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975^ g GTN'^''' ^^"^^' COLLECTION 



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New York: 11 East Seventeenih Street. 

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Copyright, 1SS3, 

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The Eiverside Press, Cambridge : 
Electrotjped and Printed by II. 0. Uoughton & Co. 



Mu dTatfter, 




My purpose is to write a Mstory of Georgia from the earliest 
times down to a period within the memory of the living. In the 
execution of this design two volumes are now offered to the pub- 
lic. They embrace the aboriginal epoch, a narrative of discovery 
and primal exploration, schemes of colonization, the settlement 
under Oglethorpe, and the life of the Province under the guid- 
ance of the Trustees, under the control of a President and Assist- 
ants, under the supervision of Royal Governors, and during the 
Revolutionary War. They conclude with the erection of Georgia 
into an independent State. All available sources of information 
have been utilized. That the relation should respond to the gen- 
uine circumstance and true philosophy of the action has been the 
author's care. Wherever the faithful record and a lively recital 
of facts could best be presented in the language of contempora- 
I neons documents of admitted authenticity, they have been re- 

1 produced. The two concluding volumes, which will deal with 

I Georgia as a commonwealth, are in course of preparation, 

i A historian, says Lord Macaulay, must possess an imagination 

1 sufficiently powerful to make his narrative affecting and pictur- 

i esque. Yet he must control it so absolutely as to content him- 

' self with the materials which he finds, and to refrain from sup- 

I Pb'^'^g deficiencies by additions of his own. He must exercise a 

self-command which will enable him to abstain from casting his 
facts in the mould of his hypothesis. 

Whether the author has succeeded in his honest effort to ob- 
serve these injunctions, let the candid reader decide. 
Augusta, Georgia, October, 18S3. 




Aboriginal Population. — Tiie IManners, Manufactures, Amuse- 
DIANS OF THE Sixteenth Century 1 

Early Voyages. — Expedition of Hernando de Soto 34 


Grant to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina. — Early Posts 
South of the Savannah River. — Spanish Mining Operations 

ERNOR Moore's Expedition. — Mission of Sir Alexander Cum- 
ing. — Sale and Surrender by the Lords Proprietors ... 67 


James Edward Oglethorpe. — English Prisons. — Miseries of In- 
solvent Debtors. — Scheme for the Colonization of Georgia. — 

- Royal Charter granted to Oglethorpe and his Associates. — 
Analysis of that Charter 82 


Acceptance of the Charter by the Corporators. — Their Organ- 
ization perfected. — The Corpouate Seal. — Subscriptions so- 
licited. — The Scheme of Colonization as unfolded by the 
Trustees. — Oglethorpe's Appeal to the Public. — IVIaktyn's 
Reasons for estabushlng the Colony of Georgia 90 


Regulations established by the Trustees. — Grants in Tail Male 



Preparations for the First Embarkation. — Oglethorpe leads 
THE Colonists. — Departure in the Galley Anne, — Arrival 
AND Reception at Charlestown, South Carolina. — Oglethorpe 
visits Yamacraw Bluff. — His First Interview with Tomo-chi- 
cui. — The Colonists land at Savannah 113 


Early Labors or the Colonists at Savannah. — Oglethorpe's Let- 
ters TO THE Trustees. — Communication and Resolutions of the 
Genteral Assembly of South Carolina. — Assistance from Pri- 
vate Parties in Carolina. — Account of the Progress of the 
Colonization written by a Gentleman from Charlestown. — 
Oglethorpe visits Charlestown and addresses the General As- 
sembly. — Congratulations from Pennsylvania and Massachu- 
setts 121 


Oglethorpe's Conciliatory Conduct toward the Indians. — Char- 
acter AND Influence of Tomo-chi-chi. — Georgia's Debt of Grat- 
itude TO this JNIico. — Convention of Chiefs. — Articles of 
Friendship and Commerce proposed and ratified 132 


Arrival of the Stiip James. — Fort Argyle built and garrisoned. 
— The Vill.vges of High Gate and Hampstead located and peo- 
pled. — Forts at Thunderbolt and Skidoway Island. — Joseph's 
Town. — Abercorn. — Irene. — The Horse-Quarter. — Early 


Tybee Lighthouse. — Plan of Savannah. — Its Squares, Streets, 
Wards, and Tithixgs. — Arrival of Hebrew Immigrants. — Deed 
showing First Allotment ok Town Lots, Garden Lots, and Farms 
IN Savannah, and cont.vining the Names of the Origin^vl 
Grantees 140 



Oglethorpe makes a RecoxnoisSxVnce of tue Southern Frontier 
OF the Province. — He inspects Fout Argyli:. — Inducements 
offered to the SalzburCtErs to emigrate to Georgia. — Their 
Settlement at Ebenezer. — Von Reck's Description of Savan- 
nah. — His Tribute to Oglethorpe. — Palachocolas. — Receipts 
AND Expenditures on Behalf of the Trust. — Oglethorpe de- 
parts for England 163 


Tomo-chi-chi and Retinue accompany Oglethorpe to England. — 
Ode to the Mico. — Entertainment of the Indians in London 
and its Environs. — Return to Georgia. — Happy Influences 
exerted by this visit 174 


Religiojjs Instruction OF THE Colonists and the Indians. — Fred- 
erica named, and its Settlement authorized by the Trustees. 
— Oglethorpe resumes temporarily his Seat in Parliament. — 
Introduction of Rum and Slaves into Georgia prohibited by 
Special Enactjient. — Causton in Charge of the Colony. — Silk 
Culture. — Stalwart Colonists selected for the Southern 
Frontiers. — Rules of the Trustees for the Year 1735. — Ar- 
rival of the Moravians. — Their History in Georgia. — Scotch 
Immigration from Inverness. — The Darien Settlement formed 
on the Alatamaha 187 


Rev. John Wesley engaged as a Missionary. — Dr. Burton's 
Advice to Him. — The Great Embarkation. — Antecdotes of 
Oglethorpe during his Return Voyage to Georgia. — Arrival 
of the Symond and the London IMerchant at Tybee Roads. — 
Accessions to the Populations of Ebenezer and Irene. — The 
Salzburgers desire a Change of Location. — Their Removal to 
New Ebenezer on the Savannah River. — Martyn's Account of 
THE New Settlement 202 


Anecdote of Tomo-chi-chi. — Oglethorpe accommodates Disputes 
between the indians and certain trespassers from carolina. 
— Augusta located and settled. — Francis Moore's Description 


OF Savannah. — Oglethorpe proceeds to St. Simon's Island and 

RIVED Immigr.vnts to St. Simon's Island. — Description of Fred- 
erica, — Forts St. Andrew, St. Simon, and George. — Oglethorpe 
ascertains the Boundary Line between Georgia and Florida. 
— Indian Dance 215 


Fkederica a Military Town. — Mission of Mr. Dempsey and INIajor 
KiCHARDS. — Amicable Relations established between Georgia 
AND Florida. — Oglethorpe's Interview with the Spanish Of- 
ficials. — Subsequently the Spaniards call upon the English 
to evacuate all Territory lying South of St. Helena Sound. — 
Conference with South Carolina Commissioners in Regard to 
the Indian Trade. — Oglethorpe departs a Second Time for 


Dispute between Georgia and Carolina with Regard to the Navi- 
gation OF THE Savannah River. — Disagreements between the i 
Salzburgers, some Caroonians, and the Uchee Indians. — The j 
Home Government memorialized by the Trustees to furnish | 
Troops and Munitions of War for the Protection of Georgia | 
against the Spaniards. — Oglethorpe empowered to raise a ! 
Regiment, and promoted to the Rank of Colonel. — Appointed j 
General, and Commander-in-Chief of his Majesty's Forces in 
Carolina and Georgia. — Returns to Georgia with his Regi- 
ment. — Military Operations at Frederica. — Spies in Camp. — 
Oglethorpe's Resolution and Energy. — Conference at Savan- 
nah with the Indians. — Causton's Defalcation and Removal. 
— William Stephens. — Depressed Condition of the Finances 
of the Colony. — Oglethorpe's Generosity 256 

The Brothers John and Charles Wesley in Georgia 275 


Mutiny in Oglethorpe's Regiment. — Attempt to assassinate the 
General. — Nkgro Insurrection in South Carolina. — Ogle- 
thorpe DENIES Causton's Insinuations. — Rev. Mr. Norris. — 
Grant of £20,000 by Paruament. — ^Magistrates and Freehold- 


ERS OF Savannah appi.y to the Trustees for Fee SixMple Titles 
TO Land, and for the Privilege of Introducing Negro Slaves. — 
The Highlanders at Daimen and the Salzuurgers at Ebenezer 
protest against the Admission of Slavery. — Oglethorpe coun- 
CONTENTS. — Depressed Condition of the Province. — The Trus- 


Dissensions among the Officers of Oglethorpe's Regiment. — 
Oglethorpe visits Charlestown and exhibits to the General 
Assembly of Carolina his Commission as Commander-in-Chief. 

— Report of the Condition of the Colony in 1739. — Oglethorpe 
visits Coweta Town. — Conference and Treaty with the In- 
dians. — Oglethorpe at Savannah. — Last Illness and Death 
OF ToMO-CHi-cHi. — Impending War with Spain. — The Southern 
Frontier strengthened. — Spanish Outrage on Amelia Island. 

— Oglethorpe retaliates, burns Fort Picolata, and captures 
AND garrisons Fort Francis de Papa. — He applies for Addi- 
tional Boats, Artillery, and Munitions 314 


Oglethorpe prepares for an Advance upon St. Augustine. — Aid 


Augustine. — Oglethorpe's Cottage near Frederica. — Descrip- 
tion OF Frederica in 1740. — Village of St. Simon. — Military 
Posts on the Southern Frontier. — Village of Barrimacke. — 
Efficient Services rendered by Indian Allies 326 


Oglethorpe renews his Demand for Men-of-"\Var and [Military 
Stores. — Scurrilous Attacks upon Oglethorpe and the Trus- 
tees' Servants. — Spanish Forces concentrated for the Subju- 
gation OF Georgia. — Attack upon St. Simon's Island, and its 
Heroic Defense conducted by Oglethorpe. — Narratives of 
this Important Affair. — Oglethorpe's Counter Blow delivered , 
against Florida. — Descriptions of Frederica in 17-13. — Ogle- 
thorpe's Departure for England. — His Character, Subsequent 
Career, and Death 341 


Mr. William Stephens appointed President of the Province. — 
CiVLL Estabusiiment at Frederica. — State of the Colony. — 


Silk Culture. — Increase and Tiirtft of the German Population. 

— Affairs AT New Euenezer. — Grape Culture 370 


Oglethorpe's Intercourse with and Influence o\t:r the Indian 
Nations. — Plot of Christian Priber. — Explosion of the Bojib- 
Magazine at Frederica. — Mary Musgrove. — Thomas Bosom- 
worth. — Memorial of Mary Bosomworth. — Malatche Opiya 


Bosomworth, her Husband, and a Large Eetinue op Indians. 

— Adjustment of the Bosomworth Claim 380 


The Eev. George Whitefield. — Hon. James H.vbersham. — Be- 
THESDA Orphan House. — Wiiitefield's Exertions in its Behalf. 

— Anecdote of Benjamin Franklin. — Plan to Convert the 
Orphan House into a Seminary of Learning. — Whitefield's 
Memorial. — Address of the General Assembly. — Governor 
Wright's Response. — Bartram's Description of Bethesda. — 
Fate of this Eleemosynary Scheme 400 


The Colony under President Stephens. — Practical Evasion of 
the Regulation prohibiting the Introduction of Negro Slaves. 

— The President, Assistants, AND People repeat their Prayer 
for the Allowance of Slavery. — Response of the Trustees. — 
Slavery Permitted. — Proposition to subordinate Georgia to 
South Carolina. — Case of Captain Demetree. — Abrogation 
of the Act forbidding the Importation and Manufacture of 

Rum and other Distilled Liquors. — Land Tenures enlarged. 

Sola Bills. — Fidelity of the Trustees. — Commercial House 

OF Harris & Habersha.m ^q 


Mission of Pickering Robinson and James Habersham. — Filature 
erected in Savannah. — Encouragement of the Silk Culture. — 

A Provincial Assembly authorized and convened. Its First 

Session, its Composition, and its Proceedings. — The Trustees 
protest against the Annexation of Georgia to South Carolina. 
— • Organization of the Colonial Militia. — First General Mus- 
ter, — Conservators of the Peace named. — Their Powers. — 
Mary Bosomworth's Demand. — Religious Toleration. — Ru- 
mored Uprising OF the Cukrokees. — Review of the Policy of 
the Trustees. — Their Nam es, Occupations, and Conduct. — Cler- 
gymen. — Churches. — Religious Denominations 432 



The Trustees surrender their Charter and Georgia passes into 
THE Hands of the Crown. —Deed of Surrender.— Servants 
OF the Trustees continued in Office tending the Erection of a 
KoYAL Government. — Patrick Graham succeeds Mr. Parker as 
President. — Population and Condition of Georgia in 1753. — 
RoYAu Plan for the Establishment of a Civil Government. — 
Captain John Reynolds appointed as first Royal Governor. — 
His Powers and Duties. — Public Seal. — Georgia dltring the 
Interregnum. — The Lieutenant-Governor. — The Cou>xil. — 
Qu.vlifications of Electors and of Representatives. — The Com- 
mons House of Assembly. — The General Assembly. — The 
Courts. — Thh Chief Justice and Associate Justices. — The 
Provost Marshal 4^0 


Governor Reynolds' Administration. — Report to the Lords Com- 
missioners of Trade and Plantations of the Condition of the 
Colony. — Hardwicke suggested as the Capital of Georgia. — 
Establishment of the General Court, the Court of Chancery, 
the Court of Oyer and Terminer, the Court of Admiralty, 
Magistrates' Courts, and Special Courts for the Trial of 
Slaves.— Convocation of the General Assembly. — Governor 
Reynolds' Inaugural Address, and Responses of both Houses. — 
Legislative Acts. — Militia and Slave Laws. — Edmund Grey, 

— Surrender of Former Grants, and Substitution of New Con- 
veyances FROM THE Crown 4G8 


Midway District. — The Dorchester Society. — Its Removal from 
Dorchester and Bekch Isla:>:d in South Carolina and Settle- 
ment in the Midway District. — The Town of Sunbury .... 491 


Indian Presents distributed at Augusta. — Arrival of Acadians. 

— DeBrahm's Colony at Bethany. — Military Condition of the 
Province. — Governor Reynolds' and Captain DeBrahm's Rep- 
resentation of the Forts ant) Garrisons necessary for the 
Defense of Georgia. — Suggestion to purchase One Hundred 
AND Fifty Negro Slaves with which to construct the Requi- 
site Fortifications. — Disagreements between the Executive 
AND the General Assembly. — Dr. Wiluam Little. — Reynolds' 
Administration of Public Affairs criticised. — He is recalled, 
and Henry Ellis is named as Lieutenant-Governor. — Governor 
Reynolds resigns, and resumes ms Station in the British Navy u02 


Lieutenant-Governor Ellis arrives in Georgia and is heartily 


ITY OF THE New Chief Magistrate. — He visits the Southern 
Frontier and recommends the of the Seat of Govern- 
ment FROM Savannah to Hardwicke. — Courtesies exchanged 
between the Executive and the General Assembly. — Georgia 
Dn'iDED INTO Eight Parishes. — Legislative Enactments. — Pro- 
vision for the Establishment, Incorporation, and Support of 
Churches. — Ellis' Report on the Condition of the Province in 
1758. — Ellis coM>nssiONED Governor. — Georgia unable to as- 
sist in the War against the French in America. — Conference 
AND Treaty with the Indians at Savannah. — Edmund Grey and 
his Adherents. — Heat at Savannah. — Governor Ellis in ill 
Health solicits a Recall. — James "Wright appointed his Suc- 
cessor. — Departure of Gov'ernor Ellis 515 













Aboriginal Population. — The M.vnners, Manufactttres, Amtsemexts, 
Employments, and CnARACTERiSTics of the Southern Indians of 
THE Sixteenth Century. 

When the colony of Georgia was foundecl, the ceded lands 
lying between the Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers and 
extending from their head-Avaters indefinitely toward the west 
were occupied by Indians whose principal settlements were es- 
tablished in the vicinity of streams, in rich valleys, and upon the 
sea-islands. The middle and lower portions of this and the ad- 
jacent territory were claimed by the Muskhogees, or Creeks, con- 
sisting of many tribes and associated together in a strong con- 
federacy. North of them dwelt the Cherokees, — a brave and 
comely race, — numbering some six thousand warriors, inhabit- 
ing the hilly and mountainous parts of the country, and exer- 
cising dominion even beyond the Tennessee River whei'c they 
were confronted by the Shawneos. The entire region permeated 
by the sources and upper tributaries of the Coosa, the Chatta- 
hoochee, the Savannah, the Santee, and the Yadkin was held 
by them. Between the Cherokees and the jNIuskhogees the di- 
vision line followed Broad River and, generally, the thirty-fourth 
parallel of north latitude. 

East of these nations resided the Yemassees, the Stonoes, the 
Edistoes, the Westoes, the Savannahs, and the Catawbas ; while, 
on the west, stretching away even to the iMississippi River, were 
domiciled the Alibamons, the Choctaws, the Natchez, and the 

The population of the Upper and Lower Creeks dwelling 
within the territorial limits oE the Province of Georgia at the 
date of its settlement was estimated at fifteen thousand men, 
women, and children. When, however, we remember that the 


lands possessed by the Muskliogee confederacy — compreliendina 
the seats of the Seminoles in Florida — ^Yere bounded on the 
west by Mobile River and by the ridge which separates the wa- 
ters of the Tombigbee from those of the Alabama, on the north 
by the Cherokecs, on the north and east by the Savannah River, 
and othervrise by the Atlantic Ocean and the Gulf of iJexico, 
the aggregate number of inhabitants acknowledging allegiance to 
that confederation must have been much greater. ' 

The Muskhogees constituted the prevailing nation, and are 
said to have furnished rather more than seven eighths of the peo- 
ples composing the confederacy. The Hitcliittees, residing on 
the Chattahoochee and Flint rivers, although originally a dis- 
tinct people, spoke the Muskhogee dialect and formed a com- 
ponent tribe of the Creek confederation. 

The Seminoles, or Isty Semoles (wild men), were pure iMusk- 
hogees, and received that name because they subsisted cliiefly 
by hunting and were little given to agricultural pursuits. They 
inhabited the peninsula of Florida. Both the Muskhogees and 
the Hitcliittees claimed to be autochthonous : the former assert- 
ing that their nation in the beginning issued out of a cave near 
the Alabama River, and the latter boasting that their ancestors 
had fallen from the sky. 

By the Choctaws was Captain Romans informed that in the 
olden time they walked forth in great numbers from a hole in 
the ground, situated between their territory and that of the Chi- 

The Uchees and Natchez both yielded obedience to the Musk- 
bogee confederacy. Of the former the original seats are sup- 
posed to have been east of the Coosa. They proclaimed them- 
selves the most ancient inhabitants of the country, and it has 
been suggested that they were the peoples called Appalaches by 
the historians of De Soto's expedition. Their land abounded in 
towns and in subsistence. Early in the eighteenth century they 
dwelt upon the western bank of the Savannah River, and as 
late as 1730 claimed the country above and below the town of 
Augusta. The name of a creek in Columbia County perpetuates 
to the present day their memory and the fact of their former 
occupancy of this region. 

Forsaking their old habitat on the left bank of the INIississippi 
River, and journeying eastward, the Natchez associated them- 
selves with the Creeks not very many years prior to the advent 
of Oglethorpe. 


Among the pi^incipal towns of the Creeks may be mentioned 
Ciissetah, Cowetah, Takawbatchie, and Oscoochee. The Musk- 
ho!^ee, the Ilitehittee, the Uchee, the Natchez, and the Alibamon 
or Coosada, "were the languages generally spoken by the various 
tribes composing the Creek confederacy. Captain Romans enu- 
merates remnants of the Cawittas, Talepoosas, Coosas, Apalachias, 
Conshacs or Coosades, Oakmulgis, Oconis, Okchoys, Alibamons, 
Natchez, Weetumkus, Pakanas, Taensas, Chacsihoomas, Abekas, 
and of other tribes whose names he did not recollect, all calling 
themselves 3InsJcGlcee8 and constituting what was known as the 
Creek Confederation. 

On the 12tli of JNIarch, 1733, Oglethorpe reported the Upper 
and Lower Creeks and the Uchees as the three most powerful 
Indian nations in Georgia dwelling between the coast and the 
mountains. The Lower Creeks possessed nine towns or can- 
tons, and their warriors were estimated by him at one thousand. 
The military strength of the Upper Creeks lie reckons at eleven 
hundred men capable of bearing arms ; while the Uchees were, 
at that time, supposed to be incapable of bringing into the field 
more than two hundred bowmen. This computation of the pop- 
ulation of these peoples, vaguely formed, was manifestly inade- 

In perpetuating his impressions of the physical characteristics 
[ of these Southern Indians, jNIr. Bartram writes : " The males of 

I the Cherokees, Muscogulgees, Siminoles, Chicasaws, Chactaws, 

\ and confederate tribes of the Creeks are tall, erect, and moder- 

I ately robust ; their limbs are well shaped, so as generally to form 

I a perfect human figure ; their features regular and countenance 

[ open, dignified, and placid, yet the forehead and brow so formed 

I as to strike you instantly with heroism and bravery ; the eye, 

[ though rather small, active and full of fire ; the iris always black, 

t and the nose commonly inclining to the aquiline. Their coun- 

I tenance and actions exhibit an air of magnanimity, superiority, 

I and independence. Their complexion of a reddish-brown or cop- 

per color ; their hair long, lank, coarse, and black as a raven, 
and reflecting the like lustre at different exposures to the light. 
The women of the Cherokees are tall, slender, erect, and of a 
delicate frame ; their features formed with perfect symmetry, 
their countenance cheerful and friendly ; and they move with a 
becoming grace and dignity. 

"The iMuscogulgee women, though remarkably short of stature, 
are well formed ; their visage round, features regular and beau- 


tiful, the brow high and arched, the eye huge, black, and lan- 
guishing, expressive of modesty, diffidence, and bashfulnoss. 
These charms are their defensive and ofTensive weapons, and 
they know very well how to play them oil ; and under cover of 
these alluring graces are concealed the most subtle artifices ; 
'^tliey are, however, loving and affectionate. They are, I believe, 
the smallest race of women yet known, seldom above five feet 
high, and I believe the greater number never arrive to that 
stature ; their hands and feet not larger than those of Europeans 
of nine or ten years of age : yet the men are of gigantic stature, 
a full size larger than Europeans ; many of them above six feet, 
and few under that, or five feet eight or ten inches. Their com- 
plexion much darker than any of the tribes to the north of them 
that I have seen. This description will, I believe, comprehend 
the Muscogulges, their confederates the Chtictaws, and, I believe, 
the Chicasaws (though I have never seen tlieir women), except- 
ing some bands of the Siminoles, Uches, and Savaunucas, who are 
rather taller and slenderer, and their complexion brighter. The 
Cherokees are yet taller and more robust than the ]Muscogulges, 
and by far the largest race of men I have seen ; their com- 
plexions brighter and somewhat of the olive cast, especially the 
adults ; and some of their young women are nearly as fair and 
blooming as Europeans. 

"The Cherokees in their dispositions and manners are grave 
and steady ; dignified and circumspect in their deportment ; 
rather slow and reserved in conversation, yet frank, cheerful, and 
humane ; tenacious of the liberties and natural rights of man ; 
secret, deliberate, and determined in their councils ; honest, just, 
and liberal, and ready always to sacrifice every pleasure and 
gratification, even their blood and life itself, to defend their terri- 
tory and maintain their rights. . . . The national character of 
the iMuscogulgees, when considered in a political view, exhibits 
a portraiture of a great or illustrious hero. A proud, haughty, 
and arrogant race of men, they are brave and valiant in war, 
ambitious of conquest, restless, and perpetually exercising their 
arms, yet magnanimous and merciful to a vanquished enemy 
when he submits and seeks their friendship and protectioji ; al- 
ways uniting the vanquished tribes in confederacy with them, 
when they immediately enjoy, unexceptionably, every right of 
free citizens, and are, from that moment, united in one common 
band of brotherhood. They were never known to exterminate 
a tribe, except the Yemasees, who would never submit on any 


lenus, but fought it out to the last; only about forty or fifty of 
tliem escaping at the last decisive battle, who threw themselves 
under the protection of the Spaniards at St. Augustine. . . . The 
.Muscogulgees are more volatile, sprightly, and talkative than 
their northern neighbors, the Cherokees." ^ 

James Adair, who resided for forty years among the Chero- 
kees, furnishes a most valuable account of these peoples who 
occupied a charming country and numbered among their settle- 
ments sixty-four towns and villages. 

To Oglethorpe, Sir Alexander Cuming, Baron Von Reck, and 
others, are we indebted for early notices of this aboriginal popu- 
lation ; but it had then been already shocked by European inva- 
sion and demoralized by unscrupulous traders. 

Pretermitting, therefore, such narratives as introduce ns to an 
acquaintance with these Indian tribes as they appeared a hun- 
dred and fifty years ago, let us turn to an earlier period in their 
history, contemplating the Southern nations, their habits, manu- 
factures, amusements, employments, and characteristics as they 
existed in the sixteenth century. 

It will not be forgotten that at the epoch to which our atten- 
tion will now be directed Georgia, then without a name, formed 
a part of ancient Florida, a wide domain whose nether and east- 
ern shores were v,'aslied by the waters of the Gulf of Mexico and 
of the Atlantic Ocean, whose northern boundary confronted Vir- 
ginia of the olden time, and whose western confines, stretch- 
ing even beyond the jMeschachipi River, were guarded by un- 
known seas. We speak of Florida and its native population 
as knov.-n to De Leon, De Soto, Cabega de Vaca, Ribault, and 

When the Europeans first visited the territory embraced within 
and adjacent to the limits of the modern State of Georgia, they 
found it peopled by Indian tribes, well organized, occupying per- 
manent seats, and largely engaged in the cultivation of maize, 
beans, pumpkins, melons, and fruits of several sorts. In the 
vicinity of Tampa Bay, Baltazar de Gallegos, who had been dis- 
patched by De Soto upon a reconnoitring expedition, observed 
extensive tracts tilled b}^ the natives, the products of which he 
reported "suflicient to subsist a large army witliout its knowing 
a want;" and we are told that the followers of the Adelantado 
on one occasion marched for two leajiues throucrh continuous 
fields of corn. 

^ Travels lliroufjh North and South Carolina, Geonjia, etc., p. 4S1. London, 17'J2. 


The walnut, the hickory, the pecan, and other nut-bearing 
trees were watched and nurtured. Their fruit was industriously 
gathered, cracked, and boiled, and the oil thence obtained — 
" clear as butter and of a good taste," says the gentleman of 
Elvas — was preserved in earthen jars. But for the food and 
forage procured from fields cultivated by the natives and found 
in primitive granaries, the Spaniards and their horses would 
often have been sorely pinched by hunger. 

These ancient plantations were located in rich valleys where 
a generous soil yielded with least labor the most remunerative 
harvest, upon islands, and in the vicinity of streams where the 
products of the earth were readily supplemented by the fishes of 
the waters and the game of the forests. In clearing them the 
grooved axe was freely employed for girdling the trees. The 
circulation being thus interrupted, these trees perished, and were , 
either consumed by fire or suffered to fall down and rot piece- i 
meal. I 

While tribes claimed specific boundary lines, while to nations I 
and confederacies were accorded recognized territorial limits, and ! 
while in such public domain, with its rivers, lakes, and woods, i 
each Indian exercised equal rights and privileges for the pur- I 
poses of travel, hunting, and fishing, a special or temporary own- 
ership was admitted in lands cultivated by individual labor, j 
The town plantation, if at first cleared by the united effort of 
the communit}^, was subsequently parceled out among its mem- 
bers who were thereafter entitled to reap the fruits of their per- 
sonal industry. Each year, at the appointed season, under the 
superintendence of overseers, the inhabitants of the town, as one 
family, prepared the ground and sowed the seed. Upon the in- 
gathering of the harvest each Indian deposited in his private 
crib the yield of his particular lot, contributing, however, a cer- 
tain portion to the public granary or king's storehouse. These 
public granaries — built of wood, clay, and stones, and covered 
with poles, earth, and palmetto leaves — served also as deposito- 
ries for dried fishes, alligators, dogs, deer, and other jerked meats. 
From them were tlie chiefs supplied, and their stores were ex- 
pended in entertainment of travelers, guests, and distinguished 
strangers. Should the private crib of a member of the commu- 
nity be destroyed by fire, or should want overtake any one, by 
the king's command he was assisted from the public granaiy. 
Thence, also, did warriors draw rations when setting out upon 
an expedition. 


Besides liis lot in the general plantation, each inhabitant of 
the village cultivated a garden spot near his habitation, where 
jnelons, beans, and other vegetables were produced. 

The principal agricultural implements in vogue were wooden 
mattocks, scapulas of deer and buffalo, large fish bones, wooden 
sticks for piercing holes in the ground, and stone spades and 
hoes. Of the latter three varieties may be mentioned : one, a 
large leaf-sliaped implement, another a sort of grooved adze, and 
the third the notched hoe. 

The green corn was boiled in earthen vessels or roasted in the 
fire. When dry, the seeds were parched and then pulverized. 
For this purpose, crushing stones, wooden and stone mortars, 
rollers, and pestles were employed. While most of these stone 
mortars were formed from fiat bowlders taken from the beds of 
neighboring streams, — their surfaces being hollowed out to the 
depth of a few inches, — others may be seen manufactured of 
ferruginous quartz, symmetrical in shape, accurately fasliioned, 
beautifully polished, and capable of holding a quart or more. In 
some localities we behold permanent mortars scooped out of 
large bowlders or rocks, which appear to have been regarded and 
used as public property. 

Were we not precluded by the general scope of this chapter, 
it would be interesting to describe the ceremonies and festivals 
observed by these primitive peoples when planting and harvest- 
ing the maize, and the various methods adopted by them in its 
preparation as an article of food. Perhaps nothing tended so 
surely to develop and consolidate the Southern tribes, and to 
render permanent their habitations, as the general and regular 
cultivation of this important American plant. Regarded as a 
direct gift from the Author of life, and held in special esteem, 
it was not permitted to treat lightly either the grain or the cob. 

In the neighborhood of their corn fields were villages, play- 
grounds, tumuli, fish-preserves, and defensive works. Encouraged 
by their improved possessions to forego the uncertainties and pri- 
vations of a nomadic life, long prior to the dawn of the historic 
period these peoples had become provident of the future, obedient 
to the will of rulers, jealous of the conservation of their homes, 
attached to fixed abodes, and, to a certain degree, tolerant of 

Rlbault thus describes a native village on the Florida coast : 
"Their houses be made of wood fitly and close; set upriglit and 
covered with reeds ; the most part of them after the fashion of a 


pavilion. But there was one house among the rest very long 
and broad, with settles about made of reeds, trimly couched 
together, which serve them both for beds and seats ; they be of 
height two foot from the ground, set upon great round j)illars 
painted with red, yellow, and blue, well and trimly polished." 
Of these ancient towns it may be stated that they were generally 
small, circular in outline, and defended by stockades, inserted iu 
the ground and inclosing spaces varying from two to fifty acres. 
To strengthen and maintain them securely in their upright posi- 
tion, the lower ends of these stockades were reinforced b}'^ earth 
thrown against them from within and without. Such an addition 
contributed materially to the safety of the inclosure ; and it is not 
improbable that some of the old earth-walls and parapets, still 
extant in Soutliern valleys, indicate the lines of pahsades anciently 
planted for the protection of these towns. 

Occasionally timbers were placed athwart the piles, and the 
spaces between the uprights were rammed with straw and clay. 
The town of Mauvila, where De Soto encountered such loss and 
determined resistance at the hands of the lion-hearted Alibamons, 
was thus fortified. Its defensive line, in the language of 
Herrera, " looked like a wall smoothed with a trowel." These 
walls, looplioled for archers, were strengthened by towers, and at 
the gateways or entrances guard-houses were located in which 
sentinels kept watch. 

The dwelling of the mico usually occupied a central position 
in the village. It was either sunk below the level of the ground 
to avoid the heat, or was elevated upon an artificial mound. 
Around, in the order of rank, were congregated the houses of 
the chiefs and principal men. The cabins of the common people 
were circular or parallelograramic in plan, the walls being made 
of upright poles, and the roofs covered with cane, palmetto leaves, 
moss, or earth. The summer houses were open, while those in- 
tended for occupancy during the winter were often plastered 
with cla3\ In man}' instances, particularly during hot weather, 
the cooking was done outside of the cabins, and in small struc- 
tures specially built for that purpose. Around the residences 
of the chiefs — which were more ample than those of the com- 
mon people - — extended deep balconies, furnished with mats and 
cane seats. Each village had its large council-house where public 
deliberations were held. 

Sometimes, as at Talomeco, there was a mausoleum, or 
temple, wherein reposed the skeletons of dead micos and priests. 


This was sup|)leinenteJ by a building which served as an ar- 
mory. If located at some distance from natural spring, lake, or 
river, an artificial pond was dug to furnish the town with the 
requisite supply of fresh water. 

Ephemeral in their cliaracter, tliese primitive structures were 
liable to early decay, and had to be constantly renewed. At cer- 
tain seasons these villages were almost deserted of their inhabit- 
ants who repaired in large bodies to favorite streams and to the 
coast to fish and hunt. 

To the office of chief ruler among these Southern tribes apper- 
tained powers well-nigh despotic. In approaching a king the 
subject used gestures modified in degree but similar in form to 
those employed in the adoration of the sun ; the intimation being 
that to his person and rank were accorded a superiority, a dignity, 
and an authority near akin but subordinate to those which in- 
hered in that celestial luminary, admitted to be the most potent 
and admirable representative of the goodness and supremacy of 
the Great Spirit. 

At the earliest period of our acquaintance with these peoples 
they were divided into families, nations, and confederacies. 
Among all tke patriarchal relation was observable. Over the 
confederacy ruled a king, counseled and supported by micos of 
component tribes. The olUce was generally elective, and tiie ad- 
vancement to this highest grade was usually accorded to him 
most worthy of it. As chief magistrate he presided over the 
grand council. The office of mico, or ruler of the tribe, was 
also elective ; in some instances hereditary. Subject to the ad- 
vice and consent of his council, the power of fife and death, the 
ability to command the entire labor and obedience of his sub- 
jects, and the direction of affairs, both civil and military, rested 
with the king. 

The great chief of the Natchez bore the appellation of the 
Sun^ and was succeeded in his kingly station by the son of tlie 
woman who was most nearly related to him. He acknowledged 
no superior other than the sun from whom he claimed descent. 
Over his subjects he wielded despotic power, disposing at will of 
life, labor, and projierty. The caciques governing tribes east 
of the Mississippi, visited by De Soto during his long and devious 
march, exacted and received the implicit obedience of their sub- 
jects. Occasionally, as in the case of the province of Cutifachi- 
qui, a cacica bore sway. 

Presiding at all public deliberations, having at his disposal the 


corn and meats collected in tlie public granaries, prescribing the 
times for planting and harvesting, entitled to the hrst fruits of the 
season, possessing the exclusive privilege of granting audience to 
deputies and strangers, proclaiming feasts and festivals, directing 
his warriors in battle, providing for the care and maintenance of 
widows whose husbands had perished in figlit or by disease, 
hearing and determining disputes among his subjects, counseling 
war or peace, meting out capital punishment to offenders or cap- 
tives, and capable of compelling the united labor of a community 
for the accomplishment of a prescribed object, the chief mice 
was at once king, adviser, judge, master, leader. Nothing short 
of a controlling will such as his could have compassed the erection 
of those larger earth-works which even now are recognized as 
monuments of industry. 

Next in rank appeared the great war chief, the leader of the 
army. In council his seat was nearest the mico, and at the head 
of his noted w^arriors. His voice was most weighty in military 
affairs. In the absence of the mico, it was his privilege to pre- 
side over the deliberations of the general council. Subordinate 
to this war captain were leaders of parties and heads of families 
claiming precedence according to their acknowledged influence, 
wisdom, strategy, and valor. 

Here, too, was the high priest, charged with the conduct of 
spiritual aft\iirs. He it ^vas who ministered between the people 
and the Great Spirit, and offered propitiatory sacrifices to the 
sun as the immediate giver of heat and life and light. No 
council determined upon a hostile expedition until he had au- 
gured the fortune of the enterprise. Believed capable of fore- 
telling the coming drought, of bringing rain upon the thirsty 
zea, of quieting the tempest and directing the lightning in its 
course, of expelling evil spirits and invoking the presence of 
such as imparted health and plenty, this personage was most 
marked in his influence. 

And, then, another prominent individual in this primitive so- 
ciety was the conjurer, who often united the callings of priest, 
physician, and fortune-teller. Presumed to be in constant com- 
munication with spirits, both good and evil ; addicted to numer- 
ous and extravagant incantations ; possessing charms mysterious 
and, to the common mind, inexplicable ; indulging in prolonged 
ftnd violent contortions while practicing his deceptions ; claim- 
ing and exhibiting no inconsiderable knowledge of simples, pliil- 
ters, and medicinal herbs; administering fumigations, inhala- 

rPiiMrnvE inhabitants. 11 

tioiis, baths, blood-lettings, scarifications, local applications, and 
emetics, tlic violence of which, says Coreal, one must be either 
a Floridiau or the Devil to resist, the Jaoiina imposed largely 
upon the credulity of the community and received ricii rewards 
from his patients, who, in pain and superstition, regarded the rav- 
ing of the cjuack as the utterance of a divine language, beheld 
the behavior of the cunning impostor with awe, and submitted 
with unquestioning obedience to the treatment he prescribed. It 
must bo admitted, however, that these medicine men excelled in 
the treatment of many distempers, and that some of the cures 
effected by them were remarlcable. The early accounts are full 
of curious instances of their successful conjurations. 

*' If we have seen one American, we maj^ be said to have seen 
111], their color and make are so near alike." Such was the ob- 
servation of UUoa, the entire accuracy of which we will not pause 
to discuss. 

Tall, erect, copper-colored, with long, straight black hair, with 
prominent noses and cheek-bones, with regular features, arched 
brows, and eyes rather small but active and full of fire ; usually 
grave in deportment, reserved in conversation, tenacious of natu- 
ral rights, hospitable to strangers, kind to members of their own 
tribe, honest, haughty and cruel to an enemy, crafty, valiant, 
and often engaged in war ; expert in hunting and fishing, fond 
of music and dancing, observant of festivals, nimble of foot ; 
skilled in the use of the bow and arrow, the club, the axe, the 
harpoon, and the blov>'-gun ; patient of fatigue and hunger, yet 
given to ease and frequent meals ; addicted to smoking ; ac- 
knowledging the existence of a Supreme Being ; adoring the 
sun as the symbol of life and heat ; entertaining some notions of 
a life beyond the grave ; plagued with visions, dreams, trances, 
and the inlluenees of malign and lesser divinities ; worshiping 
the Devil, and offering human sacrifices in propitiation of the 
Spirit of Evil ; indulging to some extent in image worship, and 
perpetuating tlie memory of the distinguished dead by mounds 
and figures of wood and stone ; excelling in the manufacture of 
fictile ware, boats of single trees, shawls, coverings, mantles 
beautifully woven and adorned with feathers, articles of dress 
made of the skins of buffalo, bear, and deer, carefully prepared, 
dyed, and colored, fishing lines and nets of the inner bark of 
trees, mats and baskets of split cane, reeds, and rushes, and la- 
boriously constru('t(Hl weirs for the capture of fishes ; extensively 
engaged in the fabrication, use, and interchange of various arti- 


cles and implements of wood, bone, sliell, copper, and stone; 
frequently monogamous — the contubernal relationsliip being dis- 
soluble at the will of the male — the chiefs and principal men 
claiming as many wives as fancy and station dictated ; ornament- 
loving, jealous of their possessions, given to agriculture, obedi- 
ent to kings, — thus runs a general description of these primitive 

For the use of queens, on public occasions, a palanquin was 
prepared. Furnished with mats, cushioned seat, and feathered 
canopy, it was borne on tlie shoulders of men, preceded by mu- 
sicians playing upon reed flutes, accompanied b}" a retinue of 
attendants carrying baskets of fruit, and guarded by phimed 
v/arriors bearing javelins in their hands. The female breech- 
clout, made of the long moss of the country, depending from 
the shoulders, passed transversely below tlie navel and across 
the opposite hip. It was far more graceful and flowing than the 
flap and band, or moss-wad, used by the men. Except when 
compelled, during the winter, to clothe themselves in skins, 
blankets, and shawls of their own manufacture, the Southern 
Indians passed their time in a state almost entirely nude. Even 
when attired for war the men chiimed but little artificial pro- 
tection for their bodies, and contented themselves with fanciful 
head and ear ornaments and personal decorations of various 
sorts. Upon the left shoulder of him who had rendered him- 
self famous in battle was depicted a tomahawk, the skin being- 
pricked with a sharp instrument to the depth of the tenth of an 
inch and powdered charcoal rubbed in. Underneath, and in- 
delibly imprinted in like manner, was the hieroglyphic sign of 
the conquered nation. 

Almost universal was the custom of tattooing. Their bodies 
being so much exposed, the am[)lest opportunity was afforded for 
the exhibition of skill and ingenuity in this respect, and also in 
skin-painting. Ear, nose, and lip ornaments, necklaces, anklets, 
armlets, and waistbands of pearl and shell, inflated fish-bladders, 
copper gorgets, and, very rarely, gold beads were worn. Cover- 
ing the feet were buckskin shoes, reinforced at the bottom, fas- 
tened with running-strings around the ankles, and gathered like 
a purse on the top. 

"Without recounting the traditions, myths, and speculations re- 
garding the genesis and migrations of these peoples, or discuss- 
ing the various jiroofs and hv]iotheses whi(;h mi^ht be offered in 
support of the antiquity of man in this region, it nniy now be as- 


serted that he existed contemporaneously with the mastodon, and 
that his occupancy dates back to a period indefinitely remote. 
It has not yet been satisfactorily determined to what time, late 
or remote, the life of that pachyderm was j^rolonged. Drift im- 
plements have been reported in a few localities, but the search, 
for them has thus far been partial and in the main unsatisfac- 

Exempt from trials incident to a rigorous climate and a barren 
territory ; their wants supplied by the abundant food treasures 
of the waters and the forests, and the spontaneous offerings of a 
warm and generous soil ; in a great measure relieved fi'om those 
grievous struggles for covering and subsistence which in colder 
latitudes manifestly tend to harden the condition of the savage 
and embitter his existence, these peoples, pleasure-loving in 
their disposition, were, at the time of our first acquaintance with 
them, leading gentle, agricultural lives, and claiming old and 
prominent monuments. Without thought of change, they had 
developed a degree of taste, skill, and a variety in manufacture 
superior to those exhibited by more northern tribes, excepting, 
perhaps, some resident in the Mississippi Valley and its tribu- 
taries. Among the Natchez, in many respects, this Southern 
semi-civilization found its fullest expression, its most marked de- 
velopment. There the iliachinery of temple, idol, priest, keepers 
of sacred things, religious festivals, sun worship, and all that, was 
most elaborate, and there the preservation of the eternal fire en- 
listed the utmost solicitude. 

When the Europeans first landed upon these Southern consts 
the Florida Indians were, and apparently for an indefinite period 
jinterior to that time had been, addicted to the custom of mound- 
building. Desiring to wrest from oblivion the names and graves 
of those who were famous in the kingly office, distinguished in 
arms, or noted in the priesthood ; sympathizing in that wish so 
natural to the human heart to accord affectionate and lionorable 
sepulture to friend and kindred ; eager to dignify the dwellings 
of their rulers ; and ever on the alert to descry from afar the dan- 
ger which menaced town and temple, these peoples w^ere led to 
erect tumuli which will here remain for centuries yet to come 
the most prominent and interesting exhibitions of early construc- 
tive skill. As affording the most substantial proofs of primitive 
occupancy, and often being treasure-houses wherein are garnt-ri'd 
the surest expressions of the customs, rites, and manufactures of 
nations whose former existence can otherwise scarcely be estab- 


lishecl, we turn with peculiar interest to these mounds for glimpses 
of a forgotten past. 

That sepulcliral tumuli of no mean dijnenslons have been 
erected within tiie historic period is capable of easy demonstra- 
tion. It is equally certain that the custom of mound-building 
was generally discontinued shortly after European settlements 
were formed in this country. Subsequently, instead of being care- 
fully disposed in the womb of the laboriously constructed mound, 
the dead Avere exposed upon ephemeral scaffolds, hidden away 
in the hollow trunks of trees, submerged in ponds, lakes and 
streams, buried in the depths of forests, concealed in ledges o£ 
rocks, or laid away beneath the floors of lodges with few and 
feeble indicia to denote their last resting-places. 

That this ancient population was essentially shocked and de- 
moralized by Spanish and French incursions ; that ideas of goy- 
ernment, worship, and native power, long entertained, were sadly 
overturned ; and that the influence of the European upon the in- 
stitutions and customs of these peoples was most disastrous, can 
scarcely admit of a reasonable doubt. That the abandonment of 
many of their established notions and customary labors is to be 
attributed to this violent and sudden upheaval of preconceived 
ideas, to the ravages of foreign diseases, to disintegration and loss 
encountered at the hands of Europeans and experienced in wars 
fomented by this new order of things, and that these Indians, 
recognizing their inferiority and weakness when contrasted with 
the intelligence and power of the white race, discontinued in 
large measure their primitive industries and neglected their 
weightier efforts, may be regarded as not improbable. That in 
this changed condition of affairs we find at least a partial expla- 
nation of the discontinuance of the custom of mound-buildino; 
may be fairly claimed. 

While it may not be confidently asserted that the Indians of 
the sixteentli century and their progenitors were the authors of 
all the earth-works found in this region, and particularly of the 
larger terraced mounds and truncated pyramids, and while 
we may be unable fully to explain how later tribes became less 
patient of labor and neglectful of customs which gave rise to 
such enduring monuments, the likelihood is that these earth- 
works were constructed in the olden time by peoples akin to and 
possessed of no higher art and civilization than characterized the 
nations resident here at tlie dawn of the historic period. 

Among these Southern tumuli we occasionally meet with ani- 


mal, bird-shaped, and emblematic earth and stone works allied 
to structures of that class so frequent in Wisconsin, and some- 
times observed in other localities in the West. 

Without attempting an exact classification or minute deserip- 
tion of these prominent indications of early occupancy and prim- 
itive labor, we may note the existence of truncated pyramids, 
constructed of earth, rising from ten to seventy-five feet above 
the level of the valleys and fertile phiins upon wliich thev are 
located. Generally frustums of four-sided pyramids, they" ma- 
terially differ in size ; some of the largest containing, at the top, 
a level area of an acre. 

The approaches to their summits were effected not infre- 
quently by means of inclined planes and graded paths, either di- 
rect or winding. Occasionally these structures are supplemented 
hj terraces and i^latforms or curtains. The slope of 'their sides 
is such as would be assumed by earth and clay conveyed in bas- 
kets and eartJien vessels and deposited from above. Sometimes 
standing alone, these structures are often associated with conical 
mounds, frustums of smaller pyramids, and grave-mounds. 

If builded near a river, these tumuli were now and then inclosed 
by circular or semicircular earth- walls, or by canals communi- 
cating with the stream, and, at the upper ends and along their 
courses, developing into artificial ponds which served as ifsh-pre- 
serves. Introduced from the river into these artificial lakes, — 
the narrow mouths of which were closed by gates made of cane 
and slivers of wood, — the fishes were there "bred, and were tlience 
caught with nets, various forms of whidi were in use among 
thrso Indians. The limits of the ancient towns are indicated 
by the trend of these canals and parapets. The spaces thus in- 
closed nere often considerable, and within them may yet be seen 
the remains of elevated roads, wells, traces of covered ways lead- 
ing to the water, and chunky-yards. 

Some of the more prominent of these truncated pj^amids and 
cones may, we think, bo recognized as elevations j^repared for the 
erection oftemjAesfor sun ivorship ; while others of less altitude 
were seemingly intended as foundations for the residences of /cinqs, 
7ntcos, and priests. By more tlian one of the early historians 
are we informed of the existence of large artificial tumuli, witli 
precipitous sides and flat tops, located in valleys and near the 
banks of streams, which were erected for the purpose of sustain- 
ing the houses of chiefs and their families. Wooden stairwavs, 
made by cutting inclined planes fifteen or twenty feet wide. 


flanked on the sides with j)osts and with poles laid horizontally 
across the earthen steps, afforded facile access to their tops. -At 
the foot of such a mound a square was marked out around which 
were established the dwellings of the principal members of the 
tribe. Outside appeared the cabins of the common people. A 
disposition to dignify the residence of the raico, a willijigncss at 
all times to elevate the ruler above his subjects, and a desire to 
promote his safety and that of his family are assigned as motives 
for the expenditure of so nuich labor. 

Indicating the chosen seats and towns of these peoples, pro- 
claiming the subjection of the general labor to the undisputed 
will of king and high priest, betokening the supremacy of the 
governor over the governed, certifying the fixed character of the 
population, and illustrating the attention bestowed upon the erec- 
tion not only of temples for sun Asrorship, but also of substantial 
structures denoting the extent, permanenc}^ and accord of the 
settlement, such tumuli and their dependent works are full of in- 
terest and afford material for careful study. 

A second class of tumuli worthy of mention includes conical 
mounds, truncated and situated upon commanding bluffs and 
hill-tops, whicli served as signal stations in this densely wooded 
region. In tlie absence of bugle note, the roll of drum, the boom 
of cannon, and the flight of the electric spark, fires kindled upon 
their summits, with their glare by night and smoke by day, gave 
tokens which, repeated from kindred mounds along the reaches 
^of rivers or on answering eminences, within a period much shorter 
than that allotted to the swiftest runner warned tribe and nation 
of approaching danger. These mounds of observation may be 
recognized by their peculiar locations and relative positions, and 
by the fact that when opened they are found to contain nothing 
other than the traces of fire underlying the roots of overshadow- 
ing trees. 

Springing from the depths of extensive swauips and in regions 
liable to inundation may be seen tumuli of considerable dimen- 
sions whicli served either as retreats during seasons of sudden 
overflow, or as foundations for the dwellings of those who here 
bunted and fished. 

It was manifestly the custom of the Florida tribes in the six- 
teenth century — a practice too which had long been observed — 
to dignify the last resting-places of their dead with coverings of 
earth, stone, or shells. This method of perpetuating the memory 
of the departed, and of imparting prominence and permanency to 


tliier graves appears, during periods the most remote and in 
localities widely separated, to have suggested itself as most natu- 
ral, convenient, and enduring. 

Those mighty mound-tombs of Scythian kings towering along 
the banks of the Borysthenes, that prince of tumuli which for 
more than twenty-five hundred years has perpetuated the mem- 
ory of Alyattes, the grave of the murdered Agamemnon, Ile- 
phjEstion's tomb, the burial-place of Patroclus, and the countless 
barrows and sepulchral tumuli scattered over the plains, peo- 
pling the valleys and crowning the hills of Europe, Asia, Africa, 
America, and the islands of the oceans, all attest the universality 
of this custom. 

Compared with each other, these tumuli give evidence of vary- 
ing aa'es. Hundreds of years acrone, some of them were aban- 
doned to the guardianship of the forest trees, while a few have 
been erected since commerce was established with the white 
race. Appearing singly and in groups, they vary in size from 
the almost obliterated mound scarce swelling above the ground 
littered with sherds of pottery and fragments of bone, to the 
well-preserved tumulus five and twenty feet high and possessing 
a base diameter of a hundred feet. The prevailing type is con- 
ical, although structures ovoidal in outline are not uncommon. 
The tendency of the aboriginal population being toward the 
rivers and deep swamps, the rich valleys and the sea-coast where 
water, oysters, mussels, fishes, and game were easily procurable, 
where streams afforded facilities for communication, and where a 
generous soil made amends for the rude cultivation bestowed, 
the sites and antiquity of villages and resorts are certified by 
these monuments. 

Later generations — whether direct descendants of the former, 
or strangers to them, we cannot positively either affirm or deny, 
— oblivious of ancient memories and less patient of labor, util- 
ized many of these older tumuli for the purposes of secondary 
interments. Thus will appear instances of sepulture on the toj)S 
and sides of mounds, only a few feet below the surface, evi- 
dently the work of more recent tribes, while the skeletons 
and property of the dead in whose honor these tumuli were 
heaped up lie at the bottom and on a level with or below the 
surrounding earth. Wasted by the elements, robbed of distinc- 
tive recollections by the oblivion of time and the carelessness of 
those who came after, and torn by the furrows of a new civiliza- 
tion, — 



" Tho very generations of the dead 
Are swept away, and tomb iiiiierits tomb 
Until tho memory of an age is tied." 

In Plate XL. of the " Brevis Narratio," Le Moyne furnishes 
an ilhistration of the nioinid which the Florida Indians heaped 
above their dead kings and priests: '•'• Defuncto aliquo Rege ejus 
JProvmcice, magna solemnitatc sepeUtui\ ^ ejus tumulo crater, e 
quo Inhere solehat, iraponitur, defixis circa ipsum tumulum multis 

Adopting this suggestion, confirmed as it is by later narratives 
and observations, we will not greatly err in designating sepul- 
chral tumuli containing a single skeleton as chieftain or priest 
mounds. Such distinguished dead, so far as our experience goes, 
were never burnt. Prior to inhumation, the corpses were placed 
upon the ground, where they were sometimes held in a sitting 
posture by being lashed to a post. Possessions of value were laid 
at the feet or placed by the side, and then the earth was piled 
above by mom-ning friends and obedient subjects. For its further 
protection, prior to the construction of the tumulus, the body 
was sometimes defended from contact with the rising earth by 
a clay covering, several inches thick, sun-dried or baked, and 
closely resembling a large earthen pot, inverted. From such 
mounds have been obtained some of the choicest specimens of 
the workmanship of these peoples in stone, bone, and shell. 

Among other nations the custom obtained of depositing in 
wooden chests, carefully made and placed upon shelves, the skele- 
tons of kings, chiefs, noted warriors, and priests. Near b}', and 
in smaller chests and cane-baskets, were accumulated valuable 
furs, robes of dressed skins, mantles woven of the inner rind of 
trees, and of a species of grass, well beaten and resembling flax, 
feather coverings of various colors, and stores of pearls. The 
mausoleum at Talomeco, which served as a receptacle for such 
cofRns and chests, is said to have been a hundred paces long and 
forty broad. Its lofty roof was constructed of cane reeds, and 
the entrance to the temple was guarded by gigantic wooden stat- 
ues, carved with considerable skill, some of them twelve feet 
high. Armed with various weapons, they maintained threaten- 
mg attitudes and ferocious looks. Within were statues of vari- 
ous shapes and sizes. Similar receptacles were observed among 
the Natchez and some of the Virginia tribes. 

In certain localities cremation was practiced by these Southern 
Indians. The contents of not a few grave-mounds consist of 


calcined bones, charred fragments of pipes, pottery, and various 
articles of use and ornament, and partially consumed pieces of 
■wood. In such husta were multitudes of skeletons remanded to 

Urn burial also obtained, particularly in the case of children ; 
— the funeral vase containing the bones being made of terra 
cotta. Securely covered by a lid of the same material, the ves- 
sel was deposited in the common earth, or committed to the keep- 
ing of the general grave-mound. 

It being no easy task, with the rude implements, friable earthen 
vessels, and frail baskets at command, to construct a large sepul- 
chral tumulus, these peoples were in the habit of reserving the 
skeletons of their dead until they accumulated sufficiently to war- 
rant a general inhumation. Primitive undertakers with their 
long nails stripped the decaying flesh from the bones, disjointed 
the skeletons, placed the cleaned bones in coffins or chests fabri- 
cated of canes and splints, and stored them away in the village 
bone-house, where, marked for the recognition of relatives, and 
well guarded, they remained until they so multiplied as either 
to fill the structure, or to enlist the sympathy of the community 
in the erection of a grave-mound. 

Upon a day appointed, the kindred of the deceased repairing 
to the bone-house, and taking up the coffins of their respective 
dead, followed one another in the order of seniority. Accompa- 
nied by the inhabitants of the town or nation, they proceeded to 
some designated spot in the vicinity of the settlement, where, in 
pyramidal form, the chests were deposited on the ground. In 
some instances wood was added and fire applied to the pile. 
During the cremation relatives and friends sat around chanting 
songs and smoking, or indulged in funeral dances, and delivered 
orations eulogistic of the virtues and valor of the deceased. The 
pipes then used were finally contributed to the pyre, and above 
the collected ashes the multitude set about erecting the fa mi (>j 
or tribal grave-moimd. Generally, however, the coffins contain- 
ing the skeletons and personal property of the dead were placed 
in order upon the ground and the earth piled above. 

Where cremation occurred, it seems no addition was made to 
the tumulus when once completed. Although family or tribal 
mounds in which the dead were entombed without being burnt 
usually contain but a single stratum of bones, we find examples 
of the gradual formation of large grave-mounds by consecutive 
burials ; the dillerent strata indicating that the skeletons had lain 


for unequal periods in tlie ground, and being separated from each 
other by intervening layers of earth. 

Sometimes small islands were dedicated almost exclusively to 
the purpose of sepulture. 

In the vicinity of the coast, oyster, clam, periwinkle, and 
conch shells were freely employed in covering grave-mounds, 
thereby imparting a permanency which they would not otherwise 
have possessed. Lacustrine and iluviatile unios and bivalves 
were expended in a similar way. Such protection afforded no 
mean defense against the disintegrating influences of time and 
the elements. Scattered upon sea-islands, along headlands, and 
near the borders of lakes and rivers are numerous mounds com- 
posed either wholly or in part of shells. There they have stood 
for centuries, and there, if undisturbed, they will endure for an 
indefinite period. 

In certain localities may still be seen stone-piles designating the 
spots where warriors perished in battle. 

Another mode of sepulture is represented by stone graves, 
parallelograramic, cruciform, or square in outline, some two feet 
deep, and from eighteen inches to seven feet in length. The 
sides consist of rough slabs of stone set on edge. The bottoms 
are paved with small bowlders, and the tops covered with stone 
slabs. Thus were formed rude sarcophagi or vaults. In some 
the corpse was deposited at full length, the arms being disposed 
by the side. In others, the bodies were laid with the arms ex- 
tended at right angles, which explains their cruciform shapes. 
Frequently the skeleton was disjointed ; the skull being placed 
in the centre of the vault, and the long bones arranged compactly 
around it. Thus was it accommodated within a narrow compass. 
The smallness of many of these sarcophagi suggested to careless 
observers the impression that they were the graves of a race of 
pigmies. Curious and interesting are the relics with which these 
vaults abound, and their contents will amply reward further re- 

Within the rayless recesses of caves have been found shriveled 
bodies, various articles of dress, and implements fashioned by the 
red race ; but those retreats have been but partially explored. A 
thorough and scientific investigation of their floors and avenues 
will doubtless impart additional information most valuable and 

It would bo entertaining to recount the funeral customs of 
these peoples us revealed by grave-mounds, as recorded by early 


observers, and as modified in after years by contact with Euro- i 

peans. But such a description lies not within the limits of this j 

sketch. Nor is it permitted, in enumerating the obvious proofs i 

of early possession and combined labor, to do more than allude I 

to the existence of circumvallations of earth and stone by which | 

hill-tops and eminences were fortified; to the presence of embank- 
ments of earth, and ditches isolating considerable areas and pro- i 
tecting villages, temple-mounds, and play-grounds ; to the remains | 
of chunky-yards, with their tumuli, elevated spaces, and earth- | 
banks (seats for spectators), of pottery kilns of stone, and pits \ 
whence clay was dug for the manufacture of fictile ware, and | 
to traces of open-air workshops. We mention also among these j 
indicia of primitive occupancy extensive refuse piles and shell ! 
heaps, composed of marine, fluviatile, and lacustrine shells, upon ] 
the animals of which the natives fed and from which they ex- l 
tracted many pearls. j 

Intermingled with the debris of these long-continued encamp- | 

ments will be seen the bones of fishes, birds, terrapins, alligators, | 

snakes, buffaloes, deer, and other animals, sherds of pottery, | 

arrow and spear points, net sinkers, and manufactured imple- j 

ments of various kinds. } 

In these refuse piles human bones have been found, split longi- | 

tudinally, as though the marrow had been extracted from them, 
and conveying the impression that cannibalism was, at some time 
and among some peoples, practiced within the limits of ancient 

While it may be regarded as a matter of speculation whether 
the builders of the largest monuments of early constructive skill 
within the confines of Georgia were the actual progenitors of the 
Indians who were occupying the region when it was first visited 
by Europeans; and while we may not fully comprehend how it 
came to pass that later tribes were apparently more nomadic in 
their habits, less addicted to combined and consecutive work, and 
neglectful of customs which seemingly obtained among the peo- 
ples whose united industry compassed these enduring structures, 
in the light of the Spanish narratives, after a careful survey of the 
objects themselves, in view of all the facts which have thus far 
been disclosed both by personal investigation and the observation 
of others, and while freely admitting that the modern Indians, 
from various causes, had ceased to engage in the erection of works, 
the completion of which, with the indilferent implements at com- 
mand, involved so much tedious labor, we nevertheless see no 


good reason for supposing that these prominent tumuli and inclo- 
sures may not have been formed in the olden time by peoples of 
the same race, and no farther advanced in the scale of semi-civi- 
lization than the red men native here at the dawn of the historic 
period. In other words, we do not concur in the suggestion that 
the Mound-Builders were distinct from, and superior in art, gov- 
ernment, and religious ideas to, the Georgia tribes of the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries. 

Aside from the profuse and fanciful ornamentation of their 
bodies with pigments of red, white, yellow, and bluck, the South- 
ern Indians displayed no little taste in depicting marks, signs, 
images, and symbols on prepared skins, wood, bone, and stone. 
The smooth bar]^ of a grownng tree or the face of a rock was in- 
cised in commemoration of some feat of arms, in explanation of 
the direction and strength of a military expedition, or in solemni- 
zation of a treaty of peace. 

Upon precipitous slopes, and at points almost inaccessible, 
have been noted carved and colored representations of the sun, 
accompanied by rude characters the significance of which is in 
the main unintelligible to the present observer. 

Roughly cut intaglios in imitation of the human form, of the 
hands and feet of men, of the tracks of buffalo, deer, and other 
animals, of bows and arrows, canoes, circles, and various figures 
are still extant. Ignorant of alphabet, phonetic sign, or digit, 
these peoples, by means of this primitive s^^stem of jDicture-writing 
and intaglios, sought to perpetuate the recollection of prominent 
events, and by such visible shap(?s to communicate desired intel- 
ligence. This effort was sap]>lemented by tlie use of wampum, 
■which, in certain cases, possessed a significance scarcely inferior 
to that of the knotted quijni. 

The boldest attempts at sculpture are expressed by images, 
sometimes two feet high and more, carved out of a talcose stone, 
and re])resenting the luiman figure, both male and female, usually 
in a sitting or kneeling posture. From the existence of such 
objects, and of images of terra cotta and wood, it may be inferred 
that something like idol or hero worship obtained among these 
primitive peoples. 

Proofs are not wanting to confirm the belief that the worship 
of the Priapus was observed among not a few of the Southern 
nations. As the sun was adored as the author of light and joy, 
of heat and increase, so Avas this symbol of the life-giving princi- 
ple saluted with homage, and accredited with the attributes of 


Ignorant of iron and bronze, these primitive peoples indulged 
in the use of copper. Treating it as a malleable stone, they 
hammered it into various forms of use and ornament, among 
which may be enumerated ceremonial axes, gouges, chisels, knives, 
spear-heads, arrow-points, wristbands, armlets, anklets, gorgets, 
spangles, beads, pendants, rods, and spindles for perforating 
pearls. That the principal supply of this metal was procured 
from the ancient mines of Lake Suj^erior seems highly probable. 
So extensive were the aboriginal trade relations that there would 
have been no difficulty in transporting both the ore and the 
manufactured objects. An examination of copper implements, 
taken from the graves of these Southern Indians, justifies the 
suggestion. That they were ignorant of the art of melting 
copper, and that the)^ did not invoke the agency of fire to facili- 
tate the manufacture of articles from this material, may be safely 
asserted. All the specimens we have seen present a laminated 
structure, and we are not aware that any moulds for casting have 
yet been found. Small nuggets of gold and silver, perforated for 
suspension as ornaments, have been taken from ancient graves. 
Relics of this kind are very rare. Such were possibly the tink- 
lets of gold to which Cabeca de Vaca refers. Copper objects of 
primitive fabrication are not abundant within the territory for- 
merly occupied by the Southern tribes. Articles made of hema- 
tite are frequently obtained. 

Among these Southern Indians the manufacture of implements 
of stone, bone, and shell was general and ver}^ excellent. Speci- 
mens of unusual beauty and symmetry attest this fact. Liv- 
ing in a genial climate, the warm earth yielding spontaneously 
many fruits, forest and river abounding with animal life, and 
the contest with nature for subsistence being by no means ardu- 
ous, these peoples enjoyed every opportunity for sport, amuse- 
ment, personal decoration, and for the exhibition of taste and 
skill in the fabrication of articles of use and ornament. 

Famous were the arrow-makers of this region. Traces of their 
open-air workshops may be seen not only in elevated localities, 
but even on the coast, and upon knolls in the depths of swamps 
where miclei, transported from great distances, were splintered 
and chipped into desired shapes. These arrow and spear jiolnts 
are remarkable for beauty of material and excellency of woik- 
manship. Party-colored jaspers, smoky, milk)% and sweet-water 
quartz, pure crystals, clialcedony, and varieties of Hint and chert 
were the favorite stones from which these implements were 


fashioned. Among them every known form fmcls expression, and 
tbey are of all sizes, from the delicate point scarce half an inch 
in length to the formidable spear or lance-head fourteen inches 
long and weighing considerably more than two pounds. Tlie 
light, tough river cane (^Arundlnaria macrospermcC) formed the 
customary shaft for these points. Shafts split from hard wood, 
and rounded and smoothed by means of grooved coarse-grained 
stones, were also in use. Spear-heads fastened to wooden han- 
dles were hurled in battle, were employed at close quarters to 
parry blows and deliver thrusts, and proved serviceable in the 
capture of sturgeon and large game. It would appear that the 
manufacture of these implements vv-as somewhat monopolized by 
particular individuals in each tribe, who devoted their time and 
labor to their fabrication, and acquired a dexterity quite remark- 
able when we consider the limited tools at command. As those 
objects were finished, they were often secreted in the ground, 
whence they were taken from time to time and disposed of as 
occasion offered. 

Not infrequently these artificers, vrith considerable store of 
articles on hand, would perform long journeys to exchange their 
implements for commodities foreign to the regions in which they 
dwelt. To such traders safe conduct was accorded, and they 
were welcomed wherever they went. Most attractive stone ar- 
ticles are found in localities far distant from the points where 
the materials of which they are made could have been procured, 
and it is to the practical operation of these trade relations that 
their dissemination may be fairly ascribed. 

Cabega de Vaca informs us that the Florida Indians were all 
archers, aclmirable in proportions, of great activity and strength, 
with bows as thick as a man's arm, eleven or twelve spans in 
length, and capable of projecting arrows a long distance and with 
wonderful precision. Even the good armor of the followers of 
De Soto did not afford safe protection against those missiles. On 
many occasions the bodies of the Spaniards were traversed from 
side to side and their horses killed by these weapons. In the 
battle of ]\Iauvila there fell of the mail-clad Christians eighty- 
two, while the survivors bore the marks of seventeen hundred 
and seventy dangerous wounds inflicted by Indian arrows. With 
such ancient artillery did these peoples not only wage wars, but 
provide themselves, and that bountifully, with buffalo, deer, wild 
turkeys, game of various sorts, and large fishes. 

Bow-strings were made of stag's gut or thongs of deer-skin. 


A supply of arrows was carried in a fawn-skin quiver whicli de- I 

pended from the right hip. The tip was fastened to the shaft by | 

means of moistened sinews, a ghie made of the velvet horns of \ 

the deer, or a preparation of resin. Youths were regularly ex- j 

ercised in the use of these weapons, and became very expert in I 

handling the blow-gun from ^Yhich light arrows, feathered with j 

thistle wool, were projected against birds, squirrels, rabbits, and j 

other small game. Ordinary arrows were fledged with turkey- | 

feathers. \ 

Of grooved axes, celts, perforated hatchets, and ceremonial 1 

axes, the varieties are abundant and the manufacture is most ad- j 

mirable. Weighing from a quarter of a pound to twelve pounds | 

and upw^ards, and generally made of greenstone or diorite, they | 

were first picked into shape with a sharp-pointed implement and | 

subsequently, at great labor, ground and polished. Lafitau, in i 

commenthig upon the tedious toil involved in this process, re- I 

marks : " The life of a savage is often insufficient for accomplish- j 

ing the work, and hence such an implement, however rude and ! 

imperfect it may be, is considered a precious heirloom for the j 

children."' Chipped and ground axes of jasper sometimes occur, | 

and occasionally some were fashioned of hematite. Ceremonial I 

axes of ferruginous quartz, polished to the last degree, have been 1 

found. Perforations were compassed by solid and hollow drills | 

operated with sharp sand and water. Whetstones served to re- j 

store the edges when dulled by use. j 

Instances have been noted in which both the blade and handle j 

were cut out of a solid piece of diorite. These implements were 
some thirteen inches in length, with blades about six inches long 
and rather more than two inches wide at the cutting edgi\ At 
the lower end of the handle was a perforation for the suspension 
of the weapon. The manufacture of these axes, hatchets, and 
celts was discontinued so soon as iron implements were freely 
furnished by the Europeans. 

W^e may not essay a description of the various forms of stone 
adzes, picks, scrapers, gouges, awls or borers, knives, cutting 
implements, saws, leaf-shaped implements, smootliing and crush- 
ing stones, hammer stones, hoes, spades, mortars, pestles, nut- 
stones, and other articles of bone, shell, and stone, which still de- 
clare the occupations, industries, and mechanical labors of these 

Interesting as it would be to revive their piscatorial contri- 
vances and engagements during that remote period when pond, 


lake, swamp, and river were replete witli animal life, and when, 
in the language of Kibault, the waters of the Florida coast were 
" boiling and roaring through the multitude of all kinds of fish," 
we can only refer to artificial preserves where fishes were bred 
and taken with nets ; to the use of bone and shell hooks, and 
lines twisted from the fibres of bark and silk-grass ; to the man- 
ufacture of stone plummets and net-sinkers, perforated, notclied, 
and grooved ; to the construction of dams, traps, and extensive 
weirs for taking fishes ; to the practice of intoxicating them by- 
lashing ponds with the branches of certain trees, and scattering 
pounded horse-chestnuts and roots in the water ; to attracting 
them, by night, with bright pitcli-pine fires kindled in the bows 
of canoes ; to their capture with the bow and arrow, and the de- 
struction of the larger kind with spears and reed harpoons. 

Upon their weirs, traps, nets, and mechanical contrivances of 
this sort the Southern Indians largely depended for support. 
During certain months of each year they resorted in great multi- 
tudes to the coast and to the banks of rivers, and spent much 
time in taking fishes. Large quantities, when smoked and dried, 
were carried to their private cribs and public storehouses. 

Ribault says the Indians of May River put as presents into his 
boats " sundry fishes which with mervelous speed they run to 
take in their packs made in the water with great reeds, so well 
and cunningly set together after the fashion of a Labarinthe or 
INIaze, with so many turns and crooks as it is impossible to do it 
without much consideration and industry." Weirs and set-nets 
were sometimes held in position by large, perforated soapstone 
sinkers, and by stone anchors or weights, notched and grooved. 
Upon hand-nets, push-nets, and dip-nets much reliance was 
placed. In the refuse piles indicating these ancient fishing re- 
sorts no relic is more common than the perforated and notched 
soapstone sinker. 

Were we called upon to suggest a class of articles which amply 
expressed the patient industry and mechanical skill of these 
primitive workers in stone, we would be inclined to select those 
beautiful objects known as discoidal stones, many of which were 
used in playing that great gambling game called by the Chero- 
kees Chungkc^ in which the contestants were engaged from morn- 
ing until niglit, caring nothing for the sun's rays, staking tlieir 
ornaments, wenpons, apparel, and even wives and personal lib- 
erty upon the hazard, and refraining not from its excitement 
until all was lost or utter prostration forbade further exertion. 


The spaces prepared for playing this game have not wliolly 
disai)peared. Rectangular in outline, slightly elevated, rendered 
quite level, and freed from all impediments such as roots and 
stones, their surfaces were sometimes hardened by a flooring of 
rammed clay. All known types of these discoidal stones are 
here richly rejsresented, and ferruginous quartz, marble, agate, 
and a hard, black, close-grained stone were the materials gen- 
erally employed in their manufacture. Polished to the last de- 
gree, they are fashioned with a mathematical accuracy which 
could not be excelled were the skill of a modern workman with 
compass and metallic tools invoked. In the hands of later tribes, | 

some, possessing saucer-shaped cavities, were applied to second- j 

ary uses and treated as mortars for pulverizing substances ser- 
viceable for paint. ! 

No longer is this famous game plaj^ed within the limits of j 

Florida of the olden time. Like the exercise of the di'<cus in i 

the heroic age, it has now become onh^ a tfadition, a shadowy | 

memory. The carefully prepared areas over which the red ath- j 

letes rushed in enthusiastic pursuit of victory, at the expense of j 

time, property, and personal liberty, are now deserted and rugged | 

with the trunks and roots of huge forest trees. The anointed j 

poles and the swift hands which launched them have alike crum- j 

bled into nothingness. | 

Winners and losers, oblivious of their profits and losses, the j 

exultations and the disappointments of this exciting amuscinent, f 

are themselves forgotten, and little remains to remind us o£ the | 

former existence and prevalence of this popular game, character- 
ized by severe exercise, singular dexterity, and desperate ven- i 
tures, save these discoidal stones so remarkable for their beauty j 
and symmetry and so declaratory of the skill and labor ex- i 
pended in their manufacture. 

Pretermitting all else save a bare mention of medicine and 
ornamental tubes, pierced tablets, pendants of hematite, green- | 

stone, quartz, and jasper, amulets of striated slate, stone plates, | 

mirrors of mica membranacea, slung stones, and other articles the i 

uses of which are not always well ascertained, we venture the 
remark that in no portioji of the United States other than that j 

whose antiquities we are now considering, unless it be in the val- j 

leys of Ohio, can be found so many and such excellent speci- j 

mens of ancient ]ni)es. | 

Entertaining the belief that the Great Spirit was addirtcd to | 

smoking, and regarding the tobacco plant as a direct gilt irom | 


him for the enjoyment of bis favorite children, the pipe was es- 
teemed by many as a sacred object, and smoking became, at 
times, a devotional exercise. The incense of tobacco being pleas- 
ing to the Father of Life, tlie ascending smoke was selected as 
the most suitable medium of communicating with the great un- 
known. The curative properties of tobacco were invoked in 
some diseases, and its narcotic influences recognized as a solace 
in hours of ease and during periods of hunger and fatigue. The 
small clay or stone pipe was the constant companion of the 
Southern Indian while engaged in hunting, fishing, or in war, and 
amid tlie laziness of his rude home life. The more imposing 
calumet, with its long stem adorned with feathers, was present 
on occasions of moment. Its introduction was essential to a 
declaration of war, and with it was the treaty of amity solem- 
nized. Alternate whiffs from its fumino; bowl were tantamount 
to the signing and sealing by the contracting parties. From no 
solemn conference or important assembly was it absent. The 
ceremonies and dances observed in its honor were numerous and 
impressive. As embodied in and symbolized by the calumet, 
public faith was inviolate, and he who bore it as a token of peace 
was entitled to safe conduct through the nations. 

Serpentine, gneiss, steatite, oolite, soap-stone, and a tough 
stone composed of mica and dark brown feldspar were the ma- 
terials usually selected for the manufacture of pipes of this class. 
Many are bird and animal shaped, — some of them weighing as 
much as eight pounds. Their bottoms are flat so as to maintain 
an upright position when placed on the ground. The bowls, 
generally at right angles with the shanks, are capacious, with 
substantial walls, and cavities either circular or square. The 
apertures for the stems are large. Although generally plain, the 
surfaces are, in not a few instances, ornamented with incised 
lines. 1 

We have observed very few pipes in this region made of Cat- 

^ Common pipes Avere manufactured of clay and stone. Occa- 
sionally they occur fabricated of some hard material such as 

^ Others, with aniplo.ciip-sliapL'il bowls, Others still, with a contval bowl, ex- 

po?se.*s apertures no less tli;m eight in hihit two elon-ated slianks in the same 

number for the insertion of stems, thus plane, perforated for the insertion of lony 

allordin,:,' opportunity for an 0([nal num- stems, so that two individuals, faein;; caeh 

ber of smokers at the same moment to other, can at tho samo time smoke tlio 

partake of the consolations of the fuminy same pipe, 
weed from a common receptacle. 


I quartz. In many instances a hole was drilled through the heel, 

I or lower edge of the shank, so as to admit of suspension when 

[ the object was not in use.^ The ordinary swamp cane supplied 

• convenient stems. Associated with the truncated pyramids and 

I larger tumuli have been found pipes, denominated idol-pipes, evi- 

I dently of great antiquity, generally representing the human form 

I in a sitting posture, the bowl supported in the uplifted hands, 

I the face upturned, the hair confined at the top of tlie head and 

I thence falling backwards, and tlit perforation for the stem enter- 

I ing below the shoulders and passing through the back and belly 

into the bottom of the bowl. Such specimens are usually about 
six inches in height. They may be easily distinguished from the 
human-shaped pipes of the Cherokees which frequently, in the 
language of Adair, cannot " much be commended for their mod- 

To the pottery of this region the Knight of Elvas pays high 
compliment when he describes it as " little differing from that 
of Estremoz or Montemor." 

If we may believe Cabega de Vaca, some of the Florida In- 
dians were either ignorant or neglectful of the potter's trade. 
" Not having discovered the use of pipkins to boil what they 
would eat," so runs the narrative, " they fill the half of a large 
calabash with water, and throw on the fire many stones of such 
as are most convenient and readily take the heat. When hot, 
they are taken up with tongs of sticks and dropped into the 
calabash until the water in it boils from the fervor of the stones. 
Then, whatever is to be cooked is put in, and, until it is done, 
they continue taking out cooled stones and throwing in hot ones. 
Thus they boil their food." This statement is certainly not of 
general application, for we have abundant proofs that the manu- 
facture of fictile articles by these peoples was not only common, 
but also that it had been carried on, from periods the most re- 
mote, in almost all localities inhabited by them. It may be 
safely asserted that as savages they excelled in the ceramic art, 
bestowing special care upon the selection of clays, their admix- 
ture with powdered shells, gravel, and pulverized mica, and upon 
the shape and ornamentation of their vessels. The use of the pot- 
ter's wheel seems to have been unknown. Surviving the changes 
i Much labor was bestowed upon the and blue were em])l.)ved in the dccorauuu 
fabrication and ornamentation of these of their exterior walls. But a little while 
pipes, both common and ceremonial. V.i- ago we beheld a large bird-shaped j.ipe, 
rious arc the birds an<l animals which they two beautiful opal stones having been iu- 
represeut. Pigments of white, red, black, sorted as eyes. 


of centuries, and afforclino^ glimpses of ancient taste and cus- 
toms, tliese fictile articles are auionsj the most interestinc: remains 
wliicli have been transmitted. Varied in form, symmetrical in 
sliape, excellent in comjDOsition, and diversified in ornamentation, 
this pottery was both sun-dried and baked. Flat-bottomed jars 
serving as receptacles for pounded maize, honey, bear's-grease, and 
oils made from the nuts of the pecan, the hickory-nut, and the 
■walnut ; pots varying in tlieir capacities from a pint to ten gal- 
lons and uj)wards, with and without legs and ears ; burial urns, 
water flasks, Iiooded vases, cups, pans, platters, — all these and 
more are found ; the grave-mounds yielding the best specimens, 
while fields, refuse piles, and the sites of old villages are covered 
with countless shards. 

Many of these vessels appear to have been modeled within net- 
works, rush-baskets, and coverings of the desired size and shape 
made of twigs or split cane, or within large calabashes the in- 
terior walls of which were carved so as to leave raised figures 
and lines upon the exterior surfaces of the jars thus formed. 
Trowel-shaped implements of soapstone and baked clay were 
used in pressing the plastic material against these contrivances 
for imparting tlie desired shape, and in rendering the interior of 
tlie open-mouthed vessels and pots smooth and compact. When 
thus fashioned, the ornamentation upon the vessels, the moulds 
being burnt or cut away, appears impressed. Blocks of wood 
and cores of sand and clay were also in vogue. 

At other times, while the vessels were drying, flint flakes, the 
finger nail, the end of a hollow reed, thongs, dies of soapstone 
and wood, and corn cobs were employed to incise or imprint the 
desired ornamentation. 

Raised mouldings near the rims, ears, legs, and fanciful pro- 
tuberances were added while the clay was still soft and ready 
adhesion of such parts could be compassed. By the insertion of 
pieces of mica and shell, and with the aid of white, red, yellow, 
blue, and black pigments, the ornamentation was further diversi- 

Daring the hardening process the pots and wide-mouthed jars 
were sometimes subjected to a heat so intense as to cause a 
fusion of the particles of the interior surface near akin to glaz- 
ing. Traces of pottery-kilns, formed of stones and with paved 
floors, closely resembling rude ovens, are still extant. 

From soapstone large tubs, troughs, and smaller vessels were 


To the women was the construction of this earthenware mainly 

The manufacture of fictile articles was abandoned upon the 
introduction by the Europeans of iron pots and copper kettles. 

No fact is more emphatically asserted in the early narratives, 
or more clearly demonstrated by the relics themselves, than that 
pearls and shell ornaments were highly prized and extensively 
worn by these Florida Indians. Near the bay of Espiritu Santo 
I pearls of large size were found, " such as the Indians valued, 

[ piercing them for beads " and stringing them about their necks, 

* -wrists, waists, and ankles. In welcoming De Soto, the Indian 

f queen at Cutifachiqni drew from over her head a long string of 

[ pearls and threw it around his neck wath words of courtesy and 

friendship. From sepulchres there, and at other points along the 
line of inarch, the Spaniards obtained quantities of these glisten- 
ing beads. At the confluence of the Etowah a,nd the Ooste- 
naulla the cacique of Ichiaha presented the adelantado with a 
string of peai-ls two fathoms in length, and, having sent his peo- 
ple out over night to gather margatiferous unios from the rivers, 
the next morning showed the Spaniards how the pearls were 
extracted from them. Thus are we assured by these and other 
observers that, in the sixteenth century, upon the persons of the 
natives and in the graves of their dead, were many pearls, some 
of them as large as filberts. Grievous was the disappointment 
of the Spaniards at finding most of them discolored by hre, and 
tendei'ed valueless for the purpose of commerce from having 
been perforated with heated copper spindles. The oysters of 
the Gulf of iNIexico and the pearl-bearing unios of the Southern 
streams and lakes supplied in great abundance these coveted 
: ornaments. That they were eagerly sought after is attested by 

I the artificial shell-heaps still extant upon the coast, on the banks 

I of rivers, and upon the shores of lakes and ponds. The shells 

i were opened by fire, the animals eaten, and the pearls which 

( they contained carefully preserved. So constant and extensive 

1 were the trade relations established between the coast region and 

i . . ... 

j the interior that these treasures were wide-iy disseminated. 

I From marine, fluviatile, and lacustrine shells were manufac- 

1 tured beads, gorgets, pendants, arm-guards, masks, pins, drinking 

i cups, spoons, and money. Welcomed everywhere w\'\s the trader 

I who brought store of such articles. Dwelling under soft skit-s, 

these South(M-n Indians passed the greater part of the year in a 

state of nudity, delighting in tattooing and skin-painting, in tho 


exliibition of necklaces, waist-bands, bracelets, armlets, and ank- 
lets of pearls and shells, and in the display of sliell pendants 
and gorgets. 

Various are the forms of the shell-beads and gorgets. Some 
of the latter are very large and curiously engraven. The in- 
terior of the shell being lined with an iridescent nacre, and na- 
ture having polished that surface beyond all art, the inner and 
not the outer surface was selected for exhibition. The oliva and 
the marginella were used as ornaments, the apices of the former 
being cut oft", and the backs of the latter ground so as to admit 
of their being strung. Pins fashioned from the columns of the 
stromhus gigas were frequently worn. 

Thus from an eminence too distant for careful survey, and 
with a flight too rapid for sj^ecific mention, have we glanced at 
the semi-civilization of the red races Vv^ho antedated us in the oc- 
cupancy of this region. Although too general for accurate dis- 
crimination, and too discursive for scientific jDrecision, these 
observations will, it is hoped, convey at least a tolerable impres- 
sion of the ancient peoples who, in the flood of years, like the 
restless waves of the ocean, covei-ed our land and, receding, left 
here and there these sea-shells which we have been gathering, — 
physical tokens that the great tide of an early and almost forgot- 
ten human life was once here. 

That the older Indian tribes erected monuments more substan- 
tial and imposing than those constructed by the Indians of the 
eighteenth century cannot be denied. That the Cherokees and 
Creeks did not in some things equal the aborigines of the six- 
teenth century as described by the historians of the Spanish and 
French expeditions must be admitted. Why this decadence in 
power and industr}^ ? Will it be doubted that the burthens im- 
posed, the desolations wrought, and the diseases introduced by 
Europeans contributed to the manifest demoralization of the 
primitive population? Time was, if we may fairly judge from 
the proportions and uses of some of these august tumuli and their 
attendant relics, when those who built and cared for them occu- 
pied a position somewhat in advance of the later Indian tribes. 
Forming permanent settlements, they devoted themselves to agri- 
cultural pursuits, erected temples, fortified localities, worshiped 
the sun, possessed images, wrought extensively in stone and bone 
and wood, fashioned money and ornaments of shell, used copper 
implements, traded extensively, and were not improvident of the 
future. Such was the fertility of the localities most thickly 


[ peopled by tliem, so pleasant the climate, and so abundant the 

\ supply of game, that tliese ancient settlers were in great meas- 

f ure exempt from the stern struggle which, among nomadic tribes 

I and under moi'e inhospitable skies, constitutes the great battle 

I with nature for life. With but few temptations to wander, they 

[ bestowed much attention upon the cultivation of their fields, 

( and expended great labor in establishing their temples, protect- 

I ing their abodes, and confirming their chosen seats. And yet 

\ they were not exempt from the vicissitudes which have befallen 

[ greater and more civilized nations, reverses born of the cupid- 

I ity and cruelty of strangers. 

Certain it is that the inroads of the Spaniards violently 
shocked this primitive population, imparting new ideas, intro- 
ducing contagion hitherto unknown, interrupting customs long 
established, overturning acknowledged goveriiment, impoverish- 
ing whole districts, engendering a sense of insecurity until that 
time unfelt, instigating intertribal wars, causing marked changes, 
and entailing losses and demoralizations far more potent than we 
are inclined, at first thought, to imagine. 

The operation of that inexorable law which subordinates the 
i feebler to the will of the stronger, inaugurated here more than 

I three hundred years agone, has in the end brought about the 

* utter expatriation of the red race from the soil of Georgia. Al- 

f though half a century has elapsed since the last of tlie Cherokees 

I departed hence for their enforced homes beyond the ^lississippi, 

I Indian memories linger upon our hills and are interwoven with 

J some of the most dramatic episodes in the history of this State. 

\ Our 


I " Everlasting rivers speak 

' Their dialect of yore. 


I The mountains are their monuments 

j Though ye destroy tlieir dust." i 

I 1 For fuller description of tlie archa?- Geonjla Tribes. Charles C. Jones, Jr. 

ology of this region, sec Antiquities of New York: D. Appletou & Co. 1S73. 
the Southern Indians, particularlij of the 

Early Voyages. — Expedition of Hekstando De Soto, 

Whether Sebastian Cabot, as has been surmised by some, 
coasted as far as the shores at present claimed by the modern 
State of Georgia; whether the veteran soldier Juan Ponce de Leon, 
while traversing the Land of Flowers in quest of the fountain of 
perpetual j'outh, wandered over any portion of the territory ceded 
more than two centuries afterwards by the Crown of England to 
Oglethorpe and his associates ; whether the careless sea-captain 
Diego Miruelo in trafficking witli the natives held commerce 
with the ancestors of the Lower Creeks, must, we fear, remain 
undetermined. That the licentiate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon 
with his two slave ships, during his ill-starred voyage to Chicora, 
beheld the low-lying islands which guard the Georgia coast is 
not improbable ; but, so far as we now know, he never landed 
upon them, or sought by means of the intervening rivers to reach 
the interior and accomplish his purjjosed rape of the unsuspecting 
inhabitants. The tragic overthrow and the wasted fortunes of 
his second expedition gave to the native dwellers on the banks 
of the Combahee trinkets and objects of European manufacture 
whicli were highly prized and widely distributed. 

It is doubtful whether Yerrazzano, with his single caravel, 
came further south than the palmetto-shaded headlands of Caro- 
lina. During his blind ramblingsof eight hundred miles through 
the untrodden wilds of Florida in search of some distant territory 
abounding in gold, Narvaez may have penetrated the jungles of 
Southern Georgia, but he left no footprints upon the yielding 
soil. In the llelation of Alvar Nunez Cabe^a de Vaca, however, 
we have a recorded memory of the expedition replete with inter- 
est and archaeological vahie. 

In ascending the Savannah Piver Oglethorpe is said to have 
carried with him the Journal of Sir Walter Paleigh. From the 
latitude and marks of the place, as well as from the traditions of 
the Indians, he was led to believe that Sir Walter had landed 
at Yamaeraw lilulf and conversed with the natives. In fact, a 



Mi>!iil!^iMi ■ 






rrvave-raound, distant some half a mile from the spot, was pointed 
out hy the Indians, who informed the founder of the colony of 
Georgia that the king who then talked with Raleigh was there 
interred. It is a pleasant memory and has been repeated for a 
century and a half, but its truth we seriously question. 

It may not be denied, however, that Ribault, acting under the 
orders of Admiral Coligny, before selecting a location for his fort 
and planting his Huguenot colony near the mouth of Port Royal, 
traversed the Georgia coast, observed its harbors, and named its 
rivers. It was "a fayre coast, stretchyng of a great length, cou- 
ered with an infinite number of high and fayre trees." The 
waters " were boyling and roaring through the multitude of all 
kind of fish." The inhabitants were " all naked and of a goodly 
stature, mightie, and as well shapen and proportioned of body as 
any people in ye world ; very gentle, courteous, and of a good 
nat)u-e." Lovingly entertained were these strangers by the na- 
tives, and they were, in the delighful springtime, charmed with 
all they beheld. As they entered and viewed the country they 
pronounced it the "fairest, frultfullest, and pleasantest of all the 
world, abounding in hony, venison, wilde foule, forests, woods of 
all sorts. Palm trees, Cypresse, and Cedars, Bayes ye highest and 
greatest, vritli also the fayrest vines in all the world, with grapes 
according, which, without natural art and without man's lielpe 
or trimming, will grow to toppes of Okes and other trees that be 
of a wonderfuU greatnesse, and height. And tlie sight of the 
faire medowes is a pleasure notable to be expressed with tongue: 
full of Hemes, Curlues, Bitters, Mallards, Egreptbs, Wood-cocks, 
and all other kinds of small birds : with Harts, Hindes, Buckes, 
wilde Swine, and all other kindesof wilde beastes, as we perceiued 
well, both by their footing there, and also after\var£l«^J^ 
places by their crie and roaring in the night. 

"Also there be Conies and Hares: Silke Wormes in merueil- 
ous number, a great deale fairer and better than be our silk 
wormes. To be short, it is a thing vnspeakable to consider the 
thinges that bee seene there, and shal be founde more and more 
in this inoomperable lande, which, neuer yet broken with plough 
yrons, bringeth forth al things according to his fust nature wliere- 
with the eternall God indued it." 1917158 

So reads our extract from " The True and Last Disconcrie 
of Florida made by Captain John Ribault in the yeere 15G2." 

Enraptured Avith the delights of temperature, sky, woods, and 
waters, and anxious to transfer to this new domain names conse- 


crated by pleasant associations at Lome, Captain Ribault called 
our St. ]\I;u-y"s River the Seine, the St. Ilia the Somme, the 
Alatamaha tlie ioiVe, the Newport the Char ant e, tha Great O^^ee- 
chee the Garonne, and the Savannah the Gironde. ^' 

Two years afterwards, when Rene de Laudonniere visited Ri- 
bault's I'ort, he found it deserted. The stone pillar, inscribed 
with the arms of France, which he Iiad erected to mark the 
furthest confines of Charles IX.'s dominion in the Land of 
Flowers, was garlanded with wreaths. Offerings of maize and 
fruits lay at its base, and the natives, regarding the structure 
wdth awe and veneration, had elevated it into the dignity of a 

Hesitating to rehabilitate a settlement which had chanced upon 
such utter misfortune, Laudonniere departed from Port Royal 
and, passing by the Georgia inlets, selected a site on St. John's 
bluff where he builded a fort and called it Carolin. In token of 
the jurisdiction of France, he there elevated a stone column bear- 
ing the Royal Arms. 

Thus far no permanent lodgment had been effected on the 
Georgia coast. No collision had here occurred between the Eu- 
ropeans and the natives. The interior was still a terra incognita, 
and the soil was free from blood. The slaughters engendered by 
fratricidal strife, by national and religious animosities, and by 
savage brutalities in neighboring territories were not enacted 
here. The earliest memories of the region are peaceful and 

It will be perceived that by none of the voyagers whom we 
have mentioned, nor by any others, so far as we are advised, had 
even temporary settlements been formed between the rivers Sa- 
vannah and St. ]Mary. And yet, from certain signs of ancient 
occupanc}', consisting of tabby foundations at a few prominent 
points,! we cannot resist the impression that at some remote 
period small forts were builded or look-outs erected on the Geor- 
gia coast long antedating the advent of Oglethorpe. We re- 
frain from everything save a bare mention of them, because the 
origin, possession, and abandonment of these 

" Remnants of tilings that have pass'd away " 

are enshrouded in the darkness of an unrecorded past. 

The first Europeans who are known to have traversed the ter- 

1 See De Bralim's History of the Province of Gtorgia, pp. 29, 30. Wormsloc 


ritoiy of primeval Georgia were Hernando de Soto and his com- 

Fluslied with the distinction he had won as a captain in Nica- 
ragua, enriched by spoils gathered while a lieutenant geueral in 
the conquest of Peru, envious of the greater fame of Pizarro, 
anxious to achieve victories grander and more startling, and 
thirsting for booty more abundant, Hernando de Soto sought 
and obtained from the Spanish Crown a concession to subdue and 
settle all the region from the river Palmas eastwardly to the '• Isl- 
and of Florida," including the tierra nueva adjoining it on the 
ocean. Northwardly this domain was without specific limit and 
might be indefinitely enlarged by discovery and occupancy. Over 
it lie was to preside as governor and captain general, with the 
dignity of adelantado for life, and high sheriff in perpetuity to 
his heirs. 

"For the purpose," — so wrote the king, — "you will take 
from these our kingdoms, and our said Indias, five hundred men, 
with the necessar}^ arms, horses, munitions, and military stores ; 
and that you will go hence from these our kingdoms, to make 
the said conquest and settlement within a year first following, to 
be reckoned from the day of the date of these articles of author- 
ization ; and that when you shall leave the island of Cuba to go 
upon that enterprise you will take the necessary subsistence for 
all that people during eighteen months, — rather over than under 
that time, — entirely at your cost and charges." . . . 

As great gain was anticipated, the Crown was careful to re- 
serve to itself, for the first six years, one tenth of all gold which 
should be realized from mines ; and of that precious metal, ob- 
tained by barter or as spoil during incursions, one fifth was to be 
paid into the royal treasury. 

Remembering the treasure-trove in Peru, his majesty was 
further pleased to enjoin that to his tribunal and exchequer 
should belong one half of the gold, silver, stones, pearls, and 
other articles of value which might be taken from the graves, 
sepulchres, ocues, temples, religious precincts, public places, or 
private hoards of the natives. 

To facilitate liim in the subjugation and retention of this pos- 
session, and that he might the more easily command a conven- 
ient base of operations and supplies in the conduct of this groat 
undertaking, De Soto was commissioned by the king, his master, 
governor of Cuba. 

Having, with much deliberation, selected and enlisted six liun- 


dred men,^ competent in every respect and thoroughly equipped, 
in April, 1538, the adelantado set sail upon his mission. Pass- 
ing over the bar of San-Lucar on Sunday, — the morning of Saint 
Lazarus, — he sought the open sea amid the braying of trumpets, 
the tliunders of artillery, and the shouts of thousands. The 
expedition presented the aspect of a holiday excursion. Every 
heart on board was imbued with the spirit of adventure, confi- 
dent of success, and persuaded that the Land of Flowers would 
yield greater riches than the homes of the Licas. So general 
was the belief, entertained in Spain, of the wealth of the region, 
that the proudest of the land craved permission to be represented 
in the adventure either in person or by proxy. In the composi- 
tion of this band we find explanation of the spirit of endurance 
and wonderful courage which characterized it during its eventful 

On Pentecost De Soto arrived with his command in the har- 
bor of Santiago, in Cuba of the Antilles, and thence proceeded 
to Havana. Here he remained, perfecting his arrangements, 
until Sunday, the 18th of May, 1539 ; when, with a fleet of nine 
vessels, — five of them ships, two caravels, and two pinnaces, — 
he sailed for Florida. Delayed by contrary winds, it was not 
until the 25th, being the festival of Espiritu Santo, that land 
was descried and anchor cast a league from the shelving shore. 
On Friday, the 30th, the army debarked at a point two leao'ues 
from the town of the Indian chief Ucita. Two hundred and 
thirteen horses were set on shore, the royal standard was ele- 
vated, and formal possession taken of Terra Florida in the name 
of Charles V. The camp was pitched upon tlie sands of Tampa 

This was the most brilliant, enthusiastic, and warlike assem- 
blage which, up to that period, had ever been seen this side the 
Atlantic. Ilerrera says De Soto had, of his private fortime, con- 
tributed one hundred thousand ducats for the equipment of this 
expedition. This little army was composed of men accustomed 
to wars, of personal daring, skilled in tlie use of weapons, and 
inured to hardships. Scarcely a gray head appeared amono- 
them. Their arms were strong, and their breasts filled with 
visions of glory and wealth. It was confidently believed that 
this new and unexplored kingdom of Florida would exceed m 
riches the realms of Atahualpa, during the conquest of which De 

1 Tlie Lira, Garcilasso do l;iVo^-a. says: Lucar, more tlian nine hundred Span- 
" There assenibled for Florida, at tjuu- iards, all in the prime of iifii." 


Soto had received, as his individual shure of the spoils, the enor- 
mous sum of one hundred and eighty thousand crowns of gold. j 
Many of the young cavaliers who now rallied around this \ 
standard carried in their veins the best blood of Spain. Their | 
equipment was superb and their enthusiasm unbounded. It was ! 
a strange sight, on the lonely shores of the New World, this con- j 
vocation of soldiery in rich armor and costly dresses, of attend- j 
ing slaves, caparisoned horses, and burden-bearing mules ; this 
assemblage of fleet greyhounds, savage bloodhounds, and grunt- | 
ino" swine ; this accumulation of artillery, v/eapons, handcuffs, ] 
chains, neck-collars, crucibles for refining gold, tools, instruments, ] 
and material of every needed sort. I 
A valuable experience, acquired during the invasions of Nica- | 
rao-ua and Peru, was utilized on the present occasion ; and the I 
ample preparations made encouraged in the hearts of all hope of 
success more astounding than that which had characterized both 
those expeditions. 

Twelve priests, eight clergymen of inferior rank, and four 
monks accompanied the army. In the thirst for conquest and 
gold the conversion of the aborigines was not forgotten. jMen 
of letters, who were to perpetuate the events of the march, were 
also present. 

With the wanderings of De Soto and his followers within the 
territorial limits of Florida, with the narrative of their battles 
with the natives, with the difficulties encountered in the crossing 
of rivers and the passage of perplexing morasses, with the sore 
disappointment experienced in the quest for gold and precious 
stones in this low-lying semi-tropical region, and with the ac- | 

counts of the privations endured, we have now no special con- 
cern, as our inquiry is limited to a recital of what transpired 
within the confines of the present State of Georgia. 

It may be stated, however, that after wintering at Anhayca, 
which was probably in the neighborhood of the modern town of j 

Tallahassee,^ De Soto, allured b}^ a report of the existence of | 

gold to the northward, determined to proceed in that direction in | 

search for that much-coveted precious metal. Receiving an in- j 

timation that his march would extend for many leagues through j 

a sparsely populated region, the governor ordered his command j 

to carry tlie largest allowance of maize. The cavalrymen packed \ 

^ Portions of Spanish armor have been found in this vicinity under circimi- j 

exhumed in a field ndjaecnt to this city, stances conlirming the sujjgestion here j 

and other European relics liave hceu made. s 


a liberal supply of this grain on their horses, and the foot-soldiers 
conveyed as much as they could conveniently bear upon their 
backs. This store had been piHaged from the native villages, 
and the Indians, whom the Spaniards had forced to act as bur- 
den-bearers during their previous wanderings and about the win- 
ter cantonment, had, in nakedness and chains, perished from 
hard usage. Sad is the record of the inhuman treatment meted 
out to the aborigines by these Christian adventurers. Such was 
the utter contempt entertained for them by the Spaniards that 
they hesitated not to subject them to every form of cruelty, hu- 
miliation, and privation. The men were condemned to the oflice 
of beasts of burden. The women were misused and driven from 
their habitations. Supplies of all sorts were ruthlessly appro- 
j)riated. Even sepulchres were ransacked in the greedy search 
for pearls and hidden treasures. The path of tlie invader was 
marked on every hand by death, ruin, and desolation. The de- 
moralizing influences exerted upon this aboriginal population by 
the inroads of tlie Spaniards cannot be overestimated. 

On Wednesday, the 8d of ]\Iarch, 1540, the army moved north- 
ward, its objective point being Yupaha, governed by a Avoman 
whose chief city was reported to be of astonishing size. Of 
some Indians captured in Napotuca, the treasurer, Juan Gaytan, 
had brought to camp a lad who spoke knowingly of this queen, 
of neighboring chiefs tributary to her, and of the clothing and 
gold with which they supplied her. So exactly did he describe 
the process of taking this metal from the earth, melting and re- 
fining it, that the Spaniards came to the conclusion either that 
he had seen the whole alfair with his own eyes, or that he liad 
been taught of the Devil. Expectation was on tip-toe, and the 
belief was universal that the land of gold was at hand. 

On the fourth day of its march the army encountered a deep 
river, for the passage of which it became necessary to construct 
a periagua. So swift was the current that a chain was stretched 
from bank to bank for the guidance of this craft. By this means 
the soldiei-s and the baggage were crossed, and the horses di- 
rected in swimming the stream. We believe this to have been 
the Ocklockony River. De Soto had now arrived, or very nearly 
so, at the southwest boundary of Georgia. Within the next 
forty-eight liours the Indian village of Capachiqui was reached. 
At the approach of the Spaniards the natives fled ; but when 
five of the Christians visited some Indian cabins, surrounded by 
a thicket, in rear of the encampment, they were set upon by In- 


dians, lurking near, by whom one was killed and three otliers 
were badly wounded. Pursued by a detachment from the camp, 
the natives fled into a sheet of water filled with forest trees 
whither the cavalry could not follow them. Thus does the Gen- 
tleman of Elvas record the death of the first Spaniard who fell 
upon what is now the soil of Georgia. 

Departing from Capachiqui on the 11th, and traversing a des- 
ert, the expedition h;id, on the 21st, penetrated as far as Toalli. 
This region, which the historian designates as a desert^ was 
doubtless a dreary pine barren, devoid of population and but 
little frequented by animal life. The site of Toalli or Otoa can- 
not now be definitely ascertained ; but as it was near Achese, 
or Ochis (which, according to Mr. Gallatin, is the Muskhop;ee 
name of the Ocmulgee River), we may not greatly err in locating 
it somewhere in Irwin or Coffee County. 

Of the peculiarities of this place the Gentleman of Elvas, whose 
narrative-, in the main, we adopt, has perpetuated the following 
impressions : The houses of this town were different from those 
behind, which were covered Avitli dry grass. Thenceforward they 
were roofed with cane after the fashion of tile. They are kept 
very clean. Some have their sides so made of clay as to look 
like tapia. Throughout the cold country every Indian has a 
winter house, plastered inside and out, with a very small door 
which is closed at dark, and, a fire being made within, it remains 
heated like an oven, so that clothing is not needed during the 
night-time. He has likewise a house for summer, and near it a 
kitchen where fire is made and bread baked. Maize is kept in 
barbacoa, which is a house with wooden sides, like a room, raised 
aloft on four posts. It has a floor of cane. The houses of tlie 
principal, men, besides being larger than those of the common 
people, had deep balconies in front furnished with benches made 
of the swamp cane. Adjacent were large barbacoas in Mdiicli 
were collected maize, the skins of deer, and the blankets of the 
country, offered as tribute b}'- the populace. These blankets re- 
sembled shawls, and were fashioned from the inner bark of trees, 
and from a certain grass which, when beaten, yielded a flax-like 
fibre. ^ They were used by the women as coverings. One was 
worn about the body from the waist downwai'd. Another was 
thrown over the shoulders, leaving the right arm free after the 
manner of the gypsies. The men were content with one, which 
was carried in like manner over the shoulders. The loins were 
1 Tliiri was evideutly tho tough silk grass of the region. 


covered with a bragueiro of deer-skin, after the fashion of the 
woolen breech-cloth once customary in Spain. These blankets 
were colored either vermilion or black. Garments of well- 
dressed deer-skin were also in vogue, and shoes made of the same 

Three days were spent at Toalli ; and on Saturday, the 24th 
of March, the expedition moved onward, Thursday evening, 
while crossing a small stream over which a bridge had been 
thrown for the passage of the command, Benito Fernandes, a 
Portuguese, was drowned. A short distance beyond this stream 
was located the village of Achese, whose inhabitants, upon the 
approach of the Europeans, plunged into the river and made 
their escape. Among some captives taken was found one who 
understood the language spoken by the Indian who had acted in 
the capacity of guide to Yupaha. By him the governor sent a 
message to the chief dwelling on the further side of the river, 
desiring an interview with him. Responding to the invitation, 
the cacique appeared with words of courtesy and an avowal of 
friendship. Frankly thanking him for his good will, De Soto 
informed him that he was the child of the sun,i coming from his 
abode, and that he was seeking the greatest prince and the rich- 
est province. The chief replied that further on there reigned a 
powerful king whose territory was called Ocute. A guide, who 
understood the language of this province, having been furnished, 
the captives were set at liberty. Before leaving Toalli a high 
wooden cross was erected in the middle of the town yard, and 
some ellort made to instruct the natives in the doctrines of Chris- 

Resuming his march on the 1st of April, De Soto moved along 
a river whose shores were thickly populated. On the fourth day 
he passed through the town of Altamaca, and on the tenth ar- 
rived at Ocute. If we are correct in our impression, the march 
of the expedition had been in a northeasterly direction, and the 
Spaniards were now j^robably in Laurens County. In the word 
Altamaca (or Altapalia^ as it is written by Biedma and also by 
Garcilasso de la ^'ega) we recognize one of the prominent rivers 
in Southern Gecu-gia, and the many traces of early constructive 
skill, ancient relic beds, and old Indian fields along the line of 
that and of the Oconee River give ample token that in former 

1 This announcement, if credited, was the sixteenth century, were nearly all 
calculated t(vniakc a ])rof(>niid ini]iression sun-worshipers. 
upon the natives, as the Florida tribes, in 


times the aboiiginal population dwelling here was by no means 

While approaching Ocute, De Soto's command was met by two 
thonsand Indians bearing, as a present from the chief, many 
conies, partridges, bread made of maize, dogs, and two turkeys. 
Such was the scarcity of meat that the Spaniards welcomed this 
offering of dogs as heartily as if it had been a gift of fat sheep. 
In the language of the narrative from which we have quoted so 
freely : " Of flesh meat and salt in many places and many times 
there had been great need; and they were so scarse that if a man 
fell sicke there was nothing to cherish him witliall ; and with a 
sicknesse that in another place easilie might have been remedied, 
he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones was k^'t : 
and they died of pure weaknes, some of them saying: ' If I had 
a slice of meate or a few cornes of salt, I should not die.' " 

The sufferings of these Spaniards were grievous and almost 
without interruption. On more than one occasion they were on 
the point of starving when relieved by tlie generous off'erings of 
the natives. Surely these primitive inhabitants were hospitable 
peoples. In view of the harsh treatment dealt out to them by 
the whites we are little less than amazed at such exhibitions of 
charity and good will. 

While the Indians, through the apt use of their bows and 
arrows, supplied themselves abundantly with game, the Span- 
iards, less expert with their clumsy weapons, and on the march 
not daring to straggle, so craved meat that upon their entrance 
into a native village they at once set about killing every dog in 
sight. Should the private soldier, who had been so fortunate 
as to secure one of these animals, omit to send his cajitain a 
quarter, he would surely be visited with displeasure and extra 

Having obtained from the cacique of Ocute four hundred 
tamemes, or burden-bearers, the governor, on the 12th of April, 
took his departure. Passing through Cofaqui, he journeyed to 
Patofa, by tlie raico of which he was hospitably enti'eated. 

While here, the Indian youth who had accompanied De Soto 
as his guide and interpreter " began to froth at the mouth, and 
threw himself on the ground as if he were possessed of the 
Devil." An exorcism having been said over him, however, the 
fit went off : at least, so runs the story. 

Upon the cacique of Patofa a contribution was levied of seven 
hundred tamemes and a four days' supply of maize. Thus aitled, 


the expedition started, apparently in a northeasterly direction, 
following a path which gradually grew less and less distinct, 
until, at the end of the sixth day, all trace was lost in the midst 
of a wide-spreading pine barren. For three days more vainly 
seeking to acquire some valuable information, and having marched 
continuously, the governor called a halt and went into camp among 
the pine-trees. During these nine days he had with difficulty 
forded two rivers (sources of the Great Ogeechee ?) and swam 
another (Briar Creek ?). 

Accompanied by some cavalry and infantry, De Soto made 
a detour of five or six leagues, looking for a path. He re- 
turned at night, having failed to find any inhabitants, quite 
dejected and sore perplexed. His command was in a sorry 
plight. The circumjacent country was a barren. No sign of 
human habitation appeared. The maize which his soldiers had 
brought from Patofa was utterly consumed. Both beasts and 
men were lean and hungry. In this enfeebled condition resist- 
ance, in the event of an attack, seemed impossible. Starvation 
and annihilation stared the expedition in the face. Unable 
longer to subsist the burthen-bearers from Patofa, the}'- were 
dismissed to make their way back to their homes as best they 

The next day, intent upon extricating himself from this per- 
ilous situation, the governor sent out four expeditions — each 
consisting of a captain and eight cavahymen — witli instruc- 
tions to scour the country and find some source of relief, some 
avenue of escape. The day was consumed in a fruitless search, 
and they all came into camp at night-fall leading their broken- 
down hoi-sos, or driving tliem before them. On the following 
day, having selected the best horses, and soldiers who could 
swim, he organized four bands, each containing eight mounted 
men. Baltasar de Gallegos, who commanded one, was directed 
to move np the river. Juan de Anasco, with another, was to 
move downwards. Alfonso Homo and Juan Rodrigues Lobillo, 
with tlie otlier two, were ordered to strike into the countr}'. 

The thirteen sows Avhich had been brought from Cuba had so 
multiplied during the progress of the exjicdition that there were 
now throe Imndrcd swine in camp. During this season of priva- 
tion these animals were killed, and a ration of a half pound of 
fresh pork was issued, per diem, to each man. This, supple- 
mented by such native herbs as could be collected and boih.'d, 
constituted the only subsistence of the soldiery. Upon tlie rough 


grass, leaves, and the tops of palmettos did the horses feed. 
Tlie entire command was in an enfeebled, dispirited, and almost 
perishing condition. 

On Sunday afternoon (x\pril 25th) Juan de Anasco, who was in 
charge of one of these reconnoitring parties, returned, bringing 
a woman and a youth whom he had captured. He reported thiit 
at a remove of some twelve or thirteen leagues he had found a 
small town. At this intelligence, says the Gentleman of Elvas, 
the governor and his people were as much delighted as if they 
had been raised from death to life. 

Without awaiting the incoming of the other detachments, De 
Soto set out for tins village, which the Indians called Aymay, 
and to which the Spaniards gave the name of Socorro.^ At the 
foot of a tree in the camp was buried a letter stating in wliat 
direction the command would march. That the attention of the 
absentees on their return might be called to it, on the bark of 
the tree were cut, with a hatchet, these words : " Dig here : at 
the foot of this pine you will find a letter." 

Following the road which Anasco had made while passing 
through the woods, the governor set out on the morning of the 
26th of April, taking with him his troopers who were best 
mounted, and moved as rapidly as he could in the direction of 
Aymay. That village he reached before night-fall. The army 
followed as best it could in its enfeebled condition, straggling all 
the way. At this town a barbacoa of parched meal and maize 
was found, the contents of which were immediately issued to the 
starving command. 

Four Indians were captured who refused to give any informa- 
tion touching the existence of any adjacent native villages. One 
of them having been burnt, another stated that at a remove of 
two days' journe}'^ was the province of Cutifachiqui. 

Two days afterward the three captains arrived with their de- 
tachments. On returning to camp they found the buried letter, 
and followed on in the trail left by the army. Two soldiers re- 
mained behind, and they belonged to the detachment of Juan 
Rodrigues. Their horses had entirely given out and they lagged 
with them. After a severe reprimand from the governor, this of- 
ficer was dispatched to hurry up these loiterers. AVithout tarrying 
for their coming, De Soto advanced in the direction of Cutifachi- 
qui. On his journey thitherward three Indians were taken who 
informed the Spaniards that the queen of that province had been 
1 VUlaKC of Good Relief. 


advised of the approach of the army, and, in lier chief town, was 
awaiting the arrival of the-strangers. One ot them was imme- 
diately dispatched with a message of friendship from the gover- 
nor to the cacica, and the announcement that he would speedily 
visit her. Upon the governor's arrival at the river, four canoes 
approached from the opposite bank. In one of these wag a kins- 
woman of the cacica, who had been by her deputed to extend an 
invitation to the Spaniards to cross over and partake of the hos- 
pitahties of the town. She excused the absence of the cacica on 
the ground that she was engaged in giving directions for the 
reception of such distinguished gaests. • She returned with the 
thanks of the governor. Soon after, the cacica came out of the 
village, seated in a chair of state,i which was borne by some of 
the principal men to the water's edge. Thence alighting, she 
entered a canoe, the stern of which was sheltered by an awning. 
Cushions lay extended in the bottom, and upon these she re- 
clined. In her passage across the river she was accompanied by 
her chief men and other subjects in canoes. Having landed, she ap- 
proached the spot where De Soto awaited her, and addressed him 
with courteous words of welcome. Drawing from over her head 
a long string of pearls, she suspended it about the governor's neck 
in token of amity. She also presented him with many shawls 
and dressed skins, constituting the clothing of her country. Finely 
formed, with great beauty of countenance, and possessing much 
native grace and dignity, the Spaniards were impressed by her 
appearance and queenly conduct. During her interview with the 
governor she sat upon a stool carried by one of her attendants. 
Her subjects preserved an unbroken silence and most respectful 
demeanor. She was the first female ruler whom Do Soto had 
met during all his wanderings. The governor was sensibly 
moved by her generous salutation and pleasing behavior. In ac- 
knowledgment of her beautiful gift, and as a pledge of peace and 
friendship, De Soto, removing from his finger a ring of gold set 
with a ruby, gently placed it upon one of lier fingers. The hos- 
pitalities of her town were generously extended. She promised 
to share her store of maize with the strangers, and said that she 
would send canoes for their conveyance to the other side of the 
river. This ceremony of Avelcome ended, the cacica returned to 
her home. On the following day, in canoes and upon rafts fur- 

J*In rUite XXXVII. of tho Ijrn-is queens of tliosc primitive people wore con- 

y(irr<it,'o wo luive :i s]iivi;cil illn-tn-.tinii vevcd. S(.'.> mIs.) Junes' .•tz/OV/z/fVAs o/" ;/,« 
of tho litter, or paiaiuiuin, in which the ^onlhcni /iuUiins,\,.7-2. New York. 1873. 


nished by the natives, the army crossed to the other shore and 
found food and rest in -wigwams shaded by hixuriant mulberry- 
trees. Four horses were droAA^ied in the passage of the river. | 
So soon as De Soto was lodged in the village many wild turkeys I 
were sent to him, and daring his sojourn in this place he and his | 
men were entertained with every mark of hospitality. To be '. 
thus rested and feasted was most joyous to this band, foot-sore 
and weary, disappointed, dejected, and well-nigh overborne by 
the difficulties and privations of the journey. 

The inhabitants, well proportioned and of a good countenance, 
were more civilized than all other peoples seen in the wide-ex- 
tended territor}^ of Florida. They wore clothing and shoes. The 
country, in that early springtime, was beautiful and gave every 
indication of fertility. The temperature was delightful, and the 
woods were most attractive. The Spaniards were particularly 
gratified with the profusion of walnut and mulberry trees. To 
all save the governor it seemed good to form a permanent set- 
tlement here. The point appeared favorable for raising sup- 
plies; and, as the natives stated it was only two days' journey 
from the coast, it was thought that ships from New Spain, Peru, 
Sancta Marta, and Tierra-Firme, going to Spain, might be in- 
duced to stop here and ref I'esh their crews. Thus ignorant were 
these strangers of their true geographical position. 

In the vicinity of Cutifachiqui were large, vacant towns over- 
grown with grass. It was ascertained that two years before there 
had been a pest in the land, and in order to escape its ravages 
multitudes of the inhabitants had removed to other localities. 

In the barbacoas were found " large quantities of clothing ; 
shawls of thread made from the bark of trees, and others of 
feathers, white, gray, vermilion, and yellow, rich and proper for 
winter. There were also many well-dressed deer-skins, of colors 
drawn over with designs, of which had been made shoes, stock- 
ings, and hose." 

Upon searching the sepulchres in the town " three lumdred and 
fifty weight of pearls, and figures of babies and birds made from 
iridescent shells," were taken from them. The suggestion of the 
Spanish narrators is tliat this quest was undertaken by permis- 
sion of the cacica, who observed how highly the Christians valued 
these gems of the water. When we remember, however, how 
ardently attached these primitive peoples were to the graves of 
their dead, how carefully they deposited in them the treasures 
of the deceased, liow tenderly they watched over and sacredly 


guarded the last resting-places of their departed, we recognize in 
this procedure not the voluntary intervention of the native, but 
the cupidity, the violence, and the outrage of the foreigner. 

In the town were found a dirk and beads of European manu- 
facture. From the best information which could be gathered 
touching their origin and the manner in which the Indians be- 
came possessed of them, it was believed that they had been ob- 
tained from some members of the unfortunate expedition of the 
governor-licentiate Ayllon. Biedma says, in alluding to these 
relics, " We found buried two wood axes of Castilian make, a 
rosary of jet beads, and some false pearls such as are taken from 
this country [Spain] to traffic with the Indians, all of which we 
supposed they got in exchange made with those who followed the 
licentiate Ayllon. From the information given by the Indians, 
the sea should be about thirty leagues distant. We knew that 
the people who came with Ayllon hardly entered the country at 
all ; that they remained continually on the coast until his sickness 
and death. In strife for command, they then commenced to kill 
each other, while others of them died of hunger ; for one, whose 
lot it was to have been among them, told us that of six hundred 
men who landed, only fifty-seven escaped, — a loss caused to a 
great extent by the wreck of a big ship they had brought, laden 
with stores." 

Learninsc that the mother of the cacica resided about twelve 
leagues down the river, and that she was a widow, De Soto ex- 
pressed a strong desire to see her. This wish was doubtless born 
of the fact that she was reported to be the owner of many valu- 
able pearls. Upon intimating his pleasure, the cacica of Cuti- 
fachiqui dispatched twelve of her prominent subjects to entreat 
her mother to come and see the wonderful strangers and the re- 
markable animals they had brought with them. To these mes- 
sengers the widow administered a severe rebuke, declined to ac- 
company them, and returned to her daughter words condemnatory 
of her conduct. Still intent upon his object, De Soto dispatched 
Juan de Anasco, with thirty companions, to secure the presence 
of the queen mother. The}" were accompanied by a youthful 
warrior whom the cacica selected as a guide. He was a near 
relative of the wiilow and had been reared by her. It was sup- 
posed that he of all others could best bespeak for the expedition a 
favorable reception. In the blush of early manhood he possessed 
handsome features and a graceful, vigorous form. " His head 
was decorated with lofty plumes of dill'erent colored feathers ; he 


woro a mantle of dressed deev-skin ; in his hand he bore a beautiful 

]<~-\v ^;o lii'"'hly varnished as to appear as if finely enameled ; and j 

ai his shoukler hung a quiver full of arrows. With a light and i 

clastic step and an animated and gallant air, his whole appear- ] 

.ir.ce was that of an ambassador worthy of the ypung and beauti- | 

ful princess whom he served." j 

What next befell the Spanish captain and his Indian guide we I 

relate in the language of Theodore Irving, quoting from Garci- j 

lasso do la Vega : — | 

" Juan de Anasco and his comrades having proceeded nearly I 

three leagues, stopped to make their midday meal and take j 

their repose beneath the shade of some wide-spreading trees, as I 

iii« heat was oppressive. The Indian guide Inid proved a cheer- | 

ful and joyous companion, entertaining them all the way with | 

accounts of the surrounding country and the adjacent provinces. ! 

Ou a sudden, after they had halted, he became moody and : 

thoughtful, and, leaning his cheek upon his hand, fell into a | 

reverie, uttering repeated and deep-drawn sighs. The Span- j 

iards noticed his dejection, but, fearing to increase it, forbore to j 

demand the cause. j 

" After a time he quietly took off his quiver, and placing it ; 

before bim drew out the arrows slowly one by one. They were j 

admirable for the skill and elegance with which they were formed. | 

Their shafts were reeds. Some were tipped with buck's liorn, = 

wrought with four corners like a diamond ; some were pointed j 

with the bones of fishes, curiously fashioned ; others with barbs J 

of the palm and other hard woods ; and some were three-prongod. I 

They were feathered in a triangular manner to render their | 

llight of greater accuracy. The Spaniards could not sulhciently j 

atlmire their beauty ; they took them up and passed them from | 

hand to hand, examining and praising their workmanship and j 

extolling the skill of their owner. The youthful Indian con- | 

tinned thoughtfully emptying his quiver, until, almost at the \ 

last, he drew forth an arrow with a point of flint, long and sharp, | 

and shaped like a dagger ; then, casting round a glance, and i 

seeing the Spaniards engaged in admiring his darts, he suddenly 1 

plunged the weapon in his throat and fell dead upon the spot. j 

" Shocked at the circumstance, and grieved at not having been i 

able to prevent it, the Spaniards called to their Indian attendants | 
and demanded the reason of this melancholy act in one who had 

just before been so joyous. ' 

" The Indians broke into loud lamentations over the corpse ; 


for tlie youth was tenderly beloved by them, and they knew the 
grief his untimely fate would cause to both their princesses. 
They could only account for his self-destruction by supposing 
bim perplexed and afflicted about his embassy. He knew that 
his errand would be disagreeable to the mother, and apprehended 
that the plan of the Spaniards was to carry her off. He alone 
knew the place of her concealment, and it appeared to his gen- 
erous mind an unworthy return for her love and confidence thus 
to betray her to strangers. On the other hand, he was aware 
that should he disobey the mandates of his young mistress he 
would lose her favor and fall into disgrace. Either of these 
alternatives would be worse than death ; he had chosen death, 
therefore, as the lesser evil, and as leaving to his mistress a proof 
of his loyalty and devotion. 

"Such was the conjecture of the Indians, to which the Span- 
iards were inclined to give faith. Grieving over the death of the 
high-minded youth, they mournfully resumed their journey. 

" They now, however, found themselves at a loss about the 
road. None of the Indians knew in what part of the country 
the widow was concealed, the young guide who had killed 
himself being alone master of the secret. For the rest of that 
day and until the following noon they made a fruitless search, 
taking prisoners some natives who all professed utter ignorance 
on the subject. Juan de Anasco, being a fleshy man and some- 
what choleric, was almost in a fever with the vexation of his 
spirit, the weight of his armor, and the heat of the day ; he was 
obliged, however, to give up the quest after the widow, and to 
return to the camp much mortified at having for once failed in 
an enterprise," 

Three days afterward, upon the offer of an Indian to guide 
him, by water, to the point where the widow had secreted her- 
self, Anasco, with twenty companions, departed in two canoes for 
the purpose of capturing her. At the end of six days he returned 
vexed and chagrined at the failure of his expedition. Thus did 
the queen's mother avoid the Spaniards and preserve her pearls. 

Still intent upon his quest for gold, in response to his in- 
quiries De Soto was told that there was here yellow and also 
white metal, similar to that shown by the Spaniards. Natives 
were dispatched to bring samples of both. To the sore disap- 
pointment of the Christians, however, the yellow metal proved 
to be a cojiper ore, and the white metal a light crumbling mate- 
rial like mica. 


Tiirnlnc^ liis attention again to the pearls of the region, the 
.'ovr-rnnr visited Talomeco, the former chief town of the prov- 
in<v, distant abont a league from the village of the princess of l 

( "iitifachiqui, Avhere was a large mausoleum containing man^^ dead i 

and a lar^-e store of pearls. On this occasion he was accompanied i 

bv Anasco, the contador, or royal accountant of the expedition, j 

by tiie officers of the royal revenue, and by a number of his prin- 
cipal officers and soldiers. 

The Inca, Garcilasso de la Vega, thus describes the temple 
of Talomeco, which constituted the sepulchre of the kings of | 

the country : " It is more than one hundred steps long by forty j 

broad. The walls are high in proportion, and the roof very ele- j 

viitcd to supply tlie want of tiles and to give more slope to the ; 

vati-r. Tlie covering is of canes, very thin, split in two, of j 

which tlic Indians make mats, which resemble the rush carpets j 

of tlie ]Moors, which are very beautiful to view. Five or six of j 

these mats placed one upon the other serve to prevent the rain j 

from penetrating and the sun from entering the temple : wliich | 

the private people of the country and their neighbors imitate in I 

their houses. 

" Upon the roof of this temple are many shells of different 
sizes, of divers fishes, ranged in very good order. These shells 
are placed with the insides out to give more brilliancy. The great 
spiral sea-shell is located between two small shells. These shells 
are connected, the one with the other, by strings of pearls of va- 
rious sizes. These festoons of pearls, extending from the top of 
the roof to the bottom, in association with the vivid brilliancy 
of the mother-of-pearl and the other shells, produce a very beau- 
tiful effect when the sun shines upon them. 

" The doors were proportioned to the grandeur of the temple ; 
and at the entrance were seen twelve gigantic statues made of 
wood. So ferocious and menacing was the aspect of these fig- 
ures that the Spaniards paused for a long time to consider them. 
They say that these giants were placed there to defend the en- 
trance of the door. They stand in a row on each side, and 
gradually diminish in size. The first are eight feet high and 
the others proportionally a little less, in the order of the tubes of 
an organ. 

" Tliey have arms conformable to their height : the first on 
each side bearing clubs, ornamented with copper, which they hold 
in an elevated position as though ready to bring them down with 
fury upon those who may dare to enter. The second have maces, 


and the third a kind of oar ; the fourtli, copper sixes, the edjres 
of which fire of flint ; and the fifth hold a bended bow with tlie 
arrow ready to be discharged. Curious are these arroAvs, the 
lower ends of which contain pieces of stag's horn well finished, 
or flint stones as sharp as a dagger. The last giants hold very- 
long pikes ornamented with copper at both ends. They also 
maintain a threatening attitude. 

" The ornamentation of the inner walls of the temple conforms 
with that of the exterior, for there is a kind of cornice made of 
great spiral sea-shells placed in excellent order, and between 
these are seen festoons of pearls depending from the roof. At 
intervals between the shells and pearls, suspended from the 
arches and tied to the roof, are plumes well arranged and of 
divers colors. Besides this order whicli reigns above the cornice, 
many plumes and strings of pearls hang from all the other parts 
of the roof, retained by imperceptible threads. 

. " Beneath the ceiling and cornice, and around the four sides of 
the temple, are two rows of statues, one above tlie other, the one 
of men and the other of women, of the stature of the people of 
the country. Each has its niche, and thus is the wall adorned, 
which would otherwise appear naked. The male statues have 
arms in their hands, encircled with four or five rows of pearls 
strung upon colored threads and terminating in tassels. The 
hands o£ the female statues are empt3^ At the base of the walls 
are wooden benches, cleverlj' fashioned, whereon are placed the 
coffins of the lords of tbe province and their families. Two feet 
above these coffins, and in niches in the wall, we behold the stat- 
ues of the individuals who there lie entombed. So natural is the 
representation that these images perpetuate the recollection of 
the departed. The males are armed, the women not. 

" The space intervening between the images of the dead and 
the two ranks of statues above described is decorated with buck- 
lers of various sizes, made of reeds, and so strongly woven that 
they appeared capable of resisting perforation by the arrow of a 
cross-bow or the shot of a musket. The beauty of these shields is 
greatly enhanced by decorations of pearls and variegated tassels. 

" In the middle of the temple were three rows of chests upon 
separate benches. The largest chests served as a base for those 
of medium size ; and these in turn supported the smallest. Thus 
these pyramids consisted ordinarily of five or six chests. Open 
spaces existed between them and the benches. These chests 
were filled with pearls, the largest containing the finest, and the 


sT.:'.Ilt\st only seed pearls. Thcj'- represented the accumulations 

'■ i'>. '.sides this quantity of pearls ^rere found packages of skins 
Cdicri'tl, and raiments of skin with the hair variously dyed. 

" About this temple, which was clean and kept in excellent 
order, was a large magazine divided into eight halls. Upon en- 
tcrinfT these the Spaniards found them filled with arms. In the 
ru-;st were long pikes, mounted with beautiful copper, and orna- 
mented with pearls. The place where these pikes touched the 
shoulder was embellished with colored skins, and at the extremi- 
ties were tassels with pearls, contributing greatly to the beauty 
ot tn.ese weapons. There were, in the second hall, maces, like 
those in the hands of the giants guarding the entrance to tlie tem- 
}1.', decorated with pearls and colored tassels. In the third were 
I'lMul hammers embellished as the others; in the fourth, pikes j 

doelcod with tassels near the blade and at the handle : in the fifth, i 

a kind of oar adorned with pearls and fringes; in the sixth, very >. 

beautiful bows and arrows. Some were armed with flint sharp- \ 

encd at the end in the form of a bodkin, a sword, a piko-blade, j 

or the point of a dagger with two edges. The bows were adorned 

with divers brilliant colors and embellished with pearls. In the ' 

seventh hall were bucklers of wood and of buffalo-skins decked 

witli pearls and colored tassels. In the eighth were seen shields 

of cane, skillfully woven, and ornamented with tassels and seed 


Tills temple represented the grandeur and the wealth of the 

V.'hile the existence of pearls upon the persons and in the 
e:rav(\s of the natives of this region may not be questioned, it is 
highly probable that the accounts of the quantities of these glis- 
tening beads here found are exaggerated. The treasures of the 
New World were greatly magnified by these adventurers, who 
dealt largely in the marvelous, and sought, by glowing descrip- 
tions, to excite the wonder and enlist the sympathies of their 
friends at home. 

Shell heaps — still extant along the line of Southern rivers, 
upon the shores of ponds and lakes, and on the sea-coast — are 
not infrequent. Upon the animals which they contained did the 
aborigines depend in no small degree for food, and the pearls 
thence obtained were industriously gathered and perforated to 

^ vSoe IlistnTfj of llcnuindo de Soto and Florida, etc., by Barnard Sliipp, pp- ^^-' 
ooj. riiiladelphia. 1881. 


be worn as ornaments. Throiigli aboriginal trade relations con- 
stant supplies were also procured from margatiferous shells of 
the Gulf of ]Mexico.i 

It was the purpose of the intendants of the revenue, who ac- 
companied the expedition, to collect and preserve all the pearls 
found in these temples and graves ; but upon a suggestion by the 
governor these could not be conveniently carried, and that at 
present they were simply engaged in an expedition for discover}'', j 
it was resolved that specimens only should be taken for exhibi- 
tion in Havana, and that the rest should remain until such tim.e 
^ as they might return and possess the land. Handfuls of large 
pearls were distributed among the officers, with an exhortation 
from De Soto that they make rosaries of them. The Crown 
officers were allowed to retain quite a quantity' which they Imd 
already weighed out. \ 

So pleased were the soldiers with this goodly land, with its ! 
fruits and stores of pearls, that they urged upon the governor the i 
propriet}' of forming here a permanent settlement. But, in the ' 
language of the Gentleman of Elvas, " the governor, since his i 
intent was to seeke another treasure like that of Atabalipa, lord j 
of Peru, was not contented with a good countrie, nor with j 
pearles, though many of them were worth their weight in gold. j 
And if the countrie had been divided among the Christians, those | 
which the Indians had fished for afterward would have been of j 
more value ; for those which they had, because they burned ! 
them in the fire, did leese their colour. The governour answered j 
them that ur<Ted him to inhabit, that in all the countrie there ! 
were not victuals to sustaine his men one moneth, and that it . 
was need full to resort to the port of Ocns, where ^Maldonado was | 
to stay for them ; and that if no richer countrie were found, i 
they might returne againe to that whensoever they would ; and I 
in the meantime the Indians would sow their fields, and it would i 
be better furnished with maiz. 

" He inquired of the Indians whether they had notice of any 
great lord farther into the land. They told hini that twelve dales 
journie froni thence there was a province called Chiaha, subject 
to the lord of Coca. Presently the governour determined to 
seeke that land. And being a sterne man, and of few words, 
though he was glad to sift and know the opinion of all men, yet 

^ In furtl'.or jiroof df the poncral use Southern Iiulians, etc., chapter xxi. Now 
of ]>o;irl.s as uniamcnts anion;: tlie South- York. 1S73. 
eru tribes, sec Joucs' A)iti(iuitits of the 


aft.r liee bad delivered bis owne liee would not be contraried, 
iiiid ulwaies did wbat liked bimselfe, and so all men did conde- 
H.'cii.l unto bis will. And tbougb it seemed an errour to leave 
tluit eonntrie (for otbers migbt bave been souglit round about, 
T.!iore tlie people migbt bave been sustained untill tbe barvest 
liad been readie tbere, and tbe maiz gatbered), yet tbere was 
none tbat would say anytbing against bim after tbey knew bis 

"We liave tbus traced tbe progress of tbe expedition from tbe 
soutbern confines of Georgia to tbe mulberry-sbaded town of 
Cutifai^liiqui. Tbe general trend of tbe marcb was nortbeast, 
wiib manifestly many deflections wbicb we bave found it impos- 
sible to inu'sue witb any degree of accuracy. ^ From Anbayca to 
tlio point where tbe army is now resting, tbe route bas been, in 
our ju.lgment, nearly parallel witb tbe Atlantic coast. AVe be- 
lieve tlie location of Cutifacbiqui to bave been identical witb tbat 
of Silver Bluff, on tbe left bank of tbe Savannab River, about 
twenty-five miles by water below tbe city'of Augusta. Tbe river 
lierc impinges against a bold bluff, rising some tbirty-live feet 
above tbe level of the adjacent SAvamp and extending along the 
line of tbe stream, witb an unbroken front, for tbe distance of 
ncarl}^ a mile. Bounding tbis bigb ground on tbe west is Hol- 
low Creek. Stretcbing to tbe nortb is fertile upland. At tbis 
place Avere extensive Indian fields when tbe region was first 
visited and settled by Europeans. Three miles below, in a di- 
rect line, is anotber bluff upon the same side of tbe Savannab 
Bivev, — not quite so bold as that wbere we now stand, — witb 
an adjacent expanse of rieb upland, wbicb we suppose to be tbe 
site of Talomeco. Here also were old Indian fields and manifest 
tokens of primitive occupancy. 

Wben, one bundred and seven years ago, William Bartram 
visited Silver Bluff, then owned by George Galpbin tbe famous 
Indian trader, tbere were still extant " various monuments and 
vestiges of the residence of tbe ancients : as Indian conical 
movmts, terraces, areas, etc., as well as remains or traces of for- 
tresses af regular formation, as if constructed after tbe modes of 
European military architects, wbicb are supposed to be ancient 
camps of the Spaniards wbo formerly fixed themselves at tbis 
place in hopes of finding silver." 

^ That tlic progress of the expedition tervals by riverS) streams, and swamps, 
was necessarily slow will be freely ad- that its bagLra.^e and sii]i]ilies were trans- 
mitted when it is remembered that it was ported npon the i)acksof the sohhc rs and 
travcrsinij; the depths of an unhrt)ken, of Indian bnrthen-bearers, and that a 
pathless forest, permeated at irregular in- drove of hogs kept paee with the march. 


These proofs of earl}^ constructive skill have, however, all dis- 
appeared. The}^ have been obliterated by the plowshare and 
the changing seasons, and the most marked of tlicm, occupyinrr 
positions near the edge of the bluff, have been swept away by 
the encroaching tides of the tawny-hued Savannah. Yf ithin the 
memory of an old inhabitant, more than one hundred feet in 
breadth of this bluii have been eaten away and dissipated by the 
insatiate currents of this river. That the Spaniards were once 
here, was generally believed at the period of Bartram's visit, and 
the tradition has been handed down to the present day. But 
^our intelligent traveler was manifestly at fault in ascribing some 
'of these earth-works to the agency of Europeans. So far as we 
can discover, De Soto fortified no camps within the present limits 
of Georgia, and left no enduring proofs of his occupancy. 

The presence of pyrites and of sulphurous nodules in the face 
of the bluff and frequent particles and flakes of mica still attest 
the sources from which the Indians, in the days of Do Soto, 
attempted to satisfy the Spanish craving for gold and silver.' 
While it may be true that nuggets of native silver have been here 
found, as is stoutly asserted by some, the suggestion that this 
bluff derived its name from this circumstance we deem quite im- 
probable. We would rather ascribe the name to the tradition, 
derived from the Indians, and dominant here at the period of 
primal settlement, that many years before a band of white men 
bad here come and, in the bed of the river and elsewhere in the 
neighborhood, made search for this metal. 

Those who have studied the route of De Soto are not agreed 
as to the precise location of Cutifacliiqui. Thus, Dr. ]\Ionette 
places it on the peninsula formed by the confluence of the Broad 
and Savannah rivers. Dr. McCulloh thinks it was on the Oc- 
mulgee River, in :\Ionroe County. William Bartram, Colonel 
Albert James Pickett, .Air. Albert Gallatin, Mr. William B. Rye, 
Mr. Buckingham Smith, and Mr. J. Carson Brevoort all incline 
to the belief that at Silver Bluff we behold the site of the ancient 
village of Cutifachiqui. In this impression we sympathize. Mr. 
Theodore Irving, too, appears to yield to this persuasion, while 
freely confessing how perplexing it is to "make out the route in 
conformity to modern landmarks." 

During the latter ])ortion of the Spanish sojourn at Cutifachiqui 
the queen had become so much incensed at the outrages perpe- 
trated by the Christians upon her subjects tliat when advised by 
De Soto of his contemplated departure she utterly refused to 


fiirnisli hira with guides and tamemes. The governor tliereupon 
jl.iced lier under guard; and, upon commencing his journey 
Til rtlrvvard, on the third day of oNIay, he compelled her, on foot, 
escorted by her female attendants, to accompany him. Com- 
nu^nting upon this conduct of De Soto, the Gentleman of Elvas 
remarks : This was not " so good usage as she deserved for the 
good wil she shewed and good entertAinement that she had made 
him. And he verified that old proverb which saith : ' For wel- 
doing I receive evil.' " The present objective point of the expe- 
dition was Guaxule, situated near the northerly or northwesterly 
confines of the territory ruled over by the cacica of Cutifachiqui. 
As domains were quite extensive, De Soto trusted, through 
her presence and influence, to control the natives along the line 
of liis march. In this expectation he was not disappointed. 
'• In all the townes where the Governour passed, the ladie eom- 
njanded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one 
tovrne to another. We passed through her countrie an hundred 
leagues, in which, as we saw, she was much obeyed. For the 
Indians did all that she commanded them with great efTicacie 
and diligence." Before departing from Cutifachiqui the array 
was organized into two divisions : the one commanded by the 
adelantado in person, and the other under the guidance of Bal- 
tazar de Gallegos. Upon the second day the Spaniards encoun- 
tered a storm of wind, lightning, and hail so severe that, had 
they not sought the close protection of the forest trees, many of 
them would have perished. The hail-stones were as large as 
pigeon's eggs.^ 

After a march of seven days the province of Chela que was 
reached. In this name, with but slight alteration, we recognize 
the land of the Cherokees. According to Adair and others the 
national name was derived from Chee-ra, "^re." Hence Cher- 
akees, Chclakees, Cherokees. 

The route had thus far, if we understand it aright, been up- 
ward and along the'right bank of the Savannah River. De Soto 
"vvas now, we think, within the confines of the present county of 
Franklin. The country was described as "the poorest off for 
maize" of any which had thus far been seen in Florida. The 
inhabitants were domestic, slight of form, and, at that season, 
quite naked. Upon the roots of ]->lants dug in the forests, and 
upon the animals destroyed with their arrows, did they chiuily 
subsist. One of the chiefs presented the governor with two 

1 Herrera. 


deer-skins as a mark of friendsLip. Turkeys aboiindecl. In one 
village seven hundred of these birds were given to the Spaniards, 
and there was no scarcity of them in other localities. 

Five days were occupied, in passing from this province to Xualla. 
The chief town of this last-named province bore the same name, 
and was located on the flanks of a mountain with a small but 
rapid river flowing near. We venture the suggestion that this 
village was situated in Nacoochee valley, Habersham County, and 
that the mountain referred to was Yon ah. In this valley phys- 
ical proofs of primitive occupancy are still extant, and metallic 
fragments of European manufacture have there been found con- 
firmator}'- of the fact that many years prior to the settlement of 
this region by the whites it had been visited by kindred peoples. 
We do not now allude to the remains of an ancient village, — 
the cabins of which were made of logs hewn and notched bv 
means of chopping-axes, — unearthed by Colonels iNIerriwether 
and Lumsden in Duke's Creek valley in 1834, or to the traces 
of early mining in Valley River valley and adjacent locali- 
ties, where deep shafts passing through gneiss rock, their sides 
scarred by the impression of sharp tools, and windlasses of j)ost- 
oak with cranks and gudgeon holes were observed; the trees 
growing above this old settlement and springing from the mouths 
and sides of these abandoned pits being not less than two hun- 
dred years old. These are to be referred to the labors of 
Tristan de Luna, who, in loGO, at the command of Louis de Ve- 
lasco, came with three hundred Spanish soldiers into this region 
and spent the summer in eager and laborious search for gold. 
This expedition moved up from Pensacola ; and was dispatched 
on the faith of the representations, made by returned soldiers 
from De Soto's command, of the presence of the precious metal 
among these mountains. We are informed by the German trav- 
eler, Johannes Lederer, that as late as 1G69 and IGTO the Span- 
iards were employed in working gold and silver mines in the Ap- 
palachian mountains. 

Although little grain was foimd at Xualla, the adelantado 
rested there two days that he might refresh his weary soldiers 
and recuperate his horses, which were lean and sadly jaded. 

Apparently inclining his route westwardly, De Soto set out for 
Guaxule, which marked the furthest confines, in that direction, 
of the dominion of the queen of Cutifachiqui. During this stage 
of the journey the queen succeeded in making her escape into 
the forests. So thoroughly did she conceal herself that efforts for 


her recapture proved fruitless. We are told by the Fidalgo of 
Elvas that she took with her a cane box, like a small trunk, 
called j^etaca, full of unbored pearls of great value. Up to the 
moment of her flight this precious box had been borne by one of 
her female attendants. The governor permitted this, hoping that 
when he reached Gviaxule, at which point he was minded to 
liberate her, he would be able to beg these pearls of her. In 
her return homewards she was accompanied by three slaves who 
deserted from the camp. A horseman, named Alimamos, who 
had been left behind sick of a fever, came upon these slaves and 
pci-suaded t\vo of them to abandon their evil design. The third, 
however, a slave of Andre de Vasconcelos, remained with the ca- 
cic;i. When Alimamos last saw them, they were living together 
as man and wife, and were together to return to Cutifacliiqui. 
Such is the final glimpse we have of this Indian queen, whose 
welcome of and association with De Soto form one of the marked 
episodes in the nebulous story of this wonderful expedition. 

The country traversed during the live days consumed in march- 
ing from Xualla to Guaxule was mountainous, with interven- 
ing valleys " rich in pasturage and irrigated by clear and rapid 
streams." j\Iuch fatigue was encountered, and one day a foot- 
soldier, calling to a horseman who was his friend, drew forth 
from his wallet a linen bag in which were six pounds of pearls, 
probably filched from one of the Indian sepulchres. These he 
offered as a gift to his comrade, being heartily tired of carrying 
them on his back, though he had a pair of broad shoulders ca])a- 
ble of bearing the burden of a mule. The horseman refused to 
accept so thoughtless an offer. " Keep them yourself," said he ; 
'" you have most need of them. The governor intends shortly to 
send messengers to Ilavana ; you can forward these presents and 
have them sold, and three or four horses and mules purchased for 
you with the proceeds, so that you need no longer go on foot." 

Juan Terron was piqued at having his offer refused. '* Well," 
said he, " if you will not have them, I swear I will not carry 
them, and they shall remain here." So saying, he untied the 
bag, and, whirling around, as if he were sowing seed, scattered 
the pearls in all directions among the thickets and herbage. Then 
putting up the bag in his wallet, as if it \vere more valuable than 
the pearls, he marched on, leaving his comrades and the other 
bystanders astonished at his folly. 

The soldiers made a hasty search for the scattered ]iearls and 
recovered thirty of them. When they beheld their great size 


and beauty, none of tliem being bored and discolored, they la- 
mented that so many of them had been lost ; for the whole would 
have sold in Spain for more than six thousand ducats. This 
egregious folly gave rise to a common proverb in the army, that 
" There are no pearls for Juan Terron." The poor fellow him- 
self became an object of constant jest and ridicule, until, at last, 
made sensible of his absurd conduct, he implored them never to 
banter him further on the subject. 

After a march of five days the army reached Guaxule. Upon 
the route, both men and horses had suffered from an insufficient 
supply of maize and of meat. When within half a league of the 
chief town of the province, De Soto was met by the cacique, or 
king, escorted by a band of five hundred warriors attired in dec- 
orated mantles of various skins and adorned with feathers of 
brilliant hues. The interview was entirely amicable ; and by 
him and his train was the governor conducted to the village, con- 
sisting of three hundred houses. It occupied a pleasant situation 
and was well watered by streams taking their rise in the adjacent 
mountains. The adelantado was hospitably entertained at the 
dwelling of the mico, which stood upon the top of an artificial 
elevation " surrounded by a terrace wide enough for six men to 
go abreast." The site of Guaxule we believe to be identical, or 
very nearly so, with Coosawattee Old Town} in the southeastern 
corner of JMurray County. 

Perceiving that the Christians were killing and eating the vil- 
lage dogs, the native king collected and presented three hundred 
of them to the Spaniards. This animal was not used as an arti- 
cle of food by the aborigines. On the contrary, it was held in 
special regard. The constant companion of its master in his 
journeys through the forests, and in hunting and fishing ; a 
trusted guard about his camp-fires and at the door of the home 
lodge, not infrequently were accorded to it rites of sepulture 
akin to those with which the owner was complimented. We 
wonder therefore at this gift, and are inclined to interpret it 
rather as a euphemistic statement that these dogs were appro- 
priated ,by the strangers. 

Four days were here passed by the command. An Indian was 
dispatched with a message to the chief of Chiaha requesting that 

1 Some fifty years a^^) two larj^'o silver tion. Those objects liave been figured, 

crosses were taken from an Indian ^^nive- and will appear in tlie next Annual Re- 

niound at this point, wliicli we arc inelined port of the Smithsonian Institution, 
to regard as relics of Do Koto's expedi- 


lie Avoukl concentrate maize at that place, as it was the purpose 
of the governor to tarry some time in that village. 

After two clays' travel the town of Canasagua was reached. 
There is no good reason 'why we should not recognize in this 
name the original of that borne at the present day by the river 
Connasauga. This stage in the journey of De Soto we locate at 
or near the junction of the Connasauga and Coosa wattee rivers, 
in originally Cass, now Gordon County. Before reaching this 
town he was met by twenty men from the village, each bear- 
ing a basket of mulberries. This fruit was here abundant and 
w^U flavored. Plum and walnut trees were growing luxuriantly 
throughout the country, attaining a size and beauty, without 
planting or pruning, which could not be surpassed in the irri- 
gated and well-cultivated gardens of Spain. 

Following the course of the Oostenaula, and marching well 
nigh parallel with its left bank, the army moved in tlie direction 
of Chiaha (Ychiaha, Ichiaha, China). On the fifth day, when 
within two leagues of that town, fifteen Indians, bearing presents 
of maize, met the adelantado. They conveyed the salutations 
of the cacique, and a message that he was in his village awaiting 
the arrival of the strangers. They further assured the governor 
that twenty barbacoas, full of maize, were there subject to his 
orders. Chiaha was entered by the Spaniards on the 5th of 
June. Cordially was De Soto welcomed by the cacique, wlio re- 
signed to him the use and occupancy of his residence. Into his 
mouth the Gentleman of Elvas puts the following address : — 

^'- Powerful and Excellent blaster, — "Fortunate am I that you 

will make use of my services. Nothing could happen that would 

give me so great contentment, or which I should value more. 

From Guaxule you sent to have maize for you in readiness to 

last two montlis: you have in this town twenty barbacoas full of 

the choicest and best to be found in all this country. If the re- 

\ ccption I give is not worthy so great a prince, consider my youth, 

I which will relieve me of blame, and receive my good will, which, 

I with true loyalty and pure, shall ever be shown in all things tljat 

I concern -your welfare." 

' To these words the governor responded feelingly, assuring tlie 

: young chief that he was greatly pleased with his gifts and kind- 

I uess, and that he would always regard him as a brother. 

I De Soto had now reached the confluence of the Etowah and 

f the Oostenaula rivers. The ancient village of Chiaha has been 

supplanted by the modern city of Home. Tho town is described 


as situatod between two arras of a river and seated near one of 
them. Both branches were then fordable, and the meadow hinds 
adjacent to their banks %vere rich. Maize fields ajjpeared on 
every hand. There was an abundance of hird in cahibashes, 
which the inhabitants said ^yas prepared from bear's fat. Oil of 
walnuts, " clear and of good taste," was found in the possession 
of the natives. They also had a honeycomb which the Chris- 
tians had never seen before. It was a pleasant and hospitable 
region, and the army here rested for thirty days. The horses 
had become so jaded by rough and continuous marches, and so 
enfeebled from lack of substantial food, that it was absolutely 
necessary to indulge them in a season of quiet. When they ar- 
rived at Chiaha they were so worn out that they could not carry 
their riders ; they were accordingly turned out to graze. So 
amiable were the natives, that, although greatly exposed, the 
Spaniards suffered no molestation from them either in tlieir per- 
sons or animals. Had they, in their unguarded condition, seen 
fit to set upon the Christians, they could scarcely have defended 
themselves. Contrary to the conduct of tlie natives on similar 
occasions in other localities, the inhabitants of Chiaha did not 
abandon their houses upon the approach of the army or during 
the sojourn of the Spaniards ; consequently the soldiers were 
quartered beneath the trees, the only house occupied by a Euro- 
pean being that of the chief in which the governor lodged. 

In response to his repeated inquiries in regard to gold, De Soto 
was here informed that to the north, and in a province called 
Chisca, were mines of copper and of a metal of like color, but 
finer and brighter. Encouraged by this information, confirma- 
tory of what he had been told at Cutifachiqui, he dispatched 
Juan de Villalobos and Francisco de Silvera, two brave soldiers 
who volunteered for the enterprise, to proceed on foot, and, if 
possible, locate these mines. 

After an absence of ten days they returned and reported that 
they had been well received by the natives ; that their route lay 
partly through land excellent for grain and pasturage, and again 
over mountains so rugged that it would not be practicable for 
the army to cross them ; that they had found among the natives 
a buffalo hide an inch thick and with hair as soft as sheep's 
wool ; and lastly, that they had seen only a fine variety of cop- 
per, such as had already been met with. From the appearance 
of the soil, however, they thought it not improbable that both 
gold and silver were native to the region. 


While De Soto was awaiting the return of these soldiers, tlie 
c.KMiiue of Chiaha one day presented him with a string of pearls 
two arms ^ in length. These pearls were as large as fdberts ; 
and, had they not been perforated, would have been of great 
vahie. Thankfully receiving them, De Soto complimented the 
Indian with pieces of velvet and cloths of various colors, and 
with other Spanish trifles held in much esteem by the natives. 
Upon inquiry, he learned that these pearls had been obtained in 
the neighborhood, and that in the sepulchres of the ancestors of 
the cacique many were stored. Tlie governor being curious to 
see in what manner these pearls were extracted from the shells, 
the cacic^ue dispatched forty canoes to fish for the oysters during 
the niglit. " At an early hour next morning a quantity of wood 
w;!s gathered and piled up on the banks of the river, and, being 
set on fire, was speedily reduced to glowing coals. As soon as 
the canoes arrived, the coals were spread out and the oysters 
wore laid upon them. They soon opened with the heat, and from 
some of the first thus opened the Indians obtained ten or twelve 
pearls as large as peas, which they brought to the governor and 
cacique, who were standing together, looking on. The pearls 
were of a fine quality, but somewhat discolored by the fire and 
smoke. The Indians were prone, also, to injure these pearls by 
boring them with a heated copper instrument. 

"De Soto having gratified his curiosity, returned to his quar- 
ters to partake of the morning meal. While eating, a soldier 
entered with a large pearl in his hand. He had stewed some 
oysters, and, in eating them, felt this pearl between his teeth. 
Not liaving been injured by fire or smoke, it retained its beauti- 
ful wliitr-ness, and was so large and perfect in its form that sev- 
eral Spaniards, who pretended to be skilled in these matters, 
declared it would be worth four hundred ducats in Spain. The 
soldier would have given it to the governor to present to his 
wife, Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, but De Soto declined the gen- 
erous oft'er, advising the soldier to preserve it until he got to 
Havana, Avhere he might purchase horses and many other things 
with it;- moreover, in reward of his liberal disposition, De Soto 
insisted upon paying the fifth of the value, due to the crown." 

riio mussel or oyster here alluded to was doubtless the pearl- 
bearing unio still native to the Etowah and the Oostenaula, and 
to many other Southern streams. At that early period these 
shells were far more numerous than they are at j^resent. Arti- 

^ Garcilasso de la Vega says two fathoms. 


licial sliell-heaps still attest liow industriously in that olden time 
these margaiiferous shells were collected by primitive peoples, 
who valued them not only for their flesh, but also for the glisten- 
ing beads they contained, and for their iridescent coverings from 
which various ornaments were manufactured. When pounded 
they were kneaded with clay and tended materially to give con- 
sistency and strength to the pottery of the region. 

The denudation of the banks of these streams, and the destruc- 
tion of extensive forests in reducing wild lands to a state of culti- 
vation, have caused marked changes in the animal life of the 

« " Before these fidds were shorn and tilled. 

Full to the brim our rivers tlo-vved." 

Limpid then, with constant volumes they pursued their accus- 
tomed channels. Subsequently, becoming turbid with the soil 
washed from the slopes of a hundred hills, and no longer fed with 
regularity by well shaded and pure springs, but at one time en- 
feebled by drought and at another engorged by torrents, these 
streams have for many years been liable to sadden and violent 
fluctuations. Multitudes of margatiferous unios have consequently 
been torn from their habitats by unruly currents, and imbedded 
beyond life in sand bars and muddy deposits. The stable bot- 
toms upon which they rested and multiplied have been rendered 
both uncertain and unwholesome. Thus has it come to pass 
that a marked extinction of such animal life has ensued. 

A melancholy occurrence which took place while the army was 
at Chiaha is thus narrated by Theodore Irving ^ in his "Conquest 
of Florida:" — 

" A cavalier, one Luis Bravo de Xeres, strolHng, with lance 
in hand, along a plain bordering on the river, saw a small animal 
at a short distance, and launched his weapon at it. The lance 
missed the mark ; but, slipping along the grass, sliot over the 
river bank. Luis Bravo ran to recover his lance, but to his 
horror found it had killed a Spaniard who had been fishing with 
a reed on the margin of the river at the foot of the bank. The 
steel point of the lance had entered one temple and come out at 
the other, and the poor Spaniard had dropped dead on the spot. 
His name was Juan Mateos ; he was the only one in the expedi- 
tion that had gray hairs, from which circumstance he was called 
father IMateos, and respected as such. His unfortunate death 
was lamented by the whole army." 

1 Quoting from Garcilasso do la Vega. 


A month had Tyell-nigli elapsed since the arrival of the Span- at Chiaha. The men were entirely rested and the horses 
were a"ain in good order. The governor resolved to take up tlie 
line of march for Co9a on the Coosa lliver. Before leaving, yield- 
i]i'<- to the importunitj'- of some in his command "who wanted 
more than was in reason," he asked from the cacique thirty 
women that he might take them with him in the capacity of 
slaves. The chief responded that he would consult with his 
principal men. Informed of the demand, and before answer had 
Loen made to it, the inhabitants fled by night from the town, 
takin<T their women and children with them. Although the ca- 
ciquo ]n-ofessed his regret at the course his people had pursued, 
and acknowledged his inability to control them, the governor, 
with thirty mounted men and as many foot soldiers, went in pur- 
suit of the fugitives. In passing the towns of some of the chiefs 
who had absconded he cut down and destroyed their maize fields. 
Proceeding along up the stream he found the natives congregated 
upon an island in the river to which his cavalry could not pene- 
trate. By an Indian he sent them word that if they would return 
and furnish him with some tamemes, he would not disturb their 
women, seeing in what special affection they were held. Upon 
this assurance they all came back to their homes. 

Parting from the cacique of Chiaha with kind words, and hav- 
ing received from him some slaves as a gift, Do Soto set out with 
his companions down the valley of the Coosa, and was soon, with- 
out further incident of moment, beyond the confines of the pres- 
ent State of Georgia. He had entered this territory early in 
March, l.")40, and departed from it on the second day of July in 
tli«.' s;\me year. 

Thus did these mail-clad Spaniards, — the first Europeans who 
traversed the soil of Georgia, beheld the primal beauties of her 
forests, rivers, plains, and mountains, participated in the hospital- 
ities of her primitive peoples, and sought but found not the 
treasures hidden within her bosom, — disappointed, yet not de- 
s]);uring, pass onward in quest of richer native lords and goodlier 

A\ e may not follow them even until that day when, amid tlie 
smoke and thunder of battle at iNfauvila, they barely escaped de- 
struction at the hands of the lion-hearted Alibamons. It lies not 
within our purpose to accompany them as, impeded by tangled 
brake, morass, and stream, often pinched by hunger, frequently 
opposed by the red warriors, now buoyed up by hope, again 



oppressed by apprehension, tliey painfully groped tlieir way 
through vast and unknown regions this side and even beyond the 
Meschachepi. In the end, their golden visions vanished, the 
body of their leader silently and in darkness entombed in the 
Father of Waters, few in numbers and broken in spirit, their 
munitions exhausted, the survivors of this famous .expedition fled 
from the land wherein they had garnered a harvest only of priva- 
tion, peril, sorrow, mortification and death.^ 

1 Itineranj of Hernando de Soto, while 
marching through the Territory of the mod- 
ern State of Georgia, as contained in the 
True Relation given b;/ a Fidalgo of Elvas. 
March 3, 1540. Left Anhaica [Talla- 
hassee, Fla. *?] 
March 7, 1540. 
[Ocklockony ? 
March 9, 1540. 
March 21, 1540. 
March 24, 1540. 
March 25, 1540. 
April 1, 1540. 
April 4, 1540. 

Crossed a deep river 

Arrived at Capachiqui. 

Camo to Toalli. 

Left Toalli. 

Arrived at Achese. 

Departed from Achese. 

Passed through the 
town of Altamaca. 
April 10, 1540. Arrived at Ocute. 
April 12, 1540... Left Ocute. Passed 
throufrh a town whose lord was called 

Cofaqui, and camo to the province of 
auotlier lord named Patofa. 

April 14, 1540. Departed from Patofa. 

April 20, 1540. Lost in a pine barren. 
Six days consumed in fording two riv- 
ers and in the etlbrt to find a way of 

April 26, 1540. Set out for Aymay. 
Reached Aymay before nifrhtfall. 

April 28, 1540. Departed for Cutifachi- 

May 3, 1540. 
May 10, 1540. 
J\Lay 15, 1540. 
May 20, 1540. 
May 22, 1540. 
June 5, 1540. 
July 1, 1540. 

Left Cutifacliiqui. 
Arrived at Chelaque, 
Arrived, at Xualla. 
Arrived at Guaxule. 
Arrived at Canasagua. 
Arrived at Chiaha. 
Departed from Chiaha. 



OF THE Savannah River. — Spanish Mining Operations in the Apa- 
t.ATCY Mountains. — Margravate of Azilia. — Governor Moore's 
KxPEDiTiON. — Mission of Sir Alexander Cuming. — Sale and Sur- 


The claim of Great Britain to the coast of Nortli America 
Iviu::; between tlie fifty-sixth and twenty- eighth degrees of north 
htiimde rests upon the discovery of Sebastian Cabot, who, under 
a commission from and at the charge of the king of Enghmd, 
visited and sailed along that portion of the western continent. 
After the discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon, Spain 
does not appear to have attempted any conquest of that region 
until the expeditions of Narvaez in 1527 and of De Soto in 
1530. By neither of these were any permanent settlements ef- 
fected. The earliest grant of the lower portion of this terri- 
tory was made by his majesty King Charles L, in the fifth 
year of his reign, to Sir Robert Heath, his attorney-general. In 
that patent it is called Carolina Florida, and the designated 
limits extended from the river Matlieo in the thirtieth degree to 
the river Passa Magna in the thirty-sixth degree of north lati- 
tiule. There is good reason for believing that actual possession 
was taken under this patent, and that considerable sums wei'e 
expended b}- the proprietor and those claiming under him in the 
effort to colonize. Whether this grant was subsequently surren- 
dered, or whether it was vacated and declared null for non user 
or other cause, we are not definitely informed. Certain it is that 
King Charles II., in the exercise of his royal pleasure, deemed it 
proper to make to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina two grants 
of the same lands, with some slight modifications of boundaries. 
The last of these grants, bearing date the 30th of June in the 
seventeenth year of liis reign, conveys to the Lords Proprietors all 
tJKit portion of the New World lying between the thirtj-'sixth and 
the twenty-ninth degrees of north latitude. While tlie English 
under this concession were industriously engaged in peopling a 
portion of the coast embraced within the specified limits, it is 


notorious that the Spaniards occupied only St. Augustine and a 
few adjacent points. 

Although in 1670 England and Spain entered into stipulations 
for composing their differences in America, stipulations which 
have since been known as the American Treaty^ the precise line 
of separation between Carolina and Florida was not defined. 
Disputes between these powers touching this boundary were not 
infrequent. In view of this unsettled condition of affairs, and in 
order to assert a positive claim to and retain possession of the 
debatable ground, which neither party was willing either to re- 
linquish or clearly to point out, the English located and main- 
tained a small military post on the south end of Cumberland 
Island, where the St. Mary's River empties its waters into the 
Atlantic. In 1720, apprehending that the French or Spanish 
forces would take possession of the Alatamaha River, King 
George I. ordered General Nicholson, then governor of South 
Carolina, with a company of one hundred men to secure that 
river as being within the bounds of South Carolina, and to erect 
a fort at some suitable point, with an eye to the protection of 
his majesty's possessions in that quarter and the control of the 
navigation of that stream. The fort was located near the con- 
fluence of the Oconee and Ocmulgee rivers and was named King 
Cieorge. Having been accidentally destroyed by fire, it was sub- 
sequently rebuilt at the expense of the province of South Caro- 
lina, but in an insubstantial manner. The garrison clamored for 
better accommodations. The locality, lonely and uninteresting 
at best, proved very unhealthy. The soldiers refused to exert 
themselves in procuring wholesome Avater, neglected to plant 
gardens, and proved insubordinate when ordered to prepare in- 
closures for cattle which General Nicholson proposed to send to 
them. They were so lazy that they would not even fish and 
hunt. Within a few years the post was abandoned. In 1727 
the Crown was memorialized to reinstate this fort, as an evidence 
of English proprietorship in the territory, and to relieve the gar- 
rison at stated intervals from Port Royal. Orders were, in 1729, 
issued to Governor Robert Johnson, who had been appointed 
royal governor of South Carolina in the room of Nicholson with 
the full authority of captain-general and commander-in-chief, to 
reestablish this deserted post on the Alatamaha. They were 
never carried into effect. It was contemplated also to lay out 
two towns on the Alatamaha, but this purpose failed of execu- 
tion. Upon these efforts of the English to maintain a show of 


(.;ouj)ancy witliin the disputed territory the Spaniards looked for 
th." while with an eye of seeming indifference. 

Jjv the treaty of Seville in 1729 commissioners were appointed, 
anion"' other things, to determine the northern boundary line of 
Florida which should form the southern limit of South Carolina. 
Xuthijif, however, was concluded in this regard, and the question 
ri'mained open and a cause of quarrel until the peace of 17G3, 
when Spain ceded Florida to Great Britain. It will be perceived 
that at the date of the colonization of Georgia this southern 
boundary line was in dispute between Great Britain and Spain. 
It inoved, as we shall see, a source of inquietude and extreme 
jx-ril to the settlers under Oglethorpe. 

In ri>eaUing the instances of temporary occupancy, by Europe- 
n!is. nf liiiiited }iortions of the territory at a later period conveyed 
!•> tJK' trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia, it is proper 
I hat we should allude to mining operations conducted by the 
>l>aMiards at an early epoch among the auriferous mountains of 
Uj'pt^i" Georgia. Influenced by the representations made by the 
returned soldiers of De Soto's expedition of the quantity of gold, 
silver, and pearls existent in the province of Cosa, Luis de Velasco 
disj)atched his general, Tristan de Luna, to open communication 
with Cosa by the way of Pensacola Bay. Three hundred Span- 
ish soldiers of this expedition, equipped with mining tools, pene- 
trated to the valley of the Coosa and passed the summer of 15G0 
in northern Georgia and the adjacent region. Juan Pardo was 
subsequently sent by Aviles, the first governor of Florida, to 
establish a fort at the foot of the mountains northwest of St. 
AuL^ustiue in the province of the chief Coabd. It would seem, 
lluTofore, that the Spaniards at this early period were acquainted 
wiih and endeavored to avail themselves of the gold deposits in 
Chevi>kee Georgia. 

The German traveler, Johannes Lederer, who visited North 
Carolina and Virginia in 1669 and 1670, and wrote in Latin an 
account of his adventures, asserts that the Spaniards were tlien 
working gold and silver mines in the Appalachian ^Mountains. 
lie avers that he saw specimens of the ore in the possession of 
the natives, and that he brought back samples with him. '• Had 
I liad with me," he adds, " half a score of resolute youths who 
would have stuck to nie, I would have pushed on to the Spanish 

In 1690, while journeying over the " Apalathean iMountains " 
for inland discovery and trade with the Indians, ]\Ir. James 


Moore was informed by them that the Spaniards were at work 
in mines within twenty miles of tlie place where he then was. 
The Indians described to him the bellows and furnaces used by 
tliem^ and offered to convey him to the spot where their opera- 
tions were being conducted. A difference between himself and 
his g-uides prevented his visiting these mines. Subsequently he 
volunteered to lead a party to them, but the scheme was aban- 

Thus are we advised that the Spaniards, long before the ad- 
vent of the English colonists, permeated the valleys of the Cher- 
okees in earnest quest for gold. Thus are we enabled to ac- 
count, with at least some degree of probability, for those traces 
of ancient mining observed and wondered at by the early set- 
tlers of Upper Georgia, — operations of no mean significance, 
conducted by skilled hands and with metallic tools, which can- 
not properly be referred either to the red race or to the follow- 
ers of De Soto. 

In June, 1717, Sir Robert Mountgomery secured from the Pala- 
tine and Lords Proprietors of the Province of Carolina a grant 
and release of all lands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and 
Savannah, with permission to make settlements also on the south 
side of the former river. This territory was to be erected into a 
distinct province, " with proper jurisdictions, privileges, preroga- 
tives, and franchises, independent of and in no manner subject 
to the laws of South Carolina." It was to be liolden of the 
Lords Proprietors by Sir Robert, his heirs and assigns forever, 
under the name and title of the JIarc/ravate of Azilia. A yearly 
quit-rent of a penny per acre for all lands " occupied, taken up, 
or run out," was to be paid ; such payment, however, was not 
to commence until three years after the arrival of the first ships 
transporting colonists. In addition, Sir Robert covenanted to 
render to the Lords Proprietors one fourth j^art of all the gold, 
silver, and royal minerals which might be found within the lim- 
its of the coded lands. Courts of justice were to be organized, 
and such laws enacted by the freemen of the Margravate as 
miglit conduce to the general good and in no wise conflict with 
the statutes and customs of England. The navigation of the 
rivers Avas to be free to all the inhabitants of the colonies of 
North and South Carolina. A duty, similar to that sanctioned 
in South Carolina, was to be laid on skins, and the revenue thus 
derived was to be appropriated to the maintenance of clergy. 

Sir Robert, in consideration of this cession, engaged to trans- 


port at bis own cost a considerable number of families, and all 
necessaries requisite for forming new settlements within the spe- 
ciOod lands. It was mutually covenanted that if such settle- 
ments were not made within three years from the date of the 
gi-ant it should become void. 

In the " Discourse concerning the Designed Establishment of" 
a New Colony to the South of Carolina in the most delightful 
Country of the Universe," prepared by himself and printed in 
London in 1717, Sir Robert in glowing terms unfolds the at- 
tractions of his future Eden. Sympathizing in the views enter- 
tained by Colonel Purry, and submitted only a few years after- 
wards to the Duke of New Castle in aid of a Swiss colonization 
on llie left bank of the Savannah, Sir Robert proclaims the 
Southern bounds of Carolina "the most amiable country of tlie 
universe,*' and affirms "that nature has not blessed the world 
with any Tract which can be preferable to it : that Paradise 
with all her virgin beauties may be modestly supposed at most 
but equal to its native excellencies." " It lies," he continues, 
*' in the same latitude with Palestine herself, that promised 
Canaan which was pointed out by Crod's own choice to bless 
the labors of a favorite people." After commending in the high- 
est terms its woods and meadows, mines and odoriferous plants, 
soil and climate, fruits and game, flowers and agricultural capa- 
bilities, streams and hills, he proceeds to explain his plan of set- 
tlement. He did not propose to satisfy himself " with building 
here and there a fort, the fatal practice of America, but so to 
dispose the habitations and divisions of the land that not alone 
our houses but whatever we possess will be inclosed by militanj 
lines, impregnable against the savages, and which will make our 
whole plantation one continued fortress. It need not be sup- 
posed that all the lands will thus be fortified at once. The first 
lines drawn will be in just proportion to the number of men 
they inclose. As the inhabitants increase, new lines will be 
made to inclose them also, so that all the people will be always 
safe within a well-defended line of circumvallation. ... At the 
arrival therefore of the first men carried over, proper officers 
shall mark, and cause to be entrenched a square of land in just 
proportion to their number. On the outsides of this square, 
within the little bastions or redoubts of the entrenchment, they 
raise light timber dwellings, cutting down the trees which every- 
where encompass them. The officers are quartered with the 
men whom they command, and the goveruour in chief is placed 


exactly in the centre. By these means the laboring people (be- 
ing so disposed as to be ahvaj'-s watchful of an enemy's approach) 
are themselves within the eye of those set over them, and all to- 
gether under the inspection of their principal. 

" The redoubts may be near enough to defend each other with 
musquets, but field pieces and patareros will be planted upon 
each, kept charged with cartridge shot and pieces of old iron. 
Within these redoubts are the common dwellings of the men who 
must defend them. Between them runs a palisadoed bank, and a 
ditch which will be scoured by the artillery. One man in each 
redoubt, kept day and night upon the guard, will give alarm upon 
occasion to the others at their work. So they cultivate their 
lands, secure their cattle, and follow their business with great 
ease and safety. Exactly in the centre of the inmost square will 
be a fort defended by largo cannon, pointing every way, and 
capable of making strong resistance in case some quarter of the 
outward lines should chance to be surprised by any sudden acci- 
dent, which yet, with tolerable care, would be impracticable. 

" The nature of this scheme, when weighed against the igno- 
rance and wildness of the natives, will show that men, thus settled, 
may at once defend and cultivate a territory with the utmost 
satisfaction and security even in the heart of an Indian country. 
Then how much rather a place considerably distant from the sav- 
age settlements. 

" As the numbers shall increase, and they go on to clear more 
space of land, thej' are to regulate their settlements with like re- 
gard to safety and improvement ; and, indeed, the difference as 
to time and labour is not near so great as may be thought betwixt 
enclosing land this way and following the dangerous common 
method. But what is here already said will serve the end for 
which it has been written, which was only to give a general 
notion of the care and caution we propose to act with." 

After picturing Azilia in the plenitude of her beauty and ma- 
tured gi'owth, and having endeavored to demonstrate the fact that 
colonists at the very outset might reasonably anticipate the enjoy- 
ment of wealth, safety, and liljerty. Sir Robert proceeds to give 
the following explanation of the engraved " plan, representing 
the form of setting the districts or county divisions in the JMar^ 
gravate of Azilia," with which his " Discourse " was illustrated. 
"You must suppose a level, dry, and fruitful Tract of Land in some 
fine Plain or Valloy, containing a just Square of twenty Miles 
each way, or two hundred and fifty-six thousand Acres, laid out 
and settled in the Form presented in the Cut annexed. 

i -I'.fft fin:; 

.J 1)1;'::; .ill 

A !■.!. 

mom 'luiiLt '■■' 



' — ^ — ^ 1^3? 


« The District is defended by suflicient Numbers of Men wlio, 
dwelling in the fortified Angles of the Line, will be employed 
in cultivating Lands w^hich are kept in hand for the particular 
advantage of^he Margrave. These Lands surround the district 
just within the Lines, and everywhere contain in Breadth one 

Mile exactly. . . ™ 

'' The Men thus employed are such as shall be hired in G-reat 
Britain or Ireland, well disciplined, armed, and carried over on 
condition to serve faithfully for such a Term of Years as they 
before shall agree to. And that no Man may be wretched m 
so happy a Country, at the expiration of those Peoples' Time, 
besides some other considerable and unusual Incouragements, all 
such among them who shall marry in the Country, or come 
married thither, shall have a right of laying claim to a certain 
Fee-Farm, or Quantity of Land, ready cleared, together with a 
house built upon it, and a stock sufficient to improve and cultivate 
it, which they shall enjoy, Rent and Tax free during Life as a 
reward for their Services. By which jNleans two very great Ad- 
vantages must naturally follow. Poor laboring Men, so secured 
of a fixed future settlement, will be thereby induced to go thither 
more willingly and act when there wdth double Diligence and 
Duty. And when their Time expires, possessing just Land 
enough to pass their Lives at Ease, and bring their Children up 
honestly, the Famihes .they have will prove a constant Seminary 
of sober Servants, of both Sexes, for the Gentry of the Colony, 
whereby they will be under no necessity to use the dangerous Help 
of Blackamoors, or Indiatis. The Lands set apart for this Purpose 
nro two Miles in Breadth, quite round the District, and lie next 
within the Margrave's own reserved Lands above mentioueJ. 

" The IIG Squares, each of which has a Ilouse in the ]\llddle, 
are every one a Mile on each Side, or 640 Acres in a Square, 
bating only for tlie Highways which divide tliem. These are 
the Estates belonging to the Gentri/ of the' District who, being so 
confined to an Equality in Land will be profitably emulous of 
outdoing each other in Improvement, since that is the only way 
Ifft them to grow richer than their Neighbors. And when the 
^Lxrgravate is once become strong enough to form many BidridSj 
the Estates will be all given gratis, together with many other 
benefits, to honest and qualified Gentlemen in Great Britain, 
or elsewhere, who, having numerous and well-educated Families, 
possess but little Fortunes otlier than their Lulustry, and will 
therefore be chosen to enjoy these Advantages, wduch they shidl 


pay no rent or other Consideration for, and yet the Undertaking 
will not fail to find its own Account and Prosperity. 

" The four great Parks or rather Forests are each four miles 
square, that is IG Miles round each Forest, in which are prop- 
agated Herds of Cattle of all sorts by themselves not alone to 
serve the uses of the District they belong to, but to store such 
New Ones as may from Time to Time be measured out on AfHu- 
euce of People. 

" The Middle hollow Square, which is full of streets crossing 
each other, is the City, and the Blank which runs about it on 
the outside surrounded with Trees, is a large void Space which 
will be useful for a thousand Purposes, and, among the rest, as 
being airy and affording a fine Prospect of the Town in drawing 
near it. 

"In the Centre of the City stands the 3Iargrave's House, 
which is to be his constant Residence, or the Residence of the 
Governour, and contains all sorts of public Edifices for Dispatch 
of Business ; and this again is separated from the City by a 
Space like that which, as above, divides the Town from the 

Sir Robert, continuing his "Discourse," which was in reality 
intended as an attractive manifesto to invite immioration, en- 
larges upon the profits which might, in this charming country, 
be readily realized from the cultivation of rice, cotfee, tea, fio-s, 
raisins, currants, ahnonds, olives, silk, and cochineal. From 
the manufacture of potash great gain was anticipated. Liberal 
offers were made to all who might feel disposed to become col- 
onists in the Margravate of Azilia, and ample guaranties were 
given for the protection of person and property. 

Although subscription books were opened at the Carolina 
Coffee House in Birchin Lane^ near the Royal Exchange, it 
does not appear that much stock was taken in the enterprise. 
- To the king Sir Robert addressed a petition specifying the 
tract of land, called Azilia, with which he had been invested by 
the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, declaring that he had a ho7id 
fide intention of founding a colony there, and requesting the 
privilege of establishing in the city of Edinburgh a lottery of 
one hundred thousand tickets, at the rate of forty shillings per 
ticket, for the purpose of raising funds with which to defray 
the expense of the adventure. 

A memorial was received from the Lords Proprietors explain- 
ing the proposal of Mountgomery " for settling the most South- 


ern parts of Carolina," of -whicli he was to be the governor. It 
was referred to a committee of the Privy Council for considera- 
tion. The board of trade, while recommending Sir Robert as a 
proper person for governor, in order to avoid the inconveniences 
arising from proprietary and charter governments, suggested to 
the Lords Proprietors of Carolina the advisability of thei'- sur- 
rendering to the' Crown their powers of government over the 
places intended to be erected into a new government, reserving 
to themselves only the property in the lands. The whole matter 
was referred to the attorne3^-general, who reported that, after 
examining the lease and release from the Lords Proprietors of 
Carolina, and the charter of Carolina, he saw nothing in the ces- 
sion prejudicial to the rights of the Crown, if his majesty thought 
lit to approve of the appointment of a governor for life. He 
doubted, however, whether the powers granted to the proprietors 
for the government of Carolina could be divided as proposed by 
the case. He also regarded it as questionable whether the Lords 
Proprietors alone could exempt the new colony from liability 
to the present laws of Carolina which were framed for the reg- 
ulation of the entire province. To remove all difficulty, he 
suggested that if the Lords Proprietors would surrender to his 
majesty their powers of government over the territory to be 
erected into a new province, reserving to themselves only the 
right of property, they might then lease the land on such terms 
as they saw fit, and that his majesty might create a new gov- 
ernment upon such conditions and with such powers as he deemed 

Di'spite the efforts made to induce immigration into this fa- 
vored region, at the expiration of the three years allowed by the 
concession from the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, Sir Robert 
Mountgomery found himself without colonists. His grant ex- 
pired and became void by the terms of its own limitations. His 
Azilia remained unpeopled save by the red men of the forest. 
His scheme proved utterly Utopian, and it was reserved for Ogle- 
thorpe and his companions to wrest from primeval solitude, and 
to vitalize with the energies of civilization, the lands lying be- 
tween the Savannah and the Alatamaha. 

On more than one occasion during its ante-colonial period was 
the territory of Georgia the theatre of war and bloodshed. Ex- 
cited by the French and Spaniards to open hostility against the 
Kuglish st'tthn-s in Carolina, and sometimes provoked to acts of 
violence by the rapacity and frauds of traders who, not content 


with barter on the outskirts of civilization, penetrated into the 
heart of the Indian nations dwelling beyond the Savannah, the 
natives indulged in predatory excursions against their white 
neighbors. These evoked coiinter expeditions which generally 
resulted in the discomfiture of the weaker race. Thus tlie Appa- 
lachian Indians, because of their connection with the Spanish, 
having become insolent and troublesome, Governor Moore of 
South Carolina, at the head of a body of white troops and Indian 
allies, invaded their territories, laid such of their towns as were 
situated between the Savannah and the Alatama,ha rivers in 
ashes, killed and captured several hundred of them, and com- 
pelled the province of Appalachia to submit to English rule. He 
also conducted within the region subsequently ceded to the trus- 
tees for the establishment of the colony of Georgia some fourteen 
hundred Indians who placed themselves under his protection. 
" This exertion of power in that quarter," says Mr. Ilewatt, 
"was attended with good effects, as it filled the savages with 
terror of the British arms and helped to pave the way for the 
English colony afterwards planted between these rivers." After 
their defeat by Governor Craven, the Yemassees abandoned their 
homes in Carolina and, retreating to Florida, allied themselves 
to the Spaniards, by whom they were welcomed with ringing 
bells and salvos of artillery. 

Although a treaty of peace had been signed at Seville in 1729 
between the English, French, and Spaniards, the accommodation 
of existing difficulties amounted in fact to little more than a 
truce. The Spaniards from the south and the French on the 
west were still busy in their efforts to monopolize the Indian 
trade and to form alliances with the Cherokees. It was defined 
important by the British government to share in this trade, and 
to win the Cherokees over to friendship and to an acknowledg- 
ment of at least a quasi allegiance to the Crown. Accordingly, 
Sir Alexander Cuming, of Aberdeenshire, Scotland, was dis- 
patched on a secret mission to compass these desiderata. Depart- 
ing from Charles-Town, South Carolina, with a small retinue, 
on the 13th of March, 1730, he penetrated into the heart of the 
Cherokee nation. At Keowee he found a large number of 
Indians assembled in their council house. Upon inquiry he 
learned that the disposition of the Cherokees towards the English 
was hostile, lie further ascertained that the Lower Creeks, in 
sympathy with the French, were exerting themselves to induce 
the Cherokees to join them. Presents were expected from tiio 


French, and upon tlieir arrival it was confidently anticipated tliat 
the Cherokees would proclaim their hatred against the EnglisJi. 
The situation of affairs was precarious. Sir Alexander resolved 
to play a bold part. At night, unheralded, he entered into the 
council house where above three hundred Indians were con- 
vened, and demanded from them an acknowledgment of the king 
of England's authority over them and their country. Surprised 
at the audacity of the stranger they at once submitted. Upon 
an intimation from Sir Alexander that if they violated the pres- 
ent promise their nationality would be destroyed, they declared 
upon bended knees their solemn intention to observe the vow of 
allegiance to the English Crown. Expresses were dispatched 
requiring the three head men of the nation to meet Sir Alex- 
ander at Nequassee on the 3d of April, and directing them to 
bring full power and assurance from the three settlements that 
Avliat had been promised should be performed. The Indian 
traders at Nequassee and Joseph Cooper, the interpreter, who 
were eye-witnesses of what transpired on this occasion, declared 
they would not have believed it possible had they not themselves 
beheld the occurrence. They further asserted that if they had 
been made acquainted with what Sir Alexander purposed doing 
they would not have dared to have entered the council house 
with him. Taken by surprise and amazed at the heroism of Sir 
Alexander, the Indians quickly yielded to his demand. Standing 
up bravely in their midst he delivered his address through an 
interpreter. Although armed with pistols, gun, and sword, he 
permit tod them to remain concealed under his great-coat, and 
made no attempt by show of weapons to intimidate the red 

During tlie next thirteen days he journeyed through the do- 
mains of the Cherokees, visiting their chief cities, and making 
inonds of their kings, head warriors, and medicine men. He 
learned that the Cherokees were governed by seven mother 
towns, viz.: Tanassie, Kettooah, Ustenary, Telliquo, Estootowie, 
Keoowee, and Noyohee, each having a king and a head war- 

On the morning of the 3d of April he repaired to Nequassee, 
whore he found a large concourse of Indians gathered from all 
parts of the nation in obedience to the summons issued from 
Keeowoe. It was a day of the greatest solemnity, rendered 
memorable by singing, dancing, feasting, speeches, the creation 
of ^loytoy as emperor, and then by a resignation of crown, 


eagles' tails, scalps, and other emblems to Sir Alexander in 
token of submission to the sovereignty of King George. This 
submission was made on the knee by all the Cberokees present. 
Sir Alexander thereupon caused a document to be drawn up 
detailing the event and its significance. It was attested by him- 
self, eleven companions, and by the leading Indians present. 

His mission having been successfully accomplished, Sir Alex- 
ander retraced his footsteps, reaching Charlestown on the 20th of 
April and bringing with him seven prominent members of the 
.Cherokee nation. The emperor Moytoy also accompanied him, 
and would have gone with him to England had he not been pre- 
vented by the sickness of his wife. Having tarried two weeks 
in Charlestown Sir Alexander, taking with him the seven In- 
dians, on the 4th of ]May went on board the man-of-war Fox and 
set sail for Dover, wliere the ship safely arrived on the 5th of 
June. Thence he proceeded immediately to London by post, 
and the Cherokees were brought up in the ship.^ The names 
of these Indians were respectively Ok^Oukah-Ulah, K. Skalilos- 
ken, Ketagustah, T. Tathlowe, C. Clogoittah, K. Kollannah, 
U. Ukwaneequa, and O. Onaconoa. Portraits were painted of 
them, attired in English garments and standing amid the tall 
trees of the park in London. Of this painting a fine engraving 
was made, impressions of which are now very scarce. From one 
of those engravings we borrow the following legend which, in a 
few words, narrates the reception and entertainment of these 
sons of the forest during their sojourn in the capital of the United 
Kingdom : — 

"The above Indian kings or chiefs were brought over from 
Carolina by Sir Alexander Coming, Bart, (being the chiefs of 
the Cherrokee Indians) to enter into Articles of Friendship and 
Commerce with his Majesty. As soon as they arriv'd they were 
conducted to Windsor & were present at the Installation of 
Prince William & the Lord Chesterfield. The Pomp and Splendor 
of the Court and y° Grandeur not only of the ceremony as well 
of the Place was what struck them with infinite Surprise and 
Wonder. They were liandsomely entertain'd at his ^Majesty's 
Charge, and Cloathed with these Habits out of y® Royal Wardrobe. 
When the Court left Windsor they were brought to Town and 
proper Lodgings & Attendance provided for them near Covent- 

1 See Earl;/ Ilistorif of Geonjia, em- year 1730, etc. By Samuel G. Drake. 
Iracincj the /imbassi/o/Sir A!t.i(imli r Cum- Bostou. 1872. 
ing to the Country of the Cherokees in the 


Garden. They were entertiiin'd at all y® publick Diversions of 
the Town, and carried to all Places of Note & Curiosity. They 
were remarkably strict in their Probity and Morality. Their 
Behaviour easy & Courteous : and their Gratitude to his Majesty 
was often express'd, in a publick jNIanner, for y® Many Favours they 
receiv'd. On Monday Sept. 7, 1730, Articles of Friendship and 
Commerce were accordingly propos'd to them by y® L*^ Commis- 
sioners for Trade and Plantations w'^'' were agreed on Two Days 
after, viz : on y^ 9th at Whitehall and Sign'd on y^ Part of their 
Lordships by Alured Popple Esq"" ; upon w'^^ Ketagustah, after a 
short Speech in Complement to his Majesty, concluded by laying 
down his Feathers upon y® Table & said: This is our Way of 
Talking w'='" is y^ same Thing to us as j° Letters in y® Book are 
to von ; and to you, Beloved Men, we deliver these Feathers in 
Confirmation of all that we have said." 

Having been generously entertained in England for some four 
months, these Indians, early in October, departed for Cbarles- 
town, whence they returned to their homes in Upper Georgia im- 
pressed with the wealth and power of the English nation, gratified 
at the liberal reception accorded to them, and resolved to per- 
petuate the friendly relations they had promised to maintain. 

This embassy of Sir Alexander Cuming and this introduction 
of these chiefs to a personal acquaintance with the majesty of the 
liome government and. the wonders of its metropolis, exerted a 
beneficial influence upon the entire Cherokee nation. It brought 
about a complete pacification most valuable to the exposed settle- 
ments of Carolina, and all important to those colonists who were 
.•ioon to establish their first town upon Yamacraw Blutf. 

'i'lu' jH-otraoted Indian wars maintained by Carolina and the 
ellort to protect her coast against the incursions of pirates mate- 
rially reduced the resources of the province, and engendered in 
the mind of the English population a painful sense of insecurity. 
In this emergency the legislature, memorializing the Lords Pro- 
prietors, and representing to them the enfeebled condition of the 
colony and the manifest dangers which threatened its destruction, 
nnploied their paternal assistance and protection. Apprehending 
that the proprietors might hesitate to pledge their English es- 
tates in order to raise funds requisite for the relief of their Caro- 
lina plantations, then in such a precarious situation, the legisla- 
ture instructed its appointed agent, in case he failed in securing 
succor from the Lords Proprietors, to ai)ply to the Crown for 
relief. The inhabitants generally were grievously annoyed at 


and thoroughly dissatisfied with the posture of affairs. Incensed 
against a proprietary government which was either unable or un- 
wilHng to protect them, and which discountenanced any appeal 
to the Crov,^n, they were unanimous in the opinion that the king 
should be immediately advised of their unfortunate condition and 
that his intervention should be earnestly sought. 

About the middle of the year 1715 the Carolina agent, in the 
prosecution of his mission, waited uj)on the Lords Proprietors 
and represented the heavy calamities under which the colony 
was laboring. He further acquainted them with the fact that the 
Yemassees, instigated by Spanish emissaries, were claiming whole 
districts by virtue of their ancient occupancy of them, and that, 
having formed an alliance with other Indian nations, they were 
asserting their rights with force of arms. He insisted that under 
the circumstances prompt assistance should be rendered. 

The answer of the proprietoi-s being evasive and unsatisfac- 
tory, the agent at once petitioned the House of Commons in be- 
half of the distressed Carolinians. Thereupon the Commons 
addressed the king, beseeching his kind interposition and praying 
early assistance for the colony. The matter was referred by tho 
king to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, who, 
in their report, suggested that the province of Carolina being a 
proprietary government, if the English nation was to be at the 
expense of its protection, its government ought to be vested in 
the Crown. 1 

Advised of this, Lord Carteret addressed to them a commu- 
nication in wdiich he uses the following language : " We, the 
Proprietors of Carolina, having met on this melancholy occasion, 
to our great grief find that we are utterly unable of ourselves to 
afford our Colony suitable assistance in this conjuncture ; and, 
unless his ^Majesty will graciously please to interpose, we can fore- 
see nothing but the utter destruction of his jNIajesty's faithful 
subjects in those parts." The Lords of Trade inquired what 
sum would be necessary for the relief of the colony, and asked 
whether the government of the province of Carolina ought not 
to be surrendered to the Crown, if Great Britain should agree to 
bear the expense of its defense. To this Lord Carteret responded 
that the proprietors preferred that his majesty, in the exercise of 
his superior judgment, should determine what amount should be 
granted. He added, in case the money advanced from the public 

^ Sec An riiston'cal ArrouiU cj'the lUsc oliiin ami (norgia, vol. i. ch. V. London. 
and Progress of the Colonies of South Car- MDCCLXXIX. 


treasurv for the benefit of the colony was not repaid within a 
reasonable time, his majesty would certainly have an equitable 
ri'dit to take the croYernment of Carolina under his immediate 
]n-otection. Within a short time a bill was introduced into the 
House of Commons for the better regulation of the charters and 
proprietary governments of his majesty's plantations in America. 
Jts chief object was to supplant them with royal governments. 
Although it was apparent to those best capable of forming a val- 
uable opinion on the subject that it was for the interest alike of 
Crown and plantations that the mother country should, at the 
earliest practicable moment, purchase these American colonies, 
delay occurred. In Carolina matters grew from bad to worse. 
Thi're the disputes and conlQicts between the Lords Proprietors 
and the colonists continued to be so constant and of such a pro- 
nounced character that all the proprietors, except Lord Carteret, 
taking advantage of the provisions of an act of Parliament, sur- 
rendered to the king not only their rights and interest in the 
government of Carolina, but also their ownership of the soil. 
The indenture of purchase and sale was executed on the 25th 
of July in the third year of the reign of his majesty King 
George IL The consideration paid amounted to <£22,o00. Thus, 
for this small sum, were seven eighths of the extensive territory, 
constituting the province of Carolina, sold by the Lords Proprie- 
tors to the Crown. The other eighth interest was owned by Lord 
Cai-teret, l^aron of Ha^^•nes. Subsequently, by deed dated the 
2"^th of February, 17o2, he conveyed to the trustees for establish- 
ing the colony of Georgia in America the one undivided eighth 
jMit <.f all lands lying between the Savannah and Alatamaha 
riv.-is. The other seven eighths of this territory were ceded to 
th.-m by the Crown. With this explanation we understand why 
ill the charter granted by King George II., dated the 9th of June, 
1T;j2, royal cession was made of only seven eighths of the lands 
to be erected into a province south of and entirely distinct from 
Carolina, and to be called GEORGIA. 


James Edward Oglethorpk. — English Prisons. — Miseries of In- 
sol\':ent Debtors. — Scheme for the Colonization of Georgia. — 
Royal Charter granted to Oglethorpe and his Associates. — Anal- 
ysis of that Charter. 

The scheme wliicli culminated in planting a colony on the 
right bank of the Savannah River, at Yamacraw Bluff, originated 
with James Edward Oglethorpe, a member of the English House 
of Commons, and " a gentleman of unblemished character, brave, 
generous, and humane." He was the third son of Sir Theoph- 
ilus, and tlie family of Oglethorpe was ancient and of liigh re- 
pute. It appears from the parish register of St. James', West- 
minster, that the Founder of the Colony of Georgia was born on 
the 1st of June, 1G89. At an early age a matriculate of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, he soon quitted that seat of learning 
for an active military life. A love of arms was with him a mat- 
ter of inheritance, for his father had attained the rank of major- 
general in the British service and held the office of first equerry 
to -James II., who entrusted liim with a command in the army 
assembled to oppose the Prince of Orange.^ For a few years 
he served abroad as a gentleman volunteer. As an illustration 
of his self-possession, courage, and readiness, while still a youth, 
to redress a personal affront, this anecdote, related by Boswell 
in his "Life of Dr. Samuel Johnson," 2 n^^y be accepted: "The 
general told us tliat when he was a very young man, I think 
only fifteen, serving under Prince Eugene of Savoy, he was sit- 
ting in a company at table with a prince of Wirtemberg. The 
prince took up a glass of wine and, by a fillip, made some of it 
fly in Oglethorpe's face. Here was a nice dilemma. To have 
challenged him instantly might have fixed a quarrelsome char- 
acter upon the yuung soldier; to have taken no notice of it 
might have been considered as cowardice. Oglethorpe there- 
fore, keeping his eye upon the prince and smihng all the time 
.as if he took what his highness had done in jest, said, ' Mon 

1 ^yTlg:hl's Mt-mm'r 0/ (,, n. Janus Ojlt- - Vol. iii. pp. 217, 218. I^Iurray's edi- 
thorpe,]).3. LouUuu. 1SG7. tiou. LoiiJou. MDCCCLI. 


Prince' (I forget the Frencli words he used ; the purport how- 
ever was), ' tluit 's a good joke, but we do it much better in 
liino-land, ' and threw a whole glass of wine in the prince's face. 
An old general, who sat by, said, '-11 a bienfait, mon 'jjrince^ vous 
I'avcz commence ; ' and thus all ended in good humour." 

Entering the English army as an ensign in 1710, he retained 
that rank until peace was proclaimed in 1713. The following 
year he became captain-lieutenant of the first troop of the queen's 
life guards. Preferring active service abroad to an idle life at 
home, he soon repaired to the Continent to perfect himself in the 
art of war under the famous Prince Eugene of Savoy who, upon 
the recommendation of John, Duke of Argyle, gave him an ap- 
pointment upon his stafT, first as secretary and afterwards as aid- 
di'-camp. It was a bi-ave school, and his alertness, fidelity, and 
fearlessness secured for him the good will, the confidence, and 
the commendation of his illustrious commander. Upon the con- 
elusion of the peace of 1718, he returned to England versed in 
the principles of military science, accustomed to command, inured 
to the shock of arms, instructed in the conduct of campaigns, the 
management of sieges, and the orders of battle, and possessing a 
reputation for manhood, executive ability, and warlike knowl- 
edge not often acquired by one of his years. 

His brother Theophilus dying, he succeeded to the family es- 
tate at Westbrook. The tradition is still current in the neighbor- 
luM.d tliat the Pretender was for some time secreted in the old 
mansion, with its park of noble trees, overlooking the ancient 
town iif Goilalming. 

In October, 1722, he was elected a member for Hasleraere in 
llu- c.niiity of Surrey. This venerable borough and market-town 
Ik* continued to represent, through various changes of administra- 
tion, for two and thirty years,"^ Beginning his political career at 
a time when the Jacobites were meditating the restoration of the 
Stuarts, and a high Tory in principles, his parliamentary course, 
from its inception, was independent and consistent. While evinc- 
ing a loyal interest in all questions of general significaney, his 
energies were mainly enlisted in proposing and supporting meas- 
ures for the benefit of commerce and the redress of grievances. 
His sympathies were specially engaged for the relief of unfortu- 
nate debtors, and his labors expended in the reformation of 
abuses which then disgraced the conduct of prisons within the 
realm. In this philanthropic mission, self-imposed, he became 

1 Wright's Memoir of Gtneml James 0<jlcthorpe, p. 12. Loiidou. 1SG7. 


most deeply interested. Sad indeed was then the lot of all who 
found tlieraselves unable to respond to their pecuniary obliga- 
tions. Arrested and imprisoned at the instance of exacting cred- 
itors, they were powerless to liberate themselves from the dis- 
agreeabilities of a sponging-liouse or the greater horrors of a 
prison. The laws then contained no provisions for the relief of 
honest debtors, — for a judicious discrimination between fraud 
and misfortune. The hardships and barbarities inflicted upon 
confined debtors by the warden of the fleet, the infamous and 
extortionate Bambridge, by the butcher Acton, of the Marshalsea, 
and by others, were such as to shock common humanity and cur- 
dle the blood in all honest veins. In the long catalogue of bru- 
talities which have scandalized the annals of civilized nations 
few, if any, can be named more abhorrent than those which were 
then perpetrated in English prisons. Among the maladministra- 
tions of justice which have disgraced oflicers and imposed unlaw- 
ful and grievous burthens upon the unfortunate, none can be 
remembered more aj^palling than those which at this period char- 
acterized the conduct of both judges and jailors within the pre- 
cincts of the city of London. Once within prison walls, to the 
confined, — be he Robert Castell, skilled in architecture and born 
to competency, whose only offense was that in the pursuit of his 
ino-enious and liberal calling he incurred debts he was unable to 
pay, or Captain John jSIacpheadris, a flourishing merchant, who 
failed because he had become surety to the Crown for a friend, 
or Sir William Rich, or Oliver Read, or the most infamous 
thief, pirate, smuggler, or murderer, — small-pox, fever, filth, 
shackles, thumbscrews, iron skull-caps, and often death were 
meted out without discrimination by keepers who, save in form, 
bore no resemblance to humanity. The extortions practiced by 
these wardens were incessant and monstrous. Their treatment 
of the prisoners committed to their care Avas most inhuman. In- 
solently did they batten upon the fears and the slender purses of 
the immured, and their administration of the jails and sponging- 
houses of London was a disgrace to humanity and a blot upon 

"No modern nation," says Grahame,i "has ever enacted or 
inflicted greater legal severities upon insolvent debtors than Eng- 
land. That jealous regard for liberty and national honor, and 
that frenerous and extended concern for the rights of human na- 
ture which the English have always claimed as distniguishing 

1 History of the United States of North America, vol. iii. p. 179. Loudon. 183G. 


features of their character, had proved unable to withstand the 
most sordid and inhuman suiro-estions of commercial ambition. 
For the enlargement of their commerce they sanctioned the 
atrocities of the slave-trade, and for the encouragement of that 
ready credit by which commercial enterprise is promoted, they 
armed the creditors of insolvent debtors with vindictive powers, 
by the exercise of which free-born Englishmen, unconvicted of 
crime, were frequently subjected, In the metropolis of Britain, to 
a thraldom as vile and altiicting as the bondage of negro slaves 
in the AVest Indies. So long was it before English sense and 
humanity were fully awakened to the guilt and mischief of this 
barbarous legal system, and its still more barbarous administra- 
tion, that till a late period of the eighteenth century misfortunes 
in trade exposed an Englishman to a punishment more dreadful 
than the public feeling of England in the nineteentli century 
would suffer to be inflicted on the most infamons and detestable 

'Mr. Oglethorpe, the philanthropist, — whose "strong benevo- 
lence of soul" is eulogized by Pope, — was chairman of the com- 
mittee raised by the House of Commons to visit the prisons, ex- 
amine into the condition of tlie inmates, and suggest measures 
of reform. In three reports did that committee, in commenting 
upon the miserable national grievance, instance cases of suffer- 
ing, injustice, and mismanagement, too painful and loathsome for 
repetition. Ogh'thorpe's public-spirited and cliaritable design 
}>rt'vailed, and measures were adopted for the punishment of tlie 
olb-nding wardens, the alleviation of the sufferings of the incar- 
terated, and the ]niritication of the prisons. 

The idea occurred to him, while engaged in this philanthropic 
business, that m)t a few of these nnfortunate individuals, con- 
fined for debt, of respectable connections and guilty of no crime, 
might be greatly benetited by compromising the claims held by 
their creditors upon condition that they would consent to become 
colonists in America. Tims would opportunity be afforded them 
of retrieving their fortunes. Thus would EnHand be relieved of 
the sham-e: and expense of their incarceration, and thus would 
licr dominion in the N(!w World be confirmed. Let us not mis- 
understand the project. Not the depraved Mdio were suffering 
confinement as a punishment for crime ; not felons who awaited 
the a]>j)roach of darker days when graver sentences were to be 
endund ; not (lie dishonest, who hoped b}^ submitting to tem- 
porary imprisonment to weary out creditors and emerge with 


fraudulently-acquired gains still concealed ; but the honestly un- 
fortunate were to be the beneficiaries of this benevolent and pa- 
triotic scheme. Those also in the United Kingdom who, through 
want of occupation and lack of means, were most exposed to the 
liability of confinement for debt were to be influenced in behalf 
of the contemplated colonization. It was believed that others, 
possessing some means, who were energetic and ambitious of pre- 
ferment, could be enlisted in aid of the enterprise. 

The anxiety of the Carolinians for the establishment of a 
plantation to the south which would serve as a shield against 
the incursions of the Spaniards, the attacks of the Indians, and 
the depredations of fugitive slaves; the memorial of Colonel 
Purry, addressed to the Duke of Newcastle, advocating Swiss 
colonization ; the scheme of Sir Robert Mountgomery for the 
foundation of the Margravate of Azilia and the attraction of 
Scotch emigration, and suggestions of a similar character, wdiile 
they drew Oglethorpe's attention to the lands lying between the 
Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers as a suitable territory for 
the location of his purposed colony, also warned him of funda- 
mental errors to be avoided in his plan of settlement. The idea 
grew upon him until his scheme, expanding, embraced within its 
benevolent designs not only the unfortunate of Great Britain, but 
the persecuted and oppressed Protestants of Europe. Charity 
for and relief of human distress were to be inscribed upon the 
foundations of the dwellings he proposed to erect amid the South- 
ern forests. Their walls were to be advanced bulwarks for the 
protection of the Carolina plantations, and their aspiring roofs 
were to proclaim the enlarged honor and dominion of the British 
nation. AVitli Oglethorpe, in this whole affair, there lingered 
no hope of personal gain, no ambition of a sordid character, no 
secret reservation of private benefit. His entire project was 
open, disinterested, charitable, loyal, and patriotic. Thus was it 
recognized by all. Such was its distinguishing peculiarity, and 
Mr. Southey did but echo the general sentiment when he af- 
firmed that no colony was ever established upon principles more 
honorable to its jn'ojectors. 

As the accomplishment of his purpose demanded a larger ex^ 
penditiire than his means justified, and as the administration of 
the atYairs of the plantation would involve "a broader basis of 
managing power " than a single individual could v/ell maintain, 
Oglethorpe sought and obtaintHl the cooperation of wealthy and 
iniluential personages in the development of his beneiicent enter- 


In order that proper authority and royal sanction might be 
secured, in association with Lord Percival and other noblemen 
and gentlemen of repute, he addressed a memorial to the Privy 
Council in which, among other things, it was stated that the 
cities of London and Westminster and the parts adjacent thereto 
abounded with indigent persons, so reduced in circumstances as 
to become burdensome to the public, who would wilHngly seek a 
livelihood in any of his majesty's plantations in America if they 
were provided with transportation and the means of settling 
there. The petitioners engaged in behalf of themselves and their 
associates to take charge of the colonization and to erect the 
phmtation into a proprietary government, if the Crown would be 
pleased to grant them lands lying south of the Savannah River, 
empower them to receive and administer all contributions and 
benefactions which they might influence in encouragement of so 
good a design, and clothe them with authority suitable for tlie 
enforcement of law and order within the limits of the province. 
After the usual reference, this petition received a favorable re- 
port, and by his majesty's direction a charter was prepared, which 
received the royal sanction on the 9th of June, 1732. 

The features, grants, and privileges of this charter may be 
thus epitomized : — 

As inducements to this exercise of his royal prerogatives, his 
majesty King George IL declares he has been credibly informed 
that many of his poor subjects, through misfortune or want of 
employment being unable to provide a maintenance for them- 
selves and families, would, if the charges of passage and the ex- 
}>L'nsi's incident to new settlements were defrayed, be glad to 
settle in the American provinces where, by cultivating lands at 
present waste and desolate, they could not only gain a comfort- 
able subsistence for themselves and families, but also strengthen 
the colonies and increase the trade, navigation, and wealth of the 
British nation. 

Alluding to the fact that his provinces in North America had 
been f lequently ravaged by Indian enemies ; that South Caro- 
lina in a late war had been devastated by the fire and sword of 
neighboring savages and a great number of the inhabitants mas- 
sacred ; that his subjects still resident therein were exposed to 
like calamities by reason of the fewness of their numbers and 
from the circumstance that the entire southern frontier of that 
province remained unsettled and open to the inroads of tlu^ In- 
dians ; deeming it highly necessary that protection should be 


afforded ; believing that the establisliment of a colony in the 
southern territory woalJ materially conduce to the safety of Car- 
olina and the relief of her inhabitants ; and being well assured, 
if the Crown would be graciously pleased to erect and settle a 
corporation for receiving, managing, and disposing of the contri- 
butions of loving subjects, that various persons would assist in 
the enterprise, his majesty willed, ordained, constituted, declared, 
and granted, " that our right trusty, and well beloved John, Lord 
Viscount Percival of our Kingdom of Ireland, our trusty and well- 
beloved Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, 
George Heathcote, Thomas Tower, Robert Moor, Robert Hucks, 
Roger Holland, William Sloper, Francis Eyles, John Laroche, 
James Veruon, William Beletha, Esqrs, A. j\I., John Burton, 
B. D., Richard Bundy, A. M., Arthur Beaford, A. ]M., Samuel 
Smithj A. M., Adam Anderson, and Thomas Coram, gentlemen, 
and such other persons as shall be elected in the manner herein- 
after mentioned, and their successors to be elected in the man- 
ner hereinafter directed, shall be one body politic and corporate 
in deed and in name, by the name of The Trustees for estahlish- 
ing the Colony of Georgia in America.'^ 

The corporation, thus constituted, was vested with perpetual 
succession, and declared capable in law of purchasing, receiving, 
and enjoying in fee all lands, hereditaments, and franchises 
which it might acquire, and all personal property requisite for 
settling and maintaining the colony. Powers of gift, grant, 
lease, and demise were conferred. The right to sue and be 
sued, to have and use a common seal, to appoint a common coun- 
cil of the corporation, and to hold meetings from time to time 
and at such place or places as might be deemed convenient for 
the transaction of the business of the corporation, was fully ac- 
corded. The third Thursday in March in each year was desig- 
nated for the election of members of the corporation and for 
-filling any vacancies which might occur in the organization. 

All persons elected members of the common council, before en- 
tering upon their ofhce, were required to take an oath for the 
due and faithful execution of the duties appertaining to the posi' 
tion. This oath the president was to administer. 

Lord John, Viscount Percival, was designated as the first presi- 
dent of the corporation, and it was made his duty, within thirty 
days after the grant of the charter, to convene the corporators that 
they might perfect tlnnr organization and enter upon the impor- 
tant business which lay before them. It was further declared as 


tlie king's will that the common council of the corponition should 
consist of fifteen members. In the charter John, Lord Viscount 
Percival, Edward Digby, George Carpenter, James Oglethorpe, 
George Heathcote, Thomas Laroche, James Vernon, William 
Beletha, Esqrs., and Stephen Hales, Master of Arts, were ap- 
pointed and constituted the common council of the corporation, to 
continue in office during good behavior. 

An increase, by election, of the number of the corporators be- 
ing contemplated, provision was made for adding nine additional 
members to the common council, and Edward Digby was selected 
as its first chairman. Careful provision was made for rotation in 
the office both of president of the corporation and of chairman 
of tlie common council. These officers, at all meetings, were de- 
clared competent to vote and to participate in the deliberations. 

Both the })resident of the corporation and the chairman of the 
common council were expressly forbidden to receive either directly 
or indirectly any salary, fee, perquisite, benefit, or profit whatsoever 
by virtue of office or membership. Before entering upon the dis- 
charge of the duties appertaining to his office the president of the 
corporation was required to take an oath, to be administered by 
the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, for the due and faithful exe- 
cution of the trust devolved upon him. A like oath was to be 
administered by the president, when inducted into office, to each 
member of the corporation. Every member was declared inca- 
pable of holding any position of profit within the gift of the cor- 

Permission was granted to solicit and receive subscriptions, and 
to appoint agents to collect moneys and gifts in aid of the enter- 

It was made the duty of the corporation to submit annually, in 
writing, to the Chancellor or .Speaker, or commissioners for the 
custody of the Great Seal of Great Britain, the Chief Justice of 
the Court of King's Bench, the iMaster of the Rolls, the Chief 
Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, and the Chief Baron of 
the Exchequer, or any two of them, an account of all moneys and 
effiicts received and expended in behalf of the colony. The corpo- 
ration was invested with ample power to frame and ordain sucli 
constitutions, by-laws, orders, and ordinances, to prescribe and 
nnpose such reasonable pains and penalties for infractions, and 
to establish such methods for their enforcement and collection as 
were not repugnant to the statutes and laws of the realm. The 
grant of territory was made in the following terms : — 


" And wliercas the said corporation intend to settle a colony 
and to make a habitation and plantation in that part of our 
province of South Cai-olina, in America, hereinafter described : 
Know ye tliat we, greatly desiring the happy success of the said 
corporation, for their further encouragement in accomplishing so 
excellent a work have, of our aforesaid grace, certain knowledge, 
and mere motion, given and granted, and by these presents, for 
us, our heirs and successors, do give and grant to the said cor- 
poration and their successors under the reservation, limitation, 
and declaration hereafter expressed, seven undivided parts, the 
whole in eight equal parts to be divided, of all those lands, coun- 
tries, and territories situate, lying, and being in that part of 
South Carolina, in America, which lies from the most northern 
part of a stream or river there commonly called the Savannah, 
all along the sea coast to the southward, unto the most southern 
stream of a certain other great water or river called the Alata- 
maha, and westerly from the lieads of the said rivers respectively 
in direct lines to the South Seas : and all that share, circuit, 
and precinct of land witliin the said boundaries, with the islands 
on the sea lying opposite to the eastern coast of the said lands, 
within twenty leagues of the same, which are not inhabited al- 
read}^ or settled by any authority derived from the Crown of 
Great Britain, together with all the soils, grounds, havens, ports, 
gulfs, and bays, mines, as well royal mines of gold and silver as 
other minerals, precious stones, quarries, woods, rivers, waters, 
fisliings, as well royal fishings of whale and sturgeon, as other 
fishings, pearls, commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, franchises, 
privileges, and preeminences within the said frontiers and pre- 
cincts thereof, and thereunto in any sort belonging or appertain- 
ing, and which we l)y our letters patent may or can grant ; and 
in as ample manner and sort as we may, or any our royal 23ro- 
genitors have hitherto granted to any company, body politic or 
corporate, or to any adventurer or adventurers, undertaker or 
undertakers of any discoveries, plantations, or trafllc of, in, or 
unto any foreign parts whatsoever, and in as legal and ample 
manner as if the same were herein particularly mentioned and 
expressed : To have, liold, possess and enjoy the said seven undi- 
vided parts,! ^]j,3 ^vliole into eight equal parts to be divided as 
aforesaid, of all and singular the lands, countries, and territories, 

^ TVc have nlready ssoen that the re- purchase from Lord Carteret, Barou of 
Tnaiiiiii<:^ uiuliviil.d ciLrlith ]virt of thister- ILnvnes. 
ritory wiis acquired by the trustees by 


I i 

£■ _ ^ , i 

I with all and singular otlier the premises hereinbefore by these j 
f presents granted or mentioned, or intended to be granted, to I 
f them the said corporation and their snccessors forever, for the j 
I better support of the said Colony ; to be holden of us, our heirs i 
f; and snccessors, as of our honour of Hampton Court, in our County j 
' of Middlesex, in free and common socage, and not in capite ; | 
yielding and parang therefor to us, our heirs and successors, I 
I yearly forever, the sum of four shillings for every hundred acres | 
" of the said lands which the said corporation shall grant, demise, i 
plant, or settle ; the said payment not to commence or to be | 
made imtil ten years after such grant, demise, planting, or set- j 
tiing, and to be answered and paid to us, our heirs and succes- 
sors, in such manner, and in such species of money or notes as ] 
s'hall be current in payment by proclamation from time to time ! 
in our said province of South Carolina : all which lands, coun- ;.: 
tries, territories, and premises liereb}^ granted, or mentioned, and .^j 
intended to be granted, we do by these presents make, erect, 1 
and create one independent and separate province by the name j 
of Georgia, by which name we will that the same shall hence- j 
forth be called ; and that all and every person or persons who 'I 
shall at any time hereafter inhabit or reside within our said \ 
province shall be, and they hereby are declared to be free, and I 
shall not be subject to, or be bound to obey any laws, orders, I 
statutes, or constitutions which have been heretofore made, or- j 
dered, and enacted, or which hereafter shall be made, ordered, ; 
or enacted by, for, or as the laws, orders, statutes, or constitu- 1 
tions of our said province of South Carolina (save and except j 
only tlie command in chief of the militia of our said province of j 
Georgia to our governor, for tlie time being, of South Carolina, ! 
in manner hereafter declared), but shall be subject to and bound j 
to obey such laws, orders, statutes and constitutions as shall from j 
time to time be made, ordered, and enacted for the better gov- j 
ermnent of the said province of Georgia in the manner herein- ' 
after declared. And we do hereby, for us, our heirs and suc- 
cessors, ordain, will, and establish that for and during the term 
of twenty-one years, to commence from the date of these our let- 
ters patent, the said corporation assembled for that purpose shall 
and may form and prepare laws, statutes, and ordinances lit and 
necessary for and concerning tlie government of the said colony, 
and not rejnignant to the laws and statutes of England, and the 
same shall and may present, mider their common seal, to us. our 
I lieirs and successors, in our or their Privy' Council for our or their 


approbation or disallowance : and the said laws, statutes, and 
ordinances being approved of by us, our lieirs and successors, 
in our or their Privy Council, shall from thenceforth be in full 
force and virtue within our said province of Georgia." 

In order to obviate the inconvenience of assembling all the 
members of the corporation for the transaction of the ordinary 
affairs of the colony, power was lodged with the common council, 
or a majority of them, to receive and disburse the moneys and 
effects of the corporation in furtherance of the enterprise; to 
use the common seal in the execution of necessary covenants or 
contracts ; to nominate and appoint a treasurer, secretary, and 
such other officers, ministers, and servants as might be adjudged 
requisite, and the same to remove at pleasure ; to fix salaries, 
perquisites, and other rewards; and to administer oaths for tlie 
faithful discharge of the duties devolved u]-)on such oflicers, min- 
isters, and servants. The secretary ;ind trensurer, during their 
tenure of office, were declared incapable of becoming members of 
the corporation. 

Upon the corporation, its officers and agents, was conferred the 
privilege of transporting and conveying out of the limits of the 
United Kingdom, or from any of the British dominions into the 
province of Georgia for settlement there, as many subjects of the 
Crown as should be willing to go, and also such foreigners as 
should consent to there abide under the allegiance of the English 
Crown. Permission was granted to carry into the province such 
munitions of war as were requisite for its defense, and such 
clothing, implements, furniture, victuals, merchandise, cattle, 
horses, and wares as were needed by the colonists for their own 
use or for traffic with the natives. The faith of the general gov- 
ernment was pledged to the doctrine that all persons born within 
the province, and tlieir descendants, should enjoy all the liberties, 
franchises, and immunities of fi-ee denizens and natural-born sub- 
jects of Great Ibitain as fully as if born and abiding within the 
kingdom of England. 

In the worsliip of God liberty of conscience was to be univer- 
sally allowed. To all, except Papists, was accorded a free exer- 
cise of religion, provided its ministrations and enjoyment were 
peaceable and caused no offense or scandal to the government. 

In regard to alienation of land by the corporation, the charter 
contains the following provisions and limitations: "And our 
further will and plt>:isure is. and we do hereby for us, our heirs 
and successors, declare and grant that it shall and may be lawful 


[ for the said common council, or the major part of them assembled 

[ for that purpose, in the name of the corporation and under the 

\ common seal to distribute, convej^, assign, and set over such par- 

i ticular portions of lands, tenements, and hereditaments by these 

[ presents granted to the said corporation, unto such of our loving 

[ subjects, natural born or denizens, or others that shall be willing 

f to become our subjects and live under our allegiance in the said 

I colony, upon such terms and for such estates, and upon such 

• rents, reservations, and conditions as the same may be lawfully 

granted, and as to the said common council, or the major part of 
them so present, shall seem lit and proper. Provided always, 
that no gi-ants shall be made of any parts of the said lands unto 
any person being a member of the said corporation, or to any 
other person in trust for the benefit of any member of the said 
corporation ; and that no person having any estate or interest in 
law or equity in any part of the said lands shall be capable of 
being a member of the said corporation during the continuance 
of such estate or interest. Provided also, that no greater quan- 
tity of lands be granted, either entirely or in parcels, to or for the 
use or in trust for any one person, than five hundred acres ; and 
that all grants made contrary to the true intent and meaning 
hereof shall be absolutely null and void." 

The corporation was invested with the right to appoint suit- 
able persons to administer the oaths prescribed by act of Parlia- 
ment passed in the first year of the reign of King George I., — to 
be taken instead of oaths of allegiance and supremacy, — also 
oaths of objurgation to persons residing in the colony, and 
solemn aiUrmaLions to Quakers as authorized by the laws of the 
realm. It was further ordained that the corporation and its 
^ successors should have full power and authority for and during 

I the term of twenty-one years next ensuing the date of the letters 

I patent to erect and constitute courts of record and other courts 

I for " hearing and determining all manner of crimes, offenses, 

t pleas, processes, plaints, actions, matters, causes, and things what- 

I soever arising or liappening within the said province of Georgia, 

I or between persons of Georgia, whether the same be criminal or 

I civil, and whether the said crimes be capital or not capital, and 

I whether the said pleas be real, personal, or mixed, and for award- 

I ing and making out executions thereupon." 

I All leases, grants, plantings, conveyances, settlements, and im- 

I provements of any lands, tenements, and hereditaments within 

I the limits of the colony made by or in the name of the corpora- 


tion, or memorials containing the substance thereof, vrere to be 
registered with the auditor of phmtations within one year from 
the respective dates thereof; otherwise they were to be held 

Annually an account of such conveyances was to be trans- 
mitted to the auditor of plantations for the time being, or to 
his deputy, and to the surveyor, for the time being, of South 
Carolina ; both of whom had the power of inspection and verifi- 
cation by resurvey so as to ascertain the quit rents due to the 

From time to time statements showing the progress of the col- 
ony were to be rendered to the principal secretaries of state and 
to the Commissioners of Trade and Plantations. 

Eight members of the common council were declared a legal 
quorum for the transaction of business, and the common council 
was authorized to nominate, appoint, and commission such gover- 
nors, judges, magistrates, ministers, and officers, civil, military, 
and naval, as they might deem lit and needful for the govern- 
ment of the province. The Crown, however, reserved to itself 
the right of selecting all officers for the management and collec- 
tion of revenues due from the colony to the general government. 
It was further stipulated that the colonial governor before enter- 
ing upon his office should be approved of by the Crown, that he 
should take such oaths and qualify himself in such manner as 
were required of the governoi-s and commanders-in-chief of the 
other colonies in America, and that be sliould give approved 
security for observing the several acts of Parliament relating to 
trade and navigation, and for obeying all instructions which 
should be issued to liim by the home government. 

The corporation and its successors, during the twenty-one years 
sequent upon the grant of the charter, were empowered, through 
officers by them from time to time appointed, to train, instruct, 
exercise, and govern a militia for the special defense of the 
colony ; to assemble in martial array, upon an emergency, all the 
inhabitants capable of bearing arms, to repulse as well on land 
as at scii any enemy cither within or without the confines of the 
province, and in all fitting ways and enterprises to slay and con- 
quer any who in a hostile manner might attempt the invasion, 
detriment, annoyance, or destruction of the plantation. Martial 
law might be proclaimed in seasons of actual hostilities, invasion, 
or of rebellion. 

The duty of erecting forts and of fortifying towns, of supplying 


j them with ordnance and ammunition, and of garrisoning them, 

I was also imposed upon the corporation which stood charged alike 

j with the maintenance of good order within the confines of the j 

i ceded territory and with the protection of its coast and boundaries j 

i from the incursions of marauders, pirates, savages, and enemies. 1 

I The o-overnor of South Carolina was named as the commander- i 

I in-chief of the militia of Georgia. All orders issued by him were | 

[ to be respected. | 

i Free importation and exportation of goods and products were j 

I authorized. Vessels conveying them were not compelled to first j 

I touch at a Carolina port. 

Upon the expiration of the term of twenty-one years specified | 

in the charter, it was provided that such form of government j 

would then be adopted and such laws promulgated for the regula- j 

tion of the colony and tlie observance of its inhabitants as the | 

Crown should ordain. Thereafter the governor of the province, j 

and all its officers, civil and military, were to be nominated and j 

commissioned by the home government. 1 

These letters patent conclude with a royal promise that they 

would be upheld according to their true intent and meaning ; 

and that they would be construed in all courts and elsewhere in 

a sense most favorable, beneficial, and advantageous to the corpo- 

I ration and its successors. 


TION Perfected. — The Corporate Seal. — Subscriptions Solicited. — 
The Scheme ok Colonization as unfolded by the Trustees. — Ogle- 
thorpe's Appeal to the Public. — Martyn's Reasons for Establish- 
ing THE Colony of Georgia. 

The projected colony was called Geokgia in honor of the 
reigning monarch of England, who had graciously sanctioned a 
charter so liberal in its provisions, and granted a territory so 
extensive and valuable for the encouragement of the plantation. 
Compared with other instruments of like character, it will be 
freely admitted that these letters patent embrace all that could 
have been asked from the Crown, that in their scope they are 
generous and comprehensive, and that they contain unusual 
pledges of a charitable and disinterested nature on the part of 
those who sought the concession and were charged with the exe- 
cution of the enterprise. 

In July, 1732, the corporators convened for a formal accept- 
ance of the charter, and to perfect an organization under its 
provisions. The letters patent having been read, the right hon- 
orable Lord Viscount Pereival exhibited a cevtificate from the 
Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, by which it appeared that he 
had qualified himself as president of the corporation and taken 
the oath for the faithful observance of the trust. He then ad- 
ministered the oath of ofTice to such of the trustees as were 
present. Frequent meetings were held for the transaction of 
business connected with the rapid and orderly development of 
the scheme of colonization. The Bank of England was desig- 
nated as financial agent and custodian of all moneys which might 
be contributed in aid of the colony. Benjamin ]Martyn was 
elected secretary, and the following gentlemen formed the com- 
mon council : the right honorable Anthony, Earl of Shaftsbury ; 
the right honorable John, Lord Viscount Pereival ; the right 
honorable John, Lord Viscount Tyrconnel ; the right honorable 
Jame.s, Lord Viscount Limerick ; the right honorable George, 
Lord Carpenter ; the honorable Edward Digby, Esq., James Ogle- 


thorpe, Esq,, George Heatlicote, Esq., Thomas Tower, Esq., 
i Robert jMoore, Esq., Robert Hncks, Esq., Rogers Holland, Esq., 
I William Sloper, Esq., Francis Eyles, Esq., John Laroche, Esq., 
i James Vernon, Esq., Stephen Hales, A. M., Richard Chandler, 
I Esq., Thomas Frederick, Esq., Henry L'Apostre, Esq., William 
! Heatbcote, Esq., John White, Esq., Robert Kendal, Esq., alder- 
I man, and Richard Bundy, D. D.^ 

I The corporate seal adopted had two faces. That for the au- 

j tbentication of legislative acts, deeds, and commissions contained 
I this deyice : two figures resting upon urns, from which flowed 
\ streams typifying tlie rivers forming the northern and southern 
l boundaries of the province. In their hands were spades, suggest- 
\ ing agriculture as the chief employment of the settlers. Above 
■ and in the centre was seated the genius of the colony, a spear in 

her right hand, the left placed upon a cornucopia, and a liberty 
; cap upon her head. Behind, upon a gentle eminence, stood a tree, 
I and above was engraven this legend : CoLOXiA Georgia Aug. 
[ On the other face — which formed the common seal to be affixed 

I to grants, orders, and certificates — were seen silk-worms in tlie 

I various stages of their labor, and the appropriate motto NoN 
I SIBI SED ALUS. This inscription not only proclaimed the dis- 
interested motives and intentions of the trustees, but suggested 
that the production of silk was to be reckoned among the most 
profitable employments of the colonists. 

Aware of the fact that the mulberry-tree was indigenous to 
Georgia, and informed that the climate was favorable to the 
silk-worm, the trustees were encouraged by Sir Thomas Lombe 
to believe that raw silk of a superior quality could be readily pro- 
duced in the province, and that thus vast sums, which were an- 
nually expended in the purchase of foreign silks, might be saved 
to the nation. Oglethorpe was firmly persuaded that England 
could thus bo most materially benefited, and the trustees re- 
solved to engage persons in Italy, acquainted with the method of 
feeding the worms and winding the threads from the cocoons, to 
accompany the first settlers and instruct them in the various 
necessary processes.- 

That the public might be intelligently advised of the benev- 
olent character and scope of the undertaking, and rest assured 

1 Reasons for Establishing the Colony 2 g^g Wriirlit's Memoir of Gen. James 
of dronjia, u'ith Jiigard to the Trade Oglethorpe, p. 52. Loudou. 16G7. 
of Great Britain, etc., p. 3. Loudou, 



that any pecuniary assistance rendered would be faithfully ap- 
plied, a commission of leading citizens was organized to solicit 
subscriptions. To prevtnit any misappropriation of funds a special 
account was opened with the Bank of England, where a register 
was kept of the names of all benefactors and the amounts of 
their several donations. The trustees contributed generously of 
their private means. Liberal responses were received from in- 
dividuals and public institutions ; and, as an honorable indorse- 
ment of the scheme and of its managers, Parhament donated the 
sum of £10,000. So charitable was the design, so unselfish the 
attitude of the trustees, and so manifest were the benefits which 
might reasonably be expected from a proper administration of the 
trust that the great heart of the nation beat in sympathy with 
the project. Even the pulpit raised its voice in commendation 
of the proposal. 

In an account of their designs, addressed to the public, the 
trustees, after explaining the need for funds not only to defray 
the passage of the colonists, but also to support them while en- 
gaged in a new and unsubdued region in felling trees, building 
houses, fortifying settlements, and tilling the land preparatory to 
the first harvest, declare their intention " to relieve such unfor- 
tunate persons as cannot subsist here, and establish them in an 
orderly manner so as to form a well-regulated town. As far as 
their fund goes, they will defray the charges of their passage to 
Georgia ; give them necessaries, land, and subsistence till such 
time as they can build their houses and clear some of their land. 
They rely for success first on the goodness of Providence, next 
on the compassionate disposition of the people of England ; and 
they doubt not that much will be spared from luxury and su- 
perfluous expenses, by generous tempers, Avhen such an opportu- 
nity is ofi'ered them by the giving of X20 to provide for a man 
or woman, or =£10 to a child, forever. 

" In order to prevent the benefaction given to this purpose 
from ever being misapplied, and to keep up, as far as human 
precaution can, a spirit of disinterestedness, the Trustees have 
established the following method : That each benefactor may 
know what he has contributed is safely lodged and justly ac- 
counted for, all money given will be deposited in the Bank of 
England and entries made of every benefaction in a bouk to be 
kept for that purpose by the Trustees ; or, if concealed, the 
names of those by whose hands they sent their money. There 
are to be annual accounts of all the money received, and how 


the same lifis been disposed of, laid before the Lord High Cliati- 
cellor, the Lord Chief Justice of the King's Bench, the Master 
of the Rolls, the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and 
the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer, or two of them, and 
copies of these will be transmitted to every considerable bene- 

" By such a Colony many families, who would otherwise starve, 
will be provided for, and made masters of houses and lands ; the 
people in Great Britain to wliom these necessitous families were 
a burthen, will be relieved ; numbers of manufacturers will be 
here employed for supplying them with clothes, working tools, 
and other necessaries ; and by giving refuge to the distressed 
Saltzburghers and other persecuted Protestants, the power of 
Britain, as a reward for its hospitality, will bo increased by the 
addition of so many religious and industrious subjects. 

" The Colony of Georgia lying in about the same latitude with 
part of China, Persia, Palestine, and the Madeiras, it is highly 
probable that when hereafter it shall be well-peopled and rightly 
Cultivated, England may be supplied from thence with raw silk, 
wine, oil, dyes, drugs, and many other materials for manufac- 
tures which she is obliged to purchase from southern countries. 
As towns are established and grow populous along the rivers 
Savannah and Alataraaha, they will make such a barrier as will 
render the southern frontier of the British Colonies on the Con- 
tinent of America safe from Lidian and other enemies." 

This account discusses also the benefit which will accrue to 
home manufacturers by an increased supply of the crude ma- 
terial at reduced prices. It declares that by the execution of 
their designs the trustees will be instrumental in the conversion 
of the Indians, and in the reformation, perhaps, of some of the 
colonists, who will be encouraged to lead sober, industrious, and 
religious lives. After contemplating with satisfaction the prob- 
ability that the colonization of Georgia would prove more speedy 
and successful than the settlement of the other plantations in 
America, and after expressing the hope that the province would 
soon be able to t^ike care of itself in a pecuniary point of view, 
the address concludes with the following appeal : " There is an 
occasion now offered for every one to help forward this design ; 
the smallest benefaction will be received and applied with the 
utmost care: every little will do something; and a great num- 
ber of small benefactions will amount to a sum caj)able of doing 
a great deal of good." 


Oglethorpe, ever on the alert, not only intervened by personal 
influence, spoken argument, and private contribution, but pre- 
pared and circulated a carefully considered tract ^ by which he 
anonymously, yet none the less earnestly, sought to enlighten 
the public mind in regard to the colony, the nature and situation 
of its lands, and the benefits which would inure to England from 
its successful foundation. 

Upon the temperature, climate, and natural products of the 
region he dwells with genuine rapture, concluding this part of 
his description with Waller's account of the delights experienced 
on an island in the neighborhood of Carolina : — 

" The lofty Cedar which to Heav'n aspires, 
The prince of trees, is fuel for their tires. 
The sweet Palmettocs a new Bacchus yield, 
With leaves as ample as the broadest shield. 
Under the shadow of wliose friendly bonghs 
They sit carousing where thoir litjuor grows. 
Figs there unplanted thro' the fields do grow 
Such as fierce Cato did tlic Romans show : 
With the rare fruit inviting them to spoil 
Carthage, the mistress of so rich a soil. 
With candid Plautincs and the Juicy Pine, ) 

On choicest INIelons and sweet Grapes they dine, > 
And with Potatoes fat their lusty swine. ) 

Tlie kind spring wliich but salutes lis here 

Inhabits there and courts them all tlie year. 
Ripe fruits and blossoms ou tlie same trees live, 
At once they promise, wliat at once they give. 
So sweet the air, so moderate the clime. 
None sickly lives, or dies before his time. 
Heav'n sure has kept this spot of earth iincurs't. 
To show how all things were created first." 

Of the health of the country he speaks in unqualified praise. 
In proof of the longevity of the natives, he cites the case of one 
of the Florida kings, mentioned by Purchas, who, three hundred 
years old, had a father, then living, fifty years older than him- 

Maintaining the proposition that persons reduced to poverty 
at home, detracting from the wealth of the nation and impair- 
ing its prosperity, would be greatly benefited by a removal to 
the new settlement, he writes thus : " Let us in the mean time 
cast our eyes on the multitude of unfortunate people in the king- 
dom, of reputable families, and of liberal or, at least, easy educa- 
tion ; some undone by guardians, some by lawsuits, some by ac- 

1 A Neio and Accurate Account of the Provinces of South Carolina and Georcjia, etc. 
Loudon. 1732. 


cidents in commerce, some by stocks and bubbles, and some by | 

suretyship. But all agree in this one circumstance that they | 

must either be burthensome to their rehitions or betake them- i 

selves to little shifts for sustenance wliich ('tis ten to one) do not j 

answer their purposes, and to which a well-educated mind de- | 

scends with the utmost constraint. What various misfortunes I 

may reduce the rich, the industrious, to the danger of a prison, I 

to a moral certainty of starving ! These are the people that may • 

relieve themselves and strengthen Georgia by resorting thither, i 

and Great Britain by tlieir departure. I appeal to the recollec- j 
tion of the reader (tho' he be opulent, tho' he be noble) does not 

his own sphere of acquaintance (I may venture to ask), does not j 

even his own blood, his set of near relations furnish him witli i 

some instances of such persons as have been here described ? j 

Must they starve ? What honest mind can bear to think ic ? j 

Must they be fed by the contributions of others ? Certainly j 

they must, rather than be suffered to perish. Are these wealth j 

to the nation ? Are they not a burthen to themselves, a burthen i 

to their kindred and acquaintance, a burthen to the whole com- i 

munity ? j 

" I have heard it said (and 'tis easy to say so) let them learn j 

to work : let them subdue their pride and descend to mean em- \ 

ployments, keep ale-houses, or coffee-houses, even sell fruit, or j 

clean shoes for an honest livelihood. But alas! these occupa- 1 

tions, and many more like them, are overstocked already by peo- | 

pie who know better how to follow them than do they whom wo i 

have been talking of. Half of those who are bred in low life ' 

and w^ell versed in such shifts and expedients, find but a very | 

narrow maintenance by them. As for labouring, I could almost | 
wish that the gentleman or merchant who thinks that another 
gentleman or merchant in want can thresh or dig to the value 
of subsistence for his family or even for himself, I say I could 
wish the person wdio thinks so were obliged to make trial of it 
for a week, or (not to be too severe) for only a day. He would 
find himself to be less than the fourth part of a labourer, and 
that the fourth part of a labourer's wages could not main- 
tain him. I have heard it said that a man may learn to labour 
by practise ; 'tis admitted. But it must also be admitted that 
before he can learn he may starve. Suppose a gentk^nau 
were this day to begin, and Avith grievous toil found himself able 
to earn threepence, liow many days or montlis are necessary to 
form him that he may deserve a shilling jwgr diem? Men whoso 


wants are importunate must try such experiments as will give 
immediate relief. 'Tis too late for them to begin to learn a trade 
when their pressing necessities call for the exercise of it. 

"Plaving thus described (I fear too truly) the pitiable condition 
of the better sort of the indigent, an objection rises against 
their removal upon what is stated of their imbecility for drudg- 
ery. It may be asked if they can't get bread here for their 
labour, how will their condition be mended in Greorgia ? The 
answer is easy. Part of it is well attested, and part self evident. 
They have land there for nothing, and that land is so fertile that 
(as is said before) they receive an hundred-fold increase for tak- 
ing very little pains. 

" Give here in England ten acres of good land to one of these 
helpless persons and I doubt not his ability to make it sustain 
him, and this by his own culture without letting it to another. 
But the difference between no rent and rack-rent is the difference 
between eating and starving. If I make bat twenty pound of 
the produce of a field, and am to pay twenty pound for it, 'tis 
plain I must perish if I have not another fund to support me. 
But if I pay no rent the produce of that field will supply the 
mere necessities of life. 

" With a view to the relief of people in the condition I have de- 
scribed, his majesty has this present year incorporated a consid- 
erable number of persons of quality and distinction and vested a 
large tract of South Carolina in them, by the name of Greorgia, 
in ti'ust to be distributed among the necessitous. These trustees 
not only give land to the unhappy who go thither, but are also 
impowered to receive the voluntary contributions of charitable 
persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers with all 
necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and 
supporting them till tiiey find themselves comfortably settled. So 
that now the unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves 
to a long servitude to pay for their passage, for they may be car- 
ried gratis into a land of liberty and plenty where they imme- 
diately find themselves in possession of a competent estate, in a 
happier climate than they knew before, and they are unfortunate 
indeed if here they can't forget their sorrows." 

In this practical, cogent manner did Oglethorpe appeal to the 
impoverished, and seek to influence the better class of the un- 
fortunate in England to become friends of and participators in 
the proposeil colonization. 

Then addressing himself to a consideration of the question of 


emigration from a political and economical point of view, lie | 

demonstrates very clearly that many who at home were not only ; 

unable to earn a subsistence, but were a positive incubus upon ! 

the fortunes and industry of others, yielding no taxes or revenues I 

to the government, might, in the new province of Georgia, under | 

the charitable administration of the trustees, maintain them- | 

selves in comfort, enrich the mother county by the products of | 

their labor, and extend the dominion of the realm. I 

Alluding to the condition of the Salzburgers, martyrs in the i 

cause of truth and conscience, and gratefully acknowledging the | 

sympathy and valuable cooperation of the Society for the Propa- I 

gation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, he sees, in the accession \ 

of colonists from this source, the advancement of Christianitv, 1 

the rapid conversion of the natives, relief from religious persecu- | 

tion, and sure increase of the wealth and trade of Great Britain. | 

" Subjects thus acquired," says he, " by the impolitic persecu- j 

tions, b}'- the superstitious barbarities of neighboring princes, are | 

a noble addition to the capital stock of the British Empire." I 

The tract concludes with an encouraging view of the advan- I 

tages which would accrue to the commerce and wealth of Eng- 1 

land from the production of silk, rice, cotton, wine, lumber, and \ 

other articles of trade and consumption. 1 

The designs of the trustees were further unfolded in a publi- ! 

cation made by Benjamin JNIartyn, secretary of the Board, on- \ 

titled " Reasons for Establishing the Colony of Georo-ia witli i 

Regard to the Trade of Great Britain," etc.,^ a contribution of | 

no little merit and importance. In this work the profits to be j 

realized from silk production in Georgia are carefully considered, j 

and the expectations of tlie trustees are confirmed by a letter j 

from Sir Thomas Lombe, the inventor of silk-throwing macliin- | 

ery of curious and intricate structure, in which he declares that 1 

the silk, raised in Carolina, possesses as much natural strength j 

and beauty as the silk of Italy, and ventures the opinion that its j 

culture in Georgia would be attended Avith success if proper i 

measures were adopted for the instruction and encouragement of ! 

those who were to be employed about it. Looking eagerly to j 

the development of this industry, the trustees, at the outset, pro- j 

cui-ed from Italy a sufl&cient quantity of silk-worm eggs, and en- j 

gaged the services of competent Piedmontese to accompany tlie ! 

colonists and acquaint them with all necessary information on \ 
the subject. We will hereafter learn that in the development of 

1 London. MDCCXXXIII. 


their plans the trustees established formal rules for the propaga- 
tion of white mulberry trees. 

Having discussed at considerable length the benefits ^Yhich 
might be confidently anticipated from a trade in indigo, cochi- 
neal, olives, dyeing-woods, medicinal herbs, wine, flax, corn, and 
other products, and having reviewed the advantages which would 
accrue to England upon the establishment and development of 
Georgia as a home for the unfortunate, the oppressed, and the 
enterprising, Martyn concludes with this appeal to the charity 
and patriotism of the nation : — 

"As the Mind of j\Ian cannot form a more exalted Pleasure 
than what arises from the Reflexion of having relieved the Dis- 
tressed; let the Man of Benevolence, whose Substance enables 
him to contribute towards this Undertaking, give a Loose for a 
little to his Imagination, pass over a few Years of his Life, and 
think himself in a Visit to Georgia. Let-him see those, who are 
now a Prey to all the Calamities of Want, who are starvino- with. 
Hunger, and seeing their Wives and Children in the same Dis- 
tress ; expecting likewise every Moment to be thrown into a 
Dungeon, with the cutting Anguish that they leave their Fami- 
lies expos'd to the utmost Necessity and Despair : Let him, I 
say, see these living under a sober and orderly Government, set- 
tled in Towns, which are rising at Distances along navigable 
Rivers ; Flocks and Herds in the neighbouring Pastures, and 
adjoining to them Plantations of regular Rows of jMulberry- 
Trees entwin'd with Vines, the Branches of which are loaded 
with Grapes ; let him see Orchards of Oranges, Pomegranates, 
and Olives ; in other Places extended Fields of Corn, or Flax 
and Hemp. In short, the whole Face of the Country chang'd 
by Agriculture, and Plenty in every Part of it. Let him see 
tlie People all in Employment of various Kinds, Women and 
Children feeding and nursing the Silkworms, winding off the 
Silk, or gathering the Olives ; the Men ploughing and planting 
their Lands, tending their Cattle, or felling the Forest, which 
they burn for Potashes, or square for the Builder ; let him see 
these in Content and Affluence, and Masters of little Possessions 
which the}' can leave to their Children ; and then let him think 
if they are not happier than those supported by Charity in Idle- 
ness. Let him reflect that the Produce of their Labour will be so 
mucli new Wealth for his Country, and then let him ask himself, 
Whether he would exchange the Satisfaction of havine; contrib- 
uted to this, for all the trifling Pleasures the Money, which ho 
has given, would have purchased. 


"Of all publick-spirited Actions, perhaps none can claim a 
Preference to the Settling of Colonies, as none are in the End 
more useful. . . . Whoever then is a Lover of Liberty will be 
pleas'd with an Attempt to recover his fellow Subjects from a 
State of Misery and Oppression, and fix them in Happiness and 

" Whoever is a Lover of his Country will approve of a Method 
for the Employment of her Poor, and the Increase of her People 
and her Trade. Whoever is a Lover of Mankind will join his 
wishes to the Success of a Design so plainly calculated for their 
Good : Undertaken, and conducted with so much Disinterested- 

" Few arguments surely are requisite to excite the Generous to 
exert themselves on this Occasion. To consult the Welfare of 
Mankind regardless of any private Views is the Perfection of 
Virtue ; as the Accomplishing and Consciousness of it is the 
Perfection of Happiness." 


Kegulations establisited by the Trustees. — Grants in Tail Male 


The trustees, meanwhile, were framing regulations for the 
observance of the colonists and maturing such plans as, under the 
provisions of the charter, appeared most conducive to the prosper- 
ity and permanence of the contemplated settlement. Their views 
are fully expressed in a publication made by them entitled " An 
Account showing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in Amer- 
ica from its first Establishment." ^ 

Each male inhabitant was regarded both as a planter and as 
a soldier. He was therefore to be provided with arms for de- 
fense and with tools for the cultivation of the soil. In their use 
was he to be instructed. Towns, in their inception, were reck- 
oned as garrisons; consequently the lands allotted for tillage 
were to be in their immediate neighborhood, so that, in case of 
alarm, the inhabitants might speedily betake themselves thither 
for safety and mutual protection. 

That the military strength of the province might be main- 
tained at the highest possible standard, tliey deemed it impor- 
tant to establish such tenures of land as would best conduce to 
that end. Each lot, therefore, was to be held as a military fief, 
and fifty acres were adjudged sufficient for the support of a plan- 
ter and his family. The number of lots ceded was to equal the 
number of persons capable of occupying and rendering service. 
Regulations were established to prevent on the one hand the ac- 
cumulation of lots in one owmership lest the garrison should be 
enfeebled, and their division on the other hand into smaller par- 
cels whtn-eby they woukl be rendered too scanty for the procure- 
ment of suitable subsistence. 

Grants in tail male were declared preferable to any other 
tenure because most likely to answer the needs of the province. 
Should they be made in tail general it was thought that the 
1 Loudon. MDCCXLI. pp. 71. 


strengtli of eacli townsbip might be speedily diminisbecl, inas- 
much as a female heir in tail, although unmarried, might become 
entitled to a lot and thus withdraw from the garrison the portion 
of a soldier. By intermarriages, too, several lots might be merged 
into one ownership. If the tenant in tail general should chance 
to have several daughters, bis lot must then be divided equally'- 
among them as coparceners. 

Nor were these the only inconveniences which, in the judg- 
ment of the trustees, would probably arise should estates in tail 
general be allowed. Women being incapable of serving on juries 
or acting as soldiers, those duties and others, such as watching 
and warding, would devolve upon each adult male the oftener 
as the number of men in the township was lessened, and might 
become very burdensome. In case of attack from the Indians, 
French, or Spaniards, the township, under such circumstances, 
would be less able to offer a becoming resistance. 

Nor was it deemed prudent to sanction alienations in fee ; 
for, a right of sale being inseparable from an estate in fee, the 
grantee, upon being invested with the title, might at once sell, 
mortgage, or alien his lands to any one he chose. The trustees 
refused to commit this power to the early colonists and for the 
following reasons : — 

First. ]Many of the persons who were to be transported to 
Georgia were indigent. What they had been masters of at liome 
they had administered so indiscreetly that it did not appear safe 
at the outset, and before they had by careful and industrious be- 
havior given some assurance that they would prove better nvan- 
agers in the future, to entrust them with the entire and unre- 
strained property in the lands allotted to them. 

Second. They were to be sent over to inhabit, cultivate, and 
secure, by a personal residence, the lands granted to them in the 
province. This they voluntarily engaged to do; and, in the ex- 
pectation that they would observe this promise, they were to be 
maintained at the public expense during the voyage and to bo at 
no charge for their passage. They were, moreover, to be provided 
with tools, arms, seeds, and other necessaries, and to be supported, 
at least for a season, from the general stores. Hence the public 
might be said to have purchased from such settlers, for a valua- 
ble consideration, tlieir personal residence, and all the industry 
and labor they could bestow upon the cultivation of the soil 
assigned for their new liomes. 

Third. It was thought unsafe to grant estates in fee because 


they might be the means of introducing into the colony persons 
opposed to the Protestant religion, the maintenance of which 
was regarded as all important. On the west of the province 
were the French, and the Spaniards to the south, — Papists all. 

Fourth. The concentration of the ownership of many lots in a 
single individual would be a necessary consequence of a free pur- 
chase and sale of lands within the province, and this would con- 
flict with the manifest intent of the charter which forbade a 
grant of more than five hundred acres of land to any one person. 
Besides, where the tenant in fee died without children and 
intestate, it might be a difficult and a tedious matter to ascertain 
the heir general. Meanwhile, the improvements upon the lot 
would decay and the land remain uncultivated. 

Although these restraints upon the ownership and sale of real 
property were deemed wholesome in the beginning, the trustees 
were prepared, upon special cause shown, to modify their rules 
and even to grant a license for the alienation of land. We shall 
see, too, that when the succession of females became less dan- 
gerous to the province, when its population multiplied and grew 
confirmed in its local attachments, and when, by the arrival of 
the king's forces, its military capabilities were increased, the 
trustees consented to an enlargement of the land tenures. 

In order to insure industry on the part of the settlers to be 
transported and furnished with homes at the expense of the trust, 
they were placed under covenant to clear and cultivate, within a 
given time, a certain portion of the lands allotted to them re- 
spectively, and also to plant one hundred white mulberry trees 
upon every ten acres which should be cleared. Should this con- 
tract not be observed on the part of the tenants, the trustees 
reserved to themselves the right of reentry on such portions of 
the lots as remained untilled. 

Subsequently, however, when it was evident that the colonists, 
because of Spanish alarms, successive droughts, and other un- 
foreseen accidents, had been prevented from reducing into cul- 
tivation within the required time the specific number of acres, 
the trustees resolved to cancel all forfeitures. 

To such ]iorsons as could carry ten men-servants with them 
and settle in Georgia at their own expense, if, upon inquiry, their 
characters were found to be above reproach, the trustees agreed 
to grant five hundred acres of land in tail male, reserving to 
themselves for the support of the colony a yearly rent of twenty 
shillings sterling for every hundred acres. The payment of this 


rental was not to commence mitil ten years after tlie date of the 

Within a montli after its execution the grant, or a memorial 
of it, was to be registered with the auditor of plantations. The 
grantee obligated himself, within twelve months after the date 
of the cession, to repair to Georgia with ten able-bodied men- 
servants, each being at least twenty-one years of age. He 
further agreed to abide in Georgia with his servants for three 
years, building houses and cultivating his lands. Within ten 
years from the date of the grant he was to clear and cultivate 
two hundred of the five hundred acres, and plant thereon two j 

thousand white mulberry trees. On every hundred of the remain- j 

ino- three hundred acres, when cleared, one thousand white mul- i 

berry trees or plants, to be furnished by the trustees, were to be | 

set out and preserved. No alienation of the five hundred acres j 

or of any part thereof for a term of years or otherwise could be | 

made except by special leave of the trustees. On the determina- I 

tion of the estate in tail male the land was to revert to the trust. | 

These grantees were not permitted to depart from the province i 

without license. All forfeitures for non-residence, high treason, | 

felonies, etc., were to inure to the trustees for the benefit of the ; 

colony. If any part of the five hundred acres of land, within 
eighteen years from the date of the grant, should remain unculti- 
vated, uncleared, unplanted, and without a worm fence or paling 
six feet high, such portion should then revert to the trust. 

Upon the expiration of the terms of service of the male ser- 
vants ( " the same being for not less than four years "') the 
common council agreed, if requested by the grantee so to do, to 
grant to each of such servants twenty acres of land in tail male 
upon such rents, conditions, limitations, and covenants as might 
have been attached to grants to men-servants in like circum- 
stances. The grantees of these five-hundred-acre tracts were 
prohibited from hiring, keeping, lodging, or employing any negro 
except by special permission. 

When the lands reverted to the trust on determination of the 
estate in tail male, the ti'ustees covenanted to grant it again to 
such persons as the common council should think most advanta- 
geous to the colony, special regard being had for the daughters 
of such as had made improvements upon their lots. The widows 
of persons dying without male issue were, during their lives, to 
be entitled to the enjoj-ment of the mansion house and of one half 
of the lands improved by their husbands. 


The introduction of rum was prohibited. Trading with In- 
dians was forbidden, unless sanctioned by special license. The 
trustees also saw fit to prohibit the importation, ownership, and 
use of negroes within the limits of the province of Georgia. For 
this action on their part the following reasons were assiq:ned : 

The intention of the charter being to provide for poor persons 
incapable of subsisting themselves at home, and to establish a 
frontier for South Carolina which, because of the small number 
of its white inliabitants, was much exposed to the inroads both 
of hostile Indians and jealous Spaniards, it was thought impos- 
sible that the indigent who should be sent from England, and 
the foreign persecuted Protestants who would enter the colony 
utterly without means, could either purchase negroes or support 
them if they were furnished. Should the trustees undertake 
such a chiirge they would be crippled in their ability to maintain 
the white settlers. Tlie prime cost of a negro was then about 
thirty pounds. This sum would suffice to pay the passage over 
of a white man, supply him with tools and other necessaries, and 
subsist him for a year. At the expiration of that time it was 
hoped that the planter's own labor would enable him to earn 
a livelihood. Consequently, argued the trustees, the purchase- 
money of every negro (deducting the cost of feeding him and 
his master) by being applied in that way would prevent them 
from sending a white man who would add to the strength of the 
colony, whereas the negro would only render its security the 
more precarious. 

Ifc was thought that the white man, in possessing a negro slave, 
"vvould himself be less inclined to labor ; that much of his time 
woidd be consumed in keeping the negro at work and in guard- 
ing against any dangers he and his family might apprehend from 
the slave ; and that in the event of the death or absence of the 
master his family would be in large degree at the mercy of the 
negro. ^ 

It was also apprehended that the Spaniards at St. Augustine 
would bo contiimally enticing tlie negroes away or inciting them 
to insurrections. This fear found its justification in the conduct 
of the Spaniards toward the negro slaves of Carolina. Although 

1 It Avill bo hero romciiihered that the zation, and iirnorant of those attachments 

negro allmlcil to wis tlio recently im- and of that sense of mutiial dependence 

ported African, with his wihl jiassions iu which, at a. hiter period, bound master 

larj:e measure unsubdued, but little modi- and servant so closely together. 
fied by the restraints of a superior civili- 


at a greater distance from St, Augustine, many of tliem, per- 
suaded by emissaries from tbat place, had deserted in periaguas 
and small boats to the Spaniards ; and on more than one occa- 
sion large bodies of them had risen in arms, to the great alarm 
and loss of that province. 

The trustees were under the impression that the products of 
Georgia would not require the intervention of negro labor. The 
cultivation of rice in Carolina was an unhealthy and a heavy 
task demanding the service of slaves, whereas the silk and other 
matters which would claim the attention of the Georgia colonists 
could be best cared for by white men and their wives and 

It was also feared that if the persons who should go over to 
Georgia at their own expense were allowed the use of negroes 
the poor planters, who constituted the strength of the colony and 
who could not purchase them, would be dispirited and perhaps 
ruined. Under such circumstances, clamorous to have negroes 
furnished to them, and being refused, they would either quit the 
colony or grow negligent of their small plantations. Or, dis- 
daining to work like negroes, they would seek to hire themselves 
as overseers to the wealthy planters. Upon the admission of 
negroes these wealthy planters would be inclined to adopt the 
course pursued in other colonies and absent themselves from their 
plantations, entrusting them and their black slaves to the super- 
vision of paid overseers. 

It was believed by the trustees that the poor planter, sent on 
charity, in his eagerness to own negro slaves, and the rich plan- 
ters too who had come at their own charge, if permitted to alien- 
ate lands, would mortgage their real estate to the negro merchant, 
or at least become his debtors in the purchase of slaves. If 
these claims were not met, both negroes and land might pass into 
the ownership of the slave dealer, — a result to be deeply de- 
plored and to be avoided if possible. 

It was apprehended that the introduction of negro slaves into 
' Georgia would facilitate the desertion of the Carolina negroes 
through Georgia into Florida, thus defeating one of the prime 
intentions of the founders of the colony, which was to make it 
a barrier and sure defense to Carolina against the malign influ- 
ences and malevolent designs of the Spaniards at St. Augustine. 
Influenced by these considerations the trustees made the non- 
introduction of negro slaves a fundamental princi})le in the con- 
stitution of the colony of Georgia. At first the prohibition was 


doubtless salutary in its operation, but there soon came a time, 
in the development of the plantation, when its abrogation -was 
found essential to the prosperity'-, nay, to the life itself, of the 

In preparing a form of government under the provisions of the 
letters patent the trustees arranged for the establishment of a 
court for the trial of causes both civil and criminal, for the ap- 
pointment of magistrates, three bailiffs, a recorder, two consta- 
bles, and two tithing-men. Those were selected as magistrates 
who seemed to be most prudent and discreet ; although, where 
" all were upon a level at the first setting out," it appeared " im- 
possible to make any choice or distinction which would not create 
some future uneasiness among them."^ 

1 See an Account showing the Progress its first Establishment, pp. 5-11, 48, 49. 
of the Colony of Georgia in America from London. LIDCCXLL 


Preparations for the First Embarkation. — Oglethorpe leads the 

Colonists. — Departure in the Galley Anne. — Arrival and j 

Ekception at Charlestown, South Carolina. — Oglethorpe visits , 

Yamackaw Bluff. — His First Interview with Tomo-chi-chi. — The j 

Colonists land at Savannah. j 


Having thus digested a plan for the conduct of the proposed | 

colony, and having secured funds sufficient to justify them in \ 

putting into practical operation their scheme for the settlement , 

of the ceded lands, the trustees gave public notice of their readi- \ 

ness to receive and consider applications from parties who desired ! 

to emigrate to Georgia. Numerous were the responses. That | 

they might not be deceived in the characters and antecedents of j 

those who signified a wish to depart, a committee was appointed j 

to visit the prisons and examine the applicants there confined. ' 

If they proved worthy of the charity, compromises were to be | 

effected with their creditors, arid consents for their discharge pro- I 

cured. Another committee was raised to inquire into the circum- i 

stances and qualifications of such as presented themselves at the \ 
office of the corporation. Keeping in view the benevolent objects 

of the association and the nature of the settlement to be com- | 

passed, it was manifest that only fit persons ought to be selected. | 

and that due care should be exercised in the choice of emigrants.'^ ! 

As the men were to act in the double capacity of planters and j 

soldiers, it was important not only that they should be able- j 
bodied and reliable, but that they should, at the earliest moment, 

1 It has been idly charged that in the that he was fairly entitled to the hencfits 

beginning Georgia colonists were inipecu- of the cliariry. 

nious, depraved, lawless, and abandoned, Other American colonies were foiiuded 
that the settlement at Savannali was a and augmented by individuals coming at 
sort of Botany Bay, and that Yam:icraw will, withont question, for i)ersonal irain. 
Bluff was peopled by runagates from and bringing no certilicate of present <>r 
justice. The suggestion is utterly witli- past good conduct. Georgia, on the con- 
out foundation. The truth is, no nppli- trary, exhibits the spectacle, at mucc 
cant was admitted to the privilege of en- uni([ue and admirable, of jiennitting no 
nilluient as an emigrant until he had been one to enter her borders who was not. by 
subjiH'ted to a preliminary examination competent authority, adjudged worlhy Uil' 
and had furnished satisfactory testimony rights of citizenship. 


be instructed in the use of arms. Consequently, upon receiving 
the approbation of the committee, and until the arrival of the 
time fixed for sailing, the emigrants were drilled each day by the 
sergeants of the Royal Guards. Preferences were given to those 
who came well recommended by the ministers, church-wardens, 
and overseers of their respective parishes. 

By the Sd of October, 1732, one hundred and fourteen indi- 
viduals, comprising men, women, and children, had been enrolled 
for the hrst embarkation. Three weeks afterwards they Avere 
asked whether they objected to any of the terms and condi- 
tions proposed by the trustees. They all responded that they 
were fully satisfied with them. Articles testifying their consent 
were thereupon signed, sealed, and filed in the office of the 

Four of them desired that their daughters might inherit as 
well as their sons, and that provision should be made for the 
widow's dower. Yielding to their solicitation, the trustees re- 
solved that any person claiming the privilege might name a suc- 
cessor to the lands granted to hiui, and that in case the original 
grantee died without male issue such successor should hold to 
himself or herself and his or her male heirs forever. It was 
further ordained that widows should have their thirds as regu- 
lated by the laws of England.^ 

Five thousand acres of land within the limits of Georgia were 
granted to three of the colonists ^ in trust to convey therefrom 
fifty acres to every male adult upon his arrival in the province, 
at his request, and upon condition that he would form a settle- 
ment thereon. Such lot was to become the property of the 
grantee aiul liis heirs male. 

A vessel chartered to convey the emigrants was, at the charge 
of the trust, comfortably fitted out for their accommodation, and 
furnished not only with necessaries for the voyage, but also with 
arms, agricultural implements, tools, munitions, and stores for the 
use and support of the colonists after their arrival in America. 
The liberality of the supervisors was further shown in the supply 
of domestic utensils. Ten tuns of Alderman Parson's best beer 
were put on board,^ and every provision was made for the reason- 
able subsistence of these industrious adventurers during their 

1 Account showliifj the Prn^jrcss of the - Thomas Christie, William Calvert, 
Colony of Gionjia in Awirii-a, etc., pp. and Josejih IIuL^hci*. 

11, 12. Loudou. MDCCXLI. ^ Gentleman's Mcujazine for 1732, p. 



earliest efforts to subdue the native wilds of the untrodden regimi 
so soon to become their permanent home. 

At his own request Oglethorpe was selected to accompany the 
colonists and establish them in Georgia. He voluntered to bear 
his own expenses, and to devote his entire time and attention 
to the consummation of the enterprise. Himself the originator 
and the most zealous advocate of the scheme, this offer on lu.s 
part placed the seal of consecration upon his self-denial, patriot- 
ism, and enlarged philanthropy. Most fortunate were the trus- 
tees in having such a representative. To no one could the power 
to exercise the functions of a colonial governor have been more 
appropriately confided. Attentive to the voice of suffering, and 
ready to lend a helping hand wherever the weak and the op- 
pressed required the aid of the more powerful and the nobk- 
mindod for the redress of wrongs and the alleviation of pn'^t'nt 
ills; 'Mn the prime of life, very handsome, tali, manly, digni- 
fied, but not austere, the heau ideal of an English gentleman, 
and blessed wdth ample means for the gratification of every rea- 
sonable desire ; " possessing a liberal education, a fearless soul, 
a determined will, a tireless energy, a practical knowledge of 
military affairs and of the management of expeditions, and an 
experience of men and climes and matters which only years. 
of careful observation, intelligent travel, and thouglitful stuily 
could supply, there was that about his person, character, at- 
tainments, and abilities which inspired confidence and rendi-red 
jNIr. Oglethorpe, beyond all dispute, the man of his age and peo- 
ple best qualified to inaugurate and conduct to a successful i>sue 
an enterprise so entirely in unison with his own philanthrmuc 
sentiments and so important to the interests of both England and 

A more striking instance of self-negation, of disinterested be- 
nevolence, of public spirit, cannot readily be recalled ; and we 
cordially sympathize in the compliment paid by a contemporary 
who, in reviewing Oglethorpe's behavior, says: " To see a gentle- 
man of his rank and fortune visiting a distant and uncultivated 
land with no other society but the miserable whom he goes to 
assist, exposing himself freely to the same hardships to wlii^h 
they are subjected, in the prime of life, instead of pursuing his 
pleasures or ambition, intent on an improved and well-ct>neerttil 
plan from which his country must reap the profits, at his uwu 

1 See Uistorkal Sketch of Tomo-cld-chi, p. IG. C. C. Joues, Jr. Albauy, N. Y. 


expense, and "without a view or even a possibility of receiving 
any private advantage from it ; this, too, after having done and 
expended for it what many generous men -would think sufficient 
to have done, — to see this, I say, must give every one who has 
approved and contributed to the undertaking the highest satis- 
faction, must convince the world of the disinterested zeal with 
which the settlement is to be made, and entitle him to the truest 
honour he can gain, — the perpetual love and applause of man- 
kind." 1 

Their last Sabbath in England was passed by the emigrants at 
Milton, on the banks of the Thames. There, in a body, they at- 
tended divine worship in the parish church. Fortunately their 
sorrows at the prospect of an early separation from home and 
friends were not then enhanced by au}^ gloomy picture of the 
land to which they were hastening. Goldsmith had not then 
penned his mournful lines : — 

..." To distant climes, a dreary scene, 
Where half the convex world intrudes between, 
Through torrid tracts with fainting steps they go, 
Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe. 
Far different these from all that charm'd before, 
The various terrors of that horrid shore ; 
Those blazing suns that dart a downward ray. 
And fiercely shed intolerable day ; 
Those matted woods where birds forget to sing, 
But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling ; 
Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crowned, 
Where the dark scorpion gathers death around ; 
Where at each stcj) the stranger fears to Avake 
The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake; 
Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey, 
And savage men more murd'rous still than they ; 
While oft in whirls tlie mad tornado llies, 
Mingling the ravag'd landscape with the skies. 
Far different these from every former scene, 
The cooling brook, the grassy-vested green, 
The breezy covert of the warbling grove. 
That only sheltered thefts of harmless love." 

On the IGth of November several of the trustees went to 
Gravesend, where the vessel was moored with the colonists on 
board, inquired strictly into the provisions made for their ac- 
commodation, ascertained that everything was in good order 
and that the emigrants were in fine spirits, addressed to them 
cheering w^ords, and took formal leave of them. The following 

1 Political St.tte of Great Britain, Feb- Stevens iu his History of Georgia, vol. i. 
ruary, 1733, voL xlv. p. ISl, quoted by p. 81. 


(lay the Anne, a galley of some two hundred tons burthen, com- 
nuuuled by Captain Thomas, and havmg on board about one 
luiiulred and thirty persons, among whom were Mr. Oglethorpe, 
the Kev. Dr. Henry Herbert,^ a clergyman of the Church of 
England who went as chaplain, and ]\Ir. Araatis, from Piedmont, 
wJio was engaged to instruct in breeding silk-worms and in the 
art of winding silk, departed from England bearing the first 
persons selected for the colonization of Georgia. Thirty-five fam- 
ilies were represented among these emigrants. There were car- 
penters, bricklayers, farmers, and mechanics, — all able-bodied 
and of good reputation. jNIr. Oglethorpe furnished his own cabin, 
and, at his individual expense, laid in provisions sulHcient not 
only for himself and servants but for the comfort of his fellow- 
passengers.2 Shaping her course for the island of jMadeira, tlie 
Anne touched there and took on board five tuns of wine. Sail- 
ing thence she fetched a compass for Charlestown harbor, where 
she dropped anchor outside the bar on the 13th of January, 1733. 
The voyage, although a little protracted, proved pleasant and 
prosperous. Two delicate children had died at sea.^ With this 
exception no sorrow clouded the passage, and all the colonists 
were well and happy. 

On the very night of their arrival, having first assembled the 
emigrants and returned thanks to Almighty God for this favora- 
ble termination of the voyage, Oglethorpe, accompanied bj^ an 
escort, proceeded to Charlestown and waited upon his excellency 
Robert Johnson, governor of the province of South Carolina. 
By liim and his council was he warmly welcomed, and treated 
with the most distinguished hospitality. The Duke of Newcas- 
tle, then at the head of colonial affairs, had addressed circu- 
lars to the governors of the American provinces, commending 
Oglethorpe and his mission to their courtesy and favor. The 
lords of the admiralty, too, had issued instructions to naval com- 
manders on the Virsfinia and Carolina stations to render every 
possible assistance to the Georgia colony and its leader. This 
courteous reception, therefore, was accorded both in obedience to 
royal command and as an expression of the good-will of the au- 
thorities of Carolina who were deeply interested in the success 

1 Dr. Herbert charitably vohmteored ^ These were Eichard Cannon's yotiiii:- 

to go without any allow:u\co, nnd to ])cr- est son, a<^ed eii,'ht montlis, and KuIktC 

form all religious and ecclesiastical offices Clarke's youngest son, agcil one year and 

for the colonists. a. half. — Journal of the Trustees. 

- Wright's Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 58. 
Loudou. 1867. 


of the plantation. In truth, Georgia was to constitute a protec- 
tion to all of the American colonies, and especially to Carolina, 
against the encroachments of the Spaniards, who regarded with 
jealous and hostile eyes the growing power and expanding settle- 
ments of England upon American shores. This mutual sympa- 
thy and dependence were, at an early date, acknowledged by a 
contributor to the "■ London 'Magazine " in the following lines: — 

" To Carolina he a Georgia joiued ; 
Then shall both colonies sure ]irog'res3 make. 
Endeared to either for the other's sake ; 
Georgia shall Carolina's favonr move, 
And Carolina bloom by Georgia's love." 

Cheerfully respondhig to his needs, Governor Johnson ordered 
Mr. Middleton, the king's pilot, to attend upon Mr, Oglethorpe 
and to conduct the Anne into Port Royal. Instructions were 
also issued for small craft to convey the colonists thence to the 
Savannah Eiver. Further assistance was cordially promised on 
the part of Carolina. The next morning Oglethorpe returned on 
board the Anne and sailed for Port Royal harbor. Having 
posted a detachment of eight men upon an island about midway 
between Beaufort and Savannah River, with injunction to " pre- 
pare huts for the reception of the colony against they should lie 
there in their passage," he proceeded to Beaufort-town, where he 
arrived early on the morning of the 19l1i. He was saluted by 
all the artilleiy there posted, and at his request the new barracks 
were made ready for the reception of the colonists who ascended 
the river and occupied them on the following day. Valuable 
assistance was rendered by Lieutenant Watts, Ensign Farring- 
ton, and the other olHcers of his majesty's independent com- 
pany, by Mr, Delabarr, and by some gentlemen of the neighbor- 

Leaving the colonists to refresh themselves at this pleasant 
place, Oglethorpe, accompanied by Colonel Yv^illiam Bull, pro- 
ceedc-d to the Savannah River and ascended that stream as far as 
Yamacraw BlufY. Regarding this as an eligible situation, he 
landed and marked out t1u> site of a town which, from the river 
which flowed by, he called iSavannah. This blulY, rising some 
forty feet above the level of the river, and possessing a bold 
frontiige on the water of nearly a mile, ample enough for the 
riparian uses of a settlement of considerable magnitude, was 
the first hi<di ground, abutting upon the stream, encountered by 
him in its ascent. To the south a high and dry plain, over- 


sliaclowcd by pines, interspersed with live-oaks and magnolias, 
stretched away for a considerable distance. On the east and 

west were small creeks and swamps affording convenient drain- '; 

agg for the intermediate territory. The river in front was capu- j 

ble of floating ships of ordinary tonnage, and they could lie so \ 

near the shore that their cargoes might with facility be dis- j 

charged. Northwardly, in the direction of Carolina, lay the rich | 

delta of the river, witla its islands and lowlands crowned with a \ 

dense growth of cypress, sweet-gum, tupelo, and other trees, j 

many of them vine-covered and draped in long gray moss sway- j 
ing gracefully in the ambient air. The yellow jessamine was 

already mingling its delicious perfume with the breath of the 3 

pine, and the trees were vocal with the voices of song-birds. \ 
Everything in this semi-tropical region was quickening into lile 
and beauty under the reviving influences of returning spring. 
In its primeval repose it seemed a goodly land. The tem]ierate 

rays of the sun gave no token of the heat of summer. Tlu're j 

was no promise of the tornado' and the thunder-storm in the gen- I 

tie winds. In the balmy air lurked no suspicion of malarial ; 

fevers. Its proximity to the mouth of the river rendered this ] 

spot suitable alike for commercial purposes and for maintaining \ 
facile communication with the Carolina settlements. ■ ( 

Near by was an Indian village, the head-quarters of the j 

Yamacraws, a small tribe the chief or mico of which was the | 

venerable Tomo-chi-chi. Here too a post liad been establisliod \ 

by Musgrove,! a Carolina trader, married to a half-breed named I 

Mary. Before leading his colonists to this home which he had j 
selected for their first habitation, Oglethorpe was anxious to 

propitiate the natives. He accordingly visited the village, and 1 

obtained an interview with Tomo-chi-chi. Mary Musgrove, who j 

had acquired a tolerable knowledge of English and was favorably | 

inclined toward her husband's countrymen, on this occasion not j 

only acted as interpreter but exerted a valuable influence in se- | 

curing from the Indians pledges of amity. When first acquainted j 

with Oglethorpe's design of forming a settlement at Yamacraw I 

the natives manifested much uneasiness and even threatened to j 
prevent by force the advent of the whites. Assured, however, ot 
the frieniUy intentions of the English, and persuaded of the ben- 
efits which would fiow from direct association with them, tlie In- 

1 Musfjrovc's presence here contravened the natives, which forbade tlic ost:u)ii>li- 
thc stipuhitions of a treaty lout: existent ment of tradiug-posts south of tlie b;iv:ui- 
bctwccn the colony of South (.'arolinu and uah liiver. 


dians finally withdrew their opposition and, with protestations of 
gladness, entered into an informal agreement by which the de- 
sired lands were ceded, and promises given to receive the stran- 
gers with good-will. 

His preliminary arrangements having been thus accomplished, 
Oglethorpe returned to Beaufort, reaching that town on the 24th. 
During his absence the emigrants were greatly refreshed by their 
sojourn on shore. They had been the recipients of every atten- 
tion and hospitality. The following Sunday was observed as a 
day of special thanksgiving, the liev. Lewis Jones preaching be- 
fore the colonists, and their chaplain, the Rev. Dr. Herbert, oc- 
cupying Mr. Jones' pulpit in Beaufort. The gentlemen of the 
neighborhood united wath the colonists on this occasion, and the 
ceremonies terminated with a bountiful dinner provided by Ogle- 
thorpe. Among the articles mentioned as constituting tliis first 
feast were four fat liogs, eight turkeys, many fowls, English beef, 
a hogshead of punch, a hogshead of beer, and a generous quantity 
of wine. Although tliis repast was accompanied with a bounti- 
ful supply of malt liquor, wine, and spirits, we are informed that 
everything was conducted in such an agreeable manner that no 
one became drunk. Throughout the course of the entertainment 
there was an entire absence of everything savoring of disorder. 

On the oOth of January the colonists, conveyed in a sloop of 
seventy tons and in five periaguas, set sail for Savannah. En- 
countering a storm they were forced to seek shelter from its vio- 
lence at a point known as Look Out. Here they lay all night, 
and the next day jDroceeded as far as John's, where the eight 
men, tliere stationed by Oglethorpe, had prepared huts for their 
reception. A plentiful supply of venison awaited their coming. 
Upon this they supped, and there they spent the night. Re- 
embarking in the morning, they arrived the same afternoon at 
Yamacraw Bluff. Before dark they erected four large tents (one 
for each tything) capable of accommodating all the people, and 
transferred their bedding and other necessaries ashore. There 
they slept, passing their first night upon the soil of Georgia. 

Faithful to his trust, Oglethorpe, having posted his sentinels, 
sought no protection save the shelter of the towering pines, and 
lay upon the ground near the central watch-fire. The ocean had 
been crossed, and the germ of a new colony was planted in 


-- ^ 

= J 'I 

= V'B!^ 


f^'rr'^-'-ii - ' " ■ - " - J - -• 




^ Early Labors of the Colonists at Savan'nah. — Oglethorpe's Let- 
ters TO THE Trustees. — Com:\iuxication axd Resolutioxs of the I 
General Assembly of South Carolina. — Assistance fro.m Private ' 
Parties in Carolina. — Account of the Progress of the Coloxiza- \ 
Tiox written by a Gentleman from Chablestown. — Oglethoupe ' 
visits Charlesto\\'N and Addresses the General Assembly. — Cox- | 
gratltlations from Pennsylvania xsd Massachusetts. i 

Early on the morning of the 2cl of February, 1733 (O. S.), \ 

Oglethorpe convened the people to thank God for liis safe con- i 

duct of the colony to its appointed destination, and to invoke his j 

blessings upon the plantation. These religious services ended, he • 

solemnly and earnestly reminded them of their duties as the i 

founders of Georgia, impressing upon them an appreciation of \ 

the imj^ortant fact that the seed now sown would yield a harvest i 

either for good or bad in the coming generations. Against the j 

evils of intemperance and idleness he uttered an emphatic warn- \ 

ing, and cautioned them to be prudent and upright in their in- ! 

tercourse with the Indians. " It is my hope," said he, '• that j 

through your good example the settlement of Georgia may ]n-ove | 

a blessing and not a curse to the native inhabitants." Then, \ 

having explained the necessity for their laboring in common until j 

the site of the town should be cleared, and having exhorted and | 

encouraged them to work amicably and cheerfully, he dismissed | 

them that they might enter upon the orderly discharge of the | 

duties claiming immediate attention.^ Some were detailed for | 

t the erection of a crane with which to facilitate the landing of j 

I bulky articles. Others plied axes and felled the tall pines, ron- j 

i dering more comfortable the temporary shelters prepared so has- ! 

I tily the evening before for the accommodation of the emigrants, 

I and busying themselves with the erection of new booths. Others > 

I still were detailed to unload the vessels, to split and sharpen posts | 

I with which to stockade the town, and to begin the construction | 

I of a fort at the eastern extremity of tlie bluff. Varied and ardu- 

} ous were these duties, but all with alacrity and energy entered 

I * See Wright's Memoir of General OfjUthorpe, p. CO. Loudou. 1SG7. 


upon and prosecuted their performance. Sharing the privations 
and the labors of his people, Oglethorpe was present everywhere, 
planning, supervising, and encouraging. The general outline of 
Savannah was soon indicated. In marking out its squares, lots, 
and streets, the founder of the colony was assisted by Colonel 
William Bull of South Carolina, a gentleman of intelligence and 
experience, who generously lent four of his servants, expert saw- 
yers, to aid in preparing boards for houses. Oglethorpe claimed 
in his own behalf and for his own comfort no labor from the 
colonists. He caused four clustering pines to be left standing 
near the bluff and opposite the centre of the encam2:)ment. Be- 
neath their shadow he pitched his tent, and this canvas was his 
abiding-place for nearly a year. Subsequently he contented him- 
self with hired lodgings in one of the houses of his people. 

Upon his arrival at Charlestown on the 13th of January, Ogle- 
thorpe addressed a letter to the trustees communicating the 
happy intelligence, and on the 10th of February, from his camp 
at Savannah, penned his first communication on Georgia soil. It 
runs as follows : — 

" To the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in 

" Gentlemen, — I gave you an Account in my last of our Ar- 
rival at Charles-Town. The Governor and Assembly have given 
us all possible Encouragement. Our People arrived at Beaufort 
on the 20th of January where I lodged them in some new Barracks 
built for the Soldiers, while I went myself to view the Savannah 
Kiver. I fix'd upon a healthy situation about ten miles from 
the sea. Tlie liiver here forms a llalf-Moon, along the South- 
Side of which the Banks are about forty Foot high, and on the 
Top a Flat whicli they call a Bluff. Tlie plain high Ground 
extends into the Country five or six Miles, and along the River- 
side about a Mile. Sliips that draw twelve Foot Water can ride 
within ten Yards of the Bank. Upon the River-Side, in the 
Centre of this Plain, I have laid out the Town. Opposite to it 
is an Island of very rich Pastur;ige, which I think should be 
kept for the Trustees' Cattle. The River is pretty wide, the 
Water fresh, and from the Key of the Town you see its whole 
Course to the Sea, with the Island of Tybe, which forms the 
INIouth of the River ; and the other way you see the River iov 
about six IMiles up into the Country. The Landskip is very 
agreeable, the Stream being wide, and border'd with high Woods 
on both Sides. The whole People arrived here on the first of 


February. At Nigbt their Tents were got up. 'Till the seventh 
we were taken up in unloachng and making a Crane which I 
then could not get finish'd, so took off the Hands, and set some 
to the Fortification and began to Ml the woods. I mark\l out 
the Town and Common. Half of the former is already cleaned, 
and the first Plouse was begun Yesterday in the Afternoon. Not 
being able to get ISTegi-oes, I have taken ten of the Independent 
Company to work for us, for which I make them an allowance. 
I send you a cop}'- of the Resolutions of the Assembly and the 
Governor and Couneirs Letter to me. M'^ Whitaker has given 
us one hundred Head of Cattle. Col. Bull, M^ Barlow, M' S' 
Julian, and M'" Woodward are come up to assist us -with some of 
their own Servants. I am so taken up in looking after a hun- 
dred necessary Things, that I write now short, but shall give you 
a more particular Account hereafter. A little Indian Xation, the 
only one within fift}^ Miles, is not only at Amity, but desirous 
to be Subjects to his Majesty King George, to have Lands given 
them among us, and to breed their Children at our Schools. Their 
Chief, and his Beloved Man, who is the Second ]Man in the Xa- 
tion, desire to be instructed in the Christian Religion. 
""I am, Gentlemen 

" Your Most Obedient, Humble Servant, 

" James Oglethorpe." 

Here are the letter of the governor and council of South Caro 
Una and the resolutions of the Assembly alluded to in the fore- 
going communication : — 

" Sir. We can't omit the first Opportunity of Congratulat- 
ing you on your safe Arrival in this Province, wishing yr.n all 
imaginable Success in your charitable and generous Undertaking 
in which we beg Leave to assure you any Assistance we can 
give shall not be wanting in promoting the same. Tlie General 
Assembly having come to the Resolutions inclosed, we hope vou 
will accept .it as an Instance of our sincere Intentions to forward 
so good a Work, and of our Attachment to a Person who has at 
all times so generously used his Endeavours to relieve the Poor 
and deliver them out of their Distress, in which you have been 
hitherto so successful that we are persuaded this Undertaking 
can't fail under your prudent conduct, which we most heartily 
wish for. The Rangers and Scout-Boats are order'd to att(>nd 
you as soon as possible. Col: Bull, a Gt-ntlcman of this Beard, 
and whom we esteem most capable to assist you in the Srttling 
your new Colony, is desired to deliver you tiiis, and to accom- 


pany you and render you the best Services lie is capable of, and 
is one whose Integrity you may very much depend on. 

" We are with the greatest Regard and Esteem, Sir, 

" Your most obedient Humble Servants, 

Council Chamber, 

26th of Jan : 1732. Robert Johnson, 

Tho^ias Beoughtox, 
John Penwicke, Al: Middleton, 

Thomas Waring, A. Skeene, 

J. Hammerton, Fea : Yonge, 

Ja:mes Kinlock." 

" The Committee of his INIajesty's Honourable Council ap- 
pointed to confer with a Committee of the Lower House on his 
Excellency's Message relating to the Arrival cf the Honourable 
James Oglethorpe Esqr : 

" Report : That agreeable to his Majesty's Instructions to 
his Excellency, sent down together with the said jNlessage, we 
are unanimously of Opinion that all due Countenance and En- 
couragement ought to be given to the Settling of the Colony of 

" And for that End your Committee apprehend it necessary 
that his Excellency be desired to give Orders and Directions 
that Capt MacPherson, together with fifteen of the Rangers do 
forthwith repair to the new Settlement of Georgia to cover and 
protect j\P Oglethorpe, and those under his care, from any In- 
sults that may be oft'er'd them by the Indians, and that they 
continue and abide there till the new Settlers have enforted 
themselves, and for such further time as liis Excellency may 
think necessary. 

" That the Lieutenant and four Men of the Apalachucola 
Garrison be order'd to march to the Fort on Combahee to Join 
those of the Rangers that remain ; that the Commissary be or- 
der'd to find them with Provisions as usual. That his Excel- 
lency will please to give Directions that the Scout Boat at Port 
Royal do attend the now Settlers as often as his Excellency shall 
see Occasion. That a Present be given to ^NP Oglethor})e for the 
new Settlement of Georgia forthwith of an hundred Head of 
breeding Cattle, and five Bulls, as also twenty breeding Sows, 
and four Boars, with twenty Barrels of good and merchantable 
Rice ; the whole to be deliver'd at the Charge of the Publick at 
such Place in Georgia as ^P Oglethorpe shall appoint. 

" That Parriaguas be provided at the Charge of the Publick 


to attend M"" Oglethorpe at Port Royal in order to carry the new 
Settlers, arrived in the Ship Anne^ to Georgia "with their Eilect.s 
and the Artillery and Ammunition now on Board. { 

" That Col. Bull be desired to go to Georgia with the lion: ' 

James Oglethorpe Esq: to aid him with his best Advice and As- ! 

sistance in the Settling of that Place." ^ 

This early and acceptable aid extended by the province of | 

Carolina was supplemented by private benefactions. Thus, Colo- | 

nel Bull, with four of his servants, came to Savannah and spent ] 

a month there, supervising the work of the sawyers, designating | 

the proportions of the buildings, surveying the lots, and render- ] 

ing service most valuable. From Mr. Whitaker and his friends I 

were received one hundred head of cattle, a free gift to the col- ] 

ony. 1\Ir. St. Julian for several weeks directed the people in j 

erecting their houses and advancing the settlement. A present { 

of a silver boat and spoon was made by Mr. Hume for the Hrst 
child born on Georgia soil. These were awarded to the infant \ 

of Mrs. Close. For two months Mr. Joseph Bryan gave his per- I 

sonal attention and the labor of four of his servants, who were 1 

sawyers. Sixteen sheep were sent by the inhabitants of Edisto j 

Island. Mr. Hammerton contributed a drum. Mrs. Ann Dray- \ 

ton loaned four of her sawyers, and Colonel Bull and Mr. Bryan | 

furnished Mr. Oglethorpe with twenty servants to be employed ] 

in sucli manner as he mio-ht deem most advantageous. Governor 
Johnson presented seven horses.^ 

Well knowing that the planting of this colony to the south 
would essentially promote the security of Carolina, shielding th:it 
province from the direct assaults and machinations of the Si>an- 
iards in Florida, preventing the ready escape of fugitive slaves, 
guarding her lower borders from the incursions of Indians, in- 
creasing commercial relations, and enhancing the value of lands, 
the South Carolinians were eager to advance the prosperity of 

The following extract from a letter of Mr. Oglethorpe to the 
trustees, dated at Savannah, February 20, 1733, advises us of his 
further impressions of Yamacraw Bluff : — 

" Our People are all in perfect Health. I chose the situation 
for the Town upon an high Ground forty Foot perpendicular 

1 SceRtasons for Estahltshinff the Colony ^ See Stevcus' Tlistori/ o/V,'< nr',-/.:, v.'l. 
of Georqia with Rtgard to the Trade, of i. p. 92. riiiladelphia. MDCCCXL\'ll. 
Great lirilain, etc., ])p. 42— 16. Loudou. 


above High- Water Mark: The Soil dry niid sandy, the Water of 
the River fresh, Springs coming out from the Sides of the Hills. 
I pitch'd on this Place not only for the Pleasantness of its Situa- 
tion, but because from the above-raention'd and other Signs I 
thought it Healthy, for it is sheltered from the Western and 
Southern Winds (the worst in this Country) by vast Woods of 
Pine-trees many of which are an hundred, and few under seventy 
Foot high. There is no Moss on the Trees, tho' in most Parts of 
Carolina they are cover'd with it, and it hangs down two or three 
Foot from them : The last and fullest Conviction of the Health- 
fulness of the Place was that an Indian Nation, who know the 
Nature of this Country, chose it for their Habitation." ^ 

In his next communication, under date of March 12th, he con- 
veys the following information in regard to the extent of the 
province, the temper of the aboriginal population, and the prog- 
ress of colonization : — 

" This Province is much larger than we thought, being 120 
miles from this river to the Alatamaha. The Savannah has a 
very long course, and a great trade is carried on b}^ the Indians, 
there having above twelve trading- boats passed since I have been 
here. There are in Georgia, on this side the mountains, three 
considerable nations of Indians; one called the Lower Creeks, 
consisting of nine towns, or rather cantons, making about a 
thousand men able to bear arms. One of these is within a short 
distance of us and has concluded a peace with us, giving us the 
right of all this part of the Country: and I have marked out the 
lands which they have reserved to themselves. Their King ^ 
comes constantly to Churcli, is desirous to be instructed in the 
Christian religion, and has given me his nephew," a boy who 
is his next heir, to educate. The two other Nations are the 
Uchees and the Upper Creeks : the first consisting of two hun- 
dred, the latter of eleven hundred men. We agree so well with 
the Indians that the Creeks and the Uchees have referred to me 
a difference to determine which otherwise would have occasioned 
a "war. 

" Our people still he in tents, there being only two clap-board 
houses built and three sawed houses framed. Our crane, our 
battery cannon, and magazine are finished. This is all that we 

^ Reasons for Estahlishinr/ the Colnni/ of" - Tomo-chi-chi. 
Georgia ivith Regard to thu Trade of 8 Toouahowi. 
Crial Britain, etc., p. 4S. Londou. 


have been able to do by reason of the smalhiess of our number, 
of which many have been sick and others unused to labour ; ! 

thoun-h I thank God, they are now pretty w^ell, and we have not | 

lost one since our arrival here." 

In the South Carolina " Gazette " of March 22, 1733, may be ' 

found the following account of a visit paid by some Carolina gen- 
tlemen to Mr. Oglethorpe : — 

" On Tuesday, the 13th Instant, I went on board a Canoe, in | 

company with M'' George Ducat and M' John Ballantine, with i 

four Negroes ; and about 10 o'clock w^e set off from ^L' Lloyd's I 

Bridge for Georgia and, passing by Port Royal on Wednesday 
Night we arrived on Friday Morning an Hour before Day ;it 
Yammacraiv, — a Place so called by the Indians, but now Sacan- 
nah in the Colony of Georgia. Some time before we came to tlu' 
Landiiig the Centinel challenged us, and understanding who we 
were, admitted us ashoi'e. This is a very high Bluff, — loity 
Feet perjDendicular from High-water Mark. It lies, accordhig to 
Captain Gascoigne's Observations, in the Latitude 31 : 58. which 
he took off Tijhee, an island that lies at the Mouth of the Savan- 
nah River. It is distant from Charles-Toivn S. W according to 
the Course and Windings of the Rivers and Creeks, about l-IO j 

Miles ; but, by a direct Course, 77, allowing Sullivants Island to j 

be in the Latitude 32:47: from Augustine N E and by E ahout ! 

140 Miles, and by the Course of the Rivers is distant froin Fort \ 

3Ioore 300 Miles ; but upon a direct Line but 11"> ^Miles N. V\' \ 

and by W. This Bluff is distant 10 jMiles from the ]\Iourh of j 

the Rivers on the South Side ; and Parrgshurgh is 24 Mili'S ! 

above it on the North, and is so situated that you have a beauti- | 

ful Prospect both up and down the River. It is very saiidy and ! 

barren, and consequently a wholesome Place for a Town or City. | 

There are on it 130 odd souls ; and from the Time they em- 
barqued at London to the Time I left the Place there died but 
two sucking Children, and they at Sea. When they arrived, I 

there was standing on it a great Quantity of the best Sorts of j 

Pine, most of which is already cut down on the Spot where the ; 

Town is laid out to be built. The Land is barren about a >Iile | 

back, when you come into very rich Ground ; and on botli ! 

Sides within a Quarter of a JNIile of the Town is choice, good j 

Planting Land. Colonel Bull told me that he had been Seven | 

Miles back, and found it extraordinary good. j 

" M"" Oglethorpe is indefatigable, takes avast deal of Paiii^ ; 
Uis fare is but indifferent, having little else at present but ^.lIt 


Provisions : He is extremely well beloved by all his People ; the 
general Title they give him is Father. If any of them is sick he 
immediately visits them and takes a great deal of Care of them. 
If any difference arises, he is the Person that decides it. Two 
happened while I was there, and in my Presence ; and all the 
Parties went away, to outward Appearance, satisfied and con- 
tented with his Determination. He keeps a strict Discipline ; I 
neither saw one of his People drunk or heard one swear all the 
Time I was there ; He does not allow them Rum, but in lieu 
gives them English Beer. It is surprising to see how cliearfuUy 
tlie jNlen go to work, considering they have not been bred to it ; 
There are no Idlers there ; even the Boys and Girls do their 
Parts. There are Four Houses already up but none finish'd ; 
and lie hopes when he has got more Sawyers, which I suppose he 
will have in a short time, to finish two Houses a Week. He 
has ploughed up some Laud, part of which he sowed with Wheat, 
which is come up and looks promising. He has two or three 
Gardens which he has sowed with divers Sorts of Seeds, aud 
planted Thyme, with other Sorts of Pot-herbs, Sage, Leeks, 
Skellions, Celeri, Liquorice, &c, and several Sorts of Fruit trees. 
He was palisading the Town round, including some Part of the 
Common, which I do suppose may be finished in a Fortnight's 
time. In short he has done a vast deal of Work for the Time, 
and I think his Name Justly deserves to be immortalized. 

" J\P Oglethorpe has with him Sir Walter Raleigh's written 
Journal, and, by the Latitude of the Place, the Marks and Tradi- 
tion of the Indians, it is the very first Place where he went 
ashore and talked with the Indians, and was the first English- 
man that ever they saw; And about half a Mile from Savannah 
is a high Mount of ICarth under which lies their chief King ; and 
the Indians informed ^\}' Oijlethorpe, that the King desired, be- 
fore he died, that he might be buried on the Spot where he talked 
with that great good ]Man. 

" Tlie River Water is very good, and M'' Oglethorpe has 
proved it several Ways and thinks it as good as the River of 
Thames. On Monday the 19th we took our Leave of ]\P 0[/le- 
thorpe at Nine o" Clock in the Morning and embarked for Charles 
Town ; and when wc. set oiY he was pleased to honour us with a 
Volley of small Arms, and the Discharge of Five Cannon : And 
coming down the Rivers, we found the Water perfectly fresh Six 
Miles below the Town, and saw Six or Seven large Sturgeon 
leap, with which Fish that River abounds, as also with Trout, 


Perch, Cat, and Rock Fish &c, and in tlie Winter Season there is | 

Variety of Wild Fowl, especially Turkeys, some of them weigli- 

inf Tliirty Pounds, and abundiinee of Deer." ^ | 

In the absence of machinery, the labor of converting the pine j 

lo<^s into boards was tedious and severe. Nevertheless the work | 

proo-ressed, and one by one frame houses were builded. As rap- j 

i(.lly° as they were finished the colonists were transferred from j 

tents into these more permanent and comfortable lodgings. A :| 

public garden was laid out and a servant detailed, at the charge j 

of the trust, to cultivate it. This was to serve as a nursery j 

whence might be procured fruit trees, vines, plants, and vege- I 

tables for the private orchards and gardens of the inhabitants. | 

It was also largely devoted to the propagation of the white mul- j 

berrv, from the general cultivation of which, as food for tlie silk- j 

worm, great benefit was anticipated. \ 

vSensible of the courtesies and assistance extended by Carolina, j 

Oglethorpe repaired to Charlestown to return thanks in behalf of 
his colony, and to interest the public still more in the develop- ; 

ment of the plantation. He was met at the water's edge by the | 

governor and council, who conducted him to Governor Johnson's | 

mansion where he formally received the congratulations of tlie 
General Assembly. In response to his application for additional 
assistance, a handsome sum was voted by the Assembly, and the 
citizens of Charlestown complimented him with a generous do- 
nation. When next in Charlestown (June 9, 17-3o), he tix-k 
occasion to deliver before the governor and general assembly of 
the province an address framed and pronounced in speeial ac- 
knowledgment of Georcria's indebtedness to Carolina for aid 
most oj^portune and bounteous. " I should think mysolf," s;iid 
lie, "very much w^anting in Justice and gratitude if I should neg- 
lect thanking your Excellency, you Gentlemen of the Council, 
and you Gentlemen of the Assembly, for the assistance which you 
have given to the Colony of Georgia. I have long wished for an 
opportunity of expressing my sense of the universal zeal which 
the inhabitants of this Province have shown for assisting that 
Colony, and could not think of any better opportunity than now 
when the whole Province is virtually present in its General ^Vsseni- 
bly. I am therefore Gentlemen, to thank you for the handsome 
assistance given by private persons as well as by the public. I 
am to thank you not only in the name of the Trustees and the 

> .l;i Account ^hoidwj ilw PiO'jrrfis of Firsl Esldhlishmcnt, pp. 41, 42. LuUilou. 
the Colon ij (>/' Ccortjia in America J'roni its ^IDCCXLI. 


little Colonj^ now in Georgia, bnt in behalf of all the distressed 
people of Britain and persecuted Protestants of Europe to whom 
a place of refuge will be secured by this first attempt. 

" Your charitable and generous proceeding, besides the self-satis- 
faction which always attends such actions, will be of the greatest 
advantage to this Province. You, Gentlemen, are the best Judges 
of this since most of you have been personal witnesses of the 
dangerous blows which this country has escaped from French, 
Spanish and Indian Arms. ]Many of you know this by experi- 
ence, having signalized yourselves personally either when this 
Province by its own strength, and unassisted by anything but the 
courage of its inhabitants and the Providence of God, repulsed 
the formidable invasions of the French, or when it defeated the 
whole body of the Southern Indians Avho were armed against 
it and was invaded by the Spaniards who assisted them. You 
Gentlemen, know that tliere was a time when every day brought 
fresh advices of murders, ravages, and burnings ; Avhen no pro- 
fession or calling was exempted from arms ; when every inhabit- 
ant of the Province was obliged to leave wife, family, and useful 
occupations, and undergo the fatigues of war for tlie necessary 
defence of the Country ; and all their endeavors scarcely sufficient 
to guard the western and southern frontiers against the Indians. 

" It would be needless for me to tell you who are much better 
judges, how the increasing settlement of a new Colony upon the 
southern frontiers will prevent the like danger for the future. 
Nor need I tell you how every plantation will increase in value 
by the safety of the Province being increased ; since the lands to 
the southward already sell for above double what they did before 
the new Colony arrived. Nor need I mention the great lessening 
of the burden of the people by increasing the income of the tax 
upon the many thousand acres of land either taken or taking up 
on the prospect of future security. 

" The assistance which the Assembly have given, though not 
quite equal to the occasion, is very large with respect to the pres- 
ent circumstances of the Province ; and as such, shows you to be 
kind benefactors to your new come countrymen whose settlements 
you support, and dutiful subjects to his Majesty whose revenues 
and dominions you b}' this means increase and strengthen. 

*' As I shall soon return to Europe I niust recommend the in- 
fant Colony to your further protection ; being assured, both from 
your generosity and wisdom tliat you will, in case of any danger 
or necessity, give it the utmost support and assistance." 


Altliongli the colony of Georgia was, from its location, particu- 
larly beneficial to Carolina, its maintenance and development 
were not without importance in the esteem of the more northerly 
English plantations in America. Pennsylvania and Massachu- 
setts, at an early period of the settlement, gave every assurance 
of their good wishes for its confirmation and success. Thus 
Thomas Penn, proprietor of the former colony, in a letter ad- 
dressed to the trustees and written from Philadelphia on the 
6th of March, 1733, approved very highly of the undertaking, 
promised to contribute all the assistance in his power, and ac- 
quainted them with the fact that he had himself subscribed one 
hundred pounds sterling, and was then engaged in collectinfT' 
from others all sums he could influence, that the}' might be sent 
to them and expended for the purposes designated in their 

From Boston, on the 3d of May, 1733, Governor Belcher 
wi'ote to Mr. Oglethorpe as follows : — 

" It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your 
safe arrival in America ; and I have a still greater in the ad- 
vantages which these parts of his Majesty's dominions will reap 
from your noble and generous pursuits of good to mankind in the 
settlement of Georgia. May God Almighty attend you with his 
blessing, and crown your toils with success." 

Ever on the alert to promote the best interests of his infant 
colony, Oglethorpe omitted nothing which could possibly conduce 
to its security, good order, advancement, and substantial pros- 


Oglethorpe's Conciliatory Con^duct toward the Indians. — Charac- 
ter AND Influence of Tomo-chi-chi. — Georgia's Debt of Grati- 
tude TO THIS Mico. — Convention of Chiefs. — Articles of Friend- 
ship AND Commerce Proposed and Ratified. 

In" nothing were the prudence, wisdom, skill, and ability of the 
founder of the colony of Georgia more conspicuous than in his 
conduct toward and treatment of the Indians. The ascendency 
he acquired over them, the respect they entertained for him, and 
the manly, generous, and just policy he ever maintained in his 
intercourse with the native tribes of the region are remarkable. 
Their favor, at the outset, was essential to the repose of the set- 
tlement ; their friendship necessary to its existence. In the be- 
ginning, few in numbers and isolated in position, a hostile breath 
would have blown it into nothingness. As claimants of the soil 
by virtue of prior occupancy it was important that the title they 
asserted to these their hunting-grounds should, at an early mo- 
ment, be peaceably and formally extinguished. A resort to the 
sword in assertion of England's dominion over this territory 
would have led at once to ambush, alarm, and bloodshed. The 
adoption of a violent and coercive course toward the aborigines 
would have aroused their hostility and imperiled the success of 
the plantation. Far better the plan of conciliation. This Ogle- 
thorpe fully recognized, and shaped his policy accordingly. 

It will be remembered that upon his preliminary survey of the 
region when, in company with Colonel Bull, he selected a spot 
for primal settlement, lie sought an interview with Tomo-chi-chi 
and, by friendly offers and kind arguments, won the favor of that 
chief and his tribe and obtained their consent that the expected 
colonists should occup}^ Yamacraw Bluff. A few days afterwards, 
when the emigrants did arrive, true to his promise, this aged 
mico, at the head of his little band, welcomed the new-comers at 
the water's edge ; ami, when their tents were pitched upon the 
shore, repeated liis salutations. Of the ceremonies observed on 
this occasion the following account has been preserved : In front 
advanced the " jNIedicine ^lun " bearing in each hand a fan of 


white feathers, — the symbols of peace and friendship. Tlieu j 

came Tomo-chi-chi and Scenauki, his wife, attended by a retinue j 

of some twenty members of tlie tribe filling the air with shouts. | 

Approaching Oglethorpe, who advanced a few paces to meet | 

them, the medicine man, or priest, proclaiming the while the j 

brave deeds of his ancestors, stroked the governor on every side j 

"with liis fans, — apt emblems of amity. This done, the king and j 

queen drew near and bade him and his followers welcome. After j 

an interchange of compliments the Indians were entertained as 1 

hospitably as the means at command would allow. | 

This acquaintance wdth Tomo-chi-chi ripened into a friend- .; 

ship close and valuable. j 

That the Indians in the neighborhood might be impressed with \ 

the power and military skill of the euiigrants, Oglethurpe iva- \ 

quently, when the opportunity offered, exercised the colonists in | 

their presence in the manual of arms, in marching and in firing, ' 

and sometimes roused the forests from their slumbers by the 
thunders of his cannon. Well did he know that such exhibitions 
of superior power would exert a potent influence upon the minds 
of the red men and engender a respect for the English all the 
more wholesome because commingled with fear. 

The situation of this feeble colony was, in the very nature of 
things, extremely precarious. Located in the depths of a prime- 
val forest, the tangled brakes and solemn shadows of which 
proclaimed loneliness and isolation ; the vast Atlantic rolling its 
waters between it and the mother country; the Carolina settle- 
ments at best few in numbers and contending in a stern liii.-- 
struggle for their own existence; Spaniards in Florida jealous of 
this disputed domain, and ready at any moment to frusti;it.' by 
stealthy approaches and with force of arms all efforts of the Eng- 
lish to extend their plantations along the Southern coast ; and, 
above all, Indian tribes in the occupancy of the country attached 
to their grand old woods and gently flowing streams, w'atchful of 
the graves of their ancestors, imposed upon by Spanish lies, dis- 
quieted by French emissaries, cheated by Carolina traders, and 
naturally inclined to resist all encroachments by the whites upon 
their hunting-grounds, it did indeed appear that the preservation 
and development of this colony were well-nigh impossible. r>ut 
its planting and perpetuation had been confided to the guardian 
care of one who was, perhaps, beyond all others, most capable ol 
conducting the enterprise. 

In his efforts to conciliate the native population he derived in- 


calculable benefit from the friendship and kindly intervention of 
Tomo-chi-chi. This chief, whose memory is so honorably asso- 
ciated with the early history of Georgia, and whose many acts 
of kindness and fidelity to the whites demand and must ever 
receive the most grateful acknowledgment, although at this time 
far advanced in years, was a man of commanding presence, grave 
demeanor, marked character, established influence, of a philo- 
sophical turn of mind, and in the full 2)ossession of all liis facu^ 
ties. For some cause, the precise nature of which has never been 
fully explained, he had, with a number of his counti'ymen, suffered 
banishment at the hands of his people, the Lower Creeks. What- 
ever the real reason may have been for this action on the part of 
the Creeks toward Tomo-chi-chi, it does not seem that it was 
the result of any special ill-will, or that the expatriation was a 
punishment either for specific crime or general misconduct. The 
probability is that he went into voluntary exile for a season, or 
that he may have been temporarily expelled the liuiits of the 
nation, on account of some political disagreements. Oueeka- 
chumpa, the great chief of the O'Conas, claimed kinship with him 
and saluted him as a good man and a distinguished warrior. 

Removinci: from his former abode, after some wanderiuo-s he 
finally, and not very long before the arrival of the colony of 
Georgia,, formed a settlement at or very near the present site of 
the city of Savannah, where he gathered about him the tribe 
of Yamacraws, consisting mainly of disaffected parties from the 
Lower Creeks, and, to some extent, of Yeinassee Indians, by whom 
he was chosen mico, or chief. Prior to his removal to Yamacraw 
Bluff he tarried for a season with the Palla-Chucolas. But little 
can be gathered of his life previous to his acquaintance with 
Oglethorpe. Ninetj'-one years had been, amid the forest shades, 
devoted to the pursuits of war and the chase, and there is scarcely 
a tradition which wrests from oblivion the deeds and thoughts of 
"this aged chieftain during that long and voiceless period. 

During the visit which he subsequently made to London, in 
company with Ogletliorpe, his portrait was painted by Verelst, 
and hung for many years in the Georgia rooms. This likeness, 
which represents him in a standing posture with his left hand 
resting upon the shoulder of his nephew and adopted son, Toona- 
howi, who holds an eagle in his arms, was subsequently engraved 
by Faber and also by Kleinsmidt. That Tomo-chi-chi was 
noble in his connections we are fully advised, and there is that 
about the countenance of this venerable mico, as it has thus been 

r -^-.TTrr^-^ 




^-I.'aJik.i-i'— .'^ 

t\'./' //^^t7/^^f^- ^2 on J^jyani<x<ij'cifi uru^^ ^yo('ii/?t!>'w>/ri ^-K't/i 

o o 



naj:a c^m ./^ivtjc/i^n- Or^xj^tnti/ i/i cyinx 

07iu/fc/ 'fori' C^ic/ui''-' -''.If!*: . 

,l:fliiisl!iai \(r 11',^,,.!.!/, 


handod clown to us, which savors of intellect, dignity, manliness, 
and kini^dy bearing. 

It will readily be perceived how important it was to the inter- 
ests of the colony that the good-will of this chief shoukl be se- 
cured at the earliest moment, and his consent obtained for the 
peaceable occupation of the soil by the whites. On the occa- 
sion of his first interview with Tomo-chi-chi, as we have already 
seen, ]Mr. Ogletliorpe was fortunate in securing the services of 
Mary Musgrove^ as an interpreter. Perceiving that she jDossessed 
considerable influence with the Creeks, he retained her in this 
capacitv, allowing her an annual compensation of £100. The 
meeting between the governor of the colony and the aged mico 
beneath tlie grand live-oaks and towering pines, the sheltering 
arms of which formed a noble canopy, was frank, cordial, and 
satisfactory. His personal friendship and the good-will of the 
Yamacraws were firmly pledged, and permission was granted for 
the permanent occupation of the site selected by Oglethorpe for 
the town of Savannah. 

Although amicable relations had thus been established with 
the nearest Indians, it was necessary, in order to promote the 
security of the colony, that consent to its foundation here should 
be ratified by other and more powerful nations. 

Learning from Tomo-chi-chi the names and the abodes of the 
most influential chiefs dwelling within the territory ceded bv the 
charter, Mr. Oglethorpe enlisted the good offices of the mico in 
extending to them an earnest invitation to meet him at Savannah 
at some early convenient day. The value of these interviews 
with and the gvMierous intervention of Tomo-chi-chi cannot easily 
be overestimated in considering their iniluence upon the well- 
being and prospects of this lonely colony struggling for its primal 
existence. Had this chief, turning a deaf ear to the advances of 
Mr. Oglethorpe, refused his friendship, denied his request, and, 
inclining his authority to hostile account, instigated a determined 
and combined opposition on the part not only of the Yamacraws, 
but also of the Uchees and the Lower Creeks, the perpetuation 
of this English settlement would have been either most seriously 
imperiled or abruptly terminated amid smoke and carnage. 
When, therefore, we recur to the memories of this period, and as 
often as the leading events in the early history of the colony of 
Georgia are narrated, so often should the favors experienced at 
the hands of this Lidian chief be gratefull}' acknowledged. If 
^ Iler Indian uame was Coosuponakesee. 


Oglethorpe's proudest claim to the lionor and the respect of suc- 
ceeding generations rests upon the fact that he was the founder 
of the colony of Georgia, let it not be forgotten by those who 
accord him every praise for his valor, judgment, skill, endurance, 
and benevolence that in the hour of supreme doubt and danger 
the right arm of this son of the forest and his active friendship 
were among the surest guaranties of the safety and the very ex- 
istence of that colony. The enduring and universal gratitude of 
the present may well claim illustrious expression from the lips 
of the poet, the brush of the painter, and the chisel of the 

To the da}^ of his death tliese pledges of amity and the assur- 
ances of good-will and assistance given during these first inter- 
views were faithfully observed. The firm friend of the white 
man, the guide, the adviser, the protector, of the colonist, the 
constant companion and faithful confederate of Oglethorpe, — as 
such let us always remember the aged mico of the Yamacraws. 

True to his promise Tomo-chi-chi exerted his influence in be- 
half of the contemplated convention, and dispatched messengers 
to the various principal towns and chief men of the Georgia 
tribes, apprising them of the objects of the convocation and lead- 
ins their minds in advance to a favorable consideration of the 
propositions which had been intimated to him by ISh. Ogle- 
thorpe. Tho interval, which necessarily intervened prior to the 
assembling of the Indians, was improved by the founder of the 
colony in furthering the settlement at Savannah and in paying a 
visit to the province of Carolina. The fullest narrative of the 
meetino" between ]Mr, Oglethorpe and the Indians, in pursuance 
of this invitation, is contained in the forty-sixth volume of the 
"Political State of Groat Britain," and we repeat the account 
as it is there given: — 

" On the 14th of May, Mr. Oglethorpe set out from Charles- 
town on his return to Savannah, which is the name of the town 
now begun to be built in Georgia. That night he lay at Col. 
Buirs house on Ashley River, where he dined the next day. 
The Rev. ISlr. Guy, rector of the parish of St. John's, waited 
upon him there, and acquainted him that his parishioners had 
raised a very handsome contribution for the assistance of the 
colony of Georgia. ^Ir. Oglethorpe went from thence to Capt. 
Bull's, where he lay on the loth. On tlio 16th, in the morn- 
ing, he embarque<l at Daho, and rested at Mr. Cochran's 
island. On the ITth he dined at Lieut. Watts' at Beaufort, 


and huided at Savannah on the 18th, at ten in the morninn-, 
^vhere he found that Mr. Wiggan, the mterpreter, with the cliief 
men of all the Lowei' Creek nation, had come down to treat of 
an alliance with the new colony. 

"The Lower Creeks are a nation of Indians who formerly con- 
sisted of ten, but now are reduced to eight tribes or towns, who 
have each their different government, but are allied together and 
speak the same language. They claim from the Savannah Rivor 
as far as S. Augustin, and up to the Flint river, which falls 
into the bay of Mexico. All the Indians inhabiting this tract 
speak their language. Tomo-chi-chi, mico, and the Indians of 
Yamacraw ai'e of their nation and language. 

" jNlr. Oglethorpe received the Indians in one of the new 
houses that afternoon. They were as follows : — 

''''From the tribe of Coiveeta — Yahou-Lakee, their king or 
mico. Essoboa, their warrior, — the son of old Breen, lately 
dead, whom the Spaniards called emperor of the Creeks, — with 
eight men and two women attendants. 

" From the tribe of the Cussetas — Cusseta, the mico, Tatchi- 
quatchi, the head warrior, and four attendants. 

" From the tribe of the Owseecheys — Ogeese, the mico, or war 
king, Neathlouthko and Ougachi, two chief men, with three 

" From the tribe of Cheehaivs — Outhleteboa, the mico, 
Thlautho-thlukee, Figeer, Soota-Milla, war-captains, and three 

''''From the tribe of Echetas — Chutabeeehe and Robin, two 
war-captains, (the latter was bred among the English) with four 

" From the tribe of Pallachucolas — Gillatee, the head war- 
rior, and five attendants. 

" From the tribe of Oeonas — Oueekachumpa, called by the 
English ' Long King,' Coo woo, a warrior. 

''''From the tribe of Eufaule — Tomaumi, the head warrior, 
and three attendants. 

" The Lidians being all seated, Oueekachumpa, a very tall old 
man, stood up, and with a m-aceful action and a irood voice, made 
a long speech, which was interpreted by Mr. Wiixijan and Juhn 
iMusgrove, and was to the following purpose. lie first claimed 
all the land to the southward of the river Savannah, as bel<ing- 
ing to the Creek Indians. Next lie said that although they were 
poor and ignorant, He who had given the English breath had 


given them breatli also ; that Pie who had made both, had given 
more wisdom to the Avliite men ; that they were iirmly per- 
suaded that the Great Power which dwelt in heaven and all 
around, (and then he spread out his liands and lengthened the 
sound of his words), and which had given breath to all men, had 
sent the English thither for the instruction of them, their wives 
and children ; that therefore they gave them up freel}^ their 
right to all the land which they did not use themselves, and that 
tliis was not only his opinion, but the opinion of tlie eight towns 
of the Creeks, each of Avhom having consulted together, had sent 
some of their chief men with skins, which is their wealth. He 
then stopped, and the chief men of each town brought up a bun- 
dle of buck-skins, and laid eight bundles from tlie eight towns at 
Mr. Oglethorpe's feet. He then said those were the best things 
they had, and therefore they gave them with a good heart. He 
then thanked him for his kindness to Tomo-chi-chi, mico, and his 
Indians, to whom he said he was related ; and said, that though 
Tomo-chi-chi was banished from his nation, he was a good man, 
and had been a great warrior, and it was for his wisdom and 
courage that the banished men chose him king. Lastly, he said, 
they had heard in the nation that the Cherokees had killed some 
Englishmen, and that if he should command them, they \vould 
enter with their whole force into the Cherokee country, destroy 
their harvest, kill their people and revenge the English. He 
then sat down. Mr. Oglethorpe promised to acquaint the trus- 
tees with their desire of being instructed, and informed them 
that although there had been a report of the Cherokees having 
killed some Englishmen, it was groundless. He thanked them 
in the most cordial manner for their ail'ection, and told them 
that he would acquaint the trustees with it. 

" Tomo-chi-chi, mico, then came in, with the Indians of Yama- 
craw, to Mr. Oglethorpe, and, bowing very low, said : ' I was a 
banished man ; I came here poor and helpless to look for good 
land near the tombs of my ancestors, and the trustees sent peo- 
ple here ; I feared you would drive us away, for we were weak 
and wanted corn ; but you confirmed our land to us, gave us food 
and instructed our children. We have already thanked you in 
the strongest words we could find, but words are no return for 
such favors ; for good words may be spoke by tlie deceitful, as 
well as by the upright heart. The chief men of all our nation 
are here to thank you for us; and before them I declare your 
goodness, and that here I design to die; for we all love your 


people so -well that with them we will live and die. We do not j 

know good from evil, but desire to be instructed and guided by i 

vou that we may do well with, and be numbered amongst the J 

children of the trustees.' ^ He sat down, and Yahou-Lukee, mico i 

of Coweeta, stood up and said: ' We are come twenty-five days' | 

journe}' to see you. I have been often advised to go down to i 

Charles-Town, but Avould not go down because I thought I miglit \ 

die in the way ; but when I heard that you were come, and thai I 

you were good men, I knew you were sent by Him who lives in ; 

Heaven, to teach us Indians wisdom ; I therefore came down that i 

I might hear good things, for I knew that if I died in the way | 

I should die in doing good, and what was said would be car- 1 

ried back to the nation, and our children would reap the benefit j 

of it. I rejoice that I have lived to see this day, and to see | 

our friends that have long been gone from amongst us. Our | 

nation was once strong, and had ten towns ; bub we are now ) 

weak, and have but eight towns. You have comforted the ban- j 

ished, and have gathered them that were scattered like little ! 

birds before the eagle. We desire therefore to be reconciled to j 

our brethren who are here amongst you, and we give leave to i 

Tomo-chi-chi, Stimoiche, and Illispelle, to call the kindred that ■ 

love them out of each of the Creek towns, that they may come I 

together and make one town. We must pray you to recall the | 

Y'amasees that they may be buried in peace amongst their an- | 

cestors, and that they may see their graves before they die ; j 

and their own nation shall be restored again to its ten towns.' j 

After which he spoke concerning the abatement of the prices of | 

goods, and agreed upon articles of a treaty which were ordered | 

to be engrossed." j 

Tomo-chi-chi invited them to his town, where the}^ passed the j 

night in feasting and dancing. On the 21st, the treaty was . | 
signed. " A laced coat, a laced hat, and a shirfc were given to 
each of the Indian chiefs ; to each of the warriors a gun, and a 
mantle of Duffils ; and to all their attendants coarse cloth for 

^ In A Curious Account of the Indians as the bird, .intl as strong as tlie boast ; 
bi/ an Ilonnnihle Person, Mr. 0<;k'thorj)e since like the first, they ilew from tbc ut- 
writes: " Totno-chi-chi, in his first set most parts of the cartli, over the vast 
spooe'li to mo, among otlicr things, said, seas, and like the second, nothing ouiild 
' lloro is a little present ; ' and thon gave ^vith^tand them: that the feathers of the 
mo a biUfiilu's skin, p;iint('d on the inside eagle were soft, and signiliod luvo; tlio 
with tlie head and feathers of an engle. buffalo skin was warm, and signiiii-d pro- 
Ile desired me to aeeept it boeauso ' tlie tection ; therefore ho ho]iod tliat wo w.ndd 
eagle signiliod speed, ami the bull'alo love and protect their little families. 
stHMigth : that the English were as swift 


clothing. A barrel of gunpowder, four cags of bullets, a piece of 
broad-cloth, a piece of Irish Ihien, a cask of tobacco pipes, eight 
belts, and cutlaslies with gilt handles, tape and inkle of ail colors, 
and eight cags of rum, to be carried home to their towns ; one 
pound of powder, one pound of bullets, and as much provision 
for each man as they pleased to take for their journey home," 
were also distributed. ^ 

During this interview the conduct of Mr. Oglethorpe toward 
the Indians was cliaracterized by marked kindness, courtesy, and 
conciliation. He urged upon them an appreciation of the fact 
that in making this settlement the English desired neither to 
dispossess nor to annoy the natives, but that the earnest wish of 
his government and people was to live in peace and friendoliip 
with the surrounding tribes. He further explained tlie power of 
the British nation and the general object in view in founding 
the colony, and asked from the assembled chiefs and those whom 
they represented a cession of the lands lying between the Savan- 
nah and Alatamaha rivers. In addition, he invoked the ratifica- 
tion of a treaty of commerce and of perpetual amity. 

The interview was in every respect satisfactory, and resulted 
in the consummation of a treaty by which the Lower Creeks 
agreed to place themselves under the general government of 
Great Britain and to live in peace with the colonists. To the 
trustees were granted all lands lying between the Savannah and 
the Alatamaha rivers, from the ocean to the head of tide-water. 
This cession also embraced tlie islands on the coast, from Tybee 
to St. Simon's Island inclusive, with the exception of the islands 
of Ossabau, Sapelo, and St. Catliarine, which were reserved by 
the Indians for the purposes of hunting, bathing, and fishing. 
The tract of land lying above Yamacraw Bluff, between Pipe- 
maker's Bluff and Pally-Chuckola Creek, was also reserved as a 
place of encampment whenever it sliould please them to visit 
-their beloved friends at Savannah. Stipulations were entered 
into regulating the price of goods, the value of peltry, and the 
privileges of traders. It was further agreed that all criminal 
offenses should be tried and punished in accordance with the 
laws of England.- 

Although this treaty was engrossed, and formally executed by 

1 See The Political Slate of Great Brit- Gazetteer, ii., article " Georgia." Lon- 
ain, xlvi. 237 ; Gcntleiuan's Mai/a^ine {or dou. 17C2. 

July, 1733, iii. 3S4, ct »■<(;, ; American - Sue JNleCall's JJistorj of Georgia, i. 

37, 3S. 


Oglethorpe on the one part and the chiefs and principal warriors 
\vh(> were then present on the other, in order that its terms 
niiLrlit be duly considered and approved, it was forwarded to the 
trustees for their formal confirmation. 

In due course it was returned with the following ratification : ^ 
'' The Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in Amer- 
ica to the cliief men of the nation of the Lower Creeks, I 
Send Geeeting : I 
" Whereas, The great king, George the Second, king of Great ! 
Ilritain, did by his letters patent under the great seal of Great 
Ih-itain, bearing date the 9th day of June, in the 6th year of his i 
reign, constitute and appoint a body politic and corporate by the j 
name of the Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in I 
Ani< rica : i 
"And, Whereas, The said Trustees have received from their j 
beiovL'd My. James Oglethorpe, of West Brook Place, in the I 
county of Surry, Esquire, one of the common council of the said j 
Trustees, a copy of certain articles of friendship and commerce j 
between the said Trustees and the said chief men, which is in the j 
words following (that is to say), Articles of friendship and j 
commerce between the Trustees for establishing the colony of i 
Georgia in America, and the chief men of the nation of the i 
Lower Creeks. 1 
'• First. The Trustees, bearing in their hearts great love and j 
friendship to you the said head-men of the Lower Creek nation, | 
do engage to let their people carry up into your towns all kinds j 
of goods fitting to trade in the said towns, at the rates and prices i 
settled and agreed upon before you the said head-men, and an- j 
ni-xo.l to tliis treaty of trade and friendship. ^ 
'' Sccondli/. The Trustees do by these articles promise to see | 
restitution done to any of the people of your towns by the peo- j 
l>le they shall send among you ; proof being made to the beloved | 
nian they shall at any time send among you, that they who have . } 
either committed murder, robbery, or liave beat or wounded any j 
of your people, or any wise injured them in their crops, by their ! 
horses, or any other ways whatever ; and upon such proof the 
said people sliall be tried and punished according to the English { 

law. 1 



^ This ratification of these articles of of the nation of the Lower Creeks was ' 

fnon-Uhip and conimerce between the made on the ISth of October, i:;3.5. See 

trusties for establishing' the cobmy of A/inutrs of thr. Common Council for the 

Georgia in America and the chief niico years 1731 to 173G, p. 75. 


" Thirdly. The Trustees when they find the hearts of you the 
said head-men and your people are not good to the people tliey 
shall send among you, or that you or your people do not mind 
this paper, they will withdraw the English trade from the town 
so offending. And that you and your people may have this 
chain of friendship in your minds and fixed to your hearts, they 
have made fast their seal to this treaty. 

'•'' Fourtldy. We, the head-men of the Coweta and Cuseta 
towns, in behalf of all the Lower Creek nation, being firmly 
persuaded that He who lives in Pleaven and is the occasion of 
all good things, has moved the hearts of the Trustees to send 
their beloved men among us, for the good of our wives and chil- 
dren, and to instruct us and them in what is straight, do there- 
fore declare that we are glad that their people are come here ; 
and though this land belongs to us (the Lower Creeks), yet we, 
that we may be instructed by them, do consent and agree that 
they shall make use of and possess all those lands which our na- 
tion hath not occasion to use ; and we make over unto them, 
their successors and assigns, all such lands and territories as we 
shall have no occasion to use ; provided always, that they, upon 
settling every new town, shall set out for the use of ourselves 
and the people of our nation such lands as shall be agreed upon 
between their beloved men and the head-men of our nation, and 
that those lands shall remain to us forever. 

" Fifthly. We, the head-men, do promise for ourselves and the 
people of our towns that the traders for the Englisli which shall 
settle amono- us, shall not be robbed or molested in their trade 
in our nation ; and that if it shall so happen any of our people 
should be mad, and either kill, wound, beat or rob any of the 
English traders or their people, then w^e the said head-men of 
the towns aforesaid do engage to have justice done to the Eng- 
lish, and for that purpose to deliver up any of our people who 
shall be guilty of the crimes aforesaid, to be tried by the English 
laws, or by the hiws of our nation, as the beloved man of the 
Trustees shall think fit. And we further promise not to suffer 
any of the peoj)lc of our said towns to come into the limits of 
the English settlements without leave from the English beloved 
man, and that we will not molest any of the English traders 
passing to or from any nation in friendship with the English. 

^^ Sixthly. We, tlie licad-men, for ourselves and people do 
promise to apprehend and secure any negro or other slave which 
shall run away from any of the English settlements to our na- 


tion, and to carry them either to this town, or Savannah, or j 

pjilachnckola garrison, and there to deliver him up to the com- i 

miinder of such garrison, and to be paid by him four bhmkets I 

or two guns, or the vahie thereof in other goods ; provided such j 

runaway negro, or other slave, shall be taken by us or any of our i 

people on the farther side of Oconee River ; and in case such | 

negro or runaway slave shall be taken on the liither side of the j 

said river, and delivered to the commanders aforesaid, then we 

understand the pay to be one gun, or the value thereof ; and in | 

case we or our people should kill any such slave for resistance or | 

running away from us in apprehending him, then we are to be | 

paid one blanket for his head, by any trader, for carrying such | 

skive's head unto him. j 

" L'lsthi. We promise with stout hearts, and love to our broth- \ 

ors tlie Enu'lish, to give no encouragement to anv other white I 

people, but themselves, to settle amongst us, and that we will not \ 

Lave any correspondence with the Spaniards or French ; and to j 

show that we both for the good of ourselves our wives and chil- I 

dren do firmly promise to keep the talk in our hearts as long as \ 

the sun shall shine or the waters run in the rivers, we have each | 

of us set the marks of our families. | 


Two yards of stroud .... 

One yard of plains . . . . 

White blanket ..... 

Blue ditto ..... 

A gun ....... 

A pistol ...... 

A gun-lock . . . . . . 

Two measures of powder . 

Sixty bullets ..... 

One white shirt .... 

One knife ...... 

Eighteen flints .... 

Three yards of cadiz .... 

Ditto ditto of gartering . 

One hoe ...... 

One axe ..,,,. 
One large hatchet .... 

One small ditto .... 

Brass kettles per lb. ... . 

Doe-skins were estimated at half the value of the bucks. 

Five buck-slvins. 



















One doe-skin. 

One buck-skin. 

One doe-skin. 



Two buck-skins. 




1 doe-skins. 

One buck-skin. 




"And, Whereas, The said Trustees are greatly desirous to 
maintain and preserve an inviolable peace, friendship and com- 
merce between the said head-men of the Lower nation of Creeks, 
and the people the said Trustees have sent and shall send to in- 
habit and settle in the province of Georgia aforesaid, to endure 
to the world's end ; 

" Now know ye that we the said Trustees for establishing the 
colony of Georgia in America do by these presents ratify and 
confirm the said articles of fricjidship and commerce between the 
Trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America, and 
the chief-men of the Lower Creeks, and all and every of the ar- 
ticles and agreements therein contained, and also the rates and 
prices of goods above mentioned, settled and agreed upon before 
the said head-men, and annexed to the said treaty of trade and 

'' In witness whereof the Common Council of the said Trustees 
for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America have to these 
presents made fast the common seal of the corporation of the 
said Trustees, the eighteenth day of October, in the seventh year 
of the reign of our sovereign lord George the Second, by the grace 
of God of Great Britain, France and L'eland king, defender of 
the faith, etc., and in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty-three. 

" By order of the said Common Council, 

"Benjamin ]\L\.rtyn, Secretary."'^ 

This treaty of the 21st of ^lay, IToB, resulted in the pacifica- 
tion of all the Lower Creek hulians, the Uehees, the Yamacraws, 
and of other tribes acknowledging their supremacy. Nor did 
the influences of this convocation rest with them only. They 
were recognized by the Upper Creeks, and, at a later date, simi- 
lar stipulations were ratified by the Cherokees. For years were 
they preserved inviolate ; and the colony of Georgia, thus pro- 
tected, extended its settlements up the Savannah River and along 
the coast, experiencing neither molestation nor opposition, but 
on the contrar}' receiving on every hand positive and valuable 
assurances of the good-will and sympathy of tlie children of the 
forest. Probably the early history of no plantation in America 
affords so few instances of hostility on the part of the natives, or 
discloses so many acts of kindness extended b}' the red men. 
To the prudence, conciliatory conduct, sound judgment, and wis- 

^ Sco McCiiU'd Llisturi/ of Georjla, i. 357, tt scq. 


dom of Mr. Oglethorpe, seconded by the hospitality and generos- 
ity as well as the direct personal influence of Torao-chi-chi, was 
the colony of Georgia indebted for this first and liberal treaty of 
amity and commerce with the aborigines.^ 

^ See Historical Sketch of Tomo-chi-chi, pp. 25-37. C. C. Jones, Jr. Albany, N. Y. 



Arrival of the Ship James. — Fort Argyle built and Garrisoned. 
— The Villages of High-Gate and Hampstead Located and Peo- 
pled. — Forts at Thunderuolt and on Skidoway Island. — Joseph's 
Town. — Abercorn. — Irent:. — The Horse Quarter. — Early Plan- 
tations. — Manchecolas Fort at Skidoway Narrows. — Tybee Light- 
house. — Plan of SaVxVnnah. — Names of its Squares, Streets, 
Wards, and Tithings. — Arrival of Hebrew Immigrants. — Deed 
Siio\^aNG first Allotment of Town Lots, Garden Lots, and Farms 
IN Savannah, and Cont-\ining the Names of the Original Gran- 

DuiilXG the month of IMarch, 1733, the ranks of the colonists 
were increased by small accessions from London. Some of them 
came at their own charge, and all found their way to Savannah 
through the intermediate port of Charlestown. In May seven- 
teen persons arrived at Yamacraw Bluff, who had been approved 
of by the trustees and conveyed at their expense. Among them 
were some Italians from Piedmont accustomed to the propaga- 
tion of silk-worms and the manufacture of raw silk. They were 
engaged to develop an industry from the pursuit of which no in- 
considerable gain was anticipated, and obligated themselves to 
instruct the colonists in the cultivation of the white mulberry 
tree, in the breeding of silk-worms, and in reeling the threads 
from cocoons. The ship which conveyed them was the James, 
Captain Yoakley. As this was the first vessel from England 
which ascended the Savannah River, landed her passengers, and 
discharged her cargo at Yamacraw IMuff, to her captain was 
awarded the prize offered by the trustees. ^ 

The colonists at Savannah being busily employed in such 
labors as were most conducive to the promotion of their comfort 
and safety, JMr. Oglethorpe deemed it prudent, at this early pe- 

1 The followinc: notice of tliis arrival Fathom and a h.ilf water close to the 

may be foiuul in tlio Gtittlcmun's Ma<jaune Town at low water JIark. The Ca))t:iiu 

for 1733, p. 384 : — received the Price appointed by the Trus- 

" Savannah, May 20, 1733. — The tecs for the first Ship that .should nnload 

James, Captain Yoakloy, 110 tons and 6 at this Town, where is safe Hiding for 

puns, arrived licro on tlie Uth with jias- much larger Vessels." 
eengers and stores. Tliis Sliip rode in 2 



riod in tlie life of the plantation, to advance liis outposts and to | 

ofcujiy strategic points in the neighborhood which would tend to i 

confirm the security of the town. Captain McPherson, of South | 

Carolina, with his rangers, had been stationed just above Yama- j 

craw Bluff at a point on the Savannah River known as the Ilori^e \ 

Quarter. His duty was, while the settlers were " enforting \ 

themselves " and constructing their temporary shelters, to main- j 

tain strict watch against any hostile demonstration. Now, how- j 

ever, as a battery of cannon had been planted, and as the j 

stockade which surrounded the space allotted for the town was j 

partially completed, it was thought best to detach the captain I 
and a portion of his command that possession might be taken of 

a locality on the Great Ogeechee E,iver where the Indians, in their = 
predatory expeditions against Carolina, Avere accustomed to cross 
that stream. Here a fort was builded which Oglethorpe, in honor 

of his friend John, Duke of Arg^de, called Fort Argijle. It com- ; 

manded the passage of the river. That this outpost might be \ 

strengthened, ten families were soon sent from Savannah to erect j 

dwellings and cultivate lands in its vicinity. j 

Between four and five miles soutli of Savannah, as its limits j 

were at first defined, and on rising ground, the village of High- 1 

Gate was laid out, and twelve families, mostly French, were | 

assigned to its occupancy. About a mile to the eastward, the I 

village of Hampstead was located and peopled with twelve fam- | 

ilies, chiefly German. Gardening was to be the occupation of I 

tliose settlers, and their principal business was to supply the j 

inliabitants of Savannah with vegetables and provisions. In the | 

spring of 173G Francis Moore, who then visited these little towns, j 

describes them as being " pretty," and says that the planters ; 

there domiciled were " very forward, having built neat huts and j 

cleared and planted a great deal of land," The prosperity of j 

these villages was of short duration. In 1740 but two families i 
remained at High-Gate, while Hampstead had then been entirely 

abandoned. I 

As a protection against hostile approach by the way of St. | 

Augustine Creek, a small fort was constructed at Thunderbolt. j 

To several families were homes here granted. So frail was this | 

defensive structure tliat it fell into decay as early as 1737. On i 
the northeast end of Skidoway Island ten families were located 
in 1734, and a fort was built for their protection. This attemj»t 
at early colonization at this exposed point proved so unsut-eess- 
ful that within four years the village disappeared and the fortiti- 
cutiou fell into a deserted and dilapidated condition. 


Joseph's-Town, situated on the Savannali River opposite Ons- 
low and Argyle islands, was another of the early outlying towns. 
It was occupied by colonists from Scotland, but malarial fevers 
and a faihire of crops brought about its speedy abandonment. 

On a creek or branch of the Savannah, distant some three 
miles from its confluence with that river, and about fifteen miles 
above the town of Savannah, the village of Abercorn was Liid 
out in 1733. The plan of the town embraced twelve lots, with a 
trust lot in addition at either extremity. Four miles below the 
mouth of Abercorn Creek was Joseph's-Town where Scotch gen- 
tlemen had selected plantations. Journeying from this place 
towards Savannah in the early days of the colony the visitor 
would pass, in succession. Sir Francis Bathurst's plantation, Wal- 
ter Augustin's settlement, Captain Williams' plantation, j\Irs. 
Matthews' place, the Indian school-house Irene, the Horse Quar- 
ter, and the lands reserved by the Indians just west of Yama- 
craw. A strange fatality attended all these early attempts at 
colonization in the swamp region of the lower Savannah. Born 
of the subjugation of the forests and the exhalations from the 
rich, dank soil were miasmatic fevers and fluxes which engen- 
dered lassitude and death. Short-lived were these little settle- 
ments, and it was only after the introduction of slave labor that 
these plantations bordering upon the Savannah River became 
permanent and productive. The Europeans who strove to bring 
them into a state of cultivation failed in the effort and quickly 
passed away. Others who endeavored to complete their labors 
experienced similar misfortune and disappointment. 

Of the ten families assigned to Abercorn in 1733, all were 
gone within a period of four years. ]\Ir. John Brodie, with 
twelve servants, then occupied the settlement, but, after an ex- 
periment of three years, he abandoned the place, leaving, its im- 
provements to fall down piecemeal. INIany of the servants who 
cultivated the lands of the Scotch ge^ntlemen at Joseph's-Town 
died, and that plantation for a while reverted to the dominion of 

For the defense of Skidoway Narrows, a Manchecolas Fort 
was erected, and it was garrisoned by detachments from Captain 
Noble Jones' company of marines quartered near his residence, 
called Wormsloe, on the Isle of Hope. 

A light-house, to rise ninety feet above the ground, was com- 
menced near the northern end of Great Tybee Island, and here 
a guard was posted. 


■-■;{ 1 . ■ 

•'.il lo 

! ,j;!irj '('/crii (ji'.M.;!:; it) ,!,(' 
t liiiijiv^ci ■,i'J'/''ij| il.iiiJflfJ'. ■ 

\ -fj.s ■'iun htm :»','."1: * S'!.j ifi !•■■■ i 

i --'^^ ' 

Miiicf;:' : III', f'; --.'i 

.i"/,i.), .'.;;:» ••■'('I'tluii IiJ Y ■■'.-<!.nt'i''.i 

7i.,>i! ].'/!;. ,i-!;.! ;,,J. ;-i:'.'v ' 5;.vJ .- 


As the number of immignints multiplied, plantations were 
formed on Augustine Creek, on Wilmington Island, on the Isle of 
Hope, on the Little Ogeechee, at Bewlie, and even as far south 
as the Great Ogeechee River. 

Several accessions to its population having occurred, and suffi- 
cient progress having been made in clearing the bay, the square, 
and the streets, in erecting a crane, in planting a battery of can- 
non, in palisading the town, in the preparation of a commodious 
garden, and in uncovering the general outlines of Savannah, 
Oglethorpe, on the Tth of July, 1733, convened the colonists that 
they might be definitel}' advised of the precise plan of the vii- 
lar^e, learn the names which he proposed to bestow upon the 
square, streets, wards, and tithings, and participate in the assign- 
ment of town lots, gardens, and farms. The convocation oc- 
curred early in the morning, and the business of the day w^as pre- 
ceded by an invocation of the Divine blessing. 

Four wards, each containing four tithings, were marked and 
named, viz. : Fercival Ward^ so named in honor of John, Lord 
Percival, the first Earl of Egmont, and president of the trustees 
for establishing the colony of Georgia in America ; HeatKcote 
V/ard^ so named in honor of George Heathcote, M. P., an alder- 
man of London and one of the most active and influential mem- 
bers of the board of trustees; Derby Ward^ so called in compli- 
ment to the Earl of Derby, who was one of the most generous 
jiatrons of the colonization ; and Decker Ward, so named in honor 
of Sir ]\Latthew Decker, whose benefactions to the charitable de- 
sign had been conspicuous. The tithings embraced in Percival 
Ward were called, respectively, 3Ioore, Hacks, Holland, and 
Sl-'per, in honor of Robert Moore, Robert Hacks, Roger Holland, 
and William Sloper, members of Parliament all, and influential 
trustees. Heathcote Ward was composed of Hi/les, Laroche, Ver- 
non^ and Belitha tithings, so named to perpetuate the pleasant 
memories of Sir Francis Eyles, Bart., one of the commissioners of 
the navy and a member of Parliament, John Laroche, also a mem- 
ber of Parliament, James Vernon, Esqr., and William Belitha, 
all members of the trust. The four tithings constituting Derhii 
WardwGYQ WUminf/ton, Jeh/ll, Tijrconnel, -And Frederick. These 
were named in compliment to the Earl of Wilmington, Sir Joseph 
Jekyll, ^Master of the Rolls, who, with his lady, had contributeti 
six hundred pounds in furtherance of the laudable design of tlio 
trustees. Lord John IVrconnel, and Thomas Frederick, M. I'-, 
both members of the board of trustees. The tithini's into which 


Declzer Ward was divided were named Dighy-, Carpenter^ Tower^ 
and Jleathcote^ in honor of Edward Digby, George, Lord Carpen- 
ter, Thomas Tower, M. P., and George Heathcote, M. P., trus- 
tees all. 

The first and only public square then designated, and which 
was to serve as a model for all others which should be called into 
existence by the expansion of the town, was Johnson Square. It 
■was so named in compliment to his excellency Robert Johnson, 
governor of South Carolhia, who cordially welcomed Oglethorpe 
and his compainons upon their adveut, and contributed gener- 
ously to the comfort and advancement of the colony. 

The streets then laid out were Ahercorn^ Drayton., Bull., and 
Whitaker, running north and south, and the Bay^ Bryan, and St. 
Julian streets, intersecting them at right angles. In naming 
these also Oglethorpe sought, in an enduring manner, to express 
the gratitude of the colony and its founder. Thus, the principal 
street bore the name of Colonel William Bull, who accompanied 
Oglethorpe when he selected Yamacraw Bluff as a suitable site 
for Savannah, and on various occasions rendered the plantation 
services disinterested and valuable. The liberality of j\Ir. Joseph 
Bryan, of Mr. St. Julian, of j\Irs. Ann Drayton, of Mr. Whitaker 
of South Carolina, and of the Earl of Abercorn was in this manner 
publicly acknowledged. 

In the middle of Johnson Square a lai-ge sun-dial was erected 
for the convenience of the inhabitants. It perished long ago, and 
the spot where it stood is now dignified by a shaft dedicated to 
the memory of General Xathanael Greene, which testifies to the 
ages the enduring gratitude cherished for him who, in the primal 
struggle for independence, next to ■\Yasliington engaged the af- 
fections and excited the admiration of the Georgia patriots. 

Christ Church occupies to-day the trust lot then designated 
as a site for a house of worsliip, and the general plan of the lots, 
streets, and square, established at this time, served for a guide in 
the subsequent years. The wisdom of Oglethorpe in conserving 
open spaces, at regular and near intervals, that free ventilation 
mi""ht be enjoyed in this warm latitude, was manifest ; and the 
town lots, which the luxurious demands of the present may pro- 
nounce too small, then amply sufficed for the needs of the colo- 
nists. It will not be forgotten that these lots were intended 
simply as sites for private dwellings. Appurtenant to them 
were gardens and farms, situated on the outskirts of tlio town, 
SO that each male inhabitant of full age participating in the al- 


lotment, became possessed of a town lot containing sixty feet in 
front and ninety feet in depth, a garden lot embracing live acres, 
and a farm containing forty-four acres and one hundred and 
fortv-one poles. The grant, therefore, aggregated fifty acres, 
thus conforming to the instructions of the trustees and supply- 
inf^ land sufficient for the support of the colonist who came at 
the charo-e of the trust and brought no servants with him. The 
entire plan of Savannah having been fully shown, tliei'e followed 
an allotment, to each inhabitant, of his town lot, garden lot, and 
farm. This done, at noon all the colonists partook of a boun- 
teous dinner provided by Oglethorpe. Fresh beef, turkeys, ven- 
ison, and vegetables from the public garden were supplemented 
by a liberal supply of English beer. 

" Hitherto," says Mr. Wright,^ " Mr. Oglethorpe had retained 
to himself undivided authorit}'- over his people, but finding, from 
their increasing numbers, that the task of disposing the new set- 
tlors to the reciprocal offices of a social state and of keeping the 
troublesome in subordination was more than he could longer in- 
dividually accomplish, he now determined to delegate to oihers 
a portion of the powers with which he was invested." Accord- 
ingly, in the afternoon a town court for the determination of 
causes both civil and criminal was established. Magistrates, a 
recorder, constables, and tithing-men ^ Avere appointed and in- 
ducted into office. A jury was drawn and empaneled, and a 
case tried. " Conservators to keep the peace " ^ were named, and 
Thomas Causton was selected as the keeper of the public stores. 

Shortly after the conclusion of this important business a ves- 

^ M, moil- of General James Oglethorpe, -were Peter Gordon, "Williimi Waterlaiid, 

p. 73. London. 1S67. Thomas Causton, Thomas Christie, 

- On ilie Sth of November, 1732, the Georg-c Symes, Eicliard Iloelge.-', Francis 

trustees had commissioned George Sy-mes, Scott, and Noble Jones. 

Iticliard Hodges, and Francis Scott as For the village of Thorpe, which w.os 

bailiffs, Noble Jones as recorder, Richard included within the precincts of Savau- 

Cannon and Joseph Coles as constables, nab, the trustees commissioned, on the 

and Francis Slagridge and Thomas 18th of October, 1733, Robert Parker, 

Young as tithiug-men, for the then ua- Sen., as chief constable, Georire Buckmar 

located town of Savannah. and William Johnson as coustables. and 

The following persons composed the Arthur Ogle Edgecombe and William 
first jury eni})aneled in Georgia: Samuel Riley as tithing-men. 
Parker, Thomas Young, Joseph Cole, Two days before tlrey had sealed a 
John Wright, John West, Timothy Bow- commission for Thomas Causton as see- 
ling, John Millidge, Henry Close, Walter ond bailiff of the town of Savannah, in 
Fux, Juhn Grady, James Carwell, and the room of Richard Ilodgcs, decia>eii, 
Richard Camion. and had selected Henry Parker as third 

^ Tiie persons named as such by the bailiff, 
trustees on the 8th of November, 1732, 


sel arrived from England having on board forty Hebrew colo- 
nists. They came to Savannah without the sanction of the trus- 
tees, although the expenses incident to their transportation had 
been defrayed with moneys collected under commissions granted 
by the common council. It appears from the journal of the 
trustees that among the commissions empowering the holders to 
solicit and receipt for contributions in aid of the colonization 
were three in favor of Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador, 
Jr., and Anthony Da Costa. 

It was understood that all moneys which they might collect 
were to be transmitted to the trustees, to be by them applied in 
furtherance of the objects specified in the charter. Acting under 
their commissions Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa did 
secure benefactions to a considerable amount. Instead, however, 
of paying these funds over to the trustees, or lodging them in 
the Bank of England to the credit of the trust, as they should 
have done, they busied themselves with collecting Hebrew colo- 
nists to the number of forty and, without the permission of the 
common council, appropriated the moneys which they had col- 
lected to chartering a vessel and defraying the expenses requi- 
site for the conveyance of these Israelites to Savannah. Receiv- 
ing an intimation that Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa 
were exceeding their authority and acting in violation of the in- 
structions which accompanied the delivery of the commissions, 
and apprehending that the purposes of these individuals, if con- 
summated, would prove prejudicial to the best interests both of 
the trust and of the colony, the trustees, as early as the 31st of 
January, 1733, instructed their secretary, Mr. Martyn, to wait 
upon them and demand a surrender of the commissions which 
they held. With this demand Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da 
Costa refused to comply and, as we have stated, persisted in 
appropriating the funds they had collected in the manner in- 

Mr. Oglethorpe had not been advised of the coming of these 
colonists, and was somewhat at a loss to determine what disposi- 
tion should be made of them. As the charter guaranteed freedom 
of religious opinion and observance to all, save Papists, he wisely 
concluded to receive tliem, and in due course notified the trus- 
tees of their arrival and of his action in the premises. Those 
gentlemen did not hesitate to avow their disapproval of the 
Avhole affair. They declared that such irregular and unauthorized 
conduct on the part of Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa 


was prejudicial to the good order and scheme of the colonization, 
and that the sending over of these people had turned aside many 
intended benefactions. A committee was appointed to prepare 
for publication a statement of the matter, and to assure the public 
that they did not propose " to make a Jew's colony of Georgia." 
To Mr. Oglethorpe tliey wrote that they had heard with grave 
apprehension of the arrival of these Israelites in Georgia, and 
that they hoped " they would meet with no sort of encourage- 
ment." They counseled him to " use his best endeavors that 
they be allowed no Ivind of settlement with any of the grantees," 
and expressed the fear that their presence in Savannah would 
prove injurious to the trade and welfare of the colony. 

The following extracts from the journal of the trustees evi- 
dence their feeling and action in a matter wliich for some time 
attracted no little attention both in England and in Georgia : — 

"Palace Court. Saturday, Decemher 22, 1733. 

" At a meeting of Trustees, assembled by summons, Ordered 
That the Secretary do wait on Mess" Alvaro Lopez Suasso, 
Francis Salvador Jun'' and Anthony Da Costa with the following 
message in writing : 

"Whereas a message, dated Jan^ 31. 1732-3, was sent for the 
redelivery of their Commissions with which they did not think 
proper to comply, and which on the said Refusal were vacated 
by the Trustees : And Whereas the Trustees are inform'd that by 
monies rais'd by virtue of their commissions (which monies ought 
to have been transmitted to the Trustees) certain Jews have 
been sent to Georgia contrary to the intentions of the Trustees, 
and which may be of ill consequence to the Colony : the Trus- 
tees do hereby require the said Mess'' Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Fran- 
cis Salvador Jun', and Anthony Da Costa immediately to rede- 
liver to jNI"" Marty n, their Secretary, the said Commissions anil to 
render an account in writing to the Trustees of what monies have 
been raised by virtue thereof ; and if they refuse to comply with 
this demand that then the Trustees will think themselves obliged 
not only to advertize the world of the demand and refusal of 
the said Commissions and Account, and of the misapplication 
before mentioned, in order to prevent any further impositions on 
his ]\Lijesty's Subjects under pretence of an authority granted by 
those vacated Conmiissions ; but likewise to recover those com- 
missions and demand an account of the monies collected in such 
manner as their Counsel shall advise." 


" Palace Court. Saturday Jan"^ bth, 1733-4. 

" Orderecl. That the Secretary do wait on Mess"^^ Alvaro 
Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Jun'" and Anthony Da Costa 
with the followino; Messacje in writing: : 

" The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in 
America having received a letter from Mess"^* Alvaro Lopez 
Suasso, Francis Salvador Jun"^, and Anthony Da Costa, in answer 
to a message sent for their Commissions, which letter does not 
appear satisfactory to the said Trustees, they think themselves 
oblig'd not only to insist on the redelivery of their Commissions, 
but as they conceive the settling of Jews in Georgia will be pre- 
judicial to the Colony, and as some have been sent without the 
knowledge of the Trustees, the Trustees do likewise require that 
the said Mess"^* Alvaro Lopez Suasso, Francis Salvador Jr. and 
Anthony Da Costa, or whoever else ma}"- have been concerned in 
sending them over, do use their endeavours that tlie said Jews 
be removed from the Colony of Georgia, as the best and only 
satisfaction they can give to the Trustees for such an indignity 
offer'd to Gentlemen acting under his Majesty's Charter." 

" Palace Court. Saturday Jan''-' IQth, 1733-4. 

"The Secretary acquainted the Boai'd that pursuant to their 
order of Jan''^ 5th instant he had waited on iMess'^* Alvaro Lopez 
Suasso, Francis Salvador Jun"^, and Anthony Da Costa, and left 
with them the message of the Trustees in writing, and that he 
had receiv'd the Commissions formerly given to them ; and then 
he delivered the said Commissions to the Board. 

" Resolved that the said Commissions be laid by, and the 
further consideration of this affair be postponed till M^ Ogle- 
thorpe comes home." 

There the record ends ; and, so far as we can learn, no further 
action was taken. Ignoring the suggestions of the trustees, Ogle- 
thorpe furnished ample accommodation and encouragement for 
these Hebrew colonists, who by their peaceable behavior, orderly 
conduct, and industry commended themselves to the favorable 
consideration of the governor. In communicating with the trus- 
tees he took occasion to express the opinion that tliis accession 
had not proved a detriment to the colony. He specially invites 
the attention of his associates to the good offices of Dr. Nunis. 
In acknowkxlging his kindness, the trustees request iNIr. Ogle- 
thorpe to offer him a gratuity for his medical services, but insist 
that all grants of laud within the limits of the province should 


be withheld from these Israelites. With these instructions, how- 
ever, as we shall presently see, the founder of the colony of 
Geor'^ia did not comply. In the general conveyance of town 
lots, gardens, and farms, executed on the 21st of December, 1733, 
some of these Hebrews are mentioned as grantees. 

That the trustees were justified in condemning and rebuking 
the irregularity, disobedience, and contumacy of JMessrs. Suasso, 
Salvador, and Da Costa, cannot be questioned. That it was en- 
tirely prudent and proper in them to claim and exercise the 
right of selecting colonists for the plantation is equally certain. 
That they alone possessed the power of determining who should 
seek homes in Georgia, and of binding applicants in advance to 
a due observance of prescribed rules, w^as a privilege conferred 
by tlie terms of the charter. That they should, under the cir- 
cuin>l;iuces, have entertained some apprehension of the effect 
which would be produced npon the public mind b}- this unau- 
thorized introduction, within the limits of tlie colony, of this con- 
siderable body of Hebrews, excites no surprise. That theyw'ere 
fully justified in recalling the commissions sealed in favor of 
Messrs. Suasso, Salvador, and Da Costa, all will admit. And 
yet Oglethorpe was right in receiving these people and accord- 
ing them homes in Savannah. The excitement, in the end, en- 
tirely subsided. These Hebrews proved orderly and useful citi- 
zens. Many of them removed to South Carolina, but others 
remained in Savannah, and their descendants may this day be 
found in the cit}^ of Oglethorpe. 

Although the formal allotment of lands within the confines of 
Savannah was made in July, the requisite deed assuring the ces- 
sions then specified was not executed until several montlis after- 
wards. It will be remembered that prior to the embarkation of 
■ the first colonists the trustees conveyed to three of their number, 

I viz., Thomas Christie, William Calvert, and Joseph Hughes, 

five thousand acres of land to be utilized in parceling out homes 
for the early settlers in Georgia. Out of this tract were the 
i Savannah lands carved, and tlie original deed carrying into effect 

1 and confirming the allotments made on the 7th of July, 1733,^ 

I may now be seen in the office of the Secretary of State of Geor- 


; 1 Otlier allotments, made subsequently Savannah, which sailed from England on 

i to tliisdate, are also included in this deed, the 12th of September, 1733. 

I Additional colonists had arrived, ainonGf ScQ Gentleman's Magazine for 1733, j). 

1 whom may be mentioned one Inunlrcd 493. 

I and thirty-two jiersons conveyed iu tiie 


gia. It is an instrument of tlie liigliest interest and value, and 
Las withstood in a remarkable degree the obliterating influences 
of time and dust which, in the case of many contemporaneous 
documents, have "eaten out tlie letters," and "made a paren- 
thesis betwixt every syllable." Unfortunately, the "Plan of 
Savannah" which accompanied it, and to which reference is 
therein made, has been lost. All efforts for its recovery have 
thus far proved futile. 

Preserving as it does the names of many of the earliest colo- 
nists, indicating the estates granted, and designating the parcels 
then conveyed, we make no apology for introducing the following 
abstract of that important document: — 

"To all to whom these Presents shall come; We, Thomas 
Christie and William Calvert, send greeting. Whereas by In- 
dentures of Lease and Pelease made between the Trustees for 
establishing the Colony of Georgia in America on the one part : 
and us the said Thomas Chri.-stie and William Calvert and Joseph 
Hughes, deceased, on the otht.>r part, bearing date the twenty- 
fifth day of October Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred 
thirty and two, under the common seal of the said Trustees, they 
the said Trustees did for the considerations therein mentioned 
Grant and convey unto us the said Thomas Christie and William 
Calvert and the said Joseph Hughes, deceased, and to the Sur- 
vivors of us and our Assigns, Five Thousand Acres of Land 
lying and being in the Province of Georgia in America, beino- 
part and parcel of the Land which his IMajesty graciously 
granted to the said Trustees by his Letters Patent bearing date 
the Ninth day of June Anno Domini One Thousand Seven 
Hundred thirty and two, to be set out in such parts of the said 
Province as should be thought convenient and proper by such 
Person as should be appointed by the Common Council for that 
purpose, under such limitations and in trust for such uses and 
purposes as are therein mentioned, as in and by the said Inden- 
tures, relation being to them had, may more fully appear : And 
Whereas the said Common Council did by deed, under the Com- 
mon Seal of the said Trustees, bearing Date the Twenty Sixth 
day of October Anno Domini One thousand seven hundred thirty 
and two authorize and appoint James Oglethorpe Esquire, of 
Westbrook Place in the County of Surry, to set out and limit the 
said Five Thousaiul Acres in such part ol: the said Province as he 
shordd thiidc most convenient ; And Whereas the said James 
Oglethorpe hath set out and limited the said Five thousand 


Acres in such a regular manner as is most convenient for the sup- 
port of a Town and the Inhabitants thereof, and hath set out 
]iart of the said Five Tliousand Acres for a Town called Savan- 
nah, with Lotts for Houses, and left a Common round the Town 
for convenience of Air ; And, adjoining to the Common, hath 
set out Garden Lotts of Five Acres each, and beyond such Gar- 
den Lotts hath set out Farms of Forty Four Acres and One 
liundred forty and one Pole each, and hath drawn a Plan of the 
Town, and Plot of the Garden Lots and Farms respectively, with 
proper Numbers, References, and Explanations for the more easy 
understanding thereof, which Plan and Plot are hereunto an- 
nexed and set forth in Folio One and Folio Nine of this Book : 

" Now Know Ye, that we, the said Thomas Christie and Will- 
i:\i)i ( iilvort, pursuant to the said Deed, and in performance 
"f the said Trust, do Grant and Enfeoff unto John Goddard one 
Iltjuse Lot in Wilmington Tything in Derby Ward, expressed in 
the said Plan by Number One, containing Sixty feet in front and 
Ninety feet in depth, and one Garden Lot containing Five Acres, 
expressed on the said Plot by Number Eleven, lying South East 
from the Center of the said Town, and one Farm expressed in 
the said Plot by Number Five and Letter A in the said Ward 
and Tything, containing Forty Four Acres and One Hundred 
Forty and One Pole, making together Fifty Acres of Land : To 
Have and To Hold the said Fifty Acres of Land unto him the 
said John Goddard during the term of his natural life, and after 
his decease then to the Heirs Male of his Body forever, Upon 
the Conditions and under the express Limitations hereinafter 

Upon similar conditions, town lots in the various tithings and 
wards in Savannah, garden lots, and farms were conveyed in and 
by this deed to Walter Fox, John Grady, James Carwall, Rich- 
ard Cannon, Frances Cox, relict of William Cox, William Cox, 
Jr., George Sims, Joseph Fitzwalter, jNIary Samms, relict of John 
Samms, Elizabeth Warren, relict of John Warren, William War- 
ren, son of the said John Warren, Mary Overend, relict of Joshua 
Overend, Francis Mugridge, Robert Johnson, William Horn, 
John Penrose, Elizabeth Hughes, relict of Joseph Hughes, Mary 
Hodges, relict of Richard Hodges, j\Liry Hodges, Elizabeth 
Hodges, and Sarali Hodges, — daughters of the said Ricliard 
Hodges, — James Muir, Tliomas Christie, Joseph Cooper, John 
West, James Willson, Thomas Pratt, William Waterland, l^liza- 
beth Bowling, relict of Timothy Bowling, Mary Bowling, 


daughter of the said Timothy Bowling, Elizabeth Millidge, relict 
of Thomas Millidge, Heirs Mule of the said Thomas jMillidge, 
William Little, Jane Parker, relict of Samuel Parker, Thomas 
Parker, son of the said Samuel Parker, Mary Magdalene Tib- 
beau, relict of Daniel Tibbeau, Pleirs Male of the said Daniel 
Tibbeau, Hannah Close, relict of Henry Close, Ann Close, 
daughter of the said Henry Close, Joseph Stanley, Robert Clark, 
Peter Gordon, Thomas Causton, John Vanderplank, Thomas 
Young, Joseph Coles, Thomas Tebbit, John Dearn, John "Wright, 
Noble Jones, Ann Hows, relict of Eobert Hows, John Clark, 
William Gough, William ]\lacKay, Thomas Ellis, Edward John- 
son, Isaac Nunez Henriquez, William Mears, Moses le Desma, 
Paul Cheeswright, Samuel Nunez Ptibiero, John Musgrove, Noble 
Wimberly Jones, Daniel Pdbiero, Charles Philip Rogers, jNloses 
Nunez Rlbiero, Robert Gilbert, Edward Jenkins, Senior, Jacob 
Lopez d'Olivera, William Savory, Edward Jenkins, Junior, Isaac 
de Val, David Cohen del ]Monte, Benjamin Shaftell, Bearsley 
Gough, Robert Hows, Abraham Nunez Monte Santo, John Mil- 
lidge, Jacob Yowel, Samuel Parker, Junior, Abraham j\Iinis, 
Jacob Lopez de Crasto, and David de Pas ; the said grantees 
"yielding and paying for such Town Lott, Garden Lott, and 
Farm, containing together Fifty Acres as aforesaid, to the said 
Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, and 
to their Successors, yearly and every year, the Rent or Sum of 
two Shillings of lawful Money of Great Britain, the same to be 
paid to such person or persons and at such place in the said Town 
of Savannah in the said Province of Georgia as by the Common 
Council (for the time being) of the said Trustees shall be ap- 
pointed. The first Payment to be made on the first Day of the 
Eleventh 3'ear to be computed from the Day of the date of these 
Presents : provided always, and these Presents are upon these 
conditions, that if it shall happen that the said yearly Rent of 
Two Shillings or any part thereof be unpaid by the space of 
Twelve Kalendar i\Ionths next after the day of Payment, on 
which the same ought to be paid as aforesaid. And if the said 
several persons or their respective Heirs above mentioned shall 
not within the space of Eighteen Kalendar Months from the date 
hereof erect one House of Brick, or framed, square timber work, 
on their respective Town Lotts, containing at the least Twenty 
four feet in length, upon Sixteen in breadth, and eight feet in 
height, and abide, settle, and continue in the said Province for 
and during the full term of three years to be computed from tho 


date liereof, and if the said several Persons and eacli of them 
resncetlvely shall not, witliin the space of ten years, to be likewise \ 

computed from the date hereof, clear and cultivate Ten Acres of | 

tlie said Land herein before to them respectively granted ; And | 

if the said several Persons aforesaid shall not plant or cause to be | 

planted, One Hundred plants of the White Mulberry Tree which i 

are to bo delivered unto them respectively by the said Trustees, 1 

so soon as the same or sufficient part thereof be cleared, and 
suflicientlv fence and preserve the same from the bite of Cattle, 1 

:in<l in stead of such Trees as shall happen to die or be destroyed i 

piiall nnt set other Trees of the same sort, And if any or either of | 

the said several persons above mentioned who shall by virtue of j 

these Pi-osiMits, or of the Grant and Enfeoffment hereby made or ] 

iiiNivli'.i to be maile, now or at any time or times hereafter j 

I..-, oiiip i^ossessed of the said Fifty Acres of Land or any piirt or j 

parcel thereof respectively, at any time or times alien, transfer, 
VI- convey the same or any part thereof for any term of years, or | 

any estate or interest in the same, to any Person or Persons | 

whatsoever without special leave and licence of the said Common 
Council (for the time being) or of such Officer as the said Com- j 

nion Council shall from time to time authorize to Grant such 
licence ; And if the said Person or Persons or any other Person 
who shall by virtue of these Presents and of the Grant in Tail 
Male hereby made from time to time become possessed of the said 
Fifty Acres of Land shall do or commit any Treason, ]\Iisprison 
of Treason, Insurrection, Rebellion, Counterfeiting the Money of 
Great Britiiin, or shall commit ]\Iurcler, Felony, Homicide, Kill- 
ing, Purglary, Rape of women, unlawful Conspiracy or Con- 
federacy, and shall be thereof lawfully convicted ; and if any of 
the said Person or Persons hereinbefore mentioned or any other 
Person or Persons who shall by virtue of these Presents and of 
the Grant hereby made, from time to time become possessed of 
any of the said Fifty Acres of Land shall at any time hire, keep, 
lodge, board, or employ w^ithin the limits of the said Province of 
Georgia any person or persons being Black or Blacks, Negroe or 
Negroes, or any other Person or Persons being a Slave or Slaves, 
on any account whatsoever withont the special leave and licence 
of the said Common Council (for the time being) of the said 
Trustees, that then and from thenceforth in any or either of the 
aforesaid cases it shall be lawful to and for the said Trustees for 
establishing the Colony of Georgia in America and their Succes- 
sors into and upon the said Fifty Acres of Land hereby granted 



of such person so offending, and upon any nnd every part thereof 
in the name of the whole to reenter and the same to have again, 
retain, repossess and enjoy as if this present grant had never been 
made ; And all and every such Person or Persons so neglectinef, 
or misbehaving him or themselves in any or either of the cases 
aforesaid, and all other the occupyers and possessors of the said 
Fifty Acres of Land (to such person so misbehaving as aforesaid 
belonging) or any part or parcel thereof, thereout and from 
thence utterly to expel, put out, and amove ; And also upon the 
Entry in any of the cases before mentioned of such Officer or 
Officers who shall by the said Common Council (for the time 
being) be for that purpose authorized and appointed, the Grant 
hereby made of the said Fifty Acres of Land unto such Person 
so misbehaving as aforesaid shall cease, determine, and become 

" In Witness Whereof the said Thomas Christie, and William 
Calvert have hereunto set their Hands and Seals this twenty-first 
day of December in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Seven 
Hundred Thirty and Three. 

"Thos. Chkistie [L S]. 

"Wm. Calvert [L S]." 

Attached to the foregoing conveyance is the following schedule 
exhibiting tlie names of the Grantees and the numbers and loca- 
tions of their respective gardens and farms : — 






John Graham, 


Samuel INIarcer, 


More Tything. 



William Brownjohn. 
Holland Tytiiixg. 


James "Willoughby, 


Robert ^lore, 

Sloper Tytiiixg. 


Robert Potter, 

Henry Parker, 
Tliomas Gapen, 


Robert ILmks, 

Thomas E<ierton, 

Francis Delgrass, 

John Desborough, 

Jeremiah Papot, 

Lewis Bowcn, 

Peter Baillou, 

John Kelly, 

James Papot. 

John Lawrence, 

Thomas Chenter. 

HucKs Tytiiing. 



John ]MLlU(li::e, 

45 E. 


Eylks Tythixg. 



Jacob Yowel, 

C5 \V. 


LaRociik Tytiiing. 


Samuel Parker, Jun', 

32 W. 


Jacob Lopez dc Cras- 

Abraham ^linis, 

51 W. 



42 W. 

James Turner, 


David do Pas. 

27 W. 

Tlionias At well, 


Vf.rnon Tytiiing. 


Hugh Frazier, 


Bklitua Tytiiing. 







John Goddavd, 
Walt IT Fox, 
John Grady, 
James Carwall, 
Richard Cannon, 
Friincos, Relict of Dr. 

Willinm Cox, ] 

Gcnr.:o Sims, 
,I,)Mph Fitzwaltor,'t of John 

K'.i/. t'.ctli. Relict of 

.I.-'iiu Warren. 


M.irv, lulict of Josh- 
ua Overond, 
Francis Mngridge, 
Knliert Johnson, 
William Horn, 
J.'hn Penrose, 
.fosepli Ilnahes, 
Mary, Relict of Rich- 
ard Hodges, 
James Muir, 
Thomas Christie, 
Joseph Cooper. 
Tyucoxxkl Tything 
John West, 
James Willson, 
Thnmas Pratt, 
ANilliam AVaterland, 
Tiimnliy Bowling, 
Kli/al)etli. Pvelict of 

Thomas ]Millidge, 
Elizaheth, Relict of 

AViUiam Little, 
Samuel Parker, Sen', 
Daniel Tibbeau, 
Henry Close. 


.Iuse{>h Stanley, 
Robert Clark, 
Peter Gordon, 
Thomas Causton, 
John Vanderplank, 
Thomas Young, 

33 E. 
12 E. 
53 E. 

61 E. 

62 E. 

52 E. 
41 E. 
37 E. 


G4 E. 

51 E 
37 E. 
42 E. 
59 E. 
30 E. 

26 E. 

36 E. 

48 E. 

3 E. 

27 E. 

13 E. 
63 E. 
57 E. 
22 E. 

I 66 E. 

I 60 E. 

4 9 E. 

39 E. 

6 E. 

34 E. 

10 E. 


5 E. 
38 E. 





















Joseph Coles, 
Thomas Tibbit, 
John Dearn, 
John Wright. 



65 E. 

51 E. 

24 E. 

1 E. 

DiGHY Tything. 

John Clark, 
William Gough, 
William Mackay, 
Thomas Ellis, 
Edward Johnson, 
Isaac Nunez Hen- 

William jNIears, 
Moses le Desma. i 

Carpenter Tythixg. 
Noble Jones, 
Paul Cheeswright,^ 
Samuel Nunez Ribi- 

John jSIusgrove, 
Noble Wimberly 

Daniel Ribiero, 
Charles Philip Rog- 
Moses Nunez Ribie- 
Robert Gilbert. | 

Tower Tything.^ 
Edward Jenkins, 

Jacob Lopez d 'Oli- 
ver o, 
William Savory, 
Edward Jenkins, 

Isaac de Val. 
Heatiicote Tything. 
David Cohen del 

Benjamin Sliaftell, 
Bearsley Gough, 
Robert Hows, 


Abraham Nunez 

JNIonte Santo, 
Peter Tondee. 


34 E. 
36 W. 
97 W. 

35 E. 

36 E. 

33 W 

23 E. 
41 W.' 

29 E. 
40 E. 

63 W. 
45 E. 

25 E. 
43 W. 

47 E. 

64 W. 

40 W 

30 W. 
33 W. 

68 W. 
70 W, 

61 W^ 
72 W. 

23 E. 

44 E. 

34 W. 














After the surreiulor of their charter by the trustees, and upon 
the establishment of a royal government for Georgia, the early 
cessions of lots within the corporate limits of Savannah, although 



signed by the colonial governor, were made in the name of the 
king of England, of his "special grace, certain knowledge, and 
mere motion." The grantee took in free and common socage, 
with a rent reservation of one pepper-corn payable yearly, if 
demanded. lie also covenanted to erect a house upon the lot 
within two years from the date of the grant. Should he fail to 
build within the two years, he further stipulated, upon the ex- 
piration of that period, to pa}^ annually to the Crown the sum of 
£1. Should no building be placed upon the lot within ten years 
from the date of the grant, it then reverted to the Crown. 

During the administration of the affairs of the colony by the 
trustees, grants for tracts containing more than fifty acres were, 
upon application and approval, sealed by the common council 
and transmitted ; or some one was selected in the colony and 
empowered, in the name of the trust, to make the desired con- 
veyance. These alienations at first were all in tail male, and 
upon conditions which will hereafter be fully considered. 

Upon the erection of the royal government these larger tracts 
were held of the Crown in free and common socage ; the grantee 
covenanting to pay within three years from the date of the grant, 
on the 25th of ]Marcli in each year, two shillings for every hun- 
dred acres granted, to clear and work at least three acres in 
every fifty acres " of plantable land," and also to keep a specified 
amount of stock on grazing lands. 

On the 12tli of August, 1755, the Lords of the Regency issued 
instructions requiring the grantees to cultivate three acres in 
every fifty which might be granted, and for every fifty acres con- 
veyed to place and maintain at least three head of neat cattle, 
or six sheep or goats. 


Oglethorpe makes a TIfcoxxoissaxce of the Southern Frontier of the 
ruoviNCE. — He inspects Fort Argyle. — Inducements offered to 


Ebexezer. — Vox Keck's Description of Savannah. — His Tribute 
TO Oglethorpe. — Palachocolas. — Receipts and Expenditures on 
Tiehalf of the Trust. — Oglethorpe departs for England. 

The colonists at Savannah and in its vicinity having been ac- 
C'vmniodated in an orderly manner, and the business of the plan- 
tation proceeding in a satisfactory way, Mr. Oglethorpe, desiring 
to acquaint himself with the southern boundary of the province 
and to ascertain its capabiHties for defense against the Spaniards, 
on the morning of the 23d of January, 1734, accompanied by 
Captain Ferguson and sixteen attendants, among whom were two 
Indian guides, set out in a large row-boat on a tour of observation. 
He was followed by a yawl laden with provisions and ammuni- 
tion. Having navigated the interior waters which separate the 
main from the outer islands looking upon the Atlantic, and hav- 
ing taken general note of the intermediate headlands, rivers, and 
sounds, he reached the " first Albany bluff " of St. Simon's Island 
on the evening of the 27th and there landed. Although the rain 
fell in torrents, the party, sheltered by the dense foliage of a large 
live-oak, passed the night in comparative comfort. The next 
day Oglethorpe proceeded to the sea-point of St. Simon's, and sub- 
sequently examined an island which, in honor of his friend, Sir 
Joseph Jekjdl, Master of the Rolls, he named Jekyll. A some- 
what careful inspection of the mouths of the Alatamaha River and 
of the adjacent region convinced him it was expedient for 
the proper defense of the colony that a military station and set- 
tlement should, at the earliest practicable moment, be formed on 
the main near the embouchure of that river ; and that, as an 
outpost, and protection of its entrance from the sea, a strong fort 
should be constructed on St. Simon's Island. During this reeon- 
noissance he selected those sites which subsequently were peojiled 
and known as New Inverness and Frederica. 

On his return he ascended the Great Oireechee River to examine 


into the condition of Fort Argyle. Here, for the first time since 
his departure from Thunderbolt, he " lay in a house and upon a 
bed." He was pleased with the activity and intelligent labors of 
Captain McPherson. Fort Argyle was already finished and was 
pronounced in a defensible condition. It was " well flanked," and 
several guns were in position. This fort was designed to com- 
mand the passage of the river, and lay across the trail by which 
the Indians from the south were accustomed to advance against 
South Carolina. That trail led to the Savannah River at a point 
just opposite the old Indian village of Palachocolas. 

The funds collected by the trustees had been well-nigh ex- 
hausted by expenditures in behalf of the colonization when their 
treasury was handsomely replenished through the munificence of 
the general government. Of the moneys realized from the sale 
of lands in the island of St. Christopher, the sum of ten thousand 
pounds was, in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Com- 
mons adopted on motion of Sir Charles Turner, paid over to the 
trustees for establishing the colony of Georgia in America, to be 
by them applied " towards defraying the charges of carrying over 
and settling foreign and other Protestants in said colony." This 
timely relief enabled the trustees to accomplish a purpose from 
the execution of which they had been prevented by a want of 
money. Rightly had they, in the administration of the trust, 
given a preference to English Protestants desirous of seeking 
homes in the New World. Now, however, they were justified in 
enlarging the scope of their charity because the resolution, in 
obedience to which this liberal benefaction was made, contem- 
plated in terms the colonization of foreign Protestants. 

During the four years commencing in 1729 and ending in 
1732, more than thirty thousand Salzburgers, impelled by the 
fierce persecutions of Leopold, abandoned their homes in the 
broad valley of the Salza and sought refuge in Prussia, Holland, 
and England, where their past suiferings and present wants en- 
listed the profound sympathy of Protestant communities. In the 
public indignation engendered by their unjustifiable and inhu- 
man treatment, and in the general desire to alleviate their suf- 
ferings, Oglethorpe and the trustees fully shared. An asylum in 
Georgia was offered. The suggestion commended itself to the 
approval of the Society for the Propagation of Christian Knowl- 
edge, and a correspondence was opened witii a view to ascertain- 
ing whether any of these ojipressed and exiled people would con- 
sent to become British subjects and embark for Georgia. In 


proof of their readiness to render substantial encouragement and 
aid to such as desired to go under the auspices of the trust, the 
common council, on the loth of December, 1733, passed the fol- | 

lowing resolutions : — | 

" Resolved, That the Trustees for establishing a Colony in j 

Georgia, in America, do greatly approve the proposal of the I 

Society for promoting Christian knowledge for defraying the ex- \ 

pence of settling certain of the poor Saltzburghers in Georgia in j 

America, and will readily join and concur in sending and set- ! 

tling so many of them as by the contributions which the said ; 

Society shall transmit to the Trustees, and what other money i 

the Trustees shall for that purpose receive, shall be enabled to | 

send and settle in the said Colony. j 

" Iicsolved, That the said Society be desired to inquire, by i 

their Correspondents in Germany, in the name of the said Trus- | 

tt'cs, whetlier any of the said Saltzburghers will be willing to be- j 

come British subjects and to settle in the said Colony of Georgia | 

on the terms to be offered by the said Trustees. j 

" Resolved, That the said Society be desired to publish such I 

further Accounts of the deplorable state of the poor Saltzburgh- I 

ers as they shall think proper, and at the same time to make i 

publick the design of tlie said Society jointly with the said | 

Trustees to apply such contributions as shall be received for the 
relief of the said poor Saltzburghers to the settling as many of 
tlicm as they shall be able as British Subjects in Georgia in 

" Agreed to the following Articles for the poor Saltzburghers 
to go to Georgia, viz : — 

" 1st. Tlie Trustees will defray, as far as their contributions 
will enable them, the charges of passage and provisions for the 
voyage to Georgia in America of such Emigrants, Girnberghers, 
or Exiles from Bertoldsgoden as are persecuted for the Protes- 
tant Religion. 

" 2nd. To all those who want it, some allowance will be made 
for tools. 

" 3rd. On their arrival in Georgia each family will have provis- 
ions given them, gratis, till they can take in their harvest, and 
also seed will be there given them sufficient to sow the lands 
they shall in the first ^-^ear make ready for sowing. 

" 4th. Every man shall be entitled to three lots, viz : a Lot 
for house and yard within the Town, a Lot for Garden plots near 
the Town, and a Lot for tillage at a small distance from the Town 


sufficient in the whole to give a comfortable subsistence to them- 
selves and families : and that they shall have tliC said lands free- 
hold to themselves and their heirs male forever. 

" 5th. That they shall obey such orders and regulations for the 
maintenance of property, peace, and good government, as tlie 
Trustees shall think necessary from time to time to establish ; 
and on their arrival shall assist each other in clearing their 
Lands, building houses, and such other works as shall be neces- 
sary for their mutual safety in common with his Majesty's other 
subjects there. 

" 6th. That the}', upon their settling in Georgia, shall become 
Denizens, and have all the rights and privileges of Englishmen. 

" 7th. That they shall be protected in the free exercise of their 
Religion and in the full enjoyment of all the civil and religious 
rights of the free subjects of Great Britain." 

To a communication addressed to the Reverend Samuel Urls- 
perger, the venerable Elder of the Salzburgers, inquiring whether 
any members of his congregation would be disposed to join the 
colonists in Georgia if meusures were adopted for their comforta- 
ble transportation to and proper settlement in the province, a 
favorable response was returned. The Society for the Propaga- 
tion of Christian Knowledge engaged to transport from Rotter- 
dam to Dover such as should present themselves, and chartered a 
vessel for that purpose. At Dover they were to be received by 
the trustees and forwarded at their charge to Georgia. Advised 
of these arrangements, forty-two men with their families, num- 
bering in all seventv-eifi'ht souls, set out on foot for Rotterdam. 
They came fi-om the town of Bcrchtolsgaden and its vicinity. 
Arriving at Augsburg, they were the recipients of many kind- 
nesses not only from Lutheran congregations, but also from all 
classes of society. Three carts were presented to them : one to 
transport their luggage, and the other two to convey their feeble 
women and children. Departing thence on the 21st of October, 
1733, under the conduct of Baron Philip George Frederick Von 
Reck, by slow stages, in which they were in turn subjected to 
insult and blessings, they made their way to Frankfort. There 
embarking upon the ]\Iain, and sailing down the Rhine, they 
reached Rotterdam on the 27th of November. At this city they 
were joined by their chosen religious teachers, the Reverend John 
Martin I>olziu3 and Israel Christian Gronau. On the 2d of De- 
cember they embarked for England. So contrary were the winds 
and so tempestuous was the voyage that the ship in which they 


•were conTeyed did not come to anclioi* at Dover until the 21st of 
tluit montli. There they were visited by the trustees, who ad- 
ministered to them the oath of loyalty to the British Crown and 
supplied them with many comforts. 

On the 8th of January, 1734 (O. S.), having a favorable wind, 
they departed in the ship Purisburg for Savannah. " A universal^ 
joy appeared among the Saltzburgers who praised God that he 
had heard their prayers." After a protracted and stormy pas- 
sage these pious, industrious, and honest emigrants, at one o'clock 
in the afternoon of the 7th of March, 1734, reached Charlestown, 
South Carolina. INIr. Oglethorpe, who chanced to be there at 
the time, "sent on board our ship," says the Baron Von Reck in 
his entertaining journal, "by the Pilot's Sloop, a large Quantity 
of fre^h Boef, two Butts of Wine, two Tunn of Spring Water, 
Cabbage, Turnips, Radishes, Fruit, &c. as a present from tlie 
Trustees to refresh the Saltzburghers after their long Voyage." 

Arrangements were made for conducting the Purisburg with- 
out dehay to Savannah, and that river was entered three days af- 
terwards. It was Reminiscere Sunday, according to the Lutheran 
calendar, — the gospel of the day being " Our Blessed Saviour 
came to the Borders of the Heathen after He had been persecuted 
in His own Country." " Lying in fine and calm weather, under 
the Sliore of our beloved Creorgia, where we heard the Birds sing 
melodiously, every Body in the ship was joyful." So wrote the 
Reverend Mr. Bolzius, the faithful attendant and spiritual guide 
of this Protestant band. He tells us also that two days subse- 
quently, when the ship arrived at the place of landing, " almost 
all the Inhabitants of the Town of Savannah were gather'd to- 
gether; they fired off some Cannons, and cried Huzzah ! which 
was answer'd by our Sailors and other English People in our 
Ship in the same manner. Some of us were immediately fetch'd 
on Shore in a Boat, and carried about the City, into the woods, 
and the new Garden belonging to the Trustees. In the meantime 
a very good Dinner was prepared for us: And the Saltzburgers^ 
who had yet fresh Meat in the Ship, when they came on shore, 
they got very good and wholesome English strong Beer. Antl 
besides the Inhabitants shewing them a great deal of Kindness, 
and the Country pleasing them, they were full of Joy and praised 
God for it." 1 

Leaving his people comfortably located in tents, and in tlio 

^ Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Reck, etc., p. 132. Loudon. 


hospitable care of tlie colonists at Savannah, Mr. Von Reck aet 
out on horseback with Mr. Oglethorpe to take a view of the 
country and select a spot where the Salzburgers might form their 
settlement. At nine o'clock on the morning of the 17th of 
March they reached the place designated as the future home of 
the emigrants. It was about four miles below the present town 
of Springfield, in Effingham County, sterile and unattractive. 
To the eye of the commissary, however, tired of the sea and 
weary of persecutions, it appeared a blessed spot, redolent of 
sweet hope, bright promise, and charming repose. Hear his de- 
scription : " The Lands are inclosed between two Rivers which 
fall into the Savannah. The Saltzhurg Town is to be built near 
the largest, which is called JEbenezei',^ in Remembrance that God 
has brought us hither ; and is navigable, being twelve Foot deep. 
A little Rivulet, whose Water is as clear as Crystal, glides by 
the Town ; another runs through it, and both fall into the Ehen- 
ezer. The Woods here are not so thick as in other Places. 
The sweet Zephyrs preserve a delicious coolness notwithstand- 
ing the scorching Beams of the Sun. There are very fine Mead- 
ows, in which a great Quantity of Hay might be made with 
very little Pains : there are also Hillocks, very fit for Vines. The 
Cedar, Walnut, Pine, Cypress and Oak make the greatest part 
of the Woods. There is found in them a great Quantity of 
Myrtle Trees out of which they extract, by boiling the Berries, 
a green Wax, very proper to make Candles with. There is much 
Sassafras, and a great Quantity of those Herbs of which Indigo 
is made, and Abundance of China Roots. The Earth is so fer- 
tile that it will bring forth anything that can be sown or planted 
in it ; whether Fruits, Herbs, or Trees. There are wild Vinos, 
which run up to the Tops of the tallest Trees ; and the Country 
is so good that one may ride full gallop 20 or 30 miles an end. 
As to Game, here are Eagles, Wild-Turkies, Roe-Bucks, Wild- 
Goats, Stags, Wild-Cows, Horses, Hares, Partridges, and Buffa- 
loes." 2 

Upon the return of Mr. Oglethorpe and the commissary to 
Savannah, nine able-bodied Salzburgers were dispatched, by the 
way of Abercorn, to Ebenezer, to cut down trees and erect shel- 
ters for the colonists. On the 7th of April the rest of the emi- 
grants arrived, and, with the blessing of the good Mr. Bolzius, 
entered at once upon the task of clearing land, constructing 

1 The Stone of Help. Commissari/ Von Reck, etc., pp. 16, 18. 

* An Extract of the Journals of Mr. Louduu. 1734. 


bridf^es, building shanties, and preparing a road-way to Aber- | 
corn. Wild honey found in a hollow tree greatly refreshed them, i 
and parrots and partridges made them "a very gooddisb."' Upon | 
the sandy soil they fixed their hopes for a generous yield of peas j 
and potatoes. To the " black, fat, and heavy " land they looked j 
for all sorts of corn. From the clayey soil they purposed man- j 
ufacturing bricks and earthenware. On the 1st of May lots I 
were drawn upon which houses were to be erected in the town of j 
Ebenezer. The day following, the hearts of the people were re- ! 
joiced by the coming of ten cows and calves, — sent as a pres- j 
ent from the magistrates of Savannah in obedience to iSIr. Ogle- ! 
thorpe's order. Ten casks " full of all Sorts of Seeds " arriving 
from Savannah set these pious peoples to praising God for all 
lii^, loving kindnesses. Commiserating their poverty, the In- 
dians gave them deer, and their English neighbors taught them j 
liow to brew a sort of beer made of molasses, sassafras, and pine j 
tops. Poor Lackner dying, by common consent the little money j 
he left was made the " Beg-inninsr of a Box for the Poor." The ' 
repeated thunder-storms and hard rains penetrated the rude huts 
and greatly incommoded the settlers. The water disagreed with 
them, causing serious affections of the bowels, until they found a \ 
brook springing from a little hill, which proved both palatable | 
and wholesome. By appointment, Monday, the 13th of May, j 
was observed by the congregation as a season of thanksgiving. | 

Depending entirely upon the charity of the trustees for sup- 1 

plies of all sorts, and having but few mechanics among them, | 

these Salzburgers labored under many disadvantages in building >. 

their little town in the depths of the woods, and in surrounding I 

themselves with fields and gardens. Patient of toil, however, I 

and accustomed to labor, they cut and delved away day by day, j 

rejoicing in their freedom, blessing the Giver of all good for his | 

mercies, and observing the rules of honesty, morality, and piety, | 

for which their sect had so long been distinguished. ! 

Communication with Savannah was maintained by way of j 

Abercorn, to which place supplies were transjDorted by water. I 

Early in 1785 the settlement was strengthened and encouraged i 

by the arrival of fifty-seven persons. They were Salzburgers | 

all, and had been sent over by the trustees in the ship Prince of | 

Wales. Among the new-comers were sevei'al mechanics, whose | 

industry and skill were at once applied to hewing timber, s])lit- | 

ting shingles, and sawing boards to the improvement and mul- [' 
tiplication of the dwellings in Ebenezer. A large wooden tent 


was erected for church purposes, and therein dwelt the minis- 
ters.^ Here, in the wilds of Georgia, far from the influence of 
civilization, and upon the borders of an Indian tribe, was sprinc^- 
ing up a thrifty town peopled by a Christian community ac- 
knowledging the pure doctrines of the gospel, and worshiping 
-with all the simplicity and sincerity which characterized the 
early ages of the churcii.^ 

Of the town of Savannah the Baron Von Reck favors us with 
the following impressions : » I went to view this rising Town, 
Savannah, seated upon the Banks of a River of the same Name. 
The Town is regularly laid out, divided into four Wards, in 
each of which is left a spacious Square for holding of INIarkets 
and other publick Uses. Tlie Streets are all straight, and the 
Houses are all of the same Model and Dimensions, and well con- 
trived for Conveniency. For the Time it has been built it is 
very populous, and its Inhabitants are all White People. And 
indeed the Blessing of God seems to have gone along with this 
Undertaking; for here we see Industry honored and Justice 
strictly executed, and Luxury and Idleness banished from this 
happy Place where Plenty and Brotherly Love seem to make 
their Abode, and where the good Order of a Nightly Watch re- 
strains the Disorderly and makes the Inhabitants sleep secure in 
the midst of a Wilderness. There is laid out near the Town, by 
Order of the Trustees, a Garden for making Experiments for the 
Improving Botany and Agriculture ; it contains 10 Acres and 
lies upon the River; and it is cleared and brought into such 
Order that there is already a fine Nursery of Oranges, Olives, 
white Mulberries, Figs, Peaches, and many curious Herbs : be- 
sides which there are Cabbages, Peas, and other European Pulse 
and Plants which all thrive. Within the Garden there is an ar- 
tificial Hill, said by the Indians to be raised over the Body of 
one of their ancient Emperors. I had like to have forr^ot one 
of the best Regulations made by the Trustees for the Govern- 
ment of the Town of Savannah. I mean the utter Prohibition 
of the Use of Rum, that flattering but deceitful Liquor which 
has been found equally pernicious to the Natives and new Com- 
ers, which seldom fails by Sickness or Death to draw after it its 
own Punishment." - 

Of Mr. Oglethorpe the Rev. Mr. Bolzius, reflecting the sen- 

1 See Strobel's Sahhnrpers and their Cotnmissari/ Von Tiech and of (he. Rev. Mr. 
Descendants, -p. 7[. IViltiiiioro. 1855. Bobius, pi^. U-lo. London. 1734* 

' An Extract of the Journals of Mr. 


tiiii'.Mits ftf the Salzburgers, says : " From what Knowledge we 
have of 1 1 ill! we conclude that lie hath a great Esteem for God's 
h')Iv Word and Sacraments and a great Love for God's Ser- 
vants and Children, and wishes to see the Name of Christ glo- 
rifh'd everywhere. God hath also blessed his Presence and 
Undertakings in these Countries. And the People being well 
]icr>uadod of his Fatherly Mind and indefatigable Labour for 
thuir Welfare, his Departure^ was very sorrowful to them. God | 

lih'.ss Ilim and bring Plim well home and hear all our Prayers | 

f'>r Ilim. lie hath taken all possible Care of us." ! 

To tliis unstudied tribute of the exile may be appended the j 

p A-l's glowing lines : — 

" Lo ! swarminjr southward, on rejoicing suns, 
(iay colonies cxteuil ; the calm retreat 
Vi iiiule-^crved distress, the better home 
V( tlio.-e whom Riyots chase from foreign lands. 
Nut built ou l\a]Miie, Servitude, and Woe, 
And in their turn some petty tyrant's prey ; 
But, bound by social Freedom, firm they rise ; 
Such as of late an Oglethorpe has formed, 
And, crowding round, the charmed Savannah sees.2 

Having assigned a location to the Salzburgers, Mr. Oglethorpe, 
who was on the eve of his departure for England, attended by 
Paul Jenys, Esq., speaker of the South Carolina House of xVs- 
sembly, proceeded on the 18th of March to Purrysburgh, whence 
he purposed rowing up the Savannah to visit the Palachocolas 
Indians. The floods from the Cherokee mountains, liowever, had 
5o swollen the river as to render its ascent tedious and dilFicult. 
He iluavfore returned to Abercorn where, parting company with 1 

h:s fri^'ud. he proceeded with some Lidians and accomplished his j 

excursi(;n to Palachocolas. A fort had been there erected at the j 

lowest passage of the river. This visit accomplished, he repaired j 

to Ebenezer where he found eight able-bodied men, with their j 

minister the Rev. Mr. Gronau, engaged in constructing booths 
and tents in anticipation of the early arrival of their families. 
Pausing, he laid out their town for them, and ordered six car- 
penters, who had come up from Savannah, to assist in building 
SIX houses. He then continued his journey to Savannah, where 
he arrived on the 22d. 

The trustees' yearly account — to be exhibited to the Lord 

* Mr. Oglethorpe was about to leave Wright's JSfemoir of General Oglethorpe, 
the pruvince ou a visit to Kiiglaud. p. 79. Loudon. 1SG7. 


Thomson's LiUrtj, Part V. G38-C-1G. 


Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas in 
obedience to the requirements of the Charter — was duly sub- 
mitted. From that return, made on the 9th of June, 1733, it ap- 
pears that one hundred and fifty-two persons had been sent to 
Georgia during the hrst year, on the trust's account. Of this 
number one hundred and forty-one were Britons, and eleven 
were foreign Protestants. The lands ceded by the trustees, to 
be granted out in smaller parcels to colonists transported by the 
charity, aggregated five thousand acres. In addition, four thou- 
sand four hundred and sixty acres had been conveyed to parties 
going at their own expense. The moneys received from private 
subscriptions amounted to <£ 8,723 13s. Id.^ and of this sum 
■£2,254 17s. %d. had been disbursed. During the year ending 
the 9th of June, 1734, the persons transported by the charity 
number three hundred and forty-one, of whom two hundred and 
thirty-seven were British subjects and one hundred and four were 
foreign Protestants. 

Eight thousand one hundred acres were granted to be conveyed 
in smaller tracts ; and, to parties settling at their own charge, 
additional grants had been made aggregating five thousand seven 
hundred and twenty-five acres. 

Including the amount received pursuant to the act of Parlia- 
ment, tlie total contributions in aid of the colonization dur- 
ing this twelvemonth amounted to <£11,502 19s. ocZ., whereof 
£6,863 Os. IQd. had been applied by the trustees.i 

With the progress of the colonization the trustees certainly 
had good cause to be pleased. Never was a trust more honestly 
administered. Among all the English plantations we search in 
vain for a colony the scheme of whose settlement was conceived 
and executed upon like exalted, disinterested, and charitable prin- 
ciples, whose colonists were selected with like care, whose affairs 
were conducted witli equal regularity, and whose supervisors and 
agents could be matched in respectabilit}^, culture, and benevo- 
lence. By judicious treatment the red men had been won over 
to peace and amity. By treaty stipulations these sons of the 
forest had surrendered to the Europeans their title to wide do- 
mains. The pine-covered bluff at Yamacraw was transmuted into 
a town, well ordered, regularly laid out, and possessing forty 
completed houses and many others in process of construction. A 
battery of cannon and a palisade proclaimed its power for self- 

1 An Accofint shfwiuf] till' Proqressofthe Jirst Ea/dh/ishmint, ]ip. 14,16. Loudon. 
Culony of Gtoiyia in Anurtca J'lom its MDCCXLI. 


i»rolection. An organized town court was open for the enforce- j 

iiifut of rights and the redress of wrongs. From a tall flagstaff j 
ilvitod tlie royal colors, and a substantial crane on the bluff facil- 
itated the unburthening of vessels in the river below. A public 

fMvden and private farms evidenced the thrift of the community, j 

and gave promise of a liberal harvest. An ample storehouse | 

sheltered supplies against a season of want. This little mother j 

town miniature m.etropolis of the province — had already sent I 

out her sons ; some of them to dwell along the line of the Sa- | 

vaunah. others to watch by the Ogeechee, others to build homes | 

upon the islands and guard the approaches from the sea, others j 

to warn the mariner as he entered the mouth of the Savannah, ] 

and othors still to convert the neighboring forests into pleasant j 

I'-M^. I'lnnters, too, at their own charge, and bringing articled j 

MTvants with them, were already seeking out and subduing fer- j 

tilt.' tracts. Thus the colony enlarged its domains and multiplied j 

its settlements. ' j 

After an absence of some fifteen months from home, Ogle- | 

thorpe resolved to visit England. The general conduct of the j 

alYairs of the plantation was entrusted to Thomas Causton, the i 

trustees' store-keeper and a bailiff. In cases of doubt and diffi- ; 

culty he was to take counsel of Mr. James St. Julian, of South j 

Carolina, and of Mr. Francis Scott, gentleman, of Georgia. Sad I 

were the colonists as they contemplated the departure of him j 

upon whom above all others they leaned for guidance and protec- i 

tion. As he bade adieu to his people, who attended him to the i 

boat which was to convey him to Charlestown, they were all so | 
concerned that, in the language of Mr. Commissary A'^on Reck, 
•' they could not refrain their tears when they saw Him go who 
was their Benefactor and their Father ; who had carefully 
watched over them as a good Shepherd does over his Flock, and 
who had had so tender a Care of them both by Day aud by 


ToMO-cni-cin axd Retinue accompany Oglethorpe to England. — Ode 
TO THE Mico. — Entertainment of the Indians in London and its 
Environs. — Return to Georgia. — Happy Influences exerted by 
this Visit. 

" If you plant where Savages are," says Lord Bacon, " do not 
only entertain them with trifles and gingles, but use them justly 
and graciously, with sufficient guard nevertheless ; and do laot 
win their favour by helping them to invade their enemies, but 
for their defence it is not amiss : and send oft of them over to 
the country that plants that they may see a better condition 
than their own and commend it when they return." i 

Rightly judging that the advantage and security of the prov- 
ince would be materially promoted by taking with him some of 
the most intelligent of his Indian neighbors, in order that they 
might, by personal observation, acquire a definite conception of 
the greatness and the resources of the British empire, and, 
moved by the kindnesses and attentions which he was quite 
sure would be extended to them on every hand while in England, 
bring back with them memories which would surely tend to 
cement the alliances and perpetuate the amicable relations which 
bad been already so auspiciously inaugurated, Mr. Oglethorpe 
invited Tomo-chi-ehi and some of the leading members of his 
tribe to accompany him on his intended visit. The old mico 
gladly accepted the invitation, and resolved to take with him his 
wife Scenawki and Toonahowi, his adopted sou and nephew. 
Hillispilli, the war-chief of the Lower Creeks, four other chiefs 
of that nation, to wit, Apakowtski, Stimalchi, Sintouchi, and 
llinguithi, and Umphichi, a Uchee chief from Palachocolas, with 
their attendants and an interpreter, constituted the retinue. 
Leaving Savannah, they reached Charlestown on the 27th of 
March, and sailed from that port for England on board his 
majesty's ship Aldborough on the 7th of April, 1734. After a 
voyage of seventy days that vessel arrived safely at St. Helens 
in the Isle of AVight, 

1 Essiiijs, etc., p. 77. Loudon : John W. Parker & Son. IMDCCCLIII. 

" What Stranger this ? and from what Region far 1 
This woiul'rous Form, majestic to beliold 1 
Uncloath'd, but arm'd offensive for the ^Var, 
In hoary Age and wise Experience old 1 
His Limbs, inur'd to Hardiness and Toil, 
His strong largo Linihs what mighty Sinews brace ! 
Whilst Trutli sincere and artless Virtue smile 
In the expressive Features of his Face. 
His bold free Aspect speaks the inward Mind, 
Aw'd by no slavish Fear, from no vile Passion blind. 


In announcing his arrival in a letter addressed to Sir Jolni i 

Phillips, Baronet, Mr. Oglethorpe says, "An aged chief named i 

Tomo-chi-chi, the raico or king of Yamacraw, a man of an excel- '. 
lent understanding, is so desirous of having the young people 

taught the English language and religion, that, notwithstanding ! 

his advanced age, he has come over with me to obtain means | 

and assistant teachers. He has brought with him a young man | 

whom he calls his nephew and next heir, and who has already | 

learned the Lord's prayer in the English and Indian language. j 

I shall leave the Indians at my estate till I go to the city, where i 
I shall have the happiness to wait upon you, and to relate all 

things to you more fully : over which you will rejoice and ; 

wonder." i 

On the evening of the 21st of June, a grand entertainment was 
given in honor of Mr. Oglethorpe, who presented to the trustees 

a narrative of the progress and a statement of the status of the i 

colony of Georgia. j 

His reception was cordial and appropriate. Every mark of 
distinguished consideration was bestowed, and the trustees, — at 
a special meeting convened for that purpose, — by a unanimous 
vote, thanked him for the ability, zeal, activity, and perseverance 

with which he had conducted the affairs of the province. They i 

assured him that they would hold his services in lively and grate- i 

ful remembrance. The return of this philanthropist was heralded j 

throughout the kingdom. His Roman virtues were glowingly • 

recounted in prose and verse. j 

The visit of Tomo-chi-chi was also commemorated in the fol- 
lowing lines : — j 


" Hanc dim veteres vitam coluere Sabini, 
Hanc Remus et frater : sic fortis Hctruria crevit, 
Silicet et rerum facta est pulchcrrima Roma. 


" Erst in our Isle, with such an Air and Mien, 
Whilst Britain's Glory stood iu Times of Yore, 
Miglit some redoubted Chief of her's be seen, 
In all his painted Pride, upon the Shore. 
Or lie, who graceful from the Chariot's Height, 
When couqu'ring Julius lauded from the Main, 
Urg'd his confederated Tribes to fight 
For geu'rous Freedom, — fierce Cassihelan ; 
Or He, whose Fame, in Roman Annals told, 
Must live thro' ev'rj Age, — Caractacus the Bold. 

"From the wide Western Continent of Land, 
Where yet uncultivated Nature reigns, 
Where the huge Forests undiminished stand. 
Nor Towns, nor Castles grace the naked Plains ; 
From that new World undaunted he pursues 
To our isxnx'd Nation his advent'rous Way ; 
His Soul elated high with glorious Views, 
Our Strength, our Arts, our Manners to survey ; 
The boasted European skill to lind. 
And bear triumphant home, and civilize his kind. 

"And O ! the idle impotent Disdain 
Of vulgar Error, partial to decide ! 
Must he be stil'd by Us a Savage Man ? 
O ! the blind Folly of conceited Pride ! 
Ever by Reason's equal Dictates sway'd, 
Conscious of each great Impulse in the Soul, 
And all his Words and all his Actions weigh'd 
By uuafiectcd Wisdom's just Controul, 
Must he be rank'd in an inferiour Place, 
In our inglorious Times, to our degenerate Race ! 

" Alas ! brave Indian, good old England's Fame 
Thou sees't sunk down from its Meridian Height ; 
The noblest Ardors now no more inflame. 
Of conscious Worth and Honor's dear Delight ; 
As then, when welcom'd to your happy Shore, 
Our Fleets first landed from the wat'ry way, 
And each strange Region studious to explore, 
Pass'd the long Gulf, and vast Pacific Sea ; 
And round emerging to the Eastern main, 
Maintaiu'd from Sun to Sun their Gloriana's Eeign. 

" Wealth without End, from such Exploits as These, 
Crown'd our large Commerce, and extended Sway ; 
And hence, dissolv'd in soft luxurious Ease, 
Our ancient Virtue vanish'd soon away. 
Rare to be found is the old gen'rous Strain 
So fani'd amongst us once for Patriot Zeal, 
0£ try'd Good Faith, and Manners stanch and plain, 
And bokl and active for their Country's weal ; 
Clear from all Stain, superior to all Fear ; 
Alus! few such as These, few OtiLi^TUOKPES are here. 


" Oft hast thou seen His gallant Spirit prov'd, 
His noble Scorn of Dauj,'er oft hast known, 
Admir'd his Wisdom, and his Candor lov'd, 
And 0])cnness of Heart, so like thy own ; 
What time, at home before lonij; lov'd and blest, 
lie to Thy Country broni^ht his Godlike Aim, 
Born as he is, to succor the Distrest, 
The Prey from proud Oppression to reclaim, 
Of lawless Might to curbe tlie imjjious Rage, 
And strike with conscious shame the prostituted Age. 

" Oft hast thou seen with what assiduous Care 
His own young Inf;iiit Colony he rears ; 
Like a fond Parent, anxious to prepare 
His tender Offspring for maturcr years, 
To love of Labor he subdues their Minds, 
And forms their Morals with instructive Laws, 
By Principle their solid union binds. 
And Zeal tliat only heeds the Public Cause ; 
Still with Example strengthening Reason's Call, 
Still by superior Toil distinguish'd from them all. 

" Whate'er of Empire underneath the Sun 
Time thro' revolving Ages has survey'd, 
First from such manly Discipline begun, 
And Merit summon'd Fortune to its Aid. 
And hence, when Op'niug scenes of Fate make known 
The long determin'd Purpose of the Skies, 
Shall Georgia, to a mighty Nation grown, 
In Arts and Arms and Glorious Actions rise, 
And stand renowu'd upon the Western Shore, 
Ev'n then, when Europe's Fame shall cease and be no more. 

"Renown'd shall Georgia stand it's own short Hour, 
For soon must all tluit 's Human pass away ; 
Fix'd are the gradual Dates of Earthly Pow'r, 
To rise, to grow, to flourish, and decay ; 
Still the Effect must follow from the Cause, 
And every Work of mortal Men must fall. 
And kingdoms change by Nature's stated Laws, 
Forever round the habitable Ball : 
All must, in turn, the self-same Tenor run ; 
All raised by honest Toil, by License all undone. 

" But sacred Virtue, ever self-sustain'd, 
Wliilst all things fleeting round her she surveys. 
Alone to Time shall unobnoxious stand, 
And live and flourish in perpetual Praise. 
Thine with tliy Oci.etiiorpk's fair Fame shall last, 
Together to Eternity consign'd, 
In the immortal Roll of Heroes plac'd. 
The mighty Benefactors of Mankind ; 


Those Ileav'n-horn Souls from whose hi.::;h W.n-th we know 
The Deity himself best iiiiag'd Here below." ^ 

Having for some days enjoyed the hospitalities of iMr. Ogle 
thorpe, the Indians were transferred to the Georgia office where 
comfortable quarters had been intermediately provided for them. 
There they were suitably attired, and there they painted their ! 
faces according to the custom of their country. Crowds flocked 
to see them. Presents of various kinds were bestowed, and no 
effort was spared to interest, amuse, and instruct these strange 

On the 1st of August Sir Clement Cotterell was sent to con- 
duct the Indians to Kensington Palace where they were to be 
presented to the king. He found tliem all prepared for the im- 
portant event, except one who was suffering severely from an 
attack of small-pox. They were conveyed in three of the king's 
coaches, each drawn by six horses. At the door of the palace 
they were received by the king's body-guard, and then by the 
Duke of Grafton, lord chamberlain, were presented to his maj- 

The following account of what transpired on this interesting 
occasion is borrowed from the -' Gentleman's Magazine: " — 

" Thuusday, August 1, 1734. 

" Tomo-cha-chi, the king, Senauki his wife, with Tooanakowki 
their son, Ilillispilli the war-captain, and the other Cherokee In- 
dians brought over by ]\lr. Oglethorpe from Georgia, were intro- 
duced to his Majesty at Kensington, who received them seated 
on his throne ; when Tonio-cha-chi, micho, or king, made the fol- 
lowing speech, at the same time presenting several eagle's fi.'ath- 
ers which are trophies of their country : 

" ' This day I see the majesty of your face, the greatness of 
your house, ami the number of your people. I am come for the 
good of the whole nation called the Creeks, to renew the peace 
which was long ago had with the English. I am come over in 
my old days, although I cannot live to see any advantage to my- 
self. I am come for the good of the children of all the nations 
of the Upper and of the Lower Creeks, that they may be in- 
structed in the knowledge of the English. 

1 Georgia a Ponn, Towo-clia-chi, an Fades non omnibus una, 

0<!^. A copy of vorscs on Mr. 0-le- Ncc divcrsa tamcn. 

thorpe's sccoud voyage to Georj^iii. Loiulon, printed and sold by I. Roberts 

ill Warwick Laue. IMDCCXXXVI. 


" ' These are the feathers of the eagle ^Yhich is the swiftest of I 

birds, and who flieth all round our nations. These feathers are 
;i si<ai of peace in our land, and have been carried from town to \ 

town there ; and we have brought them over to leave with you, | 

O great king ! as a sign of everlasting peace. i 

'' ' O great king whatsoever words you shall say to me I will j 

tell them faithfully to all the kings of the Creek nations.' i 

"To which his INlajesty graciously answered, 'I am glad of j 

this opportunity of assuring you of ray regai'd for the people ! 

from whom you come, and am extremely well pleased with the 
assurances you have brought me from them, and accept very 
gratefully this present as an indication of their good disposition 
to me and my people. I shall always be ready to cultivate a 
go ul correspondence between them and my own subjects, and 
sliall be glad of any occasion to show you a mark of my partic- 
idar friendship and esteem.' , 

"■ Tomo-cha-chi afterwards made the following speech to her 
Majesty. ' I am glad to see this day, and to have the oppor- 
tunity of seeing the mother of this great people. As our people 
are joined with your ^Majesty's, we do humbly hope to find you 
the common mother and protectress of us and all our children.' 

"And her Majesty returned a most gracious answer. The war- 
captain and other attendants of Tomo-cha-chi were very importu- 
nate to appear at court in the manner they go in their own coun- 
try, — which is only with a proper covering round their waist, 
the rest of their body being naked, — but were dissuaded from it 
by ]\Ir. Oglethorpe. But their faces were variously painted 
after their country manner, some half black, others triangular, 
and others with bearded arrows instead of whiskers. 

" Tomo-cha-chi and Senauki, his wife, were dressed in scarlet 
trimmed with gold." 

Three days after, the chief who had been prevented by illness 
from accompanying his companions when they were presented to 
the king died of small-pox. Although medical aid and kind at- 
tention had been invoked in his behalf, neither the skill of the 
physician nor the efforts of nurses could arrest the progress of the 
loathsome disease. His death weighed heavily upon the spirits 
of the other Indians, who were very averse to interring him 
in a strange land. His immediate sepulture, however, was a 
matter of absolute necessity. Here, so far as our information 
extends, occurs the first burial of an American chief on l^ritish 
soil. A grave was prepared in St. John's cemetery, WestminsLer. 


Tomo-chi-clii, three of the chiefs, the upper church-warden, and 
the grave-digger were the only persons present on the lonely and 
melancholy occasion, — the fear of infection, in all probability, 
deterring many who otherwise would doubtless have been in at- 
tendance to witness the novel funeral rites. 

The custom of the natives was observed as nearly as circum- 
stances would permit. The corpse, sewed up in two blankets, 
with a deal-board over and another under lashed together with a 
cord, was carried to the grave on a bier. "When the body was 
lowered in the earth, the clothes of the deceased, a quantity of 
glass beads, and some pieces of silver were thrown in the grave 
after the manner of the American Indians, whose custom it was 
to bury with the dead the effects of tlie deceased. 

So depressed were the Indians by this bereavement that, in 
order to divert their attention and afford them an opportunity 
for quietly regaining their wonted composure, Mr. Oglethorpe 
very kindly took them out to his country-seat. There they re- 
mained for nearly two weeks. Having bewailed the dead ac- 
cording to the established usages of their nation, they recovered 
from the affliction which had so greatly distressed them. The 
deceased was a brother of the queen. 

On Saturday, the Tth of August, Tomo-chi-chi and his compan- 
ions were conveyed in the barge of tlie Archbishop of Canterbury 
to Putney, where they were hospitably entertained by Lady 
Dutry. After dinner, in taking leave of her, the aged mico ex- 
pressed his regrets that he was unable in English to convey the 
thoughts of his heart and tell her how sensibly he was moved by 
the generous and noble reception she had given him, and how 
great was the gratification he experienced in being permitted to 
see and thank her in person for the assistance she had rendered 
the colony of Georgia. 

The following day they waited upon the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury, at Lambeth. His venerable Grace received them with 
the utmost kindness and tenderness, expressing a fatherly con- 
cern for their ignorance with respect to Christianity, his strong 
desire for their instruction, and his sincere satisfaction that a 
door was now opened for the education and evangelization of 
their race. 

Although very weak, his Grace, when pressed to do so, de- 
clined to sit during the interview. Tomo-chi-chi perceiving this, 
with becoming propriety omitted the reply which he proposed to 
make ; and, craving the blessing of the aged prelate, added that 


lie would not trespass further upon bis weakness, but would com- 
municate to bis son-in-law, Dr. Lynch, what he desired to say. 
lie then retired. Subsequently, at a collation given in his lionor, 
be held an extended and cordial conference with Dr. Lynch, 
during which he expressed the satisfaction be exjDerienced in bis 
interview with the archbishop, and stated that he was deeply 
moved by the tender consideration which bad been accorded to 
him. He urged upon the doctor's earnest consideration the neces- 
sity for sending teachers to Georgia " by whom his people might 
be educated and have their minds enlightened in the doctrines of 
Christianity." At parting he assured him of the joy which filled 
his heart in anticipation of the fact that good persons would soon 
be commissioned for the accomplishment of tbis important and 
desirable work. 

Upon the occasion of their visit to Eton, the Iiidians were re- 
ceived with every mark of respect by the Rev. Dr. Geoi-ge, Dr. 
Berriman, and tbe rest of the Fellows. " On closing their visit to 
the schoolroom, Tomo~chi-chi begged that the lads might have a 
holiday when the doctor thought proper. This caused a general i 

huzza." They were then shown the several apartments of the j 

college, and took a respectful leave. Afterwards they went to i 

I Windsor, where they were graciously received ; and thence to St. j 

I George's chapel, where the prebends present named Dr. ]\Liynard j 

I to compliment the mico for the dean and chapter. The follow- j 

f ing day they visited Hampton Court, saw the royal apartments, 

j. and walked in the gardens, where a large concourse of people 

I bad assembled to greet them. To them w^ere subsequently shown 

I the Tower, the public buildings, Greenwich Hospital, and all the 

f, great and interesting spectacles in London. Nothing w-as neg- 

f lected which might serve to awaken and gratify their curiosity, 

Ior inspire them with a true conception of the power and grandeur 
of the British nation. 
Tomo-chi-chi was much impressed with the strength, riches, 
I and magnificence of the English empire. The solidity of the 

! London houses particularly attracted his attention. In the sim- 

plicity of bis heart he expressed his siirprise that short-lived men 
I should erect such long-lived habitations. Nothing appeared to 

I escape his observation. At times he seemed oppressed by the 

I contrast, everywhere presented, between tbe ignorance, belpk-ss- 

I ness, and poverty of his own people and the intelligence, power, 

[ and wealth of London and its environs. On more than one occa- 

[ sion did be avow bis belief that, without tbe aid and friend.-hip 


of tlie English, the Indian tribes would, in his opinion, be doomed 
to early annihilation. His sympathies were most earnest in their 
behalf, and liis constant wish was that competent teachers should 
be sent over to counsel, educate, and christianize the youth of 
his nation. Every one who came in contact with him was im- 
pressed Avith the accuracy of his observations, the pertinency of 
his inquiries, the maturity of his judgment, the wisdom and lib- 
erality of his views, and the integrity of his professions. Recog- 
nizing the importance of confirming the friendship which he had 
formed for the infant colony, aware of the influence he was capa- 
ble of exerting for good or for evil not only among the members 
of his immediate tribe but also within the limits of the Creek 
confederacy, and appreciating how lai-gely they were already in- 
debted for his good oflices and kindly intervention in behalf of the 
early settlers, the trustees were peculiarly anxious that this visit 
of the aged mico should prove in all respects satisfactory and pro- 
ductive of future good. No pains therefore were spared, either 
on their part, or on that of all who were interested in the welfare 
of the province, in ministering to his constant entertainment and 
the enjoyment of his companions. 

Nearly four months had elapsed since the arrival of the Aid- 
borough, and Tomo-chi-chi felt it was time that he should re- 
turn to his little village on the banks of the Savannah and tell 
his friends the incidents and lessons which were born of his 
sojourn in the home of the white man. In an interview with 
the trustees he remarked that although in his own countrv all 
travelers were entertained without expense, he was quite sensible 
that the stay of the Indians in England was a severe charge 
upon them ; and, as cold weather was coming on, he desired to 
return home at an early convenient day. He requested that the 
weights, measures, prices, and qualities of all goods to be ex- 
changed by the colonists for deer-skins and other peltry should 
be settled in accordance with established rules ; that no person 
should be allowed to trade with the Indians without special 
licenses from the trustees, so that if at any time his people were 
defrauded by the traders they would at once know where to 
apply for redress ; and further, that a storehouse might be es- 
tablished in every principal Indian village where the natives 
could be supplied at first cost with such articles as they desired 
to purchase. In justification of this application he referred to 
the exorbitant prices demanded bv the traders for their croods. 
and the frauds practiced by them in weights and measures, in- 


; Eisting tbat to such impositions were to be chiefly ascribed the 

I animosities and quarrels which had sprung up in adjacent settle- 

I ments between the Enghsh and the Indians. From the trustees 

I he received the assurance that this subject would receive the 

I careful and immediate attention which its importance demanded.^ 

f Although Tomo-chi-chi desired to leave the shores of England, 

; it was not because there was any diminution in the attentions 

i" shown him, or that the visit of the Indians began to be regarded 

'■ with indifference by a public keenly alive to its novelty and im- 

portance when the strange guests were first installed in the 
Georgia rooms. By the nobility, " curious to see them and 
observe their manners," princely entertainments were constantly 
given. Whenever they appeared in public, multitudes followed, 
shaking hands with these " rude warriors of the forest," making 
them many presents, and treating them with every mark of 
friendship and civility. It is said that the presents received and 
carried home by the Indians amounted in value to at least .£400. 
During their stay in London, the portraits of Tomo-chi-chi and 
his nephew Toonahowi were painted and hung up in the Georgia 

In the " Gentleman's Magazine " for October, 1734, appears the 
I following notice of the departure of Tomo-chi-chi and his com- 

I panions : — 

[ "Wednesday, OciJoier 30, 1734. 

[ "The Indian king, queen and prince, etc., set out from the 

I Georgia office in the king's coaches for Gravesend, to embark on 

I their return home. During their stay in England, which has 

I been about four months, his majesty allowed them £20 a week 

I for their subsistence, and they have been entertained in the most 

I agreeable manner possible. Whatever is curious and worthy ob- 

I servation in and about the cities of London and Westminster, 

has been carefully shown them ; and nothing has been wanting 
i among all decjrees of men to contribute to their diversion and 

I amusement, and to give them a just idea of English politeness 

I and our respect for them. In return they expressed themselves 

I heartily attaclied to the British nation. They had about the 

I value of £400 in presents. Prince William presented the young 

raico John Towanohowi with a gold watch, with an admonition 
to call upon Jesus Christ every morning when he looked on it : 
which he promised. They appeared particularly delighted with 
seeing his highness perform his exercise of riding the managed 
1 See McCall's IJistory of Georgia, vol. i. p. 46. Savannah. 1811. 


horse, — the Horse Guards pass in review, and the agreeable ap- 
pearance of barges, etc., on the Thames on Lord Mayoi"'s day. 

" In the same ship embark several relations of the English 
already in Georgia, who were allowed the preference of going ; 
also Sir Francis Parkhurst, his son, three daughters, and ser- 
vants, together with fifty-six Saltzburghers newly arrived from 
Rotterdam. These people were at the German church in Trinity 
Lane, where £47 were collected for them." 

The vessel in which Tomo-chi-chi returned was the transport- 
ship. Prince of Wales, George Dunbar, captain. She arrived in 
Savannah on the 27th of December, 1734. 

In communicating to the trustees the intelligence of his re- 
markably quick and prosperous voyage across the Atlantic, Cap- 
tain Dunbar writes : " We arrived here [Savannah] all cheerful 
and in good health. The Indians behaved with their accustomed 
modesty, as did also the Saltzburgers, who are a sober and pious 
people, and gave much less trouble than I expected ; nor do I 
think any of them were dissatisfied while on board." He adds 
in conclusion, " Tomo-chi-chi, Toonahowi, Hillispilli and Umpe- 
chi were so kind as to come on board on the morning of our in- 
tended departure, to see me. They have a very grateful remem- 
brance of the many civihties which they received in England, 
and desire me to inform your honors that Santechi has gone to 
the Upper and Middle Creeks, who are at present extremely well 
disposed to the British interest, and their deputies are expected 
down in two months." ^ 

Upon his return we are told that Tomo-chi-chi freely im- 
parted to his tribe and nation the impressions he had formed, 
during his recent visit, of tlie power of the British empire, and 
assured them of the marked courtesies, kindness, and hospitality 
with which he and his companions had been everywhere enter- 
tained during their sojourn in England. He exhorted them to 
continue in fricndsliip with their neighbors the colonists, and 
sacredly to observe the obligations of the existing treaties. Says 
McCall, "He acknowledged that the governor of the world, or 
Great Spirit, had given the English great wisdom, power and 
riches, so that they wanted nothing. To the Indians he had 
given great extent of territories, yet they wanted everything. 
Therefore he exerted his inlhience in prevailing on the Creeks to 
resign to the English such lands as were of no use to themselves, 
and allow them to settle amongst them, that they might be thus 

1 London Magazine for March, 1735. 


supplied with useful articles for the cultivation of the soil, and 
with the necessaries of life. He told them also that the English 
were a generous nation, and would trade with them on the most 
honorable and advantageous terms ; that they were brethren and 
friends, and that they would protect them against danger, and 
go with them to war against their enemies." ^ 

The beautiful and novel presents which Tomo-chi-chi and his 
companions brought home with them went very far toward a 
positive confirmation of his praises of the liberality of the English, 
and produced a profound impression upon the natives. To many 
of them did the generous mico freely give, from his treasures, 
articles of value and ornament. 

This visit of Tomo-chi-chi and his companions, and the inter- 
est awakened by their personal presence in London, materially 
assisted Mr. Oglethorpe and the trustees in enlisting the renewed 
and earnest sympathies of the public, and in securing substantial 
aid not only for the colonists, but also for the education of the 
natives and their instruction in religious knowledge. Applica- 
tion was made to the Rev. Dr. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, 
to prepare a manual for their more facile indoctrination in the 
principles of Christianity. With this request he complied, 
and the results of his labors in this behalf are embodied in 
" The Knowledge and Practice of Christianity made easy to the 
Meanest Capacity, or an Essay towards an Instruction for the 
Indians," a work which was printed at the expense of the Society 
for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, and passed through 
several editions. It does not appear, however, that it was ever 
extensively used among the Indians, or that any marked prog- 
ress was achieved in the contemplated labor of their evangeliza- 

A letter was composed by a Cherokee chief and sent to the 
trustees. It was drawn and curiously marked in red and black 
figures on the neatly dressed skin of a young buffalo. A transla- 
tion was prepared by an Indian interpreter when it was first 
delivered at Savannah in the presence of fifty chiefs and many i 

prominent citizens for the purpose of transmission to England. j 

This unique epistle contained the grateful acknowledgments of ! 

the Indians for the honors and civilities which had been extended | 

to Tomo-chi-chi and his companions, their admiration of the | 

grandeur of the British court and kingdom, and a declaration of } 

their strong attachment to Oglethorpe. Upon its receipt by the { 

^ Ilistory of Georgia, vol. i. p. 46. 


trustees this hieroglyphic painting was framed and suspended in 
the Georgia ofiice in VVestminster.^ 

Widely disseminated among tlie Indian nations was the 
knowledge of this sojourn of the mico of the Yamacraws in the 
home of the white men, and faithful the report of his hospitable 
reception and gracious treatment by the English. Grateful Avere 
the Creeks for the kindnoss and consideration extended to one of 
their race. The beneOcial results flowing fi-om, and the senti- 
ments of good-will engendered by, this visit tended most decid- 
edly to perpetuate the amicable relations existing between the 
colonists and the natives. 

1 American Gazdtccr, 'London, 1762; article "Georgia." 


I Religious Ixstructiox of the Colonists axd the Indians. — Frederica 



TiON OF Rum and Slaves into Georgia prohibited by Special Enact- j 


WART Colonists selected for the Southern Frontiers. — Rules of i 

THE Trustees for the Year 1735. — ^\.rrival of the 2>Ioravians. — i 

Their History in Georgia. — Scotch Emigration from Inverness. — I 

The Dapjen Settlement formed on the Alatamaha. j 


This visit of Tomo-chi-clii and liis companions to England was | 

turned to good account by Mr. Oglethorpe, wlio sought b}^ their \ 

personal introduction to the British public not only to impress the j 

natives with a proper conception of the power and superiority of ] 

the white race, but also to enlist in behalf of their social, moral, j 

J and religious amelioration the intelligent and substantial sym- j 

\ pathies of the English people. The employment of mission- j 

I aries to instruct them in the doctrines of Christianity was urged j 

\ upon the immediate and favorable consideration of the trustees, j 

|. and Dr. Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and j\Ian, moved by Ogh^ I 

I thorpe's appeal, promised to prepare a manual for their religious j 

i edification. " The Knowledge and Practise of Christianity made j 

I easy to the Meanest Capacity, or an Essay towards an Instruc- j 

! tion for the Indians " was, as has been stated, written and pub- I 

1^ lished in fulfillment of this engagement. In his preface the author i 

I mentions that his little book was undertaken in consequence of j 

a conversation which he and some others had with the " honor- ] 

) able and worthy General Oglethorpe "' concerning the condition, 

temper, and genius of the Indians in Georgia. " And indeed," 

I he adds, " that most worthy gentleman's great and generous con- 

! cern for both the present and future interests of these natives, 

f and liis earnest endeavours to civilize them first, and make thorn 

I capable of instruction in the ways of religion and civil govern- 

f ment, and his hearty wishes that something might be done to 

j forward such good purposes prevailed with tlie author, however 

I indifferently qualilied for such a work, to set about the following 



The prficticfil results anticipated were not realized. But little 
good was accomplished by the missionaries. The proposed trans- 
lation of tliis essay into the language of the Creek confederacy 
was never made, and the Indians, with few exceptions, continued, 
after their fashion, to observe the religious rites and to entertain, 
the superstitions which had been handed down by the sun-wor- 
shiping priests of former generations. 

The trustees never lost sight of the fact that Georgia was a 
Protestant colony. In all their deliberations and arrangements 
the encouragement of religious thought and observance among 
the settlers was a matter of constant solicitude. To keep them 
supplied with spiritual advisers and religious publications was 
ever their aim. The public, too, sympathized in this sentiment 
and effort. Benefactions in support of a minister, and contribu- 
tions of catechisms, devotional exercises, and Christian guides 
are frequently acknowledgcil in the proceedings of the common 
council. As early as the iSth of April, 173B, the trustees re- 
ceived from an unknown benefactor, at the hands of the Rever- 
end Samuel Wesk-y, a silver chalice and patine for the use of the 
church in tlie town of Savannah ; and from time to time sums of 
money were paid over to them, to be applied to the ei-ection of 
that house of worship. (3f the character of the religious litera- 
ture provided for the guidance and edification of the colonists 
some idea may be formed from the following entry in the journal 
of the trustees : — 

" Palace Court, 
Wednesdai/, May the oOth, 1733. 
" Received by the hands of Mr. Hales, from an unknown person, 
for the use of the Colony of Georgia, the following books : viz : 
Two hundred of D"". Thomas Goueh's Shewing Jiow to ivalk with 
God ; two hundred ILlp and Guide to Christian Families, by 
William Burkitt ; two hundred Gibson's Family Devotion ; two 
hundred Common Prai/er Books : m'm'ion, 12 mo; two hundred 
Horn Books; two hundred Primmers; one hundred Testaments ; 
one hundred Psalters; two hundred A. B. C. with the Church 
Catechism ; one hundred Lewis's Catechism; one hundred of The 
Yomui Man instructed ; two hundred Friendly Admonition to the 
Drinkers of Brandy ; the whole to the value of lifty-four pounds, 
ten shillings." With such solemn publications and rudimentary 
books was it ]n-oi>osed to beguile the leisure hours, entertain the 
rising generation, and comfort the hearts of the dwellers by the 



! Oglethorpe's reception by the trustees, as we Lave seen, was 

I most cordial. After he had submitted to them a report of the 

{ condition of the province, he was complimented by a unanimous 

j expression of their " great satisfaction with the eminent services 

\ he had rendered to the colony." His scheme for building a 

; new town near the mouth of the Alatamaha River and construct- 

\. ing fortifications for the protection of the southern confines of 

[ the province found favor in the eyes of the common council, who 

j, resolved to name the new town Freclerica. The seal of the eor- 

I poration was also affixed on the 26th of September, 17o5, to a 

[ '« deed erecting therein " a Court of Judicature for trying causes, 
t; as well criminal as civil, by the name and style of the Town 

I Court." 

Resuming his seat in Parliament, Mr. Oglethorpe was in- 
strumental in procuring the passage of two bills for the con- i 
jectured benefit of the province. One of these was an act to | 
I prohibit the importation and sale of rum, brand}^ and other dis- | 
tilled liquors within the limits of Georgia. In August, 1783, \ 
I several persons had died at Savannah, as was suggested, from the ] 
too free use of rum. Mr. Oglethorpe so notified the common { 
council, who, on the 21st of November following, " Resolved that \ 
the drinking of Rum in Georgia be absolutely prohibited, and i 
that all which shall be brought there be staved." Although the j 
founder of the colony endeavored to enforce the observance of j 
this regulation, traders from Carolina supplied both the settlors | 
and the Indians with smuggled spirits which, as was alleged, I 
" produced disease among the former and disorderly conduct on | 
the part of some of the latter." In South Carolina no jirohi- i 
bition existed, and the importation of rum, both from New Eng- ' i 
land and from the West Indies, was constant and heavy. Upon \ 
the moderate use of English beer and the wines of Madeira the j 
Georgia authorities placed no restriction. With these the trus- | 
tees' store at Savannah was regularly supplied, and the magis- 
trates there were empowered to grant licenses for retailing beer 
both of foreign manufacture and of home brewing. 

The other act forbade the introduction of slavery, and was 
entitled " An act for rendering the Province of Georgia more 
defensible by prohibiting the importation of black slaves or 
negroes into the same." If suffered to rely upon the aid of 
negroes the trustees feared that the colonists would fail to acquire 
" habits of labour, industry, economy, and thrift by personal 
application." Both these statutes received royal sanction. In 


commenting upon this legislation Burke sagely remarked that 
while these regulations and restrictions were designed to bring 
about wholesome results, they were pronuilgated without a sufii- 
cient appreciation o£ the nature of the country and the disposition 
of the people to be affected by them. Long and earnestly did 
many of the colonists petition for the removal of these prohibi- 
tions, which placed the province at a disadvantage, when its priv- 
ileges were contrasted with those of sister settlements, and, be- 
yond doubt, so far at least as the employment of slave labor was 
coiicerned, retarded its development. 

During Mr. Oglethorpe's absence the charge of the colony 
devolved upon Thomas Causton, storekeeper and chief bailiff, 
assisted by the other bailiff's and by the recorder of Savannah. 
He was cautioned by the trustees to keep them fully advised of 
everything of moment which transpired within the province ; to 
have a care that no one traded with the Indians without special 
license ; to draw all bills for account of the colony upon the 
trustees at thirty days ' sight ; to see to it that the sick and 
indigent, incapable of supporting themselves, and orphans of an 
age so tender that they could not be articled as apprentices, 
should, as occasion required, be assisted at the expense of the 
trust ; to have the glebe land in Savannah inclosed by a sub- 
stantial fence; to be zealous in the rigid enforcement of the laws 
against tippling ; to lose no opportunity in encouraging the 
people to fence and cultivate their lands, as, upon the products 
thence derived, depended their subsistence ; to forward an esti- 
mate of the cost of constructing a church in Savannah, of brick 
or timber, sixty feet long, fortv^ feet wide, and twenty feet high 
"within ; to promote settlements on Vernon liiver ; to favor '• the 
setting up of IJnnv-Houses," thus leading the people away from 
the use of distilled liquors; to allow the Salzburgers another 
year's full allowance from the public store ; to urge on to com- 
pletion the lighthouse which Avas being built on Tybee Island; 
and to compel the town court in Savannah to hold a session once 
in every six weeks for the trial of civil causes, and to convene for 
the disposal of criminal cases as often as occasion demanded. No 
fees were to bo exacted by officers issuing warrants. 

The encouragement extended by the trustees and the Board 
of Trade to the production of raw silk in Georgia was not with- 
out some palpable results. From time to time samples were 
received. In Mny, IT^^w'i, the trustees, accompanied by Sir Thomas 
Lombe, exhibited a specimen to the queen, who desired that it 


I should be wrought into a fabric. This was done, and her majesty 

I was so much pleased with the manufactured silk that she ordered 

t it to be made np into a costume in which she appeared at Court 

f on her birthday.^ 

I A memorial addressed to his majesty by the governor and as- 

I sembly of South Carolina, dated the 9th of April, 1734, produced 

I a profound impression upon the minds of the trustees for estab- 

\ lishing the colony of Georgia in America, and confirmed them in 

{ their intention to strengthen the southern part of the province. 

I After thanking his majesty for "his favour and protection," and 

I especially for his benign care in erecting a province to the south 

of Carolina so conducive to the safety of that colony : after allud- 
ing to the effort of the French to enlarge their possessions and to 
alienate the affections of the Indians from the English settle- 
ments ; and after referring to the threatening attitude main- 
tained by the Spaniards in Florida, these memorialists invited 
the attention of the Crown to the necessity of guarding the har- 
bors and ports of Carolina and Georgia, and qi establishing mili- 
tary posts to the south, so as to defend the territory adjacent to 
I the Spaniards and protect the British trade with the Gulf.^ 

? As might have been reasonably anticipated, some of the ear- 

I liest emigrants proved as inefficient members of society in the 

I New World as they had shown themselves to be unfortunate in 

j the ,01d. Relying upon the assistance extended by the trust, 

I they neglected to put forth such efforts as were demanded by the 

I emergency of their situation. The trustees, although they had 

I exercised caution in the selection of colonists, resolved to be more 

i carefid than ever in inquiring into the character and antecedents 

of all applicants, and to make it known by published proposals 
that for the population of the southern confines of the province 
they desired !nen of strength and courage, accustomed to labor, 
of frugal habits, and capable of enduring hardships. In their 
interviews with those who sought to be enrolled as colonists they 
distinctly advised them of the fact that in the beginning tlu'V 
must expect to encounter privations and exposures, and resolve 
to labor industriously in order to acquire a comfortable subsist- 
ence for themselves and families. While a year's provisions and 
lands were promised, they were informed that those lands were 
clothed with forests, and that new-comers must lie in temporary 

^ Poh'tiral State, of Great Britain, vol. i. Acroxnt shewinrj the Proijrrsx oflhr €■■ "".'/ 
pp. '242, 4G1>. of Georqin in Ainrrica, pp. 50-5G. hou- 

2 See a copy of this niemoriiil in An don. JIDCCXLI, 


shelters until thoy could build comfortable houses. They were 
further told that they must subsist principally upon salt meat, 
meal, and water ; that they would be compelled to " work liard, 
keep guard for fear of enemies," and clear and cultivate the ground 
before a harvest could be reaped ; that the climate veas warm 
in summer and that the insects were troublesome ; that thunder- 
storms in season were frequent and violent; that those who 
drank distilled liquors were liable to contract dangerous sick- 
nesses; and that temperance was necessary not only for the j^res- 
ervation of their substance but also for the maintenance of health. 
Those who w"ere temperate and industrious were encouraged in 
the hope that by God's assistance they could soon establish them- 
selves in comfort upon their own lands. Such, however, as mis- 
trusted their ability to undergo this probationary period of toil 
and exposure were warned not to undertake the voyage. Not a 
few of the faint-hearted withdrew their applications, but their 
places were speedily filled by otliers.^ 

The trustees deemed it proper also to prepare and publish rules 
for the information and guidance both of those who should be 
"sent on the Charity,"' and of such as should "go at their own 
expence." Here they are : — 


" The Trustees intend this year to lay out a County and build 
a new Town in G-eoryia. 

" They will give to such Persons as they send upon the Char- 
ity ; viz to every ]Man a Watch -coat, a Musquet and Bayonet ; to 
those Avho have them not of their own, an Hatchet, an Hammer, 
an Handsaw, a shod Shovel or Spade, a broad Hoe, a narrow 
Hoe, a Gimlet, a drawing Knife, and there will be a publick 
Grindstone to each Ward or Village. He will also have an Iron 
Pot, and a Pair of Pot hooks, and a Frying-pan. 

" And for his Maintenance in the Colony for one Year he will 
have, to be delivered in such Proportions and at such Times as 
the Trust sliall think proper, 800 Pounds of Beef or Pork, 114 
Pounds of Rice, 114 Pounds of Pease, 114 Pounds of Flour, 44 
Gallons of Strong Beer, G4 Quarts of INIolasses for brewing of 
Beer, 18 Pounds of Cheese, 9 I'ounds of Butter, 9 Ounces of 
Spice, 9 Pounds of Sugar, 5 Gallons of Yinegai-, 30 Pounds of 
Salt, 12 Quarts of Lamp Oil, and a Pound of Spun Cotton, and 
12 Pounds of Soap. 

1 See .1 J'oi/dije to Ccorjia bt'(jun in the year 1735 by Francis Moore, pp. 10, 11. 
Louduu. 1744. 

. I RULES FOR THE YEAR 1735. 193 \ 

I ... j 
i "And to the Mothers, Wives, Sisters, or Children of such Men, 

• Provision will be given in the Colony for one Year in the follow- ' 
] iner Manner, viz : to be delivered as above, 800 Pounds of Beef f 

• or Pork, 114 Pounds of llice, 114 Pounds of Pease, 114 Pounds • 
>. of Flour, 64 Quarts of Melasses for Brewing of Beer, 18 Pounds \ 

of Cheese, 9 Pounds of Butter, 9 Ounces of Spice, 9 Pounds of I 

Sugar, 5 Gallons of Vinegar, 30 Pounds of Salt, 6 Quarts of | 

Lamp Oil, and half a Pound of Spun Cotton, and 12 Pounds | 

of Soap. ! 

" And for every Person above the Age of Seven, and under i 

the Age of Twelve, half the said Allowance ; — being esteemed I 

half an Head. j 

" And for every Person above the age of Two and under the j 

age of Seven, one third of the said Allowance ; — being esteemed \ 

one third of an Head. ? 


" The Trustees pay their Passage from England to Georgia^ ' 

and in the Voyage they will have the following Provisions, viz, in 

every Week four Beef Days, two Pork Days, and one Fish Day ; j 

and their Allowance served out daily as follows ; that is to say : | 

" On the four Beef Days four Pounds of Beef for every j\Iess I 

i of five Heads, and two Pounds and a half of Flour, and half a ^ 

[ Pound of Suet or Plums. j 

[ " On the two Pork Days, five Pounds of Pork and two Pints j 

I and a half of Peas for every five Heads. 

i " And on the Fish Day two Pounds and a half of Fish and 

I half a Pound of Butter for every five Heads. 

i " The whole at sixteen Ounces to the Pound. I 
1 " And allow each Head seven Pounds of Bread of fourteen i 
Ounces to the Pound, by the Week. | 
" And three Pints of Beer and two Quarts of Water (whereof j 
one of the Quarts for Drinking and the other for boiling Vict- 
uals) each Head by the Day for the Space of a Month ; and a I 
Gallon of Water (whereof two Quarts for Drinking and the j 
other two for boiling Victuals) each Head by the Day after dur- i 
ing their being on their Passage. j 
" The Heads to be accounted in this Manner : Every Person I 
above the Age of Twelve Years to be accounted a whole Head : j 
all Persons of the age of Seven Yeai's and under the Age of I 
Twelve Years, to be accounted Two for One ; all Persons above j 
the Age of Two Years iind under the Age of Seven Years, to be | 
accounted Three for One ; and any Person under the Age of Two I 
Y'cars is not to be accounted. 



" And the said Persons are to enter into the following Cove- 
nants before their Embarkation : viz. : — 

^ " That they will repair on Board such Ship as shall be pro- 
vided for carrying them to the Province of Georgia; and during 
the Voyage, will quietly, soberly, and obediently demean them° 
selves ; and go to such Place in the said Province of Georgia, 
and there obey all such Orders as shall be given for the better 
settling, establishing, and governing the said Colony. 

"And that for the first Twelve .Alonths from landing in the 
said Province of Georgia they will work and labour in clearing 
their Lands, making Habitations, and necessary Defences, and in 
all other Works for the common Good and publick Weal of the 
said Colony, at such Times, in such Manner, and according to 
such Plan and Directions as shall be given. 

" And that they, from and after the Expiration of the said last 
. mentioned Twelve Months will, during the two next succeeding 
• Years, abide, settle, and inhabit in the said Province of Georgia, 
and cultivate the Lands which shall be to them and their Heirs 
Male severally allotted and given, by all such Ways and Means 
as, according to their several Abilities and Skills they shall be 
best able and capable. 

" And such Persons are to be settled in the said Colony either 
in new Towns or new Villages. 

" Those in the Towns will have each of them a Lot sixty Feet 
in Front and ninety Feet in Depth whereon they are to build an 
House ; and as much Land in the Country as in the whole shall 
make up Fifty Acres. 

•" Those in the Villages will each of them have a Lot of Fifty 
Acres which is to lie all together, and they are to build their 
House upon it. 

" All Lots are granted in Tail ]\Lale and descend to the Heirs 
Male of their Bodies for ever ; and in case of Failure of Heirs 
Male, revert to the Trust to be granted again to such Persons as 
the Common Council of the Trustees shall think most for the 
Advantage of the Colony. And they will have a special Re<^ard 
to the Daughters of Freeholders who have made Improvements 
on their Lots, not already provided for by having married, or 
marrying Persons in Possession, or intitled to Lands in the Prov- 
ince of Georgia in Possession or Remainder. 

" All Lots are to be preserved separate and undivided, and 
cannot be united, in order to keep up a Number of Men equal to 
the Number of Lots for the better Defence and Support of the 


" No person can lease out bis House or Lot to another without i 

Licence for that Purpose, that the Colony may not be ruined by j 

Absentees receiving and spending their Rents elsewhere. There- j 

fore each Man must cultivate the same by liimself or Servants. ; 

" And no person can alienate his Land or any Part, or any ; 

Term, Estate, or Interest therein, to any other Person or Persons, \ 

without special Licence for that Purpose, to prevent the unitmg i 

or dividing the Lots. \ 

" If any of the Land so granted shall not be cultivated, planted, | 

cleared, improved, or fenced with a Worm-fence or Pales six Feet j 

high during the Space of Ten Years from the Date of the Grant, j 

then every Part thereof not cultivated, planted, cleared, improved, ] 

or fenced as aforesaid, shall belong to the Trust ; and the Grant, | 

as to such Parts, shall be void. | 

" There is reserved, for the Support of the Colony, a Pent j 

charge for ever of Two Shillings Sterling ]Money for each I'^ifty i 

Acres, the Payment of which is not to commence until Ten Years ■ 

after the Grant. I 

" And the Reversion or Remainder expectant on the Demise \ 

of such Persons without Issue j\Iale shall remain to the Trust. ] 

" But the Wives of the Freeholders, in case they should sur- j 

vive their Husbands, are, during their Lives, intitled to the ^lan- | 

sion-house and One Half of the Lands improved by their llus- j 

bands ; that is to say, inclosed with a Fence of Six Feet high. j 

"All Forfeitures for Non-residence, High-Treason, Felonies, \ 

&c., are to the Trustees for the Use and Benefit of the Colony. | 

"Negroes and Rum are prohibited to be used in the said Col- | 

ony ; and Trade with the Indians, unless licensed. 1 

" None are to have the Benefit of being sent upon the Charity | 

in the manner above mentioned but 1 

"1st. Such as are in decayed Circumstances and thereb}' dis- j 

abled from following any Business in England ; and who, if in | 

Debt, must have Leave from their Creditors" to go. j 

" 2nd. Such as have numerous Families of Children, if assisted | 

by their respective Parishes, and recommended by the Minister, j 

Church-Wardens, and Overseers thereof. | 

" The Trustees do expect to have a good Character of the sai<l j 

Persons given, because no Drunkards or other notoriously vicious | 

Persons will be taken. I 

"And for the better to enable the said Persons to build the \ 
new Town, and clear their Lands, the Trustees will give Le;ive 
to every Freeholder to take over with him One ]\Iale Servant, or 


Apprentice, of tbe Age of Eighteen Years, and upwards, to be 
bound for not less than Four Years ; and will, by way of Loan 
to sucli Freeholder, advance the charges of Passage for such Ser- 
vant or Apprentice, and of furnishing hira with Cloathing and 
Provision hereafter mentioned, to be delivered in such Propor- 
tions, and at such Times as the Trust shall think proper : viz. : 
With a Pallias and Bolster and Blanket for Bedding: A Frock 
and Trowsers of Lintsey Wolsey, a Shirt, and Frock, and Trow- 
sers of Osnabrigs, a Pair of Shoes from England, and two Pair 
of Countrv Shoes for Cloathin£T : and 200 Pounds of Meat and 
342 Pounds of Rice, Pease, or Indian Corn for Food for a Year. 

" The Expence of which Passage, Cloathing and Provision is 
to be repaid the Trustees by the IMaster within the Third Year 
from their Embarkation from England. 

" And to each Man Servant and the Heirs I\Iale of his Body 
forever, after the Expiration of his Service, upon a Certificate 
from his Master of his having served well, will be granted Twenty 
Acres of Land under such Rents and Agreements as shall have 
been then last granted to any others. Men Servants, in like cir- 

" Sign'd by Order of tlie Common Council of the Trustees for 
Establishing the Colony of Georgia in America, this Second Day 
of July, 1735. Bexj. Maetin, Secretary.'" 

" To such Persons who can carry Ten Men Servants, and set- 
tle with them in Georgia at their own Expence, and whose Char- 
acters the Trustees, upon Inquiry, shall approve of, will be 
granted Five hundred Acres of Land in Tail Male, and descend 
to the Heirs INlale of their Bodies forever, under the Yearly Rent 
of Twenty Shillings Sterling jMoney for every Hundred Acres, 
for the Support of the Colony ; the payment of which is not to 
commence until Ten Years after the Grant. 

" And the Land is so granted upon the following Conditions 
and Covenants. 

" That such Persons do pay the Rent reserved as the same 
shall become due; and no part to be unpaid for Six Months after 

" That they, within a jNIonth from the Grant, shall register 
the same, or a ^Memorial thereof, with the Auditor of the Planta- 

"That they, within Twelve iMonths from the Grant, shall go 
to and arrive in Georgia with ten able bt)died i\Ien Servants, 
being each of the age of Twenty Years and upwards. 


" That tliey shall abide in Georgia with such j\Ien Servants i 

Three Years from the Registering the Grant there, building their | 

Houses, and cultivating their Lands. I 

" That they shall clear and cultivate within Ten Years from j 

the Grant, Two hundred Acres of Land, Part of the said Five ! 

hundred Acres, and plant Two thousand White Mulberrj^-trees j 

or Plants thereon ; and on every Hundred of the other Three j 

hundred Acres One thousand White Mulberry-trees or Plants, j 
when cleared, and preserve the same Quantity from time to tn)io 

thereupon, the Trustees obliging themselves to furnish the plants. \ 

" That they do not alienate the said Five Hundred Acres of | 

Land or any Part for any Term of Years, or any Estate or In- j 

terest in the same to any Person or Persons without spocial | 

Leave. •' 

" That they do not make Pot-ash in Partnership without 

Leave ; but may make it themselves not in Parfcucrsliip. \ 

'' On the determination of the Estate in Tail J\Iale the Laml ' 

to revert to the Trust. 1 

" That they shall not depart the said Province without Li- j 

cense. ;■ 

"All forfeitures for Non-Residence, High Treason, Felonies, j 

&c are to the Trustees for the- Use and Benefit of the Colony. I 

"If any Part of the said Five hundred Acres of Land sluill 1 

not be cultivated, planted, cleared, and fenced round with a ; 

Worm Fence, or Pales Six Feet high, within Eighteen Years j 

from the Grant, all and every such Part shall revert to the j 

Trust ; and the Grant as to such Part, to be void. \ 

" And the Common Council of the Trust, at the Expiratit)n3 i 

of the Terms such Men Servants shall be severally bound for, ; 

(being not less than Four Years) when requested by the Grantee, j 

will grant to each of such Men Servants Twenty Acres of Lund | 

in Tail Male, under such Rents, Conditions, Limitations, and | 

Agreements as shall have been then last granted to any others, j 

Men Servants, in like Circumstances. j 

" When the Land reverts to the Trust on the Determination | 
of the Estate in Tail Male it is to be granted again to such Per- I 
sons as the Common Council of the Trust shall think most tor 
the Advantage of the Colony. And the Trust will have a Spe- 
cial Regard to the Daughters of those who have made Improve- 
ments on their Lots, not already provided for, by having mar- 
ried, or marrying J*ersons in Possession, or intitled to Lands in ^ 
the Province of Georgia in Possession or Remainder. 


" And the Wives of such Persons, in case they should survive 
their Husbands, are, during their Lives, in titled to the Mansion- 
house and one half of the Lands improved by their Husbands ; 
that is to say, inclosed with a Fence Six feet high. 

" Negroes and Rum are prohibited to be used in the said Prov- 
ince, and Trade with the Indians, unless licensed." ^ 

Compared with the regulations established by the trustees 
when they formulated their earliest plans for the conduct of the 
colony, these rules indicate no material departure from the in- 
ducements then offered and the resolutions originally formed. 

In 1735 another Protestant sect found a home in Georgia. 
Among the solicitors whose intervention had been secured to 
influence foreign Protestants to escape the poverty and the per- 
secutions of their own lands by seeking freedom of religious 
thought and worship and new abodes in the province of Georgia, 
was Nicolaus Ludovicus, Count of Zinzendorf and Pottendorf, 
who, in his efforts to shape a Christian community "on the model j 
of the primitive Apostolic congregations," organized on his estate 1 
of Berthelsdorf a colony of Moravian brethren who, impelled by \ 
religious persecutions, had emigrated from Bohemia. In their i 

articles of faith sympathizing generally with the doctrines em- | 

braced in the Augsburg Confession, and yet possessing denomi- j 

national peculiarities, the adherents of this persuasion were pious I 

in their lives, guarded in their walk and conversation, Indus- j 

trious in their habits, grave in deportment, and upright in all I 

their dealings. The town of Herrnhut wdiich they builded was | 

noted for sobriety, activity, and good order. In January, 1735, j 

responding to his request, the trustees granted five hundred acres j 

of land in Georgia to Count Zinzendorf, with permission to ab- 
sent himself from the colony on condition that lie sent over ten 
male servants to cultivate those lands. This was the earliest aid 
extended by the common council to the Moravians, and it was 
supplemented by other benefactions as applications multiplied. 
Accompanied by the Rev. ]Mr. Gottleib Spangenberg, the fnst 
emigrants of this religious persuasion arrived in Georgia in the 
spring of 1735, and settled along the line of the Savannah River 
between the Salzburgers and the town of Savannah. 

The history of the Moravians in Geoi-gia may be quickly told. 
Under the auspices of Count Zinzendorf, seconded by the good 
offices of the trustees, additions were made from time to time 

1 An Account ali'in'u,! the Protjress of the Colony of Georgia in America, etc., pp. 43- 
49. Lomlou. MDCCXLI. 


to tliis settlement. A school-house called Irene^ was buildeil 
near Tomo-chi-chi's village, for the accommodation and instruc- 
tion of Indian childi-on. In its conduct and prosperity the aged 
mico manifested a lively interest. With the Salzburgers the 
Moravians associated on terms of the closest friendship. In sub- 
duing the forests and in the erection of comfortable homes they 
manifested the most commendable zeal. Above all others were 
they successful in tilling the ground and in the accumulation of 
provisions which sufficed not ouly for their own wants but also 
for the relief of their less provident neighbors. Their abodes 
were remarkable for thrift, sobriety, and honesty. In the educa- 
tion and religious instruction of the Indians did they manifest 
the liveliest interest, and the school at Irene was organized and 
conducted for their special benefit. They were in all respects 
useful colonists. When summoned, however, to bear arms in ili.'- 
fense of the province against the vSpaniards, they refused to do 
so, alleging that not being freeholders there was no civil obliga- 
tion resting upon them to perfoi-m military service. They 
further insisted that their religious convictions prevented thoin ; 

from becoming soldiers, and stated that before emigrating to ' 

Georgia it had been expressly stipulated that they should be ok- 
emptfrom the performance of military duties. In January, 1787, j 

Count Zinzendorf had a personal interview with Oglethorpe and | 

the trustees in London. After mature consideration, it was re- j 

solved, in view of their peculiar religious tenets and of the facts I 

connected with their settlement in Georgia, that the ^Moravians | 

should be excused from all military service. This exemption j 

embittered the minds of the other colonists against them and i 

rendered a furtlier residence in the province unpleasant. Ac- \ 

cordingly, in 1738, some of them, having first refunded to the au- ! 

thorities all moneys which had been disbursed in defrayal of the | 

expenses connected with their passage from England and their \ 

location in the province, abandoned their fai*ms in Georgia, — j 

already so comfortable and exhibiting such tokens of thrift and | 

remuneration, — and removed to Pennsylvania. Others remained j 

in Georgia until, upon a renewal of hostilities between the Span- j 

iards and the colonists, they were again summoned to the tield. 
A second time did they refuse to take up arms ; and many, bid- 
ding farewell to their homes on the Savannah, joined their lui-th- 
ren in Pennsylvania, where the settlements of Bethlehem and i 

Nazareth preserve to this day some of the distinguishing features j 

of this peculiar people. • 


Persuaded of tlie importance of strengthening the southern 
frontiers of Georgia, and moved to speedy action by the memo- 
rial of the General Assembly of South Carolina and by the ear- 
nest petition of the trustees, Parliament was induced to grant a 
further sura of X 20,000 "for the settling, fortifying, and defend- 
ing of that colony." Their treasury being thus replenished, and 
anxious to enlist colonists of acknowledged reputation and valor, 
the trustees commissioned Lieutenant Hugh iMackay to recruit 
among the Highlands of Scotland. So successful was he, and so 
satisfactory did the proposals of the common council prove, that 
one hundred and thirty Highlanders, with fifty women and chil- 
dren, were accepted and enrolled at Inverness. These, together 
with several grantees going at their own charge and taking ser- 
vants with them, sailed from tliat city on the 18th of October, 
1735, on board the Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain 
George Dunbar. The Savannah lliver was safely entered in the 
following January. This proved a most valuable and efficient 
accession to the colony. " These," says Dr. Stevens, relying 
upon the researches of Prof. Wm. Mackenzie, of the University 
of Edinburgh, " were not reckless adventurers or reduced euii- 
grants volunteering through necessity, or exiled by insolvency 
and want. They were men of good character, and were care- 
fully selected for their military qualities. In fact, they were 
picked men, numbers of them coming from the Glen of Stralb- 
dean, about nine miles distant. They were commanded by offi- 
cers most respectably connected in the Highlands. Some of 
their descendants have held and still hold high offices of honor 
and trust in the United Kingdom." The trustees were rejoiced 
to find so valuable and hardy a company to people and guard 
the southern confines of the province. 

The town council of Inverness, grateful for the kind offers of 
Oglethorpe to the Highlanders and anxious to express their re- 
gard for his philanthropy, conferred on him the honor of a bur- 
gess of the town. 

Besides this military band, others among the ]\Iackays, the 
Dunbars, the P>ailies, and the Cuthberts applied for large tracts 
of land in Georgia, which they occupied with their own servants. 
Many of them went over in person and settled in the province.^ 

These Highlunders were accompanied by a minister of their 
own selection, the Rev. John McLeod, a native of the Isle of 

1 Stevens' History of Utorgia, vol. i. pp. 126, 127. New York. MDCCCXLVU. 


A few days after their arrival at Savannah they were trans- 
ported in periag'uas to the southward. Ascending the Alata- 
maha River to a point on the left bank of that stream about 
sixteen miles above St. Simon's Island, they there landed ;ind 
formed a permanent settlement which they named New Inver- 
ness. Here they erected a fort, mounted four 23ieces of cannon, 
built a guard-house, a store, and a chapel, and constructed huts 
for temporary accommodation preparatory to putting up more 
substantial structures. These Scots were a brave, hardy race, — 
just the men to occupy this advanced post. In their plaids, and 
with their broadswords, targets, and lire-arms, they presented '' a 
most manly appearance." To the district which they were to 
hold and cultivate they gave the name of Davien. 

Previous to their departure from Savannah some Cai'olinians 
endeavored to dissuade them from going to the South by telling 
them that the Spaniards, from the houses in their fort, wouUl 
shoot them upon the spot selected by the trustees for their future 
home. Nothing daunted, these doughty countrymen of Bruce 
and Wallace responded, " Why, then, we will beat them out of 
their fort, and shall have houses ready built to live in." ^ 

This valiant spirit found subsequent expression in the eiTicient 
military service rendered by these Highlanders during tlie wars 
between the colonists and the Spaniards, and by their descend- 
ants in the American Revolution. To John Moore Mcintosh, 
Captain Hugh Mackay, Ensign Charles Mackay, Colonel John 
Mcintosh, General Lachlan Mcintosh, and their gallant comrades 
and followers, Georgia, both as a colony and a State, owes a 
large debt of gratitude. This settlement was subsequently aug- 
mented from time to time by fresh arrivals from Scotland, Al- 
though located in a malarial region, it maintained its integrity 
and increased in wealth and influence. Its men were prompt and 
efficient in arms, and when the war cloud descended upon the 
southern confines of the province no defenders were more alert 
or capable than those found in the ranks of these Higiilanders. 

At an early date a passable road, located by Captain Hugh 
Mackay, was constructed to connect New Inverness with Savannah. 
For the preliminary survey Indian guides were furnished by 
Torao-chi-chi, This route is followed to this day by the highway 
leading from Savainiiih tt) Darien. 

1 See letter of General Oi::lethorpo to Collections of the Georcjia niston'rul So- 
the trustees under date February 27,1735, cietj/, vol. iii. p. 15. Saviuiuiih. 1673. 


Reverend John Wesley engaged as a Missionary. — Du. Burton's Ad- 
vice TO Him. — The Gkeat Embarkation. — Anecdotes of Ogle- 
thorpe DURING his Return Voyage to Georgia. — Arrival of the 
Symond and the London Merchant at Tvbee Eoads. — Accessions 
to the Populations of Ebenezer ^vnd Irene. — The Salzburgers 
DESIRE A Change of Location. — Their Removal to New Ebenezer 
ON the Savannah River. — Martyn's Account of the Kew Settle- 

DUKING this sojourn in England Oglethorpe was busily en- 
gaged in preparing for what was subsequently known as the 
" grand embarkation." Much of his time was spent in the selec- 
tion of colonists, in unfolding the special wants of the province, 
and in the accumulation of necessary supplies. In many details 
he was greatly assisted by Mr. Francis Moore, who, at his sug- 
gestion, was appointed by the trustees keeper of the stores. Widely 
extended now was the lame of iNIr. Oglethorpe, and exalted tlie 
position he occupied in the esteem of the British nation. His 
broad philanthropy, his executive ability, his courage, his pru- 
dence, his self abnegation, his intelligence, and his success in 
planting and fostering the colony of Georgia attracted the ad- 
miration of all. Everywhere was he honored and praised. The 
general sentiment was reflected by Mr. Cave, the proprietor of 
the " Gentleman's Magazine," when, among the prizes offered by 
him for the four best poems to be composed upon " The Chris- 
tian Hero," he named as the first a gold medal bearing on one 
•side the head of the Kt. Hon. Lady Elizabeth Hastings, and on 
the other a portrait of Oglethorpe, with the motto " England 
may challenge the World." 

In their desire to enlist the services of competent ministers to 
preach the Gospel both to the colonists and to the Indians, the 
attention of the trustees was attracted toward the Rev. John 
Wesley, a young gentleman whose ancestors had been distin- 
guished for their learning and piety, himself a Fellow of Lincoln 
College, Oxford, a fine classical scholar, and an earnest student 
of divinity. These qualifications, supplemented by a regularity 


of behavior, an abstemious manner of life, and a readiness to j 

endure hardships, commended him as one, seemingly at least, | 

admirably fitted to assume the otiice of an evangelist in Georgia. I 

On the 29th of August, 1735, he was introduced, by the Kev. • 

Dr. Burton, to Mr. Oglethorpe, who urged him to go to Sa- ! 

vannah in the capacity of a religious teacher. After some re- j 

flection Mr. Wesley consented to do so. With the conduct of ! 

the Rev. Samuel Quincey as resident minister in Georgia the i 

trustees were not pleased. They therefore, on the 10th of Octo- | 

ber, 1735, revoked his appointment, and nominated in his stead ] 

the Rev. John Wesley with a salary of £50.^ Charles Wesley, 1 

wishing to accompany his brother, was accepted by Mr. Ogle- j 

thorpe as his private secretary. He was also designated as seere- j 

tary of Indian affairs in the province of Georgia. i 

To his young friend fresh from the benches of the University. i 
deeply imbued with religious sentiments yet unused to the ]n-:ieti- 

cal affairs of life, single in purpose and still little acquainted witli | 

experimental piety, firm in his belief yet intolerant of all which | 

coincided not with his convictions, unaccustomed to deal with * 
men and emergencies, proclaiming the power of godliness yet 

ignorant of those modes of persuasion by which the unrighteoas ; 

are led to a knowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus, the Rev. 1 

Dr. Burton addressed a communication eminently wise and ap- j 

propriate. Among other observations he indulged in the follow- j 

ing : " Under the influence of Mr. Oglethorpe, giving weight to j 

your endeavours, much may be effected under the present circum- j 

stances. The Apostolical manner of preaching from house to | 

house will, through God's grace, be effectual to turn many to j 

righteousness. The people are babes in the progress of ilu-ir ; 

Christian life, to be fed with milk instead of strong meat ; and | 

the wise householder will bring out of his stores food projior- i 

tioned to the necessities of his family. The circumstances of your I 

present Christian pilgrimage will furnish the most affecting sub- j 

jects of discourse ; and what arises pro re nata will have greater I 

influence than a laboured discourse on a subject in which men ! 

think themselves not so immediately concerned. i 

" With regard to your behaviour and manner of address, that ! 

must be determined according to the different circumstances ot | 

persons, etc. But you will always, in the use of means, consider j 

the great end, and therefore your applications will of course | 

vary. You will keep in view the pattern of that Gospel preacher, \ 

^ Journal of the Trustees, vol. i. p. 291. 


St. Paul, who became all things to all men that he might gain 
some. Here is a nice trial of Christian prudence. Accordingly, 
in every case you would distinguish between what is essential 
and what is merely circumstantial to Christianity ; between 
what is indispensable and what is variable ; between what is of 
Divine and what is of human authority. I mention this because 
men are apt to deceive tliemselves in such cases, and we see tlie 
traditions and ordinances of men frequently insisted on with 1 

more rigour than the commandments of God to which they are 1 

subordinate. Singularities of less importance are often espoused ; 

with more zeal than the weighty matters of God's law. As in { 

all points we love ourselves, so especially in our hypotheses. ' 

Where a man has, as it were, a property in a notion, he is most ' 

industrious to improve it, and that in proportion to the labour of 
thought he has bestowed upon it ; and as its value rises in imagi- j 

nation, we are in proportion more unwilHng to give it up, and \ 

dwell upon it more pertinaciously than upon considerations of I 

general necessity and use. This is a flattering mistake against 
which we should guard ourselves." Had these sage counsels 
been observed, the Rev. Mr. John Wesley would have been 
spared no little annoyance and mortification during his residence .; 

in Georgia, and the community in Savannah would have escaped 1 

much which engendered ill-will and distraction. 1 

On Tuesday, the 14th of October, 1735, Mr. Oglethorpe, ac- j 

companied by the brothers John and Charles Wesley, the Rev. | 

Mr. Ingham, and by Charles Delamotte, the son of a London | 

merchant and a friend t)f the Wesleys, set out from Westminster 
for Gravesend, where they were to embark for Georgia. Two 
vessels had been cliartered by the trustees : the Symoi\d, Captain 
Joseph Cornish, of 220 tons, and the London Merchant, of like 
burthen, Captain John Thomas. Among the stores on board 
were large quantities of provisions, small arms, cannon, ammuni- 
tion, agricultural tools, and articles for family use. As a convoy, 
H. J\I. sloop of war Hawk, commanded by Captain Gascoigne, 
was detailed. On board the Symond and the London Merchant 
two hundred and two persons were assembled to be conveyed on 
the trust's account.^ Among these were many English people, 
a number of German Lutherans under the conduct of Mr. Von 
Reck and Captain Hermsdorf, and twenty-five Moravians with 
their bishop, the Rev. David Nitschman. Departing at their 

1 A Voyage to Georgia It gun In the Year 1735, p. 11. By Friiiicis ^loore. London. 


own charge were Sir Francis Bathnrst, his Bon, three claughtci-s, 
servants, and some relatives of Planters already located in the 


Although it was intended that INIr. Oglethorpe should take 
passage in the Hawk, he denied himself the comforts of the 
apartments there fitted up for his accommodation, and took a 
cabin in the Syraond, where he could at all times exercise a 
watchful care over the emigrants. 

Contrary winds delayed for several weeks the departure of 
these vessels. It was not until the 10th of December that, with 
" a moderate gale, they stood out for Sea." The voyage was 
protracted and tempestuous. At times the ships barely escaped 
destruction, so violent were the storms and so unruly tlio waves. 
Amid these perils the composure of the foreign Protestants was 
remarkable. The missionaries were the guests of Oglethorpe 
and ate at his table. Prayers were read twice a day, and thoy 
expounded the Scriptures, catechised the children, and on every 
Lord's Day administered the Sacrament. Although he had, on 
his own account, laid in a large supply of live-stock and dainties, 
Mr. Oglethorpe distributed them freely among the sick and the 
feeble, often contenting himself with the ordinary ship's faro. 
When the weather permitted, he repaired on board the London 
Merchant and personally inspected the condition of the emigrar.ts 
conveyed in that vessel, prescribing and enforcing such regula- 
tions as were conducive to their health and comfort. 

With the calm religious conduct of the Lutherans and the 
Moravians l\Ir. John Wesley was much impressed, and he entered 
upon the earnest study of the German language that he might 
acquire a more intimate acquaintance with their peculiar views 
and rules of conduct. During the voyage tliese Christians '' sur.g 
psalms and served God in their own way." Turnips, carrots, 
potatoes, and onions, issued witli the salt provisions, prevented 
scurvy. To promote comfort and good order, the ships had been 
divided into cabins, with gangways between them, in which the 
emigrants were disposed according to families. The single men 
were located by themselves. Weather permitting, the vessels 
were cleaned between decks, and washed with vinegar to ket'p 
them sweet. Constables were appointed " to prevent any disor- 
ders," and so admirably was discipline preserved that there 
no occasion for punishment except in the case of a boy, " "\vh>) 
was whipped for stealing of turnips." The men were exernsrd 
with small arms and instructed by Mr. Oglethorpe in the dm us 


■which would devolve upon them as land-holders in the new settle- 
ment. To the women were given thread, worsted, and knitting 
needles. They were required to employ " their leisure time in 
making Stockings and Caps for their Family, or in mending 
their Cloatbs and Linnen." ^ In this se)isible way were matters 
conducted on these emigrant ships, and the colonists, during a 
protracted voyage, jDrepared for lives of industry in their new 

The missionaries were, as we have observed, the constant guests 
of Mr. Oglethorpe. By him were they treated with marked con- 
sideration; and, although the emigrants differed in their relig- 
ious persuasions, he "showed no discountenance to any." 

On one occasion the officers and certain gentlemen who had 
been invited to dine with him, not relishing the grave demeanor 
of the clergymen, took some liberty with them. This conduct 
excited the indignation of Mr. Oglethorpe, who exclaimed, 
"What do you mean. Sirs? Do you take these gentlemen for 
tithe-pig parsons ? They are gentlemen of learning and respecta- 
bility. They are my friends, and whoever offers any affront to 
them insults me." This rebuke secured for the missionaries 
entire respect from all on board. 

The Rev. Henry ]Moore relates another anecdote : " Mr. Wes- 
ley hearing an unusual noise in the cabin of General OglethorT^e 
stepped in to inquire the cause : on which the General imme- 
diately addressed him, ' ]Mr. Wesley you must excuse me, I have 
met with a provocation too great for man to bear. You know 
the only wine I drink is Cyprus wine, as it agrees with me the 
best of any. I therefore provided myself with several dozens 
of it, and this villian Grimaldi, (his Italian servant who was 
present and ahnost dead with fear) has drunk nearly the whole 
of it. But I will be revenged. He shall be tied hand and foot 
and carried to the man of war. (He alluded to a ship of war 
which sailed with them.) Tlie rascal should have taken care 
how he used me so, for I never forgive.' ' Then I hope, sir, (said 
Mr. Wesley, looking calmly at bim,) you never sin.' The Gen- 
eral was quite confounded at the reproof; and, after a pause, 
putting his hand into his pocket, he took out a bunch of keys 
•which he threw at Grimaldi, saying ' There villain, take my 
keys and behave better for the future.'" 

The criticism of Mr. Wright is not without force. In com- 
menting upon tliis circumstance, as thus narrated by iNIr. Moore, 

1 Moore's Voijaije to Ucorjiu, p. 15. Loudou. 1744. 


he says : The foregoing anecdote is so circumstantially told tliut 
one might fancy the niirrator to have been a by-stander. Lut 
he was not born at the time, and only professes to have lieard it 
from Wesley some fifty years afterwards. Wesley's memory 
then failed him ; for otherwise he would have remembered tliat 
the sloop of war was separated from her consorts by a violent 
gale on the day after they sailed, and did not join tliem again | 

i during the whole voyage. The Cyprus wine must have been ) 

i very tempting indeed if Grimaldi had consumed several dozens j 

of it by that time. But, evidently, the biographer's object was \ 

to magnify Wesley, and by putting the words " I never forgive" 
into Oglethorpe's mouth — words which it is by no means prob- 
able he ever uttered — to give a handle for the young missionary's : 
sanctimonious rebuke.^ I 

Impeded by rough seas and adverse winds, the Symond and 
the London Merchant did not arrive in sight of Tybec inland 
until the evening of the 4th of February, 173G. The next mum- ; 

ing, with the first of the flood, they passed over the bar and came 
to anchor within Tybee Roads. 

Without delay Mr. Oglethorpe went ashore to ascertain what 

, progress had been made in the erection of the light-house on the 

I upper end of that island, intended for the guidance of ves.-eis j 

I entering the Savannah River. This beacon was to be twenty-live j 

I feet square at the base, ninety feet high, and ten feet each way I 

; at the top. It was to be constructed of " the best pine, strongly | 

I timber'd, raised upon Cedar Piles, and Brickwork round the j 

( Bottom." When finished it would prove "of great service to all | 

shipping, not only to those bound to this port, but also to Caio- > 

• lina, for the land of all the Coast for some hundred miles is <o | 

alike, being all low and woody, that a distinguishing Tvlark is of ) 

great consequence," ^ To Mi*. Oglethorpe's surprise and annoy- j 

ance the most unpardonable delay had occurred in the erection j 

of this important structure. Although the materials had been j 

prepared in Savannah and brought to the spot, Blythman, tlie 1 

carpenter in charge, and his ten assistants, had only piled the j 

foundation. Even the brickwork was not laid. When called to j 

account for his "scandalous neglect," Blythman could oiler no | 

excuse save that he had used his men in clearing away the trees | 

so that the beacon might be rendered more conspicuous : tliat 

I much time had been consumed in piling the foundation and in 

i ^ Memoir of General James Ojlethorpe, 2 Moore's Voyage to 0'eur<li'i, p. l!?. 

I p, 102. Loudon. 1867. London. 1744. 


transporting the materials ; and that more braces were found 
necessary than he had at first imagined. The chief explanation 
of the delay was found in the fact tliat the workmen were fre- 
quently intoxicated, idle, and disobedient. Rum was so cheap 
in Carolina that they experienced no difficulty in supplying 
themselves with it. A day's pay would purchase Hquor sufficient 
to keep them drunk for a week. " 1 heard Mr. Oglethorpe," 
writes Mr. Moore in his journal, " after he return'd to the Sliip, 
say that he was in doubt whether he should prosecute the Man, 
who is the only one here able to finish the Work, and thereby 
leave the Work undone, and lose the Materials which were all 
ready; or else forgive what was past, and have the Beacon 
finish'd. He took the latter counsel, and agreed with him for a 
Time certain and a Price certain, appointing Mr. Vanderplanh to 
see that the work advanced according to the Agreement ; and not 
to pay but proportionably to what should be done." 

Having carried the colonists on shore upon Peeper Island, 
where they could dig a well and refresh themselves, Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe, early on the morning of the Gth. departed for Savannah. 
He had previously sent a dispatch to Lieutenant Delegal, com- 
manding the king's independent company at Port Royal, order- 
ing him to repair at once with his command to St. Simon's Island 
that he might protect the projected settlement at Frederica. Upon 
his arrival in Savannah Mr. Oglethorpe was welcomed by all the 
freeholders under arms, and was saluted by twenty-one discharges 
from the battery of cannon. Sincere and universal was the de- 
light of the citizens at the return of their leader and best friend. 
The clergymen and gentlemen who accompanied him having 
been introduced, and Savannah congratulated upon this intelli- 
gent addition to the population of the colony, orders were issued 
for supplying the newly arrived on Peeper Island with fresh meat 
and vegetables. They were promptly obeyed, and in a generous 
and satisfactory manner. The articles distributed consisted of 
" fresh beef, fresh pork, venison, wild turkeys, soft bread, strong- 
beer, small-beer, turnips, and garden greens, and this in such 
plenty that there was enough for the whole Colony for some days. 
This was doubly -agreeable to the Colony both because they found 
the comfort of fresh food after a long voyage, and also that a 
Town, begun within these three years by people in their own 
circumstances, could produce such plenty." ^ 

It was Mr. Oglethorpe's intention to locate all the emigrants 
1 Moore's Voija(je to Georgia, p. 21. London. 1744. 



transported on the trust's account in the S3'moncl aucl the Lon- i 

don Merchant at Frederica, that they might assist in the rapid j 

development of that town and in the construction of its fortitica- | 

tions. The Moravians, desiring the benefit of their ministers, not i 

wishing to divide their congregation, and being reluctant to go to j 

the southward where " they apprehended blows," — fighting be- j 

ing "against their religion," — persuaded Mr. Oglethorpe to per- | 

mit them to join the settlement of their countrymen near Irene j 

school-house. Thither they went some days afterwards and were I 

heartily welcomed. Several of the Lutherans also craved per- j 

mission to dwell among their brethren at Ebenezer, and this • 

• 1 

privilege was accorded to them. Captain Hermsdorf, however, \ 

with a little compan}'-, assured Mr. Oglethorpe that he would i 

"never forsake him, but serve with the English to the last." His i 

offer was accepted, and he subsequently accompanied Mr. Ogle- j 

thorpe when he set out to establish his new town and fort at the ) 

mouth of the Alatamaha. j 

By this and other accessions, the population of Ebenezer had ! 
increased so that it now numbered two hundred souls. Neverthe- ' 
less, contentment and prosperity did not obtain in the town. In 
the anticipated fertility of the soil the inhabitants wei'e disap- 
pointed. Much sickness prevailed, and they were oppressed by i 
the isolated nature of their location. The creek upon which tiie | 
town was situated was uncertain in volume, serpentine, and ditii- ' 
cult of navigation. Although Ebenezer was distant by land fmm j 
the Savannah River only six miles, in following the creek which | 
furnished the sole outlet by water, twenty-five miles must be ', 
traversed before its confluence with the Savannah could be ; 
reached. s 

Moved by these and other depressing considerations, the Rev. ; 

Messrs. Bolzius and Gronau visited Savannah, at the instance of j 

their flock, and conferred with Mv. Oglethorpe as to the pro- j 

priety of changing the location of the town. Moore says the j 

Salzbnrgers at Ebenezer were so discontented that they " de- j 

manded to leave their old Town, and to settle upon the Lands | 
which the Indians had reserved for their own Use." ^ 

Having patiently listened to the request, jNIr. Oglethorpe, on 
the 9th of February, 17o6, set out with the Salzburger ministers 
and several gentlemen for Ebenezer to make a personal inspec- 
tion of the situation and satisfy himself with regard to the ex- 
pediency of the removal, lie was received with every mark of 

1 Voyaije. to Geonjia, etc., p. 23. London. 1744. 


consideration, and proceeded at once to examine the causes whicli 
induced the inhabitants to desire a change. Admitting that the 
existing " dissatisfaction was not groundless, and that there were 
many embarrassments connected with their situation," he never- 
theless endeavored to dissuade them from their purpose by re- 
minding them that the hibor already expended in clearing tlieir 
lands, building houses, and constructing roads would, upon re- 
moval, be almost wholly lost. The hardships incident upon 
forming an entirely new settlement were urged upon their seri- 
ous consideration. He also assured them that in felling the 
forests, and in bringing the lands on the bank of the Savannah 
River under cultivation, they would contract the same diseases 
which afflicted them in their present location. He concluded, 
however, by saying to them that if they were resolved upon 
making the change he would not forbid it, but would assist 
them, as far as practicable, in compassing their design.^ 

After this conference, and upon Mr. Oglethorpe's return to 
Savannah, the question of a change of location was again consid- 
ered by the Salzburgers, who resolved among themselves that a 
removal was essential to the prosperity of their colony. Acting 
upon this determination the community, without delay, set about 
migrating to the site selected for the new town. This was on a 
high ridge, near the Savannah River, called "Red Bluff" from 
the peculiar color of the soil. It received the name of New 
Ebenezer ; and, to the simple-minded Germans, oppressed by 
poverty and saddened by the disappointments of the past, seemed 
to offer future happiness and much-coveted prosperity. The 
labor of removal appears to have been compassed witliin less 
than two years. In June, 1708, Old Ebenezer" had degenerated 

^ In reporting this change of location Compare Harris' Biographical Memorials 

to the trustees, ^Nlr. 0^'lethorpe, on the of 0<jUthorpe, Tpi^. 130,132. Boston. 1841. 

13th of February, wrote as follows :" The Wright's Memoir of 0;/lethorpe, p. 113. 

people at Ebenezer are very diseontented London. 1SG7. Strobel's Sahhurrjers 

and Air. Von Keek, and iliey that come and their Descendants, p. 89, Baltimore. 

with him, refuse to settle to the South- 1855. 

ward. I was forced to go to Ebenezer - Rev. Mr. John Wesley, writing in 

to quiet things there and have taken all 1737, records in his Journal the following 

the proceedings in writing. Finding the descrijition of tjjis abandoned settlement : 

people were only ignorant and obstinate, " Old Ebenezer, where the Sallzburghers 

but withi>ut any ill intention, I consented settled at tirst, lies twent^'-five miles west 

to the changing of their Town. They of Sarannah. A small Creek runs by the 

leave a sweet place where they had niado Town, down to the Eiver, and many 

great im]>rovcment<, to i::i) into a wood." Brooks run between the little Hills : But 

See Collections of the Gtonjia Historical the soil is a hungry, barren sand ; and 

it»'ocjV/y, vol. iii. p. 13. JSavanuah. 1873. upon any sudden bhower, the Brooks rise 


into a cow-pen, where Joseph Barker resided and " had the care 
of the Trust's Cattle," William Stephens gives us a pitiable 
view of the abandoned spot when he visited it on the 2Gth of 
that month : Indian traders, returnin^j from Savannah, lodfiu'-'' 
for the night with Barker, who was unable to give due account 
of the cattle under his charge, and a servant, Sommers, moviug 
about with " the Small-Pox out full upon him." ^ Thus early 
did " Old Ebenezer " take its silent place among the lost towns 
of Georgia. Its life of trials and sorrow, of ill-founded hope and 
sure disappointment, was measured by scarcely more than two 
years, and its frail memories were speedily lost amid the sighs 
and the shadows of the monotonous pines which environed the 

The situation of the new town was quite romantic. " On the 
east lay the Savannah with its broad, smooth surface and its 
ever varying and beautiful scenery. On the south was a stream, 
then called Little Creek, but now known as Lockner's Creek, 
and a large lake called ' Neidlinger's Sea ; ' while to the north, 
not very distant from the town, was to be seen their old ac- 
quaintance, Ebenezer Creek, sluggishly winding its way to min- 
gle with the waters of the Savannah. The surrounding country 
was gently undulating and covered with a fine growth of forest 
trees, while the jessamine, the woodbine, and the beautiful azalea, 
with its variety of gaudy colors, added a peculiar richness to the 
picturesque scene. But, unfortunately for the permanent pros- 
perity of the town, it was surrounded on three sides bv low 
swamps which were subject to periodical inundation, and conse- 
quently generated a poisonous miasma prejudicial to the health 
of the inhabitants." ^ 

Beveral Feet perpendicular, and overflow great number of cattle there. "But," 

whatever is near them. Since the Saltz- continues the narrative, " they were much 

burghers remov'd, two English Families neglected, there not being Horses or Men 

have been placed there; but these too sufficient to drive up the youns: and oiit- 

say, That the Land is good for nothing; lying cattle." ^qc A State of the Province 

and that the Creek is of little Use; it being of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court 

by Water twentg miles to the River; and of Savannah, November 10, 1740, j). 9. 

the Water generally so low in Summer-time, London. 1742. Compare ^1h /wiy""'"'^ 

that a Boat cannot come ivithin six or seven Enquiry into the State and Utility uf the 

miles of the Town." See An Extract of the Province of Georgia, 1^.48. London. 1741. 

Bev. Mr. John Wesley's Journal, etc., pp. Harris' Complete Collection of Voyngt s and 

59, 60. Bristol, n. d. Travels, etc., vol. ii. p. 337. Luudon. 

1 Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, 1748. 

vol. i. pp. 220, 227. London. 1742. ' In 2 gtrobel's Salzburgers and th,ir Ik- 

1740 this cow-pen was still in existence seen c/um/s, p. 91. Baltimore. li^JJ- 
at Old Ebenezer, the trustees having a 


The plan adopted in laying out tlie town was prescribed by- 
General Oglethorpe, and closely resembles that of Savannah ; '; 
the size of the lots and the width of the streets and lanes being < 
in each case quite similar. To John Gerar, William DeBrahm, \ 
his majesty's Surveyor -General for the Southern District of i 
North America, who in 1757 erected a fort at Ebenezer, are we ! 
indebted for an accurate plan of that town.^ As the village in- \ 
creased, this plan was extended. Its distinctive characteristics i 
were retained. From contemporaneous notices we learn that i 
New Ebenezer, within a short time after its settlement, gave ! 
manifest token of substantial growth and prosperity. The houses j 
there erected were larger and more comfortable than those which j 
had been built in the old town. Gardens and farms were cleared, i 
inclosed, and brought under creditable cultivation, and the se- | 
date, religious inhabitants enjoyed the fruits of their industry j 
and econom3\ j 

Funds received from Germany for that purpose were employed j 
in the erection of an orphan house, in which, for lack of a church, 
the community worshiped for several years. 

We presume the account of the condition of Ebenezer in 
1738-39, furnished by Benjamin jMartyn,^ is as interesting and 
reliable as any that can be suggested. It is as follows : " Fifteen 
miles from Puryshurg on the Georgia side, is Ebenezer, where 
the Saltzhurghers are situated ; their Houses are neat, and regu- 
larly set out in Streets, and the whole Economy of their town, 
under the Influence of their Ministers, Mess. Bohius and Gronau^ 
is very exemplary.^ For the Benefit of their Milch Cattle, a 
Herdsman is appointed to attend them in the Woods all the Day, 
and bring them Home in the Evening. Their Stock of out-lying 

^ History of the Province of Georgia, sell Provisions at Sacannah ; for they 

etc., plan facing p. 24. Wonnsloe. 1S49. raise much more than tlicy can con- 

2 An Impartial Enqnirtj into the State snnie." See .1 State of the Province of 

and Utility of the Province of Georgia, Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court of 

p. 47. London. 1741. Savannah, November \0, 1140, p. o. Lon- 

8 Another contemporaneous account is don, 1742. See also idem, pp. 29, 31. 

almost identical : " On tlie Georgia side ^1/2 Impartial Enquiry into the State and 

[of the Savannali Kiver], twelve miles Utility of the Province of Georgia, p. 13. 

from Puryshurg, y the Town oi Ebenezer, London, 1741. Compare Harris' Com- 

which thrives very much ; there are very plete Collection of Foyages and Travels, 

good Houses built for each of the INIiu- etc., vol. ii. p. 337. London. 174S. 

isters, and an Orjdian House ; and they The Kev. Jlr. Jolin Wc;>lcy's descrip- 

have partly framed Houses and partly tion is as follows : "lYcw Ebenezer, to 

Huts, neatly built, and formed into regu- which the Saltzburghcrs removed in March, 

lar streets; they iiave a great deal of 173G, lies six JNIi'lcs Eastward from the 

Cattlo and Corn-G round, so that they Old, ou a high bluff, near the Savannah 

^^/i ^/^//c SL^^- E B E N i: Z E R ^^ry,t/.. .y^. 



Cattle is also under the Care of two other Herdsmen, who attend j 

them in their Feeding in the Day, and drive them into Cow- \ 

Pens at night. This secures the Owners from any Loss, and the | 

Herdsmen are paid by a small Contribution among the People. j 

These are very industrious, and subsist comfortably by their La- | 

bour. Though there is no regular Court of Justice, as they live | 

in Sobriety, they maintain great Order and Decency. In case j 

of any Differences, the Minister calls three or four of the most I 

prudent Elders together, who in a summary Way hear and de- | 

termine as they think just, and the Parties always acquiesce ; 

with Content in their Judgment. They are very regular in their | 

public Worship, which is on Week-Days in the Evening after | 

their Work ; and in the Forenoon and Evening on Sundays. \ 

They have built a large and convenient House for the lleceptiou 
of Orphans, and other poor Children, who are maintained by \ 

Benefactions among the People, are well taken Care of and | 

taught to work according as their Age and Ability will permit. | 

The Xumber computed by Mr. Bolzius in June., 1738, whereof i 

his Congregation consisted, was one hundred forty-six, and some 1 

more have since been settled among them. They are all in gen- i 

eral so well pleased witli their condition, that not one of their j 

People has abandoned the Settlement." | 

General Oglethorpe received a letter, dated Ebenezer, ]\Larch I 

13, 1739, signed by forty-nine men of the Salzburgers and veri- | 

fied by their ministers, in which they assured him that they were j 

well settled, and pleased with the climate and condition of the | 

country ; that althouo-h the season was hotter than that of their ] 

native land, having become accustomed to it, they found it toler- j 

able and convenient for working people ; and that their custom j 

was to commence their out-door labor early in the morning and \ 

continue it until ten o'clock, resuming it again from three in the ^ 

afternoon until sunset. During the heated term of midday, mat- i 

ters within their houses engaged their attention. The general 
was also informed that they had practically demonstratetl the fal- 
sity of the tale, told them on their arrival, that rice could be cul- 
tivated only by negroes. " We laugh at such a Talking," — so 

Kiver. Here are some Tracts of Fruitful left unplantcd. Nay, even one of the 

Land, tho'"the greatest Tart of that ad- main Streets, being one more tlian w;is 

joining to the Town, is Pine-luuTon. Tho as yet wanted, bore them this year a on-p 

Huts, CO in number, are neatly and reg- of Indian Corn." — An Extract qt tlw Rn: 

ulaily built; tho little rioco of Ground Mr. John Wesley's Journal, etc., p- I'O. 

allotted to cacli for a Garden, is every- Bristol, u. d. 
where put to the best Usq, no spot being 


they wrote, — " seeing that several People of us have had, in last 
Harvest, a greater Crop of Rice than they wanted for their own 
Consumption. Of Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Pumpkins, Cabbage, 
&c., we had such a good Quantity that many bushels are sold, 
and much was spent in feeding Cows, Calves and Hogs." The 
letter concludes witli an earnest petition that negroes should be 
excluded fi-ora their town and neighborhood, alleging as a reason 
that their houses and gardens would be robbed by them, and 
that, " besides other great inconveniences, white people were in 
danger of life from them." ^ 

Of humble origin, primitive in their habits, accustomed to 
labor, free from covetousncss and ambition, temperate, indus- 
trious, frugal, and orderly, solicitous for the education of their 
children and the maintenance of the needy and the orj^han, 
meddling not in the affairs of their neighbors, acknowledging al- 
legiance to the trustees and the king of England, main'taining 
direct connection with the parent church in Germany, and sub- 
mitting without question to the decisions of their ministers and 
elders^ in all matters, whether of a civil or ecclesiastical nature, 
engaging in no pursuits save of an agricultural or a mechanical 
character, and little given either to excitement or wandering, 
these Salzburgers for years preserved the integrity of their com- 
munity and their religion, and secured for themselves a comfort- 
able existence. As early as 1738 the Salzburgers at Ebenezer 
made some limited experiment in growing cotton and were much 
encouraged, the yield being abundant and of an excellent qual- 
ity. The trustees, however, having fixed their hopes upon silk 
and wine, the cultivation of that plant was not countenanced.^ 

It was estimated by jMr. Benjamin INIartyn, secretary of the 
trustees, that up to tlie year 1741 not less than twelve hundred 
German Protestants had arrived in the colony. Their princi- 
pal settlements were at New Ebenezer, Bethany, Savannah, 
Frederica, Goshen, and along the road leading from Savannah 
to Ebenezer. They were all characterized by industry, sobriety, 
and thrift. 

1 An rmpartial Enquiry into the State 1742. An Accomt shewing the Progress of 

and Ltihty of the Province of Georgia, the Colony of Georgia in America, etc. 

pp. 69, 72. London. 1741. Coinp.ire ^ pp. GO, 69. London. 1741 
State of the Province of Georgia attested ^ ScoMcCaU's History of Georgia vol i 

u;)o« Oai/j, etc., pp. 5, 29, 30, 32. Loudon, p. 199. Savannah. 1811. 


Anecdote of Tomo-chi-chi. — Oglethorpe accommodates Disputes 


Augusta located and settled. — Francis Moore's Description of 
Savannah. — Oglethorpe proceeds to St. Simon's Island and 
DESIGNATES A Plan for Frederic a. — He visits Xew Invernkss, and 

MIGRANTS TO St. Simon's Island. — Description of Fredkkica, Forts 
St. Andrew, St. Simon, and George. — Oglethorpe ascertains the 
Boundary Line between Georgia and Florida. — Danck. 

RETUENrNG from our visit to the Salzburgers, during wliicb 
we have traced the development of the German settlements 
beyond the stage of colonization claiming present notice, we find 
Mr. Oglethorpe in Savannah engaged iii arranging for his con- 
templated departure to St. Simon's Island. Fifty rangers, one 
hundred workmen, and Captain McPherson and his com})any 
have been ordered overland to Darien that they might support 
the Highlanders on the Alatamaha, and assist in founding the 
town of Frederica. The road leading from Savannah to the Ala- 
tamaha River is being definitely located. A deputation from 
Purrysburgh, consisting of the honorable Hector Berenger de 
Beaufain, M. Tisley Dechillon, a patrician of Berne, and several 
other Swiss gentlemen, waits upon Mr. Oglethorpe to congratu- 
late him on his return, and to acquaint him with the condition of 
their settlement. A military review is had, and before the parade 
is dismissed Mr. Oglethorpe addresses the assembled multitude 
in an animated speech full of commendation, sage counsels, and 
good wishes. 

On the 12th of February he returned to the ships which were 
still riding at anchor in Tybee Roads. While there, on board the 
Symond, he received a formal visit from Tomo-chi-chi, Scenauki 
his wife, Toonahowi his nephew, and several attendants. 1 iiey 
expressed their joy at his return, and offered presents of venison 
and other refreshments. When introduced to the missionaries, 
the old mico remarked to iNIr. John AVesley, "I am glad you are 
come. When I was in England I desired that some would bpeak 


tbe great word to me. I will go up and speak to the wise men 
of our nation, and I liope they will hear. But we would not be 
made Christians as the Spaniards make Christians : we would be 
taught before we are baptized." Scenauki then presented the 
missionaries with two large jars, one containing honey and the 
other milk, and invited them to come to Yamacraw and instruct 
the Indian children, saying that the milk and honey represented 
their kindly inclinations. 

Tomo-chi-chi informed Mr. Oglethorpe that he had been for 
two months anxiously awaiting his coming, and that, during this 
time, he had retained two Indian runners in order that the intel- 
ligence of his arrival might be communicated at the earliest 
moment to the Lower and Upper Creeks. Those runners had 
been dispatched to convey the tidings. He further advised him 
that he had a party of his warriors at Darien assisting the High- 
landers in building their town. He also told him of a complaint 
made by the Uchees that, contrary to the terms of the existing 
treaty, cattle had been brought into their territory ; and that, in 
opposition to their wishes, planters from Carolina, with their 
negroes, had formed settlements within their reserved limits. Or- 
ders were thereupon issued by ^Ir. Oglethorpe directing Captain 
iEneas Mcintosh to notify these trespassers to withdraw their 
cattle and negroes within three days. If within the designated 
period they were not sent away, they were then to be arrested, 
brought to Savannah, and turned over to the magistrates, by 
whom proceedings for their punishment would be forthwith insti- 
tuted. At the same time he forwarded to Savannah Town, a 
copy of the act entitled " An jVct for maintaining the Peace 
with the Indians in the Province of Georgia," prepared by the 
honorable the Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in 
America, and approved by his majesty George II. in council on 
the 3d of April, 1735, with directions to acquaint every Indian 
trader ^vith its provisions, and to enjoin upon all strict compliance 
with its requiremi'nts. This prompt action on the part of Ogle- 
thorpe illustrates alike his decision of character, the sedulity with 
which he guarded the rights of the Indians and maintained the 
good faith which should be observed between them and the colo- 
nists, and the conlidence he reposed in the veracity of Tomo- 

As illustrating another trait in the character of the founder of 
the colony of Georgia, — which may be properly designated his 
delicate appreciation of honor and propriety, — we mention this 


circumstance. Mr. Spangenberg, the Moravian minister, and a 

great friend of the Wesleys, wishing to ingratiate himself with | 

Oglethorpe and render a service to the colony, informed liim j 

that several Germans, over whom he wielded influence, had gone ; 

to Pennsylvania. He offered to journey thither and bring them j 

to Georgia that they might increase and strengthen the province. i 

To this suggestion Oglethorpe responded that he would not be 1 

instrumental in enticing any one from another colony, but thut | 

if Mr. Penn consented to their coming he would receive them.^ I 

Although his thoughts had been for some time largely occu- | 

pied in maturing plans and accumulating stores for the popula- I 

tion and protection of the southern frontier of Georgia, Mr. ; 

Oglethorpe did not neglect the establishment and maintenance I 

of necessary posts in other quarters. In 1735 the town oi ■ 

Augusta^ was marked out, and the next year a garrison was di^- | 

tailed for its defense. Warehouses ' were built and furni>hcd | 

with goods suitable for the Indian trade. Boats, each capaMe of I 
conveying about ten thousand weight of peltry, soon navigateil 

the Savannah River, conducting lucrative commerce with Chailes- ; 

town and Savannah. This point became a general resort in the ] 

spring of the year for Indian traders. Here they annually pur- 1 

chased from the Indians some two thousand pack-horse loads of | 

skins and other articles offered by the natives in the way of I 

barter. Including residents of the town, pack-horse men, boat- | 

hands, and servants, it is estimated that at an early date not loss | 

than six hundred white persons were here engaged in commerce. j 

1 Moore's Voyage to Georgia, p. 38. with the ahorigiues increase that InfiTC I 
London. 1744. the close of 1716 IIastiu<_'s api'li-il f"r | 

2 Asearly as 171G 5«ra/(«aA Toicn,h&t- tlirec additional assistants to aid liini In ] 
ter known as Fort Moore, liad been located its conduct. At Savannah Town a laced j 
on the left bank of the Savannali River, hat readily commanded eijht buck-skins ; j 
not a great distance below the site occu- a calico petticoat could not be purcliasrd | 
pied by the more modern village of Ham- for less than twelve ; and so groat was j 
burg. Its cstablislunent was suggested the demand for salt, gunpowder, kettles. j 
by the Carolina autlioritics to facilitate rum, looking-glasses, and other anicKs r 
the trade with the Upper Creeks and the of European manufacture tliat the trad- \ 
Cherokees. To this point goods were crs were allowed by the c»'nunis>i.iii<rs | 
transported from Charlcstown both by to exact as much as the savages o'uld be j 
land and water. The tirst agent in charge persuaded to give in exchange fi'r them. 

of the storehouse at Savannah Town was Upon the settlement of Augn-.a and , 

Captain Theophilus Hastings. He was the opening of stores at that j.^int. Sa- | 

assisted by John Sliarp and Samuel vannah Town lost its vanta^^e -p'i;iid as j 

Muckleroy. Tliis settlement received its a trading post, and soon fell int.. .lecay. j 

name from the Sawannos or Savannahs, Its fort, liowever, was l'"iu' :;:n i i-':i' 1 | 

a native tribe dwelling upon the banks by the Carolinians, and maiutaiiii^d as a i 

of the river, bo rajadiy did the trullic valuable outpost j 


Multitudes of Indians flocked hither at certain seasons. So ad- 
vantageous was its situation for traffic with the savage nations 1 
that the town soon became a mart for Indian trade superior to i 
any other witliin the limits of either Soutli Carolina or Georcfia. I 
A road, capable of being traveled on horseback,f was opened to I 
Savannah. 1 O'Bryan began the settlement of the town of Au- ! 
gusta at his own expense, and there erected a well-furnished j 
storehouse. As a reward for his energy and enterprise Ogle- \ 

thorpe, on the 8th of March, 1739, recommended the trustees j 

" to sign in his favor a grant of five hundred acres of land." | 

Roger de Lacey, a noted Indian trader, was another of the early | 

settlers of Augusta, and the garrison there supported by the | 

trustees was for some time commanded, by Captain Kent." Be- 
fore the name of the royal prhicess was here ]3erpetuated, a trad- 
ing post, in contravention of treaty stipulations, had been estab- 
lished on the right bank of the Savannah, hard by the junction 
of what is now known as Rae's Creek with that river. 

Before departing with Mr. Oglethorpe for Frederica, let us, in 
company witli Mr. Francis Moore, view the attractions of the 
metropolis of the province, and note the develoj)ment which has 
occurred during the past three years : — 

" Savannah is about a mile and a quai'ter in Circumference ; 
it stands upon the flat of a Hill ; the Bank of the River (which 
they in barbarous Engli^lt call a Bluff) is steep, and about 45 
Foot perpendicular, so that all heavy Goods ai'o brought up by a 
Crane, an Inconvenience designed to be remedied by a bridged 
Wharf, and an easy Ascent, which in laying out the Town, care 
was taken to allow room for, there being a very wide Strand be- 
tween the first Row of Houses and the River. Fi'om this Strand 
there is a very pleasant Prospect ; you see the River wash the 
Foot of the Hill which is a hard, clear, sandy Beach a mile in 
Length ; the Water is fresh, and the River 1000 Foot wide. 
Eastward you see the River increased by the Northern Branch 
which runs round Ilutcldnson s Island, and the Carolina Shore 
beyond it, and the Wooclj/ Islands at the Sea, which close the 
Prospect at 10 or 12 ]\liles Distance. Over against it is Ilutchin- 
son^s Idand, great part of wliicli is open Ground, where they 
mow Hay for the Trust's Horses and Cattle. The rest is Woods, 

1 Accoinrt shewing the Protjress of the jMcCall's History of Grorqia, vol, i. p. 50. 

Colony of Georgia, etc., p. 22. London. Savannah. ISll. 

MDCCXLI. A State of the J^orinre of - Compare Stevens' Ifis/nry nfGcnrqia, 

Georgia, attested upon Oath, etc., p. 6. vol.i. p. 137. New York. MDCCCXLVII. 


in which there are many Bay-trees 80 Foot high. Westward 
you see the River winding between the Woods, with httle Isl- 
ands in it for many Miles, and Toma-cld-chi'' s Indian Town stand- 
ing upon the Southern Banks, between 3 and 4 Miles distance. 

" Tlie town of Savanriah is built of Wood ; all the Houses of 
the first 40 Freeholders are of the same Size witli that Mr. Orjle- 
ihorpe lives in, but there are great Numbers built since, I believe 
100 or 150, many of these are much larger, some of 2 or 3 Stories 
high, the Boards plained and painted. The Houses stand on 
large Lotts, 60 Foot in Front, by 90 Foot in Depth ; each Lott \ 

has a fore and back Street to it : the Lotts are fenced in with j 


split Pales ; some few People have Pallisades of turned Wood be- i 
fore their Doors, but the Generality have been wise enougli not i 
to throw away their Money which, in this Country, laid out in j 
Husbandry, is capable of great Improvements, though there ai'e 
several People of good Substance in the Town who came at their 
own Expence, and also, several of those Avho came over on the !• 
Charity, are in a very thriving way ; but this is observed that ; 
the most substantial People are the most frugal, and make the 
least Shew, and live at the least Expence. There are some also 
who have made but little or bad Use of the Benefits they re- 
ceived, idling away their Times, whilst they had their Provisions | 
from the publick Store, or else working for Hire, earning fiom 2 | 
Shillings, the Price of a Labourer, to 4 or 5 Shillings, the Price ! 
of a Carpenter, j9cr cliem^ and spending that jNIoney in Rum and I 
good Living, thereby neglecting to improve their Lands, so that j 
when their Time of receiving their Provisions from the Publick 
ceased, they were in no Forwardness to maintain themsolvos out j 
of their own Lands. As they chose to be Hirelings when they | 
might have improved for themselves, the Consequence of that j 
Folly forces them now to work for their daily Bread. These are i 
generally discontented with the Country ; and if they have run j 
themselves in Debt, their Creditors will not let them go away till j 
they have paid. Considering the Number of People there are but ? 
very few of these. The Industrious ones have throve beyond j 
Expectation ; most of them that have been there three Years, anil j 
mjany others, have Houses in the Town, which those that Let i 
have, for the worst, 10£ j^^er armiim, and the best let for oO£. j 
" Those who have cleared their 5 Acre Lotts have made a very ' 
great Profit out of them by Greens, Roots, and Corn. Several 
have improved the Cattle they had at first, and have now .> or (> 
tame Cows ; others, who to save the Trouble of Feeding them, 


let them go into the Woods, can rarely find tliem, and when they 
are brought up, one of them will not give half the Quantity of 
Milk which another Cow fed near Home will give. 

"Their Houses are built at a pretty lai'ge Distance from one 
another for fear of Fire ; the Streets are very wide, and there are 
great Squares left at proper Distances for Markets and other Con- 
veniences. Near the Iliverside there is a Guard-house inclosed 
with Palisades a Foot thick, where there are 19 or 20 Cannons 
mounted, and a continual Guard kept by the Free-liolders. This 
Town is governed by 3 Bailiffs, and has a Recorder, Register, and 
a Town Court which is holden every six weeks, where all Matters 
Civil and Criminal are decided by grand and petty Juries as in 
England ; but there are no Lawyers allowed to plead for Hire, 
nor no Attornies to take ]\Ioney, but (as in old times in England^ 
every man pleads his own Cause. In case it should be an Or- 
phan, or one that cannot speak for themselves, there are Persons 
of the best Substance in the Town appointed by the Trustees to 
take care of the Orphans, and to defend the Helpless, and that 
without Fee or Reward, it being a Service that each that is capa- 
ble must perform in his turn. 

" They have some Laws and Customs peculiar to Georgia ; one 
is that all Brandies and distilled Liquors are prohibited under 
severe Penalties ; another is tluit no Slavery is allowed, nor Ne- 
groes ; a Third, that all Persons who go among the Indians must 
give Security for their good Behaviour ; because the Indians^ if 
any Injury is done to them and they cannot kill the man who 
does it, expect Satisfaction from the Government, which, if not 
procured, they break out into War by killing the first white Man 
they conveniently can. 

" No Victualler or Ale-house Keeper can give any Credit, so 
consequently cannot recover any Debt. 

*' The Free-holds are all entailed which has been very fortunate 
for the Place. If People could have sold, the greatest part, before 
they knew the Value of their Lotts, would have parted with them 
for a trifling Condition, and there were not wanting rich ]Men 
who employed Agents to Monopolize the whole Town : And if 
they had got Numbers of Letts into their own Hands, the other 
Free-holders would have had no Benefit by letting their Houses, 
and hardly of Trade, since the Rich, by means of a large Capital, 
would underlet and undersell, and the Town must have been al- 
most without Inhabitants as Poi-t lioi/al in Carolina is, by tho 
best Lotts being got into a few Hands. 


" The mentioning the Laios and Customs leads me to take notice 
that Georgia is founded upon Maxims different from those on 
which other Colonies have been begun. The Intention of that 
Colony was an Asylum to receive the distressed. This was the 
charitable Design, and the governmental View besides that was 
with Numbers of free white People, well settled, to strengthen 
the southern Part of the English Settlements on the Continent of 
, America^ of which this is the Frontier. It is necessary tlierefore 

not to permit Slaves in such a Country, for Slaves starve the poor 
Labourer. For, if the Gentleman can have his Work done by a 
Slave who is a CarjDenter or a Bricklayer, the Carpenters, or Brick- 
layers of that country must starve for want of Employment, and 
so of other Trades. 

" In order to maintain many People it was proper tliat tlie Land 
should be divided into small Portions, and to prevent the uniting 
them by Marriage or Purchase. For ever}'' Time that two Lotts 
are united, the Town loses a Family, and the Inconvenience of this 
shews itself at Savannah, notwithstanding the Cai'e of the Trus- 
; tees to prevent it. They suffered the Moiety of the Lotts to 

t descend to the Widows during their Lives : Those Avho remarried 

to Men who had Lotts of their own, by uniting two Lotts made 
one to be neglected ; for the strength of Hands who could take 
care of one, was not sufficient to look to and improve two. These 
uncleared Lotts are a Nusance to their neighbours. The Tr«.^c3 
which grow upon them shade the Lotts, the Beasts take slicU-'r 
in them, and for want of clearing the Brooks which pass tliro' 
them, the Lands above are often prejudiced by Floods. To pre- 
vent all these Inconveniences the first Regulation of the Trustees 
was a strict Agrarian Law, by which all the Lands near Towns 
should be divided, 50 Acres to each Free-holder. The Quantity 
of Land by Experience seems rather too much, since it is impos- 
sible that one poor Family can tend so much Land. If this Alott- 
ment is too much, how much more inconvenient would the unit- 
ing of two be ? To prevent it, the Trustees grant the Lands in 
Tail Male, that on the expiring of a ]Male-Line they may regrant 
it to such Man, having no other Lott, as shall be married to the 
next Female Heir of the Deceased, as is of good Character. Tliis 
manner of Dividing prevents also the Sale of Lands, and the Kich 
thereby monopoli/,ing the Country. 

" Each Freeholder^ has a Lott in Town CO Foot by 90 Foot, be- 
sides which he has a I^ott, beyond the Common, of 5 Acres for a 
Garden. Every ten Houses make a Ty thing, and to every Tylh- 


ing there is a Mile Square, which is divided into 12 Lotts, be- 
sides Hoads ; Each Free-holder of the Tything has a Lott or 
Farm of 45 Acres there, and two Lotts are reserved by the Trus- 
tees in order to defray the Charge of the Publick. The Town 
is laid out for two hundred and forty Freeholds ; the Quantity of 
Lands necessar}'- for that Number is 24 Square ]Miles ; every 40 
Houses in Tonvu make a Ward to which 4 Square Miles in the 
Country belong ; each Ward has a Constable, and under him 4 
Tything Men. Where the Town-Lands end, the Villages be- 
gin ; four Villages make a Ward without, which depends upon 
one of the Wards within the Town. The Use of tins is, in case 
a War should happen that the Villages without may have Places | 

in the Town, to bring their Cattle and Families into for Refuge, 1 

and to that Purpose there is a Square left in every Ward big l 

enough for the Out- Wards to encamp in. There is Ground also j 

kept round about the Town ungranted, in order for the Fortiii- 1 

cations whenever Occasion shall require. Beyond the Villages ! 

commence Lotts of 600 Acres ; these are granted upon Terms of I 

keeping 10 Servants, Szc. Several Gentlemen who have settled 
on such Grants have succeeded very well, and have been of great 
Service to the Colony. Above the Town is a Parcel of Land j 

called Indian Lands ; these are those reserved by King Toma-chi- j 

cM for his People. There is near the Town to the East, a Gar- ' 

den belonging to the Trustees, consisting of 10 Acres ; the situa- i 

tion is delightful, one half of it is upon the Top of a Hill, the 1 

Foot of which the River Savannah washes, and from it you see } 

the Woody Islands in the Sea. The Remainder of the Garden is j 

the Side and some plain low Gronnd at the Foot of the Hill j 

where several fine Springs break out. In the Garden is variety ! 

of Soils ; the Top is sandy and dry, the Sides of the Hill are Clay, i 

and the Bottom is a black rich Garden Mould, well watered. ' 

On the North-part of the Garden is left standing a Grove of Part j 

of the old Wood as it was before the arrival of the Colony there. j 

The Trees in the Grove are mostly Bay, Sassafras, Evergreen j 

Oak, Pellitory, Hiekary, American Ash, and the Laurel Tulip. ^ | 

This last is looked upon as one of the most beautiful Trees in j 

the World ; it grows straight-bodied to 40 or 50 Foot high ; the i 

Bark smooth and whitish, the Top spreads regular like an Orange- \ 

tree in EngUsJi Gardens, only larger ; the Leaf is like that of a 
common Laurel, but bigger, and the under-side of a greenish 
Brown: It blooms about the Month oi June ; the Flowers are 

1 Magnolia gramlijlora, the qucea of tho Southern forests. 


white, fragrant like the Orange, and perfume all the Air around 

it; the Flower is round, 8 or 10 Inches diameter, thick like 1 

the Orange-Flower, and a little yellow near the Heart : As the I 

Flowers drop, the Fruit, which is a Cone with red Berries, sue- j 

ceeds them. There are also some Bay-trees that have Flowers I 

like the Laurel, only less. j 

" The Garden is laid out with Cross-walks planted with Orange- | 

trees, but the last Winter a good deal of Snow having fallen, had i 

killed those upon the Top of the Hill down to their Hoots, but I 

they being cut down, sprouted again, as I saw when I returned j 

to Savannah. In the Squares between the Walks were vast j 

Quantities of IMulberry-trees, this being a Nursery for all the j 

Province, and every Planter that desires it, has young Trees | 
given him gratis from this Nursery. These white Mulberry- 
trees were planted in order to raise Silk, for which Purpose sev- 
eral Italians were brought, at the Trustees' Expence, from l^ied- 

mont hy IsV Aynatis ; they have fed Worms and wound Silk to j 

as great Perfection as any that ever came out of Italj/ ; but the \ 

Italians falling out, one of them stole away the Machines for | 

winding, broke the Coppers, and spoiled all the Eggs which he ^ 

could not steal and fled to South Carolina. The others, who j 

continued faithful, had saved but a few Eggs, when M"^ Ogle- I 

thorpe arrived, therefore he forbade any Silk should be wountl, | 
but that all the Worms should be suffered to eat through their 
Balls in order to have more Eggs against next Year. The Italian 
Women are obliged to take English Girls Apprentices, whom 
they teach to wind and feed ; and the ]\Ien have tauglit our Eng- 
lish Gardeners to tend the Mulberry-trees, and our Joyners have 
learned how to make the Machines for windine:. As the ^lul- 

berry-trees increase, there will be a great Quantity of Silk made ] 

here. j 

" Beside the Mulberry-trees there are in some of the Quarters ! 

in the coldest part of the Garden, all kinds of Fruit-trees usual I 

in England such as Apples, Pears, &c. In another Quarter are j 

Olives, Figs, Vines, Pomegranates and such Fruits as are natural I 

to the warmest Parts of Europe. At the bottom of the Hill, Avell- | 

sheltered from the North-wind, and in the warmest part of the I 

Garden, there was a Collection of West-India Plants and Trees, j 

some Coffee, some Cocoa-Nuts, Cotton, Palma-Christi, aiul several \ 

West Lidian physical Plants, some sent up by j\P Evelicgh a ]uil>- i 
lick-spirited jNIerchant at Charlos-Town, and some by D' Ib'us- 
toun from the Spanish West Indies, where he was sent at the Ex- 


pence of a Collection raised by that curious Physician, Sir Hans 
Sloan, for to collect and send tlion to Greorgia where the Climate 
was capable of making a Garden which might contain all kinds 
of Plants ; to which Design his Grace the Duke of Richmond, 
the Earl of Derhj, the Lord Peters, and the Apothecary's Com- 
pany contributed veiy generously, as did Sir Hans himself.^ The 
Quarrels among the Italians proved fatal to most of these Plants, 
and they were labouring to repair that loss when I was there, 
Mr. 3Iiller being employ 'd in the room of D"^ Iloustoun who died 
in Jamaica. We heard he had wrote an Account of his having 
obtain'd the Plant from whence the true Balsamum Cajnvi is 
drawn ; and that he was in hopes of getting that from whence 
the Jesuit's Bark is taken, he designing for that Purpose to send 
to the Spanish West Indies. 

" There is a plant of Bamboo Cane brought from the East 
Indies, and sent over by iNlr. Towers, which thrives well. There 
was also some Tea seeds which came from the same Place ; but 
the latter, though great Care was taken, did not grow. 

" There were no publick Buildings in the Town, besides a 
Storehouse ; for the Courts were held in a Hut 36 Foot long 
and 12 Foot wide, made of split Boards, and erected on J\P Ogle- 
thorjje's first Arrival in the Colony. In this Hut also Divine 
Service was perform'd ; but upon his Arrival this time, M"" Ogle- 
thorpe order'd a House to be erected in the Upper Square, which 
might serve for a Court House and for Divine Service till a 
Church could be built, and a Work-house over against it ; for as 
yet there was no Prison liere."^ 

Having perfected his arrangenicnts to promote the best in- 
terests of that portion of the colony located upon and near the 
Savannah River, having ordered ^Ir. Walter Augustine and ]\Ir. 
Tolme 3 to complete the survey of the country lying between the 
Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers with a view to the location 
and construction of a highway connecting the towns of Savannah 
and Darien, having " raised fifty Rangers and one hundred work- 
men " to assist in his contemplated labors on St. Simon's Island, 
and having sent Captain IMcPherson " with a Parcel of his Ran- 

1 On the 20tli of February, 1734, tlie ^ Jfoorc's Vnijage to Georgia, pp. 23-33. 

death of Williiim Iloustoun -vvas roported London. 1744. 

to the trustees, when-ujion, on the rec- ^ Mr. Iln^rh Maekay, Junior, with ten 

onimendatiou of Sir Hans Slonne, Eobert rantjerswas detailed as an escort, and two 

Millar was ai>iiointed to sneoocd him as pMck-liorses earriedtlie provisions. Tonio- 

I3otanist to the Colony of Georgia, at a chi-chi furuished sonic Indian guides. 
salary of £150 per auuum. 


gers " overland to support the Highlanders ^ on the Alatamaha, 

Mr. Oglethorpe, on the 12th of February, 1736, returned to the ] 

Symond and the London Merchant, lying at anchor in Tyboe j 

Roads. j 

Finding their captains unwilling to risk their ships without { 

having previously acquired a knowledge of the entrance into j 

Jekyll Sound, he bought the cargo of the sloop Midnight, which I 

had just arrived, on condition that it should be at once delivered | 

at Frederica, and with the understanding that Captains Cornish i 

and Thomas should go on board of her, acquaint themselves with j 

the coast and entrance, and then return and conduct their vessels i 

to that place. During their absence these ships, — the Symond • 
and the London Merchant, — their cargoes still on board, were 
to remain at anchor at Tybee Roads, in charge of Francis ]\Iooi-.>, 
keeper of the stores. Mr. Horton and Mr. Tanner, with thirty 
single men of the colon}'-, and cannon, arms, ammunition, and 
intrenching tools, were ordered to proceed to the southward in 

the sloop Midnight. The workmen who had been engag<}d at I 

Savannah and Tomo-chi-chi's Indians were directed to rendez- j 

vous at convenient points whence they miglit be transported as \ 

occasion required. The sloop sailed for St. Simon's Island on | 

the morning of the IGth, and in the evening of the same day 1 

Mr. Oglethorpe set out in the scout-boat ^ to meet that vessel at | 
Jekyll Sound. 

Captain Hermsdorf, two of the colonists, some Indians, and • 

Captain Dunbar with his boat accompanied him. Passing throuLxli | 

channels, separating the islands from the main, varying in widili I 

from two hundred yards to more than a mile, the voyagers now I 

1 These Highlanders, under the com- Passages and Islands, and for prcventiiiL; { 
mand of Captain Hugh JMnckay, were the Incursions of Enemies, or Kuuaways, j 
then posted on the Alatamaha River, from whence it is called Scout-boat. Tlie \ 
within one mile and a half of the point Crew is composed of Men bred in Amrr- \ 
where Fort King George formerly stood, ica, bold and hardy, who lie out in the j 
and where liis majesty's Independent Woods, and upon the "Water, IMontlis ttv j 
Company had been stationed for several gether, without a House or CovoriiiLr. j 
years. The want of supplies and the lack Most of them are good Hunters or Fi.-h- | 
of facile communication with Ca;o/i'«rt had ers. By Killing Deer and otlicr j 
obliged that troop to abandon its camp they can subsist themselves in case tiu'ir t 
and destroy the fort. Moore's Voi/age to Provisions should fail ; but indeed, on | 
Georgia, Y>. S-i. London. 1744. these Sea Islands no one can starve, since, | 

2 Of one of tlicse scout-boats Mr. Fran- if at the worst a Man was lost, there are ! 
cis Moore furnishes the following descrip- Oysters and Shell-fisli enough to sul.-i-t { 
tion : "This was a strong-built, swift him." — Vojage to Georgia, i^. 20. Louduu. \ 
Boat, M'itli three swivel Guns aiul ton 1744. ' ' 
Oars, kept for the visiting the Kiver- I 



skirted along bluffs clothed with pines, cedars, live-oaks, and 
vines even to the water's edge, all mirrored in the placid surface 
of the sea-green estuaries, and again pursued their southward 
course across bold sounds and through creeks permeating low- 
lying and wide-extended marshes. Rowing between Wilmington 
Island and the main, ]\Ir. Oglethorpe paused to inspect the settle- 
ment of Mr. Lacy. He and five gentlemen had there located 
their five hundred acre grants, and built their houses near together 
for mutual protection. These they had palisaded and defended 
with cannon. Masters and servants composed the garrison, and 
a guard was mounted every night. Above one hundred acres of 
land had been cleared in the vicinity of the fort. " ]Milk, cattle, 
hogs, garden-stuff and poultry " abounded. This fort commanded 
the water passage between the islands to Savannah. Mr. Lacy 
had here experimented in making potash, but finding its produc- 
tion unprofitable he was then sawing timber for the Sugar 
Islands, and splitting staves for Matleira. At the " Northward- 
most point" of Skidoway Island the party again stopped and 
visited the village, guard-house, and battery of cannon there situ- 
ated. The free-holders of the island performed guard-duty at 
the battery, and about thirty acres of rich land in the neighbor- 
hood had been cleared and cultivated. Leaving Skidoway on the 
left, and the mouths of Vernon and Ogeechee rivers on the 
right, and conducted by the master, Captain Ferguson, who was 
"perfectly acquainted with all the water passages and in the 
darkest night never missed the way "' although there were so 
many channels as " to make a perfect labyrinth," the scout-boat 
and her consort pressed forward toward their destination^ " Mr. 
Oglethorpe being in haste," says one of the party, "the men 
rowed night and day and had no otlier rest than what they got 
when a snatch of wind favoured us. The}-- were all very vrilling, 
though we met with very boisterous weather. The men vied 
with each other who should be forwardest to please Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe. Indeed, he lightened their fatigue by giving them re- 
freshments which he rather spared from himself than let them 
want. The Indians, seeing the men hard hiboured, desired to 
take the oars, and rowed as well as any I ever saw, only differing 
from the others by taking a short and long stroke alternately, 
■which they call the Yamassee stroke." 

On the morning of the 18th the island of St. Simon was 
•reached. The sloop Midnight had come in ahead of, and was 
waiting for, Mr. Oglethorpe. He immediately set all hands to 


work. The tall grass growing upon the bluff at Frederica was 
burnt off, a booth was marked out " to hold the stores, — digging 
the ground three Foot deep, and throwing up the Earth on each 

Side by way of Bank, — and a Roof raised upon Crutches with j 

Ridge-pole and Rafters, nailing small Poles across, and thatching ■ 

the whole with Palmetto-Leaves. Mr. Oglethorpe afterwards laid j 

out several Booths without digging under Ground, which were | 

also covered with Palmetto-Leaves, to lodge the Families of the j 

Colony in when they should come up ; each of these Booths was i 

between thirty and forty Foot long, and upwards of twenty Foot ' 
wide. . . . We all made merry that Evening, having a plentiful 

Meal of Game brought in by the Indians. | 

" On the 19th, in the Morning, Mr. Oglethorpe began to mark | 

out a Fort with four Bastions, and taught the I\Ien how to dig j 
the Ditch, and raise and turf the Rampart. This Day and the 

following Day were spent in finishing the Houses, and tracing ; 

out the Fort." ^ j 

Such was the simple beginning of Frederica.^ Near this town 

Mr. Oglethorpe fixed the only home he ever owned in the prov- .* 

ince. In its defense were enlisted his best energies, military j 

skill, and valor. Brave are the memories of St. Simon's Island. 

' j 

None prouder belong to the colonial history of Georgia. 

Three days afterwards arrived from Savannah a periagua with 1 

workmen, provisions, and cannon, for the new settlement. Cap- | 

tains Cornish and Thomas returned from the southward to Tybee I 

Roads on the 26th and, although persuaded of the fact that there | 

was ample water for the conveyance of their vessels to Frederica, | 

still refused to conduct the Symond and the London ]Merchant to j 

the southward. Mr. Oglethorpe was com2:)elled, against his will, i 

to order that their cargoes should be unloaded into the Peter and j 

James, which could not carry above one hundred tons, and that | 

the remainder be transferred in sloops to Savannah for safe | 

storage until opportunity offered for conveying it to its original | 

destination. lie was also forced to the great inconvenience and | 
expense of collecting periaguas ^ sufficient for the transportation 

of the colonists from Tybee Roads to St. Simon's Island. ] 

These preliminary labors having been inaugurated at Frederica, | 

1 Moore's Vo\jiige to Geor,jia, etc., p. 44. of a Forecastle and a Cal>bin : but the j 
London. 1744. rest open, and no Deck. They have two j 

2 Named by Oglethori>c and the trus- Masts whicli they can strike, and Sails j 
tees after Frederick, Prince of Wales. like Schooners. They row <;cner:iily \M;h j 

2 " Long, flat-bottomed boats carry in;^ two Oars only." — Moore's 1 _/".''' '''' I 

from 20 to 35 tons. They have a Kind Gtor^ja, p. 49. London. 1744. ! 


Mr. Oglethorpe set out on his return to tlie mouth of the Savan- 
nah to superintend the transfer of passengers and stores. Deflect- 
ing from his direct course that he might see the Highlanders at 
Darien, so soon as his boat came in sight he was saluted by all 
the men " under arms." These Highlanders were not a little 
rejoiced to welcome Mr. Oglethorpe, to learn tiiat a town was to 
be settled so near them, and to be assured that direct communi- 
cation by land would soon be established between that point and 
Savannah. Although invited by Captain Hugh IMackay, the 
commander of the settlement, " to lie in his Tent where there 
was a Bed and Sheets (a Rarity as yet in this Part of the World) 
Mr. Oglethorpe excused himself, chusing to lie at the Guard 
Fire, wrapt in his Plad, for he wore the Hlgldand Habit. Capt. 
MacKay and the other Gentlemen did the same, tho' the Night 
was cold." With the condition of affairs at New Inverness he 
was well pleased, and congratulated the Scotchmen upon their 
industry, progress, and soldierly appearance. 

Arrived again in Tybee Roads, j\lr. Oglethorpe assembled the 
colonists and stated to them that he found it impossible to pre- 
vail upon the captains of the Symond and the London Merchant 
to go to St. Simon's Island with their ships, passengers, and car- 
goes. He also acquainted them with the difficulties and hard- 
ships which must be endured in making the passage thither in 
open boats, and offered to suffer them, if they so desired, to set- 
tle at Savannah and upon the adjacent territory. Two hours' 
time was granted them for consideration, and for consultation 
■with their families. At the expiration of this period the free- 
holders came together again and, in a manly way, assured him 
that they were resolved not to leave one another, but to carry 
out the original intention of building the new town of Frederica. 
They further declared themselves ready to undertake the inland 
passage. With this brave conclusion Mr. Oglethorpe was highly 

INIuch incensed at the reprehensible behavior of the captains 
of the transports, and inconvenienced by the demurrage conse- 
quent upon their timidity, he was also indignant at the delay 
thus caused in the consummation of his plans, annoyed at the 
additional charges for transfer of passengers and cargo, and so- 
licitous for the health of the colonists who would be exposed in 
open boats, at an inclement season, during the passage from Ty- 
bee Roads to Jekyll Sound. 

It was not until the 2d of I^Iarch that the fleet of periaguas 


and boats, with the families of the colonists on board, set out 
from the mouth of the Savannah River. Spare oars had been I 

rigged for each boat. With their assistance, the men of tlie \ 

colony rowing with a will, the voyage to Frederica was accom- I 

plished in five days. Mr. Oglethorpe accompanied them in his 1 

scout-boat, keeping the fleet together, and taking the hindermost j 

craft in tow. As an incentive to unity of movement, he placed j 

all the strong beer on board a fast boat. The rest labored dili- | 

gently to keep up ; for, if tbey were not all at the place of ren- ! 

dezvous each night, the tardy crew lost its ration. Frederica was j 

reached on the 8th, and there was general joy among the col- 1 


So diligently did they labor in building the town and its forti- 
fications that by the 23d of the month a battery of cannon, com- ■ 
nianding the river, had been mounted, and the fort was almosc 
finished. Its ditches had been dug, although not to the required ; 
depth or width, and a rampart raised and covered with sod. A | 
storehouse, having a front of sixty feet, and intended to be three 
stories in height, was completed as to its cellar and first story. j 
The necessary streets were all laid out. " The Main Street that '\ 
went from the Front into the Country was 25 yards wide. Each | 
Free-holder had 60 Foot in Front by 90 Foot in Depth, upon ! 
the high Street, for their House and Garden ; but those which i 
fronted the River had but 30 Foot in Front, by 60 Foot in | 
Depth. Each Family had a Bower of Palmetto Leaves, finished j 
upon the back Street in their own Lands : The Side towards the j 
front Street was set out for their Houses : These Palmetto Bow- ! 
ers were very convenient Shelters, being tight in the hardest ■ 
Rains; they were about 20 Foot long and 14 Foot wide, and, in 
regular Rows, looked very pretty, the Palmetto Leaves lying 
smooth and handsome, and of a good Colour. The whole ap- 
peared something like a Camp ; for the Bowers looked liked 
Tents, only being larger and covered with Palmetto Leaves in- 
stead of Canvas. There were 3 large Tents, two belonging to 
Mr. Oglethorpe^ and one to Mr. Ilorton, pitched upon the Parade 
near the River." 

Such is the description of the town in its infancy as furnished 
by Mr. Moore, whose " Voynge to Georgia " is one of the most 
interesting and valuable tracts we have descriptive of the coloni- 

That there might be no confusion in their constructive labors, 
Mr. Oglethorpe divided the colonists into working parties. To 


some was assigned the duty of cutting forks, poles, and laths for 
building the bowers. Others set them up. Others still gathered 
palmetto leaves, while "a fourth gang," under the superintend- 
ence of a Jew workman, bred in Brazil and skilled in the matter, 
thatched the roofs " nimbly and in a neat manner." 

Men accustomed to the agriculture of the region instructed 
the colonists in hoeing and preparing the soil. Potatoes, Indian 
corn, flax, hemp-seed, barley, turnips, lucern-grass, pumpkins, and 
water-melons were planted. The labor was common and enured 
to the benefit of the entire community. As it was rather too 
late in the season to till the ground fully and get in such a crop 
as would promise a yield sufficient to subsist the settlement for 
the coming year, many of the men were put upon pay and set to 
work upon the fortifications and the public buildings. 

Mr. Hugh Mackay, about this time, arrived in Frederica, and 
reported that, with the assistance of ]\Iessrs. Augustine and 
Tolme and the guides furnished by Tomo-chi-chi, he had sur- 
veyed and located a road, practicable for horses, between Savan- 
nah and Darien. This information was very gratifjnng to the 
colonists on St. Simon's Island, assuring them that their situa- 
tion was not so isolated as they at first supposed. 

Frederica was located in the midst of an Indian field ^ con- 
taining between thirty and forty acres of cleared land. The 
grass yielded an excellent turf which wa,s.freel3^ used in sodding 
the parapet of the fort. The bluff .upon which it stood rose 
about ten feet above high-water mark, was dry and sandy, and 
exhibited a level expanse of about a mile into the interior of the 
island. The position of the fort was such that it fully com- 

^ The aboriuines cleared considerable was general and of lonf^ duration. Prom- 
spaccs on the Sea Islands along tlie Geor- incnt bluffs are to tliis day marked by 
gia coast, planting them with maize, tlieir refuse lieaps, composed chiefly of 
pumpkins, gourds, beans, melons, etc. tlie shells of oysters, couchs, and clams, 
These indications of early agricnlture and the bones of the animals, reptiles, 
were not infrequent in various portions birds, and fishes upon which they sub- 
of Georgia. The richest localities were sistcd, intermingled with sherds of ])ot- 
selccted by the aborigines for cultiva- tery, broken articles, and relics of vari- 
tion ; their principal towns and maize- ous sorts. Many localities are hoary with 
fields being generally found in rich val- ancient shell-mounds, while sepulchral 
leys where a generous soil yielded, with tumuli of cartli arc not infrequent. Be- 
least labor, the most reuiunerative har- sides the jirimitive population perma- 
vest. The trees were killed by giidling nently domiciled on these islands, at cer- 
them by means of stone axes. So old tain seasons of the year large numbers of 
were these Indian fields that in them no Indians from the main here congregated 
traces a]i])eared of the roots and stumps and speirt much time iu hunting and fish- 
oven of the most durable trot.'s. The oc- iug. 
cupaucy of these islands by the red raco 


manded the reaches in the river both above and below. With i 

their situation the colonists were delighted. The harbor was 
land-locked/ having a depth of twenty-two feet of water at the 
bar, and capable of affording safe anchorage to a large number ! 

of ships of considerable burden. Surrounded by beautiful forebts 
of live-oaks, water-oaks, laurel, bay, cedar, sweet-gum, sassafras, i 

and pines, festooned with luxuriant vines, [among which those j 

bearing the Fox-grape and the jMuscadine were peculiarly pleas- ] 

ing to the colonists,] and abounding in deer, rabbits, raccoons, ! 

squirrels, wild-turkeys, turtle-doves, redbirds, mocking birds, and 
rice birds,^ with wide extended marshes frequented by wild geese, 
ducks, herons, curlews, cranes, plovers, and marsh-hens, — the 
adjacent waters teeming with fishes, crabs, shrimps, and oysters, 
and the island fanned by southeast breezes prevailing with the 
regularity of the trade wdnds, — the strangers were charmed wiili 
their new home. Within their fort were enclosed and preserved 
several of those grand old live-oaks which for centuries had 
crowned the bluff, and whose shade was refreshing beyond any 
shelter the hand of man could devise. The town sprang into be- 
ing as a military post. It was ordered and grew day by day under 
the immediate supervision of Oglethorpe. The soil of the isl.uul 
was fertile, and its health unquestioned. Lieutenant George 
Dunbar, on the 20th of January, 1739, made oath before Francis | 

Moore, recorder of the town of Frederica, that since his arrival ! 

with the first detachment of Colonel Oglethorpe's regiment the | 

preceding June, all the carpenters and many of the soldiers had j 

been continuously occupied in building clap-board huts, carrying j 

lumber and bricks, unloading vessels, [often working up to their | 

necks in water,] in clearing the parade, burning wood and rub- ] 

bish, making lime, and in other out-door exercises, — the hours 
of labor being from daylight until eleven or twelve ]\I. and from 
two or three o'clock in the afternoon until dark. Despite these ] 

exposures, continues the affiant, " All the time the men kept so j 

healthy that often no man in the camp ailed in the least, and \ 

none died except one man who came sick on board and never j 

worked at all ; nor did I hear that any of the men ever made tlio | 

heat a pretence for not working." ^ j 

Beyond question Frederica was the healthiest of all the early \ 

settlements in Georgia, and St. Simon's Island has always onjovtd 

1 An Impartial Enqitiri/ into the Slate 2 Buffalo and quail were found on tho 
and Utility of the Prorince of Gatr'jia, main, 
pp. 40, 41. Loudou. 1741. » State of the Province of d-WKi at- 


an enviable reputation for salubrity. Until marred by the deso- 
lations of the late war, this island was a favorite summer resort, 
and the homes of its planters were the abodes of beauty, com- 
fort, and refinement. A mean temperature of about fifty degrees 
in winter and not above eighty-two degrees in summer ; gardens 
adorned with choice flowers, and orchards enriched with plums, 
peaches, nectarines, figs, melons, pomegranates, dates, oranges, 
and limes ; forests rendered majestic by the live-oak, the pine, 
and the magnolia grandiflora, and redolent with the perfumes of 
the bay, the cedai-, and the myrtle ; the air fresh and buoyant 
with the southeast breezes and vocal with the notes of song- 
birds ; the adjacent sea, sound, and inlets replete with fishes ; the 
shell roads and broad beach affording every facility for driving 
and riding ; the woods and fields abounding with game, and the 
culture and generous hospitality of the inhabitants, impressed all 
visitors with the delights of this favored spot. Sir Charles Lyell, 
among others, alludes with marked satisfaction to the pleasures 
he there experienced. 

Among the reptiles which not only attracted the notice of, but 
to a considerable degree, upon first acquaintance, disquieted, the 
early colonists, the alligators were the most noted. Listen to this 
description furnished by an eye-witness^ in 1736: "They are 
terrible to look at, stretching open an horrible large Mouth, big 
enough to swallow a Man, with Rows of dreadful large sharp 
Teeth, and Feet like Draggons armed with great Claws, and a 
long Tail which they throw about with great Strength, and 
which seems their best Weapon, for their Claws are feebly set 
on, and the Stiffness of their Necks hinders them from turning 
nimbly to bite." In order that the public mind might be dis- 
abused of the terror which pervaded it with respect to these 
reptiles, jMr. Oglethorpe, having wounded and caught one, had it 
brought to Savannah, and "made the boys bait it with sticks 
and finally pelt and beat it to death." The rattlesnakes, too, 
were objects of special dread. 

Leaving his people occupied with the labors assigned to them 
at Frederica, iNIr. Oglethorpe set out on the 18th of March ^ for 
the frontiers, " to see where his Majesty's Dominions and the 

tested upon Oath, etc., p. 25. London. Province of Georgia, pp. 61, 63, 64. Lou- 
1742. Compare Aflitlavii.s of Liout. Ray- duu. 1741. 

mond Dcmnre, Iliii^h Miu'kay, and Jolm ^ Francis Moore, Voyage to Georgia, etc., 
Cuthbort, to same effect. An Impartial p. 57. Loudon. 1744. 
Enquiry into the State and Utility of the " Moore says April. See A Voyage to 

Georgia, p. &3. Loudon. 1744. 


Spaniards joyn." ^ He was accompanied by " Toma-Clii-Chi, i 

Mico, and a Body of Indians, Avho tlio' but few, being not forty, 1 

were all chosen Warriors and good Hunters." They were con- I 

veyed in two scout-boats, and the next day were joined by the \ 

periagua, commanded by Captain Hugh Mackay, witli thirty \ 

Highlanders, ten men of the Independent Company, and in- \ 

trenching tools and provisions on board. Upon the northwestern | 

point of Cumberland Island,^ washed by the bay on the one side j 

and on the other by the channel running to the southwai'd, Ogle- j 

thorpe marked out a fort, called it St. Andrew, and left Captain j 

Mackay with his command to build it, and some Indians to hunt i 

and shoot for them while thus employed. I 

Proceeding on his voyage, Mr. Oglethorpe named the noxt 
large island to the south Amelia,^ — " it being a beautiful IsLiml. 
and the Sea-shore cover'd with Myrtle, Peach-Trees, Oran^t^- j 

Trees, and Vines in the wild Woods." Tomo-chi-chi condiKaid | 

hini to the mouth of the St. John's, pointed out the advanced j 

post occupied by the Spanish guard, and indicated the dividing ] 

line. It was with difficulty that the old chief and his followers ] 

could be restrained from making a night attack on the Spaniards, j 

upon whom they thirsted to take revenge "' for the killing of j 

some Indians" during the mico's absence in England. Stopping: 1 

at Fort St. Andrew on his way bade, Oglethorpe was surprised i 

to find the work in such a state of "forwardness, — the Diuh j 

being dug, and the Parapet raised with Wood and Earth on the | 

Land-side, and the small Wood cleared fifty yards round tlie I 

Fort." This seemed the more extraordinary, adils Francis 
Moore, because Mr. Mackay had no engineer, or any ussit^tanre 
other than the directions wliich Mr. Oglethorpe gave, llie 
ground consisting of loose sand, it was a difiicult matter to con- 
struct the parapets : "therefore they used the same ]\Iethod to 
support it as Cassar mentions in the Wars of Graiil, laying Tre*'S 
and Earth alternately, the Trees preventing the Sand from fall- 
ing, and the Sand the Wood from Fire." 

1 Oglethorpe's letter to the lieutenant Tomo-chi-chi, to whom, diirintr his visit 
governor of South Carolina. Collections to Eni^laud, the duke had jriveii a L'oiJ 
of the Georgia Historical Societt/, vol. iii. repeating watch that he " nii^'Iit kiu>w 
p. 28. Savannah. 1873. how the time went." " We will r. nimi- 

2 This i:;land was named IT/sso hy the ber him at all times," <.ud !'i)iiii.ih'>'\i. 
Indians, signifying Sassafras, It was " a»d therefore will give thi.s Ishiiul tiiis 
called Cuniherland in honor of his royal name." 

highufss tlie Duke of Cuniberkuid, at » Called by tiie Spaniards .i'U'iM -l-/''^'- 
tho suggestion of Toonauowi, nephew of 


Upon their return to Freclerica the Indians encamped near the 
town, and, on the 26th, favored Mr. Oglethorpe and all the peo- 
ple with a war dance. " They made a King, in the middle of 
which four sat down, having little Drums made of Kettles cov- 
er'd with Deer-skins, upon which they beat and sung: Round 
them the others danced, being naked to their Waists, and round 
their Middles many Trinkets tied with Skins, and some with the 
Tails of Beasts hanging down behind them. They painted their 
Faces and Bodies, and their Hair was stuck with Feathers : In one 
Hand they had a Battle, in the other Hand the Featliers of an 
Eagle, made up like the Caduceus of Mercury : They shook these 
Wings and the Rattle, and danced round the Rins: with hiirh 
Bounds and antick Postures, looking much like the Figures of 
the Satyrs. 

" They shew'd great Activity, and kept just Time in their 
Motions ; and at certain times answer'd, by way of Chorus, to 
those that sat in the ^liddlo of the Ring. They stopt, and then 
stood out one of the chief Warriors, who sung what Wars he had 
been in, and described (by Actions as well as by Words) which 
way he had vanquish'd the Enemies of his Country. When he 
had done, all the rest gave a Shout of Approbation, as knowing 
what he said to be true. The next Day Mr. Oglethorpe gave 
Presents to Toma-chi-ehi and his Indians, and dismiss'd them 
with Thanks for their Fidelity to the King." i 

For the further protection of the approaches to Frederica by 
the inland passages, a battery, called Fort St. Simon, was 
erected at the south end of St. Simon's Island. It was designed 
to command the entrance to Jokyll Sound. Adjacent to it was 
laid out a camp containing barracks and huts for the soldiers. 
At the southern extremity of Cumberland Island Fort William 
was afterwards built with a view to controlling Amelia Sound 
and the inland passage to St. Augustine. Upon San Juan Island 
to the south, and near the entrance of the St. John's River, Ogle- 
thorpe observed the traces of an old fort. Thither he sent 
Captain Ilernisdorf and a detachment of Highlanders, with in- 
structions to repair and occupy it. Having ascertained that this 
island was included in the cession of lands made by the Indiana 
to his majesty, he named it George, and called the fortification 
Fort St. George. With the exception of one or two posts of 
observation, this constituted the most southern defense of the 
colony, and was regai-ded as an important position both for hold- 
1 Mooro's Voi/iije to Georgia, p. 71. Londou. 1744. 

FREDERIC A. 235 i 


ing the Spaniards in check and for giving the earliest intelligence 1 
of any hostile demonstration on their part.^ The energy an<l 

boldness displayed by the commander-in-chief in developing his i 

line of occupation so far to the soutli, and in the very teeth of the j 

Spaniards in Florida, are quite remarkable, and indicate on his \ 

part not only a daring bordering ujJon rashness, but also no little j 

confidence in the courage and firmness of the small garrisons I 

detailed to fortify and hold these advanced and. isolated positions. j 

Returning to E'rederica from this tour of observation, i\Ir. Ogle- j 

thorpe found the workmen busily occupied in constructing thci i 

fort; the outer works were being " palisaded with Cedar Posts 1 

to prevent our Enemies turning up the green Sod." Upon the I 

bastions platforms of two-inch plank were laid, for the cannon. '■ 
A piece of marsh lying below the fort was converted into a w;it<'r 

battery, called " the Spur," the guns of which, being on a lt>vel < 

with the water, were admirably located for direct and clTt'ctiv^; i 

operation against all vessels either ascending or descending the i 

river. 1 

A well was dug within the fort which yielded an abundant \ 

supply of " tolerable good water." The people having no bread, I 

and the store of biscuits beinej needed for the crews of the boats i 

. i 

which were kept constantly moving from point to point, an oven 

was built, and an indented servant, a baker by trade, was de- I 

tailed to bake bread for the colony. For the flour furnished by j 

each individual an equal weight was returned in bread, " the dif- I 

ference made by the water and salt " being the baker's gain. | 

This fresh bread, in the language of one who partook of it, Ava^ a ' 

great comfort to the people. Venison brought in by the Lulians j 

was frequently issued in lieu of salt provisions. Poultry, h<>^-s, 
and sheep were occasionally killed for the sick. Such domestic 
animals, however, were, at that early period, so scarce in the set- 
tlement that they were " carefiilly guarded for the purpose of 
breeding." A little later, live-stock came forward in abundance 
by boats from Port Royal and Savannah. 

Grave apprehensions were entertained of an attack from the 
Spaniards, and Mr. Oglethorj^e was untiring in his efforts to 
place the southern frontier in the best possible state of defense. 
It is remarkable how much was accomplished under the circuin- 

1 On the upper end of Cumberland built. " Its walls were of wood, fillfl in 

Island, and upon a iii<;h net-k of land Mith earth. Round about wire a (li:>!i 

commamliii;; the water ajiproaelies each and a ])alisiide." M'tsUjj's Jounur', p. 

way, Fort St. Andrew was subsequently 61. Bristol, n. d. 


stances. His energy was boundless, bis watcbfulness unceasing. 
Scout-boats were constantly on duty observing the water ap- 
proaches from the south as far as the mouth of the St. John. 
Indian runners narrowly watched the walls of St. Augustine, and 
conveyed intelligence of every movement by the enemy. Look- 
outs were maintained at all necessary points to give warning of 
threatened danger. Mr. Bryan and Mr. Barnwell promised, in 
case Frederica or its out-posts were attacked, to come to their 
support with a strong body of volunteers from Carolina. Chiefs 
of the Cheehaws and the Creeks proffered their assistance. 

Acting upon the belief that it was better to confront the Span- 
iards upon the confines of the colony than to abide the event of 
their invasion, volunteers came in such numbers from Carolina 
and Georgia that General Oglethorpe was compelled to issue 
orders that all who had plantations should remain at home and 
cultivate them until actually summoned to arms. 

Hearing a report that the Spaniards were intent upon dislodg- 
ing the settlers from Frederica, Ensign Delegal, taking thirty 
men of the Independent Company under his command and row- 
ing night and day, reached Frederica on the 10th of May and 
tendered his services. Without permitting them to land, Ogle- 
thorpe ordered English strong beer and provisions on board, 
sent a present of wine to Ensign Delegal, and, upon the same 
tide, in his scout-boat conducted the party to the east point of 
St. Simon's Island where it is washed by Jekyll Sound and there 
posted the company, locating a spot for constructing a fort, and 
commanding a well to be dug. By the 16th, Ensign Delegal 
succeeded in casting up a considerable intreuchment and in 
mounting several cannon. 

This post, strengthened on the 8tli of June by the arrival of 
Lieutenant Delegal, with the rest of the Independent Company 
and thirteen pieces of cannon belonging to them, was subse- 
quently known as Delegal's Fort at the Sea-point. 

"Workmen at Frederica were employed in building a powder 
magazine under one of the bastions of the fort. It was made of 
heavy timber covered with several feet of earth. The construc- 
tion of a large storehouse, a smith's forge, a wheelwright's shop, 
and a corn-house also engaged their attention. The men capable 
of bearing arms were trained in military exercises each day by 
Mr. jMcIntosh. The colonists were in a state of constant alarm, 
and everything was made subservient to the general defense. 
Even the feeble avowed their willingness to sacriiiee their lives 



in protecting tlieir new homes. Inspired by the intrepidity and I 

vigilance, the fearlessness and the activity, of Oglethorpe, who I 

was constantly on the move, visiting the advanced works, press- i 

ing his reconnoissances even within the enemy's lines, and mak- j 

ing every available disposition of men and munitions which could i 

conduce to the common safety, soldiers and citizens kept brave I 

hearts, labored incessantly and cheerfully, observed a sleepless i 

watch upon the sea and its inlets, and stood prepared to ofier | 

stout resistance to the Spaniard. It was a manly sight, this little i 

colony fearlessly planting itself upon island and headland, scpa- ! 

rated from all substantial support, and yet extending itself on | 

land and water to the very verge of hostile lines held by an 1 

enemy greatly superior in men and warlike aiDpliances. \ 


Fredkkica a Military Town. — Missiox of Mr. Dempsey and Ma.jor 
Richards. — Amicable Relations established between Georgia and 
Florida. — OoLETiiORrE's Interview with the Spanish Officials. — 
Subsequently the Spaniards call upon the English to evacuate 
ALL Territory lying South of St. Helena Sound. — Conference with 
South Carolina Commissioners in Regard to the Indian Trade. — 
Oglethorpe departs a Second Time for England. 

"With their situation at Froderica, exposed as it was, the 
colonists expressed themselves entirely delighted. The mag- 
nificent forests of cedar, bay, laurel, and live-oak ; the luxuriant 
vines drooping in graceful festoons even to the water's edge; the 
voices of song-birds filling the soft air with sounds sweeter far 
than they had ever heard in Europe ; the vernal atmosphere red- 
olent of jessamines, orange blossoms, and the thousand delight- 
ful flowers which lend their commingled fragrance and beauty 
to this charming spot; the presence of game and fish in great 
variety, and the generous appearance of the soil, all inspired the 
emigrants with a sense of satisfaction, happiness, and hope. 

Situated on the west side of St. Simon's Island, on a bold bluff 
confronting a bay formed by one of the mouths of the Alatamaha 
Kiver, Frederica was planned as a military town and constructed 
with a view to breasting the sliock of hostile assaults. Its houses 
were to be substantially built, not of wood, as in Savannah, but 
of tabby. Its streets by their names proclaimed the presence of 
military ofRcers. Its esplanade and parade-ground characterized 
it as a permanent camp. 

Including the camp on the north, the parade on the east, 
and a small wood on the south which served as a blind in 
the event of an attack from ships coining up the river, the set- 
tlement was about a mile and a half in circumference. The 
town proper was to be protected by embankment and ditch, 
and places for two gates, called respectively the Town and 
Water posts, were indicated. The citadel was to be made of 
tabby and formidably armed. In front a water battery, mount- 
ing several eighteen-pounder guns, was designed to command the 



river. It was contemplated to guard the town on the hind side j 

by a formidable intrenchment, the exterior ditch of which could j 

be filled with water. | 

As Savannah was the commercial metropolis of the colony, so ! 

was Frederica its southern outpost and strong defense. St. \ 

Simon's Island was soon to become the Thermopylos of the | 

Southern Anglo-American provinces. In the military history ] 

of the colony there is no brighter chapter, in the eventful life | 

of Oglethorpe no more illustrious epoch than that which com- ! 

memorates the protracted and successful struggle with the Span- | 

iards for the retention of this charminc^ island. ! 

While planning this new settlement to the south, the trustees j 

were not unmindful that they were about to engage in an enter- j 

prise the execution of which would probably provoke the pro- i 

hibitory intervention of Spain. Although peace conferences luul 
been held and concessions made, that nation, ex ivio corJc, re- 
fused to abandon all claim to the territory lying between the | 
Savannah and the Alatamaha rivers, and still viewed, with ill- 
concealed jealousy, any extension of British colonization in the . 
direction of the St. John. I 

To conciliate the Spanish authorities in Florida and compass, as i 

far as practicable, a pacification of slumbering disagreements, Mr. • 

Charles Demj)sey, with the sanction of the Spanish ambassador 1 

then resident near the Court of St. James, was commissioned by | 

the British government to proceed to St. Augustine and there | 

arrange the terms of a convention between the governors of | 

Georgia and Florida with a view to the settlement of any dis- j 

putes touching the boundary line between those provinces, lie | 

accompanied i\Ir, Oglethorpe to Georgia in the Symond. \ 

Previous to his first departure from Tybee Roads to St. Simon's \ 

Island, Mr. Oglethorpe had instructed Major Richards of Purrys- ! 

burgh to procure a suitable boat, and proceed with i\Ir. Dem}-»sey | 

to St. Augustine. On the 19th of February, 1736, those gentle- j 

men set out upon their mission ; iNIr. Dempsey, in addition to his j 

dispatches from the home government, conveying a conciliatory 1 

letter from Mr. Oglethorpe to the governor of Florida. j 

When on the 18th of ^larch Mr. Oglethorpe left Frederica 
upon his southern reconnoissance, no advices had been received 
from Mr. Dempsey. Wishing to ascertain the cause of this si- 
lence, and being solicitous for his safety, Mr. Oglethori^e ghuUy 
hastened the inception of the expedition, knowing that its cniirso 
would lead to the Florida coast, where he hoped at an early day 


to learn definitely of the movements and success of the commis- 
sioner. Another reason which induced Mr. Oglethorpe to go 
just at this time when his services on St. Simon's Island were 
greatly needed was the fear that the Indians, if unrestrained by 
his personal presence, might in their animosity feel themselves 
strong enough to attack some of the feeble advanced posts of the 
Spaniards, and by this means, in the unsettled state of feeling, 
precipitate general hostilities between the Spaniards and the 

He also desired, as has been intimated, to ascertain from the 
Indians the boundary line, as they understood it, which separated 
Georgia from Florida. Having proceeded as far as the mouth of 
the St. John, he landed to make inquiry of the Spanish guard, 
there posted, concerning the fate of ]\Ir. Dempsey and Major 
Richards. Unfortunately the post was deserted and he was una- 
ble to satisfy his anxieties. The next morning, however, he met 
Major Richards in a boat returning from St. Augustine, and 
from him received the following explanation of Mr. Dempsey's 
delay and continued absence. Before reaching St. Augustine 
the yawl in which they were proceeding was capsized. The en- 
tire party was compelled to scramble through the breakers to 
the shore, dragging the overturned boat with them. After walk- 
ing several leagues through the sand, they were overtaken by 
Don Pedro Lamberto, a captain of horse, who conducted them to 
the Spanish governor, by whom they were received with great 
civility. Mr. Dempseys return was postponed in consequence of 
repairs which it was necessary to put upon the boat. ISIajor 
Richards brought letters to ^Ir. Oglethorpe from Don Francisco 
del Moral Sanchez, captain-general of Florida and governor of 
St. Augustine, in which, after profuse compliments and ex- 
pressions of thanks for the letters received at the hands of i\Ir. 
Dempsey, he complained that the Creek Indians had fallen 
upon some of the Spaniards and defeated them, and that he was 
in daily apprehension of further hostilities which he desired ]\Ir. 
Oglethorpe to prevent. ]\Iajor Richards added that the Spanish 
authorities at Havana had been fully advised of what was 
transpiring on the coast, and that he had promised the governor 
of Florida to return within three weeks with the reply which 
Mr. Oglethorpe might desire to make to his communication. 

From other sources Mr. Oglethorpe received information that, 
notwithstanding these professions of friendship and assurances of 
au earnest desire on his part to perpetuate the amicable relations 


existing between Georgia and Florida, the governor of St. Au- I 

gustine had sent to Charlestown to purchase arms which he in- i 

tended placing in the hands of the Florida Indians, and that by \ 

their assistance, in conjunction with the Yeraassees and a detach- i 

ment from the garrison at St. Augustine, he purposed an early j 

movement upon the colonists at Frederica, hoping to accomplish I 

either their utter destruction, or total expulsion from the island j 

of St. Simon. lie was also advised that the alleged hostility j 

on the part of the Creeks was simply a pretext for this covert i 

movement, and designed to shift in advance the burden of a | 

commencement of hostilities from the shoulders of the Span- | 

iards to those of the English ; that the garrison at St. Augustine 1 

consisted of five companies of infantry of sixty men each, and 1 

a company of horse numbering about forty men ; and that rein- I 

forcements had been called for and were daily expected from j 

Havana.^ Regarding this information as entirely reliable, ]Mr. j 

Oglethorpe dispatched a periagua with twenty oars and four ! 

swivel guns, accompanied by a scout-boat, well armed, to the ; 

mouth of the St. John's River, with orders to patrol that river 1 

and prevent any Indians from crossing, hoping thus to preclude I 

the possibility of an attack by the Indians in this quarter. The \ 

fort located upon the St. George's Island passage was rapidly i 

pressed to completion in order that its guns might assist the J 

periagua in hindering the ascent of any hostile boats through the 
island channels. Two ships were posted in the river near Freder- I 

ica to engage the Spanish vessels, should an entrance from the | 

sea be attempted by them. The fortifications on St. Simon's j 

Island were strengthened by every means at command, and addi- 
tional troops summoned for their defense. Through the aid of j 
Tomo-chi-chi, parties of Indians were sent out with instructions j 
to intercept the Creek hunters and dissuade them from attacking j 
the Spanish outposts until a general conference could be held. j 
Other -svarriors were stationed in the woods on the coast oppo- j 
site Frederica, with orders to prevent any Spanish cavalry from i 
advancing across the country upon the settlement of the High- j 
landers at Darien, and at all times to liold themselves in reaili- \ 
ness to cross over and unite in the defense of Frederica should i 
that place be threatened. I 
On the 13th of April ]\[r. Oglethorpe dispatched iMajor Rich- j 
ards and Mr. Horton with his reply to the captain-general ot 
Florida. They went in the nr.vrine boat, accompanied by a pen- 

1 See Francis IMuore's Voyage. 


agua carrying a three months' supply of provisions. In his re- 
sponse Mr. Oglethorpe acquainted his excellency that in order 
to remove all cause of uneasiness and to prevent lawless persons 
from creating any disturbance between the subjects of the two 
Crowns, he had commissioned armed boats to patrol the waters 
separating the British and Spanish territories. He concluded by 
thanking him for his former civilities, and by commending J^Iajor 
Richards and his companions to his favorable consideration. 

Upon reaching St. George's Fort, Major Richards sent over to 
the Spanish side of the river St. John to announce his arrival ; 
but neither men nor horses were there, as had been promised, to 
conduct him to St. xVugustine. As the major was anxious to 
keep his appointment, — which was that he would repoi-t at St. 
Augustine within three weeks from the time of his departure, — 
and as a voyage in open boat involved too much danger and ex- 
posure, Mr. Horton prevailed upon him to remain where he was. 
With two servants he set out on foot to visit the governor and 
advise him that i\Lijor Richards had arrived upon the confines of 
Florida bearing letters from ]\Ir. Oglethorpe. A few days after- 
wards two smokes, which were the signal agreed upon, were per- 
ceived at the Spanish look-out. The marine boat was immediately 
sent over. It returned with the intelligence that a guard and 
horses were ready to conduct Major Richards to St. Augustine, 
but that the Spaniards behaved more like enemies than friends. 
The officers and men of the boat counseled Major Richards not 
to go with them unless the Spaniards left some one as security 
for his safety. The major resolved to venture, nevertheless, and 
havinf been taken in charge by the Spaniards on the other side 
set out at once upon his journey. Some daj^s after this, another 
smoke appearing at the Spanish post, the boat again went over, 
when a dirty paper, containing a message in German, traced with 
a pencil, was handed to the officer in charge. The Spaniards said 
it had been written by ^Major Richards and was addressed to 
Captain Ilermsdorf. It simply advised him that he had safely 
reached the quarters of the Spanish captain of horse. The Span- 
iards appearing in numbers more formidable than usual, ]Mr. 
Horton not returning, and Major Richards sending such a short 
dispatch. Captain Uermsdorf concluded that the latter was de- 
tained as a prisoner. His fort not being tenable, and " his men 
proving indilTerent," that officer resolved to abandon his exposed 
position and retire to Amelia Sound whence, if repulsed, he could 
retire under the protection of the guns at St. Andrew. While 


lying at anchor near the south end of Cumbeiland Island, he was 
overtaken by Mr. Oglethorpe in Captain Gascoigne's six-oared 
yawl-boat, attended by Rae's scout-boat, who ordered him to fol- 
low. Leaving Captain Hermsdorf with the periagaa and the 
marine-boat at St. George, Mr. Oglethorpe proceeded with the 
yawl and the scout-boat, bearing a ilag of truce, to the Spanish 
side that he might ascertain what had become of Major Richards, 
Mr. Horton, and their companions. The customary post was de- 
serted. After traversing the neigliborhood for some time, and 
seeing no one, Oglethorpe was about returning when one of his 
lads, named Frazier, appeared driving before him a tall man with 
a musket upon his shoulder, two pistols in his girdle, and a long 
and a short sword depending from his side. "■ Here, sir, I have 
caught a Spaniard for you," said the boy. Having treated the 
captive civilly, and having given him wine and victuals, I\Ir. 
Oglethorpe inquired concerning Major Richards and Mi-. Horton ; 
whereupon the fellow pulled oat a letter which he said was from 
Mr. Horton, whom, with Major Richards, he added, the governor 
of St. Augustine had put under arrest. ]Mr. Oglethorpe rewarded 
him, and designated noon of the next day for returning an an- 
swer. This information led Mr. Oglethorpe to antici^Date an 
early attack from the Spaniards. He withdrew at once to St. 
George, which he placed in the best possible attitude of defense. 
During the night fires were kindled at various points to light up 
the adjacent waters and discover the enemy if he attempted to 
pass. Returning to the Spanish look-out on the morrow, at the 
appointed hour, he was chagrined at finding that the Spaniard 
had not kept his engagement. Some horsemen were observed 
concealing themselves behind the sand-hills, and a launch, filled 1 

with men, was seen lying under the shelter of a sand-bank near ! 

the mouth of the St. John's River. Upon rowing in the direc- 1 

tion of this launch, her crew started up and pulled out to sea. \ 

Finally he succeeded in having a conference with a horseman, \ 

well mounted and dressed in blue, to whom he entrusted the let- i 

ters intended for the Spaniard whom he had met on the previous ! 

day. The horseman promised to attend to their proper delivery, ] 

and also to return with replies. Having waited two days for a 
response, and none being delivered, Mr. Oglethorpe, leaving all 
the other boats at Fort St. George, repaired in the yawl to Fred- 

Advices received from Florida, induced Mr. Oglethorpe to ex- 
pect an early demonstration against that town. Every precaution 


was taken and all preparations were made wliich the utmost pru- 
dence, forethought, and military ingenuity could devise to place 
the colonists there and the garrisons in the dependent forts in 
the best practical attitude, both oll'ensive and defensive. The 
more closely we scrutinize the efforts of the commander-in-chief 
at this important juncture, the more remarkable appear the re- 
sults which he then achieved with the small numbers and scanty 
resources at command. His energy was untiring, and his watch- 
fulness unceasing. No exposure proved too hazardous, no per- 
sonal exertion too onerous. During this period of doubt and 
peril he was bravely seconded by his subalterns, and by the vener- 
able Tomo-chi-chi, who remained ever near, accompanying him 
upon his scouts by land and water, assisting in the construction 
of forts and in the disposition of troops, by means of guides and 
runners giving information of the movements of tlie Spaniards, 
and by his presence imd influence inciting his warriors to the 
cheerful performance of continued and valuable services. 

Beyond all question the Spaniards purposed an early attack 
upon Frederica. By the time, however, that they had consum- 
mated their arrangements, such reports were conveyed to them 
of the strength of the positions occupied by the colonists, of the 
obstacles to be overcome, and of tlie probable loss to be encoun- 
tered, that the projected expedition was delayed. "When, more 
than two years afterwards, it was launched against St. Simon's 
Island, the Spanish arms encountered only disappointment, de- 
moralization, and defeat. The history of this island and the 
heroic memories of its galhint defense are among the most memo- 
rable recollections of the colonial period of Georgia. They illus- 
trate at once the ability, valor, and military skill of Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe, the patience, endurance, and braver}^ of the colonists, and 
the fidelity of tlie aged mico of the Yamacraws and his followers. 

To the great relief of all ^Ir. Horton arrived at Frederica dur- 
ing the night of the 14th of June. He had met Mv. Oglethorpe 
€71 route. To ^Ir. Francis Moore he gave the following account 
of his adventures : After departing, with two servants, from the 
Spanish look-out, he walked along the sea-shore until he reached 
the river flowing near the castle of St. Augustine. Arriving 
there about four o'clock in the afternoon, he fired his sun several 
times as a signal for a boat to convey him across. At last one 
came. Having crossed the river lie was conducted to the gover- 
nor, who receivoil him with much civility. Thence he went to 
Don Carlos Dempsey's house. The next day a detachment was 


sent to escort Major Richards to St. Augustine, who arrived 
shortly afterwards. Both he and Mr. Horton were welcomed by 
the inhabitants, " who looked upon them as the Messengers of 
their Deliverance, for bringhig them the news that the Erujlish 
boats patrole upon the River to hinder the barbarous Indians 
from passing and molesting them." 

While waiting for the governor's answer to Mr. Oglethorpe's 
communication, they were one night invited to a dance at the 
residence of the governor's interpreter, where they remained until 
one o'clock in the morning and then returned to their lodgings 
at Mr. Dempsey's house. While they were still in bed, the town 
major, Diego Paulo, attended by a file of musketeers, waited 
upon Mr. Dempsey and informed him that Major Richards, ^Ir. 
Horton, and their servants were charged with having been en- 
gaged that very morning in " taking a plan of the town and 
castle," and that the governor, acting upon the accusation, had 
ordered a sergeant and twelve men to make prisoners of them. 

About ten o'clock the same morning, the governor " came to 
Don Carlos's Lodging, accompany'd by some officers and the pub- 
lic Scrivener of the Garison, and having sat down, began a formal 
Information and Examination of Major Richards. The Governor 
ask'd liim what brought him there ; he answer'd that he was 
come pursuant to his promise to his Excellency of returning to 
him with Letters from Mr. Ogletliorpe. He then asked where 
Mr. Oglethorpe was ? He answered he could not tell wliere lie 
then was, but he had left him at Frederiea. Upon which \u\ 
asked what Fortifications and number of Men were at Frederiea ? 
To which the jMajor answered he did not know. He then asked 
what Fortifications and number of Men were at Jelcyl S")nid, 
Cumberland Island, Amelia Island, and St. Johnsf To which 
the Major answered the same as before. Whereupon the Gov- 
ernor retired ; and some time after sent for the jNIajor to his 
House. He then examined Mr. Horton as to the Strength of 
Georgia ; but he refus'd to give them any answer : Upon which 
they threaten'd to send him to the ^Nlines. To which he answer'd 
that he was a Subject of Great Britain, and his Sovereign was 
powerful enough to do him Justice. 

" The next D;iy, upon Don Carlos's application, the Guards 
were taken off, he undertaking for them, and promising upon 
Honour, that they should not Avalk about the Town, nor leave it 
without his Excellency's P(>rmispion. Some Days after, tlu'v st'pt 
out Don Ignatio liosso, — Lieutenant Colonel of the Garrit^on, — 


with a Detachment of it, in a large Boat called a Launch. Ho 
staid out about five Days, and returned extremely fatigu'd, — the 
Men having row'd tlie Skin off their Hands, — and reported that 
the Islands were all fortified and full of Men and arm'd Boats. 

" After this Don Carlos spoke to tlie Governor, Bishop, and 
the rest of the Officers. A Council of War was call'd, and it was 
resolv'd to send back Major Richards^ Mr. Hortoii and the other 
Men, and also letters of Civility to Mr. Oglethorpe with Don 
Carlos Bempsey, Bon Pedro Lamherto, Captain of Horse, and 
Don 3Ianuel d' Arcy, Adjutant of the Garrison, and to desire 
Friendship." Mr. Horton w^as accordingly released, and, while 
returning with his servants in a boat, met Mr. Oglethorpe, to 
whom he communicated the intelligence of the approach of the 
Spanish authorities and ]\Ir. Dempsey in a launch. He was 
ordered by Mr. Oglethorpe to press on as rapidly as he could 
and to arrange for the reception of those gentlemen on board 
Captain Gascoigne'a vessel, that they might acquire no informa- 
tion of the situation and strength of Frederica and its adjacent 
forts. That Mr. Dempsey, who, during his residence at St. Au- 
gustine, was handsomely supported by the trustees, labored hon- 
estly and effectually to maintain amicable relations between the 
Spaniards in Florida and the colonists in Georgia cannot be 
doubted. That he was largely instrumental in bringing about a 
pacification on more than one occasion will be admitted ; but it 
is most certain that the energy and daring of Oglethorpe, coupled 
with a very respectable show of batteries, scout-boats, and armed 
men, were more potent than all else in restraining the Spaniards 
from the commission of hostilities. 

The circumstances attendant upon the reception of the Spanish 
authorities and the confirmation of a treaty of friendship between 
the colonies may be summed up as follows : — 

On the 12th of June, Oglethorj^e, accompanied by Tomo-chi-chi 
-and his Indians in their canoes, started with a large periagua and 
two ten-oared boats containing fifty men, cannon, and two months' 
provisions, to relieve Fort St. George which he feared might at 
that time be besieged. On his way he met a boat in wdiich was 
Mr. Horton, ayIio had been released and was at that time return- 
ing home, by wliom he was informed that two Spanish officers 
were coming on a friendly mission to St. Simon. Not being 
able to postpone his visit to St. George, ]\Ir. Oglethorpe sent 
orders to Captain Gascoigne to entertain the Spanish officers on 
his vessel, the Hawk, and to keep them on board until his return. 


so tliat they might not be able by personal inspection to gain 
any definite knowledge of the strength or location of Frederica. 
When within a few miles of his destination, the launch hove in 
sight which conveyed the Spanish commissioners, — Don Pedro 
de Lamberto, colonel of horse, and Don jSIanuel D'Arcy, secretary 
to the governor, — and also Mr. Dempsey and Major Richards.^ 
Wishing to avoid the ceremony which must ensue if he made 
himself known to them, and anxious to compass his visit to Fort 
St. George, Mr. Oglethorpe desired Mr. Mackay to communicate 
with the launch and advise the commissioners to come to an 
anchor until a safeguard could be furnished, because the coun- 
try was full of Indians. They accordingly did so. It was with 
great difficulty that Tomo-chi-chi and his Indians could be re- 
strained from attacking the launch and killing the Spanish com- 
missioners, so intense was the desire for revenge which animated 
their breasts. 

Having concluded his visit to Fort St. George, Mr. Oglethorpe 
set out on his return to Frederica that he might receive the com- 
missioners with becoming state. He passed unobserved very near 
Captain Gascoigne's ship, where the commissioners were being 
handsomely entertained. As soon as he reached Frederica he 
detailed Ensign INIackay to bring from Darien " some of the 
genteelest Highlanders" that they might be present at the con- 
ference.2 He " ordered two handsome tents lined with Cliinese, 
with marquises and walls of canvas, to be sent down and pitched 
upon Jekyl island." He also forwarded some refreshments, and 
dispatched two gentlemen to the commissioners to acquaint them 
with the fact that he would wait upon them in person the next 

On the 18tli Mr. Oglethorpe, with seven mounted men (which 
were all he had), repaired to the Sea-point that the Spaniards 
might see there were men and horses there. "At his setting 
out a number of cannons were fired, which they also could hear 
at Jekyl island. When he arrived at the point, the independent 
company was under arms, being drawn up in one line at double 
distances, to make them appear a larger number to the Spaniards 
who lay upon Jekyl island ; the independent company saluted 
him with their cannon, managing them so as to seem to have 
many more guns by reloading." ^ 

Captain Gascoigne came over in his boat with two scout-boats, 

1 Wv'v^ht's Memoir of Ot/ltthorj>c,i^. 159. ^ Cconjia Ilistorical Socidi/ CoUcctioui, 
' Aloore's Voyage. i. 150. 


and having taken Mr. OgleUiorpe on board conveyed him to 
Jekyll Island, where he hmded and welcomed the Spanish olHcers. 
An invitation for dinner the next day on board the Hawk, ex- 
tended by Captain Gascoigne, was accepted by Mr. Oglethorpe 
and the commissioners, Mr. Oglethorpe saying that he would on 
that occasion formally receive any communication they desired 
to make. 

The following day, the 19th, Ensign Mackay arrived on board 
the man-of-war, with the Highlanders, who, with their broad- 
swords, targets, plaids, etc., were drawn up on one side of the 
ship, while a detachment of the independent company in regi- 
mentals lined the other side. The sailors manned the shrouds, 
and kept sentry with drawn cutlasses at the cabin door. The 
Spanish commissioners were handsomely entertained, and after 
dinner delivered their messages in writing. They drank the health 
of the king of Great Britain and the royal family ; so did Mr. 
Oglethorpe that of the king and queen of Spain. The cannons 
of the ship fired, and Avere answered by such heavy guns as 
were within hearing. The next day they were entertained in 
like manner, and had long conferences with Mr. Oglethorpe. 

" On the 21st he gave them their answer. They made him 
some presents of snuff, chocolate, etc., and he returned them very 
handsome ones. All the time tlie)'^ were there we sent down 
sheep, hogs and poultry, with garden stuff in plenty for all their 
men, as also butter, cheese, wine, beer and all other refreshments. 

" Tomo-chi-chi, Hyllispilli, and near thirty of the chiefest In- 
dians being returned from the southward, came on board painted 
and dressed as they are for war. Ilyllispilli demanded justice 
for killing the Indians, and other outrages. The Spanish com- 
missary, Don Pedro, knew some of the facts, but seemed to doubt 
the rest. Each party had an interpreter." 

The Indians proved that a part}"- of forty Spaniards and In- 
dians had fallen upon some of tlu'ir nation, who, depending upon 
the general peace between the Spaniards, the Indians, and the 
English, were lying without suspicion and consequently without 
guard. Thus sur{)rised, several were killed and taken captive. 
The boys who Avere captured were murdered by having their 
brains dashed out, and the wounded were slain. Don Pedro, 
struck with liorror at this cruelty, inquired how they knew these 
facts. A young Imlian was produced who had been wounded 
upon the occasion. He exhibited the scar, and told how, in the 
confusion, he had escaped by concealing himself among some 


bushes. He further stated that he had for two days followed the 
attackmg j^arty, hiding himself in thickets, seeing all that passed, 
and intending to revenge himself upon stragglers should there 
chance to be any. It was also proved that au Indian, who had 
formed one of the party, bragged of what had been done to one 
of the Creeks who went down to St. IMarks to trade with the 
Spaniards, at the same time saying that the party had been sent 
out from St. Augustine. 

Upon tbis Mr. Ogletliorpe desired Don Pedro to represent 
these facts to the governor of St. Augustine, and to say to him 
that he should expect satisfaction in behalf of the Indians for 
this insult, they being subjects of the king of Great Britain. 
This being interpreted to the Indians, Hillispilli said he ho{)ed 
Mr. Oglethorpe would go Avith them, and then he would see 
what they would do to the Spaniards ; but that if he would not 
accompany them they would go by themselves and take revenge. 

" When this happened," said he, " I was gone with you to 
England. Had I not been with you this Avould not have hap- 
pened, for had I been with my men they should not have been so 
surprised. You will go with me, and you shall see how I Avill 
punish them, but if you will not help me I have friends enougli 
who will go with me to revenge the murder." At this all tiie 
young Indians gave a shout. Don Pedro said that there was a 
party of Indians which he knew went from the neighborhood of 
St. Augustine, but that they were not Spaniards ; that he him- 
self at that time was in Mexico on a message from the governor ; 
that such cruelty must be abhorred by every Christian ; and that 
he would take it upon him to say that the people who had com- 
mitted this outrage should be punished. Polioia, king of the 
Floridas, was named as the party who commanded the expedi- 
tion. Don Pedro gave his assurance that if ever he came into 
St. Augustine so that the Spaniards could secure him, the 
governor and council of war would punish him as his cruelty 
deserved ; and that if he came not within their power they 
would banish him. 

To this Hillispilli said, " We hear what you say. When we 
see it done, we will believe you." Tomo-chi-chi persuadetl him 
to be content, and, during the stay of the commissioners, exortrd 
his influence in restraining the violent passions of his peoj)li' and 
preventing them from offering direct insult and personal vinlcnoe 
to the Spaniards. 

This conference resulted in a temporary restoration of ap}vir- 


ent good feeling, and brought about a practical pacification be- 
tween Florida and Georgia which suffered no violent interruption 
for a period of more than two years. The Spaniards disparted 
on the 22d, well pleased with their reception and professing ami- 
cable sentiments towards the colony of Georgia and its knightly 

Mr. Oglethorpe's account of this interview witb the Spanish 
officials, as furnished in a letter to the trustees, is, in some re- 
spects, more circumstantial : ^ — 

" After dinner we dranii the king of Britain's and the king of 
Spain's health under a discharge of cannon from the ship ; which 
was answered with fifteen pieces of cannon from Delegal's fort 
at the Sea-point. That again was followed by the cannon from 
the fort of St. Andrew's, and that by those of Frederica and 
Darien, as I had before ordered. The Spaniards seemed ex- 
tremely surprised that there should be so many forts, and all 
within hearing of one another, Don Pedro smiled and said, 
'No wonder Don Ignatio made more haste home than out.' 
After the healths were done, a great number of Indians came on 
board, naked, painted, and their heads dressed with feathers. 
They demanded of me justice against the Spaniards for killing 
some of their men in time of peace.^ . . . 

*' Don Pedro having asked several questions, acknowledged 
himself fully satisfied of the fact, excusing it by saying that he 
was then in Mexico, and that the Governor being new^ly come 
from Spain and not knowing the customs of the country, had 
sent out Indians under the command of the Pohoia, king of the 
Floridas, who had exceeded his orders which were not to molest 
the Creeks. But the Indians not being content with tliat answer, 
he undertook that, at his return to Augustine, he would have the 
Pohoia king put to death, if he could be taken, and if he could 
not, that the Spaniards would supply his people with neither 
powder, arms, nor anything else, but leave them to the Creeks. 
The Indians answered that he spake well, and if the Spaniards 
did what he said, all sliould be white between them ; but if not, 
they would take revenge, from which, at my desire, they would 
abstain till a final answer came. 

" The Indian matters being thus settled, we had a conference 
with the Spanish Commissioners. They thanked me first for my 

1 Wrii^'ht's ^f< "I'xV of G. nfml Jnmrs itios, with which it is iinnecessaiy to 
Off/c/Zior/Jc, p. It'O, '^ .-■'■'/. Lomlon. K'^GT. shock the reader. 
a Here follow details of revoUiu^' atroc- 


restraining the Indians who were in my power, and hoped I 
would extend that care to the upper Indians. They then, attiT 
having produced their credentials, presented a paper the con- 
tents whereof were to know by what title I settled upon St. 
Simon's, being lands belonging to the king of Spain. I took 
the paper, promising an answer next day. The substance was, 
that the lands belonged to the king of England by undoubted 
right: that I had proceeded with the utmost caution, having 
taken with me Indians, the natives and possessors of those lands ; 
that I had examined every place to see if there were any Sinm- 
ish possessions, and went forward till I found an outguard of 
theirs, over against which I settled the English without commit- 
ting any hostilities or dislodging any. Therefore I did n'lt ex- 
tend the king's dominions, but only settled with regular Lrarri- 
sons that part of them which was before a shelter for Juili;ins, 
pirates, and such sort of disorderly men.^ 

" The rest of the evening we spent in conversation, which 
chiefly turned upon the convenience it would be, both to tho 
Spaniards and English, to have regular garrisons in sight of each 
other. Don Pedro smiled and said he readily agreed to tliat, 
and should like very well to have their Spanish guard unon the 
south side of Helena river, which is within five miles of C'luirles- 
town, and where the Spaniards had a garrison in King Charles 
the First's time. I replied I thought it was better as it was : for 
there were a great many people living between who could never 
be persuaded to come in to his sentiments. At last Don Pedro 
acquainted us that he thought the Spaniards would refer the set- 
tling of the limits to the Coiuts of Europe, for which jiurnose'. 
he should write to their Court, and in the meantime desired no 
hostilities might be committed, and that I would send u[i a com- 
missary to sign with the government an agreement to this pur- 
pose. I thereupon appointed Mr. Dempsey to be my Commis- 
sary and to return with them. Don Pedro is the ruling man in 
Augustine and has more interest with the Council of War than 
the Governor. As he passed by St. George's Point, he sent a 
whole ox as a present to the garrison. lie gave me some sweet- 

1 At the time of tho peace of Utrecht, to the parties who then occujiioil tlu ni : 

the territoiy as far soutla as the river St. aiul, as the Imlians continiuil t'> !. .4 

John was iu tlie possession of the Indian tho disputed district, and ackiiowi-' !_•■ 1 

allies of Great Britain, and the Spaniards themselves sulyect to the kin:: "f r-! _'- 

never attempted to settle witliin it. By land, by their cession it lia<l t'cionie t.i'" 

the terms of that treaty all possessions iu property of the iiritisii Crowu. 
North America were declared to bcloun; 


meats and chocolate. I gave him a gold watch, a gun, and fresh 
provisions. To Don Manuel I gave a silver watch, and sent 
back a boat to escort them. If the Spaniards had cummittcd any 
hostilities, I could, by the help of the Indians, have destroyed 
Angustine with great facility. But, God be praised, by His bless- 
ing, the diligence of Dempsey, and the prudence of Don Pedro, 
all bloodshed was avoided." 

This protestation of fi-iendship on the part of the Spaniards, 
and this qualified concession of the right of the Geoi-gia colonists 
to plant their town and batteries south of the ALitamaha River 
were soon recalled. In the fall of the year a peremptory demand 
was made by the Spanish government for the evacuation by the 
English of all territory lying south of St. Helena's Sound. 

Perceiving that vigorous measures and a stronger force were 
requisite for the preservation of the colony, and yielding to the 
solicitations of the trustees that he should be present at the ap- 
proaching meeting of Parliament to influence larger supplies for 
Georgia, Mr. Oglethorpe, having arranged for the government 
and protection of the province during his absence, embarked for 
England on the 29tli of November, 1730.^ 

During his absence in England, nothing of special moment 
transpired on the southern frontiers. iNIr. Horton apj)ears to 
have been left in general -charge of the defenses in that quarter. 
He established himself at Frederica, whence he -made frequent 
tours of inspection to its outposts and dependent works. Of a 
visit which lie paid to the towii early in February, 1737, ]Mr. 
Stephens, secretary of the colony, gives us rather a stupid ac- 
count,2 from which we gather that the inhabitants were living 
" in perfect Peace and Quiet, without Fear of any Disturbance 
from Abroad, and without any Strife or Contention at Law at 
Home, Avhere they sometimes opened a Court, but very rarely 
had any Thing to do in it." Only slight improvements had been 
made during the preceding 3'ear in clearing and cultivating land, 
because of the constant apprehension of incursion by the Span- 
iards and the amount of military service the able-bodied men 
were obliged to perform. 

Provision was made for the comfort of the colonists so far at 
least as the means at command would justify. The oven built at 
Frederica was in active use, and a baker, detailed for that purpose, 
supplied the community with fresh bread. Cattle, sheep, and 

^ PieoWri^ht'if }fewoir of GeiiernlJames -See ,1 Jonrnnl of the Pioccnfinos in 
Oglethorjic, I). 167. Loudou. 1SG7. Geort/ia, etc., vol. i. p. 98. Loudon. 1742. 


poultry were sent from Carolina and *from Savannah, and In- 
dians were employed in supplying the garrisons with fresh ven- 

Before departing for England Mr. Oglethorpe was called to 
Savannah to give general directions in regard to the administra- 
tion of affairs in that town and vicinity, and especially to hold a 
conference with a committee from the General Assembly of South 
Carolina witli regai-d to the Indian trade which they charged 
him with desiring to monopolize to the prejudice of the Carolina 

The merits of this controversy are thus intelligently stated 
by the Rev. Dr. Harris.^ As the boundaries of Georgia sepa- 
rated the Indians on the west side of the Savannah River from 
the confines of South Carolina, it was claimed that they must be 
admitted as in affinity with the new colony. At any rate, Ogle- 
thorpe deemed it so expedient to obtain the consent of the natives 
to the settlement of his people, and regarded their good-will so 
essential to a secure and peaceful residence, that his earliest care 
had been to make treaties of alliance with them. That these 
treaties should include agreements for mutual intercourse and 
trade seemed to be not only a prudential but an indispensable 
provision, particularly as Tomo-chi-chi and the micos of the 
Creeks who accompanied him to England requested that some 
stipulations should be made in regard to the quantity, quality, 
and prices of goods, and the accuracy of the weights and measures 
used in determining the articles offered in purchase of their buf- 
falo-hides, deer-skins, peltry, etc. The trustees thereupon estab- 
lished certain regulations designed to prevent in future the impo- 
sitions of which the Indians complained. To carry these into 
effect it was thought right that none should be permitted to 
trade with the Indians except such as were licensed, and would 
agree to conduct the traffic according to prescribed rules and 
upon fair and equitable principles. The Carolina traders not 
being disposed to apply for permits, and declaring their un- 
willingness to subject themselves to the stipulations and restric- 
tions indicated, were disallowed by the Georgia commissary who 
occupied a trading house among the Creeks. This action of 
the Georgia official proved very distasteful to them, and the 
complaints which they lodged with the Provincial Assembly of 
South Cai'olina led to the appointment of the committee just re- 
ferred to whose conference with Oglethorpe was held at Savan- 
1 Biographical Memorials of James Oylclhorpc, pp. 152 et scq. Boston. jMDCCCXLI. 


nah on the 2d of August, 1736. ^ In their printed report the 
members of that committee siiy : " The Cherokee, Creek, Chicka- 
saw, and Catawba Indians, at the time of the discovery of this 
part of America, were the inhabitants of the kinds whicli they 
now possess, and liave ever since been deemed and esteemed the 
friends and allies of his Majesty's Subjects in this part of the 
Continent. They have been treated with as allies, but not as 
subjects of the Crown of Great Britain ; they have maintained 
their own possessions and preserved their independency ; nor 
does it appear that they have by conquest lost, nor by cession, 
compact, or otherwise, yielded up or parted with those rights to 
which, by the laws of nature and nations, they were and are en- 

" The Committee cannot conceive that a charter from the 
Crown of Great Britain can give the grantees a right or jDower 1 

over a people who, to our knowledge, have never owed any al- j 

legiance, or acknowledged the sovereignty of the Crown of Great } 

Britain or any Prince in Europe, but have indiscriminately vis- \ 

ited and traded with the French, Spaniards, and English as they 1 

judged it most for their advantage ; and it is as difficult to un- | 

derstand how the laws of Great Britain or of any Colony in j 

America can take place, or be put in execution in a country : 

where the people never accepted of, nor submitted to such laws ; 
but have always maintained their freedom, and have adhered to 
their own customs and manners without variation or change." 

Hence the committee inferred and insisted that the regula- 
tions adopted by the trustees could not be regarded as binding 
upon the Indians or serve to render exclusive any traffic with 
them. Oglethorpe acknowledged that the Indians were inde- 
pendent, but asserted that, in entire consistency with this fact, 
they had entered into a treaty of alliance with the colony of 
Georgia ; that having themselves indicated certain terms and 
principles of trade, these were adopted and enjoined by the trus- 
tees ; and that this was done not to claim authority over the 
Indians or to control tlieir conduct, but simply to make manifest 
what was required of those Avho should go among them for the 
purpose of barter and sale. 

In answer to the allegation that the Carolina traders had been 
excluded, he declared that in granting licenses to trade with the 

1 Report of the Committee appointed to South Carolina, and the Dtspiitcs subsisting 
Examine into the Proce<'(l!iiqs of the l\i>ple biiwren the two Colonics. Charles-Town. 
of Georgia with Respect to the Province of 1736. 


Indians dwelling within the limits of Georgia he refused the 
application of no one who promised to conform to the provisions 
of the act. He also asserted that he had given, and should in 
every instance continue to give, such instructions to the Georgia 
traders as had formerly been imparted by the province of Caro- 
lina to her traders ; that in case any new instructions, issued by 
the province of South Carolina to her traders, should be commu- 
nicated and appear to him of equal benefit to the two provinces, 
he would add them to the instructions of the Georgia traders ; 
and finally that, pursuant to the desire of the committee, he 
would direct all his officers and traders among the Lidians in 
their talks to make no distinction between the two provinces, 
but to speak in the name and behalf of his majesty's subjects. 

It appears, however, that with the result of the interview the 
commissioners were not satisfied. They still objected because 
permits were required, and especially because they must come 
through the hands of the governor of Georgia. 

Returning to Frederica in the latter part of September, jMr. 
Oglethorpe renewed the commission of i\Ir. Dempsey, empower- 
ing him, as the emergency arose, to agree with the governor of 
Florida upon terms for a conventional adjustment of any mis- 
understandings which might occur between the provinces. A 
treaty, quite conciliatory in its stipulations, was concluded by him 
on the 27th of October following. Soon, however, was a message 
received from the governor making known the fact that a Sjian- 
ish minister had arrived from Cuba charged with a communica- 
tion which he desired to deliver in person. A conference ensued 
during which that minister repudiated the concessions contained 
in the existing treaty, and peremptorily demanded, in the name 
of the Spanish Crown, that all tho territory lying south of St. 
Helena's Sound should be immediately evacuated by the English 
colonists. Asserting that the king of Spain was resolved to 
enforce his right to it, refusing to listen to any argument in sup- 
port of British rights, and accompanying his demand with men- 
aces, the Spanish minister unceremoniously withdrew. 

To assist in warding off this threatened blow, and to facilitato 
the rapid accumulation of men and munitions of war requisite 
for the protection of the colony, the presence of Oglethori)e in 
England was imperatively demanded, and he resolved to embark 
with all possible expedition.^ 

* Sec IIi<tlon'cal Account of the Rise and od/I Gi'nrnhi, vol. ii. p. 48. Louilon. 
Progress of the Culonits of iSouth Carolina MDCCLXXIX. 


Dispute betwekn Georgia axd Carolina with Regard to the Navigation 

. OF the Savannah River. — Disagreements between the Salzijurgers, ' 

SOME Carolinians, and the Uchee Indians. — The Home Government j 


War for the Protection of Georgia against the Spaniards. — Ogle- f 


OF Colonel. — Appointed General, ^ind Co5imander-in-Chief of his 
Majesty's Forces in Carolina and Georgia. — Returns to Georgia 
with his Regiment. — Miutary Operations xVT Frederica. — Spies 
IN Camp. — Oglethorpe's Resolution and Energy. — Conference at 
Savannah with the Indians. — Caustox's Defalcation and Removal. 
— "William Stephens. — Depressed Condition of the Finances of the 
Colony. — Oglethorpe's Generosity. 

Befoee departing for England IMr. Ogletliorpe intervened for 
the accommodation of certain matters which seriously threatened 
an interruption of the peace of the colony. Augusta being con- 
veniently located for commerce with the Indian nations, some 
Carolina traders were induced to open stores at that place. Land 
carriage proving tedious and expensive, they resolved to trans- 
port their goods by water from Charlestown. As the boats were 
passing Savannali, the magistrates, mindful of the law prohibit- 
ing the introduction of distilled liquors into the province, and 
regarding the Savannah ilowing between Hutchinson's Island 
and Yamacraw Bluff as a part of Georgia, ordered them to be 
stopped and searched. A considerable quantity" of rum was 
found on board. The casks containing it were staved, and the 
persons in chnrge of the boats wei'e arrested and confined. At 
this proceeding the Carolinians were greatly incensed, and de- 
manded of the Georgia magistrates " by what authority they 
presumed to seize and destroy the eflects of their traders, or to 
compel them to submit to their code of laws." Apprehending 
that they had acted precipitatelv, and that they had perhaps 
transcended their powers, the authorities at Savannah made im- 
mediate concessions to the deputies from Carolina. The conhncd 
were set at liberty, and the goods destroyed were returned as far 
as practicable in kind ; the Carolinians engaging on their part 


to smuggle no more strong liquors -within tlie limits of Geor- 

The matter, however, did not end here, but was eventually 
broucfht to the notice of the Board of Trade. After examining 
into the facts and hearing argument, the commissioners con- 
cluded that while the navigation of the Savannah was open alike 
to the inhabitants of both colonies, and while it was incumbent 
upon the Georgians to render the Carolinians all friendly as- 
sistance in their power, it was not lawful for Carolina traders to 
introduce ardent spirits among the settlers in Georgia. 

Another difficulty arose in the following manner. A Salz- 
burger had indiscreetly cleared and planted four acres of land be- 
yond tho boundary of Ebenezer, thus encroaching upon the re- 
served territory of the Uchees. Other Salzburgers permitted 
their cattle to stray away and eat up the growing corn of tiios,^ 
Indians at a point some twenty miles above that village. lUit 
what vexed the Uchees most, as we are informed by Oglethorpe, 
was that some people from Carolina swam a great herd of cattle 
over the Savannah, and, bringing negroes with them, formed a 
plantation near the Uchee town. Taking advantage of the irrita- 
tion of the Indians, Captain Green advised them to fall upon die 
Salzburgers, and to declare war against the English. So soon as 
he was informed of these occurrences, Mv. Oglethorpe compelled 
the Carolinians to recross the Savannah with their negroes and 
cattle, and ordered the Salzburgers to confine themselves and 
their cattle within the limits which had been prescribed for their 

Instead of taking Green's advice, the Uchees sent their king 
and twenty warriors to j\Ir. Oglethorpe to thank him for having 
redressed their wrongs even before they had requested him to do 
so. Such conduct on his part, they added, made them love him ; 
and that so far from entering upon a war against the English 
they were now readj^ to " help them against the Spaniards." 
They also offered Oglethorpe the services of one hundred warriors 
for a year if he should require their aid.^ 

Yielding to the solicitations of the trustees, who desired his 
presence in London that he might unite with them in securing 
from Parliament further supplies for Georgia, jNIr. Oglethorpe^ 

1 Ilistorical Account of the Rise and 2 gee letter of Oglethorpe to tho tru5- 
Progress of the Colonics of South Caro- tecs, Colonial Documents, vol. i. l^- ^^• 
liua and dorrjia, vol. ii. p. 48. Loudou. 



on the 29tli of November, 1736, set sail for England. Narrowly- 
escaping shipwreck in the Bristol Channel, he reached London 
early in January, 1737, and, on the lOtli, attended a special 
meeting of the trustees. After reporting to them the progress 
of the colony, and assuring them of the amicable relations which 
had been maintained with the Indian nations, near and remote, 
he entered upon a full explanation of his negotiations with the 
Spanish authorities in St. Augustine, and justified the strong 
suspicions he entertained that the existing treaty stipulations 
would be disregarded by them. With his labors for the defense 
of the southern boundary of the province they were made ac- 
quainted, and he concluded by urging the necessity for a prompt 
detail of troops to occupy those exposed stations. By a unani- 
mous vote was he thanked for his past services, and it was re- 
solved at once to petition Parliament for a grant of men, muni- 
tions, and money, with which to protect the province against the 
threatened invasion of the Spaniards. 

In the " London Post " appeared an article, suggested by the 
intelligence recently communicated by ]\Ir. Oglethorpe, in which, 
after discussing the benefits to the English nation accruing from 
the colonization of Georgia, and alluding to the thriving condi- 
tion of the province induced by royal patromige, parliamentary 
aid, and the generosity of private contributors " whose laudable 
zeal will eternize their names in the British annals," the writer 
thus eulogizes the labors of Oglethorpe: "a gentleman whoso 
judgment, courage, and indefatigable diligence in the service of 
his country have shewn him every w^ay equal to so gx-eat and 
valuable a design. In the furtherance of this noble enterprise 
that public spirited and magnanimous man has acted like a vigi- 
lant and faithful guardian, at the expense of his repose and to 
the utmost hazard of his life. And now the jealousy of the 
Spanish is excited and we are told that that Court has the mod- 
esty to demand from England that he shall not be any longer 
employed. If this be the fact, as there is no doubt it is, we have 
a most undeniable proof that the Spaniards dread the abilities 
of Mr. Oglethorpe. It is, of course, a glorious testimony to his 
merit, and a certilioate of his patriotism that ought to endear 
him to every honest Briton." ^ 

The Spanish ambassador near the Court of St. James entered 
formal protest against sending troops from England to Georgia, 
and remonstrated against the return of Mr. Oglethorpe. 

1 Cited in the Gentleman's Magazine, vol. vii. p. 500. 


Information was soon received that the authorities at St. Au- 
gustine had ordered the English merchants there located to de- 
part ; that barracks were being constructed in that town for the 
accommodation of two thousand five hundred soldiers who were 
soon to be shipped from Havana in three men-of-war and eight 
transports; and that provisions in large quantities were being ac- 

Urged by these and other hostile indications, and sensible of 
their inability to aiford suitable protection to the colonists, the 
trustees petitioned the Crown that " a necessarj' supply of forces " 
might speedily be raised and forwarded for the defense of the 
colony of Georgia. The petition ^ was allowed, and Oglethorjie 
was named as colonel of the regiment to be enlisted. He was 
also appointed general and commander-in-chief of his majesty's ' 

forces in Carolina and Georgia, that he might the more readily ] 

wield the entire military power of the two provinces in their ; 

mutual defense. The regiment was to consist of six companies j 

of one hundred men each, exclusive of non-commissioned ol'li- ;. 

cers and musicians. A company of grenadiers was subsequently 1 

added. { 

Before his command was fully recruited, Oglethorpe kissed his \ 

majesty's hand on receiving his commission as colonel. Although I 

men were being rapidly enlisted, and although it was apparent I 

that the full complement of the regiment would soon be secured, i 

so threatening was the attitude assumed by the Spaniards in I 

Florida it was deemed expedient to reinforce Georgia without \ 

further dela3\ Accordingly a detachment of troops was ordered | 


^ That petition m'us couched iu the I\riijcsty their inahility sufficioiitly t^ pro- ' 

following laiigungc : "The hinnble ilc- tect your Majesty's subjects sviilnl in i 

morial of the Trustees for establishing Georgia under the cncoura^^eun'tit of | 

the Colony of Georgia in America, hum- your Majesty's Charter, against tlie hue 

bly slieweth : That they being intrusted increase of forces, and therefore liecumo | 

by your Majesty with the care of the humble suppliants to your Miijcsty on j 

Colony of Georgia, which was formerly the behalf of your Majesty's subjects set- I 

part of your Majesty's Province of South tied in the Province of Georgia, tliat your \ 

Carolina, and your Majesty's Colony of IMajesty would be pleased to take their I 

Georgia being very much exposed to the preservation into your royal coiisidira- • 

power of the Spaniards, and being an tion, that by a necessary sujijily of forces | 

object of their envy by liaving valuable the Province may bo jirotectttl ai::iinst j 

ports upon the homeward passa;zo from the great dangers that seem iinnioiii.itvly ! 

the Spanish West Indies, and the S])an- to threaten it. ; 

iards having incteased their force in the " All which is most humbly submitted ; 

neighborhood thereof ; the Trustees in to your Majesty's great wisdom, 

consequence of the great trust reposed " Si;:ncd by order of the Trii>ti'>s this 

in them by your JIajesty find them- 10th day of August, 17;!7. 

selves obliged humbly to lay before your "liiiNJAMiN Mautvn, Stcrttitri/." 


thither from Gibraltar, which reached Savannah on the 7th of 
May, 1738. The famous clergyman and eloquent orator, the 
Rev. George Whitefield, ^vho had been appointed to take the 
place of the Rev. John Wesley in Georgia, ^Yas a passenger on 
board the shijD in which these soldiers were transported. 

About the same time two or three companies of the general's 
own regiment, under the command of Lieut. Col. James Coch- 
rane, arrived in Charlestown and were marched southward by 
the road which led from Port Royal to Darien. 

Disdaining to " make a market of the service of his Country " 
by selling commissions in his regiment, Oglethorpe secured as 
officers only such persons as were gentlemen of family and char- 
acter in their respective counties. He also engaged some twenty 
young men of position, but without fortune, to serve as cadets. 
These he jDroposed to promote as vacancies occurred and their 
conduct w'arranted. So far from deriving any pecuniary benefit 
from these appointments, the general, in some cases, from his 
private fortune advanced the fees requisite to procure commis- 
sions, and provided moneys for the purchase of uniforms and 
clothing. At his own expense he engaged the services of forty 
supernumeraries, — "a circumstance," says a contemporaneous 
writer, " very extraordinary in our armies, especially in our plan- 

To engender in the hearts of the enlisted men an interest in 
and an attachment for the colony they were designed to de- 
fend, and to induce them eventually to become settlers, permis- 
sion was granted to each to take a wife with him. For the 
support of the wife additional pay and rations were provided. ^ 
So carefully was this regiment recruited and officered that it 
constituted one of the best military organizations in the service 
of the king. 

Sailing from Portsmouth on the 5th of July, 1738, with the 
rest of his command, numbering, with the women, children, and 
supernumeraries who accompanied, between six and seven hun- 
dred souls, in five transports convoyed by the men-of-war Bland- 
ford and Hector, General Oglethorpe arrived safely in Jekyll 
Sound on the ISth of the following September.^ The next day 
the troops were landed at the Soldiers' Fort, on the south end 

1 See Harris' Memorials of OghtJmrpe, 1867. Gentleman's Magazine, vol, viii. 
pp. 188, ISO. Boston. 1841. \\'r/)/lu's p. 164. 

Memoir of O'jlcthorpc, p. I'Jl. Loudon. - ^ie\t\\c\\?,' Journal of Proceedings, vol. 

i. pp. 294, 295. London. 1742. 

Arrival of ogletiiorpe's regiment. 2G1 

of St. Simon's Island. This reinforcement was welcomed by an 

artillery salute from the battery, and by shouts from the gar- i 

rison. Upon coming within soundings off the Georgia coast on i 

the loth, Sir Yelverton Peyton, in the Hector, parted company I 

and sailed for Virginia. Until the 21st, the general encamped ! 

near the fort, superintending the disembarkation, and issuing i 

necessary orders. His regiment was now concentrated, and every i 
officer is represented to have been at his post. 

Frederica was visited on the 21st, and there Oglethorpe was j 

saluted with fifteen guns from the fort. The magistrates and I 

inhabitants waited upon him in a body, tendering their con- I 

gratulations upon his return. Several Indians were present who j 

assured him that the Upper and Lower Creeks were in readiness ' 

to come and see him so soon as they should be notified of his j 

presence.! In a letter ^ to Sir Joseph Jekyll, dated the 10th \ 

of September, 1738, General Oglethorpe, alluding to the fact j 

that the Spaniards, although having fifteen hundred men at j 

St. Augustine, there being nothing but the militia in Georgia, 1 

had delayed their contemplated attack until the arrival of the • 

regular troops, acknowledges that God had thus given " the | 

greatest marks of his visible Protection to the Colony." He \ 

advises Sir Joseph that the passage had been fine, but one soldier I 

having died, and that the inhabitants who had hitherto been so j 
harassed by Spanish threats were now cheerful, believing that 

the worst was over, and that, relieved from the constant c^uard | 

duty which they had been compelled to perform, sometimes two I 

days out of five, to the neglect of their crops and improvements, | 

they might now prosecute their labors and make comfortable | 

provision for the future. 1 

Realizing the necessity of opening direct communication be- j 

tween Frederica and the Soldiers' Fort, at the south end of the 1 

island, on the 25th General Oglethorpe set every male to work j 

cutting a road to connect those points. So energetically was the I 
labor prosecuted, although the woods were thick and the distance 

nearly six miles, the task was concluded in three days. I 

To the Honorable Thomas Spalding ^ are we indebted for the 

following description of this important avenue of communica- j 

tion : " This road after passing out of the town of Frederica in a j 


1 Gentleman's Magazine for January, 8 Sketch of the Life of General .Tamils j 
1739, p. 22. O.-lethorpe. Collections of tfu' <;■--■ 'i j 

2 Collections of the Georr/ia nistorical Jlistorical Societi/, vol. i. p. 261. Suv.ui- 

Society, vol. iii. p. 43. Savannah. 1S73. nah. 1840. i 


southeast direction, entered a beautiful prairie of a mile over, 
when it penetrated a dense, close oak wood ; keeping the same 
course for two miles, it passed to the eastern marsh that bounded 
St. Simon's seaward. Along this marsh, being dry and hard, no 
road was necessary, and none was made. This natural highway 
was bounded on the east by rivers and creeks and impracticable 
marshes; it was bounded on the west (the island side), by a 
thick wood covered with palmetto and vines of every character 
so as to be impracticable for any body of men, and could only be 
traveled singly and alone. This winding way along the marsh 
was continued for two miles, when it again passed up to the high 
land which had become open and clear, and from thence it pro- 
ceeded in a direct line to the fort, at the sea entrance, around 
which, for two hundred acres, five acie allotments of land for the 
soldiers had been laid out, cleared, and improved. 1 have again 
been thus particular in my description, because it was to the 
manner in which this road was laid out and executed that Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe owed the preservation of the fort and town of 
Frederica. . . . His fort and batteries at Frederica were so sit- 
uated as to water approaches, and so covered by a wood, that 
no number of ships could injure them. And he now planned 
his land route in such a manner that again the dense wood of 
our eastern islands became a rampart mighty to save. And 
fifty Highlanders and four Indians occupying these woods did 

We learn from that admirable " History of the Rise, Progress, 
and Present State of the Colony of Georgia," contained in Dr. 
Harris' " Complete Collections of Voyages and Travels," ^ that 
" on the arrival of tlie Regiment of which ]Mr. Ogletliorpe was 
appointed Colonel, he distributed them in the properest manner 
for the Service of the Colony ; but notwithstanding this Avas of 
great Ease to the Trustees, and a vast Security to the Inhabit- 
ants, yet Colonel Oglethorpe still kept up the same Discipline, 
and took as much Care to form and regulate the Inhabitants with 
respect to military Affairs as ever. He provided likewise differ- 
ent Corps for different Services ; some for ranging the Woods ; 
others, light armed, for sudden Expeditions ; and he likewise 
provided Vessels for scouring the Sea Coasts, and for gaining 
Intelligence. In all which Services he gave at the same time his 
Orders and his Example ; there being nothing he did not which 
he directed others to do ; so that if he was the first Man in the 

1 Vol. ii. p. 332. LuuJun. 1748. 


Colony, his Pre-eminence was founded upon old Homer' b ]\Iax- 
ims : He was the most fatigued, and the first in Danger, dis- 
tinguished by his Cares and his Labours, not by any exterior 
Marks of Grandeur, more easily dispensed with since they were 
certainly needless." 

The finances of the trust being in a depressed condition, the 
general drew largely upon his private fortune and pledged his 
individual credit in conducting the operations necessary for the 
security of the southern frontiers and in provisioning the settlers. 
To Alderman Heathcote he writes : " I am here " (at Frederica) 
*' in one of the most delightful situations as any man could wish 
to be. A great number of Debts, empty magazines, no money to 
supply them, numbers of people to be fed, mutinous soKlieis to 
command, a Spanish Claim, and a large body of their Troops 
not far from us. But as we are of the same kind of spirit these 
difficulties have the same effect upon me as those you met Vvith 
in the City had upon you. They rather animate than daunt 
me." 1 

On the 8th of May, 1738, Oglethorpe, as " general and com- 
mander in chief of all and singular the forces employed aud to 
be employed in the provinces of South Carolina and Georgia in 
America," was instructed by his majesty George II. to diligently 
ascertain and promptly report the designs, preparations, aiui 
movements of the Spaniards in Florida : upon arrival in Georgia 
to make such disposition of his forces as would best secure the 
colony from " any surprise or unexpected attack from the S| lan- 
iards ; " to place all forts in the best attitude, offensive and de- 
fensive ; to refrain from giving any cause of provocation to tiie 
Spaniards, and at all times to assure them of England's C(Mistant 
desire to " maintain the strictest friendship ; " to permit no en- 
croachments upon Spanish territory and, as far as lay in his 
power, to prevent the Indians from committing any acts of hos- 

But, should the Spaniards attempt to drive the colonists out of 
their forts, or invade the territory acknowledging allegiance to 
the English Crown, then he was ordered, with all the forces 
under his command, not only to repel such invasion and preserve 
the integrity of the provinces, but also to assume the offensive in 
such manner as he should deem best for the service. SlnmM 
be have cause to suspect that the Spaniards purposed a demon- 
stration against either of the provinces, he was clothed wiih tail 

1 Collections of the Georgia Ilistorical Societi/, \ol. m. -p. 62. Savami.ih. IsTS. 


power to summon all ships stationed on the coast that they might 
assist in the defense of the territories. ^ Most faithfull}^ and elli- 
ciently were these instructions obeyed. 

While on board the Blandford it was discovered that one of 
the enlisted soldiers in Oglethorpe's regiment had been in the 
Spanish service, and that he was endeavoring to persuade several 
of his comrades, upon their arrival in Georgia, to desert with him 
to the Spaniards in Florida. His scheme further contemplated 
the murder of the officers at the post to which his company 
might be ordered, and desertion to the enemy with such valua- 
bles as could then be secured. He had a plenty of money, and 
stated that he was to be rewarded according to the number of 
men he should be able to seduce. 

Upon the concentration of the regiment in Georgia it was as- 
certained that several of the enlisted men were spies. They 
strove to persuade some stanch companions to betray a post to 
the Spaniards. Instead of complying with their suggestion, the 
honest and loyal fellows revealed to their commanding officer 
this evil intention. One of these spies, when arrested, con- 
fessed he was a Papist, and denied tliat the king of England 
possessed any authority over him. A court-martial was con- 
vened, and the traitors, being found guilty, were whipped and 
drummed out of the service. One of them, Shannon by name, 
afterwards committed murder at Fort Argyle. He was brought 
to Savannah and there tried, condemned, and executed. 

Oglethorpe was extremely mortified at beholding this treach- 
erous element, exceedingly small although it was, in his regi- 
ment, and used prompt measures for its extirpation. 

On the 8th of October the general, attended by Captain HuMi 
IMackay and Captain Sutherland, set out in an open boat for 

Arriving there on the morning of the 10th, he was received 
at the water-side by the magistrates, and saluted bv the militia 
under arms and by the cannon from the fort. During the day 
the citizens thronged to greet him, and the night was spent in 
bonfires and rejoicings. 

The following day Tomo-chi-chi waited upon the governor. 
He had been very ill, but the good old man was so greatly re- 
joiced at his return that he said it recovered him, makin^r him 
" moult like an etu/le.^'' He informed Oglethorpe that the chiefs 
of several of the towns of the Creek nation were at his house 
1 See Colonial Documents from State Paper Office, vol. i. pp. 75-77. 



waiting to present in person their congratulations upon his safe 1 

arrival and to assure him of their fidelity to the king. | 

The 13th was designated for their reception. At the appointed i 

time Tomo-chi-chi came down the river from his settlement, j 

bringing with him the mico or king of the Chehaws, the mico of ,; 

the Oakmuges, the mico of the Ouchases, and the mico of the j 

Parachacola^'s, with thirty warriors and fifty-two attendants. As i 

the Indians landed and walked up the bluff at Savannah, they j 

were saluted by a battery of canncm and escorted by a detach- i 

ment of miUtia to the town hall where General Oglethorpe was m 
readiness to receive them. On seeing him they expressed great ; 

ioy, and said that the Spaniards, persuading them tnat he was at 
St. Augustine, had invited them down to their fort to meet hun 
there. "^ They accordingly went thither, but as soon as they ascer- 
tained the fact that he was not present they returned, although 
valuable articles were offered them by the Spaniards who pre- 
tended to account for his absence by saying that he was very ill 
on board a ship in the harbor. They further stated that although 
strongly advised by the Spaniards to fall out with the Enghsh 
they still adhered to the terms of amity contained in the existing 
treaties, were firm in their attachment to his majesty the king 
of England, and had come to testify their loyalty. They assured 
the general that they would on all occasions assist him in repel- 
ling the enemies of the king; that deputies from the remaining 
towns would come down and express their congratulations and 
good-will as soon as they were apprised of his arrival ; and that 
the Creek nation was prepared to send one thousand warriors to 
any point he should designate, where they would be entirely sub- 
ject to his command. 

They desired that correct brass weights and sealed measures 
should be lodged with the king of each town, so that they 
might be enabled to protect themselves against the false weights 
and measures of the Carolina traders by whom they were con- 
stantly and sadly defraudcnl. An invitation was extended to 
Oglethorpe to visit their towns during the coming summer and 
see their people. This he promised to accept. Handsome pres- 
ents were distributed among them, and the interriew terminated 
with good feeling. At night the Indians had a dance at which 
the general Avas present, and the next day they set out on their 
retui'n homeward. 

Subsequent events demonstrated the necessity for comity mg 
with the invitation extended by the Indians during this interview. 


Alluding to the existing troubles, and avowing his purpose of 
executing this journey at an early day, General Oglethorpe, on 
the 15th of June, Avrote the trustees as follows : ^ — 

" I have received frequent and confirmed advices that the Span- 
iards are striving to bribe the Indians, and particularly the Creek 
nation, to chffer from us ; and the disorder of the traders is such 
as gives but too much room to render the Indians discontented; 
great numbers of vagrants being gone up without licences either 
from Carolina, or us. Chigilly, and Malachee, — the son of the 
great Brim, who was called emperor of the Creeks by the Span- 
iards, — insist upon my coming up to put all things in order, and 
have acquainted me that all the chiefs of the nation will come 
done to the Coweta town to meet me and hold the general as- 
sembly of the Indian nations, where they will take such meas- 
ures as will be necessary to hinder the Spaniards from corrupting 
and raising sedition amongst their people. This journey, though 
a very fatiguing and dangerous one, is quite necessary to be 
taken ; for if not, the Spaniards, who have sent up great presents 
to them, will bribe the corrupt part of the nation ; and, if the 
honester part is not supported, will probably overcome them and 
force the whole nation into a war with England. Tomo-chi-chi and 
all the Indians advise me to go up. The Coweta town, where the 
meeting is to be, is near five hundred miles from hence ; it is in 
a straight line three hundred miles from the sea. All the towns 
of the Creeks and of the Cousees and Talapousees, though three 
hundred miles from the Cowetas, will come down to the meeting. 
The Choctaws also and the Chickasas will send thither their dep- 
uties ; so that 7000 men depend upon the event of this assembly. 
The Creeks can furnish 1500 warriors, the Chickasas 500, and 
the Choctaws 5000. I am obliged to buy horses and presents to 
carry up to this meeting." 

The conduct of Thomas Causton, the first magistrate of Sa- 
vannah and keejier of the public stores, had for some time 
failed to secure the commendation of the trustees and the ap- 
proval of Oglethorpe who, busied with fortifying Frederica, had 
been forced to commit the administration of affairs in the north- 
ern portion of the province in a large degree to the judgment 
and honesty of this oiheial. The season had now arrived for a 
full investigati(m, and Oglethorpe proceeded to carry into effect 
the instructions communicated and acknowledged in the follow- 
ing letters : — 

1 Sco Letter from Savannah, under date October 22d, 1738. 


" Georgia Office, Westminster, June 2}id, 1738. 

" SlE, I 

" The Trustees being greatly alarra'd at the great number of | 

certified accounts amounting to .£1,401 13s. 2d. brought for pay- i 

ments since Tuesday last, immediately met to concert the most I 

proper measures to secure their effects in Georgia and M"" Cau- | 

ston's person to answer for his conduct in receiving tliree cargoes j 

without any order whatsoever from the Trustees ; for these cer- j 

tiiied accounts unpaid now amount to £5,236 Os. 6d. And the j 

sola bills, provisions, and effects receiv'd by ^NP Causton since ] 

Midsummer last amount to .£13,086 9.s. 9t?. for the application ; 

of which he has given the Trustees no account. 1 

"The situation of the Trustees' affairs is such that they cannot i 

sit still in these circumstances, but must, in their own jusiilira- \ 

tion insist upon an immediate seiz.ure of M"^ Causton to i)e de- ] 

tain'd until he gives sufheient security to answer this surprising j 

conduct of his which may draw the Trustees into the greatest | 

inconvenience and discredit, while at the same time they, on j 

their part, have taken all possible care to prevent such incon- ' 

veniences happening ; and unless he shall produce to you such 
accounts as you think, when transmitted to the Trustees ^^ill ; 

prove satisfactory to them, you are desired, forthwith to send I 

him with his books and papers in safe custody to the Trustees j 

that he may make u]) his accounts M'ith them ; but if it should j 

so hapjoen, which the Trustees are afraid cannot be the case, that \ 

M'' Causton should produce such an account as will be in your i 

opinion satisfactory to the Trustees, you are desired forthwith to i 

transmit such his account by the first opportunity, and to con- | 

tinue him upon sufficient security until the Trustees luive exam- I 

in'd and approv'd thereof. J 

"The Common Council will at their next meeting seal an ! 

Instrument to remove him from his office of First BailiiT, whii'h j 

is intended as a suspension to wait the making up of those ac- 

"As the Trustees' conduct must stand evidently clear from 
any imputation of neglect, they strongly recommend it to you 
(being one of themselves) to use all possible means to prcs.rTe 
that Credit they have hitherto been possessed of, and whieh ihoy 
desire to have continued consistent with the characters they bear 
and Avhich the disinterested manner they have always aetod in 
has justly entitled them to. 

" It is almost impossible for the Trustees to express the groat 


resentments which they liave entertain'd at the behaviour of a 
person to whom they show'd such marks of distinction and fa- 
vour, who by a conduct for which they cannot as yet find a name, 
has ah'eady disabled them from bearing an expense of an esti- 
mate which they had calculated with the utmost frugality and 
economy for the services of the Colony from ^Midsummer next. 

" I am Sir 
" Your most obedient humble Servant 

"Harman Veuelst, Accountant. 
" To the IIon"° Gen' Oglethorpe, at Gosport. 

to tlie care of the Postmaster at Portsmouth." 

" GosPORT, June 4tth, 1783. 
" Hakman Vekelst Esqr etc &C 

" By the accounts you sent me of the state of the Trustees' 
affairs there has been more expended in Georgia than granted by 
Parliament, but if it is in store, and forth coming, it will serve for 
the provision of this year. If I find that the circumstances are 
such as you apprehend them, I shall not issue any of the <£500 
sola bills till I have further orders from the Trustees. I do not 
doubt but I shall set all things to rights. ... I know there will 
be a good deal of trouble in it, but I am accustom'd to difiicul- 
ties, so that they never make me despair. 

" If there has been any fraud in these certified accounts, and 
that the persons did not deliver the effects certified to the Trus- 
tees' use, but that the certificate was a piece of Roguery, agreed 
upon between the deliverer and the signer, to be sure such cer- 
tificates are not binding upon the Trustees, tho' the person sign- 
ing was employed by them, therefore, in my poor opinion, the 
Trustees should delay the payment of those certified accounts till 
they have the examination from Georgia. . . . 

" I am Sir Your very humble Servant 

"James Oglethorpe. 

"P. *S'. I have the Trustees' order for making an immediate 
seizure on Causton, his books and papers, and shall see them im- 
mediately executed. This must be kept with the greatest se- 
crecy, for if he should know the orders before they are executed, 
the effect will perhaps be prevented. I have not trusted even 
my Clerk." 

On the 7th of June, 1738, the common council scaled the re- 
moval of Mr. Thomas Causton from his ofUce of first bailiff, and 


appointed Mr. Henry Parker in Ins room. In forwarding these 
documents to Oglethorpe they desired him to use, or to refrain 
from using, them in compliance with the suggestions contained in 
their letter of the 2d inst. They further insisted that Causton 
should be arrested in any event, and that his books and papers 
should be secured. To those books and papers access was to be 
accorded him so that he might enjoy ample opportunity for mak- 
ing up his accounts from Lady Day, 1734, to date. All the trus- 
tees' effects were to be promptly withdrawn from his possession ; 
and, during the period consumed in making out his accounts and 
necessary for their careful examination when submitted, he was to 
be retained in safe custody or placed " upon sufficient security." 
Mr. Thomas Jones was designated as the proper party to make 
an examination and submit a full report. Copies of all accounts 
and of Mr. Jones' report upon them, accompanied by Mr. Ogle- 
thorpe's opinion, were to be forwarded to the trustees at the 
earliest practicable moment. Until further instructions Causton 
was not to be sent to England, but was to be detained in safe 
custody or under bond. 

Fortified with these documents, and acting under these orders, 
Oglethorpe proceeded at once to their proper execution. Ignorant 
of what was in store for him Causton, with a bold front, appeared 
at the head of the magistrates to welcome the general on his 
arrival from Frederica. He was accompanied by others, par- 
ticipants in his peculations, who, having reason to dread an in- 
vestigation into their conduct during the general's absence, joined 
in the public salutations, hoping tliereby to conciliate his favor. 
He was soon informed that the grand jury in Savannah had pre- 
pared a representation of tlie " grievances, hardships, and neces- 
sities " of the inhabitants, in wiiich they complained bitterly of 
the misconduct of Mr. Causton, alleging that he had expended 
much larger sums than were authorized by the trustees, that he 
had brought the colony into debt, that he had exceeded his pow- 
ers, that he was arbitrary and oppressive in the discharge of his 
official duties, and that he was partial in the distribution of tlu> 
public stores. It was suggested by not a few that as the com- 
mercial agent of the trustees and the keeper of the public stores 
he had utilized his position for his own advancement and the ben- 
efit of special friends. It was believed that the funds of the 
trustees had been by him appropriated to the improvement of 
bis plantation at Ockstead, where he and his family resided in 
comfort and plenty beyond the reach of his neighbors. That ho 


was arrogant in liis behavior, that he had rendered the other mag- 
istrates subservient to his will, that he had phiyed the part of a ' 
petty tj-rant in the community, and that he ruled the people ; 
through their necessities, taking advantage of their daily wants ! 
and making these the means of keeping them in subjection to i 
his pleasure, could not be doubted. It was evident also that he \ 
had perverted the due administration of the law, and had sed- i 
ulously suppressed from the knowledge of the trustees many just ! 
complaints preferred by the colonists at Savannah. ! 

After a patient examination into the condition of affairs, which i 

established on the part of Causton a woful mismanagement of i 
the trust funds sent for the support of the province. General ' 
Oglethorpe on the 17th of October " called all the Inhabitants 
together at the Town-House, and there made a pathetic Speech 
to them, setting forth how deeply the Trust was become indebted 
by Mr. Causton's having run into so great Exceedings beyond 
what they had ordered, Avhieh Debts the Trust had nothing left 
at present to discharge besides what Goods and Effects they had ; 

in the Store, which must in a great Measure be applied to those ■ 

Purposes, especially first to all such as the Stores were owing 
anything to, by which Means there would be a Necessity of re- '■, 

trenching the ordinary Issues that something might remain for j! 

the necessary Support of Life among the industrious People who \ 

were not to be blamed. This had such an Effect, that many l 

People appeared thunder-struck, knowing not where it would j 

end : neither could the most knowinor determine it." ^ 1 

The next day Causton was dismissed from office and required \, 

to deliver into the hands of ]Mr. Thomas Jones all books, papers, [; 

and accounts connected with the public stores. General Ogle- I 

thorpe also demanded of him bond, with ample securit}-, to appear j 

and answer any charges which might be preferred against him. | 

It being impossible to procure in Savannah bondsmen of means | 

sufficient to respond to the sums in which Causton would proba- 
bly be found indebted to the trust. General Oglethorpe was con- 
tent with Causton's individual bond, cou[)led with an "assignment j 
of all his improvements at Ockstead or elsewhere." ! 

After weeks and months consumed in the examination, Mr. ' 

Jones informed ]\[r. Stephens " that after so much Time spent 
about making up ]\Ir. Causton's Accounts, there was so little 
Progress made in it that he could hardly say it was begun ; so 
many Intricacies appcartvl more and more every Day, such In- 

1 Stepbcus' Journal of Procecdlifis, utc, vol. i. p. 305. Loiulou. MDCCXLII. 


consistencies, many Things wrongly charged, abundance omitted 
which ought to have been brought to Account, and several Day- 
books said to be lost (which he could not believe but were con- 1 
cealed), that at the Rate they went on, he defied any Man living 1 
to adjust it ; and for his Part he wac quite tired looking into such i 
Confusion which he was confident was by Art aifd Cunning made j 
inextricable; insomuch that he was positive the Balances, for- 1 
merly made, were framed at Will and sent to the Trustees so; for 
unless he (Mr. Causton) kept copies of them distinctly, it was ' 
impossible for him to make out the same from the Books now 
before him." i 

On the other hand, jNIr. Causton complained of the treatment \ 

he received at ]\Ir. Jones' hands, and protested against being j 

called a villain and a knave. He declared he had served the \ 

trust well, and was prepared to defend his character from all 
aspersions.^ j 

It being impracticable to adjust these accounts in Savannah, j 

Causton was ordered to London, where he appeared before the 
common council. Failing there to produce proper vouchers, he 
was permitted to depart for Georgia where he stated he would 
be able to arrange everything to the satisfaction of the trustees. . 

Sailincr for Savannah he died at sea^ and, in the bosom of the ; 

ocean, found rest from all his troubles. j 

The vacancy caused by the deposition of Causton was filled | 

by the appointment of Colonel William Stephens, who was then : 

in Savannah occupying the position of secretary of the trustees } 

in the province of Georgia. 1 

The mismanagement in the disbursement of the funds and ] 

supplies which had been sent over for the support of the colony j 

and the depleted condition of the trustees' treasury rendered a j 

retrenchment of the ordinary issues most imperative. \ 

In a letter written by General Oglethorpe on the 19tli of Oc- 1 

tober, 1738, and addressed to the trustees, after alluding to the j 

careless manner in which Causton had "trifled awny the public I 

money " and squandered the resources of the colony, he discloses j 

the alarming fact that the scout-boatmen, rangers, and others j 

upon whose active service and watchfulness the province rehed i 

for protection, were unpaid and actually starving. " When 1 j 

told them," says the general, " the Trustees' circumstances, tlielr j 

affection was so great that they offered to serve on until the J 

* Sto\^hQu>i' JourniT^ nf Procrrdinfjs, vol. - Stevens' History of Gt'orqia, \o\. i. 

i. pp. 302, 4UG. Loiulun. MDCCCXLII. p. 222. New York. MDCCCXLll. 


Trustees' affairs mended ; I thanked them but reduced the 
Rangei's since I could not feed them with hopes of what I could 
not make good. The Scout-Boats I have for this month paid out 
of my own money, since they are absolutely necessary, and I -will 
not charge the Trustees with new debts. 

" There is a w^orse circumstance than any above, viz : the In- 
dustrious Poor People, who have saved something by frugality, 
have lodged their little all in the Store, hoping to have provisions 
from thence in their Necessity ; and now if the Store cannot 
pay they must perish for want ; the like misery must befall all 
the Trustees' servants as well as many of the inhabitants whom 
sickness and misfortunes have prevented from having a crop this 
year. . . . 

" I can see nothing but destruction to the Colony unless some 
assistance be immediately sent us. I support things for a while 
by some money I have in my hands, and the rest I supjjy with 
my own money, for I will not incur Debts nor draw Bills upon 
you. ... 

" If this (I know not what name to give it) had not happened, 
the Colony had overcome all it's difficulties and had been in a 
flourishing condition." 

He advises the trustees that the Italians are pleased with their 
new home, and that Camuse and the members of his family had 
wound some silk as fine as that made in Georgia during the past 
year. The mulberry-trees in the public garden were again grow- 
ing luxuriantly, and promised a foliage w^hich would soon subsist 
" a great quantity of worms." Clay had been found from which 
a potter was manufacturing excellent ware. Several yokes of 
oxen and several carts with horses were employed by the in- 
habitants of Savannah. The trustees" saw-mill was turning out 
seven hundred feet of boards per diem ; and, if managed prop- 
erly, would " bring an income." The idle people had run away, 
and " a spirit of industry seemed to be stirring." He hopes with 
his own money to " make shift to support the most valuable part 
of the people." 

" I have already expended a great deal," writes this noble and 
generous man, " and, as far as the income of my estate and em- 
ployments for this year will go, I shall sooner lay it out in sup- 
porting the Colony (till I can hear from you) than in any other 

After payment of outstanding debts, he estimates X5,000 as 
the lowest sum practicable for carrying on the civil concerns 


of the colony, " if any success is to be expected in the produc- 
tion of wine and silk, and a form of government is to be main- 

Existing orders for the erection of churches and the cultivation 
of lands for religious uses, both in Savannah and Frederica, could 
not be obeyed unless the requisite funds were supplied. 

Recurring to the Causton defalcation, he concludes as follows : 
" I examined him to know what could be the meaning that he 
dare to exceed so excessively your Orders, thereby plunging the 
Colony into its present difficulties. He answered that he made 
no expenses but what necessity forced him to, and that he could 
prove that necessity. He entered into several particulars ; That 
the Multitude forced him to build a Fort for fear of the Span- 
iards ; That the charge of Saltzburghers and other charges were 
not provided for in the Establishment sent over by the Trustees ; 
That he received the Establishment too late to comply with it. 
He did not pretend to justify himself in not sending over the 
Ballance of his accompts. His negligence to bring his Acco'^ to 
a Ballance half yearly, or every year at least, has been the occa- 
sion of the melancholy scituation he has put us in. Some things 
he alledged that had weight. That the prices of Provisions were 
treble to what they were at my first arrival here, from whence 
we calculated the Estimate. That the Spanish Alarms obliged 
him to comply with the humour of the people here, for which 
reason he was forced to give any prices to Sloops to bring down 
provisions to the Colony. He said farther that he had not been 
guilty of any fraud, nor converted any of the Trustees' money to 
his own use. He at first seemed pretty stubborn, but upon a 
second examination he was more submissive. When I was about 
to comit him he pleaded that it was not usual here to comit Free- 
holders for any but Capital Crimes. That AVatson, who was 
accused of killing a man and had been found guilty by a Jury, 
was bail'd upon his own Recognizance. That he submitted to 
the Trustees, and that all he had acquired in his six years' service, 
and that all he had in the world, was laid out in improvements 
on his Lot in the Colony, and that he would give all as security 
to abide and justify his acco'^. He has accordingly given se- 
curity. He has delivered the Stores, Books, &c., unto Mr. Joms 
according to your appointment. I have not been able to enter 
into the rest of the affairs of the Colony. The Saltzburghers 
thrive and so do the people at Hampstead and Higligate. Tlicre 
are abundance of good Houses built in this Town. I desii'e to 



know in what manner you would Lave me proceed in Causton's 
affair." i 

Tins defalcation of Causton, and his prodigal waste of the 

moneys and stores of the trust committed to his keeping, brought ! 

the plantation to the very verge of ruin. Appalled at the situa- j 

tion, not a few of the colonists seriously contemplated abandon- I 

ing the province and seeking subsistence in CaroHna. Sensible I 

of the hardships they would be called upon to endure before j 

ample relief could be afforded, the general did not undertake to I 

dissuade any, who were so minded, from attempting to better j 

their fortunes elsewhere. Upon reflection, however, they con- j 

eluded to remain ; trusting to favoring seasons and the good dis- | 

position of the trustees to repair at the earliest moment the losses | 

which had been so unexpectedly and causelessly entailed. j 

But for the immediate and generous aid extended by Ogle- I 

thorpe, but for the magnetism of his presence and example, but j 

for his just administration of affairs, his encouraging words, and j 

his charitable deeds, the effect produced upon the colonists in I 

Savannah by this crisis in their affairs would have proved most j 

disastrous. This is not the only occasion upon which, as the ! 
sequel will show, the founder of Georgia proved himself also her 

^ Collections of the Georgia Historical 1873. Com^ts.T:& Gentleman's Magazine iot 
Society, vol. iii. pp. 57-G2. Savannah. 1739, pp. 22, 23. 

The Brothees John and Charles Wesley in Georgia. 

After a short sojourn in Savannah, the Reverend Charles ; 

Wesley repaired to Frederica where he entered upon the dis- j 

charge of his duties as private secretary to General Oglethorpe. ] 

It will be remembered that he also held from the trustees the ' 
commission of Secretary of Indian Affairs for the colony of 

Georgia. i 

Unfortunately, at an early date an estrangement ensued be- | 
tween the general and his secretary. In addition to his official | 
duties Mr. Wesley assumed the spiritual guidance of the inhabi- 
tants at Frederica. He was thus brought into personal contact 
and confidential relations with the entire population. Among 
the dwellers there were some whose reputations were not with- ; 
out reproach, and whose manner of life did not command the \ 
approbation of the young ecclesiastic who carried ever with hira . j 
a standard of morality and religious excellence inculcated in \ 
the school of the divines, yet seldom realized in the walk and \ 
conversation of ordinary mortals. Youthful and inexperienced, | 
confiding in his disposition, unsuspecting, and liable to be im- 
posed upon by the designing and the unscrupulous, his sym- ] 
pathies were not infrequently warmly enlisted where the mature ; 
judgment of one better informed and not unacquainted with the I 
wiles of his fellow-men, and women too, would have suggested j 
caution and reflection. Fresh from the shades of scholastic life i 
he was, without preparation, transplanted into the midst of a i 
community heterogeneous in its character and, from the very na- ; 
ture of its composition and situation, largely insensible to the j 
restraining influences of civilization. Deeply imbued with relig- j 
ious sentiments, and intent upon the execution of his evangelical ! 
mission, he regarded all the business of life as wholly subordi- 
nate to an observance of the rules of the church and the exhi- 
bition of Christian virtues. Wherever he detected a deviation 
from what he conceived to be the true path of rectitiulo he did 
not hesitate to rebuke the wanderer. Fastidious in his notions 


of right and wrong, with ample time and inclination to listen to 
the disagreements existent among the settlers, often misinformed 
as to the genuine merits of the quarrel, ignorant of the true 
mode of adjusting it, busying himself with matters which prop- 
erly did not concern him, sometimes interfering where he should 
have stood aloof, and again espousing causes which, upon a nar- 
rower inspection, should not have enlisted his sympathies, in his 
efforts to promote peace and advance the Christianity of the com- 
munity he signally failed, and drew down upon himself the ill- 
will of not a few. 

Oglethorpe, on the other hand, burthened with the cares and 
the responsibilities of bis station, commissioned to develop and 
guard the life of the colony, confronting engagements, exposures, 
and dangers enough to oppress the stoutest heart, and familiar 
with the management of men and weighty affairs, had no leisure 
for the exhibition of idle sentiment or the discussion of questions 
of casuistry. With trifling evils and imaginary wrongs he could 
not pause to deal. 

These two men viewed the situation from standpoints widely 
different. Oglethorpe strove to fortify the hearts and the homes of 
his people so that they might constitute an insurmountable bar- 
rier to the threatened incursion of the Spaniards. While not 
indifferent to the social and moral tone of Frederica, and while 
solicitous that religion should be upheld and the ordinances of 
the church supported, he was deeply engrossed in the building 
of houses, the construction of batteries, the accumulation of sup- 
plies, and the enforcement of police and military regulations. 
At this remote and exposed point he exacted and commanded 
prompt obedience from all. Clothed with the amplest powers to 
direct, his measures may at times have seemed to the clergyman, 
accustomed to question, arbitrary and perhaps dictatorial. The 
situation was novel, and the ecclesiastic brought no experience to 
assist him in learning the lesson of the hour. 

As has been suggested, Mr. Wesley attempted the difficult 
task of reforming what he regarded as improprieties in the con- 
duct of the inhabitants of Frederica, and of reconciling the 
petty jealousies and occasional disputes in which they induh^ed. 
The consequence was just what might reasonably have been 
anticipated. lie failed in his object and incurred the enmity of 
both parties at variance. Many went so far as to form plans to 
rid the town of liis presence. Complaints were lodged against 
him with General Oglethorpe, who, instead of discountenancing 


them and demanding for his secretary and clergyman the defer- 
ence and respect due to his station, listened too readily to the 
charges preferred and suffered them to prejudice his mind against 
"the truly amiable, ingenuous, and kind-hearted minister." 
Failing to interpret leniently his well-meant but injudiciously 
conducted purposes, and omitting to caution him in a friendly 
way against the commission of acts prompted by inexperience 
and the lack of worldly wisdom, he treated him with disdain and 

The apology suggested by Mr. Southey for this conduct on the 
part of Oglethorpe is, perhaps, the most plausible which can be 
offered. The general, who had causes enough to disquiet him, 
arising from the precarious state of the colony, was teased and 
soured by the complaints urged against Air. Wesley, and re- 
gretted that he had not brought with him one possessing a calmer 
temper and a more practical turn of mind. " I know not how 
to account for his increasing coldness," writes Wesley, in speak- 
ing of his intercourse with Oglethorpe. His accusers noted the 
change which had been produced by their insinuations, and tak- 
ing advantage of it manifested more openly than before their 
animosity toward the clergyman. His situation was now most 
unpleasant. His usefulness was gone. Little respect was ex- 
tended by the inhabitants of Frederica. Even his personal safety 
was threatened. All friends, except Mr. Ingham, had seemingly 
deserted him. He was even charged by the general with mutiny 
and sedition, and with stirring up the people to desert the colony. 
This Wesley stoutly denied and demanded that he should be 
confronted face to face with his accusers. Upon further exam- 
ination the grave suggestions proved to be unfounded. This 
Oglethorpe practically admitted, and yet outwardly declined to 
come to a reconciliation with his secretary who still continued to 
wait upon him and to discharge the duties of his position. 

Mr. Wesley was totally unprepared for the rough mode of life 
he experienced on the southern frontier. He had brought with 
him nothine: save his clothes and books, and was mortilied and 
incensed at the failure and neglect to supply him with necessary 
comforts. In the midst of his distresses he was seized with a 
fever which so unnerved him that he envied the quiet grave of a 
scout-boatman who had just died. 

In an hour of calm reflection becoming convinced of the in- 
justice shown to JNIr. Wesley, General Oglethorpe, then on tli<> eve 
of setting out upon a dangerous expedition, sent for his sec re- 


tary and thus addressed him: " You will soon see the reasons 
for my actions. I am now going to death. You will see me no 

more. Take this ring and carry it from me to Mr. V . 

If there is a friend to be depended upon, he is one. His interest 
is next to Sir Robert's. Whatever you ask within his power he 
will do for you, your brother, and your family. I have expected 
death for some days. These letters show that the Spaniai'ds 
have long been seducing our allies, and intend to cut us off at a 
blow. I fall by my friends : — Gascoigne whom I have made, 
the Carolina people upon whom I depended to send their prom- 
ised succours. But death is to me nothing. T will pursue 

all my designs, and to him I recommend them and you." " He 
then gave me," says Mr. Wesley, " a diamond ring. I took it 
and said ' If, as I believe, 

Postremum fato quod te alloquor, hoc est, 

hear what you will quickly know to be true as soon as you are 
entered upon a separate state. This ring I shall never make any 
use of for myself. I have no worldly hopes. I have renounced 
the world. Life is bitterness to me. I came hither to lay it 
down. You have been deceived as well as I. I protest my inno- 
cence of the crimes I am charged with, and take myself to be 
now at liberty to tell you what I thought I should never have 
uttered.' [Then follow in the MS. Journal some lines in cipher.] 
When I finished this relation he seemed entirely changed, and 
full of his old love and confidence in me. After some expres- 
sions of kinduess, I asked him ' Are you satisfied ? ' He replied 
' Yes entirely.' ' Why then Sir, I desire nothing more upon 
earth, and care not how soon I follow you.' . . . He then em- 
braced and kissed me witli the most cordial affection. 

" I attended him to the scout-boat where he waited some min- 
utes for his sword. They brought him first, and a second time, 
a mourning sword. At last they gave him his own whicli had 
been his father's. ' Willi this sword,' said he, ' I was never yet 
unsuccessful.' ' I hope, sir,' said I, ' you carry with you a bet- 
ter, even the sword of the Lord and of Gideon.' ' I hope so too,' 
he added. When the boat put off, I ran before into the woods 
to see my last of him. Seeing me and two others running after 
him, he stopped the boat and asked whether we wanted anything. 
Captain INIcIntosli, loft commander, desired his last orders. I 
then said ' God be with you. Go forth, Cliristo duce et aus- 
pice Chrhto.^ ' You have ' says he, ' I think, some verses of 
mine. You there see my thoughts of success.' His last words 


to his people were ' God bless you all.' The boat then carried 
him out of sight." ^ 

Thus came a rift in the angry skies through which the sun- 
light of mutual confidence and restored friendship descended to 
dispel the doubts and gladden the hearts of the general and his 

Upon Oglethorpe's return Wesley met him at the bluff ; and, 
ill the evening, they walked together. The general then in- 
formed him of the dangers which had recently threatened the 
colony. Upon giving him back his ring Wesley remarked, " I 
need not Sir, and indeed I cannot tell you how joyfully and 
thankfully I return this." " When I gave it to you," responded 
Oglethorpe, " I never expected to receive it again, but thought 
it would be of service to your brother and you. I had many 
omens of my death, particularly their bringing me my mourning 
sword ; but God has been pleased to preserve a life which was 
never valuable to me, and yet in the continuance of it, I thank 
God, I can rejoice." " I am now glad," replied Wesley, " of all 
that has happened here, since without it I could never have had 
such a proof of your affection as that you gave me when you 
looked upon me as the most ungrateful of Villains." While 
Wesley was speaking, the general appeared full of tenderness to- 
ward him. He condemned himself for his late anger, which he 
imputed to want of time for consideration. 

" The next day," continues Wesley, " I had some farther talk 
with him. He ordered me everything he could think I wanted, 
and promised to have a house built for me immediately. Ho 
was just the same to me lie formerly had been." Finding that 
the secretary was restored to the general's favor, the people of 
Frederica became on the instant civil and courteous. 

In jNIay, 1736, Mr. Wesley took leave of the general, having 
been deputed by him to repair to Savannah and there grant 
licenses to the Indian traders. In alluding to this departure 
from Frederica he writes : " I was overjoyed at my deliverance 
out of this furnace, and not a little ashamed at myself for being 
so." Persuaded that his days of usefulness in the colony were 
ended, and purposing a return to England, Mr. Wesley, in June, 
resigned his commission. In discussing this matter with him 
General Oglethorpe said : " I would you not to let the trustees 
know your resolution of resigning. There are many hungry fel- 
lows ready to catch at the office ; and, in my absence, I cannot 
1 Journal of the Eev. Charles Wesley , vol. i. pp. 19, 20. 


put in one of my own choosing. The best I can hope for is an 
honest Presbyterian, as many of the Trustees are such. Perhaps 
they may send me a bad man, and how far such a one may in- 
fluence the traders and obstruct the reception of the Gospel among 
the heathen, you know. I shall be in England before you leave 
it. Then you may either put in a deputy or resign." 

Charged with dispatches from the general to the government, 
the trustees, and the Board of Trade, Wesley bade adieu to Sa- 
vannah, and, after a tedious and dangerous voyage interrupted 
by a deviation to Boston, at which port the vessel, the London 
Galley, was compelled to put in for repairs and provisions, went 
ashore at Deal on the od of December. He had been accom- 
panied to Charlestown, South Carolina, whence he sailed, by his 
brother John. At the time of his departure he was greatly en- 
feebled by a bloody flux and a fever. 

It was his intention to return to Georgia ; and with this object 
in view he retained his oilice until April, 1738. While then re- 
covering from an attack of pleurisy he was notified to embark for 
the province. His physicians forbade him to undertake the jour- 
ney. He accordingly renewed his resignation, but General Ogle- 
thorpe, "unwilling to lose so honest and faithful an officer," still 
urged him to retain his place, promising to supply it with a deputy 
until he was "sufficiently recovered to follow." This flattering 
invitation he felt constrained to decline. In the ensuing month 
his resignation was accepted, and his connection with the affairs 
of the colony terminated. 

It is worthy of remembrance that the idea of founding and 
maintaining an orphan house in Georgia was first suggested to 
the Rev. Mr. Whitefield by the Rev. Charles We3le3^ 

Upon his arrival in Georgia the Rev. John Wesley, then un- 
known to fame, but at a later period regarded as the " greatest 
figure that has appeared in the religious world since the Reforma- 
tion," accompanied b}' his friend Delumotte, became a resident 
of Savannah. Although commissioned as a spiritual adviser to 
the inhabitants of that town, he preferred to announce and to 
regard himself rather as a missionary to the Indians than as a 
minister to the colonists. Chafing under the confinement inci- 
dent to the discharge of his clerical duties in Savannah, he de- 
clared, " I never promised to stay here one month. I openly 
stated, both before and ever since my coming hither, that I 
neither would nor covdd take charge of the English any longer 
than till I could go among the Indians." His ambition was to 



convert the heathen. With Tomo-chi-chi he had an interview I 

on the 14th of February, 1736. The mico assured him that ] 

although the Indians were perplexed by the French on the one | 

hand, by the Spaniards on the other, and by traders in their 
midst, and that wliile their ears were now shut and their tongues 
divided, he Avould call his chiefs together and persuade the wise 
men of his nation to hear the Great Word. He cautioned the 
missionary against making Christians after the fashion in which 
they were manufactured by the Spaniards, and counseled instruc- 
tion before baptism. Well did he understand that, for the time 
being, the presentation of a string of beads or of a silver cross 
would suffice to seduce the native from the primitive faitli in 
which he had been reared, but in such conversion he reposed no 
confidence. The conduct of white Christians impressed him uu- 
favorably. Nevertheless he was willing to afford the missionary 
every facility for the prosecution of his contemplated labors, ami 
by influence and example to induce others to hearken to his 
teachings. There lurked, however, in the breast of the mico a 
grave doubt as to the success of the mission. Mr. Wesley's re- ;. 

ply,i while perhaps just in the abstract, was little calculatc<l j 

to win the confidence or encourage the sympath}^ of the chief: ; 

" There is but one : — He that sitteth in Heaven, — who is able i 

to teach man wisdom. Tho' we are come so far, we know not | 

whether Pie will please to teach you by us or no. If He teaches j 

you, you will learn Wisdom, but we can do notliing." i 

On another occasion, when urged by Mr. Wesley to hearken to j 

the doctrines of Christianity and become a convert, the old man i 

scornfully responded : " Why these are Christians at Savannah ! j 

Those are Christians at Frederica ! Christians drunk ! Christians I 

beat men ! Christians tell lies ! Me no Christian." | 

Upon the termination of a public audience with the Indians, | 

Mr. Wesley and Tomo-chi-chi dined with Mr. Oglethorpe. The ] 

meal concluded, the clergyman asked the aged mico " what he | 

thought he was made for." " He that is above," replied the | 

Indian, "knows what He made us for. We know nothing. Wo j 

are in the dark. But white men know much, and yet white men 
build great houses as if they were to live forever. But white | 

men cannot live forever. In a little time white men will be dust ^ 

as well as I." Wesley responded, "If red men will Ion in the j 

Good Book they may know as much as white men. But neithiT i 

we nor you can understand that Book unless we are taught by I 

1 An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley's Journal, etc., p. 11. Bristol, u. J. | 


Him that is above ; and He will not teach unless you avoid what 
you already know is not good." "I believe that," said the chief. 
" He will not teach us while our hearts are not white, and our 
men do what they know is not good. Therefore, He that is 
above does not send us the Good Book." In these sentiments of 
the native we recognize a strange commingling of satire, irony, 
and candor, which indicated strength in an apparent confession of 
weakness, evinced knowledge by an admission of ignorance, and 
pointed the self-satisfied clergyman to the contem])lation of that 
stern decree which levels both small and great, wise and foolish, 
civilized and savage, remanding the mightiest as well as the low- 
liest to one common grave. 

In Spence's "Anecdotes " i we are informed that in a conversa- 
tion between General Oglethorpe and Tomo-chi-chi in reo-ard to 
prayer, the latter said the Indians never prayed to God but left it 
with Him to do what Ho thought best for them : "tliat the asking 
for any particular blessing looked to him like directing God ; and, 
if so, that it must be a very wicked thing. That for his part he 
thought everything that happened in the world was as it should 
be ; that God of Himself would do for every one what was con- 
sistent with the good of the whole ; and that our duty to Him 
was to be content with whatever happened in general, and thank- 
ful for all the good that happened in particular." 

In this conviction the Indian was not singular. Apollonius 
frequently asserted that the only supplication which ought to 
be offered by worshipers in the temples of the Gods was : " O 
Gods ! grant us those things which you deem most conducive to 
our well-being." Socrates, that oracle of human wisdom, be- 
cause the Gods who were accustomed to bestow favors were best 
able to select such gifts as were most fit, warned his disciples 
against the danger and impropriety of ofi;ering petitions for spe- 
cific things. The prayer, " O Jupiter, ea qua? bona sunt nobis 
orantibus, aut non orantibus, tribue ; qure vero mala, etiam oran- 
tibus ne concede," has been more than once in the school of the 
philosophers commended as most ajipropriate. In that wonder- 
ful satire in which Juvenal, by apt examples, portrays the ruinous 
consequences which have ensued wliere the gods complied with 
the expressed desires of men, it will be remembered that in an- 
swer to the inquiry, 

" Nil ergo optabunt homines 1 " 

he responds, — 

1 London edition of 1820, p. 318. 



. . . "Si consilium vis, j 

Permittes ipsis expendere numinibus quid 3 

Conveniat nobis, rebusque sit utile uobis." ^ ' 

Epicurus believed that invocations, prayers, and sacrifices -were ; 

superfluous ; that in all the accidents and ditiiculties of life there i 

was no propriety in having recourse to the Gods, or in prostrat- ! 

ing ourselves before their altars ; but that we ought, in perfect j 

tranquillity, to contemplate all the vicissitudes of life, and, with- j 

out emotion, confront the changing fortunes which might be- i 

fall us. ' 

" On Tuesday, the 20th day of July," says ]Mr. Wesley in his 
Journal, " five of the Chicasaw Indians (twenty of whom had 
been in Savannah several days) came to see us, with Mr. An- 
drews, their interpreter. They were all warriors ; — four of tlieni 
Head-men, The two chiefs were Paustoobee and Mingo ^lattaw. 
Our conference was as follows : 

" Q. Do you believe there is One above who is over all 
things ? 

Paustoobee answered : " "We believe there are four Beloved 
Things above ; the Clouds, the Sun, the Clear Sky, and He tliat 
lives in the Clear Sky. 

" Q. Do you believe there is but One that lives in the Clear ] 

Sky? I 

" A. We believe there are two with him, — three in all. | 

" Q. Do you think He made the Sun and the other Beloved j 

Things? I 

"A We cannot tell. Who hath seen? I 

" Q. Do you think He made you ? j 

" A. We think He made all men at first. ] 

" Q. Plow did He make them at first ? j 

" A. Out of the ground. I 

" Q. Do you believe He loves you ? j 

" A. I don't know. I cannot see him. | 

" Q. But has He not often saved your life ? 1 

"-A. He has. Many bullets have gone on this side and many I 

on that side, but He would not let them hurt me. And many j 

bullets have gone into these young Men, and yet they are alive. j 

" Q. Then, can't He save you from your enemies now ? j 

"-4. Yes; but we know not if He will. We have now so ; 

many enemies round about us that I think of nothing but aoatli. 

And if I am to die, I shall die, and I will die like a man. But 

1 Tenth Satire, lino 346 et scq. I 


if He will have me to live, I shall live. Tho' I had ever so many 
enemies, He can destroy them all. 

" Q. How do you know that ? 

"J.. From what I have seen. When our enemies came 
against us before, then the Beloved Clouds came for us. And 
often much rain and sometimes hail has come upon them, and 
that in a very hot day. And I saw when many French and 
Choctaws and otlier nations came against one of our towns. 
And the ground made a noise under them, and the Beloved Ones 
in the air behind them. And they were afraid and went away, 
and left their meat and drink and their guns. I tell no lie. All 
these saw it, too. 

" Q. Have you heard such noises at other times ? 

" A. Yes, often ; before and after almost every battle. 

" Q. What sort of Noises were they ? 

"^. Like the noise of drums and guns and shouting. 

" Q. Have you heard any such lately ? 

"J.. Yes, four days after our last battle with the French. 

" Q. Then you heard nothing before it ? 

"^. The night before I dreamVl I heard many drums up there, 
and many trumpets there, and much stamping of feet and shout- 
ing. Till then I thought we should all die. But then I thought 
the Beloved Ones were come to help us. And the next day I 
heard above a hundred guns go off before the fight begun. And 
I said when the Sun is there the Beloved Ones will help us, and 
we shall conquer our Enemies. And we did so. 

" Q. Do you often think and talk of the Beloved Ones ? 

"^. We think of them always, wherever we are. We talk of 
them and to them, at home and abroad, in peace, in war, before 
and after we fight, and indeed whenever and wherever we meet 

" Q. Where do you think your souls go after death ? 

" A. We believe the Souls of Red Men walk up and down near 
the place where they died, or where their bodies lie. For we 
have often heard cries and noises near the place where any 
prisoners had been burnt. 

" Q. Where do tho Souls of White Men go after death ? 

"^. We can't toll. We have not seen. 

" Q. Our belief is that the souls of bad men only walk up and 
down : but the souls of good men go up. 

"A I believe so too. But I told you the talk of the na- 


" Q3Ir. Andrews. They said at tlie burying ^ they knew wliat 
you were doing. You were speaking to the Beloved Ones above 
to take up the soul of the young woman.) 

" Q. We have a Book that tells us many things of the Be- 
loved One above. Would you be glad to know them ? 

" A. We have no time now but to fight. If we should ever 
be at peace we should be glad to know. 

" Q. Do you expect ever to know what the White Men know ? 

" (^Mr. Andreivs. They told Mr. O. they believe the time will 
come when the Red and the White Men will be one.) 

" Q. What do the French teach you ? 

"^. The French Black-Kings ^ never go out. We see you 
go about. We like that. That is good. 

" Q. How came your nation by the knowledge they have ? 

" A. As soon as ever the Ground was found and lit to stand 
upon, it came to us, and has been with us ever since. But wo 
are young men. Our old men know more. But all of them do 
not know. There are but a few whom the Beloved One chuses 
from a child, and is in them, and takes care of them, and teaches 
them. They know these things: and our old men practice: 
therefore they know : But I don't practice. Therefore I know 
little." 3 

So far as we can ascertain, further conferences between Mr. 
Wesley and the Indians were infrequent and unaccompanied by 
any valuable results. Ignorant of their language, and unable to 
command an interpreter through whom the mysteries of his 
faith might be intelligently communicated, Mr. Wesley found his 
cherished scheme for the conversion of the Indians impracticable. 
He was forced to abandon it and to devote himself to clerical 
labors among the Europeans. 

His first impressions of Savannah were happy. Writing to 
his mother he says, " The place is pleasant beyond imagination, 
and, by all I can learn, exceeding healthful even in Summer for 
those who are not intemperate." He desires that some of the 
poor and religious persons of Epworth and Wroote would come 
over to him. Although his parishioners numbered some seven 
hundred,* there being no church edifice, religious services were 
held in the court-house. His scholarly attainments, earnest nian- 

1 Some days previously a young woman. Wesley's Journal, pp. 2G-28. Biistol, 
had been buried in Savannah, and these u. d. 

Indians were present at the funeral. « In July, 1737, IMr. Wesley took a cen- 

2 Priests. sus of Savannah by iroinir from li.nist" to 
' An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John house, and computed the u umber of in- 


ner, and well-considered discourses at first attracted the favor- 
able notice of the community. So popular was he then as a 
preacher that, a public ball and religious exercises being an- 
nounced for the same hour, " the church was full while the ball- 
room was so empty that the entertainment could not go forward." 

Contrasting his agreeable surroundings with the trials which 
his brother Charles was experiencing at Frederica, he exclaims, 
"How different are the ways wherein we are led; yet I hope 
toward the same end. I have hitherto had no opposition at all ; 
all is smooth and fair and promising. jNIany seem to be awak- 
ened ; all are full of respect and commendation. We cannot see 
any cloud gathering; but tliis calm cannot last; storms must come 
hither too ; and let them come when we are ready to meet tbem." 

His friend Delamotte had organized a school of between thirty 
and forty children whom he taught " to read, write, and cast ac- 
counts." Every Saturday afternoon, and on the Lord's day be- 
fore the evening service, Mr. Wesley catechised these pupils. 
Thus was inaugurated the first Sunday-school in the province of 

As many of his parishioners as desired to do so met at his 
house after the evening service, and also on every Wednesday 
afternoon to " spend about an hour in prayer, singing, and mutual 
exhortation." This was the earliest series of prayer-meetings 
held in the colony ; and here, in the modest and scantily fur- 
nished reception room of the parsonage in Savannah, was cra- 
dled the INIethodist E23i6Copal Church, destined to become one of 
the most potent societies among the Protestant denominations of 
the world.i 

With the Moravian bishop, Nitschman, he associated on terms 
of the closest and tendere^^t intimacy. Truly did he admire his 
simple faith, unostentatious piety, his quiet demeanor, his stern 
integrity, his irreproachable character. It was most agreeable to 
him to commune with the members of that sect and to minister 
to them in seasons of sickness and distress. His clerical engage- 
ments at Savannah were occasionally interrupted by visits to Fred- 
erica. There he found "so little either of the form or power of 
religion " that he expresses his joy in being " removed from it." 

habitants at 51 S, of whom 149 were umler at Oxford. The second was at Savannah 
sixteen years of aec. The rest of his in 173G when twenty or thirty persons 
parishioners dwelt in the neighborliood of met at my house. The last was at Loa- 
the town. don on this day, IVfay 1st 1 7'?S, wlion forty 
1 Mr. AVesley thus iiitornrt't< tlu^ ri-o of or fifty of us aiirccd to iiioet together 
Metliodism: "Tlie first ri>L' of Mot}ioi|i>m every Wednesday Evening." 
was in 17:!9 when four of us met toj^other 


Despite his earnestness and regularity in the discharge of his 
priestly ministrations, his labors ceased to be crowned with the 
success which at the outset of his career waited upon them, and 
he clearly perceived that his popularity both as a preacher and as 
a spiritual adviser was manifestly on the wane. Persuaded that 
his whole heart was in his work, he was at a loss to account for 
these distressing indications, which daily grew more decided. 

Observing much coolness in the behavior of one who had pro- 
fessed friendship for him, Mr. Wesley demanded the reason, and 
was answered on this wise : " I like nothing you do ; all your 
sermons are satires upon particular persons. Therefore I ^vill 
never hear you more : and all the people are of my mind, for we 
won't hear ourselves abused. Besides, they say they are Protes- 
tants, but as for you they can't tell what religion you are of. 
They never heard of such a religion before. They do not know 
what to make of it. And then your private behaviour : all the 
quarrels that have been here since you came have been long of 
you. Indeed there is neither man nor woman in the town who 
minds a word you say ; and so you may preach long enough but 
nobody will come to hear you." 

Many took offense at his rigid adherence to the custom of bap- 
tism by immersion. In the celebration of the Lord's Supper he 
would admit no Dissenter to the Communion unless he consented 
to be re-baptized. He insisted upon dividing the public prayers 
" according to the original appointment of the Church ; " begin- 
ning the morning prayers at five, the litany. Communion olhce, 
and sermon at eleven, and the evening service at three. He was 
also charged with a design to establish auricular confession as a 
prerequisite to admission to the privileges of the Holy Com- 
munion. Forgetting the injunctions of the Rev. Dr. Burton, 
so excessive was his zeal in the advocacy of favorite doctrinal 
yiews and in the denunciation of evil that he moulded his dis- 
courses so that they became caustic satires not only upon the 
condition of affairs but upon the conduct of individuals. His 
rebukes and corrections were pungently administered alike in 
private and in public. He was on all occasions a censor morum^ 
and his criticisms were passed equally upon magistrate, citizen, 
and church member. Instead of drawing men by the cords of 
love, he alienated them by his denunciations and applied stric- 
tures. In the lanjruaGre of another, he " drenched them with the 
physic of an intolerant discipline." Overstepping tlie limits 
which should be observed at all times by a clergyman, he busied 


himself with the quarrels and complaints of the town, and in 
open court counseled the inhabitants to oppose the magistrates 
in the execution of justice.^ 

Such unusual conduct angered the people, and gradually they 
discontinued their attendance upon divine worship. Wesley lost 
the power which he at first exerted over the consciences of the 
populace. Pie alienated the affections of his hearers, and in the 
end became convinced that he was accomplishing little in the ser- 
vice of his Master. Not long afterwards, in reviewing this period 
of his life, so unsatisfactory in its efforts and so replete with trials 
and disappointments, he freely confessed that he who went to 
America to convert others was then himself unconverted to God ; 2 
that all the time he was in Savannah he was " beating the air," 
" fighting continually but not conquering," and failing to appre- 
ciate the loving kindness of the Lord. 

He who at subsequent period 

" Filled the eartli with golden fruit, 
With ripe millennial love," 

was the prolific cause of unrest, and almost an object of hatred 
in the community. 

Meanwhile Mr. Wesley enjoyed wonderful health. His con- 
stitution seemed to improve under hardships and labors which 
would have impaired the stoutest physical jiowers. Of the three 
hundred acres set apart in Savannah for glebe land he cut off 
what he deemed sufficient for a good garden, and there he fre- 
quently worked with his own hands. He ate moderately, slept 
little, and left not a moment of his time unemployed. To the 
changing seasons, and in all kinds of weather, he exposed himself 
with the utmost indifference. His journeys into South Carolina 
were sometimes performed on foot, and with no shelter at night 
save the friendly boughs of a tree. His energy, resolution, self- 
denial, and endurance were at all times conspicuous. 

The circumstances which brought the usefulness and services 
of ]\Ir. Wesley as a clergyman in Savannah to an abrupt and a 
notorious conclusion may be thus brielly narrated. With i\Ir. 
Causton, the chief bailiff and keeper of the public stores, and 
with the members of his family, the missionary associated on 
friendly terms. Miss Sophia Hopkins, a niece of iNIrs. Causton, 
and a young woman of uncommon personal and intellectual 

1 Ste\>hens' JoitrDcil of Proceedings, \o\. - Extract of the Journnl of Rev. Mr. 
i. p. 15. Loudou. MUCCXLIL John Wesley, p. 73. Briatol, u. d. 


charms, had been his pupil. He gave her Frencli lessons. Un- 
der his religious ministrations she became a professed convert 
and united herself with the church. It would appear that this 
constant association with a pretty, fascinating maiden eventuallv 
excited tender emotions in the breast of the youthful and sus- 
ceptible ecclesiastic. He was evidently on the eve of declarin<'- 
his affection when his friend, Mr. Delamotte, excited his appre- 
hensions by expressing doubts in regard to the sincerity of Miss 
Hopkins' religious convictions. He also cautioned him against 
cherishing or avowing too fond an attachment for her. Taking 
counsel of the Moravian elders, they too advised him not to con- 
template a matrimonial alliance Avith her. Thus admonished, 
Mr. Wesley became more guarded in his conduct and more re- i 

served in his intercourse. Perceiving the change in his deport- \ 

ment, Miss Hopkins was piqued, mortified, and angered. Some- 
thing closely resembling a rupture ensued ; and, not long after- 
wards, this charming and coquettish young lady gave her hand 
to a Mr. Williamson. | 

A few months subsequent to her marriage Mr. Wesley " ob- I 

served some things which he thought reproveable in her be- | 

havior." He mentioned them to her. " At this," writes that 
clergyman in his Journal, " she appeared extremely angry and j 

said she did not expect such usage from me." The next day | 

Mrs. Causton made excuses for her niece, and expressed much | 

regret at what had transpired. \ 

Having, after the lapse of a few weeks, "repelled ]Mrs. Will- j 

iamson from the Holy Communion," Mr. Wesley was arrested \ 

under the following warrant issued by the recorder : — I 

"Geop.gia. Savannah, s. s. ] 

*' To all Constables, Tytlungmen, and others loliom these may | 

concern : j 

" You and each of you are hereby required to take the body of | 

John Wesley, Clerk : and bring him before one of the BaililYs | 

of the said Town to answer the complaint of William William- | 

son and Sophia his wife, for defaming the said Sophia, and re- \ 

fusing to administer to her the Sacrament of the Lord's Suj^inn- j 

in a publick Congregation without cause, by which the said \\\\\- » 

iam Williamson is damaged One Thousand Pounds Sterling:. j 

And for so doing this is your Warrant, certifying what you ate | 

to do in the premises. j 

"Given under my hand and seal the 8th day of Aug : Amnn | 

Dom: 1737. Tii° Ciiiusni:.' ' 

19 ! 


By Jones, the constable, lie was cai-ried before the recorder 
and bailiff Parker. Williamson was there. To the cliarge that 
he had defamed his wife, Mr. Wesley entered a prompt and em- 
phatic denial. As to the other allegation, he answered that 
" the giving or refusing the Lord's Supper being a matter purely 
ecclesiastical," he would not acknowledge any pov/er in tlie mag- 
istrate to interrogate him in regard to it. Mr. Parker informed 
him that he must appear before the next court to be holden for 
Savannah. Mr. Williamson then said, " Gentlemen, I desire Mr. 
Wesley may give bail for his appearance." But j\Ir. Parker 
immediately refused the application, with the remark, ''Sir, Mr. 
Wesley's word is sufHcient." 

Causton required that the reasons which induced Mr. Wesley 
to repel Mrs. Williamson from the Holy Comunion sliould be 
assigned in open court. To this demand the clergyman declined 
to accede. On the second day after the arrest lSh\ Causton vis- 
ited Mr. Wesley at his house, and after some sharp words said, 
"Make an end of this matter. Thou hadst best. !My Niece to 
be used thus ! I have drawn the sword and I will never sheath 
it till I have satisfaction." " Soon after," so runs Mr. Wesley's 
diary, " he added, ' Give the reasons of your repelling her before 
the whole congregation.' I answered, 'Sir, if you insist upon it 
I will, and so you may be pleased to tell her.' He said, ' Write 
to her and tell her so yourself.' I said, ' I will,' and after he 
went I wrote as follows : 
"To Mes. Sophia Williamson. 

" At Mr. Causton's request I write once more. The Rules 
whereby I proceed are these : 

" So many as intend to be Partakers of the Holy Communion 
shall signify their names to the Curate at least some time the 
day before. This you did not do. 

" And if an}'' of these have done any wrong to his 

Neighbors, by word or deed, so that the Congregation be thereby 
offended, the Curate shall advertise him that in any wise he pre- 
sume not to come to the Lord's Table until he hath openly 
declared himself to have truly repented. If you offer yourself 
at the Lord's Table on Sunday, I will advertise j'-ou (as I have 
done more than once) wherein you have done wrong. And when 
you have openly declared yourself to have truly repented, I will 
administer to you the jMysteries of God. 

"Aug. 11, 1737. John Wesley. 

" Mr. Delamotte carrying this, Mr. Causton remarked, among 



other warm sayings, ' I am the person that am hijured. The ! 
affront is oft'ercd to me, and I will espouse the cause of my Niece. 

I am ill-used, and I will have satisfaction if it is to be had ] 

in the world.' \ 

" Which way this satisfaction was to be had, I did not yet con- | 

ceive. But on Friday and Saturday it began to appear ; 'Mv. | 

Causton declaring to many persons that Mr. Wesley had repelled j 

Sophy from the Holy Communion purely out of revenge, because ! 

he had made proposals of marriage to her which she rejected j 

and married Mr. Williamson." \ 

Having thoroughly espoused the cause of his niece, ^Ir. i 
Causton set about stirring up the public mind and endeavored 
to create a general sentiment adverse to Mr. Wesley. He even 
busied himself with the selection of jurors whose sympathies 
were in unison with his own. Persuaded by him Mrs. Willi;im- 

son made an affidavit, full of insinuations, in which she asserted ; 

" that Mr. Wesley had many times proposed marriage to her, all ; 
which proposals she had rejected." 

When the grand jury was impaneled, it was manifest that 
Causton had much to do with its composition. Forty- four mem- 
bers were present, and among them Wesley noted one French- i 
man, who did not understand the English language, a Papist, I 
a professed infidel, three Baptists, sixteen or seventeen Dis.-^ent- i 
ers, and several persons who had quarreled with him and openly I 
vowed revenge. | 

The court being organized on Monday the 22d, ]\Ir. Causton j 

delivered a long and earnest charge, in which he cautioned the I 

jurymen " to beware of spiritual tyranny, and to oppose the nt>w \ 

and illegal authority which was usurped over their couseienees." [ 

The chief bailiff, uncle by marriage to the complainant, was ■ 

playing the double role of judge and prosecuting attorney. | 

Mrs. Williamson's affidavit having been read, Causton delivered i 

to the grand jury a paper entitled "A List of Grievances pre- | 

sented by the Grand Jury for Savannah, this day of Aug., i 

1737." It had evidently been prepared under his diroctidu, | 

and was designed to mould in advance the finding of that body. j 

After holding this document under advisement for more than a j 

week, and after the examination of sundry witnesses, the jury «'!» | 

the 1st of September returned that paper into court. As mod;- | 

fied by a majority, it read as follows : — I 

"That John Wesley, Clerk, hath broken the of llie 
Realm, contrary to the Peace of our Sovereign Lord the King, his 
Crown, and Dignity; 


" 1. By speaking and writing to Mrs. Williamson against her 
husband's consent ; 

" 2. By repelling her from the Holy Communion ; 

" 3. By not declaring his Adherence to the Church of Eng- 
land ; 

" 4. By dividing the Morning Service on Sundays ; 

" 5. By refusing to baptize Mr. Parker's child otherwise than 
by dipping, except the parents would certify it was weak and not 
able to bear it ; 

" 6. By repelhng Wm. Gough from the Holy Communion ; 

" 7. By refusing to read the Burial-service over the body of 
Nathaniel Polhill ; 

" 8. By calling himself Ordinary of Savannah ; 

"9. By refusing to receive Wm. Aglionby as a God-father 
only because he was not a communicant ; 

" 10. By refusing Jacob Matthews for the same reason, and 
baptizing an Indian Trader's Child with only two sponsors." 

Nine of these charges being purely ecclesiastical in their char- 
acter, Mr. Wesley insisted that the present court could take no 
cognizance of them. As to the rest of the indictment he pleaded 
not guilty and demanded an immediate trial. Again and again 
did he press for a hearing, which was denied upon some frivolous 
pretext or other, such, for example, as that " Mr. Williamson was 
gone out of town." So malevolent was the spirit moving the 
parties preferring these charges against Islv. Wesley that with a 
view to damaging his clerical reputation far and near they caused 
the indictment found by a majority of the grand jury to be 
published in various newspapers in America. 

Mr. Wesley had openly avowed a desire to answer directly to 
the trustees. Twelve of the jurors, three of them being consta- 
bles and six tithing-men, who would have constituted a majority 
had that body been properly constituted of four constables and 
eleven tithing-men, signed the following document which was 
transmitted in due course : — 
" To the Honorable the Trustees for Georgia. 

" Whereas two Presentments have been made, the one of Au- 
gust 23rd, the other of August 31st, by the Grand Jury for the 
Town and County of Savannah in Georgia, against John Wes- 
ley, Clerk : 

" We, whose names are underwritten, being Members of the 
said Grand Jury, do humbly beg leave to signify our dislike of 
the said Presentments, being by many and divers circumstances 


thro'ly persuaded in ourselves that the whole charge against ^Mr. 
Wesley is an artifice of Mr. Causton's, design 'd rather to bUicken 
the character of Mr. Wesley than to free the Colony from Re- 
ligious Tyranny as he vvas pleas'd in his charge to us to term it. 
But as these circumstances will be too tedious to trouble your 
Honors with, we shall only beg leave to give the Reasons of our 
Dissent from the particular Bills. 

" With regard to the First Bill we do not apprehend that Mr. 
Wesley acted against any laws by writing or speaking to oMrs. 
Williamson, since it does not appear to us that the said Mr. Wes- 
ley has either spoke in private or wrote to the said Mrs. William- 
son since March 12 [the day of her marriage] except one letter 
of July the 6th, which he wrote at the request of her aunt, as a 
Pastor, to exhort and reprove her. 

" The Second we do not apprehend to be a true Bill because we 
humbly conceive Mr. Wesley did not assume to himself any au- 
thority contrary to Law : for we understand every person intend- 
ing to communicate should ' signify his name to the Curate at 
least some time the day before,' which Mrs. Williamson did not 
do : altho' Mr. Wesley had often, in full congregation, declared 
he did insist on a compliance with that Kubrick, and had before 
repeird divers persons for non-compliance therewith. 

"The Third we do not think a True Bill because several of ns 
have been his hearers when he has declared his adherence to the 
Church of England in a stronger manner than by a formal Dec- 
laration; by explaining and defending the Apostles', the Nicene, 
and the Athanasian Creeds, the Thirty Nine Articles, the whole 
Book of Common Prayer, and the Homilies of the said Church : 
and because we think a formal Declaration is not required but 
from those who have receiv'd Institution and Induction. 

" The Fact alleged in tlie Fourth Bill we cannot apprehend to 
be contrary to any law in being. 

" The Fifth we do not think a true Bill, because we conceive 
Mr. Wesley is justified by the Kubrick, viz : ' If they (the Par- 
ents) certify that the child is weak, it shall suffice to pour water 
upon it:' intimating (as we humbly suppose) it shall not sullice 
if they do not certify. 

"The Sixth cannot be a true Bill because the said William 
Gough, being one of our members, was surprized to hear himself 
named without his knowledge or privity, and did publickly di'- 
clare ' It was no grievance to him, because the said John Wes- 
ley had given him reasons with which ho was satisfied.' 


" The Seventh we do not apprehend to be a true Bill, for Na- 
thaniel PoUnll was an Anabaptist, and desir'd in his life-time 
tha the might not be interr'd with the Office of the Church of 
England. And further, we have good reason to beheve that Mr. 
Wesley was at Frederica, or on his return thence, when Polhill 
was buried. 

"As to the Eirrhth Bill we are in doubt, as not well knowins: 
the meaning of the word Ordinary. But, for the Ninth and 
Tenth we think Mr. Wesley is sufficiently justified by the Canons 
of the Church which forbid any person to be admitted Godfatlier 
or Godmother to any child before the said person has received 
the Holy Communion ; whereas William Aglionby and Jacob 
Matthews had never certified Mr. Wesley that they had received 

Perceiving that he could obtain neither justice nor even a 
hearing from the town court in Savannah, persuaded that there 
was no possibility of instructing the Indians, being under no en- 
gagement to remain a day longer in Savannah than he found it 
convenient, and believing that his ministry would prove more 
acceptable in England than in Georgia, he consulted his friends 
as to the propriety of liis returning home. They agreed that it 
was best for him to do so, but not at that time. 

On the 8d of November he again appeared in court, and also 
on the 22d of that month. On the last occasion Mr. Causton 
exhibited to him sundry affidavits filed in his case, all of which 
Wesley pronounced false and malicious. No trial was, on either 
date, accorded to him. Upon conferring a second time with 
his friends they were of the opinion that he might now set out 
immediately for England. The next evening he called upon 
Mr. Causton and acquainted him with his purpose to leave the 
colony at an early day. lie also put up in the public square the 
following notice: "Whereas John Wesley designs shortly to set 
out for England, this is to desire those who have borrowed any 
books of him to return them, as soon as they conveniently can, 
to John Wesley." 

There was nothing concealed about this determination ; and 
he quietly, and with the full knowledge of the community, pre- 
pai'ed for his journey. On the 2d of December, the tide serving 
aboiit noon, he proposed to bid farewell to Savannah and start 
for Charlestown whence he was to sail for England. " But about 
ten," says INIr. Wesley, " the ^lagistrates sent for me and told 
me I must not go out of the Province, for I had not answer'd the 


Allegations laid against me. I replied I have appeared at six or 
seven Courts successively in order to answer them, but I was not 
suffer'd to do so when I desired it time after time. They then 
said, however, I must not go unless I would give security to 
answer those allegations at their Court. I asked, what security? 
After consulting together about two hours the Recorder sliew'd 
me a kind of bond engaghig me under a penalty of fifty pounds 
to appear at their Court when I should be required. He added, 
But Mr. Williamson too has desired of us that you should give 
bail to answer his action. I then told him plainly, Sir, you use 
me very ill, and so you do the Trustees. I will give neither any 
bond nor any bail at all. You know your business and I know 

" In the afternoon the Magistrates publish'd an Order requir- 
ing all the Officers and Centinels to prevent my going out of the 
Province, and forbidding any person to assist me in doing so. 
Being now only a prisoner at large in a place where I knew by 
experience every day would give fresh opportunity to procure 
evidence of words I never said and actions I never did, I saw 
clearly the hour was come for leaving this place : and, as soon as 
Evening Prayers -were over, about eight o'clock, the tide then 
serving, I shook off the dust of my feet and left Georgia after 
having preached the Gospel there (not as I ought, but as I was 
able) one year and nearly nine months." ^ 

Stephens ^ informs us that Mr. Wesley was accompanied on 
this occasion by three obnoxious chai'acters : Coates, a busybody, 
a mischief-maker, and heavily indebted both to the trust and 
to the citizens of Savannah; Gough, an idle fellow, impudent in 
his behavior, leaving behind him many unpaid obligation^^, and 
a wife and child whom he more frequently beat than fed ; and 
Campbell, a barber, an insignificant, loose fellow, fit for any leader 
who would make a tool of him. 

Landing at Purrysburgh the next morning, ]\Ir. Wesley and 
his companions pursued their journey on foot to Beaufort, whence 
he proceeded by boat to Charlestown. Taking passage on board 
the Samuel, Captain Percy, he departed from America on the 
24th of December, 1737, never more to revisit the scene of his 
early labors, conflicts, trials, and disappointments. 

We make no apology for having dwelt at this length upon the 
incidents connected with the life and ministrations in Georgia '*of 

1 Extract of the Riv. Mr. John Wcslnj's " Journal of ProcettUit'js, etc.. vul. I. 
Journal, etc., pp. 55, 56. Bristol, n. d. pp. 45-47. Loudon. JllJCCXLlL 


a man whose eloquence and logical acuteness [to borrow the 
language of Lord ^lacaulay] might have made him eminent in 
literature, whose genius for government was not inferior to that of 
Richelieu, and who, whatever his errors may have been, devoted 
all his powers, in defiance of obloquy and derision, to what he 
sincerely considered as the highest good of his species." 

Whatever shadows and doubts gathered about him in the 
morning of his ministerial career were all quickly dispelled by 
the glorious beams of the Sun of Righteousness. Then, in the 
plenitude of intellectual and moral power, he proclaimed the 
glad tidings of salvation to the nations, gathering about him tens 
of thousands, founding a sect of strong virtue and stern religious 
sentiment, and closing one of the most remarkable lives in Eng- 
lish history with the triumphant cr^', " The best of all is, God is 
■with us. He giveth his servants rest. We thank Thee, O Lord ! 
for these and all Thy mercies. Bless the Church and King, and 
grant us truth and peace through Jesus Christ our Lord forever 
and ever. The clouds drop fatness. The Lord is with us, the 
God of Jacob is our refugee. Farewell." 


Mutiny in Oglethorpe's Kegiment. — Attempt to assassinate the Gen- 
eral. — Negro Insurrection in South Carolina. — Oglethorpe denies 
Causton's Insinuations. — Kev. Mr. Norris. — Grant of £20,000 by 
Parliament. — Magistrates and Freeholders of Savannah apply to 
THE Trustees for Fee Simple Titles to Land, and for the Privilege 
OF Introducing Negro Slaves. — The Highlanders at Darikn ^vnd 


Slavery. — Oglethorpe counsels against the Proposed Changes. — 
He is attacked by Malcontents. — Depressed Condition of the 
Province. — The Trustees refuse to perjiit the Introduction of 
Negro Slaves, and decline to enlarge the Tenure of Lands. 

Having accommodated matters at Savannah as thoroughly as 
circumstances would permit, and having inaugurated such a sys- 
tem of disbursements from the public stores as appeared most 
equitable for canceling the indebtedness contracted by Causton 
and relieving the pressing necessities of the inhabitants, General 
Oglethorpe, on the 25th of October, 1738, departed in open boat 
for Frederica, leaving, in the language of Colonel Stephens, " a 
gloomy prospect of what might ensue, and many sorrowful coun- 
tenances." His energies were now to be concentrated upon the 
fortification of the southern confines of the colony, the defensive 
capabilities of which the Spaniards manifestly intended to test at 
no distant day. 

Early in the following November he established his head- 
quarters temporarily at Fort St. Andrew on Cumberland Island 
that he might personally superintend and encourage the con- 
struction of the military defenses which were being there erected. 
This island was then garrisoned by the companies which had 
been detailed from Gibraltar. In addition to their pay these 
troops, for a limited period after their arrival in Georgia, had 
been allowed extra provisions from the king's store. When, in 
November, these rations were discontinued, conceiving them- 
selves wronged and defrauded of their rights, the men bec:iiiio 
dissatisfied. As the general was conversiuir at the door of his 
liut with Captain Mackay, a turbulent fellow had the temerity 
to como up, unannounced, and demand a renewal of the allow- 


ance. Oglethorpe replied that the terms of enlistment had been 
fully complied with ; and that if he desired any benefit at his 
hand such rude and disrespectful behavior was not calculated to 
secure a favorable consideration of his application. The fellow 
thereupon became outrageously insolent. Captain Mackay drew 
his sword, which the desperado wrested from him, broke in half, 
and, having thrown the hilt at that officer's head, rushed away 
to the barracks. There snatching up a loaded gun and crying 
aloud " One and All," he ran back, followed by five or more of 
the conspirators, and fired at the general. Being only a few 
paces distant, the ball whizzed close by Oglethorpe's ear, while 
the powder scorched his face and singed his clothes. Another 
soldier presented his piece and attempted to discharge it. For- 
tunately it missed fire. A third drew his hanger and endeav- 
ored to stab the general who, however, having by this time 
unsheathed his sword, parried the thrust. An officer coming up 
ran the ruffian through the body. Frustrated in their attempt 
at assassination, the mutineers sought safety in flight, but w^ere 
apprehended and put in irons. After trial by court-martial the 
ring-leaders were found guilty and shot.^ 

Thus wonderfully was the general preserved for the important 
trusts committed to his care, and so narrowly was a calamity 
averted which would have plunged the colony into the depths of 
uncertainty and peril. At this trying moment, had she been de- 
prived of Oglethorpe's guidance, Georgia, feeble and uncertain, 
would have been left well-nigh naked to her enemies. 

Spanish emissaries from St. Augustine endeavored to inaugu- 
rate an insurrection among the negroes of South Carolina. To 
them freedom and protection were promised. Every inducement 
was offered which could encourage not only desertion from, but 
also massacre of, their owners. Of the runaway slaves the gov- 
ernor of Florida had formed a regiment, appointing olhcers from 
among them, and placing both ofiicers and enlisted men upon the 
pay and rations allowed to the regular Spanish soldiers. Of this 
fact the Carolina negroes were fully aware. Influenced by the 
hope of booty, incited to the perpetration of unholy deeds by 

^Compare Gentleman's Magazine, \o\. Ccor^m, vol. ii. pp. 70, 71. London. 1779. 

ix. pp. 214, 21.'). Stephens' Journal of Stevens' Il'ntory of Georgia, vol. i. pp. 

Procref/i'm/.>;, vol. i. p. 32G. London. 1742. 154, 155. New York. 1847. Wriglit's 

McCall's History of Georgia, vol. i. pp. iJ/rwoiVo/" O^AMorpe, pp. 204, 205. Lon- 

124, 125. Savannah. ISIl. Hewitt's don. 1SG7. Harris' Biograpiu'ad Me- 

Ilistorical Account of the Rise and Prog- inoriah of Oghthorpe, pp. 194, 195, S69. 

ress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Boston. 1841. 


ruthless men in Spanish employ, and purposing a forcible pas- i 

sage tlirougli Georgia into Florida, a band of negro slaves assem- I 

bled at Stono, killed two young men in charge of a warehouse i 

at that point, and then appropriated the guns and ammunition j 

there stored. Thus armed, they elected one of their number I 

captain, and, under his leadership, marched towards the south- • 

west with colors flying and drums beating. Forcibly entering j 

the house of Mr. Godfrey, they murdered him, his wife, and chil- | 

dren, took all the arms, fired the premises, and moved on in the j 

direction of Jacksonborough. Plundering and burning every ' 

house on their line of march, and killing every white person they 
met, they compelled all negroes to join them. Governor Bull, 
who was returning to Charlestown from the southward, met this 
armed force, and, avoiding it, spread the alarm, which soon 
reached the Presbyterian church at Wiltown where the Kev. 
Archibald Stobo was preaching to a considerable congregation. 
By a law of the province all planters were obliged to carry 
their weapons with them when assembled for divine worship. 
This regulation, at the present critical juncture, proved most 
useful. Leaving the women in the church, the men, under the 
command of Captain Bee, hastened in pursuit of the negroes 
who were each moment becoming more formidable in numbers. i 

They had now marched about twelve miles and had spread des- j 

elation through all the settlements adjacent to and upon their i 

route. Having found rum in some of the houses, they drank , 

freely of it. When overtaken by the whites, they had halteil in | 

an open field where they were singing and dancing and indulging I 

in yells of barbaric triumph. Circumventing them to previqit i 

escape, the planters moved upon them, killing some, capturing • 

others, and dispersing the rest. The leaders and first insurgents j 

were summarily dealt with. j 

Profound were the terror and consternation caused by this | 

servile insurrection. During its short continuance more than j 

twenty persons were murdered, and many valuable dwellings burnt j 

to the ground. But for the timely intervention of the armed i 

planters worshiping at Wiltown church, the destruction of life 1 

and property would have been far greater, and it is not improb- 
able that the uprising thus inaugurated w^ould have become wide- i 
spread. Advised of tliis unhappy transaction, General Oi,'lt'- \ 
thorpe issued a proclamation requiring the apprehension of all I 
negroes found within the limits of the province of Georgia, otter- 
ing a reward for runaways, and detailing a company of rangL-rs 


to patrol the southern frontier "and block up all passages by 
which they might make their escape to Florida." ^ 

The negro population in South Carolina at this time was esti- 
mated at forty thousand. The whites did not number more than 
five thousand. Grasping with stupid avidity at the most des- 
perate suggestions which promised license and booty, those slaves 
had, on more than one occasion, been seriously tampered with 
by the Spaniards. The pernicious influence exerted by such 
emissaries may be more easily conjectured than described. That 
the authorities at St. Augustine encouraged insurrection and de- 
sertion among the Carolina slaves, suggested a general massacre 
of the whites both in South Carolina and Georgia, and promised 
soldiers' pay and rations to all who should find their way to 
Florida, cannot be doubted. Negro sergeants were employed on 
recruiting service, with secret rendezvous in Carolina. Two 
Spaniards were apprehended in Georgia and committed to prison 
for enticing slaves from their Carolina masters. Thus did Spain 
grow daily more and more offensive in the development of her 
plans for the annoyance, disquietude, and destruction of the 
English colonies adjacent to her possessions in Florida. To the 
vigilance of Oglethorpe and the services of his scouts was Caro- 
lina largely indebted for the retention of her slave property, and 
for deliverance from the horrors of a general servile insurrection. 

In making up and explaining his accounts Causton had been 
dilatory and perverse. During a conversation with Mr. Jones he 
insinuated that General Oglethorpe " very well knew what ex- 
traordinary occasions had created these great exceedings ; which 
the Trustees not approving of, lie [Causton] was given up to be 
driven to ruin." Informed of these aspersions, the general at 
once came to Savannah and, sending for Causton, in the presence 
of Colonel Stephens and jNIr. Jones reprimanded him for the 
freedom he had taken with his name. " If," he added, "in tbe 
course of your inquiries you find any written orders from me, 
you ought to produce them ; or, if you have verbal orders only, 
you should not scruple to charge them to my account and leave 
me to exonerate myself : or, if in divers cases you have no 
other plea than the necessity of the service, you ought to set 
forth what that necessity was, leaving it to the Trustees how 
far it may content them." Then recommending him to use 

^ Historical Account of the Tlisf and Prog- London. MDCCLXXTX. MrCall's iljs 
ress of the Colonics of South Carolina and tory of Ctorijia, vol. i. pp. 125, 12G. 
Georgia, vol. ii. pp. 72-74. 


neither delays nor shifts in making up his accounts, he dismissed 

It was during this short visit that Oglethorpe heard for the 
first time a sermon from the Rev. Mr. Norris, newly arrived in 
Savannah. With his excellent, practical discourse, " exhorting 
to holiness of life as a means of forgiveness through Christ's 
death," he was well pleased. In his utterances this clergyman 
seems to have given much satisfaction to the venerable Colonel 
William Stephens, whose opinion was that " sublime points in 
divinity are ill-suited to a young colony, where the preacher's 
labours would be best bestowed in plainly setting forth the sad j 

consequences of a vicious life, the amiableness of the Christian ! 

religion, with the certain rewards attending the practice of it ; j 

and inculcating those duties to God and our neighbour which are j 

so essential to religion, and the practice of which, we are taught ; 

to hope, through the mediation of our Saviour will be accepted, j 

though not through any merit of our own : relying on Him in \ 

faith." 2 I 

So occupied was Oglethorpe with tho military affairs of the j 

southern portion of the province he found it impracticable to re- j 

turn to Savannah during the remainder of the year, as he hoped ' 

to do, that he might open a Court of Claims rendered necessary , 

by Causton's extravagance and confusion of accounts. j 

As exhibiting a partial statement of the finances of the colony, | 

and furnishing an explanation of tlie circumstances under whirh | 

the trustees became largely in arrears in meeting the current j 

expenses of the province, we submit the following extract from | 

a letter penned by Oglethorpe at Frederiea, dated the 20th of | 

November, 1738, and addressed to the Right Honorable Thomas \ 

Winnington, Paymaster of the Forces : " The Parliament, to j 

defray the charges of the improvements of the Colony of Georgia 
and the military defence thereof used to grant X 20,000 for tho 
year. The King ordered a regiment for the defence of the Col- 
ony and thereupon the Trustees were contented to abate X 12,000 
in their demands, and X8,000 only was granted to them. But as 
the Regiment did not arrive till near a year afterwards, tlie Trus- 
tees were obliged to support the military charge of the Colony 
during the whole time, which was very dangerous by reason oi 
the threatened invasion of the Spaniards, of which you received 
so many accounts. No ctlicer of the Trustees dared abandon 

^ See 'WT\f:!;ht'3 Ml' moir of General Orjie- ^Journal of ProcceJinna in (f^rna, 
tAo»ye, p. 206. Loudon. 1867. vol. i. p. 309. Loudou. jMDCCXLU. 


a garrison, reduce any men, or dismiss the militia whilst the 
Spaniards threatened the Province and the King's troops were 
not arrived to relieve them. A debt of near .£12,000 is con- 
tracted because by unforeseen accidents the regiment was delayed 
and the military expence was continued till their arrival, though 
the Parliamentary grant ceased." He then entreats LIr. Win- 
nington to aid the trustees in their application to Parliament for 
a sum sufficient to discharge the debt thus incurred ; and for the 
excellent reason that " if the people who furnished with neces- 
saries a colony then threatened with invasion, and the people 
who then bore arms for the defence of it (and thereby secured 
that important frontier till the arrival of the King's troops) 
should be ruined by not being paid their just demands, it would 
prevent hereafter any frontier colony from receiving assist- 
ance." 1 

Private contributions in aid of the colonization had each year 
grown smaller. The self-sustaining abilities of the province dis- 
appointed expectation. Utterly unable were the trustees to de- 
fray the charges incident to the support of the civil and military 
list. The fortifications lacked cannon and munitions of war, and 
many of the inhabitants clamored for food. In this emergency 
Parliament granted .£20,000 which enabled the common council 
to redeem all outstanding obligations and provide for the further 
and efficient administration of the trust. 

The impoverished condition of the province, the scarcity of 
supplies, Causton's defalcation, the spasmodic and unsatisfac- 
tory nature of the agricultural operations near Savannah, the 
enervating character of the climate, the disappointments which 
had been experienced in the effort to compass a comfortable sup- 
port and accumulate vrealth, the departure of not a few colonists, 
who, crossing the river, sought better fortunes in South Caro- 
lina where lands were granted in fee and the ownership of slaves 
was permitted by law, and the ruinous outlook, coupled witb 
much dissatisfaction and lack of industr}^ on the part of some of 
the settlers, induced the magistrates to unite with the freeholders 
dwelling in Savannah and its vicinity in a petition to the trustees 
in which, after expressing their disappointment that the hopes 
held out to them in England of pleasant and profitable homes in 
Georgia had not been realized ; after asserting that their best 
exertions in tilling the soil had failed to procure ruthcient provis- 
ions and the means requisite for purchasing clotliing and medi- 
1 2\^olcs and Qutrks, 3d S. vol. x. p. G4. 


cines ; after declaring that, in the absence of cheap shive hibor, ' 

they were unable to compete successfully with their neighbors in 
Carolina ; after expressing the conviction that the cultivation of 1 

silk and wine could never be made remunerative so long as white I 

servants only were employed; after assuring the trustees that j 

commerce languished because, not being possessed of the fee in | 

tbeir lands and improvements, they were incapable of offering • 

them as security to merchants in procurement of goods as was j 

frequently done in other English provinces ; after alluding to • 

the numbers who had left the plantation because of the preca- i 

rious land titles existent therein, and the small accessions which \ 

had of late been made to the population of the province; and ] 

after referring to other causes which retarded the progress of the I 

settlement, they invoked serious and immediate consideration by 
the trustees of the " two following chief causes of their misfor- 
tunes : " — ^ 

" First. The AVant of a free Title or Fee Simple to our Lands, j 

•which, if granted, would both occasion great Numbers of new 
Settlers to come amongst us, and likewise encourage those who 
remain here chearfuUy to proceed in making further Improve- 
ments, as well to retrieve their sunk Fortunes, as to make Pro vis- • 
ion for their Posterity. j 

"Second. The Want of the Use of Negroes with proper Lini- ' 

itations ; which, if granted, would both induce great Numbers of | 

White People to come here, and also render us capable to subsist > 

ourselves by raising provisions upon our Lands until we could | 

make some Produce fit for Export, and in some measure to bal- ] 

ance our Lnportation. AVe are very sensible of the Inconven- j 

iences and Mischiefs that have already, and do daily arise from ] 

an unlimited Use of Negroes ; but we are as sensible that these | 

may be prevented by a due Limitation, such as so many to each j 

White Man, and so many to such a Quantity of Land ; or in i 

any other manner which your Honours shall think most proper. \ 

By granting us, Gentlemen, these two Particulars, and such other ] 

Privileges as his jMajesty's most dutiful Subjects in America j 

enjoy, you will not only pi-event our impending Ruin, but, wc ; 

are fully satisfied, also will soon make this the most nourishing j 

Colony possessed by his Majesty in America^ and your Memorirs i 

will be perpetuated to all future Ages, our latest Posterity sound- s 

ing your Praises as their first Founders, Patrons and Guardians; 
but if, by denying us those Privileges, we ourselves and Faniilu-s 
are not only ruined, but even our Posterity likewise, you will | 


always be mentioned as the Cause and Autlioi-s of all tLeir IVIis- 
fortunes and Calamities ; which we hope will never happen." i 

•This petition was dated at Savannah on the 9th of December, 
1738, and was signed by one hundred and twenty-one of the male 

The submission of this memorial coming to the knowledge of 
the Scotch at New Inverness, eighteen prominent members of 
that community, on the 8d of January, 1739, addressed the fol- 
lowing communication to His Excellency General Oglethorpe: 
"We are informed that our Neighbours of Savannah have 
petitioned your Excellency for the Liberty of having Slaves. 
We hope, and earnestly entreat that before such Proposals are 
hearkened unto your Excellency will consider our Situation and 
of what dangerous and bad Consequence such Liberty would be 
to us, for many Reasons ; 

" I. The Nearness of the Spaniards who have proclaimed Free- 
dom to all Slaves who run away from tlieir Masters makes it 
impossible for us to keep them without more Labour in guard- 
ing them than what we would be at to do their work : 

" II. We are laborious, and know that a White Man may be 
by the Year more usefully employed than a Negro : 

" III. We are not rich, and becoming Debtors for Slaves, in 
case of their running away or dying, would inevitably ruin the 
poor Master, and he become a greater Slave to the Negro Mer- 
chant, than the Slave he bought could be to him : 

" IV. It would oblige us to keep a Guard-duty at least as severe 
as when we expected a daily Invasion ; and if that was the Case, 
how miserable would it be to us and our Wives and Families to 
have an Enemy without and more dangerous ones in our Bosom ! 
« V. It is shocking to human Nature that any Race of j\Ian- 
kind, and their Posterity should be sentenced to perpetual 
Slavery ; nor in Justice can we think otherwise of it than that 
they are thrown amongst us to be our Scourge one Day or other 
for our Sins ; and as Freedom to them must be as dear as to us, 
what a Scene of Horror must it bring about ! And the longer it 
is unexecuted, the bloody Scene must be the greater. We there- 
fore, for our own sakes, our Wives and Children, and our^ Pos- 
terity, beg your Consideration, and intreat that instead of intro- 
ducing Shxves, you '11 put us in the way to get us some of our 
Counti-ymen, who with their Labour in time of Peace, and our 

1 Account shewinn the Profjress of the Colony of Georgia in America, etc., pp. 
59, 63. Loudou. MDCCXLI. 


Vigilance if we are invaded, with the Help of those, will render 
it a difficult thing to hurt us, or that Part of the Province we 
possess. We will forever pray for your Excellency, and are with 
all Submission," ^ etc. 

True to the prejudices and the traditions of their nation, and 
confident in their maidiood, so spake these hardy sojourners on 
the southern confines of the colony. 

Indorsing the protest thus filed by the people of Darien, com- 
mending their own industry and success, and auguring well for 
the future, the ministers of the Ebenezer Congregation and forty- 
nine Salzburgers signed and forwarded to General Oglethorpe 
the following letter, dated the loth of March, 1739. 

"We Saltzhurghers, and Inhabitants of Ebenezer that have 
signed this Letter, intreat humbly in our and our Brethren's 
names, your Excellency would be pleased to shew us the Favour 
of desiring the honourable Trustees for sending to Georijia 
another Transport of Saltzhurgliers to be settled at Ebenezer. We 
have, with one Accord, wrote a Letter to our Father in God, the 
Reverend M"^ Senior UrUijerger^ at Augspurg^ and in that Letter 
expressly named those Saltzburghers and Austrians whom, as our 
Friends, Relations, and Countrymen, we wish to see settled here. 
We can indeed attest of them that they fear the Lord truly, love 
Working, and will conform themselves to our Congregation. 
We have given them an Account of our being well settled, anil 
being mighty well pleased with the Climate and Condition of 
this Country, having here several Preferences in spiritual and 
temporal Circumstances for other People in Germany, which 
your Honour will find in the here inclosed Copy of our Letter to 
iNI'" Senior UrUperger^ if they fai*e as we do, having been pro- 
vided in the Beginninor with Provisions, a little Stock for Breed, 
some Tools, and good Land by the Care of the honorable Trus- 
tees; and if God grants his Blessing to their work, we doubt not 
but they will gain with us easily their Bread and Subsistence, 
and lead a quiet and peaceable Life in all Godliness and Honesty. 

"Though it is here a hotter Season than our native Country 
is, yet not so extremely hot, as we were told on the first time of 
our Arrival ; but since we have been now used to the Country 
we find it tolerable, and, for working People, very convenient ; 
setting themselves to work early in the JNIorning till Ten O'Clook ; 
and in the Afternoon from Three to Sun-set; and having But^i- 

* An Acccount shewiiirj the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, etc, 
pp. 64, 65. Loudon. MDCCXLI. 


iiess at Home, we do tliem in our Huts and Houses in the IMid- 
dle of the Day till the G;reatest Heat is over. People in Ger- 
many are hindered by Frost and Snow in the Winter from doing 
any work in tlie Fields and Vineyards ; but we have this Prefer- 
ence to do the most and heaviest Work at such a time, prepar- 
ing the Ground sufficiently for planting in tlie Spring. We were 
told by several People, after our Arrival, that it proves quite im- 
possible and dangerous for White People to plant and manufac- 
ture any Rice, being a Work only for Negroes, not for European 
People ; but having Experience of the contrary we laugh at such 
a Talking, seeing that several People of us have had, in last 
Harvest, a greater Crop of Rict? than they wanted for their own 
Consumption. If God is pleased to enable us by some Money 
for building such Mills, convenient for cleaning the Rice, as we 
use in G-ermany for making several Grains fit for eating, then the 
Manufacture of Rice will be an easy and profitable thing. For 
the present we crave your Excellency's Goodness to allow, for 
the Use of the whole Congregation, some Rice Sieves, of several 
Sorts, from Charles-Town^ which cannot be had at Savannah ; 
We will be accountable to the Store for them. 

" Of Corn, Pease, Potatoes, Pomkins, Cabbage, &c., we had 
such a good Quantity that many Bushels are sold, and much was 
spent in feeding Cows, Calves, and Hogs. If the Surveyor, ac- 
cording to his Order and Duty, had used Dispatch in laying out 
our Farms, (which we have got not sooner than last Fall) itein^ if 
not, we all were disappointed by long Sickness, and planting the 
yellow Pensilvaala Corn ; we would have been able, by the 
Blessing of God to spare a greater Quantity of Grain for getting 
Meat-Kind and Cloathcs, of which we are in Want. It is true 
that Two-Acres of Ground for each Family's Garden are set out 
some time ago, but being there very few Swamps fit for planting 
of Rice, and some Part of them wanting a good deal of Dung, 
we were not able, in the Beginning, to dung it well ; therefore 
we could not muke such a good Use of those Acres as we now 
Lave Reason to hope, by the Assistance of God, after our Planta- 
tions are laid out. Hence it will be that we plant the good 
Ground first, and improve the other Soil then when Occasion 
will require it, in the best manner we can. In the first Time 
when the Ground must be cleared from Trees, Bushes, and Roots, 
and fenced in carefully, we are to undergo some hard Labour, 
which afterwards will be the easier and more pleasing, when the 
hardest Trial is over, and our plantations are better regulated. 


A good deal of Time was spent in building Iluts, Houses, and 
other necessary Buildings in Town and upon the Farms ; and 
since, we wanted Money for several Expences ; several Persons 
of us hired themselves out for some Weeks for building the Or- 
phan-house and its Appurtenances ; item, The Reverend i\P 
GronaiCs House, which h;ippened to be built in the hottest Sum- 
mer Season ; and now some of us are employed to build the Rev- 
erend M"^ Bolziiis' House ; which Buildings have taken away 
some time from our Work in the Ground ; but the fair Oppor- 
tunity of earning some Money at Home was a great Benefit to 
us ; this now being so, that neither the hot Summer Season nor 
anything else hinders us from Work in the Ground, and we wish 
to lead a quiet and peaceable Life at our Place. 

" We humbly beseech tlie honourable Trustees not to allow it 
that any Negro might be brought to our Place or in our Neigh- 
bourhood, knowing by Experience that Houses and Gardens will 
be robbed always by them, and White People are in Danger of 
Life because of them, besides other great Inconveniences, Like- 
wise we humbly beseech you and the Trustees not to allow to 
any Person the Liberty of buying up Lands at our Place, by 
which, if granted, it would happen that by bad and turbulent 
Neighbours our Congregation would be spoilt and poor, harmless 
People troubled and oppressed : But we wish and long for such 
Neighbours to be settled here whose Good-name and honest 
Behaviour is known to us and our Favourers. The Honourable 
Trustees have been always Favourers and Protectors of poor and 
distressed People ; wherefore we beseech you and them they 
would be pleased to take us further under their fatherly Care, 
that the Remembrance of their Benevolence and Kindness to our 
Congregation might be conveyed to our late Posterity, and be 
highly praised. We put up our Prayers to God for rewarding 
your Excellency and the Honourable Trustees manifold for all 
their good Assistance and Benefits which are bestowed up^on us, 
and beg humbly the Continuance of your and their Favour and 
Protection, being with the greatest Submission and Respect, your 
Honour's most obedient dutiful Servants," ^ etc. 

It will thus be seen that the colonists were divided in senti- 
ment upon the question of the expediency of introducing nogro 
slaves into the province. General Oglethorpe's views on the sub- 
ject are embodied in a letter to the trustees written from Savan- 

^ An Account shpwinrj the Progress of the Colony of Gtonjia in America, etc, pp. 
66-69. Loudon. MDCCXLI. 


nab on the 12th of March, 1739. In it he states that Mr. Will- 
iams, to whom many of them were deeply indebted, had induced 
the poor people of Savannah " to sign the petition for Negroes 
which affirms that white men cannot work in this Province." 
This assertion he declares he can disprove by hundreds of wit- 
nesses, by all the Salzburgers, by the people of Darien, by many 
at Frederica and Savannah, and by all in the province who were 
industriously inclined. " The idle ones," he adds, " are indeed 
for Negroes. If the Petition is countenanced the Province is 
ruined. Mr. Williams and Dr. Tailfeur will buy most of the 
lands at Savannah with Debts due to them, and the Inhabitants 
must go off and be succeeded by Negroes. Yet the very Debtors 
have been weak enough to sign their Desire of Leave to sell." ^ 

In another communication ^ to the trustees, written at Frederica 
on the 4th of July in the same year, he protests against any 
material change in the existing land tenures, advising the trustees 
that the " Titles are at present upon a very good Footing, and 
that those who made most noise about their Lands were such as 
had taken no care to make any use of them." 

Twelve days afterwards, in reporting the status of affairs to 
the trustees, he again refers to this subject in the following man- 
ner : "There is one Tailfeur, an Apothecary Surgeon who gives 
Physick, and one Williams, of whom I wrote to you formerly, a 
Merchant, who quitted planting to sell rum. To these two 
almost all the Town [Savannah] is in debt for Physick and 
Rum, and they have raised a strong spirit to desire that Lands 
may be alienable, and then they would take the Lands for the 
Debts, monopolize the Countr}-, and settle it with Negroes. They 
have a vast deal of Art, and if they think they cannot carry this, 
they would apply for any other alteration since they hope thereby 
to bring confusion, and you cannot imagine how much uneasiness 
I have had here. I hope, therefore, you will make no altera- 
tions." 3 

Robert Williams, to whom allusion is made, was open and vio- 
lent in his denunciation of the policy pursued by the trustees in 
regard to the tenure by which lands in the province were holden 
of them, and kept the public mind at Savannah in a constant 
ferment on this subject.'* 

1 Collections of the Gionfia Historical * Stejihcns' Journal of Proceedings, 
Society, vol. iii. p. 70. Siivuunah. 1873. vol. i. p]). 8, 27, 57, 149, 289. London. 

2 Idem, pp. 72-79. MDCCXLII. 
* Collections of the Georgia Historical 

iSocieti/, vol. iii. p. 79. Savannah. 1873, 


Possessing some means and a valuable commercial correspond- 
ence, he desired to utilize them in the accumulation of wealth. 
Hence his anxiety to have the fee simple to lands vested in the 
colonists so that they might eitli'r pledge or sell them. In either 
event he would be able to secure his loans, and finally to become 
possessed of much of the landed estate. 

Doctor Patrick Tailfer was scarcely less pronounced in his 
criticisms upon the conduct of the colony, and in his representa- 
tions of existing grievances. He was a thorn in the side of Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe, to whom, under the nom cle plityne of The Plain 
Dealer^ he addressed a communication upon colonial affairs full 
of condemnation, complaint, and sarcasm. Pie was the chief of 
a club of malcontents whose conduct became so notorious that 
they were forced, in September, 1740, to quit tlie province and 
take refuge in South Carolina. Vv'hen thus beyond the jurisdic- 
tion of the Georgia authorities, in association with Hugh Ander- 
son, David Douglass, and others, he published a scurrilous tract 
entitled "A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Geor- 
gia in America," i which they dedicated to General Oglethorpe. 
In the epistle dedicatory, which may be accepted as a specimen 
of the entire production, the authors say : " Under the Influence 
of our Perpetual Dictator we have seen something like Aris- 
tocracy, Oligarchij, as well as the Triumvirate, JDecemvirate, and 
Consular Authority of famous Republicks which have expired 
many Ages before us. What Wonder then we share the same 
Fate ? Do their Towns and Villages exist but in Story and Rub- 
bish ? We are all over Ruins. Our Publick-works, Forts, Wells, 
Highways, Lighthouse, Store, Water Mills, &c., are dignified like 
theirs with the same venerable Desolation. The Log-house in- 
deed is like to be the last forsaken Spot of your Empire ; yet 
even this, thro' the Death or Desertion of those who should 
continue to inhabit it, must suddenly decay ; the bankrupt Jailor 
himself shall be soon denied the Privilege of human Conversa- 
tion, and Avhen this last Moment of the Spell expires, the whole 
shall vanish like the Illusion of some Eastern Magician. 

" ' — Like Death you vcijia 
O'er silent subjects and a desert Plain.' " 

Craving rum, negro slaves, and fee-simple titles to lands, such 
disaffected colonists hesitated not to malign the authorities, dis- 
quiet the settlers, and belie the true condition of affairs. Georgia 

1 Charles-Town, South Carolina, p. 118. Printed by P. Timothy for the authors. 


was cerhiinly in an embarrassed and an impoverished situation 
Her population was increasing but slowly. Labor was scarcely 
remunerative, and the Spanish war-cloud was looming up along 
her southern borders ; but the impression which Dr. Tailfer and 
others sought to convey of the status of the colony was exagger- 
ated, spiteful, and without warrant. 

Having duly considered the petition of the magistrates and 
freeholders of Savannah, and taken counsel of General Ogle- 
thorpe and other influential inhabitants of the province, the trus- 
tees returned the followincc answer : — 
'"'• To the Magistrates of the Town of Savannah in the Province 

of Georgia. 

" The Trustees for establishing the Colony of Georgia in 
America have received by the Hands of Mr Benjamin Ball of 
London, Merchant, an attested Copy of a Representation signed 
by you the Magistrates, and many of the Lihabitants of Savan- 
nah on the 9th of December last, for altering the Tenure of the 
Lands, and introducing Negroes into the Province, transmitted 
from thence by Mr Robert Williams. 

" The Trustees are not surprized to find unwary People drawn 
in by crafty JNIen to join in a Design of extorting by Clamour 
from the Trustees an Alteration in the fundamental Laws framed 
for the Preservation of the People from those very Designs. 

"But the Trustees cannot but express their Astonishment that 
you, the Magistrates, appointed by them to be the Guardians of 
the People, by putting those Laws in Execution, should so far 
forget your Duty as to put yourselves at the Head of this At- 

" However, they direct you to give the Complainants this 
Answer from the Trustees ; That they should deem themselves 
very unfit for the Trust reposed in them by his Majesty on their 
Behalf, if they could be prevailed upon by such an irrational at- 
tempt to give up a Constitution, framed with the greatest cau- 
tion, for the Preservation of Liberty and Property, and of which 
the Laws against the Use of Slaves, and for the Entail of Lands 
are the surest Foundations. 

" And the Trustees are the more confirmed in their Opinion 
of the Unreasonableness of this Demand that they have received 
Petitions from the Darien and other Parts of the Province, rep- 
resenting the Inconvenience and Danger which must arise to the 
good People of the Province from the Litroduotion of Negroes : 
and as the Trustees themselves are fully convinced that besides 


the Hazard attending of that Introduction, it would destroy all 
Industry among the White Inhabitants ; and that, by giving 
them a Power to alien their Lands, the Colony would soon be 
too like its neighbours, void of White Inhabitants, filled Avith > 

Blacks, and reduced to be the precarious Property of a Few, • 

equally exposed to domestick Treachery and foreign Invasion : ! 

And therefore the Trustees cannot be supposed to be in any Dis- | 

position of granting this Request ; and if they have not, before ! 

this, signified their Dislike of it, their Delay is to be imputed to I 

no other Motives but the Hopes they had conceived that Time ] 

and Experience would bring the Complainants to a better jVIind. j 

And the Trustees readily join Issue with them in their Appeal I 

to Posterity, who shall judge between them, who were their best ! 

Friends, those who endeavoured to preserve for them a Property I 

in their Lands by tying up the Hands of their unthrifty Pro- \ 

genitors : or tliey who wanted a Power to mortgage or alien them ; j 

who were the best Friends to the Colony, those who with great | 

Labour and Cost had endeavoured to form a Colony of his Maj- j 

esty's Subjects, and persecuted Protestants from other Parts of ! 

Europe ; had placed them on a fruitful soil, and strove to secure j 

them in their Possessions by those Arts which naturally tend to ! 

keep the Colony full of useful and industrious People capable j 

both to cultivate and defend it, or those who, to gratify the | 

greedy and ambitious views of a few Negro jMerchants, would | 

put it into their Power to become sole owners of the Province ; 

by introducing their baneful Commodity which, it is well known, | 

by sad Experience, has brought our Neighbour Colonies to the I 

Brink of Ruin by driving out their White Inhabitants, who were j 

their Glory and Strength, to make room for Blacks who are now j 

become the Terror of their unadvised ^Masters. 

" Signed by order of the Trustees this Twentieth day of June 
1739. Bexj. :Maetyk, Secretary, [l. S.] " ^ 

On the 20th of October General Oglethorpe informed the 
trustees that their reply had been received and published, and 
that the effect produced by it upon the colonists was good. Ac- 
companying this response came orders dismissing from oflioe the 
magistrates in Savannah who had signed the petition, and a|> 
pointing others in their stead. Perceiving that their agitation of 
the question of the introduction of negro slavery into the jn-ov- 
ince had only confirmed the trustees in their opinions and or- 

"^ An Account shewing the Pror/ress of the Colony of Georgia, etc., pp. 70, 71. 
London. MDCCXLI. 


ders, the leading malcontents, headed by Dr. Tallfer, who by 
their clubs, horse-racing, idleness, and lawless conduct had done 
much to debauch the community at Savannah, deserted the col- 

This was the second time that the trustees had been impor- 
tuned to sanction tlie employment of slave labor within the limits 
of Georgia. Twice did they positively refuse the desired permis- 
sion. Although such was their determination, and although the 
effect of their resolution was pronounced salutary by General 
Oglethorpe, it may well be questioned whether the adoption of a 
different policy, permitting the introduction of negro slaves un- 
der wholesome restrictions, would not have materially advanced 
the prosperity of the plantation. Such labor was demanded by 
the nature of the soil and climate. Tbe prohibition upon Geor- 
gia placed her at a disadvantage when her situation in this re- 
gard was contrasted with that of her sister colonies. Indented 
white servants had been tried, and the experiment was unsatis- 
factory. The clearing and cultivation of malarial lands origi- 
nated fevers and various disorders far more prejudicial to the 
European than to the African constitution. The potent rays of 
the summer's sun enfeebled the white servant, while they shone 
harmlessly above the head of the negro laborer. During the 
heated term it was the general experience that many of the 
whites were incajDable of performing half their allotted tasks. 
The expenses incident to the employment of white servants were 
considerably greater than those connected with the maintenance 
of negro operatives. The exclusion of slave labor and the re- 
fusal to grant estates in fee did turn aside many planters from 
the attractive swamp lands of Southern Georgia and retard the 
development of the colony. 

Although in their reply of the 20th of June, 1739, the trus- 
tees refused to enlarge the tenures of land, in a few months they 
concluded to modify their views upon this important subject. Ac- 
cordingly, in August of that year they passed a set of ponder- 
ous resolutions which they caused to be published in the " London 
Gazette " on the 8th of September, and ordered to be inserted also 
in the columns of the " Charlestown, South Carolina, Gazette." 
Without reproducing them, we give their purport as condensed 
by Benjamin Martyn, secretary of the trustees.^ With a view 

* Account shewing the Progress of the History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 132 et seq. 
Colonif of Gcorqi'ii in Amtriai, etc., p. 30. Suvaunah. 1811. 
Loudou. MDCCXLI. Compare McCall's 


to enlarging the tenure on failure of issue male, and in order to 
provide for the widows of grantees, it was ordained tliat lands 
already granted, and such as might thereafter be granted, should, 
on failure of issue male, descend to the daughters of the gran- 
tees. In case there should be no issue male or female, then the 
grantees might devise such lands. In the absence of any devise, 
the lands were to descend to the heirs at law of the original gran- 
tees. The possession of the devisee could not exceed five hun- 
dred acres. Widows of grantees were declared entitled " for 
and during the terra of their natural lives," to hold and enjuy 
the dwelling-house, garden, and one moiety of the lands of which 
their respective husbands died seized. 

All persons desiring to avail themselves of the benefit of this 
enlargement were notified to present their claims in order tliat 
proper grants might be forthwith, and without charge, prepared 
and executed. 

While this modification enured to the benefit of the grantee 
and confirmed the ownership of the land in his heirs, it permit- 
ted only a qualified alienation by way of devise. It did not fully 
comply with the request preferred in the petition which we have 
just considered. 

These resolutions were published by paragraphs in the Charles- 
town " Gazette ; " but, as they were not well understood, Colonel 
William Stephens was requested on a certain day to read them 
at the court-house in Savannah and to explain them. "After 
he had finished his task," says Captain McCall,i " and exerted 
his utmost abilities in giving an explanation, one of the settlers 
ludicrously remarked that the whole paper consisted of males and 
tails ; that all the lawyers in London would not be able to bring 
the meaning down to his comprehension ; and that he under- 
stood as little of its meaning then as he had when Stephens be- 
gan. Others wished to know how often those two words had 
occurred in the resolutions, that the number ought to be pre- 
served as a curiosity, and that the author ought to be lodged in 
bedlam for lunacy." 

1 History of Georgia, vol. i. p. 140. Savaanah. 1811. 


Dissensions among the Officers of Oglethorpe's Kegiment. — Ogle- 
thorpe VISITS Charlestown .\nd exhibits to the General Assembly 
OE Carolina ins Commission as Commander-in-Chief. — Report of 
the Condition of the Colony in 1739. — Oglethorpe visits Coweta 
Town. — Conference and Treaty with the Indians. — Oglethorpe 
AT Savannah. — Last Illness and Death of Tomo-ciii-chi. — Im- 
pending War with Spain. — The Southern Fisontier Strengthened. 
— Spanish Outrage on Amelia Island. — Oglethorpe retaliates, 
BURNS Fort Picolata, and captures and garrisons Fort Francis 
de Papa. — He applies for Additional Boats, Artillery, and Mu- 

In" the midst of his multitudinous and perplexing caves' Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe was annoyed by unseemly dissensions among the 
officers of his regiment. Upon charges preferred by Lieutenant- 
Colonel Cochrane, Captain Hugh Mackay was tried by court- 
martial and honorably acquitted. Captain Norbury, convicted 
by another court-martial of using disrespectful language to his 
commanding officer, was ordered to beg his pardon. Not lono- 
afterwards Captain ]Mackay accused Colonel Cochrane of " fol- 
lowing merchandize to the neglect of his duty, selling to the sol- 
diers at exorbitant profit, occasioning a spirit of mutiny, and 
breaking treaty with the Spaniards." Upon Captain ]Mackay's 
return from St. Andrew where he had been sent to superintend 
the execution of a mutineer by the name of Hurley, he was 
assaulted by Colonel Cocln-ane and beaten with a great stick. 
This affray occurred in the presence of General Oglethorpe, who 
at once placed both those officers under arrest. As there were 
not officers of suflicient rank in the colony to constitute a court- 
martial for the trial of Colonel Cochrane, he and Captain iVIac- 
kay were ordered to report to the War Department in England 
that the differences between them might be examined into and 
adjusted. The subsequent investigation resulted in the with- 
drawal of Lieutenant-Colonel Cochrane from the Georcria forces. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Cook succeeded to the vacancy thus created 
iu Oglethorpe's regiment. 


On the 3d of April the general presented himself before the 
Assembly of South Carolina. His commission as commander- 
in-chief of his majesty's forces in that province, as well as in 
Georgia, was opened and read. Having, in pursuance of this 
authority, regulated the military establishment of that colony, 
he returned to Savannah. One company of his regiment was 
now garrisoning Fort Frederick, near Beaufort. To stimulate 
the industry of the freeholders at and near Savannah, he offered 
a bounty, above the current market price, of two shillings per 
bushel for all corn, and of one shilling per bushel for such pota- 
toes as should be harvested from the crop of the present year. | 

In a long and interesting letter,^ dated Frederica, July 4t!i, I 

1739, Oglethorpe acquaints the trustees with the general coudi- j 

tion of the province and with his efforts to make it a st-lf-sustain- 
ing plantation. He was still embarrassed by sundry violations 
in Savannah of the "Kum Law," but the efhcient conduct of the ] 

magistrates at Frederica had there effectually suppressed the 1 

traffic in that article. His regiment was comfortably housed in ; 

cleft-board buildings. The frontier islands were protected l»y ? 

regular troops, but additional boats, to facilitate intercomanini- ; 

cation, were needed. There was a lack of watchmen for pre- i 

serving the peace of the country, and of horsemen, to scour the | 

woods for the protection of cattle, the apprehension of outlaws, I 

and the arrest of runaway slaves from Carolina. The plantation ^ 

on Amelia Island, under the charge of Mr. Hugh ]\Iackay, was | 

reported as being in a flourishing condition. Twelve days aftt'r- I 

wards he dispatched Mr. Auspourger to England with twenty J 

pounds weight of silk. A more generous yield had been pre- ! 

vented by the death of many of the worms. They were being I 

bred in a house which had formerly been used as a hospital ; and | 

it was Mr. Camuse's impression that the infection occasioned sick- | 

ness and destroyed many of them. 

Perceiving that the French and Spaniards were endeavoring | 

to cause disturbances amons: the Indians who were amicablv \ 

inclined toward the colonies of Carolina and Georgia, and to st- I 

duce them from the allegiance which they acknowledged to tlie j 

British Crown, Oglethorpe recognized the necessity of holiling a | 

personal conference with the nations about to assemble at Coweta | 

Town. The pacification of seven thousand red warriors depended | 

upon his successful intervention. The salvation of Georgia was j 

1 Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. iii. pp. 72-79. Saviuiiuh. 


involved. The journey was long, fatiguing, and dangerous, but 
perils daunted him not. 

On the ITth of July, 1739, he set out upon this important ex- 
pedition.i Accompanied by Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign Leraan, 
and Cadet Eyre, and attended by servants, he proceeded in his 
cutter up the Savannah. Landing at the Uchee town, five and 
twenty miles above Ebenezer, where he had engaged Indian trad- 
ers to meet him with saddle and sumpter horses, the general 
entered upon his journey of three hundred miles through a track- 
less wilderness. Along rough ravines, through tangled thickets, 
and over dreary swamps in which the horses mired and plunged, 
the travelers patiently followed their native guides. More than 
once were they compelled to construct rafts on which to pass 
great rivers. Many smaller streams were crossed by wadin^ or 
swimming. Wrapped in his cloak, and with his portmanteau for 
a pillow, this hardy leader slept upon the ground; or, if the 
night happened to be wet, he sheltered himself in a covert of 
cypress boughs spread upon poles. For a distance of two hun- 
dred miles these adventurers neither saw a human habitation nor 
met a living soul. As they neared their journey's end they here 
and there found provisions which the primitive peoples they were 
about to visit had deposited for them in the woods. 

"When the general had approached within forty miles of his 
destination, he was received by a deputation of chiefs who es- 
corted him the remainder of his way to Coweta, the principal 
town of the Muskhoghee or Creek Indians. Although the Amer- 
ican aborigines are rarely demonstrative, nothing could have ex- 
ceeded the joy manifested by these red men on Oglethorpe's 

In having undertaken so long and difficult a journey for the 
purpose of visiting them, by coming amongst them with only a 
few attendants in fearless reliance on their good faith, by the 
readiness with which he accommodated himself to their habits, 
and by the natural dignity of his deportment, Oglethorpe won 
the hearts of his red brothers whom he was never known to 
deceive. On the 11th of August the chiefs of the several tribes 
assembled, and the great council was opened with all the solemn 
rites prescribed for such occasions. After many " talks," terms 
of intercourse and stipulations for trade were satisfactorily ar- 
ranged. Oglethorpe, as one of tlieir beloved men, partook of the 

1 Wright'3 Memoir of ajhthorpe, pp. 3 r.rttrr to the Trustees, dated Fort Au- 
^^^» -1** gusta, September 5th, 173U. 


Foshey} or black-medicine drink, and smoked the calumet, or 

pipe of peace. | 

On the 21st of the same month was concluded a formal treaty j 

by ^Yhich the Creeks renewed their fealty to the king of Great | 

Britain, and, in terms full and explicit, confirmed their previous \ 

gi-ants of territory. The general, on the part of the trustees, ' 

engaged that the English should not encroach upon their reserves, \ 

and promised that the traders should deal fairly and honestly \ 

"with them. The bad conduct of some traders had inflamed the I 

tempers of the Indians, and Oglethorpe found it very difficult to ! 

assuage their wrath. " If I had not gone up," he writes, " the i 

misunderstanding between them and the Caroliua traders, fo- | 

mented by our neighbouring nations, would probably have occa- ! 

sioned a war which, I believe, might have been the result of this ; 

general meeting ; but as their complaints were just and reason- • 

able, I gave them satisfaction in all of them, and everything is 1 

settled in peace." The Choctaws were persuaded not to make I 

war upon the French, and the general was assured by the chiefs \ 

of all the tribes that they would march to his assistance when- j 

ever he should summon them. j 

At this conference were present General James Oglethorpe, j 

commissioner and representative of his majesty King George II. ; | 

Chickeley Nenia, chief king of Coweta Town, JNIalatche, mico, son 
of Brim, late emperor of the Creek nation, the chiefs and war- 
riors of Coweta Town ; the king of the Cusetas, Schisheligo, 
second mico of the Cusetas, Iskegio, third chief of the Cusetas, 
and other chief men and warriors of that nation ; Ochaohapko, 
one of the chief men of the town of Palachuckolas, Killateo, 
chief wnr captain, and other chief men and warriors, " deputies 
with full powers to conclude all things for the said town;" 
Towmawme, mico of the Ufawles, with several other chief men 
and warriors commissioned to represent all the towns of that 
nation ; Matalcheko, captain of the Echeetees, with other chief 
men and warriors of that people ; Neathaklo, chief man of the 
Owichees, with several other chief men and warriors ; Occulla- 
viche, chief man of the Chehaws, with other chief men and war- 

1 Foskcy, a decoction of the leaves and and these only upon special occayions. 

young shoots of the cassena or yaupon Accounts of its preparation and use may 

{Prinos (jlabtr) producinj^ an exhilarating be found in Lawson's I'oi/agc to Caroliim, 

effect. It is prepared with much formal- p. 90, Loudon, 1709; The Ndtnral His- 

ity, and, being cousidcrcd a sacred bevcr- tori/ of' Florida, by Bernard Ivomaiis, ]>■ 

age, none but the chiefs, war captains, 94 ; and Adair's History of the Ainericiin 

aud priests or beloved men partake of it ; Indians, p. 108. 


riors; Hewanawge Thaleekeo, chief man of the Oakmulgees, 
with several of the chief men and warriors of that nation ; the 
king of the Oconees, with several cliief men and warriors ; and 
Neachackelo, second cliief of the Swngles, with several chief men 
and warriors, all em])owered to repri^sent their several nations 
and to bind them in the convention. The general assembly was 
opened by a speech from Oglethorpe, and was conducted accord- 
ing to the religious forms and customs observed by the Indians. 
After due deliberation it was unanimously resolved that they 
would adhere to their ancient love for the king of Great Britain, 
and maintain their agreement made in 1733 with the trustees for 
establishing the colony of Georgia. 

It was further declared that all the territory from the Sa- 
vannah to the St. John, including the islands on the coast, and 
from the river St. John to Appalache Bay, embracing the Ap- 
palache Old-fields, and from that bay to the mountains, did by 
ancient right belong to the Creek nation : that they had main 
tained that right by force of arms against all opposers, and that 
they could show heaps of bones of their enemies who had per- 
ished in the attempt to wrest these lands from them. The Indian 
commissioners admitted that the Creek nation had long enjoyed 
the protection of England, that the Spaniards had no claim upon 
the lands indicated, and that they would permit no one except 
the Georgia trustees and tlieir colonists to settle upon them. The 
grant already made to the trustees, embracing lands upon the 
Savannah River, the sea-coast as far as the St. John and as high 
as the tide flowed, and all the islands except St. Catharine, Os- 
sabaw, and Sapelo, was reaffirmed and pronounced valid. They 
claimed a reservation extending from Pipe-]Maker's Bluff to Sa- 

On the part of the English it was stipulated that they would 
appropriate no lands save those mentioned as having been ceded 
by the Creek confederacy to the trustees. They also covenanted 
to punish any person intruding upon the territory reserved by 
the Creeks.^ 

Well might the trustees, in conveying their thanks for the 
successful execution of this perilous and important mission, admit 
that no one except Oglethorpe had ever engaged so strongly the 
affections of the Indians. 

Commenting upon this remarkable journey of General Ogle- 

1 McCall's History of Georgia, voL i. appendix No. 3, pp. 3C3-3G7. Savannah. 


thorpe, Mr. Spalding,^ with no less truth than fervor, remarks : 
" When we call into remembrance the then force of these tribes, 
— for they could have brought into the field twenty thousand 
fio-hting men, — when we call to remembrance the inlluence the 
French had everywhere else obtained over the Indians, — when we 
call to remembrance the distance he had to travel through solitary 
pathways . . . exposed to summer suns, night dews, and to the 
treachery of any single Indian who knew — and every Indian 
knew — the rich reward that would have awaited him for the act 
from the Spaniards in St. Augustine, or the French in Mobile, 
surely we may proudly ask, what soldier ever gave higher proof 
of courage? What gentleman ever gave greater evidence of 
maf'nanimity ? What English governor of an American province 
ever gave such assurance of deep devotion to public duty? " 

But for this manly conference with the red men in tlie heart 

of their own country, and the admiration with which his prest-uce, 

courage, and bearing inspired the assembled chiefs, Oglethorpe 

could not have compassed this pacification and secured this treaty 

of amity so essential to the welfare of the colony now on the 

eve of most serious difficulties with the Spaniards in Florida. 

The exposures and anxieties sustained dtiring this visit to 

;. Coweta Town so wrought upon the iron constittition of tlie gon- 

I eral that, upon arriving at Fort Augusta on his return toward 

Savannah, he was there prostrated by a severe fever. While 

thus suffering, he was visited by chiefs from the Chiekesas ami 

the Cherokees. The latter complained that some of their nation 

had been poisoned by rum sold to them by the traders. They 

were much incensed, and threatened revenge. Upon ini[uiriiiL: 

into the matter the general ascertained that some uulloensrd j 

traders had communicated the small-pox to the Indians, who, i 

ignorant of the method of treating the- disease, had fallen vie- j 

I tims to that loathsome distemper. He found it difficult to con- I 

I vince the chiefs of the true cause of the calamity. They were j 

I at length appeased, and departed with the assurance that they 1 

'j might apprehend no trouble in dealing with the licensed traders j 

\ from Georgia, as permits were never granted to those unworthy j 

I of confidence.^ 

j Augusta was now a thriving post, frequented by Indians and I 

; traders. While still here he received information that the gov- 

I ernor of Rhode Island had issued commissions for fitting out pri- 


[ 1 Collrctio)}S of the Geor(jia Iliston'rul - See Wriplit's Memoir of O'jU'J.'jrfw, 

i Socidti, vol. i. p. 263. Savauiiah. p. 219. Loudon. 1867. 



vateers to prey upon Spanish commerce. He was surprised that 
a distant colony should have acquired a knowledge of a rupture 
■with Spain, when Georgia, lying adjacent to Florida and there- 
fore in immediate peril, was still in ignorance of an actual or 
meditated declaration of war. 

Returning to Savannah he there found dispatches announcing 
hostilities between England and Spain. On the 3d of October 
he assembled the freeholders under arms. At noon they all re- 
paired to the court-house. The magistrates in their gowns took 
their seats upon the bench, and Oglethorpe sat wath them. He 
then addressed the multitude, acquainting the citizens of Savan- 
nah with the fact that, in the present emergency, they need 
entertain no fears of the Indian nations, all of whom had been 
brought into closer alliance by the recent convention at Coweta 
Town. Although the province lay open to the sea, English frig- 
ates would cruise along the coast for its protection, and additional 
land forces were expected. The instructions he had received 
from his majesty's Secretary of State in reference to the opening 
war wdth Spain were then communicated to them, and the inhab 
itants exhorted to activity, watchfulness, and bravery. 

The address concluded, the cannons of the fort were dis- 
charged, and the freeholders " fired three handsome vollies with 
their small arms, as it were in defiance, without the appearance 
of any dread of the Spaniards." ^ 

Observing that the common, from which the trees had been 
cut, was now overgrown with bushes, and that the squares and 
some of the streets were filled with weeds, the general ordered 
the entire male population out on police duty and caused these 
spaces to be properly cleared and cleaned. By actual count he 
ascertained that there were then in the town about two hundred 
men capa,ble of bearing arms. A plenty of bread and beer put 
them all in good heart. 

And now the colony was called upon to mourn the demise of 
one of its best and truest friends, the venerable Tomo-chi-chi. 
His final illness was protracted, and he passed away in the full 
enjoyment of his mental faculties. The following letter conveys 
an interesting account of the last moments and sepulture of this 
noted Indian king : — 

"Savannah in Georgia, Oct: 10, 1739. 

" King Toma-chi-chi died on the 5th, at his own town, 4 miles 
from hence, of a lingi>rlng Illness, being aged about 97. lie was 
1 Stephens' Journal of Proceedings, vol. ii. p. 150. Loudon. MDCCXLII. 


sensible to the last Minutes, and when he was persuaded his 
death was near he showed the greatest Magnanimity and Sedate- 
ness, and exhorted his People never to forget the favours he had 
received from the King when in England, but to persevere in 
their Friendship with the English. He expressed the greatest 
Tenderness for Gen. Oglethorpe, and seemed to have no Con- 
cern at dying but its being at a Time when his Life might be 
useful against the Spaniards. He desired his Body might be 
buried amongst the English in the Town of Savannah, since 
it was he that had prevailed with the Creek Indians to give 
the Land, and had assisted in the founding of the Town. The 
Corpse was brought down by Water. The General, attended by 
the Magistrates and People of the Town, met it upon the Wa- 
ter's Edge. The Corpse was carried into Percival Square. The 
pall was supported by tlie General, CoP Stephens, Col" Mon- 
taigut, i\P Carteret, M"^ Lemon, and M"^ Maxwell. It was fol- 
lowed by the Indians and Magistrates and People of the Town. 
There was the Respect paid of firing Minute Guns from the 
Battery all the time during the Burial, and Funeral — firing with 
small Arms by the ^Militia, who were under arms. The General 
has ordered a Pyramid of Stone, which is dug in this Neighbour- 
hood, to be erected over the Grave, which being in the Centre of 
the Town, will be a great Ornament to it, as well as testimony 
of Gratitude. 

" Tomo-chi-chi was a Creek Indian, and in his j^outh a great 
Warriour. He had an excellent Judgment and a veiw ready 
Wit, which showed itself in his Answers on all Occasions. He 
was very generous, giving away all the rich presents he received, 
remaining himself in a wilful Poverty, being more pleased in 
giving to others, than possessing himself ; and he was very mild 
and good natured." ^ 

Nearly a century and a half have elapsed since these funeral 
honors were paid, and the monument ordered by General Ogle- 
thorpe has never been erected. Even the precise spot where 
this Indian chief was interred has faded from the recollection of 
later generations. Neither street nor public square perpetuates 
his name, and his memory dwells only in occasional remem- 
brance. This should not be. Ingratitude is a grievous fault. 
May we not hope for the salve of her good name, in response to 
the wish of General Oglethorpe, and as an acknowledgment of 

1 Gentffinnn's ^[n(i<izine, vol. x. p. 129. iti(]s, vol. ii. pp. 152, 153. London. 
Compiiro Stephens' Juumal of Proceed- MDCCXLIL 


the debt of gratitude she owes to this noted Indian, that Savan- 
nah, herself a living witness of the enterprise, courage, and taste 
of the founder of the colony of Georgia, a city which has ren- 
dered such conspicuous tribute to the memories of Greene, and 
Pulaski, and Jasper, and the Confederate Dead, will, at no dis- 
tant day, cause to be lifted up in one of her high places a suita- 
ble monument in just and honorable appreciation of the friend- 
ship and services of the venerable Tomo-chi-chi ? 

Relying upon the promise made at Coweta, Oglethorpe, early 
in October, dispatched runners to the Indian towns requesting 
the chiefs of the Creeks and Cherokees to send one thousand 
warriors to the southern frontiers to cooperate with him against 
the Spaniards. Before leaving Savannah for Frederica he iu- 
spected the arms, reviewed the militia, distributed ammunition, 
accommodated the differences existing among the civil otHcers, 
and granted letters of marque to Captain Davis whom the Span- 
iards had misused. The captain soon converted his sloop into a 
privateer mounting twenty-four guns. 

For years had British trade with America suffered annoyance 
and loss from the Spanish guarda-costas. Under various and 
frivolous pretenses English merchantmen were seized and carried 
into Spanish ports where they were generally confiscated. The 
sailors on board were confined and subjected to cruel treatment. 
Redress was loudly demanded by the people of England, but Sir 
Robert Walpole, conscious of the advantages of peace to a com- 
mercial nation, sought to secure by negotiation that satisfaction 
which might properly have been demanded at the cannon's 
mouth. By the terms of the convention at Pardo, in January, 
1739, Spain agreed to pay a sum of money by way of compensa- 
tion for the losses sustained by British subjects. With regard to 
the territory in dispute between Florida and Georgia it was ar- 
ranged that the governors of these respective provinces should 
allow matters to remain in statu quo until the boundaries were 
settled by commissioners to be named by both courts. This con- 
vention was unpopular in England. The neglect on the part of 
Spain to pay the stipulati'd sum at the appointed time furnished 
Walpole with a plausible pn'text for declaring war. Admiral 
Vernon was a}ipointed to the command of a formidable squadron 
in the West Indies, and Oglethorpe was ordered to annoy the 
Spanish settlements in Florida.^ 

Acting under instructions from the Duke of Newcastle, he had 

1 See Wright's Memoir of O/jhlhorpe, p. 224. Loudou. 1867. 


for some time abstained from establishing any new posts, and had 
not increased his fortifications on the southern frontier. So soon, 
however, as lie heard that the stipulations of the convention had 
been violated on the part of Spain, he renewed his exertions to 
place the colonies of Georgia and South Carolina in a strong 
posture of defense. Fortifications were repaired and reinforced. 
Vessels of war were detailed to guard the coast. A troop of 
rangers was advanced tu prevent the Spanish horse from invad- 
ing the disputed territory. Indian warriors were summoned 
from the interior to act as scouts, and his regiment was put in 
fighting trim. Since the withdrawal of his outpost on St. George's 
Island in 1736, his most southerly outlook was on Amelia Island. 
There a scout-boat was stationed with a crew of sixteen men. 
To these the general afterwards added a sergeant's guard. As 
some of the seamen and soldiers had families, there were now 
residing on the island about forty persons, whose little settlement 
was protected with palisades and a battery of two or three guns. 

On the 5th of November, 1739, the general set out for Fred- 
erica. Henceforth he was to see little of Savannah. His place 
■was near the enem}'-, — his home upon the waters and in the 
forts which guarded the southern confines of the colony. 

The first blood spilt was by the hand of the Spaniard. On 
the 15th of November intelligence was brought to Frederica that 
a party of Spaniards had recently landed in the night on Amelia 
Island. Concealing themselves in the woods, on the ensuing 
morning they shot two unarmed Highlanders who were in quest 
of fuel, and then, in the most inhuman manner, hacked their 
bodies with their swords. Francis Brooks, commanding the scout- 
boat, heard the firing and gave the alarm to the fort which was 
garrisoned by a small detachment from Oglethorpe's regiment. 
Although pursued, the enemy escaped, leaving behind them the 
proofs of their inhuman butchery.^ 

Informed of the outrage, Oglethorpe followed in the hope of 
overtaking and punishing its perpetrators. The effort proved 
futile ; but the general, by way of retaliation, swept the river 
St. John, landed on the Spanish main, drove in the out-guards, 

1 In the account of this transaction con- of Spaniards, negroes, and Indians. Sec 

taineJ in the Gcnlleman's Mncjnzine for letter of General Oj^lethorpo to the Lion- 

1740 (vol X. p. 129), it is stated that tenant-Governor of South Carcliuii, dated 

after they were sliot tlie heads of tliese Novenihcr 16, 1739. 

trto IIif;hl;uiders were cut off and tlieir 'J'/ie Spanisli /firelinfj Dttected, etc., 

bodies crnolly nianijled by the enemy, pp. 50, 31. London. 1743. 
The perpetrators of this outrage consisted 


and burnt three outposts. Marching in the dii-ection of St. Au- ; 

gustine he ravaged the country. For three days he remained ; 

ill this locality collecting cattle and endeavoring to provoke the j 

enemy to combat. At one time the Spanish horse, attended by | 

negroes and Indians, appeared, but upon being attacked retreated j 

precipitately and took shelter within their forts. He also dis- | 

patched Lieutenant Dunbar up the river, with a force, to surprise | 

Forts St. Francis and Ficolata. Landing at night he attempted to ' 

carry the latter, but after an effort of several hours, finding that 
the fort could not be reduced without the aid of artillery, he 

On new year's day, 1740, Oglethorpe, taking a detachment of 
his regiment and accompanied by Captains Mackay and Des- 
brisay, Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensigns Mackay, Mace, Sutherland 
and Maxwell, Adjutant Hugh Mackay, the rangers, the Chick- 
esas under the command of Fanne ^Nlico, Captain Gray, the Uehee 
king and his warriors, Hewitt, Hillispilli and Santouchy with 
their Creek gun-men, i\Ir. Matthews and Mr. Jones, conveyed in 
a periagua, thirteen boats, and a privateer sloop, ascended the 
Alata (or St. John's) River and surprised and burnt Fort Fico- 
lata. He then invested Fort St. Francis de Papa, planting four 
pieces of cannon for its reduction. Although the enemy at first 
refused to surrender, and briskly returned the infantry fire di- 
rected against the tower, the second discharge from the artillery 
evoked a cry for quarter. At the time of its capitulation this 
fort was armed with two pieces of cannon, one mortar, and 
three swivel guns. The situation of this fortification was impor- 
tant, being within twenty-one miles of St. Augustine, in the 
midst of a territory well stocked with cattle and horses, and com- 
manding the ferry across the river to Ficolata. In carrying this 
post General Oglethorpe narrowly escaped death from a can- 
non shot. Deeming it too valuable a point to be abandoned, he 
strengthened its defenses and occupied it with a garrison.^ 

In his dispatches to the trustees the absence of an adequate 
supply of scout-boats is earnestly deprecated. Although the 
French had attacked the Carolina Indians, although the Span- 
iards had thus inaugurated their hostile demonstrations against 
Georgia, and although they seemingly were preparing to put into 
execution their threat " to root the English out of America," 

1 For full details of these incursions, ruary, 1740. Collections of the Georgia 
sec letter of General Oijrlotliorpe to Colo- Uistoricai SociHij, vol. iii. pp. 105-108. 
nel Stephens, dated Frcderica, 1st Feb- Savannah. 1873. 


Oglethorpe thus writes : " We here are resolved to die hard and 
will not lose one inch of ground without fighting ; but we cannot 
do impossibilities. We have no cannon from the king, nor any 
others but some small iron guns bought by the Trust. We have 
very little powder, no horse for marching, very few boats, and no 
fund for paying the men but of one boat. The Spaniards have a 
number of launches, also horse, and a fine train of artillery well 
provided with stores. The best expedient I can think of is to 
strike first. As our strength consists in men, and as the people 
of the colony as well as the old soldiers handle their arms well 
and are desirous of action, I think the best way is to make use 
of our strength, beat them out of the field, and destroy their 
plantations and out-settlements, — in which the Indians, who are 
very faithful, can assist us, — and to form the siege of Augus- 
tine, if I can get artillery. It is impossible to keep this Prov- 
ince or Carolina without either destroying Augustine or keeping 
horse-rangers and scout-boats sufficient to restrain their nimble 
parties. I must therefore again desire you would insist for our 
having an establishment of four ten-oared boats to the south- 
ward and one at Savannah, as well as a train of artillery, some 
gunners, and at least 400 barrels of cannon and 100 barrels of 
musquet powder, with bullets proportionable. 

" I am fortifying the town of Frederica, and I hope I shall 
be repaid the expences ; from whom I know not. Yet I could 
not think of leaving a number of good houses and merchants' 
goods, and what is much more valuable, the lives of men, women, 
and children in an open town, at the mercy of every party, 
and the inhabitants obliged either to fly to a fort and leave their 
effects, or suffer with them." 


Oglethorpe prepares for an Advanxe upon St. Augustine. — Aid in- 
voked AND received FROM SoUTH CAROLINA. — SlEGE OF St. AuGUS- 

tine. — Oglethorpe's Cottage near Frederica. — Description of 
Frederica in 1740. — Village of St. Simon. — Military Posts on 
THE Southern Frontier. — Village of Barrimacke. — Efficient Ser- 

His plan for inaugurating offensive operations having been 
approved by the home authorities, ascertaining that tlie galleys 
which had been guarding the St. John's River and the upper 
coast of Florida had been withdrawn and sent to Havana for 
reinforcements and supplies, and learning that the garrison at St. 
Augustine was suffering for lack of provisions. General Ogle- 
thorpe deemed it a fitting season to attempt the reduction of that 
town and the expulsion of the Spaniards from the province of 
whicli it was the capital. 

Admiral Vernon was instructed to demonstrate against the 
Spanish possessions in the West Indies, while Oglethorpe con- 
ducted all his available forces against the seat of Spanish domin- 
ion in Florida. The assistance of South Carolina was urgently 
invoked, but the authorities at first would not acquiesce in the 
feasibility of the enterprise.^ 

1 In a letter dated Frerlciicn, December were to unite in the expedition, were 
29, 1739, Gcncnil Oirlothorpe exi)l;iined also demanded. lie desired tluU as many 
to the Carolina authorities liis dosiirns liorsemen as could be collected should, un- 
against St. Auirustine, and the assistance derthe jjuidance of Mr. JlcPliersonor Mr. 
he desired to receive from tliat province. Jones, cross the Savannah and rendezvous 
A requisition was tliereiii made for twelve at the ferry on the " Alata " Kiver. from 
eighteen-pounder guns, with two hundred which point they would be conducted into 
rounds of ammunition for each piece, one " S]ianish Florida." It was suggested that 
mortar with proper complement of powder fifty good horsemen might be raised at 
and bombs, ei^^ht hundred pioneers, eitlier " I'nrrislmri:," and th:it four months' pro- 
negroes or white men, and the rc(]tiisite visions for four hundred men of his regi- 
tools, "such as spailes, hoes, axes, and mont should be contributed, and boats suf- 
hatchets, to dig trendies, make gabelines, fioient to transport them. Of artillery on 
and fascines." Vessels .and boats suthcient hand the general reported thirty-six coe- 
to transport the artillery, men, and provis- horns and about eighteen hundred shells, 
ions, and six thousand bushels of corn or In addition to the four hundred men 
rice to feed the thousand Indians who drawn from his regiment, and the Indians 


A rapid movement being regarded as essential to success, Gen- 
eral Oglethorpe repaired to Charlestown to urge early and potent 
cooperation. As a result of the conference which there ensued, 
the legislature, by an act approved April 5, 1740, agreed to con- 
tribute a regiment of five hundred men, to be commanded by 
Colonel Vanderdussen, a troop of rangers, presents for the In- 
dians, and three months' provisions. A large schooner, convey- 
ing ten carriage and sixteen swivel guns and fifty men under the 
command of Captain Tyrrell, was also furnished for the expe- 
dition. Commodore Vincent Price, with a small fleet, pledged 
his assistance. 

On the 1st of April General Oglethorpe published a mani- 
festo, in which, recognizing Alexander Vanderdussen, Esq., as 
colonel of the Carolina regiment, he empowered him for the space 
of four months to hold regimental courts-martial for the trial of 
offenders. At the expiration of that period all connected with 
that regiment were to be suffered to return to their homes. To 
the naval forces uniting in the expedition a full share of plunder 
was guaranteed. To the maimed and wounded, and to the wid- 
ows and orphans of such as might perish in the service, was 
promised whatever share of the spoils should fall to the lot of the 
general-in-chief. Indian enemies, if taken captive, were to be 
treated as prisoners of war, and not as slaves.^ 

The mouth of the St. John was designated as the point of 

Runners were sent from the Uchee town to the Indian allies to 
inform them of the contemplated demonstration against St. Au- 
gustine and to request a concentration of their warriors at Fred- 
erica at the earliest moment. This done, the general returned 
at once to St. Simon's Island where he devoted himself to equip- 
ping his troops and collecting the requisite munitions of war. 

Pausing not for the arrival of all his forces, and wishing to 
reduce the posts through which the enemy derived supplies from 
the country. General Oglethorpe, with four hundred men of his 
own regiment and a considerable band of Indians, led by jMoIo- 
chi, son of Prim, the late chief of the Creeks, Raven, war chief 
of the Cherokees, and Toonahowi, nephew of Tomo-chi-chi, on 

whom he hnd cnpajrecl, ho expected to be phte Collection of Voi/acjes and Travels, 

able to arm and utilize for tlio fxi""(lition vol. ii. pp. 338, 339. London. 174S. 

about two hundred men of the Georiria See also T/ie Spanish Hireling Dittcted, 

colony, if nrr!ui<zcnient.s could bo made for etc., pp. .'S2-57. London. 1743. 

payinj,' and foedins tlieni. i See Harris' .il/t';)i07-i"r7/.s- of 0<jltihorpe, 

For tlu:i letter in full, see Plarris' Com- pp. 378, 380. Boston. 1841. 


the 9th of May passed over into Florida and, within a week, suc- 
ceeded in repossessing himself of Fort Francis de Papa,^ and in re- 
ducing Fort Diego,- situated on the plains about twenty-five miles 
distant from St. Augustine. The latter work was defended by 
eleven guns and fifty regulars, besides some Indians and negroes. 
Leaving Lieutenant Dunbar and sixty men to hold this post, the 
general returned with the rest of his command to the place of 
rendezvous where, on the 19th of May, he was joined by Captain 
Mcintosh with a company of Highlanders, and by the Carolina 
troops under Colonel Vanderdussen. The anticipated horsemen, 
pioneers, and negroes, however, did not come. 

From the best information he could obtain, gathered from 
prisoners and otherwise, General Oglethorpe ascertained that 
the castle of St. Augustine at that time consisted of a fort built 
of soft stone. Its curtain was sixty yards in length, its parapet 
nine feet thick, and its rampart twenty feet high, " casemated 
underneath for lodgings, and arched over and newly made bomb- 
proof." Its armament consisted of fifty cannon, — sixteen of 
brass, — and among them some twenty-four pounders. The gar- 
rison had been for some time working upon a covered way, but 
this was still in an unfinished condition. The town of St. 
Augustine was protected by a line of intrenchments with ten 
salient angles, in each of which field pieces were mounted. In 
January, 1740, the Spanish forces in Florida, by establishment, 
consisted of the following organizations : ^ — 

1 Troop of Horse numbering 100 officers and men. 

1 Company of Artillery " 100 " " " 

3 Independent Companies of old Troops, each " 100 " " « 

2 Companies of tlie Regiment of Austurias, each " 53 " " " 
1 Company « " " Valencia, « 53 " « « 

1 « « « " Catalonia, " 53 " « " 

2 Companies « « " Cantabria, each " 53 « " " 
2 " « « " Mercia, each " 63 " " " 

Armed Negroes " 200 " « « 

White Transports for labor " 200 

1 Company of ]\Iilitia (strength unknown). 
Indians (number not ascertained). 

1 The object of this fort was to guard banks' IHstorif and Antiquities of St. Au- 

the passage of the Sr. John's River and gu^tine, pp. 144, 145. New York. 1858. 

maintain communicntion with St. Marks - This work had been erected by Don 

and Pensacola. It was a place of some Diego de Spino.''a upon his own estate, 

strength, and the traces of the eartli- Its remains, with one or two caunon, arc 

work there thrown up may still be seen still visil)le. Idem, p. 144. 

nbout a fourth of n mile nortli of the tor- » Sec letter of General Oolothorpe to 

mination of the Bellamy road. Fair- the Licutouaut-Governor of South Caro- 


It was General Oglethorpe's original purpose, as foreshadowed 
in his dispatch of the 27th of March, 1740,^ with four hundred 
regular troops of his regiment, one hundred Georgians, and such 
additional forces as South Carolina could contribute, to advance 
directly upon St. Augustine, and attack, by sea and land, the 
town and the island in its front. Both of these, he believed, 
could be taken " sword in hand." He would then summon the 
castle to surrender, or surprise it. Conceiving that the castle 
would be too small to afford convenient shelter for the two 
thousand one hundred men, women, and children of the town, 
he regarded the capitulation of the fortress as not improbable. 
Should it refuse to surrender, he proposed to shower upon it 
" Granado-shells from the Coehorns and Mortars, and send for the 
Artillery and Pioneers and the rest of the Aid promised by the 
Assembly ; ^ also for Mortars and Bombs from Providence." If 
the castle should not have yielded prior to the arrival of " these 
Aids," he was resolved to open trenches and conduct a siege 
which he reckoned would be all the easier, the garrison having 
been weakened by the summer's blockade. 

About the time of the concentration of the Georgia and Caro- 
lina forces for combined operations against St. Augustine, that 
town was materially reinforced by the arrival of six Spanish 
half-gallej^s, manned by two hundred regular troops and armed 
•with long brass nine-pounder guns, and two sloops loaded with 

Warned by the preliminary demonstration which eventuated, 
as we have seen, in the capture of Forts Francis de Papa and 
Diego, the enemy massed all detachments within the lines of St. 
Augustine, collected cattle from the adjacent region, and pre- 
pared for a vigorous defense. 

Apprehending that he might not be able to carry the town by 
assault fiom the land side, where its intrenchments were strong 
and well armed, unless supported by a demonstration in force 
from the men-of-war approaching the town where it looks to- 
ward the sea and where it was not covered by earthworks, and 
being without the requisite pioneer corps and artillery train for 
the conduct of a regular siege, before putting his army in motion 
General Oglethorpe instructed the naval commanders to rendez- 

lina, under d;ite Dcoeinhcr 29, 1739. The ^ Spnvish Ilireliiuj Delected, etc., pp. 
Spanish Ilireliiiy Diifirted, Kic..,'p]\ HI, 58. 59-61. London. 1743. 
London. 1743. Collections of iho (l,orfiia - Of South Carolina. 
Historical i^orict;/, vol. iii. pp. 108, 109. 
Savannah. 1873. 


vous off the bar of the north channel and blockade that and the 
Matanzas pass to St. Augustine. Captain Warren, with two 
hundred sailors, was to land on Anastasia Island and erect bat- 
teries for bombarding the town in front. When his land forces 
should come into position and be prepared for the assault, he was 
to notify Sir Yelverton Peyton, commanding the naval forces, and 
St. Augustine would thus be attacked on all sides. 

Shortly after the middle of May, 1740, General Oglethorpe, 
with a land army numbering over two thousand regulars, militia, 
and Indians, moved upon St. Augustine. Fort Moosa,^ situated 
within two miles of tliat place, lay in his route. Upon his ap- 
proach the garrison evacuated it and retired within the lines of 
the town. Having burnt the gates of this fort and caused three 
breaches in its walls, General Oglethorpe, on the 5th of June, 
made his reconnoissances of the land defenses of St. Augustine 
and prepared for the contemplated assault. Everything being 
in readiness, the signal previously agreed upon to insure the co- 
operation of the naval forces was given ; but, to the general's 
surprise and mortilioation, no response was returned. His forces 
being disposed and eager for the attack, the signal was repeated, 
but failed to evoke the anticipated answer. Satisfied that the 
town could not be carried without the assistance of the naval 
forces, and being ignorant of the cause of their non-action, the 
general reluctantly withdrew his army and placed it in camp at 
a convenient distance, there to remain until he could ascertain 
the reason of the failure on the part of the navy to cooperate in 
the plan which had been preconcerted. This failure was ex- 
plained in this wise. Inside the bar, and at such a remove that 
they could not be affected by the fire of the British vessels of 
war, — the Flamboroufrh, the Pha?nix, the Squirrel, the Tartar, 
the Sponce, and the Wolf, — Spanish galleys and half galleys 
were moored so as effectually to prevent the ascent of the barges 
intended for tlie attack, and preclude a landing of troops upon 
Anastasia Island. The shallowness of the water was such that 
the men-of-war could not advance near enough to dislodge thera. 
Under the circumstances, therefore. Sir Yelverton Peyton found 
himself unable to respond to the important part assigned him in 
the attack. 

1 This was an outpost on the North nication by a tide.crcek existed thronjrh 

River, about two niil.'s north of St. Au- tlie marshes between tlie castle at St. 

gustine. A fovtiliod lino, a consi(loral)le AuLrnstine and Fort Moosa. Fairbanks' 

portion of whi.h ni.iy now be tra<'e(l, ex- Ifislory and Antir/uities of 6V. Autjustine, 

tended from tlie stockades on the p. 144. New York. 1858. 
St. Sebastian to Fort ^loosa. A commu- 



Certified of this fact, and chagrined at the non-realization of 
his original plan of operations, Oglethorpe determined at once to 
convert his purposed assault into a siege. The ships of war lying 
off the bar of St. Augustine were directed to narrowly observe 
every avenue of approach by water, and maintain a rigid block- 
ade. Colonel Palmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and forty- 
two Indians, was left at Fort Moosa with instructions to scout 
the woods incessantly on the land side and intercept any cattle or 
supplies coming from the interior. To prevent surprise and cap- 
ture, he was cautioned to change his camp each night and keep 
always on the alert. He was to avoid anything like a general 
engagement with the enemy. Colonel Vanderdussen, with his 
South Carolina regiment, was ordered to take possession of a 
neck of land known as Point Quartel, about a mile distant from 
the castle, and there erect a battery. General Oglethorpe, with 
the men of his regiment and most of the Indians, embarked 
in boats and effected a landing on Anastasia Island, where, hav- 
ing driven off a party of Spaniards there stationed as an ad- 
vanced guard, he, with the assistance of the sailors from the fleet, 
began mounting cannon with which to bombard the town and 
castle. 1 

Having by these dispositions completed his investment, Ogle- 
thorpe summoned the Spanish governor to a surrender. Secure 
in his stronghold, the haughty Don "sent him for answer that 
he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle." Indig- 
nant at such a response, the general opened his batteries upon 
the castle and also shelled the town. The fire was returned both 
by the fort and the half galleys in the harbor. So great was the 
distance, however, that although the cannonade was maintained 
with spirit on both sides for nearly three weeks, little damnge 
was caused or impression produced.^ It being evident that the 
reduction of the castle could not be expected from the Anastasia 
Island batteries. Captain Warren offered to lead a night attack 
upon the half galleys in the harbor which were effectually pre- 

^ The main battery on Auastasia Isl- See Fairbanks' Ilistort/ and Antir/ui- 

and, called tlie I'uza, was arnieii with tifs of St. Augnstine, p. 146. New York. 

four cigliteen-poinulers and one nine- 186S. 

pounder. Two eighteoii-pounders were '^ The ii.uht guns, at loujj ran^ro, caused 

mounted on the jioint of the woml of the trifling eft'ect uiioii the strong wall- of the 

island. The remains of tlie I'oza battery castle. When struck, they reiiivcd the 

are still to be seen, almost as distinctly halls in their spongy, infrannildi-tuilirace, 

nuirked as on tlie day of its erection, and sustained cotujiai-ativrly little injury. 

Four mortars and forty cochorus were The marks of their impact may be noted 

employed in the sieye. to this day. 


venting all ingress by boats. A council of war decided that 
inasmuch as those galleys were covered by the guns of the 
castle, and could not be approached by the larger vessels of 
the fleet, any attempt to capture them in open boats would be 
accompanied by too much risk. The suggestion was therefore 

Observing the besiegers uncertain in their movements, and 
their operations growing lax, and being sore pressed for provis- 
ions, the Spanish governor sent out a detachment of three hun- 
dred men against Colonel Palmer. Unfortunately, that officer, 
negligent of his instructions and apprehending no danger from 
the enemy, remained two or three consecutive nights at Fort 
Moosa. This detachment, under the command of Don Antonio 
Salgrado, passed quietly out of the gates of St. Augustine during 
the night of June 14th, and after encountering a most desperate 
resistance succeeded in capturing Fort ]Moosa at davliglit the 
next morning. Colonel Palmer fell early in the action. The 
Highlanders " fought like lions " and " made such havoc with, 
their broadswords as the Spaniards cannot easily forget." This 
hand-to-hand conflict was won at the cost to the enemy of more 
than one hundred lives. Colonel Palmer, a captain, and twenty 
Highlanders were killed. Twenty-seven were captured. Those 
who escaped made their way to Colonel Vanderdussen at Point 
Quartel. Thus was St. Augustine relieved from the prohibition 
which had hitherto estopped all intercourse with the surround- 
ing country. 

Shortly after the occurrence of this unfortunate event the 
ship of war which had been blockading the Matanzas River was 
withdrawn. Taking advantage of the opportunity thus afforded, 
some small vessels from Havana, with provisions and reinforce- 
ments, reached St. Augustine by that narrow channel, brino-ino- 
encouragement and relief to the garrison. This reinforcement 
was estimated at seven hundred men, and the supply of pro- 
visions is said to have been large. "Then," writes Hewitt,^ 
whose narrative we have followed in the main, " all pi-ospects of 
starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair of 
forcing the place to surrender. The Carolinian troops, enfeebled 
by the heat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless ef- 
forts, marched away in large bodies. The navy being short of 
provisions, and the usual seasons of hurricanes approaching, the 

1 nistorical Account of the JUsr mul and Gtonjia, vol. ii. p. 81. London. 
Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina 1779. 


commander judged it imprudent to hazard his majesty's ships by 
remaining lunger on that coast. Last of all, the general himself, j 

sick of a fever, and his regiment worn out "with fatigue and ren- i 

dered unlit for action by a flux, with sorrow and regret followed, j 

and reached Frederica about the 10th of July, 1740." i 

The Carolinians, under Colonel Vanderdassen, proved inef- j 

ficient, "turbulent, and disobedient." They lost not a single 
man in action, and only fourteen deaths occurred from sickness 
and accident. Desertions were frequent.^ 

Upon Oglethorpe's regiment and the Georgia companies de- 1 

volved the brunt of the siege. On the 5th of July the artillery | 

and stores on Anastasia Island were brought off, and the men 
crossed over to the mainland.^ Vanderdussen and his regiment 
at once commenced a disorderly retreat in the direction of the 
St. John, leaving Oglethorpe and his men within half-cannon \ 

shot of the castle. In his dispatch to the Secretary of State, ' 

dated Camp on St. John in Florida, July 19, 1740, the gen- ! 

eral thus describes his last movements : " The Spaniards made a 
sally, with about 500 men, on me who lay on the land side. I 
ordered Ensign Cathcart with twenty men, supported by jNIajor j 

Heron and Captain Desbrisay with upwards of 100 men, to at- j 

tack them , I followed with the body. We drove them into the ! 

works and pursued them to the very barriers of the covered "way. | 

After the train and provisions were embarked and safe out of the I 

harbour, I marched with drums beating and colours flying, in tlie ' 

day, from my camp near the town to a camp three miles distant, ! 

where I lay that night. The next day I marched nine miles, 
where I encamped that night. We discovered a party of Spanish 
horse and Indians whom we charged, took one horseman and 
killed two Indians; the rest ran to the garrison. I am now en- 
camped on St. John's River, waiting to know what the people of 
Carolina would desire me farther to do for the safety of these 
provinces, which I think are very much exposed to the half-gal- 

1 Stephens Scays, . . . Most of the gay Guard with him, and escaped to Charles 
Voluutecrs run away by small Parties, Toivn ; for which he out^ht in Justice to 
basely and cowardly, as tliey could jret have been tried as a Deserter : but he was 
Boats to carry them off durinc: the Time well received at home. Journal of Pro- 
of greatest Action ; and Ca])t. Bull (a cecdings, etc., vol. ii. p. 462. Loudon. 
son of the Licutenaut-Governor), who had 1742. 

the Command of a Company in that Keg- Compare Ramsay's TJlstory of South 

imcnt, most scandalously deserted his Cajo//«a, vol. i. p. 143. Charleston. 1S09. 

Post when upon Duty, and not staying to 2 ^V^ight's Memoir of General Juiuls 

be relieved regularly, made his Flii^ht Oglethorpe, p. 254. London. 1867. 
privately, carrying oii' fom Men of liia 



leys, with a wide extended frontier hardly to be defended by a 
few men." 

In one of the Indian chiefs Oglethorpe found a man after his 
own heart. When asked by some of the retreating troops to 
march w^ith them, his reply was, " No ! I will not stir a foot till 
I see every man belonging to me marched off before me ; for I 
have always been the first in advancing towards an enemy, and 
the last in retreating." ^ 

This failure to reduce St. Augustine may be fairly attributed 

I. To the delay in inaugurating the movement, caused mainly, 
if not entirely, by the tardiness on the part of the South Carolina 
authorities in contributing the troops and provisions for wliich 
requisition had been made ; 

II. To the remforcement of men and supplies from Havana 
introduced into St. Augustine just before the English expedition 
set out ; thereby materially repairing the inequality previously 
existing between the opposing forces ; 

III. To the injudicious movement against Forts Francis de 
Papa and Diego, which put the SjDaniards on the alert, encour- 
aged concentration on their part, and foreshadowed an imme- 
diate demonstration in force against their stronghold ; and 

IV. To the inability on the part of the fleet to participate 
in the assault previously planned, and which w^as to have been 
vigorously undertaken so soon as General Oglethorpe with his 
land forces came into position before the walls of St. Augustine. 

V. The subsequent destruction of Colonel Palmer's command, 
thereby enabling the enemy to communicate with and draw sup- 
plies from the interior ; tlic lack of heavy ordnance with which 
to reduce the castle from the batteries on Anastasia Island ; the 
impossibility of bringing up the larger ^var vessels that they 
might participate in the bombardment ; the inefficiency of Colo- 
nel Vanderdussen's command ; the impatience and disappoint- 
ment of the Indian allies who anticipated early capture and lib- 
eral spoils ; hot suns, heavy dews, a debilitating climate, sickness 
among the troops, and the arrival of men, munitions of war, and 
provisions through the Matanzas River, in the end rendered quite 
futile every hope which at the outset had been entertained for a 
successful prosecution of the sien-e. 

Great was the disappointnumt upon the failure of the expedi- 
tion, and unjust and harsh were the criticisms leveled by not a 

1 Roe Tlnn-is' }femor,-aIs of Oglethorpe, pp. 239, 240, Bo.^ton, 1841, quoting from 
the Gentkinan's Magazine. 


few against its brave and distinguished leader.^ We agree with 
the Duke of Argjde who, in the British House of Peers, dedared, 
" One man there is, my Lords, wliose natural generosity, coii- 
tempt of danger, and regard for the public prompted him to ob- 
viate the designs of the Spaniards and to attack them in their 
own territories ; a man whoui by long acquaintance I can con- 
fidently affirm to have been equal to his undertaking, and to have 
learned the art of war b^ a regular education, who yet miscarried 
in the design only for want of supplies necessary to a possibility 
of success." 

Although this attempt, so formidable in its character when we 
consider the limited resources at command, and so full of darins: 
vv'hen we contemplate the circumstances under which it was un- 
dertaken, eventuated in disappointment, its effects were not with- 
out decided advantage to the colonies. For two years the Span- 
iards remained on the defensive and General Oglethorpe enjoyed 
an opportunity for strengtliening his fortifications on St. Simon's 
Island, so that when the counter blow was delivered by his ad- 
versary he was in condition not only to parry it, but also to 
severely punish the uplifted arm.^ 

For two months after the termination of this expedition Ogle- 
thorpe lay ill of a continued fever contracted during the ex- 
posures and fatigues incident upon his exertions and anxieties 
during the siege. When, on the 2d of September, Mr. Stephens 
called to see him at Frederica, he found him still troubled wntli 
a lurking fever and confined to his bed. His protracted sickness 
had so " worn away his strength " that he " seldom came down 
stairs, but retained still the same vivacity of spirit in appearance 

1 See An Impartial Account of the Late gia, vol. ii. chap. viii. pp. 65-82. London. 
Expedition against St. Awiustine under 1779. McCall's Ilislory of Georgia, vol. 
General Oglethorpe, etc., Loudon, 1742, i. pp. 143-151. Savannah. 1811. Ste- 
which called forth The Spanish Hireling veus' History of Georgia, vol. i. pp. 167- 
Detected, etc., London, 174.3. 179. Now York. 1847. Spaldins^'s 

2 For fuller account of tliis dcmonstra- " Sketch of the Life of General James 
tion agninst St. Antrnstiiie see Harris' Oirlethorpc," Cullcclions of the Georgia 
Complete Collection of Voijagrs and Trav- Historical Society, vol. i. pp. 265-272. 
els, etc., pp. 3o9, .340. Lctndon 1748. S.avannah. 1840. Harris' Biographical 
An Impartial Account of the late Expcdi- Memorials of James Oglethorpe, \1]^. 222- 
lion against St. August iur, etc. London. 242. Boston. 1841. AVriirlit's ^fcmolr 
1742. The Spanish Hirelim/ Ditrctcd, etc. of General James Oglethorpe, etc., \\\*- 2.'35- 
London. 1743 Stephens' ./oHrnn/ o/'P/o- 255 London. 1867. Kainsay's ///.■>7('ry 
ccedings,Qtc ,\ii\ ii. pp. 438, 444-448, 461 of South Carolina, vol. i. pp. 140-144. 
et aliter. London. 1742 Hewitt's ///i- Charleston. 1809. Fairl)aiik.s' ///s^nry 
torical Account of the liise and Progress and Anliipiilics of St. Augustine, pp. 141- 
ofthe Colonics oJ~ South Ciirolinaand Gear' 152. New York. 1858. 


to all whom he talked with, though he chose to converse with 
very few." ^ 

Four companies of the regiment were now encamped at the 
southeast end of St. Simon's Island, and the other two at Fred- 
erica. So soon as the men recovered from the malady contracted 
at St. Augustine, they were employed in erecting new fortifica- 
tions and in strengthening the old. From these two camps 
detachments garrisoned the advanced works, St:. Andx-ew, Fort 
William, St. George, and the outposts on Amelia Island ; the 
details being relieved at regular intervals.^ 

During the preceding seven years, which constituted the entire 
life of the colony, General Oglethorpe had enjoyed no respite from 
his labors. Personally directing all movements, supervising the 
location, and providing for the comfort, safety, and good order of 
the settlers, accommodatinG; their differences, encourasins: and 
directing their labors, propitiating the aborigines, influencing 
necessary supplies, and inaugurating suitable defenses, he had 
been constantly passing from point to point finding no rest for 
the soles of his feet. Now in tent at Savannah, now in open 
boat reconnoitring the coast, now upon the southern islands, 
his only shelter the wide-spreading live-oak, designating sites for 
forts and look-outs, and with his own hands planning military 
works and laying out villages ; again in journeys oft along the 
Savannah, the Great Ogeechee, the Alataraaha, the St. John and 
far off into the heart of the Indian country ; frequently inspect- 
ing his advanced posts, undertaking voyages to Charlestown and 
to England in behalf of tlie trust, and engaged in severe contests 
with the Spaniards, his life had been one of incessant activity 
and solicitude. But for his energy, intelligence, watchfulness, 
and self-sacrifice, the enterprise must have languished. As we 
look back upon this period of trial, uncertainty, and poverty, our 
admiration for his achievements increases the more closely we 
scan his limited resources and opportunities, the more intelli- 
gently we appreciate the difliculties he was called upon to sur- 
mount. Always presejit wherever duty called or danger threat- 
ened, he never expected others to press on where he himself did 
not lead. 

The only home he ever owned or claimed in Georgia was on 
St. Simon's Island. The only hours of leisure he enjoyed were 

* Stephcnsi' Journcil of Proceedinfjs, etc., ^ Idem, ■p. 496. 
vol. ii. pp. 467, 468, 494, 495. Loudou. 


spent in sight and sound of his military -works along the south- j 

ern frontier, upon whose safe tenure depended the salvation ' 

of the colony. Just where the military road connecting Fort 
St. Simon with Frederica, after having traversed the beautiful 
prairie constituting the common pasture land of the village, 
entered the woods, General Oglethorpe established his cottage. | 

Adjacent to it were a garden, and an orchard of oranges, figs, and j 

grapes. Magnificent oaks threw their protecting shadows above i 

and around this quiet, pleasant abode, fanned by delicious sea- | 

breezes, fragrant with the perfume of flowers, and vocal with the | 

melody of song-birds. To the westward, and in full view, were ! 

the fortifications and the white houses of Frederica. Behind rose ! 

a dense forest of oaks. " This cottage and fifty acres of land I 

attached to it," says the Honorable Thomas Spalding in his ! 

" Sketch of the Life of General James Oglethorpe," ^ " was all \ 

the landed domain General Oglethorpe reserved to himself, and j 

after the General went to England it became the property of my i 

father. . . . After the Revolutionary war, the buildings being ! 

destroyed, my father sold this little property. But the oaks I 

were only cut down within four or five years past, and the elder ' ; 

people of St. Simon's yet feel as if it were a sacrilege, and mourn j 

their fall." Here the defenses of St. Simon's Island were under i 

his immediate supervision. His troops were around him, and he j 

was prepared, upon the first note of warning, to concentrate the i 

forces of the colony for active operations. In the neighborhood 
several of his officers established their homes. Among them, 
" Harrington Hall," the country seat of the wealthy Hugue- 
not, Captain Raymond Demere, inclosed with hedges of cassina, 
was conspicuous for its beauty and comfort. 

Including the soldiers and their families, Frederica, in 1740 is 
said to have claimed a population of one thousand.^ This esti- 
mate is perhaps somewhat exaggerated, although much nearer 
the mark than that of the discontents Tailfer, Anderson, and 
Douglas, who, in their splenetic and Jacobinical tract entitled 
*' A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in 
America,"^ assert that of the one hundred and forty-four lots 
into which the town is divided only " about fifty were built upon, 

* Collections of the Geon/ia Historical In this csfim.ite must necessarily be in- 

Society, vol. i. p. 273. Savannah. 1840. cliuleil such officers and meu of Oj:le- 

2 Collections of the Geonjia Historical thorjic's reiriment as were tlicre stationed. 

Society, \o\.\.\>. 274. Savannah. 1S40. '' Page 106. Charles-Town, South Car- 

Bancrojl's History of the United Sates, olina. 1741. 
vol. ii. p. 434. Boston. 1832. 


and that the number of the Inhabitants, notwithstanding of the 
Circulation of the Regiment's money, are not over one hundred 
and tiventy Men, Women, and Children, and these are daily steal- 
ing away by all possible Ways." 

As we have already seen, the town was regularly laid out in 
streets called after the principal officers of Oglethorpe's regi- j 
ment. Including the military camp on the north, the parade on I 
the east, and " a sm^dl wood on the south which served as a blind i 
to the enemy in case of attack from ships coming up the river," ] 
it was about a mile and a half in circumference. The fort was 1 
strongly built of tabby and well armed. Several eighteen-pound- i 
ers, mounted on a ravelin in front, commanded the river, and the 1 
town was defended on the land side by substantial intrenchments. j 
The ditch at the foot of these intrenchments was intended to ad- i 
mit the influx of the tide, thus rendering the isolation of Fred- j 
erica complete, and materially enhancing the strength of its lina | 
of circumvallation. { 

We reproduce from " An Impartial Enquiry into the State and 1 
Utility of the Province of Georgia " ^ the following contempora- ! 
neous notice : " There are many good Buildings in the Town, | 

several of which are Brick. There are likewise a Fort and Store- | 
house belonging to the Trust. The People have a Minister who i 

has a Salary from the Society for propagating the Gospel. In j 

the Neighbourhood of the Town there is a fine jMeadow of 320 | 

Acres ditch'd in, on Avhich a number of Cattle are fed, and good 1 

Hay is likewise made from it. At some Distance from the Town i 

is the Camp for General OgletJiorjye's Regiment. The Country j 

about it is well cultivated, several Parcels of Land not far distant j 

from the Camp having been granted in small Lots to the Soldiers, i 

many of whom are married, and iifty-tive Children were born there 
in the last year. These Soldiers are the most industrious, and will- 
ing to plant ; the rest are generally desirous of Wives, but there 
are not Women enough in the Country to supply them. There 
are some handsome Houses built by the Officers of the Regiment, 
and besides the Town of Frederica there are other little Villages 
upon this Island. A sufficient Quantity of Pot-herbs, Pulse, and 
Fruit is produced there to supply both the Town and Garrison ; 

1 Papres 51 and 52. London. 1741. p. 36. London. 1741. "Wright's- iVem- 

Compare ^1 State, of tlui Province of oir of General James Oglethorpe, pp. 263, 

Georqia attested upon Oath, etc., p. 11. 264. Loudou. 1S67. 

LondoM. 1742. An Arconnt sfn-in'ii'j the 

Progress of the Colony of Georgia, etc., 


and the People of Frederica have begun to malt and to brew ; 
and tlie Soldiers Wives Spin Cotton of the Country, which they 
Knit into Stockings. At the Town of Frederica is a Town-Court 
for administering Justice in the Southern Part of the Province, 
with the same Number of Magistrates as at Savannah.^'' 

At the village of St. Simon, on the south point of the island, 
was erected a watch-tower from which the movements of vessels 
at sea might be conveniently observed. Upon their appearance, 
their number was at once announced by signal guns, and a horse- 
man was dispatched to headquarters with the particulars. A 
look-out was kept by a party of rangers at Bachelor's Redoubt 
on the main, and a corporal's guard was stationed at Pike's Bluff. 
To facilitate communication witli Darien a canal was cut through 
GeneraPs Island. Defensive works were erected on Jekyll Island, 
where Captain Horton had a well-improved plantation, and there 
a brewery was established for supplying the troops with beer. 
On Cumberland Island were three batteries: Fort St. Andrew, 
built in 1736, on high commanding ground, at the northeast 
point of the island ; a battery on the west to control the in- 
land navigation ; and Fort William, a work of considerable 
strength and regularity, commanding the entrance to St. Mary's 
River. Two companies of Oglethorpe's regiment were stationeel 
near Fort St. Andrew. As many of the soldiers were married, 
lots were assigned to tliem which they cultivated and improved. 
Near this work was the little village of Barrimacke, of twenty- 
four families. 

Upon Amelia Island, where the orange-trees were growing 
wild in the woods, were stationed the Highlanders with their 
scout-boats. They had a good plantation upon which they raised 
corn enough for their subsistence, a little fort, and " a stud of 
horses and mares." ^ 

" Nowhere," remarks ]\Ir. Spalding,^ " had mind, with the 
limited means under its control, more strongly evinced its power. 
And it will be seen hereafter that it was to the great ability 
shown in the disposition of these works that not Georgia only 
but Carolina owed their preservation ; for St. Simon's was des- 
tined soon to become the TliermopyUc of the Southern Anglo- 
American provinces." Besides compassing the improvement of 

1 Sco An Impartial Enquinj into the Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 264. Lomlon. 
Slitle and UliUlji of the Prorince of Cor- 1SG7. 

gia, etc., p 53. Londou. 1743. Wrij^ht's - Collections of the Georfjia Historical 

Socictif, vol. i. p. 258. Savauuiih. 1840. 


and garrisoning his defensive works along the southern frontier 
with the men of his regiment, Oglethorpe kept in active service 
considerable bodies of Indians whose mission was to harass the 
Spaniards in Florida, annoy their posts, and closely invest St. 
Augustine. So energetically did these faithful allies discharge 
the duty assigned them, and so carefully did they watch and 
thoroughly plague the garrison and inhabitants of St. Augustine, 
that they dared not venture any distance without the walls. 
Adjacent plantations remained uncultivated. Within the town, 
food, fuel, and the necessaries of life became so scarce that the 
Spanish government was compelled to support the population by 
stores sent from Havana. To the efficient aid of his Indian allies 
was Oglethorpe on more than one occasion indebted for the con- 
summation of important plans. It would not be an exaggeration 
to affirm that to their friendship, fidelity, and valor was the 
colony largely beholden not only for its security, but even for its 
preservation. "If we had no other evidence," writes Mr. Spald- 
ing, " of the great abilities of Oglethorpe but what is otiered 
by the devotion of the Indian tribes to him, and to his memory 
afterwards for fifty years, it is all-sufficient ; for it is only master 
minds that acquire this deep and lasting influence over other 


Oglethorpe renews his Demand for Men-of-War and Military 
' Stores.— Scurrilous Attacks upon Oglethorpe and the Trustees' 
Servants. — Spanish Forces concentrated for the Subjugation of 
Georgia. — Attack upon St. Simon's Island, and its Heroic De- 
fense conducted by Oglethorpe. — Narratives of this Important 
Affair. — Oglethorpe's Counter Blow delivered against Florida.— 
Descriptions of Frederica in 1743. — Oglethorpe's Departure for 
England. — His Character, Subsequent Career, and Death. 

There was a lull in the storm, but the skies were still over- 
cast. In the distance were heard ominous mutterings portending 
the advent of another and a darker tempest. Anxious, but calm, 
Oglethorpe scanned the adverse skies and prepared to breast 
their fury. On the 12th of May, 1741, he reports to the Duke of 
Newcastle the arrival, at St. Augustine, of a reinforcement of 
eight hundred soldiers, and informs the- home government of a 
settled determination on the part of the Spanish authorities to 
invade the provinces of Georgia and Carolina so soon as the 
result of Admiral Vernon's expedition in the West Indies shall 
have been ascertained. He makes urgent demand for men-of-war 
to guard the water approaches, for a train of artillery, arms, and 
ammunition, for authority to recruit the two troops of rangers to 
sixty men each and the Highland company to one hundred, to 
enlist one hundred boatmen, and to purchase or build and man 
two half galleys. Alluding to the expected advance of the Span- 
iards, the writer continues : " If our men of war will not keep 
them from coming in by sea, and we have no succour, but de- 
crease daily by different accidents, all we can do will be to die 
bravely in his iSIajesty's service. ... I have often desired as- 
sistance of the men-of-war, and continue to do so. I go on in for- 
tifying this town, making magazines, and doing everything I can 
to defend the Province vigorously, and I hope ray endeavours 
will be approved of by his Majesty, since the whole end of my 
life is to do the duty of a faithful subject and grateful servant. 
1 have thirty Spanish prisoners in this place, and we continue so 
masters of Florida that the Spaniards have not been able to re- 


build any one of the seven forts which we destroyed in the last 

It does not appear that the men-of-war and ordnance requested 
were ever furnished. 

With a little squadron composed of the Guard sloop, the sloop 
Falcon, and Captain Davis' schooner Norfolk carrying a detach- 
ment of his regiment under command of Major Heron, General 
Oglethorpe on tlie ICth of August, 1741, bore down upon a large 
Spanish ship lying at anchor, with hostile intent, off the bar of 
Jekyll Sound. A heavy storm intervening, the Spanish vessel 
put to sea and was lost to sight. Unwilling to dismiss his minia- 
ture fleet until he had performed more substantial service, the 
general boldly continued down the coast, attacked and pat to 
flight a Spanish man-of-war and the notorious privateer Black- 
Sloop commanded by Destrade, a French officer, challenged the 
vessels lying in the inner hai'bor of St. Augustine to come out 
and engage his small squadron, remained at anchor all night 
within sight of the castle, cruised for some days off the Matanzas, 
and, after having alarmed the whole coast, returned in safety to 

In the midst of these labors and anxieties incident upon his 
preparations to resist the threatened Spanish invasion, and at a 
time when harmony and content were most essential to the well- 
being of the colony, Oglethorpe was annoyed by sundry com- 
plaints from evil-minded persons. Most of them were frivolous, 
and a few quite insulting in their character. The publication of 
two tracts, one entitled "An Impartial Enquiry into the State 
and Utility of the Province of Georgia," i and the other "A State 
of the Province of Georgia attested upon Oath in the Court of 
Savannah, November 10, 1740," - both presenting favorable 
views of the colony and disseminated in the interest of the trust, 
irritated these malcontents and gave rise to several rejoinders, 
among which, as particularly reflecting upon the conduct of the 
commander-in-chief and his administration of affairs, may be 
mentioned "A Brief Account of the Causes that have retarded 
the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, attested upon 
Oath, being a Proper Contrast to ' A State of the Province of 
Georgia attested upon Oath,' and some other Misrepresentations 
on the same Subject." 3 The charge was openly made that some 
of the magistrates at Savannah and Frederica (the principal 
towns in Georgia) had willfully injured the people by declaring 
1 London. 1741. « LouJoq. 1742. » Loudon. 1743. 


" from the Bench that the Laws of England were no laws in 
Georgia," by causing "false imprisonments," by "discharging 

Grand Juries while matters of Felony lay before them," by " in- j 

tiinidating Petit Juries," and, in short, " by sticking at nothing | 

to oppress the people." It was further alleged that there was no j 

way of applying to his majesty for redress. General Oglethorpe ; 

was accused of partiality and tyranny in his administration. In i 

support of these charges various affidavits were obtained from i 

parties claiming to be residents of Frederica, Darien, Savannah, j 

Ebenezer, and Augusta, most of them, however, being sv/orn to | 

and verified outside the limits of Georgia. Those who are curious | 

with regard to the contents of these affidavits, so far as they rellect | 

upon the conduct of the Frederica magistrates, are referred to j 

the depositions of Samuel Perkins, John Roberson, and Samuel i 

Davison.^ I 

A desire to sell forbidden articles and to ply trades for which | 

special permission had been granted to others, opposition to the j 

regulation whicli prohibited the owners of hogs and cattle from i 

allowing them to run at large on the common and in the streets I 

of Frederica, alleged misfeasance in the conduct of bailiffs and -| 

under-magistrates in the discharge of their duties, the unprofit- \ 

ableness of labor, overbearing acts committed by those in au- | 

thority, and similar matters, formed the burthen of these sworn ] 

complaints. While they tended to distract the public mind and j 

to annoy those upon whose shoulders rested the administration of j 

affairs, they fortunately failed in producing any serious impression | 

either within the colony or in the mother country. We allude j 

to the subject in its proper connection simply as a matter of his- j 

tory, and to show how ill-judged and ill-timed were these efforts | 

of the malcontents, among whom Pat Tailier, M. D., Hugh j 

Anderson, M. A., and Da : Douglas should not be forgotten. j 

The utter destruction of the provinces of Georgia and South i 

Carolina was the avowed object of the Spaniards, who promised ' 
to extend no quarter to English or Indians taken with arms in 
their hands. The struggle was to be desperate in the extreme. 
To the urgent applications for assistance forwarded by General 
Oglethorpe, Lieutenant-Governor Bull turned a deaf ear. The 
Carolinians, instead of furnishing supplies and munitions of 
war, and marching to the south to meet the invader where the 
battle for the salvation of both colonies was to be fought, ro- 

1^ Brief Account of the Causes that Georgia, etc., appendix, pp. 1-19- Lon* 
Tuive retarded the Progress of the Colon]/ of dou. 1743. 


mained at home,*leaving the Georgians single-handed to breast 
the storm. ^ 

The " Gentleman's Magazine " ^ contains the following estimate 
of the Spanish forces under the command of Don Manuel de 
Monteano, governor of Augustine and commander-in-chief of the 
expedition, and Major-General Antonio de Rodondo, engineer 
general, participating in the attack upon St. Simon's Island : — 

" 2 Colonels with Brevits of Brigadiers. 

" One Regiment of Dragoons, dismounted, with their Saddles 
and Bridles. 

" The Regiment call'd The Battalion of the Savannah. 

" 10 Companies of 50 each, draughted off from several Regi- 
ments of Uavannah. 

" One Regiment of the Savannah Militia, consisting of 10 
Companies of 100 i\Ien each. 

" One Regiment of Negroes, regularly officer'd by Negroes. 

" One ditto of Mulattas, and one Company of 100 Miguelets. 

" One Company of the Train with proper Artillery. 

^''Augustine Forces consisting of about 800 Men. 

"Ninety Indians. 

"And 15 Negroes who ran away from South Carolina^ 

From the various accounts of this memorable struggle we select 
that prepared by Oglethorpe himself, written on the spot, with 
the scars of battle fresh around him and the smoke of the con- 
flict scarce lifted from the low-lying shores and dense woods of 
St. Simon's Island. Tiie commanding eye that saw, the stern 
lips which answered back the proud defiance, and the strong arm 
which, under Providence, pointed the way to victory, are surely 
best able to unfold the heroic tale. We present the report as 
it came from his pen : ^ — 

" Frederica rs Georgia, 30fA Jnhj, 1742. 

" The Spanish Invasion which has a long time threatened the 
Colony, Carolina, and all North America has at last fallen upon 
us and God hath been our deliverance. General Horeasilas, Gov- 
ernour of the Uavannah, ordered those Troops who had been era- 
ployed against General Wentworth to embark with Artillery and 
everything necessary upon a secret expedition. They sailed with 
a great fleet:* amongst them were two half Galleys carrying 120 

1 Sec letter of Geiuml (^'lethorpe, » ggo CoUeclions of the Georgia Histur- 

dated Freiierica, June 8, 1742, Wri-rht's ical Society, vol. iii. p. 133 et seij. Savan- 

Memoir of 0(jhthorpe, p. 298. London, nah. 1873. 

1867. * Consistintr of fifty-six sail, and be- 

3 For 1742, vol. xii. p. 694. tween scvcu aud eiirlit thousand men. 


men each & an 18 pound Gun. They drew but five feet water 
which satisfied me they were for this place. By good great For- 
tune one of the half Galleys was wrecked coming out.^ The Fleet 
sailed for St. Augustine in Florida. Capt. Homer the latter end 
of May called here for Intelligence. I acquainted him that the 
Succours were expected and sent him a Spanish Pilot to shew 
him where to meet with them. He met with ten saiP which 
had been divided from the Fleet by storm, but having lost 18 men 
in action against them, instead of coming here for the defence of 
this Place he stood again for Charles Town to repair, and I hav- 
ing certain advices of the arrival of the Spanish Fleet at Augus- 
tine wrote to the Commander of His Majesty's Ships at Charles 
Town to come to our assistance.^ 

*' I sent Lieut. JNIaxwell who arrived there and delivered the 
letters the 12th of June, and afterwards Lieut. iNlacKay, who ar- 
rived and delivered letters on the 20th of June. 

" Lieut. Colonel Cook who was then at Charles Town, and was 
Engineer, hastened to England, and his son-in-law Ensign Eyre, 
Sub-Engineer, was also in Charles Town, and did not arrive here 
till the action was over; so, for want of help, I myself was 
obliged to do the duty of Engineer. 

"The Havannah Fleet, being joined by that of Florida, com- 
posed 51 sail, with land men on board, a List of whom is an- 
nexed : they were separated, and I received advice from Capt. 
Dunbar (who lay at Fort William with the Guard Schooner of 
14 Guns and ninety men) that a Spanish Fleet of 14 sail had at- 
tempted to come in there,* but being drove out by the Cannon 
of the Fort and Schooner they came in at Cumberland Sound. 
I sent over Capt. Horton to land the Indians and Troops on 

1 This was a large settee having one should gain the smallest degree of liononr 
hundred and fifty men on board. A few and reputation. . . . The Georgian.^ with 
days afterwards tlie fleet was dispersed justice Mamed their more powerful iieiirh- 
by a storm, so that all the shipping did bors, who, by keeping at a distance in the 
not arrive at St. Augustine. day of danger, had almost hazarded the 

2 These he attacked, driving some of loss of both provinces." 

them ashore. Historical Account of the Rise and Pntq- 

8 " Never did the Carolineans," says rr.w of the Colonics of Svith Carolina ami 

Mr. Hewitt, "make so bad a figure in G'ronjia, vol. ii. pp. 119, 120. London, 

the defence of their country. When 1779. 

union, activity .and dispatch were so roq- * This was on the 21st of June. Most 

uisito, they ingloriously stood at a dis- of the accounts jdace the number of 

tance, and snfi\'ring private ])i(|ue to pre- Spanish vessels, then atteuijiiim: to outer 

vail over jiublic spirit, seemeil determined Amelia Sound, at nine, instead oL Jour- 

to risk the safety of their country, raihcr teen. 
than General Oglethorpe by their help 


Cumberland. I followed myself and was attacked iu the Soun'l, 
but with two Boats fought my way through. Lieut. Tolson, 
who was to have supported me with the third and strongest boat, 
quitted me in the tight and run into a River where he hid him- 
self till next day when he returned to St. Simon's with an account 
that I was lost but soon after found. I was arrived there before 
him, for which misbehaviour I put him in arrest and ordered him 
to be tryed. The Enemy in this action suffered so much ^ that 
the day after they ran out to sea and returned for St. Augustine 
and did not join their great Fleet till after their Grenadiers were 
beat by Land. 

" I drew the Garrison from St. Andrews, reinforced Fort Will- 
iam, and returned to St. Simon's with the Schooner. 

" Another Spanish Fleet appeared the 28th off the Barr : by 
God's blessing upon several measures taken I delayed tlieir com- 
ing in till the 5th of July, I raised another Troop of Rangers, 
which with the other were of great service. 

" I took Captain Thomson's ship ^ into the service for defence 
of the Harbour. I imbargoe'd all the Vesselis, taking their men 
for the service, and gave large Gifts and promises to the Indians 
so that every day we increased in numbers. I gave large re- 
wards to men who distinguished themselves upon any service, 
freed the servants,^ brought down the Highland Company, and 
Company of Boatmen, filled up as far as we had guns. All the 
vessels being tlius prepared * on the 5th of Jul}' with a leading 
Gale and Spring Tide 36 sail of Spanish vessels run into the 
Harbour in line of Battle. 

" We cannonaded them very hotly from the Shipping and 
Batterys. They twice attempted to board Capt. Thomson ^ but 

^ In endeavoring to reach St. Augns- springs upon lier cables, General Ogle- 
tine for repairs, four of their -vessels thorpe's schooner of fourteen guns and 
foundered at sea. eighty men, and the sloop St. Philip, 

2 Tiiis was the merchant ship Sue- of fourteen guns and eighty men. Eight 

cess, mounting twenty guns. The gen- York sloops were close in shore, with 

eral sent one hundred soldiers on board one man on hoard each of them, who.'^e 

of her and filled her with necessary instructions were, in case the enemy 

military stores. Thus she became, iu were about to capture, to sink or run 

the language of one of her crew, " ready them on shore. 

for twice the numlior of Sjianiards." Centlrman's Magazine, vol. xii. p. 495, 

' For their pa-^sage and outfit, they ^ This attempt was made by the Span- 
had agreed to labor for the trust for a ish commodore with a ship of twenty- 
given period. two guns, and a settee wiili an eighteen- 

* This little fleet consisted of the pounder, and two nine-poundcrs in iier 

Success, Captain 'IMiompson, of twenty bow. So .stout was the resistance otl'eied 

guns and one hundred and ten men, with by Captain Thompson with the great guu3 


were repulsed. They also attempted to board the Schooner, but 
were repulsed by Capt. Dunbar with a Detachment of the Regi- 
ment on board. 

" I was with the Indians, Rangers, and Batterys, and some- 
times on board the ships, and left Major Heron with the Regi- 
ment. It being impossible for me to do ray duty as General and 
be constantly with the Regiment, therefore it was absolutely 
necessary for His Majesty's service to have a Lieut. Colonel 
present, which I was fully convinced of by this day's experience. 
I therefore appointed jNIajor Heron to be Lieut. Colonel, and 
hope that your Grace will move His Majesty to be pleased to 
approve the same. 

" The Spaniards after an obstinate Engagement of four hours, 
in which they lost abundance of men, passed all our Batterys 
and Shipping and got out of shot of them towards Frederica. 
Our Guard Sloop was disabled and sunk : one of our Batterys 
blown up, and also some of our Men on board Capt. Thomson, 
upon which I called a Council of War at the head of the Regi- 
ment where it was unanimously resolved to march to Frederica 
to get there before the Enemy and defend that Place : & To de- 
stroy all the Provisions, Vessels, Artillery, &c., at St. Simon's, 
that they might not fall into the Enemy's hands. 

" This was accordingly executed, having first drawn all the 
Men on shear which before had defended the shipping. I myself 
staid till the last, and the wind coming fortunately about I got 
Capt. Thompson's Ship, our Guard Schooner, and our Prize 
Sloop to sea and sent them to Charles Town. This I did in the 
face and spite of thirty-six sail of the Enemy : as for the rest 
■ of the Vessells, I could not save them, therefore was obliged to 
destroy them. 

" I must recomend to His Majesty the IMerchants who are suf- 
ferers thereby, since their loss was in great measure the preserv- 
ing the Province. 

"We arrived at Frederica, and the Enemy landed at St. 

of liis ship, by Captain Carr and his com- See Harris' Complete Collection of Voy- 

paiiy of marines, and by Lieutenant oyrs and IVuft/s, vol. ii. p. 341. London. 

Wall and Ensii^n Otterhridijc in charge 1748. 

of a detachment from Oirleiiior])e's reui- i I'rora the statement made by rive 

ment, tliat the Spaniards were obliy:ed to Spanish prisoners captured and bn>ti:;ht 

retire with loss. A snow of sixteen t^uns in by the Creek Indians, it apjieared tliat 

at the. same time attemjited to board the Don Manuel de Monteano, jrovcrnor ..f 

Guard seliooner, but was repulsed by St. Augustine, was the cummandiM m- 

Captain Dunbar. chief of the e.\[)cilition, and tiiat .Major- 



" On the 7th a party of their's marched toward the Town : our 
Rangers discovered them and brought an account of their march, 
on which I advanced with a party of Indians, Rangers, and the 
Highland Company, ordering the Regiment to follow, being re- 
solved to engage them in the Defiles of the Woods before they 
could get out and form in the open Grounds. I charged them at 
the head of our Indians, Highland Men and Rangers, and God 
was pleased to give us such success that we entirely routed the 
first party, took one Captain prisoner, and killed another, and 
pursued them two miles to an open Meadow or Savannah, upon 
the edge of which I posted three Platoons of the Regiment and 
the Company of Highland foot so as to be covered by the woods 
from the Enemy who were obliged to pass thro' the Meadow 
under our fire.i This disposition was very fortunate.'-^ Capt. 
Antonio Barba and two other Captains with 100 Grenadiers and 
200 foot, besides Indians and Negroes, advanced from the Span- 
ish Camp into the Savannah with Huzzah's and fired with great 
spirit, but not seeing our men by reason of the woods, none of 
their shot took place, but ours did.^ 

General Antouio de KedonJo was chief 
engineer. Fie and two l)iiL;:idier-general3 
accompanied the forces wliieh came from 
Cuba. The aggregate strength of the 
expedition was about five thousand men, 
of whom four thousand three hundred 
were landed on St. Simon. Heavy scout- 
ing parties were sent out in every direc- 
tion by General Ogletliorpc to observe 
the movements of the enemy and retard 
any advance in the direction of Fred- 
erica, the defenses of wliicli wore being 
strengthened as ra])idly and as thoroughly 
as time and the forces at command would 

1 In this charge Oglethorpe encoun- 
tered one hundred and twenty S])aui.-;h 
pioneers, forty Yemassen Indians, and 
an equal number of ncirroes. So violent 
was the onshiuglit that nearly tlie whole 
party was eitlier captured or slain. Witli 
his own hands tlie g<'neral captured two 
prisoners. Captain Sancbio, command- 
ing this advance, was taken prisoner bv 
Lieutenant Scrogirs of the ran'j;ers, and 
Toouahowi, aliliough sliot tlirouuh tlio 
right arm l)v a Spanish otliror, (hew bis 
pistol witi) his left and killi'd bis antasr- 
ouist on the spot. Sec \\' right's Memoir 

of Oglethorpe, p. 305. McCall's History 
of Georgia, vol. i. p. 181. 

2 After locating his troops, Oglethorpe 
hastened back to Frederiea to prepare 
the rangers and the marine company for 
action at a moment's warning, 

3 Captain McCall furnislies the follow- 
ing account of this affair : Captain Noble 
Jones, with a detachment of regulars and 
Indians, being out on a scouting paity, 
fell in with a small detachment of the 
enemy's advance, wlio were surprised and 
made prisoners, not deeming themselves 
so far in front of the main army. From 
these prisonei-s information was received 
that the wliole Spanish army was ad- 
vancing: this was immediately commu- 
nicated by an Indian runner to the gen- 
eral, who detached Captain Dunbar with 
a company of grenadiers to join tlie reg- 
ulars and Imliaus, with orders to harass 
tlie enemy on tlieir advance. Tliese de- 
tachments havini; formed a junction ob- 
served at a distance the Spanish army on 
the march; and taking a favorable posi- 
tion near a marsh, formed an ambuscade. 
Tlie enemy fortnuntcly lialted within a 
hundred paces of this ])osition, stacked 
their arms, made lires, and were prepur- 


" Some Platoons of ours in the heat of the fight, the air beuig 
darkened with the smoak, and a shower of rain falling, retired in 

" I hearing the firing, rode towards it, and at near two miles 
from the place of Action, met a great many men in disorder who 
told me that ours were routed and Lieut. Sutherland killed. I 
ordered them to halt and march back against the Enemy, which 
orders Capt. Demere and Ensign Gibbon obeyed, but another 
Officer did not, bat made the best of his way to Town. As I 
heard the fire continue I concluded our Men could not be quite 
beaten, and that my immediate assistance might preserve them : 
therefore spurred on and arrived just as the fire was done. I 
found the Spaniards intirely routed by one Platoon of the Regi- 
ment, under the Comand of Lieut. Sutherland, and the Highland 
Company under the Comand of Lieut. Charles MacKay. 

" An Officer whom the Prisoners said was Capt. Don Antonio 
Barba ^ was taken Prisoner, but desperately wounded, and two 
others were prisoners, and a great many deiid upon the spot. 
Lieut. Sutherland, Lieut. Charles MacKay and Sergt. Stuart 
having distinguished themselves upon this occasion, I appointed 
Lieut. Sutherland Brigade Major, and Sergt. Stuart second 

" Capt. Demere and Ensign Gibbon being arrived with the 
men they had rallied, Lieut. Cadogan with an advanced party of 
the Regiment, and soon after the whole Regiment, Indians, and 

ing their kettles for cooking, when a and many were killed by the loaded arms 
horse observed some of the party in am- which were left on the ground : generally 
buscade, and, frightened at tlie uniform the Spaniards fired so much at random 
of the regulars, began to snort, and gave that the trees were pruned by the lialls 
the alarm. The Spaniards ran to their from their muskets. Their loss in killed. 
arms, but were shot down in great nam- wounded, and prisoners was estimated 
bers by Oglethorpe's detachment, who at five hundred. The loss in Ogle- 
continued invisible to the enemy ; and thorpe's detachment was very inconsiiler- 
after repeated attempts to form, in wliich able. From the signal victory obtained 
some of their principal officers fell, they over the enemy, and the great slaughter 
fled witli the utmost precipitation, leaving amongst the Spanish troops, the sciiio 
their camp equipage on the field, and of action jnst described has ever since 
never halted until they got under cover of been denominated the bloodij marsh. 11 is- 
the guns of their battery and ships. Gen- fory q/ 6'cor(//rt, vol. i. pp. 185-1 S7. Sa- 
eral Oglethorpe had detached ^lajor Hor- vannah. ISll. Compare SpaMiivj's 
ton with a reinforcement, who arrived " Life of Oi,'k'thorpe," Collections <>/' the 
only in time to join in the pursuit. So Georgia Historical ASocieti/,\o\. i. pp. 2S1- 
complete was the surprise of the enemy 284. Savannah. 1840. 
that many fled without their arms ; others ^ The Spaniards regarded the loss of 
in a rapid retreat disiharged tlicir mus- this officer as more severe than that of u 
keta over their shoulders at their pursuers ; thousand men. 


Rangers, I marched down to a causeway over a marsh very near 
tlie Spanish Canij) over which all were obliged to pass, and 
thereby stopt those who had been dispersed in the fight in the 
Savannali from getting to the Spanish Camp.^ Having passed 
the night tliere, the Indian scouts in the morning advanced to 
the Spanish Camp and discovered tliey were all retired into the 
ruins of the Fort and were making Intreiichments under shelter 
of the cannon of the ships. That they guessed them to be above 
4,000 men. 1 thought it imprudent to attack them defended by 
Cannon with so small a number but marched back to Freder- 
ica'^ to refresh the soldiers, and sent out Partys of Indians and 
Rangers to harrass the Enemy. I also ordered into arrest the 
officers who commanded the Platoons that retired. 

*' I appointed a General Staff: Lieut. Hugh MacKay and 
Lieut. Maxwell Aids de Camp, and Lieut. Sutherland Brigade 
Major.^ On ye 11th of July the Great Galley and two little 
ones came up the river towards the Town. We fired at them 
with the few Guns so warmly that they retired, and I followed 
them with our Boats till they got under the cannon of their ships 
which lay in the sound. 

"Having intelligence from the Spanish Camp that they had 
lost 4 Captains and upwards of 200 men in the last Action, be- 
sides a great many killed in the sea-fight, and several killed in 
the night by the Indians even within or near the camp, and that 
they had held a Council of War in which there were great di- 
visions, insomuch that the Forces of Cuba separated from those 
of Augustine and the Italiek Regiment — of Dragoons sep- 
arated from them both at a distance from the rest near the 
woods, and that there was a general Terror amongst them, upon 
whieli I was resolved to beat up their Quarters in the night and 
marching down with the largest body of men I could make, I 
halted within a mile and a half of their camp to form, intending 
to leave the Troops there till I had well reconitred the Enemy's 

" A French ^Nlan who without my knowledge was come down 
amongst the volunteers fired his Gun and deserted. Our In- 
dians in vain pursued and could not take him. L^pon this, con- 

^ In these t:vo en!::agcments the enemy 2 This was on the 8th of July, 

sustained a loss of two captains, one 8 During the 9tli and 10th of July all 

lieutenant, two scrcjeants, two drum- hands were employed on the works at 

mers, and one hundred and sixty privates Frodericn, except the scouts and Indians, 

killed ; and one captain and nineteen These brought in some scalps and pris- 

mcu captured. oners. 


eluding we were discovered, I divided the Drums in different 
parts and beat the Grenadiers march for about half an hour, then 
ceased, and we marched back with silence. 

" The next day ^ I prevailed with a Prisoner, and gave him a 
sura of money to carry a letter privately and deliver it to that 
French Man who liad deserted. This letter was wrote in French 
as if from a friend of his, telling him he had received the money ; 
that he should strive to make the Spaniards believe the English 
were weak. That he should undertake to pilot up their Boats 
and Galleys and then bring them under the Woods where he 
knew the Hidden Batterys were ; that if he could bring tliat 
about, he should have double the reward he had already received. 
That the French Deserters should have all that had been prom- 
ised to them. Tiie Spanish Prisoner got into their Camp and 
was immediately carried before their General Don Manuel de 
Montiano. He was asked how he escaped and whither he had 
any letters, but denying his having any, was strictly searched and 
the letter found, and he upon being pardoned, confessed that 
he had received money to deliver it to the Frenchman, for the 
letter was not directed. The Frenchman denied his knowing 
anything of the contents of the Letter or having received any 
Money or Correspondence with me, notwithstanding which, a 
Council of War was held and they deemed the French Man to be 
a double spy, but General Montiano would not suffer him to be 
executed, having been implo^^ed by liim : however they imbarqued 
all their Troops,^ and halted under Jekyl : they also confined all 

1 July 13th. never leave beliincl them such direful TJe- 

2 St. Simon's towD was destroyed by membrances ; but here relii^ioiis Fury 
the Spaniards prior to thcii- evacuation of goes Hand in Hand ^vith (.'omiue^t, re- 
the island. Toa writer in the Z(wt/o;i Jia7- solv'd to ruin whom they can't convert. 
azine for 1745 (page 549), who made his The Fort has some Eenuiins still, and 
observations in the early part of 1743, are seems to have been no extraordinary af- 
we indebted for the following uotice of this fair; tho' no Place was ever better dc- 
placc : " At the South Point of this Isl- fended, and the Enemies seem, by their 
and oi St. Simon, are the Kuins of the Works and Intrenchments to have thought 
Town of St. Siiiio?i's destroyed by the themselves sure of keeping the Town, 
Spaniards at their Invasion. By the re- but found themselves wofuUy mistaken, 
maining Vestiges it must have been a Down the Beach to the westward is a 
very uniform Place ; and the Situation is Look-out of Ta]ipy-work which is a very 
quite charming, tho' it now makes one good Mark for standing over the Bar into 
melancholy to see such a Desolation in so the Harbour; and on the o])posite I'oint 
new a Country. The .only Building they of Jekyl Island is a very remarkable 
left standing was one House wbiih they Ilanmiock of Trees much taken notice of 
had consecrated for a Cbapol. JIow dif- by Seamen on the same Account. Some- 
feri'ut tho Proceedings of tlie nmro gen- wliat lowt-r and more Xi>rth<>r'y i'^ tlie 
crous Enylish even iu their Parts who Plantation call'd Gascoign's which under- 


the French on boaixl and imbarked with such precipitation that 
they left behind them Cannon, &c,, and those dead of tlieir wounds, 
unburied. Tlie Cuba Squadron stood out to sea to the number 
of 20 sail : General Montiano with the Augustine Squadron re- 
turned to Cumberland Sound, having burnt Captain llorton's 
houses, (Sec, on Jekyll. I, with our boats, followed him. I dis- 
covered a great many sail under Fort St. Andrew, of which eight 
appeared to me plain, but being too strong for me to attack, I 
sent the Scout Boats back. 

" I went 1 with my own Cutter and landed a man on Cumber- 
laud who carried a letter from me to Lieut. Stuart at Fort Will- 
iam with orders to defend himself to the last extremity. 

" Having discovered our Boats & believing we had landed 
Indians in the night they set sail with great haste, in so much 
that not having time to imbarque, they killed 40 horses which 
they had taken there, and burnt the houses. The Galleys and 
small Craft to the number of fifteen went thro' the inland "Water 
Passages. They attempted to land near Fort William, but were 
repulsed by tlie Bangers ; tliey then attacked it with Cannon and 
small Arms from the water for three Hours, but the place was so 
bravely defended by Lieut. Alexander Stuart that they were re- 
pulsed and ran out to sea where twelve other sail of Spanish ves- 
sells had lain at anchor without the Barr during the Attack with- 
out stirring ; but the Galleys being chased out, they hoisted all 
the sails they could and stood to the Southward. I followed 
them with the Boats to Fort William, and from thence sent out 
the Rangers and some Boats who followed them to Saint John's, 
but they went off rowing and sailing to St. Augustine. 

"After the news of their defeat in the Grenadier Savannah 
arrived at Charles Town, the Men of War and a number of Car- 
olina People raised in a hurry set out and came off this Barr 
after the Spaniards had been chased quite out of this Colony, 
where they dismissed the Carolina vessels, and Capt. Hardy 
promised in his Letters to cruise off St. Augustine. 

went the same F.itew-ith St. Simon's. An pendicular mounted Gun is fir'd as a 

Officer's Command is stationM .it South Siy:nal, which, by the Ascent of the Smoke 

Point, who disposes his Ccntries so as is a Direction to a Ship a loner Way in 

to discover Vessels some Leagues at Sea, the Offinir, and is a most lucky Contriv- 

and upon any such Discovery an Alarm- ance. The road from hence to Frederica 

Gun is fir'd, and an Horseman sent up is cut through the Woods, and through 

with Notice to the IIead-(Jiiarteis wliieh the Marshes rais'd upou a Causeway." 

is niuo miles from tills Place. If they l July 16th. 
appear to make for the Harbour, a per- 


" We have returned thanks to God for our deliveiance, have 
set all the hands I possibly coulJ to work upon the Fortifications, 
and have sent to the Northward to raise men ready to form 
another Battalion against His Majesty's Orders shall arrive for 
that purpose. I have retained Thompson's ship, have sent for 
Cannon Shott, &c., for Provisions and all kinds of stores since I 
expect the Enemy, who (tho' greatly terrified) lost but few men 
in comparison of their great numbers, as soon as they have re- 
covered their fright will attack us with more caution and better 

" I hope His Majesty will approve the measures I have taken, 
and I must entreat Your Grace to lay my humble request before 
His ]Majesty that he would be graciously pleased to order Troops, 
Artillery and other Necessarys sufficient for the defence of this 
Frontier and the neighboring Provinces, or give such direction 
as His Majesty shall think proper, and I do not doubt but with a 
moderate support not only to be able to defend these Provinces, 
but also to dislodge the Enemy from St. Augustine if I have but 
the same numbers they had in this expedition." ^ 

To this interesting narrative we append, without comment, 
two contemporaneous accounts copied from documents on file in 
the Public Record office in London, and found among the Shaftes- 
bury Papers : — 

" The following particular Account of the Spaniards invading 
Georgia was received by Messrs. Skinner & Simson, Merchants 
in London, fi-om Mr. John Smith, who was then on board the Suc- 
cess Frigate, Captain William Thomson, dated at Charles Town 
in South Carolina, the 14th of July last. 

" This serves to inform you of my safe arrival in Georgia after 
a Passage of 10 weeks. We met with no jMolestation from the 
Privateers in our way, nor could make no Prizes, tho' we pursued 
and brought to several Vessels. Our People were all healthy 

1 For further account of this memora- Wright's Memoir of Ogletltorpr, pp. 299, 

ble defense, see Harris' Complete Codec- 317. Loudon. 1867. Spalding's " Life 

tion of Voijarjps und Travels, vol. ii. pp. 340, of Oglethorpe," Collections of the Georqia 

342. London. 174S JMcCall's Histori/ Historical Society, vol. i. pj). 275, 284. 

of Gtorr/ia, vol. i. pp. 176, 190. Savan- Savannah. 1840. Kamsay's Ilistor'/ of 

nah. 1811. Hewitt's Historical Account Sout/i Carolina, vol. i. pp. 144, 147. 

of the Rise and Proarrss of the Colonics Charleston. 1809. London Ma^jazim', 

of South Carolina and (>eor(jia, vol. \\. pp. vol. xi. pp. 515, 516,568. Gt nth nidn's 

114,119. London. 1779. Stevens' ///s- .il/dr/ac/He for 1742, vol. xii. ])]). 494, 4'.ti>, 

<on/ o/'6V()/Yy/a, vol. i. pp. 180, 196. New 550,561,693,694. Gentl>niau's Mivi.i- 

York. 1847. U-MvW Mtmnriats of Oik- cme for 1743, vol. xiii. pp. 84, 638, 6 ;9. 
thorye, pp. 250, 208. Boston. 1840. 


'till the last three weeks of our Passage, when a iMalignant Fever 
came amongst them and sweeped away several Soldiers, and the 
best part of our Ship's Company with our Chief Mate, Carpen- 
ter, and Boatswain. I was also visited, but got well over it. 

" Three days after our arrival in Georgia we were alarmed by 
several small Vessels being seen off the Harbour which we took 
to be Spaniards. The General sent his Privateer Schooner to 
Fort William which lyes to the Southward of our Harbour to heljD 
to defend that Place in case cf being attacked, and the next day 
(being the 22nd of June) sent out his own Barge to make dis- 
covery if the Enemy had landed. They returned in the after- 
noon with Account that the Enemy with eleven Galleys were in 
the Sound called Cumberland, about 20 miles to the Southward 
of St. Simon's, where we lay. Upon which the General put two 
Companies of Soldiers in three Boats and went along with them 
himself to the relief of Fort William, so that crossing Cumber- 
land Sound the Galleys, full of men, bore down upon them. He 
began the Engagement himself with his own Boats' Crew, and ex- 
changed several Volleys with one of the Galleys. In the mean 
time two Galleys engaged one of the General's Boats whereni 
was 50 Soldiers commanded by one Toulson, who thinking him- 
self hard set, bore away and left the General with the other two 
Boats engaged, but they bravely fought their way through with 
the loss only of one man, and got to Fort William. Toulson got 
clear and afterwards came to St. Simon's. That night we heard 
several great Guns fired, and volleys of small arms to the South- 
ward, so that we got all ready for an attack ; next day heard 
nothing of the General, which put everybody under great concern. 
The Day after saw a vSail off tlie Bar which proved to be the 
General's Schooner with himself aboard, and a Company of Sol- 
diers, who brought account of all being well at Fort William, 
and that they had beat oft' 9 Galleys which thought to sur- 
prize them. The General came ashore and was saluted by us 
with 31 Guns, and by the Fort. He confined Mr. Toulson for 
leaving him, and sent for Captain Thomson, advised him to send 
his Goods to Town, and get all ready for defence, for he thought 
of being attacked at St. Simon's. And soon after we had an Ac- 
count that there were 32 Sail hoisting Spanish Colours where they 
lay in the same place for 5 days without making the least at- 
tempt, but sent out their small Vessels to sound the Bar. July 
the 4th, they g<it under sail and came to in the right way off the 
Channel so that we expected to be attacked next day. The Gen- 


eral came on board of us and made a very handsome Speech en- 
couraging us to stand by our Liberties and Country. For his 
part he was resolved to stand it out, and would not yield one inch 
to them tho' they appeared so formidable. He was convinced 
they were much superior in Numbers, but then he was sure his 
men were much better, and did not doubt (with the favour of 
God) but he would get the better. We having but 10 seamen on 
board, the General sent us 100 Soldiers, and being well provided 
with warlike Stores, were ready for twice the number of Span- 
iards. There were several Vessels in the Harbour which we (as 
Commodore) placed in the following order, viz : — 

" The Success, captain Thomson, 20 guns, 100 men, with springs 
upon our cable. 

*' The CreneraVs ScJwoyier, 14 guns, 80 men, on our starboard 

" The St. Philip Sloop, 14 guns, 50 men, on our starboard 

" 8 York Sloops close in Shore with one man on board each in 
case of being overpowered, to sink or run them on shore. 

" July 5tli. The Spanish Vessels got all under Sail and stood in. 
They sent two Quarter Galleys carrying 9 Pounders, and one 
Half Galley with two 18 Pounders in her bow to begin the At- 
tack which were warmly received by the Fort, which exchanged 
several Shot with them. The Wind and Tide both serving, they 
soon came up with us and fired upon us, which we returned very 
briskly. They attempted to come up under our stern, upon 
which I run out two 6 Pounders at the Stern Ports (they being 
the Guns I commanded) and fired upon her which made them 
lye upon their Oars, and drive with the Tide. The Admiral 
came next and was saluted with our whole broad-side, then by 
the Schooner and Sloop, which made him sheer off from us. In 
short we received all their Fire and returned the same very 
briskly, having fired near 300 Shot out of our Ship, they coming 
on one by one just gave us time to load, so that I believe there 
was not one Ship but had some Shot in her. They fired at 
•the York Sloops whicli had run aground. After, they came to 
anchor and landed a great many men, of which they had great 

" The General sent us off Thanks for our brave Resistance and 
ordered his men ashore and us with what other Vessels could go 
to make the best of their way to Charles Town or any\vhere 
to save the Vessels ; upon which, we gott ourselves in train for 


going to sea, and cutting our Cable dropped down with the Tide. 
The Schooner and Prize Sloop followed us, next morning got 
over the Bar, and said 4 Galleys standing after us, we got all 
ready for a second engagement, and having sea-room, would have 
made a market of them, but they did not care to come over the 

" All that night saw several fires, and a sloop blow up, which 
proved the General destroying all that might be of service to the 
Enemy, intending to march all his men to Frederica and there 
hold it out. 

" July 7th. Got all into Charles Town. Captain Thomson 
petitioned the Assembly for assistance to the General, and to 
have his own Ship manned to go against the Enemy with the 
Man of War and what other Merchantmen they can fit out, 
which they have taken into consideration. 

"The Flamborough, Man of War, and two Sloops, with a 
Galley, have been gone from this place a fortnight, and been 
drove to the Northward by a Gale of Wind. They yesterday 
came abreast of this place and had account how the General's 
Affairs stood : upon which they made sail for the Southward. 

" I wish our Fleet had been ready to have gone with them, and 
I dare say we would have catcht them all. Every minute ap- 
pears an age to me till we can assist our Friends to the South- 
ward and "till I have Satisfaction for being left naked : they 
have got my all amongst them : not having one shirt but as I 
borrow. I hope next opportunity to wrice you better news. In 
the mean time remember me to all our Friends." ^ 

" On 2Sth of June 1742 thirty three Spanish Vessels ap- 
peared off the Bar. The General staid at S' Simon's taking all 
possible measures for the Defence of the Harbour, and opposed 
them in such a manner that they could not become jNIasters of 
the Bar 'till 5'^ instant when they entered the Harbour in line 
of Battle ahead. The General's Disposition of the Land Troops 
prevented the Spaniards from landing. The General's three 
Vessels, with Capt.'' Dunbar and a Detachment of the Regiment 
on board, and Capt° Thomson's Ship, fought stoutly. The Offi- 
cers and Men in the ]Merchant Service, as well as those of the 
Regiment behaved with the greatest courage. After three hours' 
fight by the Land Batteries as well as the Vessels, the Spanish 
Fleet broke all through and made for Frederica, but in a very 

1 P. K. 0. SliajUslMiry Papers. Tbo above was published in the Daili/ Ad- 


i Shatter'd condition, wliicli obliged the General immediately to 
send the Reo;iment for the defence of that Place, and followed 
' in the rear himself, and before he would leave S' Simon's, had 
j all the Cannon, Magazines, &c. burst and destroyed, and sent 
i out such Vessels as were on float to sea, the Harbour havincj 
been left open by the Spaniards running up the River. The 
loss is very considerable, and chiefly owing to the want of Ar- 
tillery, Engineers, good Gunners, and Ships of Force, — the Offi- 
cers of the Regiment, Sailors, Indians &c. having done all that 
I men could do for their numbers. The General liimself was 
\ everywhere but chiefly at the Main Battery and Shipping, Major 
Heron being with the Regiment on Shore, and Col. Cook at 
[ Charles To\Yn, by leave of Absence by reason of sickness, on 
^ his way to England. The General is preparing to make the 
best defence he can in this Place. 

" General Oglethorpe being arrived on the 6th of July by 
\ day break, without the loss of a man, having brought up all the 
I wounded on his Horses, he dismounted and marched on foot 
himself and gave his own Horse to me. He immediately gave 
Orders for the Defence of this Place, sending out Scouts on all 
sides and, supplying the broken and lost arms &c. ordered all 
the Companies to be paraded on the afternoon of the same day. 
The Creek Indians brought in five Spanish Prisoners on the 7th 
day : On which day about the hour of ten, the Rangers who 
had been on the Scout came chased in by the Spaniards, giving 
an account that the Enemy was within a mile of this Place 
where they had kill'd one Small. The General leaped on the 
first Horse and immediately marched the Highland Company, 
who were then under arms a parading, and ordered sixty from 
the Guard to follow. He himself galloped with the Indians to 
the Place which was just wdthin the Woods about a Mile from 
hence, where he found Captain Sebastian Santio, and Captain 
Magaleeto with 120 Spanish Troops and forty five Spanish In- 
dians. Captn Grey with his Chickesaws, Capt. Jones with his 
Tomohetans, and Tooanahowi with liis Creeks, and the General 
with six Highland Men, who outran the rest, immediately charged 
them. Cap'" Mageleeto was killed, Capt" Sebastian Santio taken, 
and the Spaniai'ds entirely defeated. The General took two 
Spaniards with his own Hands. Capt" IMageleeto shot Toona- 
howi in his right arm as he rushed upon him. Toonahowi, 
drawing his Pistol with his left Hand, sliot him through the 
Head. The General pursued the Chace for near a mile, whoa 


halting at an advantageous Piece of Ground, staj^ed till the 
Guard came up, and then posting the Highlanders on the right, 
and the guard upon the left of the Road, — hid in a Wood with a 
large Savannah or Meadow in their Front over which the Span- 
iards must pass to come to Frederica, — the General returned 
and ordered the Regiment, Rangers and Companies of Boatmen 
to march. Whilst they were preparing, we heard Platoons fir- 
ing. The General immediately got on Horseback, and riding 
towards it met three Platoons on the left coming back in great 
disorder, who gave him an account they had been broke by 
the Spaniards who were extremely numerous. Notwithstanding 
which, he rallied them and he himself rode on, and to his great 
satisfaction found Lieut. Sutherland and the Platoon of the Reg- 
iment under his command, and Lieut. MacKay with the High- 
landers had entirely defeated the Spaniards who consisted of two 
Companies of Grenadiers, making 100 Men and 200 Foot. Don 
Antonio Barbara, who commanded them, was Prisoner, but was 
mortally wounded ; they also took several other Grenadiers and 
the Drum. The General ordered all the Troops to march from 
Frederica to him. As soon as they arrived he pursued the Enemy 
four Miles. In the two Actions there were one Captain, one Cor- 
poral, and sixteen Spaniards taken, and about 160 killed : the 
rest are dispersed in the Woods, for the General halted all night 
at a Pass through the Marshes over which they must go in their 
return to their Camp, and thereby intercepted them. The In- 
dians are out, hunting after them in the Woods, and every hour 
bring in Scalps. 

" July 8. Before daybreak the General advanced a Party of 
Indians to the Spanish Camp at S* Simon's who found they were 
all retired into the Ruins of the Fort, under the Cannon of the 
Men of War. Upon which the General marched back and ar- 
rived here about Noon. About the same time a Party wliich the 
General had draw^l from Fort William arrived, notwithstand- 
ing the Spanish Fleet lyes between us to secure us from that 

" July 9. This day was spent in going on with the Works. 

« Frederica. July 9th 1742." i 

That a small force of between six and seven hundred men, as- 
sisted by a few weak vessels, should have put to flight an army 
of nearly five thousand Spanish troops, supported by a powerful 
flieet and amply equipped for the expedition, seems almost iiica- 

, 1 P. R. O. Shajlcsbury Papers. 



pable of explanation.^ General Oglethorpe's bravery and clash, 
the timidity of the invaders, coupled with the dissensions which 
arose in their ranks, and the apprehensions caused by the French 
letter, furnish the only plausible explanation of the victory. 
Whitefield's commentary was : " The deliverance of Georgia 
from the Spaniards is such as cannot be paralleled but by some in- 
stances out of the Old Testament." The defeat of so formidable 
an expedition by such a handful of men was a matter of astonish- 
ment to all. Had Don Manuel de Monteano pushed his forces 
vigorously forward, the stoutest resistance, offered along his short 
line of march and from the walls of the town, would have been 
ineffectual for the salvation of Frederica. Against the contin- 
gency of an evacuation of this stronghold Oglethorpe had pro- 
vided, as best he could, by a concentration of boats in which to 
transport the garrison to Darien ^ by way of the cut previously 
made through General's Island. This necessity, however, was 
fortunately never laid upon him. If the naval forces at Charles- 

1 The following is an estimate of the 
forces engaged : — 

Spanish Troops. 
One "Regiment of dismounted Dra- 
goons 400 

Havana Regiment 500 

Havana Militia 1,000 

Regiment of Artillery 400 

Florida Militia 400 

Battalion of Mulattoes 300 

Black Regiment 400 

Indians 90 

Marines 600 

Seamen 1,000 

Total 5,090 

General Oglethorpe's Command. 

His Regiment 472 

Company of Rangers 30 

Highlanders 50 

Armed Militia 40 

Indians 60 

Total 652 

See McCall's Htstory of Georgia, vol. i. 
p. 196. Savannah. 1811. 

2 Of the condition of this town in 1743 
we find the followinpj account in the Loti- 
don Marjazitie for 1745, pay;e 551 : " Our 
first Stage we made New Inverness, or the 
Darien, on the Continent near 20 miles 
from Frederica ; which is a Settlement of 

Highlanders living and dressing in their 
own Country Fashion, very liappily and 
contentedly. There is an Independent 
Company of Foot of them, consisting of 
70 men who have been of good service. 
The Town is regularly laid out, and built 
of Wood mostly, divided into Streets and 
Squares ; before the Town is the Paniile, 
and a Fort not yet finish'd. It is situ- 
ated upon a very high Bluff, or point of 
Land, from whence, with a few cannon, 
they can scour the River, otherwise it is 
surrounded by Pine-barrens, and Woods, 
and there is a Jiout by Land to Savannah 
and Fort Argijle, whicli is statetlly recon- 
noitred by a Troop of Higldand Rangers 
who do duty here. The Company and 
Troop, armed in the Highland manner 
make an extreme good appearance under 
arms. The whole Settlement may be 
said to be a brave and industrious Peo- 
ple ; but were more numerous, ])lanted 
more, and raised more cattle before tlie 
Invasion, with which they drove a good 
Trade to the Southward ; but Things 
seem daily mending with them. They 
are forc'd to keep a very good Guard in 
this Place, it lies so open to the lusults 
of the French and S/>anis/i Indians, w ho 
once or twiec have shewn Straglcrs soma 
very bloody Tricks." 

360 rriE HISTORY of GEORaTA. 

town had responded to his requisitions, a considerable portion of \ 
the Spanish licet might have been captured. Oglethorpe's suc- 
cess in his military operations may be explained by the fact that 
he constantly acted on the offensive. He was never content to 
grant any peace to an enemy who was within striking distance. 
The temerity and persistency of his attacks inspired his followers, 
and impressed his antagonist with the belief that the arm deliver- 
ing the blow was stronger than it really was. 

The memory of this defense of St. Simon's Island and the 
southern frontier is one of the pi-oudest in the annals of Georgia. 
Thus was the existence of the colony perpetuated. Thus was 
hurled back in wrath and mortification a powerful army of inva- 
sion whose avowed object was to sliow no quarter,^ but to crush 
out of existence the English colonies. Had success attended 
the demonstration against Frederica, the enemy would have ad- 
vanced upon the more northern strongholds. Appreciating this, 
and deeply sensible of their great obligations to General Ogle- 
thorpe for the deliverance vouchsafed at his hands, the governors 
of New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, and 
North Carolina,- addressed special letters to him " thanking him 
for the invaluable services he had rendered to the British-Amer- 
ican Provinces, congratulating him upon his success and the great 
renown he had acquired, and expressing their gratitude to the 
Supremo Governor of Nations for placing the destiny of the 
southern colonies under the direction of a General so well quali- 
fied for the important trust." 

Upon the disappearance of the Spanish forces Oglethorpe at 
once bent his energies to strengthening the fortifications at 
Frederica and repairing the damages which had been sustained 
by the southern forts. For a long time he seems to have counted 
upon a return of the expedition, and could not bring his mind 
to believe tliat the enterprise upon which so much preparation 
and money had been expended would be thus hastily and almost 
causelessly abandoned. Within a few months the Avorks upon St. 

1 Sanmol Cloako, wlio was a pris- cut the throats of those they should take 

oner on b >apl the I'rottv Nancy, taken at Georgia." 

by the ^^pauianls from the Eii'clish Harris' Complete Collection of Vnynges 

and titi,-d out for the invasion of Geor- a^rf Trwre/ji, ]ip. 342, 343. London. 1748. 

j;ia, ni.idi- oath that diiriu',' the time ^ The governor of Soutii Carolina did 

tht'v lay off tlio bar t!io Spaniards often not unite in iliese congratulations and 

'•w!u'tt«-d thoir .swonis and hild their thanks ; but the people of Tort Royal did, 

knivis t.i this (i.|K.nfni's and other Eiig- much to his chayriu. 
li.-li pri^oucrs' throatJ>, tsaviug ihey would 


Simon's, Jekyll, and Cumberland islands were more formidable 
than ever. What those additional defensive works at Frederica 
were we shall shortly see. 

Not content with having repulsed the Spaniards in their effort 
to crush the colony. General Oglethorpe was soon engaged in 
" carrying the war into Africa." Finding the enemy so strong 
in St. Augustine that they defeated all the parties of Indians 
be sent against them, ascertaining that a large detachment was 
marching towards the river St. Mattheo, and concluding that this 
was a movement to extend their quarters so as to be prejjared 
for the proper location and accommodation of reinforcements ex- 
pected from Havana in the spring, taking with him a considerable 
body of Creek warriors, a detachment from the Highland com- 
pany of rangers, and a portion of his regiment, Oglethorpe 
landed by night in Florida in March, 1743, and, moving rapidly, 
drove the enemy, with loss, within the lines of St. Augustine. 
Having disposed his command in ambush, the general, with a 
small party, advanced within sight of the town, intending to 
skirmish and draw the garrison out. The enemy declined to . 

leave their fortifications ; ^ and the English, being too weak to i 

attack, and having compelled the Spaniards to abandon their ad- ; 

vanced posts in Florida, returned, having performed the extraor- 
dinary march of ninet^'-'six miles in four days.^ This was the 
last expedition led by the general against the Spaniards.'^ 

Still persuaded that the attack upon Frederica would be re- 
newed at an early day, he continued to strengthen the southern 
frontier. Until he left Georgia on the 23d of July, 1713, never 
again to return, he resided at his cottage on St. Simon's Island. '• 


^ lu the liinguage of General Ogle- writes a Charles-Town merchant to liis ; 

thorpe, " Mc^ were so meek there was no correspondent in London, under chite .Vu- | 

provoking thein.'^ gust 10, 1743, " Georgia is a Gibraltar to j 

2 See General Oglethorpe's letters of this Province and North America, liow- { 

the 12th and 21st of March, 1743. Collec- ever insignilicant some People may make j 

tions of the Georgia Historical Societi/, it." j 

vol. iii. pp. 149, 151. Savannah. 1873. London Magazine for 1743, vol. xii, p. j 

London Magazine for 1743, vol. xii. pp. 567. j 

356, 357. While sailing iu his shallop to reoon- fi 

London Gare/^p, .July 9, 1 743. noitrc St. Augustine, the general was 3 

8 This demonstration had the effect of nearly killed by the bursting of one of « 

restraining the enemy within the linos of his cannon. A ])iecc of a sail-yard s-truek ■ 

St. Augustine ; and the active cruising of him with such violence on the luad that 
the English guard schooner and scout- the blood gushed from his ears ami nose, 
boats held in check tlio jirivatoers which lie .«oon recovered from the shuck, how- 
were in the habit of annoying the nav- ever, and remained on deck encouraging 
jgation to tlie southward. " Iu fine/' and directing his meu. 


Of all the places planted and nurtured by him, none so warmly- 
enlisted his energies and engaged his constant solicitude as this 
fortified town at the mouth of the Alatamaha. 

Upon the general's departure, William Stephens was left as 
deputy general of the colony, and Major Horton as military 
commander at Frederica. With the civil matters of the prov- 
ince the latter had no concern except where his assistance, as 
commander-in-chief of the military, was occasionally invoked to 
enforce the measures of the president and council. In such 
instances he acted with calmness and humanity, securing the 
respect and esteem of the better class of the colonists. 

On the 22d of March, 1743, the magazine at Frederica was 
blown up, to the general alarm and regret of the inhabitants. 
Although it contained at the time three thousand bombs, so well 
bedded were they but little damage occurred. A vagabond Irish- 
man was suspected of having fired the magazine.^ 

We have two descriptions of Frederica in 1743, the period of 
its greatest prosperity and importance, which we make no apology 
for transcribing. 

The first is from the lips of a captain conversant with the ap- 
pearance and condition of the town. 

Captain John MacClellan, who left Georgia on the 31st of 
January, 1743, on his arrival in England reported the colonists 
busily engaged in placing themselves in the best attitude of de- 
fense in anticipation of a second attack from the Spaniards; 
that Fort William had been fortified anew with brick work, and 
that " great numbers of ^len were employ'd in compleating the 
Fortifications at Frederica, the Walls whereof are judged strong 
enough to be Proof against Eigliteen-Pound Shot ; " that two 
towers, one at each corner of the town wall, capable of holding 
one hundred men each and designed to protect the flanks by 
means of small arms, had been erected ; that the men were "full 
of spirits and unanimous to make a vigorous Defence to the last 
Drop of Blood ; " that General Oglethorpe had been reinforced 
by two hundred men from Virginia, raised by i\Iajor Heron, 
many of whom were disciplined soldiers from Colonel Gouge's 
late regiment, anil that thirty horsemen were on their way to 
Georgia to '" recruit the Rangers." ^ 

1 Soc McCiiU's C>or;i,t, vi.l. i. p. 203. 2 London Magazine for 1743, vol. xii. 
S.T.v.annuh. ISll. (•'■ 'i'.!,vuin's Maiiazine p. 305. 
for 1744, vol. xiv. p. ;»'.'■'. I.onJon Maga- 
zine for 1744, vol. xiii. p. 359. 


The second is from the pen of an intelligent traveler, -u'ho 
made Lis observations early in 1743. It reads as follows : — 

" Frederica, on the Island of St. Simon, the chief Town in the 
Southernmost Part of the Colony of Creor^ia, is nearly in Lat : 
81° 15' North. It stands on an Eminence, if consider'd with 
regard to the Marshes before it, upon a Branch of the famous 
River Alatmnaha^ which washes the West side of this agreeable 
little Island, and, after several Windings, disembogues itself into 
the Sea at Jelcyl Sound. It forms a kind of a Bay before the 
Town, and is navigable for Vessels of the largest Burden, which 
may lie along the wharf in a secure and safe Harbour ; and may, 
upon Occasion, haul up to careen and refit, the Bottom being a 
soft oozy Clay, intermix'd with small Sand and Shells. The 
Town is defended by a pretty strong Fort of Tappy,^ which has 
several 18 Pounders mounted on a Ravelin in its Front, and 
commands the River both upwards and downwards ; and is sur- 
rounded by a quadrangular Rampart, with 4 Bastions, of Earth, 
well stockaded and turfed, and a palisadoed Ditch which include 
also the King's Storehouses, (in which are kept the Arsenal, the 
Court of Justice, and Chapel) two large and spacious Buildings 
of Brick and Timber; On the Rampart are mounted a consider- 
able Quantity of Ordnance of several sizes. The Town is sur- 
rounded by a Rampart, with Flankers, of the same Thickness 
with that round the Fort, in Form of a Pentagon, and a dr}- 
Ditch ; and since the famous attempt of the Spaniards in July 
1742,2 a^t the N. E. and S. E. Angles are erected two strong cov- 
er'd pentagonal Bastions, capable of containing 100 men each, 
to scour the Flanks with Small Arms, and defended by a Num- 
ber of Cannon ; At their Tops are Look-outs which command 
the View of the Country and the River for many miles : The 
Roofs are shingled,^ but so contriv'd as to be easily clear'd away, 
if incommodious in the Defense of the Towers. The whole Cir- 
cumference of the Town is about a ]\Iile and a Half, including, 
within the Fortifications, the Camp for General Ogletliorpe s Reg- 
iment at the North Side of the Town, the Parades on the \\ est, 

1 A mixture of lime made of Oyster- ^ Shingles are split out of many Sorts 
shells, with Sand, Small Shells, &c., of Wood, in the shajjc of TiUs, whirh, 
\ebich, when hardcn'd, is as firm as when they liave been some Time (■.N]io:<'d 
Stone. I luive ohserv'd prodigious Quan- to the Weather, ajipear of tin- C'l'lour ut 
tities of Salt I'etre to issue from Walls Slate, and have a very pretty l.iu)k ; tlie 
of this Cement. Houses in America are mostly Shinj^led. 

2 Sec Loud. Mag. 1742, pp. 461, 515, 
516, 567. 


and a small Wood to the South, which is left for Conveniency 
of Fuel and Pasture, and is an excellent ]?lind to the Enemy in 
case of an Attack ; in it is a small Magazine of Powder. The 
Town has two Gates, call'd the Land-port., and the Water-port ; 
next to the latter of which is the Guard-house, and underneath 
it the Prison for Malefactors, which is an handsome Building 
of Brick. At tlie North End are the Barracks, which is an ex- 
tremely well contriv'd Building in Form of a Square, of Tappy 
work, in which, at present, are kept the Hospital, and Spanish 
Prisoners of War : Near this was situated the Bomb Magazine 
which was blown up on March 22, 1744,^ with so surprizuigly 
little Damage.- 

" The town is situated in a large Indian Field. To the East 
it has a very extensive Savannah (wherein is the Burial Place) 
thro' which is cut a Road to the other Side of the Island, which 
is boun.dod by Woods, save here and there some openhig Glades 
into the Neighboring Savannahs and JMarshes, which much eluci- 
date the Pleasure of looking. Down this Road are several very 
commodious Plantations, particularly the very agreeable one of 
Capt. Demeri/, and that of Mr. HaivJcins. Pre-eminently appears 
Mr. 0(/Iethorpe's Settlement, which, at Distance, looks like a 
neat Country Village, where the consequences of all the various 
Industries of an Farm are seen. The Master of it has 
shewn what Application and unabated Diligence may effect in 
this Country. At the Extremity of the Road is a small Village, 
caird the German Village, inhabited by several Families of 
Saltzl>ur</hcrs, who plant and fish for their Subsistence. On the 
River Side one has the Prospect of a large Circuit of Marshes, 
terminated by the Woods on the Continent, in Form like an 
Amphitheatre, and interspersed with the Meanders of abundance 
of Crei-ks, form'd from the aforesaid River. At a Distance may 
be seen the wiiite Post at Bachelor s Redoubt, also on the 3Iain^ 
where is kej)t a gootl Look-out of Rangers. To the North ai*e 
Marshes, and a snudl Wood, at the Western Extremity of which 
are the Plantations of the late Capt. Deshrisay^ and some others 
of less note; together with a Look-out wherein a Corporal's 
Guard is stationed, and reliev'd weekly, called Pike's, on the 
Bank of the IJiver, from whence they can see Vessels a great 
way to the Northward. On the South is a Wood, which is, how- 

' S^^'i' f '■ .^/'y- 1'4I. ]i. a.'iO. they not been well lu'ddcd, would have 

= 1 b.ivf l.f,!i toKl in tliis Kxi)lo- done nmcli iliscliief. 
siou uo;ir 3,0iK) IJuiiibs bui^t, which, liiid 


ever, so far clear'd as to discover the Approach of an Enemy at 
a great Distance ; witliin it, to the Eastward, is the Plantation 
of Capt. Dunbar ; and to the Westward a Corporal's Look-out. 
The Town is divided into several spacious Streets, along whose 
sides are planted Orange Trees,^ which, in some Time, will have a 
very pretty Effect on the View, and will render the Town pleas- 
ingly shady. Some Houses are built entirely of Brick, some of 
Brick and Wood, some few of Tappy-Work, but most of the 
meaner sort, of Wood only. The Camp is also divided into sev- 
eral Streets, distinguished by the names of the Captains of the 
several Companies of the Regiment; and the Huts are built gen- 
erally of Clap-boards and Palmetto's, and are each of them capable 
to contain a Family, or Half a Dozen Single men. Here those 
brave Fellows live with the most laudable (Economy ; and tho' 
most of them when off Duty practise some Trade or Employ- 
ment, they make as fine an Appearance upon the Parade, as any 
Regiment in the King's Service ; and their exact Discipline does 
a great deal of Honour to their Officers ; They have a ^larket 
every Day ; The Inhabitants of the Town may be divided into 
Officers, Merchants, Store-Keepers, Artisans, and People in the 
Provincial Service ; and there are often, also, many Sojourners 
from the neighbouring Settlements, and from New Yorli^ Ph'ila- 
delphia and Carolina, on account of Trade. The Civil Govern- 
ment does not seem yet to be quite rightly settled by the Trus- 
tees, but is, at present, administered by three jNIagistrates, or 
Justices, assisted by a Recorder, Constables, and Ty thing 'Men. 
The Military is regulated as in all Garrison-Towns in the Brit- 
ish Dominions. In short, the whole Town, and Country adja- 
cent, are quite rurally charming, and the Improvements every- 
where around are Footsteps of the greatest Skill and Industry 
imaginable, considering its late Settlement, and the Rubs it has 
so often met with ; and as it seems so necessary for the Barrier 
of our Colonies, I am in Hopes of, one Time, seeing it taken 
more Notice of than it is at present." ^ 

For the ensuing few years, and during the retention of Ogle- 
thorpe's regiment on St. Simon's Island, but little change oc- 

1 The Inhabitants begin to plant this they had Oranc:cs enough of their own 

charming Fruit very much, and 't is to be Growth for Home Consumption, 

hop'd will banish their numerous Poach ^ 'x-'jjjg ■^vas written in the be-innini,' nf 

Trees to their Country Settlements, 1743. See London Matiitzine ior 1745, 

which are Nurseries of Muskcttos and vol. xiv. pp. 395, 39G. Compare uoUcc 

Other Verviin. Tho Season I was there, in The North-Anuriran and liir Wisi-In- 

dian Gazetteer. Louduu. 1778. 


curred in the condition of Frederica. It retained its importance 
as a military post, and was regarded as the safeguard of the 
province against Spanish invasion. The expectations, if indeed 
any were seriously entertained, of elevating this town into com- 
mercial importance were practically abandoned previous to the 
withdrawal of the troops. In fact, even before the existijig diffi- 
culties with Spain were formally accommodated, by treaty and 
it became manifest that there would in all likelihood occur no 
further serious demonstrations along the southern frontier, the 
population of Frederica began to decrease. 

The home authorities, however, were loath to acknowledge 
its manifest tendency to decadence, and for some time, by occa- 
sional reports and notices, endeavored to assure the public of the 
continued prosperity of a town which had attracted such special 
attention in connection with the progress and perils of the colony 
of Georgia. 

An article having appeared in the " Daily Gazetteer " giving 
" a most scandalous and untrue account of the present state of 
the Colony of Georgia, particularly levelled at the Southern Part 
thereof (which is the Frontier against the French and Span- 
iards)," in justice to the public, William Thomson and John 
Lawrence, Jr., who had been trading with the colony for some 
years and who had left Georgia in June, 1747, on business call- 
ing them to England, united in a card to the editor of the 
"London Magazine"^ in which they stated: "That instead of 
the false Representation of the said Gazetteer ' That only seven 
Houses were in the Town of Frederica,' the said Town has 
several Streets, in every one of which are many good Houses, 
some of Brick, some of Tappy (wliich is a Cement of Lime and 
Oyster Shells) ; Tliat the High Street is planted with Orange 
Trees and has good Houses on both sides. That the Fort, be- 
sides other Buildings, has two large Magazines three Stories high, 
and Sixty Feet long ; That there are Barracks in the Town, on 
the North side, ninety Feet Square, built of Tappy, covered with 
Cypress Shingles, and a handsome Tower over the Gateway of 
twenty Feet square ; Tliat there are two Bastion Towers, of two 
stories each, in the Hollow of the Bastions, defended on the Out- 
side with thick Earth- Works, and capable of lodging great Num- 
bers of Soldiers, the two long Sides being nearly fifty Feet, and 
the short Sides twenty-five ; And that instead of the Inhabitants 
removing from thence, several Families were come and more 

^ Vol. xvi. p. 434. 


coming from North Carolina to settle in Georgia^ who will cer- 
tainly establish themselves there unless they are prevented by 
any Fears which may arise from the Reduction of the Hungers 
and Vessels which have hitherto made that Frontier safe : That 
before the Barracks were finished, very good Clap-board Huts 
were built sufficient for the lodging of two Companies who do 
Duty at Frederica (with their Wives and Families) which by an 
Accident of Fire were lately burnt do^vn ; since which others 
have been made for married Soldiers ; and the Soldiers have the 
Privilege of cutting Timber and building Houses for their Fami- 
lies, which many have done, and thrive very well, and we know 
the Soldiers are regularly paid and kindly treated. We also cer- 
tify that there are several Farms which produce not only Indian 
Wheat and Potatoes, but English Wheat, Barley, and other 
Grain. In short. Provisions in general are plentiful. Venison, 
Beef, Pork, at Two Pence Half-Penny jjer Pound, and sometimes 
under. Fish extremely cheap." 

Upon the confirmation of the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, 
most of the troops were withdrawn from St. Simon's Island, and 
the fortifications soon began to fall into decay. 

In the departure of General Oglethorpe the province of Georgia 
lost its best benefactor, surest guide, and ablest defender. His 
return was influenced neither by rewards offered by the British 
ministry, alarmed at the rumors of an invasion by the Pretender 
and eager to conciliate the High-Church and Jacobite parties, 
nor by the treacherous accusations of Lieutenant-Colonel Cooke 
and his associates. In truth, his pecuniary resources were dried 
up, and bills which he had drawn " for his Majesty's Service '' 
had been returned dishonored to the amount of .£12,000. For 
ten years had this " Romulus, father, and founder of Georgia," 
with no end in view save the enlargement of his majesty's do- 
minion, the propagation of the Christian religion, the promotion 
of the trade of the realm, and the relief of the indigent and the 
deserving, voluntarily banished himself from the pleasures of 
court and metropolis, postponed his parliamentary duties, and 
exposed himself to dangers and privations incessant and exhaust- 
ing. Instead of gratifying himself with the pleasures and luxuries 
which his social position and fortune warranted him in enjoying, 
of his own free will and influenced by philanthropic and patriotic 
considerations of the noblest sort, he forsook his home and com- 
forts to share the lot of the emigrant ; his couch the earth, his 
shelter the canopy of the heavens. The success of the coloiuza- 


tion had been compassed not only by his encouragement, direction, 
and vahn-, but also by a liberal expenditure of his private prop- 
erty. The province was now established upon a sure basis. 
The natives were in amity with the English, and the Spaniards 
had learned a lesson they were not hkely soon to forget. He 
now returned to England in fuliilbnent of a desire earnestly enter- 
tained, but repressed because of the necessitous condition of the 
province, and in response to a leave of absence sanctioned by the 
authorities at home. His separation from the colony he regarded, 
at the time, as only temporary. Arrived in London he demanded 
that the charges preferred against him by Lieutenant-Colonel 
Cooke, of his regiment, should be immediately investigated. That 
ofHcer having named several parties as witnesses who resided in 
America, the inquiry was adjourned until the 4th of June, 1744, 
" when a Board of General Ofiicers scrutinized tlie charges article 
after article ; and after sitting three days, pronounced the whole 
to be groundless, false, and malicious." The finding of the court- 
martial was approved, and Lieutenant-Colonel Cooke was dis- 
missed from the service. In the language of Dr. Holmes ^ the 
character of General Oglethorpe " now appeared in resplendent 
light, and his contemporaries acknowledged what impartial his- 
tory must record, that to him Carolina was indebted for her 
safety and repose, as well as Georgia for her existence and pro- 

Promoted to a major-generalcy, and then to a lieutenant- 
generalcv, and finally commissioned as general in the British 
army, retaining his seat in Parliament until 1754, recognized as 
governor of the colony of Georgia until the surrender of the 
charter of the province by the trustees in 1752, and always mani- 
festing the liveliest interest in the welfare of that plantation, 
the companion and friend of Dr. Johnson, Goldsmith, Burke, 
Sir Joshua Reynolds, Miss Hannah More, Boswell, Horace Wal- 
pole, Mrs. Montague, ^Irs. Garrick, Mrs. Boscawen, Mrs. Carter, 
and of many others scarcely less distinguished for their social 
and intellectual qualities, the patron of learning, the soul of 
honor, the embodiment of loyalty and valor, and the model of 
manly grace and courtesy, he died on the 1st of July, 1785, full 
of veai-s and crowned with universal respect. The morning of 
his life had been stormy, the noon tempestuous, but the evening 
of his days was full of happiness and tranquillity. 

"1 have got a new udmirer," writes Miss Hannah More from 
I The AuitaU of America, vol. il -p. 19. Cambridge. 18-20. 


Mrs. Garrick's house in the Adelphi, " and we flirt togf^ther pro- 
digiously ; it is the famous General Oglethorpe, perhaps tlie most 
remarkable man of his time. He was foster-brother to the Pre- 
tender, and is much above ninety years old ; the finest figure of 
a man you ever saw. He perfectly realizes all my ideas of 
Nestor. His literature is great, his knowledge of the world ex- 
tensive, and his faculties as bright as ever. He is one of the 
three persons still living who were mentioned by Pope; Lord 
Mansfield and Lord JMarchmont are the other two. Pie was the 
intimate friend of Southern, the tragic poet, and all the wits of 
his time. He is perhaps the oldest man of a gentleman living. 
I went to see him the other day and he would have entertained 
me by repeating passages from Sir Eldred. He is quite a i^reux 
chevalier^ heroic, romantic, and full of the old gallantry." Dr. 
Johnson wished to write his life, and Edmund Burke regarded 
him as the most extraordinary person of whom he had ever read, 
because he had founded a province and lived to see it severed 
from the empire which created it and erected into an independent 
state. A short time before his death he paid his respects to ]Mr. 
John Adams, who had arrived in London as the first minister 
plenipotentiary of the United States of America near the Court 
of St. James. There was something peculiarly interesting in this 
interview. Pie who had planted Georgia and nurtured it during 
the earliest stages of its dependent condition as a colony held 
converse with him who had come to a royal court as the repre- 
sentative of its separate national existence. 

His body reposes within Cranham church, and a memorial 
tablet there proclaims liis excellences ; but here the Savannah 
repeats to the Alatamaha the story of his virtues and of his valor, 
and the Atlantic publishes to the mountains the greatness of his 
fame, for all Georgia is his living, speaking monument. 



Mr. "William Stephens appointed President of the Province. — CrvTL 
Establishment at Frederica. — State of the Colony. — Silk Cul- 
ture. — Increase and Thrift of the German Population. — Affairs 
at New Ebenezer. — Grape Culture. 

Upon the settlement and fortification of the southern frontier 
of the province a new county was carved out and named Frederica. 
Hitherto, Georgia had contained but one county, and tliat was 
known as Savannah. In April, 1741, Colonel William Stephens, 
who for several years had been acting in the colony as secretary 
to the trustees, was by them appointed president of the county of 
Savannah. In the administration of public affairs he was aided 
by four assistants. As General Oglethorpe spent most of his 
time in Frederica, the designation of a presiding officer for that 
division of the province was regarded as superfluous. Bailiffs 
were constituted whose duty it was, under the immediate super- 
vision of the general, to attend to the concerns of that county. 

At Augusta, Captain Richard Kent was, in November, 1741, 
commissioned as " Conservator to keep the peace in that town 
and in tlie precincts thereof." 

In anticipation of the return of General Oglethorpe to Eng- 
land, and in order to jirovide for the government of the entire 
colony, the trustees decided that the president and assistants who 
had been appointed for the county of Savannah should be pro- 
claimed ]nvsident and assistants for the whole province, and that 
the bailiffs at Frederica should be considered simply as local 
magistrates ; their powers being subordinate to those conferred 
upon the president and assistants. They further advised that the 
salary of the recorder of Frederica be raised, and that he corre- 
spond regularly with the president and assistants at Savannah, 
and transmit to them from time to time the proceedings of the 
town court, and an account of such transactions and occurrences 
in the southern part of the province as it might be necessary for 
them to know.^ 

1 Journal of the Trtis'ees, i:.3'"-l745, pp. 239, 243, 244. 


Thus, upon the departure of General Oglethorpe, he was suc- 
ceeded in the office of colonial governor by the honest-minded i 
and venerable Colonel William Stephens, whose devotion to the j 
welfare of the colony and fidelity to the instructions of the trus- s 
tees had been for more than five years well approved. ^ In asso- 
ciation with his members of council or assistants, he w\is directed j 
to hold in Savannah, each year, four terms of the general court j 
for the regulation of public affairs and the accommodation of all 
differences affecting person or propety. Public mone\'s could be j 
distributed only under warrant signed and sealed by the president j 
and a majority of his assistants in council assembled. Monthly i 
accounts were to be exhibited to the Board of Trustees showing i 
the amounts disbursed and the particular purposes to which they 
had been applied. i 

Although General Oglethorpe's regiment was retained for the j 

defense of the colony, the militia of the province was organized, • 

and all citizens capable of bearing arms were regularly trained j 

and disciplined. JMajor William Ilorton remained in commanel i 

of the troops in Georgia, with his headquarters at Frederica. In j 

the administration of the civil affairs of the province he did not j 

intervene, except where his assistance was invoked to enforce the 1 

- • i 

measures of the president and council. On all occasions he acted ! 

with prudence, calmness, and humanity, winning the esteem, cou- i 

fidence, and friendship of law-abiding citizens. ! 

Bailiffs or magistrates were commissioned in various and re- j 
mote parts of the province whose duty it was to act as " conser- j 
vators of the peace,'' hear and determine " petit causes," and ' 
commit, for trial by the general court, oft'enders whose trans- 
gressions exceeded their limited jurisdictions. ! 

The colony was still at a low ebb. The distractions caused j 

by Spanish incursions, the refusal of the trustees to permit the j 

importation and sale of rum, to sanction the introduction of slave | 

labor and to enlarge the tenure of land, and the failure of crops, | 

disheartened many and induced them to avail themselves of tlie | 

greater privileges offered in South Carolina where similar restric- | 

tions were unknown. Intent upon the cultivation of silk and | 
wine, the home authorities discouraged the tillage of rice, cotton, 
aiKl indigo, from winch profit might more readilv have been re- 
alized. The trouble lay chiefly with the English colonists ; not a 
few of whom, unaccustomed to agricultural pursuits and manual 
occupations, were easily discouraged and could illy su{)press their 
feelings of disappointment. 

* See Joaiuai of the Procctdinys in Georgia, vols. i. ii. iii. Loiiiluu. MDCC'XLTL 


Notwithstanding the losses sustained during the siege of St, 
Augustine, and the distractions consequent upon their terms of 
active service daring the hostihties between Georgia and Flor- 
ida, the Higlihinders at Darien made commendable progress and 
were, year by year, surrounding themselves with comfortable 
abodes and remunerative fields. The Salzburgers too, at Eben- 
ezer, mindful of the thrift and industry to which they had been 
accustomed at home, were prospering in many ways. Already 
were they producing more than they could consume, and a spirit 
of contentment pervaded their community. Through the assist- 
ance of friends in Germany they had been enabled to build two 
comfortable and substantial houses for public worship, one at 
New Ebenezer called Jerumlem Church, and the other, about 
four miles below, on the public road leading from that town to 
Savannah, named Zion Church. The joy experienced upon the 
dedication of these sacred buildings was soon turned to grief by 
the death of one of their faithful pastors, the Rev. Israel C. 
Gronau, who, in the supreme moments of a lingering fever, desir- 
ing a friend to support his hands uplifted in praise of the Great 
Master whom he had so long and so truthfully served, exclaimed, 
*'Come, Lord Jesus ! Amen ! ! Amen ! ! ! " and with these words, 
the last upon his lips, entered into peace. 

Rev. j\Ir. Bolzins continued to be the principal pastor and, as 
an assistant, the Rev. iMr. Lembke was associated with him. 

With that industry and patience so characteristic of them as a 
people, the inhabitants of New Ebenezer were among the earliest 
and the most persevering in their efforts to carry into practical 
operation Mr. Oglethorpe's wishes in regard to the production of 
silk. In 173G each Salzburger there was presented with a mul- 
berry-tree, and two of tlie congregation were instructed by Mrs. 
Camuse in the art of reeling. 

Under date ol May 11, 1741, Mr. Bolzius, in his journal, re- 
cords the fact that within the preceding two months twenty 
girls succeeded in making seventeen pounds of cocoons which 
were sold at Savannah for £3 8s. The same year five pounds 
were advanced by General Oglethorpe to this clerg}'man for the 
purchase of trees. With this sum he procured twelve hundred, 
and distributed tliem among the families of liis parish. 

On the 4th of December, 1742, five hundred trees were sent by 
General Ogletliorpe to Ebenezer, wntli a promise of more should 
they be needed. Near Mr. Bolzius' house a machine for the 
manufacture of raw silk was erected and the construction of a 


public Filature was contemplated. Of the eight hundred and 
forty-seven pounds of cocoons raised in the colony of Georgia in 
1747, about one half was produced by the Salzbui-gers at Eben- j 

ezer. Two years afterwards this yield was increased to seven 1 

hundred and sixty-two pounds of cocoons and fifty pounds and i 

thirteen ounces of spun silk. Two machines were in operation j 

in Mr. Bolzius' yard, capable of reeling twenty-four ounces per i 

day. It was apparent, however, that while, by ordinary labor, j 

about two shillings could be earned, scarcely a shilling per diem 1 

could be expected by one engaged in tlie manufucture of silk. | 

This fact proved so discouraghig to the colonists that, except at j 

Ebenezer, silk culture was generally relinquished. The Germans 1 

persevered, and, as the result of their energy, over a thousand j 

pounds of cocoons and seventy-four pounds and two ounces of j 

raw silk were raised in 1750, and sold for £110 steiling. Tlie | 

community was now pretty well supplied with copper basins and 
reeling machines. Considerable effort was made in England to 
attract the notice of the home government to this production of 
silk in Georgia, and to enlist in its behalf the fostering care of 
those in authority. In 1755 a paper was laid before the Lords 
of Trade and Plantations, signed by about forty eminent silk 
throwsters and weavers, declaring that "having examined about 
300 wt. of Georgia raw-silk they found it as good as the Pied- 
niontese, and better than the common Italian silks.'' Assur- 
ance was given that there was the " utmost reason to afford all 
possible encouragement for the raising of so valuable a commod- 

In 1764 fifteen thousand two hundred and twelve pounds of 
cocoons were delivered at the Filature in Savannah, then under 
the charge of Mr. Ottolenghe, of which eight thousand six hun- 
dred and ninety-five pounds were contributed by the Salzburgers. 
Two years afterwards, the production of silk in Georgia reached 
its acme, and from that time, although encouraged by Parliament, 
continued to decline until it was practically abandoned a little 
while before the inception of the Revokition. Operations at the 
FiUiture in Savannah were discontinued in 1771. Sir James 
Wright, in his message to the Commons House of Assembly, 
under date 19th of January, 1774, alludes to the fact that the 
Filature buildings were falUng into decay, and suggests tliat they 
be put to some other use. 

Disregarding the disinclination existing in otlior portions of 
1 Gentleman's Magazine for 1755, p. 185. London Magazine for 17JJ, p. ISO. 


the colony to devote much time and labor to the growing of trees 
and the manufacture of silk, the Salzburgers, incited by their 
worthy magistrate, Mr. Wertsch, redoubled their efforts, and 
in 1770, as the result of their industry, shijDped two hundred and 
ninety-one pounds of raw silk. At the suggestion of the Earl of 
Hillsborough, who warmly commended the zeal of these Germans 
and interested himself in procuring from Parliament a small sum 
to be expended in aid of the more indigent of the community, ^Ir. 
Habersham distributed among them the basins and reels then 
being in the unused public Filature in Savannah. 

" So popular had the silk business become at Ebenezer that 
Mr. Habersham, in a letter dated the oOth of March, 1772, says: 
* Some persons in almost every family there understand its pro- 
cess from the beginning to the end.' In 1771 the Germans sent 
four, hundred and thirty-eight pounds of raw silk to England, and 
in 1772 four hundred and eighty-five pounds : — all of their own 
raising. They made their own reels, which were so much es- 
teemed that one was forwarded to England as a model, and an- 
other taken to the East Indies by Pickering Robinson." i 

In the face of the distractions experienced upon the commence- 
ment of hostilities between the colonies and the mother country, 
silk culture languished even among these Germans, and was 
never afterwards revived to any considerable degree. The un- 
friendliness of climate, the high price of labor, the withdrawal 
of all bounty, which had been the chief stimulus to exertion, and 
the lai-ger profits to be derived from the cultivation of rice and 
cotton, combined to interrupt silk-raising, and, in the end, caused 
its total abandonment. 

The construction of a bridge over Ebenezer Creek materially 
promoted the interests and the convenience of those residing at 
Ebenezer, and the erection of churches at Bethany and Goshen, 
the former about live miles northwest of Ebenezer, and the latter 
some ten miles below and near the road leading to Savannah, 
indicated tlie gnnvtii of the German plantations along the line 
of tlie Savannali River. 

The setthMnent at Bethany was effected in 1751 by John Gerar 
William Delirahm, who there located one hundred and sixty 
Germans. Eleven months afterwards these colonists were joined 
by an equal number, " tlie Relations and Acquaintance of the 
former." The Sal/.burgers then numbered about fifteen hundred 

1 Silk Cidturr in G^onjia, by Dr. Stevens. Harris' Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 
410,411. Bo.-iUm. 1841. 


souls.^ Alluding to the location and growth of these planta^ 
tions, and the agricultural pursuits of their cultivators, Surveyor- I 
General DeBrahm says : " The German Settlements have since | 
Streatched S : Eastwardly about 32 miles N : W-ward from the I 
Sea upon Savannah Stream, from whence they extend up the j 
same Stream through the whole Salt Air Zona. They culti- j 
vate European and American Grains to Perfection ; as Wheat, | 
Rye, Barley, Oats ; also Flax, Hemp, Tobacco and Rice, Indigo, | 
Maize, Peas, Pompions, Melons — they plant Mulberry, Apple, i 
Peach, Nectorins, Plumbs and Quince Trees, besides all manner j 
of European Garden Herbs, but, in particular, they Chose the 
Culture of Silk their principal Object, in which Culture they i 
made such a Progress, that the Filature, which is erected in the l 
City of Savannah could atford to send in 1768 to London 1,084 ^ 
Pounds of raw Silk, equal in Goodness to that manufactured in 
Piemont; but the Bounties to encourage that ^Manufactory "being- 
taken off, they discouraged, dropped their hands from that Cul- | 
ture from year to year in a manner, that in 1771 its Product was \ 
only 290 Pounds in lieu of 1,404, which must have been that 
year's Produce, had this Manufactory been encouraged to increase 
at a 16 years rate. In lieu of Silk they have taken under more | 
Consideration the Culture of Maize, Rice, Indigo, Hemp & To- i 
bacco: But the Vines have not as yet become an Object of their j 
Attention, altho' in the Country especially over the German Set- | 
tlements, Nature makes all the Promises, yea gives yearly full 1 
Assurances of her Assistance, by her own Endeavours producing ! 
Clusture Grapes in Abundance on its uncultivated Vines : yet 1 
there is no Person, who will listen to her Addresses, and cfive her I 

the least Assistance, notwitliatanding many of the Inhabitants j 

are refreshed from the Sweetness of her wild Productions. The 
Culture of Indigo is brought to the same Perfection here, as in i 

South Carolina, and is manufactured through all the Settlements I 

from the Sea Coast, to the Extent of the interior Country." ^ | 

On the 19th of November, 1765, the Ebenezer congregation was | 

called upon to mourn the loss of its venerable spiritual guide, the ! 

Rev. Mr. Bolzius, who had been at once teacher and mafristrato, 
counselor and friend, during the thirty years of poverty and pri- 
vation, labor and sorrow, hope and joy, passed in the wilds of 
Georgia. He was interred, amid the lamentations of his people, 
in the cemetery near Jerusalem Church and no stone marks his 

1 History of the Province of Georgia, * History of thr Prnriurr of Geortjia, 
etc., p. 20. Worinsloe. 1S49. etc. p]). 21, 22. Wonnsloe. 1849. 


After his demise the conduct of the society devolved upon 
Messrs. Lembke and Rabenliorst. This involved not only the 
spiritual care of the people, but also the preservation and proper 
management of the mill-establishments and public property be- 
longing to the Ebenczer Congregation. " These two faithful 
men," writes the Rev. P. A. Strobel,i "labored harmoniously 
and successfully in the discharge of their heavy civil and religious 
obligations, and gave entire satisfaction to those with whose inter- 
ests they were intrusted." During their administration the large 
brick house of worship, known as Jerusalem Church, was built. 
The materials used in its construction were, for the most part, 
supplied by the Salzburgers, while the funds necessary to defray 
the cost of erection were contributed by friends in Germany. 

Upon the death of Mr. Lembke, the Rev. Christopher F. 
Triebner "was sent over by the religious fathers in Germany as 
an adjunct to Mr. Rabenhorst. Being a young man of talents, 
but of an impetuous and ambitious disposition, he soon raised 
such a tumult in the quiet community that all the efforts of the 
famous Dr. Muhlenburg, who was ordered on a special mission to 
Ebenezer in llli to heal the disturbances -which had arisen, 
barely saved the congregation from disintegration. The schism 
was, however, finally cured, and peace was restored." For the 
better government of the society, articles of discipline were pre- 
pared by Dr. Muhlenburg, which were formally subscribed by 
one hundred and twenty-four male members. This occurred at 
Jerusalem Church on the 16th of January, 1775, and affords sub- 
stantial evidence of the strength of the congregation. 

The property belonging to the church, according to an inven- 
tory made by Dr. Muhlenburg in 1775, consisted of the following 
items : — 

"1. In the hands of Pastor Rabenhorst a capital of £300 
16s. 5i. 

" 2. In the hands of John Casper Wertsch, for the store, X300. 

" 3. In the mill treasury, notes and money, £229 16s. 2d. 

"4. Pastor Triebner has some money in hands, (,£400), the 
application of which has not been determined by our Reverend 

"5. Belonging to the Church is a Negro Boy at Mr. John 
Floerls', and a Negro Girl at ]\Ir. David Steiner's. 

" 6. A town-lot and an out-lot, of which Mr. John Triebner 
has the grant in his hands. 

1 Tiie iHaiuburiiers and their Descendants, etc., p. 149. Ballimorc. 1S55. 


" 7. An inventory of personal goods in the mills belonging to 
the estate. 

" 8. And, finally, real estate, with the mills, 925 acres of land." 

Including certain legacies from private individuals and dona- 
tions from patrons of the colony in Germany, ifc is conjectured 
that this church property was then worth not much less than 
twenty thousand dollars. 

So long as the congregation at Ebenezer preserved its integrity, 
direct allegiance to the parent church in Germany was acknowl- 
edged, its precepts, orders, and deliverances were obeyed, its I 
teachers welcomed and respected, and accounts of all receipts, | 
disbursements, and important transactions regularly rendered. j 
Its pastors continued to be charged with the administration of 
affairs, both spiritual and temporal, and were the duly constituted 
custodians of all church funds and property. Upon their arri- | 
"val in Georgia these Salzburgers, wearied with persecutions and \ 
stripped of the small possessions which were once theirs, were | 
at first quite dependent upon public and private charity for bare t 
subsistence. They were then unable, by voluntary contributions, j 
to sustain their pastors and teachers and to build churches. i 
Foreign aid arrived, however, from time to time, and this was \ 
supplemented in a small yet generous way by the labor of the i 
parishioners and by such sums and articles as could be spared • 
from their slow accumulations. With a view to providing for ! 
the future, all means thus derived were carefully invested for the j 
benefit of church and pastor. This system was maintained for | 
more than fifty years, so that in the course of time not only were i 
churches erected, but reasonable provision was made for clergy- j 
man, teacher, and orphan. The education of youths was not ! 
neglected; and DeBi'ahni assures us tluit in his day a library had | 
been accumulated at Ebenezer in which "could be had Books j 
wrote in the Caldaic, Hebrew, Arabec, Siriac, Coptic, Malabar, I 
Greek, Latin, French, German, Dutch and Spanish, beside the { 
English, viz : in thirteen Languages." ^ ! 

The efi'orts of the trustees to encourage the cultivation of the | 

grape proved even more futile than those expended in the pro- I 

duction of silk. No practical results were reached except such 
as entailed loss and disappointment. From the experiment of 
Abraham DeLyon, who procured vines from Portugal and planted 
them upon his garden-lot in Savannah, much good was antiripated. 
Although encouraged by the trustees, the business did not expand 
1 ULstorij of the Province of Georgia, etc., p. 24. Wuruisloe. 1849. 


into proportions sufficient to claim public attention, and the col- 
ony, as a wine-producing community, proved an utter failure. 

As illustrating the early hopes entertained, and as presenting 
the only picture of a Georgia colonial vineyard which has been 
handed down to us, we reproduce the following from Colonel Wil- 
liam Stephens' "Journal of Proceedings in Georgia:"^ "Tues- 
day, December 6th, 1737. x\fter dinner walked out to see v/hat 
Improvement of Vines were made by one Mr. Lyon a Portngese 
Jew^ which I had heard some talk of ; and indeed nothing had 
given me so much Pleasure since my Arrival as what I found 
here ; though it was yet (if I may say it properly), only a Minia- 
ture, for he had cultivated only for two or three Years past about 
half a Score of them which he received from Portugal for an Ex- 
periment; and by his Skill and Management in pruning &c. they 
all bore this Year very plentifully a most beautiful, large Grape 
as big as a Man's Thumb, almost pellucid, and Bunches exceed- 
ing big ; all which was attested by Persons of unquestionable 
Credit (whom I had it from) but the Season now would allow 
me only to see the Vines they were gathered from, which w^ere 
so flourishing and strong that I saw one Shoot, of this last Year 
only, which he allowed to grow from the Poot of a bearing Vine, 
as big as my Walking-Cane, and run over a few Poles laid to 
receive it, at least twelve or fourteen Foot, as near as I could 
judge. From those he has raised more than a Hundred, which 
he has planted all in his little Garden behind his House at about 
four Foot Distance each, in the Manner and Form of a Vineyard : 
They have taken Root and are about one Foot and a half high ; 
the next Year he says he does not doubt raising a Thousand more, 
and the Year following at least five Thousand. I could not be- 
lieve (considering the high Situation of the Town upon a Pine Bar- 
ren, and the little Appearance of such Productions in these little 
Spots of Ground annexed to the House) but that he had found 
some proper Manure wherewith to improve the sandy Soil ; but 
he assured me it was nothing but the natural Soil, without any 
other Art than his Planting and Pruning which he seemed to set 
some Value on from his Experience in being bred among the 
Vineyards in Portuf/al ; and, to convince the World that he in- 
tends to pursue it from the Encouragement of the Soil proving 
so proper for it, ho has at this Time hired four Men to clear and 
prepare as much Land as they possibly can upon his forty-five 
Acre Lot, intending to convert every Foot of the whole that is fit 
» Vol. i. p. 48. Loudou. MDCCXLLL 


for it into a Vineyard: though he complains of his present Ina- 
bility to be at such an Expence as to employ Servants for Hire. 
From hence I could not but reflect on the small Progress that has 
been made hitherto in propagating vines in the publick Garden 
where, the Soil being the same, it must be owing to the Unskil- 
fulness or Negligence of those who had undertaken that Charge." 


Oglethorpe's Ixtercourse yarn and Influence over the Indian Na- 
tions. — Plot of Christian Priber. — Explosion of the Bomb-Mag- 
azine AT Frederica. — Mary INIusgrove. — Thomas Bosomworth. — 
Memorial of Mary Bosomworth. — Malatche Opiya proclaijied 
King. — Hostile Demonstration on the Part of Mary Bosomworth, 
HER Husband, and a Large Eetinue of Indians. — Adjustment of 
the Bosomworth Claim. 

DUEING General Oglethorpe's residence in Georgia amicable 
relations were maintained between the colonists and the Indians. 
Traffic was conducted upon an equitable basis, and all complaints 
were patiently considered and satisfactorily adjusted. Wherever 
cessions of territory occurred, the rights of the natives to reserved 
lands were duly respected. Any assistance rendered by the ab- 
origines was acknowledged, and generous compensation allowed 
for their services, whether in war or in peace. Most potent was 
the influence exerted by General Oglethorpe over the Creeks, 
the Cherokees, and neighboring nations. So upright and liberal 
was he in all his intercourse with them, so far removed from 
deceit, injustice, and cruelty, so frank, manly, and confiding in 
Lis conduct and utterances, so opposed to everything savoring 
of meanness or duplicity, that these primitive peoples regarded 
him with rt-speet and affection. To his expressed wishes they 
responded promptly, whether they related to a grant of land, the 
transmission of intelligence, or a detail of warriors to aid him in 
his operations against the Spaniards in Florida. The friendship 
of these Indians was readily won, and at that early day they 
were observant of plighted faith. Invaluable were they to the 
general in keeping him advised of the secret machinations of the 
Spaniards and French, and in assisting him to subvert the plans 
of liis adversaries. *' We love him," responded the Creek chief 
Similly to the Spaniards, as they endeavored to seduce him from 
his alliance with Oglethorpe, " because he gives us everything 
we want that he has. He has given me the coat off his back 
and tlie blanket from muler him." Beyond doubt a liberal dis- 
tribution of presents and a constant care exercised in relieving 


their wants, contributed in no small degree to the acquisition and 

retention of the friendship of these sons of the forest. However i 

much we may be inclined to criticise the conduct of this native j 

race Avhen demoralized by contact with the vices of Europeans, j 

cheated by traders, despoiled of their ancient domains, and in- i 

flamed by outrage, robbery, and murder, it must be admitted i 

that in the beginning the Indians were hospitable, kind, and i 

generous. In an hour of feebleness and want they were stanch ' 

friends of the colony of Georgia. During all the early years of ; 

its existence the province suffered no violence at the hands of ; 

the original proprietors of the soil. Let this fact be remembered ; 

with gratitude, and let it not be forgotten that General Ogle- ; 

thorpe, by his wisdom, justice, moderation, and liberality, was I 

largely instrumental in bringing about and maintaining this for- ; 

tunate state of affairs. j 

While he was engaged in warding off the heavy blow deliv- I 

ered by the Spaniards against St. Simon's Island, a dangerous j 

plot was discovered which seriously menaced the security of the i 

Southern provinces. i 

In 1736 a German Jesuit, named Christian Priber, was em- ; 

ployed by the French to alienate the Cherokees from th(/ir affil- ; 

iation with the English. Proceeding to the chief town of the ] 

nation he there assumed the garb of an Indian, acquired the j 

Cherokee language, familiarized himself with the customs of that I 

people, and by his superior address and intelligence succeeded in i 

winning general favor. Rendering himself eminently useful in i 

the employments both of peace and war, he acquired an ascen- | 

dency over the minds of the Cherokees and neighboring tribes i 

which amounted almost to absolute sway. Then it was that he i 

revealed his dire hatred of the English, and strove to bring about j 

an open rupture between the Indians and the provinces of South j 

Carolina and Georgia. Acting upon his suggestion, the chief j 
of the Cherokees was crowned king of the confederated towns. 
Pompous titles were conferred upon the head men and distin- 
guished warriors, and Priber himself was appointed royal secre- 
tary to the king of the Cherokees. Under this official title he 
corresponded with the Indian agents and the colonial authorities. 
His communications were insulting and dictatorial. They spoke 
of the native rights of the Indians and of their resolution to 
repossess themselves of ceded territory. They breathed love for 
the French and hatred of the Enfrlish. Warned of the career of 
this strange person, and of the prejudicial intluonce he was ex- 


erting upon the Cherokee nation, the authorities of South Car- 
olina dispatched Colonel Fox to demand him of the Cherokees. 
This otiicer was courteously received and led into the great 
square where stood the council house of the tribe. There, to his 
surprise and regret, he perceived that the person whom he had 
come to arrest was treated on all sides with the greatest respect, 
and was surrounded by a strong body-guard. His errand having 
been announced, with his demand the Indians refused to com- 
ply, and Colonel Fox was ordered to withdraw himself from the 
Cherokee territory, Priber offering a detail from his body-guard 
to insure the safe conduct of the English officer. In 1743, how- 
ever, while journeying toward Mobile, unarmed and attended 
by only a few warriors, he was arrested at Tallipoose Town by 
some traders, and sent down, with all his papers, under strong 
Indian guard, to Frederica,