History of Genghis Khan

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The Sylvester Hassell Collection

FROM THE LIBRARY OF

Sylvester Hassell, D. D.

CLASS OF '62

GIVEN BY HIS CHILDREN

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NORTH CAROLINA

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GENGHIS KHAN

BY JACOB ABBOTT.

aSTO 3Eusrabfnfl&.

NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,

FKANKLIN SQUARE.

187 3.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight
hundred and sixty, by

HARPER & BROTHERS,

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New York.

PREFACE.

The word khan is not a name, but a title.
It means chieftain or king. It is a word used
in various forms by the different tribes and na-
tions that from time immemorial have inhabit-
ed central Asia, and has been applied to a great
number of potentates and rulers that have from
time to time arisen among them. Genghis
Khan was the greatest of these princes. He
was, in fact, one of the most renowned conquer-
ors whose exploits history records.

As in all other cases occurring in the series
of histories to which this work belongs, where
the events narrated took place at such a period
or in such a part of the world that positively
reliable and authentic information in respect to
them can now no longer be obtained, the au-
thor is not responsible for the actual truth of
the narrative which he offers, but only for the
honesty and fidelity with which he has com-
piled it from the best sources of information
now within reach.

CONTENTS.

Chapter PaSe

I. PASTORAL LIFE IN ASIA 13

11. THE MONGULS ....... - 23

III. YEZONKAI KHAN 41

IV. THE FIRST BATTLE 52

V. VANG KHAN - 68

VI. TEMUJIN IN EXILE 76

VII. RUPTURE WITH VANG KHAN 86

VIII. PROGRESS OF THE QUARREL -- 100

IX. THE DEATH OF VANG KHAN 114

X. THE DEATH OF YEMUKA 123

XI. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE EMPIRE 136

XII. DOMINIONS OF GENGHIS KHAN 150

XIII. THE ADVENTURES OF PRINCE KUSHLUK 163

XIV. IDIKUT 175

XV. THE STORY OF HUJAKU 184

XVI. CONQUESTS IN CHINA 198

XVII. THE SULTAN MOHAMMED 213

XVIII. THE WAR WITH THE SULTAN 236

XIX. THE FALL OF BOKHARA 244

XX. BATTLES AND SIEGES 264

XXI. DEATH OF THE SULTAN 281

XXII. VICTORIOUS CAMPAIGNS 297

XXIII. GRAND CELEBRATIONS 318

XXIV. CONCLUSION 330

ENGRAVINGS.

THE INAUGURATION OF GENGHIS KHAN Frontispiece .

ENCAMPMENT OF A PATRIARCH A 20

SHOOTING AT PURSUERS 35

MAP — EMPIRE OF GENGHIS KHAN 44

PURTA IN THE TENT OF VANG KHAN 62

DRINKING THE BITTER WATER 107

PRESENTATION OF THE SHONGAR 173

THE MERCHANTS OFFERING THEIR GOODS 222

THE GOVERNOR ON THE TERRACE 261

THE BATTLE OF THE BOATS 277

GENGHIS KHAN.

Chapter I.

Pastoral Life in Asia.

,

Four different modes of life enumerated.

THEEE are four several methods by which
the various communities into which the
human race is divided obtain their subsistence
from the productions of the earth, each of which
leads to its own peculiar system of social organ-
ization, distinct in its leading characteristics
from those of all the rest. Each tends to its
own peculiar form of government, gives rise to
its own manners and customs, and forms, in a
word, a distinctive and characteristic type of
life.

These methods are the following-:

1. By hunting wild animals in a state of na-
ture.

2. By rearing tame animals in pasturages.

3. By gathering fruits and vegetables which
grow spontaneously in a state of nature.

4. By rearing fruits and grains and other veg-
etables by artificial tillage in cultivated ground.

14 Genghis Khan.

Northern and southern climes. Animal food in arctic regions.

By the two former methods man subsists on
animal food. By the two latter on vegetable
food.

As we go north, from the temperate regions
toward the poles, man is found to subsist more
and more on animal food. This seems to be
the intention of Providence. In the arctic
regions scarcely any vegetables grow that are
fit for human food, but animals whose flesh is
nutritious and adapted to the use of man are
abundant.

As we go south, from temperate regions to-
ward the equator, man is found to subsist more
and more on vegetable food. This, too, seems
to be the intention of nature. Within the
tropics scarcely any animals live that are fit
for human food ; while fruits, roots, and other
vegetable productions which are nutritious and
adapted to the use of man are abundant.

In accordance with this difference in the pro-
ductions of the different regions of the earth,
there seems to be a difference in the constitu-
tions of the races of men formed to inhabit
them. The tribes that inhabit Greenland and
Kamtschatka can not preserve their accustom-
ed health and vigor on any other than animal
food. If put upon a diet of vegetables they
soon begin to pine away. The reverse is true

Pastoral Life in Asia. 15

Tropical regions. Appetite changes with climate.

of the vegetable-eaters of the tropics. They
preserve their health and strength well on a diet
of rice, or bread-fruit, or bananas, and would un-
doubtedly be made sick by being fed on the
flesh of walruses, seals, and white bears.

In the temperate regions the productions of
the above-mentioned extremes are mingled.
Here many animals whose flesh is fit for hu-
man food live and thrive, and here grows', too,
a vast variety of nutritious fruits, and roots, and
seeds. The physical constitution of the various
races of men that inhabit these regions is modi-
fied accordingly. In the temperate climes men
can live on vegetable food, or on animal food,
or on both. The constitution differs, too, in
different individuals, and it changes at differ-
ent periods of the year. Some persons require
more of animal, and others more of vegetable
food, to preserve their bodily and mental pow-
ers in the best condition, and each one observes
a change in himself in passing from winter to
summer. In the summer the desire for a diet
of fruits and vegetables seems to come north-
ward with the sun, and in the winter the appe-
tite for flesh comes southward from the arctic
regions with the cold.

When we consider the different conditions
in which the different regions of the earth are

16 GrENGHIS KHAN.

First steps toward civilization.

placed in respect to their capacity of produc-
tion for animal and vegetable food, we shall see
that this adjustment of the constitution of man,
both to the differences of climate and to the
changes of the seasons, is a very wise and be-
neficent arrangement of Divine Providence. To
confine man absolutely either to animal or veg-
etable food would be to depopulate a large part
of the earth.

It results from these general facts in respect
to the distribution of the supplies of animal and
vegetable food for man in different latitudes
that, in all northern climes in our hemisphere,
men living in a savage state must be hunters,
while those tliat live near the equator must de-
pend for their subsistence on fruits and roots
growing wild. When, moreover, any tribe or
race of men in either of these localities take the
first steps toward civilization, they begin, in the
one case, by taming animals, and rearing them in
flocks and herds ; and, in the other case, by sav-
ing the seeds of food-producing plants, and cul-
tivating them by artificial tillage in inclosed and
private fields. This last is the condition of all
the half-civilized tribes of the tropical regions of
the earth, whereas the former prevails in all the
northern temperate and arctic regions, as far to
the northward as domesticated animals can live.

Pastoral Life in Asia. 17

Interior of Asia. Pastoral habits of the people.

From time immemorial, the whole interior of
the continent of Asia has been inhabited by
tribes and nations that have taken this one step
in the advance toward civilization, but have
gone no farther. They live, not, like the In-
dians in North America, by hunting wild beasts,
but by rearing and pasturing flocks and herds
of animals that they have tamed. These ani-
mals feed, of course, on grass and herbage ; and,
as grass and herbage can only grow on open
ground, the forests have gradually disappeared,
and the country has for ages consisted of great
grassy plains, or of smooth hill-sides covered
with verdure. Over these plains, or along the
river valleys, wander the different tribes of
which these pastoral nations are composed, liv-
ing in tents, or in frail huts almost equally mov-
able, and driving their flocks and herds before
them from one pasture-ground to another, ac-
cording as the condition of the grass, or that of
the springs and streams of water, may require.

We obtain a pretty distinct idea of the na-
ture of this pastoral life, and of the manners and
customs, and the domestic constitution to which
it gives rise, in the accounts given us in the Old
Testament of Abraham and Lot, and of their
wanderings with their flocks and herds over the
country lying between the Euphrates and the
B

18 Genghis Khan.

Picture of pastoral life. Large families accumulated.

Mediterranean Sea. They lived in tents, in or-
der that they might remove their habitations
the more easily from place to place in follow-
ing their flocks and herds to different pasture-
grounds. Their wealth consisted almost whol-
ly in these flocks and herds, the land being al-
most every where common. Sometimes, when
two parties traveling together came to a fertile
and well- watered district, their herdsmen and
followers were disposed to contend for the priv-
ilege of feeding their flocks upon it, and the
contention would often lead to a quarrel and
combat, if it had not been settled by an amica-
ble agreement on the part of the chieftains.

The father of a family was the legislator and
ruler of it, and his sons, with their wives, and
his son's sons, remained with him, sometimes
for many years, sharing his means of subsist-
ence, submiting to Ins authority, and going with
him from place to place, with all his flocks and
herds. They employed, too, so many herds-
men, and other servants and followers, as to
form, in many cases, quite an extended com-
munity, and sometimes, in case of hostilities
with any other wandering tribe, a single patri-
arch could send forth from his own domestic-
circle a force of several hundred armed men.
Such a company as this, when moving across

Pastoral Life in Asia. 21

Rise of patriarchal governments.

the country on its way from one region of pas-
turage to another, appeared like an immense
caravan on its march, and when settled at an en-
campment the tents formed quite a little town.

Whenever the head of one of these wander-
ing families died, the tendency was not for the
members of the community to separate, but to
keep together, and allow the oldest son to take
the father's place as chieftain and ruler. This
was necessary for defense, as, of course, such
communities as these were in perpetual danger
of coming into collision with other communi-
ties roaming about like themselves over the
same regions. It would necessarily result, too,
from the circumstances of the case, that a strong
and well-mauaged party, with an able and saga-
cious chieftain at the head of it, would attract
other and weaker parties to join it ; or, on the
arising of some pretext for a quarrel, would
make war upon it and conquer it. Thus, in
process of time, small nations, as it were, would
be formed, which would continue united and
strong as long as the able leadership continued ;
and then they would separate into their orig-
inal elements, which elements would be formed
again into other combinations.

Such, substantially, was pastoral life in the
beginning. In process of time, of course, the

22 Genghis Khan.

Origin of the towns. Great chieftains. Genghis Khan.

tribes banded together became larger and larger.
Some few towns and cities were built as places
for the manufacture of implements and arms,
or as resting-places for the caravans of mer-
chants in conveying from place to place such
articles as were bought and sold. But these
places were comparatively few and unimport-
ant. A pastoral and roaming life continued to
be the destiny of the great mass of the people.
And this state of things, which was commenced
on the banks of the Euphrates before the time
of Abraham, spread through the whole breadth
of Asia, from the Mediterranean Sea to the Pa-
cific Ocean, and has continued with very little
change from those early periods to the present
time.

Of the various chieftains that have from
time to time risen to command among these
shepherd nations but little is known, for very
few and very scanty records have been kept
of the history of any of them. Some of them
have been famous as conquerors, and have ac-
quired very extended dominions. The most
celebrated of all is perhaps Genghis Khan, the
hero of this history. He came upon the stage
more than three thousand years after the time
of the great prototype of his class, the Patriarch
Abraham.

The Monguls. 23

Monguls. Origin of the name. A Mongul family.

Chapter II.
The Monguls.

THREE thousand years is a period of time
long enough to produce great changes,
and in the course of that time a great many
different nations and congeries of nations were
formed in the regions of Central Asia. The
term Tartars has been employed generically to
denote almost the whole face. The Monguls
are a portion of this people, who are said to de-
rive their name from Mongol Khan, one of their
earliest and most powerful chieftains. The de-
scendants of this khan called themselves by his
name, just as the descendants of the twelve sons
of Jacob called themselves Israelites, or children
of Israel, from the name Israel, which was one
of the, designations of the great patriarch from
whose twelve sons the twelve tribes of the Jews
descended. The country inhabited by the Mon-
guls was called Mongolia.

To obtain a clear conception of a single Mon-
gul family, you must imagine, first, a rather
small, short, thick-set man, with long black

24 Genghis Khan.

Their occupations. Animals of the Monguls.

hair, a flat face, and a dark olive complexion.
His wife, if her face were not so flat and her
nose so broad, would be quite a brilliant little
beauty, her eyes are so black and sparkling.
The children have much the appearance of
young Indians as they run shouting among the
cattle on the hill-sides, or, if young, playing
half-naked about the door of the hut, their long
black hair streaming in the wind.

Like all the rest of the inhabitants of Central
Asia, these people depended almost entirely for
their subsistence on the products of their flocks
and herds. Of course, their great occupation
consisted in watching their animals while feed-
ing by day, and in putting them in places of
security by night, in taking care of and rearing
the young, in making butter and cheese from
the milk, and clothing from the skins, in driv-
ing the cattle to and fro in search of pasturage,
and, finally, in making war on the people of
other tribes to settle disputes arising out of con-
flicting claims to territory, or to replenish their
stock of sheep and oxen by seizing and driving
off the flocks of their neighbors.

The animals which the Monguls most prized
were camels, oxen and cows, sheep, goats, and
horses. They were very proud of their horses,
and they rode them with great courage and

The Monguls. 25

Their towns and villages. Mode of building their tents.

spirit. They always went mounted in going to
war. Their arms were bows and arrows, pikes
or spears, and a sort of sword or sabre, which
was manufactured in some of the towns toward
the west, and supplied to them in the course of
trade by great traveling caravans.

Although the mass of the people lived in the
open country with their flocks and herds, there
were, notwithstanding, a great many towns and
villages, though such centres of population were
much fewer and less important among them
than they are in countries the inhabitants of
which live by tilling the ground. Some of
these towns were the residences of the khans
and of the heads of tribes. Others were places
of manufacture or centres of commerce, and
many of them were fortified with embankments
of earth or walls of stone.

The habitations of the common people, even
those built in the towns, were rude huts made
so as to .be easily taken down and removed.
The tents were made by means of poles set in
a circle in the ground, and brought nearly to-
gether at the top, so as to form a frame similar
to that of an Indian wigwam. A hoop was
placed near the top of these poles, so as to pre-
serve a round opening there for the smoke to
go out. The frame was then covered with

26 . Genghis Khan.

Bad fuel. Comfortless homes.

sheets of a sort of thick gray felt, so placed as
to leave the opening within the hoop free. The
felt, too, was arranged below in such a manner
that the corner of one of the sheets could be
raised and let down again to form a sort of
door. The edges of the sheets in other places
were fastened together very carefully, especially
in winter, to keep out the cold air.

Within the tent, on the ground in the centre,
the family built their fire, which was made of
sticks, leaves, grass, and dried droppings of all
sorts, gathered from the ground, for the coun-
try produced scarcely any wood. Countries
roamed over by sherds of animals that gain
their living by pasturing on the grass and
herbage are almost always destitute of trees.
Trees in such a case have no opportunity to
grow.

The tents of the Monguls thus made were,
of course, very comfortless homes. They could
not be kept warm, there was so much cold air
coming continually in through the crevices,
notwithstanding all the people's contrivances
to make them tight. The smoke, too, did not
all escape through the hoop-hole above. Much
of it remained in the tent and mingled with the
atmosphere. This evil was aggravated by the
kind of fuel which they used, which was of such

The Monguls. 27

Movable houses built at last.

a nature that it made only a sort of smoulder-
ing fire instead of burning, like good dry wood,
with a bright and clear flame.

The discomforts of these huts and tents were
increased by the custom which prevailed among
the people of allowing the animals to come into
them, especially those that were young and
feeble, and to live there with the family.

In process of time, as the people increased in
riches and in mechanical skill, some of the
more wealthy chieftains began to build houses
so large and so handsome that they could not
be conveniently taken down to be removed, and
then they contrived a way of mounting them
upon trucks placed at the four corners, and
moving them bodily in this way across the
plains, as a table is moved across a floor upon
its castors. It was necessary, of course, that
the houses should be made very light in order
to be managed in this way. They were, in
fact, still tents rather than houses, being made
of the same materials, only they were put to-
gether in a more substantial and ornamental
manner. The frame was made of very light
poles, though these poles were fitted together
in permanent joinings. The covering was, like
that of the tents, made of felt, but the sheets
were joined together by close and strong seams,

28 Genghis Khan.

The painting. Account of a large movable house.

and the whole was coated with a species of
paint, which not only closed all the pores and
interstices and made the structure very tight,
but also served to ornament it; for they were
accustomed, in painting these houses, to adorn
the covering with pictures of birds, beasts, and
trees, represented in such a manner as doubt-
less, in their eyes, produced a very beautiful
effect.

These movable houses were sometimes very
large. A certain traveler who visited the coun-
try not far from the time of Genghis Khan says
that he saw one of these structures in motion
which was thirty feet in diameter. It was
drawn by twenty-two oxen. It was so large
that it extended five feet on each side beyond
the wheels. The oxen, in drawing it, were not
attached, as with us, to the centre of the for-
ward axle-tree, but to the ends of the axle-trees,
which projected beyond the wheels on .each
side. There were eleven oxen on each side
drawing upon the axle-trees. There were, of
course, many drivers. The one who was chief
in command stood in the door of the tent or
house which looked forward, and there, with
many loud shouts and flourishing gesticulations,
issued his orders to the oxen and to the other
men.

The Monguls. 29

The traveling chests. Necessity of such an arrangement.

The household goods of this traveling chief-
tain were packed in chests made for the pur-
pose, the house itself, of course, in order to be
made as light as possible, having been emptied
of all its contents. These chests were large,
and were made of wicker or basket-work, cov-
ered, like the house, with felt. The covers
were made of a rounded form, so as to throw
off the rain, and the felt was painted over with
a certain composition which made it impervious
to the water. These chests were not intended
to be unpacked at the end of the journey, but
to remain as they were, as permanent store-
houses of utensils, clothing, and provisions.
They were placed in rows, each on its own cart,
near the tent, where they could be resorted to
conveniently from time to time by the serv-
ants and attendants, as occasion might require.
The tent placed in the centre, with these great
chests on their carts near it, formed, as it were,
a house with one great room standing by itself,
and all the little rooms and closets arranged in
rows by the side of it.

Some such arrangement as this is obviously
necessary in case of a great deal of furniture or
baggage belonging to a man who lives in a
tent, and who desires to be at liberty to re-
move his whole establishment from place to

30 Genghis Khan.

Houses in the towns.

place at short notice ; for a tent, from the
very principle of its construction, is incapable
of being divided into rooms, or of accommo-
dating extensive stores of furniture or goods.
Of course, a special contrivance is required for
the accommodation of this species of property.
This was especially the case with the Monguls,
among whom there were many rich and great
men who often accumulated a large amount of
movable property. There was one rich Mon-
gul, it was said, who had two hundred such
chest-carts, which were arranged in two rows
around and behind his tent, so that his estab-
lishment, when he was encamped, looked like
quite a little village.

The style of building adopted among the
Monguls for tents and movable houses seemed
to set .the fashion for all their houses, even for
those that were built in the towns, and were
meant to stand permanently where they were
first set up. These permanent houses were lit-
tle better than tents. They consisted each of
one single room without any subdivisions what-
ever. They were made round, too, like the
tents, only the top, instead of running up to a
point, was rounded like a dome. There were
no floors above that formed on the ground, and
no windows.

The Monguls. 31

Roads over the plains. Tribes and families.

Such was the general character of the dwell-
ings of the Monguls in the days of Genghis
Khan. They took their character evidently
from the wandering and pastoral life that the
people • led. One would have thought that very
excellent roads would have been necessary to
have enabled them to draw the ponderous
carts containing their dwellings and household
goods. But this was less necessary than might
have been supposed on account of the nature
of the country, which consisted chiefly of im-
mense grassy plains and smooth river valleys,
over which, in many places, wheels would travel
tolerably well in any direction without much
making of roadway. Then, again, in all such
countries, the people who journey from place
to place, and the herds of cattle that move to
and fro, naturally fall into the same lines of
travel, and thus, in time, wear great trails, as
cows make paths in a pasture. These, with a
little artificial improvement at certain points,
make very good summer roads, and in the win-
ter it is not necessary to use them at all.

The Monguls, like the ancient Jews, were
divided into tribes, and these were subdivided
into families ; a family meaning in this connec-
tion not one household, but a large congeries
of households, including all those that were

32 GrENGHIS KHAN.

Influence of diversity of pursuits.

of known relationship to each other. These
groups of relatives had each its head, and the
tribe to which they pertained had also its gen-
eral head. There were, it is said, three sets of
these tribes, forming three grand divisions of the
Mongul people, each of which was ruled by its
own khan ; and then, to complete the system,
there was the grand khan, who ruled over all.
A constitution of society like this almost al-
ways prevails in pastoral countries, and we
shall see, on a little reflection, that it is natural
that it should do so. In a country like ours,
where the pursuits of men are so infinitely di-
versified, the descendants of different families
become mingled together in the most promis-
cuous manner. The son of a farmer in one
state goes off, as soon as he is of age, to some
other state, to find a place among merchants or
manufacturers, because he wishes to be a mer-
chant or a manufacturer himself, while his fa-
ther supplies his place on the farm perhaps by
hiring a man who likes farming, and has come
hundreds of miles in search of work. Thus
the descendants of one American grandfather
and grandmother will be found, after a lapse
of a few years, scattered in every direction all
over the land, and, indeed, sometimes all over
the world.

The Monguls. 33

Tribes and clans. Mode of making war.

It is the diversity of pursuits which, prevails
in such a country as ours, taken in connection
with the diversity of capacity and of taste in
different individuals, that produces this disper-
sion.

Among a people devoted wholly to pastoral
pursuits, all this is different. The young men,
as they grow up, can have generally no induce-
ment to leave their homes. They continue to
iive with their parents and relatives, sharing
the care of the flocks and herds, and making
common cause with them in every thing that
Is of common interest: It is thus that those
great family groups are formed which exist in
all pastoral countries under the name of tribes
or clans, and form the constituent elements of
the whole social and political organization of
the people.

In case of general war, each tribe of the Mon-
guls furnished, of course, a certain quota of
armed men, in proportion to its numbers and
strength. These men always went to war, as
has already been said, on horseback, and the
spectacle which these troops presented in gal-
loping in squadrons over the plains was some-
times very imposing. The shock of the onset
when they charged in this way upon the ene-
my was tremendous. They were armed with
C

34 Genghis Khan.

Horsemen. The bow and arrow.

bows and arrows, and also with sabres. As
they approached the enemy, they discharged
first a shower of arrows upon him, while they
were in the act of advancing at the top of their
speed. Then, dropping their bows by their
side, they would draw their sabres, and be ready,
as soon as the horses fell upon the enemy, to
cut down all opposed to them with the most
furious and deadly blows.

If they were repulsed, and compelled by a
superior force to retreat, they would gallop at
full speed over the plains, turning at the same
time in their saddles, and shooting at their pur-
suers with their arrows as coolly, and with as
correct an aim, almost, as if they were still.
While thus retreating the trooper would guide
and control his horse by his voice, and by the
pressure of his heels upon his sides, so as to
have both his arms free for fighting his pur-
suers.

These arrows were very formidable weap-
ons, it is said. One of the travelers who visit'
ed the country in those days says that they
could be shot with so much force as to pierce
the body of a man entirely through.

It must be remembered, however, in respect
to all such statements relating to the efficiency
of the bow and arrow, that the force with which

The Monguls. 85

The flying horseman. Nature of the how and arrow.

SHOOTING AT PTTRSTTEBa

an arrow can be thrown depends not upon any
independent action of the bow, but altogether
upon the strength of the man who draws it.
The bow, in straightening itself for the propul-
sion of the arrow, expends only the force which
the man has imparted to it by bending it ; so
that the real power by which the arrow is pro-
pelled is, after all, the muscular strength of the
archer. It is true, a great deal depends on the
qualities of the bow, and also on the skill of the
man in using it, to make all this muscular

36 Genghis Khan.

Superiority of fire-arms. Sources of information.

strength, effective. "With, a poor bow, or with
unskillful management, a great deal of it would
be wasted. But with the best possible bow,
and with the most consummate skill of the
archer, it is the strength, of the archer's arm
which throws the arrow, after all.

It is very different in this respect with a bul-
let thrown by the force of gunpowder from the
barrel of a gun. The force in this case is the
explosive force of the powder, and the bullet is
thrown to the same distance whether it is a
very weak man or a very strong man that pulls
the trigger.

But to return to the Monguls. All the in-
formation which we can obtain in' respect to
the condition of the people before the time of
Genghis Khan comes to us from the reports
of travelers who, either as merchants, or as em-
bassadors from caliphs or kings, made long
journeys into these distant regions, and have
left records, more or less complete, of their ad-
ventures, and account of what they saw, in
Writings which have been preserved by the
learned men of the East. It is very doubtful
how far these accounts are to be believed. One
of these travelers, a learned man named Salam,
who made a journey far into the interior of
Asia by order of the Caliph Mohammed Amin

The Monguls. 37

Gog and Magog. Salam.

Billah, some time before the reign of Genghis
Khan, says that, among other objects of re-
search and investigation which occupied his
mind, he was directed to ascertain the truth in
respect to the two famous nations Gog and
Magog, or, as they are designated in his ac-
count, Yagog and Magog. The story that had
been told of these two nations by the Arabian
writers, and which was extensively believed,
was, that the people of Yagog were of the or-
dinary size of men, but those of Magog were
only about two feet high. These people had
made war upon the neighboring nations, and
had destroyed many cities and towns, but had
at last been overpowered and shut up in prison.
Salam, the traveler whom the caliph sent to
ascertain whether their accounts were true,
traveled at the head of a caravan containing
fifty men, and with camels bearing stores and
provisions for a year. He was gone a long time.'
When he came back he gave an account of his
travels; and in respect to Gog and Magog, he
said that he had found that the accounts which
had been heard respecting them were true. He
traveled on, he said, from the country of one
chieftain to another till he reached the Caspian
Sea, and then went on beyond that sea for
thirty or forty days more. In one place the

38 Genghis Khan.

Adventures of Salam and his party. The wonderful mountain.

party came to a tract of low black land, which
exhaled an odor so offensive that they were
obliged to use perfumes all the way to over-
power the noxious smells. They were ten days
in crossing this fetid territory. After this they
went on a month longer through a desert coun-
try, and at length came to a fertile land which
was covered with the ruins of cities that the
people of Gog and Magog had destroyed.

In six days more they reached the country
of the nation by which the people of Gog and
Magog had been conquered and shut up in
prison. Here they found a great many strong
castles. There was a large city here too, con-
taining temples and academies of learning, and
also the residence of the king.

The travelers took up their abode in this
city for a time, and while they were there they
made an excursion of two days' journey into
the country to see the place where the people
of Gog and Magog were confined. When they
arrived at the place they found a lofty mount-
ain. There was a great opening made in the
face of this mountain two or three hundred feet
wide. The opening was protected on each side
by enormous buttresses, between which was
placed an immense double gate, the buttresses
and the gate being all of iron. The buttresses

The Monguls. 39

Great bolts and bars. The prisoners.

were surmounted with, an iron" bulwark, and
with, lofty towers also of iron, which were car-
ried up as high as to the top of the mountain
itself. The gates were of the width of the
opening cut in the mountain, and were seven-
ty-five feet high; and the valves, lintels, and
threshold, and also the bolts, the lock, and the
key, were all of proportional size.

Salam, on arriving at the place, saw all these
wonderful structures with his own eyes, and he
was told by the people there that it was the
custom of the governor of the castles already
mentioned to take horse every Friday with ten
others, and, coming to the gate, to strike the
great bolt three times with a ponderous ham-
mer weighing five pounds, when there would
be heard a murmuring noise within, which were
the groans of the Yagog and Magog people con-
fined in the mountain. Indeed, Salam was told
that the poor captives often appeared on the
battlements above. Thus the real existence of
this people was, in his opinion, fully proved ;
and even the story in respect to the diminutive
size of the Magogs was substantiated, for Salam
was told that once, in a high wind, three of them
were blown off from the battlements to the
ground, and that, on being measured, they were
found but three spans high.

40 Genghis Khan.

Travelers' tales. Progress of intelligence.

This is a specimen of the tales brought home
from remote countries by the most learned and
accomplished travelers of those times. In com-
paring these absurd and ridiculous tales with
the reports which are brought back from dis-
tant regions in our days by such travelers as
Humboldt, Livingstone, and Kane, we shall
perceive what an immense progress in intelli-
gence and information the human mind has
made since those days.

Yezonkai Khan. 41

Yezonkai Behadr. Orthography of Mongul names.

Chapter III.
Yezonkai Khan.

THE name of the father of Genghis Khan is
a word which can not be pronounced ex-
actly in English. It sounded something like
this, Yezonkai Behadr, with the accent on the
last syllable, Behadr, and the a sounded like a
in hark. This is as near as we can come to it ;
but the name, as it was really pronounced by
the Mongul people, can not be written in En-
glish letters nor spoken with English sounds.

Indeed, in all languages so entirely distinct
from each other as the Mongul language was
from ours, the sounds are different, and the let-
ters by which the sounds are represented are
different too. Some of the sounds are so ut-
terly unlike any sounds that we have in En-
glish that it is as impossible to write them in
English characters as it is for us to write in
English letters the sound that a man makes
when he chirps to his horse or his dog, or when
he whistles. Sometimes writers attempt to rep-
resent the latter sound by the word whew ; and

42 Genghis Khan.

Great diversities. Yezonkai's power.

when, in reading a dialogue, we come to the
word whew, inserted to express a part of what
one of the speakers uttered, we understand by
it that he whistled ; but how different, after all,
is the sound of the spoken word ivhew from the
whistling sound that it is intended to repre-
sent!

Now, in all the languages of Asia, there are
many sounds as impossible to be rendered by
the European letters as this, and in making
the attempt every different writer falls into a
different mode. Thus the first name of Gen-
ghis Khan's father is spelled by different trav-
elers and historians, Yezonkai, Yesukay, Yes-
suki, Yesughi, Bissukay, Bisukay, Pisukay, and
in several other ways. The real sound was un-
doubtedly as different from any of these as they
were all different from each other. In this nar-
rative I shall adopt the first of these methods,
and call him Yezonkai Behadr.

Yezonkai was a great khan, and he descend-
ed in a direct line through ten generations, so
it was said, from a deity. Great sovereigns in
those countries and times were very fond of
tracing back their descent to some divine ori-
gin, by way of establishing more fully in the
minds of the people their divine right to the
throne. Yezonkai's residence was at a great

Yezonkai Khan. 45

A successful warrior. Katay.

palace in the country, called by a name, the
sound of which, as nearly as it can be repre-
sented in English letters, was Diloneldak. From
this, his capital, he used to make warlike ex-
cursions at the head of hordes of Monguls into
the surrounding countries, in the prosecution
of quarrels which he made with them under
various pretexts ; and as he was a skillful com-
mander, and had great influence in inducing all
the inferior khans to bring large troops of men
from their various tribes to add to his army, he
was usually victorious, and in this way he ex-
tended his empire very considerably while he
lived, and thus made a very good preparation
for the subsequent exploits of his son.

The northern part of China was at that time
entirely separated from the southern part, and
was under a different government. It consti-
tuted an entirely distinct country, and was call-
ed Katay.* This country was under the do-
minion of a chieftain called the Khan of Katay.
This khan was very jealous of the increasing
power of Yezonkai, and took part against him
in all his wars with the tribes around him, and
assisted them in their attempts to resist him ;
but he did not succeed. Yezonkai was too

* Spelled variously Kathay, Katay, Kitay, and in other

46 Genghis Khan. [1163.

The Khan of Temujin. Mongul custom.

powerful for them, and went on extending his
conquests far and wide.

At last, under the pretense of some affront
which he had received from them, Yezonkai
made war upon a powerful tribe of Tartars that
lived in his neighborhood. He invaded their
territories at the head of an immense horde of
Mongul troops, and began seizing and driving
off their cattle.

The name of the khan who ruled over these
people was Temujin. Temujin assembled his
forces as soon as he could, and went to meet
the invaders. A great battle was fought, and
Yezonkai was victorious. Temujin was defeat-
ed and put to flight. Yezonkai encamped aft-
er the battle on the banks of the Eiver Amoor,
near a mountain. He had all his family with
him, for it was often the custom, in these enter-
prises, for the chieftain to take with him not
only all his household, but a large portion of
his household goods. Yezonkai had several
wives, and almost immediately after the battle,
one of them, named Olan Ayka, gave birth to
a son. Yezonkai, fresh from the battle, de-
termined to commemorate his victory by giv-
ing his new-born son the name of his vanquish-
ed enemy. So he named him Temujin.* His

* The name is intended to be pronounced Tim-oo-zhin.

1163.] Yezonkai Khan. 47

Birth of Genghis Khan. Predictions of the astrologer.

birth took place, as nearly as can now be ascer-
tained, in the year of our Lord 1163.

Such were the circumstances of our hero's
birth, for it was this Temujin who afterward
became renowned throughout all Asia under
the name of Genghis Khan. Through all the
early part of his life, however, he was always
known by the name which his father gave him
in the tent by the river side where he was
born.

Among the other grand personages in Ye-
zonkai's train at this time, there was a certain
old astrologer named Sugujin. He was a rela-
tive of Yezonkai, and also his principal minis-
ter of state. This man, by his skill in astrol-
ogy, which he applied to the peculiar circum-
stances of the child, foretold for him at once a
wonderful career. He would grow up, the as-
trologer said, to be a great warrior. He would
conquer all his enemies, and extend his con-
quests so far that he would, in the end, become
the Khan of all Tartary. Young Temujin's
parents were, of course, greatly pleased with
these predictions, and when, not long after this
time, the astrologer died, they appointed his
son, whose name was Karasher, to be the guard-
ian and instructor of the boy. They trusted,
it seems, to the son to give the young prince

48 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Explanation of the predictions. Karasher.

such a training in early life as should prepare
him to realize the grand destiny which the fa-
ther had foretold for him.

There would be something remarkable in the
fact that these predictions were uttered at the
birth of Genghis Khan, since they were after-
ward so completely fulfilled, were it not that
similar prognostications of greatness and glory
were almost always offered to the fathers and
mothers of young princes in those days by
the astrologers and soothsayers of their courts.
Such promises were, of course, very flattering
to these parents at the time, and brought those
who made them into great favor. Then, in the
end, if the result verified them, they were re-
membered and recorded as something wonder-
ful ; if not, they were forgotten.

Karasher, the astrologer's son, who had been
appointed young Temujin's tutor, took his pupil
under his charge, and began to form plans for
educating him. Karasher was a man of great
talents and of considerable attainments in learn-
ing, so far as there could be any thing like
learning in such a country and among such a
people. He taught him the names of the va-
rious tribes that lived in the countries around,
and the names of the principal chieftains that
ruled over them. He also gave him such in-

1175.] Yezonkai Khan. 49

Education of Temujin. His precocity.

formation as he possessed in respect to the coun-
tries themselves, describing the situation of the
mountains, the lakes, and the rivers, and the
great deserts which here and there intervened
between the fertile regions. He taught him,
moreover, to ride, and trained him in all such
athletic exercises as were practiced by the youth
of those times. He instructed him also in the
use of arms, teaching him how to shoot with a
bow and arrow, and how to hold and handle
his sabre, both when on horseback and when
on foot. He particularly instructed him in the
art of shooting his arrow in any direction when
riding at a gallop upon his horse, behind as
well as before, and to the right side as well as
to the left. To do this coolly, skillfully, and
with a true aim, required great practice as well
as much courage and presence of mind.

Young Temujin entered into all these things
with great spirit. Indeed, he very soon ceased
to feel any interest in any thing else, so that by
the time that he was nine years of age it was
said that he thought of nothing but exercising
himself in the use of arms.

Mne years of age, however, with him was

more than it would be with a young man

among us, for the Asiatics arrive at maturity

much earlier than the nations of "Western Eu-

D

50 Genghis Khan. ■ [1175.

His early marriage. Plans of Temujin's father.

rope and America. Indeed, by the time that
Temnjin was thirteen years old, his father con-
sidered him a man — at least he considered him
old enough to be married. He was married,
in fact, and had two children before he was fif-
teen, if the accounts which the historians have
given ns respecting him are true.

Just before Temujin was thirteen, his father,
in one of his campaigns in Katay, was defeated
in a battle, and, although a great many of his
followers escaped, he himself was surrounded
and overpowered by the horsemen of the enemy,
and was made prisoner. He was put under the
care of a guard ; for, of course, among people
living almost altogether on horseback and in
tents, there could be very few prisons. Ye-
zonkai followed the camp of his conqueror for
some time under the custody of his guard ; but
at length he succeeded in bribing his keeper to
let him escape, and so contrived, after encoun-
tering many difficulties and suffering many
hardships, to make his way back to his own
country.

He was determined now to make a new in-
cursion into Katay, and that with a larger force
than he had had before. So he made an alli-
ance with the chieftain of a neighboring tribe,
called the Kaymans ; and, in order to seal and

1175.] Yezonkai Khan. 51

Karizu. Tayian. Death of Yezonkai.

establish this alliance, he contracted that his
son should marry the daughter of his ally.
This was the time when Temujin was but thir-
teen years old. The name of this his first wife
was Karizu — at least that was one of her
names. Her father's name was Tayian.

Before Yezonkai had time to mature his
plans for his new invasion of Katay, he fell
sick and died. He left five sons and a daughter,
it is said ; but Temujin seems to have been the
oldest of them all, for by his will his father left
his kingdom, if the command of the group of
tribes which were under his sway can be called
a kingdom, to him, notwithstanding that he was
yet only thirteen years old.

52 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Temujin's accession. Didcontent.

Chapter IV.
The First Battle.

IN the language of the Monguls and of their
neighbors the Tartars, a collection of tribes
banded together under one chieftain was desig-
nated by a name which sounded like the word
orda. This is the origin, it is said, of the En-
glish word horde.

The orda over which Yezonkai had ruled,
and the command of. which, at his death, he left
to his son, consisted of a great number of sep-
arate tribes, each of which had its own particu-
lar chieftain. All these subordinate chieftains
were content to be under Yezonkai's rule and
leadership while he lived. He was competent,
they thought, to direct their movements and to
lead them into battle against their enemies.
But when he died, leaving only a young man
thirteen years of age to succeed him, several of
them were disposed to rebel. There were two
of them, in particular, who thought that they
were themselves better qualified to reign over
the nation than such a boy; so they formed

1175.] The First Battle. 53

Taychot and Chamuka. Arrangements for the battle.

an alliance with each other, and with such other
tribes as were disposed to join them, and ad-
vanced to make war upon Temujin at the head
of a great number of squadrons of troops,
amounting in all to thirty thousand men.

The names of the two leaders of this rebel-
lion were Taychot and Chamuka.

Young Temujin depended chiefly on his
mother for guidance and direction in this emerg-
ency. He was himself very brave and spirited ;
but bravery and spirit, though they are of such
vital importance in a commander on the field
of battle, when the contest actually comes on,
are by no means the principal qualities that are
required in making the preliminary arrange-
ments.

Accordingly, Temujin left the forming of the
plans to his mother, while he thought only of
his horses, of his arms and equipments, and of
the fury with which he would gallop in among
the enemy when the time should arrive for the
battle to begin. His mother, in connection with
the chief officers of the army and counselors of
state who were around her, and on whom her
husband Yezonkai, during his lifetime, had been
most accustomed to rely, arranged all the plans.
They sent off messengers to the heads of all
the tribes that they supposed would be friendly

54: Genghis Khan. [1175.

Temujin's ardor. Porgie.

to Temujin, and appointed places of rendezvous
for the troops that they were to send. They
made arrangements for the stores of provisions
which would be required, settled questions of
precedence among the different clans, regulated
the order of march, and attended to all other
necessary details.

In the mean time, Temujin thought only of
the approaching battle. He was engaged con-
tinually in riding up and down upon spirited
horses, and shooting in all directions, backward
and forward, and both to the right side and to
the left, with his bow and arrow. Nor was all
this exhibition of ardor on his part a mere use-
less display. It had great influence in awaken-
ing a corresponding ardor among the chieftains
of the troops, and among the troops themselves.
They felt proud of the spirit and energy which
their young prince displayed, and were more
and more resolved to exert themselves to the
utmost in defending his cause.

There was another young prince, of the name
of Porgie, of about Temujin's age, who was also
full of ardor for the fight. He was the chief-
tain of one of the tribes that remained faithful
to Temujin, and he was equally earnest with
Temujin for the battle to begin.

At length the troops were ready, and, with

1175.] The First Battle. 55

Exaggerated statements. The battle.

Temujin and his mother at the head of them,
the j went forth to attack the rebels. The, reb-
els were ready to receive them. They v were
thirty thousand strong, according to the state-
ments of the historians. This number is
probably exaggerated, as all numbers were
in those days, when there was no regular en-
rollment of troops and no strict system of enu-
meration.

At any rate, there was a very great battle.
Immense* troops of horsemen coming at full
speed in opposite directions shot showers of ar-
rows at each other when they arrived at the
proper distance for the arrows to take effect,
and then, throwing down their bows and draw-
ing their sabres, rushed madly on, until they
came together with an awful shock, the dread-
ful confusion and terror of which no person
can describe. The air was filled with the most
terrific outcries, in which yells of fury, shrieks
of agony, and shouts of triumph were equally
mingled. Some of the troops maintained their
position through the shock, and rode on, bear-
ing down all before them. Others were over-
thrown and trampled in the dust ; while all,
both those who were up and those who were
down, were cutting in every direction with their
sabres, killing men and inciting the horses to

56 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Bravery 'of Temuj in and Porgie.

redoubled fury by the wounds which they gave
them.

In the midst of such scenes as these Temujin
and Porgie fought furiously with the rest.
Temujin distinguished himself greatly. It is
probable that those who were immediately
around him felt that he was under their charge,
and that they must do all in their power to pro-
tect him from danger. This they could do
much more easily and effectually under the
mode of fighting which prevailed in those days
than would be possible now, when gunpowder
is the principal agent of destruction. Temu-
jin's attendants and followers could gather
around him and defend him from assailants.
They could prevent him from charging any
squadron which was likely to be strong enough
to overpower him, and they could keep his en-
emies so much at bay that they could not reach
him with their sabres. But upon a modern
field of battle there is much less opportunity
to protect a young prince or general's son, or
other personage whose life may be considered
as peculiarly valuable. No precautions of his
attendants can prevent a bomb's bursting at his
feet, or shield him from the rifle balls that come
whistling from such great distances through the
air.

1175.] The Fiest Battle. 57

Influence of Temujin's example. Taychot slain. The victory.

At any rate, whether protected by his attend-
ants or only by the fortune of war, Temujin
passed through the battle without being hurt,
and the courage and energy which he display-
ed were greatly commended by all who wit-
nessed them. His mother was in the battle too,
though, perhaps, not personally involved in the
actual conflicts of it. She directed the ma-
noeuvres, however, and by her presence and
her activity greatly encouraged and animated
the men. In consequence of the spirit and en-
ergy infused into the troops by her presence,
and by the extraordinary ardor and bravery of
Temujin, the battle was gained. The army of
the enemy was put to flight. One of the lead-
ers, Taychot, was slain. The other made his
escape, and Temujin and his mother were left
in possession of the field.

Of course, after having fought with so much
energy and effect on such a field, Temujin was
now no longer considered as a boy, but took
his place at once as a man among men, and was
immediately recognized by all the army as
their prince and sovereign, and as fully entitled,
by his capacity if not by his years, to rule in his
own name. He assumed and exercised his
^powers with as much calmness and self-posses-
sion as if he had been accustomed to them for

58 GrENGHIS Khan. [1175.

Rewards and honors. Temujin's rising fame.

many years. He made addresses to his officers
and soldiers, and distributed honors and re-
wards to them with a combined majesty and
grace which, in their opinion, denoted much
grandeur of soul. The rewards and honors
were characteristic of the customs of the coun-
try and the times. They consisted of horses,
arms, splendid articles of dress, and personal
ornaments. Of course, among a people who
lived, as it were, always on horseback, such
objects as these were the ones most highly
prized.

The consequence of this victory was, that
nearly the whole country occupied by the reb-
els submitted without any farther resistance to
Temujin's sway. Other tribes, who lived on
the borders of his dominions, sent in to pro-
pose treaties of alliance. The khan of one of
these tribes demanded of Temujin the hand of
his sister in marriage to seal and confirm the
alliance which he proposed to make. In a
word, the fame of Temujin's prowess spread
rapidly after the battle over all the surround-
ing countries, and high anticipations began to
be formed of the greatness and glory of his
reign.

In the course of the next year Temujin was
married to his second wife, although he was at

1175.] The First Battle. 59

His second wife. Purta carried away captive.

this time only fourteen years old. The name
of his bride was Purta Kugin. By this wife,
who was probably of about his own age, he
had a daughter, who was born before the close
of the year after the marriage.

In his journeys about the country Temujin
sometimes took his wives with him, and some-
times he left them temporarily in some place
of supposed security. Toward the end of the
second year Purta was again about to become
a mother, and Temujin, who at that time had
occasion to go off on some military expedition,
fearing that the fatigue and exposure would be
more than she could well bear, left her at home.
While he was gone a troop of horsemen, from
a tribe of his enemies, came suddenly into the
district on a marauding expedition. They over-
powered the troops Temujin had left to guard
the place, and seized and carried off every thing
that they could find that was valuable. They
made prisoner of Purta, too, and carried her
away a captive. The plunder they divided
among themselves, but Purta they sent as a
present to a certain khan who reigned over a
neighboring country, and whose favor they
wished to secure. The name of this chieftain
was Yang Khan. As this Yang Khan figures
somewhat conspicuously in the subsequent his-

60 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Customary present. Purta and Vang Khan.

tor j of Temujin, a full account of him will be
given in the next chapter. All that is neces-
sary to say here is, that the intention of the
captors of Purta, in sending her to him as a
present, was that he should make her his wife.
It was the custom of these khans to have as
many wives as they could obtain, so that when
prisoners of high rank were taken in war, if
there were any young and beautiful women
among them, they were considered as charm-
ing presents to send to any great prince or po-
tentate near, whom the captors were desirous of
pleasing. It made no difference, in such cases,
whether the person who was to receive the pres-
ent were young or old. Sometimes the older
he was the more highly he would prize such a
gift.

Yang Khan, it happened, was old. He was
old enough to be Temujin's father. Indeed, he
had been in the habit of calling Temujin his
son. He had been in alliance with Yezonkai,
Temujin's father, some years before, when Te-
mujin was quite a boy, and it was at that time
that he began to call him his son.

Accordingly, when Purta was brought to him
by the messengers who had been sent in charge
of her, and presented to him in his tent, he
said,

1175.] The First Battle. 63

Purta's return. Birth of her child.

" She is very beautiful, but I can not take
her for my wife, for she is the wife of my son.
I can not marry the wife of my son."

Vang Khan, however, received Purta undef
his charge, gave her a place in his household,
and took good care of her.

When Temujin returned home from his ex*
pedition, and learned what had happened dur
ing his absence, he was greatly distressed at the
loss of his wife. • Not long afterward he ascer* .
tained where she was, and he immediately sent
a deputation to Yang Khan asking him to send
her home. With this request Yang Khan im-
mediately complied, and Purta set out on her
return. She was stopped on the way, however,
by the birth of her child. It was a son. As
soon as the child was born it was determined
to continue the journey, for there was danger,
if they delayed, that some new troop of enemies
might come up, in which case Purta would per-
haps be made captive again. So Purta, it is
said, wrapped up the tender limbs of the infant
in some sort of paste or dough, to save them
from the effects of the jolting produced by the
rough sort of cart in which she was compelled
to ride, and in that condition she held the babe
in her lap all the way home.

She arrived at her husband's residence in

64 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Jughi. Temujin's wonderful dream.

safety. Temujin was overjoyed at seeing her
again ; and he was particularly pleased with his
little son, who came out of his packing safe and
sound. In commemoration of his safe arrival
after so strange and dangerous a journey, his
father named him Safe-arrived ; that is, he gave
him for a name the word in their language that
means that. The word itself was Jughi.

The commencement of Temujin's career was
thus, on the whole, quite prosperous, and every
thing seemed to promise well. He was him-
self full of ambition and of hope, and began to
feel dissatisfied with the empire which his fa-
ther had left him, and to form plans for extend-
ing it. He dreamed one night that his arms
grew out to an enormous length, and that he
took a sword in each of them, and stretched
them out to see how far they would reach,
pointing one to the eastward and the other to
the westward. In the morning he related his
dream to his mother. She interpreted it to
him. She told him it meant undoubtedly that
he was destined to become a great conqueror,
and that the directions in which his kingdom
would be extended were toward the eastward
and toward the westward.

Temujin continued for about two years after
this in prosperity, and then his good fortune

1175.] The First Battle. 65

Disaffection among his subjects. A rebellion. Temujin discouraged.

began to wane. There came a reaction. Some
of the tribes nnder his dominion began to grow
discontented. The subordinate khans began to
form plots and conspiracies. Even his own
tribe turned against him. Eebellions broke out
in various parts of his dominions ; and he was
obliged to make many hurried expeditions here
and there, and to fight many desperate battles
to suppress them. In one of these contests he
was taken prisoner. He, however, contrived
to make his escape. He then made proposals
to the disaffected khans, which he hoped would
satisfy them, and bring them once more to sub-
mit to him, since what he thus offered to do in
these proposals was pretty much all that they
had professed to require. But the proposals
did not satisfy them. What they really intend-
ed to do was to depose Temujin altogether, and
then either divide his dominions among them-
selves, or select some one of their number to
reign in his stead.

At last, Temujin, finding that he could not
pacify his enemies, and that they were, more-
over, growing stronger every day, while those
that adhered to him were growing fewer in
numbers and diminishing in strength, became
discouraged. He began to think that perhaps
he really was too young to rule over a kingdom
E

66 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Temujin plans a temporary abdication.

composed of wandering hordes of men so war-
like and wild, and he concluded for a time to
give up the attempt, and wait until times should
change, or, at least, until he should be grown
somewhat older. Accordingly, in conjunction
with his mother, he formed a plan for retiring
temporarily from the field ; unless, indeed, as
we might reasonably suspect, his mother form-
ed the plan herself, and by her influence over
him induced him to adopt it.

The plan was this : that Temujin should send
an embassador to the court of Yang Khan to
ask Yang Khan to receive him, and protect him
for a time in his dominions, until the affairs of
his own kingdom should become settled. Then,
if Yang Khan should accede to this proposal,
Temujin was to appoint his uncle to act as re-
gent during his absence. His mother, too, was
to be married to a certain emir, or prince, named
Menglik, who was to be made prime minister
under the regent, and was to take precedence
of all the other princes or khans in the king-
dom. The government was to be managed by
the regent and the minister until such time as
it should be deemed expedient for Temujin to
return.

This plan was carried into effect. Yang
Khan readily consented to receive Temujin into

1175.] * The First Battle. 67

Arrangement of a regency. Temujin's departure.

his dominions, and to protect him there. He
was very ready to do this, he said, on account
of the friendship which he had borne for Temu-
jin's father. Temujin's mother was married to
the emir, and the emir was made the first prince
of the realm. Finally, Temujin's uncle was
proclaimed regent, and duly invested with all
necessary authority for governing the country
until Temujin's return. These things being all
satisfactorily arranged, Temujin set out for the
country of Yang Khan at the head of an armed
escort, to protect him on the way, of six thou-
sand men. He took with him all his family,
and a considerable suite of servants and attend-
ants. Among them was his old tutor and
guardian Karasher, the person who had been
appointed by his father to take charge of him,
and to teach and train him when he was a boy.
Being protected by so powerful an escort,
Temujin's party were not molested on their
journey, and they all arrived safely at the court
of Yang Khan.

68 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Karakatay. Vang Khan's dominions.

Chapter Y.
Yang Khan.

THE country over which Yang Khan ruled
was called Karakatay. It bordered upon
the country of Katay, which has already been
mentioned as forming the northern part of what
is now China. Indeed, as its name imports, it
was considered in some sense as a portion of
the same general district of country. It was
that part of Katay which was inhabited by
Tartars.

Yang Khan's name at first was Togrul. The
name Yang Khan, which was, in fact, a title
rather than a name, was given him long after-
ward, when he had attained to the height of his
power. To avoid confusion, however, we shall
drop the name Togrul, and call him Yang Khan
from the beginning.

Yang Khan was descended from a powerful
line of khans who had reigned over Karakatay
for many generations. These khans were a
wild and lawless race of men, continually fight-
ing with each other, both for mastery, and also

1175.] Vang Khan. 69

The cruel fate of Mergus. His wife's stratagem.

for the plunder of each other's flocks and herds.
In this way most furious and cruel wars were
often fought between near relatives. Yang
Khan's grandfather, whose name was Mergus,
was taken prisoner in one of these quarrels by
another khan, who, though he was a relative,
was so much exasperated by something that
Mergus had done that he sent him away to a
great distance to the king of a certain country
which is called Kurga, to be disposed of there.
The King of Kurga put him into a sack, sew-
ed up the mouth of it, and then laid him across
the wooden image of an ass, and left him there
to die of humger and suffocation.

The wife of Mergus was greatly enraged
when she heard of the cruel fate of her hus-
band. She determined to be revenged. It
seems that the relative of her husband who had
taken him prisoner, and had sent him to the
King of Kurga, had been her. lover in former
times before her marriage; so she sent him a
message, in which she dissembled her grief for
the loss of her husband, and only blamed the
King of Kurga for his cruel death, and then
said that she had long felt an affection for him,
and that, if he continued of the same mind as
when he had formally addressed her, she was
now willing to become his wife, and offered, if

70 Genghis Khan. [1175.

NawT. He falls into the snare.

he would come to a certain place, which she spe-
cified, to meet her, she would join him there.

Nawr, for that was the chieftain's name, fell
at once into the snare which the beautiful wid-
ow thus laid for him. He immediately accept-
ed her proposals, and proceeded to the place of
rendezvous. He went, of course, attended by
a suitable guard, though his guard was small,
and consisted chiefly of friends and personal
attendants. The princess was attended also by
a guard, not large enough, however, to excite
any suspicion. She also took with her in her
train a large number of carts, which were to be
drawn by bullocks, and which were laden with
stores of provisions, clothing, and other such
valuables, intended as a present for her new
husband. Among these, however, there were
a large number of great barrels, or rounded
receptacles of some sort, in which she had
concealed a considerable force of armed men.
These receptacles were so arranged that the
men concealed in them could open them from
within in an instant, at a given signal, and issue
forth suddenly all armed and ready for action.

Among the other stores which the princess
had provided, there was a large supply of a
certain intoxicating drink which the Monguls
and Tartars were accustomed to make in those

1175.] Vang Khan. 71

Armed men in ambuscade. Death of Nawr,

days. As soon as the two parties met at the
place of rendezvous the princess gave Nawr a
very cordial greeting, and invited him and all
his party to a feast, to be partaken on the spot.
The invitation was accepted, the stores of pro-
visions were opened, and many of the presents
were unpacked and displayed. At the feast
Nawr and his party were all supplied abund-
antly with the intoxicating liquor, which, as is
usual in such cases, they were easily led to
drink to excess ; while, on the other hand, the
princess's party, who knew what was coming,
took good care to keep themselves sober. At
length, when the proper moment arrived, the
princess made the signal. In an instant the
men who had been placed in ambuscade in the
barrels burst forth from their concealment and
rushed upon the guests at the feast. The prin-
cess herself, who was all ready for action, drew
a dagger from her girdle and stabbed Nawr to
the heart. Her guards, assisted by the re-en-
forcement which had so suddenly appeared,
slew or secured all his attendants, who were so
totally incapacitated, partly by the drink which
they had taken, and partly by their astonish-
ment at the sudden appearance of so over-
whelming a force, that they were incapable of
making any resistance.

72 Genghis Khan. [1175.

Credibility of these tales. Early life of Vang Khan.

The princess, having thus accomplished her
revenge, marshaled her men, packed up her
pretended presents, and returned in triumph
home.

Such stories as these, related by the Asiatic
writers, though they were probably often much
embellished in the narration, had doubtless all
some foundation in fact, and they give us some
faint idea of the modes of life and action which
prevailed among these half-savage chieftains in
those times. Yang Khan himself was the
grandson of Mergus, who was sewed up in the
sack. His father was the oldest son of the
princess who contrived the above-narrated
stratagem to revenge her husbands death. It
is said that he used to accompany his father to
the wars when he was only ten years old. The
way in which he formed his friendship for Ye-
zonkai, and the alliance with him which led
him to call Temujin his son and to refuse to
take his wife away from him, as already related,
was this : When his father died he succeeded
to the command, being the oldest son ; but the
others were jealous of him, and after many and
long quarrels with them and with other rela-
tives, especially with his uncle, who seemed to
take the lead against him, he was at last over-
powered or outmanoeuvred, and was obliged to

1175.] Yang Khan. 73

Reception of Temujin. Prester John.

fly. He took refuge, in his distress, in the conn-
try of Yezonkai. Yezonkai received him in a
very friendly manner, and gave him effectual
protection. After a time he furnished him with
troops, and helped him to recover his kingdom,
and to drive his uncle away into banishment in
his turn. It was while he was thus in Yezon-
kai's dominions that he became acquainted with
Temujin, who was then very small, and it was
there that he learned to call him his son. Of
course, now that Temujin was obliged* to fly
himself from his native country and abandon
his hereditary dominions, as he had done be-
fore, he was glad of the opportunity of requit-
ing to the son the favor which he had received,
in precisely similar circumstances, from the
father, and so he gave Temujin a very kind
reception.

There is another circumstance which is some-
what curious in respect to Yang Khan, and that
is, that he is generally supposed to be the prince
whose fame was about this period spread all
over Europe, under the name of Prester John,
by the Christian missionaries in Asia. These
missionaries sent to the Pope, and to various
Christian kings in Europe, very exaggerated
accounts of the success of their missions among
the Persians, Turks, and Tartars; and at last

74 Genghis Khan. [1175.

His letter to the King of France. Other letters.

they wrote word that the great Khan of the
Tartars had become a convert, and had even
become a preacher of the Gospel, and had taken
the name of Prester John. The word prester
was understood to be a corruption of presbyter.
A great deal was accordingly written and said
all through Christendom about the great Tartar
convert, Prester John. There were several let-
ters forwarded by the missionaries, professedly
from him, and addressed to the Pope and to the
different kings of Europe. Some of these let-
ters, it is said, are still in existence. One of
them was to the King of France. In this let-
ter the writer tells the King of France of his
great wealth and of the vastness of his domin-
ions. He says he has seventy kings to serve
and wait upon him. #He invites the King of
France to come and see him, promising to be-
stow a great kingdom upon him if he will, and
also to make him his heir and leave all his do-
minions to him when he dies ; with a great deal
more of the same general character.

The other letters were much the same, and
the interest which they naturally excited was
increased by the accounts which the mission-
aries gave of the greatness and renown of this
more than royal convert, and of the progress
which Christianity had made and was still mak-

1175.] Vang Khan. 75

The probable truth. Temujin and Vang Khan.

ing in his dominions through their instrument-
ality.

It is supposed, in modern times, that these
stories were pretty much all inventions on the
part of the missionaries, or, at least, that the ac-
counts which they sent were greatly exagger-
ated and embellished; and there is but little
doubt that they had much more to do with the
authorship of the letters than any khan. Still,
however, it is supposed that there was a great
prince who at least encouraged the missionaries
in their work, and allowed them to preach
Christianity in his dominions, and, if so, there
is little doubt that Yang Khan was the man.

At all events, he was a very great and pow-
erful prince, and he reigned over a wide extent
of country. The name of his capital was Kara-
korom. The distance which Temujin had to
travel to reach this city was about ten days'
journey.

He was received by Yang Khan with great
marks of kindness and consideration. Yang
Khan promised to protect him, and, in due time,
to assist him in recovering his kingdom. In
the mean while Temujin promised to enter at
once into Yang Khan's service, and to devote
himself faithfully to promoting the interests of
his kind protector by every means in his power.

76 Genghis Khan. [1182.

Temujin1 a popularity.

Chapter VI.
Temujin in Exile.

VANGr KHAN gave Temujin a very hon-
orable position in his court. It was nat-
ural that he should do so, for Temujin was a
prince in the prime of his youth, and of very
attractive person and manners ; and, though he
was for the present an exile, as it were, from
his native land, he was not by any means in a
destitute or hopeless condition. His family and
friends were still in the ascendency at home,
and he himself, in coming to the kingdom of
Yang Khan, had brought with him quite an
important body of troops. Being, at the same
time, personally possessed of great courage and
of much military skill, he was prepared to ren-
der his protector good service in return for his
protection. In a word, the arrival of Temujin
at the court of Yang Khan was an event calcu-
lated to make quite a sensation.

At first every body was very much pleased
with him, and he was very popular; but before
long the other young princes of the court, and

1182.] Temujin in Exile. 77

Rivals and enemies appear. Plots. Yemuka. Wisulujine.

the chieftains of the neighboring tribes, began
to be jealous of him. Yang Khan gave him
precedence over them all, partly on account of
his personal attachment to him, and partly on
account of the rank which he held in his own
country, which, being that of a sovereign prince,
naturally entitled him to the very highest po-
sition among the subordinate chieftains in the
retinue of Yang Khan. But these subordinate
chieftains were not satisfied. They murmured,
at first secretly, and afterward more openly,
and soon began to form combinations and plots
against the new favorite, as they called him.

An incident soon occurred which greatly in-
creased this animosity, and gave to Temujin's
enemies, all at once, a very powerful leader
and head. This leader was a very influential
chieftain . named Yemuka. This Yemuka, it
seems, was in love with the daughter of Yang
Khan, the Princess Wisulujine. He asked her
in marriage of her father. To precisely what
state of forwardness the negotiations had ad-
vanced does not appear, but, at any rate, when
Temujin arrived, Wisulujine soon began to turn
her thoughts toward him. He was undoubt-
edly younger, handsomer, and more accomplish-
ed than her old lover, and before long she
gave her father to understand that she would

78 Genghis Khan. [1182.

Yemuka's disappointment. His rage. Conspiracy formed.

much rather have him for her husband than
Yemuka. It is true, Temujin had one or two
wives already ; but this made no difference, for
it was the custom then, as, indeed, it is still, for
the Asiatic princes and chieftains to take as
many wives as their wealth and position would
enable them to maintain. Yemuka was ac-
cordingly refused, andWisulujine was given in
marriage to Temujin.

Yemuka was, of course, dreadfully enraged.
He vowed that he would be revenged. He im-
mediately began to intrigue with all the dis-
contented persons and parties in the kingdom,
not only with those who were envious and jeal-
ous of Temujin, but also with all those who,
for any reason, were disposed to put themselves
in opposition to Yang Khan's government.
Thus a formidable conspiracy was formed for
the purpose of compassing Temujin's ruin.

The conspirators first tried the effect of pri-
vate remonstrances with Yang Khan, in which
they made all sorts of evil representations
against Temujin, but to no effect. Temujin
rallied about him so many old friends, and
made so many new friends by his courage and
energy, that his party at court proved stronger
than that of his enemies, and, for a time, they
seemed likely to fail entirely of their design.

1182.] Temujin in Exile. 79

Progress of the league. Oath of the conspirators.

At length the conspirators opened communi-
cation with the foreign enemies of Yang Khan,
and formed a league with them to make war
against and destroy both Yang Khan and Te-
mujin together. The accounts of the progress
of this league, and of the different nations and
tribes which took part in it, is imperfect and
confused ; but at length, after various prelim-
inary contests and manoeuvres, arrangements
were made for assembling a large army with a
view of invading Yang Khan's dominions and
deciding the question by a battle. The differ-
ent chieftains and khans whose troops were
united to form this army bound tnemselves to-
gether by a solemn oath, according to the cus-
toms of those times, not to rest until both Yang
Khan and Temujin should be destroyed.

The manner in which they took the oath
was this : They brought out into an open space
on the plain where they had assembled to take
the oath, a horse, a wild ox, and a dog. At a
given signal they fell upon these animals with
their swords, and cut them all to pieces in the
most furious manner. When they had finish-
ed, they stood together arid called out aloud in
the following words :

"Hear! O God! 0 heaven! 0 earth! the
oath that we swear against Yang Khan and

80 Genghis Khan. [1182.

The oath. Karakorom. Plan formed by Temujin.

Temujin. If any one of us spares them when
we have them in our power, or if we fail to
keep the promise that we have made to destroy
them, may we meet with the same fate that has
befallen these beasts that we have now cut to
pieces."

They uttered this imprecation in a very sol-
emn manner, standing among the mangled and
bloody remains of the beasts which lay strewed
all about the ground.

These preparations had been made thus far
very secretly; but tidings of what was going
on came, before a great while, to Karakorom,
Yang Khan's capital. Temujin was greatly
excited when he heard the news. He imme-
diately proposed that he should take his own
troops, and join with them as many of Vang
Khan's soldiers as could be conveniently spared,
and go forth to meet the enemy. To this Yang
Khan consented. Temujin took one half of
Yang Khan's troops to join his own, leaving
the other half to protect the capital, and so set
forth on his expedition. He went off in the
direction toward the frontier where he had un-
derstood the principal part of the hostile forces
were assembling. After a long march, prob-
ably one of many days, he arrived there before
the enemy was quite prepared for him. Then

1182.] Temujin in Exile. 81

The campaign. Unexpected arrival of Vang Khan. His story.

followed a series of manoeuvres and counter-
manoeuvres, in which Temujin was all the time
endeavoring to bring the rebels to battle, while
they were doing all in their power to avoid it.
Their object in this delay was to gain time for
re-enforcements to come in, consisting of bodies
of troops belonging to certain members of the
league who had not yet arrived.

At length, when these manoeuvres were
brought to an end, and the battle was about to
be fought, Temujin and his whole army were
one day greatly surprised to see his father-in-
law, Yang Khan himself, coming into the camp
at the head of a small and forlorn-looking band
of followers, who had all the appearance of fu-
gitives escaped from a battle. They looked
anxious, way-worn, and exhausted, and the
horses that they rode seemed wholly spenf
with fatigue and privation. On explanation,
Temujin learned that, as soon as it was known
that he had left the capital, and taken with him
a large part of the army, a certain tribe of Yang
Khan's enemies,- living in another direction,
had determined to seize the opportunity to in-
vade his dominions, and had accordingly come
suddenly in, with an immense horde, to attack
the capital. Yang Khan had done all that he
could to defend the city, but he had been over-
F

82 Genghis Khan. [1182.

Temujin's promises. Eesult of the battle.

powered. The greater part of his soldiers had
been killed or wounded. The city had been
taken and pillaged. His son, with those of the
troops that had been able to save themselves,
had escaped to the mountains. As to Yang
Khan himself, he had thought it best to make
his way, as soon as possible, to the camp of
Temujin, where he had now arrived, after en-
during great hardships and sufferings on the
way.

Temujin was at first much amazed at hear-
ing this story. He, however, bade his father-
in-law not to be cast down or discouraged, and
promised him full revenge, and a complete tri-
umph over all his enemies at the coming bat-
tle. So he proceeded at once to complete his ar-
rangements for the coming fight. He resigned
to Yang Khan the command of the main body
of the army, while he placed himself at the
head of one of the wings, assigning the other
to the chieftain next in rank in his army. In
this order he went into battle.

The battle was a very obstinate and bloody
one, but, in the end, Temujin's party was vic:
torious. The^ troops opposed to him were de-
feated and driven off the field. The victory
appeared to be due altogether to Temujin him-
self; for, after the struggle had continued a long

1182.] Temujin in Exile. 83

Teniujin victorious. State of things at Karakorom. Erkekava.

time, and the result still appeared doubtful, the
troops of Temuj in's wing finally made a des-
perate charge, and forced their way with such
fury into the midst of the forces of the enemy
that nothing could withstand them. This en-
couraged and animated the other troops to such
a degree that very soon the enemy were en-
tirely routed and driven from off the field.

The effect of this victory was to raise the rep-
utation of Temujin as a military commander
higher than ever, and greatly to increase the
confidence which Yang Khan was inclined to
repose in him. The victory, too, seemed at first
to have well-nigh broken up the party of the
rebels. Still, the way was not yet open for
Yang Khan to return and take possession of
his throne and of his capital, for he learned
that one of his brothers had assumed the gov-
ernment, and was reigning in Karakorom in
his place. It would seem that this brother,
whose name was Erkekara, had been one of
the leaders of the party opposed to Temujin.
It was natural that he should be so ; for, being
the brother of the king, he would, of course, oc-
cupy a very high position in the court, and
would be one of the first to experience the ill
effects produced by the coming in of any new
favorite. He had accordingly joined in the

84 Genghis Khan. [1182.

Preparations for the final conflict. Erkekara vanquished.

plots that were formed against Temujin and
Yang Khan. Indeed, he was considered, in
some respects, as the head of their party, and
when Yang Khan was driven away from his
capital, this brother assumed the throne in his
stead. The question was, how could he now
be dispossessed and Yang Khan restored.

Temujin began immediately to form his plans
for the accomplishment of this purpose. He
concentrated his forces after the battle, and
soon afterward opened negotiations with other
tribes, who had before been uncertain which
side to espouse, but were now assisted a great
deal in coming to a .decision by the victory
which Temujin had obtained. In the mean
time the rebels were not idle. They banded
themselves together anew, and made great ex-
ertions to procure re-enforcements. Erkekara
fortified himself as strongly as possible in Kara-
korom, and collected ample supplies of ammu-
nition and military stores. It was not until
the following year that the parties had com-
pleted their preparations and were prepared
for the final struggle. Then, however, anoth-
er great battle was fought, and again Temujin
was victorious. Erkekara was killed or driven
away in his turn. Karakorom was retaken,
and Yang Khan entered it in triumph at the

1182.] Temujin in Exile. 85

Vang Khan restored. Temujin' s popularity.

head of his troops, and was once more estab-
lished on his throne.

Of course, the rank and influence of Temu-
jin at his court was now higher than ever be-
fore. He was now about twenty-two or twen-
ty-three year's of age. He had already three
wives, though it is not certain that all of them
were with him at Yang Khan's court. He was
extremely popular in the army, as young com-
manders of great courage and spirit almost al-
ways are. Yang Khan placed great reliance
upon him, and lavished upon him all possible
honors.

He does not seem, however, yet to have be-
gun to form any plans for returning to his na-
tive land.

86 Genghis Khan. [1182.

Erkekara. State of the country.

T

Chapter VII.

Eupture with Vang Khan.

EMUJTN remained at the court, or in the
dominions of Vang Khan, for a great many
years. During the greater portion of this time
he continued in the service of Vang Khan, and
on good terms with him, though, in the end, as
Ave shall presently see, their friendship was
turned into a bitter enmity.

Erkekara, Vang Khan's brother, who had
usurped his throne during the rebellion, was
killed, it was said, at the time when Vang Khan
recovered his throne. Several of the other
rebel chieftains were also killed, but some of
them succeeded in saving themselves from ut-
ter ruin, and in gradually recovering their for-
mer power over the hordes which they respect-
ively commanded. It must be remembered
that the country was not divided at this time
into regular territorial states and kingdoms, but
was rather one vast undivided region, occupied
by immense hordes, each of which was more or
less stationary, it is true, in its own district or

1182.] Bupture with Yang Khan. 87

Wandering habits. Yemuka. Sankum.

range, but was nevertheless without any per-
manent settlement. The various clans drifted
slowly this way and that among the plains and
mountains, as the prospects of pasturage, the
fortune of war, or the pressure of contermin-
ous hordes might incline them. In cases, too,
where a number of hordes were united un-
der one general chieftain, as was the case with
those over whom Vang Khan claimed to have
sway, the tie by which they were bound togeth-
er was very feeble, and the distinction between
a state of submission and of rebellion, except in
case of actual war, was very slightly defined.

Yemuka, the chieftain who had been so ex-
asperated against Temujin on account of his
being supplanted by him in the affections of
the young princess, Vang Khan's daughter,
whom Temujin had married for his third wife,
succeeded in making his escape at the time
when Vang Khan conquered his enemies and
recovered his throne. For a time he concealed
himself, or at least kept out of Vang Khan's
reach, by dwelling with hordes whose range
was at some distance from Karakorom. He
soon, however, contrived to open secret nego-
tiations with one of Vang Khan's sons, whose
name was something that sounded like San-
kum. Some authors, in attempting to repre*

88 . Genghis Khan. [1182.

Yemuka's intrigues with Sankum. Deceit.

sent his name in our letters, spelled it Sun-
ghim.

Yemuka easily persuaded this young San-
kum to take sides with him in the quarrel. It
was natural that he should do so, for, being the
son of Yang Khan, he was in some measure
displaced from his own legitimate and proper
position at his father's court by the great and
constantly increasing influence which Temujin
exercised.

" And besides," said Yemuka, in the secret
representations which he made to Sankum,
" this new-comer is not only interfering with
the curtailing your proper influence and con-
sideration now, but his design is by-and-by to
circumvent and supplant you altogether. He
is forming plans for making himself your fa-
ther's heir, and so robbing you of your rightful
inheritance."

Sankum listened very eagerly to these sug-
gestions, and finally it was agreed between him
and Yemuka that Sankum should exert his in-
fluence with his father to obtain permission for
Yemuka to come back to court, and to be re-
ceived again into his father's service, under pre-
tense of having repented of his rebellion, and
of being now disposed to return to his allegi-
ance. Sankum did this, and, after a time, Yang

1182.] Rupture with Vang Khan. 89

Temujin's situation. His military expeditions.

Khan was persuaded to allow Yemuka to re-
turn.

Thus a sort of outward peace was made, but
it was no real peace. Yemuka was as envious
and jealous of Temujin as ever, and now, more-
over, in addition to this envy and jealousy, he
felt the stimulus of revenge. Things, howev-
er, seem to have gone on very quietly for a
time, or at least without any open outbreak in
the court. During this time Yang Khan was,
as usual with such princes, frequently engaged
in wars with the neighboring hordes. In these
wars he relied a great deal on Temujin. Temu-
jin was in command o£a large body of troops,
which consisted in part of his own guard, the
troops that had come with him from his own
country, and in part of other bands of men
whom Yang Khan had placed under his orders,
or who had joined him of their own accord.
He was assisted in the command of this body
by four subordinate generals or khans, whom
he called his four intrepids. They were all
very brave and skillful commanders. At the
head of this troop Temujin was accustomed to
scour the country, hunting out Yang Khan's
enemies, or making long expeditions over dis-
tant plains or among the mountains, in the
prosecution of Yang Khan's warlike projects,

90 Genghis Khan. [1182,

Popular commanders. Stories of Temujin's cruelty.

whether those of invasion and plunder, or of
retaliation and vengeance.

Temujin was extremely popular with the
soldiers who served under him. Soldiers al-
ways love a dashing, fearless, and energetic
leader, who has the genius to devise brilliant
schemes, and the spirit to execute them in a
brilliant manner. They care very little how
dangerous the situations are into which he may
lead them. Those that get killed in perform-
ing the exploits which he undertakes can not
speak to complain, and those who survive are
only so much the better pleased that the dan-
gers that they have been brought safely through
were so desperate, and that the harvest of glory
which they have thereby acquired is so great.

Temujin, though a great favorite with his
own men, was, like almost all half-savage war-
riors of his class, utterly merciless, when he was
angry, in his treatment of his enemies. It is
said that after one of his battles, in which he
had gained a complete victory over an im-
mense horde of rebels and other foes, and had
taken great numbers of them prisoners, he or-
dered fires to be built and seventy large cal-
drons of water to be put over them, and then,
when the water was boiling hot, he caused the
principal leaders of the vanquished army to be

J.182.] Kupture with Yang Khan. 91

Probably fictions. Vang Khan's uneasiness.

thrown in headlong and thus scalded to death.
Then he marched at once into the country of
the enemy, and there took all the women and
children, and sent them off to be sold as slaves,
and seized the cattle and other property which
he found, and carried it off as plunder. In thus
taking possession of the enemy's property and
making it his own, and selling the poor cap-
tives into slavery, there was nothing remark-
able. Such was the custom of the times. But
the act of scalding his prisoners to death seems
to denote or reveal in his character a vein of
peculiar and atrocious cruelty. It is possible,
however, that the story may not be true. It
may have been invented by Yemuka and San-
kum, or by some of his other enemies.

For Yemuka and Sankum, and others who
were combined with them, were continually
endeavoring to undermine Temujin's influence
with Yang Khan, and thus deprive him of his
power. But he was too strong for them. His
great success in all his military undertakings
kept him up in spite of all that his rivals could
do to pull him down. As for Yang Khan him-
self, he was in part pleased with him and proud
of him, and in part he feared him. He was
very unwilling to be so dependent upon a sub-
ordinate chieftain, and yet he could not do

92 Genghis Khan. [1202#

Temujin. Vang Khan's suspicions.

without him. A king never desires that any-
one of his subjects should become too conspicu-
ous or too great, and Yang Khan would have
been very glad to have diminished, in some
way, the power and prestige which Temujin
had acquired, and which seemed to be increas-
ing every day. He, however, found no means
of effecting this in any quiet and peaceful man-
ner. Temujin was at the head of his troops,
generally away from Karakorom, where Yang-
Khan resided, and he was, in a great measure,
independent. He raised his own recruits to
keep the numbers of his army good, and it was
always easy to subsist if there chanced to be
any failure in the ordinary and regular sup-
plies.

Besides, occasions were continually occurring
in which Yang Khan wished for Temujin's aid,
and could not dispense with it. At one time,
while engaged in some important campaigns,
far away among the mountains, Yemuka con-
trived to awaken so much distrust of Temujin
in Yang Khan's mind, that Yang Khan secret-
ly decamped in the night, and marched away to
a distant place to save himself from a plot which
Yemuka had told him that Temujin was con-
triving. Here, however, he was attacked by a
large body of his enemies, and was reduced to

1202.] Eupture with Yang Khan. 93

A reconciliation. Fresh suspicions.

sucli straits that he was obliged to send couriers
off at once to Temujin to come with his intrep-
ids and save him. Temujin came. He rescued
Yang Khan from his danger, and drove his en-
emies away. Yang Khan was very grateful
for this service, so that the two friends became
entirely reconciled to each other, and were
united more closely than ever, greatly to Ye-
muka's disappointment and chagrin. They
made a new league of amity, and, to seal and
confirm it, they agreed upon a double marriage
between their two families. A son of Temujin
was to be married to a daughter of Yang Khan,
and a son of Yang Khan to a daughter of Te-
mujin.

This new compact did not, however, last long.
As soon as Yang Khan found that the danger
from which Temujin had rescued him was pass-
ed, he began again to listen to the representa-
tions of Yemuka and Sankum, who still insist-
ed that Temujin was a very dangerous man,
and was by no means to be trusted. They said
that he was ambitious and unprincipled, and
that he was only waiting for a favorable oppor-
tunity to rebel himself against Yang Khan and
depose him from his throne. They made a
great many statements to the khan in confirm-
ation of their opinion, some of which were true

94 Genghis Kuan. [1202.

Plans laid. Treachery. Menglik.

doubtless, but many were exaggerated, and
others probably false. They, however, suc-
ceeded at last in making such an impression
upon the khan's mind that he finally determ-
ined to take measures for putting Temujin out
of the way.

Accordingly, on some pretext or other, he
contrived to send Temujin away from Kara-
korom, his capital, for Temujin was so great a
favorite with the royal guards and with all the
garrison of the town, that he did not dare to
undertake any thing openly against him there.
Yang Khan also sent a messenger to Temujin's
own country to persuade the chief persons there
to join him in his plot. It will be recollected
that, at the time that Temujin left his own
country, when he was about fourteen years old,
his mother had married a great chieftain there,
named Menglik, and that this Menglik, in con-
junction doubtless with Temujin's mother, had
been made regent during his absence. Yang
Khan now sent to Menglik to propose that he
should unite with him to destroy Temujin.

" You have no interest," said Yang Khan in
the message that he sent to Menglik, " in taking
his part. It is true that you have married his
mother, but, personally, he is nothing to you.
And, if he is once out of the way, you will be

1202.] Kupture with Yang Khan. 95

Menglik gives Temujin warning. The double niarrinfre.

acknowledged as the Grand Khan of the Mon-
guls in your own right, whereas you now hold
your place in subordination to him, and he may
at any time return and set you aside alto-
gether."

Yang Khan hoped by these arguments to in-
duce Menglik to come and assist him in his
plan of putting Temujin to death, or, at least,
if Menglik would not assist him in perpetrating
the deed, he thought that, by these arguments,
he should induce him to be willing that it
should be committed, so that he should him-
self have nothing to fear afterward from his re-
sentment. But Menglik received the proposal
in a very different way from what Yang Khan
had expected. He said nothing, but he de-
termined immediately to let Temujin know of
the danger that he was in! He accordingly at
once set out to go to Temujin's camp to inform
him of Yang Khan's designs.

In the mean time, Yang Khan, having ma-
tared his plans, made an appointment for Te-
mujin to meet him at a certain place designated
for the purpose of consummating the double
marriage between their children, which had
been before agreed upon. Temujin, not sus-
pecting any treachery, received and entertained
the messenger in a very honorable manner, and

96 Genghis Khan, [1202.

Plans frustrated. Temujin's camp. Karasher.

said that he would come. After making the
necessary preparations, he set out, in company
with the messenger and with a grand retinue
of his own attendants, to go to the place ap-
pointed. On his way he was met or overtaken
by Menglik, who had come to warn him of his
danger. As soon as Temujin had heard what
his stepfather had to say, he made some excuse
for postponing the journey, and, sending a civil
answer to Yang Khan by the embassador, he
ordered him to go forward, and went back him-
self to his own camp.

This camp was at some distance from Kara-
korom. Yang Khan, as has already been stated,
had sent Temujin away from the capital on ac-
count of his being so great a favorite that he
was afraid of some tumult if he were to attempt
any thing against him there. Temujin was,
however, pretty strong in his camp. " The
troops that usually attended him were there,
with the four intrepids as commanders of the
four principal divisions of them. His old in-
structor and guardian, Karasher, was with him
too. Karasher, it seems, had continued in Te-
mujin's service up to this time, and was accus-
tomed to accompany him in all his expeditions
as his counselor and friend.

When Yang Khan learned, by the return of

1202.] Kupture with Vang Khan. 97

Vang Khan's plans. His plans betrayed by two slaves.

his messenger, that Tenrujin declined to come
to the place of rendezvous which he had ap-
pointed, he concluded at once that he suspected
treachery, and he immediately decided that he
must now strike a decisive blow without any
delay, otherwise Temujin would put himself
more and more on his guard. He was not
mistaken, it seems, however, in thinking how
great a favorite Temujin was at Karakorom,
for his secret design was betrayed to Temujin
by two of his servants, who overheard him
speak of it to one of his wives. Yang Khan's
plan was to go out secretly to Temujin's camp
at the head of an armed force superior to his,
and there come upon him and his whole troop
suddenly, by surprise, in the night, by which
means, he thought, he should easily overpower
the whole encampment, and either kill Temu-
jin and his generals, or else make them prison-
ers. The two men who betrayed this plan
were slaves, who were employed to take care
of the horses of some person connected with
Yang Khan's household, and to render various
other services. Their names were Badu and
Kishlik. It seems that these men were one
day carrying some milk to Yang Khan's house
or tent, and there they overheard a conversa-
tion between Yang Khan and his wife, by

a

98 Genghis Khan. [1202.

How the slaves overheard. A council called.

which they learned the particulars of the plan
formed for Temujin's destruction. The expe-
dition was to set out, they heard, on the follow-
ing morning.

It is not at all surprising that they overheard
this conversation, for not only the tents, but
even the houses used by these Asiatic nations
were built of very frail and thin materials, and
the partitions were often made of canvas and
felt, and other such substances as could have
very little power to intercept sound.

The two slaves determined to proceed at
once to Temujin's camp and warn him of his
danger. So they stole away from their quar-
ters at nightfall, and, after traveling diligently
all night, in the morning they reached the
camp and told Temujin what they had learn-
ed. Temujin was surprised ; but he had been,
in some measure, prepared for such intelligence
by the communication which his stepfather had
made him in respect to Yang Khan's treacher-
ous designs a few days before. He immediate-
ly summoned Karasher and some of his other
friends, in order to consult in respect to what
it was best to do.

It was resolved to elude Yang Khan's design
by means of a stratagem. He was to come
upon them, according to the account of the

1202.] Kuptuke with Yang Khan. 99

Temujin plans a stratagem.

slaves, that night. The preparations for re-
ceiving him were consequently to be made at
once. The plan was for Temujin and all his
troops to withdraw from the camp and conceal
themselves in a place of ambuscade near by.
They were to leave a number of men behind,
who, when night came on, were to set the lights
and replenish the fires, and put every thing in
such a condition as to make it appear that the
troops were all there. Their expectation was
that, when Yang Khan should arrive, he would
make his assault according to his original de-
sign, and then, while his forces were in the
midst of the confusion incident to such an on-
set, Temujin was to come forth from his ambus-
cade and fall upon them. In this way he
hoped to conquer them and put them to flight,
although he had every reason to suppose that
the force which Yang Khan would bring out
against him would be considerably stronger
in numbers than his own.

100 Genghis Khan. [1202.

The ambuscade. The wood and the brook.

Chapter VIII.
Progress of the Quarrel.

TEMITJTN'S stratagem succeeded admira-
bly. As soon as he had decided upon it
he began to put it into execution. He caused
every thing of value to be taken out of his tent
and carried away to a place of safety. He sent
away the women and children, too, to the same
place. He then marshaled all his men, except-
ing the small guard that he was going to leave
behind until evening, and led them off to the
ambuscade which he had chosen for them.
The place was about two leagues distant from
his camp. Temujin concealed himself here in
a narrow dell among the mountains, not far
from the road where Vang Khan would have
to pass along. The dell was narrow, and was
protected by precipitous rocks on each side.
There was a wood at the entrance to it also,
which concealed those that were hidden in it
from view, and a brook which flowed by near
the entrance, so that, in going in or coming out,
it was necessary to ford the brook.

1202.] Progress- of the Quarrel. 101

The guard left behind. Arrival of Vang Khan's army.

Temujin, on arriving at the spot, went with
all his troops into the dell, and concealed him-
self there.

In the mean time, the guard that had been
left behind in the camp had been instructed to
kindle up the camp-fires as soon as the evening
came on, according to the usual custom, and to
set lights in the tents, so as to give the camp
the appearance, when seen from a little dis-
tance in the night, of being occupied, as usual,
by the army. They were to wait, and watch
the fires and lights until they perceived signs
of the approach of the enemy to attack the
camp, when they were secretly to retire on the
farther side, and so make their escape.

These preparations, and the march of Temu-
jin's troops to the place of ambuscade, occupied
almost the whole of the day, and it was near
evening before the last of the troops had entered
the dell.

They had scarce accomplished this manoeu-
vre before Yang Khan's army arrived. Yang
Khan himself was not with them. He had in-
trusted the expedition to the command of San-
kum and Yemuka. Indeed, it is probable that
they were the real originators and contrivers
of it, and that Yang Khan had only been in-
duced to give his consent to it — and that per-

102 Genghis Khan. [1202.

False hopes. Assault upon the vacant camp.

haps reluctantly — by their persuasions. San-
kum and Yemuka advanced cautiously at the
head of their columns, and when they saw the
illumination of the camp produced by the lights
and the camp-fires, they thought at once that
all was right, and that their old enemy and ri-
val was now, at last, within their reach and at
their mercy.

They brought up the men as near to the
camp as they could come without being ob-
served, and then, drawing their bows and mak-
ing their arrows ready, they advanced furiously
to the onset, and discharged an immense show-
er of arrows in among the tents. They ex-
pected to see thousands of men come rushing
out from the tents, or starting -up from the
ground at this sudden assault, but, to their ut-
ter astonishment, all was as silent and motion-
less after the falling of the arrows as before.
They then discharged more arrows, and, finding
that they could not awaken any signs of life,
they began to advance cautiously and enter the
camp. They found, of course, that it had been
entirely evacuated. They then rode round and
round the inclosure, examining the ground
with flambeaux and torches to find the tracks
which Temujin's army had made in going
away. The tracks were soon discovered.

1202.] Progress of the Quarrel. 103

Advance of the assailants. The ambuscade.

Those who first saw them immediately set off
in pursuit of the fugitives, as they supposed
them, shouting, at the same time, for the rest to
follow. Some did follow immediately. Others,
who had strayed away to greater or less dis-
tances on either side of the camp in search of
the tracks, fell in by degrees as they received
the order, while others still remained among
the tents, where they were to be seen riding to
and fro, endeavoring to make discoveries, or
gathering together in groups to express to one
another their astonishment, or to inquire what
was next to be done. They, however, all gradu-
ally fell into the ranks of those who were fol-
lowing the track which had been found, and
the whole body went on as fast as they could
go, and in great confusion. They all supposed
that Temujin and his troops were making a
precipitate retreat, and were expecting every
moment to come up to him in his rear, in which
case he would be taken at great disadvantage,
and would be easily overwhelmed.

Instead of this, Temujin was just coming for-
ward from his hiding-place, with his squadrons
all in perfect order, and advancing in a firm,
steady, and compact column, all being ready at
the word of command to charge in good order,
but with terrible impetuosity, upon the advanc-

104 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Temujin's victory. Preparations for open war.

ing enemy. In this way the two armies came
together. The shock of the encounter was
terrific. Temujin, as might have been expect-
ed, was completely victorious. The confused
masses of Yang Khan's army were overborne,
thrown into dreadful confusion, and trampled
under foot. Great numbers were killed. Those
that escaped being killed at once turned and
fled. Sankum was wounded in the face by an
arrow, but he still was able to keep his seat
upon his horse, and so galloped away. Those
that succeeded in saving themselves got back
as soon as they could into the road by which
they came, and so made their way, in detached
and open parties, home to Kara'korom.

Of course, after this, Yang Khan could no
longer dissimulate his hostility to Temujin, and
both parties prepared for open war.

The different historians through whom we
derive our information in respect to the life and.
adventures of Genghis Khan have related the
transactions which occurred after this open out-
break between Temujin and Yang Khan some-
what differently. Combining their accounts,
we learn that both parties, after the battle, open-
ed negotiations with such neighboring tribes as
they supposed likely to take sides in the con-
flict, each endeavoring to gain as many adher-

1202.] Progress of the Quarrel. 105

Temujin makes alliances. Turkili.

ents as possible to his own cause. Temujin
obtained the alliance and co-operation of a great
number of Tartar princes who ruled over hordes
that dwelt in that part of the country, or
among the mountains around. Some of these
chieftains were his relatives. Others were in-
duced to join him by being convinced that he
would, in the end, prove to be stronger than
Yang Khan, and being, in some sense, politi-
cians as well as warriors, they wished to be sure
of coming out at the close of the contest on the
victorious side.

There was a certain khan, named Turkili,
who was a relative of Temujin, and who com-
manded a very powerful tribe. On approach-
ing the confines of his territory, Temujin, not
being certain of Turkili's disposition toward
him, sent forward an embassador to announce
his approach, and to ask if Turkili still retain-
ed the friendship which had long subsisted be-
tween them. Turkili might, perhaps, have hes-
itated which side to join, but the presence of
Temujin with his whole troop upon his fron-
tier seems to have determined him, so he sent a
favorable answer, and at once espoused Temu-
jin's cause.

Many other chieftains joined Temujin in
much the same way, and thus the forces under

106 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Solemn league and covenant. Bitter water. Recollection of the ceremony.

his command were constantly increased. At
length, in his progress across the country, he
came with his troop of followers to a place
where there was a stream of salt or bitter water
which was unfit to drink. Temujin encamped
on the shores of this stream, and performed a
grand ceremony, in which he himself and his
allies banded themselves together in the most
solemn manner. In the course of the ceremony
a horse was sacrificed on the shores of the
stream. Temujin also took up some of the
water from the brook and drank it, invoking
heaven, at the same time, to witness a solemn
vow which he made, that, as long as he lived, he
would share with his officers and soldiers the
bitter as well as the sweet, and imprecating
curses upon himself if he should ever violate
his oath. All his allies and officers did the
same after him.

This ceremony was long remembered in the
army, all those who had been present and had
taken part in it cherishing the recollection of it
with pride and pleasure; and long afterward,
when Temujin had attained to the height of
his power and glory, his generals considered
their having been present at this first solemn
league and covenant as conferring upon them a
sort of title of nobility, by which they and their

1202.] Progress of the Quarrel. 109

Temujin's strength. His letter to Vang Khan.

descendants were to be distinguished forever
above all those whose adhesion to the cause of
the conqueror dated from a later time.

By this time Temujin began to feel quite
strong. He moved on with his army till he
came to the borders of a lake which was not a
great way from Yang Khan's dominions. Here
he encamped, and, before proceeding any far-
ther, he determined to try the effect, upon the
mind of Yang Khan, of a letter of expostula-
tion and remonstrance; so he wrote to him,
substantially, as follows :

"A great many years ago, in the time of my
father, when you were driven from your throne
by your enemies, my father came to your aid,
defeated your enemies, and restored you.

" At a later time, after I had come into your
dominions, your brother conspired against you
with the Markats and the Naymans. I defeat-
ed them, and helped you to recover your power.
When you were reduced to great distress, I
shared with you my flocks and every thing that
I had.

"At another time, when you were in circum-
stances of great danger and distress, you sent
to me to ask that my four intrepids might go
and rescue you. I sent them according to your

110 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Effect of the letter. Sankum' a anger.

request, and they delivered you from a most
imminent danger. They helped you to con-
quer your enemies, and to recover an immense
booty from them.

"In many other instances, when the khans
have combined against you, I have given you
most effectual aid in subduing them.

" How is it, then, after receiving all these
benefits from me for a period of so many years,
that you form plans to destroy me in so base
and treacherous a manner ?"

This letter seems to have produced some im-
pression upon Yang Khan's mind ; but he was
now, it seems, so much under the influence of
Sankum and Yemuka that he could decide
nothing for himself. He sent the letter to San-
kum to ask him what answer should be return-
ed. But Sankum, in addition to his former
feelings of envy and jealousy against Temujin,
was now irritated and angry in consequence of
the wound that he had received, and determ-
ined to have his revenge. He would not hear
of any accommodation.

In the mean time, the khans of all the Tartar
and Mongul tribes that lived in the countries
bordering on Yang Khan's dominions, hearing
of the rupture between Yang Khan and Temu-

1202.] Progress of the Quarrel. Ill

Great accessions to Temujin's army. Mongolistan.

jin, and aware of the great struggle for the
mastery between these two potentates that was
about to take place, became more and more in-
terested in the quarrel. Temujin was very
active in opening negotiations with them, and
in endeavoring to induce them to take his side.
He was a comparatively young and rising man,
while Yang Khan was becoming advanced in
years, and was now almost wholly under the
influence of Sankum and Yemuka. Temujin,
moreover, had already acquired great fame and
great popularity as a commander, and his rep-
utation was increasing every day, while Yang
Khan's glory was evidently on the wane. A
great number of the khans were, of course, pre-
disposed to take Temujin's side. Others he
compelled to join him by force, and others he
persuaded by promising to release them from
the exactions and the tyranny which Yang
Khan had exercised over them, and declaring
that he was a messenger especially sent from
heaven to accomplish their deliverance. Those
Asiatic tribes were always ready to believe in
military messengers sent from heaven to make
conquests for their benefit.

Among other nations who joined Temujin at
this time were the people of his own country of
Mongolistan Proper. He was received very

112 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Final attempt at negotiation. Sankum's answer.

joyfully by his stepfather, who was in com-
mand there, and by all his former subjects, and
they all promised to sustain him in the coming
war.

After a time, when Temujin had by these
and similar means greatly increased the number
of his adherents, and proportionately strength-
ened his position, he sent an embassador again
to Yang Khan to propose some accommoda-
tion. Yang Khan called a council to consider
the proposal. But Sankum and Yemuka per-
sisted in refusing to allow any accommodation
to be made. They declared that they would
not listen to proposals of peace on any other
condition than that of the absolute surrender
of Temujin, and of all who were confederate
with him, to Yang Khan as their lawful sov-
ereign. Sankum himself delivered the message
to the embassador.

" Tell the rebel Monguls," said he, "that they
are to expect no peace but by submitting abso-
lutely to the khan's will ; and as for Temujin,
I will never see him again till I come to him
sword in hand to kill him."

Immediately after this Sankum and Yemuka
sent off some small plundering expeditions into
the Mongul country, but they were driven back
by Temujin's troops without effecting their

1202.] Progress of the Quarrel. 113

Skirmishes.

purpose. The result of these skirmishes was,
however, greatly to exasperate both parties,
and to lead them to prepare in earnest for open
war.

H

114 Genghis Khan. [1202.

A council called. Mankerule. Debates.

Chapter IX.
The Death of Yang Khan.

AGRAKD council was now called of all
the confederates who were leagued with
Temujin, at a place called Mankerule^ to make
arrangements for a vigorous prosecution of the
war. At this council were convened all the
chieftains and khans that had been induced to
declare against Yang Khan. Each one came
attended by a considerable body of troops as
his escort, and a grand deliberation was held.
Some were in favor of trying once more to come
to some terms of accommodation with Yang
Khan, but Temujin convinced them that there
was nothing to be hoped for except on condi-
tion of absolute submission, and that, in that
case, Yang Khan would never be content until
he had effected the utter ruin of every one who
had been engaged in the rebellion. So it was,
at last, decided that every man should return
to his own tribe, and there raise as large a force
as he could, with a view to carrying on the war
with the utmost vigor.

1202.] Death of Yang Khan. 115

Temujin made general-in-chief. He distributes rewards.

Temujin was formally appointed general-in-
chief of the army to be raised. There was a
sort of truncheon or ornamented club, called
the topaz, which it was customary on such oc-
casions to bestow, with great, solemnity, on the
general thus chosen, as his badge of command.
The topaz was, in this instance, conferred upon
Temujin with all the usual ceremonies. He
accepted it on the express condition that every
man would punctually and implicitly obey all
his orders, and that he should have absolute
power to punish any one who should disobey
him in the way that he judged best, and that
they should submit without question to all his
decisions. To these conditions they all sol-
emnly agreed.

Being thus regularly placed in command,
Temujin began by giving places of honor and
authority to those who left Yang Khan's serv-
ice to follow him. He took this occasion to re-
member and reward the two slaves who had
come to him in the night at his camp, some
time before, to give him warning of the design
of Sankum and Yemukato come and surprise
him there. He gave the slaves their freedom",
and made provision for their maintenance as
long as they should live. He also put them on
the list of. exempts. The exempts were a class

116 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Reward of the two slaves.

of persons upon whom, as a. reward for great
public services, were conferred certain exclu-
sive rights and privileges. They had no taxes
to pay. In case of plunder taken from the en^
emy, they received their full share without any
deduction, while all the others were obliged to
contribute a portion of their shares for the khan.
The exempts, too, were allowed various other
privileges. They had the right to- go into the
presence of the khan at any time, without wait-
ing, as others were obliged to do, till they ob-
tained permission, and, what was more singular
still, they were entitled to nine pardons for any
offenses that they might commit, so that it was
only when they had committed ten misdemean-
ors or crimes that they were in danger of pun-
ishment. The privileges which Temujin thus
bestowed upon the slaves were to be continued
to their descendants to the seventh generation.

Temujin rewarded the slaves in this bounti-
ful manner, partly, no doubt, out of sincere
gratitude to them for having been the means,
probably, of saving him and his army from de-
struction, and partly for effect, in order to im-
press upon his followers a strong conviction
that any great services rendered to him or to
his cause were certain to be well rewarded.

Temujin now found himself at the head of a

1202.] Death of Vang Khan. 117

Organization of the army. Mode of attack. The two armies.

very large body of men, and his first care was
to establish a settled system of discipline among
them, so that they could act with regularity and
order when coming into battle. He divided his
army into three separate bodies. The centre
was composed of his own guards, and was com-
manded by himself. The wings were formed
of the squadrons of his confederates and allies.
His plan in coming into battle was to send for-
ward the two wings, retaining the centre as a
reserve, and hold them prepared to rush in with
irresistible pow§r whenever the time should ar-
rive at which their coming would produce the
greatest effect. '

When every thing was thus arranged, Te-
mujin set His army in motion, and began to ad-
vance toward the country of Yang Khan. The
squadrons which composed his immense horde
were so numerous that they covered all the
plain.

In the mean time "Vang Khan had not been
idle. He, or rather Sankum and Yemuka, act-
ing in his name, had assembled a great army,
and he had set out on his march from Karako-
rom to meet his enemy. His forces, however,
though more numerous, were by no means so
well disciplined and arranged as those of Te-
mujin. They were greatly encumbered, too,

118 GrENGHIS KHAN. [1202.

The baggage. Meeting of the two armies. The battle.

with baggage, the army being followed in its
march by endless trains of wagons conveying
provisions, arms, and military stores of all kinds.
Its progress was, therefore, necessarily slow, for
the troops of horsemen were obliged to regu-
late their speed by the movement of the wag-
ons, which, on account of the heavy burdens
that they contained, and the want of finished
roads, was necessarily slow.

The two armies met upon a plain between
two rivers, and a most desperate and bloody
battle ensued. Karasher, Temujin's former tu-
tor, led one of the divisions of Temujin's army,
and was opposed by Yemuka, who headed the
wing of Vang Khan's army which confronted
his division. The other wings attacked each
other, too, in the most furious manner, and for
three hours it was doubtful which party would
be successful. At length Temujin, who had all
this time remained in the background with his
reserve, saw that the favorable moment had ar-
rived for him to intervene, and he gave the
order for his guards to charge, which they did
with such impetuosity as to carry all before
them. One after another of Yang Khan's
squadrons was overpowered, thrown into con-
fusion, and driven from the field. It was not
long before Yang Khan saw that all was lost

1202.] Death of Yang Khan. 119

Vang Khan defeated. His flight. His relations with the Naymans.

He gave up the contest and fled. A small
troop of horsemen, consisting of his immediate
attendants and guards, went with him. At first
the fugitives took the road toward Karakorom.
They were, however, so hotly pursued that they
were obliged to turn off in another direction,
and, finally, Yang Khan resolved to fly from his
own country altogether, and appeal for protec-
tion to a certain chieftain, named Tayian Khan,
who ruled over a great horde called the Nay-
mans, one of the most powerful tribes in the
country of Karakatay. This Tayian was the
father of Temujin's first wife, the young prin-
cess to whom he was married during the life-
time of his father, when he was only about
fourteen years old.

It was thought strange that Yang Khan
should thus seek refuge among the Naymans,
for he had not, for some time past, been on
friendly terms either with Tayian, the khan, or
with the tribe. There were, in particular, a
considerable number of the subordinate chief-
tains who cherished a deep-seated resentment
against him for injuries which he had inflicted
upon them and upon their country in former
wars. But all these Tartar tribes entertained
very high ideas of the obligations of hospital-
ity, and Yang Khan thought that when the

120 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Debates among the Naymana. Tayian.

Naymans saw him coming among them, a fugi-
tive and in distress, they would lay aside their
animosity, and give him a kind reception.

Indeed, Tayian himself, on whom, as the head
of the tribe, the chief discredit would attach of
any evil befalling a visitor and a guest who had
come in his distress to seek hospitality, was in-
clined, at first, to receive his enemy kindly, and
to offer him a refuge. He debated the matter
with the other chieftains after Yang Khan had
entered his dominions and was approaching his
camp ; but they were extremely unwilling that
any mercy should be shown to their fallen en-
emy. They represented to Tayian how great
an enemy he had always been to them. They
exaggerated the injuries which he had done
them, and represented them in their worst
light. They said, moreover, that, by harboring
Vang Khan, they should only involve them-
selves in a war with Temujin, who would un-
doubtedly follow his enemy into their country,
and would greatly resent any attempt on their
part to protect him.

These considerations had great effect on the
mind of Tayian, but still he could not bring
himself to give his formal consent to any act
of hostility against Yang Khan. So the other
chieftains held a council among themselves to

1202.] Death of Yang Khan. 121

Plan of the chieftains. Vang Khan beheaded.

consider what they should do. They resolved
to take upon themselves the responsibility of
slaying Yang Khan.

" We can not induce Tayian openly to au-
thorize it," they said, "but he secretly desires
it, and he will be glad when it is done."

Tayian knew very well what course things
were taking, though he pretended not to know,
and so allowed the other chiefs to go on in their
own way.

They accordingly fitted out a troop, and two
of the chieftains — the two who felt the most
bitter and determined hatred against Yang
Khan* — placing themselves at the head of it, set
off to intercept him. He had lingered on the
way, it seems, after entering the ISTayman terri-
tory, in order to learn, before he advanced too
far, what reception he was likely to meet with.
The troop of Naymans came suddenly upon
him in his encampment, slew all his attendants,
and, seizing Yang Khan, they cut off his head.
They left the body where it lay, and carried off
the head to show it to Tayian.

Tayian was secretly pleased, and he could
not quite conceal the gratification which the
death of his old enemy afforded him. He even
addressed the head in words of scorn and spite,
which revealed the exultation that he felt at

122 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Tayian's deceit. Disposal made of his head. Sankum slain.

the downfall of his rival. Then, however,
checking himself, he blamed the chieftains for
killing him.

"Considering his venerable age," said he,
" and his past greatness and renown as a prince
and commander, you would have done much
better to have acted as his guards than as his
executioners."

Tayian ordered the head to be treated with
the utmost respect. After properly preparing
it, by some process of drying and preserving, he
caused it to be inclosed in a case of silver, and
set in a place of honor.

While the preparations for this sort of en-
tombment were making, the head was an object
of a very solemn and mysterious interest for all
the horde. They said that the tongue thrust
itself several times out of the mouth, and the
soothsayers, who watched the changes with
great attention, drew from them important
presages in respect to the coming events of the
war. These presages were strongly in favor
of the increasing prosperity and power of Te-
mujin.

Sankum, the son of Vang Khan, was killed
in the battle, but Yemuka escaped.

1202.] The Death of Yemuka. 12;

The victory complete. Exaggeration. The plunder.

Chapter X.
The Death of Yemuka.

IN the mean time, while these events had
been occurring in the country of the Nay-
mans, whither Yang Khan had fled, Temujin
was carrying all before him in the country of
Yang Khan. His victory in the battle was
complete ; and it must have been a very great
battle, if any reliance is to be placed on the ac-
counts given of the number slain, which it was
said amounted to forty thousand. These num-
bers are, however, greatly exaggerated. And
then, besides, the number slain in such barba-
rian conflicts was always much greater, in pro-
portion to the numbers engaged, than it is in the
better-regulated warfare of civilized nations in
modern times.

At all events, Temujin gained a very grand
and decisive victory. He took a great many
prisoners and a great deal of plunder. All
those trains of wagons fell into his hands, and
the contents of many of them were extremely
valuable. He took also a great number of

124 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Great accession. The khans submit. Sankum and Yemuka.

horses. Most of these were horses that had
belonged to the men who were killed or who
had been made prisoners. All the best troops
that remained of Yang Khan's army after the
battle also went over to his side. They consid-
ered that Yang Khan's power was now entire-
ly overthrown, and that thenceforth Temnjin
would be the acknowledged ruler of the whole
country. They were accordingly ready at once
to transfer their allegiance to him.

Yery soon Temujin received the news of
Yang Khan's death from his father-in-law Tay-
ian, and then proceeded with more vigor than
before to take possession of all his dominions.
The khans who had formerly served Under
Yang Khan sent in their adhesion to him one
after another. They not only knew that all
farther resistance would be useless, but they
were, in fact, well pleased to transfer their al-
legiance to their old friend and favorite. Te-
mujin made a sort of triumphal march through
the country, being received every where with
rejoicings and acclamations of welcome. His
old enemies, Sankum and Yemuka, had disap-
peared. Yemuka, who had been, after all, the
leading spirit in the opposition to Temujin,
still held a body of armed men together, con-
sisting of all the troops that he had been able

1202.] The Death of Yemuka. 125

Hakembu and his daughter. Hakembu's fears.

to rally after the battle, but it was not known
exactly where he had gone.

The other relatives and friends of Yang
Khan went over to Temujin's side without any
delay. Indeed, they vied with each other to
see who should most recommend themselves to
his favor. A brother of Yang Khan, who was
an influential and powerful chieftain, came
among the rest to tender his services, and, by
way of a present to conciliate Temujin's good
will, he brought him his daughter, whom he of-
fered to Temujin as an addition to the number
of his wives.

Temujin received the brother very kindly.
He accepted the present which he brought him
of his daughter, but, as he had already plenty
of wives, and as one of his principal officers, the
captain of his guards, seemed to take a special
fancy to her, he very generously, as was thought,
passed over the young lady to him. Of course,
the young lady herself had nothing to say in
the case. She was obliged to acquiesce sub-
missively in any arrangement which her father
and the other khans thought proper to make in
respect to the disposal of her.

The name of the prince her father was Ha-
kembu. He came into Temujin's camp with
many misgivings, fearing that, as he was a

126 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Temujin1 s gratitude. His reply.

brother of Yang Khan, Temujin might feel a
special resentment against him, and, perhaps,
refuse to accept his submission and his proffer-
ed presents. When, therefore, he found how
kindly he was received, his mind was greatly
relieved, and he asked Temujin to appoint him
to some command in his army.

Temujin replied that he would do it with
great pleasure, and the more readily because it
was the brother of Yang Khan who asked it.
"Indeed," said he to Hakembu, "I owe you
all the kind treatment in my power for your
brother's sake, in return for the succor and pro-
tection for which I was indebted to him, in my
misfortunes, in former times, when he received
me, a fugitive and an exile, at his court, and
bestowed upon me so many favors. I have
never forgotten, and never shall forget, the
great obligations I am under to him ; and al-
though in later years he turned against me,
still I have never blamed either him or his son
Sankum for this, but have constantly attrib-
uted it to the false representations and evil in-
fluence of Yemuka, who has always been my
implacable enemy. I do not, therefore, feel
any resentment against Yang Khan for having
thus turned against me, nor do I any the less
respect his memory on that account ; and I am

1202.] The Death of Yemuka. 127

Yemuka makes his escape. Arrives in Tayian's dominions.

very glad that an opportunity now occurs for
me to make, through you, his brother, some
small acknowledgment of the debt of gratitude
which I owe him."

So Temujin gave Hakembu an honorable
post in his army, and treated him in all respects
with great consideration. If he acted usually
in this generous manner, it is not at all surpris-
ing that he acquired that boundless influence
over the minds of his followers which aided
him so essentially in attaining his subsequent
greatness and renown.

In the mean time, although Sankum was
killed, Yemuka had succeeded in making his
escape, and, after meeting with various adven-
tures, he finally reached the country of Tay-
ian. He led with him there all that portion
of Yang Khan's army that had saved them-
selves from being killed or made prisoners,
and also a great number of officers. These
broken troops Yemuka had reorganized, as well
as he could, by collecting the scattered rem-
nants and rearranging the broken squadrons,
and in this manner, accompanied by such of
the sick and wounded as were able to ride, had
arrived in Tayian's dominions. He was known
to be a general of great abilities, and he was
very favorably received in Tayian's court.

128 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Tayian's conversations with Yemuka.

Indeed, Tayian, having heard rumors of the
rapid manner in which Temujin was extending
his conquests and his power, began to be some-
what jealous of him, and to think that it was
time for him to take measures to prevent this
aggrandizement of his son-in-law from going
too far.

Of course, Tayian held a great many conver-
sations with Yemuka in respect to Temujin's
character and schemes. These Yemuka took
care to represent in the most unfavorable light,
in order to increase as much as possible Tay-
ian's feelings of suspicion and jealousy. He
represented Temujin as a very ambitious man,
full of schemes for his own aggrandizement,
and without any sentiments of gratitude or of
honor to restrain him in the execution of them.
He threw wholly upon him the responsibility
of the war with Yang Khan. It grew, he said,
out of plots which Temujin had formed to de-
stroy both Yang Khan and his son, notwith-
standing the great obligations he had been un-
der to them for their kindness to him in his
misfortunes. Yemuka urged Tayian also to
arouse himself, before it was too late, to guard
himself from the danger.

" He is your son, it is true," said he, "and he
professes to be your friend, but he is so treach-

1202.] The Death of Yemuka. 129

Yemuka's representations of Temujin's character. Plots farmed.

erous and unprincipled that you can place no
reliance upon him whatever, and, notwithstand-
ing all your past kindness to him, and the tie
of relationship which ought to bind him to you,
he will as readily form plans to compass your
destruction as 4ie would that of any other man
the moment he imagines that you stand in the
way of the accomplishment of his ambitious
schemes."

These representations, acting upon Tayian's
natural apprehensions and fears, produced a
very sensible effect, and at length Tayian was
induced to take some measures for defending
himself from the threatened danger. So he
opened negotiations with the khans of vari-
ous tribes which he thought likely to join
him, and soon formed quite a powerful league
of the enemies of Temujin, and of all who
were willing to join in an attempt to restrict
his power.

These steps were all taken with great secrecy,
for Yemuka and Tayian were very desirous
that Temujin should know nothing of the
league which they were forming against him
until their arrangements were fully matured,
and they were ready for action. They did not,
however, succeed in keeping the secret as long
as they intended. They were generally care-
I

130 Genghis Khan. [1202.

Alakus. The plots revealed to Temujin. He is deceived.

ful not to propose to any khan or chieftain to
join them in their league until they had first
fully ascertained that he was favorable to the
object of it. But, growing less cautious as they
went on, they at last made a mistake. Tayian
sent proposals to a certain prince or khan,
named Alakus, inviting him to join the league.
These proposals were contained in a letter
which was sent by a special messenger. The
letter specified all the particulars of the league,
with a statement of the plans which the allies
were intending to pursue, and an enumeration
of the principal khans or tribes that were al-
ready engaged.

Now it happened that this Alakus, who
reigned over a nation of numerous and power-
ful tribes on the confines of China, was, for
some reason or other, inclined to take Temu-
jin's side in the quarrel. So he detained the
messenger who brought the letter as a prison-
er, and sent the letter itself, containing all the
particulars of the conspiracy, at once to Temu-
jin. Temujin was greatly surprised at receiv-
ing the intelligence, for, up to that moment,
he had considered his father-in-law Tayian as
one of his best and most trustworthy friends.
He immediately called a grand council of war
to consider what was to be done.

1203.] The Death of Ye m it k a. 131

The young Prince JughL Council of war.

Temujin had a son named Jughi, who had
now grown up to be a young man. Jughi's
father thought it was now time for his son to
begin to take his place and act his part among
the other princes and chieftains of his court,
and he accordingly gave him a seat at this
council, and thus publicly recognized him, for
the first time, as one of the chief personages of
the state.

The council, after hearing a statement of the
case in respect to the league which Tayian and
the others were forming, were strongly inclined
to combine their forces and march at once to
attack the enemy before their plans should be
more fully matured. But there was a difficulty
in respect to horses. The horses of the differ-
ent hordes that belonged to Temujin's army
had become so much exhausted by the long
marches and other fatigues that they had un-
dergone in the late campaigns, that they would
not be in a fit condition to commence a new
expedition until they had had some time to rest
and recruit. But a certain khan, named Bulay,
an uncle of Temujin's, at once removed this
objection by offering to furnish a full supply
of fresh horses for the whole army from his
his own herds. This circumstance shows on
what an immense scale the pastoral occupations

132 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Yemuka and Tayian. Temujin crosses the frontier.

of the great Asiatic chieftains were conducted
in those days.

Temujin accepted this offer on the part of his
uncle, and preparations were immediately made
for the marching of the expedition. As soon
as the news of these preparations reached Ye-
muka, he urged Tayian to assemble the allied
troops immediately, and go out to meet Temu-
jin and his army before they should cross the
frontier.

"It is better," said he, addressing Tayian,
" that you should meet and fight him on his
own ground, rather than to wait until he has
crossed the frontier and commenced his ravages
in yours."

"lo," said Tayian, in reply, "it is better to
wait. The farther he advances on his march,
the more his horses and his men will be spent
with fatigue, the scantier will be their supplies,
and the more difficult will he find it to effect
his retreat after we shall hav.e gained a victory
over him in battle."

So Tayian, though he began to assemble his.
forces, did not advance ; and when Temujin, at
the head of his host, reached the Nayman fron-
tier— for the country over which Tayian reign-
ed was called the country of the Kaymans — he
was surprised to find no enemy there to defend

1203.] The Death of Yemuka. 133

His advance. Preparations for battle. Kushluk and Jughi.

it. He was the more surprised at this from the
circumstance that the frontier, being formed by
a river, might have been very easily defended.
But when he arrived at the bank of the river
the way was clear. He immediately crossed
the stream with all his forces, and then marched
on into the Nay man territory.

Temujin took good care, as he advanced, to
guard against the danger into which Tayian
had predicted that he would fall — that of ex-
hausting the strength of his men and of his
animals, and also his stores of food. He took
good care to provide and to take with him
abundant supplies, and also to advance so care-
fully and by such easy stages as to keep both
the men and the horses fresh and in full strength
all the way. In this order and condition he at
last "arrived at the spot where Tayian had form-
ed his camp and assembled his armies.

Both sides immediately marshaled their
troops in order of battle. Yemuka was chief
in command on Tayian's side. He was assist-
ed by a young prince, the son of Tayian, whose
name was Kushluk. On . the other hand, Ju-
ghi," the young son of Temujin, who had been
brought forward at the council, was appointed
to a very prominent position on his father's
side. Indeed, these two young princes, who

134 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Great battle. Temujin again victorious. Tayian killed,

were animated by an intense feeling of rivalry
and emulation toward each other, were appoint-
ed to lead the van on their respective sides in
commencing the battle ; Jughi advancing first
to the attack, and being met by Kushluk, to
whom was committed the charge of repelling
him. The two princes fought throughout the
battle with the utmost bravery, and both of
them acquired great renown.

The battle was commenced early in the
morning and continued all day. In the end,
Temujin was completely victorious. Tayian
was mortally wounded early in the day. He
was immediately taken off the field, and every
possible effort was made to save his life, but he
soon ceased to breathe. His son, the Prince
Kushluk, fought valiantly during the whole
day, but toward night, finding that all was lost,
he fled, taking with him as many of the troops
as he could succeed in getting together in the
confusion, and at the head of this band made
the best of his way into the dominions of one
of his uncles, his father's brother, where he
hoped to find a temporary shelter until he
should have time to determine what was to be
done.

As for Yemuka, after fighting with desper-
ate fury all day, he was at last, toward night,

1203.] The Death of Yemuka. 135

Yemuka is beheaded.

surrounded and overpowered, and so made
prisoner. Temujin ordered his head to be cut
off immediately after the battle was over. He
considered him, not as an honorable and open
foe, but rather as a rebel and traitor, and, con-
sequently, undeserving of any mercy.

136 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Plans for the formation of a government.

Chapter XL
Establishment of the Empire.

THERE was now a vast extent of country,
comprising a very large portion of the in-
terior of the Asiatic Continent, and, indeed, an
immense number of wealthy, powerful hordes,
under Temujin's dominion, and he at once re-
solved to consolidate his dominion by organ-
izing a regular imperial government over the
whole. There were a few more battles to be
fought in order to subdue certain khans who
still resisted, and some cities to be taken. But
these victories were soon obtained, and, in a
very short time after the great battle with Tay-
ian, Temujin found himself the undisputed
master of what to him was almost the whole
known world. All open opposition to his rule
had wholly disappeared, and nothing now re-
mained for him to do but to perfect the organ-
ization of his army, to enact his code of laws,
to determine upon his capital, and to inaugu-
rate generally a system of civil government such
as is required- for the management of the inter-
nal affairs of a great empire.

1203.] The Empire. 137

His court at Karakorom. Embassadors. Temujin forms a constitution.

Temujin determined upon making Karako-
rom his capital. He accordingly proceeded to
that city at the head of his troops, and entered
it in great state. Here he established a very
brilliant court, and during all the following
winter, while he was occupied with the prelim-
inary arrangements for the organization and
consolidation of his empire, there came to him
there a continual succession of embassadors
from the various nations and tribes of central
Asia to congratulate him on his victories, and
to offer the allegiance or the alliance of the
khans which they respectively represented.
These embassadors all came attended by troops
of horsemen splendidly dressed and fully arm-
ed, and the gayety and magnificence of the
scenes which were witnessed in Karakorom
during the winter surpassed all that had ever
been seen there before.

In the mean time, while the attention of the
masses of the people was occupied and amused
by these parades, Temujin was revolving in
his mind the form of constitution which he
should establish for his empire, and the system
of laws by which his people should be govern-
ed. He conferred privately with some of his
ablest counselors on this subject, and caused a
system of government and a code of laws to be

138 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Election of khans. Division of the country.

drawn up by secretaries. The details of these
proposed enactments were discussed in the
privy council, and, when the whole had been
well digested and matured, Temujin, early in
the spring, sent out a summons, calling upon
all the great princes and khans throughout his
dominions to assemble at an appointed day, in
order that he might lay his proposed system
before them.

Temujin determined to make his government
a sort of elective monarchy. The grand khan
was to be chosen by the votes of all the other
khans, who were to be assembled in a general
convocation for this purpose whenever a new
khan was to be installed. Any person who
should cause himself to be proclaimed grand
khan, or who should in any other way attempt
to assume the supreme authority without hav-
ing been duly elected by the other khans, was
to suffer death.

The country was divided into provinces, over
each of which a subordinate khan ruled as gov-
ernor. These governors were, however, to be
strictly responsible to the grand khan. When-
ever summoned by the grand khan they were
required to repair at once to the capital, there
to render an account of their administration,
and to answer any charges which had been

1203.] The Empiee. 139

Organization of the army. Arms and ammunition.

made against them. Whenever any serious
case of disobedience or maladministration was
proved against them they were to suffer
death.

Temujin remodeled and reorganized the
army on the same or similar principles. The
men were divided into companies of about one
hundred men each, and every ten of these com-
panies was formed into a regiment, which, of
course, contained about a thousand men. The
regiments were formed into larger bodies of
about ten thousand each. Officers were ap-
pointed, of all the various necessary grades, to
command these troops,' and arrangements were
made for having supplies of arms and ammuni-
tion provided and stored in magazines under
the care of the officers, ready to be distributed
to the men whenever they should require.

Temujin also made provision for the build-
ing of cities and palaces, the making of roads,
and the construction of fortifications, by ordain-
ing that all the people should work one day in
every week on these public works whenever
required.

Although the country over which this new
government was to be established was now at
peace, Temujin was very desirous that the peo-
ple should not lose the martial spirit which had

140 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Hunting. Slaves. Polygamy and slavery.

thus far characterized them. He made laws to
encourage and regulate hunting, especially the
hunting of wild beasts among the mountains;
and subsequently he organized many hunting
excursions himself, in connection with the lords
of his court and the other great chieftains, in
order to awaken an interest in the dangers and
excitements of the chase among all the khans.
He also often employed bodies of troops in these
expeditions, which he considered as a sort of
substitute for war.

He required that none of the natives of the
country should be employed as servants, or al-
lowed to perform any menial duties whatever.
For these purposes the people were required to
depend on captives taken in war and enslaved.
One reason why he made this rule was to stim-
ulate the people on the frontiers to make hos-
tile excursions among their neighbors, in order
to supply themselves and the country generally
with slaves.

The right of property in the slaves thus taken
was very strictly guarded, and very severe laws
were made to enforce it. It was forbidden, on
pain of death, to harbor a slave, or give him
meat or drink, clothing or shelter, without per-
mission from his master. The penalty was
death, too, if a person meeting a fugitive slave

1203.] The Empiee. 141

Concubines. Posthumous marriages.

neglected to seize and secure him, and deliver
him to his master.

Every man could marry as many wives as
he pleased, and his female slaves were all, by
law, entirely at his disposal to be made con-
cubines.

There was one very curious arrangement,
which grew out of the great importance which,
as we have already seen, was attached to the
ties of relationship and family connection among
these pastoral nations. Two families could bind
themselves together and make themselves le-
gally one, in respect to their connection, by a fic-
titious marriage arranged between children no
longer living. In such a case the contracts
were regularly made, just as if the children
were still alive, and the ceremonies were all
duly performed. After this the two families
were held to be legally allied, and they were
bound to each other by all the obligations
which would have arisen in the case of a real
marriage. This custom is said to be continued
among some of the Tartar nations to the pres-
ent day. The people think, it is said, that such
a wedding ceremony, duly solemnized by the
parents of children who are dead, takes effect
upon the subjects of it in the world of spirits,
and that thus their union, though arranged and

142 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Punishment for theft. Eeligion. Freedom of choice.

consecrated on earth, is confirmed and consum-
mated in heaven.

Besides these peculiar and special enact-
ments, there were the ordinary laws against
robbery, theft, murder, adultery, and false wit-
ness. The penalties for these offenses were
generally severe. The punishment for stealing
cattle was death. For petty thefts the criminal
was to be beaten with a stick, the number of
the blows being proportioned to the nature and
aggravation of the offense. He could, however,
if he had the means, buy himself off from this
punishment by paying nine times the value of
the thing stolen.

In respect to religion, the constitution which
Temujin made declared that there was but one
God, the creator of heaven and earth, and it
acknowledged him as the supreme ruler and
governor of all mankind, the being "who alone
gives life and death, riches and poverty, who
grants and denies whatever he pleases, and ex-
ercises over all things an absolute power."
This one fundamental article of faith was all
that was required. For the rest, Temujin left
the various nations and tribes throughout his
dominions to adopt such modes of worship and
to celebrate such religious rites as they sever-
ally preferred, and forbade that any one should

1203.] The L'mpike. 143

Assembly of the khans. Dilon Ildak. Their encampment.

be disturbed or molested in any way on ac-
count of his religion, whatever form it might
assume.

At length the time arrived for the grand as-
sembly of the khans to be convened. The
meeting was called, not at Karakorom, the cap-
ital, but at a central spot in the interior of the
country, called Dilon Ildak. Such a spot was
much more convenient than any town or city
would have been for the place of meeting, on
account of the great troops of horses and the
herds of animals by which the khans were al-
ways accompanied in all their expeditions, and
which made it necessary that, whenever any
considerable number of them were to be con-
vened, the place chosen should be suitable for
a grand encampment, with extensive and fer-
tile pasture-grounds extending all around.

As the several khans came in, each at the
head of his own troop of retainers and follow-
ers, they severally chose their ground, pitchecl
their tents, and turned their herds of horses,
sheep, and oxen out to pasture on the plains.
Thus, in the course of a few days, the whole
country in every direction became dotted with
villages of tents, among which groups of horse-
men were now and then to be seen galloping to
and fro, and small herds of cattle, each under

144 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Tents and herds of cattle. Temujin's address.

the care of herdsmen and slaves, moved slowly,
cropping the grass as they advanced along the
hill-sides and through the valleys.

At length, when all had assembled, a spot
was selected in the centre of the encampment
for the performance of the ceremonies. A
raised seat was prepared for Temujin in a sit-
uation suitable to enable him to address the
assembly from it.* Before and around this the
various khans and their attendants and follow-
ers gathered, and Temujin made them an ora-
tion, in which he explained the circumstances
under which they had come together, and an-
nounced to them his plans and intentions in re-
spect to the future. He stated to them that, in
consequence of the victories which he had gain-
ed through their co-operation and assistance, the
foundation of a great empire had been laid, and
that he had now called them together in order
that they might join with him in organizing
the requisite government for such a dominion,
and in electing a prince or sovereign to rule
over it. He called upon them first to proceed
to the election of this ruler.

The khans accordingly proceeded to the
election. This was, in fact, only a form, for
Temujin himself was, of course, to be chosen.
* See Frontispiece.

1203.] The Empire. 145

Temnjin is elected grand khan. He is enthroned and honored.

The election was, however, made, and one of the
oldest and most venerable of the khans was
commissioned to announce the result. He came
forward with great solemnity, and, in the pres-
ence of the whole assembly, declared that the
choice had fallen upon Temujin. He then
made an address, to Temujin himself, who was
seated during this part of the ceremony upon
a carpet of black felt spread upon the ground.
In the address the khan reminded Temujin
that the exalted authority with which' he was
now invested came from God, and that to God
he was responsible for the right exercise of his
power. If he governed his subjects well, God,
he said, would render his reign prosperous and
happy ; but if, on the other hand, he abused his
power, he would come to a miserable end.

After the conclusion of the address, seven of
the khans, who had been designated for this
purpose, came and lifted Temujin up and bore
him away to a throne which had been set up
for him in the midst of the assembly, where all
the khans, and their various bodies of attend-
ants, came and offered him their homage.

Among others there came a certain old

prophet, named Kokza, who was held in great

veneration by all the people on account of his

supposed inspiration and the austere life which

K

146 Genghis Khan. [1203.

The old prophet Kokza. Probably insane.

he led. He used to go very thinly clad, and
with his feet bare summer and winter, and it
was supposed that his power of enduring the
exposures to which he was thus subject was
something miraculous and divine. He had re-
ceived accordingly from the people a name
which signified the image of God, and he was
every where looked upon as inspired. He said,
moreover, that a white horse came to him from
time to time and carried him up to heaven,
where he conversed face to face with God, and
received the revelations which he was com-
missioned to make to men. All this the peo-
ple fully believed. The man may have been an
impostor, or he may have been insane. Often-
times, in such cases, the inspiration which the
person supposes he is the subject of arises from
a certain spiritual exaltation, which, though it
does not wholly unfit him for the ordinary
avocations and duties of life, still verges upon
insanity, and often finally lapses into it en-
tirely.

This old prophet advanced toward Temujin
while he was seated on his carpet of felt, and
made a solemn address to him in the hearing
of all the assembled khans. He was charged,
he said, with a message from heaven in respect
to the kingdom and dominion of Temujin,

1203.] The Empire. 147

His predictions. The title Genghis Khan. Homage of the khans.

which had been, he deckred, ordained of God,
and had now been established in fulfillment of
the Divine will. He was commissioned, more-
over, he said, to give to Temujin the style and
title of Genghis Khan,* and to declare that his
kingdom should not only endure while he lived,
but should descend to his posterity, from gen-
eration to generation, to the remotest times.

The people, on hearing this address, at once
adopted the name which the prophet had given
to their new ruler, and saluted Temujin with it
in long and loud acclamations. It was thus
that our hero received the name of Genghis
Khan, which soon extended its fame through
every part of Asia, and has since become so
greatly renowned through all the world.

Temujin, or Genghis Khan, as we must now
henceforth call him, having thus been proclaim-
ed by the acclamations of the people under the
new title with which the old prophet had in-
vested him, sat upon«his throne while his sub-
jects came to render him their homage. First
the khans themselves came up, and kneeled
nine times before him, in token of their abso-
lute and complete submission to his authority.

* The signification of these words, in the language of the
Monguls, was great khan of khans.

148 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Inaugural address.

After they had retired the people themselves
came, and made their obeisance in the same
manner. As they rose from their knees after
the last prostration, they made the air resound
once more with their shouts, crying " Long live
great Genghis Khan !" in repeated and pro-
longed acclamations.

After this the new emperor made what might
be called his inaugural address. The khans
and their followers gathered once more before
his throne while he delivered an oration to
them, in which he thanked them for the honor
which they had done him in raising him to the
supreme power, and announced to them the
principles by which he should be guided in the
government of his empire. He promised to be
just in his dealings with his subjects, and also
to be merciful. He would defend them, he
said, against all their enemies. He would do
every thing in his power to promote their com-
fort and happiness. He would lead them to
honor and glory, and wo*ld make their names
known throughout the earth. He would deal
impartially, too, with all the different tribes and
hordes, and would treat the Monguls and the
Tartars, the two great classes of his subjects,
with equal favor.

When the speech was concluded Genghis

1203.] The Empiee. 149

Rejoicings. Departure of the khans.

Khan distributed presents to all the subordi-
nate khans, both great and small. He also
made magnificent entertainments, which were
continued for several days. After thus spend-
ing some time in feasting and rejoicings, the
khans one after another took their leave of the
emperor, the great encampment was broken up,
and the different tribes set out on their return
to their several homes.

150 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Karakorom. Insignificance of cities and towns.

Chapter XII.
Dominions of Genghis Khan.

AFTER the ceremonies of the inauguration
were concluded, Genghis Khan returned,
with the officers of his court and his immediate
followers, to Karakorom. This town, though
nominally the capital of the empire, was, after
all, quite an insignificant place. Indeed, but
little importance was attached to any villages
or towns in those days, and there were very
few fixed places of residence that were of any
considerable account. The reason is, that towns
are the seats of commerce and manufactures,
and they derive their chief importance from
those pursuits ; whereas the Monguls and Tar-
tars led almost exclusively a wandering and
pastoral life, and all their ideas of wealth and
grandeur were associated with great flocks and
herds of cattle, and handsome tents, and long
trains of wagons loaded with stores of clothing,
arms, and other movables, and vast encamp-
ments in the neighborhood of rich and extend-
ed pasture-grounds. Those who lived perma-

1203.] His Dominions. 151

Account of Karakorom. The buildings.

nently in fixed houses they looked down upon
as an inferior class, confined to one spot by
their poverty or their toil, while they them-
selves could roam at liberty with their flocks
and herds over the plains, riding fleet horses or
dromedaries, and encamping where they pleased
in the green valleys or on the banks of the me-
andering streams.

Karakorom was accordingly by no means a
great and splendid city. It was surrounded by
what was called a mud wall — that is, a wall made
of blocks of clay dried in the sun. The houses
of the inhabitants were mere hovels, and even
the palace of the king, and all the other public
buildings, were of very frail construction ; for
all the architecture of the Monguls in those
days took its character from the tent, which
was the type and model, so to speak, of all other
buildings.

The new emperor, however, did not spend a
great deal of his time at Karakorom. He was
occupied for some years in making excursions
at the head of his troops to various parts of his
dominions, for the purpose of putting down in-
surrections, overawing discontented and insub-
ordinate khans, and settling disputes of various
kinds arising between the different hordes. In
these expeditions he was accustomed to move

152 Genghis Khan. [1203.

The grand encampments. Construction of the tents.

by easy marches across the plains at the head
of his army, and sometimes would establish
himself in a sort of permanent camp, where he
would remain, perhaps, as in a fixed residence,
for weeks or months at a time.

Not only Genghis Khan himself, but many
of the other great chieftains, were accustomed
to live in this manner, and one of their encamp-
ments, if we could have seen it, would have
been regarded by us as a great curiosity. The
ground was regularly laid out, like a town, into
quarters, squares, and streets, and the space
which it covered was sometimes so large as to
extend nearly a mile in each direction. The
tent of the khan himself was in the centre. A
space was reserved for it there large enough not
only for the grand tent itself, but also for the
rows of smaller tents near, for the wives and for
other women belonging to the khan's family,
and also for the rows of carts or wagons con-
taining the stores of provisions, the supplies of
clothing and arms, and the other valuables
which these wandering chieftains always took
with them in all their peregrinations.

The tent of the khan in summer was made
of a sort of calico, and in winter of felt, which
was much warmer. It was raised very high,
so as to be seen above all the rest of the en-

1203.] His Dominions. 153

Dwellings of the women. Mountains and wild beasts.

campment, and it was painted in gay colors,
and adorned with other barbaric decorations.

The dwellings in which the women were
lodged, which were around or near the great
tent, were sometimes tents, and sometimes little
huts made of wood. When they were of wood
they were made very light, and were construct-
ed in such a manner that they could be taken
to pieces at the shortest notice, and packed on
carts or wagons, in order to be transported to
the next place of encampment, whenever, for
any reason, it became necessary for their lord
and master to remove his domicil to a differ-
ent ground.

A large portion of the country which was
included within the limits of Genghis Khan's
dominions was fertile ground, which produced
abundance of grass for the pasturage of the
flocks and herds, and many springs and streams
of water. There were, however, several dis-
tricts of mountainous country, which were the
refuge of tigers, leopards, wolves, and other fe-
rocious beasts of prey. It was among these
mountains that the great hunting parties which
Genghis Khan organized from time to time
went in search of their game. There was a
great officer of the kingdom, called the grand
huntsman, who had the superintendence and

154 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Hunting. The danger of hunting in those days.

charge of every thing relating to hunting and
to game throughout the empire. The grand
huntsman was an officer of the very highest
rank. He even took precedence of the first
ministers of state. Genghis Khan appointed
his son Jughi, who has already been mentioned
in connection with the great council of war
called by his father, and with the battle which
was subsequently fought, and in which he gain-
ed great renown, to the office of grand hunts-
man, and, at the same time, made two of the
older and more experienced khans his minis-
ters of state.

The hunting of wild beasts as ferocious as
those that infested the mountains of Asia is a
very dangerous amusement even at the present
day, notwithstanding the advantage which the
huntsman derives from the use of gunpowder,
and rifled barrels, and fulminating bullets. But
in those days, when the huntsman had no bet-
ter weapons than bows and arrows, javelins,
and spears, the undertaking was dangerous in
the extreme. An African lion of full size used
to be considered as a match for forty men in
the days when only ordinary weapons were
used against him, ancl it was considered almost
hopeless to attack him with less than that num-
ber. And even with that number to waylay

1203.] His Dominions. 155

Modern weapons. Carabines. Fulminating balls.

and assail him he was not usually conquered
until lie had killed or disabled two or three of
his foes.

Now, however, with the terrible artillery in-
vented in modern times, a single man, if he has
the requisite courage, coolness, and steadiness
of nerve, is a match for such a lion. The weap-
on used is a double-barreled carabine, both bar-
rels being rifled, that is, provided with spiral
grooves within, that operate to give the bullets
a rotary motion as they issue from the muzzle,
by which they bore their way through the air,
as it were, to their destination, with a surpris-
ing directness and precision. The bullets dis-
charged by these carabines are not balls, but
cylinders, pointed with a cone at the forward
end. They are hollow, and. are filled with a
fulminating composition which is capable of
exploding with a force vastly greater than that
of gunpowder. The conical point at the end
is made separate from the body of the cylinder,
and slides into it by a sort of shank, which,
when the bullet strikes the body of the lion or
other wild beast, acts like a sort of percussion
cap to explode the fulminating powder, and
thus the instant that the missile enters the ani-
mal's body it bursts with a terrible explosion,
and scatters the iron fragments of the cylinder

156 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Devisme's establishment in Paris. Specimens.

among his vitals. Thus, while an ordinary
musket ball might lodge in his flesh, or even
pass entirely through some parts of his body,
without producing any other effect than to
arouse him to a phrensy, and redouble the force
with which he would spring upon his foe, the
bursting of one of these fulminating bullets al-
most any where within his body brings him
down in an instant, and leaves him writhing and
rolling upon the ground in the agonies of death.

On the Boulevard des Italiens, in Paris, is the
manufactory of Devisme, who makes these car-
abines for the lion-hunters of Algiers. Prom-
enaders, in passing by his windows, stop to look
at specimens of these bullets exhibited there.
They are of various sizes, adapted to barrels of
different bores. Some are entire; others are
rent and torn in pieces, having been fired into
a bank of earth, that they might burst there as
they would do in the body of a wild beast, and
then be recovered and preserved to show the
effect of the explosion.

Even with such terrible weapons as these, it
requires at the present day great courage, great
coolness, and very extraordinary steadiness of
nerve to face a lion or a tiger in his mountain
fastness, with any hope of coming off victorious
in the contest. But the danger was, of course,

1203.] His Dominions. 157

Great danger. Wild beasts more formidable than men.

infinitely greater in the days of Grenghis Khan,
when pikes and spears, and bows and arrows,
were the only weapons with whieh the body
of huntsmen could arm themselves for the com-
bat. Indeed, in those days wild beasts were
even in some respects more formidable enemies
than men. For men, however excited by an-
gry passions, are, in some degree, under the in-
fluence of fear. They will not rush headlong
upon absolute and certain destruction, but may
be driven back by a mere display of force, if it
is obvious that it is a force which they are
wholly incapable of resisting. Thus a party of
men, however desperate, may be attacked with-
out much danger to the assailants, provided that
the force which the assailants bring against them
is overwhelming.

But it is not so with wild beasts. A lion, a
tiger, or a panther, once aroused, is wholly in-
sensible to fear. He will rush headlong upon
his foes, however numerous they may be,
and however formidably armed. He makes
his own destruction sure, it is true, but, at the
same time, he renders almost inevitable the de-
struction of some one or more of his enemies,
and, in going out to attack him, no one can be
sure of not becoming himself one of the victims
of his fury.

158 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Grand huntsman. Timid animals. Stratagems.

Thus the hunting of wild beasts in the mount-
ains was very dangerous work, and it is not
surprising that the office of grand huntsman
was one of great consideration and honor.

The hunting was, however, not all of the dan-
gerous character above described. Some ani-
mals are timid and inoffensive by nature, and
attempt to save themselves only by flight.
Such animals as these were to be pursued and
overtaken by the superior speed of horses and
dogs, or to be circumvented by stratagem.
There was a species of deer, in certain parts of
the Mongul country, that the huntsmen were
accustomed to take in this way, namely :

The huntsmen, when they began to draw
near to a place where a herd of deer were feed-
ing, would divide themselves into two parties.
One party would provide themselves with the
antlers of stags, which they arranged in such, a
manner that they could hold them up over
their heads in the thickets, as if real stags were
there. The others, armed with bows and ar-
rows, javelins, spears, and other such weapons,
would place themselves in ambush near by.
Those who had the antlers would then make a
sort of cry, imitating that uttered by the hinds.
The stags of the herd, hearing the cry, would
immediately come toward the spot. The men

1203.] His Dominions. 159

Mode of taking deer. Training of the horses.

in the thicket then would raise the antlers and
move them about, so as to deceive the stags,
and excite their feelings of rivalry and ire,
while those who were appointed to that office
continued to counterfeit the cry of the hind.
The stags immediately would begin to paw the
ground and to prepare for a conflict, and then,
while their attention was thus wholly taken up
by the tossing of the false antlers in the thick-
et, the men in ambush would creep up as near
as they could, take good aim, and shoot their
poor deluded victims through the heart.

Of course, it required a great deal of practice
and much skill to perform successfully such
feats as these; and there were many other
branches of the huntsman's art, as practiced in
those days, which could only be acquired by a
systematic and special course of training. One
of the most difficult things was to train the
horses so that they would advance to meet
tigers and other wild beasts without fear.
Horses have naturally a strong and instinctive
terror for such beasts, and this terror it> was
very difficult to overcome. The Mongul hunts-
men, however, contrived means to inspire the
horses with so much courage in this respect
that they would advance to the encounter of
these terrible foes with as much ardor as a

160 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Great desert. Cold. Pasturage. No forests.

trained charger shows in advancing to meet
other horses and horsemen on the field of
battle.

Besides the mountainous regions above de-
scribed, there were several deserts in the coun-
try of the Monguls. The greatest of these des-
erts extends through the very heart of Asia,
and is one of the most extensive districts of
barren land in the world. Unlike most other
great ' deserts, however, the land is very ele-
vated, and it is to this elevation that its barren-
ness is, in a great measure, due. A large part
of this desert consists of rocks and barren sands,
and, in the time of which we are writing, was
totally uninhabitable. It was so cold, too, on
account of the great elevation of the land, that
it was almost impossible to traverse it except in
the warmest season of the year.

Other parts of this district, which were not
so elevated, and where the land was not quite
so barren, produced grass and herbage on which
the flocks and herds could feed, and thus, in
certain seasons of the year, people resorted to
them for pasturage.

Throughout the whole country there were
no extensive forests. There were a few tan-
gled thickets among the mountains, where the
wild beasts concealed themselves and made

1203.] His Dominions. 161

Burning the grass on the plains.

their lairs, but this was all. One reason why
forests did not spring up was, as is supposed,
the custom of the people to burn over the plains
every spring, as the Indians were accustomed
to do on the American prairies. In the spring
the dead grass of the preceding year lay dry
and withered, and sometimes closely matted to-
gether, on the ground, thus hindering, as the
people thought, the fresh grass from growing
up. So the people were accustomed, on some
spring morning when there was a good breeze
blowing, to set it on fire. The fire would run
rapidly over the plains, burning up every thing
in its way that was above the ground. But
the roots of the grass, being below, were safe
from it. Yery soon afterward the new grass
would spring up with great luxuriance. The
people thought that the rich verdure which the
new grass displayed, and its subsequent rapid
growth, were owing simply to the fact that the
old dead grass was out of the way. It is now
known, however, that the burning of the old
grass leaves an ash upon the ground whick acts
powerfully as a fertilizer, and that the richness
of the fresh vegetation is due, in a great meas-
ure, to this cause.

Such was the country which was inhabited
by the wandering pastoral tribes that were now
L

162 Genghis Khan. [1203.

The various tribes submit.

under the sway of Genghis Khan. His domin-
ion had no settled boundaries, for it was a do-
minion over certain tribes rather than over a
certain district of country. Nearly all the tribes
composing both the Mongul and the Tartar na-
tions had now submitted to him, though he still
had some small wars to wage from time to time
with some of the more distant tribes before his
authority was fully and finally acknowledged.
The history of some of these conflicts will be
narrated in the next chapter.

1203.] Pkince Kushluk. 163

Kushluk's escape. ' Tukta Bey. Kashin.

Chapter XIII.
Adventures of Prince Kushluk.

PKINCE KUSHLUK, as the reader will
perhaps recollect, was the son of Tayian,
the khan of the Naymans, who organized the
grand league of khans against Temnjin at the
instigation of Yemnka, as related in a preced-
ing chapter. He was the young prince who
was opposed to Jughi, the son of Temujin, in
the great final battle. The reader will recol-
lect that in that battle Tayian himself was
slain, as was also Yemuka, but the young
prince succeeded in making his escape.

He was accompanied in his flight by a cer-
tain general or chieftain named Tukta Bey.
This Tukta Bey was the khan of a. powerful
tribe. The name of the town or village which
he considered his capital was Kashin. It was
situated toward the southwest, not far from the
borders of China. Tukta Bey, taking Kushluk
with him, retreated to this place, and there be-
gan to make preparations to collect a new army
to act against Temujin. I say Temujin, for

164 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Temujin pursues Tukta Bey and Kushluk. Retreat to Boyrak's country.

these circumstances took place immediately
after the battle, and before Temujin had re-
ceived his new title of Genghis Khan.

Temujin, having learned that Tukta Bey and
the young prince had gone to Kashin, determ-
ined at once to follow them there. As soon as
Tukta Bey heard that he was coming, he began
to strengthen the fortifications of his town and to
increase the garrison. He also laid in supplies
of food and military stores of all kinds. While
he was making these preparations, he received
the news that Temujin was advancing into his
country at the head of an immense force. The
force was so large that he was convinced that
his town could *not long stand out against it.
He was greatly perplexed to know what to do.

Now it happened that there was a brother
of Tayian Khan's, named Boyrak, the chief of
a powerful horde that occupied a district of
country not very far distant from Tukta Bey's
dominions. Tukta Bey thought that this Boy-
rak would be easily induced to aid him in the
war, as it was a war waged against the mortal
enemy of his brother. He determined to leave
his capital to be defended by the garrison which
he had placed in it, and to proceed himself to
Boyrak's country to obtain re-enforcements.
He first sent off the Prince Kushluk, so that he

1203.] Prince Kushluk. 165

Fall and destruction of Kashin. Proclamation.

might be as soon as possible in a place of safety.
Then, after completing the necessary arrange-
ments and dispositions for the defense of his
town, in case it should be attacked during his
absence, he took his oldest son, for whose safety
he was also greatly concerned, and set out at
the head of a small troop of horsemen to go to
Boyrak.

Accordingly, when Temujin, at the head of
his forces, arrived at the town of Kashin, he
found that the fugitives whom he was pursuing
were no longer there. However, he determ-
ined to take the town. He accordingly at once
invested it, and commenced the siege. The
garrison made a very determined resistance.
But the forces under Temujin's command were
too strong for them. The town was soon taken.
Temujin ordered his soldiers to slay without
mercy all who were found in arms against him
within the walls, and the walls themselves, and
all the other defenses of the place, he caused to
be leveled with the ground.

He then issued his proclamation, offering
peace and pardon to all the rest of the tribe on
condition that they would take the oath of al-
legiance to him. This they readily agreed to
do. There were a great many subordinate
khans, both of this tribe and of some others

166 Genghis Khan. [1203.

Temujin returns to Karakorom.

that were near, who thus yielded to Temujin,
and promised to obey him.

All this took place, as has already been said,
immediately after the great battle with Tayian,
and before Temujin had been enthroned as em-
peror, or had received his new title of Genghis
Khan. Indeed, Temujin, while making this
expedition to Kashin in pursuit of Kushluk
and Tukta Bey, had been somewhat uneasy at
the loss of time which the campaign occasioned
him, as he was anxious to go as soon as possi-
ble to Karakorom, in order to take the neces-
sary measures there for arranging and consol-
idating his government. He accordingly now
determined not to pursue the fugitives any far-
ther, but to proceed at once to Karakorom, and
postpone all farther operations against Kushluk
and Tukta until the next season. So he went
to Karakorom, and there, during the course of
the winter, formed the constitution of his new
empire, and made arrangements for convening
a grand assembly of the khans the next spring,
as related in the last chapter.

In the mean time, Tukta Bey and the Prince
Kushluk were very kindly received by Boyrak,
Tayian's brother. For a time they all had rea-
son to expect that Temujin, after having taken
and destroyed Kashin, would continue his pur-

1205.] Prince Kushluk. 167

Boyrak's precautions. Great battle. Boyrak is taken and Elain.

suit of the prince, and Boyrak began accord-
ingly to make preparations for defense. But
when, at length, they learned that Temujin had
given up the pursuit, and had returned to Ka-
rakorom, their apprehensions were, for the mo-
ment, relieved. They were, however, well
aware that the danger was only postponed ;
and Boyrak, being determined to defend the
cause of his nephew, and to avenge, if possible,
his brother's death, occupied himself diligently
with increasing his army, strengthening his for-
tifications, and providing himself with all pos-
sible means of defense against the attack which
he expected would be made upon him in the
coming season.

Boyrak's expectations of an attack were fully
realized. Temujin, after having settled the af-
fairs of his government, and having now be-
come Grenghis Khan, took the first opportunity
in the following season to fit out an expedition
against Tukta Bey and Boyrak. He marched
into Boyrak's dominions at the head of a strong
force. Boyrak came forth to meet him. A
great battle was fought. Boyrak was entirely
defeated. "When he found that the battle was
lost he attempted to fly. He was, however,
pursued and taken, and was then brought back
to the camp of Genghis Khan, where he was

168 Genghis Khan. [1205.

Flight of Kushluk and Tukta Bey. Pdver Irtish. Ardish.

put to death. The conqueror undoubtedly jus-
tified this act of cruelty toward his helpless
prisoner on the plea that, like Yemuka, he was
not an open and honorable foe, but a rebel and
traitor, and, consequently, that the act of put-
ting him- to death was the execution of a crim-
inal, and not the murder of a prisoner.

But, although Boyrak himself was thus taken
and slain, Kushluk and Tukta Bey succeeded
in making their escape. They fled to the north-
ward and westward, scarcely knowing, it would
seem, where they were to go. They at last
found a place of refuge on the banks of the
Eiver Irtish. This river rises not far from the
centre of the Asiatic continent, and flows north-
ward into the Northern Ocean. The country
through which it flows lay to the northwest-
ward of Genghis Khan's dominions, and be-
yond the confines of it. Through this country
Prince Kushluk and Tukta Bey wandered on,
accompanied by the small troop of followers
that still adhered to them, until they reached a
certain fortress called Ardish, where they de-
termined to make a stand.

They were among friends here, for Ardish,
it seems, was on the confines of territory that
belonged to Tukta Bey. The people of the
neighborhood immediately flocked to Tukta's

1208.] Prince Kushluk. 169

Tukta Bey's adherents. . Genghis Khan pursues them in winter.

standard, and thus the fugitive khan soon found
himself at the head of a considerable force.
This force was farther increased by the coming
in of broken bands that had made their escape
from the battle at which Boyrak had been slain
at the same time with Tukta Bey, but had be-
come separated from him in their flight.

It would seem that, at first, Grenghis Khan
did not know what was become of the fugitives.
At any rate, it was not until the next year that
he attempted to pursue them. Then, hearing
where they were and what they were doing, he
prepared an expedition to penetrate into the
country of the Irtish and attack them. It was
in the dead of winter when he arrived in the
country. He had hurried on at that season of
the year in order to prevent Tukta Bey from
having time to finish his fortifications. Tukta
Bey and those who were with him were amazed
when they heard that their enemy was coming
at that season of the year. The defenses which
th^y were preparing for their fortress were not
fully completed, but they were at once con-
vinced that they could not hold their ground
against the body of troops that Grenghis Khan
was bringing against them in the open field,
and so they all took shelter in and near the
fortress, and awaited their enemy there.

170 Genghis Khan. [1208.

Difficulties of the country. Death of Tukta Bey.

The winters in that latitude are very cold,
and the country through which Genghis Khan
had to march was full of difficulty. The
branches of the river which he had to cross
were obstructed with ice, and the roads were
in many places rendered almost impassable by
snow. The emperor did not even know the
way to the fortress where Tukta Bey and his
followers were concealed, and it would have
been almost impossible for him to find it had
it not been for certain tribes, through whose
territories he passed on the way, who furnished
him with guides. These tribes, perceiving how
overwhelming was the force which Genghis
Khan commanded, knew that it would be use-
less for them to resist him. So they yielded
submission to him at once, and detached parties
of horsemen to go with him down the river to
show him the way.

Under the conduct of these guides Genghis
Khan passed on. In due time he arrived at
the fortress of Ardish, and immediately forced
Tukta Bey and his allies to come to an engage-
ment. Tukta's army was very soon defeated
and put to flight. Tukta himself, and many
other khans and chieftains who had joined him,
were killed ; but the Prince Kushluk was once
more fortunate enough to make his escape.

1208.] Peince Kushluk. 171

Kushluk escapes again. Turkestan. lie is received by Gurkhan.

He fled with a small troop of followers, all
mounted on fleet horses, and after various wan-
derings, in the course of which he and they who
were with him endured a great deal of priva-
tion and suffering, the unhappy fugitive at last
reached the dominions of a powerful prince
named Gurkhan, who reigned over a country
which is situated in the western part of Asia,
toward the Caspian Sea, and is named Turkes-
tan. This is the country from which the peo-
ple called the Turks, who afterward spread
themselves so widely over the western part of
Asia and the eastern part of Europe, originally
sprung.

Gurkhan received Kushluk and his party in
a very friendly manner, and Genghis Khan did
not follow them. Whether he thought that the
distance was too great, or that the power of
Gurkhan was too formidable to make it pru-
dent for him to advance into his dominions
without a stronger force, does not appear. At
any rate, for the time being he gave up the
pursuit, and. after fully securing the fruits of
the victory which he had gained at Ardish, and
receiving the submission of all the tribes and
khans that inhabited that region of country, he
set out on his return home.

It is related that one of the khans who gave

172 Genghis Khan. [1208.

Presentation of the shongar. Urua InaL

in his submission to Genghis Khan at this
time made him a present of a certain bird call-
ed a shongar, according to a custom often ob-
served among the people of that region. The
shongar was "a very large and fierce bird of
prey, which, however, could be trained like the
falcons which were so much prized in the Mid-
dle Ages by the princes and nobles of Europe.
It seems it was customary for an inferior khan
to present one of these birds to his superior on
great occasions, as an emblem and token of his
submission to his superior's authority. The
bird in such a case was very richly decorated
with gold and precious stones, so that the presL
ent was sometimes of a very costly and mag-
nificent character.

Genghis Khan received such a present as
this from a chieftain named Urus Inal, who
was among those that yielded to his sway in
the country of the Irtish, after the battle at
which Tukta Bey was defeated and killed.
The bird was presented to Genghis Khan by
Urus with great ceremony, as an act of sub-
mission and homage.

What, in the end, was the fate of Prince
Kushluk, will appear in the next chapter.

1208.] Idikut. 175

Idikut. The old system of farming revenues.

Chapter XIV.
Idikut.

THEEE was another great and powerful
khan, named Idikut, whose tribe had hith-
erto been under the dominion of Gurkhan, the
Prince of Turkestan, where Kushluk had sought
refuge, but who about this time revolted from
Gurkhan and went over to Genghis Khan, un-
der circumstances which illustrate, in some de-
gree, the peculiar nature of the political ties
by which these different tribes and nations
were bound to each other. It seems that the
tribe over which Idikut ruled was tributary to
Turkestan, and that Gurkhan had an officer
stationed in Idikut's country whose business it
was to collect and remit the tribute. The
name of this collector was Shuwakem. He
was accustomed, it seems, like almost all tax-
gatherers in those days, to exact more than was
his due. The system generally adopted by
governments in that age of the world for col-
lecting their revenues from tributary or con-
quered provinces was to farm them, as the

176 Genghis Khan. [1208.

Evils of farming the revenue. Modern system.

phrase was. That is, they sold the whole rev-
enue of a particular district in the gross to
some rich man, who paid for it a specific sum,
considerably less, of course, than the tax itself
would really yield, and then he reimbursed
himself for his outlay and for his trouble by
collecting the tax in detail from the 'people.
Of course, it was for the interest of the tax-
gatherer, in such a case, after having paid the
round sum to the government, to extort as
much as possible from the people, since all that
he obtained over and above the sum that he
had paid was his profit on the transaction.
Then, if the people complained to the govern-
ment of his exactions, they could seldom obtain
any redress, for the government knew that if
they rebuked or punished the farmer of the
revenue, or interfered with him in auy way,
they would not be able to make so favorable
terms with him for the next year.

The plan of farming the revenues thus led to
a great deal of extortion and oppression, which
the people were compelled patiently to endure,
as there was generally no remedy. In modern
times and among civilized nations this system
has been almost universally abandoned. The
taxes are now always collected for the govern-
ment directly by officers who have to pay over,

1208.] Idikut. 177

Disinterested collectors. Independent and impartial courts.

not a fixed sum, but simply what they collect.
Thus the tax-gatherers are, in some sense, im-
partial, since, if they collect more than the law
entitles them to demand, the benefit inures
almost wholly to the government, they them-
selves gaining little or no advantage by their
extortion. Besides this, there are courts es-
tablished which are, in a great measure, inde-
pendent of the government, to which the tax-
payer can appeal at once in a case where he
thinks he is aggrieved. This, it is true, often
puts him to a great deal of trouble and ex-
pense, but, in the end, he is pretty sure to have
justice done him, while under the old system
there was ordinarily no remedy at all. There
was nothing to be done but to appeal to the
king or chieftain himself, and these complaints
seldom received any attention. For, besides
the natural unwillingness of the sovereign to
trouble himself about such disputes, he had a
direct interest in not requiring the extorted
money to be paid back, or, rather, in not having
it proved that it was extorted. Thus the poor
tax-payer found that the officer who collected
the money, and the umpire who was to decide
in case of disputes, were both directly interested
against him, and he was continually wronged ;
whereas, at the present day, by means of a sys-
M

178 Genghis Khan. [1208.

Waste of the public money. Shuwakem.

tern which provides disinterested officers to de-
termine and collect the tax, and independent
judges to decide all cases of dispute, the evils
are almost wholly avoided. The only dif-
ficulty now is the extravagance and ' waste
with which the public money is expended,
making it necessary to collect a much larger
amount than would otherwise be required.
Perhaps some future generation will discover
some plain and simple remedy for this evil
too.

The name of the officer who had the general
charge of the collection of the taxes in Idikut's
territory for Gurkhan, King of Turkestan, was,
as has already been said, Shuwakem. He op-
pressed the people, exacting more from them
than was really due. Whether he had farmed
the revenue, and was thus enriching himself by
his extortions, or whether he was acting direct-
ly in Gurkhan's name, and made the people
pay more than he ought from zeal in his mas-
ter's service, and a desire to recommend him-
self to favor by sending home to Turkestan as
large a revenue from the provinces as possible,
does not appear. At all events, the people
complained bitterly. They had, however, no
access to Gurkhan, Shuwakem's master, and so

1208.] Idikut. 179

Idikut's quarrel with Gurkhan's tax-gatherers. Kehellion.

tliey carried their complaints to Idikut, their
own khan.

Idikut remonstrated with Shuwakem, but
he, instead of taking the remonstrance in good
part and relaxing the severity of his proceed-
ings, resented the interference of Idikut, and
answered him in a haughty and threatening
manner. This made Idikut very angry. In-
deed, he was angry before, as it might naturally
be supposed that he would have been, at hav-
ing a person owing allegiance to a foreign
prince exercising authority in a proud and
domineering manner within his dominions, and
the reply which Shuwakem made when he re-
monstrated with him on account of his extor-
tions exasperated him beyond all bounds. He
immediately caused Shuwakem to be assas-
sinated. He also slew all the other officers of
Gurkhan within his country — those, probably,
who were employed to assist Shuwakem in col-
lecting the taxes.

The murder of these officers was, of course,
an act of open rebellion against Gurkhan, and
Idikut, in order to shield himself from the con-
sequences of it, determined to join himself and
his tribe at once to the empire of Genghis Khan ;
so he immediately dispatched two embassadors
to the Mongul emperor with his proposals.

180 Genghis Khan. [1208.

He sends to Genghis Khan. His reception of the embassy.

The envoys, accompanied by a suitable troop
of guards and attendants, went into the Mongul
country and presently came up with Genghis
Khan, while he was on a march toward the
country of some tribe or horde that had revolted
from him. They were very kindly received;
for, although Genghis Khan was not prepared
at present to make open war upon Gurkhan, or
to invade his dominions in pursuit of Prince
Kushluk, he was intending to do this at some
future day, and, in the mean time, he was very
glad to weaken his enemy by drawing off from
his empire any tributary tribes that were at all
disposed to revolt from him.

He accordingly received the embassadors of
Idikut in a very cordial and friendly manner.
He readily acceded to the proposals which Idi-
kut made through them, and, in order to give
full proof to Idikut of the readiness and sincer-
ity with which he accepted his proposals, he
sent back two embassadors of his own to ac-
company Idikut's embassadors on their return,
and to join them in assuring that prince of the
cordiality with which Genghis Khan accepted
his offers of friendship, and to promise his pro-
tection.

Idikut was very much pleased, when his mes-
sengers returned, to learn that his mission had

1208.] Idikut. 181

Idikut' s visit to Genghis Khan. Gurkhan in a rage.

been so successful. He immediately determ-
ined to go himself and visit Genghis Khan in
his camp, in order to confirm the new alliance
by making a personal tender to the emperor
of his homage and his services.. He according-
ly prepared some splendid presents, and, placing
himself at the head of his troop of guards, he
proceeded to the camp of Genghis Khan. The
emperor received him in a very kind and friend-
ly manner. He accepted his presents, and, in
the end, was so much pleased with Idikut him-
self that he gave him one of his daughters in
marriage. •

As for Gurkhan, when he first heard of the
murder of Shuwakem and the other oificers, he
was in a terrible rage. He declared that he
would revenge his servant by laying waste Idi-
kut's territories with fire and sword. But when
he heard that Idikut had placed himself under
the protection of Genghis Khan, and especially
when he learned that he had married the emper-
or's daughter, he thought it more prudent to
postpone his vengeance, not being quite will-
ing to draw upon himself the hostility of so
great a power.

Prince Kushluk remained for many years in
Turkestan and in the countries adjoining it.
He married a daughter of Gurkhan, his protect-

182 Genghis Khan. [12G8.

Subsequent history of Kushluk. Jena. Kushluk' s final defeat and flight.

or. Partly in consequence of this connection
and of the high, rank which he had held in his
own native land, and partly, perhaps, in conse-
quence of his personal courage and other mil-
itary qualities, he rapidly acquired great influ-
ence among the khans of Western Asia, and
at last he organized a sort of rebellion against
Gurkhan, made war against him, and deprived
him of more than half his dominions. He then
collected a large army, and prepared to make
war upon Genghis Khan. Genghis Khan sent
one of his best generals, at the head of a small
but very compact and well-disciplined force,
against him. The name of this general was
Jena. Kushluk was not at all intimidated by
the danger which now threatened him. His
own army was much larger than that of Jena,
and he accordingly advanced to meet his enemy
without fear. He was, however, beaten in the
battle, and, when he saw that the day was lost,
he fled, followed by a small party of horsemen,
who succeeded in saving themselves with him.

Jena set out immediately in pursuit of the
fugitive, accompanied by a small body of men
mounted on the fleetest horses. The party
who were with Kushluk, being exhausted by
the fatigue of the battle and bewildered by the
excitement and terror of their flight, could not

1208.] Idikut. 183

Hotly pursued by Jena. Kushluk' s death. Genghis Khan's triumph.

keep together, but were overtaken one by one
and slain by their pursuers until only three
were left. These three kept close to Kushluk,
and with him went on until Jena's party lost
the track of them.

At length, coming to a place where two roads
met, Jena asked a peasant if he had seen any
strange horsemen pass that way. The peasant
said that four horsemen had passed a short
time before, and he told Jena which road they
had taken.

Jena and his party rode on in the direction
which the peasant had indicated, and, pushing
forward with redoubled speed, they soon over-
took the unhappy fugitives. They fell upon
Kushluk without mercy, and killed him on the
spot They then cut off his head, and turned
back to carry it to Genghis Khan.

Genghis Khan rewarded Jena in the most
magnificent manner for his successful perform-
ance of this exploit, and then, putting Kush-
luk's head upon a pole, he displayed it in all
the camps and villages through which he
passed, where it served at once as a token and
a trophy of his victory against an enemy, and,
at the same time, as a warning to all other per-
sons of the terrible danger which they would
incur in attempting to resist his power.

184 Genghis Khan. [1211.

China. The Chinese wall.

Chapter XV.

The Story of Hujaku.

^T^HE accounts given us of the events and
-L transactions of Grenghis Khan's reign aft-
er he acquired the supreme power over the
Mongul and Tartar nations are imperfect, and,
in many respects, confused. It appears, how-
ever, from them that in the year 1211, that is,
about five years after his election as grand
khan, he became involved in a war with the
Chinese, which led, in the end, to very import-
ant consequences. The kingdom of China lay
to the southward of the Mongul territories, and
the frontier was defended by the famous Chi-
nese wall, which extended from east to west,
over hills and valleys, from the great desert to
the sea, for many hundred miles. The wall
was defended by towers, built here and there
in commanding positions along the whole ex-
tent of it, and at certain distances there were
fortified towns where powerful garrisons were
stationed, and reserves of troops were held
ready to be marched to different points along

1211.] The Story of Hujaku. 185

The frontier. Outside the wall. Origin of the quarrel with the Chinese.

the wall, wherever there might be occasion for
their services.

The wall was not strictly the Chinese fron-
tier, for the territory on the outside of it to a
considerable distance was held by the Chinese
government, and there were many large towns
and some very strong fortresses in this outly-
ing region, all of which were held and garrison-
ed by Chinese troops.

The inhabitants, however, of the countries
outside the wall were generally of the Tartar
or Mongul race. They were of a nation or tribe
called the Kitan, and were somewhat inclined
to rebel against the Chinese rule. In order to
assist in keeping them in subjection, one of the
Chinese emperors issued a decree which ordain-
ed that the governors of those provinces should
place in all the large towns, and other strong-
holds outside the wall, twice as many families
of the Chinese as there were of the Kitan. This
regulation greatly increased the discontent of
the Kitan, and made them more inclined to re-
bellion than they were before.

Besides this, there had been for some time a
growing difficulty between the Chinese govern-
ment and Grenghis Khan. It seems that the
Monguls had been for a long time accustomed
to pay some sort of tribute to the Emperor of

186 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Yong-tsi.

China, and many years before, while Genghis
Khan, under the name of Temujin, was living at
Karakorom, a subject of Yang Khan, the emper-
or sent a certain royal prince, named Yong-tsi,
to receive what was due. While Yong-tsi was
in the Mongul territory he and Temujin met,
but they did not agree together at all. The
Chinese prince put some slight upon Temujin,
which Temujin resented. Yery likely Temu-
jin, whose character at that time, as well as aft-
erward, was marked with a great deal of pride
and spirit, opposed the payment of the tribute.
At any rate, Yong-tsi became very much in-
censed against him, and, on his return, made se-
rious charges against him to the emperor, and
urged that he should be seized and put to death.
But the emperor declined engaging in so dan-
gerous an undertaking. . Yong-tsi's proposal,
however, became known to Temujin, and he
secretly resolved that he would one day have
his revenge.

At length, about three or- four years after
Temujin was raised to the throne, the emperor
of the Chinese died, and Yong-tsi succeeded
him. The very next year he sent an officer to
Genghis Khan to demand the usual tribute.
When the officer came into the presence of
Genghis Khan in his camp, and made his de-

1211.] The Story of Hujaku. 187

Genghis Khan's contempt for him. Armies raised.

mand, Genghis Khan asked him who was the
emperor that had sent him with such a mes-

The officer replied that Yong-tsi was at that
time emperor of the Chinese.

"Yong-tsi!" repeated Genghis Khan, in a
tone of great contempt. " The Chinese have a
proverb," he added, "that such a people as they
ought to have a god for their emperor : but it
seems thej do not know how to choose even a
decent man."

It was true that they had such a proverb.
They were as remarkable, it seems, in those
days as they are now for their national self-im-
portance and vanit}^.

" Go and tell your emperor," added Genghis
Khan, " that I am a sovereign ruler, and that I
will never acknowledge him as my master."

When the messenger returned with this de-
fiant answer, Yong-tsi was very much enraged,
and immediately began to prepare for war.
Genghis Khan also at once commenced his
preparations. He sent envoys to the leading
khans who occupied the territories outside the
wall inviting them to join him. He raised a
great army, and put the several divisions of it
under the charge of his ablest generals. Yong-
tsi raised a great army too. The historians say

188 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Hujaku. Many of the khans come over on Genghis' s side.

that it amounted to three hundred thousand
men. He put this army under the command
of a great general named Hujaku, and ordered
him to advance with it to the northward, so as
to intercept the army of Genghis Khan on its
way, and to defend the wall and the fortresses
on the outside of it from his attacks.

In the campaign which ensued Genghis Khan
was most successful. The Monguls took pos-
session of a great many towns and fortresses
beyond the wall, and every victory that they
gained made the tribes and nations that inhab-
ited those provinces more and more disposed
to join them. Many of them revolted against
the Chinese authority, and turned to their side.
One of these was a chieftain so powerful that
he commanded an army of one hundred thou-
sand men. In order to bind himself solemnly
to the covenant which he was to make with
Genghis Khan, he ascended a mountain in com-
pany with the envoy and with others who were
to witness the proceedings, and there perform-
ed the ceremony customary on such occasions.
The ceremony consisted of sacrificing a white
horse and a black ox, and then breaking an ar-
row, at the same time pronouncing an oath by
which he bound himself under the most solemn
sanctions to be faithful to Genghis Khan.

1211.] The Story of IIujaku. 189

Victory over Hujaku. Genghis Khan is wounded.

To reward the prince for this act of adhesion
to his cause, Grenghis Khan made him king over
all that portion of the country, and caused him
to be every where so proclaimed. This encour-
aged a great many other khans and chieftains
to come over to his side ; and at length one who
had the command of one of the gates of the
great wall, and of the fortress which defended
it, joined him. By this means Genghis Khan
obtained access to the interior of the Chinese
dominions, and Yong-tsi and his great general
Hujaku became seriously alarmed.

At length, after various marchings and coun-
termarchings, Grenghis Khan learned that Hu-
jaku was encamped with the whole of his army
in a very strong position at the foot of a mount-
ain, and he determined to proceed thither and
attack him. He did so; and the result of the
battle was that Hujaku was beaten and was
forced to retreat. He retired to a great forti-
fied town, and Grenghis Khan followed him and
laid siege to the town. Hujaku, finding him-
self in imminent danger, fled ; and Grenghis
Khan was on the point of taking the town,
when he was suddenly stopped in his career by
being one day wounded severely by an arrow
which was shot at him from the wall.

The wound was so severe that, while suffer-

190 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Hujaku disgraced. Restored again.

ing under it, Genghis Khan found that he could
not successfully direct the operations of his
army, and so he withdrew his troops and re-
tired into his own country, to wait there until
his wound should be healed. In a few months
he was entirely recovered, and the next year he
fitted out a new expedition, and advanced again
into China.

In the mean time, Hujaku, who had been re-
peatedly defeated and driven back the year be-
fore by Genghis Khan, had fallen into disgrace.
His rivals and enemies among the other gener-
als of the army, and among the officers of the
court, conspired against him, and represented
to the emperor that he was unfit to command,
and that his having failed to defend the towns
and the country that had been committed to
him was owing to his cowardice and incapacity.
In consequence of these representations Hujaku
was cashiered, that is, dismissed from his com-
mand in disgrace.

This made him very angry, and he determ-
ined that he would have his revenge. There
was a large party in his favor at court, as well
as a party against him ; and after a long and
bitter contention, the former once more prevail-
ed, and induced the emperor to restore Hujaku
to his command again.

1211.] The Story of Hujaku. 191

Dissensions among the Chinese. Advance of the Mongul3.

The quarrel, however, was not ended, and so,
when Genghis Khan came the next year to re-
new the invasion, the councils of the Chinese
were so distracted, and their operations so par-
alyzed by this feud, that he gained very easy
victories over them. The Chinese generals, in-
stead of acting together in a harmonious man-
ner against the common enemy, were intent
only on the quarrel which they were waging
against each other.

At length the animosity proceeded to such
an extreme that Hujaku resolved to depose the
emperor, who seemed inclined rather to take
part against him, assassinate all the chiefs of
the opposite party, and then finally to put the
emperor to death, and cause himself to be pro-
claimed in his stead.

In order to prepare the way for the execu-
tion of this scheme, he forbore to act vigorously
against Genghis Khan and the Monguls, but
allowed them to advance farther and farther
into the country. This, of course, increased
the general discontent and excitement, and pre-
pared the way for the revolt which Hujaku was
plotting.

At length the time for action arrived. Hu-
jaku suddenly appeared at the head of a large
force at the gates of the capital, and gave the

192 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Uujaku'a rebellion. Death of Yong-tsL

alarm that the Monguls were coming. He
pressed forward into the city to the palace, and
gave the alarm there. At the same time, files
of soldiers, whom he had ordered to this serv-
ice, went to all parts of the city, arresting and
putting to death all the leaders of the party op-
posed to him, under pretense that he had dis-
covered a plot or conspiracy in which they
were engaged to betray the city to the enemy.
The excitement and confusion which was pro-
duced by this charge, and by the alarm occa-
sioned by the supposed coming of the Monguls,
so paralyzed the authorities of the town that
nobody resisted Hujaku, or attempted to save
the persons whom he arrested. Some of them
he caused to be killed on the spot. Others he
shut up in prison. Finding himself thus un-
disputed master of the city, he next took pos-
session of the palace, seized the emperor, de-
posed him from his office, and shut him up in
a dungeon. Soon afterward he put him to
death.

This was the end of Yong-tsi ; but Hujaku
did not succeed, after all, in his design of caus-
ing himself to be proclaimed emperor in his
stead. He found that there would be very
great opposition to this, and so he gave up this
part of his plan, and finally raised a certain

1211.] The Stoey of Hujaku. 193

Hujaku advances. The battle. Hujaki's victory.

prince of the royal family to the throne, while
he retained his office of commander-in-chief of
the forces. Having thus, as he thought, effect-
ually destroyed the influence and power of his
enemies at the capital, he put himself once more
at the head of his troops, and went forth to meet
Genghis Khan.

Some accident happened to him about this
time by which his foot was hurt, so that he was,
in some degree, disabled, but still he went on.
At length he met the vanguard of G-enghis
Khan's army at a place where they were at-
tempting to cross a river by a bridge. Hujaku
determined immediately to attack them. The
state of his foot was such that he could not
walk nor even mount a horse, but he caused
himself to be put upon a sort of car, and was
by this means carried into the battle.

The Monguls were completely defeated and
driven back. Perhaps this was because Gen-
ghis Khan was not there to command them.
He was at some distance in the rear with the
main body of the army.

Hujaku was very desirous of following up
his victory by pursuing and attacking the Mon-
gul vanguard the next day. He could not,
however, do this personally, for, on account of
the excitement and exposure which he had en-
N

194 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Kan-ki's expedition. Failure. Hujaku enraged.

dured in the battle, and the rough movements
and joltings which, notwithstanding all his care,
he had to bear in being conveyed to and fro
abont the field, his foot grew much worse. In-
flammation set in during the night, and the
next day the wound opened afresh ; so he was
obliged to give up the idea of going out him-
self against the enemy, and to send one of his
generals instead. The general to whom he
gave the command was named Kan-ki.

Kan-ki went out against the enemy, but, after
a time, returned unsuccessful. Hujaku was
very angry with him when he came to hear his
report. Perhaps the wound in his foot made
him impatient and unreasonable. At any rate,
he declared that the cause of Kan-ki's failure
was his dilatoriness in pursuing the enemy,
which was cowardice or treachery, and, in either
case, he deserved to suffer death for it. He im-
mediately sent to the emperor a report of the
case, asking that the sentence of death which he
had pronounced against Kan-ki might be con-
firmed, and that he might be authorized to put
it into execution.

But the emperor, knowing that Kan-ki was
a courageous and faithful officer, would not con-
sent.

In the mean while, before the emperor's an-

1211.] The Story of Hujaku. 195

Kan-ki'a second trial. The sand-storm.

swer came back, the wrath of Hujaku had had
time to cool a little. Accordingly, when he re-
ceived the answer, he said to Kan-ki that he
would, after all, try him once more.

" Take the command of the troops again,"
said he, "and go out against the enemy. If
you beat them, I will overlook your first offense
and spare your life ; but if you are beaten your-
self a second time, you shall die."

So Kan-ki placed himself at the head of his
detachment, and went out again to attack the
Monguls. They were to the northward, and
were posted, it seems, upon or near a sandy
plain. At any rate, a strong north wind began
to blow at the time when the attack com-
menced, and blew the sand and dust into the
eyes of his soldiers so that they could not see,
while their enemies the Monguls, having their
backs to the wind, were very little incommoded.
The result was that Kan-ki was repulsed with
considerable loss, and was obliged to make the
best of his way back to Hujaku's quarters to
save the remainder of his men.

He was now desperate. Huj aku had declared
that if he came back without having gained a
victory he should die, and he had no doubt that
the man was violent and reckless enough to
keep his word. He determined not to submit.

196 Genghis Khan. [1211.

Kan-ki's desperate resolution. The attack. Hujaku's flight.

He might as well die fighting, he thought, at
the head of his troops, as to be ignobly put to
death by Hujaku's executioner. So he ar-
ranged it with his troops, who probably hated
Hujaku as much as he did, that, on returning
to the town, they should march in under arms,
take possession of the place, surround the pal-
ace, and seize the general and make him pris-
oner, or kill him if he should attempt any re-
sistance.

The troops accordingly, when they arrived
at the gates of the town, seized and disarmed
the guards, and then marched in, brandishing
their weapons, and uttering loud shouts and
outcries, which excited first a feeling of aston-
ishment and then of terror among the inhabit-
ants. The alarm soon spread to the palace.
Indeed, the troops themselves soon reached and
surrounded the palace, and began thundering
at the gates to gain admission. They soon
forced their way in. Hujaku, in the mean
time, terrified and panic-stricken, had fled from
the palace into the gardens, in hopes to make
his escape by the garden walls. The soldiers
pursued him. In his excitement and agitation
he leaped down from a wall too high for such
a descent, and, in his fall, broke his leg. He
lay writhing helplessly on the ground when

1211.] The Stoey of Hujaku. 197

He is killed in the gardens. Kan-ki is pardoned and promoted.

the soldiers came up. They were wild and
furious with the excitement of pursuit, and
they killed him with their spears where he lay.

Kan-ki took the head of his old enemy and
carried it to the capital, with the intention of
offering it to the emperor, and also of surren-
dering himself to the officers of justice, in or-
der, as he said, that he might be put to death
for the crime of which he had been guilty in
heading a military revolt- and killing his su-
perior officer. By all the laws of war this was
a most heinous and a wholly unpardonable
offense.

But the emperor was heartily glad that the
turbulent and unmanageable old general was
put out of the way, for a man so unprincipled,
so ambitious, and so reckless as Hujaku was is
always an object of aversion and terror to all
who have any thing to do With him. The em-
peror accordingly issued a proclamation, in
which he declared that Hujaku had been justly
put to death in punishment for many crimes
which he had committed, and soon afterward
he appointed Kan-ki commander-in-chief of the
forces in his stead.

198 Genghis Khan. [1211.

War continued. Rich and fertile country.

Chapter XVI.
Conquests in China.

AFTER the death of Hujaku, the Emperor
of China endeavored to defend his domin-
ions against Genghis Khan by means of his oth-
er generals, and the war was continued for sev-
eral years, during which time Genghis Khan
made himself master of all the northern part of
China, and ravaged the whole country in the
most reckless and cruel manner. The country
was very populous and very rich. The people,
unlike the Monguls and Tartars, lived by tilling
the ground, and they practiced, in great perfec-
tion, many manufacturing and mechanic arts.
The country was very fertile, and, in the place of
the boundless pasturages of the Mongul terri-
tories, it was covered in all directions with cul-
tivated fields, gardens, orchards, and mulberry-
groves, while thriving villages and busy towns
were scattered over the whole face of it. It was
to protect this busy hive of wealth and indus-
try that the great wall had been built ages be-
fore ; for the Chinese had always been station-

1214.] Conquests in China. 199

Grand invasion. Simultaneous attack by four armies.

ary, industrious, and peaceful, while the terri-
tories of Central Asia, lying to the north of
them, had been filled from time immemorial
with wild, roaming, and unscrupulous troops
of marauders, like those who were now united
under the banner of Genghis Khan. The wall
had afforded for some hundreds of years an ade-
quate protection, for no commander had ap-
peared of sufficient power to organize and com-
bine the various hordes on a scale great enough
to enable them to force so strong a barrier. But,
now that Genghis Khan had come upon the
stage, the barrier was broken through, and the
terrible and reckless hordes poured in with all
the force and fury of an inundation. In the
year 1214, which was the year following that
in which Hujaku was killed, Genghis Khan or-
ganized a force so large, for the invasion of.
China, that he divided it into four different bat-
talions, which were to enter by different roads,
and ravage different portions of the country.
Each of these divisions was by itself a great
and powerful army, and the simultaneous inva-
sion of four such masses of reckless and merci^
less enemies filled the whole land with terror
and dismay.

The Chinese emperor sent the best bodies
of troops under his command to guard the pass:

200 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Enthusiasm of the troops. Captives.

es in the mountains, and the bridges and ford-
ing-places on the rivers, hoping in this way to
do something toward stemming the tide of these
torrents of invasion. But it was all in vain.
Genghis Khan had raised and equipped his
forces by means, in a great measure, of the plun-
der which he had obtained in China the year
before, and he had made great promises and
glowing representations to his men in respect
to the booty to be obtained in this new cam-
paign. The troops were consequently full of
ardor and enthusiasm, and they pressed on with
such impetuosity as to carry all before them. •
The Emperor of China, in pursuing his meas-
ures of defense, had ordered all the men capa-
ble of bearing arms in the villages and in the
open country to repair to the nearest large city
or fortress, there to be enrolled and equipped
for service. The consequence was that the
Monguls found in many places, as they ad-
vanced through the country, nobody but infirm
old men, and women and children in the ham-
lets and villages. A great many of these, es-
pecially such as seemed to be of most conse-
quence, the handsomest and best of the wom-
en, and the oldest children, they seized and took
with them in continuing their march, intending
to make slaves of them. They also took pos-

1214.] Conquests in China. 201

Immense plunder. Dreadful ravages. Base use made of the captives.

session of all the gold and silver, and also of all
the silks and other rich and valuable merchan-
dise which they found, and distributed it as
plunder. The spoil which they obtained, too,
in sheep and cattle, was enormous. From it
they made up immense flocks and herds, which
were driven off into the Mongul country. The
rest were slaughtered, and used to supply the
army with food.

It was the custom of the invaders, after hav-
ing pillaged a town and its environs, and taken
away all which they could convert to any use-
ful purpose for themselves, to burn the town
itself, and then to march on, leaving in the place
only a smoking heap of ruins, with the miser-
able remnant of the population which they had
spared wandering about the scene of desolation
in misery and despair.

They made a most cowardly and atrocious
use, too, of the prisoners whom they conveyed
away. When they arrived at a fortified town
where there was a garrison or any other armed
force prepared to resist them, they would bring
forward these helpless captives, and put them
in the fore-front of the battle in such a manner
that the men on the walls could not shoot their
arrows at their savage assailants without killing
their own wives and children. The officers

202 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Extent of Mongul conquests. The siege of Yen-king.

commanded the men to fire notwithstanding.
But they were so moved by the piteous cries
which the women and children made that they
could not bear to do it, and so they refused to
obey, and in the excitement and confusion thus
produced the Monguls easily obtained posses-
sion of the town.

There are two great rivers in China, both of
which flow from west to east, and they are at
such a distance from each other and from the
frontiers that they divide the territory into three
nearly equal parts. The northernmost of these
rivers is the Hoang Ho. The Monguls in the
course of two years overrun and made them-
selves masters of almost the whole country ly-
ing north of this river, that is, of about one
third of China proper. There were, however,
some strongly-fortified towns which they found
it very difficult to conquer.

Among other places, there was the imperial
city of Yen-king, where the emperor himself
resided, which was so strongly defended that
for some time the Monguls did not venture to
attack it. At length, however, Genghis Khan
came himself to the place, and concentrated
there a very large force. The emperor and his
court were very much alarmed, expecting an
immediate assault. Still Genghis Khan hesi-

1214.] Conquests in China. 203

Proposed terms of arrangement. Difference of opinion.*

tated. Some of his generals urged him to scale
the walls, and so force his way into the city.
But he thought it more politic to adopt a differ-
ent plan.

So he sent an officer into the town with pro-
posals of peace to be communicated to the em-
peror. In these proposals Genghis Khan said
that he himself was inclined to spare the town,
but that to appease his soldiers, who were furi-
ous to attack and pillage the city, it would be
necessary to make them considerable presents,
and that, if the emperor would agree to such
terms with him as should enable him to satisfy
his men in this respect, he would spare the city
and would retire

The emperor and his advisers were much per-
plexed at the receipt of this proposal. There
was great difference of opinion among the coun-
selors in respect to the reply which was to be
made to it. Some were in favor of rejecting it
at once. One general, not content with a sim-
.ple rejection of it, proposed that, to show the
indignation and resentment which they felt in
receiving it, the garrison should march out of
the gates and attack the Monguls in their camp.

There were other ministers, however, who
urged the emperor to submit to the necessity
of the case, and make peace with the conqueror.

204 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Consultations on the subject. The conditions accepted.

They said that the idea of going out to attack
the enemy in their camp was too desperate to
be entertained for a moment, and if they wait-
ed within the walls and attempted to defend
themselves there, they exposed themselves to
a terrible danger, without any countervailing
hope of advantage at all commensurate with it ;
for if they failed to save the city they were all
utterly and irretrievably ruined ; and if, on the
other hand, they succeeded in repelling the as-
sault, it was only a brief respite that they could
hope to gain, for the Monguls would soon re-
turn in greater numbers and in a higher state
of excitement and fury than ever. Besides,
they said, the garrison was discontented and de-
pressed in spirit, and would make but a feeble
resistance. It was composed mainly of troops
brought in from the country, away from their
families and homes, and all that they desired
was to be released from duty, in order that they
might go and see what had become of their
wives and children.

The emperor, in the end, adopted this coun-
sel, and he sent a commissioner to the camp of
Genghis Khan to ask on what terms peace could
be made. Genghis Khan stated the conditions.
They were very hard, but the emperor was
compelled to submit to them. One of the stip-

1214.] Conquests in China. 205

Terms of peace agreed upon. The emperor's uneasiness.

illations was that Grenghis Khan was to receive
one of the Chinese princesses, a daughter of the
late emperor Yong-tsi, to add to the number of
his wives. There were also to be delivered to
him for slaves five hundred young boys and as
many girls, three thousand horses, a large quan-
tity of silk, and an immense sum of money.
As soon as these conditions were fulfilled, after
dividing the slaves and the booty among the
officers and soldiers of his army, Grenghis Khan
raised the siege and moved off to the north-
ward.

In respect to the captives that his soldiers
had taken in the towns and villages— the wom-
en and children spoken of above; — the army
carried off with them all that were old enough
to be of any value as slaves. The little chil-
dren, who would only, they thought, be in the
way, they massacred.

The emperor was by no means easy after the
Mongul army had gone. A marauding enemy
like that, bought off by the payment of a ran-
som, is exceedingly, apt to find some pretext for
returning, and the emperor did not feel that he
was safe. Very soon after the Monguls had
withdrawn, he proposed to his council the plan
of removing his court southward to the other
side of the Hoang Ho, to a large city in the

206 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Consultations. Abandonment of the capital.

province of Henan. Some of his counselors
made great objections to this proposal. They
said that if the emperor withdrew in that man-
ner from the northern provinces that portion of
his empire would be irretrievably lost. . Gen-
ghis Khan would soon obtain complete and un-
disputed possession of the whole of it. The
proper course to be adopted, they said, was to
remain and make a firm stand in defense of the
capital and of the country. They must levy
new troops, repair the fortifications, recruit the
garrison, and lay in supplies of food and of oth-
er military stores, and thus prepare themselves
for a vigorous and efficient resistance in case
the enemy should return.

But the emperor could not be persuaded. He
said that the treasury was exhausted, the troops
were discouraged, the cities around the capital
were destroyed, and the whole country was so
depopulated by the devastations of the Monguls
that no considerable number of fresh levies
could be obtained ; and that, consequently, the
only safe course for the government to pursue
was to retire to the southward, beyond the river.
He would, however, he added, leave his son,
with a strong garrison, to defend the capital.

He accordingly took with him a few favor-
ites of his immediate family and a small body

1214.] Conquests in China. 207

Revolt of the guards. The siege of the capital renewed.

of troops, and commenced his journey — a jour-
ney which was considered by all the people as
a base and ignoble flight. He involved him-
self in endless troubles by this step. A revolt
broke out on the way among the guards who
accompanied him. One of the generals who
headed the revolt sent a messenger to Genghis
Khan informing him of the emperor's abandon-
ment of his capital, and offering to go over,
with all the troops under his command, to the
service of Genghis Khan if Genghis Khan would
receive him.

When Genghis Khan heard thus of the re-
treat of the emperor from his capital, he was,
or pretended to be, much incensed. He con-
sidered the proceeding as in some sense an act
of hostility against himself, and, as such, an in-
fraction of the treaty and a renewal of the war.
So he immediately ordered one of his leading
generals — a certain chieftain named Mingan —
to proceed southward at the head of a large
army and lay siege to Yen-king again.

The old emperor, who seems now to have lost
all spirit, and to have given himself up entirely
to despondency and fear, was greatly alarmed
for the safety of his son the prince, whom he
had left in command at Yen-king. He imme-
diately sent orders to his son to leave the city

208 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Wan-yen and Mon-yen. Their perplexity. Suicide proposed.

and come to him. The departure of the prince,
in obedience to these orders, of course threw an
additional gloom over the city, and excited still
more the general discontent which the emper-
or's conduct had awakened.

The prince, on his departure, left two gener-
als in command of the garrison. Their names
were "Wan-yen and Mon-yen. They were left
to defend the city as well as they could from
the army of Monguls under Mingan, which was
now rapidly drawing near. The generals were
greatly embarrassed and perplexed with the
difficulties of their situation. The means of de-
fense at their disposal were wholly inadequate,
and they knew not what to do.

At length one of them, Wan-yen, proposed
to the other that they should kill themselves.
This Mon-yen refused to do. Mon-yen was the
commander on whom the troops chiefly relied,
and he considered suicide a mode of deserting
one's post scarcely less dishonorable than any
other. He said that his duty was to stand by
his troops, and, if he could not defend them
where they were, to endeavor to draw them
away, while there was an opportunity, to a
place of safety.

So Wan-yen, finding his proposal rejected,
went away in a rage. He retired to his apart-

1214.] Conquests in China. 209

Wan-yen in despair. His suicide. Mon-yen's plan.

ment, and wrote a dispatch to the emperor, in
which he explained the desperate condition of
affairs, and the impossibility of saving the city,
and in the end declared himself deserving of
death for not being able to accomplish the work
which his majesty had assigned to him.

He enveloped and sealed this dispatch, and
then, calling his domestics together, he divided
among them, in a very calm and composed
manner, all his personal effects, and then took
leave of them and dismissed them.

A single officer only now remained with him.
In the presence of this officer he wrote a few
words, and then sent him away. As soon as
the officer had gone, he drank a cnp of poison
which he had previously ordered to be pre-
pared for him, and in a few minutes was a life-
less corpse.

In the mean time, the>other general, Mon-yen,
had been making preparations to leave the city.
His plan was to take with him such troops as
might be serviceable to the emperor, but to
leave all the inmates of the palace, as well as
the inhabitants of the city, to their fate. Among
the people of the palace were, it seems, a num-
ber of the emperor's wives, whom he had left
behind at the time of his own flight, he having
taken with him at that time only a few of the
O

210 Genghis Khan. [1214.

Petition of the wives. Sacking of the city by Mingan.

more favored ones. These women who were
left, when they heard that Mon-yen was intend-
ing to abandon the city with a view of joining
the emperor in the south, came to him in a
body, and begged him to take them with him.

In order to relieve himself of their solicita-
tions, he said that he would do so, but he added
that he must leave the city himself with the
guards to prepare the way, and that he would
return immediately for them. They were sat-
isfied with this promise, and returned to the
palace to prepare for the journey. Mon-yen at
once left the city, and very soon after he had
gone, Mingan, the Mongul general, arrived at
the gates, and, meeting with no effectual resist-
ance, he easily forced his way in, and a scene
of universal terror and confusion ensued. The
soldiers spread themselves over the city in
search of plunder, and killed all who came in
their way. They plundered the palace and
then set it on fire. So extensive was the edi
flee, and so vast were the stores of clothing and
other valuables which it contained, even after
all the treasures which could be made available
to the conquerors had been taken away, that
the fire continued to burn among the ruins for
a month or more.

What became of the unhappy women who

1214] Conquests in China. 211

Massacres. Fate of Mon-yen. Treasures.

were so cruelly deceived by Mon-yen in re-
spect to their hopes of escape does not directly
appear. They doubtless perished with the
other inhabitants of the city in the general
massacre. Soldiers at such a time, while en-
gaged in the sack and plunder of a city, are al-
ways excited to a species of insane fury, and
take a savage delight in thrusting their pikes
into all that come in their way.

Mon-yen excused himself, when he arrived
at the quarters of the emperor, for having thus
abandoned the women to their fate by the al-
leged impossibility of saving them. He could
not have succeeded, he said, in effectiDg his
own retreat and that of the troops who went
with him if he had been encumbered in his
movements by such a company of women.
The emperor accepted this excuse, and seem-
ed to be satisfied with it, though, not long aft-
erward, Mon-yen was accused of conspiracy
against the emperor and was put to death.

Mingan took possession of the imperial treas-
ury, where he found great stores of silk, and
also of gold and silver plate. All these things
he sent to Genghis Khan, who remained still at
the north at a grand encampment which he had
made in Tartary.

After this, other campaigns were fought by

212 Genghis Khan. [1216.

Conquests extended. Governors appointed.

Genghis Khan in China, in the course of which
he extended his conquests still farther to the
southward, and made himself master of a very
great extent of country. After confirming
these conquests, he selected from among such
Chinese officers as were disposed to enter into
his service suitable persons to be appointed
governors of the provinces, and in this way
annexed them to his dominions ; these officers
thus transferring their allegiance from the em-
peror to him, and covenanting to send to him
the tribute which they should annually collect
from their respective dominions. Every thing
being thus settled in this quarter, Genghis Khan
next turned his attention to the western front-
iers of his empire, where the Tartar and Mon-
gul territory bordered on Turkestan and the
dominions of the Mohammedans.

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 213

Mohammedan countries on the west. Sultan Mohammed.

Chapter XYII.
The Sultan Mohammed.

THE portion of China which. Genghis Khan
had added to his dominions by the con-
quests described in the last chapter was called
Katay, and the possession of it, added to the
extensive territories which were previously un-
der his sway, made his empire very vast. The
country which he now held, either under his
direct government, or as tributary provinces and
kingdoms, extended north and south through
the whole interior of Asia, and from the shores
of the Japan and China Seas on the east, near-
ly to the Caspian Sea on the west, a distance
of nearly three thousand miles.

Beyond his western limits lay Turkestan and
other countries governed by the Mohammed-
ans. Among the other Mohammedan princes
there was a certain Sultan Mohammed, a great
and very powerful sovereign, who reigned over
an extensive region in the neighborhood of
the Caspian Sea, though the principal seat of
his power was a country called Karazm. He

214 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Karazm. Proposed embassy. Makinut and his suite.

was, in consequence, sometimes styled Moham-
med Karazm.

It might perhaps have been expected that
Genghis Khan, having subdued all the rivals
within his reach in the eastern part, of Asia,
and being strong and secure in the possession
of his power, would have found some pretext
for making war upon the sultan, with a view
of conquering his territories too, and adding the
countries bordering on the Caspian to his do-
minions. But, for some reason or other, he.
concluded, in this instance, to adopt a different
policy. Whether it was that he was tired of
war and wished for repose, or whether the sul-
tan's dominions were too remote, or his power
too great to make it prudent to attack him, he
determined on sending an embassy instead of
an army, with a view of proposing to the sul-
tan a treaty of friendship and alliance.

The time when this embassy was sent was
in the year 1217, and the name of the principal
embassador was Makinut.

Makinut set out on his mission accompanied
by a large retinue of attendants and guards.
The journey occupied several weeks, but at
length he arrived in the sultan's dominions.
Soon after his arrival he was admitted to an
audience of the sultan, and there, accompanied

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 215

Speech of the embassador. Father and son.

by his own secretaries, and in the presence of
all the chief officers of the sultan's court, he de-
livered his message.

He gave an account in his speech of the re-
cent victories which his sovereign, Genghis
Khan, had won, and of the great extension
which his empire had in consequence attained.
He was now become master, he said, of all the
countries of Central Asia, from the eastern ex-
tremity of the continent up to the frontiers of
the sultan's dominions, and having thus become
the sultan's neighbor, he was desirous of enter-
ing into a treaty of amity and alliance with
him, which would be obviously for the mutual
interest of both. He had accordingly been sent
an embassador to the sultan's court to propose
such an alliance. In offering it, the emperor,
he said, was actuated by a feeling of the sin-
cerest good- will. He wished the sultan to con-
sider him as a father, and he would look upon
the sultan as a son.

According to the patriarchal ideas of gov-
ernment which prevailed in those days, the re-
lation of father to son involved not merely the
idea of a tie of affection connecting an older
with a younger person, but it implied some-
thing of pre-eminence and authority on the one
part, and dependence and subjection on the

216 Genghis Khan. [1217.

The sultan not pleased. Private interview. Conversation.

other. Perhaps Genghis Khan did not mean
his proposition to be understood in this sense,
but made it solely in reference to the disparity
between his own and the sultan's years, for he
was himself now becoming considerably ad-
vanced in life. However this may be, the sul-
tan was at first not at all pleased with the prop-
osition in the form in which the embassador
made it.

He, however, listened quietly to Makinut's
words, and said nothing until the public au-
dience was ended. He then took Makinut
alone into another apartment in order to have
some quiet conversation with him. He first
asked him to tell him the exact state of the
case in respect to all the pretended victories
which Genghis Khan had gained, and, in order
to propitiate him and induce him to reveal the
honest truth, he made him a present of a rich
scarf, splendidly adorned with jewels,

" How is it ?" said he ; " has the emperor re-
ally made allthose conquests, and is his empire
as extensive and powerful as he pretends ? Tell
me the honest truth about it."

" What I have told your majesty is the hon-
est truth about it," replied Makinut. "My
master the emperor is as powerful as I have
represented him, and this your majesty will

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 217

Anger of the sultan. Makinut returns a soft answer.

soon find out in case you come to have any dif-
ficulty with him."

This bold and defiant language on the part
of the embassador greatly increased the irrita-
tion which the sultan felt before. He seemed
much incensed, and replied in a very angry
manner.

" I know not what your master means," said
he, " by sending such messages to me, telling
me of the provinces that he has conquered, and
boasting of his power, or upon what ground he
pretends to be greater than I, and expects that
I shall honor him as my father, and be content
to be treated by him only as his son. Is he so
very great a personage as this?"

Makinut now found that perhaps he had
spoken a little too plainly, and he began imme-
diately to soften and modify what he had said,
and to compliment the sultan himself, who, as
he was well aware, was really superior in pow-
er and glory to Genghis Khan, notwithstanding
the great extension to which the empire of the
latter had recently attained. He also begged
that the sultan would not be angry with him
for delivering the message with which he had
been intrusted. He was only a servant, he said,
and he was bound to obey the orders of his
master. He assured the sultan, moreover, that

218 Genghis Khan. [1217.

The sultan is appeased. Treaty made.

if any unfavorable construction could by possi-
bility be put upon the language which the em-
peror had used, no such meaning was designed
on his part, but that in sending the embassage,
and in every thing connected with it, the em-
peror had acted with the most friendly and hon-
orable intentions.

By means of conciliating language like this
the sultan was at length appeased, and he final-
ly was induced to agree to every thing which
the embassador proposed. A treaty of peace
and commerce was drawn up and signed, and,
after every thing was concluded, Makinut re-
turned to the Mongul country loaded with pres-
ents, some of which were for himself and his
attendants, and others were for Genghis Khan.

He was accompanied, too, by a caravan of
merchants, who, in consequence of the new
treaty, were going into the country of Genghis
Khan with their goods, to see what they could
do in the new market thus opened to them.
This caravan traveled in company with Maki-
nut on his return, in order to avail themselves
of the protection which the guard that attend-
ed him could afford in passing through the
intervening countries. These countries being
filled with hordes of Tartars, who were very
little under the dominion of law, it would have

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 219

Genghis Khan is pleased. Opening of the trade.

been unsafe for a caravan of rich merchandise
to pass through them without an escort.

Grenghis Khan was greatly pleased with the
result of his embassy. He was also much grat-
ified with the presents that the sultan had sent
him, which consisted of costly stuffs for gar-
ments, beautiful and highly-wrought arms, pre-
cious stones, and other similar articles. He wel-
comed the merchants too, and opened facilities
for them to travel freely throughout his domin-
ions and dispose of their goods.

In order that future caravans might go and
come at all times in safety, he established
guards along the roads between his country
and that of the sultan. These guards occupied
fortresses built at convenient places along the
way, and especially at the crossing-places on
the rivers, and in the passes of the mountains ;
and there orders were given to these guards to
scour the country in every direction around
their respective posts, in order to keep it clear
of robbers. Whenever a band of robbers was
formed, the soldiers hunted them from one lurk-
ing-place to another until they were extermin-
ated. In this way, after a short time, the coun-
try became perfectly safe, an$ the caravans of
merchants could go and come with the richest
goods, and even with treasures of gold and sil-
ver, without any fear.

220 Genghis Khan. [1217.

The exorbitant merchants. Their punishment.

At first, it would seem, some of the merchants
from the countries of Mohammed asked too
much for their goods. At least a story is told
of a company who came very soon after the
opening of the treaty, and who offered their
goods first to Genghis Khan himself, but they
asked such high prices for them that he was
astonished.

"I suppose," said he, "by your asking such
prices as these, you imagine that I have never
bought any goods before."

He then took them to see his treasures, and
showed them over a thousand large chests fill-
ed with valuables of every description ; gold
and silver utensils, rich silks, arms and accou-
trements splendidly adorned with precious
stones, and other such commodities. He told
them that he showed them these things in order
that they might see that he had had some ex-
perience in respect to dealings in merchandise
of that sort before, and knew something of its
just value. And that, since they had been so
exorbitant in their demands, presuming prob-
ably upon the ignorance of those whom they
came to deal with, he should send them back
with all their gogds, and not allow them to sell
them any where in his dominions, at any price.

This threat he put in execution. The mer-

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 228

The next company. Their artful management.

chants were obliged to go back without selling
any of their goods at all.

The next company of merchants that came,
having heard of the adventure of the others,
determined to act on a different principle. Ac-
cordingly, when they came into the presence of
the khan with their goods, and he asked them
the prices of some of them, they replied that
his majesty might himself fix the price of the
articles, as he was a far better judge of the
value of such things than they were. Indeed,
they added that if his majesty chose to take
them without paying any thing at all he was
welcome to do so.

This answer pleased the emperor very much.
He paid them double price for the articles
which he selected from their stores, and he
granted them peculiar privileges in respect to
trading with his subjects while they remained
in his dominions.

The trade which was thus opened between
the dominions of the sultan and those of Gen-
ghis Khan was not, however, wholly in the
hands of merchants coming from the former
country. Soon after the coming of the caravan
last mentioned, Genghis Khan fitted out a com-
pany of merchants from his own country, who
were to go into the country of the sultan, tak-

224 Genghis Khan. [1217,

Genghis Khan fits out a company. Embassadors. Mohammedans.

ing with them such articles, the products of the
country of the Monguls, as they might hope to
find a market for there. There were four prin-
cipal merchants, but they were attended by a
great number of assistants, servants, camel-
drivers, etc., so that the whole company formed
quite a large caravan. Genghis Khan sent with
them three embassadors, who were to present
to the sultan renewed assurances of the friendly
feelings which he entertained for him, and of
his desire to encourage and promote as much
as possible the commercial intercourse between
the two countries which had been so happily
begun.

The three embassadors whom Genghis Khan
selected for this service were themselves Mo-
hammedans. He had several persons of this
faith among the officers of his court, although
the Monguls had a national religion of their
own, which was very different from that of the
Mohammedans ; still, all forms of worship were
tolerated in Genghis Khan's dominions, and the
emperor was accustomed to take good officers
into his service wherever he could find them,
without paying any regard to the nature of
their religious belief so far as their general du-
ties were concerned. But now, in sending this
deputation to the sultan, he selected the embas-

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 225

Messengers from the court. Large party.

sadors from among the Mohammedans at his
court, thinking that it would please the sultan
better to receive his message through persons
of his own religious faith. Besides, the three
persons whom he appointed were natives of
Turkestan, and they were, of course, well ac-
quainted with the language of the country and
with the country itself.

Besides the merchants and the embassadors,
Genghis Khan gave permission to each of his
wives, and also to each of the great lords of his
court, to send a servant or messenger with the
caravan, to select and purchase for their mas-
ters and mistresses whatever they might find
most curious or useful in the Mohammedan
cities which the caravan might visit. The
lords and ladies were all very glad to avail
themselves of the opportunity thus afforded
them.

All these persons, the embassadors and their
suite, the merchants and their servants, and the
special messengers sent by the lords and ladies
of the court, formed, as may well be supposed,
a very numerous company. It is said that the
caravan, when ready to commence its march,
contained no less than four hundred and fifty
persons.

Every thing being at last made ready, the
P

226 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Roads doubly guarded. The Calif of Bagdad.

caravan set out on its long journey. It was
accompanied by a suitable escort, and, in order
to provide still more effectually for the safety
of the rich merchandise and the valuable lives
committed to it, Grenghis Khan sent on orders
beforehand to all the military stations on the
way, directing the captains to double the guard
on their respective sections of the road while
the caravan was passing.

By means of these and other similar precau-
tions the expedition accomplished the journey
in safety, and arrived without any misfortune
in the Mohammedan country. Very serious
misfortunes, however, awaited them there im-
mediately after their arrival, arising out of a
train of events which bad been for some time
in progress, and which I must now go back a
little to describe.

It seems that some difference had arisen
some time before this between the Sultan Mo-
hammed and the Calif of Bagdad, who was the
great head of the Mohammedan power. Mo-
hammed applied to the calif to grant him cer-
tain privileges and powers which had occasion-
ally been bestowed on other sultans who had
rendered great services to the Mohammedan
empire. He claimed that he had merited these
rewards by the services which he had rendered.

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 227

Mohammed's demand and the calif's reply. The sultan calls a council.

He had conquered, he said, more than one
hundred princes and chieftains, and had cut off
their heads and annexed their territories to his
dominions, thus greatly enlarging and extend'
ing the Mohammedan power.

Mohammed made this demand of the calif
through the medium of an embassador whom
he sent to Bagdad. The calif, after hearing
what the embassador had to say, refused to
comply. He said that the services which Mo-
hammed had rendered were not of sufficient
importance and value to merit the honors and
privileges which Mohammed demanded. But,
although he thus declined complying with Mo-
hammed's request, he showed a disposition to
treat the sultan himself with all proper defer-
ence by sending an embassador of his own to
accompany Mohammed's embassador on his re-
turn, with instructions to communicate the re-
ply which the calif felt bound to make in a
respectful and courteous manner.

Mohammed received the calif's embassador
very honorably, and in his presence concealed
the anger which the answer of the calif excited
in his mind. As soon as the embassador was
gone, however, he convened a grand council of
all the great chieftains, and generals, and min-
isters of state in his dominions, and announced

228 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Mohammed's plan for revenge. March of the army. Failure.

to them his determination to raise an army and
march to Bagdad, with a view of deposing the
calif and reigning in his stead. The great per-
sonages assembled at the council were very
ready to enter into this scheme, for they knew
that if it was successful there would be a great
many honors and a great deal of booty that
would fall to their share in the final distribu-
tion of the spoil. Se they all engaged with
great zeal in aiding' the sultan to form and
equip his army. In due time the expedition
was ready, and the sultan commenced his
march. But, as often happens in such cases,
the preparations had been hindered by various
causes of delay, and it was too late in the sea-
son when the army began to move. The forces
moved slowly, too, after they commenced their
march, so that the winter came on while they
were among the passes of the mountains. The
winter was unusually severe, and the troops
suffered so much from the frosts and the rains,
and from the various hardships to which they
were in consequence exposed, that the sultan
found it impossible to go on. He was con-
sequently obliged to return, and begin his
work over again. And the worst of it was,
that the calif was now aware of his designs,
and would be able, he knew, before the next

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 229

The calif's plans. Objections to them.

season, to take effectual measures to defend
himself.

When the calif heard of the misfortunes
which had befallen the sultan's army, and his
narrow escape from the dangers of a formida-
ble invasion, he was at first overjoyed, and he
resolved at once on making war upon the re-
bellious sultan. In forming his plans for the
campaign, the idea occurred to him of endeav-
oring to incite Genghis Khan to invade the
sultan's dominions from the east while he him-
self attacked him from the west ; for Bagdad,
the capital of the calif, was to the westward of
the sultan's country, as the empire of the Mon-
guls was to the eastward of it.

But when the calif proposed his plan to his
counselors, some of them objected to it very
strenuously. The sultan and the people of his
country were, like the calif himself, Mohammed-
ans, while the Monguls were of another relig-
ion altogether, or, as the Mohammedans called
them, unbelievers or infidels ; and the counsel-
ors who objected to the calif's proposal said
that it would be very wrong to bring the ene-
mies of God into the country of the faithful to
guard against a present and temporary danger,
and thereby, perhaps, in the end occasion the
ruin both of their religion and their empire.

230 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Arguments of the cali£ Message to Genghis Khan.

It would be an impious deed, they thought, thus
to bring in a horde of barbarian infidels to wage
war with them against their brethren.

To this the calif replied that the emergency
was so critical that they were j ustified in avail-
ing themselves of any means that offered to save
themselves from the ruin with which they were
threatened. And as to the possibility that Gen-
ghis Khan, if admitted to the country as their
ally, would in the end turn his arms against
them, he said that they must watch, and take
measures to guard against such a danger. Be-
sides, he would rather have an open unbeliever
like Genghis Khan for a foe, than a Moham-
medan traitor and rebel like the sultan. He
added, moreover, that he did not believe that
the Mongul emperor felt any animosity or ill
will against the Mohammedans or against their
faith. It was evident, indeed, that he did not,
for he had a great many Mohammedans in his
dominions, and he allowed them to live there
without molestation. . He even had Moham-
medan officers of very high rank in his court.

So it was finally decided to send a message
and invite him to join the calif in making war
on the sultan.

The difficulty was now to contrive some
means by which this message could be con-

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 231

Artful device. The answer of Genghis Khan.

veyed through, the sultan's territories, which,
of course, lay between the dominions of the ca-
lif and those of Genghis Khan. To accomplish
this purpose the calif resorted to a very singu-
lar device. Instead of writing his communica-
tion in a letter, he caused it to be pricked with
a needle and some indigo, by a sort of tattooing
process, upon the messenger's head, in such a
manner that it was concealed by his hair. The
messenger was then disguised as a countryman
and sent forth. He succeeded in accomplish-
ing the journey in safety, and when he arrived
Genghis Khan had only to cause his head to be
shaved, when the inscription containing the ca-
lif's proposal to him at once became legible.

This method of making the communication
was considered very safe, for even if, from any
accident, the man had been intercepted on the
way, on suspicion of his being a messenger the
sultan's men would have found nothing, in
searching him, to confirm their suspicions, for
it is not at all probable that they would have
thought of looking for a letter among his hair.

Genghis Khan was well pleased to receive
the proposals of the calif, but he sent back word
in reply that he could not at present engage in
any hostile movement against the sultan on ac-
count of the treaty of peace and commerce

232 Genghis Khan. [1217.

The caravan arrives at Otrar.

which he had recently established with him.
So long as the saltan observed the stipulations
of the treaty, he felt bound in honor, he said,
not to break it. He knew, however, he added,
that the restless spirit of the sultan would not
long allow things to remain in the posture they
were then in, and that on the first occasion giv-
en he would not fail to declare war against him.

Things were in this state when the grand
caravan of merchants and embassadors which
Genghis Khan had sent arrived at the frontiers
of the sultan's dominions.

After passing the frontier, the first important
place which they reached was a city called
Otrar. They were received very courteously
by the governor of this place, and were much
pleased with the opportunity afforded them to
rest from the fatigues of their long journey. It
seems, however, after all, that the governor's
friendship for his guests was only pretended,
for he immediately wrote to the sultan, inform-
ing him that a party of persons had arrived at
his city from the Mongul country who pretend-
ed to be merchants and embassadors, but that
he believed that they were spies, for they were
extremely inquisitive about the strength of the
garrisons and the state of the defenses of the
country generally. He had no doubt, he add-

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 233

The governor's treachery. The party massacred.

ed, that they were emissaries sent by Genghis
Khan to find out the best way of invading his
dominions.

One account states that the motive which in-
duced the governor to make these representa-
tions to the sultan was some offense which he
took at the familiar manner in which he was
addressed by one of the embassadors, who was
a native of Otrar, and had known the governor
in former times when he was a private person.
Another says that his object was to have the
expedition broken up, in order that he might
seize for himself the rich merchandise and the
valuable presents which the merchants and em-
bassadors had in their possession.

At any rate, he wrote to the sultan denounc-
ing the whole party as foreign emissaries and
spies, and in a short time he received a reply
from the sultan directing him to put them all
to death, or otherwise to 'deal with them as he
thought proper. So he invited the whole party
to a grand entertainment in his palace, and
then, at a given signal, probably after most of
them had become in some measure helpless
from the influence of the wine, a body of his
guards rushed in and massacred them all.

Or, rather, they attempted to massacre them
all, but one of the merchants' men contrived in

234 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Genghis Khan hears the tidings. He declares war.

the confusion to make his escape. He suc-
ceeded in getting back into the Mongul coun-
try, where he reported what had happened to
Genghis Khan.

Genghis Khan was greatly exasperated when
he heard these tidings. He immediately called
together his sons, and all the great lords and
chieftains of his court, and recited. to them the
story of the massacre of the merchants in such
a manner as to fill their hearts with indigna-
tion and rage, and to inspire them all with a
burning thirst for revenge.

He also immediately sent word to the sul-
tan that, since by so infamous an action he had
violated all the engagements which had sub-
sisted between them, he, from that instant, de-
clared himself his mortal enemy, and would
take vengeance upon him for his treacherous-
ness and cruelty by ravaging his country with
fire and sword.

This message was sent, it was said, by three
embassadors, whose persons ought to have been
considered sacred, according to every principle
of international law. But the sultan, as soon
as they had delivered their message, ordered
their heads to be cut off.

This new massacre excited the rage and fury
of Genghis Khan to a higher pitch than ever.

1217.] The Sultan Mohammed. 235

Preparations.

For three days, it is said, lie neither ate nor
slept, and seemed almost beside himself with
mingled vexation, grief, and anger. And after-
ward he busied himself night and day with the
arrangements for assembling his army and pre-
paring to march, and he allowed himself no
rest until every thing was ready.

236 Genghis Khan. [1217.

Marshaling of the army. Arms and armor.

Chapter XVIII.
The War with the Sultan.

GENGHIS KHAIST made his preparations
for a war on an immense scale. He sent
messengers in every direction to all the princes,
khans, governors, and other chieftains through-
out his empire, with letters explaining to them
the cause of the war, and ordering them to re-
pair to the places of rendezvous which he ap-
pointed, with all the troops that they could
raise.

He gave particular directions in respect to
the manner in which the men were to be arm-
ed and equipped. The arms required were the
sabre, the bow, with a quiver full of arrows,
and the battle-axe. Each soldier was also to
carry a rope, ropes and cordage being contin-
ually in demand among people living on horse-
back and in tents.

The officers were to wear armor as well as to
carry arms. Those who could afford it were
to provide themselves with a complete coat of
mail. The rest were to wear helmets and

1218.] War with the Sultan. 237

Provision for contingencies.

breast-plates only. The horses were also to be
protected as far as possible by breast-plates, ei-
ther of iron, or of leather thick and tough
enough to prevent an arrow from penetrating.

When the troops thus called for appeared at
the place of rendezvous appointed for them,
Genghis Khan found, as is said, that he had an
army of seven hundred thousand men !

The army being thus assembled, Genghis
Khan caused certain rules and regulations, or
articles of war, as they might be called, to be
drawn up and promulgated to the troops. One
of the rules was that no body of troops were
ever to retreat without first fighting, whatever
the imminence of the danger might be. He
also ordered that where a body of men were
engaged, if any subordinate division of them,
as one company in a regiment, or one regiment
in a battalion, should break ranks and fly be-
fore the order for a retreat should have been
given by the proper authority, the rest were to
leave fighting the enemy, and attack the por-
tion flying, and kill them all upon the spot.

The emperor also made formal provision for
the event of his dying in the course of the cam-
paign. In this case a grand assembly of all
the khans and chieftains 'of the empire was to
be convened, and then, in the presence of these

238 Genghis Khan. [1218.

The army commences its march. Jughi's dirision.

khans and of his sons, the constitution and laws
of the empire, as he had established them, were
to be read, and after the reading the assembly
were to proceed to the election of a new khan,
according to the forms which the constitution
had provided.

After all these affairs had been arranged,
Genghis Khan put his army in motion. He
was obliged, of course, to separate it into sev-
eral grand divisions, and to send the several di-
visions forward by different roads, and through
different sections of the country. So large a
body can never be kept together on a long
march, on account of the immense quantity of
food that is required, both for the horses and
the men, and which must be supplied in the
main by the country itself which they traverse,
since neither horses nor men can carry food
with them for more than a very few days.

Genghis Khan put one of the largest divi-
sions under the command of his son Jughi, the
prince who distinguished himself so much in
the conflicts by which his.fother raised himself
to the supreme power.

Jughi was ordered to advance with his divi-
sion through Turkestan, the country where the
Prince Kushluk had sought refuge, and which
still remained, in some degree, disaffected to-

1218.] War with the Sultan. 239

Preparations of the sultan. His army. His plan.

ward Genghis Khan. Genghis Khan himself,
with the main body of the army, took a more
southerly route directly toward the dominions
of th*e sultan.

In the mean time the sultan himself had not
been idle. He collected together all the forces
that he could command. When they were
mustered, the number of men was found to be
four hundred thousand. This was a large army,
though much smaller than that of Genghis
Khan.

The sultan set out upon his march with his
troops to meet the invaders. After advancing
for some distance, he learned that the army of
Jughi, which had passed through Turkestan,
was at the northward of his position, and he
found that by turning in that direction he might
hope to meet and conquer that part of the Mon-
gul force before it could have time to join the
main body. He determined at once to adopt
this plan.

He accordingly turned his course, and march-
ed forward into the part of the country where
he supposed Jughi to be. At length he came
to a place where his scouts found, near a river,
a great many dead bodies lying on the ground.
Among the others who had fallen there was
one man who was wounded, but was not dead,

240 Genghis Khan. [1218.

The sultan meets Jughi. Opinion of the generals. Jughi's decision.

This wounded man told the scouts that the
bodies were those of persons who had been slain
by the army of Jughi, which had just passed
that way. The sultan accordingly pressed for-
ward and soon overtook them. . Jughi was
hastening on in order to join his father.

Jughi consulted his generals in respect to
what it was best to do. They advised him to
avoid a battle.

"We are not strong enough," said they, "to
encounter alone the whole of the sultan's army.
It is better that we should retreat, which we
can do in an orderly manner, and thus join the
main body before we give the enemy battle.
Or, if the sultan should attempt to pursue us,
he can not keep his army together in doing so.
• They will necessarily become divided into de-
tachments on the road, and then we can turn
and destroy them in detail, which will be a
much surer mode of proceeding than for us to
attack them in the mass."

Jughi was not willing to follow this advice.

"What will my father and my brothers
think," said he, " when they see us coming to
them, flying from the enemy, without having
fought them, contrary to his express commands?
No. We must stand our ground, trusting to
our valor, and do our best. If we are to die at

1218.] War with the Sultan. 241

The battle commenced. Neither party victorious.

all, we had better be slain in battle than in
flight. You have done your duty in admonish-
ing me of the danger we are in, and now it re-
mains for me to do mine in trying to bring you
out of it with honor."

So he ordered the army to halt, and to be
drawn up in order of battle.

The battle was soon commenced, and it was
continued throughout the day. The Monguls,
though fewer in numbers, were superior to
their enemies in discipline and in courage, and
the advantage was obviously on their side,
though they did not gain a decisive victory.
Toward night, however, the sultan's troops
evinced every where a disposition to give way,
and it was with great difficulty that the officers
could induce them to maintain their ground
until the darkness came on and put an end to
the conflict. When at length the combatants
could no longer see to distinguish friend from
foe, the two armies withdrew to their respect-
ive camps, and built their fires for the night.

Jughi thought that by fighting during this
day he had done all that his father required of
him to vindicate the honor of the army, and
that now it would be most prudent to retreat,
without risking another battle on the morrow.
So he caused fresh supplies of fuel to be but
Q

242 Genghis Khan. [1218.

Juglii withdraws. His recpption by his father. The Monguls Tictorious.

upon the camp-fires in order to deceive the en-
emy, and then marched out of his camp in the
night with all his men. The next morning, by
the time that the sultan's troops were again
under arms, he had advanced far on his march
to join his father, and was beyond their reach.

He soon rejoined his father, and was received
by him with great joy. Genghis Khan was
extremely pleased with the course which his
son had pursued, and bestowed upon him many
public honors and rewards.

After this other great battles were fought
between the two armies. At one of them, a
great trumpet fifteen feet long is mentioned
among the other martial instruments that were
used to excite the men to ardor in making the
charge.

In these battles the Monguls were victorious.
The sultan, however, still continued to make
head as well as he could against the invaders,
until at length he found that he had lost one
hundred and sixty thousand of his men. This
was almost half of his army, and the loss en-
feebled him so much that he was convinced
that it was useless for him any longer to resist
the Monguls in the open field ; so he sent off
his army in detachments to the different towns
and fortresses of his kingdom, ordering the sev-

1218.] War with the Sultan. 243

The sultan's plans. Flying squadron. Genghis Khan.

eral divisions to shut themselves up and defend
themselves as well as they could, in the places
assigned to them, until better times should
return.

The sultan, however, did not seek shelter in
this way for himself. He selected from his
troops a certain portion of those who were
most active and alert and were best mounted,
and formed of them a sort of flying squadron
with which he could move rapidly from place
to place through the country, wherever his aid
might be most required.

Grenghis Khan, of course, now prepared to
attack the cities where the several divisions of
the sultan's army had intrenched themselves.
He wished first to get possession of Otrar,
which was the place where the embassadors
and the merchants had been massacred. But
the city was not very large, and so, instead of
marching toward it himself, he gave the charge
of capturing it to two of his younger sons,
whom he sent off for the purpose at the head
of a suitable detachment.

He himself, with the main body, set off upon
a march toward the cities of Samarcand and
Bokhara, which were the great central cities of
the sultan's dominions.

2M Genghis Khan. [1218.

Description of the town Bokhara.

Chapter XIX.
The Fall of Bokhara.

BOKHAEA was a great and beautiful city.
It was situated in the midst of a very fine
and fertile country, in a position very favorable
for the trade and commerce of those days. It
was also a great seat of learning and of the
arts and sciences. It contained many institu-
tions in which were taught such arts and sci-
ences as were then cultivated, and students re-
sorted to it from all the portions of Western
Asia.

The city proper was inclosed with a strong
wall. Besides this there was an outer wall,
thirty miles in circumference, which inclosed
the suburbs of the town, and also a beautiful re-
gion of parks and gardens, which contained the
public places of amusement and the villas of
the wealthy inhabitants. It was this peaceful
seat of industry and wealth that Genghis Khan,
with his hordes of ruthless barbarians, was com-
ing now to sack and plunder.

The first city which the Monguls reached on

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 245

Zarnuk. An immediate surrender. Nur.

their march toward Bokhara was one named
Zarnuk. In approaching it a large troop rode
up toward the walls, uttering terrific shouts and
outcries. The people shut the gates in great
terror. Genghis Khan, however, sent an officer
to them to say that it was useless for them to
attempt to resist him, and to advise them to
surrender at once. They must demolish their
citadel, he said, and send out all the young and
able-bodied men to Genghis Khan. The offi-
cer advised them, too, to send out presents to
Grenghis Khan as an additional means of pro-
pitiating him and inducing him to spare the
town.

The inhabitants yielded to this advice. The
gates were thrown open. All the young men
who were capable of bearing arms were mar-
shaled and marched out to the Mongul camp.
They were accompanied by the older men
among the inhabitants, who took with them
the best that the town contained, for presents.
Genghis Khan accepted the presents, ordered
the young men to be enrolled in his army, and
then, dismissing the older ones in peace, he re-
sumed his march and went on his way.

He next came to a town named JSTur. One
of the men from Zarnuk served as a guide to
show the detachment which was sent to sum-

246 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Fate cf Nur. The siege of Bokhara commenced.

mon the city a near way to reach it. Nur was
a sort of sacred town, having many holy places
in it which were resorted to by many pilgrims
and other devotees.

The people of JSTur shut the gates and for
some time refused to surrender. But at last,
finding that it was useless to attempt to resist,
they opened the gates and allowed the Monguls
to come in. Genghis Khan, to punish the in-
habitants, as he said, for even thinking of re-
sisting him, set aside a supply of cattle and oth-
er provisions to keep them from starving, and
then gave up all the rest of the property found
in the town to be divided among his soldiers as
plunder.

At length the army reached the great plain
in which Bokhara was situated, and encamped
before the town. Bokhara was very large and
very populous, as may well be supposed from
its outer wall of thirty miles in circuit, and Gen-
ghis Khan did not expect to make himself mas-
ter of it without considerable difficulty and de-
lay. He was, however, very intent on besieg-
ing and taking it, not only on account of the
general wealth and importance of the place, but
also because he supposed that the sultan him-
self was at this time within the walls. He had
heard that the sultan had retreated there with

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 247

The sultan's anxiety. Intercepted letters. The deserter.

his flying squadron, taking with him all his
treasure.

This i was, however, a mistake. The sultan
was not there. He had gone there, it is true,
at first, and had taken with him the most valu-
able of his treasures, but before Genghis Khan
arrived he had secretly withdrawn to Samar-
cand, thinking that he might be safer there.

In truth, the sultan was beginning to be very
much disheartened and discouraged. Among
other things which occurred to disturb his mind,
certain letters were found and brought to him,
as if they had been intercepted, which letters
gave accounts of a conspiracy among his offi-
cers to desert him and go over to the side of
Genghis Khan. These letters were not signed,
and the sultan could not discover who had writ-
ten them, but the pretended conspiracy which
they revealed filled his soul with anxiety and
distress.

It was only a pretended conspiracy after all,
for the letters were written by a man in Gen-
ghis Khan's camp, and with Genghis Khan's
permission or connivance. This man was a Mo-
hammedan, and had been in the sultan's serv-
ice ; but the sultan had put to death his father
and his brothers on account of some alleged of-
fense, and he had become so incensed at the act

248 Genghis Khan. [1219.

The outer -wall taken. Grand sortie made by the garrison.

that he had deserted to Genghis Khan, and now
he was determined to do his former sovereign
all the mischief in his power. His intimate
knowledge of persons and things connected
with the sultan's court and army enabled him
to write these letters in such a way as to de-
ceive the sultan completely.

It was past midsummer when the army of
Genghis Khan laid siege to Bokhara, and it
was not until the spring of the following year
that they succeeded in carrying the outer wall,
so strongly was the city fortified and so well
was it defended. After having forced the out-
er wall, the Monguls destroyed the suburbs of
the town, devastated the cultivated gardens and
grounds, and pillaged the villas. They then
took up their position around the inner wall,
and commenced the siege of the city itself in
due form.

The sultan had left three of his greatest gen-
erals in command of the town. These men de-
termined not to wait the operations of Genghis
Khan in attacking the walls, but to make a sud-
den sally from the gates, with the whole force
that could be spared, and attack the besiegers
in their intrenchments. They made this sally
in the night, at a time when the Monguls were
least expecting it. They were, however, wholly

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 249

Evacuation of the town. Pursuit. The fugitives overtaken.

unsuccessful. They were driven back into the
city with great loss. The generals, it seems,
had determined to risk all on this desperate at-
tempt, and, in case it failed, at once to abandon
the city to its fate. Accordingly, when driven
into the city through the gates on one side, they
marched directly through it and passed out
through the gates on the other side, hoping to
save themselves and the garrison by this re-
treat, with a view of ultimately rejoining the
sultan. They, however, went first in a south-
erly direction from the city toward the Eiver
Amoor. The generals took their families and
those of the principal officers of the garrison
with them.

The night was dark, and they succeeded in
leaving the city without being observed. In
the morning, however, all was discovered, and
Genghis Khan sent off a strong detachment of
well-mounted troops in pursuit. These troops,
after about a day's chase, overtook the flying
garrison near the river. There was no escape
for the poor fugitives, and the merciless Mon-
guls destroyed them almost every one by rid-
ing over them, trampling them down with their
horses' hoofs, and cutting them to pieces with
their sabres.

In the mean time, while this detachment had

250 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Surrender. Conditions made. The governor of the citadel.

been pursuing the garrison, Genghis Khan,
knowing that there were no longer any troops
within the city to defend it, and that every
thing there was in utter confusion, determined
on a grand final assault ; but, while his men
were getting the engines ready to batter down
the walls, a procession, consisting of all the
magistrates and clergy, and a great mass of the
principal citizens, came forth from one of the
gates, bearing with them the keys of the city.
These keys they offered to Genghis Khan in
token of surrender, and begged him to spare
their lives.

The emperor received the keys, and said to
the citizens that he would spare their lives on
condition that, if there were any of the sultan's
soldiers concealed in the city, they would give
them up, and that they would also seize and de-
liver to him any of the citizens that were sus-
pected of being in the sultan's interest. This
they took a solemn oath that they would do. .

The soldiers, however — that is, those that re-
mained in the town — were not delivered up.
Most of them retired to the castle, which was a
sort of citadel, and put themselves under the
command of the governor of the castle, who,
being a very energetic and resolute man, de-
clared that he never would surrender.

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 251

Genghis Khan enters the city. Valuables surrendered.

There were a great many of the young men
of the town, sons of the leading citizens, who
also retired to the castle, determined not to
yield to the conqueror.

Genghis Khan, having thus obtained the keys
of the city itself, caused the gates to be opened,
and his troops marched in and took possession.
He had promised the citizens that his soldiers
should spare the lives of the people and should
not pillage the houses on condition that the
magistrates delivered up peaceably the public
magazines of grain and other food to supply
his army; also that all the people who had
buried or otherwise concealed gold and silver, or
other treasures, should bring them forth again
and give them up, or else make known where
they were concealed. This the people promised
that they would do.

After having entered the town, Genghis
Khan was riding about the streets on horse-
back at the head of his troop of guards when he
came to a large and very beautiful edifice. The
doors were wide, and he drove his horse directly
in. His troops, and the other soldiers who were
there, followed him in. There were also with
him some of the magistrates of the town, who
were accompanying him in his progress about
the city.

252 Genghis Khan. [1219.

The emperor in the mosque. Desecration of the mosque.

After the whole party had entered the edi-
fice, Genghis Khan looked around, and then
asked them, in a jeering manner, if that was the
sultan's palace.

"No,'#' said they, "it is the house of God."

The building was a mosque.

On hearing this, Genghis Khan alighted from
his horse, and, giving the bridle to one of the
principal magistrates to hold, he went up, in a
very irreverent manner, to a sacred place where
the priests were accustomed to sit. He seized
the copy of the Koran which he found there,
and threw it down under the feet of the horses.
After amusing himself for a time in desecrating
the temple by these and other similar perform-
ances, he caused his soldiers to bring in their
provisions, and allowed them to eat and drink
in the temple, in a riotous manner, without any
regard to the sacredness of the place, or to the
feelings of the people of the town which he
outraged by this conduct.

A few days after this Genghis Khan assem-
bled all the magistrates and principal citizens
of the town, and made a speech to them from
an elevated stand or pulpit which was erected
for the purpose. He began his speech by prais-
ing God, and claiming to be an object of his
special favor, in proof of which he recounted

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 253

Ctenghis Khan makes a speech. The inhabitants give up every thing.

the victories which he had obtained, as he said,
through the Divine aid. He then went on to
denounce the perfidious conduct of the sultan
toward him in making a solemn treaty of peace
with him and then treacherously murdering his
merchants and embassadors. He said that the
sultan was a detestable tyrant, and that God
had commissioned him to rid the earth of all
such monsters. He said, in conclusion, that he
would protect their lives, and would not allow
his soldiers to take away their household goods,
provided they surrendered to him fairly and
honestly all their money and other treasures;
and if any of them refused to do this, or to tell
where their treasures were hid, he would put
them to the torture, and compel them to tell.

The wretched inhabitants of the town, feel-
ing that they were entirely at the mercy of the
terrible hordes that were in possession of the
city, did not attempt to conceal any thing.
They brought forward their hidden treasures,
and even offered their household goods to the
conqueror if he was disposed to take them.
They were only anxious to save, if possible,
their dwellings and their lives. Genghis Khan
appeared at first to be pleased with the sub-
missive spirit which they manifested, but at
last, under pretense that he heard of some sol-

254 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Conflagration. Surrender of the citadel. The town utterly destroyed.

diers being concealed somewhere, and perhaps
irritated at the citadel's holding out so long
against him, he ordered the town to be set on
fire. The buildings were almost all of wood,
and the fire raged among them with great fury.
Multitudes of the inhabitants perished in the
flames, and great numbers died miserably after-
ward from want and exposure. The citadel im-
mediately afterward surrendered, and it would
seem that Genghis Khan began to feel satisfied
with the amount of misery which he had caused,
for it is said that he spared the lives of the gov-
ernor and of the soldiers, although we might
have expected that he would have massacred
them all.

The citadel was, however, demolished, and
thus the town itself, and all that pertained to it,
became a mass of smoking ruins. The prop-
erty pillaged from the inhabitants was divided
among the Mongul troops, while the people
themselves went away, to roam as vagabonds
and beggars over the surrounding country, and
to die of want and despair.

What difference is there between such a con-
queror as this and the captain of a band of
pirates or of robbers, except in the immense
magnitude of the scale on which he perpetrates
his crimes ?

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 255

News of the fall of Otrar. Plans for the defense of Otrar.

The satisfaction which Genghis Khan felt at
the capture of Bokhara was greatly increased
by the intelligence which he received soon aft-
erward from the two princes whom he had sent
to lay siege to Otrar, informing him that that
city had fallen into their hands, and that the
governor of it, the officer who had so treacher-
ously put to death the embassadors and the mer-
chants, had been taken and slain. The name
of this governor was Gayer Khan. The sultan,
knowing that Genghis Khan would doubtless
make this city one of his first objects of attack,
left the governor a force of fifty thousand men
to defend it. He afterward sent him an addi-
tional force of ten thousand men, under the
command of a general named Kanakas.

With these soldiers the governor shut him-
self up in the city. He knew very well that if
he surrendered or was taken he could expect
no mercy, and he went to work accordingly
strengthening the fortifications, and laying in
stores of provisions, determined to fight to the
last extremity. The captain of the guard who
came to assist him had not the same reason for
being so very obstinate in the defense of the
town, and this difference in the situation of the
two commanders led to difficulty in the end, as
we shall presently see.

256 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Sorties. The proposal made to Genghis Khan.

The Mongul princes began the siege of Otrar
by filling up the ditches that encircled the out-
er wall of the town in the places where they
wished to plant their battering-rams to make
breaches in the walls. They were hindered a
great deal in their work, as is usual in such
cases, by the sallies of the besieged, who rushed
upon them in the night in great numbers, and
with such desperate fury that they often suc-
ceeded in destroying some of the engines, or set-
ting them on fire before they could be driven
back into the town. This continued for some
time, until at last the Mongul princes began to
be discouraged, and they sent word to their fa-
ther, who was then engaged in the siege of
Bokhara, informing him of the desperate de-
fense which was made by the garrison of Otrar,
and asking his permission to turn the siege into
a blockade — that is, to withdraw from the imme-
diate vicinity of the walls, and to content them-
selves with investing the city closely on every
side, so as to prevent any one from going out
or coming in, until the provisions of the town
should be exhausted, and the garrison be starved
into a surrender. In this way, they said, the
lives of vast numbers of the troops would be
saved.

But their father sent back word to them that

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 257

The siege renewed. The outer walls taken. Desperate conflicts.

they must do no such, thing, but must go on
and fight their way into the town, no matter
how many of the men were killed.

So the princes began again with fresh ardor,
and they pushed forward their operations with
such desperate energy that in less than a month
the outer wall, and the works of the besieged
to defend it, were all in ruins. The towers were
beaten down, the ramparts were broken, and
many breaches were made through which the
besiegers might be expected at any moment to
force their way into the town. The besieged
were accordingly obliged to abandon the outer
walls and retire within the inner lines.

The Monguls now had possession of the sub-
urbs, and, after pillaging them of all that they
could convert to their own use, and burning
and destroying every thing else, they advanced
to attack the inner works; and here the con-
test between the besiegers and the garrison was
renewed more fiercely than ever. The besieged
continued their resistance for five months, de-
fending themselves by every possible means
from the walls, and making desperate sallies
from time to time in order to destroy the Mon-
guls' engines and kill the men.

At length Kanakas, the captain of the guard,
who had been sent to assist the governor in the
R

258 Genghis Kha^. [1219.

Kanakas and the governor. . Treason.

defense of the town, began to think it was time
that the carnage shonld cease and that the town
should be surrendered. But the governor, who
knew that he would most assuredly be behead-
ed if in any way he fell into the hands of the
enemy, would not listen to any proposal of the
kind. He succeeded, also, in exciting among
the people of the town, and among the soldiers
of the garrison, such a hatred of the Monguls,
whom he represented as infidels of the very-
worst character, the enemies alike of God and
man, that they joined him in the determination
not to surrender.

Kanakas now found himself an object of sus-
picion and distrust in the town and in the gar-
rison on account of his having made the pro-
posal to surrender, and feeling that he was not
safe, he determined to make a separate peace
for himself and his ten thousand by going out
secretly in the night and^ giving himself up to
the princes. He thought that by doing this,
and by putting the Monguls in possession of the
gate through which his troops were to march
out, so as to enable them to gain admission to
the city, his life would be spared, and that he
might perhaps be admitted into the service of
Genghis Khan.

But he was mistaken in this idea. The

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 259

Punishment of treason. The Mongul3 enter the town. Citadel stormed.

princes said that a man who would betray his
own countrymen would betray them if he ever
had a good opportunity. So they ordered him
and all his officers to be slain, and the men to
be divided among the soldiers as slaves.

They nevertheless took possession of the gate
by which the deserters had come out, and by this
means gained admission to the city. The gov-
ernor fled to the citadel with all the men whom
he could assemble, and shut himself up in it.
Here he fought desperately for a month, mak-
ing continual sallies at the head of his men,
and doing every thing that the most resolute
and reckless bravery could do to harass and
beat off the besiegers. But all was in vain. In
the end the walls of the citadel were so broken
down by the engines brought to bear upon
them, that one day the Monguls, by a determ-
ined and desperate assault made on all sides
simultaneously, forced their way in, through the
most dreadful scenes of carnage and destruc-
tion, and began killing without mercy every
soldier that they could find.

The soldiers defended themselves to the last.
Some took refuge in narrow courts and lanes,
and on the roofs of the houses — for the citadel
was so large that it formed of itself quite a lit-
tle town — and fought desperately till they were

260 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Desperation of the governor. Courage and devotion of his wife.

brought down by the arrows of the Monguls.
The governor took his position, in company
with two men who were with him, on a terrace
of his palace, and refused to surrender, but
fought on furiously, determined to kill any one
who attempted to come near him. His wife
was near, doing all in her power to encourage
and sustain him.

Genghis Khan had given orders to the princes
not to kill the governor, but to take him alive.
He wished to have the satisfaction of disposing
of him himself. For this reason the soldiers
who attempted to take him on the terrace were
very careful not to shoot their arrows at him,
but only at the men who were with him, and
while they did so a great many of them were
killed by the arrows which the governor and
his two friends discharged at those who at-
tempted to climb up to the place where they
were standing.

After a while the two men were killed, but
the governor remained alive. Yet nobody
could come near him. Those that attempted
it were shot, and fell back again among their
companions below. The governor's wife sup-
plied him with arrows as fast as he could use
them. At length all the arrows were spent,
and then she brought him stones, which he

1219.] The Fall of Bokhara. 263

The governor's fate.

hurled 'down upon his assaijants when they
tried to climb up to him. But at last so many
ascended together that the governor could not
beat them all back, and he was at length sur-
rounded and secured, and immediately put in
irons.

The princes wrote word at once to their fa-
ther that the town was taken, and that the gov-
ernor was in their hands a prisoner. They re-
ceived orders in return to bring him with them
to Bokhara. While on the way, however, an-
other order came requiring them to put the
prisoner to death, and this order was immedi-
ately executed.

What was the fate of his courageous and de-
voted wife has never been known.

264 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Continuation of the war. • Saganak.

Chapter XX.
Battles and Sieges.

AFTEE the fall of Bokhara and Otrar, the
war was continued for two years with
great vigor by. Genghis Khan and the Mon-
guls, and the poor sultan was driven from place
to place by his merciless enemies, until at last
his cause was wholly lost, and he himself, as
will appear in the next chapter, came to a mis-
erable end.

During the two years while Genghis Khan
continued the war against him, a great many
incidents occurred illustrating the modes of
warfare practiced in those days, and the suffer-
ings which were endured by the mass of the
people in consequence of these terrible strug-
gles between rival despots contending for the
privilege of governing them.

At one time Genghis Khan sent his sot?
Jughi with a large detachment to besiege and
take a certain town named Saganak. As soon
as Jughi arrived before the place, he sent in a
flag of truce to call upon the people of the town

1219.] Battles and Sieges. 265

Hassan. The murdered embassador. Jughi's revenge.

to surrender, promising, at the same time, to
treat them kindly if they would do so.

The bearer of the flag was a Mohammedan
named Hassan. Jughi probably thought that
the message would be better received by the
people of the town if brought to them by one
of their own countrymen, but he made a great
mistake in this. The people, instead of being
pleased with the messenger because he was a
Mohammedan, were very much exasperated
against him. They considered him a renegade
and a traitor ; and, although the governor had
solemnly promised that he should be allowed
to go and come in safety, so great a tumult arose
that the governor found it impossible to pro-
tect him, and the poor man was torn to pieces
by the mob.

Jughi immediately assaulted the town with
all his force, and as soon as he got possession
of it he slaughtered without mercy all the offi-
cers and soldiers of the garrison, and killed also
about one half of the inhabitants, in order to
avenge the death of his murdered messenger.
He also caused a handsome monument to be
erected to his memory in the principal square
of the town.

Jughi treated the inhabitants of every town
that dared to resist with extreme severity, while

266 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Jughi's general policy. Account of a stratagem.

those that yielded at once were, in some de-
gree, spared and protected. The consequence
of this policy was that the people of many of
the towns surrendered without attempting to
defend themselves at all. In one case the mag-
istrates and other principal inhabitants of a
town came out to meet him a distance of two
days7 journey from them, bringing with them
the keys of the town, and a great quantity of
magnificent presents, all of which they laid at
the conqueror's feet, and implored his mercy.

There was one town which Jughi's force took
by a kind of stratagem. A certain engineer,
whom he employed to make a reconnoissance
of the fortifications, reported that there was a
place on one side of the town where there was
a ditch full of water outside of the wall, which
made the access to the wall there so difficult
that the garrison would not be at all likely to
expect an attack on that side. The engineer
proposed a plan for building some light bridges,
which the soldiers were to throw over the ditch
in the night, after having drawn off the atten-
tion of the garrison to some other quarter, and
then, mounting upon the walls by means of lad-
ders, to get into the town. This plan was
adopted. The bridges- and the ladders were pre-
pared, and then, when the appointed night came,

1219.] Battles and Sieges. 267

The town taken. A beautiful city. Toukat.

a feigned attack was made in the opposite part
of the town. The garrison were then all called
off to repel this pretended attack, and in this
way the wall opposite to the ditch was left un-
defended. The soldiers then threw the bridges
over the ditch, and planted the ladders against
the wall, and before the garrison could get in-
telligence of what they were doing they had
made their way into the town, and had opened
one of the gates, and by this means the whole
army got in. The engineer himself, who had
proposed the plan, went up first on the first lad-
der that was planted against the wall. To take
the lead in such an escalade required great cool-
ness and courage, for it was dark, and no one
knew, in going up the ladder, how many ene-
mies he might have to encounter at the top of it.

The next place which the army of Jughi ap-
proached was a quiet and beautiful town, the
seat of several institutions of learning, and the
residence of learned men and men of leisure.
It was a very pleasant place, full of fountains,
gardens, and delightful pleasure-grounds, with
many charming public and private promenades.
The name of this place was Toukat, and the
beauty and attractiveness of it were proverbial
through all the country.

Toukat was a place rather of pleasure than

268 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Toukat taken. Arrangements for plundering it.

of strength, and yet it was surrounded by a
wall, and the governor of it determined to make
an effort to defend it. The garrison fought
bravely, and they kept the besiegers off for
three days. At the end of that time the en-
gines of the Monguls had made so many breach-
es in the walls that the governor was convinced
that they would soon get in, and so he sent to
Jughi to ask for the terms on which he would
allow them to surrender. Jughi replied that
he would not now make any terms with him at
all. It was too late. He ought to have sur-
rendered at the beginning.

So the Mongul army forced its way into
the town, and slaughtered the whole garrison
without mercy. Jughi then ordered all the
inhabitants, men, women, and children, to re-
pair to a certain place on the plain outside the
walls. In obedience to this command, all the
people went to the appointed place. They
went with fear and trembling, expecting that
they were all to be killed. But they found, in
the end, that the object of Jughi in bringing
them thus out of the town was not to kill
them, but only to call them away from the
houses, so that the soldiers could plunder them
more conveniently while th*e owners were away.
After being kept out of the town for a time

1219.] Battles and Sieges. 269

Kojend. Timur Melek. His preparations for defense.

they were allowed to return, and when they
went back to their houses they found that they
had been pillaged and stripped of every thing
that the soldiers could carry away.

There was another large and important town
named Kojend. It was situated two or three
hundred miles to the northward of Samarcand,
on the River Sir, which flows into Aral Lake.
The governor of this city was Timur Melek.
He was a very powerful chieftain, and a man
of great military renown, having often been in
active service under the sultan as one of the
principal generals of his army. When Timur
heard of the fall of Toukat, he presumed that
his city of Kojend would be next attacked, as
it seemed to come next in the way of the Mon-
gul army ; so he began to make vigorous prep-
arations for defense. He broke up all the roads
leading toward the town, and destroyed the
bridges. He also laid in great supplies of
food to maintain the inhabitants in case of a
protracted siege, and he ordered all the corn,
fruits, and cattle of the surrounding country,
which he did not require for this purpose, to
be taken away and stowed in secret places at a
distance, to prevent their falling into the hands
of the enemy.

Jughi did not himself attack this town, but

270 Genghis Khan. [1219.

Engines and battering-rams. The floating batteries.

sent a large detachment under the orders of a
general named Elak ISTevian. Elak advanced
toward the city and commenced his operations.
The first thing that was to be done was to re-
build a bridge over the river, so as to enable
him to gain access to the town, which was on
the opposite bank. Then he set up immense
engines at different points along the line, some
of which were employed to batter down the
walls, and others, at the same time, to throw
stones, darts, and arrows over the parapets, in
order to drive the garrison back from them.
These engines did great execution. Those
built to batter down the walls were of great
size and power. Some of them, it was said,
threw stones over the wall as big as mill-
stones.

Timur Melek was equally active in the de-
fense of the town. He built a number of flat-
bottomed boats, which might be called floating
batteries, since they were constructed for throw-
ing missiles of all sorts into the camp of the
enemy. These batteries, it is said, were cover-
ed over on the top to protect the men, and
they had port-holes in the sides, like a modern
man-of-war, out of which, not cannon balls and
bomb-shells indeed, but arrows, darts, javelins,
and stones were projected. The boats were

1219.] Battles and Sieges. 271

The morass. ' Obstinate conflict

sent out, some on the upper side of the town
and some on the lower, and were placed in sta-
tions where they could most effectually reach
the Mongul works. They were the means of
killing and wounding great multitudes of men,
and they greatly disturbed and hindered the
besiegers' operations.

Still Elak persevered. He endeavored to
shut up the city on every side as closely as
possible; but there was on one side a large
morass or jungle which he could not guard,
and Timur received a great many re-enforce-
ments, to take the place of the men who were
killed on the walls, by that way. In the mean
time, however, Elak was continually receiving
re-enforcements too from Prince Jughi, who
was not at a great distance, and thus the strug-
gle was continued with great fury.

At last Timur contrived an ingenious strata-
gem, by which he hoped to cause his enemy to
fall into a snare. It seems that there was a
small island in the river, not far from the walls
of the city, on which, before the siege com-
menced, Timur had built a fortress, to be held
as a sort of advanced post, and had garrisoned
the fortress with about one thousand men. Ti-
mur now, in order to divert the attention of the
Monguls from the city itself, sent a number of

272 Genghis Khan. [1220.

The pretended deserters. No more stones.

men out from the city, who pretended to be de-
serters, and went immediately to the Mongul
camp. Of course, Elak questioned them about
the defenses of the city, in order to learn where
the weak points were for him to attack. The
pretended deserters advised him to attack this
fortress on the island, saying that it could very
easily be taken, and that its situation was such
that, when it was taken, the city itself must sur-
render, for it completely commanded the place.

So Elak caused his principal engines to be
removed to the bank of the river, opposite the
island, and employed all his energies and spent
all his ammunition in shooting at the fortress ;
but the river was so wide, and the walls of the
fortress were so thick and so high, that he made
very little impression. At last his whole sup-
ply of stones — for stones served in those days
instead of cannon balls — was exhausted, and as
the town was situated in an alluvial district,
in which no stones were to be found, he was
obliged to send ten or twelve miles to the up-
land to procure a fresh supply of ammunition.
All this consumed much time, and enabled the
garrison to recruit themselves a great deal and
to strengthen their defenses.

The operations of the siege were in a great
measure suspended while the men were obtain-

1220.] Battles and Sieges. 273

Building of the jetty. The horsemen in the -water.

, « —

ing a new supply of stones, and the whole dis-
posable force of the army was employed in go-
ing back and forth to bring them. At length
an immense quantity were collected ; but then
the Mongul general changed his plan. Instead
of throwing the stones from his engines toward
the fortress on the island, which it had been
proved was beyond his reach, he determined to
build out a jetty into the river toward it, so as
to get a stand-point for his engines nearer the
walls, where they could have some chance of
doing execution. So he set his men at work to
prepare fascines, and bundles, and rafts of tim-
ber, which were to be loaded with the stones
and sunk in the river to form the foundation
for the proposed bank. The men would bring
the stones down to the bank in their hands, and
then horsemen, who were ready on the brink,
would take them, and, resting them on the sad-
dle, would drive their horses in until they came
near the place where the stones were to go,
when they would throw them down and then
return for others. In this way they could work,
upon the jetty in many parts at once, some be-
ing employed in building at £he end where it
abutted on the shore, while the horsemen were
laying the foundations at the same time out in
the middle of the stream. The work of the
S

274 Genghis Khan. (1220.

Timi

ur's boats. The fire-proof awninga

horsemen was very difficult and dangerous, on
account of holes in the sandy bottom of the riv-
er, into which they were continually sinking.
Besides this, the garrison on the walls were do-
ing their utmost all the time to impede the work
by shooting arrows, javelins, stones, and fiery
darts among the workmen, by which means
vast numbers, both of men and horses, were
killed.

The Monguls, however, persevered, and, not-
withstanding all the opposition which the gar-
rison made, they succeeded in advancing the
mole which they were building so far that Ti-
mur was convinced that they would soon gain
so advantageous a position that it would be im-
possible for him to hold out against them. So
he determined to attempt to make his escape.
His plan was to embark on board his boats,
with all his men, and go down the river in the
night. •

In order to prepare for this undertaking, he
employed his men secretly in building more
boats, until he had in all more than seventy.
These boats were kept out of sight, in hidden
places in the riv^r, until all were ready. Each
of them was covered with a sort of heavy awn-
ing or roof, made of wet felt, which was plas-
tered over with a coating of clay and vinegar.

1220.] Battles and Sieges. 275

The fire-boats and the bridge. The bridge burned.

This covering was intended both to defend the
men from missiles and the boats themselves
from being set on fire.

There was one obstacle, to the escape of the
boats which it was necessary to remove before-
hand, and that was the bridge which the Mon-
guls had built across the river, just below the
town, when they first came to besiege it. To
destroy this bridge, Timur one night made a
sally from one of the gates, and attacked the
men who were stationed to guard the bridge.
At the same time he sent down the current of
the river a number of great flat-bottomed boats,
filled with combustibles of various kinds, mixed
with tar and naphtha. These combustibles
were set on fire before they were launched, and,
as the current of the river bore them down one
after another against the bridge, they set the
wooden piers and posts that supported "it on
fire, while the guard, being engaged with the
party which had sallied from the town, could
not go to extinguish the flames, and thus the
bridge was consumed.

The way being thus opened, Timur Melek
very soon afterward embarked his family and
the greater part of his army on board the boats
in the night ; and, while the Monguls had no
suspicion of what was going on, the boats were

276 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Pursuit. Battle in the river. The hoats aground.

launched, and sent off one after another swiftly
down the stream. Before morning came all
traces of the party had passed away.

Yery soon, however, the Mongul general
heard how his intended prey had escaped him,
and he immediately sent off a strong detach-
ment to follow the southern bank of the river
and pursue the fugitives. The detachment
soon overtook them, and then a furious battle
ensued between the Mongul horsemen on the
banks and in the margin of the water and the
men in the boats, who kept the boats all the
time as near as possible to the northern shore.

Sometimes, however, when the stream was
narrow, or when a rocky point projected from
the northern shore, so as to drive the boats
nearer to the Mongul side, the battle became
very fierce and bloody. The Monguls drove
their' horses far into the water, so as to be as
near as possible to the boats, and threw arrows,
javelins, and fiery darts at them, while the Mo-
hammedans defended themselves as well as they
could from their windows or port-holes.

Things went on in this way for some time,
until, at length, the boats arrived at a part of
the river where the water was so shallow — be-
ing obstructed by sand-bars and shoals^ — that
the boats fell aground. There was -nothing

1220.] Battles and Sieges. 279

Tlmur's adventures. He finally escapes.

now for Timur to do but to abandon the boats
and escape with, his men to the land. This he
succeeded in doing; and, after reaching the
shore, he was able to form his men in array, on
an elevated piece of ground, before Elak could
bring up a sufficient number of men to attack
him.

When the Monguls at length came to attack
him, he beat them off in the first instance, but
he was obliged soon afterward to leave the field
and continue his retreat. Of course, he was
hotly pursued by the Monguls. His men be-
came rapidly thinned in number, some being
killed, and others getting separated from the
main body in the confusion of the flight, until,
at last, Timur was left almost alone. At last
he was himself on the very point of being taken.
There were three Monguls closely pursuing
him. He turned round and shot an arrow at
the foremost of the pursuers. The arrow struck
the Mongul in the eye. The agony which the
wounded man felt was so great that the two
others stopped to assist him, and in the mean
time Timur got out of the way. In due time,
and after meeting with some other hairbreadth
escapes, he reached the camp of the sultan, who
received him very joyfully, loaded him with
praises for the indomitable spirit which he had

280 Genghis Khan. {1220.

The governor's family. Kojend surrendered.

evinced, and immediately made him governor
of another city.

In the mean time, some of the boats which
had been abandoned by the soldiers were got
off by the men who had been left in charge of
them — one especially, which contained the fam-
ily of Timur. This boat went quietly down
the river, and conveyed the family to a place
of safety.

The city of Kojend, from which Timur and
his men had fled, was, of course, now without
any means of defense, and it surrendered the
very next day to the Monguls.

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 281

Pursuit of the sultan. The two ladies.

Chapter XXL
Death of the Sultan.

IN" the mean time, while Jughi and the other
generals were ravaging the country with
their detachments, and besieging and capturing
all the secondary towns and fortresses that
came in their way, as related in the last chap-
ter, Genghis Khan himself, with the main body
of the army, had advanced to Samarcand in
pursuit of the sultan, who had, as he supposed,
taken shelter there. Samarcand was the cap-
ital of the country, and was then, as it has been
since, a great and renowned city.

Besides the sultan himself, whom Genghis
Khan was pursuing, there were the ladies of his
family whom he wished also to capture. The
two principal ladies were the sultana and the
queen-mother. The queen-mother was a lady
of very great distinction. She had been great-
ly renowned during the lifetime of her hus-
band, the former sultan, for her learning, her
piety, the kindness of her heart, and the gen-
eral excellence of her character, so far as her

282 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Character of the queen-mother. Khatun. Her retirement.

dealings with, her subjects and friends were
concerned, and her influence throughout the
realm had been unbounded. At some periods
of her life she had exercised a great deal of po-
litical power, and at one time she bore the very
grand title of Protectress of the faith of the icorld.
She exercised the power which she then pos-
sessed, in the main, in a very wise and bene-
ficial manner. She administered justice impar-
tially. She protected the weak, and restrained
the oppressions of the strong. She listened to
all the cases which were brought before her
with great attention and patience, and arrived
almost always at just conclusions respecting
them. With all this, however, she was very
strict and severe, and, as has almost always
been the case with women raised to the posses-
sion of irresponsible power, -she was unrelent-
ing and cruel in the extreme whenever, as she
judged, any political necessity required her to
act with decision. Her name was Khatun.*

Khatun was not now at Samarcand. She
was at Karazm, a city which was the cliief res-
idence of the court. She had been living there
in retirement ever since the death of her hus-
band, the present sultan's father.

Samarcand itself, as has already been said,

* Pronounced Cah-toon.

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 283

Samarcand. Fortifications of the place. Water- works.

was a great and splendid city. Like most of
the other cities, it was inclosed in a double wall,
though, in this case, the outer wall surrounded
the whole city, while the inner one inclosed
the mosque, the palace of the sultan, and some
other public buildings. These walls were
much better built and more strongly fortified
than those of Bokhara. There were twelve
iron gates, it is said, in the outer wall. These
gates were a league apart from each other. At
every two leagues along the wall was a fort
capable of containing a large body of men.
The walls were likewise strengthened with bat-
tlements and towers, in which the men could
fight under shelter, and they were surrounded
by a broad and deep ditch, to prevent an en-
emy from approaching too near to them, in
order to undermine them or batter them down.
The city was abundantly supplied with wa-
ter by means of hydraulic constructions as per-
fect and complete as could be made in those
days. The water was brought by leaden pipes
from a stream which came down from the
mountains at some distance from the town. It
was conveyed by these pipes to every part of
the town, and was distributed freely, so that
every great street had a little current of water
running through it, and every house a fountain

284 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Gates and towers. Crowds of people seeking refuge.

in the court or garden. Besides this, in a pub-
lic square or park there was a mound where
the water was made to spout up in the centre,
and then flow down in little rivulets and cas-
cades on every side.

The gates and towers which have been de-
scribed were in the outer wall, and beyond
them, in the environs, were a great many fields,
gardens, orchards, and beautifully-cultivated
grounds, which produced fruits of all sorts, that
were sent by the merchants into all the neigh-
boring countries. At a little distance the town
was almost entirely concealed from view by
these gardens and orchards, there being noth-
ing to be seen but minarets, and some of the
loftier roofs of the houses, rising above the
tops of the trees.

There were so many people who flocked into
Samarcand from the surrounding country for
shelter and protection, when they learned that
Genghis Khan was coming, that the place would
hardly contain them. In addition to these, the
sultan sent over one hundred thousand troops
to defend the town, with thirty generals to com-
mand them. There were twenty large ele-
phants, too, that were brought with the army,
to be employed in any service which might be
required of them during the siege. This army,

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 285

Encampment. Arrival of the Monguls. Dissensions within the city.

however, instead of entering the city at once,
encamped about it. They strengthened the po-
sition of the camp by a deep ditch which they
dug, throwing up the earth from the ditch on
the side toward the camp so as to form a re-
doubt with which to defend the ground from
the Monguls. But as soon as Genghis Khan ar-
rived they were speedily driven from this post,
and forced to take shelter within the walls of
the city. Here they defended themselves with
so much vigor and resolution that Genghis
Khan would probably have found it very diffi-
cult to take the town had it not been for dis-
sensions within the walls. It seems that the
rich merchants and other wealthy men of the
city, being convinced that the place would soon-
er or later fall into the hands of the Monguls,
thought it would be better to surrender it at
once, while they were in a condition to make
some terms by which they might hope to save
their lives, and perhaps their property.

But the generals would not listen to any prop-
osition of this kind. They had been sent by
the sultan to defend the town, and they felt
bound in honor, in obedience to their orders, to
fight in defense of it to the last extremity.

The dissension within the city grew more
and more violent every day, until at length the

286 Genghis Khan. [1220.

A deputation. Massacre. Escape of the governor.

party of the inhabitants grew so strong and de-
cided that they finally took possession of one of
the gates, and sent a large deputation, consist-
ing of priests, magistrates, and some of the prin-
cipal citizens, to Genghis Khan, bearing with
them the keys of the town, and proposing to
deliver them up to him if he would spare the
garrison and the inhabitants. But he said he
would make no terms except with those who
were of their party and were willing to surren-
der. In respect to the generals and the soldiers
of the garrison he would make no promises.

The deputation gave up the keys and Gen-
ghis Khan entered the city. The inhabitants
were spared, but the soldiers were massacred
wherever they could be found. A great many
perished in the streets. A considerable body
of them, however, with the governor at their
head, retreated within the inner wall, and there
defended themselves desperately for four days.
At the end of that time, finding that their case
was hopeless, and knowing that they could ex-
pect no quarter from the Monguls in any event,
they resolved to make a sally and cut their way
through the ranks of their enemies at all haz-
ards. The governor, accordingly, put himself
at the head of a troop of one thousand horse,
and, coming out suddenly from his retreat, he

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 287

Forlorn condition of the sultan.

clashed through, the camp at a time when the
Monguls were off their guard, and so gained the
open country and made his escape. All the
soldiers that remained behind in the city were
immediately put to the sword.

In the mean time, the sultan himself, finding
that his affairs were going to ruin, retreated
from province to province, accompanied by as
large a force as he could keep together, and
vainly seekin g to find some place of safety. He
had several sons, and among them two whose
titles were Jalaloddin and Kothboddin. Jala-
loddin was the oldest, and was therefore natu-
rally entitled to be his father's successor ; but,
for some reason or other, the queen-mother,
Khatun, had taken a dislike to him, and had
persuaded her son, the sultan, to execute a sort
of act or deed by which Jalaloddin was dis-
placed, and Kothboddin, who was a great fa-
vorite of hers, was made heir to the throne in
his place.

The sultan had other sons who were govern-
ors of different provinces, and he fled from one
to another of these, seeking in vain for some
safe retreat. But he could find none. He was
hunted from place to place by detachments of
the Monguls, and the number of his attendants
and followers was continually diminishing, un-

283 Genghis Khan. [1220.

The sultan sends away his treasures. His flight and his despondency.

til at last lie began to be completely discour-
aged.

At length, at one of the cities where he made
a short stay, he delivered to an officer named
Omar, who was the steward of his household,
ten coffers sealed with the royal signet, with in-
structions to take them secretly to a certain dis-
tant fortress and lock them up carefully there,
without allowing any one to know that he
did it.

These coffers contained the royal jewels, and
they were of inestimable value.

After this, one of his sons joined him with
quite a large force, but very soon a large body
of Monguls came up, and, after a furious battle,
the sultan's troops were defeated and scatter-
ed in all directions ; and he was again obliged
to fly, accompanied by a very small body of
officers, who still contrived to keep near him.
With these he succeeded, at last, in reaching a
very retired town near the Caspian Sea, where
he hoped to remain concealed. His strength
was now spent, and all his courage gone. He
sank down into a condition of the greatest de-
spondency and distress, and spent his time in
going to the mosque and offering up prayers to
God to save him from total ruin. He made
confession of his sins, and promised an entire

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 289

Narrow escape. Rage of hia pursuers.

amendment of life if the Almighty would de-
liver him from his enemies, and restore him to
his throne.

At last the Mongul detachment that was in
pursuit of him in that part of the country were
informed by a peasant where he was ; and one
day, while he was" at his prayers in the mosque,
word was brought to him that the Monguls
were coming. He rushed out of the mosque,
and, guided by some friends, ran down to the
shore and got into a boat, with a view of es-
caping by sea, all retreat by land being now
cut off.

He had scarce got on board the boat when
the Monguls appeared on the shore. The men
in the boat immediately pushed off. The Mon-
guls, full of disappointment and rage, shot at
them with their arrows ; but the sultan was not
struck by any of them, and was soon out of the
reach of his pursuers.

The sultan lay in the boat almost helpless,
being perfectly exhausted by the terror and
distress which he had endured. He soon be-
gan to suffer, too, from an intense pain in the
chest and side, which gradually became so se-
vere that he could scarcely breathe. The men
with him in the boat, finding that he was seri-
ously sick, made the best of their way to a small
T

290 Genghis Khar. [1220.

Visit from his son Jalaloddin. His dying words.

island named Abiskun, which is situated near
the southeastern corner of the sea. Here they
pitched a tent, and made up a bed in it, as well
as they could, for the sufferer. They also sent
a messenger to the shore to bring off a physi-
cian secretly. The physician did all that was
in his power, but it was too late. The inflam-
mation and the pain subsided after a time, but
it was evident that the patient was sinking, and
that he was about to die.

It happened that the sultan's son, Jalaloddin,
the one who had been set aside in favor of his
brother Kothboddin, was at this time on the
main land not far from the island, and intelli-
gence was communicated to him of his father's
situation. He immediately went to the island
to see him, taking with him two of his broth-
ers. They were obliged to manage the busi-
ness very secretly, to prevent the Mongulsfrom
finding out what was going on.

On the arrival of Jalaloddin, the sultan ex-
pressed great satisfaction in seeing him, and he
revoked the decree by which he had been su-
perseded in the succession.

" You, my son," said he, " are, after all, the
one among all my children who is best able to
revenge me on the Monguls; therefore I re-
voke the act which I formerly executed at the

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 291

Death and burial. Khatun at Karazm.

request of the queen, my mother, in favor of
Kothboddin."

He then solemnly appointed Jalaloddin to
be his successor, and enjoined upon the other
princes to be obedient and faithful to him as
their sovereign. He also formally delivered to
him his sword as the emblem and badge of the
supreme power which he thus conferred upon
him.

Soon after this the sultan expired. The at-
tendants buried the body secretly on the island
for fear of the Monguls. They washed it care-
fully before the interment, according to custom,
and then put on again a portion of the same
dress which the sultan had worn when living,
having no means of procuring or making any
other shroud.

As for Khatun, the queen-mother, when she
heard the tidings of her son's death, and was
informed, at the same time, that her favorite
Kothboddin had been set aside, and Jalalod-
din, whom she hated, and who, she presumed,
hated her, had been made his successor, she
was in a great rage. She was at that time at
Karazm, which was the capital, and she at-
tempted to persuade the officers and soldiers
near her not to submit to the sultan's decree, but
to make Kothboddin their sovereign after all.

292 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Her cruelty to her captives. Dissension.

While she was engaged in forming this con-
spiracy, the news reached the city that the Mon-
guls were coming. Khatun immediately de-
termined to flee to save her life. She had, it
seems, in her custody at Karazm twelve chil-
dren, the sons of various princes that reigned
in different parts of the empire or in the envi-
rons of it. These children were either held as
hostages, or had been made captive in insurrec-
tions and wars, and were retained in prison as
a punishment to their fathers. The queen-
mother found that she could not take these
children with her, and so she ordered them all
to be slain. She was afraid that the Monguls,
when they came, might set them free.

As soon as she was gone the city fell into
great confusion on account of the struggles for
power between the two parties of Jalaloddin
and Kothboddin. But the sultana, who had
made the mischief, did not trouble herself to
know how it would end. Her only anxiety
was to save her own life. After various wan-
derings and adventures, she at last found her
way into a very retired district of country ly-
ing on the southern shore of. the Caspian, be-
tween the mountains and the sea, and here she
sought refuge in a castle or fortress named Ilan,
where she thought she was secure from all pur-

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 293

Khatun' a escape. Her obstinacy. Cause of her hatred of Jalaloddin.

suit. She brought with her to the castle her
jewels and all her most valuable treasures.

But Grenghis Khan had spies in every part
of'the country, and he was soon informed where
Khatun was concealed. So he sent a messen-
ger to a certain Mongul general named Hubbe
Nevian, who was commanding a detachment in
that part of the country, informing him that
Khatun was in the castle of Ilan, and com-
manding him to go and lay siege to it, and to
take it at all hazards, and to bring Khatun to
him either dead or alive.

Hubbe immediately set off for the castle.
The queen-mother; however, had notice of his
approach, and the lords who were with her
urged her to fly. If she would go with them,
they said, they would take her to Jalaloddin,
and he would protect her. But she would not
listen to any such proposal. She hated Jala-
loddin so intensely that she would not, even to
save her life, put herself under his power. The
very 'worst possible treatment, she said, that
she could receive from the Monguls would be
more agreeable to her than the greatest favors
from the hand of Jalaloddin.

The ground of this extreme animosity which
she felt toward Jalaloddin was not any person-
al animosity to him; it arose simply from an

294 Genghis Khan. [1220.

The siege of the fortress. The governor's hopes.

ancient and long-continued dislike and hatred
which she had borne against his mother !

So Khatun refused to retire from the dan-
ger, and soon afterward the horde of Monguls
arrived, and pitched their camp before the cas-
tle walls.

For three months Hubbe and his Monguls
continued to ply the walls of the fortress with
battering-rams and other engines, in order to
force their way in, but in vain. The place
was too strong for them. At length Genghis
Khan, hearing how the case stood, sent word to
them to give up the attempt to make a breach,
and to invest the place closely on all sides, so
as to allow no person to go out or to come in ;
in that way, he said, the garrison would soon
be starved into a surrender.

When the governor of the castle saw, by the
arrangements which Hubbe made in obedience
to this order, that this was the course that was
to be pursued, he said he was not uneasy, for
his magazines were full of provisions, and as to
water, the rain which fell very copiously there
among the mountains always afforded an abund-
ant supply.

But the governor was mistaken in his calcu-
lations in respect to the rain. It usually fell
very frequently in that region, but after the

1220.] Death of the Sultan. 295

Want of rain. Great suffering. The queen made captive.

blockade of the fortress commenced, for three
weeks there was not the smallest shower. The
people of the country around thought this fail-
ure of the rain was a special judgment of heaven
against the queen for the murder of the chil-
dren, and for her various other crimes. It was,
indeed, remarkable, for in ordinary times the
rain was so frequent that the people of all that
region depended upon it entirely for their sup-
ply of water, and never found it necessary to
search for springs or to dig wells.

The sufferings of the people within the for-
tress for want of water were very great. Many
of them died in great misery, and at length the
provisions began to fail too, and Khatun was
compelled to allow the governor to surrender.

The Monguls immediately seized the queen,
and took possession of all her treasures. They
also took captive all the lords and ladies who
had attended her, and the women of her house-
hold, and two or three of her great-grandchil-
dren, whom she had brought with her in her
flight. All these persons were sent under a
strong guard to Genghis Khan.

Genghis Khan retained the queen as a cap-
tive for some time, and treated her in a very
cruel and barbarous manner. He would some-
times order her to be brought into his tent, at

296 GENGHIS Khan. [1220.

Cruel treatment of the queen-mother.

the end of Ms dinner, that he might enjoy his
triumph by insulting and deriding her. On
these occasions he would throw her scraps of
food from the table as if she had been a dog.

He took away the children from her too, all
but one, whom he left with her a while to com-
fort her, as he said ; but one day an officer came
and seized this one from her very arms, while
she was dressing him and combing his hair.
This last blow caused her a severer pang 'than
any that she had before endured, and left her
utterly disconsolate and heart-broken.

Some accounts say that soon after this she
was put to death, but others state that Genghis
Khan retained her several years as a captive,
and carried her to and fro in triumph in his
train through the countries over which she had
formerly reigned with so much power and
splendor. She deserved her sufferings, it is
true ; but Genghis Khan was none the less
guilty, on that account, for treating her so
cruelly.

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 297

Continued conquests. Efforts of Jalaloddin.

Chapter XXII.
Victorious Campaigns.

AFTER this Genghis Khan went on suc-
cessfully for several years, extending his
conquests over all the western part of Central
Asia, while the generals whom he had left at
home were extending his dominions in the same
manner in the eastern portion. He overran
nearly all of Persia, went entirely around the
Caspian Sea, and even approached the confines
of India.

In this expedition toward India he was in
pursuit* of Jalaloddin. Immediately after the
death of his father, Jalaloddin had done all in
his power to raise an army and carry on the
war against Genghis Khan. He met with a
great deal of embarrassment and difficulty at
first, on account of the plots and conspiracies
which his grandmother had organized in favor
of his brother Kothboddin, and the dissensions
among his people to which they gave rise. At
last, in the course of a year, he succeeded, in
some measure, in healing this breach and in

298 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Jalaloddin becomes discouraged. The governor's advice.

raising an army ; and, though he was not strong
enough to fight the Monguls in a general bat-
tle, he hung about them in their march and
harassed them in various ways, so as to impede
their operations very essentially. Genghis
Khan from time to time sent off detachments
from his army to take him. He was often de-
feated in the engagements which ensued, but
he always succeeded in .saving himself and
in keeping together a portion of his men, and
thus he maintained himself in the field, though
he was growing weaker and weaker all the
time.

At last he became completely discouraged,
and, after signal defeat which he met with from
a detachment which had been sent against
him by Genghis Khan, he went, with the few
troops that remained together, to a strong for-
tress among the mountains, and told the govern-
or that it seemed to him useless to continue the
struggle any longer, and that he had come to
shut himself up in the fortress, and abandon the
contest in despair.

The governor, however, told him that it was
not right for a prince, the descendant of ances-
tors so illustrious as his, and the inheritor of so
resplendent a crown, to yield to discouragement
and despondency on account of the reverses of

1220.] Victokious Campaigns. 299

Renewed exertions. Stratagem. Fictitious soldiers.

fortune. He advised him again to take the
field, and to raise a new army, and continue the
contest to the end.

Jalaloddin determined to follow this advice,
and, after a brief period of repose at the castle,
he again took the field.

He made great exertions, and finally suc-
ceeded in getting together about twenty thou-
sand men. This was a small force, it is true,
compared with the numbers of the enemy; but
it was sufficient, if well managed, to enable the
prince to undertake operations of considerable
importance, and Jalaloddin began to feel some-
what encouraged again. With his twenty
thousand men he gained one or two victories
too, which encouraged him still more. In one
of these cases he defeated rather a singular
stratagem which the Mongul general contrived.
It seems that the Mongul detachment which
was sent out in this instance against Jalaloddin
Was not strong enough, and the general, in or-
der to make Jalaloddin believe that his force
was greater than it really was, ordered all the
felt caps and cloaks that there were in the
army to be stuffed with straw, and placed on
the horses and camels of the baggage, in order
to give the appearance of a second line of re-
serve in the rear of the line of real soldiers.

300 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Quarrel about a horse. Disaffection.

This was to induce Jalaloddin to surrender
without fighting.

But in some way or other Jalaloddin detected
the deceit, and, instead of surrendering, fought
the Mongols with great vigor, and defeated
them. He gained a very decided victory, and
perhaps this might have been the beginning of
a change of fortune for him if, unfortunately,
his generals had not quarreled about the divi-
sion of the spoil. There was a beautiful Ara-
bian horse which two of his leading generals
desired to possess, and each claimed it. The
dispute became, at last, so violent that one of
the generals struck the other in his face with
the lash of his whip. Upon this the feud be-
came a deadly one. Both parties appealed to
Jalaloddin. He did not wish to make either
general an enemy by deciding in favor of the
other, and so he tried to compromise the mat-
ter. He did not succeed in doing this ;• and
one of the generals, mortally offended, went
off in the night, taking with him all that por-
tion of the troops which was under his com-
mand.

Jalaloddin did every thing in his power to
bring the disaffected general back again ; but,
before he could accomplish this purpose, Gen-
ghis Khan came up with a large force between

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 301

Jalaloddin's forces divided. Great battle in the defile.

the two parties, and prevented their effecting a
junction.

Jalaloddin had now no alternative but to re-
treat. Genghis Khan followed him, and it was
in this way that, after a time, both the armies
reached the banks of the Indus, on the borders
of India.

Jalaloddin, being closely pursued, took his
position in a narrow defile near the bank of the
river, and here a great battle was fought among
the rocks and precipices. Jalaloddin, it is said,
had only thirty thousand men at his command,
while Genghis Khan was at the head of an
army of three hundred thousand. The num-
bers in both cases are probably greatly exag-
gerated, but the proportion may perhaps be
true.

It was only a small portion of the Mongul
army that could get into the defile where the
sultan's troops had posted themselves ; and so
desperately did the latter fight, that it is said
they killed twenty thousand of the Monguls
before they gave in. In fact, they fought like
wild beasts, with desperate and ; unremitting
fury, all day long. Toward night it became
evident to Jalaloddin that it ms all over with
him. A large portion of his followers were
killed. Some had made their escape across the

802 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Orders to take Jalaloddin alive. He takes leave of his family.

river, though many of those who sought to do
so were drowned in the attempt. The rest of
his men were completely exhausted and dis-
couraged, and wholly unable to renew the con-
test on the following day.

Jalaloddin .had exposed himself very freely
in the fight, in hopes, perhaps, that he should
be killed. "But Genghis Khan had given posi-
tive orders that he should be taken alive. He
had even appointed two of-his generals to watch
carefully, and to see that no person should, un-
der any circumstances, kill him. He wished to
take him alive, in order to lead him through
the country a prisoner, and exhibit him to his
former subjects as a trophy of his victory, just
as he had done and was still doing with the
old queen Khatun, his grandmother.

But Jalaloddin was determined that his con-
queror should not enjoy this pleasure. He re-
solved to attempt to save himself by swimming
the river. He accordingly went first, breath-
less, and covered with dust and blood from the
fight, to take a hurried leave of his mother, his
wives, and his children, who, as was customary
in those countries and times, had accompanied
him in his campaign. He found them in his
tent, full of anxiety and terror. He took leave
of them with much sorrow and many tears, try-

1220.] Yictokious Campaigns. 303

His escape across the river. His defiance of his pursuers.

ing to comfort them with, the hope that they
should meet again in happier times. Then he
took off his armor and his arms, in order that
he might not be impeded in crossing the river,
reserving, however, his sword and bow, and a
quiver full of arrows. He then mounted a fresh
horse and rode toward the river.

When he reached the bank of the river, the
horse found the current so rapid and the agita-
tion of the water so great that he was very un-
willing to advance ; but Jalaloddin spurred him
in. Indeed, there was no time to be lost ; for
scarcely had he reached the shore when Gen-
ghis Khan himself, and a party of Monguls, ap-
peared in view, advancing to seize him. They
stopped on the bank when they saw Jalaloddin
ride into the water among the rocks and whirl-
pools. They did not dare to follow him, but
they remained at the water-side to see how his
perilous adventure would end.

As soon as Jalaloddin found that he was out
of their reach, he stopped at a place where his
horse found a foothold, and turned round to-
ward his pursuers with looks of hatred and de-
fiance. He then drew his bow, and began to
shoot at them with his arrows, and he contin-
ued to shoot until all the arrows in his quiver
were exhausted. Some of the more daring of

304 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Struggles of the horse. Night spent in a tree.

the Monguls proposed to Genghis Khan that
they should swim out and try to take him. But
Genghis Khan would not allow them to go. He
said the attempt would be useless.

" You can do nothing at all with him," said
he. "A man of such cool and determined
bravery as that will defy and defeat all your
attempts. Any father might be proud to have
such a son, and any son proud to be descended
from such a father."

When his arrows were all expended, Jalalod-
din took to the river again ; and his horse, aft-
er a series of most desperate struggles among
the whirlpools and eddies, and the boiling surges
which swept around the rocks, succeeded at
length in carrying his master over. The prog-
ress of the horse was watched with great inter-
est by Genghis Khan and his party from the
shore as long as they could see him.

As soon as Jalaloddin landed, and had recov-
ered a little from the fatigue and excitement of
the passage, he began to look around him, and
to consider what was next to be done. He
found himself entirely alone, in a wild and sol-
itary place, which he had reason to fear was in-
fested with tigers and other ferocious beasts of
prey, such as haunt the j ungles in India. Night
was coming on too, and there were no signs of

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 305

Jalaloddin meets with friends. Large body of men escaped.

any habitations or of any shelter. So he fast-
ened his horse at the foot of a tree, and climb-
ed up himself among the branches, and in this
way passed the night.

The next morning he came down and began
to walk along the bank of the river to see what
he could find. He was in a state of great anx-
iety and distress. Suddenly, to his great relief
and joy, he came upon a small troop of soldiers,
accompanied by some officers, who had escaped
across the river from the battle as he had done.
Three of these officers were his particular
friends, and he was overjoyed to see them.
They had made their way across the river in a
boat which they had found upon the. bank at
the beginning of the defeat of the army. They
had spent the whole night in the boat, being in
great danger from the shoals and shelving rocks,
and from the impetuosity of the current. Final-
ly, toward morning, they had landed, not far
from the place where Jalaloddin found them.

Not long after this he came upon a troop of
three hundred horsemen, who had escaped by
swimming the river at a place where the wa-
ter was more smooth, at some distance below.
These men told him that about six miles far-
ther down the stream there was a body of about
four thousand men who had made their escape
U

306 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Pressing wants. Timely aid from Jamalarrazad.

in a similar manner. On assembling these men,
Jalaloddin found himself once more at the head
of a considerable force.

The immediate wants of the men were, how-
ever, extremely pressing, for they were all whol-
ly destitute of food and of every other neces-
sary, and Jalaloddin would have been greatly
embarrassed to provide for them had it not
been for the thoughtfulness and fidelity of one
of the officers of his household on the other side
of the river. This officer's name was Jamalar-
razad. As soon as he found that his master
had crossed the river, knowing, too, that a great
number of the troops had attempted to cross be-
sides, and that, in all, probability, many of them
had succeeded in reaching the other bank, who
would all be greatly in want of provisions and
stores the next morning, he went to work at
once, during the night, and loaded a very large
boat with provisions, arms, money, and stuff to
make clothing for the soldiers. He succeeded
in getting off in this boat before his plan was
discovered by the Monguls, and in the course
of the next morning he reached the opposite
bank with it, and thus furnished to Jalaloddin
an abundant provision for his immediate neces-
sities.

Jalaloddin was so much pleased with the

1220.] Victokious Campaigns 307

Fate of the sultan's family. Sunken treasures. Jalaloddin's end.

conduct of Jamalarrazad in this affair that he
appointed him at once to a very high and re-
sponsible office in his service, and gave him a
new title of honor.

In the mean time, Genghis Khan, on the oth-
er side of the river, took possession the next
morning of Jalaloddin's camp. Of course, the
family of the sultan fell into his hands. The
emperor ordered all the males to be killed, but
he reserved the women for a different fate.
Among the persons killed was a boy about
eight years old, Jalaloddin's oldest son.

Jalaloddin had ordered his treasure to be
sunk in the river, intending, probably, to come
back and recover it at some future time. But
Grenghis Khan found out in some way where it
was sunk, and he sent divers down for it, and
thus obtained possession of it as a part of his
booty.

After this, Jalaloddin remained five or six
years in India, where he joined himself and his
army with some of the princes of that country,
and fought many campaigns there. At length,
when a favorable opportunity occurred, he came
back to his own country, and fought some time
longer against the Monguls there, but he never
succeeded in gaining possession of any substan-
tial power.

308 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Sieges. Logs instead of stones for ammunition.

Genghis Khan continued after this for two
or three years in the Mohammedan countries
of the western part of Asia, and extended his
conquests there in every direction. It is not
necessary to follow his movements in detail. It
would only be a repetition of the same tale
of rapine, plunder, murder, and devastation.
Sometimes a city would surrender at once, when
the conqueror approached the gates, by sending
out a deputation of the magistrates and other
principal inhabitants with the ~kejs of the city,
and with magnificent presents, in hopes to ap-
pease him. And they usually so far succeeded
in this as to put the Mongul soldiery in good-
humor, so that they would content themselves
with ransacking and plundering the place, leav-
ing the inhabitants alive. At other times the
town would attempt to resist. The Monguls
would then build engines to batter down the
walls, and to hurl great stones over among the
besieged. In many instances there was great
difficulty in obtaining a sufficient supply of
stones, on account of the alluvial character of
the ground on which the city stood. In such
cases, after the stones found near were exhaust-
ed, the besiegers would cut down great trees
from the avenues leading to the town, or from
the forests near, and, sawing the trunk up into

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 309

Modern bombs. Bringing stones. Occupation of slave*

short lengths, would use the immense blocks
thus formed as ammunition for the engines.
These great logs of heavy wood, when thrown
over the walls, were capable of doing almost as
much execution as the stones, though, com-
pared with a modern bomb-shell — a monstrous
ball of iron, which, after flying four or five
miles from the battery, leaving on its way a
fiery train through the air, descends into a town
and bursts into a thousand fragments, which
fly like iron hail in every direction around —
they were very harmless missiles.

In sawing up the trunks of the trees into logs,
and in bringing stones for the engines, the Mon-
guls employed the prisoners whom they had
taken in war and made slaves of. The amount
of work of this kind which was to be done at
some of the sieges was very great. It is said
that at the siege of Nishabur — a town whose
inhabitants greatly offended Genghis Khan by
secretly sending arms, provisions, and money to
Jalaloddin, after they had once surrendered to
the Monguls and pretended to be friendly to
them — the army of the Monguls employed
twelve hundred of these engines, all of which
were made at a town at some distance from the
place besieged, and were then transported, in
parts, by the slaves, and put together by them

310 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Shields. Protection against fire. Precautions.

under the walls. While the slaves were em-
ployed in works of this kind, they were some-
times protected by wooden shields covered with
raw hides, which were carried before them by
other slaves, to keep off and extinguish the
fiery darts and arrows which were shot at them
from the wall.

Sometimes, too, the places where the engines'
were set up were protected by wooden bul-
warks, which, together with the frame- work it-
self of the engines^ were covered with raw hides,
to prevent their being set on fire by the ene-
my. The number of raw hides required for
this purpose was immense, and to obtain them
the Monguls slaughtered vast herds of horses
and cattle which they plundered from the
enemy.

In order to embarrass the enemy in respect
to ammunition for their engines, the people of
a town, when they heard that the Monguls were
coming, used to turn out sometimes in mass,
several days before, and gather up all the stones
they could find, and throw them into the river,
or otherwise put them Qut of the way.

In some cases, the towns that were threaten-
ed, as has already been said, did not attempt to
resist, but submitted at once, and cast them-
selves on the mercy of the conqueror. In such

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 311

Attempts at resistance. Account of Kubru. His noble spirit.

cases the Mongul generals usually spared the
lives of the inhabitants, though they plundered
their property. It sometimes happened, too,
that after attempting to defend themselves for
some time, the garrison would become discour-
aged, and then would attempt to make some
terms or conditions with the conqueror before
they surrendered. In these cases, however,
the terms which the Monguls insisted upon
were often so hard that, rather than yield to
them, the garrison would go on fighting to the
end.

In one instance there lived in a town that was
to be assailed a certain sheikh, or prince, named
Kubru, who was a man of very exalted char-
acter, "as well as of high distinction. The Mon-
gul general whom Grenghis Khan had commis-
sioned to take the town was his third son, Ok-
tay. Oktay had heard of the fame of the
sheikh, and had conceived a very high respect
for him. So he sent a herald to the wall with
a passport for the sheikh, and for ten other per-
sons such as he should choose, giving him free ■
permission to leave the town and go wherever
he pleased. But the sheikh declined the offer.
Then Oktay sent in another passport, with per-
mission to the sheikh to take a thousand men
with him. But he still refused. He could not

312 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Kubru slain. Pusillanimity. Sorties by the garrisons.

accept Oktay's bounty, he said, unless it were
extended to all the Mohammedans in the town.
He was obliged to take his lot with the rest, for
he was bound to his people by ties too strong
to be easily sundered.

So the siege went on, and at the end of it,
when the town was carried, the sheikh was slain
with the rest in the streets, where he stood his
ground to the last, fighting like a lion.

All the Mohammedan chieftains, however,
did not possess so noble a spirit as this. One
chieftain, when he found that the Monguls
were coming, caused himself to be let down
with ropes from the wall in the night, and so
made his escape, leaving the town and the gar-
rison to their fate.

The garrisons of the towns, knowing that
they had little mercy to expect from their ter-
rible enemies, fought often very desperately to
the last, as they would have done against beasts
of prey. They would suddenly open the gates
and rush out in large bands, provided with eom-
•bustibles of all kinds and torches, with which
they would set fire to the engines of the be-
siegers, and then get back again within the
walls before the Monguls could recover suf-
ficiently from the alarm and confusion to in-
tercept them. In this manner they destroyed

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 313

Desperation of the people. Moda of disposing of prisoner^.

a great many of the engines, and killed vast
numbers of men. *

Still the Monguls would persevere, and, soon-
er or later, the place was sure to fall. Then,
when the inhabitants found that all hope was
over, they had become so desperate in their
hatred of their foes that they would sometimes
set the town on fire with their own hands, and
throw themselves and their wives and children
into the flames, rather than fall into the hands
of their infuriated enemies.

The cruelties which the Monguls perpetrated
upon their unhappy victims when, after a long
resistance, they finally gained possession of a
town, were indeed dreadful. They usually or-
dered all the people to come out to an open
space on the plain, and there, after taking out
all the young and able-bodied men, who could
be made useful in bringing stones and setting
up engines, and other such labors, and also all
the young and beautiful women, to be divided
among the army or sold as slaves, they would
put. the rest together in a mass, and kill them
all by. shooting at them with arrows, just as if
they had been beasts surrounded in a chase,
excepting that the excitement and pleasure of
shooting into such a mass of human victims,
and of hearing the shrieks and cries of their

314 Genghis Khan. [1220.

Prodigious slaughter. Atrocities. The pearl.

terror, was probably infinitely greater to their
brutaf murderers than if it had been a herd of
lions, tigers, and wolves that they were de-
stroying.

It is said by the historians that in one case
the number of people ordered out upon the
plain was so great that it took four days for
them to pass out and assemble at the appoint-
ed place, and that, after those who were to be
spared had been separated from the rest, the
number that were left to be slain was over one
hundred thousand, as recorded by the secre-.
taries who made an enumeration of them.

In another case the slaughter was so great
that it took twelve days to count the number
of the dead.

Some of the atrocities which were perpetrated
upon the prisoners were almost too horrible to
be described. In one case a woman, quite ad-
vanced in years, begged the Monguls to spare
her life, and promised that, if they would do
so, she would give them a pearl of great value.

They asked her where the pearl was, and she
said she had swallowed it. The Monguls then
immediately cut her down, and ripped her body
open with their swoftls to find the pearl. They
found it, and then, encouraged by this success,
and thinking it probable that other women

1220.] ViCTOBious Campaigns. 315

Genghis Khan's grandson killed. His mother's revenge.

might have attempted to hide their jewels in
the same way, they proceeded to kill and cut
open a great number of women to search for
pearls in their bodies, but they found no more.

At the siege of a certain city, called Bami-
yan, a young grandson of Genghis Khan, wish-
ing to please his grandfather by his daring, ap-
proached so near the wall that he was reached
by an arrow shot by one of the archers, and
killed. Genghis Khan was deeply affected by
this event, and he showed by the bitterness of
his grief that, though he was so utterly heart-
less and cruel in inflicting these woes upon oth-
ers, he could feel for himself very acutely when
it came to his turn to suffer. As for the moth-
er of the child, she was rendered perfectly furi-
ous by his death. She thought of nothing but
revenge, and she only waited for the town to
be taken in order that she might enjoy it.
When, at last, a practicable breach was made,
and the soldiers began to pouj: into the city,
she went in with the rest, and insisted that ev-
ery man, woman, and child should be put to
death. Her special rage was directed against
the children, whom she seemed to take special
pleasure in destroying, in vengeance for the
death of her own child. The hatred and rage
which she manifested against children extend-

316 Genghis Khan: [1220.

Principles of the Mohammedan faith. Genghis Khan's opinion.

ed even to babes unborn, and these feelings she
evinced by atrocities too shocking to be de-
scribed.

The opinions which Genghis Khan entertain-
ed on religions subjects appear from a conver-
sation which he held at one time during the
course of his campaigns in "Western Asia with
some learned Mohammedan doctors at Bokha-
ra, which was the great seat at that time of sci-
ence and philosophy. He asked the doctors
what were the principles of their religion. They
replied that these principles consisted of five
fundamental points :

1. In believing in one God, the creator of all
things, and the supreme ruler and governor of
the universe.

2. In giving one fortieth part of their yearly
income or gains to the poor.

3. In praying to God five times every day.

4. In setting apart one month in each year
for fasting. m

5. In making a pilgrimage to the temple in
Mecca, there to worship God.

Genghis Khan told them that he believed
himself in the first of these articles, and he ap-
proved of the three succeeding ones. It was
very well, he said, to give one fortieth of one's
income to the poor, and to "pray to God five

1220.] Victorious Campaigns. 317

The spirit of religious bigotry.

times a day, and to set apart a month in the
year for a fast. But as to the last article, he
could not but dissent from it entirely, for the
whole world was God's house, and it was ridic-
ulous, he said, to imagine that one place could
really be any more fitting than another as a
place for worshiping him.

The learned doctors were much dissatisfied
with this answer. They were, in fact, more
displeased with the dissent which the emperor
expressed from this last article, the only one
that was purely and wholly ritual in its charac-
ter, than they were gratified with the concur-
rence which he expressed in all the other four.
This is not at all surprising, for, from the times
of the Pharisees down to the present day, the
spirit of sectarianism and bigotry in religion al-
ways plants itself most strongly on the platform
of externals. It is always contending strenu-
ously for rites, while it places comparatively in
the background all that bears directly on the
vital and spiritual interests of the soul.

318 Genghis Khan. [1221.

The great hunting party. Object of the hunt.

W

Chapter XXIII.

Grand Celebrations.

HEN Genghis Khan found that his con-
quests in Western Asia were in some
good degree established and confirmed, he illus-
trated his victory and the consequent extension
of his empire by two very imposing celebrations.
The first was a grand hunt. The second was a
solemn convocation of all the estates of his im-
mense realm in a sort of diet or deliberative
assembly.

The accounts given by the historians of both
these celebrations are doubtless greatly exag-
gerated. Their description of the hunt is as
follows :

It was after the close of the campaign in
1221 that it took place, while the army were in
winter quarters. The object of the hunt was
to keep the soldiers occupied, so as to avoid the
relaxation of discipline, and the vices and dis-
order which generally creep into a camp where
there are no active occupations to engage the
minds of the- men. The hunt took place in a

1221.] Grand Celebrations. 319

The general plan. The time arrives.

vast region of uninhabited country, which was
infested with wild beasts of every kind. The
soldiers were marched out on this expedition
in order of war, as. if it were a country occupied
by armed men that they were going to attack.
The different detachments were conducted to
the different points in the outskirts of the coun-
try, from which they severally extended them-
selves to the right and left, so as completely to
inclose the ground. And the space was so
large, it is said, which was thus inclosed, that
it took them several weeks to march in to the
centre.

It is true that in such a case the men would
advance very slowly, perhaps^ only a few miles
each day, in order that they might examine
the ground thoroughly, and leave no ravine, or
thicket, or other lurking-place, where beasts
might conceal themselves, unexplored. Still,
the circle was doubtless immensely large.

When the. appointed morning at length ar-
rived, the men at the several stations were ar-
rayed, and they commenced their advance to-
ward the centre, moving to the sound of trum-
pets, drums, timbrels, and other such instru-
ments of martial music as were in use in those
days.

The men were strictly forbidden to kill any

320 Genghis Khan. [1221.

Orders. Progress of the operations.

animal. They were only to start them out from
their lurking-places and lairs, and drive them
in toward the centre of the field.

Great numbers of the men were provided
with picks, spades, and other similar tools, with
which they were to dig out the burrows and
holes of such animals as should seek refuge un-
der ground.

They went on in this way for some weeks.
The animals ran before them, thinking, when
they were disturbed by the men, that it was
only a momentary danger, which they could
easily escape from, as usual, by running for-
ward into the next thicket ; but soon the ad-
vancing line of the soldiers reached them there,
and drove them out again, and if they attempt-
ed to turn to the right or the left they soon
found themselves intercepted. Thus, as the cir-
cle grew narrower, and the space inclosed di-
minished, the animals began to find themselves
mixing with one another in great numbers, and
being now irritated and angry, they attacked
one another in many instances, the strong fall-
ing upon and killing the weak. Thus a great
many were killed, though not by the hands of
the soldiers.

At last the numbers became so great, and the
excitement and terror of the animals so intense,

1221.] Geand Celebkations. 321

Terror of the animals. The inner circle. Condition of the beasts.

that the soldiers had great difficulty in driving
them forward. The poor beasts ran this way
and that, half distracted, while the soldiers
pressed steadily on behind them, and cut them
off from every chance of escape by raising ter-
rific shouts and outcries, and by brandishing
weapons before them wherever they attempted
to turn.

At length the animals were all driven in to
the inner circle, a comparatively small space,
which had been previously marked out. Around
this space double and triple lines of troops were
drawn up, armed with pikes and spears, which
they pointed in toward the centre, thus forming
a sort of wall by which the beasts were closely
shut in. The plan was now for the officers and
khans, and all the great personages of the court
and the army, to go into the circle, and show
their courage and their prowess by attacking
the beasts and slaying them.

But the courage required for such an exploit
was not so great as it might seem, for it was al-
ways found on these occasions that the beasts,
though they had been very wild and ferocious
when first aroused from their lairs, and had ap-
peared excessively irritated when they found
the circle beginning to narrow around them,
ended at last in losing all their spirit, and in be*
X

322 Genghis Khan. [1221.

The princea enter the ring. Intimidation of the wild beasts.

coming discouraged, dejected, and tame. This
was owing partly, perhaps, to their having be-
come, in some degree, familiar with the sight
of men, but more probably to the exhaustion
produced by long-continued fatigue and excite-
ment, and to their having been for so many-
days deprived in a great degree of their accus-
tomed food and rest.

Thus in this, as in a great many other simi-
lar instances, the poor soldiers and common peo-
ple incurred the danger and the toil, and then
the great men came in at the end to reap the
glory.

Genghis Khan himself was the first to enter
the circle for the purpose of attacking the beasts.
He was followed by the princes of his family*
and by other great chieftains and khans. As
they went in, the whole army surrounded the
inclosure, and completely filled the air with the
sound of drums, timbrels, trumpets, and other
such instruments, and with the noise of the
most terrific shouts and outcries which they
could make, in order to terrify and overawe the
beasts as much as possible, and to destroy in
them all thought and hope of resistance.

And, indeed, so much effect was produced by
these means of intimidation, that the beasts, it
is said, became completely stupefied. " They

1224.] Grand Celebrations. 323

They recover their ferocity when attacked. The slaughter.

were so affrighted that they lost all their fierce-
ness. The lions and tigers became as tame as
lambs, and the bears and wild boars, like the
most timorous creatures, became dejected and
amazed."

Still, the going in of Genghis Khan and the
princes to attack them was not wholly without
danger ; for, of course, it was a point of honor
with them to select the most ferocious and fierce
of the animals, and some of these, when they
found themselves actually assailed, were aroused
again, and, recovering in some degree their na-
tive ferocity, seemed impelled to make a last
desperate effort to defend themselves. After
killing a. few of the lions, tigers, and bears, Gen-
ghis Khan and his immediate suite retired to a
place at one side of the inclosure, where a
throne had been set up for the emperor on an
eminence which afforded a good view of the
field. Here Genghis Khan took his seat in or-
der to enjoy the spectacle of the slaughter, and
then an immense number of men were allowed
to go in and.amuse themselves with killing and
destroying the poor beasts till they were per-
fectly satiated with the sight of blood and of
suffering.

At last some of the khan's grandsons, attend-
ed by several other young princes, approached

324 Genghis Khan. [1224.

Petition of the young men. En I of the hunt. The assembly at Toukat.

the throne where the emperor was seated, and
petitioned him to order the carnage to cease,
and to allow the rest of the animals to go free.
This petition the emperor granted. The lines
were broken up, the animals that had escaped
being massacred made their way back into the
wilds again, and the hunt was over.

The several detachments of the army then
set out on their march back to the camp again.
But so great was the scale on which this grand
hunting expedition was conducted, that four
months elapsed between the time of their set-
ting out upon it till the time of their return.

The grand diet or general assembly of the
states of Grenghis Khan's empire took place two
or three years later, when the conquest of West-
ern Asia was complete, and the sons of the em-
peror and all the great generals could be called
together at the emperor's head-quarters without
much danger. The place chosen for this assem-
bly was a vast plain in the vicinity of the city
of Toukat, which has already been* mentioned
as one of the great cities conquered by Grenghis
Khan. Toukat lay in a central and convenient
position for the purpose of this assembly. It
was, moreover, a rich and beautiful city, and
could furnish all that would be necessary for

1224.] Grand Celebrations. 825

Return of Genghis Khan's sons. Present of horses.

the wants of the assembly. The meeting, how-
ever, was not to be held in the city itself, but
upon a great plain in the environs of it, where
there was space for all the khans, with their
numerous retinues, to pitch their tents.

When. the khans and chieftains began to as-
semble, there came first the sons of the king,
returning from the various expeditions on
which their father had sent them, and bringing
with them magnificent presents. These pres-
ents, of course, consisted of the treasures and
other valuables which they had taken in plun-
der from the various cities which had fallen
into their hands. The presents which Jughi
brought exceeded in value ' those of all the
others. Among the rest, there was a herd of
horses one hundred thousand in number.
These horses had, of course, been seized in the
pastures of the conquered countries, and were
now brought to the emperor to be used by him
in mounting his troops. They were arrayed in
bands according to the color, white, dappled
gray, bay, black, and spotted, of each kind an
equal number.

The emperor received and welcomed his sons
with great joy, and readily accepted their pres-
ents. In return, he made presents to them from
his own treasuries.

326 Genghis Khan. [1224.

The khans arrive. Grand entertainments. Drinks.

After this, as other princes and khans came
in, and encamped with their troops and follow-
ers on the plain, the emperor entertained them
all with a series of grand banquets and public
diversions of all sorts. Among other things a
grand hunting party was organized, somewhat
similar in the general plan to the one already
described, only on a much smaller scale, of
course, in respect to the number of persons en-
gaged and the time occupied, while yet it great-
ly surpassed that one in magnificence and
splendor. Several thousand beasts were slain,
it is said, and a great number and variety of
birds, which were taken 'by the falcons.

At the end of the hunt a great banquet was
given, which surpassed all the other feasts in
munificence. They had on the tables of this
banquet a great variety of drinks — not only rich
wines from the southern countries, but beer,
and metheglin, and also sherbet, which the army
had learned to make in Persia.

In the mean time, the great space on the
plain, which had been set apart for the encamp-
ment, had been gradually becoming filled up
by the arrival of the khans, until at length, in
every direction, as far as the eye could reach,
the whole plain was covered with groups of
tents and long lines of movable houses, brought

1224.] Grand Celebrations. 327

Great extent of the encampment. Laying out the encampment.

oii wheels. The ground which the encamp-
ment covered was said by the historians to
have been seven leagues in extent. If the
space occupied was any thing at all approach-
ing this magnitude, it could only be that the
outer portions of it were occupied by the herds-
men and other servants of the khans, who had
to take care of the cattle and horses of the
troops, and to provide them with suitable pas-
ture. Indeed, the great number of animals
which these wandering tribes always took with
them on their journeys rendered it necessary
to appropriate a much larger space to their en-
campments .than would have been otherwise re-
quired.

It is surprising to us, who are accustomed to
look upon living in tents as so exclusively an
irregular and temporary expedient, to learn
how completely this mode of life was, reduced
to a system in those days, and how perfect and
complete all the arrangements relating to it
were made. In this case, in the centre of the
encampment, a space of two leagues in length
was regularly laid out in streets, squares, and
market-places, like a town. Here were the em-
peror's quarters, with magnificent tents for him-
self and his immediate household, and multi-
tudes of others of a plainer character for his

328 Genghis. Khan. [1224.

The state tent The throne. Business transacted.

servants and retainers. The tents of the other
grand khans were near. They were made of
rich materials, and ornamented in a sumptuous
manner, and silken streamers of various colors
floated in the wind from the summits of them.

Besides these there was an immense tent,
built for the assembly itself to hold its sessions
in. This tent was so large, it is said, that it
would contain two thousand persons. It was
covered with white, which made it very con-
spicuous. There were two entrance-gates lead-
ing to the interior. One of them was called
the imperial gate, and was for the use of Gen-
ghis Khan alone. The other was the public
gate, and was used in general for the members
of the assembly and for spectators.

Within the tent was erected a magnificent
throne, intended for the use of the emperor dur-
ing the sessions of the assembly.

A great amount of important business was
transacted by the assembly while it continued
in session, and many important edicts were
made by the emperor. The constitution and
laws of the empire were promulgated anew, and
all necessary arrangements made for the gov-
ernment of the various provinces both near and
remote.

At length, when these various objects had

1224.] Grand Celebrations. 329

Leave-taking. The assembly is dismissed.

been accomplished, and the business was con-
cluded, the emperor gave audience individually
to all the princes, khans, generals, governors of
provinces, and other grand dignitaries who were
present on the occasion, in order that they
might take their leave preparatory to return-
ing to their several countries. When this cer-
emony was concluded the encampment was
broken up, and the various khans set off, each
at the head of his own caravan, on the road
leading to his own home.

330 Genghis Khan. [1227.

Death of the khan's oldest son.

Chapter XXIY.
Conclusion.

AFTER the grand convocation described
in the last chapter, Genghis Khan lived
only three years. During this time he went
on extending his conquests with the same tri-
umphant success that had attended his previous
operations. Having at length established his
dominion in Western Asia on a permanent
basis, he returned to the original seat of his
empire in the East, after seven years' absence,
where he was received with great honor by the
Mongul nation. He began again to extend his
conquests in China. He was very successful.
Indeed, with the exception of one great calam-
ity which befell him, his career was one of con-
tinued and unexampled prosperity.

This calamity was the death of his son Jughi,
his oldest, most distinguished, and best-beloved
son. The news of this event threw the khan
into a deep melancholy, so that for a time he
lost all his interest in public affairs, and even
the news of victories obtained in distant coun-

1227.] Conclusion. 331

Effects of this calamity. Plans for the invasion of China.

tries by his armies ceased to awaken any joyful
emotions in his mind.

The khan was now, too, becoming quite ad-
vanced in life, being about sixty -four years old,
which is an age at which the mind is slow to
recover its lost elasticity. He did, however,
slowly recover from the effects of his grief, and
he then went on with his warlike preparations.
He had conquered all the northern portion of
China, and was now making arrangements for
a grand invasion of the southern part, when at
length, in the spring of the year 1227, he fell
sick. He struggled against the disease during
the summer, but at length, in August, he found
himself growing worse, and felt that his end
was drawing nigh.

His mind was occupied mainly, during all
this interval, by arranging the details of the
coming campaign, and making known to the
officers around him all the particulars of his
plans, in order that they might carry them out
successfully after his decease. He was chiefly
concerned, as well he might be, lest the gener-
als should quarrel among each other after he
should be gone, and he continually exhorted
them to be united, and on no account to allow
discord or dissensions to creep in and divide
them.

332 Genghis Khan. [1227.

The khan's sons. Hid sickness. Change for the worse.

His oldest son, next to Jughi, was Jagatay,
but lie was of a mild and amiable temper, and
not so well qualified to govern so widely -ex-
tended an empire as the next son, whose name
was Oktay. The next son to Oktay, whose
name was Toley, was with his father at the
time when his sickness at last assumed an im-
mediately alarming character.

This change for the worse, which convinced
the emperor that his death was drawing nigh,
took place one day when he was traveling with
a portion of his army, being borne on a litter
on account of his infirm and feeble condition.
A halt was ordered, a camp was formed, and
the great conqueror was borne to a tent which
was pitched for him on the spot near the bor-
ders of the forest. The physicians and the as-
trologers came around him, and tried to com-
fort him with encouraging predictions, but he
knew by the pains that he felt, and by other
inward sensations, that his hour had come.

He accordingly ordered that all of his sons
who were in the camp, and all the princes of
his family, should be called in to his bedside.
When they had all assembled, he caused him-
self to be raised up in his bed, and then made
a short but very solemn address to them.

"I leave you." said lie, " the greatest empire

1227.] Conclusion. 333

Farewell address. He claims the right to name his successor.

in the world, but your preserving it depends
upon your remaining always united. If dis-
cord steals in among you all will most assured-
ly be lost."

Then, turning to the great chieftains and
khans, who were standing by — the great nobles
of his court- — he appealed to them, as well as to
the princes of his family, whether it was not
just and reasonable that he, who had establish-
ed the empire, and built it up wholly from the
very foundations, should have the right to name
a successor to inherit it after he was gone.

They all expressed a full assent to this prop-
osition. His sons and the other princes of his
family fell on their knees and said, " You are
our father and our emperor, and we are your
slaves. It is for us to bow in submission to
all the commands with which you honor us,
and to render the most implicit obedience to
them."

The khan then proceeded to announce to the
assembly that he had made choice of his son
Oktay as his successor, and he declared him the
khan of khans, which was the imperial title,
according to the constitution.

The whole assembly then kneeled again, and
solemnly declared that they accepted the choice
which the emperor had made, and promised al-

334 Genghis Khan. [1227.

Other arrangements. Death of the emperor. His grave and monument.

legiance and fidelity to the new sovereign so
soon as lie should be invested with power.

The aged emperor then gave to his second
son, Jagatay, a large country for his kingdom,
which, however, he was, of course, to hold un-
der the general sovereignty of his brother. He
also appointed his son Toley, who was then
present, to act as regent until Oktay should
return. •

The assembly was then dismissed, and very
soon afterward the great conqueror died.

Toley, of course, immediately entered upon
his office as regent, and under his direction the
body of his father was interred, with great mag-
nificence, under a venerable tree, where the
khan had rested himself with great satisfaction
a few days before he was taken sick.

The spot was a very beautiful one, and in
due time a magnificent monument was erected
over the grave. Trees were afterward planted
around the spot, and other improvements were
made in the grounds, by which it became, at
length, it was said, one of the finest sepulchres
in the world.

As soon as Oktay, whom the emperor had
designated as his successor, returned home, he
was at once proclaimed emperor, and establish-
ed himself at his father's court. The news of

1227.] Conclusion. 335

Visits of condolence to the ne-w emperor. Fate of the empire.

the old emperor's death, rapidly spread through-
out Asia, and a succession of embassadors were
sent from all the provinces, principalities, and
kingdoms throughout the empire, and also from
such contiguous states as desired to maintain
friendly relations with the new monarch, to
bring addresses and messages of condolence
from their respective rulers. And so great was
the extent of country from which these embas-
sadors came that a period of six months was
consumed before these melancholy ceremonies
were ended.

The fate of the grand empire which Genghis
Khan established was the same with that of all
others that have arisen in the world, from time
to time, by the extension of the power of great
military commanders over widely-separated and
heterogeneous nations. The sons and success-
ors to whom the vast possessions descended
soon quarreled among themselves, and the im-
mense fabric fell to pieces in less time than it
had taken to construct it.

The End.

a