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'^XV\ »
HISTORY
OF
F U L K F I T Z W A R I N E.
T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STIIEKT.
THE HISTORY
FULK FITZ WARINE,
AX OUTLAWED BARON. IN THE REIGN
OF KING JOHN.
EDITED FROM A MANUSCRIPT PRESERVED IN THE BRITISH MUSEl'M,
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION
AND EXPLANATORY AND ILLUSTRATIVE NOJ 1>.
BX
THOMAS WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., HoN.M.R.S.L.,
CORRESVONDING
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE WARTON CLUB.
M.nrcc.tv.
PQ
INTRODUCTION.
THERE had lain long concealed in a manuscript
in the ancient Royal Library, now in the British
Museum (MS. Reg. 1%, c. xii), a narrative
which appears to have escaped attention partly
through the indefinite manner in which it was
described in the catalogue : — Historia rerum
Anglicarum, a W. I., usque ad regem Johannem :
Gallice ; Ubi plura sunt fata, pr&cipue de
Fulcone quodam ; and it was not till about twenty
years ago, when the then new movement in his-
torical research caused such manuscripts to be
more carefully examined, that the real character
and interest of this record were discovered. It
forms the text of the following pages. The
manuscript is in a hand of the reign of Edward II,
and I think there can be little doubt that it was
written before the year 1320 ; but it is evidently
not the original text of the story, but a paraphrase
I
VI
of an earlier record. To any one who is accus-
tomed to read the French and Anglo-Norman
literature of the middle ages, a simple glance at
the style and character of this history will carry
the conviction that that original record was an
Anglo-Norman poem. But we are not left to
assume this from the general character only, for
here and there, where the writer who turned it
from verse into prose appears to have been
seized with a fit of idleness, he has actually pre-
served the rhymes of the original. In two in-
stances, where he has given prophecies of Mer-
lin, the words of the original poem remain so
uncorrupted, that I have thought it right to print
both passages in verse. But in several other places
the original verse betrays itself in the midst of the
paraphrase. If, for example, the reader will turn
to the lower part of p. 17, and the upper part of
p. 18, he will easily see that the original metres
must have run somewhat as follows : —
Willam, quant ce oy surrit,
Bele nece, bien avez dit;
E de mon poer vus ayderay
De tel seignur purchacer.
E si vus dorray Blanche-Tour,
Vll
E quanque apent ou tut Fonour;
Quar femme que ad terre en fee
Serra d'assez plus desiree.
Lors fist Willam une crie
En meynte terre, en meynte cite,
Qe tous chevalers de valours,
Qe torneier veilent pur amours,
A la feste seint Michel
Vienent a chastiel Peverel;
E le chevaler qe mieux fra,
E le tornoy venkera,
Avera .... F amour
Melette de la Blaunche-Tour,
E sire serra e seignour
De Blanche -Ville e tot Fonour.
Tost fust ceste criee
Par plusors terres publiee.
Guaryn de Meez, le vaylaunt,
Ne avoit femme ne enfant,
etc,
I need only refer to pp. 20, 26, £7, etc., for
passages where the original verse is equally ill dis-
guised ; and in one instance at least (p. 48, ce
fust pur nient, d ce qe Vestoyre dyt\ the author
of the paraphrase makes a direct appeal to his
original. In addition to this internal evidence, we
have the distinct statement of John Leland, in
Vlll
the reign of Henry VIII, that he had in his hands
" an olde French historie yn rime of the actes of
the Guarines"; and his brief notice of it answers
so exactly to the story as told in our prose ver-
sion, that we can have no doubt of its having
been the identical poem from which the para-
phrase was made.
Thus, from the date of the manuscript of the
existing paraphrase in prose, we may fairly con-
clude that the original Anglo-Norman poem was
composed before the end of the thirteenth century.
There are circumstances, however, connected
with it, which enable us, conjecturally at least,
to approximate still nearer to the exact date of its
composition. We know that in the latter end of
the reign of king John, Fulk fitz Warine was
again in arms against the crown, as an adherent
to the baronial cause, and it was not till the 4th
of Henry III, that he made his peace with the king,
and obtained the final restoration of his estates.
I believe that our history is correct in stating
that after this time Fulk withdrew from public
life, and eventually retired to the religious house
of which his father was the founder. Fulk's son,
IX
another Fulk fitz Warine, appears during his
father's lifetime to have assumed the position as
a powerful baron which the latter had retired
from, and to have taken a very active part in
public affairs, which was no doubt the cause of
Dugdale's mistake in taking the father and son to
be one person. It was, we can hardly doubt, the
son who, according to Matthew Paris, was sent in
1245 by the community of armed knights assem-
bled at Luton and Dunstable, to wait upon the
pope's clerk, master Martin, and warn him to leave
the kingdom; and his behaviour on that occasion
showed him to be a true son of the proud outlaw
whose adventures are told in the present volume.
At the decisive battle of Lewes, in 1264, he
fought on the king's side, and met his death by
drowning. I have shown (see note on p. 182) a
reason for supposing that his father was alive in
1256, very soon after which date I suspect he
died. If the poem had been composed after the
death of Fulk fitz Warine at Lewes, I think his
fate would have been mentioned in it ; it might
have been composed before the death of his father,
who was already dead to the world, in which case
the mention of his death would be a subsequent
addition, but I am myself inclined to think that
this was not the case. We should thus fix the
date of the composition of the Anglo-Norman
poem to the period between 1256 and 1264.
Though this, of course, is nothing more than
conjecture, I am inclined myself to believe that
it was written very soon after the middle of the
thirteenth century.
It is a curious circumstance that Leland, who
gives a brief abstract of the adventures of the
Fitz Warines in his Collectanea (vol. i, p. 230),
informs us that he took the greater part of it
" owte of an old Englisch boke yn ryme of the
gestes of Guarine and his sunnes", thus revealing
to us the fact that there was an early English
metrical version of the history I here publish.
The language of this English poem was evidently
obscure and difficult, for we see by a comparison
of Leland's abstract with the history now pub-
lished, that he continually misunderstood it, and
that he fell into gross errors in the attempt to
give its meaning. From one or two passages in
Leland's abstract, I am inclined to suspect that
XI
this English poem was written in pure alliterative
verse, like that of Piers Ploughman, a style of
poetical composition which seems to have been
popular on the Border. In the passage of Leland
quoted at p. 19£ of the present volume, we re-
cognize an alliterative couplet in the statement
that Joce de Dynan and Walter de Lacy met —
At a bent by a Sourne,
At a bridge ende;
meaning literally, " in a meadow by a burn or
stream, at the end of a bridge". Leland has mis-
taken the word bourne for the name of a place.
In the next sentence preceding this, we have, by
a mere transposition of words, an alliterative
couplet equally perfect —
Owt of Zacy and Zudlow
Of march hordes the greatest.
This would partly explain Leland's errors, for the
alliterative poetry is always and by far the most
difficult to understand ; and I suppose that by " a
book in rhyme", Leland only meant that it was in
verse, or in rhithm. This English poem was pro-
bably of about the same date as the Anglo-Norman
prose paraphrase now printed, that is, of the begin-
Xll
ning of the fourteenth century, at which period, for
some cause or other, the adventures of Fulk fitz
Warine were very popular. Robert de Brunne,
a well-known English poet, who wrote during the
first quarter of that century, in describing the
condition to which Robert Bruce was reduced,
when his defeat at Methven obliged him to seek
refuge in the wilds of Scotland, compares it to
that of Fulk fitz Warine, and actually refers to
the book or history of his adventures. —
And wele I understode that the kyng Robyn
Has dronken of that blode the drink of dan Waryn.
Dan Waryn he les tounes that he held,
With wrong he mad a res and misberyng of scheld.
Sithen into the foreste he 3ede naked and wode,
Als a wilde beste ete of the gres that stode ;
Thus of dan Waryn in his boke men rede ;
God 3yf the kyng Robyn that alle hys kynde so
spede! (Hearnds edit., p. 335).
The question of the historical value of this re-
cord has greatly puzzled those who, accustomed
chiefly to the more exact monuments of history,
have had occasion to examine it. The general
outline of the history is undoubtedly true, and
many of the incidents are known from other evi-
Xlll
dence to have happened exactly or nearly as here
related ; but it is equally certain that others are
untrue, and some are strangely misplaced. The
anachronisms, indeed, are extraordinary ; and,
strangely enough, in that part of the history which
comes nearest to the time of the narrator, the
wild adventures of Fulk fitz Warine during his
outlawry, it is assumed that king John was con-
tinually present in England, whereas we know
from the most undoubted authorities that he was
during the whole time absent in Normandy.
Most of these errors and anachronisms are pointed
out in the notes at the end of the present volume,
and it will therefore not be necessary to repeat
them here.
To understand them, it is necessary that we
should take into consideration the peculiar cha-
racter of the literature, as well as of the manners,
of the age in which the original poem was written.
It was the custom with the great barons to employ
writers, who were often kept in their service, to
compose poetical histories of their families, and
other similar productions, which it was the busi-
ness of the minstrels — these composers were some-
XIV
times minstrels themselves — to recite on festive
and other occasions. It was not necessarily the
whole poem which they recited, but particular
incidents, as they were called for. Thus, in the
present case, the reciter might he called upon to
tell the adventures of Fulk fitz Warine and
king John in Windsor park, or the story of the
first Fulk and the lady Hawise. The materials
of these poems were neither taken from historical
records nor from the imagination of the composer,
but they were the traditions of the family, and
we all know how such traditions are often modi-
fied and disfigured in their progress from one
mouth to another. An event, which was true in
itself, became exaggerated, and sometimes dis-
placed. In this instance, where a race of chiefs
through several generations bore the same name
of Fulk, this displacing of events, and ascribing
to one acts which belonged to .another, and thus
bringing together names which were not coeval,
was hardly to be avoided. In fact, the writer of
this history has actually made one person out of
two individuals, and this error has been continued
by Dugdale, and by all the compilers of peerages
XV
since his time, who have repeated the same error
with regard to the two next generations of the
same family, and made only two personages where
there were really four.
The writer of the history of the Fitz Warines
was evidently an Anglo-Norman trouvere in the
service of that great and powerful family, and
displays an extraordinarily minute knowledge of
the topography of the borders of Wales, and more
especially of Ludlow and its immediate neigh-
bourhood. Whatever historical mistakes he may
have made, he never falls into an error with
regard to localities, and his descriptions are so
exact that we never fail to recognize the spot he
describes. The narrative contained in pages 25
to 30 was written by one whose eye was un-
doubtedly habituated to the prospect from the
towers of Ludlow castle, and he, no doubt, tells
us truly what, in the thirteenth century, were
the traditions at Ludlow of the history of that
noble fortress. He repeated, as they were handed
down by memory in the family, the history, or
rather histories, of the Fitz Warines, for they
were probably preserved rather as so many tales of
XVI
the past, than in any way as a connected narrative.
Hence, he would the more easily misplace them.
In stories of adventures like these, it was easy to
mistake at times the individual whom a particular
Fitz Warine encountered or allied himself with,
because with most of the border families, the re-
lationship, whether friendly or hostile, had con-
tinued from generation to generation ; and as one
individual of a family was more celebrated, and,
therefore, readier in people's mouths than another,
his name was easily introduced in cases where
another of his family was the real actor. In the
same way, as there was a natural tendency to
elevate and exaggerate the deeds of remarkable
men, individuals of higher rank were gradually
substituted for persons of lower degree, and adven-
tures in which king John himself is here made
to take a part in person, may really have occurred
with some of his great officers. If the writer of
the poem heard them told as he has related them,
he would have no inclination to doubt, and
if he did doubt or suspect their truth, it is not
probable that he would have any means of testing
it. When, however, his hero once took to sea,
XVII
and left the English shores, he seems to have con-
sidered that he was allowed free scope for his
imagination ; for we can hardly help thinking that
his adventures in Spain and Barbary were adopted
from some of the current romances of the day,
and they, therefore, are quite out of the pale of
sober criticism.
It will be understood, from these remarks, that
we must take the history of the Fitz Warines,
here published, for a historical document in a
peculiar point of view ; it does not possess the
exactitude of an official record, or even of a
monastic chronicle, though, perhaps, it has more of
the spirit of history, if we may here use the term,
than either. It is traditional history, preserved
in a great family, which had been much mixed in
historical events, written down at an early period,
and not long after a portion of the events which
form its subject. It contains the errors which
naturally belong to such a record of history, but
it is truthful in its general character, and it pre-
sents a most interesting and important picture of
the manners and feelings of the period to which
it relates, as well as of the characters of individuals
as they were popularly appreciated.
XV111
This very remarkable record of past ages has a
peculiar interest for me, as a borderer by birth
and education, and I have always desired to give
an English edition of it. It was first made public
in an edition by M. Francisque Michel (one of the
most industrious and experienced of the French
literary antiquaries), printed in Paris in 1840.
A very careful collation of the original manu-
script has enabled me to correct a few errors
which had escaped the Parisian editor. My
wish has been to present it in as popular a form
as is consistent with the strict presentation of the
original text; and as there are very few persons who
can read with ease the peculiar language in which
it is written, I have given with it a literal English
translation, intended chiefly to facilitate the read-
ing of the text, and a few illustrative notes. The
object of the latter is chiefly to explain the allu-
sions to places and persons ; and in regard of
these, I have had the advantage of communication
with a gentleman profoundly acquainted with the
history of the county to which our narrative
chiefly relates during the twelfth and thirteenth
centuries, and who has communicated his inform-
XIX
ation with uniform liberality, the Rev. R. W.
Eyton, of Ryton, in Shropshire, the author of the
" Antiquities of Shropshire", now in the course
of publication, which I look upon as, in its limits,
the best local history that this country possesses.
Some of Mr. Eyton's communications I have
thought it but just to give in his own words, and
with his initials.
THOMAS WRIGHT.
14, Sydney Street, Brompton.
March 20th, 1855.
THE HISTORY
FULK FITZ-WARINE.
EN le temps de Averyl e May, quant les prees e les
herbes reverdissent, et chescune chose vivaunte recovre
vertue, beaute, e force, les mountz e les valeys reten-
tissent des douce chauntz des oseylouns, e les cuers de
chescune gent, pur la beaute du temps e la sesone,
mountent en haut e s'enjolyvent, donqe deit home re-
menbrer des aventures e pruesses nos auncestres, qe
se penerent pur honour eii leaute quere, e de teles
choses parler qe a plusours purra valer.
IN the season of April and May, when fields and plants
become green again, and everything living recovers virtue,
beauty, and force, hills and vales resound with the sweet
songs of birds, and the hearts of all people, for the beauty of
the weather and the season, rise up and gladden themselves,
then we ought to call to memory the adventures and deeds
of prowess of our forefathers who laboured to seek honour
in loyalty, and to talk of such things as shall be profitable
to many of us.
u
2 THE HISTORY OF
Seygnours, vus avez oy eynz ces houres qe Willam
Bastard, due de Normaundie, vynt ou grant gent e
pueple santz nounbre en Engleterre, e conquist a force
tote la terre, e ocist le roy Heraud, e se fist coroner a
Loundres, e si estably pees e leys a sa volente, e dona
terres a diverse gentz qe ou ly vyndrent. En ycel temps
Yweyn Goynez fust prince de Gales, e si fust vailaunt
e bon guerreour, e le roy le dota mout le plus. Cesty
Yweyn out guaste tote la marche, e tote fust voyde de
Cestre tanqe al mont Gylebert. Le roy se apparilla
mout richement, e vint ou grant ost en le countee de
Saloburs, e trova tote les villes arses de Cestre desqe
a Salobure ; quar le prince clama tote la marche pur
la sue e aportenaunte a Powys. Le prince se retret,
Lords, you have heard heretofore how William the Bas-
tard, duke of Normandy, came with a great host and people
without number into England, and conquered by force all
the land, and slew king Harold, and caused himself to be
crowned at London, and established peace and laws at his
will, and gave lands to divers people who came with him.
At that time Owen G-wynned was prince of Wales, who
was a valiant and good warrior, and the king feared him
much the more. This Owen had ravaged all the march,
and all was waste from Chester to Mount Gilbert. The
king apparelled himself very richly, and came with a great
host into the county of Shrewsbury, and found all the towns
burnt between Chester and Shrewsbury; for the prince
claimed all the march for his own and as belonging to
FULK FITZ-WATIINE. «J
quar yl ne osa atendre le roy. Le roy fust mout sages,
e pensa qu'il dorreit les terrea de la marche as plus
vaylauntz chevalers de tut le ost, pur ce qu'il devereynt
defendre la marche de le prince a lur profit e al honour
lur seignur le roy. Ly roy apela Rogier de Bele-
healme, si li dona tote la counte de Salobure mout
franchement, e si fust apellee counte palays. Rogier
funda dehors la vylle de Salobure une abbeye de Seynt-
Piere, e la feiFa mout richement; e tint le counte a
tote sa vie. Si comenga un chastiel a Brugge, e un
autre chastel comenga en Dynan ; mes yl ne les parfist
poynt. Apres qe Roger fust devye, Robert, son fitz,
avoit tote la countee de Salobure ; e Ernaud, son puysne
fitz, avoit Penebrok. Ceux furent gentz trop demesu-
Powis. The prince retreated, for he dared not await the
king. The king was very wise, and thought that he would
give the march lands to the most valiant knights of all his
host, in order that they should defend the march from the
prince to their profit and to the honour of their lord the
king. The king called Roger de Belehealme, and gave him
all the county of Shrewsbury very freely, and it was called
a county palatine. Roger founded outside the town of
Shrewsbury an abbey of St. Peter, and endowed it very
richly; and he held the county all his life. He began a
castle at Brugge, and another castle he began at Dy-
nan ; but he did not finish them. After Roger was dead,
Robert, his son, had all the county of Shrewsbury; and
Ernald, his youngest son, had Pembroke. These were very
B 2
4 THE HISTORY OF
rees e trop culvers, e grantment mespristrent countre
lur seignour le roy Henre, fitz Willam Bastard, frere
roy Willam le Rous ; e parfirent le chastel de Brugge
contre la defense le roy Henre ; dont le roy Henre les
desheryta e fist exiler pur tons jours, et dona lur ter-
res as ces chevalers. Le chastel de Dynan e tut le
pays entour devers la ryvere de Corve, ou tut 1'onour,
dona a monsire Joce, sun chevaler; e d'enapres retint
le surnoun de Dynan, e fust apele par tut Joce de
Dynan. Cely Joce parfist le chastiel qe Roger de Bele-
healme en son temps avoit comence, e si fitst fort e
vaylaunt chevaler. E si fust la ville bien longement
apelle Dynan, qe or est apellee Ludelawe. Cesti Joce
fist fere, desouth la ville de Dynan, un pount de pere
licencious people and very wicked, and greatly misconducted
themselves towards their lord king Henry, the son of
William the Bastard and brother of king William Rufus ;
and they completed the castle of Brugge in spite of king
Henry's inhibition; for which king Henry disinherited
them and condemned them to perpetual exile, and he gave
their lands to his knights. The castle of Dynan, and all the
country round towards the river of Corve, with all the
honour, he gave to sir Joce, his knight ; who thenceforth
retained the name of Dynan, and was called everywhere
Joce de Dynan. This Joce completed the castle which
Roger de Belehealme in his time had begun, and he was a
strong and valiant knight. Now, the town was a very
long time called Dynan, which is now called Ludlow. This
Joce caused to be made, below the town of Dynan, a bridge
FULK F1TZ-WAKINE. 5
e chaus, outre la ryvere de Temede, en le haut chemyn
qe va parmy la marche e de Cestre desqe Brustut.
Joce fist son chastiel de Dynan de tres baylles, e le
envyrona de double fossee, une dedens e une dehors.
Le roy Willam Bastard aprocha les mountz e les vals
de Gales, si vist une ville mout large, close jadys de
hautz murs, qe tote fust arse e gastee ; e pardesouth
la ville, en une pleyne, fist tendre ces pavylons, e la
demorreit, ce dit, cele nuyt. Lors enquist le roy de
un Bretoun coment la ville avoit a noun e coment
fust ensi gaste. " Sire," fet le Bretoun, tf je vus dirroy.
Le chastiel fust jadys apellee chastiel Bran; mes ore
est apelee la Vele Marche. Jadys vindrent en ceste pays
Brutus, un chevaler mout vaylaunt, e Coryneus, de
of stone and linie, over the river of Teme, into the high road
which goes amid the march from Chester to Bristol. Joce
made his castle of Dynan of three bails, and surrounded it
with a double foss, one within and one without.
When king William the Bastard approached the hills
and valleys of Wales, he saw a very large town, formerly
inclosed with high walls, which was all burnt and ruined ;
and in a plain below the town he caused his tents to be raised,
and there he said he would remain that night. Then the
king inquired of a Briton what was the name of the town
and how it came to be so ruined. "Sire", said the Briton, "I
will tell you. The castle was formerly called Castle Bran ;
but now it is called the Old March. Formerly there came
into this country Brutus, a very valiant knight, and Corineus,
6 THE HISTORY OF
qy Corncwayle ad uncore le noun, e plusours autres
cstretz du lignage Troyene ; e mil n'y habita ces par-
ties, estre trelede gentz, grantz geans, dount lur roy
fust apelee Geomagog. Cyl oyerent de la venue Brutus,
e se mistrent en la voye a 1'encountre; e al dreyn
furent tous le geantz occys, estre Geomagog, qe fust
mervilous grant. Coryneus le vaylant dist que volen-
tersjuttreyt ou Geomagog, pur esprover la force Geo-
magog. Le geant a la premere venue enbraca Cory-
neus si estroitement qu'il debrusa ces trois costees.
Coryneus se corona, si fery Geomagog del pee qu'il
chay de un grant roche en la mer ; e si fust Geomagog
neye. E un espirit del deble meyntenant entra le cors
Geomagog, e vynt en ces parties, e defendy le pays
from whom Cornwall still retains the name, and many
others derived from the lineage of Troy; and none inhabited
these parts except very foul people, great giants, whose
king was called Geomagog. These heard of the arrival of
Brutus, and set out to encounter him ; and at last all the
giants were killed, except Geomagog, who was marvellously
great. Corineus the valiant said that he would willingly
wrestle with Geomagog, to try Geomagog's strength. The
giant at the first onset embraced Corineus so tightly that he
broke his three ribs. Corineus became angry, and struck
Geomagog with the foot, that he fell from a great rock into
the sea ; and Geomagog was drowned. And a spirit of the
«levil now entered the body of Geomagog, and came into
these parts, ami defended the country long, that never
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 7
longement, qe unqe Bretoun n'osa habiter. E longe-
ment apres, le roy Bran fitz Donwal fist refere la
cite, redresser les murs, e afermer les grantz fosses ;
e fesoit Burgh e Grant Marche; e le deble vint de
nuyt, e oost quanqe leynz fust ; e pus en sa unqe nul
n'y habita."
Le roy s'en mervyla mout; e Payn Peverel, le fier
e hardy chevaler, cosyn le roy, ad tot escote, e dit
qu'il asayereit cele nuyt la merveille. Payn Peverel
se arma mout richement, e prist son escu lusant d'or ou
une croys de asur endentee, e xv. chevalers, e autres
sergauntz ; et s'en ala en le plus halt paloys, e se her-
berga yleqe. E quant fust anuyetee, le temps devynt
si lede, neir, obscur, e tiele tempeste de foudre e
Briton dared to inhabit it. And long after, king Bran the
son of Donwal caused the city to be rebuilt, repaired the
walls, and strengthened the great fosses; and he made
Burgh and Great March ; and the devil came by night, and
took away everything that was therein ; since which time
nobody has ever inhabited there."
The king marvelled much at this story ; and Payn
Peverel, the proud and courageous knight, the king's
cousin, heard it all, and declared that that night he would
assay the marvel. Payn Peverel armed himself very richly,
and took his shield shining with gold with a cross of azure
indented, and fifteen knights, and other attendants ; and
went into the highest palace, and took up his lodging there.
And when it was night, the weather became so foul, black,
8 THE HISTORY OF
tonayre, qe tous iceux que la furent devyndrent si en-
pourys qu'il ne purreint pur pour mover pie ne
meyn, eynz cocherent a la terre come mortz. Payn le
fer fust mout poury; mes s'en fia en Dieu, de qy yl
porta le signe de la croys, e vist qe nul aye n'avereit
si de Dieu noun. Se cocha a la terre, e ou bone de-
vocioun pria Dieu e sa mere Marie que ly defendreynt
cele nuyt del poer de deble. A peyne out fyny sa
preere, vynt le malfee en semblance Geomagog ; e si
porta un grant masue en sa mayn, e de sa bouche
geta fu e fumee dont la ville fust tot enluminee. Payn
avoit bon espeir en Dieu, e se seigna de la croys, e
hardiement asayly le malfee. Le malfee hauQa sa mace,
dark, and such a tempest of lightning and thunder, that all
those who were there became so terrified that they could
not for fear move foot or hand, but lay on the ground
like dead men. The proud Payn was very much frightened ;
but he put his trust in God, whose sign of the cross he
carried with him, and saw that he should have no help but
from God. He lay upon the ground, and with good devotion
prayed God and his mother Mary that they would defend
him that night from the power of the devil. Hardly had he
finished his prayer, when the fiend came in the semblance
of Geomagog ; and he carried a great club in his hand, and
from his mouth cast fire and smoke with which the whole
town was illuminated. Payn had good hope in God, and
signed himself with the cross, and boldly attacked the fiend.
The fiend raised his club, and would have struck Payn, but
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 9
si vodra feryr Payn, mes yl guenchy le coup. Le deble,
par vertu de la croys, fust tut enpoury e perdy force ;
quar yl ne poeit adeser la croys. Payn le pursy wy,
qu'il ly fery de 1'espee qu'il comer^a crier, et chey
tut plat a terre, e se rendy mat. " Chevaler," fet-yl,
" vus m'avez veneu, ne mie par force de vus meismes,
eynz avez par vertue de la croys qe vus portez." " Dy
moy," fet Payn, "vus, lede creature, quy vus estes
e quey fetes en ceste ville ; je te conjur en le noun Dieu
et de seynte croys." Le malfee comenga counter, de
mot en autre, come le Bretoun out eynz dit ; e si dit
qe, quant Geomagog fust mort, meintenaunt il rendy
1'alme a Belzebub lur prince; e si entra le cors Geo-
magog, e vynt en semblance de ly en ces parties, pur
he avoided the blow. The devil, by virtue of the cross, was
all struck with fear and lost his strength ; for he could not
approach the cross. Payn pursued him, till he struck him
with his sword that he began to cry out, and fell flat on the
ground, and yielded himself vanquished. " Knight," said
he, "you have conquered me, not by your own strength, but
by virtue of the cross which you carry." " Tell me," said
Payn, "you foul creature, who you are, and what you do in
this town ; I conjure thee in the name of God and of the
holy cross." The fiend began to relate, from word to word,
as the Briton had said before, and told that, when Geomagog
was dead, he immediately rendered his soul to Belzebub
their prince; and he entered the body of Geomagog, and
came in his semblance into these parts, to keep the great
10 THE HISTORY OF
garder le grant tresor qe Geomagog aveit amasse e
mys en une mesone qe yl avoit fet desouth la terre en
cele ville. Payn ly demaunda quele creature yl fust ;
e il ly dist qe jadys fust aungle, mes or est par son
forfet espirit de deble. " Quel tresour," fet Payn,
" avoit Geomagog?" " Buefs, vaches, cygnes, poons,
chevals, e totes autres bestes, tregettes de fyn or ; e si
avoit un tor d'or, qe parmy moy fust son devyn, e en
ly fust tote sa creance ; e il ly dist ces aventures qe
furent avenir. E deus foyth par an soleynt les geantz
honorer lur dieu, ce fust le tor d'or, dont tant or est
amassee q'a merveille. E pus avynt qe tote ceste
countre fust apellee la Blaunche Launde ; e moy e mes
compaignons enclosames la launde de haut mur e pro-
treasure which Geomagog had collected and put in a house
he had made underground in that town. Payn demanded
of him what kind of creature he was ; and he said that he
was formerly an angel, but now is by his forfeit a diabolical
spirit. "What treasure", said Payn, "had Geomagog?"
"Oxen, cows, swans, peacocks, horses, and all other animals,
made of fine gold; and there was a golden bull, which
through me was his prophet, and in him was all his belief;
and he told him the events that were to come. And twice
a-year the giants used to honour their god, the golden bull,
whereby so much gold is collected that it is wonderful. And
afterward it happened that all this country was called the
White Laund ; and I and my companions enclosed the laund
with a high wall and deep foss, so that there was no entrance
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 11
founde fosse, yssi qe nul entre fust, si noun par my
ceste ville qe pleyne fust de mavoys espiritz ; e en la
lande feymes jostes e tornoyementz ; e plusours vindrent
pur vere les merveilles, mes unqe nul n'eschapa. A
taunt vynt un disciple Jhesu qe apele fust Augustyn,
e par sa predicatioun nus toly plusors des nos, e bap-
tiza gent, e fist une chapele en son noun ; dount grant
encombrer nus avynt." " Ore me dirrez," fet Payn, " ou
est le tresour dont avez dit?" — " Vassal," fait-il, " ne
paries mes de ce ; quar yl destyne as autres ; mes vus
serrez seignour de tut cet honour, e ceux qe vendrount
apres vus le tendrount ou grant estrif e guere.
E de ta maunche issera
Ly loup qe merveilles fra,
except through this town which was full of evil spirits ; and
in the laund we made jousts and tournaments ; and many
came to see the marvels, but never one escaped. At length
came a disciple of Jesus who was called Augustine, and by
his preaching took many from us, and baptized people, and
made a chapel in his name ; whereby great trouble happened
to us." "Now you shall tell me," said Payn, "where is the
treasure of which you have spoken V " Vassal," said he,
" speak no more of that ; for it is destined for others ; but
you shall be lord of all this honour, and those who shall
come after you will hold it with great strife and war.
And from thy sleeve shall issue
The wolf who will do wonders,
12 THE HISTORY OF
0,'avera les dentz aguz,
E de tous serra conuz,
E serra si fort e fer
Qu'il enchacera le sengler
Hors de la Blaunche Launde ;
Tant avera vertue graunde.
Ly leopard le loup sywera,
E de sa cowe le manacera.
Ly loup lerra boys e montz,
En ewe meindra ou peschons,
E tresvoera la mer,
Environera cet ydle enter.
Audreyn veyndra le leopart
Par son engyn e par son art ;
Who will have sharp teeth,
And shall be known of all people,
And shall be so strong and fierce
That he will drive away the boar
Out of the White Laund ;
Such great virtue will he have.
The leopard will follow the wolf,
And with his tail will threaten him.
The wolf will leave woods and mounts,
Will remain in water with the fishes,
And will pass over the sea,
Will encircle this whole island.
At last he will conquer the leopard
By his cunning and by his art ;
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 13
Pus en ceste lande vendra,
En ewe son recet tendra."
Qant Fespirit ou dit ce, s'en issit du corps ; e tiel
puour avynt, dont Payn quida devyer. E quant passe
fust, la nuyt enclarsyst e le temps enbely ; e les che-
valers e les autres, qu'enpourys furent, s'enveylerent ;
e mout s'en mervelerent de 1'aventure qe lur aveit
avenu. Lendemeyn fust la chose mostre al roy e a tot
1'ost. E le roy fist porter le cors Geomagog e gittre
en un parfond put dehors la ville ; e fist garder la mace,
e la mostra longement a plusours, pur la merveille
q'ele fust si graunde.
Le roy s'en vet de yleqe, e vent en une centre
Then he will come into this laund,
Will have his stronghold in the water."
When the spirit had said this, he issued out of the body ;
and there arose such a stink, that Payn thought he should
have died through it. And when it was. past, the night
became light, and the weather fair : and the knights and
others, who were overcome with fear, recovered themselves ;
and they marvelled much at the event which had happened
to them. Next day the thing was shown to the king and to
all the host. And the king caused the body of Geomagog
to be carried and thrown into a deep pit outside the town ;
and he caused the club to be preserved, and long showed it
to many people on account of its marvellous magnitude.
The king went thence, and came to a country joining to
14 THE HISTORY OF
joygnant a la Blanche Launde, qe jadys fust a un
Bretoun, Meredus fitz Beledyns; e delees si est un
chastelet q'est apellee Arbre Oswald ; mes or est apelee
Osewaldestre. Ly roy apela un chevaler, Aleyn fitz
Flaeu, e ly dona le chastelet ou tut 1'onour qe apent;
e de cely Aleyn vindrent tous les grantz seignurs
d'Engletere qe ount le sournoun de Fitz Aleyn. Pus
cesti Aleyn fist enlarger mout le chastel.
Ly roys passa la ryvere de Salverne, e vist le pays
entour bon e bel ; e apela un chevaler qe fust nee en
Loreygne, en la cyte de Mees, qe mout fust renomee
de force, de bealte, e de corteysie. E sa enseigne fust
de un samyt vermayl, a deus poons d'or. E ly dona
Alburburs, ou tot 1'onour q' apent. E issi dona ly roys
the White Laund, which belonged formerly to a Briton,
Meredus son of Beledins ; and beside it is a little castle which
is called the Tree of Oswald ; but now it is called Osewald-
estre (Oswestry). The king called a knight, Alan fitz
Flaeu, and gave him the little castle with all the honour
appertaining to it ; and from this Alan came all the great
lords of England who have the surname of Fitz Alan.
Subsequently, this Alan caused the castle to be much
enlarged.
The king passed the river of Severn, and saw that the
country around was good and fair ; and he called a knight
who was born in Lorraine, in the city of Metz, who was
greatly renowned for strength, beauty, and courtesy.
And his banner was of a red samit, with two peacocks of
gold. And he gave him Alberbury, with all the honour
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 15
a ces meillour chevalers e plus afiez totes les terres,
chaces, e fees, de Cestre desqe a Brustut.
Ly roy apela Payn Peverel, e ly dona la Blaunche
Launde, e foreste, guastyne, chaces, e tut le pays. E si
aveit une mote environee de marreis e de ewe ; e la fist
Payn un tour bel e fort ; e fust la mote apelee Wayburs ;
e si court une ryvere delees qe de Payn Peverel tint
le noun, e si est apelee Peverel ; mes pus fust apellee
Pevereyes. Le roy, quant issi aveyt establie ces terres,
retorna a Londres, et de Loundre a Normandie, e
yleqe morust. Pus reigna en Engletere Willam le
Rons, son fitz; e apres ly Henre, son puysne frere,
qe pus detint Robert Courtheose, son eyne ffrere, en
prisone tote sa vye; 1'encheson ne vus serra ore dyte.
appertaining to it. And thus gave the king to his best and
most trusty knights all the lands, chaces, and fees, from
Chester to Bristol.
The king called Payn Peverel, and gave him the White
Laund, with forest, waste, chaces, and all the country.
And there was a mound surrounded with marsh and water ;
and there Payn made a fair and strong tower; and the
mound was called Waybury ; and a river runs by it which
took its name from Payn Peverel, and it was called Peverel ;
but it was afterwards called Pevereyes. The king, when
thus he had settled these lands, returned to London, and
from London to Normandy, and there died. Then reigned
in England William Rufus, his son ; and after him Henry,
his younger brother, who subsequently detained Robert
16 THE HISTORY OF
Puys avynt que Payn Peverel morust en son chastel
en le Peeke ; e Willam Peverel, le fitz sa soere, regust
e avoit tut 1'eritage Payn. Pus cely Willam par coup
d'espee conquist tote la terre de Morelas tanqe a 1'ewe
de Dee, Ellesmere, Maylour, e Nauhendon. Cesty
Willam fist en la Blanche-Launde un tour, e le apela
Blaunche-Tour; e la ville q'est entour est uncore
apelee Blaunche-Ville, en Englois Whytyntone. En
Ellesmere fist un autre tour, e sur 1'ewe de Keyroc
un autre. Willam avoit deus beles neces, Eleyne, la
eynsne, e Melette, la puysne; e si maria Eleyne al
fitz Aleyn, e dona ou ly en mariage tote la terre de
Morlas desqe Keyroc. Melette d'assez fust la plus
Courthose, his elder brother, in prison all his life; the
cause will not be told you on this occasion.
It happened afterwards that Payn Peverel died in his
castle in the Peak ; and William Peverel, his sister's son,
received and had all the heritage of Payn. Subsequently,
this William conquered by the sword all the land of Morlas,
as far as the water of Dee, Ellesmere, Maylour, and Nau-
hendon. This William made in the White Launde a tower,
and called it White Tower ; and the town which is about it
is still called White Town, in English Whittington. In
Ellesmere he made another tower, and on the water of
Keyroc another. William had two fair nieces, Elen, the
elder, and Melette, the younger ; and he married Elen to
the son of Alan, and gave with her in marriage all the land
of Morlas, as far as Keyroc. Melette was the fairest, and
FT7LK FITZ-WARINE. 17
bele, e pur sa bealte fust mout desirree ; mes nul nc
ly vynt a gree. Willam la enresona, e pria qe ele se
descovereit a ly, s'yl y avoit en la terre nul chevaler
qe ele voleit prendre a baroun ; e si nul tel y fust, yl
la eydereit a son poer. " Certes, sire," fet-ele, " yl n'y a
chevaler en tot le mound qe je prendroy pur richesse
e pur honour de terres; mes si je james nul averoy,
yl serra bel, corteys, e bien apris, e le plus vaylant de
son corps de tote la Cristienete. De la richesse ne fas-
je force ; quar, je le pus bien dire, qe cely est riche qe
ad qe son cuer desire." Willam, quant ce oy, surryst,
e dist, " Bele nece, bien avez dit ; e je vus ayderay a
mon poer de tel seignur purchacer. E si vus dorray
Blanche-Tour e quanqe apent ou tut 1'onour; quar
for her beauty was the most sought ; but nobody was
found to please her. William expostulated with her, and
begged her to open her mind to him, if there was in the
world any knight whom she would take for husband ; and
if there was no such one, he would aid her to his power.
" Truly, sir," said she, " there is not a knight in the whole
world that I would take for the sake of riches and for
honour of lands ; but if I ever should have one, he shall be
handsome, courteous, and accomplished, and the most valiant
of his body in all Christendom. Of riches I make no ac-
count; for, I may well say, he is rich who has what his
heart desires." William, when he heard this, smiled, and
said, " Fair niece, you have said well ; and I will aid you
to my power to obtain such a lord. And I will give you
c
18 THE HISTORY OF
femme que ad terre en fee serra d'assez plus desirree."
Lors fist Willam une crie en meynte terre, en meynte
cite, qe tous les chevalers de valours qe torneier veilent
pur amurs, a la feste Seint Michel vienent a chastiel
Peverel, q'est en la Peeke; e le chevaler qe mieux
fra, e le tornoy venkera, avera 1' amour Melette de la
Blaunche-Tour, e sire serra e seignour de Blanche-
Ville e de tot 1'onour. Ceste criee fust tost depubliee
par plusors terres. Guaryn de Meez, le vaylaunt, ne
avoit femme ne enfant; mes manda a Johun, due de
la Petite-Bretaigne, tot 1'afFere de ceste crie, et ly pria
ayde e socours a cele bosoigne. L[e] due fust moult
vaylant ; sy avoit dys fitz chevalers, les plus beals e
White-Tower and its appurtenances, with all the honour;
for woman who has land in fee will be so much the more
sought after." Then "William made a proclamation in many
a land, in many a city, that all the knights of worth who
desired to tournay for love, let them come at the feast of
St. Michael to castle Peverel, which is in the Peak ; and
the knight who shall do best, and shall conquer the tourna-
ment, shall have the love of Melette of the White-Tower,
and shall be lord and seignour of White-Town and of all
the honour. This proclamation was soon published through
various lands. Gruarin de Metz, the valiant, had neither
wife nor child ; but he sent to John duke of Little Britain
(Britany) all the affair of this proclamation, and prayed
him for aid and succour in this need. The duke was very
valiant ; he had ten sons knights, the fairest and most
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 19
plus vaylantz de corps qe furent en tote la Petite -
Bretaygne; Roger le eyne, Howel, Audwyn, Urien,
Thebaud, Bertrem, Amys, Gwychard, Gyrard, e Guy.
Le due maunda ces x. fitz e c. chevalers ou eux, bien
mountes e de totes apparillementz richement aprestez,
a son cosyn Garyn de Mees ; e yl les res9ust a grant
honour. Eneas, le fitz le roy d'Escoce, vint ou le conte
de Morref, e les Brutz, Donbars, Umfrevilles, e deus
c. chevalers. Iweyn, le prince de Gales, vint a deus
c. escus ; le due de Borgoyne ou uic. chevalers. Ydro-
mor, fitz le rey de Galewey, vint ou c. e L. chevalers.
Les chevalers d'Engletere sunt nonbrez a nic. Guaryn
de Mees e sa compaignie se herbigerent en tentes faitz
en la foreste delees ou le tornoiement serroit, bien ves-
valiant of body that were in all Little Britain ; Roger the
eldest, Howel, Audoin, TJrien, Theobald, Bertram, Amis,
Guichard, Gerard, and Guy. The duke sent his ten sons
and a hundred knights with them, well mounted and with
all accoutrements richly furnished, to his cousin Guarin de
Metz; and he received them with great honour. Eneas,
son of the king of Scotland, came with the earl of Murray,
and the Bruces, Dunbars, Umfrevilles, and two hundred
knights. Owen, prince of Wales, came with two hundred
shields ; the duke of Burgundy with three hundred knights.
Ydromor, son of the king of Galloway, came with a hundred
and fifty knights. The knights of England were numbered
at three hundred. Guarin de Metz and his company lodged
in tents made in the forest near where the tournament
c2
20 THE HISTORY OF
tuz tot a volente de un samit vermayl ; e les destre[r]s
furent covertz tot a la terre au fuer de guere. Guaryn
meismes, pur estre desconuz des autres, avoyt un crest
de or. Lors resonerent le[s] tabours, trompes, busynes,
corns sarazynes, qe les valeyes rebonderent de le soun.
Lors comenc.a le tornoy dur e fort. La poeit-um vere
chevalers reverseez des destrers, e meynte dure coupe
donee, e meynte colee. La damoisele e plusours dames
furent monteez une tour, e virent la bele assemble de
chevalers, e coment chescun se countynt. A descrivre
les coupes e continances je n'ay cure ; mes Guaryn de
Meez e sa compaignie furent ce jour le meylours, plus
beals, e plus vaylauntz tenuz, e sur tous si fust Garyn
le plus preyse en tous poyntz. Avynt qu'il avespry ; e
should be, well clad all at will in red samit; and their
steeds were covered down to the ground in manner of
war. Guarin himself, in order to be unknown to the others,
had a crest, or. Then resounded the tabors, trumpets, bu-
synes, and saracen horns, till the valleys rebounded with the
sound. Then began the tournament with vigour and force.
There might one see knights overthrown from their steeds,
and many a hard blow given, and many a stroke. The
damsel and a number of ladies had ascended a tower, and
saw the fair assemblage of knights, and how each bore him-
self. To describe their blows and bearings I care not ; but
Guarin de Metz and his company were this day held the
best, handsomest, and most worthy, and above all was
Guarin the most praised in all points. Evening now came
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 21
le tornoy, pur la nuyt, ne purra outre durer. Les che-
valers s'en alerent a lur ostels. Guaryn e sa compaign[i]e
se tornerent privement a lur tentes en la foreste, e se
desa[r]merent, e grant joie demenerent. E nul des
autres grant seignours ne savoient ou yl devyndrent,
ne qy yl furent, tant se countindrent coyement; mes
de tous furent desconuz, Lendemeyn crie fust par tot
une joste. Ataunt vynt Garyn a jostes vestu de foyle
de ere tot vert hors de la foreste, come cely qe fust
aventurous e tot desconu. Quant le due de Borgoyne
1'ad veu, meyntenant ly corust sur, e ly fery grant
coup de une lance. Guaryn le refery, qu'il tribucha de
le chyval en my la place ; pus un autre, pus le tierce.
Melette de la Blanche-Tour ly manda son gant, e pria
on; and the tournament, on account of the night, could
last no longer. The knights went away to their inns.
Guarin and his companions turned off privately to their
tents in the forest, and disarmed, and made great rejoicing.
And none of the other lords knew what had become of
them, nor who they were, they held themselves so shy;
but they were unknown of all. Next day was proclaimed
everywhere a joust. Then came Guarin to the jousts dressed
with leaf of ere (?) all green out of the forest, as he who was
adventurous and all unknown. When the duke of Bur-
gundy had seen him, he immediately rushed upon him, and
struck him a great blow with a spear. Guarin returned the
blow, that he rolled over from his horse in the middle of
the place; then another, then the third. Melette of the
22 THE HISTORT OF
qu'il la defendist. Yl dit que si freit a son poer ; e si se
repeira a la foreste, e se arma de ces armes vermails,
e vint ou ces compaignons en le champ, e si venqui
le tornoy, e purprist le champ pur totes les gentz qe
la vyndrent; dount jugement se prist entre tons les
grantz seignours e herrautz e disours qe Guaryn, qe
fust le chevaler aventurous, a resoun avereit le pris
del tornoy e Melette de la Blaunche-Tour. E yl, a grant
joie, la prist, e la dammoysele ly. Si maunderent le
evesque de la countre, e, veaunt touz, le ad espose.
Willam Peverel tint une feste mout riche a les espo-
sayles ; e, quant la feste fust departy, Guaryn prist sa
mulier e sa compagnie, e s'en alerent a Blaunche-Ville,
e demorent yleqe a grant joie quaraunte jours. Donqe
White-Tower sent him her glove, and requested that he
would defend her. He said that he would do it to his
power ; and then repaired into the forest, and armed him-
self with his red arms, and came with his companions in
the field, and conquered the tournament, and held the field
against all people who should come there; whereupon
judgment was taken among all the great lords and heralds
and umpires, that Guarin, who was the knight adventurous,
should by right have the prize of the tournament and
Melette of the White-Tower. And he, with great joy, took
her, and she him. They sent for the bishop of the country,
and, in sight of all, she married him. William Peverel held
a very rich feast at the marriage ; and, when the feast was
over, Guarin took his wife and his company, and went to
White-Town, and remained there with great rejoicing
PULK FITZ-WAKINE. 23
repeyrerent les dys freres ou lur c. chevalers a Bre-
taigne le Menure ; mes Gwy, le puysne frere, remist en
Engletere, e conquist par coup d'espee meyntes beles
terres, e si fust apelee Gwy le Estraunge, et de ly vin-
drent tous les grantz seignurs de Engletere qe ount le
sournoun de Estraunge.
Owaryn de Meez tint longement a grant honour la
seignurie de Blaunche - Vile ; mes Yervard, le fitz
Yweyn, prince de Gales, ly fesoit grant damage, ocist
ces gentz, destruit ces terres. Atant asistrent jour de
bataylle, ou meynt prodhome perdy la vye. Al dreyn,
torna la perte a Yervard ; quar yl perdy plusours de
ces gentz, e guerpist le champ, e s'en fuist a deshonour.
Lors mist Guaryn un chevaler mout fort e vaylant,
forty days. Then the ten brothers with their hundred
knights returned to Britain the Less ; but Guy, the youngest
brother, remained in England, and conquered with the
sword many fair lands, and he was called Guy the Estrange
(the foreigner), and from him came all the great lords of
England who have the surname of Estrange.
Guarin. de Metz held long in great honour the lordship
of White-Town ; but Yervard, the son of Owen, prince of
Wales, did him great injury, killing his people and spoiling
his lands. At last they made a day of battle, where many
a good man lost his life. In the end, the loss turned to
Yervard ; for he lost many of his people, and quitted the
field, and fled away in dishonour. Then Guarin appointed
a knight very strong and bold, Guy son of Candelou of
24 THE HISTORY OF
Gwy le fitz Candelou de Porky ntone, a garder 1'onour
de Blaunche-Ville e ces autres terres.
Avynt qe la dame enseynta. Quant fust delyvres,
al houre qe Dieu ordyna, apelerent 1'enfaunt Fouke.
E quant 1' enfant fust de set anz, si le manderent a Joce
de Dynan pur aprendre e noryr; quar Joce fust clie-
valer de bone aprise. Joce le resQust a grant honour e
grant cherte, le norry en ces chambres ou ces enfauntz ;
quar yl avoit deus fyles, dont la puysne fust de meyme
1'age qe Fouke fust, e si fust apelee Hawyse. La eyns-
nee fust apelee Sibylle. A ycel temps grant descord
e guere fust entre sire Joce de Dynan et sire Water
de Lacy, qe donqe sojorna mout a Ewyas ; pur quel
descord meint bon clievaler e meynt prodhome perdy
Porkington, to guard the honour of White-Town and his
other lands.
The lady became with child. When she was delivered,
at the time ordained by God, they called the child Fulke.
And when the child was seven years old, they sent it to Joce
de Dynan to teach and nourish ; for Joce was a knight of good
accomplishment. Joce received him with great honour and
great affection, and educated him in his chambers with his
own children ; for he had two daughters, the younger of
which was of the same age as Fulke, and was called Hawyse.
The elder was called Sibylle. At this time there was great
discord and war between sir Joce de Dynan and sir Walter
de Lacy, who then dwelt much at Ewyas ; for which dis-
cord many a good knight and many a brave man lost his
FULK F1TZ-WARINE. 25
la vye ; quar chescun corust sur autre, arderent lur ter-
res, preierent e robberent lur gentz, e meinte autre
damage fyrent. Quant Fouke fust de xviii. ans, moult
parfust beals, fortz, e grantz.
Un jour de este, sire Joce leva matin, si mounta un
tour en my son chastiel, pur survere le pais ; e regarda
vers la montaigne q'est apelee Whyteclyf, e vist les
champs covertz de chevalers, esquiers, serjauntz, e
vadletz, les uns armes sur lur destre[r]s, les uns a pie ;
e oyt les chyvals hynnyr, e vist les healmes relusantz.
Entre queux vist-yl la banere sire Water de Lacy, re-
flambeaunt novel d'or ou un fes de goules par my. Lors
escrie ces chevalers, e les comanda armer, e mounter
lur destrers, e prendre lur arblasters e lur archers,
life; for each invaded the other, burnt their lands, plun-
dered and robbed their people, and did much other damage.
When Fulke was eighteen years of age, he was very hand-
some, strong, and large.
One summer's day, sir Joce rose early in the morning,
and ascended a tower in the middle of his castle, to survey
the country ; and he looked towards the hill which is called
Whitcliff, and saw the fields covered with knights, squires,
sergeants, and valets, some armed on their steeds, some on
foot; and he heard the horses neigh, and saw the helms
glittering. Among whom he saw the banner of sir Walter
de Lacy, blazing new with gold, with a fess of gules across.
Then he called his knights, and ordered them to arm and
mount their steeds, and take their arblasters and their
26 THE HISTORY OF
e aler al pount de south la vile de Dynan, e garder le
pount e le gue, qe nul n'y passast. Sire Water e sa
gent quiderent passer seurement; mes les gentz sire
Joce les unt russhe arere, e plusours d'ambepartz
sunt naufrez e tuez. Atant vynt sire Joce e sa banere
tote blaunche d' argent, a trois lyons d'asur passauntz,
coronez d'or; ou ly vc., qe chevalers, qe serjauntz, a
chyval e a pee, estre les borgoys e lur serjantz qe bons
furent. Donqe a grant force passa Joce le pount, e
hurterent les ostz corps a cors. Joce fery Godebrand,
qe porta la banere de Lacy, par my le cors de une
launce. Donqe perdy le Lacy sa banere. Atant la gent
s'entreferirent, e plusours sunt d'ambepartz occis. Mes
al Lacy avynt le pys ; quar yl s'en vet fuaunt e des-
archers, and go to the bridge below the town of Dynan,
and defend the bridge and the ford that none passed it.
Sir Walter and his people thought to pass safely ; but the
people of sir Joce drove them back, and many on both
sides were wounded and killed. At length came sir Joce
and his banner all white with silver, with three lions
passant, of azure, crowned with gold; with five hundred
with him, knights and servants on horse and foot, besides
the burgesses and their servants, who were good. Then
with great force Joce passed the bridge, and the hosts
encountered body to body. Joce struck Godebrand, who
carried the banner of Lacy, through the body with a spear.
Then the Lacy lost his banner. Then the people exchanged
blows, and many on both sides were slain. But the Lacy
had the worst ; for he went off flying and discomfited, and
FULK F1TZ-WARIXK. 27
confitz, e prent sa voie delees la ryvere de Temede.
La dame, ou ces filles e ces autre damiseles, fust mon-
tee une tour; si unt vue tot 1'estour, e prient Dieu
devoutement qu'il salve lur seignour e ces gentz de
anuy e de encombrementz. Joce de Dynan conust
Water de Lacy par ces armes, e le vist fuaunt tout
soul ; quar yl aveit grant pour de perdre la vie. Si
fert son destrer des esperouns, e passa mountz e vals, e
en poy de oure ad ateynt le Lacy en une valee desonth
le boys, vers Champ-Geneste, si ly comaunda retorner.
Le Lacy nully ne vist si sire Joce noun, e se retorna
mult hardiement. E s'entreferirent durement; quar
nul n'out cure de autre esparnier. Grantz coupes e
fortz s'entredonerent. Joce sembla qe la medle dura
trop longement, hausa 1'espee de maltalent, si fery le
took his way beside the river of Teme. The lady, with her
daughters and her other damsels, had ascended a tower;
whence they saw all the battle, and prayed God devoutly
to save their lord and his people from hurt and defeat.
Joce de Dynan knew Walter de Lacy by his arms, and saw
him flying all alone; for he had great fear of losing his
life. He struck his steed with his spurs, and passed hills and
vales, and in a short time has overtaken the Lacy in a valley
under the wood, towards Bromfield, and commanded him to
turn. The Lacy saw nobody but Joce alone, and returned
very boldly. And they fought fiercely ; for neither cared
to spare the other. They exchanged great and heavy
blows. It seemed to Joce that the encounter lasted
too long, and he raised his sword with ire, and struck
28 THE HISTORY OF
Lacy a 1'escu, qe tot le porfendy par my, e ledement
le naufra par my le bras senestre. Joce 1'assaut egre-
ment; e a poy qu'il ne Peust pris, quant sire Godard
.de Bruyz e deus chevalers ou ly vindrent socoure le
Lacy. Sire Godard e ces compaignons mout hardie-
ment asaylent sire Joce de tote partz ; e yl se defent de
eux come lyon. La dame e ces fyles en la tour veient
lur seignur si demene q'a poyne pussent ester, crient,
palment, e grant duel demeynent ; quar James ne qui-
dent ver lur seignour en vie. Fouke le fitz Waryn
fust remys en le chastel, quar yl ne fust que xviii. anz,
si oy le cry en la tour, monta hastivement, si vist sa
dame e tous les autres ploure[r]. Yl s'en ala a Hawyse,
e demaunda quey ly fust e pur quoy fesoit si mourne
the Lacy on the shield, that he clove it through the
middle, and gave him an ugly wound on the left arm.
Joce attacks him eagerly, and had nearly captured him,
when sir Godard de Bruce and two knights with him came
to succour the Lacy. Sir Godard and his companions very
boldly assailed sir Joce on all sides, and he defended him-
self against them like a lion. The lady and her daughters
in the tower see their lord so pressed that he could hardly
endure, and cry, faint, and make great lamentation ; for
they never expected to see their lord alive. Fulk fitz
Warine was left in the castle, for he was only eighteen
years old, and he heard the cry in the tower, ascended in
haste, and saw the lady and all the others crying. He went
to Hawyse, and asked what ailed her, and why she made
FTJLK FITZ-WAE.INE. 29
chere. " Tes-tey," fet-ele ; "poy resembles-tu ton pere
q'est si hardy e si -fort, e vous estes coward, e tous
jours serrez. Ne veiez-vus la mon seignour, qe grant-
ment vus ad chery e suefment norry, est en peryl de
mort pur defaute de ayde ? e vus, maveys, alez sus e
jus seyntz, e ne donez ja garde." Le vadlet, pur la
repreofe que ele avoit dyt, tot enrouy de yre e de mal-
talent; e s'en vala meintenant de la tour, e trova en
la sale un viel roynous haubert, e le vesty meyntenant
a mieux qu'il savoit ; e prist une grose hasche denesche
en sa mayn. Si vynt a une estable qe ert delees la
posterne par ount home vet vers la ryvere, e trova
la un somer. Yl mounta meyntenant le somer, e s'en
issist par la posterne, e passa bien tost la ryvere, e vynt
such sorrowful cheer. " Hold your tongue," cried she,
" you resemble little your father who is so bold and strong,
and you are coward, and always will be. See you not there
my lord, who has cherished you and nursed you affec-
tionately, is in peril of death for want of help 1 And you,
wretch, go up and down unhurt, and care nothing for
him." The valet, for the reproof she had given him, was all
filled with anger and ire ; and at once went down from the
tower, and found in the hall an old rusty hauberc, and put
it on as well as he knew how ; and took a great Danish axe
in his hand. He came to a stable which was near the
postern by which they go towards the river, and found
there a cart horse. He now mounted the cart horse, and
went out by the postern, and soon passed the river, and
30 THE HISTORY OF
al champ ou son seignur fust abatu de son destrer e
en poynt de estre ocys, s'yl ne ust survenu. Fouke
aveit un healme lede, e ly covry apoy les espaudles.
E a sa premere venue fery Godard de Bruz, qe aveyt
saysy son seignour, de sa hasche, e ly coupa 1'eschyne
del dors en deus meytes, e remounta son seignour.
Fouke se torna vers sire Andre de Preez, sy ly dona
de sa hache en le healme de blanc asser, qe tut le
purfendy desqe a dentz. Sire Ernalt de Lyls veit bien
qu'il ne puet en nulle manere eschaper, quar yl fust
sorement naufre, e se rendy a sire Joce. Le Lacy se
defendy ; mes en poy de oure fust seysy.
Ore est sire Water de Lacy pris e sire Ernalt de
Lyls, e sunt menez outre la ryvere vers le chastel de
came to the field where his lord was struck down from
his steed and in point to be killed, if he had not ar-
rived. Fulk had a foul helmet, which almost covered his
shoulders. And at his first onset he struck Godard de
Bruce, who had seized his lord, with his axe, and cut his
back bone in two parts, and remounted his lord. Fulke
turned towards sir Andrew de Preez, and gave him with
his axe on his helm of white steel, that he split it all
down to the teeth. Sir Arnald de Lys saw well that he
could in no manner escape, for he was sorely wounded, and
he surrendered to sir Joce. The Lacy defended himself;
but he was soon taken.
Now is sir Walter de Lacy taken and sir Arnald de Lys,
and they are led over the river towards the castle of Dynan.
FULK FITZ WARINE. 31
Dynan. Donqe parla sire Joce : " Amys borgeis, mout
estes fort e vaylant; e si vus ne ussez este, je usse este
piega mortz. Je vus su mout tenuz, e serroy pur tous
jours. Vus demorrez ou moy, e je ne vus faudrey
james." Joce quida qu'il fust borgeis ; quar borgeys
relement ont vestu les armes, e ceus qe 1'enfant avoit
furent roynous e ledes. Donqe respount 1'enfant e dit :
" Sire, je ne sui nul borgeys ; e ne me conussez poynt ?
je su Fouke, vostre norry." " Beal fitz," fet-il, " be-
neit seyt le temps que je vus unqe nory ! quar james
son travayl ne perdra qe pur prodhome fra." Atant
amenerent sire Water e sire Ernalt en une tour qe est
apelee Pendovre ; e yleqe fist mediciner lur playes, e
garder a grant honour. E la dame e ces fyles e lur
Then spoke sir Joce : " Friend burgess, you are very strong
and valiant ; and if it had not been for you, I should have
been dead before this. I am much bound to you, and shall
be always. You shall live with me, and I will never fail
you." Joce thought he had been a burgess ; for burgesses
really have put armour on, and those which the lad had
were rusty and foul. Then the lad answered and said:
" Sir, I am no burgess ; do you not know me 1 I am Fulke,
your foster-child." " Fair son," said he, " blessed be the
time, that ever I nourished you ! for a man will never lose
his labour which he does for a brave man." Then they
carried sir Walter and sir Arnald into a tower which is
called Pendover; and there caused their wounds to be
healed, and guarded them in great honour. And the lady
32 THE HISTORY OF
damoyseles chescun jour conforterent c solacerent
sire Water e sire Ernalt de Lyls.
Sire Ernalt fust jeuene bachiler e bel, e grantment
fust suppris de Tamur Marioun de la Bruere, une mout
gentile damoisele, e si fust la mestre chaunbrere la
dame del chastiel de Dynan. Sire Ernalt e la damoi-
sele entreparlerent sovent; quar ele soleit chescun
jour venir en la tour ou sa dame, de conforter sire
Water de Lacy e sire Ernalt. Avynt qe sire Ernalt,
quant veyt temps, aresona la damoysele, e dit qe ele
fust la chose qu'il plus ama, e qe tant est suppris de
s' amour qe repos ne puet avoir jour ne nuyt si ele ne
se asente a ly ; quar ele ly puet socours fere de tous
ces anuys. E, si ele le voleyt fere, yl la freit seurete
and her daughters and their damsels every day comforted
and solaced sir Walter and sir Arnald de Lys.
Sir Arnald was a young bachelor and handsome, and he
was greatly overtaken with the love of Marion of the Heath,
a very pretty damsel, who was the chief chamber-maid of
the lady of the castle of Dynan. Sir Arnald and the damsel
often conversed together ; for she used to come every day
into the tower with her lady, to comfort sir "Walter de Lacy
and sir Arnald. It happened that sir Arnald, when he
saw an opportunity, pleaded with the damsel, and told her
that she was the thing which he loved most, and that he
was so much overtaken with her love, that he could have
no rest day or night unless she yield to him ; for she could
give him relief from all his sorrows. And, if she would do
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 33
a sa volente demeyne que james nulle autre n'amera,
sy ly noun ; e, al plus tost qu'il serreit delyvres, yl la
prendreit a femme. La dammoisele oy la bele pro-
messe, e ly graunta fere sa volente en totes choses,
e prist seurete de ly qu'il la tendreit covenaunt de sa
promesse. La damoisele les promit qe ele les eydereit
en tous poyntz privement, qu'il fussent delyvres de
prisone. E prist towayles e lynceles, si porta en la
tour, e les fist coutre ensemble, e par els avala sire
Water e sire Ernalt de la tour, e lur pria qu'il ten-
ysent lur lealte e la promesse qe eux ly aveynt promys.
E yl la dysent qe lealment se contendreynt a ly sauntz
fauser nul covenaunt, e la comanderent a Dieu.
it, he would make her a surety at her own will that
never would he love another but her; and, as soon as
he should be set at liberty, he would take her for his
wife. The damsel heard the fair promise, and yielded
him to do his will in all things, and took surety of him
that he would hold with her according to his promise.
The damsel promised them that she would help them in all
points secretly, that they might be delivered from prison.
And she took towels and sheets, and carried them into the
tower, and sewed them together, and by means of these she
let down sir Walter and sir Arnald from the tower, and she
prayed them to keep their faith and the promise which they
had made her. And they told her that they would behave
faithfully towards her, without breaking any covenant, and
bid her adieu.
34 THE HISTOKY OF
Sire Water e sire Ernalt tot souls alerent lur che-
myn a pee ; e, al aube de jour, vindrent a Ewyas, a le
chastiel sire Water de Lacy. E quant les gentz virent
lur seignur seyn e heyte revenuz, ne fet a demaunder
si lees furent; quar yl le quiderent aver perdus pur
tons jours. Joce de Dynan leva matin, e s'en ala a sa
chapele dedenz son chastel, qe fust fet e dedie en
1'onour de la Magdaleyne, dount le jour de la dedica-
tion est le jour seynt Cyryac e LXX. jours de pardoun.
Si oy le service Dieu ; e, quant avoit ce fait, mounta
le plus halt tour q'est en la terce bayle del chastel,
qe or est apele de plusours Mortemer. E pur cele re-
soun ad le noun de Mortemer, qe uns des Mortemers
fust leynz bone piece en garde. Joce survist le pays,
Sir Walter and sir Arnald all alone went their way on
foot ; and, at the dawn of day, came to Ewyas, to the castle
of sir Walter de Lacy. And when his people saw their
lord returned sound and well, it need not be asked if they
were joyful ; for they thought they had lost him for ever.
Joce de Dynan rose early, and went to his chapel within
the castle, which was made and dedicated in honour of the
Magdalene, the day of dedication of which is the day of St.
Ciriac and seventy days of pardon. He heard the service
of God; and, when he had done that, he mounted the
highest tower in the third bail of the castle, which is now
called by many Mortimer. And it has the name of Mortimer
for this reason, that one of the Mortimers was in it a good
while imprisoned. Joce surveyed the country, and saw
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 35
rien ne vist si bien noun. Descendy de la tour, si fist
corner a laver, e si maunda pur son prison, sire Water.
Quar tant honur ly feseit qe nul jour ne vodra laver
ne manger eynz ly. Les prisouns furent quis par tot.
Ce fust nyent ; quar eschapez erent. Sire Joce ne fist
nul semblant qu'il se repenty de lur aler, ne ja garde
ne dona.
Sire Water pensa qu'il se vengereit ou morreit ;
maunda pur ces gentz d'Irlaunde, e prist souders
chevalers e autres, issi qe fort estour e dur assaut
fust entre sire Water e sire Joce. Les countes e barons
d'Engletere virent la grant mortalite e damage qe fust
avenu, e uncore entre eux de jour en jour avynt;
pristrent un jour d' amour entre sire Water e Joce ; e
nothing but what was well. He descended from the tower,
and caused the horn to be sounded for washing, and sent for
his prisoner sir Walter. For he honoured him so much that
he would never wash or eat before he did the same. The
prisoners were sought everywhere. It was in vain ; for they
were escaped. Sir Joce made no semblance of being sorry
for their going, and took no care of it.
Sir Walter thought that he would revenge himself or die ;
he sent for his people from Ireland, and took into his pay
knights and others, so that there was strong contest and
hard battle between sir Walter and sir Joce. The earls
and barons of England saw the great mortality and hurt
which had happened, and which still happened between
them daily ; they arranged a love-day between sir Walter
D 2
36 THE HISTORY OF
yleoqe furent totes grevances redressez, e les parties
acordeez e devant les grantz seignours furent entre-
baysez.
Joce de Dynan maunda ces lettres a Waryn de Mees
e Melette sa bone dame, le piere* Fouke 1'enfaunt.
Fouke fust auke brun, e pur ce fust pus apele de
plusours Fouke le Brun. Waryn e Melette e grantz
gentz vindrent al chastel de Dynan, e furent res9ti
ileqe a grant honur e joie, e se enveiserent une symai-
gne. Joce molt corteisement parla a Guarin, e ly dit :
"Sire," fet-yl, "vus avez seynz un fitz que je vus ay
nory. J'espoir qu'il serra prodhome e vaylant; e serra
vostre heir, sy yl vus survist. E je ay deus files, qe
sunt mes heyrs ; e, si vus pliist, vodrey-je qe nus fus-
and sir Joce ; and there all grievances were redressed, and
the parties were accorded, and embraced each other before
the great lords.
Joce de Dynan sent his letters to Guarin de Metz and
Melette his good lady, the father of the youth Fulke.
Fulke was of a dark complexion, and therefore he was called
by many Fulke the Brown. Guarin and Melette with a great
retinue came to the castle of Dynan, and were received
there with great honour and joy, and remained there a
week. Joce spoke very courteously to Guarin, and said to
him : " Sir," said he, " you have here a son whom I have
fostered for you. I trust that he will be a brave man and
valiant ; and he will be your heir, if he survive you. And I
have two daughters, who are my heirs ; and, if it please you,
FULK F1TZ-WAR1NE. 37
soms entrealiez par mariage, e donqe ne doteroms
gueres mil grant seignur d'Engletere, qe nostre partie
ne serreit meintenu a dreit e a resoun. E, si vus le
volez graunter, je vueil qe Fouke le Brun espouse Ha-
wyse, ma puysne file, e qu'il seit heir de la meyte de
tote ma terre." Guaryn ly mercia molt de soun beal
profre, e dit qu'il le grantereit tot a sa volente de-
meyne. Lendemayn maunderent a Herford pur le
evesque Robert de Le evesque vint, e a
grant honour fist les esposailles. Joce tint grant feste
xv. jours. Quant la feste fust departy, sire Joce e sire
Guaryn e lur meynes s'en alerent vers Hertlande ; quar
yleqe vodreint sojorner une piece. E Marion de la Bruere
se feynist malade, e se cocha en son lyt, e dit qe si
my wish is that we enter into alliance of marriage, and then
we should hardly fear any great lord in England, that our
party should not be maintained with right and reason.
And, if you will agree to it, I will that Fulk the Brown
marry Hawyse, my younger daughter, and he shall be heir
to the moiety of all my land." Guarin thanked him much
for his fair offer, and said that he would agree to all accord-
ing to his own will. Next day they sent to Hereford for the
bishop Robert de . . . The bishop came, and with great honour
performed the marriage ceremony. Joce held great festivity
during fifteen days. When the feast was ended, sir Joce and
sir Guarin and their households all went towards Hertland ;
for they wished to sojourn there a while. And Marion of
the Heath feigned sickness, and took to her bed, and said
38 THE HISTORY OF
malade fust qe ele ne se poeit mover, si noun a grant
peyne. E demora al chastel de Dynan. Joce comanda
qe ele fust guarde tot a talent. E, pur doute de le
Lacy e autres gentz, soudea xxx. chevalers e LX. dis
serjantz e vadletz, e les bayla son chastel a garder
tanqe a son repeyr en le pays. Quant Joce fust passe,
lendemein manda Marion son message a sire Ernalt de
Lyls, e ly pria, pur la grant amiste qe entre eux fust,
qu'il n'obliast les covenauntz qe entre eux sunt affer-
mez, e qu'il viegne hastivement parler ou ly a le chas-
tel de Dynan, quar le seignur e la dame e la force
de lur meynage sunt vers Hertlande ; e qu'il vienge a
meisme le lu ou dreyn s'en ala de le chastel. Quant
sire Ernalt avoit oy le mandement sa amie, meynte-
that she was so ill that she could not move except with
great difficulty. And she remained at the castle of Dynan.
Joce commanded that she should be carefully attended to.
And, for fear of the Lacy and other people, he took into
his pay thirty knights and seventy sergeants and valets,
and delivered them his castle to keep until his return into
the country. When Joce was gone, next day Marion sent
a messenger to sir Arnald de Lys, and prayed him, for the
great friendship that was between them, that he would not
forget the covenants which were made between them, and
that he come hastily to talk with her at the castle of
Dynan, for the lord and the lady and the strength of their
household are gone to Hertland, and that he come to the
same place where last he escaped from the castle. When
sir Arnald had heard the message of his mistress, he imme-
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 39
nant remanda meisme le messager, e pria pur s'amur
qe ele mesurast la hautesse de la ffenestre par ount yl
issist dreyn de le chastel; e quele gentz e quantz e
quele meisnie lur seignour avoit lesse derere ly, si
remandast par le dit messager. La damoisele, qe mil
suspecioun de tresoun n'aveit, prist un fyl de say, e le
vala par my la fenestre desqe la terre, e tot 1'estre del
chastiel maunda a sire Ernalt. Donqe remanda sire
Ernalt a sa amie qe le quarte jour, avant houre de
mie nuyt, serreit a ly a meisme la fenestre par ont yl
passa; e la pria qe ele ly atendist yleqe.
Sire Ernalt de Lyls fist fere une eschiele de quyr
de meisme la longure de le fyl de saye qe s'amie ly
maunda. Donqe s'en ala sire Ernalt a soun seignour,
diately sent back the same messenger, and prayed that for
his love she would measure the height of the window by
which he last escaped out of the castle, and that she should
send him back information by the said messenger what kind
of people, and how many, and what household their lord
had left behind him. The damsel, who had no suspicion of
treason, took a silk cord, and let it down through the
window to the ground, and sent information of all the con-
dition of the castle to sir Arnald. Then sir Arnald sent
back to his mistress that on the fourth day, before it struck
midnight, he would be at the same window through which
he passed ; and begged that she would wait for him there.
Sir Arnald de Lys caused to be made a ladder of leather of
the same length as the silk cord which his mistress had sent
him. Then went sir Arnald to his lord, sir Walter de Lacy,
40 THE HISTORY OF
sire Water de Lacy, e ly counta que Fouke, le fitz
Waryn de Mees, avoit espose Hawyse, la fille sire Joce
de Dynan, e qe sire Waryn e sire Joce aveyent lesse
garnesture en le chastel de Dynan, e furent alez vers
Hertlande pur quere souders e pur assembler yleqe
lur gentz e pur auner host e pueple santz nombre.
" E, quant tut Tost serra assemble, meyntenaunt ven-
dront a Ewyas, e ardrount e prendront vos terres. E,
si yl poent vostre corps prendre, vus serrez detrenche
en menu pieces, e vous e les vos desherytez pur tous
jours. E ce me mand[e] cele qe vus bien savez ; quar
ele siet e ad oy la verite." Quant sire Water entendy la
novele, devynt tut pal pur angoise, e dit : " Certes, je
ne pus crere qe sire Joce me freit tiele deceyte, depus
and told him how Fulk, the son of Guarin de Metz, had
espoused Hawyse, the daughter of sir Joce de Dynan, and
how sir Guarin and sir Joce had left provision in the castle
of Dynan, and were gone to Hertland to seek soldiers, and
to assemble there their men, and to collect a host and
people without number. " And, when all the host shall be
assembled, they will come at once to Ewyas, and will burn
and take your lands. And if they can take your body, you
will be cut in small pieces, and you and yours will be
deprived of your inheritance for ever. She whom you know
well has sent me this information ; for she knows and has
heard the truth." When sir Walter heard this news, he
became pale with vexation, and said : " Truly, I cannot
believe that sir Joce would do me such a deceit, since we
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 41
qe nus sumes acordeez, e, veantz plusours, entrebay-
seez; e je harrey mout qe nos piers diseynt qe le
acord serreit eiifreynt endreit de moy, e sire Joce est
tenuz leal chevaler." — " Sire," fet sire Ernalt, " vus
estes mon seignur; je vus garny de vostre damage;
quar je say la verite par cele qe ad oy le consayl. E ne
ditez mie autre foyz qe je savoy vostre damage e ne le
vus vodray garny r, ne qe je vus ay menty ma fey."
Sire Water devynt molt pensyf, e ne savoit nul bon
consayl sur cele bosoigne. Atant dit : " sire Ernalt,
qei me loez-vus de fere ?" — " Sire," fet-il, " creez
mon consayl, si frez bien. Je irroy meismes, ou ma com-
pagnie, si prendroy par engyn le chastiel de Dynan ;
e quant sire Joce avera fayly de soun recet, il vus
are accorded, and there are many witnesses to our having
embraced each other ; and I was provoked much that our
peers said the accord would be broken on my part, and sir
Joce is held a loyal knight." "Sir," said sir Arnald, "you
are my lord ; I warn you of your hurt ; for I know the
truth through her who has heard the counsel. And tell
me not another time that I knew of your hurt and would
not warn you of it, or that I have belied my faith to you."
Sir Walter became very thoughtful, and he knew no good
counsel for this matter. At length he said : " Sir Arnald,
what do you advise me to do ?" " Sir," said he, "trust my
counsel, and you will do well. I will go myself, with my
company, and I will take by cunning the castle of Dynan ;
and when sir Joce shall have lost his stronghold, he will
42 THE HISTORY OF
grevera le meynz e se retrerra de sa pensee ; e par
tant poez estre venge de ly de le hounte qu'il nus ad
so vent fait. E, sire, pensez qe, seit ce a droit on a tort,
home se deit de son enymy venger." Sire Water del
tot se mist en le consayl sire Ernalt, e quida qu'il ly
aveit dit veir de quanqu'il avoit dit; mes yl menti
come fans chevaler.
Sire Ernald apparilla sa compaignie, qe grant fust ;
quar yl avoit en sa compagnie, qe chevalers, esquiers,
e serjauntz, plus qe myl. E vynt al chastiel de Dynan
par nuy t ; e fist partie de sa compagnie demorer en le
boys pres de Whyteclyf, e partie enbucher desouth le
chastiel en les gardyns. La nuyt fust mout obscure ;
quar yl ne furent apar§u de gueyte ne de autre. Sire
grieve you the less and will give up his design ; and so far
you will be revenged of him for the disgrace which he has
often inflicted upon us. And, sir, consider that, be it by
right or by wrong, one ought to revenge oneself of his
enemy." Sir Walter yielded himself entirely to the counsel
of sir Arnald, and supposed that he had told him truth in
what he had said ; but he lied like a false knight.
Sir Arnald prepared his company, which was numerous ;
for he had in his company, knights, squiers, and sergeants,
more than a thousand. And he came to the castle of
Dynan by night, and caused part of his company to remain
in the wood, near Whitcliff, and part to lay in ambush
below the castle, in the gardens. The night was very dark,
so that they were not perceived by the watch, or by any
FULK F1TZ-WARINE. 43
Ernalt prist un esquier qe porta la eschiele de quyr,
e s'en alerent a la fenestre ou Marion les attent. E
quant ele les vist, unqe ne fust si lee ; si en vala jus
une corde, e traist sus la eschiele de quyr, si la ferma
a un kernel de le mur. E Ernalt monta bien e legere-
ment la tour, e prist sa amye entre ces bras e la beysa;
e fyrent grant joie, e s'en alerent en une autre cham-
bre, e soperent, e pus alerent cochier, e si lesserent
la eschiele pendre. L' esquier qe la porta ala por les
chevalers e la grant compaignie qe furent enbuchez
en le jardyn le seygnur e aylours, e les amena a Pes-
chiele. E c. homes bien armes mounterent par 1'es-
chiele de quyr, e s'en avalerent de la tour de Pendovre*
e s'en alerent par le mur derere la chapele ; e troverent
one else. Sir Arnald took a squier, who carried the ladder
of leather, and went to the window where Marion was
waiting for them. And when she saw them, she was never
so joyful ; and she let down a cord, and drew up the ladder
of leather, and fastened it to a battlement of the wall.
And Arnald mounted easily and lightly the tower, and
took his mistress between his arms and kissed her ; and they
made great joy, and went thence into another chamber, and
supped, and then went to bed, and left the ladder hanging.
The esquier who carried it, went for the knights and the
great company who were in ambush in the lord's garden
and elsewhere, and brought them to the ladder. And a
hundred men, well armed, mounted by means of the ladder
of leather, and went down from the tower of Pendover, and
went along the wall behind the chapel. And they found
44 THE HISTORY OF
le geyte somoilant, quar yl devynt tut pesant contre
la mort ; e ly pristrent meyntenant, e ly vodreynt aver
ruee jus de son tour en la profonde fosse ; e yl cria
mercy, e pria qu'il ly vodreynt soffryr sifler une note
avaunt qu'il morust. E yl ly granterent; mes yl le fist
pur ce qe les chevalers de leynz se devereynt garnyr.
Mes ce fust tut pur nient. Tant come il sifla, tut le
plus de les chevalers e serjauntz furent decoupees;
brayerent e crierent en lur lytz, qe Dieus poeit aver
pite. Mes les compaignons sire Ernalt furent santz
piete ; quar quanqe leynz fust mistrent a lede mort, e
meynte lyncele qe fust blanche a seyr tot fust enrouy
de sang. Al dreyn ruerent le gueyte en la profonde
fosse, e rompi le col.
the watch sleeping, for he seemed to be heavy under the
presentiment of death ; and they took him immediately,
and would have thrown him down from his tower into the
deep foss ; but he cried for mercy, and begged that they
would suffer him to whistle one note before he died. And
they granted it him ; but he did it in order that the
knights within should be warned. But it was all in vain.
While he whistled the greater part of the knights and
sergeants were being cut to pieces ; and they screamed and
cried in their beds that God might have pity. But the
companions of sir Arnald were without pity ; for all who
were therein they put to a foul death, and many a sheet
which was white at even, was all reddened with blood. At
last they threw the watch into the deep foss, and broke his
neck.
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 45
Marion de la Bruere cocha deleez son amy sire Er-
nalt, e rien savoit de la treson qe sire Ernalt avoit
fet ; si oy grant noise en le chastiel, leva del lit e re-
garda jus en le chastiel, oyt la noyse e le cry de
naufrez, e vist chevalers armeez e les blanks healmes
e haubercz; meyntenant apargust qe sire Ernalt ly
avoit desgu e trahi, si comenga mout tendrement a
ploure[r], e dyt pytousement : " Alas !" fet-ele, " qe
unqe nasquy de mere ! quar, par mon forfet, ad mon
seignur, sire Joce, qe suef me norry, perdu son chastel
e sa bone gent; e, si je ne usse este, rien ne fust perdu.
Alas ! qe je unqe cru cest chevaler ! quar, par son
losenge, m'ad-yl desgu, e mon seygnur, de cuy plus
me est." Marion tote ploraunte saka Fespeye sire
Marion of the heath lay in bed beside her love, sir Arnald,
and knew nothing of the treason which sir Arnald had per-
petrated ; she heard a great noise in the castle, rose from
the bed, and looked down into the castle, heard the noise
and cry of the wounded, and saw knights in arms and
white helms and haubercs. Now she perceived that sir
Arnald had deceived and betrayed her, and began to weep
very affectingly, and said piteously : " Alas ! " said she,
" that ever I was born of mother ; for by my fault, my
lord, sir Joce, who fostered me tenderly, has lost his castle
and his good people ; and had I never been, nothing would
have been lost. Alas ! that ever I believed this knight ;
for by his flattery he has deceived me, and my lord, which
is still more to me." Marion, all weeping, drew the sword
46 THE HISTORY OF
Ernalt, e dit : " Sire chevaler, esveyllez-vus ; quar
estrange compaignie avez amene en le chastiel mon
seignur santz congie. Mes qe vus, sire, e vostre es-
quier, fussez par moy herbygez, les autres, qe seyntz
par vus sunt, ne furent mes. E, depus qe vus me
avez desc,u, vus ne me poez a reson blamer, si je vus
renke service apres vostre desert; mes james ne vus
avanterez a nulle amye qe vus averez qe, par ma de-
ceyte, avez conquis le chastiel de Dynan e le pays."
Le chevaler se dresga en estant. Marion, de la espeye
qe ele tynt trete en sa mayn, fery le chevaler par my
le cors ; e si morust le chevaler meyntenant. Marion
savoit bien qe, si ele fust prise, ele serreit lyvre a male
mort, e ne savoit qe fere ; mes se lessa cheier a une
fenestre devers Lyneye, si rompy le col.
of sir Arnald, and said, " Sir knight, awake ; for you have
brought strange company into the castle of my lord with-
out leave. But if you, sir, and your esquier, were lodged
by me, the others, who have come in through your means,
were not. And, since you have deceived me, you cannot
rightly blame me if I render you service according to your
desert ; but you shall never boast to any mistress you shall
have, that by my deceit you have gained the castle of
Dynan and the country." The knight raised himself erect.
Marion, with the sword which she held drawn in her hand,
struck the knight through the body, and the knight died
immediately. Marion knew well that if she were taken,
she should be delivered to an evil death, and knew not
FULK FTTZ-WAETNE. 47
Les chevalers qe furent en le chastel defermerent
les portes, e s'en alerent en la vyle, e overyrent la
porte de Dynan vers la ryvere, e fyrent totes lur gentz
entrer. Si mistrent au fyn de chescune rywe en la
vyle grant nombre de gentz, e fyrent esprendre la
vile de fu; e en chescune rywe fyrent deus feus.
Les borgeys e les serjauntz de la vyle, quant vyrent
le feu, leverent des lytz, les uns nuz, les uns vestuz,
e ne saveint qe fere, quar tut furent a poy forsenez.
Les chevalers e les esquiers de Lacy les corurent sur,
si les decouperent e ocistrent espessement. Les bor-
gois ne se poeynt ne saveynt defendre ; quar tous
qe trovez furent detrenchez ou ars en le feu. Les
what to do ; so she let herself fall from a window towards
Linney, and broke her neck.
The knights who were in the castle unfastened the doors,
and went into the town, and opened the gate of Dynan
towards the river, and admitted all their people. They
placed at the end of each street in the town a great number
of people, and caused the town to be set on fire ; and in each
street they made two fires. The burgesses and the ser-
geants of the town, when they saw the fire, rose from their
beds, some naked, others clothed, and knew not what to do,
for they were almost mad. The knights and esquiers of
Lacy fell upon them, and cut them to pieces and slew
them in great numbers. The burgesses had no power or
thought to defend themselves ; for all who were met with
were cut to pieces or burnt in the fire. The damsels went
48 THE HISTORY OF
damoiseles alerent par les veneles, vyrent lur pieres e
lur freres gisir detrenchez par les rywes, s'engenule-
rent, prierent mercy e pardon de vye. Ce fust pur
nient, a ce qe 1'estoyre dyt ; homes, femmes, ou en-
faun tz, jeovenes e grantz, tous furent ocys, ou de arme
ou de feu. Ataunt vynt le jour; donqe manderent a
lur seignur qu'il, ou tot son poer, venist al chastel de
Dynan. E si fist-yl, e fist mettre sa banere sur le Pen-
dovre en signe de victorie qu'il aveit conquis ce qu'il
eyns fust en prison mys; mes la vile e quanqe fust
leyns fust arse a neyrs charbouns.
Quant la novele vynt a sire Joce e Guaryn de Meez,
mout dolent, triste, e morne furent. Si manderent par
tot a lur parentz, amys, e a lur gentz demeyne, issi
along the lanes, saw their fathers and their brothers lie
slaughtered in the streets, fell upon their knees, and im-
plored mercy and pardon of their life. It was in vain, as
the history says ; men, women, or children, young and
great, all were slain, either by weapon or by fire. At last
day came ; then they sent to their lord that he, with all his
power, should come to the castle of Dynan. And so he did,
and caused his banner to be raised on the Pendover in sign
of victory that he had gained the spot in which he was
formerly put in prison ; but the town with all that was in
it was burnt to black charcoal.
When the news came to sir Joce and Guarin de Metz,
they were much grieved, sad, and sorrowful. They sent to
all their kinsmen, friends, and to their own people, so that
FTTLK FITZ-WABINE. 49
que yl aveient dedenz une moys set myl de bone gent
bien apparillez. E vindrent a chastel Key, qu'est ferme
desuz un tertre, une lywe de voye de Dynan. Mes
chastel Key fust viel a ycel houre, e les portez furent
porrys; quar nulle gent ne le aveyent habitee c. ans
avaunt. Quar Key, le seneschal mon sire Arthur le
roy, le avoit fet, e tot les pays a ly fust apendant, e
le noun de ly uncore tient, quar la gent du pays le
apelent Keyenhom. Joce e Garyn e Fouke le Brun, ou
lur gent, lendemeyn vont vers le chastiel de Dynan,
si le assailent mout egrement .de tote partz. Sire
Water e ces chevalers defendent mout hardiement les
kernels e les murs; e pus sire Water e ces Irreis s'en
issirent de le chastel, e si rendirent fort estour a ceux
they had within a month seven thousand men well pro-
vided. And they came to castle Key, which is intrenched
upon a knoll, a league's distance from. Dynan. But castle
Key was old at that time, and its gates were decayed ; for
no people had inhabited it for a hundred years past. For
Key, the steward of my lord Arthur the king, had made it,
and all the country belonged to him, and it still retains his
name, for the people of the country call it Keyenhom
(Gainham). Joce and Guarin and Fulk the Brown, with
their people, go on the morrow towards the castle of Dynan,
and attack it very fiercely from all sides. Sir Walter and
his knights defend very courageously the crenels and the
walls ; after which sir Walter and his Irishmen sallied
from the castle, and made a fierce attack on those who
E
50 THE HISTORY OF
qe dehors furent. Joce, Garyn, e Fouke les assaylent
de totes partz e les occient espessement. Les Irreis gi-
sent detrenchez par le pres e jardynz, issi qe a sire
Water e les suens avynt le pys ; yl e sa gent se re-
treyent e entrerent le chastiel e defendent les murs.
E, si yl ussent demoree dehors, bientost ussent oy
noveles mout dures. Sire Joce e sire Waryn se retor-
nerent a lur herberges e se desarmerent ; e, quant
urent mangee, s'entresolacerent. Lendemeyn aysay-
lirent le chastel mout egrement de totes partz, mes ne
le purreyent prendre. E quanqu'il purreyent encoun-
trer dehors, les detrencherent. Ceste sege dura longe-
ment. Pus apres avynt qe, par le assent de un roy
d'Engleterre, furent les portes de le chastel, qe tre-
blees erent, ars e espris par feu que fust illumee de
were outside. Joce, Guarin, and Fulk, attack them on all
sides, and slay them in great numbers. The Irish lay cut to
pieces in the fields and gardens, so that sir Walter and his
had the worst of it ; he and his people retreated and entered
the castle and defended the walls. And, if they had re-
mained outside, they would soon have heard very hard
news. Sir Joce and sir Guarin returned to their lodgings
and disarmed ; and, after they had eaten, they were merry
together. On the morrow they attacked the castle very
fiercely from all sides, but could not take it. And all they
could find outside, they cut them to pieces. This siege
lasted long. Subsequently it happened that, by the assent
of a king of England, the gates of the castle, which were
treble, were burnt and consumed by fire which was lighted
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 51
\
bacons e de grece, e la tour sur la porte ars dedenz.
E le halt tour q'est en le tierce bayl de chastel, qe fort
e bien ovree fust qe home ne saveit a cele oure nul
plus fort ne meylour, fust de grant partie abatu, e cele
bayle a poy tote destruyt.
Sire Waryn devynt malades, e prist congie de sire
Joce, e s'en ala a Albrebures soulement ou un esquier,
e morust. Fochun le Brun, quant son pere fust mort,
vynt a Albrebures, e prist homage e fealte de totes les
gentz qe tindrent de son pere ; e prist congie de Me-
lette, sa mere, e Hawyse, sa femme, e revynt a sire
Joce, e ly counta coment fust avenu de son pere ;
dount Joce fust moult dolent de la novele.
Sire Water fust dolent e irascu qu'il avoit perdu sa
with bacons and grease, and the tower over the gate burnt
in. And the high tower which is in the third bail of the
castle, which was so strong and well built that no stronger
or better tower was at that time known, was in great part
beaten down, and that bail almost entirely destroyed.
Sir Guarin fell ill, and took leave of sir Joce, and went to
Alberbury only with one esquier, and died. Fulk the
Brown, after his father's death, came to Alberbury, and took
homage and fealty of all the people who held of his father ;
and he took leave of Melette, his mother, and Hawise, his
wife, and returned to sir Joce, and related to him what had
happened to his father, at the news of which Joce was much
grieved.
Sir Walter was sorrowful and angry that he had lost his
E2
52 THE HISTORY OF
gent, e mout dota de estre mat e vencu, e se purpensa
mout estroytement, si maunda une letre a Yervard
Droyndoun, prince de Gales, come a son seignur,
amy, e parent, e li counta par lettre qe sire Willam
Peverel, qe tint Maylour e Ellesmere, est mortz; e
dit qe ceus terres sunt de sa seignurie aportenauntz
a Powys, e sire Willam les tint de le doun le rey
d'Engletere a tort, e le roy les seysera en sa meyn.
"E, si issi fait, il vus serra mout mal veysyn, quar il
ne vus ayme poynt. E pur ce, sire, venez chalenger
vostre droit; e, si vus plest, me vueil lez socours
maunder, quar je su durement assegee en le chastel
de Dynan."
Yervard, quant oy avoit la novele, fist assembler
people, and he feared much to be beaten and conquered,
and after anxious consideration he sent a letter to Jervard
Droyndoun, prince of Wales, as to his lord, friend, and kins-
man, and informed him by letter that sir William Peverel,
who held Maelor and Ellesmere, is dead ; and he said that
those lands are of the lordship belonging to Powis, and sir
William held them by gift of the king of England wrong-
fully, and the king will seize them into his hand. " And, if
he does so, he will be a very bad neighbour to you, for he
does not love you. And therefore, sir, come and challenge
your right ; and, if you please, send me succour, for I am
closely besieged in the castle of Dynan."
Jervard, when he heard the news, caused to assemble
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 53
Galeys, Escoteys, Yrreys, plus qe vynt myl ; e se hasta
vers la marche, ardy les vyles, robba le gentz, e tant
avoit grant gent qe le pays ne les purra contre-ester.
Joce fust cointe e apanjust la venue Yervard; e yl e
sa gent e Fouke se armerent, e hardiement assaylerent
Roger de Pouwys e Jonas, son frere, qe vyndrent en
Pavant-garde de 1'ost Yervard, e ocistrent plusours
de lur. Roger e Jonas ne poyent durer 1'estour, e se
retrestrent arere. Ataunt vynt Yervard armee, dont
les armes furent de or e de goules quartyle, e en
chescun quarter un leopart; e assayly sire Joce e
Fouke. E yl se defendyrent longement, e ocistrent
plusours de lur gent; mes yl avoient tant gent que
sire Joce ne purra meyntenir Festour, e se retorna
Welsh, Scots, and Irish, more -than twenty thousand ; and
he hastened towards the march, burnt the towns, plundered
the people, and he had such a great host that the country
could not withstand them. Joce was wary and got intel-
ligence of the approach of Jervard ; and he and his people
and Fulk armed, and boldly attacked Roger de Powis and
Jonas his brother, who came with the vanguard of Jer-
vard's host, and slew many of their men. Roger and Jonas
were not able to withstand the attack, and retreated. At
length came Jervard armed, and his arms were of or, quar-
tered with gules, and in each quarter a leopard; and he
assailed sir Joce and Fulk. And they defended themselves
long, and slew many of their people ; but they (the Welsh)
had so many people that sir Joce could not maintain the
54 THE HISTORY OF
vers chastiel Key, a une lywe de Dynan. Mes molt ly
mesavynt; quar yl avoit perduz plusours de sa gent.
Yervard e ly Lacy, qe donqe lee fust, pursiwy sire
Joce e Fouke, e les assistrent en le chastelet, e les
assaylerent mout egrement. Joce, Fouke, e lur cheva-
lers, treis jours, santz beyvre ou manger, defenderent
lur feble e viel chastelet contre tut 1'ost. Al quart
jour, dit sire Joce qe greyndre honour serreit pur eux
de lessir le chastel e morir en le champ a honour, qe
morir en le chastel de feym a desonour ; e meintenant
vindrent en le champ, e ocistrent a lur premer avenue
plus qe treis cent, qe chevalers, esquiers, e sergantz.
Yervard Droyndon e ly Lacy e lur gent asaylerent
sire Joce e sa gent, e yl se defendirent come Icons ;
contest, and he fell back upon Castle Key, at a league from
Dynan. But it was very disastrous to him ; for he had lost
many of his people. Jervard and the Lacy, who was now
glad, pursued sir Joce and Fulk, and besieged them in the
little castle, and assailed them very fiercely. Joce, Fulk,
and their knights, during three days, without drinking or
eating, defended their weak and old little castle against all
the host. On the fourth day, sir Joce said that it would be
greater honour to leave the castle and die in the field with
honour, than to die in the castle of hunger and with disho-
nour ; and thereupon they went into the field and slew at
their first encounter more than three hundred, knights, es-
quiers, and sergeants. Jervard Droyndoun and the Lacy
and their people assailed sir Joce and his people, and they
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 55
mes tant gent les assistrent entre eux qu'il ne poeynt
longement durer; quar le cheval sire Joce fust ocys,
e yl meismes durement naufre ; e ces chevalers, les
uns pris, les uns ocys. Donqe pristrent sire Joce e
ces chevalers, e les manderent a prison a le chastel de
Dynan, la ou il soleit estre seignur e mestre. Quant
Fouke vyst prendre e amener sire Joce, a poy qu'il
ne forsena de duel e de ire ; brocha le cheval de espe-
rons, si fery un chevaler qe le mena d'une launce
par mi le cors. Atant vynt Yweyn Keveylloke, un
chevaler hardy e fer, e de une launce de freyne
fery Fouke par my la voyde du corps, e la launce
debrusa, e le tronchoun remist en le cors ; mes les
entrayles ne furent rien entameez. Fouke se senty
defended themselves like lions ; but so many people hemmed
them in that they could not hold out long ; for the horse of
sir Joce was killed, and he himself severely wounded ; and
his knights, some taken, some slain. Then they took sir
Joce and his knights, and sent them to prison to the castle
of Dynan, there where he used to be lord and master.
When Fulk saw sir Joce taken and led away, he went
almost mad with grief and anger ; he struck his horse with
the spurs, and struck a knight who led him through the
body with a lance. Then came Owen Keveylloke, a bold
and fierce knight, and with a lance of ash struck Fulk
through the hollow of his body, and the lance broke, and
the piece remained in his body ; but his entrails were not
touched. Fulk felt himself terribly wounded, and could
66 THE HISTORY OF
fierement blesse, e rien se poeit defendre; se mist a
la fute, e leS autres 1'enchacerent deus lywes e plus,
e, quant ne le poeint ateindre, se retornerent e seisirent
totes les terres que Fouke aveyt. E pristrent Gyoun,
le fitz Candelou de Porkyntone, qe le conestable Fouke
esteit, e manderent a prison a Rothelan, e ces vij . fitz
ou ly.
Fouke grant duel fet pur son seignour; si ad en-
tendu que le roy Henre est demoraunt a Gloucestre, e
s'en va laundreit. Si come yl approcha la ville, si fust
le roy apres soper alaunt sey dedure en un pree, si
vist Fouke venant arme al chyval, e mout poinouse-
ment chyvalchaunt ; quar yl ert feble, e son destrer las.
" Atendoms," fetle roy, "ja orroms noveles." Fouke
no longer defend himself; lie took to flight, and the others
hunted him two leagues or more, and, not being able to
catch him, they returned and seized all the lands which
Fulk had. And they took Guy, the son of Candelou of
Porkington, who was Fulk's constable, and sent him to
prison at Rhuddlan, and his seven sons with him.
Fulke was in great grief for his lord; and, as he had
heard that king Edward was dwelling at Gloucester,
he went thither direct. As he approached the town,
the king was going after supper to divert himself in the
meadow, and saw Fulk coming armed on horseback, and
riding very painfully ; for he was weak, and his steed weary.
" Let us wait," said the king, " we shall now hear news."
Fulk came all on horse to the king, for he could not dis-
FULK F1TZ-WABINE. 57
vint tut a chyval al rey , quar yl ne poeit descendre,
si counta le roy enterement tote la aventure. Le roy
rouly les oyls mou[lt] ferement, e dit qu'il se vengereit
de tels malfesours en son realme. E ly demanda qu'il
fust e dount fust nee. Fouke counta le roy ou ert nee
e de qele gent, e qu'il estoit le fitz Guaryn de Meez.
" Beau fitz," fet le roy, " vus estes bien venuz a moy ;
quar vus estes de mon sang, e je vus ayderoy." Le
roy fist mediciner ces playes. E maunda pur Melette,
sa mere, e Hawyse, sa femme, e lur autre meyne, si les
retynt ou ly, e fesoit Hawise e Melette demorer en
les chambres la reygne. Hawyse fust grosse enseinte,
e quant terme vynt fust delyvres de enfaunt, e firent
apeler 1' enfaunt Fouke. Cely en son temps fust mout
mount, and told the king entirely the whole affair. The
king rolled his eyes very fiercely, and said that he would
revenge himself of such evil-doers in his realm. And he
asked him who he was, and from whom descended. Fulk
related to the king where he was born, and of what race,
and that he was the son of Guarin de Metz. " Fair son,"
said the king, " you are welcome to me ; for you are of my
blood, and I will help you." The king caused his wounds
to be doctored. And he sent for Melette, his mother, and
Hawise, his wife, and the rest of their household, and re-
tained them with him, and caused Hawise and Melette to
dwell in the queen's chambers. Hawise was advanced in
pregnancy, and when her time came she was delivered of a
child, and they caused the child to be named Fulk. He in
58 THE HISTORY OF
renomee, e ce fust a bondreit; quarylfust sauntz pier
de force, hardiesse, e bountee.
Quant Fouke le Brun fust seyn de sa playe, le roy
Henre maunda une letre a sire Water de Lacy, e co-
manda sur vie e menbre ju'il ly delyverast Joce de
Dynan, son chevaler, e ces chevalers, qu'il tient a tort
en sa prisoun ; e, si yl ne le fet, yl les vendra quere
meymes, e fra tiele justice qe tote Engletere em par-
lera. Quant sire Water avoyt oy le maundement, molt
fust empoury de le maundement ; si delyvera sire Joce
e ces chevalers, e les vesty e monta honorablement, e
les amena par la posterne devers la ryvere de Temede
e outre le gwe de Temede e outre Whyteclyf, tan qu'il
vyndrent en le haut chemyn ver Gloucestre. Quant
his time was greatly renowned, and it was with good reason ;
for he was peerless in strength, courage, and goodness.
When Fulk the Brown was healed of his wound, king
Henry sent a letter to sir Walter de Lacy, and commanded
him on pain of life and member to deliver Joce de Dynan,
his knight, and his knights, whom he holds wrongfully in his
prison ; and, if he did not do it, he will come and seek them
himself, and will do such justice that all England shall talk
of it. When sir Walter heard the message, he was much
frightened at it ; and he set sir Joce and his knights at
liberty, and clothed and mounted them very honourably,
and conducted them through a postern towards the river of
Teme and beyond the ford of Teme and beyond Whitcliff,
until they came to the high road to Gloucester. When sir
FULK FITZ-WAB.INE. 59
sire Joce vint a Gloucestre, le roy le re9ust mout lee-
ment, e ly promist ley e resoun. Joce sojorna ou le
roy tant come ly plust, pus prist congie e s'en ala a
Lambourne, e sojorna yleque ; e bien tost apres mo-
rust, e fust enterree yleoqe. Dieus eit merci de la
alme !
Le roy Henre apela Fouke, e ly fist conestable de tut
son host ; e ly comanda tote la force de sa terre, e qu'il
presist gent assez e qu'il alast en la marche, si en cha-
sast Yervard Droyndon e son poer hors de marche.
Issi fust Fouke fet mestre sur tons ; quar fort ert e
coragous. Le rey remist a Gloucestre; quar yl fust
malengous, e gueres ne poeyt traviler. Yervard avoit
pris enterement tote la marche de Cestre desqe Wyr-
Joce came to Gloucester, the king received him very gladly,
and promised him law and right. Joce resided with the
king as long as he pleased, and then took leave and went to
Lambourne, and resided there ; and soon after died, and was
interred there. God have mercy on his soul !
King Henry called Fulk, and made him constable of all
his host ; and placed under his command all the force of his
land, and that he should take people enough and go to the
march, and drive thence Jervard Droyndoun and his power
out of the march. Thus was Fulk made master over all ;
for he was strong and courageous. The king remained at
Gloucester; for he was ailing, and not in a condition for
labour. Jervard had taken entirely the whole march from
Chester to Worcester, and he had disinherited all the barons
60 THE HISTORY OF
cestre, e si avoit/tous les barouns de la marche des-
heritee. Sire Fouke, ou Tost le roy, meint fer assaut
fist a Yervard ; e a une batayle delees Herford, a Wor-
meslowe, ly fist fuyr e guerpyr le champ. Mes avant,
d'ambepartz, furent plusours ocys. La guere fiere e
dure dura entre sire Fouke e le prince quatre anz, a-
tant qe a la requeste le roy de Fraunce fust pris un jour
d'amur a Salobures entre le roy e Yervard le prince, e
furent entre-beysez e acordeez. E le prince rendy a les
barons de la marche totes les terres qu'il avoit de eux
prises, e al roy rendy Ellesmere ; mes Blanche-Ville e
Maylor ne vodra rendre pur nul or. " Fouke," fet le
roy, " depus qe vus avez perdu Blaunche-Ville e Maylor,
en lu de ce vus doyn-je Alleston e tut 1'onour qu'apent,
of the march. Sir Fulk, with the king's host, gave many
fierce assaults to Jervard ; and in a battle near Hereford, at
Wormeslow, made him fly and quit the field. But before he
fled, many were killed on both sides. Fierce and hard war
between Fulk and the prince lasted four years, until at the
request of the king of France a love-day was taken at
Shrewsbury between the king and Jervard the prince, and
they embraced mutually and came to an agreement. And
the prince restored to the barons of the march all the lands
which he had taken from them, and restored Ellesmere to
the king; but for no gold would he render White-Town
and Maelor. " Fulk," said the king, " since you have lost
White-Town and Maelor, I give you instead Alleston and
all the honour which belongs to it, to hold for ever." Fulk
FULK FITZ-WAKINE. 61
a tenir pcrdurablement." E Fouke le mercia cherement.
Le roy Henre dona a Lewys, le fitz Yervard, enfant
de vij. anz, Jonette, sa fyle; e en mariage lur dona
Ellesmere e autres terres plusours, si mena Lewys a
Loundres ou ly. Le prince Yervard, ou sa meyne, prist
congie du roy, e s'en ala vers Gales ; si dona a Rogier
de Powys Blaunche-Vile e Maylour. Rogier pus dona
a Jonas, soun puysnee frere, Maylour. Ore avez oy
coment sire Joce de Dynan, Sibille, la eyne, e Hawyse,
le puisne, ces filles, furent desheritez de le chastel e
1'onour de Dynan, qe sire Water de Lacy tient a tort ;
mes pus fust la ville de Dynan reparillee e refetee,
e si fust apellee Ludelowe. E si avez oy coment
sire Fouke, le fitz Waryn de Meez, est desherytee
thanked him dearly. King Henry gave to Lewis, the son
of Jervard, a child of seven years, little Joan, his daughter ;
and he gave them in marriage Ellesmere and many other
lands, and carried Lewis with him to London. The prince
Jervard, with his retinue, took leave of the king, and went
to Wales; and he gave White- Town and Maelor to Roger
de Powis. Roger subsequently gave Maelor to Jonas, his
younger brother. Now you have heard how Joce de Dynan,
his daughters Sibylle the elder and Hawise the younger,
were disinherited of the castle and honour of Dynan, which
sir Walter de Lacy holds wrongfully; but the town of
Dynan was afterwards repaired and restored, and was called
Ludlow. A.nd you have heard too how sir Fulke, the son of
Guarin de Metz, is disinherited of White-Town and Mae-
62 THE HISTORY OF
de Blanche- Ville e Maylour. Sibile, la suere eyne,
fust pus mariee a Payn le fitz Johan, molt valiant
chevaler.
Fouke e Hauwise tant aveient demore ou le roy,
qu'il avoit synk fitz, Fouke, Willam, Phelip le Rous,
Johan, e Alayn. Le roy Henre avoit quatre fitz, Henre,
Richard Cuer-de-Lyon, Johan, e Gaufre, qe pus fust
counte de Bretaygne le Menour. Henre fust coronee
vivant son pere, mes il morust avant le piere ; e apres
la mort le pere, Richard; e apres Richard, Johan,
son frere, qe tote sa vie fust maveys et contrarious e
envyous. Fouke le jeouene fust norry ou les iiij. fitz
Henre le roy, e mout ame de tous, estre de Johan;
quar yl soleit sovent medler ou Johan. Avint qe Johan
lor. Sibylle, the elder sister, was subsequently married to
Pain Fitz John, a very valiant knight.
Fulk and Hawise dwelt so long with the king, that he
had five sons, Fulk, William, Phillip the Red, John, and
Alan. King Henry had four sons, Henry, Richard Coeur-
de-Lion, John, and Jeffrey, who was afterwards earl of
Lesser Britain. Henry was crowned during his father's
life time, but he died before his father; and after the
death of his father, Richard was crowned; and after
Richard, John, his brother, who all his life was wicked
and ill-grained and envious. Young Fulk was bred with
the four sons of king Henry, and much beloved by them
all, except John ; for he used often to quarrel with John.
It happened that John and Fulk were sitting all alone in
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 63
e Fouke tut souls sistrent en une chambre, juauntz a
eschekes. Johan prist le eschelker, si fery Fouke grant
coupe. Fouke se senti blesce, leva le piee, si fery
Johan en my le pys, qe sa teste vola contre la pareye,
qu'il devynt tut mat e se palmea. Fouke fust esbay ;
mes lee fust qe nul fust en la chambre, si eux deus noun,
si frota les oryles Johan, e revynt de palmesoun, e s'en
ala al roy, son piere, e fist une grant pleynte. " Tes-tey,
maveys," fet le roy ; " tous jours estes conteckaunt. Si
Fouke nulle chose si bien noun vus fist, ce fust par
vostre desert demeyne." E apela son mestre, e ly fist
batre fynement e bien pur sa pleynte. Johan fust molt
corocee a Fouke; quarunqe pus ne le poeitamer de cuer.
Quant le roy Henre le pere fust mort, donqe regna
a chamber, playing at chess. John took the chess-board,
and struck Fulk a great blow. Fulk felt himself hurt,
raised his foot, and struck John in the middle of the
stomach, that his head flew against the wall, and he
became all weak and fainted. Fulk was in consternation ;
but he was glad that there was nobody in the chamber but
they two, and he rubbed John's ears, who recovered from
his fainting-fit, and went to the king, his father, and made
a great complaint. " Hold your tongue, wretch," said the
king, " you are always quarrelling. If Fulk did anything
but good to you, it must have been by your own desert."
And he called his master, and made him beat him finely and
well for complaining. John was much enraged against Fulk ;
so that he could never afterwards love him heartily. When
king Henry, the father, died, then reigned king Richard,
64 THE HISTORY OF
rey Richard, si avoit molt cher Fouke le Brun, le fitz
Waryn, pur sa lealte ; e fist apeler (levant ly a Wyncestre
le Y. fitz Fouke le Brun, Foket, Phelip le Rous, Wil-
lam, Johan, e Aleyn, e lur cosyn, Baudwyn de Hodenet,
e les adubba molt richement e les fist chevalers. Sire
Fouke le jeouene e ces freres ou lur compagnie passe-
rent la mer, pur quere pris e los ; e n'oierent parler de
nul tornoy ne joustes qu'il ne vodra estre la. E tant
fust preyse par tot qe la gent diseient communement
que yl fust santz pier de force, bounte, e hardiesse;
quar yl aveit tele grace qu'il ne vynt en nul estour
qu'il ne fust tenuz e renomee pur le meylour. Avynt
qe Fouke le Brun, lur piere, morust. Le rey Richard
maunda ces lettres a sire Fouke qu'il venist en Engle-
who loved dearly Fulk the Brown, fitz Warine, for his
loyalty ; and he called before him at Winchester the five
sons of Fulk the Brown, little Fulk, Phillip the Red,
William, John, and Alan, and their cousin, Baldwin de
Hodnet, and adubbed them very richly, and made them
knights. The young sir Fulk and his brothers with their
company passed the sea, to seek praise and renown ; and
they heard talk of no tournament or jousts but he would be
there. And he obtained so much reputation everywhere,
that people said commonly that he was peerless in strength,
goodness, and courage ; for he had such grace, that he came
to no encounter in which he was not held and reputed for
the victor. It happened that Fulk the Brown, their
father, died. King Richard sent his letters to sir Fulke
FULK FITZWABINE. 65
tere a receyvre ces terres, quar son piere fust mort.
Fouke e ces freres furent mout dolent qe Fouke le
Brun, lur bon pere, fut mort ; si revindrent a Londres
a le roy Richard, qe mout fust lee de eux, si lur
rendy totes les terres dont Fouke le Brun morust
seysy. Le roy se apparilla vers la Terre-Seynte, e co-
manda tote la marche a la garde sire Fouke. Le roy
1'ama mout e chery pur sa lealte e pur la grant reno-
mee qu'il aveit, e Fouke fust molt bien de le roy tote
la vie le roy Richard.
Apres cui mort, Johan, le frere le roy Richard, fust
coronee roy d'Engletere. Donqe maunda a sire Fouke
qu'il venist a ly parler e treter de diverse bosoignes
that he should come into England and receive his lands,
for his father was dead. Fulk and his brothers were much
grieved that Fulk the Brown, their good father, was dead :
and they returned to London to king Richard, who was
very glad of them, and delivered to them all the lands of
which Fulk the Brown died seized. The king made him-
self ready towards the Holy Land, and he entrusted all the
march to the keeping of sir Fulk. The king loved him
much, and cherished him for his loyalty and for the great
renown which he had, and Fulk was very well with the
king all the life of king Richard.
After whose death, John, the brother of king Richard,
was crowned king of England. Then he sent to sir Fulk
that he should come to him to talk and treat of divers
66 THE HISTORY OF
qe tochoyent la marche, e dist qu'il irreit visiter la
marche; e s'en ala al chastiel Baudwyn, qe ore est
apelee Mountgomery. E quant Morys, le fitz Roger de
Powys, seignur de Blaunche-Ville, apar^ust le roy
Johan aprocher la marche, si manda au roy un destrer
gras e beal e un girfaut tut blanc muer. Le roy le mercia
mout de le present. Donqe vint Moryz parler al rey ;
e le roy le pria demorer ou ly e estre de son consayl,
e ly fist gardeyn de tote la marche. Quant Morys vist
soun temps, si parla au roy e ly pria, si ly plust,
qe yl ly velsist confermer par sa chartre Fonour de
Blaunche-Ville, a ly e ces heyrs, come le roy Henre,
soun pere, 1'avoyt eynz conferme a Roger de Powys,
son pere. Le roy savoit bien qe sire Fouke avoit dreit
matters touching the march, and said that he would go
visit the march ; and he went to castle Baldwin, which is
now called Montgomery. And when Moris, the son of
Roger de Powis, lord of White -Town, knew that king John
was on his way to the march, he sent the king a fat and
fair steed, and a gerfalcon all white. The king thanked
him much for his present. Then came Moris to talk with
the king ; and the king requested him to dwell with him
and be of his council, and made him keeper of all the march.
When Moris saw his time, he spoke to the king, and prayed
him, if he pleased, that he would confirm to him by charter
the honour of White-Town, to him and his heirs, as king
Henry, his father, had before confirmed it to Roger de
Powis, his father. The king knew well that sir Fulk had
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 67
a Blaunche-Ville, e se remenbra de le coupe qe Fouke
ly avoyt eynz donee, e se pensa qu'il se vengereit par
yleqe ; e granta qe quanqe Morys voleyt fere escrivre,
yl le enselereyt. E, a ce fere, Morys ly promist c.
livrez d' argent.
Yl y avoit bien pres un chevaler qe tut aveit oy qe
le roy e Morys aveyent parle, si vynt hastivement a
sire Fouke, e ly counta qe le roy confermereit par sa
chartre a syre Morys les terres a queux yl avoit dreyt.
Fouke e ces quatre freres vindrent devant le roy, e
prierent qu'il puissent aver la commune ley e les terres
a queux yl aveyent droit e resoun, come le heritage
Fouke; e prierent qe le roy velsist receyvre de lur
c. lyvres, a tieles que yl lur velsist graunter le award
right to White Town, and he called to mind the blow which
Fulk had formerly given him, and thought that he would now
be avenged ; and he granted that whatever Moris would put
in writing, he would seal it to him. And, for doing this,
Moris promised him a hundred pounds of silver.
There was close by a knight, who had heard all the con-
versation between the king and Moris; and he went in
haste to sir Fulk, and told him that the king was about to
confirm by his charter to sir Moris the lands to which he
had right. Fulk and his four brothers came before the
king, and prayed that they might have the common law
and the lands to which they had claim and right, as the in-
heritance of Fulk ; and they prayed that the king would
receive from them a hundred pounds, on condition that he
F 2
68 THE HISTORY OF
de sa court de gayn e de perte. Le roy lur dist qe ce
qu'il avoit grantee a sire Morys, yl le tendreit, quy
qe se corocereit ou qy noun. Atant parla sire Morys
a sire Fouke, e dit : " Sire chevaler, molt estes fol, qe
vus chalengez mes terres. Si vus dites qe vus avez
dreit a Blaunche-Ville, vus y mentez; e, s'il ne fust
de vaunt le roy, je le proverey suz vostre corps."
Sire Willam, le frere Fouke, sauntz plus dyre, sayly
avaunt, sy fery de le poyn en my le vys sire Morys,
qe tut devynt senglant. Chevalers s'entre-alerent, qe
plus damage ne fut fait. Donqe dit sire Fouke al roy :
" Sire roy, vus estes mon lige-seignour, e a vus fu-je
lie par fealte, tant come je fu en vostre service e tan
come je tienke terres de vus; e vus me dussez meyn-
should grant them the award of his court of gain and loss.
The king told them that what he had granted to sir Moris
he would hold to it, whoever might be offended, or who not.
At length sir Moris spoke to sir Fulk, and said : " Sir
knight, you are a great fool to challenge my lands. If you
say that you have right to White-Town, you lie ; and, if
we were not in the king's presence, I would prove it on
your body." Sir William, Fulk's brother, without a word
more, sprang forwards, and struck sir Moris with his fist in
the middle of his face, that it became all bloody. Knights
interfered, that no more hurt was done, Then said sir
Fulk to the king ; " Sir king, you are my liege lord, and
to you was I bound by fealty, as long as I was in your
service, and as long as I held lands of you ; and you ought
FULK FITZWAKINE. 69
tenir en resoun, e vus me faylez de resoun e commun
ley; e unqe ne fust bon rey qe deneya a ces franke
tenauntz ley en sa court : pur quoi je vus renke vos
homages." E a cele parole s'en parti de la court, e
vjTit a son hostel.
Fouke e ces freres se armerent meyntenant, e Bau-
dwyn de Hodenet ensement ; e quant furent passez une
demie-luwe de la cite, vindrent apres eux xv. cheva-
lers bien montez e armes, les plus fortz e valyantz de
tote la meyne le roy, e les comaunderent retorner, e
diseyent qu'il aveyent promis al roy lur testes. Sire
Fouke retorna, e dit : " Beau sires, molt fustez fols
quant vus promistes a doner ce qe vus ne poez aver."
Atant s'entreferirent de lances e de gleyves, issint
to maintain me in right, and you fail me in right and
common law ; and never was he a good king who denied
his frank tenants law in his courts ; wherefore I return you
your homages." And with this word he departed from the
court, and went to his hostel.
Fulk and his brothers armed immediately, and Baldwin
de Hodnet likewise; and when they were gone half a
league from the city, there came after them fifteen knights
well mounted and armed, the strongest and most valiant of
all the king's household, and commanded them to turn
back, and said that they had promised the king their heads.
Sir Fulk turned back, and said : " Fair sirs, you were
great fools to give what you cannot have." Then they en-
countered with lances and swords, so that four of the most
70 THE HISTORY OF
qe quatre de plus vaylantz chevalers le roy meinte-
nant furent ocis, e tous les autres naufrez au poynt
de mort, estre un qe vist le peryl e se mist a la fute.
Vynt a la cite ; le roy ly demaunda si Guaryn fust pris.
" Nanil," fet-yl, " ne rien malmys; yl e tous ces
compaignons sunt aleez ; e nus fumes tous ocys, estre
moy, qe a grant peyne su eschapez." Fet le roy :
" Ou est Gyrart de Fraunce, Pieres de Avynoun, e
sire Amys le Marchys ?" " Sire, ocys." Atant
vindrent x. chevalers tut a pee, quar sire Fouke meyne
les destrers. Les uns des chevalers aveyent perdu le
nees, les uns le menton ; e tut furent defolees. Le roy
jura grant serement qu'il se vengereit de eux e de tote
lur lignage.
valiant of the king's knights were killed outright, and all
the others wounded almost to death, except one, who saw
the danger and took to flight. He came to the city ; the
king asked him if Warine were taken. " No," said he,
" nor nothing hurt ; he and all his companions are gone ;
and we were all slain, except me, who with great difficulty
have escaped." Said the king : " Where is Gerard de
France, Piers d' Avignon, and sir Amis the Marquis V
" Sire, slain." At length came ten knights all on foot, for
sir Fulk carried off their steeds. Some of the knights had
lost their noses, others their chins ; and they were all ill-
treated. The king swore a great oath that he would be re-
venged of them and of all their lineage.
Fulk came to Alberbury, and related to dame Hawise
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 71
Fouke vynt a Alberburs, e conta a dame Hawyse sa
mere coment aveyent erre a Wyncestre. Fouke prist
grant aver de sa mere, e s'en ala, ly e ces freres, a ces
cosyns, en Bretaygne le Menur, e sojorna tant come ly
plust. Le rey Johan seysy en sa meyn totes les terres
qe Fouke aveit en Engleterre, e fist grant damage a
touz les suens.
Fouke e ces quatre freres, Audolf de Bracy, son
cosyn, e Baudwyn de Hodenet, son cosyn, pristrent
congie de lur amys e cosyns de Bretaygne le Menur,
e vindrent en Engletere. Les jours se reposerent en
boschages e en mores, e les nuytz errerent e travile-
rent; quar yl n'oserent attendre le roy, quar yl ne
aveyent poer contre ly. Atant vyndrent a Huggeford,
his mother how they had fared at Winchester. Fulk took
great treasure from his mother, and went, he and his
brothers, and their cousins, into Lesser Britain, and so-
journed there as long as they pleased. King John seized
into his hand all the lands Fulk had in England, and did
great damage to all his friends.
Fulk and his four brothers, Aldulf de Bracy, his cousin,
and Baldwin de Hodnet, his cousin, took leave of their
friends and cousins in Britain the Less, and came into Eng-
land. By day they reposed themselves in woods and in
moors, and by night they wandered and laboured ; for they
dared not await the king, as they had not power to resist
him. At last they came to Huggeford, to sir Walter de
72 THE HISTORY OF
a mon sire Water de Huggeford, qe avoit esposee dame
Vyleyne, file Warin de Meez ; mes son dreit noun fust
Emelyne, e fust la aunte sire Fouke. Pus Fouke s'en
va vers Alberburs ; e quant vynt ileqe, la gent du pays
dient qe sa mere est enterree, pur qy Fouke fet grant
duel, e prie mut pitousement pur sa alme.
Sire Fouke e sa gent cele nuyt vont en une foreste
q'est apellee Babbyng, qe esta delees Blaunche-Ville,
pur espier Morys le fitz Rogier. Ataunt vint un
vadlet de la meyne Morys, si les apar^ust, e s'en revet
arere, e counta Morys. ce qu'il avoit veu. Morys se
arma mout richement, e prent le vert escu a deus sen-
glers d'or batu; d' argent fust la bordure, ou flours de
glys d'asure. E si avoit en sa compagnie les nuef fitz
Huggeford, who had married dame Vileine, daughter of
Guarin de Metz ; but her right name was Emeline, and she
was the aunt of sir Fulk. Afterwards Fulk went his way
towards Alberbury ; and when he came there, the people of
the country told him that his mother was buried, for which
Fulk made great grief, and prayed very piteously for
her soul.
Sir Fulk and his men that night go into a forest which
is called Babbing, which is near White- Town, to spy Moris
Fitz Roger. At length there came a valet of Moris's house-
hold, who perceived them, and went back, and related to
Moris what he had seen. Moris armed himself very richly,
and took his green shield, with two boars of beaten gold ;
the bordure was of argent, with fleurs-de-lis of azure. And
FULK FITZ-WAHINE. 73
Guy de la Montaigne e les treys fitz Aaron de Cler-
fountaygne, issint qe xxx. y aveyent bien mounteez
e vc. de gent a pee. Quant Fouke Morys vist, hastive-
ment de la foreste issist. Entre eux fust comence dur
estour, e yleqe fust Morys naufre par my 1'espaudle,
e plusours chevalers e gentz a pie occis furent. E, au
dreyn Morys s'enfui vers son chastel, e Fouke le
parsywy, si li quida feryr en fuaunt en le healme;
mes le coupe descendy sur le cropoun del destrer.
Atant vint Morgan le fitz Aaron, si trayst de le
chastel, e fery Fouke par mi le jaunbe de un quarel.
Fouke fust molt dolent qe yl ne se poeit venger a sa
volente de sire Morys, e de sa playe en le jaunbe
ne dona ja garde. Sire Morys fist sa pleynte al roy
he had in his company the nine sons of Guy of the Moun-
tain and the three sons of Aaron de Clairfontaine, so that
there were thirty well mounted and five hundred footmen.
When Fulk saw Moris he issued in haste from the forest.
There was begun between them a hard contest, and there
was Moris wounded through the shoulder, and many knights
and footmen were killed. And at last Moris fled towards
his castle, and Fulk pursued him, and thought to have
struck him on the helm as he fled ; but the blow fell on
the crupper of his steed. At length came Morgan Fitz
Aaron, and shot from the castle, and struck Fulk through
the leg with an arrow. Fulk was much grieved that he
could not avenge himself as he would on sir Moris, and paid
no attention to the wound in his leg. Sir Moris made his
74 THE HISTORY OF
qe sire Fouke fust revenuz en Engletere e ly avoit
naufre par my le espaudle. Le roy devynt si coroce
qe a inerveyle; e ordina c. chevalers ou lur meynie
d'aler par tot Engletere, d'enquere e prendre Fouke e
ly rendre al roy vyf ou mort. E si averount totes lur
costages de[l] roy; e s'il le puissent prendre, le roy
les dorreit terres e riche feez. -Les chevalers vont par
tot Engletere quere sire Fouke ; mes la ou yl entendy-
rent qe sire Fouke fust, la ne vodreient aler a nul fuer ;
quar yl ly doterent a demesure, les uns pur amour
qu'il aveyent a ly, les autres pur doute de sa force e
de sa noble chevalerie, qe damage ne mort lur avensist
par sa force e sa hardiesse.
Sire Fouke e sa compagnie vindrent a la foreste de
complaint to the king that sir Fulk was returned into
England and had wounded him through the shoulder. The
king became so incensed that it was wonderful ; and he ap-
pointed a hundred knights with their company to go through
all England, to seek and take Fulk and deliver him to the
king alive or dead. And they shall have all their costs
from the king ; and if they could take him, the king would
give them lands and rich fees. The knights go through all
England to seek sir Fulk ; but then when they heard that
sir Fulk was there, they would not go for any king; for
they feared him excessively, some for love they had for
him, others for fear of his strength and of his noble knight-
hood, lest damage or death might happen to them by his
strength and boldness.
Sir Fulk and his company came to the forest of Bra-
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 75
Bradene; e demorerent yleqe privement, quar aper-
tement n'oserent pur ly roy. Donqe vindrent de la
outre x. borgeys marchauntz, q'aveyent de les deners
le roy d'Engleterre les plus riches draps, pelures, es-
peces, e gyans, pur le corps le roy e la reygne d'En-
gletere achatez; si I'amenerent par desouth la foreste
vers le roy, e xxiiij. serjauntz armees sywyrent pur
garder le tresour le roy. Quant Fouke apargust les
marchauntz, si apela Johan son frere, e li dit qu'il
alast parler ou cele gent e qu'il encerchast de quele
terre sunt. Johan fery le destrer de esperouns, si vint
a les marchauntz, e demanda quele gent fuissent e de
quele terre. Un vaunt-parlour orgulous e fer sayly
avant, e demanda quey yl avoit a fere d'enquere quele
dene ; and they dwelt there secretly, for they dared not do
it openly on account of the king. Then came from abroad
ten burgher merchants, who had bought with the money of
the king of England the richest cloths, furs, spices, and
gloves, for the body of the king and the queen of England ;
and they were carrying them under the forest towards the
king, and thirty-four sergeants armed followed to guard the
king's treasure. When Fulk perceived the merchants, he
called his brother John, and told him to go and talk with
those people and inquire of what land they were. John
struck his steed with his spurs, and came to the merchants,
and demanded what folks, they were and from what land. A
fore-speaker proud and fierce sprang forward, and de-
manded what business it was of his to inquire what folk
76 THE HISTOKY OF
gent y fussent. Johan lur demanda en amour venyr
parler ou son seigmir en la foreste, ou si noun il
vendreynt maugre lur. Atant sayly avant un serjant,
si fery Johan de un espee grant coupe. Johan le
refery en la teste, qu'il chay a terre palmee. Donqe
vynt sire Fouke e sa compagnie, e assaylerent les
marchantz; e yl se defendyrent mout vigerousement.
Audreyn se rendirent, quar force lur fist ce fere.
Fouke les mena en la foreste, e yl ly conterent qe
marchantz le roy erent; e quant Fouke ce entendy,
mout fu lee. E lur dist: " Sire marchantz, si vus
perdisez cest avoyr, sur qy tornereit la pierte? dite-
moi le veyr." " Sire," font-yl, " si nus le perdisoms
par nostre coardise ou par nostre maveise garde de-
were there. John demanded of them to come in love to
speak with his lord in the forest, or if not they should come
in spite of themselves. Then a sergeant sprang forward,
and struck John a great blow with a sword. John struck
him again on the head, that he fell to the ground insen-
sible. Then came sir Fulk and his company, and assailed
the merchants ; and they defended themselves very vigor-
ously. In the end they surrendered, for they were forced
to do so. Fulk led them into the forest, and they related
to him that they were merchants of the king; and when
Fulk heard that, he was very glad. And he said to them :
" Sirs merchants, if you should lose these goods, on whom
will the loss turn 1 tell me the truth." " Sir," said they,
" if we should lose it by our cowardice or by our own bad
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 77
meyne, la pierte tornereit sur nus ; e si en autre
manere le perdisoms, en peril de mer ou par force
de gentz, la pierte tornereit desuz le roy." " Ditez-
vus le voyr?" " Oyl, sire," fount-yl. Sire Fouke,
quant entendy qe la pierte serreit al roy, donqe fist
mesurer le riche drap e riche pelure par sa launce,
e si vesfi tous ceux qe ou ly furent, petitz e grantz,
de eel riche drap, e dona a chescun solum ce qu'il
estoit ; mes mesure avoit chescun assez large. De 1' au-
tre aver prist chescun a volente. Quant il fust avespre,
e les marchauntz aveynt bien mange, si les comanda
a Dieu, e pria qu'il saluasent le roy de par Fouke fitz
Warin, qe ly mercia mout de ces bones robes. Fouke
ne nul de suens, de tot le tens qu'il fust exilee, unqe
keeping, the loss would turn upon us ; and if we lose it in
other manner, by danger of the sea or by people's force, the
loss will turn upon the king." " Say you the truth ?"
" Yes, sir," said they. Sir Fulk, when he heard that the
loss would be the king's, caused the rich cloth and rich
skins to be measured with his spear, and clothed all those
who were with him, little and great, with that rich cloth,
and gave to each according to what he was ; but every one
had large measure enough. Of the rest of the goods each
took at his will. When evening was come, and the mer-
chants had eaten well, he bade them adieu, and prayed them
to salute the king from Fulk Fitz Warine, who thanked
him much for his good robes. Fulk nor any of his, during
the whole time that he was outlawed, would ever do hurt
78 THE HISTORY OF
ne voleint damage fere a nully, si noun al roy e a ces
chevalers. Quant les marchantz e lur serjantz vindrent
naufrez e mayhaymes devant le roy, e counterent al
roy ce qe Fouke lur charga e coment Fouke aveit son
aver pris, a poy qu'il ne enraga de ire. E fist fere
une criee par mi le realme, que cely qe ly amerreit
Fouke, vyf ou mort, yl ly dorreit myl lyvres d' argent,
e estre ce yl ly dorreit totes le terres qe a Fouke fu-
rent en Engleterre.
De yleqe vet Fouke, e vient en la foreste de Kent,
e lessa ces chevalers en 1'espesse de la foreste, e s'en
vet tot soul chyvalchant le haut chemyn ; si encontra
un messager trop jolyvement chauntant, e avoit vestu
la teste de un chapelet de rose vermayl. Fouke ly pria
to any one, except to the king and to his knights. When
the merchants and their sergeants came wounded and
maimed before the king, and related to the king Fulk's
message and how Fulk had taken his goods, he almost
went mad with rage. And he caused it to be cried through
the kingdom, that whoever would bring him Fulk alive or
dead, he would give him a thousand pounds of silver, and
besides that he would give him all the lands which were
Fulk's in England.
Fulk went thence, and came into the weald of Kent, and
left his knights in the thick of the forest, and went all alone
riding in the high road ; and he met a messenger singing
Vei7 joyously, with his head decorated with a chaplet of
red roses. Fulk prayed him for love that he would give
FULK F1TZ-WARIXE. 79
pur amur qu'il ly donast le chapelet; e, si yl avoit
afere de ly, yl ly rendreit le double. " Sire," fet le mes-
sager, " il est mout eschars de son aver, qe un chapelet
de rose ne velt doner a la requeste de un chevaler."
E dona le chapelet a Fouke ; e il ly dona xx. sols de
loer. Le messager le conust bien, quar yl le avoit
sovent veu. Le messager vint a Canterbures ; si encon-
tra les c. chevalers q'aveyent quis Fouke par mi tot
Engleterre, e lur dit : " Seignours, dont venez ? Avez
trove ce qe vus avez quis par le comandement nostre
seignur le roy e pur vostre avancement?" " Nanyl,"
fount-yl. " Qey me dorez-vus ?" fet-il, " e je vus amer-
roi la ou je ly vy huy e parlay." Tant donerent e pro-
mistrent al messager qu'il lur dit ou yl ly avoit veu, e
him the chaplet ; and if he had need of him, he would repay
him double. " Sir," said the messenger, " he is very spar-
ing of his goods, who will not give a chaplet of roses at the
request of a knight." And he gave the chaplet to Fulk ;
who gave him twenty sols for his pay. The messenger
knew him well, for he had often seen him. The messenger
came to Canterbury; and met the hundred knights who
had sought Fulk through all England, and said to them :
" Lords, whence come ye 1 Have you found that which
you have sought by command of our lord the king and for
your advancement 1" " No," say they. " What will you
give me 1" said he, " and I will take you to the place
where I saw him and spake to him yesterday." They gave
and promised so much to the messenger that he told them
80 THE HISTOKY OF
coment yl ly dona xx. s. pnr le chapelet qu'il ly dona de
gree. Les c. chevalers firent somondre hastivement tot
le pays, chevalers, esquiers, e serjauntz, e enseggerent
tote la foreste tot entour; e mistrent tosours e rece-
vours come furent venours, e mistrent viele gent e
autres par tot le champ ou corns, pur escrier Fouke
e ces compaignons, quant furent issuz de la foreste.
Fouke fust en la foreste, e rien ne savoit de cest affere.
Atant oy un chevaler soner un gros bugle, si avoit
suspecion, e comanda ces freres mounter lur destrers,
Willam, Phelip, Johan, e Alayn. Ces freres monterent
meyntenant. Audulf de Bracy e Baudwyn de Hodenet,
Johan Malveysyn, monterent ensement. Les treis freres
de Cosham, Thomas, Pieres, e Willam, furent bons ar-
where he had seen him, and how he had given him twenty
sols for the chaplet which he gave him gratis. The hun-
dred knights caused all the country to be summoned in
haste, knights, esquiers, and Serjeants, and beset the forest
all round; and set starters and receivers as if they were
hunters, and placed old people and others all over the
field, with horns, to raise the cry upon Fulk and his
companions, when they should have issued from the forest.
Fulk was in the forest, and knew nothing of this matter.
At length he heard a knight sound a great bugle, and had
suspicion, and commanded his brothers to mount their
steeds, William, Philip, John, and Alan. His brothers
mounted at once. Aldulf de Bracy and Baldwin de Hodnet,
with John Malveysin, mounted also. The three brothers of
Cosham, Thomas, Pierce, and William, were good arblasters,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 81
blasters, e tote Pautre meyne Fouke furent tost aprestee
a le assaut.
Fouke e ces compagnouns issirent de la foreste,
si virent, devant tuz les autres, le c. chevalers qe les
aveynt quis par mi Engletere. Si se ferirent entre eux,
e ocistrent Gilbert de Mountferrant e Jordan de Cole-
cestre e plusours autres chevalers de la compaignie ;
si passerent outre par my les c. chevalers, e autres-
foyth revyndrent par my eux, e les abatirent espes-
sement. Atant survyndrent tantz chevalers, esquiers,
borgeys, serjantz, e pueple santz nounbre, qe Fouke
aparQust bien qu'il ne poeit durer la batayle, si se re-
torna a la foreste ; mes Johan son frere fust naufre en
la teste par my le healme. Mes, eynz qu'il tornasent
and all the rest of Fulk's people were soon ready for the
attack.
Fulk and his companions issued from the forest, and saw,
before all the others, the hundred knights who had sought
them through England. And they charged among them,
and slew Gilbert de Mountferrant and Jordan de Colchester
and many other knights of the company ; and they passed
through the midst of the hundred knights, and sometimes
returned among them, and struck them down in numbers.
At length there came upon them so many knights, esquiers,
burghers, sergeants, and people without number, that Fulk
saw well he could not support the contest, and returned into
the forest ; but his brother John was wounded in the head
through the helm. But, before they turned to the forest,
82 THE HISTORY OF
a la foreste, meint bon chevaler, esquiers, e serjantz
furent detrenchez. Fouke e ces compaignons ferirent
les destrers des esperouns, e fuyrent. Les gentz par
tut leverent la menee sur eux, e les pursywyrent ou
menee par tut. Atant entrerent en une veye, e ne vyrent
qe un lever la menee ou un corn. Un de la compaignie
le fery par mi le corps de un quarel ; atant lessa le cri
e la menee.
Fouke e ses compagnons lesserent lur chyvals, e tot
a pie s'enfuyrent vers une abbeye qe lur fust depres.
Quant le porter les vist, si corust fermer ces portes.
Alayn fust mout haut ; si passa meyntenant outre les
murs, e le porter comen9a fuyr. " Atendez," fet Alayn.
Si ly corust apres, e prist les clefs de ly ; e fery de la
many a good knight, squiers, and sergeants, were cut up.
Fulk and his companions struck their steeds with their
spurs, and fled. The people every where raised the hue and
cry upon them, and everywhere pursued them with the
country. At length they entered in a way, and saw but one
raising the hue and cry with a horn. One of the company
struck him through the body with an arrow ; upon which
he left the cry and the pursuit.
Fulk and his companions quitted their horses, and all on
foot fled towards an abbey which was near at hand. When
the porter saw them, he ran to shut the gates. Alan was
very tall ; and passed at once over the walls, and the porter
began to fly. " Wait," said Alan. And he ran after him,
and took the keys from him ; and he struck him with the
FULK FITZ-WAKTNE. 83
masuele dont les clefs pendyrent un coup qu'a resoun
ly grevereit pur sa fute. Alayn lessa tous ces freres
entrer. Fouke prist un abit de un viel moyne, e se
vesty meyntenaunt ; e prist un grant potence en sa
mayn, e s'en ala hors a la porte, e fist clore la porte
apres ly, e s'en vet. Vet clochaunt de le un pee, apuant
tot le cors a le grant potence. Atant vindrent cheva-
lers e serjantz, ou grant pueple. Donqe dit un chevaler :
" Daun veylard moyne, avez-vus veu nuls chevalers
armes passer par ycy ?" " Oyl, sire ; Dieu lur rende
le damage qe il ont fet!" " Qey vus ount-il fet?"
" Sire," fet-yl, " je su viels, e ne me pus ayder, tant su
defet; e si vindrent vij. a chyvals, e entour xv. a pie;
e, pur ce qe je ne lur pooy hastivement voider le
staff on which the keys hung a blow that fairly stopped his
flying. Alan let all the brothers come in. Fulk took a
habit of an old monk, and immediately dressed himself in
it ; and took a great club in his hand, and went out at the
gate, and caused the gate to be shut after him, and goes
away. He goes limping with one foot, supporting all his
body on the great club. At length came knights and ser-
geants, with much people. Then said a knight : a Sir old
monk, have you seen any knights armed pass by here V
" Yes, sir; may God repay them the hurt they have done !"
" What have they done to you ?" " Sir," said he, " I am aged,
and can no longer help myself, I am so decrepid ; and there
came seven on horseback, and about fifteen on foot; and
because I could not quickly get out of their way, they took
G 2
84 THE HISTORY OF
chemyn, yl ne me esparnierent de rien, mes firent lur
chyvals coure outre moy, e ce fust pecchie dont poy
lur fust." " Tes-tey," fet-il, " vus serrez bien venge
eynz buy." Les chevalers e trestous les autres hastive-
ment passerent avant a pursyvre Fouke, e furent bien
tost esloygneez une lywe de le abbeye.
Sire Fouke estut en pees pur plus ver. Atant vynt
sire Gyrard de Malfee e x. compaignons, chevalers
bien monteez, quar il furent venuz de la outre; e
amenerent ou eux chyvals de pris. Donqe dit Gyrard
en mokant : " Veiez-cy un moygne gros e grant ; e si
ad le ventre bien large a herbiger deus galons de
chens." Les freres Fouke furent dedenz la porte, e
aveyent oy e veu tote la continaunce Fouke. Fouke,
no care of me, but made their horses run over me, and little
did they reck of what they had done." " Say no more,"
said he, "you shall be well revenged before the day is
over." The knights and all the others passed forwards in
haste to pursue Fulk, and were soon a league's distance
from the abbey.
Sir Fulk raised himself on his feet, to see more. At length
came sir Girard de Malfee and ten companions, knights well
mounted, for they were come from abroad ; and they brought
with them horses of value. Then said Girard in mockery :
" Here is a monk who is stout and tall ; and he has a belly
large enough to hold two gallons inside." Fulk's brothers
were within the gate, and had heard and seen all Fulk's
proceedings. Fulk, without more words, lifted up the great
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 85
santz plus dire, leva le grant potence, si fery sire
Gyrard desouth 1'oryle, qu'il chay tot estonee a terre.
Les freres Fouke, quant ce vyrent, saylerent hors a
la porte, si pristrent les x. chevalers e sire Gyrard
e tote lur herneys, e les lyerent mout ferm en la loge
le porter, e pristrent tote lur herneys e lur bons des-
trers ; e s'en alerent, qe unqe ne fynerent de errer eynz
qu'il vindrent a Huggeford. E ileqe fust Johan sanee
de sa plaie.
Quant avoient ileqe sojorne une piece, dount vint
un messager qe avoit bien longement quis sire Fouke,
e ly dit salutz de par Hubert, 1'arcevesque de Caun-
terbures, e ly pria hastivement venir parler ou ly.
Fouke prist sa gent, e vynt deleez Canterbures, en la
club, and struck sir Girard under the ear, that he fell quite
stunned to the earth. Fulk's brothers, when they saw this,
rushed out at the gate, and took the ten knights and sir
Girard and all their equipments, and bound them very tight
in the porter's lodge, and took all their harness and their
good steeds ; and went their way, so that they never ceased
wandering till they came to Huggeford. And there John
was healed of his wound.
After they had dwelt there awhile, there came a mes-
senger who had been very long seeking sir Fulk, and sa-
luted him on the part of Hubert archbishop of Canterbury,
and begged him in haste to come and talk with him. Fulk
took his people, and came near Canterbury, in the forest
86 THE HISTORY OF
foreste ou eyntz avoit estee ; e lessa tote sa compagnie
ileqe, estre Willam son frere. Fouke e Willam se aty-
rerent come marchauntz, e vindrent a Caunterbures a
le evesqe Hubert. Le archevesqe Hubert le Botiler lur
dit : " Beal fitz," fet-yl, " vus estes bien venuz a moy.
Vus savez bien qe sire Thebaud le Botiler, mon frere,
est a Dieu comandee, e avoit esposee dame Mahaud
de Caus, une mout riche dame e la plus bele de tote
Engletere. E le roy Johan la desire taunt pur sa
bealte, qe a peyne ele se puet garder de ly. E je
la tienke seyntz, e vus la verrez. E je vus prie, cher
amy Fouke, e comant sur ma benoysoun qe vus la
prenez a espouse." Fouke la vist; e savoit bien qe
ele fust bele, bone, e de bon los, e qe ele avoit en
where he had been before ; and left all his company there,
except his brother William. Fulk and William dressed
themselves as merchants, and came to Canterbury to bishop
Hubert. The archbishop Hubert le Botiler said to them :
" Fair sons," said he, " you are very welcome to me. You
know well that sir Theobald le Botiler, my brother, is de-
parted to God, and had espoused dame Maude de Caus, a
very rich lady and the fairest in all England, and king John
lusts after her so much for her beauty, that she can with
difficulty be kept from him. And I have her here within,
and you shall see her. And I pray you, dear friend Fulk,
and command you on my benediction that you take her to
wife !" Fulk saw her; and knew well that she was fair,
good, and of good repute ; and that she had in Ireland
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 87
Yrlaunde fortz chastels, cites, terres, e rentes, e grantz
homages. Par assent Willam son frere, e par consayl
de le erchevesqe Hubert, esposa dame Mahaud de
Caus. Fouke demora deu jours yleqe, e pus prist
congie de 1'evesqe, e lessa sa femme yleqe, e revynt
al boys a ces compaignouns, e lur conta quanqu'il
avoit fait. Yl ly escharnyerent e rierent, e le ape-
lerent hosebaunde ; e ly demanderent ou il amerreit
la bele dame, le quel al chastel ou a le boys; e s'entre-
solaserent. Mes grant damage firent a le roy par tot ;
e a nul autre, si noun a ceux qe furent overtement lur
enymys.
Un chevaler qe fust apelee Robert le fitz Sampsoun
fust menaunt en la marche de Escoce, e soleyt mout
strong castles, cities, lands, and rents, and extensive ho-
mages. With the assent of his brother William, and by the
counsel of archbishop Hubert, he married the lady Maude
de Caus. Fulk remained two days there, and then took
leave of the bishop, and left his wife there, and returned to
the wood to his companions, and told them all he had done.
They made game of him and laughed, and called him hus-
band; and asked him where he should take the fair lady,
whether to castle or to wood ; and made merry together.
But they did everywhere great damage to the king ; and to
no other, but to those who were openly their enemies.
A knight who was called Robert Fitz Sampson was dwell-
ing in the march of Scotland, and used very often to receive
sir Fulk and his people and lodge them with great honour ;
88 THE HISTORY OF
sovent receyvre sire Fouke e sa gent e les herbiger a
grant honour j e si fust home de grant tresour. E sa
femme fust apelee dame Anable, e fust molt corteise
dame. En eel temps fust un chevaler en la contree qe
fust apelee Pieres de Bruvyle. Cely Pieres soleit as-
sembler tous les fitz de gentils homes de le pays qe
volagous erent, e autre rybaudayle ; e soleynt aler par
le pays, e ocistrent e robberent lele gent, marchanz
e autres. Cely Pieres, quant yl ou sa compaignie ala
robber les gentz, se fesoit apeler Fouke le fitz Waryn ;
pur quey Fouke e ces compaignons furent trop male-
ment aloseez de ce qu'il n'aveyent coupe. Fouke, qe
trop longement, pur doute de le roy Johan, ne poeit
demorer en un lyu, vint par nuyt en la marche d'Es-
coce, e vynt mout pres la court sire Robertz le fitz
and he was a man of great wealth. And his wife was called
the lady Anable, and was a very courteous lady. At that
time there was a knight in the country who was called
Piers de Bruvile. This Piers used to collect all the sons of
gentlemen of the country who were wild, and other ribald
people ; and used to go about the country, and slew and
robbed loyal people, merchants, and others. This Piers,
when he with his country went to rob people, caused him-
self to be called Fulk Fitz Warine, whereby Fulk and his
companions gained very ill fame for that of which they were
not guilty. Fulk, who could not, for fear of king John,
remain too long in one place, came by night into the march
of Scotland, and came very near the court of sir Robert
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 89
Sampsoun. E vist grant lumere dedenz la court, e
oy parler leynz e sovent nomer son noun ; si fist ces
compaignons arester dehors. Fouke meismes hardie-
ment entra le court, pus la sale, si vist Peres de
Bruville e autres chevalers seantz a soper; e Robert
le fitz Sampsoun e sa bone dame e la meyne furent
lyez e juteez d'une part la sale. E sire Pieres [e] ces
compaignons trestouz furent vysureez; e trestous qe
servyrent leynz engenulerent devant sire Pieres, e le
apelerent lur seignur sire Fouke. La dame, qe just lye
deleez son seignur en la sale, dit molt pitousement:
" Hay ! sire Fouke," fet-ele, " pur Dieu merci, je ne
vus unqe meffis, mes vus ay amee a mon poer." Sire
Fouke estut en pees, e avoit escote quant qu'il aveyent
Fitz Sampson. And he saw a great light within the court,
and heard talking within and frequent mention of his
name ; and he made his companions halt outside. Fulk
himself boldly entered the court, and then the hall, and saw
Piers de Bruvile and other knights sitting at supper ; and
Robert Fitz Sampson and his good lady and the household
bound and cast on one side of the hall. And sir Piers
and his companions were all masked ; and all who served
within bent the knee before sir Piers, and called him their
lord sir Fulk. The lady, who lay bound near her lord in
the hall, said very piteously : " Ha ! sir Fulk," said she,
" for God's mercy, I never did you hurt, but have always
loved you to my power." Sir Fulk stood up on his feet,
and had heard all that he had said ; but when he heard
90 THE HISTORY OF
dit ; mes quant il avoyt oy la dame parler, qe grant
bounte ly avoit fait, pur nulle chose du mounde ne
se poeit plus deporter. Tut santz compaignon se mist
avant, e sa espeie trete en sa meyn, e dit : " Ore,
pees ! je vus comand, trestous qe seynz voy, qe nul ne
se moeve tant ne quant." E jura grant serement qe,
[si] nul fust tant hardy de sey mover, il le detrenche-
reit en menuz pieces. Pieres e ces compaignouns se
tindrent engyneez. " Ore," fet Fouke, " qy de vus se fet
apeler Fouke ?" " Sire," fet Pieres, " je su chevaler,
si su apellee Fouke." " De par Deus," fet-yl, " sire
Fouke, levez sus tost, si liez bien e ferm tous vos com-
paignons, ou si noun tut premer perderez le chief."
Pieres fust molt enpourys de la manace, e leva sus;
the lady speak, who had done him great kindness, for no-
thing in the world could he longer contain himself. All
without companion he stept forward, with his sword drawn
in his hand, and said : " Now, peace ! I command you, all
whom I see in here, that no one stir the least." And he
swore a great oath that, if any one was so bold as to stir, he
would cut him into small pieces. Piers and his companions
felt themselves overreached, " Now," said Fulk, " which of
you causes himself to be called ' Fulk' ?" " Sir," said
Piers, " I am a knight, and am called Fulk." " By God,"
said he, " sir Fulk, rise quickly, and bind well and tight all
your companions, or if not, you shall be the first to lose
your head." Piers was much terrified with the threat, and
rose ; and he unbound the lord and the lady and all the rest
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 91
e delia le seignour e la dame e tous les autres de la
meynee, e lya bien e ferm tous ces compaignouns.
E quant tous furent liez, Fouke ly fist couper les
testes de tous iceux qu'il avoit liez. E quant yl avoit tous
ceux compaignons decoleez, " Vus recreant chevaler qe
vus fetez apeler Fouke, vus y mentez. Je su Fouke, e
ce saverez-vus bien; e je vus rendroy qe faucement
m'avez alosee de larcyn." E ly coupa la teste meynte-
nant ; e quant avoit ce fet, apela ces compaignouns, e
soperent la, e se fyrent bien aeese. E issi sire Fouke
salva sire Robert e tut son tresour, qe rien ne perdy.
Le roy fist grant damage mout sovent a sire Fouke.
E sire Fouke, tot fust-il fort e hardy, yl fust sages
e engynous ; quar le roy e sa gent pursiwyrent molt
of the household, and bound well and tight all his compa-
nions. And when all were bound, Fulk made him cut off
the heads of all those whom he had bound. And when he
had beheaded all his companions, [said Fulke], "You re-
creant knight who cause yourself to be called Fulk, you lie
in doing so. I am Fulk, and that you shall know well ; and
I will pay you off for falsely procuring me the reputation of
a robber." And he immediately cut off his head ; and when
he had done that, he called his companions, and they supped,
and enjoyed themselves much. And thus sir Fulk saved sir
Robert and all his treasure, that nothing was lost.
The king very often did great damage to sir Fulk. And
sir Fulk, strong and bold as he was, was also prudent and
crafty ; for the king and his people very often pursued sir
92 THE HISTORY OF
sovent sire Fouke par le esclotz des chyvals ; e Fouke
molt sovent fist ferrer ces chyvals e mettre les fers a
revers, issint qe le roy de sa sywte fust des9\i e engy-
nee. Meynt dur estour sofFry sire Fouke eynz qu'il
avoit conquis son heritage.
Sire Fouke prist congie de moun sire Robert le fitz
Sampsoun, e se vynt a Alberburs, e fist fere sa loge
en une foreste deleez sur la ryvere. Fouke apela
Johan de Raunpaygne; " Johan," fet-yl, " vus savez
assez de menestralsie e de jogelerye ; estes-vus osee
d'aler a Blanche- Ville, e juer devant Morys le fitz
Roger, e d'enquere lur afTere ?" " Oyl," fet Johan.
Yl fist tribler un herbe, e la mist en sa bouche ; e sa
face comen9a d'engroser e emflyr moult gros, e tut
devynt si descoloree qe ces compaignons demeyne a
Fulk by the footmarks of his horses; and sir Fulk very
often caused his horses to be shoed with the shoes reversed,
so that the king was deceived and tricked in the pursuit,
Many a hard battle Fulk endured before he gained his
heritage.
Sir Fulk took leave of sir Robert Fitz Sampson, and went
to Alberbury, and caused his lodging to be made in a forest
near the river. Fulk called John de Raunpaigne ; " John,"
said he, " you know enough of minstrelsy and jonglery ;
dare you go to White-Town, and play before Moris Fitz
Roger, and spy how things are going on 1" " Yea," said
John. He caused a herb to be crushed, and put it in his
mouth; and his face began to enlarge and swell very
great, and became all discoloured that his own companions
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 93
grant peyne le conurent. Johan se vesti asque povre-
ment, e prist sa male ou sa jogelerie e un grant bas-
toun en sa meyn ; vynt a Blanche-Ville, e dit al porter
qu'il fust un jogelour. Le porter le mena devant sire
Moris le fitz Roger ; e Morys ly demaunda ou yl fust
nee. " Sire," fet-il, " en la marche d'Escoce." " E
quele novelesr" "Sire, je ne sai nulles, estre de
sire Fouke le fitz Waryn, q'est ocys a une roberye
qu'il fist a la mesone sire Robert le fitz Sampson."
"Dites-vus voir?" " Oyl, certes," fet-il; " ce dient
totes les gentz du pays." " Menestral," fet-il, " pur
vostre novele je vus dorroy ceste coupe de fyn argent."
Le menestral prent la coupe, e mercia molt son bon
seignur. Johan de Rampaigne fust molt led de vys
hardly knew him. John dressed himself very poorly, and
took his box with his instruments of joglery and a great
staff in his hand ; came to White-Town, and said that
he was a jogelour. The porter took him before sir Moris
Fitz Roger; and Moris asked him where he was born.
" Sir," said he, " in the march of Scotland." " And what
news ?" " Sir, I know none, except of sir Fulk Fitz Warine,
who has been killed in a robbery which he was executing at
the house of sir Robert Fitz Sampson." "Do you say the
truth ?" " Yes, certainly," said he, "all the people of the
country say so." " Minstrel," said he, " for your news I
will give you this cup of fine silver." The minstrel took
the cup, and thanked very much his good lord. John de
Rampaigne was very ill-favoured in face and body ; and on
94 THE HISTORY OF
e de corps ; e, pur ce, les rybaudz de leynz ly eschar-
nierent e defolerent e detrestreint par ces chevoyls e
par ces pees. Yl leva son bastoun, si fery un rybaud
en la teste, qe la cervele vola en my la place. " Malveys
rybaud," fet le seignur, " qey as-tu fet?" " Sire,"
fet-yl, "pur Dieu mercy, je ne pus meez ; j'ai une ma-
ladie qe trop est grevouse, e ce poez vere par la face
qe j'ay si emflee. E cele maladie me tent certeygnes
houres de jour tut le seen, dont je n'ay poer mey-
meismes a governer." Moris jura grant serement, s'il
ne fust pur la novele qu'il aveit porte, yl ly freit estre
decolle meintenant. Le jogelour se hasta qu'il fust
passee de la, quar molt ly sembla long la demuere.
Revynt a Fouke, e counta de mot en autre coment aveit
this account the ribalds of the household made game of him
and treated him roughly and pulled him by his hair and by
his feet. He raised his staff, and struck a ribald on the
head, that his brain flew into the midst of the place.
"Wretched ribald," said the lord, "what hast thou done ?"
" Sir," said he, " for God's mercy, I cannot help it ; I have
a disease which is very grievous, which you may see by my
face which is so much swollen. And this disease takes en-
tire possession of me at certain hours of the day, whereby I
have not power to govern myself." Moris swore a great
oath, that if it were not for the news he had brought, he
would have his head cut off immediately. The jogelour
hastened his departure, for the time he remained there
seemed very long. He returned to Fulk, and told him from
FTTLK FITZ-WARINE. 95
erre, e dit qu'il avoit oy en la court qe sire Morys e
ces xv. chevalers e sa meyne irreynt lendemayn al
chastel de Saloburs, quar il esteit gardeyn de tote la
marche. Quant sire Fouke ce savoit, molt fust lee e
ces compaignouns ensement.
Lendemeyn leva Fouke matyn, e fust armee tot a
talent, e ces compaignons ensement. Morys vynt vers
Soloburs, e quinze chevalers ou ly, e le iiij. fitz Gwy
fitz Candelou de Porkyntone, e sa autre meyne. E
quant Fouke ly vyst, molt fust lee ; e molt fust irree a
ly, pur ce qu'il ly detient a force son heritage. Morys
regarda vers le pas de Nesse, si vist un escu quartilee
de goules e d'argent endentee, e par ces armes conust
qe ce fust Fouke. " Ore sai-je bien," fet Morys, " qe
word to word how he had proceeded, and said that he had
heard in the court that sir Moris and his fifteen knights and
his household would go on the morrow to the castle of
Shrewsbury, for he was keeper of all the march. When sir
Fulk knew that, he was very glad and his companions also.
Fulk rose early on the morrow, and was armed all at his
will, and his companions likewise. Moris came towards
Shrewsbury, and fifteen knights with him, and the four sons
of Guy Fitz Candelou of Porkingtone, and the rest of his
household. And when Fulk saw him, he was very glad;
and he was much angered against him, because he detained
from him his inheritance by force. Moris looked towards
the pass of Nesse, and saw a shield quartered with gules
and endented argent, and by his arms knew that it was
96 THE HISTORY OF
jogelers sunt mensungers ; quar la voy Fouke." Moris
e ces chevalers furent molt hardis ; e hardiement asay-
lyrent Fouke e ces compaignouns, e les apelerent
larouns, e diseyent qe lur testes eynz la vespree ser-
reient assis al haut tour de Salobures. Fouke e ces
freres se defendirent molt vigerousement ; e yleqe fust
sire Morys e ces xv. chevalers e les iiij. fitz Gwy fitz
Candelou de Porkyntone ocys ; e de atant aveit Fouke
le meyns enymys.
Fouke e ces compaignons s'en alerent de yleqe vers
Rothelan deparler ou sire Lewys, le prince, q'aveit
esposee Johane, la fyle le roy Henre, suere le roy
Johan ; quar le prince e sire Fouke e ces freres furent
norys ensemble en la court le roy Henre. Le prince
Fulk. " Now know I well," said Moris, " that jogelours are
lyers ; for there is Fulk." Moris and his knights were very
courageous ; and they boldly attacked Fulk and his compa-
nions, and called them thieves, and said that before evening
their heads should be placed on the high tower of Shrews-
bury. Fulk and his brothers defended themselves very
vigorously ; and there were Moris and his fifteen knights
and the four sons of Guy Fitz Candelou of Porkingtone
slain ; and by so many had Fulk the fewer enemies.
Fulk and his companions went their way thence toward
Rhuddlan to talk with sir Lewis, the prince, who had mar-
ried Joane, the daughter of king Henry, sister of king John ;
for the prince and sir Fulk and his brothers were educated
together in the court of king Henry. The prince was very
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 97
fust molt lee de la venue sire Fouke, e ly demanda
quel acord fust entre le roy e ly. " Sire," fet Fouke,
"mil, quar je ne pus aver pees pur nulle chose; e pur
ce, sire, su-je venuz a vus e a ma bone dame pur
vostre pees aver." " Certes," fet le prince, " ma pees
je vus grant e doynz, e de moy bon resut averez. Le
roy d'Engletere ne pees ou vus ne moy ne autre siet
aver." "Sire," fet Fouke, "grant mercis ; quar en
vus molt me affy e en vostre grant lealte. E, pus qe
vus me avez vostre pees grantee, je vus dirroy autre
chose ; certes, sire, Morys le fis Roger est mortz, quar
je 1'ay ocys." Quant le prince savoit qe Morys fust
mortz, molt fust irree ; e dit qe, s'il ne ly avoit sa pees
donee, yl ly freit trayner e pendre, pur ce qe Morys
glad of sir Fulk's visit, and asked him what accord there
was between the king and him. " Sir," said Fulk, "none,
for I cannot have peace for anything ; and therefore, sir, am
I come to you and to my good lady to have your peace."
" Truly," said the prince, " my peace I grant and give you,
and from me you shall have good protection. The king of
England knows not how to have peace with you or me or
anyone else." " Sir," said Fulk, "much thanks ; for I trust
me much in you and in your great loyalty. And, since you
have granted me your peace, I will tell you another thing ;
truly, sir, Moris Fitz Roger is dead; for I have slain him."
When the prince knew that Moris was dead, he was much
enraged; and said that, if he had not given him his peace,
he would have had him drawn and hanged, because Moris
H
98 THE HISTORY OF
fust son cosyn. Donqe vynt la bone dame, e fist
accord entre le prince e sire Fouke, issint qu'il furent
entrebayseez e toutz maltalentz pardoneez.
En icel temps grant descord fust entre le prince
Lewys e Guenonwyn, le fitz Yweyn Keveyloc; e a
cely Guenonwyn grant partie de le pays de Powys
apendeit, e si fust molt orgoylous, hauteyn, e fer,
e ne vodra rien deporter le prince, mes fist grant
destruxidn en sa terre. Le prince a force avoit tot
abatu le chastel Metheyn, e avoit pris en sa meyn
Mochnant, Lannerth, e autres terres qe furent a Gue-
nonwyn. Le prince eomaunda la mestrie de tote sa
terre a Fouke, e ly eomaunda coure sur Guenonwyn
e destrure totes ces terres. Fouke fust sages e bien
was his cousin. Then came the good lady, and brought
about an accord between the prince and sir Fulk, so that
they embraced each other and all offences were forgiven.
At this time there was great discord between prince
Lewis and Gwenwynwyn, the son of Owen Keveyloc ; and
to this Gwenwynwyn great part of the country of Powis be-
longed, and he was very proud, haughty, and fierce, and
would not submit to the prince in anything, but made great
destruction in his land. The prince by force had totally
demolished the castle of Metheyn, and had taken into his
hand Mochnant, Lannerth, and other lands which belonged
to Gwenwynwyn. The prince entrusted the mastry of all
his land to Fulk, and commanded him to go against Gwen-
wynwyn and destroy all his lands. Fulk was prudent
FULK F1TZ-WARINE. 99
avysee, e savoyt bien qe le tort fust al prince ; si ly
dist en bele manere : " Sire, pur Dieu," fet-il, " mercy !
si vus ce fetez qe vus avez devysee, vus serrez molt
blame en estrange regneez de totes gentz. E, sire, si
vus plest, ne vus peyse qe je le vus dy, tote gent
dient qe vus avez peschie de ly. E, pur ce, sire, pur
Dieu, eiez mercy de ly, e yl se redressera a vus a
vostre volente, e vus servira de gree. E vus ne savez
quant vus averez mester a vos barouns." Tant precha
Fouke au prince e parla, qe le prince e Guenonwyn
furent entreacordeez ; e le prince ly rendy totes ces
terres qe de ly eynz furent prisees.
Le roy Johan fust a Wyncestre. Ataunt vynt la
novele a ly qe Fouke avoit ocys Morys le fitz Roger, e
and cautious, and knew well that the wrong was on the
prince's side ; so he said to him in fair manner : " Sir, for
God's sake," said he, " pardon ! if you do that which you
have devised, you will be much blamed in foreign kingdoms
by every body. And, sir, if you please, be not offended that
I tell it to you, all people say that you have sinned against
him. And therefore, sir, for God's sake, have mercy towards
him, and he will return to his service to you at your will,
and will serve you with gladness. And you do not know
when you will have need of your barons." Fulk preached
and talked so much to the prince, that the prince and
Gwenwynwyn were reconciled ; and the prince restored to
him all his lands which had been before taken from him.
King John was at Winchester. At length came news to
H 2
100 THE HISTORY OF
qu'il fust demoree ou Lewys le prince, q'aveit esposee
Johane, sa suere ; si devynt molt pensyf, e bone piece
ne sona parole. Pus dit : " Hay, seinte Marie ! je
su roy, Engletere guye, due su d'Angoye e de Nor-
maundye, e tote Yrland est en ma segnorie; e je
ne pus trover ne aver en tot moun poer, pur quanqe
je pus doner, nul qe me velt venger de le damage
e hontage qe Fouke m'ad fet. Mes je ne lerroy qe
je ne me vengeroy de le prince." Si fist somoundre
a Salobures tous ces countes e baronz e ces autres che-
valers, qu'il seient a un certeyn jour a Salobures ou tot
lur gent. E quant furentz venuz a Salobures, Lewys fust
garny par ces amys qe le roy Johan ly movereit grant
guere; e apela Fouke, si ly mostra tote le aventure.
him that Fulk had slain Moris Fitz Roger, and that he was
dwelling with prince Lewis, who had married Joan, his sis-
ter; upon which he became very thoughtful, and for a good
while uttered not a word. Then he said : " Ha ! St. Mary !
1 am king, rule England, am duke of Anjou and Normandy,
and all Ireland is in my lordship ; and I cannot find or have
in all my dominion, give what I will, anyone who will
avenge me for the injury and shame that Fulk has done me.
But I will not fail to avenge myself of the prince." He
caused to be summoned to Shrewsbury all his earls and
barons and his other knights, that they should be on a cer-
tain day at Shrewsbury with all their people. And when
they were come to Shrewsbury, Lewis was warned by his
friends that king John would stir up great war against
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 101
Fouke fist assembler al chastel Balaham en Pentlyn
xxx. mil de bons honmes ; e Guenonwyn le fitz Yweyn
vynt ou ces gentz, qe fortz e hardys furent. Fouke
fust assez sage de guere, e conust bien tous les pas-
sages par ont le roy Johan covenist passer. E le pas-
sage fust mout escars, enclos de boys e marreis, issi
qu'il ne poeit passer si noun le haut chemyn. E le
passage est apele le Gue Gymele. Fouke e Guenonwyn
ou lur gentz vindrent al passage, e fyrent fouer, outre
le haut chemyn, une fosse long, profound, e lee ; e
firent emplyr la fossee d'ewe, issi qe nul poeit passer,
quei pur le marreis, qei pur la fosse. E, outre la fosse,
firent un palys trobien bataillee ; e uncore puet home
vere la fosse.
him ; and he called Fulk, and showed him all the circum-
stances. Fulk caused to assemble at castle Balaham in
Pentlyn thirty thousand good men ; and Gwenwynwyn, the
son of Owen, came with his men, who were strong and bold.
Fulk was skilful enough in war, and knew well all the
passes by which it behoved king John to pass. And the
pass was very narrow, closed in by woods and marshes,
so that he could pass only by the high way. And the pass
is called the Ford of Gymele. Fulk and Gwenwynwyn and
their people came to the pass, and caused a long, deep, and
broad ditch to be dug across the highway ; and they caused
the ditch to be filled with water, so that, what for the ditch
and the marsh, nobody could pass. And beyond the ditch
they made a defence of pales very well fortified ; and the
ditch may still be seen.
102 THE HISTORY OF
Ly roy Johan ou tot son host vynt al gue, e a
quida passer seurement ; e vyst de la chevalers armes
plus qe dys mil, qe gardoient le passage. Fouke e
ces compaignons furent passez le gue par un prive
chemyn qu'il avoyent feit, e furent de cele part ou le
roy fust, e Guenonwyn e plusours autres chevalers ou
eux. Le roy escria Fouke, e les chevalers le roy de
totes partz assailerent Fouke ; mes molt lur mesavynt,
qu'il ne le poeynt avenyr si noun par my le frount
sur la cauce. Fouke e ces compaignons se defendirent
com lyons, e sovent furent demonteez e sovent re-
mounteez ; e plusours des chevalers le roy furent ocys ;
e Guenonwyn fust sorement naufree par my le healme
en la teste. Quant Fouke veit qu'il ne sa gent ne
King John with all his army came to the ford, and
thought to pass it safely ; but they saw on the other side
more than ten thousand knights in arms, who guarded the
passage. Fulk and his companions had passed the ford by
a secret road which they had made, and were on that side
where the king was, and Gwenwynwyn and many other
knights with them. The king cried Fulk, and the king's
knights on all sides assailed Fulk ; but it was much to their
disadvantage, that they could not come at him except in
front by the causey. Fulk and his companions defended
themselves like lions, and were often dismounted and often
remounted ; and many of the king's knights were slain ; and
Gwenwynwyn was sorely wounded in the head through the
healin. When Fulk saw that he and his people could not
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 103
poeynt durer longement dehors lur fosse, si retorne-
rent par lur prive chemyn, e defendyrent lur palys
e la fosse ; e des quarels e autres dartz launcerent e
gitterent a les gentz le roy, e ocistrent grant gentz,
e naufrerent pueple a demesure. Ceste fere e dure
medle dura tanqe a seyr. Quant le roy vist tantz de
ces gentz ocys e naufrez, tant fust dolent ne savoit qey
fere ; mes se retorna vers Salobures.
Le roy Johan fust home santz conscience, mavois,
contrarious, e hay de tote bone gent, e lecherous ; e,
s'yl poeit oyr de nulle bele dame on damoisele, femme
ou fyle de counte ou de baron e d'autre, yl la voleyt a
sa volente aver ; ou par promesse ou par don engyner,
ou par force ravyr. E pur ce fust le plus hay ; e pur
long hold out on the outside of their ditch, they returned
by their secret way, and defended their pales and the ditch,
and hurled and threw quarels and other darts on the king's
people, and slew a great number, and wounded people beyond
measure. This fierce and hard battle lasted till evening.
When the king saw so many of his people slain and wounded,
he was so grieved that he knew not what to do ; but he re-
turned to Shrewsbury.
King John was a man without conscience, wicked, quar-
relsome, and hated by all good people, and letcherous ; and
if he could hear of any handsome lady or damsel, wife or
daughter of earl or baron or other, he would have her at his
will ; either seducing her by promise or gift, or ravishing
her by force. And therefore he was the more hated ; and
104 THE HISTORY OF
cele encheson plusours grantz seignurs d'Engleterre
aveyent rendu al roy lur homages ; dont le roy fust le
meynz dote d'assez.
Johan Lestraunge, seignour de Knokyn e de Ru-
tone, se tynt tous jours ou le roy, e fist damage as
gentz le prince. E pur ce le prince fist abatre le
chastel de Rutone, e prendre ces gentz e les enpriso-
ner ; dount Johan fust molt dolent. Le prince vynt al
chastel Balaham, et apela Fouke, si ly dona e rendy
tote Blanche-Ville, son herytage, e Estrat, e Dynorben.
Fouke le mercia molt, e prist ceus qu'il voleyt e s'en
ala a Blanche-Vyle ; e fist refermer e par tut amender
le chastiel.
Johan Lestrange vynt al roy, e ly conta qe Fouke
for this reason many of the great lords of England had
thrown up their homages to the king ; for which the king
was the less feared.
John Lestrange, lord of Knokyn and of Ruton, held al-
ways with the king, and did damage to the prince's people.
And therefore the prince caused the castle of Ruton to be
demolished, and took his people and imprisoned them ; at
which John was much grieved. The prince came to castle
Balaham, and called Fulk, and gave and restored to him all
White-Town, his inheritance, and Estrat, and Dinorben.
Fulk thanked him much, and took those he would and went
to White-Town; and caused the castle to be thoroughly
fortified and repaired.
John Lestraiige went to the king, and told him how Fulk
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 105
ly avoit fet grant damage de sa gent e abatu le chas-
tiel de Rutone ; e pria al roy (quar il fust bien de ly)
qe yl ly aydast de poer, e yl se vengereit bien de sire
Fouke e de ces gentz. Le roy apela sire Henre de
Audelee, qe fust seignour e premer conquerour de le
chastiel Rous e de 1'onour ; si ly comanda prendre x.
mil chevalers des plus vaylantz d'Engletere, e qu'il e
ces chevalers fuissent en totes choses entendauntz a
sire Johan Lestrange. Sire Henre e sire Johan e lur
chevalers s'aparillerent vers Blaunche-Ville ; e, en che-
minant, quanqu'il troverent, homes e femmes, ocis-
trent, e robberent le pays. Le cry se leva par tot.
Fouke fust a Blanche- Ville, e tynt yleqe bele com-
paignee, pur ce qu'il avoyt donqe son novel entre en
had caused him great loss of his people and demolished his
castle of Ruton ; and prayed the king (for he was in favour
with him) that he would aid him with power, and he would
avenge him effectually on Fulk and his people. The king
called sir Henry de Audley, who was lord and first conqueror
of Red Castle and of the honour ; and commanded him to
take ten thousand knights of the most valiant in England,
and that he and his knights should be in all things obedient
to sir John Lestrange. Sir Henry and sir John and their
knights proceeded towards White-Town ; and, in their pro-
gress, slew all they found, men and women, and robbed the
country. The cry was raised everywhere. Fulk was at
White-Town, and entertained there a fair company, because
he had then new entry into his lands ; and there were there
106 THE HISTORY OF
ces terres; e furent ileqe de Gales vijc. chevalers, e
serjantz plusours. Quant la novele vynt a Fouke qe
sire Johan e sire Henre vindrent vers ces parties, se
armerent meyntenant e s'en alerent privement al pas
de Mudle. E quant sire Johan vist sire Fouke, brocha
le destrer, sy feri sire Fouke de sa lance, qe ele vola
en menu pieces. E sire Fouke referi sire Johan en my
la face par my le healme, qe le coupe tote sa vie fust
aparisaunt; e sire Johan vola tot plat a terre. Sire
Johan fust molt vaylant; sayly tost en pies, e s'escria
molt halt : " Ore, seynours, a Fouke tous !" Fouke re-
spond cum orgoilous : " Certes," fet-il, " e Fouke a
tous !" Donqe les chevalers d'ambepartz s'entrefe-
ryrent. Fouke e sire Thomas Corbet e ces autres com-
from Wales seven hundred knights, and many Serjeants.
When the news came to Fulk that sir John and sir Henry
were approaching those parts, they armed at once and
went privately to the pass of Mudle. And when sir John
saw sir Fulk, he spurred his steed, and struck sir Fulk
with his lance that it flew into little pieces. And sir Fulk
in return struck sir John in the face through the helm,
that the blow was apparent all his life; and sir John
fell all flat on the ground. Sir John was very valiant ; he
jumped up quickly on his feet, and shouted very loud :
" Now, lords, all at Fulk !" Fulk replied proudly : "Right,"
said he, "and Fulk at all!" Then the knights on both
sides encountered each other. Fulk and sir Thomas Corbet
and his other companions slew many. Alan Fitz Warine
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 107
paignons plusours ocistrent. Aleyn fitz Guaryn c
Phelip, son frere, furent naufrez. Quant Fouke vist
ces freres naufrez, a poy qu'il n'enraga (Tyre. Sire
Fouke se mist en la presse, e quanqu'il ateynt ne puet
avoir socours de mort. Sire Fouke n'aveit a la jorne
qe vijc. chevalers, e les autres furent x. myl e pluz ;
pur quoy Fouke ne poeit veyndre Festour, si se retorna
vers Blanche- Ville. Sire Audulf de Bracy fust de-
montee en mi la presse, e molt se defendy hardiement ;
audreyn fust pris e amenee vers Saloburs. Sire
Henre e sire Johan furent molt leez de la prise; si
vyndrent a Salobures devant le roy, e rendirent sire
Audulf al roy, qe ly aresona molt fierement, e jura
grant serement qu'il ly freit trayner e pendre, pur ce
and Philip, his brother, were wounded. When Fulk saw
his brothers wounded, he went almost mad with rage. Sir
Fulk put himself in the thick of the fight, and whomever
he reached, he could have no succour from death. Sir Fulk
had that day but seven hundred knights, and the others
were ten thousand and more; wherefore Fulk could not
conquer in the battle, but returned towards White-Town.
Sir Audulf de Bracy was dismounted in the press, and de-
fended himself very courageously ; but at length he was
taken and carried to Shrewsbury. Sir Henry and sir John
were very glad of the capture ; and came to Shrewsbury to
the king's presence, and gave up sir Audulf to the king, who
questioned him very proudly, and swore a great oath that
he would have him drawn and hanged, because he was his
IDS THE HISTORY OF
qu'il fust son tray tour e son laroun, e avoit ocys ces
chevalers, ars ces cites, ces chastels abatuz. Audulf ly
respondy hardiement, e dit qe unqe ne fust traytour, ne
nul de son lignage.
Fouke fust a Blaunche-Ville, e fist laver e mediciner
ces freres e ces autres gentz. Atant ly sovynt de sire
Audulf, e le fist quere par tot ; e quant ne poeyt estre
trovee, yl ne ly quida vere a nul jour, si demena si
grant duel qe home ne poeit greynour. Atant vynt
Johan de Rampaygne, e vist Fouke fere tiel duel.
" Sire," fet-il, "lessez estre ce duel; e, si Dieu plest,
eynz demayn prime orrez bone novele de sire Audulf
de Bracy; quar je meismes irroy parler au roy."
Johan de Rampaygne savoit assez de tabour, harpe,
traitor and his thief, and had slain his knights, burnt his
cities, and demolished his castles. Audulf replied to him
boldly, and said that he was never traitor, nor any of his
lineage.
Fulk was at White-Town, and caused his brothers and his
other people to be washed and doctored. At length he be-
thought him of sir Audulf, and caused him to be sought
everywhere ; and when he could not be found, he thought
he should never see him again, and made so great lamenta-
tion that one could not do more. At last came John de
Rampaigne, and saw Fulk making this lamentation. " Sir,"
said he, " leave this mourning ; and, if God please, before
prime to -morrow you will hear good news of sir Audulf de
Bracy; for I myself will go and talk with the king."
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 109
viele, sitole, e jogelerie; si se atyra molt richement,
auxi bien come counte ou baroun. E fist teyndre ces
chevoyls e tut son corps entierement auxi neyr come
geet, issi qe rien ne fust blanke si ces dentz noun.
E fist pendre entour son col un molt beal labour;
pus monta un beal palefroy, e chevalcha par my la
vile de Salobures, desqe a la porte du chastiel ; e de
meynt un fust regarde. Johan vynt devant le rey,
e se mist a genoylounz, e salua le roy mout cortey-
sement. Le roy ly rendy ces salutz, e ly demanda dont
yl estoit. " Sire," fet-yl, " je su un menestral Ethio-
pien, nee en Ethiopie." Fet le roy : " Sunt touz les
gentz de vostre terre de vostre colour?" " Oyl, mon
seignur, home e femme." " Qei dient-yl en estrange
John de Rampaigne knew enough of tabor, harp, fiddle,
citole, and jogelery ; and he attired himself very richly, like
an earl or baron. And he caused his hair and all his body
to be entirely dyed as black as jet, so that nothing was
white except his teeth. And he hung round his neck a very
fair tabor; then mounted a handsome palfrey and rode
through the town of Shrewsbury to the gate of the castle ;
and by many a one was he looked at. John came before
the king, and placed himself on his knees, and saluted the
king very courteously. The king returned his salutation,
and asked him whence he was 1 " Sire," said he, " I am an
Ethiopian minstrel, born in Ethiopia." Said the king :
" Are all the people in your land of your colour V " Yea,
my lord, man and woman." " What do they say in foreign
110 THE HISTORY OF
regneez de moy?" " Sire," fet-yl, " vus estez le plus
renomee roy de tote la cristienete ; e, pur vostre grant
renoun, vus su-je venu vere." " Bel sire," fet le roy,
" bien viegnez." "Sire, mon seignur, grant mercy."
Johan dist qu'il fust renomee plus pur maveste qe
bounte j mes le roy ne 1'entendi point. Johan fist le
jour meynte menestralsie de tabour e d'autre instru-
mentz. Quant le roy fust alee cocher, sire Henre de
Audelee fist aler pur le neyr menestral, e le amena en
sa chambre. E fesoient grant melodic ; e quant sire
Henre avoit bien beu, donqe dit a un vadlet : " Va
quere sire Audulf de Bracy, qe le roy velt ocyre de-
meyn ; quar une bone nutee avera avant sa mort." Le
vadlet bien tost amena sire Audulf en la chambre.
realms of me?" "Sire," said he, "you are the most re-
nowned king of all Christendom ; and, for your great re-
nown, am I come to see you." " Fair sir," said the king,
" you are welcome." " Sire, my lord, great thanks." John
said he was more renowned for wickedness than goodness ;
but the king heard him not. John during the day made
great minstrelsy of tabour and other instruments. When
the king was gone to bed, sir Henry de Audley sent for the
black minstrel, and led him into his chamber. And they
made great melody ; and when sir Henry had drunk well,
then he said to a valet, " Go and fetch sir Audulf de Bracy,
whom the king will put to death to-morrow ; for he shall
have a good night of it before his death." The valet soon
brought sir Audulf into the chamber. Then they talked
FULK FITZ-WARINE. Ill
Donqe parlerent e juerent. Johan comenga un chanson
qe sire Audulf soleit chaunter; sire Audulf leva la
teste, si ly regarda en my le vys, e a grant peyne le
conust. Sire Henre demanda a beyvre; Johan fust
molt servisable, saily legerement en pies, e devant
tons servy de la coupe. Johan fust coynte ; gitta un
poudre en la coupe, qe nul ne le apargust, quar yl
fust bon jogelere; e tous qe burent devyndrent si
sommylous qe bien tost apres le beyre se cocherent
dormyr. E quant tuz furent endormys, Johan prist
un fol qe le roy aveit, si ly mist entre les deus che-
valers qe devereynt garder sire Audulf. Johan e sire
Audulf pristrent les tuayles e lintheals qe furent en la
chambre ; e, par une fenestre devers Salverne, s'escha-
and played. John commenced a song which sir Audulf
used to sing; sir Audulf raised his head, looked at him
full in the face, and with great difficulty recognized him.
Sir Henry asked for some drink ; John was very serviceable,
jumped nimbly on his feet, and served the cup before them
all. John was sly ; he threw a powder into the cup, which
nobody perceived, for he was a good jogeler; and all who
drunk became so sleepy that soon after drinking they lay
down and fell asleep. And when they were all asleep, John
took a fool whom the king had, and placed him between the
two knights who had the custody of sir Audulf. John and
sir Audulf took the towels and sheets which were in the
chamber; and, by a window towards Severn, escaped and
112 THE HISTORY OF
perent e s'en alereiit vers Blanche -Ville, qe ert xij.
lywes de Salobures.
La chose ne poeit longement estre celee ; quar len-
demeyn fust tote la verite dite al roy, qe mout fust
corocee pur 1'eschap. Fouke fust leve matyn lende-
meyn, quar poy aveit dofmi la nuyt ; si regarda vers
Salobures, e vist sire Audulf e Johan venyr. Ne fet a
demaunder s'il fust lee quant il les vist ; si les corust
enbracer e beysir. II les demanda quele noveles j e
sire Audulf ly conta coment Johan se contynt e coment
il eschaperent; dont Fouke, qe eyntz dolent ert, fist
deduyt e grant joye.
Ore lessum de Fouke e parloms de dame Mahaud
de Caus. Quant le roy, qe tant 1' aveit desirree, sa-
went to White-Town, which was twelve leagues from Shrews-
bury.
The thing could not be long concealed ; for next day the
whole truth was told to the king, who was much enraged at
the escape. Fulk had risen early on the morrow, for he had
slept little during the night; he was looking towards
Shrewsbury, and saw sir Audulf and John coming. It need
not be asked if he was glad when he saw them ; he ran to
embrace and kiss them. He asked them what news; and
sir Audulf related to him how John had acted and how they
escaped; on which Fulk, who was before sorrowful, made
great solace and great joy.
Now let us leave Fulk and talk of dame Maude de Caus.
When the king, who had so much lusted for her, knew of a
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 113
voit de verite q'ele fust esposee a sire Fouke, son
enymy, par le consayl 1'archevesqe Hubert, molt fist
grant damage a le archevesqe e a la dame ; quar il la
voleit fere ravyr. E ele fuy a moster, e yleqe fust
delyvre de une fyle, e 1'archevesqe la baptiza Hau-
wyse, qe pus fust dame de Wemme. Fouke e ces
compaignonz vindrent une nuyetee a Caunterbures, e
amenerent la dame de yleqe a Huggeforde, e demora
une piece yleqe. Pus avynt qe la dame fust enceinte,
e fust privement demorant a Albrebures. E le roy la
fist espier, e ele s'en ala de yleoqe privement a Sa-
lobures ; e ileqe fust espie, e ele fust si grosse qe ele
de yleqe ne poeit traviler. E s'en fuy a la eglise
Nostre-Dame a Salobures ; e ileqe fust delyvre de une
truth that she was married to sir Fulk, his enemy, by the
counsel of archbishop Hubert, he did great damage to the
archbishop and to the lady ; for he wanted to have her car-
ried off by force. And she fled to the church, and was there
delivered of a daughter, whom the archbishop baptised by
the name of Hawise, and who was afterwards lady of Wem.
Fulk and his companions came one night to Canterbury, and
conducted the lady from thence to Hugford,and she remained
awhile there. Then she became again with child, and was
residing privately at Alberbury. And the king set spies upon
her, and she went thence privately to Shrewsbury ; and there
she was followed by the spies, and she was too big to
support the labour of removing from thence. And she took
refuge in the church of Our Lady at Shrewsbury ; and was
114 THE HISTORY OF
file qe fust baptize Johane, qe pus fust mariee a sire
Henre de Penebmgge. Pus avoit Mahaud un fitz, qe
fust nee sur un montaigne de Gales, e fust baptizee
Johan en une russele qe vyent de la fontaigne de
puceles. La dame e Fenfant furent molt fiebles ; quar
F enfant nasquist deus moys avaunt son terme. E
quant 1' enfant fust conferme de evesqe, yl fust apelee
Fouke. La dame e 1'enfant, qe febles erent, furent
aporteez de la montaigne a une graunge, qe fust celle
a Carreganant.
Quant le roy ne se poeit en nulle manere venger de
Fouke, ne la dame honyr e prendre, si fist une letre
al prince Lewys, q'avoit esposee Johane, sa suere,
e ly pria par amour oster de sa meynee son mortel
there delivered of a daughter who was baptised Joan, who
was afterwards married to sir Henry de Pembridge. Subse-
quently Maude had a son, who was born on a mountain in
Wales, and was baptised John in a brook which comes from
the Maidens' well. The lady and the child were very weak ;
for the child was born two months before its term. And
when the child was confirmed by the bishop, it was named
Fulk. The lady and the child, who were weak, were carried
from the mountain to a grange, which was that at Carre-
ganant.
When the king could in nowise avenge himself of Fulk,
or put the lady to shame and take her, he wrote a letter to
the prince Lewis, who had married his sister Joan, and
prayed him out of love to expel from his household his mortal
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 115
enymy e son feloun (ce fust Fouke) ; e yl ly rendroit
tous les terres qe ces ancestres aveyent unqe prises
de sa seignurye, a teles qu'il ly fesoit avoir le cors
Fouke. Le prince apela en sa cambre Johane, sa feme,
e la mostra la lettre qe le roy son frere ly avoit maun-
dee. Quant la dame avoit oy la letre, manda prive-
ment a sire Fouke tot le tenour e qe le roy velt acor-
deer a son seignur. Quant Fouke oy la novele, molt
fust dolent e se dota de tresoun; si maunda dame
Mahaud par Baudwyn de Hodenet privement a 1'evesqe
de Canterbures, e assygna Baudwyn de venyr a ly a
Dovere. Fouke e ces quatre frere e Audulf e Johan de
Rampaygne se armerent tot a talent, e lur autres gentz
vindrent al chastiel Balaha devant le prince. " Sire,"
enemy and his felon (that was, Fulk) ; and he would restore
to him all the lands which his ancestors had ever taken from
his lordship, on condition that he should cause him to have
the body of Fulk. The prince called into his chamber
Joan, his wife, and showed her the letter which the king her
brother had sent him. When the lady had heard the letter,
she sent privately to sir Fulk all the tenor of it and that the
king wanted to accord with her lord. When Fulk heard
this news, he was much grieved and feared treason ; he sent
dame Maude by Baldwin de Hodnet privately to the bishop
of Canterbury, and assigned Baldwin to come to him at
Dover. Fulk and his four brothers and Audulf and John
de Rampaigne armed themselves at their will, and their
other people, and came to castle Balaha before the prince.
i 2
116 THE HISTORY OF
fet Fouke, "je vus ay servy a mon poer lealment;
mes ore, sire, ne siet-um a qy affyer; quar, pur la
grant promesse le roy, me volez-vus gerpyr. E le roy
vus ad maundee une lettre, laquele, sire, vus avez celee
de moy ; dount, sire, je me doute le plus." " Fouke,"
fet le prince, " demorez ou moy; quar, certes, ne le
pensay de vus fere tresoun." " Certes, sire," fet
Fouke, " je le crey molt bien; mes, sire, je ne remeyn-
droy en nulle manere." E prist conge de le prince e
de tous ces compaygnons. De yleqe tant erra nuyt e
jour qu'il vynt a Dovre ; e yleqe encontra Baudwyn, qe
la dame mena a 1'archevesqe. E se mistrent en meer,
e aryverent a Whytsond.
Fouke e ces freres e ces autres compaignouns, quant
" Sire," said Fulk, " I have served you to my power loyally;
but now, sir, one knows not in whom to put trust; for, in
return for the king's great promise, you intend to desert me.
And the king has sent you a letter, which, sir, you have
concealed from me; wherefore, sir, I fear the more."
" Fulk," said the prince, " remain with me ; for, truly, I
had no thought of committing treason against you." " Truly,
sir," said Fulk, " I believe it full well; but, sir, I will not
remain in any wise." And he took leave of the prince and
of all his companions. From thence he wandered so day
and night that he came to Dover ; and there he met Bald-
win, who had conducted the lady to the archbishop. And
they put themselves to sea, and arrived at Whitsand.
Fulk and his brothers and his other companions, when
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 117
vyndrent a Parys, si vyrent le roy Phelip de Fraunce,
qe fust venuz as champs pur vere ces chevalers de
Fraunce jostier. Fouke fust uncore mu, e ces com-
paignons ensement ; quant vyrent tant beal assemble,
demorerent pur vere les jostes. Quant les FraunQoys
virent chevalers d'Engleterre, se penerent molt le plus
de bien fere. Donqe sire Druz de Montbener, un molt
orgoilouse Franceys, maunda a sire Fouke e ly pria
joster ou ly; si Fouke meyntenaunt ly granta sa re-
queste. Fouke e ces freres se armerent e monterent
les bons destrers. Johan de Rampaigne fust molt ri-
chement atyree e bien mountee; e si avoit un molt
riche labour, e fery le tabour al entre des renks, dont
les montz e les vals rebondyrent e les chyvals s'en-
they came to Paris, saw king Philip of France, who was
come to the fields to see the knights of France joust. Fulk
remained silent, and so did his companions ; when they
saw so fair an assemblage, they remained to see the jousts.
When the French saw the knights of England, they la-
boured much the more to do well. Then sir Druz de Mont-
bener, a very proud Frenchman, sent to sir Fulk and asked
him to joust with him ; and Fulk immediately granted him
his request. Fulk and his brothers armed and mounted
their good steeds. John de Rampaigne was very richly
attired and well mounted ; and he had a very rich tabor,
and he struck the tabor at the entrance of the lists, that
the hills and valleys rebounded and the horses became joy-
ful. When the king saw sir Fulk armed, he said to sir
118 THE HISTORY OF
jolyverent. Quant le roy vist sire Fouke armee, si
dist a sire Druz de Montbener : " Avyseez-vus bien ;
quar cely chevaler engleys est molt pruz e vaylant, e ce
piert bien." " Sire," fet-yl, " n'y a chevaler en tot le
mond qe je n'osase bien encontrer, al chyval ou a pee,
cors contre cors." " De par Dieu !" fet le roy. Fouke
e sire Druz brocherent les destrers e s'entre-feryrent.
Fouke ly fery de sa launce par my Peschu e pierQa le
bon hauberke, e par my 1'espaudle, qe la lance vola en
pieces ; e sire Druz chey tut plat a terre. Fouke prist
le chyval sire Druz ; sy Vamena e le manda en present
a sire Druz, quar sire Fouke n'avoit cure a detenir le
chyval. Atant vynt un chevaler franceis, qe a son
vueyl voleit venger sire Druz; sy fery Fouke de sa
Druz de Montbener : " Be on your guard ; for this English
knight is very able and valiant, and this is very apparent."
"Sire," said he, "there is not a knight in all the world
whom I dare not encounter, on horse or on foot, body
against body." " God be with you !" said the king. Fulk
and sir Druz spurred their steeds and encountered each
other. Fulk struck him with his lance in the middle of the
shield and pierced his good hauberc, and through the
shoulder, that the lance flew in pieces ; and sir Druz fell all
flat on the ground. Fulk took the horse of sir Druz ; he led
it away, and sent it as a present to sir Druz, for sir Fulk
had no desire to keep the horse. At last came a French
knight, who volunteered to avenge sir Druz ; he struck Fulk
with his lance in the middle of the shield, that his lauce
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 119
launce par my Pescu, qe sa launce depessa. Fouke le
refery en my le healme, qe sa lance tote defruscha ; e
le chevaler voida les argons, volsist ou noun. Les
frere Fouke e ces compaignons furent prestz a joster;
mes la roy ne le voleyt sofryr. Le roy vynt poignant
a Fouke, e ly dyt : " Chevaler engleys, seiez benet ;
quar trop bien avez fet." E ly pria demorer ou ly.
Fouke mercia molt le roy, e ly granta de estre a sa
volente. Fouke le jour de meynt un fust regardee,
alowe, e preysee par tot. Fouke avoit tele grace qu'il
ne vynt unqe en nul lyu ou hardiesse, chevalerie, prou-
esse, ou bountee fust, qu'il ne fust tenuz le meylour e
santz pier.
Fouke demora ou le roy Phelip de Fraunce, e fast
broke. Fulk returned the blow in the middle of his helm,
that he all bruised his lance ; and the knight quitted his
saddle, whether he would or not. Fulk's brothers and his
companions were ready to joust ; but the king would not
sufler it. The king came pricking to Fulk, and said to
him : " English knight, God bless you ; for you have de-
meaned yourself right well." And he invited him to remain
with him. Fulk thanked the king much, and consented to
be at his will. Fulk that day was of many a one regarded,
praised, and esteemed everywhere. Fulk had such favour
that he came never to any place where courage, knight-
hood, prowess, or goodness was, that he was not held the
best and without equal.
Fulk remained with king Philip of France, and was loved
120 THE HISTORY OF
amee e honoree de l[e] roy e la roigne e totes bone
gentz. Le roy ly demanda quel noun avoit; Fouke
dit qu'il fust apelee Amys del Boys. " Sire Amys," fet
le roy, " conussez-vus Fouke le fitz Warin, de qy urn
parle grant bien partut?" " Oil, sire," fet-il, " je 1'ay
sovent veu." " De quel estature est-il ?" "Sire, a
mon entendement, de meisme 1'estature qe je suy."
Fet le roy, " Yl puet bien, quar vaylantz estes ambe-
deus." Fouke ne poeit oir de mil tornoy ne jostes par
tute France qu'il ne voleyt estre ; e par tot fust pryse,
amee, e honoree, pur sa proesse e sa largesse.
Quant le roy d'Engleterre savoit qe sire Fouke fust
demorant ou le roy Phelip de Fraunce, manda al roy
e ly pria, si ly plust, qu'il volsist oster de sa meynee
and honoured by the king and the queen and all good peo-
ple. The king asked him what was his name ; Fulk said
that he was called Amis du Bois. " Sir Amis," said the
king, " do you know Fulk Fitz Warine, of whom they say
much good every where ?" " Yes, sire," said he, " I have
often seen him." " Of what stature is he ?" " Sire, to my
estimation, he is of the same stature as I am." Said the
king, " It may well be, for you are both valiant." Fulk
could hear of no tournament or jousts in all France but he
would be there ; and everywhere he was prized, loved, and
honoured, for his prowess and his liberality.
When the king of England knew that sir Fulk was resid-
ing with king Philip of France, he sent to the king and
prayed him, if he pleased, that he would expel from his
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 121
e de sa retenance Fouke le fitz Guarin, son enymy
mortel. Quant le roi de France avoit oy la letre, si
dist par seint Denys qe nul tiel chevaler fust de sa
retenance; e tiele respounce manda al roy d'Engle-
tere. Quant sire Fouke avoit oy cele novele, vynt al
roy de Fraunce e demanda congie de aler. Fet le roy :
" Ditez-moy si nulle chose vus faut, e je hautement
fray fere les amendes pur quoy volez departir de
moy." " Sire/' fet-yl, " je ay oy teles noveles par ont
me covyent partir a force." E par cele parole en-
tendy le roy qu'il fust Fouke. Fet le roy : " Sire Amys
de Boys, je quid qe vns estez Fouke le fitz Waryn."
" Certes, mon seignur, oyl." Fet le roy : " Vus de-
morrez ou moy, e je vus dorroy plus riches terres qe
household and from his suite Fulk Fitz Warine, his mortal
enemy. When the king of France had heard the letter, he
declared by St. Denis that no such knight was in his rete-
nance ; and this was the answer he sent to the king of Eng-
land. When sir Fulk heard this news, he came to the king
of France and asked leave to go. Said the king, " Tell me
if anything is wanting to you, and I will cause full amends
to be made for anything that gives you cause to leave me."
" Sire," said he, " I have heard such news as compels me to
go." And by this speech the king understood that he was
Fulk. Said the king : " Sir Amis du Bois, I think that you
are Fulk Fitz Warine." " Truly, my lord, yes." Said the
king : " You shall dwell with me, and I will give you richer
lands than ever you had in England." " Truly, sire," said
122 THE HISTORY OF
vus unqe n'avyez en Engleterre." " Certes, sire,"
fet-il, "yl n'est pas digne de receyvre terres de autruy
doun, que les suens de dreit heritage ne puet tenir a
reson."
Fouke prist congie de le roy, e vynt a la mer ; e
vist les nefs rioter en la mer, e nul vent fust vers
Engletere, e le temps fust assez bel. Fouke vist un
maryner, qe sembla hardy e feer; e le apela a ly e
dit : " Bel sire, est ceste nef la vostre ?" " Sire," fet-
il, " oyl." " Q'est vostre noun ?" " Sire," fet-il, " Ma-
dor del Mont de Russie, ou je nasqui." " Mador,"
fet Fouke, " savez-vus bien cest mester e amener gentz
par mer en diverse regions?" "Certes, sire, yl n'y
ad terree renomee par la cristienete qe je ne saveroy
he, " he is not worthy to receive lands of another's gift, who
cannot hold rightfully those which are his own by direct
heritage."
Fulk took leave of the king, and came to the sea ; and he
saw the ships afloat on the sea, and no wind was towards
England, though the weather was fair enough. Fulk saw
a mariner, who seemed bold and courageous, and he called
him to him and said : " Fair sir, is this ship yours ?" " Sir,"
said he, "yes." " What is your name ?" " Sir," said he,
" Mador of the mount of Russia, where I was born."
" Mador," said Fulk, " do you know well this business, and
to carry people by sea into divers regions ?" " Truly, sir,
there is not a land of any renown in Christendom whither
I could not conduct a ship well and safely." " Truly," said
FULK FITZ-WAIUNE. 123
bien e salvement mener nef." " Certes," fet Fouke,
" molt avez perilous mester. Dy-moi, Mador, bel douz
frere, de quel mort morust ton pere ?" Mador ly res-
pond qe neyeez fust en la mer. " Coment ton ael?"
" Ensement." " Coment ton besael ?" " En meisme la
manere ; e tous mes parentz qe je sache, tanqe le quart
degree." " Certes," dit Fouke, "molt estes fol hardys
qe vus osez entrer la mer." " Sire," fet-il, " pour quoy ?
Chescune creature avera la mort qe ly est destinee.
Sire," fet Mador, " si vus plest, responez a ma de-
maunde : Ou morust ton pere ?" " Certes, en son lyt."
" Ou son ael ?" " Einsement." " Ou vostre besael ?"
" Certes, trestous qe je sai de mon lignage morurent en
lur lytz." " Certes, sire," fet Mador, " depus qe tot
Fulk, "you have a very perilous occupation. Tell me,
Mador, fair sweet brother, of what death died thy father V
Mador replied to him that he was drowned in the sea.
" How thy grandfather 1" " The same." " How thy great-
grandfather 1" "In the same manner; and all my rela-
tions that I know to the fourth degree." " Truly," said
Fulk, "you are very fool-hardy that you dare go to sea."
" Sir," said he, "wherefore ? Every creature will have the
death which is destined for him. Sir," said Mador, "if you
please, answer my question : where did thy father die V
" Truly, in his bed." " Where thy grandfather ?" " The
same." "Where your great-grandfather?" "Truly, all
of my lineage that I know died in their beds." " Truly,
sir," said Mador, " since all your lineage died in beds, I
124 THE HISTORY OF
vostre lignage morust en litz, j'ay grant merveille qe
vus estes osee d'entrer nul lyt." E donqe entendy
Fouke qe ly mariner ly out verite dit, qe chescun home
avera mort tiele come destinee ly est, e ne siet le quel,
en terre ou en ewe.
Fouke parla a Mador, qe savoit la manere des nefs,
e ly pria pur amur e pur du suen, qu'il ly volsist de-
vyser e ordyner une neef; e il mettreit les costages.
Mador ly granta. La neef fust fete en une foreste de-
leez la mer, solum le devys Mador en tous poyntz, e
totes cordes e autres herneis quanqe apendeit, si bien
e si richement q'a merveille ; e fust a demesure bien
vitaillee. Fouke e ces freres e sa meysne se mistrent
en la mer, e acosterent Engleterre. Adonqe vist Mador
marvel greatly that you have dared to go into any bed."
And then Fulk perceived that the mariner had told him
the truth, that every man shall have such death as is
destined for him, and he knows not which, on land or in
water.
Fulk spoke to Mador, who knew the manner of ships,
and prayed him for love and for money that he would
devise and ordain a ship, and he would pay the costs.
Mador agreed to it. The ship was made in a forest beside
the sea, according to the design of Mador in all points, and
all the ropes and other furniture that belonged to it, so
well and so richly as was wonderful ; and it was exceedingly
well provisioned. Fulk and his brothers and his men put
to sea, and coasted England. Then saw Mador a ship well
FTJLK FITZ-WARINE. 125
une neef bien batailee venant vers eux ; e quant les
neefs s'aprochierent, un chevaler parla a Mador e dit :
" Danz maryner, a qy e dount est cele neef qe vus
guyez ? quar nulle tiele n'est custumere de passer par
ycy." " Sire," fet Mador, " c'est la moye." " Par
foy!" fet le chevaler, "noun est; vus estes larounz, e
je le say bien par le veyl quartronee q'est des armes
Fouke le fitz Waryn ; e il est en la neef, e eynz huy
rendroi-je son corps a roy Johan." " Par foy !" fet
Fouke, "nounfreez; mes si rien desirrez de nostre,
vus le averez volenters." "Je averei," fet-il, "vus
tous e quanqe vus avez, estre vostre gree." " Par
foy !" fet Fouke, " vus y menterez." Mador, qe bon e
hardy maryner fust, lessa sa neef sigler ; si trespersa
fitted for fighting coming towards them ; and when the
ships approached each other, a knight spoke to Mador and
said : " Master mariner, whose is that ship which is in your
governance? for none such is accustomed to pass here."
" Sir," said Mador, " it is mine." " Faith !" said the knight,
"it is not; you are thieves, and I know it well by the
quartering of the sail, which is the arms of Fulk Fitz
Warine ; and he is in the ship, and before to-day is past I
will deliver his body to king John." " Faith !" said Fulk,
"you will not do so; but if you desire anything of ours,
you shall have it willingly." "I will have," said he, "you
all, and whatever you have, in spite of you." " Faith !" said
Fulk, " you shall be proved a liar." Mador, who was a good
and bold mariner, let his ship sail ; and he run right into the
126 THE HISTORY OF
1'autre neef tot par my, dont la mer entra. E si fust la
neef pery ; mes eynz y out meint dur coupe donee. E
quant la neef fust vencue, Fouke e ces compaignons
pristrent grant richesse e vitaille, e aporterent en lur
neef. Atant perist e enfoundry 1'autre neef.
Fouke tot eel an entier demora costeant par Engle-
terre ; e a nul home ne voleit fere mal, si noun al roy
Johan; e sovent prist son aver e quant qu'il poeit del
suen. Fouke comen9a sigler vers Escoce; atant lur
vynt de le Occident un vent favonyn, e lur cliaga treis
jorneez de la Escoce. Atant virent un yle molt de-
litable e bel, a ce qe lur fust avys, e se trestrent
laundreit, e troverent bon port. Fouke e ces quatre
freres e Audulf e Baudwyn alerent en la terre pur
middle of the other ship, so that the sea entered it. And
thus the ship perished ; but many a hard blow was given
first. And when the ship was conquered, Fulk and his
companions took great riches and provisions, and brought
it into their ship. At last the other ship perished and
sank.
Fulk all that whole year continued coasting England;
and he desired to injure nobody but king John; and he
often took his goods, and whatever he could get of his.
Fulk began to sail towards Scotland; at last there came
from the west a favonine wind, which drove them three
days from Scotland. At length they saw an island that was
very pleasant and fair, as they judged, and they proceeded
to it, and found good port. Fulk and his four brothers and
FULK FITZ-WAJIINE. 127
vere le pays e vitailler lur neef. Atant virent un ju-
ve[n]cel gardant berbis ; e quant vist les chevalers,
s'en ala vers eux e les salua de un latyn corumpus.
Fouke ly demanda s'il savoit nulle viande a vendre en
le pais. " Certes, sire," fet-il, "nanil; quar c'est une
yle q'est habile de nule gent, si noun de poy, e cele
gent vivent de lur bestes. Mes si vus plest venir ou
moy, tele viaunde come j'ay averez volenters." Fouke
le mercia e ala ou ly; le vadlet lur mena par une
caverne desoutz terre, qe fust molt bele, e lur fist seer
e lur fist assez bel semblant. " Sire," fet le vadlet,
"j'ay un serjant en la montaigne ; ne vus peise si je
corne pur ly; e bien tost mangeroms." "De par
Audulf and Baldwin went on land to observe the country
and to victual their ship. At last they saw a lad keeping
sheep ; and when he saw the knights, he went forwards to
them and saluted them in a corrupt Latin. Fulk asked him
if he knew of any meat to sell in the country. " Truly,
sir," said he, " no ; for it is an isle which is inhabited by no
people, except a few, and these people live by their beasts.
But if you please to come with me, such meat as I have you
shall have willingly." Fulk thanked him, and went with
him; the youth led them into a cavern under ground,
which was very fair, and made them be seated, and showed
them good countenance enough. " Sir," said the youth,
" I have a servant in the mountain ; be not annoyed if I
sound the horn for him ; and we will soon eat." " In God's
128 THE HISTORY OF
Dieu !" fet Fouke. Le juvencel ala dehors le caverne,
e corna sys meotz, e revynt en la caverne.
Bien tost vindrent sis gros e grantz vilaynz e fers,
vestuz de grosse e vyls tabertz, e chescun avoit en sa
meyn un gros bastoun dur e fort. E quant Fouke
les vist, si avoit suspecion de maveste. Les sis vyleinz
entrerent une chambre, e osterent lur tabertz, e se
vestirent de un escarlet vert e sodlies d'orfreez; e de
tous atirs furent auxi richement atireez come nul roy
poeit estre. E revyndrent en la sale, e saluerent sire
Fouke e ces compaignonz ; e demanderent les eschetz,
e um lur porta un molt riche eschecker ou meyne
de fyn or e argent. Sire Willam assist un geu ; mes
il le perdy meyntenant. Sire Johan assist un autre ;
name, let it be so !" said Fulk. The lad went outside the
cavern, blew six moots, and returned into the cavern.
Soon there came six great and tall clowns and fierce, clad
in coarse and filthy tabards, and each had in his hand a
great staff which was hard and strong. And when Fulk saw
them, he had suspicion of their ill designs. The six clowns
entered a chamber, and put off their tabards, and dressed
themselves in a green scarlet and shoes of orfrey ; and in all
articles of dress they were as richly attired as any king
could be. And they returned to the hall, and saluted sir
Fulk and his companions, and there was brought to them a
very rich chessboard with chessmen of fine gold and silver.
Sir William sat to a game ; but he lost it immediately. Sir
John sat to another ; it was immediately lost. Philip, Alan,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 120
meintenant fust perdu. Phelip, Aleyn, Baudwyn, e
Audulf, chescun apres autre, assist un giw, e chescun
perdy le suen. Donqe dit un des plus fers berchers a
Fouke, "Volez-vus juer?" " Nanyl," fet-il. " Par
foil" fet le bercher, "vus juerez ou luttrez, malgre le
vostre." " Par foil" fet Fouke, "maveys vileyn ber-
cher, vus y mentez ; e, depus qe je dey luttre ou juer
malgre mien, je jueroy ou vus en la manere qe j'ay
apris." Si sayly sus, haunga 1'espee, si ly fery qe la
teste vola en my la place ; pus un autre, pus le tierce,
issi qe Fouke e ces compaignouns ocistrent tous les
vileynz glotouns.
Fouke en une chambre entra, e trova une vele seant ;
e avoit un corn en sa meyn, e sovent le mist a sa
Baldwin, and Audulf, one after the other, sat to a game, and
each lost his game. Then said one of the fiercest of the
shepherds to Fulk, " Will you play ?" " No," said he.
" Faith !" said the shepherd, "you shall play or wrestle, in
spite of your will." " Faith !" said sir Fulk, " wretched
clown of a shepherd, you lie in that ; and, since I must
wrestle or play in spite of my will, I will play with you in
the manner I have learnt." And he jumped up, drew his
sword, and struck him with it that his head flew into the
middle of the place; then another, then the third, until
Fulk and his companions slew all the clownish rascals.
Fulk entered a chamber, and found an old woman seated ;
and she had a horn in her hand, and often put it to her
K
130 THE HISTOEY OF
bouche ; mes ele ne le poeit de rien corner. Quant ele
vist Fouke, ly cria merci; e il la demanda dont le
Corn servireit, si ele le poeit corner. La viele ly dist
qe, si le corn fust cornee, socours lur vendreit a
plente. Fouke le corn prist, e en une autre chambre
se mist. Donqe vist sect damoiseles, qe a demesure
furent beles ; e molt richement furent vestues, e molt
riche oevre fesoient. E quant virent Fouke, a genoyls
se mistrent, e ly crierent merci. Fouke lur demanda
dont il estoient; e la une ly dyt : " Sire," fet[-ele],
"je su la fyle Aunflorreis de Orkanye; e mon seignur
demorant a un son chastiel en Orkanie, q'est apelee
chastel Bagot, qu'est sur la mer, deleez une molt
bele foreste, avynt qe je e ces damoiseles, a quatre
mouth ; but she could not blow it at all. When she saw
Fulk, she cried for mercy ; and he asked her what use the
horn would be, if she could sound it. The old woman told
him that, if the horn were sounded, succour would coine to
her in abundance. Fulk took the horn, and passed into an-
other chamber. Then he saw seven damsels, who were
wonderfully beautiful ; and they were very richly dressed,
and were working very rich work. And when they saw
Fulk, they threw themselves on their knees, and cried him
mercy. Fulk asked them whence they were ; and one said
to him : " Sir," said she, " I am the daughter of Aunflorreis
of Orkney ; and my lord dwelling in a castle of his in Ork-
ney, which is called castle Bagot, and is on the sea, beside
a very fair forest, it happened that I and these damsels,
FULK FIT/-WARINE. 131
chevalers e autres, entrames un batil en la mer, si
alames deduyre. Atant survyndrent les seet fitz la
vele de seynz, ou lur compagnie, en une neef; si
ocistrent tous nos gentz, e mis amenerent sa, e si
ount desole nos corps, estre nostre gree, Dieu le siet;
dont nus prioms en le noun Dieu, en qy vus creez,
qe vus nus aidez de ceste cheytyvetee, si vus poez de
cy eschaper; quar je vey bien, par vostre semblant,
qe vus n'estez mie de ce pays menant." Fouke con-
forta les damoyseles, e dyt qu'il les aydera a son poer.
Fouke e ces compaignons troverent grant richesse,
vitaille, e armure ; e ileqe trova Fouke le haubergon
qu'il tynt si riche e qe molt ama, qu'il soleit user
privement, qu'il ne voleit en tote sa vie pur nul aver
vendre ne doner.
with four knights and others, entered a boat in the sea, and
went to solace ourselves. At last came upon us the seven
sons of the old woman within, with their company, in a
ship ; and they slew all our people, and brought us hither,
and have dishonoured our bodies, against our will, God
knows ; wherefore we pray in the name of God, in whom
you believe, that you will help us from this captivity, if you
can escape hence ; for I see well, by your appearance, that
you are not dwellers in this country." Fulk comforted the
damsels, and said that he would aid them to his power.
Fulk and his companions found great riches, victual, and
armour, and there Fulk found the haubergeon, which he
held so rich and which he loved so much, which he used to
K 2
132 THE HISTORY OF
Fouke richement garny sa neef ; e arnena les damoi-
seles a sa neef, e les eesa en quanqu'il poeit. E pus
comanda totes ces gentz qu'il se armassent hastive-
ment; e quant tous furent armeez a volente, donqe
leva Fouke la menee de le petit corn qu'il avoit pris
de la vele, e donqe vindrent corantz par les champs
plus qe deus c. des larons de la countree. Fouke e
sa compagnie les corurent sur, e yl se defendyrent
vigerousement. Yleqe furent ocys plus qe iic. des rob-
beours e larouns ; quar yl n'y avoyt nulle gent en tote
cele yle si robbeours e larouns noun, qe soleynt ocire
quanqu'il porreynt ateyndre e prendre par mer. Fouke
demanda Mador sy ly savoit amener par mer en le
use privately, and which he would not in all his life for
any consideration sell or give.
Fulk furnished his ship richly ; and carried the damsels
to his ship, and made them as much at their ease as he
could. And then he commanded all his people to arm in
haste ; and when they were all armed at will, then Fulk
raised the hue and cry with the little horn which he had
taken from the old woman, and then there came running
over the fields more than two hundred of the thieves of the
country. Fulk and his company run at them, and they
defended themselves vigorously. There were slain more
than two hundred of the robbers and thieves ; for there was
no people in all that island but robbers and thieves, who
used to slay all they could reach or take by sea. Fulk
asked Mador if he knew how to conduct him by sea into the
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 133
realme qe um apele Orkanie. " Oyl, certes," fet-il;
" ce n'est qe un isle, e le chastel Bagot est molt pres
de le port." Fouke dit: "A eel chastiel vodrey-je
estre." " Sire, eynz huy vus y serrez." Quant Fouke
fust aryvee, dont demanda les damoyseles sy yl aveyent
conisance de le pais. " Certes, sire," fetlaune, " c'est
le realme Aunflour mon piere." Fouke vynt al chas-
tiel, e rendy al roy sa fyle e les damoyseles ; e il a
grant honour les regust, e dona a Fouke riche douns.
Fouke ad tant siglee, pur vere merveilles e aven-
tures, qu'il ad envyronee les vii. yles de le Occean,
la Petite-Bretaygne, Yrlande, Gutlande, Norweye,
Denemarche, Orkanye, la Graimde-Eschanye. En Es-
chanye ne nieynt nul home, fors serpentz e autres
realm which they call Orkney. " Yes, truly," said he; "it
is but an isle; and castle Bagot is very near the port."
Fulk said : " At that castle would I be." " Sir, within this
day you shall be there." When Fulk was arrived, then he
asked the damsels if they had knowledge of the country.
" Truly, sir," said the one, " this is the realm of Aunflour
my father." Fulk came to the castle, and restored to the
king his daughter and the damsels; and he received them
with great honour, and gave Fulk rich gifts.
Fulk has sailed so much, to see marvels and adventures,
that he has gone round the seven isles of the ocean, Little
Britain, Ireland, Gothland, Norway, Denmark, Orkney, and
Great Eschanie. In Eschanie dwells no man, but serpents
and other foul beasts. And there Fulk saw horned ser-
134 THE HISTORY OF
lede bestes. E la vist Fouke serpentz cornuez, e les
corns furent molt aguz; e si ount iiii. peez, e sunt
volantz come oysels. Un tel serpent asayly Fouke
e ly fery de son corn, e trespe^a son escu par my.
Fouke s'en mervila molt de le coupe ; e se avysa molt
bien qe, quant le serpent ly fery en 1'escu, ne poeit
hastivement dely verer son corn ; e Fouke le bota par
my le cuer de son espee. Ileqe vist Fouke beste ver-
minouse q'avoit teste de mastyn, barbe epees come
chevre, oreiles come de levre ; e autres plusors bestes
qe seint Patrik encha9a d'Yrlande, e les encloyst ileqe
par la vertu de Dieu ; quar le prodhome seint Patrik
fust bien de ly. E uncore nulle beste venymouse ne
habite la terre d'Yrlande, si noun lesartes descowes.
pents, and the horns were very sharp-pointed; and they
have four feet, and fly like birds. One of these serpents
assailed Fulk, and struck him with his horn, and pierced
through his shield in the middle. Fulk wondered much at
the blow ; and he perceived very well that, when the serpent
struck him in the shield, he could not quickly withdraw his
horn; and Fulk stabbed him through the heart with his
sword. Then saw Fulk a venomous animal which had the
head of a mastiff, a thick beard like a goat, and ears like a
hare ; and many other animals which St. Patrick drove out
of Ireland, and inclosed them there through the virtue of
God; for the good man St. Patrick was in favour with him.
And still no venomous animal inhabits the land of Ireland,
except lizards without tails.
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 135
Fouke vet siglant vers le north par la mer occian,
outre Orkanye, si trova tant de freydure e gelee, qe
home ne poeit la freidure durer, ne la nef en la mer
pur la gelee ne poeit avant passer. Fouke se retorna
vers Engleterre. Atant vynt une molt hydouse tem-
peste, dont trestous quidoient pur la tempeste moryr,
e il crierent devoutement a Dieu e a seint Clement
qu'il lur delyvrast del torment. Ceste tempeste lur
durra xv. jours. Donqe vyrent terre, mes ne savoient
quele. Fouke s'en ala a terre, e vist un chastiel molt
biel. II entra le chastel, quar la porte fust deferme, e
ne trova leynz honme ne beste vivant, ne en tot le pays.
E s'en merveila molt qe si bel lu fust de nully habitee.
Revynt a sa neef, si le counta a sa meyne. " Sire," fet
Fulk goes sailing towards the north over the ocean sea,
beyond Orkney, and found so much cold and ice, that one
could not endure the cold, nor could the ship pass forward
in the sea for the ice. Fulk turned back towards England.
At length came a very hideous tempest, whereby all ex-
pected to perish by the tempest, and they cried devoutly to
God and St. Clement to be delivered from the storm. This
tempest lasted them fifteen days. They then saw land, but
knew not what. Fulk went ashore, and saw a very fair
castle. He entered the castle, for the gate was unclosed,
and he found within neither man nor beast living, nor in
all the country. And he wondered much that so fair a
place should be inhabited by no one. He returned to his
ship, and told it to his company. "Sir," said Mador, "let
136 THE HISTORY OF
Mador, "lessum si la neef e aloms tous a terre, estre
ceux qe garderount nostre vitaile; e bien tost par
aventure orroms par ascun coment il est de cet pays."
Quant vindrent a la terre, encontrerent un pesant.
Mador ly demanda quele terre ce fust, e coment apelee,
e pur quoy n'est habitee. Ly pesant lur dyt qe " c'est
le reygne de Yberye, e cest pays est apellee Cartage.
Cest chastiel est al due de Cartage, qe tient de le roy
de Yberye. Cesti due avoit une file, la plus bele pucele
qe um savoit en le regne de Yberye. Cele damoisele
mounta un jour le mestre tour de cest chastel. Atant
vynt un dragoun volaunt, e prist la damoisele, e la
porta sur un haut mount en la mer, si la manga. Cesti
dragoun ad ocys e destrut tot cet pays; pur qy nul
us leave the ship and go ashore, except those who shall
guard our provisions ; and soon, perhaps, we shall hear from
somebody what is the matter with this country." When
they came on shore, they met a peasant. Mador asked him
what land it was, and how it was named, and why it was
not inhabited. The peasant told them that " it is the king-
dom of Iberie, and this country is called Cartage. This
castle belongs to the duke of Cartage, who holds of the king
of Iberie. This duke had a daughter, the fairest maiden
that one knew in the kingdom of Iberie. This damsel
mounted one day the principal tower of the castle. Then
came a flying dragon, and took the damsel, and carried
her to a high mountain in the sea, and ate her. This
dragon has slain and destroyed all this country ; on which
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 137
home n'est osee cet pays habiter, ne le due n'est osee
cet chastel entrer, tant est hydous le dragoun."
Fouke se retorna a sa galye, e siglerent avant.
Donqe virent un grant mont en la mer. " Sire," fet
Mador, " c'est le mont ou meynt le dragon ; ja sumes-
nus tons en grant peril !" " Tes-tey," fet Fouke, " un-
core ne veiez si bien noun. Dantz Mador, volez estre
mort de poour ? Meynt dragon avoms veu, e Dieu nus
ad bien de peril delyvere. Unqe ne fumes uncore en
peryl dont, la merci Dee, n'avoms bien eschape.
Vostre maveis confort mettreit coars a la mort." Fouke
prist Audulf de Bracy, e par degrees monta le mont, qe
bien haut ert ; e quant vindrent al somet de le mont,
virent meint bon hauberc, healmes e espeiez e autres
account no man has dared to inhabit the country, nor has
the duke dared to enter this castle, the dragon is so hideous."
Fulk returned to his galley, and sailed forward. Then
they saw a great mountain in the sea. " Sir," said Mador,
"it is the mountain where the dragon dwells ; now we are
all in great peril !" " Hold thy peace," said Fulk, " as yet
you see nothing but good. Master Mador, will you be dead
of fear 1 Many a dragon we have seen, and God has easily
delivered us from danger. We were never yet in peril from
which, thank God, we have not well escaped. Your bad
comfort would put a coward to death." Fulk took Audulf
de Bracy, and by steps ascended the mountain, which was
very high ; and when they came to the summit of the
mountain, they saw many a good hauberk, helms and swords
138 THE HISTORY OF
armes, gisantz yleqe, e ne vyrent delees les armes
nulle chose si os des gentz noun. E virent un arbre
gros e bel, e une fontaigne par desouth corant d'ewe
bele e clere. Fouke se regarda deleez, e vist une roche
crosee ; leva sa destre e se seygna en le noun le Piere,
Fitz, e le Seynt-Espyryt ; saka sa espeye, e mout har-
diement se mist dedenz, come cely qe s'en fya del tot
a Dieu. E vist une molt bele damoisele ploraunte e
grant duel demenaunte. Fouke la demaunda dont
estoit. " Sire," fet-ele, " je su file al due de Cartage;
e j'ai este seynz seet anz. E unqe n'y vy cristien seynz,
s'il ne venist malgree le suen, e, si vus estes de poer,
pur Dieu, alez-vus-ent ; quar, si le dragoun de seynz
vienge, james n'eschapez." " Certes," fet Fouke,
and other arms, lying there, and they saw beside the arms
nothing but people's bones. And they saw a large and fair
tree, and a fountain beneath it running with fair and clear
water. Fulk looked about him, and saw a hollow rock;
raised his right arm and crossed himself in the name of the
Father, Son, and the Holy Ghost ; drew his sword, and very
boldly entered, as one who trusted entirely in God. And
he saw a very fair damsel Aveeping and making great la-
mentation. Fulk asked her whence she was. " Sir," said
she, " I am daughter of the duke of Cartage ; and I have
been in here seven years. And I never saw a Christian
herein, unless he came against his will, and, if you have the
power, for God's sake, go away ; for if the dragon come from
within, you will never escape." " Truly," said Fulk, " I
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 139
"uncore ne vueil aler, eynz orroy e verroy plus. Da-
moisele," fet Fouke, "que fet le dragoun de vus? Ne
vus fet-il si ben noun?" " Sire," fet-ele, " le dragoun
est fier e fort; e portereyt un chevaler armee en ces
mountz, s'il ly poeit prendre en ces powees ; e meynt
un ad si aportee e mangee, dount vus poez la dehors
vere les os ; e pluz ayme humayne char qe nul autre.
E quant sa hydouse face e sa barbesunt ensenglaunteez,
donqe vient-il a moy e me fet laver de clere ewe sa face
e sa barbe e son pys. E quant ad talent de dormyr,
vet a sa couche qe tot est de fyn or ; quar il ad tele na-
ture qu'il est trop chaut a demesure, e or est molt freyd
par nature ; e, pur sey refroidir, yl se couche en or. E
quant vet a sa couche, il prent un gros piere, come vus
will not go hence till I hear and see more. Damsel," said
Fulk, " what does the dragon do with you 1 Does he do
you no harm V " Sir," said she, " the dragon is fierce and
strong; and he would carry an armed knight to these
mountains, if he could take him in his claws ; and many a
one has he brought and eaten, of whom you may see there
outside the bones; and he likes human flesh better than
any other. And when his hideous face and his beard are
covered with blood, then he comes to me, and makes me
wash with clear water his face and his beard and his breast.
And when he wants to sleep, he goes to his couch which is
all of fine gold ; for such is his nature that he is very hot in
the extreme, and gold is very cold by nature ; and, to cool
himself, he lies on gold. And when he goes to his couch,
140 THE HISTORY OF
poez vere la, si le met al us devant, pur doute de moy
que je ne le deveroy ocyre en dormant; quar il ad sen
de honme e me doute grantment. E, adrein, je say
bien qe il m'ociera." " Par Deu !" fet Fouke, " si
Dieu plest, noun fra."
Fouke prist la damoisele, si la bailla a sire Audulf
a garder, e s'en issirent de la roche. E ne furent geres
issuz qu'il ne vyrent le dragoun volaunt en 1'eyr venyr
vers eux, si gitta de sa bouche, qe chaut ert, fumee e
flambe molt oryble. E si fust trop lede beste ; si avoit
grosse teste, dentz quarreez, fers les powes, long la
cowe. Le dragoun, quant vist Fouke, si se fery a ly,
e de sa powe en volant ly fery en 1'eschu qu'il 1'en-
racha par my. Fouke leva 1'espee, si ly fery le dra-
he takes a great stone, as you may see there, and puts it
before the door, for fear of me lest I should kill him when
asleep ; for he has the sense of a man and fears me greatly.
And, in the end, I know well that he will slay me." " By
God !" said Fulk, " if it please God, he shall not do it."
Fulk took the damsel, and gave her in charge to sir
Audulf, and they came out from the rock. And they had
not long come out when they saw the flying dragon in the
air come towards them, and it cast forth from its mouth,
which was hot, smoke and flame very horrible. And it was
a very foul beast j and it had a great head, teeth squared,
sharp claws, and long tail. The dragon, when it saw Fulk,
aimed at him, and with its claw in flying struck him on the
shield that it tore it through the middle. Fulk raised his
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 141
goun en la teste auxi durement come il poeit. E le
coup ne ly malmist de rien, ne il ne s'enmaya de rien
pur le coup, tant out dur 1'escharde e 1'esclot devant.
Le dragoun prent son cours de loyns pur durement fe-
ryr; e Fouke, qe le coup ne puet endurer, guenchy
derere Parbre q'esta utre la fontaygne. Fouke apar-
c.ust qu'il ne poeit le dragoun damager devaunt, si se
avysa a un retorn qe le dragon fist, si ly fery bien del
corps sur la cowe, e la coupa en deus. Le dragon co-
menQa crier e brayre ; saut a la damoysele, si la voleit
prendre e porter aylours ; e sire Audulf la defendy. Le
dragon prist sire Audulf de sa powe si estroytement qe,
si Fouke n'ust venuz plus hastivement, il le ust afolee.
Donqe vynt Fouke, si coupa la powe, e a grant peyne
sword, and struck the dragon on the head as hard as he
could. And the blow did not hurt him at all, nor did he at
all flinch at the blow, so hard had he both bone and skin.
The dragon took his run from afar to strike hard ; and Fulk,
who could not withstand the blow, shrunk behind the tree
which stood beyond the fountain. Fulk perceived that he
could not hurt the dragon in front, so he contrived, at
a return which the dragon made, to strike him well in
the body upon the tail, and cut it in two. The dragon
began to cry and roar ; jumps at the damsel, and would take
her and carry her elsewhere ; and sir Audulf defended her.
The dragon took sir Audulf with his claw so tightly that, if
Fulk had not come very hastily, he would have crushed
him. Then came Fulk, and cut off his paw, and with great
142 THE HISTORY OF
delyvra sire Audulf; quar durement le avoit de sa powe
encloee par my le hauberc. Fouke fery le dragoun en
my la bouche de 1'espee, e par ileqe le ocist.
Fouke fust molt las, e se reposa une piece ; puis ala
a la couche le dragon, e prist le or quanqu'il yleqe
trova e fist aporter a sa galye. Johan de Rampaigne
tasta la plaie sire Audulf, e la medicina; quar bien
savoit de medicines. Mador retorna sa neef vers Car-
tage, e ariverent en la contree, e rendyrent al due sa
file, qe molt fust lee quant yl la vist. La damoisele ad
counte a son seignur quele vie ele ad demenee, e
coment Fouke ocist le dragoun. Le due chay as pees
Fouke, e le mercia de sa file ; e ly pria, si li plust,
qu'il volsist demorer en le pays, e il ly dorreit tote
difficulty set sir Audulf free, for he had fixed him hard with
his paw through the hauberk. Fulk struck the dragon
through the middle of the mouth with his sword, and by
that slew him.
Fulk was very weary, and reposed himself awhile ; then
he went to the dragon's sleeping place, and took all the
gold he found there and caused it to be carried to his galley.
John de Rampaigne examined the wound of sir Audulf, and
doctored it ; for he knew much of medicines. Mador turned
back his ship towards Cartage, and they arrived in the
country, and restored to the duke his daughter, who was
very glad when he saw her. The damsel related to her lord
what life she had led, and how Fulk slew the dragon. The
duke fell down at Fulk's feet, and thanked him for his
FULK FITZ-WARINK. 143
Cartage ou sa file en manage. Fouke ly mercia fine-
ment de cuer pur son bel profre, e dit qe volenters
prendreit sa file, si sa cristienete le poeit soffryr ; quar
femme avoit esposee. Ce dit, Fouke demora ileqe tanqe
Audulf fust seyn de sa playe ; e donqe prist congie del
due, qe molt fust dolent pur le departyr. Le due lur
dona meynt bon juel e bel, e destrers molt bels e
ygnels, e a chescun dona ryche dons.
Fouke e ces compaignouns siglerent vers Engleterre.
Quant vyndrent a Dovre, entrerent la terre, e lesserent
Mad or ou la nef en un certeyn leu la ou il ly por-
reyent trover quant vodreyent. Fouke e ces compai-
gnons avoient enquis des paissantz qe le roy Johan fust
daughter; and prayed him, if he pleased, that he would
dwell in the country, and he would give him all Cartage
with his daughter in marriage. Fulk thanked him finely
and heartily for his fair offer, and said that he would wil-
lingly take his daughter, if his Christianity would suffer it ;
for he had already a married wife. This said, Fulk dwelt
there until Audulf was whole of his wound ; and then he
took leave of the duke, who was very sorrowful for his de-
parture. The duke gave them many a good jewel and fair,
and steeds very handsome and swift, and to everyone he
gave rich gifts.
Fulk and his companions sailed towards England. When
they arrived at Dover, they went on shore, and left Mador
with the ship in a certain place where they could find him
when they would. Fulk and his companions had learnt
144 THE HISTORY OF
a Wyndesoure, e se mistrent privement en la voie vers
Wyndesoure. Les jours dormyrent e se reposerent, les
nuytz errerent, tanqu'il vyndrent a la foreste ; e la se
herbigerent en un certeyn lyw ou yl soleynt avant estre
en la foreste de Wyndesoure, quar Fouke savoit yleqe
tous les estres. Donqe oyerent veneours e berners
corner, e par ce saveyent qe le rey irroit chacer. Fouke
e ces compaignons s'armerent molt richement. Fouke
jura grant serement qe pur pour de moryr ne lerreit
qu'il ne se vengeroit de le roy, q'a force e a tort ly ad
desherytee, e qu'il ne chalengereit hautement ces drey-
tures e son herytage. Fouke fist ces compaignons de-
morer yleqe ; e il meymes, ce dit, irreit espier aventures.
from the people who passed them that king John was at
Windsor, and they set out privily on the way towards
Windsor. By day they slept and reposed, and by night
they wandered, until they came to the forest ; and there
they -lodged in a certain place where they used before to be
in the forest of Windsor, for Fulk knew all the parts there.
Then they heard huntsmen and men with hounds blow the
horn, and by that they knew that the king was going to
hunt. Fulk and his companions armed themselves very
richly. Fulk swore a great oath that for fear of death he
would not abstain from revenging himself on the king, who
forcibly and wrongfully had disinherited him, and from
challenging loudly his rights and his heritage. Fulk made
his companions remain there ; and himself, he said, would
go and look out for adventures.
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 145
Fouke s'en ala, e encontra un viel charboner portant
une trible en sa meyn ; si fust vestu tot neir, come apert
a charboner. Fouke ly pria par amour qu'il ly velsist
doner ces vestures e sa trible pur du seon. " Sire,"
fet-il, "volenters." Fouke ly dona x. besantz, e ly
pria pur s'amour qu'il ne le contast a nully. Le char-
boner s'en va. Fouke remeynt, e se vesty meyntenant
de le atyr qe le charboner ly avoit donee, e vet a
ces charbons, si comence de adresser le feu. Fouke
vist une grosse fourche de fer, si la prent en sa
meyn, e dresse saundreyt e landreyt ces coupons.
Atant vynt le roy ou treis chevalers, tot a pee, a
Fouke la ou il fust adresaunt son feu. Quant Fouke
vist le roy, assez bien le conust, e gitta la fourche de
Fulk went his way, and met an old collier carrying a
triblet in his hand ; and he was dressed all in black, as a
collier ought to be. Fulk prayed him for love that he
would give him his clothes and his triblet for money. " Sir,"
said he, "willingly." Fulk gave him ten besants, and
begged him for his love that he would not tell anybody of
it. The collier went away. Fulk remained, and now dressed
himself in the attire which the collier had given him, and
went to his coals, and began to stir up the fire. Fulk saw
a great iron fork, which he took in his hand, and arranged
here and there the pieces of wood. At length came the
king with three knights, all on foot, to Fulk where he was
arranging his fire. When Fulk saw the king, he knew him
well enough, and he cast the fork from his hand, and sa-
146 THE HISTORY OF
sa meyn, e salua son seignour, e se mist a genoyls
devant ly molt humblement. Le roy e ces trois che-
valers aveyent grant ryseye e jeu de la noreture e de la
porture le charboner; esturent ileqe bien longement.
" Daun vyleyn," fet le roy, " avez veu nul cerf on bisse
passer par ycy ?" " Oyl, mon seignour, piega." " Quele
beste veitez-vus ?" " Sire, mon seignur, une cornuee ;
si avoit longe corns." " Ou est-ele ?" " Sire, mon
seignur, je vus say molt bien mener la ou je la vy."
"Ore avant, daun vyleyn! e nus vus siweroms."
" Sire," fet le charboner, " prendroy-je ma forche en
mayn ? quar, si ele fust prise, je en averoy grant perte."
" Oyl, vyleyn, si vus volez." Fouke prist la grosse
fourche de fer en sa meyn, si amoyne le roy pur archer ;
luted his lord, and went on his knees before him very
humbly. The king and his three knights had great laughter
and game at the breeding and bearing of the collier ; they
stood there very long. " Sir villan," said the king, " have
you seen no stag or doe pass here V " Yes, my lord, a
while ago." " What beast did you see V " Sir, my lord, a
horned one; and it had long horns." "Where is it?"
" Sir, my lord, I know very well how to lead you to where
I saw it." " Onward, then, sir villan ; and we will follow
you." " Sir," said the collier, " shall I take my fork in my
hand 1 for, if it were taken, I should have thereby a great
loss." "Yea, villan, if you will." Fulk took the great
fork of iron in his hand, and led the king to shoot ; for he
had a very handsome bow. " Sir, my lord," said Fulk,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 147
quar yl avoit un molt bel arke. " Sire, mon seignur,"
fet Fouke, " vus plest-il attendre, e je irroy en Pespesse
e fray la beste venir cest chemyn par ycy ?" " Oil," ce
dit le roy. Fouke hastyvement sayly en le espesse de
la forest, e comanda sa meyne hastivement prendre le
roy Johan; " Quar je Fay amenee sa, solement ou treis
chevalers ; e tote sa meysne est de 1'autre part la fo-
reste." Fouke e sa meyne saylyrent hors de la espesse,
e escrierent le roy, e le pristrent meintenant. " Sire
roy," fet Fouke, "ore je vus ay en mon bandon; tel
jugement froi-je de vus come vus vodrez de moy si vus
me ussez pris." Le roy trembla de pour, quar il avoit
grant doute de Fouke. Fouke jura qu'il morreit pur
le grant damage e la desheritesoun qu'il avoit fet a ly
" will you please to wait, and I will go into the thicket, and
make the beast come this way by here ?" " Yea," said the
king. Fulk hastily sprang into the thick of the forest, and
commanded his company hastily to seize upon king John,
" For I have brought him there, only with three knights ;
and all his company is on the other side of the forest." Fulk
and his company leaped out of the thicket, and cried upon
the king, and seized him at once. " Sir king," said Fulk,
" now I have you in my power ; such judgment will I exe-
cute on you as you would on me if you had taken me."
The king trembled with fear, for he had great dread of
Fulk. Fulk swore that he should die for the great damage
and disinheriting which he had done to him and to many a
i, 2
14S THE HISTORY OF
e a meint prodhome d'Engleterre. Le roy ly cria
mercy, e ly pria pur amour Dieu la vie ; e yl ly ren-
dreyt enterement tou son heritage e quanqu'il aveit
tolet de ly e de tous les suens, e ly grantereit amour e
pees pur tous jours, e a ce ly freit en totes choses tiele
seurete come yl meysmes voleit devyser. Fouke ly
granta bien tote sa demande a tieles qu'il ly donast,
veantz ces chevalers, la foy de tenyr cest covenant. Le
roy ly plevy sa fey qu'il ly tendroit covenant, e fust
molt lee que issi poeit eschaper.
E revynt a soun paleis, e fist fere assembler ces
chevalers e sa meisne, e lur counta de mot en autre
coment sire Fouke le avoit desgu ; e dit que par force
fist eel serement, pur quoy qu'il ne le velt tenyr; e
good man in England. The king implored his mercy, and
begged his life of him for the love of God ; and he would
restore him entirely all his heritage and whatever he had
taken from him and from all his people, and would grant him
his love and peace for ever, and of this he would make him
in all things such security as he might himself choose to de-
vise. Fulk soon yielded his demand, on condition that he
gave him, in presence of his knights, his faith to keep this
covenant. The king pledged his faith that he would hold the
covenant, and he was very glad that he could thus escape.
And he returned to his palace, and caused his knights
and his courtiers to assemble, and told them from word to
word how sir Fulk had deceived him ; and he said that he
had made that oath through force, and therefore he would
FULK F1TZ-WARINE. 149
comaunda que tous se armassent hastivement a prendre
ces felons en le parke. Atant pria sire James de
Normandie, que fust cosyn le roy, qu'il poeit aver
1'avaunt-garde ; e dit qe "les Engleis, a poy tous les
grantz, sunt cosyns a sire Fouke, e pur ce sunt trei-
tours al roy, e ces felouns ne vueillent prendre." Donqe
dit Rondulf le counte de Cestre : " Par foy, sire che-
valer ! sauve le honour nostre seigneur le roy, noun
pas vostre, vus y mentez." E ly vodra aver feru del
poyn, si le counte mareschal ne ust este ; e dit qu'il ne
sount ne unque furent treitours a le roy ne a suens,
mes bien dit que tous les grantz e le rey meismes est
cosyn al dit Fouke. Dont dit le counte mareschal:
" Aloms pursyvre sire Fouke; donqe verra le roy qui
not hold it ; and commanded that they should all arm in
haste to take those felons in the park. At length sir James
of Normandy, who was the king's cousin, prayed that he
might have the advanced guard ; and said that " the Eng-
lish, nearly all the men of rank, are cousins to sir Fulk, and
for that are traitors to the king, and will not take those
felons." Then said Randolf earl of Chester : " In faith, sir
knight ! saving the honour of our lord the king, not yours,
you lie." And he would have struck him with his fist, and
it not being for the earl marshal ; and said that they neither
are nor never were traitors to the king nor to his, but he said
right that all the men of rank and the king himself were
cousins to sir Fulk. Then said the earl marshal : " Let us
go and pursue sir Fulk ; the king will then see who will
150 THE HISTORY OF
X
se feyndra pur la cosynage." Sire James de Nor-
mandye e ces x\. compaignouns chevalers se armerent
molt richement e tot de blaunche armure, e furent tous
noblement mountez de blancz destrers ; e se hasta de-
vant ou sa compagnie, pur aver pris.
E tot lur affere avoit Johan de Rampaigne espiee, e
counte a sire Fouke, qe ne poeit en nulle manere
eschaper si par bataille noun. Sire Fouke e ces com-
paignouns se armerent molt richement, e se mistrent
hardiement centre sire James, e se defendirent vige-
rousement, e ocistrent tous ces compaignouns, estre
quatre que furent a poi naufres a la mort; e sire James
fust pris. Sire Fouke e ces compaignouns se armerent
meintenant de les armes sire James e des autres Nor-
flinch for his cousenage." Sir James of Normandy and fif-
teen knights his companions armed themselves very richly
and all in white armour, and were all nobly mounted on
white steeds ; and he hurried forward with his company, to
have the capture.
Now John de Rampaigne had spied all their proceedings,
and told them to sir Fulk, who could in no manner escape
except by battle. Sir Fulk and his companions armed
themselves very richly, and put themselves boldly against
sir James, and defended themselves vigorously, and slew all
his companions except four, who were almost wounded to
death ; and sir James was taken. Sir Fulk and his com-
panions now armed themselves with the arms of sir James
and of the other Normans ; and mounted their good steeds,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 151
mauntz; e mounterent lur bons destrers que blanks
erent, quar lur destrers demeyne furent las e mesgres ;
e armerent sire James de les armes sire Fouke; e lye-
rent sa bouche, qu'il ne poeit parler, e mistrent son
helme sur sa teste ; e chevalcherent vers le roy. E
quant yl les vist, il les conust par les armes, e quida qe
sire James e ces compaignouns amenerent sire Fouke.
Lors presenta sire Fouke sire James a le roy, e dist
que ce fust sire Fouke. Le counte de Cestre e le
counte mareschal, quant ce virent, mout furent dolentz.
Le roy, pur le present, ly comaunda qu'il ly baysast ;
sire Fouke dit qu'il ne poeit attendre de oster son
healme, quar yl ly covensist pursyvre les autres fitz
Waryn. Le roi descendy de soun bon destrer e co-
which were white, for their own steeds were tired and lean ;
and they armed sir James with the arms of sir Fulk ; and
bound his mouth, that he could not speak, and put his
helm on his head ; and rode towards the king. And when
he saw them, he knew them by their arms, and thought
that sir James and his companions were bringing sir Fulk.
Then sir Fulk presented sir James to the king, and said
that it was sir Fulk. The earl of Chester and the earl
marshal, when they saw this, were very sorry. The king,
for the present, commanded him that he should kiss him ;
sir Fulk said that he could not wait to take off his helm, for
he must go and pursue the other Fitz-Warines. The king
descended from his good steed, and commanded him to
152 THE HISTORY OF
manda qu'il le mounta, quar isnel ert a pursiwre ces
enymys. Sire Fouke descendy, e mounta le destrer le
roi, e s'en va vers ces compaignouns, e s'en fuyrent
bien sis lyws de yleqe. E la se desarmerent en un
boschage, e laverent lur playes ; e benderent la playe
Willam, son frere, qe durement fust naufre de un des
Normauntz, e le tyndrent pur mort ; dont tous fesoient
duel a demesure.
Le roy comaunda meyntenaunt pendre sire Fouke.
Atant vint Emery de Pyn, un Gascoyn, qe fust parent
a sire James, e dit qu'il le pendreit; e le prist, e le
amena un poy de yleqe, e fist oster son healme ; e
meyntenant vist qe ce fu James, e delya sa bouche. E
il ly conta quanqe avynt entre ly e sire Fouke. Emery
mount it, for it was fleet to pursue his enemies. Sir Fulk
descended, and mounted the king's steed, and went his way
towards his companions, and they fled soon to a distance of
six leagues from thence. And there they disarmed in a wood,
and washed their wounds ; and they bandaged the wound of
William, his brother, who was severely wounded by one of
the Normans, and they held him for dead, for which they
all made excessive lamentations.
The king commanded on the spot to hang sir Fulk. At
length came Emery de Pin, a Gascon, who was kinsman to
sir James, and said that he would hang him; and took
him, and led him a little from thence, and caused his helm
to be taken off ; and now he saw that it was James, and
unbound his mouth. And he told him all that had hap-
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 153
vint meintenaunt au roy, e amena sire James, qe ly
conta coment sire Fouke ly avoit servy. E quant le
roy se aper9\ist estre issi des9u, molt fust dolent, e jura
grant serement qe ja ne se devestereit de son haubreke
avaunt qu'il avoit ces treytres pris. E de ce ne savoit
sire Fouke rien.
Le roy e ces countes e barouns les pursiwyrent par
le esclot des chivals, tant qu'il vindrent a poy a le
boschage la ou Fouke fust. E quant Fouke les aper-
9ust, plourt e weymente Willam, son frere, e se tient
perdu pur tous jours. E Willam lur prie qu'il coupent
sa teste e la emportent ou eux, issi qe le roy, quant
trovee son cors, ne sache qui yl fust. Fouke dit qe ce
ne freit pur le mounde, e prie molt tendrement en
pened between him and sir Fulk. Emery came immediately
to the king, and brought sir James, who told him how sir
Fulk had served him. And when the king perceived that
he was thus deceived, he was much vexed, and swore a
great oath that he would not divest himself of his hauberk
until he had taken these traitors. And of this sir Fulk
knew nothing.
The king and his earls and barons pursued them by the
footmark of their horses, until they came almost to the
wood where Fulk was. And when Fulk perceived them,
he wept and lamented for William his brother, and held
himself lost for ever. And William begged of them that
they would cut off his head and carry it with them, that
the king, when he found his body, might not know who he
154 THE HISTORY OF
ploraunt qe Dieu pur sa piete lur seit en eyde ; e tiel
duel come entre eux est, ne veistes uriqe greindre fere.
Rondulf le counte de Cestre vint en prime chef; e
quant ape^ust sire Fouke, comaunda sa meisne ares-
tier, si voit privement a sire Fouke, e li pria pur le
amour de Dieu rendre sei al roy, e yl serroit pur ly de
vie e de menbre, e qu'il serroit bien apesee al roy.
Fouke redist que ce ne froit pur tut le aver du mounde ;
" Mes, sire cosyn, pur 1' amour de Dieu, je vus prie qe
mon frere qe la gist, quant il est mors, qe vus facez
enterrer son cors, qe bestes savages ne le devourent, e
les nos, quant mort sumes. E retornez a vostre seignur
le roy, e fetes a ly vostre service sanz feyntyse e saunz
avoir regard a nus, qe sumes de vostre sang; e nus
was. Fulk said that he would not do that for the world,
and prayed very tenderly and in tears that God for his pity
would be to them in aid ; and such grief as was among
them, you never saw greater made.
Rondulf, earl of Chester, came in the first place; and
when he perceived sir Fulk, he commanded his company.to
halt, and went alone to sir Fulk, and prayed him for the
love of God to yield himself to the king, and he would
answer for him for life and limb, and his peace would be
easily made with the king. Fulk replied that he would not
do that for all the wealth in the world ; " But, sir cousin,
for the love of God, I pray you for my brother, who is
there, when he is dead, that you cause his body to be buried,
that wild beasts may not devour it, and ours too, when we
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 155
receveroms ore issi la destine qe a nos est ordinee."
Le counte tot emplorant retorna a sa meyne. Fouke
remeint, qe molt tendrement plourt de piete pur son
frere, qe ly covent a force ileqe lesser ; e prie a Dieu
qu'il lur socourt e eyde.
Le counte comande sa meisne e sa compaignie a le
asaut, e yl s'i ferirent vigerousement. Le counte meis-
mes asaily sire Fouke ; mes a dreyn le counte perdy
son chival, e sa meisne fust grant partie ocys. Fouke
e ces freres se defendirent hardiement ; e come Fouke
se defendy, sire Berard de Blees ly vynt derere e ly
feri de son espee en le flanc, e le quida aver ocis.
Ataunt se retorna Fouke, e ly referi sur le espaudle se-
nestre ou ambedeus les mayns, e ly coupa le cuer e le
are dead. And return to your lord the king, and do your duty
to him without feintise, and without having regard to us,
who are of your blood ; and we will receive now here the
destiny which is ordained for us." The earl, all weeping,
returned to his company. Fulk remained, who very ten-
derly wept with pity for his brother, whom he was compelled
to leave there ; and prays God to succour and aid them.
The earl commanded his retinue and his company to the
assault, and they laid on vigorously. The earl himself
attacked sir Fulk ; but at last the earl lost his horse, and
his retinue were in great part slain. Fulk and his brothers
defended themselves bravely; and as Fulk was defending
himself, sir Berard de Blees came behind him, and struck
him with his sword in the side, and believed he had killed
156 THE HISTORY OF
pulmoun, e chei mort de soun destrer. Fouke avoit
taunt seigne qu'il palma sur le col de son destrer, e le
espeye chey de sa meyn. Donqe comenga duel a mer-
\eille entre les freres. Johan, son frere, sayly derere
Fouke sur le destrer e ly sustynt qu'il ne poeit cheyer ;
e se mistrent a fuyte, quar poer ne aveient de demorer.
Le roy e sa meyne les pursiwyrent, mes prendre ne les
purreynt. Tote la nuit errerent issi, qe lendemayn
matyn vindrent a la mer a Mador le maryner. Donque
reverci Fouke, e demaunda oil il fust e en qy poer ; e
ces freres ly confortoyent a mieux qu'il purroient, e ly
cocherent en la nef en un molt bel lit, e Johan de
Rampayne medicina ces playes.
him. At length Fulk turned round, and returned the blow
on his left shoulder with both his hands, and cut through
his heart and lung, and he fell dead from his steed. Fulk
had bled so much that he fainted on the neck of his steed,
and his sword fell from his hand. Then began grief won-
derfully among the brothers. John, his brother, leapt
behind Fulk on the steed, and held him up that he could
not fall ; and they took to flight, for they had not power to
remain. The king and his retinue pursued them, but they
could not take them. Then they wandered all the -night, till
on the morrow morning they came to the sea to Mador the
mariner. Then Fulk revived, and asked where he was, and
in whose power ; and his brothers comforted him in the
best way they could, and laid him in bed in the ship in a
very fair bed, and John de Rampaigne doctored his wounds.
FULK F1TZ-WARINB. 157
Le counte de Cestre avoit grantment perdu de sa
gent, e vist dejouste ly Willam le fitz Waryn a poy
mort, e prist le cors e le maunda a une abbeye pur
medeciner. Au drein fust ileqe apargu, e le roy le fist
venyr en litere devant ly a Wyndesoure, e la fist ruer
en profounde prisone, e molt fust coroce a le counte de
Cestre pur ce qu'il le cela. Fet le roy : " Fouke est
naufre a la mort, e cesti ay-je ore ici ; les autres averei-
je bien, ou qu'il seient. Certes, m'en poise durement
de le orgoil Fouke ; quar si orgoil ne fust, il ust un-
quore vesqy. E tant come il fust en vie n'y out tiel
chevaler en tot le mounde ; dont grant pierte est de
perdre un tel chevaler."
En la mer pres de Espaigne est une ysle tote close
The earl of Chester had lost greatly of his people, and
saw near him William Fitz-Warine almost dead, and took
the body and sent it to an abbey to be doctored. In the
end he was discovered there, and the king caused him to
be brought in a litter to Windsor before him, and caused
him to be thrown into a deep prison, and was much angered
against the earl of Chester because he concealed him. Said
the king : " Fulk is mortally wounded, and this one have I
now here; the others I shall easily take, be they where
they will. Truly, I am greatly annoyed at the pride of
Fulk; for had it not been for his pride, he would have
been still alive. And as long as he was alive there was
not such a knight in all the world ; wherefore it is a great
loss to lose such a knight."
158 THE HISTORY OF
de haut roche, e si n'est que une entre, si est apelee
Beteloye, une demie luwe de long e autretant de lee, e
la n'y avoit home ne beste habitaunt. Le sisme jour
vindrent a ce ysle. Fouke comenc,a donqe dormyr,
quar sis jours devant ne avoit dormy. Ces freres e sa
meisne alerent a la terre; e yl meismes soulement
dormy en la nef, que fust fermee a la roche. Ataunt
survynt un hydous vent, e rompy le cordes de la nef, e
emporta la nef en haute mer. Lors se enveilla Fouke,
e vist les estoilles e le firmament, apela Johan son
frere e ces autres compaignons ; e nully le respondy,
e vist qu'il fust soulement en haute mer. Donqe co-
menga a plurer e maldire sa destine, que ly fust si dure,
e regreta ces freres. Lors ly prist un somoil, e bien tost
In the sea near Spain is an island entirely closed in with
high rock, and there is only one entrance ; it is called
Beteloye, half a league long and as much broad, and there
was neither man nor beast inhabiting it. The sixth day
they came to this isle. Fulk began then to sleep, for during
six days before he had not slept. His brother and his
retinue went on shore ; and he himself alone slept in the
ship, which was attached to the rock. At length came a
hideous wind, and broke the cords of the ship, and carried
the ship out into the open sea. When Fulk awoke and
saw the stars and the firmament, he called his brother John
and his other companions ; and nobody answered him, and
he saw that he was alone on the open sea. And then he
began to weep, and to curse his destiny, which was so hard,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 159
ariva sa nef e[n] la terre de Barbaric a la cite de
Tunes. E yleqe adonqe estoit Messobryns, le roy de
Barbarie, ou quatre rois e sis admirals, qe tous furent
Sarazyns. Le roi se apua en un tour vers la mer, e
vist cele merveilleuse galye arive en sa terre, e comanda
deus serjauntz aler e vere ce qe fust. Les deus ser-
jauntz entrerent la nef; rien ne troverent si le chevaler
noun, qe uncore fust endormy. Le un le bota de ces
pies e le comaunda esveiller. Le chevaler saut sus
come honme effraee, si le fery de le poyn qu'il chay
outre bord en my la mer ; le autre se mist a fuste, e
vint counter le roi coment ly avynt. Le roi comanda
c. chevalers aler prendre cele nef, e amener a ly le
and he regretted his brothers. Then a slumber seized upon
him, and soon his ship arrived in the land of Barbary, at
the city of Tunis. And there at that time was Messobryns,
king of Barbary, with four kings and six admirals, who
were all Saracens. The king leaned on a tower towards
the sea, and saw this marvellous gaily arrive in his land,
and commanded two Serjeants to go and see what it was.
The two Serjeants entered the ship; they found nothing
but the knight, who was still asleep. The one pushed him
with his feet, and commanded him to awake. The knight
jumped up like a man in a fright, and struck him with his
fist that he fell overboard into the middle of the sea ; the
other took to flight, and came to tell the king how it had
happened to him. The king commanded a hundred knights
to go and take that ship, and bring the knight to him.
160 THE HISTORY OF
chevaler. Les c. chevalers tot armes vindrent a la nef,
e le assailerent de tote partz. Fouke se defent hardie-
ment countre tous ; mes a drein se rendy a tieles qu'il
ne averoit si bien noun. Yl le amenerent devant le
roy, e il comaunda qu'il fust bien servi en une chambre.
Isorie, la suere le roy, le soleit sovent visiter e con-
forter, e si fust trebele e gentile damoisele ; e aper9ust
qu'il fust playe en la flanke, e ly pria pur amour que
yl la dist coment out noun e de quele terre fust e en
quele manere fust playe. Yl la respoundy qu'il avoit
a noun Maryn le Perdu de Fraunce, e qu'il ama ten-
drement de cuer une damoisele file de un counte de son
pais, e ele ly refist grant semblaunt d' amour; mes ele
ama plus un autre. "E avynt que ly e moy un jour
The hundred knights, all armed, came to the ship, and
assailed it on all sides. Fulk defended himself courageously
against them all ; but at last he surrendered on condition
that he should have no hurt. They led him before the king,
who commanded that he should be served well in a chamber.
Isorie, the king's sister, used often to visit and comfort
him, and was a very fair and gentle damsel ; and she saw
that he was wounded in the side, and prayed him for love
that he would tell her how he was named, and from what
land he was, and in what manner he was wounded. He
replied that he was named Marin le Perdu of France, and
that he loved tenderly from his heart a damsel, daughter of
an earl of his country, and she made him in return great
semblance of love ; but she loved more another. " And it
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 161
fumes assembles par grant amour, e ele me tint entre
les bras molt estroit ; ataunt survynt le autre qe ama
plus, e me feri issi de un espe ; e pus me mistrent en
une galye en la mer pur mort, e la galye me amena en
ces parties." " Certes," dit Isorie, " cele damoisele
ne fust geres cortois." Isorie prist sa harpe, qe molt
riche fust, e fist descaunz e notes pur solacer Fouke ;
quar le vist bel e de corteise poiture.
Fouke demaund a Isorie la bele quei fust la noyse
qe fust devaunt le roi en la sale. " Certes," fet-ele,
" je le vus dirroi. En la terre de Yberie avoit un due
qe fust apele due de Cartage, e avoit une tres bele
fyle, Ydoyne de Cartage. Cele vivaunt le pere sojorna
en un son chastiel de Cartage. Atant vint un dragoun,
happened that she and I one day were together through
great love, and she held me in her arms very tight; at
length came the other whom she loved more, and struck
me here with a sword ; and then they placed me in a galley
on the sea for dead, and the galley brought me into these
parts." " Truly," said Isorie, " that damsel was not over
courteous." Isorie took her harp, which was very rich, and
made descants and notes to solace Fulk ; for she saw that
he was handsome, and of courtly breeding.
Fulk asked of Isorie the fair what was the noise that was
before the king in the hall. " Truly," said she, " I will tell
you. In the land of Iberie was a duke who was called duke of
Cartage, and he had a very fair daughter, Ydoine of Cartage.
She during her father's life dwelt in his castle of Cartage.
M
162 THE HISTORY OF
qe la prist e emporta en un haut mount en la mer ; e
la tynt plus qe sept aunz, si la qe un chevaler de
Engletere, que fust apele Fouke le fitz Waryn de Mees,
vint sur eel mont, e ocist le dragoun, e la rendy a son
piere. Tost apres le due morust, e ele tient tote la du-
cheyse. Le roi mon frere maunda a ly messagers qu'il
la prendroit a femme, e ele le refusa ; e pur vergoyne
qe le roi avoit, fist assembler grant pueple e destruit
ces cites, abati ces chastiels. La damoisele s'en fui en
estraunge regne pur qerre socours ; mes ore est-ele re-
venue ou pueple saunz nonbre, e comence fierement a
guerrer le roy, e si est preste de fere bataille countre
ost ou chevaler countre chevaler, issi que si le suen
seit vencu qe ele ayle vers sa terre, e si le nostre seit
At length came a dragon, and took her and carried her to
a high mountain in the sea ; and held her more than seven
years, when there came to the mountain a knight of Eng-
land, who was called Fulk Fitz-Warine de Metz, and slew
the dragon, and restored her to her father. Soon after the
duke died, and she holds all the duchy. The king, my
brother, sent messengers to her that he would take her to
wife, and she refused him ; and for shame which the king
had, he caused a great multitude to be assembled, and
destroyed her cities and beat down her castles. The damsel
fled thence into a foreign country to seek succour; but
now she is returned with people without number, and
begins fiercely to make war upon the king, and she is
ready to do battle against host, or knight against knight,
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 163
vencu, qe le rey mon frere entierement restore ces da-
mages. E sur ce vindrent huy en sale fieres messa-
gers ; e plust a dieu Mahoun que vus fussez tiel qe la
bataille de par le roy mon frere ossasez prendre ; quar
grant honeur vus avendreit." " Certes, ma damoysele,
je su grantment tenuz a mon seigneur le roy, e nome-
ment a vus ; mes james bataille ne prendrei pur Sara-
zyn countre Cristien, pur perdre la vie. Mes si le roy
vueille reneyer sa ley e devenyr Cristien e estre bap-
tize, je prendroy la bataille, e salver oy sa terre e ces
gentz, e ly froi aver cele damoysele dount me avez
counte." Isorie va tot counter Messobryn, son frere,
le roy de Barbaric, quanqe Fouke, qe se fet appeler
so that if her's be vanquished she shall go to her own
country ; and if ours be vanquished, the king, my brother,
shall make good all her damages. And upon this there
came to-day proud messages; and may it please the god
Mahoun that you were such as you dare take the battle for
the king my brother ; for great honour would accrue to
you." " Truly, my damsel, I am greatly obliged to my
lord the king, and especially to you ; but I will never take
battle for Saracen against Christian, though I should lose
my life. But if the king will relinquish his faith, and
become a Christian, and be baptized, I will take the battle,
and will save his land and his people, and will cause him to
have that damsel of whom you have told me." Isorie goes
to tell to Messobryn, her brother, the king of Barbary, all
that Fulk, who had assumed the name of Marin le Perdu of
M 2
164 THE HISTORY OF
Maryn ie Perdu de France, ly out promis. Le roy
graunta meyntenaunt quanqe vodra ordyner, si yl purra
cele bosoigne issi achevyr.
Le jour qe la bataille fust ordyne, le roy arma mout
richement sire Fouke, e Isorie meismes de bone volente
ly servy. Le roy e ces Barbaryns, ces admyrals, e tous
ces autre gentz, furent richement armes, e grant pueple
ou eux ; e mistrent avant son chevaler Fouke, que
devereit fere la bataille; e la duchesse mist avant le
suen. Les chevalers, que fiers furent, brocherent les
chivals des esperouns, e fierent de launces, que tron-
cjouns volent par les chauns ; pus treient les espies, e
si entrefierent hardiement. Fouke fery le cheval son
compaignon, que mort le abati ; mes a son vueil yl ust
France, had promised her. The king at once granted all
that he would ordain, if he could so effect this business.
The day of the battle was ordained, the king armed sir
Fulk very richly, and Isorie herself served him very wil-
lingly. The king and his Barbarines, his admirals, and all
his other people, were richly armed, and much people with
them ; and they put forward his knight Fulk, who was to
do the battle ; and the duchess put forward her (knight).
The knights, who were fierce, urged their horses with spurs,
and struck with their lances, that the pieces flew about the
field; then drew their swords, and encountered each other
courageously. Fulk struck the horse of his companion, that
he felled it down dead; but it was his intention to have
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 165
feru le chevaler. Quant le chevaler fust a terre, dont
dit : " Maveis payen, maveis Sarazin de male foy, Dieu
de ciel vus maldie ! pur quoy avez ocis mon chival?"
Fouqe descendy a pie, e s'entrecombatyrent durement
tot le jour. Quant fust a poy avespree, dit le chevaler
a Fouke : " Daun paien, tu es fort e vigerous; par
amours dy-moy, ou nasquiste-vus ?" "Si vus plest
saver mon nation, je ne le vus dirroi mye, si vus ne me
diez eynz del vostre; e je le vus grant." Le chevaler
ly dit qu'il fust Cristien nez en Engletere, le fiz Waryn
de Mees, e fust appele Phelip le Rous ; e counta de
mot en autre tot par ordre entierement tote sa vie e
ces freres, e come la ducheyse vynt en une nef par le
ysle de Beteloye, e les resgust en la nef e les sauva ;
struck the knight. When the knight was on the ground,
then said he : " Wicked pagan, wicked Saracen of ill faith,
God of heaven curse you ! why have you slain my horse ?"
Fulk dismounted on foot, and they fought one another hard
all day. When it was almost evening, said the knight to
Fulk : " Sir pagan, you are strong and vigorous ; for love
tell me, where were you born ?" " If it please you to know
my nation, I will not tell it you, if you do not first tell me
yours ; (on that condition) I grant it you." The knight
said that he was a Christian born in England, the son of
Warine de Metz, and that he was called Philip the Red ;
and he related to him in order from word to word entirely
all his life and that of his brothers, and how the duchess
came by ship to the isle of Beteloye, and received them in
166 THE HISTORY OF
quar demy- an e plus y furent, e mangerent lur chivaus
pur feym. " E quant la countesse nus ust veu, meyn-
tenaunt nus conust, e nus trova quanqe mestier nus
fust ; e nus counta que ele vint de Engletere, e la nus
avoit quis pur sa gere meintenyr ; e tiele dure vie avoms
demeyne." Lors dit Fouke : " Beu frere Phelip le
Rous, ne me conusez-vus? je su Fouke, vostre frere."
" Nay, certes, daun Sarazyn, non estes ; mes ore me
vodrez engyner. Par Dieu ! noun fres." Donqe ly dit
Fouke verroy enseigne, qu'il bien conust. Donqe de-
menerent grant joye, e respiterent la bataille tanqe
lendemeyn. Phelip conta la ducheyse qe ce fust Fouke
son frere ou qy il avoit combatu, issi qe par le consayl
Fouke e Phelip e ces autres freres, le roy e tote sa
the ship and saved them ; for they were there half a year
and more, and eat their horses for hunger. " And when the
countess saw us, she knew us at once, and found us what-
ever we needed ; and told us that she came from England,
and that she had sought us there to maintain her war; and
such hard life have we led." " Fair brother Philip the Red,
do you not know me? I am Fulk, your brother." " Nay,
truly, sir Saracen, you are not ; but now you would deceive
me. By God ! you shall not do it !" Then Fulk told him
a true mark, by which he knew him well. Then they made
great joy, and respited the battle till the morrow. Philip
told the duchess that it was Fulk his brother with whom he
had fought, so that by the counsel of Fulk and Philip and
his other brothers, the king and all his household were bap-
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 167
meysne furent baptize, e le roy esposa la duchesse a
grant honour.
Fouke e ces freres e sa meyne demorerent une piece
ou le roy, pus se apresterent mout richement vers En-
gletere. Le roy lur dona or, argent, chivals, armes, e
totes richesses que il voderount aver ou coveyter; e
emplyrent lur nef de taunt de richesse qe a merveille.
Quant furent arivez privement en Engleterre, Fouke
ordina qe Johan de Rampayne se freit marchaunt e
enquerreit ou le roy Johan fust, e si Willam, soun
frere, fust en vie ou ne mye. Johan se apparilla molt
richement a gyse de marchaunt, vint a Loundres, e se
herberga a la mesoune le meyr, e se fist servir molt
richement, e se acointa ou le meyr e tote la meyne, e
tized, and the king married the duchess with great ho-
nour.
Fulk and his brothers and his retinue remained a while
with the king, then prepared them very richly towards
England. The king gave them gold, silver, horses, arms,
and all the riches that they would have or desire ; and they
filled their ship with so much riches as was wonderful.
When they had arrived secretly in England, Fulk ordered
that John de Rampaigne should make himself a merchant
and inquire where king John was, and if William, his
brother, were alive or not. John dressed himself very richly
in guise of a merchant, came to London, and lodged in the
house of the mayor, and caused himself to be served very
richly, and obtained the acquaintance of the mayor and all
168 THE HISTORY OF
lur dona bel douns ; e pria al meir qu'il ly fesoit aver
conisaunce de le rey, issi qu'il purreit ariver sa nef en
sa terre. E quanqu'il parla fust latyn corupt; mes le
meir le entendy bien. Le meir le amena devant le roy
Johan a Westmoster, e le marchant mout cortoisement
ly salua en son langage. Le roi 1'entendi bien, e de-
maunda qui il ert e dont vint. " Sire," fet-il, " je su
marchaunt de Grece, si ay este en Babiloyne, Alixandre,
et Ynde le Majour, e ay un nef charge de avoir de
pois, riche dras, perye, chevals, e autres richesses qe
grantment purreint valer a ceste reigne." " Je vueil,"
fet le roy, " qe vus e vos bien aryvez en ma terre, e je
vus serroi garant." E furent comaundez demorer a
his household, and gave them fair gifts; and prayed the
mayor that he would cause him to have knowledge of the
king, so that he could bring his ship to the shore in his
land. And what he talked was corrupt Latin; but the
mayor understood it well. The mayor conducted him to
the presence of king John at Westminster, and the mer-
chant very courteously saluted him in his language. The
king understood it well, and asked who he was and whence
he came. " Sir," said he, " I am a merchant of Greece, and
have been in Babylon, Alexandria, and India the Greater,
and have a ship laden with avoirdepoise, rich cloths, pearls,
horses, and other riches which might be of great worth to
this kingdom." " I will," said the king, " that you and yours
come to shore well in my land, and I will be your warrant."
And they were commanded to stay and eat. The mayor
FULK FITZ-WAHINE. 169
mangier. Le meir e le marchant mangerent ensemble
devant le roy. Atant vindrent deus serjauntz de mace,
e amenerent en la sale un chevaler grant, corsu, longe
barbe e neyre, e fieblement atyre, e le assistrent en my
le eyr, e ly donerent a manger. Le marchaunt de-
maunda al meir qui ce fust ; e il ly dit un chevaler
nome sire Willam le fitz Warin, e ly counta entierement
tote le estre de ly e ces freres. E quant il le oy nomer,
donqe fust molt lee qu'il le vist en vie ; mes molt a
deseesee de cuer qu'il le vist si meseyse. Le marchaunt,
al plus tost qu'il poeit, se hasta vers sire Fouke, e ly
counta tot soun affere, e fist amener la nef auxi pres la
cite come il poeynt. Lendemeyn le marchant prist un
palefroy blanc (si bel ne fust en tote le roialme), e le
and the merchant eat together before the king. At last
came two sergeants-at-mace, and conducted into the hall a
tall knight, stout, with a long and black beard, and meanly
clad, and they seated him in the midst of the area, and
gave him to eat. The merchant asked the mayor who he
was; and he told him a knight named sir William Fitz
Warine, and related to him entirely all the affair of him and
his brothers. And when he heard him named, then he was
very glad that he saw him alive ; but much grieved in his
heart that he saw him so ill at ease. The merchant, as soon
as he could, hastened to sir Fulk, and told him all his pro-
ceedings, and caused them to bring the ship as near the
city as they could. On the morrow the merchant took a
white palfrey (there was not so beautiful a one in all the
170 THE HISTORY OF
presenta a le roy Johan, qe molt leement le re9ust pur
sa belte. Le marchant dona si largement qu'il se fist
amer de tous, e poeit fere en court quanqe ly plust.
Un jour prist ces compaignons, e se armerent bien,
e pus vestirent lur gounes come a mariners apent, vin-
drent a Westmoster a court, e ileque furent noblement
resQuz, e virent Willam le fitz Warin qe fust amene de
ces gardeins vers la chartre. Le marchaunt e ces com-
paignouns, malgree les gardeynz, le pristrent a force e
le aporterent a lur batil, que flota assez pres desouz le
paleis, e se mistrent eynz. Les gardeynz leverent la
menee e les pursiwyrent; les marchauntz furent bien
armes e se defendirent hardiement, e s'eschaperent a
kingdom), and presented it to king John, who received it
very joyfully on account of its beauty. The merchant gave
so liberally, that he made himself beloved by all, and could
do in court what he pleased.
One day he took his companions, and they armed them-
selves well, and then put on their gowns as is the custom
with mariners, came to Westminster to court, and were
there nobly received, and saw William Fitz Warine who
was led by his keepers towards the prison. The merchant
and his companions, in spite of the keepers, took him by
force and carried him to their boat, which was afloat pretty
near below the palace, and put themselves in. The keepers
raised the hue and cry, and pursued them ; but the mer-
chants were well armed, and defended themselves cou-
rageously, and escaped to their galley, and sailed towards
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 171
lur galye, e siglerent vers haute mer. Quant Fouke
vist Willam, son frere, e Jon de Rampaigne qe fust
marchant. ne fet a demaunder si lee fust; e s'entre-
beyserent, e chescun counta [a] autre sa aventure e son
meschief. E quant le roy entendy qu'il fust engyne
par le marchant, molt se tynt mal bayly.
Fouke e ces compaignouns aryverent en Bretaigne
le Menour, e demorerent la demy-an e plus, ou ces
parentz e cosyns. Atant se purpensa qu'il ne lerreit
pur rien qu'il n'yrreit en Engletere. E quant vint en
Engletere, en la Novele-Forest, ou yl soleit converser,
encontra le roy, que pursiwy un cengler. Fouke e ces
compaignouns le pristrent e sis chevalers ou ly, e le
amenerent en lur galye. Le roy e tous les suens furent
the high sea. When Fulk saw William, his brother, and
John de Rampaigne, who was merchant, it need not be
asked if he was joyful ; they kissed each other, and each
told the other his adventures and his griefs. And when the
king heard that he was taken in by the merchant, he was
very much mortified.
Fulk and his companions arrived in Britain the Less, and
dwelt there half a year and more, with his kinsmen and
cousins. At length he thought that nothing should hinder
him from going into England. And when he came into
England, in the New Forest, where he used to haunt, he
fell in with the king, who was pursuing a boar. Fulk and
his companions took him and six knights with him, and
carried him into their galley. The king and all his were
172 THE HISTORY OF
molt esbays. Molt de paroles furent; mes a dreyn le
roy lur pardona tot son maltalent, e lur rendi tote lur
heritage, e lur promist en bone fei qu'il freit crier lur
pees par tote Engletere ; e a ce fere lessa ses sis cheva-
lers ou eux en hostage, si la qe la pes fust crie.
Le roy s'en ala a Westmostier, e fist assembler coun-
tes, barouns, e la cleregie, e lur dit apertement qu'il
avoit de gree graunte sa pees a Fouke le fitz Warin e
a ces freres e a tuz lur aherdauntz, e comanda qu'il
fuissent honorement res9uz par tot le roialme, e lur
granta entierement tot lur heritage. Quant Hubert le
erchevesqe ce oy, molt fust lee, e maunda meynte-
naunt ces letres a Fouke e al counte de Gloucestre e a
much abashed. There were many words ; but at last the
king pardoned them all his spite, and restored them all
their inheritance, and promised them in good faith that he
would cause their peace to be proclaimed through all Eng-
land ; and for the doing of this he left his six knights with
them as hostages, until the peace was proclaimed.
The king went thence to Westminster, and caused to as-
semble earls, barons, and the clergy, and told them openly
that he had of his own will granted his peace to Fulk Fitz
Warine and his brothers and all his adherents, and com-
manded that they should be honourably received through
all the kingdom, and granted them entirely all then* heri-
tage. When Hubert the archbishop heard this, he was very
glad, and sent his letters immediately to Fulk and to the
earl of Gloucester, and to Randulf carl of Chester, and to
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 173
Rondulf le countc de Cestre e a Hue counte mareschal,
qu'il venissent hastivement a ly a Caunterbery ; e quant
furent venuz, ordinerent qe Fouke e ces freres se ren-
dreynt a Loundres a le roy. Fouke e ces freres e les
trois countes ou lur poer se apparillerent auxi riche-
ment come yl saveient e poyeynt, si vindrent par mi
Londre ou noble apparail, e s'engenoillerent al roy a
Westmoster, e se rendirent a ly. Le roy les re$ust, e
lur rendy quanqe lur fust en Engleterre, e les co-
maunda demorer ou ly ; e si firent-yl un mois entier.
Puis prist Fouke congie, e demora ou le counte mares-
chal ; e le counte ly dona sur Asshesdoune, Wantynge,
e autres terres. Fouke e ces freres se armerent a
talent, e vindrent a Abyndone, e remuerent de ileqe
Hugh earl-marshal, that they should come in haste to him
at Canterbury ; and when they were come, they ordained
that Fulk and his brothers should surrender themselves at
London to the king. Fulk and his brothers and the three
earls with their power apparelled themselves as richly as
they knew how and were able, and came through London
with noble apparel, and knelt before the king at West-
minster, and rendered themselves to him. The king re-
ceived them, and restored to them all that was theirs in
England, and commanded them to remain with him ; which
they did a whole month. Then Fulk took leave, and re-
mained with the earl-marshall ; and the earl gave him on
Ashdown, Wanting, and other lands. Fulk and his brothers
armed themselves to their liking, and came to Abingdon,
174 THE HISTORY: OF
quanqu'il purreynt trover a vendre, e les firent porter e
carier a Wantynge; e fist feyre yleque e ville mar-
chande, que pus en sa ad este tenu e uncore est.
Fouke prist counge de le counte mareschal, e s'en
ala a le counte Rondulf de Cestre, que se apparilla ou
grant pueple vers Yrlaunde pur defendre ces droitz
yleque. Quant il furent arivez, si virent grant assem-
ble de lur enymis. Le counte comaunda qe tous se ar-
massent; e le counte avoit ou ly trois juvencels freres,
qe furent gent de grant valour e force e furent armes
e bien mountes, e ou eux fust Fouke. Ataunt virent
un hidous geant entre lur enimys, que fust bien arme,
tot a pie, hidous, neir, e orrible, plus long que nul autre
de xii. pies; e criout : "Counte de Cestre, maundez-
and removed thence all that they could find to sell, and
caused it to be taken and carried to Wanting, and he made
there a fair and a market town, which has been since held
there and is still.
Fulk took leave of the earl-marshall, and went thence to
earl Randulf of Chester, who was appareling himself with
much people towards Ireland to defend his rights there.
When they arrived, they saw a great assemblage of their
enemies. The earl commanded that all should arm; and
the earl had with him three youthful brothers who were
people of great valour and force and were armed and well
mounted, and with them was Fulk. At length they saw a
hideous giant among their enemies, who was well armed,
all on foot, hideous, black, and horrible, longer than any
FULK F1TZ-WARINE. 175
moy le plus valiant chevaler qe vus avez pur dereyner
vostre dreit." Les treis juvencels, que le oyrent, se
mistrent a ly chescun apres autres ; e il les ocist meyn-
tenaunt de sa hasche qu'il tynt. Atant lest Fouke
coure le destrer, e ly vodra aver feru de sa launce ; e
le geant gwencha un poy, e fery a Fouke qu'il le ust a
poy afolee. Fouke le dota grantment e le avysa bien,
issi qe de sa launce le fery par mi le cors ; yl chay a
terre, e en gisant fery le cheval Fouke e ly coupa les
deus pies. Fouke chay a terre e resailly, e saka Tespee
e coupa sa teste ; e emporta sa hasche a Blaunche-
Ville, ou Fouke avoit fet fermer en marreis un chastel
fort e bel. E issi conquist le counte tous ces terres e
other by twelve feet ; and he cried : " Earl of Chester, send
me the most valiant knight you have to advocate your
right." The three youths, who heard it, encountered him
each after the other ; and he slew them immediately with
the axe he held. At last Fulk let go his horse, and would
have struck him with his lance ; and the giant flinched a
little, and struck at Fulk that he had almost killed him.
Fulk feared him much and watched him well, until with
his lance he struck him through the body ; he fell to the
ground, and as he fell struck Fulk's horse and cut off two
of his feet. Fulk fell to the ground, and sprung up again,
and drew his sword and cut off his head ; and he carried his
axe to White-Town, where Fulk had caused to be built in
the marsh a strong and fair castle. And thus conquered
the earl all his lands and castles in Ireland. And when he
176 THE HISTORY OF
chastiels en Irlaund. E quant avoit ileqe demorree, e
restorre ces terres, pus retorna en Engleterre.
Fouke vint a Blaunche-Ville, e trova ileque Mahaud,
sa femme, e ces enfaunz, qe molt furent lee de sa venue ;
e grant joye entrefirent. Donqe fist Fouke aporter ces
tresours e ces richesses; terres, chivals, dona a ces
serjauntz e amis molt largement, e meintint sa terre a
grant honour. Fouke se purpensa qu'il avoit grantment
meserre countre Dieu, come en occisioun des gentz
e autres grauntz meffetz; e, en remissioun de ces
pecchies, founda une priorie en le honour de Nostre-
Dame seinte Marie de le ordre de Grantmont pres de
Alberburs, en le boschage, sur la rivere de Sauverne ;
e si est appelee la Novele Abbeye. E n'i a geres apres
had remained there, he replenished his lands, and then
returned to Eiigland.
Fulk came to White- Town, and found there Maude, his
wife, and his children, who were very glad of his coming ;
and they made great joy between them. Then Fulk caused
his treasures and his riches to be brought ; gave lands and
horses to his Serjeants and friends very largely, and main-
tained his land in great honour. Fulk bethought him that
he had greatly sinned against God, as by slaughter of people
and other great offences; and, in remission of his sins,
founded a priory in the honour of our lady St. Mary of the
order of Grandmont near Alberbury, in a wood, on the river
Severn; and it is called the New Abbey. And not long
after died dame Maude de Cause, his wife, and was interred
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 177
morust dame Mahaud de Cans, sa femme, e fust enterree
en cele priorie. E bone piece apres qe cele dame fust
devye, Fouke esposa une molt gentile dame, dame
Clarice de Auberville; e de la une e 1'autre dame
engendra bials enfauntz e molt vaillauntz. Quaunt
dame Johane, la femme Lowis le prince de Walys, que
fust la file le roi Henre de Engleterre, fust devyee,
pur le grant renoun de prowesse e de bounte que sire
Fouke aveit, yl maunda a ly pur Eve sa file ; e il la
graunta, e a grant honour e solempnete furent esposee.
Mes Lowis ne vesqui que un an e demi apres ; morust,
e fust ensevely a Aberconewey, saunz heir engendre
de Eve. E pus fust ele espose a ly sire de Blanc-
Mostiers, que fust chevaler de grant aprise, coragous e
hardy.
in this priory. And a good while after ths lady was dead,
Fulk married a very gentle lady, lady Clarice de Auber-
ville ; and by his two wives he begat fair children and very
valiant. When lady Joane, wife of Lewis prince of Wales,
who was the daughter of king Henry of England, was dead,
for the great renown of prowess and goodness that sir Fulk
had, he sent to him for Eve his daughter; and he gave her
to him, and they were married with great honour and
solemnity. But Lewis only lived a year and a half after ;
he died and was buried at Aberconway, without heir be-
gotten of Eve. And afterwards she was married to the lord
of White-Minster, who was a knight of great breeding,
courageous and bold.
N
178
THE HISTORY OF
Fouke e dame Clarice, sa femme, une nuit cho-
cherent ensemble en lur chaunbre ; la dame dormy, e
Fouke veilla e se purpensa de juvente, e molt se re-
penti de cuer de son trespeis. Ataunt vist en la chaun-
bre si grant clarete que a merveille, e se pens a que ce
poeit estre. Donque oy une vois come ce fust de tonayre
en le heir, e disoit : " Vassal, Dieu te ad graunte ta
penaunce, que mieux valt ci qe aillours." A cele pa-
role, la dame enveilly, e vist la grant clarete, e mussa sa
face de pour. Ataunt envanist cele clarete. E pus
cele clarete, unque ne poeit Fouke vere plus ; mes fust
veogle pur tous jours.
Cesti Fouke fust bon viaundour e large; e fesoit
turner le real chemyn par mi sa sale a soun maner de
Fulk and lady Clarice, his wife, one night were sleeping
together in their chamber ; the lady was asleep, and Fulk
was awake and thought of his youth, and repented much in
his heart for his trespass. At length he saw in the chamber
so great a light that it was wonderful, and he thought what
could it be. Then he heard a voice as it were of thunder in
the air, and it said : " Vassal, God has granted thee thy
penance, which is better here than elsewhere." At that
word, the lady awoke, and saw the great light, and covered
her face for fear. At length this light vanished. And
after this light, Fulk could never see more; but he was
blind all his days.
This Fulk was very hospitable and liberal ; and he caused
the king's road to be turned through his hall at his manor
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 179
Alleston, pur ce que nul estraunge y dust passer s'il
n'avoit viaunde ou herbergage ou autre honour ou bien
du suen. Merlyn dit que
En Bretaigne la Graunde
Un lou vendra de la Blaunche-Lavmde ;
xii. dentz avera aguz,
Sys desouz e sis desus.
Cely avera si fer regard,
Qu'il enchacera le leopard
Hors de la Blaunche-Launde ;
Tant avera force e vertue graunde.
Mes nus le savom qe Merlyn
Le dit par Fouke le fitz Waryn ;
of Alleston, in order that no stranger might pass there
without having meat or lodging or other honour or goods of
his. Merlin says that
In Britain the Great
A wolf will come from the White-Launde ;
Twelve teeth he shall have sharp,
Six beneath and six above.
He shall have so fierce a look,
That he shall drive away the leopard
Out of the White-Laund ;
He shall have such great force and virtue.
But we know that Merlin
Said it for Fulk Fitz Warine ;
180 THE HISTORY OF
Quar chescun de vus deit estre ensur
Qe en le temps le roy Arthur
La Blanche- Launde fust appelee,
Qe ore est Blaunche-Vile nomee,
Quar en eel pays fust la chapele
De seint Austyn, que fust bele,
Ou Kahuz le fitz Yweyn sounga
Qu'il le chaundelabre embla,
E qe il a un home acountra
Qe de un cotel le naufra,
E en la coste le playa ;
E il en dormaunt si haut cria,
Qe roi Arthur oy le a,
E de dormir esveilla.
For each of you may be sure
That in the time of king Arthur
That was called White-Launde,
Which is now named White Town.
For in that country was the chapel
Of St. Augustine, which was fair,
Where Kahuz the son of Ywein dreamt
That he stole the candelabrum,
And that he encountered a man
Who wounded him with a knife,
And gave him a wound in the side;
And in his sleep he cried so loud,
That king Artur heard him,
And awoke from his sleep.
TULK FITZ-WAB.INE. 181
E quant Kahuz fus esveillee,
Si mist sa meyn a son costee ;
Le cotel yleqe ad trovee
Qe par mi ly out naufre.
Issi nus counte le Graal,
Le lyvre de le seint vassal.
Yleqe recovery ly reis Arthur
Sa bounte e sa valur,
Quant il avoit tot perdu
Sa chevalerie e sa vertu.
De eel pais le lou issist,
Come ly sage Merlyn dist ;
E les xij. dentz aguz
Par son escu avom conuz.
And when Cahuz was awake,
He put his hand to his side ;
There he found the knife
Which had made the wound in him.
Thus the Graal tells us,
The book of the holy vessel.
There king Arthur recovered
His goodness and his valour,
When he had lost all
His chivalry and his virtue.
From that country the wolf issued,
As the wise Merlin says,
And the twelve sharp teeth
We have recognised by his shield.
182 THE HISTORY OF
Yl porta 1'escu endentee,
Come les disours ont devisee ;
En 1'escu sunt xii, dentz
De goules e de argentz.
Par le leopart puet estre conuz
Le roy Johan e bien entenduz ;
Quar il porta en son escu
Les leopartz de or batu.
Cesti Fouke remist sept aunz veogle, e soffri bone-
ment sa penaunce. Dame Clarice morust, e fust ense-
vely a la Novele Abbeye; apres qi mort, Fouke ne
vesqui qe un an, e morust a Blaunche-Vyle. E a grant
honour fust enterre a la Novele-Abbeye ; de la alme de
He carried a shield indented,
As the sayers have devised ;
In the shield are twelve teeth
Of gules and of argent.
By the leopard may be known
And well understood king John ;
For he carried on his shield
The leopards of beaten gold.
This Fulk remained seven years blind, and suffered well
his penance. Lady Clarice died, and was buried at the New
Abbey ; after whose death, Fulk lived but a year, and died
at White-Town. And in great honour was he interred at
the New Abbey ; on whose soul may God have mercy. Near
FULK FITZ-WARINE. 183
cui Dieus eit merci ! Joste le auter gist le cors. Deus
eit merci de tons, vifs e mortz ! AMEN !
the altar lies the body. God have mercy on us all, alive
and dead ! AMEN.
THE END
NOTES.
Page 2. Yweyn Goynez. Owen Gwynned, or Gwyneth,
ruled North Wales from 1137 to 1169, so that there is
here an anachronism of at least fifty-six years.
Mont Gylebert. Mount Gilbert was the common name,
in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, for the Wrekin.
Vint ou grant ost. The Saxon Chronicle places king
William's expedition to Wales in 1081. Leland, follow-
ing the early English poem, says, " William Conqueror
toke counsel of Corbet and Mortimer for strenkething
of his marches aboute the quarters of Shropshire agayn
the Walschmen."
Page 3. Rogier de Belehealme. This is a mistake of the
composer of the narrative, who, of course, means
Roger de Montgomery, to whom the Conqueror gave
the earldom of Shropshire after 1071, but the exact
year is not known. The title, de Belesme, belonged
to earl Roger's first wife, and from her descended to
their eldest son Robert.
Une ableye de Seynt-Piere. Shrewsbury Abbey, dedicated
to St. Peter, was the foundation of Roger de Mont-
gomery, as here stated. The building appears to have
been commenced in 1087.
186 XOTES.
Brugge. Bridgnorth. Earl Roger did not begin the castel
here ; but he built a castle at Quatford, which his son
Robert transferred to " Brugge."
Dynan. Ludlow. The history of the commencement of
Ludlow Castle is very obscure, and the territorial
division of the district, as stated in Domesday, would
seem to contradict the statement of its being begun by
earl Roger, or, at least, to render it improbable. Yet
I cannot but think that there was some foundation for
the statement of our writer, which was evidently the
common belief of the locality in the thirteenth century.
Robert. Robert de Belesme, the eldest son of Roger de
Montgomery. It was his brother, Hugh de Mont-
gomery, however, who succeeded his father in the
Shropshire estates, on whose death they reverted to
Robert de Belesme.
Ernaud. Arnulf de Montgomery, Roger's fifth and youngest
son, had the custody of Pembroke Castle. The violent
and unprincipled lives of these two brothers are related
by Ordericus Vitalis. The account of the insurrection
alluded to on the next page, will be found in Orde-
ricus, lib. xi, c. 3; and more briefly in Florence of
Worcester, under the years 1101 and 1102.
Page 4. Joce, sun chevaler. " Ludlow, in all probability
came to the hands of Henry I, not by forfeiture of
Robert de Belesme, but as an escheat of de Lacy ; nor
is it at all likely that Joceas de Dinan obtained footing
there under the auspices of Henry I, but of Stephen
or of the empress." R. w. E.
Unpount de pere e chaus. This bridge, from the allusions
to it further on, must have occupied the site of the
NOTES. 187
present Castle, or Dinham, bridge; but there is no
tradition at present of any other than a wooden bridge
having crossed the river Teme at this place until
recent times. I am informed by old inhabitants of
Ludlow that within their recollection the river below
Dinham was crossed by a wooden bridge for foot
passengers only, that it was a very old one, and that
all horses and carriages had to cross a ford, which at
times became exceedingly dangerous ; in consequence
of which, the bridge was replaced by a wooden bridge
for carriages, and about thirty years ago this also was
taken down, and the present stone bridge erected.
Page 5. Double fossee. This brief description answers
exactly to Ludlow Castle as it now stands, the three
baillies being the keep, the inner court, and the outer
court. The two fosses were, that which still exists in
the outer court, and one which separated the wall of
the outer court from the town, now filled up and
turned into a promenade.
Una ville mout large. It is not easy to fix on the site of
this ruined city, of whom our writer has preserved the
wild legend that follows. Yet I am inclined to
think that it may be Old Oswestry. It is worthy,
however, of remark, that the articles mentioned in p. 10
are just such as are commonly found, made of bronze,
on Roman sites. The wrestling match between Corineus
and Geomagog, or Gogmagog, is well known to every
reader of the fabulous British history.
Page 7. Payn PevereL This is another anachronism.
Payn Peverel was not a contemporary of William the
188 NOTES.
Conqueror, but he owed his first advancement to Henry
I, who gave him the forfeited honour of Brunne, in
Cambridgeshire.
Page 10. Blaunche Laund. The White Laund was
evidently the district around Whittington ; but I
have not met with the name elsewhere applied to it.
Page 12. The boar and the wolf probably refer to the
badges of the families to whom this prophecy applied.
Page 14. Meredus fitz Beledyns. Meredith ap Blethyn.
" Meredith ap Blethyn, the person alluded to, was a
contemporary of William I, and Prince of North Wales
at the time when that king invaded it. He died in
1133. It was his son Madoc whose name became asso-
ciated with Oswestry, of which he seems to have been
possessed during the exile of William fitz Alan, in
Stephen's time. Alan fitz Flaald was not a contem-
porary of William I. He was advanced by Henry I.
The same is probably true of Warine de Metz." R. w. E.
AUyn fitz Flaau. In the abstract of the English poem in
Leland he is called Alan Fleilsone.
Samit. The samit was a kind of rich satin, usually inter-
woven with gold or silver thread, and appears to have
been rather a favourite material for banners that were
to be more splendid than usual. The oriflamme of
France is sometimes spoken of as being of vermeilsamit.
Alburburs. Alberbury is a village about seven miles to the
west of Shrewsbury, and eleven from Oswestry.
Page 16. Payn Peverel morust. " Payn Peverel was
XOTES. 189
never lord of the Peak. His successor, William Peverel,
of Dover and of Brun, was either Payn's own son, or
his brother's son. William Peverel, of Brun, had no
neices answering this description. His four sisters
were his heirs. The wives of the first William fitz
Alan were a niece of Robert the Consul, and, on her
death, Isabel de Say, baroness of Clun." R. w. E.
Leland tells us, from the English poem : — " Payne
Peverel had no issue. But his sister had a sunne,
caullid William, a worthy knight, that wan the hun-
dredes of Ellesmere and Melior, and other mo. This
William in his enterprises was wonded so sore that no
man beheight hym life ; yet by eating of a sheelde of
a wilde bore he got an appetite, and after recoverid.
This William made thre chirches, as testifieth the book
of the romance."
Morelas. This ought probably to have been rendered
" from Morelas to Keyroc."
ElesmerC) Ma.ylour, e Nauhendon. The town of Ellesmere
is about five miles north of Whittington. The hundred
of Maelor was a district in the north-west of Shrop-
shire, but belonging to the Welsh county of Flint.
I am not able to identify Nauendon, or Navendon.
Whytyntone. Whittington, a considerable village, about
two miles N.N.E. of Oswestry. There are still con-
siderable and picturesque remains of the Castle, said
here to have been first built by William Peverel.
ISewe de KeyrocJc. The river Ceiriog is a tributary of the
Dee, which it enters on the borders of Denbighshire,
a few miles below Llangollen.
Page 18. Fist William uiu crie. " The pretended tourna-
ment at Peak Castle may be a tradition of some similar
190 NOTES.
affair at William Peverel's castle of Whittington. If,
however, Owen, prince of Wales, was there, it will
have happened after his accession in 1137, and before
William Peverel's death in 1147. But Warine de Metz
must have been married long before, for his sons Roger
and Fulk attest deeds early in Stephen's reign. There
is some reason to believe that the Fitz Warines and
Lestranges were related." R. w. E.
Page 19. Perhaps it will be the safest to consider all this
story of the tournament as romance, and not attempt
to identify the persons mentioned in it.
Page 23. Si fust apelee Gwy le Estraunge. " Guy
Lestrange, if, indeed, he were father of the three well
known brothers of Henry II's time, is mentioned here
with circumstances of some probability ; but it is the
only notice we have of the father of those three
brothers. We know, upon better evidence, that their
mother was an Englishwoman." R. w. E.
Yervard, le fitz Yweyn. Jorwerth ap Owen, otherwise
known as Jorwerth Drwyndwn, or Jorwerth (Edward)
with the broken nose, from a damage on his face, on
account of which he was not allowed to succeed his
father Owen, as prince of Powis. The English poem,
as abridged by Leland, tells this incident somewhat
differently. " Gwarine warrid apon the Walschmen,
and they on him. After the death of Iweynes, Jere-
verd was prince of that part of Wales. One Roger,
a stoute knight, and a great owner in Powis lande,
counselid Jereverde to warre apon Guarine and the
marches there aboute. Syre Gioun Gaudeline kept
NOTES. 191
Whitington, Guarines castel ; and when Jereverd with
syr Roger was prikking thither-warde, he watchid in
a marisck and wodde, firste hurting Roger, and then
Jereverd. Gioun Gaudeline sent one Morgan for help
to Albourbyri. Guarine cam to the Walschmennis
campe, and ther Jonas, brother to the aforesaide Roger,
prikid againe hym. But at the conclusion Jereverde
was discomfitid, and fledde with his hoste." Leland
adds in the margin, apparently also from the English
poem, the following note on the site of the skirmish in
which Roger and Jorwerth were wounded : — " This
skirmouche was by the Maiden welle, and in the
Maiden frithe."
Page 24. Gwy lefitz Candelou de Porkyntone. Porkington
is a hamlet about three miles from Whittington.
Apelerent Venfaunt Fouke. " Warine de Metz had two
sons, Roger and Fulk. The last eventually succeeded
him, and died about 1171, leaving Fulk II his son
and heir. It was Fulk II who married Hawyse,
daughter and coheir of Joceas de Dynan. Fulk II
died about 1197, leaving Fulk III his son and heir.
It is of Fulk II and Fulk III principally that this
narrative speaks, though it combines in the former
much that can be true only of his father. There is no
probability whatever that Joceas de Dynan and Walter
de Lacy were antagonists in Irjeland, or anywhere.
The former must have been an old man, and deceased
before the latter attained his majority." R. w. E.
Le manderent d Joce de Dynan. It was the practice among
the Normans, almost as generally as among the Celtic
race, for the chiefs to send their children to be edu-
192 NOTES.
cated or " fostered" in the families of other chiefs,
thus establishing relationships more intimate even
than those of blood.
The abstract of the English poem, in Leland, tells
these events briefly as follows : — " Joos, a knight, was
lefte as a governer to yong Fulco. Guarine and he
defendid his landes agayne one Walter, the greatest of
the niarche lordes owt of Lacy and Ludlow. They
mette at a bent by Bourne, at a bridge ende, a litle
from Ludlowe. Joos bare a sheeld of sylver, with thre
blew lyons coronid with gold. Joos had a doughter
caullid Hawise, whom Fulco Guarine entirely lovid, and
seyng her in great dolour, askid the cause of her sorow,
and she answerid that it was no matier for an hauker to
amende. : and he upon that toke his horse and spere
to rescow Joos, her father, as one Godarde was aboute
to streke of his hede ; so that Godarde was slayne of
hym, and Gualter Lacy dryven away. Then Joos reco-
vered a horse, and sone woundid syr Arnold, that did
hym much hurte. Ther Fulco killid one Andrew, a
knight longging to Walter Lacy. Gualter Lacy and
syr Arnold were taken prisoners, and put in the castel
of Ludlow, in a prison caullid Pendover. A gentil-
woman, caullid Marion, deliverid booth these knighttes
by treason owte of Pendover, for the love of syr Arnold
de Lis, one of them, that promisid her falsely mariage."
Ewyas. The castle of Ewyas, in Herefordshire, named
from this family Ewyas Lacy, was the head seat of
Walter de Lacy's barony.
Page 25. Un tour. Probably one of the towers on the
north-east side of the castle.
XOTES. 193
Page 27. Vers Champ- Geneste. Literally the Broom-field.
The village of Bromfield is hardly two miles from
Ludlow. This is an exact description of the scene, as
it may be viewed from Ludlow Castle, — the banks of
the Teme, the wood of Whitcliff descending towards
them, and Bromfield in the distance.
Page 28. Sire Godard de Bruyz. The Bruces were located
in the marches, and were much concerned in the
border wars during the twelfth century. William de
Bruce, lord of Brecon, was one of the most turbulent
of the border barons towards the end of that century.
Page 30. Sire Ernalt de Lyls. I have not been able to
ascertain who this individual was, or if he be merely a
name of romance. The name, literally Arnald of the
Lilly, sounds rather poetical.
Page 31. Quar borgeys relement out vestu Us armes. This
is an allusion to one of the strong prejudices of feudal
chivalry. As Joce says, there were instances of
" burgers" having shewn themselves worthy of bearing
the armour of a knight ; and such instances are made
the subject of one or two of the medieval romances,
but it generally turns out that the upstart had come
some way or other of gentle blood.
Pendover. From the sequel, it is evident that this tower
must have stood at the eastern extremity of the north
front of the castle.
Page 32. Marioun de la Eruere. There are still several
places named the Heath in the neighbourhood of
o
194 NOTES.
Ludlow, from some one of which Marion may have
taken her name. Chaunbrere is perhaps not well
represented by the modern English chamber-maid.
The maidens attendant upon the ladies of knights and
barons were damsels of gentle blood, who were placed
with them to learn good manners and the forms of cour-
tesy, as well as the accomplishments which could only
be learnt there. They were often numerous, and lived
with their lady in her chamber (whence their title),
where they worked with her at embroidery, spinning,
weaving, needlework, etc.
Page 34. A sa chapele. This allusion is no doubt to the
round chapel in the inner court of Ludlow Castle, the
walls of which still remain, with some good Norman
arches. It appears from this account to have been
dedicated to St. Mary Magdalene.
Seynt Cyryac. The day of St. Cyriac, or Ciriac, was the
8th of August. The seventy days of pardon were of
course to be the reward of those who offered up a
prayer for the founder.
Que or est apele de plusours Mortemer. It is curious that a
tower in the outer court (third bailly) of the castle is
still popularly known by the name of Mortimer's
Tower, which it thus seems to have retained since the
thirteenth century ; for I think there is no room for
doubt that it is identical with the one alluded to in
the text.
Page 35. Corner d laver. The regularity with which all the
domestic operations were carried on in the middle ages
is well known to readers of the literature of that
NOTES. 195
period ; it was the more necessary from the Dumber of
persons who had to act in unison. The usual signal
for meals, etc., was the blowing of a horn.
Gentz d'lrlaunde. The Lacies had large possessions in
Ireland, in the conquest of which, Hugh de Lacy, the
father of Walter de Lacy, took an active part, and he
was rewarded with a grant of the whole county of Meath.
Un jour d'amour. Love days (dies amoris) were days
agreed upon for settling differences by umpire, instead
of having recourse to violence, or to legal proceedings.
They appear to have been sometimes a means of hinder-
ing justice, and the ecclesiastics seem generally to have
managed them, and to have made them a source of
profit and of temporary enjoyment, for they appear
usually to have been accompanied with a feast. The
reader of the fine border poem of Piers Ploughman
will remember the lines, —
" Ac now is religion a rydere,
A romere aboute,
A ledere of love-dayes,
And a lond-buggere [buyer of land],
A prikere on a palfrey,
Fro manere to manere." — 1. 6217.
Chaucer tells us of his friar, who was —
"... over al, ther eny profyt schulde arise,
Curteys .... and lowe of servyse, —
that,—
In love-dayes ther couthe he mochil helpe."
Canterbury Tales, 1. 260.
Page 37. Le evesque Robert de . . . . The scribe, for some
reason or other, has left a blank for the name in the
o 2
196 XOTES.
MS. There were three Roberts, bishops of Hereford,
in the twelfth century ; Robert de Betun, from 1131 to
1148; Robert de Melun, from 1162 to 1167; and
Robert Folio t, from 1174 to 1186. The prelate alluded
to was probably the latter, who must have been bishop
about the time of the marriage of the second Fulk
fitz Warine.
Vers Hertlande. Hartland in Devonshire. It appears that
Leland read it Ireland. See the note on p. 48.
Page 42. Le boys pres de Whyteclyf. The wood adjacent
to "Whitcliff will be familiar to every one who has
visited Ludlow. The gardens belonging to the castle
lay in the meadows to the north, at the foot of the
rock, and bordering on the river Teme, perhaps ex-
tending to the river Corve, which runs into the Teme,
at a very short distance from the castle.
Page 43. Par le mur derere la chapele. The parapet along
the wall behind the chapel was the direct way from
the towers on the north-east of the inner court to the
entrance of the keep tower, in which the knights who
guarded the castle, and their attendants, appear to
have had their lodgings. The watchman must have
been stationed at this entrance of the keep, just over
the gateway leading into the outer court, and, there-
fore, into the town. The object of the assailants was,
by securing this watchman before he could give an
alarm, to obtain an easy entrance into the keep tower,
and take the knights by surprise and in a defenceless
condition, as they had done before he had whistled his
" one note."
NOTES. 197
Page 46. Unefenestre devers Lyneye. The name of Linney
is still preserved, and its position, just below that part
of the castle where the rock is steepest and highest,
fixes that of the tower of Pendover, the scene of
Marion's adventures. The state apartments were placed
here because it was least exposed to attack, and this cir-
cumstance would also facilitate the enterprise of sir
Arnald de Lis, as, on account of the impossibility of
any one entering the castle on that side, except by
such an act of treason as that here described, no watch-
men would be stationed there.
Page 47. La porte de Dynan. The gate of the town, called,
in modern times, Dinham Gate. The majority of sir
" Arnold's men had been left outside ; and now that the
castle had been surprised and taken, they were ad-
mitted into the town. The original town of Dynan
was built under the immediate protection of the castle,
and probably occupied only that part of the present
town in and adjacent to what is still called Dinham.
No doubt one of the two names is only a corruption of
the other.
Page 48. A ce qe Vestoyre dyt, i.e., " As it is related in the
original narrative, of which this is a paraphrase." The
following is Leland's abridgment of this part of the
English metrical history, in which there appears to
have been mention of at least one individual, Owen of
Cornwall, who does not figure in our Anglo-Norman his-
tory. It may be remarked, that the Cornwalls were esta-
blished in this neighbourhood, but not till the century
following. " Fulco Guarrine weddid Hawise, doughter
198 NOTES.
to Joos, at Ludlow castelle. Joos and Fulco Guarine
toke a journey into Ireland. Marion taried, faming
sikenes, behinde, and write a lettre to her love sir
Arnold de Lis, to cum secretely to her up into the
castel with a lader of leder and cordes. Owen of
Cornewale. Arnold cam acording to Marions desier,
and had his pleasure of her ; and sone after cam his
bande, and secretely scalinge the walles killid the
castellanes. Then Mariane, seing this treason, lept
owte of a toure, and brake her nek. And Arnold killid
aftir many of the burgeses of Ludlow toune, sparing
nother wife, widow, nor childe. Walter Lacy, hering
that the castel and toune of Ludlow was won, cam with
his band thither, and rnannid and vitailid Ludlow,
keping it as his owne. This tidinges was tolde to Joos
lying at Lambourne."
Page 49. A chastel Key .... Keyenhom. Caynham camp,
a well-known entrenched hill, about two miles to the
eastward of Ludlow. There are still traces of the re-
mains of building upon it, and pieces of mortar are
picked up in the ground, of very ancient character, I
think not improbably Saxon. It is curious that at
the early period of this history it should be already a
ruin. There was a well towards the eastern end of the
inclosure, which has only been filled up at a very
recent period. I think it not improbable that it was
originally a Roman post.
Key, le seneschal mon sire Arthur. Sir Key, or Cay, the
well-known seneschal or steward of king Arthur's court,
holds a very prominent place in the romances of this
cycle. The way in which the legend has here, and in
NOTES. 199
other parts of this history, been located on the border,
is extremely curious.
Page 50. Treblees. I may mention, that in one or two
instances in this book, I have been obliged to trans-
late a word rather by guess than with a certain
knowledge of its meaning, and I am not sure that the
interpretation I have given to this word is correct.
Page 51. Fochun. The objective case of FouJce, as Giount
in the extract from Leland in an ensuing note, is of
Guy. This objective case of proper names in on or oun
is constantly used in the Anglo-Norman and early
French romances ; but it was already becoming obso-
lete when our prose text was written.
Page 52. Tervard Droyndoun. " Jorwerth Drwyndwn,
eldest son of Owen Gwyneth, was never prince of
North Wales. His and his son's exclusion from the
government, if not originally suggested by the con-
trivance of Henry II, was perpetuated by the policy of
that king, and of Richard I. The narrative in this
part, and indeed throughout, gives a glimmering allu-
sion to facts which we know, from other sources, to
have had an existence. The way in which such facts
are combined is, on the other hand, in defiance of all
chronology. For instance, the inveterate hostility of
Jorwerth Drwyndwn to the English king, the dis-
affection of Walter de Lacy, the sometime possession
of Ellesmere by the last William Peverel of Brun, are
all facts ; but the earliest and latest of these facts were
separated by an interval of half a century." E. w. E.
200 NOTES.
Page 53. Roger de Pouwys e Jonas son frere. Roger de
Powis and his brother Jonas were both in the service and
pay of king Henry II. Roger had two sons, Meredyth
and Meurich, the latter of whom was the Morice of
our history. Roger and his eldest son died between
1179 and 1187. Meurich fitz Roger went with king
Richard to Normandy in 1194, and was under the
constant patronage of that king; he seems to have
died about A.D. 1200, which proves the inaccuracy of
several passages in the narrative. His son, Wrenock,
succeeded him, and was deprived of Whittington in
consequence of king John's reconciliation with the
Fitz Warines ; but he was in the pay of the English
crown till 1224. Wianus, son of Jonas de Powis,
occurs as receiving favours from kings Richard and
John from 1194 to 1209.
Page 55. Yweyn Keyvelloke. Owen Cyveilioc was the
nephew of Madoc ap Meredydh, prince of Powis, and
held considerable estates in that principality. Owen
was prince of Higher Powis, Madoc of Powis Vadoc,
or Lower Powis. He was one of the chiefs who acknow-
ledged the sovereignty of England ; but he often sided
with the Welsh princes against the English king, and
on either side he was an active partizan.
Page 56. A Rothelan. Rhuddlan, in Flintshire.
Leland has, in this part of the story, singularly mis-
understood his original. " Gualter Lacy sent to the
prince of Wales for help, and he cam wynning by the way
Whitington, the which Gioun Gaudelines sunne had
kept a while, but after he was taken prisoner, and sent
NOTES. 201
to the Rutheland. Deonoan, a place aboute Ludlo,
wither the prince of Wales with his men resortid to
help Lacy. Fulco Guarine hurte the prince of Wales
in the shoulder, and drave hym to a castelle caullid
Cayhome, where Cay had be lorde, and there asseging
by thre days parte of the princes men, killid many of
them at a certen issue. Fulco was woundid, and yet
roode to mete king Henry by Glocestre, of whom he
was welle interteynid as his kinnesman, and there had
his wounde that Arnoldes brother gave hym yn the
waste welle helid."
Leland has noted in the margin that Deonoan may
be Deouoan, or Deovoan, but I cannot identify the
place alluded to.
A Gloucestre. It would perhaps be a fruitless labour to
trace the exact visit of king Henry to Gloucester, here
alluded to; he was there in the year 1175, when, in
consequence of the troubled state of the border, king
Henry held a great council in that city. Many of the
Welsh princes came to him here, and made their peace,
and Jorwerth Drwyndwn himself at last followed
their example. At a council held in 1177 at Oxford,
David, prince of North Wales, Rhys ap Gryffydh, and
Owen Cyveilioc, and other chieftains in Powis, came
upon Henry's summons to confer with him on the
state of their country. It was on this occasion that
the king granted Ellesmere to David, prince of North
Wales, and the territory of Merioneth to Rhys ap
Gryffydh. The king appears to have been at Gloucester
again in 1179 and in 1184, and perhaps in other years.
Apres soper. It must be borne in mind, that the hours of
the domestic meals differed very widely from those of
the present day. The king's hour of supper was pro-
202 NOTES.
bably four o'clock in the afternoon, his dinner hour
being ten in the morning. These continued during
several centuries to be the regular hours of dinner and
supper both in England and France. So late as the
year 1510, a letter, written from the court of Louis XII,
tells us, — " Apres souper, environ entre quatre et cinq,
nous allasmes avec le roy chasser au parcq."
Page 58. Outre Whyteclyf. The original high road down
the border was of course the Roman road, which is
still called the Watling Street (though it is not the
real Watling Street), and ran through Clungunford,
Leintwardine, Wigmore, and Aymestrey, and so on
direct to Hereford, or rather to Kenchester. At an
early period, a part of this road, to the north of
Wigmore, seems to have been deserted, and travellers
turned down the valley of the Oney, to Bromfield, and
thence apparently on the western side of the Teme to
Ludlow Castle ; they appear then to have turned over
Whitcliff hill, and to have joined the old road again at
Wigmore. Ludlow Castle thus protected as well as com-
manded the road, and merchants and travellers might
be subjected to any exactions as they passed, Fulk fitz
Warine, when he escapes from a skirmish, which is
represented as taking place between Caynham and
Ludlow, goes "over" or "beyond" WhitclifF, on his way
to Gloucester, which he would not have done by the
present road from Ludlow to Leominster and Hereford.
Giraldus Cambrensis seems to have passed by Bromfield,
under Ludlow Castle (without entering the town), and
onward to Leominster, by this road.
Page 59. A Lambourne. Larnburne, in Berkshire.
NOTES. 203
Elyjist conestable. This is probably an error: we have no
evidence that this office was ever given to Fulk fitz
Warine, and all the facts we know lead us to believe
the contrary.
Page 60. Delees Herford, a Wormeslowe. It is not easy to
decide whether this be meant for Wormlow, about five
miles to the south-west, or Wormseley, about eight miles
to the north-east of Hereford; but probably the latter.
The battle is not recorded in any of the chronicles.
Vus doin-je Alleston. " The allusion is to Alveston, in
Gloucestershire, undoubtedly a manor of the Fitz
Warines, but given to them much earlier than the
period indicated. The first Fulk fitz Warine held it
in capite in 1156." E. w. E.
Page 61. Lewis, lefitz Yervard. The lady to whom prince
Lewis was married was a natural daughter of king
John, and not of Henry II, and the marriage took place
in 1204, many years after the events here related. It
is true that the lordship of Ellesmere was given with
the princess as her dower; but other parts of the
statement are inaccurate. " It was Henry II who gave
Whittington to Roger de Powis. It is hardly possible
that the claim of the Fitz Warines on Whittington
arose from any blood relationship to the Peverels, but
much more probably by feoffment. It may confidently
be asserted, that from 1140 to 1200 no Fitz Warine
was tenant in capite of Whittington. Neither, as under
tenant, was any Fitz Warine of the twelfth century
the sole tenant of Whittington. A portion thereof was
held by d'Engaine, independently of Fitz Warine, and
204 NOTES.
d'Engaine's tenure was certainly by feoffment of (not
by inheritance from) Peverel." R. w. E.
Page 62. Sibile d Payn le fitz Johan. This is
another error. " Sibil, the eldest daughter and co-heir
of Joceas de Dynan, was wife of Hugh de Plugenai.
Both Sibil and Hawyse were widows in 1199, their re-
spective husbands having died within the five years
previous. As to Sibil, wife of Pain fitz John, though
I cannot undertake to name her parentage, she was
married before 1125, and her husband was killed in
1136." R. w. E.
Page 63. Juauntz d eschekes. Chess was the fashionable
game at this period, and indeed generally, from the
time the Western Christians first became acquainted
with the Saracens, to the introduction of cards. The
Anglo-Norman princes and barons were great chess
players. The game of the Anglo-Saxons was tcefd,
something of the nature of our backgammon.
Page 64. Baudivyn de Hodenet. Baldwin de Hodnet was
hereditary seneschal of Montgomery castle, and held
Hodnet in capite by that service. He also held
Westbury, under the barons Corbet of Caus, and Fitz
Warine was vassal of the same barons at Alderbury.
It is very probable that Fitz Warine and he were
relations, as here stated; they are found attesting
jointly deeds of the Corbets, and Baldwin's partici-
pation in Fitz Warine's rebellion and forfeiture is
proved by the contemporary records. " The narrative
here begins to be much more consistent with chrono-
NOTES. 205
logical probability. Baldwin de Hodnet is introduced
under circumstances wonderfully consonant with what
else is known of him. The time of the death of Fulk
fitz Warine II, and his son's succession, are also cor-
rectly indicated (allowing for the writer's ignorance of
the existence of Fulk I)." R. w. E.
Fouke le Brun, lur piere, morust. Fulk II died before 1199,
but after king Richard's return from the Holy Land.
. Leland's abridgment of the English poem adds here, —
" King Henry dubbid Fulco and thre of his bretherne
knightes at Winchester, and also Balduine with them.
Fulco the secunde was warring yn Lotabardy at such
tyme as hys father died. Fulco the first byried at
New Abbay, by Alberbyry. King Richarde the first
goyng into the Holy Lande left Fulco the secunde to
kepe the marches of Walys."
Page 66. Al chastiel Baudwyn. Montgomery is still
called by the Welsh Baldwin's town (Tref Faldwyn).
Un girfaut tut llanc muer. The falcons and hawks of
Wales were highly prized, at a time when falconry
was so much in fashion. They were often, therefore,
given as most acceptable presents by the Welsh chief-
tains to the kings of England, or exacted by the latter
as tribute or fines. When, on the invasion of Wales
by king John, the bishop of Bangor was taken prisoner,
his ransom was fixed at two hundred hawks.
Donqe vint Noryz. Meurich, the son of Roger de Powis,
did fine with king John for Whittington, but the fine,
instead of a hundred pounds, was fifty or sixty marks.
A subsequent fine of his son Wrenoch is variously
stated at eighty marks and two palfreys, or a hundred
pounds and four palfreys.
206 NOTES.
Page 67. Que le roy velsist receyvre de lur c. lyvres.
"Fulk fitz Warine's counter-fine of £100 is as cor-
rectly stated as if the writer had seen the Oblata
roll." R. w. E.
Page. 70. Gyrart de Fraunce, Pieres de Avynoun, e sire
Amys le Marchys. These names sound so much like
those of heroes of romance, that we should hardly look
for them in sober history.
Page 71. A Wyncestre. King John was at Winchester on
the 6th and 7th of May, 1201, and he was not there
again until after the date of Fulk fitz Warine's pardon.
Audolf de Bracy, son cosyn. " Audulf de Bracy was of
Meole, near Shrewsbury. Several generations of the
family bore the same Christian name of Audulf. The
individual here mentioned was, in the time of king
John, involved in a great litigation with his suzerain,
Roger de Mortimer, of Wigmore, as to the tenure of
the manor of Meole, which is still known as Meole-
Brace." R. w. E.
A Huggeford, d mon sire Water de Huggeford. Huggeford
is Higford, near Shiffnall. " Sir Walter de Huggeford
was lord of this manor in king John's time, but dame
Emeline was more probably the widow of his father,
another Walter." R. w. E.
Page 72. Dame Vyleyne .... mes son dreit noun fust
Emelyne. Emeline, or Elvina, de Huggeford was a
widow before the death of Richard I, so that Fulk
could not have repaired to her husband at the time of
which we are now speaking.
XOTES. 207
Une foreste q'est apellee Babbyng. Perhaps this is what is
now called Babies Wood, about a mile and a half to
the south-east of Whittington, the modern name being
a corruption of the old one.
Page 73. Guy de la Montaigne . . Aaron de Clerfountaygne.
These are perhaps translations of well known names on
the border, which it would not be very easy to identify.
They appear to have been Welshmen.
Page 75. A la foreste de Bradene. Leland calls this forest
Holt, as will be seen in the extract in a subsequent
note, mistaking the English word holt, a wood, for a
proper name.
E xxiiij. serjauntz. In giving the literal representative of
this word in the translation, I hope the general reader
will not be led into any misunderstanding. The word
sergeant, derived from the Latin serviens, belonged
properly to a class of men at arms who were bound to
a particular service ; but it was also applied more
usually to hired fighting men or guards, and was
generally employed almost in the sense of our soldiers.
Page 78. Un chapelet de rose vermayl. The wearing of
garlands or chaplets of flowers, especially of roses, was
a very common piece of gallantry, or of foppery, in the
middle ages, and is frequently alluded to in the old
writers.
Page 80. Johan Malveysyn. William Malveissin is men-
tioned in the records, which will be given in a subse-
quent note, as one of the outlaws of Fulke's party, who
208 NOTES.
received his pardon of king John at the same time as
his chief. " There were Mauveysyns in Shropshire,
lords of Berwich, near Atcham, still known as Berwich
Maviston. I know of no other interest of theirs, more
immediately connecting them with the border. Their
tenure of Berwich was, however, under Fitz Alan. The
Mauveysyn who was lord of Berwich in John's reign
was not John, nor yet William." E. w. E.
Les treis freres de Cosham. I have not been able to ascer-
tain who these three brothers were ; and it would be in
vain to try to identify several of the persons who are
mentioned in the following pages.
Page 85. Hubert, Varcevesque de Caunterlures. Hubert
Walter was archbishop of Canterbury from 1193 to 1205.
Page 86. Thebaud le Botiler. Theobald Walter, the
brother of archbishop Hubert, accompanied Henry II
into Ireland in 1171, and that monarch conferred upon
him the office of chief butler of Ireland. He also ac-
companied prince John into Ireland in 1185. It was
his son, however, who first assumed the surname of
Le Botiler, or Butler, in 1221. This Theobald Walter
was the ancestor of the dukes and marquises of Ormond.
He is said to have died in 1206, which would overthrow
the whole of this romantic story of the manner of the
marriage of Fulk fitz Warine with his widow. The
latter was the daughter and heir of Robert Vavasour,
a Yorkshire baron.
Que ele avoit en Yrlaunde. It need hardly be stated that
the Butlers were among the great Irish barons.
Theobald Walter possessed the baronies of Upper and
Lower Orrnond, besides numerous other territories.
NOTES. 209
Page 87. Esposa dame Mahaud de Cans. Of this mar-
riage there can be no doubt, as appears by the following
documents taken from the Close Rolls of the ninth of
king John, that is A.D. 1207, which seem to confirm
the statement that Theobald Walter died in 1206.
" Rex Willelmo de Breosa, etc. Mandamus vobis
quod sine dilatione faciatis habere Fulconi filio Warini
et Matildae quae fuit uxor Theobaldi Walteri, vel
certo nuncio suo, rationabilem dotem ipsius Matildae
quae earn contingit, scilicet tertiam partem de liberis
tenementis quae ipse Th. Walterus de nobis tenuit in
Hibernia ; quia reddidimus praedictis Fulconi et Matildae
maritagium et dotem ipsius Matildas integra sicut ea
concesseramus prius Roberto Vavasur, patri ipsius
Matildse. Teste Gr. filio Petri, apud Wintoniam, j. die
Octobris. Sub eadem forma scribitur Waltero de
Lascy. Sub eadem forma scribitur comiti W. Marescallo.
Idem Fulco habet litteras ad justiciarium Hiberniae, sub
eadem forma quam habuit Theobaldus Walteri ad
eundem justiciarium. Idem Fulco et Matilda habent
litteras had vicecomitem Lancastriae, sub tali forma
quam Theobaldus Walteri ad eundem vicecomitem.
" Rex vicecomiti Norfolcensi, etc. Praecipimus tibi
quod de omnibus terris quae fuerunt Theobaldo Walteri
in balliva tua, facias habere Fulconi filio Warini et
Matildae uxori ejus, quae fuit uxor Theobaldi Walteri,
suum tertium sine dilatione. Teste Gr. filio Petri,
apud Wintoniam, j. die Octobris."
Page 88. Pieres de Eruvyle. He is called Bromeville by
Leland, whose account of these events, abridged from
the English poem, is as follows ; —
210 . NOTES.
" Morice, sunne to Roger that had Whitington
castel gyven hym by the prince of Wales, was made
governor of the marchis by king John, that yn no wise
lovid Fulco Guaryne. Moryce desirid to have the title
of Whitington confermed to hym by the brode seale of
king John, to whome he sent a cursore welle trappid
to Balduines castel, and obtainid his purpose. Fulco
and his brethern, with Balduine, desired justes of king
John for Whitington. But he could have no gratious
answer. Wherfore he and his bretherne forsakid their
homage to king John, and went from Winchester. King
John sent one Gerard, a lorde of Fraunce, and xv.
knightes with hym, to recounter with Fulco and his
bretherne. But Gerard was slayn of them, and the
knighttes discomfitid. Hawise counselid Fulke and
the residew of her sunnes to flee into Litle Britane,
and so they did, taking Bawdewine and Bracy with
them. King John seasid Fulcos landes. In the meane
season Hawise their mother died for thought. And
they after shortely returnid into England, cumming to
Hugforde and to sir Gualter and Emeline their aunt.
Syr Maurice bare in a grene shild thre bore of golde,
and borderid of sylver, with asure floures, fulle faire.
Fulco and his brethern put Morice to flite. Bracy did
hurt Maurice on the sholdre. King John caussid a
hunderith knightes to seke Fulco and his brethern,
and apon that they fled to Holt woode, and there got
a greate pray of sylkes and baudekins preparid for
king John. King John sent oute many knightes to
take Fulco, and made Gilbert de Mount Frerraunt
theire captaine, whom Fulke and his bretherne did
kille. Fulco and his brethern sone weried with fight-
NOTES. 211
ing fledde to an abbay. Fulco after killid Gerard de
Maunce, an aunciente ennemye of his, and one that
rode with other knightes to seke hym. Fulco and his
brethern fled to Hugforde. Hubert archebisshop of
Cauiitorbyri willid Fulco prively to resort to hym to
mary one Maude, that was his brothers wife, that
descendid of Caurs blode. But after he had maried
her, he taried but two dayes, and was fayne yet to
escue and fly the kinges displeasure. Fulco fledde to
Robert Sampson, and yn those quarters one Pers
Bromeville, a perilous knight, soute him ; and yet at
the laste Fulco forcid Pers Bromeville to smite of the
hedes of certeu of his owiie company ; and then Fulco
did smite of Pers hedde hymselfe."
E autre rybaudayle. The ribalds formed a class, or caste,
of society in the middle ages, consisting of persons who
seem to have been considered out of the pale of the
laws and of morality ; they had no particular occu-
pation, but lived upon the overflo wings of people's
tables, and were ready to perform any infamous act or
outrage that might be required of them. Of such
people it was easy for men like this Piers de Bruvyle
to form a band of brigands who would carry no scruples
with them to the work of depredation. This anecdote
forms a lively picture of the condition of the country
in the thirteenth century.
Page 92. A mettre lesfers a, revzrs. We are told that when
the Scottish patriot, Robert Bruce, fled from London
to head a rising of his countrymen, he adopted this
same expedient of having his horse shoed with the shoes
turned backward, in order to deceive his pursuers. It
p 2
212 NOTES.
seems to have been not an uncommon trick in the
middle ages.
Jokan de Raunpaygne. The jogelour, or minstrel, was so
welcome a guest wherever he went, that he was often
employed as a spy, or the guise of a minstrel adopted
for that purpose. The account given here is an admir-
able and correct picture of a minstrel of this period.
Here, again, Leland must have singularly misunderstood
the words of his English poem. " Fulco resortid to one
John of Raumpayne, a sothsayer, and jocular, and
minstrelle, and made hym his spy to Morice at Whit-
ington. Fulco and his bretherne laide waite for Morice
as he went toward Salesbyri ; and Fulco there woundid
hym, and Bracy cut of Morice hedde. The sunnes of
Gaudeline were with Fulco at this skirmouche."
Page 95. Vers le pas de Nesse. Ness is a parish about
seven miles to the north-west of Shrewsbury, through
which the road runs from that town to Oswestry and
Whittington. The scene of this adventure was perhaps
the neighbourhood of the hill called Ness- cliff, which
overlooks the road, and in the state of the country at
that time was probably the best position along the
road for laying in ambush to intercept a party going
to Shrewsbury.
Page 96. Sire Lewys, le prince. By Lewys, we must of
course understand Llewellyn, the prince of Wales, who
married king John's illegitimate daughter, Joane.
Page 98. Entre le prince Lewys e Guenonwyn. Grwen-
wynwyn succeeded to the sovereignty of the higher
NOTES. 213
Powis on the death of his father, Owen Cyveilioc, in
1197. In 1201, Llewelyn prince of North Wales, at
peace with king John, called a great council of the
Welsh chieftains to receive their fealties as their
suzerain, at which Gwenwynwyn refused to attend.
Llewelyn, with the authority of the whole assembly of
chieftains, made war upon the prince of Powis, and
invaded his territories ; but through the mediation of
mutual friends, a reconciliation was effected, and
Gwenwynwyn made his submission. These events
occurred just about the time of this part of the adven-
tures of Fulk fitz Warine, and seem to be those
alluded to in the text.
Le chastel Metheyn. Probably Mathrafal, in Montgomery-
shire, an ancient palace of the princes of Powis, where
a castle was built early in John's reign.
Mochnant. The wild romantic valley of Mochnant, on the
borders of the counties of Denbigh and Merioneth, is
well-known to travellers in search of Welsh scenery,
on account of its lofty cataract, the celebrated Pistyl-
Rhaiadr.
Lannerth. Llanerch, in Denbighshire.
Page 100. A Salobures. At Shrewsbury. King John him-
self was not at Shrewsbury until the latter days of the
month of January 1209, long after Fulk and his com-
panions had been pardoned, so that, so far as relates
to the presence of the king in these transactions, the
narrative here cannot be correct. The narrator may,
however, have inserted here the traditionary account
of events which really occurred in king John's expe-
dition against the Welsh at a subsequent date. The
214 NOTES.
king was, however, on the border immediately after
his coronation. He was at Gloucester on the 29th and
30th of October, 1200 ; at Westbury, on the 30th and
31st of the same month ; at St. Briavells, from the 1st
to the 3rd of November ; at Hereford, on the 4th and
5th ; at Ledbury, on the 6bh ; at Upton Bishop, on the
7th ; at Feckenham, on the 8th and 9th ; at Bridge-
north, from the llth to the 14th ; and on the 15th at
Haywood, in Nottinghamshire, on his return.
Page 101. Al chastel Ealaham en Pentlyn. It is called
Balaha in p. 115, and was no doubt Bala, in Merioneth-
shire, called by Powell, sub annis 1202-3, "Bala in
Penlhyn."
Le Gue Gymele, The description is not sufficiently pre-
cise to make it easy to identify the locality here alluded
to, though it is a question well worth investigation.
The dyke spoken of was probably an ancient earth-
work. The liaut chemyn, which is spoken of as a cause-
way, was perhaps a Roman road, which seems to have
run along the valley of the Dee.
Page 104. Johan Lestraunge, seignour de Knokyn e de
Rutone. Knockin and Ruyton are respectively about
eight miles S.S.E., and twelve miles S.E. of Oswestry.
The Lestranges of Knockin are said to have been
descended from the youngest of the sons of the Guy
Lestrange who figures in the earlier pages of this
history, of whom the John Lestrange, here mentioned,
was a grandson. The truth of the statement that his
castles had been destroyed in the border wars of king
NOTES. 215
John's reign, is proved by the circumstance, that in
the 3rd of Henry III, he obtained the king's precept to
the sheriff of Shropshire for aid to rebuild his castle of
Knockin. John Lestrange's steady adherence to king
John is proved by abundant evidence, and this fidelity
is spoken of years afterwards by Henry III in granting
Wrockwardine to his son.
Page 105. Sire Henre de Audelee. Henry de Audley, or
Alditheley, the founder of the great family of the
Audleys, was distinguished by his attachment to the
cause of king John during the whole of his wars with
the barons, Henry de Audley built Redcastle, in
Shropshire, in the reign of Henry III.
Page 106. Al pas de Mudle. Middle is a village about
seven miles to the north of Shrewsbury, at which are
the remains of a castle erected there to command the
valley or pass.
Sire Thomas Corbet. The Corbets were lords of Caus in
Shropshire. Thomas Corbet was eldest sou of Robert
Corbet, baron of Caus ; but as his father survived king
John, he was not himself lord of Caus during that
king's reign. Thomas Corbet's disaffection, however,
which lasted till the end of John's reign, was made the
ground of proceedings against the father, and his
castle of Caus was seized to the crown, and was not
restored until the third of Henry IIL " If Thomas
Corbet were in arms with Fitz Warine at the very
beginning of the thirteenth century, he must have
lived to an extraordinary age, for he died, I think, in
216 NOTES.
1273. I do not, however, question the accuracy of the
chronicle in this matter, and there are other evidences
of Thomas Corbet's entry upon active life, at least as
early as the time here implied." R. w. E.
Page 111. Jo/tan comen$a un chanson. The whole of
these adventures of John de Rampaigne furnish a
most interesting picture of the manners of the min-
strels in the middle ages, and the anecdote of his
making himself known to the prisoner by a song, will
remind the reader of the story of Richard I, when in
prison, and the troubadour, Blondel de Nesle.
Page 112. Qe ert xij. lywes de Salobures. Whittington is
sixteen miles from Shrewsbury; so that this would
give about a mile and a half of our present measure to
the league, according to the estimate of the thirteenth
century.
Page 113. A master. To the minster or cathedral of
Canterbury.
Hauwyse, qe pus fust dame de Wemme. " Ha wise must
have married William Pantulf, baron of Wem. This is
the only record I have met with of the marriage, which
is, however, very probable ; for on the death of William
Pantulf, in 1233, Fulk fitz Warine purchased the
wardship and marriage of his infant heirs (Fines, vol. i,
p. 237)." R. w. E.
A la eglise nostre dame a Salobures. St. Mary's is one of
the most interesting churches in Shrewsbury, and a
great part of the building is the same which was
NOTES. 217
standing at the time when the lady Maude is said to
have taken refuge in it.
Page 114. Jokane, qe pus fust mariee d sire Henre de
Penebrugge. This statement is correct. Sir Henry de
Pembridge, of Peinbridge in Herefordshire, was sheriff'
of that county in the 42nd and 43rd Henry III. Pem-
bridge is a village about half-way between Leorninster
and Kington.
La fontaigne de Puceles. Leland, from the English poem,
calls this the Maiden-frith; but I can identify
neither it nor Carreganant, mentioned in connexion
with it.
Page 117. Le roy Phelip de Fraunce. Philip II, who
occupied the French throne from 1180 to 1223. The
known hostility of Philip to king John, gives a great
air of probability to this part of the story, and at the
time at which it may be supposed to have occurred,
there was a temporary but insincere peace between
the two monarchs, which ended after the murder of
Arthur of Britany, in 1202. It is hardly worth the
labour to attempt to ascertain if such a person as sire
Druz de Montbener ever existed, or who he was.
Page 120. Ainys del Boys. The name thus assumed by
Fulk fitz Warine, which means literally Amys of the
Wood, is quite in character with his position as an
outlaw.
After relating the death of Moris fitz Roger, Leland
continues his abridgement from the English poem as
follows : — " Fulco fledde to Balahames castelle. Syr
218 NOTES.
Iweine Kandelokes sunnes. Mountcler adversary to
Fulco. The prince of Wales, Morice being deade,
restorid Fulk to Whitington. Leugen, Lewis, and
Straunge, gentilnien of the marchis. Fulco had robbid
Ruyton, a castel longging to Straunge. Henry [de
Audley], an hardy knight, was lord of Heley. Syr
Bracy was sore woundid, and token, and brought by
Audeleghe to king John. Straunge was sore woundid,
and brought to Blakrner. John Rampayne founde
the meanes to caste them that kepte Bracy into a
deadely slepe, and so he and Bracy cam to Fulco to
Whitington. Maude had by Fulco a doughter caullid
Ha wise, and she was weddid to Maude had
after another doughter, whom the erle of Pembroke
weddid. After Maude had a sunne, christenid in the
Maiden frithe, and caullid John, and at confirmation
namid Fulco. Mawde was ever much welcum to
Johan, sister to king John, and wife to Lewys prince
of Wales. King John prively sent to prince Lewys
that he should by sum polycie take Fulco and his
bretherne and hed them. But Johan, wife to Lewys,
caussid Maude to waren Fulco and his bretherne of
this, and apon that they fled into Fraunce, wher Fulco
did get much honor yn justes, and namid hymself
syr Amice."
Page 123. De quel mort morust ton pere. This anecdote
is not new, but was, if I remember right, taken from
one of the old classical writers. The adventures of
Fulk in the Northern Seas are rather too marvellous in
character to invite much critical investigation, and I
may merely observe, that they are in perfect accord-
NOTES. 219
ance with the general knowledge (or rather, in this
case, ignorance) and belief of people of that age with
regard to the regions he is said to have visited.
Page 132. Si robleours e larouns noun. The reader need
hardly be informed that piracy was a general occu-
pation of the inhabitants of the Northern Islands, the
descendants of the old vikings.
Page 133. La Graunde-Eschanye. Scania or Scandia, or,
as we now call it, Scandinavia.
Page 134. E uncore nulle beste veny mouse. The story of
the expulsion of the venomous animals from Ireland
by St. Patrick, is so well known, that it is hardly
necessary to illustrate this passage. Giraldus Cam-
brensis, Topog. Hibern., c. 23, says, " Inter ornnia ver-
mium genera, solis non nocivis Hibernia gaudet,
venenosis enim omnibus caret. Caret serpentibus et
colubris ; caret bufonibus et ranis ; caret tortuis et
scorpionibus, caret et draconibus. Habet tamen,
araneas, habet sanguisugas, habet et lacertas, sed pror-
sus innocuas."
Page 135. E a seint Clement. St. Clement was the patron
of sailors, and is generally figured with an anchor.
Page 136. Al due de Cartage, qe tient de le roy de Yberye.
We are probably to understand by this, Cartagena, in
Spain.
Page 144. Qe le roy Johan fust a Wyndesoure. One inci-
220 NOTES.
dent in the adventures in Windsor forest, that with
the collier, bears rather a close resemblance to one in
the French metrical history of Eustace le Moine.
Page 145. Une trible. I have translated this by the word
triblet, as the only one I could get which seems to
answer to it. It was, perhaps, a rod of iron, used in
arranging the wood for burning ; though it is by no
means impossible that we ought to read crible, a sieve.
In the manuscripts it is impossible to distinguish be-
tween c and t.
X. besantz. The value of a besant is variously estimated at
from ten to twenty sols. It was a foreign coin of gold,
receiving its name from Byzantium, and it is therefore
quite in character that it should be the money which
the adventurers would possess on their return from
their strange wanderings abroad.
Page 149. Sire James de Normandie, que fust cosyn
le roy. I can find no account of this near relative to
royalty.
Rondulf le counte de Cestre. This was the celebrated Ran-
dulf earl of Chester, who, having been born at Oswestry,
and being so much connected with the border, could
not but feel an interest in the Fitz Warines. The
knight of Normandy was quite correct in his estimate
of the great connexions which the Fitz Warines had
among the English barons. Earl Randulf remained
steady to the royal cause during his wars with the
barons. The earl marshal mentioned here, was the no
less celebrated Hugh Bigot.
NOTES. 221
Page 155. Sire Berard de Blees. Blees is of course Blois.
Page 157. En la mer pres de Espaigne est une ysle
apelee Beteloye. Perhaps this name is made up from
one of the names Baetulo or Betuli, placed in Spain by
the ancient geographers.
Now that Fulke and his companions proceed abroad,
the whole becomes again a mere romance, and we
might as well imagine ourselves reading Guy of
Warwick, or Bevis of Hampton, or any other romance
of that class, some of which perhaps furnished the in-
cidents of our story.
Page 163. Plust d dieu Malioun. Mahoun is the mediaeval
form of the word Mahomet, whom the popular belief of
the West turned into an idol, and by degrees it became
customary to call any idol a Mahoun. Here, however,
it is evidently used to signify the god of the Saracens.
Page 167. Demorerent une piece ou le roy. At this place
the manuscript of the English poem used by Leland
broke off abruptly, from mutilation. The following is
his abridgement of the concluding portion. " But
after that king John had wryten to the king of
Fraunce that he kept Fulco his rebelle, he misdemid
straite that syr Amice was this Fulke, and knowing
the trueth, he promisid a barony in Fraunce to Fulco ;
but he refusid it, desiring to depart, and so cam to
Madour of the Mounte, a joly capitain by se, and
there with Fulco preparid a stronge shyp, and saylid
into the cost of England, wher he slew a knight that
in shippe layd watch for hym. And thens he saylid
222 NOTES.
into Orkany, and there he wonne the hauberk of harde
steele that he held ever, and ryd certayne ladies owt
of prison, whereof one was Amfloures heire, and brought
them to Bagotes castel, and after how he and his
were long tyme se-dryven with tempestes into straunge
countereis, and to Carthage, and after long tyme how
he landid at Dover, and cam to a woodde by Windesore
parke, and because that he herde that the king wold
hunte in that place, for fere of knowing he chaungid
his clothes with a colyar, and sone after the king cam
by, and askid hym if he saw any game, and he an-
swerid ye, and so ledde hym to his tente, where is
bretherne and his company were in covert, and there
havyng hym, manacid hym for his banischment with
death. But the king grauntid them al pardone apon
his honor and trueth, and gave hym fre hunting from
the holt onto his castel. But he after resorting to
Windesore forthought hym of his pardon and graunt
to Fulco, and sent fiftene knightes to take them,
wherof one was caullid James of Normandy. But
Fulco and his overcam them. King John sent after
Randol erle of Chester to take Fulco ; but he fled to
se, and at the last by tempest was dryven ynto Barbary.
William, Fulcos brother, was sore woundid, lefte
behynd, taken, and put in a doungeon. Fulco was
taken by the Soldanes men, and brought onto hym."
During this period of his outlawry, Fulk fitz Warine
appears to have been deserted by some of his comrades,
who had no doubt joined him as an ally in circumstances
similar to those in which he had been thrown. We
find in the patent rolls that on the 30th April, 1202,
Eustache de Kidwelly, one of Fulk's companions,
NOTES, 223
obtained his own pardon. " Rex, etc., justiciariis,
vicecomitibus, et omnibus ballivis et fidelibus suis
Anglise, etc. Sciatis nos, quantum ad nos pertinet,
pardonasse Eustacio de Kivilly fugam quam fecit et
utlagariarn in eum promulgatam occasione Fulconis filii
Guarini, cujus socius fuit ; et concessimus ei quod in
terrain nostram Anglise redeat et pacem nostram ibi
habeat. Ita tamen quod pacem faciat cum illis quibus
malum intulit et propter quos fugam illam fecit, vel
stet recto si q^uis erga ipsum loqui voluerit, vel libere
et sine impediments terrain nostram Aiiglise egrediatur,
si hoc facere noluerit. Teste H. Cantuariensi archi-
episcopo, cancellario nostro, apud Pontem Archarum,
xxx. die Aprilis." The king was at this time in
Normandy, at Pont-de-1'Arche.
Page 168. Latin corupt. This has been already mentioned
as the language in which Fulk conversed with the
pirates of Orkany, and it is alluded to in other
medieval writings as a dialect in which people of
different countries understood one another, especially
merchants. It was, in fact, something like the Lingua
Franca of the Mediterranean in modern times. It was
quite in the character of a minstrel who travelled from
country to country to understand it.
Babiloyne, Alexandre, et Tnde le Majour. The city known
as Babylon in the middle ages was Cairo in Egypt, the
capital of the Egyptian khalifs. This city, and that of
Alexandria, were the great emporia of the medieval
trade with the East, and especially with India.
Page 171. En la novele Forest, It may be well to observe
224 NOTES.
here, that none of these adventures can be correctly
told, as far as regards the presence of the king, as we
learn from the dates of the records on the rolls, that
John was absent, engaged in his wars in Normandy,
from the end of May 1201, till the 7th of December,
1203, when he returned to Portsmouth, that is, during
nearly the whole period of Fulk fitz Warine's outlawry.
Page 172. A Westmostier . . . Hubert le erchevesqe. Accord-
ing to the records, Fulk and his companions owed their
pardon to the bishop of Norwich and the earl of
Salisbury, and not to Hubert Walter ; but the arch-
bishop, who held the two important offices of lord
chancellor and grand justiciary, may still have been the
real and primary mediator. There is a greater error
in laying the scene of this last act of the adventures of
the outlaws at Westminster, for the king was all this
time in Normandy, and did not return to Westminster
until the 22nd of January, 1204, more than two months
after the pardon was given. According to the patent
rolls, it wac on the 20th of August, 1203, that king
John first gave Fulk and his companions a safe con-
duct for a fortnight to come to the court, then at
Verneuil, in Normandy. " Rex, etc., omnibus, etc.
Sciatis quod prsestamus Fulconi filio Guarini et sociis
suis salvum et securum conductum in veniendo ad nos
et redeundo, a die Jovis, die scilicet Decollacionis sancti
Johannis Baptists, anno, etc., quinto, usque in xv. dies
sequentes. Et ideo vobis firmiter prohibemus ne eos
interim super hoc impediatis, aut quicquarn molestise
inferratis. Teste me ipso apud, etc.
On the 12th of September, the king, then at Herbetot,
NOTES. 225
granted another safe-conduct, for a week, to Fulk fitz
Warine and Baldwin de Hodnet and their companions.
" Rex, etc., omnibus fidelibus suis, etc. Sciatis quod
concessimus Fulconi filio Guarini et Baldewino de
Hodenet et hiis quos secum ducent salvum et securum
conductum veniendi ad nos et redeundi, a Dominica
proxima post Nativitatem beatae Mariae in viijto. dies.
Et in hujus rei, etc. Teste me ipso apud Herbertot,
xij. die septembris." On the 2nd of October, another
safe-conduct for a fortnight was granted to Fulk
fitz Warine and such as he might bring with him,
the king being then at Montfort. " Rex, etc., omnibus,
etc. Sciatis quod concessimus Fulconi filio Guarini
et hiis quos secum ducet salvum conductum veniendo
ad nos et redeundo. Durabit conductus ille a die
sancti Dionisii in xv. dies, anno, etc., quinto."
At length, on the 15th of November, Fulk fitz
Warine received his pardon from the king, who was
then at Caen. " Rex, etc., justiciariis, vicecomitibus,
etc. Sciatis quod nos recepimus in gratiam et beni-
volentiam nostram Fulconem filium Guarini, ad pe-
titionem venerabilis patris nostri J. Norwicensis epis-
copi, et comifis W. Sarisberiensis, fratris nostri,
remittentes ei excessus quos fecit, eique perdonantes
fugam et utlagariam in eum promulgatam. Et ideo
vobis mandamus et firmiter praecipirnus quod in firmam
pacem nostram habeat ubicumque venerit. Teste, etc."
On the llth of November, the king, then at Rouen,
gave a similar pardon to Vivian de Prestecotes, one of
Fulk's companions, who had been outlawed for some
act of violence against Jorvet dc Hulton. " Rex, etc.,
226 NOTES.
justiciariis, vicecomitibus, etc. Sciatis quod nos, ad
petition em venerabilis patris nostri J. Norwicensis
episcopi, et comitis W. Sarresberiensis, fratris nostri,
quantum ad nos pertinet, perdonavimus Viviano de
Prestecotes fugam et utlagariam in eum promulgatani
pro roberia et pace nostra infracta, unde Jorvet de
Hultonia eum appellavit, et pro consortio Fulconis filii
Guarini. Et ideo vobis mandamus et firmiter prae-
cipimus quod in firmam pacem nostram habeat. Teste
meipso, apud Rothomagum, xj. die Novembris."
Whittington was restored to Fulk fitz Warine soon
afterwards, as we know from the same records. "Rex,
etc., vicecomiti Salopesbirise, etc. Scias quod reddidimus
Fulconi filio Gwarini castellum de Wuitintona cum
omnibus pertinenciis suis, sicut jus et hereditatem.
Et ideo, etc. Et in hujus rei, etc."
The same records give us as follows, the names of
those of Fulk's companions who received their pardon
at the same time, distinguishing them into those who
had originally joined in Fulk's rebellion, and those
who, having been outlawed for other causes, afterwards
joined him. The first list contains the names of several
borderers.
" [Isti fuerjunt utlagati [pro consorjtio Fulconis filii
[Guarini], et inlagati sunt [per petitionjem domini
J. [Norwicensis episcopi], et comitis [W. Sarresberiensis],
fratris domini regis :
Badwinus de Hodenet.
Willelmus filius Fulconis.
Johannes de Tracy.
Rogerus de Prestona.
Pro servitio Ful-
conis filii Guarini,
NOTES.
Philippus filius Guarini.
Ivo filius Guarini.
Radulfus Gras.
Stephanus de Hodenet.
Henricus de Pontesbiria.
Herbertus Branche.
Henricus le Norreis.
"VVillelmus Malyeissin.
Radulfus filius Willelmi.
Abraham Passavant.
Matheus de Dulvustiria.
Hugo Ruffus.
Willelmus Gernun.
Walterus de Alwestana.
Johannes de Prestona.
Ricardus de Prestona.
Philippus de Hanewuda.
Hamo de Wikefelda.
Arfin Marnur.
Adam de Creckefergus.
Walter le Sumter.
Gilbertus de Dovre.
Willelmus de Eggrernuudia.
Johannes de Lamboma.
Henricus Walenger.
Johannes Descunsit.
Willelmus Fet.
Willelmus Cocus.
Gaufredus filius ejus.
Philippus de Wemma.
Ricardus Scott.
Thomas de Lidetuna.
Henricus Gloc'.
227
Pro servitio Ful-
conis filii Guarini.
'228 NOTES.
Isti fuerunt utlagati pro excessibus suis, et postea
venerunt ad ipsum Fulconem, et inlagati sunt ad peti-
tionem domini Norwicensis episcopi, et comitis W
Sarresberiensis, fratris domini regis :
Hugo Fressellus.
Orun'. de Prestecotes.
Rogerus de Waletona.
Reinerus films Reineri.
Willelmus filius Willelmi.
Willelmus filius Ricardi de Bertona.
Ricardus de Wakefelda.
Henricus filius Roberti le Kinge de Uffinton.
Johannes filius Toke.
Henricus le Franceis.
Walterus Godric.
Thomas frater ejus.
Rogerus de Onderoude.
Rogerus de la Hande.
Willelmus filius Johannis.
Page 173. Ly dona sur Asshesdoune, Wantynge, e autres
terres. Wanting in Berkshire, now called Wantage,
is supposed to have been originally a Roman station,
and was a place of some importance in Saxon times,
being well known as the birth-place of King Alfred.
The manor was given from the crown in the reign of
Richard I, to Baldwin de Bethune earl of Albemarle,
from whom it passed to William de Valence earl of
Pembroke, and his eldest daughter carried it by mar-
riage to Hugh Bigot, the earl marshal. Hugh Bigot,
as here stated, granted this manor to Fulk fitz Warine,
NOTES. 229
but the grant was made in reward for military services,
and its date was 1215, long after that at which it
appears here to be placed.
Page 174. Fist fey re yleque e ville marchaude. It was the
usual custom to include in such grants a fair as well
as a market.
Page 176. Une priorie . . . . la Novele Abbeye. The king's
charter confirming the foundation of this abbey at Al-
burbury, is dated at Hereford, on the 12th day of
December, in the 17th Henry II, that is in the year
1171. It must therefore have been founded by Fulk
fitz Warine, the father of him of whom we are now
speaking, as, according to the abstract given in Leland,
was stated more correctly in the early English metrical
version of the history.
Page 177. Morust dame Mahaud de Cans. I have been
able to obtain no information relating to this lady, or
to Clarice de Auberville, or the pretended marriage of
Eve with the prince of Wales, so that we can only take
these events as they are here told.
Quant dame Johane fust devyee. Joane, wife of
Llewelyn, prince of North Wales, died in 1237, and
was buried in the church of Llanvaes, near Beaumaris,
in Angles"ea, where Llewelyn afterwards built a monas-
tery of Dominican friars. The monument of the
princess is still preserved, and has been engraved
in one of the illustrations to my Archceological
Album.
E fust ensevely a Aberconeway. Llewelyn died in 1240,
230 NOTES.
and was buried in the Cistercian abbey of Conway,
which he had founded.
Pus fust de espose a ly sire de Blanc-Mostiers. Blanc-
Mostiers, or White-Minster, means, probably, Whit-
church in Shropshire, though I think it has been
interpreted to mean Oswestry.
Page 182. E morust d Blaunche-Vyle. The date of the
death of this Fulk fitz Warine is not known. It is pro-
bable that he was alive in 1256, as the Fulk fitz Warine
who was drowned at the battle of Lewes in 1264, and
who was no doubt his son, is described in January
1256, as Fulk fitz Warine junior.
Leland abridges the conclusion of the story from
the Anglo-Norman metrical history : — Here lakkid a
quay re or ii. in the olde Englisch booke of the nobile
actes of the Guarines, and these thinges that folow, I
translatid owte of an olde French historie yn rime of
the actes of the Guarines onto the death of Fulco the
2. Fulco, after that he had bene longe aboute the
quarters of Cartage and Barbary, and ther had the
love of a nobile ladie caullid Idonie, he repayrid
agayn to the quarters of England, and there hering
that his brother William was alyve, he founde meanes
to have king Johns perdone, good wylle, and restitution
of his castelle of Whitington ; and also perdon for his
bretherne by the meanes of Randol erle of Chester, the
erle of Glocestre, Hughe Bigot, erle marescal, and
Hubert, archebisshop of Cantorbyri. After this, Hugh
the erle marescal, for love that he bare to Fulco, gave
hym the lordship and landes of Waneting ; where the
village by Fulcos meane was after made a market
NOTES. 231
toune. Then went forthe Fulco on warfare with
Randol counte of Chestre into Ireland, and there did
noble feates. After Fulco foundid ^s I remember,
the New Abbay, a priory in the the English his-
honor of owr ladie in a wood by Al- torie of the Fitz-
bourbyri. Fulco the secunde ma- Warines attri-
ried a wife caullid Clarice. This butith this to
Fulco for nobilite was communely Fulco the firste.
caullid Proudhome. After that Johan the sister of
king John was dead, Lewys prince of Wales maried
Eva doughter to Fulco the secunde, at Blauncheville.
Lewys ly vid a yere and a half after that he maried Eva,
and then dying withowte issue of her, was buryed at
Aberconwey. Eva was after maried to a noble knight
of Blancheminstre. Fulco lyvid seven yere devotely
with Clarice his wife, and yn his latter dayes was striken
with blyndenes. Clarice died afore Fulco, and was
byried yn the New Minstre or Abbay. Fulco after
dying was also with much honour enterred at the New
Abbay."
T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.
EARLY
ENGLISH MISCELLANIES.
T. RICHARDS, 3~, GREAT QUEEN STREET.
EARLY
ENGLISH MISCELLANIES,
IN
PROSE AND VERSE,
SELECTED FROM AN INEDITED MANUSCRIPT OF
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PRINTED FOR THE WARTON CLUB.
M.DCCC.LV.
PREFACE.
AMONGST the miscellaneous English manuscripts
of the fifteenth century which have hitherto re-
mained inedited, there is not perhaps one more
deserving of attention than that from which the
present collection has been selected. It is a thick
but small volume, written on vellum and paper
in the reign of Edward IV, and, from being pre-
served at Porkington, in the county of Salop, in
the library of W. Ormsby Gore, Esq., M.P., has
been generally known as the Porkington Manu-
script. Scarcely any of its contents have been pub-
lished, and, when the original volume was confided
to my trust for a short time some years ago, through
the interest of one of the possessor's intimate
friends, the opportunity was taken of transcribing
from it the curious pieces which are now offered
to the notice of the members of the Warton Club.
The Porkington Manuscript was first brought
prominently into notice by Sir Frederic Madden,
VI
who, in 1839, printed from it the story of Syre
Gawene and the Carle of Carelyle, in his excellent
collection of the romance-poems of Syr Gawayne.*
This curious piece is the first poem in the manu-
script, the articles which precede it consisting of
a calendar, a table of eclipses calculated for the
period from 1462 to 1481, a tract on the weather,
etc. The next which follows is the curious treatise
on planting and grafting, printed in the present
volume, pp. 66-72, which will be read with some
interest by those whose curiosity leads them to
inquire into the progress made by our ancestors
in these subjects at so early a period. In
the agricultural and botanical sciences they were
clearly not very far advanced, but they made
amends for this by attaining a singular proficiency
in all the appliances of the pictorial art. On this
account, as well as in regard to the nature of the
subject itself, the minute receipts in aid of " the
crafte of lymnynge of bokys", p. 72, are likely to
be of considerable importance in any researches
* Sir F. Madden is of opinion (Syr Gawayne, p. 429) that
slronge, at the commencement of this poem, should be
strange. The manuscript has the former reading, but the
use of the o for the «, which will be found constantly in
the following pages, appears to be a dialectical indication
that ought to be preserved.
Vll
respecting the history of English art. After a
few brief poems, the next article of any import-
ance in the manuscript is the " Vision of Philibert
regarding the Body and the Soul"; a curious and
hitherto unnoticed early metrical translation of the
Latin poem on that subject, generally attributed to
Walter Mapes. It is given in the present volume,
pp. 12-39. This is followed by the short, but
quaint, poems of " Earth upon Earth", and the
" Mourning of the Hare", both of which are in-
serted in this collection. A few of the shorter metri-
cal pieces have been already printed in other col-
lections, and, though interesting in themselves, it
was thought not to be worth while to reproduce
them. Some have been printed in the Reliquiae
Antiques, and others in works of limited circulation,
but sufficiently accessible to the student. The ten
articles now printed comprise the chief of the
inedited pieces of any real value, and constitute,
with those elsewhere published, as complete a
copy of the manuscript as will generally be
desired.
To the above^brief enumeration of the contents
of the manuscript may be added the version of the
amusing tale of the Friar and the Boy, printed
in the following pages, pp. 46-62. Several copies
of this poem have been preserved, and as they all
Vlll
vary considerably from each, other, the present is
worth preservation, as perhaps the least incorrect
of any of the early manuscript copies known to
exist. Another, preserved in MS. Cantab. Ee.
iv. 35, was printed by Mr. Wright, 18mo, 1836.
The story is well known, and was a common
chap-book history, in a modernized form, until a
very recent period.
February, 1855.
EARLY ENGLISH
MISCELLANIES.
I.
LOVELY lordynges, ladys lyke,
Wyves and maydynus ryallyke,
So worthy undere wede,
And alle, lystynes to my talkynge,
God grant hem hys dere blesynge,
And hevene to her mede.
By one foreste as I cone ryde,
I saw a byrd by a woode syde,
Bry3te sche was of ble ;
Her wenges were of colowrs ryche,
As an aungelle me thojte her lyche,
Full semely hit was to se;
The byrd was go ; my joy was stylle,
For woo, alasse ! myselffe I spylle, —
To Cryste I make my mone,
B
EARLY ENGLISH
For a love that was so newe,
That so bry3te was of hewe,
Fro me was sche gone.
A blestfulle songe that byrd gone synge,
And I abode for love talkynge,
To wilt of whene sche wore ;
And as sone as sche se me,
Sche toke her fly3te for to fle
To an holte so hore ;
Forthe I walked in that foreste,
By a rever est and weste,
Under ane holte syde,
Tylle I come undere a lovele tre,
That semely cone I se
Undere a buske abyde.
That lovely byrd one bowys bare,
Sche sange a songe with sy3kyng sare
Opone ane haselle tre :
With wordys myld and hende,
To that byrd cone I wende,
Off bale her bote to be.
Whenne that I tylle her come,
By the wengus I her nome,
And stroked her fulle softe :
With wordys myld and stylle,
I hasked the byrd of her wylle
MISCELLANIES.
Fele tymys and ofte ;
The byrd answerd and sayd, — Do way !
Me lykes no5te of thy play,
Ne talkyng of thy talys :
I am known undere thys tre,
So as I come let me fie,
By downs and by dalus :
For wonte I was to be in cage,
And with my feres to play and rage,
With game and with gle :
Now I fly with my fethere hame,
As wyld fowle and nothyng tame ;
Be dere God, woo is me !
Nay, dere byrd, let be thy care,
And thou woldus gladly with me fare,
And leve one my talkynge ;
Of thy ruthe I wold a-ruwe,
Thy cage shal be made anewe ;
Thou shalte have thy lykynge.
The byrd answerd with wordys fre, —
Whereof schuld my cage be,
And I the love wold r
The flore schold be of argentum,
Clene sylver alle and sume,
That trewe love my3te behold.
The walle schal be of galmeowne,
B 2
EARLY ENGLISH
Frankensensse and lymesone,
That savour that is so swete.
The postes schal be of syperesse,
The furste tre that Jhesu chesse,
Off bale to be owre bote :
The towres shal be of every,
Clene corvene by and by,
The dore of whallus bone ;
The cowpuls alle of galyngalle,
The bemus alle of ryche coralle,
Ryally begone ;
The dosers alle of camaca,
The bankers alle of taffaca,
The quysschyns alle of velvet ;
The wyndows alle of jasper stone,
The pelowrs of coralle everychone,
With joye joyned in gete :
The hyllynges thereof schal be blewe,
And dyaper with aser hew
Comly for the noneste :
Pynnaculs alle of aurum,
Clene gold alle and summe,
Fulle of precyowse stonus :
The creste blewe and whyte as rysse,
The pynnaculs schalle go alle by vysse,
Within and withowte,
MISCELLANIES.
With Vent Creator spiritus,
And, Gloria in excelsis,
With aungels songe alle abowte.
Fyve whelys therein schal be,
In the medylle schal be the Trinite,
That pere as none,
And the forwte thereabowte,
To Jhesu Criste for to lowte,
Marke, Mathew, Luke, and Johne.
The perche schalbe of carbuncul stone,
To rest jow one, my joly lemone,
So semely is to my syjte ;
The ny3tyngale, the throstylcoke,
The popejay, the joly laveroke,
Schalle singe 3ow day and ny3te ;
The popejay, jour lady fre,
In jour cage with jow to be,
30\v to honour and quene;
The throstelcoke Gabrielle,
The wyche gret owre lady welle,
With ane Gracia plene.
The ny3tyngale with benedicite,
In 3our cage with 3ow to be,
For the fendys rowte ;
The laveroke schalle synge hye,
With Gloria tibi Domine,
EARLY ENGLISH
And blysse the cage alle abowte.
Thys cage is made withowtyne weme,
For the love of one woman,
Mary that is so fre ;
The mane that better cage make canne,
Take thys byrd to his lemane,
That is the Trinite.
God, that is fulle of myjte,
And sofored for us payns ply3te,
For his ordors tenne,
Mot save and kepe this company
Fro schame and eke fro velony,
Ad vitam eternam ! Amen.
II.
Lord, how schalle I me complayne,
Unto myne owne lady dere,
For to telle hereof my payne,
That I felte this tyme of the heire ?
My lovfe, yf that 36 wylle hit here,
Thowje I can noo songis make,
Soo yowre lovfe changys my chere,
That whenne I slepe I may not wake.
Youre lovfe dose me soo meculle wow,
I lovfe yow best I make a wowe,
MISCELLANIES.
That my schowe byndys my lyttylle towe,
And alle my lowf, swyt, hit ys for yow ;
Forsothe me thynkyt hit wylle me slow,
But 30 sum what my sowrro slake,
That barfot to my bede I goo,
And whenne I slepe I may not wake :
Whosoever wyst what lyfe I lede,
In myne obserwans in dyveris wyse,
Now the tyme that I gow to my bede,
I eyte no met tylle that I aryse.
36 my3t telle hit for a gret emprys,
That this morne for yowre sake,
Soo mekulle I thinke one yowre serwyse,
That when I slepe I may not wake.
In the mornyng when I ryse schalle,
Me lyst ry3t welle for to dyne,
But commynly I drynke noo nale,
Yf that I may geyt anny good wyne.
To make yowre hert to me inclyne,
Suche turment to me I take,
Synggyng dothe me soo mycheylle pyne,
That whenne I slepe I may not wake.
I may unnethe buttyn my slewys,
Soo myn armys waxin more ;
Uridure my hyelle is that me grevys,
Fore at my hart I fele noo sowre.
EARLY ENGLISH
Evyry day my gyrdylle gothe out avore,
I clynge as dothe a whettyne cake,
And for yowre lowf I sy3e soo sowre,
That when I slepe I may not wake.
Therefore but 36 quyte me my hyre,
Forsothe I not what I schalle donne,
And for yo\vr lovf, lady, by the fyre,
Glowys wyll Y were noon.
I lawje and synge and make no mone,
I waxe as leyne as anny rake ;
This in longure I leyfe alonne,
That whan I slepe I may not wake.
My dooblet ys more then hit was,
To lovfe yow furst when I beganne,
Hit most be wyddyre be my lase
In yche a spas and stede by a spone.
My lovfe, sethe I become youre mane,
I havfe reddyn thorow monny a lake,
Woone myleway mornyng I came,
And jeyt whan I slepe I may not wake.
This in longure I am lente,
Longe are 366 doo soo for me ;
Take good hyde unto my tent,
For this schalle my conclucyone bee, —
Me thinke I loofe as welle as 3ee,
Never soo cayey thow3e 366 hit make ;
MISCELLANIES. 9
Be this insampulle 36 may see,
That when I slepe I may not wake.
Amen. Et-c.
III.
As I went one my playing,
Undure an holt uppone an hylle,
I sawe and ould mane hoore make mornyng, —
With sykyng soure he sayd me tylle, —
Sum tyme this worde was at my wylle,
With reches and with ryallte,
And now hit layd done ful stylle ;
This word is but a wannyte.
That one the morrow when hit fayre and chere,
Afternone hit wendys awaye,
And commyth to the nyjt as hit was ere :
This word ys but a daye :
Goo for ry3t alle owre lewyng heyre ;
Frow chyldwood unto mannys degre,
Owre enddyng drawyt nere and nere, —
This word is but a wannyte.
I leccone my lyfe unto the morrow-tyde;
When I was chyld so bare i-bore,
For me my modyr soffyrd gret soure,
With grouttyng and weppyng was I bore,
10 EARLY ENGLISH
But thow one me was wem ne hore ;
Sethe in sinne I have i-be,
Now I am olde I may no more, —
This word is but a wannyte.
At myde-morroo daye I lernnyd to goo,
And play as chyldorne done in strete ;
As chyldwood me tho3t and tau3t I dyde tho,
With my fellous to fyjt and beyt.
What I dede methojt hit swete,
Ryjt as chyldhod tajt hit me ;
Now may I say with terrus weete,
This word is but a wannyte.
At under day to skole I was i-sete,
To lerne good as chyldorn dothe,
But whenne my master woold me bete,
I wold hym cowrs and wax folle rowthe :
To lerne good I was fulle rowthe,
I tho3t one play and gollytte ;
Now for to say the sothe,
This world is but a wannyte.
At mydday I was dobbyt a knyjte,
In trothe I lernnyd for to ryed ;
There was none soo bold a wy3te,
That in battaylle durst me abyde.
Where be-commy3t alle owre pryd,
Owre jollytte and fayre boutte,
MISCELLANIES. 11
Frow dethe I may not me here hyde, —
This word ys but a wannyte.
At nonne I was crounyd a kynge,
Alle this world was at my wylle ;
Ever to lyvfe here was my lykynge,
And alle my lust I wold fulfylle :
Now age is croppyn one me ful stylle,
He makyt me hore, blake, and bo we ;
I goo alle dounward with the hylle, —
This world is but a wannyte.
At myd-undure-none wondorly I waxe,
My lust and lykyng hit went away,
From the world my chere ys goon,
Fro ryalte and ryche araye :
Owre lewyng ys but one daye,
Ajeynst the world that evyre schalbe ;
Be this matter I dare welle saye,
This word ys but a wanyte.
At ewynsong tyme I was so cold,
That now I goo alle by a stafe,
Therefore is dethe one me so bold,
And for his hyre he dothe me chawfe :
Whenne I am dede and layd inne grawe,
Then no thing schalle save me,
But welle and woo that I done havfe, —
This word ys but a wannyte.
12 EARLY ENGLISH
Now ys this day commyn to the nyjt ;
I ha we lost my lewyng ;
A dredefulle payne is for me dyjte,
In cold claye there inne to clynge.
As I went on my playing,
Undure an holt by a tre,
This hard I an old manne mak mornyng, —
This world ys but a wannyte !
In Domino confydo. Amen, dico vobis.
IV.
The Fadyr of pytte and most of myserycorde,
That alle this word throw his grace relewyt,
He ys soo mercyfulle, called gracys Lord,
That all oure syne the wyche his lordschypp grevyth,
Full oft of verey pytte that hym mevyte,
To oure freywelte hawyng advertans,
He remytteth sone and grantteth indulgens.
And thoje it be so he wyll no man be pereched,
He sofford us oft to falle grevusly ;
Whom he reypreweth whom he woll have cheryd,
There is no creature can tel this truly :
Werfore, O frendus, alle this counsel I,
Consydyr youre lyve stondyth in gret drede ;
Beth wel awysid therefor, 30 have gret ned.
MISCELLANIES. 13
Al this I meve for a nottabul a storrye,
The wych a clarke in Lattayne lyst for to wryet,
To floure for ever worthely in memorrye,
And hard harttus to try and exsyte
To perfeccyon, and cans men to have delyte
In her God, and meve hem new and newe
To alle good warkus, al evyl to esschew.
And as I dorst for verey drede and schame,
Of sympul connyng and bestyal rudenysse,
I toke one me to translate the same
Into owre tonge after the prossese
In Lattayn ; weifore with alle humblenesse,
Every genttyl redere I reyquere
To be my supporter, I aske non other hyere.
And in this matter weras I fynde
Anne thinge that may behold suspecte,
As towchyng enny word befor or behynde,
To throwe dysscression I offyr and derecte
Al syche defawtes to amende and correcte,
Lest one me be fond any offense,
In anny place of worthie audyense.
O sovereyn Lord of sapiens infeynyte,
Sum lecur of thi grace one me destylle,
Sonnere my style helpe me to indyte,
14 EARLY ENGLISH
That to thi lawde I may this processe fulfyle :
Soffyre me not, Lord, a3eynst thi wyle,
But so my pene dyrecte at my nede,
That to thi lawde this processe may precede.
O Crystes modyre, dow3tter to Sente Anne,
Be whom al grace is new begonne ;
That feede 3eure chyld with the heyvynly mane,
And 3ave hym drynke of youre good lytonne.
O norreyschere to Cryst clothid with the sone,
The chefe temppul of oure soferayn deseyryde,
And of the Holly Gost electe and enspyryd.
Nowe wy3t-save, lady, of youre maydonhede,
Sum Iy3t of grace one me to sende,
That my rude wyte may be oute of drede
Of this simpul dytte to make ann ynd :
And lest hit be so that I do offende,
Let yowre grace uppon me, youre servant, schyne,
That by a quene aboven the ordors nyne.
And to my porpos I wyl turne al newe,
As befor I began to wryte,
And after a storry to the I wylle the matter sewe,
As 36 schal here without more respyte.
In Frans sometym there cleyllyd an hermete,
MISCELLANIES. 15
Holly and devoute, and set in perfeccyone :
He was allso a worth! kyngis sone.
This ermet be name was cleyppyd Philberte,
Secrete with God, as in conclysion
The matter schowy3t, who wysely wyl advert,
And in his slepe he hade syche a vyssyone :
He saw a boddy not feynyd be illisione,
Deede and pale, and one the erthe laye ;
And, as hit semyd, the spret was away.
By the body the spret stod and weppyd,
And in his langaug the body dyde repreve ;
Why hadyst thou not better thi soule keppyte r
Alas, that ever thou commyst of Adam and Eve !
Who cast the doune into this myscheyfe ?
Who hath the put into this gret mysyre ?
Thy sollen festus be changyt into serre.
Not long agoo, the word was thi subejecte ;
Al this regeone thi lordschype hade in drede.
Wer is now that mayne, thou stynkyng and abjecte,
That thou wert wont so ryally to fede ?
Here gret observans and there takyng hede ?
Al is gone ! thi welth is from the wenyde !
Thow foul caryon, thus dethe hath the dysmayde.
16 EARLY ENGLISH
Thy dwellyng is not now in hy3e towrus,
Ne in hyje paleys of famus largenyse,
But in a grave clousyd alle in flowryse,
Schort enow3e, it hath no gret wydnys ;
What awaylly3t now thi strengthe and thi reches ?
Thy 3othe, thi bowtte, and thin appareyle ?
Frome hens forthe thi wyl not the awayle.
Where is now thy hy3e palleys, reyplete
Of reches flouyng in gret abundanse ?
Thi hale is now of vij. fete :
The wormus bene thi kyn and thin alyanse ;
Thi fryndeus in whome was alle thi affyanse,
Here terms be almost exspend ;
When thi dyrge was done, heere soroo was at an ynd.
I am a sole after thi simlytude
Of God, a creatur in a ry3t nobul wyse,
And ordent to be of that multutud,
That up to God glory schul ascend and ryse ;
But thou, alas ! madyste me to dyspyse
My God ; so wellaway the whylle !
For to eternal dethe he wyle us both exile.
O stynkyng fleche ! with me thou art damnyde,
But and thou knewyst the gret sowrro and payne
MISCELLANIES. 17
Ordent for the, when thou schalt be exsempned,
A thousande sythe thou schalt crye and playne,
And say this word, — God, that we twayne
The day of owre byrth we had byn in our grave !
But suche grave wer we not or dent to have.
Hit is gret merwelle, as semy3t me,
Thoj oure dedys were not at Godis pleysans,
In ouer lyve, whyle I was kyn to the,
For of me thou hadyst alvay the governans,
And when thou felyst I wold have done pennans,
For owre syn thou woldyst never asente,
Ne at no time porpos the to amende.
Wer beth thi lonndys by exstorcyone take ?
Thin hyj pallys that thou hast belde, and towrys ?
Thy freche ryngis, thi goomes wyet and blake,
Thy golde and sylwyre, and thi gret honnouris ?
All is lost, and now thi sempul bouris
In the, and thou art layd now fulle lowe ;
Thus whom hym lyst dethe cane ovyre-throwe.
Thy ryche vesture, thi beddys of collors dyverse,
Thi wennesone, thi wyld foulle, spycus of delyte,
Vesselle, nappre, mettus, I cannot reyhers,
Sawsis, subdelytys to thine appetyte ;
18 EAULY ENGLISH
Thy lusty pellois, thi schettus fayre and whyte ;
Where ys this now ? one this was alle thi thoujte :
Here mayst thou se worldis joy is nojte.
Answere to me, for I wylle apposse
Thin wloge, yf hit do the apleyse ;
Say one thy tyxte, for now may be no glous,
For now thy haulle roofe lyth uppon that noose :
Hit is so streyt, thou hast no membure at ese ;
Thi moth, thi eene, thi tonge, and thi brethe,
Thi fete and thi hondys stynke alle of dethe !
Thy gret ryches that thou hast gette some tyme,
With farade, with fawyre, with strenjte, or with
drede,
Be now changyt into erthe and slyme,
And no were the world of me takyt none hede :
Thus dethe aquyttyt every man his mede :
Wyth-oute doute, who soo dothe attend
Of worldly joy is evyre at the heynd.
In heyvyne and erthe thou hast never a frynde ;
Thy fadyre and thi modyre of the takys noo kepe :
Thyne eyrris hath alle, thy good is dysspend ;
Thy lusty wyfe dothe no lengure weppe :
Alas ! that evyre thou coudyst goo or crepe !
MISCELLANIES. 19
There his no prayere that may the now awaylle :
Thow fylthye fleche ! now mayst thou cry and weppe.
I knowe this well, thin eyrrys ne thi wyfe
Wyl not 3eyfe o fote of thi lond
To reystore the agayne here to thi lyve,
And jeyt alle thi trust thou puttust in here honcl.
A ! wold God, thou my3ttyst undyrestonde,
As thou lyes nowe stynkyng one the here,
Thi frenschype and thou dyid bothe in feere.
Now mayste thou see this world is but false ;
His fayre prommes fol monny hathe begyllyde.
The -fendis mallis thi curssid flecche alse,
Many a thowsand have 36 there exsylyd
Owte of joy, as mony a clarke hathe compylyd
In sondry storrys, who so luste to rede ;
But ale-tho3e men take of dethe no hede.
Thi wester nowe is nothing presiouse,
The wallure thereof is but symepul i-nowje :
The schape me thingk is not made ful curiuse,
Al thi bede-schettes beth alle row3e :
And tho thi skynne be never so hard and tow3e,
3et wylle the wormus into thi body crepe :
Wherefore, thou fleche, thou hast grete caus to wepe.
c 2
20 EARLY ENGLISH
And tho thou feele no turment novve nor payne,
Als thou lyiste here dede and palle of hewe,
At the hy jugement doutles we twayne
Schall be sore poonneschyde, we may hit not esschew ;
And suffure endles payne ever new and newe ;
A3ens us bothe is 3eve the jugement and senttense ;
There is no favor to make reyssystens.
O fulle of mysserie, that never haddyst pytte
Uppone the pore in al thi dayis here,
But by exstorsion hast robbyd alle the sytty,
There as thou hast deyllyd from heyre to 3ere,
Now arte thou layd fulle lowe uppone the bere :
Of alle owre sorrow thou arte the cause ;
Com of and thou canste, and answere to this clause.
Whenne at the body hade hard every worde
Of the sowle and evere complaynt,
Upe the chest frome hym he cast away the bord
Wyth gret vyolens, as he were nothing faynt,
And furiusly and wood the false fleche ataynte :
With ferfull langgage he began the sole to accuse,
As 36 schalle here, and hymeselfe to excuse.
Art thou my soule, that hast me reyprevyte
With scharpe reysone curiusly made and w
MISCELLANIES. 21
Yf myne answere be ryjt wel apprewyte,
Alle thi argamenttus schalle be set at nojte,
And anone the truthe anone schalle be soujte,
Wyche of us to is most worth! here,
To bere the blame, anon 36 schall here.
This knowe I wel, I have made the erre
In monny a warke and manny a sory dede,
But what is the cause nowe of oure werre
I wylle declare, withouttyne anny drede ;
How myjt the body syne, I pray the take hede,
Withoute the soule ? thou cannist not this denye ;
Tarry a whyle, and I schalle tel the whye.
The word, the feend, and the fleche, in fere,
By the gret frendys and of old alyance,
And but the sole ryjt as dothe the brere,
Hale a3ene anone this they wyll aspye,
What myjte cause the body to aplye
To here luste and to here cursyde werkus ;
Now answere, soule, for this say the the clarkus.
This know I welle, as thou dydyst reyherse,
God formyd the after his owne ymage,
And made the ry3t with manny vertues dyverse,
And ordent the body bothe in 5oughet3 and age,
To be thy thral, thy servant, and thi page :
22 EARLY ENGLISH
Have I not do so, as somme then kythe ?
But al for no3te, I se proferd serves stynkit :
Thow, soule, wer made lady and mastries
In thy creacione, bye Godis provysionne :
Reysone, mynd, and wyll, God of his goodnyse
Ordent to the only, to this conclusione,
That thou schulddyst kepe thi body from confusion,
And ajeynst al synne to make resistense ;
Thus dyddyst thou never answere to my senttens.
Hit may not be the bodye schold be blamyte,
But only the sole that hath the soffrentte ;
Thow haddyst the governans ; art thounot a-schamyd ?
Why puttest thou one me alle thi defaute :
To be my subjecte say what nedyethe the ?
Sethe of the body thou haddyst alle the charge,
What was the cause thou suffurist me to go at
large ?
Withoute spret, pardy, the body his
Withoute spret the body is no3t sussteynnyde :
To kepe the body thou were made and wrojte :
Answere, thou wer my sufferayne and long hast
playnyd,
Thow wer my soferayn and longe haste raynnyde
MISCELLANIES. 23
On me ; why tokyst thou no better hede,
At all owrys when that I hade nede ?
Thy symppul fleche, the wyche is corryptybulle,
Without the spret can noudyre good ne harme.
How myjt hit be, hit is unpossybulle
That the body, the wyche is nothinge warme,
But deyde and cold, schuld put forth his arme,
Or withowt the soule eny membur meve ;
Withowt the soule the body may nothing greve.
Thothe the body and the spryt most nede asente,
Whatever he sayth he most say the same,
And as subjecte serve his masteris intente :
Why schuld the servant bere the masteris blame ?
Without the sole the body his blynd and lame ;
My felyng, my mevyng, ale commyjt of the :
For thin offens why reyprevyst thou me ?
Remembure, O sool, what thou hast offendyte
More then I, thou cannyst the not excuse :
Oure both defawttus thou myjttyst have amendyte ;
This knowyst thou welle, thou mayst hit not reyfuse.
Thow obayist my wylle : why doste thou acuse ?
Thy bytter langgag hath grewyd me sore :
Go frome me, sole, and wex me no more.
24 EARLY ENGLISH
Wylle, abyd a whylle and tarie,
And at thi ergamenttes anone reypleye, —
Thow hast ofFendy t, thou canniste not say the conttrary ;
0 mollyd carryen, out one the, I crye.
Fyrst take the pylere out of thyne ye,
Or one me thou put anny defaute :
Fulle causles me thing it, thou dost me asaute.
1 know this welle, I schuld have mad reysustens
A3eyns the fleche, fals and dyssaywabulle,
But thi freelte anon stod at defense ;
To thi soule thou were never favereabulle :
My wylle was oft to 3eld me culpapulle,
But thou3 the world and the fende alsoo
In no wyse wold never asent thereto.
O wrecheyd fleche, O thou stynkynge donge,
That al thy dayis hast the word followyd !
What arte thou now ? thy knyl is ronge,
Thy dyrge is done, the erthe hase the swallovyd !
Thow art defygurt, thi eyne beth depe hollowed !
Now art thou dede, thou mayst not askape ;
Not long agone thou madyst hereof a jappe.
When thy concianse wold the have mad chastessed,
With wygellus, fastynge, or with allmysdede,
MISCELLANIES. 25
Thow woldyst say nay, — I be awyssed
I may lyve longe 3eyt, I have no nede
To amend myself ; of deth I take no hede :
I wylle dance whylle the world wylle pype ;
The frut fallyt syld, but 5eyf hit be rype.
Thow hast of me take alle the charge,
Thow soffyrd me never to have the soffyriantte ;
After thi lust thou wenttust alway at large,
Thow hast myschevyd bothe the and me.
A ! what pestelens is wors or adversite,
In this world then a famylly or frende ?
Withowttyne dout he is wors then a fynde.
I know me gyltte that I have erryd ;
Sethe I was sofferayne, I have the not reystreynyd,
But suffyrd the body evere to be referryde,
Trowth, the falsnis undyre dessayvyd.
A ! now I know the worldis joye is faynyde ;
Alle to lat I do my sorro complayne, —
Fayre promese ofte makyth foollis fayne.
O wrecched fleche, whi dydyst thou not advarte
The sottel fraud of this world and gyle,
And on thi God wonly set thin herte,
That ever was raydy the to reyconsyle :
26 EARLY ENGLISH
But now, alas ! he wylle us both exsyle
Oute of joye, for oure gret offence.
There is no juge that wylle with us dyspense.
Not long agone the world dyde lave one the,
And made the promese thou schuld longe indure ;
But thou wer blynd, thou my3ttyst not see,
The perelus end and thin myssawentture :
O deth, thou wendyst thou hade byne sure
To leve alle way, and never to have dyid,
3ete amonge a thousand dethe hath the aspyid.
The world methinke I may reysemble wele
To a thefe that came, both faynd and glose,
And when thou wenyst he be as trow as styelle,
He sonnyst dyssaywyth the, thou schalt never odyre
suppose,
But as a sarpent that creppyt under they roose,
Lythe awayet, every tyme and houre,
To sley the best that dare toche the floure.
Tho that wer thi frynddys be now waxt al strange,
Uppon thi grave they wyl not ons beholde,
And nowe that abbay is torned to a grange,
Farewel thi frenschype, thi kechyne is cold !
O fremel flech, ful oft I have the told,
MISCELLANIES. 27
When thou art dede, thi frenschype is aslepe ;
And at that word the boddy began to wepe.
My soule, trowyst thou I undyrestond,
Whil I was levynge in all my bessenyse,
That so sodenly wold have passid the flod,
Uppone the ebbe I tho3t never to exprese ;
My hart was ever uppon my rechese :
I trowyd never to have enturrid into my grave.
I lest not whyl the world sayd have.
And now I know truly at the beste,
That alle my reches may nothing prewayle,
And nowe my loge is low in cheste,
My powere, my berthe, to me wyl nothinke avayle
Ajeyns dethe, the wyche wyl never fayle
To come at the last, tarie hem never so longe ;
The worldis joye hath ever sorrow amonge.
We have offendyt ouer Lorde God sovereyne,
But thin offyns his a gret del more :
Why schuld the body have so gret a payne
As the sole ? he hath not offendyt so sore.
I have gret wrong, as me-thingit therefore,
To be ponnescheyd with the sole in fere :
Tarry a whyle, and why thou schalt here.
28 EARLY ENGLISH
Of every dyscryte this is well consayvyde,
And know also by auctorryte of Scrypture,
So gret gyftus of God thou reysayvyd,
So here is thine astate and good awentture ;
Tho God soffyre the never so long to indure,
At the last answere thou must make
Of thi gret charge that thou hast undyretake.
God 3eyf the reyssone, wyl, and mynde,
With dyveris goodis he induit the ;
He 3ave the alle, and left me behynd,
He mad me thi subjecte in ful sympul degre ;
But thou wer neclygent and roullyd by me, —
Thow scholdyst therefore have the more payne,
Be veery reyssone methinkyth, of us twayne.
After his oune image God mad the ryjt fayre,
Of my v. wyllus he toke the the keye,
Withoute thin asent I my3te never apayre
In thin absens how my3t I rage or playe,
But as a chyld his master dothe obbaye,
Dare not, for feyre he schuld be bete ;
Be well awyssyd, one my resons grete.
Now ame I dede, my colour is appalyde ;
My sole is gone, the body may not meve,
And 3eyt to answere nowe ame I callycle,
MISCELLANIES. 29
Unavvyssid in this gret myscheyf ;
Now dethe hath take me by the sieve,
I must 3eve acounttus, I may not ascape, —
Deth, takyth heyd, can nother play ne jape.
Sum tyme I hade menne one me to wayte,
Freche arayid, was none to me to dere,
And now my chambure is ful narro and streyt, —
There may not to loge there in fere :
What is the body, whenne hit is one bere ?
Hit is not ellus but wormus mete :
This his the heynd of every smale and gret.
And I know welle that I schalle aryce
To jeyf aconttus at the laste,
Befor the most feyrful Justyse,
How ferful trowly there is no tong can saye :
Whether schal I fle, alase and wellawaye !
Frou the sy3t of ther fueyrfulle juge ?
There is no creature may be my reyfuge.
3eyt say I more with a sorroffull harte,
Of my playnis, O soule, take hede.
The grettyst payn amonge my paynnis smerte,
Was when my sole dyde from me reysede,
At that departtyng wofful of feere and drede,
30 EARLY ENGLISH
When that my sole, that was my next frend,
Was dampnyd for ever in helle to be a fende.
Sone after the sperit with a dredly speche
Begane to crye, and sayd, — I ame lorne !
For my soor, alase, there is no leche ;
Why wold my Makere soffyre me to be borne
In this world, seth he knew toforne
That I schwld be dampnyd in his presense,
At the last, for my gret offence ?
A ! wold God I had byne unreyssonnabule
As an hond ; then had I byne out of payne ;
But now my end is most abhomynabule,
Hit awayllyth no3t, thoj I crye or playne ;
I ame so fare, I may not torne a3eyne
To have mercy, for ry3t hath clossyd the gate
There mercy sojornit; I ame come to late.
In paynus moste scharpe I ame and ever schal be.
I have no tong that playnly canne tele
My longe sorro, my gret adversitte
Wyche I suffyre doune alowe in heelle ;
But, alase ! of alle my sorrowe they wylle,
Is that I schale never come ajeyne to grace,
But etternally dweylle in that darke place.
MISCELLANIES. 31
The body spake to the spret ajeynne, —
3ife hit be so that thou hast byne in heylle,
To see there the gret torment and payne
Ordent for Lucyfere, that oute of hewyne felle ;
Is there anny raye, I praye the soletele,
Or anny gladnyse, or any estate keppite ?
The soule sayd nothinge, but stod stil and weppyd.
To gret lordys and nobles there is somme place
Of worschype, ordent after herre degre !
Thay leve in hope to have mercy and grace
At the last, how myjt hit ellis be ?
May almys dedis helpe nowe, tel me,
Or holy sufFragyse in this gret nede ;
Sume of this methinky3 alway schal spede.
Thy questione, thou body, is not reysonabule,
Nor out of helle may no man be redempte ;
The gret sorroo there is so abbomynabule,
Of ire, of envy, murmure and contempte ;
Al gladnis and joy is there exsempte;
None astate there schal be preferryde,
The payn is taxed after as thi have erryde.
Thoj al the world wer ful of almus dede,
Of pytty and mercy, and of gladnyse,
32 EARLY ENGLISH
And pray for us reyt, schuld thou not spede :
Thouj at onys thi offyrd alle ther ryches,
Al is in vayne, labure and besinys,
That is done for us that byn in helle :
Of this mater 3ete have I mor to telle.
For al this world, lordschype and treyssere,
The fend wyl not sofFer une sool out of helle
To be reyfrechid the tyme of halfe an oure ;
There is non aschapyth out of his chene,
Be no sottaylte, nor be no false trayne :
He most abyd in that presone evyre,
That ones commyjt in, for out goth he never.
To know reydyly thou sayst his thi desyre,
If gret estatys schold be punnesscyd soore ;
Her paynus be scharpure, the hotter is the fyre
That thei byne in, and schuld more and more
Then annye othere, I warne the before.
The gretter estate, the gretter is his falle ;
I may no lenger tarry to tel the of alle.
When at the soole had mad his complaynte,
Of to feyndis anon he was take ;
Thay wer so feyrfule, there is no man coud paynt,
Suche to there wer so foul and so blake ;
MISCELLANIES. 33
For verry feyre the soule dyd trymmyl and quake
At here commynge, it is and was gret wondyre, —
There followyd then gret tempas and thondore.
In her hondys thei bare yrone speyruse,
The fereful soule to feyre and enchase ;
Fyre smot on at here mowthus and eryse,
Lyk ij. lyons thei dyde the soule arace;
Ful dredful was here ymage and here face :
In this world there is no creature one lyve,
That coud here fygurs by and by descryve.
Here contenance, here eyne, were so orryble,
Al brennyng fyre, schynyng as the glase,
To tel yow al it is impossibulle ;
Here hornnys were gret, thei semyd al of brase ;
Gret stronge smoke about them there wase ;
Brennyng feyre wase about ther hornyse,
And al here eyrus wer scharpe as any thornus.
This to fendys foule and abbomynabule,
Fersly with tonggys blasyng for heyte,
With mony a cry and wordyse reyprevabule,
Thay hallyd the soul into paynus grete.
Thus pettyusly he wase schorgyt and bete,
And with here naylys he was dysmemborte ;
Of alle and halfe his paynus I cannot be rememburte.
34 EARLY ENGLISH
Surae with cheynnys bond the soule faste,
Sume with 3erdys smote ful hard and soore ;
Sume byllyd mettayl, and in his moth than caste ;
Some made fyre byhynde, and somme byfore :
And to increse his payne more and more,
Into a pyt anone he was in caste,
Of fyere and sulfure brennyng aye ful fast.
Then al the fendys in schame and reyplete
Of the soule, sayd in this wyes : —
O false attaynte ! O thou cursyd theve !
Now arte thou bond, thou mayst never aryse !
Thow arte quyte for thi long serwyse !
Thow mayst not aschape — thou arte tyid so faste.
Alle oure serwanttus, lo! commyj hedere at the laste.
For verry sorrow the soule began to wepe,
And sayd, — alas ! I may not torne a3eyne
Owt of this dongoone, that is wyde and depe.
A ! God, my makere, to the I cry and playne, —
Where is thi mersy, that wase wont to rayne ?
Amonge thi pepul lete hit nowe awayle,
Doune alowe into this darke dale !
The fendyse anon sayd, Thou cryiste to late
After thi God ; nowe that mayst not spede !
The portter of heyvyne hathe cloussyd the 3ate ;
MISCELLANIES. 85
Of thi crye thay take none heed :
Hit awayllyj not, tho thou say thi crede
A thowsand sythe novve alowe in helle,
For dowtles here thou most nedys dwelle.
The gret darknys thou mayste grope and fele ;
From hensforth thou schalt never se no lyjte ;
Thy bytter heyt there is no man may kele ;
Thy lusty day is tornyd into ny3te.
Thy bowtte is changyt, passid is thi my3t ;
Hit awayllyj not, wepe thou never so sore :
Then endyth my drem : of this I sawe no more.
When I hade hard complaynt alle
Betwyne the body and the soule in fere,
Frow my eyne the teris begane to fale ;
I pray to God with myne herte in fere,
He wold witsavfe to grant, while I wer here,
Of al my synnys to have wery reypentance,
And ever in my werkys to do unto his pleysance.
Owt of my slepe I woke alle dysmayid,
I sow5t abowt, I coud no thinge fynde,
And of my vesione I was foule afrayid,
The body and the soule wer ever in my mynde,
And ever me thoo3t I sawe the feynd byhynd :
D 2
36 EARLY ENGLISH
So was his feger so pryntyd in my thojte ;
Whil I was alyve I forgat hyme nou3te.
The wordys joy, the wyche is transsetorrye,
My gold, my sylver, al I sete ate nowjte ;
Myne erytage, myne alyaunse, al is but faynyd glorye,
Oute of mynd, as hit had never be thoi^te ;
And for his mercy, oure Lord I be-sou3te,
He wold reyseyf me holly into his hondyse,
And kepe me ever oute the fendis hondyse.
And tho hit was so I was a kyngis sone,
I offyrd my selfe to wylful poverte,
And in dysserte al my lyve to wone,
I mad ful promes with ale humylyte ;
There I lowet longe in streyt chastyte,
Abydyng Goddis wylle, when that he wyl send
For my sowle, and therto make ann ynde.
And for that moste begynnere and sovereyn love,
What he schowyth to al mankynd here,
When he dyssenddyt frome his glorie above
Into a chast wombe of a wyrgene clere,
I prayd my Lord he wold whytsavfe to here
My symppul orysone, for his mercy and grace,
And preserfe me ever frowe that darke place.
MISCELLANIES. 37
Consydure, O frendys, in yowre presensc
Of this speryte, the dredfule tragedye,
And in specyal 36 that hawe no concyanse,
Lete this a storry be byfor youre eey ;
Beth wel awyssyd, for truly 36 schal dye,
But whenne and wer there is no mane cane telle ;
Tho 36 dred note God, 3ete be ferd of helle.
For in this world have we no sekyrnys,
But as a schadowe that crepyth and away glydythe,
So passy3 yowre lyve here, youre joy and gladnis,
Al is transetorrye, there is nothinge abydethe ;
And dethe, that so prevyly hymeselfe hydyte,
Oute of courte he wyle al sodenly crepe,
36 schale not when wakyng or aslepe.
Behold in the Evangelii, and there 36 may see
How God in owre .werkys takyth gret heed ;
He sethe the gardynere kyttyth adoune the tree,
For he bare that 3ere nother frute ne seede :
How schal thou do then, that arte but a weede,
And ale thi dayis leve by extorsyoune ?
Trowyst thou not thou schalt be kyte adowne ?
3eys, withowte doute, and fast i-bonde
As a fagot, and then thou schalt be caste
Into a fyre fare byneth the grond,
38 EARLY ENGLISH
And thus in preson thou schalte syte at ny3te ;
Thus oure Lord aquyttyz hym at the laste,
That with wronge poore mennis goodus hathe ;
Be thou never so fals, thou schalt accontus make.
And thou that haste Crystus spos dyspysyte,
Here one erthe, terme of alle thi lyve,
With hote fyre thou schalt be brent and bylyde ;
The hosbond nedus most defend the wyfe :
Wynste thou God sley the not with a kneyfe ?
Anone he wyl avenge his sentuarrye,
Thou3e of his mercy he abyde and tarie.
Rede us this to myend, whyl thou hast thi helthe,
Of what a state thou be, or of conndesione :
Thow3e God send the propirte and welthe,
Day by day he makyth the amonisione,
By syknes and by wordly persecusione,
That at the last nedys thou must dye :
Therfore from syne I rede the fast hye.
Many a regyonne, and monnye a nottable cyty,
God hathe dysstryid for here sinnis grete,
And of monny a thousannt mo he hath had pette,
Of his goodnes, tho he manese and threte :
Thouje he be wrothe, he wse not anon to bete,
MISCELLANIES. 39
He wold so fayne every thinge were welle :
Amend thowe, therefore ; dyspayre yow never a dele.
Reymembure youre lyve enduryt but a whylle :
36 stond in dout ho we longe we and 36 schal abyde;
Let not yowre dedus yowreselve begyle ;
Whyl 36 be here for youre soule prowyde.
Wy3t and dyscreyssyone let be youre gyde ;
Keppe yowe wel frowe the synnys vij.,
And after youre end 36 schale comme to Heyvyne.
Amen ! Amen !
V.
Lo ! wordly folkus, thou3 this procese of dethe
Be not swetene, synke not in youre mynde.
When age commyth, and schorteth is here brethe,
And dethe commyth, he is not far behynde ;
Then here dyscression schal wel know and fynde
That to have mynd of deth it is ful nessesery,
For deth wyl come ; doutles he wyl not lang tarrye.
Of what estate 36 be, 3oung or wold,
That redyth uppon this dredful storrye,
As in a myrroure here 36 may be-holde
40 EARLY ENGLISH
The ferful ende of al youre joye and glorie :
Therefore this mater redus us to youre memorie : —
36 that syttyth nowe hye uppon the whele,
Thynke uppon youre end, and alle schal be wele.
Erthe uppo erthe is woundyrely wro3te ;
Erthe uppon erthe has set al his thoujte,
How erth uppon erthe to erthe schall be brou3te ;
Ther is none uppon erth has hit in thou3te, —
Take hede ;
Whoso thinkyse one his end, ful welle schal he sped.
Erth uppon erth wold be a kynge,
How erth schal to erthe he thinkes nothinge ;
When erth byddyth erth his rent whome brynge,
Then schal erth fro the erth have a hard parttynge,
With care ;
For erth uppon erthe wottus never wer therefor to fare.
Erth uppon erth wynnis castylles and touris ;
Then say the erth to erth, al this is ourus :
When erth uppon erth has bylde al his boures,
Then schal erth fro the erth soifyre scharpe schorys,
And smarte j
Man, amend the betyme, thi lyfe ys but a starte.
MISCELLANIES. 41
Erth gose one erth as mold uppone molde,
Lyke as erth to the erth never agayne schold :
Erth gose one erth glytteryng in gold,
3et schale erth to the erth, rather then he wolde
Be owris ;
jefe thi almus with thi hand, trust to no secateur.
Why that erth lovis erthe merwel me thinke,
For when erth uppon erth is brotht to the brynk,
Or why erth uppon erth wyl swet or swynke,
Then schal erth frou the erth have a fool stynke
To smele,
Wars then the caryone that lyis in the fele.
Lo ! erth uppon erth, consayfe this thou may,
That thou commys frome the erth nakyd alway ;
How schuld erth uppon erth, soe prod or gaye ?
Sene erth into erth schal pase in symple araye,
Unclad :
Cloth the nakyd whyl thou may, for so God the bad.
Erth uppon erth, me thinky3 the ful blynd,
That on erth ryches to setal thi mynd ;
In the gospel wryttyen exampul I fynde,
The pore went to heyvyn, the rych to hel I fynd,
With skyle :
The commandmentus of God wold he not fulfyle.
42 EARLY ENGLISH
Erth uppon erth, deyle duly thy goode
To the pore pepul, that fautt the thi foode ;
For the love of thi Lord, that rent was one the roode,
And for thi love one the crose schedhis hart blode, —
Go rede ;
Withoute anny place to reste one his hede.
Erthe uppon erth, take tent to my steyvyne ;
Whyl thou levyst, fulfyle the werkys of mercy vij .
Loke thou lete, for oode ne for ewyne,
For tho byne the werkus that helpyne us to heyvyne,
In haste ;
Tho dedus who so dose thar, hyme never be agaste.
Erth uppon erth, be thou never so gaye,
Thow moue wend of this world an unreydy waye ;
Turne the be-tyme, whyle that thou maye,
Leste it lede the into hele, to logege therefor ay,
In pyne j
For there is nother to gett, bred, ale ne wyne.
Erth uppon erth, God 3eyf the grace,
Whyle thou levvyst uppon erth to purway the a plas
In heywyn to dweylle, whyl that thou hast space ;
That myrthe for to myse, it wer a karful case,
For whye, —
That myrth is withowttyn end, I tel the securly.
MISCELLANIES. 43
I concele erth uppon erth, that wykydly has wrojt,
Whyl erth is one erth, to torn alle his tho^t,
And pray to God uppon erth, that al mad of noirjt,
That erth owte of erth to blys may be boujt,
With myjthe,
Thorow helpe Jhesu Cryst, thatwas ouer ladus byrthe, —
Do for thi self.
VI.
Bi a forrest as I gane fare,
Walkyng al myselvene alone,
I hard a mornyng of an haare,
Rouffully schew madde here mone.-
Dereworth God, how schal I leve,
And leyd my lyve in lond ?
Frou dale to doune I am i-drevfe,
I not where I may syte or stond ;
I may nother rest nor slepe
By no wallay, that is so derne,
Nor no covert may me kepe,
But ever I rene fro herne to herne.
Hontteris wylle not heyre there mase,
In hope of hunttyng for to wend,
44 EARLY ENGLISH
They cowpully3t there howndus more and lase,
And bryngyth theme to the feldys ende.
Rachis rennyn one every syde,
In forrous thi hoppe me to fynd ;
Honteris takythe there horse and ryde,
And cast the conttray by the wynd.
Anonne as they commyth me behynde,
I loke alowe, and syt ful style and loue ;
The furst mane that me doth fynde,
Anon he cryit, — So howe ! So hoowe !
Lo ! he sayth, where syttyt an haare !
Aryse upe, Watte, and go forthe blyve !
With sorroe and with mych care,
I schape away with my lyve.
Att wyntter, in the depe snoue,
Men wyl me sche for to trace,
And by my steyppus I ame i-knowe,
And followyjt me fro place to place.
And yf I to the toune come or torne,
Be hit in worttus or in leyke,
Then wyl the wyffys also 36 wrne,
Fere me with here dogis heyke :
And yf I syt and crope the koule,
And the wyfe be in the waye,
Anone schowe wylle swere, by cokkus soule,
There is an haare in my haye.
MISCELLANIES. 45
Anone sche wyle clepe forth hure knave,
And loke ry^t welle wer I syte ;
Byhynd sche wyl, with a stave,
Ful wel porpos me to hette.
Go forthe, Wate, with Crystus curse,
And, yf I leve, thou schalt be take ;
I have an hare-pype in my puree,
Hit schal be set al for thi sauke.
Ten hath this wyffys ij. doggz grete,
On me sche byddyt heme goe,
And as a scrowe sche wyll me thret,
And ever sche cryit, — go, dooge, gooe !
But alle way this most I goo,
By no banke I may abyde ;
Lord God, that me is woo,
Many a hape hath me bytyde.
There is no best in the word, I wene,
Hert, hynd, buke ne dowe,
That suffuris halfe so myche tene
As doth the sylly Wat, go where he go.
jeyfe a genttyl mane wyl have anny gamine,
And fynd me ine forme where I syte,
For dred of lossynge of his name,
I wot wele he wyle not me hyte,
For an acuris bred he wylle me se,
Or he wylle let his hondus rene.
46 EARLY ENGLISH
Of alle the mene that beth alyve,
I am moost behold to genttyl- men ;
As sonne as I can renne to the laye,
Anon the greyhondys wyl me have.
My bowels beth i-throue awaye,
And I ame bore home one a staufe ;
Als sone as I am come home,
I ame i-honge hye up on a pyne ;
With leke worttus I ame eette anone,
And whelpus play with my skyne.
Amen, etc.
VII.
GOD that dyed for us alle,
And dranke both eysell and galle,
He bryng us alle oute off bale,
And gyve hym good lyve and long,
That woll attend to my song,
And herkyne oneto my talle.
Ther dwelyd a man in my contre,
The wyche hade wyvys thre :
Yn proses of certyn tyme,
Be hys fyrst wyffe a chyld he had.
The wyche was a propyr lad,
MISCELLANIES. 47
And ryght ane happy hynd :
And his fader lovyd him ryght welle, —
Hys steppe dame lovyd hyme never a delle,
I telle 30 we as y thynke.
She thoght it lost, be the rode,
Alle that ever dyd hyme good,
Off mette other of drynke ;
Not halfe ynowe thereof he had,
And 3yt, in faythe, hit was fulle bad,
And alle hyr thoght yt lost ;
Y pray God evyll mot sche fare,
For oft sche dyde hym moche care,
As far-forthe as sche durst.
The good wyffe to hyr husbond gone say,
For to put away thys boy
Y hold yt for the beste, —
In fayth he hys a lether lade,
Y wold sum other man hym had,
That beter my3t hym chaste.
Than anone spake the good man,
And to hys wyff sayd he than, —
He ys but yong of age ;
He schall be with us lenger,
Tyll that he be strenger,
To wyn beter wage ;
We have a mane, a strong freke,
48 EARLY ENGLISH
The wyche one fyld kypythe owr nette,
And slepyth half the day ;
He schall come home, be Mary myld,
And to the fylde schalle go the chyld,
And kepe hem, jyfe he may.
The wyff was not glad varamente,
Nere-the-les therto sche asente,
And sayd, — Ser, that ys beste.
Erly yn the morowe, whan it was day,
Furthe than went the lytelle boy,
To the feld he was full preste :
Off no mane ryght nojt he gaffe,
Uppone hys schulder he bare his stafe,
The boy was mery y-nowe :
Furth he went, as y 3ow sayne,
Tylle he com into the playn,
Hys dyner forth he drowe ;
Whan he sawe that yt was bade,
Lyttyll lust therto he hade,
He put yt up anone.
Be Cryst, he was not moche to wyte,
And sayd he wold ette but lyte,
Tyll evyn that he com home ;
Uppon ane hyll he hym sete,
An old mane sone after he mete
Cam walkyng be the way :
MISCELLANIES. 49
God sped, he sayd, good sone ;
Ser, he sayd, 36 be ry3te welcome,
The sothe 3ow for to say ;
The old man was an-hongoryd sore,
And sayd, Hast thou onny mete in store,
That thou may gyve me ?
Ser, he sayd, so God me save !
To soche vyttayllys as y have,
Thou art welcome to me.
He toke hyme soche as he had,
And bad hym ette and be glade,
And sayd, — Welcom 36 be !
The olde mane was fulle good to pleas,
He ette and made hyme well at eas, —
Gramersy, sone, sayd he ;
For thys mete thou haste gyfe me,
Y schalle the gyve gyftys thre,
That schalle not be forgete.
The boy sayd, as y trowe,
Hit ware best y had a bowe,
Byrdys for to schete.
Thou schalt have a bowe and boltes blyth,
The wych schall dure the alle thy lyve,
And ever to the alyche mete :
Schete whersoever thou wyll,
Thou schalt never faylle, thou schalt it kyll,
E
50 EAKLY ENGLISH
The pryke rydy them schalt kepe :
The bowe yn hand sone he felt,
The boltes he put undyr hys belt,
Ryght meryly than he lowe.
Be my troth, had y a pype,
Thoj it war never so lyte,
Thane war y mery y-now3e !
A pype, boy, thou schalt have also,
Trewe of mesore schall it goo,
Y put the out of dowte.
What man that thys pype doth here,
He schall not hemselfe stere,
But hope and dawnce aboute.
Say one, boy, what schall the other be ?
For thou schalt have gyftes thre,
As y hote the befor ;
The lytell boy stode and Iow3e,
And sayd, In fayth, y have y-nou3e,
I wyll dyssyer no more.
The olde man sayd, Y the plyjte ;
Thou schalt have as y the hyght ;
Therfore, say on, lete see.
The boy sayd, Be Saynt Jame,
Y have at horn a stepe-dame ;
Sche ys a schrewe to me,
For whanne my fader gyve me mete,
MISCELLANIES. 51
Sche wold the devylle schuld me cheke,
Sche staryth so yn my face :
Whanne sche lokyth on me soo,
I wolde sche lete a crake or too,
That my3t ryng alle the place.
The olde mane sayd the boy on-too,
Whan sche lokythe on the soo,
Sche schalle begyne to blowe ;
And as many as her dothe here,
For lawyng schalle they not stere,
Whyll sche ys there, y trowe.
No we, far welle, sayd the olde mane,
And, farwell, sayd the boy thane ;
My leve y take of the.
Allmy3ty God, that beste may,
Spede the bothe nyght and day ! —
Gramercy, sone, sayd he.
Afterward, whanne it was nyjte,
Horn went the boy full ryght,
As was hys ordynance.
He toke hys pype and gane to blowe,
Hys bestes com rakyng on a rawe,
Abowt hym they gan to daunce ;
The boy pypyd throw3 the town,
The bestes hym foloyd alle and some
Horn to hys fadyrs clos.
E2
52 EARLY ENGLISH
Anone as ever he com home,
He sete up hys bestes anone,
And yn to the halle he gos.
Hys fader at soper sat,
The lytyll boy aspyed that,
And spake to hys fader anone.
He sayd, Jake, well come !
Wher ar thy bestes, good sone ?
Hast thou hem bro3t home ?
Fader, he sayd, yn good fay,
Y have heme kept alle this day,
And they be now up-schete.
A capons legge he toke hym thoo,
And sayd, Sone, that ys welle doo,
Thou schalt fare the bete.
That grevyd hys dames hart fulle sore,
As y have told 3ow before ;
Sche staryd in hys face.
Anone sche lete goo a blaste,
That sche mad hem alle agaste,
That war yn that place.
All they low and had good game,
The wyffe sche wex rede for schame,
Sche wold a be agone.
Jake sayd, wylle 36 wytte,
That gonne was welle smet,
MISCELLANIES. 53
Tho3 it had be with a stonne,
Angerly sche lokyd on hym thoo,
Another rape sche lette goo ;
Hyr ars was ny to-rente.
Jake sayd, Wyll je see ;
Another pelat sche wyll lete fley,
Or ever that sche wylle stent.
Every man lowj and had good game ;
The wyff went hyr way for schame,
Sche was in mykyll sorowe.
The good man sayd, Go thy way,
For it ys tyme, be my fay,
Thyne ars ys not thy borowe.
Afterward than wyll 36 here,
To the hows there come a freyre,
And loggyd ther all nyght ;
The wyff lovyd hym as a seynt,
Anone to hyme mad sche hyr playnt,
And tolde hym full ryght, —
We have a boy that with us wonys,
He is a schrewe for the nonys,
And doth me mekylle care :
Y dar note loke hym upone,
I am aschamyd, be swet Seynt Johne,
To telle 30 w how y fare :
And 3yff 36 mete that boy to morow,
Bete hym welle, and gyve hym sorow,
54 EAHLY ENGLISH
And make that lad lame.
Be God, he ys a schrewd byche,
In fayth, y trow, he be a wyche,
He dothe me mykyll grame.
The freyr sayd, Y wyll wyte.
Y pray the, ser, lete it not be forgete,
For that wold greve me sore.
The fryer sayd, Yn good fay,
But y chastys welle that boy,
Trust me never more.
Erly in the morow the boy he ros,
And Iy3tly to the feld he gos ;
Hys bestes he gan dryve ;
The freyr went out at the gate,
He wend he schuld have come to late ;
He ranne fast and blyth.
Whanne he come one hye the lond,
Sone the boy ther he fond,
Kypyng hys bestes ylkone.
Boy, he sayd, God gyve the schame !
What hast thou done to thi dame ?
Loke thou tell me anone ;
But yf thou kane excus the better,
Thou schalt abye, be the seker,
Y wyll no longer abyde.
Ser, he sayd, what aylys the nowe ?
My dame farythe as well as thowe !
MISCELLANIES. 55
What menys thou thus to chyd ?
Ser, he sayd, and 30 wylle wytt,
How welle byrdes that y kan schett,
And do heme down to fall :
3ondyr is on that ys but lytte,
As y trow, y schall hym smytt,
And gyve hym the y scliall.
The byrd sat upon the breyr :
Schot one, boy, sayd the freyr,
For that me leste to se.
The boy hyt the byrd upon the heel,
Yn the hegge he fell down dede ;
Hyt myght no forther fley.
The freyr into the hegge he went,
And lyjtly he it up hent,
As it was for to done.
The boy cast down hys bowe,
And toke hys pype and began to blowe
Full lyjtly and full sone;
Whanne the freyr the pype herde,
As a wood mane than he ferd,
And began to stertyll abowt.
Among the boyschys small and grete,
Fast abowte he gan to lepe,
But he cowd not come owte.
The bramblys chrachyd hym in the face,
And in many another place,
56 EARLY ENGLISH
That hys sydes began to blede,
And rent hys clothys by and by,
Hys kyrtyll and hys kapelary,
And alle hys other wede.
The freyr often held up hys hond,
And cryed unto the boy among,
And prayd him to be stylle.
Ser, my trewt y plyght to the ;
Thou schalt have no harm for me,
Nor never wyll do the yll.
The boy sayd yn that tyde,
Crepe oute on the tother syde,
And hye that thou ware agoo ;
My dame hathe mad hyr complaynt to me,
In fayth the best that y kan se ;
Goo playn to hyr also.
The freyr out of the hegge went,
All to-ragged and to-rent,
To-torne on every syde.
He had not left an nolle clowte,
Wherwith to hyde hys body abowte ;
Hys armes heng full syde.
Whan he come to hys oste,
Off hys jurney mad he no boste,
He was both torne and talle ;
Mykyll sorowe in hert he had ;
Full sore of hym they wer adrad,
MISCELLANIES. 57
Whan he come into the halle.
The good wyffe sayd, Wer hast thou be ?
Yn schrewyd plas, as thynkys me,
Hyt semyth be thyne aray.
The freyr sayd, Y have be with thi sone ;
The devell of helle hym overcome,
For certes y ne may.
Soon after com horn the good man ;
Be God, sayd the wyffe than,
Her is a schrewed aray !
Thy sone, that is the lyffe and deyre,
Had all-most slayn this swet freyr,
Alas ! alas ! a welle away !
The good mane sayd, Benedycyte !
What hath the boy do to the ?
Tell me, without stryffe.
Ser, he sayd, be Seynt Jame,
Y have dawnsyd in the devylys name,
Tyll y had ny loste my lyff !
The good mane sayd to hym tho,
Yff thou had lost thy lyff so,
Thou had be in gret syne.
Ser, sayd the freyr, sekerly,
Methow3t he pyped so meryly,
That y cowde never blyne.
The good man sayd, — So mot y thee,
Than is that a mery glee,
58 EARLY ENGLISH
And ellys thou war to blame ;
That pype, he sayd, woll y here.
So wolle not y, quod the freyere,
Be God and be Seynt Jame !
Afterward, whan it was ny3t,
Horn come the boy full ry3t,
As he was wont to done ;
Whan he com into the hall,
Anone hys fader gane hyme call,
And sayd, Hydyr com thou, sone.
Boy, he sayd, now thou art here,
What hast thou done to thys freyr ?
Tell me without lessyng.
Fadyr, he sayd, yn good fay,
Y dyd ryjt nojt to hym to day,
But pyped hym a spryng ;
Boy, that pype wyll y here :
So wyll not y, quod the freyr,
For that wer hevy tydyng.
The good man sayd, 3ys, be Godes grace.
The freyr sayd, alas ! alas !
And handes began to wryng.
For Gods love, sayd the freyr,
Yff 36 wyll thys pype here,
Bynd me one to a poste.
Y-wys y kan no beter rede,
Well y wot y schall be dede,
MISCELLANIES. 59
My lyff is ny-hand loste.
Ropys anon they toke in hond,
The freyr to the post they bond,
That stod in the mydes of the halle.
All they that at the soper sate
Low3, and had good game ther ate,
And sayd, the freyr my3t not fall.
Than bespake the good mane,
And to hys sone sayd he thanne,
Pype on whan thou wylt.
All redy, fadyr, sayd he ;
36 schall her of my gle,
Y wyll geve yowe a fytt.
As sone as ever the pype went,
Then my3t no man hymselfe stent,
But began to dawnce and lepe.
They that gan the pype here,
Myght not hemselfe stere,
But hurled upone an hepe.
Than they that at soper sate,
Over the tabull 3ede som under crape,
And sterte up in that stond.
They that sat upon the forme,
Had no tyme for to torne,
But war bore downe to the ground.
The good man wex in dyspayr,
And Iy3tly he lept out of hys chare,
60 EARLY ENGLISH
And with a full good chere ;
Som in fayth lepe over the stoke,
And brake her schynys ajens the bloke,
And som fell yn the fyere.
Than com in the good wyff behynd,
Sche began to lepe and to wynd,
And fast began to schake.
Whan sche lokyd one lytell Jake,
And hyr neybors to hyr spake,
Hyr ars began to crake :
The freyr was all-moste loste,
He knokyd hys hed ajen the post,
He had no beter grace.
The ropys robyd away the skyne,
That the blode ran to hys chyne,
In many a dyverys place.
Than whent the boy pypyng in the stret,
And after hym hurlyd all the hepe,
They cowd not hemselfe stynt :
They went out at the dor so thyke,
That eche man fell in otherys neke, —
So wyghtly out they wente.
Than the men that dwelyd therby,
They herd the pype sekyrly,
In setes wher they sette.
Som in fayth lepe over the hache,
They had no tyme to seche the lache,
MISCELLANIES. 61
For they were loth to lette.
Than they, that in here bedys lay,
Stert up Iy3tly, as y 3ow say,
Both las and more.
Ynto the strete to the play
Anone they toke the ryjt way,
As nakyd as they wer bore ;
Whan they were gaderyd all abowt,
Than was ther a fulle grete rowte
In the mydys of the strete :
They that wer lam and myjt not goo,
3ete they hopyd abowte also
On her hondys and fete.
The boys fader sayd, it is tyme to reste ;
All redy, fader, y hold that for the beste,
With a full good chere.
Make an end whan thou wylt ;
In fayth it is the beste fyte,
That y herd thys vij. yere.
Whan the pype went no more,
Than wer they all amarvelyd sore
Off ther governaunce.
By sente Mary, sayd some,
Wher ys all thys myrthe become,
That mad us thus to dawnce ?
Thus every man mad good cher ;
Save the good wyff and the freyr, —
62 EARLY ENGLISH
They wer all dyssmayd.
Whether it be good or yll,
They that have not her wylle,
They wyll not hold them payd.
Hyt ys every good wyffys wone,
For to love hyr husbandes sone,
Yn well and eke yn woo ;
In olde termys it is fownd,
He that lovythe me lovythe my hound,
And my servaunt also.
So schuld every good chyld
Be to hys moder meke and myld,
Be good in every degre.
All womene that love her husbondes sone,
Yn hevyn blys schall be her wone ;
Amen, Amen, for charyte !
VIII.
As I stod in a ryalle haulle,
Where lordys and ladys were byd to syt,
A loufly letter one a walle,
A word of wysdome I sawe wryt ;
This word ys in my hert i-knyt ;
To lern this lessone who soo hath wylle,
MISCELLANIES. 63
Where ewyre thou goo, stond, or sytt,
Ewyre say wylle, or hold the styll.
Say wylle, or keppe thi word in store,
For speche was never soo well aspayd,
Nor never soo monne lyvis i-lore,
Throw wordys that hath byn myssayd.
Now wysly, mane, thi wordis dewyd j
Be- war whom thou spekyst hylle ;
Yf thou most nedys the sowth to hyde,
3eyt say wylle, or hold the stylle.
For soothe may not alle day be sayd,
Among soo mony as raynnyt nowe ;
Yff som of the sothe be well apayd,
jet some wylle not the sowthe alowe :
And hard hit is ewyre word to awowe,
Though hit be never of soo gret a skylle,
Therefore I rede yow for youre prowe,
Evyre say wylle, or hold yow stylle.
Where-evyre thou fall in company,
Att churche, at chepyng, or at nale,
Awyse the welle who syttys the by,
Lest he wylle repport thi talle,
And dysschalndure the after to gret and smalle,
Thy good los with his spyche to spylle.
Evylle tongys brwys myche balle ;
Therefore say wylle, or hold the stylle.
64 EARLY ENGLISH
Evyre say wylle, for lowfe or drede,
And chast thi tong with wyt and charryte,
And say be thi ney3theboure, yf he have nede,
Ry3t as thou woldyst he sayd be the.
Among alle thingis thowjt ys fre ;
Hold thiself abowff the hyll ;
In rest and eyse yf thou wyll be :
And evyre say wylle, or hold the style.
Roule thi tong for lowf or hate,
Be noo parttys none evylle thou say,
Nor thowth men be now at the batte,
Thay may be frendys anodyre day.
And for thi tale thou mayst bere the blame away,
Of every syde with gram and grille :
Thanne thei wyll the Iy3tly afray, —
Therefor say wylle, or hold the sty lie.
Say welle, and thynke one yooth and eld,
Frow God may nothing be hyde nore loke ;
But think one the rekenyng that thou schalt 3eyld,
Off every ydylle word that thou hast spoke,
Les and more hole and brouk,
Thay schalle be wryttyne in a bylle ;
Lest God one the wylle be awroke,
Evyre say wylle, oore hold the sty lie.
For off all that God hath wro3t,
Spyche ys com of a speschalle grace ;
MISCELLANIES. 65
A best hath a mothe, but he spekkyt 1103!,
Of God we have that fayre purches ;
Now spend welle thi spyche, wyl thou hast space,
One truthe let ever thi tong tryle ;
Thow schalt a-se the day pas ;
Thowwolddystfayn spek, when thou schalt be styll.
At domys-day when God schalt syt
On the rowd, as he was tak,
With speche we schalle be damnd or quyt,
There schalle no man ther mastre mak ;
Then I hope owre sorrow schalle aslake,
When all stondyt evyn, both dale and hyle ;
A sinfulle man wylle sorrow may mak,
When God schalle speke, and man be stylle.
Noue God geyf us grace ouer speche to spend,
Soo that we may, withouttyne nay,
All that ever we have myssayd amend,
Or that we com to that dredfulle day,
Whan God schal sit and his armis dyssplay,
Gabrelle schalle bloo both brymne and scry lie ;
Then helpp us He that best may,
To heywyn wynd, and ther abyd stylle.
Amen, etc.
66 EARLY ENGLISH
IX.
HERE begynnyth a schorte tretice for a mane to knowe
wyche tyme of the 3ere hit is best to graffe or to plante
treyus, and also to make a tre to bere o manere frute
of dyverys colourys and odowrys, with many othere
thyngys.
Whenne the mone is in Tauro hit is good to plante
treys of pepyns, and whenne hit is in Cancro, in Leone,
or in Libra, thanne hit is good to werche in treys that
be new spronge : and whenne the mone is in Virgine,
hit is good tyme to sowe alle maner thynges, for fro
the myddys of Januarie, Septembyre into the myddys
of Decembyre, and than is opyne tyme of plantynge
and ryjt ddys of Januarie into the ....
he but in thys tyme is the mone is v.
vj. vij. viij. or ix. days old byfor the fulle of the mone.
Also, after the fulle of the mone, whenne hit is xxj.
xxij. xxiij. xxiiij. or xxv. days old; for in thyes
quarterys the conjunction is moste temperate.
Also to remeve treys fro place to place : jiff it be a
grete tre, or a tre that berythe the frute, chese the a
fulle mone fro the myddys of Octobyre into the myddys
of Decembyre, takynge up the rotys as hole as thou
mayste, and leve of his howne erthe stylle abowte the
MISCELLANIES. 67
rote as myche as thou mayste, and hit is not
se tho the mone be not lie so hit be in the
secund quarter. This governance is in
plantyng and kepynge, and maketh dowbelyng beryng
of frute. There is moste connabylle tyme for sedys,
graynys, and pepyns, and Autumpe for spryngys, and
plantys, that one tre may bere dyvers frutys, and dyvers
colourys and dyvers savorys.
In the fyrste 3ere, graffe in dyvers branchys of a
cheri tre dyvers graffys to thy lykynge, and leve some
of thy branchys ungraffyd ; the secund 3ere, make holys
thorow the chery tree, and drawe thorow an hole a
vyne branche, and schave away the utter rynd, so that
hyt fylle the hole, and let hyt stond so a 5ere, and than
kut away the rotys, and of the vyne, and wrappe hit
abowte welle with temperat erthe, and wynd hyt welle
with lynnyn clothe, and the same maner thro3e anothere
hole of a rede rosere branche.
For to have frute of dyvers colourys, thou schalt
make an hole in a tre ny3e the rote, evene to the pythe
of the tre, and than do therein good asure of Almayne,
so hyt be ny3e fulle, and stope the hole welle with a
schort pyne, and wrap hit welle with temperat erthe,
and wynd hit welle, as thou doste a graffe, and that
frute schalbe of blewe colour, and so hit may be do of
a vyne, and this may be do with alle manere colourys.
F 2
68 EARLY ENGLISH
Iff thou wylt that thy appyllys be rede, take a graff
of an appyltre, and ympe hit opone a stoke of an elme
or an eldre, and hit schalbe rede appylles. Also
Master Richard saythe, to do the same thyngge, make
an hole with a wymbulle, and what colour that thou
wylt dystemper with water, and put hit in at the hole,
the frute schalbe the same colour. And wytt welle
every tre that is plantyd and set in the erthe one the
feste of Seynt Lambarte schalle not be perichyd that
3ere. Iff thou wylt make a tre to bere as myche frute
as ever he dyd byfore, dystemper scamony welle with
water, and put in an hole that is perichyd to the pyth
of a tre, and stope the hole with a pynne that is made of
the same tre, and hit schalle bere as welle as ever hit dyd.
For to make an old tre that begynnyth to wex drye
to quykyne a3ene. Aristotille tellyth in the Boke of
Plantes, the erthe that is abowte the rotys most be do
away. And thenne chese ij. or iij. of the gretter rotys,
and cleve hem with a ax, and dryve a wegge of tymbyre
in the clevynge, and kever the rotes a3ene with the
same erthe.
Also frute that is sowre, for to make hit swete.
Aristotylle seyth, in the Boke of Plantes, the tre schalbe
bedolvyne abowte, and dongyd with pygges dongge.
Also make a hole with a wymbylle, and put therein
water y-medyllyd with hony, and stope the hole a3ene
MISCELLANIES. 69
with a pyne of the same tre, and loke the hole passe
not the pythe of the tre.
Also that a perle, or a precius stone, or a ferthyng,
or ony othere maner thynge be fownd in an appylle.
Take a appulle, or a pere, after hit is flowryd, and
sumwhat waxyne, and thrust in hard at the huddes
end wych thou wolte one of thyes thynges aforesayde,
and let hit growe, and marke welle the appulle that
thou dyd put in the thynge what ever hit be.
Also hit is sayde there sehalbe no tre perischyde
that is plantyd in thys maner. Take and put a welowe
stoke in a forowe y-made in the erthe for the nonys,
and lett hym growe then above ; one the upper syde
make holys evene longe, as many as thou wylt, in the
wyche clyftes put smalle branchis of the mulbery tre,
or of othere, the wych most be kut in maner of a
wegge, that the plantynge may stond juste in the clyftes,
and stope the clyftes be-syde, and so put all the stoke
of the welow under the forowe, that hit be hid under
the erthe, the wych if thou wylt after the fyrst 3ere is
paste or the secund, depart hit one sondyre, or thou
mayste kut hit with a sawe betwene the 3onge branchis
asondere, and so plante hem in dyvers placis.
Also yf a peche tre begynne to dry, let hym be welle
moystyd with donge. And Paladys seythe hit is best
dongyng with dreggys of wyne, and that same dongyng
70 EARLY ENGLISH
kepyth hym fro schedyng of hys frute : and some othyre
sayne that the beste donge of hym is that he be moystyd
with water of the sethyng of benys ; and yf the pechys
begynne to falle, cleve the rotes with an ax, and in the
clyft dryve a wegge mayd of a pynsapylle tre, or ellys
make holys with a wymbulle, and make pynnys of
welow, and smyte heme in fast with a maylet of tre,
and than wolle the frute abyde thereon.
Iff an appulle tre begyne to rote, or yf the appulles
wax rotyne, thanne hit is a-seyne that the barke of the
tre is syke, therefore kut hit with a knyffe, and lett hyt
be opynyd, and when the humerus thereof sumwhat
be flown owte, lett dong hym welle, and stoppe a3ene
the opynyng with towje clay.
Iff thou wolt that in the stone of a peche appulle be
fownd a nott kyrnelle, graffe a sprynge of a peche tre
one the stoke of a nott tre. Also a peche tre schalle
brynge forthe pomegarnardys, if hit be spronge oft
tymys with gotys my Ike iij. days, when hit begynnyth
to flower. Also the appullys of a peche tre schalle
wex rede, yff his syone be graffyd one a playne tre.
Alle the same grafiyng may be understond of an
grysmolle tre ; that is better than a peche.
Iff wormys wex in a tre, take askys that be medelyd
with oyle, olyve, or myrre, and that schalle sle hem.
And therto also is good to stryke the tre with myxture
MISCELLANIES. 71
made with ij. partys of ox pysse, and the third part of
cley.
The quynce tre wold be remevyd every fourthe
3ere, alle the whyle that hit is abylle to be plantyd,
and that schalle make hym to bere grete plente of frute.
Also hit is good for alle maner treys, that whenne a bowe
is kutte away, that the place there as the bowe is kutt,
that hit be hyllyd with a plaster of erthe, for to defend
wedyrs and waterys sokynge therein. Et-c. Amen.
To make cheris to growe withowte stonys. Cleve a
jonge schote of a 3onge cherytre that is a spanne longe
or ij. fro the toppe evene downe to the rote, but let
hym stond stylle on the stalke, and thanne drawe
owte the pyth one ever)7 syd with some maner of iryne,
and anone joyne every perty togedyre, and bynd hem
welle, and donge hem welle with clay one every syd
fro the toppe to the rotte, and when a jere is paste
there hys wond is, sowde a graffe in the same stoke a
syone that never bare frute, and thereon schalle growe
cherys withoute ony stonys. Also a grape to growe
withowte pepyns, whenne the pythe of the vyne is
take owte. Also of alle othyre y-lyke.
Iff thou wolt have many rosys in thy herbere, thou
schalte take a hard pepyne of the same rose that be
ry3t rype, and sawe heme in the erthe in Feve^ere
or in Marche, and whenne they spryngyne, dewe heme
72 EARLY ENGLISH
welle with water, and after that thou mayste transpose
hem ey there frome othere, etc.
Also, he that wylle have rosys tymely to blowe,
dewe heme abowte the space of ij. hand-brede, and
moyste her syons oft tymys with hoote water.
X.
Here begynnyth the crafte of lymnynge of bokys; who
so kane wyesly considere the nature of his colours,
and kyndely make his commixtions with naturalle pro-
porcions, and mentalle indagacions connectynge fro
dyvers recepcions by resone of theyre naturys, he
schalle make curius colourys, etc.
To temper vermelone to wryte therewith. Grynde
vermelone one a stone with newe glayre, and put a
lytylle of the 3olke of an ay thereto, and so wryte
therewith ; and if thou wylle temper it to floryche with
bokys, take and grynde hit smalle, and temper hyt
with gum water.
To temper asure, grynd hit one a stone, with the
thyrdyndele of gume and twyse so mych of water.
To temper roset, grynd hit one a stone, with as
myche gume and also myche water as of rosytt.
To temper ceruse, grynd hit one a stone with water
and gume.
MISCELLANIES. 73
To temper rede lede, medylle hyt wyth gleyre of ane
egge, and temper hit in a schelle with thy fyngere.
To make grene coloure, take the juce of wortys and
vetegrece, and medylle heme welle togedyre, and thou
schalt have a good grene.
To temper turnnesole, wete hit in watere of gume,
and chaufe hit in thy hond.
A false asure and dede. Take ceruse and rosyne,
and medylle heme togedyre.
To make asure to schyne bryjt. Take byralle, and
grynd hit with gleyre, and glase above with a penselle.
For an incarnacion, take sable and saffrone, and rede
lede, and medylle heme welle togedyre, &c.
To make a cyse to gyld unburned gold one bokys.
Take chalke and a lytylle saffrone, and gleyre, and
grynd hem togedyre a longe tyme one a stone, tylle hit
be somdele tacchynge, and thanne put hit into ane
home, and if hit be nede, alay hit with water, and so
worke therewith. Also take bule and ceruse, and
gleyre, and saffrone, or the same manere take the
scrapynge of ymages that be olde.
To temper asure fyne, take asure, and put hit in a
home, and put thereto gume and watere halfe one
halfe, othere more or lesse, if hit be nede ; and take a
lytylle styke, and stampe hem welle togedyre to hit be
evene medelyd, and thanne wryte therewith.
74 EARLY ENGLISH
Also yf thou temper asure in a schelle, put a lytylle
asure into a schelle, and gum water, and rub hit faste
togedyre with thyne fyngere, and thenne worche hit as
thou wolt, with a penselle.
Iff vermelone be blake and bade, grynde hit welle
one a stone alle drye, and thanne put hit into a pece
of sylver, and wasche hit welle with clene water ij. or
iij. tyme, and thanne poure owte the water therefro,
and make a pytt in a clene chalke stone, and cast in
that pytt alle thy vermelone, and let hit stonde so a
whyle to hit be rede ; and thanne grynd hit eft-sone
one a stone, and thanne ley hit obrode one a skyne of
parchernent to dry in the sonne ; and whenne thou
wylle, temper hit to wryte with. Take the rynde of a
walnot tre, and schere hit smalle in the gleyre of egges,
and let hit stond so a whyle, and than temper there-
with thy vermelone withowte ony more gryndynge.
To temper rosette, put hit into a schelle with gleyre
that is newe made thereto, tylle hit be welle y-scorpyd,
and thenne amenge hit with thy fyngere, and so worche
there with.
To make a false asure, take a lytylle asure and a
lytylle seruse, and grynd hem togedyre with gume and
water, and temper hit uppe in a schelle.
To make a false roset. Do as thou dyd with the
asure in alle wyse.
MISCELLANIES. 75
To make seruse, take seruse gum and water, and
grynd hem togedyre, and temper hit uppe in a schelle,
and wryte therwith whyelle that hit is new.
To temper a good grene : take good vertgrese, and
a lytelle argule and saffrone, and grynd heme welle
togedyre with wyne or with venegre or ale, or the juce
of a appulle, tylle hit be grene y-noje ; and if hit be
to derke, take more saffrone, and iff hit be to 3elowe,
take more vertegrece, and put hit in a schelle, and
wryte therewith.
To temper rede lede. Do rede lede into a schelle,
and put newe gleyre thereto, and temper hit with thy
fyngere, and worche hit.
To temper turnesole; lay a lytelfe pece in thyne
hond, and put thereto newe gleyre, and temper hit oft
in the pawme of thyne hond, and wrynge hit into a
schelle, and so worch therewith.
To make a fyne blake, take a clene pece of brasse,
or a basyne, and hold hit overe a brynynge candelle of
roseyne, to the fyre have congeylyd blacke on the brase
or one the basyne ; and whenne there is inoje thereone,
ley hit downe to hit be cold, and thanne wyppe hit of
with a fethyre opone a clene stone, and grynd hit with
gume and water ; than put hit in a schelle, and worche
hit. Also thou mayste wete thy basyn with good ale
or thy pece of brasse, and hold hit overe the candelle,
76 EARLY ENGLISH
and do as thou dydyste ere ; thanne thou schalt have
fyne blacke.
To temper ockere, grynd hit with gume and water,
and if thou wylle do a lytylle whyte thereto, do hit in
a schelle and worche hit.
To visage coloure; take fyne blake and saffrone,
and grynd hit togedyre, and putt hit into a schelle and
worche therewith.
To make ane incarnacione ; take whyte and a lytelle
rede, and temper heme togedyre, and worche hit so.
To temper brasylle good to newe with ; schave thy
brasylle smalle into a clene veselle, and do gleyre
thereto, and so let hit stepe longe tyme togedyre, and
when hit is stept y-no3e, worche therewith.
To make gume ; take the whyte of xx. egges, and
make clere gleyre of heme, and thanne take a bledder
of a beste that is newe slayne, and put therein thy
gleyre, and knyt faste the bladdere, and honge hit in
the sonne or overe the fyre in the smoke xl. days, and
thanne hast thou good gum for alle inckys.
Asure in anothere manere; take stronge venegre,
and wasshe thyne asure therewith ij. or iij. tymys, as
longe as thou fyndys ony fylthe above the venegre,
and whanne thou fyndys thyne asure alle blewe y-no3e,
powre owte the venegre clene, and if the asure be alle
grete of grayne, temper hit with the water of gume,
MISCELLANIES. 77
and the lengere hit stondeth y-tempered, the better hit
wol be.
Grene for bokys; grynde welle j. li. of vertgrece
on a stone, and put thereto a chyde of saffrone in the
gryndyng thereof, or more, and hit nede, to thou se hit
be grene y-noje, and thanne temper hit uppe with the
juce of a rotyne appylle strayned thorowe a clene
clothe, and let it stond so ij. days in an home withowte
ony straynyng ; and whanne thou wolte worche there
with, take of the clereste that hovy3te above, and
there thou schalt fynde a goode grene for alle maner
thynges, and medelle the juce of the appulle with a
lytelle gume water.
To make tornesole in anothere manere : take gum
water, and put hit into a schelle of an oystere ; then
take a pece of tornesole, and ley hit in the water of
gum, and let hit ly awhyle therein, and then wrynge
it thro3e a clothe to thou se the water be welle colouryd,
and than floryche bokys therewith that have rede
letterys.
To make brasyle to flouryche letterys, or to reule
with bokys ; take braysyle, and scrape hit smale with
a knyfe, and putt thereto a lytelle gleyre, and a
lytelle powder of alom glasse, and let hit stond so alle
a day, and thanne streyne the juce therefro throje a
lynnene clothe, and rule bokys therewith.
78 EARLY ENGLISH
To temper seruse. Grynd hit smalle one a stone
with gum water, and so worche therewith.
Iff thou wylt preve asure bice, if hit be good or
badde, take a penselle or a penne, and drawe smale
rulys on blew letteris with the seruse, and if thi seruse
be not clere and bryjte and wyte, but fade and dede,
than is the asure-bice not good ne fyne.
How thou schalte make cenopere : take v. galonis
of old urine, and do sethe hit overe the fyre to hit be
clere and welle y-stomyd, and than let hit kele to hit
be lewke-warme; and than take j. li. lake, and breke
hit smale, and serse hit into powdere, and put that
powdere into the uryne by lytelle and lytelle, and alwey
stere hit welle, and than eft-sone set hit one the fyre
to hit boyle, and than strayne hit thro3e a bagge of
canvas, so that alle the drastys byleve thereine, and
thanne eft-sone set hit on the fyre to hit boyle, and in
the boylynge put therein iij. unce of alome glasse made
into powdere, and alwey stere hit, and whanne hit hathe
sodyne awhyle, take hit fro the fyre and thanne take j.
unce, and j. di. of alome glas molte into clere water,
and sprynge of that water alle abowte, and that schalle
gadere alle thy mater togedyre, and than streyne hit
throje a smale bagge of lynnen clothe, and of the sub-
stance that levythe in the bagge after the straynynge
make smalle ballys thereof, as hit were hasylle nottes,
MISCELLANIES. 79
and let hem dry withowte ony sonne or wynd, and than
take j. li. of turbentyne, and j. li. of frankencens, and
melte hem togedyre, and put thereto oyle of lynsede,
as myche as nedythe ; and thus thou schalt asay iff hit
be welle molte togedyre, take a drop or ij. of clere
water, and sprynge hit thereinne ; and than take a lytelle
thereof bytwene thy fyngyrs, and if hit be holdynge
togedere as gum-wex, than hit is good and fyne, and
if it do not so, put thereto more oyle to hit be holdynge
as wex, and than let hit kele, for hit is made welle.
To make aurum misticum : — take a vyele of glas,
and lute hit welle, or elles a longe erthyne potte ; and
take j. li. of salle armoniac, j. li. of sulphere, j. li. of
mercury crude, j. li. of tynne : melt thyne tynne, and
than caste thy mercury therein, and so alle the othere
by-foreseyde ; and grynd all thyes togedyre opone a
stone, and thanne put alle thyes togedyre into a vyole,
or into ane erthyne pote, and stoppe alle the mowthe
thereof, safe only a lytelle hole, as a spowte of a pauper
or of perchemyne may be set thereinne ; and than set
hit overe the fyre in a furneyse, but furst make an esy
fyre, and afterward a good fyre the space of xxiiij.
howrys, to thou se no more brethe come owte of the
glas, and than take hit fro the fyre, and breke the
glasse.
To make a good grene. Take j. ii. of limayle of
80 EARLY ENGLISH
coper, and ij. li. of unsleked lyme, and a galone of
venegre, and put thyes in an erthyne potte, and stoppe
faste the mowth thereof that none eyre come therein,
save a lytelle hole above, and so let hit stonde in the
erthe, or in a donge hille, iiij. monthys.
To make letterys of gold ; fyrste make clere glayre,
and afterward take whytte chalke that is dry, and of
the ryngynge of thyne egges, and grynd hem togedyre
alle one a stone the space of ij. owrys, and thanne put
thereto a lytelle saffrone, but loke that thy coloure be
not to 3elowe, and loke there come no water thereto
but gleyre bothe in the gryndynge and in the temper-
yng, and let hem stonde so iij. or iiij. days; but if hit
be temperyd with old gleyre, thou mayst worche
therewith anone, and if hit be newe gleyre, let hit
stond iij. or iiij. days, and thanne make letterys there-
with, and let hit ly to dry alle a day ; and be well ware
that thou handelle hit nojte with thyne hondys,
whanne hit is dry, for if thou do, hit wylle take no
golde; and whenne thy letter is fully dry, take the
tothe of a bore or of an hogge, and take uppe thy
gold with a penselle in thi lefte hond, and ley hyt one
the letter, and lett thy left hond go byfore thy ry3te,
and with thy ry3te hond do rub one thy gold with the
tothe of the bore, and thou schalt se fayre letterys.
And if thou wolle make letterys one a borde, ley thy
MISCELLANIES. 81
syse as thynne thereone as thou mayste, and do alle
the remanant as is seyd before.
To make whyte lede ; take platys, and make in
everyche of hem ane hole in the one ende, and hange
hem one a stafe, as thou woldyste hange sprottes, so
that no plate towch othere, and thanne in a tunne or in
a barelle put venegre or eyselle, and honge the platys
there overe, and stoppe faste the mowthe of the vesselle
that none eyre come in ne owte, and let hit stonde so
vj. wekys, and, after the vj. wekys, opyne the vesselle
softly, and take uppe the platys esely, and schave of
the whytte that is one heme uppone a dene borde, and
whanne thou wolt worche therewith, grynd hit welle,
and temper hit with gleyre of hogges, or with gum water,
but that is not so good as is the gleyre.
To make rede lede. Take iij. or iiij. pottes of erthe
more than a foote longe, and lett the pottes be over
alle a-lych myche fro the bothum to the mowthe, and
than take whytte lede, and put hit to heche potte a
goode 'quantite, and thanne sett thy pottes alonge in
an ovyne made therefore, every potte bysyde othere,
and lette the mowthys of the pottes ly a party owt of
the ovyns mowthe, and than make a good fyre, to the
pottes be welle hote, and than take owte one of the
pottys, and hyld owte that is thereinne on a stone, and
grynd hit faste alle hoote a good cowrse with venegre,
G
82 EARLY ENGLISH
and than put hit into the potte ajene, and ley hit in the
ovyne as hit was byfore ; and so take eche after othere
as thou dydeste byfore, to thou se the lede turne into
a fayre rede and a fyne at thy lykynge, but loke thou
sese not of gryndyng of the lede with venegre, ne of
bakynge, to thou have do, for thys makyng is perfytte.
To temper rede lede : grynd hit as thou doste ver-
melone, and wesshe hyt, and dry hit, and so in all
wysse do as here is sayde before, and thou schalt do
welle.
To wryte on a swerd or one a knyfe ; take the pow-
der of alome glas, and salle gemme, and temper hit
with olde uryne, &c.
To dy grene threde ; fyrste do woode hit, and than
take the lye of woode asschys, and take woode, and cut
hit in to a lytylle porcione of vertegrece, and a quantite
of blake sope, and put hit to the threde, and so sethe
hem togedyre, and hyt wolbe fyne.
To sowde ; take boras, and sethe hit in water, and
wete thy thynge therewith.
To make sowder of tynne ; take v. partys of pece
sylvere, and of latone, and do medylle hit togedyre
with a lytelle boras.
To make coralle ; take harttes hornnys, and madere
ane handfulle or more, and sethe hit to hit be as
nesshe as glew.
MISCELLANIES. O<J
To dy selke. — To dy rede sylke ; take brasylle, and
schave hit smalle, and boyle hit in the water of a marie
pytte ; the lengere that hit boylythe, the better hit is.
To make jelowe water ; take woode and stronge lye,
and sethe hem togedyre, and put thereto a lytelle alome
glas whyle hit boyleth, and whanne hit is sodyne ynoje,
put owte the water frome the woode.
To make blewe water ; temper the flowre of the
woode fatte with lye ; the lesse lye, the better wolbe
thy blewe.
To make grene water ; take blewe and 3elowe, and
menge hem welle togedyre.
To make towny water; take rede, and lay hyt on
3elowe, and let hit dry, and if thi rede be gode, thy
towny schalbe myche the bettyr.
To make rede lethyre that is clepyd lysyne; take
alome glas, and dissolve hit into water, and in that
water wasshe thy lethyre, and let hit dry, and thanne
sethe brasylle in stondynge water, and dry hit in the
sonne.
To make lynnene clothe 3elowe ; take wyld woode,
and sethe hit in lye, and ley thi clothe thereinne, and
anone take hit howte, and ley hit to dry.
To make blewe lethyre; take the juce of brasylle,
and of saveyne, and of vertegrese, and let the leste
parte be of brasylle, and so worche hit.
G 2
84 EABLY ENGLISH
To make rede water ; take brasylle that flotyn, and
put hit into an erthyne potte, with ly made of lyme,
that hit be wesshe, and sethe hit to the halvendele ;
and thanne asay hit, whyle hit is hoote, and thys
wolbe a good rede.
To make ly of lyme ; take a quantite of hote lyme
as hit comythe fro the kylne, and put hit into a
vesselle, and put water thereto, and a lytelle alome,
and a lytelle swete mylke, and let hit stonde so and
crude. Another manere ; take the uryne of a manne,
sethe hit and scome hit into the braselle chalke, and
let hit boyle ; thanne set hit fro the fyre, and strayne
hit into the chalke stone, and let hit stonde so, for this
is good.
To cowche gold ; take gleyre and saffrone y- grownd
togedyre, and cowche on thy gold whyle it is moyste.
To make a blake water; take gumme galle, and
coperose, of eche a pownd, and take a vesselle for eche
of thyes, and put to a pownd a galone of water, and
let heme stepe so alle a ny3te ; and afterward take a
vesselle, and do therein thy galle and thy coperose,
and sethe hem to halfe be wastyd, and than put thy
gum therein, and set hit downe to that hit be colde.
To make a rede water; take a potelle of rede
venegre, and a 3. of brasyle, and iiij. part of a 3. of
verm el one, and do hit into an erthyne potte to halfe
MISCELLANIES. 85
be sodyn away, and thanne put thereto an 3. of alomc
glas powdere, and seth hit eft-sone a lytelle, and do
worche therewith alle hote.
To make whyte lethyre ; take halfe an unce of whyte
coperose, and di. 3. of alome and salle-peter the mown-
tance of the jolke of an egge, and yf thou wolle have
thy skynne thykke, take of whetmele ij. handfulle,
and that is sufficiant to a galone of water ; and if thou
wolle have thy skynne rynnyng, take of ry mele 2
handfulle, and grynd alle thyes saltes smale, and caste
hem into lewke warme water, and let heme melt
togedyre, and so alle in ewene warme water put
therein thy skynne. And if hit be a velome skynne,
lett hit be thereinne 9 days and 9 ny3tes, and thanne
take hit uppe, and wryng hit into the same water oft,
and lett hyt dry in the eyre to hyt be halfe dry, and if
hit be a perchement skyne, let hit ly thereinne 4 days
and 4 ny3tes, and knowe welle that a perchement
skynne that is fatt is not beste for this ocupacion, but
yf he be thyke, he is the better ; thanne take coperase
of the whyttest the quantite of ij. benys for j. skynne,
and the 3olke of j. egge, and breke hit into a dysse,
and than put water overe the fyre, and put thereinne
thy coperas, and than put thy 3olke in thy skyne, and
rub hit alle abowte, and thanne ley thy skynne in the
seyde water, and let hit ly, ut dictum est.
86 EARLY ENGLISH
To dy grene threde ; do wood hit fyrste, and than
take ly of woode asschyne, and take wold, and kyt hit,
and a lytelle porcione of vertegrece, and a quantite of
blake sope, and -put hit into the trede, and sethe heme
to-geder.
To make lynnene clothe rede ; take alome glas, and
brasyle, and sethe heme welle togedyre in welle water,
and than do owte the water by hym-selfe into anothere
vesselle, and wasshe thy clothe thereinne, and lay hit
to dry.
For 3elowe ; take wyld woode, and sethe hit in lye,
and ley thy clothe there in, and anone take hit owte,
and ley hit for to dry.
For grene ; fyrst wasshe thy clothe in the flowre of
woode, and thanne put hyt in 3elow juce, and dry hit.
To make rede lassche ; Take water of suffloure,
alome, glas, and dissolve hit into water, and in that
water wasshe thy lethyre, and let hit dry, and sethe
brasyle in stondynge water, and anoynte thy lethyre
therewith ij. or iij. and let hit dry ajense the sonne.
To gyld metalle. Take water of suffloure that is
the fyrste leche, and salle armoniac, and grene
coperose, and bray heme togedyre in a morter of
brasse, and take as myche of the one as of the othere,
and putt heme into the water of suffloure, and let hit
stonde the space of halfe an owre, and than take the
MISCELLANIES. 87
metalle and .make it clene, and ley thy water thereone,
and thanne dry hit on wood coole; thanne let hit
kele, and bornesshe hit welle.
To gyld irene or stele ; fyle thy metalle, and schave
hit with a grate cleve, and towche thereone with water
of borase, and thanne ley one thy gold, and thanne
crache hit, and burnesshe hit, etc.
For scripture ; grynd cristalle one a marbylle stone
to smalle powders, and temper hit with the whyte of
an egg, and wryte therewith what thou wolte, and let
hit dry ; and thanne rub thereone with gold, sylver, or
coper, and hit schalle apere in scripture.
To wryte in stele ; — Take salle armoniac v. d. wyjte,
and vytriall 9 d. wyjte, and powdere hem togedyre,
and temper hem with pysse thyk as pappe, and take
paynterys oyle and vermelone, and melle heme togedyre,
and wryte therewith one stele.
Thus 36 schal begyne to make 3our waterys bothe
for redys and for crimesynes : 36 schalle fylle your
lede fulle of water, and whenne 36 have put inne your
branne, whethyr hit be ij. buschylys or iij., and
thanne let hit boyle welle : thenne fylle hit uppe with
colde water, and whenne thou haste fyllyd up thy lede,
bere hit overe into a fatt, and lett hit stond ij. days or
iij., tylle hit be rype. Thenne moste 36 bere hit overe
into your lede afore or that 30 make ony colours a
88 EARLY ENGLISH
goode sawley with the secund parte of water, and
thanne let hit be ny^e at boylynge or 36 temper or
pure your alome ; and as sone as 36 have puryd your
alome, caste in your colours that schalbe rede afore a
prety whyle, or thy crimesons gyne ; and thanne let
hem boyle togedyris a good owre large and more, and
kepe the same boylynge to eftesonys, for hit most
serve anothere tyme ry3t welle.
Item, if 36 wolle make fyne redys^e moste take to a
dosyne iij. pownd of alome, and to crimesons the same,
whenne 36 boyle hem, and thanne schalle 36 make fayre
colours and lusty in theyre maderynge in warantise.
Item, at your maderynge 36 schalle take of the same
wateris that 36 made, and bere hem overe into your
lede as myche as 36 seme wolle serve 3ow ; if 36 have
no3te y-no3e, take a kowlle fulle, or ij. or iij., or as
mony as 36 seme wolle serve 3ow ; thenne let hit be
but mylke-warme, whenne thou doyste in thy madere :
when the madere is in flotte, breke hit smalle that
there be no ballys, for to every 3erde 36 moste take a
pownd of madere. And among hem caste in thy redys
that thou wolt have, and thanne make a good fyre
ondere thy lede, and loke ever that thou handy lie thy
clothe that is in the lede tylle that the note that is in
the lede begynne to sethe. And ever thanne amonge,
whyle that 36 handylle, take uppe a parte, and lokc
MISCELLANIES. 89
thereonne ; and whenne 30 seme that hit is welle, take
hit uppe, and when hit is uppe, cole hit welle opone a
rayle to hit be cold ; thanne moste 36 make a master-
ynge therefore.
Item, for the masterynge, 36 moste cast owte 5owre
olde flote of jowre maderynge, and make a newe flote
for 3our masterynge of clene water in your lede com-
petently as wolle serve 3ow, and whenne hit is more
than schalde-hote, drowe owte 3our fyre clene, and
thanne caste in 30111- aschys in the lede, yf 36 wolle
make a rowe masterynge. If hit be so that 36 wolle
have a fre masterynge, caste heme in a fatte besyde,
and temper hit with the same lycoure in 3our lede iij,
tymes or iiij., tylle that 3our lye be stronge, and let hit
pyche welle tylle hit be clere : thanne caste the lye into
the lede afore the clothe, and stere hit welle togeder
with a stafFe ; and thanne caste in thy clothe to mas-
terynge, and handelle hyt welle with a staffe a good
while or thou take hit up, and than by the grace of
God 36 schalle have good redys and fyne : yf hit be so
that 36 wolle have 3owe masteryng, 30 moste breke up
the aschys welle with the flote afore or 36 cast in 3our
clothe, and thanne handylle hit welle with a staffe
abowte; and when hit is masfceryd, take hit up and
wasche hit clene cute of the ayschys, as 36 kanne, and
so owte of boylynge, and also of the maderynge, &c.
90 EARLY ENGLISH
Item, for crymsons, hit may not have halfe so meche
mader as rede hathe, for hit moste be but lytylle
y-maderyd, but halfe as meche as rede hathe of madyre
crymson 36 schalle geve, for after hit is y-maderyd, 33
moste korke hit, for the korke is a settynge up, and a
masterynge, for if 36 wolle korky crymsons, 36 moste,
after 36 have maderid hit, let make a new flote of clene
water, and whenne hit is alle-moste at boylynge, caste
in 3our corke, and thenne after 3our clothe, and so let
hit boyle welle to-gederys a good longe whyle or 36 take
hit up, and so, by Godes grace, 36 schalle make fayre
crymsons and good.
Item, as for vyolettys withowte wode, 36 moste make
a kynd blake note, for to browne heme welle therein
of aldyre ryndys, and of clene water, and boyle heme
welle to-gedire, and so lett hit stond iij. days or iiij.,
and thanne 3our flote is made fore 3our sangweyns, and
also for 3our viollettes, and 5our viollettes saddere
thanne 3our morreys : and thanne 36 moste weysche
heme oute of that ; thanne 56 moste make 3our flote
fore 3our maderyng for 3our violettes, and 3our morreys ;
and to a dosyne of violettes viij. pownd of madyre, and
to a dosyn off morreys vj. li., and loke 36 madere heme
as 36 do 3our redys, and in lyke wyse madere hem, and
mastry heme, and thenne wesch heme oute clene
thereof, and so 3our colouris beth y-made everyche in
her perty, as they schold be one Avarantyse.
MISCELLANIES. 91
Item, yf 30 wolle make crymsons withowte corke in
clothe or wolle, 36 most browne heme in blake note
afore the sadnese of 1 d. ob. in the same blake note,
and after that 30 have browned hem so aftere the
valour, 36 moste a lytille wode hit opone in the sprynge
of the fatte, and thanne 36 moste a lytylle mader hit
uppone, and thanne 3our crymsons beth y-made in
warantyse withowte fayle.
Item, yf 36 wolle make 3our lystes blewe with-owte
wode, 36 moste a lytylle browne hit afore owte of the
whytte, that the whitte be turned fro knowlyche, and
woolle the same ; thanne 36 moste wasche hit owte
clene thereoff, and 36 moste korke hyt welle, and that
hit have korke y-no3e ; and whanne 30 have korkyd
hyt, 36 moste wasche hit clene, and thanne 36 schalle
have a fayre blewe withowte fayle, &c.
FINIS.
NOTES.
Page 3, I. 14. Let be thy care. The phrase let be has been
thought by Steevens worthy of a long note. It is of
constant occurrence in early English. So in the
romance of the Sowdane of Bdbyloyne, Middlehill
MS.,—
Speke we now of sir Laban,
And let Charles and Gy be.
Page 4, 1. 8. The dore of whallus bone. The ivory which
was made of the teeth of the walrus, is constantly
alluded to as whale's bone, and instances of the phrase
are all but innumerable. It seems also that ivory was
so called long after that made from elephant's teeth
was in common use. " As white as whale's bone" was
the usual simile. " His wyfe as white as whales bone",
Syr Isenbras. " A mayden as white as whales bone",
Syr Eglamoure. " Her skin was white as whales bone
or milk," Hawes' Pastime of Pleasure. In Skelton's
Garlande of Laurell, Works, ed. Dyce, i. 380, is a pas-
sage which may be compared with that in the text : —
With turkis and grossolitis enpavyd was the grounde ;
Of birrall enbosid wer the pyllers rownde ;
Of elephantis tethe were the palace gatis,
Enlosenged with many goodly platis
Of golde, entachid with many a precyous stone ;
An hundred steppis mountyng to the halle,
One of jasper, another of whalis bone.
NOTES.
93
It will be observed, that elephant's teeth, as well as
whales' bone, are mentioned in the above extract.
Page 4, L 20. Noneste. This is a form of nonce.
Page 6, I. ] 7. Heire. An early provincial form of year.
The manuscript possesses several of these uncouth forms,
the explanations of which will be readily gathered
from the context.
Page 8, 1. 8. Glowys. That is, gloves. Shortly afterwards
we have cayey for coy, a very corrupt form of the word.
Page 9. Word for world. Common in this manuscript.
Page 10, 1. 16. Cowrs. That is, curse.
Page 12. The reader is referred, for information respecting
the subject of the poem here printed, to the learned ob-
servations of Mr. Wright in his edition of Walter Mapes,
pp. 95, 322. The present appears to be a closer version
of the Latin of Mapes than those which are printed by
Mr. Wright, with introductory and concluding stanzas
not elsewhere found. It is also curious as attributing
the vision to be that of a French hermit, who " be
name was cleyppyd Philberte", a statement which has
only hitherto been discovered in a MS. at Yienna, in
which there is a copy of the Latin poem, with eight lines
prefixed that contain the same account. He is there like-
wise described as a king's son, filius regalis. The lines
themselves are printed in Mr. Wright's Mapes, p. 95.
Page 16, 1. 10. Thy hale is now of mj. feet. Hole, that is,
hall. The Latin is merely, — vix nunc tuus tumulus
septem capit pedes. Mr. Wright quotes a parallel
passage from the Saxon Chronicle. See Mapes, p. 96,
and the well known passage in Henry IV, beginning, —
" When that this body did contain a spirit."
Page 26, I. 21.. Abbay is torned to a grange. To bring an
94 NOTES.
abbey to a grange, a common old proverb. So in
Skelton's Colyn Cloute,—
Howe ye brake the dedes wylles,
Turne monasteris into water-niilles,
Of an abbay ye make a graunge.
Page 32, 1. 23. To. That is, two. Duo dcemones, Lat.
Page 36, L 10. / was a kyngis sone. This refers, of course,
to Philibert, and the whole of this addition is probably
translated from some Latin original not now known to
be in existence.
Page 39. The poem here printed, of " Earth upon Earth",
is the most complete copy known to exist. Other
versions, varying considerably from each other, are
preserved in MS. Seld. sup. 53 ; MS. Rawl. C. 307 ;
MS. Rawl. Poet. 32; MS. Lambeth 853; and in the
Thornton MS. in Lincoln Cathedral. Portions of it are
occasionally found inscribed on the walls of churches.
Page 43. Bi a forrest. Another copy of this poem is pre-
served in MS. Bibl. Publ. Cantab. Ff. v. 48. The
present is the most complete version.
Page 44, I. 3. Rochis in MS. Raches were scenting
hounds, and are frequently mentioned, e.g., in Arthour
and Merlin, p. 172 : —
Thre grehoundes he ledde on hond,
And thre raches in on bond.
£.8. / loJce alowe. This line is as follows in the
Cambridge MS. — " I loke asyde, I lurke fulle lowe".
I. 10. So howef so howef This was the hunting cry
used when the hare was pursued. It is again men-
tioned in a somewhat similar poem on the hare printed
in Turbervile's Boke of Hunting, where the animal
thus complains : —
NOTES. 95
But I, poore beast, whose feeding is not scene,
Who breake no hedge, who pill no pleasant plant:
Who stroy no fruite, who can turne up no greene,
Who spoyle no come, to make the plowman want :
Am yet pursued with hound, horse, might and maine
By murdriug men, untill they have me slaine.
' Sa haw' sayth one, as soone as he me spies ;
Another cryes, * Now, Now,' that sees me start ;
The hounds call on, with hydeous noyse and cryes ;
The spurgalde jade must gallop out his part :
The home is blowen, and many a voyce full shryll
Do whoupe and cry, me wretched beast to kyll.
Page 44, 1 25. Soide. " Mawe", MS. Cantab.
Page 45, 1. II. And as a scrowe scke wyll me thret. " And
as a swyne thei wil me bete", MS. Cantab. The
Cambridge MS. thus concludes : —
Go bet, Wat, with Crystes curse !
The next tyme thou shal be take ;
I have a hare-pype in my purse,
That shall be set, Watte, for thi sake.
The next tyme thou comes therin,
Be my trowthe I the behete,
Tho thou thorowe the hege ren,
Thou shal be hongut be the throte !
Thus I droupe, I drede my deth :
Alas ! I dye long or my day ;
For welle and woo away it gothe,
And this word hit wendes away.
Page 46, 1. 13. Eyselle and galle. Eysell and gall are
frequently mentioned together, especially in connexion
with the well known passage in the Gospels. " Venegre
96 NOTES.
or eyselle" is noticed in a receipt at page 81. It is
made synonymous with alegar, or vinegar made from
ale, in the Forme of Cury, p. 56 ; but vinegar of any
description appears to have passed under the name of
eysell or ay sell.
Page 48,7. 1. Nette. That is, neat cattle.
Page 67, I. 4. Spryngys. Springs here seem to mean
slips. They are, properly, the first shoots of a plant.
" Springe or ympe that commeth out of the rote",
Huloet's Abcedarium, 1552.
LATIN THEMES.
LATIN THEMES
OF
MARY STUART,
QUEEN OF SCOTS.
iTBLISHED, FOR THE FIRST TIME, FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT
IN HER OWN HANDWRITING, NOW PRESERVED IN THE
IMPERIAL LIBRARY, PARIS.
ANATOLE DE MONTAIGLOX,
LONDON
PRINTED FOR THE WARTON CLUB.
M.DCCC.LV.
PREFACE.
FEW personages in modern history have received
more notice, have been invested with a greater
attraction, or have been spoken of with more in-
dulgent friendship or more partial hostility, than
the queen of France and Scotland, the fair and
unhappy Mary Stuart. The books relating spe-
cially to her have become numerous enough
to form, if collected, a rather considerable li-
brary, and now, within the last few years, (I
speak of France only), the publication of do-
cuments by Prince Labanoff, the Latin thesis
for the grade of doctor by M. Cheruel, who,
we are informed, will soon resume more at large
and in French the same subject, the in form
rather historical romance of M. Dargaud, and the
excellent history by M. Mignet, are proofs that
the interest of the subject is not exhausted, and
that it is always possible to awaken curiosity
b
11
and sympathy by recalling to our memory one
who, by her death at least, seems sanctified as a
martyr, and of whom we may still say that in
most hearts —
" The memory is green."
But we leave this as without our scope ; for our
far more modest aim in this publication is not to
renew and judge the inquiry, but only to print
for the first time the contents of a small manuscript
in the handwriting of the young Mary, the oldest,
probably, of her productions which can be pro-
duced, and which will be a quite new, although
but a small, stone added to the monument raised
to her by posterity. Rather unimportant in the
historical point of view, it is so singular an in-
stance and so true a pearl in curiosity, that Eng-
land, since she may not have the original, may
perhaps be glad to receive an accurate copy of it,
which being, from the limited number of the im-
pression, conveniently reserved to the hands of
some fit judges and friends, it may be said, will
not go down in the open area and meet the great
common light too strong for its harmless inge-
nuity. It is a delicate and superfluous ornament,
Ill
" the very button of the cap" but good only to be
put into learned hands, habitually conversant with
rare books. Those only may hold it with the pious
and interested lightness in the grasp, that will
not crush it, as too stern a hand might do. It is
not to be discussed, nor even used ; it is only a
very curious and particular memorial, and the
memorials of long deceased persons, which are in
appearance trifling, are often the more dear and
characteristic.
This little book has remained long undisturbed,
and the more effectually was it hidden, from the
circumstance of its being wrongly described in
the very well known catalogue of one of the
most important libraries in the world. For, in
the printed catalogue of Latin manuscripts in
the Royal, now Imperial, Library of Paris, it was
thus entered : " vm MDCLX. Codex chartaceus,
olim Joannis Balesdens. Ibi continentur Maria?
Stuartae, Scotorum reginse et GalliaB delphinae, epi-
stolae varige, Latine et Gallice. Is codex decimo
sexto sseculo exaratus videtur." Not only is
the last appreciation unnecessarily indefinite, — for
the precise year is, as it will be said, written in
IV
the manuscript, — but the whole article is a blun-
der. The book has consequently been asked for
many times, as seeming to contain real letters, that
is to say, historical documents ; but, as this was
not the case, it was laid aside as useless.
Recently, however, a French scholar, M. Lu-
dovic Lalanne, well known by his historical pub-
lications, happening to see this manuscript, exa-
mined it more closely, and came to the curious
conclusion that it was neither a correspondence,
nor a collection or transcripts of real letters, but
that it was what French schoolboys call a cahier
de corrigds, the autograph transcript by Mary
Stuart of the Latin, into which she had trans-
lated French letters given to her as themes.
Under these circumstances the interest of the
manuscript was very different from that which
it had been supposed to possess, not so great per-
haps, but still so curious, that M. Lalanne in-
serted a description of it, with some well selected
extracts naturally taken from the French part, in
the weekly Parisian paper, called V Atlieneum
Frangais* of which he is the director, and to the
* 1853, 33rd number, Samedi 13th August, pp. 775-7.
readers of which the notice of this little discovery
was particularly acceptable. Thus M. Lalanne,
who ascertained first the true character of the
volume, may be said to have discovered it. I owe
to him the knowledge of the book, and I am
pleased to have the opportunity of fully express-
ing all my obligation to his clever article on the
subject, without which the present publication
would never have seen the light.
The manuscript, written on strong paper, is an
18mo., rather square, measuring 0.095 millimeters
in width, by 0.139 in height, and consists of 86
folios, numbered by a later hand.
Its present binding, dating only from the end
of the seventeenth century, is plain red morocco ;
the back is ornamented with fleurs-de-lys, and
the sides with the arms of France. The edges
are gilt, and we will remark that, in gilding the
edges, the binder has been careful with them ; for
it is usual to see the letters closely written at the
end of lines to get in an entire word, and the last
letters are in no instance cut. It is thus certain
that the volume has retained its original shape. On
its garde is the present number 8660, and, on the
VI
first leaf numbered, the older number 66412.
Underneath the latter are these contemporaneous
lines : " Maria D. G. Scotor. Keg. Galliae vero
Delphina," thus evidently written after Mary's
wedding with Francis, the first son of Henry II,
which took place on the £4th of April, 1558, when
she was sixteen years of age, and before the acces-
sion of her husband to the French throne, which
occurred on the 10th of July, 1559 ; for it was only
during that time she could be called dauphine of
France. Under it is the signature of Ballesdens,
which may be seen in the fac-simile, and concern-
ing whom it is here necessary to say a few words,
in order to show by whose worthy hands the ma-
nuscript was preserved.
Jean Ballesdens was born in Paris at the end
of the sixteenth century ; he was advocate at the
Parliament and Council, and private secretary to
the chancellor Pierre Seguier, who was much at-
tached to him, and presented him for election to
the Academic Francaise, of which he was the
protector. At a first candidature, Ballesdens, be-
ing in competition with the great dramatist, Pierre
Corneille, was so just and respectful to the genius
Vll
of his rival as to decline all pretensions against
him. This becoming and honourable modesty
served Ballesdens ; for he was the next elected in
1648, in the place of the poet Claude de Malle-
ville, one of the first founders of this literary so-
ciety. Although Ballesdens held frequent inter-
course with all the learned men and authors in
his country, he wrote little himself, but, as a true
collector of books and manuscripts — for so he was,
and many are known signed by him — was rather
an editor of the works of others, among which we
may quote the Elogia Clarorum Virorum by Pa-
pyrius Masson ; the theological works of Grego-
rius Turonensis ; the deeds relating to the acqui-
sition of the Dauphine by the crown of France ;
many works by Savonarola ; and the Epistles of
St. Catharine of Sienna. He died on the 27th
of October, 1675.
As already stated, the manuscript contains the
French theme and the Latin translation. The Latin,
of which the titles are written in capitals with
abbreviations reproduced in this edition,* is all by
* It is almost unnecessary to say that the letters S. P. D.,
frequently used in these directions, are for the words salu-
tem plurimam dicit.
Vlll
the hand of Mary, not transcribed at once, but
written severally and probably day by day. The
writing, the pen, the ink, are different, although
by the same hand, neat and clever, quite Italian
in form, and indisputable, as it will be seen by
comparison with the numerous fac-similes of her
later handwriting. But it is quite different with
the French. It is evident that the book was blank
when given to Mary, who was to transcribe her
themes on the recto of each leaf, but who some-
times was so inattentive as to write on the verso.
When the book was nearly full, the French themes
were collected and written in their fit places by
one hand, and perhaps at once; for the hand-
writing is identical in all places, and it is evi-
dently that of a manual copyist ; and, as some
themes were lost, the leaf waiting them was left
blank. This, as well as the character of the let-
ters, though still gothic in their form and very
bold, prevents the supposition that the French is
a version by her fellow-scholar Elizabeth, from
the Latin letters directed to her by Mary ; some
slight differences furnish also another proof that
this French is in fact the original theme, and not a
IX
version from the Latin. It is also improbable that
we have there the hand of the preceptor ; for the
reader will soon discover some blunders which
show evidently the hand of a mere amanuensis.
It would be curious to ascertain the name of
this preceptor ; Brantome does not inform us of it
in his article on Mary, but M. Lalanne has judi-
ciously suggested that it is probably indicated in
Brantome's article on Elizabeth ; she, at least during
one year, having had the same preceptor as Mary,
as in one of these letters written by him he addresses
himself to the two princesses.* The name of her
preceptor, therefore, would give the name of the
preceptor of Mary. These are the words of Bran-
tome, speaking of Elizabeth : " Elle avoit beau
scavoir, comme la royne sa mere 1'avoit faicte bien
estudier par M. de Saint Estienne, un precepteur
qu'elle a toujours aime et respecte jusqu'a sa
mort." Some words of the Spanish historian of
Mary agree entirely wijh this hypothesis : " En-
tregandolo a Catalina de Medicis, reyno de Fran-
cia, la fue errando con el mesmo amor que si fuera
su madre."f Yet this can only be given as a
* See letter XLV and also letter xxu.
t Antonio di Herrera, Historia de lo Succedido en Esco-
supposition, with the possibility of its being au-
thenticated or destroyed by the discovery of fur-
ther facts. And it is very possible that the pre-
ceptor of Mary came with her from England, when
we bear in mind that this form of letters was
used and perhaps traditional in England for the
institution of royal pupils ; for the very curious
book of Latin letters and exercises of Edward VI,
when prince, preserved in the Harleian manu-
scripts, No. 5087 (Catalogue, vol. iii, p. 1245),
is in all respects a companion to Mary's themes.
As to the turn and form of this education, it was
naturally, in accordance with the character of
the time, rather profane than sacred. The first
letter is an invocation to the sacred muses, and
the gods are as frequently cited as God. All the
examples are taken from antiquity ; Plato, Cicero,
and, above all, Plutarch, are the authors most fre-
quently quoted. One modern author appears, how-
ever, but one who had so much of an ancient in his
spirit, that the rule is confirmed rather than broken
by the introduction of Erasmus, of whom are cited
cia e Iriglaterra, en quarenta y quatro anos que vivio Maria
Estuarda, reyna di Escocia. Lisboa, 1590, in 8vo. p. 35 verso.
XI
three dialogues : that named Diliculum (letter
xix) ; that (letter xxi) of the abbot and learned wo-
man Magdalia (Abbatis et eruditce\ of which there
was then a well known and elegant translation in
French verses by the amiable poet Clement Ma-
rot, and published about this time ; and the dia-
logue of Philodoxus with Simbulus (letter xxxiv) ;
and it is to be inferred from these quotations that
the whole book of the Colloquia was read by
the royal girls.
Generally the letters are on separate subjects,
but in one instance they form a series. It had
been said by one of the court, probably before the
royal girls, and by allusion, perhaps, to the turn
of their education, that women had nothing to do
with learning; and, by way of justification for
himself and encouragement to his pupils, the pre-
ceptor fills fifteen letters (xxvi — XL) with the
names of learned girls and women. His learning
was easy ; numerous were the books on illustrious
women, and perhaps he did not even seek so far.
In one place (letter xxxv) he speaks of a cer-
tain Cassandra Fidelis as praised by Politianus in
some one of his Epistles, and when we refer to
Xll
them, this letter of Politianus, the thirteenth in the
third book, is found to be on the subject of learned
women, and with the commentary of Franciscus
Silvius in the Parisian edition of 1523, in 4to., it
contains almost all the names used by the pre-
ceptor.
But with these subjects, which are little more
than commonplaces, these themes would have no
more to recommend them to curiosity than the
themes of the duke of Burgundy, — with this differ-
ence still, that M.de St. Etienne or Mary's precep-
tor, whoever he was, is not a stylist like Fenelon.
Happily, and this does honour to the understand-
ing of the former, he has given interest to his
themes, and that for us as well as for his pupils,
in making them real letters to living and neigh-
bouring persons ; they have thus in them some-
thing of the life of the times.
The letters are in number LXIV ; two only, XLI
and XLIV, are directed by the preceptor to Mary ;
but the ordinary correspondent of Mary is her
fellow-student Elizabeth, daughter to King Henry
II, who was to be married to the melancholy
Spanish king, Philip the Second, and in 1554 was
xm
nine years of age, having been born in 1545. Twice
only Mary directs letters (ix, xi) to Claudia, an-
other daughter of the French king, but younger,
being born in November 1547, who married in
1559 the duke of Lorraine, Charles the Third,
and to whom certainly relates the childish allusion
in letter xxn.
By the direction of the tenth letter we learn
the name of another fellow-student of Mary, whose
presence is even more curious, from the circum-
stance that this other fellow-student is not a girl
but a boy. Unhappily the Latin form involves
the name in a doubt, only to be removed by
chance. I confess I cannot guess what may be in
French the name Quarlocoius ; is it not possible
that he was, perhaps, the son of some great Scotch
nobleman, who came into France with his young
queen ? I leave the question, however, to the
learning of the Scottish antiquaries.
The other correspondents of Mary were her
uncle the famous duke of Guise (letters xxm,
xx iv), and the French dauphin, who was soon to be
her husband. One, the xvnith. is directed to a
man whose name it is singular to see in this place,
XIV
to the great reformator Calvin. The letter is of
1554, and it is curious to remark that a Latin
edition of his book V Institution Chretienne was
published by Robert Etienne in 1553 : as is well
known, one part of it is occupied with the negation
of purgatory, and the letter is precisely on this
point. Was the letter ever sent? It is rather
improbable. The others — I speak not of those to
Elizabeth, which were to be versions to her —
being directed to friends and relatives, who were
curious and proud to see the progress of Mary's
learning, were certainly sent. But the letter to
Calvin stands in a different light. The fact of a
letter to him from such a princess — her youth also
would have shown it was dictated to her and conse-
quently avowed — would have been too important
to be easily admitted. It is, I think, necessary to
reduce the question to lesser proportions, and sup-
pose that, the book of Calvin and his opinion on
purgatory having been spoken of before the young
queen, the preceptor thought good to introduce
them in his next lesson to his pupil. However,
and whatever may be the case, it is curious to, see
this -childish letter to Calvin, and to think how
XV
the same girl, when a queen, subsequently suf-
fered from the wrath and fury of Calvin's dis-
ciple, John Knox.
Some names of places are written at the end of
some letters, generally in the French part, and in-
teresting, because we see by them the town or
castle where the court was, and Mary with it. The
names which occur under these circumstances are
those of Rheims, i — iv ; Compiegne, v — vm,xi —
xin, xv, XVIT, xvni, xx ; Villers Cotterets, xxv —
vi ; Paris, xxxvi, xxxvm ; Saint Germain, XLI,
XLII, XLVI VIII, LIII, LVI LX.
For the dates, however scarce, they are not
only curious but important, since they tell us the
age of the young Mary when she was put to
this discipline and occupied with these exercises.
From them it may be ascertained that this occu-
pation existed between the 26th July and the 9th
January following (letters v and LXI), that is to
say, during seven months of the life of Mary,
of which these faded pages are the only memorial.
For the year, nothing would have indicated it, if
it were not positively written in four letters ; for
we find these dates, " 25 d'aoust 1554," " 12 (Toe-
XVI
tobre 1554," " dernier jour de cest an 1554,"
fi 5 Janvier 1554," affixed to the letters xxn,
xxxvi, LVII, LVIII. A remark is here necessary.
The date of the 5th January 1554, which would
be 1555 according to the new style, is, as it was
to be expected, written according to the old style,
in which the year began on the 25th of March.
But Mary, although continuing to write 1554
after a letter dated 26th December and another
dated the day of St. John the Evangelist after
Christmas, that is to say, the 27th December, —
writes in the letters immediately following : the last
day of this year 1554, using thus at the same time
the two manners of ending the year. It is only a
new proof, that if the ordonnance which in France
made the year begin with January was rendered
only by Charles the Ninth, in 1563, the use, thus
made official and legal, was in fact already esta-
blished. An observation curious to make, before
leaving this date of 1554, is, that the same year is
inscribed by Mary in her prayer-book, preserved at
St. Petersburg, and described by Prince LabanoiF
in the last volume of his edition of the letters of
Mary. On one leaf of it may be read, in her
XV11
handwriting these words : " Ce livre est a moi.
Marie, Royne. 1554."
One word more, and I will close this already
too long an introduction. Much has been said on
the early learning of Mary. The great credit
she has received on this account will be perhaps
a little destroyed by this publication ; for the
reader will see her knowledge of the Latin to be
not very sound nor firm, and some blunders are
of such a nature as to render us somewhat incre-
dulous as to her own knowledge at this period of
life. The admiration, inspired by the praise be-
stowed by Brantome on the famous Latin speech
delivered in the French court, will be somewhat
impaired by the thought that it was a little after
our themes, which perhaps were given to her
as a first preparation towards this subject, and
show us that she was certainly not unaided in the
composition of her speech. However, the words
of Brantome, in his life of Mary, are worthy of
being quoted here, because they relate to the same
period and the same nature of ideas :
" Pour la beaute de 1'ame, elle estoit toute pa-
reille ; car elle s'estoit faicte fort scavante en
XX
bien scant aux femmes de scavoir les lettres et ars
liberaux. Au quel endroit je diroys en quelle ad-
miration d'un chacun. vous auries este ouye, et
quelle esperance auroit este concue de vous par
toute cette noble compaignie, si je le pouvois dire
sans soubcon de flatterie. Ce que j'aime mieux
estre tellement quellement exprime par ce vers
d'Ovide, parlant de Germanicus Csesar, petit fils
d'Auguste, eleg. 5 du 2 de Pont,
" ' Quant ta bouche celeste eut ouvert ton soucy,
L'on eut dit que les dieux souloient parler ainsi,
Et que d'un prince estoit digne telle excellence,
Tant avoit de douceur ta divine eloquence.'
Que pleut a votre Majeste que j'eusse pu finer de
cette tant elegante oraison, ou plutot de la Fran-
^oyse traduction qu'il vous en pleut faire quelque
terns apres ; il ne m'eust este besoin chercher si
loing des exemples, etc."
By this it will be seen that this speech was then
preserved in two forms, in Latin and in French,
and I suppose the last to have been less a transla-
tion by Mary, than the original given to her
by her preceptor to be by her put in Latin.
Perhaps it exists, and owes to its commonplace
XXI
character the fate of having remained unnoticed
to this day. With the indication of Fouquelin it
will be now easily recognised when met with ; but,
as its discovery may be only accidental, I am sa-
tisfied to leave the honour of it to more fortunate
inquirers.
Paris, 31st May, 1855.
MA- s
./_ juta ekaw hen avud J&s
/o /
2 &&&& party erew ypmt&ff** ejl Leo nwfi
4v ki
J
M?& • izft
/- fcf*Jwfsit Marietta
t f>r*jGhtoAfa#* rr'rfa* '
/ *
THE FACSIMILE
Represents, first, the title of the theme addressed to
Claudius Quarlocojus, p. 13 of the present edition, with
ten examples of Mary's handwriting taken from different
themes, namely : —
1. From theme vi, page 7.
2. „ xvi, „ 21.
3. „ xix, „ 23.
4. „ xxiii, „ 29.
5. „ xxiv, „ 31.
6. „ xxix, „ 39.
7. „ xxxviii, „ 49.
8. „ xxxix, „ 51.
9. „ Ivii, „ 71.
10. „ Ixii, „ 77.
Two dates from the French text, being the conclusions of
Theme xxii, page 28, and
„ Ivii, „ 70.
And, lastly, the signature of J. Ballesdena.
MARIA D.G. SCOTORUM REGINA,
GALLIC YERO
DELPHINA.
I.
Puis que les Muses (comme toutes autres choses)
prennent leur commancement de Dieu : il est raison-
nable, que pour bien faire 1'oeuvreque je commance, mon
entree soit de par lui, et que du tout mon entendement
implore son aide et sa grace tres saincte. A Reims.
ii.
CE ii'est pas asses au commancement de tes estudes,
ma seur tres aimee, de demander Taide de Dieu:
mais il veut que de toutes tes forces tu travailles. Car,
ma mie, les anciains ont dit que les Dieus ne donnent
leurs biens aus oisifs, mais les vendent par les labeurs.
Adieu, et m'aime autant que je t'aime. A Reims.
I.
QUUM musee (ut caetera omnia) principium a Deo
accipiunt, sequum est, ut bene faciam in ea re quam
aggredior, meus prim'-" sditus sir. per eum, meusque
animus imploret auxiliurr, et g)'3tiam Domini sanc-
tissimam.
ii.
MARIA SCOTOkUM EEGINA ELIZABFijE SOKORI S. P. D.
NON est satis in principle tuorum studiorum a Deo
petere auxilium. Seel ipse vult ut totis viribus labores.
Nam, arnica summa mea et soror, antiqui dixerunt
Decs npn dare bona sua otiosis, sed ea vendere labo-
ribus. Bene vale, et me, Tit amo te, ama.
B 2
THEMES OF MARY
III.
JE vous ecrivoi hier (ma seur) que vertu vient de
Festude des bonnes lettres, et pour ce a nous princesses
sont-elles plus necessaires qu'aux autres. Car tout
ainsi qu'un prince surmonte ses subiects en richesses,
en puissance, en autorite et commandement : ainsi doit
estre entre tous le plus grand en prudence, en conseil,
en bonte, en grace, et toute sorte de vertu. Par quoi
les Egyptiains ont paint un ceil au sceptre des rois, et
disoient que nulle vertu n'est mieus seante a un prince
que prudence. A Reims.
IV.
Puis doncques qu'un prince doit surmonter ses subiects
non en voluptes et delices, mais en sens, en temperance,
et en prudence : et que son devoir et office est de
preposer les utilites dela Republique aux siennes; il
faut, ma seur, que mettions peine d'estre bien sages.
Et que ne laissions aller un seul jour sans apprendre
quelque chose. A Pexemple d' Appelles peintre, qui en
son art a este de si grande diligence, qui ne laissoit
passer un jour seul, au quel de son pinceau ne tirast
quelque ligne. Adieu, et m'aime toujours bien.
A Reims.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 5
III.
MAEIA REGINA SCOTOEUM ELIZABETH SOBOEI OPTIMA S. P. D.
SCRIBEBAM heri, dilectissima soror, quod virtus venit
de studio bonarum literarum. Quare eaedem sunt
magis necessariae nobis principibus quam privatis.
Nam ut princeps subditis suis vult antecellere divitijs,
potestate, autoritate, et imperio : sic debet inter omnes
excellere prudentia, consilio, bonitate, gratia, et omni
genere virtutis. Qua de re hierogliphica ^gyptiorum
notaverunt oculum in sceptro regum, dicebant enim
nullam virtutem magis principem decere quam pru-
dentiam.
IV.
M. E. SCOTOEUM ELIZABETH SOEOEI S. P. D.
QUUM igitur princeps debet antecellere privatis non
voluptatibus delicijsve, sed sensu, temperantia, et pru-
dentia : et suum officium anteponere utilitatis reip.
suis : opus est (soror omnium charissima) nos dare
operam ut sapiamus, exemplo Appellis pictoris, qui
tanta fuit in arte sua diligentia ut nullus praeteriret
dies in quo non ipse lineam aliquam penicillo duxisset.
Vale, et me ama ut soles.
THEMES OF MARY
V.
JE ne me puis assez ebahi de quoi sur les fautes
d'autrui nous sommes plus clairs voians qu' Argus, qui
avoit cent yeus. Mais pour voir et corriger les notres,
nous sommes plus aveugles que la taupe. C'est de
quoi se mocque JEsope, qui dit qu'en la besace de
devant nous portons les vices d'autrui, et en celle qui
pend derriere nous mettons les notres. Ne faisons
ainsi, ma seur, car celui qui veut parler d'autrui doit
estre sans culpe. De Compienne ce 26. Juillet.
VI.
HIEB je lisoi une fable en ^Esope autant profitable
que plaisante. La formis en temps d'hyver faisoit
bonne chere du ble qu'elle avoit amasse en este, quand
la cicade aiant grand fain vint a elle, pour lui demander
a manger. Mais la formis lui dit, Que faisois-tu en
este ? Je chantoi, dit-elle. Si tu chantois en este,
repondit la formis, saulte maintenant en hyver. La
fable signifie, ma seur, que pendant que sommes jeunes
devons mettre peine d'apprendre des lettres et vertus
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 7
V.
M. SCOTORUM REGINA EL. S. P. D.
NON possum satis mirari quod simus oculatiores in
errores alienos quam Argus, qui habebat centum
oculos : sed ut videamus et emendemus nostros, sumus
caeciores talpa. Qua de re JEsopus ridebat, et dicebat
nos ferre aliena vitia in mantica qua? dependet ad
pectus, et in alia quse ad tergum ponimus nostra.
Ne ita faciamus, soror dilectissima, nam qui de alijs
vult loqui, debet esse sine culpa. Vale.
vi.
MA. SCOTORUM REGIXA ELIZABETH SOROKI S. P. D.
LEGEBAM heri apud ./Esopum fabulam non minus
utilein quam urbanam. Formica hyeme laute vivebat
tritico quod collegerat sestate, quando cicada laborans
fame venit ad illam, et petebat cibum. Sed formica
dicit, Quid faciebas restate ? Cantabam, dixt. (sic).
Si tu canebas sestate, hyeme salta. Fabula significat
(suavissima soror) nos debere (dum iuvenes sumus)
dare.
8 THEMES OF MAKY
pour nous conduire en viellesse. A Dieu, et m'aime
autant que tu pourras, tu pourras autant que tu
voudras. A Compienne. 26. Juillet.
VII.
J'AI entendu par notre maitre, ma seur ma mignonne,
que maintenant vous estudies fort bien, de quoi je suis
tres joieuse, et vous prie de contintier, comme pour le
plus grand bien que sauries avoir en ce monde.
Car ce que nous a donne nature est de peu de duree, et
le redemandera en viellesse, ou plus tost. Ce que nous
a preste fortune elle nous 1'ostera aussi. Mais ce que
vertu (laquelle procede des bonnes lettres) nous donne,
est immortel, et le garderons a jamais. A Com-
pienne. 25. Juillet.
Till.
CATON disoit, ma seur, que 1'entendement d'un chacun
est semblable au fer, lequel tant plus est manie, de tant
plus reluyt. Mais quand on le laisse en repos il devient
rouille. Ce que tesmoigne bien Cicero au livre des
QUEEN OF SCOTS.
[The end has never been written.']
VII.
M. SC. R. EL. SOliOKI S. P. D.
AUDIVI a nostro prseceptore, soror integerrima, te
studere optime, ex quo gaudeo, et te deprecor ut sic
pergas, nam estexcellentissimum bonum quod iposisfsicj
habere. Quod enim natura dedit, parum durat, et
repetet in senectute vel prius. Quod mutuo dedit
fortuna deponet etiam. Sed quod virtus, quae pro-
cedit a bonarum literarum lectione, donat, est immor-
tale et nostrum semper erit. Vale.
VIII.
M. SC. E. ELIZABETH SUAVISSIM.E SOEOBI S. P. D."
CATO ingenium uniuscuiusque dicebat, soror, ferro
esse simile, quod usu splendescit, at in otio rubigine
obducitur : id quod Cicero testatur in libro de claris
oratoribus, quando dicit se singulis diebus scribere
10 THEMES OF MARY
Orateurs illustres, quand il dit que tons les jours ou il
ecrivoit quelque chose, ou il declamoit en Grec, ou en
Latin. Et d'avantage, croies, ma seur, qu'oisivete estla
mere de tous vices. Par quoi il nous faut a toutes
heures exercer notre esprit en erudition ou en vertu.
Car Pexercer en choses vainnes et mechantes, ce n'est
Texercer mais le corrompre. A Compienne 28. Juil-
let.
IX.
Ce n'est pas sans cause, mes seurs tres aimees, que la
roine nous commandoit hier de faire ce que nous
diront noz gouvernantes. Car Cicero dit, tout au com-
mancement du second livre des Lois, que celui qui scait
bien commander a autresfois obei. Et que quicunque
modestement obeit est digne de commander une fois.
Plutarque, auteur digne de foi, a dit que les vertus
s'apprennent par preceptes aussi bien que les arts.
Et use de cet argument. Les homines apprennent a
chanter, a sauter, les lettres aussi, a laborer la terre, a
se tenir a cheval, a se chausser, a se vestir, a faire
cuisine. Et penserons-nous que vaincre ses affections,
commander en une Rep. (chose entre toutes tres difficile),
bien conduire une armee, mener bonne vie, penserons-
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 11
aliquid vel declamare graece vel latine. Prseterea
crede mihi, soror, otium esse matrem omnium vitiorum.
Quapropter opus est omnibus horis exercere ingenium
nostrum eruditione . vel virtute, nam exercere rebus
vanis aut flagitiosis hoc non exercere est sed corrum-
pere. Vale. 5. Cal. August!.
IX.
M. SC. E. ELIZABETH ET CLAUDLE SOEOBIBUS S. D. P.
NON abs re (suavissimse sorores) regina jubebat heri
nobis facere id quod gubernatrices dicent. Nam Cicero
sic ait in principio secundi libri de le gibus. Ille qui
bene scit imperare, aliquando obedivit, et qui modeste
obedit est dignus imperare aliquando. Plutarchus autor
locuples ait virtutes discendas esse prseceptis ut alise
artes, et utitur illo argumento. Homines discunt can-
tare, saltare, literas, colere terram, equo insidere,
calceari, vestiri, et coquere : et nos credemus vincere
vluptates (sicj, imperare reipublicse (quse res inter
onmes difficilima est) ducere exercitum, instituere
vitam, credemus, inquam, id e venire fortuito? Ne
hoc credamus, sed discamus, obediamus hoc tempore,
12 THEMES OF MARY
nous, di-ie, que cela advienne par fortune ? Ne le
croions point, mais apprenons, obeissons maintenant,
afin de scavoir commander, quand serons venues en
age. 29 Juillet.
x.
POUR quelques vertus, scavoir, ou autres graces que tu
aies, ne t'en glorifie point, mais plus tost donnes en
louange a Dieu qui seul est cause de ce bien. Ne te
mocque de personne, mais pense que ce qui advient a
un, il peut advenir a chacun. Et, comme ja je t'ai dit,
ren graces a Dieu de quoi il t'a mis hors de tel povre
sort, et prie que telle chose ne t'avienne, et aide a
1'affiige si tu puis. Car si tu es misericordieus aus
homines, tu obtiendras misericorde de Dieu. Au quel
je prie vouloir favoriser a toutes tes entreprinses.
1 jour d'Aoust.
XI.
LE meilleur heritage qui peut estre delaisse aux enfans
desbons parens, c'est la voie de vertu, et la connoissance
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 13
ut sciamus imperare cum pervenerimus ad maiorem
oetatem. Bene valete. 3. Cal. August!.
x.
MA. SC. KEGINA CLAUDIO QUARLOCOIO COXDISCIPULO S. P. D.
QUIBUSCTTNQUE virtutibus, sapientia, eruditione, et aliis
gratiis praeditus sis, ne gloriare, sed potius da gloriam
Deo qui solus caussa est tanti boni. Neminem irri-
deto irrideto (sicj, sed puta quod evenit uni posse
accidere omnibus. Et, ut jam dixi tibi, age gratias
Deo omnipotenti quod te posuerit extra sortem tarn
miseram et precare ut talis res non tibi eveniat. Sub-
veni afflicto si possis, nam si tu fueris misericors aliis,
consequeris misericordiam adeo (sic, pro a Deo), quern
deprecor ut faveat omnibus tuis coeptis. Vale.
XI.
M. SC. R. ELIZABETH ET CLAUDLE SOROEIBUS S. P. D.
OPTIMA hereditas quae potest relinqui liberis a bonis
parentibus est via virtutis, cognitio plurium artium,
14 THEMES OF MARY
de plusieurs arts, et sciences. Les quelles choses,
selon la sentence de Ciceron, valent mieux que le plus
riche patrimoine. Par quoi je ne sauroi asses louer la
prudence du roy et de la royne, qu'ils veullent que
notre jeune age soit imbut et de bonnes meurs et de
lettres, suivant 1' opinion de plusieurs sages, qui n'ont
tant estime bien n'aistre, (sic, for naistre), que bien
estre institue. Dont, mes seurs, de notre coste, faisons
nostre devoir. A Compienne. 7. jour d'Aoust.
XII.
FOTJK ce que la vraie amitie, de la quelle je vous aime
plus que moi-mesme, me commande que tout le bien
qu'aurai jamais sera commun entre nous, ma seur, je
vous vueil bien faire participante d'une belle similitude
que je leu hier en Plutarque. Tout ainsi, dit-il, que
qui empoisonne une fontaine publique, de laquelle
ehacun boit, n'est digne d'un seul supplice : ainsi est
tres malheureus et mechant qui gaste 1'esprit d'un
prince, et qui ne lui corrige ses mauvaises opinions,
qui redonderont a la perte de tant de peuple. Par quoi,
ma seur, il nous faut ouir et obeir a ceux qui nous
remontrent. De Compienne. 8. d'Aoust.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 15
atque scientia. Quse res (ut sententia Cicseronis tes-
tatur) est melior ornni patrimonio. Unde non possum
satis laudare prudentiam regis reginaeque nostrse, qui
volunt hanc nostram rudem setatem imbui bonis mori-
bus et literis : sequuti opinionem plurimomm homi-
num sapientum, qui prseclarius duxerunt bene institui
quam bene nasci. Quare quantum ad nos attinet,
fungamur nostro officio. Valete.
XII.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI 8. D. P.
QUUM vera amicitia qua te ante me amo, soror, imperet
mihi ut omne bonum quod unquam habebo sit inter
nos commune, volo te facere participem pulcherrimae
similitudinis quam heri legebam apud Plutarchum.
Nam, inquit ille, quemadmodum qui inficit veneno
fontem publicum, de quo omnes bibunt, non est dignus
solo supplicio, ita ille est infelicissimus et nocentissimus
qui inficit animum principis et qui non emendat malas
opiniones quae redundent in perniciem multorum.
Quare, soror, oportet nos obedire iis qui nos corripiunt.
16 THEMES OF MARY
XIII.
C'EST pour vous inciter a lire Plutarque, ma mie, et
ma bonne seur, que si sou vent en mes epitrcs je fai
mension de lui. Car c'est un philosophe digne de la
Ie9on d'un prince. Mais oies qu'il adioute an propos
que je vous tenoi hier. Si, dit-il, celui qui gaste et
contrefait la monnoie du prince est puni, combien est
plus digne de supplice qui corrout 1'entendement d'i-
celui? Car, ma seur, quels sont les princes en la
Rep., disoit Platon, tels ont accoutume d'estre les
citoiains. Et pensoit les Rep. estre bien heureuses,
qui etoient gouvernees par princes, et doctes, et sages.
De Compienne, 9. d'Aoust.
XIV.
LA vraie grandeur et excellence du prince, ma tres
aimee seur, n'est en dignite, en or, en pourpre, en
pierreries, et autres pompes de fortune : mais en
prudence, en vertu, en sapience, et en scavoir. Et
d'autant que le prince veut estre different a son peuple
d' habit, et de fa^on de vivre, d'autant doit-il estre
eloigne des folles opinions du vulgaire. Adieu, et
m'aimes autant que vous pourres. 10 d'Aoust.
QUEEN OP SCOTS. 17
XIII.
M. R. S. EL. SORORI S. P. t>.
QUUM tarn saepe facio mentionem Plutarchi, arnica
summa mea et soror, in meis epistolis, hoc facio ut
ad hunc legendum te incitem. Nam est philosophus
dignus lectione principis. Sed audi quomodo perficit
propositum quod heri scribebam ad te : Si is qui
viciat monetam principis punitur, quantopere ille est
dignior supplicio qui corrumpit ingenium ejus. Pro-
fecto quales sunt principes in Rep. dicebat Plato, tales
solent esse cives, et Resp. felicissirnas putabat si a
doctis et sapientibus principibus regerentur. Vale.
XIV.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
VERA principis majestas non est in amplitudine, in
dignitate, auro, purpura, gemmis et aliis pompis for-
tunae : sed in prudentia, sapientia et eruditione. Verum
quantopere princeps vult abesse ab habitu et victu
plebeio, tantopere ille debet etiam abesse a sordidis
opinionibus et stul[ti]tiis vulgi. Vale et me ama quan-
tum poteris.
18 THEMES OF MARY
XV.
POUR toujours, selon macoutume, vousfaire participante
de mes bonnes lemons, je vous vueil bien dire comme
j'apprenoi devant Her que le prince ne doit vanter
les armes, et autres enseignes de noblesse qu'il a de ses
parens : mais plus tost doit suivre et exprimer les
vertus et bonnes meurs d'iceulx. Car, ma seur, la vraie
noblesse c'est vertu. Et le second poinct que doit
avoir le prince, c'est qui soit instruict de la connoissance
des arts et sciences. Le tiers, et qui est le moindre,
qui soit orne des paintures et armes de ses pre-
decesseurs. Et de cettui nous sommes asses ornees.
Efforceons-nous done d' avoir le premier. Adieu. De
Compienne. 13. d'Aoust.
XVI.
JE lisoi anjourdhui, ma seur, que Platon appelloit les
princes gardes de la Rep. Et dit qu'il faut qu'ils
soient a leurs pa'is ce que les chiens sont au troppeau.
Et appelle le prince cruel et tyrant, lion. Sainct Paul
parlant de Neron 1' appelloit ainsi. Je suis, disoit-il,
delivre de la bouche du lion. Le sage Salomon a
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 19
XV.
M. R. SO. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
UT semper more meo faciam te participem lectionum
mearum, ecce discebam nudius tertius quod princeps
non debet jactare stemata et imagines nobilitatis quae
habet a suis parentibus, sed potius debet sequi et ex-
primere virtutes et bonos mores illorum. Nam vera
nobilitas est virtus, turn debet instruct us esse princeps
cognitione disciplinarum, et, quod minus est, ornatus
picturis et stemmatibus majorum quibus, soror, satis
sumus ornatae. Vale.
XVI.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
LEGEBAM hodie, soror, quod Plato appellabat prin-
cipes custodes Reip., dicens eos oportere patriae esse
quid canes gregi. Quod si canes vertuntur in lupos,
quid sperandum est de grege ? Turn vocat principem
crudelem et tyrannum, leonem. Divus Paulus loquens
de Nerone ita etiam appellabat. Liberatus sum, dixit,
c 2
20 THEMES OF MARY
semblablement ainsi depeint le prince tyrant, disant :
Le prince mauvais sur son povre peuple est un lion
rugissant et un ours affame. Apprenons done main-
tenant les vertus, ma seur, lesquelles nous rendront
chiens fideles a nos troppeaus, et non loups, ni ours,
ni lions. Mon maitre m'a dit que vous trouves mal, je
vous irai tantost voir. Ce pendant je vous di adieu.
14. d'Aoust.
XVII.
Si en notre jeune age nous apprenons les vertus, ma
seur, ainsi que je vous ecrivoi hier, le peuple ne nous
appellera jamais loups ni ours, ni lions, mais nous
honorera, et aimera comme les enfans ont coutume
aimer les peres et meres. Le propre d'un bon prince
est ne blecer personne, profiter a tons, mesmement
aux siens. Et que cette vois tyrannique soit loin de
son entendement. Je le vueil ainsi, je le commande
ainsi, et pour toute raison ma volonte soit. Car, ma
seur, cette vois est vraie qui ja est allee en proverbe,
ils haient quand ils craignent. A Dieu. Ce 17. d'Aoust.
A Compienne.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 21
de ore leouis. Sapiens ille Solomon ad hunc modum
depinxit tyrannum principem. Impius princeps, inquit,
super pauperem populum est leo rugiens et ursus
esuriens. Nunc igitur discamus, soror, virtutes omnes,
quse nos efficient canes fideles nostris gregibus, non
lupos, non ursos, neque leones. Praeceptor meus dixit
mini te laborare ventre, ego statim te visam. Cura
interim ut bene valeas.
XVII.
M. SC. K. EL. SOKOEI S. P. D.
Si in hac nostra juventa aetate didiscerimus virtutem,
ut heri dicebam, nunquam populus nos appellabit lupos,
ursos, neque leones, sed nos amabit et colet ut pueri
solent amare parentes. Proprium boni principis est
ledere neminem, omnibus praesertim suis, Denique
vox ilia tyrannica absit ab animo principis,
Sic volo, sic iubeo, sit pro ratione voluntas.
Est enim ista vox vera quse iam abijt in proverbium,
Oderint dum metuunt. Bene vale, suauissima soror.
THEMES OF MARY
XVIII.
SOCRATES disoit qu'il i avoit deus voies par lesquelles
les espris sortent du corps. Car ceus qui se sont
gardes chastes et entiers, et qui aus corps humains
ont ensuivi la vie des Dieus, ils retornent facilement a
eus. Et ceus qui se sont du tout souilles de vices, ont
un chemin detorne du conseil, et de la presence des
Dieus. Mais les espris de ceus qui se sont quasi fais
serviteurs des voluptes, et non toutesfois du tout, sont
long temps a errer par la terre avant que de retorner au
ciel. Tu vois done que Socrates, Platon, et plusieurs
autres philosophes ethniques, ont eu cognoissance du
purgatoire que toi, doue de la loi de grace, miserable-
ment et a ta perte tu nies. Jesuchrist le fils de Dieu te
vueille rapeller, Calvin. De Compienne. 18. d'Aoust.
XIX.
Vous ebahisses, ma seur, pour quoi je sorti hier de la
chambre de la Royne, veu qu'il estoit dimenche, pour
aller en mon estude. Croies que depuis deux jours je
li un colloque d'Erasme qu'il appelle Diluculum, tant
beau, tant joieus, et tant utile que rien plus. He
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 23
XVIII.
M. SC. R. CALVINO S. D. P.
SOCRATES dicebat duplices esse vias quibus animi
exeunt e corpore. Nam illi qui se seruarunt castos et
integros et qui in corporibus humanis imitati simt
vitam deorum redeunt facile ad eos. Illi vero qui se
totos contaminarunt vitiis habent viam seclusam a
consilio et prsesentia deorum. Sed eorum animi qui
se praebuerunt quasi ministros voluptatum, et non
tamen omnino, diu errant circa terram antequam rede-
ant in ccelum. Tu vides ergo quod Socrates et Plato
et plures alij philosophi ethnici habent notitiam pur-
gatorii, quod tu misere et tuo damno negas, cum sis
dotatus lege gratise. Christus filius Dei te auocet,
Calvine, interim cura ut recte et pie sapias.
XIX.
MA. E. SC. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
MIEARI, soror, cur egressa sum heri cubiculo Reginae,
quum esset dominicus dies, ut discederem in musaeolum
meum. Crede mihi, lego abhinc duobus diebus dia-
logum Erasmi, quern Diluculum appellat, certe adeo
pulcherrimum, adeo laatum, et utilem ut nihil supra.
24 THEMES OF MARY
Dieu, comme il tanse ceux qui dorment si tard, et font
si pen de cas de perdre le temps, qui entre toute chose
est la plus precieuse. Davantage le latin i est si
facile, et si elegant, qui n'est possible d'estre plus
poli. Je le vous expliquerai aujourdhui si j'ai loisir.
Adieu. Ce 20. d'Aoust.
xx.
PLTJTARQTJE dit que la colere et la mauvaitie est
plus dangereuse en un prince qu'en une personne
privee : d'autant que le prince a puissance de beaucoup
oflencer et 1'autre non. Et pour ce a bon droict
requiert il doctrine et prudence en un prince. Car
comme disoit Bias, Pun des sept sages de Grece,
1'ceuvre du sage est (combien qui soit offence) de ne
nuire a personne, encores qu'il en ait la puissance. En
quoi il ensuit la bonte de Dieu, lequel ne fait rien si
souvent ni si volontiers que de pardonner. A Com-
pienne, 23. d'Aoust.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 25
Proh Juppiter, ut animadvertit in eos qui dormiunt in
tantam lucem, non curantes perdere tempus quod in
re praeciosissima praeciosissimum est. Preeterea sermo
latinus adeo purus, et elegans est, ut politior esse non
possit. Explicabo tibi hodie si licuerit per otium.
Vale. 20. Aug.
xx.
M. SC. B. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
PLTJTAKCUS dicit iram et malitiam esse in principe
periculosiorem, quam in priuatis. Nam princeps po-
test plurimura offendere, alter vero minime. Qua-
propter requirit doctrinam et prudentiam in principe.
Nam quomodo dicebat Bias, unus septem sapientum
Grseciae, opus sapientis est (quamuis offensus sit)nocere
nemini etiam si possit. Qua in re sequitur bonitatem
Dei qui nihil saepius facit, nee libentius quam parcere.
Bene vale.
26 THEMES OF MARY
XXI.
JE croi, ma seur, le diet de Magdalia, que lisions hier
en Erasme, estre tres veritable, a scavoir, nul ne
pouvoit vivre suavement, si ne vit bien. Aussi
mettoit Bias le souverain bien en la vertu de 1' esprit,
et la plus g[r]ande misere en vice et en la malice des
hommes. Car, comme dit Cicero au livre de viellesse, la
souvenance de plusieurs beaus actes est tres plaisante ;
et an contraire, comme tesmoigne le sage en ses pro-
verbes, crainte est touiours avec ceus qui font mal.
Et Plaute dit que rien n'est si miserable que 1'esprit
qui se sent coulpable de quelque mal faict. Pour ce,
ma seur, sur toute chose estudions a Vertu. 24. d'Aoust.
XXII.
QUAND hier au soir mon maitre vous prioit de re-
prendre votre seur, de quoi elle vouloit boire se
voulant mettre au lict : vous lui repondistes que vous
mesme voulies boire aussi. Voies done, ma seur,
quelles nous devons estre qui sommes Texemple du
peuple. Et comme oserons-nous reprendre les autres,
si nous mesme ne sommes sans faute ? II faut qu'un
QUEKN OF SCOTS. 27
XXI.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
CREDO ego, soror suavissima, sententiam Magdaliae
quam legebamus heri apud Erasmum esse verissimam,
neminem posse viuere suauiter nisi bene viuat. Quare
Bias ponebat summum bonum in solo animi virtute set
maiorem et miseriam (szc) in vitiis et malitia hominis.
Nam, ut Cicero ait in libro de senectute, imiltorum acto-
rum recordatio jucundissima est, contra, ut sapiens tes-
tatur in prouerbiis, Pauor est iis qui operantur malum.
Et Plautus dicit nihil esse miserius quam animus sibi
conscius. Quse cum ita sint, soror, studeamus virtuti.
Vale.
XXII.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
QUUM heri sero meus praeceptor te deprecabatur ut
reprehenderes sororem tuam quod vellet bibere volens
discedere cubitum, respondisti te non audere, quia
ipsa volebas potare. Vide ergo, soror, quales nos
debemus esse quae sumus exemplum populo quomodo
igitur audebimus alios emendare nisi sine errore
fuerimus. Oportet bonum principem vivere ad hunc
28 THEMES OF MARY
bon prince vive de sorte que les plus grands et les
plus petis prennent exemple de ses vertus. Qui face
qu'en sa maison il ne puisse estre reprins de personne.
Et que dehors ne soit veu que faisant, ou pensant chose
pour 1'utilite publique. Et doit avoir grand cure que
sa parole ne sente rien que vertu. Soions done du
tout adonnees aus bonnes lettres, ma seur, et il en pren-
dra bien a nous et a nos sujets. A Dieu. De Com-
pienne, 25. d'Aoust. 1554.
XXIII.
CARNEADES disoit, que les enfans des Hois n'appren-
oient rien bien qu'a picquer un cheval : pour ce qu'en
toutes autres choses chacun les flatte. Mais le cheval,
par ce que n' en tend si c'est un povre ou un riche qui
est sur lui, un prince ou une personne privee, il jecte
bas quicunque ne se scait bien tenir. Et maintenant
encore voit-on ceci estre faict en beaucoup d'endroicts.
Car ni les nourrices seullement, ni les compagnons ou
serviteurs des princes les flattent, mais aussi et le
gouverneur, et le precepteur, ne regardant a ce qu'ils
laissent le prince meilleur, mais qu'ils s'en allent bien
riches. O chose miserable, et la cause que tant le
povre peuple souffre, c'est que les princes ne sont bien
apprins. Qui me fait vous prier, mon oncle, de re-
commander tousjours ma jeunesse a ceux qui plus
aiment la vertu que les biens. 26. d'Aoust.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 29
modum ut maiores et minores omnes ab eo capere pos-
sint exemplum virtu tis. Sic faciat domi ut a nemine
possit reprehendi. Et non videatur foris nisi faciens
vel cogitans publicam utilitatem. Turn debet curare
maxime ut sermo illius nihil sapiat nisi virtutem. Id
quod non potest fieri sine doctrina. Simus ergo
omnino deditae bonis literis, soror, et prseclare nobis-
cum et subditis agetur. Vale.
XXIII.
M. SC. K. AVUNCULO A LOTHARINGIA S. P. D.
CARNEADES dicebat, spectatissime avuncule, liberos
Regum nihil recte discere prseter artem equitandi, quia
in omnibus rebus unusquisque illis assentatur. Sed
eequs, quia non inteligit si sit pauper vel dives qui
insidet, princeps an privatus, excutit a tergo quicunque
non bene. insiderit. Nunc etiam hoc videmus fieri
multis in locis ; nam nee nutrices solum nee comites et
ministri principum adulantur illis, sed etiam modera-
tores et praeceptores : non advertentes si relinquant
principem meliorem, modo illi abeant locupletiores.
O rem miserrimam. Ea certe causa est cur subditi
omnes patiantur, nam principes non emendantur.
Quare te deprecor, mi avuncule, ut me semper com-
mendes ijs qui ante divitias virtutem amant. Vale.
30 THEMES OF MARY
XXIV.
LA cause pour quoi tant de gens errent aujourdhui en
1'ecriture saincte c'est qui ne la manient avec un cueur
pur et net. Car Dieu ne donne 1'intelligence de ses
secres, si non aux innocens et gens de bien. Et n'est
facile a tous de conoitre que c'est que de Dieu, comme
mieux le scaves que moi. J'ai leu que Simonides,
interrogue de Hiero quel estoit Dieu, et que c'estoit de
lui, demanda un jour pour en repondre, et quand le
lendemain lui demanda reponce, il demanda de rechef
deus jours. Mais quand toujours redoubloit le temps,
et que Hiero lui demandoit pourquoi il faisoit cela,
pour ce (dit-il) que de tant plus j'i pense, tant plus la
chose me semble difficile et obscure. 29. d'Aoust.
XXV.
J'AI entendu, ma seur, qu'hier a votre lecon vous
fustes opiniatre. Vous aves promis de ne le plus
estre; je vous prie laisser cette coutume. Et penser
que quand la princesse prend le livre entre ses mains,
elle le doit prendre non pour se delecter seulement,
mais pour s'en retorner meilleure de la Ie9on. Et la
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 31
XXIV.
M. SC. B. AVUNCULO A LOTHARINGIA S. P. D.
MTJLTI homines errant his temporibus in scriptura
sancta, mi avuncule, quod earn non legunt puro corde
et mundo. Nam Deus non dat intellectum arcanorum
suorum nisi innocentibus. Nee facile est omnibus
Deum cognoscere, ut tu melius quam ego scis. Legi
quod Simonides interrogatus ab Hierone quis esset
Deus, postulavit unum diem ut responderet. Et quando
postridie quaeret idem, petiit iterum duos dies. Quum-
que ssepius duplicaret numerum dierum petijt Hiero
cur id faceret. Quia, inquit, quanto diutius cogito,
tanto res est mihi obscurior. Vale. 3. Cal. Sept.
XXV.
M. SC. R. ELI. SOROEI 8. P. D.
INTELLEXI, soror, quod heri in tua lectione fuisti
pertinax. Promisisti te non amplius esse. Te de-
precor ut relinquas istam consuetudinem, et cogites
quod quum princeps accipit librum, sumere debet non
solum ut delectetur, sed ut discedat melior a lectione,
et major pars bonitatis est velle bonum fieri, quod
32 THEMES OF MARY
plus grande partie de la bonte est vouloir le bien estre
fait. Que si vous le voules, certainement vous le
poves, et a fin que bien tost aies 1'esprit digne de
princesse, penses que ceux qui vous reprennent, et
amonestent librement, sont ceus qui vous aiment le
plus. Pour quoi acoutumes vous a ceus la, et les
aimes aussi. A Villiers Cotterets. 8. de Septembre.
XXVI.
A FIN que puissies repondre a ces beaus deviseurs qui
disoient hier que c'est affaire aus femmes a ne rien
scavoir: je vous vueil bien dire, ma seur, qu'une
femme de votre nom a este si scavante qu'elle leur cut
bien repondu si elle i eut este. C'est Elizabet
abbesse d'Allemaigne, laquelle a ecrit beaucoup de
belles oraisons aus seurs de son couvent, et un oeuvre
des chemins par lesquels on va a Dieu. Themistoclea,
seur de Pythagoras, estoit si docte, qu'en plusieurs
lieus il a use des opinions d'icelles. Et afin que vous
aies de quoi satisfaire a tels messieurs, je vous en
apprendrai un grand nombre d'autres. Adieu, et
celle qui vous aime, ma seur, aimes la beaucoup aussi.
A Villiers Cotterets. 10. de Septembre.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. ' 33
si tu vis, certe potes. Turn ut statim habeas animum
principe dignum cogita illos qui recognoscunt et emen-
dant errata tua et libere te decent esse qui te plurimum
amant. Quare et illos assuescito amare. Vale.
xxvr.
1. SC. E. EL. SORORI S. P. D,
UT possis respondere bellis istis blateronibus qui heri
dicebant esse foeminarum nihil sapere. Volo tibi
dicere, soror, foeminam tui nominis adeo sapientem
fuisse ut bene respondisset illis si adfuisset. Est
Elizabeta abbatissa Germanica, quse scripsit plures
orationes ad sorores sui conventus, et opus de vijs
quibus itur ad superos. Themistoclea soror Pytha-
gorae ita docta erat, ut pluribus in locis usus sit illius
opinionibus. Et ut habeas unde satisfacias ijs homun-
culis, te docebo magnum alliarum numerum. Vale, et
illam quae te plurimum amat, soror, ama. Vale iterum.
10. Sept.
34 THEMES OF MARY
XXYII.
VOTJS dires encores a ces babillars qu'il i a eu trois
Corrinnes tres doctes, des quelles celle qui estoit de
Thebes a ecrit cinq livres d'epigrammes, et cinq fois
vainquit Pindare, prince de poetes lyriques. Erinne
en langtie dorique composa un poeme de trois cents
vers, et beaucoup d'autres epigrammes. Et disent que
ses carmes approchoient de la gravite, et majeste
d'Homere. Elle fut morte en 1'age de .19. ans. Sappho
a este admirable en tout genre de carmes. Polla,
comme on dit, femme de Lucain, a este de si grande
doctrine, qu'elle a aide a son mari a corriger les trois
premiers livres de Pharsale. Aspasia a enseigne la
rhetorique, et a este maitresse de Pericles, et sa femme.
Je vous en nommerai demain plusieurs autres. Adieu.
11. de Septembre.
XXVIII.
CLEOBTTLINE, fille de Cleobule, qui fut un des sept sages
de Grece, a ecrit beaucoup de beaus enigmes en
vers exametres. Cornificia, seur de Cornificius, poete,
a fait des epigrammes tres elegans. Cornelie, femme
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 35
XXVII.
M. SO. B. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
DICES adhuc illis homunculis futilibus tres fuisse
Corinnas doctissimas, quarum quse erat Th'ebana scrip-
sit quinque libros epigrammatum, et vicit quinquies
Pindarum principem poetarum lyricorum. Erinna
lingua Dorica composuit poema trecentis versibus et
alia epigrammata. Et ferunt quod illius carmina
accedebant ad gravitatem Homeri. Mortua est annos
nata 19. Sappho fuit admirabilis in omnibus generibus
carminum. Polla, ut aiunt, uxor Lucani, fuit tanta
doctrina ut adiuverit maritum in coripiendis tribus
primis libris Pharsaliae. Aspasia docuit rhetoricen,
fuit magistra Periclis, et tandem uxor. Cras numerabo
alias quam plurimas. Vale. 11. Septemb.
XXVIII.
M. SC. B. EL. SOBORI S. P. D.
CLEOBTTLINA, filia Clcobuli, qui fuit unus septem
sapientum Greeciae, scripsit plura pulcra eenigmata
versibus exametris. Cornificia, soror Cornificij poetae,
composuit epigrammata elegantissima. Cornelia, uxor
D 2
36 THEMES OF MARY
de FAfricain et mere des Gracchiains, a laisse des
epitres bien latinement ecrites, et d'elle est sortie
1'eloquence de ses enfans. La fille de Lselius en par-
lant exprimoit 1'eloquence de son pere ; et 1'oraison
de la fille d'Hortense qu'elle fit devant les triumvirs,
temoigne qu'elle estoit tres eloquente. Retenes dili-
gemment toutes celles que je vous nomine, afin de povoir
repondre a tous ceus qui tant meprisent notre sexe,
disant n'estre affaire aus femmes d'apprendre la langue
latine.
XXIX.
Vous leur dires encores (ma seur) qu'Anastase, dis-
ciple de Chrysogone martyr, a este et bien docte et bien
saincte. Elle fut brulee pour ce qu'elle ministroit
aus saincts. Damophila, grecque, ecrivit les louanges
de Diane et quelques poesies d'amours. Hypathia,
femme du philosophe Isidore, a compose de 1'astro-
nomie, et a montre en Alexandrie plusieurs disciplines
d'une si grande dexterite d' esprit, que les echoliers
venoient a elle de tous costes. Leontia, fillette grecque,
a tant poursuit les disciplines de philosophic, qu'elle
n'a redoute avec une grande louange ecrire centre
Theophraste philosophe tres renomme. Praxilla a
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 37
African! et mater Gracchorum, reliquit epistolas latine
scriptas, et ab ilia effluxit eloquentia filiorum. Filia
Laelij exprimebat loquendo eloquentiam patris. Et
oratio Hortensiae, Hortensij filiae, quam habuit ante
triumviros, testatur quod erat elegantissima. Manda
memoriae diligenter omnes quas numerabo, ut possis
respondere ijs, qui spernunt nostrum sexum, quique
dicunt non esse officium foeminae discere linguam la-
tinam. Vale. 12. Septem.
XXIX.
M. SC. K. EL. SOROE.I S. P. D.
ILL,IS itaque dices, soror, quod Anastasia, discipula
Chrysogoni martyris, fuit multum et docta et pia.
Cremata est quia ministrabat sanctis. Damophila
Graeca scripsit laudes Dianae et quaedam poematse amoris.
Hypathia, uxor philosophi Isidori, composuit in astro-
nomiam et docuit in Alexandria plures disciplinas
tanta dexteritate ingenij ut discipuli avvolabant undique
ad illam. Leontia, puela graeca, adeo prosecuta est
disciplinas philosophicas ut non dubitaverit cum magna
laude scribere in Theophrastum philosophum optimum.
Praxilla excelluit multum in omne arte poetica. Quia
38 THEMES OF MARY
grandement triumphe en poesie. Pour ce que vous
estes malade, je ne ferai ma lettre plus longue.
Demain je poursuivrai mon propos. A Dieu. 13. Sept.
xxx>
PHEMONOE est du nombre de ces doctes et sages
femmes. Sosipatra a este poete, et pleine de tant de
disciplines, qu'on pensoit qu'elle eut este nourrie de
quelques dieus. Theano fut une femme excellente
en vers lyriques. Une autre de ce mesme nom a este
femme pythagoriaine, laquelle a ecrit en philosophic
des commentaires de vertu, et des poesies et apoph-
thegmes aussi. Zenobia, royne des Palmyriains, a
este scavante en la langue grecque et egiptienne, et
non ignorante en la latine. Elle a enseigne les lettres
a deus enfans qu'elle avoit. Et souvent fait des
oraisons a ses gendarmes lesquelles aiant I'armet en
teste elle recitoit. Alpaides, vierge, a este si amie
de la religion, qu'elle a du ciel merite comprendre le
sens de la Bible, et de 1'ecriture saincte. C'est aujourd'-
hui la feste de la ste crois, en laquelle pour nostre
salut a pendu 1'eternel Jesuschrist fils du Dieu eternel.
Je voi au pare pour un petit recreer mon entendement,
qui est cause que je fai ici fin.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 39
aegrotas non faciam meas literas longiores. Cras
sequar meum institutum. Vale. 13. Septembris.
XXX.
M. SC. E. EL. SOROKI S. P. B.
PHEMONOE ascribitur numero istarum doctarum et
sapientum foeminarum. Sosipatra fuit vates et plena
tantis disciplinas (sic), ut crediderint omnes earn fuisse
educatam a quibusdam numinibus. Theano excelluit
apud Locros versibus lyricis. Altera ejusdem nominis
fuit pythagorica, quse scripsit in philosophiam com-
mentarios de virtute, poemata quoque et apopthegmata.
Zenobia regina Palmireorum fuit eruditissima sermonis
graeci, segiptij, et non ignara latini. Erudijtfiliosduos
quos habebat literis. Et plerunque habuit orationes
apud suos milites quas galatea (for galeata) recitabat.
Alpaides virgo fuit adeo religionis arnica, ut meruerit
celitus percipere sensum bibliorum, et scripturae sacrae.
Hodie est festus dies sanctse crucis, in qua pro nostra
salute pependit seternus Jesus Christus films seterni
patris. Dicedo in arbustum ut recreem meum inge-
nium, quare finem scribendi facio. Vale. 14. Septemb.
40 THEMES OF MARY
XXXI.
DELEORA, femme de la lignee d'Effrain, estoit docte,
et devinoit les choses futures. Lastemia et Axiothea
(comme temoigne Plutarque) ont este disciples de
Platon, et a fin qu'elles eussent plus de moien de con-
verser ca et la avec les gens scavans, elles entroient
a I'echolle en habit d'homme. Michale tres doctement
a enseigne a Thessale le remede d' amours. Diotima
et Aspasia ont tant profite en philosophic, que Tune, a
scavoir Diotima, Socrates, prince des philosophes, n'a
eu honte appeller sa maitresse, ni d'aller aus legons de
1'autre, comme Platon a laisse par ecrit. Lactantius
dit que Themiste devant tout autre a este excellente
en philosophic, Le roi m'a donne conge de prendre
un daim au pare avec ma dame de Castres, dont je
n'ai loisir vous faire plus longue lettre. 15. Sept.
XXXII.
ARETE est pervenue a si grande doctrine, qu'apres
que son pere Aristippe fut mort, elle tint son echole
en philosophie, et cut plusieurs auditeurs. Dama,
fille de Pythagoras, avoit Tesprit si grand en philoso-
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 41
XXXI.
M. SC. K. EL. SOB. S. P. D.
DELBORA, mulier ex tribu Effrain, erat peritissima,
quae praedicebat res futuras. Lastemia et Axiothea,
ut testatur Plutarcus, fuerunt discipulse Platonis, et ut
facilius cum hominibus doctioribus versarentur, ingre-
diebantur scholas cum habitu virili. Michale doctis-
sima docuit apud Thessalos remedium amoris. Dio-
thima et Aspasia adeo in philosophia profecerunt ut
Socrates princeps philosophorum non veritus sit
alteram, videlicet Diotimam, nominare magistram, et
alterius lectionibus interesse, ut Plato scriptum reli-
quit. Lactantius dicit Themistem ante omnes alias
fuisse excellentiorem in philosophia. Rex mihi per-
misit accipere damam in Theriotrophio ; eo \renatum
cum domina a Castris, unde non licet per otium plura
scribere. Vale.
XXXII.
M. SC. RE. EL. SOROBI S. P. D.
ARETE pervenit ad tarn maximam doctrinam, ut patre
Aristippo mortuo rexerit scholas in philosophia, ha-
buitque plures auditores. Dama filia Pythagorae prse-
dita erat ingenio philosophise dedito, ut exposuerit patris
42 THEMES OF MARY
phie, qu'elle a expose les plus difficiles sentences de
son pere. Thargelia pareillement a este tres illustre
en philosophic. On dit que Musca a este poete
lyrique, et a ecrit plusieurs epigrammes. Carixena a
fait aussi beaucoup de vers tres elegans. Ma lettre ne
sera plus longue, ma seur, pour ce que n'estes encores
asses bien guerie. Si je ne vous fu hier voir, le
medecin en est cause, qui ne le voulut, pour ce qu'aves
prins medecine. 18. Sept.
XXXIII.
ON loue aussi Msero pour une hynne qu'elle a faite a la
louange de Neptune. Agallis de Corce (sic) a este fort
illustre en grammaire, et Telesilla en poesie, laquelle loue
grandement Pausanias, et lui fut erigee une statue en
1'insule d'Argos, devant le temple de Venus. Hippar-
chia, femme grecque, a semblablement este merveill-
euse aus disciplines de philosophic. Je ne vous en
nommerai d'autres pour le present, pour ce qui faut
que j'alle voir le roi qui print au soir des pillules. Je
n'eu loisir de vous visiter hier, je vous prie, ma seur,
de me pardonner. 20. Sept.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 43
dificiliores sententias. Thargelia pariter illustrissima
fuit in philosophia. Ferunt Muscam fuisse poetriam
lyricam, quae scripsit plura epigrammata : Charixena
fecit etiam plures elegantissimos versus. Non erit
aepistola mea longior, suavissima soror, quia nondum
satis convalescis. Si te non viserim heri, medicus in
causa est, noluit enim propterea quod acceperas medi-
cinam. Vale.
XXXIII.
M. SC. R. EL. SOEORI S. P. D.
LAUDATUB etiam Msero hymno condito in laudem
Neptuni. Agallis Corcirea fuit illustrissima in arte
grammatica. Telesilla in poetica quam Pausanias
valde celebrat, erecta fuit illi statua apud Argos ante
templum Veneris. Hipparchia, mulier Grseca, simi-
liter excelluit in disciplinis philosophicis. Nullas nu-
merabo alias in praesentia, quia oportet me ire ad
regem, qui sero accepit catapotia. Non licuit per
otium imdsere te heri, quare te oratum velim, soror,
ut mihi parcas. Vale.
44 THEMES OF MARY
XXXIV.
CAssANDRE,fillede Priam, a este prophete et de doctrine
tres acomplie, et de ses ennemis honoree d'un temple en
Lacedemone. Statins Papinius eut une femme nominee
Claudia d'un esprit tres grand et admirable doctrine.
Eudoxia, femme de Theodore le plus jeune, outre une
grande beaute et une singuliere pudicite, a tant ex-
celle aus lettres qu'elle a mis en lumiere un beau
livre. Istrina, reyne des Scythes, temoin Herodote, a
enseigne les lettres grecques a Syle son fils. C'est
asses pour maintenant. II faut ouir que demande
Philodoxus a Simbulus en Erasme. Adieu. 22. Sep-
tembre.
XXXV.
POLITIEN lone grandement Cassandre Fidele, fille
venitiaine, laquelle il dit avoir manie le livre au lieu
de la laine, la plume pour le fuseau, et le style pour
1'eguille. De laquelle au commencement de quelque
epitre il parle ainsi: O vierge, Thonneur d'ltalie,
quelle grace te pui-je rendre de quoi tu ne dedaignes
m'honorer de tes lettres. Proba Valeria, fillette
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 45
XXXIV.
M. SC. B. EL. SOEOEI S. P. D.
CASSANDRA filia Priami fuit vates et illustris doctrina,
et apud hostes templo insignita in Lacedemone. Sta-
tius Papinius habuit uxorem nomine Claudiam, magno
ingenio, et non vulgari doctrina prseditam. Eudoxia,
uxor Theodori j unions, prseter egregiam formam, et
singularem pudicitiam, ita excelluit literis, ut librum
quondam emiserit in lucem. Istrina, regina Scytha-
rum, ut testis est Herodotus, docuit Sylem filium
literas Grsecas. Hsec hactenus, audiamus quid velit
Philodoxus Simbulo apud Erasmum. Vale. 22.
Septembris.
XXXV.
M. SC. B. EL. SOEOEI S. P. D.
POLITIANUS laudat mirum in modum Cassandram
Fidelem filiam Venetianam, quam dicit tractasse librum
pro lana, pennam pro fuso, et stylum pro acu. De
qua in principio cujusdarn epistolae ita loquitur. O
virgo decus Italise, quales gratias possim tibi reddere,
quod non dedigneris me honorare tuis literis. Proba
Valeria puella Romana fuit excellentissima, cum grsecis
46 THEMES OF MARY
romaine, a este tres excellente et aus lettres grecques,
et aus latines, et a fait des gestes de Jesucrist, et de
sa mort un oeuvre tres noble. La royne m'a defendu
de vous aller voir, ma seur, pour ce qu'elle pense que
vous aves la rougeolle, de quoi je suis bien fort marrie.
Je vous prie me mander comme vous portes. 23. Sep-
tembre.
XXXVI.
BAPTISTE premiere fille du prince Mal[at]este, a sou-
vent dispute contre gens des plus doctes, avec une
tres grand louange, et a ecrit des livres de la fragilite
humaine et de la vraie religion. Isota, fille de Veronne,
a fait grande profession de philosophic et a quelque
fois ecrit a pape Nicolas cinquiesme, et Pie second de
ce nom. Elle a encor ecrit un dialogue, auquel elle
dispute lequel a le plus offense, Adam ou Eve : aus
quelles louanges des lettres elle a adjoutte le veu de
perpetuelle virginite. A Dieu, ma seur, bien aimee.
A Paris, 12. d'Octobre 1554.
XXXVIT.
[The French las
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 47
turn etiam latinis literis et scripsit opus nobilissimum
gestorum Jesu Christi, et mortis illius. Regina vetuit
ne te viserem, soror, quod putet te laborare pustulis
sive boa. Qua de re dolenter fero, atque unice te oro
mihi significes ut valeas. Vale.
XXXVI.
MA. SO. R. ELIZA. SORORI S. P. D.
BAPTISTA, prima Malatestse Pisauriensis principis filia,
saepe magna sui laude disputavit cum viris doctissimis,
et scripsit libros de humana fragilitate, et de vera reli-
gione. Isota Navarola Veronensis professa est philo-
sophiam, et quandoque scripsit ad Nicolaum quintum
et Pium secundum, pontifices. Conscripsit etiam dia-
logum quo disputatur uter peccaverit gravius, Adam,
an Eva, quibus laudibus adjecit virginitatis votum
perpetuum. Vale, arnica summa mea et soror. Lu-
tetiae, 12. Octobris.
XXXVII.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
MINERVA, prima Jovis filia, non prbpter aliud relata
est in numerum deorum, nisi quia docta esset in
48 THEMES OF MARY
never been written.]
XXXVIII.
CATHERINE, fille du roi d' Alexandria, a este si bien
apprise aus saintes lettres, et par son labeur, et par
inspiration divine, qu'elle a vaincu plusieurs hommes
doctes appelles de son pere pourlui persuader 1'idolatrie,
et [faire quitter] la religion d'un seul Dieu. Fabiole,
femme romaine, a d'un cueur si grand ambrasse les
sainctes lettres, et lisoit si souvent les propheties, evan-
giles, et autres bonnes Ie9ons, qu'elle a grandement
augmente 1'amour de la religion. Sainct Hierome a
souvent ecrit a Marcelle romaine, pour ce qu'elle scavoit
fort bien les lettres grecques, et lui a dedie le livre qu'il
a fait du mepris du monde, de notre foi, et de la
doctrine des heretiques, du blaspheme contre le St.
Esprit, et plusieurs autres choses. II faut que j'alle a
vespre avec la roine, qui me garde vous faire plus
longue lettre. A Paris.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 49
omnibus bonis artibus, quarum fuit inventrix. Manto
quae dedit nomen Mantuge fuit sapientissima vaticinijs
claruit. Nicostrata grsecas literas inpense dicta
[This theme is left unfinished.]
XXXVIII.
H. SC. R. EL. SOROEI S. P. D.
CATHARINA, regis Alexandria filia, adeo sacris literis
imbuta fuit, partim suo labore, partim afflatu divini
spiritus, ut vicerit plures doctissimos viros vocatos a
patre ad persuadendam idolatriam, et fugiendam unius
Dei religionem. Fabiola, mulier Romana, tanto studio
amplexa est sanctas literas, et revolvebat prophetias,
evangelia, et alias bonas leetiones, ut auxerit vehemen-
ter amorem religionis. Divus Hieronimus saepe scrip -
sit Marcellse Romanae propter sacras literas quas egre-
gie callebat, et ad earn scripsit librum quern fecit de
contemptu mundi, de nostra fide, de doctrina hereti-
corum, de blasphemia in spiritum sanctum, et alia id
genus permulta. Oportet me interesse vesperis cum
Regina, quare addam finem meis literis. Lutetise.
28. Octob. Vale.
50 THEMES OF MARY
XXXIX.
EUSTOCHITJM, fille de Paule femme romaine, a excelle
aus etudes de lettres hebraiques, greques, et latines :
tant que de son temps elle fut appellee nouveau monstre
du monde. Elle se voua, et s'addonna du tout aus
letres sainctes, de quoi St. Hierome 1'aima, et loua
fort. Genebria, femme de la nation de Veronne du
temps de pape Pie 2. par sa grande erudition se rendit
immortelle. Elle a ecrit des epitres pleines de grande
doctrine.
XL.
CONSTANTIA, femme d'Alexandre S force, est mise au
nombre des femmes excellentes en doctrine. Laquelle
des son enfance a estudie aus bonnes disciplines, de
sorte que promptement sans y avoir pense elle scavoit
parler elegamment. Elle avoit tousjours aus mains les
oeuvres de St. Hierome, de St. Ambroise, de St.
Gregoire, Cicero, et Lactance. Promptement elle
ecrivoit des carmes tres elegans, ce qu'on disoit qu'elle
avoit appris sans maitre. Elle eut une fille nominee
Baptiste, d'une si grande doctrine qu'elle epouvantoit
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 51
XXXIX.
M. R. SC. EL. SORORI S. P. D. '
EUSTOCHITJM, filia Paulee mulieris Romanse, excelluit
study's literarum hebraicarum, grsecarum et latinarum,
adeo ut suo tempore appellata fuerit novum monstrum
totius mundi. Vovit et addixit se omnino sacris literis,
quapropter divus Hieronimus earn et amavit et maxime
laudavit. Genebria, mulier natione Veronensis tern-
pore pontificis Pij. 2. meruit immortale nomen incredi-
bili sua eruditione. Scripsit epistolas maxima doc-
trina plenas.
XL.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
CONSTANTIA, uxor Alexandri Sfortise, ascribitur nu-
mero feminarum excellentium doctrina. Quse ab
infantia studuit bonis disciplinis, ita ut imparata poterat
loqui eleganter. Semper habebat in manibus opus Sti.
Hieronimi, Ambrosij, Gregory, Ciceronis, et Lactancij.
Scribebat ex tempore (sic) carmina elegantissima.
Id quod fertur didiscisse sine prseceptore. Habuit
filiam, nomine Baptistam, tanta doctrina, ut terreret
doctiores eloquentia. Manda memorise id quod ad te
E 2
52 THEMES OF MAKY
les plus docte[s] de son eloquence. Retenes ce que je
vous ai ecrit de toutes ces femmes, ma seur, et a leur
exemple mettons peine d'apprendre les bonnes lettres,
lesquelles, ainsi comme elles, nous rendront immor-
telles a jamais.
XLI.
IL ne faut pas que vous soies marrie, si toutes les fois
que vous failles, vous estes reprise. Car en toute
institution, et mesmement en celle du prince, telle
diligence y doit estre mise que la severite du precepteur
corrige et emende les follies d'icelui. Et pour ce n'en
aimes moins ceux qui vous tensent : mais au contraire,
estimes fideles non ceus qui louent tout ce que vous
faites et dites, mais ceus qui quand vous failles vous
reprennent aprement. Ceus la, ma dame, sont les
vrais et plus seurs amis du Prince. Adieu. De notre
Bibliotheque a St. Germain, ce 23. Novembre.
XLII.
IL ne nous faut perdre le courage, ma seur, si la vertu
et le scavoir sont longs a apprendre, car toutes choses
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 53
scrips! ex istis omnibus feminis, soror, et exmplo \Jor
exemplo] illarum demus operam ut discamus bonas
literas, quae ita ut illas nos reddent immortales. Vale.
XLI.
PILECEPTOK BEGINS DISCIPUL^ S. P. D.
NON est quod egre feras, hera, si quoties erras, repre-
henderis. Nam in omni istitutione (sicj, et maxime in
ea quae pertinet ad principem, ea adhibenda est dili-
gentia, ut severitas praeceptoris corrigat et emendet
illius laciviam (sic). Quare ne illos minus ama qui te
objurgant: sed contra existima eos esse fideles, lion
qui laudant quicquid dixeris fecerisve, sed qui te
erantem increpant. Illi, hera, veri sunt amici principis.
Vale. Ex nostra biblioteca, apud Stm. Germanum.
23. Novembris.
XLII.
M. SC. E. ELIZABETH SO. S. P. D.
NON oportet nos despondere animum, soror, si virtus
et eruditio discantur cum longo tempore. Nam ea
54 THEMES OF MARY
qui si tost sont faites, tost elles perissent aussi.
Agatharchus paintre se vantoit de paindre legerement,
et que Zeuxis [restoit] trop long temps sur 1'ceuvre.
Mais Zeuxis repondit, Je mets long temps a paindre,
car je pain pour jamais. Les choses si tost nees
perissent bien soudainement, et celles qui sont long
temps elaborees durent un long age. La bete croit
bien tost, et le buis petit a petit : regardes, ma seur,
lequel dure plus. Prenes done courage, ma joie, la vertu
est eternelle. A St. Germain. 24. Novembre. 1554.
XLIII.
AGESILAUS interrogue par quel moien povoit acquerir
honneste renommee : Si parle, repondit-il, ce qui est
tres bon, et fait ce qui est tres honneste. Socrates
respondit ainsi a celui qui demandoit le mesme, Si
tu estudies, dit-il, a estre tel que tu veus estre veu.
Car la gloire acquise par fards, n'est vraie gloire et ne
dure gueres. Gardons nous done, ma seur, ni en jeu
ni a bon esciant de dire ni faire que choses bonnes.
A Dieu.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 55
omnia quse cito fiunt, cito etiam pereunt. Agatharchus,
pictor, sese jactabat de celeritate pingendi, quod
Zeuxis immoraretur operi. At Zeuxis respondit,
diu pingo, sed pingo aeternitati. Res tarn subito natae,
pereunt cito, et illae quae diu sunt elaboratae, durant
per longam aetatem. Beta statim crescit, et buxus
paulatim. Vide, soror, utrum plus durat. Sis animo
forti, mea voluptas unica, virtus aeterna manebit.
Apud St. Germanum. 24. Novembris. Vale.
XLIII.
M. SC. E. EL. SOROEI S. P. D.
AGESILAUS interrogatus qua ratione quisque posset
assequi honestam famam : Si loquatur, inquit, id quod
optimum sit, et fecerit quod honestissimum. Socrates
itidem respondit idem petenti, si tu studeas esse talis,
qualis haberi velis. Nam gloria parta fucis, non est
vera gloria, nee diuturna. Curemus igitur, soror, ne
ioco, vel serio, quid dicamus faciamusve, nisi quod
optimum sit. Vale. 27. Novembris.
56 THEMES OF MARY
XLIV.
JE lisoi au soir, un peu devant que m'endormir, une
sentence d'Antalcidas digne d'estre apprise d'un
chacun et mesmement d'un prince. Icelui, interrogue
comment quelcun pourroit plaire aus hommes : Si
parle, dit-il, a eux gratieusement, et leur donne choses
utiles. Ilvous apprent (mes dames) qu'en vos propos
il i ait grand douceur de paroles, et que soies liberales,
donnant choses qui apportent grand profit a ceus aus
quels vous donneres. 27. Novembre.
XLV.
QUAND quelque fois Denis entra en la chambre de son
fils, et apperceut un si grand monceau de vases d'or
et d'argent, s'ecriant, N'as-tu, dit-il, 1'entendement
royal, que tu n'as fait quelque ami de tant de pots que
je t'ai donnes ? Voulant dire que sans la benevolence
des citoiens le royaume ne se peut acquerir ni estre
garde. Et n'i a rien qui plus concilie I'amitie et
benevolence que liberalite. Mais le jeune enfant,
ignorant du maniment de choses, pensoit estre plus
grand heur avoir de 1' argent que des amis. Fuions
Favarice, ma seur, car elle est du tout indigne de la
nature du prince.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 57
XLIV.
PRECEPTOR MARLE.
HEKI legebam paulo ante quam discederem cubitum,
Alcidse (sic) sententiam dignamqusediscatur ab unoquo-
que, et a principe maxime. Is interrogatus quomodo
quisque posset hominibus placere : Si loquatur, inquit,
illis jucundissime, et det illis utilissima. Vos docet,
herse suavissimse meae, ut in colloquijs vestris sit ser-
monis comitas maxima, tarn ut sitis liberale dando
quae adferant utilitatem ijs quibus dederitis. Bene
valete. 27. Novembris.
XLY.
M. SC. R. ELI. SORORI S. P. D.
QUUM aliquando Dionisius ingrederetur cubiculum
filij, et videret magnam vim poculorum aureorum et
argnteorum (sicj, exclamans, Non habes, inquit, regium
animum, qui nullum feceris amicum ex tantis poculis
quse dedi tibi? Sentiens sine benevolentia civium
regium non posse parari, nee servari. Nihil est quod
plus conciliet amicitiam et benevolentiam quam libe-
ralitas. Sed juvenis imperitus rerum putabat esse
felicius habere argentum quam amicos. Fugiamus
avvaritiam, soror, nam indigna est omnino natura
principis. Vale. 28. Novembris.
58 THEMES OF MARY
XLYI.
ARISTODEMUS, un des grands amis d'Antigonus roi
de Macedone, encores qui fut fils d'un cuisinier, lui
persuadoit de retraindre sa depence et ses liberalites.
Tes paroles, dit-il, Aristodeme, sentent la saulce.
Montrant la chichete, si elle estoit aus cuisiniers, ne
devoir estre aus rois. Et que par tel conseil il lui
souvenoit de quel pere il estoit ne, et non de qui il
estoit ami. Antigone montroit par cela ce que disoit
Artoxerces fils de Xerces ; a scavoir, qu'il est plus digne
a un prince d'augmenter les honneurs et richesses de
ceus aus quels ils commandent, que les diminuer.
XLVII.
CETTE histoire, ma seur, n'est de moindre dignite et
utilite que celle que je vous contoi Her. Perillus, un
des amis d'Alexandre, lui demanda douaire pour ses
filles. Le roi commanda qu'il prist cinquante talents.
Perillus repondit que dix seroient asses. C'est asses
a toi, dit Alexandre, d'en recevoir autant, mais a moi
non de n'en donner qu' autant. O liberalite digne
d'un vrai prince. A Dieu, ma seur, je ne vous ferai
plus longue lettre, par ce que j'ai mal aus dents. A
St. Germain.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 59
XLVI.
M. SO. R. ELIZABETH SOEORI S. P. D.
QTJTJM Aristodemus unus ex numero amicorum Anti-
goni Regis Macedonia, quamvis esset prognatus a
coquo, persuaderet regi detrahere impendia et largitiones,
Tua verba, inquit, Aristodeme, ius olent : demonstrans
avaritiam esse coquorum, non regum, et tali consilio
ind[i]care a quo patre natus esset, non cujus erat
amicus. Antigonus hoc dicto demonstrabat, id quod
Artoxerces films Xercis dicebat, videlicet dignius esse
principi augere honores, et divitias eorum, quibus
imperat, quam minuere. Vale. 4. Calend. Decemb.
apud St. Germanum.
XLVII.
M. SC. E. EL. SOROBI S. P. D.
H^c historia non est indignior nee inutilior ilia quam
tibi recitabam heri. Perillus, unus amicorum Alex-
andri, ab Alexandro petijt dotem pro suis filiabus.
Rex jussit ut acciperet quinquaginta talenta. Perillus
respondit decem satis esse. Sufficeret tibi, inquit
Alexander, tantum accipere, sed mini non satis est
tantum dare. O liberalitatem dignam vero principe.
Vale, soror dilectissima mea, non possum longiorem
facere epistolam, quia laboro dentibus. Apud St.
Germanum. 3. cal. Decemb.
60 THEMES OF MARY
XLYIII.
JE trouve la liberalite d'Alexandre si emerveillable
que je ne me puis tenir vous en parler. Quand quel-
que fois Xenocrates philosophe refusa cinquante talens
qui lui envoia en don, disant qu'il n'en avoit que faire,
lui demanda s'il avoit point d'amis qui en eussent
besoin. A grand peine les richesses de Darius (dist
le roi) m'ont-elles suffit pour mes amis.
XLIX.
JE vous raconterai (ma seur) une liberalite plus grande
que toutes les autres. Anaxarchus philosophe vint au
roy Alexandre pour ce qui scavoit bien qu'il estoit
liberal, et qu'il aimoit fort les lettres, et lui demanda
argent pour bastir un college. Le roy commanda a
son tresorier qui donnast au philosophe ce qu'il
demanderoit. Le tresorier, estonne de la demande du
philosophe, remoritra au roy qu'il demandoit cents
talents. II fait bien, dit-il, sachant qu' Alexandre en
peut et veut autant donner. Voiant ce roy avoir
acquis une si grande renommee par liberalite, je suis
marrie que je n'ai de quoi je puisse faire paroitre ma
volonte.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 61
XLYIII.
M. SO. E. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
TANTA mihi videtur liberalitas regis Alexandri ut non
possum quin tibi iterum loquar de illo. Quum aliquo-
ties Xenocrates philosophus recusavit quinquaginta
talenta quse misit illi dono, dicens non esse illi opus.:
Petijt si non haberet amicos quibus esset opus. Vix,
inquit, opes Darij mihi suffecerunt in meos amicos.
Vale. Apud St. Germanum. Decembris.
XLIX.
M. SC. R. EL. SOEORI S. P. D.
HANC etiam tibibi (sic) recitabo liberalitatem majorem
omnibus alijs. Anaxarchus philosophus venit ad regem
Alexandrum, quod sciret eum esse liberalem et amare
literas, et petiit ab eo argentum ut gymnasium sedi-
ficaret. Rex imperavit quaestori ut daret philosopho id
quod peteret. Quaestor turbatus petitione philosophi
indicavit Regi ilium petere centum talenta. Bene
facit, inquit, scit enim Alexandrum et posse et velle
tantum dare. Quare videns hunc Regem tantam
acquisisse famam liberalitate, dolet mihi quod non
habeam unde possim patefacere meum beneficen-
tissimum animum. Decembris.
62 THEMES OF MARY
JE vous prie, ma seur, vouloir entendre la reponce
que fit ce tres liberal roy Alexandre. Interrogue ou
il mettroit tons ses tresors, Devers mes amis, dit-il;
signifiant, que les richesses ne peuvent estre mises
plus seurement. Car quand la chose et le temps le
requiert, elles reviennent a nous avec usure. Appre-
nons, ma seur, qu'il est plus honneste donner que
prendre, et pensons que Dieu ne nous a donne tant de
richesses pour les garder en un monseau, mais pour
les departir a ceux qui en ont besoin.
LI.
JE me suis ebahi ce matin, ma seur, de voir les
anciens ethniques, prives de la cognoissance de notre
foi, estre plus sages que nous. Je lisoi que Socrates
disoit qui ne failloit demander a Dieu que sa grace,
reprenant ceux qui demandent une femme bien douee,
des biens, des honneurs, des roiaumes, longue vie,
comme voulant enseigner a Dieu ce qu'il faut faire.
Ne faisons pas ainsi, ma seur, car Dieu scait mieux ce
qui nous est bon, et ce qui nous est mauvais que
nous mesme.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 63
L.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
ORO te, soror, ut intelligas quid respondent libera-
lissimus rex Alexander. Interrogatus ubi reconderet
suos thesauros, Apud meos amicos, inqu.it, significans
quod opes non possunt reponi tutius. Nam cum res
et tempus postulant, redeunt ad nos cum foenore.
Discamus, soror, quod est fcelicius dare quam accipere.
Et putemus Deum non nobis dedisse tantas opes ut
cumulatim servaremus; sit ut daremus illis quibus
opus est Vale. 11. Decembris.
M. SC. B. EL. SOBORI S. P. D.
MIRABAR hodie, soror, veteres ethnicos privatos cog-
nitione nostrae fidei esse sapientiores nobis ipsis.
Legebam Socratem dicere non oportere nihil a Deo
petere, preeter suam sanctissimam gratiam, obiurgan-
tem eos qui petunt uxorem bene dotatam, opes,
honores, regna, longuam (sic) vitam : tanquam volentes
Deum docere quid oporteat facere. Ne ita faciamus,
soror, nam Deus optimus maximus melius scit quid
nobis optimum sit et quod opessimum (sic), quam nos
ipsi. Vale.
64 THEMES OF MARY
LIT,
LA coutume des Lacedemoniens estoit que le plus viel
montroit la porte a tous ceus qui entroient aus banquets,
disant, Qu'une seule parole ne resorte par la. Les
admonestant qu'il ne failloit rien reporter, si librement
il estoit dit quelque chose au banquet. Et institua
cette coutume Lycurgus. Fuions done les raporteurs
et les flateurs, ma seur, imitant Alexandre, envers
lequel quand on accusoit quelq'un, il etoupoit 1'une
de ses oreilles. Interrogue pour quoi il faisoit cela,
je garde, disoit-il, Fautre entiere a celui qu'on acuse.
tin.
QUAND je lisoi les beaus faicts d' Alexandre, le plus
grand que fut jamais aus armes, j'ai note, Monsr>, qui
n'aimoit rien tant que les lettres. Car quand on lui
porta un petit coffret, si beau que rien ne se trouvoit
plus excellent entre les richesses de Darius, et qu'on
demandoit a quel usage il seroit destine, les Tins
disant d'un, les autres d'autre : II lui sera donne
Homere a garder, dit-il ; voulant dire qu'il n'estoit
tresor plus grand que cela. Ce qu'il approuva une
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 65
LII.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
CONSUETUDO Lacedemoniorum erat, ut is qui senior,
ostenderet fores illis omnibus qui ingrediebantur con-
vivia, inquiens, ne quis sermo per has fores egrediatur.
Admonens eos nihil effutiendum esse, si quid liberius
diceretur in convivio. Hunc morem institutur Ly-
curgus. Fugiamus igitur adulatores, et linguaces,
soror, imitantes Alexandrum, apud quern, cum aliquis
accusabatur, occludebat alteram aurem. Interogatus
cur hoc faceret, Servo, dicebat, alteram integram illi
qui accusatur. Vale.
LIU.
M. DEI GRATIA SCOTORUM REGINA FRANCISCO DELPHINO S. P. D.
QUUM legerem pulchra facinora Alexandri, maioris
quam qui unquam fuerit in armis hoc unum notavi
(princeps illustrissime), eum nihil seque ac literas amare.
Nam cum tulissent illi scriniolum adeo pulcrum ut
nihil pulcrius inter opes Darij, et petiissent in quern
usum destinandum esset : alijs aliud suadentibus da-
bitur huic servandus Homerus, inquit, signifigans se nihil
potius amare, nee u[l]lum eo thesaurum praeciosiorem.
Id quod alias probavit, quum quidam gaudio gestiens
66 THEMES OF MAHY
autre fois par autre fa$on, quand quelquun s'eiouissant
fort accourut a luy, pour luy raconter quelque chose
heureusement advenue. Que m'annonceras tu de
grand, dit-il, mon amy, si tu ne disois qu'Homere
requist [revequist] ? Signifiant toute la gloire de
beaus faicts perir, si ni a un tel bon chanteur qu'a
este Homere. Aimes doncques les lettres, Mons%
lesquelles seullernent n'augraenteront vos vertus, mais
rendront immortels vos beaus faicts. A St. Germain.
20. de Decembre.
LIV.
L' AMOUR que je vous porte, Mons% m'a donne hardi-
esse de vous prier que le plus que vous pourres aies
avecques vous gens vertueux et sc,avans, et que sur tout
aimes votre precepteur, a 1'exemple d'Alexandre, qui
a d'une telle reverence honore Aristote qu'il disoit ne
luy devoir moms qu'a son pere. Pour ce que de son
pere il en avoit pris le commancement de vivre, et de
son maitre le commancement de bien vivre.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 67
accurreret, ut recitaret aliquam rem feliciter gestam.
Quid magni, bone vir, mihi anuncies, inquit, nisi dicas
Homerum revixisse j significans gloriam pulcrorum
factorum perituram, si desit talis preco, qualis Home-
rus fuit. Ama igitur literas, princeps illustrissime,
quse non solum augebunt tuas virtutes, sed tua pulcra
facta immortalia redeunt (for reddunt). Vale. Apud
St. Germanum. 13. Calend. Januar.
LIT.
M. DEI GKATIA SC. E. FRANCISCO DELPHINO S. T. D.
AMOR quo te unice complector, princeps illu[s]trissime,
efficit ut ausim te deprecari tecum habeas quantum
poteris probos et sapientes homines, et ante omnia
praeceptorem ames, exemplo Alexandri, qui tanta reve-
rentia Aristotelem prosecutus est, ut diceret se non
minus illi quam patri debere : quod a patre initium
vivendi solum, a prseceptore bene vivendi initium
accipisset. Vale.
68 THEMES OF MARY
LV.
AGESILATJS volant que plusieurs estoient entaches
d'avarice, avoit coutume d'admonester ses amis qui
n'estudiassent tant a s'enrichir de pecunes que de
force et de vertu. Pour ce qu'en vain acquiert des
richesse, qui est sans les vrais biens de 1'esprit. Car,
ma seur, ceux-ci nous accompaignent, et font honneur
apres notre notre (sic) mort ; et les autres nous trom-
pent, et perissent en un moment. A St. Germain, 26.
Decemb.
LVI.
ARISTIPPE interrogue quelle difference il y avoit entre
les doctes et les ignorans, autant qu' entre les chevaux
dontes et ceus qui ne le sont point. Car tout ainsi
qu'un cheval qui n'est point dresse est incommode a
tout usage, pour son ignorance et ferocite : ainsi celui
qui est transporter de ses affections, lesquelles la seule
philosophic apprivoise, est inutile a toute coutume de
la vie. A St. Germain, le jour St. Jean apres la
natiuite de Jesuchrist.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 69
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
QUUM videret Agsilaus (for Agesilaus) plures laborare
pecuniae studio, solebat admonere amicos ut ne tarn
pecuniis studerent ditescere, quam fortitudine et virtute.
Nam frustra parat opes qui est sine veris bonis animi.
Hsec nos comitantur, soror, et nobis addunt honorem :
ilia vero nos decipiunt, et pereunt uno momento. Vale.
Apud St. Germanum.
:LVI.
M. SC. R. EL. SOEOEI S. P. D.
ARISTIPPUS interrogatus quo differebant docti ab
ignorantibus : quo equi domiti ab ijs qui sunt indomiti.
Nam ut equs qui indomitus est incommodus est ad
omnem rem ob iscitiam et ferocitatem, ita ille qui
rapitur suis affectibus quos sola philosophia domat est
inutilis ad omnem consuetudinem vitae. Apud St.
Germanum, die St. loannis a nativitate lesu Cristi.
Vale.
70 THEMES OP MARY
LVII,
ARISTIPPE disoit que mieux valloit estre povre
qu'estre indocte, pour ce que le povre a seulement
afaire d'argent, et 1'autre d'humanite. Et d'avantage
celuy n'est moins homme auquel defaut argent, mais
celui n'est homme auquel defaut sgavoir. Outre plus,
celui qui a faute d'argent, en demande a ceux qui
rencontre : et celui auquel defaut prudence, ne sollicite
personne pour en avoir. Nous avons des richesses
asses, ma seur, efforgons nous d'acquerir de la doctrine.
A St. Germain, dernier jour de cest an 1554.
LVIII.
Nous devons vouloir, ma seur tres aimee, que soions,
pendant que sommes jeunes, reprinses d'un chacun,
arm que soions plus tost sages. Et ne nous faut dire
tantost a 1'un, tantost a Fautre, Quoi? t'appartientil de
me reprendre ? Diogenes disoit a Xeniades du quel il
estoit achete, combien que je soy serf, si est il necessaire
que tu m'obeisses, car qui a un nautonnier, ou medecin
serviteur, il est contrainct de lui obeir, s'il en veut
recevoir profit. Je ne vueil oblier a vous dire que j'ai
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 71
1VII.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
ARISTIPPTJS dicebat satius esse fieri pauperem quam
indoctum : quia ille tantum eget pecunijs, hie vero
humanitate. Et porro ille non minus homo est cui
pecunia deest, sed non homo est cui sapientia deest.
Prseterea cui pecunia deest, petit ab obvijs, et ille cui
prudentia deest, neminem sollicitat ut habeat. Satis
habemus opum, soror, conemur adipisci doctrinam.
Vale. Apud St. Germanum, die ultimo anni 1554,
LTITI.
M. SC. R. EL. SOR. S. P. D.
DEBEMUS velle (arnica summa sua et soror) dum
iuvenes sumus, emmendari ab unoquoque, ut simus
citius sapientiores ; nee oportet nos dicere modo huic,
modo illi : Quid pertinet ad te reprehendere me ?
Diogenes dicebat Xeniadse a quo emptus erat, etiam
si servus sum, tamen necesse est ut tu mini pareas,
quia qui habet nauclerum, vel medicum servum, cogi-
tXir illi obedire, si velit perciperc utilitatem ab illo,
Non obliviscar tibi dicere modo intellexisse me regem
72 THEMES OF MARY
entendu que le roy se porte mieux qui ne faisoit hier,
dont j'en rens graces a Dieu, qui vous garde en bonne
sante. A St. Germain. 5. de Janvier, 1554.
LIX.
EPENETUS avoit coutume de dire les menteurs estre
auteurs de tons crimes et toutes iniures. Laquelle
sentence ne discorde point aus lettres des Hebreus,
lesquelles narrent que par la menterie du serpent les
portes out este ouvertes a tout genre de vice. Par ce
nom de menterie sont aussi contenus les flateurs,
calumniateurs, medians conseilleurs et maulvais gou-
verneurs, qui sont fontaine de tous maulx. Puis
done que tant le mensonge deplait a Dieu et [est] si
dommageable aus homines, faisons, ma seur, que
touiours soions veritables.
PLUSIEURS belles histoires temoignent que les anciens
ont este plus studieus de la Rep. et salut des citoiens,
que ceus qui ont regne depuis. Temoin en est
Pomponius homme notable et digne de grande louange,
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 73
melius habere quam heri. -^Jnde ago gratias immor-
tales Deo opt. max., qui tuam valetudinem feliciter
conserved Vale. 5. lanuarij.
LIX.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
EPENETTJS dicere solebat mendaces esse autores om-
nium crimiimm, et omnium iniuriarum. Quse senten-
tia non dissonat a literis Hebreorum, quse narrant ut
mendacio serpentis, fores apertae fuerunt omni generi
vitiorum. Et hoc nomine mendacium adulatores, ca-
lumniatores, mali consiliarij, et perversi educatores
continentur, qui sunt fontes omnium malorum. Cum
igitur mendacium Deo tantum displiceat, et perniciosum
sit hominibus : faciamus, soror, ut ne quidem ioco
mentiamur, sed simus omne tempore veraces. Vale.
7. January. Apud St. Germanum.
LX.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S. P. D.
PLURES pulcrse historise testantur veteres fuisse stu-
diossiores reipublicse et salutis civium quam illos qui
regnaverunt ab eo tempore. Ponponius, homo in-
signis et dignus magna laude, testis est, qui multis
74 THEMES OF MARY
lequel estant fort blece fut amene a Mitbridates, qui
lui demanda si le faisoit penser, il vouloit estre son
ami ? Si tu veus (repondit Pomponius) estre ami aus
Remains, je serai aussi le tien. Vous voies que sa vie
ne lui estoit si chere que I'amitie qui portoit a la
republique. A St. Germain, 8. de Janvier.
LXI.
TEES elegamment a chante le poete qui a dit la
liberte ne povoir asses estre achetee. Du quel advis
estoit Diogenes, tres excellent philosophe, qui re-
pondit a ceus qui louoient le bon heur d'Aristote de
quoi il vivoit avec le fils d'un roy : Aristote, dit-il,
dinne quand il plaist a Alexandre, Diogenes quand il
plaist a Diogenes. Voulant dire riens n'estre heureux
si liberte defaut. Apprenons done les arts et bonnes
disciplines, ma seur, par lesquelles plus facilement
nous acquerrons vertu, nourrice et mere de liberte,
car temoin 1'ecriture saincte, quicunque fait peche est
serviteur d'iceluy.
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 75
vulneribus confossus, adductus fuit ad Mithridatem,
et cum ab eo qusereretur si curaret eum vellet sibi
amicus esse ? Si tu, inquit, fueris amicus Romanis me
etiam amicum habebis. Vides amicitiam qua rem-
publicam prosequebatur maiorem et vita ipsa cariorem.
Vale. 8. lanuarij.
LXI.
M. SC. K. EL. SOROEI S. P. D.
Hoc carmen cecinit eleganter poeta,
Non bene pro toto libertas venditur auro.
Cuius opinionis erat Diogenes philosophus eximius,
qui respondit illis qui laudabant felicitatem Aristotelis
quodviveret cum regis filio : Aristoteles, inquit, prandet
quand[o] placet Alexandro, Diogenes quando placet
Diogeni. Significans nihil esse beatum si libertas
desit. Discamus ergo bonas diciplinas et artes, soror,
per quas facilius parabimus virtutem matrem et neutri -
cem libertatis. Nam, ut sta. Scriptura testatur, qui-
cumque facit peccatum servus est peccati. Vale.
9. Ian.
76 THEMES OF MARY
LXII.
DIOGENES disoit les homines bons estre les images et
simulacres de Die us, plus tost que les statues d'or,
d' argent, ou d'airain : car il est propre aus Dieus de
bien faire a tous, et ne nuire a personne. Ce que
mieus reluit aus sages et aus bons, qu'aus statues
quelques precieuses qu'elles soient. II disoit encores
une autre chose que vous loueres grandement, ascavoir,
entre les indigens et miserables n' estre tenu celuy qui
s'est acquis de bonnes sciences et de bons amis.
Mais que celui estoit malheureusement povre qui
n'estoit pourveu de quelque vertu.
LXIII.
[The French has never been ivritten.']
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 77
LXII.
M. SC. R. EL. SOEOEI S. P. D.
DIOGENES dicebat bonos viros esse imagines et simul-
acra deorum, potius quam statuas aureas, argenteas,
vel aereas, Nam proprium est deorum bene facer e
omnibus et nocere nemini. Id quod magis elucet in
sapientibus et bonis viris quam in statuis quantisvis
(for quantumvis) preciossissimis. Dicebat etiam aliud
quod maxime laudabis, videlicet inter pauperes et miseros
ilium non haberi qui sibi paravit bonas scientias, et
probos amicos. Sed eum esse infeliciter egenum qui
non sit preditus aliqua virtute. Vale.
txiii.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S.P.D.
LEGEBAM hodie apud Ciceronem, soror, non oportere
efFerri rebus felicibus et prosperis ; nam, ut dixit Solon,
Crejo nemo ant (for ante) obitum felix. Rotat omne
fatum, et si fortuna blanditur nobis hodie, eras mina-
tur. Quomodo accidit Policrati regi Samiorum poten-
tissimo, et usque adeo felici ut ab omnio prselio re-
portorit victoriam. Et tamen evenit quod Oretes,
prsefectus Ciri rex Persarum eum superavit et afixit
78
THEMES OF MARY
LXIY.
[The French has never been written.]
[THE END.]
QUEEN OF SCOTS. 79
cruci. Quanto ergo superiores simus tanto nos su-
missius geramus. Dicentes cum Davide rege et pro-
pheta, in manibus tuis sortes mese, non nobis Domine,
non nobis, sed nomini tuo sanctissimo laus, honor et
gloria sit in secula seculorum. Amen. Vale.
LXIV.
M. SC. R. EL. SORORI S.P.D.
QUEMADMODTTM non debemus efferi quavis bona for-
tuna que nobis evenit, ita adversa non debemus de-
spondere animum, nee quoquomodo turbari, veluti
legimus de Socrate, qui nunquam visus est vultu aut
hilari magis aut turbato. Xantippse (sic) testatur, quse
dixit se semper ipsum vidisse eodem vultu exeuntem
domo et revertentem. Porro si sumus pauperes in hoc
seculo, in hoc sumus similes Deo, et patri nostro, qui
non habuit ubi reclinaret caput suum. Si homines
nos odaerint, hoc pollicetur nobis gloriam regna (for
regina) celorum. Vale.
[FINIS.]
SONGS AND CAROLS
MANUSCRIPT IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM
jFiftcrntfj Centura.
EDITED BY
THOMAS WRIGHT, ESQ., M.A., F.S.A., ETC.,
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE IMPERIAL INSTITUTE OF FRANCE,
(ACADEMIC DBS INSCRIPTIONS ET BELLES LETTRES.)
LONDON:
PRINTED BY T. RICHARDS, 37, GREAT QUEEN STREET.
PREFACE.
THE Sloane MS. No. 2593, in the British Museum,
has been long known to the literary historians of
the English middle ages, and several of the songs
contained in it have been printed. I myself, when
first entering on the study of this class of literature,
edited a selection from it in a small black-letter
volume published by the late Mr. Pickering. Since
that time, another volume of the same kind, and
containing second copies of some of its contents,
fell into my hands accidentally, and I edited it
entire for the Percy Society, under the title of
Songs and Carols, now first printed from a
Manuscript of the Fifteenth Century. As far as I
have been able to ascertain, these are the only col-
lections of the kind known to exist ; they are both
of them apparently the song -books of minstrels;
and they are both curious for the character and
variety of the poetical effusions they contain, and
for the interesting illustration they afford us of
contemporary popular sentiments ; they are both
also of about the same date. The Sloane MS., from
which the present collection is printed, has been
generally ascribed, from the character of the writing,
to the reign of Henry VI. I have thought, there-
fore, that it would not be unacceptable to the
readers of our old poetry, if I gave a complete
edition of the Sloane Manuscript, as a companion
to the volume printed for the Percy Society.
One of these songs, No. lii, p. 73, furnishes us with
curious data for fixing more exactly the period at
which it at least was composed, if we could identify
the circumstances alluded to in it. The reader, or
rather the hearer, of this song, is reminded, as so
many memorials of the frailty of human affairs, of
certain great disasters which, at the time it was
composed, were fresh in people's memories. The
first of these were the " dear years three/' in which
multitudes of people died of hunger ; the next were
two pestilences of a fearful description ; after this
came a tempest — a wind's blast — which blew down
steeples, and was accompanied with terrible thunder
and lightning, by which the priory of the Carmelites,
and the tolbooth at Lynn, in Norfolk, were burnt.
This last circumstance would fix the date imme-
diately, but unfortunately I have not been able to
discover any historical notice of the event to which
it alludes. Pestilences and famines were rather
common during the fourteenth and fifteenth cen-
turies, and when described in general terms are not
easily identified. After a comparison of the events
of this kind mentioned in the old chronicles, I am
inclined to think, however, that the two pestilences
mentioned in our song are those two celebrated pes-
tilences of the fourteenth century (occurring in the
years 1349 and 1361-2) which are commemorated
in the well-known popular poem of Piers Plough-
man, and that the " wyndes blast " of our song is
the terrible south-western wind of the same remark-
able poem, which occurred on the 1 5th of January,
1362, and of which we are there told —
He preved that thise pestilences
Were for pure synne,
And the south-westrene wynd
On Saterday at even
Was pertliche for pure pride,
And for no point ellis ;
Pyries and plum-trees
Were puffed to the erthe,
In ensaumple that the segges
Sholden do the bettre ;
Beches and brode okes
Were blowen to the grounde,
Turned upward hire tailes,
In tokenynge of drede
That dedly synne er domes-day
Shal for-doon hem alle.
Piers Ploughman, I. 2500.
Stowe says of this tempest, "The king held his
Christmas at Windsore, and the xv. day following
a sore and vehement southwest winde brake forth,
so hideous, that it overthrew high houses, towers,
steeples, and trees, and so bowed them, that the
residue which fell not, but remained standing, were
the weaker/' The first of the two pestilences was
followed by a period of excessive dearness, which I
suspect was identical with the three dear years of
our song.
Now the great pestilences of the fourteenth
century were certainly well remembered for two
centuries afterwards, but they were remembered
not as the two pestilences, but as the three pesti-
lences, of which the third occurred in the year 1369.
If I am right, therefore, in explaining the allusions,
this song must have been originally composed be-
fore the third pestilence, or between 1362 and 1369,
and probably very soon after the former year.
Of course this date would apply only to the
particular song in question, and it proves nothing
as to the age of the others ; but I think we may
fairly infer from it, that the songs contained in
these two collections do not by any means belong
to the particular age of the manuscripts in which
they are found, but that they belong to a numerous
class of popular literature which were preserved in
the memory of the sort of people who sang them,
during several generations, and that some of them
were only at times copied down by accident in
collections like the two which I have edited, which
we may therefore regard as very curious monuments
of the minstrel lore. All this explains the great in-
correctness with which they are written, and the
numerous variations we find where we have more
than one copy of the same song, which would
naturally arise in taking it down from the memory
of different persons at different times. The collection
printed for the Percy Society is the more curious
of the two, both because it contains a larger pro-
portion of songs not of a religious character, and
because some of them are accompanied with the
musical notes.
I will only add that in editing the Sloane MS. I
have followed the same principle adopted in the
volume printed for the Percy Society, of strictly
following the manuscript, even in its errors, many
of which are in themselves philologically curious.
The Latin, especially, is in many cases extremely
corrupt.
THOMAS WRIGHT.
14, Sydney Street, Bromptou,
April, 1850.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
I.
Thou wost wol lytyl ho is thi foo.
MAN, loke thou have this gys,
Quat sum evere thou xalt doo,
Of thi speche the wil avys,
Thou wost wol lytil ho is thi foo.
Man, rewle thi tunge in swych a gys,
That non mysspeche come the froo ;
For than thou dost as the wys,
Thou wost wol lytil ho is thi foo.
Idil speche I rede thou spys,
Lok to horn thou seyst thi wil too ;
Qwether thou stonde, walke, or ryde,
Thou wost wol lytil ho is thi foo.
B
SONGS AND CAROLS.
The bryd seyde on his devys,
Thou mytyst telle sum man thi woo,
He wol it were dublyd thryis ;
Thou wost wol lytil ho is thi foo.
If thou wyt beryn awey the prys,
Lestene this song and synge the too,
Of thi speche the wil avys,
Thou wost wol lytil ho is thin foo.
ii.
Now bething the, gentilman,
How Adam dalf and Eve span.
IN the vale of Abraham
Cryst hym self he made Adam,
And of his rybbe a fayr womman,
And thus this semly word began.
" Cum, Adam, and thou xalt se
The blysse of paradis that is so fre ;
Therm stant an appil-tre,
Lef and frewt growit theron.
Adam, if thou this appil ete,
Alle these joyis thou xalt foi^ete,
SONGS AND CAROLS.
And the peynis of helle gete."
Thus God hym self warnid Adam.
Quan God was fro Adam gon,
Sone after cam the fend anon ;
A fals tretour he was on,
He tok the tre, and krep theron.
" Quat eylyt the, Adam, art thou wod ?
Thi lord ha3t tawt the lytil good,
He wolde not thou understod
Of the wyttes that he can.
Tak the appil of the tre,
And ete therof, I bidde the,
And alle hese joyis thou xalt se,
Fro the he xal hedyn non."
Quan Adam hadde that appil ete,
Alle hese joyis wern fo^ete,
Non word more my3t he speke,
He stod as nakyd as a ston.
Than cam an aungil with a swerd,
And drof Adam into a disert ;
Ther was Adam sore aferd,
For labour coude he werkyn non.
B 2
SONGS AND CAROLS.
III.
Alle maydenis, for Godes grace,
Worchepe $e seynt Nicolas.
SEYNT Nicholas was of gret poste,
For he worchepid maydenis thre,
That wer sent in fer cuntre
Common wommen for to be.
Here fader was man in powre aray,
Onto his dowteres he gan say,
" Dowteres, 36 must away,
Non lenger kepe 3011 1 may.
Dowteres, myn blyssing I 3011 3eve,
For .catel wil not with me thryve,
36 must with 3owre body leve,
3our worde3e must dryve."
The eldest dowter swor, be bred of qwete,
" I have levere beggyn myn mete,
And getyn me good qwer I may gete,
Than ledyn myn lyf in lecherie."
The medil dowter seyde, so mote che the,
" I hadde levere hangyd and drawyd be
SONGS AND CAROLS. 5
With wylde hors to or thre,
Than ledin myn lyf in lecherie."
The 3ongere lechery gan to spyse,
And preyid saynt Nicholas, as che was wise,
" Saynt Nicholas, as he was wyse,
Help us fro lecherie."
Saynt Nicholas, at the townys ende,
Consoylid tho maydenis horn to wynde,
And throw Godes grace he xulde hem synde
Husbondes thre good and kind.
IV.
God that alle mytes may,
Helpe us at our ending daye.
THIS word, lordingges, I understonde,
May be lyknyd to an husbonde,
That taket a ferme into his honde
To 3elde therof serteyn pay.
Spende we neyther speche ne spylle,
Neyther for good ne for ille,
We xuln jevyn acountes grylle
Beforn our Lord on domys daye.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
Leve lordynges, be war of this,
For oftyn tyme we don amys,
Ther is non of us i-wys
But that we trespasyn every day.
This word, lordynges, is but a farye,
It faryt ry3t as a neysche weye,
That now is wet and now is dreye,
For sothe serteyn, as I jou say.
Now is joye and now is blys,
Now is balle and bitternesse ;
Now it is, and now it nys ;
Thus pasyt this word away.
Now I hope and now I synge,
Now I daunce, now I sprynge,
Now I weyle and now I wrynge,
Now is wel, and now is way.
Now I hoppe and now I daunce,
Now I preke and now I praunce ;
This day heyl, te morwe perchaunce
We mown be ded and ley in clay.
At domis day quan we xul ryse,
SONGS AND CAROLS.
And come beforn our heye justyse,
And 3evyn acountes of our servise,
And payin up our laste pay,
Help us, Mary, for than is nede ;
Help to excusyn our misdede,
As thou art monevvere at our nede,
Help us than, and sey not nay.
v.
0 flos de Jesse virgula,
Laus tibi sit et gloria.
ADAM our fader was in blis,
And for an appil of lytil prys
He loste the blysse of paradys,
Pro sua superbia.
And alle that evere of hym cam
The ryth weye to helle nam,
Bothe Ysaac and Abraham,
Teste profecia.
Than these profetes prechyd aforn,
That a chyl'd xuld be born
SONGS AND CAROLS.
To beye that Adam hadde forlorn,
Sua morte propria.
Moyses ferst in his lawe told
A chyld ther xuld be born so bold,
To beye a3yn that Adam sold,
Sua node pessima.
Isaac withoute lesyng
Profeciid in his prechyng
Of Jesse rote a flour xuld spryng
De viraine purica.
Jeromy, that was so 3yng,
Profecyid of his comyng,
That is veri lord and kyng,
jSummi patris gratia.
Ferthere more, as I 3ou telle,
Than profecyid Danyelle,
Of hys comyng he gan spelle,
Gentibus in Judea.
Quan tyme cam of God almy3t,
That wolde brynge mankynde to ry3t,
In a maydyn he gan Iy3t,
Que vocatur Maria.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
Now is he born, that blysful chyld,
Of Mary moder mayde myld,
Fro the fynd he us schyld,
Qui creamt omnia.
Prey we to hym with al our mynde,
That ha3t mad al mankynde,
He brynge us alle to good ende,
In die novissima.
vi.
Eya, Jhesus hodie
Natus est de virgine.
BLYSSID be that mayde Mary,
Born he was of here body,
Godis sone that syttit on hy,
Non ex virili semine.
In a manjour of an as
Jhesu lay and lullyd was,
Harde peynis for to pas,
Pro peccante homine.
Kynges comyn fro dyvesse londe,
With grete 3yftes in here honde,
10 SONGS AND CAROLS.
In Bedlem the child they fonde,
Stella ducte lumine.
Man and chyld bothe eld and ying,
Now in his blysful comyng,
To that chyld mow we syng,
Gloria tibi, Domine.
Nowel, nowel in this halle,
Make merye, I prey 3011 alle,
Onto the chyld may we calle,
Ullo sine crimine.
VII.
Gay, gay, gay, gay,
Think on drydful domis day.
EVERY day thou my3t lere,
To helpe thi self qwil thou art here,
Quan thou art ded and leyd on here,
Cryst help thi sowle, for thou ne may.
Thynk, man, on thi wyttes fyve,
Do sum good qwyl thou art on lyve ;
Go to cherche, and do the schryve,
And bryng thi sowle in good aray.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 11
Thynk, man, on thi synnys sevene,
Think how merie it is in hevene ;
Prey to God with mylde stefne,
To be thin helpe on domys day.
Loke that thou non thing stere,
Ne non fals wytnesse bere ;
Thynk how Cryst was stunge with spere,
Quan he deyid on good Fryday.
Loke that thou ne sle non man,
Ne do non foly with non womman ;
Thynk the blod from Jhesu ran,
Quan he deyid withoutyn nay.
VIII.
Wommen be bothe good and trewe,
Wytnesse of Marye.
Or hondes and body and face am clene,
Wommen mown non beter bene,
In every place it is sene,
Wytnesse of Marie.
It is knowyn and evere was,
Ther a womman is in plas,
12 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Womman is the welle of gras,
Wytnesse.
They lovyn men with herte trewe,
Ho wyl not chaungyn for non newe,
Wommen ben of wordys ffewe,
Wytnesse.
Wommen ben trewe without lesyng,
Wommen be trewe in alle thing,
And out of care they mown us bryng,
Wytnesse of Marie.
IX.
Jhesu, Jhesu, Jhesu, Jhesu,
Saf us alle thorw thi vertu.
JHESU, as thou art our savyour,
That thou save us fro dolour ;
Jhesu is myn paramour ;
Blyssid be thi name, Jhesu.
Jhesu was born of a may,
Upon Cristemesse day,
Sche was may beforn and ay ;
Blyssid be thi name, Jhesu.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 13
Thrc kynges comen fro segent,
To Jhesu Cryst they browte present ;
Lord God omnipotent,
Saf us alle throw thy vertue.
Jhesu deyid and schad his blod
For al mankynde upon the rod ;
He graunt us grace of happis good,
I beseke the, swete Jhesu.
Jhesu, for thy moderes sake,
Kepe us fro the fyndis blake,
hym that we mown wake ;
And save us alle throw thi vertu.
x.
Now go gyle, gyle, gyle,
Now go gile, gyle, go.
GYLE and gold togedere arn met,
Coveytyse be hym is set,
Now hajt gyle leyd his net,
To gyle bothe frynd and fo.
Ther is non man wo^t a schelle,
But he cun plete with wryt or bylle,
14 SONGS AND CAROLS.
His neybowres for to spylle,
And othere men to werkyn wo.
Coweytise in herte is lent,
Ryjt and resoun awey is went;
Man, be war thou be not schent,
Gyle wil thy herte slo.
Now ha3t gyle get hym gre,
Bothe in town and in cete,
Gyle goth with gret mene,
With men of lawe and othere mo.
Trewthe hevene mot he wynne,
Gyle xal in helle brenne ;
He that made al mankynde,
Amend hem that mys han do.
XI.
Syng we alle and sey we thus,
Gramersy myn owyn purs.
QUAN I have in myn purs i-now,
I may have bothe hors and plow,
And also fryndis i-now,
Throw the vertu of myn purs.
SONOS AND CAROLS. 15
Quan my purs gynny3t to slak,
And ther is nowt in my pak,
They wil seyn, " Go, far wil, Jak,
Thou xalt non more drynke with us."
Thus is al myn good i-lorn,
And myn purs al totorn,
I may pleyine with an horn,
In the stede al of myn purs.
Far wil, hors, and far wil, cow,
Far wil, carte, and far wil, plow ;
As I pleyid me with a bow,
I seyd, " God, quat is al this ? "
XII.
Synful man, for Godis sake,
I rede that thou amendis make.
THOW thou be kyng of tour and town,
Thow thou be kyng and were coroun,
I sette ry3t not be thi renown,
But if thou wylt amendys make.
That hast here is othere menys,
And so it xal ben quan thou art hens ;
16 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thi sowle xal abeye thi synnys,
But if thou wit amendes make.
Thow thou be bothe stef and strong,
And many a man thou hast do wrong,
Wellaway xal be thi song,
But, etc.
Man, be war, the weye is sleder,
Thou xal slyde thou wost not qweder ;
Body and sowle xul go togeder,
But, etc.
Man, ber not thi hed to heye,
In pumpe and pride and velonye ;
In helle thou xalt ben hangyd hye,
But if thou wilt amendis make.
XIII.
Of a rose, a lovely rose,
Of a rose is al myn song.
LESTENYT, lordynges, bothe elde and 3ynge,
How this rose began to sprynge ;
Swych a rose to myn lykynge
In al this word ne knowe I non.
SONGS AXD CAROLS. 17
The aungil cam fro hevene tour,
To grete Marye with gret honour,
And seyde sche xuld here the flour,
That xulde breke the fyndes bond.
The flour sprong in heye Bedlem,
That is bothe bry3t and schen ;
The rose is Mary hevene qwyn,
Out of here bosum the blosme sprong.
The ferste braunche is ful of my3t,
That sprong on Cyrstemesse ny3t ;
The sterre schon over Bedlem bryjt,
That is bothe brod and long.
The secunde braunche sprong to helle,
The fendys power doun to felle ;
Therin my3t non sowle dw[e]lle ;
Blyssid be -the tyme the rose sprong.
The thredde branche is good and swote,
It sp[r]ang to hevene crop and rote,
Therin to dwellyn and ben our bote ;
Every day it schewit in prystes hond.
18 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Prey we to here with gret honour,
Che that bar the blyssid flowr,
Che be our helpe and our socour,
And schyd us fro the fyndes bond.
XIV.
Man, be war, be war, be war,
And kep the that thou have no car.
THI tunge is mad of fleych and blod,
Evele to spekyn it is not good,
But Cryst, that deyid upon the rood,
So 3yf us grace our tunge to spare.
Thi lyppis arn withoute bon ;
Spek non evyl of thi fon ;
Man, I rede, be seynt Jon,
Of evyl speche that thou be war.
Quan thou seyst thi evyl seying,
Be it of eld, be it of 3yng,
Among many men thi speche may spring,
And make thin herte of blysse ful bare.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 19
Therfore I telle the, be seynt Austyn,
Ther xal non man of evele speche wyn
But sorwe and schame and moche syn,
And to his herte meche care.
Prey we to God and seynt Margerete,
That we mown our tunges kepe,
Qwether we wake or slepe,
And our body fro evele fare.
xv.
God be with trewthe qwer he be,
I wolde he were in this cuntre.
A MAN that xuld of trewthe telle,
With grete lordys he may not dwelle,
In trewe story as klerkes telle,
Trewthe is put in low degre.
In laydyis chaumberes comit he not,
Ther dar trewthe settyn non fot ;
Thow he wolde, he may not
Comyn among the heye mene.
With men of lawe he hajt non spas ;
They lovyn trewthe in non plas ;
c 2
20 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Me thinkit they ban a rewly grace,
That trewthe is put at swych degre.
In holy cherche he may not sytte ;
Fro man to man they xuln hym flytte ;
It re wit me sore in myn wytte,
Of trewthe I have gret pete.
Religiuus, that xulde be good,
If trethe cum ther, I holde hym wood ;
They xuldyn hym rynde cote and hood,
And make hym bare for to fle.
A man that xulde of trewthe aspye,
He must sekyn esylye
In the bosum of Marye,
For there he is for sothe.
XVI.
I drukke, I dare, so wil I may,
Quan I thynke on myn endyng day.
I AM a chyld, and born ful bare,
And bare out of this word xal fare ;
3yt am I but wermys ware,
Thow I clothis go never so gay.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 21
Thow I be of meche prys,
Fayr of face, and holdyn wys,
Myn fleych xal fadyn as flour-de-lys,
Quan I am ded and leyd in clay.
Quan I am ded and leyd in ston,
I xal rotyn fleych and bon,
Fro myn fryndys I xal gon;
Cryst help myn sowle quan I ne may.
Quan I xal al my frendes forsake,
Cryst schyld me fro the fendes blake ;
To Jhesu Cryst my sowle I betake,
He be our help on domys day.
XVII.
Gay, gay, to be gay,
I holde it but a vanite.
3YNG men that bern hem so gay,
They think not on domys day,
Quan they xul stonde in powre aray,
And for here dedes damnyd be.
God that made se and sond,
With blody woundis he xal stond,
22 SONGS AND CAROLS.
" Come 36 alle on my ryjt bond,
30 chylderin that han servyd me."
To wykkyd men Jhesu xal say,
"36 han led your lyf bothe ny3t and day,
3our sowle into a wykkyd way,
Out of myn syte wynd 36.
Quan I was nakyd, 36 me not clad ;
Quan I was hungry, 36 me not fad ;
Quan I was in prisoun and harde bestad,
36 wold not visite me,
Therfore myn chylderyn xuln han i-wys
That ilke joye, that ilke blys,
That arte ha3t ben, and alwey is,
Beforn myn angel fayr and fre."
XVIIT.
Be war, sqwyer, ^eman, and page,
For servyse is non erytage.
IF thou serve a lord of prys,
Be not to boystous in thin servys,
Damne not thin sowle in non wys,
For servyse is non erytage.
SONGS AND CAKOLS. 23
Wynteris wether and wommanys thowt,
And lordis love, schaungit oft;
This is the sothe, if it be sowt,
For servyse, etc.
Now thu art gret, to morwe xal I,
As lordys schaungyn here baly ;
In thin welthe werk sekyrly,
For, etc.
Than serve we God in alle wyse,
He xal us quityn our servyse,
And jevyn us 3yftes most of pryse,
Hevene to ben our erytage.
XIX.
A, a, a, a,
Nunc gaudet Maria.
MAKY is a lady bryjt,
Sche hajt a sone of meche myjt,
Over al this word che is lyjt,
Bona natalicia.
24 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Mary is so fayr of face,
And here sone so ful of grace,
In hevene he make us a place,
Cum sua potencia.
Mary is so fayr and sote,
And here sone so ful of bote,
Over al this word he is bote,
Bona voluntaria.
Mary is bothe good and kynde,
Evere on us che hajt mende,
That the fend xal us not schende
Cum sua malic-la.
Mary is qwen of alle thinge,
And here sone a lovely kynge ;
God graunt us alle good endynge,
Regnat del gracia.
xx.
Man, be war, er thou be wo,
Think on priclo and let him goo.
PRYDE is out, and pride is ine,
And pride is rot of every synne,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 25
And pride wil never blynne,
Til he hajt browt a man in woo.
Lucyfer was aungyl bryjt,
And conqwerour of meche myjt ;
Throw his pride he les his lyjt,
And fil doun into endeles woo.
Wenyst thou for thi gaye clothing,
And for thin grete othis sweryng,
To be a lord or a kyng,
Lytil it xal avayle the too.
Quan thou xalt to cherche glyde,
Wermys xuln ete throw thi syde,
And lytil xal avayle thi pride,
Or ony synnys that thou hast doo.
Prey to Cryst, with blody syde,
And othere woundes grile and wide,
That he forjeve the thi pride,
And thi synnys that thou hast doo.
26 SONGS AND CAROLS.
XXI.
I may synge of a may,
Of joyis fyve and merthis most.
THE ferste joye, as I jou telle,
With Mary met seynt Gabrielle,
" Heyl, Mary, I grete the welle,
With Fader and Sone and Holy Gost."
The secunde joye, in good fay,
Was on Crystemesse day,
Born he was of a may,
With Fader, etc.
The thredde joye, withoutyn stryf,
That blysseful her the was ful ryf,
Quan he ros fro ded to lyf,
With Fader, etc.
The forte joye, in good fay,
Was upon halewyn thursday,
He stey to hevene in ryche aray,
With Fader and Sone and Holy Gost.
The fyfte joye, withoutyn dene,
In hevene he crownyd his moder clene,
That was wol wil the eyr a sene,
With Fader, etc.
SONGS ANJ) CAROLS. 27
XXII.
Man, be war of thin wowyng,
For weddyng is the longe wo.
LOKE, er thin herte be set,
Lok thou wowe er thou be knet ;
And if thou se thou mow do bet,
Knet up the haltre and let here goo.
Wyvys be bothe stowte and bolde,
Her husbondes ajens hem durn not holcle,
And if he do, his herte is colde,
How so evere the game go.
Wedewis be wol fals i-wys,
For cum bothe halse and kys,
Til onys purs pikyd is,
And they seyn, Go, boy, goo.
Of madenys I wil seyn but lytil,
For they be bothe fals and fekyl,
And under the tayl they ben ful tekyl,
A twenty devele name, let hem goo.
28 SONGS AND CAROLS.
XXIII.
Alleluia, alleluia, alleluia, alleluia, alleluia, alleluia,
Deo patri sit gloria.
Salvator mundi, Domine,
Fader of hevene, blyssid thou be,
Thou gretyst a mayde with on ave,
Que vocatur Maria.
Adesto nunc propicius,
Thou sendyst thi sone swete Jhesus,
Man to become for love of us,
Deo patri sit gloria.
Ne mentem sompnus oprimat,
Betwyx an ox and an as
Cryst hym self born he was
De virgine Maria.
Te reformator sensuum,
Bothe lytil and mekil and alle a[nd] sum
Wolcum the tyme that now is com,
Deo patri sit gloria.
Gloria tibi, Domine,
Thre personys in trenyte,
Blyssid mot they alle be,
Deo patri sit yloria.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 29
XXIV.
Now el el el el el el el el el el el el,
Mary was gret with Gabriel.
MARY moder, meke and mylde,
Fro schame and synne that 30 us schyllde,
For gret on grownd 36 gon with childe,
Gabriele nuncio.
Mary moder, be not adred,
Jhesu is in 3our body bred,
And of 3our bryst he wil be fed,
Cum pudoris lilio.
Mary moder, the frewit of the
For us was naylid on a tre,
In hevene is now his majeste,
Fidget resurreccio.
Mary moder, the thredde day
Up he ros, as I 3ow say,
To helle he tok the 173 te way,
Motufertur proprio.
Mary moder, after thin sone,
Up thou steyist with hym to wone ;
The aungele wern glad quan thou were come
In celi palacio.
30 SONGS AND CAROLS,
XXV.
I SYNG a of a mayden
that is makeles,
Kyng of alle kynges
to here sone che ches.
He cam also stylle
ther his moder was,
As dew in Aprylle
that fallyt on the gras.
He cam also stylle
to his moderes bowr,
As dew in Aprille
that fallyt on the flour.
He cam also stylle
ther his moder lay,
As dew in Aprille
that fallyt on the spray.
Moder and maydyn
was never non but che ;
Wei may swych a lady
Godes moder be.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 31
XXVI.
I HAVE a gentil cook
crowyt me day,
He doth me rysyn erly
my matynis for to say.
I have a gentil cook,
comyn he is of gret,
His comb is of red corel,
his tayil is of get.
I have a gentyl cook,
comyn he is of kynde,
His comb is of red scorel,
his tayl is of hide;
His legges ben of asour,
so gentil and so smale,
His spores arn of sylver qwyt
into the wortewale ;
His eynyn arn of cristal,
lokyn al in aumbyr ;
And every ny3t he perchit hym
in myn ladyis chaumbyr.
32 SONGS AND CAROLS.
XXV11.
Omnes gentes plaudite.
I saw myny bryddis setyn on a tre ;
He tokyn here fley3t and flowyn away,
With, Ego dixi, have good day !
Many qwyte federes ha3t the pye : —
I may noon more syngyn, my lyppis arn so drye.
Manye qwyte federis ha3t the swan : —
The more that I drynke, the lesse good I can.
Ley stykkys on the fer, wyl mot is brenne ;
3eve us onys drynkyn er we gon henne.
XXVIII.
ADAM lay i-bowndyn,
bowndyn in a bond,
Fowre thowsand wynter
thowt he not to long ;
And al was for an appil,
an appil that he tok,
As clerkes fyndyn wretyn
in here book.
Ne hadde the appil take ben,
the appil taken ben,
SONGS ANT) CAROLS. 33
Ne hadde never our lady
a ben hevene quen.
Blyssid be the tyme
that appil take was !
Therfore we mown syngyn
Deo gracias.
XXIX.
I HAVE a jong suster
fer be3ondyn the se,
Many be the drowryis
that che sente me.
Che sente me the cherye
withoutyn ony ston ;
And so che dede [the] dowe
withoutyn ony bon ;
Sche sente me the brere
withoutyn ony rynde ;
Sche bad me love my lemman
withoute longgyng.
How xuld ony cherye
be withoute ston ?
And how xuld ony dowe
ben withoute bon ?
34 SONGS AND CAROLS.
How xuld ony brere
ben withoute ryncle ?
How xuld y love myn lemman
without longyng ?
Quan the cherye was a flour,
than hadde it non ston ;
Quan the dowe was an ey,
than hadde it non bon ;
Quan the brere was onbred,
than hadde it non rynd ;
Quan the maydyn ha3t that che lovit,
che is without longyng.
XXX.
Al the meryere is that place,
The sunne of grace hym schynit in.
THE sunne of grace hym schynit in,
in on day quan it was mor[we],
Quan our Lord God born was,
withoute wem or sorwe.
The sunne of grace hym schynit in,
on a day quan it was pryme,
Quan our Lord God born was,
so wel he knew his tyme.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 35
The sunue of grace hym schynit in,
on a day quan it was non,
Quan our Lord God born was,
and on the rode don.
The sunne of grace hym schynit in,
on a day quan it was undy[rn].
Quan our Lord God born was,
and to the herte stongyn.
XXXI.
I HAVE a newe gardyn,
and newe is begunne ;
Swych another gardyn
know I not under sunne.
In the myddis of my gardyn
is a peryr set,
And it wele non pere bern,
but a pere jenet.
The fayrest mayde of this toun
preyid me
For to gryffyn here a gryf
of myn pery tre ;
Quan I hadde hem gryffid
alle at here wille,
D 2
36 SONGS AND CAROLS.
The wyn and 4he ale
che dede in fille.
And I gryffid here a g[ryf]
ry3t up in here honde,
And be that day xx. wowkes
it was qwyk in here w[ombe].
That day twelfve monith
that mayde I mette,
Che seyd it was a pere robert,
but non pere jon[et].
XXXII.
OUT of the blosme sprang a thorn,
Quan God hym self wold be born,
He let us nevere be forlorn,
That born was of Marie.
Ther sprang a welle al at here fot,
That al this word is t[o]rnyd to good,
Quan Jhesu Cryst took fleych and blod
Of his moder Marie.
Out of the welle sprang a strem
Fro patriarck to Jerusalem,
Til Cryst hymself ajen it nem
Of his moder, etc.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 37
In wynter quan the frost hym fres,
A powre beddyng our Lord hym ches ;
Betwyin an ox and an as
Godes sone born he was
Of his, etc.
It was upon the twelwe day,
Ther come thre kynges in ryche aray,
To seke Cryst ther he lay
And his, etc.
Thre kynges out of dyves londe,
Swythe comyn with herte stronge,
The chyld to sekyn underfonge,
That born was of Marie.
The sterre led hem a ryte way
To the chyld ther he lay ;
He help us bothe ny3t and day,
That born was of Marie.
Baltyzar was the ferste kyng,
He browte gold to his offeryng,
For to presente that ryche kyng,
And his moder Marie.
38 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Melchiar was the secunde kyng,
He browte incens to his offering,
For to present that ryche kyng,
And his, etc.
Jasper was the thred kyng,
He browte myrre to his ofFeryng,
For to presente that ryche kyng,
and his, etc.
Ther they offend here presens,
With gold and myrre and francincens,
And clerkes redyn in here seqwens
in Ephifanye.
Knel we down hym beforn,
And prey we to hym that now is born,
And let us never be forlorn,
that born was of Marye.
XXXIII.
Of alle the spyces that I knowe,
Blyssid be the qwete flour.
QWETE is bothe semely and sote,
Of alle spyces that is bote,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 39
The vertu spryngit out of the rote,
so blyssid be the qw[e]te flour.
The secunde vers I sey beforn,
Qwete is kyng of every corn ;
Jhesu hym self for us was born,
so blyssid, etc.
The thredde vers, with Godes grace,
Qw[e~]te is good in every place,
In qwete is porteyidid Godes face,
so, etc.
The forte vers, withoute stryf,
Of qwete is mad the bred of lyf,
Us to receyvyn in clene lyf,
so, etc.
The fyfte vers, withoute skorn,
Qwete is a spyce, a wol good on,
King that is of every corn,
so, etc.
The sexte vers, I xal 3ou seye,
Jhesu Cryst that sit on heye
He let us never for hunger deye,
so blyssid be the qwete flour.
40 SONGS AND CAROLS.
XXXIV.
The sterre hym schon bothe nyjt and day,
To lede thre kynges ther our Lord lay.
JHESU was born in Bedlem Jude,
Of mayde Mary, thus fynde we ;
Out of the est come kynges thre
with ryche presentes, as I jow say.
As they went forth in here pas,
The sterre schon al in here fas
As bryjt as golde withine the glas,
to Bedlem to ledyn hem the way.
Kyng Herowdes was most of pryse,
He seyde to tho thre kynges that wern so wys
" Go and sekit me jone chyld of pryse,
and comit ageyn be me, I jou pray.
And I myself xal with jow wynde,
The chyld to worchepe, the child to fynde,
And worchepyn hym with al myn mynde,
with al the onour that I may."
Q,uan they kemyn into that plas
Ther Jhesu with his moder was,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 41
They settyn hern doun and made solas,
and every kyng to other gan say.
Quan they haddyn oiferid up here presens,
With gold and myrre and francincens,
As clerkes redyn in here sequens,
he took it of hem, and seyd not nay.
Quan they hadde offerid here offeryng
To Jhesu that is hevene kyng,
Of an aungyl they hadd warnyng,
to wendyn horn be another way.
The aungyl cam fro hevene kyng,
And bad tho thre kynges ageyn horn wynd,
Therm to dwelle, therin to ben,
til kyng Herowdes endyng day.
Kyng Herowde wox wol ille,
For tho thre kynges comyn hym not tille,
For to fulfille his wykkyd wille,
and to his knytes he gan say.
Kyng Herowdes wox wroth anon,
The chylderin of Israel he dide slon,
He wende Jhesu hadde ben the ton,
and 3yt he falyid of his pray.
42 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Kyng Herowdes deyid, and went to helle,
For swete Jhesus that we spelle ;
God saf us fro the peynis of helle,
and fro the wykkid fyndes pray.
XXXV.
Robynn lyth in grerie wode bowndyn.
I HEKDE a carpyng of a clerk
al at 3one wodes ende,
Of gode Robyn and Gandeleyn
was ther non other gynge.
Stronge thevys wern the chylderin non,
but bowmen gode and hende ;
He wentyn to wode to getyn hem fleych,
if God wold it hem sende.
Al day wentyn the chylderin too,
and fleych fowndyn he non,
Til it were ageyn evyn
the chylderin wold gon horn ;
Half a honderid of fat falyf der
he comyn ajon,
And alle he wern fayr and fat inow,
but markyd was ther non.
Be dere Gode, seyde gode [Robyn],
hereof we xul have on.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 43
Robyn went his joly bo we,
therin he set a flo,
The fattest der of alle the herte
he clef a- to.
He hadde not the der i-slawe
ne half out of the hyde,
Ther cam a schrewde arwe out of the west
that felde Robertes pryde.
Gandeleyn lokyd hym est and west,
be every syde,
" Hoo hat myn mayster slayin ?
ho hat don this dede ?
Xal I never out of grene wode go
ti[l] I se sydis blede."
Gandeleyn lokyd hym est and lokyd west,
and sowt under the sunne,
He saw a lytil boy he clepyn
Wrennok of Doune ;
A good bowe in his hond,
a brod arewe therine,
And fowre and xx. goode arwys
trusyd in a thrumme.
" Be war the, war the, Gandeleyn,
herof thu xalt han summe.
Be war the, war the, Gandeleyn,
herof thou gyst plente."
44 SONGS AND CAROLS.
"Evere on for another," seyde Gandeleyn,
"mysaunter have he xal fle."
" Qwerat xal our marke be ? "
seyde Gandeleyn.
" Every che at otheris herte,"
seyde Wrennok ageyn.
" Ho xal 3eve the ferste schote ?"
seyde Gandeleyn.
" And I xal 3ewe the on beforn,"
seyd Wrennok ageyn.
Wrennok schette a ful good schote,
and he schet not to hye,
Throw the sanchothis of his bryk
it towchyd neyther thye.
"Now hast thou jovyn me on beforn,"
al thus to Wrennok seyde he,
" And throw thu my3t of our lady
a bettere I xal 3eve the."
Gandeleyn bent his goode bowe,
and set therin a flo,
He schet throw his grene certyl,
his herte he clef on too.
" Now xalt thow never 3elpe, Wrennok,
at ale ne at wyn,
That thou hast slawe goode Robyn
and his knave Gandeleyn ;
SONGS AND CAROLS. 45
Now xalt thou never jelpe, Wrennok,
at wyn ne at ale,
That thou hast slawe goode Robyn,
and Gandeleyyn his knawe."
Robyn lyjth in grene wode bowdyn.
XXXVI.
PROCEDENTI puereo,
eya nobis annus est,
Virginis ex utero,
gloria, laudes,
Deus homo factus est, et immortalis.
Sine viri semine,
eya nobis, etc.
Natus est de virgine,
gloria, laudes,
Deus homo, etc.
Sine viri coitu,
eya nobis annus est,
Pleno sancto spiritu,
gloria, laudes,
Deus homo factus est, etc.
46 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Syne viri copia,
eya nobis, etc.
Natus est ex Maria,
gloria, laudes,
Deus nobis factus est, et immortalis.
In hoc festo de termino,
eya nobis annus est,
Benedicamus Domino,
gloria, laudes,
Deus homo factus est, et immortalis.
XXXVII.
A NEW 3er, a newe jer, a chyld was i-born
Us for to savyn that al was for-lorn,
So blyssid be the tyme.
The fader of hevene his owyn sone he sent,
His kyngdam for to cleymyn.
So blyssid be the tyme.
Al in a clene maydyn our Lord was i-ly3t,
Us for to savyn with al his myjt.
So blyssid, etc.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
47
Al of a clene maydyn our Lord was i-born,
Us for to savyn that al was for-lorn.
So blyssid, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytil chyld, myn owyn dere fode,
How xalt thow sufferin be naylid on the rode ?
So, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytil chyld, myn owyn dere smerte,
How xalt thow sufFerin the scharp spere to thi herte ?
So, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytyl child, I synge al for thi sake,
Many on is the scharpe schour to thi body is schape.
So, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytyl child, fayre happis the befalle,
How xal thou sufFerin to drynke ezyl and galle ?
So, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytil chyld, I synge al beforn,
How xalt thou sufFerin the scharp garlong of thorn ?
So, etc.
Lullay, lullay, lytil chyld, qwy wepy thou so sore ?
And art thou bothin God and man, quat woldyst thoi
be more ?
So, etc.
48 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Blyssid be the armys the chyld bar abowte,
And also the tetes the chyld on sowkid.
So, etc.
Blyssid be the moder, the chyld also,
With benedtcamus Domino.
So blyssid be the tyme.
XXXVIII.
Moder, qwyt as lylie flour,
jour lullyng lassyt myn langour.
As I me ros in on morwenyng,
Myn thowt was on a mayde 3ynge,
Che song aslepe with here lullynge
Here dere sone, our Savyour.
As che hym tok al in here lap,
He tok that maydyn be the pap,
And tok therof a ry3t god nap
And sok his fille of that licour.
To his moder than he gan say,
" For this mylk me muste day,
It is myn kynde therwith to play,
My swete moder, myn paramour."
SONGS AND CAROLS. 49
That mayde frely began to synge,
And in here song che mad murnynge,
That here sone, that is our kynge,
Xuld schred his blod with gret dolour.
"3our wepyng, moder, grevit me sore,
But I wold deye, 36 wern forlore ;
Do wey, moder, and wepe non more ;
3our lullyng lassit myn langour."
XXXIX.
Keges de Saba venient,
Aurum, tus, myrram, efferent.
Alleluia.
Now is the twelthe day i-come,
The Fader and Sone togeder arn nome,
The Holy Gost, as they wern wone,
in fere.
God send us good newe 3ere.
I wil 3ou synge with al myn my3t,
Of a chyld so fayr in syjt,
A maydyn hym bar this ender nyjt,
so stylle;
As it was his wylle.
50 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thre kynges out of Galylie
Kemyn to Bedlem that cete,
For to takyn in to that se,
be nyte ;
It was a ful fayr syte.
As they kerne for3t with here offeryng,
They mette with Herowdes, that mody kyng ;
He askyd hem of here comyng,
that tyde,
And thus to hem he seyde :
"Fro qwens come 36, kynges thre?"
" Out of the est, as thou mayst se,
To sekyn hym that evere xal be,
throw ryte,
Lord and kyng of myte."
" Quan je han at that kyng i-be,
Comit ageyn this weye be me,
And tel me the sytes that han se ;
I praye,
36 gon non other waye."
Of Herowdys, that mody kyng,
He tokyn here leve, of eld and 3yng ;
SONGS AND CAROLS. 51
And foth they wente with here offeryng
in syjte,
And ther wey come be nyte.
Quan they comyn into the plas
Ther Jhesu with his moder was,
Thei made offeryng with gret solas,
not ferre,
With gold, incens, and myrre.
As they wern horn-ward i-went,
The Fader of hevene an aungyl sent
To tho thre kynges that made present,
or daye,
And thus to hem gan saye.
" My Lord hajt warnyd 3011 of 3our fon,
Be kyng Herowdes that 36 not gon ;
For if 36 don, he wil 3011 slon,
and traye ;
36 gon another waye."
Quan they comyn horn to here cuntre,
Blythe and glad they wern alle thre
Of the sytes that they had se,
be nyte,
Jhesu and Mari bryte.
E 2
52 SONGS AND CAROLS.
With tresoun to us gan he sayn,
He trowid Jhesu to han slayn ;
Into Egypt thei went ful playn,
be syde ;
Josep was here gyde.
Into Bedlem thei gunne pas,
The sterre gan schynyn in here fas
Brytter than evere schon sunne in glas,
in londe,
Jhesu with Mari thei fonde.
Kyng Herowdes he made his vow,
Gret plente of chylderin he slow,
He wende ther xuld a be Jhesu ;
I saye,
He falyid of his praye.
Herowdes was wod in ryalte ;
He slow schylderin ryjt gret plente
In Bedlem, that fayre cete,
with stryf;
Ne left he non on lyf.
The chylderin of Israel cryid " wa, wa ! "
The moderis of Bedlem cryid "ba, ba!"
SONGS AND CAROLS. 53
Herowdes low, and seyd, "a ha!
that qwede,
The kyng of Juwys is dede."
Almyty God in mageste,
In on God personys thre,
Bryng us to the blysse that is so fre,
in fere ;
And send us a good newe jere.
Reges de Saba venient, aurum, his, mirra, offere[_ni\.
XL.
As I went throw a gardyn grene,
I fond an erber makyd fill newe ;
A fayrere syte had I non sene,
On every tre song a turtil tie we.
Therm a womman bry3t of hewe,
Che seyde in here song not lest,
This was he[re] carpyng, as I knewe,
Verbum carofactum est.
I askyd that mayde quat che ment,
Che bad me abydyn and I myjt lere
54 SONGS AND CAROLS.
To here song than tok I intent,
Che seyde a song woys clere.
" The pryns that is without pere
Is born and leyd betwyn tweyn best ;
Therfore I synge, as thou myjt here,
Verbum caro factum, est."
In that wone for3t gan I wynde,
A. semely song than herd I tho,
Of thre schepperdes that wern ful hynde,
Gloria in excelsis Deo.
I wold not the hadde ferryd me froo,
Wol faste after hem than gan I prest ;
Thei told me that they sungyn soo,
For verbum caro factum est.
3yt ferthere more in that fryth,
I saw thre kynges comyn corown ;
I sped me faste to speke hem wyt,
And to tho lordes I knelid adown.
Tho kynges curteys to me gun rown,
And seydyn thei woldyn fare prest,
" To Bedlem bour now arn we bown,
For verbum caro factum est"
SONGS AND CAROLS. 55
This is as meclie for to say,
As Godes sone bccum is fleych,
He was born this ilke day,
A blysful weye us for to wych.
That may now withoutyn mys,
Here I wyte bothe most and lest,
For che was the cause i-wys.
Of verbum carofactum est.
Godis sone becomyn is fleych,
That bote ha}t of al our bale,
A blysful weye us for to wych,
That mayde hym herberwyd in here hale.
Che curid that lovely in here sale,
Che hyld that hyndin in here rest,
With trewe tunge che teld the tale,
For verbum caro factum est.
Verbum caro is to say
That Godes sone becomyn is man ;
He was born this ilke day,
To savyn us fro the fend Sathan.
That may that is qwyt as swan,
Che fed that Lord upon here bryst ;
Theifore I synge 3ou as I can,
Verbum caro factum cst.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
XL1.
BE the way wanderyng as I went,
Sore I scyid for sorwenis sad,
For harde happys that I have hent,
Murnyng makyd me masyd and mad.
To a lettere alone I me ledde,
That wel was wretyn upon a wal ;
A blysful word theron I redde,
Was, evere more thank God of al.
3yt I redde wel ferthere more,
With trewe intent I took thertyl,
Cryst may wel our stat restore,
It is not to strywe agen his wil.
He may us save, and that is skyl,
Thynk ry3t wel we ben his thral ;
Quat thou tholyst, wo or yl,
Evere more thank God of al.
If that thou waxe blynd or lame,
Or ony evyl to the be set,
Thynk ry3t wel it is non schame,
With swych grace God hajt the gret.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 57
In sorwe and care if thou be set,
And thi ryches begynne to falle ;
I can not se thou may do bet
Than evere more thank God of al.
If thou welde thi wordele goodes,
And ry3t ryally leve in thi rest,
Fayr of face, frely of fode,
Ther is non swych be est ne west.
God wil sende ryjt as hym leste,
For ryches tranyt3 as a bal ;
In ilke a manere this is the beste,
Evere more to thank God of al
If thi good begynne to pase,
And thou waxe a powre man,
Thak good cumfort and mak good fase,
And trust on hym that al began.
Of God ferst our good began,
He may us reve bothe bour and halle ;
Betere counsel I non can,
Than evere more thank God of al.
Thynk on Job that was so ryche,
He wex powre fro day to day.
58 SONGS AND CAROLS.
His bestes drenkelyd in every dyche,
His good wansid al away.
He was put in a powre aray,
Neyther in purpyl ne in palle,
In sympel wede, as I 3011 say,
And evere he thankyd God of alle.
For Godes love, so do 36,
He may 3011 bothe 3eve and take ;
Quat myschyf 36 in be,
He ha3t my3t 3our wo to slake.
Ful good amendes he wil us make,
If we to hym wil crye or callc ;
Quat wel or wo we ben in take,
Evere more thank God of al.
If thi fryndes fro the fayle,
And deth ha3t reft hem of here lyf ;
Qwerfore xuldyst thou wepyn or wayle,
It is not to stryve ageyn his wyl.
Thynk he made bothe man and wyf,
And that we alle ben his thral ;
Quat wo thou sufferyst or how thou thryf,
Evere more thank God of al.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 59
Dyves sondes God hajt us sent,
Here and also in othere place ;
Tak we hem in good atent,
The sunnere God wil sendyn us grace.
If jour body be bowndyn in bas,
Lok 5our herte be good and stal ;
Thynk he is 3yt ther he was,
And evere more thank God of al.
For Godes love be not as a chyld,
Ne mak thi self not to stowt,
But take with god herte and myld
The good that God sendit al abowt.
Than dar I seyn, withoute dowt,
In hevene blysse is. mad your halle ;
Ryche and powre that 36 lowe lowt,
And evere more thank God of alle.
This wordele good xuld meres,
And eche man kynde wold be,
And partyn abowtyn of here ryches
To hem that arn in poverte.
A wonder thing now may we sene,
That kynde love adoun is falle ;
Non betere counsel can I mene,
Than evere to thank God of alle.
60 SONGS AND CAROLS.
XLII.
Worchyp we bothe more and lesce
Crystes body in furme of bred.
IT is bred fro hevene cam,
Fleych and blod of Mary it nam,
For the synnys of Adam,
He sched his blod that was so red.
He that onworthi this bred ete,
The peyne of helle he xal gete,
My swete body awey to lete,
And makyn his sowle to ben ded.
He that this bred hajt in myride,
He xal levyn withoutyn ende ;
This is bred to jevyn a frende,
Withoutyn qwyte, withine red.
On Schyre-Thursday, al at the messe,
To hese desipele he seyde thisse,
" Etyjt this bred, myn body it isse,
Lok therof 36 han non dred."
Aftyrvvard at here soper,
He tok the wyn that was so cler,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 61
And blyssid it with mylde cher,
" This is myn blod that is so red."
The Juwys wern bothe wylde and wode,
He puttyn Jhesu upon the rode,
For to spyllyn his herte blode ;
For manys synne he sufFerid ded.
Jhesu, lynd us this bred to ete,
And alle our synnys for to forjete,
And in hevene a place to gete,
Throw the vertu of this bred.
XLIII.
Synge we, synge we,
Gloria tibi, Domine.
MAN, if thou hast synnyd owth,
Chaunge redely thi thowth,
Thynk on hym that ha3t the bowth,
So dere upon the rode tre.
Thynk he cam for to ben born,
To beyin ajen that was forlorn,
Many a m1 3er beforn,
Out of his owyn mageste.
62 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thynk the Juwis quan hym tokyn,
Hese desipele hym forsokyn,
Alle the veynys on hym schokyn,
For dowt of deth wold he not fle.
Thynk the cros he dedyn hym here,
Garlond of thorn he dedyn hym were,
False tretowres that they were,
Til he kemyn ther he wolde be.
Thynk he dedyn hym on the rode ;
Thynk it was al for our goode ;
Thynk the Juwys wyxin wode,
On hym they haddyn non pete.
Thynk how sore he was bowndyn ;
Thynk he sufferid harde woundys,
Of tho false helle howndys,
With schorge and spere and naylys thre.
Thynk, man, on the werste of alle,
He jevyn hym drynkyn ezyl and galle,
Hely for peyne he gan to calle
To his fader in trenite.
Thynk, man, wytterly,
Think he bowt the bytterly ;
Forsake thi synne and to hym cry,
That he have mercy upon the.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 63
XL1V.
SEYNT Stevene was a clerk
in kyng Herowdes halle,
And servyd him of bred and cloth,
as every kyng befalle.
Stevyn out of kechoun cam
with boris hed on honde,
He saw a sterre was fayr and bryjt
over Bedlem stonde.
He kyst adoun the bores hed,
and went into the halle,
" I forsak the, kyng Herowdes,
and thi werkes alle.
I forsak the, kyng Herowdes,
and thi werkes alle,
Ther is a chyld in Bedlem born,
is beter than we alle."
" Quat eylyt the, Stevene :
quat is the befalle r
Lakkyt the eyther mete or drynk
in kyng Herod wes halle?"
" Lakit me neyther mete ne drynk
in kyng Herowdes halle ;
Ther is a chyld in Bedlem born,
is beter than we alle."
64 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Quat eylyt the, Stevyn ? art thou wod ?
or thou gynnyst to brede ?
Lakkyt the eyther gold or fe,
or ony ryche wede ?"
" Lakyt me neyther gold ne fe,
ne non ryche wede ;
Ther is a chyld in Bedlem born,
xal helpyn us at our nede."
"That is also soth, Stevyn,
also soth i-wys,
As this capoun crowe xal
that lyth here in myn dych."
That word was not so sone seyd,
that word in that halle,
The capoun crew Christus natus est
among tho lordes alle.
" Rysyt up, myn turmentowres,
be to and al be on,
And ledit Stevyn out of this town,
and stonit hym with ston."
Tokyn he Stevene,
and stonyd hym in the way
And therfore is his evyn
on Crystes owyn day.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 65
XLV.
Nowel el el el el el el el el el el el el el el el.
MARY moder, cum and se,
Thi sone is naylyd on a tre,
Hand and fot, he may not go,
His body is woundyn al in woo.
Thi swete sone, that thu hast born
To save mankynde that was forlorn,
His hed is wrethin in a thorn,
His blysful body is al to -torn.
Quan he this tale began to telle,
Mary wold non lenger dwelle,
But hyid here faste to that hylle,
Ther Jhesu his blod began to spy He.
" Myn swete sone, that art me dere,
Qwy han men hangyd the here ?
Thi hed is wrethin in a brere,
Myn lovely sone, qwer is thin chere.
Thin swete body that in me rest,
Thin comely mowth that I have kest,
66 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Now on rode is mad thi nest ;
Leve chyld, quat is me best?"
" Womman, to Jon I the betake ; —
Jon, kyp this womman for myn sake ;
For synful sowlys my deth I take,
On rode I hange for manys sake.
" This game alone me muste play,
For synful sowles I deye to day ;
Ther is non wyjt that goth be the way,
Of myn peynys can wel say."
XLVI.
A, a, a, a,
Nunc gaudet ecclesia.
LESTENYT3, lordynges, bothe grete and smale,
I xal 3011 telyn a wqnder tale,
How holy cherche was brow[t] in bale,
Cum, magna injuria.
The greteste clerk of al this lond,
Of Cauntyrbery, 36 understond,
Slawyn he was [be] wykkyd hond,
Demonis potencia.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 67
Knytes kemyn fro Hendry kyng,
\Vykkyd men, withoute lesyng,
Ther they dedyn a wonder thing,
Ferventes insania.
They sowtyn hym al abowtyn,
Withine the paleys and withoutyn
Of Jhesu Cryst hadde they non dowte,
In sua malicia.
They openyd here mowthis wonder wyde,
To Thomeys they spokyn mekyl pryde,
"Here, tretour, thou xalt abyde,
Ferens mortis tedia."
Thomas answerid with mylde chere,
" If 36 wil me slon in this manere,
Let hem pasyn alle tho arn here,
Sine contumilia"
Beforn his aunter he knelyd adoun,
Ther they gunne to paryn his crown ;
He sterdyn the braynys up and doun,
Optans celi gaudia.
F 2
68 SONGS AND CAROLS.
The turmentowres abowtyn sterte,
With dedly wondys thei gunne him hurte ;
Thomas deyid in moder cherche,
Pergens ad celestia.
Moder, clerk, wedue, and wyf,
Worchepe 36 Thomeys in al 3010- lyf ;
For lij. poyntes he les his lyf,
Contra regis consilia.
XLYII.
Man, be glad in halle and hour,
This tyme was born our Savyour.
IN this tyme Cryst ha3t us sent
His owyn sone in present,
To dwelle with us verement,
To ben our helpe and socour.
In this tyme ros a sterre cler,
Over Bedlem, as bry3t as fer,
In tokenyng that he hadde non per,
Lord God, kyng, and emperour.
In this tyme it is befalle,
He that deyid for us alle,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 69
Born he was in assis stalle,
Of Mary, that swete flour.
In this tyme kemyn thre kynges,
He kemyn fro fer with ryche thinges,
For to makyn here offerynges
On here knen with gret honour.
In this tyme prey we
To hym that deyid on the tre,
On us have mercy and pete,
And bryng us alle to his tour.
XLVIII.
M and A, and E and I,
Syngyn I wyl a newe song.
IT wern fowre letterys of purposy,
M and A, R and I,
Tho wern letteris of Mary,
Of horn al our joye sprong.
On the mownt of Calvory,
With M and A, R and I,
There he betyn his bryte body
With schorges that wern bothe scharp and long.
70 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Our swete lady stod hym by,
With M and A, and R, and I,
Che wept water with here ey,
And alwey the blod folwyd among.
God that sit above the sky,
With M and A, and R, and I,
Save now al this cumpany,
And send us joye and blysse ammong.
XLIX.
How hey, it is [non] les,
I clar not seyn, quan che sey$ pes.
3YNG men, I warne 3011 every chon,
Elde wywys tak 36 non,
For I myself have on at horn ;
I dare not seyn, quan che sey3t pes.
Quan I curn fro the plow at non,
In a reven dych myn mete is don,
I dar not askyn our dame a spon ;
I dar not, etc.
If I aske our dame bred,
Che takyt a staf and brekit myn hed,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 71
And doth me rennyn under the led ;
I dar not, etc.
If I aske our dame fleych,
Che brekyt myn hed with a dych ;
"Boy, thou art not wo^t a reych;"
I dar, etc.
If I aske our dame chese,
" Boy/' che sey3t, " al at ese ;
Thou art not worjt half a pese."
I dar not sey, quan che seyjt pes.
L.
Synge we, synge we,
Regina cell, letare.
HOLY maydyn, blyssid thou be,
Godes sone is born of the ;
The fader of hevene worchepe we,
Regina celt, letare.
Heyl, wyf ! heyl, maydyn ! heyl, brytj of ble !
Heyl, dowter ! heyl, suster ! heyl, ful of pete
Heyl, chosyn to tho personys thre !
Regina, etc.
72 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thou art empresse of hevene so fre,
Worth! maydyn in mageste ;
Now worchepe we the trenyte,
Regina, etc.
Lady so lovely, so goodly to see,
So buxsum in thi body to be,
Thou art his moder for humylite,
Regina cell, letare.
These ben curteys kynges of solunte,
They worchepyd thi sone with umylite ;
Mylde Mary, thus rede we.
Regina, etc.
So gracius, so precyows in ryalte ;
Thus jentyl, thus good, thus fynde we
Ther is non swych in non cuntre.
Regina} etc.
And therfore knel we doun on our kne,
This blyssid berthe worchepe we ;
This is a song of humylyte.
etc.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 73
LI.
Synge we no we alle and sum,
Ave, rex gentes Anglorum.
A NEWE song I wil begynne,
Of kyng Edmund that was so fre,
How he deyid withoute synne,
And bowdyn his body was to a tre.
With arwys scharpe they gunne hym prykke,
For non rewthe wold they lete ;
As dropys of reyn they comyn thikke,
And every arwe with other gan mete.
And his hed also thei of smette,
Among the breres thei it kest ;
A wolf it kepte withoutyn lette,
A blynd man fond it at the last.
Prey we to that worthi kyng
That sufferid ded this same day,
He saf us, bothe eld and jyng,
And scheld us fro the fendes fray.
LII.
Man, be wys, and arys,
And thynk on lyf that lestenit ay.
THYNK, man, qwerof thou art wrout,
Powre and nakyd thou were heder browt,
Thynk how Cryst thi sowle ha3t bowt,
And fond to servyn hym to pay.
74 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thynk, man, on the dere jeres thre ;
For hunger deyid gret plente,
Powre and ryche, bond and fre,
Thei leyn dede in every way.
Thynk, man, on the pestelens tweye ;
In every cuntre men gunne deye ;
Deth left neyther for lowe ne heye,
But lettyd hem of here pray.
Deth is wonder coveytous ;
Quan he eomit in a manys hous,
He takit the good man and his spows,
And bryngit hem in powre aray.
After cam a wyndes blast,
That made many a man agast ;
Stefve stepelys that stodyn fast,
The weyke fyllyn and blewyn away.
Many merveylis God ha3t sent,
Of lytenyng and of thunder dent ;
At the frere camys ha3t it hent,
At Lynne toun, it is non nay.
Lytenyng at Lynne dede gret harm,
Of tolbothe and of fryre carm ;
SONGS AND CAHOLS. 75
Thei stondyn wol cole, that stodyn wol warm ;
It made hem a wol sory fray.
Lok, man, how thou ledyst thi lyf,
And how thou spendyst thi wyttes v. ;
Go to cherche, and do the schryf,
And bryng thi sowle in redy way.
LX1I.
Go bet, peny, go bet, go,
For thou mat makyn bothe frynd and fo.
PENY is an hardy knyjt ;
Peny is mekyl of myjt ;
Peny of wrong he makyt ryjt,
In every cuntre qwer he goo.
Thow I have a man i-slawe,
And forfetyd the kynges lawe,
I xal fyndyn a man of lawe
Wyl takyn myn peny and let me goo.
And if I have to don fer or ner,
And peny be myn massanger,
Than am I non thing in dwer
My cause xal be wol i-doo.
76 SONGS AND CAROLS.
And if I have pens bothe good and fyn,
Men \vyl byddyn me to the wyn ;
"That I have xal be thin;"
Sekyrly thei wil seyn so.
And quan I have non in myn purs,
Peny bet, ne peny wers,
Of me thei holdyn but lytil fors, —
" He was a man, let hym goo."
LIV.
We ben chapmen ly^t of fote,
The fowle weyis for to fle.
bern abowtyn non cattes skynnys,
Pursis, perlis, sylver pynnis,
Smale wympel for ladyis chynnys ;
Damsele, bey sum ware of me.
I have a poket for the nonys,
Therine ben tweyne precyous stonys ;
Damsele, hadde 36 asayid hem onys,
36 xuld the rathere gon with me.
I have a jelyf of Godes sonde,
Withoutyn fyt it can stonde ;
SONGS AND CAROLS. 77
It can smytyn and ha3t non honde ;
Ryd yourself quat it may be.
I have a powder for to selle,
Quat it is can I not telle ;
It makit maydenys wombys to swelle ;
Therof I have a quantyte.
LV.
Ave marts stella,
the sterre on the see,
Dei mater alma,
blyssid mot xe be.
Atque semper virgo,
pray thi sone for me,
Felix celi porta,
that I may come to the.
Gabriel, that archangyl,
he was massanger,
So fayre he gret our lady,
with an ave so cler.
Heyl be thou, Mary,
be thou, Mary,
Ful of Godes grace,
and qwyn of mercy.
78 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Alle that am to grete,
withoutyn dedly synne,
Forty dayis of pardoun
God grauntyt hym.
LVI.
Man, be glad in halle and bour,
This tyme was born our savyour.
IN this tyme a chyld was born,
To save tho sowle that wern forlorn ;
For us he werde garlond of thorn,
Al it was for our honour.
The eytende day he was schorn,
To fulfylle the lawe that was beforn ;
Of meknesse he blew his horn
On Good Fry day was don on rode ;
The Juwes spyltyn his herte blode ;
Mary, his moder, be hym stode ;
36 ben our help and our socour.
On Esterne day he gan up ryse,
To techyn hem that wern onwyse ;
SONGS AND CAROLS. 79
Jhesu, for jour woundes five,
59 ben our, etc.
On Halwyn Thursday he gan up steye,
To his fader that sit on heye ;
Jhesu, for your curteysye,
56 ben, etc.
On Qwytsunday he gan doun sende
Wyt and Wysdam us to amende ;
Jhesu, bryng us to that ende,
Withoutyn delay, our savyour.
LTII.
Nowel, el, el, el,
Now is wel that evere was woo.
A BABE is born al of a may
In the savasyoun of us,
To horn we syngyn bothe nyjt and day,
Pent creator spiritus.
At Bedlera, that blyssid p[l]as,
The chyld of blysse born he was ;
Hym to serve geve us gras,
O lux beata trinitas.
80 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Ther come thre kynges out of the est,
To worchepe the kyng that is so fre,
With gold and myrre and francincens,
A solis ortus cardine.
The herdes herdyn an aungele cry,
A merye song then sungyn he,
Qwy arn 36 so sore agast,
Jam ortus soils cardine.
The aungele comyn doun with on cry,
A fayr song then sungyn he,
In the worchepe of that chyld,
Gloria tibi, Domine.
LVIII.
Man, be merie as bryd on berie,
And al thi care let away.
THIS tyme is born a chyld ful good,
He that us bowt upon the rod ;
He bond the devyl that is so wod,
Til the drydful domys day.
Quan the chyld of meche myjt
Wold be born of Mary bry3t,
SONGS AND CAROLS. 81
A tokene he sente to kyng and knyjt,
A sterre that schon bothe ny5t and day.
The sterre schon as bry3t as fer,
Over al the world bothe fer and ner,
In tokene he was withoutyn per ;
And pereles he xal lastyn ay.
The .viij. day he was circumsise,
For to fulfylle the profeeye ;
The profetes with wordes wyse
Hym present with ryche aray.
The .xij. day come kynges thre,
Out of the est, with herte fre,
To worchepyn hym thei knelyd on kne,
With gold and myrr[e] and francincens.
LIX.
I may seyn to most and lest,
Verbum carofactum est.
JHESU of his moder was born,
For us he werde garlond of thorn,
And ellys hadde we ben forlorn ;
He tok his deth for most and lest.
82 SONGS AND CAROLS.
I xal 3011 telle good skele qwy
That he was born of Mary,
For he deyid on Calvory,
He tok, etc.
He wrowt us alle with his hond ;
The fendes woldyn adoun us wrong,
He bowt us ageyn with peynys strong,
He tok his, etc.
A kerche thanne to him was fet,
A spere to his herte was set ;
Than seyde the Juwys, "have thou that!"
He, etc.
The Juwis 3evyn hym drynk ezyl and galle,
Quan Jhesu after drynk gan calle ;
God, let us never in synne falle.
He tok, [etc.]
Prey we to that lord so fre,
For us he deyid on a tre,
At domys day our helpe he be.
He tok, etc.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 83
I/X.
Nowel, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el, el.
NOWEL, el, bothe eld and 3yng,
Nowel, el, nowe mow we syng,
In worchepe of our hevene kyng,
Almyty God in trinite.
Lesteny3t, lordynges, bothe leve and dere,
Lestenyt, ladyis, with glad chere,
A song of merthe now mow 36 here,
How Cryst our brother he wolde be.
An aungyl fro hefne was sent ful snel,
His name his clepyd Gabriel,
His ardene he dede ful snel,
He sat on kne and seyde " Ave !"
And he seyde, " Mary, ful of grace,
Hevene and erthe in every place
Withine the tyme of lytyl space
Reconsilid it xuld be."
Mary stod stylle as ony ston,
And to the aungyl che seyde anon,
o2
84 SONGS AND CAROLS.
"Than herd I nevere of manys mon,
Me thinkit wonder thou seyst to me."
The aungyl answerd anon ful wel,
"Mary, dryd the never a del,
Thou xalt conseyve a chyld ful wel,
The Holy Gost xal schadue the."
Mary on bryst here hand che leyd,
Stylle xe stod, and thus xe seyd,
" Lo me here Godes owyn handmayd,
With herte and wil and body fre."
Mary, moder, mayde myld,
For the love al of thi chyld,
Fro helle pet thou us schyld ;
Amen, amen, now synge we.
Prenegard, prenegard,
Thus bere I myn baselard.
LESTENIT, lordynges, I jou beseke ;
Ther is non man worjt a leke,
Be he sturdy, be he meke,
But he bere a baselard.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 85
Myn baselard hajt a schede of red,
And a clene loket of led ;
Me thinkit I may here up myn hed,
For I here myn baselard.
My baselard ha3t a wrethin hafte ;
Quan I am ful of ale cawte,
It is gret dred of man-slawtte,
For then I bere, etc.
My baselard hajt a sylver schape ;
Therfore I may bothe gaspe and gape ;
Me thinkit I go lyk non knape,
For I bere a baselard.
My baselard hajt a trencher kene,
Fayr as rasour scharp and schene ;
Evere me thinkit I may be kene,
For I bere, etc.
As I 3ede up in the strete,
With a cartere I gan mete,
"Felawe," he seyde, "so mot I the,
Thou xalt forego thi baselard."
The cartere his qwyppe began to take ;
And al myn fleych began to qwake,
86 SONGS AND CAROLS.
And I was lef for to aseape,
And there I left myn baselard.
Quan I cam forjt onto myn damme,
Myn hed was brokyn to the panne ;
Che seyde I was a praty manne,
And wel cowde bere myn baselard,
iLXII.
I may seyn, and so mown mo,
That in semenaunt goth gyle.
SEMENAUNT is a wonder thing,
It begylyt bothe knyjt and kyng,
And makit maydenys of love-longyng ;
I warne 3011 of that gyle.
Semenaunt is a sly peyntour,
It florchyt and fadit in many a flour,
And makit wommen to lesyn here bryte colour,
Upon a lytil qwyle.
In semenaunt be thinges thre,
Thowt, speche, and prevyte ;
And trewthe xuld the forte be —
It is hens a m1' myle.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 87
Trewthe is fer and semyt hynde,
Good and wykkyt it hajt in mynde ;
It faryt has a candele ende
That brennit fro half a myle.
Many man fayre to me he spekyt,
And he wyste hym wel bewreke,
He hadde we[T] levere myn hed to-breke,
Than help me over a style.
God that deyid upon the cros,
Ferst he deyid sythin he ros,
Have mercy and pete on us ;
We levyn here but a qwyle.
LXIII.
Kep thi tunge, thi tunge, thi tunge,
Thi wykyd tunge werldt me w[o].
THER is non gres that growit on ground,
Satenas ne peny round,
Wersse then is a wykkyd tunge,
That spekit bethe evyl of frynd and fo,
Wykkyd tunge makit ofte stryf
Betwyxe a good man and his wyf,
88 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Quan he xulde lede a merie lyf,
Here qwyte sydys waxin ful bio.
Wykkyd tunge makit ofte stauns,
Bothe in Engelond and in Frauns j
Many a man wyt spere and launs,
Throw wykkyd tunge, to dede is do.
Wykkyd tunge brekit bon,
Thow the self have non ;
Of his frynd he makit his fon,
In every place qwere that he go.
Good men that stondyn and syttyn in this halle,
I prey jou bothe on and alle,
That wykkyd tunge s fro 3ou falle,
That 36 mown to hefne go.
LXIV.
Alma Eedemptoris mater.
As I lay upon a nyjt,
My thowt was on a mayde bry3t
That men callyn Mary of my3t,
Redemptoris mater.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 89
To here cam Gabriel so bryjt,
And seyde, "Heyl, Mari, ful of myjt,
To be cald thou art adyjt
Redemp"
After that word that mayde bryjt
Anon conseyvyd God of my3t,
And therby wyst men that che hy3t
R.
Ryjt as the sunne schynit in glas,
So Jhesu in his moder was,
And therby wyt man that che was
R.
Now is born that babe of blys,
And qwen of hevene is moder is ;
And therfore think me that che is
R.
After to hevene he tok his flyjt,
And ther he sit with his fader of my3t ;
With hym is crownyd that lady bryjt,
Redemptoris mater.
90 SONGS AND CAROLS.
LXV.
NON pudescit corpore,
Quod testatur hodie,
Manna monument!,
dies
Adest procul dubio
nova res auditu,
Infans viso gladio
cessat a vagitu,
dies.
Innocencium sanguine
Rubent matrum lacryme,
o licor suavis,
Nali danti jugulo,
Set caret preposito
Herodes tua vis,
dies.
Bonus pastor prodiit,
gaude, grex Anglorum,
Cujus primus extitit
Thomas, flos pastorum,
dies.
SONGS AND CAROLS.
Thomas Cantuarie,
Omni carens carie,
pro lege luctaris
Dans mucroni militis
Tinam tui capitis,
sic quod coronaris,
dies.
Patitur se parvulus
carne circumcidi,
Qui pro carnalibus
venerat occidi,
dies.
O stupenda pietas,
Amoris quod immetas
verbi incarnati,
Nam stillat sub calice
Cruor carnis tenere
Jhesu nuper nati,
dies.
91
92 SONGS AND CAROLS.
LXVI.
MEUM est propositum in taberna mori,
Et vinum appositum scicienti ori;
Ut dicant cum venerint angulorum cori,
Deus sit propicius iste potatori.
Potatores singuli sunt omnes benigni ;
Tarn senes quam juvenes in eterna igni
Cruciantur rustici, qui non sunt tarn digni
Qui bibisse noverint bonum vinum vini.
Unum super omnia bonum diligamus,
Nam purgantur vissia dum vinum potamus,
Cum nobis sint copia vinum dum clamamus,
Qui vivis in gloria, te Deum laudamus.
Magis quam ecclesiam diligo tabernam,
Ipsam nullo tempore sprevi neque spernam,
Donee sanctos angelos venientes cernam,
Cantantibus pro ebriis requiem eternam.
Fertur in convivium vinus, na, num,
Masculinum duplicet atque femininum,
Set in neutro genere vinum est devinum,
Loqui facit socios optimum Latinum.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 93
LXVII.
IF I synge je wyl me lakke,
And wenyn I were out of myn wy t ;
Therfore smale notes wil I crake,
So wolde God I were qwyt.
Syn me muste take this mery toyn,
To glade withal this cumpany,
I rede, or ony swych be don,
For Godes love, tey up 3our ky.
For sothe I may not synge, I say,
My voys and I arn at discord ;
But we xul fonde to take a day,
To takyn myn avys and myn acord.
LXVII.
Wolcum, jol, thou mery man,
In worchepe of this holy day.
WOLCUM be thou, hevene kyng,
Wolcum, born in on morwenyng,
Wolcum, for horn we xal syng,
Wolcum, 30!.
Wolcum be 36, Stefne and Jon,
Wolcum, innocentes everychon ;
Wolcum, Thomas, marter on ;
Wolcum, 50!.
94 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Wolcum be 36, good newe 3ere,
Wolcum, twelthe day, bothe in fere ;
Wolcum, seyntes, lef and dere ;
Wolcum, 30!.
Wolcum be 36, candylmesse ;
Wolcum be 36, qwyn of blys,
Wolcum bothe to more and lesse ;
Wolcum, 30!.
Wolcum be 36 that arn here ;
Wolcum, alle, and mak good chere ;
Wolcum, alle, another 3ere ;
Wolcum, 3ol
LXIX.
Lullay, myn lykyng, my dere sone, myn swetyng ;
Lullay, my dere herte, myn owyn dere derlyng.
I SAW a fayr maydyn syttyn and synge,
Sche lullyd a lytyl chyld, a swete lordyng,
Lullay, myn, [etc.]
That eche lord is that that made alle thinge,
Of alle lordis he is lord, of alle kynges kyng.
Lullay.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 95
Ther was mekyl melody at that chyldes berthe,
Alle tho wern in hevene blys thei made mekyl merthe,
[Lullay.]
Aungele bry3t thei song that nyjt and seydyn to that chyld,
Blyssid be thou, and so be sche that is bothe mek and
myld.
[Lullay.]
Prey we now to that chyld, and to his moder dere,
Grawnt hem his blyssyng that now makyn chere.
[Lullay.]
LXX.
Hostis Herodis impie, Christum venire quid times ? non erpit
mortalia.
ENMY Herowde, thou wokkyd kyng,
Qwy dredes thou the of Cristes comyng ?
He dezyryt here non erthely thing,
That hevene hajt at his 3evyng.
Ibant magi quam viderant stellam sequentes, premant lumen.
Thre kynges thei saw a sterre ful bryjt,
Thei folwyd it with al here my3t,
Bryjtnesse thei saw throw that Iy3t,
Thei knewe God with here 3yftes ry3t.
96 SONGS AND CAROLS.
Lavacra puri gurgitis selestis angnus attigit peccata ---- non... .
The welle hajt waschyn us fro wo,
The lomb of hevene is comyn us to,
He that synne nevere wold do,
waschyn clene our synnys us fro.
Novum genus potencie aque rubescunt idrie unurn. . . .ine.
His my3t is chawngyd of newe maner,
The water wyx red in pecher ;
The water is turnyd to wyn ful cler,
Ageyn the kynde thow it were.
Gloria tibi, Domine, qui aperuisti hodie cum patre et sancto
spiritu in sempiterna secula. Amen.
Lovyng Lord be to the ay,
That hajt schewyd the to us this day,
With fader and holy gost veray,
That in the word never fayle may.
LXXi.
As I me lend to a lend,
I herd a schepperde makyn a schowte ;
He gronyd and seyde, with sory syghyng,
" A, Lord ! how gos this word abowte.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 97
" It gos ful wrong, ho so it wyst,
A frend he may ken fro his foo ;
To horn I may trewely trost,
In fayth I fynde but fewe of tho.
" The sothe me thinkyt, if I xulde say,
Trewe frendes arn fewe withoutyn dowte ;
Alle half frendes wel worth hem ay,
0, Lord ! how gos this word abowte.
" Alle trewe frendes wel worth hem ay,
In wel, in wo, in hert, in thowth,
It must be soth that alle men say,
He was nevere good frend was wroth for nowth.
" Now wel, now wo; now frend, now foo;
Now lef, now thef ; now in, now out ;
Now cum, now go ; now to, now froo ;
O, Lord ! how gos this word abowte !
" The werst wytes werte of alle mankende,
Alle wykkyd tunges ay worth hem woo !
Thei arn ful fayin fals talis to fynd,
Thei gref me thus I may not goo:
H
98 SONGS AND CAROLS.
" But, God, of hem thou take sum wreche,
And arest hem alle be rowt,
That fals arn and fayre cun spake ;
O, Lord ! how gos this word abowte !
LXXII.
Mak me merthe for Crystes berthe,
And syng we 30! til candilmesse.
THE ferste day of 30! we han in mynde,
How man was born al of our kende,
For he wold the boudes onbynde
Of alle our synne and wykkydnes.
The secunde day we synge of Stevene,
That stonyd was, and fid up evene,
With Cryst ther he wold stonde in hevene,
And crownyd was for his promys.
The threde day longe to saynt Jon,
That was Crystes derlyng, derest on,
To horn he lok, quan he xuld gon,
His dere moder for his clennes.
The forte day of the chylderyng 3yng,
With Herowdes wretthe to deth were wrong,
Of Cryst thei cowde not speke with long,
But with here blod bare wytnesse.
The fyfte day halwyt seynt Thomas,
SONGS AND CAKOLS. 99
Ryth as strong as peler of bras,
Hyld up his kyrke and slayin was,
For he stod faste in rythwynes,
The extende day tok Jhesu his nam,
That savyd mankynde fro synne and schame,
And circumsysed was for non blame,
But for insane and mekeness.
The xii. day ofFeryd to him kynges iij.
Gold, myrre, incens, this 3yftes fre,
For God, and man, and kyng is he,
And thus theiworchepyd his worthinesse.
The forty day cam Mary myld,
Onto the temple with here schyld,
To schewyne here alone that never was fyld ;
And herewith endis Crystemesse,
:LXXII.
Mak ^e merrie, as ye may,
And syng with me, I jou pray.
IN Patras ther born he was
The holy buschop seynt Nycholas,
He wyst mekyl of Godes gras,
Throw vertu of the Trinite.
He reysyd thre klerkes fro deth to lyfve,
That wern in salt put ful swythe,
Betwyx a bochere and his wyfve,
H 2
100 SONGS AND CAROLS.
And was hid in privyte.
He maryid thre maydenys of myld mod ;
He 3af hem gold to here fod ;
He turnyd hem fro ille to good,
Throw vertu of the Trynyte.
Another he dede sekyrly,
He savyd a thef that was ful sly,
That stal a swyn out of his sty ;
His lyf than savyd he.
God grawt us grace, bothe old and jyng,
Hym to serve at his plesyng ;
To hevene blysse he us bryng.
Throw vertu of the Trinite.
LXXIV.
Kyrie, so kyrie, Jankyn syngyt merie, with aleyson.
As I went on 30! day
in owre prosessyon,
Know I joly Jankyn
be his mery ton ; '
Jankyn began the offys
on the 30! day ;
And 3it me thynkyt it dos me good,
so merie gan he say,
Kyrieleyson.
SONGS AND CAROLS. 101
Jankyn red the pystyl
ful fayre and ful wel,
And jyt me thinkyt it dos me good,
as evere have I sal.
Jankyn at the sanctus
crakit a merie note,
And jit me thinkyt it dos me good,
I payid for his cote.
Jankyn crakit notes,
an hunderid on a knot,
And 3yt he hakkyt hem smallere
than wortes to the pot.
k.
Jankyn at the angnus
beryt the pax brede,
He twynkelid, but sayd nowt,
and on myn fot he trede.
Benedicamus Domino,
Cryst from schame me schylde.
Deo gracias thereto,
alas ! I go with schylde.
k.
NOTES.
Page 2, line 9. Now bething the, gentilman. This is
but another form of the old popular proverb — •
When Adam dolve and Eve span,
Who was then the gentleman?
It was the well-known motto of the English popular
insurrections of the fourteenth century. Holinshed,
speaking of the troubles in the reign of Richard II, and of
the priest John Ball, says, " When all the prisons were
broken up, and the prisoners set at libertie, he being
therefore so delivered, followed them, and at Blackeheath
when the greatest multitude was there got togither (as
some write) he made a sermon, taking this saieng or
common proverbe for his theame, whereupon to intreat, —
When Adam delv'd and Eve span,
Who was then a gentleman?
and so continueing his sermon, went about to proove by
the words of that proverbe, that from the beginning all
men by nature were created alike, and that bondage or
servitude came in by unjust oppression of naughtie men."
The same proverb existed in German, and is given by
Agricola (Prov. No. 264) as follows : —
So Adam reutte, und Eva span,
Wer was da ein eddelman?
104 NOTES.
In a Manuscript in the British Museum of the fourteenth
century, (MS. Harl. No. 3362, fol. 7) the same proverb is
given in Latin leonines —
Cum vanga quadam tellurem foderit Adam,
Et Eva nens fuerat, quis generosus erat?
Page 2, 1. 11. In the vale of Abraham. According to the
mediaeval notion, the scene of the creation lay in the valley
of Hebron, which was afterwards the residence of Abraham.
"And in that same place," says Maundevile (p. 66), "was
•Abrahames hous ; and there he satt and saughe thre
persones, and worschipte but on, as holy writt seythe, Tres
vidit et unum adoravit, that is to seyne, he saughe thre,
and worschiped on ; and of the same resceyved Abraham
the aungeles into his hous. And righte faste by that place
is a cave in the roche where Adam and Eve duelleden, whan
thei weren putt out of Paradyse, and there goten thei here
children. And in that same place was Adam formed and
made, aftre that that sum men seyn. For men weren wont
for to clepe that place the feld of Damasce, because that it
was in the lordschipe of Damask. And fro thens was he
translated into Paradys of delytes, as thei seyn ; and aftre
that he was dryven out of Paradys, he was there left."
Page 2, I. 17. An appil-tre. The popular religious
writers in the middle ages believed literally that the tree
of knowledge was an apple-tree, and that the fruit which
Eve plucked was an apple. In the curious sermon, in
French verse of the thirteenth century, published by
M. Jubinal, we read —
O Deus, quele dolor
Et cum grant tristor
Lor vint a soffrir,
NOTES. 105
Par icele pome
Qui a un sol home
Vint si a plaisir !
The account of the fall in the same poem may be quoted
as illustrative of our song, especially in the circumstance
that the part acted by Eve is omitted, and the serpent is
supposed to have tempted Adam. —
Grant mal fist Adam,
Qui par le Sathan
Tel conseil crut ;
Mal conseil li dona,
Qui ceo lui loa,
Car tost Tout soduit.
Par I'enticement
Del mortel serpent
Fu tost deposes ;
Mult par fu chatifs
Quant de Parais
Fu deserites.
Mult par pout plorer
Quant ne pout entrer
La dum il esteit ;
Li angres ert clevant
0 s'espee ardent
Qui deffendeit.
Page 4, 1. 3. Seynt Nicholas... may denis thre. This was
one of the stories of the beneficent interference of St.
Nicholas which was very popular in the middle ages. It
is told as follows in Caxton's edition of the Liber Festivalis
(1484). "Than fyl it so that there was a ryche man that
had doughters fayre and yonge wymmen, ^but by myschyef
he was fallen unto poverte, so for grete nede he ordeyned
106 NOTES.
hem to be comen women for to geten her lyvyng and hys
bothe ; and whan Nicholas herde therof, he had grete
compassyon of hem, and on a nyght pryvelye at a windowe
he caste a bagge wyth a somme of golde into the mannes
chaumbre. Than on the morowe-tyde that man aroos and
founde thys golde ; than was he glad therwith that no man
coude telle hit, and anone with that golde he maried his
elder doughter. Than another nyght Nycholas caste
another somme of golde into the mannes chaumbre as he
dyd before ; and so the iij. nyght, whan this man herde the
golde falle, anone he went out and overtoke Nycholas, and
knewe that it was he that had holpen hym soo in his
myschyef, and knelid doun and wold have kissed his fete,
but he wold not suffre hym, but prayed hym to kepe
counceyl whyle he lyved."
Page 6, I. 5. Farye. An enchantment ; a scene of
fairy-land.
Page 11, 1. 13 Wommen be bothe good and trewe.
Another copy of this song is found in MS. Harl. No. 7358,
which, as it presents some variations, may be given entire
for comparison.
Wymmen beth bothe goude and truwe,
Wytnesse on Marie.
Wyrnmen beth bothe goud and schene,
On handes, fet, and face clene ;
Wymmen may no beter bene ;
W. o. M.
Wymmen beth gentel on her tour ;
A womman bar oure Savyour ;
Of al thys wor[ld] wyman is flour ;
W. o. M.
Wyrcbyp we wyrnmanys face,
NOTES. 107
Wer we scth hem on a place ;
For wymman ys the wyl of grace.
W. o. M.
Love a womman with herte truwe,
He nel chongy for no newe ;
Wymmen beth of wordes fewe ;
W. o. M.
Wymmen beth goud, withoute lesyng;
Fro sorwe and care hy wol us bryng ;
Wymman ys flour of alle thyng ;
W. o. M.
Page 16, 1. 7. Man, be war. This stanza, with slight
variation, forms the commencement of a song in the Songs
and Carols edited for the Percy Society, p. 4.
Page 16, 1. 15. Of a rose. Another copy of this song
will be found in the Percy Society Songs and Carols, p. 21.
Page 20, I. 7. Religiuus. It may perhaps be well to
observe that this word, in old English, meant almost
invariably people in the monastic orders.
Page 26, 1. 2. Of joy is Jive. A different song on the "five
joys" is printed in the Percy Society Songs and Carols, p. 68.
It is a subject celebrated in a vast number of petty effusions
in verse and prose, and in many languages, scattered
through the manuscripts of the middle ages. A short
English poem on the same subject will be found in the
Reliquiae Antique, vol. i, p. 48.
Page 27, I. 6. Knet up the haltre and let here goo.
Nearly the same phrase occurs as the burthen of a ballad
on the fickleness of women, of the age of Henry VI, printed
in the Reliquiae Antiques, vol. i, p. 75, the first stanza of
which is as follows. —
108
NOTES.
I not what I shall syng nor say,
I, man forsakyn, wo worth the whyle !
Ho may hold that wyll away ?
My soveren laid has don me gyle.
I have betho^t me upon a wyle,
Sythen that hur hert ys turnyd me fro,
I hold yt the best, for drede of gyle,
Turne up hur halter and let hur go.
Another poem on the same subject and of the same period,
printed also in the Reliquiae Antiquce (vol. i. p. 27), has a
similar burthen, taken like it from the language of hawking.
The first stanza is —
Who carpys of byrddys of grete j entry s,
The sperhawke me semyth makys moste dysporte,
And moste acordynge for alle degreys,
For smalle byrddys sche puttys to morte.
Y reclaymyd on, as y schalle reporte,
As longe as sche wolde to me aply ;
When sche wolde no^t to my glove resorte,
Then plukkyd y of here belly s, and let here fly.
Page 28, 1. 1. Another copy of this song, with variations,
and the omission of the third stanza, will be found in the
Percy Society Songs and Carols, p. 18.
Page 29, L 2. Gret withy i. e., greeted by. A not un-
usual phrase in early English.
Page 31, 1. 1. The writer of this song appears to have
had in his eye the description of the cock in Chaucer's
Nonne Prestes Tale (Cant. T. 16,335).
In which sche had a cok, hight Chaunteclere,
In al the lond of crowyng was noon his peere.
His vois was merier than the mery orgon,
On masse dayes that in the chirche goon ;
NOTES. 109
Wei sekercr was his crowyng in his logge,
Than is a clok, or an abbay orologge.
By nature knew he ech ascencioun
Of equinoxial in thilke toun ;
For whan degrees fyftene were ascendid,
Thanne crewe, he, it might not ben amendid.
His comb was redder than the fyn coral,
And bat ay Id, as it were a castel wal.
His bile was blak, and as the geet it schon ;
Lik asur were Ms legges, and his ton ;
His nayles whitter than the lily flour,
And lik the burnischt gold was his colour.
Page 31, 1. 16. Wortewale. The skin which covered the
claws.
Page 32, I. 11. Adam lay i-bowndyn. Adam was
supposed to have remained in bonds, with the other patri-
archs, in the limbus patrum, from the time of his death till
the crucifixion of the Saviour.
Page 33, I. 7. The sort of paradoxes contained in this
curious popular song seem to be of considerable antiquity,
and have been preserved in nearly the same form, almost,
if not quite, down to our own time. They will be found in
the following ballad, which is here given from a chap-book
printed at Newcastle about the beginning of the present
century, but which is no doubt of much greater antiquity.
LOED KOSLIN'S DAUGHTEK.
The lord of Koslin's daughter
Walks through the wood her lane,
And by came captain Wedderburn,
A servant to the king.
110 NOTES.
He said unto his servant man,
Were it not against the law,
I would take her to my own bed,
And lay her next the wa'.
I'm walking here alane, she says,
Amang my father's trees,
And you may let me walk alane,
Kind sir, now, if you please.
The supper bell it will be rung,
And I'll be miss'd, you knaw ;
So I will not lie in your bed,
Neither at stock nor wa'.
He says, My pretty lady,
I pray lend me your hand,
And you'll have drums and trumpets
Always at your command,
And fifty men to guard you with,
That well their swords can draw,
And we'll baith lie in ae bed,
And thou's ly next the wa'.
Hold away from me, kind sir,
I pray let go my hand ;
The supper bell it will be rung,
No longer will I stand ;
My father he'll no supper take,
If I be miss'd, you knaw;
So I'll not lie in your bed,
Neither at stock nor wa'.
Then said the pretty lady,
I pray, tell me your name.
NOTES. Ill
My name is Captain Wedderburn,
A servant to the king.
Tho' thy father and his men were here,
Of him I'd not stand in aw ;
But wou'd take thee into my bed,
And lay the next the wa'.
He lighted off his milk-white steed,
And set his lady on,
And held her by the milk-white hand,
Even as they rode along.
He held her by the middle so jimp,
For fear that she shou'd fa'; —
So I'll take thee to my own bed,
And lay the next the wa'.
He took her to his lodging house,
His landlady look been, —
Since many pretty ladies
In Edinburgh I've seen ;
But such a pretty face as thine
In it I never saw.
Go meake her up a down bed,
And lay her next the wa'.
Hold away from me, kind sir,
I pray you let me be ;
For I will not go to your bed
Till you dress me dishes three.
Dishes three you must do to me,
If I shou'd eat them a',
Before that I lie in your bed,
Either at stock or wa'.
112 NOTES.
0, 1 must have to my supper
A cherry without a stone ;
And I must have to my supper
A chicken without a bone ;
And I must have to my supper
A hird without a ga';
Before that I lie in your hed,
Either at stock or wa'.
When the cherry is in the bloom,
I am sure it has no stone ;
And when the chicken's in the shell,
I'm sure it has no bone ;
The dove it is a gentle bird,
It flies without a ga' ;
And we's lie baith within ae bed,
And thou's lie next the wa'.
Hold away from me, kind sir,
I pray you give me o'er;
For I will not go till your bed,
Till you answer me questions four.
Questions four you must tell me,
And that is twa and twa,
Or I will not lie in your bed,
Neither at stock or wa'.
You must get me some winter fruit
That in December grew ;
And I must have a silk mantle,
That wraft was ne'er ca'd throw ;
What bird sings best and wood buds first,
That dew doth on them fa' ;
And then I'll lie into your bed,
Either at stock or wa'.
NOTES.
My father has some winter fruit
That in Decemher grew ;
My mother has a silk mantle,
That wraft was ne'er ca'd throw ;
The cock crows first, cyder buds first,
The dew doth on them fa' ;
So we'll baith lie in ae bed,
And thou's lie next the wa'.
Hold away from me, kind sir,
And do not me perplex ;
For I'll not lie into your bed
Till you answer me questions six ;
Questions six you must tell me,
And that is four and twa,
Before that I lie into your bed,
Either at stock or wa'.
What is greener than the grass ?
What's higher than the trees ?
And what is worse than woman's voice ?
What's deeper than the seas ?
A sparrow's horn, a priest unborn,
This night to join us twa,
Before I lie into your bed,
Either at stock or wa'.
Death is greener than the grass ;
Sky is higher than the trees ;
The devil's worse than woman's voice ;
Hell's deeper than the seas ;
A sparrow's horn you may well get,
There's one on ilka pa',
And two upon the gab of it,
And you shall have them a'.
113
114 NOTES.
The priest he's standing at the door,
Just ready to come in,
No man can say that he was horn,
No man without a fin :
A hole cut in his mother's side,
He from the same did fa';
So we will both lie in ae bed,
And thou's lie next the wa'.
0, little did the lady think,
That morning when she raise,
That it was to be the last night
Of her maiden days ;
But there is not in the king's realm
To be found a blyther twa :
And now they both lie in one bed,
And she lies next the wa'.
In his interesting little volume, Popular Rhymes and
Nursery Tales, p. 150, Mr. Halliwell has given the follow-
ing verses, as current in the north of England, which
resemble still more closely those in our text : —
THE FOUR SISTERS.
I have four sisters beyond the sea,
Para-mara, dictum, domine.
And they did send four presents to me,
Partum, quartum, paradise, tempum,
Para-mara, dictum, domine.
The first it was a bird without e'er a bone ;
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
The second was a cherry without e'er a stone ;
Partum, quartum, &c.
NOTES. 115
The third it was a blanket without e'er a thread ;
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
The fourth it was a hook which no man could read ;
Partum, quartum, &c.
How can there he a bird without e'er a bone?
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
How can there be a cherry without e'er a stone ?
Partum, quartum, &c.
How can there ha a blanket without e'er a thread ?
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
How can there be a book which no man can read ?
Partum, quartum, &c.
When the bird's hi the shell, there is no bone ;
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
When the cherry's in the bud, there is no stone ;
Partum, quartum, <fcc.
When the blanket's in the fleece, there is no thread ;
Para-mara, dictum, &c.
When the book's in the press, no man can read ;
Partum, quartum, &c.
Page 37, 1. 3. Betwyin an ox and an as. The ox and
ass were perhaps first introduced for the sake of pictorial
effect, to show that the scene was really a stable ; but it
became subsequently an article of literal belief that these
two animals attended the birth of the Saviour, and they
always appear in the illuminations of missals, etc.
Page 37, 1. 18. Baltyzar. The legends differ in the order
of the kings, and also in the appropriation of their offerings.
In the Coventry Mysteries, as in our song, the first king is
116 NOTES.
Baltazare, and he offers gold ; the second, Melchizar, who
offers incense ; and the third, Jasper, whose offering is
myrrh. The order is the same in the French Gfeu des
Trois Roys, published by M. Jubinal. In the Towneley
Mysteries, the first king is Jaspar, who offers gold; the
second, Melchor, who offers " rekyls" (incense) ; the third,
Balthesar, who offers myrrh. The English legend of the
Three Kings, published in my edition of the Chester Plays,
tells us, " Melchior that was kyng of Nube and of Arabic,
that offred gold to God, he was lest of stature and of per-
sone ; Baltazar, that was kyng of Godolie and of Saba, that
offred encense to God, he was of mene stature in his per-
sone ; and Jasper that was kyng of Taars and of Egripwille,
that offred mirre to God, he was most in persone, and was
a blacke Ethiope."
Page 42, I. 5. Robynn. This song furnishes us with
rather a curious example of the danger of hasty criticism.
Ritson, who printed it in his Ancient Songs and Ballads,
took the word lyth for a proper name, although the form
it takes in the refrain at the end, ly^th, shows clearly
enough its meaning, lieth. Not content with this, by a
little stretch of his imagination, he has given a short sketch
of the life of his hero, Robin Lyth, whom he even supposed
to be one of Robin Hood's own men, who set up the trade
of outlaw for himself after the death of his master.
" Who or what this Robin Lyth was," he observes, " does
not, otherwise than by this little performance, composed, it
should seem, to commemorate the manner of his death, and
of the revenge taken for it, anywhere appear. That he was
a native or inhabitant of Yorkshire is, indeed, highly pro-
bable, for two reasons : the first is, that a few miles north
of Whitby is a village called Lythe, whence he may be rea-
NOTES. 117
sonably supposed to have acquired his surname ; the second,
that near Flamborough, in Holderness, is a large cavern
in the rocks, subject, at present, to the influx of the sea,
which, among the country people, retains to this day the
name of Robin Lyth hole; from the circumstance, no doubt,
of its having been one of his skulking places. Robin Hood,
a hero of the same occupation, had several such in those
and other parts ; and, indeed, it is not very improbable that
our hero had been formerly in the suite of that gallant
robber, and, on his master's death, had set up for himself."
Page 42, 1. 8. Gandeleyn. This name seems to be con-
nected with that of Gamelyn, in the Cokes Tale attributed
to Chaucer. It was probably a well known one in this class
of ballads.
Page 42, 1. 10. Chylderin. This word evidently means
here upgrown men. It is one of those words which appear
to have been formerly used in a much less restricted sense
than at present, and we have such examples as ' Horn
child,' etc.
Page 48, I. 7. Moder, qwyt as. Another copy of this
song, with variations, and one stanza more at the end, will
be found in the Songs and Carols of the Percy Society, p.
50. The additional stanza is —
Swych mornyng as the maydyn mad,
I can not telle it in this howr;
Therfor be mery and glade,
And make us mery for our Savowr.
Page 49, 1. 9. Reges de Saba. Another copy of this song
also occurs in the collection printed for the Percy Society,
p. 46, where it is much more complete.
Page 60, L 15. On Schyre-Thursday. Shear-Thursday,
118 NOTES.
or Maundy-Thursday, the day on which Christ's last supper
with his disciples is commemorated.
Page 63, 1. 1. Seynt Stevene. I do not know whence this
strange legend of St. Stephen being king Herod's clerk of
the kitchen is derived.
Page 65, 1. 1. Nowel. This song also occurs with varia-
tions, as usual, among the Percy Society Songs and Carols,
p. 38.
Page 66, 1. 17. The greteste clerk. Thomas Becket, arch-
bishop of Canterbury.
Page 68, 1. 9. For lij. poyntes. This must, I suppose,
refer to the " Constitutions" of Clarendon, which, however,
were sixteen in number, and not fifty-two. The manu-
script, however, is very incorrectly written, and the songs
are apparently taken down from memory.
Page 69, 1. 11. M. and A. Another copy of this song
will be found in the Songs and Carols of the Percy Society,
p. 31.
Page 73, 1. 4. Of kyng Edmund. Edmund king of the
East Angles; the wolf and the blind man figure in this
legend, which will be found in Capgrave, Nov. Leg. Anglice.
Page 74, 1. 1. The dere ^eres thre. I. 5. The pestelens
tweye. £.13. A wyndes blast. See on these allusions, the
Preface.
Page 74, 1. 19. At the frere camys . . . at Lynne toun.
There was a priory of Carmelites, or White Friars, at
Lynn, in Norfolk, but I have not been able to trace any
other mention of the accidental burning of it, which is
alluded to in our song.
Page 75, 1. 7. Go let, peny. This song was printed by
Ritson, in his Ancient Popular Poetry. The subject was
far from an uncommon one, and is found versified in French
NOTES. 119
and Latin, as well as in English. See my edition of the
Latin Poems commonly attributed to Walter Mapes, pp. 223,
355.
Page 88, 1. 7. Wykkyd tunge. It is perhaps hardly ne-
cessary to remark that this was a very old and popular
proverb.
Page 92, 1. 1. Meurn est propositum. This is very curious,
as being, as far as I am aware, the earliest instance in which
these celebrated lines, taken from one of the poems attri-
buted to Walter Mapes, are given in the form of a song.
The song, in its ordinary form, was first printed, I believe,
in Camden's Remaines. It is made up from lines in the
Confessio Golice. See my Latin Poems attributed to Walter
Napes, p. 71.
Page 99, I. 18. In Patras. It is hardly necessary to
make any further remark upon this song, than that the
stories alluded to in it will be found in the legendary life of
St. Nicholas, One of them has already been the subject of
a song in this collection. See Song in.
Page 100, 1. 23. Kyrieleyson. The Greek, Kv
i. e., Lord, have mercy upon us, a part of the Liturgy.
T. RICHARDS, PRINTER, 37 GREAT QUEEN STREET.
Fulk Fitz-Warine
The history of Fulk Fi
Warine
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