
wulf on wealde.
Ne wearth wael mare,
on thys igland,
aefre gyta,
folces gefylled,
beforan thissum,
sweordes ecgum,
thaes the us secgath bee,
ealde uthwitan,
sith-than eastan hider
Engle and Seaxe
up becomon,
ofer brade brimu32
Brytene sohton,
wlance wig-smithas,
Wealas33 ofer-comon,
eagle white behind [after],
(of) the corse to enjoy,
greedy war-hawk ;
and that [t1ie~\ gray beast [deer],
(the) wolf on \_in~\ the wold.
Nor was (there) a greater slaughter,
on this island,
ever yet,
of folk felled,
before this,
by (the) sword's edges,
of [/rom]that that say to us (in) books,
[according to what books tell us,']
old historians,
since eastward [from * the east] hither
Angles and Saxons
up came,
over (the) broad seas
Britain sought,
splendid \^proud~\ war-smiths,
overcame (the) Welsh, [the strangers,~\
31 The eagle afterwards to feast on the
white flesh, T. And the eagle swift to
consume his prey, I. The very simplicity
of the Anglo-Saxon text appears to have
excited distrust in the only translation
these words are susceptible of. The or-
nithologist will perceive in it a description
of the Haliaetus alUcilla, or white-tailed
sea-eagle. The phrase is not without a
parallel in Beowulf, where the bard is de-
scribing the ashen lances with their steel-
clad points:
Garas stodon,
saemanna searo,
samod set gaedere,
sesc holt ufan gvaeg.
The spears stood,
weapons of the seamen,
collected together,
ash-wood gray above. 1. fi54.
There is so close a resemblance between
the present text and a passage in the
fragment of Judith, that it will not be too
much to assume that they have been
drawn from some common source, or that
the one has had its influence in producing
the other:
Thaes se hlanca gefeah,
wulf in walde,
and se wanna hrefn,
wael-gifre fugel,
westan begen,
thaet him tha theod-guman
thohton tilian
fylle on faegum.
Ac him fleah on laste
earn setes georn,
urig fethera,
salowig pada,
sang hilde leoth,
hyrned nebba.
Of this rejoiced the lank
wolf in the wold ;
and the wan raven,
slaughter-desiring fowl,
westward both, [from the west]
that to them the people,
thought to prepare
a falling among the fated.
But on their footsteps flew
eagle of food desirous,
dewy (?) of feathers,
sallowy , [coated~\
sang the war song,
horned nibbed one.
Thorpe, Anal. p. 137.
[From Caedmon may also be added :
Sang se wanna fugel
under deoreth-sceaftum
deawig fethera.
Ed. Thorpe, p. 1 1 9. 1. 22.— R. T.]
* [Rask, No. 339.]
32 Mr. Ingram reads "brimum brade,"
which is a false concord. All the Cotton
MSS. agree in the reading of the present
text.
33 As this name is foreign to the Celtic
dialects, it probably was conferred upon
the inhabitants by their Teutonic neigh-
Ixxx
NOTE ON TUB SAXON ODK
eorlas drhwate34,
eard begeaton.
earls [men~] exceeding bold [keen],
obtained (the) earth.
[a territory or dwelling : — " Eard: " not "eorthe."]
hours. In old German poetry every thing
translated from a foreign language was
said to be taken from the Walsche
(Welsh), and the Pays de Vaud is still
called the Walliser-land. The following
singular passage is taken from Hartmann
von Awe's romance of Iwain (and Ga-
wain,) where Welsch indisputably means
English.
Er was Hartman genant,
and was ain Awere,
der bracht disc mere
zvi Tisch als ich han vernommen,
. do er usz Engellandt was commen,
da er vil zit was gewessen,
hat ers an den Welschen buchen
gelesen.
He was named Hartman,
and was an Auwer,
who brought this tale
into German as I have heard,
after he came out of England,
where he had been a long time,
(and where) he had read it in the
Welsh books.
84 The earls excelling in honour, T.
most valiant earls, I. In Anglo-Saxon
" hwate " and " cene " are synonymous,
meaning both keen and bold. It is usual
to consider "arhwate" and many other
similar expressions as compounded of
"are," honour; an error which has arisen
from not sufficiently attending to the di-
stinction between the substantive and the
preposition "ar." In such combinations
as " ar-wurthe," " ar-faest," " ar-hwate,"
"aer-god," the preposition is prefixed in
the sense of excess, as in the comparative
degree of adjectives it is subjoined. "Ar-
wurthe," venerable, is from " ar-wurth-
ian," to esteem greatly : and the follow-
ing passage from Beowulf exhibits one of
the combinations above cited, in a sense
which cannot be mistaken. '
(a) scolde eorl wesan
eer-god swylc jEschere waes.
Ever should an earl
be exceeding good as ^Escher was.
1. 2657.
The most simple and perhaps original
idea attached to this preposition (of such
extensive use in all the dialects of the
North) was priority, from whence by an
easy transition it came to mean priority
in point of magnitude, and thence in point
of excellence (honour). The analogous
expressions prime good, prime strong,
prime ripe, &c., may be heard in every
province. The compounds " ar-full," pro-
pitious, " ar-leas," impious, are formed
from the substantive " ar," a word of very
extensive signification, and which may be
rendered goodness, kindness, benefit, care,
favour, &c.
Tha sprsec guth-cyning,
Sodoma aklor,
secgum gefylled,
to Abrahame ;
him wees ara thearf.
Then spoke the war-king,
prince of Sodom,
whose warriors were felled,
to Abraham ;
to him was need of kindnesses.
Caedmon 46, 2.
It is impossible to translate " secgum
gefylled" literally, without causing ob-
scurity. [Mr. Thorpe reads " befylled,"
and renders it " of his warriors bereft,"
and " ara" he translates wealth, p. 12S.]
./Ela frea beorhte,
folces scyppend,
gemilse thin mod,
me to gode,
sile thyne are,
thyne earminge.
O bright Lord,
creator of (the) folk,
soften thy mind,
me to good,
grant thy favour,
thy commiseration, [to thy poor one.]
Cotton Prayers, Jul. A. 2.
[earming or yrming, from ' earm ' miser.
To thy poor wretch.]
Faegre acende —
beornum to frofre,
eallum to are,
ylda bearnum.
Fair brought forth —
for bairns [chiefs] consolation,
for the benefit of all
sons of men. Jul. A. 2.
Here too the dative cases plural cannot
be translated. This term is of frequent
occurrence in old English poetry, where
the context having supplied the meaning,
the glossographers had only to contend
about the etymon.
Lybeaus thurstede sore
And sayde Maugys thyn ore,
Lyd. Dis. v. 1337.
The maister fel adoun on kne, and criede
mercy and ore. R. Glouc. p. 9.
Y aske mercy for Goddys ore.
Erl of Tholous. v. 583.
The meaning of " ore " when contrast-
ON THE VICTORY OF ATITELSTAN.
Ixxxi
ed with the preceding extracts, will be too
obvious to require any comment. The
substitution of o for a was evidently the
work of the Normans. The Anglo-Saxon
a was pronounced like the Danish aa, the
Swedish a, or our modern o in more, fore,
&c. The strong intonation given to the
words in which it occurred would strike
a Norman ear as indicating the same or-
thography that marked the long syllables
of his native tongue, and he would ac-
cordingly write them with an e final. It
is from this cause that we find har, sar,
hat, bat, wa, an, ban, stan, &c. written
hore (hoar), sore, hote (hot), bote (boat),
woe, one, bone, stone, some of which have
been retained. The sane principle of
elongation was extended to all the Anglo-
Saxon vowels that were accentuated ;
such as rec, reke (reek), lif, life, god,
gode (good), scur, shure (shower) ; and
hence the majority of those e's mute upon
which Mr. Tyrwhitt has expended so
much unfounded speculation. — This sub-
ject will be resumed in a supplementary
volume, in an examination of that inge-
nious critic's " Essay upon the Language
and Versification of Chaucer."
[The passage in Rask's Postscriptum referred to in some of the added notes (p. Ixx.
&c.) is the following, and is given here as bearing testimony to the talents and learning
of Mr. Price.— R. T.]
" Ne nuperrimus quidem Editor War-
toni Hist. Poeseos Anglorum excipiendus
videtur, etsi vir doctissimus, subsidiis
egregiis ex Scandinavia nostra adjutus,
multa sane contulit ad Poemata Anglo-
Saxonica melius explicanda : v. c. in notis
ad Poema de praelio Brunanburgensi (t.
i p. 91.) 'dennade' vel, ut Gibson habet,
* dynode ' recte per Isl. ' dundi ' expli-
cavit, verbis usus Bjornonis Haldorsonii,
in Lexico, ubi sub 1 . pers. ' eg dyn ' facile
invenitur ; sed 'geaeftele ' (ib. p. 90.) haud
invenit, itaque per ' ajjelo ' (i. e. sej>elo)
nobilitas exposuit, quum tamen ' ae^elo '
gen. fern, sit, et a ' geseftele ' neut. gen.
diversum ; scribitur enim hoc (ge, more
Isl. abjecto) Islandis ' eftli,' et a Bjornone
seque recte natura, indoles, genius. Sic
'hond-rond' (Ib. p. 89.) per Angl. hand
round exposuit, quum manuale scutum
vertere debuisset ; ' rond ' scil. nihil est
aliud quam Isl. ' rond ' (quemadmodum
etiam ' hond,' Isl. 'hbnd' dicitur), quod
apud eundem Bjbrnonem recte vertituv
clypeus militaris, nee quicquam sane cum
round Angl. commune habet." — Rask's
Anglo-Saxon Grammar, Mr. Thorpe's
Edition, p. Iviii.]
[Faege : p. Ixxi. note 8.
Hickes has well explained the word " Faege" Thes. 114, where he instances "slege-
faege," yet modern translators have been strangely at a loss with regard to it. In
the same sense we have also " veich, veige," in the Heldenbuch and Nibelungen Lied ;
" veegh, veygh," in Kilian ; " feigr," mox moribundus, in the Edda; " feigd," mortis
vicinitas inopina, Biorn Haldorson, Gl. Isl. ; " vceie" in Layamon ; and " feegifeig " in
the Frisic Glossary of Outzen, who says that Wachter is mistaken in supposing the word
to be obsolete, as it is still in use in Friesland and Denmark. — R. T.]
[The following descriptions of battles will show how much the characteristics of the
earlier Saxon poetry continued to prevail even till the reign of king John. It is
from the Brut of Layamon, (supposed to be of that date,) the publication of which by
the Society of Antiquaries, under the superintendence of Sir F. Madden, will be a ser-
vice of the highest value to English philology. — R.T.
To-gadere heo tuhten,
& lathliche fuhten :
hardeliche heuwen,
helmes ther gullen
starcliche to-stopen
mid steles egge.
Alle dsei ther ilaeste
fseht mid tham maeste,
a thet that thustere niht
to-daelde heore muchele fiht.
Lseien a ba halue
cnihtes to-heouwen. 1. 9794.
Tha ferden heom imetten,
fastliche on-slogen ;
snelle heore kenpen,
feollen tha veeie,
rolden to grunde,
ther wes muchel blod gute ;
balu ther wes rive,
brustlede scaeftes,
beornes ther veollen. 1. 20073.
VOL. I.
ON THE
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING
INTO ENGLAND.
DISSERTATION II.
THE irruption of the northern nations into the western empire, about
the beginning of the fourth century, forms one of the most interesting
and important periods of modern history. Europe, on this great event,
suffered the most memorable revolutions in its government and manners ;
and, from the most flourishing state of peace and civility, became on a
sudden, and for the space of two centuries, the theatre of the most deplo-
rable devastation and disorder. But among the disasters introduced by
these irresistible barbarians, the most calamitous seems to have been the
destruction of those arts which the Romans still continued so success-
fully to cultivate in their capital, and which they had universally com-
municated to their conquered provinces. Towards the close of the fifth
century, very few traces of the Roman policy, jurisprudence, sciences,
and literature remained. Some faint sparks of knowledge were kept
alive in the monasteries ; and letters and the liberal arts were happily
preserved from a total extinction during the confusions of the Gothic in-
vaders, by that slender degree of culture and protection which they re-
ceived from the prelates of the church and the religious communities.
But notwithstanding the famous academy of Romea with other lite-
* Theodosius the younger, in the year dred feet long, made of a dragon's gut
425, founded an academy at Constant!- or intestine, on which Homer's Iliad and
nople, which he furnished with able pro- Odyssey were written in golden letters,
fessors of every science, intending it as See Bibl. Histor. Literar. Select. &c.
a rival institution to that at Rome. Gia- lenae, 1754. p. 164. seq. Literature
non. Hist. Napl. ii. ch. vi. sect. 1. A flourished in the eastern empire, while
noble library had been established at the western was depopulated by the
Constantinople by Constantius and Va- Goths ; and for many centuries after-
lens before the year 380, the custody of wards. The Turks destroyed one hun-
which was committed to four Greek and dred and twenty thousand volumes, I
three Latin antiquaries or curators. It suppose in the imperial library, when
contained sixty thousand volumes. Zo- they sacked Constantinople in the year
naras relates, that among other treasures 1454. HOD. De Grsec. Illustr. ii. 1. p.
in thu library, there was a roll one him- 192.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. IxXXHl
rary seminaries had been destroyed by Alaric in the fourth century, yet
Theodoric the second, king of the Ostrogoths, a pious and humane prince,
restored in some degree the study of letters in that city, and encouraged
the pursuits of those scholars who survived this great and general deso-
lation of learning b. He adopted into his service Boethius, the most
learned and almost only Latin philosopher of that period. Cassiodorus,
another eminent Roman scholar, was Theodoric's grand secretary ; who
retiring into a monastery in Calabria passed his old age in collecting
books, and practising mechanical experiments0. He was the author of
many valuable pieces which still remain d. He wrote with little ele-
gance, but he was the first that ever digested a series of royal charts or
instruments ; a monument of singular utility to the historian, and which
has served to throw the most authentic illustration on the public trans-
actions and legal constitutions of those times. Theodoric's patronage
of learning is applauded by Claudian and Sidonius Apollinaris. Many
other Gothic kings were equally attached to the works of peace ; and
are not less conspicuous for their justice, prudence, and temperance, than
for their fortitude and magnanimity. Some of them were diligent in
collecting the scattered remains of the Roman institutes, and construct-
ing a regular code of jurisprudence6. It is highly probable, that those
Goths who became masters of Rome sooner acquired ideas of civility,
from the opportunity which that city above all others afforded them of
seeing the felicities of polished life, of observing the conveniences arising
from political economy, of mixing with characters respectable for pru-
dence and learning, and of employing in their counsels men of superior
wisdom, whose instruction and advice they found it their interest to fol-
low. But perhaps these northern adventurers, at least their princes and
leaders, were not, even at their first migrations into the south, so totally
savage and uncivilised as we are commonly apt to suppose. Their ene-
mies have been their historians, who naturally painted these violent dis-
' turbers of the general repose in the warmest colours. It is not easy to
conceive, that the success of their amazing enterprises was merely the
effect of numbers and tumultuary depredation ; nor can I be persuaded,
that the lasting and flourishing governments which they established in
various parts of Europe, could have been framed by brutal force alone,
and the blind efforts of unreflecting savages. Superior strength and
courage must have contributed in a considerable degree to their rapid
and extensive conquests ; but at the same time, such mighty achieve-
ments could not have been planned and executed without some extraor-
dinary vigour of mind, uniform principles of conduct, and no common
talents of political sagacity.
Although these commotions must have been particularly unfavorable
b He died A.D. 526. See Cassiodor. c Func. ut supr.xiii. p. 471. xi. p. 595.
Rpist. lib. i. 39. See also Func. de d Cave, Saecul. Eutych. Hist. Lit.
inerti et decrep. Latin. Linguae Senectut. p. 391.
cap. ii. p. 81. e Gianon. Hist. Nap. iii. c. 1.
DISSERTATION 11.
to the more elegant literature, yet Latin poetry, from a concurrence of
causes, had for some time begun to relapse into barbarism. From the
growing increase of Christianity, it was deprived of its old fabulous em-
bellishments, and chiefly employed in composing ecclesiastical hymns-
Amid these impediments however, and the necessary degeneration of
taste and style, a few poets supported the character of the Roman muse
with tolerable dignity during the decline of the Roman empire. These
were Ausonius, Paulinus, Sidonius, Sedulius, Arator, Juvencus, Prosper,
and Fortunatus. With the last, who flourished at the beginning of the
sixth century, and was bishop of Poitiers, the Roman poetry is supposed
to have expired.
In the sixth century Europe began to recover some degree of tran-
quillity. Many barbarous countries during this period, particularly the
inhabitants of Germany, of Friesland, and other northern nations, were
converted to the Christian faith f. The religious controversies which at
this time divided the Greek^and Latin churches, roused the minds of
men to literary inquiries. These disputes in some measure called forth
abilities which otherwise would have been unknown and unemployed :
and together with the subtleties of argumentation, insensibly taught the
graces of style, and the habits of composition. Many of the popes were
persons of distinguished talents, and promoted useful knowledge no less
by example than authority. Political union was by degrees established ;
and regular systems of government, which alone can ensure personal se-
curity, arose in the various provinces of Europe occupied by the Gothic
tribes. The Saxons had taken possession of Britain, the Franks became
masters of Gaul, the Huns of Pannonia, the Goths of Spain, and the
Lombards of Italy. Hence leisure and repose diffused a mildness of
manners, and introduced the arts of peace ; and, awakening the human
mind to a consciousness of its powers, directed its faculties to their pro-
per objects.
In the mean time, no small obstruction to the propagation or rather
revival of letters was the paucity of valuable books. The libraries, par-
ticularly those of Italy, which abounded in numerous and inestimable
treasures of literature, were every where destroyed by the precipitate
rage and undistinguishing violence of the northern armies. Towards
the close of the seventh century, even in the papal library at Rome,
the number of books was so inconsiderable, that pope Saint Martin re-
quested Sanctamand bishop of Maestricht, if possible, to supply this
defect from the remotest parts of Germany &. In the year 855, Lupus,
abbot of Ferrieres in France, sent two of his monks to pope Benedict
the third, to beg a copy of CICERO DE ORATORE, and QUINTILIAN'S
INSTITUTES11, and some other books : " for," says the abbot, " although
f Cave. Saecul. Monoth. p. 440. Quintilian's Institutes, as we shall see be-
B Concil. Tom. xv. pag. 285. edit. Paris, low; and he appears to have been a fa-
641. vourite author with some writers of the
h There are very early manuscripts of middle ages. He is quoted by John of
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. 1XXXV
we have part of these books, yet there is no whole or complete copy of
them in all France1." Albert abbot of Gemblours, who with incredible
labour and immense expense had collected a hundred volumes on the-
ological and fifty on profane subjects, imagined he had formed a splen-
did library k. About the year 790, Charlemagne granted an unlimited
right * of hunting to the abbot and monks of Sithiu, for making their
gloves and girdles of the skins of the deer they killed, and covers for
their books l. We may imagine that these religious were more fond of
hunting than reading f. It is certain that they were obliged to hunt
Salisbury, a writer of the eleventh cen-
tury, Polycrat. vii. 14. iii. 7. x. 1. &c. ;
and by Vincent of Beauvais, a writer of
the thirteenth, Specul. Hist. x. 1 1. ix. 125.
His declamations are said to have been
abridged by our countryman Adelardus
Bathoniensis, and dedicated to the bishop
of Bayeux, about the year 1130. See
Catal. Bibl. Leidens. p". 381. A.D. 1716.
Poggius Florentinus, an eminent restorer
of classical literature, says, that in the
year 1446, he found a much more correct
copy of Quintilian's Institutes than had
been yet seen in Italy, almost perishing,
at the bottom of a dark neglected tower
of the monastery of Saint Gall, in France,
together with the three first books and
half the fourth of Valerius Flaccus's Ar-
gonautics, and Asconius Pedianus's com-
ment on eight orations of Tully. See
Poggii Opp. p. 309. Atns*. 1720. 8vo.
The very copy of Quintilian found by
Poggius is said to have been in lord Sun-
derland's noble library now at Blenheim.
Poggius, in his dialogue De Infelicitate
Principum, says of himself, that he tra-
velled all over Germany in search of books.
It is certain that by his means Quintilian,
Tertullian, Asconius Pedianus, Lucretius,
Sallust, Silius Italicus, Columella, Mani-
lius, Tully's Orations, Ammianus Mar-
cell inus, Valerius Flaccus, and some of
the Latin grammarians, and other ancient
authors, were recovered from oblivion and
brought into general notice by being print-
ed in the fifteenth century. Fr. Babarus
Venetus, Collaudat. ad Pogg. dat. Venet.
1417. 7 Jul. See .also Giornale de Lette-
ratid 'Italia, torn. ix. p. 178. x. p. 41 7 ; and
Leonard. Aretin. Epist. lib. iv. p. 160.
Chaucer mentions the Argonautjcs of Va-
lerius Flaccus, as I have observed Sect,
iii. p. 129. infr. Colomesius affirms that
Silius Italicus is one of the classics disco-
vered by Poggius in the tower of the mo-
nastery of Saint Gall. Ad Gyrald. de Poet.
Dial. iv. p, 240. But Philippo Rosso, in his
Rittrato di Roma antica, mentions a very
ancient manuscript of this poet brought
from Spain into the Vatican, having a pic-
ture of Hannibal, il quale hoggi si ritrova
nella preditta libraria, p. 83.
[From the following passage in one of
Poggius's letters to Niccolo Niccoli, it ap-
pears that he had also travelled into Eng-
land for the same purpose : " Mittas ad
me oro Bucolicam Calphurnii et portiuncu-
lam Petronii quas misi tibi ex Britannia."
See Ambr. Traversari Lat. Epist. &c. i.
Praef. p. 49. It is probable, that upon this
occasion he met with the copy of Quinti-
lian above mentioned. — DOUCE.]
1 Murator. Antiq. Ital. iii. p. 835 ; and
Lup. Ep. ad Baron, ad an. 856. n. 8, 9, 10.
k Fleury, Hist. Eccl. 1. IviiL c. 52.
* [This permission was not granted un-
til after much entreaty on the part of the
monks, and an assurance that the flesh of
the deer would be the means of re-esta-
blishing the health of their sick brethren,
as well as for the other reasons above men-
tioned. That monks were addicted to the
pleasures of the chase, appears from Chau-
cer's description of the monk in his Can-
terbury Tales. — DOUCE.]
1 Mabillon, De Re Dipl. p. 6 11.
f [Hunting appears to have been ex-
pressly forbidden the religious of all deno-
minations, as a profane amusement alto-
gether incompatible with their profession.
They obtained, however, this indulgence
under certain restrictions, particularly set
forth in their charters. It was a privilege
allowed even to nuns. See more on this
subject in M. le Grand's Vie privee des
Franqais, torn. i. p. 323. By the laws of
Eadgar, priests were prohibited from hunt-
ing, hawking, and drinking: " Docemus
etiam ut sacerdos non sit venator, neque
accipitrarius, neque potator. Sed incum-
fcat libris suis sicut ordinem ipsius decet."
Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxon, p. 86. —
DOUCE.]
[The Latin version which is here fol-
lowed, is as usual inaccurate. The ori-
ginal text forbids a less disgraceful indul-
gence than "compotation," and contains a
ludicrous play of words, hardly admissible
in our present legal enactments : " ne tae-
flere, ac plegge on his bocum swa his hada
DISSERTATION If.
before they could read : and at least it is probable, that under these
circumstances, and of such materials, they did not manufacture many
volumes. At the beginning of the tenth century books were so scarce
in Spain, that one and the same copy of the Bible, Saint Jerom's Epi-
stles, and some volumes of ecclesiastical offices and martyrologies, often
served several different monasteries"1. Among the constitutions given
to the monks of England by archbishop Lan franc, in the year 1072,
the following injunction occurs. At the beginning of Lent, the libra-
rian is ordered to deliver a book to each of the religious : a whole year
was allowed for the perusal of this book ; and at the returning Lent,
those monks who had neglected to read the books they had respectively
received, are commanded to prostrate themselves before the abbot, and
to supplicate his indulgence". This regulation was partly occasioned
by the low state of literature which Lanfranc found in the English
monasteries ; but at the same time it was a matter of necessity, and is
in great measure to be referred to the scarcity of copies of useful and
suitable authors. In an inventory of the goods of John de Pontissara,
bishop of Winchester, contained in his capital palace of Wulvesey, all
the books which appear are nothing more than " Septendecem pecie li-
brorum de diversis Scienciis0" This was in the year 1294. The same
prelate, in the year 1299, borrows of his cathedral convent of St. Swi-
thin at Winchester, BIBLIAM BENE GLOSSATAM, that is, the Bible, with
marginal Annotations, in two large folio volumes ; but gives a bond
for due return of the loan, drawn up with great solemnity P. This Bible
had been bequeathed to the convent the same year by Pontissara's
predecessor, bishop Nicholas de Ely : and in consideration of so im-
portant a bequest, that is, " pro bona Biblia dicti episcopi bene glosaia"
gebirath:"i.e. nor tabler (player at tables), dei gracia Wynton. episcopus, salutem in
but let him play in his books as becomes domino. Noveritis nos ex commodato re-
his order (hood). — PRICE.] cepisse a dilectis filiis nostris Priore et con-
[Price does not exhibit his usual accu- ventu ecclesie nostre Wynton. unam Bibli-
racy in his version of Edgar's law. ' Plegge am, in duobus voluminibus bene glosatam,
pn his bocum' does not mean play in his que aliquando fuit bone memorie domini
books, but ply his books ; nor does ' hade ' Nicolai Wynton. episcopi, predecessoris
signify hood, but quality, condition, per- nostri, termino perpetuo, seu quamdiu no-
son. — R. G.] bis placuerit, inspiciendam, tenendam, et
m Fleury, ubi supr. 1. liv. c. 54. See habendam. Ad cujus Restitutionem eis-
other instances in Hist. Lit. Fr. par Rel. dem fideliter et sine dolo faciendam, obli-
Benedict. vii. 3. gamus nos per presentes : quam si in vita
n " Unusquisque reddat librum qui ad nostra non restituerimus eisdem, obliga-
legendum sibi alio anno fuerat commen- mus executores nostros, et omnia bona
datus : et qui cognoverat se non legisse nostra mobilia et immobilia, ecclesiastica
librum, quern recepit, prostratus culpam et mundana, cohercioni et districtioni cu-
dicat, et indulgentiam petat. Iterum li- juscunque judicis ecclesiastici et secularis
brorum custos unicuique fratrum alimn quern predictus Prior etconventus duxerit
librum tribuat ad legendum." Wilkins. eligendum, quod possint eosdem execu-
Concil. i. 332. See also the order of the tores per omnimodam districtionem com-
Provincial chapter, De occupatione mona- pellere, quousque dicta Biblia dictis filiis et
chorum. Reyner, Append, p. 129. fratribus sit restituta. In cujus rei testi-
0 Registr. Pontissar. f. 126. MS. monium, sigillum, &c. Dat.apud Wulve-
" Omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes seye, vi. Kal. Mail, anno 1299." Registr.
literas visuris vel inspecturis, Johannes Pontissar. ut supr. f. 193.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
and one hundred marks in money, the monks founded a daily mass for
the soul of the donor 1. When a single book was bequeathed to a
friend or relation, it was seldom without many restrictions and stipu-
lations1". If any person gave a book to a religious house, he believed
that so valuable a donation merited eternal salvation, and he offered it
on the altar with great ceremony. The most formidable anathemas
were peremptorily denounced against those who should dare to alienate
a book presented to the cloister or library of a religious house. The
prior and convent of Rochester declare, that they will every year pro-
nounce the irrevocable sentence of damnation on him who shall pur-
loin or conceal a Latin translation of Aristotle's PHYSICS, or even ob-
literate the title8. Sometimes a book was given to a monastery on
condition that the donor should have the use of it during his life ; and
sometimes to a private person, with the reservation that he who re-
ceives it should pray for the soul of his benefactor*. The gift of a
book to Lincoln cathedral, by bishop Repingdon, in the year 1422,
occurs in this form and under these curious circumstances. The me-
morial is written in Latin, with the bishop's own hand, which I will
give in English, at the beginning of Peter's BREVIARY OF THE BIBLE.
" I Philip of Repyndon, late bishop of Lincoln, give this book called
Peter de Aureolis to the new library to be built within the church of
Lincoln ; reserving the use and possession of it to Richard Fryesby,
clerk, canon and prebendary of Miltoun, in fee, and to the term of his
life ; and afterwards to be given up and restored to the said library, or
the keepers of the same, for the time being, faithfully and without de-
lay. Written with my own hand, A.D. 1422V When a book was
bought, the affair was of so much importance, that it was customary to
assemble persons of consequence and character, and to make a formal
record that they were present on this occasion. Among the royal ma-
nuscripts, in the book of the SENTENCES of Peter Lombard, an arch-
deacon of Lincoln has left this en try u. " This book of the SENTENCES
belongs to master Roger, archdeacon of Lincoln, which he bought of
Geoffrey the chaplain, brother of Henry vicar of Northelkington, in
the presence of master Robert de Lee, master John of Lirling, Richard
* Ibid. f. 19. Mill.' cccclx. and the yere of kynge Hen-
* As thus : " Do Henrico Morie scolari ry the Sixte after the conquest xxxix.
meo, si contingat eum presbyterari : aliter And the said John Burton bequethe to
erit liber domini Johannis Sory, sic quod dame Kateryne Burton his doubter, a
non vendatur, sed transeat inter cognates boke callyd Legenda scor'. the seyde
meos, si fuerint aliqui inventi : sin autem, Kateryne to have hit and to occupye to
ab uno presbytero ad alium." Written at hir owne use and at hir owne liberte du-
the end of Latin Homelies on the Canticles, rynge hur lyfe, and after hur decesse to
MSS. Reg. 5. C. iii. 24. Brit. Mus. remayne to the prioresse and the covent
8 MSS. Reg. 12 G. ii. of Halywelle for ev~more, they to pray for
* [At the end of a MS. of the Golden the saide John Burton and Johne his wife
Legend in Mr. Douce's possession is the and alle crystene soyles. And who that
following bequest : " Be hit remembryd lettithe the execucion of this bequest he
that John Burton citizen and mercer of the lawe standeth." — PARK.]
London, past oute of this .lyfe the xx l MSS. Reg. 8 G. fol. iii. Brit. Mu«.
day of Novemb" the yere of oure Lorde ° It is in Latin.
DISSERTATION II.
of Luda, clerk, Richard the almoner, the said Henry the vicar and his
clerk, and others : and the said archdeacon gave the said book to God
and saint Oswald, and to Peter abbot of Barton, and the convent of
Barden*w." The disputed property of a book often occasioned the
most violent altercations. Many claims appear to have been made to a
manuscript of Matthew Paris belonging to the last-mentioned library ;
in which John Russell, bishop of Lincoln, thus conditionally defends or
explains his right of possession. " If this book can be proved to be or
to have been the property of the exempt monastery of Saint Alban in
the diocese of Lincoln, I declare this to be my mind, that, in that case,
I use it at present as a loan under favour of those monks who belong
to the said monastery. Otherwise, according to the condition under
which this book came into my possession, I will that it shall belong to
the college of the blessed Winchester Mary at Oxford, of the founda-
tion of William Wykham. Written with my own hand at Bukdene,
1 Jun. A.D. 1488. Jo. LINCOLN. Whoever shall obliterate or destroy
this writing, let him be anathemax." About the year 1225, Roger de
Insula, dean of York, gave several Latin bibles to the university of Ox-
ford, with a condition that the students who perused them should de-
posit a cautionary pledge?. The library of that university, before the
year 1300, consisted only of a few tracts, chained or kept in chests in
the choir of St. Mary's church2. In the year 1327, the scholars and
citizens of Oxford assaulted and entirely pillaged the opulent Benedic-
tine abbey of the neighbouring town of Abingdon. Among the books
they found there, were one hundred psalters, as many grayles, and forty
missals, which undoubtedly belonged to the choir of the church : but
besides these, there were only twenty-two CODICES, which I interpret
books on common subjects8. And although the invention of paper, at
* [Correct thus : " Peter de Barton ab- Psalter cum glossa, "A.D. 1326, Iste Li-
bot, and the convent of Bardeney." — M.] her impignoratur Mag. Jacobo de Ispania
w 9 B. ix. 1. canonicoS.Pauli London, per fratremWil-
* Written in Latin. Cod. MSS. Reg. 14 C. lielmum de Rokesle de ordine et conventu
vii. 2. fol. In this manuscript is written Praedicatorum Londonie, pro xx s. quern
by Matthew Paris in his own hand, Hunc idem frater Willielmus recepit mutuo de
Librum dedit frater Matthaeus Parisieji~ predicto Jacobo ad opus predicti conventus,
sis — Perhaps, Deo et ecclesiee S. Albani, solvendos in quindena S. Michaelis prox-
since erased. ime ventura. Condonatur quia pauper."
y Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. ii. 48. Ibid. 3 E. vii. fol. In Bernard's Homelies
col. 1. It was common to lend money on on the Canticles, "Cautio Thome Myllyng
the deposit of a book. There were pub- imposita ciste de Rodbury, 10 die Decemb.
lie chests in the universities, and perhaps A.D. 1491. Et jacet pro xx*." Ibid. 6 C.
some other places, for receiving the books ix. These pledges, among other parti-
so deposited; many of which still remain, culars, show the prices of books in the
with an insertion in the blank pages, con- middle ages, a topic which I shall touch
taining the conditions of the pledge. I upon below.
will throw together a few instances in this [There are many similar instances re-
note. In Peter Comestor's Scholastical corded in Raine's Catalogue of the MSS. in
History, " Cautio Thomae Wybaurn ex- the Cathedral library at Durham. — M.]
cepta in Cista de Chichele, A.D. 1468, z Registr. Univ. Oxon. C. 64 a.
20 die mens. Augusti. Et est liber M. * Wood, Hist, ut supr. i. 163. col. 1.
Petri, &c. Et jacet pro xxvis. viiid." Leland mentions this library, but it is just
Mus. Brit. MSS, Reg. 2 C. fol. i. In a before the dissolution of the monastery.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
the close of the eleventh century, contributed to multiply manuscripts,
and consequently to facilitate knowledge, yet even so late as the reign
of our Henry the Sixth, I have discovered the following remarkable in-
stance of the inconveniences and impediments to study which must
have been produced by a scarcity of books. It is in the statutes of
St. Mary's college at Oxford, founded as a seminary to Oseney abbey
in the year ] 4-46. " Let no scholar occupy a book in the library above
one hour, or two hours at most ; so that others shall be hindered from
the use of the sameV The famous library established in the univer-
sity of Oxford by that munificent patron of literature Humphrey duke
of Gloucester contained only six hundred volumes0. About the com-
mencement of the fourteenth century, there were only four classics in
the royal library at Paris. These were one copy of Cicero, Ovid, Lu-
can, and Boethius. The rest were chiefly books of devotion, which
included but few of the fathers ; many treatises of astrology, geomancy,
chiromancy, and medicine, originally written in Arabic, and translated
into Latin or French ; pandects, chronicles, and romances. This col-
lection was principally made by Charles the Fifth, who began his reign
in 1365. This monarch was passionately fond of reading, and it was
the fashion to send him presents of books from every part of the king-
dom of France. These he ordered to be elegantly transcribed, and
richly illuminated ; and he placed them in a tower of the Louvre, from
thence called la toure de la libraire. The whole consisted of nine hun-
dred volumes. They were deposited in three chambers; which, on
"Cum excuterem pulverem et blattas Ab- brarian to Henry the Eighth, removed a
bandunensis bibliothecae : " Script. Brit. large quantity of valuable manuscripts
p. 238. See also J. Twyne, Comm. de from St. Austin's Canterbury and from
Reb. Albionic. lib. ii. p. 130. edit. Lond. other monasteries at the dissolution, to
1590. I have mentioned the libraries of that king's library at Westminster. See
many monasteries below. See also what Script. Brit. ETHELSTANUS; and MSS.
is said of the libraries of the Mendicant Reg. 1 A. xviii. For the sake of connec-
Friars, Sect. ix. vol.ii. p. 89. That of Grey tion I will observe, that among our cathe-
Friars in London was filled with books at dral libraries of secular canons, that of the
the cost of five hundred and fifty-six pounds church of Wells was most magnificent: it
in the year 1432. Leland, Coll. i. 109. In was built about the year 1420, and con-
the year 1482, the library of the abbey tained twenty-five windows on either side,
of Leicester contained eight large stalls Leland, Coll. i. p. 109, in which state, I
which were filled with books. Gul. Cha- believe, it continues at present. Nor is it
ryte, Registr. Libror. et Jocal. omnium in quite foreign to the subject of this note to.
monast. S. Mar. de pratis prope Leces- add, that king Henry the Sixth intended a
triam. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Laud. I. 75. fol. library at Eton college, fifty-two feet long,
membr. See f. 139. There is an account and twenty-four broad; and another at
of the library of Dover priory, [compiled King's college in Cambridge of the same
in 1389. — M.] MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Arch. B. breadth, but one hundred and two feet in
24. Leland says, that the library of Nor- length. Ex Testam. dat. xii. Mar. 1447.
wich priory was " bonis refertissima li- b " Nullus occupet unum librum, vel
bris." Script. Brit. p. 247. See also Le- occupari facial, ultra unam horam et duas
land's account of St. Austin's library at ad majus : sic quod cseteri retrahantur a
Canterbury, ibid. p. 299. Concerning visu et studio ejusdem." Statut. Coll. S.
which, compare Liber Thomcc Sprotti de Mariae pro Oseney. De Libraria. f. 21.
libraria S. Augustini Cantuari<z, MSS. MSS. Rawlins. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon.
C. C. C. Oxon. 125. ; and Bibl. Cotton. c Wood, ubi supr. ii. 49. col. ii. It was
Brit. Mus. Jul. C. vi. 4.; and Leland, not opened till the year 1480. Ibid. p.50.
Coll. iii. 10. 120. Leland, who was li- col. i.
XC DISSERTATION II.
this occasion, were wainscoted with Irish oak, and ceiled with cypress
curiously carved. The windows were of painted glass, fenced with
iron bars and copper wire. The English became masters of Paris in the
year 1425; on which event the duke of Bedford, regent of France, sent
his whole library, then consisting of only eight hundred and fifty-three
volumes, and valued at two thousand two hundred and twenty-three
livres, into England ; where perhaps they became the ground-work of
duke Humphrey's library just mentioned d. Even so late as the year
1471, when Louis the Eleventh of France borrowed the works of the
Arabian physician Rhasis, from the faculty of medicine at Paris, he not
only deposited by way of pledge a quantity of valuable plate, but was
obliged to procure a nobleman to join with him as surety in a deed6,
by which he bound himself to return it under a considerable forfeiture f.
The excessive prices of books in the middle ages afford numerous and
curious proofs. I will mention a few only. In the year 1 1 74, Walter
prior of St. Swithin's at Winchester, afterwards elected abbot of West-
minster, a writer in Latin of the lives of the bishops who were his pa-
trons s, purchased of the canons of Dorchester in Oxfordshire, Bede's
Homilies and Saint Austin's Psalter, for twelve measures of barley, and
a pall on which was embroidered in silver the history of Saint Birinus
converting a Saxon kingh. Among the royal manuscripts in the Bri-
tish Museum there is COMESTOR'S SCHOLASTIC HISTORY in French ;
which, as it is recorded in a blank page at the beginning, was taken
from the king of France at the battle of Poitiers ; and being purchased
by William Montague earl of Salisbury for one hundred mars, was
ordered to be sold by the last will of his countess Elizabeth for forty
livres1. About the year 1400, a copy of John of Meun's ROMAN DE
A See M. Boivin, Mem. Lit. ii. p. 747. cathedral, on the windows of the abbey-
4to. ; who says, that the regent presented church of Dorchester near Oxford, and
to his brother-in-law Humphrey duke of in the western front and windows of Lin-
Gloucester a rich copy of a translation of coin cathedral; with all which churches
Livy into French, which had been pre- Birinus was connected. He was buried in
sented to the king of France. that of Dorchester, Whart. Angl. Sacr. i.
e See [Richard of] Bury's PhiloUUon, 190: and in Bever's manuscript Chronicle,
mentioned at large below. De modo com- or his Continuator, cited below, it is said,
municandi studentibus libros nostros. cap. that a marble cenotaph of marvellous
xix. sculpture was constructed over his grave
1 Robertson's Hist. Charles V. vol. i. in Dorchester church about the year 1320.
p. 281. edit. 8vo. I find no mention of this monument in any
8 William Giffard and Henry de Blois, other writer. Bever. Chron. MSS. Coll.
bishops of Winchester. Trin. Oxon. Num. x. f. 66.
h Registr. Priorat. S. Swithin. Winton. * MSS. 19 D. ii. La Bible Hystoriaus,
ut supr. MS. quatern. . . " Pro duodecim ou Les Histories escolastres. The tran-
mens. (or mod.) ordei, et una palla brus- script is of the fourteenth century. This
data in argento cum historia sancti Birini is the entry : " Cest livre fust pris oue le
convertentis ad fidem Kynegylsum regem roy de France a la bataille de Peyters: et
GewyseorumjnecnonOswaldiregis North- le bon counte de Saresbirs William Mon-
umbranorum suscipientis de fonte Kyne- tagu la achata pur cent mars, et le dona a
gylsum." Gewyseorum is the West Sax- sa compaigne Elizabeth la bone countesse,
ons. This history, with others of Saint que dieux assoile. — Le quele lyvre le dite
Birinus, is represented on the ancient font countesse assigna a ses executours de le
of Norman workmanship in Winchester rendre pur xl. livres."
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
XC1
LA ROSE was sold before the palace-gate at Paris for forty crowns or
thirty-three pounds six and six-penceJ. But in pursuit of these anec-
dotes, I am imperceptibly seduced into later periods, or rather am de-
viating from my subject.
After the calamities which the state of literature sustained in con-
sequence of the incursions of the northern nations, the first restorers
of the ancient philosophical sciences in Europe, the study of which, by
opening the faculties and extending the views of mankind, gradually
led the way to other parts of learning, were the Arabians. In the
beginning of the eighth century, this wonderful people, equally famous
for their conquests and their love of letters, in ravaging the Asiatic
provinces found many Greek books, which they read with infinite
avidity : and such was the gratification they received from this fortu-
nate acquisition, and so powerfully their curiosity was excited to make
further discoveries in this new field of knowledge, that they requested
their caliphs to procure from the emperor at Constantinople the best
Greek writers. These they carefully translated into Arabic k. But
every part of the Grecian literature did not equally gratify their taste.
The Greek poetry they rejected, because it inculcated polytheism and
idolatry, which were inconsistent with their religion : or perhaps it
was too cold and too correct for their extravagant and romantic con-
ceptions '. Of the Greek history they made no use, because it recorded
J It belonged to the late Mr. Ames, au-
thor of the Typographical Antiquities. In
a blank leaf was written, " Cest lyvir cost
a palas du Parys quarante corones d' or
sans mentyr." I have observed in an-
other place, that in the year 1430, Nicho-
las de Lyra was transcribed at the expense
of one hundred marcs. Sect. ix. vol. ii.
p. 90. 1 add here the valuation of books
bequeathed to Merton college at Oxford,
before the year 1300. A Scholastical Hi-
story, 20s. A Concordantia, 10s. The
four greater Prophets, with glosses, 5s.
Liber Anselmi cum quaestionibus Thomae
de Malo, 12s. Quodlibetae H. Ganda-
vensis et S. Thomae Aquinatis, 10s. A
Psalter with glosses, 10s. Saint Austin
on Genesis, 10s. MS. Hist, of Merton
College, by A. Wood. Bibl. Bodl. Cod.
Rawlins. I could add a variety of other
instances. The curious reader who seeks
further information on this small yet not
unentertaining branch of literary history,
is referred to Gabr. Naud. Addit. a 1' Hist,
de Louys XI. par Comines. edit. Fresn.
torn. iv. 281, &c.
k See Abulfarag. per Pocock, Dynast,
p. 160. Greek was a familiar language
to the Arabians. The accounts of the
caliph's treasury were always written in
Greek till the year of Christ 715. They
were then ordered to be drawn in Arabic.
Many proofs of this might be mentioned.
Greek was a familiar language in Ma-
homet's household. Zaid, one of Ma-
homet's secretaries, to whom he dictated
the Koran, was a perfect master of
Greek. Sale's Prelim. Disc. p. 144, 145.
The Arabic gold coins were always in-
scribed with Greek legends till about the
year 700.
1 Yet it appears from many of their
fictions, that some of the Greek poets were
not unfamiliar among them, perhaps long
before the period assigned in the text.
Theophilus Edessenus, a Maronite, by
profession an astronomer, translated Ho-
mer into Syriac about the year 770. Theo-
phan. Chronogr. p. 376. Abulfarag. ut
supr. p. 217. Reinesius, in his very cu-
rious account of the manuscript collection
of Greek chemists in the library of Saxe-
Gotha, relates that soon after the year
750, the Arabians translated Homer and
Pindar amongst other Greek books.
Ernest. Salom. Cyprian. Catal. Codd.
MSS. Bibl. Gothan. pp. 71. 87. Apud
Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xii. p. 753. It is how-
ever certain, that the Greek philoso-
phers were their objects. Compare Eu-
seb. Renaudot de Barb. Aristotel. Ver-
sionib. apud Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xii. pp. 252.
258.
XC11
DISSERTATION II,
events which preceded their prophet Mahomet. Accustomed to a de-
spotic empire, they neglected the political systems of the Greeks, which
taught republican freedom. For the same reasons they despised the
eloquence of the Athenian orators. The Greek ethics were superseded
by their Alcoran, and on this account they did not study the works of
Plato m. Therefore no other Greek books engaged their attention but
those which treated of mathematical, metaphysical, and physical know-
ledge. Mathematics coincided with their natural turn to astronomy
and arithmetic. Metaphysics, or logic, suited their speculative genius,
their love of tracing intricate and abstracted truths, and their ambition
of being admired for difficult and remote researches. Physics, in which
I include medicine, assisted the chemical experiments to which they
were so much addicted"; and medicine, while it was connected with
chemistry and botany, was a practical art of immediate utility0. Hence
they studied Aristotle, Galen, and Hippocrates with unremitted ardour
and assiduity : they translated their writings into the Arabic tongue p,
and by degrees illustrated them with voluminous commentaries 1. These
m Yet Reinesius says, that about the
year 750 they translated Plato into Ara-
bic, together with the works of St. Austin,
Ambrose, Jerom, Leo, and Gregory the
Great. Ubi supr. p. 260. Leo Africanus
mentions among the works of Averroes,
Expositiones Reipublicee Platonis. But
he died so late as the year 1206. De Med.
et Philosoph. Arab. cap. xx.
n The earliest Arab chemist, whose
writings are now extant, was Jeber. He
is about the seventh century. His book,
called by Golius, his Latin translator,
Lapis Philosophorum, was written first in
Greek, and afterwards translated by its
author into Arabic : for Jeber was ori-
ginally a Greek and a Christian, and af-
terwards went into Asia, and embraced
Mahometism. See Leo African, lib. iii.
c. 106. The learned Boerhaave asserts,
that many of Jeber's experiments are
verified by present practice, and that se-
veral of them have been revived as mo-
dern discoveries. Boerhaave adds, that
except the fancies about the philosopher's
stone, the exactness of Jeber's operations
is surprising. Hist. Chemistr. pp. 14, 15.
Lond. 1727.
0 Their learning, but especially their
medical knowledge, flourished most in
Salerno, a city of Italy, where it formed
the famous Schola Salernitana. The
little book of medical precepts in leonine
heroics, which bears the name of that
school, is well known. This system was
composed at the desire of Robert duke of
Normandy, William the Conqueror's son ;
who returning from Jerusalem in one of
the crusades, and having heard of the
fame of those Salernitan physicians, ap-
plied to them for the cure of a wound
made by a poisoned arrow. It was written
not only in verse, but in rhyming verse,
that the prince might more easily retain
the rules in his memory. It was pub-
lished 1100. The author's name is Gio-
vanni di Milano, a celebrated Salernitan
physician. The monks of Cassino, here-
after mentioned, much improved this
study. See Chron. Cassin. 1. iii. c. 35.
Medicine was at first practised by the
monks or the clergy, who adopted it with
the rest of the Arabian learning. See P.
Diac. De Vir. illustr. cap. xiii. et ibid. Not.
Mar. See also Ab. de Nuce ad Chron.
Cassin. 1. i. c. 9. and Leon. Ostiens.
Chron. 1. iii. c. 7. See Sect. xvii. vol. ii.
p. 204. infr.
p Compare Renaudot, ubi supr. p. 258.
q Their caliph Al-manun was a sin-
gular encourager of these translations.
He was a great master of the speculative
sciences ; and for his better information in
them, invited learned men from all parts
of the world to Bagdad. He favoured the
learned of every religion ; and in return
they made him presents of their works,
collected from the choicest pieces of
Eastern literature, whether of Indians,
Jews, Magians, or oriental Christians.
He expended immense sums in purchasing
valuable books written in Hebrew, Syriac,
and Greek, that they might be translated
into Arabic. Many Greek treatises of
medicine were translated into that lan-
guage by his orders. He hired the most
learned persons from all quarters of his
vast dominions to make these translations.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND,
XC111
Arabic translations of the Greek philosophers produced new treatises of
their own, particularly in medicine and metaphysics. They continued
to extend their conquests, and their frequent incursions into Europe
before and after the ninth century, and their absolute establishment in
Spain, imported the rudiments of useful knowledge into nations in-
volved in the grossest ignorance, and unpossessed of the means of
instruction. They founded universities in many cities of Spain and
Africa1". They brought with them their books, which Charlemagne,
emperor of France and Germany, commanded to be translated from
Arabic into Latin8 ; and which, by the care and encouragement of that
liberal prince, being quickly disseminated over his extensive dominions,
soon became familiar to the western world. Hence it is, that we find
our early Latin authors of the dark ages chiefly employed in writing
systems of the most abstruse sciences : arid from these beginnings the
Aristotelic philosophy acquired such establishment and authority, that
from long prescription it remains to this day the sacred and uncontro-
verted doctrine of our schools*. From this fountain the infatuations of
Many celebrated astronomers flourished in
his reign; and he was himself famed for his
skill in astronomy. This was about the
year of Christ 820. See Leo African, de
Med. et Phil. Arab. cap. i. Al-Makin, pp.
139, 140. Eutych. pp. 434, 435.
A curious circumstance of the envy with
which the Greeks at Constantinople treat-
ed this growing philosophy of the Arabians,
is mentioned by Cedrenus. Al-manun,
hearing of one Leo an excellent mathe-
matician at Constantinople, wrote to the
emperor, requesting that Leo might be
permitted to settle in his dominions, with
a most ample salary, as a teacher in that
science. The emperor, by this means
being made acquainted with Leo's merit,
established a school, in which he appointed
Leo a professor, for the sake of a specious
excuse. The caliph sent a second time to
the emperor, entreating that Leo might
reside with him for a short time only ;
offering likewise a large sum of money,
and terms of lasting peace and alliance ;
on which the emperor immediately cre-
ated Leo bishop of Thessalonica. Cedren.
Hist. Comp. 548. seq. Herbelot also re-
lates, that the same caliph, so universal
was his search after Greek books, pro-
cured a copy of Apollonius Pergseus the
mathematician. But this copy contained
only seven books. In 4the mean time,
finding by the Introduction that the whole
consisted of eight books, and that the
eighth book was the foundation of the
rest, and being informed that there was a
complete copy in the emperor's library at
Constantinople, he applied to him for a
transcript. But the Greeks, merely from
a principle of jealousy, would not suffer
the application to reach the emperor, and
it did not take effect. Biblioth. Oriental,
p. 978. col. a.
r See Hotting. Hist. Eccl. Sane. ix.
sect. ii. lit. Gg. According to the best
writers of oriental history, the Arabians
had made great advances on the coasts
communicating with Spain, I mean in
Africa, about the year of Christ 692.
and they became actually masters of
Spain itself in the year 712. See Mod.
Univ. Hist. vol. ii. pp. 168. 179. edit. 1759.
It may be observed, that Sicily became
part of the dominion of the Saracens
within sixty years after Mahomet's death,
and in the seventh century, together with
almost all Asia and Africa. Only part of
Greece and the lesser Asia then remained
to the Grecian empire at Constantinople.
Conring. De Script. &c. Comment, p. 101.
edit. Wratisl. 1727. See also Univ. Hist,
ut supr.
* Cuspinian. de Caesarib. p. 419.
1 Yet it must not be forgot, that St.
Austin had translated part of Aristotle's
logic from the original Greek into Latin
before the fifth century ; and that the
peripatetic philosophy must have been
partly known to the western scholars from
the writings and translations of Boethius,
who flourished about the year 520. Al-
cuine, Charlemagne's master, commends
St. Austin's book DbPreedicamentis, which
he calls, Decent Natural Verba. Rog.
Bacon, de Util. Sclent, cap. xiv. See
also Op. Maj. An ingenious and learned
writer, already quoted, affirms, that in the
age of Charlemagne there were many
DISSERTATION II.
astrology took possession of the middle ages, and were continued even
to modern times. To the peculiar genius of this people it is owing,
that chemistry became blended with so many extravagances, obscured
with unintelligible jargon, and filled with fantastic notions, mysterious
pretensions, and superstitious operations. And it is easy to conceive,
that among these visionary philosophers, so fertile in speculation, logic
and metaphysics contracted much of that refinement and perplexity
which for so many centuries exercised the genius of profound reasoners
and captious disputants, and so long obstructed the progress of true
knowledge. It may perhaps be regretted in the mean time, that this
predilection of the Arabian scholars for philosophic inquiries prevented
them from importing into Europe a literature of another kind. But
rude and barbarous nations would not have been polished by the hi-
story, poetry, and oratory of the Greeks. Although capable of com-
prehending the solid truths of many parts of science, they are unprepared
to be impressed with ideas of elegance, and to relish works of taste.
Men must be instructed before they can be refined ; and, in the gra-
dations of knowledge, polite literature does not take place till some
progress has first been made in philosophy. Yet it is at the same time
probable, that the Arabians, among their literary stores, brought into
Spain and Italy many Greek authors not of the scientific species"; and
that the migration of this people into the western world, while it proved
the fortunate instrument of introducing into Europe some of the Greek
classics at a very early period, was moreover a means of preserving
those genuine models of composition, and of transmitting them to the
Greek scholars who made translations of had read it over two hundred times, and
Aristotle, which were in use below the yet was equally desirous of reading it
year 1100. I will not believe that any again. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xiii. 265. Her-
Europeans, properly so called, were com- belot mentions Aristotle's Morals, trans-
petently skilled in Greek for this purpose lated by Honain, Bibl. Oriental, p. 963 a.
in the time of Charlemagne ; nor, if they See also p. 971 a. 973. p. 974 b. Corn-
were, is it likely that of themselves they pare Mosheim, Hist. ch. i. pp. 217. 288.
should have turned their thoughts to note C. p. 2. ch. 1. Averroys also pa-
Aristotle's philosophy. Unless by viri raphrased Aristotle's Rhetoric: There
Grace docti this writer means the learned are also translations into Arabic of Ari-
Arabs of Spain, which does not appear stotle's Analytics and his treatise of Inter-
from his context. See Euseb. Renaudot, pretation. The first they called Analuthica,
ut supr. p. 247. and the second, BariArmenias. ButAri-
u It must not be forgot, that they trans- stotle's logic, metaphysics, and physics
lated Aristotle's Poetics. There is extant pleased them most; particularly the eight
" Averroys Summa in Aristotelis poetriam books of his physics, which exhibit a ge-
ex Arabico sermone in Latinum traducta neral view of that science. Some of our
ab Hermano Alemanno : Praemittitur de- countrymen were translators of these f
terminatio Ibinrosdin in poetria Aristo- Arabic books into Latin. Athelard, a
telis. Venet. 1515." There is a transla- monk of Bath, translated the Arabic
tion of the Poetics into Arabic by Abou Euclid into Latin, about 1000. Leland.
Muschar Metta, entitled Abotica. See Script. Brit. p. 200. There are some ma-
Herbel. Bibl. Oriental, p. 18. col. a. p. 971 nuscriptsof it in the Bodleian library, and
b. p. 40. col. 2. p. 337. col. 2. Farabi, elsewhere; but the most beautiful and
who studied at Bagdad about the year elegant copy I have seen is on vellum, in
930, one of the translators of Aristotle's Trinity college library at Oxford. Cod.
Analytics, wrote sixty books on that phi- MSS. Num. 10.
losopher's Rhetoric ; declaring that he
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
XCV
present generation v. It is certain, that about the close of the ninth
century, polite letters, together with the sciences, began in some degree
to be studied in Italy, France, and Germany. Charlemagne, whose
munificence and activity in propagating the Arabian literature has
already been mentioned, founded the universities of Bononia, Pavia,
Paris, and Osnaburgh. Charles the Bald seconded the salutary endea-
vours of Charlemagne. Lothaire, the brother of the latter, erected
schools in the eight principal cities of Italy w. The number of monas-
teries and collegiate churches in those countries was daily increasing x;
in which the youth, as a preparation to the study of the sacred scrip-
tures, were exercised in reading profane authors, together with the
ancient doctors of the church, and habituated to a Latin style. The
monks of Cassino in Italy were distinguished before the year 1000, not
only for their knowledge of the sciences, but their attention to polite
learning, and an acquaintance with the classics. Their learned abbot
Desiderius collected the best of the Greek and Roman writers. This
fraternity not only composed learned treatises in music, logic, astro-
nomy, and the Vitruvian architecture, but likewise employed a portion
of their time in transcribing Tacitus ?, Jornandes, Josephus, Ovid's
Fasti, Cicero, Seneca, Donatus the grammarian, Virgil, Theocritus, and
Homer2.
v See what I have said concerning the
destruction of many Greek classics at
Constantinople in the Preface to Theo-
critus, Oxon. 1770. torn. i. Prefat. p. xiv.
xv. To which I will add, that so early
as the fourth century, the Christian priests
did no small injury to ancient literature,
by prohibiting and discouraging the study
of the old pagan philosophers. Hence the
story, that Jerom dreamed he was whipped
by the devil for reading Cicero. Compare
what is said of Livy below.
w A.D. 823. See Murator. Scriptor.
Rer. Ltalicav. i. p. 151.
* Cave mentions, " Csenobia Italica,
Cassinense, Ferrariense : Germanica, Ful-
dense, Sangellense, Augiense, Lobiense :
Gallica, Corbiense, Rhemense, Orbacense,
Floriacense," &c. Hist. Lit. Saec. Photian.
p. 503. edit. 1688. Charlemagne also
founded two archbishopricks and nine
bishopricks in the most considerable
towns of Germany. Aub. Miraei Op.
Diplomat, i. p. 16. Charlemagne seems
to have founded libraries. See J. David.
Koeler, Diss. De Bibliotheca Caroli Mag.
Altorg. 1727. and Act. Erudit. et Curios.
Francon. P. x. p. 716. seq. 60. and Hist.
Lit. Franc, torn. iv. 4to. p. 223. Compare
Laun, c. iv. p. 30. Eginhart mentions
his private library. Vit. Car. Mag. p. 41 a.
edit. 1565. He even founded a library
at Jerusalem for the use of those western
pilgrims who visited the holy sepulchre.
Hist. Lit. ut supr. p. 373. His successor
also, Charles the Bald, erected many li-
braries. Two of his librarians, Holduin
and Ebbo, occur under that title in sub-
scriptions. Bibl. Hist. Liter. Struvii et
Jugl. cap. ii. sect. xvii. p. 172. This mon-
arch, before his last expedition into Ita-
ly, about the year 870, in case of his
decease, orders his large library to be
divided into three parts, and disposed of
accordingly. Hist. Lit. ut supr. torn. v.
p. 514. Launoy justly remarks, that many
noble public institutions of Charles the
Bald were referred by succeeding histo-
rians to their more favourite hero Charle-
magne. Ubi supr. p. 53. . edit. Fabric.
Their immediate successors, at least of
the German race, were not such conspi-
cuous patrons of literature.
y Lipsius says, that Leo the Tenth gave
five hundred pieces of gold for the five
first books of Tacitus's Annals, to the
monks of a convent in Saxony. This
Lipsius calls the resurrection of Tacitus
to life. Ad Annal. Tacit, lib. ii. c.9. At
the end of the edition of Tacitus pub-
lished under Leo's patronage by Beroaldus
in 1515, this edict is printed, "Nomine
Leonis X. proposita sunt prsemia non me-
diocria his qui ad eum libros veteres
neque hactenus editos adtulerint."
z Chron. Cassin. Monast. lib. iii. c. 35.
xcvi DISSERTATION II.
In the mean time England shared these improvements in knowledge;
and literature, chiefly derived from the same sources, was communi-
cated to our Saxon ancestors about the beginning of the eighth cen-
tury0. The Anglo-Saxons were converted to Christianity about the
year 570. In consequence of this event, they soon acquired civility
and learning. Hence they necessarily established a communication
with Rome, and acquired a familiarity with the Latin language. During
this period, it was the prevailing practice among the Saxons, not only
of the clergy but of the better sort of laity, to make a voyage to Romed.
It is natural to imagine with what ardour the new converts visited the
holy see, which at the same time was fortunately the capital of litera-
ture. While they gratified their devotion, undesignedly and imper-
ceptibly they became acquainted with useful science.
In return, Rome sent her emissaries into Britain. Theodore, a monk
of Rome, originally a Greek priest, a native of Tarsus in Cilicia, was
consecrated archbishop of Canterbury, and sent into England by pope
Vitalian, in the year 668 e. He was skilled in the metrical art, astro-
nomy, arithmetic, church music, and the Greek and Latin languages f.
The new prelate brought with him a large library, as it was called and
esteemed, consisting of numerous Greek and Latin authors ; among
which were Homer in a large volume, written on paper with most ex-
quisite elegance, the homilies of saint Chrysostom on parchment, the
Poggius Florentinus found a Stratagemata Horace's Art of Poetry, Epistles, and
of Frontinus, about the year 1420, in this Satires, with Eutropius, in the same,
monastery. Mabillon, Mus. Ital. torn. i. 15 B. vii. 1. 2. 3. xvi. 1, &c. Willibold,
p. 133. Manuscripts of the following one of the learned Saxons whose literature
classics, now in the Harleian collection, will be mentioned in its proper place,
appear to have been written between the having visited Rome and Jerusalem, re-
eighth and tenth centuries inclusively. tired for some time to this monastery,
Two copies of Terence, Brit. Mus. MSS. about the year 730. Vit. Williboldi,
Harl. 2670. 2750. Cicerc's Paradoxa Stoi- Canis. Antiq. Lect. xv. 695. and Pantal.
corum, the first book De Natura Deorum, de Vir. Illustr. par. ii. p. 263. And Biri-
Orations against Catiline, De Oratore, nus, who came into England from Rome
De Inventione Rhetorica, AdHerennium, about the year 630, with a design ofcon-
n. 2622. 2716. 2623. and the Epistles, verting the Saxons, brought with him one
with others of his works, n. 2682. A frag- Benedict, a monk of Cassino, whom he
ment of the jEneid, n. 2772. Livy, n. 2672. placed over the monks or church of Win-
Lucius Florus, n. 2620. Ovid's Metamor- Chester. Wharton, Angl. Sacr. i. 190.
phoses and Fasti, n. 2737. Quintilian, c Cave, Saecul. Eutych. p. 382.
n. 2664. Horace, the Odes excepted, n. d " Hiis temporibus multi Anglorum
2725. Many of the same and other gentis nobiles et ignobiles viri et fceminge,
classic authors occur in the British Mu- duces et privati, divini numinis instinctu,
seum, written in the twelfth and thirteenth Romam venire consueverant." &c. Bede,
centuries. See n. 5443. 2656. 2475. 2624. De Temp. Apud Leland, Script. Brit.
2591. 2668. 2533. 2770. 2492. 2709. CEOLFRIDUS.
2655. 2654. 2664. 2728. 5534. 2609. e Birchington, apud Wharton, Angl.
2724. 5412. 2643. 5304. 2633. There Sacr. i. 2. Cave, Hist. Lit. p. 464. Parker,
are four copies of Statius, one of the Antiquitat. Brit. p. 53.
twelfth century, n. 2720 ; and three others * Bed. Hist. Ecclesiast. Gent. Angl. iv. 2.
of the thirteenth, n. 2608. 2636. 2665. Bede says of Theodore and of Adrian men-
Plautus's Comedies are among the royal tioned below, " Usque hodie stipersunt de
manuscripts, written in the tenth, 15 C. eorum discipulis, qui Latinam Grsscamque
xi. 4. and some parts of Tully in the linguam aeque ut propriam in qua nati
tame, ibid. 1. Suetonius, 15 C. iv. 1. sunt, nonint." See also ibid. c. 1.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. XCvil
Psalter, and Josephus's Hypomnesticon, all in Greeks. Theodore was
accompanied into England by Adrian, a Neapolitan monk, and a native
of Africa, who was equally skilled in sacred and profane learning, and
at the same time appointed by the pope to the abbacy of Saint Austin's
at Canterbury. Bede informs us, that Adrian requested Pope Vitalian to
confer the archbishoprick on Theodore, and that the pope consented
on condition that Adrian, " who had been twice in France, and on that
account was better acquainted with the nature and difficulties of so long
a journey," would conduct Theodore into Britain11. They were both
escorted to the city of Canterbury by Benedict Biscop, a native of North-
umberland, and a monk, who had formerly been acquainted with them
in a visit which he made to Rome1. Benedict seems at this time to
have been one of the most distinguished of the Saxon ecclesiastics :
availing himself of the arrival of these two learned strangers, under
their direction and assistance he procured workmen from France, and
built the monastery of Weremouth in Northumberland. The church
he constructed of stone, after the manner of the Roman architecture ;
and adorned its walls and roof with pictures, which he purchased at
Rome, representing among other sacred subjects the Virgin Mary, the
twelve apostles, the evangelical history, and the visions of the Apoca-
lypse11. The windows were glazed by artists brought from France.
But I mention this foundation to introduce an anecdote much to our
purpose. Benedict added to his monastery an ample library, which he
stored with Greek and Latin volumes, imported by himself from Italy1.
Bede has thought it a matter worthy to be recorded, that Ceolfrid, his
successor in the government of Weremouth abbey, augmented this
collection with three volumes of pandects, and a book of cosmography
wonderfully enriched with curious workmanship and bought at Rome m.
The example of the pious Benedict was immediately followed by Acca,
bishop of Hexham in the same province : who having finished his ca-
thedral church by the help of architects, masons, and glasiers hired in
Italy, adorned it, according to Leland, with a valuable library of Greek
and Latin authors". But Bede, Acca's cotemporary, relates, that this
E Parker, utsupr. p. 80. See also Lam- that province came from various parts to
barde'sPeramb. Kent, p. 233. A transcript hear him sing. Bed. Hist. Eccl. iv. 18.
of the Josephus 500 years old was given He likewise brought over from Rome two
to the public library at Cambridge by the silken palls of exquisite workmanship,
archbishop. See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. x. 109. with which he afterwards purchased of
h Bed. Hist. Eccl. iv. 1. " Et ob id king Aldfrid, successor of Elfrid, two pieces
majorem notitiam hujus itineris," &c. of land for his monastery. Bed. Vit. Abb.
' See Math. Westmon. sub an, 703. ut supr. p. 297. Bale censures Benedict
Lei. Script. Brit. p. 109. for being the first who introduced into
k See Bede, Hist. Abbat. Wiremuth. England painters, glasiers, et id genus
pp. 295. 297. edit. Cantab. In one of alios AD VOLUPTATEM artifices. Cent. i.
his expeditions to Rome, he brought over 82. This is the language of a Puritan in
John, arch-chantor of St. Peter's at Rome, life, as well as in religion,
who introduced the Roman method of ' Lei. ubi supr. 110.
singing mass. Bed. ibid. p. 295. He m Bede, Hist. Abbat. Wiremuth. p. 299.
taught the monks of Benedict's abbey; Op. Bed. edit. Cantab,
and all the singers of the monasteries of " Lei. ibid. p. 105.
VOL. I. • Q
DISSERTATION II.
library was entirely composed of the histories of those apostles and
martyrs to whose relics he had dedicated several altars in his church,
and other ecclesiastical treatises which he had collected with infinite
labour0. Bede however calls it a most copious and noble library?.
Nor is it foreign to our purpose to add, that Acca invited from Kent
into Northumberland, and retained in his service during the space of
twelve years, a celebrated chantor named Maban : by the assistance of
whose instructions and superintendance he not only regulated the
church music of his diocese, but introduced the use of many Latin
hymns hitherto unknown in the northern churches of England 1. It
appears that before the arrival of Theodore and Adrian, celebrated
schools for educating youth in the sciences had been long established
in Kent1". Literature, however, seems at this period to have flourished
with equal reputation at the other extremity of the island, and even in
our most northern provinces. Ecbert bishop of York founded a library
in his cathedral, which, like some of those already mentioned, is said to
have been replenished with a variety of Latin and Greek books8. Al-
cuine, whom Ecbert appointed his first librarian, hints at this library
in a Latin epistle to Charlemagne. " Send me from France some
learned treatises, of equal excellence with those which I preserve here
in England under my custody, collected by the industry of my master
Ecbert : and I will send to you some of my youths, who shall carry
with them the flowers of Britain into France. So that there shall not
only be an inclosed garden at York, but also at Tours some sprouts of
Paradise*," &c. William of Malmesbury judged this library to be of
sufficient importance not only to be mentioned in his History, but to
be styled, " Omnium liberalium artium armarium, nobilissimam biblio-
thecamu." This repository remained till the reign of King Stephen,
when it was destroyed by fire, with great part of the city of York v. Its
founder Ecbert died in the year 767 w. Before the end of the eighth
century, the monasteries of Westminster, Saint Alban's, Worcester,
0 Bed. Hist. v. 21. p Ibid. v. c. 20. Dunstan below. And Osb. Vit. S. Dunst.
q Bed. Hist. Eccl. v. c. 21. Maban had Wharton, Angl. Sacr. ii. 93.
been taugbt to sing in Kent by the sue- [Mr. Turner has quoted a passage from
cessors of the disciples of Saint Gregory. Aldhelm's poem " De Laude Virginum,"
Compare Bed. iv. 2. If we may believe which confirms this statement of Malmes-
William of Malmesbury, who wrote about bury,
the year 1120, they had organs in the
Saxon churches before the Conquest. He Maxima millems auscultans organa fla-
says that archbishop Dunstan, in king
Edgar's reign, gave an organ to the Mulceat auditum ventosis follibus iste,
abbey-church of Malmesbury ; which he Quamhbet auratis fulgescant csetera cap-
describes to have been like those in use S1S" VoL iL P- 408.— PRICE.]
at present. " Organa, ubi per eereas fis- r See Bed. Op. per Smith, p. 724. seq.
tulas musicis mensuris elaboratas, dudum Append.
conceptas follis vomit anxius auras." Wil- * Lei. p. 114. [The only Greek classic
liam, who was a monk of this abbey, adds, was Aristotle. — PRICE.]
that this benediction of Dunstan was in- l Bale, ii. 15. u De Reg. i. 1.
scribed in a Latin distich, which he quotes, Y Pits, p. 154.
on the organ pipes. Vit. Aldhelm. Whart. w Cave, Hist. Lit. p. 486.
Ang. Sacr. ii. p. 33. See what is said of
INTRODUCTION OP LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. XC1X
Malmesbury, Glastoribury, with some others, were founded and opu-
lently endowed. That of Saint Alban's was filled with one hundred
monks by King Offax. Many new bishopricks were also established
in England : all which institutions, by multiplying the number of eccle-
siastics, turned the attention of many persons to letters.
The best writers among the Saxons flourished about the eighth cen-
tury. These were, Aldhelm bishop of Shirburn, Ceolfrid, Alcuine, and
Bede ; with whom I must also join King Alfred. But in an enquiry of
this nature, Alfred deserves particular notice, not only as a writer, but
as the illustrious rival of Charlemagne in protecting and assisting the
restoration of literature. He is said to have founded the university of
Oxford ; and it is highly probable, that in imitation of Charlemagne's
similar institutions, he appointed learned persons to give public and
gratuitous instructions in theology, but principally in the fashionable
sciences of logic, astronomy, arithmetic, and geometry at that place,
which was then a considerable town, and conveniently situated in the
neighbourhood of those royal seats at which Alfred chiefly resided.
He suffered no priest that was illiterate to be advanced to any ecclesi-
astical dignity y. He invited his nobility to educate their sons in learn-
ing, and requested those lords of his court who had no children to send
to school such of their younger servants as discovered a promising ca-
pacity, and to breed them to the clerical profession2. Alfred, while a
boy, had himself experienced the inconveniences arising from a want
of scholars, and even of common instructors, in his dominions ; for he
was twelve years of age before he could procure in the western king-
dom a master properly qualified to teach him the alphabet. But, while
yet unable to read, he could repeat from memory a great variety of
Saxon songs a. life was fond of cultivating his native tongue : and with
* A. D. 793. See Dugd. Monast. i. sented the first rudiments of a striking
p. 177. clock. It was brought as a present to
y MS. Bever, MSS. Coll. Trin. Oxon. Charlemagne, from Abdella king of Per-
Codd. xlvii. f. 82. z Bever, ibid. sia, by two monks of Jerusalem, in the
* Flor. Vigorn. sub ann. 871. Bromp- year 800. Among other presents, says
ton, Chron. in Alfr. p. 814. And MS. Eginhart, was an horologe of brass, won-
Bever, ut supr. It is curious to observe derfully constructed by some mechanical
the simplicity of this age, in the method artifice, in which the course of the twelve
by which Alfred computed time. He hours ad clepsydram vertebatur, with as
caused six wax tapers to be made, each many little brasen balls, which at the close
twelve inches long, and of as many ounces of each hour dropped down on a sort of
in weight: on these tapers he ordered the bells underneath, and sounded the end of
inches to be regularly marked ; and having the hour. There were also twelve figures
found that one of them burned just four of horsemen, who, when the twelve hours
hours, he committed the care of ihstn to were completed, issued out at twelve win-
the keepers of his chapel, who from time dows, which till then stood open, and re-
to time gave due notice how the hours turning again, shut the windows after
went. But as in windy weather the can- them. He adds, that there were many
dies were more wasted, to remedy this other curiosities in this instrument, which
inconvenience he invented lanthorns, there it would be tedious to recount. Eginhart,
being then no glass to be met with in his Car. Magn. p. 108. It is to be remem-
dominions. Asser. Menev. Vit. Alfr. p. bered, that Eginhart was an eye-witness
68. edit. Wise. In the mean time, and of what is here described; and that he
during this very period, the Persians im- was an abbot, a skilful architect, and very
ported into Europe a machine, which pre- learned in the sciences.
9%
C DISSERTATION If.
a view of inviting the people in general to a love of reading, and to a
knowledge of books which they could not otherwise have understood,
he translated many Latin authors into Saxon. These, among others,
were Boethius OF THE CONSOLATION OF PHILOSOPHY, a manuscript
of which of Alfred's age still remains b, Orosius's HISTORY OF THE PA-
GANS, Saint Gregory's PASTORAL CARE, the venerable Bede's ECCLE-
SIASTICAL HISTORY, and the SOLILOQUIES of Saint Austin. Probably
Saint Austin was selected by Alfred because he was the favourite au-
thor of Charlemagne0, Alfred died in the year 900, and was buried
at Hyde abbey, in the suburbs of Winchester, under a sumptuous mo-
nument of porphyry d.
Aldhelm, kinsman of Ina king of the West Saxons, frequently visited
France and Italy. While a monk of Malmesbury in Wiltshire, he went
from his monastery to Canterbury, in order to learn logic, rhetoric, and
the Greek language of archbishop Theodore, and of Albin abbot of
Saint Austin's6, the pupil of Adrian f. But he had before acquired
some knowledge of Greek and Latin under Maidulf, an Hibernian or
Scot, who had erected a small monastery or school at Malmesbury #.
Camden affirms, that Aldhelm was the first of the Saxons who wrote in
Latin, and that he taught his countrymen the art of Latin versification11.
But a very intelligent antiquarian in this stfrt of literature mentions an
anonymous Latin poet who wrote the life of Charlemagne in verse ;
and adds, that he was the first of the Saxons that attempted to write
Latin verse'. It is however certain, that Aldhelin's Latin compositions,
whether in verse or prose, as novelties were deemed extraordinary per-
formances, and excited the attention and admiration of scholars in other
countries. A learned cotemporary, who lived in a remote province of
a Prankish territory, in an epistle to Aldhelm, has this remarkable ex-
pression, "VESTRY LATINITATIS PANEGYRICUS RUMOR has reached
us even at this distance11," &c. In reward of these uncommon merits
he was made bishop of Shirburn in Dorsetshire in the year 705 l. His
writings are chiefly theological : but he has likewise left in Latin verse.*
a book of ^ENIGMATA, copied from a work of the same title under the
name of Symposius01, a poem De VIRGINITATE hereafter cited, and
b MSS. Cott. Oth. A. 6. 8vo. raembr. See W. Malmesb. apud Wharton, Angl.
c He was particularly fond of Austin's Sacr. ii. 4. seq.
book De Civitate Dei. Eginhart, Vit. * Conringius, Script. Comment, p. 108.
Car. Magn. p. 29. This poem was printed by Reineccius at
d Asser. Menev. p. 72. ed. Wise. Helmstadt many years ago, with a large
e Bede says, that Theodore and Adrian commentary. Compare Voss.Hist.Lat.iii.4.
taught Tobias bishop of Rochester the k W. Malmesb. ut supr. p. 4.
Greek and Latin tongues so perfectly, that ' Cave, p. 466.
he could speak them as fluently as his'na- m See Fabric. Bibl. Med. Lat. iv. p. 693.
tive Saxon. Hist. Eccl. v. 23. And Bibl. Lat. i. p. 681. And W. Malm.
{ Lei. p. 97. Thorn says, that Albin ubi supr. p. 7. Among the manuscripts of
learned Greek of Adrian. Chron. Dec. Exeter cathedral is a book of JEnigmata in
Script, p. 1771. Saxon, some of which are written in Runic
g W. Malmesb. ubi infr. p. 3. characters, 11. fol. 98. [This book is now
h Wiltsh. p. 116. But this, Aldhelm in the press for the Society of Antiquaries,
affirms of himself in his treatise on Metre. under the care of Mr. Thorpe.]
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
Cl
treatises on arithmetic, astrology, rhetoric, and metre. The last treatise
is a proof that the ornaments of composition now began to be studied.
Leland mentions his CANTIONES SAXONIC^E, one of which continued
to be commonly sung in William of Malmesbury's time : and, as it was
artfully interspersed with many allusions to passages of Scripture, was
often sung by Aldhelm himself to the populace in the streets, with a
design of alluring the ignorant and idle, by so specious a mode of in-
struction, to a sense of duty, and a knowledge of religious subjects".
Malmesbury observes, that Aldhelm might be justly deemed " ex acu-
mine Graecum, ex nitore Romanurn, et ex pompa Anglum0." It is
evident, that Malmesbury, while he here characterizes the Greeks by
their acuteness, took his idea of them from their scientifical literature,
which was then only known. After the revival of the Greek philoso-
phy by the Saracens, Aristotle and Euclid were familiar in Europe long
before Homer and Pindar. The character of Aldhelm is thus drawn
by an ancient chronicler ; " He was an excellent harper, a most eloquent
Saxon and Latin poet, a most expert chantor or singer, a DOCTOR
EGREGIUS, and admirably versed in the scriptures and the liberal sci-
ences P."
n Malmesb. ubi supr. p. 4.
0 Ubi supr. p. 4.
p Chron. Anon. Leland. Collectan. ii.
278. To be skilled in singing is often men-
tioned as an accomplishment of the an-
cient Saxon ecclesiastics. Bede says, that
Edda a monk of Canterbury, and a learned
writer, was " primus cantandi magister."
Hist. lib. iv. cap. 2. Wolstan, a learned
monk of Winchester, of the same age, was
a celebrated singer, and even wrote a
treatise De Tonorum Harmonia, cited by
William of Malmesbury, De Reg. lib. ii.
c. 39. Lei. Script. Brit. p. 165. Their
skill in playing on the harp is also fre-
quently mentioned. Of Saint Dunstan,
archbishop of Canterbury, about the year
988, it is said, that among his sacred stu-
dies, he cultivated the arts of writing,
harping, and painting. Vit. S. Dunstan.
MSS. Cott. Brit. Mus. Faustin. B. 13.
Hickes has engraved a figure of our Sa-
viour drawn by Saint Dunstan, with a
specimen of his writing, both remaining
in the Bodleian library. Gram. Saxon.
p. 104. cap. xxii. The writing and many
of the pictures and illuminations in our
Saxon manuscripts were executed by the
priests. A book of the gospel preserved
in the Cotton library is a fine specimen
of the Saxon calligraphy and decorations.
It is written by Eadfrid bishop of Durham
in the most exquisite manner. Ethelwold
his successor did the illuminations, the
capital letters, the picture of the cross, and
the evangelists, with infinite labour and
elegance : and Bilfrid the anachorete co-
vered the book, thus written and adorned,
with gold and silver plates and precious
stones. All this is related by Aldred, the
Saxon glossator, at the end of St. John's
gospel. The work was finished about the
year 720. MSS. Cott. Brit. Mus. Nero, D.
4. Cod. membr. fol. quadrat. jElfsin, a
monk, is the elegant scribe of many Saxon
pieces, chiefly historical and scriptural, in
the same library, and perhaps the painter
of the figures, probably soon after the year
978. Ibid, Titus, D. 26. Cod. membr. 8vo.
The Saxon copy of the four evangelists
which king Athelstan gave to Durham
church, remains in the same library. It
has the painted images of St. Cuthbert, ra-
diated and crowned, blessing king Athel-
stan, and of the four evangelists. [Since
engraved in the third volume of Strutt's
Manners and Customs of the English :
and in vol. i. of the same work there is an
engraving of the figure of our Saviour by
St. Dunstan mentioned in this note.——
PARK.] This is undoubtedly the work
of the monks ; but Wanley believed it to
have been done in France. Otho, B. 9.
Cod. membran. fol. At Trinity college in
Cambridge is a Psalter in Latin and Saxon,
admirably written, and illuminated with
letters in gold, silver, miniated, &c. It is
full of a variety of historical pictures. At
the end is the figure of the writer Eadwin,
supposed to be a monk of Canterbury,
holding a pen of metal, undoubtedly used
in such sort of writing ; with an inscription
importing his name and excellence in the
calligraphic art. It appears to be per-
Cll
DISSERTATION II.
Alcuine, bishop Ecbert's librarian at York, was a cotemporary pupil
with Aldhelm under Theodore and Adrian at Canterbury Q. During
the present period, there seems to have been a close correspondence
and intercourse between the French and Anglo-Saxons in matters of
literature. Alcuine was invited from England into France, to super-
intend the studies of Charlemagne, whom he instructed in logic, rhe-
toric, and astronomy1". He was also the master of Rabanus Maurus,
who became afterwards the governor and preceptor of the great abbey
of Fulda in Germany, one of the most flourishing seminaries in Europe,
founded by Charlemagne, and inhabited by two hundred and seventy
monks8. Alcuine was likewise employed by Charlemagne to regulate
the lectures and discipline of the universities4, which that prudent and
magnificent potentate had newly constituted". He is said to have
formed about the reign of King Stephen.
Cod. membr. fol. post Class, a dextr. Ser.
Med. 5. [among the Single Codices,~\ Ead-
win was a famous and frequent writer of
books for the library of Christ-church at
Canterbury, as appears by a catalogue of
their books taken A.D. 1315. In Bibl.
Cott. Galb. E 4. The eight historical
pictures richly illuminated with gold, of
the Annunciation, the Meeting of Mary
and Elizabeth, &c. in a manuscript of the
gospel, are also thought to be of the reign
of King Stephen, yet perhaps from the
same kind of artists. The Saxon clergy
were ingenious artificers in many other
respects. St. Dunstan above mentioned
made two of the bells of Abingdon abbey
with his own hands. Monast. Anglic, torn,
i. p. 104. John of Glastonbury, who wrote
about the year 1400, relates, that there
remained in the abbey at Glastonbury, in
his time, crosses, incense-vessels, and
vestments, made by Dunstan while a monk
there, cap. 161. He adds, that Dunstan
also handled "scalpellum ut sculperet."
It is said, that he could model any image
in brass, iron, gold, or silver. Osb. Vit.
S. Dunstan. apud Whart. ii. 94. Ervene,
one of the teachers of Wolstan bishop of
Worcester, perhaps a monk of Bury, was
famous for calligraphy, and skill in co-
lours. To invite his pupils to read, he
made use of a Psalter and Sacramentary,
whose capital letters he had richly illu-
minated with gold. This was about the
year 980. Will. Malmesb. Vit. Wulst.
Wharton, Angl. Sacr. p. 244. William
of Malmesbury says, that Elfric, a Saxon
abbot of Malmesbury, was a skilful archi-
tect, adificandi gnarus. Vit. Aldhelm.
Wharton, Ansl. Sacr. ii, p. 33. Herman,
one of the Norman bishops of Salisbury,
about 1080, condescended to write, bind,
and illuminate books. Monast. Angl. torn,
iii. p. 375.
In some of these instances I have wan-
dered below the Saxon times. It is in-
deed evident from various proofs which I
could give, that the religious practised
these arts long afterwards. But the ob-
ject of this note was the existence of them
among the Saxon clergy.
q Dedicat. Hist. Eccl. Bed. [See note x
in next page. — M.]
r Eginhart. Vit. Car. Magn. p. 30. ed.
1565. 4to.
8 Rabanus instructed them not only in
the Scriptures, but in profane literature.
A great number of other scholars fre-
quented these lectures. He was the first
founder of a library in this monastery.
Cave, Hist. Lit. p. 540. Ssec. Phot. His
leisure hours being entirely taken up in
reading or transcribing, he was accused
by some of the idle monks of attending so
much to his studies, that he neglected the
public duties of his station, and the care
of the revenues of the abbey. They there-
fore removed him, yet afterwards in vain
attempted to recall him. Serrar. Rer. Mo-
gunt. lib. iv. p. 625.
1 John Mailros, a Scot, one of Bede's
scholars, is said to have been employed
by Charlemagne in founding the univer-
sity of Pavia. Dempst. xii. 904.
* See Op. Alcuin. Paris. 1617. fol. Prae-
fat. Andr. Quercetan. Mabillon says, that
Alcuine pointed the homilies, and St. Aus-
tin's epistle, at the instance of Charle-
magne. Carl. Magn. R. Diplomat, p. 52
a. Charlemagne was most fond of astro-
nomy. He learned also arithmetic. In
his treasury he had three tables of silver,
and a fourth of gold, of great weight and
size. One of these, which was square, had
a picture or representation of Constanti-
nople : another, a round one, a map of
Rome : a third, which was of the most ex-
quisite workmanship, and greatest weight,
consisting of three orbs, contained a map
of the world. Eginhart, ubi supr. pp. 29.
31. 41.
INTRODUCTION OP LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. Clll
joined to the Greek and Latin an acquaintance with the Hebrew tongue,
which perhaps in some degree was known sooner than we may suspect ;
for at Trinity college in Cambridge there is an Hebrew Psalter, with a
Normanno-Gallic interlinear version of great antiquity w. Homilies,
lives of saints, commentaries on the Bible, with the usual systems of
logic, astronomy, rhetoric, and grammar, compose the formidable cata-
logue of Alcuine's numerous writings. Yet in his books of the sciences
he sometimes ventured to break through the pedantic formalities of a
systematical teacher : he has thrown one of his treatises in logic, and, I
think, another in grammar, into a dialogue between the author and
Charlemagne. He first advised Bede to write his ecclesiastical history
of England ; and was greatly instrumental in furnishing materials for
that early and authentic record of our antiquities x.
In the mean time we must not form too magnificent ideas of these
celebrated masters of science who were thus invited into foreign coun-
tries to conduct the education of mighty monarchs, and to plan the ru-
diments of the most illustrious academies. Their merits are in great
measure relative. Their circle of reading was contracted, their systems
of philosophy jejune ; and their lectures rather served to stop the growth
of ignorance, than to produce any positive or important improvements
in knowledge. They were unable to make excursions from their cir-
cumscribed paths of scientific instruction into the spacious and fruitful
regions of liberal and manly study. Those of their hearers who had
passed through the course of the sciences with applause, and aspired to
higher acquisitions, were exhorted to read Cassiodorus and Boethius;
whose writings they placed at the summit of profane literature, and
which they believed to be the great boundaries of human erudition.
I have already mentioned Ceolfrid's presents of books to Benedict's
library at Weremouth abbey. He wrote an account of his travels into
France and Italy. But his principal work, and I believe the only one
preserved, is his dissertation concerning the clerical tonsure, and the
w MSS. Cod. Coll. S. S. Trin. Cant. memoratum interpretem pure pervenisse,"
Class, a dextr. Ser. Med. 5 membran. 4to. &c. He mentions on this occasion the
[This description of the MS. of Trin. Coll. Greek Se- toagint translation of the Bible,
is very incorrect. It is a Latin psalter, but not as if he had ever seen or consulted
and not a Hebrew psalter. The Latin, it. Bed. Chron. p. .34. edit. Cant. Op. Bed.
after two versions, one of which is Jerome's * Dedicat. Hist. Eccl. Bed. To King
after the Hebrew, is given in separate co- Ceolwulphus, pp. 37, 38. edit. Op. Cant,
lumns ; and over the lines in one column is [The statement in the text is not correct,
a regular translation in Anglo-Norman, but carelessly copied from Bale and Cave,
over the other in Anglo-Saxon, of that According to the best-informed writers,
period, which is probably about the date Alchuine was born about the year 735, and
(or even earlier) which Warton gives it was a mere infant at the period of Bede's
in a preceding note. — W.] Bede says, death. The Albinus referred to by the
that he compiled part of his Chronicon, ex historian was, as appears from lib. v. c. 21,
Hebraica veritate, that is from St. Jerom's a disciple of Adrian, abbot of St. Augus-
Latin translation of the Bible; for he tine's monastery, Canterbury, and his suc-
adds, " nos qui per beati interpretis Hie- cessor in that office. See the Commentary
ronymi industriam puro HEBRAIC^E VE- on Alchuine's life by Froben, prefixed to
RITATIS fonte potamur,"&c. And again, his edition of the former's works: fol.
" Ex Hebraica veritate, quae ad nos per Ratisbon, 1777. — M.]
civ DISSERTATION II.
rites of celebrating Easter ?. This was written at the desire of Naiton,
a Pictish king, who dispatched ambassadors to Ceolfrid for information
concerning these important articles ; requesting Ceolfrid at the same
time to send him some skilful architects, who could build in his coun-
try a church of stone,»after the fashion of the Romans". Ceolfrid died
on a journey to Rome, and was buried in a monastery of Navarre, in
the year 706 b.
But Bede, whose name is so nearly and necessarily connected with
every part of the literature of this period, and which has therefore
been often already mentioned, emphatically styled the Venerable by
his cotemporaries, was by far the most learned of the Saxon writers.
He was of the northern school, if it may be so called; and was educated
in the monastery of Saint Peter at Weremouth, under the care of the
abbots Ceolfrid and Biscopc. Bale affirms, that Bede learned physics
and mathematics from the purest sources, the original Greek and Ro-
man writers on these subjects d. But this hasty assertion, in part at
least, may justly be doubted. His knowledge, if we consider his age,
was extensive and profound : and it is amazing, in so rude a period,
"and during a life of no considerable length, he should have made so
successful a progress, and such rapid improvements, in scientifical and
philological studies, and have composed so many elaborate treatises on
different subjects6. It is diverting to see the French critics censuring
Bede for credulity: they might as well have accused him of supersti-
tion f. There is much perspicuity and facility in his Latin style ; but
y Bed. Hist. Eccl. v. 22. And Concil. young man in shining apparel came and
Gen. vi. p. 1423. led him, without speaking, to a valley of
* Bed. Hist. Eccl. ib. c. 21. iv. 18. infinite depth, length, and breadth : one
b Bed. Hist. Abb. p. 300. side was formed by a prodigious sheet of
c Bed. Hist. Eccl. v. 24. fire, and the opposite side filled with hail
d ii. 94. and ice. Both sides were swarming with
e " Libros septuaginta octo edidit, quos souls of departed men, who were for ever
ad finem HISTORIC suae ANGLICANS in search of rest, alternately shifting their
edidit. [See Op. edit. Cant. pp. 222, 223. situation to these extremes of heat and
lib. v. c. 24.] Hie succumbit ingenium, cold. The monk supposing this place to
deficit eloquium, sufficienter admirari be hell, was told by his guide that he was
hominem a scholastico exercitio tarn pro- mistaken. The guide then led him, greatly
cul amotum, tarn sobrio sermone tanta terrified with this spectacle, to a more di-
eluborasse volumina." &c. Chron. Praef. stant place, where he says, " I saw on a
Bever. MSS. Coll. Trin. Oxon. ut supr. sudden a darkness come on, and every
f. 65. [Bever was a monk of Westmin- thing was obscured. When I entered this
ster circ. A.D. 1400.] For a full and ex- place I could discern no object, on account
act list of Bede's works, the curious of the increasing darkness, except the
reader is referred to Mabillon, Saec. iii. countenance and glittering garments of
p. i. p. 539. Or Cave, Hist. Lit. ii. p. my conductor. As we went forward I
242. beheld vast torrents of flame spouting up-
f It is true, that Bede has introduced wards from the ground, as from a large
many miracles and visions into his hi- well, and falling down into it again. As
story. Yet some of these are pleasing to we came near it my guide suddenly va-
the imagination: they are tinctured with nished, and left me alone in the midst of
the gloom of the cloister, operating on the darkness and this horrible vision. De-
extravagances of oriental invention. I formed and uncouth spirits arose from
will give an instance or two. A monk of this blazing chasm, and attempted to draw
Northumberland died, and was brought me in with fiery forks." But his guide
again to life. In this interval of death, a here returned, and they all retired at his
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CV
it is void of elegance, and often of purity ; it shows with what grace
and propriety he would have written, had his mind been formed on
better models. Whoever looks for digestion of materials, .disposition
of parts, and accuracy of narration in this writer's historical works,
expects what could not exist at that time. He -has recorded but few
civil transactions; but besides that his history professedly considers
ecclesiastical affairs, we should remember, that the building of a church,
the preferment of an abbot, the canonisation of a martyr, and the im-
portation into England of the shin-bone of an apostle, were necessarily
matters of much more importance in Bede's conceptions than victories
or revolutions, He is fond of minute description ; but particularities
are the fault and often the merit of early historians1". Bede wrote many
pieces of Latin poetry. The following verses from his MEDITATIO DE
DIE JUDICII, a translation of which into Saxon verse is now preserved
in the library of Bennet college at Cambridge3, are at least well turned
and harmonious.
Inter florigeras fcecundi cespitis herbas,
Flamine ventorum resonantibus undique ramis*.
Some of Aldhelm's verses are exactly in this cast, written on the De-
dication of the abbey-church at Malmesbury to Saint Peter and Saint
Paul.
Hie celebranda rudisu florescit gloria templi,
Limpida quse sacri celebrat vexilla triumphi :
Hie Petrus et Paulus, tenebrosi lumina mundi,
Praecipui patres populi qui frena gubernant,
appearance. Heave., is then described viour, is very particular in the account of
with great strength of fancy. I have seen their names, age, and respective offerings,
an old ballad, called the Dead Man's Song, He says, that Melchior was old, and had
on this story ; and Milton's hell may grey hair, with a long beard ; and that it
perhaps be taken from this idea. Bed. was he who offered gold to Christ, in ac-
Hist. Eccl. v. 13. Our historian in the knowledgement of his sovereignty; that
next chapter relates, that two most beau- Gaspar, the second of the magi, was young,
tiful youths came to a person lying sick and had no beard; and that it was he who
on his death-bed, and offered him a book offered frankincense in recognition of our
to read, richly ornamented, in which his Lord's divinity ; and that Balthasar, the
good actions were recorded. Immediate- third, was of a dark complexion, had a
ly after this, the house was surrounded large beard, and offered myrrh to our
and filled with an army of spirits of most Saviour's humanity." He is likewise very
horrible aspect. One of them, who by circumstantial in the description of their
the gloom of his darksome countenance dresses. Melanges de 1'Hist. et de Lit.
appeared to be their leader, produced a Paris, 1725. 12mo. torn. iii. p. 283. &c.
book, codicem horrendae visionis, et mag- What was more natural than this in such
nitudinis enormis et ponderis pane impor- a writer and on such a subject? In the
tabilis, and ordered some of his attendant mean time it may be remarked, that this
demons to bring it to the sick man. In description of Bede, taken perhaps from
this were contained all his sins, &c. ib. constant tradition, is now to be seen in
cap. 14. the old pictures and popular representa-
* An ingenious author who writes un- tions of the Wise Men's Offering.
der the name of M. de Vigneul Marvillc, * Cod. MSS. Ixxix. P. 161.
observes, that Bede, " when he speaks of l Malmesb. apud Whart. ut supr. p. 8.
the Magi who went to worship our Sa- u recent; newly built.
CV1 DISSERTATION II.
Carminibus crebris alma celebrantur in aula.
Claviger o caeli, portam qui pandis in asthra,
, Candida qui meritis recludis limina cseli,
Exaudi clemens populorum vota tuorum,
Marcida qui riguis humectant fletibus oraw.
The strict and superabundant attention of these Latin poets to prosodic
rules, on which it was become fashionable to write didactic systems,
made them accurate to excess in the metrical conformation of their
hexameters, and produced a faultless and flowing monotony. Bede died
in the monastery of Weremouth, which he never had once quitted, in
the year 735 x.
I have already observed, and from good authorities, that many of
these Saxon scholars were skilled in Greek. Yet scarce any consider-
able monuments have descended to modern times, to prove their fami-
liarity with that language. I will, however, mention such as have oc-
curred to me. Archbishop Parker, or rather his learned scribe Jocelin,
affirms, that the copy of Homer, and some of the other books import-
ed into England by archbishop Theodore, as I have above related, re-
mained in his time ^. There is however no allusion to Homer, nor any
mention made of his name, in the writings of the Saxons now existing2.
In the Bodleian library are some extracts from the books of the Pro-
phets in Greek and Latin : the Latin is in Saxon, and the Greek in
Latino-greek capital characters. A Latino-greek alphabet is prefixed.
In the same manuscript is a chapter of Deuteronomy, Greek and Latin,
but both are in Saxon characters a. In the curious and very valuable
library of Bennet college in Cambridge is a very ancient copy of Ald-
helm DE LAUDE VIRGINITATIS. In it is inserted a specimen of Saxon
poetry full of Latin and Greek words, and at the end of the manuscript
some Runic letters occur b. I suspect that their Grecian literature was
a matter of ostentation rather than use. William of Malmesbury, in his
Life of Aldhelm, censures an affectation in the writers of this age; that
they were fond of introducing in their Latin compositions a difficult
and abstruse word latinised from the Greek0. There are many in-
stances of this pedantry in the early charters of Dugdale's Monasti-
con. But it is no where more visible than in the LIFE of Saint WIL-
FRID, archbishop of Canterbury, written by Fridegode a monk of Can-
terbury, in Latin heroics, about the year 960 d. Malmesbury observes
of this author's style, " Latinitatem perosus, Grcecitatem amat, Grcecula
w W. Malmesb. ut supr. Apud Whart. ginal. [Who has seen the original ? —
P- 8. DOUCE.]
* Cave, ubi supr. p. 473. Saec. Eico- a NE. D. 19. MSS.membr. 8vo.fol. 24.
nocl. 19.
y Antiquitat. Brit. p. 80. b Cod. MSS. K 12.
z See Sect.iii. page 128. of this volume, ° Ubi supr. p. 7.
where it is observed, that Homer is cited d Printed by Mabillon, Saec. Benedic-
by Geoffrey of Monmouth. But he is tin. iii. P. i. p. 169.
not mentioned in Geoffrey's Armoric ori-
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CV11
verba frequentat6." Probably to be able to read Greek at this time
was esteemed a knowledge of that language. Eginhart relates, that
Charlemagne could speak Latin as fluently as his native Prankish ; but
slightly passes over his accomplishment in Greek by artfully saying,
that he understood it better than he could pronounce itf. Nor, by the
way, was Charlemagne's boasted facility in the Latin so remarkable a
prodigy. The Latin language was familiar to the Gauls when they
were conquered by the Franks ; for they were a province of the Ro-
man empire till the year 485. It was the language of their religious
offices, their laws, and public transactions. The Franks, who conquer-
ed the Gauls at the period just mentioned, still continued this usage,
imagining there was a superior dignity in the language of imperial
Rome ; although this incorporation of the Franks with the Gauls greatly
corrupted the latinity of the latter, and had given it a strong tincture
of barbarity before the reign of Charlemagne . But while we are bring-
ing proofs which tend to extenuate the notion that Greek was now
much known or cultivated, it must not be dissembled, that John Eri»
gena, a native of Aire in Scotland, and one of King Alfred's first lec-
turers at Oxford *, translated into Latin from the Greek original four
large treatises of Dionysius the Areopagite, about the year 860h. This
translation, which is dedicated to Charles the Bald, abounds with Greek
phraseology, and is hardly intelligible to a mere Latin reader. He also
translated into Latin the Scholia of Saint Maximus on the difficult
passages of Gregory Nazianzen*. He frequently visited his munificent
patron Charles the Bald, and is said to have taken a long journey to
Athens, and to have spent many years in studying not only the Greek
but the Arabic and Chaldee languages11.
As to classic authors, it appears that not many of them were known
or studied by our Saxon ancestors. Those with which they were most
acquainted, either in prose or verse, seem to have been of the lower
empire; writers who, in the declension of taste, had superseded the
• Gest. Pontific. i. f. 114. Epistles. Hoveden and Matthew Paris
f Vit. Car. Magn. p. 30. have literally transcribed the words of
8 Wood, Hist. Antiquit. Univ. Oxon. i. Malmesbury just cited, and much more.
15. Hov. fol. 234; and M. Paris, p. 253. It
h This translation, with dedications in is doubtful whether the Versio Moralium
verse and prose to Charles the Bald, oc- Aristotelis is from the Greek ; it might
curs twice in the Bodleian library, viz. be from the Arabic : or whether ovir au-
MSS. Mus. 148. and Hyper. Bodl. 148. thor's. See Prsefat. Op. nonnull. Oxon.
p. 4. seq. See also Laud. I. 59. And in edit, per Gale, cum Not. 1681. fol.
Saint John's college Oxford, A. xi. 2. 3. l Printed at Oxford as above. Erigena
William of Malmesbury says, that he wrote died at Malmesbury, where he had opened
a book entitled, Periphismerisnms, (that a school in the year 883. Cave, Hist. Lit.
is, Ilepi Qvaews juepio-juou,) and adds, that Saec. Phot. pp. 548, 549. William of
in this piece " a Latinorum tramite de- Malmesbury says, that Erigena was one
viavit, dum in Grsecos acriter oculos in- of the wits of Charles the Bald's table,
tendit." Vit. Aldhelm. p. 28. Wharton, and his constant companion. Ubi supr.
Angl. Sacr. ii. It was printed at Oxford p. 27.
by Gale. Erigena, in one of the dedica- k Spelm. Vit. yElfred. Bale xiv. 32.
tions above mentioned, says, that he had Pits. p. 168.
translated into Latin ten of Dionysius's
DISSERTATION II.
purer and more ancient Roman models, and had been therefore more
recently and frequently transcribed. I have mentioned Alfred's trans-
lations of Boethius and Orosius. Prudentius was also perhaps one of
their favorites. In the British Museum there is a manuscript copy of
that poet's PSYCOMACHIA. It is illustrated with drawings of historical
figures, each of which have an explanatory legend in Latin and Saxon
letters ; the Latin in large red characters, and the Saxon in black, of
great antiquity1. Prudentius is likewise in Bennet college library at
Cambridge, transcribed in the time of Charles the Bald, with several
Saxon words written into the text1". Sedulius's hymns are in the same
repository in Saxon characters, in a volume containing other Saxon
manuscripts11. Bede says, that Aldhelm wrote his book DE VIRGINI-
TATE, which is both prose and verse, in imitation of the mariner of
Sedulius0. We learn from Gregory of Tours, what is not foreign to
our purpose to remark, that King Chilperic, who began to reign in 562,
wrote two books of Latin verses in imitation of Sedulius. But it was
without any idea of the common quantities P. A manuscript of this
poet in the British Museum is bound up with Nennius and Felix's
MIRACLES OF SAINT GUTHLAC, dedicated to Alfwoldking of the East
Angles, and written both in Latin and Saxon**. But these classics
were most of them read as books of religion and morality. Yet Ald-
helm, in his tract DE METRORUM GENERIBUS, quotes two verses from
the third book of Virgil's Georgicsr: and in the Bodleian library we
find a manuscript of the first book of Ovid's Art of Love, in very an-
cient Saxon characters, accompanied with a British gloss8. And the
venerable Bede, having first invoked the Trinity, thus begins a Latin
panegyrical hymn on the miraculous virginity of Ethildryde: "Let
Virgil sing of wars, I celebrate the gifts of peace. My verses are of
chastity, not of the rape of the adulteress Helen. I will chant heavenly
blessings, not the battles of miserable Troy V These however are rare
instances. It was the most abominable heresy to have any concern
with the pagan fictions. The graces of composition were not their ob-
jects, and elegance found no place amidst their severer pursuits in phi-
losophy and theology".
1 MSS. Cott. Cleopatr. C. 8. membr. system of medicine in Saxon, often cited
3vo. by Somner in his Lexicon, under the title
Miscellan. MSS. M. membran. of Liber Medicinalis. It appears by this
MSS. S. 1 1. Cod. membran. tract, that they were well acquainted with
Eccl. Hist. 19. the Latin physicians and naturalists, Mar-
Gregor. Turonens. 1. vi. c. 46. cellus, Scribonius Largus, Pliny, Cseiius
MSS. Cotton. Vesp. D. xxi. 8vo. Aurelianus, Theodore, Priscus, &c. MSS.
W. Malmesb. Vit. Aldhelm. Wharton, Bibl. Reg. Brit. Mus. Cod. membr.. ..It is
Angl. Sacr. ii. 4. probable that this manuscript is of the age
* NE. D. 19. membr. 8vo. fol. 37. of King Alfred. Among Hatton's books in
Bed. Eccl. Hist. iv. 20. the Bodleian library is a Saxon manu-
Medicine was one of their favorite script which has been entitled by Junius
sciences, being a part of the Arabian learn- Medicina ex Quadrupedibus. It is pre-
iug. We have now remaining Saxon ma- tended to be taken from Idpart, a fabu-
nuscript translations of Apuleius De Viri- lous king of Egypt. It is followed by two
busllerbarum. They have also left a large epistles in Latin of Evax king of the Ara-
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. C1X
It is certain that literature was at its height among our Saxon ances-
tors about the eighth century. These happy beginnings were almost
entirely owing to the attention of King Alfred, who encouraged learn-
ing by his own example, by founding seminaries of instruction, and by
rewarding the labours of scholars. But the efforts of this pious mon-
arch were soon blasted by the supineness of his successors, the incur-
sions of the Danes, and the distraction of national affairs. Bede, from
the establishment of learned bishops in every diocese, and the universal
tranquillity which reigned over all the provinces of England, when he
finished his ecclesiastical history, flatters his imagination in anticipating
the most advantageous consequences, and triumphantly closes his nar-
rative with this pleasing presentiment. The Picts, at this period, were
at peace with the Saxons or English, and converted to Christianity.
The Scots lived contented within their own boundary. The Britons
or Welsh, from a natural enmity, and a dislike to the catholic institu-
tion of keeping Easter, sometimes attempted to disturb the national
repose ; but they were in some measure subservient to the Saxons.
Among the Northumbrians, both the nobility and private persons rather
chose their children should receive the monastic tonsure, than be trained
to armsx.
But a long night of confusion and gross ignorance succeeded. The
principal productions of the most eminent monasteries for three centu-
ries were incredible legends which discovered no marks of invention,
un edify ing homilies, and trite expositions of the Scriptures. Many
bishops and abbots began to consider learning as pernicious to true
piety, and confounded illiberal ignorance with Christian simplicity.
Leland frequently laments the loss of libraries destroyed in the Danish
bians to Tiberius Cesar, concerning the Oedip. Egypt, torn. iii. p. 68. Lambeccius
names and virtues of oriental precious describes a very curious and ancient ma-
stones used in medicine. Cod. Hatton. 100. nuscript of Dioscorides : among the beau-
membr. fol. It is believed to be a manu- tiful illuminations with which it was en-
script before the Conquest. These ideas riched, was a square picture with a gold
of a king of Egypt, another of Arabia, and ground, on which were represented the
of the use of oriental precious stones in the seven ancient physicians, Machaon, CHI-
medical art, evidently betray their origin. RON, Niger, Herculides, Mantias, Xeno-
Apuleius's Herbarium occurs in the Bri- crates, and Pamphilus. P. Lambecc. de
tish Museum in Latin and Saxon, " quod Bibl. Vindob. lib. ii. p. 525 seq. I have
accepit ab Esculapio et a Chirone Centauro mentioned above, Medicina ex Quadrupe-
Magistro A chillis ; " together with the dibus. A Greek poem or fragment called
Medicina ex Quadrupedibus above men- Medicina ex Piscibus has been attributed
tioned. MSS.Cot.Vitel.C.iii. Cod.membr. to Chiron. It was written by Marcellus
fol. iii. p. 19. iv. p. 75. It is remarkable Sidetas of Pamphylia, a physician under
that the Arabians attribute the invention Marcus Antoninus, and is printed by
of Simia, one of their magical sciences, to Fabricius, Bibl. Gr. i. p. 16 seq.; and see
Kirun or Carun, that is, Chiron the cen- xiii. p. 317. The Medicina ex Quadru-
taur, the master of Achilles. SeeHerbelot. pedibus seems to be the treatise entitled,
Diet. Orient. Artie. SIMIA, p. 1005. Medicina ex Animalibus, under the name
The Greeks reputed Chiron the inventor of Sextus Platonicus, and printed in Ste-
of medicine. His medical books are men- phens's Medica Artis Principes, p. 684.
tioned by many ancient writers, particu- This was a favorite medical system of the
larly by Apuleius Celsus, De Herbis : and dark ages. See Fabric, ibid. xiii. 395.
Kircher observes, that Chiron's treatise of xii. 613.
Mulomedicina was familiar to the Arabians. * Bede, Eccl. Hist. v. 23.
CX DISSERTATION If.
invasions?. Some slight attempts were made for restoring literary pur-
suits, but with little success. In the tenth century, Oswald archbishop
of York, finding the monasteries of his province extremely ignorant not
only in the common elements of grammar, but even in the canonical
rules of their respective orders, was obliged to send into France for
competent masters, who might remedy these evils2. In the mean time,
from perpetual commotions, the manners of the people had degenerated
from that mildness which a short interval of peace and letters had in-
troduced, and the national character had contracted an air of rudeness
and ferocity.
England at length, in the beginning of the eleventh century, received
from the Normans the rudiments of that cultivation which it has pre-
served to the present times. The Normans were a people who had
acquired ideas of splendour and refinement from their residence in
France ; and the gallantries of their feudal system introduced new
magnificence and elegance among our rough unpolished ancestors.
The Conqueror's army was composed of the flower of the Norman no-
bility ; who sharing allotments of land in different parts of the new
territory, diffused a general knowledge of various improvements en-
tirely unknown in the most flourishing eras of the Saxon government,
and gave a more liberal turn to the manners even of the provincial in-
habitants. That they brought with them the arts, may yet be seen by
the castles and churches which they built on a more extensive and
stately plana. Literature, in particular, the chief object of our present
research, which had long been reduced to the most abject condition,
appeared with new lustre in consequence of this important revo-
lution.
Towards the close of the tenth century, an event took place, which
gave a new and very fortunate turn to the state of letters in France
and Italy. A little before that time, there were no schools in Europe
but those which belonged to the monasteries or episcopal churches ;
and the monks were almost the only masters employed to educate the
youth in the principles of sacred and profane erudition. But at the
commencement of the eleventh century, many learned persons of the
laity, as well as of the clergy, undertook in the most capital cities of
France and Italy this important charge. The Latin versions of the
Greek philosophers from the Arabic had now become so frequent and
y SeeMalmesb. apudLel. Coll.i. p. 140. rical, on Castles, Churches, Monasteries,
edit. nup. and other Monuments of Antiquity in va-
* Wharton, Angl. Sacr. ii. 201. Many rious Parts of England. To which will
evidences of the ignorance which prevailed be prefixed, The History of Architecture
in other countries during the tenth cen- in England.
tury have been collected by Muratori, An- [This production, which Mr. Price of
tiquit. Ital. Med. JEv. iii. 831. ii. 141 ; and the Bodleian library affirms to have been
Boulay, Hist. Acad. Paris, i. 288. written out fairly for the press, has not
a This point will be further illustrated been discovered among the papers of Mr.
in a work now preparing for the press, Warton, though the prima stamina were
entitled, Observations Critical and Histo- found in a crude state.— PARK.]
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXI
common as to fall into the hands of the people ; and many of these
new preceptors having travelled into Spain with a design of studying
in the Arabic schools b, and comprehending in their course of instruc-
tion more numerous and useful branches of science than the monastic
teachers were acquainted with, communicated their knowledge in a
better method, and taught in a much more full, perspicuous, solid, and
rational manner. These and other beneficial effects, arising from this
practice of admitting others besides ecclesiastics to the profession of
letters, and the education of youth, were imported into England by
means of the Norman conquest.
The Conqueror himself patronised and loved letters. He filled the
bishopricks and abbacies of England with the most learned of his
countrymen, who had been educated at the university of Paris, at that
time the most flourishing school in Europe. He placed Lanfranc, ab-
bot of the monastery of Saint Stephen at Caen, in the see of Canter-
bury ; an eminent master of logic, the subtleties of which he employed
with great dexterity in a famous controversy concerning the real pre-
sence. Anselm, an acute metaphysician and theologist, his immediate
successor in the same see, was called from the government of the ab-
bey of Bee in Normandy. Herman, a Norman bishop of Salisbury,
founded a noble library in the ancient cathedral of that seec. Many
of the Norman prelates preferred in England by the Conqueror were
polite scholars. Godfrey, prior of Saint Swithin's at Winchester, a na-
tive of Cambray, was an elegant Latin epigrammatist, and wrote with
the smartness and ease of Martial d; a circumstance which, by the way,
b This fashion continued for a long time. printed, is an eulogy on Walkelin bishop
Among many who might here be men- of Winchester, and a Norman, who built
tioned was Daniel Merlac, an Englishman, great part of his stately cathedral, as it
who in the year 1185 went to Toledo to now stands, and was bishop there during
learn mathematics, and brought back with Godfrey's priorate, viz.
him into England several books of the Consili virtutis am facundia comi
Arabian philosophy. Wood Antiq. Univ. WALCHELINE pater, fixa fuere tibi.
^"Nobilem'bibliothecam, comparatis ^^J™™™' ' "^ d°CUmenta
in hoc optimis juxta ac antiquissimis il- £ J| l} ^ u
lustrium autonim monumentis Seven* peg ^ ^^ ^ . .^ f
r^inoo ? ^ ftf !/ J?? Portans invalidos, qui cecidere levans.
died 1099, He was so fond of let ten, that Divit..g domi ^ ,a hor fi
he did not disdain to bind and illuminate D fid , d fi f . Jbi &
bpoks. Mon. Angl. in. p. 375. Vid. supr.
The old church of Salisbury stood within Among the Epigrams, the following is not
the area of that noble ancient military cited by Camden :
work called Old-castle. Leland says, that pauca Titug ioga dab ^ viHa ,
he finished the church which his prede- Ut u / h b d £ T
cessor Herman had begun, and filled its tug
chapter with eminent scholars.
d Camden has cited several of his epi- These pieces are in the Bodleian library,
grams. Remains, p. 421. edit. 1674. I MSS. Digb. 112. The whole collection
ha*ve read all his pieces now remaining. is certainly worthy of publication ; I do
The chief of them are, "Proverbia, et Epi- not mean merely as a curiosity. Leland
grammata Satyrica." — " Carmina Histo- mentions his epistles " familiari illo et
rica, de Rege Canuto, Regina Emma" &c. DULCI stylo editae." Script. Brit. p. 159.
Among these last, none of which were ever Godfrey died 1107. He was made prior of
DISSERTATION II.
shows that the literature of the monks at this period was of a more
liberal cast than that which we commonly annex to their character and
profession. Geoffrey, a learned Norman, was invited from the univer-
s^ty of Paris to superintend the direction of the school of the priory of
Dunstable, where he composed a play called the Play of SAINT CATHA-
RINE6, which was acted by his scholars. This was perhaps the first
spectacle of the kind that was ever attempted, and the first trace of
theatrical representation which appeared in England. Matthew Paris*,
who first records this anecdote, says, that Geoffrey borrowed copes
from the sacrist of the neighbouring abbey of Saint Alban's to dress
his characters. He was afterwards elected abbot of that opulent mona-
stery^
The king himself gave no small countenance to the clergy, in send-
ing his son Henry Beauclerc to the abbey of Abingdon, where he was
initiated in the sciences under the care of the abbot Grimbald, and
Faritius a physician of Oxford. -Robert d'Oilly, constable of Oxford
castle, was ordered to pay for the board of the young prince in the
convent, which the king himself frequently visited s. Nor was William
wanting in giving ample revenues to learning : he founded the magni-
ficent abbeys of Battel and Selby, with other smaller convents. His
nobles and their successors co-operated with this liberal spirit in erect-
ing many monasteries. Herbert de Losinga, a monk of Normandy,
bishop of Thetford in Norfolk, instituted and endowed with large pos-
sessions a Benedictine abbey at Norwich, consisting of sixty monks.
To mention no more instances, such great institutions of persons dedi-
cated to religious and literary leisure, while they diffused an air of
civility, and softened the manners of the people in their respective cir-
cles, must have afforded powerful invitations to studious pursuits, and
have consequently added no small degree of stability to the interests
of learning.
By these observations, and others which have occurred in the course
of our inquiries concerning the utility of monasteries, I certainly do
not mean to defend the monastic system. We are apt to pass a gene-
ral and undistinguishing censure on the monks, and to suppose their
foundations to have been the retreats of illiterate indolence at every
Winchester. A.D. 1082. Wharton, Angl. rine; for the decoration of which he bor-
Sacr. i. 324. He was interred in the old rowed copes from St. Alban's : but that on
chapter-house, whose area now makes the following night his house together with
part of the dean's garden. the copes and all his books was burned.
• See infr. vol. ii. Sect. vi. p. 18. Nothing is mentioned about the priory of
[Mr. Warton has here most strangely Dunstaple, which was not founded before
misquoted Matthew Paris. This writer 1131, long after Abbot Richard's death;
says, that Geoffrey was sent for by Ri- immediately upon which Geoffrey was
chard abbot of St. Alban's, to superintend elected abbot of St. Alban's.— DOUCE.}
the school there ; but arriving too late, the ' Vit. Abbat. ad calc. Hist. p. 56. edit,
school was given to another person; that 1639. See also Bui. Hist. Acad. 'Paris.
Geoffrey still expecting the office, esta- ii. 225.
blished himself at Dunstaple, where he « Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. 46.
composed the miracle play of St. Catha-
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXlll
period of time. But it should be remembered, that our universities
about the time of the Norman conquest, were in a low condition ; while
the monasteries contained ample endowments and accommodations, and
were the only respectable seminaries of literature. A few centuries af-
terwards, as our universities began to flourish, in consequence of the
distinctions and honours which they conferred on scholars, the esta-
blishment of colleges, the introduction of new systems of science, the
universal ardour which prevailed of breeding almost all persons to let-
ters, and the abolition of that exclusive right of teaching which the ec-
clesiastics had so long claimed ; the monasteries of course grew inat-
tentive to studies, which were more strongly encouraged, more commo-
diously pursued, and more successfully cultivated, in other places ; they
gradually became contemptible and unfashionable as nurseries of learn-
ing, and their fraternities degenerated into sloth and ignorance. The
most eminent scholars which England produced, both in philosophy
and humanity, before and even below the twelfth century, were edu-
cated in our religious houses. The encouragement given in the English
monasteries for transcribing books, the scarcity of which in the middle
ages we have before remarked, was very considerable. In every great
abbey there was an apartment called the SCRIPTORIUM ; where many
writers were constantly busied in transcribing not only the service-books
for the choir, but books for the library11. The Scriptorium of Saint
Alban's abbey was built by abbot Paulin, a Norman, who ordered many
volumes to be written there, about the year 1080. Archbishop Lan-
franc furnished the copies'. Estates were often granted for the sup-
port of the Scriptorium. That at Saint Edmondsbury was endowed
with two mills k. The tythes of a rectory were appropriated to the ca-
thedral convent of Saint Swithin at Winchester, ad libros transcribendos,
in the year 1171 *• Many instances of this species of benefaction occur
from the tenth century. Nigel, in the year 1160, gave the monks of
Ely two churches, ad libros faciendos™. This employment appears to
have been diligently practised at Croyland, for Ingulphus relates, that
when the library of that convent was burnt in the year 1091, seven
h This was also a practice in the monas- * Mat. Paris, p. 1003. See Leland,
teries abroad, in which the boys and no- Script. Brit. p. 166.
vices were chiefly employed. But the k Registr. Nigr. S. Edmund. Abbat.
missals and bibles were ordered to be fol. 228.
written by monks of mature age and dis- J Registr. Joh. Pontissar. episcop. Wint.
cretion. Du Fresne, Gloss. Lat. Med. V. f. 164. MS. See Mon. Angl. i. 131. He-
SCRIPTORIUM; and Praefat. f. vi. edit. ming. Chartul. per Hearne, p. 265. Corn-
prim. See also Monast. Anglic, ii. 726. pare also Godwin, de Praesul. p. 121. edit,
and references in the windows of the li- 1616.
brary of Saint Alban's abbey. Ibid. 183. m Wharton, Angl. Sacr. i. p. 619. See
At the foundation of Winchester college, also, p. 634, and 278. Hearne has pub-
one or more transcribers were hired and lished a grant from R. De Paston to Brom-
employed by the founder to make books holm abbey in Norfolk, of I2d. per annum,
for the library. They transcribed and a rent-charge on his lands, to keep their
took their commons within the college, as books in repair, ad emendacionem libro-
appears by computations of expenses on rum. Ad. Domerham, Num. iii.
their account now remaining.
VOL. I. h
CX1V
DISSERTATION II,
hundred volumes were consumed11. Fifty-eight volumes were trans-
cribed at Glastonbury, during the government of one abbot, about the
year 1300°. And in the library of this monastery, the richest in Eng-
land, there were upwards of four hundred volumes in the year 1248p.
More than eighty books were thus transcribed for Saint Alban's abbey,
by abbot Wethamstede, who died about 14401. Some of these in-
stances are rather below our period ; but they illustrate the subject, and
are properly connected with those of more ancient date. I find some of
the classics written in the English monasteries very early. Henry, a
Benedictine monk of Hyde-abbey, near Winchester, transcribed in the
year 1178 Terence, Boethiusr, Suetonius8, and Claudian. Of these he
formed one book, illuminating the initials, and forming the brazen bosses
of the covers with his own hands*. But this abbot had more devotion
than taste ; for he exchanged this manuscript a few years afterwards for
four missals, the Legend of Saint Christopher, and Saint Gregory's
PASTORAL CARE, with the prior of the neighbouring cathedral con-
ventu. Benedict, abbot of Peterborough, author of the Latin chroni-
cle of king Henry the Second, amongst a great variety of scholastic
and theological treatises, transcribed Seneca's epistles and tragedies w,
Terence, Martialx, and Claudian, to which I will add GESTA ALEXAN-
Hist. Croyland. Dec. Script, p. 98.
Tanner, Not. Mon. edit. 8vo. Pref.
See Joann. Glaston. ut infr. And
Le and, Script. Brit. p. 131.
Weaver, Fun. Mon. p. 566.
It is observable, that Boethius in his
metres constantly follows Seneca's trage-
dies. I believe there is not one form of
verse in Boethius but what is taken from
Seneca.
9 Suetonius is frequently cited by the
writers of the middle ages, particularly
by Vincentius Bellovacensis, Specul. Hist,
lib. x. c. 67. and Rabanus Maurus, Art.
Gram. Op. torn. i. p. 46. Lupus, abbot of
Ferrieres, about the year 838, a learned
philosophical writer, educated under Ra-
banus Maurus, desires abbot Marquard to
send him Suetonius, On the Cctsars, " in
duos nee magnos codices divisum." Epi-
stol. Lup. Ferrariens. xcix. apud Andr. Du
Chesne, Script. Rer. Franc, torn. ii. p. 726.
Isidorus Hispalensis, a bishop of the se-
venth century, gives the origin of poetry
from Suetonius, Origin, viii. 7. Chaucer's
tale of Nero in the Monke's Tale is taken
from Suetonius, " as tellith us Suetonius."
v. 491. p. 164. edit. Urr.
1 " Suis manibus apices literarum arti-
ficiose pinxit et illuminavit, necnon aereos
umbones in tegminibus appinxit." MS.
Registr. Priorat. S. Swithin. Winton.
Quatern In archiv. Wulves. Many
of the monks were skilful illuminators.
They were also taught to bind books. In
the year 1277, these constitutions were
given to the Benedictine monasteries of
the province of Canterbury : " Abbates
monachos suos claustrales, loco operis ma-
nualis, secundum suam habilitatem caete-
ris occupationibus deputent : in studendo,
libros scribendo, corrigendo, illuminando,
ligando." Capit. Gen. Ord. Benedictin.
Provinc. Cant. 1277. apud MSS. Br.
Twyne, 8vo. p. 272. archiv. Oxon.
u Ibid.
w Nicholas Antonius says, that Nicholas
Franeth, a Dominican, illustrated Seneca's
tragedies with a gloss, soon after the year
1300. Bibl. Vet. Hispan. apud Fabric.
Bibl. Lat. lib. ii. c. 9. He means Nicho-
las Trivet, an English Dominican, author
of the Annals published by Anthony Hall.
* John of Salisbury calls Martial Cocns,
Policrat. vi. 3. as do several writers of
the middle ages. Martial is cited by Je-
rom of Padua, a Latin poet and physician,
who flourished about the year 1300. See
Christian. Daumii Not. ad Catonis Distich,
p. 140. One of the two famous manu-
scripts of Terence in the Vatican, is said
to have been written in the time, perhaps
under the encouragement, of Charle-
magne ; and to have been compared with
the more antient copies by Calliopius
Scholasticus. Fontanin. Vindic. Antiquit.
Diplomat, p. 37. Scholasticus means a
master in the ecclesiastical schools. En-
gelbert, abbot of Trevoux, a writer of the
tenth century, mentions Terentius Poeta,
but in such a manner as shews he had but
little or no knowledge of him. He con-
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND.
CXV
, about the year 1180Z. In a catalogue of the books8 of the li-
brary of Glastonbury we find Livyb, Sallustc, Seneca, Tully DE SENEC-
TUTE and AMiciTiAd, Virgil, Persius*, and Claudian, in the year 1248.
Among the royal manuscripts of the British Museum, is one of the
twelve books of Statius's Thebaid, supposed to have been written in
the tenth century, which once belonged to the cathedral convent of
Rochester6; and another of Virgil's Eneid, written in the thirteenth,
which came from the library of Saint Austin's at Canterbury f. Wal-
lingford, abbot of Saint Alban's, gave or sold from the library of that
monastery to Richard of Bury, bishop of Durham, author of the PHI-
LOB FBLION, and a great collector of books, Terence, Virgil, Quintilian,
and Jerom against Rufinus, together with thirty-two other volumes
valued at fifty-two pounds of silver £. The scarcity of parchment un-
founds this poet with Terentius the Ro-
man senator, whom Scipio delivered from
prison at Carthage, and brought to Rome.
Bibl. Patr. torn. xxv. edit. Lugd. p. 370.
y See Sect. iii. p. 132. of this volume.
z Swaffham, Hist. Caenob. Burg. ii. p.
97. per Jos. Sparke. " Epistolae Senecse
cum aliis Senecis in uno volumine, Mar-
tialis totus et Terentius in uno volumine,"
&c. Sub Tit. De Libris ejus. He died
in 1193. In the library of Peterborough
abbey, at the Dissolution, there were one
thousand and seven hundred books in ma-
nuscript. Gunton's Peterb. p. 173.
a See Chron. Joh. Glaston.edit. Hearne,
Oxon. 1726, viz. Numerus Librorum Glas-
toniensis ecclesite quifuerunt de LIBRARIA
anno grades M.CC.XL.VH. p. 423. Leland,
who visited all the monasteries just before
their dissolution, seems to have been
struck with the venerable air and ampli-
tude of this room. Script. Brit. p. 196.
See what is said of the monastery libraries
above.
b It is pretended, that Gregory the
Great, in the year 580, ordered all the
manuscripts of Livy to be burnt which
could be found, as a writer who enforced
the doctrine of prodigies. By the way,
Livy himself often insinuates his disbelief
of those superstitions. He studies to re-
late the most ridiculous portents ; and he
only meant, when it came in his way, to
record the credulity of the people, not to
propagate a belief of such absurdities. It
was the superstition of the people, not of
the historian. Antonio Beccatelli is said
to have purchased of Poggius a beautiful
manuscript of Livy, for which he gave the
latter a large field, in the year 1455. Gal-
laes. De Bibliothecis, p. 186. See Liron,
Singularites Hist, et Litt. torn. i. p. 166.
0 Fabricius mentions two manuscripts
of Sallust, one written in the year 1178,
and the other in the year 900. Bibl. Lat.
1. i. c. 9. Sallust is cited by a Byzantine
writer, Joannes Antiochenus, of an early
century. Excerpt. Peiresc. p. 393. Mr.
Hume says, that Sallust's larger history
is cited by Fitz-Stephens, in his descrip-
tion of London. Hist. Engl. ii. 440. 4to.
edit.
d Paulus Jovius says, that Poggius,
about the year 1420, first brought Tully's
books De Finibus and De Legibus into
Italy, transcribed by himself from other
manuscripts. Voss. Hist. Lat. p. 550.
About the same time, Brutus, de Claris
Oratoribus, and some of the rhetorical
pieces, with a complete copy of De Ora-
tore, were discovered and circulated by
Flavius Blondus, and his friends. Flav.
Blond. Ital. Illustrat. p. 346. Leland says,
that William Selling, a monk of Canter-
bury, about 1480, bi ought with him from
Italy Cicero's book De Republica, but that
it was burnt with other manuscripts.
Script. Brit. CELLINQUS.
* [A fine MS. of Persius, with a copious
Latin gloss, was given to the cathedral
church of Exeter, by Bishop Leofric, in
1050. It is now preserved in the Bodleian
library. — M.]
c 15 C. x. 1. * 15 B. vi.
• Vit. Abbat. S. Albani. Brit. Mus.
MSS. Cotton. Claud, E. iv. In the royal
manuscripts in John of Salisbury's Enten-
ticus, there is written, " Hunc librum fe-
cit dominus Symon abbas S. Albani : quem
postea venditum domino Ricardo de Bury,
episcopo Dunelmensi, emit Michael abbas
S. Albani ab executoribus praedicti epi-
scopi, A.D. 1345." MSS. 13 D. iv. 3.
Richard de Bury, otherwise called Richard
Aungervylle, is said to have alone pos-
sessed more books than all the Bishops of
England together. Besides the fixed li-
braries which he had formed in his seve-
ral palaces, the floor of his common apart-
ment was so covered with books, that
h 2
CXVl
DISSERTATION II.
doubtedly prevented the transcription of many other books in these
societies. About the year 1120, one master Hugh, being appointed
by the convent of Saint Edmondsbury in Suffolk to write and illuminate
a grand copy of the Bible for their library, could procure no parch-
ment for this purpose in England h.
In consequence of the taste for letters and liberal studies introduced
by the Normans, many of the monks became almost as good critics as
catholics ; and not only in France, but in England, a great variety of
Latin writers, who studied the elegances of style, and the arts of clas-
sical composition, appeared soon after the Norman conquest. A view
those who entered could not with due re-
verence approach his presence. Gul.
Chambre, Contin. Hist. Dunelm. apud
Whart. Angl. Sacr. i. 765. He kept bind-
ers, illuminators, and writers in his pa-
laces. " Antiquariorum, scriptorum, cor-
rectorum, colligatorum, illuminatorum,"
&c. Philobibl. cap. viii. p. 34. edit. 1599.
Petrarch says that he had once a conver-
sation with Aungervylle, concerning the
island called by the antients Thule, whom
he calls Virum. ardentis ingenii, Petrarch,
Epist. i. 3. His book entitled PHILOBIB-
LioN,orDeAmoreLibrorumetInstitutione
BibliothecfE, supposed to be really written
by Robert Holcott, a Dominican friar, was
finished in his manor of Auckland, A.D.
1343. He founded a library at Oxford:
and it is remarkable, that in the book
above mentioned, he apologises for admit-
ting the poets into his collection. " Quare
non negleximus FABULAS POETARUM."
Cap. xiii. p. 43. xviii. p. 57. xix. 58. But
he is more complaisant to the prejudices
of his age, where he says, that the laity
are unworthy to be admitted to any com-
merce with books. " Laid omnium libra-
rum communione sunt indigni.." Cap. xvii.
p. 55. He prefers books of the liberal arts
to treatises in law. Cap. xi. p. 41. He
laments that good literature had entirely
ceased in the university of Paris. Cap. ix.
p. 38. He admits Panfletos exiguos into
his library. Cap. viii. 30. He employed
Stationarios and Libraries, not only in
England, but in France, Italy, and Ger-
many. Cap. x. p. 34. He regrets the to-
tal ignorance of the Greek language; but
adds, that he has provided for the students
of his library both Greek and Hebrew
grammars. Ibid, p, 40. He calls Paris the
paradise of the world, and says, that he
purchased there a variety of invaluable
volumes in all sciences, which yet were
neglected and perishing. Cap. viii. p. 31.
While chancellor and treasurer of Eng-
land, instead of the usual presents and
new-year's gifts appendant to his office,
he chose to receive those perquisites in
books. By the favour of Edward the Third
he gained access to the libraries of the
most capital monasteries ; where he shook
off the dust from volumes preserved in
chests and presses which had not been
opened for many ages. Ibid. 29, 30. [An
English translation of the Philobiblion by
Mr. Inglis was published in 8vo. 1832. —
M.]
[To this note it may be added from Bp.
Godwin, (Cat. of Eng. Bishops, 1601. p.
524-5) as has been suggested by Mr. Dib-
din, (Bibliom. 1 81 1. p. 248.) that De Bury
was the son of Sir Richard Angaruill,
knt. ; that he said of himself " exstatico
quodam librorum amove potenter se abrcp-
tum " — that he was mightily carried away,
and even beside himself, with immoderate
love of books and desire of reading. He
had always in his house many chaplains,
all great scholars. His manner was at
dinner and supper-time to have some good
book read to him, whereof he would dis-
course with his chaplains a great part of
the day following, if business interrupted
not his course. He was very bountiful
unto the poor: weekly he bestowed for
their relief 8 quarters of wheat made into
bread, beside the offal and fragments of
his tables. Riding between Newcastle
and Durham, he would give 81. in alms ;
and from Durham to Stockton 51., &c.
He bequeathed a valuable library of MSS.
to Durham, now Trinity college, Oxford ;
and upon the completion of the room to
receive them, they were put into pews or
studies, and chained to them. See Gutch's
edit, of Wood's Hist, of the Univ. of Oxf.
ii. 911.— PARK.]
h Monast. Angl. i. p. 200. In the great
revenue-roll of one year of John Gerveys,
bishop of Winchester, I find expended •
"in parcheamento empto ad rotulos, vs."
This was a considerable sum for such a
commodity in the year 1266. But as the
quantity or number of the rolls is not spe-
cified, no precise conclusion can be drawn.
Comp MS. membran. in archiv. Wulves.
Winton. Compare Anderson, Comm. i.
153, sub ann, 1313,
INTRODUCTION OP LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXVH
of the writers of this class who flourished in England for the two sub-
sequent centuries, till the restless spirit of novelty brought on an at-
tention to other studies, necessarily follows from what has been ad-
vanced, and naturally forms the conclusion of our present investigation.
Soon after the accession of the Conqueror, John, commonly called
Joannes Grammaticus, having studied polite literature at Paris, which
not only from the Norman connection, but from the credit of its pro-
fessors, became the fashionable university of our countrymen, was em-
ployed in educating the sons of the Norman and English nobility *. He
wrote an explanation of Ovid's Metamorphoses k, and a treatise on the
art of metre or versification1. Among the manuscripts of the library
of New College in Oxford, I have seen a book of Latin poetry, and
many pieces in Greek, attributed to this writer10. He flourished about
the year 1070. In the reign of Henry the First, Laurence, prior of the
church of Durham, wrote nine books of Latin elegies. But Leland,
who had read all his works, prefers his compositions in oratory ; and
adds, that for an improvement in rhetoric and eloquence, he frequently
exercised his talents in framing Latin defences on dubious cases which
occurred among his friends. He likewise, amongst a variety of other
elaborate pieces on saints, confessors, and holy virgins, in which he
humoured the times and his profession, composed a critical treatise on
the method of writing Epistles, which appears to have been a favourite
subject". He died in 1154°. About the same time, Robert Dunstable,
a monk of Saint Alban's, wrote an elegant Latin poem in elegiac verse,
containing two books P, on the life of Saint Alban^. The first book is
opened thus :
Albani celebrem ccelo terrisque triumphum
Ruminat inculto carmine Clio rudis.
We are not to expect Leonine rhymes in these writers, which became
fashionable some years afterwards1". Their verses are of a higher cast,
1 See Bale, iv. 40. the university of Paris : " Parisiana jubar
k Integumenta super Ovidii Metamor- diffundit gloria clerus." He likewise
phoses. MSS. Bibl. Bodl. sup. A 1. Art. wrote Compendium Grammatices.
86. where it is given to Johannes Gual- m MSS. Bibl. Coll. Nov. Oxon. 236,
lensis, a Franciscan friar of Oxford, and 237. But these are said to belong to Jo-
afterwards a student at Paris. It is also annes Philoponus. See Phot. Bibl. Cod.
MSS. Digb. 104. fol. 323. The same piece Ixxv. Cave, p. 441. edit. 1.
is extant under the name of this latter n See what is said of John Hanvill
John, entitled, Expositiones sive Morali- below.
tates in Lib. 1. Melamorphoseos sive Fa- ° Lei. Script. Brit. p. 204, 205.
b2ilarum, fyc. Printed at Paris 1599. But p It is a long poem, containing thirteen
this Johannes Guallensis seems to have hundred and sixty lines,
been chiefly a philosopher and theologist. q In the British Museum, MSS. Cott.
He flourished about A.D. 1250. Alex- Jul. D. iii. 2. Claud. E. 4. There are
under Necham wrote in Metamorphosin more of his Latin poems on sacred sub-
Ovidii. Tann. Bibl. p. 540. jects in the British Museum. But most
1 Another title of this piece is, Poetria of them are of an inferior composition,
magna Johannis Anglici, &c. Cantabr. and, as I suppose, of another hand.
MSS. More, 121. It is both in prose and r Leonine verses are said to have been
verse. He begins with this panegyric on invented and first used by a French monk
CXV111
DISSERTATION II.
and have a classical turn. The following line, which begins the second
book, is remarkably flowing and harmonious, and much in the manner
of Claudian :
Pieridum studiis claustri laxare rigorem.
Smoothness of versification was an excellence which, like their Saxon
predecessors, they studied to a fault. Henry of Huntingdon, commonly
known and celebrated as an historian, was likewise a terse and polite
Latin poet of this period. He was educated under Alcuine of Anjou,
a canon of Lincoln cathedral. His principal patrons were Aldwin and
Reginald, both Normans, and abbots of Ramsey. His turn for poetry
did not hinder his arriving to the dignity of an archdeacon. Leland
mentions eight books of his epigrams, amatorial verses8, and poems on
of Saint Victor at Marseilles, named Leo-
ninus, or Leonine, about the year 1135.
Pasquier, Recherch. de la France, vii. 2.
p. 596. 3. p. 600. It is however certain,
that rhymed Latin verses were in use
much earlier. I have before observed,
that the Schola Salernitana was published
1 100. See Massieu, Hist. Fr. Poes. p. 77.
Fauchet, Rec. p. 52. 76. seq. And I have
seen a Latin poem of four hundred lines,
" Moysis Mutii Bergomatis de rebus Ber-
gomensibus, Justiniani hujus nominis se-
cundi Byzantii Imperatoris jussu con-
scriptum, anno a salute nostra 707." The
author was the emperor's scribe or secret-
ary. It begins thus :
Alme Deus, rector qui mundi regna gu-
bernas,
Nee sinis absque modo sedes fluitare su-
pernas.
It is at the end of "Achillis Mutii thea-
trum. Bergomi, typis Gemini Venturac,
1596." Pelloutier has given a very early
specimen of Latin Rhymes, Mem. sur
la Lang. Celt, part i. vol. i. ch. xii. p. 20.
He quotes the writer of the Life of St.
Faron, who relates, that Clotarius the
Second, having conquered the Saxons in
the beginning of the seventh century,
commanded a Latin panegyrical song to
be composed on that occasion, which was
sung all over France. It is somewhat in
the measure of their vernacular poetry, at
that time made to be sung to the harp,
and begins with this stanza :
De Clotario est canere rege Francorum
Qui Ivit pugnare cum gente Saxonum,
Quam graviter provenisset missis Saxo-
num
Si non fuisset inclitus Faro de gente Bur-
gundionum.
Latin rhymes seem to have been first used
in the church-hymns. But Leonine verses
are properly the Roman hexameters or
pentameters rhymed ; and it is not im-
probable that they took their name from
the monk above mentioned, who was the
most popular and almost only Latin poet
of his time in France. He wrote many
Latin pieces not in rhyme, and in a good
style of Latin versification ; particularly
a Latin heroic poem in twelve books,
containing the history of the Bible from
the creation of the world to the story of
Ruth : also some elegies, which have a
tolerable degree of classic purity. Some
suppose that pope Leo the Second, about
the year 680, a great reformer of the
chants and hymns of the church, invented
this sort of verse.
It is remarkable that Bede, who lived
in the eighth century, in his book De
Arte Metrica, does not seem to have
known that rhyme was a common orna-
ment of the church-hymns of his time,
many of which he quotes. See Opp.
torn. i. 34. cap. penult. But this chapter,
I think, is all taken from Marius Victo-
rinus, a much older writer. The hymns
which Bede quotes are extremely bar-
barous, consisting of a modulated struc-
ture, or a certain number of feet without
quantity, like the odes of the minstrels
or scalds of that age. " Ut sunt," he
says, " carmina VULGARIUM POETARUM."
In the mean time we must not forget, that
the early French troubadours mention a
sort of rhyme in their vernacular poetry
partly distinguished from the common
species, which they call Leonine or Leo-
nime. Thus Gualtier Arbalestrier de
Belle-perche, in the beginning of his ro-
mance of Judas Maccabeus, written before
the year 1280,
Je ne di pas k' aucun biau dit
Ni mette par faire la ryme
Ou consonante ou leonime.
But enough has been said on a subject of
so little importance.
* See Wharton, Angl. Sacr. ii. 29.
TNTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CX1X
philosophical subjects*. The proem to his book DE HERBIS, has this
elegant invocation :
Vatum magne parens, herbarum Phoebe repertor,
Vosque, quibus resonant Tempe jocosa, deae!
Si mihi serta prius hedera florente parastis,
Ecce meos flores, serta parate, fero.
But Leland appears to have been most pleased with Henry's poetical
epistle to Elfleda, the daughter of Alfred u. In the Bodleian library,
is a manuscript Latin poem of this writer, on the death of king Ste-
phen, and the arrival of Henry the Second in England, which is by no
means contemptible w. He occurs as a witness to the charter of the
monastery of Sautree in the year 1147X. Geoffrey of Monmouth was
bishop of Saint Asaph in the year 1152?. He was indefatigable in his
inquiries after British antiquity ; and was patronised and assisted in
this pursuit by Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, a diligent antiquarian,
and Alexander, bishop of Lincoln z. His credulity as an historian has
been deservedly censured: but fabulous histories were then the fashion,
and he well knew the recommendation his work would receive from
comprehending all the popular traditions a. His latinity rises far above
mediocrity, and his Latin poem on Merlin is much applauded by Le-
We must not judge of the general state of society by the more in-
genious and dignified churchmen of this period; who seem to have sur-
passed by the most disproportionate degrees in point of knowledge, all
other members of the community. Thomas of Becket, who belongs to
the twelfth century, and his friends, in their epistles, distinguish each
other by the appellation of philosophers, in the course of their corre-
spondence0. By the present diffusion of literature, even those who are
illiterate are yet so intelligent as to stand more on a level with men
of professed science and knowledge ; but the learned ecclesiastics of
those times, as is evident from many passages in their writings, appear,
and not without reason, to have considered the rest of the world as
totally immersed in ignorance and barbarity. A most distinguished
1 Lei. Script. Brit. p. 197. the expense of the Hon. and Rev. Neville
u Ut supr. Grenville, under the care of W. H. Black,
w MSS. Digb. 65. fol. 27. His writings who wrote a Preface which was subse-
are numerous, and of various kinds. In quently cancelled, and the analysis of
Trinity college library at Oxford there is a George Ellis, (in his Spec, of Metrical Ro-
fine copy of his book De Imagine Mundi. mances, i. 76. ed. 1811.) substituted in its
MSS. Cod. 64. pergamen, This is a very place. A new edition of this poem, col-
common manuscript. lated with other MSS. is now in the press
x Wharton, Angl. Sacr. ii. 872. at Paris, to be edited by Mr. T. Wright
y Wharton, Eccles. Assav. p. 306. and M. Francisque Michel. — M.]
T Leland, Script. Brit. p. 190. c See Quadrilog. Vit. T. Becket,
* See Sect. iii. page 128 of this volume. Bruxell. 1682. 4to. And Concil. Mag.
b In the British Museum, MSS. Cott Brit, et Hib. torn. i. p. 441. Many of
Tit. A. xix. Vespas. E. iv. [It was print- these epistles are still in manuscript.
ed for the Roxburghe Club, in 1830, at
DISSERTATION II.
ornament of this age was John of Salisbury b. His style has a remark-
able elegance and energy. His POLICUATICON is an extremely plea-
sant miscellany; replete with erudition, and a judgment of men and
things, which properly belongs to a more sensible and reflecting period.
His familiar acquaintance with the classics appears not only from the
happy facility of his language, but from the many citations of the pu-
rest Roman authors with which his works are perpetually interspersed.
Montfaucon asserts, that some parts of the supplement to Petronius,
published as a genuine and valuable discovery a few years ago, but
since supposed to be spurious, are quoted in the POLICRATICONC. He
was an illustrious rival of Peter of Blois, and the friend of many learn-
ed foreigners d. I have not seen any specimens of his Latin poetry e;
but an able judge has pronounced, that nothing can be more easy,
finished, and flowing than his verses f. He was promoted to high sta-
tions in the church by Henry the Second, whose court was crowded
with scholars, and almost equalled that of his cotemporary William
king of Sicily, in the splendour which it derived from encouraging eru-
dition, and assembling the learned of various countries &. Eadmer was
a monk of Canterbury, and endeared by the brilliancy of his genius,
and the variety of his literature, to Anselm, archbishop of that seeh.
He was an elegant writer of history, but exceeded in the artifices of
composition, and the choice of matter, by his cotemporary William of
Malmesbury. The latter was a monk of Malmesbury, and it reflects
no small honour on his fraternity that they elected him their librarian'.
His merits as an historian have been justly displayed and recommend-
b " Studuit in Italia omnium bonarum is a William of Blois, cotemporary with
artium facile post Graeciam parente." Le- Peter and his brother, whom I mention
land, Script. Brit. p. 207. But he like- here, as he appears to have written what
wise spent some time at Oxford. Policrat. were called Comoedice et Tragoedice, and
v»i- 22. to have been preferred to an abbacy in
c Bibl. MSS. There is an allusion to Sicily. [See Sect. vi. inf. vol. ii. p. 17.]
the Policraticon in the Roman de la Rose, Peter mentions this William in his Epi-
stles, " Illud nobile ingenium fratris mei
EtverrasenPoMCRATiQUE.-v.7058. magistri Gulielmi, quandoque in scri-
J Lei. ibid. bendis Comrediis et Tragoediis quadam
e Except the Fable of the belly and occupationeservilidegenerans,"&c. Epist.
members in long and short. Fabric. Med. Ixxvi. And again to the said William,
JfLv. iv. p. 877. " Nomen vestrum diuturniore memoria
r Lei. ut supr. p. 207. quam quatuor abbatise commendabile red-
g See Leland, Script. Brit. p. 210. dent Tragredia vestra de Flaura et Marco,
Henry the Second sent Gualterus, styled versus de Pulice et Musca. Comcedia
Anglicus, his chaplain, into Sicily, to in- vestra de 4lda," &c. Epist. xciii.
struct William king of Sicily in literature. h Leland, Script. Brit. p. 178. There
William was so pleased with his master, is a poem De Laudibus Anselmi, and
that he made him archbishop of Palermo. an epicedion on that prelate, commonly
Bale, xiii. 73. He died in 1177. Peter ascribed to Eadmer. See Fabr. Bibl. Med.'
of Blois was Gualter's coadjutor; and he Lat. ii. p. 210. seq. Leland doubts whe-
tells us, that he taught William the ru- ther these pieces belong to him or William
diments " versijicatoria artis et litera- of Chester, a learned monk, patronised by
tori*,' Epist. Petr. Blesens. ad Gualt. Anselm. Script. Brit. p. 185.
Pitts mentions a piece of Gualterus De > Lei. p. 195. But see Wharton, Angl.
Latince rudimentis, p. 141. There Sacr. ii. Praef. p. xii.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXX1
ed by lord Lytteltonk. But his abilities were not confined to prose.
He wrote many pieces of Latin poetry ; and it is remarkable, that al-
most all the professed writers in prose of this age made experiments
in verse. His patron was Robert earl of Glocester ; who, amidst the
violent civil commotions which disquieted the reign of King Stephen,
found leisure and opportunity to protect arid promote literary merit1.
Till Malmesbury's works appeared, Bede had been the chief and prin-
cipal writer of English history. But a general spirit of writing history,
owing to that curiosity which more polished manners introduce to an
acquaintance with the ancient historians, and to the improved know-
ledge of a language in which facts could be recorded with grace and
dignity, was now prevailing. Besides those I have mentioned, Simeon
of Durham, Roger Hoveden, and Benedict abbot of Peterborough, are
historians whose narratives have a liberal cast, and whose details rise
far above the dull uninteresting precision of patient annalists and re-
gular chronologers. John Hanvill, a monk of Saint Alban's, about the
year 1190, studied rhetoric at Paris, and was distinguished for his taste
even among the numerous and polite scholars of that flourishing semi-
nary111. His ARCHITRENIUS is a learned, ingenious, and very enter-
taining performance. It is a long 'Latin poem in nine books, dedicated
to Walter bishop of Rouen. The design of the work may be partly
conjectured from its affected Greek title ; but it is, on the whole, a mix-
ture of satire and panegyric on public vice and virtue, with some histo-
rical digressions. In the exordium is the following nervous and spirit-
ed address :
Tu CyrrhaB latices nostrae, deus, implue menti ;
Eloquii rorem siccis infunde labellis :
Distillaque favos, quos nondum pallidus auro
Scit Tagus, aut sitiens admotis Tantalus undis :
Dirige quae timide suscepit dextera, dextram
Audacem pavidamque juva : Tu mentis habenas
Fervoremque rege, &c.
In the fifth book the poet has the following allusions to the fables of
Corineus, Brutus, king Arthur, and the population of Britain from
Troy. He seems to have copied these traditions from Geoffrey of
Monmouth".
Tamen Architrenius instat,
Et genus et gentem quaerit studiosius : illi
Tros genus, et gentem tribuit Lodonesia, nutrix
Praebuit irriguam morum Cornubia mammam,
k In his History of Henry the Second. tish Museum the name is given in En-
1 See Cave, Hist. Lit. p. 661. glish, John of Higham.— W.]
m Lei. p. 259. [The name should be n See Hist. Galfrid. Mon. i. xi. xvi.
spelt Ha?jvill, and not Hawvill : in Latin xvii. &c.
it is de Alta villa. In a MS. in the Bri-
CXXH DISSERTATION II.
Post odium fati, Phrygiis inventa : Smaraudus
Hanc domitor raundi Tyrinthius, alter Achilles,
Atridaeque timor Corinaeus, serra gygantum,
Clavaque monstrifera, sociae delegit alumnam
Omnigenam Trojae, pluvioque fluviflua lacte
Filius exilio fessae dedit ubera matri.
A quo dicta prius Corineia, dicitur aucto
Tempore corrupte Cornubia nominis haeres.
Ille gygantaeos attritis ossibus artus
Iraplicuit letho, Tyrrheni littoris hospes,
Indoinita virtute gygas ; non corpore mole
Ad medium pressa, nee membris densior sequo,
Sarcina terrifica tumuit Titania mente.
Ad Ligeris ripas Aquitanos fudit, et amnes
Francorum patuit lacrymis, et caede vadoque
Sanguinis ense ruens, satiavit rura, togaque
Punicea vestivit agros populique verendi
Grandiloquos fregit animosa cuspide fastus.
Integra, nee dubio bellorum naufraga fluctu,
Nee vice suspecta titubanti saucia fato,
Indilata dedit subitam victoria laurum.
Inde dato cursu, Bruto comitatus Achate,
Gallorum spolio cumulatus, navibus aequor
Exarat, et superis auraque faventibus utens,
Litora felices intrat Tolonesia portus :
Promissumque soli gremium monstrante Diana,
Incolumi census loculum ferit Albion alno.
Haec eadem Bruto regnante Britannia nomen
Traxit in hoc tempus : solis Titan ibus ilia,
Sed paucis, habitata domus ; quibus uda ferarum
Terga dabant vestes, cruor haustus pocula, trunci
Antra lares, dumeta toros, caenacula rupes,
Praeda cibos, raptus venerem, spectacula caedes,
Imperium vires, animum furor, impetus arma,
Mortem pugna, sepulchra rubus : monstrisque gemebat
Monticolis tellus : sed eorum plurima tractus
Pars erat occidui terror; majorque premebat
Te furor extremum zephyri, Cornubia, limen.
Hos avidum belli Corinsei robur Averno
Praecipites misit ; cubitis ter quatuor altum
Gogmagog Herculea suspendit in aere lucta,
Anthaeumque suum scopulo demisit in aequor:
Potavitque dato Thetis ebria sanguine fluctus,
Divisumque tulit mare corpus, Cerberus umbram.
Nobilis a Phrygiae tanto Cornubia gentem
Sanguine derivat, successio cujus lulus
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXX111
In generis partem recipit complexa Pelasgam
Anchisaeque domum : ramos hinc Pandrasus, inde
Sylvius extendit, socioque a sidere sidus
Plenius effundit triplicatae lampadis ignes.
Hoc trifido solo Corinaei postera mundum
Praeradiat pubes, quartique puerpera Phcebi
Pullulat Arthurum, facie dura falsus adulter
Tintagel irrumpit, nee amoris Pendragon aestu
Vincit, et omnificas Merlini consulit artes,
Mentiturque ducis habitus, et rege latente
Induit absentis praesentia Gorlois ora°.
There is a false glare of expression, and no great justness of sentiment,
in these verses ; but they are animated, and flow in a strain of poetry.
They are pompous and sonorous ; but these faults have been reckoned
beauties even in polished ages. In the same book our author thus
characterises the different merits of the satires of Horace and Persius:
Persius in Flacci pelago decurrit, et audet
Mendicasse stylum satyrae, serraque cruentus
Rodit, et ignorat polientem pectora limam.P
In the third book he describes the happy parsimony of the Cistercian
monks :
O sancta, o felix, albis galeata cucullis,
Libera paupertas! Nudo jejunia pastu
Tracta diu solvens, nee corruptura palatum
Mollitie mensae. Bacchus convivia nullo
Murmure conturbat, nee sacra cubilia mentis
Inquinat adventu. Stomacho languente ministrat
Solennes epulas ventris gravis hospita Thetis,
Et paleis armata Ceres. Si tertia menses
Copia succedat, truncantur oluscula, quorum
0 Milton appears to have been much See also Milton's Mansus, v. 80.
struck with this part of the ancient Bri- p Juvenal is also cited by John of Sa-
tish History, and to have designed it for lisbury, Peter of Blois, Vincentius Bel-
the subject of an epic poem. Epitaph. lovacensis, Geoffrey of Monmouth, and
Damonis, v. 162. other writers of the middle ages. They
often call him Ethicus. See particularly
Ipse ego Dardanias Rutupina per sequora Petr. Bles. Epistola Ixxvii. Some lines
puppes from Juvenal are cited by Honorius Au-
Dicam, et Pandrasidos regnum vetus gustodunus, a priest of Burgundy, who
Inogenise, wrote about 1300, in his De Philosophia
Brennumque Arviragumque duces, pris- Mundi, Praefat. ad lib. iv. The tenth sa-
cumque Belinum, tire of Juvenal is quoted by Chaucer in
Et tandem Armoricos Britonum sub lege Troilus and Cresseide, b. iv. v. 197. pag.
colonos : 307. edit. Urr. There is an old Italian
Turn gravidam Arturo, fatali fraude, metaphrase of Juvenal done in 1475, and
logernen, published soon afterwards, by Georgio
Mendaces vultus, assumptaque Gorlois Summaripa, of Verona. Giornale de Let-
arma, terati d'ltalia, torn. viii. p. 41. Juvenal
Merlini dolus. was printed at Rome as early as 1474.
CXXiv DISSERTATION II.
Offendit macies oculos, pacemque meretur,
Deterretque famem pallenti sobria cultu.^
Among Digby's manuscripts in the Bodleian library, are Hanvill's La-
tin epigrams, epistles, and smaller poems, many of which have consider-
able merit1". They are followed by a metrical tract, entitled DE EPI-
STOLARUM COMPOSITIONE. But this piece is written in rhyme, and
seems to be posterior to the age, at least inferior to the genius, of Han-
vill. He was buried in the abbey church of Saint Alban's, soon after
the year 1200s. Gyraldus Cambrensis deserves particular regard for
the universality of his works, many of which are written with some
degree of elegance. He abounds with quotations of the best Latin
poets. He was an historian, an antiquarian, a topographer, a divine, a
philosopher, and a poet. His love of science was so great, that he re-
fused two bishopricks; and from the midst of public business, with
which his political talents gave him a considerable connection in the
court of Richard the First, he retired to Lincoln for seven years, with
a design of pursuing theological studies1. He recited his book on the
topography of Ireland in public at Oxford, for three days successively-
On the first day of his recital he entertained all the poor of the city ;
on the second, all the doctors in the several faculties, and scholars of
better note ; and on the third, the whole body of students, with the
citizens and soldiers of the garrison11. It is probable that this was a
ceremony practised on the like occasion in the university of Paris w ;
q There are two manuscripts of this Oseney abbey, near the suburbs of Oxford,
poem, from which I transcribe, in the At which time many Italians studying at
Bodleian library. MSS. Digb. 64. and Oxford were admitted in that faculty.
157. One of these has a gloss, but not Wood, ubi supr. p. 25. col. 1. It appears
that of Hugo Legatus, mentioned by that the mayor and citizens of Oxford
Baillet, Jugem. Sav. iv. p. 257. edit. 4to. were constantly invited to these solemni-
This poem is said to have been printed ties. In the year 1400, two monks of the
at Paris 1517. 4to. Bibl. Thuan. torn. ii. priory of Christ Church in Canterbury
p. 286. This edition I have never seen, were severally admitted to the degree of
and believe it to be an extremely scarce doctor in divinity and civil law at Oxford,
book. The expences were paid by their mona-
r Cod. Digb. 64. ut supr. stery, and amounted to 1 1 8/. 3s. 8d. Registr.
* Bale, iii. 49. Priorat. pergamen. MSS. Tanner, Oxon.
* Wharton, Angl. Sacr. ii. 374. Num. 165. fol. 212 a. Among other ar-
u Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. 56. tides there is, " In solutione facta HISTRI
w But Wood insinuates, that this sump- ONIBUS." fol. 213 a. [See Sect. ii. pages
tuous entertainment was partly given by 82 et seq. in this volume.] At length these
Gyraldus, as an inceptor in the arts. Ubi scholastic banquets grew to such excess,
supr. p. 25. col. 1. Which practice I have that it was ordered in the year 1434,thatno
mentioned, vol. ii. Sect. ix. p. 89. note g. inceptor in arts should expend more than
infr. And I will here add other instances, " 3000 grosses Turonenses." Vet. Stat. See
especially as they are proofs of the esti- Leland, Coll. P. ii. torn. i. p. 296, 297. edit,
mation in which letters, at least literary 1770. But the limitation was a consider-
honours, were held. In the year 1268, able sum. Each is somewhat less than an
the inceptors in civil law at Oxford were English groat. Notwithstanding, Neville,
so numerous, and attended by such a afterwards archbishop of York, on his ad-
number of guests, that the academical mission to the degree of master of arts in
houses or hostels were not sufficient for 1452, feasted the academics and many
their accommodation ; and the company strangers for two successive days, at two
filled not only these, but even the refec- entertainments, consisting of nine hundred
tory, cloisters, and many apartments of costly dishes. Wood, ibid. 219. col. 1. 2.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXV
where Giraldus had studied for twenty years, and where he had been
elected professor of canon law in the year 1189X. His account of
Wales was written in consequence of the observations he made on that
country, then almost unknown to the English, during his attendance
on an archi episcopal visitation. I cannot resist the pleasure of tran-
scribing from this book his picture of the romantic situation of the
abbey of Lantony in Monmouthshire. I will give it in English, as my
meaning is merely to show how great a master the author was of that
selection of circumstances which forms an agreeable description, and
which could only flow from a cultivated mind. " In the deep vale of
Ewias, which is about a bowshot over, and enclosed on all sides with
high mountains, stands the abbey church of Saint John, a structure
covered with lead, and not unhandsomely built for so lonesome a situ-
ation ; on the very spot, where formerly stood a small chapel dedicated
to Saint David, which had no other ornaments than green moss and
ivy. It is a situation fit for the exercise of religion ; and a religious
edifice was first founded in this sequestered retreat to the honour of a
solitary life, by two hermits, remote from the noise of the world, upon
the banks of the river Hondy, which winds through the midst of the
valley. — The rains which mountainous countries usually produce, are
here very frequent, the winds exceedingly tempestuous, and the win-
ters almost continually dark. Yet the air of the valley is so happily
tempered, as scarcely to be the cause of any diseases. The monks sit-
ting in the cloisters of the abbey, when they chuse for a momentary
refreshment to cast their eyes abroad, have on every side a pleasing
prospect of mountains ascending to an immense height, with numerous
herds of wild deer feeding aloft on the highest extremity of this lofty
horizon. The body of the sun is not visible above the hills till after
the meridian hour, even when the air is most clear." Giraldus adds,
that Roger bishop of Salisbury, prime minister to Henry the First,
having visited this place, on his return to court told the king, that all
the treasure of his majesty's kingdom would not suffice to build such
another cloister. The bishop explained himself by saying, that he
meant the circular ridge of mountains with which the vale of Ewias
was enclosed y. Alexander Neckham was the friend, the associate, and
the correspondent of Peter of Blois already mentioned. He received
Nor was this reverence to learning, and four Latin verses, which were answered
attention to its institutions, confined to by his majesty. The eight towers were
the circle of our universities. Such was those of Merton, Magdalene, and New
the pedantry of the times, that in the year College, and of the monasteries of Oseney,
1503, archbishop Wareham, chancellor of Rewley, the Dominican, Augustine, and
Oxford, at his feast of inlhronisation, or- Franciscan friars, which five last are now
dered to be introduced in the first course utterly destroyed. Wood, ubi supr. lib. i.
a curious dish, in which were exhibited p. 239. col. i. Compare Robertson's Charles
the eight towers of the university. In V. i. 323. seq.
every tower stood a bedell; and under the x "Wharton, ibid.
towers were figures of the king, to whom y Girald. Cambrens. I tin. Cambr. Lib.
the chancellor Wareham, encircled with i. c. 3. p. 89. seq. Lond. 1585. 12mo.
many doctors properly habited, presented
CXXV1 DISSERTATION II.
the first part of his education in the abbey of Saint Alban's, which he
afterwards completed at Paris2. His compositions are various, and
crowd the department of manuscripts in our public libraries. He has
left numerous treatises of divinity, philosophy, and morality: but he
was likewise a poet, a philologist, and a grammarian. He wrote a tract
on the mythology of the ancient poets, Esopian fables, and a system of
grammar and rhetoric. I have seen his elegiac poem on the monastic
lifea, which contains some finished lines. But his capital piece of Latin
poetry is On the Praise of DIVINE WISDOM, which consists of seven
books. In the introduction he commemorates the innocent and unre-
turning pleasures of his early days, which he passed among the learned
monks of Saint Alban's, in these perspicuous and unaffected elegiacs :
Claustrum
Martyris Albani sit tibi tuta quies.
Hie locus aetatis nostrae primordia riovit,
Annos felices, laetitiaeque dies.
Hie locus ingenuis pueriles imbuit annos
Artibus, et riostrse laudis origo fuit.
Hie locus insignes magnosque creavit alumnos,
Felix eximio martyre, gente, situ.
Militat hie Christo, noctuque dieque labori
Indulget sancto religiosa cohors.b
Neckham died abbot of Cirencester in the year 1217C- He was much
attached to the studious repose of the monastic profession, yet he fre-
quently travelled into Italy d. Walter Mapes, archdeacon of Oxford,
has been very happily styled the Ariacreon of the eleventh [twelfth]
century6. He studied at Paris f. His vein was chiefly festive and
satirical &: and as his wit was frequently levelled against the corruptions
of the clergy, his poems often appeared under fictitious names, or have
been ascribed to othersh. The celebrated drinking ode1 of this genial
archdeacon has the regular returns of the monkish rhyme : but they
are here applied with a characteristical propriety, are so happily in-
* Lei. Script. Brit. p. 240. seq. > See Camden's Remains, page 436.
a Bibl. Bodl. MSS. Digb. 65. f. 18. RYTHMI.
[There is a good manuscript of this poem [After all that has been said about this
in the Brit. Mus. MS. Reg. 8 A.,xxi. — W.j celebrated song, it turns out upon exami-
b Apud Lei. Script. Brit. p. 240. nation to be no song at all, but part of a
c Willis, Mitr. Abb. i. 61, 62. somewhat longer poem, in which the
d Lei. ibid. stanzas which have been thus arranged to
e Lord Lyttelton's Hist. Hen. II. Not. make a drinking song, do not even stand
B. ii. p. 133. 4to. together. The poem is found in the MS.
f See Sect. ii. pp. 59, 60. note °, in this Harl. 2851, under the title of Guliardus
volume. de vite sue mutacione. It is a MS. of the
8 Tanner, Bibl. p. 507. 13th century. It must, however, have
h Cave, Hist. Lit. p. 706. Compare been formed into a song at an early pe-
Tanner, Bibl. 351.507. In return, many riod, for among the English songs in the
pieces went under the name of our author ; Sloane MS. No. 2593, written apparently
as, for instance, De Thetide et de Lyceo, very early in the 15th century, is found a
which is a ridiculous piece of scurrility. Latin parody upon it. — W "1
MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Digb. 166. f. 104.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXVH
vented, and so humourously introduced, that they not only suit the
genius but heighten the spirit of the piece k. He boasts that good wine
inspires him to sing verses equal to those of Ovid. In another Latin
ode of the same kind, he attacks with great liveliness the new injunc-
tion of pope Innocent, concerning the celibacy of the clergy ; and hopes
that every married priest with his bride, will say a pater noster for the
soul of one who had thus hazarded his salvation in their defence.
Ecce jam pro clericis multum allegavi,
Necnon pro presbyteris plura comprobavi :
PATER NOSTER nunc pro me, quoniarn peccavi,
Dicat quisque Presbyter, cum sua Suavi.1
But a miracle of this age in classical composition was Joseph of Ex-
eter, commonly called Josephus Iscanus. He wrote two epic poems in
Latin heroics. The first is on the Trojan war ; it is in six books, and
dedicated to Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury"1. The second is en-
k In Bibl. Bodl. a piece De Nugis Cu-
rialium is given to Mapes. MSS. Arch.
B. 52. It was written A.D. 1182. as ap-
pears from Distinct, iv. cap. 1. It is in
five books. Many Latin poems in this
manuscript are given to Mapes ; one in
particular, written in a flowing style, in
short lines, preserving no fixed metrical
rule, which seems to have been intended
for singing. In another manuscript I find
various pieces of Latin poetry, by some
attributed to Mapes, Bibl. Bodl. NE. F.
iii. Some of these are in good taste. Cam-
den has printed his Disputatio inter Cor
et Oculum. Rem. p. 439. It is written in
a sort of Anacreontic verse, and has some
humour. It is in MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Digb.
ut supr. 166. See also Camd. ibid. p. 437.
[It appears from several of the MS.
copies of Lancelot du Lac, Le Saint Graal,
and other romances, that Walter de Mapes
translated them into French prose, at the
instance of Henry II. He also composed
the Mort Artur at the particular desire of
that monarch. Many of his poems remain
in MS. (See Index to Harl. MSS.) Some
of them have been printed in Leyser, Hist.
Poetarum medii sevi, in Flacius de cor-
rupto ecclesiae statu ; Basil 1557. and in
Wolfii Lectiones memorabiles. There is
reason to suppose that a piece entitled va-
riously as follows, was written by him :
" Visio lamentabilis cujusdam heremitae
super disceptatione animse contra corpus.
— Disputatio inter corpus et animamalicu-
jus reprobati et damnati : Conflictio inter
corpus et animam." See Harl. MSS. 978.
2851. Cotton MSS. Titus, A. xx. —
DOUCE.] [There is however reason to
believe that Mapes only gave a Latin ver-
sion of a very popular theme. See the same
idea exemplified in a Saxon poem from
the Exon MS. given by Mr. Conybeare
in the Archaeologia, vol. 17. — PRICE.]
1 Camd. Rem. ut supr.
m See lib. i. 32. It was first printed at
Basil, but very corruptly, in the year 1541.
8vo. under the name of Cornelius Nepos.
The existence and name of this poem seem
to have been utterly unknown in England
when Leland wrote. He first met with a
manuscript copy of it by mere accident in
Magdalen college library at Oxford. He
never had even heard of it before. He af-
terwards found two more copies at Paris :
but these were all imperfect, and without
the name of the author, except a marginal
hint. At length he discovered a complete
copy of it in the library of Thorney abbey
in Cambridgeshire, which seems to have
ascertained the author's name, but not his
country. Script. Brit. p. 238. The neg-
lect of this poem among our ancestors, I
mean in the ages which followed Iscanus,
appears from the few manuscripts of it
now remaining in England. Leland, who
searched all our libraries, could find only
two. There is at present one in the church
of Westminster ; another in Bibl. Bodl.
Digb. 157. That in Magdalen college is
MSS. Cod. 50. The best edition is at the
end of " Dictys Cretensis et Dares Phry-
gius, in usum Sereniss. Delph. cum Inter-
pret. A. Daceriae, &c. Amstsel. 1702." 4to.
But all the printed copies have omitted
passages which I find in the Digby manu-
script. Particularly they omit, in the ad-
dress to Baldwin, four lines after v. 32.
lib. i. Thirteen lines, in which the poet
alludes to his intended Antiocheis, are
omitted before v. 962. lib. vi. Nor have
they the verses in which he compliments
CXXV1U DISSERTATION II.
titled ANTIOCHEIS, the War of Antioch, or the Crusade; in which his
patron the archbishop was an actor". The poem of the Trojan war is
founded on Dares Phrygius, a favorite fabulous historian of that time0.
The diction of this poem is generally pure, the periods round, and the
numbers harmonious ; and on the whole, the structure of the versifica-
tion approaches nearly to that of polished Latin poetry. The writer
appears to have possessed no common command of poetical phraseology,
and wanted nothing but a knowledge of the Virgilian chastity. His
style is a mixture of Ovid, Statius, and Claudian, who seem then to
have been the popular patterns P. But a few specimens will best illus-
trate this criticism. He thus, in a strain of much spirit and dignity,
addresses king Henry the Second, who was going to the holy warq,
the intended subject of his ANTIOCHEIS.
-Tuque, oro, tuo da, maxime, vati
Ire iter inceptum, Trojamque aperire jacentem :
Te sacrae assument acies, divinaque bella,
Tune dignum majore tuba ; tune pectore toto
Nitar, et immensum mecum spargere per orbem.r
The tomb or mausoleum of Teuthras is feigned with a brilliancy of
imagination and expression ; and our poet's classical ideas seem here to
have been tinctured with the description of some magnificent oriental
palace, which he had seen in the romances of his age.
Regia conspicuis moles inscripta figuris
Exceptura ducem, senis affulta columnis,
Tollitur : electro vernat basis, arduus auro
Ardet apex, radioque stylus candescit eburno.
— Gemmae quas littoris Indi
Dives arena tegit, aurum quod parturit Hermus,
Henry the Second, said by Leland to be 535. On account of the variety of his
at the end of the fourth book, Script. Brit. matter, and the facility of his manner,
p. 238. The truth is, these passages would none of the ancient poets are more fre-
have betrayed their first editor's pretence quently cited in the writers of the dark
of this poem being written by Cornelius ages than Ovid. His Fasti seems to have
Nepos. As it is, he was obliged in the been their favorite; a work thus admirably
address to Baldwin, to change Cantia, characterised by an ingenious French
Kent, into Tantia; for which he substi- writer: — " Les Pastes d'Ovide renferment
tutes Pontia in the maigin, as an inge- plus d'erudition qu'aucun autre ouvrage
nious conjecture. de 1'antiquite. C'est le chef d'ceuvre de ce
n Leland, p. 224, 225. poete, et une espece de devotion paienne."
0 The manuscript at Magdalen college, Vigneul Marville, Misc. Hist, et Lit. torn,
mentioned by Leland, is entitled Dares ii. p. 306. A writer of the thirteenth
Phrygius de bello Trojano. Lei. p. 236. century, De Miralilibus Roma, published
as also MSS. Digb. supr. citat. But see by Montfaucon, calls this work Marti/ro-
Sect. iii. p. 139. of this volume. logium Ovidii de Fastis. Montf. Diar.
p Statius is cited in the epistles of Ste- Italic, c. xx. p. 293.
phen of Tournay, a writer of the twelfth q Voltaire has expressed his admiration
century. " Divinam ejus responsionem, of the happy choice of subject which Tasso
ut Thebais ^Eneida, longe sequor, et ves- made. We here see a poet of an age much
tigia semper adoro." He died in 1200. earlier than Tasso celebrating the same
Epistolcf, Paris. 1611. 4to. Epist. v. p. sort of expedition. r Lib. i. 47.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXX1X
In varias vivunt species, ditique decorum
Materie contendit opus : quod nobile ductor
Quod clarum gessit, ars explicat, ardua pandit
Moles, et totum reserat sculptura tyrannum.'
He thus describes Penthesilea and Pyrrhus :
Eminet, horrificas rapiens post terga secures,
Virginei regina chori : non provida cultus
Cura trahit, non forma juvat, frons aspera, vestis
Discolor, insertumque armis irascitur aurum.
Si visum, si verba notes, si lumina pendas,
Nil leve, nil fractum : latet omni foemina facto.
Obvius ultrices accendit in arma cohortes,
Myrmidonasque suos, curru praevectus anhelo,
Pyrrhus, &c.
Meritosque offensus in hostes
Arma patris, nunc ultor, habet: sed tanta recusant
Pondera crescentes humeri, majoraque cassis
Colla petit, breviorque manus vix colligit hastam.*
Afterwards a Grecian leader, whose character is invective, insults Pen-
thesilea, and her troop of heroines, with these reproaches :
Tune sic increpitans, Pudeat, Mars, inclyte, dixit :
En ! tua signa gerit, quin nostra effoeminat arma
Staminibus vix apta manus. Nunc stabitis hercle
Perjurae turres ; calathos et pensa puellas
Plena rotant, sparguntque colos. Hoc milite Troja,
His fidit telis. At non patiemur Achivi :
Etsi turpe viris timidas calcare puellas,
Ibo tamen contra. Sic ille : at virgo loquacem
Tarda sequi sexum, velox ad praalia, solo
Respondet jaculo ", &c.
I will add one of his comparisons. The poet is speaking of the reluc-
tant advances of the Trojans under their new leader Memnon, after the
fall of Hector :
Qualiter Hyblaei mellita pericula reges,
Si signis iniere datis, labente tyranno
Alterutro, viduos dant agmina stridula questus ;
Et, subitum vix nacta ducem, metuentia vibrant
Spicula, et imbelli remeant in praelia rostro.v
His ANTIOCHEIS was written in the same strain, and had equal merit.
All that remains of it is the following fragment w, in which the poet ce-
lebrates the heroes of Britain, and particularly king Arthur :
' Lib. iv. 451. * Lib. vi. p. 589. w Camd. Rem. p. 410. Poems. See
u Lib. vi. 609. T Lib. vi. 19. also Camd. Brit. Leland having learned
VOL, I. i
CXXX DISSERTATION II.
Inclyta fulsit
Posteritas ducibus tantis, tot dives alumnis,
Tot fbecunda viris, premerent qui viribus orbem
Et fama veteres. Hinc Constantinus adeptus
Imperium, Romam tenuit, Byzantion auxit.
Hinc, Senonum ductor, captiva Brenniusu urbe
Romuleas domuit flammis victricibus arces.
Hinc et Scaeva satus, pars non obscura tumultua
Civilis, Magnum solus qui mole soluta
Obsedit, meliorque stetit pro Caesare murus.
Hinc, celebri fato, felici floruit ortu,
Flos regum Arthurusw, cujus tamen acta stupori
Non micuere minus : totus quod in aure voluptas,
Et populo plaudente favor x. Qusecunque? priorum
Inspice : Pelleeum commendat fama tyrannum,
Pagina Caesareos loquitur Romana triumphos ;
Alciden domitis attollit gloria monstris ;
Sed nee pinetum coryli, nee sydera solem
Equant. Annales Graios Latiosque revolve,
Prisca parem nescit, aequalem postera nullum
Exhibitura dies. Reges supereminet omnes :
Solus praeteritis melior, majorque futuris.
Camden asserts, that Joseph accompanied king Richard the First to the
holy landz, and was an eye-witness of that heroic monarch's exploits
among the Saracens, which afterwards he celebrated in the ANTIOCHEIS.
Leland mentions his love-verses and epigrams, which are long since
perished a. Heb flourished in the year 1210°.
There seems to have been a rival spirit of writing Latin heroic poems
about this period. In France, Guillaume le Breton, or William of Bre-
tagne, about the year 1230, wrote aL,atin heroic poem on Philip Au-
gustus king of France, in twelve books, entitled PmLippisd. Barthius
from the Bellum Trojan urn that Josephus * Rem. ut supr. p. 407.
had likewise written a poem on the Cru- a Leland, ut supr. p. 239. Our bio-
sade, searched for it in many places, but graphers mention Panegyricum in Henri-
without success. At length he found a cum. But the notion of this poem seems
piece of it in the library of Abingdon ab- to have taken rise from the verses on
bey in Berkshire. " Cum excuterem pul- Henry the Second, quoted by Leland from
verem et tineas Abbandunensis biblio- the Bellum Trojanum. He is likewise
thecae." Ut supr. p. 238. Here he dis- said to have written in Latin verse De
covered that Josephus was a native of Institutione Cyri.
Exeter, which city was highly celebrated b Italy had at that time produced no
in that fragment. writer comparable to Iscanus.
" f. " Captiva Brennus in." c Bale, iii. 60. Compare Dresenius ad
w From this circumstance, Pits absurd- Lectorem, prefixed to the De Bello Tro-
ly recites the title of this poem thus, An- jano. Francof. 1620. 4to. Mr. Wise, the
tiocheis in Regent Arthurum. Jos. Isc. late Radcliffe librarian, told me that a
*• The text seems to be corrupt in this manuscript of the Antiocheis was in the
sentence ; or perhaps somewhat is want- library of the duke of Chandos at Canons.
ing. I have changed favus, which is in d He wrote it at fifty-five years of age.
Camden, into favor. y f. quemcunquc. Philipp. lib. iii. v. 381. It was first printed
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXXl
gives a prodigious character of this poem ; and affirms that the author,
a few gallicisms excepted, has expressed the facility of Ovid with sin-
gular happiness6. The versification much resembles that of Joseph Is-
canus. He appears to have drawn a great part of his materials from
Roger Hoveden's annals. But I am of opinion, that the PHILIPPID
is greatly exceeded by the ALEXANDREID of Philip Gualtier de Cha-
tillon, who flourished likewise in France, and was provost of the canons
of Tournay, about the year 1200f. This poem celebrates the actions
of Alexander the Great, is founded on Quintus Curtius&, consists of
ten books, and is dedicated to Guillerm archbishop of Rheims. To
give the reader an opportunity of comparing Gualtier's style and man-
ner with those of our countryman Josephus, I will transcribe a few
specimens from a beautiful and ancient manuscript of the ALEXAN-
DREID in the Bodleian library11. This is the exordium:
Gesta ducis Macedum totum digesta per orbem,
Quam large dispersit opes, quo milite Porum
Vicit aut Darium ; quo principe Graecia victrix
Risit, et a Persis rediere tributa Corinthum,
Musa, refer.1
A beautiful rural scene is thus described :
Patulis ubi frondea ramis
Laurus odoriferas celabat crinibus herbas :
Saepe sub hac memorant carmen sylvestre canentes
Nympharum vidisse choros, Satyrosque procaces.
Fons cadit a laeva, quern cespite gramen obumbrat
Purpureo, verisque latens sub veste jocatur.
Rivulus at lento rigat inferiora meatu
Garrulus, et strepitu facit obsurdescere montes.
Hie mater Cybele Zephyrum tibi, Flora, maritans,
Pullulat, et vallem foecundat gratia fontis.
Qualiter Alpinis spumoso vortice saxis
Descendit Rhodanus, ubi Maximianus Eooa
Extinxit cuneos, cum sanguinis unda meatum
Fluminis adjuvitk.
in Pithou's" Eleven Historians of France," 7. He prefers it to the Alexandreis men-
Francof. 1536. fol. Next in Du Chesue, tioned below, in Not. p. 528. See Mem.
Script. Franc, torn. v. p. 93. Paris. 1694. Lit. viii. 536. edit. 4to.
fol. But the best edition is with Bar- f It was first printed, Argent. 1513. 8vo.
thius's notes, Cygn. 1657. 4to. Brito says and two or three times since,
in the Philippis, that he wrote a poem g See Sect. iii. p. 141. of this volume,
called Karlottis, in praise of Petri Carlotti and Barth. Advers. Iii. 16.
stii, then not fifteen years old. Philipp. h MSS. Digb. 52. 4to.
lib. i. v. 10. This poem was never printed, ' fol. 1. a.
and is hardly known. k fol. xiii. a.
* In Not. p. 7. See also Adversar. xliii.
i 2
CXXXii DISSERTATION II.
He excels in similes. Alexander, when a stripling, is thus compared
to a young lion :
Qualiter Hyrcanis cum forte leunculus arvis
Cornibus elatos videt ire ad pabula cervos,
Cui nondum totos descendit robur in artus,
Nee bene firmus adhuc, nee dentibus asper aduncis,
Palpitat, et vacuum ferit improba lingua palatum ;
Effunditque prius animis quam dente cruorem.k
The ALEXANDREID soon became so popular, that Henry of Gaunt,
archdeacon of Tournay, about the year 1330, complains that this poem
was commonly taught in the rhetorical schools, instead of Lucan1 and
Virgil™. The learned Charpentier cites a passage from the manuscript
statutes of the university of Tholouse, dated 1328, in which the pro-
fessors of grammar are directed to read to their pupils " De Historiis
Alexandrin ;" among which I include Gualtier's poem0. It is quoted
as a familiar classic "by Thomas Rodburn, a monkish chronicler, who
wrote about the year 1420p. An anonymous Latin poet, seemingly of
the thirteenth century, who has left a poem on the life and miracles of
Saint Oswald, mentions Homer, Gualtier, and Lucan, as the three
capital heroic poets. Homer, he says, has celebrated Hercules, Gual-
tier the son of Philip, and Lucan has sung the praises of Cesar. But,
adds he, these heroes much less deserve to be immortalised in verse,
than the deeds of the holy confessor Oswald.
In nova fert animus antiquas vertere prosas
Carmina, &c.
Alciden hyperbolice commendat HOMERUS,
k fol. xxi. a. lished at Paris in French in 1300. Labb.
' Here, among many other proofs which Bibl. p. 339.
might be given, and which will occur m See Hen. Gandav. Monasticon, c. 20.
hereafter, is a proof ef the estimation in and Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ii. 218. Alanus de
which Lucan was held during the middle Insulis, who died in 1202, in his poem
ages. He is quoted by Geoffrey of Mon- called Anti-claudianus, a Latin poem of
mouth and John of Salisbury, writers of nine books, much in the manner of Clau-
the eleventh century. Hist. Brit. iv. 9. dian, and written in defence of divine pro-
and Policrat. p. 215. edit. 1515. &c. &c. vidence against a passage in that poet's
There is an anonymous Italian translation Bufinus, thus attacks the rising reputation
of Lucan, as early as the year 1310. The of the Alexandreid:
But the translator has so much departed ... mim
from the original, as to form a sort of ro-
mance of his own. He was translated n Suppl. Du Gang. Lat. Gloss, torn. H.
into Spanish prose, Lucano poeta y histo- p. 1255. V. METRIFICATURA. By which
riador antiquo, by MartinLasse de Orespe, barbarous word they signified the Art of
at Antwerp, 1585. Lucan was first print- poetry, or rather the Art of writing Latin
ed in the year 1469. and before the year verses.
1500, there were six other editions of this ° See Sect. Hi. p. 132. in this volume.
classic, whose declamatory manner ren- p Hist. Maj. Winton. apud Wharton,
d«red him very popular. He was pub- Angl. Sacr. 5. 242.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXXlll
GUALTERUS pingit torvo Philippida vultu,
Caesareas late laudes LUCANUS adauget :
TRES illi famam meruerunt, tresque poetas
Auctores habuere suos, multo magis autem
Oswaldi regis debent insignia dici/*
I do not cite this writer as a proof of the elegant versification which
had now become fashionable, but to show the popularity of the ALEX-
ANDREID, at least among scholars. About the year 1206, Gunther
a German, and a Cistercian monk of the diocese of Basil, wrote
an heroic poem in Latin verse, entitled LIGURINUS, which is scarce
inferior to the PHILIPPID of Guillaume le Breton, or the ALEX-
ANDREID of Gualtier ; but not so polished and classical as the TRO-
JAN WAR of our Josephus Iscanus. It is in ten books, and the
subject is the war of the emperor Frederick Barbarossa against the
Milanese in Liguriar. He had before written a Latin poem on the
expedition of the emperor Conrade against the Saracens, and the
recovery of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem by Godfrey of Bulloign,
which he called SOLYMARIUMS. The subject is much like that of the
ANTIOCHEIS ; but which of the two pieces was written first it is diffi-
cult to ascertain.
q I will add some of the exordial lines
almost immediately following, as they
contain names, and other circumstances,
which perhaps may lead to point out the
age, if not the name of the author. They
were never before printed.
Tu quoque digneris, precor, aspirare
labori,
Flos cleri, MARTINE, meo; qui talis es
inter
Abbates, qualis est patron us tuns inter
Pontifices: hie est primas, tu primus
eorum, &c.
Hie per Aidanum sua munificentia mu-
nus
Illi promeruit, &c.
Tuque benigne Prior, primas, et prime
Priorum,
Qui cleri, Hoc ERE, rosam geris, annue
vati, &c.
Tuque Sacrista, sacris instans, qui jure
vocaris
SYMON, id est humilis, quo nemo benig-
nior alter
Abbatis praecepta sui velocius audit,
Tardius obloquitur : qui tot mea carmina
servas
Scripta voluminibus, nee plura requirere
cessas,
Praeteritos laudas, praesentes dilige ver-
sus, &c.
The manuscript is Bibl. Bodl. A. 1. 2. B.
(Langb. 5. p. 6.) This piece begins at
f. 57. Other pieces precede, in Latin
poetry: as Vita Sanctorum. T. Becket.
f. 3.
Qui moritur? Praesul. Cur? pro grege, &c.
Prol pr. f. 23.
Detineant alios Parnassi culmina, Cyr-
rhae
Plausus, Pieridum vox, Heliconis opes.
De partu Virginis. f. 28. b.
Nectareum rorem terris, &c.
S. Birinus, f. 42.
Et pudet, et fateor, &c.
The author of the life of Birinus says,
he was commanded to write by Peter,
probably Peter de Rupibus, bishop of
Winchester. Perhapsheis Michael Blaun-
payne. Alexander Esseby wrote lives of
saints in Latin verse. See MSS. Hail.
1819. 531.
* First printed August. Vindel. 1507.
fol. and frequently since.
* He mentions it in his Ligurium, lib. i.
v. 13. seq. v. 648. seq. See also Voss.
Poet. Lat. c. vi. p. 73. It was never
printed. Gunther wrote a prose history
of the sack of Constantinople by Baldwin :
the materials were taken from the mouth
of abbot Martin, who was present at the
siege, in 1204. It was printed by Cani-
sius, Antiq. Lect. torn. iv. P. ii. p. 358.
Ingolstad. 1604. 4to. Again, in a new
edition of that compilation, Amst. 1725.
fol. torn. iv. See also Pagi, ad A.D. 1519,
n. xiv..
CXXX1V DISSERTATION II.
AVhilc this spirit of classical Latin poetry was universally prevailing,
our countryman Geoffrey de Vinesauf, an accomplished scholar, and
educated not only in the priory of Saint Frideswide at Oxford, but in
the universities of France and Italy, published while at Rome a critical
didactic poem entitled DE NOVA POETRIAS. This book is dedicated
to pope Innocent the Third; and its intention was to recommend and
illustrate the new and legitimate mode of versification which had lately
begun to flourish in Europe, in opposition to the Leonine or barbarous
species. This he compendiously styles, and by way of distinction, The
NEW Poetry. We must not be surprised to find Horace's Art of Poetry
entitled HORATII NOVA POETRIA, so late as the year 1389, in a cata-
logue of the library of a monastery at Dover1.
Even a knowledge of the Greek language imported from France, but
chiefly from Italy, was now beginning to be diffused in England. I am
inclined to think, that many Greek manuscripts found their way into
Europe from Constantinople in the time of the Crusades : and we might
observe, that the Italians, who seem to have been the most polished and
intelligent people of Europe during the barbarous ages, carried on
communications with the Greek empire as early as the reign of Charle-
magne. Robert Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, an universal scholar,
and no less conversant in polite letters than the most abstruse sciences,
cultivated and patronised the study of the Greek language. This illus-
trious prelate, who is said to have composed almost two hundred books,
read lectures in the school of the Franciscan friars at Oxford about the
year 1230W. Retranslated Dionysius the Areopagite and Damascenus
into Latin x. He greatly facilitated the knowledge of Greek by a trans-
lation of Suidas's Lexicon, a book in high repute among the lower
Greeks, and at that time almost a recent compilation >'. He promoted
John of Basingstoke to the archdeaconry of Leicester ; chiefly because
he was a Greek scholar, and possessed many Greek manuscripts, which
he is said to have brought from Athens into England2. He entertain-
It has been often printed. I think * Leland, Script. Brit. p. 283.
it is called in some manuscripts, De Arte y Boston of Bury says, that he trans-
dictandi, versificandi, et transferendi. See lated the book called Suda. Catal. Script.
Selden, Prsefat. Dec. Scriptor. p. xxxix. Eccles. Robert. Lincoln. Boston lived in
and Selden, Op. ii. 168. He is himself the year 1410. Such was their ignorance
no contemptible Latin poet, and is cele- at this time even of the name of this lexU
brated by Chaucer. See Urry's edit. cographer.
p. 468. 560. He seems to have lived about z Lei. Script. Brit. p. 266. Matthew
1 200. Paris asserts, that he introduced into Eng-
' Ex Matricula Monach. Monast. Dover. land a knowledge of the Greek numeral
apud MSS. Br. Twyne, notat. 8. p. 758. letters. That historian adds, "Dequibus
archiv. Oxon. Yet all Horace's writings figuris HOC MAXIME ADMIRANDUM, quod
were often transcribed, and not unfamiliar, unica figura quilibet numerus repraesen-
in the dark ages. His odes are quoted by tatur; quod non est in Latino vel in Al-
Fitz-Stephens in his Description of Lon- gorismo." Hist. edit. Lond. 1684. p. 721.
Hon. llabanus Maurus above mentioned He translated from Greek into Latin a
quotes two verses from the Art of Poetry. grammar which he called Donatus Grce-
Op. torn. ii. p. 46. edit. Colon. 1627. fol. corum. See Pegge's Life of Roger de
Kennet, Paroch. Antiq. p. 217. Weseham, p. 46, 47. 51. andinfr, p. 281.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXXV
ed, as a domestic in his palace, Nicholas chaplain of the abbot of Saint
Alban's, surnamed GR^ECUS, from his uncommon proficiency in Greek ;
and by his assistance he translated from Greek into Latin the testa-
ments of the twelve patriarchs*. Grosthead had almost incurred the
censure of excommunication for preferring a complaint to the pope,
that most of the opulent benefices in England were occupied by Ita-
lians1*. But this practice, although notoriously founded on the mono-
polising and arbitrary spirit of papal imposition, and a manifest act of
injustice to the English clergy, probably contributed to introduce many
learned foreigners into England, and to propagate philological litera-
ture.
Bishop Grosthead is also said to have been profoundly skilled in the
Hebrew language0. William the Conqueror permitted great numbers
of Jews to come over from Rouen, and to settle in England about the
year 1087d. Their multitude soon increased, and they spread them-
selves in vast bodies throughout most of the cities and capital towns in
England, where they built synagogues. There were fifteen hundred at
York about the year 1189e. At Bury in Suffolk is a very complete
remain of a Jewish synagogue of stone in the Norman style, large and
magnificent. Hence it was that many of the learned English ecclesi-
He seems to have flourished about the
year 1230. Bacon also wrote a Greek
grammar, in which is the following curi-
ous passage: "Episcopus consecrans ec-
clesiam, scribal Alphabetum Grsecum in
pulvere cum cuspide baculi pastoralis :
sed omnes episcopi QUI GRJECUM IGNO-
RANT, scribant tres notas numerorum
quae non sunt literae," &c. Gr, Gram. cap.
ult. p. iii. MSS. Apud MSS. Br. Twyne,
8vo. p. 649. archiv. Oxon. See what is
said of the new translations of Aristotle,
from the original Greek into Latin, about
the twelfth century, infr. vol. ii. Sect. ix.
p. 90. I believe the translators un-
derstood very little Greek. Our country-
man Michael Scotus was one of the first
of them ; who was assisted by Andrew a
Jew. Michael was astrologer to Frederick
emperor of Germany, and appears to have
executed his translations at Toledo in
Spain, about the year 1220. These new
versions were perhaps little more than
corrections from those of the early Ara-
bians, made under the inspection of the
learned Spanish Saracens. To the want
of a true knowledge of the original lan-
guage of the ancient Greek philosophers,
Roger Bacon attributes the slow and im-
perfect advances of real science at this pe-
riod. On this account their improvements
were very inconsiderable, notwithstanding
the appearance of erudition, and the fer-
vour with which almost every branch of
philosophy had been now studied in va-
rious countries for near half a century.
See Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i.
120. seq. Dempster, xii. 940. Baconi Op.
Maj. per Jebb, i. 15. ii. 8. Tanner, Bibl.
p. 526. and MSS. Cotton. C. 5. fol. 138.
Brit. Mus.
A learned writer affirms, that Aristotle's
books in the original Greek were brought
out of the east into Europe about the year
1 200. He is also of opinion, that during
the crusades many Europeans, from their
commerce with the Syrian Palestines, got
a knowledge of Arabic ; and that import-
ing into Europe Arabic versions of some
parts of Aristotle's works, which they,
found in the east, they turned them into
Latin. These were chiefly his Ethics and
Politics. And these NEW TRANSLATORS
he further supposes were employed at
their return into Europe in revising the
old translations of other parts of Aristotle,
made from Arabic into Latin. Euseb.
Renaudot, De Barbar. Aristot. Versionib.
apud Fabric. Bibl. Gr. xii. p. 248. See
also Murator. Antiq. Ital. Med. J£v. iii.
936.
a See MSS. Reg. Brit. Mus, 4 D. vii. 4.
Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. 82.
and M. Paris, sub anno 1242.
b Godwin, Episc. p. 348. edit. 16 1C,
c He is mentioned again, Sect. ii. pp.
56. 72. of this volume.
d Hollinsh. Chron. sub ann. p. 15 a.
• Anders. Comm. i. 93.
CXXXH DISSERTATION II.
astics of these times became acquainted with their books and language.
In the reign of William Rufus, at Oxford the Jews were remarkably
numerous, and had acquired a considerable property; and some of
their rabbis were permitted to open a school in the university, where
they instructed not only their own people, but many Christian students,
in the Hebrew literature, about the year 1054f. Within two hundred
years after their admission or establishment by the Conqueror, they
were banished the kingdom*. This circumstance was highly favour-
able to the circulation of their learning in England. The suddenness
of their dismission obliged them, for present subsistence, and other
reasons, to sell their moveable goods of all kinds, among which were
large quantities of rabbinical books. The monks in various parts
availed themselves of the distribution of these treasures. At Hunting-
don and Stamford there was a prodigious sale of their effects, containing
immense stores of Hebrew manuscripts, which were immediately pur-
chased by Gregory of Huntingdon, prior of the abbey of Ramsey.
Gregory speedily became an adept in the Hebrew, by means of these
valuable acquisitions, which he bequeathed to his monastery about the
year 1250h. Other members of the same convent, in consequence of
these advantages, are said to have been equal proficients in the same
language, soon after the death of prior Gregory ; among which were
Robert Dodford, librarian of Ramsey, and Laurence Holbech, who
compiled a Hebrew Lexicon1. At Oxford, great multitudes of their
books fell into the hands of Roger Bacon, or were bought by his brethren
the Franciscan friars of that university k.
But, to return to the leading point of our inquiry, this promising
dawn of polite letters and rational knowledge was soon obscured. The
temporary gleam of light did not arrive to perfect day. The minds of
scholars were diverted from these liberal studies in the rapidity of their
career ; and the arts of composition and the ornaments of language
were neglected, to make way for the barbarous and barren subtleties of
scholastic divinity. The first teachers of this art, originally founded
on that spirit of intricate and metaphysical inquiry which the Arabians
had communicated to philosophy, and which now became almost abso-
lutely necessary for defending the doctrines of Rome, were Peter Lom-
bard archbishop of Paris, and the celebrated Abelard ; men whose con-
summate abilities were rather qualified to reform the church, and to
restore useful science, than to corrupt both, by confounding the com-
mon sense of mankind with frivolous speculation1. These visionary
f Angl. Judaic, p. 8. h Leland, Script. Brit. p. 321. and
1 Hollinshead, ibid, sub aim. 1289. MSS. Bibl. Lambeth. Wharton, L. p. C61.
p. 285. a. Matthew of Westminster says "Libri Prioris Gregorii de Ramesey.
that 165 11 were banished. Flor. Hist. Prima pars Bibliotheca Hebraica," &c.
ad an. 1290. Great numbers of Hebrew 5 Bale, iv. 41. ix. 9. Lei. ubi supr.p.452.
rolls and charts, relating to their estates k Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. 77.
in England, and escheated to the king, 132. See also vol. ii. Sect. ix. p. 89.
are now remaining in the Tower among ' They both flourished about the year
the royal records. 1150.
INTRODUCTION OF LEARNING INTO ENGLAND. CXXXVli
theologists never explained or illustrated any scriptural topic : on the
contrary, they perverted the simplest expressions of the sacred text, and
embarrassed the most evident truths of the Gospel by laboured distinc-
tions and unintelligible solutions. From the universities of France,
which were then filled with multitudes of English students, this admired
species of sophistry was adopted in England, and encouraged by Lan-
franc and Anselm, archbishops of Canterbury01. And so successful
was its progress at Oxford, that before the reign of Edward the Second
no foreign university could boast so conspicuous a catalogue of subtle
and invincible doctors.
Nor was the profession of the civil and canonical laws a small impe-
diment to the propagation of those letters which humanize the mind,
and cultivate the manners. I do not mean to deny, that the accidental
discovery of the imperial code in the twelfth century contributed in a
considerable degree to civilise Europe, by introducing, among other
beneficial consequences, more legitimate ideas concerning the nature of
government and the administration of justice, by creating a necessity of
transferring judicial decrees from an illiterate nobility to the cognisance
of scholars, by lessening the attachment to the military profession, and
by giving honour and importance to civil employments ; but to suggest,
that the mode in which this invaluable system of jurisprudence was
studied, proved injurious to polite literature. It was no sooner revived,
than it was received as a scholastic science, and taught by regular pro-
fessors, in most of the universities of Europe. To be skilled in the the-
ology of the schools was the chief and general ambition of scholars :
but at the same time a knowledge of both the laws was become an in-
dispensable requisite, at least an essential recommendation, for obtain-
ing the most opulent ecclesiastical dignities. Hence it was cultivated
with universal avidity. It became so considerable a branch of study
in the plan of academical discipline, that twenty scholars out of seventy
were destined to the study of the civil and canon laws, in one of the
most ample colleges at Oxford, founded in the year 1385. And it is
easy to conceive the pedantry with which it was pursued in these semi-
naries during the middle ages. It was treated with the same spirit of
idle speculation which had been carried into philosophy and theology,
it was overwhelmed with endless commentaries which disclaimed all
elegance of language, and served only to exercise genius, as it afforded
materials for framing the flimsy labyrinths of casuistry.
It was not indeed probable, that these attempts in elegant literature
which I have mentioned should have any permanent effects. The
change, like a sudden revolution in government, was too rapid for du-
ration. It was moreover premature, and on that account not likely to
be lasting. The habits of superstition and ignorance- were as yet too
m " Baccalaureus qui legit textum (sc. A. Wood, Hist. Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. p.
S. Scripturse) succumbit lectori SENTEN- 53. Lombard was the author of the Sen-
TiAituMParisii5,"&e. Reg. Bacon, apud tences.
CXXXV111 DISSERTATION II.
powerful for a reformation of this kind to be effected by a few polite
scholars. It was necessary that many circumstances and events, yet in
the womb of time, should take place, before the minds of men could be
so far enlightened as to receive these improvements.
But perhaps inventive poetry lost nothing by this relapse. Had clas-
sical taste and judgement been now established, imagination would have
suffered, and too early a check would have been given to the beautiful
extravagances of romantic fabling. In a word, truth and reason would
have chased before their time those spectres of illusive fancy, so plea-
sing to the imagination, which delight to hover in the gloom of igno-
rance and superstition, and which form so considerable a part of the
poetry of the succeeding centuries.
ON THE
GESTA ROMANORUM.
DISSERTATION III.
JL ALES are the learning of a rude age. In the progress of letters,
speculation and inquiry commence with refinement of manners. Lite-
rature becomes sentimental and discursive, in proportion as a people is
polished ; and men must be instructed by facts, either real or imaginary,
before they can apprehend the subtleties of argument, and the force of
reflection.
Vincent of Beauvais, a learned Dominican of France, who flourished
in the thirteenth century, observes in his MIRROR of HISTORY, that it
was a practice of the preachers of his age, to rouse the indifference and
relieve the languor of their hearers, by quoting the fables of Esop :
yet, at the same time, he recommends a sparing and prudent application
of these profane fancies in the discussion of sacred subjects*. Among
the Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum we find a very ancient
collection of two hundred and fifteen stories, romantic, allegorical, re-
ligious, and legendary, which were evidently compiled by a professed
preacher, for the use of monastic societies. Some of these appear to
have been committed to writing from the recitals of bards and minstrels ;
others to have been invented and written by troubadours and monks b.
In the year 1 389, a grand system of divinity appeared at Paris, after-
wards translated by Caxton under the title of the COURT OF SAPYENCE,
which abounds with a multitude of historical examples, parables, and
apologues; and which the writer wisely supposes to be much more
likely to interest the attention and excite the devotion of the people,
than the authority of science, and the parade of theology. In conse-
quence of the expediency of this mode of instruction, the Legends of
the Saints were received into the ritual, and rehearsed in the course of
public worship. For religious romances were nearly allied to songs of
chivalry ; and the same gross ignorance of the people, which in the
early centuries of Christianity created a necessity of introducing the
a Specul. Hist. lib. iv. c. viii. fol. 31 b. b MSS. Had. 463. rnembran. fol.
edit. Yen. 1591.
Cxi DISSERTATION III.
visible pomp of theatrical ceremonies into the churches, was taught the
duties of devotion, by being amused with the achievements of spiritual
knight-errantry, and impressed with the examples of pious heroism. In
more cultivated periods, the DECAMERON of Boccace, and other books
of that kind, ought to be considered as the remnant of a species of
writing which was founded on the simplicity of mankind, and was
adapted to the exigencies of the infancy of society.
Many obsolete collections of this sort still remain, both printed and
manuscript, containing narratives either fictitious or historical,
Of king and heroes old
Such as the wise Demodocus once told
In solemn songs at king Alcinous' feast.c
But among the ancient story-books of this character, a Latin compi-
lation entitled GESTA ROMANORUM seems to have been the favourite.
This piece has been before incidentally noticed : but as it operated
powerfully on the general body of our old poetry, affording a variety
of inventions not only to Chuacer, Gower, and Lydgate, but to their
distant successors, I have judged it of sufficient importance to be exa-
mined at large in a separate dissertation ; which has been designedly re-
served for this place*, for the purpose both of recapitulation and illus-
tration, and of giving the reader a more commodious opportunity of
surveying at leisure, from this intermediate point of view, and under
one comprehensive detail, a connected display of the materials and ori-
ginal subjects of many of our past and future poets.
Indeed, in the times with which we are now about to be concerned,
it seems to have been growing more into esteem. At the commence-
ment of typography, Wynkyn de Worde published this book in En-
glish. This translation was reprinted, by one Robinson, in 1577, and
afterwards, of the same translation there were six impressions before
the year 1601 d. There is an edition in black letter so late as the year
1689. About the year 1596, an English version appeared of "Epi-
tomes des cent HISTOIRES TRAGIQUES, partie extraictes des ACTES DES
ROM A INS et autres," &c. From the popularity, or rather familiarity,
of this work in the reign of queen Elisabeth, the title of GESTA GRAY-
ORUM was affixed to the history of the acts of the Christmas Prince at
Gray's-inn, in 1594e. In Sir GILES GOOSECAP, an anonymous comedy,
presented by the Children of the Chapel in the year 1606, we have,
" Then for your lordship's quips and quick jests, why GESTA ROMA-
NORUM were nothing to themf." And in George Chapman's May-DAY,
a comedy, printed at London in 1611, a man of the highest literary
« Milton, At a Vacation Exercise, has now been thought best to let it follow
&c- the other Dissertations. — PRICE.]
* [This Dissertation on the Gesta Ro- d See vol. ii. Sect. xix. p. 238.
manorum was placed by the author at the e Printed, or reprinted, in 1688. 4to.
beginning of his Third Volume, which was ' Lond. Printed for John Windet, 1606.
published seven years after the First: it 'Ito.
OX THE GESTA ROMANORUM. Cxl
taste for the pieces in vogue is characterised, " One that has read Mar-
cus Aurelius, GESTA ROMANORUM, the Mirrour of Magistrates, &c
to be led by the nose like a blind beare that has read nothing^!" The
critics and collectors in black-letter, I believe, could produce many
other proofs.
The GESTA ROMANORUM were first printed without date, but as it
is supposed before or about the year 1473, in folio, with this title, In-
cipiunt HISTORIE NOTABILES collecte ex GESTIS ROMANORUM et qui-
busdam aliis libris cum applicationibus eorundem^. This edition has
one hundred and fifty-two chapters, or GESTS, and one hundred and
seventeen leaves1. It is in the Gothic letter, and in two columns.
The first chapter is of king Pompey, and the last of prince, or king,
Cleonicus. The initials are written in red and blue ink. This edition,
slightly mutilated, is among bishop Tanner's printed books in the Bod-
leian library. The reverend and learned doctor Farmer, master of
Emanuel college in Cambridge, has the second (?) edition, as it seems,
printed at Louvain, in quarto, the same or the subsequent year, by
John de Westfalia, under the title, Ex GESTIS ROMANORUM HISTORIE
NOTABILES de viciis virtutibusque tractantes cum applicationibus mo-
ralisatis et mysticis. And with this colophon, GESTA ROMANORUM
cum quibusdam aliis HISTORIIS eisdem annexis ad MORALITATES dilu-
cide redacta hicfinem habent. Quce, diligenter correctis aliorum viciis,
impressit Joannes de Westfalia in alma Vniversitate Louvaniensi. It has
one hundred and eighty-one chapters k. That is, twenty-nine more than
are contained in the former edition : the first of the additional chap-
ters being the story of Antiochus, or the substance of the romance of
APOLLONIUS of TYRE. The initials are inserted in red ink1. Another
followed soon afterwards, in quarto, Ex GESTIS ROMANORUM Historic
notabiles moralizatce, per Girardum Lieu, GOUD^E, 1480. The next
edition, with the use of which I have been politely favoured by George
Mason, esquire, of Aldenham-lodge, in Hertfordshire, was printed in
folio, and in the year 1488*, with this title, GESTA RHOMANORUM
cum Applicationibus moralisatis et misticis. The colophon is, Ex
GESTIS ROMANORUM cum pluribus applicatis Historiis de virtutibus et
viciis mystice ad intellectum transsumptis Recollectoriijmis. Anno nre
salutis MCCCCLXXX viij kalendas vero februarii xviij. A general and
alphabetical table are subjoined. The book, which is printed in two
columns, and in the Gothic character, abounding with abbreviations,
B Act Hi. pag. 39. k The first is of king Pompey, as be-
11 Much the same title occurs to a ma- fore. The last is entitled De Adulterio.
nuscript of this work in the Vatican, "Hi- ' It has signatures to K k.
storise Notabiles collects; ex Gestis Roma- * [Mr. Douce enumerates two editions
norum et quibusdam aliis libris cum ex- between this and Lieu's ; namely, one
plicationibus eorundem." Montfauc. Bibl. printed at Hasselt in 1481, and another
Manuscr. torn. i. pag. 17. Num. 172. in 1482 without the name of the place.
1 Without initials, paging, signatures, —PRICE.]
er catch-words.
CXlii DTSSKRTATION III.
contains ninety-three leaves. The initials are written or flourished in
red and blue, and all the capitals in the body of the text are miniated
with a pen. There were many other later editions01. I must add, that
the GESTA ROMANORUM were translated into Dutch, so early as the
year 1484-. There is an old French version in the British Museum.
This work is compiled from the obsolete Latin chronicles of the later
Roman or rather German story, heightened by romantic inventions,
from Legends of the Saints, oriental apologues, and many of the shorter
fictitious narratives which came into Europe with the Arabian litera-
ture, and were familiar in the ages of ignorance and imagination. The
classics are sometimes cited for authorities ; but these are of the lower
order, such as Valerius Maximus, Macrobius, Aulus Gellius, Seneca,
Pliny, and Boethius. To every tale a MORALISATION is subjoined, re-
ducing it into a Christian or moral lesson.
Most of the oriental apologues are taken from the CLERICALIS
DISCIPLINA, or a Latin dialogue between an Arabian philosopher and
Edric n his son, never printed0, written by Peter Alphonsus, a baptised
Jew, at the beginning of the twelfth century, and collected from Ara-
bian fables, apophthegms, and examples P. Some are also borrowed from
an old Latin translation of the CALILAH u DAMNAH, a celebrated set
of eastern fables, to which Alphonsus was indebted.
On the whole, this is the collection in which a curious inquirer might
expect to find the original of Chaucer's Cambuscan :
Or, — if aught else great bards beside
In sage and solemn tunes have sung,
Of turneys and of trophies hung,
Of forests and inchantments drear,
Where more is meant than meets the ear^.
Our author frequently cites GESTA ROMANORUM, the title of his
m [For which see vol. ii. Sect xix. p. was printed at the expense of the Societe
235. et seq. and Mr. Douce's Illustrations des Bibliophiles Franqais, at Paris, 2 pts.
of Shakspeare, vol. ii. p. 358. " A trans- 12mo. 1824., accompanied by a French
lation by Mr. Swann, h.is been published prose version of the fifteenth century, and
in 2 volumes, 1824."] one of the old French metrical transla-
n Edric was the name of Enoch among tions, with a Preface by M. J. Labouderie.
the Arabians, to whom they attribute many Another of the metrical versions had been
fabulous compositions. Herbelot, in V. imperfectly printed by Barbazan, in 1760,
Lydgate'sChorle and the Bird, mentioned and a third, more completely, by Meon,
above, is taken from the Clerical!* Disci- in the edition of 1808. — M.]
plina of Alphonsus. [An admirable edition of the Disci-
0 MSS. Harl. 3861; and in many other plina Clericalis was afterwards given at
libraries. It occurs in old French verse, Berlin by F. W. V. Schmidt, in 1827, with
MSS. Digb. 86. membran. " Le Romaunz a long introduction, and a large body of
de Peres Aunfour content il aprist et cha- extensive and valuable notes. Schmidt
stia sonfils belement." [See vol. ii. Sect. has, however, erroneously stated that it
xxiv. p. 326.] had never been printed previously to his
[See an analysis of this work by Mr. edition— z urn ersten Mai herausgegeben.
Douce, inserted in Ellis's Spec. Metr. Rom. — W.]
i. 133. edit. 1811. There are two French " See Tyrwhitt's Chaucer, vol. iv. p.
metrical versions, but both imperfect, in 325 seq.
MSS. Harl. 527. 4338. The Latin text « Milton's II Penseroso.
ON THK GESTA ROMANORUM. Cxliil
own work ; by which I understand no particular book of that name,
but the Roman history in general. Thus in the title of the SAINT
ALBANS CHRONICLE, printed by Caxton, Titus Livyus de GESTIS RO-
MANORUM is recited. In the year 1544, Lucius Florus was printed at
Paris under the same title1". In the British Museum we find "LES
FA is DE ROM A INS jusques a la fin de 1'empire Domician, selon Orose,
Justin, Lucan, &c." A plain historical deduction8. The ROMULEON,
an old manuscript history of Rome from the foundation of the city to
Constantine the Great, is also called DE GESTIS ROMANORUM. This
manuscript occurs both in Latin and French : and a French copy,
among the royal manuscripts, has the title, " ROMULEON, ou DES FA is
DE ROMAINSV Among the manuscript books written by Lapus de
Castellione, a Florentine civilian, who flourished about the year 1350,
there is one, De Origine URBIS ROMJE et de GESTIS ROMANORUM u.
Gower, in the CONFESSIO AMANTIS, often introduces Roman stories
with the Latin preamble, Hie secundum GESTA ; where he certainly
means the Roman History, which by degrees had acquired simply the
appellation of GESTA. Herman Korner, in his CIIRONICA NOVELLA,
written about the year 1438, refers for his vouchers to Bede, Orosius,
Valerius Maximus, Josephus, Eusebius, and the Chronicon et GESTA
ROMANORUM. Most probably, to say no more, by the CHRONICON he
means the later writers of the Roman affairs, such as Isidore and the
monkish compilers ; and by GESTA the ancient Roman history, as re-
lated by Livy and the more established Latin historians.
Neither is it possible that this work could have been brought as a
proof or authority, by any serious annalist, for the Roman story.
For though it bears the title of GESTA ROMANORUM, yet this title
by no means properly corresponds with the contents of the collection ;
which, as has been already hinted, comprehends a multitude of narra-
tives, either not historical ; or, in another respect, such as are either totally
unconnected with the Roman people, or perhaps the most preposterous
misrepresentations of their history. To cover this deviation from the
promised plan, which, by introducing a more ample variety of matter,
has contributed to increase the reader's entertainment, our collector
has taken care to preface almost every story with the name or reign of
a Roman emperor ; who, at the same time, is often a monarch that
never existed, and who seldom, whether real or supposititious, has any
concern with the circumstances of the narrative.
But I hasten to exhibit a compendious analysis of the chapters which
form this very singular compilation ; intermixing occasional illustrations
arising from the subject, and shortening or lengthening my abridgement
of the stories, in proportion as I judge they are likely to interest the
reader. Where, for that reason, I have been very concise, I have yet
r Apud Vascosan. 4to. * MS. 19 E. v.
' MSS. Reg. 20. C. i. u See vol. ii. Sect. xix. p. 238.
DISSERTATION III.
said enough to direct the critical antiquarian to this collection, in ease
he should find a similar tale occurring in any of our old poets. I have
omitted the mention of a very few chapters, which were beneath notice.
Sometimes, where common authors are quoted, I have only mentioned
the author's name, without specifying the substance of the quotation ;
for it was necessary that the reader should be made acquainted with
our collector's track of reading, and the books which he used. In the
mean time, this review will serve as a full notification of the edition of
14-88, which is more comprehensive and complete than some others of
later publication, and to which all the rest, as to a general criterion,
may be now comparatively referred.
CHAP. i. Of a daughter of king Pompey, whose chamber was guarded
by five armed knights and a dog. Being permitted to be present at a
public show, she is seduced by a duke, who is afterwards killed by the
champion of her father's court. She is reconciled to her father, and
betrothed to a nobleman ; on which occasion, she receives from her
father an embroidered robe and a crown of gold, from the champion a
gold ring, another from the wise man who pacified the king's anger,
another from the king's son, another from her cousin, and from her
spouse a seal of gold. All these presents are inscribed with proverbial
sentences, suitable to the circumstances of the princess.
The latter part of this story is evidently oriental. The feudal man-
ners, in a book which professes to record the achievements of the Ro-
man people, are remarkable in the introductory circumstances. But
of this mixture we shaJl see many striking instances.
CHAP. ii. Of a youth taken captive by pirates. The king's daughter
falls in love with him ; and having procured his escape, accompanies him
to his own country, where they are married.
CHAP. vi. An emperor is married to a beautiful young princess. In
case of death, they mutually agree not to survive one another. To try
the truth of his wife, the emperor going into a distant country, orders
a report of his death to be circulated. In remembrance of her vow,
and in imitation of the wives, of India, she prepares to thro\v herself
headlong from a high precipice. She is prevented by her father ; who
interposes his paternal authority, as predominating over a rash and un-
lawful promise.
CHAP. vii. Under the reign of Dioclesian, a noble knight had two
sons, the youngest of which marries a harlot.
This story, but with a difference of circumstances, ends like the
beautiful apologue of the Prodigal Son.
CHAP. viii. The emperor Leo commands three female statues to be
made. One has a gold ring on a finger pointing forward, another a
beard of gold, and the third a golden cloak and purple tunic. Who-
ever steals any of these ornaments, is to be punished with an ignomi-
nious death.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
This story is copied by Gower, in the CONFESSIO AMANTIS ; but he
has altered some of the circumstances. He supposes a statue of Apollo.
Of plate of golde a berde he hadde,
The wiche his brest all ovir spradde
Of golde also, without fayle,
His mantell was, of large entayle,
Besette with perrey all aboute :
Forth ryght he straught his fynger oute,
Upon the whiche he had a rynge,
To seen it was a ryche thynge,
A fyne carbuncle for the nones
Moste precious of all stones w.
In the sequel, Gower follows the substance of our author,
CHAP. x. Vespasian marries a wife in a distant country, who re-
fuses to return home with him, and yet declares she will kill herself if
he goes. The emperor ordered two rings to be made, of a wondrous
efficacy ; one of which, in the stone, has the image of Oblivion, the
other the image of Memory : the ring of Oblivion he gave to the em-
press, and returned home with the ring of Memory.
CHAP. xi. The queen of the south sends her daughter to king Alex-
ander, to be his concubine. She was exceedingly beautiful, but had
been nourished with poison from her birth. Alexander's master, Ari-
stotle, whose sagacity nothing could escape, knowing this, entreated,
that before she was admitted to the king's bed, a malefactor condemned
to death might be sent for, who should give her a kiss, in the presence
of the king. The malefactor, on kissing her, instantly dropped down
dead. Aristotle, having explained his reasons for what he had done,
was loaded with honours by the king, and the princess was dismissed
to her mother.
This story is founded on the twenty-eighth chapter of Aristotle's SE-
CRETUM SECRETORUM ; in which, a queen of India is said to have
treacherously sent to Alexander, among otlier costly presents, the pre-
tended testimonies of her friendship, a girl of exquisite beauty, who
having been fed with serpents from her infancy, partook of their na-
ture y. If I recollect right, in Pliny there are accounts of nations whose
natural food was poison. Mithridates, king of Pontus, the land of ve-
nomous herbs, and the country of the sorceress Medea, was supposed
w Lib. v. fol. 122 b. Latini, and that therefore, and because
y [See Sect. iii. p. 135. note x of this the Arabic copies were scarce, he trans-
volume.] This I now cite from a Latin lated it into Latin.
translation, without date, but evidently This printed copy does not exactly cor-
printed before 1500. It is dedicated to respond with MS. Bodl. 495. membr. 4to.
Guido Vere de Valencia, bishop of Tri- In the last, Alexander's miraculous horn
poly, by his most humble Clerk, Philip- is mentioned at fol. 45 b. In the former,
pus ; who says, that he found this trea- in ch. Ixxii. The dedication is the same
Use in Arabic at Antioch, quo carebant in both.
VOL. I. k
Cxlvi DISSERTATION III*
to eat poison. Sir John Maundeville's Travels, I believe, will afford
other instances.
CHAP. xii. A profligate priest, in the reign of the emperor Otto, or
Otho, walking in the fields, and neglecting to say mass, is reformed by
a vision of a comely old man.
CHAP. xiii. An empress having lost her husband, becomes so dotingly
fond of her only son, then three years of age, as not to bear his absence
for a moment. They sleep together every night, and when he was
eighteen years of age, she proves with child by him. She murthers
the infant, and her left hand is immediately marked with four circles
of blood. Her repentance is related, in consequence of a vision of the
holy virgin.
This story is in the SPECULUM HISTORIALE of Vincent of Beauvais,
who wrote about the year 1250Z.
CHAP. xiv. Under the reign of the emperor Dorotheus, a remark-
able example of the filial piety of a young man, who redeems his father,
a knight, from captivity.
CHAP. xv. Eufemian, a nobleman in the court of the emperor of
Rome, is attended by three thousand servants girt with golden belts,
and clothed in silken vestments. His house was crowded with pil-
grims, orphans, and widows, for whom three tables were kept every
day. He has a son, Allexius, who quits his father's palace, and lives
unknown seventeen years in a monastery in Syria. He then returns,
and lives seventeen years undiscovered as a pilgrim in his father's fa-
mily, where he suffers many indignities from the servants.
Allexius, or Alexis, was canonised. The story is taken from his Le-
gend8. In the metrical Lives of the Saints, his life is told in a sort of
measure different from that of the rest, and not very common in the
earlier stages of our poetry. It begins thus :
Lesteneth alle and herkeneth me,
Zonge and olde, bonde and fre,
And ich zow telle sone,
How a zobght man, gent and fre,
Bygan this worldis wele to fie,
Y-born he was in Rome.
In Rome was a dozty man
That was y-cleped Eufemian,
Man of moche myzte ;
Gold and seluer he hadde ynouz,
Hall and boures, oxse and plouz,
And swith wel it dyzte. '
When Allexius returns home in disguise, and asks his father about his
son, the father's feelings are thus described :
1 Lib. vii. cap. 93 seq. f. 86 b. edit. Yen. * See Caxton, Gold. Leg. f. ccclxiii. b.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. Cxlvii
So sone so he spake of his sone,
The guode man, as was his wone,
Gan to sikeb sore ;
His herte felc so colde so ston,
The teres felle to his tond,
On her herd hore.
At his burial, many miracles are wrought on the sick :
With mochel sizte, and mochel song,
That holy cors, hem alle among,
Bischoppis to cherche bere.
Amyddes rizt the heze stretef,
So moche folke hym gone mete
That they resten a stonde,
All the sikeg that to him come,
I-heled wer swithe sone
Of feth and eke of honde :
The blinde come to hare1 sizt,
The croked gonne sone riztk,
The lame for to go :
That dombe wer fonge1 speeche,
Thez heredem God the sothe leche",
And that halwe0 also.
The day zede and drouz to nyzt,
No lenger dwelle? they ne myzt,
To cherche they moste wende ;
The bellen they gonne to rynge,
The clerkes heze^ to synge,
Everich in his ender.
Tho the corse to cherche com
Glad they wer ev'erichon •
That there ycure wer,
The pope and the emperour
Byfore an auter of seynt Savour
Ther sette they the bere.
Aboute the bere was moche lizt
With proude palle was bedizt,
I-beten al with golde8.
b sigh. c felt. m herfed, blessed.
d feet. e sighs. n the true physician. ° hallovr.
f high-street. p tarry. q high.
g they sighed. [All the sick. — RITSON.] r at his seat in the choir.
11 feet. 1 their. * MSS. Coll. Trin. Oxon. Cod. ST.supr.
k straight. l found [took, received}. citat.
Cxlviii "* DISSERTATION III.
The history of saint Allexius is told entirely in the same words in the
GESTA ROMANORUM, and in the LEGENDA AUREA of Jacobus de Vo-
ragineS translated, through a French medium, by Caxton. This work
of Jacobus does not consist solely of the legends of the saints, but is
interspersed with multis aliis pulcherrimis et peregrinis historiis, with
many other most beautiful and strange histories v.
CHAP. xvi. A Roman emperor in digging for the foundation of
a new palace, finds a golden sarcophagus, or coffin, inscribed with
mysterious words and sentences. Which being explained, prove to
be so many moral lessons of instruction for the emperor's future con-
duct.
CHAP. xvii. A poor man named Guido engages to serve an emperor
of Rome in six several capacities or employments. One of these ser-
vices is, to show the best way to the holy land. Acquitting himself in
all with singular address and fidelity, he is made a knight, and loaded
with riches.
CHAP, xviii. A knight named Julian is hunting a stag, who turns
and says, " You will kill your father and mother." On this he went
into a distant country, where he married a rich lady of a castle. Ju-
lian's father and mother travelled into various lands to find their son,
and at length accidentally came to this castle, in his absence ; where
telling their story to the lady, who had heard it from her husband, she
discovered who they were, and gave them her own bed to sleep in.
Early in the morning, while she was at mass in the chapel, her husband
Julian unexpectedly returned; and entering his wife's chamber, per-
ceived two persons in the bed, whom he immediately slew with his
sword, hastily supposing them to be his wife and her adulterer. At
leaving the chamber, he met his wife coming from the chapel ; and
with great astonishment asked her, who the persons were sleeping in
her bed ? She answered, " They are your parents, who have been seek-
ing you so long, and whom I have honoured with a place in our own
bed." Afterwards they founded a sumptuous hospital for the accom-
modation of travellers, on the banks -of a dangerous river.
This story is told in Caxton's GOLDEN LEGENDEU, and in the metri-
cal Lives of the Saints w. Hence Julian, or Saint Julian, was called
hospitator, or the gode herberjour • and the Pater Noster became fa-
mous, which he used to say for the souls of his father and mother whom
he had thus unfortunately killed x. The peculiar excellences of this
prayer are displayed by Boccacey. Chaucer, speaking of the hospitable
disposition of his FRANKELEIN, says,
Saint Julian he was in his own countre2.
* Hystor.lxxxix. f. clviii. edit. 1479. fol. u Fol. 90. edit. 1493.
And in Vincent of Beauvais, who quotes w MSS. Bodl. 1596. f. 4.
Gesta AUexii, SpecuL Hist. lib. xviii. cap. * Ibid. y Decam. D. ii. N. 2.
43 seq. f. 241 b. * Prol. v. 342. See infr. vol. ii. Sect.
v In the Colophon. xvii. p. 202.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. CXiix
This history is, like the last, related by our compiler, in the words of
Julian's Legend, as it stands in Jacobus de Voraginea. Bollandus has
inserted Antoninus's account of this saint, which appears also to be
literally the sameb. It is told, yet not exactly in the same words, by
Vincent of Beauvaisc.
I take this opportunity of observing, that the Legends of the Saints,
so frequently referred to in the GESTA ROMANORUM, often contain
high strokes of fancy, both in the structure and decorations of the
story. That they should abound in extravagant conceptions, may be
partly accounted for, from the superstitious and visionary cast of the
writer: but the truth is, they derive this complexion from the east.
Some were originally forged by monks of the Greek church, to whom
the oriental fictions and mode of fabling were familiar. The more
early of the Latin lives were carried over to Constantinople, where
they were translated into Greek with new embellishments of eastern
imagination. These being returned into Europe, were translated into
Latin, where they naturally superseded the old Latin archetypes. Others
of the Latin lives contracted this tincture, from being written after the
Arabian literature became common in Europe. The following ideas
in the Life of Saint Pelagian evidently betray their original: — "As the
bysshop sange masse in the cyte of Usanance, he saw thre dropes ryghte
clere all of one gratenesse whiche were upon the aulter, and al thre
ranne to gyder in to a precyous gemme : and whan they had set thys
gemme in a crosse of golde, al the other precyous stones that were
there, fyllen outd, and thys gemme was clere to them that were clene
out of synne, and it was obscure and dark to synners6," &c. The pe-
culiar cast of romantic invention was admirably suited to serve the
purposes of superstition.
Possevin, a learned Jesuit, who wrote about the close of the sixteenth
century, complains, that for the last five hundred years the courts of
all the princes in Europe had been infatuated by reading romance* ;
and that, in his time, it was a mark of inelegance, not to be familiarly
acquainted with Lancelot du Lake, Perceforest, Tristan, Giron the
Courteous, Amadis de Gaul, Primaleon, Boccace's Decameron, and
Ariosto. He even goes so far as to say, that the devil instigated Lu-
ther to procure a translation of Amadis from Spanish into French, for
the purpose of facilitating his grand scheme of overthrowing the catho-
lic religion. The popularity of this book, he adds, warped the minds
of the French nation from their ancient notions and studies; intro-
duced a neglect of the Scriptures, and propagated a love for astrology,
and other fantastic artsf. But with the leave of this zealous catholic I
would observe, that this sort of reading was likely to produce, if any,
a Hystor. xxxii. f. Ixii. a. d fell out.
b Act. Sanctor. torn. ii. Januar. p. 974. * Caxton's Gold. Leg. f. ccclxxxxviii.
Antv. 1643. ' Biblioth. Select, lib.i. cap. 25. p. 113.
c Specul. Hist. lib. ix. c. 115. f. 115. edit. 1593.
Vc-net. 1591.
d DISSERTATION III.
an effect quite contrary. The genius of romance and of popery was
the same ; and both were strengthened by the reciprocation of a simi-
lar spirit of credulity. The dragons and the castles of the one were
of a piece with the visions and pretended miracles of the other. The
ridiculous theories of false and unsolid science, which, by the way,
had been familiarised to the French by other romances, long before
the translation of Amadis, were surely more likely to be advanced
under the influence of a religion founded on deception, than in conse-
quence of Luther's reformed system, which aimed at purity and truth,
and which was to gain its end by the suppression of ancient prejudices.
Many of the absurdities of the catholic worship were perhaps, as I
have hinted, in some degree necessary in the early ages of the church,
on account of the ignorance of the people; at least, under such cir-
cumstances they were natural, and therefore excusable. But when the
world became wiser, those mummeries should have been abolished, for
the same reason that the preachers left off quoting Esop's fables in their
sermons, and the stage ceased to instruct the people in the scripture-
history by the representation of the MYSTERIES. The advocates of the
papal communion do not consider, that in a cultivated age, abounding
with every species of knowledge, they continue to retain those fooleries
which were calculated only for Christians in a condition of barbarism,
and of which the use now no longer subsists.
CHAP. xix. When Julius Cesar was preparing to pass the Rubicon, a
gigantic spectre appeared from the middle of the river, threatening to
interrupt his passage, if he came not to establish the peace of Rome *.
Our author cites the GESTA ROMANORUM for this story.
It was impossible that the Roman history could pass through the
dark ages without being infected with many romantic corruptions. In-
deed, the Roman was almost the only ancient history which the read-
ers of those ages knew : and what related even to pagan Rome, the
parent of the more modern papal metropolis of Christianity, was re-
garded with a superstitious veneration, and often magnified with mira-
culous additions.
CHAP. xx. The birth of the emperor Henry, son of earl Leopold, and
his wonderful preservation from the stratagems of the emperor Con-
rade, till his accession to the imperial throne.
This story is told by Caxton in the GOLDEN LEGENDE, under the
life of Pe.lagian the pope, entitled, Herefoloweth the lyf of Saynt Pela-
gyen the pope, with many other hystoryes and gestys of the Lombardes,
* It is singular that Warton did not re- Et gemitu permixta loqui : — Quo tenditis
collect the well-known passage in Lucan: ultra ?
" Ut ventum est parvi Rubiconisadundas, QUO fertis mea signa, viri ? Si jure ve-
Ingens visa duct patrice trepidantis imago, nitis,
Clara per obscurain vultu mcestissima si cives, hue usque licet." — Pharsalia,
noctem, lib. i. 185—192.
Turrigero canos effundens vertice crines, This is evidently the prototype of the
Caesarie lacera, nudisque adstare lacertis, story in the Gesta.— R.G.
ON THE GKSTA ROMANOIIUM.
cli
and of Machomete, with other cronycles*. The GESTA LONGOBARDO-
RUM are fertile in legendary matter, and furnished Jacobus de Vora-
gine, Caxton's original, with many marvellous histories11. Caxton, from
the gestes of the Lombardis, gives a wonderful account of a pestilence
in Italy, under the reign of king Gilbert1.
There is a LEGENDA SANCTORUM, sive HISTORIA LOMBARDICA,
printed in 1483. This very uncommon book is not mentioned by
Maittaire. It has this colophon : " Expliciunt quorundam Sanctorum
Legende adjuncte post Lombardicam historiam. Impressa Argentine,
M.cccc.Lxxxin.k" That is, the latter part of the book contains a few
saints not in the history of the Lombards, which forms the first part.
I have neither time nor inclination to examine whether this is Jaco-
bus's LEGENDA ; but I believe it to be the same. I think I have seen
an older edition of the work, at Cologne 14701.
I have observed that Caxton's GOLDEN LEGENDE is taken from Ja-
cobus de Voragine. This perhaps is not precisely true. Caxton in-
forms us in his first preface to the first edition of 1483 m, that he had
in his possession a Legend in French, another in Latin, and a third in
English, which varied from the other two in many places ; and that
MANY HISTORIES were contained in the English collection, which did
not occur in the French and Latin. Therefore, says he, " I have wry-
ton ONE OUTE of the sayd three bookes : which I have orderyd other-
wyse than in the sayd Englysshe Legende, which was so to fore made."
Caxton's English original might have been the old METRICAL LIVES
OF THE SAINTS.
CHAP. xxi. A story from Justin, concerning a conspiracy of the
Spartans against their king.
CHAP. xxii. How the Egyptians deified Isis and Osiris. From saint
Austin, as is the following chapter.
CHAP. xxiv. Of a magician and his delicious garden, which he shows
only to fools arid to his enemies.
• CHAP. xxv. Of a lady who keeps the staff and scrip of a stranger,
who rescued her from the oppressions of a tyrant : but being after-
wards courted by three kings, she destroys those memorials of her
greatest benefactor.
CHAP. xxvi. An emperor, visiting the holy land, commits his daugh-
ter and his favorite dog, who is very fierce, to the custody of five
knights, under the superintendence of his seneschal. The seneschal
neglects his charge : the knights are obliged to quit their post for want
of necessaries ; and the dog, being fed with the provisions assigned to
the knights, grows fiercer, breaks his three chains, and kills the lady
who was permitted to wander at large in her father's hall. When the
emperor returns, the seneschal is thrown into a burning furnace.
6 Fol. ccclxxxxvii. b. quae et LOMBARDICA dicitur." Lugd.
h See his Legend. Aur. fol. cccxv. 1509. fol.
5 Ubi supr. f. Ixxvi. k Fol. m Fol. at Westminster. This is one of
1 Fol. See also "Legenda Sanctorum the finest of Caxton's publications.
Clii DISSERTATION III.
CHAP, xxviii. The old woman and her little dog.
CHAP. xxx. The three honours and three dishonours, decreed by a
certain king to every conqueror returning from war.
CHAP. xxxi. The speeches of the philosophers on seeing king Alex-
ander's golden sepulchre.
CHAP, xxxiii. A man had three trees in his garden, on which his
three wives successively hanged themselves. Another begs an offset
from each of the trees, to be planted in the gardens of his married
neighbours. From Valerius Maximus, who is cited.
CHAP, xxxiv. Aristotle's seven rules to his pupil Alexander.
This, I think, is from the SECRETA SECRETORUM. Aristotle, for two
reasons, was a popular character in the dark ages. He was the father
of their philosophy ; and had been the preceptor of Alexander the
Great, one of the principal heroes of romance. Nor was Aristotle him-
self without his romantic history ; in which he falls in love with a queen
of Greece, who quickly confutes his subtlest syllogisms.
CHAP. xxxv. The GESTA ROMANORUM cited, for the custom among
the ancient Romans of killing a lamb for pacifying quarrels.
CHAP, xxxvi. Of a king who desires to know the nature of man.
Solinus, DE MIRABILIBUS MUNDI, is here quoted.
CHAP, xxxvii. Pliny's account of the stone which the eagle places
in her nest, to avoid the poisor of a serpent.
CHAP, xxxix. Julius Cesar's mediation between two brothers. From
the GESTA ROMANORUM.
We must not forget, that there was the Romance of JULIUS CESAR.
And I believe Antony and Cleopatra were more known characters in
the dark ages than is commonly supposed. Shakspeare is thought to
have formed his play on this story from North's translation of Amyot's
unauthentic French Plutarch, published at London in 1579. Mont-
faucon, among the manuscripts of Monsieur Lancelot, recites an old
piece written about the year 1500, "LA VIE ET FAIS DE MARC AN-
TOINE le triumvir et de sa mie CLEOPATRA, translate de 1'historien
Plutarque pour tres illustre haute et puissante dame Madame Fran-
coise de Fouez Dame de Chateaubriand11." I know not whether this
piece was ever printed. At least it shows, that the story was familiar
at a more early period than is imagined ; and leads us to suspect, that
there might have been other materials used by Shakspeare on this sub-
ject, than those hitherto pointed out by his commentators.
That Amyot's French version of Plutarch should contain corruptions
and innovations, will easily be conceived, when it is remembered that
he probably translated from an old Italian version0. A new exhibition
0 Bibl. Manuscr. torn. ii. pag. 1669. rewarded with an abbacy for translating
col. 2. the Theagenes and Chariclea of Heliodo-
0 See Bibl. Fr. de la Croix, &c. torn. i. rus, for writing which, the author was
p. 388. Amyot was a great translator of deprived of a bishoprick. He died about
Greek books; but I fear, not always from 1580.
the Greek. It is remarkable, that he was
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. cliil
in English of the French caricature of this most valuable biographer
by North, must have still more widely extended the deviation from the
original.
CHAP. xl. The infidelity of a wife proved by feeling her pulse in con-
versation. From Macrobius.
CHAP. xlii. Valerius Maximus is cited, concerning a column at Rome
inscribed with four letters four times written.
CHAP. xliv. Tiberius orders a maker of ductile glass, which could
not be broken, to be beheaded, lest it should become more valuable
than silver and gold.
This piece of history, which appears also in Cornelius Agrippa DE
VANITATE SCIENTIARUMP, is taken from Pliny, or rather from his
transcriber Isidore ^. Pliny, in relating this story, says, that the tem-
perature of glass, so as to render it flexible, was discovered under the
reign of Tiberius.
In the same chapter Pliny observes, that glass is susceptible of all
colours : " Fit et album, et murrhinum, aut hyacinthos sapphirosque
imitatum, et omnibus aliis coloribus. Nee est alia nunc materia se-
quacior, aut etiam PICTURES ACCOMMODATIOR. Maximus tamen ho-
nor in candidor." But the Romans, as the last sentence partly proves,
probably never used any coloured glass for windows. The first notice
of windows of a church made of coloured glass occurs in chronicles
quoted by Muratori. In the year 802, a pope built a church at Rome,
and, " fenestras ex vitro diversis coloribus conclusit atque decoravit8."
And in 856, he produces " fenestras vero vitreis coloribus*," &c. This
however was a sort of mosaic in glass. To express figures in glass, or
what we now call the art of painting in glass, was a very different work;
and, I believe, I can show it was brought from Constantinople to Rome
before the tenth century, with other ornamental arts. Guicciardini,
who wrote about 1560, in his Descrittione de tutti PaesiBassi, ascribes
the invention of baking colours in glass for church-windows to the
Netherlandersu; but he does not mentis the period, and I think he
must be mistaken. It is certain that this art owed much to the labor-
ious and mechanical genius of the Germans ; and, in particular, their
deep researches and experiments in chemistry, which they cultivated
in the dark ages with the most indefatigable assiduity, must have greatly
assisted its operations. I could give very early anecdotes of this art in
p Orig. lib. xvi. cap. xv. p. 1224. Apud rubric of the last section, by Le Comte de
Auct. Ling. Lat. 1602. Tanlcarville.
Isidore's was a favorite REPERTORY of q Sandford's English Translat. cap. 90.
the middle age. He is cited for an ac- p. 159 a. edit. Lond. 1569. 4to.
count of the nature and qualities of the r Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvi. cap. xvi. p. 725.
Falcon, in the Prologue to the second or edit. Lugd. 1615.
metrical part of the old Phebus de deduiz * Dissert. Antichit. Ital. torn. i. c. xxiv.
de la chasse des Bestes sauvages et des oy~ p. 287.
seaux de Proye, printed early at Paris with- * Ibid. p. 281.
out date, and written, as appears by the u Antw. Plantin. 1580. fol.
DISSERTATION III.
England. But, with the careless haste of a lover, I am anticipating
what I have to say of it in my HISTORY OF GOTHIC ARCHITECTURE
IN ENGLAND.
CHAP. xlv. A king leaves four sons by his wife, only one of which
is lawfully begotten. They have a contest for the throne. The dispute
is referred to the deceased king's secretary, who orders the body to be
taken from the tomb ; and decrees, that the son who can shoot an arrow
deepest into it shall be king. The first wounds the king's right hand ;
the second his mouth ; the third his heart. The last wound is supposed
to be the successful one. At length the fourth, approaching the body,
cried out with a lamentable voice, " Far be it from me to wound my
father's body!" In consequence of this speech, he is pronounced by
the nobles and people present to be the true heir, and placed on the
throne.
CHAP, xlviii. Dionysius is quoted for the story of Perillus's brazen
bull.
Gower in the CONFESSIO AMANTIS has this story ; which he pre-
faces by saying that he found it in a Cronike*. In Caxton's Golden
Legende, Macrobius is called a chronicle. " Macrobius sayth in a
cronikex." Chronicles are naturally the first efforts of the literature of
a barbarous age. The writers, if any, of those periods are seldom equal
to anything more than a bare narration of facts ; and such sort of mat-
ter is suitable to the taste and capacity of their cotemporary readers.
A further proof of the principles advanced in the beginning of this
Dissertation.
CHAP. xlix. The duchess Rosmilla falls in love with Conan, king of
Hungary, whom she sees from the walls of the city of Foro-Juli, which
he is besieging. She has four sons and two daughters. She betrays
the city to Conan, on condition that he will marry her the next day.
Conan, a barbarian, executed the contract ; but on the third day ex-
posed her to his whole army, saying, " Such a wife deserves such a
husband."
Paulus, that is, Paulus Diaconus, the historian of the Longobards, is
quoted. He was chancellor of Desiderius, the last king of the Lom-
bards ; with whom he was taken captive by Charlemagne. The history
here referred to is entitled GESTA LONGC-BARDC-RUM?.
CHAP. 1. From Valerius Maximus.
CHAP. li. From Josephus.
CHAP. Hi. From Valerius Maximus.
CHAP. liii. From the same.
CHAP. liv. The emperor Frederick's marble portico near Capua.
T ^ib' Vi- f" 161 b< col- ** king is Cacan> or Cacanus, a king of the
x Fol. Ixii. b. Huns. There are some fine circumstances
y See lib. iv. cap. xxviii. Apud Mura- of distress in Paulus's description of this
torii Scriptor. ftal. i. p.465. edit. Mediolan. siege.
1723. where she is called Romilda. The
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. civ
I wonder there are not more romances extant on the lives of the
Roman emperors of Germany ; many of whom, to say no more, were
famous in the crusades. There is a romance in old German rhyme,
called TEUERDANK, on Maximilian the First, written by Melchior
Pfinzing his chaplain. Printed at Nuremberg in 1517Z.
CHAP. Iv. Of a king who has one son exceedingly beautiful, and four
daughters, named Justice, Truth, Mercy, and Peace.
CHAP. Ivi. A nobleman invited a merchant to his castle, whom he
met accordingly upon the road. At entering the castle, the merchant
was astonished at the magnificence of the chambers, which were over-
laid with gold. At supper, the nobleman placed the merchant next to
his wife, who immediately shewed evident tokens of being much struck
with her beauty. The table was covered with the richest dainties ; but
while all were served in golden dishes, a pittance of meat was placed
before the lady in a dish made out of a human skull. The merchant
was surprised and terrified at this strange spectacle. At length he was
conducted to bed in a fair chamber; where, when left alone, he ob-
served a glimmering lamp in a nook or corner of the room, by which
he discovered two dead bodies hung up by the arms. He was now
filled with the most horrible apprehensions, and could not sleep all the
night. When he rose in the morning, he was asked by the nobleman
how he liked his entertainment ? He answered, " There is plenty of
every thing ; but the skull prevented me from eating at supper, and
the two dead bodies which I saw in my chamber from sleeping. With
your leave therefore I will depart." The nobleman answered, " My
friend, you observed the beauty of my wife. The skull which you saw
placed before her at supper, was the head of a duke, whom I detected
in her embraces, and which I cut off with my own sword. As a me-
morial of her crime, and to teach her modest behaviour, her adulterer's
skull is made to serve for her dish. The bodies of the two young men
hanging in the chamber are my two kinsmen, who were murthered
by the son of the duke. To keep up my sense of revenge for their
blood, I visit their dead bodies every day. Go in peace, and remember
to judge nothing without knowing the truth."
Caxton has the history of Albione, a king of the Lombards, who
having conquered another king, " lade awaye wyth hym Rosamounde
his wyf in captyvyte, but after he took hyr to hys wyf, and he dyde do
make a cuppe of the skulle of that kynge and closed in fyne golde and
sylver, and dranke out of ita." This, by the way, is the story of the
z Fol. on vellum. It is not printed with adopted, as a romantic tale, into the Hi-
moveable types ; but every page is graved stoires Tragiques of Belleforest, p. 297.
in wood or brass, with wooden cuts. It edit. 1580. The English reader may find
is a most beautiful book. it in Heylin's Cosmographie, B. i. col. i.
a Golden Leg. f. ccclxxxxvii. a. edit. p. 57. and in Machiavel's History of Flo-
1493. The compilers of the SANCTILOGE rence, in English, Lond. 1680. B. i. p. 5.
probably took this story from Paul us seq. See also Lydgate's Bochas, B. ix.
Diaconus, Gest. Longoburd. ut supr. lib. ch. xxvii.
ii. cap. xxviii. p. 435. seq. It has been
DISSERTATION III.
old Italian tragedy of Messer Giovanni Rucellai planned on the model
of the ancients, and acted in the Rucellai gardens at Florence, before
Leo the Tenth and his court, in the year 1516b. Davenant has also a
tragedy on the same subject, called ALBOVINE King of the Lombards
his Tragedy.
A most sanguinary scene in Shakspeare's TITUS ANDRONICUS, an
incident in Dryden's, or Boccace's TANCRED AND SIGISMONDA, and the
catastrophe of the beautiful metrical romance of the LADY OF FAGUEL,
are founded on the same horrid ideas of inhuman retaliation and savage
revenge: but in the two last pieces, the circumstances are so inge-
niously imagined, as to lose a considerable degree of their atrocity, and
to be productive of the most pathetic and interesting situations.
CHAP. Ivii. The enchanter Virgil places a magical image in the
middle of Romec, which communicates to the emperor Titus all the
secret offences committed every day in the cityd.
This story is in the old black-lettered history of the necromancer
Virgil, in Mr. Garrick's collection.
Vincent of Beauvais relates many wonderful things, mirabiliter
actitata, done by the poet Virgil, whom he represents as a magician.
Among others, he says, that Virgil fabricated those brazen statues at
Rome, called Salvacio Romce, which were the gods of the provinces
conquered by the Romans. Every one of these statues held in its
hand a bell framed by magic ; and when any province was meditating
a revolt, the statue, or idol, of that country struck his belle. This fic-
tion is mentioned by the old anonymous author of the MIRABILIA
ROMJE, written in the thirteenth century, and printed by Montfaucon f.
It occurs in Lydgate's BOCHAS. He is speaking of the Pantheon,
Whyche was a temple of old foundacion,
Ful of ydols, up set on hye stages ;
There throughe the worlde of every nacion
Were of theyr goddes set up great ymages,
To every kingdom direct were their visages,
As poetes and Fulgens^ by hys live
In bokes olde plainly doth dyscrive.
Every ymage had in his hande a bell,
As apperteyneth to every nacion,
Which, by craft some token should tell
Whan any kingdom fil in rebellion, &c.h
J See vol. ii. Sect. xxxv. p. 547. in an old metrical romance called The
For the necromancer Virgil, see vol. Stacyons of Rome, in which Romulus is
11. Sectxxviii. p 411. said to be born of the duches of T
In the Cento Novelle Antiche. Nov. vii. MSS. Cotton. Calig. A. 2. fol 81
Specul. Histor. lib. iv. cap. 61. f. 66 a. * Fulgentius
' Diar.Itel. cap. xx. p. 288. edit. 1702. * Tragedies of Bochas, B. ix. ch.i. St. 4.
any wonders are also related of Rome, Compare vol.ii. Sect. xxii. p. 284.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. civil
This fiction is not in Boccace, Lydgate's original : it is in the above-
cited Gothic history of Virgil. Gower's Virgil, I think, belongs to the
same romance.
And eke Virgil of acqueintance
I sigh, where he the maiden prayd,
Which was the doughter, as men sayd,
Of the emperour whilom of Rome.1
CHAP.lviii. King Asmodeus pardons every malefactor condemned to
death, who can tell three indisputable truths or maxims.
CHAP. lix. The emperor Jovinian's history.
On this there is an ancient French MORALITE, entitled L'Orgueil
et presomption de I'Empereur JoviNiANk. This is also the story of
ROBERT king of Sicily, an old English poem or romance, from which
I have given copious extracts1.
CHAP.IX. A king has a daughter named Rosimund, aged ten years;
exceedingly beautiful, and so swift of foot, that her father promises her
in marriage to any man who can overcome her in running ; but those
who fail in the attempt are to lose their heads. After many trials, in
which she was always victorious, she loses the race with a poor man,
who throws in her way a silken girdle, a garland of roses, and a silken
purse inclosing a golden ball, inscribed, " Whoso plays with me will
never be satiated with play." She marries the poor man, who inherits
her father's kingdom.
This is evidently a Gothic innovation of the classical tale of Ata-
lanta. But it is not impossible that an oriental apologue might have
given rise to the Grecian fable.
CHAP. Ixi. The emperor Claudius marries his daughter to the phi-
losopher Socrates.
CHAP. Ixii. Florentina's picture.
CHAP. Ixiii. Vespasian's daughter's garden. All her lovers are
obliged to enter this garden before they can obtain her love, but none
return alive. The garden is haunted by a lion ; and has only one en-
trance, which divides into so many windings, that it never can be found
again. At length, she furnishes a knight with a ball or clue of thread,
and teaches him how to foil the lion. Having achieved this adventure,
he marries the lady.
Here seems to be an allusion to Medea's history.
CHAP. Ixiv. A virgin is married to a king, because she makes him a
shirt of a piece of cloth three fingers long and broad.
CHAP. Ixv. A cross with four inscriptions.
CnAP.lxvi. A knight offers to recover a lady's inheritance, which
had been seized by a tyrant, on condition, that if he is slain, she shall
1 Confess. Amant. L. viii. f. clxxxix. a. * See Sect. v. p. 183 et seqq. of this
col. 2. volume.
k See Sect. v. p. H3 of this vchn.e.
Clviii DISSERTATION III.
always keep his bloody armour hanging in her chamber. He regains
her property, although he dies in the attempt ; and as often as she was
afterwards sued for in marriage, before she gave an answer, she returned
to her chamber, and contemplating with tears her deliverer's bloody
armour., resolutely rejected every solicitation.
CHAP. Ixvii. The wise and foolish knight.
CHAP. Ixviii. A woman understands the language of birds. The three
cocks.
CHAP. Ixix. A mother gives to a man who marries her daughter a
shirt, which can never be torn, nor will ever need washing, while they
continue faithful to each other.
CHAP. Ixx. The king's daughter, who requires three impossible
things of her lovers.
CHAP. Ixxii. The king who resigns his crown to his son.
CnAP.lxxiv. The golden apple.
CHAP. Ixxv. A king's three daughters marry three dukes, who all die
the same year.
CHAP. Ixxvi. The two physicians.
CHAP. Ixxix. The fable of the familiar ass.
CHAP. Ixxx. A devout hermit lived in a cave, near which a shepherd
folded his flock. Many of the sheep being stolen, the shepherd was
unjustly killed by his master as being concerned in the theft. The
hermit seeing an innocent man put to death, began to suspect the ex-
istence of a Divine Providence ; and resolved no longer to perplex
himself with the useless severities of religion, but to mix in the world.
In travelling from his retirement, he was met by an angel in the figure
of a man ; who said, " I am an angel, and am sent by God to be your
companion on the road." They entered a city ; and begged for lodging
at the house of a knight, who entertained them at a splendid supper.
In the night, the angel rose from his bed, and strangled the knight's
only child who was asleep in the cradle. The hermit was astonished
at this barbarous return for so much hospitality, but was afraid to make
any remonstrance to his companion. Next morning they went to-
another city. Here they were liberally received in the house of an
opulent citizen ; but in the night the angel rose, and stole a golden cup
of inestimable value. The hermit now concluded that his companion
was a Bad Angel. In travelling forward the next morning, they passed
over a bridge ; about the middle of which they met a poor man, of
whom the angel asked the way to the next city. Having received the
desired information, the angel pushed the poor man into the water,
where he was immediately drowned. In the evening they arrived at
the house of a rich man ; and begging for a lodging, were ordered to
sleep in a shed with the cattle. In the morning the angel gave the
rich man the cup which he had stolen. The hermit, amazed that the
cup which was stolen from their friend and benefactor should be given
to one who refused them a lodging, began to be now convinced that
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM, clix
his companion was the Devil ; and begged to go on alone. But the angel
said, " Hear me, and depart. When you lived in your hermitage a
shepherd was killed by his master. He was innocent of the supposed
offence ; but had he not been then killed, he would have committed
crimes in which he would have died impenitent. His master endea-
vours to atone for the murther, by dedicating the remainder of his
days to alms and deeds of charity. I strangled the child of the knight.
But know, that the father was so intent on heaping up riches for this
child, as to neglect those acts of public munificence for which he was
before so distinguished, and to which he has now returned. I stoje
the golden cup of the hospitable citizen. But know, that from a life
of the strictest temperance, he became, in consequence of possessing
this cup, a perpetual drunkard ; and is now the most abstemious of
men. I threw the poor man into the water. He was then honest apd
religious. But know, had he walked one half of a mile further, he
would have murthered a man in a state of mortal sin. I gave the golden
cup to the rich man who refused to take us within his roof. He has
therefore received his reward in this world ; and in the next, will suffer
the pains of hell for his inhospitality." The hermit fell prostrate at the
angel's feet; and requesting forgiveness, returned to his hermitage, fully
convinced of the wisdom and justice of God's government.
This is the fable of Parnell's HERMIT, which that elegant yet ori-
ginal writer has heightened with many masterly touches of poetical co-
louring, and a happier arrangement of circumstances. Among other
proofs which might be mentioned of Parnell's genius and address in
treating this subject, by reserving the discovery of the angel to a critical
period at the close of the fable, he has found means to introduce a
beautiful description, and an interesting surprise*. In this poem, the
last instance of the angel's seeming injustice, is that of pushing the
guide from the bridge into the river. At this, the hermit is unable to
suppress his indignation.
Wild sparkling rage inflames the Father's eyes,
He bursts the bonds of fear, and madly cries,
"Detested wretch!" — But scarce his speech began,
When the strange partner seem'd no longer man :
His youthful face grew more serenely sweet;
His robe turn'd white, and flow'd upon his feet ;
Fair rounds of radiant points invest his hair ;
Celestial odours fill the purple air ;
And wings, whose colours glitter'd on the day,
Wide at his back their gradual plumes display :
The form ethereal bursts upon his sight,
And moves in all the majesty of light.
* [This idea is not original. — M.]
Clx DISSERTATION III.
The same apologue occurs, with some slight additions and variations
for the worse, in Howell's LETTERS ; who professes to have taken it
from the speculative sir Philip Herbert's CONCEPTIONS to his Son, a
book which I have never seenm. These Letters were published about
the year 1650. It is also found in the DIVINE DIALOGUES of doctor
Henry More", who has illustrated its important moral with the follow-
ing fine reflections : " The affairs of this world are like a curious, but
intricately contrived Comedy ; and we cannot judge of the tendency of
what is past, or acting at present, before the entrance of the last Act,
which shall bring in Righteousness in triumph ; who, though she hath
abided many a brunt, and has been very cruelly and despightfully used
hitherto in the world, yet at last, according to our desires, we shall see
the knight overcome the giant. For what is the reason we are so much
pleased with the reading romances and the fictions of the poets, but
that here, as Aristotle says, things are set down as they should be; but
in the true history hitherto of the world, things are recorded indeed as
they are, but it is but a testimony, that they have not been as they
should be ? Wherefore, in the upshot of all, when we shall see that
come to pass, that so mightily pleases us in the reading the most in-
genious plays and heroic poems, that long-afflicted vertue at last comes
to the crown, the mouth of all unbelievers must be for ever stopped.
And for my own part, I doubt not but that it will so come to pass in
the close of the world. But impatiently to call for vengeance upon
every enormity before that time, is rudely to overturn the stage before
the entrance into the fifth act, out of ignorance of the plot of the co-
medy; and to prevent the solemnity of the general judgement by more
paltry and particular executions0."
Parnell seems to have chiefly followed the story as it is told by this
Platonic theologist, who had not less imagination than learning. Pope
used to say, that it was originally written in Spanish. This I do not
believe ; but from the early connection between the Spaniards and Ara-
bians, this assertion tends to confirm the suspicion, that it was an ori-
ental tale.
CHAP. Ixxxi. A king violates his sister. The child is exposed in a
chest in the sea ; is christened Gregory by an abbot who takes him up,
and after .various adventures he is promoted to the popedom. In their
old age his father and mother go a pilgrimage to Rome, in order to
confess to this pope, not knowing he was their son, and he being equally
ignorant that they are his parents; when in the course of the confession,
a discovery is made on both sides.
CHAP. Ixxxix. The three rings.
m Vol. iv. Let. iv. p. 7. edit. 1655. collection of Latin Apologues, quoted
above, MSS. Harl. 463. fol. 8 a. The
Part i. p. 321. Dial. ii. edit. Lond. rubric is, De Angela qui duxit Heremitam
1668. 12mo. I must not forget that it ad diversa Hospitia.
occurs, as told in our GESTA, among a ° Ibid. p. 335.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. clxi
.>•
This story is in the DECAMERON P, and in the CENTO NOVELLE AN-
TICHE<I: and perhaps in Swift's TALE OF A TUB.
CHAP. xcv. The tyrant Maxentius. From the GESTA ROMANORUM,
which are cited.
I think there is the romance of MAXENCE, Constantine's antagonist.
CHAP. xcvi. King Alexander places a burning candle in his hall ;
and makes proclamation, that he will absolve all those who owe him
forfeitures of life and land, if they will appear before the candle is con-
sumed.
CHAP, xcvii. Prodigies before the death of Julius Cesar, who is placed
in the twenty-second year of the city. From the CHRONICA, as they
are called.
CHAP. xcix. A knight saves a serpent who is fighting in a forest
with a toadr, but is afterwards bit by the toad. The knight languishes
many days ; and when he is at the point of death, the same serpent,
which he remembers, enters his chamber, and sucks the poison from
the wound.
CHAP. ci. Of Ganterus, who for his prowess in war being elected a
king of a certain country, is on the night of his coronation conducted
to a chamber, where at the head of the bed is a fierce lion, at the feet
a dragon, and on either side a bear, toads, and serpents. He imme-
diately quitted his new kingdom ; and was quickly elected king of an-
other country. Going to rest the first night, he was led into a cham-
ber furnished with a bed richly embroidered, but stuck all over with
sharp razors. This kingdom he also relinquishes. At length he meets
a hermit, who gives him a staff, with which he is directed to knock at
the gate of a magnificent palace seated on a lofty mountain. Here he
gains admittance, and finds every sort of happiness unembittered with
the least degree of pain.
The king means every man advanced to riches and honour, and who
thinks to enjoy these advantages without interruption and alloy. The
hermit is religion, the staff penitence, and the palace heaven.
In a more confined sense, the first part of this apologue may be
separately interpreted to signify, that a king, when he enters on his im-
portant charge, ought not to suppose himself to succeed to the privilege
of an exemption from care, and to be put into immediate possession of
the highest pleasures, conveniences, and felicities of life ; but to be
sensible, that from that moment he begins to encounter the greatest
dangers and difficulties.
CHAP. cii. Of the lady of a knight who went to the holy land. She
commits adultery with a clerk skilled in necromancy. Another magU
p i. 3. attack begins, and of the serpent fighting -
q Nov. Ixxi. with and being killed by the spider,
r The stories, perhaps fabulous, of the originate from. Pliny, Nat. Hist. x. 84.
serpent fighting with his inveterate ene- xx. 13.
my the weasel, who eats rue before the
VOL. I. I
Clxii DISSERTATION III.
cian discovers her intrigues to the absent knight by means of a polished
mirror, and his image in wax.
In Adam Davie's* GEST or romance of ALEXANDER, Nectabanus, a
king and magician, discovers the machinations of his enemies by em-
battelling them in figures of wax. This is the most extensive necro-
mantic operation of the kind that I remember, and must have formed
a puppet-show equal to the most splendid pantomime.
Barounes weore whilom wys and gode,
That this arss wel undurstode:
Ac on ther was Neptanamous
Wis4 in this ars and malicious :
Whan kyng other eorlu cam on him to weorre"
Quyk he loked in the steorrex;
Of wax made him popetts y,
And made heom fyzhte with battes :
And so he learned,^ vous dy,
Ay to aquelle2 hys enemye,
With charms and with conjurisons :
Thus he assaied the regiouns,
That him cam for to asaile,
In puyra manyr of bataileb;
By cler candel in the nyzt,
He mad uchonc with othir to fyzt,
Of alle manere nacyouns,
That comen by schip or dromouns.
At the laste, of mony londe
Kynges therof haden gret onde d,
Well thritty y-gadred beothe,
And by-spekith al his dethf.
Kyng Philipp & of grete thede
Maister was of that fedeh:
He was a mon of myzty hond,
With hem brouzte, of divers lond,
Nyne and twenty ryche kynges,
To make on hym bataylynges :
Neptanamous hyt understod ;
Ychaunged was al his mod ;
* [Warton always refers to this Ro- b See Mr. Tyrwhitt'a Chaucer's Cant,
niance as the composition of AdamDavie, T. ver. 1281.
but he is certainly mistaken, as proved by each one.
Ellis, Metr. Rom. See infra, vol. ii. Sect. had great jealousy or anger.
vi. p. 6. — M.] near thirty were gathered, or confe-
* art, necromancy. * wise. derated.
u or earl. w war. x stars. all resolved to destroy him.
y puppets. * conquer. Philip of Macedon.
* very, real. felde, field, army.
ON THE OBSTA ROMANORUM.
He was aferde sore of harme :
Anon he deede1 caste his charme ;
His ymage he madde anon,
And of his barounes everychon,
And afterward of his fonek;
He dude hem to gedere to gon1
In a basyn al by charme :
He sazh on him fel theo harme m;
He seyz flyen of his barounes
Of al his lond distinctiouns,
He lokid, and kneow in the sterre,
Of al this kynges theo grete werre0, &C.P
Afterwards he frames an image of the queen Olympias, or Olympia,
while sleeping, whom he violates in the shape of a dragon.
Theo lady lyzt<i on hire bedde,
Yheoledr wel with silken webbe,
In a chaysel8 smok scheo lay,
And yn a mantell of doway :
Of theo bryztnes of hire face
Al about schone the place*. —
Herbes he tok in an herber,
And stamped them in a morter,
And wrong x hit in a box:
After he tok virgyn wox
And made a popet after the quene,
His ars-table? he can unwrene;
The quenes name in the wax he wrot,
Whil hit was sumdel hot :
In a bed he did dyzt
Al aboute with candel lyzt,
1 he did (caused). That semyle was of sy^te;
k enemies. Ther inne lay that lady gent,
I he made them fight. That aftere syr Launfal hedde y-sent,
m he saw the harm fall on, or against That lefsom bemede bryjt :
himself. Fore hete here clothes down sche dede,
n saw fly. Almest to here gerdylstede ;
0 the great war of all these kings. Than lay sche uncovert:
p MSS. (Bodl. Bibl.) Laud. I. 74. f. 54. Sche was as whyt as lylye yn Maye,
II laid. Or snow that sneweth yn wynterys day;
* covered. He seyghe nevere non so pert,
* In the romance of Atis et Porphilion. The rede rose whan sche ys newe
Cod. Reg. Par. 7191. A3ens here rode nes nau^t of hewe,
Un chemis de chaisil I dare welle say yn sert
De fil, et d'oevre moult soutll. He;e here Sch°n aS g°Id Wyre' &C'
* Perhaps in Syr Launfal, the same situ- y ™nfg degcribed ab f> 55.
ation is more elegantly touched. MSS.
Cotton. Calig. A: 2. fol. 35 a. Of gold he made a table
Al ful of steorron [stars]. —
In the pavyloun he lond a bed or prys,
I-heled with purpur bys An astrolabe is intended.
12
DISSERTATION III.
And spreynd* theron of the herbus:
Thus charmed Neptanabus.
The lady in hir bed lay
Abouzt mydnyzt, ar the daya,
Whiles he made conjuryng,
Scheob sawe flec, in her metyngd,
Hire thought, a dragoun lyzt,
To hire chaumbre he made his flyzt,
In he cam to her bour
And crept undur hir covertour,
Mony sithes6 he hire kustf
And fast in his armes prust,
And went away, so dragon wyld,
.And grete he left hire with child.s
Theocritus, Virgil, and Horace, have left instances of incantations
conducted by figures in wax. In the beginning of the last century,
many witches were executed for attempting the lives of persons, by
fabricating representations of them in wax and clay. King James the
First, in his DAEMONOLOGIE, speaks of this practice as very common ;
the efficacy of which he peremptorily ascribes to the power of the
devil h. His majesty's arguments, intended to prove how the ma-
gician's image operated on the person represented, are drawn from the
depths of moral, theological, physical, and metaphysical knowledge.
The' Arabian magic abounded with these infatuations, which were
partly founded on the doctrine of sympathy.
But to return to the GESTA ROMANORUM. In this story one of the
magicians is styled Magister peritus, and sometimes simply Magister ;
that is, a cunning-man. The title Magister in our universities has its
origin from the use of this word in the middle ages. With what pro-
priety it is now continued I will not say. Mystery, anciently used for
a particular art1, or skill in general, is a specious and easy corruption
* sprinkled. a before day. For he did all hys thynges faire,
b she. c fly. And was curteis and debonaire.
* kfesed'her Ibid- co1' 2< l cou!d not resist the temPt-
* Fol. 57. The text is here given from ation of transcribing this gallantry of a
MSS. BoDL.utsupr. Compared with MSS. draS°n' Gowers whole description of this
Hospit. Lincoln. 150. See Gower's Con- interview as will appear on comparison,
fess.Amant. lib. vi. fol. cxxxviii. a. col. 1 st?ms to be takefn ^om Beauvais, " Nee-
' tabanus se transformat in ilium dracoms
seductiorem tractum, tricliniumque pene-
And through the crafte of artemage, trat reptabundus, specie spectabilis, turn
Of waxe he forged an ymage, &c. majestate totius corporis, turn etiam sibi-
Gower's dragon, in approaching the queen, lonun acuminf adeo te'ribil»« ut Pa"e!es
is courteis and debonaire. etlam ac/unda^enta dom;USf HV ,
rentur, &c. Hist. Specul. fol. 41 b. ut
With al the chere that he maie, supr. See Aul. Gell. Noct.Att. vii. 1.
Towarde the bedde ther as she laie, h Edit. 1603. 4to. B. ii. ch. iv. p. 44 seq.
Till he came to hir the beddes side ' For instance, " the Art and Mystery of
And she hue still, and nothyng cride ; Printing."
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
of Maistery or Mastery, the English of the Latin MAGISTERIUM, or
Artificium ; in French MaistrisCj Mestier, Mestrie, and in Italian Ma-
gisterio, with the same sensek. In the French romance of CLEOMEDES,
a physician is called simply Maitre l.
Lie sont de chou qu'il n'y a
Peril et que bien garira :
Car il li MAISTRE ainsi dit leur ont.
And the medical art is styled Mestrie. "Quant il (the surgeon) aper£ut
que c'estoit maladie non mie curable par nature et par MESTRIE, et par
medicine1"," &c. Maistrise is used for art or workmanship, in the
CHRONICON of Saint Denis, " Entre les autres presens, li envoia une
horologe de laton, ouvrez par marveilleuse MAISTRISE n." That the
Latin MAGISTERIUM has precisely the same sense appears from an ac-
count of the contract for building the conventual church of Casino in
Italy, in the year 1349. The architects agree to build the church in the
form of the Lateran at Rome. " Et in casu si aliquis [defectus] in eorum
MAGISTERIO appareret, promiserunt resarcire0." Chaucer, in the Ro-
MAUNT OF THE ROSE, uses MAISTRISE for artifice and workmanship.
Was made a toure of grete maistrise,
A fairer saugh no man with sight,
Large, and wide, and of grete might P, &c.
And, in the same poem, in describing the shoes of MIRTH,
And shode he was, with grete maistrie,
With shone decopid and with lace.1*
MAYSTRYE occurs in the description of a lady's saddle, in SYR LAUN-
FAL'S romance,
Here sadelle was semyly sett,
The sambusr were grene felvet,
I-paynted with ymagerye ;
k In a statute of Henry the Eighth, in- ex aurichalco arte mechanicamiri&ce corn-
stead of the words in the last note, we have positum."
" The Science and Craft of Printing." Ann. ° Hist. Casin. torn. ii. p. 545. coL iu
Reg. 25. A.D. 1533. For many reasons, Chart, ann. 1349.
Mystery, answering to the Latin Myste- p R. R. v. 4172. q Ibid. v. 842.
rium, never could have been originally ap- * I know not what ornament or imple-
plied in these cases. [Menage, however, ment of the ancient horse-furniture is here
gives Ministerium as the origin of Mestiero, intended, unless it is a saddle-cloth ; nor
and Metier-, so that our word Mystery, in can I find this word in any glossary. But
some of the senses in which it is used, is Sambue occurs, evidently under the very
a confusion of Ministerium, Magisterium, same signification, in the beautiful manu-
and Mysterium. Such is the tendency of script French romance of Garin, written
similar words to coalesce. See Additional in the twelfth century.
Notes to Tooke's Diversions of Purley, Li palefrois gur CQ} ,ft dame gist
' Estoit lus blanc ue nule flor de KSJ
i*«* • TSQO
i MSS. Cod Reg. Paris, 7539. Le ^ yaut lg solg .g.
» Mirac. S. Ludov. edit, reg p. 438. E , g , j /h .
n Tom. v. Collect. Histor. Franc, pag.
254. Thus expressed in the Latin An- " The palfrey on which the lady sate, was
nalcs Francice, 'ibid. p. 56. " Horologium whiter than any flower de lis : the bridle
clxvi
DISSERTATION 111.
The bordure was of belles 8
Of ryche golde and nothyng ellea
That any man my$te aspye :
In the arsouns* before and behynde
Were twey stones of Ynde
Gay for the maystrye.
The paytrelleu of here palfraye
Was worth an erldome, &c.
" In the saddle-bow were two jewels of India, very beautiful to be seen,
in consequence of the great art with which they were wrought*." Chau-
cer calls his Monke,
fayre for the Maistrie,
An outrider, that lovid veneryJ
Fayre for the Maistrie means, skilled in the Maistrie of the game. La
Maistrise du Venerie, or the science of hunting, then so much a fa-
vorite, as simply and familiarly to be called the maistrie. From many
other instances which I could produce, I will only add, that the search
of the Philosopher's Stone is called in the Latin Geber, INVESTIGATIO
MAGISTERII.
was worth a thousand Parisian sols, and
a richer Sanbue never was seen." The
French word, however, is properly writ-
ten Sambue, and is not uncommon in old
French wardrobe-rolls, where it appears
to be a female saddle-cloth, or housing.
So in Le Roman de la Rose,
Comme royne fust vestue,
Et chevauchast a grand SAMBUE.
The Latin word, and in the same restrain-
ed sense, is sometimes Sambua, but most
commonly Sambuca. Ordericus Vitalis,
lib. viii. p. 694. edit. Par. 1619. "Mannos
et inulas cum SAMBUCIS muliebribus pro-
spexit." Vincent of Beauvais says, that the
Tartarian women, when they ride, have
CAMBUCAS of painted leather, embroider-
ed with gold, hanging down on either side
of the horse. Specul.Hist.x.85. But Vin-
cent's CAMBUCAS was originally written
qambucas, or Sambucas. To such an enor-
mity this article of the trappings of female
horsemanship had arisen in the middle
ages, that Frederick king of Sicily restrain-
ed it by a sumptuary law; which enjoined,
that no woman, even of the highest rank,
should presume to use a Sambuca, or sad-
dle-cloth, in which were gold, silver, or
pearls, &c. Constitut. cap. 92. Queen
Olympias, in Davie's GEST of Alexander,
has a Sambue of silk, fol. 54. [infra, vol. ii.
Sect. vi. p. 7.]
A mule also whyte so mylke,
With sadel of golde, sambue of sylke, &c.
Of this fashion I have already given
many instances. The latest I remember
is in the year 1503, at the marriage of
the princess Margaret. " In specyall the
Erie of Northumberlannd ware on a good-
ly gowne of tynsill, fourred with hermynes.
He was mounted upon a fayre courser, hys
harnays ofgoldsmyth worke, and thorough
that sam was sawen small belles, that maid
a mellodyous noyse." Leland.Coll. ad calc.
torn. iii. p. 276.
In the Nonnes Preestes Prologue, Chau-
cer, from the circumstance of the Monke's
bridle being decorated with bells, takes
occasion to put an admirable stroke of
humour and satire into the mouth of the
Hoste, which at once ridicules that incon-
sistent piece of affectation, and censures
the monk for the dullness of his tale. Ver.
14796.
Swiche talking is not worth a boterflie,
For therin is ther no disport ne game :
Therefore sire monke, dan Piers by your
name,
I pray you hertely tell us somwhat elles,
Forsikerly, n'ere clinking of your belles
That on your bridel hange on every side,
By heven king that for us alle dide,
I shoulde or this have fallen down for
slepe,
Although the slough had been never so
depe.
1 saddle-bow. See Sect. iv. p. 167 of this
volume.
" breast-plate.
MS. fol. 40 a.
y Prol. v. 165.
ON THE GKSTA ROMANORUM.
CHAP. ciii. The merchant who sells three wise maxims to the wife
of Domitian.
CHAP. civ. A knight in hunting meets a lion, from whose foot he
extracts a thorn. Afterwards he becomes an outlaw ; and being seized
by the king, is condemned to be thrown into a deep pit to be devoured
by a hungry lion. The lion fawns on the knight, whom he perceives
to be the same that drew the thorn from his paw. Then said the king,
" I will learn forbearance from the beasts. As the lion has spared your
life, when it was in his power to take it, I therefore grant you a free
pardon. Depart, and be admonished hence to live virtuously."
The learned reader must immediately recollect a similar story of one
Androclus, who being exposed to fight with wild beasts in the Roman
amphitheatre, is recognised and unattacked by a most savage lion,
whom he had formerly healed exactly in the same manner. But I be-
lieve the whole is nothing more than an oriental apologue on gratitude,
written much earlier ; and that it here exists in its original state. An-
droclus's story is related by Aulus Gellius, on the authority of a Greek
writer, one Appion, called Plistonices, who flourished under Tiberius.
The character of Appion, with which Gellius prefaces this tale, in some
measure invalidates his credit; notwithstanding he pretends to have
been an eye-witness of this extraordinary fact. " Ejus libri," says Gel-
lius, " non incelebres feruntur ; quibus, omnium ferme quae mirifica in
JEgypto visuntur audiunturque, historia comprehenditur. Sed in his
quae audivisse et legisse sese dicit, fortasse a vitio studioque ostentationis
fit loquacior2-," &c. Had our compiler of the GESTA taken this story
from Gellius, it is probable he would have told it with some of the
same circumstances; especially as Gellius is a writer whom he fre-
quently follows, and even quotes, and to whom, on this occasion, he
might have been obliged for a few more strokes of the marvellous.
But the two writers agree only in the general subject. Our compiler's
narrative has much more simplicity than that of Gellius ; and contains
marks of eastern manners and life. Let me add, that the oriental fa-
bulists are fond of illustrating and enforcing the duty of gratitude, by
feigning instances of the gratitude of beasts towards men. And of this
the present compilation, which is strongly tinctured with orientalism,
affords several other proofs.
CHAP. cv. Theodosius the blind emperor ordained, that the cause
of every injured person should be heard on ringing a bell placed in a
public part of his palace. A serpent had a nest near the spot where
the bell- rope fell. In the absence of the serpent, a toad took possession
of her nest. The serpent twisting herself round the rope, rang the
bell for justice ; and by the emperor's special command the toad was
killed. A few days afterwards, as the king was reposing on his couch,
the serpent entered the chamber, bearing a precious stone in her mouth.
x Noct. Attic, lib. v. cap. xiv. See an- an eye-witness, ibid. 1. vii. cap. viii. It is
other fabulous story, of which Appion was of a boy beloved by a dolphin.
DISSERTATION III.
The serpent creeping up to the emperor's face, laid the precious stone
on his eyes, and glided out of the apartment. Immediately the empe-
ror was restored to his sight.
This circumstance of the Bell of Justice occurs in the real history
of some eastern monarch, whose name I have forgot.
In the Arabian philosophy, serpents, either from the brightness of
their eyes, or because they inhabit the cavities of the earth, were con-
sidered as having a natural or occult connexion with precious stones.
In Alphonsus's CLERICALIS DISCIPLINA, a snake is mentioned, whose
eyes were real jacinths. In Alexander's romantic history, he is said to
have found serpents in the vale of Jordian, with collars of huge eme-
ralds growing on their necks a. The toad, under a vulgar indiscrimi-
nating idea, is ranked with the reptile race : and Shakspeare has a
beautiful comparison on the traditionary notion, that the toad has a
rich gem inclosed within its head. Milton gives his serpent eyes of
carbuncle b.
CHAP. cvi. The three fellow-travellers, who have only one loaf of
bread.
This apologue is in Alphonsus.
CHAP. cvii. There was an image in the city of Rome, which stretched
forth its right hand, on the middle finger of which was written STRIKE
HERE. For a long time none could understand the meaning of this
mysterious inscription. At length a certain subtle Clerk, who came to
see this famous image, observed, as the sun shone against it, the shadow
of the inscribed finger on the ground at some distance. He immediately
took a spade, and began to dig exactly on that spot. He came at length
to a flight of steps which descended far under ground, and led him to a
stately palace. Here he entered a hall, where he saw a king and queen
sitting at table, with their nobles and a multitude of people, all clothed
in rich garments. But no person spake a word. He looked towards
one corner, where he saw a polished carbuncle, which illuminated the
whole roomc. In the opposite corner he perceived the figure of a man
standing, having a bended bow with an arrow in his hand, as prepared
» Vincent Beauvais, Specul. Hist. lib. Iflorysched with ryche amalle3;
iv. c. 58. fol. 42. a. Hys eyn were carbonkeles bry$t,
b Parad. Lost, ix. 500. As the mone4 they schon any3t,
c See infra, vol. ii. Sect, xxviii. p. 412. That spreteth out ovyre alle :
So in the romance, or Lay, of Syr Laimfal, Alysaundre the conqueroure,
MSS. Cotton. Calig. A. 2. fol. 35. a. Ne kyng Artoure yn hys most honour
And when they come in the forest an hya, ^e l1^?6 no°n scwy<*e juelle.
A ravyloun yteld he sy3 :— He toncl yn the pavyloun,
The pavyloun was wrouth forsothe, ywys, The kvnSes dou3tere of Olyroun,
Alle of werk of Sarsynys1, Dame Tryamoure that hyjte,
The pomelles 2 of crystalle. Here faclyr was kynS of Fayrye.
On the top was a beast [an eagle.-M.] fA, n* in th,e /"iterative romance, called
the Sege of Jerusalem, MSS. Cott. Calig.
Of bournede golde, ryche and good, A. 2. fol. 122. b.
J Saracen-work. 3 balls, pinnacles. 3 enamel. 4 moon<
ON THK GESTA ROMANORUM. clxix
to shoot. On his forehead was written, " I am, who am. Nothing can
escape my stroke, not even yonder carbuncle which shines so bright."
The Clerk beheld all with amazement ; and entering a chamber, saw the
most beautiful ladies working at the loom in purple d. But all was si-
lence. He then entered a stable full of the most excellent horses and
asses : he touched some of them, and they were instantly turned into
stone. He next surveyed all the apartments of the palace, which
abounded with all that his wishes could desire. He again visited the
hall, and now began to reflect how he should return ; " but," says he,
" my report of all these wonders will not be believed, unless I carry
something back with me." He therefore took from the principal table
a golden cup and a golden knife, and placed them in his bosom ; when
the man who stood in the corner with the bow, immediately shot at the
carbuncle, which he shattered into a thousand pieces. At that moment
the hall became dark as night. In this darkness not being able to find
his way, he remained in the subterraneous palace, and soon died a mi-
serable death.
In the MORALISATION of this story, the steps by which the Clerk
descends into the earth are supposed to be the Passions. The palace,
so richly stored, is the world with all its vanities and temptations. The
figure with the bow bent is Death, and the carbuncle is Human Life.
He suffers for his avarice in coveting and seizing what was not his own ;
and no sooner has he taken the golden knife and cup, that is, enriched
himself with the goods of this world, than he is delivered up to the
gloom and horrors of the grave.
Tytus tarriedde no3te5 for that, but to the The lady was clad yn purpere palle.
tempulle sode.
That was rayled in the roofe with rubyes Anciently Pallium, as did Purpura, sig-
ryche nified in general any rich cloth. Thus
Withe perles and with perytotes6 alle the there were saddles, de pallw et ebore ; a
place sette, bed, de pauioi a cope, de palho, &c. &c.
That glystered as coles in the fyre, on the See Dufresne, Lat. Gloss. V. PALLIUM.
goideryche- And PELLUM, its corruption. In old
The dores withe dyamoundes dryvene French, to cover a hall with tapestry was
were thykke, ' called pallet: So in Syr Launfal, ut supr.
And made also merveylously withe mar- fol. 39. b.
gery 7 perles, T, ha]le agrayde and hele [cover]
That evur lemede the Iy3te, and as a lampe J fche wa}les
shewed: With clodes [clothes], and with ryche
The clerkes hadde none othtir Iy3te. palles,
d The original is, " mulieres pulcher- A^ens [against] my Lady Tryamoure.
rimas in purpura et pallo operantes in- ^.^ ^ iUugtrate<| the former mean.
ventt" fol. L. a. col 1 This "»y mean . , A Davie>s Gest of Alexander
either the sense in the text, or that the *
ladies were cloathed in purpura et pallo, a
phrase which I never saw before in barba- Her bed was made forsothe
rous latinity ; but which tallies with the With pallis and with riche clothe,
old English expression purple and pall. The chambre was hangid with clothe of
This is sometimes written purple pall. As gold. fol. 57.
in Syr Launfal, ut supr. fol. 40. a.
* Nought. 6 On the finger of Bccket, when he was killed, was a jewel called
Peretot. Monast. Angl. i. 6. 7 margavitcs.
DISSERTATION III.
Spenser in the FAERIE QUEENE, seems to have distantly remembered
this fable, where a fiend expecting sir Guyon will be tempted to snatch
some of the treasures of the subterraneous HOUSE OF RICHESSE, which
are displayed in his view, is prepared to fasten upon him.
Thereat the fiend his gnashing teeth did grate,
And griev'd, so long to lack his greedie pray ;
For well he weened that so glorious bayte
Would tempt his guest to take thereof assay :
Had he so doen, he had him snatcht away
More light than culver in the faucon's fist.6
This story was originally invented of pope Gerbert, or Sylvester the
Second, who died in the year 1003. He was eminently learned in the
mathematical sciences, and on that account was styled a magician.
William of Malmesbury is, I believe, the first writer now extant by
whom it is recorded ; and he produces it partly to show, that Gerbert
was not always successful in those attempts which he so frequently
practised to discover treasures hid in the earth, by the application
of the necromantic arts. I will translate Malmesbury 's narration of
this fable, as it varies in some of the circumstances, and has some
heightenings of the fiction. " At Rome there was a brazen statue,
extending the forefinger of the right hand; and on its forehead was
written Strike here. Being suspected to conceal a treasure, it had re-
ceived many bruises from the credulous and ignorant, in their endea-
vours to open it. At length Gerbert unriddled the mystery. At noon-
day observing the reflection of the forefinger on the ground, he marked
the spot. At night he came to the place, with a page carrying a lamp.
There by a magical operation he opened a wide passage in the earth,
through which they both descended, and came to a vast palace. The
walls, the beams, and the whole structure, were of gold : they saw
golden images of knights playing at chess, with a king and queen of
gold at a banquet, with numerous attendants in gold, and cups of im-
mense size and value. In a recess was a carbuncle, whose lustre illu-
minated the whole palace ; opposite to which stood a figure with a bended
bow. As they attempted to touch some of the rich furniture, all the
golden images seemed to rush upon them. Gerbert was too wise to
attempt this a second time ; but the page was bold enough to snatch
from the table a golden knife of exquisite workmanship. At that mo-
ment, all the golden images rose up with a dreadful noise ; the figure
with the bow shot at the carbuncle, and a total darkness ensued. The
page then replaced the knife, otherwise, they both would have suffered
a cruel death." Malmesbury afterwards mentions a brazen bridge,
framed by the enchantments of Gerbert, beyond which were golden
horses of a gigantic size, with riders of gold richly illumiiialed by the
« B. ii. C. vii. st. 34.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. clxxi
most serene meridian sun. A large company attempt to pass the bridge,
with a design of stealing some pieces of the gold. Immediately the
bridge rose from its foundations, and stood perpendicular on one end :
a brazen man appeared from beneath it, who struck the water with a
mace of brass, and the sky was overspread with the most horrible gloom.
Gerbert, like some other learned necromancers of the Gothic ages, was
supposed to have fabricated a brazen head under the influence of cer-
tain planets, which answered questions. But I forbear to suggest any
more hints for a future collection of Arabian tales. I shall only add
Malmesbury's account of the education of Gerbert, which is a curious
illustration of what has been often inculcated in these volumes, con-
cerning the introduction of romantic fiction into Europe f. "Gerbert,
a native of France, went into Spain for the purpose of learning astro-
logy, and other sciences of that cast, of the Saracens ; who, to this day,
occupy the upper regions of Spain. They are seated in the metropolis
of Seville ; where, according to the customary practice of their country,
they study the arts of divination and enchantment. - Here Gerbert
soon exceeded Ptolemy in the astrolabe, Alchind in astronomy, and
Julius Firmicus in fatality. Here he learned the meaning of the flight
and language of birds, and was taught how to raise spectres from hell.
Here he acquired whatever human curiosity has discovered for the de-
struction or convenience of mankind. I say nothing of his knowledge
in arithmetic, music, and geometry ; which he so fully understood as to
think them beneath his genius, and which he yet with great industry
introduced into France, where they had been long forgotten. He cer-
tainly was the first who brought the algorithm from the Saracens, and
who illustrated it with such rules as the most studious in that science
cannot explain. He lodged with a philosopher of that sects," &c.
I conclude this chapter with a quotation from the old metrical ro-
mance of SYR LYBEAUS DESCONUS, where the knight, in his attempt
to disenchant the Lady of Sinadone, after entering the hall of the castle
of the necromancers, is almost in similar circumstances with our sub-
terraneous adventurers. The passage is rich in Gothic imageries ; and
the most striking part of the poem, which is mentioned by Chaucer as
a popular romance.
Syre Lybeauus, kny^t corteysh,
Rod ynto the palys,
And at the halle
1 See Diss. Land vol. ii. Sect. xv. p. 173. vats has transcribed all that William of
« De Gest. Reg. Angl. lib. ii. cap. 10. Malmesbury has here said about Gerbert,
p. 36. a. b. 37. a. b. edit. Savil. Lond. Specul Histor. Lib. xxiv. c. 98. seq. f. 344.
1596. fol. Afterwards Malmesbury men- a. Compare Platina, Fit. Ponttf. fol. 122.
tions his horologe, which was not of the edit. 1485. See also L'Histoire Literaire
nature of the modern clock ; but which de France, by the Benedictines, torn. vj.
yet is recorded as a wonderful invention ad calc.
by his cotemporary Ditmar, Chron. Lib. h courteous.
vi. fol. 83, edit. 1580. Vincent of Beau- ' alighted.
DISSERTATION III.
Trompes, shalmusesk,
He sey$, befor the hejgh deys1,
Stonde in hys sy^te.
Amydde the halle flore,
A fere, stark and store1",
Was ly^t, and brende bry$tn.
Nere the dore he $ede°,
And laddeP yn hys stede
That wont was helpe hym yn fy$t.
Lybeauus innere1* gan pace
To se eche a place1",
The hales8 yn the halle,
Of mayne more ne lasse
Ne sawe he body ne face4,
But menstrales yclodeth yn palle, &c.u
So much melody e
Was never withinne walle.
Before eche menstrale stod
A torche fayre and goodw,
Brennynge fayre and bry^t.
Innere more he $ede,
To wyte, with egre mode
Ho scholde x with hym fy$t :
He }ede ynto the corneres,
And lokede on the pylers,
That selcouth were of sy$t,
Of jaspere and of fyn crystalle, &C-.
The dores were of bras ;
The wyndowes were of glas
Florysseth with imagery ey :
The halle ypaynted was2,
No rychere never ther nas
That he hadde seye with eye*.
He sette hym an that deysb,
The menstrales were yn pesc,
That were so good and tryed.
k instruments of music. w a torch fair and good.
i he saw at the high table. * to know, in angry mood what knight
m a fire, large and strong. would, &c.
n lighted, and burned bright. y painted glass.
0 yede, went into the door of the hall, z the walls were painted with histories,
with his horse. a had seen.
p led. b he sate down in the principal seat.
q farther in. c were suddenly silent.
T to see, to view, every place or thing. d tried, excellent. Chaucer, Rim. Sir
* perhaps, holes, i. e. corners. Thop. p. 146. Urr. v. 3361.
1 he saw no man.
- clothed in rich attire. Wlth finSer that 1S trte'
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. clxxitt
The torches that brende bry^t6
Quenchede anon ry$tf ;
The menstrales were aweye * :
Dores, and wyndowes alle,
Beten yn the halle
As hyt were voys of thundere, &c. —
As he sat ther dysmayde,
And held hymself betrayde,
Stedes herde he naye, &c.h
This castle is called, " A palys queynte of gynne," and, " be nygre-
mauncye ymaketh of fayryeV
CHAP cviii. The mutual fidelity of two thieves.
CHAP. cix. The chest and the three pasties.
A like story is in Boccace's DECAMERON^ in the CENTO No VELLE
ANTicHE1, and in Gower's CONFESSIO AMANTism.
The story, however, as it stands in Gower, seems to be copied from
one which is told by the hermit Barlaam to king Avenamore, in the
spiritual romance, written originally in Greek about the year 800, by
Joannes Damascenus a Greek monkn, and translated into Latin before
the thirteenth century, entitled BARLAAM and JOSAPHAT°. But
Gower's immediate author, if not Boccace, was perhaps Vincent of
Beauvais, who wrote about the year 1290, and who has incorporated
Damascenus's history of Barlaam and JosaphatP, who were canonised,
into his SPECULUM HISTORIALE^. As Barlaam's fable is probably the
remote but original source of Shakspeare's CASKETS in the MER-
CHANT OF VENICE, I will give the reader a translation of the passage
in which it occurs, from the Greek original, never yet printed. " The
king commanded four chests to be made ; two of which were covered
with gold, and secured by golden locks, but filled with the rotten bones
of human carcasses. The other two were overlaid with pitch, and
bound with rough cords ; but replenished with pretious stones and the
most exquisite gems, and with ointments of the richest odour. He
called his nobles together ; and placing these chests before them, asked
which they thought the most valuable. They pronounced those with
the golden coverings to be the most pretious, supposing they were
made to contain the crowns and girdles of the king1". The two chests
covered with pitch they viewed with contempt. Then said the king, I
* burned so bright. p It is extant in Surius, and other col
f were instantly quenched, or extin- lections,
giiished. q De Rege Auemur, &c. Lib. xiv. f.
g vanished away. 196. Ven. 1591. It contains sixty-four
h MSS. Cotton. Calig. A. 2. fol. 52 b. seq. chapters.
» Ibid. f. 52 b. k x. 1. r In Dr. Johnson's abridgement of a tale
1 Nov. Ixv. m Lib. v. fol. 96 a. like this from Boccace, which he supposes
n See Joan. Damasceni Opera nonnul. to have been Shakspeare's original, the
Histor. ad calc. pag. 12. Basil. 1548. fol. king says, that in one of the caskets was
The chests are here called Arcella. "contained his crown, sceptre, and jew-
0 See infra, vol. ii. Sect. xix. p. 237 ; els," &c. See Steevens's Shakspeare, vol.
Sect, xxxiii. p. 493. iii. p. 255. edit. 1779.
DISSERTATION III.
presumed what would be your determination ; for ye look with the
eyes of sense. But to discern baseness or value, which are hid within,
we must look with the eyes of the mind. He then ordered the golden
chests to be opened, which exhaled an intolerable stench, and filled the
beholders with horror8." In the METRICAL LIVES OF THE SAINTS,
written about the year 1300, these chests are called four fates, that is
four vats or vessels*.
I make no apology for giving the reader a translation from the same
Greek original, which is now before me, of the story of the Boy told in
the DECAMERON. " A king had an only son. As soon as he was
born, the physicians declared, that if he was allowed to see the sun, or
any fire, before he arrived at the age of twelve years, he would be
blind. The king commanded an apartment to be hewed within a rock,
into which no light could enter ; and here he shut up the boy, totally
in the dark, yet with proper attendants, for twelve years ; at the end
of which time, he brought him abroad from his gloomy chamber, and
placed in his view, men, women, gold, pretious stones, rich garments,
chariots of exquisite workmanship drawn by horses with golden bridles,
heaps of purple tapestry, armed knights on horseback, oxen and sheep.
These were all distinctly pointed out to the youth : but being most
pleased with the women, he desired to know by what name they were
called. An esquire of the king jocosely told him, that they were devils
who catch men. Being brought to the king, he was asked which he
liked best of all the fine things he had seen. He replied, the devils
who catch men" &c. I need not enlarge on Boccace's improvements".
This romantic legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, which is a history of
considerable length, is undoubtedly the composition of one who had an
intercourse with the East ; and from the strong traces which it contains
of the oriental mode of moralising, appears plainly to have been written,
if not by the monk whose name it bears, at least by some devout and
learned ascetic of the Greek church, and probably before the tenth
century.
Leland mentions DAMASCENUS DE GESTIS BARLAAM ET JOSA-
PHAT, as one of the manuscripts which he saw in Nettley- abbey near
Southampton w.
CHAP. ex. The life of the knight Placidus, or Placidasx, afterwards
called Eustacius.
It occurs in Caxton's GOLDEN LEGENDE?. Among the Cotton ma-
nuscripts there is a metrical legend or romance on this story1.
f
1 MSS. Laud. C. 72. Bibl. Bodl. Com- w Collectan. torn. iii. p. 149. edit. 1770.
pare Caxton's Golden Legende, fol. x Sir Placidas is the name of a knight
ccclxxxxiii. b. And Surius, Vit. Sanctor. in the Faerie Queene.
Novembr. 27. Ann. 383. pag. 560. Colon. y Fol. cccxxiii. b. See infra, vol. ii.
Agrippin. 1618. Sect, xxvii. p. 381. note m ; and Metric.
1 MSS. Bodl. 779. f. 292 b. Lives S. MSS. Bodl. 779. f. 164 a.
u This fable occurs in an old Collection z Calig. A. 2. fol. 135 b. This is a trans-
of Apologues above cited, MSS. Harl. 463. lation from the French. MSS. Reg. Paris,
fol. 2 a. Cod. 30.31.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
CHAP. cxi. The classical story of Argus and Mercury, with some
romantic additions. Mercury comes to Argus in the character of a
minstrel, and lulls him to sleep by telling him tales and singing, incepit
more histrionico fabulas dicere, et plerumque cantare.
CHAP.CXU. The son of king Gorgonius is beloved by his step-mother.
He is therefore sent to seek his fortune in a foreign country, where he
studies physic ; and returning, heals his father of a dangerous disease,
who recovers at the sight of him. The step-mother, hearing of his
return, falls sick, and dies at seeing him.
CHAP, cxiii. The tournaments of the rich king Adonias. A party
of knights arrive the first day, who lay their shields aside, in one place.
The same number arrives the second day, each of whom chuses his
antagonist by touching with his spear the shield of one of the first day's
party, not knowing the owner.
The most curious anecdote of chivalry, now on record, occurs in the
ecclesiastical history of Spain. Alphonsus the Ninth, about the year
1214, having expelled the Moors from Toledo, endeavoured to establish
the Roman missal in the place of saint Isidore's. This alarming inno-
vation was obstinately opposed by the people of Toledo ; and the king
found that his project would be attended with almost insuperable diffi-
culties. The contest at length between the two missals grew so serious,
that it was mutually resolved to decide the controversy, not by a theo-
logical disputation, but by single combat ; in which the champion of
the Toletan missal proved victorious*.
Many entertaining passages relating to trials by single combat may
be seen in the old Imperial and Lombard laws. In Caxton's BOKE OF
THE FAYTTES OF ARMES AND OF CHIVALRYE, printed at Westminster
in the year 1489, and translated from the French of Christine of Pisa,
many of the chapters towards the end are compiled from that singular
monument of Gothic legislation.
CHAP. cxv. An intractable elephant is lulled asleep in a forest by
the songs and blandishments of two naked virgins. One of them cuts
off his head, the other carries a bowl of his blood to the king. Rex
vero gavisus est valde, et statim fecit fieri PURPURAM, et multa alia, de
eodem sanguine.
In this wild tale, there are circumstances enough of general analogy,
if not of peculiar parallelism, to recall to my memory the following
beautiful description, in the manuscript romance of SYR LAUNFAL,
of two damsels, whom the knight unexpectedly meets in a desolate
forest.
As he sat yn sorow and sore,
He sawe come out of holtes hore
Gentylle maydenes two ;
a See the Mozarabes, or Missal of Saint mand of Cardinal Ximenes, A. D. 1500.
Isidore, printed at Toledo, by the com- fol.
DISSERTATION III.
Hare kerteles were of Inde sandelb
I-lasedc smalle, jolyf and welle ;
Ther my}td noon gay ere go.
Hare manteles were of grene felwet6
Ybordured with gold ry^t welle ysette,
I-peluredf with grys and gro17;
Hare heddysh were dy^t welle withalle,
Everych hadde oon a jolyf coronalle,
With syxty gemmys and mo1.
Hare faces were whyt as snow on downe,
Hare rodek was red, here eyn were browne,
I sawe never non swyche1.
That oon bare of gold a basyn,
That other a towayle whyt and fyn,
Of selk that was good and ryche.
Hare kercheves were welle schyrem
Arayd with ryche gold wyre, &c.n
CHAP. cxvi. The queen of Pepin king of France died in childbed,
leaving a son. He married a second wife, who bore a son within a
year. These children were sent abroad to be nursed. The surviving
queen, anxious to see her child, desired that both the boys might be
brought home. They were so exceedingly alike, that the one could
not be distinguished from the other, except by the king. The mother
begged the king to point out her own son. This he refused to do, till
they were both grown up, lest she should spoil him by too fond a par-
tiality. Thus they were both properly treated with uniform affection,
and without excess of indulgence.
A favorite old romance is founded on the indistinctible likeness of
two of Charlemagne's knights, Amys and Amelion ; originally cele-
brated by Turpin, and placed by Vincent of Beauvais under the reign
of Pepin0.
CHAP, cxvii. The law of the emperor Frederick, that whoever rescued
a virgin from a rape might claim her for his wife.
CHAP, cxviii. A knight being in Egypt, recovers a thousand talents
which he had entrusted to a faithless friend, by the artifice of an old
woman.
This tale is in Alphonsus; and in the CENTO NOVELLE AN-
TICHEP.
CHAP. cxix. A king had an oppressive Seneschal, who passing
b Indian silk. CendaL Fr. See Du- h their heads,
fresne, Lat. Gl. V. CENDALUM. * more.
0 laced. k ruddiness.
d there might. ' such.
e velvet. m cut.
f furred, pelura, pellis. » MSS. Cotton. Calig. A. 2. fol. 35 a.
g gris is fur, gris and gray is common ° Specul. Hist, xxiii. c. 162. f. 329 b.
in the metrical romances. p Nov. Ixxiv.
ON THE GKSTA ROMANORUM. clxxvii
through a forest, fell into a deep pit, in which were a lion, an ape, and
a serpent. A poor man who gathered sticks in the forest hearing his
cries, drew him up, together with the lion, the ape, and the serpent.
The Seneschal returned home, promising to reward the poor man with
great riches. Soon afterwards the poor man went to the palace to
claim the promised reward ; but was ordered to be cruelly beaten by
the Seneschal. In the mean time, the lion drove ten asses laden with
gold to the poor man's cottage ; the serpent brought him a precious
stone of three colours ; and the ape, when he came to the forest on his
daily business, laid him heaps of wood. The poor man, in consequence
of the virtues of the serpent's precious stone, which he sold, arrived to
the dignity of knighthood, and acquired ample possessions. But after-
wards he found the precious stone in his chest, which he presented to
the king. The king having heard the whole story, ordered the Sene-
schal to be put to death for his ingratitude, and preferred the poor
man to his office.
This story occurs in Symeon Setlfs translation of the celebrated
Arabian fable-book called CALILAH u DUMNAH^. It is recited by
Matthew Paris, under the year 1195, as a parable which king Richard
the First, after his return from the East, was often accustomed to repeat,
by way of reproving those ungrateful princes who refused to engage in
the crusade1". It is versified by .Gower, who omits the lion, as Matthew
Paris does the ape, in the fifth book of the CONFESSIO AMANTISS. He
thus describes the services of the ape and serpent to the poor man, who
gained his livelihood by gathering sticks in a forest.
He gan his apejuione behold,
Which had gadred al aboute,
Of stickes here and there a route,
And leyde hem redy to his honde,
Whereof he made his trusse and bond
From daie to daie
Upon a time and as he drough
Towarde the woodde, he sigh beside
The great gastly serpent glide,
Till that she came in his presence,
And in hir kynde a reverence
She hath hym do, and forthwith all
A stone more bright than a christall
Out of hir mouth to fore his waye
She lett down fall. .
q P. 444. This work was translated with wooden cuts, 4to. But Doni was
into English under the title of" Denies the Italian translator.
MORALL PHiLOSOPHiE, translated from r Hist. Maj. p. 179. Edit. Wats,
the Indian tongue, 1570." Black letter * fol. 110 b.
VOL. i. m
DISSERTATION III.
In Gower also, as often as the poor man sells the precious stone, on
returning home, he finds it again among the money in his purse.
The acquisition of riches, and the multiplication of treasure, by in-
visible agency, is a frequent and favorite fiction of the Arabian romance.
Thus, among the presents given to Sir Launfal by the lady Triamore,
daughter of the king of Faerie,
I wylle the ^eve1 an alneru,
I-mad of sylk and of gold cler,
With fayre ymages thre :
As oft thou puttest the hond therinne,
A mark of gold thou schalt wynnew,
In wat place that thou be.x
CHAP. cxx. King Darius's legacy to his three sons. To the eldest
he bequeathes all his paternal inheritance ; to the second, all that he
had acquired by conquest ; and to the third, a ring and necklace, both
of gold, and a rich cloth. All the three last gifts were endued with
magical virtues. Whoever wore the ring on his finger, gained the love
or favour of all whom he desired to please. Whoever hung the neck-
lace over his breast, obtained all his heart could desire. Whoever sate
down on the cloth, could be instantly transported to any part of the
world which he chose.
From this beautiful tale, of which the opening only is here given,
Occleve, commonly called Chaucer's disciple, framed a poem in the
octave stanza, which was printed in the year 1614, by William Browne,
in his set of Eclogues called the SHEPHEARDS PIPE. Occleve has
literally followed the book before us, and has even translated into En-
glish prose the MORALISATION annexed?. He has given no sort of
embellishment to his original, and by no means deserves the praises
which Browne in the following elegant pastoral lyrics has bestowed on
his performance, and which more justly belong to the genuine Gothic,
or rather Arabian, inventor.
Wei I wot, the man that first
Sung this lay, did quenche his thirst
Deeply as did ever one
In the Muses Helicon.
Many times he hath been scene
With the faeries on the greene,
'givethee. MSS. Laud. K. 78. [See infra, vol.ii.
u Perhaps aimer, or ahnere, a cabinet p. 258etseqq.]
or chest, [purse.] w get, find. [Mr. Warton has not been [strictly]
* Syr Launtal. MSS. Cott. Calig. A. 2. accurate in this statement. Occleve's
fol. 35 b. immediate model was our English Gesta;
y Viz. MSS. Seld. Sup. 53. Where is nor is it improbable that he might even
a prologue of many stanzas not printed be the translator of it. The moralization
by Browne. See also MSS. Digb. 185. also is entirely different.— DOUCE.]
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM,
And to them his pipe did sound
As they danced in a round ;
Mickle solace would they make him,
And at midnight often wake him,
And convey him from his roome
To a fielde of yellow broome,
Or into the medowes where
Mints perfume the gentle aire,
And where Flora spreads her treasure
There they would beginn their measure.
If it chanced night's sable shrowds
Muffled Cynthia up in clowds,
Safely home they then would see him,
And from brakes and quagmires free him.
There are few such swaines as he
Now a dayes for harmonic.2
The history of Darius, who gave this legacy to his three sons, is in-
corporated with that of Alexander, which has been decorated with
innumerable fictions by the Arabian writers. There is also a separate
romance on Darius, and on Philip of Macedon a.
CHAP, cxxiv. Of the knights who intercede for their friend with a
king, by coming to his court, each half on horseback and half on foot
This is the last novel in the CENTO NOVELLE ANTICHE.
CHAP, cxxvi. Macrobius is cited for the address and humour of an
ingenuous boy named Papirius.
This is one of the most lively stories in Macrobius b.
CHAP, cxxviii. The forged testament of the wicked knight, under
the reign of Maximian.
CHAP, cxxix. A young prince is sent on his travels. His three
friends.
CHAP, cxxxii. The four physicians.
CHAP, cxxxiii. The king and his two greyhounds.
CHAP, cxxxiv. A story from Seneca.
CHAP, cxxxv. The story of Lucretia, from saint Austin's CITY ov
GOD.
A more classical authority for this story, had it been at hand, would
have been slighted for saint Austin's CITY OF GOD, which was the
favorite spiritual romance ; and which, as the transition from religion
to gallantry was anciently very easy, gave rise to the famous old French
romance called the CITY OF LADIES.
CHAP, cxxxvii. The Roman emperor who is banished for his impar-
tial distribution of justice. From the CRONICA of Eusebius.
CHAP, cxxxviii. King Medro.
* Egl. i. b Saturnal. lib. i. c. 6. pag. 147. Londin.
a Bibl. Reg. Paris. MSS. Cod. 3031. 1C94.
C1XXX DISSERTATION III.
CHAP, cxxxix. King Alexander, by means of a mirrour, kills a cock-
atrice, whose look had destroyed the greatest part of his army.
^Elian, in his VARIOUS HISTORY, mentions a serpent, which appear-
ing from the mouth of a cavern, stopped the march of Alexander's
army through a spacious desert. The wild beasts, serpents, and birds
which Alexander encountered in marching through India, were most
extravagantly imagined by the oriental fabulists, and form the chief
wonders of that monarch's romanceb.
CHAP. cxl. The emperor Eraclius reconciles two knights.
This story is told by Seneca of Cneius Pisoc. It occurs in Chaucer's
SOMPNOUR'S TALE, as taken from /Senec, or Seneca d.
CHAP. cxli. A knight who had dissipated all his substance in fre-
quenting tournaments, under the reign of Fulgentius, is reduced to
extreme poverty. A serpent haunted a chamber of his house ; who
being constantly fed with milk by the knight, in return made his bene-
factor rich. The knight's ingratitude and imprudence in killing the
serpent, who .was supposed to guard a treasure concealed in his
chamber.
Medea's dragon guarding the golden fleece is founded on the oriental
idea of treasure being guarded by serpents. We are told in Vincent
of Beauvais, that there are mountains of solid gold in India guarded
by dragons and griffins6.
CHAP, cxliii. A certain king ordained a law, that if any man was
suddenly to be put to death, at sun-rising a trumpet should be sounded
before his gate. The king made a great feast for all his nobles, at
which the most skilful musicians were present f. But amidst the gene-
ral festivity, the king was sad and silent. All the guests were sur-
prised and perplexed at the king's melancholy; but at length his brother
ventured to ask him the cause. The king replied, " Go home, and you
shall hear my answer to-morrow." The king ordered his trumpeters
to sound early the next morning before his brother's gate, and to bring
-him with them to judgement. The brother, on hearing this unex-
pected dreadful summons, was seized with horror, and came before the
king in a black robe. The king commanded a deep pit to be made,
b In Vincent of Beauvais, there is a Syre Kadore lette make a feste,
long fabulous History of Alexander, tran- That was fayr and honeste,
scribed partly from Simeon Seth. Spec. Wyth hys lorde the kynge ;
Hist. lib. iv. c. i. f. 41 a. seq. edit. Von. Ther was myche menstra^e,
1591. fol. Trompus, tabors, and sawtre,
c De Ira, lib. i. c. 8. Bothe harpe, and fydyllyng :
d Ver. 7COO. Tyrwh. The lady was gentyll and small,
' Specul. Hist. lib. i. c. 64. fol. 9 b. In kurtull alone served yn hall
' In the days of chivalry, a concert of T.By?rf that n?bu11 ^ yng :
a variety of "instruments of music con- The cloth upon her schone so bryghth,
stantly made a part of the solemnity of a When she was ther>'n ydyghth»
splendid feast. Of this many instances She semed non erdly thynSe> &c'
have been given. I will here add another, And in Chaucer, Jan. and May, v. 1234.
from the unprinted metrical romance of Att everie cours came the loud min-
Ernare. MSS. Cott. Calig. A. 2. fol. 71 a. stralsie.
OX THK GESTA ROMANORUM. clxXXl
and a chair composed of the most frail materials, and supported by
four slight legs, to be placed inclining over the edge of the pit. In
this the brother, being stripped naked, was seated. Over his head a
sharp sword was hung by a small thread of silk. Around him four
men were stationed with swords exceedingly sharp, who were to wait
for the king's word, and then to kill him. In the mean time, a table
covered with the most costly dishes was spread before him, accompanied
with all sorts of music. Then said the king, " My brother, why are
you so sad ? Can you be dejected in the midst of this delicious music,
and with all these choice dainties ?" He answered, " How can I be
glad, when I have this morning heard the trumpet of death at my
doors, and while I am seated in this tottering chair? If I make the
smallest motion, it will break, and I shall fall into the pit, from which I
shall never arise again. If I lift my head, the suspended sword \\ill
penetrate my brain ; while these four tormentors only wait your com-
mand to put me to death." The king replied, " Now I will answer
your question, why I was sad yesterday. I am exactly in your situa-
tion. I am seated, like you, in a frail and perishable chair, ready to
tumble to pieces every moment, and to throw me into the infernal pit.
Divine judgement, like this sharp sword, hangs over my head, and I
am surrounded, like you, with four executioners. That before me is
Death, whose coming I cannot tell ; that behind me, my Sins, which
are prepared to accuse me before the tribunal of God ; that on the
right, the Devil, who is ever watching for his prey ; and that on the
left, the Worm, who is now hungering after my flesh. Go in peace,
my dearest brother : and never ask me again why I am sad at a
feast."
Gower, in the CONFESSIO AMANTIS, may perhaps have copied the
circumstance of the morning trumpet from this apologue. His king is
a king of Hungary.
It so befell, that on a dawe
There was ordeined by the lawe
A trompe with a sterne breathe,
Which was cleped the trompe of deathe :
And in the court where the kyng was,
A certaine man, this trompe of brasse
Hath in kepyng, and therof serveth,
That when a lorde his deathe deserveth,.
He shall this dredfull trompe blowe
To fore his gate, to make it knowe;
How that the jugement is yeve
Of deathe, which shall not be foryeve.
The kyng whan it was night anone,
This man assent, and bad him gone,
To trompen at his brothers gate ;
And he, whiche mote done algate,
DISSERTATION III.
Goth foorth, and doth the kyng's heste.
This lorde whiche herde of this tempest
That he tofore his gate blewe,
Tho wist he by the lawe, and knewe
That he was schurly deade&, &c.
But Gower has connected with this circumstance a different story,
and of an inferior cast, both in point of moral and imagination. The
truth is, Gower seems to have altogether followed this story as it ap-
peared in the SPECULUM HISTORIALE of \7mcent of Beauvaish, who
took it from Damascenus's romance of BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT*.
Part of it is thus told in Caxton's translation of that legend k. '* And
the kynge hadde suche a custome, that whan one sholde be delyvered
to deth, the kynge sholde sende hys cryar wyth hys trompe that was
ordeyned therto. And on the euen he sente the cryar wyth the trompe
tofore hys brother's gate, and made to soune the trompe. And whan
the kynges brother herde this, he was in despayr of sauynge of his lyf,
and coude not slepe of alle the nyght, and made his testament. And
on the morne erly, he cladde hym in blacke : and came with wepyng
with hys wyf and chyldren to the kynges paleys. And the kynge made
hym to com tofore hym, and sayd to hym, A fooll that thou art, that
thou hast herde the messager of thy brother, to whom thou knowest
well thou hast not trespaced and doubtest so mooche, howe oughte not
I then ne doubte the messageres of our lorde, agaynste whom I haue
soo ofte synned, which signefyed unto me more clerely the deth then
the trompe?"
CHAP. cxlv. The philosopher Socrates shows the cause of the in-
salubrity of a passage between two mountains in Armenia, by means
of a polished mirrour of steel. Albertus is cited ; an abbot of Stade,
and the author of a Chronicle from Adam to 1256.
CHAP, cxlvi. Saint Austin's CITY OF GOD is quoted for an answer
of Diomedes the pirate to king Alexander.
CHAP, cxlviii. Aulus Gellius is cited.
Aulus Gellius is here quoted, for the story of Arion1, throwing him-
self into the sea, and carried on the back of a dolphin to king Periander
at Corinth™. Gellius relates this story from Herodotus, in whom it is
now extant".
CHAP, cliii. The history of Apollonius of Tyre.
This story, the longest in the book before us, and the groundwor-k
of a favorite old romance, is known to have existed before the year
1190.*
8 Lib. i. fol. xix. b. col. i. m Noct. Attic, lib. xvi. cap. xix.
b Ubi supr. p. clxxiii. n Lib. viii.
1 Opp. ut supr. pag. 12. * [A fragment of a Saxon translation of
k See Caxton's Golden Legende, fol. this romance is in Corpus Christi college
ecclxxxxiii. b. See also Metrical Lives of library, Cambridge, and has been edited,
the Saints, MSS. Bodl. 779. f. 292 a. with a literal translation and glossary, by
1 It is printed Amon. Mr. Thorpe. 8vo. 1834. —M.]
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
In the Prologue to the English romance on this subject, called
KYNGE APOLYXE OF THYRE, and printed by Wynkyn de Worde in
1510, we are told : " My worshypfull mayster Wynkyn de Worde,
havynge a lytell boke of an auncyent hystory of a kynge somtyme
reygnyne in the countree of Thyre called Appolyn, concernynge his
malfortunes and peryllous adventures right espouventables, bryefly
compyled and pyteous for to here; the which boke, I Robert Coplande0
have me applyed for to translate out of the Frensshe language into our
maternal Englysshe tongue, at the exhortacyon of my forsayd mayster,
accordynge dyrectly to myn auctor: gladly followynge the trace of my
mayster Caxton, begynnynge with small storyes and pamfletes and so
to other." The English romance, or the French, which is the same
thing, exactly corresponds in many passages with the text of the GESTA.
I will instance in the following one only, in which the complication of
the fable commences. King Appolyn dines in disguise in the hall of
king Antiochus. — " Came in the kynges daughter, accompanyed with
many ladyes and damoyselles, whose splendente beaute were too long to
endyte, for her rosacyate coloure was medled with grete favour. She
dranke unto hir fader, and to all the lordes, and to all them that had
ben at the play of the SheldeP. And as she behelde here and there,
she espyed kynge Appolyn, and then she sayd unto her fader, Syr,
what is he that sytteth so hye as by you ? it semeth by hym that he is
angry or sorrowfull. The kynge sayd, I never sawe so nimble and
pleasaunt a player at the shelde, and therefore have I made hym to
come and soupe with my knyghtes. And yf ye wyll knowe what he is,
demaunde hym ; for peradventure he wyll tell you sooner than me. Me-
thynke that he is departed from some good place, and I thinke in my
mynde that somethynge is befallen hym for which he is sorry. This
sayd, the noble dameysell wente unto Appolyn and said, Fayre Syr,
graunt me a boone. And he graunted her with goode herte. And she
sayd unto hym, Albeyt that your vysage be tryst and hevy, your be-
havour sheweth noblesse and facundyte, and therefore I pray you to
tell me of your affayre and estate. Appolyn answered, Yf ye demaunde
of my rychesses, I have lost them in the sea. The damoysell sayd, I
pray you that you tell me of your adventures V But in the GESTA,
the princess at entering the royal hall kisses all the knights and lords
present, except the stranger1". Vossius says, that about the year 1520,
one Alamanus Rinucinus, a Florentine, translated into Latin this fabu-
lous history ; and that the translation was corrected by Beroaldus.
0 The printer of that name. He also Hym tho3te he brente bry3te
translated from the French, at the desire But he myjte with Launi'al pleye
of Edward duke of Buckingham, the ro- In the felde betwene ham tweye
mance of the Knyght of the Swanne. See To justy other to fy3te.
his Prologue. And in many other places.
p The tournament. To tourney is often q p
called simply to pftn/. As thus in Svr r P7f'i "•• ,
Launfal, MSS. Colt Calig. A. 2. fol. 37. FoL lxXH' h' C°L 2<
DISSERTATION III.
Vossius certainly cannot mean, that he translated it from the Greek
original9.
CHAP. cliv. A story from Gervase of Tilbury, an Englishman, who
wrote about the year 1200, concerning a miraculous statue of Christ in
the city of Edessa.
CHAP. civ. The adventures of an English knight named Albert in a
subterraneous passage, within the bishoprick of Ely.
This story is said to have been told in the winter after supper, in a
castle, cum familia divitis ad focum, tit Potentibus moris est, RECEN-
SENDIS ANTIQUIS GfiSTis operam daret, when the family of a rich man,
as is the custom with the Great, was sitting round the fire, and telling
ANTIENT GESTS. Here is a trait of the private life of our ancestors,
who wanted the diversions and engagements of modern times to relieve
a tedious evening. Hence we learn, that when a company was assem-
bled, if a juggler or a minstrel were not present, it was their custom to
entertain themselves by relating or hearing a series of adventures.
Thus the general plan of the CANTERBURY TALES, which at first sight
seems to be merely an ingenious invention of the poet to serve a par-
ticular occasion, is in great measure founded on a fashion of ancient
life ; and Chaucer, in supposing each of the pilgrims to tell a tale as
they are travelling to Becket's shrine, only makes them adopt a mode
of amusement which was common to the conversations of his age. I
do not deny, that Chaucer has shown his address in the use and appli-
cation of this practice.
So habitual was this amusement in the dark ages, that the graver
sort thought it unsafe for ecclesiastics, if the subjects admitted any de-
gree of levity. The following curious injunction was deemed necessary,
in a code of statutes assigned to a college at Oxford in the year 1292.
I give it in English. " CH. xx. — The fellows shall all live honestly, as
becomes Clerks. — They shall not rehearse, sing, nor willingly hear,
BALLADS or TALES of LOVERS, which tend to lasciviousness and idle-
ness4." Yet the libraries of our monasteries, as I have before observed,
were filled with romances. In that of Croyland-abbey we find even
archbishop Turpin's romance, placed on the same shelf with Robert
Tumbeley on the Canticles, Roger Dymock against Wickliffe, and
Thomas Waleys on the Psalter. But their apology must be, that they
thought this a true history ; at least that an archbishop could write no-
thing but truth. Not to mention that the general subject of those books
were the triumphs of Christianity over paganism11.
CHAP. clvi. Ovid, in his TROJAN WAR, is cited for the story of
Achilles disguised in female apparel.
Gower has this history more at large in the CONFESSIO AMANTIS :
1 Hist. Lat. lib. iii. c. 8. pag. 552. edit. &c. MS. Registr. Univ. Oxon. D. b. f. 76.
1627. 4to. See p. 84 of this volume.
1 Cantilenas vel fabulas de Amasiis, u Lcland. Coll. iii. p. 30.
ON THE GESTA UOMANORUM. clxXXV
but he refers to a Cronike, which seems to be the BOKE OF TROIE, men-
tioned at the end of the chapter w.
CHAP, clvii. The porter of a gate at Rome, who taxes all deformed
persons entering the city. This tale is in Alphonsus. And in the CENTO
NOVELLE ANTICHE*.
CHAP, clviii. The discovery of the gigantic body of Pallas, son of
Evancler, at Rome, which exceeded in height the walls of the city, was
uncorrupted, and accompanied with a burning lamp, two thousand two
hundred and forty years after the destruction of Troy. His wound
was fresh, which was four fe«t arid a half in length.
It is curious to observe the romantic exaggerations of the classical
story.
CHAP. clix. Josephus, in his book de Causis rerum naturalium, is
quoted, for Noah's discovery of wine.
I know not any book of Josephus on this subject. The first editor
of the Latin Josephus was Ludovicus Cendrata of Verona, who was
ignorant that he was publishing a modern translation. In the Dedica-
tion he complains, that the manuscript was brought to him from Bo-
nonia so ill-written, that it was often impossible even to guess at Jo-
sephus s words. And in another place he says, Josephus first wrote the
ANTIQUITATES in Hebrew, and that he afterwards translated them
from Hebrew into Greek, and from Greek into Latin y.
The substance of this chapter is founded on a Rabbinical tradition,
related by Fabricius2. When Noah planted the vine, Satan attended,
and sacrificed a sheep, a lion, an ape, and a sow. These animals were
to symbolise the gradations of ebriety. When a man begins to drink,
he is meek and ignorant as the lamb, then becomes bold as the lion,
his courage is soon transformed into the foolishness of the ape, and at
last he wallows in the mire like the sow. Chaucer hence says in the
MANCIPLES PROLOGUE, as the passage is justly corrected by Mr. Tyr-
whitt,
I trowe that ye have dronken wine of ape,
And that is when men plaien at a strawea.
In the old KALENBRIER DES BERGERS, as Mr. Tyrwhitt has remarked,
Vin de singe, vin de moulon, vin de lyon, and vin de porceau, are men-
tioned, in their respective operations on the four temperaments of the
human body.
CHAP. clxi. Of a hill in a forest of England, where if a hunter sate
after the chace, he was refreshed by a miraculous person of a mild
aspect, bearing a capacious horn, adorned with gems and goldb, and
w Lib.v. fol. 99 b. col. 2. See fol. 101 a. * Cod.Pseudepigr. Vet. Testam. vol. i.
col. 1,2. p. 275.
* Nov. 50. a Ver. 16993. Tyrwh.
y At Verona. 1480. By Peter Mauffer b The text says, " Such a one as is uied
a Frenchman. It is a most beautiful and at this day.''
costly book, printed on vellum in folio.
DISSERTATION III.
filled with the most delicious liquor. This person instantly disappeared
after administering the draught ; which was of so wonderful a nature,
as to dispel the most oppressive lassitude, and to make the body more
vigorous than before. At length, a hunter having drunk of this horn,
ungratefully refused to return it to the friendly apparition ; and his
master, the lord of the forest, lest he should appear to countenance so
atrocious a theft, gave it to king Henry the elder0.
This story, which seems imperfect, I suppose, is from Gervase of
Tilbury.
CHAP, clxii. The same author is cited for an account of a hill in
Castile, on which was a palace of demons.
Whenever our compiler quotes Gervase of Tilbury, the reference is
to his OTIA!MPERIALIA: which is addressed to the emperor Otho the
Fourth, and contains his Commentarius de regnis Imperatorwn Roma-
norum^liis Mundi Descriptio, and his Tractatus de Mirabilibus Mundi.
All these four have been improperly supposed to be separate works.
CHAP, clxiii. King Alexander's son Celestinus.
CHAP, clxvii. The archer and the nightingale.
This fable is told in the Greek legend of BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT,
written by Johannes Damascenusd. And in Caxton's GOLDEN
LEGENDE®. It is also found in the CLERICALIS DISCIPLINA of
Alphonsus.
CHAP, clxviii. Barlaam is cited for the story of a man, who, flying
from a unicorn, and falling into a deep and noisome pit, hung on the
boughs of a lofty tree which grew from the bottom. On looking down-
ward, he saw a huge dragon twisted round the trunk, and gaping to
devour him. He also observed two mice gnawing at the roots of the
tree, which began to totter. Four white vipers impregnated the air of
the pit with their poisonous breath. Looking about him, he discovered
a stream of honey distilling from one of the branches of the tree, which
he began eagerly to devour, without regarding his dangerous situation.
The tree soon fell : he found himself struggling in a loathsome quag-
mire, and was instantly swallowed by the dragon.
This is another of Barlaam's apologues in Damascenus's romance of
BARLAAM AND JOSAPHAT : and which has been adopted into the
Lives of the Saints by Surius and othersf. A MORALISATION is sub-
joined, exactly agreeing with that in the GESTA&.
CHAP, clxix. Trogus Pompeius is cited, for the wise legislation of
Ligurius, a noble knight.
Our compiler here means Justin's abridgement of Trogus ; which,
to the irreparable injury of literature, soon destroyed its original. An
c That is, Henry the First, king of f See Caxton's Golden Legend, fol.
England. cccclxxxxiii. a.
d Opp. ut supr. p. 22. See also Surius, s See Damascenus, ut supr. pag. 31.
ut supr. Novembr. 27. pag. 565. And Metrical Lives of Saints, MSS. Bodl,
• Fol. ccclxxxxii. b. 779. f. 293 b.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
early epitome of Livy would have been attended with the same un-
happy consequences.
CHAP. clxx. The dice player and saint Bernard.
This is from saint Bernard's legend h.
CHAP, clxxi. The two knights of Egypt and Baldach.
This is the story of Boccace's popular novel of TITO AND GISIPPO,
and of Lydgate's Tale of two Marchants of Egypt and of Baldad, a
manuscript poem in the British Museum, and lately in the library of
doctor Askew1. Peter Alphonsus is quoted for this story ; and it
makes the second Fable of his CLERICALIS DISCIPLINA.
I take the liberty of introducing a small digression here, which refers
to two pieces of the poet last mentioned, never enumerated among his
works. In the year 14-83, Caxton printed at Westminster, " The PYL-
GREMAGE OF THE SowLE translated oute of Frensshe into Englisshe.
Full of devout maters touching the sowle, and many questions assoyled
to cause a man to lyve the better, &c. Emprinted at Westminster by
William Caxton the first yere of kynge Edward V. 1483." The French
book, which is a vision, and has some degree of imagination, is probably
the PELERIN DE L'AME, of Guillaume prior of ChaulisJ. This trans-
lation was made from the French, with additions, in the year 1413.
For in the colophon are these words : " Here endeth the dreme of
the PYLGREMAGE OF THE SOWLE translated out of Frensche into En-
glisshe. with somwhat of Addicions, the yere of our lorde M.CCCC. and
thyrteen, and endethe in the vigyle of Seint Bartholomew." The trans-
lator of this book, at least the author of the Addicions, which altogether
consist of poetry in seven-lined stanzas, I believe to be Lydgate. Not
to insist on the correspondence of time and style, I observe, that the
thirty-fourth chapter of Lydgate's metrical LIFE OF THE VIRGIN MARY
is literally repeated in the thirty-fourth chapter of this Translation.
This chapter is a digression of five or six stanzas in praise of Chaucer,
in which the writer feelingly laments the recent death of his maister
Chaucer, poete of Britaine, who used to amende and correcte the wronge
traces of my rude penne. No writer besides, in Lydgate's own life-time,
can be supposed, with any sort of grace or propriety, to have men-
tioned those personal assistances of Chaucer, in Lydgate's own words.
And if we suppose that the Translation, or its Addicions, were written
by Lydgate before he wrote his LIFE OF THE VIRGIN, the proof will
be the samek.
Another piece probably written by Lydgate, yet never supposed or
acknowledged to be of his composition, is a poem in the octave stanza,
h See Caxton's Gold. Leg. f. cxxix. b. GRIMACE OF THE WORLD by the com-
1 R. Edwards has a play on this story, maundement of the earle of Salisburie,
1582. 1426." But this must be a different work.
J See vol. ii. p. 320. Ad calc. Opp. Chauc. fol. 376. col. 1.
k Stowe mentions Lydgate's " PIL-
DISSERTATION III.
containing thirty-seven leaves in folio, and entitled LABEROUS AND
MARVEY.LOUS WOKKE OF SAPIENCE. After a long debate between
MERCY and TRUTH, and JUSTICE and PEACE, all the products of nature
and of human knowledge are described, as they stand arranged in the
palace and dominions of WISDOM. It is generally allowed to have been
printed by Caxton : it has not the name of the printer, nor any date.
Had it been written by Caxton, as I once hastily suspected, or by any
of his coternporaries, the name of Lydgate would have appeared in
conjunction with those of Gower and Chaucer, who are highly cele-
brated in the Prologue as erthely gods expert in poesie : for these three
writers were constantly joined in panegyric, at least for. a century, by
their successors, as the distinguished triumvirate of English poetry.
In the same Prologue, the author says he was commanded to write this
poem by the king. No poet cotemporary with Caxton was of conse-
quence enough to receive such a command : and we know that Lydgate
compiled many of his works by the direction, or under the patronage,
of King Henry the Fifth. Lydgate was born in Suffolk : and our
author, from the circumstance of having lived in a part of England not
of a very polished dialect, apologises for the rudeness of his language,
so that he cannot delycately endyte. It is much in the style and manner
of Lydgate ; and I believe it to have been one of his early per-
formances1.
CHAP, clxxii. A king of England has two knights, named Guido
and Tirius. Guido having achieved many splendid exploits for the
love of a beautiful lady, at length married her. Three days after his
marriage he saw a vision, which summoned him to engage in the holy
war. At parting she gave him a ring ; saying, " as often as you look
on this ring, remember me." Soon after his departure she had a son.
After various adventures, in which his friend Tirius has a share, at the
end of seven years he returned to England in the habit of a pilgrim.
Coming to his castle, he saw at the gate his lady sitting, and distribu-
ting alms to a crowd of poor people ; ordering them all to pray for the
return of her lord Guido from the holy land. She was on that day
accompanied by her son a little boy, very beautiful and richly appa-
relled ; and who, hearing his mother, as she was distributing her alms,
perpetually recommending Guido to their prayers, asked, if that was
his father ? Among others, she gave alms to her husband Guido, not
knowing him in the pilgrim's disguise. Guido, seeing the little boy,
took him in his arms, and kissed him ; saying, " O my sweet son, may
God give you grace to please him I" For this boldness he was re-
proved by the attendants. But the lady, finding him destitute and a
stranger, assigned him a cottage in a neighbouring forest. Soon after-
1 See vol. ii. p. 385. Note w. I know heaven for redemption of mankind." Ubi
not if this is the poem recited by Stowe, supr. col. i.
and called " The Courte of Sapience in
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM.
wards falling sick, he said to his servant, " Carry this ring to your lady,
and tell her, if she desires ever to see me again, to come hither without
delay." The servant conveyed the ring ; but before she arrived, he
was dead. She threw herself on his body, and exclaimed with tears,
"Where are now my alms which I daily gave for my lord ? I saw you
receive those alms, but I knew you not. — You beheld, embraced, and
kissed your own son, but did not discover yourself to him nor to me.
What have I done, that I shall see you no more ?" She then interred
him magnificently.
The reader perceives this is the story of Guido, or Guy, earl of
Warwick ; ana! probably this is the early outline of the life and death
of that renowned champion.
Many romances were at first little more than legends of devotion,
containing the pilgrimage of an old warrior. At length, as chivalry
came more into vogue, and the stores of invention were increased, the
youthful and active part of the pilgrim's life was also written, and a
long series of imaginary martial adventures was added, in which his
religious was eclipsed by his heroic character, and the penitent was lost
in the knight-errant. That which was the principal subject of the
short and simple legend, became only the remote catastrophe of the
voluminous romance. And hence by degrees it was almost an esta-
blished rule of every romance, for the knight to end his days in a her-
mitage. Cervantes has ridiculed this circumstance with great pleasantry,
where Don Quixote holds a grave debate with Sancho, whether he shall
turn saint or archbishop.
So reciprocal, or rather so convertible, was the pious and the military
character, that even some of the apostles had their romance. In the
ninth century, the chivalrous and fabling spirit of the Spaniards trans-
formed saint James into a knight. They pretended that he appeared
and fought with irresistible fury, completely armed, and mounted on a
stately white horse, in most of their engagements with the Moors ; and
because by his superior prowess in these bloody conflicts, he was sup-
posed to have freed the Spaniards from paying the annual tribute of a
hundred Christian virgins to their infidel enemies, they represented him
as a professed and powerful champion of distressed damsels. This
apotheosis of chivalry in the person of their own apostle, must have
ever afterwards contributed to exaggerate the characteristical romantic
heroism of the Spaniards, by which it was occasioned ; and to propa-
gate through succeeding ages, a stronger veneration for that species of
military enthusiasm, to which they were naturally devoted. It is certain,
that in consequence of these illustrious achievements in the Moorish
wars, Saint James was constituted patron of Spain ; and became the
founder of one of the most magnificent shrines, and of the most opulent
order of knighthood, now existing in Christendom. The Legend of
this invincible apostle is inserted in the Mosarabic liturgy.
CHAP, clxxiii. A king goes to a fair, carrying in his train, a master
CXC DISSERTATION III.
with one of his scholars, who expose six bundles, containing a system
of ethics, to sale8.
Among the revenues accruing to the crown of England from the Fair
of saint Botolph at Boston in Lincolnshire, within the HONOUR of
RICHMOND, mention is made of the royal pavilion, or booth, which
stood in the fair, about the year 1280. This fair was regularly fre-
quented by merchants from the most capital trading towns of Nor-
mandy, Germany, Flanders, and other countries. " Ibidem [in feriaj
sunt qusedam domus quag dicuntur BOTH^E REGIME, quse valent per
annum xxviii, 1. xiii, s. iiii, d. Ibidem sunt qusedam domus quas MER-
CATORES DE YPRE tenent, quae valent per annum, xx, 1. Et qusedam
domus quas MERCATORES DE CADOMO' ET OSTOGANIO" tenent, xi, I.
Et qusedam domus quas MERCATORES DE ANACOV tenent xiii, 1. vi, s.
viii, d. Et quaedam domus quas MERCATORES DE COLONIA tenent,
xxv, 1. x, s."vv The high rent of these lodges is a proof that they were
considerable edifices in point of size and accommodation.
CHAP, clxxiv. The fable of a serpent cherished in a man's bosom*.
About the year 1470, a collection of Latin fables, in six books, di-
stinguished by the name of Esop, was published in Germany. The
first three books consist of the sixty anonymous elegiac fables, printed
in Nevelet's collection, under the title of Anonymi Fabulce JEsopic&y
and translated, in 1503, by Wynkyn de Worde, with a few variations:
under each is a fable in prose on the same subject from ROMULUS, or
the old prose LATIN ESOP, which was probably fabricated in the
twelfth century. The fourth book has the remaining fables of Romu-
lus in prose only. The fifth, containing one or two fables only, which
were never called Esop's, is taken from Alphonsus, the GESTA ROMA-
NORUM, the CALILA u DAMNAH, and other obscure sources. The
sixth and last book has seventeen fables ex translatione Rinucii, that
is Rinucius, who translated Planudes's life of Esop, and sixty-nine of
his fables, from Greek into Latin, in the fifteenth century. This col-
lection soon afterwards was circulated in a French version, which Cax-
ton translated into English.
In an ancient general Chronicle, printed at Lubec in 1475, and en-
titled RUDIMENTUM NoviTiORUMy, a short life of Esop is introduced,
together with twenty-nine of his ikbles. The writer says, " Esopus
adelphus claruit tempore Cyri regis Persarum. — Vir ingeniosus et pru-
dens, qui confinxit fabulas elegantes. Quas Romulus postmodum de
greco transtulit in latinum, et filio suo Tibertino direxit2," &c. The
* Compare Malth. Paris, edit. Watts. x This fable is in Alphonsus's Clerica-
p. 927. 40. — And p. 751. 10. Us Disciplinu.
1 Caen in Normandy. y In this work the following question is
u Perhaps Ostend. discussed, originally, I believe, started by
v Perhaps Le Pais d'Aunis, between saint Austin, and perhaps determined by
the provinces of Poictou and Santone, Thomas Aquinas, An Angeli possint coire
where is Rochelle, a famous port and mart. cum Mulieribus, et generare Gigantes ?
w Registr. Honoris de Richmond. Lond. * Fol. 237 a.
1722. fol. Num. viii. Append, p. 39.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM, CXC1
whole of this passage about Esop is transcribed from Vincent of Beau-
vais a.
CHAP, clxxvii. The feast of king Ahasuerus and Esther.
I have mentioned a metrical romance on this subject b. And I have
before observed, that Thomas of Elmham, a chronicler, calls the coro-
nation-feast of king Henry the fifth, a second feast of Ahasuerus0.
Hence also Chaucer's allusion at the marriage of January and May,
while they are at the solemnity of the wedding-dinner, which is very
splendid.
Quene Esther loked ner with soch an eye
On Assuere, so meke a loke hath shed.
Froissart, an historian, who shares the merit with Philip de Comines
of describing every thing, gives this idea of the solemnity of a dinner
on Christmas-day, at which he was present, in the hall of the castle of
Gaston earl of Foiz at Ortez in Bevern, under the year 1388. At the
upper or first table, he says, sate four bishops, then the earl, three
viscounts, and an English knight belonging to the duke of Lancaster.
At another table, five abbots, and two knights of Arragon. At another,
many barons and knights of Gascony and Bigorre. At another, a great
number of knights of Bevern. Four knights were the chief stewards
of the hall, and the two bastard brothers of the earl served at the high
table. " The erles two sonnes, sir Yvan of Leschell was sewer, and sir
Gracyen bare his cuppe6. And there were many mynstrelles, as well
* Specul. Hist. 1. iii. c. ii. And when tbou hast so done,
b Vol. ii. p. 372. Take the kuppe of golde sone,
c y0j - 256 An(* serve hym of the wyne.
And what that he speketh to the
- March. Tale, v. 1260. Urr. Cum anone and teUPe me>
e In the old romance, or Lay, of Emare, Qn goddus blessyng and myne.
abeautiful use is madeofthe LadyEmare's The chylde4 wente ynto the halle
son serving as cup-bearer to the king of Ga- Among the lordes grete and smalle
licia ; by which means, the king discovers That lufsumme were unthur lyne«:
the boy to be his son, and in consequence Then the lordes, that were grete,
finds out his queen Emare, whom he had Wyshe6, and wente to here mete;
long lost. The passage also points out the Menstrelles browst yn the kowrs?,
duties of this office. MSS. Cott. Calig. A. The chylde hem served so curteysly,
2. f. 74. Emare says to the young prince, Alle hym loved that hym sy8,
her son, And spake hym gret honowres.
To-morowe thou shalle serve yn halle Then sayde alle that loked hym upone,
In a kurtylle of ryche palle1, So curteys a chyld sawe they never none,
Byfore thys nobulle kyng ; In halle, ny yn bowres :
Loke, sone2, so curtays thou be, The kynge sayde to hym yn game,
That no mon fynde chalange to the Swete sone, what ys thy name 1
In no manere thynge3. Lord, he sayd, y hy3th9 Segramowres.
When the kynge is served of spycerye, Then that nobulle kyng
Knele thou downe hastylye, Toke up a grete sykynge10,
And take hys hond yn thyn ; For hys sone11 hyght so:
1 a tunic of rich cloth. 2 son. 3 may accuse thee of want of courtesy.
4 the boy. 5 richly apparelled. 6 washed. 7 course.
8 saw. 9 I am called. 10 sighing. u his son.
CXCH DISSERTATION III.
of his owne as of straungers, and eche of them dyde their devoyre in
their faculties. The same day the erle of Foiz gave to harauldes and
mynstrelles, the somme of fyve hundred frankes : and gave to the duke
of Touraynes mynstrelles, gownes of clothe of golde furred with ermyns,
valued at two hundred frankes. This dinner endured four houresV
Froissart, who was entertained in this castle for twelve weeks, thus de-
scribes the earl's ordinary mode of supping. " In this estate the erle of
Foiz lyved. And at mydnyght whan he came out of his chambre into
the halle to supper, he had ever before hym twelve torches brennyng0,
borne by twelve varieties [valets] standyng before his table all sup-
per : they gave a grete light, and the hall ever full of knightes and
squyers ; and many other tables dressed to suppe who wolde. Ther
was none shulde speke to hym at his table, but if he were called. His
meate was lightlye wylde foule. — He had great plesure in armony of
instrumentes, he could do it right well hymselfe : he wolde have songes
songe before hym. He wolde gladlye se conseytes [conceits] and fan-
tasies at his table. And when he had sene it, then he wolde send it to
the other tables. — There was sene in his hall, chambre, and court,
knyghtes and squyers of honour goyng up and downe, and talkyng of
armes and of amours P," &c. After supper, Froissart was admitted to
an audience with this magnificent earl ; and used to read to him a book
of sonnets, rondeaus, and virelays, written by &gentyll duke of Luxem-
burghi.
In this age of curiosity, distinguished for its love of historical anec-
dotes and the investigation of ancient manners, it is extraordinary that
a new translation should not be made of Froissart from a collated and
corrected original of the French*. Froissart is commonly ranked with
Certys, withowten lesynge, ° It appears that candles were borne by
The teres out ot'hys yen1 gan wryng, domestics, anil not placed on the table, at
In herte he was fulle woo : a very early period in France. Gregory
Neverethelese, he lette be, of Tours mentions a piece of savage mer-
And loked on the chylde so fre2, riment practised by a feudal lord at sup-
And mykelle3 he levede hym thoo4. — per, on one of his valets de chandelle, in
Then the lordes that were grete consequence of this custom. Greg. Turon.
Whesshcn a^eyn5, aftyr mete, Hist. lib. v. c. iii. fol. o4 b. edit. 1522. It
And then com spycerye6. is probable that our proverbial scoff, You
The chyld, that was of chere swete, are not fit to hold a candle to him, took its
On hys kne downe he sete?, rise from this fashion. See Ray's Prov.
And served hym curteyslye. C. p. 4. edit. 1670; and Shaksp. Romeo
The kynge called the burgeys hym tyile, and Juliet, i. 4.
And savde, Syr, yf hyt be thy wylle,
Jyf me this lytylle body »j H1 be a Candle-holder, and look on.
Ishallehymrnakelordeoftownandtowre, p Ibid. fol. xxx. a. col. 2.
Of hye halles, and of bowre, q Ibid. col. 1.
I love hym specyally, &c. * [This has since been done by Col.
n Chron. vol. ii. fol. xxxvi. a. Transl. TFh°nf s Johnes» aud was Polished at the
Bern. 1523. Hafod press, 4 vols. ito. 1803-5.— M.j
2 the boy so beautiful. 3 greatly. 4 then. 5 washed
again. 6 spicery, spiced wine. 1 bowed his knee. 8 give me this boy.
ON THE UKS'I'A ROMANORUM. CXClll
romances: but it ought to be remembered, that he is the historian of a
romantic age, when those manners which form the fantastic books of
chivalry were actually practised. As he received his multifarious in-
telligence from such a variety of vouchers, and of different nations, and
almost always collected his knowledge of events from report, rather
than from written or recorded evidence, his notices of persons and
places are frequently confused and unexact. Many of these petty in-
correctnesses are not, however, to be imputed to Froissart : and it may
seem surprising, that there are not more inaccuracies of this kind in a
voluminous chronicle, treating of the affairs of England, and abound-
ing in English appellations, composed by a Frenchman, and printed in
France. Whoever will take the pains to compare this author with the
coeval records in Rymer, will find numerous instances of his truth and
integrity, in relating the more public and important transactions of his
own times. Why he should not have been honoured with a modern
edition at the Louvre, it is easy to conceive : the French have a national
prejudice against a writer, who has been so much more complaisant to
England than to their own country*. Upon the whole, if Froissart
should be neglected by the historical reader for his want of precision
and authenticity, he will at least be valued by the philosopher for his
striking pictures of life, drawn without reserve or affectation from real
nature with a faithful and free pencil, and by one who had the best
opportunities of observation, who was welcome alike to the feudal
castle or the royal palace, and who mingled in the bustle and business
of the world, at that very curious period of society, when manners are
very far refined, and yet retain a considerable tincture of barbarism.
But I cannot better express my sentiments on this subject, than in the
words of Montaigne. " J'ayme les Historiens ou fort simples ou excel-
lens. Les simples qui n'ont point de quoy y mesler queique chose du
leur, et qui n'y apportent que le soin et la diligence de ramasser tout
ce qui vient a leur notice, et d'enregistrer a la bonne foy toutes choses
sans chois et sans triage, nous laissent le jugement entier pour la co-
noissance de la verite. Tel est entre autres pour example le bon Frois-
sard, qui a marche en son enterprise d'une si franche naifuete, qu'ayant
fait une faute il ne craint aucunement de la reconnoistre et corriger en
1'endroit, ou il en a este adverty : et qui nous represente la diversite
mesme des bruits qui couroient, et les differens rapports qu'on luy fai-
sot. C'est la matiere de 1'Histoire nu'i et informe ; chacun en peut faire
son proifit autant qu'il a d'entendementV
CHAP, clxxviii. A king is desirous to know how to rule himself and
. * [An edition of Froissart is included demised, which detracts greatly from the
in the "Collection des Chioniques natio- value of the edition. — M.]
nales Franyaises," with notes and illus- * Essais, lib. ii. ch. x. p. 409. sdit. 1598.
trations by J. A. Buchon, 8 vo, Paris, 1824; 8 vo.
but unfortunately the orthography is mo-
VOL. i. n
DISSERTATION III.
his kingdom. One of his wise men presents an allegorical picture on
the wall ; from which, after much study, he acquires the desired in-
struction.
In the original eastern apologue, perhaps this was a piece of tapestry.
From the cultivation of the textorial arts among the orientals, came
Darius's wonderful cloth above-mentioned6; and the idea of the robe
richly embroidered and embossed with stories of romance and other
imageries, in the unprinted romance of EMARE, which forms one of
the finest descriptions of the kind that I have seen in Gothic poetry,
and which I shall therefore not scruple to give at large.
Sone aftur yn a whyle,
The ryche kynge of Cesylef
To the Emperour gane wende^;
A ryche present wyth hym he browght,
A clothe that was wordylyeh wroght,
He wellecomed hym as the hende1.
Syr Tergaunte, that nobylle kny^t hy^te,
He presented the emperour ryght,
And sette hym on hys knek,
Wyth that cloth rychyly dyght ;
Fulle of stones ther hyt was pyght,
As thykke as hyt rnyght be :
Off topaze and rubyes,
And othur stones of myche prys,
That semely wer to se ;
Of crapowtes and nakette,
As thykke ar they sette,
For sothe as y say the1.
The cloth was dysplayed sone :
The emperour lokede therupone
And myght hyt not sem ;
For glysteryng of the ryche ston,
Redy syght had he none,
And sayde, how may thys be ?
The emperour sayde on hyghe,
Sertes11, thys ys a fayry0,
Or ellys a vanyte.
The kyng of Cysyle answered than,
So ryche ajwelleP ys ther non
In alle Crystyante.
e Chap. xx. * Sicily. l I tell thee. m could not see it
g went to. h worthily. n certainly.
1 courteously, but, I believe there is ° an illusion, a piece of enchantment.
a slight corruption. p Jewel was anciently any precious
k he presented it kneeling. thing.
ON THE GE5TA ROM AXORUM. CXCV
The amerayle dowser of hethennes *
Made this cloth, withoutene leesr,
And wrow^te hyt alle with pride ;
And purtreyed hyt wyth gret honour,
Wyth ryche golde and asowr9,
And stones on ylke l a syde.
And as the story telies in honde,
The stones that yn this cloth stonde
Sow$te " they wer fu-Ue wyde :
Seven wynter hyt was yn makynge,
Or hyt was browght to endynge,
In hert ys not to hyde.
In that on korner made was
YDOYNE and AMADASW,
Wyth love that was so trewe ;
For they loveden herax wyth honour,
Portrayed they wer wyth trewe-love flour
Of stones bryght of hewe,
Wyth carbunkulle, and safere*,
Kassydonys, and onyx so clere,
Sette in golde newe;
Deamondes and rubyes,
And othur stones of mychylle pryse,
And menstrellys wyth her glez.
In that othur corner was dyght
TRYSTRAM and ISOWDE so bry$ta,
That semely wer to se ;
And for they loved hem ryght,
As fulle of stones ar they dyght,
As thykke as they may be. —
q The daughter of the Amerayle of the the word in that literature occurs in the
Saracens. Amiral in the eastern Ian- romances which describe invasions of
guages was the governor, or prince, of a Saracens by sea. These descents were
province, from the Arabic Emir, Lord. In made by the Arabs of Spain, where there
this sense, Amrayl is used by Robert of was an Emir specially charged with the
Gloucester. Hence, by corruption the direction of the fleet, and he was called
word Admiral, and in a restricted sense, Emir-alma, or emir of the water. Emir-
for the commander of a fleet ; which Mil- alma becomes easily emiral and amiral.
ton, who knew the original, in that sense See Reinaud, Invasions des Sarrazins en
writes AmmiraLParad. L.i.294. Dufresne France, 1836, p. 69. — W.]
thinks, that our naval Amiral, i. e. Admi- r lying. * azure,
ral, came from the crusades, where the * every. u sought.
Christians heard it used by the Saracens w On one corner, or side, was em-
(in consequence of its general significa- broidered the history of Idonia and
tion) for the title of the leader of their Amadas. For their Romance, see vol. ii.
fleets; and that from the Mediterranean p. 242.
states it was propagated over Europe. x loved each other. y sapphire.
[It seems more probable that the word z figures of minstrels, with their music,
Amiral was obtained in the wars with the or musical instruments.
Saracens of Spain, which had a much * Sir Tristram and Bel Isolde, famoui
greater influence on middle-age literature in king Arthur's Romance,
than the crusades. The earliest use of
CXCV1 DISSERTATION III.
In the thrydde5 korner wyth gret honour
Was FLORYS and dam BLAWNCHEFLOURC
As love was hem betwene,
For they loved wyth honour,
Purtrayed they were with trewe-love-flour,
Wyth stones bryght and shene. —
In the fowrthe korner was oon
Of Babylone the sowdan sonne,
The amerayles dow^tyr hym by :
For hys sake the cloth was wrowght,
She loved hym in hert and thowght,
As testymoyeth thys storye.
The fayr may den here byforn,
Was portrayed an unykorn,
Wyth hys horn so hye ;
Flowres and bryddes on ylke a syde,
Wyth stones that wer sowght wyde,
Stuffed wyth ymagerye.
When the cloth to ende was wrowght,
To the Sowdan soned hyt was brow^t,
That semely was of sy^te ;
My fadyr was a nobylle man,
Of the Sowdan he hyt wan
Wyth maystrye and wyth myjthe*.
Chaucer says in the ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE, that RICHESSE wore
a robe of purple, which
Ful wele
With orfraies laid was everie dele,
And purtraied in the ribaninges
Of DUKIS STORIES and of KINGES/
And, in the original,
Portraictes y furent d'orfroys
Hystoryes d'empereurs et roys.s
"* third. the beginning, and, what is very curious,
c See what I have said of their ro- the imperfection ending in each at nearly
mance, vol. ii. p. 135. A manuscript copy the same line. The earliest copy is in a
of it in French metre was destroyed in manuscript of the Public Library of the
the fire which happened in the Cotton University of Cambridge, G g. 4, 27.
Library. Boccace has the adventures of Another is preserved in the Auchinleck
Florio and Biancoflore, in his Philocopo. MS. at Edinburgh, and has been most in-
Floris and Blancaflor are mentioned as correctly printed by Hartshorne. A third
illustrious lovers by Matfres Eymegau de is in a MS. in the library of Lord Leveson
Eezers, a bard of Languedoc, in his Bre- Gower. — W.]
viarid'dmor, dated in the year 1288. MSS. d Soldan's son. [It was soon brought
Reg. 19 C. i. fol. 199. See Tyrwhitt's to the Soldan.— RITSON.]
Chaucer, vol. iv. p. 169. e MSS. Cott (ut supr.) Calig. A. 2.
[There are preserved three copies of fol. 69. ver. 80. seq.
the English version of the romance of f Ver. 1076*
Floris and Blauncheflour, all imperfect at • Ver, 1068.
ON THK GESTA ROMANORUM. CXCV11
CHAP, clxxix. Cesarius, saint Basil, the Gospel, Boethius, and Ovid
are quoted to show the detestable guilt of gluttony and ebriety.
Cesarius, I suppose, is a Cistercian monk of the thirteenth century ;
who, beside voluminous Lives, Chronicles, and Homilies, wrote twelve
Books on the Miracles, Visions, and Examples, of his own age. But
there is another and an older monkish writer of the same name. In the
British Museum, there is a narrative taken from Cesarius, in old north-
ern English, of a lady deceived by the fiends, or the devil, through the
pride of rich clothing11.
CHAP, clxxx. Paul, the historian of the Longobards, is cited, for the
fidelity of the knight Onulphus.
CHAP, clxxxi. The sagacity of a lion.
This is the last chapter in the edition of 1488.
Manuscript copies of the GESTA ROMANORUM are very numerous1;
a proof of the popularity of the work. There are two in the British
Museum; which, I think, contain, each one hundred and two chaptersk.
But although the printed copies have one hundred and eighty-one
stories or chapters, there are many in the manuscripts which do not
appear in the editions. The story of the CASKETTS, one of the prin-
cipal incidents in Shakspeare's MERCHANT OF VENICE, is in one of the
manuscripts of the Museum1. This story, however, is in an old En-
glish translation printed by Wynkyn de Worde, without date ; from
which, or more probably from another edition printed in 1577? and
entitled A RECORD OF ANCIENT HYSTORYES in Latin GESTA ROMA-
NORUM, corrected and bettered, Shakspeare borrowed it. The story of
the BOND in the same play, which Shakspeare perhaps took from a
translation of the PECORONE of Ser Florentine Giovanni1", makes the
forty-eighth chapter of the last-mentioned manuscript". Giovanni
flourished about the year 1378°. The tale of Gower's FLORENTP,
which resembles Chaucer's WIFE OF BATH, occurs in some of the ma-
nuscripts of this work. The same may be said of a tale by Occleve,
h MSS. Harl. 1022. 4. the former uses a deception which occa-
1 See vol. ii. p. 238. sions the conversion of the latter. Hist.
k MSS. Harl. 2270. And 5259. Specul. fol. 181 a. edit, ut supr. Jews,
1 Viz. Chap. xcix. fol. 78 b. MSS. Harl. yet under heavy restrictions, were origin-
2270. In the Clericalis Disciplina of Al- ally tolerated in the Christian kingdoms
phonsus, there is a narrative of a king of the dark ages, for the purpose of bor-
who kept a TABULATOR, or story-teller, rowing money, with which they supplied
to lull him to sleep every night. The the exigencies of the state, and of mer-
king on some occasion being seized with chants, or others, on the most lucrative
an unusual disquietude of mind, ordered usurious contracts.
his TABULATOR to tell him longer stories, n Fol. 43 a. In this story MAGISTER
for that otherwise he could not fall asleep. VIRGILIUS, or Virgil the cunning man,
The TABULATOR begins a longer story, is consulted.
but in the midst falls asleep himself, &c. ° See Johnson's and Steevens's Shak-
1 think I have seen this tale in some ma- speare, iii. p. 247. edit. ult. And Tyr-
nuscript of the Gesta Romanoruin. whitt's Chaucer, iv. p. 332. 334.
n) Gio'rn. iv. Nov. 5. In Vincent of v Confess, Amant. lib. i. f. xv. b. See
Bcauvais, there is a story of a bond be- vol. ii. p. 247.
tween a Christian and a Jew ; in which
CXCV111 DISSERTATION III.
never printed ; concerning the chaste consort of the emperor Gerelaus,
who is abused by his steward, in his absence. This is the first stanza.
A larger specimen shall appear in its place.
In Roman Actis writen is thus,
Somtime an emperour in the citee
Of Rome regned, clept Gerelaus,
Wich his noble astate and his d ignite
Governed wisely, and weddid had he
The douztir of the kyng of Vngrye,
A faire lady to every mannes ye.
At the end is the MORALISATION in prose/1
I could point out other stories, beside those I have mentioned, for
which Gower, Lydgate, Occleve, and the author of the DECAMERON,
and of the CENTO NOVELLE ANTICHE, have been indebted to this
admired repository r. Chaucer, as I have before remarked, has taken
one of his Canterbury Tales from this collection ; and it has been sup-
posed that he alludes to it in the following couplet,
And ROMAIN GESTIS makin remembrance
Of many a veray trewe wife also8.
The plot also of the knight against Constance, who having killed
Hermegild, puts the bloody knife into the hand of Constance while
asleep, and her adventure with the steward, in the MAN OF LA WES
TALE, are also taken from that manuscript chapter of this work, which
I have just mentioned to have been versified by Occleve. The former
of these incidents is thus treated by Occleve : —
She with this zonge childe in the chambre lay
Every nizt where lay the earle and the countesse*,
Bitween whose beddis brente a lampe alway.
q MSS. Seld. Sup. 53. Bibl. Bodl. De however, that many of the tales are of
quadam bona et nobili Imperalrice. It is Boccace's own invention, He tells us
introduced with " A Tale the which I in himself, in the Genealogia Deorum, that
the Roman dedis," &c. Viz. MSS. Laud. when he was a little boy, he was fond of
ibid. K. 78. See also MSS. Digb. 185. making FICTIUNCUL^E. Lib. xv. cap. x.
where, inthe first lineof the poem, wehave, p. 579. edit. Basil. 1532. fol.
" In the Roman jestys written is this." * Marchant's Tale, ver. 10158. edit.
It is in other manuscripts of Occleve. This Tyrw. This may still be doubted, as
story is in the Gesta Romanorum, MSS. from what has been said above, the Ro-
Harl. 2270. chap. 101. fol. 80 a. where man Gests were the Roman history in
Gerelaus is Menelaus. general.
r Bonifacio Vannozzi, in Delle Lettere * Here we see the ancient practice, even
Miscellanee alle Academia Feneta, says, in great families, of one and the same
that Boccace borrowed [Nov. i. D. iii.] bedchamber serving for many persons,
the Novel of Maseto da Lamporecchio, Much of the humour in Chaucer's Trom-
with many other parts of the Decameron, pington Miller arises from this circum-
from an older Collection of Novels. "In stance. See the Romance of Syr Try-
uno libro de Novelle, et di Parlare Gen- amore. And Gower, Conf. Am. ii. f.
tile, Anteriore al Boccacio," &c. In Ve- 39 a.
netia, 1606. 4to. p. 580. seq. I believe,
THE GESTA ROMANORUM. CXC1X
And he espied, by the lampes lizt,
The bedde where that lay this emprice
With erlis douztur*, and as blyve rizt,
This feendly man his purpose and malice
Thouzte u for to fulfille and accomplice ;
And so he dide, a longe knife out he drouzew,
And ther with alle the maiden childe he slouzex.
Hir throte with the knyfe on two he kutte
And as this emprice lay sleeping ;
Into her honde this bloody knyfe he putte,
For men shoulde have noon othir deemyng?
But she had gilty ben of this murdring :
And whanne that he had wrouzte this cursidnesse,
Anoone oute of the chambre he gan hem dressez.
The countess after hir slepe awakid
And to the emperesse bedde gan caste hir look
And sya the bloody knyfe in hir hande nakid,
And, for the feare she tremblid and quook. —
********
She awakens the earl, who awakens the empress.
And hir awook, and thus to hir he cried,
" Woman, what is that, that in thin hand I see ?
What hast thou doon, woman, for him that diede,
What wickid spirit hath travaylid the ? "
And as sone as that.adawed was she,
The knyfe fel oute of hir hand in the bedde,
And she bihilde the cloothis al forbledde,
And the childe dead, " Alias, she cried, alias,
How may this be, god woot alle I note howe,
I am not privy to hir hevy caas,
The gilte is not myne, I the childe not sloweV
To which spake the countesse, " What saist thou ?
Excuse the not, thou maist not saie nay,
The knyfe all bloody in thin hand I sayc."d
This story, but with some variation of circumstances, is told in the
HISTORICAL MIRROUR of Vincent of Beauvaise.
But I hasten to point out the writer of the GESTA ROMANORUM,
who has hitherto remained unknown to the most diligent inquirers in
* earl's daughter. u thought. d Ut supr. viz. MS. Seld. sup. 45. Qu.
w drew. x slew. y opinion. iiii.
1 he hastened, &c. a saw. c Specul. Histor. lib. vii. c. 90. fol. 86 a.
b slew. e saw.
CC DISSERTATION, III.
Gothic literature. He is Petrus Berchorius, or Pierre Bercheur, a
native of Poitou, and who died Prior of the Benedictine convent of
Saint Eloi at Paris, in the year 1362.
For the knowledge of this very curious circumstance, I am obliged
to Salomon Glassius, a celebrated theologist of Saxe-Gotha, in his
PHILOLOGIA SACRA f, written about the year 1623 e. In his chapter
DE ALLEGORIIS FABULARUM, he censures those writers who affect to
interpret allegorically, not only texts of scripture, but also poetical
fables and profane histories, which they arbitrarily apply to the expli-
cation or confirmation of the mysteries of Christianity. He adds, " Hoc
in studio excelluit quidam Petrus Berchorius, Pictaviensis, ordinis
divi Benedict! ; qui, peculiari libro, GESTA ROMANORUM, necnon Le-
gendas Patrum, aliasque aniles fabulas, allegorice ac mystice exposuitV
That is, "In this art excelled one Peter Berchorius, a Benedictine ;
who, in a certain peculiar book has expounded, mystically and allego-
rically, the Roman GESTS, legends of saints, and other idle tales'."
He then quotes for an example, the whole one hundred and seventieth
chapter of the GESTA ROMANORUM, containing the story of Saint
Bernard and the Dice-player, together with its moralisation.
Berchorius was one of the most learned divines of his country, and
a voluminous writer. His three grand printed works are, I. REDUCTO-
RIUM MORALE super totam Bibliam, in twenty-four books. II. REPER-
TORIUM [or Reductorium] MORALE, in fourteen booksk. III. Dic-
TIONARIUM MORALE. Whoever shall have the patience or the cu-
riosity to turn over a few pages of this immense treasure of multi-
farious erudition, will soon see this assertion of Glassius abundantly
verified ; and will be convinced beyond a doubt, from a general co-
incidence of plan, manner, method, and execution, that the author of
these volumes, and of the GESTA ROMANORUM, must be one and the
same. The REDUCTORIUM SUPER BiBLiAM1 contains all the stories
* Philologia SacrdK, qua totius sacro- ' Salmeron, a profound school-divine,
sanctae veteris et novi testamenti scripturae who flourished about 1560, censures the
turn stylus et literatura, turn sensus et unwarrantable liberty of the Gesta Ro-
genuinaeiuterpretationis ratio expenditur. manorum, in accommodating histories and
Libri quinque, &c. edit. tert. Francof. et fables to Christ and the church. Comm.
Hamb. 1653. in Evangel. Hist. i. p. 356. Prol. xix.
[This opinion has been controverted Can. xxi. — Colon. Agrippin. 1602 fol.
by Mr. Douce in his Illustrations of Shak- k I use a folio edition of all these three
speare, vol. ii. The most forcible argu- works, in three volumes, printed at Venice
ment there adduced is founded upon a in 1583. These pieces were all printed
very just inference, that the original author very early.
was a German. See below, p. cciii. l This was first printed, Argentorat.
Note k. — PRICE.] 1473. fol. There was a very curious book
B From the date of the Dedication. For in lord Oxford's library, I am not sure
his other works, which are very nume- whether the same, entitled Moralizationes
rous, see the Diarium Biographicum of Biblia, Ulnise 1474. fol. with this co-
ll. Witte, sub ann. 1665. Gedani, 1688, lophon in the last page: — Infinita dei cle-
4to. mentia. Finitus est liber M oraiizationurn
h Lib. ii. Part. 5. Tractat. ii. Sect. iii. Bibliarum in ejnsdem laudcm et. giorium
Artie, viii. pag. 312. compilatus* Ac per Indus trium Joannem
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. CC1
and incidents in the Bible, reduced into allegories"1. The REPERTO-
RIUM MORALE is a dictionary of things, persons, and places ; all which
are supposed to be mystical, and which are therefore explained in their
moral or practical sense. The DICTIONARIUM MORALE is in two
parts, and seems principally designed to be a moral repertory for stu-
dents in theology.
The moralisation, or moral explanation, which is added to every
article, is commonly prefaced, as in the GESTA, with the introductory
address of CARISSIMI. In the colophon, the GESTA is called Ex gestis
Pomanorum RECOLLECTORIUM : a word much of a piece with his
other titles of REPERTORIUM and REDUCTORIUM. Four of the stories
occurring in the GESTA, The Discovery of the gigantic body of Pallets™,
The subterraneous golden palace0. The adventures of the English knight
in the bishoprick of Ely v, and The miraculous horn% are related in the
fourteenth book of the REPERTORIUM MORALE. For the two last of
these he quotes Gervase of Tilbury, as in his GESTAF. As a further
proof of his allegorising genius I must add, that he moralised all the
stories in Ovid's Metamorphoses, in a work entitled, Commentarius
MORALIS, sive ALLEGORIZE in Libros quindecim Ovidii Metamor-
phoseon*, and now remaining in manuscript in the library of the
monastery of Saint Germains*. He seems to have been strongly im-
pressed with whatever related to the Roman affairs, and to have
thought their history more interesting than that of any other people.
This appears from the following passage, which I translate from the
article ROMA, in his DICTIONARIUM MORALE, and which will also
contribute to throw some other lights on this subject. " How many
remarkable facts might be here collected concerning the virtues and
vices of the Romans, did my design permit me to drop Moralities, and
to enter upon an historical detail ! For that most excellent histo-
rian Livy, unequalled for the dignity, brevity, and difficulty of his
style, (whose eloquence is so highly extolled by Saint Jerome, and
Zeiner de Reutlingen Artis impressoriae p Fol. 610. col. 2. [Gest. Rom. c. civ.]
magistnim non penna sed scagneis charac- Here also his author is Gervase of Til-
teribus in oppido Ulmensi artijiclaUter bury ; from whom, I think in the same
effigiatus. Anno Incarnatioms Domini chapter, he quotes part of king Arthur's
inilltsimo qnadringentessimo septuagessimo Romance. See Otia Imperial. Dec. ii.
quarto Aprilis nono. This book is not c. 12.
mentioned by Maittaire. q Fol. 610. ut supr. [Gest. Rom. c.l'xi.]
m To this work Alanus de Lynne, a r A MORALISATION is joined to these
Carmelite of Lynne in Norfolk, wrote an stones, with the introduction of Caris-
htdex or Tabula, about the year 1240. It simi.
is in MSS. Reg. 3 D. 3. 1. in Brit. Mus. s See what he says of the Fabula Poe-
n Cap. xlix. f. 643. He quotes Chro- tarum, Repertor. Moral, lib. xiv. cap. i.
nica, and says, that this happened in the f. 601. col. 2. ad calc.
reign of the emperor Henry the Second. l Oudin. Comment. Scriptor. Eccles. iii.
[See Gest. Rom. c. clviii.] p. 1064. Lips. 1723. fol. I doubt whether
0 Cap. Ixxii. f. 689. col. 1.2. He quotes this work was not translated into French
for this story \_Gest. Rom. c. cvii.] Wil- by Guillaume Nangis, at the beginning of
linm of Malmesbury, but tells it in the the fourteenth century. See Mem. Lit*
words of Beauvais, ut .supr. xx. 75 I. 4to.
CC11 DISSERTATION III.
whom I, however unworthy, have translated from Latin into French
with great labourv, at the request of John the most famous king of
France,) records so many wonderful things of the prudence, forti-
tude, fidelity, and friendship, of the Roman people ; as also of their
quarrels, envy, pride, avarice, and other vices, which are indeed allied
to virtues, and are such, to say the truth, as I never remember to have
heard of in any nation besides. But because I do not mean to treat of
historical affairs in the present work, the matter of which is entirely
moral, I refer the historical reader to Livy himself, to Trogus Pom-
peius, Justin, Florus, and Orosius, who have all written histories of
Rome ; as also to Innocent, who in his book on the Miseries of human
nature*, speaks largely of the vices of the Romans w." In the mean
time we must remember, that at this particular period the Roman
history had become the grand object of the public taste in France.
The king himself, as we have just seen, recommended a translation of
Livy. French translations also of Sallust, Cesar, and Lucan, were
now circulated. A Latin historical compilation called ROMULEON was
now just published by a gentleman of France, which was soon after-
wards translated into French. A collection of the GESTA ROMANORUM
was therefore a popular subject, at least it produced a popular title, and
was dictated by the fashion of the times.
I have here mentioned all Berchorius's works, except his Comment
on a Prosody called Doctrinale metricum, which was used as a school-
book in France, till Despauterius's manual on that subject appeared1.
Some biographers mention his TROPOLOGIA, his COSMOGRAPHIA, and
his BREVIARIUM. But the TROPOLOGTA? is nothing more than his
REDUCTORIUM on the Bible ; and probably the BREVIARIUM is the
samez. The COSMOGRAPHIA seems to be the fourteenth book of his
REPERTORIUM MORALE ; which treats of the wonders of various
countries ; and is chiefly taken from Solinus and Gervase of Tilbury8.
He is said by the biographers to have written other smaller pieces,
which they have not named or described. Among these perhaps is
comprehended the GESTA ; which we may conceive to have been thus
undistinguished, either as having been neglected or proscribed by
graver writers, or rather as having been probably disclaimed by its
author, who saw it at length in the light of a juvenile performance,
T I have mentioned this work below, * Oudin, ubi supr.
vol. ii. p. 315. It is remarkable, that a y I have seen a very old black-letter
copy of this manuscript in the British edition with the title, " Tropologiarum
Museum is entitled, " Titus Livius Des mysticarumque enarrationum," &c. with-
Fais des Romains translate par Pierre out date.
Bertheure." MSS. Reg. 15 D. vi. z But see Bibl. Sangerm. Cod. MS. 687.
u Pope Innocent the Third, about the and G. Serpilii Fit. Scriptor. Biblic. torn,
year 1200, wrote three Books De Con- vii. par. 2. pag. 44. Also Possevin. Ap-
temptu Mundi, sive De Miseria Humana parat. Sacr. ii. p.241. Colon. 1608.
Conditionis, printed Colon. 1496. a This is in some measure hinted by
Diction. Moral. P. iii. vol. ii. f. 274. Oudin, ubi supr. " Egressus autem a
col. 2. edit. 1583. — See infra, vol. ii. p. Profanis et grammaticis Berchorius, ani-
315. mum Solidioribiis applicuit," &c.
ON THE GESTA ROMANQRUM. CC111
abounding in fantastic and unedifying narrations, which he judged un-
suitable to his character, studies, and station5. Basilius Johannes
Heroldus, however, mentions Berchorius as the author of a CHRONICON,
a word which may imply, though not with exact propriety, his GESTA
ROMANORUM. It is in the Epistle dedicatory of his edition of the
Chronicles of Marianus Scotus, and Martinus Polonus, addressed to
our queen Elizabeth ; in which he promises to publish many Latin
CHRONICA, that is, those of Godfrey of Viterbo, Hugo Floriacensis,
Conrade Engelhus, Hermannus Edituus, Lanfranc, Ivo, Robert of
Saint Victor, PETER BERCHORIUS, and of many others, qui de TEM-
PO RI BUS scripserunt, who have written of times c. Paulus Langius,
who wrote about the year 1400, in his enumeration of Berchorius's
writings, says nothing of this compilation d.
Had other authentic evidences been wanting, we are sure of the age
in which Berchorius flourished, from the circumstance of his being
employed to translate Livy by John king of France, who acceded to the
throne in the year 1350, and died in the year 1364. That Berchorius
died, and probably an old man, in the year 1362, we learn from his
epitaph in the monastery of saint Eloy at Paris, which is recited by
Sweertius, and on other accounts deserves a place here.
HlC JACET VENERABILIS MAGNJE PRO-
FUND2EQUE SCIENTIJE,
ADMIRABILIS ET SUBTILIS ELOQUENTLY,
F. PETRUS BERCOTHC,
PRIOR HUJUS PRIORATUS.
QUI FUIT ORIUNDUS DE VILLA S. PfiTRI
DE lTINEREf
IN EPISCOPATU MAILLIZANCENSI? IN
PICTAVIA.
QUI TEMPORE SUO FECIT OPERA SUA
SOLEMNIA, SCILICET
DICTIONARIUM, REDUCTORIUM,
BREVIATORIUM, DESCRIPTIONEM
MuNDih, TRANSLATIONEM CUJUSDAM
LlBRI VETUSTISSIMI1 DE LATINO IN
GALLICUM, AD PR^ECEPTUM EXCEL-
LENTISS.
JOANNIS REGIS FRANCORUM.
QUI OBIIT ANNO M.CCC.LXII.k
b Gesner adds, reciting his works, that fol. Compare the Chron. of Philippus
he wrote " alia multa." Epitom. Bibl. f. Bergom. ad arm. 1355.
147 b. Tig. 1555. fol. And Trithemius, e Read Bercheur.
" parvos sed multos tractatus." De Illuslr. f That is, of the village of saint Pierre
Bened. lib. ii. c. 131. da Chemin, three leagues from Poictiers.
c Dat. 1559. Edit. Basil. Oporin. No g Of Maillezais.
riatp, fol. h The Cosmographia above-rnentioned.
d Chron. Citix. f. 841. Apud Tistorii ! Of Livy.
Illustr. Vit, Scriptor. &c. Francof. 1583. k Sweerlii Eptlaphia Joco-seria. edit.
CC1Y DISSERTATION III.
Berchorius was constituted grammatical preceptor to the novices of
the Benedictine Congregation, or monastery, at Clugni, in the year
13401; at which time he drew up his Notes on the Prosody, and his
Commentary on Ovid, for the use of his scholars. About the same
time, and with a view of rendering their exercises in Latinity more
agreeable and easy by an entertaining Latin story-book, yet resoluble
into lessons of religion, he probably compiled the GESTA ; perpetually
addressing the application of every tale to his young audience, by the
paternal and affectionate appellation of CARissiMim. There was
therefore time enough for the GESTA to become a fashionable book of
tales, before Boccace published his DECAMERON. The action of the
DECAMERON being supposed in 1348, the year of the great pestilence,
we may safely conjecture, that Boccace did not begin his work till
after that period. An exact and ingenious critic has proved, that it
was not finished till the year 1358".
I have just observed that Berchorius probably compiled this work
for the use of his grammatical pupils. Were there not many good
reasons for that supposition, I should be induced to think, that it might
have been intended as a book of stories for the purpose of preachers.
I have already given instances, that it was anciently fashionable for
preachers to enforce the several moral duties by applying fables, or
exemplary narratives : and, in the present case, the perpetual recurrence
of the address of CARISSIMI might be brought in favour of this hypo-
thesis. But I will here suggest an additional reason. Soon after the
age of Berchorius, a similar collection of stories, of the same cast, was
compiled, though not exactly in the same form, professedly designed
for sermon-writers, and by one who was himself an eminent preacher ;
for, rather before the year 1480, a Latin volume was printed in Ger-
many, written by John Herolt a Dominican friar of Basil, better known
by the adopted and humble appellation of DISCIPULUS, and who flou-
rished about the year 1418. It consists of three parts. The first is
intitled " Incipiunt Sermones pernotabiles DISCIPULI de Sanctis per
anni circulum." That is, A set of sermons on the saints of the whole
year. The second part, and with which I am now chiefly concerned,'
is aPROMPTUARY, or ample repository, of examples for composing ser_
Colon. 1645. p. 158. It must not be dis- these are not be found in any of the edi-
sembled, that in the MORALISATION of tions ; and there is no answering for the
the hundred and forty-fifth chapter, a licentious innovations of transcribers.
proverb is explained, vulgariter, in the Cant. T. vol. iv. 331.
German language. Fol. 69 a. col. 2. and [Mr. Tyrwhitt referred to a copy of the
in the hundred and forty-third chapter, a English Gesta, a distinct work from that
hunter has eight dogs who have German which has been the subjectof this Disserta-
names. Fol. 67 a. col. 1. seq. I suspect, tion. Of this production Mr. Douce has
nor is it improbable, that those German given an elaborate account in his Illus-
words were introduced Jby a German trations of Shakspeare, vol. ii. p. 335. —
editor or printer. Mr. Tyrwhitt sup- PRICE.]
poses that we may reasonably conjecture l Oudin, ubi supr. p. 1063.
one of our countrymen to have been the m This, by habit, and otherwise with
compiler, because three couplets of En- no impropriety, he seems to have retain-
glish verses and some English names ed in his later and larger works.
appear in many of the manuscripts. But " See Tynvhitt's Chaucer, iv. 115. seq.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. CCV
mons ; and in the Prologue to this part the author says, that saint
Dominic always abundabal exemplis in his discourses, and that he con-
stantly practised this popular mode of edification. This part contains
a variety of little histories. Among others, are the following. Chau-
cer's Friar's tale. Aristotle falling in love with a queen, who compels
him to permit her to ride upon his back0. The boy who was kept in
a dark cave till he was twelve years of age ; and who being carried
abroad, and presented with many striking objects, preferred a woman
to all he had seen?. A boy educated in a desert is brought into a
city, where he sees a woman, whom he is taught to call a fine bird,
under the name of a goose ; and on his return into the desert, desires
his spiritual father to kill him a goose for his dinner ^. These two last
stories Boccace has worked into one. The old woman and her little
dogr. This, as we have seen, is in the GESTA ROMANORUMS. The
son who will not shoot at his father's dead body *. I give these as spe-
cimens of the collection. The third part contains stories for sermon-
writers, consisting only of select miracles of the Virgin Mary. The
first of these is the tale of the chaste Roman empress, occurring in the
Harleian manuscripts of the GESTA, and versified by Occleve ; yet with
some variation v. This third part is closed with these words, which also
end the volume : " Explicit tabula Exemplorum in tractatulo de Ex-
emplis gloriose Virginis Marie contentorum." I quote from the first
edition, which is a clumsy folio in a rude Gothic letter, in two volumes ;
and without pagings, signatures, or initials. The place and year are
also wanting; but it was certainly printed before 1480U, and probably
at Nuremburg. The same author also wrote a set of sermons called
Sermones de temporew. In these I findx Alphonsus's story, which in
the GESTA ROMANORUM is the tale of the two knights of Egypt and
Baldachy; and, in Boccace's DECAMERON, the history of TITO and
GESIPPO : Parnell's HERMIT z : and the apologue of the king's brother
who had heard the trumpet of Death a : both which last are also in the
GESTAb. Such are the revolutions of taste, and so capricious the
modes of composition, that a Latin homily-book of a German monk in
0 Exempl. Ixvii. sub litera M. " De re- Argentin. 1499. fol. But there is an
gina quae equitavit Aristotelem." He cites earlier edition. At the close of the last
Jacobus de Vitriaco. [See supr. p. clii.] Sermon, he tells us why he chose to be
p Exempl. xxiv. sub Litera L. styled Discipulus ; — because, " non sub-
q Ibid. Exempl. xxiii. [See supr. p. tilia per modum Magistri, sed simplicia
clxxiv. per modum Discipuli, conscripsi et col-
* Exempl. xii. sub lit. V. legi." I have seen also early impres-
8 Ch. xxviii. sions of his Sermones Quadragesimales,
1 This is also in the Gesta, ch. xlv. — and of other pieces of the same sort. All
Exempl. viii. Lit. B. his works were published together in three
v See supr. p. cxcviii. volumes, Mogunt. 1612. 4to. The Ex-
u For the second edition is at Nurem- amples appeared separately, Daventr.
burg, 1482. fol. Others followed, before 1481. Colon. 1485. Argentorat. 1489.
1500. 1490. Hagen. 1512. 1519. fol.
w The only edition I have seen, with x Serm. cxxi. col. ii. Signat. C. 5.
the addition of the Sermones de Sanctis, y Ch. clxxi. z Serm. liii.
and the Promptuarium Exemplorum above- * Serm. cix. b Ch. Ixxx. cxliii.
mentioned, was printed by M, Flaccius,
CCV1 DISSERTATION III.
the fifteenth century, should exhibit outlines of the tales of Boccace,
Chaucer, and Parnell !
It may not be thought impertinent to close this discourse with a re-
mark on the MORALISATIONS subjoined to the stories of the GESTA
ROMANORUM. This was an age of vision and mystery : and every
work was believed to contain a double, or secondary meaning. Nothing
escaped this eccentric spirit of refinement and abstraction : and, to-
gether with the Bible, as we have seen, not only the general history of
ancient times was explained allegorically, but even the poetical fictions
of the classics were made to signify the great truths of religion, with
a degree of boldness, and a want of discrimination, which in another
age would have acquired the character of the most profane levity, if
not of absolute impiety, and can only be defended from the simplicity
of the state of knowledge which then prevailed.
Thus, God creating man of clay, animated with the vital principle
of respiration, was the story of Prometheus, who formed a man of
similar materials, to which he communicated life by fire stolen from
heaven. Christ twice born, of his father God and of his mother Mary,
was prefigured by Bacchus, who was first born of Semele, and after-
wards of Jupiter ; and as Minerva sprung from the brain of Jupiter,
so Christ proceeded from God without a mother. Christ born of the
Virgin Mary was expressed in the fable of Danae shut within a tower,
through the covering of which Jupiter descended in a shower of gold,
and begot Perseus. Acteon, killed by his own hounds, was a type of
the persecution and death of our Saviour. The poet Lycophron relates,
that Hercules in returning from the adventure of the Golden Fleece
was shipwrecked ; and that being devoured by a monstrous fish, he
was disgorged alive on the shore after three days. Here was an ob-
vious symbol of Christ's resurrection. John Waleys, an English Fran-
ciscan of the thirteenth century, in his moral exposition of Ovid's Me-
tamorphoses0, affords many other instances equally ridiculous ; and
who forgot that he was describing a more heterogeneous chaos than
that which makes so conspicuous a figure in his author's exordium, and
which combines, amid the monstrous and indigested aggregate of its
unnatural associations,
sine pondere habentia pondus d.
At length, compositions professedly allegorical, with which that age
abounded, were resolved into allegories for which they were never
intended. In the famous ROMAUNT OF THE ROSE, written about the
year 1310, the poet couches the difficulties of an ardent lover in attain-
ing the object of his passion, under the allegory of a Rose, which is
gathered in a delicious but almost inaccessible garden. The theologists
proved this rose to be the white rose of Jericho, the new Jerusalem, a
• I have before mentioned Berchorius'a * Metam. 1. i. 20.
Ovid Moralised.
ON THE GESTA ROMANORUM. CCV11
state of grace, divine wisdom, the holy Virgin, or eternal beatitude, at
none of which obstinate heretics can ever arrive. The chemists pre-
tended, that it was the philosopher's stone ; the civilians, that it was
the most consummate point of equitable decision ; and the physicians,
that it was an infallible panacea. In a word, other professions, in the
most elaborate commentaries, explained away the lover's rose into the
mysteries of their own respective science. In conformity to this
practice, Tasso allegorized his own poem ; and a flimsy structure of
morality was raised on the chimerical conceptions of Ariosto's OR-
LANDO. In the year 1577, a translation of a part of Amadis de Gaule
appeared in France ; with a learned preface, developing the valuable
stores of profound instruction, concealed under the naked letter of the
old romances, which were discernible only to the intelligent, and totally
unperceived by common readers ; who, instead of plucking the fruit,
were obliged to rest contented with le simple FLEUR de la Lecture lit-
terale. Even Spenser, at a later period, could not indulge his native
impulse to descriptions of chivalry, without framing such a story, as
conveyed, under the dark conceit of ideal champions, a set of historic
transactions, and an exemplification of the nature of the twelve moral
virtues. He presents his fantastic queen with a rich romantic mirrour,
which showed the wondrous achievements of her magnificent ancestry.
And thou, O fairest princess under sky,
In this fayre mirrour niaist behold thy face,
And thine own realmes in Lond of Faery,
And in this antique image thy great ancestry6.
It was not, however, solely from an unmeaning and a wanton spirit
of refinement, that the fashion of resolving every thing into allegory
so universally prevailed. The same apology may be offered for the
cabalistical interpreters, both of the classics and of the old romances.
The former, not willing that those books should be quite exploded
which contained the ancient mythology, laboured to reconcile the ap-
parent absurdities of the pagan system to the Christian mysteries, by
demonstrating a figurative resemblance. The latter, as true learning
began to dawn, with a view of supporting for a while the expiring
credit of giants and magicians, were compelled to palliate those mon-
strous incredibilities, by a bold attempt to unravel the mystic web
which had been wove by fairy hands, and by showing that truth was
hid under the gorgeous veil of Gothic invention.
e B. ii. Introd. St. vi.
THE HISTORY
OP
ENGLISH POETRY.
SECTION I.
State of Language. Prevalence of the French Language before and
after the Norman Conquest. Specimens of Norman Saxon Poems.
Legends in Verse. Earliest Love-songs. Alexandrine Verses, Sa-
tirical Pieces. First English Metrical Romance.
IHE Saxon language spoken in England, is distinguished by three
several epochs, and may therefore be divided into three dialects. The
first of these is that which the Saxons used, from their entrance into
this island till the irruption of the Danes, for the space of three hun-
dred and thirty years a. This has been called the British Saxon : and
no monument of it remains, except a small metrical fragment of the
genuine Caedmon, inserted in Alfred's version of the Venerable Bede's
Ecclesiastical History b. The second is the Danish Saxon, which pre-
a The Saxons came into England A.D.
450.
b Lib. iv. cap. 24. [See on the subject
of this Hymn of Caedmon, Conybeare's
"Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry,"
pp. 3 — 8, and Thorpe's Preface to his
edition of Caedmon, 8vo, 1832. — M.]
Some have improperly referred to this
dialect the HARMONY OF. THE FOUR GO-
SPELS, in the Cotton library; the style of
which approaches in purity and antiquity
to that of the CODEX ARGENTEUS. It is
Prankish. See Brit. Mus. MSS. Cotton.
CALIG. A 7. membran. 8vo. This book
is supposed to have belonged to king Ca-
nute. Eight richly illuminated historical
pictures are bound up with it, evidently
taken from another manuscript, but pro-
bably of the age of king Stephen.
[The recent discovery of another copy of
this " Harmony," at Bamberg, has gained
for it the attention of several German an-
tiquaries ; and of these, Mr. Reinwald, an
able and intelligent philologer, has very
VOL. I.
clearly shown, that its language is not
Francic, but a Low German dialect. Mr.
Reinwald conceives the author to have
been a native of the district afterwards
called Westphalia (Minister, Paderborn,
Berg), and that he lived in the early part
of the ninth century.
[The Bamberg Codex is now preserved
in the Royal Library at Munich, and a
transcript from it, collated with the Cotton
MS., has for several years occupied the
leisure of Mr. Scherer, with a view to pub-
lication. Independently of the value of this
production as a rich repository of philo-
logical lore, from the extreme antiquity
and purity of its language, it possesses a
strong and peculiar interest for the student
in English archaeology, from the light it
throws upon the laws and structure of An-
glo-Saxon metre. — The arbitrary classifi-
cation of the Anglo-Saxon language ante-
rior to the Conquest, given in the text, has
been adopted from Hickes, an examina-
tion of whose opinions on the subject will
STATE OF LANGUAGE.
[SECT. I.
vailed from the Danish to the Norman invasion0; and of which many
considerable specimens, both in verse d and prose, are still preserved ;
particularly two literal versions of the Four Gospels6, and the spurious
Csedmon's beautiful poetical paraphrase of the Book of Genesis f, and
the Prophet Daniel. The third may be properly styled the Norman
Saxon ; which began about the time of the Norman accession, and con-
tinued beyond the reign of Henry the Second *.
The last of these three dialects, with which these annals of English
Poetry commence, formed a language extremely barbarous, irregular,
and intractable ; and consequently promises no very striking specimens
in any species of composition. Its substance was the Danish Saxon,
be found in the Preface to this edition. —
PRICE.]
[The " Harmony " has since appeared
under the editorship of J. Andr. Schmeller,
keeper of the Royal Library at Munich,
and is entitled : "HELIAND, poema Sax-
onicum seculi noni, accurate expressum
ad exemplar Monacense, insertis e Cotto-
niano Londinensi supplementis, necnon
adjecta lectionum varietate." 4to. Monach.
1 830. This volume contains only the text,
but it is understood that a second part will
follow and contain the editor's notes and
philological illustrations. — M.]
c A.D. 1066.
d See Hickes. Thes. Ling. Vett. Sept.
P. i. cap. xxi. p. 177. and Prsefat. fol. xiv.
The curious reader is also referred to a
Danish Saxon poem, celebrating the wars
which Beowulf, a noble Dane descended
from the royal stem of Scyldinge, waged
against the kings of Swedeland. MSS.
Cotton, utsupr. VITELL. A 15. Cod. mem-
bran, ix. fol. 130. Compare, written in
the style of Caedmon, a fragment of an
ode in praise of the exploits of Brithnoth,
Offa's ealdorman, or general, in a battle
fought against the Danes. Ibid. OTH. A 12.
Cod. membran. 4to. iii. Brithnoth the
hero of this piece, a Northumbrian, died
in the year 991.
[The poem of Beowulf has since been
published by the chevalier Thorkelin,
under the title of "De Danorum rebus
gestis secul. iii. et iv. Poema Danicum dia-
lecto Anglo-Saxonica: edidit versione Lat.
et indicibus auxit Grim Johnson Thorkelin
Eques Ord. Danebrogici auratus &c. Hav-
nise, 1815." An analysis of its contents
will be found in the last volume of Mr.
Turner's "History of the Anglo-Saxons,"
with occasional extracts from the work it-
self; and an English translation of the spe-
cimens.— PRICE.]
[A more accurate edition of the text of
Beowulf, an analysis of which had been
given in Mr. Conybeare's Illustrations, ap-
peared in 1833, 12mo, under the care of
John M. Kemble, Esq., which has since
been followed by an English translation,
with a copious glossary, by the same able
scholar. A Danish paraphrase also of the
poem was previously published at Copen-
hagen under the title of "Bjowulfs Drape;
et Gothisk Helte-Digtfra forrige Aar-Tu-
sinde af Angel-Saxisk paa Danske riim ved
N. F. S. Grundtvig." 8vo, 1820.— M.]
[The fragment of Brithnoth has been
published by Hearne, but without a trans-
lation.— PRICE.]
[A translation of the poem on the death
of Byrhtnoth has been subsequently sup-
plied by the Rev. W. Conybeare, in the
"Illustrations of Anglo-Saxon Poetry,"
p. xc, and the text has also been critically
reprinted, under the title of The Battle of
Maldon, with careful attention to metrical
arrangement, in Thorpe's "Analecta An-
glo-Saxonica," 8vo, 1834. p. 121. — M.]
e MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. Cod. mem-
bran. in pyxid. 4to grand, quadrat., and
MSS. Cotton. NERO. D 4. Both these ma-
nuscripts were written and ornamented in
the Saxon times, and are of the highest
curiosity and antiquity.
f Printed by Junius, Amst. 1655. The
greatest part of the Bodleian manuscript
of this book is believed to have been writ-
ten about A.D. 1000. — Cod. Jun. xi. mem-
bran. fol.
[A new edition of Caedmon has wjthin
these few years been given, accompanied
by a translation and verbal index, edited
by Benj. Thorpe, Esq. the translator of
Raske's Anglo-Saxon Grammar. In his
Preface, Mr. Thorpe combats the notion of
Hickes and others, that this poem is the
composition of a pseudo-Caedmon ; and
contends truly, that there is not a ves-
tige of the pretended Dano- Saxon dialect
throughout, but that it represents the ge-
nuine work of the Monk of Whitby, due
allowance being made for the corruptions
of the original, occasioned by ignorant
transcribers.— M.]
e He died 1189.
SECT. I.] PREVALENCE OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE. 3
adulterated with French. The Saxon indeed, a language subsisting on
uniform principles, and polished by poets and theologists, however cor-
rupted by the Danes, had much perspicuity, strength, and harmony :
but the French imported by the Conqueror and his people was a con-
fused jargon of Teutonic, Gaulish, and vitiated Latin. In this fluctua-
ting state of our national speech, the French predominated*. Even
before the Conquest the Saxon language began to fall into contempt,
and the French, or Frankish, to be substituted in its stead : a circum-
stance which at once facilitated and foretold the Norman accession. In
the year 652, it was the common practice of the Anglo-Saxons to send
their youth to the monasteries of France for education11: and not only
the language but the manners of the French were esteemed the most
polite accomplishments1. In the reign of Edward the Confessor, the
resort of Normans to the English court was so frequent, that the affec-
tation of imitating the Frankish customs became almost universal ; and
the nobility were ambitious of catching the Frankish idiom. It was no
difficult task for the Norman lords to banish that language, of which
the natives began to be absurdly ashamed. The new invaders com-
manded the laws to be administered in French14. Many charters of
monasteries were forged in Latin by the Saxon monks, for the present
security of their possessions, in consequence of that aversion which the
Normans professed to the Saxon tongue1. Even children at school
were forbidden to read in their native language, and instructed in a
knowledge of the Norman only1". In the mean time we should have
some regard to the general and political state of the nation. The
natives were so universally reduced to the lowest condition of neglect
and indigence, that the English name became a term of reproach :
arid several generations elapsed before one family of Saxon pedigree
* [This has been controverted by Mr. ment in the text is controverted by Mr.
Luders in his Tracts, Bath, 1810, where Luders. — R. T.]
the subject is ably discussed. The descrip- * The Normans, who practised every
tion of the French language given above specious expedient to plunder the monks,
in the text conveys but an imperfect idea demanded a sight of the written evidences
of its composition ; the Teutonic and Gaul- of their lands. The monks well knew that
ish bearing a very small proportion to the it would have been useless or impolitic to
body of the language, which is decidedly have produced these evidences, or charters,
of Romance or Latin origin. The Francic, in the original Saxon ; as the Normans not
or Frankish as Warton calls it, and which only did not understand, but would have
he ought not to have confounded with the received with contempt, instruments writ-
French, existed in France as a perfectly ten in that language. Therefore the monks
distinct language among the descendants were compelled to the pious fraud of forg-
of the Franks from their first settlement ing them in Latin: and great numbers
in Gaul till the eleventh century, and was of these forged Latin charters, till lately
wholly Teutonic : see Gley, " Langue et Li- supposed original, are still extant. See
terature des anciens Francs," Paris, 1814, Spelman, in Not. ad Concil. Anglic, p. 1 25.
and the Preface to this edition. — PRICE.] Stillingfl. Orig. Eccles. Britann. p. 14.
h Dugd. Mon. i. 89. Marsham, Praefat. ad Dugd. Monast. and
! Ingulph. Hist. p. 62. sub ann. 1043. Wharton, Angl. Sacr. vol. ii. Praefat. pp.ii.
k But there is a precept in Saxon from iii. iv. See also Ingulph. p. 512. Launoy
William the First, to the sheriff of So- and Mabillon have treated this subject with
mersetshire. Hickes. Thes. i. Par. i. p. 106. great learning and penetration.
See also Prsefat. ibid. p. xv. [The state- m Ingulph. p. 71. sub ann. 1066.
B2
4 PREVALENCE OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE [SECT. I.
was raised to any distinguished honours, or could so much as attain the
rank of baronage n. Among other instances of that absolute and volun-
tary submission with which our Saxon ancestors received a foreign yoke,
it appears that they suffered their hand-writing to fall into discredit and
disuse0; which by degrees became so difficult and obsolete, that few be-
side the oldest men could understand the characters1*. In the year 1095,
Wolstan bishop of Worcester was deposed by the arbitrary Normans :
it was objected against him, that he was "a superannuated English idiot,
who could not speak French q." It is true, that in some of the monaste-
ries, particularly at Croyland and Tavistocke, founded by Saxon princes,
there were regular preceptors in the Saxon language : but this institu-
tion was suffered to remain after the Conquest as a matter only of in-
terest and necessity. The religious could not otherwise have under-
stood their original charters. William's successor, Henry the First, gave
an instrument of confirmation to William archbishop of Canterbury,
which was written in the Saxon language and letters1". Yet this is almost
a single example *. That monarch's motive was perhaps political : and
he seems to have practised this expedient with a view of obliging his
queen, who was of Saxon lineage ; or with a design of flattering his
English subjects, and of securing his title already strengthened by a
Saxon match, in consequence of so specious and popular an artifice. It
was a common and indeed a very natural practice, for the transcribers
of Saxon books to change the Saxon orthography for the Norman, and
to substitute in the place of the original Saxon, Norman words and
phrases. A remarkable instance of this liberty, which sometimes per-
plexes and misleads the critics in Anglo-Saxon literature, appears in a
voluminous collection of Saxon homilies, preserved in the Bodleian li-
brary, and written about the time of Henry the Second3. It was with
the Saxon characters, as with the signature of the cross in public deeds ;
which were changed into the Norman mode of seals and subscriptions'.
The Saxon was probably f spoken in the country, yet not without various
n SeeBrompt.Chron.p. 1026. Abb.Rie- reign of Edward the Third: but of a few
val. p. 3, SO. types only.
0 Ingulph. p. 85. [When Warton speaks of the Saxon cha-
p Ibid. p. 98. sub ann. 1091. racier he means the letters ]> and 3, which
q Matth. Paris, sub ann. continued in common use till the end of
r H. Wharton, Auctar. Histor. Dogmat. the fifteenth century, a fact he ought not
p. 388. The learned Mabillonis mistaken to have been ignorant of. — M.]
in asserting that the Saxon way of wri- [Herbert observes that the Saxon )> [th]
ting was entirely abolished in England at is used to this day in the letter y : as, yl
the time of the Norman conquest. See that, ye the. Manuscript note in Mr. Dal-
Mabillon, De Re Diplomat, p. 52. The laway's copy. — PARK.]
French antiquaries are fond of this notion. * [Not so; there are many other in-
There are Saxon characters in Herbert stances from the time of the Conqueror to
Losinga's charter for founding the church the reign of Henry the Third. — M.]
of Norwich, temp. Will. Ruf. A.D. 1110. s MSS. Bodl. NE. F 4. 12. Cod. mem-
See Lambarde's Diction, v. NORWICH. bran. fol.
See also Hickes. Thesaur. i. Par.i. p. 149. l Yet some Norman charters have the
See also Praefat. p. xvi. An intermixture cross.
of the Saxon character is common in En- f[What other language c<m/d have been
glish and Latin manuscripts before the spoken by the mass of the people ? The
SECT. I.] BEFORE AND AFTER THE NORMAN CONQUEST. 5
adulterations from the French : the courtly language was French, yet
perhaps with some vestiges of the vernacular Saxon. But the nobles
in the reign of Henry the Second constantly sent their children into
France, lest they should contract habits of barbarism in their speech,
which could not have been avoided in an English education". Robert
Holcot, a learned Dominican friar, confesses, that in the beginning of
the reign of Edward the Third there was no institution of children in
the old English : he complains that they first learned the French, and
from the French the Latin language. This he observes to have been a
practice introduced by the Conqueror, and to have remained ever since*.
There is a curious passage relating to this subject in Tre visa's transla-
tion of Hygden's Polychronicon*. "Children in scole, agenst the usage
and manir of all other nations, beeth compelled for to leve hire owne
langage, and for to construe hir lessons and hire thynges in Frenche ;
and so they haveth sethe Normans came first into Engelond. Also
gentilmen children beeth taught to speke Frensche from the tyme that
they bith rokked in here cradell, and kunneth speke and play with a
childes broche : and uplondisschey men will likne himself to gentylmen,
and fondeth2 with greet besynesse for to speke Frensche to be told of.
This maner was moche used to for [the] first detha, and is sith some
dele changed. For John Cornewaile a maister of grammer changed the
lore in grammer scole, and construction of Frensche into Englische :
and Richard Pencriche lernede the manere techynge of him as other
men of Pencriche. So that now, the yere of oure Lorde a thousand
thre hundred and four score andjive, and of the seconde Kyng Richard
after the conquest nyne, and [in] alle the grammere scoles of Enge-
lond children lereth Frensche and construeth, and lerneth an Englische,
&c." About the same time, or rather before, the students of our uni-
versities were ordered to converse in French or Latin b. The latter was
French tongue never became so prevalent a time. [The Harleian MS. 1900. (as
as to banish the English, except in the cited by Mr. Tyrwhitt,) reads, "to fore the
immediate vicinity perhaps of the court; first moreyn," before the first plague; and
and we have a series of compositions in upon this authority the article added in
English from the time of the Saxons down- the text has been inserted. The passage
wards, as appears even from Warton's own as it thus stands is free from obscurity. —
statements. The assertions of Ingulph PRICE.]
quoted in the text must be received with b In the statutes of Oriel College in
considerable caution. — M.] Oxford it is ordered, that the scholars, or
u Gervas. Tilbur. de Otiis Imperial. fellows, " siqua inter se proferant, colloquio
MSS. Bibl. Bodl. lib. iii. See Du Chesne, Latino, vel saltern Gailico, perfruantur."
iii. p. 363. See Hearne's Trokelowe, pag. 298. These
w Lect. in Libr. Sapient. Lect. ii. Paris, statutes were given 23 Maii, A.D. 1328.
1518. 4to. I find much the same injunction in the
x Lib. i. cap. 59. MSS. Coll. S. Johan. statutes of Exeter College, Oxford, given
Cantabr. But I think it is printed by Cax- about 1330; where they are ordered to
ton and Wynkyn de Worde. [Printed by use "Romano aut Gailico saltern sermone."
Caxton in 1482, and by W. de Worde in Hearne's MSS. Collect, num. 132. pag. 73.
1485. See Dibdin's edition of Ames, vol. i. Bibl. Bodl. But in Merton College sta-
p. 138. vol.ii. p. 49.— M.] Robert of Glou- tutes, mention is made of the Latin only,
cester, who wrote about 1280 [1300 — M.], In cap. x. They were given 1271. This
says much the same, edit. Hearne, p. 364. was also common in the greater monaste-
y country. z delights, tries. ries. In the register of Wykeham bishop
6 PREVALENCE OF THE FRENCH LANGUAGE [SECT. I.
much affected by the Normans. All the Norman accompts were in
Latin. The plan of the great royal revenue-rolls, now called the pipe-
rolls, was of their construction, and in that language. [Among the
Records of the Tower, a great revenue-roll, on many sheets of vellum,
or MAGNUS ROTULUS, of the Duchy of Normandy, for the year 1083,
is still preserved ; indorsed, in a cooeval hand, ANNO AB INCARNATIONS
DNI M° LXXX° 111° APUD CADOMUM [Caen] WILLIELMO FILIO RA-
DULFI SENESCALLO NORMANNIE. This most exactly and minutely re-
sembles the pipe-rolls of our exchequer belonging to the same age, in
form, method, and character*.] — But from the declension of the barons,
and prevalence of the commons, most of whom were of English ancestry,
the native language of England gradually gained ground : till at length
the interest of the commons so far succeeded with Edward the Third,
that an act of parliament was passed, appointing all pleas and proceed-
ings of law to be carried on in English0: although the same statute de-
crees, in the true Norman spirit, that all such pleas and proceedings
should be enrolled in Latin d. Yet this change did not restore either
the Saxon alphabet or language. It abolished a token of subjection and
disgrace ; and in some degree contributed to prevent further French in-
novations in the language then used, which yet remained in a com-
pound state, and retained a considerable mixture of foreign phraseology.
In the mean time, it must be remembered that this corruption of the
Saxon was not only owing to the admission of new words, occasioned
by the new alliance, but to changes of its own forms and terminations,
arising from reasons which we cannot investigate or explain6.
Among the manuscripts of Digby in the Bodleian library at Oxford,
we find a religious or moral Ode, consisting of one hundred and ninety-
one stanzas, which the learned Hickes places just after the Conquest f: but
as it contains few Norrnan terms, I am inclined to think it of rather higher
of Winchester, the domicellus of the prior in that language. See Fortescut. de Laud,
of S. Swythin's at Winchester is ordered Leg. Angl. c. xlviii.
to address the bishop, on a certain occasion, d Pulton's Statut. 36 Edw. III. This was
in French. A.D. 1398. Registr. Par. iii. A.D. 1363. The first English instrument
fol. 177. in Rymer is dated 1368. Feed. vii. p. 526.
* [AylofFe's Calendar of Ant. Chart. e This subject will be further illustrated
Pref. p. xxiv. edit. Lond. 1774. 4to. in the next Section.
ADDITIONS.] t Ling. Vett.Thes. Parti, p. 222. There
[This roll has been printed and private- is another copy, not mentioned by Hickes,
ly circulated among his friends by Hen. in Jesus College library at Oxford, MSS.
Petrie, Esq. Keeper of the Records in the 85. infr. citat. This is entitled Tractatus
Tower, 4to. 1830. Since that period two qutdam inAnglico. The Digby manuscript
more early Norman Exchequer rolls have has no title.
been discovered, and are preparing for [It may be proper to observe here, that
publication under the care of Mr. Stapleton, the dates assigned to the several composi-
F.S.A. — M.] tions quoted in this Section are extremely
c But the French formularies and terms arbitrary and uncertain. Judging from
of law, and particularly the French feudal internal evidence — a far more satisfactory
phraseology, had taken too deep root to be criterion than Warton's computed age of
thus hastily abolished. Hence, long after his MSS. — there is not one which may not
the reign of Edward the Third, many of safely be referred to the thirteenth cen-
ourlawyerscomposedtheirtractsinFrerich. tury, and by far the greater number to the
And reports and some statutes were made close of that period. — PRICE.]
SECT. I.] BEFORE AND AFTER THE NORMAN CONQUEST.
antiquity*. In deference, however, to so great an authority, I am obliged
to mention it here ; and especially as it exhibits a regular lyric strophe
of four lines, the second and fourth of which rhyme together : although
these four lines may be perhaps resolved into two Alexandrines ; a
measure concerning which more will be said hereafter, and of which it
will be sufficient to remark at present, that it appears to have been used
very early. For I cannot recollect any strophes of this sort in the elder
Runic or Saxon poetry ; nor in any of the old Prankish poems, par-
ticularly of Otfrid, a monk of Weissenburg, who turned the evangelical
history into Prankish verse about the ninth century, and has left several
hymns in that language &; of Strieker, who celebrated the achievements
of Charlemagne11; and of the anonymous author of the metrical life of
Anno archbishop of Cologn. The following stanza is a specimen1:
k Sende sum god biuoren him
Men ty wile to heuene,
For betere is on elmesse biuore
Thanne ben efter seuene1.
* [A proof how little Warton knew cri-
tically of our early literature ! The poem in
question in all probability belongs to the
reign of Henry the Third, with which the
MSS. containing it are coaeval. Besides
the Digby MS. and the Jesus College MS.
(formerly marked 85. but now 29.) the
poem is also found in a MS. in Trin. Coll.
Cambridge, B. 14. 52. ; in the Lambeth MS.
487. f. 39 b. ; and twice in a MS. recently
purchased for the British Museum. — M.]
g See Petr. Lambec. Commentar. de
Bibl. Caesar. Vindebon. p. 418. 457.
[Warton here uses the term Prankish to
designate the language of the Franks ; a
Teutonic dialect, totally distinct from the
French, with which he has confounded it
in page 3. — R. T.]
h See Petr. Lambec. ubi supr. lib. ii.
cap. 5. There is a circumstance belong-
ing to the antient Prankish versification,
which, as it greatly illustrates the subject
of alliteration, deserves notice here. Ot-
frid's dedication of his evangelical history
to Lewis the First, king of the oriental
France, consists of four-lined stanzas in
rhyming couplets : but the first and last
line of every stanza begin and end with
the same letter, and the letters ot the title
and the dedication respectively, and the
word of the last line of every tetrastich.
M. Flacius lllyricus published this work of
Otfrid at Basil, 1571. But I think it has
been since more correctly printed by Jo-
hannes Schilterus. It was written about
the year 880. Otfrid was the disciple of
Rhabanus Maurus.
[Schilter's book was published under
this title: "SCHILTERI Thesaurus anti-
quitatum Teutonicarum, exhibens monu-
menta veterum Francorum, Alamannorum
vernacula et Latina, cum additamentis et
notis Joan. Georg. Schertzii. Ulmse 1727-8.
3 vol. in fol." The Thesaurus of Schilter
is a real mine of Francic literature. The
text is founded on a careful collation of all
the MSS. to which he could obtain access;
and these, with one exception perhaps —
the life of Saint Anno, — are highly valu-
able for their antiquity and correctness.
In the subsequent editions of this happiest
effort of the Francic Muse, by Hegewisch,
Goldman, and Besseldt, Schilter's over-
sight has been abundantly remedied.
Strieker's poem, or rather " the Strieker's"
(a name which some have interpreted the
writer), is written in the Swabian dialect;
and was composed towards the close of the
thirteenth century. It is a feeble ampli-
fication of an earlier romance, which
Warton probably intended to cite, when
he used the Strieker's name. Both poems
will be found in Schilter; but the latter,
though usually styled a Francic production,
exhibits a language rapidly merging into
the Swabian, if it be not in fact an early
specimen of that dialect in a rude uncul-
tivated state. — PRICE.]
5 St. xiv.
k Senbe job bipojien him man,
pe hpile he mai to heuene ;
Foji betejie ij- on elmej-re bipojien
Danne ben apteji j-euene.
This is perhaps the true reading, from the
Trinity manuscript at Cambridge, written
about the reign of Henry II. or Richard I.
Cod. membran. 8vo. Tractat. I. See Abr.
Wheloc. Eccl. Hist. Bed. p. 25. 114.
[The MS. of Trinity College is, I think,
of the middle of the thirteenth century.
I believe its class mark is B. 14. 52.— W.]
1 MSS. Digb. A 4. membran.
8 SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. [SECT. !•
That is, "Let a man send his good works before him to heaven while he
can : for one almsgiving before death is of more value than seven after-
wards." The verses perhaps might have been thus written, as two Alex-
andrines :
Sende god biforen him man, the while he mai, to heuene,
For betere is on elmesse biforen, thanne ben after seuenem.
Yet alternate rhyming, applied without regularity, and as rhymes acci-
dentally presented themselves, was not uncommon in our early poetry,
as will appear from other examples.
Hickes has printed a satire on the monastic profession ; which clearly ex-
emplifies the Saxon adulterated by the Norman, and was evidently written
soon after the Conquest, at least before the reign of Henry the Second*.
The poet begins with describing the land of indolence or luxury.
Fur in see, bi west Spayngne,
Is a lond ihote Cokaygne :
Ther nis lond under heuen-riche a
Of wel of godnis hit iliche.
Tho$ paradis be mirib & brijt
Cokaygn is of fairir si}t.
What is ther in paradis
Bot grasse, and flure, and grene ris?
Tho} ther be ioi, and gret dutec,
Ther nis met, bote frute.
Ther nis halle, bured, no benche ;
Bot watir man is thurse to quenche, &c.
In the following lines there is a vein of satirical imagination and some
talent at description. The luxury of the monks is represented under the
idea of a monastery constructed of various kinds of delicious and costly
viands.
Ther is a wel fair abbei,
Of white monkes and of grei,
Ther beth bowris and halles :
Al of pasteiis beth the walles,
Of fleis, of fisse, and rich met,
The likfullist that man mai et.
Fluren cakes beth the schinglesf alle,
Of cherche, cloister, boure, and halle.
m As I recollect, the whole poem is thus history satisfactorily. It was written early
exhibited in the Trinity MS. [So also in in the fourteenth century, and this poem
all the copies, except the Digby MS. — M.] is a composition of at the most five or six
* [A very few years previous to 1300 years earlier. — W.]
will be the earliest date it can be assigned a heaven. Sax.
to, as is evident, not only from the Ian- b merry, cheerful. "Although Paradise
guage, but from the period of the compo- is chearful and bright, Cokayne is a much
sition of the French fabliau in Barbazan, more beautiful place."
which no doubt is the original. — M.] c pleasure.
[The identical MS. from which Hickes d buttery, [a chamber.] e [thirst.]
transcribed this poem, is in the Harleian f Shingles. " The tiles, or covering of
Collection, No. 913. I have traced its the house, are of rich cakes."
SECT. I.] SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. 9
The pinnes? beth fat podinges
Rich met to princez and kinges. —
Ther is a cloister fair and li^t,
Brod and lang of sembli si^t.
The pilers of that cloister alle
Beth iturned of cristale,
With harlas and capitate
Of grenejaspe and rede corale.
In the praer is a tre
Swithe likful for to se,
The rote is gingeuir and galingale,
The siouns beth al sedwale.
Trie maces beth the flure,
The rind canel of swet odur :
The frute gilofre of gode smakke,
Of cucubes ther nis no lakke. —
There beth iiii willish in the abbei
Of triacle and halwei,
Of baum and ek piement1,
Euer ernendk to ri}t rent1;
Of thai stremis al the iriolde,
Stonis preciusem and golde,
Ther is saphir, and vniune,
Carbuncle and astiune,
Smaragde, lugre, and prassiune,
Beril, onix, topasiune,
Ametiste and crisolite,
Calcedun and epetite".
Ther beth briddes mani and fale
Throstil, thmisse, and ni^tingale,
Chalandre, and wodwale,
And othir briddes without tale,
That stinteth neuer bi har mi^t
Miri to sing dai and ni}t.*
3ite I do $ow mo to witte,
The gees irostid on the spitte
Flee} to that abbai, God hit wot,
& gredith0, gees al hote al hot. &c.
8 the pinnacles. when they can get into a catalogue of
h fountains. things or names. See Observat. on the
1 This word will be explained at large Fairy Queen, i. p. 140.
hereafter. * [Warton after this line wrote " non-
k running. Sax. nulla desunt," on the authority of a note,
1 course. Sax. in a modern hand, inserted in the MS. But
n The Arabian philosophy imported there is no reason whatever to suspect any
into Europe was full of the doctrine of hiatus. — M.]
precious stones. ° crieth. Gallo-Franc. [Anglo-Sax.]
n Our old poets are never so happy as
10
SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. [SECT. I.
Our author then makes a pertinent transition to a convent of nuns*;
which he supposes to be very commodiously situated at no great distance,
and in the same fortunate region of indolence, ease, and affluence.
An other abbei is ther bi,
For soth a gret fair imnnerie ;
Vp a riuer of swet milke,
Whar is gret plente of silk.
* Hickes. Thes. i. Par. i. p. 231 seq.
[Hickes says that the MS. containing this
poem was lent to him by Tanner. (Hickes's
work was published in 1705.) Now it is
very certain, from an original memorandum
book of Tanner, MS. Add. 6262. f. 30 b.
Brit. Mus., that in 1698 this MS. belonged
to Bishop More, and in the Catalog. MSS.
Angl. printed in 1697, it is entered among
that prelate's MSS. No. 784. But from the
same memoranda of Tanner it is equally
certain, that this identical volume is now in
the Harleian collection, No. 913. How it
came there I leave others to guess. — M.]
[A French fabliau, bearing a near resem-
blance to this poem, and possibly the pro-
duction upon which the English minstrel
founded his song, has been published in the
new edit, of Barbazan's Fabliaux et Contes,
Paris 1808, vol. iv. p. 175. — PRICE.]
[The French poem bears by no means
a close resemblance to the English one.
But there is preserved a fragment of an
old Dutch poem on the same subject which,
as far as it goes, bears a strikingly close
resemblance to the latter, even to the
circumstance of the giving " Spain " and
"Cocaign" as rimes:
" sah ie man beter lant,
dan dat lant van Cockaenghen ?
die helft is beter dan a.\Spaenghen," &c.
The following lines will be enough to
show the similarity of description in the
two pieces :
" die balken die daer in den huse legghen,
sijn ghemaect van botterwegghen ;
haspelen, spinrocken ende alsulke din-
ghen
sijn ghebacken van crakelinghen ;
daer sijn die banken ende stoelen
ghebacken al van roffioelen ;
daer sijn die solre, planken ooc
ghebacken van claren peperrooc.
die latten sijn palinghen ghebraden."
A part of this fragment was printed by
Hoffman in the first part of his flora: Bel-
gicte, p. 95 ; he has since printed the whole,
with some other poems on the same sub-
ject, in the Altdeutsche Blatter, a perio-
dical now printing at Leipsic. — W.]
[The secular indulgences, particularly
the luxury, of a female convent, are in-
tended «to be represented in the following
passage of an antient poem, called A Dis-
putation bytwene a Crystene Mon and a
Jew, written before the year 1300. [in
the fourteenth century. — M.] MS.Vernon,
fol. 302.
Til a nonnerie thei came,
But I knowe not the name ;
Ther was mony a derworthe1 dame,
In dyapre dere2:
Squi3eres3 in vch a syde,
In the wones4 so wyde:
Heer schul we lenge5 and abyde,
Auntres6 to heere.
Thenne swithe7 speketh he,
Til a ladi so fre,
And biddeth that he welcome be,
"Sire Water my feere8."
Ther was bordes9 iclothed clene
With schire 10 clothes and schene,
Seththe11 a wasschen12, I wene,
And wente to the sete :
Riche metes was forth brouht,
To alle men that good thouht :
The cristen mon wold nouht
Drynke nor ete.
Ther was wyn ful clere
In mony a feir maseere13,
And other drynkes that weore dere,
In coupes 14 ful gret :
Siththe was schewed him bi
Murththe and munstralsy 15,
And preyed him do gladly,
With ryal rehet16.
Bi the bordes vp thei stode, &c.
ADDIT.]
1 dear-worthy. 2 diaper fine. 3 squires, attendants. 4 rooms, apartments.
5 shall we long [tarry. — M.]. 6 adventures. 7 swiftly, immediately.
8 my companion. He is called afterwards " Sire [Sir] Walter of Berwick." 9 tables.
10 sheer, clean. n Or sitfie, i. e. often, [afterwards : but perhaps we should
read seththe thei, "afterwards they." — PRICE.] 12 washed. 13 mazer,
great cup. 14 cups. 15 afterwards there was sport and minstrelsy.
16 i. e. recept, reception. But see Chaucer's ROM. R. v. 6509: "Him, woulde I com-
fort und rechctc" [cheer, from the Fr, rehaiticr. — M.]. And Tu. CHESS, iii, 350.
SECT. I.] SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. 11
When the someris dai is hole,
The 3\mg nunnes takith a bote,
And doth ham forth in that riuer,
Bothe with oris and with stere.
Whan hi beth fur fram the abbei,
Hi makith ham nakid for to plei,
And lepith dune in to the brimme,
And doth ham sleilich for to swimme.
The }ung monke]? (sic) that hi seeth,
Hi doth ham vp and forth hi fleeth,
And commith to the nunnes anon,
And euch monke him taketh on,
And snellichep berrith forth har prei
To the mochil grei abbei q,
And techith the nunnes an oreisuri,
With iambleue1" vp and dun.
This poem was designed to be sung at public festivals*: a practice,
of which many instances occur in this work ; and concerning which it
may be sufficient to remark at present, that a Joe UL A TOR, or Bard, was
an officer belonging to the court of William the Conqueror".
Another Norman Saxon poem, cited by the same industrious anti-
quary, is entitled THE LIFE OF SAINT MARGARET. The structure of its
versification considerably differs from that in the last-mentioned piece,
and is like the French Alexandrines. But I am of opinion that a pause, or
division, was intended in the middle of every verse : and in this respect
its versification resembles also that of ALBION'S ENGLAND, or Dray-
ton's POLYOLBION, which was a species very common about the reign
of queen Elisabeth*. The rhymes are also continued to every fourth
line. It appears to have been written about the time of the Crusades*.
p quick, quickly. Gallo- Franc. [Anglo- of some length, said by that author to have
Saxon.] been composed in the twelfth or thirteenth
q "to the great abbey of Grey Monks." century. This poem is professedly in
r lascivious motions, gambols. Fr. gam- rhyme, and the measure like that of the
biller. heroic Alexandrine of the French poetry.
1 as appears from this line : See Mallet's Introd. Dannem. &c. ch. xiii.
Lordinges gode and hende, &c. * [Here Warton is in error, since the
It is in MSS. More, Cantabrig. 784. f. 1. earliest period we can allow to this legend
[This reference is erroneous, and has is the reign of Henry the Third. In the
arisen from the supposition that all bishop Bodleian MS. No. 34. f. 37. and MS. Reg.
More's books, as catalogued in the old folio 17. A. xxvii. f. 37. is a Life in prose of St.
CatalogueMSS. Ang. etHibern. had passed Margaret, probably composed as early as
to the public library of the University of the reign of John, or at all events, in the
Cambridge. This for one never reached early part of the thirteenth century, which
Cambridge ; it was the same MS. which is begins thus (I quote from the Royal MS.):
now in the Harleian Library. — W.] "Efter ure lauerdes pine . ant his passiun .
u His lands are cited in Doomsday Book. & his deft on rode . ant his ariste of deatJ .
" GLOUCESTERSCIK.E. Berdic, Joculator ant efter his up a-stihunge as he steh to
Regis, habetiii. villas etibi v. car. nil redd." heouene, peren monie martirs peopmen ba
See Anstis, Ord. Gart. ii. 304. ant pummen to deafres misliche idon for )?e
w It is worthy of remark, that we find nome of drihtin." etc. This Life was writ-
in the collection of ancient Northern mo- ten apparently by the same author as the
numents, published by M. Bibrner, a poem Life of St. Juliane, which follows in either
12 SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. [SECT. I.
It begins thus :
Olde ant* yonge I preity ou, oure folies for to lete,
Thenchet on god that yef ou wit, oure sunnes to bete.
Here I mai tellen ou, wid wordes feire ant swete,
The viez of one meidan was hotena Maregrete.
Hire fader was a patriac, as ic ou tellen may,
In Auntioge wif echesb i the false lay,
Deue godesc ant doumbe, he serued nitt ant day,
So deden raony othere that singet weilaway.
Theodosius was is nome, on Crist ne leuede he noutt,
He leuede on the false godes, that weren wid honden wroutt.
Tho that child sculde cristine ben it com well in thoutt,
E bedd wen it were ibore, to dethe it were ibroutt, &c.
In the sequel, Olibrius, lord of Antioch, ^ho is called a Saracen, falls
in love with Margaret : but she, being a Christian and a candidate for
canonization, rejects his solicitations and is thrown into prison.
Meidan Maregret one nitt in prisun lai
Ho com biforn Olibrius on that other dai.
Meidan Maregrete, lef up on my lay,
Ant Ihesu that tou leuest on, thou do him al awey.
Lef on me ant be my wife, ful wel the mai spede.
Auntioge ant Asie scaltou han to mede :
Ciclatoune ant purpel pal scaltou haue to wede :
Wid alle the metes of my lond ful wel I seal the fede/
copy ; and both exhibit the language in a the Third or king John : the composition
very different state from the metrical le- much earlier. It was translated from the
gend quoted in Warton's text. — M.] Latin. These are the five last lines :
* Idirect'Fr. "I advise you, your, &c." Hwe° drihtin ° domes dei windwe> his
[The writer of this Life in the Bodleian And JjJ* ^ chef to ^^ h
bL a corn i godes guldene
preye you'': words bearing no doubt the Th ' { f L ^ En lische ledene
as at pre" Ant he her ieast °nwrat swa as he
-
'life. Fr. ' a called. Saxon. cu>e' AMEN*
chose a wife. Sax. " He was married That is, "When the judge at doomsday
Antioch." winnows his wheat, and drives the dusty
"deaf gods, &c." chaff into the heat of hell ; may there be
in bed. [he prayed. — M.] a corner in God's golden Eden for him
Checklaton. See Obs. Fair. Q.i. 194. [Rather: "may he be a corn in God's
Hickes. i. 225. [The original MS. golden Eden." — PRICE.] who turned this
(Trin. Coll. B. 14. 39.) is of the thirteenth book into [from] Latin," &c.
century, and I think of the earlier half of [In an inedited Life of St. Hugh, bishop of
that century. Hickes has printed the le- Lincoln, [1186-1200.] written by his pri-
gend of St. Margaret very incorrectly, and vate chaplain, and preserved in theBodleian
he has invariably substituted tt for st. MS. Digby 165. it is said of him, f. 114.:
— W.] The legend of Seinte Julians in " Ceterum, ille summits paterfamilias, qui
the Bodleian library is rather older, but manum solverat ut eum succideret, falcem
of much the same versification. MSS. non retraxit a culmi successione, quern ad
Bibl. Bodl. NE. A. 3. xi. membran. 8vo. messem album jam viderat, donee granum
fol. 36 b. [nowBodl. 34. — M.] This manu- celestis apothece sinibus reconde.ndum, ab
script I believe to be of the age of Henry ejus paleis fundittis excusstwi, ad horreum
SECT. I.] SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS.
13
This piece was printed by Hickes from a manuscript in Trinity Col-
lege library at Cambridge. It seems to belong to the manuscript metri-
cal LIVES OF THE SAINTS ?, which form a very considerable Volume,
and were probably translated or paraphrased from Latin or French
prose into English rhyme before the year 1200h. We are sure that
they were written after the year 1169, as they contain the LIFE of
Saint Thomas Becket'. In the Bodleian library are three manuscript
copies of these LIVES OF THE SAINTS k, in which the LIFE of Saint
ab area transfer tur," which is manifestly
the original of the lines here quoted, and
confirms Price's correction of Warton's
translation. It must further be observed,
that Warton with his usual carelessness
has confounded the legend of Sainte Ju-
liane with the few rhythmical lines added
by the compiler at the end. The legend
itself is in prose, and these lines' do not
appear in the MS. Reg. 17. A. xxvii. — M.]
g The same that are mentioned by
Hearne, from a manuscript of Ralph Shel-
don. See Hearne's Petr. Langt. p. 542.
607. 608. 609.611.628.670. Saint Wini-
fred's Life is printed from the same collec-
tion by bishop Fleetwood, in his Life and
Miracles of S. Winifred, p. 125. ed. 1713.
h [Shortly before or about the year
1300, as indeed Warton himself has writ-
ten in the account of Barlaam and Josa-
phat, in Dissertation III. See the proof
of this infr. p. 1 8. note x.— M.]
It is in fact a metrical history of the fes-
tivals of the whole year. The life of the
respective saint is described under every
saint's day, and the institutions of some
Sundays, and feasts not taking their rise
from saints, are explained, on the plan of
the Legenda Aurea, written by Jacobus de
Voragine archbishop of Genoa about the
year 1290, from which Caxton, through the
medium of a French version entitled Le-
gend Doree, translated his Golden Legend.
The Festival or Festiall, printed by Wyn-
kin deWorde, is a book of the same sort, yet
with homilies intermixed. See MSS. Harl.
2247.fol.and 2371. 4to. and 2391. 4to. and
2402. 4to. and 2800, seq. Manuscript Lives
of Saints, detached, and not belonging to
this collection, are frequent in libraries.
The Vita Patrum were originally drawn
from S. Jerome and Johannes Cassianus.
In Gresham College library are metrical
lives of ten saints chiefly from the Golden
Legend, by Osberne Bokenham, an Augus-
tine canon in the abbey of Stoke-clare in
Suffolk, transcribed by Thomas Burgh at
Cambridge 1477. [The Lives were not
transcribed by Burgh himself, but caused
by him to be copied at an expense of 305.
for the purpose of presenting the volume
to the nunnery at Cambridge, as we learn
from a note at the end. The work was
begun in 1443. The MS. is now in the
Brit. Mus. MS. Arund. 327. and was print-
ed for the members of the Roxburghe Club
by their president Lord Clive, 4to, 1835.
— M.] The Life of S. Katharine [Marye
Maudelyne — M.] appears to have been
composed in 1445. MSS. Coll. Gresh. 315.
The French translation of the Legenda
Aurea was made by Jehan de Vignay, a
monk, soon after 1300.
[Caxton had printed the Liber Festiva-
lis in English before W. de Worde.—
HERBERT.]
1 Ashmole cites this Life, Instit. Ord.
Gart. p. 21. And he cites S. Brandan's
Life, p. 507. Ashmole's MS. was in the
hands of Silas Taylor. It is now in his Mu-
seum at Oxford. MSS. Ashm. 50. [700 1.]
k MSS. Bodl. 779. ; Laud. L 70. And
they make a considerable part of a prodi-
gious folio volume, beautifully written on
vellum, and elegantly illuminated; where
they have the following title, which also
comprehends other antient English re-
ligious poems : " Here begynnen the tytles
of the book that is cald in Latyn tonge SA-
LUS ANIME, and in Englysh tonge SOWLE-
HELE." It was given to the Bodleian li-
brary by Edward Vernon, esq. soon after
the civil war. I shall cite it under the
title of MS. Vernon. Although pieces not
absolutely religious are sometimes intro-
duced, the scheme of the compiler or tran-
scriber seems to have been, to form a com-
plete body of legendary and scriptural
history in verse, or rather to collect into
one view all the religious poetry he could
find. Accordingly the Lives of the Saints,
a distinct and large work of itself, properly
constituted a part of his plan. There is
another copy of the Lives of the Saints in
the British Museum, MSS. Harl. 2277.;
and in Ashmole's Museum, MSS. Ashm.
ut supr. I think this manuscript is also in
Bennet College library. [The same col-
lection of legends is found also in the Lau-
dian MS. No. 108. (olim K. 60.); in an-
other of Ashmole's MSS. N° 43. [6924.];
in the Cotton MS. JUL. D ix. ; and in MS.
Add. 10. 301. purchased for the Museum
at the sale of Heber's library. Of these
MSS. the best and earliest copies are the
Laudian, Ashmolean, Harleian,Trin. Coll.
14 SPECIMENS OF NORMAN-SAXON POEMS. [J5ECT. I.
Margaret constantly occurs ; but it is not always exactly the same with
this printed by Hickes. And on the whole, the Bodleian Lives seem
Oxf. and Corp. Coll. Gamb. The Cotton MS. lection of Lives of the Saints, occur, MSS.
is late of the 14th century, and the Bodl. 2250. 23. f. 72 b, seq. chart, fol. See also
779. late of the 15th. The order of these ib. 19. f. 48. These Lives are in French
Lives varies considerably, but the text rhymes, ib. 2253. f. 1. [The French
agrees in general pretty well, except in the "rhymes" here referred to are a totally
Life of St. Margaret, which, as Warton no- different thing, being a metrical transla-
tices, is different in Bodl. 779. from the tion of the Vitas Patrum. — M.]
other copies, and is a rifacimento of the [The LIVES OF THE SAINTS in verse, in
Life printed by Hickes. These Lives are far Bennet library, contain the martyrdom and
more worthy to be printed than those com- translation of Beck et, Num. cxlv. This
posed by Bokenham, and it were greatly to manuscript is supposed to be of the four-
be wished some Society in England, stimu- teehth century. Archbishop Parker, in a
lated by the same zeal as the Bannatyne remark prefixed, has assigned the compo-
Club in Scotland, would undertake the sition to the reign of Henry the Second,
publication. — M.] The Lives seem to be But in that case, Becket's translation,
placed according to their respective festi- which did not happen till the reign of king
vals in the course of the year. The Bod- John, must have been added. See a spe-
leian copy (marked 779.) is a thick folio, cimen in Mr. Nasmith's accurate and learn-
containing 306 leaves. The variations in ed CATALOGUE of the'Bennet manuscripts,
these manuscripts seem chiefly owing to pag. 217. Cantab. 1777. 4to. There is a
the transcribers. The Life of Saint Mar- manuscript of these LIVES in Trinity Col-
garet in MSS. Bodl. 779. begins much like lege library at Oxford, but it has not the
that of Trinity library at Cambridge, Life of Becket. MSS. Num. Ivii. perga-
Old ant yonge I preye you your folyis men- foL The writing is about the four-
for to lete &c teenth century. I will transcribe a few
I must add here, that in the Harleian lines fr°™ the LlFE OF SAINT CuTR-
library, a few Lives, from the same col-
Seint Cuthberd was ybore here in Engelonde,
God dude for him meraccle, as 36 scholleth vnderstonde.
And wel 3ong child he was1, in his ei3tethe 3ere,
Wit children he pleyde atte balle, that his felawes were :
Ther com go a lite childe, it tho3t thre 3er old,
A swete creature and a fayr, yt was myld and bold :
To the jong Cuthberd he 3ede, leue brother he sede,
Ne )>ench not such ydell game for it ne O3te no3t be thy dede
Seint Cuthberd ne tok no 3eme to the childis rede
And pleyde forth with his felawes, al so they him bede.
Tho this 3onge child yse3 that he his red forsok,
Adoun he fel to grounde, and gret del to him to tok,
It bygan to wepe sore, and his honden wrynge,
This children hadde alle del of him, and byleued hare pleyinge.
As that they couthe hy gladede him, sore he gan to siche,
Ac euer this 3onge child made del yliche.
A welaway, quod seint Cuthbert, why wepes thou so sore ?
^if we the haueth 031 mysdo, we ne scholleth na more.
Thanne spake this 3onge child, sore hy wepe beye,
Cuthberd, it falleth 11031 to the with 3onge children to pleye,
For no suche idell games it ne cometh the to worche,
Whanne god hath y proveyd the an heved of holy cherche.
With this word, me nyste whidder, this 3ong child wente,
An angel it was of heuen that our lord thuder sent.
Saxon letters are used in this manu- will exhibit the next twelve lines as they
script [as they are in every other English appear in that mode of writing : together
manuscript of the same period. — M.]. I with the punctuation.
po by gan seint Cuthberd. for to wepe sore
[And by-leuede al J>is ydel game, nolde he pleye no more ;] 2
1 [The wile he was a jong childe. MS. Add. 10,301.— M.] 2 [MS. Add. «.*.— M.]
SECT. I.] LEGENDS IN VERSE. 15
inferior in point of antiquity. I will here give some extracts never yet
printed :
From the LIFE of Saint Swithin.
'Seint Swythan the confessour was her of Engelonde,
Bisyde Wynchestre he was ibore, as ich undirstonde:
Bi the kynges dai Egbert this goode man was ibore,
That tho was kyng of Engelonde, and somedele1 eke bifore;
The eihtethe he was that com aftur Kinewolfe2 the kynge,
That seynt Berin dude to Cristendome in Engelonde furst brynge :
Seynt Austen hedde bifore to Cristendom ibrouht
Athelbriht the goode kynge, ac al the londe nouht.
Ac setthe"1 hyt was that seint Berin her bi west wende,
And tornede the kynge Kinewolfe2 as vr lord grace sende3:
So that Egbert was kyng tho that seint Swyththan was bore4
The eighth was Kinewolfe 2 that so long was bifore, &c.
Seynt Swythan his bushopricke to al goodnesse drough
The towne also of Wynchestre he amended inough,
For he lette the stronge bruge withoute the toune 5 arere
And fond therto lym and ston and the workmen that ther were."
He made his fader and frendis. sette him to lore
So ]?at he seruede bo]?e ny^t and day. to plese god J»e more
And in his jonghede ny3t and day. ofseruede godis ore.
po he in grettere elde was. as ]?e bok us ha]? ysed
It byfel ]>at seint Aydan. ]je bisschop was ded
Cuthberd was a felde with schep. angeles of heuen he sej
pe bisschopis soule seint Aydan. to heuen bere on he^
Alias ! sede seint Cuthberd. fole ech am to longe,
I nell Jjis schep no longer kepe. afonge hem who so afonge *.
He wente to ]>e abbeye of Geruaus. a grey monk he Iper bycom
Gret joye made alle Ipe couent. ]?o he that abbyt nom, &c.
The reader will observe the constant re- as we chant the psalms in our choral ser-
turn of the hemistichal point, which I have vice. In the psalms of our liturgy, this
been careful to preserve, and to represent pause is expressed by a colon : and often,
with exactness ; as I suspect that it shows in those of the Roman missal, by an aste-
how these poems were sung to the harp by rise. The same mark occurs in every line
the minstrels. Every line was perhaps of this manuscript; which is a folio vo-
uniformly recited to the same monotonous lume of considerable size, with upwards of
modulation, with a pause in the midst: just fifty verses in every page. — ADDITIONS.]
* [" take them who will."— PRICE.]
1 Thus in MS. Harl. 2277. fol. 78. contained in common with the Vernon MS.
Seint Swiththin the confessour was her of have been collated with Warton's text,
Engelonde and the few material variations will be
Biside Wynchestre he was ibore as ic vn- found printed within brackets in the notes
derstonde. below. — PRICE.]
[The Harleian MS. is imperfect at the ™ since>
beginning ; but such of the Lives as it MS« Vernon' f' 93'
1 [somewhat. MS. Harl.] 2 [Keriewold.] 8 [as our lorde him grace sende.]
4 [Seint Egbert that was kyng tho Seint Swithin was ibore,
The ei3eteothe he was after Kenewold that so longe was bifore.]
5 [the est 3ate.]
Ifi LEGENDS IN VERSE. [SECT. I.
From the LIFE of Saint Wolstan.
Seint Wolston bysschop of Wircestre was her of Ingelonde,
Swithe holiman all his lyf as ich understonde:
The while he was a yonge childe good lyf he ladde ynow,
Whan othur childre ronne » to pleye touward chirche he drouh.
Seint Edward was tho vr kyng, that now in heuene is,
And the bisschop of Wircestre Brihtege hette iwis, &c.
Bisscop hym made the holi man seynt Edward vre kynge
And undirfonge2 his dignite, and tok hym cros and ringe.
His bushopreke he wust3 wel, and eke his priorie,
And forcede4 him to serue wel God and Seinte Marie.
Four $er he hedde bisscop ibeo and not folliche fyue
Tho seynt Edward the holi kyng went out of this lyue.
To gret reuthe to al Engelonde, so welaway the stounde,
For strong men that come sithen and broughte Engelonde to grounde.
Harald was sithen kynge with tresun, alias !
The crowne he bare of England which while hit was.
Ac 5 William Bastard that was tho duyk of Normaundye
Thouhte to winne Engelonde thoruh strength and felonye :
He lette hym greith6 folke inouh and gret power with him nom,
With gret strengthe in the see he him dude and to Engelonde com :
He lette ordayne his ost wel and his baner up arerede,
And destruyed all that he fond and that londe sore aferde.
Harald herde herof tell, kynge of Engelonde
He let $arke6 fast his oste agen hym for to stonde :
The barenye of Engelonde redi was wel sone
The kyng to helpe and eke himself as riht7 was to done.
The warre was then in Engelonde dolefull and stronge inouh
And heore either of othures men al to grounde slouh :
The Normans and this Englisch men day of batayle nom
There as the abbeye is of the batayle a day togedre com,
To grounde thei smiit and slowe also, as God $af the cas,
William Bastard was aboue and Harald bineothe was0.
From the LIFE of Saint Christopher.
p Seynt Cristofre was a Sarazin in the londe of Canaan,
In no stude bi his daye me fond non so strong a man :
Four and twenti feete he was longe, and thikk and brod inouh,
Such a mon but he weore stronge methinketh hit weore wouh :
0 MS. Vernon. fol. 76 b. In no stede bi his daye ne fond me so
p MSS. Harl. ut supr. fol. 101 b. strong a man
Seint Cristofre was Sarazin in the lond of Four and tuenti fet he was long and thicke
Canaan and brod y-nouj, &c.
1 [>de, MS. Add. 10. 301.] 2 [aueng him in.] 3 [Rep.
4 [aforced.] 5 [And.] 6 [ordeyny.] 7 [W0ne.
SECT. I.) LEGENDS IN VERSE. 17
Al a cuntre where he were for him wolde fleo,
Therfore hym ythoughte that no man a^eynst him sculde bco.
He seide he nolde with no man beo but with on that were
Hext lord of all men and undir hym non othir nere.
Afterwards he is taken into the service of a king.
Cristofre hym serued longe;
The kynge loved melodye much of fithele ' q and of songe ;
So that his jogeler on a dai biforen him gon to pleye faste2,
And in a tyme he nemped in his song the devil atte laste :
Anon so the kynge that I herde he blesed him anon, &c. '
From the LIFE of Saint Patrick.
Seyn Pateryk com thoru Godes grace to preche in Irelonde
To teche men her ry^te beleue Jftu Cryste to understonde :
So ful of wormes that londe he fonde that no man ne myghte gon.
In som stede for wormes that he nas iwenemyd3 anon ;
Seynt Pateryk bade our lorde Cryst that the londe delyuered were,
Of thilke foul wormis that none ne com there s.
From the LIFE of Saint Thomas Becket.
There was Tomas fadir that trewe man was and gode
He loved God and holi cherche setthe he witte ondirstode
The croyse to the holi londe in his puthe "he nom,
He myd4 on Ry chard that was his mon to Jerusalem com,
Ther hy dede here pylgrimage in holi stedes faste
So that among Sarazyns hy wer nom atte laste, &c."
This legend of Saint Thomas Becket* is exactly in the style of all
the others ; and as Becket was martyred in the latter part of the reign
of Henry the Second from historical evidence, and as, from various
internal marks, the language of these legends cannot be older than
the twelfth century, I think we may fairly pronounce the LIVES OF
41 fiddle. * MS. Vernon. fol. 1 19. of Thomas a Becket, and, from his anxiety
s Bodl. MSS. 779. fol. 41 b. to procure the most authentic information
1 MS. Harl. fol. 195 b. on the subject, came over to Canterbury
Gilbert was Thomas fader name that true in n72, and finally perfected his work iii
was and god 1177. It is written in stanzasof fiveAlexan-
And louede God and holi churche siththe drines, all ending with the same rhymes ; a
he wit vnderstod. mode of composition supposed to have been
This Harleian manuscript is imperfect ad°Pted f°r the purpose of being easily
in many parts. chanted. A copy is preserved in MS. Harl.
" MSS. Bodl. 779. f. 41 b. ^®' and another in MS. Cotton. DOMIT.
* [Guernes, an ecclesiastic of Pont St. A xK See Archaeologia, vol. xiii. and El-
Maxence in Picardy, wrote a metrical life Jls's Hlst' Sketch» &c« P- 57.— PARK.]
1 [of harpe.]
2 [. . . on a dai to fore him pleide faste
And auemnede in his rym the deuel atte laste
Tho the kyng ihurde that he blescede him anon.]
3 [ywemmed. MS. Add.] 4 [And mid.]
VOL. I. C
18
LEGENDS IN VERSE.
[SECT. i.
THE SAINTS to have been written about the reign of Richard the
First".
These metrical narratives of Christian faith and perseverance seem
to have been chiefly composed for the pious amusement, and per-
haps edification, of the monks in their cloisters. The sumptuous
volume of religious poems which I have mentioned above*, was un-
doubtedly chained in the cloister, or church, of some capital mona-
stery. It is not improbable that the novices were exercised in re-
citing portions from these pieces. In the British Museum there is a
* Who died 1199. [Warton's know-
ledge of the progress of the English lan-
guage was so slight, as to render his opi-
nion relative to the age of a poem of little
or no value; and it is of some importance
at the present day, when the subject begins
to be better understood, to prevent his au-
thority from being used (as it often has
been) to countenance error. The style and
language of these Lives of Saints would
lead us at once, from their similarity to
the Chronicle ascribed to Robert of Glou-
cester, to attribute them to the close of the
thirteenth century, and perhaps to the
same writer. (See Black's Catalogue of
theArundel MSS. in the College of Arms,
8vo. 1829. p. 14.) Had Warton looked
into these Lives a little more attentively,
he would have found the Legend" of St.
Dominic, who died in 1221, and that of
St. Edmund of Pounteney,whowas canon-
ized in 1248. But in the latter legend
we have decisive proof that these Lives
were written in the reign of Edward the
First; for it is there said of St. Edmund,
" & truliche huld vp holi churche, &
schulde hire from wouj,
Therfore hadde the deuel of helle enuie
grete ynouj ;
He bigan to rere contek bituene him anon
& kyng Henri that was thoy the kynges
sone Johan ;
The kyng & mochedel of the lond a3en
holi churche was
As the kyng er, his grandsire, was aje
seint Thomas."
MS. Harl. 2277. /. 161 b. and
MS. Laud. 108. f. 184.
In all probability the plan of these le-
gends was borrowed from the work of Ja-
cobus de Voragine, who had, as appears
from Warton himself, compiled a similar
and popular collection about the year 1 2 9 0.
— M.] In the Cotton library I find the
Lives of Saint Josaphas and the Seven
Sleepers : where the Norman seems to
predominate, although Saxon letters are
used. [These poems are composed in the
common French langur.geof the thirteenth
century, and written in the usual hand of
the period. There is not a single Saxon
letter used. — M.] Brit. Mus. MSS. Cott.
CALIG. Aix. Cod. membr. 4to.
Id comence la vie de seint losaphaz.
Ki vout a mil bien sentendre
Par essample poet mult aprendre. — fol. 192.
Id comence la vie de Set Dormanz.
La vertu deu ke tut iurz dure
E tut iurz est certeine e pure. — fol. 213 b.
[The Lives of St. Josaphat and of the
Seven Sleepers are attributed by the Abbe
de la Rue to Chardry, an Anglo-Norman
poet, who also wrote Le petit Plet, a dis-
pute between an old and a young man on
human life. [See De la Rue's " Essais
stir les Bardes," &c. torn. iii. 127. who as-
signs the thirteenth century as the period
of Chardry's compositions. All the three
pieces are in the Cotton MS. De la Rue
quotes several passages from them after
Warton's manner, i. e. very incorrectly.
There are also copies in MS. 29. of Jesus
Coll., Oxford, which is almost a duplicate
of the latter part of the Cotton MS. — M.]
Stephen Langton, archbishop of Canter-
bury, in 1207 wrote a canticle on the pas-
sion of Jesus Christ in 123 stanzas, with
a theological drama, in the duke of Nor-
folk's library [now MS. Arund. 292. Brit.
Mus. — M.] ; and Denis Pyramus, who
lived in the reign of Henry III., wrote in
verse the life and martyrdom of King St.
Edmund, in 3286 lines, with the miracles
of the same saint in 600 lines : a manu-
script in the Cott. Library, DOM. A xi. See
Archaeologia, vol. xiii. — PARK. See a note
on Langton's drama, vol. ii. near the end of
Sect. VI. (Robin and Marian.)— PRICE.]
See also De la Rue's remarks in his "Es-
sais sur les Bardes," &c. torn. iii. p.5. — M.]
Many legends and religious pieces in
Norman rhyme were written about this
time. See MSS. Harl. 2253. f. 1. membr.
fol. p. 1 5. [Warton is speaking of the reign
of Richard I. ; but the French poems he
refers to in the Harl. MS. were not com-
posed till the reign of Edward the First.
-M.]
y viz. MS. Vernon.
SECT. I.]
LEGENDS IN VERSE.
19
set of legendary tales in rhyme1, which appear to Iiave been solemnly
pronounced by the priest to the people on Sundays and holidays.
This sort of poetry a was also sung to the harp by the minstrels on
Sundays instead of the romantic subjects usual at public entertain-
ments11.
In that part of Vernon's manuscript entitled SOULEHELE, we have a
translation of the Old and New Testament into verse ; which I believe
to have been made before the year 1200*. The reader will observe
z MSS. Harl. 2391. 70. The dialect is
perfectly Northern.
* That legends of saints were sung to
the harp at feasts, appears from The Life
of Saint Marine, MSS. Harl. 2253. fol.
membr. f. 64 b.
Herketh hideward and beoth stille,
Y preie ou $ef hit be or wille,
And $e shule here of one virgine
That wes ycleped Seinte Maryne.
And from various other instances. [It is
perhaps too much to assume with Warton
from the instances referred to, that these
legends were sung to the harp ; for from the
frequency of such passages I should be in-
clined to consider them as meant simply to
arouse the attention of the audience, when
the poems were recited.— M.]
Some of these religious poems contain
the usual address of the minstrel to the
company. As in a poem of our Saviour's
descent into hell, and his discourse there
with Sathanas the porter, Adam, Eve,
Abraham, &c. MSS. ibid. f. 55 b.:
Alle herkeneth to me nou,
A strif wolle y tellen ou :
Of Jhesu ant of Sathan,
Tho Jhesu wes to helle y-gan, &c.
[This poem, which probably presents to
us the earliest form of the Miracle-play
extant, was printed at the private expense
of J. Payne Collier, Esq., in 1835, and a
duplicate copy of later date, supplying some
defects of the former, was subsequently
printed from the Auchinleck MS. by Da-
vid Laing, Esq. — M.]
Other proofs will occur occasionally.
b As I collect from the following poem,
MS.Vernon, fol. 230.:
The Visions of Seynt Poul wan he was
rapt into Paradys.
Lusteneth lordynges leof and dere,
^e that wolen of the Sonday here ;
The Sonday a day hit is
That angels and archangels joyen iwis,
More in that ilke day
Then any odur, &c.
[It was enjoined by the ritual of the
Gallican church, that the Lives of the
Saints should be read during mass, on the
days consecrated to their memory. On
the introduction of the Roman liturgy,
which forbade the admixture of any ex-
traneous matter with the service of the
mass, this practice appears to have been
suspended, and the Lives of the Saints
were read only at evening prayer. But
even in this, the inveteracy of custom
seems speedily to have re-established its
rights ; and there is reason to believe, that
the Lives of such as are mentioned in the
New Testament, were regularly delivered
from the chancel. Of this, a curious ex-
ample, the " Planch de Sant Esteve," has
been published by M. Raynouard in his
"Choix des Poesies des Troubadours,"
vol. ii. p. 146 and cxlvi., Paris 1817, where
the passages from the Acts of the Apostles
referring to Saint Stephen, are introduced
between the metrical translations of them.
From France, it is probable, this rite found
its way into England ; and the following
extract from the piece alluded to above
will show the uniformity of style adopted
in the exordiums to such productions on
both sides of the Channel :
Sezets, senhors, e aiats pas ;
So que direm ben escoutas ;
Car la lisson es de vertat,
Non hy a mot de falsetat.
" Be seated, lordings, and hold your peace
(et ayez paix) ; listen attentively to what
we shall say ; for it is a lesson of truth
without a word of falsehood." — It has
been recently maintained, that the term
" lording," of such frequent occurrence in
the preludes to our old romances and le-
gends, is a manifest proof of their being
" composed for the gratification of knights
and nobles." There are many valid ob-
jections to such a conclusion ; but one
perhaps more cogent than the rest. The
term is a diminutive, and could never have
been applied to the nobility as an order,
however general its use as an expression
of courtesy. By way of illustration, let it
also be remembered, that the " Disours"
of the present day, who ply upon the Mole
at Naples, address every ragged auditor
by the title of " Eccellenza." — PRICE.]
* [1300.— M.]
C2
20 LEGENDS IN VERSE. [SECT. I.
%
the fondness of our ancestors for the Alexandrine : at least, I find the
lines arranged in that measure.
Oure ladi and hire sustur stoden under the roode,
And seint John and Marie Magdaleyn with wel sori moode :
Vr ladi biheold hire swete son ibrouht in gret pyne,
For monnes gultes nouthen her and nothing for myne.
Marie weop wel sore and bitter teres leet,
The teres fullen uppon the ston doun at hire feet.
" Alias, my sone," for serwe wel ofte seide heo,
" Nabbe iche bote the one that hongust on the treo ;
So ful icham of serwe, as any wommon may beo,
That ischal my deore child in all this pyne iseo :
How schal I sone deone, how hast I thou^t liuen xvithouten the,
Nusti neuere of serwe nou^t sone, what seyst $ou me ?"
Thenne spak Jhesu wordus gode tho to his modur dere,
Ther he heng uppon the roode " Here I the take a fere,
That trewliche schal serue ^e, thin own cosin Jon,
The while that $ou alyue beo among all thi fon :
Ich the hote, Jon," he seide, " $ou wite hire both day and niht
That the Gywes hire fon ne don hire non unriht."
Seint John in the stude vr ladi in to the temple nom
God to seruen he hire dude sone so he thider come,
Hole and seeke heo duden good that heo founden thore,
Heo hire serueden to hond and foot, the lasse and eke the more.
The pore folke feire heo fedde there, heo se^e that hit was neode,
And the seke heo broujte to bedde and met and drinke gon heom beode.
Wyth al heore mihte yonge and olde hire loueden, bothe syke and fere,
As hit was riht for alle and summe to hire seruise hedden mester.
Jon hire was a trew feer, and nolde nou^t from hire go,
He lokid hire as his ladi deore and what hep wolde hit was ido.
Now blowith this newe fruyt that lat bi gon to springe,
That to his kuynd heritage monkunne schal bringe,
This new fruyt of whom I speke is vre Cristendome,
That late was on erthe isow and latir furth hit com,
So hard and luthur was the lond of whom hit scholde springe
That wel unnethe eny rote men mou^te theron bring,
Good him was the gardener,0 #c.
In the archiepiscopal library at Lambeth, among otner Norman
Saxon homilies in prose, there is a homily or exhortation on the Lord's
prayer in verse : which, as it was evidently transcribed rather before
the reign of Richard the First, we may place with some degree of cer-
tainty before the year 1185.*
c MS.Vernon, fol. 8. beth MSS. fol. 1812. it occurs in No. 487.
* [More probably in the reign of Henry f. 21 b., and the compiler notes, "Ex hac
theThird. In Todd's Catalogue of the Lam- Expositione specimen depromit, non autem
SECT. I.] SACRED POEMS. 21
Vre feder that in heuene is
That is al sothfull iwis.
Weo moten to theos weordes iseon
That to Hue and to saule gode beon.
That weo beon swa his sunes iborene
That he beo feder and we him icorene,
That we don alle his ibeden
And his wille for to reden, &c.
Lauerde God we biddeth thus
Mid edmode heorte gif hit us.
That vre soule beo to the icore
Noht for the flesce forlore.
Thole us to biwepen vre sunne
That we ne steruen noht therinne ;
And gif us, lauerd, that ilke gifte
Thet we hes[?] ibeten thurh halie scrifte. AMEN.d
In the valuable library of Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, is a
sort of poetical biblical history, extracted from the books of Genesis
and Exodus. It was probably composed about the reign of Henry the
Second or Richard the First*. But I am chiefly induced to cite this
piece as it proves the excessive attachment of our earliest poets to
rhyme: they were fond of multiplying the same final sound to the
most tedious monotony ; and without producing any effect of elegance,
strength, or harmony. It begins thus :
Man og to luuen that rimes ren.
The wissed wel the logede men.
Hu man may hem wel loken
Thog he ne be lered on no boken.
Luuen God and seruen him ay,
For he it hem wel gelden may.
And to al Cristenei men
Boren pais and luue bytwen.
Than sal hem almighti luuen
Here bynethen and thund abuuen,
And giuen hem blisse and soules reste.
That hem sal eauermor lesten.
Ut of Latin this song is dragen
On Engleis speche on sothe sagen,
Cristene men ogen ben so fagen,
So fueles arn quan he it sen dagen.
Than man hem telled soche tale
Wid londes speche and wordes smale
Of blisses dune, of sorwes dale,
satis accurate,V?artomisin Hist. Engl. Po- d Quart, minor. 185. Cod. membran. vi.
etry, vol. i. Warton copies his quotation f. 21 b.
from Wanley, p. 267. ap. Hickes.— M.] * [Henry the Third.— M.]
22 VERSIONS OF THE PSALTER. [SECT. I.
Quliu Lucifer that deuel dwale
And held hem swered in helles male,
Til God hem frid in manliched
Dede mankinde bote and red.
And unswered al the fendes sped
And halp thor he sag mikel ned
Biddi hie singen non other led.
Thog mad hie folgen idelhed.
Fader gode of al thinge,
Almightin louerd, hegest kinge,
Thu give me seli timinge
To than men this werdes bigininge.
The lauerd God to wurthinge
Qu ether so hie rede or singe6.
We find this accumulation of identical rhymes in the Runic odes ;
particularly in the ode of Egill cited above, entitled EGILL'S RANSOM.
In the Cotton library a poem is preserved of the same age, on the
subjects of death, judgment, and hell torments, where the rhymes are
singular, and deserve our attention.
Non mai longe Hues wene
Ac ofte him lieth the wrench.
Feir wether turneth ofte into reine
An wunderliche hit maketh his blench,
Tharuore mon thu the bithench
Al schal falewi thi grene.
Weilawei ! . nis kin ne quene
That ne schal drinche of deathes drench,
Mon er thu falle of thi bench
Thine sunne thu aquench f.
To the same period of our poetry I refer a version of Saint Jerom's
French psalter, which occurs in the library of Corpus Christi College
at Cambridge. The hundredth psalm is thus translated :
Mirthhes to lauerd al erthe that es
Serues to lauerd in fainenes.
Ingas of him in the sight,
In gladeschip bi dai and night.
Wite ye that lauerd he God is thus
And he vs made and oure self noght vs,
His folk and schepe of his fode :
Ingas his yhates that ere gode:
* MSS. R 1 1. Cod. membr. 8vo. [No.444. [There is another copy of this poem in MS.
in Nasmith's Catalogue. — M.] It seems Jes. Coll. Ox. 29. f. 252 b., and it may
to be in the Northern dialect. [Printed safely be ascribed 4o the reign of Henry
by Wanley, p.151. ap. Hickes. — M.] the Third, or beginning of the reign of Ed-
1 Bibl. Cotton. MSS. CALIG. Aix. f. 243. ward the First. Sse infra, p. 25. n.—M.J
SECT. I.] VERSIONS OF PSALMS. 23
In schrift his porches that be,
In ympnes to him schriue ^lie.
Heryes of him name swa f re,
For that lauerd soft es he ;
In euermore his merci esse,
And in strende and strende his sothnesse.*
In the Bodleian library there is a translation of the Psalms*, which
much resembles in style and measure this just mentioned. If not the
same, it is of equal antiquity. The hand-writing is of the age of
Edward the Second; certainly not later than his successor]- . It also
contains the Nicene Creed h, and some church hymns versified ; but it
is mutilated and imperfect. The nineteenth psalm runs thus :
Heuens telles Goddis blisse,
The walken schewes handeswerkes hisse,
Dai to dai worde riftes right,
And wisedome schewes night to night,
Noght ere speches ne saghes euen
Of whilk noght es herd thair steuen.
In al land outyhode thair rorde
And in endes of werld of tham the worde.
In sun he set his telde to stand
And he als bridegrome of his boure comand.
He gladed als yhoten to renne his wai
Fra heghest heuen his outcome ai,
And his ogaine raas til hegh sete,
Nes whilk that hides him fra his hete.
Lagh of lauerd vnwemmed esse,
Tornand saules in to blisse :
Witnes of lauerd es ai trewe
Wisedome lenand to littel newe :
Rightwisenesses of lauerd right hertes fainand,
Gode of lauerd light eghen lightand,
Drede of lauerd hali es it
In werld of werld and ful of wit
8 O. 6. [No. 278.] Cod. membr. 4to. fifteenth century, and contains a copy of
[The text has been taken from the Cotton the same version of the Psalms which is
MS. VESP. D vii. f. 70.— M.] in the Cambridge and Cotton MSS. A
* [The earliest known version of the fourth copy, written in the reign of Ed-
Psalms in Anglo-Saxon is that edited by ward the Second, has been recently pur-
Mr. Thorpe from a manuscript in the royal chased for the British Museum. This ver-
library at Paris, and published at the ex- sion may be ascribed to the period of his
pense of the university of Oxford : " Libri predecessor. — M.]
Psalmorum versio antiqua Latina, cum h Hickes has printed a metrical version
Paraphrasi Anglo- Saxonica, partim soluta of the Creed of St. Athanasius : to whom,
oratione, partim, metrice composita ; nunc to avoid prolix and obsolete specimens al-
priinum descripsit et edidit B. Thorpe. ready printed, I refer the reader. Thesaur.
Oxon. 1835."— R. T.] Par. i. p. 233. I believe it to be of the
f [The Bodleian MS. 921. (olim Arch. age of Henry the Second.
B. 38.) is a folio on vellum, written in the
24 VERSIONS OF PSALMS. [SECT. I.
Domes oi lauerd soth er ai
And rightwished in thar self er thai,
Yornandlike oner the golde
And stane derworthi mikel holde :
And wele swetter to mannes wambe
Ouer honi and the kambe*.
This is the beginning of the eighteenth psalm :
I sal loue the lauerd in stalworthhede,
Lauerd mi festnesse ai in nede
And mi toflight that es swa
And mi leser out of wa.
I will add another religious fragment on the crucifixion, in the shorter
measure, evidently coaeval, and intended to be sung to the harp.
Vyen i o the rode se
Fast nailed to the tre,
Jesu mi lefman,
Ibunden, bloc ant blodi,
An hys moder stant him bi,
Wepande, ant Johan :
Hys bac wid scuurge iswungeii,
Hys side depe istungen,
For sinne an lowe* of man,
Weil aut if sinne lete
An neb J wit teres wete
Thif i of loue can k.
In the library of Jesus College at Oxford I have seen a Norman Saxon
* [The Cotton MS. of this version of " Wit was his naked brest, and red of
tlie Psalms was found to contain a better blod his side,
text than Warton's, and consequently has Blod was his faire neb, his wnden depe
been adopted. See VESP. D vii. ff. 70. an uide ;
and 9. — PRICE.] Starke waren his armes, hi-spred op the
* [love.— M.] rode,
f [ought I. — M.] In fif steden an his bodi, stremes hurne
J [face.— M.] ofblode."
,T nrw f " Sic debemus c°8itai'e de Christo Passo>
(Langb. v 209.) [Warton quotes from et di Q bone Jhesu , wifc &c.
Langbames transcript, which is very sicut dicit Al,gustinus :
faulty. Ihe text is now printed from the ~
original MS. (at present marked Bodl. 57. £andet nudatum Pectus>
f. 102 b.) of the thirteenth century, to Rubet cruentum latus,
the middle of which the poem may be £ensa a,rent Visce1ra' .
ascribed. As to its being intended to be £ecora la"g»ent lumina>
sung to the harp, this is merely a flight of JJe8la Pa!ient °tra' . ,
Warton's fancy. In the Bodleian MS. £rocera rlf nt brachia'
No. 42. 4to. sec. 13., containing various £nira Pendent marmorea
theological tracts, is inserted, f. 250., an ^ terebrat.os Pedef,
English metrical version of a passage in Bcatl sanSuinis unda'
the Meditations of St. Augustine, c. 6., In a MS. in the cathedral library of
which is annexed here, from its being Durham, A iii. 12. 8. the same lines with
contemporaneous with, and very similar some slight variation, occur, and the dale
to, the fragment quoted by Warton : of the composition is pretty nearly to be
SECT. I.]
LEGENDS IN VERSE.
25
poem of another cast, yet without much invention or poetry m. It is a
contest between an owl and a nightingale about superiority in voice and
singing ; the decision of which is left to the judgment of one John de
Guldevord". It is not later than Richard the First. The rhymes are
multiplied, and remarkably interchanged.
Ich wes in one sumere dale
In one swithe dyele hale,
ascertained by the fact, that the whole of
the volume was written in the time of Prior
Middleton [1244-1258.], who presented
it to the library. See Rudd's Codd. MSS.
Eccl Catti. Dun. Cat.fol.Dun. 1825. p. 34.
The Bodleian MS. has a second poem of
the same description annexed, as follows :
" Respice in faciem Christi, et videbis
dorso flagellato, latere sauciato, capite
puncto, vepribus manibus perforatis, pedi-
bus confossis ; volve et revolve Dominicum
corpus, a latere usque ad latus, a summo
usque deorsum, et circumquaque invenies
dolorem et cruorem ; et hoc potest An-
glice sic exponi :
Loke man to Jesu crist . hi-neiled on po
rode.
And hi-picz his nakede bodi red hi-maked
mid blode.
His reg mid scurge i-suunge.
His heued pornes prikede . po nailes in
him stikede.
Jmend and trend pi lordes bodi . purch
warn pu art i-boruhe.
per pu mit hi-uinde blode an sorue." — M.]
m It is also in Bibl. Cotton. MS. CALIQ.
A ix. fol. 230.
n So it is said in Catal. MSS. Angl. p. 69.
But by mistake. Our John de Guldevorde
is indeed the author of the poem which im-
mediately precedes in the manuscript, as
appears by the following entry at the end of
it, in the hand-writing of the very learned
Edward Lhuyd. "On part of a broaken
leafe of this MS. I find these verses written,
whearby the author may be guest at.
Mayster Johan eu greteth of Guldeuorde
tho,
And sendeth eu to seggen that synge nul
he no,
On thisse wise he wille endy his song,
saod louerd of heuene, beo vs alle among."
The piece is entitled and begins thus :
Id cumence la Passyun Ihesu Christ en
engleys.
Ihereth nu one lutele tale that ich eu
wille telle
As we vyndeth hit iwrite in the god-
spelle,
Nis hit nouht of Karlemeyne ne of the
Duzepere
Ac of Cristes thruwynge, &c.
It seems to be of equal antiquity with that
mentioned in the text. The whole manu-
script, consisting of many detached pieces
both in verse and prose, was perhaps writ-
ten in the reign of Henry the Sixth.
[In the Cotton MS. " one Nichole of
Guldeforde is twice named ; not indeed as
the poet, but as a sage person, an accom-
plished singer, and a fit judge of their con-
troversy. He is mentioned to reside at
Porteshom in Dorsetshire. Probably Ni-
cholas was brother of John de Guldevord."
Ritson, Bibl. Poet.~\
[There are some errors here which re-
quire correction. The Jesus College MS.
now marked Arch. 1.29. (formerly 85. and
76.) consists of two distinct portions, which
have been by chance bound up together.
The first portion is written on parchment
and paper, and contains a chronicle of En-
glish history, from the reign of Edward the
Elder, A.D. 900, to the reign of Henry the
Sixth, A.D. 1445. Hence arose the care-
less assertion of Warton, that the entire vo-
lume was written in the latter reign, which
Ritson very justly calls in doubt. The
second portion of the MS. is on vellum, of
the thirteenth century, and consists almost
wholly of English and French poetry, com-
posed in the reigns of Henry the Third
and Edward the First The first poem on
the passion of Christ thus concludes :
" And he that haueth this rym iwryten,
beo hwat he beo,
God in thisse lyue hyne let wel itheo ;
And alle his ivei'en, bothe yonge and olde,
God heom lete heore ordre trewliche hii-
holde."
From which we may conclude he was a
member of the monastic profession. The
note relative to Johan de Guldevorde which
occurs at the end is not in the hand-wri-
ting of Lhuyd,but of Tho. Wilkins,LL.B.
rector of St. Mary "super Montem," in
Glamorganshire, who gave this MS. to the
College ; and by the " broaken leafe," he
undoubtedly refers to a fly-leaf which was
injudiciously taken away when the volume
was bound. It is therefore mere conjec-
ture what portion of the volume was writ-
ten by him, and the first poem has no
greater claim than those which follow.
Ritson very inadvertently (and for which
26 EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. [SECT. I.
I-herde ich holde grete tale,
An vie0 and one nyhtegale.
That playd wes stif & stare & strong,-
Sum hwile softe & lud among,
And eyther ayeyn other swal,
And let that vuele mod vt al.
And eyther seyde of othres custe,
That alre wrste that hi ywuste,
& hure & hure of othres songe
Hi holde play ding swithe strongep.
The earliest love-song which I can discover in our language, is among
the Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum. I would place it be-
fore or about the year 1200*. It is full of alliteration, and has a burthen
or chorus.
Blow northern e wynd,
Sent thou me my suetyng ;
Blow northerne wynd,
Blou, blou, blou.
Ichot a burde in boure bryht
That fully semly is on syht,
Menskful maiden of myht,
Feir ant fre to fonde.
In al this wurhliche won,
A burde of blod & of bon,
Neuer $ete y nusteq non
Lussomore in londe. JBlow, fyc.
he deserves more severe censure than spoken of as then reigning. The Thomas
Warton) declares that in the Cotton MS. de Hales here mentioned must not be
one "Nichole de Guldeforde" is named confounded with one of the same name in
as a sage person, and "an accomplished Tanner, of the 14th century, unless in-
singer." Now the fact is, that in both deed (which is not improbable,) his pe-
MSS. one " Nichole" is referred to, but riod is fixed too late. Before I conclude
without the addition of any surname ; this note, I must be permitted to quote a
nor is he said to be " a singer," nor is stanza from a curious poem in the same
there the least reason to believe him to MS. containing reflections on the muta-
have been the brother of John de Guide- bility of human affairs, which recalls the
vorde. In all probability he was the vi- memory of several heroes of romance, and
car of Porteshom (near Abbotsbury), and will remind the Saxon scholar of a some-
the chartulary of Abbotsbury, in the pos- what similar passage inserted by King
session of the earl of Ilchester, might Alfred in his translation of Orosius :
perhaps determine the point, and fix « Hwer is Paris & Heleyne, y weren so
the age of the poem, which I believe to j ht & f on bleo ? '
belong to the beginning of the reign of Amadi & Di"de n Tristram, Yseude,
Edward the First, since the writer prays and alle ^
in it for the soul of • Kyng Henri." In Ector wkh his sd & Cegar
another poem f. 254 b « Hwou holy riche of wordes f£ ?
chireche is vnder uote,' St. Edmund of Heo beoth j , dcn vt of the SQ the
Pounteney is mentioned, who was canon- schef /foj A d ,,,_M j
ized in 1248; and in a third poem, of 0
which the rubric runs thus, " Incipit qul- ^ „
dam cantus quern composuit frater Thomas I ^f^1^ °XOn' *6'
de Hales, de ordinc Fratrum Mhiorum."
f. 260. « Henri kyng of Engelonde" is
SECT. I.] EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. 2?
With lokkes leflicher & longe,
With frount & face feir to f bnde ;
With murthes monie mote heo monge
That brid so breme in boure ;
With lossum eye grete ant gode,
With browen blysfol vnder hode,
He that reste him on the rode
That leflich lyf honoure. Blou, $c.
Hire lure lumes liht,
Ase a launterne a nyht,
Hire bleo9 blykyeth so bryht.
So feyr heo is ant fyn,
A suetly suyre heo hath to holde,
With armes, shuldre ase mon wolde,
Ant fyngres feyre forte folde :
God wolde hue were myn.
Middel heo hath menskful smal,
Hire loueliche chere as cristal ;
Theses, legges, fet, ant al,
Ywraht wes of the beste ;
A lussum ledy lasteles,
That sweting is & euer wes ;
A betere burde neuer nes
Yheryed with the heste,
Heo is dereworthe in day,
Graciouse, stout, ant gaye,
Gen til, jolyf, so the jay,
Worhliche when heo waketh,
Maiden murgest* of mouth
Bi est, bi west, by north, & south,
Ther nis sicle ne crouth,
That such murthes maketh.
Heo is coral of godnesse,
Heo is rubie of ryhtfulnesse,
Heo is cristal of clannesse,
Ant baner of bealte,
Heo is lilie of largesse,
Heo is paruenke of prouesse,
Heo is solsecle of suetnesse,
Ant ledy of lealte,
To loue that leflich is in londe
Y tolde him as ych vnderstonde, &c.x
From the same collection I have extracted a part of another ama-
' lively [lovely]. x MS. Harl. 2253. fol. membr. f. 72 b.
blee, complexion. [The whole is printed in Ritson's "An-
* merriest. cient Songs," p. 26. — M.]
28 ^EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. [SECT. I.
torial ditty, of equal antiquity; which exhibits a stanza of no inelegant
or unpleasing structure, and approaching to the octave rhyme. It is,
like the last, formed on alliteration.
In a fryht as y con fare framede
Y founde a wel feyr fenge to fere,
Heo glystnede ase gold when hit glemede,
Nes ner gome so gladly on gere,
Y wolde wyte in world who hire kenede,
This burde bryht, $ef hire wil were,
Heo me bed go my gates, lest hire gremede,
Ne kepte heo non henyng herey.
In the following lines a lover compliments his mistress named Alysoun :
Bytuene Mershe & Aueril
When spray biginneth to springe,
The lutel foul hath hire wyl
On hyre lud to synge,
Ich libbe in louelonginge
For semlokest of alle thynge.
He may me blysse bringe
Icham in hire baundoun,
An hendy hap ichabbe yhent
Ichot from heuene it is me sent.
From all wymmen mi loue is lent
& lyht on Alysoun,
On heu hire her is fayre ynoh,
Hire browe broune, hire e^e blake,
With lossum chere he on me loh,
With middel smal & wel ymake,
Bote he me wolle to hire take, &c.z
y MS. ibid. f. 66. The pieces which I sequently printed the same Miracle-Play
have cited from this manuscript appear to from the Auchinleck MS., infers thence
be of the hand-writing of the reign of Ed- that the latter MS. is the " more ancient"
ward the First. of the two. Now it is very certain, from
[As this manuscript contains an elegy internal evidence, that the Auchinleck MS.
upon the death of Edward the First, Mr. could not have been written before 1330,
Ritson very properly infers, that it could and, in all probability, not till ten years
not have been written in the " life-time" afterwards ; whereas the Harleian MS. is
of that monarch. He assigns it to " the distinguished by a character which is pe-
reign of his son and successor." — PRICE.] culiar to the early part of the reign of
[With regard to the age of this MS. it is Edward the Second, and the latest date of
requisite to say a few words, in order that any of the poems in it is 1307, shortly
the authority of two names well known after which period it was unquestionably
in old English literature, may not lead the written. Consequently there results a
uninformed astray. Mr. J. P. Collier in priority of date of at least thirty years, to
the Remarks prefixed to " The Harrowing the Harleian MS. over the Auchinleck
of Hell," (a few copies of which were MS. — M.]
printed at his expense, and most liberally * MS. Harl. f. 63 b. [The entire poem
distributed to his friends,) has called it is printed by Ritson, " Ancient Songs,"
" certainly as old as the reign of Edward p. 24. — M.]
III., if not older." Mr. Laing, who sub-
SECT. I.I EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. 29
The following song, containing a description of the spring, displays
glimmerings of imagination, and exhibits some faint ideas of poetical ex-
pression. It is, like the three preceding, of the Norman Saxon school, and
extracted from the same inexhaustible repository. I have transcribed
the whole*.
Lenten ys come with loue to toune,
With blosmen & with briddes roune,
That al this blisse bryngeth ;
Dayes e$es in this dales,
Notes suete of nyhtegales,
Vch foul song singeth.
The threstelcoca him threteth oo,
Away is huere wynter wo,
When woderoue springeth ;
This foules singeth ferly fele,
Ant wlyteth on huere wynter wele,
That al the wode ryngeth.
The rose rayleth hire rode,
The leues on the lyhte wode
Waxen al with wille :
The mone mandeth hire bleo
The lilie is lossum to seo ;
The fenyl & the fille.
Wowes this wilde drakes,
Miles murgeth huere makes.
Ase streme that striketh stille
Mody meneth so doh mo,
Ichot ycham on of tho
For loue that likes ille.
The mone mandeth hire lyht,
So doth the semly sonne bryht,
When briddes singeth breme,
Deawes donketh the dounes
Deores with huere derne rounes,
Domes forte deme.
* [The following stanza formed the The proper stanza, given above, was also
opening of this song as printed by Warton. cited and introduced by the following pas-
It appears to have been inadvertently co- sage : " The following hexastic on a si-
pied from a poem in the parallel column milar subject is the product of the same
of the manuscript : rude period, although the context is rather
In May hit murgeth when hit dawes », ' more intelligible : but it otherwise deserves
In dounes with this dueres plawes 2, a recital, as it presents an early sketch of
And lef is lyht on lynde; a favourite and fashionable stanza." vol. i.
Blosmes bredeth on the bowes, P- 30.— PRICE.]
Al this wylde wyhtes wowes, * throstle, thrush.
So wel ych under-fynde.
1 " it is mery at dawn." 2 plays.
EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS.
[SECT, i.
Wormes woweth vnder cloude,
Wymmen waxeth wounder proude,
So wel hit wol hem seme :
3ef me shal wonte wille of on
This wunne weole y wole forgon
Ant wyht in wode be flemed.
This specimen will not be improperly succeeded by the following
elegant lines, which a cotemporary poet appears to have made in a
morning walk from Peterborough, on the blessed Virgin ; but whose
genius seems better adapted to descriptive than religious subjects.
Now skruketh rose & lylie flour,
That whilen ber that suete savour
In somer, that suete tyde ;
Ne is no quene so stark ne stour,
Ne no leuedy so bryht in bour
That ded ne shal by glyde :
d MS. ibid, ut supr. f. 7 1 b. [Also print-
ed in Ritson, ubi supr. p. 31. — M.] [In
the same style, as it is manifestly of the
same antiquity, the following little descrip-
tive song, on the approach of summer, de-
serves notice. MSS. Harl. 978. f. 5.
Sumer is i-cumen in,
Lhude sing cuccu :
Groweth sed, and blowelh med,
And springth the wde nu.
Sing cuccu, cuccu.
Awe bleteth after lomb,
Lhouth after calue cu;
Buttuc sterteth, bucke verteth :
Murie sing cuccu,
Cuccu, cuccu :
Wel singes thu cuccu;
Ne stvik thu nauer nu.
Sing cuccu nu,
Sing cuccu.
That is, "Summer is coming: loud sing,
Cuckow ! Groweth seed, and bloweth
mead, and springeth the wood now. Ewe
bleateth after lamb, loweth cow after calf;
bullock starteth, buck verteth^', merry
sing, Cuckow ! Well singest thou, Cuckow,
nor cease to sing now." This is the most
antient English song that appears in our
manuscripts with the musical notes an-
nexed. The music is of that species of
composition which is called Canon in the
Unison, and is supposed to be of the fif-
teenth century. — ADDITIONS.]
[This poem has since been printed in
Sir John Hawkins's Hist, of Music, vol. ii.
p. 93, with the musical notes reduced to
the scale of modern notation, and by Rit-
son, in his "Ancient Songs," 8vo, 1790,
p. 3, who justly exclaims against the igno-
rance of those who refer the song to the
fifteenth century, when the MS. itself is
certainly of the middle of the thirteenth.
— M.] [Mr. Edgar Taylor in his Lays
of the Minnesingers, p. 137, speaking of
this song, remarks that it so resembles, in
many of its features, the kindred songs of
the German minnesingers, that we could
almost fancy one of those minstrels sing-
ing in nearly the same words and mea-
sure." The following song is one of those
which have suggested the comparison :
"Walt mit griiner varwe stat;
Nachtegal
Sussen schal
Singet, der vil sanfte tut :
Meien bliit,
Hohen miit
Git den vogellin liberal.
Heide breit
Wol bekleit
Mit vil schonen bliimen lit ;
Summer zit,
Vroide git,
Davon suln wir sin gemeit . . .
Uf der heide und in dem walde
Singent kleinu vogelein . . .
Nu singen,
Nu singen !
Dannoch harte erspringen
Den reigen,
Den reigen
Pfaffen und leigen, &c.
Minnesingers, p. 134. — R. T.]
1 goes to harbour among the fern.
SECT. I.] EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. 31
Whoso wol fleyshe-lust for-gon & heuene-blis abyde
On Jhesu be is thoht anon, that therled was ys side f.
To which we may add a song, probably written by the same author,
on the five joys of the blessed Virgin.
Ase y me rod this ender day,
By grene wode, to seche play ;
Mid herte y thohte al on a may,
Suetest of alle thinge :
Lythe, & ich ou tell may
Al of that suete thinge s.
In the same pastoral vein, a lover, perhaps of the reign of King John *,
thus addresses his mistress, whom he supposes to be the most beautiful
girl "bituene Lyncolne and Lyndeseye, Northampton and LoundeV
When the nyhtegale singes the wodes waxen grene,
Lef, & gras, & blosme, springes in Aueryl y wene.
Ant love is to myn herte gon with one spere so kene
Nyht & day my blod hit drynkes myn herte deth me tene.
Ich haue loued al this $er that y may lone na more,
Ich haue siked mom syk, lemmon, for thin ore,
Me nis loue neuer the ner, & that me reweth sore ;
Suete lemmon, thench on me, ich haue loued the $ore,
Suete lemmon, y preye the, of loue one speche,
Whil y lyue in world so wyde other nulle y seche.
With thy loue, my suete leof, mi blis thou mihtes eche
A suete cos of thy mouth mihte be my leche1.
Nor are these verses unpleasing, in somewhat the same measure :
My deth y loue, my lyf ich hate for a leuedy shene,
Heo is brith so daies liht, that is on me wel sene.
Al y falewe so doth the lef in somer when hit is grene,
3ef mi thoht helpeth me noht, to wham shal y me menek?
Another, in the following little poem, enigmatically compares his
mistress, whose name seems to be Joan, to various gems and flowers.
The writer is happy in his alliteration, and his verses are tolerably har-
monious :
Ichot a burde in a bour, ase beryl so bryht,
Ase saphyr in seluer semly on syht,
Ase jaspe1 the gentil that lemethm with lyht,
Ase gernet" in golde & ruby wel ryht,
* MS. ibid. f. 80. disposition of this song. The present copy
B Ibid. f. 81 b. follows the manuscript.— PRICE.] [The
* [Edward the First.— M.] whole is printed in Ritson, ubi supr. p. 30.
h London. — M.]
1 MS. ibid. f. 80 b. [The same confu- k MS. ibid. f. 80 b. ' jasper,
sion adverted to above, prevailed in the m streams, shines. n garnet.
32 EARLIEST LOVE-SONGS. [SECT. I.
Ase onycle0 he ys on, yholden on hylit;
Ase diamaund the dere, in day when he is dyht :
He is coral ycud * with cayser ant knyht,
Ase emeraude a morewen this may haueth myht.
The myht of the margarite haueth this mai mere,
For charbocle ich hire ches bi chyne & by chere,
Hire rode is ase rose that red is on rys p,
With lilye white leues lossum he is,
The primerose he passeth, the peruenke of pris,
With alisaundre thareto, ache, & anys ;
Coynteq ase columbine, such hire cunder ys,
Glad vnder gore in gro & in grys,
He is blosme opon bleo brihtest vnder bis,
With celydoyne ant sauge as thou thi self sys, &c.
From Weye he is wisist in to Wyrhale,
Hire nome is in a note of the nyhtegale ;
In an note is hire nome, nempneth hit non,
Whose ryht redeth ronne to Johon8.
The curious Harleian volume, to which we are so largely indebted,
has preserved a moral tale, a Comparison between age and youth, where
the stanza is remarkably constructed. The various sorts of versifica-
tion which we have already seen, evidently prove that much poetry had
been written, and that the art had been greatly cultivated, before this
period.
Herkne to my ron,
As ich ou telle con,
Of elde al hou yt ges.
Of a mody mon,
Hihte Maximion,
Soth' withoute les.
Clerc he was ful god,
So moni mon vnderstod.
Nou herkne hou it wes1.
For the same reason, a sort of elegy on our Saviour's crucifixion should
not be omitted. It begins thus :
I syke when y singe for sorewe that y se
When y with wypinge biholde vpon the tre
Ant se Jhesu the suete
Is herte-blod for-lete,
For the loue of me ;
° onyx. * [known, famous.— M.] r white complexion, [kind, nature — M ]
! branch. « Ms> ibid> f< C3
<iuaint- « MS. ibid. f. 82.
SECT. I.] EARLIEST LOVE SONGS. 3.3
Ys woundes waxen wete,
Thei wepen, stille & mete,
Marie reweth the."
Nor an alliterative ode on heaven, death, judgement, &c.
Middelerd for mon was mad,
Vn-mihti aren is meste mede,
This hedy hath on honde yhad,
That heuene hem is hest to hede. . ,
Icherde a blisse budel vs bade,
The dreri domes-dai to drede,
Of sunful sauhting sone be sad,
That derne doth this derne dede,
This wrakeful werkes vnder wede,
In soule soteleth sone.w
Many of these measures were adopted from the French chansonsx.
I will add one or two more specimens.
On our Saviour's passion and death.
Jesu for thi muchele miht
Thou jef vs of thi grace,
That we mowe dai & nyht
Theriken o thi face.
In myn herte hit doth me god,
When y thenke on Jesu blod,
That ran doun bi ys syde ;
From is herte doune to is fot,
For ous he spradde is herte blod
His wondes were so wyde,y
On the same subject.
Lutel wot hit any mon
Hou loue hym haueth ybounde,
That for vs o the rode ron,
Ant bohte vs with is wounde ;
The loue of him vs haueth ymaked sounde,
Ant yeast the grimly gost to grounde :
Euer & oo, nyht & day, he haueth vs in is thohte,
He mil nout leose that he so deore bohte.*
The following are on love and gallantry. The poet, named Richard,
professes himself to have been a great writer of love-songs.
Weping haueth myn wonges* wet,
For wikked werk ant wone of wyt,
Vnblithe y be til y ha bet,
Bruches broken ase bok byt :
* Ibid. f. 80. w Ibid. f. 62 b. z Ibid. f. 128. These lines afterwards
See MS. Harl. ut snpr. f. 49. 76. occur, burlesqued and parodied, by a
y Ibid. f. 79b. Probably this song has writer of the same age.
been somewhat modernized by transcribers. * [cheeks, A.S. p:ui£, Ital. guancia.]
VOL. I. D
34 ALEXANDRINE VERSES.
Of leuedis loue that y ha let,
That lemcth al with luefly lyt,
Ofte in song y haue hem set,
That is vnsemly ther hit syt.
Hit syt & semeth noht,
Ther hit ys seid in song
That y haue of hem wroht,
Ywis hit is al wrong. a
It was customary with the early scribes, when stanzas consisted of
short lines, to throw them together like prose*. As thus :
" A wayle whyt ase whalles bon | a grein in golde that godly shon | a
tortle that min herte is on | in tounes trewe | Hire gladshipe nes neuer
gon | whil y may glewe".b
Sometimes they wrote three or four verses together as one line.
With longyng y am lad | on molde y waxe mad | a maide marreth me,
Y grede y grone vn-glad | for selden y am sad | that semly forte se.
Levedi thou rewe me | to routhe thou hauest me rad | be bote of that
y bad | my lyf is long on the.c
Again,
Most i ryden by Rybbesdale | wilde wymmen forte wale | ant welde
wuch ich wolde :
Founde were the fey rest on | that euer was mad of blod ant bon | in
boure best with bolde.d
This mode of writing is not uncommon in antient manuscripts of
French poetry. And some critics may be inclined to suspect, that the
verses which we call Alexandrine, accidentally assumed their form merely
from the practice of absurd transcribers, who frugally chose to fill their
pages to the extremity, and violated the metrical structure for the sake
of saving their vellum. It is certain, that the common stanza of four
short lines may be reduced into two Alexandrines, and on the contrary.
I have before observed, that the Saxon poem cited by Hickes, con-
sisting of one hundred and ninety-one stanzas, is written in stanzas in
the Bodleian, and in Alexandrines in the Trinity manuscript at Cam-
bridge. How it came originally from the poet I will not pretend to de-
termine.
Our early poetry often appears in satirical pieces on the established
and eminent professions. And the writers, as we have already seen,
succeeded not amiss when they cloathed their satire in allegory. But
nothing can be conceived more scurrilous and illiberal than their satires
when they descend to mere invective. In the British Museum, among
* MS. ibid. f. 66. several A. Saxon and Teutonic poems
* [See Hoffmann's Fundgruben, Bres- were at first edited as prose, and have but
lau, 1830, vol. i. p. 331, &c. ; Danske Ki- recently been discovered to be metrical,
sempe Viser, Copenhagen, passim, 1787; — R. T.]
and Raynouard, Poesies des Troubadours, b MS. Ibid. f. 67. c Ibid. 63 b.
vol. ii. Poeme sur Boece, p. 6. Hence d Ibid, f. 66 b.
SECT. I.] SATIRICAL PIECES. 35
other examples which I could mention, we have a satirical ballad on
the lawyers6, and another on the clergy, or rather some particular bishop.
The latter begins thus :
Hyrdmen hatieth ant vch mones hyne,
For eueruch a parosshe heo polketh in pyne
Ant clastreth wyth heore colle :
Nou wol vch fol clerc that is fayly
Wende to -the bysshop ant bugge bayly,
Nys no wyt in is nolle/
The elder French poetry abounds in allegorical satire : arid I doubt
not that the author of the satire on the monastic profession, cited above,
copied some French satire on the subject. Satire was one species of
the poetry of the Provencial troubadours. Anselm Fayditt*, a trouba-
dour of the eleventh century, who will again be mentioned, wrote a
sort of satirical drama called the HERESY OF THE FATHERS, HEREGTA
DEL PREYRES, a ridicule on the council which condemned the Albi-
genses. The papal legates often fell under the lash of these poets ;
whose favour they were obliged to court, but in vain, by the promise
of ample gratuities *>'. Hugues de Bercy, a French monk, wrote in the
twelfth century a very lively and severe satire ; in which no person, not
even himself, was spared, and which he called the BIBLE, as containing
nothing but truth h.
*In the Harleian manuscripts I find an antient French poem, yet re-
specting England, which is a humorous panegyric on a new religions
order called LE ORDRE DE BEL EYSE. This is the exordium:
Qui vodra a moi entendre
Oyr purra e aprendre
L'estoyre de un ORDRE NOVEL
Qe mout est delitous e bel.
The poet ingeniously feigns, that his new monastic order consists of the
most eminent nobility and gentry of both sexes, who inhabit the mona-
steries assigned to it promiscuously ; and that no person is excluded
from this establishment who can support the rank of a gentleman. They
are bound by their statutes to live in perpetual idleness and luxury :
and the satirist refers them for a pattern or rule of practice in these
important articles, to the monasteries of Sempringham in Lincolnshire,
e MS. ut supr. f. 70 b. B Fontenelle, Hist. Theatr. Fr. p. 18.
* Ibid. f. 71. edit. 1742.
[This stanza forms a part of the satire h See Fauchet, Rec. p. 151.
on the lawyers. Warton was led into the [The piece here alluded to was not
mistake by the transcriber having deviated written by De Bercy. It will be found in
in the present instance from his usual the second volume of Barbazan's Fabliaux,
order of transcription. — PRICE.] p. 307, and is calif d " Bible Guiot de Pro-
* [Gaucelm Faidit. See Raynouard, vins." " LaBibleau Seignor deBerze" is a
" Choix des Poesies des Troubadours," more courtly composition, and forms a part
torn. v. p. 158, who, however, does not of the same collection, p. 194. The earlier
mention the piece referred to by Warton. French antiquaries have frequently con-
— M.] founded these two productions. — PRICE.]
D2
3G FIRST ENGLISH METRICAL ROMANCE. [SECT. L
Beverley in Yorkshire, the Knights Hospitalers, and many other reli-
gious orders then flourishing in England1.
When we consider the feudal manners, and the magnificence of our
Norman ancestors, their love of military glory, the enthusiasm with
which they engaged in the Crusades, and the wonders to which they
must have been familiarized from those eastern enterprises, we natu-
rally suppose, what will hereafter be more particularly proved, that
their retinues abounded with minstrels and harpers, and that their chief
entertainment was to listen to the recital of romantic and martial ad-
ventures. But I have been much disappointed in my searches after the
metrical tales which must have prevailed in their times. Most of those
old heroic songs are perished, together with the stately castles in whose
halls they were sung. Yet they are not so totally lost as we may be
apt to imagine. Many of them still partly exist in the old English
metrical romances, which will be mentioned in their proper places ; yet
divested of their original form, polished in their style, adorned with
new incidents, successively modernized by repeated transcription and
recitation, and retaining little more than the outlines of the original
composition. This has not been the case of the legendary and other
religious poems written soon after the Conquest, manuscripts of which
abound in our libraries. From the nature of their subject they were
less popular and common ; and being less frequently recited, became
less liable to perpetual innovation or alteration.
The most antient English metrical romance which I can discover, is
entitled the GESTE OF KING HORN. It was evidently written after the
Crusades had begun, is mentioned by Chaucer k, and probably still re-
mains in its original state. I will first give the substance of the story,
and afterwards add some specimens of the composition. But I must
premise, that this story occurs in very old French metre in the manu-
scripts of the British Museum1, so that probably it is a translation: a
circumstance which will throw light on an argument pursued here-
after, proving that most of our metrical romances are translated from
the French.
Mury, king of the Saracens, lands in the kingdom of Suddene, where
he kills the king named Allof*. The queen, Godylt, escapes; but
Mury seizes on her son Horn, a beautiful youth aged fifteen years,
and puts him into a galley, with two of his playfellows, Athulph and
Fykenyld : the vessel being driven on the coast of the kingdom of
1 MS. ibid. f. 121. copy of the English romance, and is so pre-
k Rim. Thop. 3402. Urr. served in the Cambridge and Oxford ma-
1 MS. Had. 527 b. f. 59. Cod. membr. nuscripts : Allof is his name in the French,
* [Wartori has been led into the mis- and the writer of the MS. Harl. has
take of calling the Saracen king by the changed Mury for Allof throughout the
name of Mury by a curious error of the poem, with the exception of one place,
scribe who wrote the manuscript in the which he has overlooked, and Warto'i,
Harleian Collection, and who seems to have meeting in this passage with the name of
been equally well read in the French and Mury, supposed it to be that of the in-
English poetry of the day. Mury was the v,;der of Horn's patrimony.— W.]
name of the father of Horn in the older
SECT. I.] THE GESTE OF KING HORN. 37
Westnesse, the young prince is found by Aylmer, king of that country,
brought to court, and delivered to Athelbrus his steward, to be edu-
cated in hawking, harping, tilting, and other courtly accomplishments.
Here the princess Rymenild falls in love with him, declares her passion,
and is betrothed. Home, in consequence of this engagement, leaves
the princess for seven years ; to demonstrate, according to the ritual of
chivalry, that by seeking and accomplishing dangerous enterprises he
deserved her affection. He proves a most valorous and invincible
knight : and at the end of seven years, having killed king Mury, re-
covered his father's kingdom, and atchieved many signal exploits, re-
covers the princess Rymenild from the hands of his treacherous knight
and companion Fykenyld ; carries her in triumph to his own country,
arid there reigns with her in great splendor and prosperity. The poem
itself begins and proceeds thus :
Alle heo ben blythe,
That to my songe ylythem:
A song ychulle ou singe
' Of Allof the gode kynge,
Kyng he wes by weste
The whiles hit yleste ;
Ant Godylt his gode queue,
No feyrore myhte bene,
Ant huere sone hihte Horn,
Feyrore childe ne myhte be born :
For reyn ne myhte byryne
Ne sonne myhte shyne
Feyrore child then he was,
Bryht so euer eny glas,
So whit so eny lylye flour,
So rose red wes his colour;
He wes feyr & eke bold,
Ant of fyftene wynter old,
Nis non his yliche
In none kinges ryche.
Tueye* feren" he hadde,
That he with him ladde,
Alle richemenne sones,
And alle suythe feyre gomes,
Wyth him forte pleye
Mest he louede tueye,
That on wes hoten Athulf chyld,
And that other Fykenyld,
Athulf wes the beste,
And Fykenyld the werste.
m listen. * [tuelfe MS. Laud. 108. rightly.— M.] " companions.
38 FIRST ENGLISH METRICAL ROMANCE. [SECT. I.
Hyt was vpon a someres day
Also ich ou telle may,
Allof the gode kyng
11 ode vpon his ple^yng,
Bi the see side,
Ther he was woned to ride ;
With him ne ryde bote tuo,
Al to fewe hue were tho :
He fond by the stronde,
Aryued on 'is londe,
Shipes systene
Of Sarazynes kene :
He askede whet hue sohteii
Other on is lond brohten.
But I hasten to that part of the story where prince Home appears at
the court of the king of Westnesse.
The kyng com in to halle,
Among his knyhtes alle,
Forth he clepeth Athelbrus,
His stiward, £ him seide thus :
" Stiward tac thou here
My fundling forto lere,
Of thine mestere
Of wode and of ryuerep,
Ant toggen o the harpe
With is nayles sharpeq,
Ant tech him alle the listes
That thou euer wystest,
Byfore me to keruen,
And of my coupe to seruenr,
* So Robert de Brunne of king Marian. In the chamber of a bishop of Winchester
Hearne's Rob. Gloc. p. 622. at Merdon Castle, now ruined, we find
». . e . . , mention made of benches only. Comp.
— Marian faire in chere ,,r. J
ad magnum descum. Et de i
[The expression is borrowed from the ex una parte, et ii. mensis ex altera parte
French writers. Thus in Benoit Ste cum tressellis in aula. Et de i. men'sa
More's Roman du Rou, MS. Harl. 1717. cum tressellis in camera dom. episcopi.
f. 79. Et v.formis in eadem camera." Descus,
" Tant seit apris qu'il Use un bref, in old English dees, is properly a canopy
Kar ceo ne li ert pas trop gref, over the high table- See a curious account
D'eschas, de rivere, et de chace of the goods in the palace of the bishop
Voil que del tot aprenge e sace."— M.l of Nivernois in France, in the year 1287,
in Montf. Cat. MSS. ii. p. 984. col. 2.
q In another part of the poem he is in- r According to the rules of chivalry,
troduced playing on his harp. every knight before his creation passed
Horn sette him abenche, through two offices. He was first a page :
Is harpe he gan clenche, and at fourteen years of age he was for-
He made Rymenild a lay mally admitted an esquire. The esquires
Ant hue seide weylaway, &c. were divided into several departments;
SECT. I.] FIRST ENGLISH METRICAL ROMANCE.
Ant his feren deuyse
With ous other seruise ;
Horn child, thou vnderstond,
Tech him of harpe & of song."
Athelbrus gon leren
Horn & hyse feren ;
Horn mid herte lahte
Al that mon him tahte,
With inne court & withoute,
& overal aboute,
Louede men Horn child,
& most him louede Rymenyld
The kinges oune dohter,
For he wes in hire thohte,
Hue louede him in hire mod,
For he wes feir & eke god,
& thah hue ne dorste at horde
Mid him speke ner a word,
Ne in the halle,
Among the knyhtes alle,
Hyre sorewe ant hire pyne
Nolde neuer fyne,
Bi daye ne bi nyhte,
For hue speke ne myhte
With Horn that wes so feir & fre
Tho hue ne myhte with him be ;
In herte hue had care & wo,
& thus hue bithohte hire tho :
Hue sende hyre sonde
Athelbrus to honde,
That he come hire to,
& also shulde Horn do,
In to hire boure,
For hue bigon to loure ;
And the sonde8 sayde,
That seek wes the mayde,
& bed hym come suythe
For hue nis nout blythe.
The stiward wes in huerte wo,
For he nuste whet he shulde do,
What Rymenyld bysohte
Gret wonder him thohte ;
that of the body, of the chamber, of the bution of them among the guests. The
stable, and the carving esquire. The latter inferior offices had also their respective
stood in the hall at dinner, where he esquires. Mem. Anc.Cheval. i. 16. seq.
carved the different dishes with proper * messenger,
skill and address, and directed the distri-
40
FIRST ENGLISH METRICAL ROMANCE. [SECT. I,
About Horn the }inge
To boure forte bringe,
He thohte on is mode
Hit nes for none gode ;
He tok with him an other,
Athulf Homes brother',
" Athulf," quoth he, " ryht anon
Thou shalt with me to boure gon,
To speke with Rymenild stille,
To wyte hyre wille,
Thou art Homes yliche,
Thou shalt hire by-suyke,
Sore me adrede
That hue wole Horn niys-rede."
Athelbrus & Athulf bo
To hire boure beth ygo>
Vpon Athulf childe
Rymenild con waxe wilde,
Hue wende Horn it were,
That hue hade there ;
Hue seten adoun stille,
Ant seyden hure wille,
In hire armes tueye
Athulf he con leye.
" Horn," quoth heo, " wellonge
Y haue loued thee stronge,
Thou shalt thy treuth plyhte
In myn hond with ryhte,
Me to spouse welde
& ich the louerd to helde."
So stille so hit were,
Athulf seyde in hire eere,
" Ne tel thou no more speche
May, y the byseche ;
Thi tale gyn thou lynne,
For Horn nis nout her ynne," &c.
At length the princess finds she has been deceived, the steward is
severely reprimanded, and prince Home is brought to her chamber ;
when, says the poet,
Of is fay re syhte
Al that boure gan lyhte".
* companion, friend. Ritson's Romances, vol. 3.] The title Horn-
11 MS. ibid. f. 83. Where the title is childe and Maiden Rimnild. The beginning,
written, « >e 3e»te of kynge Home." Mi leye ffende d
1 here is a copy much altered and modern- Herken aml ghall here
ized, m the Advocates library at Edin-
burgh, W. 4. i. Numb, xxxiv. [printed in [Since Warton's time, two other MSS.
SliCT. I.] FIRST ENGLISH METRICAL ROMANCE,
41
It is the force of the story in these pieces that chiefly engages our
attention. The minstrels had no idea of conducting and describing a
delicate situation. The general manners were gross, and the arts of
of the early English romance of Horn,
identical with that of the MS. Harl., have
been found. The best and oldest, being,
1 have no doubt, of the latter part of the
thirteenth century at latest, was found by
Mr. Kemble, in some stray leaves of an
early MS. bound up in the middle of a
fine MS. of Chaucer, Bibl. Pub. Cant. Gg.
4. 27. The other, in a MS. written about
the year 1300, was found by Sir Frederick
Madden in the Bodleian Library at Ox-
ford, MS. Laud. 108. The Harleian MS.
is of the reign of Edw. II.— W.]
[The text of this romance has been
taken from Mr. Ritson's edition ; whose
accuracy, by the way, though unimpeach-
able in the specimens quoted above, is not
equally conspicuous throughout the poem.
In fact, he seems neither to have been
master of the language nor the subject.
His glossary will afford sufficient evidence
of the former assertion — to which much
might be added from his omissions and
misprints — and his notes will amply bear
out the latter. The bishop of Dromore
considered this production " of genuine
English growth;" and though his lordship
may have been mistaken in ascribing it, in
its present form, to so early an sera as
" within a century after the Conquest,"
yet the editor has no hesitation in express-
ing his belief, that it owes its origin to a
period long anterior to that event. The
reasons for such an opinion cannot be en-
tered upon here. They are too detailed
to fall within the compass of a note ; and
though some of them will be introduced
elsewhere, yet many perhaps are the re-
sult of convictions more easily felt than
expressed, and whose shades of evidence
are too slight to be generally received,
except in the rear of more obvious autho-
rity. However, to those who with Mr.
Ritson [and Mr. Warton, see p. 36.— M.]
persist in believing the French fragment
of this romance to be an earlier compo-
sition than " The Geste of Kyng Horn,"
the following passage is submitted, for the
purpose of contrasting its highly wrought
imagery with the simple narrative and
natural allusion observed throughout the
English poem :
Lors print la harpe a sei, si commence a
temprer,
Deu ki dune lesgardast, cum il la sot
manier !
Cum les cordes tuchot, cum les feseit
trembler,
A quantes faire les chanz, a cuantes or-
gancr,
Del armonie del del lie pureit remembrer
Sur tuz ceus ke i suntfaitcistamerveiller
Kuant celes notes ot fait prent sen a-
munter
E par tut autre tuns fait les cordes soner :
It remains to observe, that " The noble
Hystory of Kynge Ponthus of Galyce"
printed by De VVorde, and quoted by Mr.
Ritson, is but a more enlarged version of
the same story, with some slight change
of circumstance, and an almost total change
of names, countries, &c. — PRICE.]
[There are now known three MSS. of
the ' French Home,' all unfortunately in-
complete ; the Harleian MS. mentioned
by Warton ; a MS. in the library of the
late Mr. Douce, now at Oxford ; and a
beautiful MS. which I found in the Public
Library at Cambridge, Ff. 6. 17, which is
by far the best and oldest, and also the
least defective. M Francisque Michel is
printing the French poem from the three
MSS., and I have prepared the English
romance to follow it. I have no doubt
myself that the English, though not per-
haps in its present form, was the original
of the Romance of Horn, and I will only
mention one circumstance which I think
convincing. The following is a sample of
the names which occur in the French
poem, andnot in the English : we have Her-
selot, Godfrei, Berlin, Blanchard, Moroan,
Marmorin, Turlin, Gibelin, and Mal-
bruart. These are all names of constant
occurrence in the French romances, in
which the Saracens are those of Spain and
Africa. No such names occur in the
English Horn, where the Saracens are
Danes, and where all the names are good
Saxon and Danish. If the French were a
translation from the English, with the
embellishments and additions of the
French writer, we at once see how he in-
troduced those kinds of embellishments
and those kinds of names to which he was
accustomed ; and it must be owned that
the embellishments as well as the names
are not such as are found in Saxon or
pure English poetry. If on the contrary
the English were the translation, it would
be very difficult to conceive how the
translator came to use so much discrimi-
nation, for he would have been just as
likely to keep in some of the above names
as any of the others. The French poem
constantly quotes the parchement as its
authority — "com ditleparchemin." — W.]
[To these remarks, in the truth of which
I concur, may be added, that the author of
42 SATIRICAL SONG OF TIIK 13T1I CENTURY. [SECT. II.
writing unknown. Yet this simplicity sometimes pleases more than the
most artificial touches. In the mean time, the pictures of antient man-
ners presented by these early writers, strongly interest the imagination :
especially as having the same uncommon merit with the pictures of man-
ners in Homer, that of being founded in truth and reality, and actually
painted from the life. To talk of the grossness and absurdity of such
manners is little to the purpose ; the poet is only concerned in the just-
ness and faithfulness of the representation.
SECTION II.
Satirical Ballad in the Thirteenth Century. The Kings Poet. Robert
of Gloucester. Antient Political Ballads. Robert of Brunne. The
Brut of England. Le Roman de Rou. Gests and Jestours. Ercel-
doune and Kendale. Bishop Grosthead. Monks write for the Min-
strels. Monastic Libraries full of Romances. Minstrels admitted into
the Monasteries. Regnorum Chronica and Mirabilia Mundi. Early
European Travellers into the East. Elegy on Edward the First.
HITHERTO we have been engaged in examining the state of our po-
etry from the Conquest to the year 1200*, or rather afterwards. It
will appear to have made no very rapid improvement from that period.
Yet as we proceed, we shall find the language losing much of its antient
barbarism and obscurity, and approaching more nearly to the dialect of
modern times.
In the latter end of the reign of Henry the Third, a poem occurs,
the date of which may be determined with some degree of certainty.
It is a satirical song, or ballad, written by one of the adherents of
Simon de Montfort earl of Leicester, a powerful baron, soon after the
battle of Lewes, which was fought in the year 1264, and proved very
fatal to the interests of the king. In this decisive action, Richard king
of the Romans, his brother Henry the Third, and prince Edward, with
many others of the royal party, were taken prisoners.
Sitteth alle stille, & herkneth to me :
The kyn of Alemaignea, bi mi leauteb,
Thritti thousent pound asked e he
the French romance of king Atla (former- had been translated into French from the
ly in Mr. Heber's library, and now in the English. — M.]
possession of Sir Thomas Phillipps, Bart.) * [1300. — M.]
expressly states in his Prologue, that the a The king of the Romans.
stories of Aehf(A.\lof), Tristan, and others b loyalty.
SECT. II.] SATIRICAL SONG OF THE 13TH CENTURY. 43
Forte make the peesc in the countred,
Ant so he dude more.
Richard, thah e thou be euer trichard f,
Tricthen shal thou neuermore.
it.
Richard of Alemaigne, whil that he wes kyng,
He spentle al is tresour opon swyuyng,
Haueth he nout of Walingford of'erlyngs,
Let him habbe, ase he brew, bale to dryngh,
Maugre Wyndesore1.
Richard, thah thou, &c.
in.
The kyng of Alemaigne wende do ful welk,
He saisede the mulne for a castel1,
With hare"1 sharpe swerdes he grounde the stel,
He wende that the sayles were mangonel"
To helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.
IV.
The kyng of Alemaigne gederede0 ys host,
Makede him a castel of a mulne-post P,
Wende with is prude q, ant is muchele bost,
Brohte from Almayne mony sori gostr
To store Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.
v.
By God that is abouen ous he dude muche synne,
That lette passen ouer see the erl of Warynne9 :
c peace. lingford. See Hearne's Langtoft, Gloss.
d The barons made this offer of thirty p. 616; and Rob. Glouc. p. 548. Robert
thousand pounds to Richard. de Brtinne, a poet of whom I shall speak
" though. { treacherous. at large in his proper place, translates the
E Overling, i. e. superior. But per- onset of this battle with some spirit, edit,
haps the word is osterlyng, for esterlyng, Hearne, p. 217:
a French piece of money. Wallingford was Symon com to the felde, and put up his
one of the honours conferred on Richard, banere,
at his marriage with Sanchia daughter of The king schewed forth his schelde, his
the count of Provence. dragon ful austere :
[Perhaps oferlyng, "one furlong."] The kyng saide on hie, Simon ieo vous
h " Let him have, as he brews, poison defie, &c.
[misery] to drink." m their.
' Windsor-castle was one of the king's n battering-rams. [Vid. infra, p. 63.
chief fortresses. note ".]
k " Thought to do full well." ° gathered. p mill-post. q pride.
1 Some old chronicles relate, that at the r He brought with him many foreign-
battle of Lewes Richard was taken in a ers, when he returned to England, from
windmill. Hearne MSS. Coll. vol. 106. taking possession of his dignity of king of
p. 82. Robert of Gloucester mentions the the Romans. This gave great offence to
same circumstance, edit. Hearne, p. 547. the barons. It is here insinuated, that he
„,, , . /• *i • • • j intended to garrison Windsor-castle with
The king of Alemaigne was in a wind- these foreign*rs> The barons obliged him
to dismiss most of them soon after he land-
Richard and prince Edward took shelter in ed in England.
the Grey-friars at Lewes, but were after- * The earl of Warren and Surrey, and
wards imprisoned in, the castle of Wai- Hugh le Bigot the king's justiciary, men-
44 SATIRICAL SONG OF THE 13'FH CENTURY. [SECT. II.
He hath robbed Engelond, the mores, ant th[e] fenne,
The gold, ant the seluer, and yboren henne,
For loue of Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.
VI.
Sire Simond de Mountfort hath suore bi ys chyn,
Heuede* he nou here the erle of Waryn,
Shulde he neuer more come to is ynu,
Ne with sheld, ne with spere, ne with other gynw,
To help of Wyndesore :
Richard, £c.
VII.
Syre Simond de Montfort hath suore bi ys top,
Heue^e he nou here Sire Hue de Bigot,
Al he shulde quite here tuelfmoneth scots
Shulde he neuer more with his fot pot,
To helpe Wyndesore.
Richard, &c.
VIII.
[Be the luef, be the loht Sire Edward,
Thou shalt ride sporeles o thy lyard,
Al the ryhte way to Douere-ward,
Shalt thou rieuermore breke foreward,
Ant that reweth sore ;
Edward, thou dudest ase a shreward,
Forsoke thyn ernes* lore.
Richard, &c.]
These popular rhymes had probably no small influence in encoura-
ging Leicester's partisans, and diffusing his faction. There is some
humour in imagining that Richard supposed the windmill to which he
retreated, to be a fortification ; and that he believed the sails of it to
be military engines. In the manuscript from which this specimen is
transcribed, immediately follows a song in French, seemingly written
by the same poet, on the battle of Evesham fought the following
year; in which Leicester f was killed, and his rebellious;}: barons de-
tioned in the seventh stanza, had fled into monke of Chester, in his boke of Policro-
France. nicon, and calleth him Simon the right-
1 had. wyse, sayinge that God wrought for him
u habitation, home. w engine, weapon. miracles after his deth." Fabyan, an.
* year's tax. I had transcribed this 1264. "Earl Simon, that great man,
ballad from the British Museum, and writ- who spent, not only his, but himself, in
ten these few cursory explanations, before behalf of the oppressed, in asserting a just
I knew that it was printed in the second cause, and maintaining the rights of the
edition of Doctor Percy's Ballads, ii. 1. realm." S. Johnson's Vind. of Magna
See MS. Harl. ut supr. f. 58 b. Charta, p. 366.]
[Unfortunately, as Ritson remarks, it is J [in support of Magna Charta, agree-
also. *.". t^le first edition, vol. ii. p. 3, and ably to its provision " la commune de tote
exhibiting the same mistakes. — M.] Engleterre nos destreindront & greveront
[uncle's.] en totes Ii manieres que il porront...jus-
t [" Of this erle spekyth Ranulph, quilseit amende,.. sauve nostre personne."]
SECT. II.] THE KIXG'S POET. 45
featedy. Our poet looks upon his hero as a martyr; and particularly
laments the loss of Henry his son, and Hugh le Despenser justiciary
of England. He concludes with an English stanza, much in the style
and spirit of those just quoted.
A learned and ingenious writer, in a work which places the study of
the law in a new light, and proves it to be an entertaining history of
manners, has observed, that this ballad on Richard of Alemaigne pro-
bably occasioned a statute against libels in the year 1275, under the
title, " Against slanderous reports, or tales to cause discord betwixt
king and people2." That this spirit was growing to an extravagance
which deserved to be checked, we shall have occasion to bring further
proofs.
I must not pass over the reign of Henry the Third, who died in the
year 1272, without observing, that this monarch entertained in his
court a poet with a certain salary, whose name was Henry de
Avranchesa. And although this poet was a Frenchman, and most pro-
bably wrote in French, yet this first instance of an officer who was
afterwards, yet with sufficient impropriety, denominated a poet laureate
in the English court, deservedly claims particular notice in the course
of these annals. He is called Master Henry the Versifier^0 : which ap-
pellation perhaps implies a different character from the royal Minstrel
or Joculator. The king's treasurers are ordered to pay this Master
Henry one hundred shillings, which I suppose to have been a year's
y f. 59. It begins, ment of a hymn addressed to him when
Chaunter mestoit | mon cuer le voit | en «"ion«ed , n -
un dure langage, ton" V™p' A0' VJ; *>!. 1 89." Anno Domini
* m x v* octavo Symoms Montls
Tut en ploraunt fust fet le chaunt | de
notre duz Baronage, &c. Fort.ls sociorumque ejus pridie nonas Au-
[This poem was privately printed (to- r
gether with three others from the same Salve Sym°n Montis Fords,
MS.) by Sir Francis Palgrave (then Fr. tocms flos mihcie'
Cohen, Esq.), 4to. 1818.— M.] Duras Penas P88*™ mort>A
[A version of. this song was made by protector (?) gentis Anghe.
Sir Walter Scott, at the request of Ritson, Sunt de sanctis maudita,
and has been printed in the late republi- Cunctls Passis m hac Vlta
cation of his English Songs, vol. ii. Mr. M quemquam passum talia: (*fc.)
Geo. Ellis made another metrical trans- Manus' Pedes amputan ;
lation, which perished with many of Kit- CaPut' corPus vulneran ;
son's manuscript treasures.— PARK ]
[This Norman ballad has since been ?is pro notes intercessor
printed in the new edition of Ritson's An- APud ^eum, qui defensor
cient Songs. Political songs seem to have in terns externtas. (sic.)
been common about this period : both En- Ora pro nobis, beate Symon, ut digni effi-
glish, Norman, and Latin, the three Ian- ciamur promissionibus Christi." There
guages then used in England, seem to have are found many political songs in Latin,
been enlisted into the cause of Simon de which shows that the monks took much
Montfort. I have somewhere seen a Latin- interest in politics. — W.]
poem in his praise ; and, in the following * [Harrington's] Observations upon tl;e
passage from a MS. containing his mira- Statutes, chiefly the more ancient, &c.
cles, (for Simon, like Harold, and Wai- edit. 1766. p. 71.
theof, and most of the popular heroes of a See Carew's Surv. Cornw. p. 58. edit.
those days, was looked upon as a saint,) and 1602.
written apparently no very long time after b Henry of Huntingdon says, that Walo
his death, we have apparently the frag- Fersificutor wrote a panegyiic on Henry
THE KING S POET.
[SECT. ii.
stipend, in the year 1251C. And again the same precept occurs under
the year 1249d. Our Master Henry, it seems, had in some of his
verses reflected on the rusticity of the Cornish men. This insult was
resented in a Latin satire now remaining, written by Michael Blaun-
payne, a native of Cornwall, and recited by the author in the presence
of Hugh abbot of Westminster, Hugh de Mortimer official of the arch-
bishop of Canterbury, the bishop elect of Winchester, and the bishop
of Rochester6. While we are speaking of the Versifier of Henry the
Third, it will not be foreign to add, that in the thirty-sixth year of the
same king, forty shillings and one pipe of wine were given to Richard
the king's harper, and one pipe of wine to Beatrice his wifef. But
why this gratuity of a pipe of wine should also be made to the wife, as
well as to the husband, who from his profession was a genial character,
appears problematical according to our present ideas *.
the First ; and that the same Walo Versiji-
cator wrote a poem on the park which that
king made at Woodstock. Apud Leland's
Collectan. vol. ii. 303. i. 197. edit. 1770.
Perhaps he was in the department of Hen-
ry mentioned in the text. One Gualo, a
Latin poet, who flourished about this time,
is mentioned by Bale, ii;. 5. and Pitts, p.
233. He is commended in the POLICRA-
TICON. A copy of his Latin hexametrical
satire on the monks is printed by Mathias
Flacius, among miscellaneous Latin poems
De corrupto Ecclesice statu, p. 489. Basil.
1557. oct.
c " Magistro Henrico Versificatori."
See Madox, Hist. Excheq. p. 268.
d Ibid. p. 674. In MSS. Digb. Bibl.
Bodl. I find, in John of Hoveden's Salu-
tationes quinquaginta Marite, " Mag. Hen-
ricus, VERSIFICATOR MAGNUS, de B. Vir-
gine," &c.
* MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Arch. Bodl. 29." in
pergam. 4to. viz. "Versus magistri Micha-
elis Cornubiensis contra Mag. Henricum
Abricensem coram dom. Hugone abbate
Westmon.etaliis."fol. 81 b. Princ. "AR-
CHIPOETA vide quod non sit cura tibi de."
See also fol. 83 b. Again, fol. 85.
Pendo poeta prius te diximus ARCHI-
POETAM,
Quam pro postico mine dicimus esse poe-
tam,
Imo poeticulum, &c.
Archlpoeta means here the king's chief
poet.
In another place our Cornish satirist
thus attacks master Henry's person :
Est tibi gamba capri, crus passeris, et la-
tus apri ;
Os leporis, catuli nasus, dens et gena muli :
Frons vetulae, tauri caput, et color undi-
que mauri.
In a blank page of the Bodleian manu-
script, from which these extracts are made,
is written, " Iste liber constat Fratri Jo-
hanni de Wallis monacho Rameseye." The
name is elegantly enriched with a device.
This manuscript contains, among other
things, Planctus de Excidio Trojse, by Hugo
Prior de Montacuto, in rhyming hexame-
ters and pentameters, viz. fol. 89. Cam-
den cites other Latin verses of Michael
Blaunpain, whom he calls " Merry Michael .
the Cornish poet." Rem. p. 10. See also
p. 489. edit. 1674. He wrote many other
Latin pieces, both in prose and verse.
[Compare Tanner in JOANNES COR-
NUBIENSIS, who recites his other pieces.
BIBL. p. 432. Notes f g.— ADDITIONS.]
[There are more than one copy of this
poem in the British Museum. In MS.
Reg. 14 C. xiii. fol. 269, it is said to have
been recited at Cambridge, in presence
of the University and Masters. "Versus
magistri Machielis [for Michaelis] Cor-
nubiensis contra magistrum Henricum
Abrincensem coram domino abbate West-
monasterii et domino decano Sancti Pauli
Londoniarum primis judicibus, et postea
coram Elyensi episcopo et cancellarioCan-
tebrugie una cum universitate magistro-
rum." The Latin poems of Michael Cor-
nubiensis on various subjects occur in MS.
Cotton. VESP. D. V. fol. 149.— W.]
' Rot. Pip. an. 36 Henr. III. "Etin
uno dolio vini empto et dato magistro Ri-
cardo Citharistae regis, xl. sol. per Br. Reg.
Et in uno dolio empto et dato Beatrici
uxori ejusdem Ricardi."
* [Beatrice may possibly have been a
jugleress, whose pantomimic exhibitions
were accompanied by her husband's harp,
or who filled up the intervals between his
performances. This union of professional
talents in husband and wife was not un-
common. In a copy of the ordonnances for
regulating the minstrels, &c. residing at
SECT. II.] ROBRRT OP GLOUCESTER. 47
The first poet whose name occurs in the reign of Edward the First,
and indeed in these annals, is Robert of Gloucester, a monk of the abbey
of Gloucester. He has left a poem of considerable length, which is a
history of England in verse, from Brutus to the reign of Edward the
First. It was evidently written after the year 1278, as the poet men-
tions king Arthur's sumptuous tomb, erected in that year before the
high altar of Glastenbury church f : and he declares himself a living
witness of the remarkably dismal weather which distinguished the day
on which the battle of Evesham above mentioned was fought, in the
year 1265?. From these and other circumstances this piece appears
to have been composed about the year 1280*. It is exhibited in the
manuscripts, is cited by many antiquaries, and printed by Hearne, in
the Alexandrine measure ; but with equal probability might have been
written in four-lined stanzas. This rhyming chronicle is totally destitute
of art or imagination. The author has cloathed the fables of Geoffrey
of Monmouth in rhyme, which have often a more poetical air in
Geoffrey's prose. The language is not much more easy or intelligible
than that of many of the Norman Saxon poems quoted in the preceding
section : it is full of Saxonisms, which indeed abound, more or less, in
every writer before Gower and Chaucer. But this obscurity is per-
haps owing to the western dialect, in which our monk of Gloucester was
educated. Provincial barbarisms are naturally the growth of extreme
counties, and of such as are situated at a distance from the metropolis ;
and it is probable that the Saxon heptarchy, which consisted of a
cluster of seven independent states, contributed to produce as many
different provincial dialects. In the mean time it is to be considered,
that writers of all ages and languages have their affectations and singu-
larities, which occasion in each a peculiar phraseology.
Robert of Gloucester thus describes the sports and solemnities which
followed king Arthur's coronation :
Paris, a document drawn up by themselves a fact of some moment, since hitherto the
intheyear!321,andsignedbythirty-seven author has been referred to as the foun-
persons on behalf of all the menestreux tain-head of our early poetry. See my
jongleurs et jougleresses of that city, we Introduction to the Ancient Romance of
find among others the names of lehanot Havelok the Dane, 4to. 1828. p. Hi. It
Langlois et Adeline, fame de Langlois must, in addition, be remarked, that the
Jaucons, fils le moine et Marguerite, la greater part of this Chronicle was unfor-
fame au moine. See Roquefort de la Poe- tunately printed from the Harleian MS.
sie Fran$oise dans les xii. et xiii. Siecles, 201, an inferior copy of the 15th century
p. 288. — PRICE.] (erroneously assigned by Hearne to Ed-
f Pag. 224. edit. Hearne. Oxon. 1724. ward the Third's reign), and only the re-
g Pag. 560. maining portion, viz. pp. 465 — 571, from
* [It is surprising that Hearne, War- theCotton MS. CALIG. A. xi.,whichis con-
ton, Ritson, Boucher, and a host of igno- temporary, or nearly so, with the author,
rant copiers, should have overlooked the In the event of another and critical edition
mention of the canonization of St. Louis, (which is very desirable), the Cotton MS.
which did not take place till 1297. should serve as the text, and various read-
ings might be annexed from the Harleian,
Thulke gode Lowis is nou Seint, & ileid Heralds College, Sloane, Oxford and Cam-
in ssrine.— p. 531, ed. Hearne. bridge MSS. In the Bodleian library is a
printed copy of the work, filled with colla-
The Chronicle, consequently, could not tions in the handwriting of the Rev. Daniel
have been completed till after this period, Waterland, D.D. — M.]
48 ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER. [SECT. II.
The kyng was to ys paleys, tho the servyse was ydoS,
Ylad wyth hys menye, and the quene to hyre also.
Vor hii hulde the olde vsages, that men wyth men were
By hem sulue, and wymmen by hem sulue also there h.
Tho hii were echone yset, as yt to her stat bycom,
Kay, king of Aungeo, a thousand kyn^tes nome
Of noble men, yclothed in ermyne echone
Of on sywete, and seruede at thys noble fest anon.
Bedwer the botyler, kyng of Normandye,
Nom also in ys half a uayr companye
Of one sywyte1 vorto servy of the botelerye.
Byuore the quene yt was also of al suche cortesye,
Vorto telle al the noblye that ther was ydo,
They my tonge were of stel, me ssolde no^t dure therto.
Wymmen ne kepte of no kyn^t as in drueryk,
Bote he were in armys wel yprowed, & atte leste thrye1.
That made, lo, the wymmen the chastore lyf lede,
And the kyn^tes the stalwordorem, and the betere in her dede.
Sone after thys noble mete", as ry$t was of such tyde,
The kyn^ts atyled hem aboute in eche syde,
In feldes and in medys to preue her bachelerye0.
Somme wyth lance, some wyth suerd, wyth oute vylenye,
Wyth pleyynge at tables, other atte chekere p,
Wyth castynge, other wyth ssetyngeq, other in some ojyrt manere.
And wuch so of eny game adde the maystrye,
The kyng hem of ys gyfteth dyde large corteysye.
Vpe the alurs of the castles the laydes thanne stoder,
And byhulde thys noble game, and wyche kyn^ts were god.
All the thre hexte dawes8 ylaste thys nobleye
In halles and in veldes, of mete and eke of pleye.
g " when the service in the church was had made a pilgrimage into the Holy Land,
finished." But from the principles advanced in the
h " They kept the antient custom at first INTRODUCTORY DISSERTATION, this
festivals, of placing the men and women game might have been known in the North
separate. Kay, king of Anjou, brought a before. In the mean time, it is probable
thousand noble knights cloathed in ermine that the Saracens introduced it into Spain
of one suit, or secta." before the Crusades. It is mentioned by G.
1 " brought also, on his part, a fair com- of Momnouth, and in the Alexiad of Anna
pany cloathed uniformly." Comnena. See Mem. Acad. Lit. v. 232.
k modesty, decorum [gallantry]. [See the Dissertation on the Introduc-
1 thrice. m more brave. tion of Chess into Europe, inserted in the
n " Soon after this noble feast, which Archceologia, vol. xxiv. — M.]
was proper at such an occasion, the knights q Different ways of playing at chess,
accoutred themselves." [It is certain that neither of these terms
0 chivalry, courage, or youth. relates to chess. — DOUCE.]
p chess. It is remarkable, that among [Castynge refers to the game of throw-
the nine exercises, or accomplishments, ing or putting the stone ; and ssetynge is
mentioned by Kolson, an ancient northern shooting with the bow or spear. — M.]
chief, one is playing at chess. Bartholin. r " The ladies stood on the walks made
ii. c. 8. p. 420. This game was familiarized within the battlements of the castle."
to the Europeans after the Crusades. The * "All the three high or chief days. In
romances which followed those expeditions halls and fields, of feasting, and turney-
are full of it. Kolson, above mentioned, ing," &c.
SECT. II.] ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER. 49
Thys men come the verthe * day byuore the kynge there,
And he $ef hem large }yftys, euere as hii werthe were.
Bissopryches and cherches clerkes he }ef somme,
And castles and tounes kynjtes that were ycome."
Many of these lines are literally translated from Geoffry of Mon-
mouth. In king Arthur's battle with the giant at Barbesfleet, there
are no marks of Gothic painting. But there is an effort at poetry in
the description of the giant's fall.
Tho grislych $al the ssrewe tho, that grislych was ys bere,
He vel doun$ as a gret ok, that bynethe ycorue were,
That yt tho^te that al hul myd the vallynge ssok.v
That is, " This cruel giant yelled so horribly, and so vehement was his
fall, that he fell down like an oak cut through at the bottom, and all
the hill shook while he fell*." But this stroke is copied from Geoffry
of Monmouth; who tells the same miraculous story, and in all the
pomp with which it was perhaps dressed up by his favourite fablers.
" Exclamavit vero invisus ille ; et velut quercus ventorum viribus
eradicata, cum maximo sonitu corruit." It is difficult to determine
which is most blameable, the poetical historian, or the prosaic poet.
It was a tradition invented by the old fablers, that giants brought
the stones of Stonehenge from the most sequestered deserts of Africa,
and placed them in Ireland ; that every stone was washed with juices
of herbs, and contained a medical power ; and that Merlin the magi-
cian, at the request of king Arthur, transported them from Ireland,
and erected them in circles on the plain of Amesbury, as a sepulchral
monument for the Britons treacherously slain by Hengist. This fable
is thus delivered, without decoration, by Robert of Glocester :
" Sire kyng," quoth Merlyn tho, " suche thynges ywys
Ne beth for to schewe no^t, but wen gret nede ys,
For ?ef ich seid in bismare, other bute yt ned were,
Sone from me he wolde wende the gost, that doth me lere w :"
The kyng, tho non other nas, bod hym som quoyntyse
Bithenke about thilke cors that so noble were and wyse x.
" Sire kyng," quoth Merlyn tho, " ^ef thou wolt here caste
In the honour of hem, a werk that euer schal ylaste y,
To the hul of Kylar z send in to Yrlond,
Aftur the noble stones that ther habbet a lenge ystonde ;
fourth. u Pag. 191. 192. v Pag. 208. leave me. "Nam si ea in derisionem, sine
* [Warton makes the description of the vanitatem, proferrem, taceret Spiritus qvi
giant's fall more extravagant than it actu- me docet, et, cum opus superveniret, re-
ally is, by his inaccurate version. Rob. cederet." Galfrid. Mon. viii. 10.
Glouc. merely says "it seemed [yttho3te] x "bade him use his cunning, for the
that the whole hill shook with the fall." sake of the bodies of those noble and wise
— R. G.] Britons."
w If I should say anything out of wan- y " if you would build, to their honour,
tonness or vanity, the spirit, or demon, a lasting monument."
which teaches me, would immediately z " To the hill of Kildarc." a have.
VOL. I. E
50 ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER. [SECT. II.
That was the treche of geandes b, for a quoynte werk ther ys
Of stones al wyth art ymad, in the world such non ys.
Ne ther nys nothing that me scholde myd strengthe adoun caste.
Stode heo here, as heo doth there euer a wolde last c."
The kyng somdel to-ly}hed, tho he herde this tale,
" How my^te," he seyde, " suche stones so grete & so fale e
Be ybro3t of so fer lond ? And $et mest of were,
Me wolde wene, that in this lond no ston to worche nere."
" Syre kyng," quoth Merlyn, "ne'make no^ht an ydel such ly^hyng.
For yt nys an ydel no^ht that ich telle this tything f.
For in the farreste stude of Affric geandes while fette 8
Thike stones for medycine & in Yrlond hem sette,
While heo woneden in Yrlond to make here bathes there,
Ther vnder forto bathi wen thei syk were.
For heo wolde the stones wasch & ther enne bathe ywis.
For ys no ston ther among that of gret vertu nysh."
The kyng and ys conseil radde1 tho stones forto fette,
And with gret power of batail $cf any mon hem lette ;
Uter the kynges brother, that Ambrose hette also,
In another maner name ychose was therto,
And fiftene thousant men, this dede for to do,
And Merlyn, for his quoyntise, thider wente also.k
If anything engages our attention in this passage, it is the wildness
of the fiction ; in which however the poet had no share.
b " the dance of giants." The name of apparent fiction, and the bards only say,
this wonderful assembly of immense stoneb. that an immense pile of stones was raised
c "Grandes sunt lapides, nee est aliquis on the plain of Ambresbury in memory of
cujus virtuti cedant. Quod si eo modo, that event. They lived too near the time
quo ibi positi sunt, circa plateam loca- to forge this origin of Stonehenge. The
buntur, stabunt in seternum." Galfrid. whole story was recent, and, from the im-
Mon. viii. x. 11. mensity of the work itself, must have been
d somewhat laughed. still more notorious. Therefore their for-
e so great and so many. gery would have been too glaring. It may
f tyding. be objected, that they were fond of refer-
8 " Giants once brought them from the ring everything stupendous to their fa-
farthest part of Africa," &c. vourite hero Arthur. This I grant : but
h " Lavabant namque lapides et infra not when known authenticated facts stood
balnea diffundebant, unde segroti cura- in their way, and while the real cause was
bantur. Miscebant etiam cum herbarum remembered. Even to this day, the mas-
confectionibus, unde vulnerati sanaban- sacre of Hengist, as I have partly hinted,
tur. Non est ibi lapis qui medicamento is an undisputed piece of history. Why
careat." Galfrid. Mon. ibid. should not the other part of the story be
1 rode [advised or counselled]. equally true? Besides the silence of Nen-
k Pag. 145. 146. 147. That Stonehenge nius, I am aware that this hypothesis is still
is a British monument, erected in memory attended with many difficulties and im-
of Hengist's massacre, rests, I believe, on probabilities. And so are all the systems
the sole evidence of Geoffry of Monmouth, and conjectures ever yet framed about this
who had it from the British bards. But amazing monument. It appears to me to
why should not the testimony of the Bri- be the work of a rude people who had some
tish bards be allowed on this occasion ? ideas of art : such as we may suppose the
For they did not invent facts, so much as Romans left behind them among the Bri-
sables. In the present case, Hengist's mas- tons. In the mean time I do not remem-
facre is an allowed event. Remove all the ber, that in the very controverted etymo-
SECT. II.] ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER. 51
I will here add Uther's intrigue with Ygerne.
At the fest of Estre tho kyng sende ys sonde,
That heo comen alle to London the hey men of this londe,
And the leuedys al so god, to ys noble fest wyde,
For he schulde crowne bere, for the hye tyde.
Alle the noble men of this lond to the noble fest come,
And heore wyues & hcore dojtren with hem mony nome.
This fest was noble ynow, and nobliehe ydo ;
For mony was the faire ledy that ycome was therto.
Ygerne, Gorloys wyf, was fairest of echon,
That was contasse of Cornewail, for so fair nas ther non.
The kyng byhuld hire faste ynow, & ys herte on hire caste,
And thojte, thay heo were wyf, to do folye atte last.
He made hire semblant fair ynow, to non other so gret.
The erl nas not ther with ypayed, tho he yt vnder3et.
Aftur mete he nom ys wyfe myd stordy mod ynow,
And, with oute leue of the kyng, to ys contrei drow.
The kyng sende to hym tho, to byleue al ny}t,
For he moste of gret consel habbe som insy^t.
That was for no^t ; wolde he no^t ; the kyng sende $et ys sonde,
That he byleuede at ys parlemente, for nede of the londe.
The kyng was, tho he nolde no^t, anguyssous & wroth.
For despyte he wolde awreke be, he swor ys oth,
Bute he come to amendement ; ys power atte laste
He ;arkede, and wende forth to Cornewail faste.
Gorloys ys castelos astore al aboute.
In a strong castel he dude ys wyf, for of hire was al ys doute.
In another hym self he was, for he nolde no^t,
3ef cas come, that heo were bothe to dethe ybro}t.
The castel, that the erl inne was, the kyng bysegede faste,
For he my^te ys gynnes for schame to the other caste.
Tho he was ther sene nyjt, and he spedde no^t,
Igerne the contesse so muche was in ys tho^t,
That he nuste non other wyt, ne he ne my^te for schame
Telle yt, bute a pryue kny;t, Ulfyn was ys name,
That he truste mest to. And tho the kny$t herde this,
" Syre," he seide, " y ne can wyte, wat red here of ys,
For the castel ys to strong, that the lady ys inne,
For ich wcne al the lond ne schulde yt myd strengths wynne.
For the se geth al aboute, bute entre on ther nys,
And that ys vp on harde roches, & so narw wei it ys,
logy of the word Stonehenge the name of ing stone : Observations, &c. In addition
HENGIST has been properly or sufficiently to this it is supported by an authority of
considered. high antiquity:
[The etymology referred to by Mr. Rit- Stanheng out non en Anglois,
son is evidently the most plausible that Pierres pendues en Francois,
has been suggested ; Sran-henje — hang- Wace's Brut. — PRICE.]
52 ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER. [SECT. II,
That ther may go bote on & on, that thre men with inne
My$te sle al the lond, er heo com ther inne.
And no$t for than, $ef Merlyn at thi conseil were, •
3ef any my^te, he couthe the best red the lere."
Merlyn was sone of-seiid, yseid yt was hym sone,
That he schulde the beste red segge, wat were to done.
Merlyn was sory ynow for the kynges folye,
And natheles, " Sire kyng," he seide, " here mot to maistrie,
The erl hath twey men hym next, Bryjthoel & Jordan.
Ich wol make thi self, $ef thou wolt, thoru art that y can,
Habbe al tho fourme of the erl, as thou were ry^t he,
And Olfyn as Jordan, and as Brithoel me."
This art was al clene ydo, that al changet he were,
Heo thre in the otheres forme, the selue as yt were.
Ajeyn euen he wende forth, nuste nomon that cas,
To the castel heo come ry^t as yt euene was.
The porter yse ys lord come, & ys meste priuey twei,
With god herte he lette ys lord yn, & ys men beye.
The contas was glad ynow, tho hire lord to hire com,
And eyther other in here armes myd gret joye nom.
Tho heo to bedde com, that so longe a two were,
With hem was so gret delyt, that bitwene hem there
Bigete was the beste body that euer was in this londe,
Kyng Arthure the noble mon, that euer worthe vnderstonde.
Tho the kynges men nuste amorwe wer he was bicome,
Heo ferde as wodemen, and wende he were ynome.
Heo asaileden the castel, as yt schulde adoun anon,
Heo that with inne were, ^arkede hem echon,
And smyte out in a fole wille, & fo^te myd here fon :
So that the erl was yslawe, & of ys men mony on,
And the castel was ynome, & the folk to-sprad there,
3et, tho thei hadde al ydo, heo ne fonde not the kyng there.
The tything to the contas sone was ycome,
That hire lord was yslawe, and the castel ynome.
Ac tho the messinger hym sey the erl, as hym tho3te,
That he hadde so foule ylow, ful sore hym of-tho^te,
The contasse made somedel deol, for no sothnesse heo nuste.
The kyng, for to glade here, biclupte hire and cust.
" Dame," he seide, " no sixt thou wel, that les yt ys al this ?
Ne wost thou wel ich am olyue ? Ich wole the segge how it ys.
Out of the castel stilleliche ych wende al in priuete,
That none of myne men yt nuste, for to speke with the.
And tho heo myste me to day, and nuste Mrer ich was,
Heo ferden ri$t as gydie men, myd warn no red nas,
And fo3te with the folk with oute, & habbeth in this manere
Ylore the castel and hem selue, ac wel thou wost y am here.
SECT. II.] ANCIENT POLITICAL BALLADS. 53
Ac for my castel, that is ylore, sory ich am ynow,
And for myn men, that the kyng and ys power slo$.
Ac my power is now to lute, ther fore y drede sore
Leste the kyng vs nyme here, & sorwe that we were more.
Ther fore ich wole, how so yt be, wende a^en the kynge,
And make my pays with hym, ar he vs to schame brynge."
Forth he wende, & het ys men that jef the kyng come,
That thei schulde hym the castel ^elde, ar he with strengthe it nome.
Tho he come toward ys men, ys own forme he nom,
And leuede the erles fourme, and the kyng Uter bycom.
Sore hym of-tho^te the erles deth, ac in other half he fonde
Joye in hys herte, for the contasse of spoushed was vnbonde,
Tho he hadde that he wolde, and paysed with ys fon,
To the contasse he wende a^en, me let hym in anon.
Wat halt it to talle longe ? bute heo were seththe at on,
In gret loue longe ynow, wan yt nolde other gon ;
And hadde togedere this noble sone, that in tho world ys pere nas,
The kyng Arture, and a dorter, Anne hire name was. !
In the latter end of the reign of Edward the First, many officers of
the French king, having extorted large sums of money from the citi-
zens of Bruges in Flanders, were murthered : and, an engagement suc-
ceeding, the French army, commanded by the count du Saint Pol, was
defeated ; upon which the king of France, who was Philip the Fair,
sent a strong body of troops, under the conduct of the count of Artois,
against the Flemings : he was killed, and the French were almost all
cut to pieces. On this occasion the following ballad was made in the
year 1301 m:
Lustneth, lordinges, bothe $onge ant olde,
Of the Freynsshe men that were so proude ant bolde,
Hou the Flernmyshe men bohten hem ant solde,
Vpon a Wednesday.
Betere hem were at home in huere londe,
Then forte seche Flemysshe by the see stronde
Whare rourh * moni Frenshe wyf wryngeth hire honde,
Ant singeth weylaway.
The kyng of Fraunce made statuz newe,
In the lond of Flaundres among false ant trewe,
That the commun of Bruges ful sore can arewe,
And seiden amonges hem,
Gedere we vs togedere hardily che at ene,
Take we the bailifs by tuenty ant by tene,
Clappe we of the heuedes an ouen o the grene,
Ant cast we y the fen.
1 Chron. p. 156. * [where-through. — M.]
m The last battle was fought that year, July 7.
54 ANCIENT POLITICAL BALLADS. [SECT. II*
The webbes ant the fullaris assembleden hem alle,
Ant makeden huere consail in huere commune halle,
Token Peter Conyng huere kynge to calle
Ant beo huere cheucnteyne, &c.n
These verses show the familiarity \vith which the affairs of France
were known in England, and display the disposition of the English to-
wards the French, at this period. It appears from this and previous
instances, that political balladry I mean such as were the vehicles of
political satire, prevailed much among our early ancestors. About
the present era, we meet with a ballad complaining of the exorbitant
fees extorted, and the numerous taxe.> levied, by the king' .-; officers °.
There is a libel remaining, written indeed in French Alexandrines, on
the commission of trayl-baston P, or the justices ??o denominated by
Edward the First, during his absence in the French and Scotch wars,
about the year 1306. The author name.; som? of the justices or com-
missioners, now not easily discoverable : and says, that he served the
king both in peace and war in Flanders, Gascony, and Scotland q.
There is likewise a ballad against the Scots, traitor.; to Edward the First,
and taken prisoners at the battles of Dunbar and Kykenclef, in 1305
and 1306 r. The licentiousness of their rude manners wa; perpetually
breaking out in thesn popular pasquin,^, although this spec ies of petu-
lance usually belongs to more polished time?.
Nor were they less dexterous than daring in publishing their satires
to advantage, although they did not enjoy the many » onveniences
which modern improvements have afforded for the circulation of public
abuse. In the reign of Henry the Sixth, to pursue the topic j little
lower, we find a ballad of this species stuck on the gates of the royal
palace, severely reflecting on the king and his counsellors then sitting
in parliament. This piece is preserved in the AshmotAan Museum,
with the following Latin title prefixed : " Copia scedulce valvis do-
mini regis exisfentls in parliament*) suo tento apud Westmonastermm
mense marcii anno regni Henrici sexti vicesimo octavo *." But the
antient ballad was often applied to better purpose : and it appears
from a valuable collection of these little pieces, lately published by my
ingenious friend and fellow-labourer Doctor Percy, in how much more
ingenuous a strain they have transmitted to posterity the praises of
n MS. Harl. 2253. f. 73 b. the French will be found in Ritson's An-
0 Ibid. f. 64. There is a song half La- clent Songs, pp. 5, 18. — PRICE.]
tin and half French, much on the same * [This piece is not a ballad. See
subject, Ibid. f. 137. b. Hearne's Hemingi Chavtularium. RIT-
p See Spelman and Dufresne in v. and SON.] [We not unfrequently meet with
Rob. Brunne's Chron, ed. Heurne, p. 328. comparatively early provincial libels in
[This ballad is printed in the new edition verse. See one on the corporation of
of Ritson's Ancient Songs.— W.] Cambridge, printed (incorrectly enough)
q MS. Harl. ibid. f. 113 b. [Printed in in Hartshorne's Ancient Metrical Tales,
Sir F. Palgrave's volume before referred which was posted up against the mayor's
to, 4to, 1818.— M.] door. See also T. Sharpe's " Pageant of
1 Ibid. f. 59. [This and the ballad against the Company of Showmen."— W.]
SECT. II.]
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
55
knightly heroism, the marvels of romantic fiction, and the complaints
of love.
At the close of the reign of Edward the First, and in the year 1303,
a poet occurs named Robert Mannyng, but more commonly called
Robert de Brunne. He was a Gilbertine canon in the monastery of
Brunne, or Bourne, near Depyng in Lincolnshire : but he had been before
professed in the priory of Sixhille, a house of the same order, and in
the same county *. He was merely a translator. He translated into
English metre, or rather paraphrased, a French book, written by
Grosthead, bishop of Lincoln, entitled MANUEL PECHE, or MANUEL
DBS PECHE s, that is, the MANUAL OF SINS. This translation was
never printed s. It is a long work, and treats of the decalogue, and
died in 1332. The next on the list is
John de Glyndone, confirmed 9 cal. Aug.
1332, who died or resigned in 1341.
From the similarity of the sound, one
would suspect him to be Mannyng's "Dane
Jone of Clyntone," but this would throw
some difficulties in the way of dates, not
entirely to be cleared up, until perfect
lists of the priors of Sempringham, Sixhill,
and Malton, should be procured. — M.]
* MSS. Bibl. Bodl. N. 415. membr. fol.
Pr. " Fadyr and sone and holy goste."
And MS. Harl. 1701.
[The Harleian manuscript has been
collated for the present text. Like the
Bodleian, if Warton followed the Bodleian
manuscript, it professes to be a translation
from the French of Grosteste. But this
may be a mere dictum of the transcriber.
All we gather from the work itself is an
acknowledgement of a French original
called " Manuel Peche," whose author was
clearly unknown to De Brunne. Had it
been written by a man of Grosteste's emi- .
nence, it would hardly have been pub-
lished anonymously ; nor can we suppose
this circumstance, if really true, would
have been passed over in silence by his
translator. Be this as it may, the French
production upon which De Brunne un-
questionably founded his poem, is claimed
by a writer calling himself William of
Wadigton, and that in language too pecu-
liar and self-condemning to leave a doubt
as to the justice of his title.
De le fran9eis vile ne del rimer,
Ne me deit nuls hom blamer,
Kar en Engletere fu ne,
E norri, e ordine, e aleve.
De une vile sui nome,
Ou ne est burg ne cite, &c.
De Deu seit beneit chescun hom,
Ke prie por Wilhelm de Wadigton.
Manuel des Peches,Har\. MS. 4657.
* [De Brunne's account rather varies
from this statement.
In the third Edwardes time was I,
Whenne I wrote all this story ;
In the house of Sixille I was a throwe ;
Dan Robert of Malton that ye know,
Did it wryte for felawes sake.
[Pro/. Lo Chronicle.']
" By this passage he seems to mean that
he was born at a place called Malton ;
that he had resided some time in a house
in the neighbourhood called Sixhill ; and
that there he, Robert de Brunne, had
composed at least a part of his poem dur-
ing the reign of Edward III." — ELLIS.]
[The mistakes made by the biographers
of Mannyng were first pointed out by me,
in my Preface to the Ancient English Ro-
mance of Havelok the Dane, 4to. 1828.
p. xiii. It appears from a comparison of
the Prologues to the Manuel des Peches
and the Chronicle, that Robert Mannyng
was born at Brunne, but was never pro-
fessed in any religious house of that place.
He was a canon of the Gilbertine order,
and resided in the priory of Sempringham
ten years in the time of prior John of
Camelton, and five years with John of
Clyntone. He began his Manuel in the
year 1303, when Philip was prior there.
He afterwards removed to the priory of
Sixhille, in the same county, the prior of
which, Dan Robert of Malton, or Dan
Robert, prior of Malton (for the lines may
be interpreted either way), caused the
Chronicle to be written, which was finally
completed on the ides of May, 1338. In
the list of priors of Sempringham, given
by Willis, Mitred Abbeys, ii. 121. and
Monasticon, vol. vi. p. 948., we find that
John de Hamerton (evidently the same as
Camelton] held that office from May 1276
to about March 1282, and was succeeded
by Roger de Bolingbrok, who died in
1298. His successor was Philip de Burton
or Barton (Mannyng's " Dane Felyp"),
who was admitted 2 cal. Aug. 1298, and
De Brunne, however, is not a mere trans-
lator. He generally amplifies the moral
precepts of his original ; introduces occa-
56
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
[SECT. ii.
the seven deadly sms, which are illustrated with many legendary
stories. This is the title of the translator : " Here bygyrmeth the boke
that men clepyn in Frenshe MANUEL PECIIE, the which boke made yn
Frenshe Robert Groosteste byshop of Lyncoln." From the Prologue,
among other circumstances, it appears that Robert de Brunne designed
this performance to be sung to the harp at public entertainments, and
that it was written or begun in the year 1303 '.
For lewde u men y vndyrtoke
On Englysshe tunge to make thys boke :
For many ben of swyche manere
That talys and rymys wyl blethly w here,
Yn gamys & festys, & at the ale x
Loue men to lestene troteuale y : &c.
To alle Cry sty n men vndir sunne-i
And to gode men of Brunne ;
And speciali alle be name
The felaushepe of Symprynghame *,
Roberde of Brunne greteth pw,
In al godenesse that may to prow a.
Of Brymwake yn Kesteuene b
Syxe myle besyde Sympryngham euene,
sional illustrations of his own, (as in the
case of Groseteste cited in the text ;) and
sometimes avails himself of Wadigton's
Latin authorities, where these are more
copious or circumstantial than their French
copyist. Wadigton's work, according to
M. de la R,ue, (Archaeologia, vol. xiv.) is
a free translation of a Latin poem called
Floretus ; by some ascribed to St. Ber-
nard, and by others to Pope Clement.
This I have not been able to meet with ;
but the following lines which De Brunne
extracted from the "Latin Boke," may
either confirm this opinion or lead to a
knowledge of the true source.
Equitabat Bevo per silvam frondosam,
Ducebat secum Merswyndam formosam,
Quid stamus ? cur non imus ?
By the leved wode rode Bevolyne,
Wyth hym he ledde feyre Merswyne,
Why stond we ? why go we noght ?
[The Latin lines quoted by Brunne, to-
gether with the entire story, were bor-
rowed by him from the Latin Legend of
St. Edith, composed by Goscelin, an unique
copy of which occurs among Rawlinson's
MSS. in the Bodleian library, No. 1027.
The story only forms one of the numerous
episodes in Mannyng's work, which are
not found in the original French text. — M.]
[TheHarleianMS. No. 273 of the "Ma-
nuel de Peches," calls the author William
de Windingdon ; but this part of the manu-
script is written by a comparatively recent
and careless hand. — No. 4657. reads Wa-
digton, but perhaps we should read Wa-
dington. — PRICE.] t
[We should certainly read Wadington,
as confirmed by the reading of many
excellent MSS. I have seen. See the
Abbe de la Rue's enlarged article on this
Anglo-Norman poet, in the third volume
of his work " Sur les Bardes, Jougleurs,
et Trouveres," pp. 225-233.— M.]
t fol. la. u laymen, illiterate.
w gladly.
x So in the Vision of P. Plowman, fol.
xxvi. b. edit. 1550.
I am occupied every day, holy day and
other,
With idle tales at the Ale, &c.
Again, fol. 1 b.
...Foughten at the Ale
In glotony, godwote, &c.
Chaucer mentions an AlestaJce, Prol. v.
669. Perhaps, a May-pole. And in the
Plowman's Tale, p. 185. Urr. edit. v. 21 10.
And the chief chantours at the nale.
y truth and all. [Nonsense, trifles, ti-
tivillitia. — M.]
z the name of his order. a profit.
b A part of Lincolnshire. Chron. Br. p.
311.
At Lincoln the parlement was in
Lyndesay and Kestevene.
Lyndesay is Lincolnshire, ibid. p. 248. See
SECT. II.] ROBERT DE BRUNNE. 5j
Y dwelled yn the pryorye
Fyftene 3 ere yn cumpanye,
In the tyme of gode Dane Jone
Of Camelton that now ys gone ;
In hys tyme was y there ten ^eres
And knewe and herde of hys maneres ;
Sythyn with Dane Jone of Clyntone,
Fyue wyntyr wyth hym gan y wone ;
Dane Felyp was maystyr that tyme
That y began thys Englysshe ryme ;
The ^eres of grace fyl c than to be
A thousynd & thre hundred & thre.
In that tyme turnede y thys
On Englysshe tunge out of Frankys. *
From the work itself I am chiefly induced to give the following spe-
cimen, as it contains an anecdote relating to bishop Grosthead his
author, who will again be mentioned, and on that account
Y shal sow telle as y haue herde
Of the bysshope seynt Roberde,
Hys tonamed ys Grostest
Of Lynkolne, so seyth the gest.
He louede moche to here the harpe,
For mannys wytte hyt makyth sharpe.
Next hys chaumber, besyde hys stody,
Hys harpers chaumbre was fast therby.
Many tymes, be ny^tys and dayys,
He hade solace of notes and layys.
One askede hym onys resun why
He hadde delyte in mynstralsy ?
He answered hym on thys manere
Why he helde the harper so dere.
" The vertu of the harpe, thurghe skylle & ry$t,
Wyl destroye the fendes6 my^t ;
And to the croys by gode skylle
Ys the harpe lykened weyle. — -
Tharefor, gode men, }e shul lere,
Whan 36 any glemenf here,
To wurschep Gode at ^oure powere,
As Dauyde seyth yn the sautere?.
a story of three monks of Lyndesay, ibid. d surname. See Rob. Br. Chron. p. 168.
p. 80. " Thei cald hi this toname," &c. Fr. "Est
[The county of Lincoln is divided into surnomez," &c.
the hundreds of Lindsey and Kesteven.— e fiend's ; the Devil's.
PARK.] f harpers ; minstrels.
c fell. * MS. Harl. fol. 1. B psalter.
58
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
[SECT. ii.
Yn harpe, yn thabour, and symphan gleh
Wurschepe Gode in troumpes and sautre ;
Yn cordys, an organes, and bellys ryngyng,
Yn al these wurschepe $e heuene kyng," &C.1
But Robert de Brunne's largest work is a metrical chronicle of En-
glandk. The former part, from ^Eneas to the deatli of Cadwallader, is
translated from an old French poet called MAISTER WAGE or GASSE,
who manifestly copied Geoffry of Mon mouth1, in a poem commonly
* Chaucer R. Sir Thop. v. 3321. Urr.
edit. p. 135.
Here wonnith the queene of Fairie,
With harpe, and pipe, and Simpkonie.
* fol. 30 b. [MS. Harl. fol. 32.] There
is an old Latin song in " Burton's Melan-
choly," which I find in this manuscript
poem. Burton's Mel. Part iii. § 2. memb.
iii. pag. 423.
k The second part was printed by
Hearne at Oxford, which he calls PETER
LANGTOFT'S CHRONICLE, 1725. Of the
first part Hearne has given us the Pro-
logue, Pref. p. 96. An extract, ibid. p. 188.
And a few other passages in his Glossary
to Robert of Gloucester. But the first
part was never printed entire. Hearne
says this Chronicle was not finished till
the year 1338. Rob. Gloucest. Pref. p.
59. It appears that our author was edu-
cated and graduated at Cambridge, from
Chron. p. 337.
[Only one perfect MS. of this Chronicle
is known to exist, which is preserved in
the Inner Temple library ; but there is a
modernized and abridged copy of the fif-
teenth century among the Lambeth MSS.
No. 131.— M.]
1 [This erroneous account of Wace and
his writings, has been copied from the
statements of Fauchet and others, who
have multiplied his person, and con-
founded his writings with the most unpa-
ralleled absurdity. Whether written Eu-
stace, Eustache, Wistace, Huistace, Vace,
Gasse, or Gace,the name through all its dis-
guises is intended for one and the same
person, Wace of Jersey. Mr. Tyrwhitt was
the first to rescue this ingenious writer from
the errors which had gathered round his
name ; and M. de la Rue has fully establish-
ed his rights, by supplying us with an au-
thentic catalogue of his works, and exhibit-
ing their importance both to the historian
and antiquary. De Brunne was induced to
follow the Brut d'Angleterre in the first
part of his Chronicle, from the copious-
ness of its details upon British history.
But the continuation noticed in the text
was the production of Geoffri Gaimar, a
poet rather anterior to Wace; and is
supposed to have formed a part of a larger
work on English and Norman history.
Le Roman de Ron, or the history of Rollo
first duke of Normandy, is another of
Wace's works : and Les Vies des Dues de
Normandie, which is brought down to the
sixth year of Henry I., a third. But the
reader who is desirous of further informa-
tion on this subject, is referred to the 12th,
13th, and 14th volumes of the "Archaeo-
logia," where he will find a brief but able
outline of the history of Anglo-Norman
poetry, by M. de la Rue. By omitting
the passages inclosed within brackets, and
substituting the name of Geoffri Gaimar
for Robert Wace, and the year 1146 for
1160, Warton's text will be made to can-
cel its errors. — PRICE.]
[See " Notice sur les Ecrits et la Vie
de Robert Wace, par F. Pluquet, 1824."
Part of Geoffri Gaimar, of the continuation
of the Brut d'Angleterre, of the chronicle
of Benoit de Sainte More, and of other
chronicles, have been lately (1836) pub-
lished at Rouen, in the first volume of
" Chroniques Anglo-Normands." La3a-
mon's translation of Wace is in pro-
gress of publication by the Society of Anti-
quaries of London. The whole of Benoit
de Sainte More and of the Brut d'Angle-
terre are in similar progress at Paris and
Rouen. Wace's Roman de Rou was pub-
lished with notes at Rouen in 1827 ; and a
translation of that part of it which relates
to William the Conqueror and the con-
quest of England, with copious notes, has
been published in London by Mr. Edgar
Taylor, under the title of " Master Wace,
his Chronicle of the Norman Conquest,"
1837."— R. T.]
In the British Museum there is a frag-
ment of a poem in very old French verse,
a romantic history of England, drawn
from Geoffry of Monmouth, perhaps be-
fore the year 1200. MSS. Harl. 1605. 1.
f. 1. Cod. membran. 4to. In the manu-
script library of Doctor N. Johnston of
Pontefract, now perhaps dispersed, there
was a manuscript on vellum, containing a
history in old English verse from Brute to
the eighteenth year of Edward the Second.
[Probably the same as that printed by Hit-
son in his Metrical Romances, vol. ii. p. 270,
SECT. II.]
WAGE'S ROMAN DE ROU.
entitled ROMAN DBS Rois D'ANGLETERRE. It is esteemed one of the
oldest of the French romances ; and [begun to be] written [by Eu-
stace, sometimes called Eustache, Wistace, or Huistace, who finished
his part] under the title of BRUT D'ANGLETERRE, in the year 1155.
Hence Robert de Brunne [somewhat inaccurately] calls it simply the
BRUT™. This romance was soon afterwards continued to William
Rufus, by Geoffri Gaimar, [Robert Waco or Vace, Gasse or Gace, a
native of Jersey, educated at Caen, canon of Bayeux, and chaplain to
Henry the Second, under the title of LE ROMAN DE Rou ET LES VIES
DBS Dues DE NORMANDIE, yet sometimes preserving its original one,]
in the year 1 146 [ 1 160 "] . Thus both parts were blended, and became
one work. Among the royal manuscripts in the British Museum it is
thus entitled : " LE BRUT, ke maistre Wace translata de Latin en
Franceis de tutt les Reis de Brittaigne0" That is, from the Latin
of which there are several other copies in
existence. — M.] And in that of Basil
lord Denbigh, a metrical history in En-
glish, from the same period to Henry the
Third. Wanlcy supposed it to have been
of the handwriting of the time of Edward
the Fourth.
m The BRUT OF ENGLAND, a prose
Chronicle of England, sometimes conti-
nued as low as Henry the Sixth, is a com-
mon manuscript. It was at first trans-
lated from a French Chronicle [MSS.
Harl. 200. 4to.], written in the beginning
of the reign of Edward the Third. I think
it is printed by Caxton under the title of
Fruclus Temporum. (The Chronicles of
England.) [The first edition by Caxton,
1480, is entitled The Crony des of En-
gland, reprinted by Machlinia, .<?. a. and G.
de Leew, 1493. In 1483 appeared the
Fructus Temporum, printed at St. Alban's,
which consists of a reprint (or very nearly
so) of Caxton's text, with the addition of
a general history prefixed, and additional
chapters of popes and emperors. This lat-
ter was reprinted by W. de Worde, Jul. No-
tary, and Pynson, with slight alterations.
— M.] [Herbert says he had found the
Fructus Temporum printed at St. Alban's,
also by Julian Notary and W. de Worde,
but not by Caxton. — MS. note.] The
French have a famous antient prose ro-
mance called BRUT, which includes the
history of the Sangreal. I know not v\ he-
ther it is exactly the same. In an old me-
trical romance, ThestoryofRoLLO, there is
this passage. MS. Vernon,Bibl.Bodl.f. 124.
Lordus 3if 36 wol lusten to me,
Of Croteye the nobile citee —
As writen i fynde in his storye
Of BRUIT the cronicle, &c.
In the British Museum we have Le petit
Bruit, compiled by Meistre Raufe de
Bonn, and ending with the death of Ed-
ward the First. MSS. Harl. 902. f. 1.
Cod. chart, fol. It is an abridgement of
the grand BRUT. [This Chronicle was
compiled by Boun for the Earl of Lincoln
in 1310, and is a collection of historical
notices chiefly derived from apocryphal
sources, having but little or no connexion
with the Brut. See Preface to Havelok,
p. xx. — M.] In the same library I find
Liber de BRUTO et de gestis Anglornm
melrificat us , (that is, turned into rude
Latin hexameters). It is continued to
the death of Richard the Second. Many
prose annotations are intermixed. MSS.
ibid. 1808. 24. f. 31. Cod. membran. 4to.
In another copy of this piece, one Peck-
ward is said to be the versifier. MSS. ib.
2386. 23. f. 35. [This is not correct. At
the end of the MS. is "q'd Pecward,"
which only means that he was the trans-
criber.— M.] In another manuscript the
grand BRUT is said to be translated from
the French by " John Maundeuile par-
son of Brunham Thorpe." MSS. ibid.
2279. 3. [By the grand Brut Warton
means the old English prose chronicle,
which, from being printed and continued
by Caxton, is oflen falsely called by his
name. See its history more at large in my
Preface to Havelok, pp. xxv — xxviii. — M.J
n See Lenglet, Biblioth. des Romans,
ii. p. 226. 227. And Lacombe, Diction,
de vieux Lang. Fr. pref. p. xviii. Paris.
1767. 8vo. And compare Montfauc. Ca-
tal. Manuscr. ii. p. 1669. See also M,
Galland, Mem. Lit. Hi. p. 426. 8vo.
0 3 A xxi. 3. [Only a portion of this
is Wace's Brut. — M.] It occurs again, 4.
C xi. " Histoire d'Angleterre en vers,
par Maistre Wace." I cannot help cor-
recting a mistake into which both Wanley
and bishop Nicholson have fallen, with
regard to this Wace. In the Cotton li-
brary, a Saxo-Norman manuscript occurs
60
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
[SECT. II.
prose histoiy of Geoffiy of Monmouth. And that master Wace aimed
only at the merit of a translator, appears from his exordial verses.
Maistre Gasse l'a translate
Que en conte le verite.
Otherwise we might have suspected that the authors drew their mate-
rials from the old fabulous Armoric manuscript, which is said to have
been Geoffry's original.
[Although this romance, in its antient and early manuscripts, has
constantly passed under the name of its finisher, Wace ; yet the accu-
rate Fauchet cites it by the name of its first author, Eustace P. And
at the same time it is extraordinary, that Robert de Brunne, in his
Prologue, should not once mention the name of Eustace, as having any
concern in it : so soon was the name of the beginner superseded by
that of the continuator.] An ingenious French antiquary very justly
supposes, that Wace took many of his descriptions from that invaluable
and singular monument the Tapestry of the Norman conquest, pre-
served in the treasury of the cathedral of Bayeuxq, and lately engraved
and explained in the learned Doctor Ducarel's Anglo-Norman ANTI-
twice, which seems to be a translation of
Geoffry's History, or very like it. CALIG.
A ix. and OTHO. C. 13. 4to. In vellum.
The translator is one L^amon, a priest,
born at Ernly on Severn. He says, that
he had his original from the book of a
French clergyman, named Wate ; which
book Wate the author had presented to
Eleanor, queen of Henry the Second. So
La^amon in the preface. " Boc he nom
the thridde, leide ther atnidden : tha
makede a frenchis clerc: Wate (Wate)
wes ihoten, &c." Now because Geoffry
of Monmouth in one of his prefaces, cap.
i. b. 1. says that he received his original
from the hands of Walter Mapes [Cale-
nius. — M.] archdeacon of Oxford; both
Wanley and Nicholson suppose that the
Wate mentioned by La3amon is Walter
Mapes. Whereas La3amon undoubtedly
means Wace, perhaps written or called
Wate, author of LE ROMAN DE Rou
above mentioned. Nor is the Saxon t (t)
perfectly distinguishable from c. See
Wanley's Catali Hickes's Thesaur. ii.
p. 228. and Nicholson, Hist. Libr. i. 3.
And compare Leland's Coll. vol. i. P. ii.
p. 509. edit. 1770. [The MS. reads
Wace very distinctly, and not Wate. — M.]
[It is not said by Geoffrey of Monmouth
that he received his original from Walter
Mapes (who probably was not born at the
time), but from Walter archdeacon of
Oxford, i. e. Walter Calenius, who has
more than once been confounded with
Mapes, who was also archdeacon of Ox-
ford. Mr. Warton has fallen into another
mistake, which he confers on Nicolson,
who only supposes Wate to be Walter, and
not Walter Mapes. — DOUCE.]
p Rec. p. 82. edit. 1581.
q Mons.Lancelot,Mem. Litviii. 602. 4to.
And see Hist. Acad. Inscript. xiii.41. 4to.
[M. de la Rue has advanced some very
satisfactory reasons for supposing this ta-
pestry to have been made by, or wrought
under the direction of, the empress Ma-
tilda, who died in the year 1167. (See
Archaeologia, vol. xviii.) It was evidently
sent to Bayeux at a period subsequent to
the death of its projector ; at whose demise
it was left in an unfinished state. Wace
probably never saw it. At all events could
it be proved that he did, he disdained to
use it in his " History of the Irruption of
the Normans into England," his only work
where it could have assisted him ; since his
narrative is at variance with the represen-
tations this monument contains. — PRICE.]
[The tapestry, which is now in the
hotel de ville of Bayeux, has since been
correctly copied by Mr. Stothard, (aided by
the munificent liberality of Mr. Hudson
Gurney,) and engraved and published by
the Society of Antiquaries ; and the greater
part of it is used for the illustrations of Mr.
Edgar Taylor's "Chronicle of the Norman
Conquest." See further as to the history
and age of the tapestry and the fallacies
of M. de la Rue, several subsequent Papers
in the Archaeologia, Mr. Sharon Turner's
History,Mr. Dawson Turner's Letters from
Normandy, Dr. Dibdin's Tour, the French
Translation of Ducarel, and The Chronicle
of the Norman Conquest. The discre-
pancies between Wace and the tapestry
SECT. II.]
THE BRUT OF ENGLAND.
QUITIES. Lord Lyttelton has quoted this romance, and shewn that
important facts and curious illustrations of history may be drawn from
such obsolete but authentic resources1".
The measure used by Robert de Brunne, in his translation of the
former part of our French chronicle or romance, is exactly like that of
his original. Thus the Prologue :
Lordynges that be now here,
If 36 wille listene and lere,
All the story of Inglande,
Als Robert Mannyng wryten it fand,
And on Inglysch has it schewed,
Not for the lerid bot for the lewed ;
For tho that in this land wonn
That the Latyn no Frankys conn,
For to haf solace and gamen
In felawschip when thai sitt samen ;
And it is wisdom forto wytten
The state of the land, an haf it wryten,
What manere of folk first it wan,
And of what kynde it first began.
And gude it is for many thynges
For to here the dedis of kynges,
Whilk were foles, and whilk were wyse,
And whilk of tham couth mast quantyse ;
And whylk did wrong, and whilk ryght,
And whilk mayntend pes and fyght.
Of thare dedes salle be my sawe,
In what tyme, and of what law,
I sail }ow schewe fro gre to gre,
Sen the tyme of Sir Noe :
Fro Noe unto Eneas,
And what betwixt tham was,
are not so obvious as Mr. Price seems to
have assumed in the preceding note ; nor
does there seem to be any proof of the
disdain which he supposes. Sir James
Mackintosh, in his History of England,
vol. i. p. 174, appears not duly to value
Wace as an historian. Though his work is
styled a romance, it is evident, that with re-
gard to his own times and the period im-
mediately preceding, he professed to aim
at a scrupulously exact narration of events.
N'en voil por verite la menchonge afermer.
Roman de Rou, vol. i. p. 107.
A jugleors oi en m'effance chanter
KeWillamejadis fist Osmont essorber, &c.
Ne sai noient de 50, n'en poir noient trover;
Quant jo n'en ai garant, n'en voil noient
conter. p. 107.
E jo en escript ai trove,
Ne sai dire s'est verite
Ke il i ont treis mille nes.
Rom. de Rou, vol. ii. p. 145.
Maiz jo o'i dire a mon pere,
Bienm'en sovint, maiz varlet ere. 145.
It appears from such passages that he
not only mentions his sources of informa-
tion, but states when he considers them
doubtful. — R.T.] [See also an Essay lately
printed for private circulation by Bolton
Corney, Esq., intitled "Researches and
Conjectures on the Bayeux Tapestry," in
which it is argued that the tapestry was
not given by the empress Matilda, but
executed for the Chapter of Bayeux at
their own expense. — M.]
r Hist. Hen. II. vol.iii. p. 180.
62 ROBERT DE BRUNNE. [SECT. II.
And fro Eneas tille Brutus tyme,
That kynde he telles in this ryme.
Fro Brutus to Cadwaladres,
The last Bryton that this lande lees.
Alle that kynde and alle the frute
That come of Brutus that is the Brute ;
And the ryght Brute is told nomore
Than the Brytons tyme wore.
After the Bretons the Inglis camen,
The lordschip of this lande thai namen ;
South, and north, west, and est,
That calle men now the Inglis gest.
When thai first amang the Bretons,
That now ere Inglis than were Saxons,
Saxons Iiiglis hight alle oliche.
Thai aryued up at Sandwyche,
In the kynges tyme Vortogerne
That the lande walde tham not werne, &c.
One mayster WAGE the Frankes telles
The Brute alle that the Latyn spelles,
Fro Eneas tille Cadwaladre, &c.
And ryght as rnayster Wace says,
I telle myne Inglis the same ways, &c.8
The second part of Robert de Brunne's CHRONICLE, beginning from
Cadwallader, and ending with Edward the First, is translated, in great
measure, from the second part of a French metrical chronicle, written
in five books, by Peter Langtoft, an Augustine canon of the monastery
of Bridlington in Yorkshire, who wrote not many years before his trans-
lator. This is mentioned in the Prologue preceding the second part :
Frankis spech is cald romance*,
So sais clerkes and men of France.
Pers of Langtoft, a chanon
Of the hous of Bridlyngtoii
On Frankis stile this storie wrote
Of Inglis kynges, &c.u
As Langtoft had written his French poem in Alexandrines w, the
8 Hearne's edit. Pref. p. 98. This that I have said it is Pers sawe
1 The Latin tongue ceased to be spoken Als he in Romance laid thereafter gan I
in France about the ninth century ; and drawe.
was succeeded by what was called the See Chauc. Rom. R. v. 2170. Also Ba-
ROMANCE tongue, a mixture of Frankiah lades, p. 554. v. 508. Urr. And Crescimb.
and bad Latin. Hence the first poems in Istor. della Volg.Poes. vol. i. L. v. p. 316.
that language are called ROMANS or Ro- seq. [On Warton's error in regard to the
MANTS. Essay on POPE, p. 281. In the Romance tongue, see Mr. Price's note in
following passages of this Chronicle, p. 3. — R. T.]
where Robert de Brunne mentions Ro- n Hearne's edit. Pref. p. 106.
MANCE, he sometimes means Langtoft's w Some are printed by Hollinsh. Hist.
French book, from which he translated ; iii. 469. Others by Hearne, Chron. Langt.
viz. Chron. p. 205. Pref. p. 58. and in the margin of the
SECT. II.] THE BRUT OF ENGLAND. 63
translator, Robert de Brunne, has followed him, the Prologue excepted,
in using the double distich for one line, after the manner of Robert of
Gloucester. As in the first part he copied the metre of his author
Wace. But I will exhibit a specimen from both parts. In the first,
he gives us this dialogue between Merlin's mother and king Vortigern,
from Master Wace:
" Dame, said the kyng, welcom be thou :
Nedeli at the I mot witte how *
Who than gate? thi sone Merlyn
And on what maner was he thin ?"
His moder stode a throwe2 and thouht
Are schoa to the kyng ansuerd ouht:
When scho had standen a litelle wight b,
Scho said, " bi Jhesu in Mari light,
That I ne sauh hym neuer ne knewe
That this knauec on me sewed.
Ne I wist, ne I ne herd,
What maner schap with me so ferde.
But this thing am I wele ograuntf,
That I was of elde auenaunt& ;
One come to my bed I wist,
With force he me halsedh and kist:
Als' a man I him felte,
& als a man he me weltek ;
Als a man he spak to me.
Bot what he was, myght I not se." l
The following, extracted from the same part, is the speech of the
Romans to the Britons, after the former had built a wall against the
Picts, and were leaving Britain :
We haf closed ther most nede was ;
And yf ?e defend wele that pas
With archers m and with magnels",
& kepe wele the kirnels ;
pages of the Chronicle. [A large frag- repairs of Taunton castle, 1266. Comp.
ment, including the history from William J. Gerneys, Episc. Wint. " TANTONIA.
the Conqueror to Henry the First, has Expense domorum. In mercede Cemen-
been printed by M. Francisque Michel, in tarii pro muro erigendo juxta turrim ex
the first volume of his Chroniques Anglo- parte orientali cum Kernellis et Arche-
Normandes, Rouen, 1836. — W.] riis faciendis, xvi.s. vi. d." In Archiv.
x " I must by all means know of you." Wolves, apud Wint. Kernells mentioned
y begot. z awhile. here and in the next verse were much
a ere she. b whit, while. the same thing : or perhaps Battlements.
c child. d begot. In repairs of the great hall at Wolvesey-
e lay [fared. Ritson]. f assured. palace, I find, "In kyrnillis emptis ad
B " I was then young and beautiful." idem, xii. d." Ibid. There is a patent
[of a fit age. Ritson.] granted to the monks of Abingdon, in
h embraced, 'as. k wielded, moved. Berkshire, in the reign of Edward the
1 ApudHearne'sGl. Rob. Glouc. p. 721. Third, "Pro kernellatione monasterii."
m Not Bowmen, but apertures in the Pat. an. 4. par. 1.
wall for shooting arrows. Viz. In the n Cotgrave has interpreted this word,
64
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
[SECT. II.
Ther may $e bothe schotc and cast ;
Waxes bold, and fend you fast.
Thinkes $our faders wan franchise,
Be $e no more in other seruise :
Bot frely lyf to ^our lyues end :
We wille fro ?ow for euer wende.0
Vortigern, king of the Britons, is thus described meeting the beau-
tiful princess Rouwen, daughter of Hengist, the Rosamond of the
Saxon ages, at a feast of wassaile. It is a curious picture of the gal-
lantry of the times :
Hengest that day did his might,
That alle were glad, king & knight,
an old-fashioned sling. V. MANGONEAU.
Viz. Rot. Pip. An. 4 Hen. III. [A.D. 1219.]
*' NORDHANT. Et in expensis regis in ob-
sidione castri de Rockingham, lOO/.per Br.
Reg. Et custodibus ingeniorum [engines]
regis ad ea carianda usque Bisham, ad ca-
strum illud obsidendum, 13s. Wd. per id.
Br. Reg. E t pro duobus coriis, emptis apud
Northampton ad fundas petrariarum et
mangonellorum regis faciendas, 5s. 6d. per
id. Br. Reg."— Rot. Pip. 9 Hen. III. (A.D.
1225.) "SuRR. Comp. de Cnareburc. Et
pro vii. cablis emptis ad petrarias et man-
gonellos in eodem castro, 7s. lid." — Rot.
Pip. 5 Hen. III. (A.D. 1220.) " DEVONS.
Etin custopositoinl.petrariaet ll.man-
gonellis cariatis a Nottingham usque Bis-
ham, et in eisdem reductis a Bisham us-
que Notingham, 71. 4s."
[See infr. p. 67. MANGONEL also sig-
nified what was thrown from the machine
so called. Thus Froissart: "Etavoient
les Brabancons de tres grans engins de-
vant la ville, qui gettoient pierres de faix
et mangoneaux jusques en la ville." Liv.
iii. c. 118. And in the old French OVIDE
cited by Borel, TRESOR. in v.
Onques pour une tor abatre,
Ne oit on Mangoniaux descendre
Plus briement ne du ciel destendre
Foudre pour abatre un clocher.
ADDITIONS.]
Chaucer mentions both Mangonels and
Kyrnils, in a castle in the Romaunt of the
Rose, v. 4195. 6279. Also archers, \. e. ar-
cherta, v. 4 1 9 1 . So in the French Roman
de la Rose, v. 3945.
Vous puissiez bien les Mangonneaulx,
Veoir la par-dessus les Creneaulx.
Et aux archieres de la Tour
Sont arbalestres tout entour.
Archieres occur often in this poem. Chau-
cer, in translating the above passage, has
introduced guns, which were not known
when the original was written, v. 4191.
[Vide supra, p. 43.]
[The use of artillery, however, is proved
by a curious passage in Petrarch to be
older than the period to which it has been
commonly referred. The passage is in Pe-
trarch's book De REMEDIIS UTRIUSQUE
FORTUNE, undoubtedly written before
the year 1334. " G. Habeo machinas et
balistas. R. Mirum, nisi et glandes aeneas,
quae flammis injectis horrisono sonitu ja-
ciuntur. — Erat haec pestis nuper rara, ut
cum ingenti miraculo cerneretur: nunc,
ut rerum pessimarum dociles sunt ani-
mi, ita communis est, ut quodlibet genus
armorum." Lib. i. DIAL. 99. See Mu-
ratori, ANTIQUITAT. Med. ^Ev. torn. ii.
col. 514. Cannons are supposed to have
been first used by the English at the bat-
tle of Cressy, in the year 1346. It is ex-
traordinary that Froissart, who minutely
describes that battle, and is fond of deco-
rating his narrative with wonders, should
have wholly omitted this circumstance.
Musquets are recited as a weapon of the
infantry so early as the year 1475. " Qui-
libet peditum habeat balistam vel bom-
bardam." LIT. Casimiri III. an. 1475.
LEG. POLON. torn. i. p. 228. These are
generally assigned to the year 1520. —
ADDITIONS.]
I am of opinion, that some of the great
military battering engines, so frequently
mentioned in the histories and other
writings of the dark ages, were fetched
from the Crusades. See a species of the
catapult, used by the Syrian army in
the siege of Mecca, about the year 680.
Mod. Univ. Hist. b. i. c. 2. torn. ii. p. 117.
These expeditions into the East un-
doubtedly much improved the European
art of war. Tasso's warlike machines,
which seem to be the poet's invention,
are formed on descriptions of such won-
derful machines which he had read in the
Crusade historians, particularly Wilhel-
mus Tyrensis. [See Weber's note on 1.
3268. of the Romance ofKyng Alisaunder,
vol. iii. p. 306. — M.]
0 Gloss. Rob. Glouc. p. 664.
SECT. II.] THE BRUT OF ENGLAND. 65
And as thei were best in glading,
And wele cop-schotinP knight & king,
Of chambir Rouewen so gent
Before the king in halle scho went.
A coupe with wyne sche had in hand,
And hir hatir*1 was wele farandr.
Before the king on kne sett,
And on hir langage scho him grett.
" Lauerid8 king, Wassaille," seid sche.
The king askid, what suid be.
On that langage the king ne couthe*.
A knight theru langage lerid" in ^outhe.
Bre$ hiht* that knight, born Bretoun,
That lerid the langage of Sessoun*.
This Bre$ was the latimer*,
What scho said told Vortager.
" Sir, Bre$ seid, Rowen $ow gretis,
& king callis & lord $ow letisa.
This es ther custom & ther gest,
Whan thei are at the ale or fest.
Ilk man that louis qware him think,
Salle say Wosseille, and to him drink.
He that bidis salle say, Wassaille,
The tother salle say again, Drinkhaille.
That sais Wosseille drinkis of the cop,
Kissandh his felaw he giues it vp.
p " Sending about the cups apace. Ca- We find it in Froissart, torn. iv. c. 87.
rousing briskly." q attire. And in other antient French writers.
r very rich [very becoming. — ELLIS]. In the old Norman poem on the subject
s lord. e was not skilled. u their. of king Dermod's expulsion from his
w learned. * was called. y Saxons. kingdom of Ireland, in the Lambeth
* For Latiner, or Latinier, an Inter- library, it seems more properly to signify,
prefer. Thus, in the Romance of KING in a limited sense, the king's domestic
RICHARD, hereafter cited at large, Sala- SECRETARY.
din's Latimer at the siege of Babylon „
proclaims a truce to the Christian army Par son <^«»« LATINIER
from the walls of the city. Signat. M. i. Que mO1 COnta de lu? 1 hlst°lre> &C'
The LATEMERE tho tourned his eye See lord Lyttelton's Hist. Hen. II. vol. iv.
To that other syde of the toune, ' APP- P- 27°- We might here render »'
And cryed trues with gret soune. literally his Latinist, an officer retained
by the king to draw up the public instru-
In which sense the French word occurs ments in Latin. As in DOMESDAI-BOOK.
m the Roman de GARIN. MSS. Bibl. « Godwinus accipitrarius, Hugo LATINA-
Reg. Paris, num. 7542. RIUS> Milo portarius." MS. Excerpt, pe-
LATIMER fu, si sot parler Roman, nes me. But in both the last instances the
Englois, Gallois, et Breton, et Norman. word may bear its more general and exten-
And again, sive signification. Camden explains LATI-
Un LATINIER vieil, ferant et henu MER by interpreter. Rem. p. 158. See also
Molt sot de plet, et molt entresnie fu. P- 15. L edlt- 16<4-
[Latimer must be a corrupt mode of
And in the manuscript Roman de Rou, spelling) and wouidseem to owe its origin
which will again be mentioned : to erroneous copies where the scribe had
L'archevesque Tranches a Jumeges ala, taken ni for m. — W.]
A Rou, eta sa gent par LATINIER parla. * esteems. b kissing.
VOL. I. F
66 ROBERT DE BRUNNE. [SECT. II
Drinheille, he sais, and drinks ther of,
Kissand him in bourd & skof c."
The king said, as the knight gan kend,
Drinkheille, smiland on Rouevven.
Rouwen drank as hire list,
£ gaue the king, sine6 him kist.
There was the first wassaille in dede,
& that first of fame $edef.
Of that wassaille men told grete tale,
& wassaille whan thei were at ale.
& drinkheille to tham that drank,
Thus was wassaille tanes to thank.
• Fele sithesh that maidin ^ing*,
Wassailed & kist the king.
Of bodi sche was right auenantk,
Of fair colour, with swete semblaunt1.
Hir hatire"1 fulle wele it semid,
Meruelik" the king sche quemid0.
Oute of messure was he glad,
For of that maidin he wex alle mad.
Drunkenes the feend wroght,
Of that paen P was al his thoght.
A meschaunche that time him led.
He asked that paen for to wed.
Hengist wild not draw a lite**,
Bot graunted him alle so tite.
& Hors his brother consentid sone.
Hir frendis said, it were to done.
Thei asked the king to gife hir Kent,
In douary to take of rent.
Opon that maidin his hert so cast,
That thei askid the king made fast.
I wene the king toke hir that day,
& wedded hire on paiens layr.
Of prest was ther no benison8,
No mes songen, no orison.
In seisine he had her that night.
Of Kent he gaue Hengist the right.
The erelle that time, that Kent alle held,
Sir Goragon, that had the scheld,
sport, joke. d to signify [shew].
since, afterwards.
went. K taken.
' many times. ' young.
handsome, gracefully shaped, Sic.
countenance [appearance — ELLIS]. thenish custom."
m attire. s benediction, blessing.
marvellously.
pleased.
pagan, heathen.
"would not fly off a bit."
"in pagan law; according to the hea-
SECT. II.] THE BRUT OF ENGLAND. 67
Of that gift no thing ne wist1
Tou he was cast oute withv Hengist.w
In the second part, copied from Peter Langtoft, the attack of Richard
the First, on a castle held by the Saracens, is thus described :
The dikes were fulle wide that closed the castelle about,
And depe on ilk a side, with bankis hie without.
Was ther non entre that to the castelle gan ligge",
Bot a streiht kauce?; at the end a drauht-brigge,
With grete duble cheynes drauhen ouer the gate,
And fifti armed sueynes* porters at that $ate.
With slenges & magnelesa thei kastb to kyng Ry chard,
Our cristen by parcelles kasted ageynward.
Ten sergeaunz of the best his targe gan him berec,
That egre wer & prest to couere hym & to wered.
Himself as a geaunt the cheynes in tuo hew,
The targe was his warante, that non tille him threw.
Right vnto the ^ate with the targe thei $ede,
Fightand on a gate, vndir him the slouh his stede:
Therfor ne wild he sesse f; alone into the castele
Thorgh tham all wild presse ; on fote fauht he fulle wele,
& whan he was withinne, & fauht as a wilde leon,
He fondred the Sarazins otuynne &, & fauht as a dragon.
Without the Cristen gan crie, Alias ! Richard is taken,
Tho Normans were sorie, of contenance gan blaken.
To slo doun & to stroye neuer wild thei stint,
Thei left for dede no noyeh, ne for no wound no dynt,
That in went alle ther pres, maugre the Sarazins alle,
& fond Richard on des fightand, & wonne the halle.1
From these passages it appears that Robert of Brunne has scarcely
more poetry than Robert of Glocester. He has however taken care to
acquaint his readers that he avoided high description, and that sort of
phraseology which was then used by the minstrels and harpers ; that
he rather aimed to give information than pleasure, and that he was
more studious of truth than ornament. As he intended his chronicle
to be sung, at least by parts, at public festivals, he found it expedient
to apologize for these deficiencies in the prologue ; as he had partly
done before in his prologue to the MANUAL OF SINS.
knew not. u till. v by. d ward, defend.
Hearne's GI. Rob. Glo. p. 695. e guard, defence,
lying. y causey. * "he would not cease."
swains, young men, soldiers. g"he formed the Saracens into two
mangonels. Vid. supr. p. 63. b cast. parties." ['Pondered' (explained forced in
In Langtoft' s French, Hearne's Glossary) is perhaps a mistake
Dis seriauntz des plus feres e de melz of the transcriber for sondered, i. e. sun-
variez, dered, separated.— ELLIS.]
Devaunt le cors le reis sa targe ount h annoyance.
portez." * Chron. p. 182. 183.
F-2
ROBERT DE BRUNNE.
[SECT.IF.
I mad noght for no disours k,
Ne for no seggers, no harpoura,
Bot for the luf of symple men,
That strange Ing! is can not ken ' :
For many it ere m that strange Inglis
In ryme wate n neuer what it is.
— I made it not for to be praysed,
Bot at the lewed men were aysed °.
He next mentions several sorts of verse, or prosody ; which were
then fashionable among the minstrels, and have been long since uiv-
known.
If it were made in ryme couwee,
Or in strangers or enterlac^ &c. *
He adds, that the old stories of chivalry had been so disguised by
foreign terms, by additions and alterations, that they were now become
k tale-tellers, Narratores, Lat. Conte-
ours, Fr. Seggers in the next line per-
haps means the same thing, i. e. Sayers, —
the writers either of metrical or of prose
romances. See Antholog. Fran. p. 17.
1765. Svo. Or Disours may signify Dis-
course, i. e. adventures in prose. We
have the " Devil's disours," in P. Plow-
man, fol. xxxi. b. edit. 1550. Dis&ur pre-
cisely signifies a tale-teller at a feast in
Gower. Conf. Amant. lib. vii. fol. 155 a.
edit Berthel. 1554. He is speaking of
the coronation festival of a Roman em-
peror.
When he was gladest at his mete,
And every minstrell had plaide
And every DISSOUR had saide
Which most was pleasaunt to his ere.
Du Cange says, that Diseurs were judges
of the turney. Diss. Joinv. p. 179.
1 know. m it ere, there are.
n knew. ° eased.
* [The rhymes here called, by Robert
de Brunne, Couwee, and Enterlacee, were
undoubtedly derived from the Latin rhy~
mers of that age, who used versus caudati
et interlaqueati. Brunne here professes
to avoid these elegancies of composition,
yet he has intermixed many passages in
Rime Couwee. See his CHRONICLE, p.
266. 273, &c. &c. And almost all the
latter part of his work from ihe Conquest
is written in Rime Enterlacee, each cou-
plet rhyming in the middle as well as the
end. As thus, MSS. HARL. 1002.
Plausus Graecorum | lux csecis et via
claudis |
Incola caelorum | virgo dignissima laudis.
The rhyme Baston had its appellation
from Robert Baston, a celebrated Latin
rhymer about the year 1315. The rhyme
Sir anger e means uncommon. See CAN-
TERBURY. TALES, vol. iv. p. 72 seq. ut
infir. The reader curious on this subject
may receive further information from a
manuscript in the Bodleian library, in
which are specimens of METRA Leoninat
cristata, cornuta, reciproca, &c. MSS.
LAUD. K 3. 4to. In the same library
there is a very antient manuscript copy
of Aldhelm's Latin poem De Virginitate
et Laude Sanctorum, written about the
year 700, and given by Thomas Allen,
with Saxon glosses, and the text almost
in semi-saxon characters. These are the
two first verses :
Metrica tyrones nunc promant carmina
casti,
Et laudem capiat quadrate carmine Virgo.
Langbaine, in reciting this manuscript,
thus explains the quadratum carmen. "SciL
prima cujusque versus litera, per Acrosti-
chidem, conficit versum ilium Metrica
tyrones. Ultima cujusque versus litera,
ab ultimo carmine ordine retrograde nu-
merando, hunc versum facit :
" Metrica tyrones nunc promant carmina
casti."
(Langb. MSS. v. p. 126.) MSS. DIGS.
146. There is a very antient tract, by
one Mico, I believe 'called aho LEVITA,
on Prosody, De Quantitate Syllabarum,
with examples from the Latin Poets, per-
haps the first work of the kind. Bibl.
Bodl. MSS. Bodl. A 7. 9. See J. L.
Hocker's CATAL. MSS. Bibl. Heidelb.
p. 24. who recites a part of Mice's Pre-
face, in which he appears to have been a
grammatical teacher of youth. See also
Dacheri SPICILEG. torn. ii. p. 300 b. edit,
ult. — ADDITIONS.]
[The " ryme couwee" (versus caudati)
SECT. II.]
GESTS AND JESTOURS.
69
unintelligible to a common audience : and particularly, that the tale of
SIR TRISTREM *, the noblest of all, was much changed from the ori-
ginal composition of its first author THOMAS.
I see in song in sedgeying tale *
Of Erceldoune, & of Kendale,
Non tham says as thai tliam wroght 1,
& in ther sayng r it semes noght ;
That may thou here in Sir Tristrem s,
Ouer gestes * it has the steem a,
Ouer alle that is or was,
If men yt sayd as made Thomas. —
Thai sayd in so quante Inglis,
That manyone w wate not what it is. —
And forsoth I couth noght
So strange Inglis as thai wroght.
was mere common final rhyme. In an
early tract on metres (12th cent.) printed
in the Altdeutsche Blatter by Drs. Haupt
and Hoffmann, we have separate1 examples
of this rhyme Iboth in heroic and elegiac
verse : — •" Caudati dicuntur si duorum
pariter vel trium aut omnium finis recta
consonancia concordat, hoc modo : —
Cum rubei pandis concepti luminis iram
Traiciam [i.«. Threiciam] digitis fac
resonare liram.
instrumenta solent alios mulcere canora:
Mensirafcanimis frangiturabsque mora."
And again : — " Caudati sunt quorum ter-
minationes binis vel trinis vel certe om-
nibus concorditer statuuntur,hoc modo: —
Grata camena veni, cordis mei concipe
verba :
Nam parili voto viridi residemus in herba.
Laudibus eximiis Didmari facta notemus,
Et studio celebri bona nos ad metra pa-
remus." — W.]
* [See Note at the end of this Section,
p. 95].
p " among the romances that are sung,
&c."
q " none recite them as they were first
written."
T " as they tell them."
* " this you may see, &c."
* Hearne says that Gests were opposed
to Romance. Chron. Langt. Pref. p. 37.
But this is a mistake. Thus we have
the Geste of kyng Home, a very old me-
trical Romance. MSS. Harl. 2253. p. 70.
Also in the Prologue of Rychard Cuer de
Lyon.
King Richard is the best
That is found in any jeste.
And the passage in the text is a proof
against his assertion. Chaucer, in the
following passage, by JESTOURS, does not
mean Jesters in modern signification, but
writers of adventures. House of Famcj
v. 108.
And JESTOURS that tellen tales
Both of wepyng and of game.
In the House of Fame he also places those
who wrote " olde Gestes." v. 425. It is
however obvious to observe from whence
the present term Jest arose. See Fauchet,
Rec. p. 73. In P. Plowman, we have
Job's Jestes. fol. xlv. b. [passus 10]
Job the gentyl in his jestes, greatly wyt-
nesseth,
That is, " Job in the account of his Life."
In the same page we have,
And japers and judgelers, and jangelers
of jestes.
That is, Minstrels, Reciters of tales.
Other illustrations of this word will occur
in the course of the work. Chansons de
geste were common in France in the
thirteenth century among the trouba-
dours. See Mem. concernant les princi-
paux monumens de 1'Histoire de France,
Mem. Lit. xv. p. 582 ; by the very
learned and ingenious M. de la Curne
de Sainte Palaye. [Not among the trou-
badours, but among the trouveres. The
Chansons de geste were the poems upon
the feats of the earlier Prankish monarchs,
and therefore their title makes nothing
for Warton's argument. — W.] I add the
two first lines of a manuscript entitled,
Art de Kalender par Rauf, who lived
1256. Bibl. Bodl. J. b. 2. Th, (Langb.
MSS. 5. 439.)
De geste ne voil pas chanter,
Ne veilles estoires el canter.
There is even Gesta Passionis et Resur-
rectionis Christi, in many manuscript li-
braries.
u esteem. w many a one.
ERCELDOUNB AND KENDAL.
[SECT. 11
On this account, he says, he was persuaded by his friends to write his
Chronicle in a more popular and easy style, that would be better un-
derstood.
And men besoght me many a time
To turne it bot in light ryme.
Thai sayd if I in strange it turne,
To here it manyon suld skurne *,
For it ere names fulle selcouthe y,
That ere not vsed now in mouth. —
In the hous of Sixille I was a throwe z ;
Danz Robert of Maltone a, that ^e know,
Did it wryte for felawes sake,
When thai wild solace make.b
Erceldoune and Kendale are mentioned, in some of these lines of
Brunne, as [writers of] old romances or popular tales. Of the latter
I can discover no traces in our antient literature *. As to the former,
Thomas Erceldoun, or Ashelington, is said to have written Prophe-
cies, like those of Merlin. Leland, from the Scala Chronicon °, says
that "William Banastred, and Thomas Erceldoune, spoke words yn
have been the work of John Gray, an
eminent churchman, about the year 1212.
ft begins, in the usual form, with the
creation of the world, passes on to Brutus,
and closes with Edward the Third.
[This chronicle has been printed by the
Bannatyne Club, from the period of the
Conquest to the termination in 1362, un-
der the editorial care of Joseph Stevenson,
Esq., 4to. Edinb. 1836. In the Preface
may be found collected together every-
thing known respecting the author, who
was Sir Thomas Gray of Heton, Knight.
-1L]
A One Gilbert Banestre was a poet and
musician. The Prophesies of Banister
of England are not uncommon among
manuscripts. In the Scotch Prophesies;
printed at Edinburgh, 1680, Banaster is
mentioned as the author of some of them.
" As Berlington's books and Banester tell
us." p. 2. Again, " Beid hath brievr-d
in his book and Banester also." p. 18.
He seems to be confounded with William
Banister, a writer of the reign of Edward
the Third. Berlington is probably John
Bridlington, an Augustine canon of Brid-
lington, who wrote three books of Car-
miiia Vaticinalia, in which he pretends to
foretell many accidents that should happen
to England. MSS. Digb. Bibl. Bodl. 89,
and 186. There are also Verms Vatici-
nates under his name, MSS. Bodl. NE.
E. ii. 17. f. 21. He died, aged sixty, in
1379. He was canonized. There arc
many other Prophetiee, which seem to
have been fashionable at this time, bound
up with Bridlington in MSS. Digb. 18<5.
* scorn.
y strange. * a while.
a " Sir Robert of Malton." It appears
from hence that he was born at Malton in
Lincolnshire. [No ; it means that Ro-
bert of Malton caused the work to be
written. S«e note, p. 66. and Pref. to
Havelok.— M.]
b Pref. Rob. Glouc. p. 57. 58.
* [I am enabled to throw a faint ray
of light on Kendale, and to supply his
Christian aame, from a passage in the
inedited portion of Robert of Brun tie's
Chronicle, which escaped the eyes of
Hearne :
Long after tha [this] writen I fond,
How a Breton chalanged th* lond ;,
Engle the story sais he hight,
He brouht a champion to fight.
Skardyng hight th* champion, &c.
Th* Skardyng was ferly strong,
Als a giant grete & long, £c.
Whan Engle had the lond thorgh,
He gaf Skardyng Skarburgh ;
Toward the north, bi the se side,
A hauen it is, schippes in to ride.
Flayn was his brother, 50 sais a tale,
Tin Thomas mad of Kendale.
fol. 85. c. 2.— M.]
c An antient French history or Chro-
nicle of England never printed, which
Leland says was translated out of French
rhyme into French prose. Coll. vol. i.
P. ii. pag. 59. edit. 1770. It was pro-
bably written or reduced by Thomas
Gray into prose. Londinens. Antiquitat.
Cant. lib. i. p. 38. Others affirm it to
SECT. II.] ERCELDOUNE AND KENDAL. fl
figure as were the prophecies of Merlin e." In the library of Lincoln
cathedral, there is a metrical romance entitled, TOMAS OF ERSSEL-
DOUNE *, which begins with the usual address,
Lystyns, lordynges bothe grete and smale.
In the Bodleian library, among the theological works of John Lawern,
monk of Worcester, and studentf in theology at Oxford about the year
1 448, written with his own hand, a fragment of an English poem oc-
curs, which begins thus :
Joly chepert [shepherd] of Askeldowne f.
In the British Museum a manuscript English poem occurs, with this
French title prefixed, " La Countesse de Dunbar, demanda a Thomas
Essedoune quant la guere d'Escoce prendret fyn&." This was pro-
bably our prophesier Thomas of Erceldoun. One of his predictions
is mentioned in an antient Scots poem entitled A NEW YEAR'S GIFT,
written in the year 1562, by Alexander Scott h. One Thomas Leir-
mouth, or Rymer, was also a prophetic bard, and lived at Erslingtoun,
sometimes perhaps pronounced Erseldoun. This is therefore probably
the same person. One who personates him, says,
In ERSLINGTOUN I dwell at hame,
THOMAS RYMER men call me.
He has left vaticinal rhymes, in which he predicted the union of Scot-
land with England, about the year 12791. Fordun mentions several
of his prophecies concerning the future state of Scotland k.
Our author, Robert de Brunne, also translated into English rhymes
* Ubi supr. p. 510. Joly chepte of Aschell downe
* [Another copy is preserved at Cam- Can more on love than al the town."
bridge, a transcript from which has been PRICE.]
published by Mr. Jamieson in his Popular [Ritson could make out no more for
Ballads and Songs. The various readings the best possible reason, because there
of the Lincoln MS. are there given. — are no more to make out, the leaf having
PRICE.] [The Cambridge MS.(Bibl. Publ. been here torn off. See a communication
Ff. 5. 48.) is apparently of the reign of by me to the Gent's Mag. in June, 1825.
Edward II., and contains by far the best, It remains to be added, that this ballad
as well as the most antient text of this has not the most remote reference to the
poem; but it has been transcribed and Rhymer of Erceldoune. — M.]
printed by Jamieson in a wretchedly in- B MSS. Harl. 2253. f. 127. It begins
correct manner, so as actually in one in- thus :
stance to introduce the word fairy where when man d fc f d
the original has a word totally different
-W.] [A portion of this poem had been When .g leuere Qther m(mes
previously printed by Sir Walter Scott, m then .g owen>
his Border Minstrelsy, vol. n. p. 275. ed.
1803. from a fragment in the Cotton [Printed in Pinkerton's Ancient Scottish
Collection, VITELL. E. x. and since the Poems, p. Ixxviii. 8vo. Lond. 1786. and,
publication of Jamieson's work, Mr. Laing more accurately, in Laing, Anc. Pup.
has printed it entire from the Lincoln Poetr. Append. — M.]
MS. in his "Ancient Popular Poetry of h Ancient Scots Poems, Edinb. 1770.
Scotland" 4to. 1822. — M.] 12mo. p. 194. See the ingenious editor's
f [Doctor. — M.] notes, p. 312.
f MSS. Bodl. 692. fol. l See Scotch Prophesies, ut supr. p. 19.
[Mr. Ritson has said of this poem 11. 13. 18. 36. viz. The Prophesy of
that " it was found impracticable [by Thomas Rymer, Pr. " Stille on my wayes
him] to make out more than the first two as I went."
lines: — k Lib. x. cap. 43. 41. I think he is also
?2 BISHOP GROSTHEAD. [SECT. II.
the treatise of cardinal Bonaventura,his cotemporary !, De Ccena etPas-
sione Domini et Pcenis S. Marice Virginis, with the following title :
" Medytacyuns of the Soper of our Lorde Jhesu, and also of hys
Passytm, and eke of the Peynes of hys swete Modyr mayden Marye,
the whyche made yn Latyn Bonaventure Cardynalle m." But I for-
bear to give further extracts from this writer, who appears to have
possessed much more industry than genius *, and cannot at present be
read with much pleasure. Yet it should be remembered, that even
such a writer as Robert de Brunne, uncouth and unpleasing as he na-
turally seems, and chiefly employed in turning the theology of his age
into rhyme, contributed to form a style, to teach expression, and to
polish his native tongue. In the infancy of language and composition,
nothing is wanted but writers : at that period even the most artless
have their use.
Robert Grosthead bishop of Lincoln11, who died in 1253, is said in
some verses of Robert de Brunne, quoted above, to have been fond
of the metre and music of the minstrels. He was most attached
to the French minstrels, in whose language he has left a poem, never
printed, of some length. This was probably translated into English
rhyme about the reign of Edward the First f. Nor is it quite im-
probable, if the translation was made at this period, that the trans-
lator was Robert de Brunne ; especially as he translated another of
Grosthead's pieces. It is called by Leland Chateau a" Amour0. But
in one of the Bodleian manuscripts of this book we have the follow-
ing title, Romance par Mestre Robert Grosseteste P. In another it is
mentioned by Spotswood. SeeDempst. xi. scripts. To an old English religious poem
810. on the Holy Virgin, we find the following
[See the Preface to Scott's Sir Trist>-em title : Incipit quidam cantus quern compo-
for fuller information concerning Thomas suit frater Thomas de Hales de ordine
the Rhymer. — M.] fratrum minorum, &c. MSS. Coll. Jes.
1 He died 1272. Many of Bonaven- Oxon. 85. [now 29. — M.] supr. citat.
ture's tracts were at this time translated But this is the title of our friar's original,
into English. In the Harleian manu- a Latin hymn de B. MARIA VIRGINE,
scripts we have, " The Treatis that is improperly adopted in the translation,
kallid Prickynge of Love, made bi a Frere Thomas de Hales was a Franciscan friar,
menour Bonaventure, that was Cardinall a doctor of the Sorbonne, and flourished
of the courte of Rome." 2254. 1. f. 1. about the year 1340. [See my note, p.
This book belonged to Dame Alys Brain- 27.— M.] We shall see other proofs of this,
twat " the worchypfull prioras of Dart- f [Second or Third. — M.]
forde." This is not an uncommon ma- ° Script. Brit. p. 285.
nuscript. P MSS. Bodl. NE. D. 69.
m MSS. Harl. 1701. f. 84. The first [It has been shown in a former note,
line is, that Grosseteste's claim to the authorship
Alle myjty god yn trynyte. °f tne French " Manuel de Peches"-
It was never printed. at lfiast to tne work at present known by
* [Warton does not treat Mannyng that name — is extremely doubtful. The
with sufficient justice. As a smooth and following extract from the "Chateau
easy versifier, with an extraordinary d'Amour," ascribed to him by Leland
power of imitating the metre of his origi- and others, will render his title to the
nals, there is no poet previous to Chaucer composition of any poem in French still
his equal ; and when compared with Ham- more problematical :
pole and Massyngton, his followers, he Ici comence un escrit,
rises immeasurably superior. — M.] Ke Seint Robert de Nichole fist.
n See Diss. ii. — The author and trans- Romanzc de. romanzc est apele,
lator are often thus confounded in manu- Tel num a dreit li est assigne ;
SECT. II.] BISHOP GROSTHEAD. 73
called, Ce est la vie de D. Jh'u de sa humanite, fet e ordine de Saint
Robert Grosseteste, kefut eveque de Nichole * : And in this copy, a very
curious apology to the clergy is prefixed to the poem, for the language
in which it is written r. " Et quamvis lingua romana [romance] co-
ram CLERICIS SAPOREM SUAVITATIS non habeat, tamen pro laicis,
qui minus intelligunt opusculum, illud aptum est s." This piece pro-
fesses to treat of the creation, the redemption, the day of judgment,
the joys of heaven, and the torments of hell : but the whole is a reli-
gious allegory, and under the ideas of chivalry the fundamental ar-
ticles of Christian belief are represented. It has the air of a system of
divinity written by a troubadour. The poet, in describing the advent
of Christ, supposes that he entered into a magnificent castle, which is
the body of the immaculate virgin. The structure of this castle is
conceived with some imagination, and drawn with the pencil of ro-
mance. The poem begins with these lines :
Ki pense ben, ben peut dire :
Sanz penser ne poet suffire
De nul bon ovre commencer :
Deu nos dont de li penser,
De ki, par ki, en ki, sont
Tos les biens ki font en el mond.
But I hasten to the translation, which is more immediately con-
nected with our present subject, and has this title : " Her byginnet a
tretys that ys yclept CASTEL OF LOUE that biscop Grostey^t made
Kar de ceo livre la materie, and the English translator, has been taken
Est estret de haut cleregie, from the following passage of the French
E pur ceo ke il passe (surpasse) altre work :
romanz En un chastel bel e grant,
Apele est romanz de romanz. Bien fourme et avenant,
Les chapitres ben conuz serunt Ceo est le chastel d'amour,
Par les titres ke siverunt E de solaz e de socour.
Les titles ne voil pas rimer Harl. MS. no. 1121.
Kar leur matiere ne volt suffVer. wkh d to Warton>s conjecture, that
Primis sera le prologe mis Robert de Brunne was the author of the
E puz les titles tuz ; assis. E lish versionj it can Qnl be gaid that
MSS. Reg. 20 B. xiv. the internal evidence is most decidedly
The probability is, that both the present against such an opinion. — PRICE.] [See
poem, and the " Manuel de Peches" are De la Rue, Essais sur les Bardes, &c. iii.
founded on similar works of Grosseteste 108. — M.j [Price rightly observes that in-
written in the Latin language; and that ternal evidence is against Brunne's author-
the transcribers, either from ignorance, shipof this translation. Itis,infact, in adia-
or a desire of giving a fictitious value to lect approximating to the western. R.G.]
their own labours, have inscribed his qfl6. Laud. fol. membran. The word
name upon the copies. His " Templum Nicole is perfectly French, for Lincoln.
Domini," a copious system of mystical di- See likewise MSS. Bodl. E 4. 14.
vinity, abounding in pious raptures and r In the hand-writing of the poem itself,
scholastic subtleties, may have afforded which is very antient.
the materials for the former poem ; and s f. 1. So also in MSS. C. C. C. Oxon.
his treatise " De sept, vitiis et remediis" 232. In MSS. Harl. 1121. 5. " [Ici de-
— if we except the Contes devots which moustre] Roberd Grosseteste evesque de
Wadington may have gleaned from another Nichole un tretis en Franceis, del corn-
source — possibly supplied the doctrines mencement du monde, £c." f. 156. Cod.
of the latter. The title adopted by Leland membran.
74 BISHOP GROSTHEAD. [SECT. U.
ywis for lewede mennes byhoue V Then follows the prologue or in-
troduction :
That good thinketh good may do,
And God wol helpe him ther to :
For nas never good work wrou}t
With oute biginninge of good thou^t.
Ne never was wrou^t non vuel u thyng
That vuel thou;t nas the biginnyng.
God fader and sone and holigoste
That alle thing on eorthe sixt w and wost,
That one God art and thrillihod *
And threo persones in one hod *,
Withouten end and biginninge,
To whom we ou^ten over alle thinge
Worschepe him with trewe love,
That kineworthe king art us above,
In whom, of whom, thorw whom beoth
Alle the goodschipes that we hire iseoth,
He leve us thenche and worchen so
That he us schylde from vre fo;
All we habbeth to help neode
That we ne beth all of one theode,
Ne iboren in one londe,
Ne one speche undirstonde,
Ne mowe we al Latin wite ",
Ne Ebreu ne Gru a that beth iwrite,
Ne French, ne this other spechen,
That me mihte in worlde sechen
To herie God our derworthi drihto b,
As vch mon ou^te with all his mihte ;
Loft song syngen to God jerne c,
With such speche as he con lerne :
Ne monnes mouth ne be idut
Ne his ledene d ihud,
To serven his God that him wrou^te,
And maade al the worlde of nou^te.
On Englisch I chul mi resun schowen
For him that con not iknowen
1 Bibl. Dodl. MS. Vernon, f. 292. This chronicon, MSS. Harl. 1900 b. f. 42.
translation was never printed : and is, I " Aristotile's bokes, &c. were translated
believe, a rare manuscript. out of grue into Latin. Also with pray-
u well, good, [evidently uvel, i. e. evil. ing of kyng Charles [the Bald], Johan
— II. G.] Scott translated Denys bookes out of gru
w F. hext. highest [seest]. into Latyn."
x trinity. y unity. b " to bless [praise] God our beloved
* understand. lord."
a Greek. In John Trevisas's dialogue c earnestly,
concerning the translation of the Poly- J language.
SECT. II.] CASTLE OF LOVE. 75
Mouther French no Latyn,
On Englisch I chulle tellen him
Wherefor the world was iwroht,
Ther after how he was bi tauht,
Adam vre fader to ben his,
With al the merthe of paradys,
To wonen and welden to such ende,
Til that he scholde to hevene wende ;
And hou sone he hit for-les,
And seththen hou for-bouht wes,
Thurw the he^e kynges sone,
That here in eorthe wolde come,
For his sustren that were to-boren,
And for a prison that was for-loren,
And hou he made, as 36 schal heren,
That heo icust and sauht weren
And to wuche a castel he alihte, &c.
But the following are the most poetical passages of this poem :
God nolde alihte in none manere
But in feir stude6 and in clere,
In feir and clene siker hit wes
Ther God almihti his in chesf.
In a CASTEL well comeliche,
MucheS and feire, and loveliche,
That is the castell of alle floure,
Of solas and of socour ;
In the mere he stont bitwene two,
Ne hath he forlak for no fo :
For the tourh is so wel with oruten,
So depe idiched al abouten,
That non kunnes asayling
Ne may him derven for no thing.
He stont on hei$ rocke and sound,
And is yplaned to the ground,
That ther may won non vuel1 thing,
Ne derve no gynnes castyng ;
And thauj he be so loveliche,
He is so dredful and hateliche,
To all thulke that ben his fon,
That heo flen him everichon ;
For smal toures that beth abouten,
To witen the heije toure withouten.
e place. h La tur est si bien enclos. F r. Orig*
1 " chose his habitation." 6 great. * vile, [evil, M.]
76 BISHOP GROSTHEAD. [SECT. II.
Sethek beoth thre bayles withalle1,
So feir idiht with strunge walle,
As heo beth here after iwrite,
Ne may no man the feirschipe1" iwite,
Ne [may] no tongue ne may hit telle,
Ne thou^t thincke, ne mouthe spelle :
On trusti rocke heo stondeth fast,
And with depe diches bethe bicast,
And the camels" so stondeth upright,
Wei iplaned, and feir idight :
Seven barbicanes ther beth iwrouht
With gret ginne al bithouht0,
And everichon hath }at and toure,
Ther never fayleth no socoure.
Never schal fo him stonde with
That thider wold flen to sechen grith P.
This castel is siker fair abouten,
And is al depeynted withouten,
With threo heowes that wel beth sene q ;
So is the foundement al grene,
That to the rock fast lith.
Wel is that ther murthe isith,
For the greneschip lasteth evere,
And his heuh ne leoseth nevere.
Sethen abouten that other heu$
So is ynde so ys blur,
That the mid el heu} we clepeth ariht,
And schyneth so faire and so briht.
The thridde heu} an ovemast
Over wri^eth al, and so ys icast
That withinnen and withouten,
The castel lihteth al abouten,
And is raddore than eny rose schal
That shunneth as hit barnd3 were*.
Withinne the castel is whit schinynge
So" the snowe that is snewynge,
And casteth that liht so wyde,
Afterlong the tour and be syde,
That never cometh ther wo ne wou$,
As swetnesse ther is ever inouj.
Tres bailes en tour. Fr. Orig. De hors depeint a envirun
" moreover there are three," &c. De treis culurs diversement.
1 beauty. Fr. Orig.
kernels, — Kerneaus bien poll. Fr. T Si est ynde si est blu. Fr. Orig.
Or g. s burned, on fire.
Pur bon engin fait. Fr. Orig. l Plus est vermail ke nest rose
counsel [grace]. E piert un ardant chose. Fr. Orig.
La chastel est a bcl bon u as.
SECT. II.] CASTLE OF LOVE. 77
Amydde" the heije toure is springynge
A well that ever is eorninge*
With four stremes that striketh wel,
. And erneth upon the gravel,
And fulleth the diches about the wal,
Much blisse ther is over al ;
Ne dar he seeke non other leche
That mai riht of this water eleche.
In* thulke derworthi faire toure
Ther stont a trone with much honour,
Of whit y vori and feirore of liht
Than the someres day when he is briht,
With cumpas ithrowen and with gin al ido
Seven steppes ther beoth therto, &c.
The foure smale toures abouten,
That with the hei^e tour withouten,
Four had thewes that about hire iseoth,
Foure vertus cardinals beoth, &c.
And* which beoth threo bayles gret,
That with the camels ben so wel iset,
And icast with cumpas and walled abouten
That waleth the heihe tour with outen :
Bote the inmost bayle i wote
Bitokeneth hire holi maydenhode, &c.
The middle bayle, that wite }e,
Bitokeneth hire holi chastite,
And sethen the overmast bayle
Bitokeneth hire holi sposaile, &c.
The seven kernels abouten,
That with greot gin beon ywrou^t withouten,
And witeth this castel so well,
With arwe and with quarrel a,
That beoth the seven vertues with wunne
To overcum the seven deadly sunne, &c.b
It was undoubtedly a great impediment to the cultivation and pro-
gressive improvement of the English language at these early periods,
that the best authors chose to write in French. Many of Robert
w In mi la tur plus hauteine z Les treis bailies du chastel
Est surdant une funtayne Ki sunt overt au kernel
Dunt issent quater ruisselL Qui a compas sunt envirun
Kibruinet par le gravel, &c. Ft. Orig. E defendent le dungun. Fr. Orig.
3 Les barbicanes sect
runnlnS- Kis hors de bailies sunt fait,
y En cele bel tur e bone Ki bien gardent le chastel,
A de yvoire un trone E de seete e de quarrel. Fr. Orig.
Ke plusa eissi blanchor h Afterwards the fountain is explained
Ci en mi este la beau jur to be God's grace : Charity ia constable
Par enginest compassez, &c. Fr.Orig. of the castle, &c. &c.
BISHOP GROSTHEAD.
[SECT, ii,
Grosthead's pieces are indeed in Latin ; yet where the subject was
popular, and not immediately addressed to learned readers, he adopted
the Romance or French language, in preference to his native English.
Of this, as we have already seen, his MANUEL PECHE, and his CHA-
TEAU D' AMOUR, are sufficient proofs, both in prose and verse : and
his example and authority must have had considerable influence in
encouraging this practice. Peter Langtoft, our Augustine canon of
Bridlington, not only compiled the large chronicle of England, above
recited, in French ; but even translated Herbert of Bosham's Latin Life
of Thomas Becket into French rhymes0. John Hoveden, a native of
London, doctor of divinity, and chaplain to queen Eleanor mother of
Edward the First, wrote in French rhymes a book entitled, Rosarium de
JVativitate, Passione, et Ascensione,Jhesu Christid. Various other proofs
have before occurred. Lord Lyttelton quotes from the Lambeth li-
brary a manuscript poem in French or Norman verse on the subject of
king Dermod's expulsion from Ireland, and the recovery of his king-
dom6. I could mention many others. Anonymous French pieces both
in prose and verse, and written about this time, are innumerable in our
manuscript repositories f. Yet this fashion proceeded rather from ne-
c Pits. p. 890. Append, who with
great probability supposes him to have
been an Englishman.
d MSS. Bibl. C. C. C. Cant. G. 16.
where it is also called the Nightingale.
Pr. " Alme fesse lit de peresse."
[In this manuscript the whole title is
this : " Le ROSSIGNOL, ou la pensee Je-
han de Hovedene clerc la roine d'Engle-
terre mere le roi Edward, de la naissance
et de la mort et du relievement et de la-
scension Jesu Crist, et de lassumpcion
notre dame." This manuscript was writ-
ten in the fourteenth century. — ADDI-
TIONS.] [See supra, Note on the Lais of
Marie de France. — M.]
Our author, John Hoveden, was also
skilled in sacred music, and a great writer
of Latin hymns. -He died, and was bu-
ried, at Hoveden, 1275. Pits. p. 356.
Bale, v. 79.
There is an old French Metrical Hfe of
Tobias, which the author, most probably
an Englishman, says he undertook at the
request of William, Prior of Kenllworth
in Warwickshire. MSS. Jes. Coll. Oxon.
85. supr. citat. f. 268 b.
Li prior Gwilleyme me prie
De la eglyse seynte Marie
De Kenylleworth an Arderne,
Ki porte la plus haute peyne
De charite, ke mil eglyse
Del reaume a devyse,
Ke jeo liz en romaunz le vie
De celuy ki out nun Tobie, &c.
* Hist. Hen. II. vol. iv. p. 270. Notes.
It was translated into prose by Sir George
Carew in Q. Elizabeth's time : this trans-
lation was printed by Harris in his Hi-
BERNIA. It was probably written about
1190. See Ware, p. 56. And compare
Walpole's Anecd. Paint, i. 28. Notes.
The Lambeth manuscript seems to be but
a fragment, viz. MSS. Bibl. Lamb. Hib.
A. See supr. p. 65. Note*. [This poem
has been lately edited in London by M.
Francisque Michel. — W.]
* [Among the learned Englishmen who
now wrote in French, the Editor of the
CANTERBURY TALES mentions Helis de
Guincestre, or WINCHESTER, a transla-
tor of CATO into French. (See vol. ii.
sect, xxvii.) And Hue de Roteland, au-
thor of the Romance, in French verse,
called Ipomedon, MSS. Cott. VESP. A vii.
The latter is also supposed to have writ-
ten a French Dialogue in metre, MSS.
Bodl. 3904. [MS. Fairfax, 24.] Ceo est
la pleinte par entre mis Sire Henry de
Lacy Counte de Nychole [Lincoln] et Sire
Wauter de Bybeleswort}/, pur la croiseric.
en la terre seinte. [There is more reason
to believe this poem to have been written
by Walter de Biblesworth than by Hue
de Roteland. See also De la Rue, vol. ii.
p. 285. — M.] And a French romantic
poem on a knight called CAPANKK,
perhaps Statius's Capaneus. MSS. Cott.
VESP. A vii. ut supr. It begins,
Qui bons countes viel entendre.
[See "The CANTERBURY TALES of
CHAUCER. To which are added An
ESSAY upon his LANGUAGE and VERSIFI-
SECT. II.] FRENCH ADOPTED BY AUTHORS OF THIS PERIOD.
cessity and a principle of convenience, than from affectation. The ver-
nacular English, as I have before remarked, was rough and unpolished :
and although these writers possessed but few ideas of taste and elegance,
they embraced a foreign tongue, almost equally familiar, and in which
they could convey their sentiments with greater ease, grace, and pro-
priety. It should also be considered, that our most eminent scholars
received a part of their education at the University of Paris. Another,
and a very material circumstance, concurred to countenance this fashion-
able practice of composing in French. It procured them readers of
rank and distinction. The English court, for more than two hundred
years after the Conquest, was totally French : and our kings, either
from birth, kindred, or marriage, and from a perpetual intercourse,
seem to have been more closely connected with France than with En-
gland*. It was however fortunate that these French pieces were writ-
ten, as some of them met with their translators : who perhaps unable
to aspire to the praise of original writers, at least by this means contri-
buted to adorn their native tongue : and who very probably would not
have written at all, had not original writers, I mean their cotemporaries
who wrote in French, furnished them with models and materials.
Hearne, to whose diligence even the poetical antiquarian is much
obliged, but whose conjectures are generally wrong, imagines that the
old English metrical romance, called RYCHARDE CUER DE LYON, was
written by Robert de Brunne. It is at least probable, that the leisure
CATION, an INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE,
and NOTES. Lond. 1775. 4 vol. 8vo."
This masterly performance, in which the
author has displayed great taste, judge-
ment, sagacity, and the most familiar
knowledge of those books which pecu-
liarly belong to the province of a com-
mentator on Chaucer, did not appear till
more than half of my second volume was
printed. — ADDITIONS.]
I have before hinted that it was some,
times customary to intermix Latin with
French. As thus. MSS. Harl. 2253.
f. 137 b.
Dieu roy de Mageste,
Ob personas trinas,
Nostre roy e sa meyne
Ne perire sinas, &c.
Again, ibid. f. 76. Where a lover, an
Englishman, addresses his mistress who
was of Paris.
Dum ludis floribus velud lacinia,
Le dieu d'amour moi tient en tie! an-
gustia, &c.
Sometimes their poetry was half French
and half English. As in a song to the
holy Virgin on our Saviour's passion.
Ibid. f. 83.
Mayden moder milde, oiez eel oreysoun,
From shome thou me shilde, e de ly mal
feloun :
For loue of thine childe me menez de
tresoun,
Ich wes wod & wilde, ore su en prisoun,
&c.
In the same manuscript I find a French
poem probably written by an Englishman,
in the year 1300, containing the ad-
ventures of Gilote and Johanne, two la-
dies of gallantry, in various parts of En-
gland and Ireland, particularly at Win-
chester and Pontefract. f. 66 b. The
curious reader is also referred to a French
poem, in which the poet supposes that a
minstrel,/wg/<?o«r, travelling from London,
clothed in a rich tabard, met the king and
his retinue. The king asks him many
questions ; particularly his lord's name,
and the price of his horse. The minstrel
evades all the king's questions by imper-
tinent answers ; and at last presumes to
give his majesty advice. Ibid. f. 107 b.
[This last poem was privately printed by
Sir F. Palgrave, 4to. 1818. and since by
the Abbe de la Rue, in his Essais stir les
Bardes, &c.— M.]
* [It is very certain that many French
poems were written during this period by
Englishmen ; but it is probable that se-
veral were also composed by Normans. —
DOUCE.] [See on this subject the Pre-
face to Havelok, p. xlvi. — M.J
80
MONKS WRITE FOR THE MINSTRELS. [SECT. II.
of monastic life produced many rhymers. From proofs here given we
may fairly conclude, that the monks often wrote for the minstrels:
and although our Gilbertine brother of Brunne chose to relate true
stories in plain language, yet it is reasonable to suppose, that many of
our antient tales in verse containing fictitious adventures, were written,
although not invented, in the religious houses. The romantic history
of Guy earl of Warwick, is expressly said, on good authority, to have
been written by Walter of Exeter, a Franciscan friar of Carocus in
Cornwall, about the year 1292 8. The libraries of the monasteries
were full of romances. Bevis of Southampton, in French, was in the
library of the abbey of Leicester11. In that of the abbey of Glaston-
bury, we find Liber de Excidio Trojce, Gesta Ricardi Regis, and
Gesta Alexandri Regis, in the year 124-71. These were some of the
most favourite subjects of romance, as I shall show hereafter. In a
catalogue of the library of the abbey of Peterborough are recited,
Amys and Amelion*, Sir Tristram, Guy de Burgoyne, and Gesta
Otuelis1, all in French : together with Merlin's Prophecies, Turpins
8 Carew's Surv. Cornw. p. 59. edit, ut
supr. I suppose Carew means the me-
trical Romance of GUY. But Bale says
that Walter wrote Vitam Guidonis, which
seems to imply a prose history, x. 78.
Giraldus Cambrensis [Girardus Cornubi-
ensis.— M.] also wrote Guy's history.
Hearne has printed an Historia Guidonis
de Warwih, Append, ad Annal. de Dun-
staple, num. xi. It was extracted from
Girald. Cambrens. Hist. Reg. West- Sax.
capit. xi. by Girardus Cornubiensis. [War-
ton makes a strange blunder here, arising
from Tanner having written by inadver-
tency Giraldi for Girardi. The Latin
prose fragment printed by Hearne is ex-
tracted " ex scriptis Girardi Cornubiensis
in libro de gestis regum Westsaxonum,
cap. xi." and the name of Giraldus Cam-
brensis should have been omitted. See
a communication of mine on the subject
of the Romance of Guy, in the Gent.'s
Mag. for Dec. 1828. — M.] Lydgate's
Life of Guy, never printed, is translated
from this Girardus ; as Lydgate himself
informs us at the end. MSS. Bibl. Bodl.
Laud. D 31. f. 64. Tit. Here gynneth the
liff of Guy of Warwyk.
Out of the Latyn made by the Chronycler
Called of old GIRARD CORNUBYENCE:
Which wrote the dedis, with grete dili-
gence,
Of them that were in Westsex crowned
kynges, &c.
See Wharton, Angl. Sacr. i. p. 89. Some
have thought that Girardus Cornubiensis
and Giraldus Cambrensis were the same
persons. This passage of Lydgate may
perhaps shew the contrary. We have
also in the same Bodleian manuscript, a
poem on Guy and Colbrand, viz. MSS.
Laud. D 31. f. 87. More will be said on
this subject.
h See Registrum Librorum in monasterio
S. Maries de Pratis props Lei/cestriam. fol.
132 b. In MSS. Bibl. Bodl. Laud I 75.
This catalogue was written by Will. Cha-
rite, one of the monks, A.D. 1517. fol. 139.
[It was written the 8th year of king
Henry VII., and the whole is printed in
Nichols's Hist, of Leicestershire, vol. i.
pt. 2. Append, pp. 101— 108.— M.]
1 Hearne's Joann. Glaston. Catal. Bibl.
Glaston. p. 435. One of the books on Troy
is called bonus et magnus. There is also
" Liber de Captione Antiochise, Gallice.
legibilis." ibid.
k The same Romance is in MSS. Harl.
Brit. Mus. 2386. 42.
[The Harl. MS. is a bad copy of about
one half of the poem. This Romance was
translated into German verse by Conrad
of Wiirzburg, who flourished about the
year 1300. He chose to name the heroes
Engelhard and Engeldrud. — WEBER.]
See Du Cang. Gloss. Lat. i. Ind. Auc-
tor. p. 193. There is an old manuscript
French MORALITY on this subject, Com-
ment, Amille tue ses deux enfans pour guerir
Amis son compagnon, &c. Beauchamps,
Rech. Theatr. Fr. p. 109. There is a
French metrical romance Histoire d'Amys
et Amilion, Brit. Mus. MSS. Reg. 12.
C xii. 9.
[And at Bennet college, Num. L. i. It
begins,
Ki veut oir chaunf oun d'amur.
ADDITIONS.]
1 There is a Romance called OTUEL,
MSS, Bibl. Adv. Edinb. W 4. 1. xxviii. I
SECT. II.] MONASTIC LIBRARIES FULL OF ROMANCES. 81
Charlemagne, and the Destruction ofTroy™. Among the books given
to Winchester college by the founder William of Wykeham, a prelate
of high rank, about the year 1387, we have Chronicon Trojce n. In the
library of Windsor college, in the reign of Henry the Eighth, were dis-
covered in the midst of missals, psalters, and homilies, Duo libri Gal-
lici de Romances, de quibus unus liber de ROSE, et alius difficilis
matericB0. This is the language of the king's commissioners, who
searched the archives of the college : the first of these two French ro-
mances is perhaps John de Meun'sltoman de laRose. A friar [parson] ,
in Pierce Plowman's Visions, is said to be much better acquainted with
the "rimes of Robinhode and of Randal [erle] of Chester" than with his
Pater-nosterP. The monks, who very naturally sought all opportunities
of amusement in their retired and confined situations, were fond of ad-
mitting the minstrels to their festivals ; and were hence familiarized to
romantic stories. Seventy shillings were expended on minstrels, who
accompanied their songs with the harp, at the feast of the installation
of Ralph abbot of Saint Augustin's at Canterbury, in the year 1309.
At this magnificent solemnity, six thousand guests were present in and
about the hall of the abbey ^. It was not deemed an occurrence un-
worthy to be recorded, that when Adam de Orleton, bishop of Win-
chester, visited his cathedral priory of Saint Swithin in that city, a
minstrel named Herbert was introduced, who sung the Song of Col-
brand a Danish giant, and the tale of Queen Emma delivered from the
plough-shares, in the hall of the prior Alexander de Herriard, in the
year 1338. I will give this very curious article, as it appears in an
antient register of the priory. " Et cantabat Joculator quidam nomine
Herebertus CANTICUM Colbrondi, necnon Gestum Emme regine a
judicio ignis liberate, in aula prioris*" In an annual accompt-roll of
think he is mentioned in Charlemagne's earl of Warwick, to the abbey of Bordes-
story. He is converted to Christianity and ley, see the original deed printed from a
marries Charlemagne's daughter. [Ana- manuscript in the library of Lambeth by
lysed by Mr. Ellis : vol. ii. p. 324.] Todd, Illustrations of Gower and Chaucer,
[The "Roman de Otinel," in Montfaucon p. 160, and given more correctly and com-
Bibl. Bibliothec. p. 32, is probably the pletely by M. Michel, Tristan, torn. i.
same. — DOUCE.] p. cxx. Lond. 1835. — W.]
m Gunton's Peterb. p. 108. seq. — I will p Fol. xxvi. b. edit. 1550.
give some of the titles as they stand in q Dec. Script, p. 2011.
the catalogue. Dares Phrygius de Ex- r Registr. Priorat. S. Swithini Winton.
cidio Trojtf, bis, p. 180. Prophetife Merlini MSS. pergamen. in Archiv. de Wolve-
versifice. p. 182. Gesta Caroli secundum sey Wint. These were local stories. Guy
Turpinum. p. 187. Gesta Mne.ee post de- fought and conquered Colbrond a Da-
structionem Trojce. p. 198. Bellum contra nish champion, just without the northern
Runcivallum. p. 202. There are also the walls of the city of Winchester, in a mea-
two following articles, viz. "Certamen in- dow to this day called Danemarch : and
ter regem Johannem et Barones, versi- Colbrond's battle-axe was kept in the
fice ; per H. de Davench." p. 188. This I treasury of St. Swithin's priory till the Dis-
have never seen, nor know anything of solution. Th. Rudb. apud Wharton,
the author. "Versus de ludo scaccorum." Angl. Sacr. i. 211. This history remained
p. 195. in rude painting against the walls of the
n Ex archivis Coll. Wint. north transept of the cathedral till within
0 Dugd. Moriast. iii. Eccles. Collegiat. my memory. Queen Emma was a pa-
p. 80. [For a very curious list of Ro- troness of this church, in which she un-
mances, &c., given by Guy deBeauchamp, derwent the trial of walking blindfold
VOL. I. G
82 MINSTRELS ADMITTED INTO THE MONASTERIES. [SECT. II.
the Augustine priory of Bicester in Oxfordshire, for the year 1431, the
following entries relating to this subject occur, which I choose to ex-
hibit in the words of the original. " DONA PRIORIS. Et in datis
cuidam citharizatori in die sancti Jeronimi, viii d. — Et in datis alteri
citharizatori in festo Apostolorum Simonis et Jude cognomine Hendy,
xii d. — Et in datis cuidam minstrallo domini le Talbot infra natale
domini, xii d. — Et in datis ministrallis domini le Straunge in die
Epiphanie, xx d. — Et in datis duobus ministrallis domini Lovell in
crastino S. Marci evangeliste, xvi d. — Et in datis ministrallis ducis
Glocestrie in festo nativitatis beate Marie, iii s. iv d." I must add, as it
likewise paints the manners of the monks, " Et in datis cuidam Ursario,
iiii d." s In the prior's accounts of the Augustine canons of Maxtoke
in Warwickshire, of various years in the reign of Henry the Sixth, one
of the styles, or general heads, is DE JOCULATORIBUS ET MIMIS. I
will, without apology, produce some of the particular articles ; not di-
stinguishing between Mimi, Joculatores, Jocatores, Lusores, and Citha-
ristce ; who all seem alternately, and at different times, to have exercised
the same arts of popular entertainment. " Joculatori in septimana
S. Michaelis, iv d. — Cithariste tempore natalis domini et aliis jocatori-
bus, iv d. — Mimis de Solihull, vi d. — Mimis de Coventry, xx d. —
Mimo domini Ferrers, vi d. — Lusoribus de Eton, viii d. — Lusoribus
de Coventry, viii d. — Lusoribus de Daventry, xii d. — Mimis de Co-
ventry, xii d. — Mimis domini de Asteley, xii d. — Item iiii. mimis domini
de Warewyck, x d. — Mimo ceco, ii d. — Sex mimis domini de Clynton. —
Duobus Mimis de Rugeby, x d. — Cuidam cithariste, vi d. — Mimis do-
mini de Asteley, xx d. — Cuidam cithariste, vi d. — Cithariste de Coventry,
vi d. — Duobus citharistis de Coventry, viii d. — Mimis de Rugeby, viii d.
— Mimis domini de Buckeridge, xx d. — Mimis domini de Stafford, ii s. —
Lusoribus de Cokshille, viiid."1 Here we may observe, that the min-
strels of the nobility, in whose families they were constantly retained,
travelled about the country to the neighbouring monasteries ; and that
they generally received better gratuities for these occasional perform-
ances than the others. Solihull, Rugby, Coleshill, Eton, or Nun-Eton,
and Coventry, are all towns situated at no great distance from the
priory". Nor must I omit that two minstrels from Coventry made
over nine red hot ploughshares. Col- tavo usque in idem crastinum anno R.
brond is mentioned in the old romance of Henrici praedicti nono." In Thesaurar.
the Squyr of Lowe Degree. Signal, a. iii. Coll. SS. Trin. Oxon. Bishop Kennet has
Or els so doughty of my honde printed a Computus of the same mona-
As was the gyaunte syr Colbronde. sterv under the same reiSn' in which
three or four entries of the same sort
See what is said above of Guy earl of occur. Paroch. Antiq. p. 578.
Warwick, who will again be mentioned. * Ex orig. penes me.
* Ex orig. in Rotul. pergamen. Tit. u In the antient annual rolls of accompt
" Compotus dni Ricardi Parentyn prioris, of Winchester college, there are many
et fratris Ric. Albon canonici, bursarii articles of this sort. The few following,
ibidem, de omnibus bonis per eosdem re- extracted from a great number, may serve
ceptis et liberatis a crastino Michaelis as a specimen. They are chiefly in the
anno Henrici Sexti post Conquestum oc- reign of Edward IV. viz. In the year 1481.
SECT. II.] MINSTRELS ADMITTED INTO THE MONASTERIES. 83
part of the festivity at the consecration of John, prior of this convent,
in the year 14-32, viz. " Dot. duobus mimis de Coventry in diefconse-
crationis prioris, xii d." w Nor is it improbable, that some of our greater
monasteries kept minstrels of their own in regular pay. So early as
the year 1 1 80, in the reign of Henry the Second, Jeffrey the harper
received a corrody, or annuity, from the Benedictine abbey of Hide
near Winchester*; undoubtedly on condition that he should serve the
monks in the profession of a harper on public occasions. The abbeys
of Con way and Stratflur in Wales respectively maintained a bard* : and
the Welsh monasteries in general were the grand repositories of the
poetry of the British bards2.
" Et in sol. ministrallis dom. Regis veni-
entibus ad collegium xv. die aprilis, cum
12 d. solut. ministrallis dom. Episcopi
Wynton venientibus ad collegium primo
die junii, iiii s. iiii d. — Et in dat. mini-
strallis dom. Arundell ven. ad coll. cum
viiirf. dat. ministrallis dom. de Lawarr,
iis. iiiid." In the year 1483. " Sol. mi-
nistrallis dom. Regis ven. ad coll. iii s.
iiiid." In the year 1472. " Et in dat.
ministrallis dom. Regis cum viiid. dat.
duobus Berewardis ducis Clarentie, xxrf.
— Et in dat. Johanni Stulto quondam
dom. de Warewyco, cum iiii d. dat. Thome
Nevyle taborario. — Et in datis duobus"mi-
nistrallis ducis Glocestrie, cum iiii d. dat.
uni ministrallo ducis de Northumberlond,
viiid. — Et in datis duobus citharatoribus
ad vices venientibus ad collegium viiid."
In the year 1479. " Et in datis sa-
trapis Wynton venientibus ad coll. festo
Epiphanie, cum xiid. dat. ministrallis
dom. episcopi venient. ad coll. infra octavas
Epiphanie, iii «."——/« the year 1477.
" Et in dat. ministrallis dom. Principis
venient. ad coll. festo Ascensionis Domini,
cum xx d. dat. ministrallis dom. Regis, vs."
In the year 1464. " Et in dat. mini-
strallis comitis Kancie venient. ad coll. in
mense julii, iiii s. iiiid." In the i/ ear
1467. "Etin datis quatuor mimis dom.
de Arundell venient. ad coll. xiii. die
ffebr. ex curialitate dom. Custodis, iis."
In the year 1466. "Et in dat. satra-
pis, [ut supr.~] cum iis. dat. iiii. interlu-
dentibus et J. Meke citharistse eodem
ffesto, iiiis." In the year 1484. "Et
in dat. uni ministrallo dom. principis, et
in aliis ministrallis ducis Glocestrie v.
die julii, xxd." — The minstrels of the
bishop, of lord Arundel, and the duke of
Gloucester, occur very frequently. In
domo muniment, coll. prsedict. in cista ex
oriental! later e.
In rolls of the reign of Henry the Sixth,
the countess of Westmoreland, sister of
cardinal Beaufort, is mentioned as being
entertained in the college ; and in her
retinue were the minstrels of her house-
G
hold, who received gratuities. Ex Rot.
Comp. orig.
In these rolls there is an entry, which
seems to prove that the Lusores were a
sort of actors in dumb show or masque-
rade. Rot. ann. 1467. "Dat. lusoribus de
civitate Winton, venientibus ad collegium
in apparatu suo mens. julii, vs. vlild."
This is a large reward. I will add from
the same rolls, ann. 1479. " In dat. Joh.
Pontisbery et socio ludentibus in aula in
die circumcisionis, ii s."
w Ibid. It appears that the Coventry-
men were in high repute for their per-
formances of this sort. In the entertain-
'ment presented to queen Elizabeth at
Killingworth castle, in the year 1575, the
Coventry-men exhibited " their old storiall
sheaw." Laneham's Narrative, &c. p. 32.
Minstrels were hired from Coventry to
perform at Holy Crosse feast at Abingdon,
Berks, 1422. Hearne's Lib. Nig. Scacc.
ii. p. 598. See an account of their play
on Corpus Christi day, in Stevens's Mo-
nasticon, i. p. 138. and Hearne's Fordun,
p. 1450. sub an. 1492.
x Madox, Hist. Excheqtier, p. 251.
where he is styled, "Galfridus citha-
roedus."
y Powel's CAMBRIA. To the Reader.
pag. 1. edit. 1581.
z Evans's Diss. de Bardis. Specimens of
Welsh Poetry, p. 92. Wood relates a
story of two itinerant priests coming, to-
wards night, to a cell of Benedictines near
Oxford, where, on a supposition of their
being mimes or minstrels, they gained
admittance. But the cellarer, sacrist, and
others of the brethren, hoping to have
been entertained with their gesticulatoriis
ludicrlsque artibus, and finding them to be
nothing more than two indigent ecclesi-
astics who could only administer spiritual
consolation, and being consequently dis-
appointed of their mirth, beat them and
turned them out of the monastery. Hist.
Antiq. Univ. Oxon. i. 67. Under the
year 1224.
84 REGNORUM CHBONIOA AND MIRABILIA MUNDI. [SECT. II.
In the statutes of New-college at Oxford, given about the year 1380,
the founder bishop William of Wykeham orders his scholars, for their
recreation on festival- days in the hall after dinner and supper, to enter-
tain themselves with songs, and other diversions consistent with decency :
and to recite poems, chronicles of kingdoms, the wonders of the world,
together with the like compositions, not misbecoming the clerical cha-
racter. I will transcribe his words. " Quando ob dei reverentiam aut
sue matris, vel alterius sancti cujuscunque, tempore yemali, ignis in aula
sociis ministratur ; tune scolaribus et sociis, post tempus prandii aut
cene, liceat gracia recreationis, in aula, in Cantilenis et aliis solaciis
honestis, moram facere condecentem ; et Poemata, regnorum Chronicas,
et mundi hujus Mirabilia, ac cetera que statum clericalem condeco-
rant, seriosius pertractare." a The latter part of this injunction seems
to be an explication of the former : and on the whole it appears, that
the Cantilena which the scholars should sing on these occasions, were
a sort of Poemata, or poetical Chronicles, containing general histories
of kingdoms1*. It is natural to conclude, that they preferred pieces of
English history : and among Hearne's manuscripts I have discovered
some Fragments on vellum0, containing metrical chronicles of our kings;
which, from the nature of the composition, seem to have been used for
this purpose, and answer our idea of these general Chronica regnorum.
Hearne supposed them to have been written about the time of Richard
the First d : but I rather assign them to the reign of Edward the First*,
who died in the year 1307. But the reader shall judge. The following
fragment begins abruptly with some rich presents which king Athelstan
received from Charles the Third, king of France : a nail which pierced
our Saviour's feet on the cross, a spear with which Charlemagne fought
against the Saracens, and which some supposed to be the spear which
pierced our Saviour's side, a part of the holy cross inclosed in crystal,
three of the thorns from the crown T>n our Saviour's head, and a crown
formed entirely of precious stones, which were endued with a mystical
power of reconciling enemies.
a Rubric, xviii. The same thing is en- d ubi supr.
joined in the statutes of Winchester col- * [The truth is, that these Fragments
lege, Ruhr. xv. I do not remember any are merely a portion of a copy, somewhat
such passage in the statutes of preceding amplified, of the metrical Chronicle of
colleges in either university. But this England, printed by Ritson, Metr. Rom.
injunction is afterwards adopted in the vol. ii. and already referred to by Warton,
statutes of Magdalene college; and from p. 59. They are of course to be ascribed
thence, if I recollect right, was copied to the reign of Edward the Second. A
into those of Corpus Christi, Oxford. portion, containing the description of
b Hearne thus understood the passage. Bladud's baths, was printed by Selden, in
" The wise founder of New college per- his notes to Drayton's Polyolbion, and it
mitted them [metrical chronicles] to be is rather singular that the same fragment
sung by the fellows and scholars upon ex- should be inserted in the Cottonian copy
traordinary days." Heming. Cartul. ii. of Robert of Gloucester, CAL. A xi. f. 11.
APPEND. Numb. ix. § vi. p. 662. These fragments are also described by Dr.
* Given to him by Mr. Murray. See Bliss, in the British Bibliographer, vol. iv.
Heming. Chartul. ii. p. 654. And Rob. p. 76-79.— *M.]
Glouc. ii. p. 731. Nunc MSS. Bibl. Bodl.
Oxon. RAWLINS. Cod. 4to. (E. Pr. 87.)
SECT. II.] REGNORUM CHRONICA AND MIRABILIA MUNDI. 85
Ther in was closyd a nayle grete
That went thorw oure lordis fete.
$yte he presentyd hym the spere
That Charles was wont to bere
Ajens the Sarasyns in batayle ;
Many swore and sayde saunfaylef
That with that spere smerteg
Our lorde was stungen to the herte.
And a party h of the holi crosse
In crystal done in a cloos.
And three of the thornes kene
That was in Cristes hede sene,
And a ryche crowne of golde
Non rycher kyng wer yscholde,
Ymade within and withowt
With pretius stonys alle abowte,
Of eche manir vertu thry l
The stonys hadde the maystry,
To make frendes that euere were fone,
Such a crowne was neuer none,
To none erthelyche mon ywro^th
Syth God made the world of no$th.
Kyng Athelstune was glad and blythe,
And thankud the kynge of Fraunce swythe,
Of gyftes nobul and ryche
In Crystiante was non hem lyche.
In his tyme, I understonde,
Was Guy of Warwyk yn Inglonde,
And for Englond dede batayle
With a my^ti gyande, without fayle ;
His name was hote Colbrond,
Gwy hym slough with his bond.
Seuen yere kyng Athelston
Held this his kyngdome ;
In Inglond that ys so mury
He dyedde, and lythe at Malmesburyk.
After hym regned his brother Edmond,
And was kyng of Ingelond,
* yet, moreover. f without doubt. Fr. King Athelston lovede much Malmes-
8 sharp, strong. So in the Lives of the bury y wis,
Saints, MSS. supr. citat. In the Life of He jef of the holy cross som, that there
St. Edmund. 3ut ys.
For Saint Edmund had a smerte 3erde, It is extraordinary that Peter Langtoft
&c« should not know where Athelstan was bu-
i.e. " He had a strong rod in his hand," &c. ried; and as strange that his translator
h part, piece. ' three. Rob. de Brunne should supply this defect
k To which monastery he gave the by mentioning a report that his body was
fragment of the holy cross given him by lately found at Hexham in Northumber-
the king of France. Rob. Glouc.-p. 276. land. Chron. p. 32.
86 REGNORUM CHRONICA AND MIRABILIA MUNDI. [SECT. II.
And he ne regned here
But unneth nine yere ;
Sith hyt befalle at a feste
At Caunterbury1, a cas unwrestm,
As the kyng at the mete sat,
He behelde, and under^at
Of a theef that was desgyse
Amonge hys knyghtes god and wise.
The kyng was hesty and sterte uppe,
And hent the thefe by the toppen,
And cast hym doune on a ston :
The theefe brayde out a knyfe anon,
And the kyng to the hert threste,
Or any of his knightes weste0.
The baronys sterte up anone,
And slough the theefe swythe sone,
But arstp he wounded many one,
Thrugh the flesh and thrugh the bone.
To Glastenbury they bare the kynge,
And ther made his buryingei.
. After that Edmund was ded,
Reyned his brother Edred ;
Edred reyned here
But unnethe thre yere, &c.*
After hym reyned seynt Edgare,
A wyse kynge and a warre ;
Thilke nyghte that he was bore,
Seynt Dunstan was glad ther fore ;
For he herde that swete steuene
Of the angels of heuene :
In the songer thei songe bi ryme,
" Yblessed be that ylke tyme
That Edgare ybore ywas,
For in hys tyme schal be pas,
Euer more in hys kyngdome
1 Rob. of Gloucester says that this hap- lege, Oxon, (to whose kindness I am in-
penedat Pucklechurch near Bristol, p. 27 7. debted for the collation of this extract
But Rob. de Brunne at Canterbury, with the Bodley MS.) observes, that a
whither the king went to hold the feast leaf appears to be wanting at this place,
of St. Austin, p. 33. which contained probably the life of Ed-
m a wicked mischance. wyn ; six lines of which only remain, and
n head. ° perceived. p erst, first. are here appended :
« At Gloucester, says Rob. de Brunne, Hig wife> for hfire faire hedd
p. 33, But Rob. of Gloucester says his Qf God he hadde J u drede
body was brought from Pucklechurch, Th M (?) he wa/here owne
and interred at Glastonbury ; and that Ther fore he gewed (?) the more
hence the town of Pucklechurch became jje reyned xjj yere .
part of the possessions of Glastonbury ab- T Wvnchester men hym bere.— M.]
bey. p. 278.
* [Mr. Philip Bliss, of St. John's col- r This songisinRob, Gl. Chron. p. 281.
SECT. II.] BEGNORUM CHRONICA AND MIRABILIA MUNDI. 87
The while he liueth and seynt Duuston."
Ther was so meche grete foyson8,
Of all good in every tonne,
All wyle that last his lyue,
Ne loued he neuer fyght ne stryue.
* * *
The knyghtes of Wales, all and some,
Him to swery and othes holde,
And trewe to be as y told,
To bring to hym trewage* there,
CCC. wolves eche $ere ;
And so they dyde trewliche
Three yere pleynerelyche,
The ferthe yere myght they fynde non,
So clene thay wer all agon,
#-.!»•••»
And the kyng hyt hem forgeue
For he nolde hem greue.
Edgare was an holi man
That oure lorde, &c.
Although we have taken our leave of Robert de Brunne, yet as the
subject is remarkable, and affords a striking portraiture of antient
manners, I am tempted to transcribe that chronicler's description of
the presents received by king Athelstane from the king of France ;
especially as it contains some new circumstances, and supplies the
defects of our Fragment. It is from his version of Peter Langtoft's
chronicle above mentioned.
At the feste of oure lady the Assumpcion,
Went the king fro London to Abindon.
Thider out of France, fro Charles kyng of fame,
Com the [erle] of Boloyn, Adulphus was his name,
And the duke of Burgoyn, Edmonde sonne, Reynere,
The brouht kynge Althelston present withouten pere :
Fro Charles kyng sanz faile thei brouht a gonfaynounu,
That saynt Morice [bar] in batayle before the legioun ;
& [the] scharp lance that thrilled Jhesu side ;
& a suerd of golde, in the hilte did men hide
Tuo of tho nayles that war thorh Jhesu fete,
Tachedw on the croys, the blode thei out lete ;
& som of the thornes that don were on his heued,
& a fair pece that of the croys leued*,
That saynt Heleyn sonne at the bataile wan
Of the soudan of Askalone, his name was Madan.
* provision. * ready. u banner. w tacked, fastened.
* remained.
88 BEGNOBUM CHBONICA AND MIBABILIA MUNDI. [SECT. II.
Than blewe the trumpes fulle loud & fulle schille,
The kyng com in to the halle, that hardy was of wille.
Than spak Reyner, Edmunde sonne, for he was messengere,
" Athelstan, my lord the gretes, Charles that has no pere;
He sends the this present, & sais, he wille hym bynde
To the thorn* Ilde thi sistere, & tille alle thi kynde."
Befor the messengers was the maiden brouht,
Of body so gentille was non in erth wrouht ;
No non so faire of face, of spech so lufly,
Scho granted befor tham all to Charles hir body :
And so did the kyng, & alle the baronage,
Mykelle was the richesse thei purueied hir passage.*
Another of these Fragments, evidently of the same composition, seems
to have been an introduction to the whole. It begins with the martyr-
dom of saint Alban, and passes on to the introduction of Wassail, and
to the names and division of England.
And now he ys alle so hole yfonde
As whan he was yleyde on grounde.
And $yf $e wille not trowa me,
Goth to Westmynstere, and $e mow se.
In that tyme Seynt Albon .
For Goddys loue tholedb martirdome,
And xl. ^ere with schame and schondec
Was drowend oute of Englond.
In that tyme, weteth e welle,
Cam ferst Wassayle & Drynkehayl
In to this lond, with owte wenef,
Thurghe a mayde brygh « and schene h ;
Sche was cleput1 mayde Ynge;
For hur many dothe rede and synge,
Lordyngys gentk and free.
This lond hath yhadde namys thre :
Ferst hit was cleput Albyon,
And syth ' for Brut Bretayne anon,
And now Ynglonde cleput hit ys
Aftir mayde Ynge ywysse.
Thilke Ynge fro Saxone was come,
And with here many a moder sonne.
y " thee through." Gloss. Lat. Du Cange, torn. ii. p. 994. edit.
a Chron. p. 29. 30. Afterwards fallows 1766.
the combat of Guy with " a hogge (huge) a believe. b suffered,
geant, hight Colibrant." As in our Frag- c confusion. d driven, drawn,
ment. p. 31. See Will. Malms. Gest. e know ye. f doubt.
Angl. ii. 6. The lance of Charlemagne e bright. h fair,
is to this day shewn among the relics of ' called. k gentle.
St. Dennis's in France. Carpentier, Suppl. ' from, because of. [afterwards.]
SECT. II.] REGNORUM CHRONICA. 89
For gret hungure y understonde
Ynge went oute of hure londe.
And thorow leue of cure kyng
In this land sche hadde restyng.
As meche lande of the kyng sche badem
As with a bole hyde me my^th" sprede.
The kyng graunt he [re] bonne0:
A strong castel sche made sone,
And whan the castel was al made,
The kyng to the mete sche badep.
The kyng graunted here anone.
He wyst not what thay wold done.
# * #
And sayde to ham*1 in this manere,
" The kyng to morow schal etc here,
He and alle hys men ;
Euerr one of us and one of them
To geder schal sitte at the mete.
And when thay haue almost yete,
I wole say Wassayle to the kyng,
And sle hym with oute any lesyng8.
And loke that $e in this manere
Eche of }ow sle his fere*."
And so sche dede thenne,
Slowe the kyng and alle hys men.
And thus, thorowgh here queyntyseu,
This londe was wonne in this wyse.
Sythw anon sone an swythe*
Was Englond deled y on fyue,
To fyue kynggys trewelyche,
That were nobyl and swythe ryche.
That one hadde alle the londe of Kente,
That ys free and swythe gente.
And in hys lond bysshopus tweye.
Worthy men where1 theye.
The archebysshop of Caunturbery,
And of Rochestere that ys mery.
The kyng of Essex of renona
He hadde to his porcion
Westschire, Barkschire,
Soussex, Southamptshire.
m requested, desired. * lie.
n men might. * companion.
0 granted her request. u stratagem. w after.
p bid. x very, [quickly].
q them. y divided. * were.
* every, [uniformly one and one.] a renown.
90 MIRABILIA MUNDI. [SECT. II.
And ther to Dorsetshyre,
All Cornewalle and Deuenshire ;
All thys were of hys anpyreb.
The king hadde on his hond
Fyue bysshopes starke and strong,
Of Salusbury was that on....*
As to the Mirabilia Mundi, mentioned in the statutes of New College
at Oxford, in conjunction with these Poemata and Regnorum Chronica,
the immigrations of the Arabians into Europe and the Crusades pro-
duced numberless accounts, partly true and partly fabulous, of the won-
ders seen in the eastern countries ; which falling into the hands of the
monks, grew into various treatises, under the title of Mirabilia Mundi.
There were also some professed travellers into the East in the dark
ages, who surprised the western world with their marvellous narratives,
which could they have been contradicted would have been believed0.
At the court of the grand Khan, persons of all nations and religions, if
they discovered any distinguished degree of abilities, were kindly en-
tertained and often preferred.
In the Bodleian library we have a superb vellum manuscript, deco-
rated with antient descriptive paintings and illuminations, entitled, Hi-
stoire de Graunt Kaan et des MERVEILLES DU MONDE d. The same
work is among the royal manuscripts6. A Latin epistle, said to be
translated from the Greek by Cornelius Nepos, is an extremely com-
mon manuscript, entitled, De Situ et Mirabilibus Indict. It is from
b empire. China. This was about the year 1260.
* [It is this last portion which is printed His book is entitled De Regionibus Orien-
in Hearne's Rob. Glouc. Gloss, p. 731. — tis. He mentions the immense and opu-
M.] lent city of Cambalu, undoubtedly Pekin.
' The first European traveller who went Hakluyt cites a friar, named Oderick, who
far Eastward, is Benjamin a Jew of Tudela travelled to Cambalu in Cathay, and whose
in Navarre. He penetrated from Constan- description of that city corresponds exact-
tinople through Alexandria in JSgypt and ly with Pekin. Friar Bacon about 1280,
Persia to the frontiers of Tzin, now China. from these travels formed his geography of
His travels end in 1173. He mentions the this part of the globe, as may be collected
immense wealth of Constantinople ; and from what he relates of the Tartars. See
says that its port swarmed with ships from Purchas Pilgr. iii. 52. And Bac. Op. Maj.
all countries. He exaggerates in speaking 228. 235.
of the prodigious number of Jews in that d MSS. Bodl.F. 10. [264.]fol.praegrand.
city. He is full of marvellous and romantic The hand- writing is about the reign of Ed-
stories. William de Rubruquis, a monk, ward the Third. I am not sure whether
was sent into Persic Tartary, and by the it is not Mandeville's book,
command of St. Louis king of France, about e Brit. Mus. MSS. Bibl. Reg. 19 D. i. 3.
the year!245. as was also Carpini,by Pope [The royal manuscript is a magnificent
Innocent the Fourth. Their books abound copy of the French translation of Marco
with improbabilities. [Warton here passes Polo's travels, which it affirms to have been
an undeserved and inconsiderate censure. made in the year 1298. — PRICE.]
Rubruquis is a very candid writer, and tells f It was first printed a Jacobo Catala-
no improbabilities. I am not aware of a"ny nensi without date or place. Afterwards
freat sins of this kind committed by Jo- at Venice 1499. The epistle is inscribed:
annes de Piano Carpini. — W.] Marco Alexander Magnus Aristoteli prceceptori
Polo a Venetian nobleman travelled east- suo salutem dicit. It was never extant in
ward into Syria and Persia to the country Greek. [There is a Saxon translation of
constantly called in the dark ages Cathay, this fabulous epistle in MS. Cott. ViTELL.
which proves to be the northern part of A. xv. — M.]
SECT. II.] EARLY TRAVELLERS INTO THE EAST.
91
Alexander the Great to his preceptor Aristotle: and the Greek original
was most probably drawn from some of the fabulous authors of Alex-
ander's story.
There is a manuscript, containing La Chartre que Prestre Jehan
maunda a Fredewik VEmpereur DE MERVAILLES DE SA TERRES. This
was Frederick Barbarossa, emperor of Germany, or his successor ; both
of whom were celebrated for their many successful enterprises in the
Holy Land, before the year 1230. Prester John, a Christian, was em-
peror of India. I find another tract, DE MIRABILIBUS Terras. Sanct&\
A book of Sir John Mandeville, a famous traveller into the East about
the year 1340, is under the title of Mirabilia Mundi1. His Itinerary
might indeed have the same title k. An English title in the Cotton li-
brary is, " The Voiage and Travailes of Sir John Maundevile knight,
which treateth of the way to Hiefusaleme and of the MARVEYLES of
Inde with other ilands and countryes." In the Cotton library there is
a piece with the title, Sanctorum Loca, MIRABILIA MUNDI, &C.1 After-
wards the wonders of other countries were added : and when this sort
of reading began to grow fashionable, Gyraldus Cambrensis composed
his book De MIRABILIBUS Hibernice™. There is also another De MI-
RABILIBUS Anglian*. At length the superstitious curiosity of the times
was gratified with compilations under the comprehensive title of MIRA-
BILIA Hibernice, Anglice, et Orientalis0. But enough has been said of
g Ibid. MSS. Reg. 20 A. xii. 3. And in
Bibl. Bodl. MSS. Bodl. E. 4. 3. "Liter*
Joannis Presbiteri ad Fredericum Impera-
torem," &c.
h MSS. Reg. 14 C. xiii. 3.
* MSS. C. C. C. Cant. A. iv. 69. We find
De Mirabilibus Mundi Liber, MSS. Reg. ut
supr. 13 E. ix. 5. And again, De Mirabili-
bus Mundi et flirts illustribus Tractatus, 14
C. vi. 3.
k His book is supposed to have been
interpolated by the monks. Leland ob-
serves, that Asia and Africa were parts of
the world at this time " Anglis de sola fere
nominis umbra cognitas." Script. Br. p.
366. He wrote his Itinerary in French,
English, and Latin. It extends to Cathay,
or China, before mentioned. Leland says,
that he gave to Becket's shrine in Canter-
bury cathedral a glass globe inclosing an
apple, which he probably brought from the
East. Leland saw this curiosity, in which
the apple remained fresh and undecayed.
Ubi supr. Maundeville, on returning from
his travels, gave to the high altar of St. Al-
ban's abbey church a sort of Patera brought
from JEgypt, now in the hands of an inge-
nious antiquary in London. He was a na-
tive of the town of St. Alban's, and a phy-
sician. He says that he left many MER-
VAYLES unwritten ; and refers the curious
reader to his MAPPA MUNDI, chap, cviii.
cix. A history of the Tartars became popu-
lar in Europe about the year 1310, written
or dictated by Aiton a king of Armenia,
who having traversed the most remarkable
countries of the East, turned monk at Cy-
prus, and published his travels ; which, on
account of the rank of the author, and his
amazing adventures, gained great esteem.
[The "Mappa Mundi" was not by Man-
devile, as here suggested, nor was Aiton
or Haiton king of Armenia, but only re-
lated to that sovereign. He was lord of
Curchi. See his travels in " Bergeron,
Voyages faits principalement en Asie,"
&c. Mr. Warton was probably misled by
Chardin the famous traveller. — DOUCE.]
1 GALB. A xxi. 3.
m It is printed among the Scriptores
Hist.Angl. Francof.1602.fol.692. Written
about the year 1200. It was so favourite
a title that we have even DE MIRABI-
LIBUS Feteris et Novi TestamentL MSS.
Coll. jEn. Nas. Oxon. Cod. 12. f. 190 a.
n Bibl. Bodl. MSS. C 6.
[The Latin tract, with some variations,
is extremely common in manuscripts, and
frequently accompanies some of the chro-
nicles. A copy was printed by Hearne
in the Appendix to his edition of Robert
of Gloucester. — W.]
0 As in MSS. Reg. 13 D. i. 11. I must
not forget that the Polyhistor of Julius So-
linus appears in many manuscripts under
the title of Solinus de Mirabilibus Mundi.
92 ELEGY ON EDWARD THE FIRST. [SECT. II.
these infatuations. Yet the history of human credulity is a necessary
speculation to those who trace the gradations of human knowledge.
Let me add, that a spirit of rational inquiry into the topographical
state of foreign countries, the parent of commerce and of a thousand
improvements, took its rise from these visions.
I close this section with an elegy on the death of king Edward the
First, who died in the year 1307 :
i.
Alle that beoth of huerte trewep
A stounde^ herkneth to my song,
Of duel that Deth hath diht vs newe.
That maketh me syke ant sorewe among :
Of a knyht that wes so strong
Of wham God hath don ys wille ;
Me thuncheth* that Deth has don vs wrong,
That he9 so sone shal ligge stille.
ii.
Al Englond ahte forte* knowe,
Of wham that song is that y synge,
Of Edward kyng that lith so lowe,
3entu al this world is nome con springe:
Trewest mon of alle thinge,
Ant in werre war ant wys ;
For him we ahte oure hondenw wrynge,
Of Cristendome he ber the pris.
in.
Byfore that oure kyng wes ded
He speke ase mon that wes in care :
" Clerkes, knyhtes, barouns," he sayde,
" Y charge oux by oure swarey
That $e to Engelonde be trewe,
Y deje21, y ne may lyuen na more ;
Helpeth mi sone, & crouneth him newe,
For he is nest to buen ycorea.
IV.
Ich biquethe myn herte aryht,
That hit be write at mi deuys,
Ouer the see that hueb be diht,
With fourscore knyhtes al of pris,
This was so favourite a book, as to be * the king. * ought for to.
translated into hexameters by some monk u through. Sax. jenb [over. — M.]
in the twelfth century, according to Voss. w hands. * you.
Hist. Latin, iii. p. 721. y your oath. * die.
p " be of true heart." a " next, to be chosen."
q a while. * methinks. b one of his officers, [it].
SECT. II.] ELEGY ON EDWARD THE FIRST. ' 93
In werre that buen war & wys,
A^ein the hethene forte fyhte,
To wynne the croiz that lowe lys,
Myself y cholde jef that y myhte."
Kyng of Fraunce ! thou heuedest sunnec,
That thou the counsail woldest fonde,
To latted the wille of kyng Edward,
To wende to the holy londe :
That oure kyng hede take on honde,
Al Engelond to $emee & wyssef,
To wenden in to the holy londe
To wynnen vs heuerichee blisse.
VI.
The messagerto the pope com
& seyde that oure kyng wes dedh,
Ys* oune hond the lettre he nomk,
Ywis is herte wes ful gret :
The pope himself the lettre redde,
Ant spec a word of gret honour.
"Alas!" he seide, "is Edward ded?
Of Cristendome he ber the flour I "
VII.
The pope to is chaumbre wende,
For del ne mihte he speke na more ;
Ant after cardinals he sende
That muche couthen of Cristes lore.
Bothe the lasse1 ant eke the more,
Bed hem both rede & synge :
Gret deol mem myhte se thore™,
Many mon is honde wrynge.
VIII.
The pope of Peyters stod at is masse
With ful gret solempnete,
* sin. The Pape the tother day wist it in the
d let, hinder, courte of Rome.
e protect. The Pape on the morn bifor the clergie cam
f govern [instruct, teach]. And teld tham biforn, the floure of Cris-
8 every [heaven's. — M.]. tendam
h He died in Scotland, July 7, 1307. Was dede & lay on bere, Edward of In-
The chroniclers pretend, that the Pope glond.
knew of his death the next day by a vi- He said with heuy chere, in spirit he it
sion or some miraculous information. So fond.
Robert of Brunne, who recommends this He adds, that the Pope granted five years
tragical event to those who " Singe and say Of pardon to those who would pray for his
in romance and ryme." Chron. p. 340. soui. i jn his. k took.
edit, ut supr. i /m. «> men. n there]
94 ELEGY ON EDWARD THE FIRST. [SECT. II.
Ther me con0 the soule blesse :
" Kyng Edward, honoured thou be :
God leue thi sone come after the,
Bringe to ende that thou hast bygonne,
The holy crois ymad of tre
So fain thou woldest hit han ywonne.
IX.
" Jerusalem, thou hast ilore
The flour of al chiualerie,
Nou kyng Edward liueth na more,
Alas, that he $et shulde deye !
He wolde ha rered vp ful hey^e
Our baners that bueth broht to grounde :
Wei longe we mowe clepe P & crie,
- Er we a such kyng han yfounde !",
x.
Nou is Edward of Carnaruani
King of Engelond al aplyht r ;
God lete him ner be worse man
Then is fader, ne lasse of myht,
To holden is pore men to ryht
Ant vnderstonde good consail,
Al Engelond forte wisse ant dint,
Of gode knyhtes darh s him nout fail.
XI.
Thah mi tonge were mad of stel
Ant min herte y^ote of bras
The godnesse myht y neuer telle
That with kyng Edward was.
Kyng as thou art cleped conquerour
In vch bataille thou hadest pris,
God bringe thi soule to the honour
That euer wes & euer ys,
That lesteth ay withouten ende ;
Bidde we God ant oure ledy
To thilke blisse Jesus vs sende. Amen.*
0 began. p call. the author unknown." p. 4. Lond. Pr. for
q Edward the Second, born in Carnar- T. Davies, 1738. octavo. But this piece,
von castle. which has great merit, could not have been
r completely. 8 there, [need. — M.] written till some centuries afterwards.
1 MSS. Harl. 2253. f. 73. In a Mis- From the classical allusions and general
cellany called the Muses Library, com- colour of the phraseology, to say nothing
piled, as I have been informed, by an in- more, it with greater probability belongs to
genious lady of the name of Cooper, there Henry the Eighth. It escaped me till just
is an elegy on the death of Henry the before this work went to press, that Dr.
First, " wrote immediately after his death, Percy had printed this elegy, Ball. ii. 9.
SECT. II.] ELEGY ON EDWARD THE FIRST. 95
That the pope should here pronounce the funeral panegyric of Ed-
ward the First, is by no means surprising, if we consider the pre-
dominant ideas of the age. And in the true spirit of these ideas, the
poet makes this illustrious monarch's achievements in the Holy Land
his principal and leading topic. But there is a particular circumstance
alluded to in these stanzas, relating to the crusading character of Ed-
ward *, together with its consequences, which needs explanation. Ed-
ward, in the decline of life, had vowed a second expedition to Jerusa-
lem ; but finding his end approach, in his last moments he devoted the
prodigious sum of thirty thousand pounds to provide one hundred and
forty knights u, who should carry his heart into Palestine. But this
appointment of the dying king was never executed. Our elegist, and
the chroniclers, impute the crime of withholding so pious a legacy to
the advice of the king of France, whose daughter Isabel was married
to the succeeding king. But it is more probable to suppose that Ed-
ward the Second and his profligate minion Piers Gaveston dissipated
the money in their luxurious and expensive pleasures.
NOTE ON THE ROMANCE OF SIR TRISTREM,
BY MR. PRICE.
THE romance of Sir Tristrem, De Brunne's eulogium on which Warton
has here cited (p. 69.), is usually supposed to be still extant. A poem pur-
porting to be such was published some years ago by Sir Walter Scott,
from a manuscript contained in the Advocates' Library at Edinburgh ;
and accompanied by a large body of notes in illustration of the singularly
beautiful story, with a prefatory dissertation on the age and character
of the presumed author. In the latter, the distinguished editor has ex-
ercised the united powers of his ingenuity and erudition, to prove that
the poem which he has thus ushered into the world is the same which
is alluded to by De Brunne ; and that it was composed by the Scottish
poet noticed by Warton, Thomas of Erceldoune, called the Rymer.
The premises upon which these opinions are founded have ever ap-
peared to the writer of this Note to be both fanciful and unsatisfactory ;
and in entering into an examination of their validity, he is fortunate in
[It has been remarked by Ritson, that mais, the harper, cithareda suus, hearing
the elegy printed by Mrs. Cooper was the the struggle, rushed into the royal apart-
composition of Fabyan the chronicler, ment, and killed the assassin. CHRON.
who died in 1511 : but then it is a trans- WaltHemingford, cap.xxxv. p. 591. Apud
lation from the original Latin, preserved V. HISTOR. ANGLIC. SCRIPTOR. vol. ii.
by Knighton, of the twelfth century. — Oxon. 1687. fol. — ADDITIONS.]
PARK.] [After the king himself had slain the
* [It appears that king Edward the assassin, [his harper] had the singular
First, about the year 1271, took his HARP- courage to brain a dead man with a tri-
ER with him to the Holy Land. This vet or tripod, for which act of heroism he
officer was a close and constant attendant was justly reprimanded by Edward. —
of his master : for when Edward was RITSON.]
wounded with a poisoned knife at Ptole- u The poet says eighty.
96 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
having the example and arguments of Mr. Campbell to favour his at-
tempt. The chain of evidence by which Sir Walter Scott has endea-
voured to substantiate his theory, may be thus briefly stated. The sera
of Thomas the Rymer (as originally fixed) lies between the years 1219-
1296. At a subsequent period the earlier date was withdrawn, and his
birth was referred to the close of the twelfth century. With this Tho-
mas the Rymer it is urged we ought to identify the Thomas mentioned
by De Brunne ; and to accept the poem preserved in the Auchinleck
MS. either as the original romance of that writer, or as one whose
" general texture and form closely resemble it." In defence of the Ry-
mer's claim to an " original property " in this story, a fragment of a
French romance is cited, containing a reference to one " Thomas" as
the most authentic writer on the subject ; and a passage from Godfrey of
Strasburg, the author of a German version, is also adduced to show that
he likewise followed the narrative of one Thomas of Brittanie. The
date of the former document is fixed by conjecture at 1257; the age of
Godfrey, with more probability, in the early half of the 13th century.
With regard to the Rymer's death, it is a fact of such uncertain date,
that all we positively know is, — it may have occurred between the years
1286-1299. The testimony of Blind Harry, upon which the date of
1296 reposes, is more than suspicious. The same political spirit which
produced the numerous vaticinal rymes in favour of the successful Ed-
ward's invasion of Scotland, would naturally be combated by similar
weapons in the sister kingdom. With these the Rymer may or may
not have been connected ; but when we recollect the general practice
of introducing the seer's agency into every national epos, such a cir-
cumstance, however contrary to fact, will rather appear essential than
surprising, in the composition of a genuine descendant of the ancient
minstrel, bard, or rhapsodist. Unsupported by other authority, it would
be useless to assume such a declaration as the basis of an historical ar-
gument ; and as the rejection of it rather assists than impugns the theory
here opposed, it may be dismissed without further comment. The date
of the Rymer's birth is purely hypothetical ; it may be limited by pro-
bability ; but in the present state of the evidence, anything like cer-
tainty is perfectly hopeless.
The testimony of De Brunne to the existence of poetry by " Ercel-
doune and Kendale," and the singular style in which it was written, is
unequivocal. But it may be questioned, whether any one, unassisted
by the Auchinleck MS., " the faint vestiges of whose text, as well as
probability, dictated Erceldoune" in the following passage, would have
known to which of these writers "Sir Tristrem" ought to be assigned.
I was at [Erceldoune],
With Tomas spake I there.*
* [There can be no doubt, from the Scott's Sir Tristrem, that the first line was
fac-simile given with the new edition of " I was at Ertheldoune." — W.]
SECT. II.] OF SIR TRISTREM. 9/
The language of De Brunne is so loose and confused, that it might
be attributed to either.
I see in song in sedgeyng tale,
Of Erceldoun and of Kendale ;
Non tham says as thai tham wroght,
And in ther saying it semes noght.
That may thou here in Sir Tristrem,
Over gestes it has the steem,
Over alle that is or was,
If men it sayd as made Thomas ;
Bot I here it no man so say,
That of som copple som is away ;
So thare fayre saying here beforne,
Is thare travayle nere forlorne :
Thai sayd it for pride and nobleye,
That non were suylk as thei !.
But, waving these considerations, the most important point for exa-
mination arises from the internal evidence to be found in the alleged
romance of Sir Tristrem ; and upon which De Brunne has been so ex-
plicitly circumstantial.
Thai sayd in so quante Inglis,
That manyone wate not what it is.
Therfore heuyed wele the more
In strange ryme to travayle sore.
And my witte was oure thynne
So strange speche to travayle in ;
And forsoth I couth noght
So strange Inglis as thai wroght ;
And men besoght me many a tyme
To turne it bot in light ryme.
It is true, the ingenious editor of "Sir Tristrem" considers all these
peculiarities to exist in the Auchinleck poem. He conceives the " quaint
Inglis" to consist in a peculiar structure of style, which he designates
"the Gibbonism of romance;" the "strange ryme" to be manifested by
the intricate arrangement of the stanza, with its repetition of the same
assonances ; and that even the inaccuracies of the "seggers," mentioned
in the preceding extract, are still to be traced in the omission of several
couplets in various parts of the poem. But if there be meaning in lan-
guage, or connexion in the narrative of De Brunne, his "quaint Inglis,"
his " strange Inglis," and his " strange speche," all resolve themselves
1 In the Preface to Sir Tristrem this " they wrote for pride (fame), and for
line is thus given : " That were not suylk nobles, not such as these my ignorant
as thei." This error has engendered a hearers.'"
wrong interpretation of the passage :
VOL. I. II
98 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
into the employment of an unusual phraseology dependent upon his
" strange ryme," and not into any peculiarity of style ; — into the use of
terms above the comprehension of the vulgar, which time had rendered
obsolete, or fashion had adopted from exotic sources. For he proceeds
to observe :
Thai sayd if I in strange it turne,
To here it inanyon suld skurne ;
For [in~] it ere names fulle selcouthe,
That ere not used now in mouthe.
And therfore for the comonalte",
That blythely wild listen to me,
On light lange I it began,
For luf of the lewed man.
Of these "selcouthe names" what traces do we find in the romance of
Sir Tristrem, which are not to be met with in equal abundance in the
poems of De Brunne ? If the former be a specimen of that " quaint
Inglis," which could justify De Brunne in saying it contained " names
not used now in mouthe," upon what principle can we allow this cloi-
stered versifier to have avoided the same peculiarity in his own compo-
sition ? His own poems are equally quaint and equally prolific of that
same obsolete phraseology, which limited the popularity of his admired
predecessors ; for whoever will be at the trouble of analysing the lan-
guage of both writers, will find their archaisms nearly corresponding in
amount, though frequently differing in verbal import. ' With this know-
ledge, we are either reduced to the necessity of concluding, that there
is a strange contradiction between the intention and practice of De
Brunne, or that the romance of Sir Tristrem still extant is not the pro-
duction to which he has alluded. There is, however, a passage in this
early chronicler, which will relieve him of this apparent charge of in-
consistency, if we accept the only interpretation of which his language
seems capable. He has stated of the seggours, who recited this ro-
mance :
Bot I here it no man so say
That of some copple som is away.
The editor of Sir Tristrem renders this : " he never heard it repeated,
but what of some copple (i. e. stanza) part was omitted." It does not
appear upon what authority this explanation of "copple" is founded;
and it would be difficult to point out any period in our language, when
that expression implied more than the simple connexion of two distinct
bodies. It is clearly equivalent to our modern "couplet;" and the ex-
amples brought from Sir Tristrem (which is written in stanzas) to illus-
trate the censure of De Brunne, exhibit the suppression of whole cop •
pies, and not the omission of a part. In Anglo-Saxon verse, and its
genuine descendant, the alliterative metre of early English poetry, the
" copple " was as indispensable in the structure of a poem, as we now
SECT. II.]
OF SIR TR1STREM,
99
consider it to be in regular Iambic rymes ; and it is among the com-
monest faults of every early transcriber, to commit the error noticed by
De Brunne, and to give us a text, of which it may be truly said, " that
of some copple som is away." This negligence is frequent in Beowulf
and other Anglo-Saxon poems, to the great confusion of the narrative ;
and would indeed be a source of infinite perplexity, if the defective
alliteration it occasions did not as clearly mark the hiatus as would be
the case with an unconsorted rymc. Of this practice the following ex-
ample out of many may suffice.
Thaem/eower beam,
forth gerimed,
in woTold wocun,
weoroda raeswa,
./Teorogar and /Trothgar,
and /Taiga til.
Hyrde ic thaet JSl&n cwen,2
To him four bairns,
numbered (rimed) forth,
in world awoke,
(leader of armies),
Heorogar and Hrothgar,
and Halga good.
I heard that Elan queen (or woman)
Aeatho Scylfinga,
^eals-gebedda.
illustrious Scylfing,
bedded consort.
Here the seventh line stands without the second member of the copple,
an omission involving the history of Elan in some obscurity. Whether
this inadvertency be equally chargeable against the transcribers of early
English poetry in the same national metre, must be left to the decision
of some more experienced antiquary. But that all who sought distinc-
tion in the composition of vernacular poetry, or were stimulated in their
effusions by "pride and nobleye," adopted this species of metre, is abun-
dantly proved by the testimony of Giraldus Cambrensis. After speak-
2 Ed. Thorkelin, p. 7. From some sub-
sequent details it appears that Elan was
married to Ongenthiow, chief of the Scyl-
fings ; and we might perhaps restore the
text by reading :
Hyrde ic thset Elan cwen
[Ongenthiowes wses]
Aeatho Scylfinga
teals-gebedda
Heard I that Elan queen (woman)
was Ongenthiow's
(illustrious Scylfing)
bedded consort (heals, collum ; gebedda,
consors lecti).
[Mr. Kemble supplies the passage thus —
Hy'rde ic ]>xt Elan cwen
[ofer sae' sohte]
Heafto-Scilfingas, &c.
The argument of Mr. Price which fol-
lows, seems to me extremely confused and
inconsequent. He first quotes an instance
of the omission of the second line of an
alliterative couplet in a pure Saxon MS.
of the 10th century, and argues from it
the possibility of such errors in early En-
glish. He then asserts that all the poets
in early English who sought distinction,
wrote in this alliterative metre, and in
proof of his assertion quotes the authority
of Giraldus, who wrote in the twelfth
century, which must be included in the
Anglo-Saxon and not early English pe-
riod. The whole argument is easily
thrown to the ground. The manuscripts
of Saxon poetry are written as prose, and
very incorrectly, and therefore such in-
stances as the one quoted above easily
occur. We have every reason to suppose,
from a comparison of all the early poetry
which remains, that at the period of the
composition of the poem to which Brunne
alludes, it would not be written in allite-
rative metre. Alliteration seems to have
become a vulgarism until its revival in the
fourteenth century, when the couplet was
in the MSS. always written in one line,
and the omission of a part not only never
occurs, but must have been impossible.
H2
100 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
ing of Welsh poetry in general, the topographer of the principality pro-
ceeds to observe : " Prae cunctis autem rhetoricis exornationibus anno-
minatione magis utuntur, eaque precipue specie quae primas dictionum
literas vel syllabas convenientia jungit. Adeo igitur hoc verborum or-
natu, duae nationes Angli scil. et Cambri in oinui sermone exquisite
[faire saying] utuntur, ut nihil ab his eleganter dictum, nullum nisi
rude etagreste [lewed] censeatur eloquium, si non schematis hujus lima
plene fuerit expolitum, sicut Brittanice, in hunc modum :
Digawn duw da y unic
Wrth bob crybwylh parawd
Anglice vero :
God is together
Garnmen and wisdome.3"
In this it may be assumed that we have the key to the " strange ryme"
of De Brunne : and if the reader should feel disposed to accept the
preceding illustration of the dismembered copple, he will probably not
refuse his assent to the belief, that the following extract from an old
romance more nearly resembles the other peculiarities noticed by our
ancient writer, than the stanza of Sir Tristrem.
Ande quen this J?retayn wat} fogged,
bi this burn rych,
bolde ^redden therinne,
baret* that lofden ;
in mony turned £yme,
fene that wro^ten.
Moyerlyesf on this/blde
hanykllen here oft,
then in any other that I wot
syn that elk tyme.
Z?ot of alle that here 6ult,
of J5retaygne kynges,
ay wat$ Arthur the Aendest J,
as I haf herde telle.
Forthi an emnter in erde,
I attle to schawe,
that a selly in «ijt
summe men hit holden,
& an outtrage awenture
of ^rthure^ wondere^.
If 36 wyl lysten this /aye
bot on littel quile,
I schal felle hit as tit
» Girald. Cambria Descript. pp. 889 — * strife.
90. ap. Camd. Anglica, Hibernica, &c. f marvels.
Franef. 1601. j[ most courteous.
SECT. II.] OF SIR TRISTREM. 101
as I in foun herde,
w* fonge ;
as hit is st&d & stoken,
in stori stif & stronge,
w* /el /etteres /oken,
in fonde so hat} ben /onge.4
On analysing the language of this production, it will be found to
form a striking contrast to the simple narrative of De Brunne, or the
abrupt and costive style of Sir Tristrem. It abounds in those "selcouth
names" which in the fourteenth century were rapidly growing into dis-
use, and which were only retained by the writers in alliterative metre.
Every relic of this species of versification displays the same exuberance
of obsolete terms, the same attention to set phraseology and antique
idioms manifested in the specimen given above ; and the practice can-
not be better illustrated, than by referring to the " quaint Hellenisms "
which distinguish the Alexandrine school of heroic poetry. By De
Brunne, who only felt such learned foppery to be a drawback upon the
writer's popularity, it is merely condemned as an error in policy ; by
Chaucer, who saw the necessary sacrifice it involved of matter to man-
ner, of sense to sound, it is ridiculed for its childish absurdity :
But trusteth wel I am a sotherne man,
I cannot geste, rem, ram, ruf by my letter,
And God wote, rime hold I but Jitel better.
Of the Rymer's claim to an " original property" in this story, as in-
ferred from the language of the French fragments, Mr. Campbell has
already remarked : " The whole force of this argument evidently de-
pends upon the supposition of Mr. Douce's fragments being the work
of one and the same author, — whereas they are not to all appearance
by the same author. A single perusal will enable us to observe how
remarkably they differ in style. They have no appearance of being
parts of the same story, one of them placing the court of king Mark at
Tintagail, the other at London *. Only one of the fragments refers to
the authority of a Thomas, and the style of that one bears very strong
marks of being French of the twelfth century, a date which places it
4 This stanza has been arranged accord- which rather militates against Mr. Price's
ing to the practice of Anglo- Saxon poetry. argument, drawn from the style in which
The reasons for this departure from the it is written. — M.]
usual disposition of the lines it is the * [There can be no doubt of the accu-
Editor's intention to give in a future pub- racy of this observation. Both these frag-
lication, which will also contain the whole ments have since been published at Lon-
romance from whence the specimen given don, by M. Francisque Michel, to whom
above has been taken. [Mr. Price did not early French and Anglo-Norman romance
execute the promise here held out, but owes so much ; with fragments of two
the Romance is now in the press, and will other French romances of Tristrem, the
be edited for the Bannatyne Club by Sir Lai of Mary, and the Modern Greek Frag-
F. Madden. The MS. from which it is ment published by Von der Hagen ; they
taken is MS. Cott. NERO, A. x. and is of are accompanied by an introduction full
the fourteenth century ; to the latter half of valuable information on the history of
of which the poem itself may be assigned, the romance. — W.J
102 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
beyond the possibility of its referring to Thomas of Erceldoune." In
addition it may be observed, that the language of this fragment, so far
from vesting Thomas with the character of an original writer, affirms
directly the reverse :
3 Seignurs cest cunte est mult divers —
O'i en ai de plusur gent ;
Asez sai que chescun en dit,
Et co que il unt mis en ecrit.
Me selun ce que j'ai oy,
Nel dient pas sulum Breri,
Ki solt le gestes et le cuntes
De tuz le reis, de tuz le cuntes,
Ki orent este en Bretagne,
En sur que tut de cest ouraigne t
Plusurs de noz granter ne volent
Ce que del naim dire ei solent,
Ke femme Kaherdin dut amer, &&.
Par cest plaie e par cest mal,
Enveiad Tristran Guvernal
En Engleterre pur Ysolt.
Thomas ico granter ne volt ;
Et si volt par raisun mustrer^
Que ico ne put pas esteer.
Cist fust par tut la part coneuz,
E par tut le regne siuz, &c.
Que hume issi coneuz,
N'i fud mult tost aperceuz,
Ne sai coment il se gardast, &e.
It is clear from this document, that in the writer's opinion the earliest
and most authentic narrative of Tristrem's story was to be found in the
work of Breri. From his relation later minstrels had chosen to deviate;
but Thomas, who had also composed a romance upon the subject, not
only accorded with Breri in the order of his events, but entered into a
justification of himself and his predecessor, by proving the inconsistency
and absurdity of these new-fangled variations. If therefore the ro-
mance of Thomas be in existence, it must contain this vindication ; the
5 " Lordings, this tale is very differently &c. On account of the wound and this
told; I have heard it from many : I know disease, Tristrem sent Gouvernail into
well enough how each tells it, and what England for Ysolt. Thomas however will
they have put in writing. But according not admit this ; and undertakes to prove,
to what I have heard, they do not tell it by argument, that this could not be. He
as Breri does, who knew the gestes and (Gouvernail) was known all over those
the tales of all the kings, and all the earls, parts, and throughout the kingdom, &c»
who had been in Brittany, and about the That a man so known there, should not
whole of this story. Many of us (min- have been immediately perceived, I do
strels) will not allow what others tell of not know how he could have prevented."
(Tristrem) the dwarf, who is said to have — SCOTT.
been in love with the wife of Kaherdin,
SECT. II.] OF SIR TRISTREM. 103
poem in the Auchinleck MS. is entirely silent on the subject. It is not
a little remarkable, that another fragment of French poetry should also
mention a Thomas, the author "of a translated romance on the subject
of king Horn.
Seignurs o'i avez le vers del parchemin,
Cum le Bers Aaluf est venuz a la fin ;
Mestre Thomas6 ne volt qu'il seit mis a declin,
K'il ne die de Horn le vaillant orphelin7.
And, as if the writer had not sufficiently declared himself in this passage,
we find the following repetition of his name at the conclusion :
Tomas n'en dirrat plus : tu autem chanterat,
Tu autem, domine, miserere nostri.
That this Thomas was only a translator or copyist of some earlier
authority, is clear from his language in the first of these extracts ; and
is confirmed by two passages of similar import in a subsequent part of
the poem.
E Horn si a torne cum dit le parchemin.
De Sutdene sui nez, si ma geste ne ment.
Sir Walter Scott is disposed to interpret this mention of a Thomas,
— " though the opinion be only stated hypothetically," — as another
reference to the authority of Thomas of Erceldoune ; and anticipates
any objection that might arise from the apparent antiquity of the lan-
guage, by instancing the disparity between that of Douglas and Chau-
cer ; the former of which he asserts " we should certainly esteem"
[the elder], when in fact it is nearly two centuries later. We may
safely leave the discussion of this point, till it be proved that the case
at issue is any way analogous to the example brought to refute it ; till
it be shown that the French romance of king Horn was written in some
remote province of France, where the vernacular dialect had either
been entirely neglected, or contained elements essentially differing from
6 From this prudish mode of announcing the same as that of MS. Douce. These
an author's name, it is impossible not to fragments, which are in private possession,
suspect, that the Tomas of Mr. Douce's contain fortunately the conclusion of the
fragment is in fact the author of that poem, wherein Thomas comes forward
poem. Alexandre de Bernay declares and dedicates it to all lovers —
himself in a similar manner :
Alexandre nous dit qui de Bernay fu nez. " Tumas fine ci sun escrit,
Pliny (lib. i. p. 5) records a parallel A tu3 amanj salu3 i dit," &c> —
piece of affectation observed by the Gre-
cian artists, who used the imperfect tense And goes on to say that he compiled the
in their inscriptions instead of the first history in order to give them comfort and
aorist. consolation. — W.]
[All doubt as to the Thomas here al- 7 " Lordings, you have heard the poem
luded to being the author of the Anglo- as it stands in the parchment, how Baron
Norman poem in which the name occurs, Aaluf came to his end. (But) Master
is taken away by the discovery of other Thomas is unwilling the story should be
fragments, proved to be of the same poem closed, till he has spoken of the bold
by the circumstance of a good part being orphan Horn."
104 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
the language of the capital. In fact, the whole argument with regard
to antiquity of language may be said to be perfectly beyond the grasp
of contending parties on this side of the channel ; such a subject can
only be decided with any chance of accuracy by native authority. But
the ingenious advocate of the Rymer's fame has wholly forgotten to
observe, that Mr. Ritson prudently abstained from touching on this
point, and only spoke to the antiquity of the document in which the
romance was found. This he affirmed " is to all appearance of the
twelfth century ;" and here the opinion of an English antiquary may
be admitted as efficient testimony *. On a review of these facts we
may therefore assert, that if any conclusion is to be drawn from this
collateral mention of a Thomas, it must be, that both fragments in all
probability refer to the same personage. This man indisputably wrote
in French ; and so far from having an original property in the fictions
which he versified, we find him in both instances the follower of earlier
authorities. The testimony of Godfrey of Strasburg will be found in
close accordance with this opinion. Like the writer of the fragment
i Mr. Donee's possession, Godfrey records the difficulty he had found
in procuring an authentic narrative of Tristrem's story, on account of
the various modes in which it was related. At length having disco-
vered, from his perusal of several foreign and Latin works, that Thomas
of Brittany8, who was well read in British books, had " told the tale
aright," he resolved upon adhering to so competent a guide.
Als der von Tristande seit
Di rihte und di warheit,
Begonde ich sere suohen
In beider hande buchen,
Welschin und Latinen,
Und begonde mich des pinen,
Das ich in siner rihte,
Rihte disc tihte.
Sus treib ich manige suche,
Unz ich an einem buche
Alle sine iehe gelas,
Wie dirre aventure was9.
Of the language in which this " foreign book" was written, and
* [This opinion was given without suf- fragment also makes a distinction between
ficient knowledge of the subject. The MS. Bretagne and Engleterre — Brittany and
is most certainly of the thirteenth cen- England,
tury.— M.] » " What he (Thomas of Brittany) has.
8 Before this name was interpreted related of Tristram being the right and
" Thomas of Brittain," (i. e. Great Bri- the truth, I diligently began to seek both
tain) it ought to have been shown that in French [foreign] and Latin books j
the German romancers ever understood and began to take great pains to order
this country by the term " Brittanie." this poem according to his [its] true re-
Godfrey's contemporary, Hartman von lation. In this manner I sought for a
Auwe, who collected materials for his ro- long time, until I read in a book all his
mance of Iwain in England, calls it " En- relation, how these adventures happened."
gellandt." The writer of Mr. Douce's — WEBER.
SECT. II.] OF SIR TRISTREM. 105
which Godfrey believed to be the original text of Thomas, Mr. Weber
has supplied us with the following conclusive evidence : " At v. 220
(of Godfrey's version) we are told that Rivalin has been said to have
been king of Lochnoys ; ' but Thomas, who read it in adventure
(romance), says that he was of Parmenie, and that he had a separate
land from a Briton, to whom the Schotte (i. e. Scots) were subject, and
who was named li due Morgan.' A great number of words, sometimes
whole lines, occur throughout the poem in French, which are carefully
translated into German. This renders it indisputable that the poet had
a French original before him" It is impossible for testimony to be
more explicit than the declaration of this early German poet. With
the romance of Thomas lying before him, he cites the very expressions
of his original, and these are found to be Norman-French I — The age
of Godfrey can only be gleaned from the history of his contemporaries.
Mr. Weber has remarked, " This poet appears from various circum-
stances to have lived in the first half of the thirteenth century. In a
digression respecting the troubadours of his age, he deplores the death
of Henry von Veldec (who composed a very romantic poem on the
basis of Virgil's ^Eneid, in the year 1 1 80, according to his own account) ;
and among his contemporaries he mentions Hartman von Auwe, author
of Ywaine and other poems, which he composed towards the end of the
twelfth century ; and Walther von der Vogelweide *, who wrote a great
number of amorous lays between the years 1190 and 1230." A copy
of Godfrey's Tristrem, including as much of the story as he lived to
write, occurs in the royal library at Munich. Mr. Douce refers his
MS. to the middle of the thirteenth century, and we are told that
Ulrich von Turheim, who wrote one conclusion to Godfrey's unfinished
poem, flourished not later than from 1240 to 1250. There is reason
to believe this latter writer has been placed too low in the thirteenth
century ; for Wolfram von Eschenbach, who wrote a second part to
Ulrich's William of Orange, was in the zenith of his glory in the year
1207. Wolfram would hardly have taken up the narrative during the
life of Ulrich.
Sir Walter Scott has cited two early references to the story, one of
which was written previous to the birth of the bard of Erceldoune, and
the other about the year 1226. To show the early popularity of the
subject, and the general currency it had obtained in various parts of
Europe, a few authorities are here collected, all of which were published
before the period fixed upon for the composition of the Rymer's poem.
The first is taken from Rambaud d'Orange, a troubadour whose death
is placed about the year 1173.
Car jeu begui de 1' amor,
Que ja us deia amar celada,
[* See a Memoir of this poet, with spe- tion, also, as to Godfrey, Wolfram, Veldec,
cimens of his poetry, 'in Mr. E. Taylor's and others, the reader is referred to the
Lays of the Minnesingers. For informa- same work. — R. T.]
106 NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
Ab Tristan, quan la il det Yseus gen —
Sobre totz aurai gran valor,
S' aital camisa m' es dada
Cum Yseus det a 1' amador
Que mais non era portata ;
Tristan mout presetz gent presen —
Qu' Yseutz estet en gran paor,
Puois fon breumens conseillada,
Qu' ilh fetz a son marit crezen
C'anc horn que nasques de maire
Non toques en lieis mantenen. 10
This passage will be best understood by referring to the language of
Brengwain in the English romance :
Greteth wele mi levedy
That ai trewe hath bene ;
Smockes had sche and Y,
And hir was solwy to sene,
By Marke tho hye schuld lye
Y lent hir min al clene,
As thare :
Oyain hir, wele Y wene,
No dede Y never mare.
Deudes de Prades, another troubadour, who is conjectured to have
written about the year 1213, thus alludes to the " drink of force," the
fatal cause of Tristrem's criminal passion :
Beure m fai ab 1' enaps Tristan
Amors, et eisses los pimens11.
The same circumstance is also referred to by Henry von Veldeck, a
German Minne-singer, who died before the close of the 12th century :
Tristan muste ohne semen Dank
Treue sein der Koniginne,
Weil ihn dazu ein Getrank zwang,
Mehr noch als die Kraft der Minne 12.
In the Provencal romance of Jaufre, probably written before the
year 1196, and certainly not later than 1213, we find a singular allu-
sion to the feigned madness of Tristrem, of which a detailed account
is given in the second of Mr. Douce's fragments :
10 Raynouard, ii. 312. him to it." The German given above is
11 " Love makes me drink from the not from Veldeck's original text, but that
goblet and very spiceries of Tristran." modernized by Tieck. [See this song
12 " Tristran was faithful to the queen translated in Mr. Edgar Taylor's Lays of
by no merit of his own; for a philter the Minnesingers.]
rather than the force of love compelled
SECT. II.] OF SIR TRISTREM. 10?
Que far m' o fai forsa d' amor —
E que fes fol semblar Tristan
Per Yseult cui amava tan,
E de son oncle lo parti,
E ella per s' amor mori 13.
In the year 1226 the whole story was translated into Norse (Norwe-
gian or Islandic), under the title of " Saga af Tristrand og Isaldis."
The Arnse-Magnaean MS. preserved at Copenhagen contains the fol-
lowing notice at the commencement : " Var tha lided fra Hingadburde
Christi 1226 Aar, er thesse Saga var a Norrsenu skrifad, eptir Befal-
ningu Virdulegs Herra Hakonar kongs14."
If the writer of this Note " has been successful in his statement,
three points have been established:" 1st, That the peculiarities of
style and language in the romance of Sir Tristrem are of such a cha-
racter as to render it extremely doubtful that they are the same which
are spoken of by De Brunne. 2ndly, That the Thomas of the French
fragment, and the Thomas of Brittany mentioned by Godfrey of Stras-
burg, wrote his poem in Norman French. Srdly, That Tristrem's
story was universally known in Europe previous to the Rymer's age ;
and consequently that, so far from being an authority to others, he
followed in all probability some foreign predecessor. There are seve-
ral minor arguments advanced in the preface to Sir Tristrem, bearing
relatively or incidentally upon the general theory, which have been
passed over in silence. Several of these are purely hypothetical ; such
as the assumption that Mr. Douce's fragments were written by Raoul
de Beauvais; that Thomas's authority was acknowledged by the Nor-
man rimeurs from his supposed acquaintance with British traditions ;
that the names of Gouvernail, Blauncheflour, Triamour, and Floren-
tine, were bestowed upon the inferior personages, because the originals
being unknown to Thomas he used those peculiar to the Norman-
English dialect in which he composed — a circumstance, by the way,
savouring strongly of a French original. These, with several others
of a similar nature, can only need examination when the previous
arguments shall have been established. Above all, the strange appro-
priation of the Auchinleck poem as a Scottish production, when no
single trace of the Scottish dialect is to be found throughout the whole
romance which may not with equal truth be claimed as current in the
North of England, while every marked peculiarity of the former is en-
tirely wanting, can hardly require serious investigation. From this
opinion the ingenious editor himself must long ago have been
reclaimed. The singular doctrines relative to the rise and progress of
13 "Since the force of love makes me l4 " 1226 years were passed from the
— that (passion) which caused Tristan birth of Christ, when this Saga was writ-
to feign madness on account of Ysolt, ten in Norse, by the command of (our)
whom he loved so much, which caused him honoured lord, king Hacon."
to be at variance with his uncle and made
her (Ysolt) die for his (Tristan's) love."
10S NOTE ON THE ROMANCE [SECT. II.
the English language in North and South Britain may also be dis-
missed as not immediately relevant. But when it is seriously affirmed,
that the English language was once spoken with greater purity in the
Lowlands of Scotland than in this country, we " Sothrons " receive
the communication with the same smile of incredulity, that we bestow
upon the poetic dogma of the honest Frieslander :
Buwter, breat en greene tzies
Is guth Inglisch en guth Fries15.
This Note had been printed, when the writer received the first
volume of Professor Miiller's Saga-Bibliothek ; (Kiobenhavn 1817,)
and Lohengrin, an old German romance edited by Mr. Gb'rres (Hei-
delberg 1813). He is happy in being able to add from these interest-
ing works a further confirmation of some of the positions assumed in
the preceding pages. — The former contains the following passage:
" The artifice here resorted to by the mistress of Dromund (one of the
heroes in Grettur's-Saga), and which enables her to swear thus equivo-
cally, is indisputably taken from the romance of Tristrem so generally
known in the middle ages. In the romance of Tristrem by Thomas of
Erceldoune, queen Ysoude avails herself of a similar manoeuvre. See
Fytte the Second, Stanzas 104, 105. This circumstance is also
recorded in the old French version, and forms the 58th chapter of the
Islandic translation executed in the year 1226, at the command of
king Hacon. The Icelandic Saga closely follows the order of the En-
glish poem" (page 261.) We are not informed whether the Northern
version was made from the French or German, or, what is more pro-
bable, from a German translation of some French romance*. But as
it exhibits the story in the same form as the English poem, the Rymer's
claim to " an original property in the fable" inevitably falls to the
ground. The preface to Lohengrin contains a general account of
Wolfram von Eschenbach's Titurel and Parcifal. In the former, Wol-
fram cites the authorities he had consulted in the compilation of his
work ; and after mentioning the British history (which Mr. Gorres
with evident probability interprets the Brut of G. of Monmouth) de-
clares himself to have been further assisted in his researches by
" Thomas of Brittany's Chronicle of Cornwall." This is clearly the
same Thomas so repeatedly referred to in the preceding page, and
whose celebrity may now be accounted for on better grounds than the
belief that he was the author of a romance on Tristrem's story. The
Chronicler of Cornwall was a much more important personage than a
mere minstrel composer of chivalric poems ; and though the critics of
the present day might refuse to acknowledge the distinction between
15 Butter, bread, and green cheese, dde the question as to the priority of the
Is good English and good Friese. French and English Romances. See Mi-
chel's Tristan, vol. i. Introd. p. xcii., and
1 [It was translated from the French, an article in the Gcnt.'s Mag., Oct. 1833,
and being entire, would, if published, do- p. 307.— M.]
SECT. II.] ON THE ROMANCE OF SIR TRISTREM. 309
Thomas and his ryming cotemporaries, the characteristics of romantic
and authentic history were not so rigidly defined at the period we are
concerned with*.
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON SIR TRISTREM.
[Ix WILL not be necessary, after Mr. Price's able investigation of the
subject, to dwell much on Sir Walter Scott's singular hypothesis re-
specting the origin of this romance. He has expended a profusion of
labour and ingenuity in maintaining an opinion, paradoxical in itself
and totally unsupported by external evidence ; overlooking a solu-
tion of the question, more natural and probable in every respect.
When we recollect the origin of the Bretons, nothing seems more likely
than that they should have among them romantic traditions relating to
Arthur and his contemporaries. When we learn, moreover, that the
dukes of Normandy gave great encouragement to Breton settlers in
their territories, the familiarity of the Norman minstrels and trouveurs
with those Celtic traditions is at once accounted for. The occurrence
of names like Blanche Flour, /Gouvernail, Triamour, &c., makes it
almost certain that the English Sir Tristrem was, like the great ma-
jority of our metrical romances, derived from a Norman original ; and
the corrupt Celtic names — e. gr., Canados for Caradoc, are not very
favourable to the assumption that the author had access to native
British sources of information.
The supposition that the English Sir Tristrem is, in substance, the
work of Thomas of Erceldoune, cannot be proved, nor perhaps abso-
lutely disproved, with such imperfect data as we now possess. The
* [The editor of the new edition of was written by the king of the fairies.
Sir Walter Scott's poetical works has, in At the time of the Anglo- Scottish wars it
a preface to Sir Tristrem, made some ob- seems to have been found more conve-
servations upon the foregoing note of Mr. nient or more natural to publish the pro-
Price, which seem to me to partake too phecies, which were then spread about,
much of the nature of quibbles to need in his name than in that of Merlin, and it
any answer. It required the full extent had thus become so popular, that the per-
of Scottish nationality to fight for the son who made the English poem from the
rights of any Thomas of Erceldoune to French, and who, I should think, might
the poem of Sir Tristrem, either in En- even have been a Londoner for anything
glish or French. There can, however, be the language says to the contrary, not
no doubt that Price has fallen into one or knowing who the Thomas of his original
two inaccuracies. Two things are ascer- was, may perhaps have taken him for the
tained: 1, That an Anglo-Norrnan ro- Thomas whose name was then most fa-
mance of Tristan was written by a person mous, namely, Thomas of Erceldoune,
named Thomas, and, 2, that the name of and have thus put his name to his English
Thomas of Erceldoune was in the English edition. Sir Walter Scott's editor speaks
romance, from which it seems to me no of the importance of what he calls the
less certain, that the latter was the poem Greek romance of Tristrem ; but he seems
alluded to by Robert de Brunne, and, not to be aware that the modern Greek
after all that Price has said, I think that poem, of which a fragment was published
no one who has compared it with the other by Von der Hagen, was not a romance of
poetry of the time, can deny that it an- Tristrem, but a romance in which that
swers to his description. The Thomas of hero happens to be introduced, and in
Erceldoune of poetry is a legendary cha- which, moreover, there is not the slightest
racter, and I will as soon believe the poem allusion to his romance, or any of its
to be written by him, as I would that it incidents. — W.]
110 ADDITIONAL NOTE [SECT. II.
language of De Brunne, strictly interpreted, would imply that the work
alluded to by him was a joint production of Erceldoune and Kendale ;
at least, though he mentions two authors, he only seems to speak of
one poem. His description of the poem, as far as we can understand
it, does not correspond very closely to the one now extant. Nor is it
necessary to suppose that the romance composed wholly or partly by
Erceldoune, was the only one on the subject. The popularity of the
story is shown by the numerous early French and German versions of
it ; and it is extremely probable that it existed in several different
forms in this country before the middle of the fourteenth century.
The decision of the question, from internal evidence, is rendered
more difficult by the hybrid form of the only copy which we now pos-
sess. It is easy to perceive, that the Auchinleck transcript was made
in a southern English county, and that the transcriber, or some still
earlier one, has, in innumerable instances, accommodated the language
of the poem to his own dialect. Every page exhibits words, which,
in their present form, could not possibly proceed from the pen of a
Northumbrian or Scottish poet of the thirteenth century. Many of
them are the ordinary English of the fifteenth century ; but the greater
part approximate to the dialect of Peirs Plouhman. This corre-
spondence appears not only in individual words, such as blinne (to
cease), swiche, tJio (those), her (their), chirche, &c., &c., but also in gram-
matical forms, e. gr., the infinitives and plurals of verbs in en, foren, to
go ; wexen, they grow ; both well-known peculiarities of the Midland
or Mercian dialect. Frequently these Mercian forms vitiate the rhyme ;
for instance, we may be assured that in Fytte 3, s. 30, 1. 3, the original
author did not write " sothe to sain," but " sothe to say," to agree with
away, ay, day, in the corresponding lines of the stanza.
Another class of words in the poem belongs more properly to the
Western dialect. Among these may be specified, icham, ichave, ichil,
(I will) ; sigge, (to say) ; and more particularly, the infinitives in i —
aski, mendi, chad, desiri, harpi, still used in Somersetshire. We have
no means of knowing whether this mixture of forms is to be attributed
to several successive transcribers, or to a single one. It is possible that
some such dialect might be current near the boundary of the Mercian
and Western districts ; for example, in the tract between the Avon
and the Isis.
Notwithstanding the changes which the poem has undergone, there
is still sufficient proof that it was originally written in the Northum-
brian dialect. The words tine (lose) ; linn, (stop) ; bayn, graythed ;
the forms stan, are, sare (for stone, oar, sore) ; and particularly the in-
finitive construction at ete, (to eat); at weld, (to possess or enjoy),
were either unknown in the southern part of the island, or discontinued
at a very early period. In most cases these northern forms have been
preserved for the sake of the rhyme and metre ; and when the present
SECT. II.] ON THE ROMANCE OF SIR TRISTREM. Ill
rhymes are defective, they may be easily rectified by restoring the ori-
ginal dialect, — for example, the substitution of the Northumbrian form
alswa, for the present reading also, in Fytte 1, st. 31, 1. 7, imme-
diately restores the consonance with ga, ta, ma. There are probably
a hundred similar instances in the course of the poem.
But though the language of the romance was originally northern,
there is no evidence that it was ever Scottish. Many of the terms em-
ployed in it are undoubtedly current in Scotland, but not one is exclu-
sively so, — a pretty strong negative argument against its supposed Ber-
wickshire origin. All the purely northern words are or have been
familiar in the district between the Tweed and the Humber ; in fact
most of them may be found in * Britayn's Skill-kay of Knawing,' a ma-
nuscript known to be written at Fountain's Abbey about the fifteenth
century. Words also occur in the poem not now used in Scotland, or
found in compositions indisputably Scottish.*
The age of the existing copy must be determined by inspecting the
Auchinleck MS., which has been assigned from internal evidence to the
middle of the fourteenth century, or rather earlier ; but it would be
easy to point out many MSS. written about A. D. 1350, in which the
general cast of the orthography is more ancient. However, enough
has escaped from this modernizing process to show that the original
poem must have been considerably older. Many of the still surviving
archaisms are of a strongly marked cast, and might, with some proba-
bility, be referred to the middle of the thirteenth century, or a period
not much later. Such are the diversified constructions with genitive
personal pronouns, some of which are of rare occurrence after the
semi- Saxon period of the language, our on, (one of us) ; whether our,
(whether of us) ; her aither, (either of them) ; her bother, (of them
both) ; her non, (none of them) ; and several others of parallel form
and import. To these may be added other, (or) ; the accusative article
then ('then ende') ; les, (Ang. Sax. leas, false or falsehood) ; for thi, (for
or because) ; and the pure Saxon idiom, fiftende som, (about fifteen).
In Fytte 3, st. 7, 1. 6, an, (gives or grants), might be supposed to be a
license for the sake of the rhyme. It is, however, pure Anglo-Saxon
and Norse, and was doubtless, perfectly grammatical at the time when
the poem was written.
Upon the whole, then, it appears : — 1 . That the present Sir Tristrem
is a modernized copy of an old Northumbrian romance, which was
probably written between A.D. 1260 — 1300 : 2. That it is not, in the
proper sense of the word, an original composition, but derived more or
less directly from a Norman or Anglo-Norman source : 3. That there
is no direct testimony in favour of Thomas of Erceldoune's claim to
the authorship of it, while the internal evidence is, as far as it goes,
* For example, greves, (groves) ; ore, (to thrive) ; unride, (huge) ; cum multis
(grace or favour) ; thurf, (to need) ; the, allis.
112 RISE AND PROGRESS OF ROMANCE. [SECT. III.
greatly adverse to that supposition. It is, however, by no means im-
probable that the author availed himself of the previous labours of Er-
celdoune on the same theme. The minstrels of those days were great
plagiarists, and seldom gave themselves the trouble of inventing subjects
and incidents when they found them ready prepared to their hands.
On this point, however, and several others relating to the literary
history of the poem, we have nothing but conjectures to offer, until
the production of further evidence help to remove our uncertainty.
R. G.]
SECTION III.
Effects of the Increase of Tales of Chivalry. Rise of Chivalry. Cru-
sades. Rise and Improvements of Romance. View of the Rise of
Metrical Romances. Their Currency about the End of the Thirteenth
Century. French Minstrels in England. Provencial Poets. Po-
pular Romances. Dares Phrygius. Guido de Colonna. Fabulous
Histories of Alexander. Pilpays Fables. Roman d'Alexandre.
Alexandrines. Communications between the French and English
Minstrels. Use of the Provencial Writers. Two sorts of Troubadours.
WE have seen, in the preceding Section, that the character of our
poetical composition began to be changed about the reign of the first
Edward ; that either fictitious adventures were substituted by the min-
strels in the place of historical and traditionary facts, or reality dis-
guised by the misrepresentations of invention ; and that a taste for or-
namental and even exotic expression gradually prevailed over the rude
simplicity of the native English phraseology. This change, which
with our language affected our poetry, had been growing for some
time ; and among other causes was occasioned by the introduction and
increase of the tales of chivalry.
The ideas of chivalry, in an imperfect degree, had been of old
established among the Gothic tribes. The fashion of challenging to
single combat, the pride of seeking dangerous adventures, and the
spirit of avenging and protecting the fair sex, seem to have been pe-
culiar to the Northern nations in the most uncultivated state of Eu-
rope. All these customs were afterwards encouraged and confirmed
by corresponding circumstances in the feudal constitution. At length
the Crusades excited a new spirit of enterprise, and introduced into
the courts and ceremonies of European princes a higher degree of splen-
dor and parade, caught from the riches and magnificence of eastern
cities a. These oriental expeditions established a taste for hyperbolical
* I cannot help transcribing here a France about the year 1150. " Le quel
curious passage from old Fauchet. He fut le premier roy de sa maison, qui mon-
is speaking of Louis the young, king of stra dehors ses richesses allant en Jerusa-
SECT. III.]
CRUSADES.
113
description, and propagated an infinity of marvellous tales, which men
returning from distant countries easily imposed on credulous and ig-
norant minds. The unparalleled emulation with which the nations of
Christendom universally embraced this holy cause, the pride with
which emperors, kings, barons, earls, bishops, and knights strove to ex-
cel each other on this interesting occasion, not only in prowess and
heroism, but in sumptuous equipages, gorgeous banners, armorial co-
gnisances, splendid pavilions, and other expensive articles of a similar
nature, diffused a love of war, and a fondness for military pomp.
Hence their very diversions became warlike, and the martial enthu-
siasm of the times appeared in tilts and tournaments. These practices
and opinions co-operated with the kindred superstitions of dragons b,
dwarfs, fairies, giants and enchanters, which the traditions of the
Gothic scalders had already planted ; and produced that extraordinary
species of composition which has been called ROMANCE.
Before these expeditions into the East became fashionable, the prin-
cipal and leading subjects of the old fablers were the achievements of
king Arthur with his knights of the round table, and of Charlemagne
with his twelve peers. But in the romances written after the holy
war, a new set of champions, of conquests and of countries, were intro-
duced. Trebizonde took place of Rouncevalles, and Godfrey of Bul-
loigne, Solyman, Nouraddin, the caliphs, the souldans, and the cities of
^Egypt and Syria, became the favourite topics *. The troubadours of
lem. Aussi la France commenja de son
temps a s'embellir de bastimens plus ma-
gnifiques : prendre plaisir a pierrieres, et
autres delicatesses goustus en Levant par
luy, ou les seigneurs qui avoient ja fait ce
voyage. De sorte qu'on peut dire qu'il a
este le premier tenant Cour de grand Roy :
estant si magnifique, que sa femme de-
daignant la simplicite de ces predecesseurs,
luy fit eleverune sepulture d'argent,aulieu
de pierre." Recueil de la Lang, et Poes.
Fr. ch. viii. p. 76. edit. 1581. He adds, that
a great number of French romances were
composed about this period.
b See Kircher's Mund. Subterran. viii.
§ 4. He mentions a knight of Rhodes
made grand master of the order for kill-
ing a dragon, 1345.
* [Though this passage has been the sub-
ject of severe animadversion, and charac-
terized as containing nothing but "random
assertion, falsehood and imposition," there
are few of its positions which a more tempe-
rate spirit of criticism might not reconcile
with the truth. The popularity of Arthur's
story anterior to the first Crusade, is abun-
dantly manifested by the language of Wil-
liam of Malmesbury and Alanus de Insulis ;
who refer to it as a fable of common noto-
riety and general belief among the people.
Had it arisen within their own days, we
may be certain that Malmesbury, who re-
VOL. I.
jected it as beneath the dignity of history,
would not have suffered an objection so
well founded, as the novelty of its appear-
ance, to have escaped his censure ; nor can
the narrative of Alanus be reconciled with
the general progress of traditionary faith
— a plant of tardy growth — if we limit its
first publicity to the period thus prescribed
(1096-1142). With regard to Charle-
magne and his peers, as their deeds were
chaunted by Taillefer at the battle of Hast-
ings (1066), it would be needless to offer
further demonstrations of their early po-
pularity ; nor in fact does the accuracy of
this part of Warton's statement appear to
be called in question by the writer alluded
to. It would be more difficult to define the
degree in which these romances were su-
perseded by similar poems on the achieve-
ments of the Crusaders; or, to use the more
cautious language of the text, to state how
far " Trebizonde took place of Ronceval-
les." But it will be recollected that in
consequence of the Crusades, the action
of several romances was transferred to the
Holy Land, such as Sir Bevis, Sir Guy,
Sir Isumbras, the King of Tars, &c. : and
that most of these were "favourite topics"
in high esteem, is clear from the declara-
tion of Chaucer, who catalogued them
among the "romances of Pris." In short,
if we omit the names of the caliphs, and
114 RISE AND PROGRESS OF ROMANCE. [SECT. III.
Prorence, an idle and unsettled race of men, took up arms, and followed
their barons in prodigious multitudes to the conquest of Jerusalem.
They made a considerable part of the household of the nobility of France.
Louis the Seventh, king of France, not only entertained them at his
court very liberally, but commanded a considerable company of them
into his retinue, when he took ship for Palestine, that they might solace
him with their songs during the dangers arid inconveniences of so long
a voyage c. The antient chronicles of France mention Legions de poetes
as embarking in this wonderful enterprise d. Here a new and more
copious source of fabling was opened : in these expeditions they picked
up numberless extravagant stories, and at their return enriched ro-
mance with an infinite variety of Oriental scenes and fictions. Thus
these later wonders, in some measure, supplanted the former : they had
the recommendation of novelty, and gained still more attention, as they
came from a greater distance e.
In the mean time we should recollect, that the Saracens or Arabians,
the same people which were the object of the Crusades, had acquired
an establishment in Spain about the ninth century ; and that by means
of this earlier intercourse, many of their fictions and fables, together
with their literature, must have been known in Europe before the
Christian armies invaded Asia. It is for this reason the elder Spanish
romances have professedly more Arabian allusions than any other.
Cervantes makes the imagined writer of Don Quixote's history an
Arabian. Yet exclusive of their domestic and more immediate con-
confine ourselves to the Soldans — a generic earls, and princes, enrolled in their corn-
name used by our early writers for every munity. [Herbert's History of the 12 Li-
successive ruler of the East — and the cities very Companies, vol. ii. p. 384.] This is
of ./Egypt and Syria, this rhapsody, as it has indeed an honour to that otherwise respect-
been termed, will contain nothing which able society. But poets can derive no lustre
is not strictly demonstrable by historical from counts, and dukes, or even princes,
evidence, or the language of the old ro- who have been enrolled in their lists, only
mancers. — The Life of Godfrey of Bou- in proportion as they have adorned the art
logne was written in French verse by Gre- by the excellence of their compositions,
gory Bechada, about the year 1130. It is e The old French historian Mezeray
usually supposed to have perished ; unless, goes so far as to derive the origin of the
indeed, it exist in a poem upon the same French poetry and romances from the
subject by Wolfram von Eschenbach, who Crusades. Hist. p. 416, 417.
generally founded his romances upon a [Geoffrey of Vinesauf says, that when
French or Provenjal original. — PRICE.] king Richard the First arrived at the Chri-
e Velley, Hist. Fr. sub an. 1178. stian camp before Ptolemais, he was re-
* Massieu, Hist. Poes. Fr. p. 105. Many ceived with populares Cantiones, which
of the troubadours, whose works now ex- recited Antiqtiorum. Prceclara Gesta. It.
ist, and whose names are recorded, accom- Hierosol. cap. ii. p. 332. ibid. — ADDI-
panied their lords to the holy war. Some TIONS.] [For an example of the mate-
of the French nobility of the first rank rials which were gathered in the East by
were troubadours about the eleventh cen- the western adventurers, see an extraordi-
tury : and the French critics with much nary and most romantic story concerning
triumph observe, that it is the GLORY of the head which by its position caused the
the French poetry to number counts and storms in the Gulf of Sataliah, told by John
dukes, that is sovereigns, among its pro- Bromton, in Twisden, fol. 1216; where
fessors, from its commencement. What is also another story, wherein a water-
a glory ! The worshipful company of spout is turned into a dragon, who came
Merchant-taylors in London, if I recol- every month to drink the waters of the
lect right, boast the names of many dukes, aforesaid gulf. — W.]
SECT. III.] RI8E OF METRICAL ROMANCE.
115
nexion with this eastern people, the Spaniards from temper and consti-
tution were extravagantly fond of chivalrous exercises. Some critics
have supposed, that Spain having learned the art or fashion of romance-
writing, from their naturalised guests the Arabians, communicated it,
at an early period, to the rest of Europe'.
It has been imagined that the first romances were composed in metre,
and sung to the harp by the poets of Provence at festival solemnities :
but an ingenious Frenchman, who has made deep researches into this
sort of literature, attempts to prove, that this mode of reciting roman-
tic adventures was in high reputation among the natives of Normandy,
above a century before the troubadours of Provence, who are generally
supposed to have led the way to the poets of Italy, Spain, and France,
and that it commenced about the year 1162.g If the critic means to
insinuate, that the French troubadours acquired their art of versifying
from these Norman bards, this reasoning will favour the system of those,
who contend that metrical romances lineally took their rise from the
historical odes of the Scandinavian scalds : for the Normans were a
branch of the Scandinavian stock. But Fauchet, at the same time that
he allows the Normans to have been fond of chanting the praises of their
heroes in verse, expressly pronounces that they borrowed this practice
from the Franks or French h.
f Huet in some measure adopts this
opinion. But that learned man was a very
incompetent judge of these matters. Under
tiie common term Romance, he confounds
romances of chivalry, romances of gal-
lantry, and all the fables of the Provencial
poets. What can we think of a writer,
who having touched upon the gothic ro-
mances, at whose fictions and barbarisms
he is much shocked, talks of the consum-
mate degree of art and elegance to which
the French are at present arrived in ro-
mances ? He adds, that the superior refine-
ment and politesse of the French gallantry
has happily given them an advantage of
shining in this species of composition. Hist.
Rom. p. 138. But the sophistry and igno-
rance of Huet's Treatise has been already
detected and exposed by a critic of another
cast in the Supplement to Jarvis's Pre-
face, prefixed to the Translation of Don
Quixote.
* Mons. L'Eveque de la Ravaliere, in
his Revolutions de Langue Franqoise, a la
suite des Poesies du Roi de Navarre.
[2 torn. 12° Par. 1743.]
h "Ce que les Normans avoyent pris
des Fran?ois." Rec. liv. i. p. 70. edit. 1581.
[There is nothing, perhaps, more ridi-
culous than the seeking of the origin of
Romance amongst any one people, or of
supposing that any one people took its ro-
mance from another. It is certain that at
a certain period amongst the literature of
every people, we may find romances which
are taken from those of other peoples, al-
though there are few nations which do not
possess a body of popular romance belong-
ing to themselves. I have very little doubt
that a large mass of the stories which in the
thirteenth century made their appearance
in fabliaux, had existed at a much earlier
period among the Teutonic tribes. In a
curious MS. at Cambridge (Bibl. Publ. Gg.
5, 35.), written by an Anglo-Saxon in Ger-
many near the middle of the eleventh cen-
tury, among many political Latin songs,
we have three which may be correctly de-
scribed as Fabliaux : the scene of one is
laid at Mayence, during the time of He-
riger, who was archbishop there in 913,
and the other has its scene in Hamburg —
Est unus locus
Homburh dictus.
A similar collection of apparently metrical
Latin fabliaux is found in a MS. at Wol-
fenbuttel, written in Germany in the tenth
century, in which, curiously enough, the
heroes of the stories are commonly Suevi.
Many of these stories appeared again in
Latin in the twelfth century. Thus, among
the modi, as they are called, of the Wolfen-
biittel MS., we find the story of the mer-
chant, whose wife was unfaithful during
his absence and brought forth a child,
which she said was ingendered miracu-
lously by a flake of snow which she had
116
FRENCH MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND. [SECT. III.
It is not my business, nor is it of much consequence, to discuss this
obscure point, which properly belongs to the French antiquaries. I
therefore proceed to observe, that our Richard the First, who began his
reign in the year 1189, a distinguished hero of the Crusades, a most
magnificent patron of chivalry, and a Provencial poet1, invited to his
And the same author says of king Richard :
Coblas a teira faire adroitement
Pou vos oillez entcn dompna gentilzr.
Stanzas he trimly could invent
Upon the eyes of ladies gent."
— W. J. T.]
There is a curious story recorded by the
French chroniclers, concerning Richard's
skill in the minstrel art, which I will here
relate. — Richard, in his return from the
Crusade, was taken prisoner about the
year 1193. A whole year elapsed before
the English knew where their monarch
was imprisoned. Blondell de Nesle, Ri-
chard's favourite minstrel, resolved to find
out his lord ; and after travelling many
days without success, at last came to a
castle where Richard was detained in
custody. Here he found that the castle
belonged to the Duke of Austria, and that
a king was there imprisoned. Suspecting
that the prisoner was his master, he found
means to place himself directly before a
window of the chamber where the king
was kept; and in this situation began to
sing a French chanson, which Richard and
Blondell had formerly written together.
When the king heard the song, he knew
it was Blondell who sung it ; and when
Blondell paused after the first half of the
song, the king began the other half and
completed it On this, Blondell returned
home to England, and acquainted Ri-
chard's barons with the place of his im-
prisonment, from which he was soon after-
wards released. See also Fauchet, Rec.
p. 93. Richard lived long in Provence,
where he acquired a taste for their poetry.
The only relic of his sonnets is a small
fragment in old French accurately cited
by Mr. Walpole, and written during his
captivity; in which he remonstrates to his
men and barons of England, Normandy,
Poictiers, and Gascony, that they suffered
him to remain so long a prisoner. Catal.
Roy. and Nob. Auth. i. 5. Nostradamus's
account of Richard is full of false facts and
anachronisms. Poet. Provenc. artic. RI-
CHARD.
[There is too much reason to believe
this story of Blondell and his illustrious
patron to be purely apocryphal. The poem
published by Walpole is written in the
Provenyal language, and a Norman ver-
sion of it is given by M. Sismondi, in
his Literature du Midi, vol. i. p. 149. In
swallowed : the merchant, in revenge, car-
ried away the child, sold him, and on his
return told his wife that he had been dis-
solved by the rays of the sun. The mer-
chant is " Constantiae civis Suevulus." The
following is selected from amongst several
Anglo-Latin epigrams of the twelfth cen-
tury, wherein this same story is given : —
Rebus in augendis longe remorajite ma-
rito,
Uxor mcecha parit puerum ; post multa
reverse,
De nive conceptual fingit : fraus mutua,
caute
Sustulit, asportat, vendit, matrique re-
portans
Ridiculum simile, liquefactum sole re-
fingit.
The story is revived in a French fabliau
of the thirteenth century, printed in Bar-
bazan. I have sometimes found in Anglo-
Latin MSS. of the twelfth and beginning
of the thirteenth centuries, stories very
similar to the aforesaid modi, particularly
in MS. Bibl. Trin. Coll. Cant. O. 2. 45.
-W.}
1 See Observations on Spenser, i. § i. p.
28. 29. And Mr. Walpole's Royal and No-
ble Authors, i. 5. See also Rymer's Short
View of Tragedy, ch. vii. p. 73. edit. 1693.
Savarie de Mauleon, an English gentleman
who lived in the service of Saint Louis king
of France, and one of the Provencial poets,
said of Richard,
Coblas a teira faire adroitement
Pou voz oillez enten dompna gentiltz.
" He could make stanzas on the eyes of
gentle ladies." Rymer, ibid. p. 74.
[Upon reference to Rymer, it w ill be seen
that Warton has here fallen into a trifling
error, and that it is not Savarie de Mauleon
who records Richard's skill in poetry, but
another troubadour, Guilhern Briton, who
mentions the poetical talents of both Sa-
varie and Richard. The following is the
passage : —
" Savary de Mauleon mentioned in our
English histories is reckoned another of
those Provenpal poets ; of him an old bard
amongst them (Guilhem Briton MSS. with
Signor Redi) gives this testimony :
Doussament fait mots et sos
Ab amor que' me' a vencut,
Sweetly could he say and sing
Of Love that me hath vanquished.
SECT. 111.] FRENCH MINSTRELS IN ENGLAND.
117
court many minstrels or troubadours from France, whom he loaded with
honours and rewardsj. These poets imported into England a great mul-
which of these languages it was originally
composed remains a matter of dispute
among the French antiquaries. — PRICE.]
[Two metrical reliques by Richard I.
were first printed in La Tour Tenebreuse,
&c. 1705. The first of these, in mixed
Romance and Provencal, professes to be
the veritable chanson of Blondel ; the other
is a love-song in Norman French. The
sonnet cited by Mr. Walpole was exhibited
with an English version in Dr. Burney's
History of Music, but has since received a
more graceful illustration from the pen of
Mr. George Ellis, in the last edition of
Royal and Noble Authors. It can hardly
be called " a fragment," though the last
stanza looks imperfect. — PARK.] [Mr.
Park has probably mistaken the Envoy,
consisting of three lines, for a part of the
poem:
Suer Contessa vostre pretz sobeirain,
Sal dieus e gard la bella qu'ieu am tan,
Ni per cui soi ja pres.
The whole has been published by M. Ray-
nouard, in the fourth volume of his " Choix
des Poesies originales des Troubadours,"
a volume which had not reached me when
the note, to which this is a supplement,
was sent to the press. Another poem by
Richard I. will be found in the " Parnasse
Occitanien," Toulouse 1819, a publication
from which the following remark has been
thought worth extracting: "Crescimbeni
avait dit qu'il existait des poesies du roi
Richard dans le manuscrit 3204; et la-
dessus Horace Walpole le taxe d'inexacti-
tude. Cependant le sirvente se trouve au
fol. 170, Ro. et 171 Ro. C'est done 1'Ah-
glois qui se trompe en disant : there is no
work of King Richard." — PRICE.]
[In the preface to La Tour Tenebreuse,
it is said, and there really seems to have
been some foundation for the assertion,
that the groundwork of the work was a
MS. communicated to the authoress by the
then possessor, and which MS. was en-
titled Chronique et Fabliaux de la compo-
sition de Richard Roy d'Angleterre re-
cueillis tot a nouvel et conjoints ensemble-
me.nt par le labour de Jehan de Sorels Van
1308.
The tales which it contains are two in
number, and are represented as having
been composed by Richard during his im-
prisonment in la Tour Tenebreuse, and af-
terwards recited by him to Blondel.
The following is said to have been the
song sung by Richard and Blondel : —
Domna vostra beutas
Elas bellas faissos
Els bels oils amoros
Els gens cor ben taillatz
Don sien empresenats
De vostra amor que mi lia
Si bel trop affansia
Ja de vos non portrai
Que major honorai
Sol en votre deman
Que fautra des beisan
Tot can de vos volzia. — W. J. T.]
J " De regno Francorum cantores et jo-
culatores muneribus allexerat." Rog. Ho-
ved. Ric. I. p. 340. These gratuities were
chiefly arms, clothes, horses, and some-
times money.
[On a review of this passage in Hoveden,
it appears to have been William bishop of
Ely, chancellor to king Richard the First,
who thus invited minstrels from France,
whom he loaded with favours and presents
to sing his praises in the streets. But it
does not much alter the doctrine of the
text, whether he or the king was instru-
mental in importing the French minstrels
into England. This passage is in a letter
of Hugh bishop of Coventry, which see
also in Hearne's Benedictus Abbas, vol. ii.
p. 704. sub ann. 1191. It appears from
this letter, that he was totally ignorant of
the English language, ibid. p. 708. By
his cotemporary Gyraldus Cambrensis, he
is represented as a monster of injustice, im-
piety, intemperance, and lust. Gyraldus
has left these anecdotes of his character,
which show the scandalous grossness of the
times: — " Sed taceo quod ruminare solet,
nunc clamitat Anglia tota, qualiter puella,
matris industria tam coma quam cultu pu-
erum professa, simulansque virum verbis
et vultu, ad cubiculum belluae istius est
perducta. Sed statim ut exosi illius sexus
est inventa, quanquam in se pulcherrima,
thalamique thorique deliciis valde idonea,
repudiata tamen est et abjecta. Unde et in
crastino, matri filia, tam flagitiosi facinoris
conscia, cum petitionis effectu, terrisque
non modicis eandem jure haereditario con-
tingentibus, virgo, ut venerat, est restituta.
Tantae nimirum intemperantiae, et petulan-
tiae fuerat tam immoderate, quod quotidie
in prandio circa finem, pretiosis tam potio-
nibus quam cibariis ventre distento, virga
aliquantulum longa in capite aculeum prse-
ferente pueros nobiles ad mensam mini-*
strantes, eique propter multimodam qua
fungebatur potestatem in omnibus ad nu-
turn obsequentes, pungere vicissim consue-
verit; ut eo indicio, quasi signo quodam
secretiore, quern fortius, inter alios, atque
frequentius sic quasi ludicro pungebat,
&c. &c." De Vit. Giilfrid. Archiepiscop.
118 EARLIEST BOOKS OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND. [SECT. III.
titude of their tales and songs ; which before or about the reign of Ed-
ward the Second became familiar and popular among our ancestors, who
were sufficiently acquainted with the French language. The most early
notice of a professed book of chivalry in England, as it should seem,
appears under the reign of Henry the Third ; and is a curious and evi-
dent proof of the reputation and Qsteem in which this sort of compo-
sition was held at that period. In the revenue roll of the twenty-first
year of that king, there is an entry of the expense of silver clasps and
studs for the king's great book of romances. This was in the year 1237.
But I will give the article in its original dress. " Et in firmaculis hap-
sis et clavis argenteis ad magnum librum ROMANCIS regisV That this
Ebor. apud Whart. Angl. Sacr. vol. ii.
p. 406. But Wharton endeavours to prove,
that the character of this great prelate and
statesman in many particulars had been
misrepresented through prejudice and en-
vy. Ibid. vol. i. p. 632.
It seems the French minstrels, with
whom the Song of ROLAND originated,
were famous about this period. Muratori
cites an old history of Bologna, under the
year 1288, by which it appears that they
swarmed in the streets of Italy. " Ut
CANTATORBS FRANCIGENARUM in pla-
teis comunis ad cantandum morari non
possent." On which words he observes,
" Colle quali parole sembra verosimile,
che sieno disegnati i cantatore del favole
romanze, che spezialmente della Franzia
erano portale in Italia." Dissert. An-
tichit. Ital. torn. ii. c. xxix. p. 16. In
Napoli, 1752. He adds, that the min-
strels were so numerous in France, as to
become a pest to the community; and
that an edict was issued about the year
1200, to suppress them in that kingdom.
Muratori, in further proof of this point,
quotes the above passage from Hoveden ;
which, as I had done, he misapplies to our
king Richard the First. But, in either
sense, it equally suits his argument. In
the year 1334, at a feast on Easter Sun-
day, celebrated at Rimini, on occasion of
some noble Italians receiving the honour
of knighthood, more than one thousand
five hundred HISTRIONES are said to
have attended. " Triumphus quidem
maximus fuit ibidem, &c. — Fuit etiam
multitude HISTRIONUM circa mille quin-
gentos et ultra." Annal. Csesenat. torn. xiv.
Rer. Italic. Scriptor. col. 1141. But their
countries are not specified. In the year
1227, at a feast in the palace of the arch-
bishop of Genoa, a sumptuous banquet
and vestments without number were given
to the minstrels, or Jocnlatores, then pre-
sent, who came from Lombardy, Pro-
vence, Tuscany, and other countries. Caf-
fari Annal. Genuens. lib. vi. p. 449 D.
apud torn. vi. ut supr. In the year 774,
when Charlemagne entered Italy and
found his passage impeded, he was met
by a minstrel of Lombardy, whose song
promised him success and victory. " Con-
tigit JOCULATOREM ex Longobardorum
gente ad Carolum venire, et CANTIUN-
CULAM A SB COMPOSITAM, rotando in
conspectu suorum, cantare." Tom. ii. P. 2.
ut supr. Chron. Monast. Noval. lib. Hi.
cap. x. p. 717 D.
To recur to the origin of this Note.
Ryroer, in his Short View of Tragedy,
on the notion that Hoveden is here
speaking of king Richard, has founded a
theory, which is consequently false, and
is otherwise but imaginary. See p. 66.
67. 69. 74. He supposes, that Richard,
in consequence of his connexion with
Raimond count of Tholouse, encouraged
the heresy of the Albigenses ; and that
therefore the historian Hoveden, as an
ecclesiastic, was interested in abusing Ri-
chard, and in insinuating, that his repu-
tation for poetry rested only on the venal
praises of the French minstrels. The
words quoted are, indeed, written by a
churchman, although not by Hoveden.
But whatever invidious turn they bear,
they belong, as we have seen, to quite
another person ; to a bishop who justly
deserved such an indirect stroke of satire,
for his criminal enormities, not for any
vain pretensions to the character of a Pro-
vencial songster. — ADDITIONS.]
k Rot. Pip. an. 21 Hen. III.
[Although Warton has himself stated
frequently enough that the word Romance
in early writers need mean nothing but
French, yet he is continually arguing on
the supposition that it must mean romance
in our present acceptation of the term.
The above-mentioned book was not ne-
cessarily a book of romances. However,
the following entry in the Close Roll of
the 34th of the same reign (March 17)
may refer to the same book, in which
case it would seem to countenance War-
ton's supposition : — " De quodam Hbro li-
berato ad opus regine. Mandatum est
SECT. III.] EARLIEST BOOKS OF CHIVALRY IN ENGLAND. 119
superb volume was in French, may be partly collected from the title
which they gave it : and it is highly probable*, that it contained the
Romance of Richard the First, on which I shall enlarge below. At
least, the victorious achievements of that monarch were so famous in
the reign of Henry the Third, as to be made the subject of a picture in
the royal palace of Clarendon near Salisbury. A circumstance which
likewise appears from the same ancient record, under the year 1246.
" Et in camera regis subtus capellam regis apud Clarendon lambrus-
canda, et muro ex transverse illius camerae amovendo et hystoria An-
tiochias in eadem depingenda cum DUELLO REGIS RICARDII." To these
anecdotes we may add, that in the Royal library at Paris there is, "Lan-
celot du Lac mis en Francois par Robert de J3orron, du commandement
d* Henri roi de Angleterre avec figures™" And the same manuscript oc-
curs twice again in that library in three volumes, and in four volumes of
the largest folio n. Which of our Henrys it was who thus commanded the
romance of LANCELOT DU LAC to be translated into French, is indeed
uncertain : but most probably it was Henry the Third just mentioned,
as the translator Robert Borronf is placed soon after the year 1200° \.
fratri R. de Sanforde, magistro milicie
Templi in Anglia, quod facial habere Hen-
rico de Warderoba, latori presencium, ad
opus Regine, quendam librum magnum, qui
est in domo sua Londoniis, Galileo ydio-
mate scriptum, in quo continentur Gesta
Antiochie et regum et etiam aliorum." Teste
ut supra. See the following note. — W.]
* [Not at all probable. The MS. more
likely contained some of the prose romances
of the Round Table, or the Brut. An earlier
instance may be pointed out in the Glaus.
Rolls of king John, in 1205, where Re-
ginald de Cornhille is ordered to send to
the king " Romancium de Historia An-
glice." Rot. Claus. 6 Joh. m. 2.— M.]
[It by no means follows that the con-
tents of this book were romances of chi-
valry. Any collection cf French pieces,
especially in verse, would at this time be
called Romances ; and this from the lan-
guage, not the subject. — DOUCE.]
1 Rot. Pip. an. 36 Hen. III. Richard
the First performed great feats at the
siege of Antioch in the Crusade. The
Duellum was another of his exploits among
the Saracens. Compare Walpole's Anecd.
Paint, i. 10. who mentions a certain
great book borrowed for the queen, writ-
ten in French, containing GESTA ANTI-
OCHI& et regum aliorum, fyc. This was
in the year 1249. He adds, that there
was a chamber in the old palace of West-
minster painted with this history, in the
reign of Henry the Third, and therefore
called the ANTIOCH CHAMBER: and an-
other in the Tower.
[In all probability the great book here
noticed was a translation of the Latin
poem of Joseph of Exeter. See p. clxii.
and Rot. Claus. 34 Hen. III., 17th May,
and 35 Hen. III. 5th June.— M.]
m Cod. 6783. fol. max. See Montfauc.
Cat. MSS. p. 785 a.
" See Montf. ibid. [Mr.Warton has been
apparently misled by Montfaucon. Lan-
celot du Lac is ascribed in the work itself
to Walter de Mapes. Robert de Borron
appears to have composed the romance of
the Saint Graal, which being in part in-
troduced into that of Lancelot, may have
occasioned the above mistake. — DOUCE.]
[But see pp. 136, 137 note e. — PRICE.]
t [See Note A. at the end of the sec-
tion.— PRICE.]
0 Among the infinite number of old
manuscript French romances on this sub-
ject in the same noble repository, the
learned Montfaucon recites, " Le Roman
de Tristan et Iseult traduit de Latin en
Franjois par Lucas chevalier sieur du
chastel du Gast pres de Salisberi, Anglois,
avec figures." Cod. 6776. fol. max. And
again, " Livres de Tristan mis en Fran-
9ois par Lucas chevalier sieur de chateau
du Gat." Cod. 6956. seq. fol. max. In
another article, this translator, the cheva-
lier Lucas, of whom I can give no account,
is called Hue or Hue. [Luc?] Cod. 6976.
seq. Nor do I know of any castle, or
place, of this name near Salisbury. See
also Cod. 7174.
[According to the Abbe de la Rue, this
Chastel de Gast was a seigneurie in the
canton of St. Severe, in the department
of Calvados. See Essalt sur ks Bardes,
&c. torn. ii. p. 231. — M.]
| [With regard to the period when the
120 GALLANTRIES OF CHIVALRY REVIVED. [SECT. TJI,
But not only the pieces of the French minstrels, written in French, were
circulated in England about this time ; but translations of these pieces
were made into English, which containing much of the French idiom,
together with a sort of poetical phraseology before unknown, produced
various innovations in our style. These translations, it is probable,
were enlarged with additions, or improved with alterations of the story.
Hence it was that Robert de Brunne, as we have already seen, com-
plained Estrange and quaint English, of the changes made in the story
of SIR TRISTREM, and of the liberties assumed by his cotemporary min-
strels in altering facts and coining new phrases. Yet these circum-
stances enriched our tongue, and extended the circle of our poetry. And
for what reason these fables were so much admired and encouraged, in
preference to the languid poetical chronicles of Robert of Gloucester
and Robert of Brunne, it is obvious to conjecture. The gallantries of
chivalry were exhibited with new splendour, and the times were grow-
ing more refined. The Norman fashions were adopted even in Wales.
In the year 1176, a splendid carousal, after the manner of the Normans,
was given by a Welsh prince. This was Rhees ap Gryffyth king of
South Wales, who at Christmas made a great feast in the castle of Car-
digan, then called Aberteivi, which he ordered to be proclaimed through-
out all Britain ; and to " which came many strangers, who were honour-
ably received and worthily entertained, so that no man departed discon-
tented. And among deeds of arms and other shewes, Rhees caused all
the poets of Wales P to come thither : and provided chairs for them to
prose Romances of the Round Table were flourished with new honours and rewards,
compiled, and whether by order of king At the magnificent marriage of the coun-
Henry the Second or Third, has long been tess of Holland, daughter of Edward the
a subject of discussion ; but the writers on First, every king minstrel received xl.
it have generally been too little ac- shillings. See Anstis Ord. Gart. ii. p. 303.
quainted with the subject to attempt to And Dugd. Mon. i. 355. In the same
draw any certain or reasonable conclu- reign a multitude of minstrels attended
sions* A recent writer, however, M. Pau- the ceremony of knighting prince Edward
lin Paris, in his account of the French on the feast of Pentecost. They entered
MSS. preserved in the Bibliotheque du the hall, while the king was sitting at
Roi, 8vo, Par. 1836, more critically con- dinner surrounded with the new knights,
sidered the history of these remarkable Nic. Trivet. Annal. p. 342. edit. Oxon.
compositions, and has produced a passage The whole number knighted was two
from the Chronicle of Helirsand, (who hundred and sixty-seven. Dugd. Bar. i.
brings down his work to the year 1204, 80 b. Robert de Brunne says, this was
and died in 1227,) which proves satisfac- the greatest royal feast since king Arthur's
torily that the prose romance of the Saint at Carleon : concerning which he adds,
Graal was composed in the twelfth cen- "therof yit men rime." p. 332. In the
tury, a fact confirmed by the lines quoted wardrobe-roll of the same prince, under
by Warton from Fauchet, p. 138. Now the year 1306, we have this entry: — "Will,
as Robert de Borron, who composed the Fox et Cradoco socio suo CANTATORIBUS
Saint Graal, wrote also the romance of cantantibus coram Principe et aliis mag-
Merlin, and the first part of Lancelot, we natibus in comitiva sua existente apud
must necessarily refer the period of their London, &c. xxs." Again, " Willo Fox
composition to the reign of Henry the et Cradoco socio suo cantantibus in prae-
Second. See additional note to A. at the sentia principis et al. Magnatum apud
end of the section. — M.] London de dono ejusdem dni per manus
p In illustration of the ai'gument pur- Johis de Ringwode, &c. 8. die Jan. xx.s."
sued in the text we may observe, that Afterwards, in the same roll, four shillings
about this time the English minstrels are given, " Ministrallo comitissos Ma-
SECT. III.]
PIIOVENCIAL TOETS.
121
be set in his hall, where they should dispute together to tiy their cun-
ning and gift in their several faculties, where great rewards and rich
giftes were appointed for the overcomersi." Tilts and tournaments,
after a long disuse, were revived with superior lustre in the reign of
Edward the First. Roger earl of Mortimer, a magnificent baron of
that reign, erected in his stately castle of Kenelworth a Round Table,
at which he restored the rites of king Arthur. He entertained in this
castle the constant retinue of one hundred knights, and as many ladies ;
and invited thither adventurers in chivalry from every part of Christen-
dom1". These fables were therefore an image of the manners, customs,
mode of life, and favourite amusements, which now prevailed, not only
in France but in England, accompanied with all the decorations which
fancy could invent, and recommended by the graces of romantic fiction.
They complimented the ruling passion of the times, and cherished in a
high degree the fashionable sentiments of ideal honour, and fantastic
fortitude.
Among Richard's French minstrels, the names only of three are re-
corded. I have already mentioned Blondel de Nesle*. Fouquet of
reschal. facienti menestralciam suamcoram
principe, &c. in comitiva sua existent, apud
Penreth." Comp. Garderob. Edw. Prin-
cip. Wall. ann. 35. Edw. I. This I chiefly
cite to show the greatness of the gratuity.
Minstrels were part of the establishment
of the household of our nobility before
the year 1307. Thomas earl of Lancaster
allows at Christmas, cloth, or vest-is libe-
ruta, to his household minstrels at a great
expense, in the year 1314. Stowe's Surv.
Lond. p. 134. edit. 1618. See supr. p. 82.
Soon afterwards the minstrels claimed
such privileges that it was thought neces-
sary to reform them by an edict, in 1315.
See Hearne's Append. Leland. Collectan.
vi. 36. Yet, as I have formerly remark-
ed in Observations on Spenser's Faierie
Queene, we find a person in the cha-
racter of a minstrel entering Westminster-
hall on horseback while Edward the Se-
cond was solemnizing the feast of Pen-
tecost as above, and presenting a letter to
the king. See Walsing. Hist. Angl. Franc.
p. 109.
q Powell's Wales, 237. edit. 1584.
Who adds, that the bards of "North-
wales won the prize, and amonge the mu-
sicians Rees's owne household men were
counted best." Rhees was one of the
Welsh princes who, the preceding year,
attended the parliament at Oxford, and
were magnificently entertained in the
castle of that city by Henry the Second.
Lord Lyttelton's Hist. Hen. II. edit. iii.
p. 302. It may not be foreign to our
present purpose to mention here, that
Henry the Second, in the year 1179, was
entertained by Welsh bards at Pembroke
castle in Wales in his passage into Ire-
land. Powell, ut supr. p. 238. The sub-
ject of their songs was the history of king
Arthur. See Selden on Polyolb. s. iii.
p. 53.
T Drayton's Heroic. Epist. Mort. Isa-
bel, v. 53. And Notes ibid, from Wal-
singham.
* [The Abbe de la Rue, in his "Essais
sur les Bardes Jongleurs," &c. torn. ii.
p. 325-9, denies that Blondel de Nesle
was the minstrel follower of Cceur de
Lion. Nor is it probable that he who
was a member of an ancient and illustrious
house would spend a twelvemonth in
wandering over Germany, that he might
effect the deliverance of a monarch to
whom he was neither subject nor vassal.
The Abbe asserts, on the other hand, that
Richard's Jongleur was an Anglo-Norman,
Guillaume Blondel ; that Richardgave him
lands at Northampton and Bustalrig (?) ;
that these lands were alienated during the
disturbed reign of King John, and that in
1218, Hen. III. caused them to be re-
stored to Blondel's heir. All which he states
is proved by the letters addressed by that
prince to "Foulques de Breaute vicomte
de Cambridge & de Huntingdon," in
which he commands him to restore to
Robert, brother of Guillaume Blondel,
those lands which the latter possessed by
a grant from Richard Cceur de Lion, let
whosoever might be in possession of them.
The Abbe quotes as his authority " Rot.
Claus. Litt. an. 1. Henrici iii. membr. 12.
in Turri Londin." : but there must be some
122
PROVENCIAL TOETS.
[SECT. in.
Marseilles*, and Anselme Fayditt, many of whose compositions still
remain, were also among the poets patronised and entertained in En-
gland by Richard. They are both celebrated and sometimes imitated
by Dante and Petrarch. Fayditt, a native of Avignon, united the pro-
fessions of music and verse ; and the Provencials used to call his poetry
de ban mots e de bon son. Petrarch is supposed to have copied, in his
TRIONFO DI AMORE, many strokes of high imagination, from a poem
written by Fayditt on a similar subject ; particularly in his description
of the Palace of Love. But Petrarch has not left Fayditt without his
due panegyric : he says that Fayditt's tongue was shield, helmet, sword,
and spear9. He is likewise in Dante's Paradise. Fayditt was extremely
profuse and voluptuous. On the death of king Richard, he travelled
on foot for near twenty years, seeking his fortune ; and during this long
pilgrimage he married a nun of Aix in Provence, who was young and
lively, and could accompany her husband's tales and sonnets with her
voice. Fouquet de Marseilles had a beautiful person, a ready wit, and
a talent for singing : these popular accomplishments recommended him
to the courts of king Richard, Raymond count of Tholouse, and Beral
de Baulx ; where, as the French would say, ilfit les delices de cour. He
fell in love with Adelaisa the wife of Beral, whom he celebrated in hk>
songs. One of his poems is entitled, Las complanchas de Beral. On
mistake in his reference, as upon exami-
nation no mention of Blondel is to be
found in the Roll in question. — W. J. T.]
* [A very interesting sketch of the life
and writings of Foulquet de Marseille is
given by Diez in his Leben und Werke
der Troubadours, s. 234 — 251. He ap-
pears to have followed the calling of his
father, who was a merchant, until the op-
portunity of mixing with the great and
noble of his day which his political talents
afforded him, induced him to renounce it.
His love songs, of which twenty- five have
been handed down to us, (see tomes iii.
and iv. of Raynouard's invaluable work,)
are chiefly devoted to the praise of Ada-
lazia, the wife of Barral count of Mar-
seilles, whom he selected, agreeably to the
practice of the times, as the lady of his
love, and celebrated under the allego-
rical name of " Magnet" but with so
much delicacy and judgement, that the
lady's character remained, as it deserved,
unimpeached. After many strange changes
of fortune, and witnessing the death of
Barral, whom he celebrates in a lament
of great beauty and pathos, — of his be-
loved Adalazia, — and shortly afterwards
of his constant patrons Raymond V. count
of Toulouse and Alphonso the Second,
and finally of Richard of England, he de-
voted himself to a religious life, and com-
pelled his wife and his two sons to follow
his example. He was, in the course of a
few years, named abbot of Touronetinthe
diocese of Toulon, and in 1205 conse-
crated bishop of Toulouse. From this
time his name became one of political im-
portance, for Foulquet bishop of Tou-
louse, the fearful persecutor of the Albi-
genses, is no other than Foulquet of
Marseilles, the votary of Love and Song.
He died in 1231, and was buried in the
Cistercian Abbey of Grandselve in his
diocese, and reverenced as a zealous de-
fender of holy church. — W. J. T.]
6 Trionf. Am. c. iv.
[Diez, in the work already alluded to,
(s. 364 — 368) presents us with an out-
line of the history of Faidit, whose name
was Gaucelme, and not Anselme, as War-
ton has it. His wife does not appear to
have been a nun, married by him after
the death of Richard, but a woman of
great beauty and accomplishments, though
of bad character, whom he had married in
early life. Maria de Ventadour, the
daughter of Boso II. and the wife of
Ebles IV., viscomte de Ventadour, a lady
of refined taate in poetry, and celebrated
by the troubadours and their historians as
the noblest of her sex, was the fair ob-
ject to whom his songs are chiefly ad-
dressed, many of which exhibit great ten-
derness and beauty. Upwards of sixty of
his compositions of various kinds have
been preserved. See Ravnouard, tomes ii.
iii. and iv.— W. J. T.]
SECT. III.]
RICHARD CUER DU LYON.
123
the death of all his lords, he received absolution for his sin of poetry,
turned monk, and at length was made archbishop of Tholouse*. But
among the many French minstrels invited into England by Richard, it
is natural to suppose, that some of them made their magnificent and
heroic patron a principal subject of their compositions". And this sub-
ject, by means of the constant communication between both nations,
probably became no less fashionable in France : especially if we take
into the account the general popularity of Richard's character, his love
of chivalry, his gallantry in the Crusades, and the favours which he so
liberally conferred on the minstrels of that country. We have a ro-
mance now remaining in English rhyme, which celebrates the achieve-
ments of this illustrious monarch. It is entitled RICHARD CUER DU
LYON, and was probably translated from the French about the period
above mentioned *. That it was, at least, translated from the French,
appears from the Prologue.
In Fraunce these rymes were wroht,
Every Englyshe ne knew it not.
From which also we may gather the popularity of his story, in these
lines.
1 See Beauchamps, Recherch. Theatr.
Fr. Paris, 1735. p. 7. 9. It was Jeffrey,
Richard's brother, who patronised Jeffrey
Rudell, a famous troubadour of Provence,
who is also celebrated by Petrarch. This
poet had heard, from the adventurers in
the Crusades, the beauty of a countess of
Tripoly highly extolled. He became ena-
moured from imagination, embarked for
Tripoly, fell sick in the voyage through
the fever of expectation, and was brought
on shore at Tripoly half expiring. The
countess, having received the news of the
arrival of this gallant stranger, hastened
to the shore and took him by the hand.
He opened his eyes ; and at once over-
powered by his disease and her kindness,
had just time to say inarticulately, that
having seen her he died satisfied. The
countess made him a most splendid fu-
neral, and erected to his memory a tomb
of porphyry, inscribed with an epitaph in
Arabian verse. She commanded his son-
nets to be richly copied and illuminated
with letters of gold ; was seized with a
profound melancholy, and turned nun. I
will endeavour to translate one of the
sonnets which he made on his voyage.
Yrat et dolent m'en partray, &c. It has
some pathos and sentiment, " I should
depart pensive, but for this love of mine
so far away ; for I know not what diffi-
culties I have to encounter, my native
land being so far aivay. Thou who hast
made all things, and who formed thia
love of mine so far away, give me strength
of body, and then I may hope to see this
love of mine so far away. Surely my
love must be founded on true merit, as
I love one so far away ! If I am easy
for a moment, yet I feel a thousand pains
for her who is so far away. No other love
ever touched my heart than this for her
so far away. A fairer than she never
touched any heart, either near, or far
away." Every fourth line ends with du
luench. See Nostradamus, &c.
[The original poem, of which the above
is only a fragment, will be found in the
third volume of M. Raynouard's "Choix
des Poesies Originales des Troubadours."
The seeming inaccuracies of Warton's
translation may have arisen from the va-
ried readings of his original text. The
fragment published by M. Sismondi, dif-
fers essentially from the larger poem given
by M. Raynouard. — PRICE.]
u Fayditt is said to have written a Chant
funebre on his death. Beauchamps, ib.
p. 10.
[For specimens of the poetry of Folquet
de Marseille and Gaucelm Faidit, the
reader is referred to the third volume of
M. Raynouard's excellent work already
noticed. The second volume contains a
prose translation of Faidit's Planh on the
death of Richard I. — PRICE.]
* [Two pages afterwards, Warton re-
fers the translation to the reign of Edw. I.
or Hen. III., or earlier. Had he said
Edw. I. alone, he would have been nearer
the truth. — M.]
124
RICHARD CUER DU LYON.
[SECT. in.
King Richard is the bestev
That is found in any gestew.
That this romance, either in French or English, existed before the year
1300, is evident from its being cited by Robert of Gloucester, in his
relation of Richard's reign.
In Romance of him imade me it may finde iwritex.
This tale is also mentioned as a romance of some antiquity among other
famous romances, in the prologue of a voluminous metrical translation
of Guido de Colonna, attributed to Lidgate *. It is likewise frequently
was written by Lidgate, I shall not in-
quire at present. I shall only say here,
that it is totally different from either of
Lidgate's two poems on the Theban and
Trojan Wars; and that the manuscript,
which is beautifully written, appears to be
of the age of Henry the Sixth.
[The only authority for attributing this
romance to Lydgate is a note written by
a recent hand at the beginning of the
MS. and not worthy of credit. — M.]
[By the way, it appears from this quo-
tation, that there was an old romance
called WADE. Wade's Bote is mentioned
in Chaucer's Marchaunts Tale, v. 940.
p. 68. Urr.
v This agrees with what Hoveden says,
ubi supr. " Dicebatur ubique quod non
erat talis in orbe." [p. 117, note J.]
[Warton's own correction of his former
note, here referred to, destroys this. It
is difficult to say how the passage should
have been so entirely misunderstood, that
what is said of the bishop of Ely should
ever have been applied to the king. — W.]
w Impr. for W. C. 4to. It contains
Sign. A 1. — Q, iii. There is another edi-
tion impr. W. de Worde, 4to. 1528. There
is a manuscript copy of it in Caius College
at Cambridge, A 9.
[Among Crynes's books in the Bod-
leian library is a copy of king Richard's
romance, printed by W. de Worde in 1509.
CR. 734. 8vo. This edition was in the
Harleian library. — ADDITIONS.]
x Chron. p. 487.
y Many speken of men that romaunces
rede, &c.
Off Bevis, Gy, and oLGawayn,
Off KYNG Richard, and of Owayn,
Off Tristram, and of Percyvale,
Off Rouland Ris, and Aglavale,
Off Archeroun, and of Octavian,
Off Charles, and of Cassibaldan,
Off Havelok, Home, and of Wade,
In romaunces that of hem ben made
That gestoures often dos of hem gestes
At mangeres and at grete festes,
Here dedis ben in remembraunce,
In many fair romaunce.
But of the worthiest wyght in wede,
That ever bystrod any stede
Spekes no man, ne in romaunce redes,
Off his battayle ne of his dedes;
Off that battayle spekes no man,
There all prowes of knyghtes began,
Thet was forsothe of the batayle
Thet at TROYE was saunfayle,
Of swythe a fyght as ther was one, &c.
For ther were in thet on side,
Sixti kynges and dukes of pride. —
And there was the best bodi in dede
That ever }it wered wede,
Sithen the world was made so ferre,
That was ECTOR in eche werre, &c.
Laud. K76. [595.] f. 1. fol. MSS. Bibl.
Bodl. Cod. membr. Whether this poem
And eke these olde wivis, god it wote,
They connin so much crafte in Wadisbote.
Again, Troil. Cress, iii. 615.
He songe, she plaide, he tolde a tale of
Wade.
Where, says the glossarist, " A romantick
story, famous at that time, of one WADE,
who performed many strange exploits,
and met with many wonderful adventures
in his Boat Guigelot." Speght says, that
Wade's history was long and fabulous. —
ADDITIONS.]
[The story of Wade is also alluded to
in the following passage taken from the
Romance of Sir Bevis :
Swiche bataile ded neuer non
Cristene man of flesch and bon —
Of a dragoun thar beside,
That Beues slough ther in that tide,
Saue Sire Launcelot de Lake,
He faught with a fur-drake,
And Wade dede also,
And neuer knightes boute thai to.
The connexion between Wade and a
hero bearing a similar name in the Wil-
kina Saga will be noticed elsewhere. —
PRICE.]
[Wade is also mentioned in the ineditcd
alliterative romance of Morte Arthur, pre-
served in the Lincoln MS. A. i. 17. — M.]
[See a very curious essay on Wade by
M. Francisque Michel, who has most di-
ligently collected everything relating to
this hero of early northern romance. — W.]
SECT. III.] RICHARD CUER DU LYON. 125
quoted by Robert de Brunne, who wrote much about the same time
with Robert of Gloucester.
Whan Philip tille Acres cam, litelle was his dede,
The ROMANCE sais gret skam, who so that pasz wille rede.
The ROMANCER it sais Richard did inak a pelea. —
The ROMANCE of Richard sais he wan the tounb. —
He tellis in the ROMANCE sen Acres wonnen was
How God gaf him fair chance at the bataile of Cayfas e. —
Sithen at Japhet was slayn fanuelle * his stede,
The ROMANS tellis gret pas ther of his douhty dede d. —
Soudan so curteys neuer drank no wyne,
The same the ROMANS sais that is of Richardyn e.
In prisoun was he bonden, as the ROMANCE sais,
In cheynes & lede wonden that heuy was of peis f. —
I am not indeed quite certain, whether or no in some of these instances
Robert de Brunne may not mean his French original Peter Langtoft.
But in the following lines he manifestly refers to our romance of
RICHARD, between which and Langtoft's chronicle he expressly makes
a distinction. And in the conclusion of the reign,
I knowe no more to ryme of dedes of kyng Richard :
Who so wille his dedes all the soth se,
The romance that men redes ther is the propirte.
This that I haf said it is Pers sawes.
Als he in romance h laid, ther after gan I drawe l.
It is not improbable that both these rhyming chroniclers cite from
the English translation f : if so, we may fairly suppose that this ro-
mance was translated in the reign of Edward the First, or his predeces-
sor Henry the Third. Perhaps earlier. This circumstance throws the
French original to a still higher period.
In the royal library at Paris, there is "Histoire de Richard Roi
d'Angleterre et de Maquemore d'Irlande en rime k." Richard is the
z PASSUS. Compare Percy's Ball. ii. Martin of Palgrave in Suffolk. [This
1. 66. 398. edit. 1767. romance in the library at Paris is a copy
a Rob. Br. Chron. p. 157. of a metrical Chronicle of the deposition
b Ibid. c Ibid. p. 175. of king Richard the Second. SeeArchac-
* [Read fauuelle. The blunder, in ologia, vol. xx. p. 3. — M.]
this instance, is Hearne's, and has pro- -f [Warton's conjecture is perfectly cor-
duced a long note from Warton, p. 164. rect in most of these instances. They
— M.] contain allusions to circumstances which
d Rob. Br. Chron. p. 175. are unnoticed by Langtoft. — PRICE.]
e Ibid. p. 188. f Ibid. p. 198. k Num. 7532.
g " The words of my original Peter [An account of this romance will be
Langtoft." found in Mr. Strutt's Regal Antiquities.
h In French. It relates entirely to the Irish wars of
' p. 205. Du Cange recites an old Richard II. and the latter part of the reign
French manuscript prose romance, en- of that unfortunate monarch. Mr. Ritson
. titled Histoire de la Mort de Richard Roy has confounded Maquemore with Der-
d? Angleterre. Gloss. Lat. IND. AUCT. i. mond Mac Morough, king of Leinster, in
p. cxci. There was one, perhaps the same, the reign of Henry II., though he adds
among the manuscripts of the late Mr. with great candour, " but why king Ri-
126 RICHARD CUER DU LYON. [SECT. III.
last of our monarchs whose achievements were adorned with fiction
and fable. If not a superstitious belief of the times, it was an hyper-
bolical invention started by the minstrels, which soon grew into a tra-
dition, and is gravely recorded by the chroniclers, that Richard carried
with him to the Crusades king Arthur's celebrated sword CALIBURN,
and that he presented it as a gift, or relic, of inestimable value to
Tancred king of Sicily, in the year 11911. Robert of Brunne calls
this sword a, jewel™.
And Richard at that time gaf him a faire juelle,
The gude swerd CALIBURNE which Arthur luffed so well".
Indeed the Arabian writer of the life of the sultan Saladin mentions
some exploits of Richard almost incredible. But, as Lord Lyttelton
justly observes, this historian is highly valuable on account of the
knowledge he had of the facts which he relates. It is from this writer
we learn, in the most authentic manner, the actions and negotiations
of Richard in the course of the enterprise for the recovery of the Holy
Land, and all the particulars of that memorable war °.
But before I produce a specimen of Richard's English romance, I
stand still to give some more extracts from its Prologues, which con-
tain matter much to our present purpose ; as they have very fortunately
preserved the subjects of many romances, perhaps metrical, then fash-
ionable both in France and England. And on these therefore, and
their origin, I shall take this opportunity of offering some remarks.
Fele romaunses men make newe
Of good knyghtes strong and trewe :
Off hey dedys men rede romance,
Bothe in Engleland and in Fraunce ;
Off Rowelond and of Olyver,
And of everie Doseperp,
Of Alysander and Charlemain,
Off kyng Arthor and off Gawayn ;
How they wer knyghtes good and curteys,
Off Turpyn and of Oder Daneys.
Off Troye men rede in ryme,
What werre ther was in olde tyme ;
Off Ector and of Acliylles,
What folk they slewe in that pres, &c. *
chard [cceur de lion] is introduced does of the word. Robert de Brunne, in an-
not appear." — PRICE.] other place, calls a rich pavilion ajotvellc.
[This romance, or rather historical p. 152. n Chron. p. 153.
poem, for there is nothing romantic about [On the subject of Caliburne, see Mi-
it, has been printed in the Archseologia. chel's edition of Tristan, Notes to Introd.
— W.] p. Ixxxv.— M.]
'In return for several vessels of gold ° See Hist, of Hen. II. vol. iv. p. 361. App.
and silver, horses, bales of silk, four great p Charlemagne's Twelve peers : Douze
ships, and fifteen gallies, given by Tan- Pairs, Fr.
cred. Benedict. Abb. p. 642. edit. Hearne. q [The text has been corrected by Mr.
01 Jocale. In the general and true sense Weber's edition of this romance, in his
SECT. III.]
POPULAR ROMANCES.
127
And again in a second Prologue, after a pause has been made by the
minstrel in the course of singing the poem.
Now herkenes to my tale sothe
Though I swere yow an othe
I wole reden romaunces non
Off Paris r, ne off Ypomydone,
Off Alisaundre, ne Charlemagne,
Off Arthour, ne off Sere Gawain,
Nor off Sere Launcelot the Lake,
Off Beffs, ne Guy ne Sere Sydrake,
Ne off Ury, ne off Octavian,
Ne off Hector the strong man,
Ne off Jason, neither off Hercules,
Ne off Eneas, neither Achilles*.
"Metrical Romances of the 13th, 14th,
and J.5th Centuries." 3 vols. 8vo. Edin.
1810.-— PRICE.]
r [The old printed copy reads Perto-
nape,] perhaps Parthenope, or Parthe-
nopeus.
* Line 6657. To some ofthese romances
the author of the manuscript Lives of
the Saints, written about the year 1200,
[1300. — M.] and cited above at large, al-
ludes in a sort of prologue. See SECT. i.
p. 13. supr.
Wei auht we loue Christendom that is so
dere ybou3t,
With oure lordes herte blode that the
spere hath ysou3t.
Men wilnethe more yhere of batayle of
kyngis,
And of kny3tis hardy, that mochel is
lesyngis.
Of Roulond and of Olyvere, and Gy of
Warwyk,
Of Wawayen and Tristram, that ne found-
de here ylike.
Who so loueth to here tales of suche
thinge,
Here he may yhere thyng that nys no
lesynge,
Of postoles and marteres that hardi
kny^ttes were,
And stedfast were in bataile and fledde
no3t for no fere, &c.
The anonymous author of an antient
manuscript poem, called " The boJce of
Stories called CURSOR MUNDI," translated
from the French, seems to have been
of the same opinion. His work consists
of religious legends : but in the prologue
he takes occasion to mention many tales
of another kind, which were more agree-
able to the generality of readers. MSS.
Laud, K 53. [416.] f. 117. Bibl. Bodl.
Men lykyn Jestis for to here,
And romans rede in diuers manere
Of Alexandre the conqueroure,
Of Julius Cesar the emperoure,
Of Greece and Troy the strong stryf,
There many a man lost his lyf :
Of Brute that baron bold of hond
The first conqueroure of Englond,
Of kyng Artoure that was so riche,
Was none in his tyme so lyche :
Of wonders that among his knyghtes felle,
And auntirs dedyne as men here telle,
As Gaweyne Kay and othir full abylle
Which that kept the round tabylle.
How kyng Charlis and Rowland fawght
With Sarzyns, nold they be cawght ;
Of Trystrem and of Ysoude the swete,
How they with loue first gan mete.
Of kyng Johne and of Isombras
Of Ydoyne and of Amadas.
Stories of diverce thyngges
Of pryncis, prelates, and of kyngges,
Many songges of diver ryme
As Englishe, French, and Latyne, &c.
This ylk boke is translate
Into Englishe tong to rede
For the loue of Englishe lede,
For comyn folk of Englond, &c.
Syldyn it is for eny chaunce
Englishe tong prechid in Fraunce, &c.
[This work is not a collection of religious
legends, but a history of the Old and New
Testament. There are other copies of
the poem in MS. Fairfax, 14. Bodl. Libr.
MS. Cott. Vesp. A. iii. MS. Coll. Arun. 57.
in the Advocates' library at Edinburgh,
and in the University library at Gottin-
gen.— M.]
SeeMontf. Par. MSS. 7540. and p. 124.
supr.
[The Cursor Mundi is by no means an
uncommon MS. The best copy I know
is preserved in the library of Trin. Coll.
Cambridge. It is found also in the Bri-
tish Museum. — W.J
128 DARES PHRYGIUS. [SECT. III.
Here, among others, some of the most capital and favourite stories
of romance are mentioned, Arthur, Charlemagne, the Siege of Troy
with its appendages, and Alexander the Great : and there are four au-
thors of high esteem in the dark ages, Geoffry of Monmouth, Turpin,
Guido of Colonna, and Callisthenes, whose books were the grand re-
positories of these subjects, and contained most of the traditionary fic-
tions, whether of Arabian or classical origin, which constantly supplied
materials to the writers of romance. I shall speak of these authors,
with their subjects, distinctly.
But I do not mean to repeat here what has been already observed u
concerning the writings of Geoffry of Monmouth and Turpin. It will
be sufficient to say at present, that these two fabulous historians re-
corded the achievements of Charlemagne and of Arthur ; and that
Turpin's history was artfully forged under the name of that archbishop
about the year 1110, with a design of giving countenance to the Cru-
sades from the example of so high an authority as Charlemagne, whose
pretended visit to the holy sepulchre is described in the twentieth
chapter.
As to the Siege of Troy, it appears that both Homer's poems were
unknown, at least not understood in Europe, from the abolition of
literature by the Goths in the fourth century, to the fourteenth. Geof-
fry of Monmouth indeed, who wrote about the year 1 160 *, a man of
learning for that age, produces Homer in attestation of a fact asserted
in his history ; but in such a manner as shows that he knew little more
than Homer's name, and was but imperfectly acquainted with Homer's
subject. Geoffry says, that Brutus having ravaged the province of
Acquitain with fire and sword, came to a place where the city of Tours
now stands, as Homer testifies *. But the Trojan story was still kept
alive in two Latin pieces, which passed under the names of Dares
Phrygius and Dictys Cretensis. Dares's history of the destruction of
Troy, as it was called, pretended to have been translated from the Greek
of Dares Phrygius into Latin prose by Cornelius Nepos, is a wretched
performance, and forged under those specious names in the decline of
Latin literature y. Dictys Cretensis is a prose Latin history of the
Trojan war in six books, paraphrased about the reign of Dioclesian or
Constantine by one Septimius, from some Grecian history on the same
u See Diss. I. cree of the Athenian judges, but to Plato's
* [He finished his Chronicle about the opinion in his Republic. Dares, with
year 1128. See p. x. Diss. I. — M.] Dictys Cretensis next mentioned in the
x L. i. ch. 14. text, was first printed at Milan in 1477.
y In the Epistle prefixed, the pretended Mabillon says, that a manuscript of the
translator Nepos says, that he found this Fseudo- Dares occurs in the Laurentian
work at Athens, in the hand- writing of library at Florence, upwards of eight hun-
Dares. He adds, speaking of the contro- dred years old. Mus. Ital. i. p. 169. This
verted authenticity of Homer, De ea re work was abridged by Vincentius Bello-
Athenis JUDICIUM fuit, cum pro insano vacensis, a friar of Burgundy, about the
Homerus haberetur quod deos cum homi- year 1244. See his Specul. Histor. lib.
nibus belligerasse descripsit. In which iii. C3.
words he does not refer to any public de-
SECT. III.] GUIDO DE COLONNA. 129
subject, said to be discovered under a sepulchre by means of an earth-
quake in the city of Cnossus about the time of Nero, and to have been
composed by Dictys, a Cretan, and a soldier in the Trojan war. The
fraud of discovering copies of books in this extraordinary manner, in order
to infer from thence their high and indubitable antiquity, so frequently
practised, betrays itself. But that the present Latin Dictys had a Greek
original, now lost, appears from the numerous grecisms with which it
abounds ; and from the literal correspondence of many passages with
the Greek fragments of one Dictys cited by ancient authors. The
Greek original was very probably forged under the name of Dictys, a
traditionary writer on the subject, in the reign of Nero, who is said to
have been fond of the Trojan story z. On the whole, the work appears
to have been an arbitrary metaphrase of Homer, with many fabulous
interpolations. At length Guido de Colonna, a native of Messina in
Sicily, a learned civilian, and no contemptible Italian poet, about the
year 1260, engrafting on Dares and Dictys many new romantic inven-
tions, which the taste of his age dictated, and which the connection
between Grecian and Gothic fiction easily admitted ; at the same time
comprehending in his plan the Theban and Argonautic stories from
Ovid, Statius, and Valerius Flaccus a, compiled a grand prose romance
in Latin, containing fifteen books, and entitled in most manuscripts
Historia de Bella Trojano^. It was written at the request of Mattheo
de Porta, archbishop of Salerno. Dares Phrygius and Dictys Cretensis
seem to have been in some measure superseded by this improved and
comprehensive history of the Grecian heroes : and from this period
Achilles, Jason, and Hercules, were adopted into romance, and cele-
brated in common with Lancelot, Rowland, Gawain, Oliver, and other
Christian champions, whom they so nearly resembled in the extrava-
gance of their adventures c. This work abounds with Oriental imagery,
z See Perizon. Dissertat. de Diet. Cre- b It was first printed Argentorat. 1486.
tens. sect. xxix. Constantinus Lascaris, a and ibid. 1489. fol. The work was finished,
learned monk of Constantinople, one of as appears by a note at the end, in 1287.
the restorers of Grecian literature in Eu- It was translated into Italian by Philip or
rope near four hundred years ago, says Christopher Ceffio, a P'lorentine, and this
that Dictys Cretensis in Greek was lost. translation was first printed at Venice in
This writer is not once mentioned by Eu- 1481, 4to. It has also been translated
stathius, who lived about the year 1170, into German. See Lambec. ii. 948. The
in his elaborate and extensive commen- purity of our author's Italian style has
tary on Homer. been much commended. For his Italian
a The Argonautics of Valerius Flaccus poetry, see Mongitor, ubi supr. p. 167.
are cited in Chaucer's Hypsipile and Me- Compare also, Diar. Eruditor. Ital. xiii.
dea. " Let him reade the boke Argonau- 258. Montfaucon mentions, in the royal
ticon." v. 90. But Guido is afterwards library at Paris, Le ROMAN de Tiebes qni
cited as a writer on that subject, ibid. 97. fut ratine de Troye lagrande. Catal. MSS.
Valerius Flaccus is a common manuscript. ii. p. 923 — 198.
See pag. 140. infr. [Warton is quite mis- This Roman de Thebes is in reality
taken in calling Valerius Flaccus a com- one of those works on the story of the
mon MS. and must have been thinking of siege of Troy, engrafted either on that of
Valerius Maximus. The only two MSS. Columna, or on his materials. — DOUCE.
of the former I am acquainted with, are ° Bale says, that Edward the First,
in Queen's College library, Oxford, and at having met with our author in Sicily, in
Holkham. — M.] returning from Asia, invited him into
VOL. I. K
130
GUIDO DE COLONNA.
[SECT. in.
of which the subject was extremely susceptible. It has also some traits
of Arabian literature. The Trojan horse is a horse of brass : and Her-
cules is taught astronomy, and the seven liberal sciences. But I for-
bear to enter at present into a more particular examination of this hi-
story, as it must often occasionally be cited hereafter. I shall here
only further observe in general, that this work is the chief source from
which Chaucer derived his ideas about the Trojan story ; that it was
professedly paraphrased by Lydgate, in the year 1420, into a prolix
England, xiii. 36. This prince was in-
terested in the Trojan story, as we shall
see below. Our historians relate, that he
wintered in Sicily in the year 1270.
Chron. Rob. Brun. p. 227. A writer
quoted by Hearne, supposed to be John
Stowe the chronicler, says, that " Guido
de Columpna arriving in England at the
commaundement of king Edward the
Firste, made scholies and annotations
upon Dictys Cretensis and Dares Phri-
gius. Besides these, he writ at large the
Battayle of Troye." Heming. Cartul. ii.
649. Among his works is recited Histo-
ria de Regibus Rebusque Anglia. It is
quoted by many writers under the title
of Chronicum Britannorum. He is said
also to have written Chronicum Magnum
libris xxxvi. See Mongitor. Bibl. Sic. i.
265.
[Mr. Eichhorn has stated these " Scho-
lies" of Guido to have been published in
the year 1216; a manifest mistake, —
since it leaves 7 1 years between this date,
and the period at which he assigns the
first appearance of the Historia Trojana.
But whatever may have been Guide's
merit in thus affording a common text-
book for subsequent writers, his work
could have contained little of novelty,
either in matter or manner, for his con-
temporaries ; and it may be reasonably
doubted, whether his labours extended
beyond the humble task of reducing into
prose the metrical compilations of his
predecessors. It is true, this circum-
stance will not admit of absolute proof,
till the several poems upon the Trojan
story extant in our own and various con-
tinental libraries shall be given to the
world ; but the following notices of some
of these productions, though scanty and
imperfect, will perhaps justify the opi-
nion which has been expressed. The
history of the Anglo-Saxon kings by
Geoffri Gaimar, a poet antecedent to
Wace (1155), is but a fragment of a
larger work, which the author assures us
commenced with an account of Jason and
the Argonautic expedition. This was
doubtlessly continued through the whole
cycle of Grecian fabulous history, till the
siege of Troy connected Brutus, the
founder of the British dynasty, with the
heroes of the antient world. The volu-
minous work of Benoit de Saint More
(noticed by Warton below), is confessedly
taken from Dares Phrygius and Dictya
Cretensis ; and is adorned with all those
fictions of romance and chivalric costume,
which these writers are supposed to have
received from the interpolations of Guido.
Among the romances enumerated by Mel-
lis Sloke, as the productions of earlier
writers in Holland, and still (1300) held
in general esteem, we find " The Conflict
of Troy" (De Stryd van Troyeri) ; and
we know upon the authority of Jakob van
Maerlant (1270), the translator of Vin-
cent de Beauvais' Speculum Historiale,
that this was a version of Benoit's poem.
It is not so certain whence Conrad of
Wurzburg, a contemporary of Guido, de-
rived his German Ilias ; but he professes
to have taken it from a French original,
and his poem, like Gaimar's, commences
with Jason and the Argonautic expedition.
Upon the same principle that Conrad
conceived it necessary to preface his Ilias
with the story of the Golden Fleece, his
countryman Henry von Veldeck em-
braced the whole of the Trojan war, its
origin and consequences, in his version of
the jEneis. This, however, is usually be-
lieved to be a translation from the "Enide"
of Chretien de Troyes ; and, if the date
(ante 1186) assumed for its appearance
by Mr. von der Hagen be correct, would
place the French original in an earlier
period than is given it by the French an-
tiquaries. ID the year 1210, Albrecht
von Halberstadt published a metrical ver-
sion of Ovid's Metamorphoses. See von
der Hagen's Grundriss zur Geschidite der
Deutschen Poesie, Berlin 1812 ; and Hen-
rik van Wyn's Historische Avondstonden,
Amsterdam 1800. — PRICE.]
[See also Hoffmann's Hora Belgicce,
p. 30, 8vo. Vratisl. 1830.— M.]
[In the Arundel Collection (Brit. Mus.)
MS. No. 375, which is said to be of the
llth century, is a history of the siege of
Troy in Latin prose. This MS. was
written in France. — W.]
SECT. III.]
GUIDO DE COLONNA.
131
English poem, called the Boke of Troye d, at the command of king
Henry the Fifth ; that it became the ground-work of a new compilation
in French, on the same subject, written by Itaoul le Feure chaplain to
the duke of Burgundy, in the year 1464, and partly translated into
English prose in the year 1471, by Caxton, under the title of the
Recuyel of the histories of Troy> at the request of Margaret duchess
of Burgundy ; and that from Caxton's book afterwards modernized,
Shakspeare borrowed his drama of Troilus and Cressida*.
d Who mentions it in a French as well
as Latin romance : edit. 1555. Signal.
B. i. pag. 2.
As in the latyn and the frenshe yt is.
It occurs in French, MSS.Bibl. Reg. Brit
Mus. 16 F. ix. This manuscript was pro-
bably written not long after the year 1300.
[In Lincoln's-inn library there is a poem
entitled BELLUM TROJANUM, Num. 159.
Pr.
Si then god hade this worlde wroght.
ADDITIONS.]
e The western nations, in early times,
have been fond of deducing their origin
from Troy. This tradition seems to be
couched under Odin's original emigration
from that part of Asia which is connected
with Phrygia. Asgard, or Asia's fortress,
was the city from which Odin led his
colony ; and by some it is called Troy.
To this place also they supposed Odin to
return after his death, where he was to
receive those who died in battle, in a hall
roofed with glittering shields. See Bar-
tholin. L. ii.cap. 8. p. 402, 403. seq. This
hall, says the Edda, is in the city of As-
gard, which is called the Field of Ida.
Bartholin. ibid. In the very sublime ode
on the Dissolution of the World, cited by
Bartholine, it is said, that after the twi-
light of the gods should be ended, and the
new world appear, the As& shall meet in
the field of Ida, and tell of the destroyed
habitations. Barthol. L. ii. cap. 14. p. 597.
Compare Arngrim. Jon. Crymog. 1. i.
c. 4. p. 45, 46. See also Edda, fab. 5.
In the proem to Resenius's Edda, it is
said, " Odin appointed twelve judges or
princes, at Sigtune in Scandinavia, as at
Troy ; and established there all the laws
of Troy, and the customs of the Tro-
jans." See Hickes. Thesaur. i. Disser-
tat. Epist. 'p. 39. See also Mallett's Hist.
Dannem. ii. p. 34. Bartholinus thinks that
the compiler of the Eddie mythology, who
lived A.D. 1070, finding that the Britons
and Francs drew their descent from Troy,
was ambitious of assigning the same
boasted origin to Odin. But this tradition
appears to have been older than the Edda:
and it is more probable, that the Britons
and Francs borrowed it from the Scandi-
navian Goths, and adapted it to them-
selves ; unless we suppose that these na-
tions, I mean the former, were branches
of the Gothic stem, which gave them a
sort of inherent right to the claim. This
reasoning may perhaps account for the
early existence and extraordinary popu-
larity of the Trojan story among nations
ignorant and illiterate, who could only
have received it by tradition. Geoffry of
Monmouth took this descent of the Bri-
tons from Troy, from the Welsh or Ar-
moric bards, and they perhaps had it in
common with the Scandinavian scalders.
There is not a syllable of it in the authen-
tic historians of England, who wrote be-
fore him ; particularly those antient ones,
Bede, Gildas, and the uninterpolated Nen-
. nius. Henry of Huntingdon began his
history from Ccesar ; and it was only on
further information that he added Brute.
But this information was from a manu-
script found by him in his way to Rome,
in the abbey of Bee in Normandy, pro-
bably Geoffry's original. [No; only a
copy of Geoffrey's Latin Chronicle. — M.]
//. Hunt. Epistol. ad Warm. MSS. Can-
tabr. Bibl. publ. cod. 251. I have men-
tioned in another place, that Witlaf, a
king of the West Saxons, grants in his
charter, dated A.D. 833, among other
things, to Croyland-abbey, his robe of
tissue, on which was embroidered The
destruction of Troy. Obs. on Spenser's
Fairy Queen, i. sect. v. p. 176. This
proves the story to have been in high ve-
neration even long before that period: and
it should at the same time be remembered
that the Saxons came from Scandinavia.
This fable of the descent of the Britons
from the Trojans was solemnly alleged
as an authentic and undeniable proof in
a controversy of great national import-
ance, by Edward the First and his no-
bility, without the least objection from
the opposite party. It was in the famous
dispute concerning the subjection of the
crown of England to that of Scotland,
about the year 1301. The allegations are
in a letter to pope Boniface, signed and
sealed by the king and his lords. Ypo-
2
132
FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER. [SECT. III.
Proofs have been given, in the two prologues just cited, of the general
popularity of Alexander's story, another branch of Grecian history fa-
mous in the dark ages. To these we may add the evidence of Chaucer.
Alisaundres storie is so commune,
That everie wight that hath discrecioune
Hath herde somewhat or al of his fortune f.
And in the House of Fame, Alexander is placed with Hercules ?. I
have already remarked that he was celebrated in a Latin poem by
Gualtier de Chatillon, in the year 1212h. Other proofs will occur in
their proper places !. The truth is, Alexander was the most eminent
knight errant of Grecian antiquity. He could not therefore be long
without his romance. Callisthenes, an Olynthian, educated under Ari-
stotle with Alexander, wrote an authentic life of Alexander14. This
history, which is frequently referred to by antient writers, has been
long since lost. But a Greek life of this hero, under the adopted name
of Callisthenes, at present exists, and is no uncommon manuscript in
good libraries1. It is entitled, Bios AfafavSpov TOV MaxeSovos Kat
Hpafets. That is, The Life and Actions of Alexander the Macedo-
nian m. This piece was written in Greek, being a translation from the
Persic, by Simeon Seth, styled Magister, and protovestiary or ward-
robe keeper of the palace of Antiochus at Constantinople", about the
digm. Neustr. apud Camd. Angl. Norman.
p. 492. Here is a curious instance of the
implicit faith with which this tradition
continued to be believed, even in a more
enlightened age ; and an evidence that it
was equally credited in Scotland.
f V. 656. p. 165. Urr. ed. E V. 323.
b See Second Dissertation.
1 In the reign of Henry the First, the
sheriff of Nottinghamshire is ordered to
procure the queen's chamber at Notting-
ham to be painted with the HISTORY of
ALEXANDER. Madox, Hist. Exch. p. 249
— 259. " Depingi fecias HISTORIAM
ALEXANDRI undiquaque." In the Ro-
mance of Richard, the minstrel says of an
army assembled at a siege in the Holy
Land, Sign. Q. iii.
Covered is both mount and playne,
Kyng ALYSAUNDER and Charlemayne
He never had halfe the route
As is the city now aboute.
By the way, this is much like a passage
in Milton, Par. Reg. iii. 337.
Such forces met not, nor so wide a camp,
When Agrican, &c.
k See Recherch. sur la Vie et les
Ouvrages de Callisthene. Par M. 1'Abbe
Sevin. Mem. de Lit. viii. p. 126. 4to.
But many very antient Greek writers
had corrupted Alexander's history with
fabulous narratives, such as Orthagoras,
Onesicritus, &c.
[Julian Africanus, who lived in the
third century, records the fable of Necta-
nabus, king of Egypt, the presumptive
father of Alexander, who figures so con-
spicuously in the later romances. It is
also presumed, that similar fictions were
introduced into the poems of Arrian, Ha-
drian, and Soterichus. See GorresVolks-
biicher, p. 58. a translation of whose ob-
servations upon this subject will be found
in the Retrospective Review, No. vi. For
an account of Arabic, Turkish, and Per-
sian versions of this story, see Herbelot, i.
144. and Weber's Metrical Romances, vol.
i. xx. — PRICE.]
I Particularly Bibl. Bodl. Oxon. MSS.
Barocc. Cod. xvii. and Bibl. Reg. Paris.
Cod. 2064. See Montfauc- Catal. MSS.
p. 733. See passages cited from this ma-
nuscript, in Steph. Byzant. Abr. Berckel.
V. Bov/ee0a\eia. Caesar Bulenger de
Circo, c. xiii. 30, &c. and Fabric. Bibl. Gr.
xiv. 148, 149, 150. It is adduced by
Du Cange, Glossar. Gr. ubi vid. Tom. ii.
Catal. Scriptor. p. 24.
m Undoubtedly many smaller histories
now in our libraries were formed from
this greater work.
II npwrojSeoriapios, Protovestiarius.
See Du Cange, Constantinop. Christ, lib.
ii. § 16. n. 5. Et ad Zonar. p. 46.
SECT. III.] FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER.
133
year 1070, under the emperor Michael Ducas0. It was most probably
very soon afterwards translated from the Greek into Latin, and at
0 Allat. de Simeonibus. p. 181. and
Labb. Bibl. nov. MSS. p. 115. Simeon
Seth translated many Persic and Arabic
books into Greek. Allat. ubi supr. p. 1 82.
seq. Among them he translated from
Arabic into Greek, about the year 1100,
for the use or at the request of the em-
peror Alexius Comnenus, the celebrated
Indian Fables now commonly called the
Fables of Pilpay. This work he entitled,
Sre^avirT/s KO.I I%vr)\a.Tr]s, and divided
it into fifteen books. It was printed at
Berlin, by Seb. Godfr. Starchius, A.D.
1697, 8vo. under the title, 2u/<ewv Ma-
yurrpov Kai (piXoffoQov TOV S»j0 Ki»\i\e
KO.I Aipve. These are the names of two
African or Asiatic animals, called in Latin
Thoes, a sort of fox, [jackall,] the princi-
pal interlocutors in the fables. Sect. i. ii,
This curious monument of a species of in-
struction peculiar to the Orientals, Is up-
wards of two thousand years old. It has
passed under a great variety of names.
Khosru a king of Persia, in whose reign
Mahomet was born, sent his physician
named Burzvisch into India, on purpose
to obtain this book, which was carefully
preserved among the treasures of the kings
of India ; and commanded it to be trans-
lated out of the Indian language into the
antient Persic. Herbelot. Diet. Oriental,
p. 456. It was soon afterwards turned
into Syriac, under the title Calaileg and
Damnag. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vi. p. 461.
About the year of Christ 750, one of the
caliphs ordered it to be translated from
the antient Persic into Arabic, under the
name Kalila ve Damna. Herbel. ubi supr.
In the year 920, the Sultan Ahmed, of
the dynasty of the Samanides, procured
a translation into more modern Persic,
which was soon afterwards put into verse
by a celebrated Persian poet named Rou-
deki. Herbel. ibid. Fabric, ibid. p. 462.
About the year 1130, the Sultan Bahram,
not satisfied with this Persian version,
ordered another to be executed by Nas-
rallah, the most eloquent man of his age,
from the Arabic text of Mocanna ; and
this Persian version is what is now extant
under the title Kalila ve Damna. Herbel.
ibid. See also Herbel. p. 118. But as
even this last-mentioned version had too
many Arabic idioms and obsolete phrases,
in the reign of Sultan Hosein Mirza, it
was thrown into a more modern and in-
telligible style, under the name of Anuar
Soheli. Fraser's Hist. Nad. Shaw. Catal.
MSS. p. 19, 20. Nor must it be forgotten,
that about the year 1100, the Emir Sohail,
general of the armies of Hussain, Sultan
of Khorassan of the posterity of Timer,
caused a new translation to be made by
the doctor Hussien Vaez, which exceeded
all others in elegance and perspicuity. It
was named Anwair Sohaili, SPLENDOR
Canopi, from the Emir who was called
after the name of that star. Herbel. p.
118. 245. It would be tedious to mention
every new title and improvement which
it has passed through among the eastern
people. It has been translated into the
Turkish language both in prose and verse ;
particularly for the use of Bajazet the
second and Solyman the second. Herbel.
p. 118. It has been also translated into
Hebrew, by Rabbi Joel ; and into Latin,
under the title Directorium Files humance,
by Johannes of Capua, [fol. sine ann.j
From thence it got into Spanish, or Casti-
lian ; and from the Spanish was made an
Italian version, printed at Ferrara, A.D.
1583. oct. viz. Lelo Damno [for Calilali u
Damnali\ del G&verno de regni, tfotto mo-
rall, &c. A second edition appeared at
Ferrara in 1610. oct. viz. Philosophia mo-
rale del doni, &c. But I have a notion
there was an Italian edition at Venice, '
under the last-mentioned title, with old
rude cuts, 1552. 4to. From the Latin
version it was translated into German, by
the command of Eberhard first duke of
Wirtenberg: and this translation was
printed at Ulm, 1583. fol. At Strasburgh,
1525. fol. Without name of place, 1548.
4to. At Francfourt on the Mayne, 1565.
oct. A French translation by Gilb. Gaul-
min from the Persic of Nasrallah above
mentioned appeared at Paris, 1698. But
this is rather a paraphrase, and was re-
printed in Holland. See Starchius, ubi
supr. praef. § 19. 20. 22. Fabric, ubi
supr. p. 463. seq. Another translation was
printed at Paris, viz. " Contes et Fables In-
diennes de Bidpai et De Lokman traduits
d'Ali Tchelchi-Bengalek auteur Turc, par
M. Galland, 1714." ii vol. Again, Paris,
1724. ii vol. Fabricius says, that Mons.
Galland had procured a Turkish copy of
this book four times larger than the printed
copies, being a version from the original
Persic, and entitled Humagoun NameJt, that
is, The royal or imperial boQk, so called by
the Orientals, who are of opinion that it
contains the whole art of government.
See Fabric, ubi supr. p. 465. Herbel. p.
456. A Translation into English from the
French of the four first books was printed
at London in 1747, under the title of PIL-
PAY'S FABLES. — As to the name: of the
author of this book, Herbelot says that
Bidpai was an Indian philosopher, and
134
FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER. [SECT. III.
length from thence into French, Italian, and German P. The Latin
translation was printed Colon. Argentorat. A.D. 1489q. Perhaps be-
fore : for among Hearne's books in the Bodleian library, there is an
edition in quarto, without date*, supposed to have been printed at
Oxford by Frederick Corsellis, about the year 14-68. It is said to have
been made by one ^Esopus, or by Julius Valerius1': supposititious
that his name signifies the merciful phy-
sician. See Herbelot, p. 206. 456. and
Bibl. Lugdun. Catal. p. 301. [Sir Wm.
Jones, who derivgs this name from a San-
scrit word, interprets it, the beloved or
favourite physician. — PRICE.] Others re-
late, that it was composed by the Bramins
of India, under the title Kurtufc Dumnik.
Fraser, ubi supr. p. 19. It is also said to
have been written by Isame fifth king of
the Indians, and translated into Arabic
from the Indian tongue three hundred
years before Alexander the Macedonian.
Abraham Ecchelens. Not. ad Catal. Ebed
Jesu, p. 87. — The Indians reckon this
book among the three things in which
they surpass all other nations, viz. "Li-
ber CULILA et DIMNA, Indus Shatangri,
et novem figurae numerariae." Saphad.
Comment, ad Carm. Tograi. apud Hyde,
prolegom. ad lib. tie lud. Oriental, d. 3.
Hyde intended an edition of the Arabic
version. Praefat. ad lib. de lud. Oriental,
vol. ii. 1767. edit, ad calc. I cannot for-
sake this subject without remarking, that
the Persians have another book, which
they esteem older than any writings of
Zoroaster, entitled Javidan Chrad, that
is, JEterna Sapientia. Hyde Prasfat. Re-
lig. Vet. Persarum. This has been also
one of the titles of Pilpay's Fables.
[SeeWolfii Bibl. Hebr. i. 468. ii. 931.
iii. 350. iv. 934. — ADDITIONS.]
[The Indian origin of these fables is
now placed beyond the possibility of dis-
pute. Mr. Colebrooke has published a
Sanscrit version of them, under the title
of Hitopades, and they have been trans-
lated, from the same language, by Sir Wm.
Jones and Dr. Wilkins. — PRICE.]
p Casaub. Epist. ad Jos. Scaliger. 402.
413. Scalig. Epist. ad Casaubon. 113. 115;
who mentions also a translation of this
work from the Latin into Hebrew, [en-
titled DVVtaDDbN rvnbin ISD, and edited
by Breithaupt. — M.] by one who adopted
the name of Jos.Gorionides, called Pseudo-
Gorionides. This Latin history was trans-
lated into German by John Hartlieb Mol-
ler, a German physician, at the command
of Albert duke of Bavaria, and published
August. Vindel. A.D. 1478. fol. [This
edition was preceded by two others from
the press of Bainler, dated 1 172 and 1473.
These and the Strasburg edition of 1488
call the translator Dr. John Hartlieb of Mu-
nich.— PRICE.] See Lambecc. lib. ii. de
Bibl. Vindobon. p. 949. Labbe mentions
a fabulous history of Alexander ; written,
as he says, in 1217, and transcribed in
1455. Undoubtedly this in the text. Lon-
dinensis quotes "pervetustum quendam
librum manuscriptum de actibus Alexan-
dri." Hearne's T. Caius ut infr. p. 82.
See also p. 86. 258.
q Lenglet mentions "Historia fabulosa
incerti authoris de Alexandri Magni prae-
liis." fol. [Argent.] 1494. He adds, that
it is printed in the last edition of Caesar's
Commentaries by Graevius in octavo. Bibl.
des Romans, ii. p. 228. 229. edit. Amst.
Compare Vogt's Catalogus librorum rarior.
pag. 24. edit. 1753. Montfaucon says this
history of Callisthenes occurs often in the
royal library at Paris, both in Greek and
Latin ; but that he never saw either of
them printed. Cat. MSS. ii. pag. 733. —
2543. I think a life of Alexander is sub-
joined to an edition of Quintus Curtius in
1584, by Joannes Monachus. [" Q. Curtii
de Rebus gestis Alexandri Magni, Regis
Macedonum, libri x. Ad haec, Alex. M.
Vitam ab Joanne Monacho praeposuimus.
[Latine vers. ab Aug. Cospo.] 8vo. Antv.
in aedib. P. Billed, 1586."— M.]
* [Either from the ardour of compo-
sition, or through the multiplicity of books
referred to by Mr. Warton, some mistake
has arisen at this place. The late Mr.
Librarian Price pointed out to me the 4to
volume which once belonged to Hearne,
and is now marked B. N. Rawl. 99. It con-
sists of seven articles, the third of which
is " Gesta Alexandri Magni metrics com-
posita." This being very neatly written,
in a hand much resembling the type of
our early printed classics, seems to have
been confounded (as Ritson shrewdly sur-
mised) with "Expositio Sancti Jeronimi,"
MCCCCLXVIII. a rare specimen of typo-
graphy by F. Corsellis, in the library of
C. C. C. Oxon. — PARK.]
r Du Cange Glossar. Gr. v. E/3e\Xivos.
Jurat, ad Symmach. iv. 33. Earth. Ad-
versar. ii. 10. v. 14.
[The work of Julius Valerius, who is
said to have translated it from the Greek
of ./Esopus, about the time of Claudian of
Alexandria, differs wholly from the com-
mon Latin prose Life of Alexander printed
SECT. III.] FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER.
135
names, which seem to have been forged by the artifice, or introduced
through the ignorance, of scribes and librarians. This Latin transla-
tion, however, is of high antiquity in the middle age of learning ; for
it is quoted by Giraldus Cambrensis, who flourished about the year
1190s. About the year 1236, the substance of it was thrown into a
long Latin poem, written in elegiac verse1, by Aretinus Quilichinusu.
This fabulous narrative of Alexander's life and achievements is full of
prodigies and extra vaganciesw. But we should remember its origin.
The Arabian books abound with the most incredible fictions and tra-
ditions concerning Alexander the Great, which they probably borrowed
and improved from the Persians. They call him Escander. If I recol-
lect right, one of the miracles of this romance is our hero's horn. It
is said, that Alexander gave the signal to his whole army by a wonder-
ful horn of immense magnitude, which might be heard at the distance
of sixty miles, and that it was blown or sounded by sixty men at oncex.
This is the horn which Orlando .won from the giant Jatmund, and
which, as Turpin and the Islandic bards report, was endued with ma-
gical power, and might be heard at the distance of twenty miles. Cer-
vantes says, that it was bigger than a massy beam?. Boyardo, Berni,
and Ariosto have all such a horn : and the fiction is here traced to its
at Strasburg in 1 489. It has been printed
by the Abbate Mai, together with another
piece entitled Itinerarium Alexandri, from
a MS. in the Ambrosian library of the ix.
[xii.?] century. 8vo. Franc, s. M. 1818.
The Abbate has added learned prefaces,
with notices of the presumed authors. —
M.]
8 Hearne, T. Caii Vindic. Antiquitat.
Acad. Oxon. torn. ii. NOT. p. 802. who
thinks it a work of the monks. " Nee
dubium quin monachus quispiam Latine,
ut potuit, scripserit. Eo modo, quo et
alios id genus foetus parturiebant scripto-
res aliquot monastici, e fabulis quas vulgo
admodum placere sciebant." ibid.
4 A Greek poem on this subject will be
mentioned below, written in politic verses,
entitled AXeZavdpevs o Maiceduv.
u Labb. Bibl. Nov. MSS. p. 68. OJ.
Borrich. Dissertat. de Poet. p. 89.
w The writer relates, that Alexander,
inclosed in a vessel of glass, dived to the
bottom of the ocean for the sake of getting
a knowledge of fishes and sea monsters.
He is also represented as soaring in the
air by the help of gryphons. At the end,
the opinions of different philosophers are
recited concerning the sepulchre of Alex-
ander. Nectabanos, a magician and astro-
loger, king of j£gypt, is a very significant
character in this romance. He transforms
himself into a dragon, &c. Compare Her-
belot. Bibl. Oriental, p. 319. b. seq. In
some of the manuscripts of this piece which
I have seen, there is an account of Alex-
ander's visit to the trees of the sun and
moon ; but I do not recollect this in the
printed copies. Undoubtedly the original
has had both interpolations and omis-
sions. Pseudo-Gorionides above men-
tioned seems to hint at the groundwork
of this history of Alexander in the follow-
ing passage. " Caeteras autem res ab Alex-
andro gestas, et egregia ejus facinora ac
quaecunque demum perpetravit, ea in li-
bris Medorum et Persarum, atque apud
Nicolaum, Titum, et Strabonem ; et in li-
bris nativitatis Alexandri, rerumque ab
ipso gestarum, quos Magi ac ^Egyptii eo
anno quo Alexander decessit, composue-
runt, 'scripta reperies." Lib. ii. c. 12. —
22. [Lat. Vers.] p. 152. edit. Jo. Frid.
Breithaupt.
x It is also in a manuscript entitled Se-
cretum Secretorum Aristotelis, Lib. 5. MSS.
Bodl. D. 1. 5. This treatise, ascribed to
Aristotle, was antiently in high repute.
It is pretended to have been translated
out of Greek into Arabic or Chaldee by
one John a Spaniard ; from thence into
Latin by Philip a Frenchman ; at length
into English verse by Lidgate ; under
whom more will be said of it. I think
the Latin is dedicated to Theophina, a
queen of Spain. [See Diss. iii. p. clxxxvi.
where this work is stated more correctly
to be dedicated to Guido Vere de Valencia,
Bishop of Tripoli. — M.]
y See Observat. Fair. Qu. i. § v. p. 202.
13G POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. [SECT. III.
original source. But in speaking of the books which furnished the
story of Alexander, I must not forget that Quintus Curtius was an ad-
mired historian of the romantic ages. He is quoted in the POLICRA-
TICON of John of Salisbury, who died in the year 1181Z. Eneas Syl-
vius relates, that Alphonsus the Ninth, king of Spain, in the thirteenth
century, a great astronomer, endeavoured to relieve himself from a te-
dious malady by reading the Bible over fourteen times, with all the
glosses ; but not meeting with the expected success, he was cured by
the consolation he received from once reading Quintus Curtius a. Peter
Blesensis, archdeacon of London, a student at Paris about the year
1150, mentioning the books most common in the schools, declares that
he profited much by frequently looking into this author b. Vincentius
Bellovacensis, cited above, a writer of the thirteenth century, often
quotes Curtius in his Speculum Historiale0. He was also early trans-
lated into French. Among the royal manuscripts in the British Mu-
seum, there is a fine copy of a French translation of this classic, adorned
with elegant old paintings and illuminations, entitled, Quinte Curse
Ruf, des faiz d'Alexandre, ix liv. translate par Vasque de Lucene
Portugalois. E script par la main de Jehan du Chesne, a LilleA. It
was made in 1468. But I believe the Latin translations of Simeon
Seth's romance on this subject were best known and most esteemed
for some centuries.
The French, to resume the main tenour of our argument, had written
metrical romances on most of these subjects, before or about the year
1 200. Some of these seem to have been formed from prose histories,
enlarged and improved with new adventures and embellishments from
earlier and more simple tales in verse on the same subject. Chrestien
of Troys wrote Le Romans du Graal, or the adventures of the Sangrale,
which included the deeds of King Arthur, Sir Tristram, Lancelot du
Lake, and the rest of the knights of the round table, before 1191.
There is a passage in a coeval romance, relating to Chrestien, which
proves what I have just advanced, that some of these histories pre-
viously existed in prose.
Christians qui entent et paine
A rimoyer le meillor conte,
Par le commandement le Conte,
Qu'il soit contez en cort royal
Ce est li contes del Graal
Dont li quens li bailla le livre.e
z viii. 18. 8 Op. p. 476. nice, transcribes whole pages from this hi-
b Epist. 101. Frequenter inspicere hi- storian. 1 could give other proofs.
storias Q. Curtii, &c. d 17 F. 1. Brit. Mus. And again, 20
0 iv.61,&c. Montfaucon, I think, men- C. iii. and 15 D. iv.
tions a manuscript of Q. Curtius in the [See "Les Manuscrits Francois de la
Colbertine library at Paris eight hundred Bibl. du Hoi. Par P. Paris, Nos. 6727 —
ycarsold. SeeBarth. adClaudian.p.l 165. 6729. 8vo. 1836."— M.]
Alexander Benedictus, in his history of Ve- e Apud Fauchet, Rcc. p. 99. who adds,
SECT. III.] POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES.
137
Chrestien also wrote the romance of Sir Perceval, which belongs to
the same history f« Godfrey de Leigni, a cotemporary, finished a ro-
mance begun by Chrestien*, entitled La Charette, containing the
adventures of Lancelot. Fauchet affirms, that Chrestien abounds with
beautiful inventions *. But no story is so common among the earliest
French poets as Charlemagne and his twelve peers. In the British
Museum we have an old French manuscript containing the history of
Charlemagne, translated into prose from Turpin's Latin. The writer
declares, that he preferred a sober prose translation of this authentic
historian, as histories in rhyme, undoubtedly very numerous on this
subject, looked so much like liesh. His title is extremely curious.
" Je croy bien que Romans que nous avons
ajourdhuy imprimez, tels que Lancelot du
Lac, Tristan, et autres, sont refondus sus
les vielles proses et rymes et puis refrai-
chis de language." Rec. liv. ii. x.
[The "Roman du Saint Graal" is
ascribed to an anonymous "Trouvere"
by M. Roquefort, who denies that it was
written by Chretien de Troyes. On the
authority of the Cat. de la Valliere, he also
attributes the first part of the prose version
of this romance to Luces du Gast, and the
continuation only to Robert Borron. Of
Borron's work entitled " Ensierrement de
Merlin ou Roman de St. Graal," there is
a metrical version MS. no. 1987 fonds de
1'abbaye St. Germain. See Poesie Fran-
faise dans les xii. et xiii. siecles. — PRICE.
See infra, Note A. p. 149.]
The oldest manuscripts of romances on
these subjects which I have seen are the
following. They are in the royal manu-
scripts of the British Museum. Le Ro-
manz de Tristran, 20 D. ii. This was
probably transcribed not long after the
year 1200. — Histoire du Lancelot ou S.
Graal, ibid. iii. Perhaps older than the
year 1200. — Again, Histoire du S. Graal,
ou Lancelot, 20 C. vi. I. Transcribed soon
after 1200. This is imperfect at the be-
ginning. The subject of Joseph of Ari-
mathea bringing a vessel of the Sanguis
realis, or Sangral, that is, our Saviour's
blood, into England, is of high antiquity.
It is thus mentioned in Morte Arthur.
" And then the old man had an harpe, and
he sung an olde songe how Joseph of Ari-
mathy came into this lande." B.iii. c. 5.
f Fauchet, p. 103. This story was also
written in very old thyme by one Ma-
nessier, not mentioned in Fauchet, from
whence it was reduced into prose 1530.
fol. Paris. PERCEVAL LEGALLOYS,^ qvel
acheva les advantures du Sainct Graal,
avec aulcuns faicts du, chevalier Gauvain,
translaiee de ryme en prose tie V ancicn
auteur [Chrestien de Troyes, ou\ MANES-
SIER, &C.
[This is not a distinct work from the
romance upon the same subject by Chre-
tien de Troyes. This writer at his death
left the story unfinished. It was resumed
by Gautier de Denet, and concluded by
Manessier. See Roquefort ut sup. p. 194.
— PRICE.]
In the royal library at Paris is LE RO-
MAN DE PERSEVAL le Galois, par CRE-
STIEN DE TROYES. In verse, fol. Mons.
Galland thinks there is another romance
under this title, Mem. de Lit. iii. p. 427.
seq. 433. 8vo. the author of which he
supposes may be Raoul de Biavais, men-
tioned by Fauchet, p. 142. Compare Len-
glet, Bibl. Rom. p. 250. The author of
this last-mentioned Perceval, in the ex-
ordium, says that he wrote, among others,
the romances of Eneas, Roy Marc, and
Uselt le Blonde ; and that he translated
into French, Ovid's Art of Love.
[There is a copy of the French metri-
cal romance of Perceval in the College of
Arms, No. 14. An English translation in
verse of the 15th century is also pre-
served in a MS. in the library of Lincoln
Cathedral. On the subject of this and
the other romances written by Chrestien
de Troyes, see the Hist. Litt.de la France,
torn. xv. pp. 193-264. — M.]
* [La Charette, or Du Chevalier a la
Charette : perhaps the same, says Kitson,
with Les romans de Chevalier a I'epee, ou
L' Histoire de Lancelot du Lac. To the
same romance-writer are attributed, Du
Chevalier a Lion, du prince Alexandre,
d'Erec, with others, that are now lost. —
PARK. M. Roquefort's catalogue of Chre-
tien's works still extant, contains : Perce-
val, le Chevalier au Lion, Lancelot du Lac,
Cliget, Guillaume d'Angleterre, and Erec
et Enide. The latter probably gave rise
to the opinion, that Chretien translated
the ^Eneid, and which has been adopted
from Mr. von der Hagen, at pp. 129, 130.
note c. — PRICE.]
g P. 105. ibid.
h There is a curious passage to this
138
POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. [SECT. III.
" Ci comence 1'Estoire que Turpin le Ercevesque de Reins fit del bon
roy Charlemayne, coment il conquist Espaigne, e delivera des Paens.
Et pur ceo qe Estoire rimee semble mensunge, est ceste mis in prose,
solun le Latin qe Turpin mesmes fist, tut ensi cume il le vist et vist." *
Oddegir the Dane makes a part of Charlemagne's history ; and, I
believe, is mentioned by archbishop Turpin. But his exploits have been
recorded in verse by Adenez, an old French poet, not mentioned by
Fauchet, author of the two metrical romances of Berlin [Berthe] and
Cleomades, under the name of Ogier le Danois, in the year 1270.
This author was master of the musicians, or, as others say, herald at
arms, to the duke of Brabant. Among the royal manuscripts in the
Museum, we have a poem, Le Livre de Ogeir de Dannemarche*. The
French have likewise illustrated this champion in Leonine rhyme. And
I cannot help mentioning that they have in verse Visions of Oddegir
the Dane in the kingdom of Fairy, " Visions d'Ogeir le Danois au
Royaume de Faerie en vers Francois," printed at Paris in 15481.
On the Trojan story, the French have an antient poem, at least not
purpose in an old French prose romance
of Charlemagne, written before the year
1200. " Baudouin Comte de Hainau trouva
a Sens en Bourgongne, le VIE de Charle-
magne : et mourant la donna a sa sour
Yolond Comtesse de S. Paul qui m'a prie
que je la mette en Roman sans ryme.
Parce que tel se delitera el Roman qui del
Latin n'ent cure ; et par le Roman sera
mielx gardee. Maintes gens en ont ouy
conter et chanter, mais n'est ce mensonge
non ce qu'ils en disent et chantent cil con-
teour ne cil jugleor. Nuz CONTES RY-
MEZ N'EN EST VRAIS: TOT MENSONGE
CE QU'ILS DIENT." Liv. quatr.
[This romance is the same prose trans-
lation of Turpin mentioned in Warton's
text. See the description of No. 6795.
Bibl. du Roi, by M. Paris, pp. 211-220.
Joland, eldest sister of Baldwin, count of
Hainault, was married to her second hus-
band, Hugh, count of St. Pol, about the
year 1178. Her brother died in 1195,
and the count of St. Pol in 1205 ; so that
the period of this translation must be
limited between these dates. It was the
same lady who caused the metrical ro-
mance otGuillaume de Palerme to be trans-
lated from the Latin, an English version
of which of the 14th century, intitled Wil-
liam and the Werwolf, was edited by Sir
F. Madden for the Roxburghe Club, 4to.
1832. See the Editor's Introduction, p. ix.
-M.]
1 MSS. Harl. 273. 23. Cod. membr.
f. 86. There is a very old metrical ro-
mance on this subject, ibid. MSS. Harl.
527. 1. f. 1. Cod. membr. 4to.
[Among the royal manuscripts in the
British Museum, ICE. viii. 7., is a much
earlier metrical romance (probably of the
beginning of the 12th century), relating
the expedition of Charlemagne to Jerusa-
lem. It has recently been published, with
a Glossary, by the indefatigable M. Michel,
12mo. Lond. 1836. In his Preface he gives
an analysis of a second metrical romance,
MS. Reg. 15 E. vi., describing the adven-
tures of Charlemagne in the East, pp.
Ixii.— cviii., and also notices from Sinner's
Catalogue, a third, preserved in the library
at Berne. See in the same writer, a col-
lection of the various notices concerning
this fabulous expedition of Charlemagne
to the Holy Land. — M.]
[Ogier le Dannois due de Dannemarche
was printed at Troyes in 1610; and at the
same place, in 1608, were printed, Histoire
de Morgant le geant, and Histoire des no-
bles Provesses et Vaillances de Galeon re-
staure. — PARK.]
k 15 E. vi. 4.
[The title of Adenez' poem is Les En-
fances d' Ogier-le-Danois, a copy of which
is preserved among the Harl. MSS. No.
4404. His other poem noticed in the text,
is called Le Roman de Pepin et de Berthe.
See Cat. La Valliere, No. 2734. The life
of Ogier contained in the royal manuscript,
embraces the whole career of this illustri-
ous hero ; and is evidently a distinct work
from that of Adenez. Whether it be the
same version alluded to in the French ro-
mance of Alexander, where the author is
distinguished from the "conteurs batards"
of his day, is left to more competent judges.
—PRICE.]
1 8vo. There is also IS Histoire du preux
Meurvin fils D'OGIEK le DANOIS. Paris.
1359. 4to. and 1540. 8 vo.
SECT. III.] POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. 139
posterior to the thirteenth [twelfth] century, entitled Roman de Troye,
written by Benoit de Sainct More. As this author appears not to have
been known to the accurate Fauchet, nor la Croix du Maine ; I will
cite the exordium, especially as it records his name ; and implies that
the piece [was] translated from the Latin, and that the subject was
not then common in French.
Cette estoire n'est pas usee,
N'en gaires livres n'est trouvee :
La retraite ne fut encore
Mais Beneoit de Sainte More,
L'a translate, et fait et dit,
Et a sa main les mots ecrit.
He mentions his own name again in the body of the work, and at the end.
Je n'en fait plus ne plus en dit ;
Beneoit qui cest Roman fit.m
Du Cange enumerates a metrical manuscript romance on this sub-
ject by Jaques Millet, entitled De la Destruction de Troien. Mont-
faucon, whose extensive inquiries nothing could escape, mentions Dares
Phrygius translated into French verse, at Milan, about the twelfth cen-
tury0. We find also, among the royal manuscripts at Paris, Dictys
Cretensis translated into French verse P. To this subject, although
almost equally belonging to that of Charlemagne, we may also refer a
French romance in verse, written by Philipes Mousqes, canon and
chancellor of the church of Tournay. It is, in fact, a chronicle of
France : but the author, who does not chuse to begin quite so high as
Adam and Eve, nor yet later than the Trojan war, opens his history
with the rape of Helen, passes on to an ample description of the siege
of Troy ; and, through an exact detail of all the great events which
succeeded, conducts his reader to the year 1240. This work compre-
hends all the fictions of Turpin's Charlemagne, with a variety of other
extravagant stories dispersed in many professed romances. But it
preserves numberless curious particulars, which throw considerable
light on historical facts. Du Cange has collected from it all that con-
cerns the French emperors of Constantinople, which he has printed at
the end of his entertaining history of that city.
It was indeed the fashion for the historians of these times, to form
such a general plan as would admit all the absurdities of popular tra-
dition. Connection of parts, and uniformity of subject, were as little
studied as truth. Ages of ignorance and superstition are more affected
by the marvellous than by plain facts ; and believe what they find
m See M. Galland, ut supr. p. 425. [For n Gloss. Lat. IND. AUT. p. cxciii.
an account of Benoit de Saint Move's poem, ° Monum. Fr. i. 374.
the reader is referred to the 12th volume of p See Montf. Catal. MSS. ii. p. 16GO.
the Archaeologia. — PRICE.]
140 POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. [SECT. III.
written, without discernment or examination. No man before the six-
teenth century presumed to doubt that the Francs derived their origin
from Francus, a son of Hector ; that the Spaniards were descended
from Japhet, the Britons from Brutus, and the Scotch from Fergus.
Vincent de Beauvais, who lived under Louis the Ninth of France, and
who, on account of his extraordinary erudition, was appointed pre-
ceptor to that king's sons, very gravely classes archbishop Turpin's
Charlemagne among the real histories, and places it on a level with
Suetonius and Caesar. He was himself an historian, and has left a
large history of the world, fraught with a variety of reading, and of
high repute in the middle ages ; but edifying and entertaining as this
work might have been to his cotemporaries, at present it serves only to
record their prejudices, and to characterise their credulity*.
Hercules and Jason, as I have before hinted, were involved in the
Trojan story by Guido de Colonna, and hence became familiar to the
romance writers1". The Hercules, the Theseus, and the Amazons of
Boccacio, hereafter more particularly mentioned, came from this
source. I do not at present recollect any old French metrical romances
on these subjects, but presume that there are many. Jason seems to
have vied with Arthur and Charlemagne ; and so popular was his ex-
pedition to Colchos, or rather so firmly believed, that in honour of so
respectable an adventure, a duke of Burgundy instituted the order of
the Golden Fleece, in the year 1468. At the same time his chaplain
Raoul le Feure illustrated the story which gave rise to this magnifi-
cent institution, in a prolix and elaborate history, afterwards translated
by Caxton8. But I must not forget, that among the royal manuscripts
in the Museum, the French romance of Hercules occurs in two books,
enriched with numerous antient paintings fc. Pertonape and Ypomedon,
in our Prologue, seem to be Parthenopeus and Hippomedon, belonging
to the Theban story, and mentioned, I think, in Statius. An English
romance in verse, called Childe Ippomedone, will be cited hereafter,
most probably translated from the French.
q He flourished about 1260. [This romance of Hercules commences
r The TROJOMANNA SAGA, a Scandic with an account of Uranus or Cselus, and
manuscript at Stockholm, seems to be po- terminates with the death of Ulysses by
sterior to Guido's publication. It begins his son Telegonus. The mythological
with Jason and Hercules, and their voy- fables with which the first part abounds,
age to Colchos ; proceeds to the rape of are taken from Boccace's Genealogia De-
Helen, and ends with the siege and de- orum ; and the third part, embracing the
struction of Troy. It celebrates all the destruction of Troy by the Greeks under
Grecian and Asiatic heroes concerned in Agamemnon, professes to be a transla-
that war. Wanl. Antiquit. Septentr. p. tion from " Dictys of Greece and Dares
315. col. 1. of Troy." The Pertonape of the text is
8 See Observat. on Spenser's Fairy evidently Partonepex de Blois, (see Le
Queen, i. § v. p. 176. seq. Montfaucon Grand Fabliaux, torn. iv. p. 261. and No-
mentions Medea et Jasonis Historia a Gui- tices des Manuscrits, torn, ix.) and Ypo-
done de Colnmna. Catal. MSS. Bibl. Cois- medon the hero whom Warton dignifies
lin. ii. p. 1109. — 318. with the epithet of Childe Ippomedone.
« 17 E. ii. —PRICE.]
SECT. III.] FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER. 141
The conquests of Alexander the Great were celebrated by one Simon,
in old Pictavian or Limosin, about the twelfth century. This piece thus
begins :
Chanson voil dis per ryme et per leoin
Del fil Filippe lo roy de Macedoinu.
An Italian poem on Alexander, called Trionfo Magno, was presented
to Leo the Tenth, by Dominicho Falugi Anciseno, in the year 1521.
Crescimbeni says it was copied from a Provencial romance w. But one
of the most valuable pieces of the old French poetry is on the subject
of this victorious monarch, entitled Roman d' Alexandre. It has been
called the second poem now remaining in the French language, and was
written about the year 1200. It was confessedly translated from the
Latin ; but it bears a nearer resemblance to Simeon Seth's romance,
than to Quintus Curtius. It was the confederated performance of four
writers, who, as Fauchet expresses himself, were associez en leur JON-
GLERIE*. Lambert li Cors, a learned civilian, began the poem ; and it
was continued and completed by Alexander de Paris, John le Nivelois
[Venelais], and Peter [Perot] de Saint Clost [Cloot] y. The poem is
closed with Alexander's will. This is no imagination of any of our
three poets, although one of them was a civil lawyer. Alexander's will,
in which he nominates successors to his provinces and kingdom, was a
tradition commonly received, and is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus,
and Ammianus Marcellinus*. I know not whether this work was ever
u Fauch. p. 77. this extract clearly confirms M. le Grand's
[This specimen is clearly against Fau- arrangement. The date assigned by M.
chet's opinion. The Pictavian or Limosin Roquefort for its publication is 1 184. Je-
was a dialect of Provencal, and the couplet han li Venelais wrote LeTestament d'Alex-
in the text is old French or Romance. — andre; and Perot de Saint Cloot, LaVen-
PRICE.] geaunce d'Alexandre. Mr.Doucehasenu-
w Istor. Volg. Poes. i. iv. p. 332. In the merated eleven French poets, who have
royal manuscripts there is a French poem written on the subject of Alexander or his
entitled La Vengeaunce du graunt Alex- family; and Mr. Weber observes, that seve-
andre 1 9 D. i. 2. Brit. Mus. I am not sure ral others might be added to the list. See
whether or no it is not a portion of the Weber's Metrical Romances (who notices
French Alexander, mentioned below, writ- various European versions), Notices des
ten by Jehan li Nivelois [Venelais]. Manuscrits du Roi, t. v. Catalogue de la
x Fauchet, Rec. p. 83." Valliere, t. ii. — PRICE.] [See also the
[The order in which Fauchet has Abbe de la Rue's Essais, &c. torn. ii. pp.
classed Lambert li Cors and Alexander of 341-356. The name of Thomas of Kent,
Paris, and which has also been adopted an Anglo-Norman, should not have been
by M. le Grand, is founded on the follow- omitted in Mr. Price's note as one of the
ing passage of the original poem : chief con tinuators of the romance of Alex-
La verite d Hstoire si com li roys la fist " ibid. Mons> Galland men.
Un clers de Chastiaudun Lambers h Cors ^ & ^^ romance in verse, unknown
, ~ . to Fauchet, and entitled Roman d1 A thus
Qui du Latin la trait et en roman la fist ..... Prophylias, written by one Alexan-
Alexandre nous dit qui de Bernay fu nez ^ g ^ £ A1 _
Et de Pans refii se surnoms appe lies ' p^ JJ£ ...
Qui or a les siens vers o les Lambert melles. Amgt [This conjecture is confirmed by
MM. de laRavalliere and Roquefort have M. Roquefort, ubi supr. p. 118. — PRICE.]
considered Alexander as the elder writer ; It is often cited by Carpentier, Suppl.Cang.
apparently referring (Alexandre nous dit) * See Fabric. Bibl. Gr. c. iii. 1. viii. p.
to Lambert li Cors. But the last line in 205.
142 FABULOUS HISTORIES OF ALEXANDER. [SECT. III.
printed*. It is voluminous ; and in the Bodleian library at Oxford is a
vast folio manuscript of it on vellum, which is of great antiquity, richly
decorated, and in high preservation a. The margins and initials exhibit
not only fantastic ornaments and illuminations exquisitely finished, but
also pictures executed with singular elegance, expressing the incidents
of the story, and displaying the fashion of buildings, armour, dress,
musical instruments5, and other particulars appropriated to the times.
At the end we read this hexameter, which points out the name of the
scribe f.
Nomen scriptoris est THOMAS PLENUS AMORIS.
Then follows the date of the year in which the transcript was completed,
viz. 1338. Afterwards there is the name and date of the illuminator,
in the following colophon, written in golden letters : " Che livre fu per-
fais de le enluminure au xviii0. jour davryl par Jehan de grise, 1'an de
grace m.ccc.xliiii."c Hence it may be concluded, that the illuminations
and paintings of this superb manuscript, which were most probably be-
gun as soon as the scribe had finished his part, took up six years ; no
long time, if we consider the attention of an artist to ornaments so nu-
merous, so various, so minute, and so laboriously touched. It has been
supposed that before the appearance of this poem, the Romans, or those
pieces which celebrated GESTS, were constantly composed in short verses
of six or eight syllables ; and that in this Roman d' Alexandre verses of
twelve syllables were first used. It has therefore been imagined, that
the verses called ALEXANDRINES, the present French heroic measure,
took their rise from this poem ; Alexander being the hero, and Alexan-
der the chief of the four poets concerned in the work. That the name,
some centuries afterwards, might take place in honour of this cele-
brated and early effort of French poetry, I think is very probable ; but
that verses of twelve syllables made their first appearance in this poem,
is a doctrine which, to say no more, from examples already produced
and examined, is at least ambiguous d. In this poem Gadifer, hereafter
mentioned, of Arabian lineage, is a very conspicuous champion.
Gadifer fu moult preus, d'un Arrabi lignage.
A rubric or title of one of the chapters is, " Comment Alexander fuit
mys en un vesal de vooire pour veoir le merveiles," &c. This is a
passage already quoted from Simeon Seth's romance, relating Alexan-
der's expedition to the bottom of the ocean, in a vessel of glass, for the
* [It is still inedited. — M.] be found among Ashmole's MSS. No. 44.
a MSS. Bodl: 264. fol. — M.]
b The most frequent of these are or- c The bishop of Gloucester has a most
gans, bagpipes, lutes, and trumpets. beautiful French manuscript on vellum of
f [Not the scribe of the whole volume, Mori d' Arthur, ornamented in the same
but only the scribe of a portion of a Scot- manner. It was a present from Vertue
tish romance of Alexander in verse, which the engraver.
has been added in the 15th century. An- d See Pref. Le Roman de la Rose, par
other portion of the same romance may Mons. L'Abbe Lenglet, i. p. xxxvi.
SECT. III.] POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. 143
purpose of inspecting fishes and sea monsters. In another place, from
the same romance, he turns astronomer, and soars to the moon by the
help of four gryphons. The caliph is frequently mentioned in this piece ;
and Alexander, like Charlemagne, has his twelve peers.
These were the four reigning stories of romance on which perhaps
English pieces, translated from the French, existed before or about the
year 1300. But there are some other English romances mentioned in
the prologue of RICHARD CUEUR DE LYON, which we likewise probably
received from the French in that period, and on which I shall here also
enlarge.
BEUVES de Hanton, or Sir Beavis of Southampton, is a French ro-
mance of considerable antiquity, although the hero is not older than
the Norman conquest. It is alluded to in our English romance on this
story, which will again be cited, and at large.
Forth thei yode so saith the bokee.
And again more expressly,
Under the bridge wer sixty belles,
Right as the Romans telles f.
The Romans is the French original. It is called the Romance ofJBeuves
de Hanton, by Pere Labbes. The very ingenious Monsieur de la Curne
de Sainte Palaye mentions an antient French romance in prose, entitled
Beufres de Hanfonh. Chaucer mentions BEVIS, with other famous ro-
mances, but whether in French or English is uncertain1. Beuves of
Hantonne* was printed at Paris in 1502k. Ascapart was one of his
giants, a character1 in very old French romances. Be vis was a Saxon
chieftain, who seems to have extended his dominion along the southern
coasts of England, which he is said to have defended against the Nor-
man invaders. He lived at Downton in Wiltshire. Near Southampton
is an artificial hill called Bevis Mount, on which was probably a for-
tress™. It is pretended that he was earl of Southampton. His sword
is shown in Arundel castle f. This piece was evidently written after
c Signat. P. ii. f Signat. E. iv. spectable authority, that this romance is
6 Nov. Bibl. p. 334. edit. 1652. to be found in Provencal poetry, among
h Mem. Lit. xv. 582. 4to. the MSS. of Christina queen of Sweden,
1 Rim. Thop. now in the Vatican library, and that it ap-
[A good MS. of the English romance pears to have been written in 1380. See
of Bevis is preserved in Caius College lib. likewise Bibl. de Du Verdier, torn. iii. p.
Cambridge.— W.] 266.— DOUCE.]
* [The earliest printed copy of this ro- k 4to. Percy's Ball. iii. 217.
mance that I have met with, is in Italian, * Selden's Drayton, Polyolb. s.iii. p. 37.
and printed at Venice, 1489. 4to. Other m It is now inclosed in the beautiful
editions in the same language are, Venice gardens of General Sir John Mordaunt,
1562. 1580. 12mo. Milan 1584. 4to. Pia- and gives name to his seat,
cenza 1599. 12mo. French editions, Paris f [There is a tradition, that Sir Bevis,
folio, no date, by Verard. Ibid. 4to. no whilst standing one day on the walls of
date, by Bonfors. English editions are Arundel castle, with this sword in his
by Copland, 4to. no date, by Pinson, by hand, took it into his head to try how far
East, by G. W. for W. Lee, all witliout he could throw it ; and the weapon (which
dates. I have been informed from re- is about six feet in length) flew through
144 POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. [SECT. III.
the Crusades ; as Bevis * is knighted by the king of Armenia, and is
one of the generals at the siege of Damascus.
GUY EARL OF WARWICK is recited as a French romance by LabbeX
In the British Museum a metrical history in very old French appears,
in which Felicia, or Felice, is called the daughter of an earl of War-
wick, and Guido, or Guy of Warwick, is the son of Seguart the earl's
steward. The manuscript is at present imperfect0. Montfaucon men-
tions among the royal manuscripts at Paris, Roman de Guy et JBueves
de Hanton. The latter is the romance last mentioned. Again, Le Livre
de Guy de Warwick et de Harold d'Ardenne?. This Harold d' Arden
is a distinguished warrior of Guy's history, and therefore his achieve-
ments sometimes form a separate romance ; as in the royal manuscripts
of the British Museum, where we find Le Romant de Herolt Dardenneq.
In the ^nglish romance of Guy, mentioned at large in its proper place,
this champion is called Syr Heraude of Arderne*. At length this fa-
vourite subject formed a large prose romance, entitled Guy de War-
wick Chevalier d'Angleterre et de la belle fille Felix sarnie, and printed
at Paris in 1525s. Chaucer mentions Guy's story among the jRo-
maunces of Pris*\ and it is alluded to in the Spanish romance of Ti-
rante il Blanco, or Tirante the White, supposed to have been written
not long after the year 1430U. This romance was composed, or per-
haps enlarged, after the Crusades; as we find that Guy's redoubted
encounters with Colbrond the Danish giant, with the monster of Duns-
more-heath, and the dragon of Northumberland, are by no means
equal to some of his achievements in the Holy Land, and the trophies
the air, and alighted about a mile from Cambr., No. 50. and in the Coll. of Arms,
the castle, at the bottom of a valley called — M.]
Pugh Dean, at present inclosed within p Catal. MSS. p. 792.
the park. Here Sir Bevis determined to [Among the Bennet manuscripts there
be buried, and a tumulus about seven feet is ROMANZ DE GUI DE WARWYK. Num. L.
wide by thirty in length heaped up on It begins,
-the spot is traditionally called « Bevis's pui j temg
Grave. In the autumn of the year 1833,
this tumulus was opened in the presence This book belonged to Saint Augustin's
of a few antiquarians, of whom the writer abbey at Canterbury. With regard to the
of the present note was one, but nothing preceding romance of BEVIS, the Italians
was discovered ; which renders it probable had Buovo d'Antona, undoubtedly from
that it had been disturbed at some an- the French, before 1348. And Luhyd
terior period. — M.] recites in Welsh, Ystori Bonn o Hamtun.
* ["Bevis" seems long to have retained Archaeol. p. 264. — -AooiT.]
its popularity, since Wither thus complain- q 15 E. vi. 8. fol.
ed of the sale it had about the year 1G27. [This romance might be called with
" The stationers have so pestered their more propriety an episode in the life of
printing houses and shopps with fruitlesse Raynbrun, Guy's son. It recounts the
volumes, that the auncient and renowned manner in which he released Herolt d'Ar-
authors are almost buried among them as denne from prison ; and the return of both
forgotten ; and at last you shall see nothing to their native country. It has the merit
to be sould amongst us, but Currantos, of being exceedingly short; and states,
Beavis of Hampton, or such trumpery." among other matter, that Herolt was born
Scholler's Purgatory, no date. — PARK.] atWalmforth in England. — PRICE.]
n Ubi supr. r Sign. L. ii. vers.
0 MSS. Harl. 3775. 2. s Fol. And again, ib. 1526. 4to.
[There are also copies in Corp. Coll. - Rim. Thop. u Percy's Ball. iii. 100.
SECT. III.] POPULAR METRICAL ROMANCES. 145
which he won from the Soldan under the command of the emperor
Frederick.
The romance of SIDRAC, often entitled Le Livere Sydrac le philo-
sophe le q\iel horn appele le livere de lefuntane de totes Sciences •, appears
to have been very popular, from the present frequency of its manu-
scripts. But it is rather a romance of Arabian philosophy than of chi-
valry. It is a system of natural knowledge, and particularly treats of
the virtues of plants. Sidrac, the philosopher of this system, was astro-
nomer to an eastern king. He lived eight hundred and forty-seven
years after Noah, of whose book of astronomy he was possessed. He
converts- Bocchus, an idolatrous king of India, to the Christian faith,
by whom he is invited to build a mighty tower against the invasions of
a rival king of India. But the history, no less than the subject of this
piece, displays the state, nature, and migrations of literature in the dark
ages. After the death of Bocchus, Sidrac's book fell into the hands of
a Chaldean renowned for piety. It then successively becomes the pro-
perty of king Madian, Naaman the Assyrian, and Grypho archbishop
of Samaria. The latter had a priest named Demetrius, who brought it
into Spain, and here it was translated from the Greek into Latin. This
translation is said to be made at Toledo, by Roger de Palermo, a mi-
norite friar, in the thirteenth century. A king of Spain then com-
manded it to be translated from Latin into Arabic, and sent it as a
most valuable present to Emir Elmomenim, lord of Tunis. It was
next given to Frederick the Second, emperor of Germany, famous in
the Crusades. This work, which is of considerable length, was trans-
lated into English verse, and will be mentioned on that account again.
Sidrac is recited as an eminent philosopher, with Seneca and king
Solomon, in the Marchaunfs Second Tale, ascribed to Chaucerw.
It is natural to conclude, that most of these French romances were
current in England, either in the French originals, which were well
understood at least by the more polite readers, or else by translation or
imitation, as I have before hinted, when the romance of Richard Cuer
de Lyon, in whose prologue they are recited, was translated into En-
glish. That the latter was the case as to some of them, at least, we
shall soon produce actual proofs. A writer, who has considered these
matters with much penetration and judgment, observes, that probably
from the reign of our Richard the First, we are to date that remark-
able intercommunication and mutual exchange of compositions which
we discover to have taken place at some early period between the
French and English minstrels ; the same set of phrases, the same spe-
cies of characters, incidents, and adventures, and often the identical
stories, being found in the metrical romances of both nationsx. From
close connexion and constant intercourse, the traditions and the cham-
w Urr. p. 616. v. 1932. There is an x Percy's Ess. on Anc. Eng. Minstr.
old translation of SIDRAC into Dutch, p. 12.
MSS. Marshall, Bibl. Bodl. 31. fol.
VOL. I. L
146
COMMUNICATIONS BETWEEN THE [SECT.III.
pions of one kingdom were equally known in the other ; and although
Bevis and Guy were English heroes,, yet on these principles this cir-
cumstance by no means destroys the supposition, that their achieve-
ments, although perhaps already celebrated in rude English songs, might
be first wrought into romance by the French ?. And it seems probable,
that we continued for some time this practice of borrowing from our
neighbours. Even the titles of our oldest romances, such as Sir Blan-
damoure*, Sir Triamoure, Sir Eglamoure of Artoys1, La Mort d' Ar-
thur, with many more, betray their French extraction. It is likewise a
presumptive argument in favour of this assertion, that we find no prose
romances in our language, before Caxton translated from the French
the History of Troy, the Life of Charlemagne, the Histories of Jason,
Paris, and Vyennea, the Death of King Arthur, and other prose pieces
y Dugdale relates, that in the reign of
Henry the Fourth, about the year 1410, a
lord Beauchamp, travelling into the East,
was hospitably received at Jerusalem by
the Soldan's lieutenant : " Who hearing
that he was descended from the famous
Guy of Warwick, whose story they had in
books of their own language, invited him
to his palace ; and royally feasting him,
presented him with three precious stones
of great value, besides divers cloaths of
silk and gold given to his servants." Ba-
ron, i. p. 243. col. 1. This story is deli-
vered on the credit of John Rouse, the
traveller's cotemporary. Yet it is not so
very improbable that Guy's history should
be a book among the Saracens, if we con-
sider, that Constantinople was not only a
central and connecting point between the
eastern and western world, but that the
French in the thirteenth century had ac-
quired an establishment there under Bald-
win earl of Flanders ; that the French
language must have been known in Sicily,
Jerusalem, Cyprus, and Antioch, in con-
sequence of the conquests of Robert Guis-
card, Hugo le Grand, and Godfrey of Bul-
loigne ; and that pilgrimages into the
Holy Land were excessively frequent. It
is hence easy to suppose, that the French
imported many of their stories or books of
this sort into the East ; which being thus
understood there, and suiting the genius
of the Orientals, were at length translated
into their language. It is remarkable,
that the Greeks at Constantinople, in the
twelfth century, and since, called all the
Europeans by the name of Franks ; as the
Turks do to this day. See Seld. Polyolb.
§ viii. p. 130.
[Busbec, in the third letter of his Em-
bassy into Turkey, mentions that the
Georgians in their songs make frequent
mention of Roland, whose name he sup-
poses to have passed over with Godfrey of
Bulloigne. — DOUCE.]
* [There is no such Romance extant.
See Price's addition to note d near the end
of Sect. v. — M.]
z In our English Syr Eglamour of Ar-
toys, there is this reference to the French
from which it was translated. Sign. E. i.
His own mother there he wedde,
In ROMAUNCE as we rede.
Again, fot. ult.
In ROMAUNCE this cronycle ys.
The authors of these pieces often refer to
their original ; just as Ariosto mentions
Turpin for his voucher.
a But I must not omit here that Du
Cange recites a metrical French romance
in manuscript,- Le Roman de Girard de
Vienne, written by Bertrand le Clerc.
Gloss. Lat.i. IND. AUCT. p. cxciii. Madox
has printed the names of several French
romances found in the reign of Edward the
Third, among which one on this subject
occurs. Formul. Anglic, p. 12. Compare
Observations on Spenser's Fairy Queen,
vol. ii. § viii. p. 43. Among the royal ma-
nuscripts in the British Museum, there is
in verse Histoire de Gyrart de Vianne et
de ses freres. 20 D. xi. 2. This manuscript
was perhaps written before the year 1300.
[Mr. Dibdin imparts, that the original
of the Romance of Paris and the Fair
Vienne is of Provencal growth, and was
translated into French by Pierre de la Sip-
parde, whose name, however, is not found
in the Bibliotheque Francoise of La Croix
du Maine and Verdier. Caxton, in his
version 1485, is silent as to the name of
the French translator. See Dibdin 's edit,
of Herbert, vol. i. p. 261. — PARK. [But
this can only be the name of the translator
into French prose. Its early and extensive
popularity is manifested by the prologue
to the Swedish version, made by order of
Queen Euphemia, in the second month of
the year 1308. This refers to a German
SECT. III.] FRENCH AND ENGLISH MINSTRELS. 147
of chivalry: by which, as the profession of minstrelsy decayed and gra-
dually gave way to a change of manners and customs, romances in metre
were at length imperceptibly superseded, or at least grew less in use as
a mode of entertainment at public festivities.
Various causes concurred, in the mean time, to multiply books of
chivalry among the French, and to give them a superiority over the
English, not only in the number but in the excellence of those compo-
sitions. Their barons lived in greater magnificence. Their feudal
system flourished on a more sumptuous, extensive, and lasting esta-
blishment. Schools were instituted in their castles for initiating the
young nobility in the rules and practice of chivalry. Their tilts and
tournaments were celebrated with a higher degree of pomp ; and their
ideas of honour and gallantry were more exaggerated and refined.
We may add, what indeed has been before incidentally remarked,
that their troubadours were the first writers of metrical romances. But
by what has been here advanced, I do not mean to insinuate without
any restrictions, that the French entirely led the way in these compo-
sitions. Undoubtedly the Provencial bards contributed much to the
progress of Italian literature. Raimond the fourth of Arragon, count
of Provence, about the year 1220, a lover and a judge of letters, in-
vited to his, court the most celebrated of the songsters who professed to
polish and adorn the Provencial language by various sorts of poetry b.
Charles the First, his son-in-law, and the inheritor of his virtues and
dignities, conquered Naples, and carried into Italy a taste for the Pro-
vencial literature. At Florence especially this taste prevailed, where
he reigned many years with great splendour, and where his successors
resided. Soon afterwards the Roman court was removed to Provence0.
Hitherto the Latin language had only been in use. The Provencial
writers established a common dialect : and their examples convinced
other nations, that the modern languages were no less adapted to com-
position than those of antiquity d. They introduced a love of reading,
and diffused a general and popular taste for poetry, by writing in a laii-
original, executed at the command of the Ytalien je diroie que ch'est pour chou que
Emperor Otho (1197-1208); but this nous sommes en France; 1'autre pour
again was taken from a foreign (Walsche) chou que la parleure en est plus delitable
source. — PRICE.] et plus commune a toutes gens." Notices
b Giovan. Villani, Istor. 1. vi. c. 92. des Manuscrits, t. v. p. 270. — PRICE.]
c Villani acquaints us, that Brunette d Dante designed at first that his In-
Latini, Dante's master, was the first who ferno should appear in Latin ; but find-
attempted to polish the Florentines by ing that he could not so effectually in
improving their taste and style ; which he that language impress his satirical strokes
did by writing his grand work, the Tesoro, and political maxims on the laity, or il-
5n Provencial. He died in 1294. SeeVil- literate, he altered his mind, and pub-
Ian, ibid. 1. ix. c. 135. lished that piece in Italian. Had Petrarch
[That Brunette did not write his Tesoro written his Africa, his Eclogues, and his
in Provencal we have his own authority, prose compositions in Italian, the litera-
and the evidence of the work itself: — ture of his country would much sooner
" Et se aucuns demandoit pourquoi chis have arrived at perfection. [See Rossetti
livre est escrit en roumans selon la raison on the writings of Dante, Petrarch, &c. in
de France, pour chou que nous sommes his Spirito Antipapale, 1832. — R.T.]
L2
148 TWO SORTS OF TROUBADOURS. [SECT. III.
guage intelligible to the ladies and the people. Their verses being con-
veyed in a familar tongue, became the chief amusement of princes and
feudal lords, whose courts had now begun to assume an air of greater
brilliancy : a circumstance which necessarily gave great encouragement
to their profession, and by rendering these arts of ingenious entertain-
ment universally fashionable, imperceptibly laid the foundation of po-
lite literature. From these beginnings it were easy to trace the. pro-
gress of poetry to its perfection, through John de Meun in France,
Dante in Italy, and Chaucer in England.
This praise must undoubtedly be granted to the Provencial poets.
But in the mean time, to recur to our original argument, we should be
cautious of asserting in general and indiscriminating terms, that the
Provencial poets were the first writers of metrical romance : at least we
should ascertain, with rather more precision than has been commonly
used on this subject, how far they may claim this merit. I am of opi-
nion that there were two sorts of French troubadours, who have not
hitherto been sufficiently distinguished. If we diligently examine their
history, we shall find that the poetry of the first troubadours consisted
in satires, moral fables, allegories, and sentimental sonnets. So early
as the year 1180, a tribunal called the Court of Love, was instituted
both in Provence and Picardy, at which questions in gallantry were de-
cided. This institution furnished eternal matter for the poets, who
threw the claims and arguments of the different parties into verse, in a
style that afterwards led the way to the spiritual conversations of Cyrus
and Clelia6. Fontenelle does not scruple to acknowledge, that gal-
lantry was the parent of French poetry f. But to sing romantic and
chivalrous adventures was a very different task, and required very dif-
ferent talents. The troubadours therefore who composed metrical ro-
mances form a different species, and ought always to be considered
separately. And this latter class seems to have commenced at a later
period, not till after the Crusades had effected a great change in the
manners and ideas of the western world. In the mean time, I hazard a
conjecture. Cinthio Giraldi supposes, that the art of the troubadours,
commonly called the Gay Science^ was first communicated from France
to the Italians, and afterwards to the Spaniards %. This perhaps may be
true : but at the same time it is highly probable, as the Spaniards had
their JUGLARES or convivial bards very early, as from long connexion
they were immediately and intimately acquainted with the fictions of
the Arabians, and as they were naturally fond of chivalry, that the
troubadours of Provence in great measure caught this turn of fabling
from Spain. The communication, to mention no other obvious means
of intercourse in an affair of this nature, was easy through the ports of
Toulon and Marseilles, by which the two nations carried on from early
* This part of their character will be f Theatr. Fr. p. 1 3.
insisted upon more at large when we come g Apud Huet, Orig. Rom. p. 108.
to speak of Chaucer.
SECT. III.] THE SANGBEAL. 149
times a constant commerce. Even the French critics themselves uni-
versally allow, that the Spaniards, having learned rhyme from the
Arabians, through this very channel conveyed it to Provence. Tasso
preferred Amadis de Gaul, a romance originally written in Spain [Por-
tugal], by Vasco Lobeyra, before the year 1300h, to the most cele-
brated pieces of the Provencial poets1. But this is a subject which will
perhaps receive illustration from a writer of great taste, talents, and in-
dustry, Monsieur de la Curne de Saint Palaye, who will soon oblige
the world with an ample history of Provencial poetry ; and whose re-
searches into a kindred subject, already published, have opened a new
and extensive field of information concerning the manners, institutions
and literature of the feudal agesk.
NOTE A. (from the Emendations and Additions.*)
IN Bennet college library at Cambridge, there is an English poem
on the SANGREAL, and its appendages, containing forty thousand
verses. MSS. LXXX. chart. The manuscript is imperfect both at the
beginning and at the end. The title at the head of the first page is
ACTA ARTHURI REGIS, written probably by Joceline, chaplain and
secretary to archbishop Parker. The narrative/ which appears to be on
one continued subject, is divided into books, or sections, of unequal
length. It is a translation made from Robert Borron's French romance
called LANCELOT f, above mentioned, which includes the adventure of
the SANGREAL, by Henry Lonelich, Skynner, a name which I never
remember to have seen among those of the English poets. The diction
is of the age of king Henry the Sixth. Borel, in his TRESOR de Re-
h Nic. Antonius, Bibl. Hispan. Vet. a work which has done more towards
torn. ii. 1. viii. c. 7. num. 291. forming a just understanding of the merits
[In an ancient Provenpal poem, of which of Provenfal poetry, and the extent and
M. de St. Palaye has given some account value of Provenpal literature, than any
in his Memoires sur 1'ancienue Chevalerie, publication which has hitherto appeared,
torn. ii. p. 160, a master gives the follow- The mass of evidence there adduced in
ing instructions to his pupil : "Ouvrez a favour of the early efforts of the Provencal
votre cheval par des coupes redoubles, la muse, must effectually silence every theory
route qu'il doit tenir, et que son portrail attempting to confine song and romantic
soit garni de beaux grelots ou sonnettes fiction to any particular age or country. —
bien rangees; car ces sonnettes reveillent PKICE.]
merveilleusement le courage de celui qui [See also The Lays of the Minnesing-
le monte, et repandent devant lui la ter- ers, the Parnasse Occitanien, (another col-
reur." — DOUCE.] lection of Troubadours' poetry,) and the
1 Disc, del Poem. Eroic. 1. ii. p. 45, 46. Abbe De la Rue's History of Northern
k See Memoires sur 1'ancienne Cheva- French Poetry just published at Caen in
lerie, &c. Paris, 1759. torn. ii. 12mo. 3 vols.— R. T.]
[It was found impracticable to condense * This note is referred to in p. 1 1 9, and
within the limits of a note, the matter ne- is placed at the end of this Section on ac-
cessary for the refutation of the singular count of its length.
doctrines hazarded in the text. Few of f [No; it is a translation of the Romances
them are Warton's own ; but the reader of the Saint Graal and Merlin, which are
who is desirous of forming more correct quite distinct from the Lancelot. But it
opinions upon the subject, is referred to is not improbable that the Romance of
M. Raynouard's Poesies dej Troubadours, Lancelot may •follow at the end. — M.] '
150 THE SANGBEAL. [SECT. III.
cherches et Antiquitez Qauloises et Francoises, says, " II y'a un Roman
ancien intitule LE CONQUESTS DE SANGREALL, &c." Edit. 1655. 4to.
V. GRAAL. It is difficult to determine with any precision which is
Robert Borron's French Romance now under consideration, as so many
have been written on the subject. [See p. 136.] The diligence
and accuracy of Mr. Nasmith have furnished me with the following
transcript from Lonelich Skynner's translation in Bennet college
library.
Thanne passeth forth this storye with al,
That is cleped of som men SEYNT GRAAL,
Also the SANK RYAL iclepid it is,
Of mochel peple with owten mys.
******
Now of al this storie have I mad an ende,
That is schwede of Celidoygne, and now forthere to wende,
And of anothir brawnche most we begynne,
Of the storye that we clepen prophet Merlynne,
Wiche that Maister ROBERT OF BORROWN
Owt of Latyn it transletted, hoi and soun,
Onlich into the langage of Frawnce
This storie he drowgh, be adventure and chaunce,
And doth Merlynne iusten with SANK RYAL,
For the ton storie the tothir medlyth withal,
After the satting of the forseid ROBERT,
That somtym it transletted in middilerd.
And I as an unkonneng man trewely,
Into Englisch have drawen this storye,
And thowgh that to $ow not plesyng it be,
3it that ful excused je wolde haven me,
Of my neclegence and unkonnenge,
On me to taken swich a thinge,
Into owre modris tonge for to endite,
The swettere to sowne to more and lyte,
And more cler to ^oure undirstondyng,
Thanne owthir Frensh other Latyn, to my supposing.
And therfore atte the ende of this storye,
A pater noster $e wolden for me preye,
For me that HERRY LONELICH hyhte,
And greteth owre lady ful of myhte,
Hartelich with an ave that $e hir bede
This processe the bettere I myhte precede,
And bringen this book to a good ende,
Now thereto Jesu Crist grace me sende,
And than an ende there offen myhte be
Now good Lord graunt me for charite.
SECT. III.] THE SANGREAL. 151
Thanne Merlyn to Blasye cam anon,
And there to hym he seide thus son,
Blasye, thou schalt suffren gret peyne,
This storye to an ende to bringen certeyne.
And }it schall I suffren mochel more,
How so Merlyn, quod Blasye there.
I schall be sowht, quod Merlyne tho,
Owt from the west with messengeris mo,
And they that scholen comen to seken me,
They han maad sewrawnce, I telle the,
Me forto slen for any thing,
This sewrawnce han they mad to her kyng
But whanne they me sen and with me speke,
No power they schol han on me to ben awreke,
For with hem hens moste I gon,
And thou into othir partyes schalt wel son,
To hem that han the holy vessel
Which that is icleped the SEYNT GRAAL.
And wete thow wel and ek forsothe,
That thow and ek this storye bothe,
Ful wel beherd now schall it be,
And also beloved in many centre.
And who that will knowen in sertaygne,
What kynges that weren in grete Bretaygne,
Sithan that Cristendom thedyr was browht,
They scholen hem fynde, who so that it sawht,
In the storye of BRWTTES book,
There scholen $e it fynde, and $e wolen look,
Which that MARTYN DE BEWRE translated here
From Latyn into Romaunce in his manere ;
But leve me now of BRWTES book,
And aftyr this storye now lete us look.
After this latter extract, which is to be found nearly iii the middle
of the manuscript, the scene and personages of the poem are changed ;
and king Evalach, king Mordrens, Sir Nesciens, Joseph of Arimathea,
and the other heroes of the former part, give place to king Arthur,
king Brangors, king Loth, and the monarchs and champions of the
British line. In a paragraph, very similar to the second of these ex-
tracts, the following note is written in the hand of the text, Henry
Lonelich Skynner, that translated this boke out of Frenshe into En-
glyshe, at the instaunce of Harry Barton.
The QUEST OF THE SANGREAL, as it is called, in which devotion
and necromancy are equally concerned, makes a considerable part of
king Arthur's romantic history, and was one grand object of the
knights of the Round Table. He who achieved this hazardous adven-
152 THE SANGREAL. [SECT. III.
ture was to be placed there in the siege perillous, or seat of danger.
" When Merlyn had ordayned the rounde table, he said, by them that
be fellowes of the rounde table the truthe of the SANGREALL shall be
well knowne, &c. — They which heard Merlyn say soe, said thus to
Merlyn, Sithence there shall be such a knight, thou shouldest ordayne
by thy craft a siege that no man should sitte therein, but he onlie which
shall passe all other knights.— Then Merlyn made the siege perillous,"
£c. Caxton's MORT D'ARTHUR, B. xiv. cap. ii. Sir Lancelot, who is
come but oft/te eighth degree from our lord Jesus Christ, is represented
as the chief adventurer in this honourable expedition. Ibid. B. iii. c. 35.
At a celebration of the feast of Pentecost at Camelot by king Arthur,
the Sangreal suddenly enters the hall, " but there was no man might
see it nor who bare it," and the knights, as by some invisible power, are
instantly supplied with a feast of the choicest dishes. Ibid. c. 35.
Originally LE BRUT, LANCELOT, TRISTAN, and the SAINT GREAL
were separate histories ; but they were so connected and confounded
before the year 1200, that the same title became applicable to all*.
The book of the SANGREAL, a separate work, is referred to in MORTE
ARTHUR. " Now after that the quest of the SANCGREALL was
fulfylled, and that all the knyghtes that were lefte alive were come
agayne to the Rounde Table, as the BOOKE OF THE SANCGREALL ma-
kethe mencion, than was there grete joye in the courte. And especiallie
king Arthur and quene Guenever made grete joye of the remnaunt
that were come home. And passynge glad was the kinge and quene
of syr Launcelot and syr Bors, for they had been passynge longe awaye
in the quest of the SANCGREALL. Then, as the Frenshe booke sayeth,
syr Lancelot," &c. B. xviii. cap. 1 . And again, in the same romance :
" Whan syr Bors had tolde him [Arthur] of the adventures of the
SANCGREALL, such as as had befallen hym and his felawes, — all this
was made in grete bookes, and put in almeryes at Salisbury." B. xvii.
cap. xxiii. s The former part of this passage is almost literally trans-
lated from one in the French romance of TRISTAN, Bibl. Reg. MSS.
20 D. ii. fol. antep. " Quant Boort ot conte 1'aventure del Saint Graal
teles com eles estoient avenues, eles furent mises en escrit, gardees en
1'amere del Salibieres, dont Mestre GALTIER MAP Vestrest a faist son
livre du Saint Graal por lamordu roy Herri son sengor, quijist lestoire
tralater del Latin en romanz1" Whether Salisbury, or Salibieres is,
in the two passages," the right reading, I cannot ascertain. [But see
supra, Note °. p. 119.] But in the royal library at Paris there is "Le
Roman de TRISTAN ET ISEULT, traduit de Latin en Francois, par Lu-
cas chevalier du Gast pres de Sarisberi, Anglois, avec figures." Mont-
fauc. CATAL. MSS. Cod. Reg. Paris. Cod. 6776. fol. max. And again
* [This is a mere assertion without " made grete clerkes com before him that
proof, although it must be admitted that they should cronicle the adventures of these
the transcribers of MSS. occasioned some goode knygtes." [See infra Section xi.J
confusion by falsely mixing the titles. — M.] * See infra Sect, xxviii. note on the
* The romance says, that king Arthur Pastime of Pleasure.
SECT. III.] THE SANGBEAL. 153
Cod. 6956. fol. max. " Liveres de TRISTAN mis en Francois par Lu-
cas chevalier sieur de chateau du Gatu." [See supr. p. 119. Notes.]
Almeryes in the English, and VArnere, properly aumoire in the French,
mean, I believe, Presses, Chests, or Archives. Ambry, in this sense, is
not an uncommon old English word. From the second part of the
first French quotation which I have distinguished by Italics, it appears,
that Walter Mapes*, a learned archdeacon in England, under the reign
of king Henry the Second, wrote a French SANGREAL, which he trans-
lated from Latin, by the command of that monarch. Under the idea,
that Walter Mayes was a writer on this subject, and in the fabulous
way, some critics may be induced to think, that the WALTER, arch-
deacon of Oxford, from whom Geoffrey of Monmouth professes to have
received the materials of his history, was this Walter Mapes, and not
Walter Calenius, who was also an eminent scholar, and an archdeacon
of Oxford. [See supr. pp.59, 60.] Geoffrey says in his Dedication to
Robert earl of Gloucester, "Finding nothing said in Bede or Gildas of
king Arthur and his successours, although their actions highly de-
served to be recorded in writing, and are orally celebrated by the
British bards, I was much surprised at so strange an omission. At
length Walter, archdeacon of Oxford, a man of great eloquence, and
learned in foreign histories, offered me an ancient book in the British
or Armorican tongue ; which, in one unbroken story, and an elegant
diction, related the deeds of the British kings from Brutus to Cadwal-
lader. At his request, although unused to rhetorical flourishes, and
contented with the simplicity of my own plain language, I undertook
the translation of that book into Latin." B. i. ch. i. See also B. xii.
ch. xx. Some writers suppose, that Geoffrey pretended to have
received his materials from archdeacon Walter, by way of authentica-
ting his romantic history. These notices seem to disprove that sus-
picion. In the year 1488, a French romance was published, in two
magnificent folio volumes, entitled, HISTOIRE de ROY ARTUS et des
CHEVALIERS de la TABLE RONDE. The first volume was printed at
Rouen, the second at Paris. It contains in four detached parts, the
Birth and Achievements of King Arthur, the Life of Sir Lancelot, the
Adventure of the Sangreal, and the Death of Arthur, and his Knights.
In the body of the work, this romance more than once is said to be
written by Walter Map or Mapes, and by the command of his master
king Henry. For instance, torn. ii. at the end of PARTIE DU SAINT
GRAAL, Signat. d d i. " Cy fine Maistre GUALTIER MAP son traittie
du Saint Graal." Again, torn. ii. LA DERNIERE PARTIE, ch. i. Signat.
u There is printed, " Le Roman du is of opinion that there were two persons
noble et vaillant Chevalier Tristan fils du of this name. In that he is styled " mes-
noble roy Meliadus de Leonnys, par Luce, sire Gautier Map quifut chevalier le roi"
chevalier, seigneur du chasteau de Gast. But so much confusion prevails upon this
Rouen, 1489. fol." subject, that it is almost impossible to name
* [From a passage in the French ro- the author of any prose romance. —
mance of Lancelot du Lac, M. Roquefort PKICK.]
154 THE 9ANGREAL. [SECT. III.
d d ii. " Apres ce que Maistre GUALTIER MAP eut tractie des avan-
tures du Saint Graal, assez soufisamment, sicomme il luy sembloit, il fut
adviz au ROY HENRY SON SEIGNEUR, que ce quil avoit fait ne debuit
soufrire sil ne racontoys la fin de ceulx dont il fait mention. — Et com-
mence Maistre Gualtier en telle manier ceste derniere partie." This
derniere partie treats of the death of king Arthur and his knights. At
the end of the second tome there is this colophon : " Cy fine le der-
nier volume de La Table Ronde, faisant mencion des fais et proesses
de monseigneur Launcelot du Lac et dautres plusieurs nobles et
vaillans hommes ses compagnons. Compile et extraict precisernent et
au juste des vrayes histoires faisantes de ce mencion par tresnotable et
tresexpert historien Maistre GUALTIER MAP, et imprime a Paris par
Jehan du Pre. Et Ian du grace, mil. cccc. iiiixx. et viii. le xvi jour du
Septembre." The passage quoted above from the royal manuscript in
the British Museum, where king Arthur orders the adventures of the
Sangreal to be chronicled, is thus represented in this romance : " Et
quant Boort eut compte depuis le commencement jusques a la fin les
avantures du Saint Graal telles comme ils les avoit veues, &c. Si fist
le roy Artus rediger et mettre par escript aus dictz clers tout ci que
Boort avoit compte," &c. Ibid. torn. ii. La Partie du SAINT GRAAL,
ch. ult.w At the end of the royal manuscript at Paris, [Cod. 6783.]
entitled LANCELOT DU LAC mis en Francois par Robert de Borron par
le commandement de Henri roi d" Angleterre, it is said, that Messire
Robert de Borron translated into French, not only LANCELOT, but
also the story of the SAINT GRAAL Ii tout du Latin du GAUTIER
MAPPE. But the French antiquaries in this sort of literature are of
opinion, that the word Latin here signifies Italian ; and that by this
LATIN of Gualtier Mapes, we are to understand English versions of
those romances made from the Italian language. The French Hi-
story of the SANGREAL, printed at Paris in folio by Gallyot du Pre in
1516, is said, in the title, to be translated from Latin into French
rhymes, and from thence into French prose by Robert Borron. This
romance was reprinted in 1523.
Caxton's MORTE ARTHUR, finished in the year 1469, professes to
treat of various separate histories. But the matter of the whole is so
much of the. same sort, and the heroes and adventures of one story are
so mutually and perpetually blended with those of another, that no real
unity or distinction is preserved. It consists of twenty-one books.
The first seven books treat of king Arthur. The eighth, ninth, and
tenth, of sir Trystram. The eleventh and twelfth, of sir Lancelot x.
The thirteenth of the SAINGRAL, which is also called sir Lancelot's Book.
The fourteenth of sir Percival. The fifteenth, again, of sir Lancelot.
w Just before it is said, " Le roy Artus x But at the end, this twelfth book is
fist venir les CLERCS qui les aventures called the second bookeof SYR TRYSTRAM.
aux chevalliers mettoient en escript." As And it is added, " But here is no rehersall
in Mort d'Arthur. of the thyrd booke [o/SiR TRISTRAM."]
SECT. IV.] METRICAL ROMANCE OF RICHARD THE FIRST. 155
The sixteenth of sir Gawaine. The seventeenth, of sir Galahad. [But
all the four last-mentioned books are also called the history >e of the holy
Sancgreall.~] The eighteenth and nineteenth, of miscellaneous adven-
tures. The two last, of king Arthur and all the knights. Lwhyd men-
tions a Welsh SANGREALL, which, he says, contains various fables of
king Arthur and his knights, &c. ARCH^EOLOG. BRIT. Tit. vii. p. 265.
col. 2. MORTE ARTHUR is often literally translated * from various and
very antient detached histories of the heroes of the round table, which
I have examined ; and on the whole, it nearly resembles Walter Map's
romance above mentioned, printed at Rouen and Paris, both in matter
and disposition.
I take this opportunity of observing, that a very valuable vellum
fragment of LE BRUT, of which the writing is uncommonly beautiful
and of high antiquity, containing part of the story of Merlin and king
Vortigern, covers a manuscript of Chaucer's ASTROLABE, lately pre-
sented, together with several Oriental manuscripts, to the Bodleian
library, by Thomas Hedges, esquire, of Alderton in Wiltshire ; a gen-
tleman possessed of many curious manuscripts, and Greek and Roman
coins, and most liberal in his communications.
SECTION IV.
Examination and Specimens of the Metrical Romance of Richard the
First. Greek Fire. Military Machines used in the Crusades. Mu-
sical Instruments of the Saracen Armies. Ignorance of Geography
in the dark ages.
VARIOUS matters suggested by the Prologue of RICHARD CUEUR DE
LYON, cited in the last section, have betrayed us into a long digression,
and interrupted the regularity of our annals. But I could not neglect
so fair an opportunity of preparing the reader for those metrical tales,
which, having acquired a new cast of fiction from the Crusades and a
magnificence of manners from the increase of chivalry, now began to
be greatly multiplied, and as it were professedly to form a separate
species of poetry. I now therefore resume the series, and proceed to
give some specimens of the English metrical romances which appeared
before or about the reign of Edward the Second : and although most
of these pieces continued to be sung by the minstrels in the halls of
our magnificent ancestors for some centuries afterwards, yet as their
first appearance may most probably be dated at this period, they pro-
* [For an account of various Flemish mann's Horae Belgicae, Vratislavise, 1830,
versions of these romances, see Hoff- part i. p. 47. sqq.— R. T.]
156 METRICAL ROMANCE OP [SECT. IV.
perly coincide in this place with the tenour of our history. In the
mean time, it is natural to suppose, that by frequent repetition and
successive changes of language during many generations, their original
simplicity must have been in some degree corrupted. Yet some of the
specimens are extracted from manuscripts written in the reign of
Edward the Third. Others indeed from printed copies, where the
editors took great liberties in accommodating the language to the
times. However, in such as may be supposed to have suffered most
from depravations of this sort, the substance of the ancient style still
remains, and at least the structure of the story. On the whole, we
mean to give the reader an idea of those popular heroic tales in verse
professedly written for the harp, which began to be multiplied among
us about the beginning of the fourteenth century. We will begin with
the romance of RICHARD CUEUR DE LYON, already mentioned.
The poem opens with the marriage of Richard's father, Henry the
Second, with the daughter of Carbarryne, a king of Antioch. But this
is only a lady of romance. Henry married Eleanor the divorced queen
of Louis of France. The minstrels could not conceive any thing less
than an Eastern princess to be the mother of this magnanimous hero.
His barons hym sedde !
That he graunted a wyff to wedde.
Hastely he sente hys sondes
Into many dyuerse londes,
The feyreste wyman that wore on liff
Men wolde2 bringe hym to wyff.*
The messengers or ambassadors, in their voyage, meet a ship adorned
like Cleopatra's galley.
Swylk on ne seygh they never non ;
All it was whyt of huel-bon,
And every nayl with gold begrave :
Off pure gold was the stave 3 ;
* [The present text has been taken tive, more in unison with Richard's real
from the edition of this romance by Mr. history. Of the story in its uncorrupted
Weber, who followed a manuscript of no state, he considers a fragment occurring
very early date in Caius College library, in the Auchinlech MS. to be an English
Cambridge. The variations between this translation ; and as this document was
and the early printed editions, consist " transcribed in the minority of Edward
principally in the use of amore antiquated III." the following declaration of Mr. We-
phraseology, with some trifling changes her may not exceed the truth: — "There is .
of the sense. The most important of these no doubt that our romance existed before
are given in the notes below. Mr. EHis, the year 1300, as it is referred to in the
who has analysed this romance (vol. ii. Chronicles of Richard [Robert] of Glou-
p. 186), conceives the fable in its present cester and Robert de Brunne; and as these
form to have originated with the reign of rhymesters wrote for mere English read-
Edward I. ; and that the extravagant fie- ers, it is not to be supposed that they
tions it contains were grafted by some would refer them to a French original."
Norman minstrel upon an earlier narra- — PRICE.]
1 [redde, advised.] 2 [sholde.J 3 [sklavc, ru-drlvr ; davits.]
SECT. IV.] RICHARD THE FIRST.
Her mast was [of] y vory ;
Off samyte the sayl wytterly.
Her ropes wer off tuely sylk,
Al so whyt as ony mylk.
That noble schyp was al withoute,
• With clothys of golde sprede aboute ;
And her loof 4 and her wyndas 5,
Off asure forsothe it was.
In that schyp ther wes i-dyght,
Knyghts and ladyys of mekyll myght ;
And a lady therinne was,
Bryght as the sunne thorugh the glas.
Her men aborde gunne to stonde,
And sesyd that other with her honde,
And prayde hem for to dwelle
And her counsayl for to telle :
And they graunted with all skylle
For to telle al at her wylle :
" Swo wyde landes we have went6
For kyng Henry us has sent,
For to seke hym a qwene
The fayreste that myghte fonde bene."
Upros a kyng off a chayer
With that word they spoke ther.
„ The chayer was [of] charboncle ston,
Swylk on ne sawgh they never non :
And tuo dukes hym besyde,
Noble men and mekyl off pryde,
And welcomed the messangers ylkone.
Into that schyp they gunne gone....
They sette tresteles and layde a borde ;
Cloth of sylk theron was sprad,
And the kyng hymselve bad,
That his doughter were forth fette,
And in a chayer before hym sette.
Trumpes begonne for to blowe ;
Sche was sette forth in a throweb
With twenty knyghtes her aboute
And moo off ladyes that wer stoute....
Whenne they had nygh i-eete,
Adventures to speke they nought forgeete.
b immediately.
4 [loft.] [See on this word Michel's Glossary to Tristan, voc. Lof, and notes to
Madden's edition of La3amon, 1. 7859. — M.]
s [wyndlace.] 6 [" To dyverse londes do we wende." ]
158 METRICAL ROMANCE OF [SECT. IV.
The kyng ham tolde, in hys resoun
It com hym thorugh a vysyoun,
In his land that he cam froo,
Into Yngelond for to goo ;
And his doughty r that was so dere
For to wende bothe in ferec,
" In this manere we have us dyght
Into that lande to wende ryght."
Thenne aunsweryd a messanger,
Hys name was callyd Bernager,
" Forther wole we seke nought
To my lord she schal be brought."
They soon arrive in England, and the lady is lodged in the Tower of
London, one of the royal castles.
The messangers the kyng have tolde
Of that ladye fayr and bold,
Ther he lay in the Tour
Off that lady whyt so flour.
Kyng Henry gan hym son dyght,
With erls, barons, and manye a knyght,
Agayn the lady for to wende :
For he was curteys and hende.
The damysele on lond was led,
And clothes of gold before her spred, m
And her fadyr her beforn
With a coron off gold icorn ;
The messangers be ylk a syde
And menstralles with mekyl pryde
Kyng Henry lyght in hyyng
And grette fayr that uncouth kyng....
To Westemenstre they wente in fere
Lordyngs and ladys that ther were.
Trumpes begonne for to blowe,
To meted they wente in a throwe, &c.e
The first of our hero's achievements in chivalry is at a splendid tour-
nament held at Salisbury. Clarendon near Salisbury was one of the
king's palaces f.
c company. Reg. Et pro ducendis 2500 libris a Sa-
* to dinner. e line 135. resburia usque Glocestriam, 26*. Wd. per
f In the pipe-rolls of this king's reign, Br. Reg. Et pro tonellis et clavis ad eos-
I find the following articles relating to this dem denarios. Et in cariagio de 4000
ancient palace, which has been already marcis a Sarum usque Suthanton, et pro
mentioned incidentally. Rot. Pip. 1 Ric. I. tonellis et aliis necessariis, 8s. et 1 d. per Br.
"WiLTES. Et in cariagio vini Regis a Cla- Reg." And again in the reign of Henry
tendon usque Woodestoke, 34s. 4d. per Br. the Third. Rot. Pip. 30 Hen. III. "WiLTE-
Reg. Et pro ducendis 200 m. [marcis] a SCIRE. Et in una marcelsia ad opus re-
Saresburia usque Bristow, 7s. 4</. per Br. gis et reginae apud Clarendon cum duobus
SECT. IV.] RICHARD THE FIRST. 159
Kyng Rychard gan hym dysguyse,
In a ful strange queyntyse^.
He cam out of a valaye
For to se of theyr playe,
As a knyght aventurous.
Hys atyre was orgolous h :
Al togyder cole black
Was hys horse withoute lacke ;
Upon hys crest a raven stode,
That yaned1 as he wer wode. —
He bare a schafte that was grete and strong,
It was fourtene foot long ;
And it was grete and stout,
One and twenty ynches about.*
The fyrst knyght that he there mette,
Ful egyrly he hym grette,
With a dente amyd the schelde ;
His hors he bar doun in the felde, &c.k
A battle-axe which Richard carried with him from England into the
Holy Land is thus described.
King Richard, I understond,
Or he went out of Englond,
Let him make an axe1 for the nones,
To breke therwith the Sarasynsm bones.
The head was wrought right wele ;
Therin was twenty pounde of stele ;
And when he came into Cyprus lond,
The ax he tok in his hond.
interclusoriis, et duabus cameris privatis, Stukeley is mistaken in saying this pa-
hostio veteris anise amovendo in porticu, lace was built by king John.
et de eadem aula camera facienda cum 6 See Du Cange, Gl. Lat. COINTISE.
camino et fenestris, et camera privata, et h proud, pompous. l yawned.
quadam magna coquina quadrata, et aliis * [It is "One and twenti inches aboute."
operationibus, contentis in Brevi, inceptis So doctor Farmer's manuscript, purchased
per eundem Nicolaum et non perfectis, from Mr. Martin's library. See supr. p.
5261. 16s. 5d. ob. per Br. Reg." Again, 125. Note *. This is in English. — AD-
Rot.Pip. 39 Hen. III. "SUDHAMT. Comp. DITIONS.]
Nova; forests. Et in triginta miliaribus k line 267.
scindularum [shingles] faciend. in eadem * Richard's battle-ax is also mentioned
foresta et cariand. easdem usque Claren- by Brunne, and on this occasion, Chron.
don ad domum regis ibidem cooperian. p. 159.
dam, 61. et 1 marc, per Br. Reg. Et in m The Crusades imported the phrase
30 mill, scindularum faciend. in eadem, Jeu Sarrazionois, for any sharp engage-
et cariand. usque Clarendon, III. 10s." ment, into the old French romances. —
And again, in the same reign the canons Thus in the Roman of Alexander, MSS.
of Ivy-church receive pensions for cele- Bibl. Bodl. ut supr. P. i.
brating in the royal chapel there. Rot. Tholomer le regrette et le plainten Grijois,
Pip. 7 Hen. III. " WILTES. Et canoni- Et dist que s'il cussent o culz telz vingt
cis de monasterio ederoso ministrantibus et trois,
in Capella de Clarendon, 351. Id, ob." II nous eussent fetun JEU SARRAZIONOIS.
160 METRICAL ROMANCE OF RICHARD I. [SECT. IV.
All that he hit he all to-frapped ;
The griffons n away fast rapped ;
Natheles many he cleaved,
And their unthanks ther byleved ;
And the prisoun when he cam to,
With his ax he smot right tho,
Dores, barres, and iron chains, &c.°
This formidable axe is again mentioned at the siege of Aeon or Acre,
the antient Ptolemais.
Kyng Rychard aftyr, anon ryght,
Toward Acres gan hym dyght ;
And as he saylyd toward Surryep,
He was warnyd, off a spye,
How the folk off the hethene lawe,
A gret cheyne hadden i-drawe,
Over the havene of Acres fers,
And was festnyd to two pelers,
That noo schyp ne scholde in wynne^,
Ne they nought out that wer withynne.
Therfore sevene yer and more,
Alle Crystene kynges leyen thore,
And with gret hongyr suffryd payne,
For lettyng off that ilke chayne.
Kyng Richard herd that tydyng ;
For joy e hys herte beganne to sprynge,
And swor and sayde, in his thought,
That ylke chayne scholde helpe hem nought.
A swythe strong galeye he took,
And rTrenchemer7, so says the book,
Steryd the galey ryght ful evene,
Ryght in the myddes off the havene.
Wer the maryners saughte or wrothe,
He made hem sayle and rowe bothe ;
n The Byzantine Greeks are often called ° line 2196. p Syria.
Griffortes by the historians of the middle q SoFabyan of Rosamond's bower, " that
ages. See Du Cange Gloss. Ville-Hard. no creature, man or woman, myght wynne
p. 363. See also Rob. Brun. Chron. p. 151. to her." i.e. go in, by contraction, win.
157.159.160.165.171.173. Wanley sup- Chron. vol. i. p. 320. col. i. edit. 1533.
poses that the Griffin in heraldry was in- [pinnan A.S. to labour, strive at, and hence
tended to signify a Greek, or Saracen, attain to by labour.— PRICE.]
whom they thus represented under the r Rob. Brun. Chron. p. 170.
figure of an imaginary eastern monster, „,, , , . , . _,
The *?*& s owne galele he cald lt Trenc'
which never existed but as an armorial
badge. themere'
7 [" Trenchemere, so saith the boke. —
The galey yede as swift
As ony fowle by the lyfte."]
SECT. IV.] GREEK FIRE. 161
And kynge Rychard, that was so good,
With hys axe in foreschyp stood.
And whenne he com the cheyne too,
With hys ax he smot it in two8,
That all the barouns, verrayment,
Sayde it was a noble dent ;
And for joy e off this dede,
The cuppes fast abouten yede 4,
With good wyn, pyement and clarre ;
And saylyd toward Acres cyte.
Kyng Richard, oute of hys galye,
Caste wylde-fyr into the skeye,
And fyr Gregeys into the see,
And al on fyr wer the.
Trumpes yede in hys galeye,
Men myghte it here into the skye,
Taboures and homes Sarezyneys8,
The see brent all off fyr Gregeysu.
This fyr Gregeys^ or Grecian fire, seems to be a composition be-
longing to the Arabian chemistry. It is frequently mentioned by the
Byzantine historians, and was very much used in the wars of the middle
ages, both by sea and land. It was a sort of wild-fire, said to be inex-
tinguishable by water, and chiefly used for burning ships, against which
it was thrown in pots or phials by the hand. In land engagements it
seems to have been discharged by machines constructed on purpose.
The oriental Greeks pretended that this artificial fire was invented by
Callinicus, an architect of Heliopolis, under Constantine ; and that
Constantine prohibited them from communicating the manner of
making it to any foreign people. It was however in common use
among the nations confederated with the Byzantines : and Anna Com-
nena has given an account of its ingredients w, which were bitumen,
sulphur, and naphtha. It is called feu gregois in the French chronicles
and romances. Our minstrel, I believe, is singular in saying that
Richard scattered this fire on Saladin's ships : many monkish historians
of the holy war, in describing the siege of Aeon, relate that it was em-
ployed on that occasion, and many others, by the Saracens against the
Christians x. Procopius, in his history of the Goths, calls it MEDEA'S
OIL, as if it had been a preparation used in the sorceries of that
enchantress y.
8 Thus R.de Brunne says, "he fondred w See Du Cange, Not. ad Joinvil. p. 71.
the Sarazyns otuynne." p. 574. He forced And Gl. Lat. V. IGNIS GR^CUS.
the Saracens into two parties. — [Vid. su- x See more particularly Chron. Rob.
pra, p. 67. Note g.] Brun. p. 170. And Benedict. Abb. p. 652.
1 went. And Joinv. Hist. L. p. 39. 46. 52. 53. 62.
u line 2593. 70. * iv. 11.
8 [shalmys, sl)awms.~\
VOL. I. M
162 MILITARY MACHINES USED [SECT. IV.
The quantity of huge battering rams and other military engines
now unknown, which- Richar^ is said to have transported into the Holy
Land, was prodigious. The names of some of them are given in another
part of this romance*. It is an historical fact, that Richard was killed
by the French from the shot of an arcubalist, a machine which he often
worked skilfully with his own hands : and Guillaume le Briton, a
Frenchman, in his Latin poem called Philippeis, introduces Atropos
making a decree, that Richard should die by no other means than by
a wound from this destructive instrument ; the use of which, after it
had been interdicted by the Pope in the year 1139, he revived, and is
supposed to have shown the French in the Crusadesa.
Sunnes8 he hadde, on wondyr wyse;
Mangnelesb offgret queintysec;
Arwblast bowe, and9 with gynne
The Holy Lond for to wynne.
Ovyr al othyr wyttyrly,
A melled he hadde off gret maystry ;
In myddys a schyp for to stand ;
Swylke on sawgh nevyr man in land
Four sayles wer theretoo,
Yelew, and grene, red and bloo.
* Twenty grete gynnes for the nones Pele is a house [a castle, fortification],
Kynge Richard sent for to cast stones, Archbishop Turpin mentions Charle-
&c. magne's wooden castles at the siege of a
Among these were the Mategriffon and the city in France, cap. ix.
Robynet. Sign. N. Hi. The former of these a See Carpentier's Suppl. Du Cange,
is thus described. Sign. E. iiii. Lat. Gl. torn. i. p. 434. And Du Cange
I have a castell I understonde ad Ann- Alex. p. 357.
Is made of tembre of Englonde b See supr. p. 63. Note n. It is obser-
With syxe stages full of tourelles yable, that MANGANUM, Mangonell, was
Well fiouryshed with cornelles, &c. not known among the Roman military
See Du Cange, Not. Joinv. p. 68. MATE- machines, but existed first in Byzantine
ORYFFON is the terror or plague of the Greek Majryaww, a circumstance which
Greeks. Du Cange, in his Gallo-Byzan- seems to Pomt out lts ™ventors, at least
tine history, mentions a castle of this name to sh°w that * belonged to the Oriental
in Peloponnesus. Benedict says, that Ri- art of war. It occurs often in the Byzan-
chard erected a strong castle, which he tme tact'cs> although at the same time it
calledtfofe-rotfb* on the browofasteep ™ perhaps derived from the Latin Ma-
mountain without the walls of the city of f ma: yet the Romans do not appear to
Messina in Sicily. Benedict. Abb. p. 621. have ,used "» thelr wars so formidable and
ed. Hearn. sub ann. 1190. Robert de complicated an engine, as this is described
Brunne mentions this engine from our to have been in the writers of the dark
romance. Chron. p. 157. a8es' Jt was the capital machine of the
„,, . .,. , , ... . wars of those ages. Du Cange in his
The romancer it sais Richarde did make Constantinopolis Christiana mentions a
a pele, vast arga afc constantin0ple in which the
On kastelle wise allwau wrought of tre machines of war were £ t< 155>
T 1" 7 ;7 it'ili ° See suPr- P- 159« Note B-
In schip he ded it lede, &c. d -11
His pele from that dai forward he cald it
Mate-griffon.
8 [gynnes, engines.] [I have not the least doubt that sunnes in Weber's text is an
error of transcription. Indeed, the copy is faulty throughout. — M.]
9 [made.]
SECT. TV.] IN THE CRUSADES. 163
With canevas layd wel al about,
Ful schyr withinne and eke without ;
Al withinne ful off feer,
Of torches maad with wex ful cleer ;
Ovyrtwart and endelang,
With strenges of wyr the stones hang 10 ;
Stones that deden never note,
Grounde they never whete, no grote,
But rubbyd as they wer wood.
Out of the eye ran red blood6.
Beffore the trowgh there stood on ;
Al in blood he was begon ;
And homes grete upon his hede,
Sarezynes theroff hadde gret dredef.
The last circumstance recalls a fiend-like appearance drawn by
Shakespeare ; in which, exclusive of the application, he has converted
ideas of deformity into the true sublime, and rendered an image ter-
rible, which in other hands would have probably been ridiculous.
Methought his eyes
. Were two full moons, he had a thousand noses,
Horns whelk'd and waved like the enridged sea.
It was some fiend *
At the touch of this powerful magician, to speak in Milton's language, l
" The griesly terror grows tenfold more dreadful and deform."
* This device is thus related by Robert It affraied the Sarazins, as leven the fyre
of Brunne, Chron. p. 175. 176. out schete.
Richard als suithe did raise his engyns The no/se was unride' &c'
The Inglis wer than blythe, Normans and Rynes is the river Rhine, whose shores or
Petevyns : bottom supplied the stones shot from their
In bargeis and galeis he set mylnes to go, military engines. The Normans, a bar-
The sailes, as men sais, som were blak barous people, appear to have used ma-
and bio, chines of immense and very artificial con-
Som were rede and grene, the wynde struction at the siege of Paris in 885. Seo
about them blewe. — the last note. And Vit. Saladin. per Schul-
The stones were of Rynes, the noyse tens, p. 135. 141. 167, &c.
dreadfull and grete f line 2631. g King Lear, fv. 6.
10 [With spryngelles of fyre they dyde honde.] — Espringalles, Fr. engines. See
Du Cange, Gl. Lat. SPINGARDA, QUADRELLUS. And Not. Joinv. p. 78. Perhaps he
means pellets of tow dipped in the Grecian fire, which sometimes were thrown from a
sort of mortar. Joinville says, that the Greek fire thrown from a mortar looked like a
huge dragon flying through the air, and that at midnight the flashes of U illuminated
the Christian camp, as if it had been broad day. When Louis's army was encamped
on the banks of the Thanis in .(Egypt, says the same curious historian, about the year
1249, they erected two chats chateils, or covered galleries, to shelter their workmen,
and at the end of them two befrois, or vast moveable wooden towers, full of crossbow
men, who kept a continual discharge on the opposite shore ; besides eighteen other
new-invented engines for throwing stones and bolts. But in one night, the deluge of
Greek fire ejected from the Saracen camp utterly destroyed these enormous machines.
This was a common disaster ; but Joinville says, that his pious monarch sometimes
averted the danger, by prostrating himself on the ground, and invoking our Saviour
with the appellation of Beau Sire. p. 37. 39.
M2
164 METRICAL ROMANCE OF [SECT. IV.
The moving castles described by our minstrel, which seem to be so
many fabrics of romance, but are founded in real history, afford suit-
able materials for poets who deal in the marvellous. Accordingly they
could not escape the fabling genius of Tasso, who has made them in-
struments of enchantment, and accommodated them, with great pro-
priety, to the operations of infernal spirits.
At the siege of Babylon, the soldan Saladin sends king Richard a
horse. The messenger says,
" Thou sayest thy God is ful of myght :
Wylt thou graunt, with spere and scheeld,
Deraye the ryght in the feeld,
With helm, hawberk and brondes bryght
On strong stedes, good and lyght,
Whether is off more power
Jesu or Jubyter ?
And he sente the to say this,
Yiff thou wilt have an hors [of] hys ?
In alle the landes ther thou hast gon,
Swylk on say thou nevyr non I
Favel off Cypre, ne Lyard off Prysh, 0
Are nought at nede as that he is ;
And, yiff thou wylt, this selve day,
It shall be brought the to asay."
Quoth kyng Richard : " Thou sayest wel ;
Swylke an hors, by Seynt Mychel,
I wolde have to ryde upon. -
h horses belonging to Richard, " Favel He sent to king Richard a stede for cur-
of Cyprus and Lyard of Paris." Robert teisie
de Brunne mentions one of these horses, On of the best reward that was in paemie.
which he calls PHANUEL [FAUVEL]. [In the wardrobe-roll of prince Edward,
Chron. p. 175. afterwards king Edward the Second, un-
der the year 1272, the masters of the horse
Sithen at Japhet was slayn PHANUEL rgnder ^ accountg for horseg haged
[FAUVEL] his stede, specifying the colours and prices with the
The Romans telles gret pas ther of his ^^ accuracy. One of them is called,
douhty dede. „ Unus euug FAVELLUS cum stella in
o« r\ ••• fronte." &c. Hearne's Joann. de Troke-
Thus m our romance, viz. Sign. Q. m. praef p xxyL Uerefavellus ig in_
To hym gadered every chone terpreted I by Hearne to be honeycomb. I
And slewe FAVELL under hym, fPP086 £* understands a dappled or roan
Tho was Richard wroth and grym. horse- But FAVELLUS, evidently an ad-
jective, is barbarous Latin for FALVUS, or
This was at the siege of Jaffe, as it is here folvus, a dun or light yellow, a word often
called. Favell of Cyprus is again men- used to exPress the colour of horses and
*• A <X<™ hawks. See Carpentier, Suppl. Du Fresne
tioned, Sign. O. n. ^ ^ y g^^ ^ H p m
FAVELL of Cyprus is forth fet It is hence that king Richard's horse is
And in the sadell he hym sett. called *AVEL- _F.ro™ "h"* word PHA-
NUEL [FAUVEL], m Robert de Brunne, is
Robert of Brunne says that Saladin's bro- a corruption. — ADDITIONS.] [See p. 125.
ther sent king Richard a horse. Chron. Note*. The blunder of Fanuel for Fauvel
p. 194. is Hearne's, but Warton increases it. — M.}
SECT. IV.] . RICHARD THE FIRST. 165
Bydde hym sende that hors to me ;
I schal asaye, what that he be.
Yiff he be trusty, withoute fayle,
I kepe non othir in batayle."
The messanger thenne home wente,
And tolde the Sawdon in presente,
Hou kyng Richard wolde hym mete.
The rych Sawdon, al so skete,
A noble clerk he sente for thenne
A may tyr negromacien {,
That conjuryd as [I] you telle,
Thorwgh the feendes craft off helle,
Twoo stronge feendes off the eyr,
In lyknesse off twoo stedes feyr,
Lyke, bothe of hewe and here ;
As they sayde that wer there,
Never was ther seen non slyke.
That on was a mere lyke,
That other a colt, a noble stede,
Wher he wer, in ony nede,
Was nevyr kyng ne knyghtk so bolde,
That, whenne the dame neyghe1 wolde,
Scholde hym holde agayn hys wylle,
That he ne wolde renne her tyllem,
And knele adoun, and souke" hys dame :
That whyle, the Sawdon with schame,
Scholde kyng Richard soone aquelle.
All thus an aungyl gan hym telle,
That cam to hym aftyr mydnyght ;
And sayd "Awake, thou Goddes knyght!
My lord0 dos the to undyrstande,
The schal com an hors to hande ;
Fayr he is off body pyght ;
Betraye the yiff the Sawdon myght.
On hym to ryde have thou no drede,
He schal the help at thy nede."
The angel then gives king Richard several directions about managing
this infernal horse, and a general engagement ensuing, between the
Christian and Saracen armies P,
necromancer. The grounde myght unnethe be sene
his rider. For bryght armure and speres kene.
Tothe,
suck. Lyke as snowe lyeth on the mountaynes
God. So were fulfylled hylles and playnes
In which the Saracen line extended With hauberkes bryght and harneys clere
twelve miles in length, and Of trompettes, and tabourere.
1G6 METRICAL ROMANCE OF [sECT. IV.
To lepe to hors thenne was he dyght ;
Into the sadyl or he leep,
Off many thynge he took keep. —
Hys men him brought al that he badde.
A quarry tree off fourty foote
Before hys sadyl anon dyd hote
Paste that men scholde it brace, &c.
Hymself was rychely begoo,
From the crest unto the tool.
He was armyd wondyr weel,
And al with plates off good steel ;
And ther aboven, an hawberk ;
A schafft wrought off trusty werk ;
On his schuldre a scheeld off steel,
With three lupardesr wrought ful weel.
An helme he hadde off ryche entayle ;
Trusty and trewe hys ventayle ;
On hys crest a douve whyte
Sygnyfycacioun off the Holy Spryte :
Upon a croys the douve stood
Off golde wrought ryche and good.
God8 hymself, Mary and Jhon,
As he was nay lyd the roode upon*,
In sygne off hym for whom he faught>
The spere-hed forgatt he naught :
Upon hys spere he wolde it have,
Goddes hygh name theron was grave.
Now herkenes what oth they swore,
Ar they to the batayle wore :
Yiff it were soo, that Richard myght
Sloo the Sawdon, in feeld with fyght,
Hee, and alle hys scholde gon,
At her wylle everilkon,
Into the cyte off Babylone ;
And the kyngdom of Massidoyne
He scholde have undyr his hand :
And yiff the Sawdon off that land,
Myghte sloo Richard in that feeld,
With swerd or spere undyr scheeld,
That Cristene men scholde goo,
Out off that land, for ever moo,
q from head to foot. an old fragment cited by Hearne, Gloss.
T leopards. Rob. Br. p. 634.
* Our Saviour. Pyned under Ponce Pilat,
"As he died upon the cross." So in Don on the rod after that.
SECT. IV.] RICHARD THE FIRST. 16?
And Sarezynes have her wylle in wolde.
Quod kyng Richard : " Thertoo I holde,
Thertoo my glove, as I am knyght ! "
They ben armyd and wel i-dyght.
Kyng Richard into the sadyl leep ;
Who that wolde theroff took keep,
To see, that syght was ful fayr.
The stede ran ryght, with gret ayr u,
Ai so harde as they myght dure,
Aftyr her feet sprong the fure.
Tabours beten, and trumpes blowe ;
Ther myghte men see, in a throwe,
How kyng Richard, the noble man,
Encounteryd with the Sawdan,
That cheef was told off Damas.w
Hys trust upon hys mere was.
Therfoore, as the booke* telles
Hys crouper heeng al ful off belles y,
And his peytrelz, and his arsouna ;
Three myle myghte men here the soun.
The mere gan nygh, her belles to ryng,
For grete pryde, withoute lesyng,
A brodb fawchoun to hym he bar,
For he thought that he wolde thar
Have slayn kyng Richard with tresoun,
Whenne hys hors had knelyd doun,
tt ire. hence Chaucer may be illustrated, who
w I do not understand this. He seems thus describes the state of a monk on
to mean the Sultan of Damas, or Damas- horseback. Prol. Cant. v. 170.
cus. See Du Cange, Joinv. p. 87.
[There is no difficulty in the passage. And when he rode» men mlSht hls brldell
Richard encountered the Sultan, who was here
accounted or esteemed chief of Damascus. SINGLING in a whistling wind as clere,
M i And eke as lowde, as doth the chapell bell.
« The French romance. That . because hig horse,s bridle Qr
» Antiently no person seems to have . were g wkh bellg>
been gallantly equipped on horseback, un-
less the horse's bridle or some other part of z The breast- plate, or breast-band of a
the furniture was stuck full of small bells. horse. Poitral, Fr. Pectorale, Lat. Thus
Vincent of Beauvais, who wrote about Chaucer of the Chanones YEMAN'S horse.
1264, censures this piece of pride in the Chan. Yem. Prol. v. 575. Urr.
knights-templars. They have, he says About thg PAYTRELL stoode the fome ful
bridles embroidered, or gilded, or adorned bje
with silver, " Atque in pectoralibus CAM-
PANULAS INFIXAS MAGNUM emittentes a The saddle-bow. "Arcenarium ex-
SONITUM, ad gloriam eorum et decorem." tencellatum cum argento," occurs in the
Hist. lib. xxx. cap. 85. Wickliffe, in wardrobe rolls, ab an. 21 ad an. 23 Edw.
his Trialoge, inveighs against the priests III. Membr. xi. This word is not in Du
for their "fair hors, and jolly and gay Cange or his Supplement,
sadeles, and bridles ringing by the way," b F. bird, [broad.]
&c. Lewis's Wickliffe, p. 121. And
168 METRICAL ROMANCE OF RICHARD THE FIRST. [sKCT. IV.
As a colt that scholde souke ;
And [ac ?] he was war off that pouke11.
Hys eeresc with wax wer stoppyd fast,
Therfore was he nought agast.
He strook the feend that undyr hym yede,
And gaff the Sawdon a dynt off dede.
In his blasoun, verrayment,
Was i-paynted a serpent.
With the spere, that Richard heeld,
He beor him thorwgh and undyr the scheeld,
None off hys armes myghte laste ;
Brydyl and peytrel al to-brast ;
Hys gerth, and hys steropes alsoo ;
The mere to the grounde gan goo.
Mawgry him, he garte hym staupe12
Bakward ovyr hys meres croupe ;
The feet toward the fyrmament.
Behynd the Sawdon the spere out went.
He leet hym lye upon the grene13 ;
He prekyd the feend with spores d kene ;
In the name off the Holy Gost,
He dryves into the hethene hoost,
And al so soone as he was come,
He brak asunder the scheltromee;
For al that ever before hym stode
Hors and man to erthe yode,
Twenty foot on every syde, &c.
Whenne they of Fraunce wyste,
That the maystry hadde the Chryste,
They wer bolde, her herte they tooke ;
Stedes prekyd, schaufftes schookef.
Richard arming himself is a curious Gothic picture. It is certainly
a genuine picture, and drawn with some spirit ; as is the shock of the
two necromantic steeds, and other parts of this description. The com-
bat of Richard and the Soldan, on the event of which the Christian
army got possession of the city of Babylon, is probably the DUEL OF
0 ears. d spurs. Shad is separated. [Scheltron, turma
' Schiltron. I believe, soldiers drawn up clipeata, a troop armed with shields.
inacircle. Rob. de Brunneusesitindescri- See Jamieson's Etymol. Scott. Diet, and
bing the battle of Fowkirke,Chron. p. 305. Whitaker's Peirs Plouhman's Visions. —
Ther SCHELTRON s6ne was shad with In- PRICE.]
glis that wer gode. f Line 5G42.
11 [And he was ware of that shame.]
12 [Maugre her heed, he made her seche
The grounde, withoute more speche.]
13 [Ther he fell dede on the grene.]
SECT. IV.] GEOGRAPHY IN THE DARK AGES. 169
KING RICHARD, painted on the walls of a chamber in the royal palace
of Clarendon %. The soldan * is represented as meeting Richard with
a hawk on his fist, to show indifference, or a contempt of his adversary;
and that he came rather prepared for the chace, than the combat. Indeed
in the feudal times, and long afterwards, no gentleman appeared on
horseback, unless going to battle, without a hawk on his fist. In the
Tapestry of the Norman conquest, Harold is exhibited on horseback,
with a hawk on his fist, and his dogs running before him, going on an
embassy from king Edward the Confessor to William duke of Nor-
mandy11. Tabour, a drum, a common accompany ment of war, is men-
tioned as one of the instruments of martial music in this battle with
characteristical propriety. It was imported into the European armies
from the Saracens in the holy war. The word is constantly written
tabour, not tambour, in Joinville's HISTORY OF SAINT Louis, and all
the elder French romances. Joinville describes a superb bark or galley
belonging to a Saracen chief, which he says was filled with cymbals,
labours, and Saracen horns1. Jean d'Orronville, an old French chro-
nicler of the life of Louis duke of Bourbon, relates, that the king of
France, the king of Thrasimere, and the king of Bugie, landed in Africa,
according to their custom, with cymbals, kettle drums, tabour s^, and
whistles1. Babylon, here said to be besieged by king Richard, and so
frequently mentioned by the romance writers and the chroniclers of the
crusades, is Cairo or Bagdat. Cairo and Bagdat, cities of recent foun-
dation, were perpetually confounded with Babylon, which had been de-
stroyed many centuries before, and was situated at a considerable di-
stance from either. Not the least inquiry was made in the dark ages
concerning the true situation of places, or the disposition of the country
in Palestine, although the theatre of so important a war ; and to this
8 See supr. p. 119. was the property of the bishop. Registr.
* [This is founded on an erroneous in- Adami Orleton, Episc. Winton. fol. 56 b.
terpretation of the text, where Warton has In Archiv. Winton. In Domesdei-Book,
mistaken*' A faucon brode," (black letter a Hawk's Airy, Aira Accipitris, is some-
edition) or a broad falchion, for a. falcon.— times returned among the most valuable
PRICE.] [See Ritson's remarks on this articles of property,
passage. — M.] * Histoire de S. Loyis, p. 30. The ori-
h The hawk on the fist was a mark of ginal has "Cors Sarazinois." See also p.
great nobility. We frequently find it, up- 52. 56. And Du Cange's Notes, p. 61.
on antique seals and miniatures, attributed k I cannot find Glais, the word that fol-
to persons of both sexes. So sacred was this lows, in the French dictionaries. But per-
bird esteemed, that it was forbidden in a haps it answers to our old English Glee.
code of Charlemagne's laws, for any one See Du Cange, Gl. Lat. V. CLASSICUM.
to give his hawk or his sword as part of [Roquefort, who cites the same passage,
his ransom. "In compositionem Wirigildi calls Glais, a musical instrument, without
volumus ul ea dentur qua in lege continen- defining its peculiar nature. — PRICE.]
tur excepto accipitre et spatha." Linde- 1 Cap. 76. Nacaires is here the word for
brog. Cod. Leg. Antiq. p. 895. In the year kettle-drums. See Du Cange, ubi supr. p.
1337, the bishop of Ely excommunicated 59. Who also from an old roll de la cham-
certain persons for stealing a hawk sitting bre dcs COMPTES de Paris recites, among
on her perch in the cloisters of the abbey the household musicians of a French no-
of Bermondsey in Southwark. This piece bleman, " Menestrel du Cor Sarazinois,"
of sacrilege, indeed, was committed during ib. p. 60. This instrument is not uncom-
service-time in the choir ; and the hawk mon in the French romances.
1 ?0 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
neglect were owing, in a great measure, the signal defeats and calami-
tous distresses of the Christian adventurers, whose numerous armies,
destitute of information, and cut off from every resource, perished
amidst unknown mountains and impracticable wastes. Geography at
this time had been but little cultivated. It had been studied only from
the antients : as if the face of the earth, and the political state of na-
tions, had not, since the time of those writers, undergone any changes
or revolutions.
So formidable a champion was king Richard against the infidels, and
so terrible the remembrance of his valour in the holy war, that the Sa-
racens and Turks used to quiet their froward children only by repeating
his name. Joinville is the only writer who records this anecdote. He
adds another of the same sort. When the Saracens were riding, and
their horses started at any unusual object, " ils disoient a leurs che-
vaulx en les picquant de 1'esperon, et cuides tu que ce soit le ROY RI-
CH ART™-?" It is extraordinary, that these circumstances should have
escaped Malmesbury, Matthew Paris, Benedict, Langtoft, and the rest
of our old historians, who have exaggerated the character of this re-
doubted hero, by relating many particulars more likely to be fabulous,
and certainly less expressive of his prowess.
SECTION V.
Specimens of other Popular Metrical Romances which appeared about
the end of the thirteenth century. Sir Guy. The Squier of Low
Degree. Sir Degore. King Robert of Sicily. The King of Tars.
Ippomedon. La Mort Arthur e. Subjects of antient tapestry.
THE romance of SIR GUY, which is enumerated by Chaucer among the
" Romances of pris," affords the following fiction, not uncommon indeed
in pieces of this sort, concerning the redemption of a knight from a
long captivity, whose prison was inaccessible, unknown, and enchanted8.
His name is Amis of the Mountain.
m Hist, de S. Loyis, p. 16. 104. Who ment of this Romance belonged to Dr.
had it from a French manuscript chronicle Farmer, and afterwards to Mr. Douce,
of the holy war. See Du Cange's Notes, which Ritson in his MS. Cat. of Engl. Ro-
p. 45. mances, states to have been printed by W.
a The Romance of Sir Guy is a consi- de Worde, about 1495. In the possession
derable volume in quarto. My edition is of Mr. Staunton of Longbridge House,
without date, " Imprynted at London in co. Warw. is a larger fragment of thirty-
Lothbury by Wylliam Copland," with six leaves, printed in a thinner letter
rude wooden cuts. It runs to Sign. LI. iii. than W. de Worde's, with wood-cuts,
[An imperfect copy is in Gai-rick's Collec- which I should feel inclined to ascribe to
tion, vol. K. 9. and a perfect one was in Pynson. Ritson mentions also an edition
Heber's library, Cat. pt. iv. 961. A frag- by John Cawood. — M.] It seems to be
SECT. V.]
SIR GUY.
" Here besyde an Elfish knyhteb
Has taken my lorde in fyghte,
And hath him ledde with him away
In the Fayryc, Syr, permafay."
"Was Amis," quoth Heraude, "your husbond ?
A doughtyer knygte was none in londe."
Then tolde Heraude to Raynborne,
How he loved his father Guyon :
Then sayd Raynburne, "For thy sake,
To morrow I shall the way take,
And nevermore come agayne,
Tyll I bring Amys of the Mountayne."
Raynborne rose on the morrow erly,
And armed hym full richely. —
Raynborne rode tyll it was noone,
Tyll he came to a rocke of stone;
Ther he founde a strong gate,
He blissed hym, and rode in thereat.
He rode half a myle the waie,
He saw no light that came of daie,
171
older than the Squyr of lowe degree, In
which it is quoted. Sign. a. iii.
Or els so bolde in chivalrie
As was syr Gawayne or syr GIE.
The two best manuscripts of this romance
are at Cambridge, MSS. Bibl. Publ. Mor.
690. 33. and MSS. Coll. Caii, A. 8.
[An analysis of this romance will be
found in the " Specimens " of Mr. Ellis,
who is of opinion that "the tale in its
present state has been composed from the
materials of at least two or three if not
more romances. The first is a most tire-
some love story, which, it may be pre-
sumed, originally ended with the mar-
riage of the fond couple. To this it should
seem was afterwards tacked on a series of
fresh adventures, invented or compiled by
some pilgrim from the Holy Land ; and
the hero of this legend was then brought
home for the defence of Athelstan, and the
destruction of Colbrand." Mr. Ritson in
opposition to Dugdale, who regarded Guy
as an undeniably historical personage, has
laboured to prove that " no hero of this
name is to be found in real history," and
that he was " no more an English hero
than Amadis de Gaul or Perceforest."
Mr. Ellis, on the other hand, conceives the
tale " may possibly be founded on some
Saxon tradition," and that though the
name in its present form be undoubtedly
French, yet as it bears some resemblance
to Egil, the name of an Icelandic warrior,
who "contributed very materially to the
important victory gained by Athelstan
over the Danes and their allies at Bru-
nanburgh ; " he thinks " it is not impos-
sible that this warlike foreigner may have
been transformed by some Norman monk
into the pious and amorous Guy of War-
wick." This at best is but conjecture,
nor can it be considered a very happy one.
Egil himself (or his nameless biographer)
makes no mention of a single combat on
the occasion in which he had been enga-
ged ; and the fact, had it occurred, would
have been far too interesting, and too much
in unison with the spirit of the times, to
have been passed over in silence. In ad-
dition to this, the substitution of Guy for
Egil is against all analogy, on the trans-
formation of a Northern into a French ap-
pellation. The initial letters in Guy,
Guyon, and Guido, are the representa-
tives of the Teutonic W, and clearly point
to some cognomen beginning with the
Saxon Wig, bellum.— PRICE.]
b In Chaucer's Tale of the Chanon Ye-
man, chemistry is termed an ELFISH art,
that is, taught or conducted by Spirits.
This is an Arabian idea. Chan. Yem. T.
p. 122. v. 772. Urry's edit.
Whan we be ther as we shall exercise
Our ELVISHE craft.
Again, ibid. v. 863.
Though he sit at his boke both daie and
night,
In lerning of this ELVISH nicd lore.
c "Into the land of Fairy, into the
region of Spirits."
172 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
Then cam he to a watir brode,
Never man ovir suche a one rode.
Within he sawe a place greene
Suche one had he never erst scene.
Within that place there was a pallaice,
Closed with walles of heathenesse d :
The walles thereof were of cristall,
And the sommers of corall*.
Raynborne had grete dout to passe,
The watir so depe and brode was :
And at the laste his steede leepe
Into the brode watir deepe
Thyrty fadom he sanke adowne,
Then cleped6 he to God Raynborne.
God hym help, his steede was goode,
And bure hym ovir that hydious floode.
To the pallaice he yodef anone,
And lyghted downe of his steede full soone.
Through many a chamber yede Raynborne,
A knyghte he found in dongeon.
Raynborne grete hym as a knyght courtoise,
" Who oweth," he said, " this fayre pallaice ? "
That knyght answered him, " Yt is noght,
He oweth it that me hither broght."
" Thou art," quod Raynburne, "in feeble plight,
Tell me thy name," he sayd, "syr knight."
That knyghte sayd to hym agayne,
" My name is Amys of the Mountayne.
The lord is an Elvish man
That me into thys pryson wan."
" Arte thou Amys," than sayde Raynborne,
" Of the Mountaynes the bold barrone?
d " Walls built by the Pagans or Sara- The walles thereof were of cristall,
cens. Walls built by magic." Chaucer, And the sommers of corall.
in a verse taken from Syi : Bevys, [Sign. a. But Chaucer mentions corall in his tem le
11.] says that his knight had travelled of Diana> Knightes Tale> v< 1912.
As well in Christendom as in hetlmess. And northward> in a touret on the wall>
Prol. p. 2. v. 49. And m Syr Eglamour of Of alabastre white, and red corall,
Artoys, Sign. E. ii. An Oratorie riche for to see.
Eglamour sayd to hym yeys, Carpentier cites a passage from the ro-
I am come out of hethenes. marfce De Troyes> ^n which a chamber
Syr Bevys of Hamptoun, Sign. b. iii. Of alabaster is mentioned. Suppl. Lat.
They found shippes more and lesse Gloss. Du Cange, torn. i. p. 136.
Of panimes and of hethenesse. En celle chambre n'oit noienz,
Also, Sign. C. i. De chaux, d'areine, de cimenz,
The first dede withouten lesse Enduit, ni moillerons, ni emplaistre,
That Bevys dyd in hethenesse. Tot entiere fut alambastre.
* [I do not perfectly understand the
materials of this fairy palace : — e called. ' went.
SECT. V.] SIR GUY. 173
In grete perill I have gone,
To seke thee in this rocke of stone.
But blissed be God now have I thee
Thou shalt go home with me."
" Let be," sayd Amys of the Mountayne,
"Great wonder I have of thee certayne ;
How that thou hythur wan :
For syth this world fyrst began
No man hyther come ne myghte,
Without leave of the Elvish knyghte.
Me with thee thou mayest not lede," &c.&
Afterwards, the knight of the mountain directs Raynburne to find a
wonderful sword which hung in the hall of the palace. With this
wreapon Raynburne attacks and conquers the Elvish knight; who buys
his life, on condition of conducting his conqueror over the perilous
fdfd, or lake, above described, and of delivering all the captives con-
fined in his secret and impregnable dungeon.
Guyon's expedition into the Souldari's camp, an idea furnished by
the crusades, is drawn with great strength and simplicity.
Guy asked his armes anone,
Hosen of yron Guy did upon :
In hys hawberke Guy hym clad,
He drad no stroke whyle he it had.
Upon hys head hys helme he cast,
And hasted hym to ryde full fast.
A syrcleh of gold thereon stoode,
The emperarour had none so goode ;
Aboute the syrcle for the nones
Were sett many precyous stones.
Above he had a coate armour wyde ;
Hys sword he toke by hys syde :
And lept upon his stede anone,
Styrrope with foot touched he none.
Guy rode forth without boste,
Alone to the Soudans hoste :
Guy saw all that countrie
Full of tentes and pavylyons bee :
On the pavylyon of the Soudone
Stoode a carbuncle-stone :
Guy wist therebie it was the Soudones,
And drew hym thyther for the nones.
At the meete1 he founde the Soudone,
And hys barrens everychone,
g Sign. K k. iii. seq. h circle. * at dinner.
1 74 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
And tenne kynges aboute hym,
All they were stout and grymme :
Guy rode forth, and spake no worde,
Tyll he cam to the Soudans bordek;
Pie ne rought1 with whom he mette,
But on thys wyse the Soudan he grette :
" God's curse have thou and thyne,
And tho that levera on Apoline."
Than sayd the Soudan, "What art thou '
That thus prowdlie speakest now?
Yet found I never man certayne
That suche wordes durst me sayne."
Guy sayd, " So God me save from hell,
My ryght nam I shall the tell ;
Guy of Warwicke my name is."
Than sayd the Sowdan ywis,
"Arte thou the bolde knyght Guy on,
That art here in my pavylyon ?
Thou sluest my cosyn Coldran
Of all Sarasyns the boldest man," &c.n
I will add Guy's combat with the Danish giant Colbrond, as it is
k table. Chaucer, Squ. T. 105.
And up he rideth to the hie borde.
Chaucer says that his knight had often
" begon the bord aboven all nations." Prol.
52. The term of chivalry, to begin the
board, is to be placed in the uppermost
seat of the hall. Anstis, Ord. Gart. i. App.
p. xv. " The earl of Surry began the horde
in presence : the earl of Arundel washed
with him, and satt both at the first messe.
. . . Began the borde at the chamber's end."
i. e. sat at the head of that table which was
at the end of the chamber. This was at
Windsor, A. D. 1519. In Syr Eglamour
of Artoys, we have to begin the dese, which
is the same thing.
Lordes in halle wer sette
And waytes blewe to the mete. —
The two knyghtes the dese began.
Sign. D. iii. See Chaucer, Squ. T. 99. and
Kn. T. 2002. In a celebration of the feast
of Christmas at Greenwich, in the year
1488, we have, " The due of JBedeford bc-
ganne the table on the right side of the
hall, and next untoo hym was the lorde
Dawbeneye," &c. That is, He sate at
the head of the table. Leland, Coll. iii.
237. edit. 1770. To begin the bourd is to
begin the tournament. Lydgate, Chron.
Troy, b. ii. eh. 14.
The grete justes, bordes, or tournay.
I will here take occasion to correct
Hearne's explanation of the word Bourder
in Brunne's Chron. p. 204.
A knygt a BOURDOUR king Richard
hade
A douty man in stoure his name was
Markade.
BOURDOUR, says Hearne, is boarder, pen-
sioner. But the true meaning is a wag,
an arch fellow, for he is here introduced
putting a joke on the king of France.
BOURDE is jest, trick, from the French.
See R. de Brunne ap. Hearne's Gloss.
Rob. Glo. p. 695 ; and above Sect. II. ;
also Chauc. Gam. 1974. and Non. Urr.
2294. Knyghton mentions a favourite in
the court of England who could procure
any grant from the king burdando. Du
Cange Not. Joinv. p. 166. Who adds,
"De 1^ vient le mot de Bourdeurs, qui
estoient ces farceurs ou plaisantins qui di-
vertissoient les princes par le recit des
fables et des histoires des Romans.
Aucuns estiment que ce mot vient des
behourds, qui estoit une espece des tour-
nois." See also Diss. Joinv. p. 174.
1 cared, valued, [recked.] Chaucer, Rom.
R. 1873.
I ne rought of deth ne of life.
m those who believe.
n Sign. Q. iii.
SECT. V.] THE 8QUIER OF LOW DEGREE. 175
touched with great spirit, and may serve to illustrate some preceding
hints concerning this part of our hero's history.
Then came Colbronde forthe anone,
On foote, for horse could bare hym none.
For when lie was in armure clight
Power horse ne bare hym might.
A man had ynough to done
To bere hym hys wepon.
Then Guy rode to Colbronde,
On hys stede ful wele rennende0:
Colbronde smote Guy in the fielde
In the iniddest of Syr Guyes shelde ;
Through Guyes hawberk that stroke went,
And for no maner thyng it withstentP.
In two yt share^ Guyes stedes body
And fell to ground hastily.
Guy upstert as an eger lyoune,
And drue hys gode sworde browne :
To Colbronde he let it flye,
But he might not reche so hye.
On hys shoulder the stroke fell downe,
Through all hys armure share Guyonr.
Into the bodie a wounde untyde
% That the red blude gan oute glyde.
Colbronde was wroth of that rap,
He thought to give Guy a knap.
He smote Guy on the heline bryght
That out sprang the fyre lyght.
Guy smote Colbronde agayne
Through shielde and armure certayne.
He made his swerde for to glyde
Into his bodie a wound ryht wyde.
So smart came Guyes bronde
That it braste in hys bond.
The romance of the SQUIRE OF Low DEGREE, who loved the king's
daughter of Hungary8, is alluded to by Chaucer in the Rime of Sir
0 running. — M.] I have never seen it in manu-
p "nothing could stop it." script.
q divided. [This romance will be found in Mr. Rit-
* " Guy cut through all the giant's ar- son's Collection, vol. Hi. p. 145, who cha-
mour." racterizes it as a "strange and whimsical
* It contains thirty-eight pages in quarto. but genuine English performance." On
" Imprented at London by me Wyllyam Warton's opinion, " that it is alluded to
Copland." [In Garrick's Collection, vol. by Chaucer in the Rime of Sir Topas" he
K. 9. John Kynge had a license to print remarks: "as Lybeaus Disconus, one of
this Romance in 1 558, as we are informed the romancees enumeratecd by Chaucer, is
by Ritson, MS. Cat. of Engl. Romances. alluded to in the Squyr of lowe degre, it is
METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
Topas*-. The princess is thus represented, in her closet adorned with
painted glass, listening to the squire's complaint u.
That ladi herde hys mourriyng alle, -
Ryght undir the chambre walle :
In her oryall w there she was,
Closyd well with royall glas,
Fulfyllyd yt was with ymagery,
Every windowe by and by
On eche syde had ther a gynne,
Sperdex with manie a dyvers pynne.
Anone that ladie fayre and fre
Undyd a pynne of y vere,
And wyd the wyndowes she open set,
The sunne shonne yn at hir closet.
In that arbre fayre and gaye
She saw where that sqyure lay, &c.
I am persuaded to transcribe the following passage, because it deli-
neates in lively colours the fashionable diversions and usages of antient
times. The king of Hungary endeavours to comfort his daughter with
these promises, after she had fallen into a deep and incurable me-
lancholy from the supposed loss of her paramour.
" To morow ye shall yn huntyng fare ;
And yede, my doughter, yn a chare, -
not probablely, allso, of his age." But the * See observations on the Fairy Queen,
Lybeaus Disconus referred to in this ro- i. § iv. p. 139.
mance, is evidently a different version of u Sign. a. iii.
the story from that printed by Mr. Ritson, w An Oriel seems to have been a recess
and the quotation, if it prove any thing, in a chamber, or hall, formed by the pro-
would rather speak for the existence of a jection of a spacious bow-window from top
more ancient translation now unknown. to bottom. Rot. Pip. an. 18. Hen. III. [A.
Besides, Mr. Ritson himself has supplied D. 1234.] " Et in quadam capella pulchra
us with an argument strongly favouring et decenti facienda ad caput Orioli camera
Warton's conjecture : for if, as he ob- regis in castro Herefordie, de longitudine
serves, the Squyr of lowe degre be the xx. pedum." This Oriel was at the end
only instance of a romance containing any of the king's chamber, from which the new
such impertinent digressions or affected chapel was to begin. Again, in the castle
enumerations of trees, birds, &c. as are of Kenilworth. Rot. Pip. an. 19. Hen. III.
manifestly the object of Chaucer's satire, [A. D. 1235.] "Et in uno magno Oriollo
the natural inference would be — in the pulchro et competenti, ante ostium magne
absence of any evidence for its more re- camere regis in castro de Kenilworth fa-
cent composition — that this identical ro- ciendo, v'\L xvi*. \vd. per Brev. regis."
mance was intended to be exposed and ri- [The etymologists have been puzzled
diculed by the poet. At all events, Cop- to find the derivation of an oriel-window,
land's editions with their modern phra- A learned correspondent suggests, that
seology are no standard for determining ORIEL is Hebrew for Lux mea, orDominus
the age of any composition; and until illuminatio mea. — ADDITIONS.] [See Mr.
some better arguments can be adduced Hamper's Dissertation on this word in the
than those already noticed, the ingenious Archczologia, vol. xxxiii. p. 105. — M.]
supposition of Dr. Percy — for by him it x closed, shut. In P. Plowman, of a
was communicated to Warton — may be blind man, " unsparryd his eine," i. e.
permitted to remain in full force. — PRICE.] opened his eyes.
SECT. V.]
THE SQUIER OF LOW DEGREE.
177
Yt shal be coverd wyth velvette reede
And clothes of fyne golde al about your heede,
With damaske whyte and asure blewe
Well dyaperdv with lyllyes newe :
Your pomelles shalbe ended with golde,
Your chaynes enameled many a folde.
Your mantell of ryche degre
Purple palle and armyne fre.
y embroidered, diversified. Chaucer a
bow, Rom. R. v. 934.
And it was painted wel and thwitten
And ore all diapred, and written, &c.
Thwitten is twisted, wreathed. The fol-
lowing instance from Chaucer is more to
our purpose. Knight's Tale, v. 2160.
Upon a stede bay, trappid in stele,
Coverid with cloth of gold diaprid wele.
This term, which is partly heraldic, occurs
in the Pirovisor's rolls of the Great Ward-
robe, containing deliveries for furnishing
rich habiliments, at tilts and tournaments,
and other" ceremonies. " Et ad faciendum
tria harnesia pro Rege, quorum duo de
velvetto albo operato cum garteriis de blu
et diasprez per totam campedinem cum
wodehouses." Ex comp. J. Coke clerici,
Provisor. Magn. Garderob. ab ann. xxi.
Edw. III. de 23 membranis, ad ann. xxiii.
memb. x. I believe it properly signifies
embroidering on a rich ground, as tissue,
cloth of gold, &c. This is confirmed by
Peacham. " DIAPERING is a term in draw-
ing.— It chiefly serveth to counterfeit cloth
of gold, silver, damask, brancht velvet,
camblet, &c." Compl. Gent. p. 345. An-
derson, in his History of Commerce, con-
jectures, that Diaper, a species of printed
linen, took its name from the city of Ypres
in Flanders, where it was first made, be-
ing originally called d'ipre. But that city
and others in Flanders were no less fa-
mous for rich manufactures of stuff; and
the word in question has better pretensions
to such a derivation. Thus rich cloth em-
broidered with raised work we called d'ipre,
and from thence diaper ; and to do this,
or any work like it, was called to diaper,
from whence the participle. Sattin of Bru-
ges, another city of Flanders, often occurs
in inventories of monastic vestments, in
the reign of Henry the eighth : and the
cities of Arras and Tours are celebrated
for their tapestry in Spenser. All these
cities and others in their neighbourhood,
became famous for this sort of workman-
ship before 1200. The Armator of Ed-
ward the third, who finishes all the costly
apparatus for the shows above mentioned,
consisting, among other things, of a va-
VOL. I.
riety of the most sumptuous and orna-
mented embroideries on velvet, satin, tis-
sue, &c. is John of Cologne. Unless it be
Colonia in Italy. Rotul. prsedict. memb.
viii. memb. xiii. " Quse omnia ordinata
fuerunt per garderobarium competentem,
de precepto ipsius Regis : et facta et pa-
rata per manus Johls de Colonia, Arma-
toris ipsius domini ndstri Regis." Johan-
nes deStrawesburgh[Strasburgh] is men-
tioned as broudator regis, i. e. of Richard
the second, in Anstis, Ord. Gart. i. 55.
See also ii. 42. I will add a passage from
Chaucer's Wife of Bath, v. 450.
Of cloth-making she had such a haunt,
She passid them oflpre and of Gaunt.
" Cloth of Gaunt," i.e. Ghent, is mention-
ed in the Romaunt of the Rose, v. 574.
Bruges was the chief mart for Italian com-
modities, about the thirteenth century. In
the year 1318, five Venetian galeasses,
laden with Indian goods, arrived at this
city in order to dispose of their cargoes at
the fair. L. Guic. Descr. di Paesi Bass,
p. 174. Silk manufactures were introdu-
ced from the East into Italy, before LJ(30.
Gianon. Hist. Napl. xi. 7. The crusades
much improved the commerce of the Ita-
lian states with the East in this article,
and produced new artificers of their own.
But to recur to the subject of this note.
Diaper occurs among the rich silks and
stuffs in the French Roman de la Rose
where it seems to signify Damask, v. 21867.
Samites, dyapres, camelots.
I find it likewise in the Roman d'Alex-
andre, written about 1200. MSS. Bodl.
[264.] fol. i. b. col. 2.
Dyapres d'Antioch, samis de Romanic.
Here is also a proof that the Asiatic stuffs
were at that time famous : and probably
Romanic is Romania. The word often oc-
curs in old accounts of rich ecclesiastical
vestments. Du Cange derives this word
from the Italian diaspro, a jasper, a pre-
cious stone which shifts its colours. V.
DIASPRUS. In Dugdale's Monasticon we
have diasperatus, diapered. " Sandalia
cum caligis de rubeo sameto DIASPERATO
breudata cum imaginibus regum." torn. iij.
314. and 321.
1?8 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
Jennets of Spayne that ben so wyght
Trapped to the ground with velvet bryght.
Ye shall have harpe, sautry, and songe,
And other myrthes you amonge.
Ye shal have rumney, and malespine,
Both ypocrasse and vernage wyne ;
Mountrese and wyne of Greke,
Both algrade and despice eke ;
Antioche and bastarde,
Pyment2 also, and garnarde;
Wine of Greke, and muscadell,
Both clare, pyment, and rochell,
The reed your stomake to defye
And pottes of osey sett you bye.
You shall have venyson ybakea,
The best wylde fowle that may be take :
A lese of harehoundb with you to streke,
56 Sometimes written pimeate. [Is not
this a mere misprint ? — M.] In the ro-
mance of Syr Bevys, a knight just going to
repose takes the usual draught of pimeate ;
which mixed with spices is what the
French romances call vin du coucher, and
for which an officer, called ESPICIER, was
appointed in the old royal household of
France. Signat. m. iii.
The knight and she to chamber went :— •
With pimeate, and with spisery,
When they had dronken the wyne.
See Carpentier, Suppl. Gloss. Lat. Du
Cange, torn. iii. p. 842. So Chaucer, Leg.
Dido, v. 185.
The spicis parted, and the wine agon,
Unto his chamber he is lad anon.
Froissart says, among the delights of his
youth, that he was happy to taste,
Au couchier, pour mieulx dormir,
Especes, clairet, et rocelle.
Mem. Litt. x. 665. Not. 4to. Lidgate
of Tideus and Polimite in the palace of
Adrastus at Thebes. Stor. Theb. p. 634.
ed. Chauc. 1687.
— — gan anon repaire
To her lodging in a ful stately toure ;
Assigned to hem by the herbeiour.
And aftir spicis plenty and the wine
In cuppis grete wrought of gold ful fyne,
Without tarrying to bedde straightes
they gone, &c.
Chaucer has it again, Squ. T. v. 311. p. 62.
Urr. and Mill. T. v. 270. p. 26.
He sent her piment, methe, and spicid ale.
Some orders of monks are enjoined to
abstain from drinking pigmentum, or pi-
ment. Yet it was a common refection in
the monasteries. It is a drink made of
wine, honey, and spices. " Thei ne could
not medell the gefte of Bacchus to the
clere honie ; that is to say, they could not
make ne piment ne clarre." Chaucer's
Boeth. p. 371. a. Urr. Clarre is clarified
wine. In French Clarey. Perhaps the
same as piment, or hypocrass. See Mem,
Lit. viii. p. 674. 4to. Compare Chauc. Sh.
T. v. 2579. Urr. Du Cange, Gloss. Lat.
v. PIGMENTUM. SPECIES. and Suppl. Carp.
and Mem. sur 1'anc. Chevalier, i. p. 19. 48.
I must add, that Triyjuevrapios or Trifitv-
rapios, signified an Apothecary among the
middle and lower Greeks. See Du Cange,
Gl. Gr. in voc. i. 1167. and ii. Append.
Etymolog. Vocab. Ling. Gall. p. 301. col. 1.
In the register of the bishop of Nivernois,
under the year 1287, it is covenanted,
that whenever the bishop shall celebrate
mass in St. Mary's abbey, the abbess shall
present him with a peacock, and a cup of
piment. Carpentier, ubi supr. vol. iii. p.
277.
[See Weber's note on 1. 4178. of the
Romance of Alisaunder, and Roquefort's
Histoire de la Vie Privee des Franyois,
torn. iii. pp. 65-68. 8°. Paris, 1815. — M.]
a Chaucer says of the Frankelein, Prol.
p. 4. Urr. v. 345.
Withoutin bake mete never was his house.
And in this poem, Signat. B. iii.
With birds in bread ybake,
The tele the duck and drake.
b In a manuscript of Froissart full of
paintings and illuminations, there is a re-
SECT. V.] THE SQUIER OF LOW DEGREE.
And hart, and hynde, and other lyke,
Ye shalbe set at such a tryst
That hart and hynde shall come to you fyst.
Your desease to dryve ye fro,
To here the bugles there yblowe.
Homward thus shall ye ryde,
On haukyng by the ryvers syde,
With goshauke and with gentil fawcon,
With buglehorn and merlyon.
When you come home your menie amonge,
Ye shall have revell, daunces, and songe :
Lytle chyldren, great and smale,
Shall syng as doth the nyghtyngale,
Than shal ye go to your evensong,
With tenours and trebles among,
Threscore of copes of damask bryght
Full of perles they shalbe pyghte. —
Your sensours shalbe of golde
Endent with asure manie a folde :
Your quere nor organ songe shal want
With countre note and dyscaunt.
The other halfe on orgayns playing,
With yong chyldren ful fayn syngyng.
Than shal ye go to your suppere
And sytte in tentis in grene arbere,
With clothe of arras pyght to the grounde,
With saphyres set of dyamounde. —
A hundred knyghtes truly tolde
Shall plaie with bowles in alayes colde.
Your disease to dryve awaie,
To se the fisshes yn poles plaie.
To a drawe brydge then shal ye,
Thone halfe of stone, thother of tre,
A barge shal meet you full ryht,
With xxiiii ores ful bryght,
With trompettes and with claryowne,
The fresshe watir to rowe up and downe.
Then shal you, doughter, aske the wyne
Wyth spises that be gode and fyne :
Gentyll pottes, with genger grene,
Wyth dates and deynties you betweene,
Fortie torches brenynge bright
At your brydges to bring you lyght.
presentation of the grand entrance of queen who has a flag, powdered with fleurs de lys,
Isabel of England into Paris, in the year bound to his neck. Montf. Monum. Fr. ii.
1324. She is attended by a greyhound p. 234.
N2
180 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
Into youre chambre they shall you brynge
Wyth muche myrthe and more lykynge.
Your blankettes shal be of fustyane, '
Your shetes shal be of cloths of rayne c :
Your head-shete shal be of pery pyghtd,
Wyth dyamondes set. and rubys bryght.
Whan you are layd in bed so softe,
A cage of golde shal hange aloft,
Wythe longe peper fayre burning,
And cloves that be swete smellyng,
Frankinsense and olibanum,
That whan ye slepe the taste may come,
And yf ye no rest can take
All nyght mynstrels for you shall wake6.
SYR DEGORE is a romance perhaps belonging to the same period'.
After his education under a hermit, Sir Degore's first adventure is
c cloath, or linen, of Rennes, a city in
Britany. Chaucer, Dr. v. 255.
And many a pilowe, and every bere
Of clothe ofraynes to slepe on softe,
Him thare not nede to turnin ofte.
Tela de Reynes is mentioned among habits
delivered to knights of the garter, 2 Rich.
II. Anstis, Ord. Gart. i. 55.
[Cloath of Rennes seems to have been
the finest sort of linen. In the old ma-
nuscript Mystery, or religious comedy,
of Mary Magdalene, written in 1512, a
Galant, one of the retainers to the group
of the Seven Deadly Sins, is introduced
with the following speech.
Hof, Hof, Hof, a frysch new galaunt!
Ware of thryft, ley that a-doune :
What mene ye, syrrys, that I were a
marchaunt,
Because that I am new com to toun ?
With praty .... wold I fayne round,
I have a shert of reyns with sieves pe-
neaunt,
A lase of sylke for my lady Constant —
I woll, or even, be shaven for to seme
yong, &c.
So also in Skelton's Magnificence, a Mo-
rality written much about the same time,
f. xx. b.
Your skynne, that was wrapped in shertes
of raynes,
Nowe must be storm ybeten.
ADDITIONS.]
d "Inlaid with jewels." Chaucer, Kn.
T. v. 2938. p. 22. Urr.
And then with cloth of gold and with perie.
And in numberless other places.
e Sign. D. ii. seq. At the close of the
romance it is said that the king, in the
midst of a great feast which lasted forty
days, created the squire king in his room ;
in the presence of his TWELVE LORDS.
See what I have observed concerning the
number TWELVE, Introd. Diss. i.
* It contains thirty-two pages in quarto.
Coloph. " Thus endeth the Tretyse of Syr
Degore, imprynted by Wyllyam Copland."
There is another copy dated 1 560. There
is a manuscript of it among bishop More's
at Cambridge, Bibl. Publ. 690. 36. SYR
DEGARE.
[This romance has been published in a
work entitled " Select Pieces of Early Po-
pular Poetry, reprinted from the Black
Letter," [by E. V. Utterson, 2 vols. 8°.
1817.— M.] and is analysed by Mr.
Ellis in his Specimens. From a frag-
ment of it preserved in the Auchinleck
MSS. it is clear that the poem in its pre-
sent form is an unskilful rifacimento of an
earlier version, since the writer was even
ignorant of the true mode of pronouncing
the hero's name. Throughout Copland's
edition — with one exception — it is a word
of two syllables, rhyming with ' before ' ;
but in p. 135 of the reprint we obtain its
true accentuation as exhibited in the Au-
chinleck MSS.
As was the yonge knyght Syr DegorS,
But none wyst what man was he.
The name is intended to express, as the
author tells us (line 230), "a thing (or
person) almost lost," Degare or L'egare.
— PRICE.]
[In Heber's Catalogue, pt. iv. No. 556.
was an unique copy of an edition of this
SECT. V.] SIR DEGORE. 181
against a dragon. This horrible monster is marked with the hand of a
master^."
Degore went furth his waye,
Through a forest half a daye :
He herd no man, nor sawe none,
Tyll yt past the hygh none,
Then herde he grete strokes falle,
That yt made grete noyse with alle,
Full sone he thoght that to se,
To wete what the strokes myght be :
There was an erle, both stout and gaye,
He was com ther that same daye,
For to hunt for a dere or a do,
But hys houndes were gone hym fro.
When was ther a dragon grete and grymme,
Full of fyre and also venymme,
Wyth a wyde throte and tuskes grete,
Uppon that knygte fast gan he bete.
And as a lyon then was hys feete,
Hys tayle was long, and full unmeete :
Betwene hys head and hys tayle
Was xxii fote withouten fayle ;
Hys body was lyke a wyne tonne,
He shone ful bryght agaynst the sunne :
Hys eyen were bright as any~glasse,
His scales were hard as any brasse ;
And therto he was necked lyke a horse,
_ He bare hys hed up wyth grete force :
The breth of hys mouth that did out blow
As yt had been a fyre on lowe.
He was to loke on, as I you telle,
As yt had bene a fiende of helle.
Many a man he had shent,
And many a horse he had rente.
As the minstrel profession became a science, and the audience grew
more civilised, refinements began to be studied, and the romantic poet
sought to gain new attention, and to recommend his story, by giving it
the advantage of a plan. Most of the old metrical romances are, from
their nature, supposed to be incoherent rhapsodies. Yet many of them
have a regular integrity, in which every part contributes to produce an
intended end. Through various obstacles and difficulties one point is
kept in view, till the final and general catastrophe is brought about by
romance by Wynkyn de Worde, 4°. bl. 1. edition is in Garrick's Collection, vol. K. 9.
wood cuts, which is described in Dibdin's and in the Bodleian library is that of 1560,
Ames, vol. ii. p. 376. From this edition, "imprinted at London, by John King."
probably, a transcript in Mr. Donee's li- — M.]
brary, dated 1564, was taken. Copland's g Sign. B. ii.
182 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
a pleasing and unexpected surprise. As a specimen of the rest, and as
it lies in a narrow compass. I will develop the plan of the fable now
before us, which preserves at least a coincidence of events, and an uni-
formity of design.
A king's daughter of England, extremely beautiful, is solicited in
marriage by numerous potentates of various kingdoms. The king her
father vows, that of all these suitors, that champion alone shall win his
daughter who can unhorse him at a tournament. This they all attempt,
but in vain. The king every year assisted at an anniversary mass for
the soul of his deceased queen, who was interred in an abbey at some
distance from his castle. In the journey thither, the princess strays from
her damsels in a solitary forest : she is discovered by a knight in rich
armour, who by many solicitations prevails over her chastity, and, at
parting, gives her a sword without a point, which he charges her to
keep safe ; together with a pair of gloves, which will fit no hands but
her own?. At length she finds the road to her father's castle, where,
after some time, to avoid discovery, she is secretly delivered of a boy.
Soon after the delivery, the princess having carefully placed the child
in a cradle, with twenty pounds in gold, ten pounds in silver, the gloves
given her by the strange knight, and a letter, consigns him to one of
her maidens, who carries him by night, and leaves him in a wood, near
a hermitage, which she discerned by the light of the moon. The her-
mit in the morning discovers the child ; reads the letter, by which it
appears that the gloves will fit no lady but the boy's mother, educates
him till he is twenty years of age, and at parting gives him the gloves
found with him in the cradle, telling him that they will fit no lady but
his own mother. The youth, who is called Degore, sets forward to seek
adventures, and saves an earl from a terrible dragon, which he kills.
The earl invites him to his palace, dubs him a knight, gives him a horse
and armour, and offers him half his territory. Sir Degore refuses to
accept this offer, unless the gloves, which he had received from his
foster-father the hermit, will fit any lady of his court. All the ladies
of the earl's court are called before him, and among the rest the earl's
daughter, but upon trial the gloves will fit none of them. He therefore
takes leave of the earl, proceeds on his adventures, and meets with a
large train of knights; he is informed that they were going to tourney
with the king of England, who had promised his daughter to that knight
who could conquer him in single combat. They tell him of the many
barons and earls whom the king had foiled in several trials. Sir De -
gore, however, enters the lists, overthrows the king, and obtains the
princess. As the knight is a perfect stranger, she submits to her father's
commands with much reluctance. He marries her ; but in the midst of
8 Gloves were antiently a costly article tiosis ponderant. xliiis. et Hid. ob. Et de
of dress, and richly decorated. They were ii. paribus chirothecarum cum LAPIDI-
sometiraes adorned with precious stones. Bus." This golden comb, set with jewels,
Hot. Pip. an. 53. Henr. III. [A.D. 1267.] realises (the wonders of romance.
"Et de i. pectine aim cum lapidibus pre-
SECT. V.] KYNG ROBERT OF SICILY. 183
the solemnities which preceded the consummation, recollects the gloves
which the hermit had given him, and proposes to make an experiment
with them on the hands of his bride. The princess, on seeing the gloves,
changed colour, claimed them for her own, and drew them on with the
greatest ease. She declares to Sir Degore that she was his mother, and
gives him an account of his birth : she told him that the knight his
father gave her a pointless sword, which was to be delivered to no per-
son but the son that should be born of their stolen embraces. Sir De-
gore draws the sword, and contemplates its breadth and length with
wonder : is suddenly seized with a desire of finding out his father : he
sets forward on this search, and on his way enters a castle, where he is
entertained at supper by fifteen beautiful damsels. The lady of the
castle invites him to her bed, but in vain ; and he is lulled asleep by
the sound of a harp. Various artifices are used to divert him from his
pursuit, and the lady even engages him to encounter a giant in her
cause h. But Sir Degore rejects all her temptations, and pursues his
journey. In a forest he meets a knight, richly accoutred, who demands
the reason why Sir Degore presumed to enter his forest without per-
mission. A Combat ensues. In the midst of the contest, the combat-
ants being both unhorsed, the strange knight observing the sword of
his adversary not only to be remarkably long and broad, but without
a point, begs a truce for a moment. He fits the sword to a point which
he had always kept, and which had formerly broken off in an encounter
with a giant; and by this circumstance discovers Sir Degore to be his
son. They both return into England, and Sir Degore's father is mar-
ried to the princess his mother.
The romance of KYNG ROBERT OF SICILY begins and proceeds
thus1.
[Here is of kyng Robert of Cicyle,
Hou pride dude him beguile '.]
Princis proude that bene in preesse,
A thinge I wulle yow telle that is no lees.
In Cesille was a nobille kynge,
Fay re and stronge and sumdel yongek;
h All the romances have such an ob- copied from the Harl. MS. 525, with the
stacle as this. They have all an enchant- exception of the passages in brackets,
ress, who detains the knight from his which have been taken from Warton's
quest by objects of pleasure ; and who is transcript of the Vernon MS. Mr. Ellis,
nothing more than the Calypso of Homer, who has analysed it, concurs with Warton
the Dido of Virgil, and the Armida of in opinion " that the history of the Em-
Tasso. peror Jovinian in the 59th chapter of the
1 MS. Vernon, ut supr. Bibl. Bodl. f. 299. Gesta Romanorum is nearly identical with
It is also in Caius College Camb. MSS. this romance." He further adds : " The
Class. E 174. 4. and Bibl. Publ. Cambr. incidents, however, are not exactly simi-
MSS. More, 690. 35. and Brit. Mus. MSS. lar ; and in some of these the Latin prose
Harl. 525. 2. f. 35. Cod. membran. [and has a manifest advantage over the minstrel
MS. Harl. 1701. — M.] Never printed. poem." — PRICE.]
[The extracts in this edition have been k $yng, MS. Vernon.
184 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
He had a broder in grete Rome
Pope of alle Cristyndome ;
Anoder broder in Almayne,
Emperour that Sarysinys wrought ageyne.
The kynge was called kynge Robert,
Neuer mane wyst him aferd :
He was kynge of mikelle honour,
He was cleped a conquerour :
In noo land was his pere,
Kynge ne duke, fer ne nere :
For he was of chyuallry flour,
His broder was made emperour :
His oder broder Goddis vyker,
Pope of Rome, as I seyde ere ;
He was cleped pope Urbane,
He loved bothe God [and] mane :
The emperour was cleped sir Valamond,
A stronger werrour was none found,
Affter his broder of Cecyle,
Of whom I wulle speke awhyle.
That kynge thought he had no pere
In alle the world, ferre ne nere,
And in his thought he had pryde,
For he hadde no pere in neuer a syde.
And on a nyght of seynt Johne
The baptist, the kynge to cherche wolde gone,
For to herene his evenesonge ;
Hym thought he dwelled there to longe,
His thought was more in worldly honoure
Thanne in Jhesu our Saviour :
In Magnificat1 he herd a vers,
He made a clerke it to rehers,
In langage of his owne tunge,
In Lateyn he ne west™ that they songe ;
The verse was this I telle the,
Deposuit potentes de sede
Et exaltavit humiles,
That was the verse wethought lees :
The clerke seyde anon ryght,
" Sir, soche is Goddis myght,
That he may make hie lowe
And low hie in a lytylle throwe ;
God may do, with out lye,
His wille in twenkelynge of a nye n."
1 the hymn so called. m ne wist, knew not. n eye.
SECT.V.] KYNG ROBERT OF SICILY. 185
The kynge seyde with thought vnstabille
" Ye rede and synge false in fable :
What mane hath that power
To brynge me in soche daunger?
My name is flour of cheualrye,
Myne enemyes I may distroye :
Nomane leueth now in londe
That me may now with stonde.
Thenne is this a songe of nought."
This is errour thenne he thought,
And in his slepe a thought him toke*,
In his pulpitte0 as seyth the booke.
Whanne evensonge was alle idone, .
A kynge lyke him home ganne gone
Alle men gonne with him wende,
Thenne was the toder kynge out of myndeP.
The newe kynge, as I the telle,
Was Goddis aungelle his pryde to felle.
"Pie aungelle in halle joy made,
And alle his men of him were glade.
The kynge waked that was in cherche,
His men he thougth woo to werche ;
For he was left there alone,
And derke nyght felle him vppone.
He ganne cry for his mene,
Ther was none that spake ayene.
But the sexteyne of the cherche att last
Swythly to hym he ganne goo fast,
And seyd "What doostthou here,
Fals thefe, and theves fere?
Thou art here felonye to werche
To robbe God and holy churche," &c.
The kynge ranne ought thanne faste ;
As a man that were wode,
Att his paleys there he stode,
And kalled the porter : " False gadlynge*1,
Opene the yates in hyenger."
Anone the yates to on doo,
The porter [seide] "Who clepeth8 soo?"
He answerd ryght an one,
" Thou shalt wete ar we gone ;
Thy lord I am thou shalt wele knowe :
In prysone thou shallt lye fulle lowe,
[*" And in his thought a sleep him tok," while the real king Robert was forgotten
MS. Vernon.] ° stall, or seat. and left behind."
p "A king like him went out of the q renegade, traitor,
chapel, and all the company with him ; r at the call [in haste]. * calls.
186 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. v.
[And ben an-hariged and to-drawe
As a traytour bi the lawe,]
Thou shalt wete I am kynge," &c.
When admitted, he is brought into the hall ; where the angel, who
had assumed his place, makes him the fool of the hall, and cloathes
him in a fool's coat. He is then sent out to lie with the dogs ; in
which situation he envies the condition of those dogs, which in great
multitudes were permitted to remain in the royal hall. At length
the emperor Valemounde sends letters to his brother king Robert,
inviting him to visit, with himself, their brother the pope at Rome.
The angel, who personates king Robert, welcomes the messengers, and
cloathes them in the richest apparel, such as could not be made in the
world.
The aungell welcomed the mesangeris,
And yaf hem clothynge ryche of pryse,
Forred it was alle with ermyne,
In Cristyndome was none soo fyne ;
And alle was congetted with perles ryche,
Neuer mane sawe none4iem leche :
Soche clothynge and it were to dyght,
Alle Cristendome hem make ne myght,
Where soche clothynge were to selle,
Ne who them made kanne nomane telle.
And alle they were of o clothynge,
Soche before mad neuer kynge.
The messangeres wentt with the kynge *,
To grete Rome without lettynge ;
The fole Robert with him went,
Clothed in a folis garnement,
With foxis taylys hongynge al abowght,
Men myght [him] knowe in ye rought, &c.
The aungelle was clothed alle in white,
There was neuer fonde soche a wyghte :
Alle was cowched in perles ryche,
Saw neuer mane anoder him liche.
Alle was whyte bothe tyre and stede,
. The place was fayr ther they yedeu;
So fayre a stede as, he on rode
Was neuer mane that euer bystrode.
And so was alle his aparelle
Alle mene there of hadde mervayle.
Hys mene were alle rychely dyght
Herew reches can telle no wyght,
Of clothis, gyrdelis, and oder thyngis,
Euery swquyer men thought knyghtisx;
* that is, the artgel. u went. w their. * [a kyng. MS. Vernon.}
SECT. V.]
KYNG ROBERT OF SICILY.
187
Alle they redyne in ryche araye,
But kynge Robert as I yow saye,
[Al men on him gan pyke,
For he rod al other unlyke.
An ape rod of his clothing
In tokne that he was underling.]
The pope and the emperour also,
And oder lordis many mo,
Welcomed the aungele as for kynge
And maden joye of his comynge, &c.
Afterwards they return in the same pomp to Sicily, where the angel,
after so long and ignominious a penance, restores king Robert to his
royalty.
Sicily was conquered by the French in the eleventh century0, and
n There is an old French Romance,
Robert le Diable, often quoted by Car-
pentier in his Supplement to Du Cange.
And a French Morality, without date or
name of the author, in manuscript, Com-
ment il fut enjoint a ROBERT le diable,
fils du due de Normandie, pour ses mes-
faites, de faire lefol sang parler, et depuis
N. S. ut merci du lui. Beauchamps, Rech.
Theat. Fr. p. 109. This is probably the
same Robert.
[The French prose romance of Robert
le Diable, printed in 1496, is extant in
the little collection, of two volumes,
called Bibliotheque Bleue. It has been
translated into other languages: among
the rest into English. The English ver-
sion was printed by Wynkyn de Worde.
The title of one of the chapters is, How
God sent an aungell to the hermyte to
sliewe him the penaunce that he sholde
gyve to Robert for his synnes. — " Yf that
Robert wyll be shryven of his synnes, he
must kepe and counterfeite the wayes of
a fole and be as he were dombe, &c." It
ends thus :
Thus endeth the lyfe of Robert the devyll
That was the servant of our lorde.
And of his condycyons that was full evyll
Enprynted in London by Wynkyn the
Worde.
The volume has this colophon. " Here
endeth the lyfe of the moost ferefullest
and unmercifullest and myschevous Ro-
berte the devyll which was afterwarde
called the servaunte of our Lorde Jhesu
Cryst. Enprynted in Fletestrete in [at]
the sygne of the sonne by Wynkyn de
Worde." There is an old English Mo-
rality on this tale, under the very cor-
rupt title of ROBERT CICYLL, which was
represented at the High-Cross in Chester,
in 1529. There is a manuscript copy of
the poem, on vellum, in Trinity College
library at Oxford, MSS. Num. LVll. fol.
— ADDITIONS.]
[Robert of Cicyle and Robert the De-
vil, though not identical, are clearly mem-
bers of the same family, and this poetic
embodiment of their lives is evidently the
offspring of that tortuous opinion so pre-
valent in the middle ages, and which time
has mellowed into a vulgar adage, that
" the greater the sinner the greater the
saint." The subject of the latter poem
was doubtlessly Robert the first duke of
Normandy, who became an early object
of legendary scandal ; and the transition
to the same line of potentates in Sicily
was an easy effort when thus supported.
The romantic legend of Sir Gowther re-
cently published in the Select Pieces of
Early Popular Poetry, is only a different
version of Robert the Devil with a change
of scene, names, &c. The Bibliotheque
Bleue is a voluminous collection, of which
Warton appears to have seen only two
volumes. — PRICE.]
[Although it has been assumed that
Robert the Devil was identical with the
first duke of Normandy; this question has
been recently the subject of a discussion
occasioned by the publication of the Mi-
racle or Morality at Rouen in 1836. See
the Note at the end of this Section. —
R. T.]
[A curious metrical Lyfe of Roberte
the Deuyll was published by J. Herbert,
8vo, Lond. 1798, from a transcript made in
the reign of Elizabeth from a 4to edition
in black letter, printed by W. de Worde
or Pynson, and ornamented with wood-
cuts. In Mr. Donee's curious library was
a MS. containing, transcripts by the same
hand of the romances of Syr Isenbras, Syr
188 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
this tale might have been originally got or written during their pos-
session of that island, which continued through many monarchies0.
But Sicily, from its situation, became a familiar country to all the
western continent at the time of the Crusades, and consequently soon
found its way into romance, as did many others of the Mediterranean
islands and coasts, for the same reason. Another of them, Cilicia, has
accordingly given title to an antient tale called The KING OF TARS ;
from which I shall give some extracts, touched with a rude but ex-
pressive pencil.
" Her bigenneth of the KYNG OF TARS, and of the Soudan of Dam-
miasP, how the Soudan of Dammias was cristened thoru Godis grasV
Herkeneth now, bothe olde and yyng,
For Maries love, that swete thyng :
How a werre bigan
Bitwene a god Cristene kyng,
And an hethene heyhe lordyng,
Of Damas the Soudan.
The kyng of Taars hedde a wyf,
The feireste that mighte bere lyf,
That eny mon telle can :
A doughter thei hadde hem bitween,
That heorer rihte heir sch olde ben ;
White so8 fether of swan :
Chaast heo* was, and feir of chere,
With rodeu red so blosme on brere,
Eyyenw stepe and gray,
With lowe schuldres, and whyte swerex;
Hire to sco? was gret prey ere
Of princes pert in play.
Degore, Syr Gawayne, and Syr Egla- p Damascus.
moure of A r toys, all of which were copied q MS. Vernon. Bibl. Bodl. f. 304. It is
in 1564, from printed editions earlier than also in Bibl. Adv. Edinb. W 4. 1. Num. iv.
Copland's. — M.] In five leaves and a half. Never printed.
0 A passage in Fauchet, speaking of [This romance will be found in Mr.
rhyme, may perhaps deserve attention Ritson's Collection, vol. ii. from whose
here. " Pour le regard de Siciliens, je transcript the present text has been cor-
roe tiens presque asseure, que Guillaume rected. On the authority of Douglas's
Ferrabrach frere de Robert Guischard version of the ^Eneid and Ruddiman's
et autres seigneurs de Calabre et Pouille Glossary, he interprets " Tars " to mean
enfans de Tancred Franjois-Normand, Thrace ; but as the story is one of pure
1'ont portee aux pais de leur conqueste, invention, and at best but a romantic le-
estant une coustume des gens de defa gend, why not refer the Damas and Tars
chanter, avant que combattre, les beaux of the text to the Damascus and Tarsus of
faits de leurs ancestres, composez en vers." Scripture ? — PRICE.]
Rec. p. 70. Boccacio's Tancred, in his
beautiful Tale of Tancred and Sigismunda,
was one of these Franco- Norman kings of
Sicily. Compare Nouv. Abreg. Chrpnol.
Hist. Fr. pag. 102. edit. 1752. [Also
their.
she.
ruddy [complexion].
eyes.
neck.
Gibbon, ch. hi ] y see.
SECT. V.] THE KING OF TARS. 189
The word of hire z sprong ful wyde
Feor and ner, bi vche a syde :
The Soudan herde say;
Him thoughte his herte wolde breke on five
Bot he mihte have hire to wyve,
That was so feir a may ;
The Soudan ther he sat in halle ;
He sente his messagers faste withalle,
To hire fader the kyng.
And seide, hou so hit ever bifalle,
That mayde he wolde clothe in palle
And spousen hire with his ryng.
"And ellesa I swere withouten fayle
I schullb hire winnen in pleyn battayle
With mony an heih lordyng," &c.
The Soldan, on application to the king of Tarsus for his daughter, is
refused ; and the messengers return without success. The Soldan's
anger is painted with great characteristical spirit.
The Soudan sat at his des,
Iserved of his furste mes ;
Thei comen into the halle
Tofore the prince proud in pres,
Heore tale thei tolden withouten lees
And on heore knees gunne falle :
And seide, " Sire, the kyng of Tars
Of wikked wordes nis not scars,
Hethene hound* he doth thef calle;
And er his doughtur he give the tille s
Thyn herte blode he wol spille
And thi barouns alle."
Whon the Soudan this iherde, •
As a wod man he ferde,
His robe he rente adoun ;
He tar the her h of hed and berd,
And seide he wold her wine * with swerd,
Beo his lord seynt Mahoun.
The table adoun riht he smot,
In to the floore foot hot1,
He lokede as a wylde lyoun ;
z The report of her. " wive," from whence the reading in the
a also [else]. b shall. text was too obvious not to be adopted. —
e A phrase often applied to the Sara- PRICE.] [I doubt very much whether wine
cens. So in Syr Bevys, Signat. C. ii. b. for winne is admissible, and should feel
To speke with an hethene hounde. inclined to follow the reading of the MS.
f ^ wiue, for marry, as in Ritson. — M.]
« -Before his daughter is given to thee." ' S^ck; S?mped' ^An idio™tic ex'
fc "t • th h ' " pression to denote anger or haste, still
* [Walton readi «' wene," and Ritson used ** the Irish pewantry.-M.]
190 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V,
Al that he hitte he sinot doun riht
Bothe sergaunt and kniht,
Erl and eke baroun.
So he ferde forsothe a pliht,
Al a day, and al a niht,
That no man mihte him chaste k:
A morwen whon hit was day liht,
He sent his messagers ful riht,
After his barouns in haste :
[That thai com to his parlement,
For to heren his jugement
Bothe lest and mast.
When the parlement was pleyner,
Tho bispac the Soudan fer,
And seyd to hem in hast.]f
" Lordynges," he seith, " what to rede !,
Me is don a grete mysdede,
Of Taars the Cristen kyng ;
I bed him bothe lond and lede
To have his douhter in worthli wede,
And spouse hire with my ryng.
And he seide, withouten fayle
Arst he wolde me sle in batayle,
And mony a gret lordynge.
Ac sertesm he schal be forswore,
Or to wrothe [r] helen that he was bore,
Bote he hit therto0 bryng.
Therefore lordynges, I have after ow sent
For to come to my parliment,
To wite of yow counsayle."
And alle onswerde with gode entent
Thei wolde be at his comaundement
Withouten eny fayle.
And whon thei were alle at his heste,
The Soudan made a wel gret feste,
For love of his batayle ;
The Soudan gederet an oste unryde?,
With Sarazins of muchel pryde,
The kyng of Tars to assayle.
k check. Morgan did after conseile,
f [The lines within brackets were in- And wrought him selfe to tvrotherheile.
serted by Mr. Ritson from the Auchinleck
MS.— PRICE.] ASaln'
1 " what counsel shall we take ? " To }ow al was a wikke conseile,
m But certainly. That 36 selle se fuH wrotherheile.
n Loss of health or safety. Maledic-
tion. So Robert of Brunne, Chron. apud ° To that issue.
Hearne's Rob. Glouc. p. 737. 738. f unright, wicked [numerous].
SECT. V.] THE KINO OF TARS. 191
Whon the kyng hit herde that tyde
He sent about on vche asyde,
Alle that he mihte of seende ;
Gret werre tho bigan to wrake
For the mariage ne most be take
Of that mayden heende *.
Batayle thei sette uppon a day,
Withinne the thridde day of May,
Ne longer nolde thei leender.
The Soudan com with gret power,
With helm briht, and feir baneer,
Uppon that kyng to wende.
The Soudan ladde an huge ost,
And com with muche pruyde and cost,
With the kyng of Tars to fihte.
With him mony a Sarazyn feer3,
Alle the feldes feor and neer,
Of helmes leomede* lihte.
The kyng of Tars com also
The Soudan batayle for to do
With mony a Cristene knihte ;
Either ost gon othur assayle
Ther bigon a strong batayle
That grislych was of siht.
Threo hethene ayein twey Cristene men,
And falde hem doun in the fen,
With wepnes stif and goode :
The steorne Sarazyns in that fiht,
Slowe vr Cristen men doun riht,
Thei fouhte as heo weore woode.
The Soudan ost in that stounde
Feolde the Cristene to the grounde,
Mony a freoly foode ;
The Sarazins, withouten fayle,
The Cristene culde" in that battayle,
Nas non that hem withstoode.
Whon the king of Tars sauh that siht
Wodde he was for wraththe apliht ;
In honde he hent a spere,
And to the Soudan he rode ful riht,
With a duntx of much miht,
Adoun he gon him bere :
q hend, handsome, [courteous. A ge- r tarry. * companion,
neral term expressive of personal and * shone. u killed,
mental accomplishments. — PRICE.] * dint, wound, stroke.
192 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SKCT. V.
The Soudan neigh he hedde islawe,
But thritti thousent of hethene lawe
Coomen him for to were ;
And broughten him ayeyn upon his stede,
And holpe him wel in that nede,
That no mon miht him dere^.
Whon he was brouht uppon his stede,
He sprong as sparkle doth of glede z,
For wrathe and for envye ;
Alle that he hutte he made hem blede,
He ferde as he wolde a wedea,
" Mahoun help," he gan crye.
Mony an helm ther was unweved,
And mony a bacinetb tocleved,
And sadeles mony emptye ;
Men mihte se uppon the feld
Moni a kniht ded under scheld,
Of the Cristene cumpagnye.
Whon the kyng of Taars saugh hem so ryde,
No lengor there he nolde abyde,
Bote fleyhc to his oune cite :
The Sarazins, that ilke tyde,
Slough adoun bi vche a syds
Vr Cristene folk so fre.
The Sarazins that tyme, saunz fayle,
Slowe vr Cristene in batayle,
That reuthe hit was to se ;
And on the morwe for heored sake
Truwes thei gunne togidere take6,
A moneth and dayes thre.
As the kyng of Tars sat in his halle,
He made ful gret deol f withalle,
For the folk that he hedde ilore*
His douhter com in riche palle,
On kneos heo h gon biforen him falle,
And seide with syking sore :
"Fader/' heo seide, "let me beo his wyf,
That ther be no more strif, " &c.
To prevent future bloodshed, the princess voluntarily declares she is
willing to be married to the Soldan, although a Pagan : and notwith-
standing the king her father peremptorily refuses his consent, and re-
y hurt. z coal, fire-brand. e They began to make a truce together.
* as if he was mad. b helmet. f dole, grief.
c flew. <» their. E lost. h she.
SECT. V.] THK KING OF TARS. 193
solves to continue the war, with much difficulty she finds means to fly
to the Soldan's court, in order to produce a speedy and lasting reconci-
liation by marrying him.
To the Soudan heo* is ifare ;
He com with mony an heigh lordyng,
For to welcom that swete thyng,
Ther heo com in hire chare k :
He custe l hire wel mony a sithe
His joye couthe no man kithem,
Awei was al hire care.
Into chambre heo was led,
With riche clothes heo was cled,
Hethene as thaug heo were".
The Soudan ther he sat in halle,
He comaundede his knihtes alle
That mayden for to fette,
In cloth of riche purpil palle,
And on hire hed a comeli calle,
Bi the Soudan heo was sette.
Unsemli was hit for to se
Heo that was so bright of ble
To habbe0 so foule a mettep, &c.
They are then married, and the wedding is solemnized with a grand
tournament, which they both view from a high tower. She is after-
wards delivered of a son, which is so deformed as to be almost a monster.
But at length she persuades the Soldan to turn Christian ; and the young
prince is baptized, after which ceremony he suddenly becomes a child
of most extraordinary beauty. The Soldan next proceeds to destroy his
Saracen idols.
He hente a staf with herte grete,
And al his goddes he gan to bete,
And drouh hem alle adoun;
And leyde on til that he con swete,
With sterne strokes and with grete,
On Jovyn* and Plotoun,
On Astrot and sire Jovin
On Tirmagaunt and Apollin,
1 she. k chariot. Chaucer as an example of pride, luxury,
1 kist. mknow. and lust. Somp.T.v. 7511. Verdier (in v.)
n as if she had been a heathen, one of recites a Moralite on Jovinian, with nine-
that country. teen characters, printed at Lyons, from an
0 have. antient copy in 1581, 8vo, with the title
p mate. L'Orgueil et presomption de V Empereur
* [I know not if by sire Jovyn he means JOVINIAN. But Jovyn being mentioned
Jupiter, or the Roman emperour called here with Plotoun and Apollin, seems to
Jovinian, against whom St. Jerom wrote, mean Jove or Jupiter; and the appellation
and whose history is in the Gesta Ro- SIRE perhaps implies father, or chief, of
manorum, c. 59. He is mentioned by the heathen gods. — ADDITIONS.]
VOL. I. O
194 METRICAL ROMANCES OF THE 13TH CENTURY. [SECT. V.
He brak hem Bcolle and croun ;
On Tirmagaunt, that was heore brother,
He lafte no lym hole with other,
Ne on his lord seynt Mahoun, &c.
The Soldan then releases thirty thousand Christians, whom he had long
detained prisoners. As an apostate from the pagan religion, he is
powerfully attacked by several neighbouring Saracen nations : but he
solicits the assistance of his father-in-law the king of Tars ; and they
both joining their armies, in a pitched battle, defeat five Saracen kings,
Kenedoch, Lesyas king of Taborie, Merkel, Cleomadas, and Mem-
brok. There is a warmth of description in some passages of this poem,
not unlike the manner of Chaucer. The reader must have already ob-
served that the stanza resembles that of Chaucer's RIME OF SIR TOPAS''.
IPOMEDON is mentioned among the romances in the Prologue of
RICHARD CUER DE LYON ; which, in an antient copy of the British
Museum, is called SYR IPOMYDON : a name borrowed from the Theban
war, and transferred here to a tale of the feudal times r. This piece is
evidently derived from a French original. Our hero Ipomydon is son
of Ermones king of Apulia, and his mistress is the fair heiress of Cala-
bria. About the year 1230, William Ferrabras8, and his brethren, sons
of Tancred the Norman, and well known in the romantic history of the
Paladins, acquired the signories of Apulia and Calabria. But our
English romance seems to be immediately translated from the French ;
for Ermones is called king of Poyle^ or Apulia, which in French is
Pouille. I have transcribed some of the most interesting passages *.
Ipomydon, although the son of a king, is introduced waiting in his
father's hall, at a grand festival. This servitude was so far from being
dishonourable, that it was always required as a preparatory step to
knighthood".
Every yere the kyng wold
At Whytsontyde a fest hold
Off dukis, erlis, and barons,
Many there come frome dyuers townes,
Ladyes, maydens, gentille and fre,
Come thedyr frome ferre contre :
q The romance of SIR LIBEAUX or LY- lection of Metrical Romances. It has also
BIUS DISCONIUS, quoted by Chaucer, is been analysed by Mr. Ellis. — PRICE.]
in this stanza. MSS. Cott. Calig. A. ii. * Bras defer. Iron arms.
f. 40. [William Ferrabras and his brethren
* MS. Harl. 2252. 44. f. 54. And in may be found in the real not the romantic
the library of Lincoln cathedral (K. k. 3. history of the Paladins. Mr. Warton seems
10.) is an antient imperfect printed copy, to have confounded him with the giant
[enprynted at London by Wynkyn de Fierabras mentioned in Don Quixote. —
Worde, wanting the first sheet. This RITSON.]
translation is said to differ from that in * MS. f. 55.
MS.— M.] [Printed in Mr. Weber's col- u See p. 38, note' of this volume.
SECT, V.] IPOMYDON. 195
And grete lordis of ferre lond,
Thedyr were prayd by fore the bond w.
When alle were come togedyr than
There was joy of many a man ;
Fulle riche I wote were hyr seruice,
For better myght no man devyse.
Ipomydon that day servyd in halle,
Alle spake of hym bothe grete and smalle,
Ladies and maydens byheld hym one,
So godely a man they had sene none :
His feyre chere in halle theym sniert
That many a lady smote throw the hert.
And in there hertis they made mone
That there lordis ne were suche one.
Aftyr mete they went to pley,
Alle the peple, as I you sey ;
Somme to chambre, and som to boure,
And somme to the hye towre* ;
And somme in the halle stode
And spake what hem thought gode :
Men that were of that cite y
Enquered of men of other centre, &c.
Here a conversation commences concerning the heiress of Calabria :
and the young Prince Ipomydon immediately forms a resolution to visit
and to win her. He sets out in disguise.
Now they go forthe on hir way,
Ipomydon to hys men gan sey,
That ther be none of hem alle,
So hardy by hys name hym calle,
Whereso thei wend ferre or nere,
Or ouer the strange ryuere ;
" Ne man telle what I ame,
What I shalle be, ne whens I came."
Alle they granted his comandement,
And forthe they went with one assent.
Ipomydon and Tholomew
Robys had on and mantillis new,
Of the richest that myght bee,
Ther was [nasj suche in that cuntree :
w before-hand. ties were formed, and different schemes of
x In the feudal castles, where many amusement invented. One of these was
persons of both sexes were assembled, and to mount to the top of one of the highest
who did not know how to spend the time, towers in the castle,
it is natural to suppose that different par- y The Apulians.
o2
196 IPOMYDON. [SECT, v
For many was the ryche stone
That the mantillis were vppon.
So longe there weys they haue nonie*
That to Calabre they ar come :
They come to the castelle yate
The porter was redy there at,
The porter to theyme they gan calle,
And prayd hym go in to the halle,
And say thy ladya gent and fre,
That comen ar men of ferre contre,
And if it plese hyr, we wolle hyr prey,
That we myght ete with hyr to day.
The porter sayd fulle cortessly
" Your erand to do I am redy."
The lady to hyr mete was sette,
The porter come and feyre hyr grette,
" Madame," he sayd, " God you saue,"
Atte your gate gestis ye haue,
Strange men as for to see
They aske mete for charyte."
The lady comaundith sone anone
That the gates were vndone,
" And bryng theym alle byfore me
For wele at ese shalle they bee."
They toke hyr pagis, hors & alle,
These two men went in to the halle,
Ipomydon on knees hym sette,
And the lady feyre he grette :
" I am a man of strange contre
And pray you yff your wille to [so] be
That I myght dwelle with you to-yere
Of your norture for to lereb,
I am come frome ferre lond ;
For speche I here by fore the hand,
z took [taken]. bury executed the sheriff's office for the
a She was lady, by inheritance, of the county of Wilts, in different parts of the
signory. The female feudataries exer- reign of Henry III. (See Baronage, vol. i.
cised all the duties and honours of their 177.) From Fuller's Worthies we find
feudal jurisdiction in person. In Spen- that Elizabeth widow of Thomas Lord
ser, where we read of the Lady of the Clifford was sheriffess of Westmoreland
Castle, we are to understand such a cha- for many years : and from Pennant's
racter. See a story of a Comtesse, who Scottish Tour we learn that for the same
entertains a knight in her castle with county, Anne, the celebrated countess of
much gallantry. Mem. sur 1'Anc. Chev. Dorset, Pembroke and Montgomery, often
ii. 69. It is well known that anciently sat in person as sheriffess. Yet Ritson
in England ladies were sheriffs of counties. doubted of facts to substantiate Mr. War-
[Margaret countess of Richmond was a ton's assertion. See his Obs. p. 10. and
justice of peace. Sir W. Dugdale tells us reply in the Gent. Mag. 1782. p. 573. —
that Ela widow of William earl of Salis- PARK.] h learn.
SECT. V.] 1POMYDON. 197
That your norture and your servise,
Ys holden of so grete empryse,
I pray you that I may dwelle here
Somme of your seruyse for to lere."
The lady byheld Ipomydone,
Hym semyd wele a gentilmane,
She knew none suche in hyr londe,
So goodly a mane & wele farand c ;
She saw also by his norture
He was a man of grete -valure:
She cast fulle sone in hyr thoght
That for no seruyce come he noght;
But it was worship hyr vnto
In feyre seruyce hym to do.
She sayd, " Syr, welcome ye be,
And alle that comyn be with the ;
Sithe ye haue had so grete travayle,
Of a service ye shatle not fayle :
In thys contre ye may dwelle here,
And at youre wille for to lere ;
Of the cuppe ye shalle serue me
And alle your men with you shal be ;
Ye may dwelle here at youre wille,
Butd your beryng be fulle ylle."
" Madame," he sayd, " grantmercy,"
He thankid the lady cortesly.
She comandyth hym to the mete,
But or he satte in any sete,
He saluted theym grete & smalle,
As a gentille man shuld in halle ;
Alle they sayd sone anone,
They saw ne*uyr so goodly a mane,
Ne so light, ne so glad,
Ne non that so ryche atyre had ;
There was none that sat nor yedee,
But they had mervelle of hys dedef,
And sayd, he was no lytell syre
That myght shew suche atyre.
Whan they had ete, and grace sayd,
And the tabylle away was leyd ;
Vpp than aroos Ipomydon,
And to the botery he went anone,
And [dyde] his mantille hym aboute ;
On hym lokyd alle the route,
c handsome. A unless. e walked. { behaviour.
198 JPOMYDON. [SECT. v«
And euery man sayd to other there,
" Wille ye se the proude squeer
Shalle serueff my lady of the wyne,
In hys mantelle that is so fyne?"
That they hym scornyd wist he noght,
On othyr thyng he had his thoght.
He toke the cuppe of the botelere,
And drewe a lace of sylke fulle clere,
Adowne than felle hys mantylle by,
He prayd hym for hys curtessy,
That lytelle yifteh that he wolde nome
Tille efte sone a better come.
Vp it toke the botelere,
Byfore the lady he gan it bere,
And prayd the lady hertely
To thanke hym of his cortessye.
Alle that was tho in the halle
Grete honowre they spake hym alle;
And sayd he was no lytelle man
That suche yiftys yiffe kan.
There he dwellyd many a day,
And servid the lady wele to pay,
He bare hym on so feyre manere
To knyghtis, ladyes, and squyere?
Alle louyd hym that were hym by,
For he bare hym so eojtesly.
The lady had a cosyne that hight Jason,
Fulle wele he louyd Ipomydon ;
Where that he yede in or oute,
Jason went with hym aboute.
The lady lay, buKshe slept noght,
For of the squyere she had grete thoght ;
How he was feyre, and shape wele,
Body and armes, and euery dele;
There was non in alle hir land
So wel besemyd doughty of hand.
But she kowde wete for no case,
Whens he come, ne what he was,
Ne of no man cowde enquere
Other than the strange squyere.
She hyr bythought on a queyntyse,
If she myght know in ony wyse,
To wete whereof he were come ;
Thys was hyr thoght alle & somme
8 "who is to serve." h i. e. his mantle.
SECT. V.j IPOMYDON. 199
She thought to wode hyr men to tame1,
That she myght knowe hym by his game.
On the morow whan it was day
To hyr men than gan she say,
" To morow whan it is day lyght,
Loke ye be alle redy dight,
With youre handis [houndis] more and lesse,
In the forest to take my grese ;
And there I wille my self be,
Youre game to byhold and see."
Ipomydon had houndis thre,
That he broght frome his contre ;
When they were to the wodde gone,
This lady and hyr men ichone,
And with hem hyr howndis ladde,
Alle that euyr any howndis had.
Sir Tholomew foryate he noght,
His mastres howndis thedyr he broght,
That many a day ne had ronne ere,
Fulie wele he thoght to note hem there.
Whan they come to the laund on hight,
The quenys pavylon there was pight,
That she myght se of the best,
Alle the game of the forest.
The wandle'ssours went throw the forest,
And to the lady brought many a bestk,
Herte and hynde, buk and doo,
And othir bestis many moo.
The howndis that were of gret prise,
Pluckid downe dere alle at a tryse,
Ipomydon with his houndis thoo
Drew downe bothe buk and doo,
More he toke with houndis thre
Than alle that othyr compaigne.
There squyres vndyd hyr dere,
Iche man on his owne manere;
Ipomydon a dere yede vnto,
Fulle konnyngly gan he it vndo ;
So feyre that veneson he gan to dight,
That bothe hym byheld squyere and knyght.
The lady lokyd oute of hyr pavyloune,
And saw hym dight the venysone.
There she had grete deynte
And so had alle that dyd hym see ; .
• {. tempt. [Probably tone, take, rytkmi gratia. — WEBER.] k beast.
200 METRICAL ROMANCES. [SECT. V.
She saw alle that he downe droughe,
Of huntyng she wist he cowde inoughe,
And thoght in hyr herte than
That he was come of gentille men.
She bad Jason hyr men to calle ;
Home they passyd grete & smalle.
Home they come sone anone,
This lady to hyr mete gan gone.
And of venery1 had hyr fille,
For they had take game at wille.
He is aftewards knighted with great solemnity.
The heraudes gaff the child1" the gree,
A M* pownde he had to fee,
Mynstrellys had yiftes of golde
And fourty dayes thys fest was holde."
The metrical romance entitled LA MORT ARTHURE, preserved in
the same repository, is supposed by the learned and accurate Wan-
ley, to be a translation from the French : who adds, that it is not per-
haps older than the times of Henry the Seventh.0 But as it abounds
with many Saxon words, and seems to be quoted in SYR BEVYSP, I
have given it a place here. Notwithstanding the title, and the exor-
dium which promises the history of Arthur and the Sangreal, — the
exploits of Sir Lancelot du Lake king of Benwike, his intrigues with
Arthur's queen Geneura, and his refusal of the beautiful daughter of
the earl of Ascalot, form the greatest part of the poem. At the close,
the repentance of Lancelot and Geneura, who both assume the habit
of religion, is introduced. The writer mentions the Tower of London.
The following is a description of a tournament performed by some of
the knights of the Round Table <*.
Tho to the castelle gonne they fare,
To the ladye fayre and bright :
Blithe was the lady thare,
That they wold dwelle with hyr that night.
Hastely was there soper yarer
Off mete and drinke rychely dight ;
1 venison, [hunting, game.] mere compilation, whilst it follows with
m Ipomydon. n MS. f. 61. b. tolerable exactness the French romance
0 MS. Harl. 2252. 49. f. 86. Pr. of Lancelot; and its phraseolog-y, which
" Lordinges that are leffe and deare." perfectly resembles that of Chester and
Never printed. other authors of the fifteenth century, be-
[The late Mr. Ritson was of opinion trays no marks of affectation. — ELLIS. A
that [this romance] was versified from new edition of Caxton's Morte Arthur
the prose work of the same name written has since been published by Mr. Southey,
by Malory and printed by Caxton ; in 2 vols. 4to. 1817. — PRICE.]
proof of which he contended that the style p Signat. K. ii. b. q MS. f. 89. b.
is marked by an evident affectation of and- 'ready. See Glossary to the Oxford
quity. But in truth it differs most essen- edition of Shakspeare, 1771. In toe.
tially from Malory's work, which was a [Also Nares and Jamieson.]
SECT. V.] LA MORT ABTHURE. 201
On the morow gonne they dyne & fare,
Both Launcelott and that othere knight.
Whan they come in to the feld,
Myche there was of game & play,
A while they hovid3, & by held
How Arthurs knightis rode that day,
Galehodis* party bygan to held",
On fote his knightis ar led away ;
Launcelott stiff was vndyr scheld,
Thinkis to helpe yif that he may.
Besyde hym come than sire Ewayne,
Bremew as any wilde bore ;
Launcelott springis hym ageyne*,
In rede armys that/ he bore ;
A dynte he yaff with mekille mayne,
Sire Ewayne was vnhorsid thare,
That alle men wente* he had bene slayne,
So was he woundyd wondyr sarez.
Sir Boerte thoughte no thinge good,
When sire Ewayne vnhorsid was ;
Forthe he springis, as he were wode,
To Launcelot withouten lees.
Launcelot hytte hym on the hode,
The nexte way to ground he chese;
Was none so stiff agayne hym stode
Fulle thynne he made the thikkest prees3.
Sir Lyonelle beganne to teneb,
And hastely he made hym bownec,
To Launcelott, with herte kene,
He rode with helme and sword browne;
Launcelott hitte hym as I wene,
Throughe the helme in to the crowne :
That euyr aftere it was sene ; *
Bothe hors and man there yede adowne.
The knightis gadrid togedire thare,
And gan with crafte, &c.
I could give many more ample specimens of the romantic poems of
these nameless minstrels, who probably flourished before or about the
reign of Edward the Second d. But it is neither my inclination nor in-
s hovered, [tarried. — M.] tioned in the Prologue to Cure de Lyon,
1 Sir Galaad's. above cited. See also p. 124. of this volume.
u Perhaps yeld, i. e. yield, [heel, i. e. In the Cotton manuscripts there is the me-
give way. — M.] trical romance of Octavian imperator, but
w fierce. * against. y weened. it has nothing of the history of the Ro-
* sore. * crowd. man emperors. Pr. " Jhesu )>at was with
b be troubled. c ready. spere ystonge." Calig. A ii. f. 20. It is
d Octavian is one of the romances men- a very singular stanza. In Bishop More's
202
OLD ENGLISH ROMANCES.
[SECT. v.
tention to write a catalogue, or compile a miscellany. It is not to be
expected that this work should be a general repository of our antient
manuscripts at Cambridge, there is a poem
with the same title, but a very different
beginning, viz. " Lytyll and mykyll olde
and younge." Bibl. Publ. GOO. 30. —
[This romance will be found in Mr. We-
ber's collection, vol. iii. p. 157. — PRICE.]
— The emperor Octavyen, perhaps the
same, is mentioned in Chaucer's Dreme,
v. 368. Among Hatton's manuscripts in
Bibl. Bodl. [No. 100.] we have a French
poem, Romanz de Otheviene Empereor de
Rome. Hyper. Bodl. 4046. 21.
[A metrical romance of Octavyan was
printed by W. de Worde, bl. L with wood-
cuts. See MS. Harl. 5905. f. 17. (Bay-
ford).— M.]
In the same line of the aforesaid Pro-
logue, we have the romance of Ury. This
is probably the father of the celebrated
Sir Ewaine or Yvain, mentioned in the
Court Mantell. Mem. Anc. Cheval. ii.
p. 62.
Li rois pris par la destre main
L' amiz monseignor Yvain
Qui au ROI URIEN fu filz,
Et bons chevaliers et hardiz,
Q,ui tant ama chiens et oisiaux.
Specimens of the English Syr Bevys
may be seen in Percy's Ball. iii. 216*, 217,
297. edit. 1767. And Observations on the
Fairy Queen, § ii. p. 50. It is extant in
the black letter. It is in manuscript at
Cambridge, Bibl. Publ. 690. 30. And
Coll. Caii, A 9. 5. And MSS. Bibl. Adv.
Edinb. W4. 1. Num. xxii.
[It is in this romance of Syr Bevys,
that the knight passes over a bridge, the
arches of which are hung round with small
bells. Signal. E iv. This is an oriental
idea. In the ALCORAN it is said, that one
of the felicities in Mahomet's paradise,
will be to listen to the ravishing music of
an infinite number of bells, hanging on
the trees, which will be put in motion by
the wind proceeding from the throne of
God. Sale's Koran, Prelim. Disc. p. 100.
In the enchanted horn, as we shall see
hereafter, in le Lai du Corn, the rim of
the horn is hung round with a hundred
bells of a most musical sound. — ADDI-
TIONS.]
Sidracfce was translated into English
verse by one Hugh Campden ; and printed,
probably not long after it was translated,
at London, by Thomas Godfrey, at the
cost of Dan Robert Saltwood, monk of
saint Austin's in Canterbury, 1510. This
piece therefore belongs to a lower period.
I have seen only one manuscript copy of
it. Laud, G 57. fol. membran.
Chaucer mentions, in Sir Topaz, among
others, the romantic poems of Sir Blanda-
moure, Sir Libeaux, and Sir Ippotis. Of
the former I find nothing more than the
name occurring in Sir Libeaux.
[This has been copied from Percy's
Essay referred to below, the last edition
of which reads Blaundemere, while the
best MSS. of Chaucer read Pleindamoure.
— PRICE.]
To avoid prolix repetitions from other
works in the hands of all, I refer the reader
to Percy's Essay on antient metrical Ro-
mances, who has analysed the plan of Sir
Libeaux, or Sir Libius Disconius, at large,
p. 17. See also p. 24. ibid.
As to Sir Ippotis, an antient poem with
that title occurs in manuscript, MSS. Cot-
ton, Calig. A ii. f. 77. and MS. Vernon,
f. 296. [Other copies may be found in
MSS. Ashmole, 61. f. 83. and 750. f. 147.
and MS. Arund. 140. Br. Mus.— M.] But
as Chaucer is speaking of romances of
chivalry, which he means to ridicule, and
this is a religious legend, it may be doubt-
ed whether this is the piece alluded to by
Chaucer. However, I will here exhibit
a specimen of it from the exordium. MS.
Vernon, f. 296.
Her U ginneth a tretys
That me clepeth YPOTYS.
Alle that wolleth of wisdom lere,
Lustneth now, and je may here ;
Of a tale ofholi writ
Seynt John the evangelist witnesseth it.
How hit bifelle in grete Rome,
The cheef citee of Criste'ndome,
A childe was sent of mihtes most,
Thorow vertue of the holi gost :
The emperour of Rome than
His name was hoten sire Adrian;
And when the child of grete honour
Was come bifore the emperour,
Upon his knees he him sette
The emperour full faire he grette :
The emperour with milde chere
Askede him whethence he come were, &c.
We shall have occasion, in the progress
of our poetry, to bring other specimens
of these compositions. See Obs. on
Spenser's Fairy Queen, ii. 42, 43.
I must notforget here, that Sir Gawaine,
one of Arthur's champions, is celebrated
in a separate romance. Among Tanner's
manuscripts, we have the Weddynge of Sir
Gawain, Numb. 455. Bibl. Bodl. It be-
gins, " Be ye blythe and listeneth to the
lyf of a lorde riche." [This reference is
erroneous, and the poem has been sought
for anxiously without success. — M.] Dr.
SECT. V.] OLD ENGLISH ROMANCES. 203
poetry. I cannot however help observing, that English literature, and
English poetry suffer, while so many pieces of this kind still remain
concealed and forgotten in our manuscript libraries. They contain in
common with the prose-romances, to most of which indeed they
gave rise, amusing images of antient customs and institutions, not
elsewhere to be found, or at least not otherwise so strikingly delineated :
and they preserve pure and unmixed, those fables of chivalry which
formed the taste and awakened the imagination of our elder English
classics. The antiquaries of former times overlooked or rejected these
valuable remains, which they despised as false and frivolous ; and em-
ployed their industry in reviving obscure fragments of unfnstructive
morality or uninteresting history. But in the present age we are be-
ginning to make ample amends : in which the curiosity of the antiqua-
rian is connected with taste and genius, and his researches tend to dis>-
play the progress of human manners, and to illustrate the history of
society.
As a further illustration of the general subject, and many particulars,
of this section and the three last, I will add a new proof of the reve-
rence in which such stories were held, and of the familiarity with which
they must have been known, by our ancestors. These fables were not
only perpetually repeated at their festivals, but were the constant ob-
jects of their eyes. The very walls of their apartments were clothed
with romantic history. Tapestry was antiently the fashionable furni-
ture of our houses, and it was chiefly filled with lively representations
of this sort. The stories of the tapestry in the royal palaces of Henry
the Eighth are still preserved6; which I will here give without reserve.,
Percy has printed the Marriage of Sir the old royal palace of Greenwich, in the
Gawayne, which 'he believes to have fur- reign of Henry the Eighth; as it throws
nished Chaucer with his Wife of Bath. light on our general subject, by giving a
Ball. i. 11. It begins, " King Arthur lives lively picture of the fashions, arts, amuse-
in merry Carlisle." I think I have some- ments, and modes of life, which then pre-
where seen a romance in verse entitled, vailed. From the same manuscript in the
The Turke and Gawaine. — [This romance British Museum. " A clocke. A glasse
occurs in Bishop Percy's catalogue given of steele. Four battell axes of wood. Two
from his folio MS. — PRICE.] quivers with arrowes. A painted table
[From a French MS. of the Romanz [i. e. a picture], A payre of ballance
de Othevien Emperor de Rome, be- [balances], with waights. Acaseoftynne
queathed by Hatton to the Bodleian with a plot. In the window [a lai-ge bow-
Library, an elegant translated abridge- window], a rounde mapp. A standinge
ment has been made, and printed for glasse of steele in ship. — A branche of
private distribution, (Oxford, 1809.) by flowres wrought upon wyre. Twa payre
the Rev. J. J. Conybeare, late professor of playing tables of bone. A payre of
of Anglo- Saxon at the University of Oxford. chesmen in a case of black lether. Two
—PARK.] birds of Araby. A gonne [gun] upon a
e '* The seconde part of the Inventorye stocke wheeled. Five paxes [crucifixes]
of our late sovereigne lord kyng Henry of glasse and woode. A tablet of our ladie
the Eighth, conteynynge his guard-robes, and saint Anne. A standinge glasse with
houshold-stuff, &c. &c." MS.Harl. 1419. imagery made of bone. Three payre of
fol. The original. Compare p.l 19. of this hawkes gloves, with two lined with velvett.
volume, and Walpole's A need. Paint, i. Three combe-cases of bone furnished. A
p. 10. nigh t-cappe of blacke velvett embrawder-
[I make no apology for adding here an ed. Sampson made in alablaster. A peece
account of the furniture of a CLOSET at of unicorne's home. Littel boxes in a case
204
OLD ENGLISH ROMANCES,
[SECT. v.
including other subjects, as they happen to occur, equally descriptive of
the times. In the tapestry of the Tower of London, the original and most
antient seat of our monarchs, there are recited Godfrey of Bulloign,
the three kings of Cologn, the emperor Constantine, saint George, king
Erkenwald f, the history of Hercules, Fame and Honour, the Triumph
of Divinity, Esther and Ahasuerus, Jupiter and Juno, saint George,
the eight Kings, the ten Kings of France, the Birth of our Lord, Duke
Joshua, the riche history of king David, the seven Deadly Sins, the
riche history of the Passion, the Stem of Jesse &, our Lady and Son,
king Solomon, the Woman of Canony, Meleager, and the Dance of
ofwoode. Four littel coffres for jewels. A
home of ivorie. A standinge diall in a
case of copper. A horne-glasse. Eight
cases of trenchers. Forty-four dogs col-
lars, of sondrye makynge. Seven lyans of
silke. A purse of crymson satten for a
embrawdered with golde. A round
painted table with th' ymage of a kinge.
A foldinge table of images. One pay re
of bedes [beads] of jasper gavnyshed with
lether. One hundred and thirty-eight
hawkes hoodes. A globe of paper. A
mappe made lyke a scryne. Two green
boxes with wrought corall in them. Two
boxes covered with blacke velvett. A
reede tipt at both ends with golde, and
bolts for a turony1 bowe. A chaire of
joyned worke. An elle of synnamounde
[cinnamon] sticke tipt with sylver. Three
ridinge roddes for ladies, and a yard [rod]
of blake tipt with home. Six walkyng
staves, one covered with silke and golde.
A blake satten-bag with chesmen. A
table with a cloth [a picture] of saint
George embrawdered. A case of fyne
carved work. A box with a bird of Araby.
Two long cases of blacke lether with pe-
degrees. A case of Irish arrows. A table,
with wordes, of Jhesus. A target. Twenty-
nine bowes." MSS. Harl. 1412. fol. 58.
In the GALLERY at Greenwich, mention
is made of a "Mappe of England." Ibid,
fol. 58. And in Westminster-palace "a
Mappe of Hantshire." fol. 133. A proof
that the topography of England was now
studied. Among various HEADS of Furni-
ture, or stores, at the castle of Windsor, such
as HORNS, GYRDELLES, HAWKESHOODS,
WEAPONS, BUCKLERS, DOGS COLLARS,
and AIGLETTES, WALKING-STAVES are
specified. Under this last HE AD we have,
" A Cane garnished with sylver and gilte,
with astronomie upon it. A Cane gar-
nished with golde havinge a perfume in
the toppe, undre that a diall, with a paire
of twitchers, and a paire of compasses of
golde and a foote reule of golde, a knife
and the file, th' afte [the handle of the
knife] or golde with a whetstone tipped
with golde, &c." fol. 407. — ADDITIONS.]
* So in the record. But he was the
third bishop of St. Paul's, London, son of
king Offa, and a great benefactor to St.
Paul's church, in which he had a most su-
perb shrine. He was canonised. Dugdale,
among many other curious particulars re-
lating to his shrine, says, that in the year
1339 it was decorated anew, when three
goldsmiths, two at the wages of five shil-
lings by the week, and one at eight, worked
upon it for a whole year. Hist. St. Paul's,
p. 21. See also p. 233.
g This was a favourite subject for a
large gothic window. This subject also
composed a branch of candlesticks thence
called a JESSE, not unusual in the antient
churches. In the year 1 097, Hugo de Flori,
abbot of S. Aust. Canterb. bought for the
choir of his church a great branch-candle-
stick. " Candelabrum magnum in choro
eeneum quoAjesse vocatur in partibus emit
transmarinis." Thorn, Dec. Script, col.
1796. About the year 1330, Adam de
Sodbury, abbot of Glastonbury, gave to
his convent "Unum dorsale laneum le
JESSE." Hearn. Joan. Glaston, p. 265.
That is, a piece of tapestry embroidered
with the stem of Jesse, to be hung round
the choir, or other parts of the church, on
high festivals. He also gave a tapestry
of this subject for the abbot's hall. Ibid.
And I cannot help adding, what indeed is
not immediately connected with the sub-
ject of this note, that he gave his mona-
stery, among other costly presents, a great
clock, processionibus et spectaculis insig-
nitum, an organ of prodigious size, and
eleven bells, six for the tower of the church,
and five for the clock tower. He also new
vaulted the nave of the church, and ad-
orned the new roof with beautiful paint-
ings. Ibid.
1 Perhaps Tyrone in Ireland.
SECT. V.] SUBJECT OP ANCIENT TAPESTRY,
205
Maccabreh. At Durham-place we find the Citie of Ladies1, the ta-
pestrie of Thebes and of Troy, the City of Peace, the Prodigal Son k,
Esther, and other pieces of Scripture. At Windsor castle the siege of
Jerusalem, Ahasuerus, Charlemagne, the siege of Troy, and hawking
and hunting1. At Nottingham castle, Amys and Amelionm. At Wood-
stock manor, the tapestrie of Charlemagne11. At the More, a palace in
Hertfordshire, king Arthur, Hercules, Astyages, and Cyrus. At Rich-
mond, the arras of Sir Bevis, and Virtue and Vice fighting0. Many of
these subjects are repeated at Westminster, Greenwich, Oatelands, Be-
dington in Surry, and other royal seats, some of which are now unknown
as such P. Among the rest we have also Hannibal, Holofernes, Ro-
mulus and Remus, ^Eneas, and Susannah''. I have mentioned romances
written on many of these subjects, and shall mention others. In the ro-
mance of SYR GUY, that hero's combat with the dragon in Northum-
berland is said to be represented in tapestry in Warwick castle.
In Warwike the truth shall ye see
In arras wrought ful craftely'.
This piece of tapestry appears to have been in Warwick castle before
the year 1398. It was then so distinguished and valued a piece of fur-
niture, that a special grant was made of it by king Richard the Second
h f. 6. In many churches of France
there was an antient shew or mimicry, in
which all ranks of life were personated by
the ecclesiastics, who all danced together,
and disappeared one after another. It was
called DANCE MACCABRE, and seems to
have been often performed in St. Inno-
cent's at Paris, where was a famous paint-
ing on this subject, which gave rise to Lyd-
gate's poem under the same title. See
Carpent. Suppl. Du Cange, Lat. Gl. ii. p.
1103. More will be said of it when we
come to Lydgate. [See Mr. Douce's ela-
borate work on this subject published in
1833.]
1 A famous French allegorical romance.
k A picture on this favourite subject is
mentioned in Shakspeare. And in Ran-
dolph's Muses Looking-glass. " In painted
cloth the story of the PRODIGAL." Dodsl.
Old Plays, vi. 260.
1 f. 298. m f. 364.
*f. 318. ° f. 346.
• p Some of the tapestry at Hampton-
court, described in this inventory, is to be
seen still in a fine old room, now remain-
ing in its original state, called the Exche-
quer.
[In an inventory of the effects of King
Henry V. several pieces of tapestry are
mentioned, with the subjects of the fol-
lowing romances, viz. Bevis of Hampton,
Octavian, Gyngebras, Hawkyn namtelet,
L'arbre de jeonesse, Farman (i. e. Phara-
mond), Charlemayn, Duke Glorian, EI-
kanus le noble, Renaut, Trois roys de Co-
leyn, &c. See Rolls of Parl. sub anno
1423.-— DOUCE.]
q Montfaucon, among the tapestry of
Charles the Fifth, king of France, in
the year 1370, mentions, Le tappis de la
vie du saint Theseus. Here the officer
who made the entry calls Theseus a saint.
The seven Deadly Sins, Le saint Graal,
Le graunt tappis de Neuf Preux, Reyne
d' Ireland, and Godfrey of Bulloign. Mo-
num. Fr. Hi. 64. The neufpreux are the
Nine Worthies. Among the stores of
Henry the Eighth, taken as above, we
have, " two old stayned clothes of the ix
worthies for the greate chamber," at New-
hall in Essex, f. 362. These were pictures.
Again, at the palace of Westminster in
the little study called the Newe Librarye,
which I believe was in Holbein's elegant
Gothic gatehouse lately demolished, there
is, "Item, xii pictures of men on horse-
backe of enamelled stuffe of the .Nyne
Worthies, and others upon square tables."
f. 188. MSS. Harl. 1419. ut supr.
r Signat. Ca. 1. Some perhaps may
think this circumstance an innovation or
addition of later minstrels. A practice
not uncommon.
20G SUBJECT OF ANCIENT TAPESTRY. [SECT. V.
in that year, conveying "-that suit of arras hangings in Warwick castle,
which contained the story of the famous Guy earl of Warwick/' to-
gether with the castle of Warwick, and other possessions, to Thomas
Holand, earl of Kent8. And in the restoration of forfeited property to
this, lord after his imprisonment, these hangings are particularly speci-
fied in the patent of king Henry the Fourth, dated 1399. When Mar-
garet, daughter of king Henry the Seventh, was married to James king
of Scotland, in the year 1503, Holyrood House at Edinburgh was splen-
didly decorated on that occasion ; and we are told in an antient record,
that the " hanginge of the queenes grett chammer represented the ys-
tory of Troye toune." Again, "the king's grett chammer had one table,
wer was satt, hys chammerlayn, the grett sqyer, and many others, well
served ; the which chammer was haunged about with the story of Her-
cules, together with other ystorysV And at the same solemnity, "in
the hall wher the qwene's company wer satt in lyke as in the other, an
wich was haunged of the history of Hercules, &c.u" A stately chamber
in the castle of Hesdin in Artois, was furnished by a duke of Burgundy
with the story of Jason and the Golden Fleece, about the year 1468W.
The affecting story of Coucy's Heart, which gave rise to an old metrical
English romance entitled, the KNIGHT OF COURTESY, and the LADY
OF FAGUEL, was woven in tapestry in Coucy castle in Francex. I have
seen an antient suite of arras, containing Ariosto's Orlando and Ange-
lica, where, at every group, the story was all along illustrated with
short rhymes in romance or old French. Spenser sometimes dresses
the superb bowers of his fairy castles with this sort of historical drapery.
In Hawes's Poem called the PASTIME OF PLEASURE, written in the
reign of Henry the Seventh, of which due notice will be taken in its
proper place, the hero of the piece sees all his future adventures dis-
played at large in the sumptuous tapestry of the hall of a castle. I
have before mentioned the most valuable and perhaps most antient
work of this sort now existing, the entire series of duke William's de-
scent on England, preserved in the church of Bayeux in Normandy, and
intended as an ornament of the choir on high festivals. Bartholinus
' Dugd. Bar. i. p. 237. French romances. See Fauch. Rec. p.
4 Leland. Coll. vol. iii. p. 295, 296. 124. 128. [The Knight of Curtesy and
Opuscul. 6dit. 1770. the fair Lady of Faguel has been reprinted
u Ibid. by Mr. Ritson, vol. iii. p 193. The hero
w See Obs. Fair. Qu. i. p. 177. of this Romance was Raoulde Coucy, and
* Howel's Letters, xx. § vi. B. i. This not Regnard as stated by Warton on the
is a true story, about the year 1180. Fau- authority of Fauchet. See Memoires His-
chet relates it at large from an old au- toriques sur Raoul de Coucy. Paris, 1781.
thentLc French chronicle ; and then adds, — PRICE.] [The French Metrical Ro-
" Ainsi fineront les amours du Chastelain mance of the Chatelain de Coucy et de la
du Couci et de la dame de Faiel." Our Dame de Fayel, has been sumptuously
Castellan, whose name is Regnard de printed from a MS. in the Bibliotheque du
Couci, was famous for his chansons and Roi, by G. A. Crapelet, roy. 8vo. Paris,
chivalry, but more so for his unfortunate 1829. — M.]
love, which became proverbial in the old
SECT. V.] NOTE ON ROBERT THE DEVIL. 207
relates, that it was an art much cultivated among the antient Islanders,
to weave the histories of their giants and champions in tapestry ?. The
same thing is recorded of the old Persians ; and this furniture is still in
high request among many oriental nations, particularly in Japan and
China*. It is well known, that to frame pictures of heroic adventures
in needle-work, was a favourite practice of classical antiquity.
NOTE ON ROBERT THE DEVIL: see page 187. note".
THAT the subject of the legend of Robert the Devil was Robert the
first duke of Normandy is treated by some writers as a matter of much
uncertainty, although Mr. Price, in the note referred to, appears to have
entertained no doubt of it. The ancient drama founded upon the legend
has been lately printed at Rouen under the following title : "Miracle de
Nostre Dame de Robert le Dyable, filz du due de Normendie ; public
d'apres un MS. du xiv siecle de la Bibl. du Roi, par plusieurs mem-
bres de la Soc. des Antiquaires de Normandie, 1836:" and its publica-
tion has occasioned an examination of the hypotheses of various writers
relative to this personage, in an ingenious essay by the erudite M. Pot-
tier, published in the Revue de Rouen, for March 1836. "Setting
out," says he, " with the scarcely plausible opinion, that all the per-
sonages of semi-historic romance must have their type and representa-
tive in history, they have set themselves to investigate what real pattern
the fabulous Robert the Devil could have been modelled after. As
the chronicle [of Normandy], the drama, and the romance agree. in
making him the son of a duke of Normandy, it has been thence con-
cluded that he must himself have been duke of Normandy ; and com-
parisons have been instituted of his legend with the history of the two
or three Roberts that the whole ducal lineage furnishes. Yet neither
chroniclers nor poets had ever dreamt of creating, of their own mere
authority, Robert the Devil duke of Normandy : the chronicle makes
him die at Jerusalem ; the romance, in a hermitage near Rome ; and
the miracle makes him marry the emperor's daughter, and then of
course succeed his father-in-law, agreeably to the eternal law of all
seekers of adventures, from the paladins of the round table down to the
renowned Knight of the Sorrowful Countenance." According to the
later version of the Bibliotheque Bleue, Robert brings his wife into
Normandy, ascends the ducal throne, and having lived a good prince,
y Antiquit. Dan. Lib. i. 9. p. 51. dience-hall is of the finest silk, wrought
z In the royal palace of Jeddo, which by the most skilful artificers of that coun-
overflows with a profusion of the most ex- try, and adorned with pearls, gold, and
quisite and superb eastern embellish- silver. Mod. Univ. Hist. B. xiii. c. ii. vol. ix.
ments, the tapestry of the emperor's au- p. 83. (Not. G.) edit. 1759.
208 NOTE ON ROD7SRT THE DEVIL. [SECT. V.
dies laden with honours and with years, leaving the duchy to his son,
Richard- sans-Peur, whose marvellous history has also been recounted
by the writers of romance.
Having given his reasons for neglecting this later interpolated ver-
sion as unfit to give evidence in the case, and stated that between the
personages in question and the hero of the romance the historical dif-
ferences were radical and evident, whilst at the same time some gene-
ral traits of character might suit any of them, M. Pettier enumerates,
as those whose claims have found supporters, Rollo, baptized under
the name of Robert, Robert-le-Magnifique, father of the Conqueror;
and lastly Robert-Courte-Heuse, son of the latter ; adding that, whilst
thus recruiting for Roberts, the pretensions of Robert-le-Fort, one of
the dukes of Neustria anterior to Rollo, might perhaps be supported
with some plausibility.
After an examination of the claims of these candidates, and of the
points of analogy and dissimilarity in the legend with the history of
each, he comes to the conclusion that Robert the Devil is a purely
fabulous personage, and not to be identified with any one of them ;
and remarks that none of the historians, nearly contemporary or of
succeeding ages until the 17th century, ever connected this appella-
tion with either.
M. Pettier gives us to expect a fuller investigation of this and simi-
lar questions in a work upon which he is engaged, entitled " Histoire
romanesque de Normandie ; ou Examen critique des Fables et Le-
gendes melees a Thistoire de cette province." — R. T.
END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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War ton, Thomas
501 The history of English
W3 poetry
1840
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