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THE GERMAN PEOPLE
VOL. XI.
Demy Svo. 25s. per 2 Vols.
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE at the
Close of the Middle Ages. By Johannes Janssen.
Vols. I. and II. translated by M. A. Mitchell and
A. M. Christie.
Vols. III.— XII. translated by A. M. Christie.
LONDON :
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. Ltd.
HISTORY OF THE
GERMAN PEOPLE
AT THE CLOSE OF
THE MIDDLE AGES
By Johannes Janssen
vol. XL
ART AND POPULAR LITERATURE
TO THE BEGINNING OF THE
TPIIRTY YEARS' WAR
TRANSLATED BY A. M. CHRISTIE
LONDON
KEGAN PAUL. TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO. LTD.
DRYDEN HOUSE, GERRARD STREET, W.
1907
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.
These Volumes (XI. and XII.) are translated from
Vol. VI. of the German [Fifteenth and Sixteenth Editions,
improved and added to by Ludivig Pastor].
<■ rights of transltXi reproduction are reserved.)
EDITOR'S PREFACE
The principles which guided me in compiling the new
editions of Janssen's ' History of the German People '
have been explained in my Preface to the Thirteenth and
Fourteenth edition of Vol. V. While referring to what
is there written, I may add that for the present edition
of Vol. VI. I have also numerous manuscript notes
by the late author. In addition to these I could also
insert many verbal utterances made to me by Janssen
in July 1891, when I had lengthy talks with my
never-to-be-forgotten instructor and friend, especially
with regard to the alterations to be made in the first
book of Vol. VI. (English, Vol. XL). Particulars of
these conversations I noted down on the spot. As in
Vol. V., so in the present one, Vol. VI. , I have, as far
as possible, indicated my own notes and emendations
by double asterisks (**).
For valuable contributions to the new edition of
this present volume, I wish to express my heartiest
thanks to the distinguished Professor (now Bishop of
Rottenburg) P. W. v. Keppler, to Professor Wackernell
vi HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
of Innsbruck, to Dr. Baiimker of Zurich, and Dr.
Bertram of Hildesheim, and also to my dear friends
Nicholas Paulus at Munich and the Rev. Joseph Graen
at Hildesheim.
Ludwig Pastor.
Innsbruck : January 6, 1893-September 8, 1900.
CONTENTS
OF
THE ELEVENTH VOLUME
BOOKS I AND II
CIVILISATION AND CULTURE OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
FROM THE END OF THE MIDDLE AGES TO THE BEGIN-
NING OF THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR
INTRODUCTION PAGE
General Survey of the Conditions of Culture and
Civilisation 1
BOOK I
PLASTIC ART, MUSIC, AND CHURCH HYMNS
CHAPTER
I. Survey of Plastic Art in the Middle Ages . . . .17
Aim and task of this art — Its position in the Church and in
public life — Gothic art — It did not repudiate nature, but gave
it a higher consecration — The Flemish-German schools —
Change in the nature of German art, 17-27.
II. Influence of the Religious Revolution on Plastic Art —
Anti-Art Doctrines and Iconoclasm — Art Life begins
to Decay 28
Zwinglians and Calvinists against Christian art — Iconoclastic
riots in Switzerland, in the South German imperial towns, in
the Palatinate, and so forth, 28-33.
Luther on the abolition of images — Destruction of images by
Lutheran rulers — Preachers on the destruction of churches,
34-38.
Luther's attitude towards Christian art, 38-42.
Reasons why the decay of art life set in — Utterances of Pro-
testant contemporaries — The life of Hans Holbein the Younger
viii HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER PACE
gives a vivid insight into the effects of the religious revolu-
tion— Dogmatising pictures by Lucas Cranach, 43-52.
ITT. Art in the Service of Sectarian Polemics .... 53
Caricatures and libellous pictures — Nicholas Manuel — Innumer-
able woodcuts against ' the accursed, devilish pope race ' —
Luther on the influence of such pictures — Lucas Cranach's
picture of the Pope — His numerous imitators — With the ex-
pression of hatred is combined a preference for the vulgar and
the indecent, 53-64.
Polemics introduced into the illustrated editions of the Bible
and the explanations of the Apocalypse, 64-65.
Whole collections of caricatures and libellous pictures — Polemical
pictures even in the churches— Polemical manifestations on the
part of the Catholics, 65-71.
Other causes of the corruption of German art, 71-77.
IV. Influence of the Newly Introduced ' Antique-Italian '
Art — Its Character and its Productions
Section I. : Inner Relationship of the Old Indigenous
Art to the Genuine Antique — The Influence of the
Degenerate Antique — The Italian Renaissance and
German Art 78
Wherein this inner relationship consisted, and how it manifested
itself in the master works of the Greek and German golden
epochs — Art and handicraft — Architectonic ornamentation in
both epochs, 78-82.
Inner relationship of the degenerate Graeco-Roman art and the
' antique-Italian manner ' imported into Germany, 82-87.
Towards the understanding of the Italian Renaissance — Michael
Angelo and Raphael — The cult of the nude and the desecra-
tion of religious art, 87-93.
Art sinks into being a servant of the great people and the courts
— The outward position of artists changes — Diirer's impressions
in Venice, 93-96.
Difference between the Italian and the German Renaissance —
The latter destitute of any national foundation, only an after-
birth of the Italian — The most fundamental cause of the
degeneracy of the new art-method in Germany — Renaissance
and reformation, 96-100.
V. Section II. : Art Writers in Support of the Antique-Italian
Method 101
Influence of the learned researches of Diirer on the Italianisation
of art — The great master Vitruvius — Diirer's designs for three
monuments, 101-104.
CONTENTS OF THE ELEVENTH VOLUME IX
CHAPTER PAGE
Walter Rivius (1547-1548) fashions the cradle of the German
Zopf — His artistic inventions — Wendel Dietterlein (1591-1592),
the grand-master of the baroque style — A veritable archi-
tectonic Hell-Breughel, 104-111.
VI. Section III. : Architecture and Sculpture after the
Antique-Italian Manner — Ostentation of the Great
People and the Nobles 112
The new German architecture had no style of its own, least of
all a national one — Antique modes of decoration— The so-
called mixed style — The metal-work style — Aimlessness in all
directions, 112-117.
Ecclesiastical architecture in Catholic Germany — Protestant
church buildings, 117-124.
The secular architecture the plainest index of the existing condi-
tions of culture — That whereon most art and outward splendour
were lavished — The Pellerhaus at Nuremberg — The fine
buildings of the princes devour the substance of the people —
Buildings erected by Cardinal Albert of Brandenburg —
The ' Otto-Henry building ' at Heidelberg — Buildings in
Saxony— The Plassenburg — Buildings in Stuttgart — In Tyrol
—The ' New Residence ' at Munich, 125-136.
Sculpture — Only a few striking specimens — Mannerism and un-
naturalness — Innumerable show-sepulchres — Italian artists in
Germany — ' Soul-stirring conceptions '—The cemetery at Halle,
136-144.
Large pretentious fountains, chiefly affected in taste — Statues as
mere ornaments — Nude pagan figures in private apartments,
144-148.
VII. Section IV. : Painting — Court Painters to Princes . . 149
Only a few masters of importance : Bartholomew Brunn, Martin
Schaffner, Adam Elzheimer, 149-152.
Decay of glass-painting — Distinguished cabinet glass -painters in
Switzerland — Influence of the ' antique-Italian learning ' —
Complaints of faulty work, 153-155.
Dutch painting Italianised — Dutch portrait painters — ' Schiitzen
and Regentenbilder ' — Peter Paul Rubens, 156-161.
Court painters to the Emperor Rudolf II. and at Munich : John
of Aachen, Bartholomew Spranger, Hans Muelich, Christopher
Schwarz — Their salaries, 161-165.
A characteristic letter of instructions for a Brunswick court
painter — Portrait painting — What remuneration the painters
received for their work, 165-171.
VIII. Section V. : Copper Engraving and Woodcuts . . .172
How long these both retained artistic importance— Diircr's pupils,
172-174.
X HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER PAGE
Anton von Worms, Virgil Solis, Tobias Stimmer, and Jost
Amman — Woodcuts in books of religious instruction and
devotion — Bible pictures — Amman's ' Wappen- und Stamm-
buch ' — Deterioration of every form of style, 175-180.
IX. Section VI. : The Minor Arts and Art-Handwork . .181
They take the foremost place in artistic work — The goldsmith's
art and the chief seats of its activity — Wenzel and Christopher
Jamnitzer — Anton Eisenhut— The armourer's art — Artistic
carpentry — Degeneracy of the decorative art — Leather orna-
ment— The art potter Augustine Hirsvogel — ' Cunning in-
genuities ' and ' wonderful curiosities,' especially at Nurem-
berg, 181-196.
X. Section VII. : Art Collections of Princes . . . .197
Duke Albert I. of Bavaria as art collector — What large sums
he spent — Complaints of the Provincial Estates — The Em-
peror Rudolf's museum of treasures and wonders at Prague —
His sense of art, 197-206.
XL Naturalism in Religious Art and in the Representation
from the Life of the People — Absurdity and Vulgarity 207
Religious subjects and sacred persons also treated in a mundane
fashion — Contemporary men and women figure as sacred
characters — Corruption of religious art — Christian and mytho-
logical pictures side by side— Coats of arms in churches, 207-
212.
Nudities in religious pictures — Scenes from the Old Testament
used for shameless representations, notably by the so-called
' Kleinmeisters ' — Moral deterioration in the ornamentation of
books, 212-218.
Treatment of the ' four last things of man ' — Representation of
the bad and the repulsive in religious art — The devil's artists —
The painting of hell torments, 218-222.
Character of art in the treatment of secular matters — Repre-
sentation of outbreaks of grossest sensuality — Bad women a
favourite theme — Things ' wonderful and terrible in heaven
and earth ' — The pictures of John Herold and John George
Schenck of Grafenberg — Abortions — The horrible and the
gruesome — Pictures of witches — Representation of tortures and
executions, 222-232.
Indecency in art — Nudities and love scenes in profusion —
Utterances of contemporaries, 232-238.
The deterioration of art goes hand-in-hand with the demoralised
lives of many of the artists — Examples, notably from the
' Schilderbuch ' of Karl van Mander, 238-241.
CONTENTS OF THE ELEVENTH VOLUME xi
CHAPTER PAGE
XII: Music, Church Hymns, and Sacred Song .... 242
The greatest masters of the art of music — Louis Senfl —
Orlandus Lassus, 242-246.
Composers of the second rank, 246-247.
Attempt at a ' rebirth ' of ancient music — German pupils of the
Venetians — Hans Leo Hasler, 247-249.
Contemporaries on the decline and deterioration of Church song,
249-252.
Protestant composers : John Eccard, John Walther, 252-253.
Luther's work on behalf of Church song — Pre-Lutheran German
hymns — Luther's new Church hymns, 253-258.
Character of Protestant hymns — Single examples — Hymns of
Hans Sachs and John Fischart, 258-269.
Nicholas Selnekker and other composers of sacred songs —
Hymns of the Anabaptists and the Bohemian-Moravian
Brothers, 269-273.
New modes of feeling and expression by John Mathesius,
Bartholomew Ringwalt, and Henry Knaust, 273-274.
Old Catholic hymns used by the Protestants, 274-277.
Protestant hymns in Catholic hymnals — Objects aimed at by the
hymnals — Catholic poets of new hymns — Catholic writers of
new hymns — Different examples — Caspar Ulenberg against
Protestant hymn-books, 277-283.
Polemical hymns and sacred songs by Protestant writers —
Opposed by Catholic hymns — Polemical Catholic hymns — The
chief polemical hymnologists among the Protestants, 284-295.
BOOK II
POPULAR LITERATURE
I. Folksong — Songs for Occasions and ' High Princely
Court Poetry ' — Meistersinging — Hans Sachs . . . 297
General remarks on folksong — Wine and drinking songs —
Amorous songs — Complaints of contemporary writers — Collec-
tions of songs — Introduction of Italian forms and melodies —
Singular mixture of languages — Popular poetry lapses into
barrenness, 297-309.
Songs for occasions of joy or sorrow — ' Professional court poetry '
— Special representatives of this poetry — The ' Lustgart neuer
deutscher Poeterei ' (Pleasure garden of new German poetry)
by Matthew Holzwart, 309-314.
Meistersinging and its deterioration — Hans Sachs — His utter-
xii HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHATTER PAGH
ances on the moral, religious, and social conditions, on the
decay of Germany, on the princes and the nobles, 315-328.
Decadence of his poetry, 329-330.
II. Satires and Lampoons — Pictures of the Time and its
Morals. — John Fischart and his Defence of the Per-
secution of Witches 331
General remarks — Thomas Murner and his satires — ' Narren-
beschworung ' and ' Schelmenzunft '—He foresees the religious,
political, and social revolution — Lashes clerical abuses — His
xitterances on the position of the peasants — Robber knights
and the Bundschuh, 331-339.
Murner against the religious-social revolution — His poem ' Von
dem grossen lutherischen Narren ' (the great Lutheran fool),
339-341.
The vindication of Murner by later Protestant historians of
literature, 342-344, note.
Ulrich von Hutten's firebrand writings — His summons to a war
of religion— The ' Neuer Karsthans,' 344-347.
Innumerable lampoons and satires — Remarks of the Superinten-
dent George Nigrinus on these — ' Das Papstisch Reich,' by
Burchard Waldis, for the instruction of youth — A ' Hand-
booklet of the Papists,' ' Der Barfiisser Monche Eulenspiegel
unci Alkoran,' by Erasmus Alber — Mocking travesties of Bible
stories, 344-357.
The Catholic controversial poet, Hans Salat — His ' Triumph of
the Helvetian Hercules ' — John Engerd's illustration of the
name Luther — John Nas on the Antichrist as the ' chief of
all heretics,' 357-362.
Pictures of the age and its morals — Bartholomew Ringwalt's
• Lauter Wahrheit ' — His utterances on the Catholic past —
on the robbery of Church goods — Invectives against the Holy
Mass, 363-369.
John Fischart and his satirical poems — How he exploited the
popular love of wonders for vilification of the papacy — His
utterances on the causes of general schism — Holy Scripture still
only a ' conjuror's bag ' — His ' Geschichtklitterung ' depicts
the whole demoralised condition of the period — His defence of
the most brutal persecution of witches in a work destined for
the whole nation, 369-388.
Hippolytus Guarinoni, 389.
Transition to dramatic literature, 389-391.
Index of Places 393
Index of Persons .... . 398
HISTOEY
OF
THE GERMAN PEOPLE
AT THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES
BOOKS I AND II
CIVILISATION AND CULTURE OF THE GERMAN
PEOPLE FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE
AGES TO THE BEGINNING OF THE THIRTY
YEARS' WAR
INTRODUCTION l
When at the beginning of the Thirty Years' War
the Margrave Joachim Ernest wrote to Christian of
Anhalt, ' We have the means in hand for overturn-
ing the world,' Germany was a very different country
from what it had been a hundred years before.
During the course of a century it had undergone an
almost entire change, both in inward character and
outward aspect, in every part of its existence ; and
the reason of this lay in its separation from its own
past, in the violent breach which had taken place
1 The references for the quotations follow later on, where that which
is only briefly indicated here is given in fuller detail.
VOL. XL B
2 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
with all the traditions of former times. Not only
had a vast preponderating majority of the German
people lost all genuine and loyal-hearted trust in the
ancient faith of their forefathers, but this faith had
actually come to be denounced as idolatry and
blasphemy. ' The devil,' it was declared, ' was the
inventor of the papacy,' and ' the works of the
papacy ' had ' originated in hell.' All mediaeval
achievements in spiritual and intellectual fields were
reckoned as fruits of darkness. The fiercest fire of
religious hatred blazed abroad, and Germany became
gradually filled with a spirit of theologising savage-
ness and barbarity which had the effect of under-
mining all strongholds of faith among the people,
of obscuring the moral judgment of the nation, and
of bringing learning and art into contempt and ruin.
Keason was pronounced by the leading theologian
of the day to be ' a whore of the devil.'
While nominally seeking to throw off the ' foreign
Roman yoke ' in matters of religion, Germany fell more
and more under the tyranny of the foreign Byzantine
rule for slaves, under the bondage of foreign art,
foreign morality, foreign customs and culture. ' They
talk still a great deal about the unchristian Italian
papacy, which was laid on the necks of our fore-
fathers, and which closed the lips of all honest
Germans,' wrote an honourable and patriotically
minded preacher in the year 1603, ' but if these same
forefathers could now see the shoals of German
jackanapes who gaze admiringly, with wide-open
mouths, at all Italian and French foolery, they would
not have hands enough wherewith to box the ears
of those same Kelto-Germans.'
INTRODUCTION 3
Submerged in a flood of foreign influences, the
German mind lost all power of rousing itself to con-
structive independence, till at last Germany, after
a long period of intellectual subservience to its
neighbour countries, fell a hopeless victim to them
in a thirty years' war of extermination. What
Sebastian Brant had foretold towards the end of the
fifteenth century was now fulfilled :
Such tumult everywhere is brewing,
Such gruesome happenings occur,
As though the world were doomed to ruin ;
On stilts the Roman Empire strides
And German honour overrides.
In consequence of the general ' hurly-burly ' the
Roman Empire of the German nation had already,
before the beginning of the Thirty Years' War, lost
its world-prestige, and was scarcely to be reckoned as
one of the great European Powers.
Under the Emperor Maximilian I, Switzerland had
severed itself from Germany. During the reign
of Charles V. the Prussian territory of the Teutonic
Knights had become a Polish fief, and in the West,
France had taken possession of the three strongest
frontier fortresses. Under the succeeding Emperors
the three great frontier strongholds in the North-East
fell to the Russians ; Spaniards and Hollanders set
themselves up as ' Lords on the Rhine,' the Hollanders
indeed as ' principal rulers in the Empire,' while the
Emperors stood powerless and helpless before the
princes, and had become tributaries to the Turks,
who pressed on ever further and further. In league
with foreign nations, German princes again and again
plotted the complete annihilation of the Empire, and
B 2
4 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the betrayal of the Empire into the hands of foreign
potentates.
' The Roman Empire, at first mighty and iron,'
wrote Lambert Floridus Plieninger in 1583, ' has
become earthen and weak, is reduced to the utmost
extremity, besieged and attacked by all the surround-
ing kingdoms ; the tale of the Roman Emperors is
drawing to an end.' On the other hand, ' every
prince and lord is as a king in his own land, and it is
his privilege to deal with and command his subjects
as he likes and as seems good to him both in matters
of religion and in civil affairs.'
The princes of the Empire had built up their
might on the ruins of the Empire ; they had known
how to turn to their own advantage all the religious,
political, and social movements of the century, and
had acquired by degrees almost entire control over
the destiny of the nation.
Those of the princes who had attached them-
selves to the ' new evangel ' had known how to make
the latter subservient to their own special ends.
In the character of ' chief bishops with supreme and
unlimited authority ' they displayed an immeasurable
degree of arbitrariness in all ecclesiastical matters.
They assumed the same ' complete control over the
faith and consciences of their people as over bridges,
roads and footpaths.' And in all this they had the
support of Protestant theologians and preachers,
who themselves sanctioned, by formal declarations,
the authority of the princes over the ' free-born '
Church, and kept up continuous agitation against
the ; Roman Antichrist.' At the same time ' they
had everywhere ample means for realising what sort
INTRODUCTION 5
of judgment was deserved by the political Antichrist
of the evangelical rulers ; ' Johann Valentin Andrea
was not the only person who declared the Csesaro-
papacy to be an invention of the devil.
Dire were the effects of this Caesaro-papacy
on the people. Seizure and squandering of Church
property followed in its train, and worked most
injuriously against the welfare of the people and
the economy of the nation. Over against the
numerous Protestant theologians and court preachers,
who not only sanctioned this plunder of the Church
but even helped on the princely raids, there were,
however, a goodly number who openly denounced
' the robbers of churches and charities,' pointing
them to the punishment threatened in the Scripture
against robbery of God, and reminding them of
' the heavy curses ' frequently occurring in founda-
tion charters ' against any who should divert and
squander sacred endowments.' Countless charitable
endowments, founded of old for the benefit of parishes
and churches, for schools, hospitals and poor-houses,
were devoured by these vultures, and multitudes
of poor people were reduced to utter misery ; the
' helpful Christian system ' of olden times, writes
the Protestant nobleman, Joachim von Wedel, was
almost everywhere ' turned upside down, if not alto-
gether demolished.' A preacher of the day laments
that * God is allowed to starve in churches and in
schools in a way that makes his heart ache within
him.' Landed estates, farms, fields and buildings,
tithes and rents, were appropriated for personal
enrichment, and if here and there individual princes
or municipal authorities devoted a portion of former
6 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Church or convent property to some good purpose,
yet even of such persons the words of Nicholas
Selnekker held good : ' They give away a gnat and
they have taken a camel ; or if they give an occasional
farthing, they steal a horse.' Appeals to the sense
of right and to economical considerations were in
most cases fruitless. And the experience of the
majority was in accordance with the dictum in the
Pomeranian Church regulations : ' Stolen church goods
do not prosper,' but ' they devour other goods with
themselves.' The following lines became a universal
maxim even in the districts which had remained
Catholic :
He who with Church goods maketh free
Will, ere he knows, a beggar be.
Other results, already manifest, of this practice
of Church robbery were fearlessly discussed by the
Brunswick court-preacher, Basilius Sattler.
The clergy had been represented as a ' giant
devouring the property ' of the nation ; now, however,
for the first time this devouring process was carried on
at the expense of the poor and the needy, to whom,
lormerly, help and maintenance had flowed from
the Church funds. The old-established conditions
of landed property also suffered a shock to their
stability, simultaneously with the breaking-up of
Church property.
While on the stepping-stone of the Boman Code,
which gained steadily greater and greater prestige,
the princes raised and extended their sovereignty,
crushing out in their progress all national and State
organisations, and advancing gradually to unlimited
power, the requirements and exactions of these
INTRODUCTION /
rulers, of their courts, of their governments and
officials, became greater and greater. To meet these
continually increasing demands by fresh taxes and
impositions of all sorts was the great problem of the
financial skill of the day. And in dealing with the
problem the initial idea was that all the revenues of
the State were first and foremost for the benefit of the
ruling Prince, who formed the central point of the
court ; for the erection of costly buildings ; for un-
measured extravagance in clothing and adornment ;
for gambling debts ; for ' princely banquets and drink-
ing-bouts,' and endless court festivals and fireworks —
in short, for every description of select and aristocratic
pastimes, which sucked the blood of the people — not
least among which was ' the holy art ' of gold-making.
Boundless extravagance and absolute financial chaos
reigned in many departments of national life. Notice
and consideration of very special character is required
by the ' high princely department of the chase,' which
deserves the chief blame for the decay of agriculture,
and the impoverishment of the peasants. There was
justification for the question : which has the best of
it, the long-cherished and quickly-baited game, or the
forever-baited and never-cherished subject ?
The life and goings on at the princely courts became
a model for the nobles to follow. ' Among the counts
and lords there was, so to say, a standing wager as to
who could best emulate the august princes in extrava-
gance of food and drink, in numbers of servants, in
hunting-parties, brilliant festivities, and unheard of
display in foreign fashions and luxuries.'
' Wherefrom there ensued to excess, as well among
the nobles as at all the princely courts, enormous
8 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
insolvency and impoverishment.' The reports con-
cerning this insolvency and impoverishment of countless
princes, counts, and lords would appear incredible did
we not possess accurate and indubitable records on the
subject.
In connection with the institution of the nobility
come the organisations of war and of mercenary troops.
The latter, even in times of peace, were ' a plague and
a scourge of all the world ; ' for ' everybody gained
bitter experience ' of what the men of war were, namely
' robbers of houses and freebooters, garrotters, torturers,
executioners, hangmen, and the peasants' fiends.' It
was before the Thirty Years' War that Adam Junghans
von der Olnitz wrote in his war-diary : ' It is a genuine
Landsknecht conflagration, when fifty villages and
hamlets stand in flames.'
The restless striving of the territorial sovereigns to
extend their unlimited authority over public life also
was in no small degree disastrous to the general welfare.
The different princely domains became separated from
each other by outrageous taxes, by export and import
duties, affecting even the most indispensable necessities
of food and clothing, and within each different territory
all economic movement and industry became gradually
chain-bound.
Under the title of ' royalty ' the sovereigns usurped
the control of the forests, of the mining and smelting
works, and of numerous industrial and commercial
undertakings. Princes themselves— as for instance
Julius of Brunswick— became the foremost merchants
of their land ; others, like the Elector Augustus of
Saxony, busied themselves actively with the exploita-
tion of monopolies. The prosperous economic conditions
INTRODUCTION 9
which the end of the fifteenth century had witnessed
in Germany had already vanished by the middle of the
sixteenth century. Whereas formerly the German
towns had led the great movement of world commerce,
had held command both over inland trade and over
the seas and ports of Europe in the North, now the
supremacy in the international mart, with its world -
uniting power, fell to England and to the Netherlands.
Through the Dutch revolution the chief fountain of
gold in South Germany — trade with Antwerp — had
been dried up. In place of Antwerp Amsterdam had
come to the front, and German merchants themselves
were actively influential in establishing the commercial
strength of this town which undermined all German
trade ; first the Netherlanders barred up the Rhine,
then the Scheldt ; for Denmark the Sound was ' the
principal ingress ; ' trade on the Belt was annihilated
by Sweden ; Queen Elizabeth built up the commerce
of England on the ruins of Hanseatic trade ; almost
everywhere the once powerful Hanseatic League suffered
humiliating destruction.
At the beginning of the century the towns had still
been reckoned as ' the core of the Empire ; ' the year
1550 found them already at a very low ebb in their
political and industrial importance, sundered from
each other, and standing disconnectedly opposed to
one another. It was from the inner conditions of the
town constitutions that the seed of destruction had
sprung. In many of the towns the old guild regulations
had been broken through ; in most of them they had
suffered ossification ; guild discipline had hardened
into an oppressive monopoly for a small number of
' master ' families, who, closely bound together, defied
10 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the reiterated but powerless complaints of imperial
recesses, and exploited the town market, often amassing
to themselves enormous fortunes, while the journeymen-
class, which was scarcely able to attain even to the right
of mastership, fell into pauperism.
Hans Sachs had already complained on this score
that ' handwork was becoming worthless because the
labourers were debarred from their proper wages, and
the avaricious employers were served by lazy and
insolent workmen. Skilled artisans in the large towns
were kept fully employed in supplying the wants of
luxury, but " ordinary handwork " was lapsing visibly
into decay.'
The hardest and heaviest lot befell the peasants.
The yoke which they had endeavoured to throw off
in the social revolution was transformed almost every-
where into hard and gruesome bondage. There was
no longer any talk of ' righteous statutes ' and ' pro-
sperity of the peasants,' but only of the ' illimitable-
ness of feudal obligations,' the disentail of farms, ' the
rasing of villages and the slaughter of the peasants.'
With regard to the peasants, the nobleman Matthew
von Normann (f 1556) said ' the ruling powers do with
them just as they please ; ' the Gorlitz Burgomaster,
John Hass, adds to this testimony, as a fact of general
experience : : The peasants are treated as dwellers
among Turks and heathen would be.' Monstrous are
the accounts of their sufferings : witness, for instance,
what Cyriacus Spangenberg tells of the lot of the
peasant class. Eoman jurists declared it to be ' accord-
ing to justice' that princes and landlords should
rule over peasants ' as over slaves ; ' that they should
have unlimited command not only of their hours of
INTRODUCTION 1 1
work and powers of work, but also of their whole private
lives and of all their substance. There were theo-
logians also who had so completely lost all their former
ideas of the dignity of agriculture and farm labour as to
insist that this work ought to be carried on entirely
by slaves, or by rough, uncivilised men hired for the
purpose.
The new socio-political and economic principles
which gradually displaced the mediaeval Christian
German system of law and political economy, and the
mediaeval social order, led to the oppression, and hence
to the impoverishment, of the masses of the people.
But the causes of this ' impoverishment and exhaus-
tion of the nation,' which forms a standing ground of
complaint in all the transactions of provincial diets,
in all chronicles and reports, and of which there is
actual circumstantial evidence for all the different
German lands, did not lie only in the political and
economic but also in the religious and moral conditions
of the time. Amongst the writers of those days no
one has better summed up the situation in brief than
the Brunswick inspector of mines, George Engelhart
Lohneiss ; and the Tyrolese physician, Hippolytus
Guarinoni, has furnished us with enormously rich
materials for the study of this subject, as indeed for
a general knowledge of the life of the times.
The ruin of economic life was followed on the heels
by the moral corruption which was increasing in all
grades of society. How terribly this demoralisation
was gaining ground among the upper classes the
memoirs of the Silesian knight, Hans von Schweinichen,
alone suffice to show ; how it fared with the burgher
circles in this respect can be adequately gathered
12 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
•
from the comprehensive work ' Nothgedrungenen Aus-
schreiben ' (a notification wrung from me by need)
of the Elector of Brandenburg's house physician,
Leonhard Thurn von Thurneissen. Many other writings,
amongst which are several from the pen of Aegidius
Albertinus, court secretary to the Duke of Bavaria,
afford the same disgraceful picture. One prolific cause
of demoralisation among the people was, according
to contemporary opinion, to be found in the sermons
of that period preached against good works. The
effect of this preaching on the people, said the Protes-
tant Melchior von Ossa, in concert with many other
Protestants, was to make them ' thoroughly coarse and
light-minded, so that neither trustworthiness, honour
nor faith were found any more in the common people,
but immorality and vice everywhere.'
That contemporary writers were not carried away
by self-deception or exaggeration in this matter, is
proved by all the wailing and denunciatory sermons
in which preachers described in detail the sins, crimes
and vices of which they had often, during long years,
been themselves witnesses in their parishes. The
number of such ' preacher- witnesses ' who published
their sermons in print is especially large among the
Protestants. Next to Luther we find, among these
pulpit-orators from all the different parts of Germany,
such names as Melchior Ambach, James Andrea,
Hartmann Braun, Kaspar Chemlin, Nicholas Corno-
piius, Matthew Friedrich, Erasmus^ Griininger, John
Mathesius, Andrew Musculus, the two Lucas Osianders,
Andrew Pancratius, Andrew Schoppius, Nicholas
Selnekker, John George Sigwart, Cyriacus Spangen-
berg, James Stocker, Gregory Strigenicius, Erasmus
INTRODUCTION lo
Winter, and many others. What a wealth of evidence,
for instance, is supplied by the hundred sermons which
Strigenicius, superintendent at Meissen, delivered on
the Flood, in order to put before his age a mirror of its
depravity ! The reader is pleasantly impressed by
the frankness and fearlessness with which he, and not
a few other preachers, told plain truths to ' tyrannical
rulers,' to princes and lords, ' together with their court
parasites, their grand retinues of nobles and their
courtesans.'
From decade to decade the symptoms of social
disease became more and more threatening. Crimes
against the security of property and person, against
the power of the law and the public peace, robbery,
murder, and assassination, rape and unnatural vices
increased in an alarming manner, and specially noto-
rious was the growth of crime amongst the young.
Whatever criminal statistics can be collected from
the different German territories produce an impression
of veritably tragic nature. ' The office of hangman,'
it was said, was one of the most hard-worked occupa-
tions, ' almost equalling in heavy daily labour the
office of a schoolmaster among the depraved, brutalised
children of the day.' Very noteworthy in this respect
is the diary of the Nuremberg executioner, Francis
Schmidt, who recounts in gruesome detail how he
had executed 361 persons, and had administered the
penalties of flogging, and cutting off ears or fingers,
to 345 others.
In connection with the growth of crime came the
development of penal law, which in its turn presents
fresh convincing evidence of the demoralisation of
the age, especially of the increase of witch persecution,
14 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
that most monstrous outgrowth of the depravity of
the times. The production of fresh instruments of tor-
ture and execution was pursued as a fine art, ' which,
for the good of the fatherland, it was as necessary to
learn and practise, as any other art and skilled handi-
craft.' If we had no further information on the art
of torture than what is contained in the accounts of
the preacher Johann Greve, of Cleves, we should still
clearly realise how the penal code of that period was
the actual fosterer of all the cruelties and abomina-
tions which later on, during the Thirty Years' War,
were perpetrated by the mercenary troops on German
soil.
The full description of these conditions, which were
the outgrowth of the shattering of the unity of faith
and religious concert, of traditional Church authority
and all ancient principles of right and judicial relations,
is one of the saddest tasks of the writer of civil and
political history. But, however much that is melan-
choly he may have to report from all classes of the
nation, he will nevertheless, if he desires to be just
and reasonable, guard himself from over-hasty con-
clusions, as though forsooth the whole nation 'had
been ruined from top to bottom.' For side by side
with the multitudes who, in the fearful hurly-burly
of the times, had entirely lost all firm faith and stand-
ing ground, and who by their mode of life were a mockery
to all Christian habits and culture, and side by side with
the countless ruined existences whose, vices and crimes
drew the eyes of all the world upon them, there were
still millions of pious Christian souls who, in the old
simplicity of faith and fear of God, continued in the
enjoyment of peace, and worked their ways through
INTRODUCTION 15
life earnestly and honourably, without attracting atten-
tion beyond their immediate neighbourhood.
The author of a religious book of instruction,
towards the close of the sixteenth century, referred
to this fact in order to ' encourage his contemporaries,
and warn them against faintheartedness and despair.'
' Whereas, before our eyes,' he wrote, ' everything
has become so bad and is constantly growing worse,
so has the number of those who keep up a good courage
become small and insignificant ; most people are asking
who can have any hope of improvement, and wishing
themselves dead. One hears, say they, of nothing
but sin, scandal, vice and corruption, and one sees
nothing else, and when God's vengeance and punish-
ment come we shall all be included in them ; why
should I live any longer ? ' Posterity will say, ' that
the men of this age were worse than the inhabitants
of Sodom and Gomorrha.' ' If, however, posterity,'
the author goes on in a consolatory strain, ' could
also know of all the manifold good which was still
enacted in everyday life among high and low alike, it
would modify its judgment. But it is the same now
as it always has been at all times : ' the virtues prac-
tised in the quiet of private life are not catalogued in
' archives, libraries, and chronicles,' and do not come
to the knowledge of later generations. ' Of such God-
fearing, virtuous men and women there are still a goodly
number in every condition of life, in towns and villages,
carrying on works of love.'
It was, however, a momentous fact that ' in that
age crime and vice were no longer reckoned as such,'
but ' actually vaunted themselves as though they were
honour and fame.' The significant ' universal sym-
16 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
ptom ' of the times, which later generations also would
recognise as such, was this : ' things honourable and
sacred find but very scant room in the writings and in
the art of the day, whereas baseness and commonness
bear the sceptre everywhere.' What was presented
to the people as intellectual food was ' for the most
part rotten wares, a mass of filth, if not of deadly
poison.' Hence, ' that which ought to have tended
to reinvigoration, moral improvement and salvation,
produced on the contrary sickness, disgrace and spiritual
death.'
To how great an extent all this was actually the
case is lamentably evident from the art and the folk-
lore of the time. These two branches of intellectual
creativeness, destined as they are for the nation in its
entirety, give the plainest indications of the internal
and external character of a particular epoch, of the
forces at work and the results achieved.
BOOK I
PLASTIC ART, MUSIC, AND CHURCH HYMNS
CHAPTER I
SURVEY OF THE PLASTIC ART OF THE MIDDLE AGES l
German mediaeval art, as indeed all art in the Middle
Ages, served the high vocation of glorifying God,
edifying the people, fostering religious life, and at the
same time contributing to the beauty and joy of daily
existence— in short, to the general ennoblement of the
national mind.
In accordance with the universal and dominant
conviction of the day, that all things were subservient
to, and must be judged by, their relation to the divine
idea, and hence that all departments of life ought
only to be reflections of the highest truth, and should
strengthen our faith in the divine wisdom, it became
also the great aim of art, as the noblest embodiment of
the enthusiasm of the human soul, to express this same
exalted conviction, to give it visible form in the con-
crete language of painting, sculpture and architecture.
Art, it was felt, must be the teacher and educator of
the nation, the builder up of the people — an agency
which should lift them out of their everyday pursuits,
1 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 169-265 (1st edition of English). ::::: The
quotations from vols. i. ii. and iii. are from the 17th and 18th editions
(German) ; those from vol. iv. from the 15th and 16th editions ; those
from vol. v. from the 13th and 14th editions.
VOL. XI. C
18 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
out of the pressure and wants of the temporal into the
region of the eternal, which should express and embody
their highest aspirations and thoughts in forms instinct
with life, forms whose constraining power would work
with lasting influence on mind, heart and will. Art,
in short, was to be the people's friend and companion
in all the varied walks of life, in joy and mirth, in sorrow
and trouble.
Art, therefore, in those days, was not regarded
as the possession of a privileged circle favoured by
riches and position, or as an adjunct of splendour and
fashion, but as the common property of all classes
of society. Like religion itself, whose handmaid it
was, and from which it derived its purity and its power,
it was the concern of the whole nation, and also the
concern of each individual of the nation ; it was one of
the most urgent necessities of life for the people, whose
doing and thinking and being supplied its motives,
forms and material. Art in those days was indeed
popular in the best sense of the term : its masterpieces
were not only noble monuments of life with God and
of beauty, but they were also reflections and embodi-
ments of the national mind, which was largely co-
operative in the creative work of the artists of the
period.
And just because art was thus rooted in the national
mind, was the immediate outcome of the ruling convic-
tions of the people, and ministered to the general
needs of the country, it was exempt from all restless
seeking after out-of-the-way tasks : objects and motives
came spontaneously to hand in inexhaustible abundance.
The religious enthusiasm and the generosity of the
nation impelled to the production of fine ecclesiastical
A GLANCE AT MEDIAEVAL ART 19
buildings. In eager rivalry the towns built their
cathedrals, and their monastic and parochial churches ;
even the villages and hamlets erected buildings of great
artistic beauty.1
Scarcely less keen was the competition that went
on in the towns in erecting buildings for purposes of
communal life — town-halls, commercial and guild-halls,
enclosing walls, towers and battlements. All these
civic buildings, as well as the countless fortresses, the
ruins of which look down from the mountain heights,
called forth the inventive genius of the artists, and all
in their special ways, in fitness and harmony of con-
struction, received the stamp of artistic perfection.
Matthew Merian's ' Topographie ' affords eloquent testi-
mony to the splendid wealth of towers in the German
mediaeval towns.2
There was also an inexhaustible supply of work for
the sculptors and painters who supplied sacred and
secular buildings and private homesteads with the
noblest ornaments of art.3
The position of honour which art occupied in the
Church and in public life laid the foundation of its
prosperity ; its intimate connection with handicraft
gave it its extensive diffusion. There were, in those
1 Concerning ' the epoch of true Church spirit and piety ' which pre-
ceded the age of ' enlightenment and reform,' Van Eye writes as follows :
' Whereas humility is essentially the beginning of wisdom, so here, too,
we have a single-hearted generation, free from all presumption and pride,
working itself up to the most excellent condition of human virtue, to the
enjoyment of self-earned freedom and home-grown rights. From count-
less monuments that have been preserved to us there shines forth a
spirit of this sort.' — Eggers, Jahrg. v. 225.
2 Fuller details in A. Reichensperger's Matthias Merian und seine
Topographie.
3 See our more detailed remarks in vol. i. pp. 186-214.
c 2
20 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
days, no artists throning above the handicrafts : there
were only masters, fellows and apprentices.1
The queen of all the plastic arts, the centre of all
art-life, was architecture, and at the close of the Middle
Ages the Gothic style still maintained undisputed sway.
Being the loftiest embodiment of the prevalent higher
thought, it manifested, in spite of the strictest rules,
such a degree of freedom that, wherever it gained a
footing and became popular, it mirrored the peculiar
character of the people, and even of individual masters.2
1 It is well said by Kugler, Museum, i. 14 : ' At its first beginnings
art was cradled close in the lap of religion and civil life ; it ministered in
the service of religion — thence its special character and significance ;
it was under the protection of morals — thence its forms and methods ;
it was handwork — thence its means of subsistence. This last feature
explains the widespread understanding and appreciation which it gained.
Thus art grew up, childlike and thoughtful' When, however, it made
itself independent of the crafts, ' it gained, indeed, with the conscious-
ness of freedom both many-sidedness and a wider scope, but lost the
advantages of concentration. The influence of the guilds gave way to
models or to great personalities. The profession of artist became well-
nigh the most poverty-stricken, the most hazardous of all professions ;
dragging on its existence in periods of history which were themselves
disintegrating and difforming, art degenerated into affectation or vulgarity,
flippancy or puerility — in short, into a new species of barbarism.'
* In this manifold variety, writes Liibke in his Kunsihistor. Studien
(p. 208), Gothic architecture is ' the true expression of Christianas opposed
to pagan civilisation. For whereas the latter recognised no national
individuality, but spread the forms of Grseco-Roman culture without
distinction over all parts of the earth's globe, the former conceded to each
different people the full individuality of its national development, which
runs as a ground tone in richest variety through all the universal forms of
life ; and by reason of which it is as far superior to the ancient methods as
is the polyphony of Christian music to the monody of the ancient music.'
See Reichensperger, ' Miscellaneous Writings ' ( Vermischte Schriften),
65 ff. ; Forster, ii. 1 ff. ' Religious elevation is inevitably produced by
the contemplation of a Gothic work of art ; for all that is impressive and
sublime the Gothic style furnishes the most abundant and most admirable
specimens. This style, moreover, has acquired and retained popularity
in a degree which is scarcely equalled by any other form in art.' Springer,
Hilder, i. 223. The Gothic style is by no means merely a gradual de-
A GLANCE AT MEDLEVAL ART 21
Arbitrariness and fancy alone were excluded by the
fixed law of tradition. Tradition kept the dominant
art ideas awake in the consciousness of long periods of
time, and was the true school which magnified the
power of lesser talents, whilst later on even talent of
a high order, working independently of tradition, was
only able to produce a few works of lasting value.1
The works also of the late Gothic, notwithstanding its
departure from the strict architectural method, and
in spite of its fantastic playing with ornamentation
and geometric forms, displayed much vigorous artistic
spirit. Possibly in the erection of large buildings
the striving after lifelike variety and diversity of form
may have carried the masters too far, but all the same
velopment of the Romantic style which preceded it ; it is a bold depar-
ture in an entirely new system ; it is, by its principles, an emancipation
from the antique elements which always dominated the Romantic school,
a new formation of language, as it were, in which what had gone before
was naturally gathered up and incorporated. The man most thoroughly
acquainted with Gothic art, Viollet-le-Duc, discusses the subject in his
Dictionnaire de V Architecture Francaise du XP au XV P siecle, under
the heading ' Style.' He says, amongst other things : ' Si du romain a
ce qu'on appelle l'art gothique il y a des transitions dans la forme, il
n'y en a pas dans le principe de structure.' The essence of Gothic archi-
tecture lies in the fact that it starts with a geometrical ground-plan,
which it develops according to immutable rules of proportion. The out-
come of the Germanic genius (see Reichensperger, Profanarchitektur,
p. 20 ff. ::":: See also Kraus, Gesch. der Christl. Kunst, ii. 1, 14S ff., and Pastor,
A. Reichensperger, ii. 283), the Gothic style very quickly became the
ruling art-language of the whole Christian Occident, differentiating itself
in the most manifold dialects, according to the nature of different peoples,
climates, materials, &c. Containing in itself a powerful creative force,
and not dependent hke the antique on ready-made formations, but
working from the basis of mathematical ground-forms, it might still
have developed further varieties had not the Renaissance struck at its
roots. Moreover, in art, as in all other fields, all side issues are ulti-
mately resolved into the great leading question — either Christian idealism,
or else infidel materialism, ending in anarchy.
1 See Schorn, Kunstblatt, Jahrg. 1820, p. 217 ff. ; ZwUf Biicher eines
dsthetischen Ketzers, p. 78.
22 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
they still produced much that was highly meritorious,
especially in works of subordinate rank.1
But whilst Gothic architecture and the arts of
sculpture and painting which were connected with it
1 Cf. Reber, Kunstgesch. p. 499 ; Pressel, p. 77. :: E. Haenel (Spiitgotik
und Renaissance, a contribution to the history of German architecture
[Stuttgart, 1899J) would like to introduce a new distinguishing name for
the late Gothic. Hence he lays great stress on the new features of style,
especially the tendency to expand into breadth, to produce wide light
spaces, in which the horizontal again asserts itself, and the ceiling ap-
pears as something independent in juxtaposition to the walls. The late
Gothic is a spacious style, ' the Gothic building system, at the time of
its highest development like unto bones and sinews, now again shows
flesh and skin.' Haenel concludes as follows : ' There is no reason what-
ever to withhold from architecture, as it appeared on German soil in the
second half of the fourteenth century and in the fifteenth century, the
name which it deserves — it is Renaissance, and by this name we have
a right to call it.' There is somewhat of truth in these words. But it
would certainly not be any advantage to the history of art if this nomen-
clature were adopted, as misunderstanding would inevitably arise. A
flaw in Haenel's argument has been pointed out by H. Wolffin in the
Literar. Centralblatt Zarnckes, 1900, p. 61. Haenel, it is said, confines
himself to ecclesiastical buildings, and does not deal at all with secular
architecture. Against such one-sidedness, and in favour of the beauty
of the late Gothic, B. Riehl had already expressed himself earlier in his
admirable pamphlet, Die Kunst an der Brennerstrasse (Leipzig, 1898).
' In an altogether one-sided manner,' he says (p. 99), ' the late Gothic is
here regarded only from the standpoint of sacred architecture, and also,
for which there is not full justification, as a period of the decadence,
indeed of the final decay, of mediaeval art. The abundance of young
life still germinating in it was quite overlooked.' Long before B. Riehl,
moreover, A. Reichensperger entered the lists vigorously in defence of
the beauty of late Gothic (cf. Pastor, A. Reichensperger, i. 511). As I
now sec, J. Neuwirth also comes to a by no means favourable conclusion
with regard to Haenel's pamphlet. In his paper (Allgcm. Lileratur-
blatt der Leogesellschaft, 1900, No. 15) he points out a further omission
in Haenel's argument, the almost entire exclusion of the important monu-
ments on Austrian territory, and then remarks : ' His work, which is
certainly not altogether unopen to objections, contains a number of new
ideas which merit further consideration. However, the problem opened
up by him needs still further evidence and a broader foundation before
the general public will be willing to accept it ' (cf. also Bezold, Baukunst
der Renaissance, p. 7).
A GLANCE AT MEDLEVAL ART 23
' l
' made things divine and eternal their chief end
they were very far from being hostile to nature, or even
from wishing to restrain a free outlook on nature.
The art of that period was as little inimical to nature
as was the Church which it served. The Church, it
is true, preaches constant warfare against the sinful
inclinations of nature, and insists above all on living
the inner life, on knowledge of the human heart; the
Church directs and leads the longings, which this
world cannot satisfy, up to an eternal existence, but it
does not ' repudiate ' nature ; on the contrary it rejoices
in it, purifies and transmutes it in her teaching con-
cerning the Redeemer, who took on Himself human
nature, in her use of earthly substances for the holy
Sacraments, in her doctrine of the sanctity of the body
as a temple of the Holy Ghost, of its resurrection and
destined transfiguration. In like manner the hand
of art invested nature with a higher consecration :
by the magic of architectural art the massive block
lost its heaviness and oppressiveness ; stone was lifted
into the realm of higher organic products, flowers and
leaves from field and forest were made to speak in the
** l See F. X. Kraus, Gesch. d, Christl. Kunst, ii. 230-231, who extols
the earnestness of religions thought in the late Gothic sculpture. It is,
nevertheless, an undoubted fact that German art at the close of the
Middle Ages had its shady side. F. Schneider, in his Gotik und Kunst,
Brief an cinen Freund (1888), has asserted this with great vigour in opposi-
tion to Janssen's views. Schneider insists, namely, that art in Germany
at that period lapsed into mere bourgeois handicraft, that the Jife of the
burgher class gave the standard for its aims. ' Thence the home-brewed
character, the element of triviality Avhich dominated art.' ' Both in
sculpture and painting,' Schneider goes on, ' the taste for external scenery
and splendour of apparel, for fashion and posing, together with delight
in coarseness, superabundance of accessories, mannerisms, and con-
ventional patterning, had been pushed so far that they frequently bordered
on caricature.' Emphasis might be laid on the word ' frequently.'
24 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
language of art, and woven into garlands of the greatest
artistic beauty. Sculpture no less than architecture
produced works of distinction and revelled in the trans-
figuration of nature.1
Specially distinguished by truth to nature were the
masters of the Cologne school, and the brothers Van
Eyck and their successors ; their works, which can only
be compared to the old folksongs, breathe the deepest
poetry of nature-life, while at the same time they reach
and exalt the human soul by their ideality and their
mystic depth. The delight in intercourse with nature,
so specially characteristic of the German people, re-
ceived in the creations of the Flanders- German schools
its purest expression : every blade of grass, every
flower, every tiny insect, was worked up with the
most loving assiduity, and the result was perfect life-
likeness and reality clothed with ideal beauty. These
artists loved to surround their subjects with a setting
of homely and familiar objects, and every form and
figure on their canvas gave the impression of perfect
truth and fidelity combined with deep religious feeling.
A pious, childlike spirit informed these works of art,
and gave them their chaste expression of innocent
beauty and modest charm. An air of joyous hilarity,
as though the divine redemption from all earthly
complication were accomplished, impresses the gazer
with a feeling that all discord is solved in harmony :
1 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 198-218. ' The sculptors were very far
from despising the impulses produced in them by the outer world. Studies
of nature and exercises in sketching were not unknown as early as the
thirteenth century. At any rate it can never be asserted that the
mediseval epoch detested nature, and prohibited the study of it. Any
idea of this sort is fully corrected by the songs of the Minnesingers, who
give us such charming pictures of nature, and call up woods and meadows
\ i \ idly before our eyes ' (Rahn, p. 554).
A GLANCE AT MEDLEVAL ART 25
nature and man appear transfigured in a Sabbath
rest.1
And all these pictures were genuine German art,
originating from the mind and character of the native.-'
1 ' Van Eyck created a national style in which the highest truthful-
ness and fidelity of representation and the most lofty ideality were com-
bined in equal measure.' In the compositions of Van Eyck, Hemmelinck
(Mending), Schoreel, and other artists of the first class, there is no trace
of the trivial, affected treatment of drapery, ' lacking any sort of breadth,
which was introduced by some later painters of the old Dutch and South
German schools, and was often, from ignorance, falsely attributed to all
the old-German painters ' (Schorn, Kunstblatt, 1820, pp. 230-233). See.
Schnaase, Niederliind. Briefe, pp. 237-241. ' When at the Hague ' (p. 313)
' I gazed with delight at the works of the joyous Netherlanders of later
times, trying to identify myself with their views and their attitude. When
afterwards I gave myself up to the contemplation of Rubens, finding in
him also an element of sublimity, how much greater was the enjoyment
which those older masters gave me ! With these I could surrender
myself without reserve to the delight of gazing and admiring, whereas
with Rubens, even if I was able to shake off harsher impressions, there
always remained a slight feeling of dissatisfaction or desecration.'
Schorn writes to the same effect (Kunstblatt, 1828, p. 380). In por-
trait-painting, also, Jan van Eyck especially excels nearly all later artists.
Concerning the double portrait by him in 1434 of Giovanni Arnolfini
and his wife, Reber says (Kunstgesch. p. 634), ' that the resemblance of
the portraits is striking is its least merit. Of higher excellence still is
the painting of the interior, and of all the accessory work, which is un-
surpassed by any production of other epochs, not only in delicacy and
finish of execution, but in the general disposition of light and shade,
and the tone of the colouring. In these last respects Jan van Eyck
appears to have been unsurpassed by any later Dutchman down to Pieter
de Hooghe.' It is a point worthy of notice at what an early date Hegel,
in his lectures on aesthetics (the latest notes used for the lectures are of
the year 1818 ; see I. Vorrede vii. and xi.), vol. iii. p. 118 ff., was able
to appreciate the superior excellence of the two Van Eycks.
*:;: 2 Concerning the popular character of mediaeval art, cf. Kraus,
Gcsch. d. Ckristl. Kunst, ii. 1, 457. In order to save the so-called German
Renaissance period from the reproach of being barren of any great works,
certain later art-historians, enamoured of this said ' Renaissance,' have
made it begin almost a century earlier than it really did. Thus Wolt-
mann, in his Aus r>ier Jahrhunderten, p. 2 ft'., says that the Flanders school
of painting ' had departed from the spirit and feeling of the Middle Ages,
and that it must be included in the " Renaissance " because it had repre-
26 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Even if in the representation of the different parts
of the body the artists not infrequently displayed
lack of anatomical knowledge, every onlooker is never-
theless greeted by true-hearted German figures, which
though fashioned in one and the same technical style,
yet display in endless variety all the different types
of German nationality. Consequently these pictures
made a profound impression on the whole nation, and
for nearly a whole century (1420-1520) they determined
the character of all native German art.1 German art
sented nature so admirably;' for the 'Renaissance,' as Scbnaase em-
phatically asserts, is not only a ' re-birth of classic antiquity,' but also
' a re-birth of nature, a restoration of nature to humanity.' Hence we
are concerned with a twofold re-birth. It follows, moreover, that German
folksong, with its exuberant delight in nature, and its close observation
of the life of nature, must also be included in the ' Renaissance.' So,
too, must German jurisprudence, the definitions, formulas, and symbols
of which showed the keenest insight into nature ; and even German
architecture, which could transform a stone house into a forest of stems,
foliage, and flowers, and fill it with countless forms taken from the animal
world. It is very pertinently said by Reber (Kunstge-sch. xxxii.) :
' The Flemish-Brabant painting is the highest achievement of mediaeval
pictorial art in the northern countries, and it forms the close of the Gothic
period, not the commencement of a new epoch.' In the Cologne school
also, in the paintings of Schongauer, Zeitblom, Wohlgemuth, in part at
least resultant from the Brabant school, and chronologically half a cen-
tury later than the Van Eyck period, we can as little detect any element
foreign to the Middle Ages as in the types used by Gutenberg, however
much this invention served to advance the development of thought.
And just as the Krailsheim altar work of Holbein the Elder, executed
at the beginning of the sixteenth century, is decidedly Gothic, so too in an
out-and-out Gothic Sacrament-house of Adam Krafft, we find it impossible
to detect any other than mediaeval art. In short, before the sixteenth
century there is no trace of a ' Renaissance ' in Germany, and even of the
initiators of the movement it must be said that Hans Holbein the Younger
is the only one whose ' beginnings,' so to say, belong to the new depar-
ture ; those of a Peter Vischer and of Albert Diirer belong to mediajval
ground.
1 ' The force and energy of Roger van der Weyden and the tender-
ness of Memling seem still blended in Quentin Massys ' (Liibke, Kunst-
werke und Kiinstler, p. 418 ; cf. pp. 548, 575).
A GLANCE AT MEDIEVAL ART 27
methods penetrated even to France and Italy, and still
further afield.1
The whole fabric of art-life was shattered, almost
at one blow, when the frightful tempests of Church
schism gathered and discharged themselves over Ger-
many. The domains of art were the first to surfer.
There was no longer time or inclination left for art.
The religious revolution was in direct antagonism to it.
Whatever survived of art or the promotion of art was
drawn into the vortex of sectarian controversy, there
to perish. The Gothic style died out. A new, foreign
kind of art, the ' Renaissance,' made its way into
Germany.
1 Concerning the ' unusual power of attraction ' which belonged
especially to the earlier German art, we read in Springer's Bilder, ii. 11-12 :
' It is known to us that Michael Angelo was so greatly interested in the
productions of German art that he did not shun the laborious task of
copying with his own hands an engraving of Martin Schon. Raphael's
honourable appreciation of Diirer is also well known. That multitudes
of Italian painters nourished themselves on the creations of German
fantasy, falsifying them, and publishing them under their own names,
in order to gain renown by them, we should easily discover by com-
parison, even if Vasari had not, unwillingly enough, let out the secret.'
But when, later on, German art succumbed to the Renaissance, and
became itself merely a cold and affected imitator, its influence entirely
ceased.
28 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER II
INFLUENCE OF THE RELIGIOUS REVOLUTION ON THE
FINE ARTS— ANTI-ART DOCTRINES AND ICONOCLASM-
ART-LIFE BEGINS TO DECAY
Amongst the preachers of the new religious opinions
there were multitudes who, like WicldifTe of old, de-
nounced all arts and sciences as devil's traps. Zwingli
and his followers designated Christian art, within the
churches at any rate, as a snare of the devil which the
Roman Antichrist and his rabble had thrown over men's
souls. They assumed a hostile attitude towards Chris-
tian art in general. The divine word, Zwingli says,
distinctly teaches that not only must we not worship
images, but that we must not possess them, or fashion
them ; Zwingli would not even tolerate the pictures
of Christ. The Helvetian confession of faith, drawn
up by Bullinger, rejected images of Christ as though
they were pagan idols, because ' the Lord had com-
manded to preach the Gospel, not to paint it.' In the
Basle Church Regulations of the year 1529, introduced
by Oecolampadius, it is said : God has ' cursed all those
who make images.' William Farel went so far as to
denounce the making of pictures and images as a sin
against nature ; the Empress Helena, he said, was
' cursed among women,' because by the Invention of the
Cross she had introduced the worship of idols. Calvin
called the setting-up of pictures and images in churches
ICONOCLASTIC RIOTS 29
a desecration of divine worship ; he denounced it as
' miserable folly which had been the destruction of all
piety on the earth ; ' it was also iniquitous to give re-
presentations of events from sacred history. Theodore
Beza directed his fury especially against pictures of
the Crucifixion, which he ' abominated,' he wished
that ' the Christian magistracy would reduce all pictures
to powder.'
But there was a further strong reason for the re-
moval and the destruction of pictures and images,
namely the wish to efface from the minds of the people
the memory of the Catholic past, and to prevent a
return to the old faith. ' Away with the pictures ! '
exclaimed Zwingli, ' for they are a prop for the papists ;
if the nests are demolished, the storks will not come back
again.' 1 ' There is no small number of pious and learned
men,' wrote the Protestant Professor Zanchi, ' who are
of opinion that all the churches of the popish idolaters,
as also all other monuments of their superstition, should
be destroyed from top to bottom ; that every trace of
them should be obliterated in order that the people
may not, later on, be reminded of this superstitious faith
and induced to return to it. For this reason, and also
on account of the divine commands, some men, and
those, moreover, very learned and pious ones, insist that
all the churches in which this idolatrous worship is
carried on, especially those which are dedicated to
saints, must be utterly destroyed ; they also say it is
not becoming that Christians should hold their en-
lightened services in such unclean places.' Of course
1 Gaupp, pp. 691-708. :::;;: For the documentary evidence cf. Janssen,
Ein zweites Wort an meine Kritiker, new edition prepared by L. Pastor
(Freiburg, 1895), p. 50 ft'.
30 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Zanchi is in full agreement with the above opinions ;
he commends the destruction of Catholic churches, and
says emphatically that often and in many places it is
advisable to level Catholic churches with the ground ;
at the same time he is of opinion that the ruling authori-
ties should everywhere be free to use these buildings
for Protestant worship. Zanchi, however, is inexorable
as to the necessity of destroying everything which the
piety and the artistic sense of the past devised for the
adornment of Catholic churches. All altars, he says,
all crucifixes, all paintings and sculpture, the priestly
garments, the golden chalices, the incense burners, and
other similar things— all these instruments of the old
superstition must be utterly destroyed ; above all must
the images be removed, the paintings be daubed over,
the statues broken up or burnt. Petrus Martyr Ver-
migli, an apostate priest, and later on a Protestant
professor, urged more particularly, ' Have a care
that such things are not merely taken out of the
churches, they must be utterly destroyed and not
preserved anywhere, or they might later on be placed
back again in the churches.' l
■■■■■■■ J Of. Paulus, in the Katholik, 1891, i. 210, who adds, greatly to the
point : ' When " highly esteemed " ' (Schmid, Stud, und Krit. 1859, p. 625)
' university professors use such language as this, can we wonder that so
many irreplaceable objects of mediaeval German art should have fallen
a prey to the vandalism of the so-called Reformation ? Instead of working
themselves up into such fury against the veneration of saints, this merely
supposed " idolatry " and superstition, these innovators would do far
better to fight against the true superstition of the day — viz. the mania
for witches. But, very far from setting themselves against this enormity,
they encourage their contemporaries in this respect. In 1574 the preacher
of Arfeld, in the county of Wittgenstein, asked Zanchi whether witches
ought to be burned. " Most certainly" replied the Heidelberg professor
on October 22. Zanchi gave exactly the same answer to the physician,
Thomas Erastus.'
ICONOCLASTIC RIOTS 31
Frightful scenes of iconoclasm ensued, first of all
in Switzerland, at Zurich, Bern, St. Gall, Basle and
other places.1 In St. Gall, in 1529, all the altars were
destroyed, all images broken and smashed up with axes
and hammers. ' It was a wonderful tumult and com-
motion : the fragments were carted out of the church in
forty waggons, and that very hour a fire was lighted
and they were all burnt to ashes.'
Concerning the riots in Basle, Erasmus reported,
as an eye-witness, to Pirkheimer : ' Such sacrilegious
mocking went on over the images of saints, and even
over the crucifixes, that we could not but feel that
some miraculous judgment of God must occur. Not a
vestige was left over of the pictures and images, whether
in the cloisters, or on the portals, or in the convents ; all
the paintings were covered with whitewash, and every-
thing that would burn was thrown on to the funeral
pile, and the rest smashed to pieces ; neither gold-work
nor artistic value could avail to save a single object.
Of the proceedings at Neuenburg the governor of the
place wrote : ' They break the images in pieces, and
mutilate the pictures by cutting out their noses and
eyes : even those of the Mother of God are thus in-
sulted.' Zwingli's opinion was that ' none but very
feeble-minded or cantankerous persons could object
to the idols being done away with.' 2
In Germany, at a much earlier date, viz. during the
Peasant War, countless works of art had been destroyed
by the ' savage, drunken iconoclasts.' Later on there
was inaugurated ' an authorised process of destruction '
in all those South German towns which had adopted
1 See our references, vol. v. pp. 127-14.').
' Gaupp, pp. G99, 705.
32 H1ST0EY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Zwinglianism. ' All that our forefathers had done in
piety and love of art, and for the encouragement of
noble masters of art, all that for the glory of God and
of His Blessed Mother they had erected and established
to promote the piety of the people,' says a chronicler,
' was hurled to the ground, dishonoured, cursed, by a
degenerate race, to the no small indignation of Christian
people.' This sort of thing happened in Strassburg,
Constance, Lindau, Eentlingen, Ulm, Memmingen,
Biberach, Geislingen, Esslingen, Isny, Augsburg, and
elsewhere. Gospel preachers took the lead in the
work of destruction, and often themselves lent a hand
to ' throw down the accursed idols.' In Memmingen,
for instance, the preacher Schenk, so says a report, ' tore
down the pictures over the altar, trampled them under-
foot, carried them home in cartloads, and set fire to
them.' l In Ulm, in 1531, the preachers Bucer, Blarer
and Oecolampadius were the ' cause of the purging
from all idolatrous stuff.' Over fifty altars, all the
images of saints on pillars and walls were ' thrown
down and smashed up ; ' what could not be taken
away was ' chopped up, hacked to pieces, pounded
and trampled on, so that even an adherent of the new
faith was forced to exclaim that the beautiful, exquisite,
cathedral building was sullied with a blot of shame so
infamous that all eternity could never wipe it out.'
Not even the magnificent organs were spared, for they
too were regarded as ' devil's work.' In the following
century the Lutheran superintendent Dietrich still
recounted with loathing the horrors of destruction
that had gone on. They toppled over in a heap the
two beautiful organs, and when they found that they
1 See fuller details in Gauj>p, p. 720 ff.
ICONOCLASTIC RIOTS 33
could not conveniently lift up the body with the pipes
in the great organ, they bound cords and chains round
it, fastened horses to it, and let them drag it down
and hurl it over.' l
Wherever the iconoclastic storms raged there was
the same wanton destruction of the costliest gold and
silver church and art treasures — monstrances, chalices,
vessels were either smashed in pieces, sold, or sent to
the mint.-
In the duchy of Wiirttemberg also, in Hesse, in the
Palatinate, an untold number of precious church
treasures were swept away. The Elector Palatine,
Frederic III., frequently organised the riots himself,
and ordered ' pictures, images and church utensils
to be broken up and burnt in his presence.' Like
Theodore Beza, he was of opinion that not only altars
and baptismal fonts, but also crucifixes, were ' objects
of idolatry ; ' he gave directions that everything ' should
be entirely cleared out, whether paintings or sculpture.' 3
Many of the princes were eager to show themselves
personal combatants against the popish iniquity, as,
for instance, Count John of Orange-Nassau, who dis-
tinguished himself at Diez in 1577 by striking with his
sword the forehead of the beautifully carved and gilded
life-size image of the Mother of God.4
' Our image-breakers of the new sect,' wrote George
Wizel, ' detest and destroy the holy images like very
1 See our references, vol. v. p. 356 ff. Liibke appears to know nothing
of all these atrocities. He reckons (Bunte Bliitter, p. 94) the Ulm cathedral
amongst the number of the churches which ' preserved the old condition
of their monuments undamaged from the Middle Ages.'
2 See our remarks, vol. i. p. 20G, note 1 ; vol. v. pp. 131 ff., 336 ff.
3 See our references, vol. vii. p. 313 ff.
4 Vol. viii. p. 397.
VOL. XL D
34 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Jews and Felicians, tear them down, hack them to
pieces and bnrn them, exactly as though they were
trying to win their knightly spurs by giving proofs of
their manly courage against dead images.' l
Luther was by no means in favour of ruthless
iconoclasm such as had been set on foot by Carlstadt
and other ' fanatical spirits ' in Wittenberg and in many
other places in Saxony ; on the contrary, he distinctly
condemned the action of the mob in proceeding to
destroy and disfigure pictures and images without the
knowledge and sanction of the municipal authorities.
Further, he did not think it was necessary to do away
with all images : he held that Christians were free to
have them or not to have them, and that it was even
' praiseworthy and estimable ' to possess ' mementoes
and tokens,' but if they wanted to do away with them —
a step which he sanctioned and had in no way hindered
— it must be done ' without storming and fanaticism,
and in a regular and authorised manner.' ' We read
in the Old Testament,' he wrote, ' wherever there is
a question of getting rid of images or idols, that the
proceedings were not conducted by the populace but
by the ruling authorities ; ' the populace had no right to
proceed without the authorities, ' lest the dog should
learn to eat leather by biting his strap : that is, accustom
themselves to riot against lawful authority by rioting
1 See Dollinger, Reformation, i. 101 (2nd edit.). :;: The works of art
which were not destroyed or sold, especially the images of saints, found
their way into the sacristies which were no longer wanted. As the people,
after the example of the founders of the new religion, called the saints
' idols,' the places which served for the housing of the transported art
treasures went by the name of ' idol chambers.' This term was actually
registered in technical dictionaries ! S. Falk, in the Katholik, 1891,
i. 500.
LUTHER ON THE ABOLITION OF IMAGES 35
against images : the devil ought not to be painted over
one's door.'
The proper course was to request the authorities to
remove the images ; ' if they refuse to do so, we have
the assurance of the Word of God that it is enough to
expel them from our hearts, until they are removed
outwardly with the hand by those who have the right
to do so.' ' But to speak according to the Gospel
concerning the images, I say and insist, that nobody is
bound to lay violent hands on pictures or images of
God ; but all is free, and there is no sin in omitting to
damage them with the fist.' l
As a matter of fact the ' regular authority ' of
Lutheran-minded rulers, as displayed in the work of
iconoclasm, often differed very slightly from the pro-
ceedings of Zwinglians and Calvinists. In the Prussian
territory of the Teutonic Order there had been persistent
destruction of crosses and images of saints since the
year 1525 ; from the silver art-treasures of the Church,
bowls and drinking-cups had been fashioned for the
Duke ; ' when all the silver had been taken they laid
hands on the bells also.' 2 At Stralsund, in 1525,
nearly all the Christian churches and convents were
stormed, and the crucifixes and images were broken
up in the presence of members of the council. In the
town of Brunswick, where Luther's ' friend and father
1 Collected Works, pp. 29, 141 ff. In his exposition of the first com-
mandment he said, in 1528 : ' The iconoclasts fall to and pull down the
images. This I am not so much concerned to oppose. But they go on
to say that this must of necessity be done, and that it is well-pleasing to
God. The utmost, however, that they accomplish in this way is to
remove the images from the people's sight, and to fix them more firmly
in their hearts,' while the populace falsely believes that ' it is giving
God pleasure by tearing down the images ' (vol. xxxvi. p. 54).
2 See our remarks, vol. v. pp. 114, 115.
36 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Confessor,' Bugenhagen, had introduced Luther anism,
the altars were all pulled down in the year 1528, the
pictures and images smashed up and burnt, the chalices
and other church vessels melted. Iconoclastic riots
took place at the same time in Hamburg.1
The fury of destruction was no less rabid in Mag-
deburg.2 The proceedings which the Elector John
Frederic, in conjunction with the Landgrave William
of Hesse, caused to be carried on in 1542 in the duchv
1 See our remarks, vol. v. pp. 119-121. At Zerbst, in 1524, the images
and church vessels were used ' to keep going the lire for brewing the
beer ' (Beckmann, Historic des Fiirstentums Anhalt, vi. 43). On pulling
down a portion of the building of the Zerbst Town Hall the wall was found
to have been filled up with a quantity of broken figures of saints, still
radiant with gold and colour, but destitute of heads, ' whereby an in-
sight was gained into the horrors of the iconoclasm which had run riot
in the neighbouring churches ' (Repert. f. Kunstwissenschaft, pp. 20, 46).
2 See Piorillo, Gesch. der zeichnenden Kiinste, ii. 184. Concerning the
barbarous destruction of the stone statues of the Apostles Peter and
Paul, which stood in front of the Kreuzkirche at Hildesheim, by Hildes-
heim burghers, the chronicler Oldecop (pp. 284-285) writes, in 1548 :
' The day after the festival of St. Damasus groups of citizens were col-
lected, some on the " Neuer Schaden " (a tavern), some in front of the
Holy Cross church gate, Kreuzthor, drinking beer. Amongst them was
a rogue, Sander Bruns, from the Judenstrasse. He took a big piece of
green wood from mine host's courtyard, and got up on the wall by the
door of the church of the Holy Cross and struck the head off the stone
statue of St. Paul. The head of the statue of St. Peter had been knocked
off the night before. The following day information was given as to
who was the miscreant. The desperate villain remained undaunted, and
he took the heads of two corpses from the mortuary and stuck them up
on the stumps of the statues. And at Vesper time there came a number
of youths, more than forty, and each had his apron full of stones, and they
threw them at the corpse heads, until they knocked them off from the
statues of the Apostles. And to some this was good reason for saying :
Te Deum Laudamus. Then, in order that no conrplaint should be made
against the rascal Bruns, the council anticipated affairs, and they took
twenty florins from the evildoer. And then he was referred to another
j udge ; for the chapter of Holy Cross left all revenging to the Apostles
on whom the insult had been committed, and to God, Who is a righteous
Judge, and rewards everyone according to his works.'
LUTHERAN PREACHERS ON ICONOCLASM 37
of Brunswick,1 were on a par, as regards fury of destruc-
tion against the monuments of pious veneration, with
the fiercest iconoclastic riots that occurred in 1566 in
the Netherlands. Within a few days, over four hundred
churches, altars innumerable, Sacrament-houses, pictures
and works of sculpture were desecrated and destroyed,
and even monuments on graves were not spared.2
There were highly esteemed Lutheran preachers in the
duchy who exulted publicly over these abominations.
' Many a man who heard and saw that so many churches
and convents had been plundered, and, in France and
Brabant especially, destroyed by fire, was grieved
thereat,' preached the Superintendent George Nigrinus in
1570, ' and thought such work came from the wickedness
of men : it would all bring the greatest discredit, not only
on the lords of the war, but on the evangel itself.'
Let those ' of their pack ' pity them. ' We know that
it is God's judgment and punishment ; He has borne
long enough with the clerical harlot-houses and temples
of idols ; He means them now to be reduced to ashes.
The work must be done. Yea, if He cannot stir up
men to do it, He will use His thunder and lightning.'
' His bow is still stretched, His sword sharp and sure,
His fire still burns on, devours and licks up bishoprics
and convents one after the other.' ' Only let us not
have pity on them, but let us praise God, the righteous
judge, and be glad to rejoice in the kingdom of heaven,
in this time of grace in the preaching of the Gospel.' 3
1 Vol. vi. p. 204.
2 See our remarks, vol. viii. pp. 22, 23. Detailed information is given
in Rathgeber's Annalen, pp. 196-199.
3 Nigrinus, Apocalypse, pp. G31, 043, 649. According to the title
these sermons were to minister ' to the comfort and improvement of all
true Christians.' In the preface of January 25, 1572, it is said that the
sermons ' were preached two years before.'
38 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Another pulpit -orator, who wanted ' all images routed
out from top to bottom,' reminded his hearers that
Luther himself had repeatedly preached that ' it would
be better that all churches and abbeys in the world
should be rooted out and burnt to ashes, that it would
be less sinful, even if done from criminal motives, than
that a single soul should be led astray into popish
error and be ruined.' If people would not accept his
teaching, then he, ' the God's man Luther had exclaimed,
wished not only that his teaching might be the cause
of the destruction of popish churches and convents,
but he wished that they were already lying in a heap of
ashes.' l
As regards Christian art, Luther had repeatedly
expressed himself greatly in favour of it. ' I am not
of opinion,' he wrote in the preface to his booklet of
sacred hymns of the year 1524, ' that the Gospel requires
all arts to be abolished, as some false clergy insist, but
I should wish all arts, especially music, to be used in
the service of Him Who gave and created them.' -
In the following year he spoke in accordance with the
old Church system to the effect that ' pictures should be
painted on the walls as helps to the memory and to
better understanding.' ' It is far better,' he wrote,
' to paint on the walls the way in which God created
the world, how Noah built the ark, and any other
sacred stories, than to paint up any other worldly,
shameless thing ; yea, would God I could persuade
the great lords and the rich people to have the whole
1 A Whitsuntide sermon of K. Reinholdt (1560), Bl. A2. The utter-
ances of Luther which have been quoted, and others also of the same kind,
in his Collected Works, pp. 7, 121, 131, 222-223, 330. :;::;c See the
remarks of the Protestant Professor Zanchi, given above, pp. 29, 30.
2 Collected Works, pp. 56, 297.
LUTHER'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS CHRISTIAN ART 39
Bible painted inside and outside their houses for every-
body's eyes to see : that would be a Christian work.'
' If it is not sinful, but good and holy that I should have
Christ's image in my heart, why should it be sinful
for me to have it in my eyes ? ' l At the same time he
abolished those very doctrines of faith which, till then,
had supplied Christian art with its most fertile sources
of inspiration and achievement.2 For instance, the old
1 Collected Works, pp. 29, 158-159 (cf. C. Griineisen, De Protest-
tantismo artibus hand infesto, Stuttg. et Tubinga?, 1839). Quotations
therefrom in Schorn's KunstblaU, pp. 20,258. :: P. Lehfeldt, in Luther's
VerhdUniss zu Kunst vnd Kunstleren (Berlin, 1892), shows that ' Luther
could not lay claim to any understanding of the language of the plastic
arts, or of the scope and nature of the service they could render, for on
this particular side he was wholly deficient in susceptibility. Luther's
multitudinous remarks on works of art all testify to this want of artistic
sense ' (p. 93). At p. 21 ff. Lehfeldt shows how ' Luther on his Roman
journey was only to a certain extent interested in all that we to-day
think worthy of contemplation.' His impressions of travel generally
appear ' in this direction extremely barren, his remarks on all he saw
devoid of originality, his opinions often erroneous.' Respecting some
of the works of sculpture and painting, Luther allowed himself to be
altogether gulled by other monks. ' Some of Luther's utterances,' it is
said at p. 32, ' which apparently betoken special understanding of paint-
ing, stand in juxtaposition to others which plainly show the perverted
dilettante idea that art is to be regarded as subordinate to religion.'
Now the influence of Luther's personality, as in all other departments
so also in that of art, especially in the narrower circle of Saxon and
Thuringian artists, was as powerful as it was dangerous, for he com-
pelled the artists to overstep the limits of their domain, and drove them
into false fines (pp. 94-95). Fuller details at pp. 93-97. Concerning the
general development of art in the sixteenth century, Lehfeldt says, at
p. 84 : ' The rock on which art made shipwreck was not, as a recent art-
writer says, the fact that " German art was too early severed from its
bond with the Church," but that, with regard to its subject-matter and
its methods of expression, it was forced into false service by the leading
men of the intellectual and religious movement.' But how could it have
been brought into this false service if it had remained in union with
the Church ? Concerning Protestantism and art, see also Nagl-Zeidler,
p. 654 ff. ; L. Vaury, Le Protestantisme et Tart ; These-Montauban, 1899 ;
and Miintz, in the Revue des Revues, Mars et Juillet 1900.
2 Fuller details in Gaupp, pp. 566-584. Cf. Graus, p. 29.
/
/
40 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Catholic belief in the real presence of the Saviour in
the Sacred Host and the custorln of preserving the Host
in the churches, not only le/d to the production of
quantities of Sacrament-houses, but also engendered
a feeling of veneration for /places of worship, as the
veritable habitations of God, akin to the reverence of
the Old Testament Jews for the Ark of the Covenant
and the Holy of Holies ; later on also for Solomon's
Temple, for the adornment of which nothing was
thought too costly.1
Again, the doctrine of good works had been one of
the most powerful factors in the development of art :
the most exquisite creations of architecture, sculpture
and painting had sprung from the belief that it was
well pleasing in the Mght of God to erect churches,
and to adorn them with all the highest beauty that
the hand of the artist could produce.
This view of tihings, however, excited Luther's
deepest indignation ; he declared it to be not only
' the greatest abuse ' but even ' idolatry.' When in
1522 and 1523 3tie preached and wrote against the
iconoclasts, he blamed the latter for defending their
proceedings on the ground that the people prayed to
the images ; for, said he, the papists might answer :
' You were senseless in that you charged them with
1 Respecting the influence of Protestantism on sacred art, Alberdingk
Thijm (p. 123) says : ' II suffit de remarquer que le protestantisme avait
mis au rang des damnables heresies le principe meme de l'art, c'est-a-dirc
le protestantisme avait proscrit l'apparition materielle de l'essence
spirituelle, la manifestation de l'infini dans le fini. Combattre et abolir
le mystere de la Sainte-Eucharistie . . . c'etait defendre a l'art de se
produire dans ses expressions les plus sublimes, dans la representation
materielle de la Divinite. Au fond de toute question se retrouve la
question religieuse ou theologique ; personne ne s'en etonnera, puisque
le principe de toutes choses se trouve en Dieu.'
LUTHER'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS CHRISTIAN ART 41
praying to wood and stone.' The right way to answer
this accusation of the iconoclasts was : ' What right
have you to accuse us of having prayed to images ?
How can you see into our hearts ? How can you tell
whether we have prayed to them or not ? To this
answer they would remain dumb.'
' I hold, therefore, that there is no man alive who
has such dull understanding as to think : This crucifix
is my Christ and my God ; but he looks upon it as a
symbol by which he is kept in mind of the Lord Christ
and of His suffering.' On the other hand, ' the greatest
and best reason ' why it is better ' to have no images
at all ' lies herein, that ' when some one has set up an
image in a church, he soon comes to think that he has
thereby conferred a service and benefit on Cod, and has
done a good work, by which he will deserve something
from God ; and that is sheer idolatry, of which the world
is full.' ' For who would place a wooden, still less a
silver or golden, image in a church if he did not think
he was rendering Cod a service in so doing ? Do you
think, moreover, that princes, bishops, and other great
magnates would have so many costly silver and gold
images made for their churches and abbeys if they
did not think it would be some gain to them with
Cod ? No, indeed, they would soon give it up.'
Preachers must preach that ' the images were nothing,'
that ' one could not do Cod any service by setting up
images ; ' then these things would cease and die out of
themselves1 Five years later Luther said in his
commentary on the first commandment : ' When the
people are taught that with Cod nothing avails but
1 Collected Works, pp. 28, 225-229, 309-310. See also the letter of
April 25, 1522, to Count Louis of Stalberg, in De Wette, ii. 188.
42 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
His own grace and tender mercy, the images will drop
out of themselves and fall into contempt, for the people
will think to themselves : ' ' If, then, it's no good work
to make images, let the devil make images and painted
pictures : I shall henceforth keep my money in my
pocket or lay it out in a better way." ' 1
This teaching was frequently only too faithfully
followed. In many places of Lutheran persuasion the
images and works of art were not taken out of the
churches, but new ones were seldom added. Where-
ever the new doctrine of ' faith alone ' prevailed, it
soon happened as Luther had predicted : ' People
would not long go on founding churches, building
altars, setting up images, when they no longer thought
they were doing God a service thereby.' 2
Ecclesiastical architecture, which, as the outcome of
the nation's piety and love of sacrifice, had formerly
produced the grandest works, and had dominated the
whole system of building, fell into the background in all
the Protestant districts. Not only were no fresh sacred
edifices built, but many of those already begun were
left unfinished ; many were pulled down, because under
the new thought they were no longer needed, and
princely castles were built out of their stones ; 3 many
were turned to secular uses. In Ulm, for instance, they
ceased building on to the cathedral as early as 1529,
and the chapel of St. Valentine was turned into a
grease-market ; they were obliged, however, to forbid
the people to play ninepins in the churchyard, to throw
1 Collected Works, pp. 36, 50. - Ibid. pp. 15, 518.
3 For instance, in Wismar and Giistrow ; see Lisch, Jahrbiicher, iii. 59,
and v. 15, note 2 ; 23, note 1 ; 51. In Silesia, Wiburg, and so forth,
ten large churches, and more, were rased to the ground (Pontoppidan,
Annates, iii. 34).
DECAY OF ART-LIFE 43
stones at the windows, and otherwise to misbehave
themselves within the precincts.1
In Brunswick the building of the tower of the
Church of St. Andrew was stopped ' because they had
gone over to Luther's teaching.' 2
Before the outbreak of the religious revolution,
artists and art- workers of all sorts had had ' plenty to
do ' in consequence of the general activity in building
and the multitudinous orders ' for images and carving,
for gold and silver ornamentation, and other church-
treasures, and church-plate, and costly vestments for
divine service, which were given by private individuals
of high and low degree, by brotherhoods, by guilds, and
by Christians of all classes and both sexes.' ' There is
an end now to all this,' we read in a pamphlet of 1524.
' Churches and convents are no longer built and adorned,
but, on the contrary, they are destroyed, and numbers
of hands are thrown out of work ; ' ' art of a noble
kind is no longer much wanted.' 3
Artists and art- workers broke out in complaints on
this score. They reproached Luther in the following
doggerel :
All church building and adorning he despises,
Treats with scorning,
He not wise is.
But this was a complaint of the godless, concerning
which Christ is appealed to for judgment :
Bell-founders and organists,
Gold-beaters and illuminists,
1 Pressel, Ulm und sein Miinster, pp. 114, 115.
2 See Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, i. 288.
3 Glos und Comment uff LXXX. Artickeln und Ketzeryen der Luther-
ischen, &c. (Strassburg, 1534), Bl. K'. ■'■* See also Basler Chroniken, pub-
lished by Vischer-Stern (Leipzig, 1872), i. 388.
44 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Hand-painters, carvers and goldsmiths.
Glass-painters, silk-workers, coppersmiths,
Stone-masons, carpenters and joiners . . .
'Gainst all these did Luther wield a sword ;
From Thee we ask a verdict, Lord.
Christ's verdict is then introduced ; the complainants,
who His Word — namely Luther's teaching —
With scorn disdain
From greed of gain,
must cease to be ' careful concerning worldly goods,
like unto the heathen, but must seek the kingdom of
God with eagerness, and things temporal will be added
unto them ; otherwise, hell-fire will be their reward.' '
But there soon followed other charges which Hans
Sachs no longer put into the mouth of artists and art-
workers, but into that of ' the Muses ; ' formerly, he
said, the arts ' had been held in veneration in Germany
by young and old ; ' every corner of the land had been
full of scholars, and everywhere there were ' free artists
and artistic workmen without end ; ' now, on the con-
trary, all the arts were considered worthless and despic-
able ; pleasure, power, and pomp were the only things
sought after, and everyone was intent only on gaining
money :
Ah, do but see
How usury, deceit and fraud
In Germany now stalk abroad.
Who gold has got wants nothing more.
And art is valueless therefore.
And Ave must perish from starvation,
Be ruined with this foolish nation.
From Germany, then, we will depart,
Leave it senseless and bare of art."
1 See Weller, Hans Sachs, pp. 118-120.
2 Hans Sachs, iv. 124-127. See his lament of the year 1558, vol. viii.
p. 615.
DECAY OF ART-LIFE 45
It was this same complaint which the Protestant
art-writer, Walter Rivius of Nuremberg, raised in
1548 : ' it is pitiful,' he said, ' that in these days
excellent artists not only get no honour, but they
cannot even earn their daily bread.' Rivius also gave
as the reason for this state of things that ' finance,
usury, and fraud have reached such a pitch, and asserted
themselves so shamelessly that not only were the laud-
able arts regarded as beggary, and little thought of,
but they were in the highest measure despised and ridi-
culed.' 1 About the same time a third Protestant writer,
Henry Vogtherr of Strassburg, said unhesitatingly, in
the preface to his ' Kunstbuchlein,' that owing to the
new evangel the arts had fallen into decay. ' God had,'
he said, ' by a special dispensation of His Holy Word,
now in these our days brought about a noticeable
decline and arrest of all the subtle and liberal arts,
whereby numbers of people had been obliged to with-
draw from these arts and to turn to other kind of
handicraft.' ' It might, therefore, be expected that in
a few years there would scarcely be found any persons
in German lands working as painters and carvers.'
■> 2
1 Rivius, Vitruv (Basle edition of 1614), pp. 45-46, 181, 369.
' Preface to the Kunstbiichlein, Strassburg, 1545. : That even before
the religious revolution there were (as Lange, Fliitner, p. 17, asserts) fre-
quent complaints of the decline of art is undoubtedly true. This, however,
does not detract from the force of Janssen's evidence. Lange himself is
obliged (loc. cit.) to allow that the special department of ecclesiastical
art underwent deterioration owing to the Reformation. ' The Reforma-
tion,' says Bezold (Baukunst der Renaissance in Deutschland, p. 14), ' has
no immediate relation to the plastic arts, and was not conducive to their
progress, least of all to architecture.' ' We cannot deny,' says another
Protestant writer, ' that in consequence of the Church reform the interest
in art decreased both in our district and in other Lutheran — and still
more in Calvinistic — countries. Even though iconoclasm did not invade
our territory, the minds of our people were not unaffected by the teachings
46 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In Basle, as early as 1526, the whole body of painters,
had represented to the council how badly they fared,
as married men with wives and children, for want of
employment ; now, too, they were further injured by
shops which had taken fco selling false beards and
carnival masks ; they begged that the council would
forbid this practice, as it was the exclusive right of the
painters to supply these stage properties.1
The Bernese painter, Nicholas Manuel, betook him-
self to military service, because art no longer maintained
his family.2
' By reason of the imperative necessity for mainten-
of John of Leyden and of the Miinster Anabaptists. If there were no
other evidence in proof of this statement — such, for instance, as the
issue of the mandate against the Anabaptists in 1535 — its truth would
be indubitably confirmed by the fact that among the quantities of fine
images and statues of jsast epochs found in our churches, there is scarcely
one belonging to the latter half of the sixteenth century.' ' The gold and
silver church treasures were sold by public auction, without any regard
to their value as works of art ; as, for instance, amongst others, those of
the Church of St. Peter, presumably as early as lf>.*>5, and others on July 7,
1560, and March 10. 1565.'
Zeitschrift f. Hamburger Qesch. v. 258. Noteworthy, also, as cor-
roborating Jansscn's opinion is a Strassburg Ratsprotocoll, February 3,
1525: 'Painters and sculptors petition that, whereas through the Word
of God their handicraft has died out, they may be jjrovided -with posts
before other claimants.' The answer was : ' Let them be informed that,
as offices fall vacant, if they will make application, their appeals shall
be borne in mind . . .' in the minutes of the Society for the Preservation
of Historic Monuments in Alsatia, xv. (Strassburg, 1892), 248.
1 Woltmann, Holbein, i. 340.
2 Griineisen, p. 89. :: Concerning the Schlettstadt sculptors Paul
Windeck and Sixt Schultheiss, who became town messengers, see Geny,
Die Reichsstadt Schlettstadt und ihr Antheil an der socialpolitischen und
religiosen Bewegungen der Jahre 1490-1536 (explanations and additions
to Janssen's Hist, of the German People, edited by Ludwig Pastor, vol. i. ;
Heft 5 u. 6 [Freiburg, 1900], p. 149). Sometimes, however, it was
purely politico-economic reasons which reduced artists to poverty. Con-
cerning Flotner, Lange's emphatic assertion to this effect is epiite right.
Fliitner, p. 18 ff.
DECAY OF ART-LIFE 47
ance of wives and children, now that, in the painters'
and in other art trades, there was little more to do and
little traffic,' the restrictions in the towns against
' foreign competition ' became more severe than ever
before, and the free exercise of art was greatly limited.
In Ratisbon, for instance, the foreign painter, George
Boheim, was only allowed to paint the sepulchre of
Sebastian Schilter, and was forbidden, on pain of
punishment, to undertake any other work.1 The
painter, Matthew Kager, who wanted to settle in
Augsburg, was bound over only to work at frescoes,
and never to paint in oils.2 Because the Brieg painters
were short of work, they got a written agreement drawn
up that not more than three foreigners were to be
admitted.3 Many families of renowned artists such
as that of Hans Burgkmair, ended in misery.4 The
famous painter and wood-carver, Michael Ostendorfer,
lived at Ratisbon in the most needy circumstances ;
the pay that he received from the Protestant
Council for his art-work was so meagre as scarcely to
cover the expense of his colours, oil, and canvas. He
was, and continued to be, ' the poor Michael,' ' the
disconsolate Michael.' ' If my lords the councillors,'
he once wrote, ' would graciously send me a measure
of meal, it would be quite a boon to me, and very
helpful, indeed, in my work.' The pangs of hunger
and grief at the slight esteem in which his art was
held were largely to blame for that wantonness of
1 Gunipelzhaimer, ii. 980.
2 Ree, p. 83.
' Von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, ii. 356. Further evidence showing how greatly
the freedom of art work had become restricted in Andresen, ii. 211 ;
Ree, pp. 83-84 ; Merlo, master of the old Cologne school of painters, p. 220.
4 See Von Liitzow, Zeitschr. pp. 19, 399.
48 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
conduct which occasioned such frequent and serious
complaints against him.1
At Frankfort-on-the-Main the painter, Jerome Wan-
necker, was driven by poverty and grief to hanging
himself.2
The life of Hans Holbein the Younger is an object-
lesson concerning the influence of the religious revolu-
tion on German art. In 1526, true to the old Catholic
conception and technique of art, and moved by strong
inward feeling n,nd pious veneration, he produced his
incomparable ' Madonna of the Burgomaster James
Meyer,' a representation of the Holy Virgin as the
mother of mercy spreading her mantle over the figures
kneeling before her.3 It was his last great religious
work ; indeed, it was one of the last religious master-
pieces of the sixteenth century. In Basle, where
Holbein lived, complete stagnation of all artistic
activity was the result of the religious revolution.
Holbein was obliged to give up working at his beautiful
wall pictures for the town council house,4 and to take
to ordinary house-painter's work in order to earn his
daily bread. Want of employment drove him to
England. ' Here the arts are freezing,' wrote Erasmus
in 1526, in a letter in which he gave Holbein an intro-
duction to a friend at Antwerp. In 1528 Holbein
returned to Basle. During the carnival of the follow-
1 Fuller details in Schuegraf, pp. 8-76. Specially noteworthy are the
remarks concerning the preparation of his altar-work for the parish
church, pp. 34^43. See Gurnpelzhaimer, ii. 893.
2 Kirchner, Oesch. von Frankfurt, ii. 460.
3 Cf. C. von Lutzow in the separate section devoted to the ' Chronik
fiir vervielfaltigende Kunst,' 1888, No. 1. To a period earlier than 1526
this master- work cannot be put back ; cf. E. His in v. Zahn's Jahrbiicher,
iii. 157.
1 Cf. Woltmann, Holbein, i. 293-302.
DECAY OF ART-LIFE 49
itig year the great iconoclastic storm broke out. Several
of Holbein's works were destroyed on that occasion.
The announcement of the Basle Council in its new
' regulations ' concerning religious pictures and images,
that ' God has cursed all those who make images,'
gave this great artist little prospect of fresh orders ;
the sole tasks left him were to finish the pictures for the
town hall, and to revarnish the image of the ' Lalen-
konig ' on the clockwork of the Rheinthor. In order
to obtain employment he turned his steps again towards
England,1 and he never returned to Basle, although
the town council assured him that they would provide
for him better in future, to enable him to feed his wife
and children. In England he became court-painter
to Henry VIII., and was obliged to paint portraits of
the King, and his courtiers and concubines. His higher
capacities were in the main restricted to taking portraits.
In addition to this his chief occupation consisted in
making designs for practical art-work, table ornaments,
beakers, clocks, dagger-sheaths, and so forth. At his
death in 1543 he left a legacy of debts, and property to
the amount of one horse and sundry other items. For
his brother German artists it was no good example
that he set in taking no further thought for his wife and
children at Basle. In his will there is no allusion to
them, but only mertion of two other children born in
England out of wedlock. To these he left, out of the
profits of his possessions, and after payment of his
debts, a monthly sum of seven shillings and sixpence.2
*#i ' Thereby Germany lost the greatest historic painter it had ever
possessed, without having made use of his powers,' says Janitschek,
in his History of German Art, iii. 463.
- Woltmann, ii. 358-360 ; Grimm, Kiinstler und Kimstiverke, ii. 129.
W. A. Becker (i. 391) actually excuses Holbein's neglect of his wife
VOL. XI. E
50 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
And so one of the greatest artists ever born on
German soil ended his days, homeless, in a foreign
land.1
The old Church had been the mother and fosterer
of the arts ; the new Church cannot claim as its offspring
any striking monuments or productions of religious art.
In the department of painting, the workshops of
Lucas Cranach, ' who was renowned as the greatest
painter in the service of the holy evangel,' sent forth
numbers of dogmatising, denominational pictures,
executed for the purpose of setting forth the Lutheran
doctrine of justification, but in all these productions
art, as such, had little place.2 Since the middle of the
and family as follows : ' When one beholds the picture which he painted
of his wife and children (" the unattractive, dismal woman with red
eyes, the plain girl, and the miserable-looking boy "), it becomes
obvious that it would have been out of the cpiestion for him to take
them into the circles in which he was received in London, apart from
the fact that he was only too glad to keep the fresh sphere in which
he was then living free from the storms of married life ' !
** 1 ' Hans Holbein the Younger,' says Sighart (Gesch. der bildenden
Kilnste im Konigreich Bayern, p. 599), ' was an artistic genius of an all-
sidedness which few before or after him have displayed.' Cf. also the
article by A. Zottmann, Hans Holbein der Jiingere (a memorial to the
four hundredth anniversary of his birthday). Beil. zur Augsburger Post-
zeitung, 1897, No. 34 ff.
- On this point most of the art historians are agreed. See Rosenberg,
p. 25 ; Waagen, Malerei, i. 249-252 ; Woltmann, Deutsche Kunst und
Reformation, pp. 35-36. ' The text inscribed under the picture was
necessary for explaining the thought-enigma' (Lindau, pp. 239-240).
Cranach' s ' Siindenfall ' was pasted over with texts suitable to the sub-
ject (Schuchardt, iii. 200 ; cf. ii. 107-109). Cranach's ' large altar-pictures
in the town churches of Wittenberg and Weimar are chiefly conspicuous
for their lack of depth and originality. They preach dogmas of faith,
but amongst his figures there is seldom seen one head which gives evidence
of any depth of conception and vigorous spiritual life ' (Leixner, p. 231).
' It is true,' says Schnaase (Kimstblatt, 1849, No. 14), ' that Cranach, at
his death, left behind him a school of art, but it was a stereotyped school
whose productions were only distinguished from those of the master by
a decrease of merit, not by any original talent, and he had no permanent
DECAY OF ART-LIFE 51
sixteenth century religious art had come entirely to an
end in all the Protestant parts of Germany.1
Once more it was plain to see how intimately art is
associated with the events and occurrences of the
general life of the nation ; how truly, as in a mirror, it
reflects the whole picture of any given age. Apart
from all other causes which worked for its destruction,
religious art was bound to go gradually to ruin on
influence on art. At the period when the breach with its pre- Reformation
traditions came generally and prominently into notice — and this is the
period which may bo described as " the epoch of Protestant art " —
German art was as a tree stript of its leafage by the religious storms of
the sixteenth century, and whose last blossoms Cranach and Holbein
had taken with them to the grave ' (Lindau, pp. 122-123). ** See also
Janitschek in the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, iii. 495, and Lehfeldt in the
passage quoted above, p. 39, n. 1.
1 ' The confined creeds, which were the outcome of the reform move-
ments, had no affinity with art. Even the Catholic counter-reformation
possessed more creative power.' ' Through the latter there coursed a
stream of life which was entirely lacking in Protestantism ' (Woltmann,
Deutsche Kunst und Reformation, p. 37). Nothing but sectarian narrow-
ness could deny that German, above all plastic art, stood higher before
the Reformation than after it. For nearly two centuries architecture,
sculpture, and painting produced nothing more in Germany that could
be compared with the creations of these different arts either immediately
before or simultaneously with the schism in the Church ' (Scherr, Ger-
mania, p. 240). ' The Protestant world gave itself up to enslave-
ment by the clergy.' ' All fresh and living religious life had completely
disappeared ; formalism ruled everywhere.' ' Here the letter, there
morality. With' these men's consciences had to be satisfied. How could
religious art grow from such a soil, how enthusiasm for the production
of fine church buildings, how zeal for the creation of nobly conceived
pictures of religious or Biblical life ? ' (Falke, Gesch. des Geschmacks,
pp. 148-149). It is a general principle, says Riegel, Grundriss der bildenden
Kiinste, p. 279, that ' there is no such tiling as Protestant art, for as soon
as art aims at being religious it at once and of necessity becomes Catholic'
' After the downfall of Catholicism, owing to Luther's reformation,' says
Bergau (Inventory of the Architectural and Art Monuments of the Province
of Brandenburg [Berlin, 1885], p. 7), ' ecclesiastical architecture ceased
entirely in the land of Brandenburg.' See Reichensperger, in the Lit.
Handweiser, 1886, p. 21.
e 2
52 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
account of the deadly poison infused into it by the
religious dissensions.
Formerly art had been the ' expression of the
holiest and highest sentiments,' it had lifted men out
of their earthly troubles, and ' announced the joyous
message from the other world,' it had ministered to
reverence and edification, and as ' a noble daughter of
heaven,' had preached a gospel of peace ; now it found
itself drawn away into the tumultuous whirlpool of
religious party strife, and pressed into the service of
the demon of hatred and scorn.
53
CHAPTER III
AET IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS ]
Just as in the fifteenth century the Hussites produced
' numbers of scandalous pictures ' in ridicule of th e
Pope and the clergy,2 so now ' in Germany a great
many engravers, wood-carvers, and painters thought
to distinguish themselves and to make large sums of
money (notwithstanding that the object of art was
to promote piety, peace and spirituality) by producing
and disseminating innumerable caricatures and libellous
pictures, which served no other purpose than to stir
up odious and unclean sentiments against clergy and
laity alike.' 3
These productions, in addition to the hatred which
they exhibit, show also a taste for things base and
impure. A chief representative of this degenerate
art-tendency was the Bernese painter, Nicholas Manuel,
1 It will be no less unpleasant to the reader of this section to find in
it much scandalous matter than it was to the author to collect together
all the objectionable details. But the work seemed necessary in order
to give a complete picture of the times, and to show by this great mass
of circumstantial evidence that the ills in question were not confined to
mere isolated cases, but represented a general tendency running through
the whole age. As in the field of literature, so also, to a certain extent,
in that of art, the Thirty Years' War of annihilation was preceded by a
century of religious warfare. ** This Thirty Years' War, Lehfeldt (p. 99)
also allows, ' is the last stage of this decadence (the decline of art), most
certainly not the beginning of the disappearance of culture and art.'
2 See Schultz, Gesch. der Breslauer Maler-Innung, p. 12, note 2.
3 Ein Erlclerung des Voter Unsers (1617), Bl. 9\
54 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
who assailed the Catholic Church at every point with
showers of venomous rancour and shameless ridicule.
He went so far as to make a picture of the resurrection
of Christ the handle for an improper scene between a
monk and a nun.1
Hans Holbein, especially during his sojourn in
England as court-painter to Henry VIII., worked
actively in the service of the Protestants. In a series
of drawings in which he represented the passion of
Christ, the judges, accusers, and executioners of the
Saviour are personified by the Pope, and by monks and
priests. Judas Iscariot is a monk, Caiaphas is the Pope,
who pronounces the sentence, and those who scourge
and mock and lead the Saviour to death are priests of
the Church.2
The lampoons and libellous pamphlets which, from
the beginning of the religious revolution had been
distributed in such quantities, were often illustrated
by woodcuts which ' supplied the common people with
1 Griineisen, p. 185. On his coat-of-arms there are two priests in
wolf -skins who are holding the rosary beads in the wolf's elaws (p. 183).
Respecting Manuel as painter, F. S. Vogelin says, in Baechtold CX. :
' Though he had grown up in the Catholic faith, and had served it as
artist, he early turned his mind and his art against the edifice of Catho-
licism. He was not least among the contributors to its ruin, but at the
same time he shook the foundations of his own art industry. The Reforma-
tion destroyed sacred art, but it did not build up in its place a school of
national art.'
2 Woltmann, Holbein, ii. 225 ff. Respecting two wood-engravings
of an earlier period ascribed to Holbein ' Ablasshandel ' (traffic in indul-
gences) and ' Christ the True Light,' cf. Woltmann, ii. 74-75 ; Passavant,
iii. 380, Nos. 28, 29. In this last engraving the Pope, a bishop, a pre-
bendary, and a monk are turning their backs to the fight and hurrying
with closed eyes to a precipice, with Aristotle and Plato in front of
them. The latter has already fallen down the precipice. The artist here
embodies the exhortations of multitudes of preachers to disregard, to
disdain, Greek philosophy.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 55
rare counterfeits and caricatures of the accursed, devilish
race of clergy.' One of these illustrations, for instance,
represents a priest on a bank opposite a church ; a devil
floating in the air had stuck the broken-off point of the
church tower in the priest's mouth ; another devil in
the air holds in each hand a tablet on which two keys
are crossed. A second pamphlet has on its title-page
a fat pope whom devils are carrying up on high ; in a
third the Pope is on his throne surrounded with car-
dinals, bishops, clergy and monks, each wearing a wolf's
head ; geese are strutting round about and cackling
prayers, while a monk with a cat's head is playing on
a lute ; a fourth shows a bishop and a monk each with
a cat's head, another with a buck's head, who are all
storming against a cross.1 The reiterated imperial
commands that ' nothing calumnious, no pasquilles,
or anything of the sort, were to be written, printed,
painted, engraved or cast,' and that such writings,
paintings, engravings, &c, were not to be put up
for sale and hawked about, were for the most part
ineffectual.2
On one occasion, in 1549, the town council at
Nuremberg caused certain scandalous and calumnious
pictures directed against the Catholic Church, its
doctrines and its priests, to be taken away and their
disseminators to be turned out of the town. But
' slanderous pictures ' of this sort reappeared again and
again. After the Emperor had made repeated com-
plaints on this score, the council, in 1551, laid the blame
1 Schade, i. 181 (cf. p. 180), and ii. 352, and iii. 221, 255 ; Hagen, ii.
181.
- Commands of this sort are recorded by Voigt, fiber Pasquille,
pp. 351-358.
56 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
on the foreign messengers and letter-carriers ' who
spread such things among the common people.' ]
Concerning the influence of all this flood of caricature
Luther had already expressed himself at the time of the
Peasants' War. ' The common people,' he wrote on
June 2, 1525, to the Archbishop Albert of Mayence,
' are now widely informed and enlightened as to the
nonentity of the clerical status ; wherever one goes one
sees on all the walls, on all sorts of bits of paper, even
on playing-cards, caricatures of priests and monks,' so
that ' one now experiences a feeling of disgust on seeing
or hearing of a clerical person.' 2
Luther himself was not in any way concerned to
protect art from such excesses. In 1526 he called on
his followers to ' assail the noble race of idolaters of
the Roman Antichrist by means of painting ; ' the
dirt and dregs, with ' which they would like to fill the
world with its stink, must be stirred up till they are
fain to stop up their jaws and their nostrils.' ' Cursed
be he who remains idle in this matter, while he knows
that he can do God a service by helping it on.' 3
Lucas Cranach was most ready of all to follow this
exhortation. In 1521 lie had already fought the
papacy in a ' Passional Christi und Anti-Christi ; ' 4
1 J. Baader in Von Zahn's Jahrbiicher, i. 225-22G ; cf. p. 233, the
edicts of the council against the Formschneider, ' who were to abstain
from all scurrilous poetry and jiainting.'
2 De Wette, Letters of Luther, ii. 674.
3 See our remarks, vol. iv. 355-350. The drawings for the wood-
cuts of this representation of the papacy were done by Hans Sebald
Beham ; cf. Rosenberg, xi.-xii. 126, No. 211.
4 Passional Christi und Antichristi. Lucas Cranach's woodcuts to
the text of Melanchthon, with an introduction by G. Kawerau (Berlin,
1885) ; ** Lehfeldt, p. 65. Concerning a series of pictures (no longer extant)
in the chapel of the castle of Smalcald, connected with these woodcuts,
the execution of which was entrusted by the Landgrave William about
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 57
later on he issued from Wittenberg all manner of
caricatures and scurrilous pictures, and even, as an old
man of seventy-three, he produced, in illustration of
the papacy, his collection of woodcuts, some of which
were unspeakably low, and which Luther published in
1545 in his own name and supplied with rhymes. Luther,
says his enthusiastic admirer, Mathesius, ' in the year
1545 was instrumental in the production of many
vigorously conceived pictures, which represented, for
the benefit of those who could not read, the true nature
and monstrosity of the Antichrist, just as the Spirit
of God in the Apocalypse of St. John depicted the red
whore of Babylon.' ]
In one of these woodcuts of Cranach the Pope holds
a bull of excommunication, out of which flames and
stones are being emitted against two men who are
standing before his Holiness, with their hind parts
naked turned towards him. In another the Pope, in
full pontifical array, is seen riding on a sow, and blessing
with his right hand a heap of reeking dung which he
carries in his left hand, and towards which the sow is
stretching its snout.2
] 587 to George Kronhard, painter to the castle, while his fifteen-year-old
son Moritz composed the verses for them, cf. O. Gerland, ' Die Antithesis
Christi et Papae,' in the castle church at Smalcald, in the Zeitschrift des
Vereins filr hessische Gesch. rind Landeskunde. New series, xvi. 189-201.
! Historien von des ehrwiirdigen in Oott seligen teuren Mamies Oottes
Lutheri, &c. (Nuremberg, 1570), Bl. 167".
2 [For further descriptions the reader is referred to the German original,
vol. vi. p. 42. — Translator.]
Schuchardt, Cranach, i. 170, and ii. 248-255 ; also iii. 231 ; re-
printed at the first Reformation jubilee in the year 1617. Cf. also
our remarks, vol. vi. pp. 273 and 274, note 1. A. W. Becker (i. 360)
describes these artistic performances of Cranach as ' solid food which
the healthy " stomachs " produced by the sound culture and customs of
the epoch could stand and assimilate ' ! Lindau, who in his biography
of Cranach eulogises the latter as the ' most chaste and genuine painter
58 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Peter Gottland, a pupil of Cranach, depicted Christ
as a triumphant boy, driving the shaft of a spear into
the body of a four-footed monster with three heads,
one of which was a pope's head with a tiara ; from the
pierced body snakes are issuing.1 By another artist
the Pope was drawn as a three-headed dragon ; by a
third as spittir.g poison ; by a fourth as a gambler in
the company of devils, Turks and Jews ; by a fifth
as a glutton at a dissolute banquet ; by a sixth he
was drawn seated on a dragon whose throat represented
the entrance into hell, into which abode the devil,
with a birdcatcher's mirror, was enticing emperors,
kings, bishops, princes and lords, priests and mer-
chants.'2
of the Reformation ' (p. 401), does not give his readers any idea of the
nature of these caricatures. He mentions them only (p. 341) as ' a collec-
tion of pictures which Cranach from time to time produced in opposition
to the papacy.' ** C. Wendeler ( M . Lathers Bilderpolemik gegen das Papst-
thum von 1545, in the Archiv fiir Literatur-Gesch. pp. 14, 17-40) remarks,
on the other hand, that ' the coarse-grained satire ' of that production
was in certain instances repulsive even to the taste of the sixteenth cen-
tury, accustomed, as it was, to nudities of every kind. Lehfeldt also
(j). 67) speaks of ' pictures that were sometimes highly objectionable
and offensive,' declares himself opposed to the belief in Cranach's author-
ship, and concludes by saying : ' Whoever the author may have been,
we may note as an interesting point that, in the series of woodcuts of
1545 there is, in relation to earlier woodcuts of a similar tendency, a
strong infusion of Lutheran influence on the technical method. This
influence has been by no means a happy one as far as art is concerned.'
1 Schuchardt, Cranach, iii. 105-106.
: < 'atalogueof these and other caricatures in Drugulin, p. 21, Nos. 112,
115, 119 ; further, p. 22, Nos. 120-124, 136, and p. 39, Nos. 322, 324. Bartsch,
viii. 413, and ix. 157. Passavant, Peintre-Graveur, iii. 126, 309 (cycle
of ten caricatures), and iv. 182, 224, 227, 281 ; Heller, pp. 361, 872, 873,
893 ; Andresen, iii. 46-48. Cf. also the libellous pictures in the Antithesis
de praeclaris Christi et indignis Papae facinoribus . . . per Zachariam
Durentium" (the book-printer), 1557, without locality. The Westphalian
copper-engraver, Henry Aldegrever, in his works, ' handed over the clerical
power to every species of ridicule and contempt.' His works ' gained
ever more and more the approval of the burghers at Soest, who were
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 59
A slightly coloured pen-and-ink drawing of Peter
Vischer of the year 1534 is full of fierce hostility against
the Pope. It represents the Vatican being destroyed
by flames ; some of the inmates are lying on the ground,
others are fleeing from the fire ; one poor peasant-
man with his flail on his back, accompanied only by
his fettered conscience, as by his wife, is turning away
from St. Peter and appears wishful to attach himself
to the enthroned worldly power on the left ; but Luther,
in the figure of a youthful hero, steps in the way and
points to the Christ emerging from the clouds in the
background. All the figures here represented, with
the exception of Christ, the Emperor and the Pope,
are unclothed ; in many of them, like the figure of
Luther and the female figures, there are signs of special
devotion having been bestowed on their execution.1
Under the title ' Gorgoneum Caput ' (Gorgon Medusa)
' A foreign Romish sea-wonder, discovered in recent
times in the new islands,' Tobias Stimmer, in 1577,
produced a comic picture in which the Pope, instead of
a tiara, wears a bell decked with tapers and other
objects, has a nose in the shape of a fish, a pyx for
an eye, a pot with half-open lid for a mouth, and a
missal with the papal arms for his back ; among the
stirred up by the fanatical Anabaptists (Gehrken, pp. 7-8). ** Whether
the Nuremberg artist Peter Flotner (see Neudorffer, p. 115) made carica-
tures of the Catholic clergy is, according to Lange, Flotner, p. 7, a matter
of doubt. Respecting H. Aldegrever, cf. (now) also K. v. Liitzow in the
Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, iv. 211. See also the catalogue of caricatures
against the papacy and the clergy in the antiquarian catalogue of F. A.
Brockhaus, Histor. Flugbliitter des 16. bis 19. Jahrh. (Leipzig, 1890),
Nos. 1061, 1063, 1084, 1102, 1106, 1109.
** l This remarkable drawing was presented to Goethe on his birthday
in 1818. It still forms part of the Goethe collection at Weimar. See
Zeitschrift f. bildende Kunst, xxi. 12.
60 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
accessories there is, inter alia, a wolf in bishop's
habiliments with a sheep in its mouth, and a pig with
an incense-burner.1 In another of Stimmer's sheets
a devil holds the staff of the Pope, who is being struck
with clenched fist by St. Peter, from whom he is trying
to wrest the key of the kingdom of heaven. John
Fischart, ' for the shame of the dark owl- visage,'
illuminated both these sheets with rhymes.2 In the
same spirit as Cranach, another artist, in 1586, pro-
duced a large coloured picture in mockery of a jubilee
proclamation of Pope Gregory XIII. : the Pope with
his tiara and threefold cross rides on a sow carrying
the bull of indulgences, on which is a heap of steaming
human dung ; in front of him kneel the Emperor, a
cardinal, the Electors of Mayence and Treves, and
others, while behind him stands the devil with out-
stretched tongue.3 Comic medals were also dissemi-
nated. One of these shows on one side the double
head of the Pope and the devil, on the other side that
of a cardinal and a fool.4 On a beautifully designed
1 Andresen, iii. 47 ; Passavant, iii. 457, No. 90.
2 Andresen, iii. 45. Cf. Kurz, Fischart, iii. 243-240.
3 In the Thesaurus Picturarum of the Court Library at Darmstadt,
Bd. ' Calumniae et Sycophantic,' &c., fol. 113.
1 R. Lepke's Art Catalogue (Berlin, 1888), Nos. 644, 88G. In the arch-
bishopric of Cologne reformed pottery-makers at Frechen, in 1604, ridi-
culed the Catholic doctrines by pictorial representations, a celebrating
monk, and so forth, on their goods. Cf. Ennen, Gesch. der Stadt Koln,
v. 383 ; Rosellen, Gesch. der Pfarreien des Dekanates Briihl (Koln, 1887),
pp. 274-275. ** On a cannon at Kusti-in, in 1545, the Pope was depicted
as a savage man, with the inscription : ' The Pope is rightly called the
wild man, who, by his false rogue's career, has brought about all this
unhappiness which neither God nor man can tolerate. 1545 ' (Miirlcische
Forschungen, xiii. 496 note). In the Luneburg Museum there is a Pokal
(drinking-cup), a so-called Interim's beaker of 1548. The foot of it repre-
sents the Saviour in the act of blessing, and standing on a dragon with
three heads (the Pope's, a Turk's, and an angel's). Above is the Baby-
lonish whore and a coat of arms (Lotz, Kunsttopogr. i. 410).
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 61
plate, engraved by Th. de Bry, is seen the head of the
Pope ; if the plate is turned round the other way there
appears a devil's face.1
The Franciscan John Nas told of ' more than
thirty ' artists who had made it their business ' to
represent the Pope and all the clergy as the enemies
of Christ, as monsters and messengers of the devil,
and to make them detested by the people.' ' They
also,' he wrote, ' put immoral pictures of monks,
priests and nuns into the hands of young people, with
scandalous rhymes under them, and disseminate them
through the land by letter-carriers and hawkers.' L>
One woodcut represents a monk undressing a nun
in order to whip her with a fox's brush fastened to a
stick. Above is the commentary, ' In the convent
gardens they practise the sort of discipline that is
seen here.' In another picture the devil is blowing
with a pair of bellows into the ear of a monk who is
making love to a nun. Equally objectionable is another
sheet which depicts two nuns dragging along a tipsy
man on a truck ; a third nun drives them on with a
whip ; underneath are some scandalous lines.
A fourth large sheet, with the superscription ' The
Dedication feast and indulgence of the monks and
nuns,' represents a procession of monks and nuns led
by a fox, over which a fat monk is swinging a censer ;
several of the monks are imbibing, others are vomiting,
and so forth. A fifth exhibits three naked devils on a
gallows ; from the body of the middle one monks are-
dropped. A long Latin note explains the process.
** l Wessely, Gestalten des Todes und Teufels, p. 112.
2 Quoted in Ein Erklerung des Voter Timers (1617), Bl. 9a. Cf.
Gretser.
62 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Another one is intended to show why it is that the
devil is always present when two monks meet each
other.1 A woodcnt of Geron von Launingen, of the
year 1546, represents a huge cauldron in which Catholic-
priests are being boiled alive over a roaring fire ; a
Protestant preacher is blowing the fire with bellows,
while a demon places wood and coals beside it.2 In
1569 a woodcut with explanatory rhymes was dis-
tributed, intended to depict ' the origin, manners,
and character of the " Suiten" who call themselves
" Jesuiten." The Pope, represented by a pig lying on
a mattress, is giving birth to the Jesuits ; priests are
praying around him ; furies are acting the part of
midwives ; they represent swinelike monsters, and are
grubbing up the graves in a churchyard, and are being
instructed in a stable by a dog and a pig.
' The men of art are highly to be commended,' said
a preacher to his congregation from the pulpit on the
first day of Easter, 1572, ' in that they obey the whole-
some instructions of the dear man of God, Martin
Luther, and for the love of pious, saintly Christians do,
both by painting and engraving, mercilessly counter-
feit and caricature the accursed papacy, with all its
popish, satanic rabble, devils and witches, who are all
leagued together to persecute and condemn God's
Word, and our holy religion which cries aloud for help.' ;j
1 All these caricatures in the Thesaurus Picturarum at the Court
Library at Darmstadt, Bd. ' Antichristiana,' fol. 249, 253, 258, 263, 20(5,
270. ** The pictures are the work of Henry Aldegrever, s.v. Lichtenberg,
p. 54, who speaks plainly of their coarseness.
** - Wessely (Gestalten des Todes imd Teufels, p. 112), who describes the
picture, remarks of it : : Did it not occur to the artist that the company
and co-operation of a devil in this work is not exactly complimentary to
the preacher '! '
' Easter sermon of Melchior Zeysig (Jhena, 1572), p. 8.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 63
Thus, for instance, the Nuremberg copper- etcher,
Matthew Ziindt, had represented the Christian religion
as a woman screaming for help : demoniacal bird-
figures with the papal tiara and with cardinals' hats on
their heads are coming forth from hell ; three satanic
forms are rising out of the water ; an old woman with
goat's feet steps on to the bank holding a reeking pot
on a fork.1
Some jesting verses on the Sacred Host, that 'poison-
ous bread-God,' with the superscription, ' The birth
of Jan de Weiss,' - gave occasion for the explanation :
' This bread-god's father, the miller who ground the
Hour, is a thief ; the nun who baked it is a whore ; its
godfather the priest who consecrated it, and gave it
its name or made it into god, is generally an infamous
scoundrel. This is the glorious lineage and stately
origin of the bread-god, which nowadays almost all
the world worships.' 3
Even in the illustrated editions of the Bible contro-
versy was represented. For instance, in the Frankfort
edition of the Lutheran translation, supplied with ' beau-
tiful pictures ' by Virgil Solis, the beast of the Apoca-
lypse, which comes up from the abyss, wears a papal
tiara, and the Pope is represented as praying to the
seven-headed monster ; marginal notes explain that it
1 Andresen, i. 16. - Jean le Blanc.
3 Thesaurus Picturarum in the Court Library at Darmstadt, Bd.
' Calurnniae,' etc. fol. 95. The Calvinists drew caricatures of the ' Lutheran
bread-god,' on the doctrine of the ubiquity of the body of Christ, and of
the chief champion of this doctrine, James Andrea, as a new German pope
with a cat's head and the papal insignia. In the volume ' Calumnise,'
fol. 82, 86, 88 ff., under the ' ubiquity ' caricatures are the lines : ' Pan-
dora ubiquistica concepit dolum, peperit mendacium et monstrum alit
horrendum.' One caricature of the Lutherans against the Calvinists is
catalogued as the work of Drugulin, p. 72, No. 790.
64 HISTOKY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
is ' popish abominations ' which are meant here.1 The
commentaries on the Apocalypse were indeed generally
the occasion for the most unbridled attacks on the
papacy and the ' papists ; ' they were accompanied
with woodcuts and ' dainty rhymes,' in order that ' the
common people might have the devilish horrors of the
Romish school of Satan vividly before their eyes, and
that they might retain the verses indelibly in their
memory.' It was thus that the Superintendent George
Nigrinus, among others, in 1593, dealt with the publica-
tion of his sixty sermons on the Apocalypse. Who,
says he,
Who Antichrist knows not as yet,
Nor the papacy's arch knavish set,
The violence, crime, and hellish tricks
And malice of the heretics, . . .
Let liim read what's in this book,
And at all the pictures look,
He'd have it clear then in his mind,
E'en were he altogether blind. -'
To one of the pictures are appended the lines :
The horrible and gruesome beast
Crawling up from the abyss
Is the Romish Antichrist.
To another
The beast that standeth in the sand,
With ten fierce horns and seven crowns,
Is the Roman empire and town
That rules o'er many a race and land,
And Satan serveth at all times. . . .
The other beast that stands quite near,
With ram's horns, like a prophet-seer,
And preaches of things mighty great,
Yet as a dragon eke doth prate,
1 Biblia, Teutsch (1561), Bl. 402" ff.
- Nigrinus, Apokalypsis, Bl. jjjj\
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 65
For the Pope and his dominion's painted
Who rightly as Antichrist is represented ;
By the devil is this kingdom founded,
On murder, lies, and poison grounded.1
Whole collections of caricatures and libellous pic-
tures were also circulated. Towards 1560 there ap-
peared at Basle a pamphlet with more than a hundred
woodcuts, and bearing the lengthy title : ' Concern-
ing the terrible destruction and overthrow of the whole
papacy, prophesied and foreseen by the prophets, by
Christ, and by His apostles, and prefigured and visibly
seen in the Apocalypse of John, for the benefit and good
of souls, and for their eternal life.' 2 Ten years later
there appeared, under the name of Theophrastus
Paracelsus, a quantity of ' magic ' Pope-pictures, which
once upon a time, the author said, had been found at
Nuremberg, and which he now proposed ' to explain
magically.' They were caricatures with a meaning as
odious as it is confused. On one of the woodcuts the
Pope is depicted with a threefold crown and a cope ;
with the right hand he is strangling an eagle, ' that is
the Emperor ; ' with the left hand he holds a staff
ending in a three-pronged fork, a symbol of ' false
power ' which he pretends to have received ' from the
Holy Trinity ; ' at his feet stand a cock and a goose as
counterfeits of ' the lower clergy, who corrupt the laity
and the common people ; ' a monk, on to whose head a
devil is descending, ' typifies all the Orders,' ' for since
the accession of Barbarossa no monk has ever had any-
thing else in his mind but lying, deceit and intrigue.' 3
1 Apolcalypsis, pp. 339, 424-425 ; cf. pp. 271, 530.
2 Weller, Annalen, i. 322, No. 159, and also ii. 549.
3 Expositio vera harum imaginum olim Nurenbergae repertarum ex
fundatissimo verae Magiae Vaticinio deducta, per Doctorem Theophrastum
VOL. XI. F
66 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In a voluminous work of John Wolf, the councillor
of the Count Palatine of Zweibriicken, which appeared
in 1600, there are a number of horrible, often indecent,
illustrations, the object of which is to hold the Pope
and the clergy up to ridicule and disgrace. Amongst
those that are comparatively respectable may be
mentioned : a donkey saying the mass ; a wolf preaches
in monk's garb before a flock of geese, watched by a
buffoon, each of which holds a rosary in its beak.1
A picture-book with explanatory text, published in
1615, and entitled Von der schrecklichen Zerstorung des
Papstlums? represented the ' Popess Agnes ' as a
Babylonish harlot on the seven-headed beast : she is
drinking to the Emperor and nine other princes, who
are kneeling at her feet, from the chalice of unchastity.
In a second picture the ' Saviour ' is raining down
fire and brimstone on Pope, bishops and monks. In
a third the papacy is being plundered : the Emperor
grabs at the tiara and cross, a king is pulling the mass-
vestment over the Pope's ears ; priests and monks are
lying on the floor, half-naked, between devil's hounds.
In a fourth they are all being driven into the jaws of
hell. In a fifth picture, on the other hand, the elect
preachers are standing round the Lamb in glory-shine.3
Paracelsum (1570, without locality), Bl. 9-10. See also the pamphlet
with thirty large satirical woodcuts, entitled Wunderliche Weissagung
von dem Bapstum, wie es yhm bis an das Ende der Welt gehen sol, ynn
Figuren odder Gemelde begriffen, gefunden zu Niirmberg, ym Chartheuser
Klosler, vnd ist seller alt. Mil gutter Auslegung . . . Wilche Hans Sachs
yn Deudsche reymen gefasset (without locality [Nuremberg], 1527).
1 Lectiones, ii. 711-747, 856, 908, 909, 920-921. A monk-fish is given
as type of the Jesuits, ii. 573. See F. Pieper, Einleitung in die monu-
mentale Theologie, pp. 703-704.
2 Without name of author or publisher. Probably printed at Lau-
ingen, where the most rabid polemics then raged.
3 Bl. A 5b, A 6b, B 4% and so forth.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 67
Even in the churches polemical pictures found a
place. Lucas Cranach painted a whole series of polemi-
cal and sectarian church -pictures. In many of these
the object is to glorify the great Lutheran doctrine of
justification by faith only, which renders the works of
the law superfluous. Pictures by Cranach with a
sectarian motive are to be seen in the gallery at Gotha,
in the Maurice chapel at Nuremberg, in the art collec-
tion at Prague, in the Wart burg, in the town churches
of Schneeberg and Weimar.1 On the Weimar altar-
picture, completed in 1555, Luther appears in the
foreground with John the Baptist, and he is illustrating
from an open book the words : ' The blood of Christ
cleanseth us from all sin. Therefore let us come boldly
to the throne of grace, so that we may obtain mercy and
grace to save us in the time of need,' and so forth.
On the altar panels are painted the likenesses of Luther's
patrons, the members of the palatine -electoral family.
The latter appear also on the panels of Schneeberg
altar, and a few Bible scenes as well, one of which
(Lot with his daughters) looks passing strange in such
a place.2
The sympathy evoked by Cranach's pictorial cham-
pionship of Lutheran doctrine is evidenced by the
remarkable fact that his glorification of the doctrine
of justification was imitated by the Protestants even
in Styria and Carinthia. The same was the case also
in the outside paintings of the Gothic parish church
at Ranten in Upper Styria, which were ordered by the
** ' S. Schuchardt, Cranach, i. 212 ff. ; ii. 63 ff., 104 ff.( 107 ff., 112 ££. ;
iii. 199 ff. Reber-Beyersdorffer, Klassischer Bilderschatz, plate 488.
Janitschek, p. 498, and Graus in the Kirchenschtnuck, 1900, No. 6, p. 78.
** 2 Graus, I.e. 79.
68 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
parish priest Martin Zeiller,1 an apostate to Protes-
tantism.2 Still more clearly does the Lutheran ten-
dency show itself in a panel-painting of the Teutonic
Order at Friesach in Carinthia, which coincides in a
striking manner with the chief representation at Ranten.
The same intention is expressed with greater freedom
and higher artistic skill in a sepulchral picture which
came originally from the Church of the Sacred Blood at
Wolfsberg in Carinthia/3 Finally, as the most important
work of art with a Lutheran tendency which survived
the period of Catholic restoration in Austria, we must
mention the high altar at Schladming. This work, now
in the provincial museum at Graz, was produced about
1570. On it is inscribed the famous Bible text from
St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, iii. 28 : ' Therefore we
conclude that a man is justified by faith alone without
the deeds of the law.'
The interpolated word ' alone ' is now missing ; it
was evidently removed at the time of the Catholic
restoration, when no doubt many monuments of this
sort may have been mutilated.4
** l See Zahn, Styriaka, ii., Graz, 1896.
** 2 See the description of these, till then unnoticed, paintings by
Graus in the Kirchenschmuck, 1898, No. 8.
** 3 Both works are thoroughly done justice to by Graus in the Kir-
chenschmuck, 1900, No. 6. A tombstone also at Scheifling contains an
allusion to the Lutheran doctrine of justification ; see Kirchenschmuck,
1898, p. 66 ff. See in the same place, on a Catholic monument of 1555,
viz. tablets which the pastor of Stallhofen in the bishopric of Seckau
had placed on the walls of the entrance hall to his church. The inscrip-
tions on them bring the frequenters of the church face to face with the
Symbolum apostolorum fully reproduced with Latin text, and side by
side with the Decalogue, ' as though in order to recall to memory of the
congregation the fundamental supports of the Christian life, and to ad-
monish them to unbroken observance of the same.'
** ' This monument also was discovered by Graus, and described in
the Kirchenschmuck, 1881, p. 104 ff.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 69
A picture in the castle church at Wittenberg repre-
sents Luther in the pulpit ; with his right hand he is
pointing to the Crucified One, with his left to the Pope
and the cardinals, who are seen proceeding into the
open abyss of hell. A ' Vineyard of the Lord ' in the
town church at Wittenberg, by Cranach the Younger,
depicts the Pope with the tiara, in a frenzy of rage
tearing down the grapes with his crozier, while the
clergy, also furious, are rooting up the vine-stems,
throwing stones into the fountains, and doing all sorts
of mischief to destroy the garden.1 In Dresden, over an
altar with carved work of the fifteenth century, there
was an oil painting with a great variety of figures,
intended to ridicule the confessional, the so-called
' devil's confessional.' 2
Glass-painting, also, was used in many places for
attacks of this sort. The History museum at Frank-
fort-on-the-Main possesses a window-pane which comes
under the head of caricature painting. In a room is
the figure of a man richly clad, and with self-conscious
dignity supporting himself on his sword. He is the
founder, described in an inscription as ' Balthasar
von der Borcht, burgher of Frankfort, 1610.' On the
roof Christ is seen floating out of the clouds, and point-
ing to a group in the room. Luther has forcibly seized
1 Liibke, Bunte Blatter, pp. 387, 397. Liibke bestows full approval
on pictures of this sort. ' Our ancestors,' he says, ' knew very well that
there was no compact to be made with Rome, that with regard to the
Vatican there was no alternative but unconditional subjection or war
to the death. A third course there was not and is not.'
- See v. Eye, Fiihrer durch das Museum zu Dresden, p. 69. ** On
a slanderous caricature on tapestry against the Pope and the Emperor in
the church at St. Wenzel in Naumburg, executed by commission of
the preacher Nicholas Medler, cf. Neue Mittheilungen aus dem Gebiete
histor-antiquarischer Forschungen, xiii. 528.
70
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the Pope, who is recognisable by the triple crown, and
from whom his episcopal staff has fallen, and holds him
over a grinding-stone, which another preacher, in whom
we recognise Melanchthon, is turning. Two inscrip-
tions explain more fully the meaning of the picture.
The upper one reads as follows :
My Holy Word is as a judge,
To shame is put the Antichrist.
The second inscription is :
I shall now take right good care
They 'scape me not with skin and hair.
Ah, Luther, pious servant of God,
Lead on, the way of grace by thee is trod.1
Another window-pane of 1556 is to be seen in
Switzerland. Two devils in striped pantaloons, and
aprons tied round them, are throwing a pope and other
members of the higher clergy into a mill-hopper ; below,
crawling out of the meal box, are snakes, dragons, and
all sorts of vermin. Two other devils are looking on
delighted at the comedy, whilst by the side of them is
a vat filled with prelates awaiting the same treatment.
Above is the maxim : ' As is the corn so will be the
flour.' 2
** ' The pane is described by Dr. Fries, though not yet quite fully, in
Die Olasgemdlde des stadtischen Museums zu Frankfurt, in the Frankfurt
Zeitung of August 3, 1896. Concerning the origin of the pane the director
of the museum, Dr. Cornill, could unfortunately give us no information.
2 Lubke, Kunsthist. Studien, pp. 431-432. ** Church bells were like-
wise pressed into the service of polemics against the old Church. Cf.
Zingeler, in the Beilage zur Allgem. Zeitung, 1895, No. 308, who remarks :
' Bells also are made to take part in polemics.' Otte quotes several in-
scriptions which are strongly opposed to Catholic opinions. For instance :
Mir gilt nicht Weill' noch Taut',
Em antichristlich Zeichen.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 71
The Catholics, in the distress of their hearts, thought
it their duty ' to take up the cudgels for necessary-
defence against the countless insults and libellous
caricatures by which art was misused against them,'
as John Nas puts it, and ' on their side too there
was no stint in similar works of art.' 1 But their
productions are few in number in comparison with
those of the Protestants.2
(I care not for consecration or baptism, anti-Christian symbols), and so
forth. Or :
To Romish abuses at first bound,
Now joyfully I've joined my sound
In praise of the Gospel newly found, &c, &c.
Or, again :
I am not baptised, no calamity can I dispel — ■
No storms, no evil spirits ; I only call you to God.
On bells in Catholic churches I found no such inscriptions ; only twice
the descriptive epithet, ' Catholic.'
• ' The words of Nas quoted in Ein Erklerung des Vater Unsers (1617),
Bl. 9b.
2 We here make mention of those productions which have come to
our knowledge. Possibly someone may draw our attention to additional
examples. I am able to name four other productions of the same kind :
(1) In the collection of antiquities at Karlsruhe I saw in 1880, under
the signature C. 321, a caricature of Luther, the origin of which is un--
known. Luther appears in a nunnery. While Moses in the upper part
of the picture is striking water from the rock, Luther strikes out of the
cupboard roasted geese, hams, &c, &c, and all this for the benefit of a
nun (Catherine of Bora), who is holding out eggs to the other fasting
nuns. Under Luther is the inscription : ' Luther lumen.' (2) Scheible,
Das Schaltjahr i. (Stuttgart, 1846), publishes (p. 128) a hand-drawing
which is a virulent caricature against Luther. On the left is depicted
the mouth of the prince of hell, to whom Luther, riding on a sow, is
hastening. Numbers of comrades are following him, all riding on pigs.
' Come, brand of hell,' says one of the satirical inscriptions, ' thou art
already mine ; this shall be the reward of thy faith. Ride, Luther, ride,
thou hast already the right people.' (3) Behind the high altar of the
famous abbey-church at Ottobeuren, in Suabia, the tabernacle from the
church built some years before by the abbot Kindelmann, and consecrated
in 1558, has been let into the wall. If the lock is unfastened the richly
decorated interior appears as good as new. The inside of the tabernacle
door presents an interesting picture of Catholic polemics of the Re-
formation period. In the upper space sits Christ the Lord at a table
72 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
As a retort against an ' Indulgence letter and
Calendar ' of Doctor John Kopp, in which the Catholic
cantons of Switzerland and the Bishop of Constance
' had been figuratively held up as liable to loss of life
and limb, of honour and goods, on account of idolatry,'
Thomas Murner, in 1527, published a ' Lutheran-
evangelical calendar of church-robbers and heretics.'
In a woodcut belonging to this calendar Moses and
Christ are seen pointing out to a group of persons
who are carrying away stolen Church property the
words ' Thou shalt not steal ; ' on a gallows ' hangs
Zwingli in person and with his name,' because,
according to Murner's explanation, ' he was a forty -
times perjured, dishonourable, thievish scoundrel, an
apostate Christian, and a misleader of poor Christian
folk.' ] A large woodcut of the year 1521 represents
with the consecrated Host in His hands, while on a motto-ribhon are
the words : ' This is my body.' On one side of the table stands Luther
in a black doctor's gown, and in his hand an open book, on which is written :
' This will become my body.' The other side is occupied by Calvin,
who also holds an open book, on which is written : ' This signifies my
body.' At the bottom of all is the short question : ' Who is right ? '
Precisely analogous is the pictorial representation on the other space.
In the middle a priest is administering extreme unction to a sick man.
Here, again, the two reformers both appear, but Christ's place is occupied
by the Apostle St. James. From the well-known words of the latter
(chap. v. 14, 15, of his Epistle), and from the acknowledgments in favour
of unction for the sick made by Luther and Calvin in their writings, there
is then deduced, as it were, in form of a question, an argument for the
truth of the Catholic opinion on this point. Sfr. Scheebens Period. Blatter
zur wissenschaftlichen Besprechung der grossen religiiisen Fragen der Gegen-
wart, vol. vi. (Ratisbon, 1877), p. 192. (4) The Frankfort bookseller
A. Th. V dicker has in his possession (see Lager -Katalog 174, No. 2116)
a highly interesting broadside, which is directed in the most pungent
manner against the renegade monks and nuns. It is a copper engraving
with the inscription, ' Typus piscationis novae novorum apostolorum,' and
Latin verses. Date of origin about 1550 ; height, twenty-six centimetres ;
breadth, thirty-six centimetres.
^The calendar was printed by Scheible, Kloster, x. 201-215.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS 73
a monk with a bagpipe for a head ; the devil as bag-
piper is blowing into his ear, whilst with his fingers
he plays on the nose which is lengthened out into a
clarionette : the head of this monk is supposed to bear
a great resemblance to Luther.1 In a picture of the
Stations of the Cross in front of the St. Victor Church
at Xanten, executed in 1531, and representing the
mocking of Christ, two of the figures are said to be
Luther and Calvin.2
John Nas wanted to append to his Vierten Cen-
turia a representation of Luther's marriage, but the
woodcut was abstracted from him at Augsburg by his
opponents.3
To another of his pamphlets he added a small-
sized woodcut depicting Luther with two little horns
on his head, in bed with his half -naked Katie, disputing
with the devil about the Mass.4 A caricature called
' Abbild von dem gebrandmarkten Sodomit Johann
Calvin ' is in three divisions. On the left Calvin is being
branded in Noyon ; in the middle stands Servetus at
a burning stake ; on the right Beza with his mistress
Candide and his obscene boy, Aubert. Another picture
of the same date (1569) shows Luther emigrating:
1 Lindau, Cranach, p. 175.
2 This may be incorrect, however, ' at any rate, as regards Calvin,
who at the time of the production of the picture had not yet begun to
play any prominent part' (Beissel, p. 51). I never heard of any such
explanation in my youth at Xanten. ** In the Hildesheim Cathedral
there is a picture of Christ carrying the Cross, which came originally from
the Benedictine monastery of St. Michael. The head of one of the hang-
men is said to be meant for Luther. Meanwhile, according to trust-
worthy information from Pastor Graen, there is no likeness to be seen,
and it may be assumed to be a mistake.
:1 Schopf, p. 26.
4 In the Examen Chartaceae Luther. Cone. (Ingolst. 1581), p. 98 ; cf.
Graesse, Tresor, iv. 648.
74 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
he is carrying his followers on his back in a night-
stool ; his outrageously large stomach and the busts
of three friends rest on a wheelbarrow, pulled by him-
self by means of a shoulder-strap, and he holds
a wine-glass in his hand ; his wife, lean-figured, with
her child and dog, is following him. In another of
1587, a naked man lying on a table is being tortured,
cut up, and eaten by a group of theologians, and below
is the inscription : ' See how this wretched Lutherdom
is martyred by its own champions, and at last even
devoured by them.' 1 A much earlier plate represents
the Catholic Church as a large ship navigated by Christ :
at the bow sits St. Peter, adorned with the tiara and
holding the keys of heaven ; on the deck are grouped
the representatives of the Church ; angels are steering,
and the ship rides with full sails towards the kingdom of
heaven, at whose entrance Mary and the saints are
awaiting their arrival. Three small ships on the other
hand are going straight into the open jaws of hell :
the first is the Lutheran Church with devils for sailors ;
Luther is steering it with one hand, while in the other
hand he holds a trumpet in which he is blowing lustily.
The second is the Zwinglian Church, also manned by
devils, while Zwingli stands disconsolate at the helm.
The third represents the Anabaptists, one of whom
is vomiting ; wrecked craft, with the inscriptions,
Arians, Mahomet, Wickliffe, Huss, are drifting on the
sea towards hell.2 The Westphalian copper-engraver,
Anthony Eisenhut, represented heresy as a three-headed
1 Drugulin, p. 41, Nos. 341 and 342, and p. 68, No. 741. Cf. p. 118,
No. 1335 : ' Luther und Ketherle auf der Wanderschaft.'
• Mentioned by the Frankfort bookseller, A. Th. Volcker, in his
Antiquar. Lager-Catalog 127, No. 137.
ART IN THE SERVICE OF SECTARIAN POLEMICS lb
goddess, half woman, half beast, riding away on a
monster.1 In a ' genealogical tree of heresy ' of the
year 1569, heresy is depicted as growing out of Satan
who is lying on the ground.2 In another ' genealogical
tree of heretics ' Luther, with seven heads, is in the
middle of the tree, holding out the chalice to his wife.3
As an answer to the ' Origin of the Jesuits ' (* Ankunft
der Suiten ' 4) there appeared a caricature in three sec-
tions : above, a seven-headed dragon is laying hold of
the Church ; in the middle, a herd of swine, surrounded
by abortive, misshapen children, are forcing their way
into a church ; below, on the left hand, Christ stands
as the Good Shepherd ; on the right hand the Baby-
lonish whore near the pit of hell.5
Eustace Glinzberger executed for the monastery
of Wiblingen, in championship of the new faith, some
painted windows, of which the Council of Ulm in the
years 1564 and 1566 ordered the removal.6 A glass
painting from the cloisters in the monastery of Rath-
hausen near Lucerne, crowded with figures, represents
the Last Judgment. In the middle of the wide-open
jaws of hell the painter shows us, amidst other con-
demned souls, Luther and Zwingli disputing over an
open Bible, all unconscious of a crowned devil who is
seizing the one by the neck, the other by the head.'
Whilst art, ignoring completely its true vocation,
1 Drugulin, p. 40, No. 326. 2 Ibid. p. 39, No. 325.
3 ' Soror mea sponsa,' Ibid. p. 22, No. 126.
4 See above, p. 62.
5 Drugulin, p. 69, No. 761. This caricature was described as ' Ecclesia
militans,' and accompanied by ' a most offensively coarse, rhymed ex-
planation.'
B Schorn, Kunstblatt, 1830, pp. 27-28.
7 See the article of J. R. Rahn in the Geschichtsfreund (Einsiedel
1882), xxxvii. 264. Liibke, Kunsthistor. Studien. p. 432.
76 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
gave itself up thus to the service of religious schism, it
fell away from all idealism in the treatment of religious
subjects and sank gradually to the level of naked,
human reality, settling down at last into sheer natural-
ism, devoid alike of the nobility of true beauty and the
consecration of lofty sentiment. In the treatment of
secular subjects — especially incidents and objects of
every-day life — art became out-and-out realistic, often
even sordid. Finally, towards the end of the sixteenth
century, Germany experienced a complete decay of
all artistic creativeness. German art, in the real sense
of the word, virtually died out. Artistic handicraft,
ministering to luxury and fashion, and maintaining
a diversified existence by all sorts of over-refinements,
was all that remained.
The religious revolution, however, altering as it
did the early attitude of art to religious and public
life, closing up many of its channels of activity, and
debasing its character by mixing it up with religious
schism and dissension, was not the sole cause of its
decadence and decay ; these were largely due also to
the introduction of a new and foreign school of art,
which never became an integral part of the national
life, and which displaced the old home-grown German
art methods.
This foreign intruder, on its first advent in Ger-
many, was described as the Antique-Italian manner ;
later on the not very appropriate name of ' Renaissance '
came into vogue.
The Renaissance, which, starting from Italy, pene-
trated into all the countries of Europe, found in Germany
no favourable conditions, no points of contact with
the past, and no congenial soil : it dwelt at first as an
DETERIORATION AND DECAY OF ART 77
alien in the land. The foreign style was wholly antago-
nistic to the thought and feeling, the artistic sense and
culture, of the nation, and it was accorded, therefore,
a merely external reception ; outward characteristics
were copied, but its essence and nature were little,
if at all, understood, and it was chiefly its least meri-
torious attributes which were chosen for reproduction.
This is the explanation of the fact that German art of
the sixteenth century exhibits the same characteristics
as does the antique school at the time of its decadence ;
whereas the old indigenous German art of the later
Middle Ages was in many respects in unconscious
affinity with the nobler antique style — i.e. with the
classic art of Greece at its most nourishing period.
78 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER IV
INFLUENCE OF THE NEWLY INTRODUCED ' ANTIQUE-
ITALIAN ' ART —ITS CHARACTER AND ITS PRODUC-
TIONS
SECTION I. — INNER RELATIONSHIP OF THE OLD INDI-
GENOUS ART TO THE GENUINE ANTIQUE— THE
INFLUENCE OF THE DEGENERATE ANTIQUE— THE
ITALIAN RENAISSANCE AND GERMAN ART
With the Greeks, as with all other nations, art had its
origin and basis in religion. In its golden epoch, no
less than in the Middle Ages, it ministered essentially
to religious worship. At the same time it maintained
an equally firm and close connection with the common-
wealth, by which the worthy cultivation of art was re-
garded as an affair of honour. In both these periods
the glory of art was the outcome of the greatness of
national sentiment. As all the creations of art were
intended for the nation as a whole and were dedicated
to the nation, the people regarded them as their own
property, as monuments of their own glory, greatness
and might. And these masterpieces of art, embodi-
ments as they were of vigorous thought and conception,
replete both with power and restraint, were a fruitful
means of culture and enlightenment, not only as regards
artistic sense and taste, but for the whole intellectual
life of the people, who looked on at their growth and
INDIGENOUS ART AND THE GENUINE ANTIQUE 79
development, and who had them continually in sight
when completed.
In both the periods to which we have alluded
architecture was the foundation of all other arts ; it
was the measure of the intellectual force and the reli-
gious and moral development of the nation, and the
building of sacred temples constituted its primary func-
tion. Although the Greek temples * could not rival the
Christian churches and cathedrals in their aspect of
joyous heavenward soaring, though they lacked the
super-earthly glory with which in Christian ' God's
houses ' the hard stone substance was transmuted
and transfigured, the temples of pagan deities were
nevertheless noble witnesses of the reverence for every-
thing great and holy which inspired the builders.
' Art,' so it used to be said, ' was a gift of the gods,
and must always be mindful of its divine origin : in none
of its branches must it pander to unworthy aims, but
it must always edify and ennoble, and raise men above
the narrow limits of everyday circumstances ; and as
a law of Arcadia relating to music expressed it, ' it must
be an antidote against the injurious influences of a
toilsome existence.'
This feeling dominated both sculptors and painters
at the period when Greek art was at its zenith, and it
was this that enabled them to produce works of such
1 At all periods the highest achievements of art have always been
associated with the religious needs and conditions of life. No art-work
of the highest order has ever been accomplished except when the subject
treated has also been of the highest order — viz. religious faith, and the
artist has been concerned to make the outward form a worthy embodi-
ment of some sacred motive (Kugler, Kleine Schriften, iii. 231). 'It is
with temple building that architecture begins ' (Schnaase, Gesch. der
bildenden Kilnste, i. 33).
80 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
grandeur, free from all ensnaring attractiveness and
voluptuous charm, breathing out only strength and
purity, and, like the masterpieces of the Middle Ages,
containing the secret of their greatness in their sublime
calm and simplicity. The Greek statues, like those of
the Christian epoch, were never nude. Not only
Jupiter and Hera, Apollo and the Muses, and other
gods and goddesses, but even Venus, the goddess of
love, always had some drapery about them. It was
not until the period of decay that naked statues of
Venus became the fashion.
In other essential points also the golden epoch of
Greek art resembled that of the Middle Ages. In both
periods all the separate arts came into existence simul-
taneously as parts of an organic whole, bound together
by a system of mutual interchange and service. Sculp-
ture and painting began their careers in subordination
to architecture, and it was from this circumstance,
which acted by no means as a disturbing or cramping
restraint, that the harmonious unison of the arts arose.
Greek builders, sculptors and painters worked together
in their ateliers, as did the mediaeval artists, on one
same principle and in one style, and chose for the
expression of their thoughts the purest and simplest
forms, such as would fit in with the fundamental prin-
ciples of architecture. The minor arts and handicrafts
were also closely bound up with monumental art,
and through this connection they acquired a higher
character and became worthy of the noblest service.1
1 Fuller details concerning the above remarks are given by Curtius,
Griech. Geschichte (Berlin, 1861), ii. 277 ff. ; Vischer, iii. 260 ff. ; Hegel,
ii. 409 ; Springer, Kunsthistor. Briefe, p. 237 ; Lasaulx, Philosophic dcr
schonen Kilnste, pp. 29 ff., 65 ff. See also Reichensperger, Parlamentar-
isches ubcr Kunst, p. 52 ; Jungniann, p. 603.
INDIGENOUS ART AND THE GENUINE ANTIQUE 81
With the Greeks the inward unity of all the different
arts was accompanied by an outward unity, which was
especially manifest in the technique of polychrome,
or the application of colour to buildings and works of
sculpture. The works of a Phidias stand in this respect
on a level with the painted carving and sculpture of
Gothic cathedrals. Even marble temples glowed with
resplendent colouring like the mediaeval cathedrals.
It was nothing but ' barbarism,' boasting itself as a
high sense of art, wdiich condemned ' monuments to be
colourless.' 1
Another point of similarity between the two ages —
the golden epoch of Greek art and the Middle Ages —
lies in the fact that in both the training of the artists
followed the same lines. The rules and customs of the
mediaeval art schools, such as hereditary succession of
father and son, local master-workshops, looking out for
distinguished foreign artists, are found to have pre-
vailed in Greece also.2
As regards the works it achieved, German art of the
later Middle Ages has nothing to fear from comparison
with the classic period of Greek art. The two are
on very much the same plane of excellence, and where
German art may fail in perfection of form, the defect
is counterbalanced by profundity of thought, sincerity
and warmth of feeling. As with the Greeks, so too with
1 See Kugler, Kleine Schriften, i. 265-327 ; Vischer, iii. 248 ; Semper,
Kleine Schriften, pp. 232 ff., 250-251. With regard to polychrome the
famous antique art of Greece followed exactly the same principles as did
Catholic mediaeval art in the days of the Gothic style (Feuerbach, Der vati-
canische Apollo, p. 187). ' All periods of high artistic culture are in agree-
ment with the principle which is here contested. How wrong and unjust
it is to cast the reproach of barbarism on such times ! ' (Semper, p. 236.)
2 See Vischer, iii. 104-105 ; Portig, i. 27.
VOL. XT. G
82 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the mediaeval Germans, each separate building was a
public monument of art ; and this is true not only as
regards the Gothic : the Romantic style at its best is on
a par with the best works of Greece both in grandeur
and vigour of conception, and in simplicity and clear-
ness of execution, and strict adhesion to law. In
Greece, as in Germany, gables and walls were adorned
with artistic statues, groups and paintings. Even ob-
jects of everyday use showed artistic imagination ;
their beauty of form and design transmuted the material
of which they were made, and invested them with the
stamp of a higher signification. Skill and talent of
every description were trained up to masterly perfec-
tion.1 The parallel between the two epochs extends
even to their decorative work, which was never allowed
to be mere meaningless ornamentation, but was always
symbolic, and always kept in the closest connection
and conformity with the laws of the particular work
of art which it was intended to embellish.2
1 See Hotho, Die Malerschule van Eychs, p. 13 ; Ralin, pp. 550,
557-558. ' All great epochs of art have this in common— that their
highest blossoming is the outgrowth of the healthy soil of national life,
so that the ideal creations of great masters at any given epoch represent
the latest and highest levels of that sense of the beautiful which is seen
struggling to hfe in all outbursts of the national mind, and which imparts
a stamp of nobility to the simplest productions of handiwork. At such
times all the common articles and utensils of daily life are the outcome
of individual artistic endowment, and it is from these beginnings of sterling
handwork, hitting by aesthetic instinct on the true and the beautiful,
that are evolved the high powers of the great masters who are able to
embody the people's ideals in shapes of undying beauty. Conversely,
too, when art has reached its climax of perfection, a flood of artistic ideas
pours down from the upper levels of hfe into the region of everyday
wants, not unfrequently raising the productions of handwork to the rank
of true art achievement, and the lower industries to the level of artistic
handwork ' (Liibke, Plastik, i. 341).
- The same may be said in this respect of the works of the Middle
Ages as Overbeck (Oesch. der griech. Plastik, ii. 307) says of Greek art :
THE DEGENERATE ANTIQUE 83
The same inner relationship which, how different
soever the character of the Christian and the antique
ideals,1 prevailed in all essential respects between
Greek and mediaeval art during their golden epochs,
becomes apparent on comparison of the decadent
Greek art with that school of art which in Germany
succeeded mediaeval art, and was regarded as a re-birth
from the antique.
The decay of ancient art keeps pace on the whole
with the decay and ruin of the Greek nation. It was
at the moment when, after the Peloponnesian war, the
State was torn in pieces by factions, when all higher
strivings and aspirations had become stifled, when
law and justice tottered and trembled, and scepticism,
scorn and infidelity were destroying the old religious
ideas — it was then that art too lost all high inspiration,
all faculty for pure and sublime conception, all power
of embodying lofty religious ideas in concrete form.
Painting, it is true, still occupied itself with religious
subjects, but only for purposes of reproach and criticism,
and the comic element, tending to buffoonery, became
largely predominant : at any rate sacred things were not
treated with sacred awe and reverence.
Now too, in contradistinction to the period of true
' However rich and diversified architectural ornamentation in Greece
may appear, it was nevertheless always subservient to architecture, con-
formed to the fundamental forms evolved by architecture, derived the
principles of its designs from the nature and intention of the particular
architectural parts it was intended to adorn, and kept in view the main
scheme of the structure to which the decoration was to add higher artistic
expression.'
1 See Kugler, Mus urn, i. 293-294, and ii. 17-19 ; Portig, i. 37-38,
290-292 ; G. H. Schubert, Die Alter der Kunst, pp. 18, 35 ; Reichensperger,
Vermischte Schriften, pp. 129-130 ; Hettinger, Die Kunst im Christen-
thum, p. 41.
g 2
84 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
art, when things domestic and accidental had been
considered unworthy material for art, the small details
of life — often moreover of a thoroughly despicable
life — pressed into the foreground. There arose at this
juncture a school of cabinet or genre painting of a
threefold nature : the painting of still life, the painting
of nastiness, and the painting of indecency.
Subjects were chosen from the lowest strata of
society, and in their treatment regard wTas no longer
had to artistic truth, but only to realism. Pauson
did not even rise to the level of the beauty of ordinary
nature, his depraved taste delighted most in depict-
ing the deformities and the ugliness of human life.
Peiraeikos, the most renowned of the ' still-life painters,'
chose for his subjects barbers' rooms, dirty workshops,
donkeys and vegetables. The most abundant material
for art, however, was supplied by the habits and tastes
of an age of extravagance and luxury, an age which
delighted inordinately in the sensual attraction of
outward show, above all in the exhibition of nude
figures and immoral scenes.1
Greek sculpture, like Greek painting, came to be
a mirror of the general condition of things, in which
1 See Reber, Kunstgesch. des Alterthums (Leipzig, 1871), pp. 370-371 ;
Springer, Kunsthistor. Briefe, p. 298 ff. ' The decadence, which in Greece
penetrated after Alexander, has reached Rome, and is pressing ever
onwards. Coarseness, sensuality, pandering to luxury, increased porno-
graphy, quick, slovenly work are all symptoms of approaching decay '
(Vischer, iii. 698). In Greece, says Lessing, ' the civil authorities did not
think it beneath their dignity to constrain artists to keep within their
own sphere.' ' We laugh when we hear that among the ancients even
the arts were subjected to municipal laws. But we are not always in the
right when we laugh.' ' The plastic arts especially, besides the inevitable
effect which they have on the character of the nation, are capable of
influences which require the close surveillance of the law ' (in the Laokoon,
Samtl. Schriften, ed. Lachmann, vi. 368-370).
THE DEGENERATE ANTIQUE 85
it was plainly shown liow the old austerity of life and
morals had disappeared, how family ties had become
loosened, how the might of passion ruled. Sculpture
lost more and more the noble, simple sublimity of
ancient art, all the strength and virtue of self-sustained
character ; it gave itself up to the representation of
emotional feeling and the sentiments of passion, cared
only for external effects and sought to shine by mere
excellence of technical skill.1 After Skopas and Praxi-
teles had set the fashion of representing the Aphrodite
entirely nude, the sculptors soon fell into unbounded
licentiousness : the statues of Venus and other god-
desses, which Greek, and later on, Roman, art produced
in greater and greater numbers, became nothing more
or less than a deification of the flesh. Side by side
with these performances, and in closer correspondence
to the character of the new art, which was more private
than public, came collections of genre pictures, pictures
of animals, and above all portraits of distinguished
people and princes. The individualism which had been
condemned and despised by the great artists of the past
now obtained dominion ; outward embodiment of some
1 ' Art, when it no longer strives after lofty and ideal loveliness, but
seeks only to attract and excite the senses, at the same time overstepping
the limits of truth to nature, rapidly degenerates into meretriciousness
and mere striving after effect, panders to porap and luxury, and falls
into naturalism and mannerism. These signs of degeneracy, which are
first noticeable in works of the later Greek schools, such as the Laocoon
and the Apollo Belvedere as slight tendencies to sensationalism, when
transplanted into the Roman world become glaringly obvious. Effect
alone becomes the artist's object, spiritual grace turns to voluptuous
charm, unity of composition is sacrificed to elaborateness of detail, the
motive idea is lost under overloading externals, inward greatness is re-
placed by colossal outwardness. All these characteristics result from an
excess of subjectivity over objectivity in the artist, and may be summed
up under the head of mannerism.' — Vischer, iii. 134, 137-8.
86 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
inward and spiritual idea no longer constituted the
highest ideal of art, the outward delineation or model-
ling of form was all that mattered : skilful technique
and manner had taken the place of inward substance.
Growing more and more estranged from the people,
art at length became a hot-house plant of wealthy
so-called lovers of art, especially of the princes, who
constituted themselves its patrons, but only en-
couraged it in so far as it ministered to their love of
display, and adapted itself to all their moods and fancies,
and carried out their orders, however tasteless these
might be. Under such circumstances there could no
longer be any question of great and inspiring thoughts,
of fresh creative ardour — in short, of all those indispen-
sable conditions which fed the life of the old untram-
melled national art. The numerous art collections
made by great people were clear tokens of the decay of
art ; they were so to say ' the dungeons of art.' 1
The arts may be said to have been the authors of
their own decay when they dissolved their long-standing
partnership and ceased to co-operate with one another
in noble emulation. The separation of painting and
sculpture from architecture induced utter lawlessness in
all three. Each of these arts wanted to be independent
in order to develop its own skill and genius in a more
brilliant manner ; but the further they strayed from
1 Pliny speaks of the moribund art of his times. Pictures and works
of sculpture are sent off ' in banishment ' to wealthy country houses ;
for the distinguished painter Amulius, Nero's Golden House had become
' the dungeon of his art.' ' All the more worthy of honour,' he says,
' seem to us the achievements of the past,' when the painters were still
the common property of the whole nation, and the walls of houses were
not beautified merely for the benefit of their owners (Hist, natur. xxxv.
cap. 2, 11, 37).
DEGENERATE ANTIQUE AND ' NEW ITALIAN MODE ' 87
each other, the more uncompromisingly they pursued
each its different way, the more flagrant became their
loss of artistic power as such ; the work produced
without combined effort was devoid pf deeper mean-
ing and harmonious effect.
All the above characteristics which art developed
after it had severed itself from old traditions and true
nationality, after it had lost all inward inspiration and
substance, and had given itself up to the production
of outward effect only, are, broadly speaking, still more
noticeable in the German art of the sixteenth century,
which, while posing as ' antique,' was in reality only an
imitation of ' the new Italian manner ' which had
migrated from Italy to Germany.1
1 Concerning the development of the plastic arts before and after
the ' Renaissance ' nobody has written better than Goethe in his life of
Winckelmann (1805), p. 204 ff. Paulsen, Gesch. des gelehrten Unterrichts
(Leipzig, 1885), p. 296, has aptly commented thereon. In the later
editions of Goethe's works these remarks are not included. ' We grant,'
he wrote in 1805, ' that the Greeks enjoyed many advantages which the
moderns do not possess ; but it was less the beauty of their mytho-
logical poems, their games, and so forth, than the religious zeal, and
added to this the patriotic, or. if a lesser name is preferred, the general
sense of national honour and the ambition of each different district to
outshine the others in remarkable possessions, that they have to thank
for the glory of their art ; and we, too, so it seems, are indebted to the
Catholic religious zeal of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries
for the birth and growth of the plastic arts. So long as sacred founda-
tions of all sorts afforded the arts a wide scope, supplied them with worthy,
and, we may add, frequent opportunities for exercise, so long did they
continue to progress rapidly and joyously. Gloomy, monastic ideas
seem to have been very slight hindrances to the artist, for he was able
to work them up, to enliven and beautify them. If only we consider
without prejudice what a high degree of beauty the plastic arts had
reached at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the six-
teenth, it is by no means difficult to imagine that they might have ad-
vanced still further in this direction ; nay more, that, without losing their
individual character, they might have attained to the level of the antique ;
but the uplifting energy had grown weak, and their bounds were set.
Powerful patrons came, indeed, to the fore, but they could not replace
88 HISTORY OF TUP] GERMAN PEOPLE
For the Italian artists there was a kind of magic
enchantment in the ' re-birth of the antique.' The
modes of thought and the traditions of Roman antiquity
had never quite disappeared in Italy during the Middle
Ages ; the numerous monuments, either still extant or
newly dug up in the fifteenth century, were, moreover,
a lively reminder of the days of Roman world-dominion.
There was an eager desire to bring back to life this
ancient indigenous art, as well as the ancient literature
for which the humanists had engendered unbounded
enthusiasm.
But as in the field of literature, so too in that of art,
ominous and dubious tokens soon became manifest.1
Preoccupation with ancient art became for many people
a grave danger. There was over-much dallying with
the gross sensuality and licentiousness of the degenerate
antique, and also a tendency to disregard the boun-
daries imposed both on art in general and on each
separate art in particular. The Titan, Michael Angelo,
held himself ' bound by no architectonic rules whether
ancient or modern.' He not only ' imitated the antique,
the lost holy inspiration. Art became a thing of fashion ; it continued to
give pleasure, no doubt, but it was no longer a necessity of life. Raphael
joainted halls and saloons. Michael Angelo1 s principal works of sculp-
ture are monuments to the dead. We will not go so far as to say that
these were unworthy occupations for such great masters, but it is the
beginning of the decline of art. In the stillness and freedom of altars
art no longer found adequate employment, and it was compelled to enter
the service of the world, and, to a great extent, to flatter the humours
of the world. Its area of work became more extensive, but also more
commonplace. With less worthy subjects for treatment came the striving
after greater dexterity ; the necessity for rapid work induced tricks of
manner, and tricks of manner led to soullessness, to mere industrial
labour. These are the steps by which the later art came down from
its heights, and the way of descent of ancient art was very little different.''
** x See Pastor, Gesch, der Papste, iii. (3rd and 4th edition) 147 ff.
THE 'REVIVAL OF TIIE ANTIQUE' IN ITALY 80
but surpassed it, endeavouring by new methods to
produce the strongest possible effects.' In the various
branches of art he overstepped the limits of each, and
applied the laws of the different branches indiscrimi-
nately.1
From out this confusion there came presently into
existence the Baroque style, which, in place of strict
law-abiding order, and the authority of universally
recognised traditions, allowed boundless liberty and
personal caprice to each artist, with the inevitable
result of the total collapse of all art. Michael Angelo,
whose death occurred in 1563, survived this final decay
of art, which, as regards painting, had already set in
under the first pupils of Raphael, who died in 1520.
In his sacred creations the great painter of Urbino
embodied the loftiest religious ideas with most con-
1 ' Michael Angelo's genius is still less easy of comprehension,' wrote
Sulpice Boisseree, on June 26, 1837, from Rome to his brother, ' when
one considers him in relation to his predecessors and his contemporaries
here in Italy. For these sculptors were as highly distinguished and as
thoroughly impregnated with true artistic sense as were Raphael's pre-
decessors in painting, so much so that they might well have been followed
by a Christian Phidias. Instead, however, there comes this Titanic
fellow, who oversteps the boundaries of art in each of its branches, throws
sculptors, painters, and architects into hopeless perplexity, and reduces
art itself to boundless confusion.' Carstens said of him : ' Michael Angelo
is the father of that bad taste in architecture which under his successors
has grown worse and worse down to our own days. In the works of
Gothic architecture we find genius everywhere ; in the works- of later
architects nothing but rule and rote ' (Springer, Bilder, ii. 313). ** Con-
cerning the Buonarrottic style, Reumont says (Gesch. der Stadt Rom,
iii. 2, 723) : ' In bondage to imitation of ancient art, too often also to
merely external imitation -with no regard to the soul within, and occupied
exclusively in attaining to independence, modern art, incapable of pro-
ducing new models, settled down into that artificial style in which the
absence of soul was all the more evident the more the outward form was
assertive. The further it advances the more apparent becomes its de-
cadent nature,'
90 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
summate skill, and by the originality of his genius, the
grandeur of his designs, and the splendour of his colour-
ing he reached an extraordinary eminence ; but, on the
other hand, amongst his secular paintings (those, for
instance, in the Farnesina and in the bath-room of
Cardinal Bibbiena) there are things to which no Christian
critic can give unqualified praise. His disciples, who
only followed him in externals, fell into exaggeration,
and into even worse faults.1 Before long painting,
like sculpture, began to affect bombastic embellish-
ment, and a number of German and Dutch painters,
who sought their models on the other side of the Alps,
considered this particular characteristic as specially
worthy of imitation.
The ' cult of the nude,' which had gained such
prominence in the degenerate antique, met with lively
admiration, even amongst the most notable Italian
masters. Michael Angelo, in one of his most famous
works, ' The Last Judgment,' went to extremes in this
direction.2
Far worse was the manner in which Correggio
celebrated the triumph of sensual nude beauty.
The great Titian also, who treated so many sacred
subjects with reverence and solemnity, was never-
1 Of Raphael's disciples Rio says (De Vart chretien, iv. 561): 'Telle
fut leur decadence, au point de vue des inspirations, que 1' appreciation
de leurs ceuvres n'appartient plus a l'histoire de l'art chretien.' The
religious ideals of Christendom were, in a certain sense, represented in a
pagan manner ; see Springer, Bilder, ii. 182.
** 2 Concerning the nude figures in the ' Last Judgment ' of Michael
Angelo, P. Keppler, in the Hist.-pol. El. 91, p. 755, justly points out that
Michael Angelo is still widely different from those artists who drag art
down to prostitution, and, with lascivious intent, jmint the flesh for the
sake of the flesh. Moreover, in the ' Last Judgment ' of H. Memling,
and in the painting of the same subject by Meister Stephan of Cologne,
there are a number of nude figures.
THE 'REVIVAL OF THE ANTIQUE' IN ITALY 91
theless guilty in several other of his pictures of the
same shameless glorification of the flesh ; and his
intimate friend, Pietro Aretino, one of the most
profligate of men, wrote in praise of these pictures.1
Even in the first days of the Kenaissance there
were not wanting specimens of the most corrupt
art. Some of the Italian artists had at this period
fallen into that ' quite exceptional vulgarity ' which
Pliny at the time of the degenerate Roman antique
had most severely reprehended in the painter Arellius.
' Arellius,' Pliny writes, ' had become famous in
Rome as a painter shortly before the time of Augustus,
but he dishonoured his art by vulgarity of quite a
special kind. He was in a constant state of con-
suming passion for some damsel or other, and he
painted his goddesses after the models of his para-
mours, so that one could count the number of the
latter from his pictures.' 2 The same was the case
with the highly gifted painter Fra Filippo Lippi in
Florence, who was patronised to so great an extent
by Cosimo de' Medici and his sons. When in 1458
he seduced the novice, Lucrezia Buti, they laughed
at court over this misdemeanour of the artist, and
allowed him to set up in a consecrated place, as a
monument to his shame, a picture in which Lucrezia
appeared three times as the daughter of Herodias.
In another picture he actually made her figure as
the Holy Virgin Mary.3
' See Springer, Bilder, i. 349. ' We know how to distinguish the
idealising method of the artist from the cynicism of the writer. The
basic idea, however, is, after all said and done, the same.' See Molmenti,
cap. v. (' Die Kunst ein Spiegelbild der Sitten ') 241 ff.
2 Hist, natur. xxxv. 37.
:! See Rio, De Vart chretien, i. 361-364 ; v. Reumont, Lorenzo de' Medici,
92 H [STORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In this desecration of sacred art others were found
to imitate him, especially under Cosmo's son, Lorenzo
de' Medici, surnamed the Magnificent, who was no
less ready than his father to patronise the new-
fashioned naturalistic-sensual tendency in art. The
Christian congregations who looked for piety and
edification in their churches, were frequently con-
fronted by women of ill-fame under the guise of the
Holy Virgin, or St. Mary Magdalen, or St. John the
Evangelist. The holy women, too, were often repre-
sented dressed as notorious harlots. You painters,'
exclaimed Savonarola, ' you make the Holy Virgin
appear dressed like a public whore ! ' - Tintoretto
in one of his pictures introduces the Saviour in the
midst of half-naked women.2 ' Who,' asked Cardinal
Contarini in 1536, ' who would not praise that canon
which, under pain of excommunication, forbids the
painting of anything which might excite impure desires ?
In our days, however, not to speak of private houses
and public buildings, we actually go so far as to adorn
the temples of God, the monuments of saints, yea,
even the very altars, with pictures and statues of this
description, and this is certainly a monstrous scandal.' 3
Very salutary edicts against abuses of this sort were
ii. (2nd edition) 129, 134 ff. ; Jungmann, p. 412 ; cf. Kraus, Gesch. d.
christl. Kunst, ii. 2, Part I., p. 186. This occurred a few years after
the death of Fra Angelico da Fiesole, that almost solitary instance
of God-inspired sincerity and angelic purity of soul, who realised the most
perfect union of Christian art and Christian holiness. In many of his
compositions the influence of the anticme is manifest, but the Christian
idea is always present and intact, and expressed with the utmost com-
pleteness. See Pastor, Geschichte der Piipste, i. (2nd edition) 435-436.
1 Rio, ii. 60-61, 423-424. Under Savonarola's direction a quantity
of indecent pictures were publicly burnt (pp. 450-452).
2 Ibid. iv. 282.
:! Dittrich, Gasparo Contarini (Braunsberg, 1885), pp. 338-339.
THE 'REVIVAL OF THE ANTIQUE' IN ITALY 93
decreed by the Council of Trent. At the twenty-fifth
session of this Church gathering it was emphatically
laid down that the arts must not represent anything
which might in any way imperil the faith, or produce
error or superstition in the minds of the gazers ; nothing
was to be produced in the way of church painting or
sculpture which was not of a worthy and elevating
character ; everything that was improper, or only
attractive to the senses, or considered as ministering
only to secular objects, was to be avoided.1
It was also a further sign of decadence that art
gradually lost more and more of its national character,
and sank into being a mere servitor of great people
and of courts ; and in harmony with this character its
principal achievements consisted in the building and
sumptuous decoration of palaces, castles, and pleasure
houses.
With the character of art the outward position of
artists altered also. Art guilds continued to exist,
it is true, but most of the artists dissolved their con-
nection with them, and thus ceased to hold any fixed
position in the civil organisation.
There were indeed many among them who were
as distinguished as the old masters for humility and
simplicity of heart, for quiet, steady industry, and for
1 Jacob, p. 111. Dejob (p. 24G ff.) discusses the Italian writers who,
on the ground of the decrees of the council, take up the cudgels against
profanation of sacred art. Strange is his dictum (p. 240) : ' L'art de la
Renaissance n'avait point ete licencieux.' It was precisely with the
so-called Renaissance that licentiousness among artists began, and Dejob
rightly says (p. 251), concerning the Christian theorisers whom he criti-
cises : ' On s'etonne cjue les theoriciens qui voulaient ramener l'esprit
chretien dans l'art, procedassent unifpiement par preceptes, sans jamais
proposer l'exemple des artistes anterieurs a la Renaissance proprement
elite.'
94 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
active charity, and who, with all their preference and
enthusiasm for the ' antique,' still retained the same
deep Christian spirit which Michael Angelo expressed
when, as an old man of seventy-five, he said : ' Art, like
all things earthly, is nothingness, and cannot satisfy
the soul ; only the love of the Crucified One can do
this.' '
But there were only too many to whom this in-
dependence of position was in the highest degree
pernicious. From plain burghers they had become
distinguished people, with all the habits and needs of
the higher society of that luxurious, pleasure-seeking
age.
How things stood in this respect at Venice, as early
as the time of Durer's sojourn there in 1506, may be
gathered from that artist's letters to Willibald Pirk-
heimer, Well-disposed Italians themselves empha-
tically warned Diirer against associating too closely
with the painters there, against eating and drinking
with them. Durer's account is that he found ' many
excellent companions, intelligent scholars, good lute
players, and pipers, connoisseurs in painting, and men
of much noble feeling and genuine virtue,' but also
' the most perfidious, lying, thieving villains, such as,'
he writes, ' I could not have believed darkened the face
of the earth.' ' They are fully aware that all their
infamy is well known, but they do not care an atom.'
' Nearly everybody is afflicted with the French disease,
and there is nothing I fear more. Many are devoured
by it and die.' The light, frivolous tone which fre-
quently occurs in his letters betrays, moreover, the fact
1 Guhl, Kiinsthrbriefe, i. 238-239, 242 ; cf. Graus, pp. 12-14.
THE 'NEW ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART' IN GERMANY 95
that the life of the place was not without influence upon
him, and that the ' smart life ' met with his approval.
He took leave of Venice with a heavy heart. ' Oh,
how I shall pine for the sun ! Here I am a fine gentle-
man ; at home I am a parasite, i.e. a beggar.' ]
Later German and Dutch artists, who nocked in
numbers to the city of the Lagoons, got their fill of
pleasure from the brilliant and dissolute place.
The ' new antique-Italian ' art was transplanted
into Germany ; the old indigenous art, practised for
many centuries, approved by works of the finest order,
was displaced. In Italy this preference for ' the
antique,' which appealed to old popular traditions,
had in it some show of historic justification ;" but in
Germany it was wanting in any national basis, and it
was only grafted on to the German style as an entirely
foreign growth. In Italy, under the guidance of
artists of importance, it was, during its short blossom-
ing, fruitful in works of sterling beauty and finished
technique ; in Germany, at least in the department of
high art, it could not boast of a single master of the
first rank, and it did not produce a single work which in
real greatness and beauty, and in enduring worth, could
bear comparison with the achievements of the old,
native art. This indigenous art, at the time when the
foreign intruder came, had by no means become ' out-
worn and exhausted,' any more than Christianity had
outlived itself when the humanists began to enthuse
for the heaven of the pagan gods ; or than German
jurisprudence had outgrown itself when it was displaced
1 M. Thausing, Diirers Briefe, Tagebiicher und JReime (Wien, 1872),
pp. 5, 6, 7, 13, 15, 17, 21, 22. Concerning the word Schmarotzer or
Schmorotzer, — Bettler, cf. Weigand's German Dictionary.
96 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
by the foreign Roman law ; or than the Germa.n lan-
guage had outlived its day when the scholars voted it
' a barbarous tongue,' and exchanged their German
names for Latinised and Hellenised ones. Just as
German national life, in all its branches, was driven
out by the men of might and the leaders of fashion, and
forced to give way to foreign customs, till by degrees
it lapsed into complete alienism, so too native art
disappeared from the land.
While at the end of the fifteenth century the great
body of artistic activity was inspired and dominated
by the spirit of the Middle Ages, twenty years later
Diirer wrote : ' Nowadays everything must be antique.'
Mere imitation was the highest level aimed at or
reached. The German Renaissance is at bottom only
a re-birth of the Italian re-birth, an after-birth of the
latter.1
Only so long as the old traditions of art were re-
cognised and the inner organisation of the old art
guilds continued to exist, was any abundance of beau-
tiful and excellent work produced. The more these
traditions died out or became disregarded, the more
masons' guilds and guild workshops went out of fashion,
so much the more apparent was the deterioration of all
art. The marked antagonism which gradually grew up
1 Riehl (Kutturstudien, pp. 129-130) says most aptly : ' In the Re-
naissance the antique forms were resuscitated. At first these appeared
in combination side by side with the mediaeval ones, which later on they
triumphed over. To adapt art models and forms is as difficult as to alter
gowns. Only a few of the greatest architects and sculptors succeeded
in exorcising the inner contradiction between the new life and the old
art. No other period of art had such a short season of blossoming as
the genuine Renaissance. On its first advent into the world it bore
the stamp of mannerism on its brow. This mannerism in its full maturity
is what has received the name of Rococo.'
THE RENAISSANCE IN GERMANY 97
between art and craftsmanship contributed largely to
this result.1
Speaking generally it may be said that the new-
school of art had no roots in the broad strata of the life
of the people, and derived no nourishment from the
spirit of the nation, but was a mere plaything of the
courts and of the great world, and was obliged to
submit to their tyranny and caprice, and to adapt itself
to the ruling fashions. But, however much it was
propped up by the courts, it succumbed finally through
inward weakness ; because it had not come into exis-
tence organically, it lacked from the very first all
harmonious unity. The different branches of art stood
out separately and independently ; architecture, which
in all epochs of true art prosperity forms the centre and
the point of departure of the collective art life, held
a subordinate position. Ornamentation became the
chief concern of art, and remained the most important
element in all its branches.2 The Italian artist Gioviano
1 See Rahn, p. 766 ; A. Schultz in v. Zahn's Jahrb'icher, ii. 358-359.
See also Lange, Fliitner, p. 176 ft".
2 ' For all the great masters of older generations art had been so
entirely a matter of inward and spiritual significance, that ornament
played no large part in their work. The sphere of ornament is outward
and sensuous. It was not, therefore, until art had btgun to separate
itself from its connections with national life and from its religious basis
that decoration began to assume an important character and position, and
expanded into exuberant blossoming.' C. von Lutzow, in the Gesch. der
deutschen Kunst, iv. 214. F. Schneider, in the work quoted "above, p. 23,
n. 1 (Gotik und Kunst : Brief an einen Freund), says very pertinently :
' It is highly significant of the petty, parochial, pedantic art of us Germans,
that it remains virtually untouched by the great wave of inspiration which
at that time influenced nearly all departments of Italian art, but continues
to cling only to externals. For the sake of decorative novelty they over-
look the things that are essential.' ' It cannot be denied,' says Lange
(Fliitner, p. 164), ' that in these modern efforts and strivings, especially
in the unqualified adoption of the ideas and models of the Italian Re-
VOL. XI. H
98 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Pontano, in 1500, assigned the first place in art to
ornament, and actually declared it to be praiseworthy
to go to extremes in this direction.1
As regards the connection of the new ' antique-
Italian ' school of art with the religious revolution, the
former was by no means an outcome of the latter.
Catholics as well as Protestants in Germany decided
in favour of the new art.2 'The reign of the Gothic
naissance, there was great danger for German art, a danger which certainly
had some share in bringing on the decay of German art.'
1 ' Et in ornatu quidem, cum hie maxime opus commendet, modum
excessisse etiam laudabile est ; ' see Burckhardt, Gesch. der Renaissance
in Italien, p. 46 (3rd edition, 1891, p. 48). The antique models, which
they had before their eyes, corresponded to these views. ' Roman archi-
tecture, of which a leading characteristic is straining after pomp and
splendour, naturally indulges to excess in profusion of ornamentation,
and by its union with sculpture produces results in which decoration is
no longer an accessory, but an integral part, or, rather, the most important
part, and that for which architecture exists.' Overbeck, Gesch. der griech.
Plastik, ii. 307. To the Germans the new style of art which they learnt
in Italy appeared, so says R. Dohme, in his Geschichte der deidschen Kunst,
i. 287, ' only as decoration, nothing more.' The German taste, so peculi-
arly susceptible to fanciful, exuberant ornamentation, was fascinated by
the baroque element in the North Italian early Renaissance, 'attracted
by those speciahties which degenerate only too easily into caricature.'
** - Opinions well worthy of notice on the encroachment of the Re-
naissance on North German art are propounded by G. Schneeli, Renais-
sance in der Schweiz. Studien iiber das Eindringen der Renaissance in die
Kunst diesseits der Alpen (Munich, 1896). Cf. H. A. Schmid in Re-
pertorium filr Kunstwissenschaft, pp. 20, 480 ff., who sums up Schneeli 's
views briefly as follows : ' The political circumstances, the never-
ending military campaigns, influenced not only the subject-matter,
but also the outward form of plastic art. The eye became accustomed
in Italy to' the Renaissance, and the military life of the times created
a demand for a variety of new objects, and also for their decoration. The
services of plastic art were requisitioned, and new types came accordingly
into existence. Thus, while the specimens of earlier art which survived
the ravages of iconoclasm were only sufficient to enable historians to
trace the development of art on broad fines, humanism settled the
character which secular, civic art should thenceforth display. Even if
the humanists themselves were wholly wanting in any sense of art, the
intellectual nature of the new material supplied by humanism was
EENAtSSANCE AND REFORMATION 99
was everywhere at an end. In Catholic circles it
potent, according to Schneeli, to turn realism into a higher method of
representation. The political conditions and the intellectual currents
might indeed easily " have had their influence " on style. But the revo-
lution which was accomplished corresponded to no real need, and in
principle nothing was changed. Decoration — and decoration easily
combines with other elements — installed itself, but the Gothic style
remained still a long time firmly established, and might in the main
have satisfied all requirements. The process was merely an outward
manifestation, fortunate, accidental, just as one is pleased to call it,
but nothing more or less than a fashion by which the great artists were
carried away, often without being able to assert their own free-will.
Diirer, at heart, stands far aloof from a style of art which makes outward
form its chief aim. So, too, to a lesser degree, does Peter Vischer. Hol-
bein was the first to endow the new fashion with the real spirit of Italian
art, with its undefinable feeling for rhythm and harmony. The actual
causes of the change of style he in the perception of the enslaving of
free decoration by the Gothic. The Van Eycks were the first to perceive
this, and hence their preference for Romanesque forms, for hangings, and
draperies. The minor arts developed the late Gothic, naturalistic orna-
ment. This prepared the advent of the Renaissance, to which the chief
impulse was given by printing. In the nineties it became the fashion in
Upper Italy to have more elaborate embellishment on title-pages, and
soon afterwards the Renaissance appeared in Germany. Italian artists
furthered the movement in German lands.' On this point H. A. Schmid
remarks : ' Schneeli's hypothesis concerning the outward cause which
brought the Renaissance to Germany is very enlightening, and whether
or no it exactly hits the mark, it is one of the most felicitous thoughts
of his book. It seems, moreover, as if Schneeh had struck on the truth
as far as he goes. On the other hand, the actual causes must lie deeper
down than this. To us it appears that the same changes in national
character which make certain political conditions impossible, which stir
up fresh literary and learned movements, and so forth, have also the
effect of changing the tastes of the small portion of the population who
are susceptible to plastic art, and making that seem ugly and unbeautiful
to them which before they thought beautiful. There are no such fashions
as Schneeh assumes, and no such accidents. Moreover, at the beginning
of the fifteenth century there was a general craving for something new,
not only among a small group of painters, but over the whole of Germany ;
not only with regard to ornamentation, but in architecture generally ;
one proof of this, among others, is the erection of the large and spacious
hall-churches, which came into vogue at this time (see above, p. 22, note).
The demand for something new existed. The Gothic style was about to
undergo a process of remodelling when the new style arrived from abroad.
On the other hand, we cannot attribute any groat importance — above all,
H -I
100 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
was even more strongly repudiated than among Pro-
testants.' 1
any developing influence — to the effect on art of ancient subject-matter,
for it is precisely with the introduction of themes from Roman history
that an essentially prosaic character becomes apparent in panel-painting.'
1 Springer, Bilder, ii. 136. ' Gothic architecture,' says Liibke (Plastik,
ii. G78), was ' the purest offspring of the mediaeval spirit.' Naumann
(i. 388 ff.), on the other hand, sees in it ' something Protestant,'
because in it ' the Cross dominates all and everything,' and this ' sug-
gests the devotion of Protestant art to the Passion, and the death on the
Cross.' No less does he see ' Protestant tendencies ' in the ' ever in-
creasing prominence given to representations of the Passion in painting at
the close of the Middle Ages, in opposition (!) to veneration of saints
which had till then been the favourite subject (!), and the veneration of
Mary.' Strangely original views on art are put forward by Richard
Fischer in his work Ueber Protestantismus und Katholizismus in der
Kunst (Berlin, 1853), where we find such statements as the following :
' Protestantism is altogether the foundation of all art and all art-life '
(p. 13) ; ' annihilating the lies of all transcendentalism, all supernaturalism,
it enshrines the spirit of the real as the true ideal ' (p. 15) ; it is ' the
source of all monumental art ' (p. 16) ; ' of any such thing as Catholic
art, of Catholic artistic beauty, there can be no question ' (p. 23) ; ' the
Protestant element ' of civic life (Biirgertum) has prevailed since the end
of the fourteenth century, notably in Wilhelm and Stephan, the masters
of Cologne (p. 38) ; the brothers Van Eyck were already very advanced
Protestants ; with them ' the mysticism of dogma vanishes before the
religion of nature which they venerated as artists ' (p. 48), and so forth.
To the works of the devil and the ' heretical revolts against the majesty of
God ' belongs notoriously, ' according to Catholic opinion,' the invention
of printing, which first saw the light under the curses of the monks and
priests ' (p. 22). ' The ghostly spirit of Catholicism ' (p. 83) leaves the
author no rest or peace.
101
CHAPTER V
SECTION II. — ART WRITERS IN SUPPORT OF THE
ANTIQUE -ITALIAN METHOD
Remarkable insight into the early development of
the German Renaissance is obtained from certain
writings of the sixteenth century which aim at pro-
paganda of the new style, and which are at the same
time guides to its understanding and practice. From
these it is clearly seen that the German Renaissance
was not the result of real inward absorption of the
Italian methods, but only of outward imitation, that it
was not built upon a profound understanding of the
laws of the new Italian art — still less on an enlightened
perception of the antique element underlying it — but
was merely a matter of playing with externals.
On the threshold of the subject we are confronted
with no less a figure than Albert Diirer. In almost all
his great achievements in the domains of painting, of
engraving, of woodcuts, he is, it is true, by no means
a ' Renaissance master,' but still stands firmly on the
ground of Christian German views and mediaeval art
traditions. Those works of art also which he executed
after his return from Venice — with the exception of some
accessories imitating the antique, and his ' Triumphal
Arch of the Emperor Maximilian,' in which there are
already signs of a tendency to the baroque — show very
slight traces of Renaissance influence.
102 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
It is quite otherwise, however, with his learned
disquisitions in his ' Unterweisung der Messung mit
dem Zirkel und Bichtscheit ' of the year 1525, and in
his ' Proportionslehre,' which was not published till after
his death.
In the first of these works he expresses the opinion
that it was the Italians who first resuscitated true art,
that of the Greeks and the Romans. ' How greatly
art was honoured and venerated by the Greeks and
Romans,' he writes,' ' is amply shown by old books,
notwithstanding that it subsequently disappeared and
was hidden from sight for some 2,000 years, and that it
is only two centuries ago that it was again resuscitated
by the Italians (W allien, Walscheri). For verily it is
an easy matter for the arts to disappear, but it is only
with difficulty and length of time that they are brought
back again to light.' ' The old books of the Greeks and
Romans,' he said, ' must form the basis of art instruc-
tion, especially those of the " great master Vitruvius,"
who wrote in such a truly artistic manner concerning
solidity, utility, and decoration in architecture, that
he deserves to be studied and obeyed before other
teachers.'
In the working out of a new style of architecture,
to which task Diirer appears to have devoted himself,1
he could count on extensive support from his German
contemporaries, who were most of them dominated by
the craving for novelty ; for, said Diirer, ' as a rule,
everybody who wants to build something new is
delighted to get hold of some new fashion that has never
been seen before.'
Considering, however, the specimens of ' new art '
1 See v. Zahn, Diirers Verhattnis, pp. 96-97.
WRITERS SUPPORTING ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART 103
which he left behind in his sketches for a pillar com-
memorating a battle, for a triumphal monument in
honour of the subjugation of the rebellious peasants,
for the gravestone of a drunkard, it is scarcely to be
regretted for his fame's sake that he was prevented
by death from executing ' a still greater number of
admirable, rare, and artistic things,' which, according
to Pirkheimer, he had in his mind.1
In the first of these monuments the pillar consists
of the tube of a cannon set up on end, powder barrels
and ammunition bullets being placed at the corners
of the base ; in the second, untethered cows, sheep and
swine surround the quadrangular pedestal of the
column. Four baskets, containing cheese, eggs, butter,
onions and cabbages, crown the corners of the pedestal :
the artist who executed the design was free, Diirer
said, to add to it anything else ' that occurred to him.'
He himself added to the above articles an oat-bin,
over which he placed an overturned kettle, and on the
kettle a cheese-bowl covered with a plate ; on the plate
a butter-dish, and on the butter-dish a milk-jug. In
the milk- jug he stuck a sheaf of corn, in which shovels,
flails and dung-forks were bound up. An overturned
hen-coop forms the capital of the column ; a ' mourn-
ing ' peasant, sitting on a grease pot and pierced by a
sword, adorns the summit of the monument.2
A more incisive satire on the new art methods
coming into vogue could not easily have been pro-
duced.
1 See v. Eye, Albrecht Diirer, p. 4fi6.
2 Hermann Grimm, Kiinstler unci Kunstwerke, ii. 228, says : ' Diirer's
design for a monument of the conquered peasants (1525) is such a baroque,
but at the same time pleasing, pile of naturalistic objects as nobody
before or after him has ever produced.'
104 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The ' new element ' is no less to the fore in Diirer's
monument of a drunkard. On the pedestal stands
a cask of beer covered with a draughts-board, on
which are two bowls, one on the top of the other,
with the motto : ' Herein you'll find a banquet.' Then
comes ' another squat beer-jug with two handles,'
covered with a plate on which stands a tall beer-glass
turned upside down, and lastly a basket containing
bread, cheese and butter.1
Considering the great renown which Diirer every-
where enjoyed, such inventions must have made a
vivid impression on the imaginative genius of his
contemporaries in art, bitten as they already were
with all sorts of fantastic ideas ; and there was scarcely
need of his express admonition that each one should
strive ' to make further new developments.' How very
differently did Diirer's fine artistic sense display itself,
both as regards grandeur of conception and power
of expression, so long as he remained free — as, for
instance, in his ' Apocalypse,' or ' The Knight, Death
and the Devil,' ' St. Jerome in his Cell,' and in ' Melan-
choly ' 2 — from the influence of a false naturalism.3
Twenty years later another theoriser, the Nurem-
1 These sketches are in the Unterweisung der Messung mit dem Zirckel
und Richtscheyt (Nuremberg edition of 1538), Bl. J-J-'.
2 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 245-248.
3 In the year 1531 Jerome Rodler, secretary to the Prince of Simmern,
published Ein schiin niitzlich Biichlin von Unterweisung der Kunst des
Messens mit dem Zirckel, Richtscheidt, oder Linial because the two books
by Albert Diirer, Die Kunst und Unterweisung der Messung and the
Proportz menschlicher Bild, were written in ' such a hyper-artistic, un-
intelligible manner ' that they were not adapted to beginners in art, but
' only to the highly initiated.' ' We see here everywhere,' says Liibke
{Renaissance in Deutschland, i. 152), ' a growing desire for the adoption
of Renaissance models and forms, but without any real understanding of
the new' methods.'
WRITERS SUPPORTING ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART 105
berg physician and mathematician Walter Rivius,
fashioned the cradle of the German Zopf. He pub-
lished in 1547 a book entitled ' In miissigen Zeiten zu
sonderlicher Ergotzung und Recreation ' ('In Idle
Hours, for Enjoyment and Recreation'), and a 'Neue
Perspectiv,' and in the following year a ' deutscher
Vitruv ' (' German Vitruvius '), and these comprehensive
works went through several editions.1 In the last book
Rivius literally revels in Vitruvius and his successors.
The dedicatory preface, addressed to the burgomaster
and council of Nuremberg, is to the effect that before
the resuscitation of the Roman architect there had
been no architects worthy of mention. Nowhere but
in the antique would Rivius recognise ' the true basis
of architecture ' which ' was quite extinct in Germany,'
and he insisted first and foremost on the training up
of ' learned ' architects, such as were to be found in
Italy.2 German architects, he said, must learn Latin
and Greek, and where possible new languages also,
' because in no barbarous foreign tongue hitherto
spoken had there been fewer writings or books on the
newly discovered arts than in the German language,
with the exception of the books by the far-famed
artist Albert Diirer.' Furthermore, architects must
have a knowledge of music, medicine and astronomy ;
but they would only attain to perfection, according to
the dictum of Vitruvius, by the study of philosophy.3
1 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 152.
'■ Rivius, Vitruv, pp. 18, 19, 34, 189, 249.
:5 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 1G0-163. ' la the North, fortunately, the
adoption of such theories was long hindered by mediaeval traditions.'
In his Neue Perspectiv Rivius, among other circumstantial instructions,
gave directions as to how by means of a mass of geometrical lines an
antique drinking-cup could be made out of an egg, in a way, the author
106 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In order to show off his own learning, Bivius recom-
mended, in conformity with the directions of foreign
books on art, ' the alteration of the bosses which an
intelligent architect might make according to his own
taste in a variety of ways ; ' for instance, ' the intro-
duction of Caryatides ' in embroidered and decorated
drapery, bas-reliefs representing kneeling warriors ' in
antique dress,' ' such as ' he knew ' were fashioned with
great care and marvellous thought and cunning by the
ancient architects for the Persian halls of the Lacedae-
monians.' He further recommended as models ' the
artistically sculptured pillars, such as are in vogue with
the Italians of our own day ; ' Hermae, mummified,
or ending in the stem of a tree, with Turkish turbans
and flowing mantles, or with two female busts. Fol-
lowing the lead of his Italian predecessors, he aimed
at reintroducing the Greek temple by adopting its
principal shapes and its facades, and applying these
to the many-aisled Renaissance churches with cross
vaults and cupolas, and sometimes crowning volutes
and gables with couching dragons and stags. On the
model of Vitruvius he was most insistent in pointing
out to the architects the manner in which the Greek
temples varied according to the different deities to
whom they were dedicated. Above all, ' the buildings
erected to goddesses and tender virgins were so pretty,
so tastefully and elegantly adorned and decorated, that
these tender goddesses could dwell in them with delight.'
The tower of Andronicus Cyrrhestes, according to his
description, is an octagonal building with five stories,
adds, ' that oven the far-famed, wonderful artist Albrecht Diirer had not
demonstrated.' The geometrical juggleries of the late Gothic were far
outstripped here,
WRITERS SUPPORTING ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART 107
and covered with all sorts of exquisite ornamentation
in the shape of couching lions, dolphins and dragons,
an angel with sword and shield, and skeleton figure
of death, a naked woman with the dial of a clock,
a Madonna and Child, angels blowing trumpets, and
a number of bells ; on the top of the roof, to serve as
a weathercock, a Triton lies on its stomach blowing a
trumpet. The monument of the ' great and mighty
King Mausolus,' as planned by Rivius, was a quadran-
gular structure with cross vault, expanding into a
Greek cross ; it was to be built up with pilasters and
gable-crowned windows, with little cupolas over the
arms of the cross ; a town with mediaeval gates and
battlemented walls, and a royal palace with towers,
projections, balconies and pinnacles was to form the
background.1
To produce ' wonders and novelties of this sort '
was naturally not given to everyone, and accordingly
Rivius wisely warned young artists against embarking
on the vocation of a ' veritable architect ; ' for this was
no light matter in view of the extraordinary astuteness
of the present age, which knew how to do and to ' outdo '
everything with the utmost perfection. Rivius looked
down contemptuously on the old masonic guilds, ' the
vulgar, ordinary master-builders and stone-masons ; '
these men, he said, were so coarse-minded that they
could not understand or make anything of worth.2
The more pronounced the decadence of true archi-
tecture, sculpture and painting became, the more
numerous were the publications which aimed at ' in-
structing all well-disposed and intelligent people in
1 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 162.
2 From the Neve Perspectiv, in Liibke, i. 164.
108 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
these arts,' and ' bringing back into fashion true antique
art.' 1 Among a number of others Rutger Kassmann,
' the Vitruvian architect,' stands out as an instructor of
this kind : according to him, ' architecture after the
antique ' flourished ' as early as the time of Solomon,'
' who caused the temple at Jerusalem to be built in
Corinthian style.' 2
Amongst the devotees of the new art the man of
most fertile fancy and invention was the Strassburg
architect and painter, Wendel Dietterlein, a highly
esteemed man, who, with other artists, was summoned
to Stuttgart by Duke Louis of Wurtemberg for the
rebuilding of his ' far-famed pleasure-house.' In 1593
he published in this town a work entitled ' Architectura
und Austheilung der fiinf Saulen,' which gained great
approval, and appeared in 1598 in an improved edition.3
1 In addition to the books mentioned in Liibke, i. 165, see those of
Pieter Koeck, mentioned in Fiorillo, ii. 461, and (p. 485) the remarks on
Johann Fredemann de Vries, who published no fewer than twenty-six
volumes. Carl von Mander (1603-1604) published an explanation of
Ovid's Metamorphoses, in order to provide artists with directions for
executing the figures ; see Schnaase, viii. 109. Respecting the Nurem-
berg printer, Johannes Petrejus, Neudorffer says (p. 177) : ' His thoughts
will always be a standing guide to those who may wish to compile good
books about the fine arts.'
2 Liibke, i. 166.
3 Nuremberg, 1598. Wendel Dietterlein must not be confounded
with Wendel Dietrich, the architect who was so active at Munich (see
Ree, p. 33). Respecting Dietterlein, cf. the Ausfiihrungen von Klemm,
Wurtemberg architect and sculptor, p. 145 ff. ; K. v. Liitzow in the
Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, iv. 232 ; and the monograph of Ohnesorge,
Leipzig, 1893. Bezold, in Bankunst der Renaissance in Deutschland, p. 97,
calls Dietterlein's Architectura ' a worthy pendant to Fischart's Gargantua.
Whoever will take the trouble to compare these two works will be
astonished at the parallelism in their ideas. W. Dietterlein has also at
command an astounding cpiantity of forms, which he scattered about
wholesale among his designs. He is one of the most prolific spirits of
the German Renaissance ; but he, too, did not free himself from the
incubus of the new art which kept it down to the level of the minor arts ;
WRITERS SUPPORTING ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART 109
He was not concerned, Dietterlein says in his preface,
about his own fame or profit, but only desired, from
love of the subject, to spread the right taste in art, most
especially for the benefit of the young, who hitherto
had not been instructed in the true principles of art.
Dietterlein figures in Germany as the great master
of the baroque style, which entirely ignored the mutual
relationship of the different arts. All his work is heavy
and cumbersome, notwithstanding that the masonry
seems alive with ornamental accessories of all sorts.1
In defence of his fancies ' beyond everything wonder-
ful,' he might appeal to Diirer's admonition that ' every
artist should endeavour to produce something novel ; '
that ' even if the renowned Vitruvius and others had
sought out and found excellent things, this did not
prove that there was nothing more that was good to
be discovered.' Diirer's extraordinary memorial pillars
evidently served Dietterlein as models, when, for instance,
he was working at his ' Culinary Portal ' which has so
often been described, in which Atlas is represented as
a corpulent cook, bearing two bowls on his head to
represent the capital of the pillar, at his girdle two
bundles of snipes and a kitchen knife, and holding a
soup-ladle in his hand ; on the frieze are seen kitchen
spoons crossed, in the cornices heads of wild swine,
indeed, he was not aware that it was an incubus, but in a happy-go-lucky
way mixed up art proper and industrial art. In his designs he takes no
account either of material or execution ; as they are here sketched
no great architectural work could be carried out from them. He even
harks back to the Gothic style, and takes it up at the point where it
ceased a hundred years before. If, however, we are content to take him
for what he is, we cannot but admire his wealth of forms, his inexhaustible
fancy, and the plastic power with which he is able to bring the most
antagonistic forms into harmonious unity of effect.'
1 Leixner, pp. 218-250 ; Falke, Geschmack, p. 166.
110 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
and above these a group of hares and deer, with kitchen
kettles, and a spit with sausages on it ; as a reminder
of the antique a half -naked Ceres was also introduced.1
If Vitruvius compared Doric pillars to the figure of
a man, Dietterlein went even further and made a man
stand for a pillar, and moreover, in order to emphasise
the military character of the Dorians, a man in com-
plete warlike accoutrement.2 Statues of Mercury are
represented by him as peasants enclosed in wine -barrels,
with their feet, shod in wooden sabots, sticking out
below, and their heads, covered with a hand-basin for
a capital, showing above.3 Such ' ingenious ' flights of
invention as this Diirer could scarcely have foreseen
when he himself loaded his capitals with all sorts of
arbitrary decoration, and encouraged the workmen who
should execute his designs to add ' further beautiful
objects,' ' such as foliage, heads of animals, birds —
anything in short which commended itself to their
genius.' To the ' genius ' of Dietterlein the antique
' nudities ' also commended themselves. The climax
in this respect is reached in a design for a chimney-
piece, a naked Juno on the lap of Jupiter.1
1 Figur 75 ; cf. Lubke, i. 170-171. Figur 144 corresponds in utter
want of taste to the ' Culinary Portal.'
2 Figur 46. The Corinthian pillar (fig. 136) is the figure of a voluptuous
woman clad only round the loins.
1 The most extraordinary conceits and fancies appear in figures 36,
76, 82, 83, 146, 164, 183 ; cf. Lubke, i. 170 ; J. Wasslcr, Das Dorische
in der Renaissance, in v. Liitzow's Zeitschr. xiv. 338-339. ' The " golden
age " of the German Renaissance,' says Wassler, ' produced the most
inconceivable eccentricities. The German offspring far overtopped the
head of its Italian father. Italian art-literature contains no book which,
in exaggeration and extravagance, comes in the least near to our Wendel
Dietterlein : compared to Dietterlein, Pozzo is a chaste spirit.' ' Dietter-
lein is in very truth an architectural Hell-Breughel.'
4 Figur 149 ; see Andresen, ii. 270. Cf. the figure 76 in Lubke, i. 168.
WRITERS SUPPORTING ANTIQUE-ITALIAN ART 111
Such was the depth of decadence to which architec-
ture and sculpture had come in the sixteenth century
in Germany. All that theorisers asserted as to the
right of giving free play to the fancy in the invention
of new forms was abundantly carried out in practice.
Even Dietterlein's wild eccentricities found many
imitators.1
1 See R. Dohme in the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, i. 327, 369 ; Ebe,
i. 235-236. Liibke (i. 170) inveighs against Dietterlein's ' veritable
witches' sabbath of the baroque style, then sowing its wild oats,' but he
makes the Jesuit Order responsible for the imitations of this Protestant
architect. ' It was the time,' he says, ' in which the Jesuit Order was
setting in motion every possible means — legitimate and illegitimate —
for the advancement of the newly rekindled Catholicism. The fantastic
abortions of the baroque style were admirably adapted to this purpose.'
Woltmann (Kunst im Elsass, p. 315) says that this remark of Liibke is
excellent. While, however, Liibke at first accuses Dietterlein of having
produced a ' veritable witches' sabbath,' at p. 270 he says eulogistically :
' The Strassburg masters still retain something of the character of the old
German masons' guilds, and continue to stand in active relation to Ger-
many ' [but did the Strassburgers at that time already belong to France,
and, nevertheless, ' still stand in active relationship to Germany ' !].
At the end of the century it is Wendel Dietterlein who, summoned to
Stuttgart, publishes there his widely influential copper-engravings. At
p. 376 Liibke reckons him among ' the best artists of the time.'
112 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER VI
SECTION III. — ARCHITECTURE AND SCULPTURE AFTER
THE ANTIQUE -ITALIAN MANNER —OSTENTATION OF
THE GREAT PEOPLE AND OF THE PRINCES 1
From the very outset the new architecture, which
was described as German Renaissance art, had no
1 ' German Renaissance is the standing name for all present-day
German art achievement, art instruction, and so forth, above all in the
sphere of industrial art. It is believed that in the architectural and
decorative art of the sixteenth century there lurks a genuine national
element, by the development of which German art will advance to new,
independent blossoming. An egregious blunder, which, in view of the
confusion it has already caused, will scarcely enjoy lengthy duration '
(Wilhelm Bode, Oesch. der deutschen Kunst, ii. 228). If, on the other
hand, we are to believe Woltmann, this is the state of the case : ' In
Italy it was easier than elsewhere to discard the Gothic style when it had
outlived itself, for its loss there was made up for by the renewed connec-
tion with the classic traditions of the land. When this " classicised "
Renaissance style found its way into Germany, it came as no mere foreign,
imported product, but as something which had been long yearned after,
for which the way had long been preparing by the work of indigenous
craft, and it was incorporated in its new home in a manner adapted to
the national characteristics of Germany. By the development of Re-
naissance architecture German architecture received a new impulse, and
passed through a fresh period of excellence ' (Aus vier Jahrhunderten,
pp. 19, 26). In what this so-called ' new period of excellence ' consisted,
R. Dohme, comparing it with the mediaeval period, has admirably de-
scribed : ' The mediaeval development presents a picture of progressive
ripening to a definite goal, for the realisation of which artists of different
times and places all worked unconsciously. When ecclesiastical archi-
tecture had completed its task of bringing the building of five-nave cathe-
drals to the utmost pitch of perfection, another variant of the problem
presented itself in the construction of the (so-called) hall-churches, which
lasted to the end of the period. With the Renaissance, however, there
set in, instead of the accustomed definite working towards a well-define:!
'ANTIQUE-ITALIAN' ART IN GERMANY 113
actual style of its own, least of all had it a ' national '
style : it evolved no organic development of new forms
goal, an aimless, uncertain groping and feeling about in all directions,
and the building of churches and cathedrals, previously the leading
feature in architecture, was thrown into the background by the Reforma-
tion movement. But secular architecture also suffered from the political
conditions of the country.' ' The political and financial might of the
German princes was frittered away in the pursuit of personal and private
interests ; such, also, was the case with the power of the imperial house.'
' As in politics, so, too, in architecture, the absence of large, impersonal
motives made itself felt. To such an extent did the art of the period
concern itself with small things that even the works executed for princely
patrons were small in conception.' ' Even the one ecclesiastical prince in
whom there was some vein of the Italian Maecenas, Cardinal Albert
of Brandenburg, notwithstanding the vastness of his aspirations, never
but once rose to an elevated point of view, and even this once the execu-
tion ended in commonplaceness. I allude to the cemetery at Halle,
planned on a monumental scale, with its circumambient arcades. It
is in its way a unique achievement in Germany, but it lacks all grandeur
of execution. How poor and feeble its arcades seem compared with the
artistic distinction of every loggia on a Tuscan villa ! ' Even the most
important achievement of the Renaissance in Germany, the Otto-Henry
wing of the castle of Heidelberg, is mere patchwork. ' When the Elector
Otto Henry had this wing, which bears his name, added to the castle
at Heidelberg, it did not occur to him, as it would have done to any Italian
or Frenchman, that the old irregular buildings should be remodelled in
order to harmonise with the new part. His only thought was to add to
the old medley of buildings a new structure, and to make this new part
as perfect as possible. The whole of Germany cannot show, as the out-
come of this period, one grandly conceived and throughout finely executed
work, such, for instance, among many other specimens of the Romanesque
period, as the citadel of Henry the Lion at Brunswick, or, from the Gothic
epoch, the headquarters of the Teutonic Order at Marienburg, and, at
the threshold of the seventeenth-century art, the residential building at
Munich.' It is only in the sphere of the minor arts that any ' artistic
power ' is still displayed, but the influence of craftsmanship on archi-
tectonic work is not advantageous to the latter. For the taste for elaborate
working up of details gradually overgrows and stifles the fundamental
structural ideas. Added to this was the wilful misinterpretation of the
classic canons concerning the mutual relationship of parts ; so that at
last, at the highest period of the Renaissance, scarcely any difference
is made between the forms and mouldings on the wooden wainscottings
in the interior of houses and the ornamental stone carvings of the facades ;
for the whole style altogether lacks the constructive basis which restricts
ornament within definite limits, and is nothing more than arbitrary
VOL. XI. I
114 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
originating in constructive ideas ; on the contrary, this
so-called new art consisted more or less only in the
revival of antique modes of decoration.1 It merely
repeated — often, indeed, confusing and spoiling — all the
new elements that the fifteenth century had produced
as regards enclosure of space and treatment of pro-
portions ; while it borrowed the language of form
either directly from the Italian art which it only half
understood, or else, in the North, from Flemish art
which it wofully distorted.2
Work of real merit and distinction was only pro-
decoration dominating and displacing the original forms at its pleasure,
and having no inherent connection with the inward motive of the struc-
ture ' (Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, i. 290-291. See also C. Schnaase in
v. Lutzow, Zeitschr. ix. 212). Lotz (Statistik, i. 15-16) says : ' Ere long
the whole wealth of methods which Christian art had evolved during
centuries of unparalleled development were all cast aside. With a few
rare exceptions the works of the Renaissance are destitute of true life,
of inward law (inevitableness), and they bear the stamp of arbitrary
superficiality, or spiritual barrenness. As for the churches, so far as
they are anything more than mere translations from the Gothic, as the
Church of St. Mary at Wolfenbiittel, and the superstructure on the tower
of St. Kilian at Heilbronn, the Renaissance style suits them least of all.'
1 Kugler, Kleine Schriften, i. 394 : ' It was a mongrel growth, and
even worse than this, just as was the old Roman art.' Cf. Liibke, Plastik,
ii. 678-679. Concerning the pre-eminently decorative character of Re-
naissance art, see also Carriere, Renaissance et Reformation, pp. 70-73.
2 Wilhelm Bode, in the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, ii. 228, says :
' German Renaissance architectural decoration has little perfect work
to show' (v. Lutzow, xi. 111). 'In the later German buildings con-
structed according to Renaissance forms it is plainly manifest that the
painter and designer had been at work before the architect. All that is
blamed, and justly so, in German Renaissance architecture — the want of
regard to the material, the incongruous and excessive ornamentation by
which the structure is always overloaded and obscured— is quite easily
explained, and ceases to be a matter of reproach (!) when these forms
of the designer are found used with decorative intent ' (Springer, Bilder,
ii. 38-39). The Italian art theoriser, Leon Battista Alberti, ' actually
derived the art of building from a pre-existing school of painting. The
architect, he said, had got his first ideas of pillars and beams from the
painter ' (Burckhardt, History of the Renaissance in Italy, p. 42).
'ANTIQUE-ITALIAN' ART IN GERMANY 115
duced when the architect still held firmly to the old
traditions, and to the Gothic principles,1 or else turned
entirely to the Italian Eenaissance.
When, through study of the numerous textbooks
of art, a closer acquaintance had been gained with the
models and methods of ancient art, these last came to
be combined with Gothic forms, and thus there arose a
so-called ' mixed style ' (mongrel style would be a better
name) which very soon passed into the baroque style,
or senseless, immoderate piling up of ornamentation.
At first the artists went to the plant world for their
models for decoration ; but by the middle of the century
cartouche work and metal style work had already come
into fashion ; all sense of necessary correspondence
between the structure as a whole and the decoration
of the structural parts disappeared, and no such thing*
as true architecture any longer existed. Regard for
the nature of the material— so strenuously insisted on
by Gothic art — was entirely forgotten ; the technique
of wood-carving was applied equally to stone ; the stone-
1 ' The principal charm of those buildings which the Renaissance
artists recommended as models is found in the sections which have sur-
vived from the Gothic period in spite of the influence of the Renaissance,
and their charm is due to the fact that in these portions the German
character is not completely denied and the old traditions altogether dis-
regarded ; but, on the contrary, Gothic root-principles are kept steadily
in sight, while it is only with regard to externals that the artist borrows
more or less from the antique. Precisely the same thing happened,
moreover, in other countries, especially in France, where a considerable
number of architectural works present the same characteristics as do
those in our own country which are labelled " Renaissance." There can
therefore be no question of specific German art, or of a " national " style.
All the same, the old masters of the early Renaissance did admirable
work. In them alone mediaeval tradition was not quite extinguished,
and they had, moreover, at their disposal the earlier technique which
was so especially brilliant during the late Gothic period ' (Reichensperger,
Tjxit Profanarchitectur, p. 39).
I 2
116 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
cutters borrowed from ironworkers ideas for the orna-
mentation of gate pillars, columns, and socles ; decora-
tive designs for wooden buildings were taken from stone
architecture ; for allegorical or figurative decoration
designs were collected from all the various branches of
art ; l the decoration of inside spaces was treated in the
same manner as that of external facades. There was
aimless expenditure of energy and invention in all
directions and of all kinds ; pillars were designed
merely for the sake of cornices, cornices for the sake of
mouldings. Thus ornament became the principal ele-
ment of the new style, the actual basis of all architec-
ture. The voluptuousness and ostentation of the time
showed itself in the fashions of decoration which,
keeping pace with the spirit of the age, very soon
developed all sorts of monstrosities.1' In the depart-
1 Springer (Bilder, ii. 152) says : ' It is precisely this mixture of kinds,
this miscellaneous borrowing from different branches of art, which con-
stitutes the " independence and originality of the decorative art." It is
in the domain of ornament that we must look for the artistic value of the
German Renaissance.'
~ The course of development indicated above is also exemplified in
the district of Old Nether Saxony — above all, in the beautiful and artistic
town of Hildesheim — where the German wooden architecture, which has
lately attained to honourable recognition, put forth its richest and
noblest fruits, and has lasted down to the present day. The Gothic
wooden houses built before the coming in of the Renaissance still retain
intact that indigenous character which resulted from an harmonious
combination of style and material. Their boldly projecting, picturesque
profiles are produced by the overhanging of the different stories, each of
which projects considerably beyond the one beneath it. By means of
wooden struts (called in German Kopfbander) the pressure of the pro-
jecting joists or beams is thrown on the uprights, which last are fixed
firmly by cross-beams. The angles formed by the struts are filled in with
planks, embellished by appropriate painting or flat carving. In like
manner the struts are decorated with figures and coats of arms, the
horizontal beams with friezes, the beam-heads are carved into faces,
the doors and windows are framed with carving, and the bricks of the
panels are arranged in varying patterns ; the uprights only are left bare
ART OF THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION PERIOD 117
ment of ecclesiastical architecture, strict adhesion to
the Gothic style continued in some districts until long
of ornament. Above the lower structure, often exceeding it in height, .
there rises a steep, so-called saddle-roof, which in Westphalia turns the
gable end towards the street, but east of the Weser runs parallel to the
street. Even after the advent of the Renaissance this feature of Gothic
architecture was still retained with Nether Saxon tenacity : it is only
in the ornamentation that ' antique forms ' appear. Such, for instance,
is the case with the most beautiful creation of wooden architecture — the
Hildesheim Butchers' Hall of the year 1529, a mighty edifice with eight
overhanging stories, which looks majestically down on the beautiful
market-place. The carving on the horizontal beams, the beam-heads and
the struts, which belong mostly to the new style, are of consummate beauty
and masterly technique. The further course of the sixteenth century
shows the struggle between the wooden Gothic and the Renaissance
forms taken from stone architecture. Instead of filling in the spaces
with bricks, after 1540 they are filled in with panels, and from 1578 these
panels give place to edged or rounded staves. The figures of saints, so
beloved of old, have given place to mythological and allegorical figures,
which, being quite unfamiliar to the people, have to be made intelligible
by the addition of their names. At the end of the century we have a
translation of stone into wooden architecture. The struts are worked
up like stone consoles, the uprights have become carved pilasters ; dentils,
strings of pearls, and so forth, displace the Gothic mouldings which cor-
responded to the nature of the wood ; the horizontal beams have become
architraves ; the window-parapets metopes. The ornamentation, seldom
designed from plants, and taken generally from stone or metal work, is
modelled flat, and stands out with sharp edges. We notice only one
constructive innovation at this period, and that is the so-called Aus-
luchten (i.e. look-outs), a rectangular projection in the facade which
rises from the ground like a bow-window, and at a later date is actually
built up to the roof. In many cases, moreover, instead of there being
only one of these projections, there are several to the same building,
so that the facade is divided into groups, with a very picturesque result.
It must, indeed, be acknowledged that the houses at the end of the six-
teenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century, owing to their
felicitous situation, their picturesque design, and their wealth of orna-
ment, produce a very favourable impression. It is not until the grue-
some times of the Thirty Years' War that the complete decay of wooden
architecture begins ; its characteristic features are gradually effaced,
and finally the overhanging stories disappear, and with these the last
reminiscence of mediaeval art. Concerning the high buildings of Hildes-
heim, see, in addition to the work of C. Lochner, the admirable article
of Pastor Graen, in the JahresbericM des Giirres-Vereins for 1891 ;
118 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
past the middle of the sixteenth century ; but in conse-
quence of the disturbed conditions and the material
distress brought about by the religious revolution, we
find that in Catholic Germany also, as compared with
earlier periods, few important buildings appeared for
a long space of time.1 It was not till the work of
Catholic restoration had been accomplished that this
condition of things was changed. The re- establish-
ment of Church and religious life, which took place
under the influence of this strong ecclesiastical move-
ment, was followed by the production of a long series
of sacred monuments and works of art which almost
all belong to the new style of the epoch, i.e. the Renais-
sance."
Chiefly in Bavaria and Austria, but also in many
other ecclesiastical territories, new churches sprang up ;
and at the same time old ones were remodelled in the
style of the day, not always to the advantage of true
art. The churches were refurnished with the products
of Renaissance art, often in such abundance that the
olden-time monuments completely disappeared.3 How-
ever much this new art may be condemned from an
S. and K. Steinacker, Die Holzbaukunst Ooslars. Ursachen ihrer Bliite und
ihres Verfalls. Diss. Heidelberg, 1899.
1 Lubke, Renaissance in Germany, ii. 230 ; Neumann, pp. 112-113.
2 Amongst other additions built on to Gothic churches may be noticed
those in Magdeburg up to the year 1520, in Zerbst up to 1530, in Zwickau
up to 1536, in Merseburg up to 1540, in Xanten, on the Lower Rhine,
up to 1525, in Liidinghausen, in Westphalia, up to 1558, in Miinster
up to 1568. In Bavaria and Suabia there was even more energetic action
in this respect : in Amberg up to 1534 ; in Freising up to 1545 ; in Scheyern
up to 1565 ; in Lauingen up to 1576 ; in Landshut up to 1580 ; in Bob-
lingen up to 1587. In the Church of St. Ulrich, in Augsburg, additional
building went on up to 1594. See H. Otte, Handbuch der kirchlichen
Kunstarchaulogie, p. 506 ff.
** ! Graus, in the Kirchenschmuck, 1897, p. 41.
ART OF THE CATHOLIC RESTORATION PERIOD 119
aesthetic point of view, innumerable specimens of it'
bear striking witness to vitality of faith, and pious
delight in beautifying the holy sanctuaries, and to the
undoubted merits of the Catholic restoration which
resulted from the Tridentine Church reform.1
From the artistic standpoint it was decidedly an
advantage that the two German princely houses which
remained true to the old Church, the Hapsburgers and
the Wittelsbachers, did not employ artists of the
' empire,' who would have built and sculptured and
painted in the German Renaissance style ; but that
they sent for Italians, who worked in genuine, southern
Renaissance methods familiar to them from their birth.
' In this choice of foreign artists, which had such
important results on German native art, the deter-
mining causes were the close intercourse of the Houses
of Hapsburg and Wittelsbach with the great Catholic
centre, imperial Rome ; their connection with the
reigning families of Italy (at Mantua and Florence),
as also with the Spanish Government at Milan ; and,
lastly, the support which the champions of the Catholic
Church in Germany enjoyed pre-eminently in Italy,
the headquarters of Catholicism.' The fact, also, that
the Italian masters in the art of fortress-building
enjoyed a monopoly of fame had much to do with their
transportation to Austria and Bavaria.2 Masters of
the Venetian school of Sansovino had been employed
in Prague by the Emperor Ferdinand I. since 1534.
Archduke Charles II. followed the example of his father.
** x Graus, Kirchenschmuck, 1897, p. 41.
** - Graus, I. c. 1897, pp. 41-43. Concerning Italian fortress-builders
in Styria, see Wassler in the Mitihe.il. d. Vereins /. Geschichte in Steier-
mark, pp. 43, 167 ff. For general matters, see also Bezold, Baukunst,
p. 16.
120 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
•Under him and under Archduke Ferdinand, there grew
up at the court an active art life, the history of which
has only lately become known.1 Of special importance
as to results was the appointment of Salustro Peruzzi,
the son of the famous Roman artist, who transplanted
Renaissance art directly, and in all its purity, into
Styria.2
A still more important centre for art in Catholic
Germany was the town of Munich. While here, under
Albert V., and above all under William V., preference
was given to religious art, at the imperial court at
Prague and at the archducal court at Innsbruck
secular art held the prominent place.3
Amongst the ecclesiastical princes, Julius of Mespel-
brunn (1573-1618), prince-bishop of Wiirzburg, was
especially distinguished for enthusiastic love of archi-
tecture, and for genuine religious zeal in the erection of
sacred edifices. At his death it was calculated that as
many as three hundred churches in his diocese had been
either built or restored by him.4 The most striking
** J J. Wassler, Das Kunstleben am Hofe zu Grazunter den Erzherzogen
Karl II. und Ferdinand, Graz, 1898.
2 The most striking monument of the reign of the Archduke Charles
is the beautiful mausoleum in the cathedral of Seckau (1587). ' Although
it is not an independent structure, it exhibits such abundance of artistic
work in marble and metal, stuccos and paintings, that it may be said to
present a whole storehouse of the art capacity of that period ' ** (cf. the
fine article by J. Graus, ' Ein Andenken an die Erzherzogin Maria von
Baj-ern,' in the Kirchenschmack, 1897, No. 4).
** -■ Fuller details below.
4 In the 'Franconian prize poem' of 1604 it is boasted that: 'There
were so many churches built that —
Well it might be wondered at
How it thus had happened that
So many churches new had been
Erected in one Prince's reign,
So many old ones renovated,
Enlarged, embellished, decorated
SACRED ARCHITECTURE (JESUIT CHURCHES) 121
of his achievements are the Juliussfital with the Church
of St. Kilian at Wiirzburg, and the university building
in the same place with the church adjoining it. It is
worthy of special mention that he employed almost
exclusively German master-builders ; in 1609 he found
himself for the first time compelled to appoint an
Italian as master-builder of the cathedral.1 The
numerous churches built by him are known by their
' pointed towers,' which, says a contemporary bio-
grapher, ' everywhere proclaim what districts belong
and are subject to the Bishop of Wiirzburg and Duke
of Franconia.' 2 Of any special ' Julius style" there can
be no question ; for Bishop Julius, mixing up Gothic
and baroque, practised the new art methods in precisely
the same way as was done all over the rest of Germany.
The so-called ' Jesuit style,' also, did not exist in
Germany until after the first decades of the seventeenth
century. The churches and colleges which were either
built by the Jesuits, or built to their orders, correspond
throughout to the other buildings of the period.3 They
1 Fuller details concerning the buildings and the whole art activity
of the bishop, in Niederrnayer's Kunstgesch. von Wiirzburg (Wiirzburg,
18G0), pp. 265-280. Cf. Sighart, p. 678 ff.
2 Niederrnayer, p. 271 ; Buchinger, Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn,
p. 206.
** ' ' If, however, there is any distinctly Jesuit feature in the churches
of the Order,' says Graus (Kirchenschmuck, 1897, p. 107), ' I should say
that, besides the strict conformity of means to end which they exhibit,
and the perfect fitness for worship, it is a certain nobility in form, ani
still more so in the material. Marble altars, incised carvings (intaglio),
and inlaid work (intarsia) of precious coloured stone, and a wealth of
sculpture are predominant. Impressive dignity, dazzling brilliancy, and
majestic proportions all combined to stimulate solemn and festive feelings.
In the management of festive pomp for religious ends the Jesuits were
eminently distinguished : buildings, altars, pictures, and statues all
served to raise the people to a state of festive delight in the super-earthly
treasures of the life beyond. The costliness of the stuffs, the exuberance
122 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
belong, however, to those of their works which are the
least worth knowing. The Church of St. Michael,
built by Duke William V. for the Order at Munich
(1582-1597), is the grandest ecclesiastical creation of
the so-called German Renaissance.1 It is also ' the
grandest ecclesiastical monument of the Order, and
the clearest mirror of its popular influence.' 2
of ornament, the life and energy in the attitudes of the figures of saints,
the splendour of the vessels and the draperies on the altars, the swelling
music at divine service, all combined with the wonderful display of
decoration to arouse a veritable jubilee in the minds of the people.
Furthermore, it is very important to credit the Jesuits with never pro-
curing their artists from a distance, but invariably making use of the
labour forces which they had found well tested at home.' See also
Bezold, p. 130 ff.
1 So says Liibke, ii. 22. He calls it ' an eminent achievement as
regards technical construction.' ' The interior is of extraordinary beauty
and grandeur of proportions, while the moderation and simplicity of the
decoration enhance the beautiful effect of spaciousness : no contem-
porary building in Italy can compare with it.' Ebe (p. 236) dilates on
' the cylindric vault of the nave ' as ' one of the most splendid vaults of
all times.' The Jesuits Eisenreich, Haindl, and Valerian drew up the
first plans for the St. Michael's Church. The actual master-builder was,
at first, Wilhelm Eggl ' (Fr. Trautmann, Jahrbuch fiir Miinchener Oesch.
i. 21). ** To the Estates, who pointed to the evil condition of finances,
William V. declared that in this sinful age the wrath of God must be
propitiated. There were, besides, other great difficulties in the way of
building, but they did not discourage the pious Duke ; see Riezler, iv. 631.
See also Gurlitt, p. 16 ; Bezold (Baukunst), p. 117 ff., and A. Schulz, Die
St. Micliaelskirche in Miinchen. Festschrift zum 300jahrigen Jubildicm
der Einweihung, Munich, 1897. The designs for the Church of St. Michael
at Munich were made by Wendel Dietrich, who was court architect to
Duke William from 1587 to 1597, for which office he received the then
not inconsiderable pay of 300 florins. It is probable also that Wendel
Dietrich drew the plans for the Jesuit Church of St. Salvator at Augs-
burg, which was built in 1580 and 1581. See Augsburg in der Renaissance-
zeit, Bamberg, 1893.
** "' See J. Graus in the Kirchenschmuck, 1897, pp. 102-103. This
meritorious art historian remarks further on : "The magnificently spacious
interior of this church — unique in Germany — is richly roofed in with
architectural device and stucco decoration ; but the internal decoration
clearly shows that it was no longer the feeling of Italian masters, but
JESUIT CHURCHES 123
The Jesuit church at Coblentz (1609-1617) is also
an imposing ecclesiastical edifice of technical excellence.1
At Dillingen (1607-1617) a beautiful church was built
for the Order of the Jesuits.2 The sumptuous orna-
mentation of these churches is thoroughly in character
with the taste of the period ; ' the naves extended wide
in admired popular fashion, the decoration and paintings
frolicked in festive abundance, the architectural struc-
ture of the altars, with enormous paintings between
resplendent golden statues of saints, was most im-
posing.' 3 To a later date belongs the long series of
convent churches, grand also in their way, which
were built (in South Germany especially) in the seven-
teenth and eighteenth centuries in the baroque style.4
Protestant Germany has nothing to set beside this
vigorous activity. New churches were, comparatively
speaking, seldom built,5 and many old ones were de-
nortkern taste with its " German Renaissance," which influenced the
completion of the building. The facade also displays the same charac-
teristics ; its storied divisions and the gable forms remind one of the
style of a German burgher house. The fittings and furniture of the
church, the altars, choir stalls, altar screens, &c, are in full keeping
with the dignity of the interior. The high altar, with the beautiful
tabernacle and the large picture of the holy archangel Michael, is a work
of Master Wendel Dietrich of Augsburg, done whilst the church was
being built.'
1 Liibke, ii. 462 ; Kugler, Kleine Schriften, ii. 249. ** See also Gurlitt,
p. 20.
** - S. 0. von Lochner, Die J esuitenhirche zu Dillingen, Stuttgart, 1895.
** 3 See the important article of J. Graus, ' Von alten Jesuitenkircken
und Jesuitenkunst,' in the Kirchenschmuck, 1897, No. 8 ff. See especially
No. 11 respecting the Jesuit church at Laibach, built in 1613-1615.
** i Keppler, Wanderung durch W iirttembergs letzte Klosterbauten (Hist.-
pol. Bl. 1888), Wiirttemb. Kunstalterthiimer, xxxiv.
** 5 The church built by the Protestant Provincial Estates at Klagen-
furt is worthy of notice. This house of God, consecrated in 1597, ex-
hibits throughout, both in design and construction, the traditions and
methods of Catholic baroque churches ; see Grazer, Kirclienschmuck, 1884,
124 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
stroyed. In some Protestant religious buildings Gothic
influence continues for a longish period, and a style
obtains which is an amalgam of Gothic and Renais-
sance. The Prince of Wiirttemberg's architect, Henry
Schickhardt of Herrenberg (1558-1634), built a series
of churches in the mongrel style.1
In the interior of the Protestant chapel of the castle
at Liebenstein near Heilbronn the vaulting rests on ribs,
but instead of pillars there are Corinthian columns ;
in front there are two Renaissance porches, with a
pediment above with pilasters, medallions, volutes, and
obelisks : all exquisite, but profane.2
p. 44 ff., and 1897, p. 129. It passed, in 1604, into the possession of the
Jesuits — a case that stands alone.
** : Keppler, Wiirttemb. Kunstalterthiimer, xxxiv.
** - Keppler, Wiirttemb. Kunstalterthiimer, p. 21 ff. The so-called ' hall-
churches ' (Saal-Kirchen) are peculiar to Protestant Germany. To these
belongs the castle chapel at Torgau, consecrated by Luther in 1544. See
the account (not, indeed, wholly above criticism) of N. Midler, Uber die
deutschen evangelischen Kirchengebiiude im Jahrhundert der Reformation,
Leipzig, 1895. — R. Dohme, in the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, i. 368, 370,
says : ' There is not even an attempt to trace the development of the
gallery, which forms so important a feature of evangelical churches,
although it was certainly struggling into existence in the later period of
the Middle Ages, and now in Catholic Wurzburg (1582-1591) has blossomed
into a brilliant adjunct. The question of fixing on some definite normal
plan of building for evangelical worship did, indeed, occupy the archi-
tectural world from the end of the sixteenth century, but the solutions
at first offered have no deeper significance. So, for instance, Schick-
hardt (1599) builds his church at Freudenstadt from the two sides of a
right angle, and at Hanau there is actually an attempt to combine two
polygonal structures, a larger and a smaller one, in such a manner that
the belfry tower and a part of the outside walls should be one common
structure — an architectonic monstrosity.' On the whole, what Naumann
(p. 119) says of the Baltic provinces is applicable to the whole of Pro-
testant Germany : ' Grandiose ecclesiastical edifices, such as the fervent
piety of the Middle Ages produced, were no longer seen in the land. Into
the old Catholic churches, robbed of their primitive glory of artistic adorn-
ment, the new religion made its way, and settled itself in them according
to the exigencies of its own rites.'
OSTENTATION OF GREAT PEOPLE AND PRINCES 12-5
While the want of any great and new artistic crea-
tions of a religious character showed up the nature of
the German Protestant spirit, which, however much
religion might be professed and fought about, was by
no means a religious spirit, so, on the other hand, the
general spirit of the age was clearly revealed in the
achievements of secular architecture, with its hosts of
buildings remarkable chiefly for gorgeous, extravagant
pomp and splendour ; in this respect, indeed, there is no
preceptible difference between the Catholic and the
Protestant districts. This architecture is in fact one of
the most speaking evidences of the political and social
conditions of the day. It was a period when care and
consideration for the general well-being, for that which
affected the community at large, no longer prevailed,
but only the egotistical self-seeking of the class favoured
by outward position ; and in art also the general needs
and great public ends were driven far into the back-
ground : luxury, personal comfort, and the caprices of
the rich and distinguished classes were the leading factors
and influences in the world of art. Although in many
towns respect was paid to buildings intended for public
use, especially to town halls, and many fine new ones were
built, and old ones were often improved by handsome
additions l or alterations, still as a rule the labours of
art and the pomp of outward splendour were chiefly
bestowed on those parts of the buildings destined for the
use of the great ones of the earth, on ' golden saloons '
for the magnificent banquets and festivities which were
regarded as one of the most important items of public
life : as, for instance, in the town hall at Augsburg,
** l Bezold, Baukunst, p. 49 ff. See also p. 11 ff. concerning the wealthy
burghers and the princes as promoters of the new art.
126 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
built in 1615 by Elias Holl,1 the four ' Princes' rooms '
intended for festivities of this sort, and the saloon
one hundred feet long, and fifty feet broad, which are
among the most richly furnished public halls. The
last of these is resplendent with gold and colour, and
abounds altogether in a profusion of fantastic baroque
ornamentation.2 Although the decline of economic
prosperity in the towns was glaringly obvious, building
** 1 Elias Holl is generally included under the Renaissances architects.
Buff, however (Augsburg in der Renaissancezeit, Bamberg, 1893), places
him more correctly among the first masters of the baroque style, ' not
because he most often made use of architectural forms, which, like the
ascending spiral lines on many of his gables, belong actually to the baroque,
but because his most important buildings, with their facades aiming
chiefly at strong effects, belong rather, in essence and character, to this
later style. Even in the town hall, whose exterior is of decidedly simple,
not to say bare, construction, and whose facades show no sharply pro-
jecting devices, it is easy to see that the master was not so much con-
cerned to construct a beautiful harmonious architectural monument as to
produce a striking and powerful effect by the massive bulk of the building.
It is the architectural influence of the baroque, not that of the Renais-
sance ! '
2 See Liibke, Renaissance in Deutschland, i. 424-428. ** See A. Buff,
' Der Bau des Augsburger Rathhauses mit besonderer Riicksichtnahme auf
die decorative Anstaltung des Innern ' in the Zeitschr. des histor. Vereins
fiir ScJiwaben und Neuburg, xiv. 221-301. — Elias Holl, when he built his
town hall at Augsburg, may be said to have transformed the whole town.
He removed the familiar pointed spires from all the Gothic towers, and
replaced them by round Italian caps, so that in the whole town there was
not left a single pyramidal tower. Within a few decades prisons and
churches, palaces and fortress towers, were so thoroughly remodelled in
the Renaissance style that the whole town appears uniform down to
the present day. ' As the poetry of the people gave way before the
poetry of art, so did the old Augsburg shrink into the background before
the new one.' The chronicle tells of a butcher who put the whole council
of the imperial city to shame by his patriotic and historic sense. When,
namely, the old council-house was pulled down, this butcher saved the
artistic Gothic wainscotting of the saloon by asking that it should be
given to him (Riehl, Kulturstudien, pp. 289, 302). The eighteenth century
was by no means the first epoch deserving the reproach of Riehl (p. 313) :
• Contempt for the monuments of one's native town is the surest sign of
the decay of the old burgher spirit.'
OSTENTATION OF GREAT PEOPLE AND PRINCES 127
and adding to buildings still went on with extravagant
splendour. Thus, for instance, in the Bremen council-
house, erected in 1612, all the surfaces were covered
with sculpture : antique gods and goddesses, wonderful
sea-creatures, columns disposed in all sorts of ways,
statues of Mercury, and other ornamental figures of
baroque description, among which indecent scenes were
not wanting. A spiral staircase was turned into an
agglomeration of carved ornaments and figures.1 In
the construction, also, of dwelling-houses for distin-
guished personages, external splendour ' after the
antique-Italian style ' developed more and more in pro-
portion as concern for the common well-being decreased.
The building which gained the widest renown, and was
most stared at by travellers as a marvel of the town,
was the Pellerhaus at Nuremberg,2 a gorgeous structure
of the Zwitter style, executed in extravagant Italian
fashion, without any understanding of the principles of
the antique which it purports to imitate, and dominated
by caprice and fancifulness.3
1 Liibke, ii. 285, admires the devices, but adds : ' It is the music of
the first stage (?) of the baroque at its loudest fortissimo.'' ** See, now,
also G. Pauli, Die Renaissance Bremens im Zusammenhange mit der Re-
naissance Norddeutschlands (Leipzig Dissert. 1891), p. 99 £f., and Pauli,
Das Rathhaus zu Bremen, Berlin, 1898.
2 See what Erstinger says about it in his Raisbuch, p. 264.
3 See v. Rettberg, Niirnberger Briefe, pp. 85-86 ; Forster, iii. 12 ;
Waagen, Kunst und Kiinstler, i. 284-285. ' It is most interesting,' writes
J. Wassler, in v. Liitzow, Zeitschr. xiv. 328, ' to follow the process of
adaptation of antique forms in the German Renaissance of the sixteenth
century. Everywhere there is a craving to build in " antique " fashion ;
but only too often the naive results suggest to the mind a savage who
has become possessed of a coat and puts it on upside down. Two capitals,
one over the other, or one capital at the upper end and the other at the
foot of the pillar, and suchlike irregularities show how little our industrious
forefathers entered into the spirit of the antique. The same truth is
evidenced by the fact that at the beginning of the seventeenth century,
128 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
' These extravagantly costly buildings,' writes a con-
temporary, ' of which there is such an excess in German
lands, are erected by princely commands ; ' 'and
they give rise to many strange reflections, and people
say, most of them are not only of no use to the people,
but they swallow up industry, labour, goods and chat-
tels in making costly castles and pleasure-houses.
The people are, as it were, mad with rage at all these
buildings, but their complaints about them bring no
redress.' l In a like strain Aegidius Albertinus wrote
in 1616 : ' We observe that it is not enough for the
princes and lords to build grand palaces in the towns,
but in deserts also and waste places they must needs
erect pleasure-houses and fortresses, even though
they should never set eyes on them. Likewise they
build magnificent houses and dwelling-places of such
enormous size that they are like unto deserts, and
for this purpose they take possession of meadows,
acres and fields which belong to others.' These and
other encroachments Albertinus reckoned among ' the
signs of an inhuman, tyrannical spirit,' which, ' to say
the least, had nothing to do with the mercy, kindness
and pity of Christ who said, " I have compassion on
the people." ' 2
In the first half of the century one of the most ' in-
veterate builders ' among the great lords was Cardinal
at Nuremberg, and quite lately, Gothic dimensions were mixed up with
antique forms, as is seen in the Pellerhaus of 1605, and other buildings.'
In a house in Brunswick one sees, among all sorts of media? val charac-
teristics, the elements of the Renaissance in dolphins, candelabras, cupids,
pagan deities and heroes, as well as genre scenes, of ludicrous or dis-
gusting nature.' ' It is a veritable conglomeration of fantasies ' (Liibke,
Renaissance, ii. 404-405).
1 Von der Werlte Eitelkeit, Bl. B2.
2 Lucifers Klinigreich, pp. 74, 75-76.
OSTENTATION OF GREAT PEOPLE AND PRINCES 129
Albert of Brandenburg, Archbishop of Magdeburg and
Mayence, ' a generous and magnificent lord,' who kept
up great court state with immense expenditure, and who
also consequently had a pile of debts.' In his residence,
Halle, where he introduced the ' Renaissance ' regard-
less of the complaints of the clergy and the people, he
demolished churches, chapels, convents and hospitals,
fine buildings, in perfect repair, solely in order to supply
himself with building materials for a new cathedral
church ! and other buildings. To his favourite Hans von
** ' This church was consecrated in 1523. Griinewald and Cranach
were commissioned to carry out its pictorial decoration. It was also to
be the treasure-house in which to stow away in costly shrines the quanti-
ties of relics which Albert, according to the custom of the time, eagerly
' collected ; concerning this so-called treasure-house,' or, more correctly,
sanctuary, the so-called Heiligtumsbuch of 1520, with its quantities of
woodcuts, and the codex de luxe of the Aschaffenburg library, famous
for its large number of miniatures, are excellent guides. According to
G. v. Terey (Albreckt v. B. und das Hallische Heiligtumsbuch von 1520,
Strassburg, 1858 ; cf. Hefner Alteneck, Trachten und Kunstwerke, p. 7
[Frankfort, 1886], plates 484-485 ; and Lebenserinnerungen, p. 61), this
illustrated catalogue was compiled between 1521 and 1526. Three hun-
dred and fifty-three relics were described in it, but only 350 were copied.
The miniatures are by different artists, whose style throughout is akin to
Cranach's. Nine of these were missing till a short time ago ; they had
been cut out. In 1896 the prelate, F. Schneider, succeeded in finding
six of these missing leaves and recovering them for Aschaffenburg.
S. Schneider, in vol. i. of the Hohenzollern Jahrbuch, Berlin, 1897 ; cf.
also Maimer Journal, 1897, No. 295 : ' Vom Kirchenschatz des Kardinal-
Erzbischofs Albrecht von Mainz ; ' and especially P. Redlich, Car-
dinal Albrecht von Brandenburg und das neue Stift zu Halle, 15.20-1541,
Chap. IV. Das Heiligtum. Eine kirchen- und Icunst-geschichtlichc Studie.
Diss. Leipzig, 1899. In Aschaffenburg is preserved also the large missal
which Albert v. B. had executed by Nik. Glockendon, under the direc-
tion of Diirer. Respecting Albert's prayer-books, see Zeitschrift /. christl.
Kunst, xi. 149 ff. See also, in the same place, ii. 305 ff., about a
pax belonging to the cardinal. This prelate's episcopal staff is now in
the National Museum at Stockholm (see Zeitschrift fiir christl. Kunst,
xi. 109 ff.). About a portrait of Albert, see Allg. Ztg. 1900, Beil. No. 94,
See also F. Schneider, Die Brandenburgische DomstiftsJcurie zu Mainz,
Berlin-Leipzig, 1899.
VOL. xr. K
130 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Schonitz he made a present of several chapels standing
near the market-place, so that he might use the stones
for building fine houses. Notorious among the people
was the ' house of the cool fountain,' the upper story
of which consisted of luxuriously furnished apartments
which this unholy prince of the Church used for secret
intercourse with a mistress. What he built on to the
cathedral was more of a secular than an ecclesiastical
character ; two towers which he caused to be added
to it were so badly built that they had to be removed.
As the Moritzburg was not sufficient for his magnificent
court, a new palace was erected ; for ' he wanted to be
powerful, and felt no concern whatever when he was
told that his debts were inordinate, and the honour of
God and man violated under his rule.' 1 Well might it
be regarded as a just judgment that Albert, when he
' lay in the anguish of death,' was forced to send word
to the cathedral chapter that ' his Electoral Grace
had scarcely anything to eat or drink.' 2
Incomparably finer than anything that Albert had
built is the Otto-Henry wing added on to the Heidel-
berg Castle (1556-1559) by the Elector Palatine Otto
1 Full details are given in Schonerniark, pp. 7 ff., 300, 387 ff. Cf.
also Schonermark' s article, ' Kardinal-Erzbisckof Albrecht von Branden-
burg als Kunstfreund,' in the Beil. zur Allgem. Zeitung, 1884, No. 260.
The consequences to the Church of Albert's mania for building are well
described by Woker, Gesch. der norddeutschen Franziskaner-Missionen
(Freiburg, 1880), pp. 144-148. ** Cardinal Albert von Brandenburg
erected in 1526, on the market-place at Mayence, in honour of Charles V.'s
victory over Francis I. at Pavia, and of the triumphant end of the Peasant
War, a fountain, which is important because it represents the oldest
finished Renaissance building in the Rhine-lands. The design of the
whole structure, as also of the different ornaments, goes back certainly
as far as Peter Flotner ; see F. Schneider in the Maimer Journal, 1890,
No. 276, and Lange, Flotner, 81 ff. There is a copy of it in Seemann,
Deutsche Renaissance, Bd. 1, Abteil. vi. Tafel 13-15, and Fritsch,
Denkmdler deutscher Renaissance, iii. 181.
- J. May, Kurfiirst Albrecht II. (Munich, 1875), ii. 478.
OSTENTATION OF GREAT PEOPLE AND PRINCES 131
Henry : it belongs to the best work which the new
art method produced on German territory, but the
people could not take much delight in the prince's
splendid achievement seeing that the land was bur-
dened with debts. ' When Otto Henry dies,' wrote
the Countess Palatine Maria, wife of the later Elector
Frederic III., to Duke Albert of Prussia, ' we shall
find a sum of debts twice as big as the whole revenue
of our principality.' !
It is highly significant that the Heidelberg Castle,
superbly appointed as it was, had no chapel.
The magnificent homes of the princes, with their
ornamental gardens, their hothouses, and their pleasure-
houses, swallowed up enormous sums. Eating and
drinking being reckoned among the most important
occupations of life, immense banqueting-halls, decorated
in the most costly style, were a chief requisite. The
building of the Dresden Castle alone (1548-1554) con-
sumed more than 100,000 Meissen florins — a very
serious amount considering the then value of money.
Double this sum was spent on the stables erected by
Christian I. after 1586, and fitted up inside and outside
with the utmost possible splendour. For its adornment
180 round shields, painted and gilded, were ordered in
Modena, and an Italian founder cast forty-six princely
busts with pediments and coats of arms. Carved seats
inlaid with stones, marble sideboards, and other costly
articles made the place into a sort of art gallery," which
1 Voigt, Hofleben, ii. 260. Concerning the growth of State debts
under Otto Heinrich, and the ahenation of hospital funds, see Verhandl.
des Histor. Vereins fiir die Oberpfalz und Regensburg, xxiv. 288 ff. **For
the Heidelberg Castle, cf. Bezold, p. 99 ff., and the work of Koch and
Seitz, Darmstadt, 1891.
2 See Liibke, Renaiss. ii. 333-334
k 2
132 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
however only ministered to the luxurious gratification
of the Elector in a thoroughly impoverished land. The
subjects, said the court preacher Jenisch, in 1591, were
so denuded of means that even life itself scarcely re-
mained to them.1 In 1580 a Torgau chronicle stated
that ' many people had been driven by poverty to eating
the husks in the brewhouse.' - But ' princely extrava-
gance in costly buildings and all other wanton expendi-
ture ' recognised 'no poverty.' In 1611 the expenses
of the Dresden Court amounted to more than half the
revenues of all the districts of the Electorate put
together.3
Among the districts reduced to the lowest extremity
of insolvency was the Margraviate of Ansbach-Bayreuth ;
and yet the Margrave George Frederic embarked, at
a cost of 237,014 florins, on the building of the new
Plassenburg, which is notorious among architectural
works of the ' new style ' for the extravagance of its
sculptural ornamentation. It cost more than the whole
income of the land could refund in four years.4 When
the Margrave formed the plan of the building in 1557
the principality was in debt to three times the amount
of its revenue ; 5 when three years later the building
operations were going on the debts of the little country
had risen to 2,500,000 florins.0
At Stuttgart there were a number of very imposing
princely buildings. Duke Christopher, after 1553, built
1 Annal. Annaeberg, p. 45.
2 Arnold, Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie, i. 792.
3 Miiller, Forschungen, i. 199-206, 209, 212.
4 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 519-523.
5 J. Voigt, ' Wilkelni von Grunibach,' in v. Raumer's Histor. Taschen-
buch, vii. 163.
6 Lang, Gesch. des Fiirstenthums Bayre.uth, iii. 19, 261; cf. iii. 295.
OSTENTATION OF GEE AT PEOPLE AND PRINCES 133
three new wings to the old castle ; in the dining hall
for the inferior officials and the court servants
there were daily about 450 persons at meals ; in the
knights' hall the prince's table and the marshal's
table were generally occupied by 166 higher officials
and court servants ; the large dancing hall, and twenty-
two adjoining apartments were furnished with the
most costly silk carpets. Near to the castle there was
a large pleasure garden, a pleasure-house, and two large
running courses, in the middle of which stood two
pillars with statues of ' Dame Venus and her son Cupid,
on which the cords were hung when the game of " run-
ning the ring ' was played ; which figures were a spur
to the knights when they want to win the grace and
favour of Dame Venus and the fair ladies.' In the year
1564 the magistrates represented to the Duke that the
luxury of the court life, especially the extravagance
in building, must positively be curtailed ; the outlays
during his reign, they told him, had increased to such
an extent that neither the Duke himself, nor his
impoverished, ruined subjects could any longer afford
them.1 This protest, however, did not prevent Chris-
topher's successor, Duke Louis, from erecting a ' new
pleasure -house,' a magnificent edifice 270 feet long
by 120 feet wide, the building of which by George
Beer lasted nine years, and was completed in 1593,
and cost three tons of gold. The whole length of the
1 Kugler, Christoph Herzog zu Wiirttemberg (Stuttgart, 1868-1872),
ii. 584. ** Concerning Aberlin Tretsch, Duke Christoph von Wurttem-
berg's architect, see A. Klemm in Janitschek, Repertorium fiir Kunstwissen-
sclutjt, ix. 28-58. Respecting the plaster handwork, ' with us in Ger-
many a new handicraft,' Tretsch says it was ' begun in 1540 on the Asperg.
The late Meister Cunrot Haug, a joiner, of Niirtingen, was master of the
trade, who carved foliage and figures in plaster.'
134 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
upper story was one single apartment, in which, with
royal state, festivities innumerable were held, and where
also the first operas and ballet dancing took place.1
Duke Louis, who succeeded Duke Frederic I., had
even more extensive needs. The architect, Henry
Schickhardt, was required to add to the castle the so-
called ' new building,' built of beautiful polished blocks
of freestone.2 Frederic wanted to organise his court
after the pattern of the brilliant courts of Paris and
London which he had visited. When after long striving
he had obtained the Order of the Garter, he celebrated
every year the festival of this Order. In 1605 the
festivities lasted fully eight days. The Duke always
appeared on the occasion in the costly dress of the
Order, adorned with more than 600 diamonds.3 In all
his buildings he had the Order introduced in plaster
moulding or in painting.4
The land could no longer endure its terrible burden
of debts. Already in 1599 the Provincial Estates had
complained ; within six years they had voted the
1 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 368-380 ; Spittler, Gesch. von Wiirttemberg,
p. 190 ; ** Klemm, Wiirttemb. Baumeister, p. 141 ff.
** - Concerning Schickhardt, ' in very truth the life and soul of all
building at that time in the whole of Wiirttemberg ; ' see A. Klemm,
Wiirttemb. Baumeister unci Bildhauer, pp. 143-144.
3 Pfaff, Oesch. von Wirtemberg, 2% pp. 41-42.
4 Liibke (Bunte Blatter, p. 138 ff.) sings the praises of the Dukes, and
is enchanted with all their buildings. ' It is the common feature of the
Renaissance, in contrast to the theocratic art of the Middle Ages, that it
strives in the first place to idealise secular life.' ' It makes up for the
want of purity, which at that time had everywhere disappeared from
architecture, by freshness of invention and lifelike warmth of expres-
sion ' [which, by the way, can no longer be seen in the principal buildings,
the ' New Pleasure House,' and the ' New Building,' since these were
long ago destroyed]. In the ' original remarkable style ' we note ' the
same wonderful effervescence, the same blending of classic Romanesque
ideas with mediaeval Germanic conception that we find in the greatest
poetic genius of the Teutonic race — to wit, Williarn Shakespeare ' !
OSTENTATIOUS ART OF THE PRINCES 135
Duke sixteen tons of gold.1 When in 1607 they first
refused once more to take over a princely debt of
1,100,000 florins, they were reminded, as if to comfort
them, that under the last two Dukes they had under-
taken debts of over three millions. On the death of
Frederic in 1608 another debt of nearly one and a half
millions had been incurred.2
The Archduke Ferdinand II. of Tyrol was another
vigorous princely builder. Solely for the buildings
in his estates at Innsbruck and Ambras he spent
380,000 florins, and this in spite of the rotten condition
of finances and the almost yearly recurring remon-
strances of the treasurers, who declared that it was
impossible for them to meet the demands in question,
and that it waslnglorious for princes to build ' on loan.' 3
The finest prince's castle, in the new style, and the
one which was most lavishly decorated and contained
the richest store of art treasures, was the ' New Resi-
dence ' at Munich, built in the years 1600-1616, by
Duke Maximilian I. It was built from the designs,
and probably under the direction, of the Dutch painter
and architect Peter de Witte, who changed his name
to Pietro Candido. It cost nearly 1,200,000 florins, and
was admired by contemporaries as a new wonder of
the world. The Swedish King, Gustavus Adolphus, so
1 Sattler, v. 230.
2 Spittler, Gesch. von Wiirttemberg, pp. 220-221 ; Pfaff, pp. 2% 34-39,
54-55.
3 Him, i. 387-388. ' Even the unfavourable financial situation could
not damp his ardour. Meanwhile all the available workmen of the capital
and its immediate surroundings were so entirely monopolised by the
court that for any other building operations workmen had to be brought
from a distance.' In the main, however, it was only the court which
built. In the country, as in all German principalities, building opera-
tions were very scarce. ' I find them for our period,' says Hirn (p. 391),
' only very little worthy of notice.'
136 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
report says, lamented later on that he could not remove
the building on rollers to Stockholm. Munich, he said,
was a golden saddle on a lean horse.1
For the embellishment and enrichment of princely
castles and pleasure-houses, of council-houses and aristo-
cratic dwelling-houses, for the erection of fine public
fountains, statues, and busts, for the adornment of
churches with pulpits and monuments to the dead,
lively demands were made on sculpture, but the
achievements in this respect are in general still more
infelicitous than those in architecture.2
In the second and third decades of the sixteenth
century a few exquisite works were executed in the
spirit of the earlier native art. To these belongs pre-
eminently the magnificent altar-screen, executed in
1521 by Hans Briiggemann of Husum for the Augustine
canons in Bordesholm, of which Henry Eanzau wrote
in 1593 : ' Many persons who have travelled through
the greater part of Germany declare that they have
never seen a work equal to it.' 3
1 Ree,pp. 152-196 ; Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 20-30 ; ** K. Hautle, 'Die
Residenz in Miinehen ' {Batjrische Bibliothek von K. v. Reinhardstottner
und K. Trautniann), Bamberg, 1892. See also C4urlitt, p. 39. For the
buildings of Albert V., see Riezler, iv. 482 ff.
' The famed epoch of the Haute Renaissance and the following late
Renaissance,' writes Wilhelm Bode, ' is in Germany, as far as sculpture
is concerned, the period of deepest decay — a gradual lapsing of all plastic
activity into mere empty superficial forms of beauty, which finally led
to the dying out of nearly all independent impulse. The fact, however,
that these productions were nearly all the work of foreign sculptors is a
striking testimony to the incapacity of native artists. Fifty years before
Germany was made into a fighting-ground for ambition and for the wars
of foreign rulers ; she frankly recognises her weakness and dependence on
foreign art, at any rate in the domain of great sculpture.' ' The great
majority of native works are not even worthy of mention, still less of
detailed criticism ' (Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, ii. 228-229).
3 Fuller details on this subject in Miinzenberger, p. 130 ff. It is a
SCULPTURE 137
In front of the Church of St. Victor, at Xanten,
there are five ' Stations of the Cross,' the work of an
unknown Master in the years 1525 to 1536, which may-
be reckoned among the best specimens of German stone
sculpture ; the group especially which represents the
interment of Christ is a work of such pure loveliness,
deep feeling, and noble conception as is not often
achieved by German art.1 Another very excellent
piece of work both in composition and execution is
the ' Mount of Olives,' at Offenburg, of the year 1524 ; 2
also the lectern of the Hildesheim Cathedral (1546),3
the Sacrament-house in the town parish church in
Weil Town in Wiirtemberg, a work by George Miler of
Stuttgart, of 1611.4
striking fact that up to the middle of the seventeenth century altars
with folding panels were constructed in Schleswig-Holstein (Miinzen-
berger, p. 129). ** See also Jahrbuch d. Leogesellschaft fur d. J. 1890,
p. 102, and Grazer, Kirchenschmuck, 1899, No. 7, concerning the ex-
quisite triptych of St. Martha, in the parish of St. Marein, near Knittel-
feld, in Upper Styria. It was executed in 1524 for Provost Gregory
Schiirdinger, and is in all its parts consistently Gothic. In 1523 Schiir-
dinger caused the erection of the Seckau Renaissance altar, which is
described in the same place. ' These two altars, produced almost at one
and the same time for the same person,' says Graus, ' though different
in style, are nevertheless an unmistakable sign that the style of that
period was not anything more (?) than a pure matter of taste and fashion.'
1 Fuller details in Beissel, pp. 49-54. The Canon Berendonk, for
whom these groups were erected, paid for the whole five, at the present
value of money, about 13,000 marks (p. 54).
2 Lubke, Kunstwerke, pp. 342-344.
** 3 See Kratz, Der Bom zu Hildesheim, p. 223 ff. Beissel, in Die
Verehrung der Heiligen und ihre Reliquien in Deutschland wdhrend der zweiter
Hidfte des Mittelalters (Freiburg i. B. 1892, p. 140), insists that, in spite
of the thoroughly Christian meaning of the sculpture of this lectern, the
mounting and the quantities of genii and mythological figures give the
whole structure a somewhat secular appearance.
** ' Klemm, Wiirttemb. Baumeister, p. 175 ff. ; Keppler, Wilrttemb.
Kunstalterthum, p. 194. The Berlin Art Industrial Museum, and the
Museum of the Historical and Antiquarian Society in Minister possess a
large number of works by an artist of whom, till quite recently, only his
138 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The celebrated Wiirzburg sculptor, Dill Riemen-
schneider, got no more large commissions after the
social revolution, in consequence of the ensuing poverty
and distress ; he was obliged to be content with small
jobs up to his death in 1531.1
Artists of such importance as the great old masters,
Peter Vischer, Veit Stoss, Adam Krafrt, and Jorg
Syrlin L> arose no more. After the example of architects
and painters, sculptors and carvers flocked out of
Germany and the Netherlands to Italy ; 3 when they
returned home they wanted to imitate, or even to sur-
pass, the masters they had admired abroad— yea, even
Michael Angelo himself. All understanding and apprecia-
signature was known — namely, the Carthusian, Jodokus Vredis. This
artist chose for his material the common but pliable clay, and this simple,
worthless substance he transfigured by his art. For the particular form
of his art he chose bas-relief, in the management of which he displayed
great delicacy of feeling and artistic sense of proportion. His works —
once upon a time only intended to supply the cells of monks with pictorial
food for private devotion — are chiefly representations of the Holy Virgin
and the child Jesus, sometimes in combination with St. Anna and other
female saints. Larger compositions, such as that of ' The Trinity,' are
rare ; male saints are altogether wanting. It is noteworthy that the
figures of Vredis, who became prior of the Carthusian monastery at
Weddern, near Diilmen, in Westphalia, in 1531, and died on December 16,
1540, still exhibit the Gothic stamp. One of his chief characteristics is
the wealth of flowers covering the background of his reliefs. The lilies,
roses, carnations, and strawberry blossoms which appear in his sculp-
ture, and are perfectly true to nature, are undoubtedly copied from the
artist's convent garden. The bas-reliefs are painted, and show the delight
in colour which characterised the period. Fuller details in the beautiful
monograph of A. Wormstall, Jodocus Vredis und das Karthiiuserhloster
zu Weddern, Minister, 1896.
1 See A. Weber, Dill Riemenschneider (2nd ed., Wiirzburg and Vienna,
1888), pp. 7-9, ** and Tonnies, Leben und Werk\des Tilmann Riemen-
schneider, Diss. Heidelberg, 1900.
2 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 209-214.
3 Rivius, p. 143. ** On this writer's evidence Lange (Flotner, p. 165)
justly lays weight against Kurzwelly {Forschungen zu Oeorg Rencz [1895],
p. 54 ff.).
SCULPTURE— SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS 139
tion of Gothic beauty of form gradually disappeared ; '
in place of truth there was merely ' taste ; ' the want of
creative imagination was to be supplied by ' reason and
learning ; ' technical skill often asserted itself brilliantly,
but it could not breathe life into cold, barren works.
It was only in statuary that anything excellent was still
frequently achieved. After all native originality in
conception, execution and composition had disappeared,
then soon followed, after the middle of the century, a
period of complete spiritual barrenness and untruth to
nature, when art, devoid of all genuine feeling, sought
to rouse emotion by artificial prettiness or by sensa-
tional movements and contortions of the figure exhibit-
ing a merely mechanical life.
A bronze tablet of 1616 in the cathedral at Magde-
burg, on which angels weeping and tearing their hair
out are seen side by side with sprawling allegorical
figures of virtues, is an excellent exemplification of all
this mannerism.2
The early date at which the decline became apparent
is shown by the famous monument over the tomb of the
Emperor Maximilian at Innsbruck : the older figures
are distinguished by a simple beauty ; in most of the
later ones the unbeautiful, affected costume appears in
the foreground ; some of the statues executed after 1540
tend already to the theatrical style ; the figure of Count
Rudolf IV. of Hapsburg is a veritable caricature.3
And yet it was these very funeral monuments which
procured entrance for the new decorative art into
Germany, and which stand out as its most brilliant
achievements. From the artistic point of view, how-
1 See Von Zahn, Diirers Verhiiltniss, pp. 21-22.
2 Liibke, Plastik, ii. 873. 3 Ibid. ii. 770-772.
140 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
ever, the innumerable monuments produced by order of
ostentatious lords, greedy for self-glorification, are but
poor performances compared with the grandiose sepul-
chral monuments of earlier German art. The whole
lot of them put together do not possess the artistic
merit of that single one of Peter Vischer, the sepulchre
of Archbishop Ernest in the cathedral at Magdeburg,
a wonderful specimen throughout of rich Gothic work.
Admirable specimens of Vischer foundries exist also in
the sepulchres of the Electors Frederic and John of
Saxony in the castle church at Wittenberg.1 But the
suddenness with which deterioration set in, in this most
important German foundry, is seen from the sepulchre
executed in 1544 by Hans Vischer in memory of the
defunct Bishop Sigmund of Lindenau ; this monument
is constructed in a superficial manner and in a style
derived from conventional Italian models ; the dead
bishop is kneeling, and spreading out short, fat hands,
as if in admiration, before a small 'over-elegant crucifix.' 2
The foundry, formerly besieged by commissions, came
down to such a low ebb that Hans Vischer was forced
in 1549 to beg permission of the Nuremberg Council to
emigrate to Eichstadt in order to find work there.3
In the latter half of the century and afterwards it
became necessary, for want of any German masters, to
get all art work done either by Dutch artists educated
in Italy or by Italians who were brought into Germany
1 See Liibke, Bunte Blatter, pp. 114, 389-391. ** Concerning Frederick
the Wise's artistic sense, see Gurlitt, Die Funst unter Friedrich den Weisen.
Archival. Forschungen ii., Dresden, 1897.
2 So says Liibke, Plastik, ii. 766. The sepulchre also of a bishop of
Merseburg, executed in 1550, shows traces of Italian influence in ' the
elegant treatment and movement of the body of the Crucified ' {ibid.
ii. 769).
3 Von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, i. 244-245.
SCULPTURE— SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS 141
at great expense. Thus, for instance, the Elector
Augustus of Saxony had the sumptuous tombstone of
his brother Moritz, in the cathedral of Freiberg, exe-
cuted after the designs of two ' Italian musicians and
painters.' The monument also presented jointly to
this same prince by the Saxon princes was the work
of Italians, the architectural part being executed by
Giovanni Maria Nosseni of Lugano, who since 1575
had held the post of sculptor and painter to the
Elector, and the copper work by the Venetian Pietro
Boselli.1 But by far the greater number of artists
who worked in Germany came from the Netherlands,
especially from Holland. While in earlier times
Dutch artists had worked by preference in North
Germany, they now came into the South also ; as, for
instance, Adrian de Vries, who came to Augsburg,
Peter de Witte (Candid) to Munich, Alexander Colin to
Innsbruck.2
1 Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 317.
2 ** See Gesch. d. deutsch. Kunst, Bode, Plastik, p. 232. Alexander Colin
(1562-1612) was, up to 1889, known almost only by Ins sculptural work
for the Otto Heinrich building at Heidelberg, and the wonderful bas-
reliefs on the monument of Maximilian at Innsbruck. It is to the in-
defatigable compiler of Tyrolese art history, David v. Schonherr, that
the public owes a succinct account of the life and exuberant activity of
a man whose personality was as admirable as his art : ' Alexander Colin
und seine Werke,' in vol. ii. of the Mittheilungcn zur Gesch. des Heidel-
berger Schlosses, published by the Heidelberger Schlossverein (reprinted in
Schonherr's Collected Writings, i. 507-589). This volume contains exhaus-
tive descriptions of all the works of this indefatigable master, especially of
the splendid sepulchral monuments executed by him for Ferdinand I.
and his wife, Queen Anna, and for the Emperor Maximilian II., in the
cathedral at Prague, for the bronzefounder Gregory Loffler (in the museum
at Innsbruck), for Philippina Welser and Archduke Ferdinand (in the
chapel of the court church at Innsbruck), for Johann Nas (in the above
court church), and so forth, and of his works in wood, stucco, and clay.
Colin is a most remarkable personage. With all his ardent study of the
antique, he did not sacrifice his Germanic art, and he was also distin-
142 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Orders amounting to immense sums were even sent
out to Italy for the execution of commemorative monu-
ments. Thus, for instance, at Lieberose in 1594, an
epitaph was put up for Joachim von der Schulenburg,
which had been brought from Venice and which cost
from 10,000 to 20,000 thalers.1 German merchants
carried on a profitable trade in alabaster epitaphs
carved or moulded for Protestant churches ; they
bought these in large quantities in the Netherlands in
order to sell them in Germany. Epitaphs of this sort,
after the manner of Francis Floris at Antwerp, are
found in Berlin, Elbing, Konigsberg, and elsewhere.2
All Flemish sculpture, however, was on a low level ;
with but few exceptions it was only a soulless imitation
of Italian forms.3
To what depths art and its quickening spirit had
fallen, as compared with earlier times, is shown also
by the dead-aliveness of so many of the episcopal grave
moDuments which one frequently meets with in different
cathedrals : they show little trace of pious conception,
or spiritual dignity ; all is mere external show and deco-
rative parade.4 There were also afloat all manner of
guished by deep and fervent religiousness. In a critique of the work of
Schonherr, H. Semper (Zarnckes Litt. Zentralblatt, 1900, p. 1295) rightly
describes him as being, next to Peter Candid, the most important of his
numerous countrymen then working as artists in Germany and Austria.
1 Bergau, Brandenburger Inventar, pp. 494-495.
2 Kugler, Museum, iii. 59, 60.
3 ' We must not expect to find in the Netherlands any signs of that
after-blossoming of the sculptural art which occurred in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries ; for whereas in those days sculpture every-
where connected itself with painting as the dominant art, in the Nether-
lands, where painting stood in sharp antagonism to all plastic tendencies,
sculpture was necessarily at a low ebb ' (Schnaase, NiederUindische Briefe,
p. 219). Cf. Ebe, ii. 269 ; Suhsland, Aphorismen iiber bildende Kunst,
p. 81.
4 Liibke, Plastik, pp. 875-876. ** A number of really fine tombstones
SCULPTURE— SEPULCHRAL MONUMENTS 143
new artistic conceits which passed for ' soul-stirring con-
ceptions.' On a sepulchre made of sandstone, which
was executed in 1558 by the Halberstadt Adminis-
trator, Frederic of Brandenburg, Adam and Eve are
represented standing by a pillar with the serpent coiled
round them, and Death holding them by a chain. On
the left side the devil is playing on a mandolin, and he
appears again in the middle eagerly writing out a list
of sins ; over all this is the portrait of Frederick in life-
size. On the other side stands a figure of Mercy, who
is tearing up the list of sins, and Christ with the victor's
banner, who has fastened Death and the devil to a
chain, and is leading them away ; the devil is also
were executed by Loy Hering, who gained for Eichstatt sculpture a pro-
minent place in Germany for the space of nearly half a century. See the
valuable treatise of Schlecht, Zur Kunstgeschichte von Eichstatt (Eich-
statt, 1898), p. 101. Here, too, are fuller details about the beautiful
sepulchre of the Prince Bishop of Eichstatt, Johann Konrad von Gem-
minger (famous as a patron of art and a collector of curios), which his
successor, Johann Christoph v. Westersteller, had placed in the cathedral
of Eichstatt. ' Grand and impressive looms the figure of the bishop here
interred. He rests on his coffin, not, however, stretched out stiffly in
death, but in a semi-recumbent attitude, his fine intellectual head sup-
ported on his left hand, his glance fixed meditatively and prayerfully on
the crucifix, which he holds firmly in his right hand. What a solemn
sermon on the perishableness of earth and on the mournfulness of Ihings
human, and yet also what holy, heart-uplifting consolation in the religion
of the Cross ! The lines of the body combine grace with dignity. With
fine instinct the artist has rejected the heavy episcopal robes of State,
and retained only the flowing gown and the clinging dalmatic, making
up for his omission, however, by placing on the podium on which the
coffin rests two mourning angels, one on each side of the coffin, holding
the mitre and the staff. Behind this group there is built up against the
wall a plain architectural structure consisting of Ionic pillars, a straight
cornice and open pediment, of which the space is entirely dominated by
elegantly conventional twistings of the arms of the bishop and the See,
while eight coats of arms of his ancestors adorn the architrave and
pilasters. Statues, coats of arms, and all the decorative details are
executed in fine cast bronze ore, the sarcophagus and the background in
dark brown marble.' Because there is much here to remind one of Peter
144 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
secured in stocks.1 Other eccentric productions, ad-
mirably indicative of the spirit of the new art, were
occasionally placed in cemeteries. In the most artistic
quarter of the much-admired cemetery of Halle-on-the-
Saale, the Christians who visited the graves of their
relatives had their eyes delighted with visions of
half-length figures of nude, buxom women, surrounded
by dancing children, and ending in scroll-work with
leaves, fruits, and masks.2
Besides these gorgeous sepulchral monuments, the
luxury of the age also showed itself in the erection of
magnificent fountains. One of the best specimens of
technical finish in this line was the fountain executed
in 1618 by Hans Krumper of Weilheim for the court-
yard of the Residence at Munich. For the town of
Nuremberg, Benedict Wurzelbauer cast, in 1589, the
fountain in front of the Lorenzkirche ; the statue of
Candid and his mausoleum for Louis of Bavaria in the Liebfrau church
at Munich, Schlecht supposes that P. Candid must also have executed
this fine work. In my opinion this supposition is undoubtedly right.
1 Fiorillo, ii. 159.
2 ' It is the irrepressible joy in life,1 says Schonermark (p. 428), ' which
the master in his decorative art preaches here, here in the midst of the
graves. He is, if one may dare to say so, a reincarnated Hellene full of
the humanity of Christ, but free from the Christianity of men.' Liibke
(Renaissance, ii. 360) sees in this cemetery a ' proof of the fine taste of
the town in monumental art and also of a particularly fervent religious
life. He is of opinion that all the pilasters and spandrels are ' decorated
with ornaments of the best Renaissance work,' and, furthermore, that
they exhibit 'great unity of design' and 'wonderful inventive power.'
Schonermark (pp. 424-425) damps this enthusiasm by discovering, among
other faults, ' shadowy, phantomlike meagreness and mannerism.' On
the western side ' the principal motive is borrowed from the tinsmith's
technique and copied in stone.' Screws, rivets and nails are all imita-
tions, ' and in between these sham articles are drawn cords and hangings
© ©
of flowers, fruit, and drapings. Figures, masks, and monsters, &c, are also
mixed up with the intricate network of forms.' On the whole, the decora-
tion here, however great its variety, can lay claim to no merit beyond
that of technical invention and execution.
SCULPTURE— GRAND FOUNTAINS 145
Justice surrounded by six other virtues, and by boys
performing music ; design and execution correspond to
the prevailing affected taste of the day,1 and challenge
comparison with the ' beautiful fountain ' in the neigh-
bourhood of the Frauenkirche, which was executed in
the golden period of Gothic art by the simple burgher
stonemason ' Heinrich der Parlier,' who had not yet
been inoculated ' with learning and the antique Italian
manner.' 2 Compared with this true work of art, the
fountain which, with the full approval of the com-
missioner, Wurzelbauer set up in Prague in 1600, is
soulless and tasteless : it is a life-sized figure of Venus,
from whose breasts streams of water are pouring ; at
her feet Cupid and dolphins and other water-spouting
sea animals are playing.3 Italian models were followed
in the execution of these ' eminently artistic ' works.
Nothing made so deep an impression on the Wurttem-
berg architect, Henry Schickhardt, during his journey
in Italy, as the fountains and waterworks. He delighted
in describing them and copying them ; of the great
fountain at Bologna he drew four copies ; it is described
as follows : ' the upper part consists of a woman's
figure, with fish for feet ; the woman sits on dolphins,
and gives to each of them out of each of her breasts
very fine streams of water like threads ; likewise the
1 Waagen, Kunst u. Kiinstler, i. 251.
2 See Sighart, pp. 394-395. This fountain forms a tower in three
stories, and contains statues of the seven Electors, and of many heroes
of pagan, Jewish, and Christian history, all of the most exquisite, ideal
character, and yet showing perfect truth to nature and spirited execu-
tion. We recognise in them the powerful influence which ecclesiastical
architecture exercised at that time on secular buildings destined for
public use.
3 Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 119. This fountain was destroyed by the
Calvinists in 1620.
VOL. XI. L
146 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
dolphins, out of their nostrils, spout two pure sprays
of water.' l ' It is no longer allowed,' says a contem-
porary, ' to set up Christian and German figures on the
public works so that everybody in the streets may see
them ; everything must be pagan and mythological,
and we must learn, forsooth, to know the heathen gods
and goddesses better than the saints and great heroes
of Christian and German history.' 2 Augsburg erected
many splendid fountains : the Augustus fountain, cast
by the Netherlander Hubert Gerhard, and regarded as
a marvel of art ; 3 the Mercury and Hercules fountain
of the Netherlander Adrian de Vries ; 4 and the Neptune
fountain. A colossal group of Mars and Venus, which
Hubert Gerhard executed in conjunction with the
Italian Carlo Polaggio (1584-1590) for Count John
Fugo-er, is a gorgeous specimen of artificiality and
distortion;'
1 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 3G0.
2 Von der Werlte Eitelkeit, Bl. B. 2".
3 Ayrer, i. 521-522.
** 4 A. de Vries, a faithful pupil of Gian Bologna, was also for a long
time in the service of the Emperor Rudolph II. (see C. Buchwald,
Adrian de Vries [with eight plates], Leipzig, 1899 ; Beitriige zur
Kunstgeschichte, new series, p. 25). He belongs to the number of those
Netherlander schooled in Italy, who, more even than actual Italians,
brought into Germany at the end of the sixteenth century an Italianised
and pre-eminently decorative style of sculpture. The most important
representatives of this school are Alexander Colin (see above, p. 141, n. 2)
and Peter Candid (see above, p. 141).
5 Waa^en (Kunst und Kiinstler, ii. 74-75) says it is curious to observe
how Liibke, generally overflowing with enthusiasm for ' the golden epoch
of German Renaissance,' expresses himself in his quieter moments. ' The
antique,' he says, ' for those great masters who sought to grasp and
emulate it with all the ardour and seriousness of their being, was, indeed,
a fresh fountain from which art could drink new life. But as it was
necessary to adapt the antique conceptions to Christian material, dis-
cord and schism soon became apparent, and the Christian subject-matter
was the first to suffer detriment. As soon, however, as outward form
came to be more highly valued and studied than the inward idea, art of
SCULPTURE— ORNAMENTAL STATUES 147
A.s in the time of decadent Roman taste, statues, large
and small, sculptured only with a view to decoration,
were often set up in houses and villas, and above all in
necessity became hollow and soulless, because it could only assert itself
at the expense of the subject. This explains the beginning of mannerism.
And if even the great masters fell a prey to this demon, how could it be
otherwise than fatal for all the lesser artists, the mere copyists and
imitators ? But it was in allegory that the spirit of the age asserted
itself most completely, and this fashion lured art into a region where,
loosened from the general consciousness, and divorced from living inter-
change with the national mind, it very soon fell inevitably into empty
jejuneness and subjective subtlety.' Dating from the middle of the six-
teenth century, there were still a number of gifted masters. ' If we ask,
however, about the spiritual substance, the imperishable worth of their
achievements, the great mass of productions dwindles woefully down,
and the individualities of most of the artists disappear in the typical
mannerism which is common to them all, for all national independence
in art has long since ceased to exist. Italian art, changed into dead
formality, rules all lands with the tyranny of a fashion to which all bow
down. Strange fate of that modern subjectivity which Michael Angelo
was the first to proclaim in his works as the principal law of art ! It
dared, as time went on, to break down the wholesome restraints which
are imposed on all artistic creativeness, and to leave the individual standing
free and unfettered face to face with his material and his task, but all
truly original individual achievement disappeared with the restraints.
For in the absence of true laws and rules of art, artists depended more
and more on the false precepts of mannerism. Freedom of individual
genius flourishes only within the boundaries of law ; it dries up under
the rule of anarchy. All the specimens of plastic art of this period, in
all countries, have a family likeness, as the statues of the thirteenth
century had ; but with this difference — that in the case of tha latter there
was genuine character at the bottom of the resemblance, whereas in the
former, as a rule, there was merely the affectation of similarity. But
whence came this affectation ? It sprang essentially from the fact that
art was no longer in communion with the national mind.' ' Intellectual
interests were now confined to the " higher circles of society." Torn
away from the soil of national consciousness, this intellectual life was
bound to dry up — art most of all, for art needs the quickening streams
of communal life. It now became exclusive, courtly ; it ministered only
to the glorification of power. Thence came dearth of ideas and super-
fluity of phrases ; thence coldness and external playing with forms devoid
of soul. And wherever it was obliged to exhibit enthusiasm at com-
mand, it excited itself without inward warmth, became theatrical, affected,
artificial ' (Lubke, Gesch. der Plastik, ii. 795, 857, 858).
l 2
148 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
those pleasure gardens which were laid out with such
gusto. The Roman edile Scaurus once used 3,500
statues for the decoration of a theatre which he built ; l
Archduke Ferdinand II. of Tyrol did not require so
large a number for his ' Wurzgarten,' but he had 134
' large gods,' 250 ' Diernlein ' (female figures), little
figures, and twenty-four large statues.2
The private apartments also of distinguished persons
and princes were ' often filled with nude heathen
sculpture ; ' ' there were even seen in the apartments
of princesses— a thing unheard of before— many such
abominable nude figures.3 For the private apartment
of an Electress of Saxony the sculptor Zacharias Hege-
wald was commissioned to execute a group consisting
of ' a Venus and two Cupids sitting by the Venus, a
Ceres and two Bacchus children.' To judge from the
remuneration he received, the Electress cannot have
set much store by the artistic value of the decorative
work ; Hegewald was paid for each Cupid and for each
child Bacchus only six thalers.4
Very considerably smaller was the remuneration
bestowed on the court painters of the princes for all
the ' elegant counterfeits ' they had to produce at
command of their illustrious employers, and for all
sorts of eccentric and utterly tasteless commissions,
that had to be executed in the most superlative and
withal the quickest and cheapest manner possible
to the art of painting.5
1 Overbeck, Gesch. der griechischen Plastlk, ii. 284, where there are
other proofs that it is impossible to ' form a large enough estimate ' of
the quantities of statues there used in Rome for decoration.
2 Hirn, i. 380. 3 Von der Werlte Eitdlceit, Bl. B. 2b.
1 Miiller, Forschungen, i. 158. 5 See below, p. 162.
149
CHAPTER VII
SECTION IV. — PAINTING— COURT PAINTERS TO PRINCES
In proportion as architecture underwent deterioration,
losing its independence as the free domain of stone-
masonry, and being compelled to adapt itself more or
less to the whims and caprices of the individuals by
whose orders buildings were erected,1 so also did the
1 ' Early German art had sprung up like a vigorous, healthy tree,
giving promise of rarest blossom and fruit ; but its growth had been
checked by two causes — the change in religious opinions which had
deprived art of its chief field of work, and the influence of foreign art
methods.' ' Chief amongst the latter was the brilliant colouring of the
Venetian painters which commanded general admiration. But the
Florentine school had also its devotees who sought to master its style
and methods. German artists found employment with Italian painters,
to whom they rendered good service as assistants. When these German
artists returned home, they introduced in their country the foreign
methods they had learnt. The demand for artistic work of a high order
was by no means large, and nobody seems to have urged or encouraged
the German artists to go on painting in the German manner instead of
adopting foreign fashions ; and thus the indifference of the patrons of
art and the want of national spirit in the artists combined to bring the
native art of the Fatherland to its grave ' (Rathgeber, Gallerie, pp. 263-
204). ' In the second half of the sixteenth century the plastic arts de-
generated into mere bombast and affectation. Excellent, often indeed
masterly, as was the technique, it could not conceal absence of soul,
feeling, and character. The same fate befell painting as had befallen
architecture. National and even personal treasures of art were cast
aside for the sake of showy foreign trash. Tasteless allegories and pagan
mythological fables became the order of the day. Art revelled in paganism
and sensuousness. The few genuinely artistic workers who were left
could not stem or overpower the affectation and degeneracy which
characterised the majority of artists, and which reached its climax in
Bartholomew Spranger (born 1546) ' (Lotz, Stalistik, i. 23).
150 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
sister art of painting decline from the height from
which, in co-operation with architecture, it had ad-
dressed itself to the nation at large and inspired it with
enthusiasm for the Christian ideal. As it had become
a well-nigh universal rule to follow Italian taste, there
were no longer any actual German schools of any
importance and individuality. In the Protestant dis-
tricts ecclesiastical art had no status whatever; in
places that had remained Catholic orders were still
issued for Church pictures, but until the complete
establishment of the Catholic Restoration the demand
for sacred art was very small compared to what it had
formerly been. In the towns the painters earned their
living chiefly by taking portraits ; or else they kept up
a precarious existence by making designs for goldsmiths
and other crafts, by painting coats of arms, and by
giving instruction in drawing. The separation of art
from handicraft had an altogether pernicious effect on
art life in general.1
There is only a small number of artists of this
period worthy of mention.
Up to shortly after the middle of the sixteenth
1 ' It was altogether in accord with the views of art, current in Ger-
many also since the sixteenth century, that the artists considered actual
industrial work with apprentices and journeymen as beneath their dignity.
We learn, nevertheless, by closer study of the history of the painters of
former centuries, that so long as the old guild-laws were universally
observed, the majority of artists were able to earn a sufficient livelihood ;
whereas after the separation of art from handicraft the lives of artists,
almost without exception, were full of trouble, disappointment, and
anxiety. Individual cases contradicting this general experience are only
exceptions to the rule.' ' The industrial work, in which a master who
employed journeymen and apprentices, had no need to take actual part,
guaranteed fixed remuneration, and also association with a corporation
which provided' for its members and afforded opportunity for exercise,
in the humbler spheres of art, of talents possibly not adequate to great
achievements ' (A. Schultz, in v. Zahn, Jahrbiicher, ii. 358-359).
PAINTING 151
century the painters Anton von Worms l and Bartho-
lomew Bruyn figure as worthy representatives of the
old Cologne school. The latter executed a whole
series of important works, and was held in such respect
by the Cologne burghers that in the years 1550 and
1553 he was elected a member of the council.2
To his best work belongs the high altar in the
collegiate church of Xanten, completed in 1534, with
which the canons were so well pleased that of their
own accord they added 100 extra florins to the sum of
500 gold florins agreed upon as remuneration.3
The Suabian master, Martin ScharTner, who worked
as painter in Ulm, also executed in the years 1520-1524
several excellent pieces of work, amongst which a
representation of the ' Child Jesus in the Temple ' and
the ' Death of Mary ' are specially distinguished by
artistic merit ; later on he fell under the influence of
the school of Venice.4
1 J. J. Merlo, Anton Woensam von Worms, Maler und Xylograph zu
KnJn, Leipzig, 1864, and Nacktrage, 1884 (cf. Niessen, pp. 53-54).
2 See J. J. Merlo, Nachrichten, p. 69 ff., and Die Meister der AUkoln-
ischen Malerschule, p. 158 ff. Catalogue of the collection of his works
preserved in Cologne in Niessen, pp. 54-56 ; of those in Munich in v. Reber,
Katalog, pp. 15-19. ** See now the work of Firmenich-Richartz, Barth.
Bruyn, Leipzig, 1891.
3 Fuller details concerning the altar and its origin in Beissel, p. 12 ff.
Side by side with Bruyn, other distinguished artists, two carvers and an
art-smith, worked at this altar. The cost of production for the whole
structure amounted, according to the present value of money, to about
50,000 marks. It is 'a last specimen of mediaeval art and excellence.'
' The canons of Xanten gathered together the last German masters in
order to plan the erection of a worthy monument to old customs and old
religious faith.'
4 V. Reber, Catalogue, pp. 45-6. See Graf Piickler-Limburg, ' Martin
Schaffner ' (Studien z. deutschen Kunstgeschichte), Strassburg, 1900. A large
collection of ' exquisitely beautiful ' miniature paintings, which were
executed in the years 1530-1532, to illustrate a German translation of the
New Testament, is described by Rathgeber, Gallerie, pp. 136-146.
152 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
On the whole it may be said that the decadence of
art was already discernible in the immediate pupils
and followers of Diirer and Holbein. Hans Burgmayr,
one of the most thoughtful painters, retrogressed in
his art in proportion as he yielded to Italian influence.
In like manner the equally gifted Christopher Amberger
lost all vigour and all depth of sentiment through un-
intelligent imitation ; his pictures became superficial
and affected. Hans Schaufelein also deteriorated
visibly, and George Penz, who went to Italy for
culture, came back a soulless mannerist.1
Adam Elzheimer of Frankfort was the only artist
of importance who retained his individuality, but his
works were not appreciated by his contemporaries,
and he had to battle continually with distress and
poverty.2
1 See, concerning the above statement, Sighart, p. 600 ff. ; Weise,
Diirer und sein ZeitaUer, p. 85 ; Waagen, Kunst und Kiinstler, ii. 67 ;
Woltmann, Holbein, ii. 368-369. ** Concerning Schaufelein, see the mono-
graph of U. Thieme, Leipzig, 1892, and Repertorium fiir Kunstwissen-
schaft, xvi. 306 ft'. ; xix. 219 ft., 401 ft., 496 f. ; xx. 477 f. For Christopher
Amberger, see the Dissertation by E. Haasler, Heidelberg, 1894. Con-
cerning the general development of art, an art historian, who is other-
wise by no means in agreement with Janssen's views, F. Rieffel, remarks
in a review of my biography of A. Reichensperger, ' It is becoming more
and more plainly evident that the beginning of the sixteenth century
was not the noonday, but the sunset, of German art. As for Gothic
sculpture and painting our respect for it increases the more closely we
become acquainted with it. . . . How rapid and how deep is the decline
of Diirer's pupils Avhen once they begin to ape Italian art methods ! '
In conclusion, Rieffel throws out the question whether it was not ' a
blessing for Diirer's renown that he died early.' ' Wherever humanism
lays its grip on him (Diirer) he becomes lamentably Italianate ; only
the great and glorious Matthias Griinewald remained entirely German '
{Frankfurter Zeitung, 1900, No. 9, p. 1). Ibid. No. 18 (Abendblatt), Rieffel
speaks concerning a publication about the painter, M. Schaffner, of the
miserable after-effects which German art brought on itself by its intoxica-
tion through the ' southern wine ' of the Italian Renaissance.
s M. Seibt, A. Elzheimers Leben und Wirken, Frankfort-on-the-Main,
GLASS-PAINTING 153
Painting on a large and monumental scale, as far as
anything of the kind still survived here and there,
degenerated into mere caprice and bombast.
Glass-painting also, which in the fifteenth century
reached its zenith,1 and formed almost the pinnacle
of pictorial achievement, fell from its height of glory
after it had been driven out of the service of the Church,
and had ceased to be humbly subordinate to archi-
tecture, with which before it had been so closely con-
nected ; when it embarked on an independent existence
it lost itself in virtuosity, and extravagant tasteless
ornamentation.2 Here and there, nevertheless, works
of great beauty were still produced ; for instance, the
splendid glass-windows in the Church of St. Gudule in
Brussels, and the glass-paintings in the cloisters in the
Swiss convents of Muri, Eathhausen and Wettingen,
executed during the second half of the sixteenth century.
The ' painter of the venerable House of God at Wet-
tingen ' addresses us in warm and pithy pictorial lan-
guage from the sixty coloured window-panes, in which
1885 ; Bode, Studien, pp. 261-272, 310-311 ; Rathgeber, Gallerie, p. 263.
German taste, completely ignoring the Italian Cinquecento, turned by-
preference to the later eclectics, and finally to the school of Caravaggio,
the effective coarseness of which was specially seducti-va to the northern
art students. The soulless virtuosity and faultless technicme, which were
the chief characteristics of Italian art at that period, exercised too strong
a glamour on the superficial, easily pleased taste of the Germans, to leave
any chance for the development of aught which should differ from the
methods that had crept in from beyond the Alps (Reber, Gesch. der
neuem deutscheri Kunst, pp. 8-9). ** The sterling and industrious
painter, Martinus Theophilus Polak, specimens of whose works are
preserved in the churches of Riva, Trent, Brixen, and, above all, of
Innsbruck, is deserving of notice. Cf. M. Bersohn, M. Th. Polak, Ein
Maler des 17. Jahrhunderts, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1891.
1 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 232-236.
2 It was Holbein who first introduced the Renaissance methods into
glass-painting (von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, i. 24 ; see pp. 28-29).
154 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
he strung together a collection of Biblical incidents and
events from the history of the Fatherland.1 Towards
the end of the century the celebrated Swiss glass-painter,
Christopher Maurer, executed a number of works in
Nuremberg, notably four pictures from the parable of
the Prodigal Son.2 It is characteristic of the spirit of
the age that on one occasion he introduced into a glass
painting a likeness of himself crowned with a wreath of
laurel, and facing an easel on which stood a Venus.3
On the whole it may be said that in this branch of
art also the old religious art methods had given place
to a mundane spirit, which showed itself markedly in
the grouping of figures in painted windows ; whereas
formerly the members of the patron's family had occu-
pied a humble position at the bottom of the window,
they now formed the central group, and were sur-
rounded with armorial shields and all the emblems
of worldly dignity, while Scripture and secular stories
alike were used to enhance the personal glory of
these important individuals.4 The art of painting on
glass received a great impulse in the form of cabinet-
painting, especially in Switzerland,'' where between the
1 Liibke, Kunsthistor . Studien, p. 404 ; Kunstgewerbeblatt, Jahrg. 2,
Heft G-S. The great cycle of window paintings in town halls is dis-
cussed by J. R. Rahn in the Geschichtsfreund (Einsiedeln, 1882), xxxvii.
196-207. ** See Oidtmann, ' Die Schweizer Glasnialer vom Ausgang des
f iinfzehnten bis zum Beginn des achtzehnten Jalnhunderts,' in the Zeitschr.
fiir christl. Kunst, xii. 301 ff. See in the same place, 1899, pp. 55 ff.,
67 ff., the remarks concerning Rhenish glass-paintings of the sixteenth
century. Respecting glass -painting in Bavaria, where attention was
chiefly bestowed on armorial bearings, see Sighart, p. 712.
2 Schorn, Kunstblatt, xiv. 74-75. 3 Andresen, iii. 228.
4 Liibke, Kunsthist. Studien, p. 426.
r' See M. A. Gessert, Oesch. der Glasmalerei in Deutschland (Stuttgart,
1839), p. 110 ff. ' As regards decorative style,' says Rahn (pp. 701-704),
' the cycles of the sixteenth century are far inferior to those of the fifteenth
DECLINE OF GLASS-PAINTING 155
years 1580-1600 no less than fifty-two cabinet-painters
settled permanently : twenty-seven in Zurich, sixteen
in Schaffhausen, and nine in Basle.1 The more the
' antique-Italian learning ' insinuated itself in the
place of religious convictions, the more soulless did
painting become in this country also. Painted win-
dows were produced by rules of grammar and rhetoric,2
and covered with unintelligible allegories ; personified
virtues of all sorts, in antiquated garments, took the
place of patron saints or armorial bearings.3
As early as the middle of the sixteenth century
complaints of faulty work began to be heard. When,
in 1554, Paul Dax of Nuremberg sent in his window-
panes for the council-house at Ensisheim, it was found
that ' the greater number of them had not been smelted,
but in many parts painted over with oil colours which
would not bear exposure to weather.' Of the glass-
paintings of the master Thomas Neidhart, the Inns-
bruck Chamber complained, in 1575, that ' the colour-
ing was bad, and that they were not smelted all over.'
It must, however, in fairness be said that the prices
paid were not such as to command lasting work ; Paul
Dax, for instance, received no more than five florins
apiece for each pane ; and in Alsace, in order to keep
out the foreign artists, glass -painters offered to work for
century.' ** See also H. Meyer, Die Schiveizerische Sitte der Fenster und
Wappe7ischenkungen vom fiinfzchntcn bis sechzehnten Jahrhundert, Frauen-
feld, 1884. Concerning the admirable glass-painter, Lorenz Link (men-
tioned at p. 259 ff. of the above work), who was born at Strassburg in
1582, see also v. Hefner- Alteneck, Lebenserinnerungen, p. 83.
1 See the article by H. E. v. Berlepsch, in the Beil. zur Allgem, Zeitung,
1887, No. 14.
- See Von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, i. 30-31.
8 Concerning the allegories of Christopher Maurer, see Andresen,
iii. 225-226.
156 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
two florins the pane.1 In the course of the seventeenth
century glass-painting came altogether to an end.2
Even before German painters had begun migrating
to Italy, Dutch artists had already sought their models
in this classic land. When first they crossed the Alps
in search of art culture, art life in the Netherlands had
not yet been disturbed by political or religious up-
heavals ; the Van Eyck school was still in its glory, as
is shown pre-eminently by the works of Quentin Massys
(t 1529), and its flourishing condition was maintained at
Bruges at a still later period, when its chief pillars were
Peter Claessens and his two sons, who executed many
works worthy of the Van Eycks and of the German
master Hans Memling.3 Peter Purbus, from Gouda
in Holland, also remained true to the old indigenous
school. His ' Transfiguration of Christ ' in the Church of
1 Liibke, Kunsthistor. Studien, p. 460. Abel Stimmer executed
paintings in the glass itself (Andresen, i. 62). In Brandenburg, also,
armorial bearings and small pictures were painted on glass (Bergau,
Brandenburger Inventor, p. 79).
2 ' The disregard of the laws of style in this branch of art, and the
loss of deep spiritual significance in composition, were accompanied by
deterioration of technique. The washy, feeble painting of emblems,
escutcheons, and ornaments, put together in single pieces, was plain
proof of this, and pointed to the imminent death of the art ' (Karl v.
Rosen in the Baltische Studien, xvii. 182). See Waagen, Malerei, i. 231-
232 ; Kugler, Kleine Schriften, iii. 493 ; Abry, pp. 298-299. The glass-
paintings in the cloisters of the Capuchin nuns in the Church of St. Anna-
in-the-Fen, at Lucerne, executed after 1605, are also distinguished by
much depth, splendour, and harmony of colouring : they represent
scenes from the life of Christ and that of the Holy Virgin. Cf. J. Schneller
in the Geschichtsfreund (Einsiedeln, 1860), xvi. 177-186.
3 See the catalogue of thirteen paintings of the family of Claessen, in
Michiels, iii. 352-363. Concerning one of these, the execution of a con-
demned person in the town hall at Bruges, Michiels says : ' On dirait que
le genie de Memling a passe un moment dans Tame du peintre et fait
eclore dans son atelier, comme un souvenir des anciens jours, cette fleur
merveilleuse.'
DECAY OF DUTCH PAINTING 157
Our Lady at Gouda (of the year 1573) is quite worthy
of comparison with the work of Memling.1 Purbus,
says the painter and artists' biographer, Karl van
Mander, could not ' sufficiently gaze at and admire '
Memling's pictures.2 These artists, like the earlier
ones, belonged all of them to the plain burgher class ;
filled with zealous ardour to work for the glory of God,
they were wholly uncorrupted in their morals. Of
Franz Purbus, a son of Peter, Mander says : he was
' so friendly and lovable in society, that he might be
called friendliness itself ; he was never known to be
out of temper.' 3
Several other Dutch painters of mark, such as
Jan Schoreel, Jan Mabuse, Martin van Veen, did
admirable work, so long as they worked in the spirit
of the old native school ; 4 as soon, however, as they
began to regard the old methods of art as ' old-fashioned
and obsolete,' and set about ' to find something newer
and greater in Italy,' they became frostily virtuose,
though at the same time they were still most highly
praised by Karl van Mander, whose own drawings and
paintings show signs of the deepest decadence.5
' Jan Schoreel,' wrote van Mander, ' was the very
first who visited Italy, and brought back enlighten-
ment to the Netherlands on the arts of drawing and
1 Michiels, iii. 341-362, where there is also a catalogue of fifty paintings
by this artist.
2 Van Mander, Bl. 204b ; Das Lob des Kilnstlers, p. 257\
3 Van Mander, Bl. 257. ** See Rooses-Reber, Oesch. der MalersdmU
Antwerpens (Munich, 1881), p. 108.
4 See v.lWurzbach, in v. Liitzow's Zeitschr. xviii. 54-59 ; Michiels,
iii. 64-65, 223-227, where several works of these artists, which they
executed before going to Italy, are compared with their later ones. Con-
cerning Schoreel, see also Bode, Studien,^. 7-10.
' Rathgeber, Annalen, p. 286.
158 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
painting. Hence he was called ' the lantern-bearer and
the pioneer of art in the Netherlands.' 1 Next to him
Lambert Lombard, after his return from Italy, became
a father of drawing and painting at Liege ; he did
away with the rough, coarse, barbarous methods in
vogue, and introduced in their stead the beautiful an-
tique style, for which he deserves no slight praise and
gratitude.2
Jan Mabuse claims for himself the glory of having
brought out of Italy into Flanders the right and true
style in the representation of naked figures ; the pin-
nacle of fame, however, was reached by Franz Floris
in Antwerp, who became the ' Flemish Raphael ; '
none stands higher than he does.3
While all these artists were striving to appropriate
Italian methods they lost the characteristics of earlier
native art : its truth, and warmth of feeling, its quiet
simplicity, its spontaneity, its genuine inspiration ;
no less also did they lose the old sense of harmonious
colouring. Their religious paintings grew cold and
meaningless, and nude mythological representations,
which they produced in ever-increasing quantities,
became repulsive, often even disgusting.4
1 Van Mander, Bl. 234. '-' Van Mander, Bl. 220.
3 See Abry, 154 ; De Canditto, pp. 67, 180, 285-286, 439 ff. For Franz
Floris, see Schnaase, Niederland. Briefe, pp. 250-252, Waagen, Kleine
Schriften, p. 236.
4 See Woltmann, Aus Vier Jahrhunderten, p. 31 : ' Those Nether-
landers who attempted to rival the choice beauty, the glorious freedom
of a Leonardo, or a Raphael, became jejune, prosaic, and affected. The
case was even more serious with the imitators of Michael Angelo : his
Italian disciples had already lapsed into deterioration, but in the case of
the Netherlander the practice of copying the great Florentine was still
more pernicious.' Vischer (iii. 739) says : ' Such men as Mabuse, Bern-
hard van Orley, Coxcie, Schoreel, Hemskerk, would have been no mean
artists if they had kept to the severe style of painting, but in the school
DUTCH PORTRAIT-PAINTERS— P. P. RUBENS 159
Even with Lucas von Leyden the sacred had often
sunk to the vulgar and common. Italian taste was a
fashion, and it led to the distortion of the natural into
monstrosity.1 We find a significant indication of this
whole tendency to exaggeration, sensationalism and
ugliness in the wild jumble of human beings, angels,
and fiendish monsters which Franz Floris painted in
1554 in his ' Fall of the Angels ' (Engelsturz).2 It was
in accordance also with the inner spirit of this tendency
that Cornelius Ketl ceased to use a brush and painted
with his fingers only, using his left hand as a palette ;
from this he went on to painting with his left hand also,
and when this kind of art-work met with approval and
purchasers, he used alternately his right and left foot,
and finally showed his dexterity by working in turn
with both hands and feet at the same picture.3
The Dutch painters, debarred by Calvinism from
connecting art with religion (the highest aim of art),
turned their efforts to the lower sphere of everyday life,
and produced new and out of the way results in the
of the Italians they became empty formalists ; they discarded stern truth
to nature and physiognomy because of its want of beauty, and they
produced beauty without the warmth of life.' Camille Lemonnier of
Brussels, in his Chronique des Arts (1877), p. 384, calls the Renaissance
epoch ' a truly sinister page in the history of Flemish painting.' ' It may
safely be asserted,' he says, ' that the journeyings to Italy threw Flemish
art into a death agony, and brought it to the brink of the grave.' Max
Rooses writes in the same strain in his Geschiedenis der Antwerpsche
schilder school (1879), p. 136 : ' The followers of the Italian school lost
their way in their pursuit of an unfamiliar and misunderstood ideal. It
was no revival or rebirth that they brought to our art ; they simply drove
it to suicide ' (see Riegel, Beitrlige, i. 13-14). When, however, the Nether-
lands had become the prey of Italianisra, the countries which had been,
so to say, their tributaries in respect of art naturally fell also under the
Italian influence, which in the sixteenth century conquered nearly the
whole continent ' (Reber, p. 640).
1 Waagen, Kunst und Kilnstler, i. 1?4, 289. 2 Riegel, i. 23.
3 Deschamps, pp. 199-202 ; Michiels, iv. 65-66.
160 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
department of still-life painting. In addition to this
they worked at portrait painting, distinguishing them-
selves especially in their likenesses of rulers and members
of guilds, without, however, attaining to the height
which portrait painting had reached in Jan van Eyck.1
These pictures, known as Schutzen- und Regentenbilder,
in which the members were either artistically grouped
together, or represented sitting together at a banquet,
became in Holland the most important branch of art.
Nearly every town had its own special master whose
business it was to produce these monuments of personal
glorification.2
Far surpassing all his brother artists by his origin-
ality, his inexhaustible imagination, his astounding
versatility, and his indefatigable energy, the giant
Peter Paul Rubens became at the beginning of the
seventeenth century — a time when in Germany proper
all creative art faculty had died out— the founder of
a new school. Young artists, eager for instruction,
flocked from all directions to his studio at Antwerp :
he was obliged, he said, in 1611, to turn away more than
a hundred pupils on account of excessive numbers.
Rubens included all branches of painting in the sphere
of his activity : historical painting, portrait painting,
interiors, landscapes, still-life, love scenes, drinking
scenes, incidents of the chase. His dominating taste
for the forcible and the rude, as well as for the horrible
and the startling, makes him a living mirror of his age.
Many of his religious pictures, for instance, the ' Eleva-
1 See above, p. 25, note 1.
- Cf. Liibke, Bunte Blatter, pp. 179-210; Riegel, i. 118-112; Rath-
geber, Annalen, p. 203. The admirable Dutch masters of a later date
naturally do not come under discussion here. •
PETER PAUL RUBENS 161
tion of the Cross ' (1610), and the ' Descent from the
Cross ' (1611) in the cathedral at ilntwerp, exhibit fine
dramatic composition, but only a few here and there
have any religious import.1
In fulness and variety of conception scarcely any
artist can compete with Rubens ; the rapidity with
which he executed even important works has never
been equalled. His large picture ' The Adoration of the
Three Kings,' now in the Louvre at Paris, was finished
in thirteen days ; the triptych of ' The Descent from
1 When Rubens ' wants to give his subject a religious colouring,'
' he falls into a false pathos, an unnatural sadness, into vehement declama-
tion and gesticulation, into contortion of heads and limbs, behind which
there is no trace of genuine feeling. Take, for instance, in Vienna, the
picture of the Magdalen wringing her hands and kicking away from her
her casket of jewels. She is a disappointed, but not a penitent, sinner —
or else she is merely acting a part ! The Apostles in the Pinakothek at
Munich have the exaggerated pose of stage saints. Compare also the
pictures of the Assumption of the Virgin, that beautiful symbol of the
soul's immortality, under the old art methods, with those by Rubens :
the former are instinct with love and dignity ; the latter, however often
repeated, never anything more than immense celestial spectacles, in
which the blessed saints ascend with impossible writhings and contor-
tions through the clouds, and through an innumerable host of angels.
Rubens reached the climax of this theatrical style in a picture of St.
Catherine, in which, with a drawn sword in her left hand, her left foot
planted on the wheel, her head swathed in a floating veil and thrown
back defiantly, she takes her place among the saints, not only with a
theatrical air, but also with that of a ballet-dancer ! ' (Forster, iii. 95-96).
In a different way, again, the tendency of the age is seen in those pictures
in which Rubens depicts the history of the French Queen, Maria de'
Medici. In these we see the gods and demi-gods descending the ' antique '
Olympus, reborn in Flemish bodies, in order to assist in the destiny of
the Queen. Apollo, Minerva, Mercury, and the Graces take charge of
her education ; Hymen carries her train at the religious ceremony of
marriage ; Tritons and Nereids dance in wild ecstasies round the ship
from which she steps out on to the soil of France (Kugler, Kleine Schriften,
iii. 478-479). Concerning P. P. Rubens and his religious paintings, see
the excellent article — in my opinion a correct criticism — by Keppler in
the Hist.-pol. Bl. 95, 286 ff. See also J. Burckhardt, Erinnerungen aus
Rubens, Basel, 1898.
VOL. XL M
162 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the Cross ' in twenty-five days ; for the first he received
1,300, for the second 2,500 florins.1 He calculated
each day's work at 100 florins, an enormous sum, com-
pared with the miserable pittance paid to the artists
working in Germany at the Imperial Court and at the
courts of the princes.
John of Aachen, a firstrate master,2 received, as
court painter to Rudolf II., at first a monthly payment
of only twenty-five florins, whereas a necromancer, the
Englishman Kelley, appointed by the Emperor, was
loaded with favours and bounties, and the Polish
alchemist Michael Sendiwoj , a confidant of Rudolf, was
so handsomely paid that he was able to buy himself
a house and two large estates.3 The Netherlander,
Bartholomew Spranger (f 1615), another court painter,
received the same remuneration as John of Aachen, but
in addition was raised by the Emperor to the rank of
nobility. He was one of the most extreme mannerists of
his day, a caricature of Michael Angelo, whom he pre-
sumed to imitate.4 He was indefatigable in drawing and
painting heathen gods and goddesses and every possible
subject from the domain of mythology and ancient
history.'' On a triumphal arch for the old peasant-
market at Vienna he represents the Emperors Maxi-
milian II. and Rudolf II. side by side with Neptune
and Pegasus.11 One of his best works is the ' Last
1 Liibke, Kunstwerke, p. 432.
- See van Mander, Bl. 289-291 ; Merlo, Nachrichten 1-1 4.
3 Svatek, pp. 81, 241. ** After 1600 John of Aachen received a yearly
income of 400 florins. ** See Ug, Kunstgeschtl. Charakterbilder, p. 219.
"' Rathgeber, p. 285. Michiels (iv. 25) says : ' Language is too poor
to describe the mannerism of Spranger.' ** Sec Ilg, Kunstgeschtl. Cltarak-
terbilder, p. 218.
5 See the catalogue of Rathgeber, pp. 362-364, Nos. 2094-2160.
6 Rathgeber, p. 362, No. 2103.
COURT-PAINTERS TO PRINCES 163
Judgment,' executed for Pope Pius V., but this picture
also is spoilt by absurd exaggeration : it contains about
500 faces.1 These artists thought to attain to ' high
artistic excellence ' by ' quantity and bulk.' 2
In still-life and in landscape painting the same
tendency is apparent. In a ' Village Festival ' by Jan
Breughel more than 200 figures may be counted.3
The artists of that period often crowded so many
figures into their landscapes that it became a favourite
amusement of lovers of art to count them.4
Among the artists of most mark were the Bavarian
court painter Hans Muelich of Munich (f 1573), Chris-
topher Schwarz from the neighbourhood of Ingolstadt
(f 1596), and Frederic Sustris of Amsterdam (f 1599).5
The first of these was one of the best portrait and
miniature painters of that time ; he made admir-
able designs for vessels and ornamental articles,
and he executed, in conjunction with Schwarz, the
well-known altar with wing panels in the Frauenkirche
at Ingolstadt, the pictures on which contain almost
the whole teaching of Christian faith and morality.
As ' exemplifying the connection between art and
learning,' it is worthy of mention that the theological
and philosophical faculties in their entirety co-operated
1 Rathgeber, p. 367, No. 2202.
2 For instance, in the ' Kreuztragung ' (' Bearing the Cross ') and the
' Tower of Babel,' of the year 1563, by Peter Breughel the Elder, an
innumerable quantity of figures are introduced. These pictures are in
the picture-gallery at Vienna (Lotz, ii. 570).
3 Deschamps, p. 381. 4 Rathgeber, Annalen, p. 298.
3 M. Zimmermann, Hans Muelich und Herzog Albrecht V. von Bayern,
Munich, 1885. ** See also, concerning Muelich, W. Schmidt in the
Zeitschr. d. bayrischen Kunstgewerbevereins, ix. 3 ff., 8 ff. All sorts of
information about the old Munich masters is given by Fr. Trautmann in
the Jahrbuch fiir Miinchener Gesch. i. 1-74.
M -1
164 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
in the production of this work.1 While Miielich still
kept to a great extent to the traditions of the old
German schools, Schwarz who had at first done likewise,
in his later works followed almost entirely the taste of
his teacher Tintoretto. ' He is an enthusiastic follower
of Italianism,' wrote Karl van Mander ; ' he is the
pearl of all Germany in our art.' - The Munich guild
of painters named him ' the patron over all painters in
Germany.' 3 His most important work is the victory
of St. Michael over Lucifer on the high altar of the
Church of St. Michael at Munich. As for the court
painter, Frederic Sustris, most of his pictures are only
known through copper engravings.
In Munich the artists had the advantage of being
under patrons — Dukes William V. and Maximilian I. —
who did not stint in payment. Sustris was in yearly
receipt of a sum amounting to 600 florins ; the Italian
painter Antonio Maria Viviani received as much as
1,100 florins a year; the Netherlander Peter Candid,
a remarkably prolific painter, had an annual salary
of 500 florins, besides presents to the same amount.4
1 Ree, pp. 20-21 ; Sighart, p. 707 ; Lotz, ii. 193.
2 Van Mander, Bl. 258.
3 Ree, p. 22. Cf. Sighart, p. 708 ; the Emperor Ferdinand I. con-
sidered Jacob Seiseneker (t 1567) the best portrait painter of his time,
but through aping Titian he became ' empty and superficial.' ' His
strongest point is German accuracy.' Von Lutzow, Zeitschr. x. 154 158.
4 Ree, pp. 34, 50, 64 ff. See pp. 260-266, an exact alphabetical
catalogue of the numerous works of Candid. George Hof- or Hufnagcl,
a native of Antwerp, painted at Munich for William V. and Maximilian I.
' a number of charming little landscapes, for which he received handsome
payments ; for instance, in 1584, he was paid a lump sum of 575 florins '
(Fr. Trautmann in the Jahrb. fiir Milnchener Gesch. i. 28). Concerning
William V.'s love of art, see also Riezler, iv. 627 f.; of George and
James Hofnagel, Ehmelarz, treats in the Jahrb. d. kunsthistorischen
Sammlungen des allerhiichsten Kaiserhauses, xvii. 276 if.
COURT-PAINTERS TO PRINCES 165
Less enviable appears the lot of the North German
court painters. What a ' gruesome quantity of art
work ' was committed to them for meagre payment,
and how intelligent (or non-intelligent !) from an artistic
standpoint were the orders given to them, we learn,
for instance, from a written order which Duke Julius
of Brunswick sent on March 4, 1572, to his court painter
and portrait painter, David von Hemmerdey. He
wrote to him that he wished him ' as beautifully,
quickly, and cheaply as the art of painting would allow '
to sketch and paint the following objects : ' First, the
ducal mines with all the beauties appertaining to them,
the mountains, valleys, woods, ponds, meadows and
landscapes around them, with all the buildings, work-
shops, foundries, and all adjuncts above and below the
earth, and the manner in which the different works were
carried on. Likewise the galleries and pits, all the
rivers, streams and mountain springs, the waterworks,
the iron and smelting works, the mint, the offices and
streets, together with the whole of the Harz and all the
game and the birds, and to insert on vacant spaces,
or bye-work, hunting scenes, battles of savage men,
heroes and pigmies, and all sorts of merry, amusing
things. Secondly, the rafts floating from Goslar as far
as to Wolfenbiittel and thence to Celle, with all the
objects alongside; also all the scenery and objects of
interest stretching for miles around Wolfenbiittel.
Thirdly, all sorts of four-footed animals and birds, each
after its kind and nature by land or by water, and all
the incidents of the chase of birds and beasts and the
way in which the different kinds of animals are baited,
hunted and caught. Fourthly, the artist shall make
pictures of the human, first of all naked and then
166 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
clothed, both of men and of women, just as they came
out of their mother's womb, and showing their growth
from stage to stage, from year to year down to old
age ; and if he can do nothing more he shall at any
rate represent ten ages ; and at every stage they shall
be depicted first naked and then clothed, and finally
swathed in their burial clothes as they are put into their
graves.' ' All these pictures,' the necessary materials
for which would be ordered for the painter, were to be
executed as the Duke wished and according to the
order given to the court painter. In reward for the
work Hemmerdey received board, firing and bed-
linen, a fee of one thaler a week, and every year one
summer and one winter suit of clothing ; the Duke also
promised him that if the work was done entirely to his
satisfaction he would give him an extra honorarium.1
The court painter of the Elector of Saxony, Heinrich
Godig, had to be content, from the year 1573, with an
annual salary of 600 florins ; amongst other jobs given
him he was employed to paint in a saloon of the Augus-
tusburg, on a dry plaster ground, hares either dressed
up like human beings or in their natural state and
imitating the actions of men.2
An essential part of the court painter's work was
taking likenesses.
The love of portraits was very widespread in all
1 Bodmann, Julius von Braunschiveig, pp. 237-239. A court painter
appointed by Duke Henry the Elder in 1502 received as yearly salary
thirty florins in gold, one fat ox, two fat hogs, five bushels of rye, and
twelve cartloads of wood (Muller, Zeitschr. fur deutsche Kulturgesch.
1873, p. 520).
2 See Andresen, i. 71. ' Godig's works do not deserve any further
attention except as indexes of the decline of German painting in the second
half of the sixteenth century,' says Von Eye (Fiihrer durch das Museum
des sticks. Alter thumsver tins in Dresden, p. 36).
PORTRAIT-PAINTING 1 07
classes. The painter Michael Janssen Miereveldt is said
to have painted as many as 10,000. l
1 Rathgeber, Annalen, p. 296. ** The workshop of Lucas Cranach pro-
duced a very large number of portraits. As works of art these are mostly
on a very low level. ' Insipid doll-like heads, that look as if they were
made of wood, painted red and white ; blinking eyes, which almost resemble
the Chinese ideal of beauty, ungainly affected postures after the manner
of the most eccentric fashions of the day ; ponderous ladies' hats with
waving plumes, puffed sleeves, and pantaloons ; a profusion of gold
chains and rings ; heavy, ostentatious silks and satins ; and, finally,
inharmonious, hard, enamel-hke colouring,' this is how Franz Rieffel
describes Cranach's paintings, in a clever article published in connection
with the Dresden Cranach exhibition (Frankf. Zeitung of 5 Sept.
1899 ; cf. also the same author's Ausfiihrungen im Repertorium fiir
Kunstwissenschaft, xviii. 424 ff. See, further, ibid. 22, p. 236 ff., and
Zeitschr. fiir bildende Kunst, n.s. xi. 25 ff., 51 ff., 78 ff.). ' The current
idea of Cranach's painting,' the above-mentioned savant goes on, ' has
formed itself unconsciously, as it were, from the innumerable portraits
and half-length figures, as well as from the Bible pictures, which are so
often exhibited under his name. As a fact, however, the majority of
such paintings are only the products of his workshops. No painter
carried on his art more as mere manufacture than did Cranach. In
order to understand and properly estimate this great business one must
picture to oneself the conditions of the time. Delight in pictorial repre-
sentation, especially in portraits, had become general. People wished to
leave their likenesses behind them for their families, or to give them to
friends and relations. Princes and lords, also, presented their portraits as
tokens of favour. In order to meet this strong though chiefly material
need, no great artistic endowment was requisite. The extensiveness of the
demand called forth a cheap and extensive supply. If Cranach, and
Cranach only, happened to meet this want, the explanation simply is
that, from his position as court painter, his work was in immense de-
mand, and that his industrial organisation enabled him to execute such
a mass of work. The immense staff of workers that he must have had
at his command enabled him to undertake the most comprehensive com-
missions of all sorts, and, above all, to carry them out at a cheap rate.
Many, I fear, of those who gave him orders, even the Elector Albert of
Mayence, whose purse was by no means always ecmal to his love of art,
were probably satisfied if Cranach undertook their commissions, prepared
the rough designs, and, finally, stamped the goods with his own emblem —
the winged snake. It would, therefore, be a great mistake to build up
an artistic conception of this painter from the barren performances of
the average Cranach type (easily recognised even by the uninitiated),
and to let oneself be deterred by these from closer study of his art methods.'
Rieffel, while undertaking the above task, also dilates admirably on the
168 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Exceedingly modest was the request of Herr Chris -
toph von Schallenberg (f 1597) that his descendants
should have all the members of their families painted
great original gifts of Cranach, gifts especially shown in several sacred
pictures of his Catholic period. The oldest that is certainly known to
be his is the ' Ruhe auf der Flucht ' (the repose during the flight)
of 1504 (once in the palace of Sciarra, at Rome, now in the posses-
sion of the Munich director-general of music, Levi). It is described by
Rieffel as not only ' the most tender, the most lyric, and the finest of
Cranach's works, but also as one of the profoundest and most remark-
able creations of our German art at a time when it was still fresh, un-
spoiled by learning, and full of soul — before the Italian sirocco had
scorched and parched it up. Dating from the year 1518 there is no more
any question of development with Cranach. He (or, shall we say, his
workshop ?) soon petrified ; it kept thenceforth to the approved and beaten
tracks. One might naturally suppose that at this time he would have
been appointed academical professor in the electorate of Saxony had
there been then such a post of distinction for deserving masters. This
does not mean, however, that he did not now and then in his later years
accomplish some master-work, such, for instance, as his own portrait
in 1550. But his pictures, as a rule, no longer have any soul in them.
Nothing is expected from them, and they have nothing to give. His
art has worn itself out.' The painter of ' Ruhe auf der Flucht ' (rest
during the flight) and the painter of the later pictures are ' two different
beings. The one is a fresh, hearty, unfettered enthusiast, full of fervent
poetry and music, an artist, a poet who has caught the soul of nature,
whose place is certainly beside the great masters of art, Diirer, Griine-
wald, &c. The other is a dry, academical painter, a skilful practitioner,
who feels the pulse of the fashion, and knows exactly what and how he
must paint in order to satisfy the demands of his valued customers—
namely, shallow, sentimental, soulless, tastelessly dressed or tastelessly
undressed human puppets. He has at his disposal an array of fixed
stamps and types which the workshop repeats and reproduces over and
over again. Of anything like inward sympathy with the objects de-
picted there is no trace. A slight change of costume would make a
Lucretia into a Judith, a Judith into a Madonna. The landscape in his
pictures has nothing to do with the action : it is typical and conventional,
an irrelevant accessory. He is lacking in all finer sense of colour. He
ranks with painters of the third class. What bridge joins these two
beings, if not the auri sacra fames ? This, so it seems to me, is the psycho-
logical and tragic point in Cranach's life.' Concerning the work of
E. Flechsig, Cranach- Studien, 1st part (Leipzig, 1900), written in con-
nection with the Cranach Exhibition, see remarks by W. von Seidlitz in
Beil. zur Allcj. Zeitung, 1900, note 185.
PORTRAIT-PAINTING 169
every ten years, ' let it cost what it might.' l The
Augsburg citizen Matthias Schwarz had himself painted
137 times from the time when ' he was hidden in his
mother's womb ' down to his 63rd year, in 1560, and
that moreover in every possible position and manner
of dress ; twice also completely naked, a front view
and a back one. He appears in specially magnificent
apparel when ' the fool (Cupid ?) hit him in the shape
of a young Dutch lady ; ' he is depicted scratching
himself meditatively behind the ear when he ' was so
bold as to take unto himself a wife.' His son Veit
Conrad Schwarz had been painted in portraits twenty-
four times by the time he was nineteen.2
If however ' taking fine likenesses ' was considered
' the best and highest work that art could do,' it was
' easily explicable that most illustrious princes and
lords and their most illustrious wives and relations
should have nothing so much at heart as their own
beautiful portraits which they had taken in countless
numbers, each of them being often painted twice a
year.' Of the Elector Augustus of Saxony there are
as many as thirty- two different portraits.3
What sort of artistic value was attributed to the
' innumerable counterfeits ' with which ' castles were
ornamented,' and which were given as costly presents
to foreign potentates and princes, to relations and
friends, may be estimated by the prices paid for these
pictures. The Elector Joachim I. of Brandenburg
paid in 1533 for his likeness painted on gold the sum of
eighteen groschen. His successor Joachim II. gave
1 Von Hormayr, Taschenbuch, n.s., viii. 224.
2 Fuller details in v. Zahn, Jahrbiicher, iv. 129-134.
3 Von der Werlte Eitelkeit, Bl. C.
170 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
four thalers and twelve groscheri for ' three painted
portraits of the King of France, the Duke of Alva and
the Emperor Maximilian.' ' For the portrait gallery of
the Duke of Pomerania each copy was reckoned at
three thalers.1' Lucas Cranach received in 1532, for two
portraits of the Saxon Elector, eight florins.3 Later on
the prices sank even lower : for sixty pairs of tablets
adorned with princely portraits only 100 florins and
fourteen kreuzers were paid — for each pair, that is, not
even two florins.4 When Lucas Cranach the Younger,
who by order of the Elector Augustus of Saxony had
executed a number of portraits of former dukes of
Saxony, ' very beautifully and artistically,' was very
desirous of receiving five thalers apiece for them, the
Elector thought the price too high, his artist was paid
only three thalers.'
Incomparably better was the lot of Hans Wornle
in Munich. He received forty-five florins apiece for a
number of portraits of Bavarian dukes intended for
presents to other courts/' Foreign painters made quite
1 Moehsen, Oesch. der Wissenschaften, p. 497, note 6.
2 Baltische Studien, xx. 122-123.
3 Richard, p. 370. ' Lindau, Cranach, p. 272.
5 V. Weber, Anna von Sachsen, p. 337. At the above rates of pay-
ment for portrait painting it is difficult to make out what Von Eye (Eggers,
v. 227), speaking of the portraits of the princes of the first half of the
sixteenth century, means when he says that ' at this epoch the expenses
of government cannot have been -so very burdensome, seeing that they
contracted all sorts of private liabilities.'
" Jahrbuch fur Miinchener Gesch. i. 34. The quality of portraits
which Hans Schopfer had to paint for the Bavarian Court from 1558 to
1579 is seen from the records in Von Hormayr, Taschenbuch, n.s.
xiv. 179-190. For the year 1560, for instance, there is the following
entry : ' H. Schopfer painted eleven " counterfeits " representing the
Duke, the Duchess, and then their princes and princesses, for 190 guldens.'
In the year 1578 he received sixty-five guldens for six ' counterfeits.'
** JohndeWitte, in 1578, executed portraits of the Margrave James III.
of Baden ' for twenty thalers— i.e. nineteen batzen for each.' For the
LABOURERS' WAGES FOR PAINTERS 171
different charges. Ferdinand II., Archduke of Tyrol,
who according to the eulogistic account of Hans von
Khevenhiller excelled other potentates ' in the collection
of portraits as well as of other curiosities,' guaranteed
the Spanish painter x4.1onso Sanchez twenty-six ducats
for every copy he made of the old portraits of Spanish
kings ; on sending in the pictures ordered the artist
raised the price to almost double.1
Ferdinand's own court painters, whose business was
to decorate his castles, were paid like day-labourers ' by
the yard.' -
The town magistracies also often paid painters at a
miserably low rate. When, in 1617, the town council
of Hanover employed Dietrich Wedemeyer, a * master
of the profound and difficult art of painting,' to cover
sixteen ells of linen with the history of Samson, painted
in oils, they paid him ten thalers for the work ; each
ell of painting thus brought him in a little over two-
thirds of a thaler.3
Margravine ' he painted a " counterfeit " in gold for two crowns. Item,
six other small tablets, " your Princely Grace's " likeness for two crowns
apiece ' (Zeitschr. fiir die Geschichte des Oberrheins, xxviii. 194).
1 Hirn, ii. 431-433 ; cf. 434-435. ** In 1588 Archduke Ferdinand
wrote to the Elector John George of Brandenburg : ' Whereas we also
are applying ourselves to the special work of collecting all sorts of por-
traits from the princely houses, both of men and women, of which we
have already a goodly number to hand, we make a friendly request to
your Grace that you would kindly send us also portraits of the House of
Brandenburg, which no doubt you have of all the princely families.' A
similar recmest was to have been sent at the same time to Prince Joachim
Ernest of Anhalt (who, however, died meanwhile), and in the recmest
it was expressly said : ' But only of the dimensions given in the accom-
panying paper pattern, so that they may be despatched the more easily '
(Zeitschr. fiir preuss. Oesch. und Landeskunde, i. 261, note). Concerning
Archduke Ferdinand's love of art, and especially his collections, see the
literature cited below, Section VII. , p. 197.
- Hirn, i. 379-380.
3 Zeitschr if t des histor. Vereins fiir Niedersachsen, 1873, p. 24.
172 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTER VIII
SECTION V. — COPPER AND WOOD ENGRAVING
While chamber-painting in Germany was at its last
gasp, copper and wood engraving were also dragging
on a sorry existence. These trades had only exhibited
any sort of artistic merit so long as the engravers had
kept up the practice of making their own designs, in-
stead of merely copying forms taken from other branches
of art— notably from the pictorial art. With Martin
Schon, Diirer and Holbein the mind had been as active
as the hand : later on mind became overmastered by
technique, and the inward substance was lost sight of,
until at last dry mechanical industrialism took the
place of genuine art work, and rapidly developed into
a mere process of money-making.
Diirer's influence continued to be felt for a long time
in the domain of copper and wood engraving, but not
one of his pupils and copyists possessed anything ap-
proaching to his ' rich, secret treasure of the heart,'
and none of them could in any way come up to their
master. As soon as his influence ceased, German
art lost all claim to originality in any important sense
of the word. In Hans Sebald and Bartel Beham,
Diirer's immediate pupils,1 we still note great truth
to nature and much fresh individuality, as well as
considerable inventive fancy in decorative design of all
1 See Seibt, p. 6 ff.
COPPER-ENGRAVING AND WOODCUTS 173
sorts for goldsmith's work. The two Behams, James
Binck, George Penz and Albert Altorfer ' did all their
work,' says Quad en von Kinckelbach, * chiefly from life,'
whereas with the later artists, such as Kornelis Bosch,
Kornelis Mathys, Virgil Solis, and others, life had been
gradually lost sight of and ' the spirit of cleverness and
superficiality ' had insinuated itself, until at last ' the
reins had been entirely given to this spirit,' and the
' old art had been trampled under foot.' l
The figures were manufactured in mere outward
imitation of Italian models, or else after the fashion
of the versatile Henry Goltzius who produced such a
multitude of pictures, remarkable for wonderful tech-
nical skill, but for the most part mawkish and soulless.2
One of the most prolific artists of the first half of the
century was Anton von Worms, who in the course of
twelve years prepared more than a thousand drawings
for woodcuts ; he still clung with a certain amount
of tenacity to the traditions of early German art.3
In the second half of the century Virgil Solis of Nurem-
berg, Tobias Stimmer of Schaffhausen, and Jost Amman
of Zurich, were distinguished by ' inexhaustible pro-
1 Quaden von Kinckelbach, pp. 430-431 ; cf. p. 403. ' The predilec-
tion for pagan subjects, for " antique forms," for plastic treatment of
the human figure for its own sake, was introduced into German art chiefly
through the young Nuremberg engravers, and it led, on the one hand,
to a cold, academic style ; while, on the other, it degenerated into
obscenity ' (M. Friedlander, A. Altdorfer [Leipzig, 1891], p. 82). ' It
was the siren-calls from the land of the antique ideal of beauty which
brought this change about, and the Nuremberg school plunged German
art into the snares of mannerism ' (C. v. Liitzow in Oesch. der deutschen
Kunst, iv. 198).
- Notable examples of this mannerism, which had already set in with
Lucas of Leyden, are the latter's ' Siindenfall, the first case of fratricide,'
and ' Adam and Eve by the corpse of Abel ' (Woltmann, Malerei, ii. 534).
3 See above, p. 151, n. 2 ; Butsch, i. 53-54.
174 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
ductiveness in work of all sorts.' Solis was not only
a copper- engraver, but also an etcher, a modeller, a
painter, and an illuminator ; he wrote under his
portrait :
Mit Moln, Stechen, Dluminirn,
Mit Reissen, Atzen, und Visirn,
Es that mir keiner gleicli mit Arbeit fein,
Drum heiss ich billig Solis allein.1
With painting and illuminating,
Engraving, drawing, etching, emblazoning,
None can come near me in delicate work :
Well, therefore, am I called Solis alone.
Of Amman it was said by his pupil, George Keller
of Frankfort-on-the-Main, that in four years he had
made ' enough drawings to fill an enormous hay- cart.5 2
Stimmer executed over 1,300 plates, among which were
nearly 300 likenesses of scholars and other celebrities.3
1 Mittheilungen der kaiserl. Centralcommission, v. 144.
2 Waldau, Vermischte Beitrdge, iii. 305 ff. For the bookseller, Sig-
niund Feyerabend, at Frankfort-on-the-Main, Amman executed after
1564 ' within twenty-four years, illustrations for such a quantity of works
that it is scarcely conceivable how a publisher could be in a position to
undertake so much.' That ' the woodcuts were in demand without
reference to the text is shown by Feyerabend' s enterprise in publishing
the favourite plates of the master in a separate work.' In an enlarged
edition of Amman's Kunst und Lehrbiichlein (1599) there are no fewer
than 296 plates (0. Becker, Jost Amman, Zeichner und Formschneider,
Kupferatzer und Steelier [Leipzig, 1854], p. v. ft'. ; ** see also Von Hefner -
Altencck, ' Dber den Maler, Kupferstecher und Formschneider Jost
Amman,' in the Sitzungsberichtev. Milnch. Akad. Hist. Kl. 1878, u. Lebens-
crinnerungen, p. 254 ft.).
** ' See Andresen, iii. 7-217 ; Heller, pp. 702-703. Concerning Stimmer
see Stolberg, ' E. Stimmers Malereien an der astronomischen Miinsteruhr
zu Strassburg ' (Studien z. deutschen Kunstgesch. 13). Worthy of men-
tion as a curiosity are the Prosopographia heroum atque illustrium virorum
totius Germankt, published by the Basle physicist, Heinrich Pantaleon
(1565-1566), in three parts (folio). He begins with Adam, protoplastus ;
then comes Noah, qui et Janus dicitur, and immediately after Tuisco,
Germanorum conditor [i.e. Tuisco, the father of the Germans). The
Saviour stands between Eric, King of Sweden and Gothland, and the
Vandal King Strumiko (part i. pp. 91-95). Most wonderful of all are
COPPER-ENGRAVING AND WOODCUTS 175
But with all three artists skill and swiftness led to
superficial reproduction of ideas without thoroughness
and clearness of understanding or drawing.
The addition of title-page borders, ornamental
letters and pictures, both to religious and popular
books, was still, as in the Middle Ages, considered as
a matter of course. Authors and publishers of the
different writings often exchanged these artistic adjuncts
among one another ; in Catholic and Protestant books,
whose authors were fiercely pitted against each other,
we do not seldom find one and the same set of illus-
trations ; for instance, in a Frankfort edition of the
Lutheran translation of the Bible of 1533-1534, and in
the Catholic translation of the Bible by Dietenberger
of the same date.1
Among the Catholic books of instruction and
devotion the catechisms and prayer-books of the
Jesuit Father Canisius were especially well supplied
with woodcuts : the larger German Catechism printed
at Dillingen in 1575, together with the prayer-book,
has eighty-eight illustrations in half-size plates ; the
Greek translation of the smaller Latin Catechism, of
1613, published at Augsburg, has 104, a French trans-
lation of the following year, eighty-four, and one
destined for China of the year 1617, more than 100.2
the Prosopa. At the beginning of each biographical account stands the
bust of the hero, and very frequently the same picture is made to do
duty for ten or more characters. Thus, for instance, the CarmeUte
Provincial, Johannes Meyer (about 1565), looks exactly like the pre-
Christian ' Philosopher Zamolxis,' and Heligast, the Sicambrian priest
of idols, just like the Cologne professor of theology, Matthias Aquensis,
and also like Rudolf Agricola. The last vir illustris is Heinrich Pantaleon
himself.
1 See Wedewer, p. 451 ff.
2 According to catalogues by Rosenthal in Munich and Weigel in
Leipzig.
176 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
That these artists had neither great wealth of
ideas nor lively power of imagination, is shown by the
hundreds of woodcuts, often praised as ' clever Bible-
pictures,' executed by Virgil Solis for the Frankfort
edition of the Lutheran translation of 1561, by Tobias
Stimmer for the Basle edition of 1576.1 Scarcely
** ' See Meyer, ' Die Bibelillustration in der zweiten Halite des sech-
zehnten Jahrhunderts,' in the Zeitschr. fiir allgcm. Gestih. iv. 178-182.
Side by aide with his faults Stirmner's merits are here discussed, but they
are sometimes emphasised too strongly. On the general question of
Bible illustration in the second half of the sixteenth century, Meyer
says, loc. cit. iv. 167 : ' The fine proportion between the incidents repre-
sented and their surroundings, between figures and landscape, or archi-
tecture, which gives us so much pleasure in Diirer and Holbein, disap-
pears little by little ; accessory matter gains more and more importance,
and, moreover, as a rule, at sacrifice of the main subject, the persons or
events represented. Brilliancy of outward effect and elegance (?) remain ;
but the spiritual substance dwindles more and more, and the harmony
between spirit and form, between idea and outward shape — the mark of
true classicism — goes out. Great results attained by simple means become
rarer and rarer, while more and more frequently we meet with artists
who, with all their abundance and pomp of matter, their crowds of figures,
their luxurious architecture, still leave the eye unsatisfied.' The Bible
pictures of Virgil Solis ' have in the main the above-mentioned charac-
teristics of the epoch, without, however, ever rising above the average
merit of these.' Concerning ' the excesses ' of Solis, ' whereby he over-
stepped the boundaries of what is permissible and even desirable in art,'
see Meyer, pp. 179-180. Jost Amman suffered from ' the tendency to over-
load his pictures with figures and incident.' 'A highly fantastic element in
his decorative art reminds one almost of the age of Rococo. He is almost
entirely wanting in capacity to produce great results with simple means.'
The Virgin Mary receives the salutation of the angel in sumptuous attire.
In the picture of John the Baptist there are ' so many newly baptised
people putting on their shifts and stockings that one seems almost to be
looking at a bathing-place.' In Amman's representation of the parable
of the mote and the beam ' the appearance of the man with the beam in
his eye is most comical. The beam is exactly half as long as its bearer,
who yet does not seem to notice it, so engrossed is he in taking out the
shorter splinter from his brother's eye,' and so forth (pp. 180-182). Tobias
Stimmer is much more favourably criticised, especially as regards technique:
' He handled his landscapes and more ideal scenes in a masterly manner '
(pp. 182-185). ' This whole period,' says Meyer (p. 186), ' cannot be
better characterised than in the words of Louis Richtcr : " When the
COPPER-ENGRAVING AND WOODCUTS 177
one of these woodcuts shows any elevation, still less
grandeur, of conception. Poverty of mind and of
artistic sense is especially conspicuous, in both the Bible
editions, in the treatment of the Prophets. The
marvellous grandeur and spiritual inspiration of Isaiah,
proclaiming in words of thunder the divine judgment
on the crimes of the rulers and the sins of the people
in an age which greatly resembled the sixteenth century,
is represented by Stimmer in the person of an infirm
old man, to whom a little angel with a pair of fire- tongs
is handing a glowing coal, while in the background
another old man, representing God the Father, with
a long beard and royal robes of state, is looking on at
the performance. To this picture the poet John
Fischart, who supplied 170 pictures ' with rhymes for
the edification of God-fearing hearts,' appended the
following doggerel :
How keen a prophet must have been
Isaiah, in this picture is seen,
For on his mouth an angel bright
A coal from off God's altar lays :
Hence the pure truth of Christ he says.1
idea takes shape in beautiful and living form, when the word becomes
flesh, then the summit, the classic height, is reached. Invariably, how-
ever, the spiritual essence recedes more and more, and at last nothing
remains but the dead flesh. This is the regular course of all art history."
1 Newly published by George Hirth in Munich and Leipzig, 1S81.
In the Ark of the Covenant Fischart's verses run as follows :
Die Lad des Bunds saint Gnadenstulil
Ward gziert mit Engeln, wies Gott gfuhl,
Und audi der iibergulte Tiscli
Mit guldnen Gschirren zugeriist :
Welchs als auf Christum Deitnus ist.
The Ark of the Covenant with the mercy- seat
Were adorned with angels, as it pleased God,
And also the table with gold overlaid
With vessels of gold was furnished ;
Which all is a type of Christ.
** Cf. L. G(eiger) in the Beil. zur Allgemein. Zeitung, 1881, No. 205.
VOL. XI. N
178 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
When the Wittenberg printer, Christopher Walter,
said disparagingly of the Frankfort edition brought
out by Sigmund Feyerabend,1 that it contained lewd
figures and abominable pictures,2 he did it injustice ;
only from the Catholic standpoint could the polemical
plates designed for the Apocalypse 3 be described as
' abominable and extraordinary.'
In Amman's ' Wappen- und Stammbuch ' 4 the
pictorial merit is, in most of the woodcuts, on a level
with the poetical merit of the verses which explain
the illustrations ; thus, for instance, ' Die Melancholie,'
a miserable performance when compared with its
namesake by Diirer, has the following verses attached
to it :
Far out, far out my fancy wings,
Conceiving many wondrous things.
Mislead me not if you're my friend,
Or you will render me crack-brained.
No joy brings me the children's laughter,
Nor cackling that the hens make after
Laying eggs. Oh let me in this mood remain,
Or you will have but little gain !
Under a revolting picture of Bacchus are the lines :
Hail to thee, Bacchus, thou noble boy,
Of gods the gift, of man the joy."'
With Amman and Stimmer German wood- engraving
as a means of illustration and ornamentation came to
an end. All designs and forms degenerated. In Basle,
Strassburg, Augsburg, Nuremberg, and other towns,
where, in the fifteenth century and down to the middle
of the sixteenth century, quantities of ornamental
works both great and small had issued from the printing-
1 Biblia, das ist die gantze Id. Schrijt Teutsch, 1561.
2 Cf. Archiv fur Gesch. des deutschen Buchhandels, ii. 50-51 ; Pall-
mann, p. 10.
3 See above, pp. 63, 64. 4 Frankfort edition of 1589. 5 Bl. N. Qt
DECAY OF ART 179
houses, nothing more of any note was produced. Even
in important works, such as the edition of Hans Sachs
published at Nuremberg by Leonard Heussler (1578-
1591), there is nothing in the way of ornamentation,
beside some worthless Gothic initials, but borders and
colophons ; and as these were manufactured with
mould-cutters, they could scarcely lay any claim to
artistic merit. Almost everywhere people were content
with bad imitation of earlier German or French work.1
Thus, towards the end of the sixteenth century
all grand monumental art, whether connected with the
Church or with public life, all high-class sculpture and
painting, as well as wood and copper engraving, had,
with few exceptions, lost all originality and creative
force, and were approaching their end. Nevertheless,
there were still at the time learned folk whose opinion
was summed up in the following lines :
'Twas said in former years whene'er
The arts the theme of talkers were,
To such high pitch these had been brought
That nothing higher could be wrought.
Yet I to-day declare no ground
Whatever in such talk is found,
For true appearance showeth me
The opposite correct to be,
Whereas all arts have better grown
Than any that before were known.'2
1 Fuller details concerning the falling-off of the printing-houses in
the different towns in Butsch, i. 23 ff. ; ii. 24 ff. From as early a date
as 1535 ' we no longer find in any German printing-house the clever
ornamental alphabets of the old German masters replaced by modern
ones of equal merit. The worn-out types and blocks are still in con-
stant use ' (ibid. ii. 19 ; cf. ii. 29). ' In Germany, its actual home, the art
of wood-engraving sank lower and lower, so that it became impossible to
print anything but copper-plates in books.' ' Woodcuts were only fit
for calendars, popular leaflets, and street placards of the roughest kind '
(Falke, Geschmack, p. 161).
2 Theatrum oder Schawlvch allerlei Werckzeug und Riistungen, by
N 2
180 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
As a matter of fact there was only one sphere of
activity in which any real artistic work had even a
share, and this was not a national concern, and in
no way benefited the people at large.
James Besson, translated from Latin into German (Mompelgard, 1595),
Bl. A. 2b. Woltmann (Aus vier JahrMinderten, p. 27) will not allow that
' the national art was not in a nourishing condition about 1618.' It
was not till the Thirty Years' War, he says, that the decadence set in.
Liibke sums up his opinion concerning the German Renaissance as follows
in the Beilage zur Allgem. Zeitung, 1887, No. 357 : ' We must not expect
to find in it the noble distinction of the Italian work, or the delicate
grace of the French. Its prevalent characteristics are not only a per-
sistent reiteration of mediaeval forms, of late Gothic construction and
decorative elements, but also, on the whole, a tendency to complexity,
gaudiness, caprice, and coarseness.' But what this ' Renaissance ' art
lacks in artistic harmony and organic structure, in systematic adhesion
to law, it makes up for ' abundantly by its inexhaustible fecundity,
variety, freshness, and vitality.' Whatever influence Italy, France, and
the Netherlands may have had on our art at that period, it still possessed
an original force which assimilated everything into its own flesh and
blood ; and from about 1530 clown to the outbreak of the unholy Thirty
Years' War it brought forth a world of manifold creations, in which we
are delightfully aware of a genuine love of creation, a joyous sense of
newly acquired political security and religious freedom, a vital pleasure
in honest burgher life.' Of this so-called ' newly acquired political and
religious freedom,' this ' vital pleasure,' &c., there is no evidence to be
found in contemporary records, but only evidence of the opposite.
181
CHAPTER IX
SECTION VI. MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT
For the secondary arts also the fifteenth century
had been the actual golden epoch. These, however,
had enjoyed an exuberant after-blossoming, while the
higher arts were on the decline, and had then stood
in the forefront of art-creativeness. Goldsmiths and
silversmiths, jewellers, ivory-cutters, armourers, en-
gravers, found plentiful employment in supplying the
luxurious needs of the wealthy classes, and they pro-
duced in abundance choice and costly objects of solid
excellence. The goldsmith's art, which, in the Middle
Ages had done real wonders, surpassing even the works
of the Greeks, was the longest to retain its place of
honour ; down to the beginning of the seventeenth
century the goldsmiths produced objects of art, gene-
rally brilliantly enamelled, far superior even to the
achievements of the earlier period.1 In its main
1 See F. Luthuier, ' Zur Geschichte des Geschnieides,' in the Feuilleton
of the Frankfurter Zeitung of May 8, 1888. The goldsmith's work of the
sixteenth century served, above all, as a channel for man's love of a
picturesque personal appearance. The element of colour appears trium-
phantly in the foreground, and gives its special character to Renaissance
ornaments. ** ' What is still preserved,' says J. v. Falke, ' is altogether
such as to give us a high idea both of the perfection of the art, of the
purity of taste of the period, and of the quantity and the richness of the
objects executed. And yet it would be a mistake to suppose that all
that was most admired, or even all the best work of the whole century,
has been preserved to us. On the contrary, if we read the contemporary
accounts of famous masters of the period and their works, if we look
182 HISTORY OF TF1E GERMAN PEOPLE
forms, moreover, the goldsmith's art adhered the
longest to the old traditions of the Gothic.
Munich, Augsburg and Nuremberg were the chief
centres of its activity. The treasures of the Church
of St. Michael and the ' rich chapel ' at Munich bear
eloquent witness to the ' wonderfully subtle manner
in which the goldsmiths worked.' ]
Augsburg was regarded as the actual centre and
high school of the art. The goldsmiths' guild there,
in 1588, counted 170 masters, and the number went on
increasing down to the Thirty Years' War. Each
master was allowed three companions and one appren-
tice ; in the year 1602 as many as thirty new apprentices
were enrolled ; the influx of foreign journeymen was
so large that in the town churchyards special burial
quarters were allotted to them.2 Among the numerous
through the numerous inventories of treasures of distinguished families,
still preserved in the archives, inventories of hundreds of objects of which
not a single atom has survived to the present day, we shall at once become
convinced that we possess nothing more than fragments — and, relatively
speaking, inferior fragments — of the jewellery and the goldsmith's art
of the German Renaissance ' (Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, v. 126).
1 ' The flourishing condition of the goldsmiths' art under Albert V.
is specially shown by an inventory of all those objects of art which Albert
declared to be the inalienable possessions of the Bavarian princely family,
and which represented a solid value of 213,000 florins. How important
a sum this was for the period is shown from the fact that a jewel casket,
valued in 1565 at 12,618 florins, was priced at 173,810 florins in 1845 '
(Stockbauer, pp. 85-88). See also Hainhofer, pp. 61-67, 84-105. ** Cf. in
addition J. H. v. Hefner-Alteneck. Detitsche Goldschmiede Arbeiter des
sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, Frankfort, 1890, and Lebenserinnerungen, p. 107 ff.
See also Janitschek, Repertorinm, xiv. 522-524, and Zimmermann, Die
bildenden Kiinste am Hofe Herzog Albrechts V. von Bayern (Strassburg,
1895), p. 86 ff.
- Fuller details in A. Buff, ' Das Augs burger Kunstgewerbe,' in the
Beil. zur Allgem. Zeitung, 1887, No. 258 ff. In 1618 the number of Augs-
burg goldsmiths had risen to 200 (Von Liitzow, Zeitschr. xx. 83, note).
With regard to other towns it is said, for instance, that in 1618 at Frank -
fort-on-the-Main there were forty-eight goldsmiths besides 118 jewellers
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT 183
goldsmiths of Nuremberg,1 Wenzel, Albrecht and
Christopher Jamnitzer, and Jonas Silber attained the
highest renown. In accordance with the general spirit
of the age and the craving for luxuries, the principal
work of the goldsmiths consisted in the manufacture
of all sorts of costly drinking-cups and ornaments ; the
most distinguished painters and copper-engravers, such
as Hans Holbein, Hans Miielich, Jost Amman, and
others drew the designs for them ; Bernard Zan made
more than fifty designs for beakers and goblets. -
What Aloisius von Orelli wrote in the second half of
the sixteenth century, viz. ' that since the inhibition of
all religious pictures and pictures of saints, the walls
of dwelling-rooms had been hung with drinking -vessels
of all sizes and shapes,' did not apply to Zurich only.
' Wealthy houses,' he said, ' possess large capital in
quantities of silver-gilt drinking-vessels, goblets, bowls,
and so forth, and among these objects there is much
admirable work.' ' The large drinking-vessels are in
the shape of warriors, and horses or other animals,
which the possessor wears on his coat of arms.' ' The
articles on which most art and splendour were displayed
were the vessels used for eating and drinking.' 3
and ruby and diamond cutters (Kirchner, Oesch. von Frankfurt, ii. 465).
At Hermannstadt, in Transylvania, the goldsmiths' guild, in the six-
teenth century, numbered seventy to eighty masters (Mittheilungen der
kaiserl. Centralcommission, vi. 148). ** Respecting Konigsberg, see P.
Schwenke and K. Lange, Die Silberbibliothek Herzog Albrechts von Preussen,
und seiner Gemahlin Anna Maria, Leipzig, 1894. On the general ernes -
tion of art at the court of the Dukes of Prussia, see the copious work
with the same title by H. Ehrenberg, Berlin and Leipzig, 1899.
1 See Neudorffer, pp. 115, 124, 125, 126, 127, 159-160, 203-204 ;
J. Baader on Nuremberg goldsmiths, in Von Zahn's Jahrbiicher, i. 246-248.
- Andresen, iii. 257-262.
3 Scheible, Kloster, vi. 707, 708. Drinking-vessels were named
according to their special shapes : as, for instance, muscat or cocoanut,
184 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
One freak of fancy was to make sets of silver-plate
for the table {silberne Gesellschaften, as they were called),
with all the members of the family in their special
costumes represented on them. Wenzel Jamnitzer
(f 1588) executed a table-set — one of his most prized
works — consisting of a field-piece covered with flowers,
vegetables, reptiles, lizards and snakes, over which
rises a woman's figure typifying nature ; on her head
she carries a chalice-shaped vessel, from the middle of
which springs an urn full of flowers.1 ' What this
Jamnitzer and his brother Albrecht produced in the
way of animals, reptiles, plants and snails 2 of silver
wherewith to decorate silver table-sets,' writes Neu-
dorfler, ' is beyond anything heard of before.' ' The
acorn, pear, grape, pelican, swan, cork, ship, and so forth. If the utensil
had the shape of an animal it was called by that animal's name. Others
made in the form of chalices were adorned with raised bumps or knots,
and are classed in all inventories under the head of ' Knorrechte Becher '
(embossed). Other kinds, again, were of burlesque or fantastic shapes,
such as monks, nuns, fools, and so forth. ' Sometimes the shapes appear
so inconvenient for drinking purposes that the supposition is these articles
must have been meant merely for ornaments. There were some even
to which was attached machinery for making them run about the table.
In the sixteenth century it was very common to have a kind of beaker
made out of coins ' (Becker and Von Hefner, i. 47). In the Dresden His-
torical Museum there is a silver drinking- vessel in the shape of a wheel,
barrow, in which lies a dwarf with a cap and bells (Frenzel, p. 11).
1 At present in the Rothschild Museum at Frankfort-on-the-Main.
** Jamnitzer's principal work, an immense table-set, called ' Lustbrunnen,'
which he began by order of Maximilian II. and completed for his suc-
cessor, has unfortunately disappeared (J. v. Falke in the Gesch. der deut-
schen Kunst, v. 128). Likewise it is unknown what has become of Wenzel
Jamnitzer's work for Archduke Ferdinand (cf. Schonherr in the Mittheil.
des Instit. fiir Osterr. Gesch. ix. 289-305). Some letters of Wenzel Jam-
nitzer from the Litteralia of the former Obermiinster monastery at
Ratisbon (now in the keeping of the General Imperial Archives custodian
at Munich) were published by Anton Miiller in the Hist. Jahrb. xviii.
857 ff.
2 Blumenstrausse ; cf. Liibke, Renaissance, i. 105.
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT 185
leaves and grasses are all so fine and delicate that even
a puff of breath will set them in motion.' 1 A relative
of these brothers, Christopher Jamnitzer, made a
table- set of silver-gilt representing an elephant carry-
ing a tower and led by a fool ; in the tower were
fighting warriors. Jonas Silber executed a goblet with
a richly embellished cover and pedestal which repre-
sented a sort of world history in all manner of scenes. 2
A master of the very first rank — far surpassing
perhaps all contemporary goldsmiths — was the West-
phalian Anton Eisenhut, born at Warburg in 1554.
The works which he executed in 1588 for the Prince-
Bishop of Paderborn, Theodore of Fiirstenberg, show,
even in the handling of Gothic forms, high artistic
and technical perfection. His chief works are two
silver bindings for a Roman Pontifical and a Cologne
missal, a' silver-gilt crucifix exquisitely constructed and
richly embellished, a silver-gilt chalice of equal delicacy
and beauty, and a kettle for holy water, with a sprinkling
brush so artistically devised that it stands almost alone
among all works of this kind.3
1 Neudorffer, p. 126. 2 Ferster, iii. 40-41.
3 Fuller details in J. Lessing, Die Silberarbeiten von Anton Eisenhoit
aus Warburg (with an introductory guide and fourteen photographic
plates), Berlin, 1880 ; Liibke, Kunstwerke, pp. 507-519 ; J. B. Nordhoff,
Jahrbuch des Vereins fur AUerthumsfreunde im Rheinlande, Heft 67,
p. 137 ff. Nordhoff was the first to point out the great importance of this
work of Eisenhut, in the possession of the Count of Fiirstenberg, in his
Herdringen castle, in the Beilage zur Allg. Ztg. 1878, No. 82. What
numbers of treasures also, in different branches of art belonging to the
sixteenth century, are to be found and criticised in Westphalia, has been
lately shown by that admirable work by the same author, Kunst- und
Geschichts-DenkmiiUr des Kreises Warendorf, Miinster, 1886. Many of
the finest sacred works date from the middle of the sixteenth century.
** It is, moreover, certain that the goldsmith's art was no longer in the
same recmest as in earlier times for religious objects. J. v. Falke (Gesch.
der deutschen Kunst, v. 133) remarks in this connection : ' Protestantism,
186 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Military arms, too, which., with drinking-vessels,
were the most coveted treasures, were also embellished
with costly ornamentation by workers in gold and by
ivory- carvers ; for the hilts and sheaths especially
every possible mode of decoration was invented.1
In place of the earlier armouries, the great lords
made collections of weapons and had suits of armour
made for them as articles of luxury : not for the battle-
field but for ' parade.' Thus, for instance, Rudolf II.,
who never once showed himself in the field, had a
splendid suit of armour which, with its picturesque
ornamentation, was a marvel of the arts of goldsmithery
and armoury. Several German armourers executed
for the Kings of Spain and France ' parade ' suits of
silver inlaid with gold and precious stones, and most
luxuriantly ornamented. From Augsburg, a chief centre
of artistic metal- work, there was a specially large export
trade in costly suits of armour to all countries. The
Elector Christian I. of Saxony paid 14,000 thalers for
one of these suits.1' What great results were achieved
with its small need for ornament and church utensils, robbed the gold-
smith's art of a large part of its field of labour.'
** ' Concerning the spread of the art of etching, cf. C. v. Lutzow in
the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst, iv. 221-223.
2 Von Stetten, i. 492. Among the most exquisite of these suits of
armour is reckoned one belonging to the Saxon Elector Christian II.,
which is now in the Dresden Museum ; see the description in Frenzel,
p. 89. This same Elector also had saddles and saddle-coverings made
in the most costly style. In one of his parade-suits the pommel of the
saddle consists of a large golden-topaz ; the spurs, stirrups, and knee-caps
are covered all over with garnets, and two swords, which hang on either
side, are also richly ornamented with garnets, as well as amethysts, rubies,
and other stones. The widow of the Elector Christian I., in 1608, made
Duke John George a present of a German saddle and saddle-case ' em-
broidered all over with pearls ' (Frenzel, p. 114). ** See also C. Gurlitt,
Deutsche Turniere, Ritstungen und Plattner (Dresden, 1889) ; W. Boeheim,
' Augsburger Waffenschmiede, ihre Werke und ihre Beziehung zum kaiser-
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT 187
in Augsburg in artistic ironwork is sufficiently shown by
an ironwork armchair made by Thomas Rucker and
ornamented with all sorts of ingenious devices, which
the Augsburg town council presented to the Emperor
Rudolf II.1
The fashionable world of Germany was inoculated
from Italy with a taste for all sorts of articles that tended
to personal glorification : medallions, memorial coins,
and kindred objects.2 Work of this sort, executed in
the Italian spirit, belongs in its way to the best achieve-
ments ever attained by German art. In the department
of heraldry, however, the all-pervading Renaissance
spirit produced only confusion.3
All objects destined for the personal use of the great,
lichen und anderen Hofen,' in the Jahrbuch der kunsthistor. Sammlungen
des iisterr. Kaiserhauses, xii. 165 ff. ; xiii. 202 ff. ; xiv. 329 ff. ; as also
A. Buff, ' Aug.-sburge"r Plattner der Renaissancezeit,' in the Beilage zur
Allgem. Zeitung, 1892, No. 228, 229, 230. Boeheim has also treated the
subject of the Nuremberg armourers, their works and their relations to
the imperial and other courts, in the Jahrb. der kunsthistor. Sammlungen
des allerh. Kaiserhauses, xvi. 364 ff.
1 Von Stetten, i. 492-493. Cf. Liibke, Renaissance, i. 110-112 ; Ebe,
i. 80 ; Falke, Geschmack, p. 126 ff. ; Forster, iii. 42. ** ' At this period
bronze was not so much the material in request by the goldsmith's art,
as iron. Up till then a material used only in the blacksmith's forge,
iron, in the sixteenth century, entered into such close connection with
the nobler metals that in many cases it is not possible to decide to which
branch of handicraft to relegate it ' (J. v. Falke in the Gesch. der deutschen
Kunst, v. 136 ; see pp. 136-141).
2 Liibke, Plastik, ii. 774.
3 See in this connection the important work, Heraldisches ABC-
Buch, by Dr. Karl Ritter von Mayer (Munich, 1857), p. 98 ff. At
p. 427 ff. the author draws a parallel between the development of heraldry
and that of Gothic art. Diirer still paints his coats of arms according
to a fixed method on a geometrical basis. Later on the style degenerated
into pure rococo. The change is also perceptible in seals. In Gothic
times they were made on architectonic principles. During the Renais-
sance they become arbitrary ornaments. Cf. Reichensperger, Finger-
zeige, &c, pp. 109-110. The mediaeval seal-cutters were among the most
distinguished artists.
188 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
or even only for the embellishment of their houses,
' were made with such inordinate costliness,' says a
contemporary, ' that everybody wondered how much
time and money were wasted upon them.' ! At Inns-
bruck the gun-maker, Wiguleus Elsasser, and three of
his journeymen were once employed for a whole year
on the fabrication of a gorgeous state-litter for the
Archduke Ferdinand.1' For an ebony writing-table,
manufactured at Augsburg, with ten gold-embossed
shields representing stories, landscapes and stag-hunts,
Ferdinand paid the carpenter and the goldsmith in
1587 nearly 1,200 florins.3 A side-board table, made
in 1568 for Duke Albert V. of Bavaria, cost him the
enormous sum of 8,202 florins.4 The Elector Ferdinand
of Cologne ordered of Hainhofer in Augsburg, in 1612,
for Cardinal Borghese, a writing-table which was to
cost from 2,000 to 3,000 thalers.5 At the making of a
cupboard, finished in 1616, for Duke Philip II. of
Pomerania, no less than twenty-four artists and artisans
were employed, under the direction of the Augsburg
art carpenter, Ulrich Paumgartner. This cupboard,
which was to some extent a compendium of the collec-
tive art work of that period, is made of ebony, covered
with innumerable precious stones, pictures, sculpture
and silver decorations; it is adorned with figures of
1 Von der Werlte Eitelkeit, Bl. Bb. 2 Hirn, i. 378, note 3.
:1 Hirn, ii. 437. For other very artistic cupboards made at Augs-
burg, see Von Stetten, i. 114. Daniel Schicker, in 1G00, did ' some ex-
cellent work in inlaid historical pictures.' The Augsburg smelter, George
Renner, invented the first inlaying mill for the fine sawing of the rarer
kinds of wood used for inlaying work. The joiners would no longer
do any common work, as the writing-tables made by them met with such
great approval (Von Stetten, ii. 36-37).
4 L. Westenrieder, Baierischer histor. Kalender fiir 1788, viii. 10 ff.
3 Zeitschr. des histor. Vereins fiir Schwaben und Neuburg, viii. 10 ff.
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT 189
griffins with weapons in silver or silver-gilt, allegorical
figures of the fine arts in silver bas-relief, female figures
performing music, little boys with musical instruments,
insects made of silver, the elements and the seasons in
painted enamel, mythological representations in medal-
lions, and, to crown all, a silver-gilt representation
of Mount Parnassus. The inside is fitted up with
portraits of the ducal family and other oil paintings,
mosaics, musical clocks, and other ' precious art pro-
ductions.' ] The Dresden art carpenter, Hans Schiffer-
stein, after twenty years' work, so it is said, completed
a cupboard of ebony and Konigsholz (a kind of pine-
wood) : it was decorated with ivory ornaments and
carved figures, and contained over 100 drawers ;
also a small piano or spinette, and a map of the world
engraved on ivory.2 ' Artistic carpentry ' stood every-
where in such high esteem that at Halle-on-the-Saale,
in the year 1616, Augustine Stellwagen, who was con-
demned to be hanged for a theft of silver, was let off
because he was an ' art carpenter.' 3
During the Middle Ages house furniture had been
of a thoroughly simple kind, but artistically beautiful.
Bannisters and ceilings, doors and windows, tables and
chairs, cupboards and chests, locks, stoves, and lamps
all bore witness to the fine taste and skilful hand of the
workman ; even the commoner utensils and articles of
furniture were characterised by fitness and beauty, and
had in them something special and individual, which
pleased the eye and satisfied the aesthetic sense. The
ancient simplicity had, however, long since disap-
1 In the Art Industrial Museum at Berlin. See Forster, iii. 41-44 ;
Lubke, Renaissance, i. 99-100.
2 Frenzel, pp. 9-10. 3 Schonermark, p. 411, note.
190 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
peared, when in 1543 Hans Sachs enumerated 300
articles which ' belonged almost to every house,' and
like the state saloon and the state kitchen were the
highest pride of a noble family. Then soon came the
craze for all sorts of meaningless, bombastic display ;
in industrial art as in architecture, decoration ran wild. '
This degeneracy of the decorative art is a notable
sign of the prevalent spirit of the age, for decoration is
just as much an expression of contemporary conditions
of culture, a mirror of national life, as are the higher
arts, and as is literature. So long as a nation is fired
with a genuinely artistic spirit, its decorative work is
always in close connection with the object decorated ;
between the object and its decoration there exists a
symbolic relationship ; ornament has artistic form and
real meaning. This was the case with the ancient
Greeks in their golden epoch of art ; such also was the
case in the best periods of the Middle Ages. In the
new art methods, however, no regard was paid to the
inner appropriateness of ornamentation. Even Hans
Holbein was guilty of mixing figures of sphinxes with
pictures of saints ; round a figure of Christ, with all the
sick and the poor coming to Him, he placed all sorts of
musical instruments.2 In Durer's exquisite borders
1 Comparing the whole range of so-called Renaissance decorative art
with the Gothic art, Van Eye says, in Eggers, vi. 118 : ' Ornamentation,
whose basic forms had expanded by their own nature and energy to
their utmost limits and could develop no further, was compelled to seek
new ground-forms from which to evolve fresh decorative varieties.'
' These were found in the traditions of antiquity.' ' The question, how-
ever, arises whether the same formative energy was present. The history
at the back of later achievements gives a decided negative answer.' ' The
later ornamentation never accomplished results such as the Gothic had
produced.' And yet the chief excellence of the Renaissance lies in its
ornamentation.
- Woltmann, Holbein, ii. 297-298.
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFT 191
to the prayer-book of the Emperor Maximilian I. all
the ideas and conceits are kept in strict subjection
to the thought of the prayer ; playful and amusing
accessories help, by contrast, to bring out all the
earnestness and sublimity of the subject,1 whereas the
decorations executed by Lucas Cranach for a prayer-
book seem meaningless, eccentric, and tasteless in com-
parison.2
A few decades later Daniel Hopfer went to the
wildest extremes of confusion in his decorative designs :
caricatures and animal monsters in combination with
Renaissance elements, with vases, foliage, fruits, and
naked human figures of repulsive hideousness.3
In the free domain of art every kind of caprice
was to be allowed. The so-called minor masters made
innumerable designs for all branches of minor art,
for utensils and vessels, table-sets, plates, goblets,
salt-cellars, and so forth.4 These objects are decorated
I See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 252, 253.
- Schuchardt, Cranach, ii. 98-100 ; see also iii. 173, 331.
II Falke, Oeschmach, pp. 119-120. ' In this wild confusion of mind he
is a veritable child of the first effervescent period of the Reformation.'
4 Whereas ' all subtile and liberal arts have lapsed into veritable
decay and ruin,' the Strassburg painter Heinrich Vogtherr published in
the year 1545 Ein fremdes und wunderbares Kunstbuchlin alien Malern,
Bildschnitzern, Goldschmieden, Steinmetzen, Schreinern, Plattnern, Waffen-
und Messer Schmieden hochniitzlich zu gebrauchen, dergleich vor nie kein ge-
sehen oder in den Druclc Icommen ist (getruckt zu Strassburg bei Jacob Friilich)
(' A strange and wonderful art booklet for the use of all painters, carvers,
goldsmiths, stonemasons, joiners, armourers, and forgers of weapons and
knives, the hke of which has never been seen or printed before : printed
at Strassburg by James Frolich'). He presented himself solemnly to the
public with the announcement : ' Grace, mercy, and peace from God the
Father and our Lord Jesus Christ,' ' to all lovers of the liberal graces and
arts given by God,' which he herewith presented in a ' summary or booklet
of all sorts of strange and difficult pieces which require a great deal of
imagination and thought.' By means of this little handbook of art ' dull
heads were to be helped and guided, the highly intelligent and inspired
192 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
with wreaths of foliage growing out of goats' skulls
and bits of armour, men turned into fish, fish into
branches and leaves, while the leaves shape themselves
into grinning faces. Objects of every description,
religious and mundane, domestic utensils, vessels of
wood or iron, of gold or clay, all alike were ornamented
in the same manner as representatives of ' antique '
art ; the decorators inaugurated a wholesale resurrection
of ancient mythology ; they ushered in a new epoch in
which the gods were decked with crowns, the goddesses
with fans and peacocks' feathers. There was also a
general rage for all sorts of extraordinary allegorical
pictures which were unintelligible to the people.
Any true sense of modelling and painting which the
artists may have had previously had altogether dis-
appeared after the middle of the century, when the
debased Italian taste poured like a flood over Germany.
All beauty of outline in pots, vases and other utensils
was lost under a mass of heavy exaggerated ornament.
The most extraordinary and incongruous objects were
seen in juxtaposition, or even mixed up together in
eccentric confusion : buildings, musical instruments,
festoons of flowers and fruit, pictures of human beings,
real and fabulous, amourettes, sirens and sphinxes,
tritons, dragons and monsters.
In connection with all these monstrosities there
appeared also at this juncture a new kind of ornamenta-
artists were to be encouraged and admonished to produce still higher
and more subtile works of art, out of brotherly love, in order that art
might once more rise up and attain to its true dignity and honour.' For
this purpose he introduces (see Woltmann, Kunst im Elsass, p. 314)
quantities of little woodcuts of all sorts of articles, helmets, harness,
arms of different kinds, candelabras, and rare and extraordinary head-
gear for men and women.
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFTS 193
tion called ' leather ornamentation,' which superseded
the foliage-work, the correct treatment of which was
no longer understood, and which consisted in imitation
straps bending, interlacing and winding under and over
each other. It was at first applied to buildings in so
far as stone could adapt itself to this treatment, and
later on to gold and iron work in the decoration of
borders and frames, and all articles of domestic car-
pentry.1 Whereas formerly industrial artists had made
it their aim and business to connect beauty with suit-
ability and usefulness, they now gave themselves up
to all sorts of useless and aimless trivialities, while with
them, as with the architects, decoration and ornament-
ation became the chief concern ; they devoted their
energies to all sorts of ingenuities, made jewel-cases,
wardrobes, writing-tables like small buildings with
columns, friezes, juttings and gables of all kinds, even
with portals ; frequently these objects were so con-
structed that the whole scheme of columns was set in
motion by the opening of the cupboards.1' In like pro-
fusion, and merely for show, they made utterly useless
tables, chairs, bedsteads, plates, dishes and goblets,
besides innumerable other worthless objects of art.3
1 See Falke, GescJimack, p. 123 ff., 162-165 ; Falke, Zur Kultur und
Kunst, pp. 204-205. ** Concerning the so-called ' bent ornament,' which
led immediately to the Baroque, see also J. v. Falke, in the Gesch. der
deutschen Kunst, v. 125. ' In Germany there appeared also at Cologne,
in 1599, a handbook on this kind of art (a Schweifbuch), drawn and etched
by Edelmann, containing cmantities of such ornaments which could be
applied at the discretion of the artist, and dedicated to all carpenters,
upholsterers, goldsmiths, and so forth.' See also A. Lichtwark, Der
Ornamentstich der deutschen Friihrenaissance, Berlin, 1888. Cf. W. von
Seidlitz in Von Liitzow, Zeitschr. xxiv. 22-232.
** 2 Cf. in this connection J. v. Falke in the Gesch. der deutschen Kunst,
v. 125.
3 Another art that flourished in Augsburg was the manufacture of
VOL. XI. 0
194 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
As in the period of decadent Greece and Koman
Csesarism, so at the time we are treating of, it was the
inordinate, limitless demands of luxury which called
forth articles of this sort. ]
In art pottery Augustine Hirsvogel of Nuremberg
was especially famous ; the flourishing pottery factory
at Nuremberg became as it were a high school for
German potters. ' From Venice,' so writes Neudorffer,
' Hirsvogel brought much art pottery work with him,
and he made Italian ovens, jugs and pictures after the
model of the antique, as though they were cast in
metal.' 2 He also executed a quantity of different
designs of vessels for goldsmiths or potters. The
handles of these vessels consist mostly of dolphins,
snakes, the horns of rams or satyrs, lions' feet, and
so on ; the vessels themselves are made to represent
a goat, a human leg, a male or female bust, and what
not.3
' Automata,' or self -moving articles. Achilles Langenbuclier, who in
reward of his skill was presented with the right of citizenship in 1610,
constructed ' self -working musical instruments which performed madrigals
and suchlike compositions. He even made a great instrument for a
church which performed a whole Vesper of 2,000 measures. He also
invented all sorts of mechanical toys representing dancing scenes, stag-
hunts, sheepfolds, and so forth ' (Von Stetten, i. 184-190). A peepshow,
made at Augsburg in 1586 for Ferdinand II., Archduke of Tyrol, repre-
sents a forest in which a huntsman with a dog is following a stag,
which is caught by a second huntsman. All these figures are moved by
mechanical clockwork, which is also supposed to imitate the cry of the
hound (Hirn, ii. 437, note).
1 Admired and gazed at as ' wonder works ' of German art, these
objects are still the attraction in private collections, treasuries, and
' Green Vaults.'
- Neudorffer, p. 151.
3 Fuller details on the many-sided activity of this artist in K. Fried-
rich's Augustin Hirsvogel als Topfer. Seine Gefassentwiirfe, Of en und
Glasgemulde, Nuremberg, 1885. ** See also J. v. Falke in the Gesch. der
devischen Kunst, v. 156-158. Concerning the curiosities in pottery-work
MINOR ARTS AND HANDICRAFTS 195
Nuremberg was also the actual home of an infinity
of small ' very wonderful curiosities,' by which the
artists, as in Greece at the time when high art was
decaying, exhibited their particular skill. In Greece,
for instance, the Lacedaemonian Kallikrates used to
make ivory emmets and other little animals of such
wonderful minuteness that the different limbs were not
visible to the naked eye. The Milesian Myrmekides
carved a four-in-hand equipage, the whole of which,
including the driver, could be covered with the wings
of a bee ; also a ship which could be concealed under
the wings of a bee.1 Ingenious toys of this sort were
constructed by Hieronymus Gartner of Nuremberg.
He carved ' out of a bit of wood, about the length of
the first finger, an agriot, or cherry, with its stalk, and
■ which was the greatest and most praiseworthy feat,
out of the same little piece of wood, a midge with wings
and feet, and all so perfect as if it was alive ; it was all
also so cunningly contrived that if one blew into it
only once the cherry-stalk and the midge were set in
movement.' 2 Peter Flotner also turned his mind to
producing something equally ' great and praise-
worthy; ' 'he carved on a cherry-stone 113 different
faces of men and women ; he also carved little animals
and flies on coral beads which looked as if they had
grown there.' Leo Bronner proved himself even more
in the sixteenth century, see Falke, Kuttur unci Kunst, pp. 255-284.
' The majolica fabrications of the Renaissance period, once in such high
repute, were already beginning to deteriorate towards the end of the
sixteenth century, partly owing to the dechne of the art and partly to
the greater popularity of Oriental porcelain and white glazing. In the
course of the seventeenth century majolica ware came altogether to an
end' (p. 291).
1 Pliny, Hist. not. book vii. chapter 21 ; book xxxvi. chapter 4.
- Neudorffer, pp. 115, 116.
o 2
196 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
ingenious. He took ' a cherry-stone and carved on it
eight different little heads or faces : as, for instance, an
emperor's, a king's, a prince's, a bishop's, &c, besides
an inscription in Latin letters and other ornamental
work (all which could be seen and read distinctly
through a magnifying glass), and on the same cherry-
stone over 100 articles of household furniture and
implements, such as tables, benches, chairs, dishes,
salt-cellars, knives, compasses, scissors, &c, of wood,
iron, tin, brass, each in right proportion with its winding
and motion, and nevertheless the stone was not quite
filled up.' ]
Such and similar ' most meritorious ingenuities,
never heard of before, and which even a Phidias would
have found it impossible to make,' were very popular.
The ducal art treasure- room at Munich was once pre-
sented with a work of art of the size of a Kreuzer (a
farthing) with ten faces, which had only four eyes
between them, and yet each face appeared to have
two.1'
1 Neudorffer, pp. 115, 110, 211. See Von Rettberg, Niimberger Brief e,
pp. 128-131, ** and Lange, Fliilner, p. 7.
~ Stockbauer, p. 121.
19'
CHAPTER X
SECTION VII. — ART COLLECTIONS OF THE PRINCES
In Germany at that time, as is the case with all nations
in periods of the decay of art, there was a strong ten-
dency to collect and preserve the treasures of centuries
of autochthonous work, and to make costly collections
of objects of art of all kinds. This practice prevailed
especially among the princes, whose outlays for the
purpose were out of all proportion to their revenues
and to the material prosperity of their territories.
One of the most renowned of these art collectors
was Duke Albert V. of Bavaria. He had become
acquainted in Italy with the excellence of the new art,
and he was anxious to model his own court after the
pattern of Italian princely courts ; like Lorenzo de'
Medici, he was styled the father of the Muses, the
Magnificent, the golden fountain which flooded and
fructified all intellectual domains ; his epoch was
praised as the Meclicean era in Bavaria. The treasures
collected by him form the groundwork of the later
court library, treasure-chamber, and collection of
coins ; by his purchases of antiques he laid the founda-
tion for the future Antiquarium. The old Pinakothek
also, the Glyptothek, and the ' Rich Chapel ' of the
Residence contain valuable acquisitions of this art-
loving prince.1 From the correspondence of Albert
1 ** See Rjezler, Geschichte Bay ems, iv. 481. For the Munich Library
198 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
with his agents it has come to light that the Duke was
often very badly used in regard to his costly purchases
of antiques : portraits to which he attached great
value in most cases bore false names.1 The Venetian
Nicolo Stoppio, who was commissioned to buy ' cele-
brated antiquities,' once sent in a consignment worth
7,163 florins; most of the articles, however, were
only ' faulty casts,' ' rubbishy stuff ; ' all the same his
services were retained and several hundred crowns
were forwarded to him from time to time.2
Another Italian was commissioned by the Duke to
buy up corals, shells, and specimens of enamelled glass,
but when his purchases arrived in Munich, Albert
saw that they were rubbish. ' They are worth nothing,'
he said, ' I wouldn't give ten farthings for them,' and
yet this art connoisseur also was later on again entrusted
with considerable sums.3 The news that the Countess
of Mont fort had given 100 thalers for a ' rusty brass
penny ' did not astonish the Duke. ' We can well
believe it,' he wrote, ' for we have ourselves experienced
the same sort of thing.' 4 For additions to his art
museum the Duke begged for presents of the Pope and
see Muffat in the Bayerische Blatter far Geschichte, Statistik und Knnst, 1832,
Nos. 10 and 11, and Von Reinhardstottner in the Jahrbuch fiir Munch.
Gesch. iv. 54 ff. For the history of the Munich cabinet of coins see J. v.
iStrcher in the Denkschriften der konigl. bayerischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, 1807, p. 1814 ft'., and H. Riggauer, Gesch. des konigl. M'tinz-
kabinetts in Miinchen (' Bayerische Bibliothek von K. v. Reinhardstottner
and K. Trautmann'), Bamberg, 1890.
1 Ree, pp. 11-12. ** Cf. Christ, ' Beitrage zur Oeschichte der
Antikensanimlungen Miinchens,' in the Abhandlungen der Miinchener
Akademie, Philos.-philolog. Kl., X. Part ii. (1864), p. 361 ft.
2 Stockbauer, pp. 26, 63 ft". ' We can rightly recognise some of the
purchases of this said Stoppio among those rococo figures which are now
for the most part relegated to the lumber-room.'
3 Ibid. pp. 67-69. 4 Ibid. p. 81.
ALBERT V. OF BAVARIA AS ART-COLLECTOR 199
the Emperor, of cardinals and of German and foreign
princes ; the Queen of France also was asked ' to send
specimens of things rare and foreign to this country.'
The Duke of Florence once sent over, among other
things, ' parrots and sea-cats, our Lady's likeness
made of all sorts of feathers from Mexico, a Mexican
idol, a chessboard with mother-of-pearl squares, leathern
flasks decorated with colours, the tooth of a sea-horse,
from which were made a variety of rings that were
good for all sorts of things, Indian mice,' and so forth.
' An antique charm for bleeding ' was later on added to
the treasures of the art museum. The licentiate Ludwig
Miiller presented a drinking -shell of ultramarine, which
was ' a charm against greed of money and other evils,'
and he wanted in return for it a present of 100 florins.1
1 Albert ' as collector seems to have been more keen on the acquisi-
tion of the curiosities with which the so-called art museums of the princes
were wont to be filled than of pictures ; these last also were far more
in rerpiest for the sake of the objects they represented than for that of
art or of the artists who painted them. Indeed, the likenesses of em-
perors, princes, and philosophers — above all, the portraits of famous
men from the half-mythic heroes down to criminals broken on the wheel,
or human deformities— play the chief part in the catalogue of pictures.
The descriptions, moreover, linger by preference over works which
from their treatment fall under the category of curiosities, as, for instance,
a Salvator Mundi " with a cord by which the eyes can be moved," and
in other respects the inventory which has come down to us is as barren
and unscientific as it can be. In a list of almost 700 works in the
Fickler inventory of 1598, with the exception of the historical pictures
of William IV., there are scarcely a dozen paintings which are to
be found in the present collection' (Von Reber, Catalogue, v.-vi.).
** Riezler (Geschichte Bayerns, iv. 476) says emphatically that the patronage
of the arts at Albert's court ' presents a delightful contrast to most
German courts of the period, where especially in the north, besides feats
of arms, hunting, and dissolute carousals, there was no taste for anything
but dogmatic disputations.' ' It has indeed been inferred,' Riezler
goes on to say, ' from the nature of the articles in the ducal art museums,
that in the domain of painting Albert was wanting in actual interest
in and understanding of art, and undoubtedly many of his commissions
200 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
This art museum was to the princes a source of
' great delight,' hut for the people it was little more
than a coveted treasure ; it was only by special favour
that they could be admitted to see it, and they had to
pay for the visit with a present. A councillor and
custom-house officer at Straubing, on whom this favour
was conferred, presented ' only a trifling Paternoster '
(=a rosary), for ' everyone,' he wrote, 'to whom such
a favour is granted has, according to old custom, to
make a present to the aforesaid museum.' ]
From numerous quarters Albrecht was solicited with
respect to ' costly artistic purchases.' Thus, for in-
stance, Herr Wilhelm von Loubenberg was ready ' for a
sum of earnest-money ' to hand over to him his ' heathen
earthly treasure, chests, silver books, shells, and similar
antiquities,' for ' his sons had no appreciation of these
heathen mysteries.' ' A splendid art study,' to which
Louis Welser, of Augsburg, directed the Duke's atten-
tion, was offered for 5,000 ducats ; four Balasse (light
red rubies) were valued at 150,000 crowns.2
The Duke expended large — or rather, in view of
and purchases had to do with curiosities, and not with art work. This,
however, need not essentially lessen his well-founded fame. It is a ques-
tion whether a more favourable impression of his pictorial acquisitions
would not be formed if we were to survey also the paintings preserved
in the apartments of the castle.' That it was not possible even for the
historian of Bavaria to do this may well cause wonder.
1 Stockbauer, pp. 74-70, 79, 120-121. ** 'These old collections,'
says Ilg (Kaiser Rudolf IT. als Kiinstfreund, p. 03), ' had no instructional,
no national, aim. They were in no way educational institutions ; they
were not institutes for the " encouragement of the arts and crafts " as
the modern phrase goes.' And in another place (p. 70) : ' I know not
whether the Emperor Rudolf was fond of reading Horace, but Odi
profanum vulgus was written in invisible letters over the door of his
museum, for during his lifetime there were very few mortals to whom
a glimpse into this sanctuary of his genius was vouchsafed.'
2 Stockbauer, pp. 72, 80, 81, 108.
ALBERT V. OF BAVARIA AS ART-COLLECTOR 201
the then value of money, enormous — sums. James
Strada of Mantua received from him for the pur-
chase of antiquities nearly 22,000 florins ; the painter
Titian was paid 1,000 ducats for a ' little crystal coffer
chest ; ' 24,000 florins for a Balass and a diamond ;
10,500 florins for a jewel ; 12,000 crowns for a jewel
with pearls from Venice, and 400 ducats for pearls.
Besides all this there was the payment for guarding
and transporting. In the course of one year (1567)
Strada received in payment for the travelling expenses
to fetch some works of art 200 gold crowns, besides
310 florins, and a further sum of 284 gold crowns, and
for the final settling up 100 florins.1 For goldsmith's
work alone from Munich and Augsburg 200,000 florins
were spent ; 2 a single bed canopy, which the Duke
had made for himself, cost 450 crowns.3
Although he might have been lauded by a court
official after his death as a ' God-fearing, excellent, and
most reasonable lord, who was extremely fond of
learned and artistic people, and who wanted to em-
bellish Bavaria both within and without,' 4 the Pro-
vincial Estates, nevertheless, by reason of a debt of
2,300,000 florins which he bequeathed to his son,
were somewhat less full of artistic enthusiasm. They
complained repeatedly during Albert's lifetime,"' and
1 Stockbauer, pp. 25, 51 note, 92-94, 10 \ 108.
2 Ree, p. 24. 3 Stockbauer, p. 118.
4 Westenrieder, Beitriige, iii. 86 ; Stockbauer, pp. 1-2.
s ** gee Riezler, iv. 485 ff., 620 ff. The ducal councillors spoke out
very freely in a memorandum of the year 1557. They urged emphatically
that all means aiming at the improvement of finances would be fruitless
unless a change took place in the prince's own person. True, these ad-
monishers were entirely deficient in the understanding of art, and they
may frequently have overstated their case, but in the main their descrip-
tions hit the mark. ' Whatever he sees that is costly, foreign, rare,
202 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
immediately after his death, in 1579, they complained
to William V. that, ' Pleasure-houses and other unneces-
sary buildings had gained ground enormously ; besides
which, pernicious commissions, especially to foreigners,
had come into vogue, through which all sorts of ruinous
purchases of rare but useless things were effected.' '
By no means better were the economic conditions
of the Austrian lands when the Emperor Rudolf II.
' distinguished himself as the most lavish patron of
art.' As the alchemists proclaimed him their new
Hermes Trismegistos, so those who derived profit from
his purchases called him a ' beyond all measure highly
famed lover and connoisseur of all ingenious arts,' a
' German Medici who gathered together the most
beautiful things from all parts of the world.' His
collections in the large halls of the Prague citadel were,
at any rate, among the most distinguished and costly
that existed at that period. While for ' political affairs
of the empire, and necessary enterprises for safeguarding
the imperial dignity, money was scarcely ever forth-
coming,' and the State coffers were often so empty that
there was no means even of despatching couriers, the
Emperor always had incredible sums in readiness for
matters of art : for instance, for a statue of the Greek
Scopas 22,000 — according to another authority, even
that lie must have ! Two or three goldsmiths are kept constantly at work
for the Prince alone. What they make one year is either broken up or
replaced the next year. The painters and portrait painters scarcely
come out of the new fortress the whole year through ! Added to these
are the carvers, turners, stonemasons, the preposterous outlay for clothes,
tapestry, mummeries, &c, the injurious excess in eating and drinking,
in banquets and social gatherings.'
1 See Ree, p. 25 ; Stockbauer, p. 19. ' Any sympathetic understanding
of Albert's collections the Provincial Estates certainly had not, but
they had a good understanding of the country's need.'
THE EMPEROR RUDOLF II. AS ART-COLLECTOR 203
34,000 — ducats, and for a cameo representing the
apotheosis of Augustus, 12,000 ducats.1
In almost all countries — not only in Germany, France,
and Italy, but also in Greece, in the Levant, in Egypt
1 Svatek, p. 242. In the Hofburg, on the other hand, for want of
money, they thankfully accepted the offer of the Fuggers to send the
despatches of the imperial cabinet to Madrid or Rome by their com-
mercial couriers ; see Von Hiibner, Sixtvs der Fiinfte, ii. 28. Concerning
Rudolf II.'s purchases for his ' museum of ti'easures and marvels,' see also
the records in Von Hormayr, Taschenbuch (new series), ix. 282-286. ** See,
further, Urlich, ' Beitrage zur Geschichte der Kunstbestrebungen und
Sammlungen Kaiser Rudolfs II.' in the Zeitschr. fur bildcnde Kunst, 1870 ;
A. v. Perger, ' Studien zur Gesch. der k.k. Gemaldegalerie,' in the reports
and contributions of the Antiquarian Society at Vienna (1864), vol. 7 ; and
Venturi's important article embodying contributions from the Archives
of Modena, Turin, and Venice to the Geschichte der Kunstsammlungen
Kaiser Rudolfs II. in Janitschek's Repertorium fur Kunstwissensch.
viii. 1 ff. ; Tig, ' Kaiser Rudolf II. als Kunstfreund ' in ' Die Diiiskuren.''
Liter. Jahrh. d. Beamtenvereins d. AUstadt-Gu tunas, zu Prog, 1893 ; Ilg,
Kunstgeschichtl. Charakterbilder, p. 210 ff. ; as also Th. v. Frimmel,
Galeriestudien {Gesch. der Wiener Gemuldesammlungen), Leipzig, 1889,
and Grauberg, La Galerie des tableaux de la reine Christine de Suede
ayant appartenue auparavant a V empereur Rodolphe II., Stockholm,
1897. In the Jahrbuch der kunsthistor. Sammlungen des allerh. Kaiser-
houses, i. 118 ft'., Ilg deals exhaustively with the subject of the sculptor
Adrian de Vries, in the service of King Rudolf II. In the same Jahrbuch,
iv. 38 ft., Ilg writes on the relations of Giovanni da Bologna to Max II. and
Rudolf II. ; see also in the same place, xv. 15 ft., Von Drach, Jost Burgi,
private clockmaker to Rudolf II., and (p. 45 ff.) Haendke, Joseph Heintz,
court painter to Rudolf II. Another great lover of art and zealous
collector, of portraits especially, was the Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol ;
see, besides the monograph of Hirn, Ilg, Kunstgeschichtl. Charahter-
bilder, p. 206 ff., and, above all, the valuable work of F. Kenner, ' Die
Portratsammlung des Erzherzogs Ferdinand von Tirol' in the Jahrbuch d.
kunsthistor. Sammlungen des allerh. Kaiserhauses, xiv. 37 ft. ; xv. 147 ff. ;
xvii. 101 ff. ; xviii. 135 ff. ; xix. 6 ff. In the same place, ix. 235 ff., Ilg
on Francesco Terzio, court painter to Archduke Ferdinand of Tyrol.
In the same place, xviii. 262 ff., W. Boeheim, ' Der Hofplattner des Erz-
herzogs Ferdinand von Tirol, Jakob Topf.' Maria, the wife of Archduke
Charles II. of Styria, developed also very great enthusiasm in collecting ;
see Wastler, ' Zur Geschichte der Schatz-, Kunst- und Riistkammcr in der
k.k. Burg zu Graz,' in the Mittheil. d. k.k. Centralcommission, 1879, 1880,
and 1881.
204 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
— Rudolf employed paid agents, whose business it was
to procure him all possible objects of art: paintings,
carvings, jewels, gems ; also rare natural objects and
' rarities ' of every kind ; his morbid craze for collecting
extended even to America. In a catalogue compiled
after his death, in 1612, the worth of his art museum
was reckoned at 17 millions in gold, while the court
chamberlain, Christopher Siegfried von Breuner, esti-
mated the debts left behind by the Emperor at 30
millions. Hardly any impawned object could be found.1
But whatever the costliness of the art treasures
collected by Rudolf, and however large the number of
really fine works among them, neither the Emperor nor
the men entrusted with the arrangement of the trea-
sures had any true understanding of art : the objects
were placed in cheerful confusion, beside and upon each
other just as in a curiosity shop, the most valuable
ones next the most worthless. A catalogue, fifty-seven
sheets long, compiled by one of the overseers, gives a
closer insight in this respect. We find in it such entries
as the following : ' In the compartment No. 1 in the
German room in the upper shelf, the bust of a woman's
portrait in flesh-coloured gypsum, lying on a flesh-
coloured and red taffety cushion, and underneath it
some boxes containing Indian feathers.' In another
compartment ' all sorts of rare sea-fishes, and among
them a bat, two boxes with magnet-stones, and two
iron nails, said to come from Noah's ark, a stone which
goes on growing, two cannon balls from a Transyl-
vanian mare, a box with mandrake roots, a crocodile in
a case, a monster with two heads.' In a third com-
partment, ' eighty-two specimens of all sorts of artistic
1 Svatek, p. 246 ; Hurter, Ferdinand II., iii. 71-75.
THE EMPEROR RUDOLF II. AS ART-COLLECTOR 205
objects turned in ivory, a soft skin which fell from
heaven into his Majesty's camp in Hungary ; a death's
head of yellow agate, a case containing a large piece
of bone, three bagpipes.' In a fourth, ' three landscapes
on Bohemian jasper framed with Bohemian garnets,
a large painted mirror ornamented with pictures, a
miniature painting of the Virgin Mary, a crystal lion,
a little silver altar.' Next to a ' fruit-ma tket by
Long Peter hung copies of a Judith of Leonardo da
Vinci, a bath of Joseph Arginas,' and so forth.1
The particular nature of the Emperor's own artistic
taste and of that of his circle becomes apparent, in
the year 1596, in the ' restoration ' of the Church of
St. Mary on the Karlstein ; by imperial command the
beautiful Carolian frescoes were overlaid with white-
wash ; 2 a life-size, full-length picture of the Mother of
God was dwarfed into a bust and framed in a halo.3
Even the portraits of Charles IV. 's ancestors in the
hall were subjected to whitewashing.4
1 From a MS. of the Viennese Court library in Svatek, pp. 246-248.
' Verily Barnurn's museum could not be more higgledy-piggledy ' (p. 248).
** Ilg, Kaiser Rudolf II. als Kunstfreand, p. Gl ff., pronounces Svatek's
judgment to be too severe ; nevertheless he, too, is forced to own that
' It is true that there is no discoverable trace of system, plan, or methodical
distribution in all that is known concerning this gigantic mass of thou-
sands and thousands of objects of art, of natural curiosities, minerals,
&c, in the apartments of the Prague Castle. . . . The inventories, one
and all, call up to the reader's eye a picture of most hopeless confusion
and disorder. A mummy next to a wild boar, bronze busts side by side
with knee-breeches of Spanish leather, globes and firearms, mosaics and
saddles, miniature paintings and buttons — all in friendly juxtaposition
one with the other.'
- Report of the Imperial Central Commission, iii. 274, 275.
3 ' The remains of which, disjointed and ludicrous, now fall trans-
versely over the bust like a scarf -fringe.'
1 We cannot, therefore, with Ranke (Zur deutschen Geschichte, p. 177 ff.),
celebrate the Emperor as a veritable Maecenas of art, and say of him
that ' he loved both art and its significance.' ** Another diligent
206 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
collector, but chiefly of curiosities, was Duke Philip II. of Pornerania,
Stettin. He, too, was wanting in all understanding of art. His art
agent also, the Augsburg patrician, Philip Hainhofer, did not under-
stand much about it. From the correspondence between these two we
get a very clear idea of the character of the art collections of that
period. Between good and bad, between pictures and playthings, works
of art and natural history curiosities, scarcely any difference was
made. See O. Doering, ' Des Augsburger Patriziers Philipp Hainhofer
Beziehungen zu Herzog Philipp II. von Pommern-Stettin. Korre-
spondenzen aus den Jahren 1610-1619 im Auszuge mitgetheilt und kom-
mentiert,' Vienna, 1874 (Quellenschriften fiir Kunstgeschichte und Kunst-
technik des Mittdatters und der Neuzeit, N.F. Bd. vi. Herausg. von A. Ilg).
207
CHAPTER XI
NATURALISM IN RELIGIOUS ART AND IN THE REPRE-
SENTATIONS FROM THE LIFE OF THE PEOPLE —
ABSURDITY AND VULGARITY
The depth of degradation to which art had gradually
sunk is shown by the fact that religious subjects and
sacred personages were often treated in a purely mun-
dane fashion. Sacred pictures lost the stamp of
innocence and piety which had belonged to the old
indigenous art, and they showed scarcely any trace of
the fervent spirituality from which, formerly, the most
beautiful creations had sprung.
In earlier times the patrons who gave orders for
sacred pictures had had themselves painted ' kneeling
humbly before God and the heavenly hosts,' ' but now-
adays,' so runs the lament of a book of religious instruc-
tion, ' it has become the evil custom for men to wish
to see themselves, their wives, children, relations, and
friends painted in churches as holy saints, if not, indeed,
actually in the character of the Saviour Himself.' '
In Saxony contemporary celebrities were often in-
troduced into pictures of ' The Last Supper ' and other
paintings as Scripture characters : Luther appears as
St. Peter or St. Luke, Melanchthon as St. Mark, the
Elector Augustus as Christ Himself.1' When the Cologne
1 Ein Erklcrung des Voter U users, Bl. 10'.
2 See our remarks, vol. viii. p. 185 ; Schulz, Vortrag iiber die Gesch.
der Kunst in Sachsen (Dresden, 1846), p. ±1 ; Von Eye, Fiihrer, p. 36.
208 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
councillor Hermann von Weinsberg, in the year 1556,
gave an order for a church picture, he wrote to the
painter that his own portrait must appear in it as St.
John, and that of his wife as the Holy Virgin Mary ;
in the following year he had an altar-picture executed in
which his stepson figured as St. John, his brothers as
St. Mark and St. Luke, two churchwardens as Abraham
and Moses, and so forth.1 Cornelius Ketl executed a
' Last Supper ' made up of likenesses of contemporary
artists and friends of art.^' Even the favourites or the
mistresses of the princes figured in the characters of
saints : the pictures were to represent experiences of the
heart.3
Even in some of Diirers and Holbein's works there
had already appeared a tendency to coarse realism which
by no means accorded with the ideal of old German
art. Diirer once represented St. Joseph asleep by a
great bowl of beer.1 Holbein's ' Dead Christ,' executed
from the corpse of a drunkard, or a man who has been
hanged, is gruesome ; u his God the Father as an old
1 Buch Weinsberg, ii. 87, 91. ~ Descliarnps, p. 201.
3 See Schuchardt, Cranach, i. 154-155, and ii. 35, 40 ; Lindau, p. 220 ;
Seibt, i. 23, note 1 ; Descliarnps, p. 201 ; Michiels, iii. 40, 368-371 ; Waagen,
Malerei, i. 296 ; De Canditto, pp. 148, 291, 476-477, 479-481, 504 ; Rath-
gcber, Annalen, ii. 294 ; Carriere, p. 97. ' As the old Catholic modes of
thought,' says Lecky, ' began to fade, the religious idea disappeared
from the paintings, and they became purely secular, if not sensual, in
their tone. Religion, which was once the mistress, was now the servant
of art. Formerly the painter employed his skill simply in embellishing
and enhancing a religious idea. He now employed a religious subject
as a pretext for the exhibition of mere worldly beauty. He commonly
painted his mistress as the Virgin. He arrayed her in the richest attire,
and surrounded her with all the circumstances of splendour ' (W. E. H.
Lecky, Rise and Influence of nationalism in Europe, 5th ed. i. 242).
4 In the Basle Museum.
5 Hegner, Holbein, pp. 165-167 ; Woltmann, Holbein, ii. 61 ; Grimm,
Uber Kiinstler und Kunstwerke, ii. 128. ** Holbein's naturalistic treat-
NATURALISM IN RELIGIOUS ART 209
man in an arm-chair,1 or his own father as God the
Father, his son as the boy Christ,2 are unpleasant
specimens of the realistic ' naturalism ' which soon
invaded German painting, to the expulsion of the noble
natural elevation and dignity, together with the super-
natural glory, which had formerly characterised it.
The new spirit showed itself indirectly in a different
way in Holbein's pen-and-ink illustrations of Erasmus's
' Praise of Folly,' notably in the picture of John the
Baptist with the Lamb of God, under which are the
words : ' Sheep are the most stupid of animals, and yet
Christ loved to compare Himself to a lamb.' 3
With many of the painters of that period religious
art soon came to be completely travestied. Urs Graf
represented the Holy Family, Christ being taken
prisoner, the fight between St. George and the Dragon,
in caricature ; 4 he made fun of the Angel of the Day of
Judgment.5 A facetious picture of Christ bearing the
ment of the burial of Christ is criticised as follows by Janitschek
in his History of German Art, iii. 450 : ' The ideal atmosphere has
vanished. A man's head completely disfigured by suffering, with
wide-open mouth, swollen, drooping eyelids, wrinkled forehead, hair
matted with the sweat of anguish, and sticking to his head — this is
the picture of the Christ. Still more horrible is the physical
distortion caused by pain and death in the easel-picture of " Christ in
the Grave." Here, too, the mouth is wide open, the nose peaked, the
cheeks sunken, the eyelids swollen, and the soft brown hair hanging in
matted hanks round his head. The lean body is stretched out stiff and
stark in the rigidity of death, the backs of the hands and the insteps
are swollen in consequence of the wounds, the fingers and nails are stretched
out in a cramp. It is just as if Holbein had bent all his energies on
copying a model from the mortuary, so appallingly true to nature is the
picture, as a whole, and in its details.'
1 Von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, i. 144-145.
2 Woltmann, Holbein, i. 161, and ii. p. xiii.
3 Ibid. i. 283. 4 Ibid. i. 200.
5 The angel is represented as laughing while holding the scales for
weighing souls, and little devils are dragging millstones along (Woltmann,
VOL. XI. P
210 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Cross by Peter Breughel the Elder resembles a village
feast ; l a picture of Christ bearing the Cross, by Peter
Artzen, is treated like the execution of a poor criminal
at the time of the painter.2 Sebastian Vrancks repre-
sented the Saviour with the two disciples at Emmaus
in a common tavern, where the guests are drinking and
playing cards.3
Another characteristic of the epoch was the craze
which possessed many of the artists for inventing
' something new and out of the way.' 4 One painter
depicted the Saviour, bleeding from his wounds, throw-
ing the horned devil with great force to the ground : 5
another placed in the hand of the Virgin Mary a pestle
with which she crushed Satan.0 In a tasteless picture
by Lucas of Leyden the Holy Virgin, crowned, is
kneeling with the child Jesus before St. Anne.7
Christian and mythological paintings were placed
indiscriminately side by side ; next to the Crucified
One were Hermse and Caryatides ; next to a St. Mar-
garet with the dragon, Amor and Psyche embracing
each other and Diana hunting ; 8 next to an oceansprite
a St. Christopher.'1 Now a pulpit was adorned with
i. 207). Among the numerous woodcuts with which Urs Graf illustrated
the Basle edition of the Homilies of Guillermus, there is one which notably
shows the pitch of downright realism which he had reached in 1509. It is
the picture of ' Christ on the road to Emmaus, in which the Saviour not only
carries a knapsack, but actually wears a cap which looks strange enough
between the head and the glory' (Meyer, Oeistliches Schausjriel, p. 165).
1 Michiels, iii. 339-340. ' Un tableau facetieux.' ' On croirait voir
une kermesse plutot qu'une scene tragique.'
2 Waagen, Malerei, i. 30G-307. 3 Bartseh, iii. 188.
4 Ein Erklerung des Voter Unsers, Bl. 9h.
5 Copper-engraving without monogram, and with the date of the year
1563. From the Bohmer bequest.
6 Deschamps, p. 170. ' Michiels, iii. 119.
H See Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 149, 478. 9 Andresen, ii. 162
NATURALISM IN RELIGIOUS ART 211
satyrlike Hermae,1 now a church-bell with dancing
fauns and bacchantes.2 On the sepulchral monument
of the Elector Maurice in the Cathedral at Freiberg, it
is the mourning Muses and Graces that attract most
admiration ; 3 on the monument of Albert of Branden-
burg, Archbishop of Mayence, there is a figure of Christ
in a state of theatrical agitation : Christ surrounded
by merry, dancing angels ; a squatting Pan serves as
groundwork for the figure.4 On one of the most
superb sepulchres of Germany, in the funeral chapel of
the Fuggers at Augsburg, two satyrs are kneeling by
the coffin of the deceased ; ;' on a sarcophagus of Duke
Philip of Pomerania (1560) all the free spaces are
filled in with genii and masks of satyrs.6 On a richly
adorned monument in the church at Jever (1563) there
appear, beside the Holy Trinity, and the figures of
Moses, Peter, and Paul, the figures of Jupiter, Mercury,
Venus, and other gods and goddesses ; beside the
representation of the funeral procession are proces-
sions of warriors, fauns, and satyrs, battles of knights,
monsters and gorgons.'
1 Kugler, Kleine Schriften, i. 829. - Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 147.
3 Ebe, i. 245 ; see Zeitschr. f. Bildkunst, N.F. xi. 20 ff.
4 Liibke, Renaissance, i. 437 ; Kugler, Kleine Schriften, ii. 347.
** There is a copy of Albert's monument in Seemann, Deutsche
Renaissance, Bd. IV. Abt. vi. Tafel 27. Schneider, in his valuable
treatise, ' Der Urheber des Marktbrunnens zu Mainz ' {Mayence Journal,
1890, No. 273), attributes the design of this monument, executed by
Dietrich Schro, to Peter Flotner. Lange (Flbtner, p. 84) is of opinion that
the treatment of ornamental detail is not Flotnerisch. Nevertheless,
even he does not deny that a rough sketch by the master may at any rate
underlie the whole.
8 Geschichte der detitschen Kunst, ii. 186.
6 Kugler, Kleine Schriften, i. 819.
7 Liibke, Renaissance, ii. 294-296, 507. ' An instructive example of
the wanton eccentricities of the baroque style already coming into vogue
in the last third of the sixteenth century ' is seen in a monument to a
p 2
212 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Hours and Graces in company with allegorical
figures of the virtues often appear side by side with the
risen Saviour. The Saviour with the banner of victory
was often depicted on epitaphs surrounded by many
coats of arms. Balthasar Jenichen of Nuremberg
executed a coat of arms of Christ, in six fields, with the
inscription ' Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews, our
Redeemer.' 1 Most of the distinguished people who
ordered Church pictures had at heart what Christopher
von Schallenberg ("f 1597) enjoined on his successors:
' If anyone in his lifetime has pictures made for churches
he must always have his coat of arms added to them.' 2
The walls and pillars of churches were covered with
coats of arms. A patron of the Church of St. Nicholas
at Reval insisted, in the year 1603, that ' none of the
nobles must be allowed to hang up their arms in the
church unless they pay a just remuneration, for how is
the church benefited by their arms if it gets nothing
from them ; it is a bad sort of decoration, and shows
great arrogance on the part of the nobles.' 3
The author of a book of spiritual instruction, com-
menting on what to him appears the worst sign of the
low ebb of religious and moral feeling, says : ' What I
specially deplore in all this art, which professes to serve
God and religion, and what I often hear complained of
by many Christian men and women, is the great licence
and indecency in which the painters, engravers, and
sculptors indulge, which they seem indeed to make their
chief study. They no longer represent holy women
Count of Stolberg and his wife (f 1578) in the church at Wertheim (Liibke,
i. 82).
1 Andresen, ii. 156.
2 Von Hormayr, Taschenbuch (new series), viii. 224.
3 Andresen, ii. 150.
NATURALISM IN RELIGIOUS ART 213
and saints decorously, as in the old pictures, with all
their limbs covered, so that no one may be incited by
them to evil thoughts, but they paint them shamelessly
naked and indecent, so much so that one can only think
it is done advisedly for the excitement of passion.' l
In like manner Lorichius, in his ' Christlicher Laien-
spiegel,' of the year 1593, inveighed against all those
painters, sculptors, and carvers who represented sacred
subjects in an ' indecent, farcical, or offensive manner.' 2
Christ Himself was sometimes depicted in paintings and
engravings without a vestige of clothing ; 3 a copper-
print of 1603 shows St. Mary Magdalene, at the feast of
the Pharisee, at the Saviour's feet, with the upper part
of her body almost bare, and in the most voluptuous
form ; for, says an accompanying inscription, ' To the
pure all things are pure and beautiful.' l More fre-
quently this saint was represented as a penitent, quite
naked, and without a trace of feminine modesty. Urs
Graf painted a naked female saint being scourged by
soldiers with whips and rods, and by another artist a
holy woman was represented being tempted by the
devil. Artists also preferred to represent the Christian
virtues, like the vices, by naked figures. Lucas Cranach
1 Em Erlelerung des Voter Unsers, Bl. 10a. In the ordinances of the
Strassburg diocesan synod of 1549 we read : ' Procaces imagines, et minis
artis lenocinio, ad mundanae potius vanitatis speciem, quam ad pietatis
comniotioneni effigiatas, in templis poni omnino vetainus ; ' see Jacob,
p. Ill, note 2, where also other similar ordinances are printed. Concerning
objectionable pictures of the Holy Trinity, and a no less objectionable
representation of the ' Puerperium beatae virginis decumbentis et aegro-
tantis,' see Molanus, pp. 43, 71-72.
2 Part II. chap. xix. p. 117.
3 See, for instance, Schuchardt, Cranach, ii. pp. 12, 232 ; Bartsch,
vi. 286.
4 A copper-print with a little bird as the sign of the engraver. From
the Bohmer bequest.
214 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
even depicted Religion as a perfectly nude recumbent
female figure. Peter Flotner, on his Plaquettes, re-
presented Faith as a female figure with the upper part
of the body bare, and holding in one hand the cross,
in the other the chalice and the Host.1 The so-called
Lesser Masters, Hans Sebald Beham, Barthel Beham,
and George Penz,2 stand out prominently in the nude
treatment of Bible and Christian subjects. They
delighted in choosing scenes from the Old Testament
which lent themselves to shameless representation : 3
Susanna observed by the lascivious old men, Bathsheba
by David, Lot's adultery with his daughters, Poti-
phar's wife and Joseph, the naked Judith, Abraham
and Hagar, and so forth. With odious hypocrisy they
appended moral maxims to these pictures which mocked
at all sense of propriety ; sometimes, however, maxims
of quite a different kind. Cornelius Cornelissen painted
a Bathsheba in her bath, waited on by naked women.4
Tobias Stimmer, in his woodcuts for the Basle edition of
the Bible of 1576,"' introduced nudities on almost every
page ; more than twenty times an almost naked Eve,
with the serpent, appears in the marginal decorations ;
many of the pictures sin against all decency. They
were certainly not calculated ' for the godly edification
of pious hearts.' 6 Even in the catechisms for school
** 1 Lange, Flotner, p. P28 ; illustration plate x. No. 83.
2 Urs Graf ; see Woltinann, Holbein, i. 297 ; Bartsch, x. 128.
3 See Lichtenberg, p. 28. J Forster, iii. 28.
5 See above, pp. 176, 177.
,; See Nos. 2-5, 8, 9 (Ham), 15 (Lot and his daughters), 31 (Joseph
and Potiphar's wife), 81 (David and Bathsheba), 135 (Susanna). In the
illustrated Catholic translation of the Bible by Dietenberger (1st edition,
1534) there are no pictures to the stories, except that of Bathsheba. She
is sitting with her feet in the water, a towel covering her body. Somewhat
indecorous, on the other hand, at sheet 1% is the initial ' I ' decorated
NATURALISM IN RELIGIOUS ART 215
children all sorts of extraordinary and far from edifying
woodcuts were introduced.1
Just as Christian pictures were scattered about
thoughtlessly in heathen books, so Christian books
were filled with mythological, caricaturist, and even
indecent illustrations and decorations. On a decora-
tive title-page, executed by Lucas Cranach for a
treatise by Luther on the Holy Communion, there was
a deer and three stags, with all sorts of odd, naked,
tailed figures, and one female figure of this kind.2
In the volume of ' Old and new spiritual songs and
hymns of praise on the birth of Jesus Christ our Lord,'
published by John Spang in 1544 ' for young Chris-
tians,' the ornamental border of the title-page shows
among other items a naked woman with an hour-glass,
Jael in the act of killing Sisera, and a naked woman
with a picture of our first parents (see Wedewer, p. 456), and sheets 3a
and 3b, the Creation and the Fall.
1 Concerning such illustrations Loschke (pp. 50-51) says, among
other things : In the picture of the descent of the Holy Ghost, true to the
Scripture words ' and there appeared unto them cloven tongues hke as
of fire, and it sat upon each,' the Apostles are represented with tongues
projecting far out of their mouths, and split lengthways down the middle.
In order to make the cleavage quite indubitable, one of the halves generally
hangs down over the chin, while the other is turned upwards, and is long
enough to close an eye if necessary. . . . This eccentricity is specially
evident in an edition de luxe of the Lutheran Catechism, illustrated by
Joh. Tettelbach, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1579.' ' Of still more doubtful
nature are other situations, which are brought under the eye of school
children of all ages. In the first article there occurs frecpiently a picture
of Eve in a state of innocence, standing hand-in-hand with Adam by the
forbidden tree, and turning her face to onlookers. The duty of children
to their parents, as stated in the Fourth Commandment, is illustrated
by the warning example of Ham, who did not cover the nakedness of his
sleeping father. Noah appears also in a picture in the catechism, un-
clothed, as Ham saw him.' (For the rest of these illustrations readers are
referred to the German, vol. vi. p. 150, note 6.)
- Butsch, i. 71, plate 93.
216 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
who is plunging a dagger into her own heart.1 No less
unsuitable are the title decorations of John Dieten-
berger's pamphlet on monastic vows, written against
Luther in 1524 : here are seen the naked Graces four
times repeated ; at the top they are dancing before
Apollo, who, with his head crowned in court fashion, is
playing the lute ; at the sides they are leading a round
dance ; at the bottom they are flying from Venus in the
bath.1' Hans Holbein's vignettes, often offensive and
nasty, were used by Froben for theological works.3
An engraver of the year 1603 was actually not
ashamed to represent the Saviour Himself embracing
one of the holy women, whilst the Holy Virgin looked
on sideways, and he added the inscription : ' Love,
says St. Paul, overcomes all things, and love makes all
things pure.' 4
Art had ceased to be a ' contemplator of heavenly
joys.' How low she had fallen from her earlier height is
1 Wackernagel, Bibliographic, p. 475. See Wedewer, p. 483, on the
title-page to the writing of A. Corvinus, Von der Concilien Gewatt und
Autoritiit.
2 Wedewer, p. 451.
3 Butsch, i. 68, plate 59. In a book of Peter Martyr the ' S ' from
Holbein's Toten- Alphabet actually stands, ' with a picture as horrible as
it is obscene, at the head of the dedication to Charles V.' (Woltinann,
Holbein, ii. 18). ' In those days,' says A. Kirchhoff in the Archiv fur
Gesch. des Buchhandcls, x. 124, ' in literature, art, and ornamentation,
in words and in pictures, things were taken lightly which nowadays the
energetic interference of the police and the press censors would rule out.
We are astonished, on a closer study of book decoration, at the ex-
treme impropriety constantly apparent, at the naivete or thoughtlessness
with which vignettes of the most doubtful kind are introduced even into
theological works. But this much applauded naivete and ingenuousness
of the so-called good old times appears on closer inspection somewhat
skin-deep, This, at least, is the opinion I have formed after a perusa
of all the Leipzig town-books of the sixteenth century.'
4 Plate of artist quoted above, pp. 212, 213. See what Molanus
(lib. ii. cap. 42) says about a picture.
THE BAD AND THE UGLY DEPICTED IN ART 217
shown most especially in the treatment of the Four Last
Things of man. On Diirer's splendid cartoon of the year
1513, ' The Knight, Death, and the Devil,' firm faith
and Christian confidence still carry off the palm over
the spectres of darkness ; in Holbein's pictures of death,
completed before the year 1526, there is the expression
of bitter irony, but at the same time also of deeply
moving sentiment, especially on one plate on which
Death performs for the priest, who is carrying the
sacred Viaticum to a sick man, the services of sacristan
with bell and taper, goes into the house before the
priest and blows out the light of life in the dying man
before he has received the last consolations.1 Holbein
makes death triumph over life, but he is still artistically
elevated. On the other hand, Nicholas Manuel's ' Dance
of Death ' is nothing more than a farcical game of death
with life ; and the ' Triumph of Death ' of the Peasant-
Breughel is like a bad nightmare, or dream of delirium.-
As represented by Hieronymus Bosch, Death, over-
throwing everything and spreading terror, rides through
a crowd of people of all ranks, races and ages, while a
hay-waggon, on which sit Vanity, Fame, and a devil
blowing a trumpet, is drawn along by seven men half
changed into animals.3
Hans Sebald Beham used ' Death ' on an engraving
merely for the sake of introducing an indecent scene ;
Henry Aldegrever painted Death as a naked woman.4
1 See Hist.-pol. Bl. 64, 693 ff.
2 Waagen, Malerei, i. 258 ; Woltinann, Holbein, ii. 129 ; Becker,
Kunst, pp. 386-387 ; Carriere, pp. 216-217 ; Ebe, i. 78 ; Von Zahn, Jahr-
biicher, i. 53. Holbein's skeletons have something demoniacal about them
(Woltmann, ii. 107). ** See Lichtenberg, p. 60 ff.
:' J. D. Passavant, in Eggers, iv. 223.
1 Bartsch, viii. 173-177, Nos. 146-147, 150-152 ; and viii. 404.
218 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In the representation of the Day of Judgment no painter
any longer attained anything like the grandeur and
elevation which characterise, for instance, the famous
picture at Dantzig, and a wall picture in the Ulm
Cathedral executed probably by Hans Schuhlein in
1470. ' Above all, the art of depicting the rapture of
heavenly bliss had been entirely lost. In Lucas von
Leyden's ' Day of Judgment ' the delineation of nudity
appears to be the sole aim of the painter. ' From his
nude figures of men and women,' says Van Mander,
' it is plain to see that he has observed life very closely,
especially naked women.' L> The picture shows no trace
of heavenly beatitude. The pictures of the Day of
Judgment by Jan van Heemsen and Bernard Vc.n Orley
are no better.'
The one-sided representation of what was bad and
ugly was a chief and integral fault of the whole ten-
dency.4 ' It is no longer pure and sacred art that finds
the most makers and lovers,' says a contemporary, ' but
gruesome art which delights in counterfeiting devils
1 See, concerning the latter, Liibke, Bunte Blatter, pp. 338-348.
2 Van Mander, Bl. 213\ Certainly there are unclothed figures on the
Dantzig picture also, but the attitudes and treatment of the resuscitated
bodies, who are entering the heavenly Jerusalem and are being clothed
with the garments of grace by an angel at the gate, are extremely modest
and chaste.
3 Schnaase, Niederliindische Briefe, pp. 03, 228 ; Waagen, Malerei,
i. 150-151 ; Michiels, hi. 95-90.
4 ' Not that good was despised and downtrodden, but the triumph
of good appears to a certain extent clouded over by the superabundance
of its opposite, and the space covered by the latter, as, for instance, in
the " Last Judgments," there are, as a rule, scarcely room or figures
enough left over for the representation of felicity. The element of good
is often chiefly conspicuous through its absence ; and, moreover, "the
figures meant to represent it are generally characterised by stiffness and
hardness which point to the restraint put on imaginations corrupted by
unbridled Mights ' (P. M. in Eggers, vii. 358).
THE BAD AND THE UGLY DEPICTED IN ART 219
and ghosts ; for it has come to this, that artists are
more anxious to inspire fear and terror by their works
than to give consolation.' !
For this purpose engravings and woodcuts were the
principal mediums used, and there grew up ' a whole
cycle of devil-pictures.' Jost Amman, in a plate for the
' Theatrum Diabolorum,' drew fourteen devils in human
form, with animals' heads to characterise them more
closely.2 Hieronymus Niitzel put in three devils, to lash
female extravagance in dress.3 Hans Burgkmair intro-
duced seven. 4 On a plate by Urs Graf the devil, a
horrible monster with a large horn, tusks, outstretched
tongue, bat's wings and a long tail, is driving wildly
before him a man in chains who is wringing his hands in
despair.5 In a ' Temptation of Christ,' by George Penz,
the devil has an absurdly bizarre disguise : he is a fish
above and a man below.0 Lucas Cranach's representa-
tion of hell is made revolting by monstrous or by im-
moral scenes. ' Melchior Bocksberger of Salzburg also
used his inventive powers in painting numbers of hor-
rible devils, which he introduced into a large picture,
' Die Befreiung der Altvater aus der Vorholle durch
Christus ' (The Liberation of the Fathers of the Church
from Limbo by Christ).8
But in invention and representation of horrible
figures and scenes, all these painters of devils were far
behind the Netherlander, Hieronymus Bosch and
Peter Breughel the Younger, commonly called Hell-
Breughel, and their successors, who depicted the in-
1 Von der Wertte Eitelkeit, Bl. C. - Andresen, i. 317. s Ibid, ii. 108.
4 Bartseh, vii. 218 ; see vii. 272, and ix, 399.
5 Woltmann, Holbein, i. 209. ' Eggers, viii. 12.
7 Sckuckardt, Cranach, iii. 226-227.
- Waagen, Kunst und Kiinstler, ii. 127.
220 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
fernal regions with a ghastly power of imagination,
and, as one may say, with the genius of an executioner.1
In the representations of the Seven Deadly Sins by
P. Breughel, engraved by Mirycenus, the form of the
devil is terrifying and spectral, while at the same
time infinitely varied. These pictures are made up of
hobgoblins and sorcery ; even harmless household
utensils or crockery are invested with life and move-
ment ; bare trees stretch out arms and snouts of won-
drous shapes ; lattice windows of tumble-down huts look
out with grinning eyes, while the house doors become
abysses. Pride is represented by a lady of distinction
with a mirror and accompanied by a peacock. If this
lady took the trouble to look behind her she would see
a naked girl being led by devils as by bailiffs. Avarice
sits as a richly dressed woman beside a money casket,
surrounded by sacks of money and a pair of gold scales.
Behind this figure a usurer is buying a silver plate
from a poor woman at a very low price, 'in pawn.'
Other naked figures — also poor people who have nothing
left to pawn — are being led along by devils. On the
right hand a frog-devil is rolling a miser before him in
a barrel spiked with pointed nails, like Kegulus, and
the miser is still hankering after the coins which have
fallen from his grasp. In front a sack of gold is actually
moving along, transformed into a devil. Anger is
personified as an armed woman, accompanied by bears,
chasing naked men who fall down on the ground. Over
** ■ See E. Michel, Les Breughel, Paris, 1892. See H. Dollmayr, ' Hie-
ronymus Bosch and the Representation of the Four Last Things ' in the
Niederlandische Malerei des fiinfzehnten unci sechzehnten Jahrhundert, in the
Jahrb. d. kunsthistor. Sammlungen des allerh. Kaiserhauses, xix. 284 ff.
This author's incursions into the domain of theology and Church history
are as unfortunate as his contributions to the history of art are valuable.
THE BAD AND THE UGLY DEPICTED IN ART 221
these men there falls a long knife, with the sharp side
underneath. On the left a devil is roasting a victim
on a spit, while a quarrelsome husband and wife are
seething in the cauldron. Envy is represented by a
lady with a turkey-cock crowing at her side. At the
bottom of the picture stands a kettle representing a
building of which the attic windows are eyes ; one large
window is the abyss through which the devils are seen
inside. The whole plate is full of unbridled coarseness.
Drunkenness is an obese woman sitting on a pig.
Behind her a devil with a monk's hood is tapping wine
from the barrel, and drinking it slowly out of a large
pitcher. On the ground stands a windmill, resembling
a spectral sphinx with eyes and open jaw. The wind-
mill with its rapid motion, stretching out its wings in all
directions, and yet fastened to one place, is an admir-
able figure of the devil who, with all his exertions, gets
no forwarder. Finally, laziness is typified by a poor
woman reposing on a sleeping donkey, while the devil
is pulling her bed away from under her head. Another
woman, wrapped up in bed, is being drawn round on
a little chariot by one limping devil, and fed by another.1
Another picture of Breughel exhibits former gour-
mands being cooked for a banquet in hell, nobles who op-
pressed their peasants being ploughed over like manure,
besides ' so much else that is horrible, that it may well
be asked how it was possible to invent all this.' ' It is
a wonder,' says Van Mander of Breughel's hell-pictures,
' how much there is to be seen in them of gruesome
spectres and hobgoblins,' and wonderful also how he was
at home with flames, firebrands, fuming and roasting.2
i ** Wessely, Die Gestalfen des Todes und des Teufels, pp. 109-110.
2 Van Mander, Bl. 21 6b.
222 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In the great devil's kitchens too, which are at-
tributed to Bosch, the damned souls are being cooked
and roasted.1
Rubens also was no less blood-curdling in his paint-
ings of hell- torments ; he represents snakes, dragons,
devils and monsters of all sorts attacking the damned
souls, especially the women addicted to sensual pleasure,
scratching, biting, devouring and burning them.2
Pictures such as these, outgrowths of an excited,
delirious fancy, could not serve a religious end, even
if they had been intended to do so ; instead of awaken-
ing fear and trembling, and overawing the soul, they
roused disgust, and dragged down into ridicule even
the idea of the all-ruling divine righteousness.3
If even in religious art the most naked realism and
naturalism prevailed, and the most dismal pictures
were sought by preference, and the ugliest objects
depicted, this was incomparably more the case in the
treatment of secular matters from ordinary life.
Among the earlier artists also it was largely the
habit to exhibit the many-sided life of the people and
domestic life in pictures and miniatures, on glass-
paintings, copper-prints, and woodcuts ; and these
1 ' Nowadays even artists themselves eannot perhaps understand how
it was possible to produce such pictures. At that time there was without
doubt a corresponding tendency in public feeling. These painters would
certainly have done different work if these horrors had not been bought
and admired ; indeed, it is possible that approval and orders carried
them on against their will in the direction once taken ' (P. M. in Eggers,
vii. 358).
- See Schorn, Kunstblatt, 1831, pp. 89-90 ; Michiels, ii. 379-40-4, and
iii. 301-339; Forster, iii. 90. Adam Willaei'ts was especially 'distin-
guished in the painting of firebrands ' (Houbraken, p. 31).
3 See the treatise of P. M., Der Teujel und seine Oesellen in der bildenden
Kunst, in Eggers, vii. 301, 310, 329, 345, 350, 409 ; and viii. 12, 20, 128,
141, 155.
DETERIORATION OF SECULAR ART 223
works were characterised by German jocundity and
fidelity, by fine observation, delicate humour, and not
unfrequently by caustic satire,1 but all these pictures
bear quite a different character from the large majority
of those, even those of highly gifted artists, dating
from about the second third of the sixteenth century
down to the Thirty Years' War.
Just as with the Greeks at the time of their de-
cadence,2 a threefold school of cabinet-painting came
now to the front : genre, or still -life painting, the
painting of nastiness, and the painting of indecency.
Sensuality, coarseness and ugliness were no longer
restricted to a subordinate position, and used only as
counterfoils to throw into stronger effect what was
beautiful and noble, but they were considered in and
for themselves legitimate objects of artistic representa-
tion. They were cultivated with particular zest. Art
of this kind, however, was not calculated to ennoble
everyday life, to promote joyousness and peaceful
happiness, even if it did not, as was only too often the
case, drag the people down to the lowest depths of
vice.
There were, of course, many pictures also in which
the mirthful element in the friendly intercourse of
respectable men and women was harmlessly portrayed ;
but as a rule the artists moved among the lowest classes
of society, delineated by preference all that was wildest
and maddest, most licentious and unbridled, above all
the most coarsely sensual incidents at weddings and
village feasts. The low taste of the artists showed the
coarseness of their feelings and the small amount of
moral sense possessed by them ; especially when they
1 See our statements, vol. i. pp. 250-261. 2 See above, pp. 83, 84.
224 history of the German people
reproduced in their pictures what they had witnessed
in the vilest haunts of iniquity.
To whom, asks Walter Rivius in 1548, can the pic-
ture of ' a drunken, frenzied peasant vomiting behind
a hedge give pleasure ? ' And yet ' nowadays there
are numbers of disgusting fellows who, to their shame
as painters, draw and paint such monstrous things —
things that ought indeed to horrify a right-minded
person.' l
Diirer himself complained that ' many artists choose
what is ugly rather than what is beautiful, and this
habit is especially rampant with us.' 2
The peasant scenes of Hans Sebald Beham, one
of the most skilful engravers, include many which
are vulgar in the extreme.3 Among the subjects
which had already come into vogue in the fifteenth
century, and which later on became immensely popular,
was the representation of bad and masterful wives :
one woman is depicted flogging her good man ; another
with a whip in her hand riding on the neck of her
husband, who is crouching on hands and feet ; a third,
also holding a whip, is sitting in a basket which her
husband is obliged to draw along with a rope ; a fourth
is dragging her man by the hair in front of the house,
and at the same time dealing out blows to him with
a stick, and so forth. George Penz, Hans Brosamer,
Martin Zeissinger, Virgil Solis, Balthasar Jenichen,
and other engravers, used their art ' for the counter-
feiting of suchlike amiable wifely deeds.' 4
1 Rivius, p. 443.
2 Diirer, Vier Biicher von menschl. Proportion, 7, IP.
3 Bartsch, viii. 179 ff., Nos. 162, 163, 165, 174, 177. See also Von
Lichtenberg, p. 78 ff.
» Bartsch, vi. 268, 277, 379 ; further, vii. 221, 317, and viii. 350, 463,
GROTESQUENESS AND VULGARITY IN ART 225
Jenichen once depicted seven women fighting for a
pair of trousers.1 In a drawing of Urs Graf, Aristotle
is seen crouching on all fours and serving as riding -
horse to his mistress, a wanton, light-minded young
woman.2 But foremost in inexhaustible production
of unedifying scenes, wild carousals and brawls of
drunken peasants, monsters and deformities, was the
Dutch artist Peter Breughel, nicknamed Peasant-
Breughel ; ' he loved best to paint what nobody likes
to see in life ; ' a characteristic specimen of his style of
art is his ' naked figure of Luxury on the lap of a bestial
creature.' :J
To his countryman Hieronymus Bosch are ascribed
the famous Fett und Wurstfresser (' Fat and Sausage-
eaters ') ; in one picture there figure no less than thirty -
and ix. 77, 277, and x. 48, 51, 52 ; Passavant, Peintre-Graveur, iii. 102,
256, 323, 413, 426 ; Heller, pp. 849, 893 ; Andresen, ii. 179. The female
rider who is managing her husband with bridle and whip is drawn
quite naked. See Sotzmann, in Eggers, ii. 302. ** A ' Game at
Cards,' attributed to Peter Flotner (in part copied by Hirth, Kultur-
histor. Bilderbuch, i. 305 ff.), contains, among other things, two fight-
ing women — a woman beating her husband with a rod, two pigs
eating with spoons from a plate on which lies a lump of dirt, two
pigs turning a roasting-spit on which a lump of dirt is stuck, two pigs
with a draughtboard on which lies a lump of dirt, and even worse things
(S. Lange, Flotner, p. 27 ff.). The same writer remarks (p. 17) : ' With
Flotner dirt is not introduced, as with the other minor masters, in due
connection with the rest of the composition, but in an isolated manner,
and evidently intentionally so ; for instance, in the above-mentioned
pack of cards and in the coping of the marvellous portal design by Reimer
(fig. 10), and on a drinking-bowl lately sold by auction in Dresden,
which bears as signature in the right-hand corner a heap of excrement
pierced with an arrow, a graving-tool, and a chisel. Here, as in the
' Human Alphabet,' the signature is suggestive of the artist's dirty mind.
1 Andresen, ii. 181. Refractory wives were also a favourite theme
of the poets of that period, as we shall show later on.
2 Woltmann, Holbein, i. 207-208. Concerning this legend of Aris-
totle, see Sotzmann in Eggers, ii. 302-303.
3 Rathgeber, Annalen, p. 255, Nos. 1493-1518 ; cf. 440 to 251.
VOL. XI. Q
22G HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
one cripples.1 Even the most harmless animals, ducks
and fowls, crabs and sea fish, are transformed into
uncanny creatures, able to cause fear and shuddering
not only by the grimness and dangerousness of their
appearance, but by their mere presence. The spell of
this witchcraft is also cast over objects of other sorts :
hatchets and choppers start up in a threatening manner ;
jugs and pitchers stretch out claw -like fingers around
them ; tumble-down cabins squint wickedly out of
window eyes from under thatched roofs ; elfin ships
creak along to the shore ; naked trees send out grotesque
snouts, and hills raise on high now a thick sodden nose,
now some other limb or feature protruding through
their green mantles of turf. No less is the magic with
which this artist in unheard-of ways transforms every-
thing that possesses human shape : ears grow like the
claws of birds ; pheasants' tails hang down from
human necks and swing behind dwarfish human feet ;
hands walk, feet clutch hold, not to speak of what is
still more repulsive.2 The Augsburg engraver Daniel
Hopfer was also ambitious of showing his skill in every
imaginable ugly, apish, disgusting kind of picture.3
1 Rathgeber, p. 126, Nos. 516, 516\ 523, 527. Cf. Schorn, Kunst-
blatt, 1882, p. 217 ff. ; Michiels, iii. 41.
2 P. M. in Eggers, vii. 356-357.
3 See Falke, Geschmack, pp. 119-120. Even in the representation of
monsters and spectres ' our country presents an appalling example of
how little mere arbitrai'y caprice can effect without any actual artistic
power.' ' There is nothing more sensually repulsive, bearing on this
point, than the plates (a long festive procession, or procession of gypsies)
of Wenclel Dietterlein ' (see above, p. 108 ff . ). ' This want of creative genius,
which perhaps is the great cause of the incapacity for distinguishing
between genuine fancy and what is merely bizarre, is undoubtedly the
worst fault of this period, a period which, in other artistic respects — for
instance in technique and truth to nature — has produced such highly
meritorious work ' (Eggers, viii. 141).
GBOTESQUENESS AND VULGARITY IN ART 227
The court painter and engraver to the Elector of
Saxony, Henry G<">dig, executed the following four plates:
(1) A huntsman made up of hunting implements and
heads of animals of the chase, with a stag-head for his
nose. (2) A bird-catcher consisting of implements for
snaring birds, with an owl for his nose. (3) A fisherman
with a frog for his nose. (4) A musician formed of
musical instruments, with a drinking-cup beside him.1
Peter Breughel painted four giant heads as pictures of
the seasons, and each head was made up of the products
of the particular season it typified : spring of leaves and
flowers ; summer and autumn of fruits and ears of corn ;
winter of thorns and straw ; so that when seen closely
they looked quite dreadful.1' A Bacchus of Balthasar
Jenichen appears in peasant dress with tattered hose,
crowned with grapes, apples and turnips, and holding
a bowl in his hand ; at his girdle hangs a sausage ; from
a hole in his purse pieces of money are falling on the
ground.3
Cornelius Tenissen represented intemperance by a
man with a pig's head, surrounded with vine -leaves,
playing-cards and dice ; a barrel forms his body.4
Altogether the one great aim of the artists was ' to
find out everything that was terrifying and wonderful
1 Andresen, i. 93, 94. ** Concerning the 'gruesome figures' of
P. Flotner, see Lange, Flotner, p. 163. See also in the same place Flotner's
devil figures, by means of which the representative of faith is being
seduced, and which ' would do honour to an H. Bosch, a P. Breughel,
or a D. Teniers.' Monstrosities were also used for the decoration of guns
and artillery. Duke Henry of Saxony, for instance, had Ins artillery
ornamented with pictures from drawings of Cranach, which his secretary
and biographer, Freydinger, describes as ' shameless and disgusting '
(Lindau, p. 184).
2 Von der Hagen, Briefe in die Heimat, i. 104-105.
3 Andresen, ii. 168.
4 Heller, p. 864.
Q 2
228 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
in heaven and on earth, and to depict it in quite new
and artistic fashion, for the curiosity, the terror, the
anguish, and the horror of mankind,' on engravings
and woodcuts, to be spread broadcast among the people.
For instance, they represented all sorts of wondrous
celestial apparitions that had been seen in Nuremberg,
Cologne, Worms, Leipzig and elsewhere ; a ' new fierce
and gruesome battle ' between two armies in the air ;
a man's head with snakes for hair, which was found in
an egg ; a boy sweating blood, and a winged serpent
in the heavens at Augsburg; a spring of blood near
Beyelstein ; extraordinary bearded grapes, which ap-
peared in the Palatinate as a sign of divine wrath ;
strange prodigies of birth, which happened in Saxony ;
apparitions in the sky and exorcism of devils, as well
as the ' everywhere highly famed ' demoniacal appari-
tions and other signs of wrath in the Mark of Branden-
burg ; wonderful herrings, white whales, mullets, caught
in Holstein, in Silesia, the Kattegat, and other places,
and on the bodies of some of them inscriptions which
proclaimed ' the great and high omnipotence of God,
above all wisdom and beyond our reason to apprehend.' 1
The Basle preacher John Herold presented ' all
godly Christians' in the year 1567 with hundreds of
' beautiful pictures of God's wonder-works in strange
creatures, abortions, and apparitions in the heavens,
on the earth, and in the water.' Amongst these there
is a calf and a goat with a man's head, a child with
1 See concerning these and similar objects the plates mentioned by
Drugulin, pp. 19, 24, 30, 31, 32, 38, 44, 53, 60, 61, 68, 69, 70, 71, 74, 78,
83, 85, 86, 87, 96, 105, 106, 114, 116, 117 ; Andresen, ii. 317. Concerning
« an animal prodigy born of a cow, which makes everybody think horrible
thoughts,' ' counterfeited ' by Cranach, so says Bugenhagen (1547), see
Schuchardt, Cranach, i. 184, observation.
GROTESQUENESS AND VULGARITY IN ART 229
horns, another child with a monkey's face, a third
' with a mouth and nose like an ox, and dogs' heads at
its elbows ; ' and many other such marvellous works.1
John George Schenck of Grafenberg also published
in 1610 a ' Wonder-book,' which contains over a hundred
horrible ' Kontrafacturen : ' for instance, a lion and a
cow with a human head ; .a pig ' with face, forefeet,
and shoulders of a man ; also two-headed, four-handed,
three- and four-footed children ; children of both sexes,
and what was still more dreadful, children which
looked like unreasoning animals, bears, hounds, pigs,
monkeys, and even the devil himself ; ' and three
pictures of ' a wonderful, unheard of, memorable story
of a stone- child, which had been carried twenty- eight
years in its mother's womb, and had grown into a whole
stone and hard rock, which is a wonder of wonders,
quite strange and rare.' ' One such general example
should be enough,' says the author, ' to stamp this
whole wonder-book of strange abortions with special
glory and excellence.' 2
The representation also of ' the terrible devil's
brides, witches and sorceresses ' came more and more
into vogue. We are shown the witches calling the
devils to them, and either coquetting or righting with
them, or else we see them preparing their salves,
or getting themselves dressed for the Sabbath. The
witches' dance and even the witches' Sabbath were
also favourite subjects for pictures. :J One of the most
1 We shall return to this work later on.
- Schenck, Wunderbuch, Preface hi., and pp. 113-116. Readers should
especially compare the pictures at pp. 6, 20, 27, 29, 53, 62 ff., 73, 85-89,
99, 109, 114. At p. 91 there is a picture of ' two bodies which have grown
together at the back, the one the body of a man, the other of a dog.'
:1 Bartsch, vii. 82, 187, 319, 447 ; also viii. 280, 490, and ix. 463-464.
230 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
remarkable series of engravings of this sort was pre-
sented ' to all true-hearted Christians ' in 1594 in a
' Book of Witches,' by Thomas Sigfridus : in sixteen
scenes this artist represents the whole proceedings of
the witches.1 With the same fulness of detail the
artists depicted all the frightful tortures which witches,
magicians, and other criminals had to endure ' for
the needful consolation of godly Christians, who learn
thereby that the magistrates are ready with their
punishments.' ' And Christian parents,' said the phy-
sicist and alchemist, Jodokus Krautblatt, in 1553,
' must be careful to stick up all these many terrible
spectacles in their houses for a wholesome warning to
their children, lest the like should happen to them if
they are ill-advised and godless.' 2 On a woodcut of
the year 1540 there are four unhappy beings, naked
and with frightfully mangled limbs, half in the form
of animals and fastened to four burning stakes. The
inscription underneath says : ' On account of many and
various wicked misdoings these four persons, as here
Passavant, Peintre-Graveur, iii. 120, No. 50. The vignettes to most
witch- books should also be compared ; for instance, those to the Theatrum
de veneflcis. ' The prince of darkness, who disappears gradually from
art, is now, characteristically enough, succeeded by his terrestrial subjects,
the witches. In the place of religious and moral antitheses there now
comes superstition without antithesis. Hell closes, and we behold only
the Blocksberg, or, rather, the preparations for it : the bubbling of the
ill-famed salves and ointments, the gathering together of their uncanny
ingredients under gallows and at the crossing of roads (where we chance
to make the acquaintance of a wretched-looking little man, with root-
fibres for hair, arms and belt, the mystic mandrake) ; and, lastly, the
departure on brooms, the old ones clothed, the young ones naked, as in
Goethe ' (Eggers, viii. 20). ** For representations of witches by Diirer
and other artists of the sixteenth century, see Wessely, Gestalten des
Todes und des Teufels, p. 112 ff.
1 Sigfridus, Bl. 2-3 to the engraving added at the end.
2 Etlich Gedenkzeichen und wolmeinende Warnung (1553), Bl. C2.
IMMORALITY IN ART 231
painted, were punished with fire at Wittenberg on the
day of St. Peter and St. Paul, in the year 1540 ; namely,
an old woman and her son, who had given themselves up
to the devil, but especially the woman, who had had
much shameful intercourse with the devil, had for
some years practised sorcery, raised storms and stopped
fine weather, and had also worked evil to numbers of
poor people by poisoned powders,' and so forth. ' And
the only reason why this picture has been made, is
because there are still numbers of these dangerous
evil-doers in the land, who go about as beggars, usurers,
hangman's servants, and even as herdsmen, so that
the magistrates may keep a watchful eye, and harm be
thus averted from the poor people.' : A large coloured
woodcut of 1586 showed how, on October 31 of that
year, the ' Stump-Peter,' a prodigious criminal, who
could ' change himself into a wolf,' and who, as a wolf,
' had torn in pieces thirteen children, two women and
a man,' had writhed on the gallows wheel at Bedburg,
how his heart had been torn out of his body, how he
had been beheaded, and finally burnt beside two
witches.2
All such representations, distributed among the
people, tended not only to the demoralisation of taste
and character, but also and especially to the encourage-
ment of superstition and belief in witchcraft.
Side by side with the horrible and the gruesome,
1 In the superscription and at the end there are Bible texts. A wood-
cut in my possession.
2 In the Thesaurus Picturarum in the Court library at Darmstadt,
vol. Einziige, fol. 5. In the vol. Calumnice, on fol. 77 there is a ' veritable
and actual representation of how Dr. Nicholas Krell, on October 9, 1601,
was carried, sitting on a chair, from the town hall to the Neumarkt on
a chair and beheaded.' The execution of Silvan (see our remarks,
vol. viii. pp. 157-160) in this same Thesaurus, vol. Palatina, i. 117.
232 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
immorality gained a wider and wider footing in art,
as indeed in the whole of the life of the period. The
saying of Plato comes aptly to mind : ' Art goes up
and down with the spirit of the world.'
The pictures of saints, wrote George Wizel, in 1535,
are ' torn down, hacked in pieces and burnt ; ' on the
other hand all sorts of pictures are produced which
cannot move anyone to godliness : on gates and walls
there hang ' drunken soldiers, women bathing, dances,
card-players, banquets ' and other mundane things,
by which many people are filled with impure thoughts
and enticed into wickedness. ' With uncleanness of
this sort they adorn their dwellings, and inveigh against
those who decorate the churches with pictures of the
true old saints.' l The Roman Pliny, said another
Catholic contemporary, had complained of the indecent
painters ; ' if, however, Pliny could see how the houses
are painted nowadays, what sort of beautiful pictures
are hung on the walls, what sort of sculpture adorns
the bathing-rooms and private apartments of the
princes and great lords, . . . what would he say ? ' The
pictures of God and the saints are often carried away
out of the churches, as if danger of idolatry and impure
thoughts lurked behind them. ' But the best and most
renowned artists are not condemned, but loaded from
foreign lands with great sums of money and much
encouragement, when they paint bedrooms, sitting-
rooms, vaults, &c, with naked figures, and hang up
all sorts of indecent illustrations in the most private
apartments, in which the Heavenly Father and Creator
of all things should be communed with and prayed to
in secret from the bottom of the heart and with a pure
1 Quoted in Dollinger, Reformation, i. (2nd ed.) 101.
IMMORALITY IN ART 233
spirit.' ! ' Most of the painters,' wrote Hippolytus
Guarinoni, ' seem to think that art cannot be expressed
in painting save by naked figures ; ' such indecent
painters, he declares, are ' sheer implements of vice and
profligacy, huntsmen of the devil, who by these nets
catch the game and drive it up to him.' 2
Among the Protestants also there were many who
lamented ' the grievous and unspeakable misfortune
that art, which ought to serve the Lord God and all
righteousness, should have become a minister of sin.'
' Anyone who has the opportunity,' so Karl Doltz
preached in 1557, ' of seeing what serves for decoration
in the homes of numbers of princes, lords, luxurious
merchants, and even artisans, what sort of pictures
are sold at annual fairs, and carried round about by
hawkers, letter-carriers, strolling players, and other
itinerant vendors, must recognise that present-day art
is a school of immorality.' 3 Vadian wrote as follows :
' And it is well known that images and all pictures have
been introduced and increased in number only during
1 Fielder, Tractat Bl. 60b-70. The treatise, translated by Fickler
from the Latin and enlarged by supplements, had appeared first at Paris
in 1549, published by Gabriel Puits-Herbault, a monk at Fontevrault ;
see Dejob, p. 204.
2 Guarinoni, pp. 231, 232.
3 Sermon preached at Erfurt on the day of our Lord's Ascension
(1557), Bl. CJ. ' The town council of Leipzig took into custody at
Michaelmas, 1571, a hawker who at the fair had offered for sale shameful
paintings and pictures to women, girls, and chiklxen.' The pictures taken
from hirn, together with those found on other vendors, ' were publicly
burnt in the market by the hangman ' (A. Kirchhoff, in the Archiv fiir
Gesch. des Buchhandels, x. 124-125). The Elector Christian II. of Saxony
decreed that the pupils of the Schulpjorta should neither buy nor have
in their rooms 'scandalous pictures' (Bertuch, p. 144, No. 21). At the
Ratisbon Diet of 1594 indecent pictures were sold publicly (Guarinoni,
p. 303). The Emperor Ferdinand II. had many obscene paintings burnt
(Dejob, p. 358).
234 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
the last hundred years : now painters and sculptors,
pandering to our bad morals and style of dressing,
represent females with such indecency that, gazing at
them, one is more inclined to sin than to prayer.' l
The preacher Erasmus Grtininger, in a sermon on
morality, preached in 1605 in the court chapel at Stutt-
gart against ' all those painters, sculptors, engravers,
and designers who reproduced all sorts of licentious
scenes, pictures of Venus and Cupid and other wanton
and objectionable subjects, calculated to corrupt inno-
cent hearts.'2 Amorous scenes from mythology of
the most repulsive kind were the favourite subjects
of art, and by the manner of their treatment they not
unfrequently developed into regular brothel pictures.
Aldegrever could not even depict the leap of the Roman
hero, Marcus Curtius, without introducing five naked
women.0
1 ** Watt, i. 349 note.
- Guarinoni, pp. 228-229. ** Very improper scenes are depicted on
the so-called Emperor's house at Hildesheim, especially on the side of the
building looking towards the adjoining farmhouse, and also on the facade
of the town hall at Bremen. The frieze on the so-called ' Brusttuch,' in
Goslar, built in 1526, is, to put it mildly, very coarse. See also Von Hesner-
Alteneck, Lebenserinnerungen, p. 118 ff. Objectionable pictures even found
admittance to the palaces of ecclesiastical princes. Concerning the Salzburg
archbishop, Wolf Dietrich von Raittenau, described in vol. ix. pp. 203, 204,
see Mayr-Deisinger, p. 90 (but cf. also p. 182). The frescoes in the Castello
del Buon Consiglio, the seat of the Prince-Bishop of Trent, contained such
offensive nudities that before the assembling of the Council it was thought
fit to paint them over in part with clothes. Cf. II Castello del Buon Con-
siglio ml 1780, in a MS. of Francesco Bartoli (Nozze Zippel, Trento,
1890), p. 25.
3 For a clearer idea of the mass of these objectionable representations
from mythology, from old sagas and history, and from every-day hfe,
readers are specially referred to Bartsch, iii. 43, 54, 102-103, 105-110,
122-125, 138-139, 145, 147, 150-151, 155, 168-169, 176, 180, 204, 234-
235, 243-249, 252, 268, 284-286 ; vii. 85-87, 318, 346, 406-409, 419-420,
522, 524, 527, 541, 544 ; viii. 61-63, 90-92, 98, 104, 154, 159, 161, 177,
202-203, 241, 244-245, 263, 278-279, 281-282, 285, 348-349, 368, 373,
IMMORALITY IN ART 235
Amongst German painters Lucas Cranach was
notorious for the depth of degradation to which he
386, 411, 413, 462-463, 513, 536-538, 540, 544-545 (the plates of the two
Behams also in Rosenberg, p. 83 ff., Nos. 16, 17, 28-30, 32-36, 41, 44,
53, 55-56, 58, 65 ; p. 91 ff., Nos. 4, 6 ; p. 94, No. 9, 13-15, 17 ; p. 99 ff.,
Nos. 68, 82, 107, 108, 113, 114, 154-161, 271, 272) ; further, 9, 21-22,
36, 47, 49, 54, 64-65, 76-77, 91, 112, 119-120, 131, 136, 163, 241, 249,
256, 277, 497, 510-512, 513, 584 ; Andresen, ii. 86-87, 169, and hi. 230 ;
Passavant, iii. 7, 20, 87, 102, 253, 255, 298, 319, and iv. 52-53, 55, 83,
93, 130, 284-289 ; Drugulin, Histor. Bilderatlas, Part I. (Leipzig, 1863),
p. 97 ff., Nos. 2490, 2492, 2511-2515. (For the rest of this note see vol. vi.
of the German, p. 164, note 3 ff.) ** Cf. Von Lichtenberg, p. 37 ff. For
Nicholas Manuel's quantities of nude figures — a naked girl with a plumed
hat, another with a biretta and neckband, a third with flowing hair,
a fourth with a biretta trimmed with feathers and a chain on her neck, a
fifth with a staff, a sixth with a hat and neckband, a naked woman floating
in the air, a naked woman playing the violin, a woman with a saint's halo (!)
holding her petticoats high up, and so forth, see Baechtold, cxiii.-cxix.
** B. Haendke (Nicholas Manuel Deutsch as Artist. Frauenfeld, 1889)
considers Manuel's delight in the nude and his ' refreshing sensuality '
(p. 55) altogether justifiable. It is difficult to understand how the author
can deny (p. 31) that Manuel painted indecent scenes by preference.
Haendke contradicts himself by the very examples which he cites. Of
the picture ' Die Umarmung des Todes und einer Dime ' even Haendke
must allow that it is 'a demoniacal, fiery, ultra-lascivious conception.'
In an article on Urs Graf, praising the direction of Manuel's taste, Edward
His speaks of the ' frequently very lascivious character of his drawings '
and of his ' preference for the frivolous.' ' Nudities are not only pre-
dominant in his hand-drawings,' but also in the title-page decorations
which he executed for printers (Von Zahn, Jahrbiicher, vi. 180-187). A
border designed by Urs Graf in 1519 (' Pyramus and Thisbe') is unfit for
description (Butsch, i. 34 ; cf. Woltmann, Holbein, i. 209-210). To what
extent nudities figured in book decoration is shown, for instance, by the
alphabet in woodcut executed at Frankfort in 1542, which, with few
exceptions, contains only naked figures or love scenes (Butsch, ii. 48 and
plate 46). Concerning the nudities of Hans Baldung Grien, see Wolt-
mann, Art in Alsace, p. 289 ; for those of Adam Elzheimer, see Seibt,
A. Elzheimer, pp. 70-71. Amorous old men or women in Bartsch, iii.
122-124, 209 ; further, vii. 102-103, 544, and ix. 152 ; Passavant, iii. 7,
20, 319 ; HeDer, pp. 299, 367, 445, 823, 849, 871, 885, 900. As early as
the fifteenth century Israel von Mecken painted amorous old people ;
cf. Bartsch, vi. 266, Buhlschajtsszenen aus damaliger Zeil, vi. 88, 270,
378. Concerning the increasing licentiousness in such representations
in the sixteenth century, see Von Rettberg, Kulturgesch. Brief e, pp. 251-
266 ; Bartsch, viii. 90. The so-called Anabaptist bath of naked men and
236 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
dragged art down by his nudities, his Venus figures,
his sleeping nymphs, &c, as also by his lampoons
women by Henry Aldegrever is criticised by Wessely, pp. 58-59. Cornelius
Cornelissen painted a whole party of unclothed men and women sitting at
a banquet (Forster, iii. 28). As regards the engraver, Albert Altdorfer,
Waagen (Gesch. der Malerei, i. 239) speaks of his ' naked figures taken from
ancient mythology, such as Neptune, Venus, the winged woman,' as ' taste-
less and repulsive in the extreme.' On the other hand, another art critic
finds ' the awakening sensuousness ' in Altdorfer ' always quite charming.
But,' he says, ' we can find no charm in Penz's and Beham's broad-
hipped heroines, temptingly spreading out their limbs, and showing no
more of antique gracefulness or Venetian luxuriancy than the wish for
them ' (Eggers, viii. 12). Hans Sebald Beham sets up naked women ' to
teach morality.' In a series of drawings he attempts to prove that
' death does away with all human beauty,' but he falls into lascivious-
ness. Nor is his trespassing on aesthetic decency excused by the saying :
' Mors ultima linea rerum ' (' Death ends all '). Occasionally S. Beham
puts hypocrisy aside : thus he recommends the fearless portraying of
female beauty in an etching representing a winged Venus with a blind-
folded Cupid, and bearing the inscription ' Audaces Venus ipsa juvat '
('Venus herself helps those who dare') (Svoboda, Beil. Allg. Zeit. 1885,
No. 220). The most revolting brothel painter was Hans Torrentius, of
Amsterdam : ' Les libertins memes avoient horreur de ses compositions '
(Deschamps, pp. 382-383 ; Houbraken, pp. 63, 212-213 ; Fiorillo, iii. 204-205 ;
Michiels, iii. 33G). ** Of Hans Sebald Beham, Liitzow writes, in the Gesch.
der deutschen Kunst, v. 205-206 : ' The imagination of the artist goes off, on
the one hand into cold allegories, on the other into nudity and obscenity.
The more than coarse taste of the time may have called forth these things.
Hans Sebald, however, was only too ready to gratify this taste. He is
not content with mythological representations from the cycle of Venus,
which are legitimate subjects for such treatment, but he has plates of quite
undisguised naturalism, such as " Night " (Plate 153), in which nudity is
depicted entirely for its own sake, and with the most scrupulous accuracy.'
** See also Von Lichtenberg, p. 77 ff. With regard to Altdorfer, cf. the
careful monograph of Max Friedliinder, Albrecht Altdorfer der Maler von
Regensburg, Leipzig, 1891. 'With Peter Flotner,' says Lange (p. 160),
' the nude plays, on the whole, a less important part than one might ex-
pect considering the general coarseness of his conceptions. In some of
his works — for instance, the bas-relief of the " Holzschuhersche Pokal "
(a bowl in the shape of a sabot) — he has certainly gone to full length in this
direction, but in his Plaquettes, in his women at any rate, he avoids
complete nudity more than many of his contemporaries ; indeed, he
actually shows a striking inclination for covering up hands. He evidently
desired to place no difficulties in the way of his Plaquettes being used
for the decoration of church utensils, though this was certainly not the
ARTIST LIFE 237
against the papacy.1 As an old man of seventy-four his
depraved taste still appears in his ' Jungbrunnen '
('Fountain of Youth ').
The entire tendency of art stood in complete
antagonism not only to Christian doctrine and the
teaching of the Old Testament, but also to the theories
and practice of the genuine classic antique. It brought
back to sight the fashions of the degenerate Greek and
Roman times.2
The degradation of art was very closely connected
with the demoralised lives of numbers of the artists.3
The Swiss painter Urs Graf, according to the evidence
first object that he had in view. For the rest he thoroughly understands
the art of expressing or suggesting nudity more by the clothing of his
figures than by leaving them unclothed. Not only does he cover them
with diaphanous drapery, which clings closely to the form, but there is
a kind of coquetry in its arrangement ; it is opened or pushed aside in
certain places in order to show parts of the naked body.' ' Least of all
delightful,' Lange goes on to say (p. 163), ' is the third and specially
prominent feature in his (Flotner's) art — preference for coarseness and
obscenity. The characteristic example in this respect is his " bowl
imitating a wooden shoe," of which, however, it is fair to say that it is
not known how far the decorative figures may have been made to order.'
Lange then draws attention to a few modifying circumstances — for instance,
the coarseness of the age — and concludes thus : ' A strongly expressed
sensual vein cannot be denied in our master, and I also seem to scent
a certain suppressed lasciviousness in many of his female figures ; but the
most repulsive and coarse productions which he has bequeathed to us
must be considered rather in the light of the period than as the outcome
of an unclean personal character.' The above-mentioned shameless
representation of Faith (p. 214) by Flotner can scarcely be excused.
A. Weese, Der schone Mensch in der Kunst oiler Zeiten (Munich. 1900),
says of Cranach : ' Investigation of his works can but give as its best
result an unravelling of complicated historical conditions, only in the
very rarest cases does it afford any enjoyment from the point of view of
art history. His discursive manner of treating mythological subjects
is less of a stumbling-stone than his trivial, philistine conception of the
human body.'
J See above, pp. 56, 57. 2 See above, p. 83 ff.
3 See above, p. 48.
238 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
of the police reports, was ' not unfrequently involved
in drunken nocturnal rows and quarrels.' On
November 20, 1522, he was obliged, after undergoing
punishment, to swear a solemn oath, ' to abstain from
such disgraceful proceedings, from adultery and other
misdemeanours,' and to give up ' shaking, beating,
starving, and in other ways maltreating his wife.'
The following year he was again in prison.1 Virgil Solis
* was long held in memory as a good boon-companion ; ' 2
the designers Samson and David Dienecker, sons of
the famous Jost Dienecker, who died in 1548, were
sentenced for thieving and adultery.3 The Dutch
painter, James Barbari, one of the first painters of
nudity on this side of the Alps, led a licentious life,
and had at one time exercised a very evil influence on
the two Behams and on George Penz.4
These three painters were banished from Nuremberg
at the end of January 1525, ' because they had shown
themselves to be more godless and heathenish than any-
one had been known to be before.' Before a court of
justice the two Behams had declared that they could
not believe in the Holy Scriptures, nor yet in baptism
or in the Lord's Supper. To the question whether
he and his brother had expressed the opinion that ' no
one ought to work, that goods should be divided, and
that they despised outward authority,' Barthel Beham
answered that he recognised no authority but that
of Almighty God. Veit Wirsperger, cross-examined
1 E. His in Von Zahn's Jahrbiicher, v. 259 ff.
2 Quaden von Kinckelbach, p. 430 ; see Pallmann, p. 9.
3 Butsch, i. 16-17.
4 De Ganditto, p. 219. Cf. concerning Barbari, pp. 6-7, 284 ff., 302 ff.
' Jacob de Barbari est le veritable renovateur de ce nouveau type du
beau chaste (!) et voluptueux, que l'art a vetu de sa seule nudite ' (p. 399).
ARTIST LIFE 239
concerning his intercourse with the brothers Beham,
deposed that ' Barthel said he knew no Christ, and
could say nothing about Him ; it was just the same to
him as when he heard tell of Duke Ernest, said to
have gone away into a mountain. The brother Sebald
was no less obstinate and devilish, and it was a grievous
thing that Christian people should live with them as
their wives.' George Penz said out frankly before
the court of justice : ' He felt certainly to some extent
that there was a God, but what exactly to believe
about Him he did not know ; about Christ he held no
opinions ; he could not believe in the Holy Scriptures ;
he did not believe in the Sacraments of Baptism and
the Lord's Supper.' He, too, recognised no earthly
authority ; ' he knew of no Lord,' he said, ' but God
alone.' ' These three painters,' it was said in the
decision of the court, ' are beyond others proud, inso-
lent, and great in the opinion of the public, and it is
therefore well to consider what noxious poison they
may sow and spread more now even than before.' 1
These ' godless painters ' of Nuremberg were associated
with the Westphalian painter and engraver Henry
Aldegrever, who at one time had worked for John of
Leyden, the king of the Anabaptists at Miinster, and
had been sentenced to punishment by the magistrate
at Soest for painting an indecent picture.2
The conduct of numbers of Dutch painters was
indeed notoriously bad. Jan Mabuse, who was first
to follow the lead of Barbari in introducing from Italy
1 Verh'irsprotocoll, but not quite complete, in Kolde, in the Kirchen-
geschichtlichen Studien, pp. 243-249. See also our remarks, vol. iv.
pp. 109, 110. ** And A. Bauch, in the Repertorium fiir Kunstivissen-
schaft, pp. 20, 194 ff.
2 Gehrken, pp. 8-9.
240 HISTORY OF TflE GERMAN PEOPLE
the art of ' illustrating stories with all sorts of naked
figures and indecent rhymes,' led an extremely scan-
dalous life.1 Francis Floris, the so-called ' Flemish
Raphael,' who had over 120 pupils, ranked as the
' most notorious of all debauchees.' All ' votaries
of Bacchus ' frequented his society, and he ' was con-
sidered equally great both as drinker and painter.'
Cornelius of Gouda and Cornelius Molenaer were also
renowned as mighty topers, and Adam van Oort,
Joachim Patenier and Hans Torrentius as rakes.1'
The ' Schilderbuch ' of Charles van Mander, pub-
lished in 1604, throws the most melancholy light on
the morals prevalent among the painters. The author,
himself a painter, admonishes his fellow- artists not to
give themselves up to bestial drunkenness, or to take
the lives of others ; not to fight out their quarrels with
fists and knives, and to fly at each other with abusive
language as is the custom among the fishwives on the
market-place. The young painters should make it
1 Van Mander, Bl. 225 ; see p. 235.
2 Ibid. Bl. 227b, 239-240, 2561'. Details concerning the frightful
drinking capacity of Francis Floris are given at Bl. 242b-243 ; Deschamps,
pp. 229, 382-383 ; cf. Michiels, iii. 54-55, 143-145, 172-175, 217, 299,
314, and iv. 42, 44. Of the older Christian school of painting Michiels
(iii. 54-55) says : ' Nulle ombre ne ternit leur image, la gloire l'eclaire
de purs rayons.' On the other hand : ' Avec Jean de Maubeuge le spectacle
change ; il inaugure la debauche au sein des ateliers flamands, la consacre
par son merite et entraine sur ses pas une foule avinee. D'autres scenes
vont maintenant frapper nos yeux ; un grand nombre d' artistes poseront
devant nous, l'oeil hagard, les con des sur la table, remplissant leur cho])e
jusqu'au bord, debrailles, humides de la sueur des cabarets, psalmodiant
ou hurlant quelque chanson grisoise, la bouehe mal essuyee, la coiffure
de travers, et tenant a la main leur pipe fidele.' ' On a voulu,' says
Michiels (iii. 55), ' rendre douteuse, en Belgique et en Hollande, la realite
de ces mceurs grossieres . . . mais Thistoire est inexorable et la tenta-
tive a echoue. Mille preuves, mille circonstances refutent les hableries
des patriotes neerlandais.'
ARTIST LIFE 241
their aim to see that the common saying among the
people, Hoe Schilder hoe wilder (the more painter the
more savage), became a thing of the past, and that
it should no more be said, ' most of the painters are
the worst good-for-nothings : ' ' coarse, dissolute bar-
barians ' had no right to the name of artist.1
1 Van Mander, Bl. 2tJ-3b.
VOL. XL R
242 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
CHAPTEE XII
MUSIC, CHURCH HYMNS AND SACRED SONG
At the close of the Middle Ages Dutch- German music
enjoyed very remarkable eminence ; ! the influence
of the great masters of that time dominated nearly
the whole of the sixteenth century. Musical literature
increased proportionately.2
One of the greatest masters of music was Henry
Isaak, the ' symphonist ' of the chapel of the Emperor
Maximilian I. Among his motets two compositions
arranged for six voices, and glorifying the highest
ecclesiastical and the highest worldly power — the Pope
and the Emperor — are regarded as art works of the
very first rank. His revision of the offices for the
Sundays and festivals of the Church year, which
appeared first in 1555, contains the most instructive
examples for the study of the Gregorian choral and
figured counterpoint ; it is prized by connoisseurs of
music as one of the most precious monuments of the
musical past. A considerable portion of this work was
completed by Isaak's pupil, Louis Senfl of Basel-Augst,
who for several decades* up to his death in 1555,
was choir-master to Duke William IV. of Bavaria.
1 See our remarks, vol. i. pp. 264-273.
2 In the catalogues of the fairs which begin with the year 1564, the
record of musical writings published from 1564 to 1618 is : 678 in Latin,
482 in German, 136 in Italian, 49 in French. Collected from Schwetschke,
nn. 1-69.
MUSIC— ORLANDUS LASSUS 243
His motets, both as regards their emotional or dramatic
expression and their artistic technique, may be ranked
as the best of what strict, closely knit, polyphonic
treatment (or method) could produce in Germany
during the first half of the sixteenth century, and still
later on. One of the finest is the five- voiced hymn to
Mary, ' Ave rosa sine spinis,' a veritable ' Maria im
Rosenhag ' (' Mary among the Roses '). His compositions
of the Magnificat in the eight Church modes have become
the standard classic form for this kind of music. Senfl
was a sincere believer, and a pious, humble-minded,
honourable man. In his German songs of a religious
character, especially in the four-part song ' Eternal
God, at whose decree the Son came down to earth,'
there breathes a power of faith, a depth and purity of
sentiment such as have scarcely been surpassed in any
of the songs of that period.1
After the death of Senfl, Roland de Lattre (Orlandus
Lassus) from Hainault became director of Chamber
music in 1557, and in 1562 head choir-master to the
court of Albert V. at Munich. Albert was famous in
German and Italian lands ' as one of the most generous
patrons of music ; ' he took pains to procure from out
the length and breadth of Europe ' excellent good
singers who would be an ornament to the chapel.' 2
The choir-master Orlandus was one of the most
1 From Ambros, iii. 380-389, 405-409 ; Nauinann, i. 404. Con-
cerning the composer, Paul Hofheimer of Radstadt, in the Salzburg
Alps (f 1537)v his pupil, Ottmar Luscinius wrote : ' All his works are
clear and intelligent. There is nothing dry and cold in them, and nobody-
is ever tired of listening to this truly angelic harmony. However full
and complex the harmony, the style is always clear, fiery, and powerful '
(Baumker, Tonkunst, p. 161).
2 K. Trautmann in the Jahrbuch fiir Mi/nchener Oesch. i. 218-219 ;
cf. p. 286.
E 2
244 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
prolific composers ever known. He advanced poly-
phony on towards its highest perfection, and gained for
his own Church music in the North the same importance
which Palestrina enjoyed in the South. His Seven
Penitential Psalms especially are unequalled for depth,
purity and beauty.1
His Masses, almost fifty in number, bear throughout
the stamp of religious elevation and dignity. A devout
venerator of the Holy Virgin, he set the Magnificat to
music more than a hundred times, so that, as his son
puts it, ' it would seem as though he had wished to
devote the whole of his musical art to the laudation of
Holy Mary ; ' 'by means of the lovely and devout
harmonies of these songs he hoped to inspire as many
people as possible with veneration and love for the most
blessed Virgin.' His four-, five-, and six-part German
Church hymns, ' Vater Unser im Himmelreich,' ' Aus
hartem Wehe klagt,' ' In vil Triibsal und Versuchung,'
and others, may also be reckoned as masterpieces of
sacred song. In his private life this homely German,
' this peaceful, quiet, modest-minded man,' was a model
of blameless conduct. At the Bavarian princely court
he counted among the most highly esteemed person-
ages ; he stood in friendly relations with the highest
spiritual and secular dignitaries ; Pope Gregory XIII.
nominated him Knight of the Golden Spur, and the
Emperor Maximilian II. invested him with imperial
nobility ; but ' the most flattering tokens of recognition
from numbers of great people,' says the French historian
1 ' They belong,' says Ainbros (iii. 353), ' to those grandest monu-
ments of art which time and its torrents, bringing and sweeping away
lesser things, are powerless to overwhelm. Whenever mention is made
of the music of the sixteenth century, the mind at once reverts to these
Psalms and to Palestrina's Missa Papoe Marcdli?
ORLANDUS LASSUS AND OTHER COMPOSERS 240
De Thou, ' and a fame that extended through the
whole of Europe, never spoilt the humility which
rather endured than enjoyed all this distinction.'
Amid his arduous services as choir-master he com-
posed over 2,000 works. Even at an advanced age his
motto still was : ' So long as God gives me health, I can-
not and will not be idle.' At the age of seventy-four,
on May 24, 1594, he dedicated his last musical composi-
tion : ' The Tears of St. Peter,' to Pope Clement VIII. ;
' Set to music by me,' he says in the dedicatory preface,
' out of particular high esteem for your Holiness.'
Three weeks later he died, after having made a bequest
' in perpetual memory of himself, his heirs and descend-
ants, and for the consolation and salvation of his and
their souls,' of a yearly sum to be given to every poor
person in the Hospital of the Holy Ghost at Munich
on the first Sunday after Michaelmas Day, and also for
a perpetual anniversary, with a High Mass and two
Low Masses, to be held in the Church of St. John the
Baptist at Geising-on-the-Ampel. Both in his art
and in his private life Orlandus was in every way a
firm adherent to the Christian- German throught of the
Middle Ages, and he transmitted to posterity, in im-
perishable creations, the old Dutch- German art-spirit,
blended and assimilated with the still uncorrupted
art of the romanesque peoples.1
1 Fuller details occur in W. Baumker, Orlandus de Lassus, der letzte
grosse Meister der niederUindischen Tonschide, Freiburg, 1878. Cf.
Ambros, iii. 351 ff. (** 2nd ed., 1881, p. 354 ff.) ; Naurnann, i. 356-
369 ; Kostlin, Gcschkhte der Musik, pp. 132-135. ** F. X. Haberl, in
his Kirchenmusical. Jahrb. for 1891, p. 98 ff., gives interesting extracts
from the correspondence of Orlando di Lasso with Prince (after-
wards Duke) William IV. of Bavaria. It is, however, to be regretted
that the publisher only prints those passages which are important
in the history of music. In the same publication, 1893, p. 61 ff.,
246 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Four months before liini his brother artist Palestrina
had died. Both these masters raised sacred song to its
full height and dignity : they were reformers in the
true sense of the word ; full of reverence for the tradi-
tional forms of art, they never broke with the organism
of art, but on the contrary penetrated into its depths,
ennobled and transfigured it In this respect they
were the prototypes of all really great masters of later
periods.
Among German composers of second rank, who
nevertheless did a great deal of admirable work, may
be mentioned Arnold von Brack, Dean of the Abbey
at Laibach and chapel-master in Vienna (f after 1545),
and Leonard Pamminger, master at the Thomas School
at Passau (f 1567). The first of these is especially dis-
tinguished for his deeply pious German songs. His
profound grief at the Church schism which had broken
out is expressed in his six-voiced prayer to the Holy
Trinity. ' Help us to right this strife,' he implores the
Saviour, ' since Thou art the Mediator : see what misery
has sprung up in Thine house.' He composed an
exquisite piece for six voices on the old German hymn :
' 0 du armer Judas, was hast du gethan ? ' ' Pam-
minger treated the liturgy of the whole Church year
in an almost exhaustive manner, including the har-
monisation of nearly all the Psalms.2
there are extracts from archives concerning 0. di Lasso and his descen-
dants. At the third centenary of the death of O. di Lasso there appeared
several valuable works such as : (I.) Beitriige zur Geschichte der bayr.
Hofkapclle writer 0. di Lasso, by A. Sanclberger, vol. i., Munich, 1894 ;
(II.) O. di lasso, ein Lebensbild, von E. v. Destouches, Munich, 1894.
See also the Liter aturangeben, in Riezler, iv. 478.
1 Arnbros, hi. 401-403 (2nd ed. p. 413 ff.). ** Baumker, Kirchenlied,
iii. 349.
- So says Proske, preface to the Musica divina, p. 15. See Baumker,
MUSIC— THE HUMANISTS 247
As in the case of the plastic arts, so, too, in music
an attempt was made to revive the antique. The
German humanists, with Conrad Celtes at their head,
endeavoured to bring about this revival or ' Renais-
sance ' by fitting musical rhythm as far as possible
to that of language, and thus founding a style of music
adapted to syllabic verse structure. They set poems
of Horace and Virgil, hymns of Prudentius and Sedulius,
as well as theiu own poetic efforts, to music, metrically
for one voice, and attempted to subordinate the other
voices to a mere harmonised accompaniment.1 What
they succeeded in producing is, in its commonplace,
bourgeois insipidity, on a level with the productions
of the Meistersanger of this time.-
While the humanists, like the disciples of the plastic
arts, aimed only at external imitation of all the new
art forms that had come into vogue in Italy, and
Tonkunst, pp. 161-162. For other composers, Lorenz Liimlin, Sixt
Dietrich, &c, see Ambros, hi. 393 ft'. (2nd eel. p. 403 ft.).
1 I.e. one sang a tune, and the others notes in harmony below, instead
of an instrumental accompaniment. — [Translator].
2 See Jacob, p. 454 ; Kostlin, pp. 201-202. Ambros (iii. 376-377)
says : ' By strict and hteral adhesion to Horace, Catullus, Virgil, and
Propertius, music was to be brought nearer to the antique — that is,
according to the opinion of the day, nearer to the only art and culture
which could be legitimately so called. Music, in fact, was to be reborn
in the antique sense. While the learned and cultivated Florentine circles
were intent on a revival of antique tragedy set to appropriate music,
music which should interpret the spirit of the words, not servilely imitating
their metrical arrangement, in Germany this musical renaissance, just
like the German art renaissance, was a merely outward, formal, school-
masterish affair.' ' These German schoolmasters in Roman togas, mutually
crowning each other with laurels, have something irresistibly comic
about them.' See R. v. Liliencron, ' Die horazischen Metren in den deut-
schen Kompositionen des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts.' Vierteljahrschrift fiir
Musikwissenschaft, 1887, Heft i. 26-92 ; and also Von Liliencron, ' Die
Chorgesange des lateinisch-deutschen Schuldramas im sechzehnten Jahr-
hundert,' he. cit. 1890, p. 309 ff.
248 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
consequently failed lamentably in their works, those
German composers, on the other hand, who went through
their apprenticeship under the Venetians, Andrea and
Giovanni Gabrieli, became initiated in the spirit of
their masters and produced works of lasting value ;
in the first rank of these are the Nuremberger, Hans
Leo Hasler, James Handl, styled Gallus, from Carniola,
and Gregory Aichinger of Ratisbon. Hasler served
for many years in the Fugger chapel at Augsburg ; in
the later years of his life (fl612 at Frankfort-on-the-
Main) he joined the new religion, and arranged an
admirable book of chorales for Protestant use ; but his
real renown as a classic master lies in the composi-
tions prepared for the Catholic Church, above all in
a twelve-part Mass which has no equal.1 His five- voice
piece 'Mein Gemiith ist mir verwirrt' lives on still in the
Chorale of Paul Gerhard's song : ' 0 Haupt voll Blut
und Wunden.' - James Handl (fl591 at Prague) gained
such distinction by his Church music that he was
regarded as ' a German Palestrina.' For pure beauty,
however, and thoroughness of artistic culture Hasler
and Handl, according to the opinion of musical con-
noisseurs, were far surpassed by Aichinger, who was for
many years organist to the Fugger chapel at Augsburg,
and who died there in charge of the cathedral choir
in 1628.3
At the time when these great composers flourished,
1 Franz Commer has published two volumes of Hasler's Church music
in the Musica sacra, vols. xiii. and xiv. (Berlin, 1872, 1873)
2 Ambros, iii. 557 (** 2nd ed. p. 574).
3 His motets especially show ' the indefinable mark of genius.' ' One
wonders at last whether one should not, without further ado, award the
palm among the German masters to this Ratisbon priest, so simple and
withal of such rich an:l profound intellect ' (Ambros, iii. 531).
DECAY OF LITURGICAL SONG 249
vocal Church music, especially in the larger chapels,
had long been to a great extent superseded by instru-
mental music,1 and sacred song had very generally
lapsed into a state of decay by which ' piety and devo-
tion were rather hindered than promoted.' The ut-
terances of contemporaries leave no doubt whatever
on this point. In proportion as the musical system
established by Gregory the Great was abandoned,
liturgical song degenerated. The famous theologian,
William Lindanus, complained in a work published at
Cologne in 1559 that ' Instead of stimulating the con-
gregation to religious feelings and to the utterance of
fervent prayer, the singing of the singers nowadays is
much more calculated to disturb prayer and worship ; '
what one hears at divine service is not song but a
medley of constantly reiterated syllables, a hurly-burly
of voices, a confused screaming and wild howling. -
Violins, trombones, horns, and bassoons were used for Church
singing ; see Jacob, p. 464, note 1. As regards organs, ' their size in-
creased greatly in the sixteenth century, and whereas at the same time
the actual liturgical vocal music was more and more thrown out by the
development of the newer music and the adoption of all possible instru-
ments, the part of the organ grew to giant proportions, but also, not un-
frequently, it became proportionately unsuited to the actual service of the
altar' (Jacob, p. 270). ** The organs were used: (1) for preludes ; (2) for
accompanying different choir pieces ; (3) alternately with the choir in
the performance of liturgical song. By the Ccerimoniale Episcoporum,
which Clement VIII. published in the year 1600, certain abuses which
had arisen in connection with organ-playing were abolished, and definite
rules were laid down for the use of organs. See G. Rietschel, Die Avfgabe
der Org el im Gottesdienste (Leipzig, 1893), p. 16. See now also the admir-
able article ' Orgel ' by Baumker in Wetzer and Welte's Kirchenlexikon, x.
(2nd ed.), 1048 ff. See also H. Weber, Der Kircliengesang im Fiirstbistum
Bamberg (Vereinsschrift der Gorres-Gesellschaft, Cologne, 1893), p. 25 ff.
Here there are fuller details concerning the culture of music in the college
for the education of the clergy, erected in 1586 in compliance with the
rules of the Council of Trent.
- Jungmann, p. 832. The Panopl. Evangel, appeared first at Cologne
in 1559.
250 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Iii spite of the reform, decrees of the Council of Trent
and the ordinances of provincial and diocesan synods,1
' they went further and further with these bad usages.'
' They think,' wrote Jodokus Lorichius, professor of
theology at Freiburg in the Breisgau, in 1593, ' they
think to do God special honour and to praise Him better
with quantities of stringed instruments, and much
figured music ; ' but ' good and strong management is
necessary here to prevent the worship of God being
turned into theatrical performance, and the attention
of the congregation being more diverted from worship
than helped in it ; ' they ought ' to proceed with suitable
order, discretion and piety ; ' it was not ' every kind
of song that was fit for church services.' 2 ' In church
and at the service of God,' says the Bavarian court
secretary Aegidius Albertinus in 1602, ' music is often
misused : they no longer sing in a manly, modest,
clear and intelligent voice, but in a feminine, immodest,
unintelligent and vulgar manner ; there is so much
extraordinary colouring, fancifulness and fireworks,
as if the music were not composed for the praise and
glory of the Lord, but for the magnifying of art and
pride.' 3
In many different ways ' things that were still
worse ' were introduced into divine service.
' One hears rapturous love-songs,' wrote John
Fickler in 1581, ' played on organs in churches, and
songs of this kind do not come out of David's Psalms
or from the evangel or from Paul, but from the "Katzi-
pori," the "Rollwagen," the " Gartengesellschaf t " or
1 See Jacob, pp. 38C ff., 424 ff.
- Lorichius, Aberglaub, p. 54.
3 Hausspolizei, seventh part, p. 135b.
PROTESTANT COMPOSERS 251
from indecent Italian song-books. ' l On the Protestant
side the Ulm superintendent Conrad Dietrich (b. 1575)
complained in a sermon : ' There are numbers of com-
posers who display their musical skill in concerted
pieces, madrigals and so forth, but such music is not
fit for churches. Others compose pretty, cheerful,
sprightly dance-music, and write under it all sorts of
frivolous, amorous, licentious words ; these pieces also
are not suitable in the Lord's house of song, but are
fit only for the playhouse of Dame Venus. Oh, you
cantors, what a heavy reckoning you will have to pay
one day for having accustomed your pupils and
choristers to this sort of thing ! ' 2
Among the Protestant composers of the sixteenth
century there is scarcely one who stands on the level
of the great Catholic masters ; many of them, however,
fill a prominent place in the history of music, and
earned lasting distinction in the field of Protestant
sacred song. Foremost among the latter was John
Eccard, a pupil of Orlandus Lassus, at first choir-
master in the Fugger chapel at Augsburg, and later
in similar positions at Konigsberg and at Berlin (f 1611).
It was said of him, as of his master, that he was
' a peaceable, quiet man.' 3 His works are all written
for choir singing, not for accompaniments to congrega-
tional singing. In company with him Sethus Calvisius,
cantor at the St. Thomas School at Leipzig, Bartholo-
mew Gesius, cantor at Frankfort-on-the-Oder, Melchior
1 Fickler, Tractat, Bl. 40\ For the collections of anecdotes, ' Katzi-
pori, Rollwagen, Gartengesellschaft,' see our later section, ' Unterhaltungs-
literatur' (' Entertaining Literature') in vol. xii.
2 Sonderbare Predigten, i. 234-235.
3 Von Winterfeld, Zur Gesch. heiliger Tonkunst, ii. 281 ; cf. i. 57-78,
the article ' Orlandus Lassus and John Eccard.'
252 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Frank,1 court choir-master at Coburg, and Michael
Praetorius, court choir-master at Wolfenbiittel, deserve
honourable mention. The last-named ("f 1621) was
largely instrumental, by his original composition, by
his adaptations of Italian works, and by his literary
works, in paving the way into Germany for the music
of Italy, which by that time had become very much
secularised.2 The Protestants very early complained
that among them Church music enjoyed no high esteem.
' It is no wonder,' wrote John Walther, one of the
earliest composers in the service of the new faith, ' that
music is nowadays so much despised and abused, seeing
that other arts also, which nevertheless are indispens-
able to us, are treated by everyone as almost nothing
worth.' The blame of all this lies with the devil,
' because by the grace of God the papistical Mass and
all belonging to it has been abolished, Satan is doing
his best to overthrow all that is well-pleasing to God.'
Walther, ' chief singer and by appointment director
of the chanting ' to the Prince Elector of Saxony,
Luther's friend and best adviser on the publication of
the first Protestant hymn-book, was not an original
composer, but a clever manipulator and adapter of the
** T W. Oberst, Melchior Franck. A contribution to the history of
Italian composition in Germany at the time of the Thirty Years' War.
With a musical appendix. Berlin Dissertation, 1892.
2 According to Ambros, iii. 563 ; Naumann, i. 432-435 ; Chrysander,
ii. 317 ; Reissmann, ii. 68-75 ; Kostlin, p. 214.
:; Preface to the Wittenbergisches Qesangbuchlein of 1537, printed by
Wackernagel, BibliograpMe, p. 558. Walther' s Lob unci Preis der lob-
lichen Kunst Musica of the year 1538, printed last by Goedekc, Dich-
tungen von M. Luther, pp. 203-204. Hermann Finck wrote in 1556 in
his Practica musicee that among foreign nations the masters of music
stood in high repute, and were richly remunerated, ' apud nos vero ex-
cellentes artifices (ut nihil dicam amplius) in tanto honore et pretio non
sunt, immo saepe periculum famis vix effugiunt ' (Ambros, iii. 365 note).
HOW WALTHER AND LUTHER SERVED HYMNOLOGY 253
melodies taken from the treasury of hymns of the old
Church, and from the sacred and secular volkslied.1
While the Catholic composers Louis Senfl and Arnold
von Brack did not hesitate to set to music numbers of
hymns which, though intended for Protestant worship,
were of universal Christian import, Walther took up a
bigoted doctrinal attitude. In a ' new spiritual song '
of sixty-four eight-lined strophes, in which he magnified
Luther as ' the prophet and apostle of the German
land,' he sings of the Pope, among other things :
Idolatry he's spread abroad,
And much dishonoured Christ the Lord ;
Mankind he's blinded with the evil
Deceit and poison of the devil :
In God's high place himself has seated,
As God been worshipped and intreated,
Has trampled underneath
His feet Christ's blood and death.2
In 1566 Walther published in an arrangement for
six voices Luther's famous ' Christian Children's Song,'
of which the first verse runs as follows :
In Thy Word preserve us, Lord,
Slay Pope and Turk with Thy sharp sword,
Who Jesus Christ, Thy Son,
Would hurl down from His throne.3
Luther's activity on behalf of sacred song was
indefatigable. He was an enthusiastic lover of music,
an expert connoisseur and singer of polyphonic music.
At many different times he said of himself : ' I have
1 Von Winterfeld, i. 167 ; Naumann, i. 429-432 ; Baumker, Tonkunst,
pp. 150-151 ; Kostlin, 202-207 ; Ambros, iii. 412-414. ' The Palestrina
of the Protestant Church is not Walther, but John Sebastian Bach.'
2 Wackernagel, Kirchenlied, iii. 192-197 ; see the more detailed re-
marks, vol. i. p. 777, No. 526. The song is of the year 15J4.
3 For Walther see H. Holstein in the Archiv far Litterahirgesch.
xii. 184 ff.
254 IIISTOEY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
always delighted in music : I would not give up my
humble musical gift for anything, however great.' ' I
am quite of the opinion, and am not afraid of saying so
openly, that next to theology there is no art which
can be compared to music, for it alone, after theology,
gives us that which otherwise we should only get from
theology — rest and joy of heart.' ' Music disciplines
and chastens, and makes people kinder and more soft-
hearted, more moral and reasonable.' 'Music drives
away the spirit of melancholy, as is seen in the case of
King Saul.' ' We should always accustom the young to
this art, for it makes people refined and intelligent. It
should be compulsory to teach music in schools, and a
schoolmaster should be able to sing, or I for one cannot
respect him.' '
Luther took special delight in the old German
Church hymns, and praised them in the warmest
manner. ' Under the papacy,' he said, ' they sang grand
hymns : He who broke the gates of hell and overcame
the devil himself therein. Item : Christ has risen from
all His martyrdom. This was sung then from the bottom
of the breast. At Christmas they sang "Ein Kindelein
so lobelich ist uns geboren heute." At Whitsuntide
they sang " Nun bitten wir den Heiligen Geist." At the
Mass they sang the beautiful hymn " Gott sei gelobt
und gebenedeit, der uns selber hat gespeiset." '- But if
Luther loved the simple style in which the people sang
the ' grand hymns ' in churches, he also took great
1 Fuller details are given in Baumker, Tonkunst, pp. 138-142.
** Melanchthon also, in his Wittenberg school ordinance of 1528, insists
on the importance of teaching singing ; see A. Priifer, Untersuchungen
iiber den ausserkirchlichen Kunstgesang in den evangelischen Schulen des
sechzehnten Jahrhunderts. Leipzig inaugural dissertation. Leipzig, 1890.
J Collected Works, v. 23.
PRE-LUTHERAN GERMAN HYMNS 255
delight in choral and figured song. In his own house he
set up a chantry where the motets of Josquin, Senfl, and
other masters were sung. In his arrangement of sacred
song for the communities which joined his new confes-
sion of faith, he strove most eagerly to retain the old
polyphonic Church music, and used existing melodies
with skill and circumspection. He did not apparently
compose original tunes, nor has he anywhere in his
writings claimed to have done so.1
German Church-song enjoyed very wide extension in
the Middle Ages, and the number of beautiful hymns still
preserved, some full of loveliness and tenderness, others
1 ' About fifty years after Luther's death Sethus Calvisius still
ascribed to him 137 hymns, and also implicitly a large proportion of the
tunes belonging to them. Later on, however, the number of the latter
diminishes in an interesting and remarkable progression. Before Ram-
bach's work on Luther's services to Church song only thirty-two tunes
were still regarded as emanating from our reformer. Rambach himself,
in the year 1813, leaves him twenty-four as his own compositions ; Koch,
Oeschichte des Kirchenliedes (1852), comes down to nine ; Reissmann, in
the first [it should be called second volume, p. 59] volume of his Musik-
geschichte (18G4), says only eight, three of which he speaks of as certain,
while five are doubtful ; Schilling's Universallexikon gives only six ;
von Winterfeld, as also the Musikalisches Conversationslexikon Mendels,
only three ; and, finally, Kade, in his Luthercodex, published in 1871,
with specification of the name, allows him only the old battle song, ' Eine
feste Burg,' and even this later on, in 1877, in the introduction to his
collection of oldest Wittenberg songs by John Walther, he gives to
the latter (Naumann, i. 417). See below, p. 258, n. 1. Fuller details con-
cerning the theory that the tune of this ' Kampflied ' also dates from earlier
times occur in Baumker, Kirchenlied. i. 22, 26 ff., and in Bauniker's
article (cf. Beil. zur Allgem. Zeitung, 1887, No. 6) against A. Thiirling, ' Zum
Streit fiber die Entstehung der Luthernielodie,' in the Monatsschrift fiir
Musikgesch. 1887, No. 5, pp. 73-77. Cf. Von Liliencron in the Zeitschr.
fiir vergleichende Liter at urgesch. und Renaissance-Liter atur, by Koch and
Geiger, n.s., i. 147 ff. ; ** and Ph. Wolfrum, Die Entstehung und erste
Entwickelung des deutschen evangelischen Kirchenliedes in mtisikalischer
Beziehung (Leipzig, 1890), p. 72 ff. See also F. Zelle, Die Singweisen der
iiltesten evangel. Kirchenlieder, I. Die Melodien des Erfurter Enchiridion.
Progr., Berlin, 1890.
256 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
of strength and solemnity, others again of jubilant
rejoicing, and all accompanied by inimitably expres-
sive and heart-stirring melodies, amounts to many
hundreds.1
Among the composers who arranged sacred and
Church song in an artistic manner, Henry Finck, with
whom are associated Henry Isaak and Louis Senfl,
holds the first rank. His five-part piece, ' Christ ist
erstanden,' and his four-part Pilgrim song, ' In Gottes
Nam so fahren wir,' are full of primitive, rugged force.
The conclusion of the last piece with the full sounding
Kyrie Eleison reminds one exactly of Handel's sublime
choruses and chorus endings. In the working out of
the hymns in several parts which are contained in the
collections published by the printers Erhard Oeglin
in 1512 and Peter Schoffer in 1513, we find the first
solid foundations of the marvellous structure of
Sebastian Bach's chorales in figured counterpoint.2
German songs were sung in church on high festival
days, at dramatic performances, and also in combination
with the sequences in which the mediaeval liturgy was
uncommonly rich; also during Low Masses after the
1 Concerning old German Church-song and its use in divine service,
see our remarks, vol. i. pp. 285-296 ; W. Baumker, ' Niederlandische geist-
liche Lieder nebst ihren Singweisen aus Handschriften des funfzehnten
Jahrhunderts,' in the Vierteljdhrsschrift fur Mus. Wissensch. Jahrg. 4
(1888), Heft ii. 153-254.
2 So says Ambros, iii. 366, 370. The Protestant Arrey von Dommer
says in his Handbook of Musical History (2nd ed., Leipzig, 1878), p. 181 :
' It is scarcely necessary to remark that the contrapuntal development
of the melody can no more be regarded as a discovery of the Protestants
than the introduction of German folksong into the Church service. The
tunes of congregational singing served the composers of the Reformation
as material for their counterpoint work just in the same way as their
Gregorian choral served the Catholics, and counterpoint compositions
on songs were written long before the Reformation.'
PROTESTANT HYMNS 257
consecration, and at the Holy Communion, as well as
before and after the sermon preached in most places
in connexion with the High Mass. In like manner
German songs were also sung at the frequent people's
services in honour of the Passion of the Lord, of the
Blessed Sacrament, the Blessed Virgin, and other saints,
but most especially at the solemn or penitential proces-
sions and pilgrimages which were among the essential
modes of expression of the religious life of that period.1
But the hymns and songs in use during divine
service were not allowed to displace the liturgical text
and the Gregorian choral chant.
On the other hand, Luther placed side by side with
the old Latin choral song the German Church- song, as
equally legitimate, and raised it later on to the dignity
of the actual liturgical song of the new congregation.1'
As regards his own poetic work as author of new
sacred songs and hymns, of the thirty-seven that are
ascribed to him without doubt, twelve are only re-
arrangements and enlargements of earlier German
songs, eight are translations of hymns and other Latin
songs, eight are Psalms, two are poetised Bible passages,
hence there are very few original songs among them.3
1 Baumker, Tonkunst, pp. 130-135, and Kirchenlied, ii. 8-14. A.
Schachleiter in the Mayence Katholik, 1884, Juliheft, p. 54 ff.
2 Even in 1523 Luther, in his pamphlet Von Ordnung des Gottes-
dienstes, gave the following instruction : ' The songs in the Sunday Masses
and Vespers are to be left, for they are very good, and taken from Scrip-
ture.' But only three years later appeared his Deutsche Messe und
Ordnung des Oottesdienstes, according to which only the Kyrie of the old
liturgy was retained, whilst all the other Latin songs only passed muster
in their German garb. See Reissmann, ii. 48-49.
3 According to the evidence of Baumker' s researches in the first and
second volumes of Kirchenlieder ; cf. vol. i. p. 19. ' Most of his songs
are, and do not pretend to be anything else than, popular arrangements
of given models, to which they remain more or less true in thought and
VOL, XL S
258 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
But even in this work of adapting and expanding he
not seldom shows himself a true poet ; above all in that
much sung hymn ' Eine feste Burg ist unser Gott ; '
even though the first four lines follow the diction of the
Psalm, it is nevertheless an original creation of tre-
mendous power.1
A song of great intensity is that which he published
first in 1524, ' Ach Gott vom Himmel, sieh darein,' in
which he gives vent to his sorrow at the schism and
dissensions which had already crept into his party.
' They teach,' says the second strophe :
They teach deceitful, empty lore
£j By their own wisdom founded,
Their hearts are not ingenuous, or
On God's Word firmly grounded :
One chooses this, another that,
Immeasurably they us divide,
While making a fine show outside.
The following are among many of the older song
tunes which passed over into the Protestant Church
hymnal : ; Wir glauben all an einen Gott,' ' Vater
Unser im Himmelreich,' ' Es ist ein Ros entsprungen,'
' Christ ist erstanden von der Marter alle,' ' Freu dich,
in form,' says F. Wagenmann in Goedeke, Dichtungen von M. Luther,
xxxiii.
** ' Concerning the date of the composition of this song see Knaackc
in the Zeitschr. fiir Icirchl. WissenscJiaft und kirchl. Leben, i. 39 ff. ; and
against him, Ellinger in the Zeitschr. fiir deutsche Philologie, xxii. 252 ft'.
See also Zelle, Eine Feste Burg ist unser Gott. Zur Entwickelung des evan-
gelischen Kirchengesangs. Programm, Berlin, 1895, who declares John.
Walther, not Luther, to be the author of the tune (see above, pp. 253-5).
Objections to this theory are raised by G. Kawerau in the Jahresbericht
fiir neuere deutsche Literaturgesch. vol. 6, ii. 6, No. 79. Concerning the
date of the words, opinions are also discordant. Hausrath, in the Pro-
test. Kirchenzeitung, pp. 43, 169 ft'., thinks they were composed in the
tumult of war, which began 1528, and lasted through the following year.
Concerning the oldest versions of the song Zelle has written in the Pro-
gramm, Berlin, 1890.
PROTESTANT HYMNS 259
du werte Christ enheit,' ' Christus fuhr gen Himmel,'
' Nun bitten wir den Heil'gen Geist.' Various songs
to Mary underwent ' Christian correction ' — that is to
say, were adapted to the new doctrine.1
Whereas in the new cult preaching was the most
important element,2 the new Protestant Church hymns
also assumed an essentially didactic character little
suited to the nature of Church music. Church hymns
were mixed up with didactic poetry, and, losing all
lyric swing and movement, fell into the measure of
rhymed dogmatic and moral preaching.3
1 See Von Winterfeld, i. 98-123.
- ** At the beginning of the Church schism a German Mass formulary
was still retained in use. See J. Smend, Die evangelischen deutscher
Messen bis zu Luther s deutscher M esse, Gottingen, 1896.
3 Protestant historians and historians of literature speak as follows
on this subject : ' A speedy result of the liturgical freedom that had
been obtained,' says Gervinus, ' was that every reformed clergyman made
separate hymns, which he introduced among his congregation, and it
was by no means a libel that George Wizel uttered when he said that
over half the villages of Germany there was scarcely a pastor or a shoe-
maker, however incompetent, who had not composed at least one or two
little songs over his pipe, which he afterwards sang with his peasants
in church ; and Luther was soon forced to complain of dull blockheads
who adulterate pepper by mixing with it their " Mausemist." ' ' What
made Church hymns a mongrel production was that they were composed
with the object of working on opinions and views, and this forsooth by
means of song. To suit this object the poetry had to be thoughtful
and didactic, wliile the music was to enable it to appeal to the emotions.
The poetry of songs is, in itself, strictly speaking, an abortion, as it has
in it little of the imaginative. Didactic poetry is most decidedly de-
generate. And now these two abortions were to be fused in one ! This
circumstance alone puts sacred song at the very beginning of the Pro-
testant era, as it were, in a position of inferiority in comparison with
the old Christian hymns.' ' We do not hesitate to place these hymns,
both poetically and musically, above our German ones, not in general,
but the best of those over the best of these ' (Gervinus, iii. 10-12, 22-23).
Carl Adolf Menzel (ii. 300) says, concerning the religious worship and
the hymns of the Protestants : ' Protestant divine service had rid itself
of all those elements which elevate the feelings by means of contempla-
tion. The aim, however, which it set itself of edifying by means of
s 2
260 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
One of the hymns sung most frequently and, ac-
cording to contemporaries, with the most fervour,
instruction was reached less and less the further teaching and teachers
departed from the source of the living idea, and the more preaching,
after Luther's death, sank down to mere reiteration of empty theological
disputations. The expansion of Church-song did, indeed, appear to give
a certain scope for the feelings and the imagination, but, as a matter of
fact, congregational hymns had only received a somewhat altered challenge
to follow learning and preaching on the way of comprehensible definition
of the incomprehensible. Actual poetry could not possibly flourish on the
soil of a religious system of thought which clipped the wings of imagination
in order to mount to heaven by the ladder of reason, which compressed
the whole life of the feelings within the narrow limits of automatic and
unfruitful faith, presented everlasting love in the rigid form of arbitrary
divine determinism, and which only failed to jmralyse and lame the pinions
of the human spirit because it was not possible for it to follow out its prin-
ciples logically, and to apply them thoroughly to life.' Wolfgang Menzel
{Deutsche Dichtung, ii. 203 ff.) writes : ' The oldest and the most beautiful
hymns in evangelical hymn-books are translations of older Catholic hymns.
Luther's old soulful songs arc almost throughout transpositions, but
admirable transpositions, of older Catholic songs.' ' Next to the Lutheran
the hymns of Decius (f 1529) form the old Catholic kernel of the Pro-
testant hymn-books.' ' It was a great misfortune for the Lutheran hymn-
books that there were far too many hymn-writers without any vocation
for the office. Every man who had but the goodwill to write, and who
could string together a few rhymes, considered himself a sacred poet.
The Calvinists, in many respects the most practical of the sects, discerned
this evil, and obviated it by translating the Psalms into German rhyme,
and making them their only hymnal. The Lutherans, however, went on
rhyming, and flooded the hymn-books with a mass of compositions which
in the previous century had already amounted to 60,000 in number.
' Mary and all the saints were banished from the Lutheran and reformed
hymn-books, the Church tradition was broken, the spiritual architecture
of the mediaeval Church became obsolete. To the over-exuberant idealism
to which at that very period Catholic poetry was rising in Spain under
Calderon, the. new Church opposed the stern and hard barrenness of a
realism which clung more to the Old than to the New Testament. It
fell back, indeed, into Judaism.' ' Protestant hymnology was further
characterised by didacticity. As preaching became the essential part
of divine service, it was obviously necessary that the hymns should be
chiefly instructional. The Word of God was broken up into innumerable
texts, and these put together in rhymes to make hymns. The catechism
also was turned into rhyme and incorporated in the hymn-books.' Thus,
for instance, Joachim Aberlin, in 1534, published Ein kurzer Begriff
und Inhatt der ganzen Bibel in drei Lieder zu singen, Wackernagel, Biblio-
PROTESTANT HYMNS 261
treated, in fourteen seven-lined strophes, the dogmatic
dissensions concerning faith and works. It was the
graphic, p. 551. Whereas the ' beautiful and divine art of music was now
used for all sorts of shame and impropriety,' Wolfgang Figulus, ' in order
that the young might learn to use music rightly,' published in the year
1560 an improved edition of Martin Agricola's Deutsche Musica mid
Gesangbiichlein, in which the Gospels were arranged in German rhymes
for singing (Wackernagel, p. 606). Ambrosius Lobwasser (f 1585) earned
the most praise, and also the most blame, for translating the Psalms
into German, not from the Lutheran text, but with the help of a French-
man from a French translation (cf. Gervinus, iii. 41-42). In inten-
tional opposition to this Calvinistic psalter, Cornelius Becker published
his psalter in 1602. In the preface "Polycarp Leiser says : ' It is a great
misfortune with us Germans that we are so governed by curiosity, quud
sunn/us admiratores rerum exoticarum et contemtores propriarum. What-
ever is foreign and rare, that we esteem highly ; that which God bestows
upon us, even if it is better and more beautiful, we despise. So it is with
the dear Psalms of David. Because Ambrosius Lobwasser D. has set
the Psalms of David to foreign, French music, to tunes which ring plea-
santly to sensual ears, and which can be sung by four voices, this same
psalter is so highly thought of publice and privation, as if nothing better
could be found, notwithstanding that the rhymes are very middling,
most of them forced, unintelligible, and not at all like German rhymes,
but more after the manner of French rhymes ' (Wackernagel, p. 447 ;
cf. Becker's Vorrede, pp. 680-683. ' Verzeichniss der Psalmendichtungen'
in Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 172-175 ; cf. Reissmann, ii. 66 ff.) However
high in public estimation the Lutheran treasury of hymns rose in the
course of time, ' it was, after all,' says Tholuck, Das Kirchliche Lcben,
p. 128, ' only the thirty-two hymns contained in Luther's Wittenberg
hymnal of 1525, and prescribed by the Church ordinances for use on
Sundays and festivals, which were always sung and resung. These few
hymns were taught orally in the schools. Until the nineteenth century
the use of the hymn-book was unknown in the country churches.' ' The
collections of hymns in the sixteenth century,' says Curtze, Gesch. des
evangel. Kirchengesangs im Fiirstentum Waldeck, p. 55, ' were chiefly for
private use. Preachers and cantors were expected to repeat the hymns
to the people until they knew them by heart.' Tholuck (p. 129) alludes
to the ' widespread complaint that, as a rule, the women, and sometimes
also the men, did not join in the singing.' Altogether, German Church-
singing was by no means so general among the Protestants as is usually
supposed. Cyriacus Spangenberg complains that in many places ' there
was no singing either before or after the sermon ' (Von der Musica, p. 153).
George Bruchmann, glancing back at his sojourn in Ziillichau during
his youth (1600), says : ' Often during divine service not a single German
hymn was sung, unless by chance, when the pastor failed to mount the
262 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
hymn composed by Paul Speratus, ' Vom Gesetz und
Glauben,' set to the old tune ' Freu dich, du werte
Christenheit : ' l
Salvation has come down to us
From grace and goodness pure,
Good works are all superfluous - . . .
since Christ has made satisfaction for all mankind.
In the same sense the Zwinglian, John Zwick, sang
about law. Christ had subjected Himself to it, and
therefore
We also now are free from law,
No more to it we're subject. . . .
The God-Child has His precious blood
Poured out, while young, to save us,
That unto us might come all good,
And law no more enslave us.3
A petition al hymn concerning matters of daily food
from the pen of the prolific hymn- writer, Bartholomew
Ringwalt, passed into several different Protestant
hymn-books ; it prayed that ' God would observe
measure and limit, and not give too much,'
But also do not give us less
Than is our due of bread,
Lest we be tempted to transgress
Thy law through dire need,
Or forced to borrow from the hoard
Of usurers whose finest wheat
In meadows strange is grown :
From these devourers save us, Lord.*
pulpit, and then you could not tell whether the execution was done by
" striking or by sticking," as the saying is ' (Loschke, pp. 113-114).
1 See Baumker, Kirchenlied, i. 549, 551.
- Wackernagel, Kirchenlied, iii. 31-32. ' This hymn was often used
in order to " sing down " Catholic preachers from the pulpit ' (Cunz,
i. 52-53, 160 ; Wangemann, Oesch. des evangel, Kirrhenliedes, p. 187).
3 Wackernagel, iii. 607.
4 Ibid. iv. 955. Cf. Wangemann, p. 237. ** See also Scherer, Gesrh.
der dentschen Literatur, p. 290.
PROTESTANT HYMNS 263
Well intended was also a spiritual admonition of
Hans Ober's against ' the greed of mammon,' which
runs as follows :
In Matthew six we find it writ,
No man to masters twain
Can render service true and Jit,
And favour from both gain.
For he will be all diligent
To serve the one with zeal
He likes the best, and negligent
Of all the other's weal.
Therefore thou canst not serve thy God,
And greedy Mammon too.
Abstain from wealth is Paul's advice
In chapter six of Timothy. . . .
And Matthew says decisively
To the same effect,
Treasures on this earth
For yourselves do not collect.1
In a ' Geistlicher Gesang von alien Standen,' to be
sung to the tune ' Nun freut euch, lieben Christen
gemein,' Caspar Loner says among other things :
Ye fathers, do not ye incense
The children of you born,
By ill-considered punishments
To sinful wrath and scorn,
So that they be not stupefied,
But rather grow up in the Lord
Admonished well and edified.-
In the Zurich hymn-books there is a ' religious song '
of Hans Fries from the Proverbs of Solomon ' about
a God-fearing and virtuous woman : '
Much clothing makes she daily
Of scarlet and fine linen,
She smileth at them gaily,
For they are her own spinning. . . .
Wackernagel, iii. 516-517. " Ibid. iii. 639,
2G4 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
She maketh costly laces,
And silken cloths as well ;
To merchants of all places
For ready gold they sell.1 . . .
A number of hymns were on the subject of good
preachers, as, for instance, Erasmus Alber's rhymes
called ' Lied von der Himmelfahrt Christi : '
The Lord forsakes us never,
He giveth us good preachers ever,
Who in the world take care of us ;
He with His Word upholdeth us . . .
Each one who plays the preacher's part
Should know that he whose heart
Unmoved is by the Holy Ghost
Is not well fitted for the post.-
To the tune of ' Es ist das Heil uns kommen her,'
Bartholomew Ringwalt made the congregation entreat
God as follows :
Leave us not alone to perish,
Send us preachers true
Who our souls will cherish. . . .
From dog's apothecaries who
Break good sound teeth, and cry
The false wares up on high,
Bring poisoned vegetables in,
Are rogues and villains in their skin,
The land and people cheat,
Good Lord, deliver us.3
In another hymn to the same tune preachers were
again the subject :
From avarice, envy, hatred, greed,
Mercifully save them all,
That unto thy dear Christian creed
No evil may befall
1 Wackernagel, iii. 852-853. ' It is instructive to compare this song
with that of Paul Gerhardt, " Ein Weib, das Gott den Herrn liebt." '
Paul Gerhardt (born about 1607), with his vigorous songs full of glowing
feeling, does not come under our consideration till a later volume.
2 Wackernagel, iii. 881, 882. 3 Ibid. iv. 964.
PROTESTANT HYMNS 265
Through their disputes, as well may be
If preachers do not all agree
In concord sweet and brotherly.1
The two poets most honoured by the Protestants,
Hans Sachs and John Fischart, also took part in
the arrangement of Christian hymns, and made songs
from the Psalms which found acceptance in different
congregational hymn-books. In 1527 the Nuremberg
Enchiridia (handbooks) gave four songs from the Psalms
by Hans Sachs ' in four figured tunes.' The strophes
are badly adapted to singing.
The heathen are engulfed within
The grave themselves have made,
Their feet are tangled in the gin
Which they for us have laid.
Over the godless haters, fire
And brimstone will be poured,
Hurricanes and tempests dire
He'll give them as reward. . . .
Then will the just rejoice and laugh
For whom God vengeance takes,
And walk exulting through the bath
The blood of the godless makes.2 . . .
Among the religious poems composed by Fischart,
and inserted in the Protestant hymn-books of the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,3 there was an
adaptation of the beautiful old Christmas hymn, ' In
dulci Jubilo, Nu singet und seid fro,' and a ' Trost-
psalm wider unrechtfertige Leut.' The first ran as
follows :
O Jesu, draw Thou nigh
To us, for Thee long time we sigh !
Comfort Thou my soul,
O gracious little boy
With all Thy goodness !
Wackernagel, iv. 964, 967. 2 Ibid. hi. 62-66.
3 Koch, Oesch. des Kirchenlieds, ii. 282.
266 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
O Prince of Peace on high,
Draw me to Thee, that I
May ever see thee nigh ! 1
In the Catholic song-book this strophe was as fol-
lows.2
In the ' Trostpsalm ' (Psalm Iviii.) Fischart versifies
about the godless kind :
They rage and they know not for what,
At all that is solemn they jeer,
And like a deaf adder they shut
To all good counsel their ear.
Break his teeth in his mouth like stones,
And him with might overthrow,
Break the young lion's jaw-bones,
And cast his arrogance low.
Psalm xlix., ' Hear this, all ye people,' says con-
cerning the godless :
Like beasts of the field they must pass
From hence, remembered by none,
For they lived like beasts of the grass,
Hankering for earth alone.
1 Wackernagel, iv. 826-827.
2 As it is impossible to indicate the difference between the two ver-
sions satisfactorily in translations, we give the originals of both versions. —
[Translator.]
The Protestant Version.
O Jesu, zu una nah,
Nach dir war uns lang we,
Trost mir mem Gemiithe,
O gnadrichs Knablein, meh,
Nach aller deiner Giite,
O Friedfiirst aus der Hob.,
Zieh mich nach dir meh,
Dass ich dich ewig seh.
Catholic Version,
O liebes Jesulem,
Bei dir da wollen wir sein,
Trost uns unser Gemiithe,
O herziges Kindelein,
Durch deine grosse Giite,
Du bist der Herr allein,
Wolst uns gniidig sein.
See Kehrein, i. 252.
PROTESTANT HYMNS 267
They lie in hell like the sheep,
That death on them may feed.
Their bodies await in the tomb,
Like sheep on the trestle, their doom.
To hell they are driven in herds,
That death may batten on them ;
There is howling, and wailing, and woe.
In order that * the young ' might more easily pray
and sing the Athanasian Creed, Fischart put it into
rhymes as follows :
Almighty God the Father is,
Almighty God the Son,
And the Holy Ghost, yet one
Only God there is.
Not three Gods uncreate or three
Almighties we avow,
To one God uncreated we,
To one Almighty bow.
So then the Father is the Lord,
Lord also is the Son,
Likewise the Holy Ghost adored,
Yet not three Lords, but one.
We quote two stanzas of a thirteen- stanza benedic-
tion before meals by Fischart :
May He Who in the desert fed
Five thousand with five loaves of bread,
Wanderers come to hear His Word,
For all abounds to those who seek the Lord. . . .
Grant that our hearts may never grow
Dull with eating and drinking here below,
But may we for His advent wait,
As He taught us, early and late.
Another equally quaint specimen of poetry is a
burial hymn of twenty-five stanzas :
The body while down here it tabernacled
Was the spirit's hostel-home,
Which God therein a length of time left shackled
Until again He called it forth to roam.1 . . .
Wackernagel, iv. 811, 814, 825, 839-840.
268 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Not much happier in style was Erasmus Alber in a
hymn for ' The Lord's Communion : '
This is the rightful Easter lamb
Roasted on the cross's stem,
Of which it needful is to eat,
It is the dear Lord Christ so sweet.1
A poet with a real gift for religious song, and of
more than usual power of language, was Nicholas
Selnekker. Even those who are forced to criticise
him unfavourably as a controversial theologian 2 will
love him as a poet in his ' Psalter und Gebetlein fur die
Hausvater und ihre Kinder' (1578), and in his ' Christ-
lichen Psalmen, Liedern und Kirchengesangen ' (1587),
and be edified by his earnestness, piety and sincerity.
His hymns are also of importance in the history of
culture. He, too, after the custom of the times, in-
veighed against the Pope ; but what stirred his soul
the most deeply was the sight of the internal dissen-
sions in the new Church, the growing hatred between
theologians and preachers, and the universally increas-
ing demoralisation :
Where nowadays is honesty ?
Where reverence and modesty ?
Where faith, love, loyalty, goodwill ?
Who is there serves his neighbour still ? . . .
The fear of God from earth has fled,
Faith's vanished, love is dead. . . .
To the last days we now have come,
Since faith and love are lying dumb ;
And everywhere there's trickery,
Hate, envy, grasping, roguery. . . .
At the end of Psalm cxlii. he laments concerning
' the false teachers : '
1 Wackernagel, iii. 883.
2 In the eighth volume of our work we had to speak of him repeatedly
in this respect. See the references in the index of persons.
PROTESTANT SACRED SONGS 269
Where'er I gaze now, far and wide,
To right or left, on either side,
Defiance, infidelity,
Pride, wrangling, and heartburn I see ;
Anent Thy Word they are divided,
When I speak aught I am derided. . . .
Lord, what I mean thou knowest well,
To Thee alone my 'plaint I tell. . . .
For Luther's ' Und steur des Bapsts und Tiirken
Mord ' he substituted :
Preserve us in the Word, O Lord,
Ward off the devil's wiles and sword.
Give to Thy Church protection, grace,
Courage and patience, union, peace.
Do Thou the haughty souls abase
Who force themselves into high place,
And ever bring forth something new
To falsify Thy doctrine true.
A very beautiful consolatory hymn ran as follows :
Walk day by day
In the right way,
Bear and be brave,
No envy have ;
Pray, hope in God
Whate'er thy rod.
Trust and be still,
Watch and you will
Great wonders sure behold.1
In all cases where the poets retained the old pithy
and vigorous language, and the simple, homely, sincere
character of the German religious and Church songs of
the Middle Ages, their hymns are interesting and bene-
ficial. Here, for instance, is a hymn of Benedict
Gletting :
In the garden of my God
Many flow'rets grow ;
Faith tills for them the sod,
Love makes them blow,
With faithful heart,
In patience and affliction sore. . . .
1 Wackernagel, iv. 216, 235, 241, 243, 272-274, 286.
270 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Paul Eber is equally interesting in his ' Betliedlin
zu Chris bo urn einen seligen Abschied : '
When I come to my dying breath
And I am struggling hard with death,
When my vision all is blurred,
When nothing by my ears is heard,
When my tongue can speak no word,
And my heart's with anguish stirred,
When my understanding fails
And no human help avails,
Then quickly come, Lord Christ, to me,
Help me in my extremity,
Lead me from out the vale of grief
And to my death-pangs give relief . ' . . .
Nicholas Hermann, cantor at Joachirnsthal (f 1561),
also speaks in language full of faith and humility in his
morning and evening hymns. His hymn praying for
a happy death :
When my little hour is there,
And I must hence into the street,
Do thou, Lord Jesus, guide my feet,
Leave me not helpless in despair,- . . .
was inserted, with its beautiful tune, in the Catholic
hymn-books.3 So, too, was Philip Nicholai's most
pathetic ' Geistlich Brautlied der glaubigen Seele : ' 4
How brightly shines the morning star,
Full of grace and truth from the Lord,
The root of Jesse sweet !"'...
The following hymn by the preacher Martin Schal-
ling was a source of consolation and edification to
countless numbers :
1 Wackernagel, iv. 4. 2 Ibid. iii. 1211.
:i Baurnker, ii. 305-306. ** Concerning N. Hermann, see Nagl-Zeidlcr,
pp. 407 ff., 584 ff.
1 Baurnker, i. 92-93, 97, No. 327.
5 Wackernagel, iii. 258. Concerning the misuse of this hymn by the
people, who turned the spiritual marriage with Christ into a carnal sense,
see Cunz, i. 433, 437. '
PROTESTANT SACRED SONGS 271
With all my heart, Lord, Thee I love ,
I pray Thou wilt not far remove
Thy grace and goodness from me !
The whole world giveth me no mirth,
For heaven I ask not, nor for earth,
If only Thou art with me.
And e'en should sorrow break my heart
Thou still my sure dependence art,
My portion and my consolation,
Whose blood has wrought my soul's salvation. '
A warm breath of strong feeling pervades many
hymns of the Anabaptists and of the Bohemian-
Moravian Brothers.2
This was the case with one of the earliest of these
singers, George Griienwald, a shoemaker, who, according
to the report of a chronicle of the Anabaptists, in 1530,
' at Kopfstain, in the cause of God's truth, was con-
demned to death and burnt.' He composed the song
' Kommt her zu mir, sagt Gottes Sohn : '
The world would gladly salvation gain,
Wer't not for the contempt and pain
They see all Christians tasting :
And yet no other road is there ;
Let all start on it, then, who care
To escape pain everlasting.
1 Among others in the Dresden hymn-book of 1590 ; in Wackernagel,
iv. 788.
- Concerning the sacred song of the Anabaptists in the sixteenth
century, see Von Winterfeld, Zur Gesch. heiliger Tonktinst, ii. 1-27. See also
Bachtold, Deutsche Literatur, p. 415, and remarks, p. 128 ff. ** Unger,
' Uber eine Wiedertaufer-Lielerhandschrift des 17. Jahrhunderts ' in
the Jahrb. d. Gesch. d. Protest, in Oesterreich. xiii. (1892), pp. 41 ff., 81 ff.,
136 ff. ; xvii. 187 ff. ; and Nagl-Zeidler, p. 500 ff. Refer here also con-
cerning the exile and emigrant songs of the Austrian Protestants. An
admirable work on Das deutsche Kirchenlied der biihmischen Brilder im
sechzehnten Jahrhundert (Prague, 1891) was produced by R. Wolkan.
It is here pointed out that a large number of the hymns 'of the Bohemian
Brothers were inserted in the Protestant hymn-books of Germany. See
Biiumker in the Literar. Handmeiser, 1892, p. 204 ff.
272 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
What boots the scholar's wisdom high ?
The worldling's pomp ? They all must die-
Vain are the things they cherish.
He who in Christ finds not a place
The while it still is time of grace,
He must for ever perish.
The worldly quake with fear of death,
And when they near their latest breath,
Bethink them of pious turning.
This way and that they work or play,
Forgetting their true selves, while they
Are on the earth sojourning.
And when their lives draw to an end,
To God a mighty wail they send,
The first that's risen from them.
I fear, indeed, the heavenly grace,
From which they turned with mocking face,
Will scarce descend upon them.1 . . .
Among the Bohemian- Moravian Brethren Michael
Weisse stands out prominently as a poet. In 1531 he
published the first German hymn-book of the Brethren.
A well-known hymn of his which Luther has commended
is the Burial Hymn :
The body let us now inter,
In sure faith which does not err,
That at the Judgment Day 'twill rise
Again to life that never dies.
The Brother, George Vetter, was the author of the
much sung hymn :
Cease, Lord, from anger
Over us wretched ones !
Cease from Thy fury,
Turn Thee unto us.- . . .
There are many other hymns besides these con-
i
Wackernagel. iii. 128-129.
"o
2 Ibid. iv. 462. ** See R. Wolkan, Das devische Kirchenlied dcr
biihmiscJien Briider im sechzehnten Jahrhundert, Prague, 1891, and Oesch.
d. deutschen Literatur in Bohmen, p. 245 ff.
PROTESTANT SACKED SONGS 273
nected with the mediaeval school of religious song
which developed new modes of feeling and expression.
The list of the ' honigsiissen Wiegenliedlein ' (honey-
sweet cradle songs) was opened by John Mathesius
with a hymn, printed in the Wittenberg hymn-book of
1562, in which Christ the Lord is thus invoked :
Oh Thou little Jesus dear,
God's little lamb,
Pity me, I pray,
Take me on Thy back,
And safely carry me !
0 Jesu, little brother mine,
Thou art our little Emmanuel
And our eternal little priest ! '
In a Geistliches Berglied (miners' song) of 1556 the
same poet wrote :
God, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost,
Speaks and good ore is grown,
Of quicksilver and sulphur pure
In washings, galleries, hewings, stone.
He joined on to them this prayer :
0 God, Who makest gravel, mica, quartz,
Change these for us in ore,
Improve our hewings cleverly,
Through Thy Spirit our sins undo.-
In special confidence Bartholomew Eingwalt put to
God the question :
Why dost Thou Thy face
Thus hide with a veil,
And like a man
Rush at me thus
With gestures terrible ?
Ah, Lord, take off
This hideous mask,
I might indeed be killed.3
1 Wackernagel, iii. 1153. 2 Ibid. 1151 ; of the year 1556.
3 Ibid. iv. 933, This hymn appears very eccentric when compared
VOL. XI. T
274 HISTOEY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Still stranger is the following conversation in the
' Gassenhauer, Renter- nnd Berglidlin,' a song for the
common man, the knight and the miner, altered in a
Christianly moral and suitable way for the use of the
young, by Doctor Henry Knaust in 1571 :
How in my heart I loved my God
To Him in childlike speech I said,
But that He, with a heavy rod.
Much sorrow on me laid.
To which God answered :
With right 1 do
Thus, man, to you !
Such my custom is !
Ju, Ju, Ju, Ju, Ju !
Dear man'kin, murmur not —
Trust still in Me
Though I hew thee :
Such My custom is !
Ju, Ju, Ju, Ju, Ju !
Dear man'kin, murmur not.1
with the simple, homely, and soulful penitential hymn of Ringwalt,
written during a ravaging plague, ' 0 frommer und getreuer Gott '
(Wackernagel, iv. 909).
1 Wackernagel, iv. 781. The full title is in Wackernagel, Biblio-
graphic, p. 369. A poem of Andreas Gartner following the preface has
for its special object to save tender youth from the follies of love :
A book prepared to help the young
We here to them present,
A booklet in best manner sung
With Christian good intent.
The noble Dr. Knauste of such
High learning the work planned,
And he the young has honoured much
By writing it with his hand.
All is most carefully thought out
On true Scripture ground,
And in the present form it's put
To spread God's fear around. . . .
The custom which had already obtained in earlier times of settirg
religious texts to secular tunes was still further developed by the Protes-
tants, ' partly because in this way their doctrines gained rapid entrance
OLD CATHOLIC HYMNS USED BY PROTESTANTS 275
The beautiful German hymns which had been in
use long before Luther's time lived on through the
whole of the seventeenth century in the mouths of the
Protestant people,1 but the memory of their Catholic
origin had almost entirely disappeared in the second
half of the sixteenth century after numbers of them
had been incorporated in Protestant hymn-books.
' The sectaries,' said a Catholic preacher in 1562, ' will
not recognise the fact that the beautiful German hymns
which they use in their churches on high festivals were
already sung by our laudable Christian ancestors a
hundred years ago and more ; they have the audacity
to say that we Catholics stole these hymns, which we
still sing to-day, out of their prophet Luther's and other
hymn-books ; as though we had never before then sung
hymns about Christ the Lord, but had hidden ourselves
from Him in fear and trembling ; ' they pretend this,
' notwithstanding that our old hymns to H is love,
thanksgiving, praise, and glory show the opposite.'
' The sectaries have taken away what is ours, and now
say that we Catholics are the thieves.' 2
Among others who made this assertion was the
Protestant hymn- writer Nicholas Hermann. In the old
Church, he wrote in 1560, ' no one knew how to write
among the people and into homes, partly because the need of the con-
gregation to take part in the singing was thus most easily gratified. There
were whole collections of hymns in which not only the secular melodies
or the beginnings of songs were retained, but the larger part of the secular
text.' The abuse of this custom bordered, naturally, close on its advan-
tages. Fischart had to complain of the scandal of preachers writing hymns
about a wild sow and the brave brown maiden, the spiritual Felbinger (?)
and the box tree. Gervinus, iii. 28 ; ' Sammlungen geistlicher Umdiehtungen '
verzeichnet bei Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 85-87, 210-213.
1 See Hoffmann von Fallersleben in the Weimar Jahrh. v. 79.
- Sermon on the high festival of the nativity of Christ, preached in
the Cathedral of Mayence, 1562, by P. Gerhard Fabri, Bl. 2% 3.
T 2
276 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
and to speak of Christ ; He was merely looked on as a
stern judge, from Whom no mercy was to be expected,
but only anger and punishment.' John of Miinster,
hereditary farmer at Vortlage, published in 1607 a de-
tailed list of a number of hymns which the Catholics had
stolen.1 It was a ruse of the Pope, he declared, to lead
all Christendom astray. The Pope ' was hiding himself
in the form of the devil under Luther and causing all
his hymns — " Now pray we to the Holy Ghost," " Come,
Holy Ghost," " God the Father, dwell with us," " Praised
be Thou, Jesu Christ," " The day that is so full of joy "—
and others to be sung and shouted everywhere publicly ;
but the sole object of all this was, that by such popish
birds of prey and decoy ducks, under the delicious ring
of the Lutheran hymns the simple should be more
easily enticed to them, drawn into their nets, and then
altogether led astray by their idolatry and plunged into
everlasting damnation.' 2
The hymns mentioned, however, belonged to the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.3
When David Corner, in the sixteenth century,
prepared his Catholic hymn-book, he thought at first
*of leaving out all hymns ' that were to be found in
heretical collections.' * But I was persuaded to change
my mind by a godly Father of the Society of Jesus,
who pointed out to me that the non-Catholics had
1 Reissmann, ii. 56-57. Cyriacus Spangenberg said in his pamphlet,
Von der Musica, p. 161 : ' Under the papacy all the singing in the church
and the congregation was in the Latin tongue ; and if ever any one of the
laity wanted to put into German what was sung in Latin, the clergy did
not approve of it.'
- Examen und Inquisition der Papisten und Jesuiter, published under
the name of Maximilian Philos of Treves (1607), p. 190. See our state-
ments, vol. ix. pp. 413, 414, and vol. x. p. 14.
;l Raumker, Kirchenlied, i, 13 ff, v. - k
PROTESTANT HYMNS IN CATHOLIC HYMNALS 277
interlarded their hymn-books with not a few of our
earliest devotional songs, and had actually been so
audacious as to attach Luther's name to some of them ;
as, for instance, to the following : " Der Tag der ist so
freudenreich," " Gelobet seystu Jesu Christ," " Christ
ist erstanden," " Nun bitten wir den heiligen Geist,"
" Wir glauben all an einen Gott," " Jesus ist ein siisser
Nam," and a good many others, which nevertheless
all Christendom knows to be older than Luther and his
new gospel. And, said the Father, it was by no means
desirable to leave out such good old hymns, to which
the common people had been used so long, simply
because they had been used by the enemies of the true
faith and falsely ascribed to them.' '
On the other hand, the editors of Catholic hymn-
books also borrowed numbers of Protestant hymns
which had nothing un-Catholic in them. For instance,
in the hymn-book of the Dean of Bautzen, Johann
Leisentrit, published in 1567, among 250 hymns
there are not less than thirty-nine taken from the
' Schlesisches Singbuchlein ' of Pastor Valentine Triller
of Gora, published in 1555, besides many other
Protestant songs.2 As early as 1537 Michael Vehe,
provost at Halle, in compiling his ' Neues Gesang-
biichlein geistlicher Lieder,' made use of Protestant
hymn-books dating from 1524, and put several old
Catholic hymns into a form approved by Protestants.3
1 Bauinker, i. 226 ; cf. p. 202, the preface of the Andernacher Catholic
hymn-book of the year 1608. See also p. 233.
- Baumker, i. 139, and ii. 44-47.
3 Ibid. 34-35, 127. See Von Liliencron in Koch and Geiger's Zeitschr.
filr vergleichende LUeraturgesch., &c. (new series), i. 146-147. ** Con-
cerning Michael Vehe and the first Catholic hymn-book see the article
of Paulus in the Hist.-pol. Bl. Bd. ex. 469-490 ; Baumker in the Allg.
deulsche Biugr. xxxix. 534 ff. ; Schonherr, Ges. Schriflen, published by
278 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
As with the Protestants the German hymns, accord-
ing to their authors' admonitions, were not intended
merely for use in church, but also for instruction in
the schools, and for household devotion, so, too, was it
with the Catholics. In the prefaces to Catholic hymn-
books it is frequently stated that the hymns and
spiritual songs for ' children and adults ' are intended
' for their Christian exercise in house and field and
church, for their use at school, at Holy Mass, at cate-
chisings, pilgrimages, and processions, yea, actually also
in their homes and everywhere at their daily work.'
The Spires hymn-book of 1599, in especial, earnestly
exhorts that ' the beautiful old Catholic devotional and
religious Church- songs' should be sung and used by
Latin and German school children and by the common
people ' before and after the catechism and the sermon,
during and after Mass, at the processions of the cross
and other processions, and indeed also in their homes
and out in the field, at their handiwork, at stated times
throughout the whole year, and that by young and old
God should be praised and entreated that many wicked-,
scandalous songs, very hurtful to the young, which are
in vogue in this wicked, deceitful world should be
avoided and abolished.' ' Young and old, male and
female,' were urged, ' for the praise and glory of God
and for the kindling of their own devotion, to exercise
themselves diligently therein.' An Andernacher hymn-
book of 1608 expressed the desire, ' Would God that all
pious parents would be careful to take their children
frequently to church and to children's classes, and also
would instruct them well in these hymns in addition to
M. Mayr, i. (1900), 365 ff. ; Waldner in the Mitte.il. f. Musikgesch. 1895,
p. 13 if. ; and, on the opposite side, Baumker, ibidem, p. 50 ff.
NEW CATHOLIC HYMNS 279
the prayers and catechism : indeed, these hymns could
sometimes be used- instead of the prayers.' ' Oh, how
blessed are the parents whose children's earliest words
are prayer and praise to Jesus ! For, as a rule, that
which begins in the name of God ends also in the name
of God. Blessed therefore are the children who early
lisp the names of Jesus and Mary ! Oh, blessed will
be the end of these children in the alone saving name
of Jesus ! How lovingly will the gentle Mother of
God, Mary, show her Son to these children at the
end ! ' l
Among the Catholic writers of new hymns or trans-
lators of Psalms and Latin hymns the following stand
out prominently : George Wizel, Caspar Querhammer,
Christopher Sweher (Christophorus Hecyrus), John
Haym, Caspar Ulenberg, Kutgerus Edingius, Conrad
Vetter,1' and others ; many beautiful hymns come from
unknown authors.3 To these belongs, for instance,
a hymn to the Holy Virgin which concludes with the
following words :
Save us in death from all distress,
And leave us not in torment,
Deliver us from hell's abyss
When comes our dying moment.
Grant that Thy Son Jboth Man and God,
May not in wrath undo us ;
0 feed us with His heavenly food
Whereby grace comes unto us ! '
One of the tenderest and most touching of the hymns
to Mary is that of H. J. Soder, published in 1598, and
1 These and similar exhortations from other hymn-books in Baumker,
Kirchenlied, i. 193, 195, 196, 202 (cf. 231), and ii. 56, 58, 62.
■> ** Qf Allgem. Deutsche Biographie, xxxix. 665 ff. See the index of
persons to vol. i. of Baumker's Kirchenlied.
3 The Catholic hymns in Wackernagel, v. 888-1361.
4 Wackernagel, v. pp. 1093 1094.
280 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
consisting of thirty-five stanzas : ' Ein Jungfrau zart,
von edler Art, Ihr's Gleichen nie gesehen ward' ('A
tender Virgin, of noble nature, her like has never been
seen').
In power, grace, and beauty she
Excels all angels bright :
There's no man understandeth right
That greeting's mystery,
Which God at the appointed day
Himself to her did say. . . .
Mary, the poor sinner's friend,
Mother of mercy, thou
Wilt not cast me out, 1 trow ;
In mercy bend,
Pray for my sins, let me
Taste thy fidelity. . . .
Jesus, God, and Saviour mine,
Though Thou my helper, and no other,
Thou wilt honour still Thy mother,
Mary, mother thine.
Thou wilt listen to the prayer
She lifts for us in our despair.1
That in these or in all the other extant hymns to
Mary there is any false trust placed in the Holy Virgin,
any reliance that impugns the honour of Christ, cannot
possibly be maintained. Similarly all the numerous
hymns invoking other saints contain nothing more
than the prayer which Caspar Querhammer utters in
his All Saints' hymn, ' 0 ihr Heiligen Gottes Freundt '
(' 0 ye Saints, ye friends of Cod ! ').
You all alike we do beseech
To gain us grace, that we
The heavenly kingdom soon may reach
When we have ceased to be :
Now God the Lord for us implore,
That He forsake us nevermore,
To perish everlastingly.
1 The full title is in Baumker, i. 74, No. 186. Reprinted in Wacker-
nagel, v. 1283-1285 ; cf. Kehrein, ii. 55-GO.
NEW CATHOLIC HYMNS 281
Through all the many hundreds of hymns and
religious songs — those especially on the birth, life,
passion and death of the Saviour — the keynote is : All
trust is in God through the one only mediator, Jesus
Christ :
Eternal God, to Thee we pray,
Give peace in our day ;
In love to Thee may all agree,
And constantly Thy Will obey :
For there's no other God indeed
Who striveth for us in our need ;
Thou art our God alone. . . .
Grant us unity of mind
And endless bliss to find,
Which dwells in Thee alone.
Ah, gracious Saviour, Christ Jesu,
Who art my sole Redeemer too,
Pity me, my God and Lord,
Through Thy sacred blood outpoured ! . . .
Lord Jesu Christ,
My anchor still,
In all distress my stay ;
Give life respite,
As is Thy Will :
No sinner wilt Thou slay,
Who to Thee turns,
Thus Thy Word learns ;
Who build thereon securely
Find saving grace ;
Therefore I'll place
On Thee my trust entirely.
Lord Jesu Christ, my hope, delight,
I wait for Thee from morn to night,
Come when Thou wilt, I'm ready quite.1
The best translations of the Psalms were done by
Caspar Ulenberg, pastor at Kaiserswerth, for his Psalter
of 1582 ; many of these may be regarded as model
works.2
1 Kehrein, ii. 153, 529, 600; Wackernagel, iii. 955, 1050-1051, 1054,
1116.
2 See Baumker, i. 148-149, 194-195 ; Abdriicke von Psalmen in Wacker-
nagel, v. 1067-1085.
282 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
In his polemical preface of forty pages Ulenberg
insists on the necessity that, ' according to old example,
the common people should be supplied with godly,
pure and unfalsifled hymns, instead of the misleading
collections nowadays compiled.' ' If in these days it
is unadvisable and forbidden to use all sorts of sectarian
hymn-books, this does not mean that there is any wish
to hinder what is good and to reject Christian hymns ;
it is only done because these new collections are impure
and misleading, and bespattered by false teaching, and
sometimes, owing to the sectarian catechisms and
schismatic Church ordinances printed with them, are
found injurious to simple-minded persons. For they
have actually woven into these hymns the baseless,
senseless lie that up till now the precious truth and the
Word of God have not been known to the world, but
now finally have been sent to earth by them, the sec-
taries ; in these hymns the heads of Christendom have
been unjustly slandered, and because they have set
themselves against the intruding heretical horrors,
it has been sung in hymns concerning them that they
wanted to drive out God and His work. All sorts of
error have been mixed up in these hymn-books, and
what is most scandalous of all, the Psalmist, David,
without his consent, has been pressed into the service ;
for several of the best Psalms, by omissions and addi-
tions, have been so falsified by the sectarians that the
prophet, in these hymnals, is sometimes made to speak
of things which never were in his mind nor in that of
the Holy Ghost.' This, says Ulenberg, was especially
the case with the Psalms translated and arranged by
Luther, Justus Jonas, and Michael Styfel. ' From
these examples everybody could judge in what direction
POLEMICAL HYMNS 283
the sectarians were going and working with their new
hymn-books, and that it was not without justice that
they were held in contempt. For what trust could be
put in people who so wickedly and knowingly perverted
God's Word and the holy Psalms of David, by omitting
and adding, twisting and turning, and who forced them
in the most contradictory ways to fit in with their own
advantage, or else dared to poison them with false
doctrine ? However, what was going on now was
nothing new, the old sectarians twelve and thirteen
hundred years before had acted in just the same way.'
Ulenberg then gives examples. Just as those early
sectarians had done, so had ' the present-day ones also
done : ' they had introduced their doctrines of ' faith
alone, of slavish fettered will, their falsification of the
doctrine of law, hatred of authorities and other such
heresies,' into their hymns, ' and with exquisite melo-
dies and enticing words they had pitifully misled the
simple people.' And just as ' the insolent, rabid
singing of the Arians had once at Constantinople
almost occasioned an uproar,' ' so, too, these present-
day sectarians, at the beginning of their bloodthirsty
evangelising, had composed and sung all sorts of revo-
lutionary, murderous hymns, of which it might truly
be said, as the Greeks said of Draco's statutes, that
they were written in human blood.' l
The fiercely polemical nature of many of the Pro-
testant hymns had been sternly censured by George
Wizel as early as the years 1534 and 1537. ' The
heretics,' he wrote, ' take wonderful delight in their
new hymns, or rather their scurrilous songs, by means
of which they pour the poison of their heresies in-
1 Kehrein, i. 105-107 ; Wackernagel, pp. 401-402.
284 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
sidiously into the heads of the simple-minded, calum-
niate the Church, and rage and curse against her.' ' A
large number of their Christian hymns are not only
against God and His Word, but also for the most part
insolent and violent, and many people when they join
in such Doric tunes would rather strike in with their
fists than sing.' ! ' New songs and hymns,' writes the
1 Quoted in Dollinger, F , formation, i. (2nd ed.) 46, 58-59. In the
preface to the Catholic hymn-book, printed at Tegernsee in 1574, Adam
Walasser said : ' Christian and dear readers : after the footsteps of our
pious ancestors had been abandoned, and people had strayed into all
sorts of wrong ways, godlessness and frivolity of every description came
into the world. Then the divine Scriptures, together with the holy
Fathers' doctrine, became falsified, perverted, cut down, and added to.
The hymns also were treated in the same manner, as has been indicated
here in connection with one or two of the Gospels. In the hymn, " Wir
glauben all an einen Gott," &c, Christ's going down into hell and the
communion of the saints were left out just as if they were not articles
of our Christian faith. On the other hand, it was interpolated that
" here all sins will be forgiven," although Christ said " the sin against
the Holy Ghost would never be forgiven, either here or in the world to
come." Item, at the end of the Ten Commandments they have added :
" Es ist mit unserm Thun verloren, verdienen dock eitel Zoren " ("All our
doing is of no profit, we deserve nothing but wrath "), and in the Psalm
" Aus tiefster Noth " they sing, " Es ist dock unser Thun umsonst, audi
in dem besten Leben " ("All our doing is in vain, even in the best of lives "),
which words occur neither in this Psalm nor in the whole of Scripture.
However, I gladly allow that the " doing " of the sects is vain, and that
they deserve only wrath ; but it is not so with the pious Catholic Chris-
tians. Their works will, if God will, not be lost. But the result of giving
people sanction for not doing any good works is that all spiritual discipline
and all good conduct are disappearing. Hundreds of examples might
be adduced to prove this, but these are sufficient to warn a simple Chris-
tian against the sectarian Psalm-books and Church hymns. Besides
these hymns there have also come into vogue all sorts of wanton, im-
moral songs, which also originate in this false carnal teaching. And, alas !
it has come to this— that all that the old Christians were ashamed of
the new Christians make a boast of. Yea, verily, what is read or sung
in numbers of places is either heresy, or frivolity, or immorality. Thence
it happens, also, that there is neither happiness nor welfare in the land
any more, which was not the case when we kept to the footsteps of our
pious forefathers, who sang numbers of beautiful devotional hymns all
the year through, from festival to festival, and who sang to the praise
POLEMICAL HYMNS 285
Franciscan John Nas in the year 1568, ' were pro-
duced by them at first without limit or reason ; one
booklet of Psalms after another was manufactured,
and all the songs must forsooth go by the name of
Psalms.' Numbers of them ' were indeed too coarse
to be given as examples ; ' for instance :
Martinus gave advice
To roast the priests
And to stoke the fire with monks,
And to lead the nuns into brothels,
Kyrie eleison.
Or
From deepest need — beat the priests to death,
And leave no monk alive, &c. &c.
But * still they go on singing their bloodthirsty
hymn, " Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort." ' From
the hymn ' Lobt Gott, ihr frummen Christen ' (' Praise
God, ye pious Christians ') Nas quoted the following
stanza as an example of ' evangelical tenderness : '
Hark, hark, beloved brothers,
Ye who good Christians are,
Take each of you a banner,
We'll gain renown in war.
and glory of God and His saints at pilgrimages and penitential proces-
sions, and received thereby benediction and grace. Of such old pious
songs and hymns many have been collected together in this little book,
for the benefit of the Christian laity in general, so that not alone in church,
but also in his home, or in the field at his work, he may sing praise to God,
and abstain from all the worldly, unchaste, improper songs. Make
use, O Christian reader ! of this hymn-book for the praise and glory of
God and of His saints, and guard yourself against the hymns and the
teaching of the sects, and rejoice ye in the Lord.' In the preface to an
enlarged edition of the year 1577 Walasser added, further, that ' there
is no happiness or blessing to be expected until we Catholics abstain
from sins and turn again to God in true penitence, and the sectarians
also turn back from their heresies, and seek shelter again in the old Catholic
Roman Church ' (Wackernagel, Bibliographie, pp. 649, 653). ** Concerning
A. Walasser, see Paulus in the Katholik, 1895, ii. 453 ff. ; Von Reinhard-
stottner, Forschungen, ii. 54 ff., 58 ff., 83 ff,
286 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
We'll give the foe a pounding —
I mean the tonsured crew —
The drums and fifes are sounding,
Come on, ye Christians true.1
David Gregory Corner wrote later on : 'If one
convincing example — not to mention others — is wanted
of the Lutheran spirit, we recommend perusal of the
first lines of the very last hymn which Luther wrote
shortly before his death ; it may be seen in the Nurem-
berg Lutheran hymn-book with the following super-
scription : " Dr. Martin Luther's last hymn, made for
the farewell of the Eoman Pope and for the children at
Mid-Lent, instead of carrying a figure of Death out
of the church, to drive out the said Pope, to the tune,
* Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort : '
Now let us drive the Pope from out
Christ's kingdom and God's house devout,
For murderously he has ruled,
And countless souls to ruin fooled.
Be off with you, you damned son,
You scarlet bride of Babylon,
Horror and antichrist thou art,
Lies, murder, cunning fill thy heart." ' - . . .
It was a firmly rooted conviction of the Protestants
that the Church hymns which Cyriacus Spangenberg
wrote were also intended ' for opposing the heretics
and their false doctrines.' And so they sang, for
instance, ' Es ist das Heil uns kommen her ' (' Salvation
has come down to us') against the papists and those
who held the doctrine of good works, which indeed is by
1 Schopf, pp. 25-26. The last-quoted song is by Louis Hailman ; it
was inserted in the Marburg hymnal of 1549 (Wackernagel, Kirchenlied,
iii. 369-370).
- Baumker, Kirchenlied, i. 219. The hymn is not Luther's own
composition, but he let it appear under his name. See Goedeke, Dich-
tungen ion M. Luther, p. 155.
POLEMICAL HYMNS 287
no means an unnecessary thing. ' The most intolerable
part of it all,' they said, was ' when the authorities
would not suffer them to sing hymns, as at the time
of the Interim they were forbidden in many places to
sing publicly ki Erhalt uns, Herr, bei deinem Wort.'1
In some places from respect of the Pope this hymn had
been so altered that the Protestants replaced the word
'• Pope " by " devil," so that, against the papists' will,
it was made clear what the Pope was and how good he
was.' x
On the part of the Catholics the Protestant pole-
mical hymns were repeatedly opposed by counter-hymns.
Thus, for instance, Luther's ' Christliches Kinderlied '
In Thy Word preserve us, Lord,
Slay Pope and Turk with Thy sharp sword.
was answered by the hymn in Leisentrit's collection :
Lord, in Thy Church us guard and keep,
From the sects' doctrine save Thy sheep ;
Thy Church is one, without a rent,
Known is it by Thine own garment.
The sects' doctrines are made by man,
Divided are they, void of plan,
Misleading many a heart upright —
No laughing matter in God's sight. . . .
Show forth, O God, Thy mighty work
That we may not suffer from the Turk ;
Help us, and may the sects malign
Be cast out by Thy Word divine.2 . . .
The hymn of Paul Speratus, ' Es ist das Heil uns
kommen her,' 3 was altered by the Spires hymn-book of
1 Von der Musica, xxviii. 154.
2 Six stanzas (Wackernagel, v. 1002). See the Umdichtung im Rhein-
felsischen Oesangbuch of 1666, in Baumker, ii. 295-296. Songs for and
against Luther catalogued by Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 156-158, § 121.
3 See above, p. 261 ff.
288 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
1599 and the Mayence Cantual of 1605 into the fol-
lowing :
Salvation certainly descends
Alone from mercy and from grace ;
Christ by His passion made amends,
An Jl with His blood redeemed our race ;
His Cross, deserts, and death contain
Alone salvation, and we must
In these place all our trust.
Not faith alone, however, but faith made active
through love, ensures justification and salvation before
God:
Faith first within our hearts must be,
And give firm confidence,
Then works of love and charity
Build up faith's evidence ;
These twain are like two arms that clasp
The Saviour in a loving grasp
And make Him their own property.
From these, then, hope has birth,
Which from despair doth save,
And in this world and earth
Makes hearts more brave :
We must have all these three
If we would saved be,
Bare faith is nothing worth.1
Another begins :
Faith that through love has active grown,
According to God's Word and will,
In Jesus Christ, has power alone
The Father's wrath to still.2 . . .
1 Wackernagel, v. 1154-1156. See Baumker, i. 156.
- Kehrein, ii. 365 ; Wackernagel, v. 1003. See Baumker, ii. 208. In
opposition to the hymn of Lazarus Spengler, ' Durch Adam's Fall ist ganz
verderbt . . .' in Wackernagel, i. 48-49, stands the Catholic answer,
' Die Erbsund kommt von Adam's Schuldt,' in Wackernagel, v. 988.
To the Protestant ' Ein Kindelwiegen oder Wyhenachten Lied den ver-
mainten Geistlichen zu Lob zugericht,' of the year 1524, and ' Der Tag
der ist so frewdenreich Allen Curtisanen . . .' in Wackernagel, iii. 393-
394, there followed the next year the answer of a Catholic ' Wider die
falschen Evangelischen,' in Wackernagel, v. 913-917.
POLEMICAL HYMNS 289
In a hymn for the Holy Communion in Vehe's
hymn-book the Church's practice of administering to
the laity in one kind only is defended, and the following
advice given :
Let's fight no longer, for thereby
Love, too, within our hearts will die ;
This is my best advice to you :
Prove your true faith by action true.
Grace then will God soon give,
No more against the Church to strive,
And He will give us unity,
To last unto eternity.1
The concluding stanza of a ' Gesang von den heiligen
sieben Sacramenten ' which appeared in a ' Catholic
Hymn-book,' published at Innsbruck in 1587, is strongly
polemical :
Drive far as you can
That godless man.
Luther, and all his abettors,
Who with false lies
Our noble prize
Would steal from us like traitors.
One wants one,
Another none,
A third, two, three, or four ;
From which it's plainly seen
What spirit lurks
In all their works,
The serpent, that's to say,
Who from the earliest day
A liar has ever been ;
God help that we
Right soon may be
From heresies set free.2
In opposition to isolated hymns of this sort there
occur in Protestant collections a large number of hymns
against the Pope and the Catholics. To the number of
these belongs, and is found in the Nuremberg, Erfurt
1 Wackernagel, v. 947-948. 2 Ibid. 1134-1135.
VOL. XI. U
290 HISTORY OF THE GEKMAN PEOPLE
and Zwickau Enchiridions of 1525-1528, in the Strass-
burg hymn-books of 1525-1543, and in other collections,
a hymn composed by Michael Styfel, of not less than
eighteen six-lined stanzas, against the Pope as Anti-
christ :
Himself as teacher he's erected,
Strangling is his chief delight ;
His church and court must be protected
By ban and army's fright ;
Who injures him straightway' s ejected.
His chair has no support but might.
Therefore he looks with care around him,
Like a lion in his lair,
To see that none be hidden from him
Who to oppose him would dare ;
Who doeth like this must be strangled.
In his net he will lie entangled.'
'B1
A Zurich hymn-book of 1540 contains, in a hymn
of Thomas Blarer, the following lines :
How much the churches I do hate,
Falsely called the spiritual estate,
The laity and clergy both —
I mean the rabble of the pope.2
The Strassburg congregational hymn-books of 1562
and 1566 accused the papists as follows :
From false lips does their talk proceed,
From disunited hearts,
Their doctrine's empty, baseless creed,
Which gives the conscience smarts ;
With purgatory, absolution, mass
And ban, the world misled it has.
The Lord have pity on us !
For where the godless rabble rules
The people it perverts, befools,
In sacrilegious manner.'
In a hymn of eight stanzas in use at Greifswald,
1 Wackernagel, iii. 79-80. - Ibid. 599. ■'■ Ibid. 650.
POLEMICAL HYMNS 291
' Der Bapst hat sich zu Tode gefallen,' Lutlier is
praised for having deprived ' the devil and Pope ' of
his kingdom and destroyed his power.1
A song of jubilee by Martin Schrod, ' Freudengeschrei
iiber das gefallene Bapstum,' of thirty-seven strophes
ending with Hallelujah, runs as follows :
There sit'st thou naked on bare earth,
Thy priesthood now of no more worth,
Banished or stricken dead.
' The seventh will his life forego,
He's acted like a villain,' so
The Sibyl to you said.
As Lucifer fell from heaven's throne,
So thou, too, dost receive thine own
Reward, like Pharaoh in the waters red.'2
In opposition to the endless verses and songs
written by the sectarians in vilification of the Pope,
and used as hymns for singing in church, John Nas
composed a few which made no pretence of being
edifying or piously worded, but were frankly coarse
and unpolished. ' For if I should attempt to be
tender, the godless preachers,' Nas said, ' would not at
all understand me.' In the year 1568 he published,
' Ein Widerschall und Gegenhall von den bosen Friich-
ten der evangelosen Pradigkanten, so jetziger Zeit den
christlichen Fried zustoren mit Gemalen, Schreiben,
Singen und Lehren, und die katholischen Kirchen
calumniren.' It begins as follows :
I raise my voice in pity's name,
And must to every one proclaim
The evil that's at hand,
From Satan who's at liberty
To preach through all the land.
1 Wackernagel, iii. 789 ; cf. iv. 742, No. 1098. a Ibid. iii. 974.
v 2
292 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
And that you may know aright
This wicked antichristian wight
Of Lucifer the son :
Good Catholics at first they were
But now all faithless grown. . . .
Of the Augsburg Confession lie sang in 1588 :
Luther's, Melckthon's confession
Which at Augsburg had its birth,
And was the mother of corruption,
Caused monks and fools much mirth.
By it have many customs wise
And old decayed and perished.
But yet the world elects to prize
And bow to Luther's calf the knees.1
Polemical effusions of this sort are lamentable.
They are, however, of little importance compared to
all the songs and hymns of those poets who considered
the battle against the papacy as ' a sacred heirloom
of Luther to be continually enlarged.'
The preacher Justus Jonas set the following lines to
the tune of ' Wo Gott der Herr nicht bei uns h It : '
Shower Thy wrath on Rome, the town
Which Christ has long betrayed ; on monk and prjest
All godless, shower it down.
Shower Thy wrath on godless folk
Who know Thee not, Lord God,
On all the papists, devil's folk,
Who know not how to pray aright,
Who trust to their Itahan wiles,
The Pope's and priests' intrigues.2
The preacher Bartholomew Bingwalt in a ' geist-
liches Kinderlied ' taught the children to invoke God
against the Roman Antichrist :
1 Sextce Centurice prodromus (1569), Bl. 252 ff. ; Wackemagel, v. 1023-
1030.
2 Wackernagel, iii. 44.
POLEMICAL HYMNS 293
He means to root out with the sword
All Thine own true children, Lord,
Who hiin and his decrees will not
Honour a£ they honour God.
It went on to pray that God would protect His
bride ' against the devil's evil skin.'
Of Babylon who in such wise
Has soiled thine honour with her lies,
Cast her and her allies as well,
Into the abyss of hell.
As John has told us must befall —
John who in the Spirit saw it all.1
In another song the same poet inveighed against the
Pope, ' Die Hur von Babylon : '
O Lord, protect Thy covenant
With the word of grace,
And cast down the loose woman
With her Easter-cakes
With which she daily doth Thee shame,
And sacrifice her mass doth name,
For the soul's redemption.
Allow not in Thy Church, in pity,
Such sacrilegious courses,
Burn down the ancient murder city
With chariots and horses.
That all may cry, She's gone, she's gone,
With all her wondrous glory,
The mighty Babylon ! -
The schoolmaster and deacon Louis Helmbold at
Miihlhausen in Thuringia, in his collection entitled
' den gottseligen Christen zugerichtete geistliche
Lieder ' (1575), also repeatedly invoked God against
the * idolatrous papists : '
1 Die lautere Wahrheit, edition of 1588, p. 443 ff.
2 Wackernagel, iv. 991.
294 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Command each Christian magistrate
Not in the land to tolerate
Prophets so idolatrous.
It is, indeed, a monstrous thing
The papacy's blood-thirst to learn
And still go beating in ';he wind :
The heart of everyone should burn,
And would each one be in the right,
He ought to fight, with all his might,
The Roman Antichrist's great evil,
And what more cometh from the devil.
To the tune of ' Herr Christ der einig Gottes Sohn
he sang :
The Antichristian popedom,
By which the world's deceived,
Has been by Thine evangel
To Luther's eyes revealed.
He does indeed go faster,
That wicked fiend, than we,
With all his Jesuiters,
But all that is against Thee
Must perish in disaster.1
In a ' New Te Deum laudanrus of Pope Paul III.,
Erasmus Alber exclaims :
Thy sanctity accursed is,
Thou man of sin and Antichrist ;
To Satan, thy head, thou hangest on,
Who nought but lie and strangle can.
The whole of the great shaven crew
Praise thee with loud hullabaloo.
Oh, thou, the holiest of all !
Oh, thou, the holiest of all !
Far holier than the crucified Christ ! . . .
Thy rabble says the indulgence chest
Forgives sins quicker than the Christ.
From thee and thine idolatry,
We, God be praised, are henceforth free,
Daily we curse thee, thou pope-ass,
And Christ His Name we praise. . . .
1 Wackernagel, iv. 645 ff., 668-669.
POLEMICAL HYMNS 205
This song is followed by a prayer ' against the
devilish kingdom of the Antichrist.' 1
While religious and secular song thus simultaneously
flooded the German book-market with didactic and
polemical productions of very doubtful poetic worth,
the once fruitful soil of natural poetry became a barren
waste.
1 Wackernagel, iii. 892-893. We have left out the worst verses
against the Pope as 'the grossest criminal.' A new ' Vater Unser ' by
this same sacred songster began : ' Pope Father of all perjured Christians,
slandered be thine accursed name. Thy kingdom come in hell. Thy devilish
will must soon be subjugated,' and so forth (pp. 894-895). Philip Wacker-
nagel, the most industrious Protestant hymnologist of the new epoch,
expresses his delight in such productions. They were certainly not
always, he says in his Kirchenlied, iii. 12, ' hymns of the most elevated
Church style, suited to congregational hymnals, but frequently rather of
the low popular style,' but they were ' all the same, songs of great earnest-
ness, often of grimmest earnestness, even when humorous, as when the
man of sin ' — i.e. the Pope — ' is shown up in all his maskings and mum-
meries, and shown up fearlessly as was the way of the Germans in those
days. In those days ! '
297
BOOK II
POPULAR LITERATURE
CHAPTER I
FOLKSONG — SONGS FOR OCCASIONS AND ' HIGH PRINCELY
COURT POETRY ' — MEISTERSINGING — HANS SACHS
In its transition from the fifteenth to the sixteenth
century the German nation still evinced much versatility
and originality in poetic creation, and also an inex-
haustible love of song. All classes of society delighted
in the beautiful treasury of poetry, the heritage of
earlier times, which had now become the common
property of all, and which brightened and transfigured
daily life, and added fresh lustre and joy to the Church
festivals and solemnities.1 And even when the storm
of the great religious and political disturbances broke
loose and shattered the unity and strength of the people,
the young generation, which had grown up in the midst
of these terrible agitations, preserved still for a long
period the ' old, noble love of the beautiful songs
which had been born in the hearts of their ancestors.' 2
While the social organisation was tottering on its
foundations, and complaints of internal disruption,
sanguinary fighting, and growing distress among the
1 See our statements, vol. i. p. 264 ff.
3 Von der WerUe Eitdkeit, Bl. A2.
298 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
lower classes filled all Germany, many of the old
melodies were still heard amid the wails of lamenta-
tion, and until after the middle of the sixteenth century
occasional additions of charming and edifying songs
were still made to the old repertory.
But a new spring-time of poetry could not blossom
out at a period when sedition, devastation, and hostile
factions filled the land. Hatred, envy and greed,
mutual vilification and abuse, became the ruling factors
in the life of the times, and all joyousness of heart,
all the deeper and nobler feelings of the soul, whence
the old folksongs had welled up so plentifully, were
crushed and stifled.1 All that was henceforth produced
in the way of secular folksong was, for the most part,
mechanical and vulgar, at best only akin to the common
type of religious poetry of the period, the chief charac-
teristics of which were didacticity and absence of lyric
feeling. In either case, whether folksong or hymns,
the diction was nothing more than dry, unpliant prose
turned into rhyme, with the additional demerit of being
unutterably diffuse.
Even in the wine and drinking songs contemplation
1 Prutz, Vorlesungen, p. 49, says : ' The Reformation brought in a new
springtime of poetry.' ' But where,' asks Frederick William Arnold,
one of the soundest investigators among the non-Catholics, ' where are
the artistic achievements produced by this so-called blossoming period of
popular poetry during the first half of the sixteenth century ? Not a
single important result can we lay hands on.' ' The blossoming period
of German civic life, as well as of German national song, was over and
past.' ' The Reformation had been as a firebrand thrown among the
German nation, which swept everything away with its devouring flames.
Church and State had tottered on their foundations, all things had
threatened to become disjointed, everyone had believed that the world
was coming to an end. This was no time for the soft accents of our
innocent folksong to make themselves heard.' In Chrysander's Jahr-
biicher, ii. 21, 169.
DETERIORATION OF FOLKSONG 299
loomed large, and they were no longer the expression
of mirth and joviality, but of licentiousness. Here is
a specimen :
To be merry and jolly is ruy way,
And I mean to stick to it,
And even should the devil be grieved
I shall not be moved from it. . . .
And so I wish you a drunken night,
And eke a drunken morning.
Or again :
A woman wanted to go drink wine,
He ro ri ma to ri,
She wouldn't let her husband go with her,
Guretzch, guretzch, gu ritzi maretzch,
He ro ri ma to ri.
If you won't let me go and drink with you,
He ro ri ma to ri,
Then I'll go to another woman,
Guretzch. . . .*
A singer of the ' Katzenjammer ' 2 complains that
his brain has gone, that he is mad and stupid :
Oh, woe, I cannot go !
What has befallen me ?
I cannot stand upon my feet,
How I have forgotten myself !
I stagger and fall on a bench,
Oh, woe, I cannot sit !
My stomach swells, it's over-full,
The wine is oozing out of it. '
Aegidius Albertinus quotes the following as a popular
drinking song :
1 Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Gesellschaftslieder, pp. 155-156 ; Goedeke
and Tittmann, Liederbuch aus dem sechzehnten Jahrhundert, pp. 129, 133.
Cf. Menzel, Deutsche Dichtung, ii. 348.
2 'Katzenjammer,' a piece of student slang meaning ' the aftereffects
of drinking.' — (Translator.)
3 Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Gesellschaftslieder, p. 174. Cf. the
Schlemmer Vorsatz, p. 156.
300 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
We'll drink and swill till the morrow,
We'll be jolly and free from sorrow. . . .
We've never from anyone learned
Who hither from hell's returned,
And told us what there goes on,
That conviviality's wrong.
So drink thy fill, he down, and then
Get up and drink thy fill again.1 . . .
In Caspar Stein's * Peregrinus ' there are drinking
songs to the following effect :
Drink thyself full, lie down, and then
Get up and chink thy fill again,
Vomit from liver and lung,
That's to say . . . over the tongue :
For thus writes the great Alexander,
One surfeit drives out another.'- . . .
As regards military songs the Landsknechts had a
collection of ballads full of fresh, exhilarating joy in
1 De Conviviis, pp. 65b-66.
2 Contributed by H. Frischbier in the Zeitschr. fiir deutsche Psychologic,
ix. 213-219. In the songs of the sixteenth century incidents of lower
life were represented with a fidelity often bordering on brutality, and
the musical accompaniments played willingly and with great variety
the most extensive part in this representation (Reissmann, ii. 37-38).
Gervinus (ii. 258, 275-276) says concerning the dechne of folksong :
It may in general be assumed that in proportion as vulgarity and blunt-
ness become more flagrant in the bawdy songs, and coarseness in the
chinking songs, the songs are of later date.' 'The worst stage of coarse-
ness in folksong came in with the period of demoralisation in the sixteenth
century.' ' Towards the end of the fifteenth century the coarse and savage
element was more and more discarded both from romantic stories in
prose and from romantic poetry and song. The frightful and blood-
curdling stories of vengeance, the horrible scenes of savagery, robbery,
and murder which entertained and delighted the dissolute, wandering
people of earlier ages in their theatre — the public -house — were replaced
at the end of the fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth
century by tales of a more human, tender, and touching kind. The
difference appears to some extent in the text, but very decidedly in the
music. Later on, however, and even in the seventeenth century, the
style of romance literature frequently reverted to the taste of the
demoralised epochs.'
DETERIORATION OF FOLKSONG 301
battle ; but there were others which depicted, more
vividly than agreeably, the ways and manners of the
soldiers even in friendly countries :
Wine in plenty for Brother Veit,
Plenty to eat, that something be left over ;
Drink on tick, with nothing part,
So pay the landlord that he shall cry for a doctor.
' When they draw near a village,' writes a con-
temporary, ' they sing the following jargon to the
accompaniment of their drums :
Pide, pide, pum,
Beware, 0 peasant, I come !
And I'm not pious like some,
I steal and rob ad libitum.'
Another song was as follows :
A Landsknecht and a bacon pig
Must be stuffed full alway,
For neither of them knows what day
They'll strangled be and stabbed. l
The love songs at this period lost all sincerity of
feeling and tenderness of thought ; under the influence
of growing demoralisation the erotic element gained
very undue preponderance in this department also.
' There are nowadays,' wrote Katherine Zell, in 1534,
' so many scandalous songs of men and women sung
everywhere, even to children, songs in which vice,
adultery, and other disgraceful things are put before
the old and the young, and the world insists on having
them sung.' - ' The wicked enemy has brought things
to such a pass,' said Martin Bucer nine years later,
' that this beautiful art and gift of music is almost
solely used, or rather misused, for voluptuousness ;
1 G. Scherer, Postille, Bl. 438b, 439, 543.
- Wackernagel, Bibliographie, p. 554.
302 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
and it is not only that this is a very grievous sin, inas-
much as music is an excellent gift of God, but also that
it makes all words that are set to it penetrate all the
more powerfully into the heart and the feelings. Hence
it is terrible to think what harm may be done to the
young and to others by the devilish songs of passion
they hear sung, because what is already by itself too
alluring to the senses becomes still more so by the aid
of music, and sinks deeper into the heart.' ]
Multitudes of drinking songs and amorous songs
were distributed on leaflets. ' Every year,' John
Herolt complains in 1542, ' they make fresh songs,
which our daughters are obliged to learn by heart,
and of which the burden generally is how the man was
deceived by the woman, or how the parents' care of
a daughter had been all in vain, and how she had been
seduced. And these things, moreover, are related as
if they were good actions, and the wickedness which
has succeeded so well is praised. The corrupt
subject-matter is dressed up with shameless words
of double meaning, so that scandal itself could not be
more scandalous. And by means of this trade numbers
make their living, especially in the Netherlands. If
justice had its right course the authors of such songs
would soon learn to sing songs of tribulation under the
rod of the executioner. As it is, however, those who
corrupt the young live on the fruits of their criminal
work. And there are actually some parents who think
that their daughters are not up in the ways of good
society if they are not acquainted with these songs.
' 2
1 Wackernagel, p. 584.
- Goedeke, Orundriss, ii. 23-24, where several more similar remarks
by contemporaries are quoted.
AMOROUS SONGS 30°
o
Cyriaciii Spangenberg complained in 1598 that ' in
many places the authorities allowed everybody to sing
revolting, indecent, godless songs in the streets and at
their work.' ] In his ' Ehespiegel ' ( ' Mirror of Marriage ' )
of 1570, Spangenberg inveighed against the ' singing-
dances,' in which men and women, young and old,
joined together, forming a ring.' These in them-
selves, he said, ' are not reprehensible, so long as
improper songs are left out ; but nowadays people
seem to think that those who can sing the most filthy,
shameless songs, and introduce the utmost amount of
impropriety into the proceedings, form the life and
soul of the party.' 2 In opposition to ' an abomin-
able song which it is now very much the fashion to
sing to an accompaniment of fifes and fiddles, with
dancing and jumping,' a ' new beautiful sacred song '
was published at Nuremberg in 157 1.3 'Is it not
beyond measure shameless and devilish,' asks the writer
of an ' Ermahnung wider Huren- und Buben-Schand '
of 1557, ' that in many places sword-dances are per-
formed by men almost naked, with singing of lewd,
scandalous songs (Huren- und Venuslieder), fresh speci-
mens being made and sold every year ? ' 4
Collections of improper love songs appeared under
the titles ' Venus-Kranzlein,' ' Venus-Glocklein,' ' Neue
amorische Gesanglein mit hierzu allerseits artigen und
sehnlichen Texten ' ( ' New amorous ditties with all sorts
1 Von der Musica, p. 154.
2 Ehespiegel, p. 294 ff.; cf. Aegidius Albertinus, De conviviis, pp. 74-75.
3 Weller, Annalen, ii. 435, No. 588.
4 Without locality, 1557 ; two sheets. In 1555 a number of people
were taken into custody in Dresden for having admittedly performed
all sorts of dances in a state of nudity, or with nothing but shirts on
them, at night-time in the churchyard round the church, and on the
graves (Falke, Gesch. des Kurfiirsten August, pp. 331-332).
304 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
of pretty and passionate texts' ), ' Musikalische Strauss-
lein von schonen wohlriechenden Bllimlein, so in Venus
Garten gewachsen ' ( ' Musical nosegays of beautiful
sweet-smelling flowers, which are grown in the garden
of Venus ' ), ' GTildener Venuspfeil ' ( ' Golden arrows of
Venus ' ), ' Musikalische Wollust, allerhand newe, an-
miithige, amorosische Sachen ' ( ' Musical treasure of all
sorts of new, inspiriting, amorous things ' ), and so forth.1
The number of books of songs was extraordinarily
large, and many publishers of new collections took care
to designate earlier ones as morally objectionable.
Thus Paul von der Alst, in the preface to his song-book
' Blumen und Ausbund allerhand auserlesener weltlicher
ziichtiger Lieder und Reime ' ( ' Flowers and selections
of all sorts of exquisite, secular, chaste songs and
rhymes' ) of the year 1602, says : ' In many different
places there have been printed certain German books of
songs which are full of all sorts of disgraceful, immoral
and good-for-nothing songs, by which the young are
enticed and stirred into light-mindedness.' He himself,
on the contrary, had only printed the loveliest, most
beautiful and most chaste and innocent little songs,
in order ' in some measure to divert young lads and
maidens from vice and immorality, and to keep them
to the paths of virtue.' And yet his own collection
contains not a few of the most thoroughly immoral
songs.2 This is also the case with the Frankfort booklet
of songs of 1584, dedicated to ' all young lads and
modest maidens.' 3
George Forster, whose collection of 1539 forms one
1 Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 70, 75, 79, 80, 81.
2 Alphabetical catalogue of the songs in Goedeke, ii. 42-44, No. 36.
Cf. Hoffmann von Fallersleben in the Weimarer Jahrb. ii. 320-356.
3 The title in Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 42, No. 38\
AMOROUS SONGS 305
of the most important sources for folksong melodies,
presented an immaculate front to the public, but all
the same he composed one of the most abominable
indecencies.1 A ' Peasants' Calendar ' also, which is
not wanting in lasciviousness,1' was set by him to
music for four voices. The composers, even Orlandus
Lassus, selected by special preference materials which
were by no means suitable for musical treatment,
but which it is necessary to mention in order to give
a right impression of the taste and tendency of the
period. Lassus, for instance, arranged as four- or six-
part songs such subjects as a basket-maker who beats
his wife because she will not say ' God be praised, the
basket is made ! ' ; a valiant young woman who has
curbed and tamed her wicked step-mother ; the cries of
distress of a husband at the palpable ill-usage of his
stronger half ; and, in contrast, a wife's complaints of
her husband who is going to ruin ; and even an out-
and-out tasteless song of noses (' Nasenlied ') : ' Hort
zu ein neu's Gedicht, von Nasen zugericht ' ( ' Listen
to a new poem, written about noses').3
1 See Ambros, iii. 397, 398. ' Forster does verily make up for this
by a truly appalling " moral song " (" Ach Magdlein fein "). The pre-
sence of the moral here is as objectionable in its conspicuousness as is the
absence of a moral in the other song.'
- Von Liliencron, Deutsches Leben im Volkslied, pp. 135-143. The
calendar contains, indeed, more than ' some coarsenesses ' (cf. vol. xlvii.).
3 From E. Bohn, ' Orl. de Lassus als Komponist weltlicher deutscher
Lieder,' in the Jahrb. fur Milnchener Geschichte, i. 188 ff. In the song of
noses ' all possible and impossible varieties of the human organ of smell
are described with appalling truth to nature. The different epithets
counted up in this song are so coarsely original that one can scarcely be
mistaken in assuming that they belong to the jargon of the very lowest
classes of the Munich people.' ' Lassus has persistently resisted the
temptation to illustrate indecent scenes by music. Sexual misdemeanours,
such as his colleague, Ivo de Vento, published with the utmost indiffer-
ence, are not introduced into his songs — a proof this of his higher artistic
VOL. XI. X
306 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The ' simple melodies ' of the genuine folksongs
were only referred to mockingly, and their original
wording fell so quickly into oblivion that even Forster
in his book of songs said emphatically he had often
striven in vain to recover it, and therefore ' when the
old text was missing, or the rhymes seemed to him
inappropriate, he had substituted fresh words.' l
The increased cultivation of the art of song, and the
introduction of all sorts of Italian forms and melodies,
brought folksong to ruin.-
Every book-fair brought fresh madrigals, canzonets,
motets, terzinas, intradas, villanelles, galliards, cour-
ants, songs from Padua and Naples, saltarellas, voltas,
ballets, parodies, passamezzos and such like. Italian
modes of sentiment and forms of poetry gained wider
and wider ground, all naturalness and national charac-
nature and more enlightened conception of art.' ' Lassus is at his best
in folk, drinking, and love songs. His folksongs have not, it is true,
throughout the naive sincerity which charms and touches us in the
old folksongs, but they are not wanting in traces of it.' ' One of his
best love songs, " Wohl kommt der Mai," gives the impression that
the composer, at the end, was seized with penitence for having at
the beginning sung so heartily and naturally, and therefore hastens to
show, by the most complicated and intricate syncopes, that he is able,
even when there is no occasion for it, to write in a quite terribly learned
and artistic manner.'
1 Wackernagel, Gesch. der dewtsrhen Litteratur, pp. 395, 397.
- ** See Steinhausen, Die Anfiinge des franz. Litteratur- u. Kulturein-
ff.usscx, p. 375. — Riehl, KuUurstudien, p. 349 ft., points out in a section on
the ' Volksgesang ' how admirably a nation can educate itself musically,
but only so long as ' no foreign hands take hold of the plough.' The
people only take delight in that which ' is quite their own.' Only a
song ' whose form and idea have grown out of the heart of the people itself,
and expresses nothing but what this particular tribe understands and
feels called and compelled to utter, only a " home-grown " song of this
sort is at all times a sound and true folksong.' ' Musical forms and
ideas, which are foreign to the organism of any tribe of people, which
are poured in from outside, undigested and indigestible matter, are ex-
tremely unwholesome.'
ITALIAN FORMS AND MELODIES INTRODUCED o07
teristics disappeared by degrees, and most of the songs
were stuffed with learning, allegories, mythological
names and allusions, foreign words and phraseology.1
The outward form of the compositions was more
and more worked up in proportion as the subject-
matter became coarser and ruder. In place of the old
songs of nature, of love, of leave-takings, &c, full of
deep and tender feeling, bawdy and drinking songs
came into fashion, obscenity of all sorts was put into
the form of songs, songs in honour of marriages and
festivities, songs on names (acrostics), echoes, ' Motti,'
and so forth. A specially favourite form of composition
was the ' Quodlibets,' which consisted of a number
of beginnings of well-known songs strung together
in the most inconsequent and contradictory manner.2
These last are typical of the confused, discordant,
troubled life of the times. A Quodlibet of the year
1610, ' Sieben lacherliche Geschnaltz ' (seven ridiculous
pairs of lovers), is conspicuous among all the rest for its
indecencies.3
At the same time the delight that was taken in
' exquisite poetic ' productions from abroad led to the
composition of ' Tender Venus sweetnesses, and pastoral
songs ' in a strange mixture of languages. In the three-
1 Hoffmann von Fallersleben, Geellschaftslieder, viii.-x. For the rest,
German song in the second half of the sixteenth century was by no
means ' completely under the dominion of Italians and Netherlander '
(cf. E. Bohn in the Jahrbuch far Miinchener Gesch. i. 185-186).
- See Ambros, iii. 397 ; Gervinus, ii. 284 ff. ; Hoffmann von Fallers-
leben in the Weimarer Jahrb. ii. 320 ff.
1 See the ' Mitteilungen von A. Liibden ' in the Zeitschr. fur deutsche
Pkilologie, xv. 48-65. Hoffmann von Fallersleben, who in the Weimarer
Jahrbuch, iii. 126 ff., erroneously places this Quodlibet in the year 1620,
expresses regretful astonishment that such wanton things should have
been published at the sad and serious time of the Thirty Years' War
then beginning (cf. Liibden, p. 49).
x 2
308 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
part ' German songs,' published by Nicholas Zangius at
Vienna in 1611, there occur the following stanzas : '
Therefore now I'll diligently
Visit Venus-school,
To study courtly gallantry
And master every rule.
0 Amor free, preceptor be,
And teach me rationally
To practise always gallantry.
The Venus-school
... is so privileged
And everywhere so free,
That a gallant with virtue hedged
And true courtliness
Even should he be disgusted, &c.-
After the Thirty Years' War had already begun to
spread its terrors over Germany, the Leipzig music
director, John Hermann Schein, still went on singing
' beautiful flowery and ornate rhymes ' about Phyllis
and Amaryllis, about the arch-rogue Amor and his
tricks, and also about nature ; for example :
Now have your leaves returned once more, ye woods and myrtle
groves,
Your buds show green allegreznent, rejoice in chorus all.
Ho (Amor) that many tenderly and exquisitely paints,
Himself again presents, &c.3
In addition to such disquisitions on ' sweet amorous
i ** xhe noticeable feature in these verses, and one which cannot
be inchoated in a translation, is the introduction of foreign, Germanised
words, such as ' visitieren,' ' gallanisieren,' ' Amor,' ' Praceptor,' ' privi-
legiert,' ' disgustiert,' ' corbisiert.' — (Translator.)
2 Hoffmann von Fallcrslcben, Gescllschaftlicher Lieder, x. note (cf.
pp. 45-46).
:! Gervinus, ii. 287. Compare the beginnings of numerous songs of
this sort in Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 71-73. ** Concerning Joh. Herm.
Schein, cf. the monograph of Priifer, Leipzig, 1895.
POPULAR SONG BECOMES BARREN AND SOULLESS 309
delights , there appeared a mass of all sorts of ' rhymed
novelties ' from public and private life, rhymed medicine -
books, manuals for peasants, health-receipts, rules of
weather, hints concerning domestic furniture, con-
cerning horse-riding, and the best way of training
horses.1
How barren and soulless popular poetry had become
is shown also by the countless vers cV occasion which
were concocted in honour of important family events.
Thus, for instance, the preacher Bartholomew Ringwalt,
who passed as an admirable poet and whose didactic
poetry had the widest circulation, composed verses
in honour of all the guests present at the wedding of
the daughter of a preacher in 1588, and of a bookseller
in 1595. For each separate guest he made a separate
verse. Of the one he said :
The worthy Henry Meder is
A sheriff and innkeeper,
He's very fond of eating young chicken
And the liver of the pike.
1 See Gervinus, ii. 280 ff., 382, 401-402. 'The struggles of actual
life dragged poetry down to such low depths that the art seemed gradually
drawing to its end.' ' There was no class that did not occupy itself with
rhyming, or that abstained from putting the coarsest, the vulgarest, the
most purely prosaic and industrial things into verse.' ' Historical inci-
dents, also, of the most ordinary kind, and theological controversies,
which in no manner of way lent themselves to poetic form, were put into
verse.' The high-falutin way in which everything was treated is seen,
for instance, in the poetic description of ' a signorial shooting match at
Ulm in 1556.' It begins with the words :
Eternal God, upon Thy throne,
I pray thee leave me not alone,
Thy Holy Spirit to me give,
In Whom all truth and wisdom live,
Thy grace divine shed on me too,
Without which no one aught can do,
That I my poem may complete.
And so forth, in Scheible, SchaUjahr, iv. 341.
310 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Of another :
The very learned Mr. C4eorge Sausagemaker
(As he is called)
Is now investigating high matters ;
He is no one's antagonist.
Of a third, the burgomaster of Frankfort-on-the-
Oder :
God keep him long time hale and fresh,
As all his children wish it ;
He often gives me mountain fish,
Wine, Swedish cheese and plaices.1
Of melancholy import, on the other hand, were the
rhymes published by the Kiindorf preacher, John
Ebert, as, for instance, the story of ' Seven Christian
persons at Rohra, who during a terrific thunderstorm
of long duration were suddenly overtaken by inunda-
tion, and disastrously buried with different buildings.'
Claus Sturm, a pious man and tailor,
Margaret Ins wife, alas ! alas !
Anna, their daughter, a girl about
Six years old, or maybe more ;
Hanslein, their little son, about
Two years old, could not get away.
/ These four people all at once
With house and farm were drowned.
In some lines that follow we are told :
The barber Halbhaus, who was drowned,
Beside a cowshed tottering sunk.
With a shed, a horse, and a pig-sty
Stephen Moller away did hie.2
On the death of princes and lords the muse of
tributary verses not seldom took the opportunity of
1 Hoffmann von Fallersleben, B. Ringwaldt, pp. 28-31.
- Einfiiltige Wetter predigt bei erbarmlielier Leichbestattang u. s. w.
(Schleusingen, 1607), Bl. F--G.
VERSES FOR OCCASIONS 311
producing some sort of funeral oration, even if she did
not soar quite so high as the preacher John Strack,
who, on the death of the Elector John Casimir of the
Palatinate, wrote :
Ye vales and mountains, trees and grass,
No dew shall fall on you until
With me ye lamentation make.1 . . .
A special and separate class of poetry consisted of
the so-called ' priviligierte und professionierte hoch-
furstliche Hofpoesie ' (privileged and professional high-
princely court poetry), which had to do duty on every
kind of joyful or sorrowful occasion, at princely wed-
dings, baptisms, and deaths, at court festivities and
other ' exalted princely recreations.' Philip Agricola,
in 1581, sang in honour of the ' Ring-running of John
George, Margrave of Brandenburg,' and published in
the same year in poetic enthusiasm a rhymed ' Gliick-
wiinschendes Gesprach der Taube und Nachtigall iiber
die Niederkunft Frauen Elisabeth, Johann Georgs
Gemahlin ' (' Congratulations on the delivery in childbirth
of Frau Elizabeth, wife of John George, in the shape of
a rhymed dialogue between a dove and a nightingale').2
The Brandenburg court musician, George Pfund, in
1610, enriched the treasury of Parnassus with more
than 2,000 verses under the title of, ' Freud, Leid und
Hoffnung, das ist etliche denkwiirdige Sachen von
unserer hohen Obrigkeit und loblichsten Herrschaften
in der hochloblichen Chur und Mark Brandenburg '
(' Joy, sorrow, and hope — that is to say, some memor-
able events among our high rulers and most laudable
1 See our remarks, vol. ix. pp. 160, 167.
2 Weller, Annalen, i. 337, Nos. 236, 237.
312 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
lordships in the highly laudable Electorate and Mark
of Brandenburg').1
John Ditmar sang in 1583 of the ' Heimfahrt und
Beilager Friedrich Wilhelms, Herzogen zu Sachsen ; '
George Molysdorfmus in 1585 of the ' Edle Rauten-
kranz mit seinem schonen Geheimnis, welches bedeut
den herrlichen Einzug des Ehrenkonigs Johann Christian
ins hochlobliche Chur- und fiirstliche Haus zu Sachsen ; '
(' Of the noble garland of rue with its beautiful secret,
which signifies the glorious entry of the illustrious King
John Christian into the most laudable electoral and
princely house of Saxony ' ) ; Balthasar Mentzius von
Nimeck sang of the ' Eigentliche Bikinis des durch-
lauchtigsten Fiirsten Augusti, Herzogen zu Sachsen.'
If anyone deserves praise here upon earth,
It is this Elector of so great worth. -
The court poets in Saxony, however, were not held
in high esteem. In the Dresden court book (of accounts)
they were included among the ' menials of the court,'
in company with the cymbal-beater, lion-tamers, and
rat-catchers.13
In nearly all the principalities ' there flourished
poetic geniuses of this kind who could not sing enough
of the glory of the most laudable lords and of their
joyful festive proceedings and expeditions.' 4 One of
the most extraordinary books in praise of princes is the
one dedicated to Duke Christopher of Wurttemberg
under the title ' Lustgart neuer deutscher Poeterei in
fiinf Buchern beschrieben und gedicht durch Matthiam
1 See Friedlander, xi. note.
- Weller, Annalen, i. 340 ft, Nos. 250, 261, 289.
?l Miiller, Forschungen, i. 196.
1 See the writings quoted in Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 326, No. iv. ff.
PRINCELY HIGH POETRY 313
Holzwart von Harburg, zu Ehren dem fiirstlichen
hochloblichen Haus Wlirtenberg ' (' Pleasure garden of
German poetry in five books, written,' &c, &C.).1
Pagan mythology and ancient and modern history
are here jumbled together in the most cheerful manner,
and adapted to Wiirttemberg. The versifier has a high
opinion of his vocation : ' Most certainly,' he says in
the preface, ' that man uttered the truth who wrote of
the poets : God is in us ; we fathom the heavenliness of
heaven.' ' I do not doubt but that many cynical sneerers,
and coarse, unintelligent blockheads will laugh at and
ridicule this my pleasant, but very arduous, work and
poetry, and will regard me as half a Pagan or an ido-
later ; but I am indifferent to them all, for to the pure
all things are pure, to the impure all is impure. On the
other hand, I am equally certain that from all intelligent
artists and lovers of all honourable diversions and
virtues I shall obtain some renown and honour.' The
supreme God Jupiter was certainly, as the poet informs
the reader in the numerous marginal notes intended to
explain the rhymes, ' a great scoundrel and debauchee,'
but it appears to him highly praiseworthy that this
celestial potentate, in company with all the other gods
and goddesses, looked with special favour on the House
of Wiirttemberg. Diana above all was its patron.
Now when before Jove's majesty she stood,
' Oh, bounteous god, oh, father good ! '
She cried, ' thou knowest well how strong
The love, how great the care that all along
I for the noble House of Wiirtemberg
Have had, because in my own work
1 At the end is inscribed : ' Printed at Strassburg by Josiah Rihel,
15G8. Folio.'
314 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Skilful it's been and gladsome ever.
The hunt, the chase neglected never ;
Me at all times they've glorified
By hunting daily, far and wide,
Night and day.' . . .
' Diana came down in person to Count Ulrich,' after
having first given the following explanation to Minerva :
.... Rather than suffer
Wiirttemberg to be forsaken
I'd be a child's mother on this earth,
Though that would be more terrible to me
Than if this instant I should die.
' The gods all offer to do something for the honour
of the laudable House of Wiirttemberg : first, Juno
gives chaste wives and obedient children ; ' Jupiter
' sends Mercury to Worms to the Diet, where Duke
Eberhart VI. was ; ' on the other hand, ' the Furies
make a league with Lucina ' to prevent the Duke from
having any offspring.1
In contradistinction to the plain, simple folksong
of old, there had grown up, in the golden period of the
Middle Ages, a class of poetry known as artistic court
song, which, not content with simple lyric expression
of poetic feeling, sought to embody thoughts and
sentiments in the artistic form of architecturally con-
structed and mellifluous stanzas. In the hands of
genuine poets this method escaped the snare of barren,
soulless formalism. The spirit, the thought maintained
supremacy, and the form adapted itself easily, harmo-
niously and naturally to the controlling ideas.
1 Pp. 101, 106, 108, 133b, 145". ' It will soon come to this,' so the
Meissen Superintendent Strigenicius complained in his sermons on Jonas 50a,
' that no carmen will any more" be written or printed, without invocations
in them to the pagan gods and goddesses, Apollo, or Phoebus, and the
Muses.'
' MEISTERGESANG ' 315
However metrically rigid the stanzas might be, they
were still, as a rule, instinct with the same warm life
that had pulsated in the primitive folksongs. Even
when these ornate lyrical compositions came down to the
status of burgher-song in the halls of the guilds, there
was still sufficient poetic force in the national spirit to
save the diction, as a rule, from stiffening into mere
outward formalism. Nevertheless the danger was there,
and it became greater and greater. When everything
was done according to definite prescriptions and rules,
when even pleasures and entertainments had their fixed,
unalterable days, and mechanical handiwork derived
its best practical support from a strictly organised
system of membership, it was only too likely that art
also would fall under the same tyranny of system.
Schools of song were erected, fixed rules and forms
established for the structure of strophes and for making
rhymes ; the pursuit of art was regulated down to the
minutest details, and the same extreme and rigid
exactness with which all mechanical work is carried on,
was imposed on what should be the most spontaneous
of all arts, viz. song.
Under favourable conditions the poetic spirit might,
even in these surroundings, have triumphed over the form,
for the atmosphere of the guildhalls did not exclude the
most tender sentiments. The guilds had also their
summer festivals in the open air : all the different utter-
ances of folk poetry could find echoes among the worthy
artisans and craftsmen. The ' Meistergesang ' of the
fifteenth century is by no means completely deadened
by pedantic artificiality and barren pedagogy.
When, however, the towns, and with them the guilds,
were drawn into the terrible whirlpool of political and
316 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
religious revolution, when the old stability of faith was
lost, and almost the whole fabric of national life was
torn by dissolute quarrels and party intrigues, it was
inevitable that Meistersinging also should lose all
artistic impulse and spirit, and should be reduced to
pure mechanicality. The harmless desire to rise from
pupil to school friend, to singer, poet, ' Meister,' became
adulterated by perilous ambition among the lower
classes to rise out of their humble position, and, under
cover of the ' evangel,' to take their share in politics.
In place of the earlier spirit of good fellowship a
bitter, odious spirit of religious controversy prevailed ;
the barrenness of the polemical preaching which was
everywhere in vogue pervaded all the moralising
didacticism of the guildhalls. With most exemplary
jejuneness the ' Meistersingers ' and their pupils dressed
up the highest objects of Christian faith and morality
in homely twaddling rhymes, whilst, in fighting the
papacy, the rudest street jargon, abuse of every kind,
even vulgarity and obscenity, were considered allowable.
Hence, in spite of careful and anxious cultivation of
outward form, the poetic art, pursued on the lines of
mechanical precision, became distinguished by utter
absence of taste, and when once the finer artistic sense
had been extinguished, the driest and prosiest of prose
came to be regarded as poetry if only the metre and
rhymes had been carefully worked up. Mere artificiality
took the place of art in nearly all the innumerable
rhymed productions — as coarse as they were empty
and unideal — which flooded town and country. There
was no weapon of criticism to separate the wheat from
the chaff and tares, no higher culture to point the poets
to the classic models ; but the worst feature of all was
' MEISTERGESANG '— HANS SACHS 317
that the poetisers gave themselves out as true heirs
and successors of the famous knightly poets, as the
only legitimate representatives of ' divine poesie,' and
posed as the chief tribunal of art, from which it resulted
that the healthy grit of the national spirit of poetry,
which in its own sphere always strikes the natural vein,
disappeared more and more.
The most comprehensive and distinguished of the
Meistersingers, and the one therefore who was longest
held up as a proverbial model, was the Nuremberg
shoemaker, Hans Sachs, who far surpassed all his guild
associates in poetic endowment, and who was one of
the most fruitful and facile poets of all times.
He was the son of a tailor, and was born on Novem-
ber 5, 1494. At the age of seven he was sent to the
Latin school, and in his fifteenth year he entered on the
business of shoemaker. After two years' apprentice-
ship he started off as journeyman, and wandered over
the greater part of Germany. At Innsbruck he received
instruction in Meistersinging from the linen-weaver,
Leonard Nonnenbeck ; at Frankfort-on-the-Main he
started a school of Meistersinging, and on his return
to Nuremberg he composed, in 1515, his first didactic
poem (Biblical). Having attained the position of
master in his shoemaker's trade, he married in 1519,
and lived over forty years in happy wedlock. After
death had robbed him of his wife in 1560, he contracted
at the age of sixty-eight another marriage with a
young woman of twenty -seven, and he died universally
esteemed in January 1570. His children, two sons and
five daughters, had all pre-deceased him.1
** The most exhaustive and the best work on H. Sachs that we possess
318 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The whole number of his poems, over 6,000, may
be said to represent at least half a million verses.1
at the present day we owe to a Frenchman, Ch. Schweitzer, Un poete
allemand au XVP siecle. Etude sur la vie et les oeuvres de Hans Sachs,
Paris, 1887 (pub. 1889). Cf. Rachel in the Zeitschr. fiir deutsche Philohgie,
xxiv. 265 ff., where also other new writings are catalogued. For the
newest information concerning Hans Sachs, which comes in part from
the jubilee celebration of 1893, see, besides, E. Petzel in the Allgemdn.
Zcitung, 1895, Beil. No. 288, especially the Jahresbericht ji'ir neuere deutsche
Litteraturgcsch., vols. v. vi. vii. and viii. Drescher here passes a very
unfavourable sentence on the monograph of R. Genee, Hans Sachs und
seine Zeit. Ein Lebens und Kulturbild aus der Zeit der Reformation (Leipzig,
1894). According to M. Hermann, also (Deutsche Litter aturzeitung, 1894,
p. 809), Genee's work is ' a remarkable falling-off from the " popular
Hans Sachs booklet " published by the same author in 1888. Genee
in his preface promises a " Kulturbild " of the time of Hans Sachs, and he
also announces that he means " to represent the man Hans Sachs clearly
and vividly in his entire life." Both these tasks, however, according
to Hermann, have lately been ' incomparably better accomplished by the
Frenchman Schweitzer.' The pamphlet of A. Bauch, Barbara Har-
scherin, Hans Sachs's second wife, is of especial value as regards the
history of culture and for correction of opinions that have hitherto passed
muster. Beit rage zur Biographic des Dichters. Nurnberg, 1896. See
also the Gemerkbiichlein des Hans Sachs (1555-1561), with an appendix,
Die Niirnberger Meistersinger-Protocolle of 1595-1605, published by Karl
Drescher (Neudrucke deutscher Litteraturwerke des 16 u. 17. Jahrh., pub.
by W. Braune, Nos. 419-152). Halle, 1898.
1 Goedeke, Orundriss, ii. 412. ' When on January 1, 1567, he counted
up all his poems, he found sixteen books of Meister songs with 4,275
numbers in 275 Meister tunes, of which thirteen were his own composi-
tion. Besides these there were seventeen books of recitations and one
unfinished one, which makes eighteen, in which there were 208 — on
June 9, 1563, the number had mounted to 204 (Buch iv. 3, 118) — merry
comedies, sad tragedies, and amusing plays, most of which were per-
formed in Nuremberg and other towns, far and wide ; besides which
there were about 1,700 religious and secular maxims, proverbs, fables,
and farces. Further, seven dialogues in prose, a quantity of Psalms
and other Church hymns ; also adapted hymns, vaudevilles and songs
of soldiers, a number of ballads, seventy-three altogether, with tunes,
" bad and very vulgar," of which sixteen were original ones of his own.
According to his enumeration, and seeing that the 208 dramatic pieces
were included in the 1,700 poems, and the seven dialogues under the
seventy- three, the number of his poems may be computed at 6,048,
" rather more than less." After January 1, 1507, several more came to
light, and a few writings, which appeared to be original, must be taken
HANS SACHS 319
Such a mass of poetry would be truly astounding if it
were a question of finished work. The secret, however,
of the enormous quantity lies in the Meistersinger
knack. After Hans Sachs had once learnt to ' poetise '
he ' knew how to do it.' He did not carry his theme
about with him, revolving it over and over again in his
mind, neither did he go through the agonies of wrestling
with unmanageable material until he had transformed
it into the spiritual and ideal ; no subject appeared
either difficult or unpoetical to him. Just as with
perfect facility he turned the whole Bible, bit by bit,
into rhyme, so also did he deal with the whole of ancient
mythology and with all sorts of old sagas and stories.
Wherever he lighted on a, fable or a story from the Greek
or Roman world, on an Italian novel, a German farce,
an ephemeral debate, or even a simple anecdote, he
straightway clapped it into his poetic mill. No need
for him to worry himself about working up the material.
With rhymes always at his finger ends, all he required
was the particular book or story he was going to turn
into verse, writing materials and table.
At this table there sat
(so wrote his pupil Adam Puschman)
An old fellow that
Was grey and white like a dove, and had
A great big beard, and behold
In a beautiful book he read
That was finely studded with gold.1
into account. The Meister songs were reserved for adding lustre to the
repertoire of the singing school. Of the remainder there appeared in
three folio volumes, according to his directions, 788 pieces during his
lifetime, and after his death two folio volumes with 642 numbers.'
1 Concerning the unusually extensive library of Hans Sachs, see the
article of R. Genee in the Beil. zur Allgemein. Zeitimg, 1888, No. 50.
320 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Whatever the Meister read in his books he put into
verse. It would take him a couple of days to get his
material into shape, and he did this with the same
mechanical precision with which he would have snipped
and stitched the leather for his shoemaking. Strophe
and antistrophe fitted each other as exactly as one
boot corresponded to its fellow.1 At the same time
there were not wanting here and there occasional traces
of genuine poetry.
' Sehr herrliche, schbne und wahrhafte Gedicht, geist-
licli und weltlich, allerlei Art, als ernstliche Tragedien,
liebliche Comedien, seltsame Spil, kurzweilige Gesprech,
sehnliche Klagreden, wunderbarliche Fabel, sammt "an-
deren lecherlichen Schwefiken und Bos sen, und so weiter :
' ' The works of Hans Sachs also go to confirm the opinion that this
whole epoch was at bottom an unpoetical one, and that the store of
poetic language which it had inherited was used solely for the treatment
of subjects belonging to the realm of the understanding. It is. therefore,
impossible from an aesthetic point of view to accord a lasting place of
honour either to Hans Sachs or to the Meistersingers, or the poets of
the burgher class in general.' ' Hans Sachs, however, is entitled to truer
and more lasting praise for the sincerity of his intentions. It is the
healthiness of tone and feeling which ennobles the man himself, and
spurs him on to work for the ennoblement of his contemporaries, that
kindles in Hans Sachs the soul of a poet ' (Cholevius, i. 289). ' Hans
Sachs's indiscriminate use of all and any material was no less diseased
and unnatural than was the empty formality of the art of Martin Opitz.
He exercised no sort of selection, and reduced German poetry to a mere
storehouse full of packing-cases and barrels. As a passive poet Hans
Sachs was one of the greatest on earth, as an active poet one of the smallest.
His power of invention is slight ; in his farces alone is he distinguished
by an original and invariably (?) naive and well-intentioned roguishness.
His diction, however, is almost without exception excruciatingly, intoler-
ably harsh and grating.' On the other hand, there is ' something praise-
worthy in his burgher industry, his honest sincerity of purpose, and in
the abundance of poetry with which he surrounded his existence ' (Menzel,
Dichtung, ii. 12, 14). ' As for seriousness and delicacy of feeling Hans
Sachs only possessed sufficient of these qualities to save him from vapid
jokes and mere meaningless babble ' (Wackernagel, Drama, p. 125).
HANS SACHS ON THE MORAL CONDITIONS 321
welcher St'ucke seind 376. Darunter 170 Stuck, die
vormals nie in Truck ausgegangen sind, jetzund aber
aller Welt zu Nutz und Frummen in Truck verfertiget
durch den sinnreiclien und weitberuhmten Hans Sachsen,
ein Liebhaber teutscher Poeterei, vom 1516. Jar bis
auf diss 1558. Jar zusammengetragen und vollendt '
(' Very exquisite, beautiful and true poetry, sacred and
secular, of all sorts, such as serious tragedies, lively
comedies, original plays, amusing dialogues, pathetic
laments, wonderful fables, besides other comic farces
and pleasantries, and so forth ; of which pieces there
are 376. Amongst these 170 pieces, never before
printed, but now arranged and published for the use
and pious edification of all the world by the clever and
far-famed Hans Sachs, a lover of German poetry, from
the year 1516 to this year 1558.')
So runs the title of the first great collection of
the Meister's works, and this title reveals at one and
the same time the many-sidedness, the seriousness, the
stiff formality, the native German humour and the
' Meister ' self-consciousness of this poet of the guilds.
Hans Sachs the poet was a primitive, vigorous,
sound-hearted nature, altogether the outgrowth of the
people, full of deep feeling and brave-heartedness.
His first book of poems, as he himself explains in
the preface, is intended ' to promote the praise and
glory of God,' and also ' to help his fellow-creatures to
a life of penitence.' In the ' Spiegel der Gotteslasterer '
(' Mirror of the Blasphemers ') he lamented most bitterly
over the blasphemous spirit, which in the tumult of the
age had gained further and further ground ; x with
manly courage he raised his voice against the prevalent
1 Hans Sachs, i. 190.
VOL. XI. Y
322 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
vices : contempt of C4od and His commandments,
and fleshly sins of all sorts.1 He inveighed with special
indignation against the criminal desecration of Sunday
by work, fencing, hunting, carousing, quarrelling and
murder, immorality and adultery.
Should not God send us dreadful plagues
Since we His Sabbath violate,
Dishonour, break, and desecrate
With numbers of unchristian works,
As though we were but heathen Turks ?
The magistrates account must give
Of those who so profanely live,
For where they punishment neglect.
They, too, show criminal disrespect
For Sunday, which our God decreed
That we might have the rest we need.
With cattle, maid, man, child, and wife,
And not alone for the body's life ;
The soul must have its Sabbath too,
In all things freely subznit,
Obey Him and do His will.
To stem the ever-growing tide of ' cursed whore-
mongery,' he called to remembrance, in 1540, the early
Christians who
Placed whoremongers under the ban ;
But blinded now in the conscience of man.
And sin has now from day to day
Made further and more desperate way,
Has more and more increased and spread,
Till now itVgained such mighty head
That unashamed and unconcealed,
The streets are almost all quite filled
With faithless wives, &c, &c.
However wooden and clumsy his exhortations to
repentance, to prayer, to patience in suffering, to trust
in God,1' may seem, if compared with contemporary
religious lyrics of Spain, the songs of a Teresa a Jesu,
1 Vol. i. pp. 415, 418, 122-424. - Cf., e.g., vol i. pp. 363, 425-428.
HANS SACHS ON SOCIAL AND MORAL CONDITIONS 323
a Louis de Granada, and others, they at any rate bear
witness to a pious, religious disposition, which makes
a beneficent impression amid the moral degeneracy of
the times. The worthy Meistersinger had nothing in
common with the new spirit of society.
His ' Lament of Dame Work over the great idle
masses ' (Klagred Frau Arbeit liber den grossen miissigen
Haufen), of the year 1535, is drawn entirely from existing
conditions. As a reason why ' so few people will attach
themselves to her,' Dame Work says :
For while employers cut down pay.
Drive hard bargains, fleece and flay
Their workmen, give them not what they
Deserve (for the old adage says on earth
The labourer is his hire worth),
This makes them rabid, turbulent,
Each on his own advantage bent :
The humblest of them follow suit
And much spoilt handiwork's the fruit.
Idle, too, they grow, and negligent,
Gambling, drunken, gluttonous to boot.
Of the middlemen Dame Work complains :
They complicate all business in the land,
All profit comes into the third hand
Before the labourer is paid,
And poorer every day he's made,
And must in time to ruin come. . . .
Formerly, so say the concluding lines,
There was not so much idleness,
The cause of famine and distress ;
Because all the world wants to make holiday
Much evil must increase among us,
And everything will go to ruin.1
Any authoritative judgment in matters of faith
the Nuremberg shoemaker could not lay claim to, least
1 Hans Sachs, iii. 480-485.
y 2
324 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
of all at a time in which everything was out of joint,
and, as it were, on the verge of disruption. But no
one will dispute that it was from full conviction that
Hans Sachs attached himself to the Lutheran creed.
Luther was in his eyes ' the Wittenberg nightingale '
which announced the. daylight, viz. the teaching of the
' evangel,' that Christians are saved by faith alone,
and that good works are not necessary to salvation.
The whole papacy, in the opinion of Sachs, was man's
invention, and the Pope was the Antichrist, who with
his innumerable decrees
Drives the people to the pit of hell.
To the devil with body and soul as well.'
It was at the beginning of the reign of Charles V.,
according to Sachs, that ' the Word of God had its rise.' 2
Luther had freed theology — that is to say, the Bible :! —
from the Babylonish captivity.4 In the frightful hurly-
burly which arose out of the contradictory explanations
of the Bible, he knew no other way out of the difficulty
than that the Word of God should be believed ' in sim-
plicity.' It incensed him to think that ' the German
nation was nowadays crammed so full of error, mobs
and sects.' Each one twisted the Holy Scriptures to
his own meaning, his own profit, and his own pleasure :
No heretic so vile
But understands the Scripture style.
Among them also there abound
Meanings as many as heads are found,
And every party thinks
Itself alone is right,
The others all in error.
1 Vol. vi. p. 386. 2 Vol. ii. p. 371.
' For the fact that ' theology ' and the Bible meant the same for him
see vol. i. p. 341, verses 9-10.
4 Vol. i. pp. 401-403.
HANS SACHS ON SCRIPTURE INTERPRETATION 325
' They write and they discuss,'
And each one for salvation reads
The Scripture by his party's creeds,
His meaning into it he weaves,
Wherefore one well perceives
That things are very perilous,
Difficult and ruinous.
For the scholars are dissentient.
And not the scholars (theologians) only, but the
laity also ' exonerate, defend, and sanctify their vices
by means of the Holy Scriptures,'
They mock and ridicule
The Scriptures, in many places,
With fables and proverbs
So coarse and immodest,
As though they were heathens,
And as if everywhere
The precious Word of God
Were only a cloak for shame.
As early as 1524 he admonished his co-religionists
as follows. ' There is only a great deal of chatter and
very little goodwill among you all ; if you do not think
it necessary to love your neighbour, you cannot be
called disciples of Christ.' ' If you were evangelical,
as you boast, you would do the works of the evangel.'
' It is certain that if you Lutherans led moral and
irreproachable lives, your doctrine would commend
itself more to all the world ; those who now call you
heretics would speak well of you ; those who now despise
you would learn of you. But with your flesh-eating,
your uproars, your abuse of priests, your quarrelling,
mocking, insulting, and all your other improper be-
haviour, you Lutherans have brought the Gospel into
320 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
great contempt. All this, alas ! is notorious.' l In the
year 1540 he made ' the evangel ' say :
On their lips I'm all day heard,
But their lives deny the Word.
Little love and truth appear ;
From the most of them we hear
Christ hath done enough for us,
Good works are all superfluous.
With minds perverted so
On their way they go.
Hell's destroyed, they say,
The devil long since dead,
Death captive, and away
Justice stern has fled.
They have but accepted me
So far as I will let them be
Pious as best themselves doth suit,
With freedom, honour and wealth to boot.
And whensoe'er they God offend
By me their conduct they defend.2
The poet was at the same time profoundly moved
by the growing deterioration of learning and the arts,
the decline of national vigour and general well-being,
and constantly increasing anarchy in the Empire which
made it powerless against its foreign enemies. Above
all did it grieve him, the fervent advocate of the war
of freedom of Christendom against the Turks,J that
anything like serious, persistent resistance was made
impossible by the perpetual discord among the princes,
and the degeneracy of the princely and noble class,
which he described in the most dismal colours :
Corrupted are both folk and land !
Methinks the wild beasts are at hand,
With which God — so writes Ezekiel —
Threatened the people Israel,
1 Ein Oesprech eines evangelischen Christen mit einem Lutherischen, &c.
(1524 ; cf. Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 416, No. 12), Bl. 4C.
1 Hans Sachs, i. 338-344.
3 See vol. ii. pp. 404-41S. 410-433, 434-439.
iians saciis on the decay or Germany 327
To punish their iniquities ;
While Isaiah also prophesies
That when a nation in sin lives,
God wicked rulers to them gives
As judgment, hard chastisers,
Extortioners and tyrannisers.
Almost ' throughout the whole German land ' the
princes and the nobles thought of nothing but extra-
vagant ' pomp and splendour.'
Therefore seest thou how they
Mortgage, sell, transfer all day
Towns, hamlets, castles, farmsteads galore.
Merchandisers they are named,
And of usury they're not ashamed ;
All things grow dear in town and country,
Through tax, toll, import, rate and duty.
They suck the blood, in land and city,
Of widows and orphans without pity.
With their game they cause much ravage
To fields of turnips, wheat and cabbage ;
Plaguing and robbery they commit ;
Their word and promise keep no whit ;
Are not ashamed of lies and artifice,
Amongst each other practise this.
The princes themselves are sanguinary
To each other, and always very
Quarrelsome ; much evil they devise,
And e'en against each other rise.
So that a dreadful war is probable,
For this discord is favourable
To the Turks, who unwithstood will make
Their entry, and our country take.
The demoralisation among the princes and nobles
went on increasing :
Their whoredom and adultery,
Their drunkenness and wine-consuming,
Their gambling, cursing and blaspheming.
Grow worse each day than yesterday.
Small care unto the poor give they,
The common good thus falls away,
As from experience you see.
My conscience therefore nags at me
328 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
That I should sharply reprimand
For their "gross iniquity
The princes and nobles of the land.
There are only ' a few princes and nobles left ' who
act as guardians and friends of the poor, and carry on
good government.1
Hans Sachs, however, was not likely to improve
this state of things by holding up all the laws and
devotional exercises of the Catholic Church to contempt,2
by accusing the Catholics of idolatry, and by exhorting
' the Christian authorities to root out this idolatry in
all places.' 3 Many of his carnival plays and farces and
his numerous and obscene burlesques on the clergy
and monks, especially those belonging to the last
period of his literary activity, were by no means cal-
culated to spread good morals, but rather to increase
the animosity which had grown up among Protestants
against everything Catholic. In a farce of the year
1559 he traces the origin of the first monk from the
devil, who has clothed and shaved a lazy, hypocritical
hermit, and instructed him to spend his time in idleness
and not to think of working. A village bullock gave
him the name. When the geese-herds of a certain vil-
lage saw this brother, dressed up in a cowl by the devil
In such strange way, they thought at least
It must be some wild savage beast.
Their flocks of geese they all forsook,
Swift to the village their way they took.
As the Brother to the parsonage hied
The village bullock him espied,
And Eymu, Eymu bellowed loud.
Then the peasants all cried out,
That creature's a Monnich without doubt.
1 Hans Sachs, iii. 569-571. 2 See, for instance, vol. i. pp. 398-400.
2 See vol. i. p. 236.
ELANS SACHS— DECLINE OF HIS POETRY 3-29
And that's how the first Monnich came,
By the devil clothed and shorn.
While from the bullock he got his name ;
And from this monk all monks have been born.1
In another farce he showed up holy water as an
invention of the devil, who had appeared in the form
of an angel to the maid-servant of a priest, and .ordered
her to tell the priest that people who sprinkled them-
selves with holy water would have their sins forgiven.2
In many of the poems of the last decades of his life
there are unmistakable marks of the influence of an age
in which morality was sinking lower and lower.3 In
a whole series of ' burlesques and farces,' on account
of which he was ' considerably decried ' by the Catholics,4
his favourite dramatis personce are the priest and his
cook, a priest and the peasant-girl he has seduced ;
also a monk with a capon, a monk as a ruffian, a monk
with a stolen hen, the village priest trying to seduce
peasant girls, the priest who is paying court to his
maidservant and walks up tipsy to the altar, and so
forth.'' All these figures are seldom witty, and generally
coarse and repulsive.
1 Hans Sachs, ix. 458-461. - See ix. 486-489.
3 ' At an earlier date, between 1530 and 1540, his farces were alle-
gorical ; now he takes us into the actual world, into the slummiest scenes,
the very lowest surroundings. His poetry also follows the course of the
folksong, which we see in the same manner falling from heights of
beauty to a low level.' In the last decades of Hans Sachs's poetising
a marked change goes on. He himself complains frequently of the falling-
off of art in general. Formerly it had been flourishing, ' now art has
become common and despised ; there are few of its disciples left, and those
are looked at askance as visionaries ; the world runs after pleasure and
money, the Muses are forsaking the Fatherland ' (Gervinus, ii. 424, 425).
1 See Corner in the preface to his song-book, in Baumker, Kirchenlied,
i. 226.
5 Hans Sachs, ix. 5, 7, 17, 74, 91, 388, 393, 396, 406, 412-415, 420,
478.
330 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
For farces of this description, as also for his ' History
in Rhyme ' of the Popess Joan,1 Hans Sachs could be
certain of abundant approval, but they darken the
pleasant picture which the poetry of his first period
presents, and occasionally come very near to the out-
and-out coarse pasquils to which it remained for the
satirist- Fischart to drag down German verse.
1 Vol. viii. pp. 652-655.
331
CHAPTER II
SATIRES AND LAMPOONS — PICTURES OF THE TIME AND
ITS MORALS — JOHN FISCHART AND HIS DEFENCE OF
THE PERSECUTION OF WITCHES
Periods of decay in religion and morals, in social and
political life, have always been productive of satire.
When childlike trust in the ancestral traditions of
faith disappears, and the minds of a people become
troubled by doubt, when internal religious strife pro-
duces venom and hatred, when the moral basis of
national life grows weak and tottering, and social
improprieties cause general dissatisfaction, and pro-
voke the ruling powers in Church and State to well-
grounded indignation, then mockery and ridicule be-
come welcome weapons, and where there is no high
moral force to keep the might of the passions within
bounds, the artistic sense alone is unable to control
them.
In Germany towards the end of the fifteenth century
Sebastian Brant with his ' Narrenschiff ' opened the list
of satirists, and boldly and mercilessly scourged the
shortcomings, follies and vices of all classes ; but with
him a deep religious earnestness overcame the bitter
hatred and scorn which, later on, after the outbreak of
the religious and politico -social revolution, became the
chief features of satire.
Brant's immediate successor was the Franciscan
3*9
32 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
monk, Thomas Murner, who far surpassed his prede-
cessor in the popular trend of his genius, in invention,
trenchant wit and power of vivid representation,
though at the same time lie was coarser and more
reckless in his cuts and thrusts, in many parts of his
writings even proffering homage to that newly canonised
saint ' St. Grobian ' (from grob = coarse), of whom Brant
had predicted that in society as in literature he would
attain to rulership. ' Herr Glimphius ' (Glimph =
moderation), said Brant, ' is also dead ' :
Coarseness is the fashion now,
And dwells in every home, I vow. '
Murner, who was born in Oberehnheim in 1475, and
entered the Franciscan Order in Strassburg in 1491,
had already travelled extensively in early youth in
France, Germany and Poland. He studied theology
in Paris, and law at Freiburg in the Breisgau, and in
1506 received the poet's crown from the hands of the
Emperor Maximilian I. ; at Cracow he became teacher
of logic, at Bern lecturer to the Barefoot Friars. The
Chapter- General of the Order summoned him to Rome ;
Henry VIII. sent for him to England to oppose Luther ;
as delegate of the Bishop of Strassburg he attended
the Diet at Nuremberg in 1524. He preached in
several towns of Germany, in Treves, Frankfort, Strass-
burg and elsewhere. Driven out of Alsatia by the
Peasant War, he obtained a post as preacher at Lucerne,
and in 1526 he took part in the religious disputation
at Baden. When the revolution in Switzerland had
triumphed by force of arms, he was obliged in 1529 to
' Brant's Narrenschiff, No. 72. See concerning this work our remarks
in vol. i. pp. 286-289.
THOMAS MURNER AND HIS SATIRES 333
take flight from Lucerne, and he found friendly welcome
with the Elector Palatine Frederick ; finally he received
a small benefice at Oberehnheim, where he died in 1537. l
Murner was widely versed in the learning and
culture of his age ; he understood Greek and Hebrew,
was crowned as humanist poet, gave instruction in
theology and philosophy, and was the author of several
theological, philosophical and juridical writings ; he
was accurately acquainted with the literature of the
day, and was as expert as a writer as he was beloved
as a preacher. His dominant characteristic was his
poetic endowment, but this talent was turned in the
direction of satire from the first by the conditions and
tendencies of the time.1'
Brant's ' Narrenschiff ' had not improved the world,
which had grown even more senseless and idiotic since
its publication. Murner therefore resolved to be even
more outspoken, and in his ' Narrenbeschworung ' and
' Schelmenzunft ' of 1512, and his " Geuchmat ' of 1519
(with the exception of a few less significant satires),
far exceeds Brant in coarseness and abusiveness. In his
' Geuchmat ' he depicts ' for the punishment of all effemi-
nate men ' the doings of enamoured fools of both sexes,
and the fashionable follies of the day. We may believe
him when he declares that in all his writings he has
only been influenced by the desire to get rid of sin,
1 ** The new literature concerning Murner has been well summed up
by Bachtold, Deutsche Litter atur, Anmerkungen, p. 136. Cf. Jahres-
bericht fur neuere deutsche Litteraturgeschichte, 1896 and 1897.
- There is a complete catalogue of Murner's works in Goedeke, Qrund-
riss, ii. 215-220. ** For Murner's Badenfahrt (Neudruck durch E.
Martin in the Beitrlige zur Landes- u. Volkes-Kunde von Elsass-Lothringen,
Heft ii. Strassburg, 1887), see Kawerau in the Munch. Allgemein. Zeitung,
1889, No. 277 Beil.
334 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
and to warn the world of the hell torments which they
will have to suffer for their sins, &c, &c.
Since, however, the world, he says at the conclusion
of his ' Greuchmat,' has come to such a state that it will
not allow itself to be punished in good earnest, since
prayers and entreaties are of no avail with it, it com-
pels ' the learned to speak abusively of all these things.
With ridicule we must forsooth
Reprove, though we prefer in truth
More seriously to write and teach. . . .
This, on my honour, is all that
In writing I am aiming at :
Always a reprimand to utter,
Mixed also with more serious matter.
For the world so frivolous now is
'Twill not be preached to otherwise ;
I must punish them to their own taste.
And not as I myself like best.
I have written as many as fifty books of a serious,
religious nature, but the printers were not willing to
print them, because there was no demand for such
writings. They said :
Not godly lore, dear sir, the world desires,
Naught but scandal it admires.
That's what these gawks do print,
And leave alone my serious matter ;
Take only from my writings what
Will make their coffers fatter.' '
1 Geuchmatt, conclusion, see also the preface. If they cast it in his
teeth that his language ill became a man of the clerical office, they should
remember that he spoke in the language of the ' Grobians,'
Such as in every place they use ;
Not that I else such words should choose,
But only by way of introduction.
Schelmenzunft, No. 10. And in No. 52 :
Although I have in the German tongue
Much speech abusive writ and sung,
You must not angry with me be
As though such talk was liked by me :
But he who would the unlearned teach
Must speak to them in their own speech
THOMAS MURNERS SATIRES 335
Both in his * Narrenbeschworung ' and in his ' Schel-
menzunft,' which to a great extent deal with the same
subjects, he held up to clergy and laity, to high and low,
after the example of Brant, their serious faults and
follies, and lamented the decay of the Empire, which
was being brought on, in spite of Maximilian I.'s good
intentions, by the insubordination of the princes, the
selfish greed of the towns, and the rapacious behaviour
of the nobles :
That I have called you fools, each one,
Is in the understanding done
That I count you all as miscreants, who
Much contrary to God's laws do
Out of sheer stupidity.
For they are fools, it's very clear,
Who in their sins still persevere.
And take their fill in such wise here
That they'll feel want eternally.1
Sebastian Brant, after he had settled the avaricious
fools, the dandy-fools, the vainglorious fools, all safely
in his ship, placed himself with exquisite humour at the
head of the ship's company. Murner contented himself
with declaring the ' learned fools ' to be the worst of all.
A learned fool's the biggest curse
God sends, God gives no thing that's worse.
A heavy task indeed I find
What I have set before my mind . . .
For scholars never will allow
That they are fools, and yet I vow
If other fools they're standing by,
A head and ears they are more high.2
He treated the Pope and Emperor with reverence, but
foreseeing the religious and political revolution which
actually came to pass, he. admonished them :
That the spiritual and temporal powers of the land
Should deal out punishment with stronger hand ;
1 Narrenbeschworung, No. 97. - Ibid. No. 5.
33G HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Methinks indeed there is great need,
If not done soon 'twill be too late
Above all for the spiritual estate.
Although ' St. Peter's ship,' according to the words
of Christ, ' will never go down,' there are nevertheless
' many fools '
Who say that it is tottering,
And swear a thousand oaths that it
Is ready to go down.
Therefore let your papal worthiness,
And also your imperial majesty,
Take note how miserably
Order, honour, right,
Land and people all
Are hastening on to their downfall.1
Mercilessly he laid bare the abuses both in the private
lives and the public ministry of the clergy ; their wan-
tonness, greed of possession, mercenary abuse of sacred
things ; their misuse of ecclesiastical penalties : the ban,
for instance, was often applied to quite trifling matters,
enforced for a theft of ' three hazel nuts.'
And thus in many a land to-day
The ban is nothing but child's play.2
As one of the heaviest clerical abuses he denounced
the custom, which had almost become a rule, of filling
the higher and the highest posts and dignities of the
Church with the younger sons of princely and noble
families :
A bishop is for this ordained
That he Christ's souls may tend,
Also instruct them well, and lead
Them with all diligence and heed.
But since the devil has brought the great
Nobles into the Church's state,
1 Narrenbeschworung, No. 92. 2 Ibid. No. 20.
THOMAS MURNER'S SATIRES— THE PEASANTS 337
Since now no one a bishop can
Become except a nobleman,
The devil tore many a shoe
Before he bit this matter through
That the princes' children should be free
To wear the mitre with dignity.
Hot Hunder ! l off we're driving all ;
I fear nought worse than the downfall.2
The high spiritual lords were told amongst other
things :
Spiritual prelates join in the chase,
Blow, howl, kill game, and race
With heedless and destructive feet
Through the poor folks' fields of wheat,
With twenty, thirty, forty steeds.
Those are scarcely priestly deeds
When the bishops go a-hunting,
And the dogs are Matins chanting,
Howling out the hymns and creeds ! 3
What Murner wrote about the robbing and squander-
ing of Church property in Bohemia applied also to
Germany :
Tell me, pray, where is the right
That the worldly lords should fight
To gain the holy Church's funds,
As in Bohemia is done ?
Of all that was endowed of old
The princes now have taken hold,
And merrily each one carouses,
Till to dust are turned God's houses.4
He also pointed in plain language to the social
revolutionary disturbances which were at hand, at the
same time describing the almost unbearable condition
of things that prevailed, in many districts, among the
overburdened peasantry at the close of the fifteenth
1 Hot Hunder : driver's call to horses down to the right.
- Narrenbescliworung, No. 35.
3 Schelmenzunft, No. 40 : ' Des Teufel ist Abt.'
1 Nurreribeschwirunij, No. 35.
VOL. XI. Z
338 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
century, and side by side with it growing drunkenness
and demoralisation in the peasant class :
All things are upside down to-day,
The poor man's goods all taxed away :
It's all that he can do to live.
E'en for his skin he now must pay.
By his plough he can hardly stay.
Rent in cash and kind sufficetk not,
Taxes he must pay on all he's got.
Rent and rate and taxes ( ? )
Our masters have invented
Contributions, help in everything,
Tolls on bridges from us they do wring,
Watching, tending, treating, travelling —
These make widows and orphans, alas !
And if death becomes their lot,
I have heard it said,
It is but as straw for the peasant. l . . .
One of the worst plagues from which the peasants
suffered was the ' saddle-diet,' the highway robbing of
the nobles, who taught their children :
From the saddle soups to cook,
And how the peasants bring to book,
Land folk and villages to take ;
A gag to introduce into the mouth,
To hold the stirrup and the bridle,
And bind a peasant to a tree,
Set foot traps for him, burn him out
As one treats the country's foes,
To waste the fields, break down the vines,
Stab a wretched horse to death. . . .
His labour our pleasure becomes
When on him we begin to levy toll. . . .
Then fur years we can once more
Live riotously as before.2
Robber knights of another kind, who perverted all
law and justice and plundered the people, were the
Roman jurists.3
1 Narrenbeschiuorung, No. 33. 2 Ibid. No. 4.
1 See our remarks, vol. ii. pp. 101—186.
MURNER'S SATIRES— ROBBER KNIGHTS— BUNDsCHUH 339
The reverse side of the picture shows those peasant
spendthrifts and rioters, who often squander in one day
what they have earned during the year, who misplace
letters and account-books, and finally, when they have
' devoured their substance with vice and shame,' set
up the ' Bundschuh,' that is, the banner of revolt :
Then they'll strike in with their fists,
Drive out the nobles from the land
And murder all the priests.1 . . .
Then, after the terrible politico-social revolution
had broken out, Murner reiterated, what he had so often
said in warning accents before, that the many abuses and
scandals in the administration of the Church institutions
were in great measure to blame for the disastrous con-
dition of the country ; but, as before, he still held firmly
to the doctrines and constitution of the Church, and
opposed decisive resistance to the violent disruption,
the complete overthrow of all existing organisation
which was preached by the new religious revolutionists.
His song of lament over the downfall of the Christian
faith, ' Von dem Untergang des christlichen Glaubens,'
full of the deepest pathos, is amongst the most im-
pressive productions of the whole epoch :
The Gospel was of old
A message of glad mirth,
Which heaven did unfold
To fill with peace the earth.
But now they've poisoned it
With wrath and bitterness ;
The sacred Holy Writ
Brings only wretchedness.
' Narrenbeschworung, .No. 79; see our statement, vol. iv. p. 149.
z 2
340 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Of God's most Holy Word
Complaint I would not make ;
But these men do pervert
The truth for slaughter's sake.
The Word of endless life,
Which Christ brought from above,
They've used for war and strife,
Instead of peace and love,
Since Christ His time, indeed,
Upon my oath I say,
There ne'er was such sore need
'Mong Christians as to-day ;
The beauty of our trust
Has fallen with great might ;
Our crown lies in the dust
And is bemocked outright.1
Murner was one of the most important, and at
the same time most popular, literary defenders of the
papacy, and therefore the most hated and calumniated.
His poem, published in 1522 as an answer to several
libellous pamphlets directed against him, : Von dem
grossen lutherischen Narren, wie ihn Doktor Murner
beschworen hat,' is the most incisive satire which was
ever penned against the whole mass of revolutionary
activity.2
With humorous irony and keen observation of
events, in fresh, vivid and caustic language he delineated
the living and doing of the new seducers of the people,
who, with the watchwords ' evangel, liberty, truth '
on their lips, had no other thought in their minds than
1 See in vol. iii. p. 150, the other verses quoted by us from this poem.
** Sec also the criticism of Vogt-Koch, Deutsche Litteraturgesch. p. 290.
2 See what Vilmar says in the Gesch. der deutschen National- Litter atur
(7th ed.), vol. i. p. 377. ** Kawerau also (Th. Murner, p. 69) says that
' the poem of the Lutheran Fool is unquestionably the most effective,
bitter and incisive of all the satires which were written at thai period in
defence of the Church against the Reformation.'
MURNER AGAINST REVOLUTION 341
to overturn the Church and State, to take possession
of the Church goods, and to set up the Bundschuh :
AH their evangelical lore
Is how to turn all topsy-turvy,
Till down come crashing ground and floor,
And all the world lives idly.
For Gospel, rightly illustrated,
Means, cloister, abbey, land, all confiscated.1
In order to hoodwink the people they published
all sorts of ' libellous books under unknown names and
altogether devoid of truth,' 2 they taught the vulgarest
language of abuse against the Pope, the bishops, and
the priests, all the time constantly appealing to the
divine Word, which they explained and falsified accord-
ing to their own pleasure : each one interpreting it to
his own advantage.3 Above all they represented to the
common people that they intended to divide the goods,
and that the poor would also have their share. But
the same thing would happen in Germany as had
happened in Bohemia in the time of the Hussites :
For when the goods they all have taken,
And a mighty heap have maken,
1 Vom grossen hitherisclim Narren, No. 7. 2 Ibid. No. 29.
3 Even Murner's opponent, the Zwinglian preacher Utz Eckstein,
recognised in his dialogues on the Reichstag, der Edlen und Bauern Bericht
und King, in the year 1527, that
All the unrest that nowadays is seen
By no other cause produced has been,
Than that in these days God the Lord
Has sown His Word through all the world abroad,
And each and all from it now choose
What suits them best to read and use.
And God's Word's only used as cover
For the wish : Were but my satchel full,
Did God but give me what others have.
Thus they turn things solemn to derision,
And even if God's Word is taught to the spirit,
What they seek for with most zest
Is all that for the body is best.
— M. Scheible, Das Kloster, viii. 829
642 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The poor will get as fair a lot
As poor men in Bohemia got.
There too the people thought to reap
An equal portion of the heap ;
But lo ! the rich man took the whole,
And left the poor man making dole.1
1 No. 8 ; cf. No. 45. It is only quite lately that justice has been done
to the character, hfe, and influence of the Catholic poet who was the
ablest literary opponent of the innovations of religion. After the example
of Wachler, Laube and Vilmar, Henry Kurz, in the introduction to his
essay on Murner's GedicM vom grossen lutherischen Narren (Zurich, 1848),
p. xxviii. ff., endeavoured to restore to a place of honour a name that
had come to be almost universally misknown and calumniated. ' In
Murner,' Kurz says, ' there dwelt a deep feeling for the right and the true.
Murner was a man of the people in the strongest sense of the word ; '
' even if he often used words which offend our ears, he never did so in
order to please any special class of readers by such language ; he merely
called the things of which he was speaking by the simplest, pithiest names.'
Kurz also drew attention to the fact that Lessing was already contem-
plating a vindication of Murner. ' His desire was not only to justify
him in his personal character, but also to stand up for him as poet and
writer against unjust accusations.' From the side of the Catholics Kurz
remarks, ' Nothing at all has been done to rescue the honour of the most
powerful enemy of the Reformation.' Murner's warmest advocate is
Karl Goedeke. In his introduction to the Narrmbeschwitiung (Leipzig,
1879), pp. viii-liii, he says amoiigst other things: ' Murner, the champion
of the existing order against the attacks of innovators, was, according to the
current logic of the age, made into an aggressor, and accordingly most
disgracefully used, slandered and calumniated ; and, when he attempted
to " save his skin," baited and persecuted like a malefactor, so that even
now violent partisans " blow the same horn," and even well-meaning his-
torians are in bondage to the influence of traditional opinion.' Even the
Strassburg Humanists ' distinguished themselves by immoderately fierce
calumnies against Murner,' and ' described him as an inveterate calum-
niator, whereas he himself was the one slandered and calumniated. This
practice was observed against him so long as he worked publicly. No
wonder that the echoes of the centuries have more and more deformed
his portrait.' ' The accusation, so often brought up afresh, that Murner
before the Reformation fought against, and after the Reformation defended,
what the reformers opposed, is altogether unfounded. Before, as after,
he declared himself against all the abuses, but at no time did he ever
assail the papal constitution, or enter a protest against veneration of the
Holy Virgin and the Saints, or oppose the Church doctrine that the Mass
is a sacrifice for the living and the dead.' ' But if the favourite title of a
MURNEE AGAINST REVOLUTION 343
One of the principal leaders of the revolution, as
Murner described him, was Ulrich von Hutten, ' the
reformer before the Reformation in no way applies to Mnrner, since he
never assailed a single doctrine of the Church, he is at any rate entitled
to rank as one of the most keen-sighted, unprejudiced, and bold-minded
regular clergy of his day.' That he ' could not give up the opinions of a
lifetime, the doctrines to which he had given his faith, and which in this
faith he had preached, at the bidding of Luther's contradictory teaching,
is made a reproach against him by the disciples of the Reformation, as if
firm adhesion to sincere conviction were a crime. Luther was but a single
individual, and as such, according to Murner" s view, not more entitled than
any other individual — Murner himself for instance — to alter the founda-
tions of the Church organisation. After as well as before the Reformation
Murner allowed that there were abuses in the administration of eccle-
siastical institutions, but he did not wish these to be altered without the
concurrence of the legitimate authorities. This was the principal point of
separation between him and the reformers. A second point was that he
did not think the reasons brought forward by the reformers convincing,
and he therefore opposed them on the principles of the existing Church,
and he did this on purely abstract grounds, without any personal feeling,
and in a form which, though occasionally sharp and caustic, must neverthe-
less, in comparison with the polemical methods of his adversaries, and even
with those of other champions of the Papal Church, be called calm and
temperate.' ' Of the two and thirty " booklets " which he wrote against
Luther and his followers, including his Lied vom Untergang des Olaubens,
only six or seven appeared in print. Prom these it is seen that he by no
means overlooked the arguments and proofs which Luther took from the
Scriptures ; he merely disputed the fact that Luther had rightly interpreted
Scripture, and frequently appealed to the interpretation of the Church,
which, as the joint representative of all Christendom, he preferred before
the opinions of one individual. Luther's method of polemics was a
different one. He alludes, for the diversion of his readers, to the lice in
Murner' s monk's cowl, and contrives that a pasquil against Murner
shall be printed and sent to him from the Rhine district, though it was
certainly published by none other than Luther.' Goedeke speaks of the
' contemptible lampoons ' against Murner, ' which, in spite of their manifest
lies, have hitherto served as the chief sources of information to the later
historians.' ' Murner answered these libellous writings in his Beschworung
des yrossen lutherischen Nan-en, his best poem, and one which abounds
in boisterous, joyous, bacchanalian humour, such as is nowhere else to
be found in the whole period of the Reformation. The Council of Strass-
burg, which opposed him with the most avowed partisanship, inhibited
this poem and altogether deprived its author of liberty to print, while the
so-called reformers of Strassburg — that is to say, the religious revolu-
tionists who were proceeding with the cognisance of the highest official
344 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
noble poet,' who since the year 1520 had exhibited in
various firebrand writings an indefatigable revolu-
tionary zeal, and had no scruples in openly declaring,
in a missive to the Emperor Charles V., that his in-
tentions were directed towards the overthrow of the
existing order. The Pope, he said, was a bandit, ' and
the gang of this bandit was called the Church.'
" Why do we still delay ? Has Germany no honour,
has it no fire ? ' ' Rome is the soul of all uncleanness,
the slough of profligacy, the inexhaustible mire of
iniquity ; and for its destruction ought they not, as
for defence against a general disaster, to flock together
from all quarters, to hoist all sails, to saddle all horses ?
Should they not let loose with fire and sword ? ' He
summoned the nobles and the towns and the whole
nation to take up arms for a war of religion, and wrote
on his banner the motto quoted by Murner, '■' Evangel,
Liberty and Truth.' The fall of the papacy was the
will of God, he said, and it could not be accomplished
' without murder and bloodshed ; '
Now is the time that calls to us :
' For freedom fight, God wills it thus.' . . .
Those to whose hearts this call did not appeal did
authorities, had full freedom to slander and to lie.' In 1524, 'the hatred
against him, fanned by Bucer, Capito and their associates, had grown
to such a pitch that Murner would probably have fallen a victim to the
maltreatment of the evangelical hordes during the disgraceful attack on
his monastery, which took place on September 15 with the connivance of
the town council, had he not happened, accidentally, to be at Oberehenheim
at the time.' ' Refuted he never was, only dismissed with calumnies.'
** Kawerau {Th. Murner, p. 90) seeks as much as possible to depreciate the
' cowl- wearer,' but he is forced to acknowledge his ' rich endowments
and his unequalled tenacity.' In Vogt-Koch, Deutsche Litteratwgesch .
286 ff., Murner is treated with aversion and onesidedness, but it is also em-
phatically stated that he was the ' most important opponent of Luther
among the army of writers.'
MURNEE 345
not love the Fatherland, he said, neither was God
rightly known by them :
Come hither, ye pious Germans all,
With God's good help, the truth loud call !
Landsknechts and knights come out,
And all possessed of valour stout !
Superstition we'll destroy,
The truth bring back with joy ;
And if no other way is found.
We'll shed our blood on battle-ground.
' A hundred thousand men I see, and at their head
my boon companion Franz.' To this boon companion,
Franz von Sickingen, he communicated in detail, in
several letters entitled ' Gesprache,' the plans and
aims of the contemplated revolution ; the merchants
who despoiled the people must be expelled, the justice-
perverting jurists be destroyed root and branch, and
above all Germany must be set free from the ' ruthless
robber-hordes of the priests.' The Hussite Ziska was
the model of a liberator. In a mandate of war of 1423
Ziska, who also appealed to a ' commission sent him
from God,' had announced openly : ' We shall pursue
all the godless people with punishments ; we shall beat,
kill, behead, hang, drown and burn them, and, with
every kind of vengeance which according to God's
law overtakes the wicked, we shall visit every indi-
vidual without exception, and without distinction of
class or race.' Convents innumerable were plundered
and destroyed, libraries, archives, works of art of all
sorts demolished, monks and priests slaughtered. These
horrors had remained in the memory of the German
people, and Hutten himself quoted the words of ' a
warner,' who said he had heard that ' Ziska's deeds
were full of infamy and godlessness.'
346 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
None the less, however, did he wish to bring about
another Hussite war of religion in Germany. It is ' no
crime,' he said in answer to this ' warner,' ' to punish
the guilty, and to take away from haughty, avaricious,
gluttonous, and lazy people that which they have got
possession of unlawfully, and to drive them out of the
Fatherland where their numbers cause famine prices.'
1 Why should not Sickingen follow Ziska's example ? ' x
In a ' Gesprachbiichlein ' entitled ' Neu Karsthans,'
and belonging to the Hutten- Sickingen series, Ziska
is also praised by Sickingen as a worthy model. The
clergy deceived the people with their ' ceremonies and
juggleries ; ' God only required worship in spirit and
in truth, therefore they were bound, ' as had been done
in Bohemia, to pull down most of the churches ; for so
long as these remained standing there was always the
attraction of the priestly spirit, and the false belief
could not be destroyed in the common people until
these superfluities were removed and all the monastic
orders rooted out. Therefore Ziska was no fool because
he destroyed the churches ; and I cannot sufficiently
praise his high understanding for having expelled and
exterminated all the monks.' If the priests during
their tremendous massacre ' appealed to their freedom,
the slaughterers would care nothing,' but would abide
by the dictum of St. Paul, who says to the Corinthians,
' Where the Spirit of God is there is freedom.' In
thirty articles appended to the dialogues ' by which
Squire Helferich, Knight Heinz and (the peasant)
Karsthans, with their followers, pledged themselves
1 See our remarks, vol. iii. pp. 106 ff., 13.3 ff., 138-139, 145-148 ; vol. iv.
p. 122 ; concerning the depth of Hutten's hatred and desire for revenge
even against merely literary opponents, see vol. iii. pp. 74-76.
SATIRES— TJLRICH VOX HUTTEN 347
to hold hard and fast,' they promised among other
things to regard the Pope as the Antichrist, the cardinals
as the apostles of the devil, to strangle and kill the
Eoman courtiers and all their followers, to scourge or
trample under foot the priests, to cut off the ears of
messengers bringing spiritual commands, and if they
came a second time, to put their eyes out.1
What sort of procedure might have been expected
from Sickingen, had he succeeded in his contemplated
overthrow of Church and State, may be judged from
the atrocities which he perpetrated against the imperial
city of Worms in the years 1515-1517. ' The said
Franz,' so runs an edict of the Worms Council of March 4,
1517, ' has now for the space of two years cut down the
vines in the fields, burnt and laid waste the orchards,
chopped off the hands and ears of the poor peasants
who were at work, maltreated and dishonoured women
and girls, seized young boys and beaten, wounded,
and sometimes killed them.' ' He has robbed, beaten
and wounded pilgrims, messengers, and merchants,
cut crosses on their foreheads, whipped, wounded and
plundered priests and monks.' 2
On his return from Treves in 1522 Sickingen, follow-
ing Ziska's example, deliberately burnt down all the
churches and convents.3
Libellous lampoons of all sorts, some in verse,
some in prose, soon came to form the principal branch
of literature.4 In by far the greater number of these
1 See our statements, vol. iii. pp. 224-227.
2 Einblattdruck of March 4, 1517 ; cf. Niemoller, Thaten Sichingens
(Frankfurt, 1888), pp. 3-4.
:' See. our remarks, vol. iii. pp. 290, 291.
4 ' For pasquils, satires and ilbellous poetry the period of the Refor-
o
48 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
productions fierce passion and wild screaming are sup-
posed to make up for poverty of thought. Their chief
object was to stir up and intensify more and more,
by means of scorn, ridicule and calumny, feelings of
irreconcilable enmity, deepest contempt, hatred and
mation was the golden epoch,' says Johannes Voigt, Pasquille p. 337.
Carl Hagen, blamed by a reviewer for ' having often quoted very coarse
passages from such waitings,' says in self -justification (vol. ii. pp. xiii, xiv) :
'It is just these coarse passages which quite admirably represent the character
of that period.' ' If our writing of history is to be really objective it must
not be governed by accidental fashion and by expediency, but it must
penetrate into the spirit of the epoch which is being described, and must
leave out no single item which throws light on it.' Now it was precisely
' coarseness in literature which was an essential feature of the Reformation
period.' Oskar Schade (vol. i. pp. v, vi) finds ' in the countless pamphlets and
leaflets which inundated the land at that epoch,' ' occasionally great coarse-
ness and passionateness.' The word ' occasionally ' seems scarcely appro-
priate, for it would be difficult in these writings to find even a few passages
in which violent hatred and unbridled love of slander do not find expression,
** The learned authors of the libellous dialogues, as Matthias points out in
' Ein Pasquill aus der Zeit des schmalkaldigen Krieges ' (Zeitsch. fur deutsche
Philologie, xx. 154), chose by preference for their spokesmen people from
the lowest classes. A principal reason for this was that far coarser language
against the papacy could be put into their mouths than into the mouths
of representatives of the cultivated classes. The dialogue contributed
by Matthias, which appeared in November 1546, ' breathes from beginning
to end fanatical hatred against the papacy.' St. Peter is called by terms of
abuse such as ' cabbage-head ' and ' senseless Peter head ; ' the ' villain.'
Pope Paul III. is called ' wicked old French dog ; ' Pope Clement VII.
is apostrophised as ' you bad, shaven lump of dirt.' Concerning the
pasquils quoted by Voigt, I.e., the Protestant Ropel says: 'Most
of them possess neither wit nor poetic merit. They show, however, by
what sort of means the Protestants at that time endeavoured to influence
the general feeling of the people, and what sympathy and wide circulation
these lampoons and satires found in the most remote districts of Germany
and among all classes of society, from princes downwards to the lowest
grades. In the strongest, not to say the most insolent, tones, unsparingly,
without the slightest regard for all that had hitherto been held sacred,
or that was dear to the opposite party, without the least recognition of the
truth that lay on that side, these writings, from the very coarseness and
repulsiveness of their utterances, show how entirely the Protestants had
emancipated themselves from the morality of earlier times ' (' Referat fiber
Raumer, Hist. Taschenbuch,' in Hallische Jahrbiicher, 1838, No. 230).
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS WETTINGS 349
ferocity against the Pope and the clergy and ' the whole
papistical rabble.' They kept to the same key which
Luther had struck in his innumerable controversial
books.
Luther stigmatised the Holy Mass as an outgrowth
of hell and as scandalous idolatry, the clergy as thieves,
blasphemers, hypocrites, robbers, ' priests of the devil ; '
in all their ' books and writings there was nothing else
than the devil himself ; ' it was ' much better to be a
hangman and a murderer than a priest or a monk ; '
consecration imprinted on the priests ' the sign of the
beast in the Apocalypse.' The Pope was ' the devil's
sow ; ' the bishops his ' idols and larva), unbelieving,
unchristian, ignorant apes ; ' the universities were
' temples of Moloch and dens of murderers.' *
Language of the same sort, if of feebler quality, was
used by authors innumerable, whose pamphlets were
mostly published anonymously. Thus, for instance,
one of them announced that ' the horned idols are not
bishops but carnival masks ; ' another found in the
abbeys and convents ' crowned asses, fatted hogs,
coarse bacchanalians, and godless, unintelligent clowns ; '
a third traced the origin of ecclesiastical law ' to the
hellish hound ; ' ' their spirit is a dog ; they show this
by their works, for they rend the sheep of Christ, and
even devour them.' A priest, wrote in 1522 the former
Franciscan monk, Eberlin von Glinzburg, one of the
most active pamphleteers, is only another name for
' a wicked, godless man, drunken, lazy, avaricious,
quarrelsome, adulterous ; ' the wrath of God was falling
on the priests, and it was a wonder that the people
did not stone them ; it was the sign of a good Christian
1 See our remarks, vol. iii. p. 231 ff.
350 HISTOliY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
to despise the priests to the utmost, or even to slaughter
them.1
As in the theological literature of the day so also in
these popular writings, the devil played an important
part ; he was represented now as a servant of the papacy,
now as its supreme head who issued public official
edicts, now he was introduced in conversation with the
Pope, on whom he heaped scorn and ridicule.2
And not alone in the first decades of the religious
revolution, but during a whole century, lampoons,
pasquils, satires and scurrilous poems poured like a
flood over the land, and that for the most part in
those very districts in which every vestige of Catholicism
had long been rooted out. The Hessian Superintendent,
George Nigrinus, in 1593, was pleased to discern in
all these signs of irreconcilable hatred the work of
' evangelical angels,' and sang jubilate from the bottom
of his heart over the constantly increasing mania for
assault of these ' evangelical angels.' ' I fancy,' he
wrote, ' it must have thundered and lightened finely at
Rome in our days ; I fancy the earth must have been
set in movement by this fire and light of the divine
Word that was kindled.' ' They will not allow any
good in the Pope, for there is nothing good found in
him, in this Antichrist and tyrant beyond ail tyranny,
this liar beyond all heresy, this murderer beyond all
murder.' ' Only go at them boldly and stir up the
firebrands, that they may grow right burning hot,
for this is the will of God ; in this way God, the true
and the righteous, will be glorified and His Church built
1 For these and many similar abusive phrases in the fugitive pieces
see Hagen, ii. 176-227, and iii. 13 ff., and our statements, vol. iii. p. 214 ff
- See the articles in Schade, ii. 85-104. Voigt, Pasqaille, pp. 397-39S.
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS WRITINGS 351
up. Cursed be all who do the Lord's work negligently ;
cursed be all peace in this feud between the woman
and the serpent's seed, between Christ and the Anti-
christ with all his followers. Let all to whom this
appeals say from their heart, Amen. Come, dear Lord
Jesus. Amen.'
' What is said of the Pope must be understood of
all his members, therefore lay bare the Babylonian
harlot and uncover her shame. It is not only the clergy
in the papacy who are belly-servants, but also all who
follow them, both of high and low degree ; they are all
belly-servants. The belly is their God, says Paul.'
' In spiritual matters they have no understanding,
and are less fit to pronounce judgment concerning
these things than are unreasoning animals to judge
of human things. They are also downright beasts in
gross vices : in adultery, whoremongery, sodomy and
murder.' Accordingly, Nigrinus, ' the preacher of the
gospel of love,' insisted on relentless battle against all
the adherents of the Catholic Church.1
Among the most violent specimens of libellous
writings of the century was one in more than 9,000
' comical rhymes for the benefit of the young,' published
in 1555 by the former Franciscan monk, Burchard Waldis,
and re-edited in the years 1556, 1560, 1563, 1575. The
title runs : ' Das Papstisch Reich : ist ein Buch liistig zu
lesen alien, so die Wahrheit lieb haben, darin der Papst
mit seinen Geliedern, Leben, Glauben, Gottesdienst,
Gebreuchen und Ceremonien, so viel muglich, wahr-
haftig und auf's kiirzeste beschriben ist ' (' The Popish
1 Nigrinus, Apocalypse, pp. 238, 354, 527, 546, 615, 635. In vol. x.
Book II. there are many such utterances of Protestant preachers and
laymen.
352 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Kingdom : a book pleasant to read for all who love the
truth ; wherein the Pope with his members, life, faith,
divine worship, crimes and ceremonies, as far as possible,
is truly and as briefly as possible described ').'
It was a translation of a Latin work made by order
of the Landgrave Philip of Hesse, from the original
which the preacher, Thomas Kirchmair, had pub-
lished in 1553 under the name Naogeorg. Waldis
dedicated his work to the much depreciated and ' most
virtuous Frau Margaretha von der Sale, Philip's wedded
wife,' as whose ' poor servant and chaplain ' he desig-
nated himself. All the Catholic doctrines are deformed
and perverted in this work ; the holy sacraments and
the rites of divine service are held up to scorn as works
of the devil :
Ail popedom liveth in that way
For which serpents we do slay :
Such a sight is every church and temple,
It is a heathenish example
With foul atrocities o'erflowing.
The bread in golden shrine is placed,
And then within the wall incased,
A railing strong with iron door
And double bolts is placed before.
Lest the heathen Turks, perchance,
At such idolatry should glance,
And boldly say the Papists are
Not Christians but idolaters.
With regard to the Lord's Supper it says :
God help, less reasoning, than dumb
Brutes the papacy's become. . . .
The devil who doth them possess
Has given them the fatal Mass. . . .
At Confirmation ' the Spirit of God can be bought for
the child with silver and red gold : '
1 Goedeke, Gnuidriss, ii. 153, No. 14.
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS VERSES 353
' The chrism on his brow they smear
And slap the innocent young dear,
So that the people laugh outright —
The child alone doth weep with fright.
Then the infant's head is bound
With a linen cloth around,
As though it had a deadly pain,
And all the people laugh again.
But ' the veritable monkey-play ' and devil's work
is performed by the Papists at the feast of the Corpus
Christi. The worship of the Turks is far preferable to
that of the Papists :
For if one should compare the creed
Of Turk and Pope, it's seen indeed
That the Turk a better sense has got
Of God than all the Popish lot.
For the young, the author slanderously said, the
Papists kept bad houses :
As the Pope has given freedom
To Florence, in the beautiful city ;
Whosoever goes into the common . . .
And does what you well know
Is loaded with praise by the Pope,
Is granted an indulgence thereto.
No less atrocious is it that the Pope ' is worshipped
as a Lord of heaven and earth ' by the monarchs who
are tributary to him, and who all receive their fiefs
and crowns from him alone.
When the Pope bids strangle or kill
They fly like hangman's servants at his will,
With fire and water they chastise,
Cross-bow, musket, sword they seize.
Learned or unlearned, churl or lord,
They'll kill them all for the Pope's reward.
Who the victim is none do care,
Father or mother they would not spare.
None can get from death away
When this holy man bids slay.
VOL. XL A A
354 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
After this manner the whole ' Popish empire ' is
described, and moreover, as Waldis boasts in the preface,
for the special benefit of ' the present generation and
young Christians,' who have never seen the papacy
* with its devil's doctrine and idolatrous worship,'
nor have been brought up under it, and who have not
had their consciences besmirched and corrupted by
such poisonous error. True, he says, the young hear
' daily in all sermons ' that the papacy * ought to be
sent back to the devil and hell, whence it first came, as
a devilish invention, but this is not enough because
' all the same the common people and the great majority
are still in such a state of ignorance that they do not
thoroughly understand the prophecies concerning the
papacy,' and not having seen and experienced its horrors,
they cannot protect themselves against it. ' As the
popular saying runs, we cannot either love or hate a
thing until we know how good or bad it is.' For this
reason was this work written, ' very carefully and
truthfully.' ]
Further information concerning the papacy was im-
parted in 1559 by an unknown author, in a ' Hand-
biichlein der Papisten.' It begins with the question :
' How shall an impious popish bishop, pastor, or
preacher behave in his vocation ? How shall he teach,
how shall he live ? ' To which the answer is : ' He will
be ignorant and an evil liver ; he will be ashamed of
the Gospel, and spend his life in all sorts of profligacy
and shame ; he will falsify God's Word, allow sin and
wickedness, and join in it himself ; he will be a shame-
less babauchee, a wine-bibber, a gambler; ... he will
1 The passages referred to occur in the dedication, and in Book I. ch. 4,
Book III. chs. 5 and 7, and Book IV. chs. 19. 22, 29, 31, 33.
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS VERSES 355
be in the thick of all vice and corruption.' To another
of the many questions : ' How shall the impious behave
to their parents ? ' the answer is : ' The impious shall
be disobedient to their parents, shall scold and curse
them, shall not provide them with any necessaries,
but shall only give them crusts of bread to eat and
water to drink, and finally they shall drive them out
of the house, or run away from them into a convent
and leave them in distress and want.' All this was
commanded them by the convent rules ; for in the
convents they acquired ' other parents ; the Father
Prior and Mater Domina, yea, Satan himself.' 1
A pamphlet for the people, published first in 1542
by the preacher Erasmus Alber, with a preface by
Luther, and much praised by the Protestants, bore
the title : ' Der Barfusser Monche Eulenspiegel und
Alkoran.' 2 It contained all sorts of mocking remarks
on the so-called ' Book of Conformity ' of the Fran-
ciscans, in which the life of Saint Francis of Assisi
is compared with the life of Christ.3 In the inter-
pretation of this book Alber went so far as to assert
that the monks ' make Christ our Lord into a figure
and prototype of Francis — that is to say, Christ is the
servant and Francis is His lord ; ' ' they set Francis
far, far above Christ.' On the statement that St.
Francis during an illness would not let anything be read
to him, and had said : ' I will know nothing save Jesus
the crucified,' Alber makes the remark : ' By this we see
what a great donkey and godless fanatic he was : ' he
1 Schade, ii. 264-274 ; cf. 380.
2 Goedeke, Orunclriss, ii. 444, No. 16a ; ** cf. Matthias in the Zeitschr-
fiir deutsche Philologie, xxi. 432.
3 Liber conformitatum vitae S. Francisci cum vita D. N. Jesu Christi.
A a 2
356 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
would not hear the Holy Scriptures, and thought to
comfort himself with his own ideas. The passage : ' The
Mother of Christ prayed to God the Father to send
Francis into the world for the good of poor sinners,' he
accompanies with the marginal note : ' Lucifer's mother
is said to have prayed to Beelzebub.' The story that once
upon a time a count on his death-bed recommended
himself to the prayers of a pious brother puts him in
such a frenzy that he exclaims : ' Shall we not hang or
drown all monks ? See what murderers of souls they
are ! ' A brother Aegidius, it says in this book, was
once caught up into the third heaven like Paul ; to which
Alber says, ' The state of being caught up is very
commonly enjoyed by the holy devils : they ought to
be caught up to the gallows and to the hangman.'
Whereas in this work there are references ' to some
hundred books compiled by the Barefoot Friars,'
Alber says : ' These same monks must all be devils,
because Francis insists that his brothers are only to
have one book, viz. his rules. Therefore all the books
of the Barefoot Friars are of the devil except the word
of their own god Francis.' ]
1 Oldest edition (Wittenberg, 1542), pp. 5, 25, 42, 141, 142, 436. The
flocks of birds which sang to St. Francis while he was preaching ' were
devils ' (p. 147) ; the Mother of God, who appeared to the Brother Accursius,
was ' the devil's mother ' (p. 219), and so forth. A later edition of the
pamphlet adds about ninety-five more marginal notes, most of them
containing two or three foul words. Wendeler, pp. 104, 191. ** Fr. Schnorr
von Carolsfeld (Erasmus Alberus, Dresden, 1893, p. 54) speaks of Alber's
Der Barfilsser Eulenspiegel as ' the work which is still full of importance
at the present day.' On the other hand, the Protestant P. Sabatier ( Vie
de S. Francois a" Assise, Paris, 1894, p. cxv.) remarks concerning the Liber
Conform, of Bartholomew de Pisa : ' Je n'hesite pas a y voir l'ouvrage
le plus important qui a ete fait sur la vie de Saint Francois. . . . Je n'ai
a m'occuper ici des sottes attaques de quelques auteurs protestants contre
ce livre. Nulle part Barth. de Pise ne fait de S. Francois l'egal de Jesus,
et il lui arrive meme de prevenir la critique a cet egard.' e
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS VERSES 357
The prevalent rage for libellous writing manifested
itself also in mocking travesties of Biblical stories or
of prayers such as the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria,
the Benedicite and the Gratias (grace before and
after meat). Protestant writers began early to supply
the market abundantly with productions of this sort,1
and here and there Catholics followed the melancholy
example. The Catholic satirist, Daniel von Soest,
travestied the Pater Noster in his ' Gemeine Beichte.' -
The Franciscan, John Nas, introduced at the end of
his ' Fiinfte Centuria ' (1570) an ' Irrequies Luthers,'
which was a travestied version of the Requiem and
other prayers applied to Luther.3 The Lucerne ac-
tuary Hans Salat in 1532 made parodies applicable
to Zwingli on the Pater Noster, the Ave and the Credo.4
For violent bitterness, indeed, Salat in many of his
poetical performances stood on the same level as the
Protestant controversial poets. In 1531, after the
battle of Kappel, he composed a ' fine ode ' on the war
which had been waged by the Confederates in five
cantons and in other districts ; the poem is called
the ' Tanngrotz.'
1 Schade, ii. 105-113, 310 ft'. ** Extensive attempts were also made on
the Protestant side to transmogrify into apologies of Protestantism works
which had come into existence long before the Church schism, of which the
religious views, it stands to reason, were based on Catholic principles.
This was done the most systematically by the publisher Cammerlander,
who availed himself for the purjiose of the help of the renegade monk
Vielfield. See B. Wenzel, Cammerlander und Vielfield, ein Beitrag zur
Litteraturgesrhichte des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts. Rostocke Inaugural-
Dissertation. Berlin, 1891. See also Kelchner in the Allgem. deutsche
Bibliographie, iii. 277, as well as the notices of Falk in the Litter. Hand-
weiser, 1892, pp. 547-548.
2 Jostes, pp. 210-211.
3 Schopf, p. 28.
4 Bachtold, Hans Salat, pp. 13-14.
358 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
The villain who misled
A pious community and so many honest men,
Has here left his pomp and his life —
I mean Ulrich Zwingli, whom I have known —
He was quartered and burned,
As imperial law decrees,
Of which a little song I write. 1
In this ' Liedlein von Zwinglin ' it says :
On the battlefield they found him
With his wicked ones around him.
They should all be flayed alive :
The villains, I mean to say,
Who led a whole parish astray.
The executioner of Lucerne sang the following
' Requiem ' to Zwingli :
Mid joyfulness and laughter
We cut him in four quarters ;
Upon his thighs he had much fat,
But the hangman threw it away for all that,
As though he'd been a dog.-
In a like bitter strain he wrote in the following year
the ' Triumph des helvetischen Herkules,' as Zwingli,
he said, ' was called by some of his party.' He trans-
ports his readers to the Schwarzwald. In this forest
he, the poet, is overtaken by night on the first day of
the vintage month, October 1531, the day of Zwingli's
death ; he takes shelter in a hollow tree, and as the
grey dawn appears he suddenly hears a wild tumult
and screaming, which seem to shake the earth :
Then from the rocks came a gruesome horde,
From the wall of stone helter-skelter they poured,
On horses and beasts of every sort,
So horribly formed and shaped, I thought
The devil was charging at me !
1 The Tanngrotz, printed by Bachtold, H. Salat, pp. 89-109.
- Bachtold, p. 117, note. The whole song is given at pp. 114-118.
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS VERSES 359
But on second thoughts I felt sure,
'Twas from niy hostel they rode thus here,
Through stick and stone, through bush and briar.
Methought, a wondrous queer prince is that,
It must be the folk from the Brattelenmatt.1
The poet then makes the whole army of religious
innovators, with the monks, clergy and nuns in the
van, pass by like a ' Witches' sabbath procession,' all
clad in stolen Mass vestments, choir robes, and other
Church garments, and laden with all sorts of Church
plunder, and quarrelling fiercely with each other. Thus,
for instance, an abbot with his ' Frau Meisterin.'
In grimmest wrath to her he swore :
Thou cursed, vile, adulterous whore,
Unto this punishment thou hast me led,
That I my priestly state have forfeited.
The oath I swore to God did break,
Vile woman, for thy wretched sake,
Therefore, for ever, must I burn in hell !
And then he shook and scratched and whacked her well.
As he did, so did all the gang,
Their shrieks through hill and valley rang. . . .
Strange yells they raised and jabber shocking,
Villains and whores each other mocking. . . .
But all rushed with avenging swoop
On one who now came in the troop,
With pomp he marches on, and he's
By all of them called Hercules.
' The German Hercules,' Zwingli, celebrates a
triumphal march, like the temple robbers Nebuchad-
nezzar and Balthasar, but
Then came a terrible thunder-blast,
And Hercules down from his chariot was cast.
The chariot was followed by
A miserable bloody horde,
Wounded, shot, or hacked with sword ;
1 ' Brattelenmatt,' the rendezvous of the witches. Bachtold, p. 123 note.
360 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
And then another poorer crowd
To whom seemed scanty food and drink allowed,
While men and women, rich and poor alike,
Raised a piteous, lamentable shriek.
Burghers, peasants, workmen, all the lot,
Would fain have fallen on the booty, I wot. . . .
Then came another gruesome throng
Riding furiously along,
Riding the poor folk down to the earth
With snorting steeds and grimmest wrath.
Finally the whole procession
Rushed upon the rocks pell-mell
With screaming, anguish, wailing, yell.
Cries and lamentations weird.
Distorted form and visage scared,
Stabs, blows and lashes, pomp, throng and rending,
As though the heavens and earth were ending.
Behind them then fell in the rock,
Shattered in pieces with the shock.'
The convert, John Engerd, since 1576 professor
of poetry at the university of Ingolstadt, made the
following alphabetical rhymes on the different letters
of the name Luther.1'
Was zeigt der erste Buchstab an ?
L. Lotter, Lugner, Lumpenmann,
Leichtfertig, Lauter Lehren Los,
Das sei der erste Titul gross.
Sag was das U [V] bedeuten soil ?
Verbanter, Unrlat, Uebels Vol,
Verwiister Unsers Vaterlands,
So ist der andre Buchstab ganz.
Was denn der dritt ? brings auch herfiir :
T. Treulos, Trotzig, Teuflisch Tier,
Tyrannisch, Tiickisch, Tugendleer,
Und was sonst sein der Laster mehr.
1 The ' Triumphus Herculis Helvetici ' (1532), printed for the first time
by Bachtold, H. Salat, pp. 121-13G.
2 It is obviously impossible to give an exact reproduction of this
alphabetical contrivance, as the ecpiivalent English terms do not invariably
begin with the same letter. We therefore give the original German as
well as the translation. — (Translator.)
SQUIBS AND LIBELLOUS VERSES 361
Sag, was der viert bedeuten muss ?
H. Halsstarrig, Hareticus,
Hofiartig, Hadrisch, Hurisch, Hart,
Das ist der Ketzer vierte Art.
Was steckt nun in dem fiinften drin ?
E. Eitel, Ehrgeiz, Eigensinn,
Eidbriichig, Ehrlos, Ehrverletzer,
Das ist die f iinfte Art der Ketzer.
Was ist der Ketzer letzte Kron ?
R. Radbrecht, Rein Religion,
Ruhnisiichtig, Raubr, Rachgierig, Rauch,
Das ist der Ketzer sechst Gebrauch.1
1 . What does the first letter show ?
L. Licentious, liar, Lumpenmann [vendor of rags],
Lightminded, leaving all pure doctrine :
Thus does the first title go.
2. Say what shall U [V] stand for ?
Unclean, outcast, vicious, vile,
Upsetter of our Vaterland,
Untrue to his heart's core.
3. What then the third ? how write it down ?
T. Truthless, defiant, devilish beast,
Tyrannical, trickery, turbulent,
And every other vice that's known.
4. Say what shall letter 4 betoken ?
H. Heretical, headstrong,
Haughty, hating, whorish, hard —
This is the fourth thing of him spoken.
5. And what of letter 5 shall be said ?
E. Empty, egoist, avaricious,
Erring, egregious, evil.
That's how letter 5 is read.
6. What is the heretic's last crown ?
R. Rabid, ' right religionist,'
Robber, revengeful, renown-seeker,
Rauch, reek-smoke [in hell] is the crown.
As a counter-attack on the endless vituperations
against the Pope as the Antichrist and the author of
all corruption, John Nas declared in 1588 that,
' the anarchy which had invaded Germany was the
1 Holstein, Die Reformation, p. 193.
362 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
consequence of the secession from the true Catholic
faith, and a manifest sign that the Antichrist, ' the
chief of all heretics,' would shortly appear. He would
' overturn all government,' ' root out all piety,' ' lay
waste all altars and church ornaments.'
As now his predecessors and
His heralds do in our land —
The sects' seducing, murdering agents,
Who act with might at their own liking,
Whereby the Empire is laid waste. . . .
The world is full of prophets false,
Each his own nonsense God's Word calls.
Sects and parties much abound,
While the true faith nowhere is found.
War-cries and evil news we hear
Repeated daily far and near. . . .
On earth there's everywhere sore need,
The poor are overtaxed indeed,
Taxed they are with grief and need.
No one at court for them doth care,
Hunger and wailing are everywhere. . . .
Unprincely dealing, wrong iinance,
Fraud, cunning, cheating words that glance,
Profits unfair, forestalling, usury,
Scandals, vices, untrue currency, . . .
Looseness, boldness, insolence,
Perjury, malevolence,
Are f ound in every region where
Lutherdom sounds in the air.
Discipline and fear of God grow cold
Wherever men the doctrine hold
Of faith alone ; and so the world to-day
Is hard bestead with eating gross,
And drinking, to the certain loss
Of love and good and souls most precious,
Not to speak of other things atrocious. . . .
But greater evils still would soon follow :
Everywhere there'll be storming and battling,
All the world in armour rattling,
Seizing sword, musket, spear, and even
Strangling each other and shedding blood.1
1 Praeludium in Centurias hominum, sola fide perditorum, das ist
PICTURES OF THE TIMES AND MANNERS 363
Iii colours as dark as those of Nas, the Protestant
preacher Bartholomew Ringwalt related in a large poem
of the times and manners, ' The Pure Truth ' about
the general corruption that had set in. The book
went through fourteen editions between 1585 and 1610.1
' These are the last and the worst times,' the author
said in the preface, ' which have come upon the world,
times in which all faith has decayed, love has grown
cold, and all manner of insolence, scandal, vice and
contempt of the divine Word have increased to such a
degree, that now in no classes of society is any improve-
ment to be hoped for.' 2
As even, all the Christian band
Come daily niore to understand,
That many a one in village and town
Aweary of his hfe has grown ;
He goes about, 'tis truly said,
As though he had been struck on his head,
Little for his goods doth care,
And wishes that in his grave he were."
Ringwalt's great aim in this work, as also in a second,
' Der getreue Eckart ' (1588), was to admonish the
world faithfully and honestly to repent and improve
their lives, but he feared :
I fear I shall not with my rhyme
Snatch the world from the devil's lime,
To which they're willing to stay clinging,
Thus their own perdition bringing.4
The universal complaint that in the earlier Catholic
times the people had been much more benevolent and
Newer Zeitung Vorgang, &c. (Ingolstadt, 1588), 35 ff. Cf. Schopf, pp. 66
and 76, No. 31.
1 Goedeke, Ch-undriss, ii. 515, No. T2.
2 Die lauter Wahrheit, edition of 1588, Bl. A3.
3 Edition of 1597, p. 4. Hoffmann von Fallersleben, B. liingivalt,
p. 5.
4 Edition of 1588, p. 271 ; cf. pp. 295-296.
364 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
generous in endowing churches and schools was con-
sidered perfectly well-grounded by Ringwalt :
I tell you verily, dear sirs,
But for the ancient stores
Of tithes and tributes manifold,
Of hides and corn, which were of old
Founded by our ancestors
For the servants of God's Word,
Indeed the holy preaching-stool
With Church's and with children's school,
Left without help in our day,
Would starve and fall into decay ;
For in these times no single penny
Is put into God's chest by any.
Our forefathers under the papacy had maintained
numbers of monks and priests :
And from free love they did all this,
And what they gave they did not miss.
But nowadays we scarcely even
Can pay in a city six or seven
Persons, who for Christ His sake,
Of church and schools good care will take.
So loth are all the folk who live
In these our evil days to give
For God's service, in due measure,
Something of their rightful treasure ;
Which hard-heartedness does not
Tend to fatten them one jot,
But brings curses on their head,
As Moses in his book hath said.
All former delight in almsgiving had disappeared :
Great buildings men, in former days,
Loved for God's ministry to raise.
Churches, monasteries, and
The like, which still as tokens stand.
But now the roofs are left to fall
To pieces, and to let in all
The rain and snow, the dirt and dust,
Which he and putrefy and rust. "
Hence none with reverence now treat
The clergy whom they chance to meet,
And no one troubles in the least
How to support church, school or priest.
PICTURES OF THE TIMES AND MANNERS 365
On the contrary, they laid plundering hands on the
old endowments :
What in days of old our good
Forebears, with hardest sweat and blood,
For God's ministry did save,
And in frequent presents gave,
Now the lordships, great and small,
By degrees appropriate all,
Among their members share the prey,
And not an atom back they pay. . . .
Woe be to you in soul and flesh
Who take their bounties in your mesh,
While in return, amongst you all,
Not one erects a hospital,
Or builds a schoolhouse, great or little,
Where the young children of poor people
May be taught from early youth
On the sure basis of God's truth.
But this is the long and short of it all,
Into your clutches the whole doth fall,
While in the Lord Christ Jesus' coat
You bound and caper like a goat.
Predicting heavy chastisements, Ringwalt exclaims :
Behold, such gains, I tell you true,
Will be a curse to yours and you ;
Either you'll find that all your race
On earth will flourish in no place,
Or else with all your sins unshriven
You'll suddenly from earth be driven.
'Tis said that if an eagle's feather
Is laid with other plumes together,
It will eat up the whole bunch,
Much faster than the moths could munch.
And so we verily may say,
The church-goods also have a way
Of ruining the house and hoards
Acquired by unrighteous lords.
His brother officials, the preachers, he admonished
as follows :
You must not out of vengeance rough.
Each fable new, and your own stuff
Lightly to the pulpit bring
And at the congregation fling ;
366 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
For he who doth his people shock
Loses all favour with his flock,
And brings upon himself their hate,
Because he does nought else but rate.
Therefore this injunction keep
Well in mind, and by your sheep
Let no barefaced, forbidden word
(As rogue or thief) be ever heard.
When a preacher had suffered some wrong he must
not vent his indignation in the pulpit :
With much scolding, snorting, rating,
Damning, cursing, fulminating ;
For well such stinging words may make
The heart of many a hearer break.
Ringwalt addressed another admonition to the
preachers :
Now verily in every place
It is a terrible disgrace
That you, soul-shepherds of this age,
So fiercely 'gainst each other rage,
And more for paltry honours fight
Than for what faith or doctrine's right.
Fatal pride and envy fierce
Make it that, nowadays, you scarce
In any churches ever find
Pastor and chaplain of one mind,
But often by contention hard
In trivial things their peace is marred, . . .
And from the pulpit openly
They rate each other angrily.
So that ' often an uproar arises among the people ; '
between pastor and chaplain
In such quarrels often it's
The wives who are the first culprits,
Who for pride's sake fall out and wrangle,
And their spouses in the brawl entangle.1
Very touching is the ' humble petition ' which the
1 Die lauter Wahrheit, pp. 275-276, 345, 354-355.
PICTURES OF THE TIMES AND MANNERS 367
poet addresses ' to all the high authorities and all
other Christian feudal lords ' to take the preachers
under their care, so that they ' might not be driven
by sharp hunger to remove to other places ; ' above
all they begged these lords after the death of a preacher
to look after his widow :
That she should not in a short moon's space,
As in some districts is the case,
Like a servant girl receive
Notice the parsonage to leave.
But that they would their utmost do
To keep her in the ministry
As wife or as assistant to
The person of some'learning who
Her husband doth replace :
And if for marriage she be not fit
That they would give her a year's grace,
As so generously with us
The Brandenburg Elector does,
A pious father in the land
Margrave Johann George he's named ;
So that she somewhat better fare,
And not at once sink in despair
With all her children, who too often
Are not half educated even.1
Very vividly Ringwalt depicts the ' carousing of
the Germans ' and the love of fine clothes which goes
on growing in spite of ' all the hard times : '
Dear God, what will on earth betide
To us through this great, growing pride.
Indulged in nowadays, alas !
With no distinguishing of class ? 2
' For the admonition of impenitent sinners ' he
introduced in his ' Treuer Eckart,' a description of hell,
made all the various kinds of sinners, male and female,
1 Die lauter Wahrhe.it, pp. 328-331.
2 JhiA n RS fF
Ibid. p. 58 ff.
3G8 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
hold conversations, and placed the ' hideous figure '
of the devil before his readers' eyes :
Like mad dogs they ran about
With their mouths wide opened out,
From which there hung, with stench most strong,
A black tongue fully ten yards long.
Prickly snouts they had, and eyes
Like a huge cheese-bowl in size,
And when they moved these eyes about
Myriad sparks from them flew out.1 . . .
Ringwalt praised up the earlier Catholic times in
comparison with his own, but in the songs which he
added to the ' Lauter Wahrheit ' he could not all the
same resist having a fling at ' the Roman Antichrist '
and ' the devil's knavish skin,' in order to instil into
his co-religionists a wholesome horror of the papacy ,2
under which the ' lewd rabble ' are free to commit
' adultery, sodomy, and all sorts of wickedness.'
And when some great enormity
They've in the flesh committed.
In the name of holy Mary
They say a mass, and all's remitted ;
Yea, all's forgiven in her name.
Then straightway they again begin,
As before, to live in sin
And every kind of shame.1'
If Burchard Waldis said that it was the devil ' who
gave the Mass' to those possessed by him,4 another
1 Christliche Warming des trewen Eckarts (Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 1588).
Bl. H. 6b ; cf. Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 514, No. 7. Hoffmann von Fallers-
leben, B. Ringwalt, pp. 22-28.
2 See also above, pp. 292, 293.
3 Die lauter Wahrheit, pp. 443-446. The ' strict honesty of sentiment
which nevertheless does not exclude all tolerance,' praised by Goedeke,
Grundriss, ii. 512, in Ringwalt's poems, does not let itself be seen in these
satires.
4 See above, p. 353.
JOHN FISCHART 369
verse-maker, alluding to a picture in which the holy
Mass was represented as a ' terrific and frightful
monster,' put the question :
Now, good friend, I prythee tell
Why there are so many devils in hell,
And only one Lord God : why this is, say,
Without mocking me, I pray ?
The answer is :
Ah, have patience, brother dear !
The monks and priests are guilty here,
For had they swallowed in their Masses wheaten
Devils as many as gods they've eaten,
They would have destroyed so many
There' d scarcely be left over any.1
Verses of this sort breathe the spirit of John Fischart.
Four and twenty years after the death of Luther,
when the most strongly contradictory opinions had
developed in the Protestant camp and were combating
each other fiercely, John Fischart, then a youth of
twenty, made his di'but, and became one of the most
active and versatile writers of the century. Born,
probably, at Strassburg in the year 1550,2 he came in
boyhood to Worms to Caspar Scheid, his ' dear father
and preceptor,' and the ' best of rhymesters,' who had
made himself a name by the translation of Dedekind's
■ ' Grobianus.' The coarse humour of the schoolmaster,
his love for French books, for brilliant poetry, for
music and authorship, communicated themselves to his
1 In the Thesaurus pidurarum in the court library at Darmstadt,
vol. Calumniae, &c, fol. 108.
- ** S. Hauffen, Zur Familien- und Lebensgeschichte Fischarts in the
Euphorion, 1896, iii. 303 ff., which places Fischart's birth somewhere
between 1545 and 1551.
VOL. XI. B B
370 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
pupil. Fischart's years of study were followed by a
restless ' Wanderleben ' in Italy, Flanders, England
and France. In 1574 he became doctor of law at the
University of Basle ; from 1576 he lived for some time
at Strassburg as an active assistant to his brother-
in-law, the bookseller Bernard Jobin, became then
assistant clerk to the Imperial Chamber at Spires,
later on an official at Forbach, and died in 1589 when
scarcely forty years of age. But his influence lived on
into the following century through a whole flood of
writings greater and smaller. Fischart, as is shown
by his justly famed writings ' Das gliickhaft SchifT '
and the ' Ehezuchtbiichlein,' was gifted with extra-
ordinary power of language, but he did not possess
a creative imagination. Most of his materials are
borrowed, and in no single case was he able to work
them up into an artistic masterpiece.' He made
foreign works his own property, and once unscrupulously
appropriated an anonymous pamphlet by John Nas,
whom he despised and nicknamed ' the grey beggar-
1 Zincref is of opinion, says Goedeke, Dichtungen Fischarts, vi., that
' Fischart had not been industrious, whereas all that he published was the
fruit of his industry.' Fischart ' never really showed a creative spirit ;
an imaginative genius he decidedly was not.' ' Fischart's most important
matter is in the main all borrowed.' E. Schmidt, Fischart, pp. 3(5, 40.
** Fischart's works betray the literate who is intent on a rapid harvest
with his pen. He does not spend much trouble in searching out original
inventions. He introduces foreign productions, with all sorts of additions
of his own, among the people, modernises all German works,translates from
the French and the Dutch, fashions new books out of a variety of elements
borrowed here and there, and seldom brings out anything quite original.
Notwithstanding all this, however, Fischart is still an original character
who, like the court epic writers of the middledaigh-German golden epoch,
worked up foreign matter into his special manner, which also had a share
in determining the choice of the materials. Vogt-Koch, Deutsche Lit-
teraturgesch. p. 316. Concerning Fischart as the representative of French
influence on German literature see Steinhausen, Die Anfange, p. 374 ff.
FISCHART'S SATIRICAL POEMS 371
monk at Ingolstadt,' not knowing that it was lie who
was the author of the stolen publication.1
Without having completed his law studies, without
having pursued the usual preparatory theological
studies, Fischart threw himself at once with all the
presumption of a happy-go-lucky student into religious
polemics, and that with a violence of passion which
recalled the most vehement invectives against ' the
papacy founded by the devil.' His first satirical poems
of the years 1570 and 1571 were directed against the
converts James Rabe and John Nas in particular,
but also in general against the Jesuits, the Franciscans
and Dominicans, and the whole monastic life of the
Catholic Church. In these satires, and in a yet higher
degree in the later ' Jesuiterhutlein,' we note that
skilful playing with words, rhymes and fancies of which
none but gifted writers are capable. But everything
turns on odious ridiculing.'2 Nowhere is there a sign
of true understanding of the Church and its institu-
tions, nowhere any trace of high religious aspiration.
Fischart simply strove to drag down in the mire, and
overwhelm with libellous language, the two converts
who, and the three societies which, threatened the
future of Protestantism.
His was not the manly wrath which uses sarcasm
only as an instrument, but mean hatred, which makes
scorn, defamation and slander its chief object, and
revels in it with delight. What he once said himself
about wild hunt-music which set the people in a fury
might be applied to his own poems :
1 See Goedeke, Pamphilus Gengenbach, pp. 415 and 526, and Dichtungen
Fischarts, xiv. Schopf, pp. 34-35.
2 See our remarks, vol. x. pp. 56, 57, 70-73, 291-297.
b b 2
372 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Is this not simply sheer pain and grief ?
Where is the enjoyment, where the relief
That should in music be found ?
How can the ears be charmed with such sound ?
They shriek, they shout, they yell, they curse,
They puff, they blow — Avhat can be worse ; . . .
How can such wild and raging clamour
Any proper taste enamour ? . . .
A craiet heart soon with wisdom mates,
A wild one, wisdom spurns and hates, . . .
For from hating springs the hateful,
In men and beasts it looks disgraceful.'
The calumnies and abuse which he dared to hurl
at the whole Catholic religion in his ' Bienenkorb des
heiligen Romischen Immenschwarms ' of 1579 remained
unequalled in after times.2 He put before the people
the following statements as doctrines of the Catholic
Church : the Pope is a visible god, he can alter creatures
and control angels ; he is greater than St. Paul, and
St. Peter makes him sinless.3 Like a charlatan and a
quack tooth-extractor, the Pope, he said, ' offered his
patent electuary and treacle-water for sale : '
As holy water, bread and wine,
Oil, salt, grease, wax, and dead men's bones.4
All this, however, did not prevent Fischart, for the
sake of daily bread, from associating himself with a
publisher's undertaking in honour of the Pope.5
He speaks of himself as full of compassion ' for the
credulous people living on the latest news and gossip,
and being deliberately led astray,' and reminds his
1 From ' Ein artliches Lob der Lauten ' in Kurz, Dichtungen Fischarts,
hi. 11 ff.
2 See our statements, vol. x. p. 10 ff.
1 In the ' Erklarung des uralten gemeinen Spriichivortes : Die Gelehrten
die Verkehrten,' in Kurz, ii. 343 ff.
1 In the Gorgoneum Caput, in Kurz, hi. 115.
5 See our statements, vol. x. p. 24, note 1.
FISCH ART'S SATIRICAL POEMS 373
readers of the saying : ' the printer wants money,
and so he has concocted some fresh sensational news.'
He also makes game of the people ' who are so terribly
anxious for news that they rate the poor devils who do
not supply them with sheets and trunks full of gossip,
and call them donkeys and simpletons who do not
know where it has rained.' ] And yet in fighting the
papacy and abusing the Jews he himself worked largely
on the people's thirst for wonders.
In 1577 he informed the people that ' the head of
the Gorgon Medusa, a Roman sea-wonder, had been
discovered in the new islands : '
In the sea they've chanced to find
Sea wonders of a Roman kind :
Sea bishops, sea monks, and sea priests,
Mass grottoes, pilgrim apes, all which
Bear a strong resemblance to
The Romish ecclesiastical crew.
For Scripture calls the sea a world
From which huge monsters are up-hurled.
But no greater ones are bred
Than the so-called Church's heads,
Who in the sea of the world do roar
And bring forth sea-devils galore. . . .
But the present ' find ' is ' a veritable arch-sea- wonder.'
Such a sea-lamb, an animal on a stool, a Babylonish
whore is the hellish monster at Rome, with its scales and
its grovelling company.
This is the Medusa, the famed sea-whore
Whom the sea-god Phorcys bore,
From Ceto of the whale-fish race. . . .
This is Circe, the sea-queen,
The venomous spider and enchantress,
Who, by a magic drink, the guests
Who visit her can change to beasts.
1 In the preface to his pamphlet Aller Practik Grossmutter, in Scheible,
Das Kloster, viii. 546, 552.
374 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
This ' hussy ' plagues with ban, burning, poison
and murder, but knows how to parade before the
world in all sorts of dazzling church pageantry, mummy
shows and ornaments, fasts, confessions, Masses,
All these outward functions were
The Babylonish whore's attire,
Which her lovers did ensnare,
And half the world around her gather.
But as to-day the varnishing
Grows shabby and the colours fade,
We see that all this garnishing
Was finery the sorry jade
Had borrowed from the Jew and pagan.
And from the storehouse of the dragon.
But after the manner of shameless harlots she
wanted now :
To compel the folk to follow her. . . .
She uses banning, murdering,
Roasting, seething, and forbids
Scripture reading ; the people binds
By oath and vow to praise
All her wantonness ; breaks contracts and
Dissolves all vows at will ;
Stirs rulers up to war
Against their subjects, and commands
To shed the blood of all alike.1
The Swiss Bodmer was not so very wrong when he
wrote :
A head of Rabelais' pattern followed after Brant's,2
The name was John Fischart, the darling of Bacchants ! 3
Against the Jews, in 1575, Fischart directed ' Eine
gewisse Wunderzeitung ' ('A certain marvellous story')
of a Jewess at Binzwangen, four miles from Augsburg,
who on December 12 of the preceding year had given
birth to two living pigs, or . . .
1 Kurz, iii. 117-121. 2 Sebastian Brant.
3 See Goedeke, Dichtungen Fischarts, p. viii. note 2.
FISCH ART'S SATIRICAL POEMS 375
So wondrous is the tale related.
That were it not authenticated.
To write it I should almost fear,
For men might think it a mere joke
I made against the Hebrew folk.
But God has made it all so clear
That the whole world is forced to hear
And learn how Christ, Messiah true,
Intends to bring the purblind Jew
To ridicule and scorn before
He comes Himself to earth once more,
And show them, in the whole Avorld's eyes,
That as His honour they won't prize,
To Him they are of no more worth
Than pigs that grovel on the earth.
Because the Jews expected an earthly kingdom,
and spent their lives only in pleasure and usury,
. . . dishonour Christ, the high anointed,
So let them smear themselves with sow-grease. '
Fischart's epoch, by reason of the religious revolu-
tion, resembled ' a devastated paradise full of wild
beasts.' Hatred and schism flared up everywhere,
and the poet himself gave the reasons for this state of
things :
All dissensions, error, strife,
Of which to-day complaints are rife,
From the self-same causes spring :
Either zeal unreasoning,
Or pride, or worldly coveting,
Or that each other, without shame,
We criminally judge and blame ;
Each one the upper hand would win,
And to his creed the world bring in ;
Each strives how he by violent course
His doctrine on all men may force.
The Holy Scriptures were no more than a ' conjuror's
bag,'
1 Kurz, iii. 70-72 ; cf. vol. iii. p. xviiL
376 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Wherewith a monkey-game they play,
Each dealing with it his own way ;
This way and that they bend and twist
The Word, as they themselves do list ;
They make the matter seem all right,
God's Word and will call everything
That ministers to their delight,
So that the people cannot know
What to think, which way to go.1
In his ' Affenteuerlich naupen-geheuerliche Ge-
schichtklitterimg,' his most important work, first pub-
lished in 1575, Fischart aimed at ' placing a chaotic,
deformed picture before a chaotic, deformed world ' in
order ' to lead them and frighten them away from their
chaotic deformity and deformed chaos.' L> His method
of presentation was by no means suited to this object,
but the picture he presents is a true representation
of the whole dissolute, demoralised life of the period,
and is full of keen observation ; the drinking and
carousing, the immorality, the senseless fashions, the
perverted education of children, the oppression of the
poor and other grievous evils, are brought before the
eyes in living colours, such as no other contemporary
moralist had at his command. Thoroughly German
is the eighth chapter of this work, entitled : ' Das
Trunken Gespriich, oder die gesprachig Trunkenzech,
ja die Trunken Litanei und der Saufer und guten
Schlucker Pf ngsttag, mit ihren unfeurigen doch durst-
igen Weingengen, Zungenlos, schonem Gefrass und
Getos ' (' Drink talk, or the talkative drinking com-
pany, yea the Drink Litany and the Pentecost of
imbibers and deep swallowers, with their tireless yet
1 Die Gelehrten die Verkehrten, in Kurz, ii. 378, 381.
2 Fischart, Geschichtklitterung, iv.
FISCHART'S PICTURES OF THE TIMES 377
thirsty wine passages, the unloosing of their tongues,
their fulsome feeding and great noise ').T
' I am no sinner without thirst ; I drink eternally ;
drinking is my eternity, and eternity is my drinking.
If I eat myself poor, and drink myself to death,
I certainly have power over death.' ' I am not yet
Schwenkfeidian, but swinefeldian, or Reissfeldian —
Ha ! ha ! — and cold-winish (Calvinistic) when my wine
is cold, and Lutheran when my wine is maddy.'
' Forgive me that I compare you to sows ; at any
rate they give good bacon ; how can you thrive if you
cannot bravely chew, and throw up and chew again
like sows ? ' 2
This work is ' based on Francois Rabelais in a French
form, but,' says Fischart, ' cast in an extravagantly
burlesque German mould, and superficially — as one
louses a scabby scalp — set up, or down, in our native
babble, and reset on the anvil in new print, embossed,
forged and shaped in Pantagruel fashion in such a
way that nothing without an iron Nisi is wanting
therein, by Huldrich Elloposcleron ' (Ulrich Fischart).3
1 Fischart, Geschichtklitterung, iv. pp. 155-194.
2 Ibid. pp. 158, 165, and above, p. 72.
3 It is a free dishing up of the first book of Rabelais' Vie, faicls et
diets heroiques de Gargantua et de son fdz Pantagruel. ' All the French
in it Fischart replaces by German matter. The whole book is crowded
with open and covert, comic and serious satire on German conditions and
customs. It is an inexhaustible repertory of the morals, manners and
habits of life of the sixteenth century ' (E. Schmidt, Fischart, p. 41). The
trick often resorted to by authors and publishers of that period of exciting
the curiosity and attracting the custom of the public by extravagant
and startling titles (cf. Kirchhoff, Beitriige, ii. 105-106, and also 117, No. 8)
was understood by no one better than by Fischart. His pamphlet Alter
Practik Grossmutter was announced by him under the title Die dickgeprockte
Pantagruelinische Btrugdicke Procdic, oder Pruchnastikaz, Lastafel, Bauern-
regel oder Wetterbiichlin, auf alle Jahr und Land gerechnei und gericht,
durck den volbeschreiten Maussiorer Winhold Alcofribas Wustblutus
378 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
This work not only affords a deep insight into the
corrupt conditions of the period, but in the strange and
monstrous corruption of its language it is itself an
embodiment of those conditions. Fischart was master
of the German vocabulary and language to an extent
which, except in the case of Luther, was unequalled by
any writer of the century ; but he does not here remind
one of Luther, with his originality and vigorous force,
but of Rabelais the Frenchman, with his unbounded,
weedy-wild and often distorted luxuriance. Almost
every sentence is hampered and lamed by this mass of
playful creepers ; no form of speech retains its function
of quickly and clearly representing thought.1
The work is full of dirt and obscenity. Even where
von Aristophans Nebelstatt, des Herrn Pantagruel zu Landagreuel
Obersten Loffelreformirer &c. (Cf. Goedeke, Grundriss, ii. 492, No. 7.)
Another of his dodges for attracting notice was to write under all sorts
of absurd and wonderful names. He called himself for instance in turn :
' J. Noha Trauschiff von Triibuchen, Jesuwalt Pickhart, Artwisus von
Fischmentzweiler, Alonicus Meliphron Teutofrancus, H. Engelprecht
Morewinder von Fredewart aus Seeland, Georg Goldrich Salzwasser von
Badborn, and so forth ; cf. Kurz, I. xx.-xxii. ; Wendeler, pp. 289-293. In
his Podagrammisches Trostbiichlein (1577 : ** Reprint with Introduction
by A. Haussen, Fischarts Werlce, vol. iii. [Deutsche. Nationallitteratur,
published by Kiirschner :] Stuttgart, 1893) he treats Podagra as a ' lirnb-
cramping foot-tickler,' with a following of musk-smelling women, Methe
Drunkenness and Acratia Gluttony, Polyphagia Gobblinghouse, &c, &c. :
all names and titles composed with true Rabelaisian instinct.
1 ' Fischart is repulsive to me,' says Paul de Lagarde, Die revidirte
Lutherbibel (Gottingen, 1885), p. 2. Gervinus, otherwise an enthusiastic
eulogist of Fischart, writes (iii. 163) : ' In this bacchanalian orgy of wit and
words, for very abundance of wealth we arrive at nothing.' ' His language
in this work is on a par with the gigantic monstrous " mouthings " of his
heroes in Gargantua, but in this case there is no proportion between the
figures and their speech. As the garments of these giants measure endless
yards, so do the trailings of Fischart's periods.' ** See also L. Ganghofer,
Die Beurtheilung welche Fischarts Gargantua so wie sein V erhiiltniss zu_
Rabelais in der Litteraturgeschichte gefunden hat, Leipzig Dissertation,
edition of 1880, and A. Frantzen, Kritische Bemerkungen zu Fischarts
Ubersetzung von Rabelais' Gargantua, Strassburg, 1892.
FISCHART DEFENDS PERSECUTION OF ^WITCHES 379
Fischart in his own additions to Eabelais speaks worthily
concerning the significance of marriage, he mixes in
such indecencies that every beautiful feature of the
picture is completely lost.1
While Fischart with inexhaustible hatred went on
persecuting the Catholic Church, and with equal un-
scrupulousness poured contempt on the baptismal cere-
monies and the Communion service of the Lutherans,-
and while he was setting himself up as moral arbiter
of the follies, crimes and vices of his day, he undertook
at the same time the part of champion orator of the
most melancholy manifestation and most hideous
crime of the period, viz. the persecution of witches.
Almost everywhere in Germany, in the districts also
where Fischart lived, witches were tortured on the
rack, and burnt alive by hundreds. Among the few
who ' out of pity for the poor creatures ' had the
courage to protest openly against the frightful tortures
and executions was John Weyer, house-physician of
William IV., Duke of Jiilich-Cleves.3 For this, how-
1 The fifth chapter, ' How Grandgoschier married ' (Bobertag, i. 269 ff.),
calls Fischart a ' great man,' and considers his adaptation from Rabelais'
Oargantua a new intellectual feat. ' Eabelais fought nothing more fiercely
and hated nothing more bitterly than the Catholic Church and the monastic
system. But he did not have the satisfaction of seeing his country healed
of this poison destructive to national happiness, indeed he could not even
hope for such a consummation in his own day. Fischart was a Protestant,
and he regarded his nation as going on to victory over the Roman Church ; '
' hence Fischart's joyous courage in battle.' P. 280 draws attention to the
fact that the writer who comes nearest to Fischart's writings is the ' some-
what [only somewhat !] unclean fellow Michael Lindener.' . . . This
writer ' deserves especial mention among Fischart's precursors.' What
sort of a character Lindener was, we shall see later on in the chapter
' Unterhaltungsliteratur ' ('Entertaining Literature ') in vol. xii.
2 See our remarks, vol. x. p. 23 ff.
3 See our remarks, vol. viii. 551 ff. (German, the Eng. trans, of this vol.
is not yet published), and Binze, John Weyer, 2nd edition, Berlin, 1896.
380 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
ever, he was denounced in numerous pamphlets as
' a blasphemous rebel against God.' The most virulent
of his antagonists was the French parliamentary coun-
cillor, Jean Bodin. Weyer, so said Bodin in 1580, in a
great work, had ' entered the field against the honour
of God,' and palmed off on the judges a depraved
opinion as though it were not right to punish all witches
and sorceresses with death by fire. Weyer is said to write
as ' altogether forsaken of God,' ' in the style and
fashion of the devil,' thus to augment the kingdom of
Satan on earth. Hard language this. But, said Bodin,
' it is scarcely possible for one with even a little zeal
for God's glory, when he sees and hears such great and
numerous blasphemies, not to feel just indignation
against the guilty upholder of this injustice ; in order
that the honour of God should not be trodden under
foot, everybody must verily manifest such zeal in good
earnest.' *
Fischart was the one who thought himself called
' to show this zeal for the glory of God ; ' as an honour-
able and highly learned doctor of the law he went in
for the hunting down and gruesome persecution of
witches. He published in 1581 a German translation
of Bodin's work under the title : ' Vom ausgelassnen
wiitigen Teufelsheer der besessenen unsinnigen Hexen
und Hexenmeister, Unholden, Teufelsbeschworer,
Wahrsager, Schwarzkiinstler Vergifter, Nestelverkniip-
fer, Veruntreuer, Nachtschadiger, Augenverblender
und aller anderen Zauberer Geschlecht, sammt ihren
ungeheueren Handeln ; wie sie vermoge der Eecht
1 ** De Daemonomania Magorum in Fischart's translation (edition of
1591), vol. v. Die Widerlegvng der Meinungen und Opinionen Johannis
Weyer, pp. 258-297.
FISCHART DEFENDS PERSECUTION OF WITCHES 381
erkannt, eingetrieben, gehindert, erkuncligt, erforscht,
peinlich ersucht und gestraft sollen werden ' 1 ('Of the
wild, raging devil's army of the possessed, senseless
witches and sorcerers, exorcists, soothsayers, wizards,
black-art practitioners, poisoners, &c, &c, with all
their monstrous dealings ; showing how according to
justice they ought to be exposed, shut up, hindered,
tried, and most severely punished ').
This work, he said, was not only necessary for
'theologians, jurists, doctors, officials, judges, coun-
cillors, magistrates and all persons in authority,' but
also ' in many ways useful ' for the people in general,
in order to instruct them about and warn them against
' the devilish practice of magic and witchcraft.'
Fischart therefore dedicated it to the ' German reader
in general.' The work was to have its place among
instructive national literature. His ' well-intentioned
work,' Fischart said in the dedication to Egenolf, Herr
zu Rappoltstein, Hoheneck and Geroldseck, was for
the common benefit of the Fatherland, ' that amid all
the existing injustice, uncertainty, doubt and dis-
agreement concerning the punishment of witches and
sorcerers, the Germans might find herein a sure prin-
ciple to guide them and clear enlightenment.'
No work had hitherto appeared in the German
language which so recklessly treated every ghost and
suspicion of witchcraft as proved reality, and incited to
such merciless persecution of the unhappy creatures.
That Weyer should have espoused the cause of
1 Strassburg, 1581. ** See Hauffen in the Euphorion, 1897, p. 9 ff.
Fischart also prepared in 1582 a new edition of the Latin Malleus male-
ficarum. ** See our remarks, vol. viii. p. 601 (German ed.), and Hauffen
he. cit. p. 254 ff.
382 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
' the poor wretched women who were oppressed with
melancholy ' was considered a special sign of godless-
ness. ' The more women, the more witches,' so ran a
Hebrew saying. Women were so enormously addicted
to witchcraft, that to one sorcerer there were always
fifty sorceresses. The reason of this did not lie in ' the
deficient intelligence of the female sex,' but in the
persistent stubbornness and stiff-neckedness of women ;
they often bore torture more courageously than men,
but this was owing to ' the force of animal passion which
drove women to satisfy their desires or else to seek
revenge.' ' Perhaps it was for this reason that Plato
placed women between men and animals.' The poets
moreover had taught them that ' Pallas, the goddess of
wisdom, had sprung from the brain of Jupiter and had
had no mother, which showed that wisdom did not
proceed from women, since they were much nearer akin
to the nature of animals.' Weyer was a mad visionary,
for he gave women credit for suffering from ' melancholic
diseases.' These fell to their lot ' as little as the estim-
able effects and influences of temperate melancholy,'
which on the showing of all ancient philosophers and
physicians ' made men wise, discreet, prudent, thought-
ful and contemplative ; all which qualities belong as
little to women as fire to water.' '
It was a further sign of godlessness in Weyer that
he put no faith in the confessions and depositions of
witches and sorcerers, because the things acknow-
ledged by them were impossible : through the power of
the devil anything was possible to them. From the
lips of scholars who stood in high repute most astound-
ing things were told the readers of this work. Caspar
1 De Daemonomania Magorum (see above), pp. 265-268.
FISCHART DEFENDS PERSECUTION OF WITCHES 383
Peucer, the son-in-law of Melanchthon, had testified
to the fact that men could change themselves into
wolves, but, he added, no example was known of animals
being transformed into human bodies.1 In Livonia
it was the rule that at the end of the Christmas month
all the sorcerers should assemble at a particular place.
' If they were slow in coming the devil lashed them so
violently with iron rods that the scars always remained
on their bodies. When they were all assembled the
leader went in front and several thousands of them
followed him through a stream. As soon as they
had crossed the stream they changed themselves into
wolves, fell on the people and the cattle and did an
immensity of damage. About twelve days afterwards
they went back across this stream and resumed the shape
of human beings.' Such wolf -brood is most common
in Livonia, but not only there, ' everywhere it is very
common.' -
Joachim Camerarius told of some sorcerers who had
made the devil speak through the skulls of dead men ;
a chancellor of Milan had possessed a ring out of which
the devil had spoken. George Agricola told of a mine
in Saxony which had been discovered by the help of
the devil : a spirit in the shape of a horse had killed
twelve men there. Louis Lavater of Zurich was brought
forward as witness that the children born in the Ember-
weeks were much more plagued by ghosts than those
born at other times, and the devil's favourite time for
practising his witcheries was at night-time between
1 ** Pp. 122, 286.
2 P. 122. The Duke of Prussia, so it was said, had once compelled
a sorcerer to change into a wolf, and had then had him put to death by
fire. Gross, p. 127.
384 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Friday and Sunday. The worst charge of all against
Weyer was that he was a pupil of Cornelius Agrippa of
Nettesheim, who kept constantly by him a devil in the
shape of a black dog, which he called ' Dominus.' l'
The iniquities with which the witches and sorcerers
were charged were as follows : they deny and blaspheme
God and all religion ; they worship the devil ; they
dedicate to him the fruit of their bodies, and offer up
their children to him before they have been baptised ;
they make a trade of killing and murdering men and
women ; they eat human flesh (especially that of little
boys), and if they cannot procure it otherwise, they
dig up corpses from graves, or take down thieves from
the gallows to devour them ; and indeed all this had
been made known very often. Furthermore they
occasion death by poison and magic arts, they kill
cattle, destroy fruit, produce hunger, famine and
scarcity, and carry on carnal intercourse with the
devil.
' Say now,' he says to the horrified reader, ' are
these not all abominable vices, the least of which
deserves an excruciating form of death ? ' It is true
that ' all the sorcerers do not commit all the above-
mentioned crimes. But it has been shown by experi-
ence that all those who have made express contracts
with the devil and are in full understanding with him
i ** pp 72, 93, 155, 166, 269. In the Vorwarnung, p. 1, he urges his
readers at any rate ' not instantly to give consent and credence to all that
is herein adduced, or to load their stomachs with all the dishes concocted
by a skilful cook, and which may not be digestible for everybody, before
informing themselves as to how and why they have been cooked, but to
remember the saying :
Consent should be withheld until
Confirmation by others has been obtained.'
But where should they inform themselves ?
FISCHART DEFENDS PERSECUTION OF WITCHES 385
are generally guilty of the whole lot of these villainies,
or at least of the greater number of them.' But when
' one person ' has committed a number of crimes it is
necessary ' that all should be punished ; and that not
only according to law and statute,' but also according
to what the judge thinks fit.1
Such principles were spread by Fischart, ' the
most honourable and learned doctor of law ' and future
magistrate of Forbach.
While Weyer had exhorted the judges and magis-
trates to show considerateness and mercy, Bodin and
Fischart demanded the utmost severity and relent-
lessness. A judge who softened down legal punish-
ment or remitted it altogether deserved, in their eyes,
confiscation of goods or even banishment from the
country, and he was in no way exonerated by saying
that he could not believe that the witches could have
done the things charged against them, and therefore
could not agree that they deserved death by fire. If
the ordinary legal processes were followed in dealing
with sorcerers and witches not one out of a hundred
thousand would be punished ; in the case of witchcraft
and sorcery strong proof was not necessary ; on the
contrary, ' conjectural evidence and presumption ' were
quite sufficient to justify condemnation and punish-
ment. If, for instance, ' any person in the business of
witchcraft was seen coming out of his or her enemy's
stables or sheepfold, and it was found immediately
afterwards that the animals began to sicken and die,'
this was in itself ' a strong presumption ' without any
further evidence, and without a single further witness,
i ** Yon den Straffen, so die Zauberer und Unholden beschulden (' Con-
cerning the punishments which sorcerers and magicians deserve '), p. 234 £f.
VOL, XI. C C
386 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
or any further information, for punishing this person
' with scourging, cutting off limbs, branding, perpetual
imprisonment, fines and confiscations.'
In order ' to ferret out ' and punish the witches
and sorcerers, Fischart said the magistrates must
appoint commissary judges in all the different districts
to help the ordinary judges in this ' holy work.' These
judges must not wait till people came to them with
complaints, but must ' in virtue of their office procure
information about suspicious people, which is the most
secret and perhaps also the safest way.'
Further, ' the accomplices in any evil deed must be
summoned as informers against each other, and exemp-
tion from punishment must be guaranteed to these
informers,' ' notwithstanding that according to ordinary
law persons charged with the same misdemeanour
cannot appear as plaintiffs. Whereas the plague of
witches was most virulent in the villages and the sub-
urbs, and the people were too frightened to complain,
' it was necessary for tracking out this abominable
evil, to follow the laudable example of the Scotch and
Milanese, and set up a special letter-box in every church.'
Then everybody would be free to throw into it ' a
rolled up paper on which the name of the witch or
sorcerer was written, together with the particular
misdemeanour committed, the place, the time and the
witnesses of the offence, and any other circumstances.'
Every fortnight these witch-boxes must be opened by
the judges or the procurators, and ' secret reports '
taken down concerning the accused persons.
Another ' useful plan ' for finding out these mis-
creants was to ' use persuasion or constraint with
those who were either afraid or unwilling to lodge
FISCHART DEFENDS PERSECUTION OF WITCHES 387
accusations, or to give information or to complain.'
The commissaries must obtain the entry into families
and get daughters to witness against mothers, sons
against fathers, and conversely. ' For it has often
been found that little daughters have been instructed
by their mothers and taken by them to their assemblies.'
Such little girls are easily gained over as witnesses
if they are promised that their misdeeds will be for-
given because they were led astray. ' In these cases
it will be seen how well they are able to reveal the
persons, the time, the place of assembly, and what is
going to be done there.' Again and again witches have
been convicted of all sorts of ill-doing on the evidence
of their little daughters. When, however, they are
shy of speaking out before a number of listeners, the
judge can conceal two or three persons behind tapestry,
and thus, without the evidence being written down,
it can be retained, and afterwards put in writing.
If they were to have respect to 'the ordinary rules
of trials with regard to the admission and rejection
of .witnesses,' namely that 'daughters must not give
evidence against mothers, sons against fathers, fathers
against sons, &c.,' they would never be free from the
devilish herd of witches.1 With a work of this sort
Fischart thought to serve ' the common welfare and
the Fatherland.'
' All sorts of comic and amusing things ' of which he
speaks in his preface are not to be found in this horrible
book.
Bodin at any rate held firmly to the opinion that
sorcerers and witches could only be misled by the devil
i ** Yon rechtmiissiger Ausshundschaftung, Erforschung, Inquisition
und Straff ung gegen den Hechssen und Zauberer fiirzunehmen, p. 200 ff.
388 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
with the consent of their own free wills, that the devil
had power only over those persons who gave themselves
up to him willingly. ' They have free will,' he said,
' to be good or wicked, inasmuch as God says in His
Word : See, I have set before thee this day life and
good, and death and evil ; so choose the good if thou
wilt live. And much more plainly it is said in another
place : When God created man, He gave him a free
will, and said to him : If thou wilt thou canst keep
My commandments, and they will preserve thee.' *
Fischart, however, in his preface warns his readers
against that which ' Bodin thinks he has got from the
evidence of the Jewish Eabbis concerning the free will
of the regenerate.' 2
Two years after Fischart' s work had appeared in
Strassburg, a Strassburg newspaper told how, on the
15th, 19th, 24th, and 28th of October, 1582, ' no fewer
than one hundred and thirty-four witches had been
put in prison, condemned to death by fire and burnt
alive.' 3 One hundred and thirty-four witch-burnings
in four days !
1 P. 9. 2 Vorwarmmg, p. 1.
3 Weller, Zeitungen, No. 572. ** The title of this newspaper, of which
a copy may be seen in the town library at Munich, is as follows : ' Wahrhafte
unci glaubwirdige Zeitung. Von hundert und vier und dreyssig Unholden,
so umb irer Zauberei halben diss verschinen 1582. Jars, zu Gefenknus
gebracht und den 15, 19, 24, 28, October auff ihr unmenschlichen
thaten und graudliche aussag unnd Bekandtnus mit rechtem Urtheyl zum
Fewer verdampft und verbrennet worden, wie dann die Ort, da sich alles
verlauffen, ordentlich hernach vermelt und angezeygt,' Strassburg, 1583
('Veritable and credible tidings concerning 134 sorcerers who on account
of their witchcraft were taken to prison in the past year 1582, and on
the 15, 19, 24, and 28 October, for their inhuman deeds and horrible
confessions were by just sentence condemned and burnt to death by fire,
as also the places where all this happened are clearly set forth,' Strassburg,
1583).
GUARINONI 389
But Fischart was not moved to mercy. After he
became an official at Forbach he published a new edition
of his book in 1586, ' with many additions and explana-
tions.' After his death in 1591 there followed still a
further edition.1
Of a very different spirit from Fischart, in spite of
his occasional sharp polemics against the Protestants,
was Hippolytus Guarinoni, one of the most original
of writers and the most vivid depicter of the manners
of the time. He was a former pupil of the Prague
Jesuit College, town physician of Hall in Tyrol, and
house-physician to the Archduchesses Maria Christina
and Eleonore in the ' Damenstift ' (institution for noble
ladies) in that place. His folio volume, ' Griiuel der
Verwiistung menschlichen Geschlechtes,' published in
1610 for the furtherance of ' the especial happiness,
welfare, continuous health, temporal and eternal life
of the whole highly laudable German nation,' is one
of the most fruitful sources for the history of the cul-
ture and civilisation of that period, and at the same
time an imperishable monument of honour to its phil-
anthropic author.2 In contrast to Fischart, Guarinoni,
in the terrible age of witch-trials, espoused with noble
ardour the cause of the poor persecuted old women.
1 See Kurz, vol. iii. pp. xlvi-1, ** and Hauffen in Euphorion, 1897,
p. 251 ff. W. Wackernagel {Fiscliart, p. 109) devotes only a few lines to this
work. He ought at any rate not to have taken his hero under his protec-
tion in this matter ; for the question is not whether Fischart shared the
general belief of his period in witches, but that he became the champion
of a system of persecution of the most brutal nature, and which offended
every feeling of justice.
2 Ingolstadt, 1610. The complete title is in Goedeke, Grundriss, ii.
585, No. 21. We have already frequently quoted from this work, and
shall often have occasion to refer to it again in the course of this volume
(Engl. vol. xii.)
390 HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
' What glory is there,' he says among other things, ' in
despising those who by nature and youth, let alone by
age, are the weakest members ? ' x
Of still greater importance, as regards the history of
culture, than the satires and libellous caricature writings
1 See Adolf Pichler's very noteworthy article on Guarinoni in the
Feuilleton of the Wiener Presse, 1884, March 11 ff. We quote here a few
passages : ' His calling led him among all circles of society : from the
cottage of the day-labourer to the mansion of the noble lord ; from the
hospital bed to the silken armchairs of archduchesses.' ' He wanted
" to be understood in German by Germans." Hence he collected saws and
proverbs from the lips of burghers and peasants ; he knew that the latter
related stories about Dietrich of Bern, which are now cniite forgotten, and
he also cpxoted matter which later on modern poets have worked up — for
instance, Schiller's Handschuh.'' His comprehensive work has rightly
been described as a polyhistoric Macrobiotic ; but it is also one of the
wealthiest sources of information concerning the history of German
culture in every direction. ' Of the place which Guarinoni occupies
in the development of medicine we are silent : he is among the world's
pioneers.' ' His clear vision saw through the folly of the astrology which
the most famous of his time did homage to.' ' We possess from his pen
a description of his Italian travels, the first on the subject from a German
author.' ' He paints the magic of the Highlands (Hochgebirg) in eloquent
words, which are certainly more poetical than the dressed-up stanzas
of the Silesians. He is perhaps the first German writer to whom it occurred
to write the description of a mountain excursion. He has left us an account
of a trip made with three friends to the Wallensee and on the Tarnthaler-
kopfe in 1609. Of modern sentimentality there is not the slightest
trace in these pages ; the healthy Tyrolese writes in a vein of fun and
humour, we must forgo the pleasure of giving extracts and confine our-
selves to remarking that he collected an herbarium of 600 species, and
thus earned himself a place in the history of botany.' ' As pohtician also
Guarinoni calls for notice in his brochure Der christliche Weltmann. He
makes game of those ' who under the title of Christians introduced a
reign of accursed heathenism with all its tyranny, as, for instance, a godless
foreign Florentine bird, by name Nicholas Machiavelli (called in German
Schleierbeschmutzer, " veil-besmircher," Machia-velo), had done ; this is a
horror of horrible arch-horrible horrors.' See also concerning Guarinoni
our remarks, vol. ix. p. 321 note (Eng. trans.), and vol. vii. p. 363 ff. (German
— the trans, of this vol. is not yet ready), ** and Pichler in the Oster. ungar.
Revue, 1891, p. 35 ff., 145 ff.
TRANSITION TO DRAMATIC LITERATURE 391
of all sorts, is the dramatic literature of that period.
Still more faithfully than they does it mirror the condi-
tions of the age, and the increasing degeneration from
decade to decade. The religious dramas were, by far
the greater number of them, merely corollaries either of
sermons or of controversies on creeds ; little by little em-
bittered polemics became the actual life and substance
of dramatic literature. As in the contemporary plastic
arts, so too with the drama, all that was sacred and
venerable became too often secularised, if not distorted,
dishonoured, and desecrated. In the treatment of secu-
lar matter the stage in general by no means opposed
a salutary counter-influence to the demoralising ten-
dency of the spirit of the age ; it served rather to
encourage this tendency, contributed materially to the
coarsening and degradation of taste, delighted in the
representation of vulgarity and the commonest life,
of all that was horrible and gruesome, and became
by degrees a school of immorality.
INDEX OF PLACES
Alps, the, 90, 152 (n. 2), 156, 238
Alsace, 155, 332
Amberg, 118 (n. 2)
Anibras (castle), 135
America, 204
Amsterdam, 9, 163
Andernach, 277 {n. 1)
Anhalt (principality), 171 (n. 1)
Anhalt-Bernburg (principality), 1
Ansbach-Bayreuth. See Branden-
burg
Antwerp, 9, 48, 142, 158, 161, 164
(n.3)
Arfeld, county of Wittgenstein, 30
(n. 1) . '
Aschaffenburg, 129 (n. 1)
Asperg, the, 133 (». 1)
Augsburg (Confession), 292
Augsburg (town), 32, 47, 73, 118
(n. 2), 122 (n. 1), 125 f., 141, 146,
169, 175, 178, 182, 186 ff., 193
(n. 3), 200 i, 205 (n. 4), 211, 226,
228, 248, 251, 374
Augustenburg (Augustusburg, cas-
tle), 166
Austria (archduchy), 68, 118 f.,
141 (n. 2), 202, 271 {n. 2)
Baden, in Switzerland (religious
conference, 1526), 332
Baden-Hochberg (margraviate), 170
(n. 6)
Baltic Provinces, 124 (n. 2)
Basle (Church Regulations), 28
Basle (town), 31, 46, 48 f., 65, 155,
174 (». 3), 176, 178, 208 (». 4),
209 (». 5), 214, 228
Basle (university), 370
Basle-Augst, 242
Bautzen, 277
Bavaria, 12, 118 f., 135, 154 (». 1),
163 f., 170, 182 (n. 1), 188, 197,
242, 244, 245 (w. 1), 250
Bedburg, 231
Belt, the, 9
Berlin, 137 (n. 4), 142, 189 (n. 1),
251
Bern, 31, 46, 53, 332
Beyelstein, 228
Biberach, 32
Boblingen, 118 (n. 2)
Bohemia, 271 f., 337, 341 f., 346
Bologna, 145
Bordesholm, 136
Brabant, 25 (n. 2), 37
Brandenburg(margraviateandElec-
torate), 12, 51 (n. 1), 156 (n. 1),
169, 171 (n. 1), 228, 311, 367
Brandenburg - Ansbach - Bayreuth
(margraviate), 1, 132
Bremen, 127 (n. 1)
Brieg, 47
Brixen, 152 (n. 1)
Bruges, 156
Brunswick (duchy), 11
Brunswick (town), 35, 43, 112
(n. 1), 127 (n. 3)
Brunswick-Wolfenbuttel (duchy), 6,
8, 37
Brussels, 153
Carinthia, 68
Carniola, 248
I Celle, 165
China, 175
I Cleve (town), 14
394
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Coblentz, 123
Coburg (town), 252
Cologne (archbishopric), 60, 185,
188
Cologne (school of painting), 24,
25 (n. 2), 100 (n. 1), 151
Cologne (town), 151, 193 (n. 1), 207,
228, 249
Cologne (university), 174 (n. 3)
Constance (bishopric), 72
Constance (town), 32
Constantinople, 283
Cracow (town), 332
Dantzig, 218
Darmstadt, 60 (n. 3), 62 (n. 1), 63
(». 3), 231 (n. 2), 369 (n. 1)
Denmark, 9
Diez, 33
Dillingen, 123, 175
Dresden, 69 (n. 2), 132, 167 (w. 1),
183 (n. 3), 186 (n. 2), 189, 224
(w. 4), 271 (». 1), 303 (n. 4), 312
Dulmen, 137 (». 4)
Egypt, 203
Eichstatt, 140, 143
Elbing, 142
England, 9, 48 f., 54, 162, 332,
370
Ensisheim, 155
Erfurt, 289
Esslingen, 32
Europe, 3, 9, 76, 243
Flandebs, 24, 25 (». 2), 158, 370
Florence, 91, 119, 149 (n. 1), 158
(n. 4), 199, 247 (w. 2), 353
Fontevrault, 233
Forbach, 370, 385, 389
France, 3, 27, 37, 111 (». 1), 112
(n. 1), 170, 174 (n. 3), 179 (». 2),
186, 199, 203, 244, 259 (n. 3), 332,
370, 377 f., 380
Frankfort-on-the-Main, 48, 63, 69,
152, 174 f., 178, 182 [nn. 1 and 2),
184 (n. 1), 215 (». 1), 234 (n. 3),
248, 304, 317, 332
Frankfort-on-the-Oder, 251, 310
Frechen, 60 [n. 4)
Freiberg, in Saxony, 141, 211
Freiburg, in the Breisgau, 250, 332
Freising, 118 (n. 2)
Freudenstadt, 124 (n. 2)
Friesach, 68
GEisiNG-on-the-Ampel, 245
Geislingen, 32
Germany, German Empire, 1 ff.,
. 9,llff.,17, 19,23 ff., 31, 45,49 f.,
76, 81 f., 87, 90, 95 f., 98 f.,
101 f., 105, 109, 111, 112-131,
134, 136 f., 138-143, 146, 149-
156, 160, 162, 166 {n. 7), 172-
175, 179 f., 181, 187, 192, 197,
203, 211, 235, 242-248, 252, 255
ff., 271 (n, 2), 275, 278, 295, 297 f.,
308, 317, 324, 331, 335, 337,
344 f., 348, 361, 367, 370 (n. 1),
378 f.
Gora, 277
Gorlitz, 10
Goslar, 165, 234 (». 2)
Gotha, 67
Gouda, 156
Graz, 68, 120 {n. 1)
Greece (ancient), 78-86, 102, 100,
181, 195, 203, 223, 237, 283
Greece (modern), 203
Greifswald (town), 290
Gustrow, 42 {n. 3)
Hague, the, 25 (n. 1)
Hainault, 243
Halberstadt (bishopric), 143
Hall in Tyrol, 389
Halle-on-the-Saale, 112 {n. 1), 129
(». 1), 144, 189, 277
Hamburg, 36
Hanau, 124 (n. 2)
Hanover, 171
Hansa, the (Hanseatic League), 9
Harburg, 313
Harz, the, 165
Heidelberg (town), 78 (n. 1), 130 f.,
141 (n. 2)
Heidelberg (university), 30 (n. 1)
Heilbronn, 112 (n. 1), 124
Herdringen (castle), 185 (n. 3)
Hermannstadt in Transylvania, 182
{n. 2)
Herrenberg, 124
Hesse, 33, 36, 350
INDEX OF PLACES
395
Hesse-Cassel (landgraviate), 56 (ft.
4)
Hildesheini, 36 (ft. 2), 73 (ft. 2), 116
(ft. 2), 137, 234 (n. 2)
Hochberg. See Baden-Hockberg
Holland, 3, 9 ; cf. the Netherlands
Holstein, 228
Hungary, 204
Husum, 136
Ingolstadt (town), 163, 371
Ingolstadt (university), 360
Innsbruck, 120, 135, 139, 188, 289,
317
Isny, 32
Italy, 27, 76, 87-99, 101 f., 105 f.,
110, 112 ff., 119 &., 131, 138, 140
f., 145 f., 150, 152, 155, 157, 159,
164, 173, 179 (». 2), 187, 192,
197, 203, 239, 247, 252, 306, 370
Jerusalem, 108
Jever, 211
Joachimsthal, 270
Julich-Cleves (duchy), 379
Kaiserswerth, 281
Kappel (battle, 1531), 357
Karlstein, the, 205
Kattegat, the, 228
Klagenfurt, in Carinthia, 123 (ft. 5)
Knittelfeld, in Styria, 136 (ft. 3)
Konigsberg (in Prussia), 142, 182
(ft. 2), 251
Kopf stain, 271
Krailsheim, 25 (ft. 2)
Kiindorf, 310
Kustrin, 60 (ft. 4)
Laced^monia, 106, 195
Laibach (abbey), 246
Laibach (town), 123 (». 3)
Landshut, 118 (ft. 2)
Lauingen, 66 (ft. 2), 118 (ft. 2)
Leipzig, 216 (ft. 3), 228, 233 (ft. 3),
251, 308
Levant. See Orient
Liebenstein near Heilbronn, 124
Lieberose, 142
Liege, 158
Lindau, 32, 50 (ft. 2)
Livonia, 383
London, 49 (ft. 2), 134
Lucerne, 75, 156 (ft. 2), 333, 357 f.
Liidinghausen, 118 (ft. 2)
Lugano, 141
Liineburg, 60 (n. 4)
Madrid, 203 (ft. 1)
Magdeburg (archbishopric), 129,
140
Magdeburg (town), 36, 118 (ft. 2),
139
Mantua, 119, 201
Marburg, 286 (ft. 1)
Marienburg, 112 (ft. 1)
Mayence (archbishopric), 56, 60, 113
(ft.), 129, 130 (ft. 1), 167 (ft. 1),
211, 288
Mayence (town), 130 (ft. 1), 275 (ft. 2)
Meissen (town), 13, 131, 314 (ft. 1)
Memmingen, 32
Merseburg (bishopric), 140 (ft. 2)
Merseburg (town), 118 (ft. 2)
Mexico, 199
Milan, 119, 383, 386
Modena, 131, 203 (ft. 1)
Moravia, 271 f.
Moritzburg, the, near Halle, 130
Miihlhausen, in Thuringia, 293
Munich, 108 (ft. 3), 112 (ft. 1), 120,
122 (ft. 1), 136, 141, 142 (ft. 1),
144, 161 (ft. 1), 163 f., 167 (ft. 1),
170, 182, 184 (ft. 1), 196, 198,
201, 243, 245, 305 (ft. 3), 388
(ft. 3)
Minister, in Westphalia, 45 (ft. 2),
118 (ft. 2), 137 (ft. 4), 239
Muri (convent), 153
Naumburg, 69 (ft. 2)
Netherlands, the, 9, 25 (ftft. 1 and
2), 37, 95, 114, 135, 138, 142, 146,
156-162, 163 f., 169, 179 (ft. 2),
225, 238 ££., 242, 245, 302, 307
(ft. 1)
Nether Saxony, 116 (». 2)
North Germany, 116
Noyon, 73
Nuremberg (diet, 1524), 332
Nuremberg, 13, 45, 55, 58 (». 2), 63,
65 (ft.3), 67, 105, 108 (wft. 1 and 3)
396
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
127 f., 140, 144,'154 f., 173 (n.l),
178 f., 182 f., 186 (n. 2), 194 1,
212, 228, 239, 248, 265, 286,
289, 303, 317, 323
Niirtingen, 133
OBEREHNHEIM,r332 f., 342 (n. 1)]
Offenburg, 137
Orient (Levant), 194 (n. 3), 203
Paderborn (bishopric), 185
Paris, 134, 161, 233 (n. 1), 332
Passau, 246
Pavia, 130 (n. 1)
Pfalz (Palatine), (Electorate), 33,
112 (n. 1), 131,228,311,333
Pfalz-Zweibriicken, 66
Plassenbnrg, the, 132
Poland, 3, 162, 332
Pomerania (duchy), 6, 170, 188,
205 {n. 4), 211
Prague, 67, 120, 141 (n. 2), 145, 202,
205 (n. 1), 248, 389
Prussia (duchy), 3, 35, 182 (n. 2),
383 (n. 2)
Radstadt, 243 (n. 1)
Ranten, in Styria, 67
Rathhausen (monastery), 75, 153
Ratisbon (diet, 1594), 233
Ratisbon (town), 47, 184 (n. 1), 248
Reutlingen, 32
Reval, 212
Rheinfels (Rheinpfalz ?), 287
Rhine, Rhinelands, 3, 9, 130, 154
Riva, 106 (n. 1)
Rohra, 310
Rome (ancient), 68, 84 (n. 1), 85 ff.,
91, 102, 114 (n. 1), 147 f., 194,
237
Rome (modern), 39 (n. 1), 64, 69
(n. 1), 89 (n. 1), 120, 167 {n. 1),
203 (n. 1), 332, 344
Rome (Roman law), 338
Russia, 3
Salzburg (archbishopric), 234 (n. 2)
Salzburg (town), 219
St. Gall, 31
St. Marein, in Upper Styria, 136
M (n. 3)
Saxe-Altenburg, 312
Saxony, 227
Saxony (Electorate), 8, 34, 36, 39
f(n. 1), 131 f., 140 f., 148; 166-170,
~ 186, 207 {n. 2), 229, 233, 252, 312
Schaffhausen, 155, 173
Scheifling, 68 (n. 3)
Scheldt, the, 9
Scheyern, 118 (n. 2)
Schladming, 68
Schleswig, 42 (n. 3)
Schleswig-Holstein, 136 (n. 3)
Schlettstadt, 46 (n. 2)
Schneeberg, in Saxony, 67
Schulpforta, 233 (n. 3)
Schwarzfall (Black Forest), the, 358
Scotland, 386
Seckau (bishopric), 68 (n. 3)
Seckau (cathedral), 120 (n. 2), 136
(n. 3)
Silesia, 228, 277
Simmern, 104 (n. 3)
Smalcald, 56 (n. 4)
Soest, 58 (n. 2), 239, 357
South Germany, 9, 31, 141
Spain, 3, 119, 186, 259 (n. 3), 322
Spires (bishopric), 278, 287
Spires (Imperial Chamber), 370
Stallhofen, 68 (n. 3)
Stockholm, 129 (n. 1), 136
Stralsund, 35
Strassburg (bishopric), 332
Strassburg (synod, 1549), 213 (n. 1)
Strassburg (town), 32, 45, 108, 111
(n. 1), 154 [n. 5), 178, 191 (». 4),
290, 313 (n. 1), 332, 333 (n. 2),
342 {n. 1), 357 (n. 1), 369, 388
Straubing, 200
Stuttgart, 108, 111 (n. 1), 132 f.,
137, 234
Styria, 67, 120, 136 (n. 3), 203 {n. 1)
Suabia, 118 {n. 2), 151
Sund, the, 9
Sweden, 9, 135
Switzerland, 3, 31, 70, 72, 153, 237,
332, 358, 374
Switzerland (Helvetian confession
of faith), 28
Tegernsee, 284 (n. 1 )
Thuringia, 39 (n. 1)
Torgau, 124 {n. 2), 132
Trent (Council), 93, 119, 234 (n. 2),
249 {n. 1)
INDEX OF PLACES
397
Trent (prince-bishopric), 234 (n. 1)
Treves (archbishopric), 60
Treves (town), 276 (n. 2), 332, 347
Turin, 203 (n. 1)
Turkey, 3, 327, 352
Tuscany, 112 (n. 1)
Tyrol, 11, 135, 148, 171, 193 (n. 3),
203 {n. 1)
Ulm, 32, 33 {n. 1), 75, 151, 218, 251,
309 (n. 1)
Upper Germany, 9
Upper Styria, 67
Venice, 94 f., 101, 119, 141, 149
(n. 1), 194, 198, 201, 203 (n. 1),
248
Vienna (town), 162, 205 (n. 1), 246,
308
Vortlage, 276
Waldeck (principality), 259 (n. 3)
Warburg, 185
Warendorf (circle), 185 (n. 3)
Wartburg, the, 67
Weddern, in Westphalia, 137 (n. 4)
Weil Town, 137
Weilheim, 144
Weimar, 50 (n. 2), 67
Weser, the, 116 (w. 2)
Westphalia, 58 (n. 2), 74, 116 {n. 2),
137 (n. 4), 185, 239
Wettingen (convent), 153
Wiblingen (monastery), 75
Wiburg, 42 (n. 3)
Wismar, 42 (n. 3)
Wittenberg (town), 34, 50 (n. 2),
57, 69, 140, 178, 231, 252 (n. 3),
254 (n. 1), 255 (n. 1), 259 (n. 3),
273
Wolfenbiittel, 112 (n. 1), 165, 252
Wolfsberg, 68
Worms, 151, 228, 347, 369
Worms (diet, 1495), 314
Wurttemberg, 33, 108, 124, 133 (n.
1), 134 (n. 2), 135 (n. 2), 145, 312
Wurzburg, 121, 124, 138
Xanten, on the Lower Rhine, 73,
118 (n. 2), 137, 151
Zeebst, 36 {n. 1), 118 (n. 2)
Zullichau, 259 (n. 3)
Zurich, 31, 155, 173, 183, 263, 290,
383
Zwickau, 118 (n. 2), 290
398
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
INDEX OF PERSONS
Aberlin, Joach. (poet), 260
Accursius (brother), 356 (n. 1)
Aegidius (brother), 356
Agnes (' popess '), 66
Agricola, George (mineralogist), 383
Agricola, Martin (musician), 261
(note)
Agricola, Philip, 311
Agricola, Rudolf (humanist), 175
Agrippa v. Nettesheim, H. Cor-
nelius (physician and necro-
mancer), 384
Aichinger, Gregory (composer), 248
Alber, Erasmus (writer of songs and
fables), 264, 268, 294, 355
Alberdingk, Thijm Jos. Alb. (ety-
mologist and archaeologist), 40
(n.1)
Albert of Brandenburg (Arch-
bishop of Mayence), 56, 113, 129,
167 (n. 1), 211
Albert V. (Duke of Bavaria),
120, 170, 182 f., 188, 197 ff.
Albert (Duke in Prussia), 35, 130
Alberti, Leon Battista (art theorist),
114 (n. 2)
Albertinus, Aegidius (court secre-
tary), 12, 128, 250, 299
Aldegrever, Heinrich (painter,
goldsmith, and copper engraver),
58 (n. 2), 62 (n. 1), 217, 234, 234
(w. 3), 239
Alexander the Great, 84 (n. 1)
Alst, Paul von der (author), 304
Altorfer (Altdorfer), Albrecht
(painter and copper engraver),
173, 234 (n. 3)
Alva, Duke of, 170
Ambach, Melchior (preacher), 12
Amberger, Christopher (painter),
152 (n. 1)
Ambros, August Wilh. (historian
of music), 243 (n. 1), 246 (». 1),
256 (». 2)
Amman, Jost (painter, draughts-
man, and copper-etcher), 173,
174, 176 {n. 1), 178, 183, 219
Amulius (painter), 86 (n. 1)
Andrea, James (chancellor), 12, 63
Andrea, Joh. Valent. (theologian), 5
Andronicus, Cyrrhestes, 106
Anna of Austria (Duchess of Ba-
varia), 170 (n. 6)
Anna, Queen (wife of Ferdinand I.
of Austria), 141 (n. 2)
Anton of Worms (Woensam), 151,
173
Aquensis, Matthias (theologian),
174 (n. 3)
Arellius (painter), 91
Aretino, Pietro (poet), 91
Arginas, Jos., 205
Aristotle, 54 (n. 2), 225
Arius, Arians, 74, 283
Arnold, Fredr. Will, (scholar), 298
Arnolfini, Giovanni, 25 (n. 1)
Artzen, Peter (painter), 210
Athanasius (Father of the Church),
267
Aubert (Audebert), boy, 73
Augustinians, 136
Augustus (Elector of Saxony), 8,
141, 170, 207, 312
Augustus (Emperor), 91
Bach, John Sebast. (composer),
253 (n. 1), 256
INDEX OF PERSONS
399
Baechtold, Jacob, 333 (re. 1)
Baldung (Grien), Hans (painter,
copper-engraver, and draughts-
man), 234 (re. 3)
Bartholomew of Pisa, 356 (re. 1)
Bartsch, Adam v. (engraver and
art writer), 234 (re. 3)
Baumker, Wilhelm (historian of
music), 243 (re. 1), 256, 257 (re. 3)
Becker, A. Wolfg. (writer on art),
49 (re. 2), 57 (re. 2)
Becker, Cornelius (theologian), 259
(re. 3)
Beer, George (architect), 133 (re. 1)
Beham, Barthel (painter and cop-
per-engraver), 173, 214, 238
Beham, Hans Sebald (painter,
copper-engraver and designer),
56 (re. 3), 173, 214, 217, 224,
236 (note), 238
Beissel, Stephen (S.J., historian of
art), 73 (re. 2), 137 (re. 3), 151 (re. 3)
Berendonk (canon), 137 (re. 1)
Bergau (writer on art), 51 (re. 1)
Besson, James, 179 (re. 2)
Beza, Theod., 29, 33, 73
Bezold, Gust. v. (writer on art),
45 (re. 2)
Bibbiena, Bernardo da (cardinal),
90
Binck, James (painter and en-
graver), 173
Blarer, Ambrosius, 32
Blarer, Thomas (writer of songs),
290
Bobertag, Fel. (historian of litera-
ture), 379 (re. 1)
Bocksberger, Melchior (painter),
219
Bode, Wilh. (historian of art), 112
(re. 1), 114 (re. 2), 136 (re. 2)
Bodin, Jean (parliamentary coun-
cillor), 380, 385, 387
Bodmer, John James (poet and
litterateur), 374
Boheim, George (painter), 47
Bohmer, John Frederic (historian),
210, 213 (re. 4)
Boisser6e, Sulpice (art connoisseur),
89 (re. 1)
Bologna, Gian (sculptor and archi-
tect), 146 (re. 4), 203 (re. 1)
Bora, Kath. v., 73, 75
Borghese (cardinal), 188
Bosch, Hieronymus (painter), 217,
220, 222, 225, 227
Bosch, Kornelis (draughtsman and
engraver), 173
Boselli, Pietro (brass-founder), 141
(re. 1)
Brant, Sebastian, 3, 331, 333, 335,
374 (re. 2)
Braun, Hartmann (pastor), 12
Breughel, Jan (painter), 163
Breughel, Peter, the Elder (peasant
B.), 163 (re. 2), 217, 225, 227
Breughel, Peter, the Younger (Hell-
Breughel), 221, 227 (re. 1)
Breuner, Christopher Siegfr. v.
(court chamberlain), 204
Bronner, Leo (sculptor), 195
Brosamer, Hans (painter and en-
graver), 224
Bruchmann, George, 259 (re. 3)
Bruck, Arnold v. (dean), 246, 253
Briiggemann, Hans (sculptor), 136
Bruns, Sander (iconoclast), 36 (re. 2)
Bruyn, Barth. (painter), 151
Bry, Theod. de (goldsmith and en-
graver), 61
Bucer, Martin (theologian), 32, 301,
342 (re. 1)
Buff (historian of art), 126 (re. 2)
Bugenhagen, John (Pomeranus), 36,
228 (re. 1)
Bullinger, Henry (theologian), 28
Burckhardt, James (art historian),
114 (re. 2)
Burgkmair, Hans (painter and
draughtsman), 47, 152, 219
Buti, Lucrezia (novice), 91
Butsch (art historian), 179 (re. 1)
Calderon de la Baeca, Don
Pedro, 259 (re. 3)
Calvin, Calvinism, Calvinists, 28,
35, 63 (re. 3), 73, 145 (re. 3), 159,
259 (re. 3), 377
Calvisius, Sethus (cantor), 251, 255
(re. 1)
Camerarius, Joachim (humanist),
383
Cammerlander (bookseller), 357
Candid (Candido), Pet. See Witte,
Pet. de.
Candida, 73
Canisius, Petrus (S.J.), 175
400
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Capito, Wolfg. Fabr. (theologian),
342 (n. 1)
Capuchin nuns, 156 (n. 2)
Caravaggio (Amerighi), Michel
Angelo de, 152 (n. 1)
Carlstadt (Bodenstein), Andr. Rud.
(theologian), 34
Carmelites, 174 (n. 3)
Carstens, Asmus Jas. (painter), 89
(n. 1)
Catherine, St., of Alexandria, 161
(n. 1)
Catullus, 247 (n. 2)
Celtes, Conrad (humanist), 247
Charles IV. (Emperor), 205
Charles V. (Emperor), 3, 55, 130
(n. 1), 216 (n. 3), 324, 344
Charles II. (Archduke of Styria),
119, 203 (n. 1)
Chemlin, Kasp. (theologian), 12
Cholevius, C. L. (historian of
literature), 320 (n. 1)
Christian I. (Elector of Saxony),
131, 186
Christian II. (Elector of Saxony),
186 (n. 2), 233 (n. 3)
Christian I. (Prince of Anhalt-
Bernburg), 1
Christopher (Duke of Wiir Wein-
berg), 132, 312
Claessens (family of painters), 156
Clement VII. (Pope), 347 (n. 4)
Clement VIII. (Pope), 245, 249
(n. 1)
Cohn, Alex, (sculptor), 141 (n. 2),
146 (n. 4)
Commer, Franz (musician and
writer on music), 248 (n. 1)
Contarini, Gasp, (cardinal), 92
Cornells of Gouda (painter), 240
Cornelissen, Cornells (painter), 214,
234 (n. 3)
Corner, Dav. Greg. (Benedictine),
276, 286
Cornill, Dr. (director of the Frank-
fort Museum), 70 (». 1)
Cornopous, Nick, (theologian), 12
Correggio (Antonio Allegri of), 90
Coxcie, Michiel van (painter), 158
{n. 4)
Cranach, Lucas, the Elder, 50 f.,
56 ff., 67, 129 (n. 1), 167 (w. 1),
170, 191, 213, 215, 219, 227 (». 1),
228 (n. 1), 234 (n. 3)
Cranach, Lucas, the Younger, 69,
170
Curtze (author), 259 (n. 3)
Daniel von Soest (satirist), 357
Dax, Paul (glass-painter), 155
Decius (writer of hymns), 259 (n. 3)
Dedekind, Fred, (poet), 369
Dejob, Ch. (historian), 93 (n. 1)
Dienecker, Dav. (designer), 238
Dienecker, Jost (designer), 238
Dienecker, Sams, (designer), 238
Dietenberger, Johann (theologian),
175, 214 (n. 6), 216
Dietrich, Conrad (superintendent),
32, 251
Dietrich, Sixt (composer), 246 (n. 2)
Dietrich, Wendel (architect), 108,
122 (n. 2)
Dietterlein, Wendel (architect and
painter), 108 ff., 226 (n. 3)
Ditmar, Joh. (court poet), 312
Dohme, Rob. (art historian), 98
(n. 1), 112 (n. 1), 124 (n. 2)
Dollmayr, H. (art writer), 220 (n. 1)
Doltz, Karl (preacher), 233
Dominicans, 371
Dommer, Arrey v. (writer on
music), 256 (n. 2)
Drescher, Karl (historian of litera-
ture), 317 (n. 1)
Diirer, Albert, 27 (n. 1), 94, 95 (rc. 1),
96, 98 (n. 2), 101-105, 105 (». 3),
109 f., 129 (n. 1), 152, 167 (n. 1),
178, 187 (n. 3), 190, 208, 217,
224, 229 {n. 3)
Ebe, Gttstavtjs (architect and art
writer), 122 (n. 1)
Ebelmann (draughtsman and
etcher), 193 (n. 1)
Eber, Paul (hymn-writer), 270
Eberhart VI. (Duke of Wiirttem-
berg), 314
Eberhn of Giinzburg (apostate),
349
Ebert, Joh. (preacher), 310
Eccard, Joh. (composer), 251
Echter of Mespelbrunn, Julius
(Prince-Bishop of Wiirzburg), 121
Eckstein, Utz (preacher), 341 (n. 3)
Edingius, Rutg. (hymn-writer), 279
INDEX OF PERSONS
401
Egg), Willi, (master-builder), 122
(n. 1)
Eisenhut (Eisenhoit), Ant. (gold-
smith and engraver), 74, 185
Eisenreich (S. J.), 122 (to. 1)
Eleonore (archduchess of Tyrol),
389
Elizabeth of Anhalt (Electress of
Brandenburg), 311
Elizabeth (Queen of England), 9
Elsasser, Wiguleus (gun-maker),
188
Elzheimer, Adam (painter), 152,
234 (to. 3)
Engerd, Joh. (convert), 360
Erasmus, Desiderius, of Rotterdam,
31, 48, 209
Erast (Erastus), Thomas (phy-
sician), 30 (to. 1)
Ernest, Duke of Saxony (Arch-
bishop of Magdeburg), 140
Eyck, Hub. van (painter), 24, 25,
(to. 1), 100 (to. 1), 156
Eyck, Jan van (painter), 24, 25
(to. 1), 100 (to. 1), 156, 160
Eye, Aug. van (writer on art and
culture), 19 (to. 1), 166 (n. 2),
170 (to. 5), 190 (to. 1)
Fabri, Gerh. (Father), 275 (to. 2)
Falke, Jak. v. (writer on art and
culture), 51 (to. 1), 181 (to. 1), 185
(to. 3), 187 (to. 2), 191 (to. 3), 193
(to. 2)
Farel, Willi. (' reformer '), 28
Ferdinand I. (Emperor), 119, 141
(to. 2), 164 (to. 3)
Ferdinand II. (Emperor), 233 (to. 3)
Ferdinand of Bavaria (Elector of
Cologne), 188
Ferdinand II. (Archduke of Tyrol),
135, 148, 171, 184 (to. 1), 188,
193 (to. 3), 203 (to. 1)
Ferdinand (Archduke of Styria),
120
Feuerbach, Ans. (archaeologist), 81
Feyerabend, Sigm. (bookseller), 174
(to. 2), 178
Fickler, Joh. (councillor), 199 (to.1),
233 (to. 1), 250
Fiesole, Fra Angelico da, 91 (to. 3)
Figulus, Wolfg. (musician), 259
(to. 3)
VOL. XL
Finck, Henry (composer), 256
Finck, Herm. (writer on music),
252 (to. 3)
Fischart, Johann (poet), 60, 108
(to. 3), 177, 265 ff., 274 (to. 1), 330,
369-391
Fischer, Rich, (writer on art), 100
(TO. 1)
Floris (de Briendt), Francis
(painter), 142, 158 f., 240
Flotner, Peter (sculptor), 45 (to. 2),
58 (to. 2), 130 (to. 1), 195, 211
(to. 4), 214, 224 (to. 4), 227 (to. 1),
234 (to. 3)
Forster, Ernest (painter and art
writer), 161 (to. 1)
Forster, George (musician), 304, 306
Francis I. (King of France), 130
(to. 1)
Francis of Assisi, St., Francis-
cans, 61, 285, 331 f., 351, 355,
357, 371
Franck, Melchior (court choir-
master), 251 f.
Frederic Barbarossa (Emperor), 65
Frederic II. (Count Palatine, later
Elector of the Palatinate), 333
Frederic III. (Palatine Elector), 33,
131
Frederic III., the Wise (Elector of
Saxony), 140
Frederic III. of Brandenburg (Ad-
ministrator of Halberstadt), 143
Frederic I. (Duke of Wiirttemberg),
134
Frederic William (Herzog zu Sack-
sen- Altenburg), 312
Frederic, Matthew (preacher), 12
Freydinger (secretary), 227 (to. 1)
Fries, Dr., 70 (to. 1)
Fries, Hans (sacred song-writer),
263
Froben (printer), 216
Fugger (family), 203 (to. 1), 211,
248, 251
Fugger, Johann (Count), 146
Fiirstenberg, Theod. v. (Prince-
Bishop of Paderborn), 185
Gabrieli, Andrea (composer), 248
Gabrieli, Giovanni (composer), 248
Gallus. See Handl.
Gartner, Andr. (poet), 274 (to. 1)
D D
402
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Gartner, Hieron. (wood-carver),
195
Gemminger, Joh. Konrad von
(Prince -Bishop of Eichstatt), 142
(n. 4)
Genee, Rud. (literary critic), 317
(n. 1)
George Frederic (Margrave of Ans-
bach-Bayreuth), 132
Gerhard, Hubert (brass-founder),
146
Gerhardt, Paul (hymn-writer), 248,
264
Gervinus, George Gottfr. (historian),
259 (n. 3), 300 (n. 2), 308 (». 3),
329 (n. 3), 378 (n. 1)
Gesius, Barth. (cantor), 251
Gletting, Bened. (hymn-writer),
269
Glockendon, Nik. (miniature
painter), 129 (n. 1)
Goedeke, Karl (literary critic), 342
(n. 1), 368 (n. 1), 370 (n. 1)
Goedig, Heinrich (court painter
and engraver), 166, 227
Goethe, Johann Wolfg. v., 59 (n. 1),
87 (n. 1), 229 (n. 3)
Gottland, Peter (engraver), 58.
Graen, Joseph (pastor), 73 (n. 2),
116 (». 2)
Graf, Urs (painter and goldsmith),
209, 213, 219, 225, 237
Graus (art writer), 67 (n. 1), 68 (n.
2), 120 (n. 2), 122 (n. 2), 123 (n.
3), 136 (11. 3)
Gregory I. the Great (Pope), 249,
256 (n. 2), 257
Gregory XIII. (Pope), 59 ft, 244
Greve, Joh. (preacher and writer),
14
Grien. See Baldung
Grimm, Herm. (art historian), 103
(n. 2)
Gruenwald, George (shoemaker and
hymn-writer), 271
Grunewald, Matthias (painter), 129
(n. 1), 167 (n. 1)
Griininger, Erasni. (preacher), 12,
234
Guarinoni, Hippol. (house phy-
sician and author), 11, 233 f.
Gufflermus, 209 (n. 5)
Giinzberger, Eust. (glass-painter),
75
Gustavus Adolphus (King of
Sweden), 135
Gutenberg, Joh. Gensfleisch zu,
25 (n. 2)
Haberl, Franz Xaver (writer on
music), 245 (n. 1)
Haendke (art historian), 234 (n. 3)
Haenel, C. (writer on art), 22 (n. 1)
Hagen, Karl (historian), 347 (n. 4),
350 (n, 1)
Hailman, Louis (hymn- writer),
286 (n. 1)
Haindl (S. J.), 122 (n. 1)
Hainhofer, Phil, (patrician, art
dealer and agent), 188, 205 (n. 4)
Handel, George Friedr. (composer),
256
Handl, Gallus Jas. (composer), 248
Hapsburg (house of), 119
Hasler, Hans Leo (composer), 248
Hass, Joh. (burgomaster), 10
Haug, C. (joiner), 133 (n. 1)
Haym, Joh. (hymn-writer), 279
Heemsen, Jan van (painter), 218
Hegel, George Wilh. Friedr. (philo-
sopher), 25 (n. 1)
Hegewald, Zachar. (sculptor), 148
Helena, St. (Empress), 28
Helmbold, Louis (schoolmaster and
deacon), 293
Hemmelink. #ee Mending
Hemmerdey, David von (court
painter), 165
Hemskerk (van Veen), Martin
(painter and engraver), 158 (n. 4)
Henry the Elder (Duke of Bruns-
wick), 166
Henry the Lion (Duke of Saxony),
112 (n. 1)
Henry the Pious (Duke of Saxony),
227 (n. 1)
Henry VIII. (King of England), 49,
54, 332
Henry the Parlier (stonemason),
145
Hering, Loy (sculptor), 142 (n. 4)
Hermann, Nich. (cantor and hymn-
writer), 270, 275
Herold (Herolt), Joh. (preacher),
228, 302
Herrmann, M. (literary critic), 317
(n.l)
INDEX OF PERSONS
403
Heussler, Leon, (printer), 179
Hirn, Jos. (historian), 135 (n. 3)
Hirsvogel, Augustine (art potter),
194
His, Edward (art writer), 234 (». 3)
Hoffmann v. Fallersleben, Henry
(poet and philologist), 307 (n. 3)
Hofheiruer, Paul (composer), 243
(n. 1)
Hohnstein, Willi. III. (Count of,
Bishop of Strassburg), 332
Holbein, Hans, the Elder (painter),
25 (n. 2)
Holbein, Hans, the Younger
(painter and draughtsman), 25
(n. 2), 48, 49 ff., 54, 98 (». 2), 152,
153 (n. 2), 172, 176 (n. 1), 183,
190, 208, 216, 217 ; his wife and
family, 49 (n. 2)
Holl, Elias (architect), 126
Holzwart, Matthias (town scribe),
313
Hooghe, Pieter de (painter), 25 (n.
1)
Hopfer, Dan (engraver), 191, 226
Horace, 200 (». 1), 247
Hufnagel, George (painter), 164
(n. 3)
Huss, Hussites, 53, 74, 341, 345 ff.
Hutten, Ulrich v., 343-347
Ilg, Alb. (art historian), 200 (n. 1),
203 (». 1), 205 (n. 1)
Isaak, Henry (composer), 242, 256
James III. (Margrave of Baden),
170 (n. 6)
Jamnitzer, the brothers Albrecht,
Christopher and Wenzel (gold-
smiths), 183, 184
Janitschek, Hubert (art historian),
49 (?i. 1), 208 (n. 1)
Jenichen, Balthasar (engraver, de-
signer, and art printer), 212, 224,
227
Jenisch, Paul (court preacher), 132
Jesuits, 62, 66 (n. 1), 111 (n. 1),
121 (n. 3), 122 ff., 175, 276 (n. 2),
371, 389
Joachim I. (Elector of Branden-
burg), 169
Joachim II. (Elector of Branden-
burg), 169
Joachim, Ernest (Margrave of
Brandenburg -Ansbach), 1
Joachim, Ernest (Prince of Anhalt),
171 (n. 1)
Jobin, Bernh. (bookseller), 370
Johanna (' popess '), 330
John the Steadfast (Elector of
Saxony), 140
John Christian of Saxony, 312
John Frederic I. (Elector of Saxony),
36
John George (Elector of Branden-
burg), 171 (n. 1), 311, 367
John George I. (Duke, later Elector,
of Saxony), 186 (n. 2)
John Casimir (Palatine Elector),
311
John of Leyden (Beuckelszoon,
Anabaptist), 45 (n. 2), 239
Jonas, Justus (theologian), 282, 292
Josquin des Pres (composer), 255
Julius (Duke of Brunswick-Wolfen-
biittel), 8, 165
Julius (Prince-Bishop). See Echter
von Mespelbrunn
Kageb, Matthew (painter, en-
graver and architect), 47
Kallikrates, 195
Kassmann, Rutger (architect), 108
Kawerau, W. (author), 340 (n. 2),
342 (n. 1)
Keller, George (painter and en-
graver), 174
Kelley (apothecary and necro-
mancer), 162
Keppler, Paul Wilh. v. (Bishop of
Rottenburg), 90 (». 2), 161 (n. 1)
Ketl, Cornelius (painter, architect
and modeller), 159, 208
Khevenhiller, Hans v., 171
Kirchhoff, Albr. (bookseller), 216
(». 3)
Kirckrnair, Thomas (Naogeorgus)
(preacher), 352
Knaust, Henry (dramatic poet),
274
Koch. See Vogt-Koch
Kopp, Joh. (doctor), 72
Krafft, Adam (stonemason and
sculptor), 26, 138
Kraus, Fr. X. (theologian and art
historian), 23 (n. 1)
D D 2
404
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Krautblatt, Jod. (physicist and
alchemist), 230
Krell, Nich. (chancellor), 231 (n. 2)
Kronhard, George (painter to the
castle), 56 (». 4)
Krumper, Hans (brass-founder),
144
Kugler, Franz (art historian), 20
(n. 1), 79 (n. 1), 114 (n. 1)
Kurz, Henry (literary critic), 342
(n. 1)
Kurzwelly, F., 138 (n. 3)
Lagarde, Paul Anton de (Ori-
entalist), 378 (n. 1)
Lamlin, Lor. (composer), 246 (n. 2)
Lange, Fr. (architect and art
historian), 45 (n. 2), 46 {n. 2),
58 {n. 2), 97 (n. 1), 138 {n. 3), 211
{%. 4), 224 {n. 4), 234 {n. 3)
Langenbucher, Achilles, 193 (n. 1)
Lassns (de Lattre), Orlandus (com-
poser), 243, 245 (n. 1), 251, 305
(n.3)
Laube, Heinr. (author), 342 (ft. 1)
Launingen, Geron v. (wood-carver),
62
Lavater, Ludw. (preacher), 383
Lecky, Will. Edw. Hartpole (his-
torian), 208 (n. 3)
Lehfeldt, Paul (art historian), 39
(n. 1), 53, 57 (n. 2)
Leisentritt, Joh. (dean), 277, 287
Leiser, Polycarp (controversial
theologian), 259 (n. 1)
Leixner, Otto v. (poet and writer),
50 {n. 2)
Lemonnier, Cam. (art writer), 158
(n. 4)
Leonardo da Vinci, 158 (n. 4), 205
Lessing, Gotth. Ephr., 84 {n. 1), 342
(n. 1) _
Levi (director-general of music),
167 (n. 1)
Lindanus, Wilh. (theologian), 249
Lindau, Mart. Bernh. (author), 50
(n. 2), 57 (n. 2)
Lindenau, Sigmund v. (Bishop of
Merseburg), 140
Lindener, Mich, (poet), 379 (n. 1),
Link, Lorenz (glass-painter), 154
(n. 5)
Lippi, Fra Filippo (painter), 91
Lobwasser, Ambr. (jurist), 259 (n. 3)
Loftier, Gregory (brass - founder),
141 (n. 2)
Lohneiss, George Engelh. (inspec-
tor of mines), 11
Lombard, Lamb, (painter), 158
Loner, Caspar (hymn-wi'iter), 263
Lorichius, Jod. (theologian), 213,
250
Loschke, Karl Jul. (historian), 215
(n.l)
Lotz, Wilh. (architect and art
historian), 112 («. 1), 149 (n. 1)
Loubenberg, Wilh. v. (collector),
200
Louis IV., the Bavarian (Em-
peror), 142 (n. 4)
Louis (Duke of Wiirttemberg),
108, 133
Liibke, Wilh. (art historian), 20
(». 2),26(n. 1), 33 (n. 1), 69 (n. 1),
82 (n. 1), 100 (n. 1), 105 (n. 1),
110 (». 1), 122 {n. 1), 126 (n. 2),
127 {n. 1), 134 {nn. 1 and 4), 140
{nn. 1 and 2), 141 {n. 1), 142 {n.
4), 144 (». 2), 146 {n. 1), 179 (n. 2)
Luis de Granada (poet), 323
Lukas (Damecz), von Leyden
(painter and engraver), 159, 173
{n. 2), 210, 218
Luscinius (nightingale), Ottmar,
243 {n. 1)
Luther, Lutherans, Lutherdom, 12,
32, 34-44, 51 (n. 1), 56-59, 63,
67 ff., 71-75, 124 (n. 3), 175 f.,
207, 215 f., 252-255, 257-261,
269, 272, 275 ff., 282, 286 f., 291
ff., 324 f., 332, 340, 343, 349, 355,
357, 360 ff., 369, 377 ff.
Mabuse (Gossabt), Jan (painter),
158 {n. 4), 239
Mahomet, 74
Mander, Karl van (painter and art
biographer), 108 (n. 1), 157, 164,
218, 221, 240
Manuel, Nich. (painter and poet),
46, 53, 217, 234 (n. 3)
Maria Christina of Tyrol (Arch-
duchess), 389
Maria Magdalena of Styria (Arch-
duchess, later Grand-Duchess, of
Florence), 203 {n.l)
INDEX OF PERSONS
405
Maria, Margravine of Brandenburg-
Culmbach (Countess Palatine),
131
Maria de' Medici (Queen of France),
161 (n. 1)
Massys, Quentin (painter), 26 (n. 1),
156
Mathesius, Job. (theologian), 12,
57, 273
Mathys (Mattys), Cornells (painter,
draughtsman and engraver), 173
Matthias (philologist), 3-47 (n. 4)
Maurer, Christopher (painter, glass -
painter, etcher and wood-carver),
154, 155 (n. 3)
Maximihan I. (Emperor), 3, 139,
191, 242, 332, 335
Maximilian II. (Emperor), 141 (n.
2), 162, 170, 184 (re. 1), 203 (re. 1),
244
Maximihan I. of Bavaria (Duke),
135, 164
Mayer, Karl, Knight of (writer on
heraldry), 187 (re. 3)
Mecken, Israel v. (painter), 234
(re. 3)
Medici, Cosimo de', 91, 92
Medici, Lorenzo de', 92, 197
Medler, Nich. (superintendent), 69
(re. 2)
Melanchthon, Phil., 56 (re. 4), 207,
254 (re. 1), 292, 383
Memling, Hans (painter), 26 (re. 1),
90 (re. 2), 156
Mentzius (von Nimeck), Balth.,
312
Menzel, Karl Adolf (historian), 259
(re. 3)
Menzel, Wolfg. (critic and hterary
historian), 259 (re. 3), 320 (re. 1)
Merian, Matth. (engraver), 19 (re.. 2)
Meyer, James (burgomaster), 48
Meyer, Johann (Carmehte Pro-
vincial), 174 (re. 3)
Meyer, K. (art historian), 176 (re. 1),
209 (re. 5)
Michael Angelo (Buonarotti), 27
(re. 1), 87 (re. 1), 88, 89 (re. 1), 90,
94, 138, 146 (re. 5), 158 (re. 4), 162
Michiels, Jos. Alfr. Xav. (historian
of art and literature), 156 (re. 3),
157 (re. 1), 210 (re. 1), 240 (re. 2)
Miereveldt, Mich. Janssen (painter),
167
Miler, George (master-builder), 137
Mirycenus (engraver), 220
Molenaer, Cornelis (painter), 240
Molysdorfinus, George (court poet),
312
Montfort (Countess of), 198
Moritz (Maurice), (Elector of
Saxony), 141, 211
Moritz (Maurice) (Prince, later
Landgrave, of Hesse-Cassel), 56
(re. 4)
Miielich, Hans (court painter),
163 f., 183
Muller, Ludwig (licentiate), 199
Minister, Joh. v. (Philos of Treves,
controversialist), 276 (re. 2)
Murner, Thomas (Franciscan), 72,
331-344
Museums, Andr. (theologian), 12
Myrmekides, 195
Naogeorgtts. See Kirchmair
Nas, Joh. (Franciscan), 61, 71, 73,
141 (re. 2), 285, 291, 357, 361, 371
Naumann, Emil (composer and
writer on music), 100 (re. 1)
Neidhart, Thorn, (glass-painter),
155
Nero (Emperor), 86 (re. 1)
Neudorffer, J. (writing and arith-
metic master), 108 (n. 1), 183
{n. 1), 185 (n. 1)
Neuwirth, J. (art critic), 22 (n. 1)
Nicolai, Phil, (hymn-writer), 270
Nigrinus, George (superintendent),
37, 64, 350
Nonnenbeck, Leonard (linen-
weaver), 317
Nordhoff, Jos. Bemh., 185
Normann, Matth. v. (nobleman),
10
Nosseni, Giov. Maria (architect,
sculptor and painter), 141
Niitzel, Hier. (engraver), 219
Ober, Hans (hynin-writer), 263
Oecolampadius, 28, 32
Oglin, Erhard (printer), 256
Oldekop, Joh. (chronicler), 36 (n. 1)
Ohiitz, Adam Junghans v. d., 8
Oort, Adam van (draughtsman and
historical painter), 240
406
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Opitz, Mart, (poet), 320 (n. 1)
Orange-Nassau, John (Count of), 33
Orelli, Aloisius v. (theologian), 183
Orley, Bernhard van (painter), 158
(n. 4), 218
Osiander, Lucas I. and II. (theo-
logians), 12
Ossa, Melchior v. (jurist), 12
Ostendorfer, Mich, (sculptor and
wood-carver), 47
Otte (art historian), 70 (n. 2)
Otto, Heinr. (Elector Palatine),
112 (n. 1)
Overbeck, Joh. (archaeologist), 82
{n. 2)
Palestrina, Giovanni Pierluigi
da, 244
Parnminger, Leonh. (composer),
246
Pancratius, Andr. (theologian), 12
Pantaleon, Heinr. (physicist), 174
(n.3)
Paracelsus, Theophrastus, 65
Patenier, Joachim (painter), 240
Paul III. (Pope), 294, 347 {n. 4)
Paulsen, Friedr. Wilh. (philo-
sopher and historian), 87 (n. 1)
Paulus (historian), 30 (n. 1)
Paumgartner, Ulr. (art carpenter),
188
Pauson (painter), 84
Peiraeikos (painter), 84
Penz, George (painter and en-
graver), 152, 173, 214, 219, 224,
234 (n. 3), 239
Peruzzi, Giov. Salustro (architect),
120
Petrejus, Joh. (printer), 108 (n. 1)
Petrus, Martyr. See Vermigli
Peucer, Casp., 382-383
Pfund, George (court musician),
311
Phidias, 81, 196
Philip (Landgrave of Hesse), 36,
352
Philip I. (Duke of Pomerania), 211
Philip II. (Duke of Pomerania),
188, 205 {n. 4)
Pichler, Adolf (poet and literary
historian), 390 (n. 1)
Pirkheimer, Willibald, 31, 94, 103
Pius V. (Pope), 163
Plato, 232, 382
Plieninger, Lamb. Floridus (astro-
nomer), 4
Pliny, the Elder, 86 (n. 1), 91, 232
Polack, Martin, Theoph. (painter),
152 (n. 1)
Polaggio, Carlo (brass-founder), 146
Pontano, Gioviano (statesman and
humanist), 97-98
Pozzo (Pozzi), Gius., 110
Praetorius, Mich, (court choir-
master), 252
Praxiteles, 85
Propertius, 247 (n. 2)
Proske, Karl (musical scholar), 246
(n. 2)
Prudentius, 247
Prutz, Rob. Ernest (author), 298
(n. 1)
Puitz-Herbault, Gabriel (monk),
233 (n. 1)
Pur bus, Franz (painter), 157
Purbus, Peter (painter), 156
Puschmann, Adam (Meistersinger),
319
QUADEN VON KlNCKELBACH, M.
(historian), 173
Querhammer, Caspar (hymn-
writer), 279, 280
Rabe, James (convert), 371
Rabelais, Francois (satirist), 374
377 if.
Rahn, J. Rud. (art historian), 24
(n. 1), 154 (n. 5)
Raittenau, Wolf. Dietr. v. (Arch-
bishop of Salzburg), 234 (n. 2)
Rambach, Joh. Jak. (pastor), 255
(n. 1)
Ranke, Leopold von (historian),
205 \n. 4)
Ranzau, Heinr., 136
Raphael, 27, 89, 158
Rappoltstein, Egenolf (Herr zu),
381
Rathgeber, G. (art historian), 149
{n. 1), 152 {n. 2)
Reber, Franz v. (art historian), 25
(nn. 1 and 2), 152 {n. 2), 158 (n.
4), 199 (n. 1)
Reichensperger, Aug., 20 (n. 2),
{ 115 (». 1)
INDEX OF PERSONS
407
Reimer, 224 (re. 4)
Reinholdt, K. (theologian), 38 (re.
1)
Reissmann (writer on music), 255
(n.l)
Renner, George (smelter), 188 (re. 3)
Reumont, Alfred v. (historian),
89 (re. 1)
Richter, Ludwig (painter and
draughtsman), 176 (re. 1)
Rieffel, Franz (art historian), 152
(re. 1), 167 (re. 1)
Riegel, Herm. (writer on art), 51
(re. 1)
Riehl, B. (art historian), 22 (re. 1)
Riehl, Wilh. (historian of civilisa-
tion), 96 (re. 1), 126 (n. 2), 306
(re. 2)
Riemenschneider, Dill (sculptor),
138
Riezler, Sigmund (historian), 199
(n.l)
Rihel, Josias (printer), 313
Ringwalt, Barth. (preacher and
hymn-writer), 262, 264, 273, 292,
309, 363-369
Rio, A. F. (author), 90 (re. 1)
Rivius, Walter (physician and ma-
thematician), 45, 105-108, 224
Rodler, Jerome (secretary), 104
(re. 3)
Rooses, Max (art historian), 158
(re. 4)
Ropell, Rich, (historian), 347 (re. 4)
Rosen, Karl von (art historian),
156 (re. 2)
Rothschild, 184 (re. 1)
Rubens, Peter Paul, 25 (re. 1), 111 t,
222
Rucker, Thorn, (art ironworker),
187
Rudolf II. (Emperor), 146 (re. 4),
162, 186, 187, 200 (re. 1), 202 ff.
Rudolf IV. of Hapsburg (Count),
139
Sabatier, P. (historian), 356 (re. 1)
Sachs, Hans, 10, 44 f., 65 (re. 3),
179, 190, 265, 317-330
Salat, Hans (controversial poet),
357
Sale, Margarete v. d., 352
Sanchez, Alonso (painter), 171
Sansovino, Jacopo (sculptor and
architect), 119
Sattler, Basilius (court preacher), 6
Savonarola, Girolamo, 92
Scaurus (edile), 148
Schade, Oscar (Germanist), 347
(re. 4)
Schaffner, Martin (painter), 151
Schallenberg, Christoph. von, 168,
212
Schalling, Martin (preacher), 270
Schauffelin, Hans (painter and
wood-carver), 152
Scheid (Scheidt), Caspar (' rhyme-
ster '), 369
Schein, Job. Herm. (director of
music), 308 (re. 3)
Schenck von Grafenberg, Job.
George, 229
Schenk (preacher), 32
Scherr, Joh. (author), 51 (re. 1)
Schicker, Daniel (art carpenter),
188 (re. 3)
Schickhardt, Heinr. (architect), 124,
134, 145
Schifferstein, Hans (art carpenter),
189
Schilter, Sebast., 47
Schlecht (art historian), 142 (re. 4)
Schmid, Erich (historian of litera-
ture), 377 (re. 3)
Schmid, H. A. (writer on art), 98
(re. 2)
Schmidt, Francis (executioner), 13
Schnaase, Karl (art historian), 25
(re. 1), 50 (re. 2), 79 (re. 1), 142
(re. 3)
Schneeh, G. (art writer), 98 (re. 2)
Schneider, Friedr. (art historian),
23 (re. 1), 97 (re. 2), 129 (re. 1),
211 (re. 4)
Schnorr von Carolsfeld, Franz
(historian of literature), 356 (re. 1)
Schoffer, Peter (printer), 256
Schon. See Schongauer
Schonermark, G. (art historian),
130 (re. 1), 144 (re. 2)
Schongauer (Schon), Mart, (painter
and engraver), 25 (re. 2), 172
Schonherr, David v. (art historian),
141 (re. 2)
Schonitz, Hans v. (favourite), 129-
130
Schopfer, Hans (painter), 170 (re, 6 )
408
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
Schoppius, Andr. (theologian), 12
Schoreel, Jan (painter), 25 (ft. 1),
157
Schorn, Ludwig v. (writer on art),
25 (n. 1)
Schro, Dietrich (sculptor), 211 (ft. 4)
Schrod, Martin (song- writer), 291
Schiihlein, Hans (painter), 218
Schulenberg, Joach. v. d., 142
Schultheiss, Sixt. (sculptor), 46 (ft.
2)
Schulz, A. (art writer), 150 (ft. 1)
Schiirdinger, Gregory (provost),
136 (ft. 3)
Schwarz, Christoph. (court painter),
163 f.
Schwarz, Matthias, 169
Schwarz, Veit Conrad, 169
Schweinichen, Hans v. (knight), 11
Schweitzer, Ch. (historian of litera-
ture), 317 (ft. 1)
Schwenkfeld, Caspar v. (theologian),
377
Sedulius, Ca^lius (poet), 247
Seiseneker, Jacob (painter), 164
(ft. 3)
Selnekker, Nich. (theologian), 6,
12, 268
Semper, Gottfr. (architect), 81
(ft. 1)
Semper, Hans (art writer), 141
(ft. 2)
Sendiwoj, Mich, (alchemist), 162
Senfl, Louis (composer), 242 f., 253,
255, 256
Servetus, Mich, (physician), 73
Shakespeare, Will., 134 (ft. 4)
Sickingen, Franz von, 345 ff.
Sigfridus, Thorn, (author), 230
Sighart, Joh. (art writer), 50 (ft. 1)
Sigwart, Joh. George (theologian),
12
Silber, Jonas (goldsmith), 183, 185
Silvan, Joh. (theologian), 231 (ft. 2)
Skopas (sculptor), 85, 202
Soder, H. J. (hymn-writer), 279
Solis, Virgil (engraver and painter),
63, 173, 176, 224, 238
Sophia of Kurbrandenburg (Elec-
tress of Saxony), 186 (ft. 2)
Spang, Joh., 215
Spangenberg, Cyriacus (chronicler),
10, 12, 259 (ft. 3), 276 (ft. 1), 286,
303
Spengler, Laz. (hymn-writer), 288
(ft. 2)
Speratus, Paul (hymn-writer), 262,
287
Spranger, Barth. (painter), 104 (ft.
1), 162 (ft. 4)
Springer, Ant. (art historian), 20
(ft. 1), 27 (ft. 1), 89 (ft. 1), 91 (ft.
1), 100 (ft. 1), 114 (ft. 2)
Stein, Caspar (poet), 300
Stellwagen, Augustine (art car-
penter), 189
Stephan (master of Cologne), 90
(ft. 2), 100 (ft. 1)
Stimmer, Abel (glass-painter), 156
(ft. 1)
Stimmer, Tobias (painter and de-
signer), 59, 174, 176, 177, 178 f.,
214
Stockbauer, Jak. (art historian),
196 (ft. 2), 198 (ft. 2), 200 (wft.
1 and 2), 201 (ftft. 1 and 2), 202
(ft. 1)
Stocker, James (theologian), 12
Stolberg (Count of), 211 (ft. 7)
: Stoppio, Nicolo (agent), 198
: Stoss, Veit (sculptor and engraver),
138
i Strack, Joh. (preacher), 311
1 Strada, Jak. (draughtsman and
agent), 201
Strigenicius, Gregory (superinten-
dent), 13, 314 (ft. 1)
Stump-Peter, the, 231
Styfel, Mich, (poet), 282, 290
Sustris, Fred, (painter and archi-
tect), 163
Svatek, J. (historian), 205 (ft. 1)
Sweher, Christopher (Christophorus
Hecyrus), 279
Syrlin, Jorg, the Elder (joiner and
carver), 138
Teniees, David, the Younger
(painter), 227 (ft. 1)
Tenissen, Cornelius (painter), 227
Teresa a Jesu, St., 322
Terey, G. v. (art historian), 129
(ft. 1)
Terzio, Francesco (court painter),
203 (ft. 1)
Tettelbach, Joh., 215 (ft. 1)
Tholuck, Fried. Aug. Gottren
(theologian), 259 (ft. 3)
INDEX OF PERSONS
409
Thou, Jacques Aug. cle (states-
man and historian), 245
Thurn von Thurneissen, Leonh.
(house physician), 12
Tintoretto (Robusti), Jacopo, 92,
164
Titian (VeceUio), 90, 164 (». 3), 201
Torrentius, Hans (painter), 234
(n. 3), 240
Trautmann, Fr. (historian), 122
(n, 1), 163 (n. 5)
Tretsch, Aberlin (architect), 133
(n.1)
Triller, Valentine (pastor), 277
Ulenberg, Caspar (pastor and
hymn-writer), 279, 282
Uh'ich V. (Count of Wiirttemberg),
314
Vab-ian, 233
Valerian (S.J. ), 122 (n. 1)
Vasari, Giorgio (painter, architect
and art writer), 27 (n. 1)
Veen, Mart. van. See Hemskerk
Vehe, Mich, (provost), 277 (n. 3)
Vento, Ivo de (organist), 305 (n. 3)
Vermigli, Petrus Martyr (apostate
priest), 30, 216 (n. 3)
Vetter, Conrad (hymn-writer), 279
Vetter, George (hyrnn-writer), 272
Vielfeld (apostate monk), 357 (n. 1)
Vilmar, Aug. Friedr. Christian
(historian of literature), 342 (n. 1)
Vinci, da. See Leonardo da Vinci.
Viollet-le-duc, Eugen Emm. (archi-
tect, archaeologist and art histo-
rian), 20 (n. 2)
Virgil, 247
Vischer, Friedr. Theod., 84 (n. 1)
Vischer, Hans (brass-founder), 140
Vischer, Peter (brass -founder), 25
(n. 2), 59, 98 (n. 2), 138, 140
Vitruvius, 102, 105, 106, 110
Viviani, Antonio Maria (painter),
164
Vogelin, Sal. (historian of civilisa-
tion and art), 54 (n. 1)
Vogt-Koch (historian of literature),
342 (n. 1)
Vogtherr, Heiirr. (painter), 45, 191
(».4)
Voigt, Joh. (historian), 347 (n. 4)
Volcker, A. Th. (bookseller), 74
(n. 2)
Vrancks, Sebast. (painter), 210
Vredis, Jodokus (Carthusian,
sculptor), 137 {n. 4)
Vries, Adrian de (sculptor), 141,
146, 203 (n. 1)
Vries, Joh. Fredemann de (painter
and art writer), 108 (n. 1)
Waagen, Gust. Fried, (art writer),
234 (n. 3)
Wachler, Joh. Friedr. Ludwig (his-
torian of literature), 342 (n. 1)
Wackernagel, Phil, (author), 295
(n. 1), 320 {n. 1)
Wackernagel, Wilh. (Germanist),
389 (n. 1)
Walasser, Adam, 284 (n. 1)
Waldis, Burchard (poet), 352, 354,
368
Walter, Christopher (printer), 178
Walther, Joh. (composer), 252, 253,
255 (». 1), 258 (n. 1)
Wannecker, Jerome (painter and
engraver), 48
Wassler, J. (art writer), 110 (n. 3),
127 (n. 3)
Wedemeyer, Dietr. (painter), 171
Weese, A. (art writer), 234 \n. 3)
Weinsberg, Herm. von (councillor),
208
Weisse, Mich, (hymn-writer), 272
Welfer, LudAv., 200
j Wendeler, Cam. (historian of lite-
rature), 57 (n. 2)
Wessely, J. C. (art writer), 62 (n. 2)
Westerstetten, Joh. Christoph. v.
(Prince-Bishop of Eichstatt), 142
(n.4)
Weyden, Roger van der (painter),
26 (n. 1)
Weyer, Joh. (house physician),
380 ff.
Wickliffe, John, 28, 74
Wilhelm (master of Cologne), 100
(n. 1)
Willaerts, Adam (painter), 222
(n. 2)
William V. (Duke of Bavaria), 120,
122, 164, 202
William IV. (Duke of Jiilick-
Cleves), 379
410
HISTORY OF THE GERMAN PEOPLE
William (Landgrave of Hesse-
Cassel), 56 (». 4)
Windeck, Paul (sculptor), 46 (n. 2)
Winter, Erasmus (preacher), 12-13
Wirsperger, Veit, 238
Witte, John de (painter), 170 (n. 6)
Witte, Peter de (Candid) (painter
and architect), 135, 141, 142
(n. 4)
Wittelsbach (house of), 119
Wizel, George, 33, 232, 259 (n. 3),
279, 283
Woensam. See Anton von Worms
Wohlgemuth, Mich, (painter and
wood-carver), 25 (n. 2)
Wolf, Joh. (councillor), 66
Wolfflin, H. (art historian), 22 (n. 1)
Wolkan, R. (writer on music), 272
(n.2)
Woltmann, A. (art historian), 25
(n. 2), 51 (n. 1), 111 (». 1), 158
(n. 4), 1?9 (n. 2), 216 (n. 3), 234
(». 3)
Wornle, Hans (painter), 170
Wurzebauer, Bened.(brass-founder),
144, 145
Zan, Bernh. (art goldsmith), 183
Zanchi (preacher and poet), 30 ff.,
38 (n. 1)
Zangius, Nich. (poet), 308
Zeiller, Martin (parish priest), 68
Zeissinger, Martin (engraver), 224
Zeitblom, Barth. (painter), 25 (n. 2)
Zell, Katharine, 301
Zeysig, Melchior (preacher), 62 (n.
3)
Zincref, Jul. Willi, (poet and
author), 370 (n. 1)
Zingeler (historian), 70 (n. 2)
Ziska (von Trocnow), Joh. (Hussite
leader), 345
Ziindt, Matthias (etcher), 63
Zwick, Joh. (poet), 262
Zwingli, Zwinglians, Zwinglianism,
28 ff., 31 f., 35, 72, 74 f., 262, 341
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richly merited, must be accorded the publishers for the style in which the book is
produced.' — The Irish Independent.
' His style is a model of erudition, clear and penetrating ; and the work shows
the patient and minute research of one who has the restraint to avoid outcry,
or dwell vividly on horrors, and the merit of knowing how to utilise his results
with studied calm.' — Freeman's Journal.
LIFE OF RICHARD WAGNER.
BEING AN AUTHORISED ENGLISH VERSION
By WILLIAM ASHTON ELLIS
OF C. F. GLASENAPP'S 'DAS LEBEN RICHARD WAGNER'S.
Vols. I., II., III., IV., and V., price 16s. net each volume.
' The first adequate biography of the great musician which has appeared in
English.' — Academy.
' In nearly every way this life of Wagner is a model of what a biography of a
great composer should be. Coupled to Herr Glasenapp's patient and microscopic
survey of every fact and every document, however remotely bearing on the subject,
we get the sympathetic insight, the true sense of proportion and the breadth of
view, of Mr. Ashton Ellis. As a consequence we are presented with a complete
picture of the man, and can follow the action and reaction of his environment
and development in his character and in his works. ... A work that can rightly
claim rank among the great biographies of the world.' — Daily Chronicle.
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER, & CO. Ltd.
BOOKS ON EGYPT AND CHALD/EA SERIES.
A HISTORY OF EGYPT.
FROM THE END OF THE NEOLITHIC PERIOD TO THE
DEATH OF CLEOPATRA VII., B.C. 30.
By Dr. E. A. WALLIS BUDGE, M.A., Litt.D.
In 8 vols. With a Map. Price 3s. Qd. net per vol.
The volumes are illustrated by a series of reproductions made from a large
number of predynastic and dynastic antiquities preserved in the British Museum,
from Photographs of Egyptian temples and pyramids, and other monuments, and
of Nile scenery, and from outline drawings and tracings.
THE EGYPTIAN SUDAN: its History and
Monuments.
A new and important work on the Egyptian Sudan in two volumes; by
Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge, Keeper of the Egyptian and Assyrian Antiquities in the
British Museum, who was sent in five Missions to that country by the Trustees
of the British Museum (1897-1U02). Koyal 8vo. with 400 Illustrations. Price
£2. 2s. net. ^
THE SQUARES OF LONDON.
By E. BERESFORD CHANCELLOR.
With numerous Illustrations from old prints. Crown 4to. Price £1. Is. net.
Also a Special Edition, limited to fifty copies, signed and numbered, on hand-
made paper.
In this work on the ' Squares of London,' which is the first of its kind to be
attempted, Mr. E. Beresford Chancellor has brought together a vast amount of
information both historical and topographical. The work contains records pre-
served in the offices of the great London landlords such as those of the Westminster,
Bedford and Portman estates, &c. ; the rate books of the various districts and
other original sources.
'.-,'
ANNALS OF THE SEYMOURS.
BEING A HISTORY OF THE SEYMOUR FAMILY FROM EARLY
TIMES TO WITHIN A FEW YEARS OF THE PRESENT.
By H. ST. MAUR.
Profusely Illustrated. In 1 vol. Super royal 8vo. Price £2. 10s. net.
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Crown 8vo. Price 7s. 6d. net.
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