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DR. SIR C. R. REDDY, KT., (HON.) D. LITT., M.L.C., 

Vice- Chancellor, Andhra University. 

Mr, C. S. Srinivasachari, M. A., Professor of 
History, Annamalai University, has done me the 
honour to invite me to contribute a Foreword to his 
monumental History of Gingee and^sJKu^jr^ 
Good wine nee3s no bush. Mr. Srinivasachari, one 
of our leading Scholars and Researchers in Indian 
History, needs no introduction. His books speak 
for themselves. There is no need for anybody else 
to speak for them. And this is only a Foreword, 
not a critical review and appreciation, which will 
naturally be undertaken in due course by the Histori- 
ans in South India. 

One of the results of the foundation of the 
Annamalai University 'has been, curiously enough, 
masterly contributions to the elucidation of Telugu 
history and culture in the Tamil country. The 
Nayak dynasties of Madhura (Madura), Tanjavooru 
(Tanjore) and Chengie (Gingee) have found their 
first critical and scholarly histories in the Schools 
of the Annamalai University, of which one of the 
earlier Directors was Mr. P. T. Srinivasa Aiyangar 
and of which the present illustrious Head is the 
author of this volume, Mr. Srinivasachari. The 

pains that the author has taken to collect all the 
- available material from archaeological finds, from 
the vast literary output, more especially in Telugu 
and in Sanskrit under the patronage, auspices and 
authorship of these dynasties, and from the accounts 
found scattered in the correspondence of the Jesuit 
Fathers, are an example to the younger men engaged 
in such investigations. With a fallen and subject 
people like the Hindus, there is a tendency to be 
vainglorious and boastful of the past. For they 
that are not happy in the present and cannot find 
happiness in the sure and near advent of a more 
successful future, naturally have to console them- 
selves by idealising the past. But our author and 
his School have avoided this fallacy of defeatist 
patriotism, They are scientific historians, not 

People have sometimes wondered hew Telugu 
dynasties could have so thoroughly dovetailed, as 
they had done, into the more ancient, more indivi- 
dual, and in some respects, the grander, civilisation 
of the Tamils. The Tamils have developed on lines 
of their own, and they constitute, in my opinion, 
in some respects at least, the finest flower of Dravi- 
dian genius. For instance, there is nothing in 
Telugu to approach anywhere near the grandeur of 
thought and sublimity of feeling found in Silappa- 
dikaram and Manimekhalai. The Saiva Siddhanta 
Philosophy is one of their most striking contribu- 
tions to the vast mosaic of Hindu culture. And 
yet, the more militant and the more vigorous 
Telugus who stemmed the flow of Muhammadan 

invasions and prevented them from inundating 
Hindu culture in Dravidisthan, naturalised them- 
selves so thoroughly in the Tamil Nadu that the 
Telugu colonists spread out from the banks of the 
Palar to Tinnevelly are to-day recognised to be part 
of the very flesh and blood of the Tamil folk. I can 
only explain this by the synthetic genius of the 
Hindu Dharma, It is difficult to translate this 
term, * Dharma, ' into English. It did not create 
unity in the sense of uniformity. But until the 
disruptive influences of the most recent developments 
and critical, equalitarian re- valuations were felt, it 
served to produce a certain harmony between all 
the elements comprised under the generic term, 
tc Hindu, " however divergent. Each Order or 
Caste or Community was not merely reconciled to 
its own position, but actively, on the basis of such 
reconciliation, cooperated with the other Orders, 
without questioning the justice of the gradations and 
degradations that had been evolved or instituted. 
And so there was sympathy between race and race, 
and Order and Order, and even creed and creed like 
Buddhism and Jainism. The Kushans, the Scythians 
and hordes of foreign races became in this sense 
Hinduised, kept distinct like the Rajputs, but not 
separate, and made members of one grand body 
social and cultural. This is the secret and miracle 
of our History. So long as our Dharma was a living 
force and had not spent itself out, we had in India 
various creeds, various races, various languages, 
various states, but along with this variety, the 
unity, without uniformity, of one society, one culture 
and one civilisation. 


True, the days when Dharma could work this 
great miracle have now gone, never to be recalled. 
Hindu Society has to reconstitute itself on a newer, 
equalitarian basis, if it is to meet successfully the 
demands of the present and the future. 

Mr. Srinivasachari's book is illustrative of the 
epic days of South India in which Tamil and Telugu 
mixed to produce the great Nay ak civilisation. In 
literature, in architecture, in music, as in the arts 
of war and of politics, these are chapters that shine 
with imperishable glory. Living as we are, in the 
new order of the British which, though it has pro- 
duced great changes, has not become the life and 
atmosphere of the country, like the Dharma of old, 
and preparing as we are, for a new order in India 
which would enable the country to play a glorious 
part in the comity of nations, it behoves us to 
understand both the remote and the more recent 
past ; and we can never be too grateful to writers 
like Mr. Srinivasachari for the charming manner 
and beautiful style in which they present, scientific- 
ally and without bias, the facts and lessons of our 

( Camp) Chittoor, 1 c R REDDY . 

22nd. May, 1943. J 


The author first brought out an account of the 
history of Gingee in small compass in 1912. Ex- 
tracts from this book were incorporated into the 
supplementary volume of the South Arcot District 
Gazetteer (Vol. II. Statistical Appendix (1932) 
pp. LXXVIII LXXIX). Subsequently, the author 
expanded the scope of the treatment and utilised 
more fully the materials available for the study of 
the subject. In 1938, Mon. Edmond Gaudart, Gou- 
verneur en retraite and President of the Societe de 
UHistoire de Vlnde Franpaise, Pondicherry, of- 
fered to have the enlarged text translated into French 
by himself and published under the auspices of his 
Society. The French Translation was enriched with 
a number of illustrations of the views of the Gingee 
fortifications (several of which were taken from 
photo-negatives in the possession of the Archaeolo- 
gical Survey of India) and with a plan of the forts 
as they were at the commencement of the 18th cen- 
tury and draw n by the French engineers of the time ; 
and it was published in March 1940 (Pondichery 
Bibliotheque Publique, Rue des Capucins, and Paris, 
Ernest Leroux, 108, Boulevard St. Germain :-pp. 243). 

Subsequently additions were made to the text- 
ual matter with a view to making it as comprehen- 
sive as possible of the history of the surrounding 
country down to the close of the 18th century. The 


fortunes of Gingee as they developed through the 
centuries, are illustrative of the vicissitudes through 
which this part of the Carnatic passed, first 
emerging under indigenous tribal occupation, then 
coming under Chola rule and under the sway of 
Vij^ayanagar and of its Nayak governors, subsequent- 
ly serving as the battle-field of Bi japurian and Kutb 
Shahi ambitions in the Carnatic, also utilised by 
Shahji and Shivaji with a prevision that is cer- 
tainly astonishing as a possible southern base for 
future Maratha resistance to the Mussalmans, conse- 
quently experiencing a long-drawn-out siege by 
Aurangzib's forces, and after its incorporation into 
Mughal dominion, flourishing for a time as the head- 
quarters of the Mughal subah of the Carnatic. The 
18th century witnessed a kaleidoscopic succession of 
quick-changing scenes of which Gingee was the 
centre. First, the emergence of the brilliant, but 
short-lived and misdirected, chivalry of Raja De- 
sing, the well-known hero of ballad and legend ; 
next, the appearance on the scene of the French 
under the famous soldier, Bussy, the consequent 
exposure of the fortress to the violent interplay of 
the political forces that indulged in their * Witches' 
Revel ' in the decades that saw the birth of British 
supremacy, during which some stirring figures 
passed over the scene, e.g., Bussy, the ill-fated 
Nasir Jang and the adventurous Hyder Ali. The 
architectural and monumental glories of Gingee 
are even now intact, in substantial volume and pre- 
servation, and claim for it a rank among the largest 
and most striking of the historic fortresses of our 


In the preparation of this book, the author has 
been helped in a variety of ways by and is most 
thankful to his students, Mr. K. Subrahmanyam, 
M.A., L.T. and Mr. V. Vriddhagirisan, M.A., M.Litt, 
L.T., and also to Dr. T, V. Mahalingam, M.A., D.Litt, 
of the Madura College, Madura. 

He is under a great debt of obligation to Dr. Sir 
C. R. Reddy, Kt., D.Litt., M.L.C., Vice-Chancellor of 
the Andhra University, for his kind and encouraging 
Foreword, To the late Mon. Gaudart whose help- 
ful attitude to all students of South Indian History 
is to be greatly cherished, he owes a debt of grati- 
tude that is not easily repayable. He is thankful 
to the Annamalai University for undertaking this 



Chapter I A Description of Gingee Fort 

Its Origin 1 

Chapter II The Beginnings of Gingee 27 

Chapter III Gingee under the Vi jay ana- 

gara Nayaks 65 

Chapter IV The Rule of Krishnappa Na- 

yaka 131 

Chapter V The Mussalman Conquest of 

Gingee 152 

Appendices . . . 183 

Chapter VI Gingee under Bijapuri and 

MarathaRule 206 

Chapter VII The Mughal Siege and Cap- 
ture of Gingee ... 286 

Chapter VIII Gingee under the Mughals 

The Period of Bundela Rule (1) 351 

Chapter IX The Period of Bundela Rule (2) 410 
Chapter X Gingee under the Nawabs of 
Arcot and the European 

Powers 437 

Index ... ... 537 

Bibliography ... ... 627 

Errata List 

Illustrations : 
General View of the Pallava Temple, Melacheri, 


Gingee : General View of the Ranganatha Tem- 
ple at Singavaram. 

: General View of the Kalyana Mahal 
and Entrance to the Zenana. 

: View from the South of Krishnagiri with 

: View from the North-East of the Audi- 
ence Hall on the Krishnagiri Hill, show- 
ing the Krishna Temple. 

: General View of Rajagiri Hill in the 
background with the Venkataramana- 
swami Temple in the foreground. 

: View from the East of the Rajagiri Hill 
with the main entrance to the Citadel. 

: Bird's-eye view from the North-East of 
the Buildings at the bottom of the hills 
from Krishnagiri. 

: General View of Chandrayan Drug from 
the Krishnagiri Hill. 

: The Pondicherry Gate and the Royal 

Map of Gingee and the Surrounding Country. 
Jai Singh of Gingee (Desing ?) 
Gingee at the commencement of the 18th century. 
(A Plan of the Fortress.) 

Fort St. David at the time of the French attack, 
May 1758. 


History of Gingee and its Rulers 

A Description of Gingee Fort Its Origin 

Nothing arrests the attention of a travel- 
ler in India more than the appearance of the 
innumerable imined fortresses and other 
vestiges of ancient glory that lie scattered all 
over the country. Each mournful relic has 
got its own tale to tell of the ruthless vandal- 
ism of the foreign invader, the bitter violence 
of internecine warfare or the languishing 
inertness of successive dynasties of Indian 
rulers. Besides the architectural attraction 
they display to students of art, they embody 
in themselves a world of political strife, 
triumph and defeat, which has an undying 
interest for the historian. 

Up in the north-western corner of the 
district of South Arcot, extending for about 
fourteen or fifteen miles, in the centre of the 
newly-formed taluk of Gingee, are several 
hills (lat. 12" 10' to 12" 18' : long. 79" 25' to 
79" 30V whose summits are very jagged, each 
consisting of a central stratified rock covered 
with huge rounded boulders devoid of all vege- 


tation, the mountains crowding about in wild 
confusion. These uninviting heights, covered 
only with a thick growth of thorny shrubs, 
were eminently fitted to serve as the homes 
of marauding banditti or of daring political 
adventurers who, with the strength of a 
small impregnable fort, were able to carve 
for themselves principalities in times of dis- 

The fortifications of Gingee stand on 
three of these hills which form the angular 
points of a rough equilateral triangle and the 
whole space is enclosed by a huge rampart 
about sixty feet in thickness and a ditch about 
eighty feet in breadth. The walls which are 
even now in a state of good preservation, are 
built of strong blocks of granite. The whole 
of this huge enclosed tract forms the Lower 
Fort. The three rocks form three citadels, of 
which that situated in the west and called Raja- 
giri forginally Kamalagiri, and then Ananda- 
giri; is the most impregnable, being nearly 
eight hundred feet in height. Just about its 
middle, the hill shoots up perpendicularly at 
its northern end into a tremendous eminence, 
and its summit is cut off from all communica- 
tion with the only path by a deep natural 
chasm about ten yards wide, over which there 
is now a small wooden bridge. The natural 
strength of this rock is still further increased 

by the construction of embrasured walls and 
gateways along all possible shelves and pre- 
cipitous edges and the whole hill appears to 
be one mass of fortifications rising tier above 
tier in wild picturesqueness. 

The three hills of the place rise in the 
form of a triangle, all being steep, strewn 
with huge boulders which are largely unclim- 
bable, and well fortified on every side by 
battlemented stone walls equipped with loop- 
holes for the use of guns and musketry. 
They are connected with one another by a 
stone rampart sixty feet thick and an extern- 
al ditch eighty feet in width. 

The highest of the three hills, called 
Rajagiri, forms the principal fortification. 
The northern most of them is called Krishna- 
giri or the English Mountain so frequently 
referred to by the historian, Robert Orme ; 
while the southern one is Chandrayan Drug 
or the St. George's Mountain. The Chandra- 
yan Drug is connected with Rajagiri by a low 
rocky ridge, A smaller and less important 
fourth hill is the Chakkili Drug (hence called 
Chamar Tikri by the 18th century annalist, 
Bhimsen), the summit of which was well forti- 
fied. A steep flight of steps of hewn granite 
leads to the top of the first hill. The triangul- 
ar space enclosed by these three hills forms 

the lower fort and the hills served as the 
citadels of the entire fort area. The lower 
fort between the hills was pierced by two 
entrances, one on the north by the Arcot or 
Vellore Gate and another on the 'east known 
as the Pondicherry Gate. 

The strongest and the highest of the hills 
is the Rajagiri, also called the Great Moun- 
tain. On account of its precipitous height, 
the hill ought to have been totally inaccessi- 
ble before it came to be fortified. This rock 
is 500 to 600 feet high at its top levels; and on 
the summit of it, rising above the ridge is 
the innermost citadel surrounded by strong 
walls that render an escalade impossible 
except on the north flank where, however, 
nature has provided an additional means of 
rendering an attack impossible by a narrow 
and deep chasm about 24 feet in width and 60 
feet in depth. This chasm has been further 
artificially deepened further. The entrance 
to the citadel, as we find it to-day, is by 
means of a wooden bridge thrown over it.* 

The citadel can be reached by a fortified 
path and the narrow bridge leading to it al- 

* Onne has probably alluded to this while referr- 
ing to it as a point that could be held by ten men as 
against ten thousand. According to one traveller; 
"within the fort Btands a steep hill which nature hath 
made secure and art impregnable." 

ready mentioned. Seven gates have to be 
traversed before reaching the citadel. Along- 
side the path to it is a grove of trees in which 
are a reservoir and a shrine to the Goddess 
Kamalakanni Amman. This goddess is one 
of the seven guardian Virgin Deities of the 
place ; another goddess who is even now wor- 
shipped is Senjiamman that is believed to have 
given the name Senji to the fort and town. 
Buffaloes are usually offered as sacrifices at 
the annual festival conducted at the foot of 
the hill in honour of Kamalakanni Amman. 

The temple of this goddess is the oldest 
spot in the place, probably older even than 
the nucleus of the fort; and hence people 
attach considerable importance to it. Kamala- 
kanni Amman was, perhaps, identical with 
Senjiamman who gave her name to the fort- 
ress. In front of her shrine we find a stone 
slab, y\/2 feet by 4^ feet, with representa- 
tions of a bow, five arrows, a buffalo's, a 
ram's and four human heads which refer to 
the sacrifices of men and animals that were 
practised. Colonel Branfill who visited Gingee 
in 1880 has referred to it in some detail in his 

On the top of Rajagiri there is a temple 
dedicated to God Ranganatha though the 
sanctum is now empty. Besides, there are a 

mantapam built in the Vijayanagara style of 
architecture, two big brick granaries, a 
masonry flagstaff and a strongly built cham- 
ber that perhaps served as the treasury of the 
fort. A spring of clear water under two big 
boulders served the needs of the garrison. 
On the hill-side, a little below, is a small 
mantapam. There is a big cannon lying by 
the side (though now rusty), eleven feet long 
and about seven feet in circumference at the 
breach. The gun is a miniature of the famous 
cannon, Malliki Maidan, in its size and form. 

Mosques, temples and pavilions jostle one 
another in picturesque confusion at the base 
of the hill. The old gate-ways of the fort 
have been walled up ; and the new gaps in the 
walls made for carrying the road from Tindi- 
vanam to Tiruvannamalai are now used as 
entrances into the enclosed fort area. The 
batteries between the Pondicherry and the 
Arcot Gates were probably erected by the 
French during their occupation of the place 
in the fifties. of the eighteenth century. These 
batteries are marked in the sketch-map of 
Gingee attached to Orme's plans. The gates 
which are modern in their setting are the 
work of the French who occupied it for about 
ten years (1751 1761). From the old Pondi- 
cherry Gate we directly reach Sadatullah 
Khan's Mosque. 

In the lower fort are found the ruins of 
the Venkataramanaswami Temple whose ori- 
ginal tall graceful monolithic pillars are said 
to have been carried away to Pondicherry by 
the French and to have been built into the 
base of the statue of Dupleix in the Place de 
la Republique at that town. The stone car- 
stand at Sittamur nearby, which is still a 
township inhabited by a fairly numerous body 
of Jainas, is also said to have been built of 
stone-pieces dismantled from the Venkata- 
ramanaswami temple of Gingee. This temple 
is said to have been built by one Muthialu 
Nayakan. In 1860 a Jain official and a mem- 
ber of the Madras Provincial Service, Sri 
Baliah, took away a number of stone pieces 
from Gingee to Sittamiir; among them the 
great stone elephants placed at the foot of 
the Termutti (car-stand), are noteworthy. 
The most admirable carvings in the Venkata- 
ramanaswami temple are found in the panels 
on either side of the gateway under the 
entrance ; and they depict well known scenes 
from the Ramayana, from the different incar- 
nations of Vishnu and the Puranic legend of 
the churning of the ocean of milk by the 
Devas and the Asuras. 

The Fattabhi Ramaswami temple is also 
deemed to be architecturally as important as, 
and perhaps even more than, the Venkata- 


ramanaswami temple. The twelve-pillared 
mautapam in it constitutes its most con- 
spicuous feature. In 1858 the Collector of 
South Arcot suggested the removal of its 
pillars to Madras and their utilisation as a 
base for the statue of General Neill, (the 
Madras hero of the Indian Mutiny) at Madras, 
which was then in process of manufacture. 
To the west of the Venkataramanaswami 
Temple there is the tank known as the Anai- 
kulam used for bathing elephants. Further 
west of the Anaikulam are situated the famous 
tanks, the Chakrakulam and the Chettikulam, 
the latter of which is said to have been built 
by one Rama Shetty in the days of the 
Maratha occupation of the place and under 
the rule of Raja Ram towards the end of the 
18th century. Near the Chettikulam is a 
platform where Raja Bering's (the hero who 
fought gloriously with the Nawab of Arcot 
and died on the field) body is said to have 
been burnt by order of the Nawab with full 
honours and in orthodox Hindu style. Bet- 
ween the two tanks is a large stone-image of 
Hanuman under a tottering mantnpam. 

Near the Chakkrakulam we see a big- 
sized boulder of rock, 15 to 20 feet high 
surmounted at the top with a low circular 
brick parapet wall. It is a natural hollow and 
artificially enlarged to some extent and now 

looks like a dried-up well. This is called the 
Prisoners' Well, because it was at that site 
that those who were condemned to death were 
thrown down and left to die of starvation. 
This is referred to as one of the curiosities of 
the place by Garstin in the South Arcot Dis- 
trict Manual. 

In one of the gateways of the inner fort 
there is the little known shrine of Venu- 
gopalaswami which contains a stone slab de- 
picting a remarkable piece of sculpture cut 
out in bold relief on the side of a mass of rock. 
Herein are carved a panel of Lord Krishna 
playing 011 the flute with his two wives, 
Rukmani and Satyabhama, and two female 
figures. This is the best piece of sculpture 
among the ruins of the place. The Venug6pala- 
swami shrine is also mentioned in his account 
of the place by the Jesuit traveller, Father 
Pimenta, who visited Gingee in 1599 A. D.* 
We also see some brick-built and large-sized 
granaries and a gymnasium in the inner fort. 
Further east are to be found two great slabs 
of polished stone which are said to have ser- 
ved as bathing platforms used by Raja Desing 
and his Rani. To the north are found a long 
row of low buildings which perhaps served as 
horse stables in those days. 

* Vide The Indian Antiquary, Vol. LIV, Pp. 42-43. 


To the east of these buildings is situated 
the Kalyanamahal, which is easily the archi- 
tectural treasure of the place and the most 
conspicuous and attractive monument. The 
Mahal consists of a square court surrounded 
by rooms for the ladies of the Raja's or 
governor's household; and in the middle of 
the rooms rises a square tower of eight 
storeys with a pyramidal roof. The plan of 
each storey is the same and consists of a 
single room about 8 feet square, surrounded by 
a verandah built on arches from which very 
narrow and steep stairways lead both up- 
wards and downwards. Father Pimenta pro- 
bably refers to it as the tower where the 
Nayak ruler lodged him and his companions. 
He calls it the rectangular court in the inner 
fort. The Kalyfinamahfil is of the age and 
style of the Vijayanagara school. The only in- 
teresting feature in the building is a number 
of earthenware pipes leading even to the 
upper storeys, through which water issuing 
from the Chakrakujam situated about three 
furlongs from it was taken for the use of the 
inmates of the building. 

One of the most singular features of the 
fortifications is the abundant water supply 
ensured for the inmates in all parts including 
the hills. There are two natural springs on 
the top of Rajagiri, one near the gate-way to 

the citadel and the other on the summit of 
the rock. The quality of water obtained in 
these is said to be excellent and refreshingly 
cool. These pools never dry up even in the 
hottest part of the year ; they are sheltered 
from the sun's rays on the sides by big bould- 
ers of rock, and protected from the heat. This 
is partly due to the fact that the tanks, Chak- 
rakulam and Chettikulam, are fed by peren- 
nial springs. 

Going next to Krishnagiri, the hill lying 
to the north of the Tiruvannamalai road, we 
find that it is smaller in size and height than 
Rajagiri. It is noticed by Orme as " The 
English Mountain." A flight of steps of hewn 
granite pieces carries us to its top where are 
to be found several stone-built granaries 
and mantupams, an empty shrine to God 
Ranganatha, and the king's audience hall. 
These buildings are marked by a curious style 
of architecture including some traces of 
Islamic influence. The domed roof of the 
audience-chamber is supported by graceful 
and pointed brick-arches ; and under the dome 
is a square platform equipped with a pillar at 
each corner and encircled on all sides with 
embrasured windows and comfortable window- 
seats. The chamber is open on all sides, 
takes in all the winds of heaven and com- 
mands a glorious view in every direction. 


Below it is a hall fitted with hooks for swing- 
ing seats. 

The Chandniyan Drug and the Chakkili 
Drug were also fortified to some extent ; but 
their military and strategic value is relative- 
ly small. Their flanks are now completely 
covered with shrubs and stone pieces; the 
visitor finds it a hard task to negotiate a 
climb up their sides and reach their tops. 

Any account of Gingee should include a 
notice of the rock-cut shrine of Singavaram 
situated Z]4 miles from the fortress. Singa- 
varam is a good specimen of the South Indian 
type of the rock-cut shrine. It is approached 
by a steep flight of steps. The recumbent 
deity, God Ranganatha (Lord of the Assembly 
Hall) is said to have been the tutelary god of 
Raja Desing. The image was hewn out of 
living rock and is about 24 feet long and is 
in the usual reclining posture, lyins on the 
coils of the serpent Ananta. The head of the 
image is turned aside ; and according to the 
popular ballad of Raja Desing, when the hero 
requested the God's blessing before proceed- 
ing to fight against Sadatullah Khan, the 
Nawab of Arcot, in 1714 A. D., the deity did 
not permit him to go to the battle and turned 
his head aside as a mark of his disapproval of 
DeSing's head-strong haste. 

13 ~ 

Singavaram may be identified with the 
Bishun Gingee of the 18th century chronicles 
(Vishnu Gingee). According to Scott Waring, 
there were two separate towns known as 
Sheo Gingee (Siva Gingee) and Bishun Gingee 
(Vishnu Gingee), the latter being regarded by 
him as a popular and flourishing town. He 
also says that it was a pilgrim resort ; and he 
supplements his notice of the place thus: 
"The city venerable for its antiquity and 
supposed sanctity was entirely surrounded by 
Muslims who attacked it with great vigour 
and resolution. Gingee is one of the princi- 
pal places of worship in South India. There 
are two great temples, the Sheo Gingee and 
Bishun Gingee surrounded by walls of consid- 
erable circumference. Within them are in- 
numerable edifices of incredible value and 
also numerous and splendid temples. The 
breadth of the town is trifling, having only 
one street of shops with the houses and gar- 
dens of the inhabitants surrounding them. 
The tanks are numerous, faced with stony 
steps. Each tank has a separate name and a 
distinct season for bathing in it. The court 
of Sheo Gingee was formed into a citadel 
with basements and battlements and conse- 
quently thinly inhabited. Bishun Gingee was 
populous and flourishing and the resort of an 
immense number of pilgrims." Hence the 


Bishun Gingee of Scott Waring can, with 
great probability, be identified with Singa- 
varam which has been a well-known Vaish- 
nava shrine. The image of the god is believed 
to be the very one from the great Srirangam 
temple that had been taken away from it for 
the sake of safety during its sack by the first 
Muhammadan invaders under Malik Kafar. 
The idol at Singavaram is supposed to be 
larger than the one now at Srirangam and 
people believe that the Singavaram idol is the 
original one brought from Srirangam during 
the Muhammadan invasions. According to 
E. Scott Waring [A History of the Mahrat- 
fax (1810) pp. 120-21], Singavaram belonged to 
the jurisdiction of Gingee and hence we find 
that Gingee has often been referred to by 
some travellers as consisting of two towns, 
44 the great and little Gingee surrounded by a 
wall three miles in circumference enclosing 
the two towns and five mountains of rugged 
rock on the summit of which are built five 
strong forts. 1 ' The five mountains referred 
to, very probably included the Singavaram 
hill, the four others being the Rajagiri, the 
Krishnagiri, the Chandrayan Drug and the 
Chakkili Drug. According to E, Scott Waring, 
Great Gingee should refer to the whole area 
including Singavaram; and Little Gingee was 
very likely the designation of Gingee proper, 

i.e., the area covered by the four other moun- 

The limits of Great Gingee should have 
also comprehended Melacheri, or the village 
of Old Gingee which had also been obviously 
fortified. It formed the chief village of the 
Gingee jaghir claimed to have been granted 
by the Emperor of Delhi to one Sivanath and 
the jurisdiction of which extended over seven 
parganas. Subsequently the jaghir came to 
be deprived of the parganas when it was 
granted to one Tejonath Singh by Lord 
William Bentinck, Governor of Madras (1803 

Greater Gingee covered a vast area, as 
noted by acute observers like Orme, Pimenta, 
Branfill, Scott Waring and others. Father 
Pimenta's description of the fortress as " The 
Troy of the East " is also justifiable in some 
measure, though put in an extravagant simile. 

The Gradual Development of the Fort 

As observed by Garstin, it is impossible 
to be detailed or definite as to when and by 
whom the different fortifications were built. 
The great lines of battlemented thick stone- 
faced walls that stretch across the plain from 
Krishnagiri to Rajagiri and to the Chand- 
rayan Drug must have been of gradual forma- 


tion. Perhaps the orginal wall was about five 
feet thick, built of granite pieces fitted into 
one another without any cementing mortar; 
and subsequently an earthen rampart about 
25 feet thick was added behind the wall, with 
barracks and guard rooms built into its thick- 
ness at intervals.. These ramparts are believ- 
ed to have been built by the Marathas * dur- 
ing their occupation of the place in the years 
167798. The letter of the Jesuit, Andre Freire, 
of 1678 written at the time of Sivaji's return 
from his South Indian campaign says that 
they were credited with the construction of 
the ramparts. 

* Sivaji is credited with having immensely 
strengthened the fortifications, but it is difficult to 
believe that he could have done much, for lie only came 
into the Carnatic in 1676 and left it in 1678 ; and unless he 
had armies of masons and workmen, it seems impossible 
that he could have constructed a hundredth part of the 
enormous length of works which exist, in the short 
space of 18 months, especially when we know that during 
14 months of thai; time he was busy with the -siege of 
Vellore, and that the country was, according to the 
Madras Records, " peeled to the bones." 

It is highly probable that he did something towards 
strengthening the place, and that Ram Rnja did the 
same, especially while threatened by the Mughal army of 
Zulfikar Khan during the eight years of the so-called 
siege, but the stupendous character of the works carried 
out, and the amount of time it must have taken to. split 
off all the blocks of granite with which the works are 
faced throughout, and to move them into their places, 
seem to preclude the idea that the great works of cir- 
cumvallation cculd have been constiuctrd by the 
Marathas during their comparatively short and troubled 
tenure of the place of a little over two decades, and for 


There are a few circular towers of stone 
here and there, some equipped with square 
gun-ports resemblin? Martello towers ; they 
were apparently intended for a single gun to 
be worked from ; and in one or two places may 
be seen " square gun-ports very much resemb- 
ling those of a ship ". " The style of these 
works may perhaps enable those learned in 
such matters to form their own opinion as to 
the constructors of different parts of the forti- 
fications, but a few brick and mortar embra- 
sures seem to mark the efforts of the French 
at strengthening the place while in their 
possession." (Garb-tin's Manual, p. 416). 

The strongest part of the citadel, the 
Rajagiri, must have been constructed by the 
Vijayanagara Nayaks who enjoye.l peaceful 
rule for a number of years and who were very 

somewhat similar iv non* w<3 m ly also conc.uds that 
they were not the handiwork of the Bijapur governors 
of the fort in tho preceding decades, while everything 
tends to strengthen the hypothesis that th?y were the 
work of the Vij*iyanagar R-iyas and th >ir governors. In 
the first place, the long and peaceful tenure of Gingee 
by that dynasty, a rendition essentially necessary to .admit 
of the construction of tho works ; next the general simil- 
arity in character of tho whole; thiidly, the tint, 
when captured by Bijapur, Gingee wa* a strong fort- 
ress; aud lastly, the well-known skill of the Vijayana- 
gara, builders in carrying out immense works in 3ione f 
as evidenced by th? ruin^ of Vijayan^gar at Hampi, 
leave little doubt that the credit of building the fortress 
of Gingee belongs mainly, if not entirely, to that ancien: 


likely largely responsible for the various im- 
provements in the defences of the fort, though 
subsequent holders of the place like the Mara- 
thas and the French, added to its strength in 
several aspects. 

The Fort at the Present Day ; and its 

The most remarkable uiins of the fort to- 
day are the Kalyanamahal, the granaries, 
the MdnfapawN and the French batteries. The 
temples at the base of the hill and some of the 
sculptures and remains therein are valu- 
able even from an architectural point of view. 

The Madras Government have been spend- 
ing large sums of money in conserving the 
ruins of the place. The audience chamber in 
Krishnagiri was repaired after the cyclone of 
1913. The approaches to Krishnagiri have been 
made easy by the repair of the flight of steps 
that were scattered before. Several portions 
of the Rajagiri fortress have also beeij restor- 
ed. Near the Raja's and Rani's bathing-plat- 
forms is a stone roller about 6 feet in circum- 
ference and 10 feet in length ; and by its side 
are found remnants of a staircase of brick and 
mortar which represents probably a portion 
of the site of the royal palace. The water 
tower near Sadatullah Khan's Mosque is kept 


" J.J7 ~ ^ 

in repair and shows that such reservoirs were 
in use in those days. 

The historic fortress comprehends the 
three hills and the enclosing massive fortifica- 
tions arranged in the form of a triangle, the 
triangular space enclosed being about three 
miles in perimeter and forming the lower fort, 
the three hills constituting the citadels. The 
work of conservation of the fortress is there- 
fore very large. The most important build- 
ings in this area are situated in the two 
citadels of Rajagiri and Krishnagiri respec- 
tively, an I also in the lower fort at the foot 
of Rajagiri. They comprise a number of large 
granaries and tanks, pavilions, palaces, bar- 
racks, temples and mosques, the best of which, 
including the Arcot Gate, the Pondicherry 
Gate and the Royal Battery constructed by 
the French, have now been repaired. 

One of the most important buildings of 
archaeological interest is the Venkataramana- 
swami temple. The mantapa and the com- 
pound wall of this structure, both of which 
had been badly damaged, have been put in 
safe condition and protected from the leakage 
of rain water. The roof of the temple has 
been made water-tight. The parapets of the 
ramparts and those around the Pondicherry 
Gate-way have been built up with new brick- 


work where necessary and the roads through- 
out the fort are maintained in good order. 
The over-hanging terrace of the Iswaran Koil 
has been secured by the support of a buttress. 
The outer fort wall has also been repaired in 
several places. 

The place had long been the scene of 
malaria's virulent scourge. As early as 1760, 
soon after its capture from French hands by 
the English, Governor Pigot of Madras wrote 
to the French general at Pondicherry and 
observed that b ' the prisoners could be sent to 
Gingee, a place to which nothing could tempt 
a state to doom any of its subjects, but the 
great advantages resulting from its situation 
and strength a place whose pernicious air 
and water plunge into irrevocable sickness 
and pain almost all whom necessity compels 
to inhabit it for a time. That is the place 
you have chosen for your prisoners who 
would suffer there a lingering death."* 

* A peculiar feature* of both s-icli's in the Carnatie, 
Wars wa their habit of trout in*.' prisoners as men that 
ought to b:>, strictly speaking, !'<! by t!n si;l. to which 
they naturally belongrd; and we find that Nuwab 
Muhammad All insisted that the French prisoners on 
his side should be either frd with French money or 
made to go hungry, 'according to European practice.* 
Dupleix maintained that this pernicious pructic" was 
begun by Lawrence and the EiifrlMi arid only adopted 
by the French as a retaliatory measure. 


Even as late as 1860 its health conditions 
remained notoriously bad. According to an 
official report of 1860, " some years previous- 
ly the neighbourhood of Gingee was consider- 
ed unhealthy (malarial) and became a shelter 
for thieves and a den for wild beasts. It re- 
mained an isolated spot dreaded by all and 
the fort and buildings became a prey to any 
one who coveted the valuable store of finely 
worked ornamental stones." Gingee had long 
enjoyed the reputation of being an unhealthy 
locality. The Mnhammadans transferred 
their headquarters of the Carnatic subah 
from Gingee to Arcot in 1716 A. D., due to the 
unhealthiness of the former town. Even dur- 
ing the rule of Nawab Daiid Khan (1700 
1708) the transference of the seat of adminis- 
tration to Arcot seems to have been planned. 
The French are held by Orme to have lost 
1,200 European soldiers during their (less 
than) ten years ' occupation of Gingee. About 
1850 a suggestion was made to convert Gingee 
into a depot for the storage of salt as it con- 
veniently lay between Marakkanam, Tiru- 
vannamalai and other places. 

The Origin of the name Gingee 

The Tamil name Senji with the popular 
appellation of (Hngee has been variously 
derived. It is supposed to have had its origin 


from Sanjivi, the famous panacea of Hindu 
mythology; it has been explained as the com- 
bination of two roots, *<nn (pleasure) and ji 
(giving) ; the name has also been traced to 
Singavaram, a neighbouring Vaishnava 
shrine, whose god is supposed to be the guar- 
dian deity of the place.** Local tradition has 
however another explanation to offer. The 
legend runs that seven virgin sisters who 
once lived here oire of them being Senjiam- 
man were threatened with a violation of 
their chastity; and though rescued from dan- 
ger by a valiant man named Th<nUkiini 
Virappan, they could not survive the insult 
offered to them and so committed suicide. 
Their spirits are even now believed to be 
haunting the place and considered the yenH 
loci. Each of them has got her own little 
shrine still existing and attracts votaries 
from the neighbourhood. It is very probable 
that Senjiamman who is worshipped on one of 
the heights, gave her name to the particular 
hill and this afterwards came to be the com- 
mon designation of the whole circle of hills 
and the village below. Another of the sisters, 
KanmlukdHniummani has a shrine dedicated 
to her at the base of the shooting scarp on 
Rajagiri which, on certain days in the year, 
is thronged with worshippers. It was orginal- 

Gamin's 'District Manual f South Arcof\ p. 411. 

ly known after the goddess as Kamalagiri, a 
circumstance that adds to the probability of 
the popular version of the derivation of the 

According to accepted tradition embodied 
in the KarnCttaka RCtjdkkal Savistdra Chari- 
tam of Narayana Kon, written in the early 
years of the nineteenth century and forming a 
very important item in the historical portion 
of the Mackenzie Manuscripts lodged with 
the Madras Government, Gingee had an 
earlier name known as Krishnapura. This 
name was possibly given to it by its first rul- 
ing dynasty, who were of the shepherd class 
and whose tutelary deity was the Lord Sri 
Krishna ; or it might have received that name 
under its powerful ruler, Krishnappa Nayak. 

The Bijapur authorities who held the 
fort from about 16<>0 to 1677 called it Badsha- 
bad, while the Marathas who succeeded them 
called it Chandry or Chindy. The Mughals, 
on their capture of the fort in 1698 after a long 
siege, named it Nasrat Gaddah in honour of 
Nawab Zulfiqar Khan Nasrat Jang, the com- 
mander-in-chief of the besieging army. 
Later, the English and the French called it 
(Ungee or Jinji. The early Madras records 
give the spelling Chingee or Chengey. What- 
ever might be the name by which it might 

- 24 

have been known in different epochs, it has 
retained the name Gingee, the English form 
of the Tamil word, Senji/ :;< 

Garstin identified Gingee with Singava- 
ram where there is a rock-cut pagoda on a hill,, 
and which is situated 2^ miles west of 
Gingee. Singavaram ought to have been in- 
cluded in Gingee according to the description 
of the different fortifications and their area.** 

* According to the W(nlntx l'/ti verbify Tuihtl Lea-i- 
con, Vol. Ill, p. 1582, Gingee is thus explained, merely 
giving information taken from the IMriH Uuifttwr of 
Month j4/rof. cenci, n. pern. Srngin. Ginji, a hill fort- 
ress of historical interest in South Arc-jt district ; 

The suggested derivation from Sanskrit Shringi is 
given in the Mntlmx JMmutil <>f A<lniini*trutnw Vol. Ill, 
(Hoswrui p. 393; and the Tamil Shingi from which, after 
two or three stages of phonetic transformation, the pre- 
sent name is held to be derived was a corruption from 
the Sanskrit term. The Tamil word Ohingi means 
poison and not a fortress, lead monoxide and the gall-nut 
and also a fresh water fish ; it is also the corruption of 
Simhi, the mother of Rahu, the ascending node; the 
feminine form of Singan, meaning a woman of fowler 
tribe. These explanations cannot give here any appro- 
priate meaning at all. 

** The following v* held to be the derivation of 
Gingee from Singavaram. Gingee might have been der- 
ived from (^inga its original name, Varam the suffix added 
to Qinga, generally denoting the place or town like the 
suffix puram. The above derivation, though it may seem 
very far-fetched, is given below. 

Various phonetic changes should have come about 
before Singavaram could have became Gingee. 

The initial surd *C' in Cinga had given place to its 
sonant (J or G) and becomes (Jinga or Ginga). Again 


Though the fort had been in existence 
even in the 14th century in the times of the 
Vijayanagara rulers, Kumara Kampana and 
his Brahman general Gopanarya, according to 
current tradition, the pagoda at Singavaram 
was built only by Tupakala Krishnappa 
Nayak (or Tubaki Krishnappa Nayak) who 
added largely to the main fort of Gingee.* 

the medial Sonant (J or G) in Ginga or Jinga changes 
into (J) which is a common feature of the English langu- 
age; for instance, in the English word for Ganges for 
we find this tendency at work. G changes into J. 
Now accordingly we get Jinga or Ginga. Another influ- 
ence of a phonetic law inhert nt in all the languages 
works. By the law of progressive assimilation we find 
vowel i in Ginga, influence* the final vowel a and con- 
verts it into i; and we get Gingi or Gingee in its present 

* 'There lived at Conjeevaram a very devout wor- 
shipper of Vishnu called Tupakfila Kistnappa Nayak, 
who possessed a flower-garden which he dedicated to the 
use of Varadarajaswami, the famous idol worshipped at 
that place, and of which he scrupulously offered every 
flower at the shrine. One day. the Swami, with a view 
to put his worshipper's faith to the test, appeared in the 
garden in the ^hape of a hoar and began to root up the 
shrubs. Tiding^ of tho occurrence being brought to Kist- 
nappa Nayak, he armed himself with a bow with the 
intention of killing the animal which, however, always 
evaded the arrows shot at it, while still leading the 
Nayak on, until they armed at the rook where the pa- 
goda now stands (about 45 miles from Conjeevaram) 
when, being satisfied with the faithfulness of his follow- 
er, the Swami suddenly made a cavern in the rock, and 
assuming his real shape, discovered himself to the 
Nayak, who prostrated himself and was ordered by the 
Swami to build a temple on the spot, and to dedicate it to 
him. He asked where he was to get the necessary funds 
from, and was ordered to wait upon a Paradesi, or asce- 



tic who lived in the hills, close by. This he did. The 
ascetic was in possession of a wonderful plant which had 
all the properties of the philosopher's stone. It only re- 
quired to boil a quantity of the leaves in a large cauld- 
ron, and to throw in a holy person, when his body would 
turn into gold. On the Nayak's appearance the Puradtw 
determind to sacrifice him and made his preparations 
accordingly ; but the Nayak being suspicious of the Para- 
desi's intentions, threw him into the cauldron and watch- 
ed his body turn into solid gold. He cut off a golden 
limb, and the next day found it had grown again. 
With this inexhaustible treasure at his disposal, the 
Nayak built the 6ingavaram pagoda and sub-quently the 
fort of Gingee, and then flung the golden corpse into a 
corner of the Chettikulam (a tank inside the fort of 
Gingee) where it is still said to remain/ 1 

We have a Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee 
flourishing absut the middle of the 17th century. 

The Beginnings of Gingee 

Gingee had not developed into a place of 
note in the age of the Cholas of the Vijayala- 
ya dynasty. We have, however, a large 
number of Chola epigraphs scattered in the 
neighbourhood of the place. An inscription 
of Aditya* I refers to Singapuranadu, which 
evidently centred round Singavaram. The 
Cholas had control over the present South 
Arcot District and the province of Jayangon- 
da Chola Mandalam, named after Rajendra 
Chola I, included the region of Gingee and 
extended from the Palar river on the north to 
Tiruvati (near Panruti), fourteen miles west 
of Cuddalore. There is a village of the 
name Jayangondan, situated about two miles 
from Gingee. Devanur is another village of 
the neighbourhood, said to have been founded 
by a Chola chief, Bhnloka Devendran. 

In the epoch of the disruption of the 
Chola empire in the 13th century consequent 
on the encroachments of the Pandyas, the 
Hoysalas and the Kakatiyas and on the 
increasing turbulence of the feudatories, 
Gingee might have become a fortified place. 

The chief source for the first two hundred 
years of the history of the place, besides a 


The narrative was written at the special 
request of Colonel William Macleod who was 
then acting as Commissioner at Arcot, the 
Madras Governor at that time being Lord 

short interval of anarchy till we reach the regular Choi a 
government. The whole manuscript, but especially the 
first half of the eighth section, ought, I am of opinion, 
to be carefully translated and edited.'* 

On a later examination of Section 8, W. Taylor 
makes the following further observation :- 

"I then noticed more critically, than on the first 
occasion, how very crude was the language and spelling 
of words ; more like a Mahomedan writing Tamil, than 
a Tamil-speaking man of noble descent. The barbarism 
of Kodctn Ta liter h (vulgar Tamil) is so great, as some- 
times to cause obscurity, as to the meaning. There once 
existed another abridged copy on palm leaves. Should 
it be ever recovered, it might be of use to compare with 
the larger book; and a general correction of the ortho- 
graphy throughout would produce a book well worth 
printing, with a translation on the opposite page<, so as 
to form a diglott." 

Mr. Taylor remarks that in the 8th section there 
were very many " details of intrigues, perfidies and 
consequent wars, long before any Europeans intermed- 
dled with the politics of the peninsula. Just as similar 
things prepared the way in Bengal, for a grand change 
of rule, so it was in the peninsula. With these, Orme 
was not so well acquainted, as with the early affairs in 

There was published in 19,39 at Pondicherry under 
the auspices of the Societe de I'Histoire de 1'Inde Fran- 
<?aise a French translation of the 8th section, on the 
basis of a copy obtained from The India Office Collection, 
entitled Histoire Detaillee des Rois du Carnatic par 
Narayanampoulle, traduite du tarn on I et anqotee par 
Gnanou Diagou, avocat. (Bibliotheque Publique, 
Re des Capucins, Pondicherry- pp. 224) An English 
translation of the same mss. is now being prepared 
by the author. 


William Bentinck. The book is fairly valua- 
ble, so far as such crude annals can be, in many 
historical details and is marked by an absence 
of exaggeration which is the bane of all early 
Indian chroniclers. 

According to Narayanan, Gingee became 
a fortified place only about 1,200 A, D. 
Ananda Kon, a shepherd by caste, accident- 
ally found a treasure in one of the cavities of 
the western hill while grazing his sheep. 
Making himself the head of a small band of 
warriors, he defeated the petty rulers of the 
neighbouring villages like Devanur, Jayan- 
gondan and Melacheri (Old Gingee), and built 
a small fortress on Kanialcujiri which he re- 
named AtMtwhniiri after himself. He raised 
his castemen^to high places and bestowed on 
them the distinction of Sammanamanar (the 

Ananda Kon fortified Perumukkal * ?::< 
near Tindivanam which was the scene of 

* Anantakon gave to his tribe the name of Sonimana- 
twlndr. He was succsecbd by CV/s///mA*o/j, Fusly 650: 
(ronerikon, Fusly 680; both of them built sacred edifices. 
His son was Gon'ndakon, Fusly 700; Palliyukon, Fusly 
720, he made roads, choultries, &c. The dynasty now 
gave way bafore a Cui iiinba tribe, named Vadaya Ycdiar 
(north-country shepherds); the first king of this tribe 
was Kohi Jincjdm, Fusly 740; he built a brick fort at 
Cht>Hl<tiH<ni(jalam [Sendamangalam) ; he formed some 
tanks, and left others unfinished. 

** " Permacoil ", as it is called by Orme, but really 
44 Peruinukkal" (Dignifying, great travail) is an isolated 


some operations in the Carnatic wars of the 
eighteenth century and Padaividu *** near 
P61ur in North Arcot. After reigning glori- 
ously for about fifty years he was succeeded 
by one Krishna Kon about 1240 A. D. This 
chief perpetuated his name by fortifying the 
northern hill and naming it after himself. 
Krishna Kon was followed by two princes 
successively Koneri Kon and Govinda Kon 
who cut out the elaborate steps to the fort- 
ress on Krishnagiri and built the Gopala- 
swami temple on its top. Puliya Kon suc- 
ceeded him about 1300 A. D. He excavated 
tanks and built rest-houses by the sides of 
the roads leading to Trichinopoly, Tanjore 

rock rising out of the plain about 6 miles east of Tindi- 
vanain. Its name is said to be derived from the legend 
which attaches to it of Sita, the wife of Rama, having 
been delivered there of twins (Kusa and Lava) during her 
banishment by Rama, after her return from Lanka. It 
wa^ a strongly fortified po<t during the 18th cvntury and 
was captured and re-captured by the French and the 
English on several occasions. Daring the advamv aganist 
Pondicherry, in 1760, Sir Eyre Coote ciptured it after a 
desperate fight, in which lie received a wound, and the 
leader of the sepoys behaved with such conspicuous 
gallantry that he got a gold medal. There are a few 
ruins hero and there, which suffice to show where the 
fortifications stood. 

*** Padaividu. Tins desolated plac? i- one of the 
most historically interesting in the North Arcot district. 
Though it now contains only less than 1,000 inhabitants, 
Tradition says that it was the capital of a dynasty, which 
many hundreds or thousands of years ago held sway in 
this part of the country. This no doubt refers to the 
Kurumbas. The town was 16 miles in circumference, 


and Vettavalam (a small zamindari in the 
neighbourhood.) l 

and full of temples, choultries, and fine private residencss. 
The extent of the city may be judged b/ the fact that the 
present villages of Santavasal, where the fair or santa 
was held, and Pushpagiri, the site of the flower-market, 
are 4 miles apart. The city is believed to have been 
entombed by a shower of dust and stones, which over- 
whelmed all the area of its magnificent buildings. Jungle 
has overgrown the whole spaca of the original city. 
There are two extensive, but ruined, forts upon the plain, 
built doubtless by the Kurumbas, and another upon a 
peak of the Javacli hills which overlooks the city. There 
are at the place two temples dedicated to Renukambal 
and Rama. 

1 Succession of the Gingee kings of the Kon 
Dynasty : - 

Ananta (1190 to 1240 A. D.) ; Krishna (1240 to 1270 
A. D.); Govinda (1290 to 1310 A. D.); and Puliyan (1310 
to 1330 A. D.) The dates are given in the Chronicle in 
Fasli years. 

" The Fasli is used solely by Hindu clerks in the East 
India Compay's service. Daring the Musulman govern- 
ment the Fasly was loosely used ; thus the year Krodhi 
(A. D. 1784) is Fasli 1193, but in some documents is 1194. 
The year Saumya (A. D. 1789) is numbered Fasli 1198; 
but in some places this becomes 1196, and elsewhere 

"About the year A. D. 1800 when the county became 
subject to the English, the Fasly year happened to com- 
mence on the 13th of July. Whereupon the English 
constituted that day as the beginning of the Fasly year; 
which hereby was metamorphosed into a solar reckoning: 
but devoid of months : being a mere official year. The 
Hindus at the present day (only the clerks in Govern- 
ment employ) quote the Fasly by the last two figures 
alone. Thus A. D. 1820 is called " Fasly Twenty-nine " 
(A. F. 1229); which it is the fashion to mention in 
Hindustani numerals ; thus "Untis Fasly'* means 1229. 
And Fasly 1239 (A. D, 1830) is called Untalis Fasly: that 
is 1239. 

-r 34 

Twenty years afterwards, this shepherd 
race was superseded by the chief of a neigh- 
bouring place, K&bilingan by name, who 
belonged to the Kurumba caste and now 
ascended the throne of Gingee. He built a 
brick-fort at Sendamangalam in the taluk of 
Tirukoyilur, dug some tanks, left others 
which he began in an unfinished condition and 
cut out various channels for irrigation purpos- 
es, some of which are believed to exist even 
to-day. He had a large number of feudator- 
ies who acknowledged his suzerainty; and 
some of them had fortresses at Asuppur, 
Pelakuppur, Kuppam and other places. It 
was this Kobilingan that fell a prey to the 
ambition of Vijayanagar; but it is not defin- 
itely known when and by which general the 
conquest was achieved. The loss of independ- 
ence of the fort did not lead, however, to any 
diminution in its importance. 

Thus the dynasty of the Kons gave way 
to the Kurumbars whose ruler Kobilingan 
(perhaps connected with Kopperunjinga)* is 

" Thus in Munro's Report (26th July 1807, Fifth 
Report, p. 785) he speaks of the Survey rent in 1215 
(meaning Fasly 1215, that is, A. D. 1806); and 1217 and 
1218, meaning A. D. 1808 and 1809." C. P. Brown~^ 
Ephcmeris showing the corresponding dates according to 
the English. Hindu and Musalman Calendars from A. D. 
1751 until 1850 (1850 pp. IV-V.) 

* This Kopperunjinga was a chief of the family of 
Kadavarayas, who, according to recent research, is re- 


said to have built a fort at Sendamangalam in 
the neighbourhood. This latter place 
was the head-quarters of the powerful Chola 
feudatory, Kopperunjinga, With the rise of 
the Vijayanagara empire and its absorption of 
the greater part of South India, unity of 
control and administration spread through- 
out the country; and Gingee, like the other 
principalities of Madura and Tanjore, was 
brought under its wide sovereignty. The sub- 
jugation of Gingee by the Vijayanagara 
power about the close of the 14th century is 
referred to in the Mackenzie Mss. which say 
that Gingee submitted to Narasinga Raya, 
who held it as a fief of Vijayanagara sending 
an annual tribute. 

garded as having flourished in some degree of glory and 
power in the years 1229 to 1278. He attempted, with 
some measure of success, to establish the power and 
prestige of his family in the region of the present South 
Arcot district by taking an intensive and creditable part 
in the triangular struggle for dominance then going on 
between the Pfindyas, the Hoysalas and the Kakatiyas. 
He became an independent ruler in the year 1243 and 
counted hi^ regnal years from that date. He was the 
able co-ad.iutor of Sundara Pandya I, whose progress in 
Tondamandalam was rendered possible largely by his 
assistance and co-operation. His inscriptions are found 
largely in the South Arcot, North Arcot and Chingleput 
districts and to a less extent in the Tanjore and Kurnool 
districts. He assumed many titles like Pandyatnandalu- 
sthfipana-sutradlidrd. Sahodara-sundam, Ka rndtaka- 
Lakslnul-luntdka. Kdthuku lanka-tilaka. Pwintiiiadhlnatha. 

mm . 

Sarvayna Kadgainaila, VdlbalapperumdL Kanaka sabha- 
jxtthlsabha surcdkru'ya-sarvakrda-nirvCthaka and Kaveri- 
Kdtmika. His titles included the name of A 

The Kurumbars 

According to the Mackenzie Mss. the 
Tondamandalam country was inhabited by 
wild forest tribes, who had no culture. 

and the epithets of KariMlrvobhunnui and Sflhityurntim- 

A theory of two Kopperrunjingas, father and son, 
bearing the same name, has also heen put forward; and 
also different versions are held of his relations with the 
Pandyas and of his other acts like the imprisonment of 
the Chola ruler, Rajendra III. The Kadavarayas became 
powerful in the South Arcot District and contributed 
largely to the dismemberment of the Chola empire 
during the 13th and the early purt of the 14th centuries. 
They had for their capital Kfidal i.e., Cuddalore which 
is at the junction of two rivers, the Gadilam and the 
South Pennar) and later at Sendamangalam which is in 
the interior in the Tirukkoyilur tdluk. The Kadavarayas 
claimed kinship with the Fullava^. That Kopperun- 
jinga who ruled or revived hi< rule from 1242 to 1278 
A. D., should be regarded as u really great personage. 
The chief Kadavaraya ruler had several subordinate 
chiefs under him. (Refer to (1) K. A. N. Sa<tri : The 
Colas. Vol. 2, part 1, pp, 180-4 H .sr// ; (2) the Kadavara- 
ya Problem by Mr. R. Satyanatha Aiyar in the /)/'. & 
KrislnuifU'dini Aii/an</(ir Commemoration ['oltunei (3) 
the Kadavaraya^ by Mr. V. Vridhagirisan in the Jnnr- 
TI nl of Indian tfittory, Vol. XVI, 1937, pp. 137-160 : (4) 
The Madras Epigraphist's Reports 1922 and 1923 ; (5) 
The Kadavarayas by S. Soma^uiidara Desikar in the 
Journal of Indian History, Vol. XVII. Part 3. 

Perhaps the Kobinlingan of our chronicle was of 
the early 14th century. The chronicle says that he 
ruled about Fasli 740. Anyway the last Kons finished 
their rule after Fasli 720, i.e. 1331 A. D. which is much 
later, nearly half a century after the death of the great 
Kopperunjinga of the epigraphs. Perhaps, this Kobilin- 
gan belonged to the clan of the Kadavarayas and distin- 
guished himself by his particular achievements in 
Gingee and its neighbourhood. 


Men were then naked savages with no regular 
marriage institutions. 

Out of such forest tribes arose men who, 
though first ignorant of civilisation, in course 
of time evolved a rude organisation and 
agreed to abide by the decision of one among 
themselves whom they made their chief. 
Probably, K6bilingan who is referred to as the 
first Kurumba chief, was the one who was 
followed by the Vijayanagara rulers. This 
chief has been credited with having divided 
the region into administrative divisions, with 
fortified strong-holds, Pulal in Pulalkottam, 
being his head-quarters which was situated 
near the modern Red Hills Lake adjoining 
Madras. The Tondamandalam country was 
named after them as Kurumba Bhumi. After- 
wards the Kurumba Bhumi was held to have 
been invaded by the Chola, Adondai-Chakra- 
varthi. The Kurumbars then formed the ruling 
class. The ruins of their forts are supposed to 
be still visible and some very old walls of these 
near Madras are mentioned. The fort destroy- 
ed by Krishna Deva Raya at Marutam near 
Conjeevaram in the Uttaramerur area was, 
according to legend, built by the Kurumbars, 
covering more than 40 acres of land with two 
boundary walls. 


Linschoten says in (Purchas : Vol. X) 
"that the Canarins and the Corumbins are 
the countrymen, dealing with land, fishing, 
and such like labours. They are, in a 
manner, of dark brown colour, their dwelling 
places being on the sea side. Some of these 
Kurumbars became the ruling classes, while 
others lived by other means like the rearing 
of sheep and goats, which was their main 
occupation." According to the Mackenzie 
MSB., they made blankets out of goats' hair 
and sold them. Some others among them 
made and sold chunam, and some were hun- 
ters who lived by the chase. 

The Kurubas or Kurumbas are generally 
regarded by ethnologists and other writers as 
being composed of two distinct groups, name* 
ly the Jungle Kurumbas of the Nilgiris and 
other hilly regions, and the civilised Kurum- 
bas of the plains. Dr. G. Oppert would regard 
the Kurumbas as very old inhabitants form- 
ing the indigenes of the land who can contest 
with their Dravidian kinsmen the priority of 
occupation of the Indian soil. He would also 
say that the terms, Kurumba and Kuruba, 
were orginally identical. The Mad rax Ceuxux 
Report for 1891 thus first postulated their 
widespread character : " The Kurumbas or 
Kurrubas are the modern representatives of 
the ancient Kurumbas or Pallavas, who were 


once so powerful throughout Southern India ; 
but very little trace of their greatness now 
remains. In the seventh century, the power 
of the Pallava kings seems to have been at 
its zenith ; but, shortly after this, the Kongu, 
Chola, and Chalukya chiefs succeeded in win- 
ning several victories over them. The final 
overthrow of the Kurumba sovereignty was 
effected by the Chola King Adondai about 
the seventh or eighth century A. D. ; and the 
Kurumbas were scattered far and wide. 
Many fled to the hills ; and in the Nilgiris and 
the Wynad, in Coorg and Mysore, representa- 
tives of this ancient race are now found as 
wild and uncivilised tribes. Elsewhere the 
Kurumbas are more advanced, and are usual- 
ly shepherds, and weavers of coarse woollen 

The name Kuruba is said to be a deriva- 
tive of the Canarese root, kuru, sheep (cf. 
Tamil kfiri) ; but it has been contended 
that the Kurumbas were not orginally a pure- 
ly shepherd tribe, and it has been held that the 
particular kind of sheep called kori is so 
called because it is the sheep of the Kurum- 
bas. Again, the ancient lexicographer of the 
Tamil language, Pingaja Muni, defines the Ku- 
rumbar as Kurunila Mannar, or petty chief- 
tains. But the most common derivation is 
from the Tamil A-uru///&u,=(wickedness), so that 


Kurumban means a wicked man. 5 * With this 
may be compared the derivation of Kalian 
from kalavu,= (theft); and the Kalians were 
generally believed to have been closely con- 
nected, if not identical, with the original 
Kurumbas. On the other hand, the true deri- 
vation may be in the other direction, as in 
the case of the Slavs. 

After their final overthrow, they became 
scattered over many of the districts in the 
plains and the forest tracts of Malabar, the 
Nilgiris, Coimbatore and Mysore. They are 
found at the present time in various grades 
of civilisation. Those that live in the plains 
have adopted the manners and customs of the 
Hindu castes in whose midst they live, while 
those that inhabit the hills are still in their 
primitive state, being more akin in habits to 
the rude hill-folk surrounding them. 

The assumption that the Kurubas who 
are found in towns and villages are of the 
same stock as the uncivilized jungle tribes, the 
Kadu-Kurubas, is, not withstanding the tradi- 
tionally accepted version, highly doubtful. In 
customs, beliefs and other vital matters, the 
two communities differ fiom each other 
very much. This pretension to a descent 

* See The Tamil Lixicou (University of Madras) 
Vol.11, rp. 1055-6. 


from a ruling race is not advanced anywhere 
as far as this enquiry has proceeded; only 
some say that they came to Mysore first 
from Vijayanagar and that their original 
place is Mailara in the Bellary district. Quite 
possibly the so-called Kadu-Kurubas are the 
locally surviving representatives in Southern 
India of the primitive aborigines. 

After Fasli 800, according to the Chroni- 
cle, Narasinga Udayar is said to have become 
the viceroy of Gingee ; and the Maharaya of 
of Anegundi, Vijayanagaram and Penukonda, 
sent an army against the aforesaid Kobilin- 
gan; and having conquered his country, the 
Maharaya delivered it over to Narasinga 
Udayar, to be held as a fief paying tribute to 
head-quarters ; at the same time a donation 
was made to a temple. Also, about this time, 
the Raja of Wandiwash, named Bhupatiraya 
Udayar, ruled over the land(SVzA:a 1341=1419) ; 
and Vlravijaya Rayar was also another ruler 
in the district. Even before these lieuten- 
ants had left Vijayanagara, Vellalaraya is 
said to have ruled over the Gingee country 
about Fasli 750 and to have made additions to 
the shrine at Tiruvannamalai. He paid 
tribute to the Raya ; and after he fell, the 
country came to be divided among petty 



This is the gist of the information con- 
tained in the chronicle regarding the troubled 
period between the disappearance of the Kon 
dynasty and the establishment of the over- 
lordship of Vijayanagara. Inconsistencies, 
both chronological and sequential, occur sever- 
al times in this account. Vellalaraya evi- 
dently refers to Ballala III, Vira Ballala of 
the Hoysala dynasty, (1291 to 1342 A. D.) and 
perhaps also to his son Ballala IV, surnamed 
Viravirfipaksha Ballala, alias H a m p e y a 
Wodeyar, who disappeared in 1346 47. The 
Hoysalas had been steadily encroaching into 
the lower Karnataka country from about the- 
early decades of the 13th century. Nara- 
simha II (1220-1235 A. D.) occupied Kfinchi, 
the old Pallava capital ; and a record of 1229 
A. D. says that he was ruling from Kanchi with 
the surrounding ocean as his boundary. A 
previous record of 1223 A. D. states that 
Narasimha, "pursuing after the Trikalinga 
kings, penetrated their train of elephants, 
displaying unequalled valour." This probably 
refers to his driving out of Kanchi, some 
years before he occupied it, the Telugu-Chola 
chief Tikka, who also claims to have been a 

The next Hoysala sovereign, Virasomes- 
wara (1234 to 1254 A. D.), claims to have up- 
rooted in battle Rajcndra Chola III and, later, 


to have given him protection when he sought 
refuge and to have engaged in a victorious 
expedition against the Kadavaraya.* S6mes- 
wara pushed on his conquest into the Pandya 
territory against its aggressive ruler. One 
of his capitals was Kannanur or Vikrama- 
pura to the north of Srirangam in the Trichi- 
nopoly district. At this place, there is a 
ruined fort containing a temple known as 
Poysalesvara, whose image was set up by 
Somesvara. On the death of Somesvara 
there was a division of his kingdom between 
his two sons, Viranarasimha or Narasimha 
III who got the greater part of the ancestral 
kingdom and ruled from DSrasamudra as his 
capital and his half-brother Ramanatha or 
Vira Ramanatha who got the Kolar district 
and the Tamil territories conquered by Nara- 
simha and who ruled from Kannanur as his 
capital. The two brothers were not at peace 
with each other and much of the time of 
Narasimha III was spent in fighting against 
Ramanatha who was frequently the aggres- 
sor. Ramanatha ruled from 1255 to 1295 A. D.; 

* Epiy. Canuttica Vol. V : A. K., 123; and S. I. 
graphist's Report, 1911 p. 33. The Hoysala records say 
that Vira Somesvara ' uprooted ' Rajendra Chola in 
battle and reinstated him when he begged for protec- 
tion. For a fuller discussion of this see K. A. Nilakanta 
Sastri: The Cola*; Vol. II (1937) pp. 198199 and foot- 
note 75 on p. 199 ; and S. K. Aiyangar. South India and 
her Mtihannuudan Invaders (1921) p. 38. 


and after his time there was the short-lived 
rule of his son, Visvanatha. Ballala III, the 
son of Vira Narasimha, succeeded His father 
in 1292 and became the sole ruler of the 
entire Hoysala kingdom, including the Tamil 
districts, about the year 1298. It was in his 
reign that the Hoysala power began rapidly 
to decline. He lost the southern portions of 
the Tamil country originally subject to him, 
but practically retained the control of the 
whole of Kongu. About the time of the 
death of Ballala III, Harihara, the founder of 
the Vijayanagara dynasty, was already estab- 
lished in some measure of power. A chief 
named Vallappa Danda Nayakar, who frequ- 
ently figures in the later records of Ballala 
III, was probably the ally a or son-in-law, 
Vallappar, a Mahamandalesvara under Hari- 
hara I. 

This Vallappa was perhaps the same as 
Vellalaraya of the tradition in the Chronicle; 
he is said to have ruled over the Gingee coun- 
try about Fasli 750 (i.e., about 1341 A. D.) and to 
have made additions to the shrine at Tiru- 
vannamalai and to have paid tribute to the 
Raya. Still another feudatory of the Hoysala 
was Gopinatha, a descendant of the famous 
Peruma} Dandanayaka who described him- 
self as the lord of the South. This attempted 
identification is supported by the traditional 


story relating to the final destruction of the 
Hoysalas under Ballala IV. Vallappa Udai- 
yar, the aliya or son-in-law of Ballala III 
should be very likely the Senji Raja married 
to the King Ballala IV's sister.* 

Ballala IV had to fight continuously with 
the various feudatory chiefs of his kingdom 
and the powerful Sultans of Madura who had 
built up their independent rule; and the 
latter had indeed secured a victory over 
Ballala III near Kannanur, where the Hindus 
were put to flight and the aged Hoysala 

* The story is tbus given in the Mysore Gazetteer, 
new edition, Volume II, part II, page 1406 :- -The king's 
sister, married to the Senjiraja, was now a widow. She 
therefore came on a visit to her brother, accompanied by 
her two sons, Lakkana and Vlrana, who were very 
handsome young men. One of the king's wives conceiv" 
ed a guilty passion for them, but her advances being 
alike repelled by each in turn, her love changed to hate, 
and she denounc3d them to the king as having made 
overtures to her. The king, justly enraged, ordered 
them to b<? at once impaled, and their bodies exposed like 
those of common malefactors at one of the city gates. 
Hearing what had happened, their unfortunata mother 
hastened to the palace to demand an inquiry and justica. 
But it was too late, the fatal order had been executed, 
and she was not only put out of the palacs, but the 
inhabitants were forbidden to give her any assistance. 
In the agony of despair she wandered from street to 
street invoking the vengeance of the Almighty on her 
brotner, and predicting the speedy downfall of his 
empire. Arriving at the potters' street, worn out with 
fatigue and sorrow, she requested and received a draught 
of water in return for which act of kindness, she declared 
that in the destruction of the capital that street should 
be spared. It is the only one that has survived." 


monarch himself was captured, strangled and 
flayed, the stuffed skin being hung on the 
walls of Madura where the Moorish traveller, 
Ibn Battuta, says that he saw it suspended at 
the time of his visit to the place.* "Thus 
did the great struggle of the Hoysala monarch 
end (A. D. 1342-3). This monarch had been 
striving all along, rebuilding his capital and 
fortifying places of strategic importance on 
the eastern frontier like Kannanur and Tiru- 
vannamalai. 1 Evidence has also been forth- 
coming that he laid the foundations of the 
city of Virupakshapattana, in order to 
strengthen his northern frontier, and was 
actually in residence there in A. D. 1339. He 
had his son anointed as his succeessor against 
eventualities; and an inscription of Malur 2 
would credit him with the setting up of a 
pillar of victory at the head of the bridge at 
Rameswaram (Sctumula jayast ambha). It is 
possible that Kannanur had become the tar- 
get of active attacks by the Muhammadans of 
Madura against the Hoysala defence of the 
Tamil country ; and we find Vira Ballaia fre- 
quently fighting near Trichinopoly ; and the 
Kabban of Ibn Battuta is held to be no other 

*H. A. R. Gibb-/// Batfuta-Travel* in Asia and 
Africa, (Broadway Travellers. 1929) p. 264. 

1 Epiyraphia Carnatica ; III. Md. 100. 
8 Ibid. Vol. X. Mr. 82. 


than Kannanur near which his last battle 
was fought. Soon after this, Ballala IV, 
already anointed ruler, succeeded to the dan- 
gerous heritage and kept it up till his even- 
tual disappearance in A. D. 1346-47 after 
which no more of the Hoysalas is heard. 3 

Thus the Gingee country was under the 
rule of the Hoysalas in the latter part of the 
13th century and in the first half of the 14th. 
From the Hoysalas it passed on, by relatively 
easy efforts, into the hands of the first rulers 
o f Vijayanagara. The governorship o f 
G6panarya (who has been already mentioned 
above) over the region, and his able efforts at 
seconding the conquests of Kamparaya have 
to be noted. The Vijayanagara Empire had 
extended its authority over the Tamil coun- 
try even beyond Madura by the end of the 
14th century. It exercised dominion through 
local governors who were practically free to 
do as they liked, provided they rendered fealty 
to the central power and supplied it with 
regular tribute and contigents whenever call- 
ed upon to do so. The more important among 
these governors developed, in the 15th centu- 
ry, into formidable territorial rulers. Saluva 

8 For a detailed study of this aspect of the question 
relating to the Muhammadans of Madura and the Hoysa- 
las, read B. N, Saletore, ' Social and Political Life in the 
Vijayanagara Empire '; Vol. I (1934), pp. 4-18. 


Narasinga was a typical provincial ruler. In 
the 16th century, when the limits of the 
empire came to be very far flung and the 
whole of the central power weakened even 
shortly after Krishna Deva Raya's time, we 
find some of the Nayaks emerging out as the 
hereditary rulers of Gingee, Tanjore and 
Madura. The troubled period of the 14th centu- 
ry under the control of governors before the 
establishment of the Nayaks is not known to 
us in detail. Kumara Kampana, son of 
Bukka Raya I, who was the governor of the 
Mulbagal country made conquests in the 
Tondamandala region with the help of Gopa- 
narya and of Saluvamanga, the ancestor of 
the great governor of Chandragiri and the 
usurper of royal throne itself, Saluva Nara- 
simha. This Kamparaya, otherwise named 
Kampana Udaiyar, was the governor of the 
Mulbagal Rajya from 1356 to 1366 A. D. He is 
also called Kampana II, in order to distinguish 
him from an uncle and a brother of the same 
name. His exploits are described by his 
queen Gangadevi in the Sanskrit work, Vira- 
kampardya Charitam (published at Trivand- 
rum in 1916). 

Kampana's conquests in the south 

Kampana first reached Virinchipuram on 
the Palar river and from it attacked the 


strong fortress of Ra jagambhiram, in which the 
Sambuvaraya chief had taken refuge. He 
captured the fortress and slew his enemy in 
single combat, according to one set of authori- 
ties. According to other sources, he is 
said to have reinstated the defeated ruler on 
his throne. The Rajagambhiramalai refer- 
red to in the accounts, was evidently a hill- 
fort ; and soon after its capture, Kampana 
entered Kancbi and set up his authority there. 
An inscription found at Madam In the North 
Arcot district, dated 1363, specifically states 
that Gandaraguli Maraiya Nayaka, son of 
Somaya Dandanayaka, the Mahapradhani of 
Kampana II, defeated and took captive Ven- 
rumankonda Sambuvaraya and captured Raja- 
gambhiramalai. This chief built a gopura in 
the second prakara of Tiruvagalisvaramudaiya 
Mahadeva of Kulattur, according to the 
record. Kampala's own inscription at Tirup- 
putkkuli near Kanchi, recording his capture of 
the Rajagambhirarajya, is dated Saka 1287, (i.e , 
1365-66.) The Rajagambhlra hill has been 
identified with Padaivldu in the North Arcot 
district. The latest record of Kampana is 
dated Saka 1296 (1374 A. D.) ; and his son Jam- 
manna Udaiyar is described as governing the 
same provinces as his father had ruled ovei^ 
in that year, i.e. ; Saka 1296. The son made 
certain gifts for the merit of his deceased 



father according to inscriptions dated in the 
same year Saka 1296, found at Tiruvanna- 
malai and Eyil. Kampana Udaiyar's rule was 
almost like that of an independent sovereign ; 
and his reputation and power were consider- 
able on account of his services against the 
Muhammadans of the South. His capital it- 
self was, according to the Vlrakampardya 
Charitam, Marakatanagara, identified with 
Virinchipuram, which was the head-quarters of 
a provincial governor in the period of the later 
Vijayanagara sovereigns. Kampana Udaiyar 
was assisted by several able lieutenants who 
served him both as ministers and generals. 
Besides Gopana, there was the illustrious 
Somappa, whose son Maraiya Nayaka refer- 
red to above, was the captor of the Sambuva- 
raya and of his fort Rajagambhiramahii. 
Another was Govindarasar, who is mentioned 
in the K'njiloluhu, a Tamil work detailing the 
traditional account of the endowments of the 
great charities done to the Srirangam shrine 
in the course of the centuries. Sahivamangu is 
stated, in the Stilucfibhyudaya and the Rama- 
bhyudaya, to have been one of the officers, 
who accompanied Kampana in his campaign 
against Champaraya (Sambuvaraya) and the 
Sultan of the South (i.e., Madura) ; and it was 
through his intervention that Champaraya 
was held to have been reinstated in his domi- 


nion, for he is described as Chamburaya-Stha- 
panacharya. He made notable gifts to the 
Brahmans of the Srirangam shrine ; and per- 
haps on account of the services he rendered 
in restoring worship at the temple there, after 
his recapture of the place from the Muham- 
madans, he was also styled Srirangasthapana- 

Kamparaya's inscriptions are found in 
the Punyakotlswara shrine at Little Conjee- 
varam, one of which says that he conferred 
on Parakiila Nambi certain titles and honours 
at Kalavai in the Arcot taluk, at Avur in the 
South Arcot district and at Tiruppulivanam 
in the North Arcot district. Besides Kampa- 
raya, there was another son of Bukka, by 
name Siiyana Udaiyar, who ruled over a part 
of the North Arcot, South Arcot and Tanjore 
districts and one of whose inscriptions, dated 
Baku 1304 (1382), has been found at Tirukkalak- 
kudi in the distant Ramnad district, while 
another comes from Kangayam in the Coim- 
batore district. 

The Alampundi grant of Virupaksha 
(Grantha and Tamil) is important for our 
knowledge of the history of Gingee under 
tha early Vijayanagara rulers. It is dated 

* Vim Kampanl } /a Charitam: Introd. 35. See also 
Sources of Vijdjanayar History; pp. 23-28. 

_ CO 

^"^ U<w """"""' 

Saka 1305 and records that Viriipaksha I, 
son of Harihara II of the first Vijayanagara 
dynasty, granted on the Pushya Sankranti 
day of Saka 1305, Raktakshin, the village of 
Alampundi in the Gingee taluk to certain 
Brahmanas as 

"The first and second verses of the 
(Alampundi) inscription contain invocations 
addressed to the Boar-incarnation of Vishnu 
and to the goddess of the Earth, respectively. 
The third verse refers to Bukkaraja (I), who 
belonged to the race of the Moon, and who 
was the son of Samgama (I), by Kamakshi. 
Bukka's son was king Harihara (II), who, as 
in other inscriptions, is said to have performed 
4 the sixteen great gifts ' (verse 4). Harihara 
(II) mamed Malladevi, who belonged to the 
family of Ramadeva ; and their son was 
Virupaksha (v. 5), who conquered the kings 
of Tundira, Chula and Pandya, and the Simha- 
las and presented the booty of his wars to his 
father (v. 6). On the day of the Pushya-sam- 
kranti of the year Raktakshin (v. 8), which 

** R. Sewell-Lf.ste of the Antiquarian Remains in I he 
Presidency of Madras - Vol. I (1882) p. 207. 

J. H. GaTBtin-The Manual of the SoutJi Arcot listriet 
(1878), p. 2.: 

Epigraplria Indira, Vol. Ill, pp. 224-29, wherein 
the inscription is edited by V. Venkayya. 

V. Rangacharya : Inscriptions of the Madras Presi- 
dency Vol. I, p. 169 (1919). 


corresponds to the Saka year 1305 (The Rak- 
takshin year does not correspond to Saka- 
Samvat 1305, but to 1307 current.) King Viru- 
paksha (v. 7) granted to certain unnamed 
Brahmanas of various gotras the village of 
Alampundi (v. 9). This village had been the 
object of a previous grant by Harihara (II) 
(v. 9j and had then received the surname 
Jannambikabdhi (v. 10;. The pronouns mama 
and may a in lines 17 and 21 show that both 
Harihara's previous grant and the present 
donation of Virupaksha were made at the 
instance of a princess who was the sister of 
Harihara (II) (v. 9) and, consequently the 
paternal aunt of Virupaksha, and whose 
name must have been Jannambika, because, 
the village of Alampundi received the sur- 
name Jannambikabdhi (i.e., Jannambiku- 
samudram) (alxlhi is a more poetical synonym 
of xaminlm, a frequent ending of village 
names; hence the actual surname was prob- 
ably Jannambikasamudram; after her own 
name. The description of the boundaries of 
the granted village is contained in lines 22 to 26. 
Then follow three of the customary impreca- 
tory verses. The inscription ends with the 
name Sri-Harihara." 

" The Alampundi plate would add consider- 
ably to our knowledge of the history of the 
first Vijayanagara dynasty, if we could be 

- 54 

quite sure of the genuineness of the plate. 
As in other inscriptions of this dynasty, the 
first historical person is said to have been 
Sariigama (I). The Alampiindi plate is the only 
inscription which informs us of the name of Sarii- 
gama 's queen, viz. Kamakshi. According to 
the same plate, the queen of Harihara II, was 
Malladevi. The Satyamangalam plates of 
Devaraya II give the name of Harihara's 
queen as Malambika. As the two names 
Malladevi and Malambika are very similar, 
we may, for the present, consider them as 
identical. The Alampiindi record adds that 
Malladevi belonged to the family of Rama- 
deva. It is not impossible that Malladevi 
was related to the Yadava king Ramachandra, 
who was also called Ramadeva, and who 
reigned from Saka-Samvat 1193 to 1230. It is 
from the present inscription that we first 
learn that Hariliara II had a sister called 
Jannambika and a son called Virupaksha, 
who is reported to have made extensive con- 
quests in the south, and whom his father 
appears to have placed in charge of ai least a 
portion of the South Arcot district. The date 
of the grant of Virupaksha (Saka-Samvat 
1305 for 1307, the Raktakshi ttuwrfitxara) is a 
few years later than the accession of Hari- 
hara II (datable between 1293 and 1301 Saka.) 
In referring to a previous grant of the village 


of Alampundi by Harihara II himself, the 
inscription implies that the latter was ruling 
over a portion of the modern South Arcot 
district even before Saka-Samvat 1307. We 
do not know from other sources, that at this 
time, he had already extended his dominions 
into that part of the country. The earliest 
inscriptions of Harihara II that have hitherto 
been discovered in the south, are dated Saka- 
Samvat 1315. Consequently, it is at least 
doubtful if the date of the Alampundi plate 
can be looked upon as genuine. If the week- 
day had been mentioned in the date, it could be 
verified by an expert, and the result of such 
verification would help considerably in decid- 
ing whether the grant is genuine or not. The 
omission of the week-day and of the names of 
the donees may also be urged against the 
genuineness of the document. The ortho- 
graphical as well as the calligraphical mistakes 
in which this small inscription abounds, and 
the uncouth language and construction which, 
to a casual reader, render it difficult to say 
who its actual donor was, Harihara, Viru- 
pakshn, or Jannambika, are other facts 
which may be urged against the genuineness 
of the plate. On the other hand, we cannot 
definitely pronounce the inscription to be a 
forgery, because the date, Saka- Samvat 1305 
(for 1307), actually falls into the reign of 


Harihara II, who, in verse 4, is spoken of as 
if he was living at the time of the grant/-* In 
spite of the doubts which may thus be reason- 
ably entertained as to its genuineness, the 
grant is interesting as the first known copper- 
plate inscription in Grantha characters, 
professing to belong to the Vijayanagara 
dynasty." (pp. 225 226 of the Epigraphiu Indi- 
ra and Record of the Archaeoloyical Surrey of 
India, edited by E. Hultzsch, Vol. Ill, 1894*95). 

The Muhammadan Sack of Srirangam: 

Its Reconsecration by Vijayanagara: 

Its Connection with Slngavaram 

The sack of Srirangam by Malik Kafur 
is deemed as having very probably occurred, 
since he sacked all the temples round Kaixlur 
(Kannanur), and since Srirangam had receiv- 
ed vast and magnificient benefactions in the 
preceding century, particularly from Simdara 
Pandya (arc. A. D. 1251) whose munificence is 
yet green in the traditions of the people. 

Kumara Kampana, son of Bukkaraya I, 
led expeditions into the Tamil country, the 
exact dates of which have not been ascertain- 
ed with precision, but which certainly consti- 
tuted a continuation of the Hoysala effort 

* The earliest date hitherto discovered for Hari- 
hara II is Saka-Samvat 1301, and the latest 1321. 

against the Mussalman power of the South. 
According to numismatic evidence, we have 
the coins of 'Adil Shah of Madura, dated 
A. D. 1356, of Fakhru'd-din Mubarak Shah, 
dated A. D. 1360, and of Alau'd-din Sikandar 
Shah, whose latest coin bears the date A. H- 
779 (A. D. 137778). Dr. S. K. Ayyangar 
holds that the wars of Kamparaya would 
have to be brought in the period of the intcrrey- 
n um at Madura (A. H. 745 757) as indicated 
by a break in the coinage. According to the 
"Tamil Chronicle of the Temple of Madura" 
(Mdduraittaldcardltiru), compiled about A. D. 
1801, the founder of the Muhammadan dynas- 
ty at Madura was Sultan Malik Nemi, and 
the date of the establishment of his power 
was Saka 1256 (A. D. 1334) ; and after this 
first ruler there followed seven actual 
rulers, till the Hindu power was restored in 
A. D. 1371 by Kampana Udaiyar, -"commander 
of the guards of the Mysore ruler from the 
point of view of the writer of the record in its 
final form ", who was the viceroy of the Mulba- 
gal Maharajya and had all the south for his 
sphere of influence. According to this Chro- 
nicle, Kampana had been assigned the duty 
of "door-keeper of the last great Hoysala 
king, Vira Baljala III." Kampana conquered 
Tondaimandalam, took possession of the 
Rajagambhira-Rajyam which was the domi- 


niou of the Sambuvarayans, with its fort at 
Padaividu, near Ami, and not the Pandyan 
kingdom, as had been held ; and he compeleted 
his achievement by the conquest of Madura 
and by the restoration of the great temples 
of Srirangam and Madura to their pristine 
glory. The two great enemies overrun by 
Kampana were the Sambuvarayans and the 
Madura Sultans. We learn from the Kampu- 
nlija Cliantam of Gangadevi, one of the 
wives of Kampana (a contemporary epic in 
Sanskrit, since published in the Trivandrum 
Sanskrit Series), that Kampana started 
against Champa, defeated near Virinchipuram 
the forces of Champaraya (Sambuvaraya), 
laid siege to the citadel of Rajagabhiram 
(Padaividu) and killed Champaraya in a duel. 
Kampana proceeded to Kanchi and, having 
stationed his forces there, stayed for a season 
at Marakata (Virinchipuram) where a god- 
dess appeared to him in a vision, and after des- 
cribing the horrors and cruelties practised by 
the Turuskas (Muhammadans) of Madura, 
exhorted him to extirpate the invaders and 
restore the country to its ancient 
glory, and gave him a divine sword of extra- 
ordinary potency with which to accomplish 
the great mission, saying that "as by fate 
the rulers of the Pandya line have lost their 
prowess, the sage Agastya has sent this 


sword, orginally wielded by the Lord Siva in 
his fight with the Asuras, to be placed in your 
strong hands." Then Kampana proceeded 
against the Sultan of Madura and killed him 
in battle. The significance of this epic is 
obvious. Since the sword of protection of 
the Dharma of Hindu South India had fallen 
away from the enfeebled hands of the degener- 
ate Pandyas, Agastya, the culture-hero-pro- 
tector of the Tamil country, had to invite the 
strong arm of the growing Vijayanagara 
power in the shape of Kampana Udaiyar, so 
that the role of the guardian of the Tamil 
country and of its independence and cultural 
heritage had to be sustained by the rising 
Rayas of Vijayanagara and their chiefs and 

Kampana was aided in this great achieve- 
ment by his Brahman minister, Gopanarya 
and his general Sajuva Mangu, the ancestor 
of the great Sajuva Narashnha who started 
the second dynasty of Vijayanagara and 
whose achievements are described in the 
introduction to the Jaimhri Bhdrutamu of 
PiUolauKtrri Pinavirublmdra and in the first 
canto of RajSnatha Dindima's Sahtnibhyuda- 
yam. The latter work details the expedi- 
tions of Sajuva Mangu against the Sambuva- 
raya and the Sultan of Madura, and enumer- 
ates the several titles which he assumed and 


which his descendants continued to bear. The 
achievements of Kumara Kampana are borne 
out by sufficient epigraphic testimony as well ; 
his conquest of the kingdom of Rajagam- 
bhlra is clearly evidenced by a record of A. D. 
1365 ; and another describes how he destroy- 
ed the Turuskas, established orderly govern- 
ment throughout the country and appointed 
chiefs or ntiyakkajimar* for the control and 
proper maintenance of temples. 

Another equally meritorious service 
done by Kampana was the reconsecration of 
the great temple of Srirangam. It had been 
most probably sacked by Malik Kafur. The 
invasion of A. D, 1327 28 ordered by Muham- 
mad Tughlak is held to have resulted in its 
complete destruction. According to the 
Kmjiloluhu, a Tamil work which describe* 
the benefactions done to the temple in the 
different epochs from its foundation down to 
the eighteenth century and portions of whose 
information appear to be derived from inscrip- 
tions, there is the tradition of the Mussal- 
mans (under Malik Kafur) after having con- 
quered Pratapa Rudra, entering Srirangam 
by the north gate and carrying away all the 
property of the temple including the image of 
the God, which latter was recovered by a 
miraculous chain of circumstances. The 
sack of the temple in A. D. 1327 28 is support- 


ed by a date given in the Kdyiloluhu (Saka 
1149, instead of S'aka 1249 possibly an error 
and Aksaya), and also by accounts embodied 
in the Vaishnava Guruparampara and the 
Telugu work, Acharya Sitkti Muktdvali. From 
this sack, both Pillalokacharya and the famous 
Vcdanta Desika escaped, the former going 
south and the latter to the Mysore country. 
After prolonged sufferings the survivors car- 
ried the image of the God to Tirupati from 
which it was taken over to Gingee by Gopanar- 
ya and ultimately installed at Srirangam and 
reconsecrated. G&panarya was told by God 
Ranganatha who appeared to him in a vision 
to lead an invasion against the Muhammad- 
ans and to establish his image once more at 
Srirangam. He marched, according to Anan- 
tarya's PrapaniMmrtam, (a work dealing with 
the history of Sri Vaishnavism in South 
India, and the lives of its successive Acharyas,) 
from Tirupati to Gingee where for a time he 
kept the images there were two of them 
in the neighbouring rock-cut shrine of Singa- 
varam. He then advanced south, destroyed 
the Muhammadan forces at Samayavaram 
and consecrated the images once more in the 
Srirangam temple, whereupon Vedanta Desi- 
ka returned joyfully to Srirangam, composed 
a verse in praise of Gopanarya and his great 
achievement and had it inscribed on the walls 


of the temple, The reconsecration is said to 
have taken place in Saka-Samvat 1293 (A. D. 

It is the great sevices of Kampana 
Udaiyar, of Saluva Mangu who is said to have 
helped in the reconsecration of Srirangam 
and made a present to it of 60,000 madax of 
gold, 1,000 8<il m ayrama$ and eight villages to 
lepresent the eight letters of the Aslitakxcrrci, 
and of Gopanarya, praised by Vedanta Desika, 
that constituted the consummation of the 
successful Hindu reaction against Muslim 
sway in the Tamil country- The reconsecra- 
tion of Srirangam and Madura, was the restor- 
ation of Hindu glory and South Indian inde- 

* The political and cultural significance of the 
restoration of these great shrines by Kampana, Saluva 
Mangu and Gopanarya, should be fully evaluated at its 
true worth. It was only after this achievement that 
cleared the country of the last vestiges of Muslim sway 
and removed all chances of its recovery that Harihara II 
assumed imperial titles in "full style" "the illus- 
trious king of kings and the supreme lord of kings, the 
lord of the eastern, southern, western and northern 
oceans; the unopposed; a Vainateya (yaruda) to the 
snakes (of) wicked kings and princes; an adamantine 
cage for refugees: the Dharma (Yudhistira) of the Kali 
age ; the ear ornament to the Goddess of the Karnntaka 
country; the supporter of the four castes and orders;... 
he whose only delight is the fame of virtue ; the dest- 
royer of the pride of the Tiger- the master in estab- 
lishing the Cher a, dull a and Pandya kings ; the pub- 
lisher of the Commentaries on the Vedas; the master 
in establishing the ordinances prescribed by the Vedas 


The subjugation of the hitherto politi- 
cally powerful Kurumbars became a matter 
of necessity to the first Vijayanagara rulers 
in their attempt to spread their power hi the 
northern portion of the Tamil country. Accord- 
ing to tradition embodied in the Mackenzie 
Mss., we have a curious version of the estrange- 
ment between the Kurumtars and the Vijaya- 
nagara kings. The Kurumbars had fortified 
many places and established their rule over 
several districts. They tried to make the land- 
owning classes like the Vellalas render them 
services which the latter resisted and rejected 
with contempt. Hence the upper classes had to 
seek the aid of the barbers who promised 
them relief. When one of the Kurumbars 
died, the barbers went to shave their heads in 
accordance with custom and each one manag- 
ed to cut the throat of the Kurumbar as he 
was shaving. Thus the community of the 
Kurumbars was said to have been destroyed 
by the barbers. 

Krishna Deva Raya, as we have already 
seen, destroyed the Marutham fort built by 
the Kurumbars with the aid of one Bomma 
Raja of Chingleput. 

he who has provided the Adhvaryii with employment..." 
As Dr. S. K. Aiyangar aptly remarks: "We may 
pardon the egoism, and appreciate the praise worthy 
efferc underlying it" pp. 187-8 Stmth India an I Icr 
Afuhamrnadan Invader. 


According to tradition we also learn that 
the rulers of Vijayanagara were benevolent 
towards the agriculturists who were the here- 
ditary foes of the Kurumbars whom they had 
supplanted as a result of the conquests of 
Chola Adondai Chakravarthi. The Vijaya- 
nagara rulers are said to have helped the 
VeHalars and the Vanniars against the Ku- 
rumbars. The Vijayanagara dominion gradu- 
ally expanded over Southern India. It be- 
came in course of time so extensive that it 
had to be divided into provinces for adminis- 
trative purposes. Each province was under 
a Nayak who wielded absolute power in his 
own jurisdiction. There were three such im- 
portant nayaks under the Vijayanagara 
Empire besides several minor ones. These 
were the Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore and 

Gingee under the Vijayanagara Nayaks 

Gingee became the seat of a line of 
Nayak rulers whose jurisdiction extended 
along the sea coast from the Palar on the 
north to the Coleroon on the south. Gingee 
played a prominent role under the Nayaks 
who greatly enlarged its fortifications. 

John Neiuhoff has referred in his travels 
to the three Nayaks of Vijayanagara. He 
has observed : " There are three great Nayaks 
in this part of the Indies, i.e., the Nayaks of 
Madura, Tanjore and Gingee." Another, 
Jesuit, Father Vico, in his letter of 1611, has 
also referred to the three great Nayaks who 
were tributaries to Vijayanagara, paying an 
annual tribute of six to ten million francs. 
One can well realise the power of the Nayaks 
from the considerable amount of tribute they 
paid to the Vijayanagara monarch. 

The Madura Nayaks were the most 
powerful and the longest-lived of these three 
lines. The Nayak dynasty of Tanjore was 
composed of only four rulers and their rule 
lasted only for a little over a century. 
Information about the Gingee Nayaks and 
their rule is very scanty, relatively very 
much so, in comparison with that available 
for the other two lines. 


Though the Mackenzie Manuscripts give 
a list of the Gingee Nayaks, we have reliable 
information . only about one, Krishnappa 
Nayaka. Epigraphical evidence for cons- 
tructing the history of these Nayaks is very 
small ; and in fact no single inscription has 
been found in the name of even Krishnappa 
Nayaka. Two inscriptions (of the year 1918, 
Nos. 800 and 861) found in Tirupparankunram 
in the Madura district give lists of the 
chiefs of Gingee and make a reference to the 
last of the Nayaks ^vho made a pilgrimage 
to Rameswaram. 

Sources for tlie period The sources for 
the history of Gingee under its Nayaks 
are the following : 

(1) The Mackenzie Manuscripts which 
include the Kuniataka Jtajakkal Sdrixtaru- 

(2) The observations of Jesuit missiona- 
ries and other foreign travellers like Father 
Pimenta, Anquetil du Perron and others. 

(3) The indigenous literary sources that 
have the value of contemporary evidence ; c.y.> 
the Rayunfithabhyudhuyuni and the Sahityu 

Criticism of the Source*. The Mackenzie 
Manuscripts emfcoiy more of tradition and 


legend than of sober historical facts. Colin 
Mackenzie collected the above manuscripts 
by visiting all the notable places between the 
Krishna and the Cape Comorin, accompanied 
by his native assistants who were employed 
to take copies of all inscriptions and obtain, 
from every possible source, all historical and 
quasi-historical records and original state- 
ments of even existing local traditions and 

"' Colonel Colin Mackenzie joined the Madras Engi- 
neers in 1782 and acquired a taste for historical and 
antiquarian studies when he was at Madura in the 
company of Mr. Johnstone, the son-in-law of Lord 
Napier and the father of Sir Alexander Johnstone, one 
of the founders of the Royal Asiatic Society. It was 
then that Mackenzie formed "the plan of making that 
collection which afterwards became the favourite ob- 
ject of hi'j pursuit for 38 years of his li"e and which 
is now the most extensive and most valuable collection 
of historical documents relative to India that ever was 
made by any individual in Europe or in Asia" (Sir 
A. Johnstone f s evidence before the Select Committee of 
the House of Commons in 1832). In 1796 Mackenzie 
secured the assistance of a learned Brahman Pandit, 
Kavali Venkata Boriah, who served as "the first step 
of his introduction into the portals of Hindu know- 
ledge ", and from whom he came to appreciate the 
genius of Hindu, and especially of Brahman, scholar- 
ship. By 1810, Mackenzie was able to collect over 3,000 
inscriptions. He became Surveyor-General of Madras 
in 1810 and of India in 1816 and carried to Calcutta his 
literary and antiquarian colleclions and several of his 
Indian assistants. After his death in 1821 the whole 
collection was bought by the Marquis of Hastings. A 
brge portion, including mss. in Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic 
Javanese and Barman, was despatched to England in 2 
instalments in 1823 and 1825. Prof. H. H. Wilson, then 
Secretary to ths Asiatic Society of Bengal, catalogued 
and indexed the material (not the whole) in 2 volumes ; 


The History of the Carnataka Governors, 
which is embodied in the Mackenzie Manus- 
cripts is very faulty in chronology; it was 
compiled by one Narayanan who claimed to 
be a descendant of the Ananda Kon race of 
Gingee rulers. It was done at the request of 
Col. Macleod who was the Commissioner of 
Arcot in the beginning of the 19th century, 
when Lord William Bentinck was the Gover- 
nor of Madras. Being compiled two centu- 
ries after many of the events described therein, 
it is but natural that the chronology is faulty, 
and that it relies largely on local tradition 
and legends. The chronicle has to be used 
with much caution. Though this account 
cannot stand the test of vigorous historical 
criticism, it is useful as investing the history 
of Gingee with some degree of life and blood. 

and in an appendix gave short notices of the Local Tracts. 
At his suggestion the books etc. relating to the Dravidian 
languages were sent over to Madras. In 1835 W. Taylor 
published the results of his examination of the w^s. in 
Tamil; He followed this up with a number of analyti- 
cal reports (in the issues of the Madras Journal of 
Literature and Science) and finally with his Catalogue, 
Raisounee of Oriental Man uteri iris (3 vols. 1857) which 
included a survey of the collections of C. P. Brown and 
J. Leyden. The rich Mackenzie Collection in Madras 
was subsequently entrusted to Government and housed in 
their Oriental MSB. Library. The historical mss. are 
being examined, with a view to publication, of their im- 
portance, or summaries by the Indian History Depart- 
ment of the University of Madras. 


The Jesuit records and the writings of 
foreign travellers like Father Pimenta, 
Anquetil du Perron and others constitute a 
more reliable source for our period. Though 
the Jesuit letters were intended merely to 
report periodically on the activities of the 
missionaries to their superiors in Europe, 
they embodied notices of historical events. 
Their culture and their intimate knowledge of 
the country and soms of the people 
enabled them to furnish fairly reliable data. 
Any history of South India in the 17th centu- 
ry cannot be deemed to be full without the 
material of the Jesuit records being utilised 
therein for evaluation. They contribute 
much to a proper perspective of the political 
events, particularly regarding those which 
affected their fortunes. The Jesuits had a 
correct historic sense and had analysed 
the political situation of the country, though 
they were partial in their views at times, Their 
testimony can be tested by other sources 
of information. 

For our period we have the letters from 
Malabar including those of Father Pimenta 
who visited Gingee when Krishnappa Nayaka 
was its ruler, about 1597 A. D. Pierre du 
Jarric was a French Jesuit whose work, 
though not original, is a reliable reproduction, 
on a large scale, of first-hand information. 


He faithfully collected all the Jesuit records 
which would have otherwise been inaccessible 
and summarised them for our benefit. The 
materials he collected were in different langu- 
ages ; and hence there have crept in errors of 
translation here and there."" 

"" Father Pierre du Jarric, entered the Society of 
Jesus in 1582 and was professor at Bordeaux. He com- 
pleted his Hittoire in 1614 and died three years later. 
The work consists of three parts, each part containing 
two books. Books I and II give an account of the liio 
and work of Sfc. Francis Xavier, and of the misssions in 
India (Travanoore, Cochin, Calicut, Vijayanagar, Bengal, 
etc.) Pegu and the Moluccas, down to 1599. Part II 
gives an account of the missions in Africa, China, 
Brazil and the Mughal Empire down to che same date ; 
and the third part gives an account of these missions, 
bringing the history of their activities down to 1610. 

The work of Du Jarric is a compilation, largely 
based on the works of Guzman (down to 1599) and of 
(xuerreiro (down to 1609) as well as on original letter^ 
from missionaries. Mr. C. H. Payne who has carefully 
studied Du Jarric's work, says that he " used his autho- 
rities with fidelity, either literally translating or care- 
fully summarising"; and that considering the nature of 
the materials he used, 4 'our wonder is not that Du 
Jarric made errors, but that he made so few ". 

A Latin translation of the entire work by Martinez 
was published at Cologue in 1615 and entitled T/tewuni* 
lit 1 ram Tndicanun. The latter is the authority ordinari- 
ly quoted and is, on the whole, a faithful translation, 
though not free from inaccuracies. C. H. Payne has 
translated portions of Du Jarric into English, under the 
title of Akbar and the Jesuits (1926 Broadway Travel- 
lers). See E. Maclagan : The Jesuits and the Great 
Moyul (1932) ch. I: Sources of Information: and C. H. 
Payne: Introduction. 

Father N. Pimenta, whose letters have been utilis- 
ed by contemporary and later writers, became a member 
of the Society of Jesus in 1562, taught for some years at 


The transition of Gingee to Vijayana- 
gara rule may now be summarised. After 
the achievements of Kamparaya and Gopanar- 
ya, we come to the famous Alampundi grant 
of Virupaksha (A. D, 1382). The Brahmans 
of Alampundi in the province of Gingee were 
given the snrvtnmlnijam of the village which 
had already been given by his father. In the 
Adivaraha temple at Singavaram, there is a 
record of Virupaksha dated Saka 1309, 
recording a gift (Inscription No. 234 of 1904). 
Alampundi is a village bituatei six miles to 
the west of Gingee. The grant was probably by 
Virupaksha, son of Harihara II, who is here 
addressed as Kumara-Viriippanna Udaiyar in 
order to distinguish him from his namesake, 
the son of Bukka I, who seems to have had 
nothing to do with the Tamil country. Virii- 

Evora and at Coimbra and was sent to India as Visitor 
in 1596, in charge of the Provinces of Goa and Malabar. 
He remained in India till his death at Goa in 1614. 

Father A. Laerzio was "the true founder of the 
Southern Province whose greatest achievement was the 
Madura Mission." (See D. Ferroli's The Jesuits ui 
Malabar: Vol. I (1939), p. 276). He had written notes 
on Guzman's Ifi'story which were useful to Du Jarric in 
his work. 

Anquetil Du Perron was *'a weird pioneer of oriental 
scholarship " and spent some years in India about the 
middle of the 18th century. He discovered the Accsta 
in 1771, and translated the Persian translation of the 
Upanishads brought by Bernier, into a queer jargon of 
Latin, Greek and Persian in 1801 ; and this caught the 
attention of the German philosopher, Schopenhauer. 


paksha is said to have conquered the Tundira, 
Chola and Pandya countries and presented 
the booty got from his conquests to his 
father. The inscription ends with Harihara 
II, whose son, Virfipaksha, was in charge of 
this portion of the South Arcot district. A 
Sanskrit drama, entitled NdrCiyaua Vilfixu* 
written by Virupaksha, corroborates the in- 
formation of the Alampundi grant. Gingee 
had thus become unmistakably the head- 
quarters of a province as early as 1383 A. D/ :;: 

According to the Vdradamlriku Parina- 
yam which gives a detailed account of the 
campaigns of Narasa Nayaka, the founder of 
the third dynasty of Vijayanagara, we learn 
that he first marched across the Tondamandal- 
am country and then approached the border 
of the Chola country whose chief opposed his 
progress, was defeated in a fierce battle and 
imprisoned by him. Narasa Nayaka took 
possession of Tanjore and then proceeded to 
the conquest of the region lying further 

In the eighth section of his C 
Narayanan narrates that during the reign of 
Krishnadeva Raya, the Gingee country was 
divided among several petty chiefs who 

* See above pp. 51 56 for an examination of the 


did not acknowledge the authority of the 
emperors of Vijayanagara. In order to 
reduce them, Krishna Raya sent a consider- 
able army into Carnatic which is said to have 
consisted of 100,000 men, under the command 
of four chiefs named Vaiyappa Nayakar, 
Tubaki Krishnappa Nayakar, Vijayaraghava 
Nayakar and Venkatappa Nayakar. The 
army encamped near Vellore. No battle or 
attack on the fort is there noticed ; but the men- 
tion of the ready submission of all the chiefs 
of the surrounding region seems to point to a 
victory of the imperial army. Narayanan 
says that the chief of Chittoor and other petty 
rulers of the Tondamandalam country had an 
interview with Vaiyappa Nayakar who 
seems to have been the (jeneralissimo of the 
army. One of the chiefs mentioned is Bomma 
Beddi of Kalahasti. At this interview, Vai- 
yappa fixed the tributes to be paid by all the 
chiefs who had submitted. From Vellore the 
imperial army next proceeded to Gingee. 
Here another conference was held with the 
chiefs of the Cholamandalam, at which their 
tributes were also fixed. While in Gingee, the 
general of Krishnadeva Raya despatched the 
captains under him towards the south to levy 
tributes on and exact submission from the 
chiefs of the Pandya, Chola, and Chera 
regions. They were respectfully received 


W A 


by those chiefs who duly agreed to render 
tribute and submission. Krishnadeva Raya 
derived, in the shape of these tributes, three 
crores of rupees from all the rulers of the 
eastern Karnataka country. For the admin- 
istration of these newly acquired dominions, 
he divided the whole land into three divisions 
under three viceroys. The first extended 
along the coast from Nellore to the river 
Coleroon; this was placed under Tubaki 
Krishnappa Nayakar who fixed his capital at 
Gingee. The second was the fertile country 
watered by the Kaveri river, and was govern- 
ed by Vijayn Raghava, who resided at Tan- 
jore. Finally, the third was the whole coun- 
try south of the said Kaveri river, and this 
was assigned to Venkatappa Nayakar, who 
eventually settled at Madura." * 

' :; ' The Chronic-la further says that "in Tanjor** 
Trichinopoly, Madura and Tiru* Nagari (South Travan- 
core?) the kings respectfully answered to the demands. 
Thus the eastern Carnataca (as distinguished from 
Mysore etc.) became subject to the Rayer. He derived 
three crores of rupees from this country and in conse- 
quence, he divided the whole into three parts under 
three viceroys." Taylor, Catalogue Raibonwt*, III, p. 39. 

"The two accounts of these expeditions, that given by 
Nuniz, the contemporary chronicler of the reign and that 
of Narayanan, seem to refer to the same events, for the aim 
of both was the same, viz. the subjection of the eastern 
Karnataka. After the expeditions the country was 
divided among the generals of Krishna Raya. Moreover, 
the Catuir of Nuniz about which so much difficulty had 
been raised, may be a corruption for Chittoor. Finally 
the first city that fell into the hands of the imperialists 


Du Jarric's work was very largely an 
account of Catholicism and its spread, and a 
history of the labour of the Jesuit missions in 
India. Hence it did not contain much politi- 
cal information. Anquetil du Perron, a 
French traveller and a Jesuit, has also given 
an account of Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee. 

The indigenous literary sources * of our 
period have also brought to light some phases 
of the rule of the Gingee N" a y a k s . 

seems to have been, according to Narayanan, Vellore. 
Now Sewell's note identifies the unnamed city captured 
by Krishnadeva Raya with this city of Vellore: *The 
description of the town answers to Vellore in North 
Arcot, the fine old fort at which place is surrounded 
with a deep moat. According to tradition, this place 
wa-5 captured by Krishna Deva Raya from a Reddi 
chief.' An apparent objection to the identification of 
these two campaigns may be the fact that the expedi- 
tion mentioned by Nuniz was led by the same sovereign, 
who is not mentioned in Narayanan's account. But if 
we consider that the capture of Vellore seems to have 
been omitted by the latter, wo may also conclude that 
the fact of Krishna Deva Raya not being mentioned can- 
not afford a valid argument against our theory." 

""Note on the indigenous literary sources : There are 
several indigenous chronicles iiko the work of Naraya- 
nan in Tamil, the TanjacTiri Andhra Rujula Charitumu 
and the Tanjtlt'urfwtrt Char Haw. They are useful as sources 
for the 16th century history of Carnataca; and they are 
supplemented by a volume of literary evidence, the 
largest portion of which relates to Tanjore. Thus 
we have the Suhityamtnakara of Yagnanarayana Dik- 
shita and the Rayhunathabht/iidayam of Ramabhadram- 
ba, both of them in Sanskrit ; and the Vijayarayhava 
Vamzacali of ChengahivaUi Kalakavi in Telugu. * The 
Smuftta Sudha by Raghunatha Nayaka along with illu- 
minating introduction to it by his famous minister, 


The two works by the name of Eaglni- 
nathabliyudhayam and the Sahityaratnaka- 
ram which deal with the brilliant exploits 
of Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore mention 
incidentally Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee 
who was a contemporary of his. These 
sources do not deal with any of the other 
Nayaks of Gingee except the contemporary 
of Raghunatha. 

The first Rciyhunutlia'byuddyam is a Telugu 
drama by Vijayaraghava Nayak, the son of 
Raghunatha. It gives a description of the palace 
of Tanjore and makes a reference to the pictur- 
es depicting Raghunatha's victory over one 
Sol aga of Coleroon, (Divukott ah !) and the repre- 
sentations of his successes over the Pandya, 
Chola and Timdira kings, i.e. Madura and 
Gingee Nayaks. The second work of the name 
is a Sanskrit poem, which was written by 
the talented poetess, Ramabhadnimba, of 
the court of Raghunatha. It refers to the 
relationship of Raghunatha and Krishnappa 
Nayaka of Gingee, who was released by the 
intercession of the former when he was in the 
prison of Venkata I. The 

Govinda Dikshlta and the Kuylntnallul-lihiiudaint Kata- 
katn in Telugu of Vijayaraghava Nayaka contain 
44 what may be regarded us the official version of the 
history of the Tanjore Nayaks" For an evaluation of 
these sources see V. Vridhagirisan's The Nuyuks of 
Tan jure 9 Ch. I (AnnamaJai University Journal Vol. IX 
No. 2) and also Sources of Vijayanayara History. 


is a Sanskrit poem dealing 
Nayak written by Yagna 
son of the famous Govinda 
minister of Achyuta Nayak and of 
Nayak of Tanjore. 

We have also got a few other such similar 
sources of information that can be regarded 
as contemporary evidence. 

The word, Nayak, is derived from the 
Sanskrit term Nayaka, meaning a leader, 
chief or general. The variations of the word 
Nayak, Neyk or Nayaka, signify as much 
as a governor, vassal or viceroy under the 
jurisdiction of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. 
Having subsequently revolted against their 
liege-lord or implicitly renounced his over- 
lordship, each of them assumed semi-royal 
titles and power. The word, Nayak, is gene- 
rally used to apply to all army captains. The 
use of the term as meaning a provincial 
viceroy is peculiar to the Vijayanagara empire. 
Hence we find the rulers of Madura, Tanjore 
and Gingee being generally known and des- 
cribed as Nayaks. But kings like the Pand- 
yas, the Cholas, the Hoysalas and other non- 
Vijayanagara rulers seem to have applied the 
word Nayak to their commanders, captains or 
officials, such as agents, as is evidenced in a 
large number of their inscriptions. 


Two inscriptions found at Tirupparan- 
kunram in the Madura district, already 
noted, give a list of the Gingee Nayak rulers 
and mention that they emigrated first to 
Vijayanagara, from Maninagapura or 
(Manikhpur near Allahabad) and the immi- 
gration is said to have taken place in 1370 
A. D. The immigration of the chiefs from Vija- 
yanagara to Gingee in the time of Vaiyappa 
appears to have taken place five generations 
before Vai'adappa Nayc\ka, about the middle or 
in the latter part of the 16th century. 

We have not been able to ascertain the 
causes of such emigration from Aryilvarta to 
Vijayanagara and then to Gingee. We find 
in the inscription of Surappa Nayaka, the 
Nayak being called the Lord of Maninaga- 
pura , 

Without establishing the connection of 
Surappa Nayaka with the Nayaks of Gingee 
it is not possible to support the view that the 
Gingee Nayaks came originally from Mani- 
nagapura. We have no other evidence to 
prove that the Gingee chiefs were the origi- 
nal immigrants from Maninagapura to Vijaya- 

We have not got reliable information 
about the circumstances that led to the 
foundation of the Nayakship of Gingee. 


According to the Karnataka Rajakkdl Saris- 
t<lra Charitmn, an army of the Vijayanagara 
king defeated the Kurumba chief of Gingee, 
Kobilingan by name, and took possession of 
the place. An account of the Kurumbars has 
been given above. The expedition referred to 
must have been that of Kumara Kampana, 
for during his campaign in the south, we 
find his Brahman general, Gopanarya, having 
his head-quarters at Gingee. Gopanarya 
seems to have exercised jurisdiction as far 
south as Chidambaram, for we find in the Vaixh- 
iHtrd Guruparampara, a mention of the great 
Acharya, Sri Vedanta Dcsika, persuading 
Gopanarya of Gingee to restore the image of 
Govindaraja of Chidambaram which had been 
thrown out of the shrine. The Guruparmn- 
pura, while tracing the fortunes of the Tillai 
GovindaraJA temple, refers to Sri Vedanta 
Desika who is said to have requested Gopa- 
narya to reconsecrate the imag^ in the shrine 
about 1370* 

""" Another Vaishnava work, the Prapmmdtnrtam, 
attributes th? honour to one Mahacharya of Sholinghur ; 
and it says that the Chola, Krimikanta Kulottunga, had 
the Govindaraja idol removed from the shrine in the 
Chidambaram temple. The Kulottunya Chilian Uld and 
the Bfijartija Cholon Uld both refer to the same king 
who caused the idol to be thrown into the sea. Sri 
Ramanuja, the great founder of Sri Vaishnavism, had 
then established and consecrated the Govindaraja shrine 
in the temple at Lower Tirupati, in the place of the one 
fit Chidambaram that had been desecrated by the Chola. 
Later Vaishnava Acharyas had, according to the Pra- 

The Nayak Rulers of Gingee 

A regular viceroyalty seems to have 
been established only from 1464 A. D. when 
Venkatapathi Nayak became the ruler of 
Gingee. The copper plate grant of Vala or 
Bala Venkatapalhi Nayaka (son or a des- 
cendant of Vala Krishnappa Nayaka, Raja of 
Gingee, Saka 1386(1464 A. D.)Parthiva, Kaliyn- 
ga, 1465 cyclic year) refers to the adjudication of 
a dispute. This Nayak seems to have per- 
secuted the Jainas ; and the memory of his 
persecution is supported by the still surviv- 
ing Jaina tradition in the neighbourhood and 
by a mention of it in the Mackenzie Mss. Vol. 
I. A number of inscriptions found in the 
South Arcot district indicate Siijuva Nara- 
singa's dominion over Gingee ; and probably 
the Nayaks were the deputies of Narasinga. 

According to the Mackenzie J/s.s., Krish- 
nadeva Raya had to send sardars into the 

, tried to reconsecrate the deity, and trans- 
late it on a secure basis to its original shrine, with the 
help of the Vijayanagara emperors. The reconsecra- 
tion of Gopanarya was certainly not the one in which 
Mahacharya (or Doddacharya) of Sholinghur took part 
as it was in Achyuta Raya's consecration in 1539 that 
he is known to have taken a definite part. 

Rao Saheb M. Raghava lyengar has endeavoured to 
hold that this Chola who desecrated the Vishnu shrine 
in Chidambaram, was Kulottunga II (1135-1146) who did 
the act with a view to widen the shrine of Siva. A note 
on the vicissitudes of the Vishnu shrine of Chidamba- 
ram is given below, later in the book. 


Karnataka country to strengthen his authori- 
ty there. The Raya himself marched into 
the Carnatic along with his chief Nayaks, 
Vaiyappa Nayaka, Tubaki Krishnappa Na- 
yaka and others. After strengthening his 
master's authority in the south, Vaiyappa 
left the country 'appointing Tubaki Krish- 
nappa Nayaka his second in command, to 
rule over the land. We have to take that 
Tubaki Krishnappa was the founder of the 
Nayak line of Gingee kings. He seems to 
have ruled gloriously all over the coast from 
Nellore down to the Coleroon up to 1521 A. D., 
(Saka 1443). We are not able to ascertain the 
exact extent of his power for want of reliable 
inscriptional evidence. The date of the 
accepted irruption of Krishnadeva Raya into 
the Carnatic could have been only some 
years after 1509 ; and if we take it that Vai- 
yappa had appointed Tubaki Krishnappa as 
the Nayak of Gingee, the latter could have 
been the ruler of the place only from after 
the epoch of the Raya's conquests, i.e. after 
about 152021. 

Venkatapathi Nayak who acquired notor- 
iety as the persecutor of the Jainas in 1478 
A. D., was also known in local tradition as 
Dupala Krishnappa Nayaka ; and the problem 
arises of his possible identity with Tubaki 



Krishnappa Nayak.* If we identify Tubaki 
Krishnappa with the Nayak of the persecution 
fame, we must credit him with a very long 
rule of at least 57 years from 1464 to 1521 A. D- 
The copper plate grant of Venkatapathi is 
dated Saka 1386 (1464 A. D.). Tubaki Krish- 
nappa should thus have been very old at the 
time of his death. Moreover, the regular Nayak 
line of rulers seems to have begun only from 
the irruption of Krishnadeva Raya, though 
Gingee is said to have been for long a Vijaya- 
nagara viceroyalty, and, according to the Alam- 
piindi grant, even from 1383 A. D. It has been 
said that a duly constituted governorship 
began only from 1464 A. D., when Venkata- 
pathi Nayak hadbecome the ruler of Gingee. We 
have to take 1464 A. D. as the probable date of 
the beginning of the regular succession of the 
Gingee governors, if we identify Tubaki Krish- 
nappa Nayaka with the Nayaka of 1464 A. D. 
But it discards the view that the Nayak line 
was founded after Krishnappa Nayak's entiy 
into the Carnatic which took place only after 
1509 A. D. 

Moreover, the line of Nayak rulers men- 
tioned in the Mackenzie Mss. runs as follows : 
1. Vaiyappa Nayaka, 1490 A. D. 

* There was another Tubaki or Tupaki Krishnappa 
Nayak ruling in Gingee in the 17th century who was 
associated with the Bijapur and Golconda rule over the 


2. Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaka, 1490 to 
1520 A. D. 

3. Achyuta Vijaya Ramachandra Na- 
yaka, 15201540 A. D. 

4 Muthialu Nayaka, 15401550 A. D. 

5. Venkatappa Nayaka, 1570 1600 

6. Varadappa Nay xka, 1600 1620 
A. D. 

7. Appa Nayak (up to the Muslim 

The chronology given by S. M. Edwardes 
in his paper 'A Manuscr pt H story of the 
Rulers of Gingee' (The Indian Antiquary, 
Vol. 55,) is as follows : * 

Muthial Naik, 1476 A. D. 
Krishnappa Naik, 151 \. D. 
Chenam Naik, 1536 A. D. 
Vijayappa Naik, 1555 A. D. 
Gangama Naik, 1580 A. D. 
Venkatakrishna Naik, If 05 A. D. 
Venkataram Naik, 1625 A.D. 

Trimbakmal Krishnappa Naik, 1645 
A. D. 

Varadappa Naik, 1655 A. D. 

*"The manuscript, which is wric-en on country- 
made paper in the Modi character and is in several 


places difficult to decipher, owing to the bad writing of 
the scribe and the attacks of white ants, bears on its 
title-page the English words 'Account of the Chengy 
Rajahs '. The identity of the scribe or author is un- 
known, and there is no clue thereto in the manuscript, 
which purports to be a kaifiyat or record of the rulers of 
Chandi (Chengy) or in modern spelling, of Gingee or 
Jinji in the Arcot district of the Madras Presidency. 
Readers of this Journal may be interested in learning the 
main facts set forth in the Mas., so far as I was able to 
elucidate them. 

"The narrative commences with the statement that 
during the reign of Krishna Rayel of Anegondi, a 
certain Vijayaranga Naik (according to one account, 
Gingee was built on an old foundation of the Chola kings 
in 1442 by Vijayaranga Naik, governor of Tanjore) 
came with a perm it to Chandi (Gingee) and there secured 
a jayir. He cleared the forest, ;i massed riches, and 
effected the settlement of Chandi. In Fasli 852 (A. D. 
1445) a Dliangar named Anandakona, who was search- 
ing for some stray flocks belonging to his tribe, met a 
Mahdpur us/in i who informed him that by his exertions 
Chandi was destined to become a great place, and that 
he should straightway go to Vijayaranga Naik. In 
accordance with this prophecy, the kingdom of Chandi 
was established with the help of Anandakona, whose son, 
Tristapitla, became prime minister of the Chandi 

"To revert to the Mss., we are next informed that the 
families of Vijayaranga Naik and Anandakona enjoyed 
undisputed possession of Chandi (Gingee) for 224 years, 
i.e to Fasli 1077, and that the names of Vijayaranga's 
successors were as follows: 

Fasli 883 (A. D. 1476) Mutiyal Naik. 

918 ( 1511) Krishnappa Naik. 

943 ( 1536) Chenam Naik. 

962 ( 1555) Vijayapa Naik. 

987 ( 1580) Oangama Naik. 

1012 ( 1605) Venkat Krishna Naik. 

1032 ( ,. 1625) Venkat Ram Naik. 


* Tubaki Krishnappa and Vaiyappa are 
credited with having built temples at Sri- 
mushnam, Tirukkoyiliir and other places 
wherein their sculptures could now be seen. 
The big granaries in the Gingee fort, the Kal- 
yami Mahal and the thick walls enclosing the 

Fasli 1052 TA. D. 1645) Trimbakmal Krishnappa 


1062 ( 1655) Varadappa Naik. 
Pp. 12 of the Indian Antiquary, Vol. LV (1926). 

This account is supposed to be from a ins., bearing 
the words, "Mackenzie Collection, Dec. 3, 1833 : No. 38 ". 
The existing catalogue does not include "this particu- 
lar ms. which has hitherto escaped scrutiny and eluci- 
dation'. It associates the Kon dynasty of Gingee with 
the Nayak governors of Vijayanagara and makes the 
two lines contemporary ; whereas it is fairly well estab- 
lished that the Kon rulers preceded the period of the 
Nayak rulers. 

According to the account which goes down to the 
closing years of the 18th century, ending abruptly with 
the capture of Gingee by Tipu Sultan (held to have 
taken place in Fasli 1199 = A. D. 1792), the place was 
burnt by the Mysore Sultan who also destroyed the 
artillery-parks in the three forts. Mr. Edwardes says 
that u the story of the foundation of Jinji and of the 
Naik dynasty and the Dhangar ministers seems to me 
to deserve a closer and more detailed inquiry ". All 
that we learn from the Camdtaka Rdjakkal Savistdm 
Charitam is that Gopalakrishna Pillai, and his son, 
Nandagopala Pillai, who were probably of the Yadava 
(shepherd) caste, were ministers to the Nayaks from the 
trme of Tubaki Krishnappa to Varadappa. 

* Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaka gave, according to 
Narayana Kon, the name of Rajagiri to the great hill 
Anandagiri; he built on its summit a large surrounding 
rampart and constructed a tunnel giving access to a 
grotto, in which were built the royal palace, granaries for 
storing paddy and other foodstuffs, a well, the temple of 


three hills of Gingee are also credited to 
Krishnappa Nayaka. The images of Krish- 
nappa and his companions are sculptured in 
the pillars in the shrine of Srimushnam, Tiru- 
koyilur and other places in the neighbourhood. 
His long and peaceful administration resulted 
in the expansion of the town and the creation of 
pettahs and suburbs. The building activity 
of this earlier Krishnappa is to some extent 
confused with that of a later Krishnappa 
who ruled in the latter part of the 16th century. 

Ramaswami and a powder magazine. On the extreme 
top of the hill he built a peristyle going round a court 
and furnished it with windows and a grand gateway. 
He also constructed a large reservoir at three-quarter 
height of the hill, and furnished it with two sluices, 
one above and the other below. The brick-built 
reservoir previously done by the Kon rulers, was included 
in the new. At the middle height of the hill was cons- 
tructed the temple of Kodanda Ramaswami, along with 
its tank and mantapams. There were also there the 
shrine of Kamalakanni and three springs flowing forth 
from great depths and ever lighted by the sun; and they 
were now provided with masonry parapets and skirting 
foot paths. All these were surrounded by a wall pierced 
by two gates. 

The foot of Rajagiri was also encircled by a thick 
wall, furnished with 2 gates. There were also built a 
granary with a capacity of 150,000 kolam*, a temple, a 
granary for rice and another for other grains. 

In the interior of the palace, a tank was built for 
bathing surrounded with mantapams. "The Raya 
Mahal thus rose splendidly with eleven floors"; and 
level with the ground was the great throne-room. The 
queen's residence was called the Kalyfma Mahal ; it was 
of seven floors surrounded by houses tenanted solely by 
women. To the south of the paddy granary were built 


According to the Mackenzie Mss., Krish- 
nappa's successor was one Achyuta Rama- 
chandra Nayak. An inscription in the Ven- 
kataramanaswami temple of Gingee (No. 244 
of 1904) refers to a gift made by Achyuta Vija- 
yaramachandra Nayaka, the governor of 
Gingee. We find (in page 192 of the Archaeolo- 
gical Survey of India, Annual Report, 1908 9) 
a reference to the mahamandaleswaras and 
generals of Achyuta Raya, the successor of 
Krishnadeva Raya. One of such mandales- 
waras seems to have been Achyuta Ramachan- 
dra Nayaka * who was ruling Gingee in Saka 
1464, i.e., A. D. 154041. According to the 
Mackenzie Mss., the next ruler after Achyuta 
was one Muthialu Nayak who is held to have 
been the builder of the Venkataramanaswami 
temple at Gingee. The next ruler of Gingee 

the temple of Rajagopalaswami (Venkataramanaswami ?) 
and the Senda-Rayan Fort. All round the Krishnagiri 
hill a double brick-wail was built; and on it rose same 
paddy granaries, bungalows and 2 temples in honour of 
Krishnaswami and Ramagopalaswami. Forts called 
Kuttarisi Durgam andKurangu Durgam were also built. 

A great surrounding wall encircling the fortress of 
the plain was built from the foot of Chandrayan Durg 
advancing from the s.e., turning first e, and then ri. and 
going by the temple of Gopala Pillai traversing the 
bank of the Agaram tank, encircling Krishnagiri and 
coming back to Rajagiri. 

* There is an inscription (244 of 1904) in a ruined 
temple "at Chandragiri, near the palace, recording a 
gift by Achutharaya Nayaka, governor of Gingee. 

was according to the Mackenzie tradition 
Venkatappa Nayaka. 

Under these Nayaks the forts were 
strengthened and the town was greatly en- 

* Tubaki Krishnappa and his descendants are said 
to have ruled for 150 years. It was under Krishnappa 
and his immediate successors that a dam was construct- 
ed over the Varahanadi, a few miles distant from the 
fortress, at Kutampet ; and after filling the tank of Siru- 
kadambur the water of the river was conveyed by a 
canal which ran at the foot of the Krishnagiri Hill. A 
sardar of the shoe-maker caste fortified at his own 
expense the Chakkili Durgam Hill and dug out a small 
tank fitted with sluices at its summit. The Pattabhi Rama 
temple was built at the foot of this hill. More to the 
east was founded the village of Jayangondan, while a 
large market town of square shape was also built in 
closer vicinity to the hills. All the castes of the Left 
Hand were quartered in these two places. 

Other suburban villages like Rajakaranampettai, 
Stalakaranampettai, Kollapalayam were founded at a 
distance of two naliyai to the north of Rajagiri and 
of Madana (Krishna) giri, besides two other villages, 
Periapettai and Singarampettai, still further north of 
Rajagiri. The Right Hand castes were settled in these 
villages. Nallan Chakravarti Satrayagam Seshadri Ai- 
yangar was the Rajaguru of Tubiiki Krishnappa who gift- 
ed an agraharam to his master after the latter celebrated 
a yagam in the cleared Elangfidu forest. The Nayak 
also gave the guru the village of Miimbattu and the 
srotriem of S i n g a v a r a m . He also built the 
Vishnu temple of Sirukadambur and the temple dedicat- 
ed to Dharmaraja and Draupadi Amman at the north 
end of Gingee town and entrusted its administration to 
a member of the old clan of the Kons, declaring that 
all honours should be first rendered to this Goddess 
(Draupadi Amman). 

Under Achyuta Ramachandra Nayak (ace. Fasli 
930) the four enclosing walls and the majestic gopuram 
of the Tiruvannamalai temple were begun in Saka 1443. 


An inscription (No. 240 of 1904) found on 
the south wall of the central shrine of the 
Venkataramanaswami Temple at G i n g e e 
dated Saka 1472, Sadharana, in Tamil, des- 
cribes a gift by Surappa Nayakar for the 
merit of Sadasivadeva and another gift by 
Adappattu Mallappa Nayakar for a festival. 
Another record engraved on the north wall of 
the Akhilandeswari shrine in the temple of 
Jambai in the Tirukkoyilur taluk, dated Saka 
1471, expired, Saumya, of Sadasiva Raya des- 
cribes the gift of a village for the merit of the 
king by Adappam Surappa Nayakkaraiyan 

Twenty years later he built the Vishnu temple at 
Tin divan am, a temple and gopuram at Nedungunram 
and similar edifices at Settupattu (Chetpat). He is also 
credited with the construction of several other temples 
and ayrcilulrums. 

Muthialu Nayaka built a small fort on the hillock 
situated to the west of Chandrayan Durg and called it 
after his own name. He also constructed, besides the 
temple of Venkataramanaswfimi a mantapam on the 
road leading to Varahanadi, a tvppakulani for the god's 
festival and a temple to Chakraperumal on its bank. 
The great gopuram of Tiruvannamalai was completed 
only in Saku. 1494. 

Venkatappa Nayaka, the successor of Muthialu 
Nayaka, allowed a Jain merchant to build a Jaina shrine 
at Sittamur; and in Tindivanam a Siva shrine and a fort 
were built. The Nayaka's wife, Mangammal, dug the 
Ammakulam tank on the great Gingee road and another 
tank of the same name at Vriddhachalam, on the other 
side of its river. It was also about this time that the 
great wall and the gopuram of Vriddhachalam were 
finished, as well as the mantapam before the shrine of 
the goddess. 



Krishnama Nayakkaraiyan. A poet, Ratna- 
khita Srinivasa DJkshitar, lived at the court 
of Surappa Nayaka and dedicated to him 
the drama of Bhavanapurushottoma. Accord- 
ing to this work, Surappa was the son of 
Pota Bhupala by Vengalamba and had two 
brothers, by name Divakara Nayaka and 
Bhairava Nayaka. Surappa founded three 
villages named respectively after himself 
and his parents ; and he is called by the 
author as the "firm establisher of the throne of 
Karnataka" (KarnatasimhasanQpratisthapa- 
ndcharya), possibly referring to the help 
which he rendered to the Raya of Vij ay ana- 
gar, against one of the Muslim incursions into 
the south after Talikota. The Raja whom he 
helped was possibly either Tirumala or 
Ranga I. The difficulty comes up when the 
question of fixing Surappa among the rulers 
of Gingee in that period and particularly of 
defining his relation to Krishnappa who w^as 
its ruler in the time of Venkatapathi- 

At the battle of Talikota (1565) the 
Vijayanagara Empire was rudely shaken. 
The Empire survived indeed as a living politi- 
cal entity for nearly a century more; and 
some of its rulers of this period were really 
able men like Tirumala, Sriranga and Ven- 
kata I ; the last of these was the most illus- 
trious of the fourth dynasty of the kings of 


Vijayanagara and did much to maintain the 
solidarity and the prestige of the empire, 
against heavy odds. His accession to the 
throne, superseding his nephews, prompted 
the nobles and feudatories of the Empire to 
rebel against his authority. One of such 
feudatories of the Empire was Krishnappa 
Nayaka of Gingee. 

According to the Mackenzie Mss., Ven- 
katappa Nayaka was a contemporary of 
Venkata I. The date given in Mackenzie 
Mss. for Venkatappa Nayaka (1570 1600) 
coincides with the period of rule of Krishnappa 
Nayaka of the Jesuit records who is regarded 
as the contemporary of Venkata I and of 
Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore. Prof. V. 
Rangacharya has followed the Mackenzie Mss. 
and has identified Krishnappa Nayaka with 
Varadappa Nayaka, the son of Venkatappa 
Nayaka, He has based his conclusions by 
following mainly the Mackenzie Mss. More- 
over, according to inscriptions (Nos. 860 861 
of 1918) Varadappa Nayaka seems to have 
ruled in 1620 A. D. during the last days ofrthe 
Nayak rule at Gingee. Varadappa Nayaka 
and Appa Nayaka have been regarded as im- 
becile rulers who gave way before the Muslim 
invasion. The view that Krishnappa Nayaka 
was mistakenly written for Varadappa Naya- 
ka, the son of Venkatappa Nayaka, cannot 
be easily maintained. 


We have to take that Venkatappa Nayak 
(15701600) of Mackenzie Mss. is identical 
with Krishnappa Nayaka whose dates given 
in the more reliable and contemporary Jesuit 
records agree with the dates given in the 
Mackenzie Mss. Jesuit and other contempor- 
ary records do not mention any Varadappa 
Nayaka as a contemporary of the Emperor 
Venkata I and of Raghunatha Nayaka of 
Tanjore. Nor do the available indigenous 
literary sources refer to Varadappa Nayaka. 
Hence the ^identification of Mr. Rangacharya 
has to be discarded. 

When Venkata I was on the throne of 
Vijayanagar, Krishnappa Nayaka was the 
ruler of Gingee. Anquetil du Perron * calls 
him the contemporary of Vencapatir. Perron 
has stated that Krishnappa succeeded his 
father whose name, however, he does not 
mention. After the death of his father, 
Krishnappa must have been imprisoned by his 
uncle for a time in the fortress of Gingee. 
According to Father Pimenta, Krishnappa 
managed to escape from his prison with the 

*Anquetil du Perron: Abraham Hyacinthe (1732 
1805) went to India as a private soldier in 1754, acquired 
a considerable knowledge of Sanskrit and translated a 
dictionary in that language. On the fall of Pondicherry 
in 1761, he conveyed his manuscripts and writings to 
Paris and became Oriental Interpreter to the King's 
Library and a member of the Academy of Inscriptions 
and Belles Lett rev. 

help of some friends and imprisoned in turn 
his usurping uncle and also put out his eyes. 
Anquetil du Perron says that Krishnappa 
was freed by his own subjects. 

In 1586 Krishnappa Nayaka seems to 
have rebelled against Venkata I who captur- 
ed him and imprisoned him. Raghunatha 
Nayaka of Tanjore rendered help to Krish- 
nappa by requesting from the Emperor an 
order for his release in return for services 
rendered to him in repelling the Muhamma- 
dans who were then besieging him at Penu- 
lt onda. Venkata, in gratitude for the help 
rendered by Raghunatha Nayaka, had to order 
the immediate release of Krishnappa Nayaka. 
The Nayak of Gingee then paid his respects 
to Raghunatha and prostrated himself before 
him and showed a due sense of his gratitude 
by giving away his daughter in marriage to 
him. The Raghumithabyudhayam and the 
Saldtya Ratiutkara both definitely refer to 
the release of Krishnappa from captivity 
effected through the help of Raghunatha. 

On the occasion of Krishnappa's rebellion 
the Emperor had sent against him an army 
under the command of one Venkata, who was 
an elder brother of the Kalahasti chief, 
Ankabhupala. This Venkata seems to have 
marched against him and defeated him. 


During the time of Krishnappa's confinement 
in prison, the Gingee country seems to have 
been ruled by this Venkata, who, according to 
the Telugu work, Ushaparinayam, is said to 
have constructed a large tank and named it 
Chennasagaram, after his father. This imp- 
lies a fairly long rule of Venkata at Gingee 
and an equally long term of imprisonment for 
Krishnappa Nayaka. Venkata, the victorious 
general of the Raya and ruler of Gingee 
during the interregnum caused by the im- 
prisonment of Krishnappa, was the eldest of 
the Velugoti chiefs of Kalahasti, of whom we 
have knowledge of three, namely, Damarla 
Venkatappa, Damarla Ayyappa and another 
Anka who was less known, but was a literary 
figure and the author of the Telugu work 
Usliaparinayam. Venkatappa lived to a good 
age, because he survived in power the great 
civil war of 1614 16 which followed the death 
of Venkatapati Maharaya in 1614 and the reign 
of Ramadeva (161630) and was -very power- 
ful in court in the reign of his successor, 
Venkatapathi (16304:0, being in fact his 
brother-in-law. Venkatappa was the actual 
administrator of the Raya's kingdom, remain- 
ing at the capital and having his province of 
Wandiwash managed for him by his brother, 
Ayyappa who he d the government of the 
Poonamallee country to the west of Madras. 


It was from these two brothers that the 
English obtained the grant of Madraspatnam. 
(or site of Fort St. George) which, in the 
Company's records, is ascribed, to ' Damarla ' 
Moodu Venkatappa Naick, son of Damarla 
Chenama Nayak, Grand Vizier of the afore- 
said sovereign, (i e. the Raya) and Lord Gene- 
ral of Carnatica." 

Krishnappa Nayaka should have been a 
wise and able ruler, as Jesuit records bear 
ample testimony to the prosperity of the city 
of Gingee, which was then known as the 
"Troy of the East ". Soon after Krishnappa's 
release from prison, through the efforts of 
Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore, Father 
Pimenta made his acquaintance with the 
Nayaka during his stay at Gingee. We 
possess a valuable account of Pimenta's deal- 
ings with the Nayak and of the city and fort- 
ress of 

Father Pimenta was a Portuguese Jesuit * 
and spent a few days at Gingee in 1597 A. D. 

"" "This Portuguese Jesuit was appointed visitor of 
the Missions of the Society of Jesus in India by the 
Most Rev. Fr. Claudius Aquaviva, Superior-General of 
the Society. In the course of his trnvels he spem a few 
days at Gingee, in the year 1597. There were no Jesuits 
then at the court of the Gingee Nayafc; bu: he wanted to 
pay his respects to Krishnappa Nayaka v!580 1620) the 
then ruling chief, and to thank him for his hospualicy 
to several of the Jesuit missionaries who had visiced his 
court on business." 


Probably when he visited it, Gingee was in 
the heyday of its glory and was one of the 
most impregnable and strongest forts in the 
whole of India and extended as far as 
and included the present village of Melacheri 
three miles to the west of the present fort. 

There were no Jesuits at that time in the 
court of Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee ; and 
Pimenta wished to pay his homage to him and 
thank him for his hospitality to the Jesuit 
missionaries working in his dominions. 
Father Pimenta is reported to have first met 
Krishnappa Nayak at Chidambaram where 
the latter was superintending the repairs of 
the Govindaraja temple. He thus says of the 
city of Gingee: "We went to Gingee the 
greatest city we have seen in India and bigger 
than any in Portugal except Lisbon. In the 
midst thereof is a castle like a city high wall- 
ed with great hewn stones and encompassed 
with a ditch full of water. In the middle of it 
is a rock framed into bulwarks and turrets 
and made impregnable. Father Pimenta 
seems to have proceeded through the Arcot 
or Vellore gate. He says that the Nayak ap- 
pointed their lodging in the square tower, 
estimated 80 feet high, which has been regard- 
ed as the most conspicuous building in the 
fort- The private dwellings are not elaborate 
except some belonging to the rich and the 


influential people- Among these the palaces 
of the king are the most prominent built in a 
peculiar style with towers and verandahs." 

" The Naicus appointed our lodging in the 
Tower, but the heat forced us to the Grove 
(taough consecrated to an Idoll) ". 

"The next day, the inner part of the 
Castle was shewed us, having no entrance 
but by the Gates which are perpetually 
guarded. In the Court the younger sort were 
exercised in Ti ts. We saw much Ordnanse, 
Powder, and Shot; a Spring also of Cleare 
water. The Naicus had been here kept by 
hs Uncle, whom yet by help of his friends 
he forced to become in the same place his un- 
willing successor, having put out his 

Father P i m e n t a describes Gin?ee 
this: "The following day the Naicus 
brought the Fathers into the fort (viz. to the 
fortress which was already called by the 
iiuthorarx); as they entered, the reports of 
the guns and the songs of the buglers exoect- 
ed them, being the soldiers in p-irade. What- 
ever rare and precious the fort contained was 
shown that day to the Fathers. Everything 
belonging to an impregnable fort seemed to 
have been adopted in this one. Here the 
Naicus had been ordered by his uncle to be 


kept after the death of his father, but freed 
by his subjects he confined his uncle in the 
same fort, whom he preferred to deprive of 
his eyes and his liberty rather than of his life. 
Then the king riding on horse back and accom- 
panied by a thousand armed soldiers took over 
Father Pimenta to the palace." " 

* (pp. 42 and 43 of The. Indian Antiquary, Vol. LIV 

The Jesuit Letters. Their letters throw a flood of light 
on Venkata I (1578 1614) both as a ruler and as a man. 
They have been fully utilised by the Rev. H. Heras S.J., in 
writing his account of the reign of Venkata, which 
occupies more than a third of his book (The Aravidu, 
Dynasty of Vijayanaqara, Vol. I, 1927). The most emi- 
nent of these was Father Nicholas Pimenta who, as 
Visitor on behalf of the General Society of Jesus, direct* 
ed the establishment in 1597 A. D. of a mission house at 
Chandragiri, the royal residence. To the Rev. Father 
Simon de Sa, Rector of the College of San Thome, was 
assigned the duty of opening the Mission. He left San 
Thome in October 1598 and was duly received by Oba 
Raya, father-in-law of Venkata, and introduced to the 
King who received him in audience. He gave them 
permission to build a church at Chandragiri and else- 
where also if they pleased and promised the grant of a 
couple of villages for their expenses and for meeting the 
cost of erecting their Churches. He also gave them a 
golden palanquin for use, a distinction reserved only to 
nobles and to religious heads, 

Chandragiri had become the capital of the Hindu 
empire by 1592; and by 1600, the Jesuits had a house and 
a church at that place and secured from the Raya a 
yearly grant of 1,000 pagodas, besides certain unsecured 
income from some villages and lands, ** as a sign of his 
love for the fathers." Venkata I lived generally at 
Vellore, though the capital continued to be Chandragiri ; 
and by 16067, two Jesuit Fathers and Lay Brothers 
had come to live at the latter place. Venkatapathi 
Raya had a great admiration for the Jesuits. Father 


The Nayak brought the Fathers into the 
fort with a salute from the fort guns, a wel- 
come from the buglers and a parade of troops. 

Whatever was rare and precious in the 
fort, were shown to the fathers, " Before us 200 
Brahmans went in rank to sprinkle the house 
with holy water and to prevent sorcery 
against the king which they used every day, 

when the king first entered the house We 

found him lying on a silken carpet leaning on 
two cushions in a long silken garment, a great 
chain hanging from his neck, distinguished 
with many pearls and gems all over his body 
and his long hair tied with a knot on the 
crown adorned with pearls. Some Brahmans 
and princes attended upon him. This shows 
the grandeur of the Nayak. He entertained 
us kindly and marvelled much that we chew- 
ed not the betel leaves which were offered to 
us." He dismissed them with gifts and preci- 
ous clothes wrought with gold and desired one 
of their priests for his new city which he was 

In the fort Pimenta found a great quanti- 
ty of ordnance, powder and shot. The Nayak 

Melchior Coutinho resided in the fortress of Vellore and 
enjoyed the friendship of the Raja ; and Father Antony 
Dubino resided at Chandragiri. They had influencs 
with the Chikkaraya (Crown Prince), probably the puta- 
tive son of Venkata, who was suspected to ba of spurious 
origin and was always kept apart from the Raya. 


was guarded with a thousand armed men. 
300 elephants were paraded before the Nayak, 
as if they were fitted for a war. At the porch 
of the palace, the Nayak was greeted with an 
oration in his praise, a thing usual in their 
solomn pomp. The Nayak then showed his 
store of jewels to the Fathers and gave them 
leave to go to his new city. 

This new city referred to by Pimenta was 
Krishnapatnam which the Nayak had built 
near Porto Novo on the banks of the Ve.lar 
river, in the Chidambaiam taluk. The village 
of Agaram just to the west of Porto Novo, 
was probably the Krishiijipatnam of the N^yak. 
The building of this town shows the greatness 
and the power of the Nayak and also the 
extent of his kingdom. Du Jarric says that 
" it is located in the country called " Arungor" 
near the mouth of the river Valarius (Vellar) ; 
and it forms the present Hindu quarter of 
Porto Novo. In order to foster the new 
foundation, Krishnappa allowed everybody to 
select his own building site and a piece of 
land was assigned to each in the outskirts of 
the city for agricultural purposes. Consequ- 
ently many buildings were under construction 
when Pimenta visited the place in 1597 1598 
A. D. To superintend the buildings of this 
town, the Nayak had appointed one Solaga of 
Coleroon, his feudatory and ally who was an 


important chief of the Gingee country 
and played a considerable part in the local 
history of the period. 

Krishnappa asked Pimenta to build a 
church in this new city and to erect a resi- 
dence for a priest. The Nayak himself gave 
a gift of 200 pieces of gold for that purpose. 
The present was made in the presence of all 
the grandees and nobles of the court. Accor- 
dingly Father Pimenta called Father Alexan- 
der Levi, " a man of renowned holiness and of 
great knowledge of the vernaculars from 
Travancore and left him at Krishnapatam, the 
city built by the Nayak to superintend the 
construction of the church." 

Father Pimenta also observed that "in 
the court of Gingee the younger folk were 
exercised in tilts which are a kind of military 

The picture here given from the narrative 
of Pimenta affords us an insight into the 
splendour of the court of the Nayak of 
Gingee, his power and influence, and also 
throws some light on some of the customs of 
the land. 

Krishnappa Nayaka and His Feudatories 

One of the Jesuit letters of 1606 states 
that among the Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore 
and Gingee, the Nayak of Gingee was the 


most powerful, as is evident from the descrip- 
tion of Pimenta who visited his court in 1597 
1598 A. D. 

Father Pimenta mentions the following 
three feudatories of Krishnappa Nayaka. 
They were, the Princes of Tiruvati (on the 
Pennar), and Salavacha (Silaga of Coleroon) 
and Lingama Nayaka of Vellore. 

The Solaga of the Raghunathdbhyudha- 
yam and the Sahitya Ratndkara is called by 
Pimenta, Salavacha, who occupied Devikota 
at the mouth of the Coleroon and who was 
regarded as one of the chiefs of the highest 
rank. During Father Pimenta's stay at 
Gingee S^laga's son, a boy of 14, accompanied 
by many men and nobles reached the capital, 
and asked Krishnappa to name him after 
himself, with a further request for the grant 
of a golden chair and several pieces of land. 
This shows that S6laga, his father, was a 
subordinate of Krishnappa. This young S&la- 
ga became a friend of the Jesuits; and when 
the Nayak took leave of his father, he com- 
mended them to the care of the young Solaga 
who escorted them safely to the castle of 
his father. 

The Solaga was living in a small fort at 
the mouth of the Coleroon. He was then said 
to be 80 years old and exercised absolute 


authority among his subjects, being feared by 
everybody. Pimenta says that he received 
the Jesuits with great kindness. " He is old 
and severe and caused crocodiles to be put in 
his river for his security, charging them not 
to hurt his own people." The description of 
6olaga given by Pimenta agrees with that 
given in the Raghunathabhyudhayam and the 
Sdhitya Ratnokara. He had occupied an islet 
near the sea and was giving great trouble to 
the inhabitants of the surrounding country 
and used to carry away by force women from 
the neighbouring region. The Sdhitya Rat- 
ndkara describes him also as a very cruel 
man of inhuman tastes. The Raghunatha- 
bhyudhayam states that the chief 1 " was so 
powerful that he defied even strong gover- 
nors like Vittala Raja. 

Another feudatory of Krishnappa was 
Lingama Nayaka of Vellore whose kingdom 
was subordinate to the Nayak of Gingee. 
Lingama was the son of Chinna Bomma, the 
protege of Appayya Dikshita. He was one of 
the feudatories who rebelled against Venkata 

* The descendants of the Solaga have now sunk in- 
to insignificance. They are petty land-owners and the 
Solaga chief is now the poligar of Pichavaram, a jungly 
village near the coast between Chidambaram and the 
mouth of the Coleroon. Solaganar is the family title ; 
and the poligar has been enjoying the right of being 
anointed as chief in the great temple-ha) 1 of Chidamba- 


and refused to acknowledge his authority. It 
is clear from the Jesuit records that he wish- 
ed to form an independent principality iree 
from his immediate overlord, the Nayak of 
Gingee and the Emperor. Thus we find Lin- 
gama as a feudatory of Krishnappa Nayaka of 
Gingee, though we are unable to know more 
detaJs about their relationship. 

The region of Trivati on the Gadilam 
river was under the rule of another feudatory 
of Krishnappa. No information is available 
as to this ruler. 

Wielding such a power as he did, it is 
likely that he should have cherished ideas of 
independence of his royal master. 

In his first rebellion against Venkata, as we 
have already seen, Krishnappa was imprison- 
ed and later on released through the efforts 
of Raghimatha Nayaka of Tanjore. This 
humiliation did not damp the spirit or dimi- 
nish the ambition of Krishnappa, who conti- 
nued to cherish ideas of independence. The 
nobles and courtiers of the Raya urged him 
(about 1600) to capture Gingee and humble 
the overgrown chief. 

Anquetil du Perron states " that Venkata 
had many reasons to wage war against 
Krishnappa" without giving any one of them. 


He believes that "the refusal of the payment 
of tribute annually was the main reason for 
the war." 

News about the insanity of Krishnappa 
reached the ears of the Emperor when he was 
about to march against him. This madness 
seems to have been only a pretence as Fr. 
Coutinho says and "that the fraud is now 
patent that the king feigned to be out of his sen- 
ses in order to please four of the grandees of the 
king Jom, who were afterwards killed by his 
order." * Venkata seems to have abandoned 
his mar jh to Gingee despite the advice of the 
nobles, as the Gingee Nayak was reported to 
have become insane. 

A few years later, in 1604, Krishnappa 
Nayaka. sent an embassy to Venkata, accord- 
ing to a Jesuit letter. But in the war that 
was waged towards the end of 1607, the 
Nayak was defeated with ignominy. 

According to the letter of Coutinho, the 
tardiness of the Nayak in paying the tribute 
resulted in the despatch of captains to con- 
quer the lands of the kingdom of Gingee. One 
of these captains was Velugoti Yachama Nai- 
du who, according to the Vclugotivari Vamsa- 

* Heras' ' The Araiidu Dynasty ', Vol. I : page 408. 



vali (Wilson's Collections, p. 274) captured 

" While the imperial army was approach- 
ing the fortress, God wanted to punish the 
Nayak who was within", says Coutinho. 
"Had he remained in the fortress nobody 
would have defeated him, for it is impregnable ; 
but he the Nayak, being too arrogant, went 
out to meet the army of Venkata. Then his 
own captains deserted him and the Nayak 
fell a prisoner into the enemy's hands. The 
Jesuit adds, that "he distributed his ear- 
rings and other jewels he bore on his chest 

* Velugoti Yachama Nayaka, of the 20th generation 
of the Velugoti family, was, 4 perhaps the most distin- 
guished warrior of the line, He first distinguished him- 
self under his cousin, C henna, in the Muhammadan 
wars during the early years of the reign of Venkatapati, 
in the siege of Gandikotta and in the capture of the forts 
of Gutti and Kurnool. He further distinguished himself 
by defeating Davula Papa who came down upon him at 
Uttaramallur and played a most heroic part in the great 
civil war of 1614-16. The victory at Uttaramallur was 
over Davula Papa who was sent by Lingama Nayaka of 
Veilore with the help of troops furnished by the rulers 
of Gingee and Madura (1601 A. D.) He saved the town 
from the attack of the enemy, routed the besiegers and 
killed Papa in the fight. After the great civil war, 
Yachama had to continue the struggle against Yatiraja 
a younger brother of Jaggaraya, still supported by the 
Nayaks of Gingee and Madura and defeated him in a 
battle near Palayamkottai (South Arcot District). He 
then celebrated at Veilore the coronation of Rama as the 
emperor of Karnataka, with considerable pomp and 
dignity (1616). (Velugolivarivamsdvali, edited with intro- 
duction by Dr. N. V, Ramanayya, (1939) p.p. 56-59 
of Introduction.) 


among his opponents in order to induce them 
not to kill him. Such was the great victory 
won on the New Year's Day 1608 ". (Anquetil 
du Perron, quoted by H. Heras : Vol. I, page 

The Raya set out for Gingee when the news 
was received at his court at Vellore (where 
he had established himself after the defeat of 
Lingama Nayak at Minnal by Venkata, the 
founder of Chennasagaram,) when Lingama 
rebelled against him. Father Coutinho says 
that the imprisoned Nayak prostrated 
before the Emperor's feet with his family and 
agreed to pay him 600,000 cruzados. The 
King retired to Vellore and the Nayak of 
Gingee moved by the loss of his treasure and 
elephants, retired to Singavaram near his 
capital, saying that he did not want to govern 
any more and so on. The Nayaks of Madura, 
and Tanjore who were his kinsmen placated 
him with many gifts and caused him to 
return to the capital and rule the land. 

Krishnappa's Relations with the Portuguese 
and the Dutch. 

The glorious picture of India given by 
Huyghen van Linschoten kindled the enthu- 
siasm of the Dutch for eastern enterprise. 
In 1595 they set out with a fleet of four ves- 


sels commanded by Cornelius Houtman and 
voyaged to the east. When they reached the 
west coast of India they found the political 
condition of Malabar quite favourable and 
entered into an a liance with the Zamorin of 
Calicut, with a view to secure the expulsion 
of the Portuguese and the building of a 
fort at that place. 

The Dutch then tried to penetrate into 
the Bay of Bengal and sought the permission of 
Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee to build a fort 
at Devanampatnam (modern Fort St. David, 
Cuddalore N. T.) which was, subsequently, 
granted in 1608. The Jesuit letter informs us 
that the Dutch were treated hospitably and 
were allowed to build a citadel at the place of 
their landing. 

The Nayak's olla (or farman) in which the 
first concession to the Dutch was made is 
dated 30th November 1608. The Jesuit letter 
states that after obtaining the olht the Dutch 
diligently began to build the citadel. 

The NuyalS* Olla ; " We promise to pro- 
tect the Dutchmen who will settle in Tegna- 
patam to allow them to build a town, to 
refuse entrance to the Portuguese to whom 
we shall remain hostile. On the other hand 
we, the Dutchmen, promise to bring all kinds 


of goods, to traffic with all traders on the 
condition that they will pay us four for every 
100 of our merchandise excepting rice. We 
shall also pay 4 for every 100 of our merchan- 
dise we c.iiry away frooi there. Those who 
ha^e paid on e win not pay again. We 
promise to take th^ oath and to keep all the 

It seems that at Tegnapatam there was 
an old fort (Rea,-Monumental Remains of 
South India, p. 13). The Dutch began to 
construct the fort on receipt of the ollas* 

* The following accou it taken by Father H. Heras 
from a book by Suarez D j Fi^ueroa (1) Madrid, MDCXIIII 
datable 1607 or 1608 runs tiius :-- 

" In the year lauxara, in. the March moon : 

Letter of the King of Kings, Great Lord, Great 


King Vencatapati, very great king, to the most 


Lord of the Sea and of the Land, Don Filipe, 
(Philip III), King of Portugal etc 

I learn how the Djtch, rebel subjects? of Your Ma- 
jesty to Girola (Gingea) tz talk with the Naique 
and tli3y raquastad fro n bin th 3 harbour of Tanaa- 
patan (IWcUiainpatnan, Fort St. David) in which they 
werj alrealy baiidin^ a forir^s^. I S3iifc at onca a 
messenger of mine with fona letters for the Naique; 
a U afterward-? Fathar Nicholas LevaatD, Rector of the 
Cjlle.;? of San Thono of the Society of Jesus, at my 
raqua^t wait ovar tiero takia? o':h3r letters of mine oa 
the sa na subject. And I CJtusad that the Naique might 
forbid a fortress to ba built by them and might send 


The Portuguese, then bitter rivals of the 
Dutch, exercised much influence at the court 
of Venkata I, who, when he heard of the 
construction of the fort at Tegnapatam by the 
Dutch, sent an envoy to the Nayak of Gingee 
ordering the expulsion of the Dutch from his 
territory. It seems that Krishnappa did not 
obey him first, for in the following year we 
find Nicholas Levanto deputed by the Bishop 
of San Thome, to obtain from Venkata the 
expulsion of the Dutch from Tegnapatam. 
Levanto went in person to Venkata's court 
and easily obtained from him a new order for 
the Nayak of Gingee to whom he personally 
presented it. He was also well received by 

Matters were, however, seriously discus- 
sed at Krishnappa's court. " The nut was a 
hard one to crack" says the Jesuit letter, 
44 because of the large profits the Nayak 
hoped to get from the Dutch." Hence he told 
the Father to hope for the best, but delayed a 

them back out of his possessions, because since they are 
rebels against your Majesty, they are also so to my 
person " 

From my kingdom Ventacja king The letter 

further down says that " the fort (Taunapatam) is very 
convenient, the town large and the population very 
numerous, scattered in the other ports and villages of 
that bay, for instance, Paliacate, Arimagan, Seven 
Pagodas, which are quite important ports." 


definite reply. Venkata issued another letter 
reprimanding the Nayak for his disobedience 
and ordering him again to act according to 
the demand of the Fathers, and to expel from 
his territory the foes of the Portuguese, "who 
are better friends than the Dutch." 

Krishnappa on receipt of the letter sent 
for Levanto and ordered that the Devanampat- 
nam (or Tegnapatam) fort was to be delivered 
to the Portuguese. The letter correspondence 
between Philip III of Spain and Portugal 
and Venkata I reveals the friendship of Ven- 
kata with the Portuguese. In one of his 
letters Philip III thanked Venkata for 
the hospitality and kindness shown to the 
Jesuit Fathers in their successful attempt to 
drive away the Dutch from Tegnapatam. In 
return Venkata wrote the following letter. 

41 1 learnt how the Dutch, -rebel subjects 
of Your Majesty, came to Gingee, to talk with 
the Nayak and request him for the harbour of 
Tegnapatam. I sent at once a messenger of 
mine with letters for the Nayak and later on 
Father Nicholas Levanto of the College of 
St. Thome went at my request to Gingee with 
my letters on the same subject. I saw the 
Nayak forbade the building of the fortress by 
the Dutch and expel them .from my posses- 
sions, the Dutch being the rebels of Your 
Majesty and also the same to my person." 


Great was the elation of the Portuguese, 
thanks to Venkata, and the Dutch were 
grievously disappointed. They again demand- 
ed from Krishnappa permission to settle at 
Tegnapatam and Porto Novo, the new city 
founded by the Nayak. Again they failed. 
Probably, it is on account of these const int 
refusals to allow the Dutch to settle in his 
territory that Krishnappa is said (in a letter 
of the Portuguese Viceroy, Francis Vasco de 
Gama 28th November 1604) to have been very 
fond of the Portuguese. 

Dutch Beginnings in the Gingee Coast 

An account of the beginnings of Dutch 
enterprise on the Gingee coast may come in 
handy at this place. The Dutch fleet that 
left Holland in 1607, reached Goa in Septem- 
ber of the following year and despatched two 
yachts to the Coromandel Coast to take the 
cloth that might be obtained there. De 
Bitter anchored before Tegnapatam ; and the 
local governor offered a piece of ground to 
the Dutch for building a house and was 
inclined to permit them to rebuild an old dil- 
apidated Portuguese fort and to trade with his 
people in all friendship (September October 
1608). On the 8th October the Dutch yachts 
touched Kunimedu on their way to Masuli- 
patam and tried to negotiate for a factory at 


that place also. They had to go away quick- 
ly for fear of the outbreak of the monsoon. 
The two ships returned to Tegnapatam in 
November; and four Dutchmen (Pieter Ger- 
ritsz Bourgonjie and 3 others) went to Gingee 
to secure a cowle from the Nayak. They 
reached Gingee on the 26th November and 
were well entertained by the Nayak, who 
showed great joy at their arrival and offered 
them, besides the decayed Portuguese fort, 
the town of Tegnapatam itself. The Dutch, 
however, did not wish to accept this offer, 
but requested that the Nayak would take 
them under his protection. They secured the 
following cowle : 

"We promise to Jacob de Bitter, Captain, 
on behalf of the Admiral Pieter Willemsen 
Verhoven, to take under our protection the 
Dutchmen who shall remain in Tegnapatam, 
and to let build the town, to deny the Portu- 
guese and remain their enemies. Against 
this, we, Dutchmen, promise to bring all mer- 
chandise and to trade with all merchants and 
that we shall pay*4 per cent for all the goods 
that we shall bring here except the rice used 
in the house, and the money on that shall not 
be paid. We shall also pay 4 per cent on the 
goods that we take from there except that 
on what has once been paid, a further pay- 
ment will not be made. What has been 



written above, we promise and swear to 
guard without breaking in any way. Amen. 
30th November 1608 in the great town of 

The Dutchmen were left behind at the 
factory of Tegnapatam under Bourgonjie 
with 12,000 reals and a quantity of sandal- 
wood and other wares. Bourgonjie expected 
great profits from the trade and asked for a 
sum of 3 or 4 thousand reals of eight for the 
building of the castle. Sandalwood and 
camphor were greatly in demand at the place, 
and apparently also cloves, nutmegs, mace, 
green velvet, porcelain, 4 armosignen ' red 
scarlet and yellow copper (brass P). We read 
that finding that the dilapidated castle was 
not fit for them to live in, the Dutch factors 
secured the permission of the 'great Aya' 
(a eunuch who had great influence in the 
land, more than the Nayak himself, and 4 in 
whom the government consisted') proceeded 
half a mile inland to a small castle, called 
Tirupapuliyur where they lodged for the time. 
This castle was built of blue free-stone and 
"supported on 100 beautiful pillars prettily 
and very beautifully covered figures (sculp- 
tures) and other things." It was described as 

* (Page 81 Journal of ilia Madras University : Vol 
IV : No. 1). 


"a very beautiful and splendid building/'* 
The Ay a of Gingee assured the Dutch that no 
toll would be taken from them and helped, 
though tardily, in securing them dyers and 
weavers. The building of the fort at Tegna- 
patam did not however, progress rapidly, 
though the Aya promised to promote the 
work. He now tried to persuade them to put 
off the work of fort-building till the arrival 
of their next fleet ; and he said that " without 
ammunition the Dutch would not be able to 
defend it against the Portuguese;" and 
further that the building was hazardous and 
the Portuguese would go and complain to the 
* Great King' (the Raya) who would see with 
an envious eye the Dutch fort springing up 
and would only tolerate them as mere traders. 
The Aya however permitted them to trade 
for the present from Tirupapuliyur. Some of 
the Dutchmen in the lodge at Tirupapuliyur 
misbehaved and rebelled against the authori- 
ty of Bourgonjie and trade diminished (1609). 
The Aya indeed helped them to remain on the 
coast against the wishes of the Raya and got 
over the Nayak of Gingee to his side; and 
the Portuguese were not able to drive them 
out of Tirupapuliyur though they secured 

** The building was evidently a temple or a man- 
tapam at Tirupapuliyur about two miles inland from 
Tegnapatam across the Oadilam river which falls into 
the sea to the south of the factory town. 


from the Nayak of Tegnapatam 7 other 
villages for 1,500 pardoes in spite of the 
Dutch promise made from the beginning to 
offer double of what the Portuguese might 
give. The Dutch blamed the Aya for all this ; 
and the Portuguese utilised the material 
collected by the Dutch for the building ; while 
a Portuguese Jesuit intrigued at the court of 
Gingee ; and the position of the Dutch became 
very unsatisfactory, as no dyer or weaver 
was allowed to approach their factory without 
the special permission the Aya. 

But the wheels of fortune turned quickly 
in favour of the Dutch. In December 1609, 
the Portuguese were driven away by the Nayak 
and the Aya for not having kept their promises 
and " thrust out as if they had been hounds"; 
but the Dutch knew that they had to be "free 
with promises of gold to both." Bourgonjie 
was not over-anxious to return to Tegnapa- 
tam before he should feel his way securely ; 
he" resolved to write to the ruler of Kandy for 
2 or 3 elephants that would be acceptable to 
the Nayak as a present. The Dutch had 
been friendly with the king of Kandy who 
had sent to the factors at Tirupapuliyur a 
golden ring set with fine blue stones and 
five sacks of cinnamon by envoys who offered 
to present annually to the Dutch 10 or 12 
elephants to satisfy this Nayak. The Dutch 


received similar offers and appeals for help 
from the king of Jaffnapatam and from the 
Nayak of Tanjore. Bourgonjie and his officers 
wrote to the ruler of Tanjore requesting the 
grant of Tirumalipatam (Tirumalarayan- 
pattinam) situated between Tirupapuliyur and 
Negapatam but received no reply to his letter 
of request. 

When the next Dutch fleet appeared on 
the coast in the spring of 1610, it was to 
leave nutmegs, maces, cloves, sandalwood, 
4 scissick' and other wares and also four 
'pigs of iron' with some gunpowder* The 
coide received by De Bitter about Tegnapa- 
tam was to be renewed or a new contract was 
to be concluded to the total exclusion of the 
Portuguese. In March 1610, two Portuguese 
ships of San Thome were captured and taken 
to Tegnapatam which had 370 packs (bales) 
of Goromandelese linen and 25 bars of indigo 
ready for shipping. 

Maertssen who brought the captured 
ships from San Thome, negotiated with the 
great Aya for a new contract which was 
concluded, on the 29th March 1610, "between 
the Aya Tiere Wangelaye, governor over the 
islands Tindamandalam on the one side and 
Arend Maertssen and Pieter Gerritsz Bour- 
gonjie on the other side." The Aya swore on 


his side to keep the contract with his Kayak, 
Christoppen Aya (Krishnappa Nayak). The 
Dutch should have within the fortress of 
Tirupapuliyiir, as a storehouse of ammunition 
and merchandise, the house called Noto 
Calamatta Coin and were to furnish the fort 
with a metal cannon and three iron guns. They 
should pay 2^ import and export duties 
except for money, rice and other necessaries 
of the fort. The Nayak and the Aya should 
have the right to buy sulphur from the Dutch 
and they should compel the dyers and 
weavers to carry out their agreements with 
the Dutch and not permit other European 
nations to trade, without special papers 
from Prince Maurice. The Aya should be 
supplied with the goods that he desired from 
the Netherlands at cost price. The Dutch 
should not trouble ships sailing with the pass- 
port of the captain of Tegnapatam. "Thus 
the Dutch secured contractual confirmation 
for their possession of Tirupapuliyiir and could 
use Tegnapatam as the harbour for it. Porto 
Novo also stood open before them, but they 
did not establish a factory there imme- 

After concluding this treaty with the 
Aya, Maertssen and a companion, Abraham 
Fontaine, went to Gingee from whose Nayak 
they took a letter to the Stadth older of 


Holland, wherein the Aya promised to keep 
the contract concluded now and requested 
that ships might be sent to Tegnapatam. 
Towards the end of April 1610, the Dutch at 
Tirupapuliyiir received the Raya's permis- 
sion to enter into trade negotiations at Puli- 
cat. The contract which had been sent to 
Vellore from Gingee was ratified by the Raya 
a few days afterwards. Difficulties were put 
in the way by the Portuguese who offered 
5,000 pagodas to the brother-in-law of the 
Nayak for driving away the Dutch from 
Pulicat. In fact, Portuguese opposition conti- 
nued even after the news of the Twelve 
Years' Truce of Antwerp reached the coast 
in the end of 1610. 

Tegnapatam became a subordinate fac- 
tory under the supervision of Pulicat where a 
fort, called Geldria, was erected. Even as 
late as 1613, the Portuguese continued to 
trouble the Dutch factors ; they offered 1,000 
pagodas to the Aya for driving the Dutch out 
of the place, and handing over the head of 
the factory, Vander Meer, to them; and the 
latter had to pay 2,000 rix dollars to the Aya 
to secure his safety. Hard stone was convey- 
ed from Tegnapatam to Geldria to be overlaid 
on the walls of its fort, as the visitor, de Harze 
thought that the factory caused unnecessary 
expenditure and proposed to abolish it (1614). 

Krishnappa Nayaka (continued.) 

His zeal for Vaishnavism. Krishnappa 
H ayaka was a loyal follower of Venkata I in 
his attitude towards religion. He was a 
staunch Vaishnava like his master and did 
much to spread and foster it. His measures 
in the Chidambaram temple are sufficient to 
show his zeal for Vaishnavism/" 

Father Pimenta, the Jesuit traveller who 
visited Krishnappa Nayaka at his camp in 
Chidambaram in 1597 A. D., found him then 
engaged in the settlement of internal disputes 
among the managers of the temple. The 
Chidambaram temple is famous for its great 
and dominant Saiva shrine of Nataraja, and 
we find in 1597 A. D. a bitter controversy was 
raging over the question whether the shrine 
of Vishnu should be included within the inner- 
most enclosure of the temple wherein the 
shrine of Nataraja was located. The main 
reason for these controversies had to be 
attributed to the Vijayanagara monarchs 
who tried to extend Vaishnavism and who 
were greatly helped by their Guru Tatachar- 
ya in this task. 

It has been said that Vaishnavism reach- 
ed its high water-mark in South India during 

* Vide infra. 


the time of Venkata I and it is no wonder 
that Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee showed 
great determination in restoring and repair- 
ing the Govindaraja shrine within the Nata- 
raja temple. Pimenta has given a succinct 
account of what he saw at Chidambaram in 
1597 A. D. The following is his observation. 

"A great controversy arose whether it 
was lawful to place the sign of Perumal a 
Vaishnava in the Saiva temple at Chidamba- 
ram. Some refused while the others impor- 
tunately urged. The priests of the temple 
who were the treasurers, were withstanding 
and threatening, if it were done, to cast down 
themselves from the top of the temple tower. 
The Brahmans of the temple swore to do the 
like after they buried the former. Krishnap- 
pa Nayaka was unmoved by such threats and 
was calmly superintending the repairs that 
he had ordered at the Vishnu shrine. The 
construction of the buildings of the shrine was 
carried on, undaunted by the fierce threats of 
the opponents. The priests climbed one of 
the high gopurams of the temple and cast 
themselves down while the Nayak was 
there. 1 ' Pimenta observed "that twenty 
people had perished in that precipitation on 
that day of departure, whereat the Nayak 
being angry, caused his gunners to shoot at 
the rest which killed two of them while 



others fled to different places. A woman also 
was so hot in the jealous controversy that 
she cut her own throat/ 1 * Naturally Krish- 
nappa's anger and his order to shoot at the 
rest, while a few of them threw themselves 
down from the tower top, cannot be justified* 
at all and can be regarded only as a callous 
exhibition of sectarian bigotry. 

To understand the spirit of the Nayak in 
his attitude towards Vaishnavism, a review of 
the events of the time is essential. 

The history of Chidambaram under the 
Vijayanagara rulers has largely been a 
period of acute religious rivalry and secta- 
rian disputes between the Saivites and the 
Vaishnavites.* * The Prapannam-rtain, an 
orthodox Vaishnava work, refers to the Chola 
King Krimikanta Kulottunga," * * who is said 
to have removed the Govindaraja idol from 
the Chidambaram temple. The Kulottunga 
Choi a a Ula and the Raja Raja Choi an Ula 
refer to the same king who caused the idol to 
be thrown into the sea. Sri Ramanuja had 
then established and consecrated the Govinda- 

* Du Jarric, p. 637; Anquetil du Perron, p. 169 

" : - * See Rao Saheb M. Raghava lyengar in " The 
Annals of Oriental Research of the University of 
Madras 1938-39 ", Volume III ; Part I. 

* * * Likely Kulottunga II (See infra note.) 


raja shrine in the town of Tirupati in the place 
of the one at Chidambaram that had been de- 
secrated by the Chola. The later Vaishnava 
Acharyas had according, to the Prapannamr- 
tam tried to reconsecrate the deity on a 
secure basis and translate it to its original 
shrine with the help of the Vijayanagara 
Emperors. Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee 
seems to have been one of such men who 
tried to restore to its former eminence the old 
shrine of Govindaraja in the temple. 

* Rao Saheb Pandit M. Raghava lyengar traces the 
fortunes of the Sri Govindarajaswami shrine in the 
Chidambaram temple. We know that the deity was 
praised in song by Tirumangai Alwar and Kulasekhara 
Alwar from whom we learn that the worship in the 
shrine was conducted by the Tillai Muvfiyiravar. 

The shrine itself is said to have been founded by a 
Pallava ruler, as Tirumangai Alvar says : in Pern/a 

Tirumozhi (3, 2. 3.) 

Again we learn from the Tirukkncaiyar of 
Manikka Vfichagar that even in those days the deity in 

the Vishnu shrine was shaped as the Vishnu recumbent 
on Adisesha and the shrine itself was adjacent to the 
Siva shrine. 

We know further from Vaishnava literature that 
the Vishnu deity was thrown into sea by the order of a 
Chola monarch and the shrine itself was pulled down at 
the time; the work, Rainunujilrya Divya Charitai of 
Pillailokam Jiyar, attributable to the 16th century, tells 
us that this Chola monarch was Senni Kulottungan, 
who can be, with a great degree of probability, identified 
with Kulottunga II (A. D. 1135-1146). Ottakkuttan, his 

* The Annals of Oriental Research of the Madras University 
Vol. Ill, (1938-39) Part I. 


court poet, praising his son, Rajaraja, refers to the 
incident of the idol being thrown into the sea, as an 
achievement of the father. 

Again, in his work, Takkaydgapimrani, he makes 
it plain that Kulottunga II pulled down* the Vishnu 
shrine to make room for the enlargement of the Siva 

We know that Kulottunga II was also known by 
the titles of Anabhaya and Tirunlrru Cholan. The 
RuHMMijiirija Divt/a Charita referred to above, gives, 

Saka Ayiratt onpatu as the year of the destruction 

of the Vishnu shrine. As the Mss. (including even the 
one in the Madras O. M. Library) show a gap in this 
place, besides others, and as mere Saka 1009 (A. D. 
1087) would only refer to the times of Kulottunga 
I, and as the gap is obvious from the metrical struc- 
ture of the stanza and also from another verse in 
the same work where we read that lour hundred 
and twelve years before the reconsecration of the 
temple which took place, as is shown by an 
inscription in the first prakara of the Chidambaram 
shrine, [No. 272 of 1913, M. E. R.] on the 31st May, 1539 
and also Record No. 1 of 1915 M. E. R. (corresponding 
to Saka 1461 Mithuna month, Saturday, Anuraiha 
Nakshatra) when Achyuta Ray a Maharaja of Vijaya- 
nagara built anew the shrine of Sri Govindaraja in 
the ambalam of Perumbarrappuliyur, reconsecrated 
the image of the deity and granted villages yielding 
500 gold coins for the daily worship etc. the date of 
destruction should ba Saka 1461 412 -Saka 1049 = A. D. 
1127. This date 1049 Saka can easily fit into the 
mutilated stanza of the work referred to above ; and 
the blank portion made to read as Narpattu (forty). 
This word, meaning one thousand and forty-nine is 
more fitting to the stanza than either A. D. 1117 or 
1137; moreover A. D. 1117 would take us into the 
reign of Kulottunga I; while the latter year would 
bring us to the time of Sri Ramanuja's demise. Rama- 
nuja, we know from other sources, had certainly heard 
of the desecration of the Vishnu shrine and of the 
s ubsequent transportation of the image by some Bhaktas 


to Lower Tirupati, had gone over to the latter place where 
he had the image consecrated and afterwards resided 
at Srirangam for some years before passing away. 
Hence neither 1117 A. D. nor 1137 A. D. would be 
suitable; and 1127 A. D. can alone fit in. The only 
objection is that in 1127 A. D. Vikrama Chola (1117 
1136), the father of Kulottunga II, was ruling; Vikrama 
is known to have added to the Siva shrine at Chidam- 
baram and made great gifts to it, bringing them to a 
completion in 1128 A, D. But since many of these 
gifts are actually sung as having been done by Kulot- 
tunga by Ottakkuttar and since we cannot be certain that 
Vikrama was personally the instrument of these gifts, 
it is very probable that Kulottunga II was acting for his 
father and in personal charge of the renovations and 
gifts to the Siva shrine ; he was also the crown prince 
and had been crowned as co-ruler with his father ; and 
he can be well held to be the destroyer of the Vishnu 
shrine in 1127. The reconsecration of the Vishnu 
shrine in 1539 was done under the inspiration of a 
famous Vaisnnava teacher of the time, Doddacharya, 
alias Mahac'iarya, of Sholinghur by Ramaraya of 
Chandragiri, the younger brother of Krishnadevaraya, 
according to the Sanskrit work, Pntpannamrtam. This 
Ramaraya wa<? a lieutenant of Achyuta Raya and not 
the brother of Krishnadeva Raya. It was Achyuta, the 
younger brother of Krishnadeva Raya. that did really 
reconsecrate the shrine. This is further evidenced by 
Varadaraja, the author of V(i*ud<">r<teliaritai or Baghava- 
tam in which he praised the deity, Govindaraja, as the 
God Vishnu worshipped by the Devas with Uma's Lord 
dancing by the side who was restored to his former 
shrine and worshipped by Achyutaraya in some 

Achyuta Raya built the several parts of the 
Vishnu shrine; and we learn from the pd^jiram of the 
VasudC'Mchdritdi, that it was published in Saka 1465 = 
A. D. 1543. It is plain that the words used by Varada- 
raja refers to the fact that the Vishnu shrine was built, 
after four centuries of non-existence, after the old model. 
Perhaps Varadaraja might have actually witnessed 
this restoration, as he published his work 4 years after 
that date. In Saka 1565, i.e. A. D. 1643, Srirangaraya, 
the Aravidu ruler, renovated the mahamantapa and the 


The first three dynasties of rulers of 
Vijayanagara had been tolerant of both reli- 
gions. Krishnadevara Raya of the Tuluva 
line, though he professed Vaishnavite lean- 
ings, is not known to have made any gifts to 
Govindaraja. An inscription of Achyuta 
Maharaya refers to the fact that he ordered 
the Govindaraja image in, Valudilambattu 
Chavadi, /. e., Chidambaram, to be set up 
according to the Vaikhanasa Sutra ritual and 
granted 500 pon, the income from four villages, 
for the upkeep of daily worship." With royal 
and gubernatorial support the Govindaraja 
shrine came into restored prominence." 

t'imana over the sanctum of the goddess in the Vishnu 
shrine and gave away five villages in rent-free grant 
for the benefit of the Sri Vaishnavas of the place 
(Inscription No. 271 of 1913). Thus, in or about the 
8th century, the Vishnu shrine was consecrated by a 
Pallava ruler ; in the first half of the 12th century, it 
was destroyed by a Chola; in the 16th century it was 
renovated by a Vijayanagara Emperor and further en- 
larged by one of his successors in the 17th century. 
In 1934, the ruined hall in front of the shrine and the 
shrine itself which was dilapidated were renovated at 
a considerable cost through the munificent generosity 
of the well-known South Indian philanthropist, Raja 
Sir Annamalai Chettiar of Chettinad. 

* During the period of the Aravidu line of Vijayana- 
gara rulers, religious controversies became prominent 
and several polemics took place between the champions 
of two creeds, Appayya Dlkshita and Mahacharya or 
Doddacharya, who established the image of Govinda- 
raja at Chidambaram with the help of Tatachilrya. 
Appayya Dlkshita was a protege of Chinna fioznma 
Nayaka of Velur according to the record at Adaipalam 


(Kalakanteswara shrine). According to that inscrip- 
tion we find that Chinna Bomma's fame spread far and 
wide because of his association with Appayya Dikshita 
who established the superiority of Siva and identified 
it with the Godhead by raising Sri Kanta Bhashya 
from its obscurity. It was natural therefore that the 
Vaishnavites also indulged in these disputes. Accord- 
ing to the Prapanmlmrtam, the Vaishnava scholar 
Mahacharya defeated in disputes the Siva scholars 
of Chidambaram among whom was mentioned Appaya 
Dikshita. Later on Mahacharya is said to have estab- 
lished the Govindaraja shrine in the temple of Chi- 
dambaram during the reign of Rama Raya. 

The zeal displayed by Tatacharya in the cause of 
Vaishnavism naturally enraged the Saivas and disputes 
arose among the Saiva and Vaishnava scholars at the 
Vijayanagara court. In one of the controversies* bet- 
ween Tatacharya and Appayya Dikshita, the latter 
seems to have won the dialectical victory. Another 
such controversy took place at Kumbhakonam between 
the philosopher, Vijaymdra Tirtha, and a famous Vira 
Saiva Guru of that Matha in which the latter lost and 
had to hand over the mutt to Vijaymdra in accordance 
with the previous arrangements. Vijaymdra Tirtha in 
his several discussions with Appaya Dikshita had refuted 
the Saiva arguments. Such was the antagonism that pre- 
vailed between the two sects especially in the Tamil 
country ; and Krishnappa Nayaka's attitude at Chidam- 
baram can be reckoned only as representing the spirit 
of the times. 

Venkata I also favoured the cult of Siva for he 
partronised Appayya Dikshita and it was he who was 
responsible for his work on Aiankara known as Kuvar 
laydnamla. Venkata had also distributed offerings to 
the Saiva mendicants in the temple of Chidambaram. 
His plate of the year 1596 contains a large number of 
mythological figures of both Vishnu and Siva. In spite 
of this eclecticism of Venkata, one cannot doubt the 
great favour enjoyed by Vaishnavism and its successful 
extension during his reign. 

However, the whole Empire was not Vaishnava. 
The Nayakas of Vellore remained faithful to Siva, 


Tirumola Tatacharya. The most revered 
teacher and scholar at his (Venkata's) court 
was undoubtedly the Tatacharya of tradition. 
His full name was Ettur Kumara Tirumala 
Tatacharya. He was also known as Lakshmi- 
Kumara and Kotikanyadana, evidently sug- 
gesting the countless virgins he had given 
away in marriage to learned Brahmans. In 
one record, he is called Venkataraya Tata- 
charya, the Tatacharya whom king Venkata 
revered. Several inscriptions attest to his 
great influence at Venkata's court. He was 
the 'royal guru and officiated at the king's 
coronation. The king, in the excess of his 
admiration, is said to have offered him his 
whole kingdom. He was the manager of the 
Vaishnava temples at Kanchi, where a number 
of inscriptions mentioning him have been found 
on the walls of the Arujala Perumal temple. 
In 1570 A. D. he got the vimana at Tirupati 
gilded. He weighed himself against gold and 
silver and used all th^t wealth in the service 
of God Varadaraja of Kanchi in erecting the 
Kalyanakoti Vimana in gold for the Goddess 

Chinna Bom ma Nayaka being raised to fame by Appayya 
Dlkshita, Lingama Nayaka, his successor, was also 
engaged in establishing the Linga of Siva according to 
the Vilpaka grant of Venkata. The Nayaks of Ikkeri 
had titles which mean the establishes of the pure 
Advaita doctrine and devotion to the faith of Siva and 
the guru. They had even converted some Jainas to the 
Saiva creed. 


Lakshmi in that famous temple. His gifts 
of vehicles for the temples, jewels for the 
deities, and agraharas for Brahmans, and his 
digging of the tank, called Tatasamudram 
-after himself, are mentioned in one epigraph 
in glowing terms. The Kalyanak6ti-Vimana 
was finished about 1614 A. D., and was evi- 
dently built in emulation of the Punyakoti- 
Vimana set up by King Krishnadeva Raya. 
The latter was repaired by Tatacharya and 
regilded by him as it had decayed. There is 
also a record registering the Hanumad-Vim- 
xuti, a poem of 20 verses composed by him in 
honour of God Hanuman, whose image he set 
up in the temple on the bank of Tatasamud- 
ram tank, now known familiarly as the 
Ayyankulam, dug by him. According to 
an inscription on the bund of the Tenneri 
Tank, Chingleput District, it seems to have 
been dug by Tatacharya. He is probably 
identical with the Tatarya, mentioned in a 
record dated in 1590 A. D. as the grandson of 
Ettur Tatarya and son of Srinivasa. This 
record registers the grant of a village called 
Venkatesapura in his favour. His forbears 
had been connected with the spread of Sri 
Vaishnavism; and the family claimed descent 
from Srissilanatha, the uncle of the great 
reformer, Sri Ramanuja. He is called, in the 
Dalavai-Agraharam grant, as " the ornament 



of the wise." U A well-known philosophical 
work of his is Satvikabrahma-Vidya-Vilasa. 
A work of the same name in Kannada by 
Ranga Raja, a Sri Vaishnava poet who lived 
at the court of Chikka Deva Raja, is known. 
(See R. Narasimhacharya,* Karnat aka-Kavi- 
charite, II, 44950). It is probably based on 
Tatacharya's work. He also wrote a work 
called Panduranga-mahatmya devoted to the 
Vittala temple at Pandharpur in the present 
Bombay Presidency. This work, however, 
should be distinguished from the Telugu work 
of the same name, the author of which was 
Tenali Ramakrishnakavi referred to below. 
The influence of Tatacharya was evidently 
felt even by the Jesuit Fathers at the couit 
of Venkata. One of these, Father Coutinho, 
seems to have entirely misunderstood the 
great teacher," (Pp. 2223-2225 of the Mysore 
Gazetteer, (New Edition) Vol. II, Part III). 

From inscriptions we know that Tata- 
charya's dates range from Saka 1496 (1574 
75 A. D.) to Saka 1552 (1630 A. D.). Two of 
his ancestors had obtained the favour of king 
Virupaksha II and lived at his court, accord- 
ing to the Prapannamrtam. 


The Rule of Krishnappa Nayaka (continued) 

The death of the Vijayanagara Emperor, 
Venkata I, in 1614 A. D. led to a tragic civil 
war between the feudal adherents of the 
legal claimant to the throne headed by 
Yachama Nayaka, and the supporters of the 
putative son of Venkata headed by the 
infamous Jagga Raya. One of the allies of 
Jagga Raya was Krishnappa Nayaka of 
Gingee, who, with Muthu Virappa Nayaka of 
Madura, espoused the wrong cause and suf- 
fered in the end/" 

* We have read that about 1586 A. D. Krishnappa 
Nayaka, the Nayak of Gingee, appears to have rebelled 
against Venkata I. Troops were marched against him 
under one Venkata, a brother of Ankabhupala, the 
Kalahasti chief, and he was brought a prisoner, probab- 
ly to Penukonda, and there confined ; and Venkata was 
evidently put in charge of it. Raghunatha Nayak of 
Tanjore secured his release, and the grateful Krish- 
nappa offered his daughter in marriage to Raghunatha. 
Krishnappa was evidently a wise ruler, and kept his 
capital Gingee, in an excellent condition. The Jesuit 
letters speak highly of its strength and wealth and refer 
to it as the "Troy of the East". He founded a town 
near Porto Novo, called Krishnapatam after himself. 
Among his subordinates were Lingama Nayaka of 
Vellore; the Nayaka of Tiruvati, near Panruti in the 
South Arcot district; and the Solaga, who figures in 
the BagJiunathabhyudayam and the Sahityaratnakara. 
About 1600 he refused to pay the customary tribute 
and Venkata I was about to send an army against 
him, when the news of his insanity which was, how- 
ever, a pretence, prevented the Raya from taking such 
a step. Krishnappa sent an embassy in 1604 to Ven- 


kata; but nothing evidently came of it; and war was 
declared in 1607 ; and Yachama Nayak, the Velugoti 
chief, was probably in command of the forces, as the 
Velii(jotivari Vamsavali states that he captured Gingee 
in the reign of Venkata I. Krishnappa was taken 
prisoner and Venkata advanced from Vellore and 
obtained his submission in person. 

About 1603, Lingama Nayaka, son of Chinna Bom- 
ma Nayaka of Vellore, rebelled. He was loyal up to 
1601, when, at his request, the Vilapaka grant was 
made. Lingama appears to have chafed at his depend- 
ence on the Nayak of Gingee and even on Venkata 
himself. He had amassed immense wealth and had 
the fort at Vellore, which, even then, was reputed to be 
one of the strongest and most beautiful of its kind 
known in Southern India. Venkata sent out his Dala- 
vay, who was evidently Da mar la Chenna of the Kala- 
hasti family. He advanced rapidly to attack and storm 
the fort ; but ho was early opposed on the way at 
a place called Munnali (or Minnal) by Lingama's 
forces which he defeated. He then pushed on with a 
view to reach Vellore unexpectedly at the dawn of the 
following day. But his forces lagged behind; and the 
advance storming party met with a warm fire from 
the defenders. Chenna had to retreat; but, undaunted, 
he again invested the fortress, despite the prevailing 
rains. The siege dragged on for a couple of months ; 
and at the end, Lingama was eventually taken prison- 
er by a stratagem, almost at the very gates of his 
fortress. Negotiations began with a view to induce 
Chenna to abandon even the siege operations. But the 
twenty lakhs that were offered to him would not tempt 
him. He sent word to Venkata that this was the 
time to fill his coffers and annex this strongly fortified 
town. Venkata hastened to the spot in January, 1604, 
with a large army and a number of camp followers 
and elephants. Lingama received him with due humil- 
ity, but his sons still kept up a continuous fire and 
endeavoured their utmost to prevent Venkata from 
entering the city. But all was of no use. Vellore at 
last surrendered and Venkata Raya and his queen 
took up their residence "in the marble palace of 
Lingama Nayaka adorned with gold and precious 


Though Venkata had six wives, he had 
no issue by any one of them. The senior 
consort, Vayyambika, anxious to secure the 
rule for herself, contrived, according to Barra- 
das, to appear as having become enceinte and 
given birth to a male child, which was in 
reality, a child born to a Brahman woman of 
the palace. Venkata I was evidently un- 
aware of this fraud at that time, and accepted 
the child as his own for " the love he bore the 
queen ", and even made the child the crown 
prince. But before his death, he had changed 
his mind and nominated his nephew as his 

The nephew who was called Sri Ranga 
was very weak and unfit to rule and failed to 
justify his choice. Barradas distinctly states 
that the new king displeased three of his 
great nobles, who had been secretly plotting 
with Jagga Raya and who with the help of 
other allies forced the Raya to surrender and 
crowned his own nephew, the putative prince. 
All the nobles and feudatories of the empire 

Vellore itself became a second royal residence 
from about 1606. This fact is mentioned in the Rama- 
rfijyajnu. though not registered in contemporary in- 
scriptions. Several Jesuit letters, however, confirm this 
statement of the Rawardjiyamn. Evidently it was 
not treated as the formal capital of the empire, though 
used as a royal residence by Venkata I. Hence the 
sobriquet it still enjoys as Rtiya-Veluru, i.e., the Vellore 
of the Raya (i.e, Venkata I), who first took up his 
residence in it. 


rendered homage to the new ruler, except 
Yachama Nayaka, the leader of the loyalists, 
who refused to acknowledge the usurper and 
courted a war. Yachama Nayaka, was the 
chief of Venkatagiri * ; and he stood firmly by 
the side of Sri Ranga. He succeeded in 
securing one of the sons of Sri Ranga, by a 
curious device through the washerman of the 
palace. According to the Ramarajyamu, 
the Sdhityaratndkara and the Raghundthti- 
byudhayam, the rescued boy was called Rama. 
The barbarous action of Jagga Raya in slay- 
ing the king and the royal family, caused a 
serious reaction, and many deserted him and 
joined Yachama Nayak. A fierce battle took 
place between Jagga Raya and the allies at 

* Yachama Nayak was of the twentieth genera- 
tion of the Velugoti family. According to *A Family 
History of Venkatagiri Rajas' by Alladi Jaganatha 
Sastri, (1922) he was famous for two military achieve- 
ments one, in a battle of 1602 at Uttara Mallur, when 
he put to flight a number of enemies and the second in 
another fight when he espoused the cause of his Vijaya- 
nagar protege. Yachama Nayak would not side Jagga 
Raya, but helped in the escape of a prince of the royal 
family, all of whom were imprisoned by Jagga Raya ; the 
boy was 12 years of age, and was smuggled in a bundle 
of soiled linen. This boy was later on acclaimed 
emperor ; and Yachama took the crown and royal 
ornaments of his father as booty from Jagga Raya's 
camp. The description given by Kalahasti Damarla 
Vengala Bhiipala, in his Telugu work, " Bahuld&va- 
cliaritram" bears ample testimony to the military and 
victorious career of Yacha Sura and to many other 
victories at Uttara Mallur, Chingleput, Palayamkottai, 
Madura, Gingee and Trichinopoly. 

135 _ 

Toppur (near the Grand Anicut) in 1617 A. D. 
where Jagga Raya had fled with his putative 
nephew. Rama Deva II, the only surviving 
son of Sri Ranga, was then proclaimed king.* 

* Venkata had two of his young nephews, the sons 
of his brother Rama, the viceroy at Srirangapatnam 
brought up at his court and near his person. When 
his brother Rama, the viceroy died, Venkata sent the 
elder of his two sons, to succeed his father in the vice- 
royalty and kept the younger, called Ranga or Sriranga, 
with him. Venkata seems also to have early designed 
him for the succession to himself and brought him up 
virtually as his heir presumptive; even giving him the 
title of Chikkaraya, which, as it; was understood at the 
time, meant the heir-presumptive. One of his queens, 
however, who remained childless, and was believed to be 
so even by Venkata himself, apparently cherished other 
ambitions and produced a baby, which she claimed to 
be her own child, and which she brought up in the 
palace as her son, without Venkata doing anything to 
prevent the course, with the result that she was 
strengthened in the belief that she had the countenance 
of the Emperor, in regard to the presumptive claim of 
this putative boy to the throne. On his death-bed, 
however, Venkata, notwithstanding the protests 
whether sincere or not, we are not certain of Prince 
Ranga, his nephew, nominated him as his successor and 
thus brought about a conflagration, which well nigh 
destroyed the Empire completely. 

The queen who claimed to have a son, belonged to 
the powerfu 1 family of the Gobburi chiefs ; and her 
brother, Jagga Raya, was, perhaps also in consequence 
of his relationship to the Raya, the most powerful noble- 
man^ of the Empire, and, possessed of the largest re- 
sources in the state, was next only to the Emperor. He 
probably found it would be more advantageous to him- 
self, and would meet the needs of his own ambition 
better, if the putative boy-nephew of his, were placed on 
the throne instead of Ranga, who had received already 
some training as prince and was said to possess a mind 
of his own and expected to take his own line in the 
government of the Empire. Immediately after the 


installation of Ranga, Jagga Raya started a movement, 
trying to enlist the nobles of the Empire on his side, 
as many as was possible. 

This attempt to set aside the succession of Ranga, 
gradually developed to the extent of a great many of 
the feudatories of rank in the Empire joining Jagga, 
and left the new Emperor Ranga without the help of 
chieftains of rank, with the exception of one doughty 
champion of his obviously forlorn cause in Velugoti 
Yachama Nayaka, the real founder of the family of 

Jagga Raya was able gradually to surround the 
palace and set his own guards over the new Raya t 
making him entirely powerless in the administration 
and later actually imprisoning him in one of his palaces 
under his own guard ; he then proclaimed his own nep- 
hew to be the rightful Emperor, instead of Ranga who 
had ascended the throne. This was opposed single-hand- 
ed by Yachama Nayaka, who gradually developed his 
resources and strengthened his party by gaining a few 
allies ; thus began the great war of succession in Vijaya- 
nagar. It took two years of confusion and anarchy in 
the land before the fateful struggle could come to a final 
decision. It was the massacre of the royal family that 
precipitated the war, Jagga Raya having ordered the 
wholesale murder, in cold blood, of Ranga and all his 
family who were practically his prisoners. Before the 
day appointed for the purpose, Yachama Nayaka had, 
however, managed cleverly to secure the possession of 
Ranga's second son, by name Rama, who was about ten 
or twelve years of age the elder brother being too grown 
up for the purpose of concealment as the arrangement 
was that a washerman was to smuggle the boy out of 
the fort in his bundle of soiled linen. After a number 
of skirmishes, the war was ultimately decided at the 
fateful and decisive battle of Toppur, the village now 
being called Tohur and situated quite close to the Grand 
Anicut on the southern bank of the Kaveri. Among the 
principal governors of the empire, the Nayaka of Tan- 
jore was the only one that remained loyal, all the other 
Nayaks having joined the side of Jagga Raya. The 
battle went against Jagga Raya, who also fell in the field ; 
and this young prince Rama was installed as Emperor by 


The great civil war of Vijayanagara 
lasted from 1614 to 1617 and caused a con- 
siderable dislocation. The short-lived rule 
of Ranga II, son of the brother of Venkata, 
has not got much interest for us. Queyroz 
tells us that " he was a prudent man" ; and he 
was, indeed, at first anxious to renounce his 
rights and retire into peaceful obscurity and 
not become the cause of bloodshed which, he 
foresaw, was bound to ensue after the death 
of Venkata. Ranga had spent time before 
his enthronement in Tanjore, where he had 
made the acquaintance of several Veljalas of 
Jaffnapatam and whom he now appointed to 
various posts in his service. This act of his 
caused much discontent among the old nobles 
of the court. It is considered by Manuel 
Barradas, who is one of the chief sources of 
our information and was the Provincial of the 

Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore at Kumbakonam, where 
there is a temple built to God Rama in memorial there- 
of. This Rama Ray a, who was a mere boy at the time 
of his fateful accession to the throne, ruled over Vijaya- 
nagar down to the year 1630, his father Ranga having 
hardly been Raya for more than a month after his ac- 
cession. When he was installed in due form as the un- 
disputed Emperor in 1616 or 1617, he could count upon 
the support of Raghunatha Nayaka of Tanjore, who offi- 
ciated at his accession, and the loyal chieftain, Yachama 
Nayaka, with, perhaps, a few more chiefs of compara- 
tively minor rank. All the other feudatories of the 
Empire were up in arms, or at least had compromised 
themselves by taking up arms against him, and it was 
a question of almost conquering the Empire over again, 
before it could be brought into effective loyalty to him. 



Jesuit Province of Malabar and whose account 
was published by R. Sewell in his 4 Forgotten 
Empire ', Chapter XVII,* that Ranga compell- 
ed some of the captains of his army to leave 
the fortress (probably Vellore) and kept others 
by his side ; and it was this action that is held 
to have precipitated the rebellion of Jagga 
Raya, who was one of the three chiefs who did 
not pay homage to him at the time of his ac- 
cession. According to Barradas, he could put 
20,000 men into the field and had a revenue of 
600,000 cruzados. He was assisted by Timma 
Naique who had territories yielding 400,000 
cruzados of revenue and kept an army of 12,000 
men. The third of the chief conspirators was 
Macaraju (Makaraja), who had a revenue of 
200,000 cruzados and could muster in the field 
6,000 men and who has been identified with one 
of the Karvetinagar chiefs by Mr. H. Krishna 
Sastri.** These three chiefs spread the rum- 
our that the new emperor Ranga did not 
belong at all to the Aravidu family, but had 
been fraudulently imposed on the kingdom. 
They first concealed their disaffection till the 
Raya had openly alienated the three prominent 
captains of the kingdom, namely, the Dalavay, 

* From letter dated Cochin, December 12, 1616 A.D. 
and found in the National Archives at Lisbon. 

** H. Krishna Sastri's * The Third Vijayanagara 
Dynasty,' : Archaeological Survey of India Report for 
19111912, p. 188, note 3). 


the Minister and one Narapa Razu, who 
was a brother of the widow of the late king. 
There were also other nobles, besides these six, 
involved in the conspiracy. When their plot 
had matured, Jagga, Timma and Maka cont- 
rived to enter the fort with large bodies of 
armed men. Jagga Ray a left 1,000 men at 
the first gate and another body of 1,000 at the 
second gate, while the Dalavay seized two 
other gates on the other side of the fort. He 
then compelled Ranga to make a promise to 
surrender and pledged his word to him that 
he would do him no ill. Soon Ranga left 
the tower in which he was staying, with his 
wife and children, as Jaggaraya insisted that 
his nephew must be crowned king, he being the 
son of the late monarch. 

According to the RaghundthC&hyudayam, 
Jagga Raya's rebellion took place after the 
new emperor had ruled for some time, perhaps 
about a month or more. The crowning of 
the usurper by Jagga Raya probably took 
place in the fort of Vellore. We are told that 
Jagga Raya found a great quantity of jewels 
and precious stones in the palace ; but his 
action is indicative of his political talents. 
He first attempted to reconcile the deposed 
monarch to his new position because, accord- 
ing to Queyroz, he gave half the imperial re- 
venue to him and treated him with great con- 


sideration. Yachama Nayak was the only 
one of the chiefs at the capital, who refused 
to join Jagga Raya. He was known by the 
names of Pedda Yachama Naidu and Yacha 
Surudu. His brother-in-law as noted above, 
dedicated to him the poem, Bahuldsva- 
charitram, from which we gather details 
about him. Yachama Nayak now took the 
field with his army numbering about 8,000 
soldiers, in spite of all persuasions on the part 
of Jagga. He attempted to obtain access to 
the imprisoned emperor and, by means of a 
contrivance, got hold of the second son of the 
latter, aged about twelve years, secreting and 
conveying him in a bundle of washerman's 
cloths. The above mentioned Jesuit account 
of the rescued prince Rama, who later on was 
placed on the throne after the civil war which 
ended in a complete victory for Yachama and 
his ally, is confirmed by the RCuuarajiymmi, 
by the Sahityaratnakara* and by the Rayhu- 
nathCiWnjudayain. Jagga Raya was greatly 
depressed by the escape of this prince ; and as 
a consequence, he doubled the guard set over 
the deposed emperor and even subjected him 
to partial starvation. But soon there arose 
numerous defections from his camp to Yacha- 
ma Nayaka's side. Failing in all his attempts 

* This work mentions Yacharna Nayak as Yacha 
Bhupati and Yacha Mahipa (Canto XIII, Slokas 76 
and 78). 


at i escape, the unfortunate emperor was killed 
by his captors. There are different accounts 
of his end which was accompanied by the 
slaying of his elder son and even of his little 
daughter, mainly through the instrumentality 
of China Oba Raya, the younger brother of 
Jagga.* A letter from the Portuguese Vice- 
roy of Goa to King Philip III, dated December 
31, 1614, announces the fact of the regicide 
and this might have taken place a short time 
before, being confirmed by epigraphic testi- 

After the murder of Ranga and his family, 
confusion intensified everywhere ; and, accord- 
ing to the testimony of Barradas, many of 
the remaining loyal chiefs went over to 
the side of Yachama. Jagga'.=i army was 
thoroughly defeated, the royal insignia were 
taken from him .and the prince (second son of 
Ranga), who had been already rescued from 
his hands, was proclaimed as the rightful king. 
Jagga and his partisans were forced to take 
refuge in the forest. The Baliuldsvacharit- 
ram mentions the younger brother of Yacha- 
ma and his brother-in-law Chenna and says 
that the latter fought with the Nayal 

* According to Barradas, the poor 
own hand beheaded his wife and his littl, 
then killed himself by falling upon his s 
son killed his wife in a similar manner, 
end to his own life. 


Madura, who was persuaded to join Jagga 
after his defeat. Chenna was the captain- 
general of the army of the loyalists, who now 
requested the Nayak of Tanjore to take up 
the cause of the rightful prince Rama. After 
some negotiations, in the course of which 
Yachama Nayak proceeded on his way to 
Tanjore to get the assistance of Raghunatha, 
we learn from the Raghundthabhyudayam 
that the traitors to the empire had effected 
a junction with the rulers of Tundira (Gingee) 
and Pandya (Madura) and with their armies 
were hunting for the late emperor's surviving 
son to put him to death. 

The Sdliityaratndkara further says that 
the Parasikas (Portuguese?) were allied with 
the Nayak of Madura in favour of the nep- 
hew of Jagga Raya. Father Heras denies 
that the Portuguese joined the war at all on 
the ground that if they had done so, toth 
Barradas and the Viceroy of Goa, would have 
mentioned it. Perhaps, the Parasikas might 
have merely meant a body of Mussalman sol- 
diers. Barradas records towards the end 
of his account which was, however, not pub- 
lished by Sewell, an actual agreement of this 
body with the party of the young king. The 
particular war to which this has reference 
is doubtful. 


Raghunatha, the loyal Nayak of Tan- 
jore, who was a bosom friend of Ranga II 
and had helped him on previous occasions, 
immediately joined the party of the loyalists 
and proceeded to Kumbakonam to effect a 
junction with the legitimate ruler and to 
celebrate his coronation at that holy place on 
the Kaveri. Raghunatha then entrusted his 
kingdom to the charge of his famous minister, 
G6vinda Dikshita, and took a solemn vo\v to 
proceed against the treacherous Pandya and 
his allies (i.e., Muthuvirappa Nayak, Jagga 
Raya and others.) The Nayak of Gingee, 
Krishnappa, was one of the allies of Jagga 
Raya. His name, however, is not mentioned 
by Barradas ; but both the Raghundthdbhyu- 
dayam and the Bahuldsvacharitram mention 
this piece of information. 

Thus the three great Nayaks of the Tamil 
country were involved in this momentous 
civil war, which commenced towards the end 
of 1614 or in the beginning of 1615 and lasted 
up to the end of 1616, since Barradas, writing 
at the end of 1616, distinctly says that " the 
war was continued these two years." From 
the beginning, the legitimist party gradually 
gained strength and the Nayak of Madura 
cut the great dam across the Kaveri in 
order to prevent the enemy from advancing 


further south.* Jagga Raya was wandering 
with his forces near Srirangam when this 
action was done. Barradas states that at the 
end of 1616, the Nayak of Tanjore, though not 
so powerful and resourceful as the Madura 
Nayak, was " with the aid of the young king 
setting the upper hand " and the legitimists 
had assembled in large numbers in the open 
plains round Trichinopoly. Raghunatha Na- 
yak marched with his army to Toppur (or 
Tohur), situated on the southern bank of the 
Kaveri about two miles west of the great 
anicut. He first encamped at the village of 
Palamaneri ** and prepared for battle and on 
the next morning gave fight to the enemy, 
after arranging his cavalry in semicircular 
formation. " The troops of the Pandya (the 
Nayak of Madura) could not stand the attack, 
broke and fled from the field." Then Jagga 
Raya became enraged with fury on seeing 
the defeat of his ally and advanced against 
Raghunatha of Tanjore. The sight of the 

* The STtkityaralnOkara (Canto XIII, 78 and 83) says 
that some-one should have broken the dam at the insti- 
gation of Jagga Raya. Ramabhadramba, the authoress 
of the Rai/hunathabhijiidayanii distinctly says that the 
dam should have been cut up by the rulers of the west. 
(RaghunathdbJiyudayatn, Canto IX, 26.) 

** The RayhMiathtibliyudayam of Vijayaraghava fixes 
the date of this encampment in the cyclic year Nala, 
month Ashada, Suddha Panchami August 1616. There 
was probably an interval before the actual battle took 

- 145 

traitor Jagga Raya advancing to attack him 
in person, made Raghunatha furious. The 
infantry of the legitimists, checked Jagga 
Raya's advance. A bloody fight ensued. 
In the course of the struggle, Jagga Raya and 
some of his relatives* and attendants were 
killed by the spears of the Tanjore infantry. 
Jagga Raya's death was the signal for a gene- 
ral flight of the rebel army. Krishnappa 
Nayak of Gingee also fled from the battle- 
field, " making himself ridiculous in the eyes 
of his officers." * The Madura Nayak was 
one of the last to abandon his post and fought 
on till many of the important officers under 
him had fled. Then he began to grow anxious 
for his personal safety and fled from the field 
for the distance of a league, but was captured 
by the soldiers of Raghunatha Nayak and 
brought before him. Raghunatha pardoned 
his rival of Madura, " gaining great glory by 
the act. 1 ' Then he ordered a pillar of victory 
to be erected on the banks of the KaverL 
The battle of Toppur was fought between 
December 1616 when Barradas finished his 
account and November 1617 which is the date 
of Father Rubino's letter, mentioning Jagga 
Raya's death, some months before ; probably 
it took place in the first half of 1617. Jagga 
Raya's brother, by name Yatiraja, now headed 

* See the RayhunatMbhyudayam. 



the rebel party, joined the Nayak of Gingee 
and others and prepared again to offer battle 
to Raghunatha. The Tanjore Nayak quickly 
despatched an army under one of his gene- 
rals to attack the Gingee territory and the 
fortresses in it. This 'army quickly captured 
Bhuvanagiri, a few miles to the north-west 

of Chidambaram, on the banks of the Vellar 

and also some other fortresses in the neigh- 
bourhood. He then encountered the army 
of Krishnappa Nayaka in battle and obtained 
a great victory. Yatiraja continued to resist 
the legitimate emperor for some time longer ; 
and according to the Bahulasvacharitam, 
Yachama Nayak, the protector of the emperor, 
indeed won a victory over Yatiraja in the 
neighbourhood of Palayamk&ttai in the Chi- 
dambaram Taluk of the South Arcot district. 
This shows that the campaigns of 1617, after 
the death of Jagga Raya were mainly fought 
in the region subject to the Gingee Nayak. 
A reconciliation was effected between Raghu- 
natha and the Madura Nayak who offered 
one of his daughters in marriage to the former, 
according to the Raghunathabhyudayam of 
Vijayaraghava. The drama, Rayhunatha- 
vilasa Natakam, tells us of the fact that the 
Nayaks of Madura and Tanjore effected a 
family union and subsequently recognised the 
son of the murdered Sriranga as the rightful 


emperor. The Nayak of Gingee probably 
presented his homage to the new ruler about 
the same time ; for he is said to have ruled 
over his state in complete peace after these 
events. Yatiraja, the rebel brother of Jagga 
Raya, himself seems to have submitted to the 
legitimate king and ruled over a petty princi- 
pality in the neighbourhood of Pulicat.* 

Effect of the civil war on the strength of the 
Empire and on the position of the Nayaks 

" This war was extremely disastrous for 
the country. Naturally three years of conti- 
nuous fighting tended to impoverish the whole 
kingdom. Both the Portuguese and English 
records, which we shall quote later on, speak 
of the miserable state of agriculture and the 
meagre efforts of trade. Besides, the famous 
thiefs of the forests between Madura and 

* Yatiraja figured to a prominent degree in the 
events of Carnatic in the subsequent decades. He took 
up his brother's cause and rose to prominence as the 
chief of the territories that took in Pulicat and Arma- 
gaon which Yachama tried to retain effectively in his 
own hands. Gradually King Rama and Yachama, 
his guardian, consolidated their position, though we hear 
of wars in the neighbourhood of Pulicat between Yacha- 
ma Nayak and Oobburi Yatiraja in 1622. As a measure 
of reconciling himself with Yatiraja, King Rama marri- 
ed a daughter of his who is described as the second wife 
of the Raya. Yatiraja had plenty of trouble with the 
European powers, settled on the coast of his dominions, 
w>., the Datch at Pulicat and the Portuguese at San 


the Marava country became very bold when 
they saw the rulers of the land engaged in 
waging war among themselves. The devast- 
ations in the Madura country were as cala- 
mitous as the war itself. They even dared 
to maraud the villages round the capital 
itself. A Jesuit letter informs us that it was 
very dangerous to go from place to place, for 
the public roads were so infested with the 
miscreants that everybody was afraid of 
losing not only their fortunes, but' their very 
lives." (Journal of Indian History, Vol. V ; 
page 186). 

Yachama Nayaka, the real hero of this 
civil war, deserved the title of the ' Father * 
of his country and the 'Saviour' of the em- 
pire. According the collection of stray verses 
called Chatupadya Ratnakaram, " a crore of 
Jagga Raya, 70 crores of Maka Raja's father 
and one lakh and sixteen of Ravilla Venka's 
put together, would not be a match for Yacha, 
who bore the title of Ibbaraganda just as 
any number of goats joining together would 
not be a match for the tiger." We do not 
also hear much of Yachama Nayak subsequent 
to this war, except that Venkatagiri, the head- 
quarters station of the family, was put into 
the possession of Yachama on the successful 
execution of this mission. Yachama was the 
son of Kasturi Rangappa and first ruled over 


Perimidi with his capital at Madurantakam. 
He is famous for his two military achieve- 
ments, viz., the battle of Uttaramallur in 1602 
in which he defeated Pedda Nayudu, with the 
help of his younger brother, Sarvagna Singa- 
ma Naidu; and the battle of Toppur. He 
also distinguished himself by victories in 
Chingleput, Palayamkottai, Gingee and Tri- 

When Krishnappa Nayaka rebelled in 
the early part of the reign of Venkata I in 
1604, he was put into prison by the latter. 
Then Raghunatha who was at that time the 
crown prince of Tanjore, marched to Penu- 
konda to help the Emperor against a Muham- 
madan invasions and, in return for his help, 
secured the release a Krishnappa Nayaka. 
As a mark of gratitude for his kind interven- 
tion, Krishnappa Nayaka gave one of his 
daughters in marriage to Raghunatha. In 
spite of the service thus rendered to him by 
Raghunatha, Krishnappa Nayaka allied him- 
self with Jagga Raya and the rebel party on 
the outbreak of the civil war of succession. 
For this act of ingratitude to his ally and to 
his overlord, Krishnappa met with much 
misfortune that he fully deserved. 

We have no definite information as to 
whether Krishnappa Nayak of Gingee render- 

150 " 

ed homage to the new Emperor, Rama Deva. 
An inscription* acknowledges the overlord- 
ship of Rama Deva to be in the cyclic year 
1644 A. D. We can assume that Krishnappa 
Nayaka and, later, his son rendered homage 
to Rama Deva who was established on the 
throne by the efforts of Raghunatha Nayaka. 

The Later Nayaks of Gingee 

The successors of Krishnappa Nayak 
were insignificant. According to the Macken- 
zie Mss. we hear of two Nayaks by name 
Varadappa Nayak and Appayya Nayak who 
were merely noted for their imbecility. An 
inscription of Tirupparankundram, in Madura 
district, refers to Varadappa Nayaka of Gin- 
gee who gave some land and a golden plan- 
quin (Amdala) to God Kumaraswami on his 
wa^> back from Sethu Rameswaram whither 
he had gone on pilgrimage. There is another 
inscription in Telugu (860 of 1918) of the same 
place referring to the same Nayak. The 
date given in the inscriptions is Saka 1593 
(A. D. 1670-71). This date cannot be accepted 
in view of the fact that the Muhammadans 
occupied Gingee some years before this 
event, about 1660 A. D. Probably the Nayak 

* Page 172, Vol. I, Rangachari Inscriptions of the 
Madras Presidency, No. 359 of Vala (Bala Venkatapathy 
Naicken, son or descendant of Vala Krishnappa Nay akan 
dated Saka 1386- A. D. 1464. 


enjoyed merely the nominal title. The last 
of the Nayaks, i.e., Appa Nayak, has been de- 
scribed as weak and extremely vicious and as 
one who was responsible for the easy conquest 
of Gingee by the Muhammadans. " Taylor's 
Catalogue Raisonnee of Mss. (Vol. Ill, page 
31) " * refers to the Chenji Rajakkal Kaifaiyat 
which conciously endeavoured to glorify the 
heroism of the last of the rulers of Gingee 
who headed his troops in person and when he 
found himself deserted by them, rode on alone 
and unsupported into the ranks of the enemy, 
dealing destruction around him until he was 
overpowered and slain. The liberality of the 
Nayak and his wife is also lauded in the 

* XI. Historical, 2. No. 2293. Chenji Rajakkal 
Kaifaiyat. Old No. 232, C. M. 98, Kings of Gingee. 

44 This is a Ms. of twenty-eight palm leaves, damaged 
by worms. It is written in Tamil verse of an easy 
kind. Its c.hief object is to celebrate the heroism of the 
last of the rajas of Gingee, of the dynasty, proceeding 
from the original viceroy from Vijayanagaram. The 
final defence of the forfc of Gingee was very obstinate. 
According to this poem the raja headed his troops in per- 
son, and whom he found himself no longer supported by 
them, he rode among the Mahomedans, dealing destruc- 
tion around him, until overpowered and slain. This 
rashness the writer magnifies into extraordinary heroism. 

The liberality of the king and his queen, in gifts, is 
greatly lauded in this poem." 


The Musalman Conquest of Gingee. 

The Nayaks of Gingee and Madura had 
already played an inglorious but substantial 
part in the civil war of 1614-17 against the 
loyalists. After Muthu Virappa Nayaka of 
Madura, the famous Tirumala Nayaka came 
to power. He is held to have begun to 
rule, perhaps from 1623 or 1624, though 
Virappa died only in 1627 and he became 
actual ruler in his own right only in 3627-28. 
Tirumala Nayak of Madura asserted his in- 
dependence by refusing to pay his tribute to 
Sri Ranga III. According to the letter of 
Fr. Proenza, dated A. D. 1659, the Nayaks of 
Madura had been unpunctual in the payment 
of tribute ; and now Tirumala Nayak refused 
to pay it altogether having resolved to free 
himself entirely from every kind of imperial 
control.* Tirumala's policy towards his over- 
lord was in the first instance, to humour him 
with occasional presents while desisting from 

* The ambition of Tirumala was based on the exam- 
ple of Raja Udayar of Mysore, who captured Seringa- 
patam in 1610 and put an end to the imperial viceroyalty ; 
and it was also, in one aspect, a continuation of the 
policy of Muthu Virappa who cherished the ambition of 
independence against the Empire which became weaker, 
as Madura gained in strength. 


The Musalman Conquest of Gingee. 

The Nayaks of Gingee and Madura had 
already played an inglorious but substantial 
part in the civil war of 1614-17 against the 
loyalists. After Muthu Virappa Nayaka of 
Madura, the famous Tirumala Nayaka came 
to power. He is held to have begun to 
rule, perhaps from 1623 or 1624, though 
Virappa died only in 1627 and he became 
actual ruler in his own right only in 3627-28. 
Tirumala Nayak of Madura asserted his in- 
dependence by refusing to pay his tribute to 
Sri Ranga III. According to the letter of 
Fr. Proenza, dated A. D. 1659, the Nayaks of 
Madura had been unpunctual in the payment 
of tribute ; and now Tirumala Nayak refused 
to pay it altogether having resolved to free 
himself entirely from every kind of imperial 
control.* Tirumala's policy towards his over- 
lord was in the first instance, to humour him 
with occasional presents while desisting from 

* The ambition of Tirumala was based on the exam- 
ple of Raja Udayar of Mysore, who captured Seringa- 
patam in 1610 and put an end to the imperial viceroyalty ; 
and it was also, in one aspect, a continuation of the 
policy of Muthu Virappa who cherished the ambition of 
independence against the Empire which became weaker, 
as Madura gained in strength. 


paying any regular tribute. After his war 
with Mysore ancf the invasion of Travancore, 
Tirumala naturally turned against the Emper- 
or. The subordination of the Madura Nayak 
to Venkata at the time of the issue of the 
Kuniyur Plates in A. D. 1634 (Ephigraphia 
Indica, Vol. Ill : pp. 236 258 and M. E. R. 1891, 
p. 9) is plain from the wording; but there 
may be another meaning found in the 
expression " Srimat-Tirumalendrasya Vig- 
naptimanupalayan " which really means, 'in 
accordance with the wishes of the prosperous 
and eminent ruler Tirumala.' Jesuit evi- 
dence says that Tirumala aimed at practical 
independence by non-payment of tribute.* 

* The policy of the Nayaks of Madura generally, 
since the commencement of the new century at any 
rate, cannot be regarded as having taken into calcula- 
tion the actual political condition of the times. The 
empire was struggling for existence during the first 
forty years of the century and had barely succeeded in 
maintaining its existence by being driven successively 
out from one capital on to another. Penukonda had to be 
vacated because of the constant harrying of the Muham- 
madan invasions, Chandragiri had similarly to be aban- 
doned | and early in the reign of Sriranga III, Vellore was 
being laid siege to. These changes did not happen in a 
short campaign or two, but by persistent effort during a 
period of three decades. The absorption of the Chenna- 
pattana viceroyalty by Mysore enabled her to make a 
stand against the aggressions of Bijapur which were now 
under the guidance of a man of genius, Shahji the Maratha. 
The whole brunt of the efforts of Golkonda had to be 
borne by the empire practically single-handed. If Tiru- 
mala had only realized this serious situation of the 
Hindus and had the foresight to perceive the political 
consequences of the disintegrating movement of which 



Bijapur Intervention in the Affairs of the 

Even early in the reign of Venkatapati 
Raya his hold on Penukonda was threatened 
by a vigorously aggressive attitude on the part 
of Golconda. Raja Udayar of Mysore cap- 
tured Seringapatam in 1610 and the Raya was 
then in no position to punish him for this 
aggressive act. He had to ratify Raja Uda- 
yar's possession of Srirangapatnam by a 
charter and even allowed him to rule over the 
territories that were hitherto under the vice- 
roy of Srirangapatnam, in A. D. 1612. This 

he had made himself the sponsor, if not the author, he 
would certainly have adopted a policy of co-operation 
with the empire. The question of Tirumala's loyalty 
or disloyalty therefore depends upon the question 
whether, in the political conditions of his time, he could 
have foreseen the direct results of his action. The 
action of his predecessors and their attitude towards the 
empire must necessarily have made it impossible for 
him to take an impartial view of the situation at the 
time. The interests of Mysore and the empire ran to- 
gether a great way. (Dr. S. Krishnaswami Ayyangar 
Pp. 118-119 of R. Satyanatha Aiyar's ' History of the 
Nayaks of Madura '.) 

Indeed we have no positive evidence to prove that 
Tirumala prepared for war against his overlord even 
from the beginning of his rule. " He was careful to 
make himself strong in defence ; even later on he was 
not disposed to b3 aggressive." Why he began to 
organise the defenc3s of his dominions even at the out- 
set of his reign, is not quite clear. His first idea was, 
probably, to send occasional presents to the Raya, 
instead of any regular tribute. " But he was not allow- 
ed to continue the ambiguous relationship for long." 


viceroyalty had comprehended the charges of 
(1) Srirangapatnam itself, (2) the territories 
subjected to Chennapatna, which happened to 
be under a governor, Jaggadeva Rayal, and 
(3) the so-called Baramahal region of Salem. 
The viceroy was also in controlling charge 
of the area ruled by the Nayak of Ikkeri and 
the frontiers of Srirangapatnam. Raja Uda- 
yar could not get effective hold of all these 
regions. His grandson, Chamaraja Udayar, 
achieved, by steps, the conquest of the Chenna- 
patna governorship, without the Baramahals ; 
he also made an attempt upon Ikkeri. His 
successor brought about a Bijapur invasion 
in order to divert the attention of his enemy, 
the Nayak of Ikkeri. One of the petty poli- 
gars in the neighbourhood of Ikkeri was 
Kenga Hanuma of Basavapattana ; and he, 
along with a few of his f ellow-poligars, was 
set up against Virabhadra Nayak of Ikkeri. 
But Virabhadra put- down Kenge Hanuma 
and other rebels and dispossessed the former 
of his fief. Thereupon Kenge Hanuma went 
over to the Bijapur court to solicit the aid of 
its Sultan against the Nayak. Already a 
similar appeal had been made to Bijapur by 
another poligar, Channayya of Nagamangala, 
who had been deprived of his fief by Chama- 
raja Udayar. Just at this time peace had 
been established between the Bijapur Sultan 


and the Mughals who had been troubling him ; 
and he readily accepted the invitation to 
intervene and undertook what may be called 
the first Mussalman invasion of Mysore. 

The invading army was under the com- 
mand of Ranadulla Khan and it reinstated 
Kenge Hanuma (A. D. 1638-39). After restor- 
ing Kenge Hanuma, the Bijapurians took 
possession of the three provinces of Ikkeri, 
Sira and Bangalore, the last of which was 
under the viceroyalty of the powerful Jaga- 
deva Rayal, but had been lately conquered by 
Mysore. The Bijapurians next laid siege to 
Mysore and Srirangapatnam simultaneously ; 
but they encountered a most unexpected and 
vigorous resistance ; and the whole campaign 
ended in a treaty by which the Bijapurians 
took all the country to the north of the 
Kaveri, including Bangalore and Sira. Rana- 
dulla Khan left Kenge Hanuma in charge of 
the territories now acquired by him and re- 
turned to Bijapur. Now Virabhadra Nayak 
of Ikkeri reported against Kenge Hanuma to 
Bijapur, alleging that the latter was disloyal 
to the Sultan. Thereupon a commission of in- 
quiry was ordered by the Bijapur government 
to investigate the matter; and among the 
commissioners was Channayya of Naga- 
mangala. Kenge Hanuma, however, behaved 
in a very treacherous manner towards this 


commission, while Kanthiravanarasa of 
Mysore was not at all anxious to fulfil his 
obligations to Bijapur under the treaty and 
continued to give trouble. Ranadulla Khan 
was thereupon put to disgrace ; and two of 
his successors in command of the invading 
armies, the latter of them being Mustafa 
Khan, had to march against Srirangapatnam 
to punish the Mysore ruler, but were unable 
to do anything. A fourth invasion by Abdulla 
Khan and Hemaji Pandit was not able to do 
much more. Taking advantage of this weak- 
ness, of Bijapur, Kanthiravanarasa resumed 
the Chennapatna viceroyalty, entered the 
Kongu territory and forcibly took possession 
of Satyamangalam and thus came into hosti- 
lity with the Nayak of Madura. Kanthirava- 
narasa was the contemporary of Tirumala 
Nayak and was frequently engaged in strug- 
gles with him, mainly owing to his encroach- 
ments into the Kongu territory. 

Throughout the reign of Venkatapathi 
Raya, the administration of the Raya was 
controlled by the Velugoti brothers of Kala- 
hasti, of whom Damarla Venkatadri (or Ven- 
katappa as he is called in Dutch records) who 
was the chief of Wandiwash, was the most 
important. His brother, Aiyappa, resided at 
Poonamallee to the west of Madras and ad- 
ministered his territory for him, while Venka- 


tappa remained at the head-quarters of the 
Eaya and helped him in the general adminis- 
tration of the empire. It was from these 
two brothers that the English obtained the 
grant of Fort St. George, which, in the Com- 
pany's letters, was ascribed to the Great 
Nayaka Damarla Venkata. When Venkata- 
pathi Raya died in 1642, Sriranga, his nephew, 
succeeded ; but the Damarla brothers did not 
desire his succession and in combination with 
the other governors, created a considerable 
amount of discontent. Venkata had apparent- 
ly championed some other claimant ; and he 
was seized and put in confinement by the 
new monarch ; but his kinsmen raised a large 
army and hoped to restore him to freedom 
44 with the aid of the Muhammadans whom 
they were hourly expecting/' or else 44 to ruin 
the whole kingdom." Sriranga was a strong- 
er man than his predecessor and was bent 
upon consolidating the central authority. 
Sriranga was not only a pious sovereign, but 
one endowed with political insight and vigour. 
He tried alternately to establish a control 
over the great Nayak chiefs and to use them 
against the Muslim enemies. " Though his 
efforts were not crowned with success, justice 
requires he should be given credit for putting 
them forth." His authority was recognised 
during a considerable part of his reign over a 

J.OV/ """"" 

large portion of his kingdom ; certainly he was 
not a sovereign merely in name. 

Sriranga successfully beat off an invasion 
of Golconda in 1644 ; and there was no interrup- 
tion in the dating of his records down to 1649 ; 
though he lost Vellore in 1645. The decade, 
1649-59, is barren of inscriptions. 

Sriranga ascended the throne towards 
the end of 1642. Soon after his accession, the 
rulers of Bijapur and Golconda began an in- 
vasion of his territories ; and the Jesuit letters 
of the times mention the Muhammadan in- 
vasions as being the result of Sriranga's deal- 
ings with the southern Nayaks. Sriranga had 
already invaded the dominions of Tirumala 
Nayak, who had entered into an agreement 
with his neighbours of Tanjore and Gingee; 
and when the Nayak of Tanjore divulged the 
schemes of his allies to Sriranga, the latter 
turned on Gingee. Tirumala now sought the 
help of the Sultan of Golconda, whose invasion 
Sriranga succeeded in resisting. When the 
Sultan made active preparations to renew 
his attack on the Raya, Sriranga entered into 
negotiations with the southern Nayaks and 
"spent more than a year with the three 
Nayaks in the midst of festivities, feasts and 
pleasures, during which the Muhaiumadans 
quietly achieved the conquest of his domin- 
ions. Soon, vain joys gave place to jealousies 


and divisions. Rejected again by the Nayaks, 
Sriranga established his court in the forests 
of Kalians (lying to the north of Tanjore), 
where he spent four months, a prey to all 
discomforts; his courtiers soon abandoned 

Anyhow Sriranga's plans did not unfortun- 
ately succeed. He soon lost even his capital, 
Vellore, wandered about the country, became 
a refugee at the court of Kanthiravanarasa 
of Mysore and with the help of the latter re- 
covered a portion of his old territories and 
defeated the Golconda army which advanced 
to an attack. 

Sivappa Nayak of Ikkeri (1645 60), who 
possessed an enormous treasure and an army 
of 40 to 50 thousand men, now came to the 
help of Sriranga and assisted in the recovery 
of Vellore from the Muslims. It was possible 
that Sriranga fled to Sivappa Nayak who had 
suffered at the hands of Eanadulla Khan and 
now advanced against the Muhammadans in 
occupation of Vellore. He commenced a 
regular blockade of it and soon reduced it to 
submission, Sriranga was enabled to return 
to Vellore and honoured Sivappa Nayak with 
many titles including those of Ramabhana 
and Paravarana-Varana. It is also stated in 
the Sivatatva Ratnakara that Sriranga pre- 
sented Sivappa with the head of his enemy, 


which perhaps meant the general of the Gol- 
conda forces in charge of Vellore at the time 
that it surrendered. Sivappa Nayak is also 
said to have subdued some of the recalcitrant 
feudatories of the Empire and handed over 
their dominions to Sriranga. 

Inscriptions dated from 1645-46 to 1649, 
signifying the continued rule of Sriranga, 
issued not from the recorded capital of Penu- 
konda, but his personal residence at Vellore. 
It may therefore be assumed that the restor- 
ation of Sriranga to Vellore took place shortly 
before this period. The Jesuit records say 
that Sriranga was victorious against Golconda 
on two occasions and that on the second occa- 
sion, he was helped by the Mysore army. It 
is this second victory that is celebrated in the 
Siva Tatra Ratnakara. It is also about this 
time that the English at Madras got from Sri- 
ranga a confirmation of the charters for their 
settlement, and their envoys were received by 
him at Vellore. This was after Sriranga had 
secured a victory and probably put down the 
machinations of Damarla Venkatappa. An 
English letter of the time says that Sriranga's 
authority was now stronger than ever and 
that he had brought all his great lords under 
his command, " which hath not been this 
forty years before." The Raya's letter to the 
English inviting them to confide in his word 



was dated Arlour (Vellore), 25th September, 
1645. His grant to the English, after the visit 
of their Agent Greenhill to his court, was 
dated October-November, 1645. 

A letter of the Madras Council, of 1645 
says that Sriranga had by that time brought 
his enemies under control and had restored 
himself to his original position. The Dutch 
governor of Pulicat, writing about a year 
before, had said that the Golconda invaders 
could not attack Pulicat, finding it well equip- 
ped. The Nayak of Gingee who was then in 
rebellion against Sriranga, advanced with the 
intention of joining the Golconda army, 
whereupon the Raya recalled the army of 
Krishnappa Nayak who was operating against 
the Gingee chief and restored Chinnana, />., 
Mallayya, to favour. Krishnappa fell un- 
expectedly on the Moors and completely 
routed them, killing their commander and 
several other captains. Mallayya was en- 
trusted with the task of putting down the 
power of the Damarla brothers and of subdu- 
ing their forts on the coast. 

Mallayya (Mallai alias Chinana Chetty) 
had been broker to the Dutch at Pulicat. He 
was at first hostile to the English at Madras 
and was " apparently an astute man who not 
only managed to supersede Venkatadri in the 


Pulicat province, but also did good business 
as the Indian merchant through whom the 
Dutch made their investments on the coast." 
Sriranga greatly favoured Mallayya and was 
helped by him, probably in securing Dutch 
aid in the matter of completely taking posses- 
sion of Venkatadris' territories. This was in 
1643. The English feared that Mallai who 
was assisted by the Dutch with guns and men 
and had been appointed the local governor as 
well as the 4 Treasurer ' of the Raya and 
raised to a position where he 'does in a manner 
command all ' would soon " govern all the 
seaports even to the very verges of Ceylon." 
(Letter from Fort St. George to Bantam, 28th 
January, 1643). 

When the Golconda troops laid siege to 
Pulicat, because the Dutch had joined Sri- 
ranga, the English feared that the turn of 
Madras would follow. Mallayya had tried to 
mollify the Moors with presents, but could 
not avert the siege. Fortunately, Sriranga's 
troops routed the Golconda forces and pursued 
them up to Udayagiri where they gained a 
victory (probably the one referred to in the 
Jidmardjiyamu and attributed to Sriranga 
(September 1644). 

Mallayya had later to fight the Dutch and 
besieged Pulicat. The siege lasted several 


months, after which the besieging troops had 
to be withdrawn on account of the Raya hav- 
ing to fight enemies elsewhere (beginning of 
1646). Mallayya very cleverly recovered his 
old position of confidence and influence with 
the Dutch who were tired of hostilities and 
received him into favour, though, as the 
jealous English said, " he was of little use to 
them " on account of " the great alteration 
and present poverty of those parts ". 

Golconda did not take its defeat easily. 
Mir Jumla, the minister of Golconda, now 
allied himself with Bijapur and even applied 
to the Raja of Mysore for assistance ; and in 
the Madras records dated January 1646, we 
read that Sriranga was definitely attacked by 
both Bijapur and Golconda. Mir Jumla took 
possession of Udayagiri, which was the capi- 
tal of the eastern portion of the kingdom of 
the Raya, from Mallayya. The surrender of 
Udayagiri depressed Mallayya who was the 
governor of that region in succession to 
Damarla Venkatappa. We learn that the 
Raya fled, leaving the defence operations to 
Mallayya who proved treacherous and sur- 
rendered " the strongest hold in the kingdom 
to Mir Jumla, upon composition for himself 
and all his people to go away free." In October 
1647, the Company obtained a renewal of the 
grant of Madras from Mir Jumla, while the 


Eaya had fled from the coast region definitely* 
Mir Jumla now marched upon Gingee, having 
strengthened himself by an alliance with 
Bijapur. Before the walls of Gingee, the 
Bijapur troops joined the Golconda forces and 
were allowed by the latter to occupy the 
place. The Bijapur army took possession of 
Gingee and also Tegnapatam nearCuddalore; 
and it was now that Sriranga took refuge with 
the ruler of Mysore, who was then at war 
with Bijapur. 

The Bijapur occupation of Gingee and 
the coast country near it intensified the 
prevailing famine and depression of trade. 
Food became dear, cotton goods were difficult 
to obtain ; Porto Novo and Pondicherry were 
in a manner ruined, while Tegnapatam was 
fleeced very much.* Soon afterwards, prob- 
ably in 1648, Mir Jumla came to be at war 
with Bijapur. This war between Bijapur and 
Golconda lasted some years. Bijapur now 
captured Penukonda and wanted permission 
to march to Gingee through the territory 
belonging to Mir Jumla. It was now that 
Mir Jumla sought the assistance of Mysore 
and even made overtures of friendship to Sri- 
ranga. The Bijapur army advanced up to 
Vellore, took possession of it and left Sriranga 

* See letter from Madras of October 9, 1647. 


stranded, with perhaps Chandragiri for his 
capital and a few miles of territory dependent 
thereon. This can be regarded as the second 
flight of Sriranga from his capital. 

Let us revert to a survey of events lead- 
ing to the Mussalman penetration to Gingee, 
Vellore and the rest of the Carnatic country 
down to the first capture of Gingee in 1648. 
In the half a century of confusion that inter- 
vened between the battle of Toppur and the 
death of Shahji in 1664, Mysore did some ser- 
vice to the Hindu Empire by resisting the 
aggressions of Bijapur, though ultimately the 
latter power was able to occupy the districts 
of Chitaldrug, Tumkur and Kolar and also 
one half of Bangalore. Through all the vicissi- 
tudes of the Empire in this epoch, Madura 
discharged no such duty either to herself or 
to the Empire. In one sense, indeed, Mysore 
could claim to have acted as the champion of 
the Empire, while Madura had not that credit 
or claim. When Sriranga III ascended the 
throne of Chandragiri some time about 1642, 
the Empire was in a very bad condition and 
could barely maintain an unequal struggle 
for existence, chiefly through the want of 
loyalty of the feudatories of the south, parti- 
cularly of the powerful Tirumala Nayak of 
Madura. The Raya made, even soon after 
his accession, an organised effort to bring 


these Nayaks under effective allegiance to 
and co-operation with him. In this move of 
his, he could let Mysore go on her own path, 
as she had so far committed herself to no 
open act of disloyalty, but, on the other hand, 
by actually occupying the region of the previ- 
ous Chennapattana viceroyalty, had put her- 
self in the way of the aggressions of Bijapur, 
thus rendering a positive service to the 
Empire, though only indirectly. 

With regard to the aggressions of Gol- 
conda, the Empire had to bear the brunt alone 
and unaided. Madura which was the only 
strong feudatory power, did not perceive this 
root danger to the cause of Hindu independ- 
ence ; and its non-co-operation and frequent 
treachery might be regarded as constituting 
one of the primary factors responsible for the 
gradual extinction of the Hindu Empire- 
This evil was largely due to the attitude of 
Tirumala Nayak. Mysore openly threw off 
its nominal allegiance to Vijayanagar only in 
1646, when it was threatened seriously by 

It was now that Shahji, the Maratha gene- 
ral of Bijapur, showed himself in his most 
important aspect as the ultimate saviour of 
the Hindu cause. Along with Ranadulla 
Khan, he had attacked the Nayak of Ikkeri 


and occupied his capital as well as one half of 
his kingdom (163738). Two years later, he 
once again helped in the defeat of the Nayak, 
but also contributed to his subsequent restor- 
ation to his principality. It was about this 
time also that the Nayak of Sira was defeat- 
ed and killed treacherously by Afzal Khan, 
one of the Bijapur generals, in the course of 
an attempted negotiation. Sira was handed 
over to Kenga Hanuma of Basavapatnam, the 
sworn enemy of the Nayak of Ikkeri ; while 
Kempe Gowda, the chief of Bangalore, was 
likewise threatened into submission and 
forced to retire to Savandurga, Shahji had 
been promised a jagir in these new conquests 
of Bijapur and was actually given charge of 
Bangalore in 1638. He subdued the Udayar 
ruler of Seringapatnam, Kanthirava Narasa- 
raja, but arranged to leave him undisturbed in 
possession of his territory and fort. He is 
also credited, according to the Shiva Bharat, 
with winning over the Nayaks of Madura and 
Kaveripatam to his side. He distinguished 
himself again by an attack on Kenge Hanuma 
of Basavapatnam. A most notewortl/achieve- 
ment of Shahji at this point of his career was 
his attempt at the formation of a confederacy 
of the local Nayaks and of several Maratha 
and Muslim chiefs in support of the Bijapur in- 
vaders against the powerful Nayaks of Ikkeri, 


particularly Sivappa, who had indeed restored 
and vastly increased the strength of that 
state and who showed himself a warm sup- 
porter of the cause of the Hindu Empire. 
In 1644 and in subsequent years, Shahji con- 
trived to earn further honours for himself and 
to organize a combination of the Nayaks of 
Gingee, Madura and Tanjore against the 
opposition of the Raya and against Jagadeva 
of Kaveripatnam. When Vellore was invest- 
ed by the Bijapur forces, Shahji commanded 
the right wing of the army and was given the 
charge of the place along with a Muhammadan 
colleague, as well as the high titles of Maha- 

Shahji contrived to become, 

by 1648, the effective governor of all the 
Bijapur conquests from the Ghats (hence 
called Karnatak Bijapur Balaghat). He ruled 
over all these territories from Bangalore, but 
sometimes also from Kolar and Dodballapur. 

When the great campaign of 1648 was be- 
ing waged by Bijapur against Gingee, conse- 
quent on its investment by Mir Jumla, the 
famous general of Golconda, Shahji found 
that the Bijapur troops, instead of helping 
Tirumala Nayak of Madura who had repented 
of his short-sighted policy and sought an 
alliance with them for the defence of the 
Gingee Nayakf was actually in league 
with the foe. He saw that his Muslim 



colleague had come to a secret understanding 
with the enemy and therefore contrived to 
prolong the operations. After the Bijapurians 
had acquired Gingee towards the end of 1648, 
Shahji became even more powerful than be- 
fore. Even during the course of the opera- 
tions against the place, Nawab Mustafa Khan, 
the Bijapur generalissimo, had begun to fear 
that Shahji was helping the enemies and was 
even then secretly planning a powerful combin- 
ation of the Hindu rulers of the country con- 
sisting of the Nayaks of Madura, Tanjore and 
Gingee and the chiefs of Mysore, Kaveripat- 
nam and Ikkeri, the coalition to be headed by 
the Emperor Sriranga and Shahji himself. 
There followed shortly afterwards Shahji's im- 
prisonment at Bijapur at the instance of his 
redoubtable enemy, Mustafa Khan. His re- 
lease from prison must have been due in some 
measure to the opportune death of his enemy, 
Mustafa Khan, and partly to the threatening 
attitude of the Mughals who now began a series 
of attack^ on the northern frontier of Bijapur. 

In the course of the expeditions of the 
Khan-i-Khanan (Muzaffar-ud-din) in 1644-45 
and of Nawab Mustafa Khan in the years 1646 
-48, Shahji had contrived to gain further 
honours for himself. The campaign of 1644 
had been the outcome of an%lliance between 
Bijapur and Sriranga Raya of Vellore who 


was opposed by a powerful combination of the 
Golconda Sultan and his own ministers and 
Nayak feudatories. In the latter campaign 
led by the Bijapur general, Mustafa Khan, he 
organised a combination of the Nayaks of 
Gingee, Madura and Tanjore and also those 
of Harpanahalli and Ikkeri against the deter- 
mined opposition of Sriranga Raya. He 
fought in January 1646 against Jagadeva, the 
Raja of Kaveripatnam, and forced him to take 
refuge in Krishnadrug and also compelled the 
Raya to take to flight. Subsequently, the 
Bijapur army annexed a large part of the 
Baramahals and proceeded against Vellore,. 
under the walls of which a terrible battle was 
fought, in which the slaughter on the Hindu 
side was very great. In this Shahji com- 
manded the right wing of the victorious army. 
Then followed an investment of the fort of 
Vellore and the submission of the Raya who 
paid a large indemnity in gold and gave 150 
elephants. Shahji and a Muhammadan coll- 
eague were left in charge of the government 
of the conquered territories. The Golconda 
forces also joined in this campaign. 

The campaign against Vellore was the 
outcome of events by which Golconda had 
contrived to annex a good part of the Carnatic 
on the eastern side, from Masulipatam on the 
coast down to the neighbourhood of Madras. 


The contracted power of the Raya of Vellore 
was thus hemmed in on both sides by its two 
old enemies, Bijapur and Golconda. Udayagiri 
was captured by the Golconda forces in 1646- 
The internal dissensions that now beset the 
disintegrating kingdom of the Raya were 
worsened by the infectious treachery of the 
brothers, Damarla Venkatadri and Ayyappa, 
who called in the aid of Golconda ; and this 
treachery was copied by Tirumala Nayak of 
Madura, who seduced the Nayaks of Tanjore 
and Gingee over to his side. Though the 
Nayak of Tanjore went back to his loyalty, 
Tirumala Nayak ultimately brought about the 
break-up of the Vijayanagar Empire by his 
continued treachery. By 1645, Mir Jumla, the 
general of the Golconda forces, had success- 
fully penetrated the country as far as Vellore, 
advancing by way of Ongole, Nellore and 
Chittoor. At the same time, the Bijapur forces 
also converged on Vellore. The combined 
forces first laid seige to Vellore about the 
beginning of 1645 A, D. Sriranga Raya had 
to flee for his life, leaving the defence to one 
Mallayya who proved treacherous and sur- 
rendered to the forces of Mir Jumla, upon 
composition for himself and all his people. 
Sriranga then sought the help of Sivappa 
Nayak of Ikkeri ; and the latter took advant- 
age of the opportunity to advance against 


Vellore and to reduce it to submission. The 
restoration of Sriranga by Sivappa Nayak 
was a great service to the Hindu cause. It 
led to Sriranga granting him the titles of 
Ramabhana and Paravarana Varana, (Ta- 
ranga xiv, Kallola vii, of Keladi Basava's Siva 
Tattva Batnakara). We have a number of 
inscriptions testifying to the continuous and 
effective rule of Sriranga from 1645-1646 to 
1649 ; and this would lead to the inference that 
Sriranga was then in undisputed occupation 
of the interior country, at least round Vellore. 

In 1648, there was waged the great cam- 
paign against Gingee which had been invested 
by Mir Jumla. This campaign was now in- 
duced by Tirumala Nayak of Madura who 
repented of his short-sighted policy and sought 
an alliance with the Bijapur ruler and with 
the help of the latter, marched to relieve Gin- 
gee from the forces of Mir Jumla. But the 
Muslims soon came to an understanding among 
themselves ; and Tirumala Nayak could not 
effectively help the defence of Gingee. In the 
course of the operations, Shahji, as noted 
above, being dissatisfied with the conduct of 
Mustafa Khan, the commander-in-chief, con- 
trived to prolong the operations ; while Mir 
Jumla took advantage of the dissensions 
amon? the generals of the Bijapur army and 
even formed a secret alliance with the Raya. 


The Nayak of Gingee was at last forced to 
surrender to the Bijapur army towards the 
end of December 1649.* The city of Gingee 
was given ever to plunder and the victors 
got several crores worth of cash and jewels. 
In this campaign, the Pindari free-booters 
who always hung in the rear of the army, 
were allowed to spread desolation and devas- 
tation through the land, particularly round 
the ports of Devanampatam, Porto Novo 
and Puducheri (afterwards to become the 
French settlement). 

After this Bijapurian acquisition of Gin- 
gee, Shahji became easily even more powerful 
than before. The rebellious conduct of his 
son, Shivaji, against the Adil Shah, led to 
secret orders from Bijapur for the arrest of 
Shahji. According to the Muhammad Nam ah, 
some incidents occurred during the seige of 
Gingee, that led to a misunderstanding be- 
tween him and Nawab Mustafa Khan. Sir J. 
N. Sarkar holds that the arrest of Shahji was 
due to his disloyal' intrigues with the Raya of 
Vellore and with the Sultan of Golconda. 
Shahji had now become the virtual ruler of 
the Carnatic ; and probably, he thought that he 
might throw off the yoke of Bijapur and be- 
come openly independent. Perhaps, Shahji 

* 17th December, 1649 Sarkar. History of Aurang- 
zib. Vol. I, p. 254. 


did not like the idea of Nawab Mustafa Khan 
making common cause with Mr. Jumla. Per- 
haps, also, Mustafa Khan might, by having 
Shahji arrested, have planned to forestall 
a. powerful combination of the Hindu rulers 
of the country consisting of the Nayaks of 
Madura, Gingee and Tanjore and of the chiefs 
of Mysore, Kaveripatnam and Ikkeri, headed 
by Sriranga and Shahji himself. 

Shahji returned to his charge and in 1651 
got a definite victory over Mir Jumla, who 
had made himself the effective master of a 
rich tract of country on the Madras coast and 
also concluded a peace with Sriranga. This 
defeat of Mir Jumla greatly enhanced the 
reputation of Shahji and gave a new vigour 
to the campaigns of the Bijapurians, who 
contrived to capture the important fortress of 
Penukonda. This loss of Penukonda greatly 
alarmed the Hindu ruler; and Sriranga at 
first appealed for help to Prince Aurangzib, 
then the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan ; he 
even contrived to re-conquer with the help of 
the Mysore ruler, a part of his territory and 
to regain Vellore for a time. Vellore was 
quickly recaptured by the Bijapur forces and 
the Raya was forced to conclude a treaty by 
which, he had to be content with the posses- 
sion of Chandragiri and the revenues of certain 
adjoining districts. Even from these, the 


Raya was ultimately driven out by the 
treachery of the Nayak of Madura and had to 
finally seek shelter with Sivappa Nayak. 

In September 1654 the English factors at 
Madras reported that the Sultan of Golconda 
suspected Mir Jumla of a plan to make 
himself the independent sovereign of the dis- 
tricts he had brought under his control in 
South India, with the help of Bijapur. 
Aurangzib, the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, 
who was eagerly waiting for an opportunity 
to interfere in the affairs of the Deccan 
Sultans, caught Mir Jumla in his own net of 
persuasive intrigue and the latter agreed to 
enter the service of the Mughal Emperor. 
This news so alarmed the Sultan of Golconda 
that he sought to win back the friendship of 
his old minister ; and Mir Jumla consequently 
wavered in his attitude and delayed joining 
the service of the Mughals till the latter part 
of 1655, when the Sultan imprisoned his family 
at Golconda, having been provoked into action 
by the haughty behaviour of his son. So Mir 
Jumla precipitated his breach with his master 
and betook himself to the camp of Aurangzib 
openly. Mir Jumla got a confirmation of his 
possessions in the Carnatic from Shah Jahan 
and continued his advance in that region 
up to July 1656. In November 1656 Sriranga 
had recovered some districts and laid seige to 


Pulicat as against "Mir Jumla, very likely with 
the support of the king of Golconda, who was 
-angry that the Mughal Emperor should have 
decided to treat as his dominion whatever Mir 
Jumla had conquered in the Carnatic and 
had ordered the Sultan to recall his officers 
from these territories. Sriranga took advan- 
tage of this attitude of Golconda and called 
upon his father-in-law to seize the territory of 
Peddapalayam (Periyapalayam) near Madras 
and the neighbourhood of Pulicat and see the 
country rendered obedient to him.* 

According to the Dutch records of Janu- 
ary 1657, Koneri Chetti who was entrusted 
with the operations on behalf of Sriranga 
Raya, betrayed his master and made overtures 

* " And all the country hereabouts (Punnamalee 
castle excepted) rendered to the Jentu King's obedience, 
who now, in the Nabob's absence, is up in armes for the 
recovering of his kingdome, and hath already recovered 
a large part." 

'Next, from .'a letter sent by the Madras factors to 
Bantam, dated November 5, we learn that 

44 All these countries that were formerly conquered 
by the Nabob are now of late (in his absence at the 
Moghulls court) upon the revolt, the Jentue King with 
diverse Nagues being in arms ; some of whose forces are 
now at the seige of Paleacatt, where tis said most of the 
Nabobs riches are stowed. Here is nothing but takeing 
and re takeing of places, with parties of both sides, in all 
places ; soe that tis very dangerous giving out monies 
for goods in these tymes. But wee hope ere long it 
will be settled especially for us if the King recovers his 



to Tubaki Krishnappa of Gingee, who had 
become Mir Jumla's lieutenant ; and the latter, 
i.e., Tubaki Krishnappa, is said to have in- 
flicted a defeat upon Sriranga in September 
1657. The letters of Greenhill and Chamber, 
from Madras in January 1657, mentioned the 
treachery of Koneri Chetti, who was the 
general of the Raya in the districts round 
Poonamalle and charged him with having 
neglected the subjugation of Poonamallee 
castle and delayed till the enemy overpowered 
him. Koneri Chetti gave himself up to the 
Muhammadans as a prisoner, " but was re- 
ceived in state by the commanders with more 
than accustomed honour in such cases ; which, 
considered with his alliance and near relation 
to Topa Kistnappa, the Nabob's general, to- 
gether with other circumstances and observ- 
ations in his present deport and continued 
respect from ditto Kistnappa, are sufficient to 
ground the general suspicion of his betraying 
the king's army." (Report made to the Com- 
pany by Greenhill and Chamber on January 
28, 1657). 

A letter from Batavia, written towards 
the end of January 1657, mentions that Sri- 
ranga had by that time captured the pagoda of 
Tirupati and designed the conquest of the 
districts of Conjeevaram, Chingleput and Puli- 
cat and now requested the Dutch at the last 

179 - 

place either to help him by getting for him the 
Nawab's treasures secured there for safety 
or at least to remain neutral in the event of 
his making an attack on that place. Mir 
Jumla had by this time betaken himself to 
the Mughal court at Agra. His general, Tubaki 
Krishnappa, who was an experienced soldier, 
gained an advantage over the Raya's army 
in an engagement from which they fled preci- 
pitately and ignominiously in the direction of 
Ami, " a strong castle on the borders of 
Ginge " (Gingee). From Arni they were try- 
ing to get the alliance of the Bijapurians in 
order to take the field with greater force than 
before. In the meantime, Tubaki Krishnappa 
was reported to have strengthened himself by 
all possible means in order to see whether he 
could not gain an advantage over the Raya 
before he should seek help from the Bijapuri- 
ans. Taking advantage of the absence of Mir 
Jumla, the Golconda forces began to attack 
Tubaki Krishnappa in the neighbourhood of 
Poonamalie. In August 1658, there was fight- 
ing between Tubaki Krishnappa and the 
Golconda troops round Poonamalie. Tubaki 
Krishnappa came to terms with the Governor 
of Fort St. George with whom he had been 
on inimical terms, in order that he might 
be free for this struggle with Golconda. 
We learn from the Madras factors that 


Krishnappa besieged the castle of Poonamalle 
which had revolted to the king of Golconda. 
In October 1658, Kuli Beg, the commandant of 
the Golconda forces, inflicted a serious defeat 
oh Tubaki Krishnappa, who was wounded and 
taken prisoner. The victor subdued all the 
districts round Madras ; the settlement of San 
Thome submitted to him ; and the Dutch at 
Pulicat came to terms with him. In the next 
year, 1659, there was further fighting. Bijapur 
had definitely gone over to the side of the 
Raya ; and Rustam-i-Zaman Bahlol Khan and 
Shahji, who were regarded as great friends at 
the Bijapur court, were expected to march 
across the Carnatic to Gingee with a large 
number of troops and overthrow the govern- 
ment of Krishnappa. Shahji was to proceed 
from his government in the Mysore country 
to Gingee. We now come to the final sacking 
of Gingee and the fall of Tubaki Krishnappa. 
1659 was therefore a very eventful year, in 
which Bijapur got into a definite occupation of 
Gingee. It was also marked by the last death- 
throes of the revivalist ambitions of Sriranga 
at the recovery of his dominions and by the 
death of Kanthiravanarasa of Mysore and of 
Tirumala Nayak of Madura. 

Flushed with the conquest of Gingee, the 
Muslims advanced upon Tanjore and wrought 
there incalculable havoc. The Nayak hid 


himself in the forests and allowed the enemy 
to plunder and devastate the country. Thus, 
after conquering a vast country and subduing 
two powerful rulers and gathering incalculable 
treasures, the Muslim army returned trium- 
phantly to Bijapur. The emperor Sriranga III 
continued his efforts to recover his lost terri- 
tories ; and Father Proenza has observed in 
his letter of 1659 thus : " Encouraged by the 
good reception and help of the King of Mysore, 
he took advantage of the absence of the 
Bijapuri general in the Deccan and advanced 
with an army of Mysoreans to expel the army 
of Golconda." He concluded then, that if the 
three Nayaks had joined the Emperor with all 
the troops they could gather, success would 
have attended their efforts. There was, un- 
fortunately, no union amongst the Nayaks; 
and especially Tirumala Nayaka did not co- 
operate with him, but assumed the role of a 
hostile power. Sriranga III having failed in 
hJs attempts, had to take refuge in Mysore 
where he led a miserable life.* 

* The one consequence of the fall of the Vijaya- 
nagara empire was the expansion of the Muhammadans 
further south. Golconda retained mastery^ 
Carnatic plains down to the banks of the 
comprising Guntur, Nellore, North Arcot^ 
districts, while Bijapur was allowed to 
the Carnatic. Prof . Rangacharya r/fiw/s : - -" W^ 
Malik Kafur failed to do, and what thapapmam $fef 
and their successors failed to do for fttrtoifrffes^wAa. unflr 


done by the treachery of Tirumala Nayak." Mr. R 
Satyanatha Iyer in his * Nayaks of Madura ' takes the 
other side of the question and says that Sriranga did 
not seem to have considered the practicability of revital- 
ising the Empire in the teeth of provincial opposition. 
" What was witnessed at Rakhastagdi (Talikota) in 1565 
was repeated at Gingee in 1649. The Muhammadan 
powers perceived their strength and were determined to 
use it for themselves. They found a way in the disunity 
of the Nayaks and utilised it to their own advantage. 
Ever since the battle of 1565, the feudatories of the) 
Empire were caring more for their separate interests 
than for the imperial ones. Moreover, the civil war oij 
1614 17 had damaged the prestige of the Empire anc 
accentuated the provincial interests." 


Account of the operations of the capture of 

Gingee in 1648 as recorded in the 
Muhammed-Namah and the Basatin-al-Salatin. 

Finding Gingee impregnable, Mir Jumla 
succeeded in securing the assistance of the 
Bijapur army. Thereupon, Tirumala Nayak 
of Madura deserted by his Muslim friends 
began to actively help the besieged. He also 
succeeded in fanning the flames of enmity 
between Golconda and Bijapur, and the 
effect of his diplomacy was the raising of the 
siege by Mir Jumla. The latter retired to 
make new acquisitions in the present Cud- 
dapah district and to consolidate his previous 
conquests. Thus the Bijapuri army was left 
alone to conduct the siege. There was further 
trouble ahead. The principal commanders 
like Shahji, Khairiyat Khan and Siddi Raihan 
were dissatisfied with Mustafa Khan; and 
their insubordination and non-co-operation 
naturally prolonged the operations. Some- 
time after, Mustafa himself succumbed to old 
age and died in harness there on 9th Novem- 
ber, 1648. The command passed on first to 
Malik Raihan, and then to Muzaffar-ud-din, 
Khan-i Khanan Khan and Muhammad. With 
the heroic assistance of Afzal Khan, the fort 

- 184 - 

is said to have been ultimately reduced in 
December 1648. 

According to the Basatin-i-Salatin, Rup 
Nayak, " the Raja of Gingee, was very proud 
and wealthy. His family had been in posses- 
sion of the fort for seven hundred years. 
Being given to a licentious and luxurious life, 
he had neglected the affairs of his kingdom. 
As he was not helped by the neighbouring 
chiefs during the siege and because his pro- 
visions and fodder were exhausted, he was 
ultimately forced to surrender the fort to the 
Bijapurians on 28th December 1648. Besides 
the vast quantities of wealth plundered by the 
soldiers for themselves, the Bijapuri army 
got hold of all the accumulated riches of the 
Gingee rulers. It amounted to four crores of 
huns and 20 crores of rupees in cash and 

" The country which had nothing except 
idol worship and infidelity for thousands of 
centuries was illuminated with the light of 
Islam through the endeavours and good 
wishes of the king. The treasures, gems, 
jewels and other property worth four crores 
of huns were added to the imperial treasury. 
Mosques were erected in the cities which 
were full of temples and the preachers and 
criers were appointed in order to propagate 
the Muhammadan religion." 


All the Muslim army was not employed 
in reducing the fort of Gingee. It appears 
from the English Records that in this cam- 
paign the Bijapur rulers employed the well- 
known Pindaris for the wanton desolation 
and devastation of the land. This fact is 
worth noticing, since afterwards Shivaji 
followed in the foot-steps of the Muslim rulers 
in some of his activities. His system of 
plunder was surely more humane than the 
one that was used by the Bijapuri war-lords 
in the Carnatic. 

" Nations who lye within two daies jour- 
ney one of another with powerful armies, 
watching all advantage upon each other, yet 
both strive to make a prey of this miserable 
and distracted or divided people. These are 
the Gulcandah and the Vizapoore (Bijapur) 
Moores, the latter of which hath brought in 
8,000 freebooters who receave noe pay but 
plunder what they can ; whose incursions, 
roberies, and devastacions hath brought 
desolation on a great part of the country 
round about, specially the three prime cloth 
ports, Tevenampatam, Porto Novo, and Pulla- 
cherey (Pondicherry) of which the two last 
are in a manner ruin'd, the other hardly 
preserveing itselfe in a poore condition with 
continueall presents." 



Flushed with the conquest of Gingee, the 
Muslim lords advanced into the territories of 
Madura and Tanjore. Both the weak- 
minded Nayaks shut themselves up in inac- 
cessible forests and allowed the enemy to 
plunder and devastate the country in the 
manner described above. Finally, they open- 
ed negotiations and submitted to the Muslims. 
Thus, after threatening two powerful Nayaks, 
gathering incalculable treasures, and without 
losing many men, the army returned to 

Gingee should have finally fallen in 1658, 
shortly before Tirumala Nayak's death. Orme 
has placed the conquest of Gingee by Bijapur 
about 1655 A. D. The date, 1658 A. D., can be 
accepted, as we have got the corroborating 
evidence of the letter of Father Proenza, dated 
1659 A. D., which deals with the capture of 
the place by the Bijapur forces. 

Gingee suffered much from the cruelties 
of the Muhammadans as is evidenced by 
the Jesuit letter dated 1666 (from Andrew 
Friere to Paul Oliva). " Nothing can equal 
the cruelties which the Muhammadans employ 
in the Government of Gingee. Expression 
fails me to recount the atrocities which I have 
seen with my own eyes." Another letter of 
1662 from Proenza to Oliva says that, "the 


people were not very uneasy thereby. They 
sufficiently accommodated themselves to the 
yoke of the conqueror." 

II. Attempts at the Restoration of the Nayak 
Dynasty of Gingee, 1660. 

An energetic prince, Chokkanatha Nayak 
of Madura, the successor of Tirumala Nayak, 
reversed the policy of his predecessor and 
made preparations to carry out the ambitious 
scheme of an offensive war against the 
Muhammadans and to restore the old political 
order of things. Chokkanatha was aided in 
this by his Pradhani, the Rayasam and the 
Dalavay. The Dalavay, Lingama Nayaka, was 
sent with an army of 40,000 men to drive 
Shahji (Sagosi of the Jesuit letter who was 
one of the commanders of the Bijapuri forces 
employed in the conquest of Gingee) from 
Gingee and take possession of it. Lingama 
procrastinated with the plan and enriched 
himself with bribes from the Muhammadan 
generals. The ministers at Madura hatched 
a plot, in the meanwhile, to dethrone Chokka- 
natha Nayak and put his younger brother in 
his place. Chokkanatha heard- about it and 
punished them with death. Lingama who was 
also a member of the plot, joined Shahji 
and persuaded him to besiege Trichinopoly. 
Chokkanatha was successful in driving them ; 


and Lingama and Shahji had to flee to Tan- 
jore and thence to Gingee. Thus this earnest 
attempt of Chokkanatha to restore the old 
order of things and, especially, to restore the 
Nayak line of Gingee was frustrated by intri- 
gues at his own court. His failure has been 
recorded in the Jesuit letter of Proenza to 
Oliva, dated Trichinopoly, 1662. 

Bijapur was in possession of the fortress 
of Gingee till 1677 when the famous Sivaji, 
the son of Shahji, fell upon it in his moment- 
ous Carnatic expedition. 

The inscriptions (860-861 of 1918) which 
are dated 1671 A. D. and found at Tirupparan- 
kunram, refer to Varadappa Nayak and his 
gifts to the temple there on his return from a 
pilgrimage to Sethu Rameswaram. Probably 
this Nayak had the nominal title, being the 
last descendant of the old Nayak line of 
Gingee. Orme has referred to the fact that 
the title Nayak was used long after the estab- 
lishment of the Muhammadans by certain 
representatives of the old line of rulers. 

III. Social and General Conditions under the 
Nayak Rulers of Gingee. 

REVENUE : The gradual expansion of the 
Vijayanagara empire made it so unwieldy for 
one monarch to have control over all its parts, 


that it had to be divided into provinces that 
were entrusted to the Nayaks and other feudal 
chiefs. Such provinces were those of Madura, 
Tanjore and Gingee. " The letter of Proenza 
to Nickel, dated Trichinopoly, 1652, refers to 
the three Nayaks being the feudatories of 
Narasinga of Vijayanagar." Another travel- 
ler, John Nieuhoff, had also referred in his 
" Travels and Voyages in the East Indies ", 
to the three great Nayaks. These Nayaks 
were very powerful, and they paid a tribute of 
six to ten million francs to the government of 
Vijayanagar. The revenue administration of 
the empire was so excellent and systematic 
that the sources of revenue were finally fixed 
and reduced to a regular form. Whenever 
the central government showed any signs of 
weakness, the feudatories became unpunctual 
in their payment and even sometimes openly 
refused to acknowledge their obligations. The 
total revenue of the Vijayanagara empire has 
been considered to be very great and un- 
paralleled in.South India. Foreign travellers 
like Paes and Nuniz have given accounts of 
revenue of the feudatories of the Empire. 
Moreover, the splendour of Vijayanagara 
excited their astonishment. Varthema wrote 
in 1502 : " The king of Narasinga is the 
richest monarch. His Brahman priests say 
that he has a revenue of 12,000 parados a day." 


According to tradition, Krishnadeva Raya 
derived three crores of rupees from the 
districts of Karnataka. 

Thus we find that the empire was rich 
and powerful. No wonder each Nayak was 
powerful and was remitting to the central 
treasury annually six to ten million francs 
which amounted to 24,000 to 40,000. The 
tribute was one-third of the total revenue ; and 
hence the income of each Nayak should have 
been about 120,000 annually. If the country 
was not prosperous, such an amount of 
revenue could have hardly been realised by 
the central power. The letter of the Jesuit, 
Vico dated (Madura) the 30th August 1611, 
refers to the fact that, on the refusal of the 
Nayak to pay tribute, the Vijayanagara mon- 
arch sent one of his generals with 100,000 men 
to demand it by force. On such occasions 
the poor paid heavily for the default of the 
rulers. The country was devastated and the 
people plundered and massacred. This view 
of the Jesuit seems to be exaggerated. The 
Nayaks of Gingee were paying an equal 
amount of tribute with those of Madura and 

In the material relating to the Bijapur 
conquest of Gingee in 1658, the Nayak of 
Gingee was described in the different records 
as the richest and the proudest of monarchs. 


The Basatln-al-Salatin * gives us an idea 
of the total acquired by the Muhammadans. 
It says : " The total wealth amounted to four 
crores of huns or 20 crores of rupees in cash 
and jewels. Another Jesuit letter (1659, 
Proenza to Nickel) stated that the booty 
acquired by the Muhammadans was immense, 
consisting of silver, gold and pearls and 
precious stones of inestimable value. 

The condition of the people. 

The Hindus have ever been noted for their 
hospitality to foreign travellers and envoys. 
Travellers of the Vijayanagara period like 
Abdur Razaak and Nikitin have given details 
of how they were hospitably treated. They 
were assigned lofty mansions for lodging and 
feasted very well. The Jesuit travellers of 
the reign of Venkata I were also hospitably 
treated wherever they went ; and the Nayak 
viceroys and other feudatories imitated their 
masters in this as in other matters. 

Father Pimenta who visited the court of 
Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee in 1599 A. D. 

* This is a Persian history of the Adi I Shahs down 
to Aurangzib's conquest, with a brief summary of sub- 
sequent events, and contains eight sections called bctsatln. 
An Urdu translation, in Nagari character, was published 
of the work at Baroda. The author completed the work 
in 1822, and intended it for presentation to J. C. Grant- 


has told us how he was received at the court. 
" The Nayak of Gingee was come hither in 
whose dominions it standeth. He commanded 
that we should be brought to his presence. 
He appointed our lodging in the tower though 
the heat forced us to the grove nearby. What- 
ever was rare and precious in the fort was 
shown to the Fathers. He entertained us 
kingly and marvelled much that we chewed 
not the leaves of betel which were offered to 
us and dismissed us with gifts of precious 
cloths wrought with gold and desiring a priest 
of us for his new city which he was building." 
Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee allowed Father 
Pimenta to build a church in Krishnapatam, 
i.e., Porto Novo, which he had built and even 
gave a large endowment of 200 pieces of gold 
for the purpose. This grant was made in the 
presence of all the nobles of the court. 

At the end of 1608 an embassy from the 
Dutch traders arrived at Krishnappa Nayaka's 
court at Gingee requesting permission to 
establish themselves at Devanampatnam 
Fort near Cuddalore. According to the Jesuit 
letter of 1609 the Nayak received the Dutch 
very hospitably and allowed them to build a 
citadel at the place of landing. 

The letters of Fr. Pimenta throw light on 
some of the peculiar customs and ceremonies 


of the Nayak court of Gingee, like the puri- 
ficatory rites: The customs and manners of 
the Hindus seemed peculiar and fantastic to 
the foreigners; and the strange and curious 
observations of Fr. Pimenta are largely due 
to his ignorance of the ancient customs of the 
land. His description of Krishnappa Nayaka 
reveals the orthodox surroundings of the 
ruler. "The Nayak showed us his golden 
staff amongst which were two great pots 
carried on men's shoulders full of water for 
the king to drink." Men who returned from 
the north generally brought in such vessels 
Ganges water for the use of the king. It was 
always considered so sacred that it was used 
for purificatory purposes. 

The anxiety of the people to perform 
purificatory ceremonies on their pollution 
caused by their association with foreigners, 
is illustrated in a number of epigraphs. 

According to Father Pimenta, tilting, (i.e., 
a kind of martial exercise) was practised in 
the court of Gingee in 1597 A. D. Great 
importance was attached to games and amuse- 
ments in the festival seasons in the Vijaya- 
nagara days. These games were an index 
of the martial character of the people- The 
Vijayanagara people were more attracted by 
fencing, duelling, wrestling and hunting than 



by sedentary amusements. Fencing and duel- 
ling seem to have been held in high repute in 
the land. Castenheda, in his " History of 
Portugal ", writes thus of Vijayanagar : 
" There were many duels on account of love 
of women wherein many men lost their 
lives." Barbosa, another traveller, has also 
referred to the wide prevalence of such duel- 
ling. According to Nuniz, great honour was 
done to those who fought in a duel. Paes, 
writing about 1520, has informed us that 
women too were engaged in wrestling which 
was another of their pastimes. During fes- 
tivals women were said to have wrestled in 
a large arena in the presence of the nobles 
and the king. Thus foreign travellers have 
given accounts of the various games and 
amusements practised at Vijayanagara ; and 
these were given sufficient encouragement 
by the monarchs themselves. The provincial 
viceroys followed their master ; and hence, 
in the court of Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee, 
tilting with swords was practised. 

The splendour and magnificence of the 
court of Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee is best 
visualised from the account of Fr. Pimenta. 
He writes of the Nayak thus : " We found him 
lying on a silken carpet leaning on two cush- 
ions, with a long silken garment, a great chain 
hanging from the neck, distinguished with 


many pearls and gems all over his breast, his 
long hair tied with a knot on the crown 
adorned with pearls. Some princes and 
Brahmans attended him. He was guarded 
homeward with a thousand armed men. The 
streets were ranked with three hundred ele- 
phants as if fitted for war. At the porch or 
the entrance of the palace one entertained the 
Nayak with an oration in his praise, a thing 
usual in their solemn pomp/' Krishnappa 
Nayaka then showed him and his companions 
his store of jewels and gave them leave in his 
new city which he was then building. Fr. Du 
Jarric has described the gaudy dress of the 
orator in red robes. Thus we are enabled to 
get a picture of the pomp of the Nayak of 

The Palace of the Nayak at Gingee. 

According to Father Pimenta, the resid- 
ences of the Nayak were noble and prominent, 
being built in a peculiar style and equipped 
with towers and verandahs. The Nayak 
had two such palaces, one inside the fort and 
the other in the city or the pettah of Gingee. 
The gates of the palaces were carefully guard- 
ed and when anybody entered them with per- 
mission, there followed the firing of the guns, 
the parade of the soldiers and the soundings 
of the buglers. Paes has given a vivid de- 
scription of the royal palace of Vi jayanagara. 

- 196 

Regarding the residences of the nobles, 
there are but meagre notices available from 
our travellers. The private dwellings were 
plain and not elaborate, except those belong- 
ing to the rich and influential people. Father 
Heras has referred to the spacious houses 
found in Gingee ; very probably they belonged 
to the nobles. 

Barbosa has written in one of his passages 
thus : " In the city as well there are palaces 
after the royal fashion with many enclosed 
courts and great houses very well built and 
with wide open spaces with water-tanks full 
of fish in great numbers wherein dwell the 
great lords and governors." Paes has written 
that the houses of the army captains and 
other rich and honourable men were adorned 
with many figures and decorations that were 
pleasing to look at. 

The habitations of the ordinary people 
were modest in appearance. Generally a 
house had a garden around it ; and it was 
usually built of bricks and tiles. According 
to the Karnataka inscription of 1372 (E. C. IV- 
Gu. 34) the houses in the Karnataka and the 
Tamil countries were built according to stand- 
ard rules. Barbosa informs us that the houses 
of the poorer classes were generally covered 
with thatch, but, none the less, well built ; and 


they were arranged, according to the re- 
spective occupations of the owners, in long 
streets with many open spaces. 

An inscription of the year 1632 of the 
reign of Sriranga (65 of 1922) registers an 
undertaking by the residents of the village of 
Tiruvamattur in the South Arcot District, 
that the three artisan communities (KammCda) 
carpenters, blacksmiths and goldsmiths of the 
several villages in the northern ward should 
no longer be ill-treated or deprived of their 
privileges, and that the same rights and 
privileges as were being enjoyed by their 
brethren in Padaividu, Senji, Tiruvannamalai 
and Kanchipuram should be accorded to them 
and that in case of default a fine of I2pon was 
to be paid by the residents. The record has 
mentioned by name Krishnappa Nayaka, 
probably the well-known N ayak of Gingee of 
the time. 

The above record throws light on the 
occasional interference in social affairs that 
was indulged in by the state. Such inter- 
ferences generally concerned the mutual rela- 
tions and respective rights of the minor com- 
munities of weavers and artisans and often 
took place at the request of the people them- 
selves. The government carefully inquired 
into the disputes and settled details which 

198 - 

were mostly about trivial formalities that 
however caused much concern in the locality. 
The state had settled similar questions under 
the Cholas. 

In the Vijayanagara period we have 
numerous instances illustrating state inter- 
ference in social matters. An inscription of 
Saka 1407 A. D. (1485-1486, 473 of 1921) refers 
to the privileges granted to the Kaikkolars of 
using taudu (palanquin) and conch as their 
insignia carried in processions on festive and 
other occasions on the model of those of 
Kanchipuram who were enjoying those privi- 
leges. Another inscription of A. D. 1546 (41 
of 1922) refers to Surappa Nayak, the gover- 
nor over the Tiruvati Rajyam who enacted 
similar measures in connection with Ilaivani- 
yars who were accorded the same privileges 
as the KaikkSlars of the place. The inscrip- 
tion of 1632 A. D. already referred to (65 of 
1922) is one of such instance of the interfer- 
ence of the state. These indicate the care 
bestowed by the government in maintaining 
the needed equilibrium of the privileges 
among the different communities, particularly 
of the trading and industrial sections of the 

The continued vitality of the Hindu Em- 
pire required a proper encouragement of the 
commercial and agricultural castes who were 

198 - 

were mostly about trivial formalities that 
however caused much concern in the locality. 
The state had settled similar questions under 
the Cholas. 

In the Vijayanagara period we have 
numerous instances illustrating state inter- 
ference in social matters. An inscription of 
Saka 1407 A. D. (1485-1486, 473 of 1921) refers 
to the privileges granted to the Kaikkolars of 
using taudu (palanquin) and conch as their 
insignia carried in processions on festive and 
other occasions on the model of those of 
Kanchipuram who were enjoying those privi- 
leges. Another inscription of A. D. 1546 (41 
of 1922) refers to Surappa Nayak, the gover- 
nor over the Tiruvati Rajyam who enacted 
similar measures in connection with Ilaivani- 
yars who were accorded the same privileges 
as the KaikkSlars of the place. The inscrip- 
tion of 1632 A. D. already referred to (65 of 
1922) is one of such instance of the interfer- 
ence of the state. These indicate the care 
bestowed by the government in maintaining 
the needed equilibrium of the privileges 
among the different communities, particularly 
of the trading and industrial sections of the 

The continued vitality of the Hindu Em- 
pire required a proper encouragement of the 
commercial and agricultural castes who were 


very keen that their hereditary rights and pri- 
vileges should be unimpaired and thus be 
helped to maintain the social harmony and the 
material prosperity of the land. The barber, 
the KaikkSlar and the Kammalar castes had 
been prominent in the Vijayanagara country 
and deemed to have been greatly serviceable 
to the state. The privileges demanded by 
these communities on the basis of precedents 
were therefore readily conceded, if they did 
not result in collision. Relative harmony 
was thus established among the various com- 

The offering of the betel-leaf and areca- 
nuts to guests has been an ancient practice 
of the Hindus and other immigrant communi- 
ties. The offering of the betel-leaf and nuts is 
the first as well as the last courtesy that one 
is expected to show to a guest. The author of 
the Sukra-Niti has mentioned the presenta- 
tion of the betel-leaf and nuts. This peculiar 
system ought to have originated in Southern 
India and was said to have been practised by 
the Yadavas of Devagiri. It was one of the 
acknowledged modes of conferring honour 
and recognition on warriors and statesmen. 
The offer of the betel-leaf in royal assemb- 
lages and military reviews had a political 
significance besides and played a conspicuous 
part in the social life of the people. Foreign 


travellers that visited the Vijayanagara 
country have told us of the presentation of 
the betel-leaf by the king to the generals on 
formal occasions. They have also indi- 
cated the importance of the betel-leaf in the 
every day life of the people. An inscription 
at Ennayiram in the South Arcot District 
(332 of 1917) of Sadasivadeva Maharaya, 
dated Saka 1467, refers to the provision made 
for presenting the betel-leaf offering in the 
temple of Alagiya Singaperumal Swami. 
When Father Pimenta and his companions 
visited the court of Krishnappa Nayaka at 
Gingee in 1599 A. D., the latter is said to have 
" marvelled much that we chewed not the 
leaves of betel which he offered us." This 
shows that the offering of betel-leaf, as an 
invariable sign of courtesy and respect, was 
in vogue even in the case of the reception of 

* The betel-leaf was a hoary indigene of India and 
the Indo-China regions. The word is derived from 
Malayaiam rdjjla (/>., rent -f- Ha simple leaf), through 
the Portuguese corruption thereof, bet re (tn<l bctlc. For 
long the sale of betel-leaf was a monopoly of the Com- 
pany in its early settlements. Marco Polo, Abdur Raz- 
zak, Vasco da Gama, Varthema, Barbosa and all the 
earlier European travellers have remarked on the use 
of the betel; and Sri Thomas Roe has also noticed the 
distribution of betel-leaf and areca-nut as well as cocoa- 
nuts among the folk assembled at any important func- 
tion. The betel-leaf bearer (tilnibula-karundanlhin) has 
been from the earliest times an important household 
functionary in the royal court. The first Nayak of 
Tanjore was the betel-leaf page to his royal master. 


We have already seen that the Nayak 
rule in the Gingee country enabled the 
strengthening and further fortification of the 
capital and the construction of forts in many 
strategical places. The temples and mania- 
pams in the capital were largely the handi- 
work of the Nayaks. The Venkataramana- 
swami temple at the foot of the Rajagiri hill 
has already been referred to as having been 
built by one Muthialu Nayakan, about whom 
we have no authentic information, though his 
name is mentioned in the dynastic lists fur- 
nished by the Mackenzie manuscripts. 

The Kalyana Mantapam, a most peculiar 
structure in the fortress of Rajagiri, must 
have also been built by the Nayaks, for it is 
marked by the mantapam style of construction, 
so characteristic of the Vijayanagara period.* 
According to Mackenzie Mss. ** one Krish- 
nappa (probably the first Krishnappa) is said 
to have built the Kalyana Mahal. " His long 
and peaceful administration resulted in the 

* A record of the year 1924 (426 of 1924) of Sevvappa 
Nayaka of Tanjore engraved on the Pushya Mantapa of 
Tiruvadi near Tanjore refers to the steps of the ghat in 
the river, called the Kalyana Sindhu, being built by him. 
The adjoining buildings of the bathing ghat go also by 
the name of Kalyana Mahal. Hence we find the prefix 
Kalyiina attached to prominent structures under the 

** Volume I, page 353. 



expansion of the town of Gingee and the 
founding of many pettahs and suburbs. His 
successor, Achyutha Ramachandra Nayak, is 
said to have built the temples of Tiruvanna- 
nialai and Tindivanam." 

According to the same source, we know 
that the images of Krishnappa and of his 
successors were sculptured on the pillars of 
the temples at Srlmushnam and at Tirukoyi- 
lur as well as in several other temples of the 
district. The Tiruvikrama Perumal temple 
of TirukSyilur bears prominently the marks 
of the Vijayanagara style of architecture. 
The earliest part of the temple is supposed to 
be the mantapam in front of the shrine of the 
goddess. The sculptures on some of the 
pillars seem to have been removed by later 
pillagers. The mutilation of the sculptures 
of these temples has been attributed to the 
vandalism of Haidar Ali's troops in the course 
of his descents into the Carnatic country. 
Among the figures that were thus injured 
were the portraits of the Gingee Nayaks which 
had been carved on the pillars of the Kalyana 
Mantapam in front of the Amman' shrine, 
which, being 55i/ feet by 31J/ feet in dimen- 
sion, is considered to be the biggest of the kind 
in the Presidency. The Vaishnava temple of 
Srlmushnam contains a fine and spacious 16- 
pillared mantapam which bears on its pillars 


the sculptures of several of the Nayak rulers 
of the period. The sculptures are held to be 
those of Achyuthappa Nayak of Tanjore and 
of his three brothers. Achyuthappa is tradi- 
tionally regarded as the rebuilder of the 
temple ; and the figures of his brothers are 
known as Ananta, Govinda and Kondalu 
respectively. Other kinds of sculptures in 
the mantapam are representative of the Vija- 
yanagara style. 

In Venkatamraalpettai, a village 14 miles 
south-west of Cuddalore and one of the Panch 
Mahals, there are two mantapams which are 
considered to have been constructed by Ven- 
katammal who gave her name to the village 
and who was the sister of one of the Nayaks 
of Gingee. The Mack. Mss. refer to one 
Venkatapathi Nayak who persecuted the 
Jainas in 1478 A. D. The Diary of Ananda- 
ranga Pillai frequently refers to Venkatam- 
malpettai as an important place. Venkatam- 
mal might have been the sister of Venkata- 
pathi Nayak. 

The great Krishnappa Nayak of Gingee, 
the contemporary of Venkata I, built the town 
of Krishnapatam, i.e., the modern Hindu por- 
tion of Porto Novo, which was named after 
him. The village of Agaram near the 'Porto 
Novo railway station can be identified with 
Krishnapatam. When Father Pimenta, the 

204 - 

Jesuit, visited the Nayak in 1599 A. D. the 
town was under construction. According to 
the Jesuit's letter, the Nayak " allowed every- 
body to select his own building site and a piece 
of land was assigned to each in the outskirts 
of the city for agricultural purposes. He also 
allowed the Jesuits to build a church in the 
town and even granted an endowment of 200 
pieces of gold for the building of the church 
and for the residence of a priest." 

We have dealt already with Krishnappa 
Nayaka's religious activities. He favoured, 
in an abundant measure, the Sri Vaishnava 
faith ; and in that respect he followed faith- 
fully the attitude of his master Venkata I. 
His conduct at the Chidambaram temple 
which marked his religious bigotry has also 
already been dealt with. 

The great Vijayanagara empire, started to 
stem the tide of Muhammadan invasion and do- 
minion, gradually expanded and covered such 
a vast area, that it was divided into .various 
provinces ruled by the Nayaks and other 
feudatories. Each provincial viceroy tried to 
maintain the prestige of the Hindu power by 
following the footsteps of his master. Though 
the battle of Talikota in 1565 had shaken the 
prestige of the Hindu Empire, the rulers were 
able to recover in a few years their old power 
though in a more restricted region, so that, at 


the end of the 16th century their state was still 
reckoned as an important power, capable of us- 
ing and willing to use its power and resources, 
before, for the promotion of Hindu culture. 
The Nayaks paid allegiance to the Raya even 
after 1565 and continued to do so nominally at 
least till 1614. Then the great civil war of 
1614-17 destroyed the remainder of the waning 
prestige of the Empire ; and the Nayaks, ex- 
cepting the ruler of Tanjore, threw them- 
selves in open opposition to the Raya. The 
ill-planned and traitorous policy of Tirumala 
Nayak of Madura brought about the Muham- 
madan invasion of Gingee which also surely 
affected Tanjore and Madura. The Nayak of 
Madura, in alliance with his brother of Gingee, 
resisted the last efforts of Sriranga III to 
restore the power of the Empire and brought 
in the Muslim occupation of the land. 

Though the Empire disappeared before 
the onslaughts of the Muhammadans, it had 
left to the Hindus of the south its vast herit- 
age in religion, social life, literature, fine arts, 
architecture and learning. The modern Hindus 
of the south have largely adopted or imbibed 
the ideals of life practised at and encouraged 
by the court of Vijayanagara ; and they still 
look back with pride to the glorious past that 
had given such a valuable legacy for the 
generations that have followed. 

Gingee under Bijapuri and Maratba Rule. 

The short-sighted policy of Tirumala Na- 
yak of Madura brought upon Gingee the com- 
bined forces of the Muhammadan powers of 
Golconda and Bijapur, and forced it to fall 
ultimately into the hands of the latter, with- 
out any possibility of recovery. 

Gingee assumed a new and enhanced 
strategic importance under the Bijapuri gover- 
nors who ruled over it. According to the 
Mackenzie Mss., Sayyid Nasir Khan was 
appointed to be the first killedar of Gingee, 
while Sayyid Amber Khan was created its 
faujdar of the Bijapuri (or Balaghat)Carnatic. 

The contribution of Bijapur to the strength 
of Gingee and its defences is brought to light 
by the two Persian inscriptions engraved on 
the south wall of the inner fort at the foot of 
Rajagiri. One of these is dated Hijra 1063 
(1651-52 November) and says that the Hussain 
Bastion was built in that year. The other 
inscription, though undated, refers to the 
improvements effected in the fortifications by 
Amber Khan, the killedar 

Apart from the improvements effected in 
its fortifications and defences, Gingee grew 


in importance on account of its strategic 
central position in the eastern part of the 
Carnatic and of its nearness to the rising 
European settlements on the coast extending 
from Madras to Tranquebar and Negapatam. 

The Bijapuri authorities renamed Gingee 
as Badshabad and put subordinate officers in 
charge of the killas of Valudavur, Tiruvanna- 
malai, Palayamkottai (now a ruined fort near 
Chidambaram) and other forts in the neigh- 
bourhood. The Muslim power at Gingee was 
further strengthened by the settlement of a 
number of fief-holders on a military tenure at 
Devanur, Malayanur, Ulundurpet and other 
places in the neighbourhood. Consequently, 
there was a large influx of Muslims from the 
Deccan to the neighbourhood of Gingee ; and 
a Kazi or a civil judge had to be appointed to 
administer the Quranic law to the Muslim 

Since the plantation of the settlement of 
Fort St. G?orge by the English in 1639, no 
other place on the coast seems to have 
attracted their attention till 1673 4674, when a 
suggestion for a settlement in the Gingee 
country was made to them by Muhammad 
Khan, the Bijapuri governor of the land. The 
English who were exposed to the inconvenient 
neighbourhood of the Dutch at Pulicat and at 


Sadras and also feared the establishment of 
the French in permanence at San Thome, 
gladly took advantage of the offer of Muham- 
mad Khan and sent Mr. Elihu Yale (later 
Governor of Fort St. George, 1687-1692) to 
treat with the governor of Gingee for the 
acquisition of a port in his territory. 

A letter of 20th March 1673-74* refers to 
the offer of Muhammad Khan and says: 
" The Khan of Gingee, Nazir Muhammad 
Khan, having by his letter of 10th of March 
and by his agent (Hakim Ismail alias Manoel 
de Olivera) offered to the Agent and Council at 
Fort St. George to give them leave to settle 
factories at or near Porto Novo and at 
Valudavur near Pondicherry, and to make 
forts for their own defence with promises of 
great privileges and a very friendly invitation 
thereto, and requested an agent to be sent to 
him along with a present sent by him." 

" The Agent and Council, considering the 
great trouble they are having for almost tw r o 
years, and the dangers they are exposed to 
from the Dutch and the French and also to 
the disturbances in trade, they did not want 
to neglect wholly this invitation, but returned 
him a civil answer with a handsome present 

* The Madras Diary and Consultation Book of 
1673-74 Records of Fort St. George. 


by a servant of the Company to the value of 
seventy or eighty pagodas with instructions 
to propose and receive such terms as the 
Khan shall think fit to grant and to survey 
the places and rivers offered to them and send 
a report/' 

" The said Khan likewise desires, if we 
find the said places worthy of the Hon'ble 
Company's acceptance, to send an English- 
man or two with peons to take and keep 
possession of the same and set up their flag 
to free him from the importunities of the 
Dutch and the French, who were continually 
soliciting him for the same with great offers 
of considerable presents." 

Another despatch from England says : 
"We approve of the settlement you have 
made in the Gingee country and would have 
you nourish it by all means possible." 

As we have not got any definite inform- 
ation about the success of the mission of 
Elihu Yale, we have to conclude that no active 
steps were then taken by the Company at 
Fort St. George to establish factories in the 
Gingee country or till 1681-82 when they 
were forced to be serious in the matter by 
the oppressions of the officers of Golconda 
Sultan, within whose territory lay the town 

of Madras. 


_ 210 

The French who were also competing for 
settlements on the Carnatic coast, got permis- 
sion in 1674 from the Bijapuri governor of 
Gingee for a settlement at Pondi cherry 
through Francois Martin. Francois Martin, 
who entered the service of the French East 
India Company with slender resources, pushed 
on the projected enterprise which resulted in 
the founding of Pondicherry in 1674. Pondi- 
cherry was a mere fishing village when it was 
granted to Martin. Though it was small and 
insignificant, it was conveniently situated on 
the sea shore and was little over 1^ miles 
in circumference. The place was later forti- 
fied by Martin. 

Gingee fell a prey to the famous Maratha 
leader, Sivaji, who captured it in 1677 in the 
course of his momentous Carnatic expedition 
from its Mussalman governor. The irrup- 
tion of Sivaji into the Carnatic brings us on 
to the epoch of Gingee under the Marathas 
who greatly strengthened its fortifications 
and defences. 

Sivaji was able to acquire the strong fort 
of Gingee from its Bijapuri garrison and 
governor. The opportunity occurred to 
Sivaji when the Bijapur court was involved 
in factions between the two leading factions 
among the nobility, the Deccanis and the 
Afghans ; and he marched into the Carnatic, 


aided with men and money by the Golconda 
Sultan with whom he had entered into a valu- 
able offensive and defensive alliance. 

Sivaji was taken seriously ill in the last 
months of 1676 and recovered his health only 
by the month of March 1677. Early in May, 
he sent out into Bijapur territory a body of 
" 4,000 horse that ranges up and down, plun- 
ders and robs without any hindrance or 
danger." In Bijapur itself, the Afghan faction 
became triumphant for the time ; and this 
drove the new regent, Bahlol Khan, to seek the 
friendship of Sivaji; and the latter entered 
into a treaty with him through the mediation 
of the Golconda minister, Madanna Pant. 
This alliance was a short-lived one ; but Sivaji 
was really bent upon the great Karnatak 
campaign, which has been viewed by Sir J. N. 
Sarkar as " the greatest expedition of his life." 
His diplomacy had won a triumph over the 
Mughal viceroy of the Deccan ; the Adil Shahi 
government was tottering ; and a close alliance 
was established with Golconda, to which Prah- 
lad Niraji, a shrewd diplomat, was sent as the 
envoy of the Maratha state. 

According to C. V. Vaidya * the motive of 
Sivaji was even higher, as could be gathered 

* Shivaji, the Founder of Maratha Swaraj (1931) 
[Chapter XXXV Daring Expedition into Distant 
Karnatak,] pp. 279 80. 


from his long letter to Maloji Raje Ghorepade, 
written from Hyderabad, in March, 1677 during 
his stay at that place in the course of the 
expedition. This letter ran thus : " Adil- 
shahi has been seized by Bahilol Khan Pathan. 
It is not good that the Deccani Padshahi 
should be in the hands of a Pathan (a north- 
erner). The Padshahi of the Deccan belongs 
to us, the Deccanis. Our castemen, the Mara- 
thas, should go over to Kutbshahi which is a 
Deccani state." I forget all that your father, 
Baji Ghorepadc, did to my father and I did to 
Baji what he did to me. Let the past be past. 
We will combine. Adilshahi can subsist no 
longer. You are a Maratha, and in order that 
you may be benefited come to Kutbshahi. My 
father Shahfiji when he become supreme in 
Adilshahi, raised to dignity many Marathas, 
and your father, Baji, among them..." 

Sivaji strengthened his relations with 
Golconda whose ruler was " for Deccanis 
fighting with the Northerners " and whose 
ministers were very favourable to him and 
helped Prahlad Niraji in making a treaty by 
which Sivaji was to have a free passage through 
Golconda territory to Karnatak on condition 
that the Kutb Shah might share in Sivaji's 
conquests there. Sivaji arrived at Hyderabad 
(Golconda) in Phalgun, Saka 1598, (March 1677) 
and was welcomed with royal honours, while 


Hambir Rao Mohite, his commander-in-chief, 
took a southerly route from Maharashtra and 
engaged in a battle near Gadag with Hussain 
Khan Mayena, aBijapur captain, and defeated 
and took him prisoner. Sivaji got a large sum 
of money from the Golconda Sultan and pre- 
sents of considerable value from Akkanna and 
Madanna, his Brahman ministers. With a 
strong Golconda contingent, Sivaji marched 

According to the Rain Bakhar, Sivaji 
explained to the Sultan that if Golconda and 
Bijapur would but co-operate with him, he 
could easily conquer the whole of India for 
them. The Sultan agreed to pay Sivaji a daily 
subsidy of 3,000 pagodas, while Wilks says 
that the Maratha received ten lakhs of pago- 
das in cash and some jewellery besides. With 
a plentiful supply of cash and an efficient park 
of artillery, Sivaji compelled the ruler of 
Cuddapah Kurnool (Wilks gives his name as 
Anand Rao Deshmukh) to pay a tribute of 
five lakhs of pagodas; he then bathed at the 
holy Nivritti Sangam, the confluence of the 
Krishna with a tributary stream, the Bhav- 
nashi. While the main body of his army 
advanced along the route to Cuddapah, Sivaji 
took a chosen body of cavalry with him and 
struck eastwards in order to pay his devotions 
at the sacred shrine of God Mallikarjuna at 


Sri Saila, which appeared to him like a * Kailas 
on earth ' and " stirred into a wild commotion 
the spiritual impulses of his heart." He even 
made an ill-timed vow to spend the rest of his 
life as a recluse ; and only after great diffi- 
culty, was Raghunatha Pant able to argue 
him out of his resolve. Sivaji distributed 
a great quantity of alms and built a ghat on 
the river, called the Sri Gangcsh Ghat, besides 
cells on the mountain sides for hermits to 
live in. 

The main body of the army had descended 
into the eastern Carnatic by the Damalcheruvu 
Pass (Kallur Ghat) and Sivaji quickly 
overtook it; and he then pushed forward 
with his cavalry and a body of mavles, past 
Madras, towards Gingee (called Chandi or 
Chanji in the Maratha bakhars). There he 
proceeded to plant batteries for a regular 
siege of the place. 

Gingee was then in charge of Rauf Khan 
and Nazir Khan* with whom Raghunath Pant 
had made one of his secret agreements, before 
he proceeded to Satara to persuade Sivaji to 
embark on the expedition and who were re- 
warded with money and jaghirs elsewhere. 

* Prof. Sir J. ET. Sarkar holds that they were the 
sons of the late Bijapuri Wazir, Khan-i-Khannn (probably 
Khawas Khan); while Grant-Duff makes them out to have 
been the sons of Amber Khan, the previous governor. 

Sivaji arrived at the neighbourhood of Gingee 
with 10,000 troops and encamped at Chakra- 
puri on the banks of the Chakravati river ; and 
soon the fort opened its gates to him. He is 
said to have fallen upon the place like a thun- 
der-bolt and carried it at the first assault ", 
according to Jesuit testimony/* 

Th account given in some of the baklmrs would 
support the capture of the fort by treachery, which is not 
held by Prof. Sarkar to be supported by any contemporary 
authority. The Rairi Buklutr has the following story 
about the capture of the fort. " Shivaji informed the 
governor Amber Khn,n that he had come down after 
making treaties with Bijapur and Golconda. He should 
therefore come to see him. The governor of the fort 
believed this and came out to see Shivtiji, with his eight 
sons, when they were all arrested and the fort captured. 
The Shircli(/rij(i,/(i says that Amber Khan came with a 
nazar to Shivnji, who told him to surrender Jinji, if he 
cared for the tranquillity of his district, or, as an alterna- 
tive, to stay in his camp and not return to Jinji, so that 
the Marathas might capture the fort in any manner they 
pleased. Upon this he promised tD surrender the fort 
and made a deed of surrender, thinking that his safety 
lay in keeping good relations with Shivnji. But his eight 
sons who were in the fort refused to relinquish it and 
prepared for resistance. However Raghunathpant had 
intrigued with the garrison, and the governor's sons 
found that very few people were on their side; upon 
which they got terrified and consented to surrender the 
fort. Shivnji assigned to them some villages for their 
maintenance and in return they were tD serve Shivnji 
with their vassals.'* 

Wilks says that, rm his march to Gingee, Sivn ji did not 
molest the people and gave out that he was marching 
southwards as a friend and ally of Bijapur. When 
Amber Khan sent his envoy to Sivnji, the latter told him 
that he had made his peace with Bijapur and declared 
himself to have accepted the supremacy of that state. 
Under this pretence he induced the old governor and his 


After Sivaji had got possession of Gingee, 
he entrusted the fort to one of his most loyal 
Mavali captains, Ramji Nalage, who had for 
his assistants, Timaji Keshav as sabnis and 
Rudraji Salvi as karkhaunisor superintendent 
of stores. The adjoining district of Gingee 
was brought under the same regulations and 
discipline as those of Maharashtra and was 
entrusted to Vithal Pildcv Goradkar (Garud) 
as subhadar ; and he was ordered to introduce 

sons to visit him in his camp, put them under arrest and 
captured the fort. The bukliurs speak of Rauf Khan as 
Rup Khan. Prof. Sarkar is of the opinion that Rauf 
Khan and Nazar Khan were the sons of Khawas Khan 
of Bijapur. He disbelieves the story of the fort having 
been taken by treachery ; and he quotes a Jesuit priest of 
Madura (La Afi&sion du Aftiduw), to prove that Shivaji 
carried the fort at the first assault/' (* Lif e of Sivaj. 
Maharaj ' by Takhakhav and Keluskar, p. 437, foot-note \ 

Khawas Khan was the leader of the Deccani nobles 
at the Bijapur court and also of the Abyssinian faction ; 
while the rival Afghan party was led by Bahlol Khan. 
In 1676 Khawas Khan was arrested and put to death by 
Bahlol Khan who had seized the administration. 
Khawas Khan's friends took up arms and raised a civil 
war. Nasir Muhammad, the governor of Gingee was, 
according to Professor Kaeppelin, a brother of the 
deceased Khawas Khan; according to the SaMin&ad, he was 
a son of the Khan Khanan. Sher Khan Lodi, the gover- 
nor of some districts, was an adherent of the Afghan 
faction; and he did not, naturally enough, join forces 
with the governor of Gingee at the time of Sivaji's attack 
upon the fort. Nasir Khan, according to Martin, was 
only concerned about preventing Sher Khan Lodi from 
rendering himself the master of Gingee; he was informed 
that Sivaji was coming on behalf of Golconda ; and he 
consequently did not scruple to send envoys to the Mara- 
thaas soon as he heard that he had entered the Carnatic. 


therein the revenue system already adopted 
in Maharashtra. 

Besides the Maratha chronicles, we have 
got the Fort St. George Records (which consist 
of Con saltations and Diaries of the Councils and 
copies of the letters sent and received from 
various places) and the Jesuit letters which 
give ample references to the Carnatic expedi- 
tion of Sivaji. Apart from the Jesuit letters, 
we have got reliable contemporary European 
records to enable us to build a regular account 
of Sivaji's expedition into the Carnatic. 

One Valentin, who, however, wrote long 
after Sivaji's death, has remarked thus : 
" Sivaji accomplished great things in the year 
1676, at Golconda, in Surat and elsewhere ; but 
these we pass over as being not to our con- 
cern." Nicolo Manucci, the famous Venetian 
traveller, has also made a brief reference to 
the activities of Sivaji in the Carnatic. He 
has written as follows : " Sivaji having no idea 
of allowing his arms to rust, asked the king 
of Golconda to grant him a passage to his 
campaign in the Carnatic and obtained by his 
valour and determination the great fortress 
called Gingee. He, like a dexterous falcon, 
pounced on many other fortresses belonging 
to Bijapur ". An equally meagre account is 
given in an unpublished manuscript found in 



the Archives Marines of Paris. It says: 
44 Sivaji entered into the Carnatic with a big 
army, resolved to take possession of the pro- 
vince and defeated many princes who opposed 

The best foreign account of the Carnatic 
expedition is found in the Memoirs of Francois 
Martin, who founded the settlement of Pondi- 
cherry in 1674. Martin took a keen interest 
in the Carnatic affairs of the time ; and his 
Memoir* which deal with the Maratha acti- 
vities in the Carnatic constitute a document of 
great accuracy and importance and have* fur- 
nished us with the best contemporary account 
of Sivaji's expedition into the Carnatic. The 
Fort St. George Records, the Jesuit letters 
and the Maratha chronicles corroborate the 
account of Martin.** 

* " Martin served the French East India Company for 
forty eventful years ; and, as one who took a keen interest 
in the Carnatic affairs, his account of the Maratha acti- 
vities in that region is of the greatest value and import- 
ance. ...He left for India in 1665. ...In 1670 he was at 
Surat and heard a rumour Sivaji contemplated a 
second sack of that wealthy emporium of oriental trade. 
He was with De la Haye during the siege of San Thome; 
and on the 13th January 1674 he left that place with one 
hundred and fifty men only, under cover of night. His 
resources were extremely meagre and consisted of the 
paltry sum of sixty pagodas that he carried on his person 
and twenty to twenty-five louis in the possession of his 
friend Lespinay. Thus began the enterprise that ulti- 
mately resulted in the foundation of Pondicherry." 

" As an ally of Sher Khan Kodi of Valikandapuram, 
Martin closely watched the political movements in the 


neighbourhood. He was not, however, quite ignorant of 
what was going on in Western India. In August 1675 
he received some letters from Monsieur Baron, then at 
Rajapur, informing him of Sivaji's fresh conquests at the 
expense of the king of Bijapur. Martin also learnt that 
Phonda, an important place about four to five leagues 
from Goa, had been recently reduced by Sivaj\ The 
French Director at this time intended to bring about an 
understanding between Shiva ji and Bahlol Khan, the 
Commander-in-Chief of the Bijapur forces, and requested 
Martin to approach Sher Khan with this proposal. Sher 
Khan told Martin that he could not write to his master 
unless Siviiji took an oath on a " Shalagrama " in testi- 
mony to his sincerity. Whether Monsieur Baron made 
any further attempt in this direction we do not know. 
]n February 1676, Martin wrote in his Memoirs of the 
confusion at Bijapur caused by the death of Khawas 
Khan. Sivaji, of course, did not fail to exploit the 
differences among the Bijapur officers and he tDok posses- 
sion of the best places in that kingdom." 

Martin's Memoirs : Martin therefore, wrote a daily 
journal of everything that deserved notice since his 
arrival in Madagascar, and these notes were later conti- 
nued after he came to India. From time to time, when 
he had leisure, these notes were revised and reduced to 
their present shape. The revision was probably made by 
a copyist under Martin's personal supervision and he 
made numerous corrections and add^d many notes with 
his own hands." 

14 Besides his Afcmoiis, two bit? fragments of his 
journal have been preserved ; one of these deals with the 
twelve months extending from February 21, 1701 to 
February 15, 1702 and the other contains his journal from 
February 18, 1702 to January 31, 1703." 

" It is needless to say that Martin furnishes us with 
the best contemporary account of Shivaji's Karnatak 
expedition. His Memoirs constitute a document of first 
rate importance and were copied by the late Monsieur 
P. Margry with a view to publication. Margry's trans- 
cription is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale, while the 
original manuscript of Martin has been preserved in the 
Archives Nationales of Paris." (Introduction to S. N. 
Sen's Foreign Bio(iraj>hi<\* of Shied ji: Pp. xxvi-xxx). 

- 220 

The movements of Sivaji attracted the 
serious and anxious attention of the English 
at Fort St. George ; the Council th vis minuted in 
the Diary and Consultation Book of 1672-1678 
(letter of 9th May 1677) : " Sivaji being enter- 
tained in the king of Golconda's service and 
now upon his march to Gingee with an army 
of 20,000 horse and 40,000 foot had already 
passed Tirupati and Kalahasti. The sad ex- 
perience of all countries and places through 
which he passed obliged us to take care of 
ourselves and we resolved to strengthen our 
outguards and observe his motions." A letter 
from Madras dated 14th May 1677, observes, 
that in consequence " of a letter from Sivaji 
to Fort St. George with a request for some 
cordial stones and counterpoisons, we resolved 
to send them with a civil letter together with 
fruits the garden afforded, three yards of 
broad cloth and a few pieces of sandal wood 
without asking him money for such trifles 
though he had offered to pay the money in his 
letter, considering how great a person he is 
and how much his friendship has already and 
may import the Hon'ble Company as he grows 
more and more powerful as it was obvious to 
them, especially when the army was very near 
and was only a day's march," The letter con- 
cludes with the list of medicines, (cordial- 
stones) and other items that were thereupon 


sent to Sivaji. On 18th June 1677 a letter was 
received from Sivaji thankfully accepting the 
presents (cordial-stones) and counter-poi- 
sons, with a further request for an additional 
supply of the same and other sorts and with 
an assurance of his friendship and offering a 
price for them. On the 3rd October 1677, 
another letter came from Sivaji requesting the 
English to supply him with engineers to which 
was returned to him " a civil excuse fearing 
the enmity of the Golconda Sultan and the 
Mughals and also the increasing power of 
the Marathas." 

The English letter of August 1678 refers 
to the siege of Vellore and the surrender of 
the fort to Sivaji by Abdullah Khan, its Bijapuri 
governor. The letter says : " Sivaji's forces 
under the command of his half-brother, 
Santaji, appeared before Vellore which was 
being besieged for over fourteen months and 
whose captain, Abdulla Khan, held it very 
resolutely in spite of great difficulties and the 
sickness that reduced so much the number of 
his men that he had to surrender the fortress 
on condition of receiving 30,000 pagodas with 
a small fort and country for himself." An 
entry in the Madras Diary of October 1678 
tells us that Sivaji did not stay at Vellore to 
receive the money and country, but marched 
towards the coast. The letter of August 1678 


refers to u Sivaji being in quiet possession of 
all the country between the two strong castles 
of Gingee and Vellore which are worth 23 lakhs 
of pardoes or 550,000 per annum at 5sh. per 
pardoes and in which he has a considerable 
force of men and horse, 72 strong hills and 14 
forts being 60 leagues long and 40 broad so 
that they will not be easily taken from him." 

The letter of Henry Gary from Bombay 
to the Company at Fort St. George dated 16th 
January 167778, also mentions the Maratha 
capture of various places in the Carnatic. 
" Sivaji, carried by an ambitious desire to be 
famed a mighty conqueror, left Raigad, his 
strongest fort in the Konkan and marched into 
the Carnatic, where he took two of the strong- 
est forts in those parts, the one called Gingee 
(Chindi) and the other called Chindawar (Tan- 
jore) where there are many merchants. With 
success as happy as Caesar's in Spain he came, 
saw and overcame and reported such a vast 
treasure in gold, diamonds, emeralds and 
rubies that strengthened his arms with very 
able sinews to prosecute his further designs/' 
The Maratha chronicle, the Sabhdsad Bakhar, 
gives a long list of forts under Sivaji's control ; 
and among them are included Gingee and 
Vellore. Another Maratha record the Jedhe- 
sakhavali, a bare summary of events with dates 
covering the years 16181697, kept by the 


Jedhes, who were the deshmukhs of Kani 
while narrating the events intheCarnatic, also 
refers to Sivaji's conquests. " Sivaji took Gin- 
gee and the whole of the Carnatic in Chitra 
Sudha, Saka 1599 (April 1677) ". The Jesuit 
letter of Andre Freire, dated July 1678, has not 
only corroborated the other records in Sivaji's 
conquest of Gingee, but has also referred to the 
fortifications effected therein by him. Accord- 
ing to that letter Sivaji is said to have devised 
every means for strengthening the Gingee fort. 
Extensive ramparts seem to have been built 
around it, with deep and wide ditches sur- 
rounding them. The place was rendered very 
compact and strong and was also fully garri- 
soned and provisioned. The following are the 
relevant extracts from the Jesuit letter of 
July 1678 : " Sivaji applied all the energy of 
his mind, and all the resources of his domin- 
ions to the fortifications of all the principal 
places. He constructed new ramparts around 
Gingee, dug ditches, erected towers and exe- 
cuted all the works with a perfection that 

* Tho Jed he Sakhavali is, the words of Sri J. N. 
Sankar, " a new and very valuable source for the politi- 
cal history of this most interesting and least known for- 
mative period of the Maratha state " ; and " its informa- 
tion on some very minute and otherwise unknown points 
is corroborated in a surprising degree by the English 
Factory records which no modern Maratha fabricator 
could have read." It is the most copious of the Maratha 
family chronicles we possess. 


Europeans would be ashamed of." The Madras 
Minutes and Consultations of April 1678 con- 
tain a reference to the fortifications erected 
by Sivaji : " Santa ji with his army returned to 
Gingee castle, a great part of which is very 
strongly built since Sivaji took it, and there is 
a great store of grain and all things necessary 
for a long siege already laid in and he has a 
good stock of money, besides the rent of the 
country he had taken." Martin's Memoirs 
have also given ample testimony to the forti- 
fications of Sivaji. They say : " Sivaji after 
having examined the site of Gingee which 
offered great protection gave orders to cut off 
a part and to erect new fortifications." They 
also add that, by February 1678, a large body 
of workmen were vigorously " labouring at 
Gingee for demolishing a portion of the wall 
and to fortify the area enclosed by it." 

The Marathas were said to have built 
ramparts about twenty feet thick behind the 
original enclosing walls, with barracks and 
guard-rooms built into them at intervals. Such 
ramparts might have been the work of Sivaji, 
or, more probably, of the lieutenants whom he 
left behind him in charge of the place, who are 
credited, according to Jesuit letter and other 
sources with the erection of the fortifications. 

One cannot believe that Sivaji during his 
short stay in the Carnatic for less than a year 


could have personally added much to the 
strength of the fort. In the absence of other 
sources of information to the contrary, we 
have to rely upon the statement of Fr. Andre 
Freire. Mr. C. V. Vaidya has said that " it 
is not strange that Sivaji with his advanced 
wisdom and high political and military genius 
foresaw that a life-and-death struggle with 
Aurangzeb was inevitable and that a strong 
and extensive fort like Gingee in the distant 
south would afford him the last stand even if 
Panhala and Raigad were lost." Actually 
we will see in the following pages how Raja 
Ram, the second son of Sivaji, finding himself 
unsafe in Panhala owing to the Mughal 
attacks, took refuge in Gingee where he form- 
ed his own government. The very fact that 
Aurangzeb coveted its possession and that he 
had to secure it from Raja Ram only after a 
prolonged blockade lasting several years, 
shows that Gingee was rendered impregnable 
by the Marathas during the years of their 
occupation. The Maratha nationality sur- 
vived this Mughal attack by taking shelter in 
Sivaji's southern conquest during the critical 
years of the War of Independence. 

According to Wilks, Gingee was captured 
by Sivaji even at the first assault. One can- 
not believe that Sivaji could have got the fort 

so easily from the Bijapur captains, especially 


- 226 

when the latter had but recently strengthened 
it. We know, from the Dagh Register of 
July 1677, that i the Bijapuri captain, Nasir 
Khan, held the fort with 7,000 men and defend- 
ed it against Sivaji who assaulted it with 
16,000 cavalry and 15,000 infantry." The fact 
that Sivaji had to bring down such a huge 
army to invest the fort reveals the strength of 
the fortress and hence we could not easily 
believe that it was taken at the first assault. 
We have also the statement of Grant-Duff, 
which is also corroborated by the Maratha 
chronicle, Sabhasad, which says that Sivaji 
" captured the fort by using treachery, having 
previously entered into an agreement with the 
sons of Amber Khan through the famous 
Raghunath Narayan Hanumante who was 
later appointed the Subhedar of Gingee." 

A Critical Study of the Climatic 
Expedition of Sivaji. 

Raghunath Narayan Hanumante is refer- 
red to as the originator of the Carnatic ex- 
pedition by the Maratha chronicles. Both 
Grant-Duff and Sarkar have accepted the view 
of the chroniclers. Raghunath Narayan who 
was serving Ekoji at Tanjore, left his court 
on account of a quarrel with him and sought 
service in Maharashtra, where Sivaji utilised 
his schemes for his expedition to the Carnatic. 


Raghunath seems to have concluded the treaty 
with the Sultan of Golconda which enabled 
the advance of Sivaji to Gingee and Vellore. 

We may admit that Raghunath Narayan 
suggested the scheme of an expedition into 
South India by inducing Sivaji to claim a 
share of his paternal jaghirs in the South. 
One need not discuss here the right of Sivaji's 
claim to his father's jaghirs in the Carnatic ; 
and G. S. Sardesai has shrewdly and logically 
contended that if Sivaji claimed his share in 
the Carnatic, Ekoji, his brother, could also 
equally claim his share of Maharashtra. 

Whatever might have been the motives 
that induced Sivaji to march into the Carnatic, 
the scheme seems to have been discussed as 
early as 1675. In a letter from Surat dated 
20th December 1675 (Archives Coloniales 
Inde) Baron. Fells De la Haye says that he 
met Annaji Pant, one of the ministers of 
Sivaji, who admitted that if the Mughals were 
engaged in the north, Sivaji would carry his 
arms on to the coast and that he had already 
sent an embassy to the Golconda court to 
minimise his difficulties, to explain his plans 
to the king, and obtain some money from him." 
The expedition, as we have already seen, was 
launched at a very opportune moment when 
Bijapur lay paralysed by its internal court 


dissensions. Madanna Pant of Golconda had 
been maturing, according to the account of 
Martin, plans to recover a part of the Carnatic 
for Hindu rule and " to make himself a power- 
ful protector of Sivagy by virtue of the facilities 
that he gave him (Sivagy) to make himself 
the master of it ; and perhaps they had still 

more far-reaching designs He (Sivagy) 

had many consultations with the minister 
(Madanna); orders were sent to the governors 
of various places in Carnatic and to the pallea- 
gars to give Sivagy whatever assistance he 
might demand of them ; troops, provisions, 
artillery, munition, etc. ; the Duke of Gingy 
was informed of everything and of the fact 
that Sivagy was the commander of the army 
of the King of Golconde and that he had 
orders to conclude the treaty about which 
they had agreed. Nasirmamet (Nasir, the 
governor of Gingee) who only sought the 
means of preventing Chircam (Sher Khan) 
from rendering himself the master of Gingy, 
did not make any alteration to the terms and 
got ready to receive Sivagy to whom he sent 
ambassadors as soon as he learnt that he was 
in Carnate." 

The historian, Robert Orme, has given the 
following account of Sivaji s Capture of Gingee. 

"The want of contemporary record has 
disabled us from acquiring any regular ac- 


count of Sevagi's expedition into the Carnatic, 
although on ground in which the arms and 
interests of our nation have of late years 
taken so much concern ; he returned not to 
Rairee, as had hitherto been his usage, at the 
setting in of the rains, but rendezvoused in 
May of the year 1677, in a fortress belonging 
to the king of Golconda ; from whom he had 
perhaps obtained the permission, in their con- 
ference the year before ; from hence he set off 
with his whole force, passed by Tripetti, and 
afterwards within fifteen miles of Madrass, 
but seems to have made his main push direct- 
ly against Gingee, of which with Volcondah 
and several other forts, we find him in posses- 
sion in the month of July and it was impos- 
sible that this rapid success should have been 
the mere effect of his arms ; but that availing 
himself of the discords which prevailed in the 
council of Viziapore, he had gained several of 
the principal members, whose recommenda- 
tions facilitated his compromises with the 
governors in the Carnatic. He appointed 
Hargee Rajah his viceregent in the conquered 
country, and fixed its capital at Gingee. 
Whether detained by the prosecution or regu- 
lation of his conquests we cannot ascertain, 
but it does not appear that he quitted the 


Carnatic before the beginning of the year 
1678." * 

The Ultimate Object of the expedition 

We have to settle now whether Sivaji 
was animated by the idea of plunder or con- 
quest and annexation when he marched into 
the Carnatic. Sir Jadunath Sarkar has main- 

* ( Pp. 63-64 of Orme's Historical Fragments 

Note. Bombay writes to Surat, June 27th, 1677* 
*" Mr. Child (he was afterwards Sir John Child, Governor 
of Bombay) (from Carwar, where he was chief of the 
factory) writes, that Sevagi is in a castle of the king of 
Golcondah, where he intends to winter ; and after the 
rains, it is thought intends against the Carnatic ............ 

July 11, 1677. Again, Sevagi at present is a great way 
off in the Carnatic country, whore he wintered. In his 
absence, Morah Pundit and Anagi Pundit, and another 
Brahmin are left to govern affairs, to whom we have 
sent to procure their cowl (pass) to all generals of armies 
that shall come towards Surat, that they molest not the 
English in any part where they come, nor plunder any of 
their goods. 

August 24th 1677. * 4 Sevagi is at present in the 
Upper Carnatic, where he has taken the strong castle of 
Chingy (Gingee), Chingavore, (Tanjore), Pilcundah 
(Volcondah) and several others, and shamefully routed 
the Moors, and it is believed has robbed Seringapatam 
and carried away great riches from thence ; and they say 
he designs, on his return back, to take Bridroor (Bid- 
noor) and so join the Canara to his own conquests." 

Madras, in a letter dated September 1, 1677, which is 
not to be found, advised the Company, that the nearness 
of Sevagi engageth all their attention to fortify ; they 
describe his force and success, and had received three 
messengers from him with letters. July 9, 1678, they 
say that little action hath passed between the armies of 
the king of Golcondah and Sevagi." (Ibid. Pp. 233235.) 


tained that he was motivated by plunder alone. 
He says : " He could not have intended to annex 
permanently a territory on the Madras coast, 
separated by two powerful and potential states, 
Bi japur and Golconda, and situated more than 
700 miles from his capital. His aim was mere- 
ly to squeeze the country of its wealth and 
that a partition of his father's jaghirs was 
only a plea to give a show of legality to the 
campaign of plunder." Dr. S. N. Sen in his 
'Studies in Indian History ' has refuted Sar- 
kar by saying that there would be " no diffi- 
culty in maintaining an empire situated some 
hundred miles away from the capital, provided 
the communications were safe and good. 11 

Martin's Memoirs speak of havildars sent 
by Sivaji to govern Pondi cherry and other 
places in the conquered territory. The ap- 
pointment of such havildars shows that Sivaji 
had decided to annex and govern the country 
on a permanent basis. Martin has also praised 
the Brahman officers 'of the Pondicherry dis- 
trict for their industry in utilising waste and 
uncultivated lands near Pondicherry and 
rendering them profitable. He has noted that 
the prompt appointment of havildars and sub- 
hedars for the government of the conquered 
country and the reclamation and cultivation 
of unprofitable lands by these officers meant 
that the Marathas wished to retain their 


conquests. Ranade has written that Sivaji by 
his conquests and alliance formed a new line 
of defence on the Cauveri valley in Southern 
India to which he could retire in case of 
necessity. Though Sivaji did not stay long at 
Gingee and Vellore, he returned to Maha- 
rashtra to continue the Mughal war only 
after appointing capable men in charge of 
the Carnatic. 

Martin's Memoirs give us a clear indica- 
tion of the motive which prompted Madanna 
Pant and Sivaji in projecting the Carnatic 
expedition of the latter. . Madanna Pant had, 
within two years of his accession to the minis- 
tership of Golconda (1674 according to the 
testimony of Baron's Letters and Martin's Me- 
moirs} succeeded in getting the whole govern- 
ment and revenues of the state farmed out to 
himself and only allowing a monthly stipend 
for the expenses of the Sultan. He had 
changed the personnel of the administration to 
a considerable extent and removed many 
Pathan, Persian and Deccani grandees from 
their charges and put his own creatures in 
the chief offices. One of the most important 
features of Madanna's foreign policy was his 
co-operation with Sivaji in the conquest of the 

Even by the beginning of 1676, the Afghan- 
Deccani struggle at the Bijapur court which 


had become intensified by the assassination of 
Khawas Khan by Bahl61 Khan, had spread to 
the provinces ; and in the Carnatic, Sher Khan 
L6di, the Afghan governor of Valikandapuram 
and champion of the Pathan faction, made 
war on Nasir Muhammad, ruler of Gingee 
and a partisan of the Deccani faction. Owing 
to his greater strength and the help which 
Sher Khan received from the French at Pondi- 
cherry, this person was able to defeat Nasir 
Muhammad and wrest a considerable part of 
his territories from him. The latter, being 
disgraced and depressed, sought the protec- 
tion of the Sultan of Golconda and agreed to 
give Gingee into his hands, in return for the 
grant of certain jaghirs to him (May 1676). 
Madanna now represented to his master that 
Nasir Muhammad's request offered an excel- 
lent chance for the Sultan not only to get 
Gingee, but also to obtain possession of Madu- 
ra, Tanjore and other portions of the Carnatic 
in the south. But he pointed out that " it would 
not do for Golconda to send a large army 
into the Carnatic for the declared purpose of 
conquering it, without rousing the opposi- 
tion of the Mughal. 1 ' According to Martin, 
Madanna suggested that Sivaji should be 
invited to undertake the conquest, as he would 
readily agree if he were to be helped with 
artillery and money ; and he would only retain 



certain parts of the country he should conquer, 
such as Tanjore which he claimed as his patri- 
mony, and give over all the rest to Golconda. 

As we saw, Sivaji met Sultan Abul Hasan 
at Golconda and completely held him in his 
grip by force of his magic personality. The 
Sultan agreed to help the expedition with 
troops and money and to send orders to all 
the Golconda officers in the Carnatic that 
Sivaji was acting on behalf of himself and 
should get all the help he might need. 

After Sivaji took possession of Glngee from 
Nasir Muhammad, he refused to put the Gol- 
conda officers in possession of it, which refu- 
sal, in the words of Martin "opened Abul 
Hasan's eyes to the deception which had been 
practised upon him " and " made him realise 
that Shivaji and Madanna had come to a secret 
understanding with each other to the prejudice 
of his own interests/' * Martin further adds 

* Adrian Duarte: An Estimate of Madanna from 
the French Records (Journal of Indian History Vol. 
XI : pp. 298-313). 

Duarte thus explains the significance of Madanna's 
co-operation with Sivaji. 

44 Madanna's meeting with Shivaji at Golconda did 
not represent, as it was intended to appear, the com- 
mencement of his negotiations with the Mahratta chief, 
but their final consummation. We have Baron's conclu- 
sive evidence (AnagiPent m'avoua avec beaucoup 

de franchise que si le Mogol continuait la guerre du 
cote de Laor que Sivagy porterait ses armes de ce 

that " Madanna's views were to place this 
part of the Carnatic once again under the 
domination of the Hindus, and by facilitating 
its conquest for Shivaji, to make of him a 
powerful protector." 

c6te le et pour avoir moins de difficulte a 1'entre- 

prise il avait envoye un ambassadeur & la Cour de 
Golconde. Baron a De la Haye, AC. C"63. 316-7), that 
Shivaji had entertained the project of invading the 
Carnatic as early as in 1675. Since that time continuous 
negotiations had been in progress between his emissary 
Raghunath Narain, and Madanna. Madanna had al- 
ready fully made up his mind to subsidize Shivaji with 
Golconda money, to enable him to conquer the Carnatic 
for himself. Only the pretext for Jetting Shivaji loose 
into the Carnatic was wanting, and the pretext had 
opportunely arrived in the request of Nazir Mohomed. 
When Shivaji finally set out on his mission as Golconda's 
accredited agent, and with the sinews of war which 
Golconda had supplied, nobody knew better than 
Madanna that Sivaji would never give Abul Hfisan the 
territories he had promised to give him. As Martin 
observes, Madanna " knew Shivaji too well not to realize 
that he would never keep the promise that he had made/* 
The whole was a carefully planned conspiracy to hood- 
wink Abul Hasan into pulling the chesnuts out of the 
fire for the greater benefit of the Mahratta chieftain." 

" We have reached the year 1677 which is, in 

several respects, the year of the fullest maturity of 
Madanna's diplomatic system. Everything that the 
system stood for absolute rule at home, a Brahmin 
administration, the restoration of Hindu rule in the 
Carnatic, a firm alliance with Shivaji as the chief plank 
of national defence all these had, by the year 1677, 
become concrete accomplished facts giving expression to 
his aims and definitely influencing the history of the 

" Madanna doubtless favoured the existence in 

Central and Southern India of a community of Hindu 
and semi-Hindu states as a defensive bulwark against 


Santaji, his brother, was placed in charge 
of Gingee and its dependencies and was assist- 
ed by Raghunath Narayan Hanumante, the 
subhedar of Gingee and Senapathi Hambir 
Rao Mohite in the general management of 
administrative affairs in the Gingee country. 
Havildars were appointed for the Pondi- 
cherry, Kunimedu and Porto Novo districts. 

One of these havildars stopped a Dutch 
ship at Porto Novo in 1678 for payment of 
customs dues to be collected from vessels 
touching that fort. The Dutch Government 
refused to pay such dues as they had already 
reduced the salaries and emoluments of the 
Dutch officials employed in the Coromandel 
Coast. When, therefore, a Dutch ship was 
stopped at Porto Novo by the Maratha subhe- 
dar, they had to abandon the Porto Novo 

the ever pressing encroachment of Mogul India from the 
North and West. Nothing short of such a theory can 
satisfy the facts of Madanna's rule since his accession to 
power in 1674. He had imposed himself and a Brahmin 
bureaucracy on the Golconda state ; one of the clauses of 
the Treaty of Kulburga stipulated that his brother 
Akkanna should be wazir of the Bijapur state (Sarkar : 
Hi&tory of Auranyzib, p. 150) ; he had helped to establish 
Hindu rule in the Carnatic ; and finally he had secured 
the firm alliance of Sivaji. What other supposition can 
these facts warrant than that Madanna sought to con- 
solidate Hindu rule in Central India, and use it as a 
defensive weapon against the constant menace of Maho- 
inedan India from the North ? These doubtless were the 
" vast designs " which Martin is always hinting at in 
his comments on Madanna's policy in the memoirs." 


and Devanampatnam factories as they were 
under the Maratha control. In September 
1678, some Dutch vessels under embargo 
touched the Cuddalore (Devanampatnam) port 
and embarked all their goods, including timber 
as well as the women-folk and sent them to 
Pulicat with a convoy. In 1680, however, the 
Dutch seems to have obtained the factory at 
Porto Novo from the Marathas. 

Sivaji died in April 1680, less than three 
years after his annexation of Gingee and 
Vellore in the Carnatic. He had no time to 
consolidate his gains in the South. The 
forts he acquired were however garrisoned 
and strengthened by him, while the havildars 
and subhedars appointed for Porto Novo and 
other places indicated the establishment of 
the Maratha rule. The military and revenue 
system that prevailed in Maharashtra were 
also held to have been introduced in the 

Sambhaji and Gingee. 

Sambhaji, soon after his accession to pow- 
er in 1680, is said to have dismissed and im- 
prisoned Raghunath Hanumante, the su- 
bhedar of Ginjee ; this might have happened 
as early as January 1681. Sambhaji seems 
to have been irritated by the open rebuke 

238 ~- 

administered to him by Ragunath Hanumante 
in a banquet arranged in his honour. Conse- 
quently Raghunath Pant was probably ordered 
by him to be imprisoned. The Madras Diary 
of 1681 has recorded the popular report that 
Raghunath was seized and put in irons by 
Santaji, a younger brother of Sivaji, on hear- 
ing a false rumour that Sambhaji was dead 
and that Raja Ram was on the throne. The 
Diary has also recorded " that letters intended 
to be written to Raghunath Pandit about 
settling a factory in the Gingee country must 
now be written to the subhedar of Porto 

Sambhaji appointed his sister's husband, 
Harji Mahadik s; % to govern Gingee with 
Shamji Nayak Punde as his adviser. They 
arrived in Gingee with troops in March 1681 
and took charge of the Government. A letter 
to Fort St. George of 20th September 1681-82 
from the subhedar of Porto Novo to William 
Gyfford, (the Governor of Madras 1681-1687), 
has referred to the assumption of office by 
Harji Raja who had taken charge of the 
government of all the countries and fortified 

* Harii Mahadik was married to Ambikabai, daugh- 
ter of Sivaji by his first wife, Saiya Bai, and Sambhaji '& 
full-sister. After the Carnatic campaign, he was made 
governor of the fort of Gingee. On the death of Raghu- 
nath Pant, he was rais9d by Sambhaji to the post of 
viceroy of the south. 

~ 239 

places and to whom he had sent horses and 
jewels ; also letters had been sent to all the 
subhedars and governors of the country com- 
manding them all to obey Harji Raja. The 
above letter has also referred to the imprison- 
ment of Shamji Nayak. Probably he was 
suspected of complicity in the plots formed 
against Sambhaji and the other Raja Ram, 
the son of the eldest surviving wife of Sivaji, 
Sorya Bai by name. Sorya Bai claimed the 
throne for her own son, whose character, she 
thought, promised better times for his sub- 
jects. She did not like Sambhaji as he was 
quite unfit, alike by character and conduct, 
to rule Maharashtra. Each party desired 
to vindicate its own rights and hence plots 
and conspiracies were rife at the court of 

Harji Mahadik seems to have ruled Gin- 
gee with considerable authority as circum- 
stances enabled him to become practically in- 
dependent of his master. Sambhaji's absorp- 
tion in debauch, the baneful predominance of 
his minister who enjoyed the title (Kavi- 
kulesh) and the increasing Mughal pressure 
in Maharashtra all tended to make Harji 
Raja supreme in Gingee. He seems to have 
been so very powerful that he even neglected 
to send the surplus revenue to his sovereign 
at Raigarh, 

- 240 

Attempts at an English settlement In the Gingee 
country In this epoch 

The English at Madras had been suffering 
in trade owing to the attempts at exactions 
and impositions levied by the deputy of the 
Golconda government, Podili Lingappa by 
name. Hence they wanted to escape from 
this oppression by effecting settlements in the 
Gingee country. The Madras Diary of 1681 
relates to the anxiety of the English to have 
a settlement in the Gingee country. " Upon 
consideration of Poddela Lingappa's threat to 
stop trade and besiege Madras by order of the 
court, it is resolved to be for the Company's 
interest to be at the charge of obtaining a 
cowle to settle a factory in the Gingee coun- 
try which is out of Golconda's dominions 
which is a matter of great security to the 
Company's investments. The settling of a 
factory in the Gingee country will keep them 
in greater respect to this place and secure 
large investments, that being the best country 
for cloth. It is resolved that letters should 
be written to the Maratha Subhedar of Gingee 
to grant the English a cowle for factories at 
Cuddalore or Kunimedu and at Porto Novo. 
If we think fit a person may be sent to obtain 
the said cowle as soon as possible." 

Having heard in 1681 that Raghunath 
Pandit was no more the Subhedar of Gingee, 

241 - 

the English began to negotiate with the subhe- 
dar of Porto Novo, one G6pal Dadaji Pandit. 
He seems to have discussed with Harji Raja 
about the proposed English settlement in the 
Gingee country. Harji Raja seems to have 
been very much pleased with the account 
given by Gopal Dadaji about the English and 
showed his willingness to grant the Company 
liberty of making a settlement on his sea coast. 
In February 1681, the subhedar of Porto Nova 
sent a letter of credence through a Brahman 
envoy about settling a factory in the Gingee 
country, offering very fair terms. In April, 
Robert Freeman (who was serving the Com- 
pany and found fit for such employment) was 
despatched to inspect the ports and places 
in the Gingee country, with presents of five 
yards of scarlet, a looking-glass and a piece of 
sandal wood (Madras Diary and Consulta- 
tion Book, 1681). According to Orme, Elihu 
Yale, Second in the Madras Council, who was 
deputed to Harji Raja at Gingee in 1681 pro- 
cured a factory at Cuddalore. A ship that was 
sent from Madras to Porto Novcr in July 1682, 
had to return with the factors and cargo on 
board, owing to the exorbitant sums demanded 
by the Maratha subhedar at that port, Even 
Harji Raja imposed an additional duty on all 
the cloth woven for the Company within 
his jurisdiction. In consequence, the Council 



at Madras requested the Presidency of Surat 
to procure a farman from Sambhaji for the 
abolition of imports and for permission to 
build a fort near Cuddalore and for the punish- 
ment of the subhedar of Porto Novo. 

In 1683, an incident occurred which gave 
an opportunity for the English to demand 
certain privileges from Sambhaji. An English 
ship proceeding to Bombay was attacked by 
the Arabs who were believed by the English 
to have been hired to do so by Sambhaji him- 
self. The English at Bombay complained 
about it to Sambhaji who, however, denied the 
charge, but promised to grant privileges for 
the Company's trade in the Gingee country. 

In 1684, Gary was sent on a mission to 
Sambhaji for the freedom and increase of 
English trade in the Gingee country. " Sam- 
bhaji, from the fear of the English and in the 
hope of gaining the island of Bombay for him- 
self, treated Gary with much attention and 
granted a factory at Cuddalore and Devanam- 
patnam with the ancient immunities allowed 
to the factories at Kunimedu and Porto Novo." 
Keigwin and his Council are named in the 
patents as the parties to whom the grants are 

Freeman who was sent to visit the ports 
and places in the Gingee country in 1681 


seems to have reported in favour of Cuddalore 
since he was appointed to be the chief of that 
place in 1682. He did not go there, because 
he was sent to Masnlipatam in the meanwhile. 
The settlement at Cuddalore seems to have 
failed in 1682, for we find, according to the 
Diary of that year, attempts being made to 
settle a factory at Kunimedu. The subhedar 
of Kunimedu who seems to have been kind 
towards the English, offered them a settle- 
ment in the territory under his jurisdiction. 

A letter from Fort St. George of the year 
1684-1685, has referred to the demand of a loan 
of 3,000 pagodas by the subhedar of Kuni- 
medu. The English wished to favour him as 
they stood to gain by it. " We have carried out 
buildings very considerably and by 50 yards 
exceed Harji Raja's coivle and by 20 that of 
Amb6ji Pant for convenience of godown room." 
Gopal Pandit allowed them to continue the 
work and promised to go to Harji Raja and 
get a confirmation of the grant. The letter 
has also referred to the great desire for 
money by the subhedar who had favoured 
them by allowing them 100 yards square more 
for godown room, in excess of the cowle. The 
above letter indicates that Kunimedu had 
been granted by the subhedar as early as 
the year 1682. 


The following despatches from England of 
the years 168284, indicate the approval of a 
settlement in the Gingee country by the Home 
authorities. A letter, dated 28th August 
1682, says : " We shall be very glad to hear that 
in pursuance of our former orders you have 
found as much encouragement to settle a fac- 
tory at Porto Novo and other places in the 
Gingee country." By the 20th September 1682, 
from another despatch we learn as follows : 
" We approve of the settlement you have made 
in the Gingee country and would have you 
nourish it by all means possible and you can 
also proceed further in building forts with all 
the privileges/' By the 27th October, a letter 
was sent with money in bullion, asking for an 
increase of investments in the Gingee country. 
By the 2nd April 1683, the Home authorities 
wrote : " We have great expectation that 
the Gingee country may afford us new sorts 
of goods and some dyed calicoes which may 
be marketed. 1 ' On the 2nd July 1684, they 
stressed, in another letter, that they were 
more interested in trade than in strengthening 
the Madras fortifications. " Finding the Gol- 
conda Governors encroaching so much upon 
you, we find ourselves more concerned for a 
fort in the Gingee country, being resolved to 
defend our privileges in all places. We shall 
now write to the President at Surat who is 

245 - 

fair with Sambhaji, to press him to give you 
speedy and favourable despatch to build a fort 
in his country with ample privileges. We 
shall send you more privileges and if Lingappa 
(of Poonamalle) or any other Governor say 
anything that you raise more revenue and put 
you under a customer, you may tell them that 
the place hath cost 300,000 sterling or give 
them the fort and town and remove yourself 
to the Gingee country.' 1 

The fall of Bijapur into Mughal hands in 
September 1686, and their imminent a Jge of 
Golconda roused Sambhaji to a lively sense of 
the danger to Gingee from an extension of 
Mughal dominion in that direction. Accord- 
ing to Orme, we learn that, in October 1686, 
he sent Kesava Pingle and Santa ji 
with 12,000 horse southwards to strengthen 
his garrisons in the Carnatic, with secret orders 
to seize and depose the refractoryiHarji Raja 
and take over the government of Gingee. 
According to the same authority, Harji Raja 
was perhaps suspected of an attempt to secure 
his own position by disowning Sambhaji's 
authority and declaring himself a tributary 
vassal of the Mughal. Kalasha, the vile 
favourite of Sambhaji, had persuaded his 
master to believe that Harji wished to make 
himself independent. The latter had har- 
houredno disloyal feelings towards his brother- 


in-law ; but his agents in the Maratha capital 
had warned him of the suspicions entertained 
against him and urged him to be careful as to 
how he should conduct himself towards 
Kesava Pingle and Santaji Ghorpiide. 

This measure of Sambhaji seems to have 
alarmed the Mughal Emperor Aurangzib, who 
detached a large body from the dtfifie of Gol- 
conda to invest Bangalore which was still in 
Maratha hands, before the latter power could 
concert measures for its defence. 

Kesava Pant, however, in his ecstasy of 
joy at the new post to which he was raised, 
revealed the object of his march to Gingee, 
as we find from a letter from Kunimedu 
addressed to Gyfford, dated 26th March 1687, 
which says that " Harji Raja was out of 
employment and a new person has come down 
in his place." Another letter of April 1687 
from Kfmimedu says that " all the Subadars 
had been to Gingee to give Kesava Pant, the 
new man, a visit." 

Harji Raja, having learnt the real object 
of Kesava Pant's mission from his friends at 
court, had effectively strengthened his hold 
over the Gingee fortress. Kesava Pant, finding 
himself disappointed in his first hopes, treated 
Harji with some outward respect and recognis- 
ed his authority to all appearances. This act 


removed the apprehension of an open attack 
on Harji; and the letter readily lent his 
troops to Kesava Pant, to march into the 
Mysore country. The straits to which Banga- 
lore was now reduced led Harji and Kesava to 
forget their mutual jealousies and combine 
their resources for its relief. 

But the Mughal troops had already taken 
Bangalore, before Kesava Pant could go to its 
relief ; and he had to return to Gingee. Harji 
is held by Kincaid and Parasnis to have ac- 
companied Kesava on his march to Bangalore. 
He then returned to Gingee and sent 18,000 
horse under his two new allies to invade 
Mysore. Then came news of the capture of 
Golconda by Aurangzib, and of his appoint- 
ment of Mughal officers in the place of those 
of the deposed Sultan. Kasim Khan was 
appointed to be the faujdar of the Carnatic and 
was directed to march against the Marathas ; 
while Asad Khan seized all the country from 
Masulipatam to the Palar river. The Madras 
Diary of 1687 has referred to the unsettled 
nature of this region at this period in these 
words : " 10,000 horse having come into the 
Gingee country commanded by Kasim Khan 
to war against the Marathas." Another letter 
from Kunimedu, dated 18th November, refers 
to the Mughal danger in the Gingee country 
which " has so much discouraged all trade that 


the merchants ceased to invest." These 
Mughal disturbances necessarily compelled 
the English factors to fortify Kunimedu, Porto 
Novo and other depots. Harji Raja had hoped 
to reduce Mysore before Aurangzib should 
capture Golconda ; the Mughal advance had 
been too quick for him. Kasim Khan and 
Asad Khan were in the field with large armies ; 
the Golconda governor of Cuddapah had 
accepted service under the Mughals ; and the 
Hindu rulers of Conjeevaram and Poonamalle 
(to the west of Madras) were ready to follow 
his example. The latter held that " the world 
was constantly turning on its axis and alter- 
ing the side which it presented to the sun and 
it was not strange that an inhabitant of the 
world should follow so excellent an example." 
Harji Raja recalled Kesava from the Mysore 
country and ordered him to attack the coast 
districts between the North Pennar and the 
Palar rivers occupied by the Mughal generals. 
When Kesava refused to obey, Harji Raja 
detached a portion of his own troops in 
Gingee and managed to impose his authority 
again on the governors of Poonamallee, Arcot 
and Conjeevaram. Ashamed and humiliated 
at Harji's success, Kesava and Santaji garri- 
soned all this country with their own troops 
and thus enabled Harji to recall his own men 
to Gingee. 


On Kesava Pant's return to Gingee, fresh 
quarrels arose between him and Harji Raja ; he 
now demanded the surrender of Gingee to him 
in obedience to his master's orders. Harji 
Raja had, however, secured a retreating place 
at Devanampatnam near Cuddalore, in 1688. 
Now he sent out a detachment of his army to 
plunder and conquer on his account the terri- 
tories of Golconda north of the Palar river, 
which had submitted to the Mughals. 

The Madras Diary, of December 1687, has 
referred to the activities of the Marathas in the 
Golconda territory : " Having advice from the 
Maratha camp that Maratha forces in the 
Gingee country under the command of Harji 
Maharaja were upon their march with 2,000 
horse and 5,000 foot, with a great number of 
pioneers and scaling ladders, that they had 
plundered and taken several towns belonging 
lately to the kingdom of Golconda and commit- 
ted various other atrocities and that most of 
the inhabitants left Conjeevaram and other 
places to secure their persons and estates." 

Thus the Marathas were carrying on their 
ravages with the Mughals ; and fully a year 
passed with both sides watching each other 
plundering the country. " No regular battle 
was fought. Skirmishes and alarms were fre- 
quent. Trade was ruined, industry ceased and 



men flocked to the European settlements of 
the coast." 

Orme thus says of Harji Raja's behaviour 
during this crisis : " On his (Kesava's) return 
the grudge between him and Harji Raja broke 
out openly; the surrender of Gingee to the 
orders of Sambagi was publicly demanded and 
refused; but Harji fearing that respect to his 
sovereign might at length predominate am- 
ongst the troops of his own command, secured 
the fort of Thevenapatam, near Cuddalore, as 
a retreat on emergency ; but to keep up their 
attachment to himself by an exertion of 
national loyalty and the hope of plunder, he 
summoned Keisswa Puntolo to march and 
reduce the countries to the north of the Paliar, 
which had just submitted to the Mogul. 
Keisswa Puntolo seems to have refused any 
connexion with him ; on which Harji sent for- 
ward a detachment under the command of two 
officers, in whom he had special trust, who 
met with no resistance of any consequence 
from the new converts to the Mogul govern- 
ment, and in a fortnight were in quiet posses- 
sion of Arcot, Conjeveram, and Punamalee, 
with their districts, of which they sat about 
collecting the revenues, favoured by the sea- 
son, for it was the end of December." * 

* Orme's * Historical Fragments of the Mogul 
Empire, of the Morattoes, and the English Concerns in 
Indostan ' ; (1805) p. 158. 


The French Agent, Mons. St. Germain, 
who left Pondicherry on 17th October 1688, 
reported that on his arrival at Gingee, he 
found there a great amount of confusion, 
consequent on an attack launched by the 
Muhammad ans. Harji Raja, in return for a 
consideration of Rs. 11,760, allowed the French 
to build walls and four high towers at Pondi- 
cherry, while the actual farman for this was 
granted only on 9th January 1689. (Kttep. 262)* 

The year 1689 was as bad as 1688- The 
roads were unsafe for travellers, for both the 
Mughals and the Maratha troopers plundered 
the country impartially. The English had to 
close down their factory at Porto Novo and 
move to Kunimedu and Cuddalore, which were 
better protected against external attack. 

Sambhaji who had obtained a great acces- 
sion of troops after the fall of Bijapur and had 
reduced all the country south of Panhala, had 
aggravated his war against the Mughals with 
every species of barbarity. "Aurangzib 
swore that he would never return to Delhi 
until he had seen the head of Sambhaji welter- 
ing at his feet." Kesava Pingle now became 
ashamed of himself, and being jealous of Harji 
Mahadik's easy success on the coast, ceased 
to be mutinous. Early in 1688, twelve thou- 
sand Mughal cavalry and a large number of 


local levies entered the east coast territory 
under Muhammad Sadik, in order to drive out 
the Marathas from this region. The latter 
immediately retired to Conjeevaram and the 
line of fortified places on both sides of the 
Palar river and allowed the enemy to seize 
Poonamalle and Wandiwash ; but the Mughals 
did not venture to attack the inner strong- 
holds, while, on their own side, the Marathas 
avoided a decisive encounter with the Mughal 
cavalry. " So .both armies avoided each other 
and contented themselves with ravaging the 
country-side and robbing and torturing the 
unfortunate peasantry." 

In 1689 Sambhaji was captured by the 
Mughals.* Harji Raja then seized the oppor- 
tunity of imprisoning Kesava Pant and his 
followers at Tiruvannamalai and made him- 
self independent. Then he strengthened his 
army and improved the defences of Gingee 
against an immediate attack by the Mughals. 
He released Kesava Pant on the 19th August, 
but himself died within a month. 

Harji Raja's wife, Ambikabai, continued 
to govern the fort and province of Gingee 
on behalf of her minor sons. Shortly, how- 

* For a discussion of the date of his execution, see 
appendix to Chapter XXVIII of Kincaid and Parasnis : 
A History of the Maratha People, Vol. II. 


ever, the situation at Gingee was unexpected- 
ly reversed by the arrival of Raja Ram there. 

On the capture of Sambhaji by the Mu- 
ghals, the Maratha state created by Sivaji 
seemed to break to pieces. Soon afterwards, 
all the important leaders of the Maratha king- 
dom assembled at Raighad. Sambhaji's widow, 
Yesubai, and his young son Sivaji (born in 
December 1680, shortly after his father's 
accession) had to be cared for. Yesubai pre- 
sided at the council which was attended by 
such great leaders as Santaji Ghorpade, 
Dhanaji Jadav, already distinguished for his 
great courage and soldierly talents, Khande 
Rao Dabhade who was to become the con- 
queror of Gujarat, the great Brahman minister 
Hanumante, the chief justice Prahlad Niraji, 
Khando Ballal Chitnis, who was a son of the 
famous private secretary of Sivaji himself 
and had saved Sambhaji from drowning during 
the %ijge of Goa and had been restored to his 
hereditary office and, last but not least, Rama- 
chandra Nilkanth Bavdekar, who was the Pant 
Amdtya or finance minister throughout Sam- 
bhaji's troubled reign. The council of ministers 
decided that the boy-prince, Sivaji, should be 
considered king and Raja Ram, the younger 
brother of Sambhaji, should be the regent. 
Prahlad Narayan's weighty eloquence finally 
decided the plan to be adopted, namely, that 


while the forts in Maharashtra should be 
rearmed with artillery and have their walls 
repaired and be properly garrisoned, a field 
army should be formed from local levies and 
by reinforcements from the Carnatic, com- 
manded by Raja Ram ; and Ycsubai and Prince 
Sivaji should remain in Raighad. Raja Ram 
made a bold speech on the occasion, and urged 
the councillors present to forget all their anger 
and resentment at Sambhaji and to transfer 
to Prince Sivaji all the loyalty and love that 
the nation bore to his great namesake.* Yesu- 
bai blessed Rajaram and assured him of cer- 
tain victory. Raja Ram left Raighad along 
with his two wives and with Prahlad Niraji, 
Khand6 Ballal Chitnis, Santaji GhSrpade, 
Dhanaji Jadav and Khande Rao Dabhade, 
He went to Pratapgad to invoke the blessings 
of its Goddess Bhavani, worshipped at Ram- 
das's shrine at Parali, inspected all the forts 
that lay on the road and arranged for their 
strengthening, Santaji Ghorpade suggested 

* Raja Ram thus concluded his speech : *' Had not 
Shivaji foretold that he would be born again as Yesubai's 
son? Had not Bhavani told Shivaji that his namesake 
would rule long and gloriously and conquer all India 
from Attock to Rameshwaram ? 4 1 am but the Prince's 
servant '; 'you must, it is true, give me your obedience, 
but your loyalty and devotion you must keep for my 
master. Do but this and I am confident that we shall 
not only save the kingdom, but bring to pass the prophecy 
of the Goddess." (Page 63, Kincaid and Parasnis : A 
History of the Maruthas, Vol. II, quoting from the 
Chitnis Bakhar.) 


that a large army of 40,000 men already 
organised by Ramachandra Amatya, should 
be put under the immediate command of 
Dhanaji Jadav, and from the base of Phaltan 
draw to itself all the attacks of the Mughals. 
Santaji himself was to make a daring raid on 
the camp of Aurangzib himself at Tulapur 
and, if possible, kill him in the midst of his 
attendants. In fact, he made a sudden rush on 
the Mughal Imperial camp, cut off the ropes of 
the tent in which the Emperor was supposed 
to be sleeping and carried away its gold tops. 
Fortunately, the Emperor was sleeping else- 
where and escaped. Santaji achieved several 
other successes, while Dhanaji was able to 
repulse an attack on his position at Phaltan. 
But, unfortunately, Raighad was captured, 
along with the boy-king Shivaji and his mother 
Yesubai, by the Mughal forces. Raj^ Ram 
himself was besieged first at Panhala; and 
when he escaped from it to Vishalgad, he was 
hemmed in at the latter place also. The milit- 
ary governor of Raighad was in treacherous 
communication with Itikad Khan, the Mughal 
general and opened the gates of that fort on 
condition that he should be made a Deshmukh 
(October 1689). Yesubai and the young Sivaji 
were taken to the Imperial camp ; but they 
were befriended by Princess Zinatunnnissa, 
the second daughter- of the Emperor, who was 


the head of the Imperial zenana and bore 
the title of Begam Sahib. Maratha chronic- 
lers have been fond of giving a romantic 
explanation of this attachment, saying that 
the Princess had learnt to admire Sivaji during 
his visit to Agra in 1666 and conceived a 
great regard for his fine appearance and 
gallant bearing; and they even went to the 
length of saying that she took seriously the 
desperate offer of Sambhaji, on the eve of his 
execution, that he would demand her hand 
in marriage as the price of his apostasy. 

The Mughals, after they had reduced Rai- 
ghad, advanced against Panhala and secured 
its surrender after a bitter struggle ; and its 
chief, Ghatge, accepted service under the 
emperor, with the title of Sarje Rao Ghatge ; 
but in order to convince his rightful master, 
Raja Ram, that he meant to prove his real 
aim on the first available chance and to 
return to his true loyalty, he sent his brother 
with all his valuables and property to Gingee 
to join the forces there. Raja Ram was then 
at Vishalgad which was expected to be the 
next objective of the Mughals. His council of 
officers advised him to carry out the strategic 
plan of Sivaji, to abandon Maharashtra in this 
crisis and to fall on Gingee, from which for- 
tress the Maratha field-army could strike 
blow after blow at the long line of Mughal 


communications stretching from Poona to the 
Carnatic. Ramachandra Amatya was to re- 
main in the Western Deccan to continue the 
resistance to the extent that might be possible. 
Raja Ram was to be escorted to Gingee by 
Prahlad Niraji who was to serve as his chief 
counsellor and by a number of noted captains 
including Dhanaji Jadavand Santaji GhSrpade. 
Raja Ram left Panhala about the end of June 
1689 and, after many perilous adventures and 
a period of concealment in the Bednore terri- 
tory, reached Vellore in the last week of 
October and entered Gingee in humble disguise 
four days later. He then took over its govern- 
ment and formed his own court. His leading 
councillor, Prahlad Niraji, was appointed 
regent and deemed second to him in rank and 
power. The Peishwa, Nilkanth Pingle, accom- 
panied Raja Ram to Gingee, but was allowed 
no extra-ordinary share of authority. 

News of the coming of Raja Ram to Gin- 
gee had been conveyed in advance to Harji 
Mahadik and to Nilkanth Pingle who was the 
latter's lieutenant. Raja Ram and his com- 
panions clung close to the Western Ghats, 
passed through Sunda and Bednore and finally 
reached Bangalore safely. But that place 
had fallen into Mughal hands and its Mughal 
soldiers grew suspicious of this party, all 



of whom were disguised as Lingayat pil- 

However Raja Ram contrived to escape 
and baffle all the vigilance of the Mughal 
officers. Raja Ram went one way and Prahlad 
Niraji departed by another route, while some 
servants stayed behind maintaining their 
character of pilgrims. They were apprehended 
later on by the Mughals and though they were 
flogged and subjected to torture, they would 
not give particulars of the routes taken by 
their masters. After a few days they were 
allowed to go free and they contrived to catch 
up Raja Ram near Gingee. Raja Ram had met 
a Maratha force, sent by Harji Mahadik and 
Nilkanth Pingle. One version is, that the 
viceroy greeted the regent with every mark of 
respect and escorted him with great pomp 
and ceremony to Gingee, which became the 
new capital of the Maratha state.* * 

* A danger that threatened to overwhelm the fugi- 
tives at Bangalore where a close watch was maintained, 
was averted by the devoted loyalty of Khando Ballal 
Chitnis who advised Rajaram to go away by one route, 
when the party had been discovered in their identity and 
himself chose to remain at the spot and successfully 
maintained his character as one of a pilgrim band to 
Ramesvaram, saying that the others who had left, were 
also of the same party. 

* * Paper 347 in Rajwade's Volume XV is dated 
April 1690. It contains the news of Rajaram's arrival 
at Gingee. The Viceroy at the time was probably Har- 
ji 's son. 


A Mughal force which was evidently a 
small body of advanced troops, had been des- 
patched by the Emperor to penetrate into the 
Gingee country a few weeks after the fall of 
Golconda ; and this is reported in the Madras 

Sir Jadunath Sarkar says: " Rajaram fled from Rai- 
garh to Pratapgarh, on 10 Chaitra Badi 9 (5 April 1689) 
issued from Panhala on 8 Ashwin Badi (26 Sept.) and 
reached Vellore on 11 Kartik Badi (28 Oct.). The initial 
and final dates are correct, but in the middle one I sug- 
gest Asharh for Ashwin (thus getting 30 June for the 
departure from Panhala), because it is hardly possible 
for a man to cover the 500 miles from Panhala, via 
Bednur to Vellore in the 32 days (26 Sept 28 Oct.) that 
Z. S. gives to this journey. Moreover, we know from the 
contemporary imperial history, Maaslr-i-Alaniyin (328) 
that Rajaram went through many adventures after leav- 
ing Panhala; he was overtaken by the Mughals on 
an island in the Tungabhadra on the frontier of Bednur, 
escaped from the ring of his enemies, and was concealed 
by the Rani of Bednur and subsequently allowed to go 
away. A week or two of time must be allowed for these 
causes of delay, but Z. S.'s dates leave no room for them 
in the last part of Rajaram's journey. Chitnis's itiner- 
ary of Rajaram (ii. 26 31) seems to me to be imaginary 
and of no value." (Sarkar's 'History of Aurangzib? 
Vol. V, page 25). 

The Jcdlic Chronology (given in the Shiva ji Souvenir 
Volume (Tercentenary Celebration Bombay, 1927) gives 
the following dates. 

Saka 1011, Aswin, Krishna 11, (29th September 1689,) 
Harji Mahadik died. Poush, Krishna 4, (20th December 
1689) Yachappa Nayak, Ismail Khan Maka and others, 
and 4,000 canalry of the Mughals rebelled 
viewed Rajaram through Nilopant at Channj 

In that year, on Aswin, Krishna 8, 
September 1689) Rajaram rode fror 
reached Vellore on Kartik, Krishna, 
from thence he went to Gingee. 


Diary and Consultation Book of 22nd Novem- 
ber 1687. 

Bar ji Raja at Gingee 

Harji Mahadik who had been appointed 
early in 1681 to be the governor of Gingee, 
had, as his colleague, Shamji Nayak Punde. 
Shortly afterwards, Harji got rid of his 
partner on ground of his treachery and plots 
against Sambhaji; and he began to rule the 
Gingee country with undivided power and 
practically as an almost independent sover- 
eign. Harji soon extended his power over 
the neighbouring districts, " gave himself the 
airs of a king, assumed at least in popular 
speech the title of Maharaja and neglected to 
send the surplus revenue to his sovereign at 
Raigarh." In 1683 he interfered with the 
affairs of the Trichinopoly Nayak, taking his 
part against the Mysore ruler and driving 
back an invasion of the latter's army. Harji's 
attitude was one of alliance with the Nayak 
of Trichinopoly and Madura against his tradi- 
tional foes, the rulers of Mysore and Tanjore. 

Sambhaji woke up to a sense of his 
responsibility for the secure possession of the 
Gingee territory only in 1686, when he realized 
the seriousness of the consequences of the fall 
of Bi japur into the Mughal hands. He now sent 
an army of 12,000 men under Kesho Trimbak 


Pingle, ostensibly to strengthen his garrisons 
in the Carnatic, but in reality to get rid of the 
troublesome and overgrown power of Harji 
Mahadik and, if possible, to depose him and 
assume the government of Gingee. Just then 
there arose a rumour that Harji contemplated 
taking measures to disavow Sambhaji's author- 
ity and even to set himself up as a vassal of 
the all-powerful advancing Mughal authority. 
Kesho Trimbak arrived in the neighbourhood 
of Gingee in February 1687 ; but he could not 
do anything to prevent the fall of Bangalore 
and Penukonda into the hands of the Mughal 
forces ; nor could he even assert any definite 
control over Harji Raja and Gingee. Harji now 
took up a defiant attitude ; and Pingle had to 
pretend that he had no idea of superseding 
Harji and to profess open submission to him ; 
nor could he make any effective endeavour to 
recover the territories recently lost to the 
Mughals. The situation at the time of the 
fall of Golconda into Mughal hands was thus 
very bad for the Maratha power in Gingee. 
Mughal officers had been appointed to all im- 
portant charges, even to the outlying districts 
of the Golconda kingdom like Chingleput, 
Conjeevaram and Poonamalle; and Qasim 
Khan was ordered to proceed to the Carnatic 
and conduct a vigorous warfare against the 
Maratha forces there (January 1688). Kesho 

- 262 

Trimbak had chosen this unfortunate moment 
to quarrel with Harji for the possession of the 
Gingee fort ; while the latter had carefully 
secured a retreat for himself in the fort of 
Tegnapatam in case he had to quit Gingee 
and had sent his lieutenants to raid the terri- 
tories of Golconda to the north of the Palar 
river. They even succeeded in bursting into 
Conjeevaram and in plundering the land. 
Kesho Trimbak imitated their example and 
likewise plundered the districts of Settupattu 
and Kaverippakkam. The Marathas had to 
retire from Conjeevaram before the advancing 
Mughals and suffered a severe attack at 
Wandiwash. Both Maratha and Mughal 
forces continued in camp, the former at Settu- 
pattu and the latter at Wandiwash, for nearly 
a year, each side sending out indiscriminately 
detachments for foraging and plundering the 
surrounding country. Harji Raja received a 
French agent at Gingee in October 1688, at a 
time when he was greatly pressed for money ; 
and for a consideration of 11,760 rupees, he 
allowed the French colony at Pondicherry to 
raise walls and four high towers in their fort 
and gave the requisite farmau for the purpose 
in January 1689, after the usual delay due to 
haggling over the amount to be received. 

An indication of the anarchy that prevail- 
ed even in the neighbourhood of Gingee can be 


gleaned from the fact that an agent of Harji 
Raja who was directed to plunder the Golconda 
territory, betook to raiding the neighbourhood 
of Pondicherry itself and making a sum of 
20,000 huns in a short time. The situation 
continued to be bad throughout 1689; trade 
suffered and famine conditions prevailed in 
an aggravated form, particularly in the coast 
country. The English factory at Porto Novo 
had to be closed down and the reaction was 
felt even in their trading settlements further 

When Harji Raja heard of the death of 
Sambhaji in February 1689, he promptly impri- 
soned Kesho Trimbak Pingle and his adherents 
at Tiruvannamalai as noted above, and made 
himself free from all possibility of opposition 
from his rivals ; but he was afraid of the grow- 
ing strength of the Mughal arms, and even 
entertained for a time the idea of submitting 
to the Mughals and paying them tribute. He 
finally resolved to strengthen his army, im- 
prove the fortifications of Gingee, and " defy 
the Mughals from its impregnable shelter." 
Unfortunately, he died in the month of Sep- 
tember, shortly after he had released Kesho 
Trimbak ; and his wife Ambika Bai, a daughter 
of Sivaji, was in charge of the fort and terri- 
tory till the arrival of Raja Ram. Unwillingly, 
she had to give up her rule to her brother. 


Kesho Trimbak who now became the chief 
favourite of Raja Ram, put Harji Raja's son 
in confinement and squeezed a large sum of 
money from the property of his widow. Raja 
Ram had been instructed to proclaim himself 
king by Yesu Bai who, realising that the 
consequences of Sahu's imprisonment would 
be to split the Marathas into factions, urged 
him to assume the insignia of royalty him- 
self, lest a faction might decline to fight on the 
ground that the rightful Maratha king was a 
prisoner. But he was careful to announce that 
he would continue to be the king only so long 
as Sahu continued to be in the Mughal's 
hands and assumed royal insignia for the 
time being. 

Raja Ram first aimed at a combination of 
his forces with those of the Maratha chiefs in 
the Deccan and of other Hindu Nayaks, in 
order to raise a considerable army to retake 
Golconda and Bijapur. Prahlad Niraji who, as 
already told, had supreme influence over Raja 
Ram was appointed to be regent of the king- 
dom. Timmaji, the son of Kesho Trimbak 
Pingle, was appointed subhedar of the Gingee 
district. The regent, Prahlad Niraji, craftily 
kept Raja Ram, "constantly intoxicated by 
the habitual use of yanja and opium " and 
" caused the Brahmans who had enriched them- 
selves under Harji to disgorge their monies." 


Raja Ram appointed his own Ashtapra- 
dhdn, held his court in Gingee, gave inams and 
jaghirs to those who had rendered meritorious 
services and directed his commanders to carry 
on the war against the Mughals. Chauth and 
sardeshmuki were also collected. 

The Ashtapradhan of Raja Ram at Gingee. 

(1) Nilo Morcshwar 

Pingle : 

(2) Janardhan Hanu- 
mante, son of Raghu- 
natha Hanumante, 
the former governor 
of Gingee 

(3) Shankarji Malhar 

(4) Shamji Rao Punde 

(5) Mahadhaji 


(6) Santaji Ghorpade 

(7) Srikaracharya 


(8) Niraji Ranaji 

Peishwa or Prime 


Amatya or Finance 

Sachiv or Account- 

Mantri or Minister 

of the Interior. 
Sumant or Foreign 

Senapathi or 

Pandit Rao. 

Nyayadish or Chief 

None of the eight seats in the council was 
given to Prahlad Niraji, who was made the 



Pratinidhi and given a position superior to 
that of all the ministers except the Peshwa. 
A number of other appointments were also 
made at the time. The remnants of the 
Maratha army still struggling in Maharashtra 
were given a new moral vigour by this as- 
sumption of royalty by Raja Ram and his 
constitution of a regular government at Gin- 
gee. The army was naturally divided into 
two portions, with head-quarters partly in 
Gingee and partly in the Deccan. Free-booters 
like the Bhosle brothers, Babaji and Rupaji, 
whose depradations earned for them the re- 
putation of establishing " Bhalleraj " or spear- 
rule, were attempted to be absorbed into the 
army by Ramachandra Bavdekar who com- 
manded in Maharashtra and by Santaji 
GhSrpade who began a systematic hunt of the 
bandits and gave them " the choice of death 
or enrolment in Rajaram's army." 

In consequence of a lavish distribution of 
offices and jaghirs to his favourites, Raja Ram 
experienced financial difficulties and the minis- 
ters had to look round to raise money by all 
means. According to the Madras Council's 
Diary and Consultation Book of 1689 (page 
97) the subhadar of Gingee demanded 3,000 
pagodas as tax from the factory at Kunimcdu 
and a like amount from the French and the 
Dutch factories lying within his jurisdiction. 


The Madras Diary of May 1690 (page 30) says 
" that the Marathas at Gingee, force money 
from the people there to defray the charges of 
the army which has made them leave Panhala." 
As we shall see later, the anxiety of Raja 
Ram to sell the Devanampatnam fort (Fort 
St. David) to the highest bidder was also due 
to his financial difficulties. The English Chief 
and Council at Kunimcdu wrote complaining 
that the local subhadar was very troublesome 
and his " sole aim was to make money and 
those who raise money are in his esteem." 
The above references indicate the penury of 
the Maratha government at Gingee. Hence 
they offered to sell the fort of Devanampatnam 
(Fort St. David) together with " a gunshot " of 
land around it to any European power which 
began to bid for it. The French and the Dutch 
were also desirous of possessing the fort and 
tried to make representations that tended to 
lower its value to the English and raise it for 

The English Purchase of Fort St. David 

A Madras Consultation Minute of 4th 
December 1689, resolved to send the chief of 
Kunimedu to Gingee to negotiate with Rama 
Raja. In June 1690 the actual negotiations 
were begun with the Raja and details of the 
sum for which the settlement was offered by 

268 - 

the Marathas were given, amounting to 200,000 
chakrams, equivalent to 120,000 pagodas. The 
total included the following items : 

For the Fort 150,000 

Present for Prahlad Niraji 15,000 

do. for Raghuji Pantulu 10,000 
do. for other officers of the 

Gingee court 25,000 

Total 200,000 

The Madras Council continued their 
negotiations in order to get the sum lowered 
for themselves or raised to the Dutch and the 
French who were also very pressing in their 
demand for the place. A letter was received 
from Gingee soon afterwards, asking for 
a final offer from the Madras Council and, in 
the event of their refusal to accept the de- 
mand, threatening to sell the fort to the 
Dutch. Thereupon, the Council proposed to 
offer 50,000 chdkrams as detailed hereunder : 

40,000 chakrams for the Fort. 
4,000 do. for the Chief Minister. 
2,000 do. for his Brother. 
3,000 do. for the Officers. 
1,000 do for the Conimeer Subhadar. 

In July, Sundara Balaji the Maratha 
subhadar of Kunimedu, arrived at Madras and 

269 - 

negotiated on behalf of Rama Raja for the 
place, first by lowering his demand for the fort 
itself and coming down ultimately from 120,000 
chakrams to 100,000 but finally offering to give 
possession of the Fort along with a farman 
under the seal of Rama Raja for a considera- 
tion of 60,000 chakrams. The Madras Presi- 
dent and Council agreed to this offer and wrote 
that " it was certainly to the interest of the 
Company, in carrying out their orders to build 
a Fort in the Gingee country to buy the one 
Devanampattanam, because it would cost three 
times as much to build another, it being 
reported to be very strong, double-walled, 
about 500 feet long and 400 broad with many 
buildings and conveniences therein, all of free 
and iron stone which, 'tis said, cost the builder, 
a rich Gentue merchant, named Chinnia Chetti, 
above 1,00,000 pagodas ; excellently well situ- 
ated in a plentiful country for cloth trade and 
provisions, near the sea, surrounded with a 
good river whose barr is constantly open and 
capable of receiving vessels of 100 tons," 

The President of the Madras Council also 
presented a copy of the farman that he pro- 
posed to demand, which included a request for 
the grant of some privileges in excess of what 
were offered; and it was resolved by the 
Council that " in as much as if the Fort fell into 
the hands of the Mughals, it would not be able 


to be purchased for five times the sum asked 
by the Mahrattas while it would cost no more 
to keep than the CSnimeer and Porto Novo 
factories, and the large extent of ground pro- 
posed to go with it, would probably yield a good 
revenue with care, it should be purchased." 
The President had a private talk with Sundar 
Balaji and contrived to beat down his demand 
to 51,500 chakrams. The agreement entered 
into by Sundar Balaji was as follows : " I, 
Soundee Ballojee, servant to the magnificient 
Ram Raja King of the Chingie country, &c., 
have by his authority and order agreed and 
contracted with the Honorable Elihu Yale, 
Governor of Madras, and Council, for the said 
King's Fort at Tegnapatam with ground privi- 
leges and all things belonging thereto accord- 
ing to the form of a Phyrmaund now delivered 
me by the said Governor, &c., for the sum of 
fifty-one thousand five hundred Chackrams to 
be paid the King after delivery of the said 
Phyrmaund and Fort into the said Governor's, 
&c., free and secure possession for account of 
the Right Honourable English East India 
Company. Witness my hand this 15th day of 
July, Maras, 1690." 

Mr. Thomas Yale and Mr. Charles Barwell 
were sent to Gingee as commissioners to 
arrange matters with Raja Ram for the f arman 
being signed, but with instructions to insist 

- 271 - 

upon all the terms included in the draft far- 
man, particularly the land and villages within 
the gunshot of the Fort with the exception of 
the Dutch factory and the town of Cuddalore 
and exemption from taxation for all the Com- 
pany's goods passing throughout the Maratha 

In the beginning of September, the two 
commissioners reported that when they gave 
a small bribe to the chief Brahman at the 
Maratha court, they were able to succeed and 
44 brought the young king to allow us what 
towns, villages, &c., our guns could command, 
the rents &c., free possession to the Right 
Honorable Company, and accordingly has the 
Phyrmaund drawn out verbatim to be signed 
and confirmed the day following by His 
Majesty with orders for the delivery of the 
Fort to them." 

Raja Ram was also persuaded to grant to 
the English the control of Cuddalore, together 
with the river and the bar at its mouth. 
Hatsell was thereupon asked to go to Tegna- 
patam and receive possession of the fort and 
pay the stipulated sum and remove a quantity 
of military equipment, stores, etc., from 
Kunimedu and the southern factories to 
that place. Mr. Hatsell's commission con- 
tained minute instructions as to the pay- 


ment of the sum to Raja Ram and as to 
the method of taking possession of- the fort, 
after which the " randome shott " was to be 
fired, which was to be done with the best 
brass gun from Madras that was sent specially 
for the purpose. Hatsell was instructed that 
" it lies in the gunner's art to load and fire it 
to the best advantage " and to carefully fix the 
marks and boundaries at the points where 
the shots should fall. Accurate and detailed 
minutes and consultations were to be kept of 
all transactions ; while a mint was also to be 
started for striking gold and silver coins. The 
Fort was to be named Fort St. David, probably 
in honour of the Welsh Saint, whom, Mr. Yale 
the then Governor of Madras, himself a 
Welshman, wanted to honour.* 

* The full text of the farm an executed by Raja Ram 
is given hereunder : "Whereas, wee, Ram Raja by the 
Providence of God King of the Chengie kindome and 
territories have at the desire of the Honorable Elihu 
Yale Governor and Council of the citty and castle of 
Maddrass and Chinnapatam for account of the Right 
Honorable East India Company and from our royal love 
and friendship to them and their nation here condescend- 
ed to sell and grant unto the said Elihu Yale and for 
account of the said Right Honorable English East India 
Company upon ye just consideration and satisfaction of 
forty thousand Chuckraes paid by our order to our serv- 
ant Ragojee Pontuloo, which I hereby acknowledge to 
have received and do for ourselves Heirs and successors 
freely and fully give over the Fort of Tevenepatam 
with all its gunns, buildings and necessary es thereunto 
belonging to be for ever the said English Company prop- 
er and rightfull possession, as also all the ground woods 
and rivers round the said Fort within the randome shott 


of a great gun to be in their sole and free possession and 
Government and that the said Company or their assignes 
shall have at any time full power and liberty to dispose, 
alter, build or plant the said ground within the same 
limitts, or to be for the feeding their cattle, makeing of 
gardens, or dwellings for their merchants and servants 
to be soly under the disposure and order of the said 
English Company and noe others whatsoever and that 
neither the Duan, Subidars, Avaldars or any other Gover- 
nors or Officers shall upon any pretence whatever have 
anything to say or doe within the said Fort or ground, 
thereunto belonging, but that the sole Government 
and possession of the same shall be in the said English 
Company and their Governors &c., so long as the sunn 
and moon endures, to be governed by their own Jawes 
and customes but civill martial and Criminall, and to coyn 
money either under our Royal stamp or such other as 
they shall judge convenient, both in silver or gold and 
that no stop imposition, custome or junckan be at any 
time layd or imposed thereon or upon any goods belong- 
ing to the English Company or their servants that shall 
be either bought or sold within our country or tsrri- 
toryes, and wee also hereby promise to assist and defend 
you in the quiett and free possession thereof from ye 
French and from all other European nations or other and 
all this we fully and freely grant four ourselves heirs 
and successors to the said English Company and servants. 
Given under our Royal Signett at our Court in Chingie 
this August 1690." (This farman appears from the 
Commissioner's report to have been executed on the 2nd 
of September 1690 and this copy is taken from the Madras 

A few months later, towards the end of the year 
1690, Governor Yale contrived, as if for confirmation of 
his possession of the place from the invading Mughals 
who were expected to overrun the country and get it 
into their possession shortly, to obtain from Nawab 
Zulfikar Khan who had been entrusted by Aurangzib 
with the charge and conquest the Gingee country, a far- 
man confirming the English Company in possession of 
all their factories on the coast. The translation of the 
Mughal general's farman runs as follows : 

" Translate of the Cowle or Phyrwanna of Nabob 
Zullphakeer Cawn Bahadur sent the Honorable Elihu 



A note on tbe negotiations of the English for the 

acquisition of the settlement in the 

Gingee Country. 

The first idea of a settlement on the Gin- 
gee coast was suggested to the President of 
Fort St. George in 1674 by Muhammad Khan, 
the Bijapuri governor of Gingee at the time. 
4 Having received an invitation from the Cawn 
of Gingee, Nazir Muhmud Cawn, by letter and 
by his Egyb Hakim Ismael, alias Manoel 
d'Olivera, to set up factories and build forts at 
or near Porto Novo and at Vardavur near 
Pondicherry, resolve to send a civil answer 
and present by one of the Company's servants, 
with instructions to receive such terms as the 
Cawn may think fit to grant and to survey 

Yale President and Governor, received the 18th Decem- 
ber 1690 : 

44 Whereas in the time of the late shameless and 
faithless rebellion the President of the English, Elihu 
Yale, Governor and Captain of Chinapatnam, protected 
and assisted Mamood Alice and other servants of the 
Mogull, and supplied me with powder with other services, 
in consideration whereof I made and given this my 
Cowle or grant. That the rent of the fort and factory of 
Chinnapatnam with accustomary privileges, the English 
Factorys of Metchlepatam Maddapollam, Vizagapatam 
&c., within the territories of Darullichaud, alias the 
Golcondah country, also their settlements and factories 
of Dewnapatnam. Estlambad (alias Cuddalore,) Mamood 
Bunder (alias Porto Novo), Trimlwassill &c., Factories 
within the territories of Chingie, according to the former 
custom and the usual practice of the English, let it 
remain undisturbed in SallabadL" 


and report on the places and rivers. The 
Cawn requests that, if the places are approved, 
an Englishman or two and a half score of 
peons may be sent to take possession and to 
set up the English flag and to hold it, freeing 
him from the importunities of the French and 
the Dutch." 

In April, Mr. Elihu Yale, then a writer of 
the factory at Madras, was sent to Gingee to 
come to terms with its Khan ; and though the 
exact terms of the settlement made by him 
are not known, it appears from the proceed- 
ings of the Court of Directors, dated 24th De- 
cember 1675, that the treaty made with the 
Khan was approved. But no action seems to 
have been taken in the matter at all for some 
years after this. 

The Dutch had already established fac- 
tories at Porto Novo and at Tegnapatam where 
there existed a small fort built by Chinniah 
Chetty, a prosperous merchant of a previous 
generation. In 1678 the Dutch, having already 
made an offer for the purchase of this fort as 
against the French and having also quarrelled 
with its Maratha Subadar the whole coast 
having come under Maratha rule just a little 
while previously abandoned their factory at 
Porto Novo and planned to withdraw even 
from Tegnapatam. They later on endeavour- 
ed to capture Pondicherry from the French 


and to seize the district of Tegnapatam by 
force from the Maratha deputy ; but these 
attempts came to nothing. In 1680, the Dutch 
returned to Porto Novo, having got permission 
from the Maratha rulers to erect a factory on 
a plot of land granted to them. 

A Madras Consultation of 6th January 
1680 81, revived the plan for a settlement in 
the Gingee country. The resolution runs in 
its latter part as follows : * 

One of the main reasons why the Dutch 
keep so many factories upon this coast, which 
being divided into several Governments, if 
they be obstructed in their business by one 
Governor they have another place to find and 
besides this advantage of preventing Lingappa 
or any other Subadar of this country from 
being capable of spoiling all our business when 
it depends wholly upon their courtecy . . . and 
may be a means to prevent interlopers or 
private traders from procuring soe good 
lading as the ship commerce hath done this 
year, wherefore after due consideration of all 
circumstances and by advice of the Company's 
Merchants upon this point ; it is resolved that 
letters be written to the Soobidar of Sevagee's 
country of Chengy to grant the English a 
cowle to settle a factory at Coorallor and at 

* Vide p. 240, supra. 


Coonemerro, also at Porto Novo if we think 
fit, and a Braminy, a fit person, employed 
upon said business to obtain the said cowle as 
soon as possible that we may be ready for 
next year's business. The Company's Mer- 
chants in joynt stock promising to deliver the 
cloth at our Factory in that country at the 
same rates and by the same musters which 
they are to deliver it by agreement here." 

The subsequent negotiations have been 
detailed above. After the proposal of Freeman 
to settle at Cudalore was given up, orders 
were given for the planting of a factory at 
that place ; on the 9th of November a cowle 
for the port of Kunimedu was received from 
the havildar of Tindivanam. The above men- 
tioned consultation recorded "the great dis- 
appointment received at Codalour and the 
great charge the Honourable Company have 
been put at towards the settlement of that 
factory- which is all lost and proved in- 
effectual " ; and it resolved that considering 
" the great tonnage the Honourable Company 
have requir'd this year which 'tis feared we 
shall hardly comply with', 'tis therefore 
thought convenient to order the settlement 
for a factory at Conimere." 

In March 1683, it was once more resolved 
to plant a factory at Cuddalore ; and it was 


actually started inlMay. Another was opened 
at Porto Novo which had, however, to be 
shortly closed; and in August 1687 it was 
resolved to transfer the Porto Novo factory 
to Cuddalore, as the latter place and Kunimedu 
were deemed to be quite sufficient for the 
needs of the ^Company in view of the limitted 
amount of business transacted. In the same 
month a cowle was received from Harji Raja 
Mahadik, the Maratha governor of Gingee, for 
Kunimedu, Cuddalore and Porto Novo. In 
November, it was resolved to withdraw the 
bulk of the factors from Kunimedu to Madras, 
leaving only one writer, two soldiers and a 
few peons. Shortly afterwards the previous 
resolution was reversed ; and it was proposed 
to build a fortification at Kunimedu for which 
purpose some large guns were sent from 
Madras. In July, the southern factories of 
Cuddalore and Porto Novo were transferred 
to Kunimedu, it " being now in the nature of 
garrison having several pieces of ordnance 
and a guard of fifty soldiers." Kunimedu wa& 
then deemed to be so important that Mr. 
Gyfford, the chief of Vizagapatam, was ap- 
pointed to be the second in council there. On 
the 4th of December 1689, it was resolved to 
send the chief of Kimimedu to pay a visit to 
Raja Ram who had recently arrived at Gingee 
and taken charge. 


After the receipt of the farman for Fort 
St. David, the English despatched two commis- 
sioners, Messrs. Thomas Yale and Charles 
Barwell, to arrange matters with Rama Raja 
and procure his signature to the farman. 
Rama Raja granted the farman by the end of 
August 1690 which gave the Devanampatnam 
fort and the 4 random shot ' of land around it, 
together with all the privileges including the 
government of the country with their own 
laws and customs and the liberty of coinage.* 

Mr. Hatsell was sent with the necessary 
supply of money to take possession of the fort, 
along with the equipment to strengthen it. 
Then the random shot was fired by the best 
brass gun " that arrived from Madras. The 
gun was reported to be so strong that it lay 
in the gunner's art to load and fire it to the 
best advantage." The villages which fell with- 
in the random shot marked the limits of the 
English territory. Such villages are known 
even to-day as Gundu Gramam or Cannon Ball 
villages. As the random shot fell on Manja- 
kuppam which was then held by the Dutch on 
a three years' lease, at an annual rent of 300 
chakrams, and besides the Dutch possessed 
at the time a factory and some buildings at 

* Diary and Consultation Book August 1690: pages 


Devanampatnam, it was feared that they might 
give some trouble. But they did not do so and 
even helped in the transference of the Fort to 
English hands and also in the demarkation of 
the limits included within the 4 randome shott ' 
line and " never advanced any claim of owner- 
ship to any part of the land included therein" 
at the time. But, a little later, in the begin- 
ning of 1691, they created trouble, asserted a 
right to Manjakuppam and even threatened 
to convert their factory at Devanampatnam 
into a fort and mass there the troops which 
they could get from their other possessions on 
the coast. This led to " some warm corres- 
pondence between them and the English." The 
Dutch forwarded a complaint to Rama Raja 
who thereupon wrote to the Madras Council 
that Devanampatnam and Manjakuppam were 
out of their limits and directed them not to 
disturb the Dutch or their business. There- 
upon the Madras Government took an affidavit 
from Thomas Yale and Captain Metcalfe, who 
had both been employed on the mission to 
Rama Raja for negotiating the purchase of 
the Fort, and sent a copy of it to the Deputy 
Governor of Fort St. David, Mr. Hatsell, with 
specific instructions to seize Manjakuppam, if 
the Dutch should decline to rent it from the 
English on the same terms as from the Mara- 
thas and if they should oppose the enforce- 

- 281 

merit of the levy of the customs dues by the 
English " to force them to reason, but to avoid 
blood-shed offensively. 11 

The affidavit of Messrs. Yale and Metcalfe 
is very important as showing a phase of the 
real powerlessness of the Indian rulers of the 
interior over the affairs of the European settle- 
ments on the coast ; and the letter of the Mad- 
ras Council, dated 21st July 1691, to the 
Deputy Governor of Fort St. David is clearly 
illustrative of this point, showing how the 
English power had really advanced to the 
claiming of a serious and extensive kind of 
control. The affidavit shows how the Dutch 
had at first no idea of creating trouble and 
were even prepared to assist and did assist in 
the transference of the fort to the English ; 
and the letter of the Madras Council held that 
Manjakuppam had been justly included in the 
purchase of the English who had thereby be- 
come the proprietors of the place and they 
were justified in establishing their own courts 
of justice in their acquisitions in virtue of the 
charters granted to them by their own Kings.* 

* The affidavit of Thomas Yale and Charles Met- 
calfe dated 20th June : 

44 We the subscribers being employed by order of the 
Honourable Elihu Yale Governor and Council of Fort St. 
George for account of the Right Honourable English 
East India Company on a negotiation to King Ram Raja 
at Chingie about the purchase of his Fort at Tevana- 



patam and adjacent towns, villages &c., within ye ran- 
dome shott of a piece of ordnance with several! other 
privileges as particularly mentioned in His Majesty's 
and Privy Councill's bill of sale or Phyrmaund to the 
said President and Council for account of the Right 
Honorable English East India Company to have and to 
hold for ever as their full and lawful propriety and in- 
heritance to be always under their own free jurisdiction 
and government, exclusive of all others whatever no 
exception being mentioned or discount much less allowed 
of, but only that the Dutch should enjoy their Factory 
buildings and trade at Tegnapatam as formerly and upon 
the same tearms and conditions of rent and customes 
and nothing else agreed to by us nor was there any 
offers made to us about Mangee Copang, nor do we 
believe they had at that time any thoughts thereof the 
Dutch then only renting it from the Duan and as we are 
informed but for three years at 300 Chuckrams Pan, nor 
did the Dutch make the least exception against our pur- 
chase when the Phyrmaund was publisht and the Fort 
delivered to us, as likewise our randome shott made, 
which took in Cuddalore and its circumference much 
beyond Tevenapatam or Mangee Copang to all which the 
Dutch Chief Sen Joan Coart &c., were wittnesses assist- 
ing us therein without the least declaration or exception 
against the legallity and free enjoyment of the purchase 
or any part thereof, nor one word to that time that 
Mangee Copang belonged to them, to the truth whereof 
to the best of our knowledge, we solemnly make oath." 

Extract from a letter dated 21st July, 1691, from the 
Council to the Deputy-Governor of Fort St. David : - 

" As to your disputes and differences with your un- 
reasonable neighbours the Dutch, we have endeavoured 
all fair ways to give them satisfaction therein, as also 
with Rama Raja to doe us that justice with them accord- 
ing to the tenure of his Phyrmaund, but by their insinu- 
ation and bribes they take the advantage of a variable 
necessitous Prince to dishonour his word and deeds to 
deprive the Right Honourable Company and nation of 
their just purchast rights, tho' as the Dutch argue for 
themselves, that Rama Raja had no power to sell their 
factory being their own proper building which we allow, 
but the same reason must hold for our purchase too, and 

- 283 

that any collateral! after graunt or sale of any part there- 
of can be of no right or vallidity, our purchase and tenure 
being sufficiently proved and apparent by the King and 
all his Privy Councills deed of sale or Phyrmaund to the 
Honorable Company without the least exception of 
Mangee Copang Tevenapatam or any other place within 
our randome shott, nor any persons or place within said 
limitts exempted from our Government and customes, 
and had the Dutch the least pretence to such a right 
they would undoubtedly have declared it at its being 
delivered into our possession, which they did not tell long 
after our peaceable enjoyment of it, besides in their 
severall papers to us and you they acknowledge they duly 
paid two and half per cent, custom at the time of our 
purchase and possession and that they were only renters 
of Mangee Copang for twenty five Chuckarums per 
month, these are sufficient instances and arguments of 
our undoubted rights to their customes and said Copang 
which by Mr. Yale's and Captain Metcalf 's affidavit is 
confirmed beyond all question doubt or equivocation, they 
being the persons employed to the King &c., about the 
purchase and were not only privy, but actors and witnes- 
ses to the whole managery of that affair, and therefore 
unquestionable testimony s against all Dutch quibbles 
and prevarications, as also those of the mercenary 
Morattaes who no doubt may be tamper'd and induc'd by 
bribes to resell the fort too ten times over to the same or 
severall persons, nay they will sell their honour and 
conscience too to any that will buy it, a strange instance 
whereof lately received from our Bramenees at Chingie 
that notwithstanding their underhand dealings and many 
great bribes received from the Dutch in this business the 
King by them now offers for 15,000 Chuckrams, nay 
10,000, to resell to us Mangee Copang and Tegnapatam, 
exclusive of all Dutch pretences and Company too, but 
we scorne such base concessions as well from its infamy 
as that it would much weaken our substantiall Phyr- 
maund, and might be bought in as an instrument or 
engine to batter it, we do therefore now resolve and 
accordingly order you to stand by our Phyrmaund it 
being a sufficient authority and support for the Right 
Honorable Company's rightfull possession, which you 
must secure and maintain against all opposers whatever 
and 'tis but naturall and just to defend our rights; 
Mangee Copang is the Right Honorable Company's just 


purchase therefore take possession of it, except the 
Dutch will engage to pay to you the same rent they paid 
the Duan but* this to be only for the time they rented it 
for, when that's expired, take into your own manage- 
ment and make the best of it for the Company ; then for 
the Dutch custom es let it be the same they usually paid 
the Duan, which if they refuse then deney them the boat 
and people, to serve them, giving them notice that what 
goods are or shall be landed within your precincts with- 
out your licence are seizable and shall be confiscated to 
the Right Honorable Company as Lords Proprietors of 
the place, which if they oppose you in, we order you to 
force them to reason, avoyding bloodshed offensively ; 
and for what you write us about a Commission for your 
administring Justice and punishing offenders for your 
fuller satisfaction and authority therein, wee have sent 
you Printed and attested copys of severall charters 
graciously granted the Hight Honorable East India 
Company's by their late Majesties King Charles and 
James the second and confirmed by their present Majes- 
ties King William and Queen Mary all which we are 
humbly of opinion are of full force and authority till 
repealed by their Majestys, which there is no doubt of 
since without Laws their can be neither justice or 
Government, no order trade Conversation nor living ; 
every one will say, act, and take, what they please, with- 
out controul, and much more in Garrisons amongst 
turbulent ungovernable soldiers, but there can be no 
question of our Authority, the Charter being confirmed 
wherein we believe your power in that near equall to 
ours therefore act accordingly, and for your doing justice 
upon the natives Kama Raja's subjects his Phyrmaund is 
a further and sufficient power for it, wee therefore for the 
encouragement and quiet of the place, order and appoint 
Mr. Haynes, Mr. Watts and Maccudum Nina, Justices 
of the choultry to try and determine causes Civill and 
Criminal and to execute according to sentence, lyfe only 
excepted, which must be done by another Coart of 
Judicature, and for this purpose wee would have you 
choose or make a convenient Choultry at Cuddalore, 
where said persons are to sitt twice a week, viz., on 
Tuesday and Fryday mornings from 8 to 11 of the clock, 
and at Tegnapatam once a week on Thursday mornings, 
to have accustomary fees appointed them according to 
the custome of that place or this, for which purpose we 


Towards the end of August 1691, Manja- 
kuppam was taken possession of by the 
English. The Dutch chief of the Devanam- 
patnam factory threatened to retake posses- 
sion of it and hoist the Dutch flag there by 
force. Thereupon the Madras Council sent a 
Union Jafck with orders that it should be 
pitched in the village of Manjakuppam and a 
guard mounted over it, to defend it by force if 
necessary. In 1694, a farmanwas granted by 
Nawab Zulfikar Khan, the Moghul general- 
issimo, in which were mentioned eleven villa- 
ges included within the limits covered by the 
" randome shott " of the grant of Rama Raja. 

shall send a list of our Choultry fees to regulate yours by 
where we would have all tryalls of moment registered 
by an English Clark of the said Coart and the differences 
among the Black Merchants to be decided by arbitrators 
of their own cast, only Justices to examine the bussi- 
ness and confirm the execution, this we find to be the 
most just and satisfactory way of proceeding with them 
but differences among Christians, the justices may 


The Mughal SJE^ge and Capture of Gingee 
(1690 98 ) 

The arrival of Raja Rarn in Gingee meant 
to the Mughals the rise of a new centre of the 
Maratha power. Aurangzib was very desir- 
ous of crushing their power and wished to 
destroy them at Gingee. Nawab Zulfikar 
Khan who invested Raigarh, was hence des- 
patched to the Carnatic in June 1690. The 
approach of Zulfikar Khan towards Gingee was 
thus recorded in the Madras Diary and Consul- 
tations of September 1690 : " A letter was 
received from Zulfikar Khan, General of the 
Mughal forces against Gingee and son to Asad 
Khan, the grand Wazier, Lord High Chancel- 
lor to the Mughal, wherein amongst other 
things he importunately desired the English 
to supply him with 200 maunds of gun powder 
and 500 soldiers which if we deny him, will be 
resented and they will conclude, we side with 
Raja Ram and complain to the Mughal against 
us thereof, to the hazarding of our peaceful 
settlement and trade overseas. Having been 
obliged to be friendly towards him, it was 
ordered that 200 maunds of powder alone 
should be sent as soldiers could not be spared." 
In February 1691 Zulfikar Khan had been 
persuaded to grant a cowle to the English 


confirming the privileges enjoyed by them 
before, in consideration of their services to the 
Mughals by their supply of gunpowder. 

Raja Ram sent his own troops, along with 
the contingents of his allies, to the north to 
obstruct the descent of Zulfikar Khan into the 
Carnatic. The Maratha raiding bands were 
driven back by the Mughals and an attack 
threatened Raja Ram at Gingee. 

Though the Maratha retreat to Gingee 
was itself sudden, the coming of Zulfikar 
Khan, flushed with his great victory at Rai- 
garh and the capture of Sambhaji's entire 
family, created considerable consternation at 
Gingee. Raja Ram had to leave the fort for 
some safer refuge in the south near his cousin, 
the Raja of Tanjore. He seems to have sought 
help from the Raja of Tanjore and also from 
the English at Fort St. David. The Madras 
Diary for September 1690 says that " Ekoji is 
sending a considerable supply of horses, men 
and money to Rama Raja who has resolved to 
keep the Mughals at bay." 

According to the letter of the Madras 
Council of October, 1690 Rama Raja requested 
Elihu Yale, Governor of Fort St. George (1687 
1692), to grant help whenever necessary in 
consideration of the grant of a farman for 
Fort St. David. According to Kaeppelin (279) 


in October Zulfikar Khan (Dhul-Faqar Khan) 
even wrote to the French to prevent Raja 
Ram's escape by the sea in an English ship." 

The miserable country from Gingee to the 
sea coast continued to be pillaged by the camp 
followers of both sides. People fled for safety 
to the south into the Tanjore territory or to 
the European factories on the coast. The 
population of Pondicherry doubled in the 
course of one year, rising to 60,000 souls. 

Zulfikar Khan, on reaching Gingee in Sep- 
tember 1690, found that the fort was too strong 
to be attacked with his few heavy guns and 
insufficient munitions.* The old officials of 
Golconda whom Aurangzib had allowed to 
continue in their offices, had proved disloyal ; 
and two of them, Yachama Nayak and Ismail 
Maka, had revolted against the Mughal 
authority in January 1690, and made an alli- 
ance with Rama Raja through the meditation 
of the Peishwa, Nilo Moreshwar Pingle and 
plundered the country indiscriminately from 
Madras to Kunimedu, forcing the Mughal offi- 
cials to flee to the coast and compelling Askar 
Ali Khan, the Mughal governor of all Gol- 
condah-Karnatak, to take refuge with his 

* On his march, the Khan was attacked near Gur- 
rumconda by a large army of the Marathas under Ismail 
Makh, and Yachama and other poligas. 


family at Madras (April). Nawab Zulfikar 
Khan was however able to restore Mughal 
dominion without much effort ; and on his ap- 
proach to Gingee by way of Cuddapah, Gurrum- 
konda and Conjeevaram, the Maratha captains 
and their allies of Tanjore, Trimbak Rao and 
Yachama Nayak were forced to return " with- 
out doing anything." Rama Raja left Gingee 
and sought a safer place and shelter further 
south and nearer the dominions of the ruler 
of Tanjore ; and the Mughal general was so 
confident as to write to the French at Pondi- 
cherry asking them to prevent his escape by 
sea in an English ship. Zulfikar Khan set 
down to an investment of the Gingee fortress- 
es ; but he lacked the necessary equipment of 
heavy guns and munitions. He now demand- 
ed from the English 200maunds of gunpowder 
and 500 soldiers. They sent only the gunpow- 
der and pleaded that they could not spare the 
soldiers. (Diary and Consultation. Book of 
1690, page 80). As many as 100 European 
soldiers were tempted by offers of high pay to 
join his army and to form a corps of white 
men in the Mughal service. 

By April 1691 the Mughal army before 
Gingee had become powerful and well provi- 
sioned enough to threaten the besieged with a 
prospect of immediate and serious assault. 
The letter from Fort St. David, dated 25th 



April 1691, says that " the Mughal forces at 
Gingee being considerably supplied with men 
and provisions, the natives of those parts are 
very apprehensive that the Mughal power 
being so great they will not be able to with- 
stand them." The letter also gave the inform- 
ation that the Dutch were helping the Mu- 
ghals with their presents and military assist- 
ance, by endeavouring to make the English 
odious in the Mughal camp by giving false 

In reality, however, the siege operations 
could make little progress, as a complete 
blockade of such an extensive fort was beyond 
the Mughals' power. Even in November 1690 
help had come to Rama Raja from three 
Maratha chiefs who brought him 2,000 horse- 
men and took charge of the defence works at 
Chakkrakujam in the lower fort. In Febru- 
ary 1691, Rama Raja was enabled to return 
to Gingee from his shelter. His troops had 
recovered from " their first consternation " 
and begun " to harass them incessantly." 
The Raja of Tanjore aided him throughout 
the siege with men, money and provisions, 
partly from family affection and partly for 
promises of territory. 

There was considerable internal trouble 
facing Rajaram in the fort. The captains of 
the troops who were daily exposed to the 


attacks of the enemy were jealous of the ease 
and luxury indulged in by the ministers and 
the principal Brahmans of the court. Raja- 
ram was forced, by the growing feeling, to send 
away some ministers and a few Brahmans of 
his entourage. But these latter intrigued from 
outside to bring about their recall and con- 
trived their reinstation to their respective 
posts * Rajaram's attempts to secure the help 
of the petty chiefs of the coast region and to 
form a confederacy against the Mughal domin- 
ion in South India were utterly frustrated 
by the mutual jealousies that raged among 

The Mughal besiegers came to be hard 
pressed even in the course of 1691 ; and the 
activity of the Maratha marauding bands 
prevented the supply of sufficient quantities 
of grain to the camp of Zulfikar Khan. Seve- 
ral Golconda officers who had accompanied 
him now deserted to the enemy side. One, 
Sayyid Lashkar Khan, brought a welcome 
supply 'of provisions and money to Zulfikar 
Khan's camp from Cuddapah which gave 
much relief. Zulfikar Khan had to report to 
the Emperor that " the enemy were hemming 
him around, stopping his supply and provi- 
sions and that he needed reinforcements 

Memoirs of Francois Martin (1934). Vol. Ill, p. 151. 


Hence Asad Khan, the Wazir and father 
of Zulfikar Khan, was sent to Gingee to hasten 
to his son's aid ; while Prince Kam Baksh, the 
last and most-favoured son Aurangzib, who 
was then engaged in the siege of Wagingera, 
was ordered to march to the Carnatic and 
strengthen the position of the Mughals. In 
June 1691 the arrival of Asad Khan at Gingee 
was recorded in the Madras Diary thus : 
"Having advice of the Grand Wazir Asad 
Khan coming with an army to the assistance 
of his son Zujfikar Khan at Gingee, to whom 
we think it would be absolutely necessary to 
send some presents to compliment and make 
him a visit with a suitable present to engage 
his favour to the Company, he having been 
the prime minister and chief person of state 
and also the chief person in the Mughal 


Professor Sir Jadunath Sarkar explains 
the cause of the delay in the march of Asad 
Khan to the Carnatic, who, though he had often 
expressed a desire to see his son, now Hesitat- 
ed to go to help him in sore straits. " He had 
frequently taunted the other imperial gener- 
als with failure against the Marathas and 
bragged of what he could have done, saying: 
4 His Majesty has not charged me with any 
enterprise. When he does so, he will see 
what ' Turk ' means. This speech had been 


reported to the Emperor, and now, on hearing 
Asad Khan's supine inactivity, Aurangzib 
turned to his librarian and said, "His Turk- 
ship is over. How runs the proverb ? " And 
then they both recited it,' Don't brag again, 
as your boast (Turki) has come to an end ! ' 
This verse was embodied in a despatch now 
sent to Asad Khan."* 

After this reproof from his master, Nawab 
Asad Khan had really to go ; and having been 
joined in the meantime by Prince Kam Baksh 
both proceeded towards Gingee which they 
reached in December 1691.** The advance of 
Kam Baksh at Gingee was known to the Eng- 
lish at Fort St. George, who wished to send 
him a present to the amount of 2,000 pagodas 
with other rarities including arms and cloth 
(July 1691). " The news of the Mughal's son 
(Prince Kam Baksh ; coming down towards 
Gingee being now confirmed to us and Asad 
Khan the Wazir, and himself, being two of the 
greatest peers in the kingdom, it was thought 
necessary that a fitting person should be sent 

* J.N. Sarkar's ' History of Aurangzib,' Vol. V, p. 75. 

** According to Scott, Asad Khan met the Prince at 
Cuddapah (sixty kos from Gingee) and accompanied him 
to Conjeevaram, while Rao Dalpat wa<* despatched 
with reinforcements and a large amount of treasure to 
Zulfikar Khan. Martin says that the Prince and the 
Minister reached the neighbourhood of the Mughal camp 
in October 1691. 


with a considerable present to the amount of 
2,000 pagodas with rarities including arms and 

In the meantime, Ziijfikar Khan had sus- 
pended active operations on the fortifications 
on Gingee and turned to the south to levy 
contributions from the chiefs of that region. 
With the help of Ali Mardan Khan, the faujdar 
of Conjeevaram, he marched with a small body 
of troopers against the kingdoms of Tanjore 
and Trichinopoly and returned with the 
tributes collected from their chiefs. He re- 
turned to Gingee by way of Cuddalore and 
contrived to capture Tiruvannamalai by the 
end of 1691. He also asked the French at 
Pondicherry to seize the neighbouring fort of 
Valudavur for him; but they would not agree 
to any open hostilities with the Marathas- 
Thus the year 1691 passed " without any deci- 
sive success for the imperialists." 

Zulfikar's plundering raid was closely 
followed by Maratha hordes who added to the 
desolation of the country, and the people had 
to hide themselves in the jungles of thepoligar 
chiefs. Martin thus comments on Ziilfikar 
Khan's procrastination of the operations : 
" The conduct of the general appeared sus- 
picious by his lack of application to make 
himself master of Gingee." The Khan wrote 
to Rajaram to give up the fort to him as a 


result of negotiation and that after Kam 
Baksh should assume charge, he could no 
longer secure his own terms and would lose 
the advantageous conditions he now offered. 
Thus, in the words of Martin : " The great- 
est hope of Rajaram and his Brahman minist- 
ers was neither in their forces, nor in the 
help (from Tanjore) which they anticipated, 
but in the understanding that they had with 
the general Zulfikar Khan."* 

In spite of the help rendered by Asad Khan 
and the Prince, the year 1692 was not propitious 
to the Mughals. As the fortifications of Gingee 
comprehended a group of hills with forts and 
embrasures and walls, well furnished with 
artillery and with an abundance of provisions 
and military stores, it was found impossible 
from the very beginning to invest the whole 
area intensively; and hence posts were allotted 
to different commanders who were stationed 
on all sides of the place ; and attempts were 
made to cut off any communications of the 
bed^ged. Zulfikar Khan took up a post opposite 
the eastern or Pondicherry gate. Asad Khan 
and the Prince lay encamped on the road be- 

""" Further, Martin wrote that to all outward appear- 
ances the Khan offered to Rajaram Vellore and all the 
territories dependent upon it in return for Gingee, but at 
the same time sent secret envoys to him urging him not 
to give in. (Memoirs Vol. Ill p. 173). 

- 296 

yond the north gate leading from Krishnagiri 
to Singavaram hill. Ismail Khan Makha who 
had again returned to the Mughal allegiance 
and others were stationed in an outpost north- 
west of the fort near Rajagiri. Each of these 
camps was walled round for safety. The gate 
of Shaitan Dari (or Port-du-Diable of Orme) 
could not be blockaded; and u the garrison 
freely came and went out by it and brought in 
provisions whenever they liked." An outpost 
under Kakar Khan guarded the approaches 
through the Vettavalam wood towards the 
south-west by which supplies could be brought 
in. On the whole the line of investment was 
neither intense nor effective. 

The bes(<$ged shot at and threatened the 
Prince's camp, though Zulfikar Khan had 
strengthened the guards at that post. One 
night a Maratha force, 5,000>strong, sallied out 
of the north gate and were only forced back 
by a gigantic effort on the part of all the 
Mughal besiegers. Zujfikar Khan had, how- 
ever, the prince's camp transported by the side 
of his own, and Sayyid Lashkar Khan was as- 
signed to take charge of the Prince's outpost. 
Zulfikar Khan next selected Chandrayan Drug 
as the objective of his attacks and ran trench- 
es around it as a first measure. Then he began 
a bombardment of the hill as well as of the 
Pondicherry gate. 


Then " rains set in with great fury. Grain 
again became exceedingly scarce and the 
constant strain of the siege was beyond mea- 
sure fatiguing to the troops.* 

As Prof. Sarkar well remarks, all the exer- 
tions of Zulfikar Khan became "a mere show as 
the country around knew well.' 1 The entire 
district round Gingee looked like a big lake 
on account of the heavy rains. The Madras 
Diary of July 1692 has recorded the disturbed 
state of the country due to the wars. 

At the close of the rainy season, a body 
of 30,000 Maratha horse advanced for the 
assistance of Rama Raja at Gingee, under the 
able commanders, Santaji Ghorepade and 
Dhanaji Jadhav. As there were not sufficient 
troop to keep an intensive blockade and at the 
same time oppose the enemy, the various 
detachments which had been sent out for for- 
aging and collecting plunder were recalled by 
Zulfikar Khan to join the main army. All 
the Mughal outposts were ordered to fall in 
on the main army as their scattered positions 
could no longer be added. As a consequence, 
Sayyid Lashkar Khan and KakarKhan quick- 
ly returned to Gingee and joined their general. 
But Ismail Khan Makha, who was stationed 

* Hitfory of the Deccun by Fcrislitu edited by Scott: 
Vol. II, page 87. 



at a somewhat distant place, made some 
delay, being engaged and employed in collect- 
ing his baggage and provisions, when Dhanaji 
arrived. He was therefore attacked by Dhana- 
ji's army and was wounded and taken a prison- 
er with much booty into Gingee. According to 
Scott, he was later released by the kindness of 
Ajit Naire on account of the latter's former 

Santaji who first burst upon Conjeevaram, 
met Ali Mardan Khan, the Mughal faujdar of 
that place; the latter sallied out to encounter 
the Maratha army, not being aware of its real 
strength. His small force was hemmed round 
and he himself was captured, along with 1,500 
horses and six elephants. All the stores and 
weapons of his army were looted (December 
1692). He was then taken to Gingee and held 
up to ransom. The seizure of both Ali Mardan 
Khan, the faujdar of Conjeevaram and Ismail 
Khan Makha by the Marathas is recorded in 
the Madras Diary for 1693. 

A letter from Yachama Nayak to the 
Captain More (Governor) of Chennapatnam 
(Madras) says : " You are very sensible that 
the Mughal army against this place cannot 
effect their design after a long time lying before 

it Since 30,000 of our horses came from 

above, we took Ali Mardan Khan and Makh 
Ismail Khan prisoners and had kept them at 

299 - 

Gingee." (Diary and Consultation Book, 1693 : 
2nd January, pp, 22-23). 

Upon the capture of Ali Mar dan Khan, 
many people fled from Conjeevaram to Madras. 
By the 23rd of December 1692, an Armenian 
merchant came to the President of Fort St. 
George (Mathaniel Higginson 1692-1698) and 
told him that, as a result of a letter from Puli- 
cat from the brother-in-law of Ali Mardan 
Khan at Gingee,,the Marathas had offered his 
(Ali Mardan Khan's) liberty for a lakh of 
pagodas. He requested the Madras President 
to receive jewels and money to that amount 
into his custody and then write to Rama Raja 
engaging to pay that sum on the arrival of 
Ali Mardan Khan at Madras (Madras Diary 
and Consultation Book, 1693 : page 9). 

The English, however, did not like to inter- 
fere at first. Some days later, the Armenian 
merchants brought pressure on the government 
by their influence to interest itself in the 
release of Ali Mardan Khan by engaging to 
pay the ransom amount to Rama Raja. Thus 
Ali Mardan Khan was released. It was 
through the efforts of his brother-in-law, Ali 
Qadir, that this sum was raised. 

After their seizure of Ali Mardan Khan, 
the faujdar of Kanchi, and Ismail Khan Makha, 
the Marathas appointed one, Kesava Raman, 


as their subhadar of Conjeevaram and streng- 
thened him with the command of 1,000 horse 
and 4,000 foot in January 1693. Dhanaji Jadav 
led frequent attacks on the siege-posts of the 
Mughals ; and when he joined his forces with 
those of Santaji, Zulfikar Khan became alarm- 
ed, abandoned his outposts and concentrated 
the scattered troops under his own command. 
Before the siege-camp of Ismail Khan on the 
western side of the fort could be dismantled 
and transferred to the head-quarters of the 
Mughal general, he was intercepted by the 
enemy and captured along with 500 horse and 2 
elephants and carried into Gingee a prisoner.* 
It was after this strenuous victory that Rama 
Raja issued a proclamation, declaring the as- 
sumption of the government of Golconda-Kar- 
natak by the Maratha state and appointing 
Maratha governors to take charge of its 
head-quarters stations of Conjeevaram and 

The revival of Maratha activity and their 
predominance in the surrounding country put 
a stop to the plentiful supply of grain to the 
Mughal camp. Letters from the Emperor's 
court were also not regularly received. The 
Mughal army outside Gingee was besieged and 
its condition became critical by reason of inter- 
nal disputes. Prince Kam Baksh, who was a 

See p. 298 supra. 


foolish young man, had opened a secret corres- 
pondence with Raja Ram. The Marathas 
were greatly elated by their securing such 
an ally in the enemy's camp. Zulfikar Khan 
.had however learnt of the prince's deceit and 
kept him under surveillance. Dalpat Rao, 
the Khan's bravest and most trusted lieuten- 
ant, was posted at the Prince's camp in con- 
stant attendance on him. Moreover, the arrival 
of Santaji and Dhanaji increased the difficult- 
ies of the Mughals. The grain supply of the 
siege camp was cut off. Famine began to 
rage among the multitude and communica- 
tions were rendered unsafe. Alarming ru- 
mours of the Emperor's death arose immedi- 
ately, which the Marathas gladly spread and 
exaggerated. It was said that Aurangzib 
was dead and that Shah Alamhad succeeded 
to the imperial throne. Kam Baksh was 
naturally afraid of losing the chances of his 
succession to the throne and of his possible 
degradation under the new regime. His only 
hope of safety, as he was an enemy of Asad 
Khan, lay in an alliance with the Marathas. 
He thought of escaping into the fort of Gingee 
with his family by night, of effecting an alli- 
ance with the Marathas and then trying to 
win the throne of Delhi with their aid. How- 
ever, Kam Baksh could not pursue his plans 
for fear of Asad Khan and his men posted in 


his camp, while Zulfikar Khan had many 
spies even among the Marathas. The latter 
quickly learnt of all the Prince's projects and 
secured from Aurangzib to whom he duly 
reported all the happenings, an order to keep 
him under surveillance and arrest. Dalpat 
Rao was ordered to keep watch over the 
Prince's camp and to prevent his moving 
about freely. 

The activities of Kam Baksh were duly 
conveyed to Asad Khan by the spies of Zul- 
fikar Khan who also reported everything to 
the leading officers of the imperial army and 
decided that the Prince should be kept under 
close watch. The siege operations were then 
suspended for some time. u The Prince, in the 
intoxication of youth and under the influence 
of evil counsellors, made the entire long jour- 
ney (from Kadapa) to Jinji on horseback, 
prolonging it still further by hunting and 
sight-seeing on the way. Asad Khan, as 
bound by etiquette, had to ride on horseback 
alongside the prince, in spite of his great 
weakness and the infirmities of old age. It 
embittered his feelings towards the prince, 
and wicked men on both sides aggravated the 
quarrel by their intervention." 

" After reaching Jinji, the prince acted 
still more foolishly. Through the medium of 


some reckless and madmen he opened a secret 
correspondence with Rajaram." * 

Ziilfikar Khan is reported to have burst 
his big guns by firing excessive charges of 
powder and abandoned them where they stood. 
Lewis Terrill, one of the soldiers who served 
under Zulfikar Khan in the siege of Gingee, 
has given the following account of the affair, 
as recorded in the Madras Diary, dated the 
30th January 1693. 

" Two months since Zulfikar had ordered 
to split all the great and brass guns, which he 
supposed was occasioned by the Mughal's 
death, whereof he also heard reports that 
Kam Baksh attempting to go over to Rama 
Raja was seized by Zulfikar Khan and kept a 
prisoner." The Ma'atlriri Alamglrl (357) says 
that nails were driven into the touch holds 
of the guns **. 

The Marathas fell upon the Mughals 
whenever they gained an opportunity. They 

* J. N. Sarkar's ' History of Aurangzib,' Vol. V, 
p. 81. 

** do. _ do. do. p. 84, foot-note. 

The Ma'atMr-i-JLlantgirii (a chronogram = 1122, 17-10-11, 
the date of completion) is a history of the reign of 
Aurangzib, the account of the first ten years which was 
a later addition, being an abridgement of the Alanicjir- 
Ndmah (see Elliot and Dawson : History of India, Vol. 
VII ; pp. 181 197 and Persian Literature, A Bio-Biblio- 
ypaphical Survey, by C. A. Storey, Section II ; Fasciculus 
3, M. History of India (1939) : pp. 5934. 


hemmed round the Mughal army ; and " the 
audacity of the infidels passed all bounds and 
death stared Muslims in the face." Zulfikar 
and his men fought very bravely. In the 
great battle that ensued, the Marathas lost 
3,000 foot and 350 cavalry, while the imperial- 
ists lost only 400 troopers, 400 horses and 
8 elephants." * 

In the meanwhile, the plot of Prince Kam 
Baksh who wished to be freed of the vigilant 
surveillance of Asad Khan and Zujfikar Khan, 
and to arrest Zulfikar Khan, however leaked 
out and Zulfikar Khan had him arrested im- 
mediately. Kam Baksh is reported to have 
come out of the harem by the main gate. He 
was dragged bare-footed before Asad Khan 
who first rebuked him for his bad conduct but 
then treated him with marked kindness and 
the consideration due to his rank. 

Zulfikar Khan, thereupon endeavoured to 
restore harmony and unity of control over 
the singhor army by a lavish distribution of 
presents and by assurances of the ultimate 

* Zulfikar Khan had burst his big guns and been 
forced to abandon them. He started the attack from the 
trenches ; but as his front was four miles in width and 
the walls were only at a distance of half a mile from his 
front line, it was easy for the Marathas to effect a sortie 
and a combination with their own troops outside. Never- 
theless, the Mughal general contrived to drive back the 
besiegers behind the walls. 


success of the siege operations. The Mara- 
thas hoped to profit by the internal difficulties 
of the besiegers and tried " an astonishing 
amount of tumult and disturbance near the 
camp from dawn to sun-set." Zulfikar Khan 
however overcame the crisis successfully. 

Santaji Ghorepade, flushed with his suc- 
cess over Ali Mardan Khan of Conjeevaram, 
now arrived at Gingee and added to the 
attacks against Zujfikar Khan- There was 
almost daily fighting and the Marathas were 
only kept away with difficulty from attacking 
the Mughal foraging parties. 

Bhimsen, an eye-witness, has given the 
following account : " The enemy exceeded 
20,000 men, while the Imperialists were a small 
force, a great part of which being employed in 
guarding the prince and the camp." The whole 
brunt of the fighting fell on Zulfikar Khan and 
Dalpat Rao who however fought like heroes. 

The scarcity of grain became so great in 
the Mughal camp as to make the situation 
intolerable; and Zulfikar Khan had to march 
to Wandiwash, 24 miles north-east of Gingee, 
in order to get an adequate supply of food 
grains. Under cover of darkness his soldiers 
plundered the corn merchants and "fell on 
the helpless grain-dealers and carried off what- 
ever they could seize." In the morning, the 



general himself collected the grain left un- 
plundered by his men and returned to Gingee- 
But Santaji with 20,000 men barred his path 
before Desur, 10 miles south of Wandiwash. 
The Mughals after a hard fight contrived to 
reach the fort of Desur and encamped at the 
foot of its walls. ZiUfikar's retreat to Wandi- 
wash for provisions, and his forced stay at 
Desur Fort are recorded in the Madras Diary 
of January 1693. In their further progress, 
the Mughals were attacked by the Marathas 
and forced to fight a most determined engage- 
ment. It was only the bravery of Dalpat Rao 
that saved the situation ; he and his Bunde- 
las got the credit of saving Zulfikar Khan's 
division and consequently the main army 
before Gingee/* 

A letter to the Governor from Conjee- 
varam, dated 8th January 1693, refers to the 
imprisonment of Ali Mardan Khan and Ismail 
Makha. The same letter says : " Zulfikar 

* The Maratha attack is thus described: "They 
fired so many muskets that the soldiers and banjaras of 
our force were overpowered. Bullets were specially 
aimed at the elephants ridden by the imperial command- 
ers. Many of these animals were hit. Regardless of 
the enemy fire, Rao Dalpat and his Bundelas boldly 

charged to clear a way ahead The transport animals 

and guns stuck in the mud of the rice-fields, artillery 
munition ran short, no powder or shot was left with any 
musketeer," (J. N. Sarkar's 'History of Aurangzib,' 
Vol. V, pp. 889). 


Khan, lately marching out of the Mughal 
camp to Wandiwash to get provisions, and 
Santaji Ghorepade meeting him with 20,000 
men, forced him to take shelter in Desur fort, 
so that he can't get out of it being surrounded 
by the Marathas." (Madras Diary and Con- 
sultation Book, 1693, page 23). By letters sent 
by Yachama Nayak from Gingee and from 
Conjee varam and by means of daily reports of 
their spies employed in those parts, the English 
were able to record in their Diary of 1693 
(under date January 10) that " Zulfikar Khan 
and Asad Khan are reduced into such straits 
by the Marathas and that unless there is a 
speedy arrival of men and provisions they will 
be forced to quit the siege of Gingee and with- 
draw their forces out of those parts. The 
Marathas who have grown very strong of late 
by a recruit of numbers have encircled 
Zulfikar Khan at Desur, a place of little de- 
fence, and Asad Khan in the camp. There 
have also been various reports for ten days 
past of the Mughal's death and Shah Alam's 
succession to the throne." Lewis Ten-ill's 
report of the war, recorded on January 30, 1693, 
has also referred to the camp " being reduced 
for extreme want of provisions for men and 
cattle so that if they had stayed longer they 
would have been starved to death/' It further 
tells that " they made truce with Rama Raja 


for two days in which time Zulfikar Khan 
removed to Wandiwash, but for want of camels 
and oxen he was forced to leave much of their 
baggage behind to the destruction of the 
Marathas, which gave occasion to the report 
that peace was made." 

To return to Zulfikar Khan's movements 
after the battle of Desur: As already told 
the Khan halted at Desur for a day or two 
and resumed his march. The Marathas made 
a determined attack by firing many muskets 
which overpowered the corn merchants and 
the soldiers. Dajpat Rao and the other 
Bundelas boldly withstood the attacks and 
thus saved the position of Zulfikar Khan's 
camp before Gingee. 

The grain brought from Wandiwash was 
not at all sufficient and thus the condition of 
the starving imperialist troops became very 
bad indeed. Many men daily walked over to 
the Maratha camp at the foot of Gingee 
where provisions were plentiful, bought, cook- 
ed and ate the grain there and returned with- 
out taking anything back with them. The 
Madras Diary of January 8 (1693), has recorded 
a letter from Conjeevaram where it is said : 
"The Mughal army being before Gingee, 
Dhanaji Jadhav and several other great per- 
sons surrounded the army, cutting them off 



from all manner of provisions coming to the 
Prince and Asad Khan, whereupon many of 
the Mughal merchants and shop-keepers came 
to us upon granting them a cowle for safe 
conduct." Every day from dawn to sunset the 
Marathas assembled round the Mughal camp 
and made threatening demonstrations. " No 
aid came from any source except from the 
gracious to the lowly; neither money nor food 
stuff arrived. All the army high and low alike 
were in a distressed condition/' 

Asad Khan now made overtures of peace 
to Raja Ram and offered heavy bribes to 
enable him to retreat to Wandiwash un- 
molested. The Marathas wished to continue 
the war and drive the Mughals to desperation 
as they were suffering keenly from famine 
conditions. Asad Khan successfully induced 
Raja Ram to agree to his proposal ; and the 
latter, contrary to the advice of his followers, 
proposed a truce with the Mughals if he could 
thereby secure, with the guarantee of the 
Wazir, a permanent peace with Aurangzib. 
Dalpat Rao, however, strongly advised Zulfi- 
kar Khfin and Asad Khan against complying 
with Raja Ram's request and remarked that 
any truce with him would be followed by the 
anger of the Emperor and by their own dis- 
grace and even offered to give away his per- 
sonal effects for the army expenses. 



In the meantime, the artillery men who 
were dying of hunger were moving to their 
camp to Wandiwash. Owing to long continu- 
ed starvation, most of the horses, camels and 
other animals of the camp had perished. The 
retreat to Wandiwash was very hasty and 
many had to leave behind their property and 
even friends and relatives. They reached 
Wandiwash in three days, on 22nd January 
1693. It was the resolve of the gunners to 
retreat that produced this miserable move. 

Kasim Khan, the newly appointed faujdar 
of Conjeevaram in succession to A.K Mardan 
Khan, came with supplies and a strong force 
from Cuddapah, but was intercepted near 
Kaveripak by Santa ji from proceeding further 
south and had to shut himself up in Conjee- 
varam. Zulfikar Khan, however, had him 
escorted safely to Wandiwash (beginning of 
February 1693). 

The arrival of food supplies in the Mughal 
camp and the report of the Mughal Emper- 
or's safety brought rejoicings to the imperial- 
ists ; and Bhimsen remarked that "life came 
back to our bodies." Zulfikar Khan remained 
at Wandiwash for four months (February to 
May 1693) and the siege of Gingee was there- 
fore practically abandoned for the season. 
Asad Khan and Zulfikar Khan were anxious 


as to how the Emperor would regard his son's 
incarceration, for already there had spread 
wild rumours of his growing anger towards 
his generals. Aurangzib first ordered that the 
Prince should be brought before him in charge 
of Asad Khan. Prince Azam, the second sur- 
viving son of the Emperor, was posted to 
Cuddapah to support the Gingee army from 
the rear. With the arrival of Kasim Khan, 
the new faujdar of Conjeevaram at Wandi- 
wash, the Mughal line of communication to 
the Emperor's court was secured from inter- 
ruption for the time being. 

When the Wazir, Asad Khan, proceeded 
with the Prince to the imperial court at Gal- 
gala, he was stopped on his way at Sagar and 
the Prince alone reached his father's camp. 
Sir J. N. Sarkar believes that the stopping of 
the Wazir on the way was done by the Emper- 
or, as a mark of his displeasure at his conduct. 
According to the account of Bhimsen, the 
Emperor fined Asad Khan, a huge sum as the 
price of the Prince's stores which had been 
looted and abandoned at Gingee and for which 
the old Wazir was held responsible. 

A letter from Fort St. George, dated 22nd 
June 1693, refers to the displeasure of the 
Emperor with the Wazir. It says: "Grand 
Wazir Asad Khan has not arrived with Zulfikar 


Khan. We do not yet know whether he is 
called away from Gingee in displeasure, of 
which there are various reports." Another 
letter from Fort St. George, dated 14th Sep- 
tember, has also referred to the above fact. 
" We should not be mistaken in one concern- 
ing Asad Khan, the Grand Wazir, who, by 
reason of his son's failure in the conquest of 
Gingee, and the unkind usage of Prince Kam- 
baksh, was recalled by the Mughal many 
months ago, but not yet admitted into the 
King's presence." Asad Khan seems to have 
been permitted to meet the Emperor, only 
after the lapse of a number of months, in the 
beginning of 1694, when he was forgiven ; and 
the Emperor approved of the verse, " For- 
giveness has a sweet taste which retaliation 
lacks " which was given expression to by a 
cqurtier standing nearby. 

A letter (No. 33 of 1694) from Fort St. 
George has referred to the restoration of Asad 
Khan to the King's favour and also to the 
differences that existed between Asad Khan 
and Kambaksh. We shall return to Kam- 
baksh who went to the Emperor on llth June 
1693. He justified his conduct before the 
Emperor by charging Zujfikar Khan with 
treachery and with a collusive prolongation 
of the siege for his own enrichment. Accord- 
ing to Professor Sarkar, Aurangzib did not 


take the charge of Khan Buksh seriously." 
Though the reinforcement brought by Kasim 
Khan enabled the reassertion of Mughal auth- 
ority in the country, Zulfikar Khan's retreat 
to Wandiwash was taken advantage of by the 
enemy who plundered and seized several forts, 
and intercepted the supplies to the Mughal 
camp. The petty zamindars gave plenty of 
trouble and worsened the situation by plunder- 
ing the grain-caravans of the Banjaras. Of 
these chiefs, one of the most prominent was 
. Yachappa (or Yachama) Nayak of the Velug6ti 
family, whose ancestors had gained possession 
of Satghar fort and acquired from Golconda 
the command of the levies recruited in the 
neighbourhood. * 

* Rajah Bangaru Yachama Naidu Bahadur (1693 
A. D.) was of the 22nd generation of the family and held 
sway over Mallur and some of the neighbouring par- 
gfmahs in the Chittoor district. He gave as free gift, or 
(njruharam, a village, named Mahadevamangalam, in the 
Tiruvannamalai taluk of Gingee and also Mannur in the 
Venkatagiri taluk of the Nelloro district, renaming the 
latter as Kuinara Yacha^amudram in honour of his 
father. In 168? he granted the Village of Siddavaram 
near Venkatagiri and named it Varadamambapuram. 
He built a iwnitapn in the temple of Vijayaraghavaswa- 
mi at Tiruppukkulli, near Musaravakam. He is credited 
with a victory at Lakkireddipalli over a chief who had 
rebelled against the Sultan of Golconda and got from the 
latter as reward, the titles of Rajah Bahadur and shash 
hazari mansab (command of 6,000 horse) and privileges 
of sabji ambari, (joshpesh and the honours of pane ha nm^ 
rdtib. He is also credited in the chronicles, with having 

- 314 - 

Zulfikar Khan set out in February 1694 
from Wandiwash to conquer the isolated rock- 
fort of Perumukkal,* 18 miles north of Pondi- 
cherry and 6 miles east of Tindivanam ; and 
the akhbarat (of 14th November 1694, quoted 
by Professor Sarkar) records that the Emper- 
or received a report from Zulfikar Khan that 
in the storming of this fort, one Aziz Khan 
distinguished himself. Then Zulfikar Khan 
went to the coast to " gaze on the ocean for 
the first time,'' and marched down towards 
Tanjore by way of Pondicherry and other 
factories, capturing many forts and skirting 
Cuddalore on the way. A letter from Fort 
St. George of the year 1694, has thus referred 
to the approach of Zulfikar Khan near Fort 
St. David : " With the approach of Zulfikar 
Khan's army to Tanjore from Gingee, their 
near approach to the bounds of Fort St. David 

been highly esteemed by Aurangzib himself for his 
valour and was once thought of by that emperor for re- 
placing Nawab Zulfikar Khan himself. This last is 
held to be the motive of the Nawab for bringing about 
his death during the Mahanavami festival, at a time 
when all weapons were reserved for worship and could 
not be used for war or wear, by inviting the unarmed 
Rajah to his tent and treacherously murdering him 
therein, by causing the whole tent to fall on his head, 
while he himself had withdrawn outside on some plea. 

For a genealogical account of the earlier chiefs see 
N. -Venkataramanayya's VOhmoticarivdfnsavali (1939) 

* For a note on the fort, see above p. 31. 


(near Cuddalore) gave them cause to stand 
upon their guard. The Governor and Council 
of Fort St. David sent Messrs. Haynes and 
Montague to compliment Zulfikar Khan with 
presents which cost 600 to 700 pagodas, to 
him and his officers. They were received 
courteously by the Nawab who gave a farman 
to free them from trouble by his army." An- 
other letter, dated 19th June 1964, also refers 
to the devastation caused by Zulfikar Khan's 
march from Gingee to Tanjore ; his army 
" passing through the country adjacent to 
Fort St. David, made so great a devastation 
that the English will not undertake to make 
any investment till the country is settled.' 1 

Yachama Nayak acted for some time 
as the chief adviser of Rajaram at Gingee ; 
but when he found himself thrown into the 
background by other military advisers like 
Dhanaji, he left the Marathas in a huff in 
March 1693, and sought to carve out a domin- 
ion for himself. And it was only after he had 
contrived to get possession of Satgarh and 
extended his power eastwards in the direction 
of Vellore and had actually come into hostil- 
ities with Rajaram, that he was cajoled by Zul- 
fikar Khan to go over to the Mughal side, and 
tempted with a bait of a six thousand rank 
mansab and a fief in the Carnatic which would 
fetch about three lakhs of hun per annum. 


When Zujfikar Khan reached Tanjore in 
March 1694, the Nayak of Trichinopoly who 
had joined the Mughals and had helped them 
with men and money now besought him to 
recover for him some districts and forts from 
the Raja of Tanjore (Shahji II). Zujfikar 
Khan helped him with the conquest of some 
forts from the Raja of Tanjore, who had to 
yield to the Mughal attacks. Shahji submit- 
ted to the Mughal suzerainty, promised to 
obey the Emperor's orders like a faithful 
vassal and to desist from assisting his cousin, 
to pay a tribute of 30 lakhs of rupees and to 
cede the forts of Palayamkottai (near Chidam- 
baram) Kattumannargudi, Srimushnam, Titta- 
gudi, Tirunamanallur, Elavanasore, Kalla- 
kurichi, Pandalam, Sittamur and other 
places, which had been mortgaged to him by 
Raja Ram. Shahji II made, in addition to the 
above, large gifts to Zujfikar Khan and other 

Raja Ram, who had mortgaged the fort of 
Palayamkottai, (near Chidambaram) to Tan- 
jore, sent three thousand horse and seized the 
fort himself, so that when Zulfikar Khan's 
army approached before it, he was refused 
admission and had consequently to lay siege 
to it. After six days of trench warfare, Dai- 
pat Rao seized the fortified village (pettah) 
before the fort-gate, losing 150 of his Bundela 

- 317 - 

followers in the action. The garrison then 
capitulated and escaped by a postern gate 
under cover of the night (23rd June 1694). 

Then the Mughal army returned to its 
base at Wandiwash by way of Tiruvati near 
Panruti and made an attack on Gingee. But 
the Marathas had taken care to plant out- 
posts in the Vettavalam forest through which 
provisions could enter the fort. 

Zulfikar Khan renewed the siege opera- 
tions actively by the end of 1694, though the 
people in the country knew that it was a mere 
show intended to deceive the Emperor. His 
treasonable collusion with the Marathas was 
well-known in the land. Yachama Nayak 
wrote a letter to the Mughal Emperor, expos- 
ing Zulfikar Khan's treasonable collusion with 
the Marathas and his deliberate prolongation 
of the siege of Gingee with a view to seizing 
power for himself on the death of Aurangzib. 
The Nayak moreover offered that he himself 
would capture the fort in eight days with his 
own troops unaided- This letter to the Mughal 
Emperor was, however, intercepted by Asad 
Khan; and Zulfikar Khan accused Yachama 
Nayak of treason against the Mughal and had 
him killed. On the day of the Mahanavami 
feast, he went on some pretext to North Mall- 
ur, the Rajah's capital, and knowing that on 
that day all weapons of war were reserved for 


special worship, and were not therefore avail- 
able for war or wear, he invited the Rajah to 
his own tent for a short interview. The latter 
of course went unarmed, and after a few min- 
utes' conversation with him in the tent, the 
Nawab withdrew on some plea, leaving the 
guest inside. Soon the ropes were cut and 
the whole tent was instantly pulled down on 
the head of the Rajah inside, so as to cause him 
immediate death. His followers, being also 
unarmed, were of no avail in saving the Rajah. 

When news of this treachery reached the 
Rajah's palace, a son of his by his first wife, 
Sarvagna Kumar a Yachendra and another son 
by the third wife, Kumara Nayana, and Rama 
Rao, a Brahmin boy who was brought up in the 
palace, were all entrusted to the care of a ser- 
vant-woman, Polu, to be safely handed over to 
their relations, Juppalji Varu, and some Brah- 
min house-holders, known as Pasupati Avaru 
and Divi Varu, living in distant parts ; and the 
maid-servant was secretly despatched out of 
the palace with the three children and with a 
small sum of money to cover the expenses of 
the journey. The ladies in the harem, name- 
ly, the three wives of the Rajah, his two 
daughters by the first wife, and one other by 
the third, committed suicide, preferring death 
to falling into the hands of the heinous Nawab 
and being dishonoured The destruction 


of the palace records consequent on the Na- 
wab's occupying North Mallur marks the end of 
any history of the previous members of the 
royal line ..... the particular plot of ground 
where the tent treachery took place is even 
now known as Dera Gunta (tent-pit) and there 
are two temples with the images of the heroic 
women who thus sacrificed their lives." * 
Manucci has also given very ' horrible details ' 
of the self-destruction of Yachama Nayak's 
family. He writes that Zulfikar Khan had 
brought a false charge of treason against the 
Nayak and killed him, because he had written 
a letter to the Emperor himself, exposing the 
traitorous designs of the Khan and offering 
that he himself would bring about the capture 
of the fort in the incredibly short space of 
eight days.** 

A Madras letter of 18th September 1694 
(Diary and Consultation Book, 1694, page 99) re- 
fers to the advice received from Zulfikar Chan's 
camp that Arasama Nayak (Yachama Nayak?) 
had been seized and put in irons and that the 
siege of Gingee had been renewed. By the 22nd 
September 1694 (Madras Diary and Consulta- 
tion Book, 1694, page 102) a letter from Zulfikar 

* A. Jagannatha Sastri : 4 A Family History of 
the Venkatagiri Rajas' (1922), p. 61. 

** Storla Do Mogor : edited by W. Irvine, Vol III 
pp. 27172.) 


Khan confirmed the report of the capture of 
Arasama Nayak (Yachama Nayak) and added 
that he and his family had been slain by his 

Francois Martin, the Governor of Pondi- 
cherry, who was in close and constant touch 
with the court at Gingee, had referred fre- 
quently in his Memoirs to the fact that Zulfikar 
Khan had come to a secret understanding 
with Raja Ram during the course of the siege 
and* was guilty of traitorous proceedings. 
Zulfikar Khan was evidently trying to placate 
the Marathas, with the object of carving out 
an independent principality for himself on the 
death of Aurangzib, when the country would 
be involved in civil wars that would follow 
inevitably among his sons and his own safety 
and prospects would be in jeopardy/" 

* The Memoirs of Francois Martin, recently edited by 
Mon. A Martineau, ex-Governor of Pondicherry and 
published in 3 volumes (1933), give an account from a 
reliable contemporary, of the details of the politics and 
military operations of the Gingee country. They came 
to an end with 1694 when Martin, having had to leave 
Pondicherry on its capture by the Dutch, arrived at 
Chandernagore. As noticed, above, (see p, 219 : note on 
Martin's Memoirs) they were supplemented by two big 
portions of his Journal covering the period, February 
1701 January 1703. Martin was very positive that it 
was Zulfikar Khan and his father, Asad Khan, who 
spread the false rumour as to Aurangzib's death and the 
accession of Shah Alam to the throne. Believing this 
possibly, Yachama Nayak wrote to the Captain More of 
Chennapatnam (Governor of Madras) (Diary and Consult- 
ation Book, 2nd January, 1693) about the Mughal's death 
and the succession of Shah Alam. The rumour was 


fairly widespread. From Martin we also learn that 
Zuifikar Khan went at the head of a corps of soldiers to 
the tent of Prince Kara Baksh to arrest him. The 
servants of the Prince tried to prevent the Khan's 
entranc? and in the ensuing confusion, many were 
killed and wounded, the cords of the Prince's tent were 
cut and the Prince was arrested. To appease the troops 
who would murmur at such a hard action against their 
Emperor's son, it was given out that they had secured 
some letters of the Princa in treacherous correspondence 
with Raja Ram. Martin says that Zulfikar Khan and 
Asad Khan had another motive also in arresting the 
Prince; it was to take advantage of the disorders that 
would ariso on the rumour of the Emperor's death and 
the war of succession among the imperial sons, and that 
they wished to use Kam Baksh in the designs they had 
projected of getting power completely into their hands, 
by handing him over to one of his brothers whom they 
might favour. 

Consequent an all this confusion and the Emperor's 
anger at the arrest of his son, the Marathas proclaimed 
their sovereignty over Haidarabadi Carnatic and the 
Cuddapah and Conjee varam districts. Rajaram was 
greatly elated and demanded a heavy sum of money on 
loan from the English at Fort St. David. 

After the Maratha victory at Desur, Zulfikar Khan 
sent his envoys to treat with Rajaram in return for 
100,000 pieces of gold, provided the Mughals were given 
the liberty of retiring with all that they had in camp 
without hindrance. The Mughal army left on the 22nd 
and 23rd January 1693, escorted by a corps of Maratha 
cavalry right- up to Wandiwash. Many articles of 
value had to be left behind, including the tents and 
carpets of Prince Kam Baksh. 

According to Martin, this agreement was the result 
of a collusion between Raja Ram and the two Khans who 
aimed to establish themselves as sovereigns of the 
Carnatic with a body of Marathas drawn to their side. 
44 This design was confirmed by the subsequent conduct of 
Zulfikar Khan in helping Raja Ram in the many expedi- 
tions he made in the territories of Gingee, Tanjore and 
Madura and even furnishing him with means of sub- 
sistence." They had in view the kingdoms of Gol- 


Zulfikar Khan's deliberate prolongation of 
the siege-operations were also obvious to the 
Madras Council ; and the Diary of Novem- 
ber 1696 recorded as follows:" Zulfikar Khan 
had been frequently ordered to take Gingee 
and it was in his power to do so and destroy 
the Marathas in the country. Instead he had 
joined counsel with them." Even Bhimsen, 
the right-hand man of Dalpat Rao, frequently 
charged Zulfikar Khan with treasonable 
neglect of duty. " If he had wished it, he could 
have captured the fort on the very day he 
reached Gingee. But it is the practice of 
generals to prolong operations for their own 
profit and ease. And again God alone knows 
what policy he adopted." It has been noted 
above that Manucci was also of the same 

Zulfikar Khan held a war council where 
he discussed the best method of taking Gingee 
before he renewed active operations by the 
end of 1694. In October 1694, he marched out 
of Wandiwash and encamped north of the 

conda and the Carnatic; and Rajaram was to have for his 
share the kingdom of Bijapur. Santaji and other 
Maratha leaders were angry with Raja Ram for having 
treated with the Mughals, with the advice of only one 
minister. Santaji was * 4 later pacified with some presents; 
the murmurs ceased ; but the spirit was ulcerated." 
Other commanders were also disgusted and Yachama 
Nayak and others also retired, so that Rajaram was left 
barely with 1,500 men. 


Chengam fort which the Marathaa frequently 
raided and from which they carried away 
horses and other booty. The Mughals how- 
ever were able to retaliate by plundering the 
surrounding country and carrying away both 
men and goods. 

The Mughal camp was then torn by dis- 
sensions among Zulfikar Khan and his officers, 
like Daud Khan Panni and Dalpat Rao who 
were believed to have even planned to seize 
their master and send him in chains to the 
Emperor. Zulfikar Khan was even believed 
to have sent ten camels laden with coin to 
Raja Ram ; but that the convoy was intercept- 
ed by Daud Khan on the way. Another report 
charged the Marathas with having poisoned 
the wells of the country and thrown " milk- 
hedges " in some of the tanks and thus 
brought about the death of a number of people. 

Zulfikar Khan however captured a few 
forts from the Marathas and vigorously re- 
newed the siege operations on the receipt of 
three lakhs of rupees from the Mughal court. 
During this period there were many deser- 
tions from his army and the continuing scarcity 
of grain intensified the sufferings of the 
Mughals. The year 1695 was as uneventful 
and unprosperous to the Mughal arms as the 
previous^ones had been. 

- 324 

By the end of 1695, came the alarming 
news of the approach of a large Maratha 
army under Santaji and Danaji Jadhav. A 
letter from Fort St. David, dated 12th Decem- 
ber 1695, advised the English at Madras that 
12,000 Maratha horsemen had come to Gingee. 
Another letter from Fort St. David, dated 17th 
December 1695, gave the camp news of Dhanaji 
Jadhav's arrival with 6,000 horse at Gingee. 
These reinforcements to the Maratha forces 
had so much upset the Mughals that many 
took fright and fled to places like Madras for 

The increase of the Maratha forces at 
Gingee obliged Hatsell, the Governor of Fort 
St. David, to be friendly towards Raja Bam 
whose position was greatly strengthened by 
the accession of Santaji and Dhanaji. The 
Madras Diary and Consultation Book of Janu- 
ary 1696 thus recorded : " The Marathas in- 
creasing at Gingee and frequently sending raid- 
ing parties into several parts of the country 
near Tegnapatam (Fort St. David) it was found 
necessary that Hatsell should accommodate 
the demands of Raja Ram and his officers, as 
circumstances required. There ought to be a 
fair correspondence with the Marathas during 
the present uncertain state of things between 
them and the Mughals, the former appearing 
to be very powerful in the country, unless the 

325 - 

Mughal Emperor shall speedily send a con- 
siderable army to the help of Zulfikar Khan." 

The arrival of Santaji and Dhana ji * oblig- 
ed Zulfikar Khan to concentrate all his forces 
in order to protect himself against a possible 
attack. Throughout the year 1696, he was 
hampered by extreme want of money. He 
vainly begged the English merchants of Mad- 
ras for a loan of one lakh of hun, for which he 
offered to mortgage to them any part of the 
country. Sometime later, in a moment of des- 
peration, he sent out to them a threat of open 
attack on 

'"" Santaji had previously quarrelled with Dhanaji 
and had departed in dudgeon for Maharashtra even in 
1693- Thereupon Dhanaji had been appointed the Sena- 
pati of tho Maratha army in the Gingee country. On 
their way, the advancing Marathas had crushed Kasim 
Khan, the Mughal governor of Sera and the Mysore 
Balaghat country. 

"""* In 1693 Nawab Asad Khan, the Wazir, granted a 
punrnna for three villages in the neighbourhood of Mad- 
ras, for which an application had been made in the pre- 
vious year by Governor Yale. Meanwhile, two of the 
three villages granted were claimed by one Velayuda 
Arasama Nayak as having been included in a jaghir 
granted to him by Nawab Zultikar Khan. On a represent. 
ation by the English Governor, Zulfikar Khan had to 
give a fresh grant of these villages 'in dispute in order 
to supersede his gift to Arasama Nayak. In February 
1694, President Higginson of the Madras Council thus 
wrote to Asad Khan, the Grand Vizier:- 14 Since the 
King's beginning to reign it is now 37 years. I have 
often acquainted your Excellency of the many services 
done to His Majesty and his servants in Ascar Cawn and 
Allemerdecawn's (Ascar Cawn and Allemerdecawn l All 


Asghar Khan' and 'All Mardan Khan,' successive 
Nawabs of the Carnatic P.O., vol. xvi., 24th August and 
1st September, 1690. The latter, on being taken a pri- 
soner at Gingee by the Marathas, was succeeded by 
Kasim Khan P.O., vol. xix, 25th February, 1693) time. 
You cannot chuse but be sensible of it; besides the pro- 
vision wee have allways sent up, and still continueing 
the same, to your Camp atfc Ghingee and Wandewash. 
Upon which your Excellency gott from Prince Cawn 
Bux his Neshawn for us for three towns, which was 
given as a free gift, together with your own Seal and 
Perwanna for the same. Besides which, your Excellency 
have often promised in your letters that you would get 
the King's Phirmaund for us at the King's Camp to send 
it us presently." 

In 1693, Dr. Samuel Brown proceeded from Madras 
to Gingee in order to get from Kasim Khan, the Nawab- 
designate of the Carnatic, a purwana for six villages on the 
northern side of Madras. In July 1695, the Council sent 
a message through Narayanan, their Indian agent, re- 
questing from Zulfikar Khan the grant of the village of 
Vepery, now an integral part of the city of Madras, 
which was then wedged in between the three villages 
granted in 1693. 

In order to make clear the sequence of English 
transactions with the country powers, regarding their ac- 
quisition of new territories, the following extract from 
the original records of Fort St. George, namely, the 
account of Edward Harrison, then Governor of Madras, 
despatched, in October 1711, to the President and Council 
of Fort William in Bengal is given. The account traces, 
so far as could be obtained from the records then preserv- 
ed at Madras, the genesis of the first settlement at Fort 
St. George " with the Severall Priviledges granted us 
From Time to time att this and other Places upon the 
Coast of Choromandell." 


4 We remained in Peaceable possession of our Privil- 
edges till the Mogull came into these parts to the Con- 
quest of Golconda and Visapore, when Mr. Elihu Yale 
and his Councill thought it necessary to send an Armen- 
ian, One Ovannes, to Reside in the Mogulls Camp as 
their Vakeel to treat for a Phirmaund, which was in the 


Year 1688. The Vakeel wrote word that he had brought 
matters very near to a Conclusion; when, at the same 
time, Letters were sent from the Camp that Generall 
Child (Sir John Child, ' Generall of India') at Bombay 
had made a Peace with the Moores (Peace was proclaim- 
ed in 1698), and was to have a generall Phirmaund from 
the Mogull, in which this Place and Bengali were to be 
included. Which put a Stop to what Governour Yale 
was then doing, And the Vakeel was ordered to distribute 
no more mony till further orders. All that we can find 
of this Phirmaund upon our Books is a very slight Paper 
Containing nothing materiall to the Purpose. 

4 The next Steps that were made towards getting a 
Phirmaund were in the Year 1692 by Mr. Yale, when 
Cawn Bux, Assid Cawn and Zulphakur Cawn were at 
Chingee, when Messrs Trenchfield and Pitt (Richard 
Trenchfield and John Pitt) were sent from this Place to 
wait upon them with a Considerable Present. Upon 
which they obtained liberty for our Mint, with a 
Nashawn from the Prince, a Phirwanna and Dustuck 
from Assid Cawn, of which we send you Copys ; and you 
may observe that a Phirmaund is therein promised, but 
has never been complyed with. 

4 Another Essay was made in Mr. Higginson's time, 
Agno 1695 -(Meanwhile, on the 10th February, 1693, Asad 
Khan had granted the villages of Egmore, Pursawaukum 
and Tandore to procure a Phirmaund when Zulphacer 
Cawn was with a Camp in these parts employed in the Con- 
quest of Ellore; (Apparently Vellore is meant. Cf. P. to 
Eng., vol. i, 6th June, 1695) ; but all that Mr, Higginson 
oould procure was Parwannas to Confirm our Priviledges 
According to Sallabad. And so this matter has rested from 
that time to this, and we have been pretty easie; only 
upon Alterations of Government the Great Men have 
been always troublesome and exacting of Mony. We 
have now given you a full account (of all) that has ever 
been done for Securing our Priviledges in this Settle- 

* Fort St. David and Cuddalore was granted us in 
1688 (they were acquired in 1690) by Ram Raz, Raja of 
Chingee; and when Zulphakur Cawn Conquered that 
City he was pleased to Confirm the grant of that and the 
depending Villages. 


In April 1696, Santaji was defeated near 
Arm by Zulfikar Khan who had to confine 
himself to the defence of Arcot on the death 
of one of his chief officers, Raja Kishore Singh 
Hada. Santaji however marched towards 
Cuddapah where he intercepted the treasure 
despatched by the Emperor to Zulfikar Khan 
who however set out for him. Santaji changed 
his plan and Zulfikar Khan had to fall back 
on Arcot towards the close of December 1696. 
Santa was pursued into central Mysore where 
Zulfikar Khan was enabled to gain strength 
from the army of Prince Bider Bakht who had 
been despatched by the Emperor and advanced 
to Penukonda. 

The financial difficulties of Zulfikar Khan 
being as great as ever, he had to go south to 
exact tributes from Tanjore and other places 
in the south. He spent all his treasure in a 
very short time ; and he could not pay off the 
arrears due to the troops. He returned to 
Wandiwash by way of Tiruvannamalai and 
Tirukovilur and found that the Marathas had 
some internal dissensions which greatly tend- 
ed to weaken them. Such dissensions 
among the Marathas had been manifest from 
time to time in Gingee. The present one was 
a bitter and final rupture between the two 
Maratha commanders, Santaji and Dhanaji, 
who violently quarrelled for the post of com- 


mander-in-chief. Rama Raja himself sided 
with Dhanaji; but the latter was finally foiled 
in his endeavour and forced to retire to Maha- 
rashtra. The account of Bhimsen is very 
frank about the condition of affairs in the 
Maratha court. Among their leaders not 
much union was seen. Everyone called him- 
self a sardar and went out to plunder on his 
own account.* 

Raja Ram also was in as great need of 
money as the Mughals were; and hence he en- 
treated peace on certain conditions and sent his 
own illegitimate son, Karna," through the medi- 
ation of Rama Singh Hada", to Zulfikar Khan, 
who was requested to forward his petition to the 
Mughal. Aurangzib would not listen to Raja 
Ram's offer of submission and ordered Zulfikar 

*" Dhunnah having disagreed with Suntah, repre- 
sented to Rama that this chief had usurped dangerous 
power, from his large army, and had formed plans of 
treason against him. Upon this Rama dispatched Amreet 
Raow, a chief of much reputation, with his own and 
Dunnah's troops, to attack Suntah who defeated them. 
Rama and Dhunnah retreated to Jinjee and Suntah 
returned to mY own country, much displeased at their 
treatment ; but he was killed in a surprise shortly after, 
by the brother-in-law of Amreet Raow, who cut off his 
head, and sent it to the emperor. Dhunnah now acquired 
great power among the Marathas and formed a party 
with Ram Chund Pandit, Rama's minister ; but Perseram 
another principal Pundit, favoured the cause of Ranoo, 
Suntah's son and his uncle, Herjee Hindoo Raow." 

(Ferishta's History of the Dekkan by Jonathan Scott 
Vol. II (Part III Aurungzebe's Operations in Dekkan) 
p. 96 (ed. 1794). 



Khan to renew the siege operations vigor- 
ously and "capture Gingee without further 
delay." Zulfikar Khan sent back Karna to 
his father in the middle of October and, early 
in November 1697, renewed the attack of 
Gingee in right earnest. 

" A spy Brahmin from the camp advised 
that the Nawab hath sent Ramaraja's son to 
Gingee and hath sent him word that the Mug- 
hal doth not approve of his proposals and hath 
ordered him to take Gingee in a few days." * 

Zulfikar Khan took up his post opposite 
the northern gate towards the Singavaram 
hilL Ram Singh Hada was posted on the 
western side of the fort, opposite Shaitan Dari 
(Port-du-Diable) while Daud Khan Panni was 
posted before Chakkili Drug, a little to the 
south. Daud Khan Panni was able to capture 
Chakkili Drug in the compass of a single day 
by "a reckless assault at close quarters," 
though he had insufficient siege materials. 
After this victory he advanced his troops and 
took up a position nearer the main fort, oppo- 
site Chandrayandrug, the southern fort- The 

* (Madras Diary and Consultation Book, 1697, 
page 128.) The emperor ordered Zulfikar Khan to com- 
mence the siege operations in right earnest. The Khan 
was honoured by the title of Nasrat Jang, upon which he 
gave a great feast and conferred rich presents upon his 
officers and troops. This was when he was encamped 
for the rains at Wandiwash. 

- 331 

siege was dragged on for two months more 
and frequent reports were despatched to the 
imperial camp of almost daily attacks and 
repulses. In the picturesque words of Sir 
J. N. Sarkar : " If Zulfiqar had wished it, he 
could have taken the entire fort the next day. 
But his secret policy was to prolong the siege 
in order to keep his army together, enjoy his 
emoluments, and escape the hardships of 
active duty on some new expedition. He let 
the Marathas know that his attacks were for 
show only, and that he would give Rajaram 
sufficient notice to escape before he captured 
the fort Daud Khan, second in com- 
mand of the Mughal army, drank largely of 
the best European liquors, and, when full of 
the god of wine, would perpetually volunteer 
the extirpation of the infidels. Zulfiqar neces- 
sarily assented to these enterprises, but 
always gave secret intelligence to the enemy 
of the time and place of attack ; and the troops 
of Daud Khan were as often repulsed with 

Bhimsen, the chief source of our infor- 
mation regarding the siege operations and 
possessing an authenticity for " many inci- 
dents of the Mughal warfare in the Deccan, as 
valuable as the reports of the * Eye-witness * in 
the present (1914-18) European war," and 

* (Sir J. N. Sarkar: * History of Aurangzib ', Vol. V, 
page 106). 

332 ' 

being " the only source of detailed information 
about them," tells us very definitely that Zulfi- 
kar Khan was in collusion with the Marathas 
and sent information to them regarding every 
projected attack of the Mughals. The History 
of Narayanan to which reference has been 
made earlier in our narrative and which was 
compiled in A. D. 1802 3, supports the view 
that Zulfikar Khan pretended vigorous opera- 
tions in the course of fasli 1106 (1696 97), "in 
the belief that, if the Padushah (Emperor) had 
no trouble in Hindustan, the Dakhan or the 
Karnatak, the sepoys would have no work." 
But when Aurangzib sent money and rein- 
forcements under the command of Daud Khan, 
Muhammad Syed Kevud, Vcnkatapathi and 
others, the siege of Gingee was pushed on 
vigorously and Rajaram considered that it was 
no longer safe to remain in Gingee ; and this 
would imply that collusion stopped about this 
time. Sir J.N. Sarkar says that at last it became 
necessary for the Khan to capture the fort " if 
he wished to avoid disgrace and punishment 
by his master." But Rajaram, we read, received 
a timely warning and contrived to escape by 
the west gate to Vellore along with his chief 
officers, though he had to leave his family and 
followers, numbering several thousands, be- 
hind. " The total ruin of Maharashtra power 
might have been effected with ease many years 
before ; had it not been for the generals who 

- 333 

delayed on purpose and secretly assisted each 
other to draw out the war to a never-ending 
length for their own advantage." 

Zulfikar Khan could not any longer pro- 
tract the siege, if he was to avoid disgrace 
and punishment at the hands of the Emperor. 
The letter from Fort St. George dated March 
1698 says " that four or five thousand Marathas 
came to Vellore where Rama Raja had escap- 
ed from Gingee, which obliged the Xawab to 
pursue him." 

Then Zulfikar Khan gave the order for an 
assault. While Daud Khan was engaged in 
scaling Chandrayan Drug from the south, 
Dalpat Rao scaled the north wall of Krishna- 
giri and captured the outer fort after a severe 
struggle. The garrison then retreated to an 
inner fort called KaHkot, into which Dalpat 
Rao and his Bundelas entered pell-mell after 
killing many. Many Marathas were put to 
death and the survivors took refuge inRa jagiri, 
the highest fort. Daud Khan had made his way 
into Chandrayandrug and advanced towards 
Krishnagiri. The inhabitants to the top of 
Krishnagiri had to capitulate. A vast amount 
of booty in horses, camels and other things fell 
into the hands of the Imperialists. 

Raja Ram's family was then invested in 
Rajagiri, the highest and the strongest of forts 


ofGingee. Dalpat Rao held the gate of Kalakot. 
Zulfikar Khan, who had entered by opening 
Shaitan Dari (the Portu-du-Diable of Or me,) 
secured the entrance to Rajagiri by crossing 
the chasm at its foot by means of a wooden 
bridge. The Maratha royal family begged 
for safety; and Zulfikar Khan gave them 
assurances of protection and good treatment 
through Rama Chand Hada. Palanquins were 
sent to the women and children of the family 
of Raja Ram, who came out of the citadel and 
were saved from violence. They were also 
kept in honourable captivity. One of Raja 
Ram's wives avoided the disgrace of a surrend- 
er by throwing herself from the summit of the 
fort into the depths below. Her head was 
dashed to pieces as it struck a projecting rock. 
Her mangled corpse remained in an in- 
accessible place without a funeral. About four 
thousand women and children were found in 
the fort; but there were only very few fighting 
men among them. * 

In this connection the version of Nara- 
yanan of Raja Ram's escape and of the cap- 
ture of the fort by Zulfikar Khan can be 
compared with the above narrative with 
advantage. " While this was the condition of 
affairs in camp, there arrived from the Pad- 
usha to the Nawab money and reinforcements 

* Scott: History of the Dekkan, Vol. II, p. 98. 


under the command of Nawab Daud Khan, 
Muhammad Syed Kevud, Venkatapati and 
others. On the arrival of these, the siege of 
Gingee was pushed on vigorously. Rajaram 
considered it was no more safe to remain in 
Gingee. Taking with him, from among the 
Melachcri Killedhars, Kande Rao and others 
with all valuables and taking with him his 
wives and attendants, he was getting ready 
to quit the fort. The Nawab was not aware 
of this. He actually thought that, as the siege 
had been going on for twelve years, and as 
even the Padusha's resources were getting 
almost exhausted, the fortress was actually 
going to fall. He therefore ordered that the 
siege might be pressed and efforts made to 
take it without further delay. Nawab Daud 
Khan and his contingent attacked Chandra- 
drug. Kevud and his contingent similarly at- 
tacked Krishnagiri, while the Nawab (Amir- 
ul-Umara) with all the remaining forces sat 
down in front of the principal entrance to the 
fortress. At this stage of the siege, Rajaram 
opened the Tiruvannamalai gate and, with all 
his impedimenta, got out of the fort and set 
forward, marching westwards. The army of 
the Nawab, however, continued the siege ; and 
the fort fell in the year of Fasli, 1107, the year 
Jswara, month Thai, day 2 (Saturday 31st De- 
cember 1697). The fortress gate by which the 


Nawab entered was called Fateh Darwaja 
(victory gate). Hearing that the enemy had 
escaped, the Nawab's army fought its way 
successfully and arrived at Pennattur. At- 
tacked again there, they reached Tiruvanna- 
malai the next day, and breaking camp again 
there, the army of Rajaram marched through 
the pass of Chengama to Tiruppattur, thence 
to K61ar and ultimately reached Poona. The 
Nawab's army pursued them, till they passed 
the ghats and returned." 

Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar writes 
thus of the manner in which Raja Ram made 
his escape : " The account of Narayana Pillai 
here is that all the while the Nawab was 
feigning an attack, and whenever it was pro- 
posed to make an attack, Rajaram had previ- 
ous intimation It is difficult to believe 

that Rajaram had no intimation of it. Whether 
Zulfikar Khan gave intimation or no, Rajaram 
apparently had intimation of what was taking 
place in the Nawab's camp and planned his 
retreat accordingly. He seems to have taken 
a somewhat sequestered way out of the fort 
with all his family and entourage, and got out 
of the fort in the night safely, unknown to the 
besiegers. From various references in the 
records of Fort St. George, he loitered about 
the Karnatak and remained in Vellore till a 
contingent of 3,000 Mahratta horse came from 


Poona and took him safely from Vellore in 
the month of March following."* 

Zulfikar Khan then supervised the collec- 
tion and safe storage of the property and 
the war materials found in the fort. Many 
Maratha officers were put to death. He gave 
orders for the repair of the fort and made 
Kakar Khan the killcdar of the fort. Gazan- 

* Journal of Indian History; Vol. IX, 1930, pp. 5 6. 

Letters front Fort 67. Georfje,1(Mti : Letter, dated 4th 
March. * But it hath happened in this juncture 4 or 
5,000 Morattas came to Vellore, whither Ramaraja had 
escaped from Chingee which obliged the Nabob to carry 
his Army thither. Ram raja upon that news is gone from 
Vellore with the said Morattas, and the Nabob follows 
them, bat probably no further than the extent of his 
Country, and his returne is expected suddainly after 
which itt will appear whether he do's really design to 
trouble us. Att present wee can make no judgment 
having yet received no answer to the Letters sent him 
so that wee find reason to confirme the caution given you 
i.n the enclosed, and the rather because the last letters 
received from Fort St. David yesterday give an account 
of their advices, that Seilim Cawn doth threaten and 
prepair for another assult of Cuddallor.' 

Letters from Fort St. George, 1(>9$: Letter, dated 8th 
March. ' Spye Bramines from the camp advise that the 
Nabob hath followed after Ramraja as far as Gurrum (c) 
unda and that from thence the Nabob will returne to 
Sautgur and from thence to Arcott to keep the Ramzan, 
Amerjeahan is gone with the Camp, but there is no 
Letter from him since he sett out from Wandevas, so 
soon as wee heare anything from him shall communicate 
itt to you.' 

Letters from Fort St. Geon/e, 1098 : Lette 
March. 'Last night our peons came 
who advise that the camp was 8 days 
rungunda, and that the Nabob designe 
had finished some business with 


far Khan (the Cussafur Khan of the Fort St. 
George Records) was appointed the fdujddr of 
the district, while Daud Khan Panni was raised 
tobe the fdujddr of the Carnatic," in accordance 
with the orders of the imperial head-quarters 
in the year of fasli 1108 (A. D. 1698)". Mu- 
hammad Sayyad Khan was raised to be the 
(Jinan, Lala Dakhni Ray appointed as the 
(liwmi-pvxhkar, and Lala Todar Mai was made 
the sheriff add r of the Carnatic. Gingee itself 
was renamed Nasratgadh by Zulfikar Khan, 
probably in commemoration of his new title, 
Nasrat Jang. 

Khafi Khan, the author of Muntakhabu-i- 
Lubab, says cryptically that a sum of money 
reached the enemy who then evacuated the 
fort and retired. This view implies the sur- 
render of the fort through bribery. A full ac- 
count of the operations connected with the 
siege of Gingee is given below, as taken from 
the translation of the work by Sir H. M. Elliot 
and Professor John Dowson.* 

" It was impossible to invest all the forts, 
but the lines were allotted to different com- 
manders, and every exertion was made for 
digging mines and erecting batteries . . . The 
garrison also did their best to put the place in 
order, and make a stout defence. From time 

* Vol. VII, Hisiory of India as told by its own Histor- 
ian* pp. 348-9. 


to time they fired a gun or two. The zamin- 
Jans, far and near, of the country round, and 
the Mahratta forces, surrounded the royal 
army on all sides, and showed great audacity 
in cutting off supplies. Sometimes they burst 
unexpectedly into an intrenchment, doing 
great damage to the works, and causing great 
confusion in the besieging force. . . ." 

u The siege had gone on for a long time, 
and many men fell ; but although the enemy's 
relieving force day by day increased, Zulfikar 
Khan Nusrat Jang and the other generals 
so pressed the siege that it went hard with 
the garrison. The command of the army and 
general management of civil and revenue 
affairs in that part of the country were in the 
hands of Jamdatu-1 Mulk and Nusrat Jang. 
This gave great offence to Prince Muhammad 
Kam Bakhsh, and Jamdatu-1 Mulk and Nus- 
rat Jang had to admonish him, and speak to 
him sharply about some youthful follies- The 
Prince was greatly offended. The Prince 
wished that the siege should be carried on in 
his name ; but the generals acted on their own 
authority. Day by day the dissensions in- 
creased. The besieged were aware of these 
differences, and contrived to open commu- 
nications with the Prince, and to fan the 
flames of his discontent, so that great danger 
threatened the army/ 1 


" Intelligence now came of the approach of 
Santa; and the enemy's forces so closed round 
the royal army and shut up the roads, that 
for some days there were no communications 
whatever between the army and His Majesty. 
Messages still came to the Prince from the 
garrison, exciting his apprehensions, and 
holding out allurements. He was vexed with 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk's opposition, and no com- 
munications arrived from the Emperor ; so he 
was on the point of going over to the enemy. 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk and Nusrat Jang were inform- 
ed of this, and they surrounded his tents, and 
made the Prince prisoner." 

" When these troubles and discords were at 
their height, Santa came down upon the royal 
army with twenty-five thousand horse, and 
reduced it to such straits that the command- 
ers deemed it expedient to leave their bag- 
gage and some of their materiel to be plunder- 
ed by Santa, and to retire into the hills for 
refuge. Every one was to carry off what he 
could, and the idea was that Santa would 
stop to plunder what was left, and not follow 
the retreating force. Accordingly, the two 
generals retired fighting for some kox, till 
they reached the shelter of the hills, when 
they beat off Santa. A few days afterwards 
they renewed the siege, and the garrison was 
hard pressed. According to report, a sum of 


money reached the enemy, and they evacuat- 
ed the fortress and retired." 

" When intelligence of the arrest of Prince 
Muhammad Kam Bakhsh reached Aurangzeb, 
he apparently acquiesced in it as a matter of 
necessity. The news of the reduction of the 
fortress came soon afterwards, and he ap- 
plauded the services performed by the two 
generals. In reality, he was offended, and 
summoned the Prince with the two generals 
to his presence. The Prince was brought up 
under arrest. After waiting upon Aurangzeb, 
he addressed a few words of admonition to 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk ; but afterwards the marks of 
his displeasure became more apparent. Orders 
were given to set the Prince at liberty." * 

The following account of Zulfikar Khan's 
part in the capture of Gingee will bring to light 
the cruelty which probably attended the 
capture of the fort. 4k The heads of enemies 
turned giddy. The pregnancy of women came 
to a premature end. Round Gingee the 
Mughals came with great energy, like the 
eight elephants round the chief mountain, and 
pitched their tents and planted their flags. 

* This notice of the long-drawn siege of operations 
round Gingee foreshortens the time spent between the 
arrest of Kam Bakhsh and the final Mughal acquisition of 
the fortress ; but it confirms the dubious manner in which 
the Marathas were forced out of the fortress. 


The crowds of fierce elephants surrounded the 
place like rows of black hills. Bushes and 
trees were lopped off; the forests were cut 
down and horses that carried baggages were 
tethered in many rows. The Mughals placed 
patrols in eight directions to guard against 

" Fearing that the Tulushkas might take 
them captives, the Marathas no more desiring 
to rule, ran away from their homes. They 
did not mind their cattle and children. Some 
carried on their hips dearly loved babies. 
Others, fond of their wealth, concealed them- 
selves nearby. Others deserted their children 
weeping. Like the birds that wander in the 
sky, many took refuge in the forest. Many 
others suffered from hunger. All the people in 
great distress left their homes." 

The Date of the Capture of Gingee 

Seven years had to pass before Gingee 
could be finally captured by the Mughals 
under Zulfikar Khan. 

Sir Jadunath Sarkar has left the ques- 
tion of the date of the fall of the fortress 
open. Thus he gives a note on the dates embodi- 
ed in his sources of information : " M- A. 391 
explicitly says that Jinji was captured on 6th 
Shaban, 41st of Aurangzib ( = 7th Feb. 1698). 


The Madras Diary of 2nd January 1698 re- 
cords : 4 A letter from Amir Jahan from the 
Mughal camp received to-day advises that the 
Nawab has taken the Jinji forts all but one 
which also offers to capitulate.' If we read 
Rajab instead of Shaban in M. A., we get 8th 
January. Bhimsen (135a) says that the fort fell 
on a Saiikrilnti, which would give 2nd or 31st 
January. Chitnis (ii. 58), as usual is grossly 
incorrect, giving Cliaitra pratipad Sudi 1618 = 
23rd March 1696, as the date of the capture." * 

Sir J. N. Sarkar has quoted the Maasir-i- 
Alaimfirl, which says that Gingee was captured 
on 6th Shahban, 41st year of Aurangzib (7th 
February 1698). This date cannot be accepted 
in the light of contemporary Madras records 
which refer to the capture of Gingee even early 
in January 1698. Scott ** has given the date 
1700 A.D. ( A.H. 1112) for the capture of the fort. 
According to Bhimsen, the agent of Dalpat Rao 
Bundela, whose account has been an invaluable 
contemporary source, being the testimony of an 
eye-witness, the fort fell on a Sankranti day, 
which is equated to either 2nd January 1698 or 
31st January 1608, as either of the dates marks 
the entry of the Sun into one of the signs of 

* J. Sarkar : 'History of Aurangzib ' Vol. V, p. 108, 

** History of the Deccan, Vol. II. 


Zodiac, such entry being termed the sank- 
ranti. Sarkar has also quoted the authority of 
the Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. 
George, where there is an entry dated 2nd 
January (O.S. 1698) or 12th January (N.S. 1698), 
which says that information had been received 
that all but one of the fortresses of Gingee had 
fallen to Zulfikar Khan. It records a letter 
received from Amir, Jahan from the Mughal 
camp which says, " that the Nawab had taken 
all the forts except one which also doth offer 
to capitulate." (Diary and Consultation Book, 
1697, p. 152). 

The History of the Karnataka Governors, 
in the Mackenzie Mss., gives the fasli year 
1107, Is war a, in the month of Thai (2nd day) 
equivalent to Friday, 31st December 1697. 
A letter from Fort St. George of 28th Decem- 
ber 1697, contained a report " that Zulfikar 
Khan has set up his flag on one of the hills of 
Gingee and makes a show of taking the place." 
(Letters from Fort St. George, 1697. page 34). 
As the three hills were strongly fortified, it 
was very likely that they could not be cap- 
tured all at one stroke and there were probab- 
ly intervals of some days before all of them 
could be captured. 

The date given by Bhimsen (which has 
been equated to 2nd or 31st January 1698) can 
be taken to be approximately the same as that 


of the manuscript. " The manuscript gives the 
2nd day of Thai for the capture of the fort. 
The first of Tliai is generally celebrated in 
South India as Sankranti. Bhimsen's refer- 
ence to Sankranti which was most likely 
based on what he heard from the country 
people as the Sankranti day, is not probably 
the monthly entry of the sun into the Zodiac, 
but the special Sankranti which came annually 
about the end of December in English Old 
Style dates, till September 3rd, 1752 when the 
calendar was added to by eleven days, in 
order to correspond with the computations 
made by Roman Catholic countries from Octo- 
ber 5th, 1582, when they adopted the New 
Style of reckoning."' 

* Thus English dates between September 3, 1752 
and 1699 should be advanced by 11 days, and by 10 days 
from 1582 to 1699, if those should be equated on 
the basis of the present calendar. 30th December, 
1697 (O.S.) will be equivalent to 9th January 1698, ac- 
cording to the current reckoning. Thus the cyclic solar 
year, An^flrasa^ which according to O.S. English reckon- 
ing, commenced from the 29th March 1752, ended only on 
the 9th April 1753 />., 9th April, according to New 
Style eleven days having been added to the reckoning 
from September 3rd 1752, reckoned as 14th September. 
(See South Indian Chnmolfjical Tobies by W. S. Krishna- 
swami Naidu, edited by R. Sewell (1894) pp. 68 and 70.) 

Israra (Kali) 4799, &//,r/ 1620, began on the 29 March 

1697 (O.S.) and ended on the 28th March 1698 (O.S.). 
Hijra 1109 began on July 10, 1697 and ended on June 29, 

1698 (O.S.).' Pope Gregory's reform of the Calendar in 
1582, corrected the dates by omitting ten days and making 
change in the reckoning of leap years. In the Julian 
Calendar every fourth year was a leap year; but in the 



In that year it was perhaps on the 30th of 
December. On the 31st also, according to 
popular usage, the celebration of Pongal con- 
tinued and Bhimsen might have so heard it. 

The Madras Diary of 2nd January 1698 
stated that one of the hills had been captured 
before that date- A congratulatory letter 
was then decided to be sent to the Mughal 
camp. " Mr. Empson was ordered to procure 
the most proper rarities to the amount not 
exceeding 300 pagodas to be sent to the Nawab 
with a congratulatory letter." (Diary and 
Consultation Book 1697, page 152). By 17th 
January 1698 (Diary and Consultation Book 
1698, page 4) a letter was received from Amir 
Jahan which stated that the Nawab received 
gladly the whole present sent to him in con- 
gratulation of the conquest of Gingee." An- 
other entry dated llth January 1698 (Letter* 
to Fort St. George, page 6) says " that Zulfikar 
Khan had taken Gingee and become absolute 

Gregorian Calendar century years are not leap years, 
unless their first two figures are divisible by four. Thus 
1600 was a leap year and 2000 will be a leap year ; but 
1700, 1800 and 1900 are not leap years. 

As the Gregorian Calendar was adopted in England 
in 1752 (suppressing 11 days between September 2 and 14) 
10 days must be added to English dates from 1583 to 1699 
inclusive and 11 days from that year to September 2, 

(Vide Compuraliw. TVWf.s of Mulmmmadan and 
Christian Date* Compiled by Lt. Col. Sir Wolseley Haig 
1932- pp. 56). 


master of the country and also warned the 
Fort St. David authorities to be very careful 
and be prepared for an attack." This letter was 
written on 5th January. Hence Gingee should 
have been completely captured between the 
28th December 1697 and 5th January 1698. 

A letter to the Agent and Council, dated 
26th February 1698, stated that, in the last 
month, /.e., (January), Zulfikar Khan took Gin- 
gee, Raja Ram having escaped by the Nawab's 
contrivance to Vellore fort where he was 
then halting and appointed Gussafar Khan, 
to be the killcdar of Gingee, and gave him 
Cuddalore and Tegnapatam as part of his 

This letter also refers to January 1698 as 
the time of the fall of Gingee. On the basis of 
the Fort St. George records, we can definitely 
say that Gingee had completely fallen into the 
hands of Zulfikar Khan in the first week of 1698. 
According to the Minutes and Consultations 
of April 1698 (page 35), Zulfikar Khan's mansab 
was increased by 1,000 horse, along with a 
teshariff of elephants, horses, and swords 
after his conquest of Gingee, The place (Gin- 
gee) was renamed Nasratgaddah (city of vic- 
tory) in honour of Zulfikar Khan who had the 
title Nasrat Jang. Gussafar Khan was then 
the killedar of Gingee. 


After the capture of Gingee, the place lost 
to a considerable extent its importance as the 
key to the control of the lower Carnatic re- 
gion. It was placed in charge of a killedar, who t 
as we have seen, was subject to the authority 
of the faujdar at Arcot. Zulfikar Khan ap- 
pointed Gazanfar (Gussafar).Khan to be the 
Tdlledar of the fort and gave him as part of 
his jaghir, the towns of Cuddalore and Tegna- 
patam. He sent also a fannan to President 
Hatsell of the Fort St. David Council, demand- 
ing the delivery of these towns to Gussafar 
Khan's people. Hatsell seems to have refused 
his demand which resulted in the attacks of 
Salim Khan, the brother of Daud Khan Panni, 
who had played a great part in the capture of 

Salim Khan, under a pretence of lodging 
the King's treasure in Cuddalore for a night, 
made a surprise attack on the place with fifty 
men. However, a party of fifty English sol- 
diers was able to force him to retreat- * 4 Salim 
Khan's letter to the Governor of Fort St. 
David desiring that nine ox-loads of the King's 
treasure might remain at Cuddalore for secur- 
ity, which being brought in by horsemen, seized 
the Porto Novo gate, wounding a corporal, seiz- 
ed Chidambaram, robbed the bazaar and carri- 
ed away three elephants- The Moors were, 
however, beaten out of the town with the loss 


of eight men killed and five taken prisoners 
with a few horses." 

An attempt was made by the English at 
Madras to conciliate Salim Khan by a pay- 
ment of money in return for & far man confirm- 
ing the rights of the Company to Devanam- 
patnam and Cuddalore. Salim Khan demand- 
ed more than what they offered and again 
threatened Cuddalore and burnt some of the 
villages of Fort St. David. A letter from 
Fort St. David advises a second engagement 
with Salim Khan and his men, wherein they 
were repelled, though they burnt several towns 
within our bounds. (Minutes and Consultation 
Book, 31st January 1698, page 9). From a letter 
of 25th March 1698 to Vizagapatam, we learn 
that Salim Khan came very near Cuddalore, 
planned a third attack, but however returned 
without making any attempt." (Letters from 
Fort St. George, 1698, page 22). 

Later, Daiid Khan, one of Zulfikar Khan's 
generals before Gingee and a notorious drun- 
kard, was appointed to the governorship of the 
Carnatic. He frequently tried to extort money 
from the Madras Agency and invested Fort 
St. George, which lasted for three months. 
Egmore, Purasavakkam and Triplicane were 
plundered by him. He repeated this action 
several times. Every time the blockade was 


abandoned by him after he was appeased by 
liquors and presents. 

Gussafar Khan (the kill&dar of Gingee 
from January to May 1698) left the place for 
another appointment by the end of May. In 
April he renewed the demand for the towns of 
Tegnapatam and Cuddalore, as he had to rend- 
er an account to Kakar Khan his successor. 
The letter from President Higginson to Vizaga- 
patam, dated 16th June 1698, says: "Gassafar 
Khan who was the Governor of Gingee fort 
since its conquest, is by the King's order ap- 
pointed Nawab of fc Cateck ' and he went with 
200 horse and 400 foot." (Letters from Fort 
St. George 169S, page 74). A letter from Gus- 
safar Khan, dated 23rd April 1698, renewed 
the demand of the towns of Tegnapatam and 
Cuddalore as he has to render account to 
Kakar Khan on his quitting Gingee/' (Letters 
from Fort St. George 1698, page 48). 

From June to November 1698, Kakar Khan 
was the killedar of Gingee and he seems to have 
died by the beginning of November 1698 for 
" We had advise from the camp that Kakar 
Khan is dead and that another is sent to suc- 
ceed him." (Letters from Fort St. George, 
7th November 1698, page 125). 


Gingee under the Mughals 
The Period of Bundela rule 

(1) Raja Sarup Singh ... 17001714 

(2) Raja Dosing ... January 1714 to 

October 1714. 

We have seen in the previous chapter 
how the Mughals was able to capture the fort 
of Gingee in the CarnaticfromRamaraja, King 
of the Marathas, early in 1698 or in the last 
days? of 1697, after a protracted and weak 
siege of seven years. Zulfikar Khan, the son 
of Asad Khan, the Grand.Vizier, was in com- 
mand of the siege operations of Gingee and of 
its government till he left the Carnatic after 
about a year from its fall. 

According to the Fort St. David corres- 
pondence for 1698, it is clear that throughout 
1698, Zulfikar Khan was busy in the restora- 
tion of order in the neighbouring country. He 
marched into the Tanjore country and en- 
camped at Tiruvaiyar w r here he secured the 
submission of Ekoji Bhonsle, whose vakil sub- 
mitted nazar and contributions for the expen- 
ses of the troops and promised to pay a regular 
tribute. Similar claims were successfully en- 
forced, for the time being, over the Nayak 
ruler of Trichinopoly and the Marava poligars 

of Ramnad and Sivaganga. He also installed 
Kumara Yachama Nayakain his father's place 
and gave him a suitable mansab and jaghir 
and gave Shivanath Singh, the head of a contin- 
gent sent to help him, and his officers, jaghirs 
in the taluks of Tiruvannamalai and Tiruvati, 
comprehended in the irrigation area of the 
anicut at Tiruvennainallur. Shivanath Singh 
was given charge of the killcdtlri of Chengi 
(Gingee), Madanmust and Desur and is said 
by the Tamil chronicler to have come into pos- 
session of his kilLedari charge in Fasli 1107, 
cyclic year, Isvara. 

According to the account of Narayanan, 
which is embodied in the Mack. Mss., (trans- 
lated by Dr. S. K. Aiyangar in his article on 
Raja Dosing of Gingee in the Journal of Indian 
History, Vol. IX, 1930), Zulfikar Khan, after tak- 
ing possession of Gingee in 1698 seems to have 
entrusted it to one Gussafar Khan (Kasbur 
Khan of Narayan and Gassafar Khan of the 
Fort St. George Records.) We find a reference, 
in one of the letters, found in the Minutes and 
Consultation #ooA:o/24th May 1698 (page 58), 
to Gassafar Khan, who is mentioned therein as 
the late governor of Gingee. Probably by May 
1698, he had ceased to be its governor. Further, 
Zxilfikar Khan seems to have appointed at first 
as the faujdar of the Carnatic, Daud Khan, 
who was his second in command in the siege 


of Gingee and who was reported to have been 
primarily responsible for the capture of its 
strongest fort by a strategic assault on it. The 
appointment seems to have been made by the 
orders of the Mughal Emperor in Fasli 1108 or 
1698 A.D. 

Muhammad Sayyid Khan was made the d e- 
wan, while Lala Dakhin Roy became the 'de- 
wan-peshkar and Lala TSdarmall, the sherista- 
dar of the Carnatic ; this last person later on 
played some part in the quarrel between 
Sadatullah Khan and Desing. Zulfikar Khan 
had given the name Nasrat Gaddah to the fort 
of Gingee, his full title being Amir-ul-umara 
Nasrat Jang, in honour of his victory. He 
effected many other changes in the personnel 
of the administration, by the presentation of 
Jayhirx to several of his officers. Thus Sardar 
Sivanath Singh was given the killeddri of 
Gingee, in addition to a mansab, in 1697-8. 
The jdflhir consisted of seven taluks when 
given to Sivanath Singh (held in the Tamil 
Ohronicle to have been a follower of the 
Rajah of Jaipur, by the Mughal Emperor. 
The South Arcot District Gazetteer (Vol. I, 
page 365) refers to the above fact and says 
that the jayhir was probably Mclacheri or Old 
Gingee which was apparently a fortified place 
situated some miles to the north-west of the 
fort. ThejayJrir is also referred to have been 



one of the biggest in the southern districts. 
We have not been able to ascertain the histori- 
city of the jil-gJitr except from the Mackenzie 
Chronicle. We may take that the Gingee 
jaghir was in the hands of Sivanath Singh 
about 1699 A.D., i.e., after Gussafar Khan had 
retired. The date given in the manuscript 
Chronicle for his acquisition of the jdqliir as 
v!69?-98, is perhaps a little bit inaccurate, for 
Gingee had not then passed into the hands of 
the Mughals, as the siege ended only in Janu- 
ary 1698. 

Under these circumstances Aurangzib 
seems to ha\ 7 e granted a Bundela chieftain, 
Sarup Singh, a imntxab of 2,500 rank and a 
jaghir of 12 lakhs, along with the ItilledCm of 
Gingee. Sarup Singh, according to the Tamil 
Chronicle^ was an officer in immediate attend- 
ance on the Raja of Bundelkhand, Sarup Singh 
by name. Aurangzib got his services from the 
Raja and sent him to Zulfikar Khan, with a 
fannan appointing him governor of Gingee. 
In the De*]Hitche*i to England of 17111714, 
(page 71), we find a reference to Sarup Singh 
who is described as a considerable prince and a 
Rajput and also as being related to the Mughal 
family. The latter statement might perhaps 
have meant that he was related to one of the 
Rajput ladies in the harem of the Emperor. 


Under this famum, the Nawab Amir-ui- 
umara gave him the killedari of Gingee and 
sent him on to Gnssafar Khan, who was pro- 
bably then in charge of the district. Sarup 
Singh entered on the office of the killeddr of 
Gingee in A.D. 1700 (cyclic year Vikrama, 
F<id't 1,110). 

The Fort St. George records refer to 
Sarup Singh as the killeddr of Gingee on the 
18th January 1700, when one Ramalinga pro- 
mised to procure for the English merchants 
at Fort St. David the privilege of coinage in the 
Cuddalore mint 1 , which was within the juris- 
diction of the governor of Gingee. 

The Mack. Chronicle says that Sarup Singh 
took charge from Gussafar Khan, who after- 
wards retired and joined the court of the 
Nawab. Thus the Chronicle of Narayanan 
gives the account of the change of administra- 
tion at Gingee: "Under this fnrmaii^ the 
Nawab, Amir-ul-Umara, gave him the Mile- 
diiri of Gingee and sent him with the order 
to Kisafar Khan (the Gussafar Khan of the 
Company's Records) and Kakar Khan. Sarup 
Singh entered office as killeddr of Gingee in 
the year Fa-sli 1110, year Vikrama, (or A.D. 
1700) and took possession of the fortress of 
Gingee. Killeddr Kisafar Khan &udfaujdar 
Kakar Khan retired and joined the army of 

1 Letters to Fort St. Georyc. Iti99 1700: p. 10. 


the Nawab. Payya Ramakrishna was appoint- 
ed vtiknavis (recorder). Shaikh Nur was ap- 
pointed head of the guard. Shikar Udaya 
Ram became thejupya navix (writer of replies 
to petitions). Chalchiram became tahavildar 
(treasurer). Sri Ram became huzur amani 
'collector of revenue) Other officials like 
huzur mendi (supervisor of boundaries?) 
huzur topchi (commander of artillery) and 
others of the Padushayi service, numbering 
5,000 remained as killa dhainath under the 
orders of the Nawab. Sariip Singh kept with 
him this dhainath 5,000, along with his own 
three hundred horse, took possession of his 
ovrnjaghlr of the eight-fold parganah in Gin- 
gee, Valudavur, Tindivanam, Tiruvamattur, 
Asapur, Tirukkovilur, Vettaivanam and other 
places. Nawab Amir-ul-Umara Zulfikar Khan 
Bahadur Nasrat Jang, in accordance with 
the orders of the Padusha, made over the 
faujddri of the Karnatak to Daud Khan as its 
faujdtlr, Muhamad Sayyid Khan as its dewaii, 
Todar Mall as its sheristadar, and reached 
Aurangabad in the same year of Vikrama." 3 

Sarup Singh's Administration according 
to the Mack. Kiss. 

One Payya Ramakrishna was appointed 
the vdknavis or the secretary, while Sheikh 

Journal of Indian History, 1930, Vol. IX, p. 12. 


Nur was made the head of the guard. The 
reference to the vdknavis of Sarup Singh 
is given in one of the letters to Fort St. 
George of May 1700/' It refers to the Deputy 
Governor's letters to Sarup Singh and to his 
vdknavis in relation to the renters, who 
were the occasion of the later quarrels be- 
tween Sarup Singh and the English. Sarup 
Singh's jurisdiction seems to have included 
the eight parganahs of Gingee, Valudavur, 
Tindivanam, Tiruvamattur, Asuppur, Tiruk- 
k6ilur, Vettaianam and places nearby, all in 
the modern district of South Arcot. The ex- 
tent of his government is also confirmed by 
the Madras Records. The Diary of Minutes 
and Consultations of 1703, while referring to the 
power of Sarup Singh, gives the following in- 
formation. " He commands to the value of 12 
lakhs of pagodas yearly, and is an absolute 
Governor of Gingee granted by the Mughal 
farman which includes Cuddalore, Tiruppa- 
puliyur and Manjakuppam." 

Nawab Amlr-ul-Umara had been, in the 
meantime, called to Aurangabad and he had 
to hand over charge to David Khan. Dewan 
Muhammad Sayyid Khan and sheristadar 
Todar Mall continued in their offices under 
him. Daud Khan had for his head-quarters 

3 Letter* to Fort St. George, J699J7CO, p. 49. 


the town of Arcot, as Gingee was found un- 
healthy. He seems to have conducted the 
administration efficiently, according to the 
standards of those days. He may be regarded 
as the first regular Nawab of the Carnatic.* 

* A note regarding the political divisions of the 
country under the Mughal dominion in South India 
below the Krishna : 

Carnatic- P<7//o/?r///<7f (Carnatic below the Ghats): 
The region denominated as the Carnatic, comprehended, 
in the 18th century, the dominions and dependencies of 
the Nawab of Arcot and extended from tne Guntur Circar, 
being bounded on the north by the small river Gundala- 
kama which falls into the sea at Motupalli, over all the 
coast country as far south as Cape Comorin. The terri- 
tory south of the Coleroon was known as Southern 
Carnatic and was rather a tributary to the Nawab than 
his real possession. Central Carnatic extended from 
the Coleroon to the- North Pennar, and Northern 
Carnatic from the North Pennar, to the Guntur Circar. 

Pat/mi fjhnt or TaJ</ahat is the name given to the 
coast portion of the Carnatic region to the east of the 
Ghats, as distinguished from KulagJujf, the country to 
the west of the Ghats. [See, Maclean : Manual oj the 
Madras PruM'lcncy, Vol. Ill, pp. 67 ; Hamilton : Descrip- 
tion of HhidnMan and the A'/jaceut Countries, Vol. II, 
Section. Carnatic; and Wilks: 'A Historical Sketch of 
Southern India in an afte/n/if to trace the Hi* lory of 
(2nd Edition), Vol. II, pp. 134- -136.] 

The Hydcrabadi-Carnatic (part of the Carnatic con- 
quered by the Golconda state and controlled from Hy- 
derabad) included, according to the records, a Balayhal 
portion and a Pvi/uiu/hnt portion. The Bahnjhat portion 
of it comprised the five drears of Sidhout, Gandikotta, 
Gooty, Gurrumkonda and Cumbum. All there, except 
Gooty, afterwards went to form the petty state of the Path- 
an Nawabs of Cuddapah. Gooty fell into the hands of the 
Maratha house of Ghorepade, of whom Murfiri Rao dis- 
tinguished himself in the Anglo-French wars of the 18th 


century. The PayuMjhat portion of the Hyderabadi- 
Carnatic CDmprised the whole coast country, extending 
from Guntur on the north to the present South Arcot 
district ; this was afterwards better known as the subah 
of Arcot and formed the nucleus of the dominions of the 
Nawabs of the Carnatic. It included Northern Carnatic 
as defined above and a portion of Central Carnatic. 

The Bijaimri-Curnatic (the portion conquered by the 
Adil Shahis of Bijapur in the 17th century) seems to 
have been all JBalayhat, though it had also a Puyanghat 
portion which included Vellore, Gingee, and Tanjore, all 
of which were conquered by Bijapuri commanders like 
Randaula Khan and Shfihji, the father of the celebrated 
Shivaji. It chiefly consisted of the settled upland dis- 
tricts of Bangalore and Sera ; and it was entitled to the 
forced tributes exacted from the chiefs of Harpanahalli, 
(in the Bellary District), Kundapur (in the South Kanara, 
District), Anegodi, Bednore, Chitaldrug, and Mysore. 
The two circars of Adoni and Nandyal, situated to the 
south of the Tungabadhra river, were excluded from the 
Carnatic, as well as that of Savanur-Bankapur. 

Thus we see that Bijapuri-Carnatic comprised most- 
ly Bahighat territory ; and Golconda-Carnatic includ.- 
ed both Balayliat and Puyayhat portions. In 1713, when 
the Nawabs of Arcot had just established their domin- 
ion, the whole of the B(i1(H/luit section of the Hyderabad!- 
Carnatic with a little extension to the south, was in the 
possession of the Pathan chief of Cuddapah and the 
Mahratta chief of Gooty. The governorship of the Two 
Carnatics of which we read in histories, consisted there- 
fore of the Btiltttjfial portion of the Bijapuri-Carnatic and 
the Payamjlmt portion of the Hyderabadi-Carnatic ; and 
Nawab Saadatullah Khan retained the government of 
the Two Carnatics for four years. When Amir Khan 
was appointed to the charge of the Bijapuri-Carnatic, it 
became usual to call the Nawabs of Cuddapah, Sira 
and Arcot after their respective capitals. There were 
the two additional Nawabs of Kurnool and Savanore. 
It was between these rulers that political power was dis- 
tributed in the eighteenth century in all the regions to 
the south of the Krishna, with the exception of Mysore, 
Travancore, Madura and Tanjore. 


Nawab Daud Khan was appointed deputy 
subhadar of the Deccan after the promotion 
of Ziilfikar Khan to the dignity of Subhadar. 
He was an Afghan and the son of Khizr Khan 
Panni and had served for several years under 
Aurangzib before he became the lieutenant of 
Zulfikar Khan in the government of the Car- 
natic and later in the viceroyalty of the Dec- 
can. He was in charge of the nizamat of Car- 
natic Payanghat in the years 1700 1708 and 
was killed in battle by a match-lock shot when 
opposing Sayyid Hussain All, by secret orders 
from the Emperor Farrukh Siyar.* He (Daud 
Kb an) was followed by Muhammad Sayyid 
Khan as the Nawab of Arcot and Faujdar of 
the Carnatic in 1710 AJX Daud Khan, in ac- 
cordance with the imperial orders, appointed 
Muhammad Sayyid Khan, his diwan, to carry 
on the administration and left for the imperial 

Sadatullah Khan, originally named 
Muhammad Sayyid, was left by Daud Khan to 

* "As Naib of the Nawab Zulfikar Khan, he 
carried on the administration of the subah of Arcot with 
justice and equity. He never tolerated injustice and op- 
pression of the people. His rule was one of kindness and 
compassion. He bred up two dogs of wonderful stature, 
and never separated himself from them. He called the 
male 'Khizr Khan' after his father, and the female 
4 Bassu * after his mother. When criminals were brought 
before him, he set these dogs upon them." (Tuzak'i- 
Wdlajahi by Burhan Ibu Hasan, tr. by S. M. H. Nainar : 
Part I p. 63). 


be his diwan and faujdar in 1708. According 
to the Sddat-ndmah, a Persian history of his 
Houses he was appointed as the Nawab of 
the Two Carnatics in 1713 under Nizam-ul- 
Mulk, immediately after the succession of 
Farrukh Siyar. He was the regular and ac- 
knowledged Nawab of the Carnatic between 
the years 1710 and 1732 A.D. According to the 
Maasir-ul-Umara he held the Nawabship from 
the time of Aurangzib till 1732. He died much 
regretted by his subjects. 

* " Said Natnaft, a pompously written biography of 
Saadat Allah Khan, entitled also M. Said (properly M. 
Ali b. Ahmad </. 1142/1732) from his birth in 1651 to 
Ramadhan 1732. (Autobiography near the beginning of 
the Said Namah) " (P. 778 of Persian Literature. A Bio- 
Biblioyraphical Surrey by C. A. Storey, Sec. II. Fasci- 
culus 3, M. History of India, 1939). 

It was Daud Khan that transferred his head-quarters 
from Gingee to the southern bank of the Palar at the 
place which subsequently became the town of Arcot. 
From Arcot he conducted the work of the faujdar 7 of the 
Carnatic on the lines laid down by his predeces- 
sors, particularly Nawab Ziilfiknr Khan. In the pictures- 
que language of Narayanan, he collected " the nazar 
and peishk-ush arranged for him from killedars, jaghir- 
dars, mansabdars, the poligiirs who were established 
from the time of the Rajas and others. He also sent out 
amildar* for collecting the amani dues from the khals-n 
lands, the revenues from the kot-i at Bhandar (Masuli- 
patam) and remitted to the Huzur the 15 lakhs, the irsaf 
amount according to the ijari. He built for himself a 
bungalow in Mylapore and fortified that town. He con- 
ducted the administration with justice and remained in 
Arcot till the /us// year 1114 (A.D. 1704)." 

Though a digression, the author would insert the 
following note on Nawab Daud Khun and the English 



at Madras, at this place, because of the light that it 
throws on the character of the Nawab and his attitude 
towards the European settlements on the Coast. 

41 In 1699 Nawab Daud Khan, who was then the 
deputy of Nawab Zulfikar Khan, visited Madras and 
spent a week at San Thome. Daud Khan succeeded his 
master as the Nawab of the Carnatic and Gingee count- 
ries in 1700; soon after he came down to Arcot he sent 
to the English at Madras for ** sundry sorts of liquors." 
On that occasion presents were sent to him through 
Sehnor Nicolo Manucci, a Venetian, who was then resi- 
dent at Madras and was a very interesting personality of 
those days, 

Nawab Daud Khan regarded the presents sent to him 
as inadequate and sent Manucci back with a threat that 
he would appoint a separate governor for Black Town 
and would develop San Thome at the expense of Madras. 
Manucci says in his account that the Nawab received 
him very favourably and gave him reasonable and satis- 
factory answers and the Governor himself was satisfied 
with his embassy, though the official resolution of the 
Council was otherwise. 

A few months later, in July 1701, Daud Khan arriv- 
ed at San Thome with 10,000 troops, horse and foot. It 
seemed as if hostilities would break out and Pitt prepar- 
ed for a stout resistance. But the Nawab changed his 
mind, said that he was prepared to receive the presents 
that he had previously refused and even offered to dine 
with the Governor. The dinner was accompanied with 
the presents and the gift of a great quantity of wines 
and cordials. The next day the Nawab could not go, as 
he wished, in a boat to visit one of the English ships in 
the roads, on account of having become very drunk over- 
night. This was followed by another threatening visit 
of the Nawab to San Thome and the Governor had to pre- 
pare for yet another threatened outbreak of hostilities. 
Soon the Nawab began a strict blockade of the city and 
stopped all goods going in or out. The inhabitants of Eg- 
more, Purasawakam and Triplicane fled through fear ; 
and application was made by the Council to the Dutch 
and the Danes for assistance. The blockade extended to 
the other English settlements on the coast, but was rais- 


An account of the Nawab and his rule 
given by a hostile historian, Burhan-ibu- 
Hasan,** is worth study as it also reveals quite 
a favourable picture of the, besides giving his 
origin and rise. " Sadatullah Khan was from 

ed after some weeks, when the English agreed to pay 
25,000 rupees and the Nawab returned all the plundered 

On yet another occasion, the Nawab visited San 
Thome ; and though no hostilities were apprehended, 
Governor Pitt took care to make preparations for a de- 
fence. This visit terminated with a large dinner which 
was sent to the Nawab, the Governor not caring to admit 
into the Fort the large number of men who escorted 
him. This was in 1706. Two years later, the Nawab 
came at the head of 2,500 troops arid went away grumb- 
ling at the insufficiency of the presents given to him. 
His final letter to Governer Pitt had reference to a 
demand for strong waters, as was expected. Daud Khan 
wrote a letter to the Governor from Golconda for the 
supply of 1,000 bottles of liquor ; and the Council resolv- 
ed to send him 250, and also two large mastiffs that had 
been got from Europe. 

The acquisition of Mylapore was not to be seriously 
thought of; but a grant was received in September 1708, 
through Daud Khan, then camping at San Thome, for 
five village?, namely, Tiruvottiyur, Nungambakam, 
Vyasarpadi, Kathiwakam near Ennore and Sattangadu, 
west of Tiruvottiyur. There were the usual protracted 
negotiations about the fixing of the rents of these places 
which were henceforward known as " the five new 
villages." A far man granted these villages as a free gift 
with effect from the 5th of October 1708. 

* Burhan-ibu Hasan was a prote<j$ of Nawab 
Muhammad Ali, the son of the founder of rival Nawabi 
family which superseded the Naits and wrote his 
history Tuzuk-l-VValajahiin praise and justification 
of his patrons. (This has been translated by Dr. S. M. H. 
Nainar of the Madras University). 


the people of naivayat* The word ' nawiiyat ' 
is the plural form of the singular 'ndit,' a tribe 
of Arabs. There are different views about 
their origin. According to the investigations 
of the historian Tabari, they are the descend- 
ents of the children of the Quraysh. The 
author of the 4 History of Yemen ' says that 
they come from the tribe of sailors. The 
writer of Jamiul-lubab says that they are the 
nobles of Kufa. However that may be, they 
emigrated from their native home owing to 
the tyranny of Hajjaj bin Yusuf, and reached 
the coast of Hind (India) by sea. They settl- 
ed in the region of Konkan in the territory of 
the Mahrattas." 

Two Nait brothers Muhammad Sayyid 
and Gulam All who were in very poor circum- 
stances in the Konkan, sought service in the 
camp of the Emperor Aurangzib for entertain- 
ment as troopers. The elder, Muhammad 
Sayyid, was of short stature and ungainly in 
appearance and was first rejected ; but by good 
fortune, he got an effective amulet and there- 
by got favour in the eyes of the Emperor who, 
much to the astonishment of his officers, ap- 
pointed him to his service. 

"As days rolled on Muhammad Sa'id, from 
the position of a servant, found his entry into 
the group of mansabdars. With the title of 


Sa'adatullah Khan, he accompanied Dawud 
Khan, and was appointed to the post of Diwan. 
Thus, he grew prosperous day by day- In the 
subah of Arcot, he was for twenty years Naib 
to the Nazim and for five years Nazim. The 
fame of his administration was sung for 
twenty-five years on the whole. He devoted 
his high purpose to the welfare of the creation 
and to the organisation of his army- He was 
a follower of the Twelve Imams, and had faith 
in the sect of Ja'far. He had in his heart the 
interests of his relatives and the members of 
his family. He invited them from Konkan 
and bestowed on them jagirs and forts. His 
younger brother, Ghulam AH who was at the 
court of the Padshah, was granted the jagir 
of Vellore, and given the title of ' Khan.' He 
tried to comfort and console the poor, the 
orphan and the needy. The people regarded 
his days as the best of the past, and were of 
one accord in praising the justice of his nizCi- 
nwt. He had no issue, and so adopted one of 
the sons of his uncle and named him * Khan 
Bahadur. 1 Then, the mizim of his soul (ruli) 
left the nizamat (of the kingdom) of his bor- 
rowed body."" 4 

* The Tuzuk-i-W<ilajahi Part I. tr. by Dr. S. M. H. 
Nainar: pp. 68-9. 

Our chronicler, Narayanan, is equally enthusiastic 
in his praise of the justice and equity and also of the 


Muhammad Sayyid Khan appointed one 
Dakhin R6y as his deputy and got many fav- 
ours for his own men. The Emperor sent him 
a man sab of 3,000 men and also the title of 
Sadatullah Khan. He proved a good admin- 
istrator in the Carnatic by keeping himself 
on good terms with his neighbouring rulers 
and by the proper collection and remittance 
of revenue to the Mughal government of th<; 

cleverness of Sadatullah. His words are worth repeat- 
ing. "Sayyad (Sadatullah) Khan carried on his admin- 
istration appointing Roy Dakhiniray as his dnran. He 

got for his elder brother, Ghulam Ali Khan the" killedari 
of Velur by recommending to the head-quarters and 

obtaining their furma-n and fast ifwtnua. Ghulam Ali 
Khan thus got the kiUvduri of Velur with a manxob of 
one thousand. He also wrote his reports and obtained 
the necessary far man a and iasvisnrnnd in favour of the 
kiUtdars of his own choice for the Karnatakghad, Kai- 
lasghad, Wandiwash, Timiri, and other places in the 
Karnatak. The Padusha accordingly sent to Sayyad 
Khan a mansab of 3,000 and the title Sadat-ullah 
Khan. Nawab Sadatullah Khan proved a good admin- 
istrator of the Karnatak, keeping himself on good terms 
with the jaahirdars of the Karnatak and the Rajas of 
Trichinopoly, Tanjore, Madura and Venkatagiri, collect- 
ing from them the due pexhkash as well as the other re- 
venues from the sircar taluks according to the establish- 
ed arrangements. He collected the dues with justice and 
remitted the dues to the head-quarters along with the ac- 
counts as the fixed time. He also managed to be on 
good terms with the officials of the diu'unn office (mute- 
adis) by means of gifts, tukhrlr and paridana. While 
everybody concerned spoke well of him, the Padusha 
was greatly pleased with him as a very efficient admin- 
istrator, fully justifying the expectations of his youth as 
very intelligent young man. 


After the retirement of Daud Khan, 
Sarup Singh was confirmed in his office by 
Sadatuljah Khan and by his diwan Dakhin Roy. 
Sarup Singh seems to have affected some 
measure of independence during the con- 
fusion that followed the death of Aurangzib. 
As the new Emperor, Bahadur Shah, was 
troubled on all sides by the Marathas and the 
Rajputs, and by the Sikh and the Jat risings 
in the subahs of the Punjab and Agra re- 
spectively, Sarup Singh was able to assume a 
truculent attitude and began to evade the 
payment of the usual tribute. In the reign of 
Farrukh Siyar when the Sayyid brothers were 
dominant, this loss of revenue was felt and 
Sarup Singh was ordered to arrange for 
payment of arrears. Sarup Singh could have 
managed to pay up the arrears with his enor- 
mous income of 12 lakhs of pagodas a year. 
He seems to have evaded all payment of the 
arrears and died in 1714 without settling the 
question. Sarup Singh not only evaded pay- 
ment of the usual peshkash or n.azar, but also 
took forcible possession of the khalixa villages 
of the xurkar and openly and continuously 
disregarded the orders of the faujtJar with 
respect to these matters. Sadatullah Khan 
continued patiently for some time ; and when 
nothing would come out of his repeated warn- 
ings, he intimated the situation, according to 


the chronicler, in his report to the Padshah 
(Emperor) and sent a separate statement that 
Sarup Singh's arrears of payments due to the 
faujdari amounted to 70 lakhs of rupees, with 
accounts filed in proof of his statement. Fur- 
ther, we read in the Chronicle that the Emperor 
examined the accounts and was assured of the 
continued and defiant default; he thereupon 
ordered the agent of Sarup Singh at court to 
be arrested and directed that he might write to 
his master immediately to pay up the arre- 
ars to the Nawab of the Carnatic. Having 
learnt of these proceedings and of the endeav- 
our made by Nawab Sadatullah to prove his 
case and to persuade the imperial diwani 
office to take severe measures against the 
defaulter, Sarup Singh became " sorrow-stric- 
ken and falling ill, died sometime later." * 

In the beginning of reign of Farrukh Siyar, 
Sarup Singh had been a defaulter for ten 
years and the Nawab of Arcot had reported to 
the Padshah that the arrears amounted to 70 

* " When some nobles at the imperial court spoke in 
favour of Sarup Singh, Tipudas, the agent of Sadatullah 
Khan "worked through the agency of the court darfiyah 
Kutbu'ddin, undertaking to pay two lakhs of rupees to 
the durbar for expenditure through the Hukkansi Kasi- 
das' business-house ;" he "also filed a dnrkhaxt. in these 
terms at the huznr office. Having seen these the 
Padushah sent a farmatt informing Sadatullah of this and 
issued orders on these terms to Sarup Singh." 


lakhs- A letter from Madras written to Eng- 
land on January 31, 1714, says : " We have 
lately found that the country round about is 
peaceable and that the Raja of Gingee, Sarup 
Singh, is lately dead and a new Governor is 
expected to succeed him." * 

According to the popular ballad of Desing, 
Sarup Singh is not mentioned as the father of 
Desing, but one Terani Singh is mentioned 
therein. Terani Singh ruled Gingee conjoint- 
ly with his brother, Tarani Singh, whose 
father is mentioned as one Sura Singh. 
Though Narayana Pillai's account ou^ht to 
have contained the information furnished by 
the ballad, we do not find the mention of 
Terani Singh and Tarani Singh as being re- 
lated to Raja Desing at all- The ballad refers 
to the story that Terani Singh, who was im- 
prisoned at Delhi, was absolved of his arrears 
of tribute by his son Desing, who by taming 
a wonderful horse of the Emperor, was able 
to secure his release. The Fort St. George 
records do not mention anything about the 
imprisonment of Desing's father and his re- 
lease by the efforts of his son. 

Sarup Singh from the English Records 

The name of Sarup Singh is written vari- 
ously as Surop Singh, Seroop Singh and 

*~Dcspatrhe* to England, 1111 1714, page 191. 



Syr66p Singh, in the Madras records. They 
contain the correspondence between the 
Councils of Fort St. David and Fort St. George 
and their despatches to England about the 
events that took place concerning them. 
These records furnish abundant information 
about the relations between the English 
Company and Sarup Singh. Narayana Pillai's 
Chronicle does not give much information 
about Sarup Singh and the events of his 

It has been noted above that Sarup Singh 
was granted the jfighir of Gingee worth 12 
lakhs, consisting of eight parqanahs which 
included within their jurisdiction, Cuddalore, 
Tirupapuliyur and Manjakuppam. The juris- 
diction comprehended in hi&jaghir helps the 
reader to understand the struggles that took 
place between him and the Council of Fort 
St. David. 

We have already seen that the English 
Company purchased Fort St. David, then 
known as the Fort of Devanampatnam, near 
Cuddalore, from Rama Raja, the Maratha 
ruler of Gingee, iir June 1690 after long 
negotiations. Sarup Singh's jflghir included 
the villages adjacent to Fort St. David also. 

Sarup Singh rented his parganahs at 
favourable rates to the rich inhabitants living 
in his jaghir by giving them alluring promises, 


which he, however, never kept- Hence the 
relationship between the renters and Sarup 
Singh in general were strained and unsatis- 
factory. In accordance with the instructions 
of the Fort St. George Council, William Fraser, 
Chief of the Council of Fort St. David, brought 
about, in 1700, an agreement between the rent- 
ers and Sarup Singh, who was obliged to give 
a farman of assurance and also substantial 
security to the said renters and a promise not 
to exact any more than what had been agreed 
upon in his cowles.* 

* " Thursday, 24th April.- -The Governor acquaint- 
ing the Council that this morning he received advice 
from Mr. Fraser at Fort St. David, that the Dutch had 
been at Conimeer a viewing, surveying, and measuring 
a Factory there that was formerly ours ; and that 
Dawood Khan's Mauldars were with them. So it is ra- 
tional to believe that the Dutch have a design to purchase 
it of this Nabob. To prevent which, for that it would not 
only bo a great inconveniency to our affairs at Fort 
St. David's, but likewise a great discredit to see a Dutch 
Flag hoisted upon our English settlement; it is resolved 
that the Governor writes a letter to Governor Conans, 
who is still at Sadraspatam, to acquaint him with what 
he hears, and if possible to prevent his making any fur- 
ther progress therein." This journey was postponed till 
after the departure of Daud Khan. 

" Thursday, 27th May. We being informed that 
Dawood Khan is coming to Chillambaram, near Fort St. 
David's, against which place we have just reason to fear 
he has ill designs; it is proposed by the President that 
he himself goes thither on the "Advice " frigate, with 
two of the Council of this place and the Secretary, and 
carry with them thirty men of this Garrison, and stores 
and necessaries for presents, which accordingly are order- 
ed to be provided." (Wheeler's Madras in the Olden 
Time, pp. 199-200). 

The first occasion of a quarrel of Sariip 
Singh with the Fort St. David Council was 
not, however, occasioned by any friction over 
the treatment of ihe renters. Sarup Singh 
seems to have threatened the English factors 
by hindering the free carriage of provisions 
and firewood to Cuddalore according to the 
Council's letter. (Letter to Fort St. George 
dated 8th April 1700). It ends thus : " The 
reasons for such an action are not knowii ; 
whether it be to amuse us or allure their 
friendship by a present." But for this event 
that took place in 1700, Sarup Singh had been 
maintaining peaceful relations with the 

Probably as a sequel of this, Nawab Dtlud 
Khan entertained an evil design on Fort St. 
David, in March-April 1701, which was believ- 
ed to be a plan to seize it by force and trans- 
fer it to the Dutch who were held to " have a 
design to purchase it of the Nabob/ 5 Soon 
this fear passed away. No other records are 
available to prove any enmity of Sarup Singh 
towards Fort St. David Coimcil before the 
year 1710 when troubles began on the 
question of the renters. We find in the 
despatches to England, dated October 1711, 
a reference made to the peace prevailing 
in the country before the war. It says : " We 
had enjoyed perfect peace with the people of 


Gingee- They never disturbed us, nor ever 
thought of doing so, till the faithless Governor 
of Fort St. David sacrificed the interests of 
the Company to his own filthy lucre by pro- 
tecting their just debtors and engaging his 
word to see them forthcoming, at the same 
time not only conniving at but contributing to 
their escape caused the troubles." This shows 
that there was unbroken peace between Sarup 
Singh and the English settlement of Fort 
St.' David before 1710. 

In accordance with his usual practice, 
Sarup Singh had rented the territories of 
Valudavur and Tegnapatam, the latter being 
circumjacent to the bounds of Fort St. David, 
to one Sheva Reddi Nayak and others who 
were having mercantile dealings with the 
Council at Fort St. David. These renters, 
having evaded their liabilities to Sarup Singh 
and failing to get satisfaction from one 
Gabriel Roberts, the then Governor of Fort 
St. David, who stood security for them, cap- 
tured Lieutenant James Hugonin and Ensign 
Ray, two officers of the garrison, confined 
them within the fort at Gingee and treated 
them with great barbarity. In the course of 
an attempt at retaliation by the authorities of 
Fort St- David, some fatalities occurred and 
open hostilities ensued- 


Robert Raworth was sent to Fort St. 
David, as its Deputy Governor, with ships and 
reinforcements under Captain Roach. A smart 
action took place in August 1711 in which 
Captain Coventry and Ensign Somerville 
were killed. After further fighting matters 
were brought to a conclusion through the 
mediation of M. Hebert, the French Governor 
of Pondicherry, and the prisoners were releas- 
ed after a captivity of two years. Before 
news of the peace concluded between England 
and France in 1713 reached India, Hebert had 
mediated in the Gingee quarrel with success. 

A Detailed Account of the War 

Fort St. David and Cuddalore had been 
granted to the English Company by a cowle 
of Ramaraja in 1690, in preference to the high 
oidding of the Dutch who were rivals for the 
acquisition of the place. After the conquest 
of Gingee by Zulfikar Khan, whom the English 
helped with money, arms and gunpowder, he 
was pleased to confirm the grant of Ramaraja 
along with other privileges which were secur- 
ed by Mr. Elihu Yale through the mission of 
Messrs. Trenchfield and Pitt, 1 

1 Madras Diary of Minutes and Consultations, Febru- 
ary 1691, page 14. 

For the version of Sarflp Singh's people of the 
manner and growth of the English acquisitions, it will 


be of interest for the reader to study, verbatim, the letter 
of Hanumaji Pantulu to Serappa, the Company's mer- 
chant at Fort St. David, dated November 1711 and 
included in the Consultations of the Council of that 
settlement for November 28, 1711. 

" The Mogulls Dominions reach from Ramesharum 
to Europe, and Serup Sing under soe great a prince 
Commands to the amount of twelve Lack of Pagodas, 
Early, and absolute Govr. of Chinjee, granted by the 
Mogulls Phirmaund, which includes Cuddalore, Trepopu- 
lore, Mangee Cupang, &c. Towns which intitleing us 
to a propriety of Claim, wee therefore, according to our 
Lawful I Title, are come to demand and discourse about 
fc em, soe that if you can produce any writeings Authen- 
tick that nominates your Title, desire you'l produce 4 em, 
and wee shall act accordingly, but can't show us any 
such writeings, you have settled yourselves at Tevena- 
patam and secur'd yourselves all the Towns under it by 
your Craft and Bribery hitherto, makeing yourselves 
Masters of bounds and to the time enjoying the product, 
but wee can't any longer suffer such doeings, and now 
make our demands on your bounds, conformable to our 
grant from the Great Mogull, wee are assur'd you have 
noe Lawfull Title, and by your Subtilty have infring'd 
and imposed (as an Enemy) on the Great King. Your 
revenues amount to twelve thousand Chuckroms per 
Annum, and doe farther declare that whosoever opposes 
our takeing possession of Cuddalore and Tevenapatam 
are Enemys to the Great Mogull, and for every horse 
that may be lost on such occasion, must be answerable 
ten thousand Pagodas, to which I call the following 
Evidence, and take their Attestations to forward the 
Great MogulL demonstrating the impositions you have 
been guilty off. to say Caune Guoy Deskemouke Darroga 
Mooshareeff Buxee Busaude, 'tis well known the Mogull 
Labour'd twelve years and at an immense Charge to 
Conquer Chingee Country to install Surop Sing, and 
your purchase was in the time of the Morrattas trouble, 
and by firing your Gunn extended your bounds as Cud- 
dalore to the Southward and Whichemeer to the North- 
ward, and the Town of Trepopulore you gott by Bribery, 
which is worth two thousand Chuckroms per annum, 
and your being there seems purposely to encroach on 
the King's Countrey, which will involve all your Sea 

Ports in irreparable trouble, your proper place is only 
Tevenapatam, but you have for these twelve years 
enjoy'd forceably ten Towns, besides thats worth twelve 
thousand Chuckroms yearly, which wee shall now 
demand by Virtue of the Kings Phirmaund on our heads, 
when you'l know better and can only compare you to the 
Fuckeers of the country, who make a Trade of begging 
and are generally the greatest thieves imaginable, soe 
you in the name of Merchants are destroying and turn- 
ing utter enemys to the Mogul 1, but as wee eat the 
Kings salt you shall find how we'll serve you now, in 
the Waldore Country, you have destroy'd forty towns 
and fifty thousand Chuckroms of Paddy and Yembolum 
Pandar, a man unarm 'd and praying to God, with thirty 
men was kill'd, and plunder'd to the amount of ten 
thousand Pagodas, there people went to the Duans 
Brother with the complaint and he wrote to Surop Sing 
to gett 'em the money again, and you plunder'd Laula 
Deepsa, .whose horses and money you are po?ses'd off, 
and want to know in what manner you can acquit your- 
selves of this, and because wee came to demand our due of 
twelve thousand Chuckroms yearly on your bounds, you 
runn into our Country and burn and plunder above one 
hundred thousand, the occasion of our enlargeing see is 
upon the Accot. of your inviteing us in a friendly man- 
ner, and keeping us forty days, thought was oblig'd to 
write, ought to have been done before, therefore send 
your answer what you think proper. This is the Mogulls 
Affair and allthough you may think to fee and acquire 
an accommodation by other means, you may depend it 
will never doe, and whoever may undertake being a 
Mediator will all ways have reverence to our just pre- 
tences, which are in writeing, and be only a great ex- 
penCB to yon, soe that if you'l quietly resign to us or 
lett us peaceably take possession of Cuddalore and Tre- 
populore &ca. what you plunder'd in the Waldore 
Country, Damage to Yembolarn Pandar, Shevenaigue 
Reddoes Debt of Eight thousand Chuckroms and its in- 
terest, and on our delivering Veraugoo Redde to Armittu 
Pillu, (who is the security for six thousand Chuckroms) 
you must make him pay the money and interest as alsoe 
the Charges of our Camp and then wee shall be very 
peaceable, otherwise shall remain here, being come on 
purpose to visitt you, soe wou'd advise you to keep your 
forces in usuall good order." 


Now Sarup Singh's jaghir extended as far 
as Cuddalore and Tegnapatam and he had 
rented out some portions of his estates to 
some inhabitants who lived within his bounds, 
but who had also mercantile and money deal- 
ings with the English at Fort St. David. In 
the paticular case over which the quarrel 
broke out, Sarup Singh had rented out the 
Valudavur and Tegnapatam, (alias, Fort St. 
David) countries to oneWoodga Naik who lived 
in Fort St. David J and who was helping in ac- 
quiring cloth for the Company's investment, 
in 1708 A.D., according to information contain- 
ed in the letter from one Sheva Naik, son of 
Woodga Naik, embodied in the Fort St. David 
Consultations for 1713. He seems to have been 
in arrears, as we find in the above letter that 
the Naik was complaining to the Council of 
Fort St. David about the troubles persistently 
caused by Sarup Singh- The Fort St. David 
Council probably did not care to interfere 
on that occasion. The letter further says : 
" Shortly after my father's death, my mother, 
myself and brother, who could not understand 
any business, took leave of the Governor and 

1 (on- pa(/c 1*9). This Wodde Nague Reddi, as his 
name is spelt in the early records of the settlement, was 
a resident of the place even in 1697 when he reported to 
the chief d abash that some thieves were poaching about 
the neighbourhood, having come from Gingee with a de- 
sign to steal horses out of the Company's bounds (vide 
Consultation of the 18th October, 1697). 


resided outside the bounds." This shows that 
the renters evading their liabilities were 
allowed to escape by the Governor of Fort 
St. David who was then one Roberts. Sarup 
Singh was enraged at this and had several 
times in his letters demanded that Roberts 
should send up all the renters to him to en- 
able him to adjust their accounts and to realise 
the arrears. The renters had however been 
allowed to escape. Since Sarup Singh held 
that the English were responsible for the 
renters who had run away with his moneys, 
"by way of expediting a settlement," he 
carried away two European officers of the 
garrison of Fort St. David and confined them 
in his fortress, treating them with great bar- 
barity. The responsibility of Roberts is not 
sufficiently plain from the records- But the 
despatch to England of 5th October 1711 
says : " The injury being done on our side, 
legal satisfaction being demanded was not 
given at once where it ought." The letter 
moreover accused the Governor of complicity 
in their escape which led to the capture of the 
military officers by Sarup Singh and the resul- 
tant troubles. "The Raja however did not 
seize our people before he had several times 
demanded justice in a public manner both at 
Fort St. George and at Fort St. David and 
finding no means of notice taken of his de- 

- 379 

mands, proceeded to seize our men." Accord- 
ing to another record of August 1710 (Madras 
Diary Minutes and Consultations 1710, page 
81) we find that one Dubash Venkata Krishna, 
received 300 pagodas to permit Sheva Naigu 
Reddi and others to go out of their bounds. 
The dubush was asked to be secured by the 
Council later on. Probably this person had 
acted in concert with Governor Roberts in the 
escape of the renters. We find, later on, how 
Roberts was taken to task and ordered to 
compensate for the losses incurred during the 
war on account of his liability for the renters' 
escape. However, the renters' property had 
been confiscated, as a later letter of Sheva 
Naik demanded the restoration of his property 
and permission to live in Tegnapatam. 

Soon after the escape of the renters, a 
British ship which ran ashore between Fort 
St. David and Porto Novo was seized by 
Sarup Singh's men, while the Governor of Fort 
St. David had to recover the goods by force. 
Even in 1709, Sarup Singh had claimed the 
right of seizing wrecked boats and their car- 
goes within his bounds, though the Council 
held that such a claim was " contrary to 
several coicles and panuanax granted to the 
Right Honourable Company by the former 
and successive kings of the country and of 
late years from Zulfikar Khan." A consult- 


ation of the Fort St. David Council of 27th 
October 1709, says that they ordered Mr. Far- 
mer, Second in Council, to send out 12 soldiers 
and 20 peons and the owner of the wrecked 
boat which belonged to a sampan bound from 
Cuddalore to Madras and had been driven 
ashore a little to the north of the English 
bounds and to inform the captain of the 
garrison to send men so as to bring back the 
boat, avoiding hostilities. 

On the llth of June 1710, when Lieuten- 
ant Hugonin and Ensign Ray, two military 
officers of the Fort St. David garrison, went a 
hunting into the country beyond the bounds 
of the settlement, they were captured forcibly 
by a party of men and carried to the Valu- 
davur fort, distant about 20 miles from 
the place. We know already that Valu- 
daviir belonged to the Gingee jaghir. The Des- 
patches to England of the years 170J-J70J to 
(1710-1711, page 140), refers in detail to the 
above incident. "Mr. Haughton, one of 
covenanted servants of the Company, made 
his escape to Cuddalore and reported the 
event. Thereupon Montague, the then Deputy 
Governor, sent a party of men under Captain 
Vivers in vain." The poor captives had been 
taken to Gingee by that time. A Fort 
St. George letter of 28th June 1710, refers to 


the removal of the captives to Gingee. " Mat- 
ters are far from mending, that they are 
grown from evil to worse, relating to the 
captives whom you say are sent from Waldore 
(Valudavtir) to Gingee." The capture of these 
prisoners and the treatment accorded to them 
led to retaliations on the part of the Govern- 
ment at Fort St. David, which made the war 
continual and at the same time tedious and 
expensive for both sides, as can be seen from 
the records. The cause of the war is also re- 
vealed in a letter of Harrison, Governor of 
Fort St. George, whose rule was marked by 
military activity and the troubles with Sarup 
Singh. "Upon my arrival troubles had arisen 
with the government of Gingee, who seized 
some of the English and carried them pri- 
soners to Gingee on the occasion of some 
disgust of some former Governor, Gabriel 
Roberts/' ! The latter part of his letter re- 
veals the mercantile interests of the Company. 
"We are but a handful of people and our 
business is trade and therefore all quarrels 
with the Gingee government are extremely 
prejudicial to us and destroy the end for 
which we have settled in those parts." 2 

1 Madras Diaiy of Minute* and Consultations 1711. 
page 134. 

3 Ibitl. 

The treatment of the captives in Gingee 

The captives were barbarously treated at 
Gingee and the treatment that they received 
caused great resentment in the minds of the 
Fort St. David Councillors. The unfortunate 
officers, according to a letter of June 1711, 
" were detained at Gingee and loaded with 
heavy irons which continued so long that 
their feet began to swell extremely. The 
heart of that stupid inhuman creature, Sarup 
Singh is still so hardened that, notwithstand- 
ing the ruin of his country and people, it pre- 
vails on his obdurate temper, which will not 
be mollified except his avaricious humour be 
satisfied by money, which would be a very ill 
precedent and a great encouragement for 
others to follow." ] In* another letter written 
to Captain Roach, the captain of the English 
forces in the Valudavur country, 2 we get a 
reference to the position of the unfortunate 
captives. " It evidently appears that they do 
not intend to release the captives who are in 
misery and in irons and make continual com- 
plaints of hardship and barbarous usage they 

1 Letters to Fort St. George 1711, pages 51-52. 

2 The killa of Valudavur was under the charge of 
Mahabat Khan who actively assisted Sarup Singh in the 
measures taken against Fort St. David and who later be- 
came the faithful ally of Raja Desing in the latter's re- 
bellion against Nawab Sadatullah Khan. 


receive at Gingee under the Chaubauck and 
being forced to stand in the sun till they are 
almost faint and dead and not allowed a little 
water to refresh them." ] 

Futile attempts made to secure the release 
of the prisoners 

Several attempts were made by. the Coun- 
cil of Fort St. David to secure the release of 
the prisoners, A letter of August 1710 (Diary 
of Minutes and Consultations, page 110) refers 
to the fact that the governor of Gingee desir- 
ed a present of about 200 pagodas to be sent to 
him as a ransom for the release of the pri- 
soners. In November of the same year 
(Madron Diary of Minutes and Consultations, 
page 114) a present was sanctioned to be sent 
to Sarup Singh. The same letter explains 
the fact that " the present sent to the Gover- 
nor of Gingee to accommodate all differences 
relating to the captives at Gingee did not take 
effect as it was not accompanied by a letter 
from the Governor." 2 This reveals to us how 
arrogant Sarup Singh was. We shall see 
later on from the Madras records how much 
of a fright he was to the Council of Fort 
vSt. David on account of his wealth and power. 

1 Letter* from Fort St. George 1711, page 124. 

2 Page 121. ' 


At the same time, the Madras Council desired 
that a present of the value of about 150 pago- 
das be sent to the Diwan (of the Nawabi, 
perhaps Sadatullah Khan himself who was 
for long the Diwan), which was to be con- 
veyed by a vakil or an egib. It was also 
desired by the Madras Council that the 
Deputy Governor should write a letter to 
Sarup Singh, to go with the present which 
they sent from Madras (Consultation of the 
Fort St. David Council, dated December 9, 

In August 1710, a letter was written 
from Madras to the Deputy Governor of Fort 
St. David, empowering him to use all ways and 
means to give Sarup Singh's people all vexa- 
tions, if the unfortunate captives were not 
released. In February 1711, an agent also 
was sent to Gingee to demand the restoration 
of the captives. Neither the present that was 
sent nor the presence of the agent had any 
effect on Sarup Singh. The despatches to 
England of 1701-1711, refer to the above fact 
and further remark, that " the hungry officers 
about him who wanted to get something out of 
the bargain and who exercised some influence 
over him prevented his design." l The letter 
to Fort St. George of February 1711 refers 

1 Despatches to Enylund, 170 J 17 J i, page 141. 


to the futile endeavours of the English. 
"Though all fair means had been tried by 
sending a present and also an agent to dis- 
course with him about his demands and hav- 
ing waited two months for an answer there 
was no prospect of release. It is quite evident 
that he unjustly demands money and he will 
not clear our captives by fair means which 
has been sufficiently experimental. Therefore 
we hope that your honour will think of some 
proper methods to force him into a compli- 
ance." l 

Measures of retaliation by the English 

Towards the end of February 1711, an 
attempt was made by the Deputy Governor of 
Fort St. David to seize some chief men of the 
Gingee government who happened to be in the 
neighbourhood of Fort St. David, at the villa- 
ges of Pandasolanallur, Ramapuram and 
Allanganattam. " Some of the chief men of 
the Gingee government were at Pandasolanal- 
lur, near the bounds of Fort St. David and in 
their endeavour to seize some of them in com- 
pensation for the long detained captives at 
Gingee, three men were killed." 2 This event 
made the English apprehend trouble. The 
same letter contains a demand for provisions, 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, nil, pages 11-12. 



stores and ammunitions with a request for 
their quick despatch. 100 soldiers and 50 peons 
under the command of Gunner Hugonin were 
sent out for the purpose. The captain was 
ordered that if he could not seize those per- 
sons, he could seize such as he thought proper 
in the Valudavur country, but avoid bloodshed 
with Mahabat Khan unless it should be that 
44 if any come to oppose you, then to repell 
force by force/' A wokhasiidar of Sarup Singh 
died in an affray with the English troops ; and 
one, Mohan Singh, was captured and ordered 
to be kept a prisoner. Hugonin himself had 
to wrestle hard with a Moor who was killed 
by a gunshot by his companions ; he hastened 
to file a petition to record the incident lest it 
would be " a handle to revengeful people to 
stain my reputation by laying it to my 
charge ; " and so great was the fear of the Coun- 
cil that all the bastions and outposts of Fort 
St. David were duly secured with troops who 
were stationed in the block-houses and re- 
doubts at Cuddalore, Tirupapuliyur and Bandi- 
palayam. 1 The letter of February 25, 1711, 
relates to the unfortunate accident of the 
English soldiers killing three of Sarup Singh's 
people. It says: "Since writing the letter, 
Mahabat Khan of Valudavur was making 

1 For the report of Hugonin and the disposition of 
the troops to protect the fort, see the Fort St. David Con- 
sultations of February 24th, 1711. 


great preparations to come against the Eng- 
lish ; " and it ends with a request for recruits. 1 
Mahabat Khan had already demanded of the 
English that they should not make any at- 
tempt into the Gingee country. 2 News was also 
received that the envoys who went to Gingee 
with letters and presents to Sarup Singh, had 
returned, having been frightened by threats 
that their lives would be endangered. 

Chola Naik, the new friend of the English 

In February 1711, one Chola Naik, a great 
poligar near Gingee, being an enemy of Sarup 
Singh, sought the protection of the English, 
for some of his people at Tirupapuliyur, (the 
western portion of the modern Cuddalore 
N.T.). The Council seem to have granted his 
request by a promise to send forces to do 
damage to the Gingee country. 3 The English 
at Fort St. George, though they permitted 
the poligar to come to terms with the Fort 
St. David Council, warned the latter to have 
a watch over him lest he should join Sarup 
Singh. 4 In March 1711, a letter was written 
to Captain Roach, leading the English 

1 Madras Diary and Consultation Book, 17 It, page 

3 Ibid. 

s Letters to Fort St. Georyc, 1711, page 16. 

4 Ibid page 120. 


forces in the Valudavur country. It referred 
to the detention of the captives at Gingee 
despite the various just means taken to effect 
their release and concluded with the following 
words : " Nothing but force will obtain their 
enlargement and reinstate the English to the 
good opinions of the natives and for which 
reason you are ordered to march into the 
Valudavur country, and to use all manner of 
hostility." l By 24th March 1711, Captain Roach 
and Captain Courtney had been despatched to 
the Valudavur country to undertake all acts 
of hostility. The losses of the enemy in horse 
and foot were considerable. Several villages 
and a quantity of paddy were also reported to 
have been burnt. The destruction took place 
in the face of the enemy. The country was 
damaged again so that all means were tried 
to make Sarup Singh listen to reason and 
release the captives. 2 The poligar Chula 
Naik, who had become the friend of the 
English previously, also joined in the 
plunder of the country. 3 In spite of these 
skirmishes and the losses that Sarup Singh 
incurred, the captives were not released. The 
letter of April 17, 1711, shows that Sarup 
Singh, or at least the officers under him, were 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, nil, page 124. 

2 Ibid, page 121. 

3 Ibid, page 122. 


so unbending that the captives would be 
released only on the payment of the very 
heavy sum of 30,000 chuckrams. On May 16, 
1711, a party of soldiers was sent to prevent 
the plunder of the Valudavur country, as it 
was then the season of ploughing and sowing 
the obstruction of which would mean a con- 
siderable loss of revenue. Even this harsh 
measure on the part of the Fort St. David 
Government did not soften the heart of Sarup 
Singh. The letter of Fort St. George of Maj^ 
18, 1711 says : " Your troubles have given us a 
great anxiety of thoughts and had not the 
good effect we designed, to bring that savage 
inhuman shape to a compliance in spite of 
your successful skirmishes." l Hence the 
Council of Fort St. George had to give 
discretionary powers to that of Fort St. David, 
to send out another party of men into the 
Valudavur country, to impede the people 
ploughing and sowing, for himself to reason 
or to run the hazard of the ruin of his coun- 
try." L ' The luckless peasants of the entire 
country were wholly ruined by the English 
forces, and yet Sarup Singh could not be 
moved. :< In July 1711, the action of the 
Fort St. David Council was debated by the 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, 171!, page 122. 

3 Ibid. 

* IWd, pp. 122-124. 


Council of Fort St. George, who felt that the 
former had acted in several respects most 
injudiciously and that great disorder prevailed 
among the garrison. An attempt was at the 
same time made to get the services of 
M. Hebert, the French Governor of Pondi- 
cherry, in an endeavour to patch up a re- 
conciliation with Sarup Singh; and Checca 
Serappa, the Company's Chief Merchant at 
Madras, promised to use his good offices also 
and to render assistance to the Fort St. David 
Governor in ending the present troubles; 
and as he was known to be a crafty and 
cunning fellow and consequently of use to the 
Company, he was allowed to accompany the 
Governor. It was decided to send Ralph 
Raworth, a member of the Madras Council, 
with five English ships, to put a speedy end to 
the war- Raworth landed at Fort St. David 
on the 10th August, 1711 and immediately 
took charge as its Deputy Governor. 

Progress of the war under Raworth . 
July 1711 to May 1712 

On arriving at Fort St. David, Mr. Raworth 
found that his immediate predecessor, Mr. 
Farmer, had ordered the destruction of a large 
quantity of grain and a large number of villa- 
ges of th'e Gingee government and this need- 
less act of destruction had only intensified the 


exasperation and raised the demands of Sarup 
Singh. The Indian merchants complained of 
the scarcity of paddy and of the dearness of 
cotton and it became necessary to send a 
yatch northward to procure grain, while the 
renters had run away and could not be persu- 
aded by any inducements to return. 

On August 16, 1711, a desperate fight took 
place between the troops of Fort St. David 
and the forces of Gingee near the bounds of 
the English settlement. There was a brisk 
firing from the enemy whose forces consisted 
of 400 horse and 1,000 foot under Mahabat 
Khan, while the English troops were under 
the command of Lieutenant Coventry and 
Ensign Somerville.* The latter proved a 

* Somerville's conduct was so base that it is inter- 
esting to read the following account of it from the 
general letter of the Council to Fort St. George : " This 
treacherous and rascally example of an officer so de- 
spirited the men that they immediately followed it, break- 
ing their ranks he met his fate at last, being taken 

by four horse-keepers, which first tied him to a tree and 
with a crooked knife cut off his head that cowardly 
wretch making such submissions for the preservation of 
his life that will ever be a scandal to our Englishmen, 
for he not only used submissive expressions, but likewise 
fell down upon his face, eating the grass that the mean 
fellows trod on, which is amongst these country people 
as much as to say I am your slave and will be for the 
future as submissive as your dog, or any other beast that 
belongs to you." Mr. Garstin puts down this encounter 
as having occurred on the llth August. The fight occur- 
red on the night of the 16th, when the enemy entered the 
bounds and took possession of the walls of Whichimeer 
and Roach had to advance, sending a body of men under 
Coventry and Somerville to meet the enemy. 


coward by running for his life, while the for- 
mer showed extraordinary courage on the 
occasion, though in the end he had to succumb, 
his body being twice lanced and once shot 
through. Captain Roach was attacked on all 
sides and was left only with 40 men, many 
peons and even officers having fled. The loss 
of the enemy was computed to be 140 or 150 
men killed and wounded, besides horses. The 
Council lamented the unhappy fate of Captain 
Coventry and the shameful behaviour of 
Ensign Somerville. Mahabat Khan of Valu- 
davur was the captain of the Gingee forces ; he 
was skilful in pulling away his horsemen as 
they fell and thought it best to withdraw 
from pursuit when Roach reached the walls 
of the fort. The letter of August 18, 1711, 
attributes the misfortunes to Somerville who 
fled and was deservedly killed. 

Raworth was sent to make peace; and 
before he left for Fort St. David he was told 
that no money should be spent at all in effect- 
ing a settlement. But letters now reached 
Fort St. George requesting money and presents 
of various kinds to Sarup Singh's envoys who 
had come down for a peace. 1 The terms off- 
ered for peace were put at 6,000 chuckrams 

1 Minutes and Consultations of Fort St. George 1711 , 
page 141. 


per annum and a decision was urged by 
Raworth for if the ambassadors were allowed 
to return to Gingee and come again, it would 
cost double the money. 

A letter of 4th September 1711, relates to 
the old age of Sarup Singh, to his administrat- 
ive and other difficulties and to the attempts 
made to secure peace without payment. " We 
have sent him a letter, being willing to try all 
means possible rather than think of giving 
money." The English also hoped to take ad- 
vantage of his old age and other troubles in 
persuading him to end the war. " It is most 
certainly true that the extraordinary charges 
he had incurred to carry on the war, besides 
the damage done to the country, had so im- 
poverished him that he could not pay his 
troops and men were forced to plunder for sub- 
sistence which they daily do with the utmost 
severity .... We hope this would bring our 
forces against him and the war would end." l 
A letter of the 8th September 1711, sent from 
Fort St. George, asked Raworth to make peace 
as soon as possible so that "investment might 
go on briskly." It said : " We approve the 
project of carrying the treaty to Gingee if you 
cannot get it to Fort St. David which would be 
much for your honour and interest. We hope 
you will find means to put an end to the war 

1 Letters to Fort St. GYo/v/f. 1711. page 85. 



speedily so that investment may go on 
briskly." i 

Governor Harrison of Madras thought it 
politic to lay the whole matter before Nawab 
Zulfikar Khan himself in the hope that his 
interference might mollify Sarup Singh. His 
letter, dated llth October 1711, was addressed 
to His Excellency Zulfikar Khan Bahadur 
Nasrat Jang, Bakshi of the Mughal Empire 
and begged that the English might be excused 
and might be allowed to live in tranquillity 
and peace in their small factories.'* 2 

1 Letters from Fort St. George, 1711, page 11. 

2 " While your Excellency lay with your army at 
Ginjee, I understand you were pleased to issue out your 
Purwanna for securing to us our privileges at Tevena- 
patam (Fort St. David). Upon my arrival here I found 
that place (Fort St. David) in trouble ; Serope Singh hav- 
ing seized some of the English there and carried them 
prisoners to Ginjee, on occasion of some disgust given 
him by a former Governor. We are but a small handful 
of people, and our business is trade ; and, therefore, all 
quarrels with the Government is extremely prejudicial 
to us, and destroys the end for which we settle in these 
parts. Since my coming I have laboured all I could to 
compose this difference, but to my great trouble, it hath 
hitherto proved ineffectual. If this war comes to be re- 
presented at Court, no doubt but Serope Singh's agents 
will do it as much to our disadvantage as they can. I, 
therefore, humbly beg of your Excellency, that if any 
complaint be made against us on this subject that you 
will be pleased to excuse the matter, and that we desire 
nothing more than to live in tranquillity and peace in 
our small Factories. And if your Excellency would be 
pleased to procure us His Majesty's Hosbulhocum to 
Serope Singh, to let us live in quiet and mind our trade, it 
will be a singular service to your petitioner, and which 
he shall always retain a greatful sense of." 


The prospects of peace seemed to be in 
sight by llth September 1711, as we find from 
a letter of the same date. " We have a better 
prospect of peace than ever and only wait for 
a letter from Gingee to know what the terms 
are." } A letter of 27th September 1711, speaks 
of the prisoners having been freed from irons 
in their prison at Gingee. Moreover, there 
had been no further skirmishes after that in 
which Captain Coventry fell. " Our prisoners 
are out of irons which looks as if the enemy 
were inclined to peace- We have had no fur- 
ther skirmishes ever since the action of 
Coventry and Somerville." 2 

When terms of peace were offered by 
Sarup Singh and forwarded to Fort St. David, 
the Council at that settlement submitted to 
Governor Harrison and the Fort St. George 
Council these conditions, with their own re- 
mark that they were so much in excess of the 
renters' dues. Governor Harrison made very 
justifiable remarks in comment on the whole 
course of affairs, passing severe strictures 
upon the conduct of the subordinate council. 

"It is most certainly true that Sarup 
Singh could not before in justice demand 
more of us than the Renters' debt, and not 

1 Letters to Fort St. Ge<>r<n>. 1771, page 89. 

2 Ibid, page 98. 


that neither because Mr. Roberts was their 
security when they run away, not the Com- 
pany; but the destruction of fifty or sixty 
thousand pagodas worth of grain, about fifty- 
two villages and towns, among which was his 
favourite town Yembollum, and killing the 
Pandarrum; these are things which really 
make his demands carry too much justice 
with them; and we heartily wish the differen- 
ces may be composed, and so happily settled 
as before the commencement of this war. 
Without your permission though to disburse 
something considerable out of the Company's 
cash, we shall not ask it till we find an abso- 
lute necessity." 

" We (the Governor and Council of Fort 
St. George) cannot but observe with a great 
deal of concern the unaccountable folly and 
ill management of these gentlemen through 
the whole course of this affair; but most 
particularly in this article. For after they 
had sent out all their forces, without any 
orders from hence, to burn and destroy all the 
country and grain round about them, em- 
powered by a single order signed by Mr- Far- 
mer only, they now as good as tell us in 
some many words, that the unlawful depreda- 
tions they have committed really make Sarup 
Singh's demands carry too much justice with 
them; and shamefully confess that they are 


afraid they shall be necessitated to ask us to 
disburse something considerable out of the 
Company's cash. Mr. Farmer and his then 
council would have done very well to have 
considered this inconvenience before they pro- 
ceeded so rashly on their own heads." 1 

These observations of Governor Harrison 
show that Sarup Singh was, on the whole, on 
the right side, while real injury had been done 
by the Council of Fort St. David. In the 
despatch to England of 5th October 1711, we 
find the same accusation charged on the 
authorities of Fort St. David- " It is a very 
different case; the injury being committed on 
our side, legal satisfaction was not given 
where it ought." 

A letter of November 1711 (Madras 
Minute* and Consultations 1711, pp. 149-150) 
refers to the money demand of Sarup Singh. 
He demanded 30,000 chuckrams in return for 
Padirikuppam, Tiruvendipuram and C6rona- 
tham, all near the bounds of Cuddalore and 
renounced all other claims. " That the enemy 
cannot be brought to more moderate demands 
than 30,000 chuckrams or 16,600 pagodas. In 
consideration of which they will give three 
towns (above mentioned). . .that lay within and 
without our bounds. They likewise agree to 

Garstin's South Arcot Manual, pp. 40-41. 


renounce all claim to our bounds and all pre- 
tensions whatsoever with the usual presents 
of horses and vests." Then the letter refers 
to the expensive nature of the war costing 
about 4,000 pagodas a month, besides a quan- 
tity of stores and provisions. The inhabitants 
deserted the bounds and the merchants were 
not entering into contracts with the company 
due to the war. 

The Council at Fort St. George considered 
the terms of peace embodied in the letter of 
November 1711 and found that the amount de- 
manded was totally unreasonable and exces- 
sive and began to discuss about the worth- 
whileness of the purchase of the villages and 
about the probable revenue which they might 
yield. They also considered the question of 
the security of the grant, as they feared that 
the next governor of Gingee might dispute their 
title to the places, as Sarup Singh himself had 
done now. 1 The state of the war in the Fort 
St. David area was fully debated at the Fort 
St. George Council and held to have cost them 
4,000 pagodas a month, besides various other 
bad effects. No rent had been received from 
the villages since the beginning of the war 
which became an intolerable charge- They 
further found that if the war continued many 

1 Madras Diary of Minnies and Consultations 1711, 
page 150. 


people would be shut up within the English 
bounds and grain and provisions would have 
to be supplied to them and many of the older 
inhabitants out of fear would also desert them. 
As a result of these things their trade would 
suffer. After thinking over the matter, the 
Fort St. George Council despatched a letter to 
Baworth, the Deputy Governor, consenting 
to pay off the renters' debts to the enemy, 
provided he did not molest them in the posses- 
sion of the grants he offered. "An entire 
renounciation of claim of all things within 
our bounds is a tender point to be handled; 
for his pretending to claim, after Ziilfikar 
Khan Bahadur's grant, is an undeniable 
reason why we should buy no grants of him ; 
since by the same rule the next Governor of 
Gingee may dispute our title to all we pos- 
sess, and by the same forcible means may 
compel us to pay what sum he pleases so that 
our title will always be precarious." l 

This anxiety for peace on the part of the 
Fort St. George authorities is best revealed 
in the letter that they despatched to Kaworth. 
" We are still of the same opinion for a speedy 
and honourable peace. We agree that Sarup 
Singh ought to be made satisfaction for the 
renters' debt and we should readily agree to 

1 Garstin's Manual, page 43. 


make Mr. Roberts pay for it, if it were in his 
power." The letter further relates that the 
Company should bear the charges that ought 
to be borne by its Governor, but they would 
attach the money belonging to Roberts and 
debit him for the remainder. 

. Minor troubles broke out before any peace 
could be concluded. The letters from Fort 
St. David relate to several of those troubles. 
A letter dated February 14, 1712, refers to the 
fact that all the forces of Gingee had arrived 
near Cuddalore and proceeded to the Tiruven- 
dipuram Vishnu pagoda, where they labour- 
ed, by means of offerings and oracles, to secure 
the blessings of the deity in their ventures 
against the Fort St. David forces. Having 
got no encouragement they returned dissatis- 
fied. 1 Some other minor engagements were 
also reported to have taken place. A force 
marched from Bandipalayam near Tiruppa- 
puliyur, when the commanding officers of the 
English garrison met them. They retreated^ 
with the loss of four men, to a small village 
which they had built for their shelter. An- 
other scuffle took place between Bandipala- 
yam and Tiruppapuliyur where a sergeant and 
twenty men advanced against them and killed 
six and wounded several. They retired with 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, 11 U, page 28. 


great precipitation and never gave trouble 
any more. 

Peace made in May 1712 

On the 10th of March 1712, the Fort 
St. David Council received a letter from 
Mon. Hebert, Governor of Pondicherry, who 
very civilly offered his services as a mediator 
to bring this ruinous war to a close. A cessa- 
tion of hostilities was agreed upon and Mr. 
Benyon was sent to Pondicherry to act con- 
jointly with Raworth during the negotiations 
and give him proper instructions. 1 

A letter of May 8, 1712, refers to a small 
break-down in the peace negotiations. The 
letter was from Hebert, who stated that his 
hope of the conclusion of peace was on the 
point of being shattered when he promised 
to give something more, that what Mr. Benyon 
said he was empowered to do. The treaty 
was signed on May 5, 1712, at a cost of 12,000 
pagodas to the Company, though it only 
meant 1,000 pagodas more than what Benyon 
was prepared to give. The enemy promised 
to keep quiet and stop all hostilities, and to 
send back the prisoners. 2 

1 Madras Diary of Minutes and Consultations, 171.2, 
pp. 42-43. 

2 Letters to Fort St. Georye, 17 U, page 78. 



Articles of the treaty that was signed by the 
Eort St. David Government and Sarup Singh 

The following articles of the treaty are 
from from the Fort St. David Consultations 
of May, 1712. 

A rticle L The Raja of Gingee shall grant 
to the English Company for ever, Tiruvendi- 
puram and its neighbouring area, which in- 
cluded Padirikuppam and Corunatham, to- 
gether with other lands granted to them by 
Ramaraja and since confirmed by Zulfikar 

Article 2* The Raja of Gingee shall make 
over the renters' debt to the English Com- 

Article 3. The English prisoners must 
be immediately released and delivered into 
the hands of the mediator, while the Eng- 
lish shall deliver theirs into their custody 
when the treaty is signed. 

Article 4. The Raja of Gingee shall make 
a present to the English Company and a 
teshariff to the value of 1,000 pagodas to be 
deducted from 11,000 pagodas. 

Article 5. There should be freedom of 
trade and merchandise in the Gingee country. 


Article 6. The peace should be lasting 
and durable and all past troubles ought to be 

Article 7. Anyone who violated the treaty 
obligations should suffer the consequences. 

Thus the long-desired peace was at last 
secured by the mediation of Hebert, the 
French Governor of Pondicherry. 

After the treaty 

A letter of May 5, 1712 T refers to the 
daily expectation of the return of the released 
prisoners from Gingee under Raworth, who 
hoped that the conclusion of peace would 
enable the country to enjoy tranquillity and 
peace and there would be no more interrup- 
tion of cultivation and trade by such troubles. 
Another letter of May 26 2 refers to the fact 
that Mr. Benyon had written that the prison- 
ers were delivered at Pondicherry and that 
the articles had come down from Gingee 
signed by Sarup Singh according to agreement. 

A letter of 30th April 1715 3 says that 
Benyon paid the expenses at Pondicherry 
during Hebert's mediation with Sarup Singh's 
people who were a numerous body. Hebert 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, 171.2, page 81. 

2 Ibid, p. 92. 

8 Despatches to England 1714-1718, page 81. 


got nothing from it, but a horse and vestments 
as a reward for his exertions. 

Causes that hastened the treaty. 

The operations against Sarup Singh had 
been tedious and expensive* From the Direc- 
tors' despatch from England which signified 
the approval of the terms of the peace arrived 
at, we get an idea of the losses caused by the 
war. " We have considered the war relating 
to Gingee, and the terms of peace along with 
the reasons for making it. Though the peace 
had cost us 12,000 pagodas, we are glad it is 
well over at last, for besides that money, it 
hath been a prodigious charge for us, as well 
in the continued expenses which has increas- 
ed to 5,000 pagodas a month and in the entire 
loss of the revenues of the villages, the 
hindrance of investment, besides the dubious 
events of the war. We believe you did your 
best in the whole affair including the negotia- 
tions." l 

The war had been very injurious to the 
investment and trade of the Company. We 
have already seen that, in the discussions that 
took place at Fort St. George on the proposals 
for peace, the authorities were convinced 
of the impossibility of protracting the war for 

1 Despatches from England 1713-14, pp. 16-17. 


various reasons. " They found that several 
stores and provisions had been wasted and 
no rent had been received from the villages. 
Moreover, the villagers had to be supplied 
grain and other necessaries, being shut up in 
the bounds during the war- Mariy inhabitants 
threatened to desert them and merchants 
who had made a contract could never trade." 

Moreover the depraved conduct of the 
soldiers and the disorders within their ranks 
had urged the necessity for a treaty. The 
despatch to England reveals the following 
information : " Not fear of ourselves but the 
preservation of the settlement was the only 
inducement to pay so much money for the 
fomented peace." In another portion of the 
above despatch are noted "the good conse- 
quences of peace and the consequent flour- 
ishing of the place." The English were thus 
very much concerned in maintaining the 
peace of the land in their own interest. 1 

1 " We expect good will ensue from the war so that 
the natives here and elsewhere shall have a due impres- 
sion on their minds of the English courage to maintain 
against so potent a prince, as the Raja of Gingee. 1 ' 
A letter from Fort St. David, dated July 1716, refers to 
the hardships of the renters during the war. 'The 
bound renter had petitioned to the English Government 
at Fort St. David with his list of grievances. He had 
purchased a cowle from Roberts, the then Deputy Gover- 
nor, who had to pay the prince for the war for which he 
was responsible. The cowle was granted for four years at 
5,000 chuckrams per annum which he paid regularly for 

The losses for Sarup Singh. 

Sarup Singh also suffered severe losses 
during the war, owing to the plunder of 
several of his villages by the troops of Captain 
Roach in the Valudavur and Gingee districts. 
He had suffered losses equally and perhaps 
more, due to these damages. A letter to Fort 
St. George dated 4th September 1711 1 refers 
to the extra-ordinary charges he had been at 
to carry on the war. "Besides the damage 
done to his country had so impoverished him 
that he could not pay his troops. He was forc- 
ed to give them leave to plunder for subsist- 
ence, which they daily do with the utmost 

The power of Sarup Singh. 

Sarup Singh was spoken of in the English 
records as a potent prince. A letter says: 
u We expect that goodwill may prevail among 
the natives, that they had shown great cour- 
age against so potent a prince as the Raja of 
Gingee." Another describes him as " a con- 
siderable prince and a Rajaput too. This 

the first two and a half years, after which the wars with 
Sarup Singh caused him great losses and hence (he) could 
not pay and the debts to the Company rose to 600 pago- 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, 77/7, page 85, 


Mughal's mother was of that family/ 5 * The 
Directors, while regretting the vast expenses 
of the war, wrote as follows: "You have 
been misinformed about the Raja of Gingee's 
power and strength and we cannot imagine 
why he should not have dared to seize our 
people in Pitt's time. We are opinion that 
Mr. Eraser's wrong notion of the power of 
Sarup Singh, encouraged him to let things go 
so far as they did. The present Raja is a 
tributary to the Mughal and has a consider- 
able revenue with which he maintains a 
strong force." 2 

Sarup Singh's death 1714 A.D. 

After the peace was signed on May 5, 
1712, tranquillity prevailed in the land and no 
more troubles arose between the English and 
the Gingee ruler. A letter of January 1714 
sent to England refers to the death of Sarup 
Singh. " We have only to add that the country 
round about is peaceable and quiet. Sarup 
Singh, the Raja of Gingee, being lately dead 
and a new Governor is expected to succeed 

A later letter of July 1714 says that the 
Gingee government was embroiled by the 

1 Despatches to England 1711-1714, para 87, page 7. 

8 Ibid, pp. 58-59. 

3 Despatches to England, 17 14-17 IS, page 5, para 29. 


death of Raja Sarup Singh and that the rest 
of the country was also full of troubles." l 

Sarup Singh probably died by the end 
of 1713 or in the beginning of January 1714. 
He was advanced in age when he died, for we 
read in a letter as early as 5th September 1711, 
wherein he is described " as having grown in- 
firm and that it is with great difficulty and very 
slowly he despatches any business." There 
prevailed a rumour that even in 1711 he was 
retired and that his son was to succeed 
him, "which will make the matter worse, 
he being a person of youth and activity." 
Another letter of the same year referred to 
the prevailing dissatisfaction with the admin- 
istration of Sarup Singh and the consequent 
rumour that a new governor was on his 
way to Gingee. Want of money forced him 
into permitting his troops to plunder the 
neighbouring districts, including those under 
Abdul Nabi Khan and Sadatuljah Khan 
himself. Porto Novo which had been given 
to the former was taken forcible possession of 
by the troopers of Sarup Singh who was anxi- 
ous to get the peace concluded with the Eng- 
lish before he expected to be superseded. 2 The 

1 Idid, para 29. 

2 Letter of Raworth to the Madras Council, dated llth 
September 1911 : " The Army continue plundering the 
Diwan's country and lately burnt one of his towns 


matter of his accumulating arrears to the 
Padshah who ordered rigorous measures for 
their recovery reached his ears ; and there- 
upon he became " sorrow-stricken and falling 
ill, died sometime after." Hence it is possible 
that Sarup Singh died at an advanced age 
towards the end of 1713. 

called Parsimungalam after having extorted two 
thousand pagodas from the inhabitants besides which 
they have taken possession of Porto Novo which is lately 
given to Abdul Nabi. These actions will undoubtedly 
exasperate both those Nawabs against them, if Sarup 
regin is continued, but last night we were informed as a 
certain truth that he was out and a new king on his 
way to Chingee, and that he has written to Mobet Khfin 
to get a small matter, if he cannot assume, of conse- 
quence from us, rather than leave the accommodation to 
his successor, but we fear this is too good news too be true. 
It is most undoubtedly fact that three hundred foot and 
sixty horse have left the service for want of pay, and 
that the rest is very much dissatisfied for the same reason 
so that all reports put together, we think we have a 
better prospect of peace than ever, and only wait for 
a letter from Chingee to know on what terms they are.'' 

The Period of Bundela Rule (2) 

(His Ten Months of Rule). 

(January 1714 3rd October 1714). 

We have to depend largely upon what we 
can gather from an examination of the Tamil 
ballad and the Mack. Mss. 1 for a clear account 
of the short rule of Raja Desing. The Madras 
records that give so much information for the 
rule of Sarup Singh, his father, do not repeal 
much about his son, Raja Desing. Probably 
the very short period of his rule is the cause 
of the lack of reliable material about him. 

1 The following is the account of Narayana Pillai, 
as translated by the learned Diwan Bahadur Dr. S. K. 
Aiyangar, in the Journal of Indian History, Vol. IX 
pp. 35-21. The account'seems to be on the whole mark- 
ed by clarity and by a certain amount of proper sequ- 
ence. Of course, Narayana Pillai was a native of 
Gingee and knew, more correctly perhaps than any 
other writer, of the affairs of this part of the Carnatic. 
As mentioned above in the course of this book, the Tamil 
of Narayana Pillai was a sort of brogue, " a sort of 
hybrid between bazaar Tamil and the official Hindustani 
written Tamil." Narayana Pillai does not show him- 
self a partisan of Desing, but on the other hand was 
more inclined to justify the attitude and conduct of 
Nawab Sadatullah Khan. "The narrative presented 
of Desing probably conveys all the correct history 
known of the hero and his short ten months' rule of 
Gingee." Beiew is given the account taken from the 
translation : 

" News of the illness of Sarup Singh reached the 
house of Sarup Singh in Bundelkhand. Desing (Tej 

- 411 - 

Singh), the son of Sarup Singh, immediatly started with 
his wife and fifty horse and attendants, and arrived 
at Bidanur (Bednur) in the Karnatak. At that time the 
Raja of Bidanur was much troubled by the Mahratta 
sardars between whom and himself frequent skirmishes 
were taking place. Having heard of Raja Desing's 
arrival, the Raja of Bidanur urged the friendship of 
Desing's father, Samp Singh, the killedar of Gingee, 
and persuaded Desing to render him assistance, by show- 
ing him letters received from Sarup Singh. After due 
consideration of the proposal, and on the representation 
of the chief officials of Bidanur who carried the letter, 
Raja Desing agreed to assist the Raja of Bidanur and 
attacked his enemies with his own forces. His contin- 
gent distinguished itself and succeeded in turning back 
the assailants. The Raja of Bidanur in return paid one 
lakh of rupees and made him a present, with great 
pleasure, of an extraordinarily good horse in his stables, 
which nobody had been able to ride before. The animal 
actually cost him twelve thouand rupees. Having 
heard the description of the horse, Desing proceeded to 
the stables and found the animal tame at his approach. 
Desing was able to ride the animal without any trouble 
and thus secured the present for himself in addition to 
money, dress and jewels. With all these, he arrived at 
Gingee. Sarup Singh had died in the meanwhile, while 
Desing was still on the way from Bundelkhand to 
Bidanur. Reaching Gingee, Desing performed the 
funeral ceremonies of his father and assumed authority 
as the killfidnr. The killcdari officials of Sarup Singh 
paid Huzar and acknowledged him as his successor ; 
while the Padshahi officials, such as the dhainath, 
the cukuacis and others did not pay the usual nozar. 
Knowing that Desing was a man of quick temper, nobody 
dared to intimate to him that he should not assume 
office without the orders of the Sarknr. Payya Rama- 
krishna, the caknaris, however, found a suitable 
opportunity some time afterwards to point out that he 
should assume office only with the knowledge of the 
Sarkar and with the orders of the Padshah where neces- 
sary. Failing this, he urged that he ought to obtain 
orders from Nawab Sadatullah Khan. 

" Desing replied that his father Sarup Singh got 
the mi rax of Gingee from his Padshah, Alamgir, and 


therefore he was not bound to apply to anybody else, and 
nobody's orders were therefore required. Payya Rama- 
krishna kept quiet and six months passed. 

" Sadatullah Khan had information of the death of 
Sarup Singh. But he did not send anybody to take 
possession of the government of Gingee. He wrote to 
Raja Desing, however, a letter of condolence on the 
death of his father. Desing was exercising his authority 
over all the taluks of Sarup Singh's jofjhir. In the 
meanwhile, there arrived from the Padshah two harkars 
to Arcot (the head-quarters of the Carnatic subah since 
the days of Daud Khan) carrying afarman to Sadatullah 
Khan, and orders to Sarup Singh (the orders that 
Farrukh Siyar issued in regard to the seventy lakhs of 
revenue due). Having read the farnuin from the 
Padshah, Nawab Sadatullah Khan called the slifrista- 
chir of the Padshahi, Lai a Todar Mall (Tamil Tondar 
Mall), and told him that Raja Desing was an irritable 
young man and therefore (he was) to proceed personally 
to Gingee and show him the takid fa-mum and the letter 
from himself and take possession of the fortress quietly 
and peacefully, as well as ihejaylrir lands attached thereto, 
and to send down Raja Desing. Todar Mall left Arcot at 
the head of fifty horse and the necessary equipage and, 
reaching Gingee, encamped himself near the temple of 
Venkatarama Swami constructed by Mutiyal Nayakan. 
The Padshahi officials of the fort, Payya Ramakrishna 
and others, came and visited him in camp. Todar Mall 
intimated to them that he was the bearer of the 
imperial far man to Nawab Sadatullah Khan and also the 
takid farman to killedar Sarup Singh. They examined 
the inayatnama and copies of the farnmn and conveyed 
the information to Raja Desing. Raja Desing gave them 
the reply that the fort and also the jaglrir attached 
thereto were given to his father by Alamgir Padshah, 
and that he was not prepared to give up the fort. Payya 
Ramakrishna in reply said that the farman from the 
Padshah and the inayatnama of the Faujdar were both of 
them brought to him by the mutsaddi who was encamped 
in Gingee. Whatever Raja Desing might have to say in 
this matter, he ought to speak to him. He pointed out 
that Todar Mall was a good man, as also was the Faujdar* 
Sadatullah Khan. They assured him that they would not 
take away the entire mfras from him, but that, if he saw 


Todar Mall and the Faujdar afterwards, they would con- 
firm him in the killedari. Payya Ramakrishaa there- 
fore impressed it upon him that he ought to go and see 
Todar Mall. Agreeing to this, Raja Desing at the head 
of his horse and all the necessary equipage of his 
father, went out riding towards the cremation ground of 
the Rajas near Melacheri. Turning round from there to 
the temple of Ghakraperumal on the bank of the river 
and turning towards the fort from there, the Raja came 
to the tent of Todar Mall. Todar Mall, seeing that the 
killedar was coming, went forward to meet him. Des- 
ing made his salutation, but without getting down from 
his horse. Todar Mall felt chagrined and returned to his 
tent. Desing proceeded on his way to the fort. The next 
morning, Todar Mall in his turn came on horseback and 
reached the court of Desing. Being a mild man, Todar 
Mall felt that he should not make much of the 'char- 
acteristic stupidity of the Bundela.' He approached 
Desing in due form and presented him the imperial 
farman and the Faujdar's inayatnama. When Desing got 
them read out to him, his eyes turned red and, becoming 
angry, he said that he would not allow his jacjhir to be 
taken possession of by Todar Mall. But if he persisted, 
it would result in the rolling of many heads. So saying, 
he threw down the farman of the Padshah and the fnayat- 
nama of the Faujdar towards Todar Mall. Todar Mall 
took up the documents and returned to his camp. The 
faujdari officials followed him to the camp and wanted 
orders as to how they should conduct themselves. Todar 
Mall instructed them to go on 'as ever before in the 
discharge of their various duties and sent them back. 

Todar Mall reported to Nawab Sadat-ullah Khan, the 
Faujdar of the Carnatic, that, if an attempt be made to 
take forcible possession of the fort, there \vas likely to be a 
fight for its possession, and pointed out that Raja Desing's 
confidence in the line of conduct that he had adopted was 
due to his possession of 350 horse of his own and 500 
soldiers belonging to his killa. On receipt of this letter 
the Faujdar set his army in motion and a review took 
place in the plains of Timiri. In the course of a month, 
the faujdari forces rose to 5,000 horse and ten thousand 
foot, besides contingents from Bangaru Yachamanayaka 
of Venkatagiri, from the Nayak of Kalahasti, from the 
Poligars, Bommaraja and other killedars^ the whole 


army totalling thirty thousand. The Faujdar, having 
collected all the necessary material for carrying the 
campaign to the uttermost, arrived at Ami. He was 
met there by the killed ar of Arni, Venkat Rao. 
Presenting the usual nazar and paying the pcxhkasli, 
he joined the Nawab with his contingent. After fifteen 
days' stay, the Nawab broke up his camp and reached 
Chetput, the kiUa of Salabat Khan who met him and 
made the payments due. He was in camp there for 
about ten days when Todar Mall joined him. In Gingee, 
however, Payya Kamakrishna, the raknmifi, and the other 
officials ofihefaujdari, pointed out to Raja Desing that 
the Faujdur was in full march, with his own army 
and auxiliary contingents, upon Gingee, that the Fciujdar 
was authorised to exercise control over all the killedurs, 
jaghirdars and Rajas of all the Carnatic and was 
authorized to receive tribute from them. ' Your father 
was given a iakid far man for possession of Gingee. It 
would not do for you to disregard all these, and to 
persist in the course of hostility adopted by you. Even now. 
if you would visit the Faujdur and pay your respects 
to him, he would recommend to the head-quarters and 
obtain the killedari for you. The Fattjdar is actually 
seen at the head of a large force. It is for you to judge 
on the basis of these facts and adopt a line of action con- 
ducive to your interests.' Raja Desing gave no answer 
to this remonstrance. The Nawab's forces encamped at 
Kadalimalai and entered the territory dependent on 
Gingee and set about plundering. The army gradually 
entered Gingee. The forces of the kiUcdari did not 
oppose the faujdar's forces. Seeing this. Raja Desing 
wrote to .his friend, the killedar of Valudavur, which 
belonged to the estate of his father, and obtained from 
him the assistance of his son Mohabat Khan and two of 
his friends at the head of fifty horse. On the arrival of 
these, Desing got ready and mounted his horse. Those 
that were well inclined towards him, pointed out to him 
that the omens were bad and that it was not proper that 
he should advance against the Faujdur's forces. Declin- 
ing the advice given, Desing went to his wife and told 
her that, in case he should not return, she ought to 
find means to protect her honour. He sent word to all 
concerned that the army of the Muhammadans was ap- 
proaching, and, advising those dependent upon him not to 


follow if they did not care, he set forward at the head 
of his guard on the road to Arcot. He was followed by 
200 horse and by Mohabat Khan. Without taking notice 
any of the Nawab's forces that met them, he reached 
the banks of Varahanadi, which was in full flood, as it 
was the month of Arppist. After waiting there for just 
a short while, he spurred his horse into the flood, follow- 
ed by Mohabat Khan and about a hundred horse, and 
reached the further bank of the river. The remainder 
of the force stood on the nearer bank alone. The 
river was not deep, and, even when it was in floods, 
it would be possible for them to cross it by waiting a few 
hours. But Desing had no consideration for these and 
marched foward at the head of his hundred horse against 
the Nawab's forces. Information of this having reached 
the Faujdur, he sent forward Daulat Khan at the head 
of a contingent with instruction to fight him and capture 
him alive, and himself got ready and mounted his 
elephant. Daulat Khan, seeing Desing's approach at 
the head of a slender force of about a hundred horse, 
ordered his forces to spread out and surround the small 
body coming against him, himself advancing with 
a view to capture Desing. Desing and Mohabat Khan 
attacked Daulat Khan's forces, and fought for some time 
vigorously till their troops lost fifty men each. Of the 
followers of Desing a few fled. Mohabat Khan and his 
two friends stuck close to Desing and remained with him. 
They fought hard killing a number of the enemy, till 
they themselves were killed in their turn. Desing, now left 
alone, was in terrible anger and wished to kill Daulat 
Khan who was on his elephant. Daulat Khan cried 
out to his troops not to kill Desing, but to capture him 
alive as that was the order of the Faujdar. So saying, 
he urged forward his elephant and made an effort to 
capture Raja Desing. Finding an opportunity in the 
course of manoeuvring, Desing spurred his horse, which 
got on to the side of Daulat Khan's elephant and rearing 
on its hind-legs, set its fore-legs on the flank of the 
animal. Desing simultaneously pierced Daulat Khan 
with his lance and turning round,quickly galloped towards 
Gingee. Even after the death of Daulat Khan, the 
Nawab- Faujdar still urged the soldiers to secure Desing 
alive and not to kill him, and moved forward on his own 
elephant. One of the men on the side of the elephant 


cutoff the fore-legs of Desing's charging horse. The horse 
fell and Desing became a footman. Even after this the 
Nawab would not well permit his men to kill him and 
wanted that he should be captured alive. He urged 
his elephant forward and brought it near Desing. He 
was followed closely by Bangaru Yachamanayaka on his 
own elephant similarly urging his men to capture Des- 
ing. One of the jam adars of this Nayak, 'holding his 
shield in front as a protection, approached Desing with a 
view to capture him. Desing transfixed him with his 
spear, when Yachamanayaka ordered that he be struck 
down. One of the sepoys that was ready with his gun load- 
ed and the burning wick lighted the fuse; and he was 
dead. The Nawab entered the fort carrying the dead 
body of Desing with him in the year Jaya, month Arpisi, 
date 2, corresponding to Fasli 1123, about an hour after 
sunrise (Sunday, 3rd October, 1714 O-S.). 

The Nawab entered Gingee and proceeded to the 
fort of Nazaratghad in Padshahbagh, and, having seated 
himself in the Kalyanamahalofihe late Sarup Singh, saw 
that the treasury and other places were secured and put 
under seal. All the officials of the Padshahi, the officers 
of the army that followed him, other amirs and rajas 
and the officials of the Nawab saluted the Faujdar and 
presented him nazar. In the fort itself, the Nawab 
secured the Baratkhana, the Ciiowkipara and other places, 
and sent word to the wife of Raja Desing and others 
in the palace, of his assumption of the government of the 
fort. Desing's wife sent back word that the Nawab was 
her father, and that she had no wish to continue to live 
after the death of her husband, and requested permission 
to become sati by ascending his funeral pyre. Finding 
her immovable in her resolution, the Nawab ordered 
everything to be provided for carrying out her wishes, 
and gave her the permission she sought. The cremation 
of the body of Desing and the immolation of his wife 
took place the next morning on the bank of the tank 
dug by Ram Shetty in the days of Rajaram. The funeral 
ceremonies were performed by the son of Alup Singh, a 
nephew of Raja Desing, at the expense of the Nawab's 
treasury. The followers of Desing, the Nawab ordered, 
were to continue to hold their places and remain as before. 
They, however, obtained the permission of the Nawab to 
raise a new town at the spot near Kadalimalai, where 


Few readers have not heard of the gal- 
lantry of the young Rajput ruler of Gingee, 
who took up an attitude of remarkable and 
reckless defiance towards Sadatullah Khan, 
the Nawab of Arcot. 

The Ballad of Raja Desing l is a folk-song 
of South India. It deals with the life and 
exploits of Raja Desing in a miraculous vein. 
Writing in his "Folk Songs of Southern 
India," Charles E. Gover says : * The sepoys 
of the British Army are fond of singing the 
exploits of a certain Raja of Gingee/ 

The ballad refers to one Terani Singh, 
who is regarded as the father of Desing, and 
to Tarani Singh, his younger brother. More- 

Dosing fell, and, were given a cowle therefor, and they 
built at the spot a temple to Desing. They also built tombs 
for Mohabat Khan and the other Muhammadans who fell, 
as well as one to the horse of Desing. They recovered 
the corpses of Mohabat Khan and his two friends, and 
after burying them in the outskirts of Gingee, built 
tombs over them on the bank of the Shetty's tank. They 
raised a flower-garden where Desing was burnt and plant- 
ed in the place a pipal and a nuirgosa. The Bundelas 
that were in the service of Desing obtained permission 
and returned to Bundelkhand. 

1 Desing is spelt variously as Jeyasingh in the Mack. 
Collection, Desing by Taylor in his Catalogue liaison m~>e, 
Tej Singh in Sewell's List of Antiquities, and Tajab 
Singh in Burhanuddin's History of the Carnactfc and 
KarnooL Desing is probably the Tamil corruption of 
Tej Singh. The popular spelling is only Desing. The 
Despatches to England of the year 1714 (page 45) give 
the spelling, Taygy Singh. 



over, it has given a reference to Sura Singh as 
the father of Tarani Singh. According to the 
records of Fort St. George, Desing should have 
succeeded to the governorship of Gingee on 
the death of Sarup Singh. In a despatch to 
England of January 1714, a reference is made 
to the death of Sarup Singh and to the person 
who was expected to succeed him. l Another 
despatch to England refers to the death of 
Sarup Singh and says that the administration 
remained under the care of his son, Taygy 
Singh, till the beginning of October last." A 
letter to Fort St. George of 4th September 
1711 already quoted, referred to the infirmity 
of Sarup Singh and to a report that he was 
removed presently from rule and that his son, 
who was as a man of vigour and activity was 
to succeed him.' Probably, even by September 
1711, Desing had marked himself out for bold- 
ness and courage which he later on displayed 
so recklessly against Sadatullah Khan. An- 
other letter of llth September 1711 also re- 
fers to an unconfirmed report of the succes- 
sor of Sarup Singh. 

An interesting reference to the probable 
existence of more sons than one to Sarup Singh 
is given in one of the Madras despatches 

to England, 1711-1714, page 191. 

2 do. 1714-1718, pp. 45-46. 

3 Letters 1o Fort St. Georye, 1111, page 85. 


to England which says : " The Mughal having 
been displeased with the attitude of Hassan 
Ali seizing Gingee, ordered one of Sarup 
Singh's sons to be restored to his father's 
government." 1 No other record has been 
available to tell us of the probability of there 
having been more sons than one to Sarup 

We have already seen that the power 
of Sarup Singh was so great that he had 
shown remarkable strength and independence 
in his quarrels with the Fort St. David Council 
and that he had evaded the payment of tribute 
due to the Emperor, the arrears amounting 
to nearly 70 lakhs according to the Tamil 
Chronicle (Mack. Mass.). 

According to the ballad, Desing was born 
at Gingee while his father was the governor 
of the place. It gives a vivid description of 
the Gingee country and the prosperity of its 
inhabitants under the rule of Sarup Singh and 
dwells on the joy that the people displayed at 
the birth of Desing at Gingee. It narrates 
that his father, Terani Singh, had left for 
Hindustan on being summoned by the Em- 
peror, who had invited all his tributaries 
to try their strength in taming a wonderful 

L Despatches to England, 1714-18, page 80. 


horse that he had accidentally acquired. 
The father left for Delhi, leaving behind him 
at Gingee his pregnant wife, who shortly 
afterwards gave birth to the child, Desing, 
during his absence. The ballad then gives a 
highly embellished description of the wonder- 
ful horse which Desing got from the Emperor 
of Delhi as the reward for taming it and 
consequently saved his father from imprison- 
ment and the penalty of a fine. Desing is 
spoken of as a raw youth when he achieved 
this wonderful feat. 

In the Madras records of 4th September 
1711, ! the prince is referred to as a man of 
youth and activity. Desing is said to have 
been only 8 years old when his father died in 
Gingee. He then came under the tutelage of 
his uncle, Tarani Singh, who is said to have 
ruled Gingee for some years till the coming of 
age of Desing. 

According to the account of the chronicler, 
Narayana Pillai, who might have had first- 
hand information about Sarup Singh and 
Desing from persons that might have actually 
lived at Gingee in their days the chronicler, 
it may be remarked, was a native of Gingee 
itself Desing happened to be in Bundelkhand 

1 Letters to Fort St. George, 1711, page 85. 


at the time of the death of his father; and 
his going over to Gingee, on his father's 
demise, with an escort and his taking posses- 
sion of the killedari formed the beginning of 
his quarrel with Nawab Sadatullah. 

We read that as soon as the news of Sarup 
Singh's death reached his ancestral home in 
Bundelkhand, Desing at once started with his 
newly married wife and fifty horse and atten- 
dants and arrived at Bedniir, * in the west of 
the Mysore plateau. The Raja of Bednur was 
then at war with the Marathas. He had 
solicited the help of Desing through Sarup 
Singh, his father. The Raja of Bednur suc- 
ceeded in pushing back a Maratha raid with 
the help of Desing, who was given as a present 
a high-mettled horse, besides other valuable 
gifts. Probably this horse was the one that 
showed such wonderful valour during the 
battle with Sadatullah Khan, the Nawab of 
Arcot. With this present Desing arrived 
at Gingee. 

1 The chiefs of Bednur then controlled Mangalore, 
Kalyanpur and Basrur ; and in 1713-14, they were fighting 
with the Portuguese and the Arabs who harried ther- 
ports and plundered the ships sailing from the 
Coast. By this time the Dutch had succeeded in 
ing a factory at Basrur; and shortly after 
Somasekhara Nayak advanced to Nilesvar < 
A similar episode of Chanda Sahib, on 
from his Maratha prison, tarrying at Bednflfr tp^tyejp fa 
ruler in 1748-49, can be noted. 


From Narayanan's Chronicle we learn 
that Desing started for Gingee from Bundel- 
khand only on hearing of the death of his 
father. If that were so, he would have gone 
directly to Gingee to perform the obsequies. 
He would not have deviated from his course 
and halted at Bednur to render help to the 
Raja. Probably the news of his father's death 
was conveyed from Bundelkhand to Bednur 
where Desing was then rendering aid to 
its ruler. 

On arriving at Gingee, Desing performed 
the funeral obsequies of his father before 
assuming the government of Gingee. Afarman 
had been granted to his father by Aurang- 
zib and Desing took formal possession of 
his father's jaghir on ground of hereditary 
right. We do not know whether the 
far man gave any claims to the grantee in 
perpetuity or a hereditary right to the gran- 
tee's heirs. The Nawab of Arcot who 
attempted to dispossess Desing, pleaded that 
the farman was not valid without the sanc- 
tion of the reigning Emperor. 

Desing did not receive a warm welcome 
from the Mughal officers in the country. 
Payya Ramakrishna who was the vaknavis 
(or the secretary), had informed him, how- 
ever, of the legal necessity of getting the 


farman renewed by the new Emperor, before 
assuming the jaghir. Desing replied that he 
had got the fa?" man of Aurangzib and that he 
need not apply to anybody else. J 

Sadatullah Khan, who had been the 
Nawab of Arcot for some years even in 
the life-time of Sarup Singh and who had 
reported to the Emperor about the arrears of 
tribute due from him, sent, in his capacity as 
the Nawab, a conventional letter of condolence 
to Desing on the death of his father. 

Causes of the struggle between Sadatullah 
Khan and Desing 

Sarup Singh when he affected indifference 
to the Nawab's demands for arrears, had fail- 
ed to pay any tribute at all, taking advantage 
of the frequent changes in the nizamat of 
Arcot and of the general weakness of the 
Mughal administration in the whole province. 
Under Farrukh Siyar, the demand for the pay- 
ment of arrears was vigorously pressed ; but 
Sarup Singh contrived to evade payment and 
died with the arrears accumulating. Hence 
the demand was again renewed on this occa- 

1 Despatches to England 1714-1718, pp. 45-46. "The 
king had granted to his father, the Gingee government 
and that by his father's death is devolved upon him and 
that he would not deliver it up." 


sion and thus arose the quarrels that ended 
with the death of the young Rajput. 

The Chronicle of Narayanan affirms that 
two officers from the Emperor came to Arcot,, 
the headquarters of the faujdari of the Car- 
natic, with the demand for 70 lakhs of arrears 
from the killed-dri of Gingee. The Nawab of 
Arcot summoned Todarmal, the sherixtadar, 
and asked him to proceed to Gingee and en- 
force the imperial farman and his order for the 
confiscation of Gingee with all fhejaghir lands 
attached to it. Todarmal left Arcot with a grand 
equipage, but with a troubled mind, as he had 
heard of the valour and prowess of Desing. He 
encamped in Gingee near the Venkataramana- 
swami temple at the foot of the Rajagiri Hill. 
The Mughal officials of the district visited him 
in his camp. Todarmal intimated to them that 
he had come under the orders of the Nawab 
to demand the arrears and to take possession 
of Gingee. They examined the farman and 
conveyed the substance of it to Raja Desing. 
Desing was not prepared to give up the fort 
and maintained his title to it and to the kille- 
ddri on the basis of the imperial farman grant- 
ed to his father. The ballad says that he was 
worshipping his tutelary diety, Ranganatha, 
when the news of the approach of Todarmal 
was conveyed to him and that he continued in 
his worship undismayed by the news. Raja 


Desing was advised to meet Todarmal and get 
from him the confirmation of the killedari by 
making due submission. 

Raja Desing then proceeded with a num- 
ber of horsemen to meet Todarmal at Mela- 
cheri (or old Gingee) and saluted him without 
getting down from his horse. Todarmal felt 
that he was insulted by such behaviour and 
immediately returned to his tent. Later, he 
got over the feeling of humiliation, returned to 
the fort and handed over the farm an to Desing 
who became highly irritated and threw down 
the paper on the ground. This action con- 
stituted an act of lese majeste and was held to 
be a* measure of positive disloyalty. 

On hearing of the report of Todarmal of 
his treatment by Desing, the Nawab of Arcot 
resolved to march on Gingee, at the head of a 
great force to meet the Rajput- 1 Kumara 
Yachama Nayak of Venkatagiri, who had 
been installed after the death of his father by 
Zulfikar Khan, helped the Nawab of Arcot 
with a contingent of troops* Several other 
chiefs and some kiUi'dars helped the Nawab 
whose army was thereby augmented to 30,000 
men. The troops encamped at Arni after 

1 Minutes ami Consultations, 1714, page 120. A letter 
of 18th September 1714, from Fort St. David relates to the 
Nawab' s march to Gingee. 



their first stage of march and its fdlledar 
joined with another contingent of troops. Then 
the army was further augmented at Chetpet 
by another killedar\ and along with Todar- 
mal the Nawab reached Gingee. One, Khan 
Sahib of Kallakurichi, also joined the army 
of the Nawab. 1 The ballad says that the army 
halted at Devanur village in the neighbour- 
hood and plundered the place. Desing was in- 
formed of the fact ; and being undaunted he ap- 
plied for help to the killedar of Valudavur, who 
had already proved a good ally to Sarup Singh 
in the quarrel with the English. It says that 
Mohabat Khan was so good a friend of Desing 
that he started immediately to his help, while 
in the very act of celebrating his own marriage. 
Mohabat Khan is referred to in the ballad as 
a son of the of killedar of Valudavur. It is pro- 
bable that he might be different from the one 
of the same name who had fought on the side 
of Sarup Singh in the latter 's quarrels with the 
Fort St. David Government. Anyhow, Moha- 
bat Khan and two other friends stood loyally 
by Desing and fought like the Three Hundred 
of Leonidas in the fight. The forces of the 
Nawab were considerable, while those of 
Desing were very slender. Desing's army 
consisted of 350 horse and 500 troopers while 

South Arcot Gazetteer, Vol. I, page 329. 


the Nawab's army had 80,00 horse-men and 
10,000 sepoys. 

The Chronicle of Narayanan says that 
Todarmal tried to conciliate the Rajput 
chief and to avoid a war. Nawab Sadatullah 
Khan is referred to in the ballad as one who 
was peace-loving and who wished as for as 
possible to avoid hostilities- But Desing, being 
a hot-blooded youth, refused to be conciliated 
and wished to fight out the case. He was 
only 22 years old at the time; and he very 
manfully took leave of his young wife before 
going forth. 

Payya Ramakrishna and other officials 
of the faujdari, pointed out to Desing the 
strength of the Nawab's forces. They also 
explained to him the folly of resisting the 
Nawab. They tried hard to bring about a re- 
conciliation between him and the Nawab ; but 
Desing would not agree to any sort of com- 
promise. Unmindful of the slender forces at 
his command and aided by his trusted friend 
Mohabat Khan, he resolved to oppose Sadatul- 
lah Khan. 

The ballad also refers to the bad omens 
that were seen when he started out for the 
fight. In spite of the refusal of permission by 
his tutelary deity, Ranganatha of Singavaram, 
who is miraculously said to have turned his 


face away from the devotee when he invoked 
his blessings, he got the reluctant consent of 
his young wife and received pdnsupdri from 
her through the curtain. Then he set out 
bravely for the fight. 

The Fight 

Desing started bravely and reached the 
bank of the Varahanadhi (Sankaraparani of 
the ballad) which was then in full flood. He 
crossed the river in flood. The Nawab had in- 
structed his troopers that Desing was to be cap- 
tured alive and brought to him. In the course 
of the battle many of Desing's followers fled, 
while Mohabat Khan and a few friends fought 
by his side to the last. In an attempt to cap- 
ture Desing alive ; Daulat Khan, a captain of 
the Nawab's forces, was killed. The Nawab 
persisted in ordering that Desing should not 
be killed, but captured alive; and in that order 
he was supported by Bangaru Yachama 
Nayaka.* When Desing attempted to pierce 
with his lance an officer of Yachama Nayak, 
the latter ordered that Desing should be shot 
dead. He was shot down at Kadalimalai, a 
village four miles from Gingee. The Nawab 
then entered the fort with the dead body of 

* This was Sarvagna Kumara Yfichama, son of Ban- 
garu Yachama, killed by Zulfikar Khan, who came into 
the chiefship in 1695 A.D., and was the 23rd of his line. 


Desing borne respectfully (Jaya, Arpisi, date, 
2; Fasli 1123; about an hour after sunrise is 
the date mentioned in the Chronicle, i.e., 3rd 
October 1714). 

A representation of the battle sculptured 
on a stone slab has been preserved in the 
Madras Museum. A Persian inscription of 
Hijra 1125 (57 of 1905) refers to the capture of 
the fort by Sadatullah Khan in 1712-1713 A.D. 
The translation of the contents of the inscrip- 
tion is as follows : " The exalted Khan Sada- 
tullah Khan, upon whom be multiplied the 
blessing of Haidar, captured the fort of Jinji 
by the favours of the incomparable Al- 
mighty. Ghulam All devised the date for it. 
" Islam expelled infidelity" 1125 Hijra (1712- 
1713 A.D.)- 1 The dating of the inscription 
does not accord with the actual date of the 
battle, i.e., 3rd October 1714, as 1125 A.H. only 
extended from January 17, 1713 to January 6, 
1714. That year could not have been the date 
of the battle, for Sarup Singh was then the 
ruler of Gingee according to the Madras 

A letter, from the Fort St. David Council, 
of October 9, 1714, refers to the battle of Gin- 
gee. "The Nawab had drawn all his forces 

S. J. EpitjraphisCs Report for 1904 J. Part I, p. 3. 


round Gingee and summoned Sarup Singh's 
son to surrender, on pretence of an order from 
court to take possession of the place which he 
refused to do and made a desperate sally with 
about 300 Rajputs and was very near killing 
the Nawab, having cut the harness of his ele- 
phant with his own hands, but timely succours 
coming to the Nawab's rescue, Teja Sing, 
Sarup Singh's son, with Mohabat Khan and 
several other prominent men of Gingee, were 
overpowered and cut off so that it is believed 
that Gingee will surrender in a few days." ] 
On the 15th of November news came that Gin- 
gee was captured by Sadatullah Khan." The 
same is referred to in a despatch to England 
thus :-" After the great skirmish the great fort, 
that formerly held out against Asacl Khan 
and the whole army, being left without a head, 
immediately surrendered to the Nawab, who 
had made it his head-quarters and his fortify- 
ing and strengthening it as if he intended to 
become its master, though everybody believed 
that he undertook the expedition on a pre- 
tence without an order from the court" s A 
letter from Delhi, from Sir John Surman, dated 
August 4, 1715, refers to the capture of the fort 
by force and the " victory being on the king's 

1 Minutes and Consultations, 1714, page 126. 

3 Ibid. p. 142. 

3 Despatches to England, 1714 7#, pp. 45-46. 


behalf has very much pleased this court/' The 
same letter says that " concerning Sadatullah 
Khan's victory we have examined and found 
that as the news arrived in court that Raja 
Sarup Singh is dead, orders were sent from 
hence to deliver up that fort to Sadatullah 
Khan." 1 A letter of July 17, 1715 sent from 
Madras to Bengal says that the Nawab had 
taken the strong fort of Gingee; 2 

According to the Madras Records 8 , the 
French at Pondicherry had sent to the Nawab 
a congratulatory present on his capture of 
Gingee of about 1,200 pagodas, along with 
other articles on account of the several vill- 
ages they possessed under the government of 
Gingee. The English sent only a congratula- 
tory letter to the Nawab instead of a money 
present according to the custom of the land ; 
a letter of January 1715 has stated "that no 
money should be parted as an acknowledge- 
ment of the government of Gingee for our title 
to the bounds of Fort St. David, which would 
be made use of as an established custom and 
every succeeding Governor would ask upon 
the same account." * But from a later letter 
(of October 1715) we learn that the present in- 

1 Minnie* and Consultations, 77/5, page 135. 

2 Ibid, 122. 

s Despatches to England, J7 1418, pp. 45-46. 
4 Minnies and Consultations, 1716, page 35. 


tended last year upon the Nawab's taking 
Gingee which was postponed, was forwarded 
with some addition on account of the villages 
in Fort St. David undisturbed. 1 By the 15th 
November 1714, a small present by way of con- 
gratulation upon his success at Gingee to the 
Nawab was decided to be sent so that things 
might be easy at Cuddalore and to avoid any 
dispute with him which would disturb the 
trade iij cloth. 3 Even before this, a letter 
from Fort St. David had shown that the 
Nawab of Arcot was inclined to give trouble 
to Cuddaiore and the adjacent territory belong- 
ing to the Gingee jaghir.' 

According to the Chronicle, the Nawab 
Sadatullah Khan then entered Gingee and 
proceeded to the fort of Nasrat Gaddah (Gin- 
gee) in the Padusha Bagh, seated himself in 
the Kalyana Mahal of the late Sarup Singh, 
secured the safety of the treasury and sealed 
them. All the officials of the Mughal adminis- 
tration paid their homage to him. In the fort 
itself the Nawab secured the Baratkhana, 
the Choivkipara, and other places and sent 
word to the wife of Raja Desing about the cap- 
ture of the fort. The Rajput queen in accord- 
ance with her custom wished to commit sati 

1 Ibid, 122. 

3 Ibid, 1714, 142. 

3 do. do. 131. 


as a true wife ; and the Nawab ordered that 
her wishes should be respectfully carried out. 

The cremation of the body of Desing and 
that of his wife is said to have taken place on 
the bank of the tank dug by one Rama Chetti, 
in the days of Raja Ram, and hence known as 
Chettikulam. Even now the villagers of Gin- 
gee point out the spot between Chakrakulam 
and Chettikulam, where Desing is said to have 
been burnt. The funeral ceremonies were 
performed by one Alup Singh, a nephew of 
Sarup Singh. 

The followers of Desing were continued in 
their offices; and they also secured permis- 
sion to raise a new town at the spot, near 
Kadalaimalai, where Desing fell and also a 
temple in his honour. The Nawab, out of res- 
pect for the memory of Desing's wife, built a 
town near Arcot and called it Rani-P~ettai. 
Tombs were also allowed to be built for 
Mohabat Khan and other leaders who fell in 
the battle. A flower-garden was also reared 
at the place, where Desing was burnt. Now 
we find no such garden, nor even any vestige 
of it. The town built where Desing fell, was 
given the name of Fateh-pet We now see in 
Gingee reminiscences of the heroic Rajput 
lady, in the Rani's bathing-stone and other 
objects that are found near the fort, though 
in a ruined condition. 



According to Narayanan, the Nawab is 
said to have taken charge, from Desing's offi- 
cers, Hanumaji Pandit, Tiruvenkatam Pillai 
and others, of their offices and accounts, and 
sent them out as amils of dependent parg- 
anas. He settled the rents and taxes after 
measurements and granted cowlenama to 
the inhabitants of the petta. He appointed 
Sadat Tiyar Khan, his wife's sister's husband, 
as the killedar, along with a suitable mansab 
and a jaghir for his support. 

A jumma masjid was built within the 
fort, which can be seen even now, along with 
an idga in front of the Chettikulam tank. 
It is deemed in the Mss. to have been such a 
splendid structure, the like of which is not 
likely to be seen anywhere. 

Diwan Lala Dakhin R6y built a single- 
storied mansion for himself with a beautiful 
garden around it. The date of the capture of 
Gingee was cut out on a stone and built on 
the porch of the gate of victory in Rajagiri. 

In this manner Sadatullah Khan carried 
on the administration of the Carnatic for four 
years, with Gingee as his chief residence. We 
have seen already that, according to a des- 
patch to England of 1714, Sadatullah Khan 
made Gingee his head-quarters, fortifying 
and strengthening it as if he would stay 

- 435 

permanently there. 1 At the end of four years, 
i.e., in 1718, he handed over the fort to his 
deputy and returned to Arcot. 

An Estimate of Raja Desing. 

Quite a striking trait in Desing's character was 
his sense of true comradeship with Mohabat Khan, 
who had been his companion from childhood. 
Contempt of death was a maxim of life with the 
hero which he was never tired of repeating (Ballad 
of Desing). It was in the blood of Desing to court 
all dangers and fight against the worst possible 
odds. The gallantry displayed by Desing at the 
young age of 22, against the powerful Nawab 
Sadatullaft Khan of Arcot, in a struggle that was 
hopeless from the outset, should make us remember 
him for ever. Whatever might be said of the moral- 
ity or the correctness of the war for which he 
fought, his undaunted courage and independence, 
displayed in his fight with Sadatullah Khan, was 
remarkable. According to the Madras Records 
already quoted, we found that the Nawab used, as a 
pretext, the Emperor's order to seize Gingee from 
Desing. The Tamil Ballad and the Mackenzie 
Chronicle both refer to the Emperor's order which 
was held as the basis for Sadatullah Khan's march 
against Gingee. Anyhow, the Rajput was so inde- 
pendent-minded that he did not like to give up his 
father's jaghir obtained on the basis of Aurangzib's 

1 Despatches to England 17141718, pp. 45-46, and 
Madras Diary of Minutes and Consolations 1914, page 
141 : for the Nawab's designs to reside at Gingee see 
letter from Fort St. David. 


farman. He fought to the last, bravely aided by 
his trusted friend. The young wife who committed 
sati on the death of her husband, deserves our sym- 
pathy and admiration for her fortitude that was 
characteristic of her race. 

Thus the Rajput episode in the fortunes of 
Gingee ended with the display of remarkable, but 
futile, gallantry by a hot-blooded young Rajput 
and his virtuous and Stoic-minded wife. 


Gingee under the Nawabs of Arcot and the 
European Powers 

I. The Rule of the Nawabs 

The fortress of Gingee lost its pre-em- 
inent position within a few years of the ex- 
tinction of the Rajput rule. The increasing 
unhealthiness of the locality necessitated the 
removal of the headquarters of the Mughal 
subah to Arcot, situated on the south bank of 
the Palar River. Though Gingee was reduced 
in status to a killeddri and lost much of its 
political importance, it continued to attract 
the attention of adventurers. 

According to the Tamil Chronicle, Nawab 
Sadatullah appointed his brother-in-law (the 
husband of his sister-in-law) Sadat Tiyar 
Khan to be the naib-killedar of Gingee and 
gave him the dignity of a mansab and a 
jaghir. He bestowed the faujddri on one 
Padanda Rayar and named the town founded 
on the spot where Desing was killed as Fateh- 
pet (i.e., the Town of Victory). According to 
mdmul, he retained in his service Payya 
Ramakrishna and the other chief officers of 
the Padshdhi and also appointed other ser- 


vants, killedars, muftis and sardars for the 
three forts of Gingee, namely, Rajagiri, Krish- 
nagiri and Chandrayandrug. He appointed 
Gautama Venkatapathi to be in civil charge of 
Krishnagiri and gave him, according to con- 
vention, the jaghir of Pennatur. He entrust- 
ed the charge of the lower fortress at the foot 
of Rajagiri to another Mussalman officer and 
enjoined upon all the duty of obedience to the 
orders of Sadat Tiyar Khan, Abdul Karim 
Hayat Khan and their associates; and they 
were charged with the guarding of the killc- 
ddri. Over all the officials, Sadat Tiyar Khan 
made himself supreme. Muhammad Ali, son- 
in-law of Shaikh Abdul Khadir, the kazi of 
the Padshahi, was appointed to be the kazi 
of the killa* Ajumma musjid was built in- 
side the lower fort and an idgah was raised 
facing the bund of the tank of Chettikulam. 
An inscription was engraved over the porch 
of the great entrance-gate of the fortress 
indicating the day and year of the capture of 
Gingee by the Nawab. 

The Nawab found in course of time that 
the water of Gingee was not healthy and 
would not agree with his constitution; and 
he 1 therefore retired to Arcot after making 
over charge of the killa to his wmb. 

1 Nawab Sadatullah Khan, originally named 
Muhammad Sayyid, was left by Baud Khan to be his- 

439 - 

diwan and faujdar in 1708. According to the Sa'adat 
Nama, a Persian history of his house, he received the 
appointment as the Nawab of the two Carnatics in 1713 
from Nizamu'1-Mulk, immediately after the accession 
of Farrukh Siyar. 

Sadatullah Khan was the regular and acknowledged 
Nawab of the Carnatic (1710 to 1732 A.D.). According 
to the Mdsirul-Umdra. he held the Nawabship from the 
time of Aurangzib to 1732. He died much regretted by 
his subjects. Sa'adatullah succeeded Daud Khan and 
was confirmed by the Nizam in 1723. 

The rule of Nawab Sadatullah Khan is thus 
praised in the Tusak-i-Walajatri, Part /, P. 68. (Translated 
by Dr. S. M. H. Nainar, 1934) : " Now it is in the power 
of God to raise an ant to the rank of Sulayman and defeat 
human wisdom. The raising of a beggar to the position 
of a sultan, which seems not to stand to reason, is 
worked out in the unseen darbar of the Almighty. As 
days rolled, on Muhammad Sa'id, from the position of a 
servant, found his entry into the group of wansabdars. 
With the title of Sa'adatullah Khan, he accompanied 
Dawud Khan, and was appointed to the post of Diwan. 
Thus, he grew prosperous day by day. In the subah of 
Arcot, he was for twenty years Naib to the Nazim and 
for five years Nuzint. The fame of his administration 
was sung for twenty-five years on the whole. He de- 
voted his high purpose to the welfare of the creation and 
to the organisation of his army. He was a follower of 
the Twelve Tmams, and 'had faith in the sect of Ja'far. 
He had in his heart the interests of his relatives and the 
members of his family. He invited them from Konkan 
and bestowed on them jagirs and forts. His younger 
brother Ghulam Ali who was at the court of the Pad- 
shah, was granted the jagir of Vellore and given the 
title of Khun. He tried to comfort and console the poor, 
the orphan and the needy. The people regarded his 
days as the best of the past, and were of one accord 
in praising the justice of his nizdmat. He had no issue 
and so adopted one of the sons of his uncle and named 
him ' Khan Bahadur.' Then, the ndzim of his soul (ruh) 
left the nizdmut (of the kingdom) of his borrowed body. 
All his nobles divided themselves into two groups; one 
chose the side of Khan Bahadur, the other that of Baqir 
Ali Khan, the Qil'adar of Vellore, the son of Ghulam 


Sadatullah Khan's rule was not all quiet 
at Gingee. In 1724 there was a bloody strife 
for the possession of Gingee between Sadat 
Tiyar Khan and Abdul NabI Khan. The 
latter was wounded mortally and the former 
killed. Sadatullah marched to the place, but 
met with strong opposition, as the followers of 
Abdul Nabi Khan were determined to main- 
tain their right to the fort.* 

In 1725 the great Nizam'l Mulk Asaf Jah 
who had established his virtual independence 
in the Deccan in the previous year, directed 
Iwaz Khan to proceed towards the Carnatic 
and clear the country of Maratha agents and 
raiders who had penetrated into it. Iwaz Khan 
drove out the Maratha tax-collectors from 
several places and replaced them by his own 
men. He marched against Trichinopoly and 
Raja Sarfoji of Tanjore. The rule of Vijaya- 
ranga Chockanatha, the Nayak of Madura 
and Trichinopoly (1706-1732), was one un- 
broken record of the decline of the kingdom 
towards disruption and ruin. Raja Sarfoji 
appealed to Maharaja Shahu of Satara who 
sent a large army under Fateh Singh Bhonsle 

AH Khan, the brother of the deceased Nawab. After 
great discussions and many arguments Baqir AH Khan, 
was appointed as the successor to the throne of the 
nizdmat of Arcot." 

* Madras Minutes and Consultations for J725 (pp. 
85 & 92.) 


to whom he had given a special interest in the 
chauth of the Carnatic. Along with Fateh 
Singh Bhonsle, went Baji Rao, the Peshwa, 
and Sripat Rao, the Pratinidhi ; the Marathas 
exacted tribute in their usual manner from 
the chiefs of Gadag, Bednore and Sriranga- 
patnam in the western plateau. There was 
not much harmony among the commanders 
of the Maratha army ; Fateh Singh was indif- 
ferent to his soldiers, and the Pratinidhi 
was spiteful against the Peshwa ; and on the 
whole, the Maratha losses in this campaign 
were heavy. The Nizam craftily won the good- 
will of the Pratinidhi and offered him a jdghir 
in Berar and Maharaja Shahu approved this 
arrangement. As the next step in his attempt 
to thwart the Marathas, the Nizam affected 
ignorance of the respective claims of Shahu 
and his cousin to the Maratha throne itself 
and withheld, pending their final settlement, 
the chauth anAsardeshniukhi due from the six 
Mughal Deccan provinces under him ; and he 
even got over to his side the rival prince, 
Sambhaji. But in spite of all these he could 
not resist Shahu's power and had finally to 
submit to the treaty of Mungi Shevgaon in 
March 1728. 

As told above, the first expedition of the 
Marathas into South India under Fateh Singh 
Bhonsle proved a failure. A second expedi- 



tion was undertaken soon after, under Fateh 
Singh, which was helped by Raja Tukoji 
which also likewise ended in nothing. l 

1 In order to understand the interference of the 
Marathas in this epoch in the affairs of the Carnatic. 
it is necessary for us to know that besides the kingdom 
of Tanjore which the younger branch of the Bhonsle line 
had acquired, the Ghorepades were established at Gooty 
and other Maratha chiefs held outposts on the fringes 
of the Carnatic, at Belgaum, Koppal, Sandur, Bellary, 
Sira, Bangalore and Kolar. Maharaja Shahu had given 
Fateh Singh Bhonsle the jaghir of Akalkot so that he 
might keep an eye on the affairs of the Carnatic. The 
Chhatrapati, Maharaja Shahu, was animated by a desire 
to annex the Carnatic to his Swaraj yo, according to the 
conditions of the treaty of 1718 as ratified by the 
Emperor. Muhammadan sway had been only recently 
established in the heart of the Carnatic. And there was 
the Rajah of Tanjore, Tukoji, who could be easily 
brought over to help him in the project. It was in con- 
sequence of this desire that the two expeditions of Fateh 
Singh Bhonsle noted above were undertaken between 
1725 and 1727. The first was known as the Chitaldurg 
expedition and the second as the Seringapatam one. 
Neither could penetrate into heart of the Carnatic proper. 
Fateh Singh was asked by Shahu as to why he did 
not stay long enough in the Carnatic to make an effec- 
tive conquest of it. 

The Nizam transferred his capital from Aurangabad 
to Hyderabad in 1726 in order that he might be nearer 
the Carnatic and Mysore countries and might check 
more effectively the predatory incursions of the Marathas 
into these regions. He could also contrive to keep his 
movements from Hyderabad concealed from the court of 
Satara more effectively. It was now that he tried to 
placate the Pratinidhi and accentuated the division be- 
tween the latter and the Peishwa and fanned the grow- 
ing flame of jealousy entertained by Prince Sambhaji 
against Shahu, through the instrumentality of Chandra 
Sen Jadhav, who was a sworn enemy of Shahu and the 
Peshwa. "The Nizam promised his help to Sambhaji 
and instigated him to claim half of the Swarajya from 

~ 443 

In the end of 1726 the Nizam began open 
warfare against Shahu. Then came the cam- 
paign which ended in the victory of Palkhed 
and the treaty of Mungi Shevgaon. The sig- 
nificance of this treaty was great. It averted 
civil war in Maharashtra, strengthened the 
position of Shahu against his rival and made 
Baji Rao supreme in the councils of Shahu* 
It was in the course of these years that the 
Nizam is said to have marched to the subah 
of Nawab Sadatullah Khan. 

The account given by Narayanan, in his 
Chronicle, of the coming of the Nizam is 
as follows : Nizamul Mulk, Nizam u'Daula, 
Asaf Jah, Fateh Singh Bahadur, Vazir of the 
Deccan, in the reign of Muhammad Shah 
Bahadur, left Delhi and stopped at Hyderabad 
and started from there to recover the tribute 
of the Carnatic. He descended with his 
troops to the north of the Palar near the town 
founded by Dakkana Roy, the Diwan, and 
addressed a farmdn to the Nawab Sadat 
Ullah Khan, to the kings and killedars of the 
Carnatic asking them to come and see him 

Shahu. While he was openly championing the cause of 
Sambhaji, he gave out with a show of reason that until 
the claims of the two princes were definitely settled, it 
would be unfair on his part to pay the chcmth and 
sardfehmukhi to Shahu and his officers. After this the 
Nizam showed himself in true colours, and it came as a 
shock to Shahu." (Sinha : Kite of the Peislncas, Part I, 
p. 84). 


with the accounts of receipts and charges and 
those of the expenses of the officers. 

As soon as he read this farman, Sadat 
Ullah Khan sent for the gumasta (head 
accountant) Nandi Krishnaji Pandit and 
ordered him to prepare all the accounts, 
especially those of the jaghirs and killas, and 
to carry them next morning to the camp of 
the Nawab. He intimated the same order to 
the Diwan, Rupa Chand, brother of the late 
Dakkana Roy. Krishnaji Pandit replied to 
him that he kept ready all the accounts. 

The next morning the Nawab Sadat Ullah 
Khan proceeded to the camp of the Nawab, 
with all his suit and accompanied by the 
diwan, the sheristadar, the kanakku gumasta 
(accountant) and the muftis. It was only the 
day after their arrival that the Nawab Sadat 
Ullah and the muftis could see Nawab Asaf 
Jah and submit nazars to him. 

Full of regard and kindness for Sadat 
Ullah Khan, the Faujdar of the Carnatic, 
Nawab Asaf Jah told him to take a seat 
near his own. Sadat Ullah Khan salaamed to 
him and sat down. Asaf Jah made enquiries 
about the health of Sadat Ullah Khan and 
complained about the unsatisfactory state of 
the accounts of the jaghirs of the Carnatic. 
The diwan did not know what to reply. 


But Krishna ji Pandit submitted papers 
and read therefrom the accounts of the 
jaghirs of the killedari, the balances to be 
recovered and the expenses incurred by the 
subordinate officials of the government ; in 
short, all the details of the accounts were 
enumerated and queries were answered in a 
satisfactory manner- Greatly satisfied with 
the conduct of the Faujdar of the Carnatic, 
and his officials, the Nawab Asaf Jah gave 
him valuable concessions. For his part, 
the Nawab Sadat Ullah Khan gave him five 
lakhs of rupees by way of present and of 
peshkash and Rs. 100,000 for the expenses of 
the darbar to the subordinate employees who 
accompanied him. Nawab Asaf Jah Bahadur 
stayed with the Faujdar for 10 days. * Then 
after having taken leave of the Faujdar, he 
returned up valley. 

1 It is a difficult matter for us to be sure of the 
exact date of Nizamu'l Mulk's first visit to the Carnatic 
in the life-time of Nawab Sadatullah Khan. 1721 was the 
only year, besides 1742, in which the Nizam marched 
into the Carnatic. We have a Maratha newsletter 
(No. 8 in the Selections from the Peshwa Daftar No. 10 : 
Early Strife between Bajirao and the Nizam} which has 
been attempted to be dated February 1721, and in which 
we are told that the Nizam had marched into the 
Karnatak and was then at Savanur in the neighbour- 
hood of Darwar and Bednore. Perhaps, soon after this, 
in the summer of 1721, the Nizam paid a visit to the 
court of Sadatullah and settled the affairs of the Car- 
natic and its jaghirs. 


It is here that we read from our Chronic- 
ler that Asaf Jah conferred upon the Nawab a 
killat of honour, sarpech and other insignia of 
rank as an expression of his regard and kind- 
ness ; he returned by way of the passes into 
the Mysore plateau through Sira from whose 
subahdar the peshkash due from the poligars 
of the neighbourhood was duly collected. 

We now hear of an episode, the escape of 
a prince of the Mughal imperial family from 
the fortress of Agra with a large quantity of 
precious stones which he sold at Calcutta to a 
Seth in return for a hundi for 50 lakhs of 
rupees on Tirupati. He proceeded to Tirupati 
and from thence came to Rajagarh (Rajagiri) 
and took shelter here. From this place he 
issued a circular letter to all faujdars and 
Nawabs from the great Asaf Jah downwards, 
ordering them to proceed to his camp on a 
certain date. Sadatullah Khan cleverly wrote 
to the Emperor Muhammad Shah and receiv- 
ed a reply from him that he should watch 
over the person of the prince ; he brought him 
to Arcot where he got him married to the 
daughter of a nobleman. He wrote of all 
these happenings to the Emperor Muhammad 
Shah and according to the latter's instructions, 
transferred him and his newly-wedded wife to 
Gingee and allowed him to occupy the palace 
of Kalyanamahal in the lower fort, that was 


built by the late Sarup Singh. Sadat Tiyar 
Khan, the naib killedar of Gingee, was asked 
to pay his respects to the prince every day 
and to keep him in good spirits. Every alter- 
nate year for the remainder of his rule, 
Nawab Sadatullah Khan stayed for some days 
at Gingee in the house of the killedar and 
paid his respects to the Prince. There were 
then 54 killas under the subah of the Carnatic. 
To many of these Nawab Sadatullah appoint- 
ed his own men and all his actions were 
ratified by Nawab Asaf Jah and confirmed by 
the imperial court. 

As he was a fervent Musalman, Sadatul- 
lah Khan appointed only men of his own faith 
to the charge of the killas and treated them 
with great regard. Under his faujdari many 
jaghirs were granted in the region of Gingee 
and some of these were made free of all pay- 
ments. Our Chronicler Narayanan says that 
it was under his rule that the English con- 
structed a fort at Madras and that when he 
was informed of this fact, Nawab Asaf Jah 
sent to the Faujdar an order to stop the con- 
struction of this fort. But as the Faujdar was 
favourable (good to the English) he did not 
stop the construction. * 

1 Madras experienced several troubles from Nawab 
Sadatullah Khan. In the time of Governor Harrison 
(1711-17) troubles arose over the possession of the Five 


New Villages which had been granted by Nawab Daud 
Khan to the English in 1708. These were Tiruvottiyur, 
Nungambakam, Vyasarpadi, Kathiwakain and Sattan- 
gadu. A permanent grant of these villages was included 
as one of the provisions of the far man issued by Emperor 
Farrukh Siyar to the English in 1717 on the represent- 
ation of the embassy of John Surman. Even at the time 
of their grant, Sadatullah Khan who was then the 
Diwan of the Subah of Arcot, had objected to the con- 
firmation. He subsequently claimed the restoration of 
the five villages on the ground of the legal insufficiency 
of the grant ; and also pressed for the rendition of the 
three old villages already granted ; viz., Egmore, Pura- 
sawakam and Tondiarpet; and he actually resumed 
possession of the five villages in 1711. The demand for 
the three old villages was not pressed by him as the 
matter was amicably arranged through the good offices 
of Sunka Rama, the Company's chief merchant, who 
conducted prolonged negotiations. In 1717 Surman 
obtained from Delhi three separate farmans confirming 
the English privileges in the three presidencies and the 
Madras farrnan included the return of the five villages 
which had been resumed by the Muhammadans. 

A second great achievement of Harrison was an 
extensive reconstruction of buildings in the fort. The 
bastions and curtains of the Inner Citadel were de- 
molished and a new building known as the Fort Square 
was erected in their place. 

In the time of Governor Collet, the local Mughal 
officials contrived to put off the return of the Five New 
Villages; and though they were first occupied by the 
English, Sadatullah Khan sent his troops to expel them 
and there was an open fight between the latter and the 
English at Tiruvottiyur. Nawab Sadatullah was not 
discouraged by the rebuff that his troops received in 
this fight and put forward a haughty demand in 1721-22 
for the restoration of these villages on the ground that 
they formed part of the jaghir of his overlord the 
Nizam. Governor Elwick held that he had the farman 
of the Mughal Emperor himself for these villages 
and pointed out that the Nawab himself had acknow- 
ledged the English right to them in the past. An 
embassy was sent to the Nawab who had come down to 

449 - 

Nawab Sadatullah organised all the killas 
of the Payenghat region of the Carnatic and 
of the khalsa lands. 1 He had no issue and 
adopted a son of his uncle and named him 
Khan Bahadur. He died in the year, Ananda, 
1144 Fasli. He had secured from the Emperor 
the dignity and rank of a panch hazari mansab 

San Thome ; and Rayasam Papaiya and Sunka Rama, 
the English envoys, who went over to the Nawab's camp, 
were forcibly detained. But when Elwick roundly 
charged the Nawab with an abuse of his power, the 
latter gave in ; and no further difficulty was raised about 
the villages. 

In the time of Governor Macrae (1725-30) the 
fortifications and buildings of White Town were streng- 
thened, and the ramparts of the Old Black Town were 
repaired, the Egmore Redoubt was strengthened and a 
new powder factory was erected in the island. It is 
these fortifications that should have been objected to by 
the Nizam and that were passively permitted by the 
Nawab Sadatullah. (C. S. Srinivasachari : History of 
the City of Madras, pp. 122 and 131 et seq.) 

1 Among these were the seven killas of Gingee, 
Kalavay Gadh, Giddangal, Perumukkal, Valudavur, 
Vriddhachalam, Palayamkottai, Ranjangudi, Kiinjagadi 
Polur, Mustafagadh or Sankarapuram, Vepur Durgam, 
Ravuttanallur, Chidambaram, Tiruvannamalai, Elava- 
nasur, Karnatakgadh, Pennattur, Timmappayan Durgara, 
Mallikarjungadh, Arni, Chetpet, Chingleput, Karunguzhi, 
Poonamallee, Mylapore (San Thome), Tirupassur, Tama- 
rapakkam, Timiri, Arcot, Vellore Durgam and Kottai, 
Vandavasi, Kailasgadh, PadaivIdu,Vannandurgam, Chak- 
kilidurgam, Vajendragadh, Ambur Gadh, Satgadh, 
Chittoor, Maye Mandalam, Avalkondai, Chandragiri, 
Udayagiri, Rampur, Satyavedu, Chekku, Devagadh, 
Sulupagadh, Krishnagiri and other forts which consti- 
tuted the traditional eighty-four killas of the Carnatic. 



and the l mahl maratib and other honours 
and likewise secured for his nephews (children 
of his sister-in-law) 77? ansab ranks. There were 
two such nephews, one Safdar Ali Khan, the 
killedar of Karunguzhi, and the other, Muham- 
mad Sayyid Khan, Khan Bahadur. After his 
death all his nobles divided themselves into 
two hostile factions ; one of them took the side 
of Khan Bahadur and the other that of Baqir 
Ali Khan, the killcdar of Vellore and the son 
of Ghulam Ali Khan, the brother of the late 
Nawab. After much negotiation, Baqir Ali 
was raised to the nizamat of Arcot over the 
heads of Safdar Ali and Khan Bahadur, as 
they were judged unworthy to succeed- Baqir 
Ali, soon after he ascended the mziimat, gave 
up his position to his younger brother, Ali Dost 
Khan, and retired to the fort of Vellore. Ali 
D6st thus became the Nawab in succession to 
Nawab Sadatullah. Ali Dost Khan's rule was 
good; but it was weak and encouraged turbul- 
ence and insubordination on the part of the 
nobles and the killedars. 

1 Mafil Manliib. (The dignity of the fish) The 
privilege of having carried before a man of rank, the 
representation of a fish or part of it, of metal gilt, borne 
upon a pole, with two circular gilt balls similarly 
elevated, conferred as a mark of distinction by the 
Emperor of Delhi on personages of the highest rank. 
One of the latest, or perhaps the last, conferment of 
this rank was to Lord Lake by the Emperor Shah Alam 
in 1803. 


During the administration of Ali Dost 
Khan, Sayyid Muhammad Khan of Tadpatri 
was put in charge of the fortress of Gingee. 
He ruled with the help of a body of 300 horse 
and manyfollowers and relations of his. There 
arose a fierce dispute between the Hindus and 
the Mussalmans over the murder of a Hindu 
sanyaii by some faquirs. The Mussalmans, out 
of sympathy for the faquirs, got the support of 
Sayyid Muhammad Khan and resisted the ex- 
ecution of justice on the culprits, as ordered 
by the killedar, Sadat Tiyar Khan. The whole 
matter was converted into a political question; 
all the civil officials from the diwan of the 
faujdari downwards declared themselves on 
the side of the Hindus to whom justice was due, 
and even the faujddr had to send a letter 
ordering the delivery to the Hindus of the 
guilty faquirs. But Sayyid Muhammad Khan 
and his party refused to obey the order and 
made themselves ready for a civil struggle, 
which was imminent for a time, between the 
Mussalmans ranged on one side and the Hind- 
us including the officials and the Rajputs, on 
the other. The sequel however, as plaintively 
described by our Chronicler, was against the 
Hindus. He thus writes pathetically : " But 
the government belonged to the Mussalmans. 
The cause of the Hindus failed. The killedar 
made many promises. Fatalists by nature and 
considering that the dead do not return, the 


Hindus interred the body of Dakkanatha (the 
murdered sanyasi) at the spot where he had 
performed tapas and erected a building there- 
on where they assembled some monks to whom 
they gave 15 kanis of rent-free land. During 
the time of the Mussalmans many iniquities 
were thus committed with impunity." 

Nawab Dost All acquired a reputation 
for moderation and justice. As Burhanu'd-din 
remarks : " His kindness was such that his own 
community could with impunity become his 
secret opponents, while professing loyalty. 1 ' 
He had one son, named Safdar Ali Khan, and 
five sons-in-law ; of the latter the third was 
the famous adventurer, Chanda Sahib; and the 
first was Ghulam Murtaza Ali Khan, son of 
Baqir Ali Khan; and yet another, Taqi Ali 
Khan, was the killedar of Wandiwash. In 1734 
Safdar Ali and Chanda Sahib who was an 
ambitious and scheming adventurer, were sent 
on a roving commission to the south ; and dur- 
ing this campaign they captured Tanjore by 
storm and placed it for the time in the hands 
of Bade Sahib, the brother of Chanda Sahib. 1 

1 This expedition is not detailed fully by Grant- Duff 
or Wilks, but has been ascertained from the contempor- 
ary news-letters of the Madura Mission. In the Tanjore 
kingdom, the years 1734-39 constituted a dark era of 
domestic anarchy, internal dissensions and rebellions of 
pretenders. The government was dominated by a prom- 
inent and infamous Muhammadan adventurer, Saiyad 


Khan. Closely connected with this domestic revolution 
in Tanjore was the rise of Chanda Sahib into great 
prominence. The Tamil History of the Karnataka 
Governors, attributes this expedition of Safdar Ali and 
Chanda Sahib to the positive connivance of Rani 
Minakshi of Madura, who is said to have actually written 
to Chanda Sahib for assistance. Then followed Chanda 
Sahib's acquisition of Trichinopoly by treachery; the 
kingdom of Madura was torn by intense rivalry between 
Rani Minakshi, the surviving widow of Vijayaranga 
Chokkanatha Nayak, and Bangaru Tirumala, the father 
of the boy who had been adopted by the Rani as her son 
and the successor to the post of Karta (Nayak). 

The indigenous chronicles, both Tamil and Telugu, 
are not agreed as to the sequence of events that led to 
the acquisition of Trichinopoly by Chanda Sahib and the 
death of Rani Minakshi. Vijayaranga Chokkanatha 
Nayak (1706-1732) was too pious and religious to keep up 
his authority undiminished ; and on his death in 1732, his 
wife Minakshi assumed the reins of government and 
adopted a son from a collateral branch. Bangaru Tiru- 
mala, the father of her adopted son, and Dalavay Ven- 
katacharya, formed an alliance to bring about her deposi- 
tion. When Safdar Ali and Chanda Sahib came to 
Trichinopoly (1734) Bangaru Tirumala or his ally, made 
overtures to Safdar Ali, promising to pay him 30 lakhs, 
if he would take steps to oust the Rani from power. 
The Rani became alarmed at this prospect, made over- 
tures to Chanda Sahib who had been left behind by Safdar 
Ali and promised to pay him one crore of rupees, if she 
should be guaranteed undisturbed possession of the 
kingdom, stipulating that Chanda Sahib should take an 
oath on the Quran to fulfill his promise. Chanda Sahib 
was thereupon admitted into the fort of Trichinopoly ; 
and Bangaru Tirumala and his son were quickly sent 
away to Madura. Chanda Sahib returned to Arcot after 
these events. The faction opposed to the Rani continued 
its activities and in 1736 Chanda Sahib had to go a 
second time to Trichinopoly ; and he now proceeded to 
make himself master of the whole kingdom. He captured 
Dindigul and Madura ; and Bangaru Tirumala fled for 
protection to the woods of Sivaganga. The disappointed 
Rani who found herself a prisoner in the hands of the 
Muslim adventurer, took poison and died. Bangaru 

The version of the Tamil Chronicle is 
much more clear, and possibly more reliable 
as to the course of the intervention of the 
Muhammadans. It says that when Safdar AH 
came down to Trichinopoly in 1734, he was 
merely anxious to settle the dispute between 
Bangaru and the Rani and returned after en- 
trusting the implementing of the award to 
Chanda Sahib. Chanda Sahib's plan was, first, 
to overthrow Bangaru Tirumala in the name 
of Rani Minakshi, so that there should be no 
rival to the Rani whom he could easily contrive 
to set aside subsequently ; next, to depose her 
from rule and to proclaim himself as the 
governor of Trichinopoly in the name of the 
Nawab ; and finally perhaps to make himself 
completely independent even of Arcot. Thus 
Rani Mmakshi should be utilized for the 

Tirumala called in the aid of the Marathas who had an 
interview with him before they occupied Trichinopoly in 
1740. Raghuji Bhonsle, the leader of the expedition, is 
even said to have directed Murari Rao, one of his lieuten- 
ants in the south and governor of Trichinopoly which 
had been captured, to place Bangaru upon the throne ; 
but no result came out of this. When the Nizam came 
down to Trichinopoly in 1743, Bangaru bestirred himself 
and visited him in the hope of obtaining his favour and 
assistance. Anwaru'd-din is said to have been asked by 
his master to take kindly care of the Nayak ; and the 
Pandyan Chronicle says that the Nayak was poisoned by 
Anwaru'd-din, when he was residing at Arcot as his 
pensioner and under his protection. But this looks 
improbable. The son of Bangaru returned to Sivaganga ; 
and nothing more is heard of him. 

- 455 

destruction of Bangaru Tirumala ; then the 
Nawab's authority should be utilized for the 
destruction of the Rani ; and finally, his in- 
dependence of Arcot should be built up on the 
basis of his own prowess. Therefore he return- 
ed to Arcot in 1735 in order to get reinforce- 
ments and to explain away his plans to the 
Nawab. He seems to have acquiesced, for the 
time being, in the plans of the partition of the 
Nayak kingdom as suggested by Rani Mmakshi, 
as a measure of safety. This plan should show 
that Mmakshi was clever enough to perceive 
that the boy-prince shouldbe properly entrusted 
to the care of Bangaru Tirumala who shouldbe 
the final defender of the kingdom. Chanda 
Sahib thought it diplomatic to acquiesce, for 
the time being, in this arrangement of the 

Raghuji Bhonsle and Fat eh Singh now ad- 
vanced into the Carnatic. As Shahu's objective, 
viz., an attack on Janjira, was nearly finished, 
the Maharaja could turn the attention of his 
lieutenants towards the south (1736). The 
Peshwa and his brother Chimnaji Appa, had 
been slowly developing the policy of pushing 
on Maratha conquests in the south ; and Babuji 
Nayak who had claims on the Karnatak based 
on the grant of a mamla to him, supported the 
expedition. Shahu himself undertook a cam- 
paign in the southern direction ; but he did not 

. 456 

go beyond Miraj and returned to Satara, after 
despatching Fateh Singh and Raghuji Bhonsle 
towards Arcot and Tanjore. It was during 
this expedition that Dost Ali Khan was killed 
in battle at the foot of the mountains in the 
pass of Damalcheruvu. Dost Ali had sent 
word to his son Safdar Ali to hasten from 
Tanjore where he was then encamped ; but the 
latter made only a slow march and Dost Ali 
had been defeated in the meantime. The 
Marathas then plundered Arcot and looted its 
treasures. Soon they advanced against Safdar 
Ali who, however, contrived to arrive at an 
understanding with them and persuaded them 
to turn against Chanda Sahib, of whom he was 
very jealous* The Maratha army besieged 
Chanda Sahib in his stronghold of Trichino- 
poly. The latter sought the help of his younger 
brother, Bade Sahib, who had been entrusted 
with authority over Dindigul and Madura. 
Bade Sahib gathered together his forces care- 
fully, avoided the enemy whose advance 
troops marched south to resist him, but was 
defeated and killed at the battle of Koduttalam 
at a distance of four kuroh from Trichinopoly, 
Thereupon Chanda Sahib " let slip the bridle 
of firmness from his hand " ; the Marathas got 
possession of Trichinopoly and entrusted it to 
their ally, Murari Rao of Gooty, and sent 
Chanda as a prisoner to Maharashtra. Raghuji 
Bhonsle, the leader of the expedition, heard in 


the midst of this southern campaign news of 
the successive deaths of Baji Rao Peshwa and 
of his brave brother, Chimnaji Appa, who were 
the only persons that could restrain him and of 
whom therefore he stood in some awe. Being 
relieved of this fear, Raghuji made himself 
complete master of the situation, set at naught 
the authority of both the new Peshwa and 
his colleague, Fateh Singh Bhonsle, and even 
encouraged Safdar Ali not to recognise the 
Peshwa's claims of chauth and sardeshmukhi. 
Nawab Safdar Ali, having got rid, for the time 
being at least, of his rival and brother-in-law^ 
installed himself on the musnud at Arcot, 
received the customary presents from his 
nobles and feudatories and obtained the sanad 
of his appointment as faujdar from Nawab 
Asaf Jah Bahadur, who was "gratified by 
humble petitions and presents " and who en- 
trusted the killedaris of Chetpat and Valuda- 
vur to Mir Asadullah Khan. It was because 
of this favour shown to Mir Asad by Nawab 
Asaf Jah, that Safdar Ali appointed him to be 
his diwan. Nawab Asaf Jah had heard of the 
courage and intelligence of Safdar Ali and is 
said to have even arranged for an artist to 
paint his portrait. The Tamil Chronicler says 
that "when he had seen it, i.e., the portrait 
attentively, he was convinced of his bravery/* 
and adds, somewhat cynically, that he " kept 
his conviction to himself." Safdar Ali how- 



ever was generally looked upon as a man of 
easy disposition and mediocre talents. He had 
got the confirmation of his office from the 
Nizam by arranging to pay the latter a sum of 
70 lakhs of rupees and had actually paid a 
considerable portion of this amount before he 
was assassinated. 

Another jealous brother-in-law of his, 
Murtaza Ali Khan of Vellore, took advantage 
of the inefficiency and favouritism of Safdar 
Ali and schemed to set him aside and to usurp 
the nizamat himself. He also expected that 
as the Nizam was reported to be secretly 
hostile to Safdar Ali, there would not be much 
trouble from that quarter. On the occasion 
of a visit of Safdar Ali to Vellore, Murtaza 
Ali contrived, with the help of his own wife, 
the sister of the Nawab, to poison his food and 
subsequently, when the poison did not have 
any effect, to stab him to death. Murtaza Ali 
actually occupied the nmxnud at Arcot for a 
few days, but finding that there was a formid- 
able conspiracy brewing against him, returned 
for the sake of safety to his fortress at 
Vellore. 1 Some notables of the Subah, including 

1 According to English Records we get the following 
version. (P.O., vol. Ixxii., 27th December 1742, and Suc- 
cession of the Nabobs in the Carnatic Province since the 
Year 1710, Orme MSB., (O.V. 25-3) and page 284 of H. D. 
Love's Vestiges of Old Madras, Vol. II). 


Hirasat Khan of Satgadh, took charge of 
the two youthful sons of Safdar All Khan, 
sent a faithful account of the events that had 
taken pla :e at Vel ore and at Arcot, to Nawab 
Asaf Jah and deplored the forlorn condition of 
the faujdari of the Ca/natic. Ihey also sent 
a collective request soliciting the musnud 
for the elder of the two sons of Safiar Ali 
Khan, a boy of ten, by name Sahibzada 
Muhammad Sayyid Khan. On receiving this 

" It appeared that Mir Asad, the Dewan, had 
demanded of the Killedar the portion of the Maratha 
indemnity in which he was assessed, and the Nawab 
intimated that his cousin, in default of payment, must 
resign the fort and jaghire. Murtaza Ali then deter- 
mined to kill the Nawab, and secure the succession. 
During the feast of Shab-i-Barat, when leave had been 
granted to the guards, he executed his villainous purpose, 
causing Safdar Ali to be murdered in his bed-room, but 
sparing Mir Asad. Ten days later, he proclaimed him- 
self Nawab at Arcot. The army, however, proved dis- 
satisfied ; Morari Rau and the Marathas sided with the 
family of the murdered man, and Murtaza Ali fled to 
Vellore disguised in female attire. The army immedi- 
ately proclaimed Sahib Jadda Nawab under the name of 
Muhammad Sa'id. Word was sent to Madras, where the 
boy's elevation was announced with due ceremony at 
the Garden House, a great procession attending him 
thither, and back to his residence in Black Town. 

"The young Nawab recompensed the Governor and 
Council for the hospitality shown him by granting them 
as a gift the five villages of * Ernavore, Saudian Copang, 
Vapery, Perambore and Poodupauk, and by the grant of 
Liberty of Coining Arcot Rupees and Pagodas according 
to the Usuage and Practice of the Country Mints' in a 
mint to be set up in Chintadripetta. Some minor privi- 
leges relating to Chintadripetta were accorded by three 
other grants of the same date.'* 


petition, Nawab Asaf Jah proceeded to the 
Carnatic with a big army. He was advised by 
Imam Sahib, who was a good friend of Nawab 
Dost Ali and had settled at Hyderabad on the 
latter's death and become one of the Nizam's 
favourite courtiers, to proceed to the Carnatic. . 
He marched at the head of 80,000 horse and 
2,00,000 foot, to strengthen his authority over 
the Carnatic and to remove the abuses that 
had crept into its administration. Not merely 
was the Carnatic in complete disorder, but 
Himmat Khan, the refractory Pathan Nawab 
of Kurnool had killed Himmat Tiyar Khan, 
son of Alaf Khan Panni, Subahdar of Bijapur 
and had been persistently witholding his 
tribute. After settling the affairs of Kurnool, 
Nawab Asaf Jah proceeded towards Arcot 
where he received the oath of allegiance from 
the boy-prince, Muhammad Sayyid. He did 
not, however, allow the boy to return to 
Wandiwash to the care of his relations, but 
entrusted him to the charge of some of his 
own officers (March 1743) and then proceeded 
with his army to besiege Trichinopoly and 
recover it from Maratha hands. 

After six months of desultory operations, 
Nawab Asaf Jah compelled its Maratha 
governor, Murari Rao Ghorepade, to evacuate 
the fortress and leave the Carnatic (29th 
August 1743). He left Khaja Abdulla Khan, 


who had already been put in charge of the 
Subah of Arcot to establish Mughal authority 
in the neighbourhood of Trichinopoly and him- 
self returned to Arcot. Nizam'IMulk stayed on 
in the Carnatic till the end of March 1744 ; and 
both the English at Madras and the French at 
Pondicherry vied with each other to solicit 
his favour by presents and embassies. The im- 
mediate object of the English was to get a con- 
firmation of the right of coining money and of 
the grants of land made by the boy Nawab at 
the time of his father's death, when he and his. 
mother were living at Madras under English 
protection. The Nizam tried to restore peace 
and order throughout the Carnatic by sending 
touring officers to reorganise the administra- 
tion. Through the instrumentality of Khaja 
Niyamatullah Khan, who was entrusted with 
the affairs of Arcot by Khaja Abdullah Khan, 
and Diwan Puran Chand, the revenues of the 
Carnatic were raised from 35 to 45 lakhs. 
When Nawab Asaf Jah left Arcot for Hydera- 
bad in April 1744, he formally appointed 
Khaja Abdullah Khan as the nazim of the Car- 
natic Payen?hat ; but the Khan, after taking 
leave from his master, died in his bed the very 
same night. This event was, according to the 
Hadiqatu'l-Alum a case of death from ex- 
cessive joy at the elevation ; but rumours pre- 
vailed, attributing it to the machinations of 


Nawab Anwaru'd-dm and of the wily Murtaza 
All Khan. 1 

Anwaru'd-din Khan had distinguished 
himself in the Nizam's service as well as in 
that of his father. He was appointed fa ujdar 
of Ellore and Rajahmundry af ier the defeat 
and death of Mubariz Khan in 1724 He had 
become conversant with the politics of the 
Deccan and the Carnatic, having spent abDut 
16 years in that country. According to the 
Tamil Chronicle, Nawab Asaf Jah, who had 
taken a liking to the boy-prince, Muhammad 
Sayyid, and had promised him the office of 
faujdar when he should come of age, now 
summoned Anwaru'd-dm Khan and spoke to 
him thus : " The faujdari of the Carnatic is 
without an incumbent. The son of Safdar Ali 
Khan is a minor. The country should be 
governed by you. It is your duty to occupy 
this office and send by mutual consent with 

1 " In the gathering of the darkness of the night, 
Khwaja Abdullah Khan, adorned in the robes of his office, 
took leave of Nawwab Asaf Jah, met his friends in the 
happy army, and then reached his tent. There he 
attended to his affairs, and rested for the night. He rose 
at dawn, attended to the calls of nature, and sat as usual 
on the chawki (a raised seat) to get ready for the early 
morning prayer, and performed his ablutions. While he 
was doing these in the prescribed order, and reached to 
the washing of his left foot, the feet of his life slipped 
from the chair of firmness all on a sudden, and he fell 
on his face in eternal prostration." (Tuzak-i-Wal8juhi 9 
English Translation, by Dr. S. M. H. Nainar, Part I, 
p. 51-52). 

- 463 

this boy, the tribute and land-tax to the 
treasury of the Nawab." Anwaru'd-dm Khan 
was immediately granted the sanad and far- 
man for the nizdmat, but was instructed to 
send Hyderabad, as a hostage for his good con- 
duct, his second son, Muhammad All Khan 
(the future Nawab Walajah^. Anwaru'd-dm 
proceeded to Arcot (April 1744) sat on the 
musnud of the nizamat, received the custom- 
ary presents and confirmed all the killedars 
and other chiefs in their possessions. He 
showed himself affectionate towards the boy- 
prince and treated him with every consider- 
ation; but his rule was resented by the nu- 
merous partisans of the family of Nawab 
Sadatullah, though Nawab Asaf Jah had made 
it publicly known that he intended to confer 
the Nawabship of Arcot on the boy Muham- 
mad Sayyid Khan, as soon as he should atta'n 
the age of manhood and had particulaily 
directed Anwaru'd-dm to educate him and take 
care of him as his guardian. 1 

1 On thp occasion of the Nizam's first entry into 
Arcot, the mother of Safdar All Khan presented herself 
before the Nawab taking by the hand her grandson 
Muhammad Sayyid Khan aged 10 years and threw him 
at the feet of the Nawab. He (the Nawab) took him 
between his hands and made him sit by his side and con- 
soled the grand-mother, telling her : " Your power is not 
extinguished; it resides in your grandson. We shall 
institute as provisional administrator of the Faujdari 
some one of your friends. When he shall have deve- 
loped his understanding, this boy will hold the office of 


In June, the young boy-prince was killed 
by an Afghan mercenary under the influence 
of enemies in a marriage pandal. His death 
aroused the sympathy of the people who 
generally believed that it was due to the per- 
fidy of Murtaza Ali Khan and his intrigue 
with the murderers. Anwaru'd-dm Khan was 
also suspected of having had a hand in the 
affair. To clear himself of all suspicions on 
the part of his master Asaf Jah and to wreak 
his own vengeance on the murderers, 
Anwar u'd-dm dismissed all the Afghan mer- 
cenaries from the service of the nizamat and 
drove away the Pathans from Arcot towards 
the west to the passes over the Ghais into the 
interior. He wrote an account of all the 
happenings to Nawab Asaf Jah and tried to 
exculpate himself from the charge of having 
in any way connived at the murder. " Had 
not his age and service pleaded strongly in his 
favour, he would certainly have lost his post." 
But there was no other suitable man for the 
nizamat at the time ; and after long reflection, 
Asaf Jah issued an order confirming the Khan 
in the Nawabship. 

The killedar of Gingee, Sadat Tiyar 
Khan, died in Fasli 1157 and he was followed 
in the office by Ghaziuddm Khan who ruled 
for five years when he went mad; and Mir 
Ghulam Hussain was then appointed to be 


the killedar of the fort and given the jaghir 
of Pennatur for his maintenance. He died 
in a short time, but was not followed in 
his office by his son, who was given only a 
stipend. It was also now that the Mughal 
imperial prince who had been secured in 
Gingee by Nawab Sadatullah died and was 
interred at Sirukadambur. There arose great 
trouble from Periya Aiya, the Bandari (poligarj 
of Vettavanam, who, after indulging in a 
number of skirmishes, was captured and 
placed in strict confinement in the rock-fort of 
Gingee under a strong guard. After a few 
months, with the help of some horsemen who 
were hiding in the jungle to the west of Raja- 
giri and by giving narcotics to his warders, he 
broke from his prison and, escaping from the 
fort, joined his men. These events occurred 
in the year 1156, Fasli. Nawab Anwaru'd-din 
gave over the palayam of Vettavanam to the 
brother of the rebel Bandari and returned to 
Arcot. He had yet more trouble in the neigh- 
bourhood of Gingee in the matter of a quarrel 
between Muthumalla Reddi, a powerful land- 
holder of Tindivanam and Ananda Ranga 
Pillai, the well-known Diarist and the influen- 
tial courtier of Dupleix at Pondicherry. This 
was after La Bourdonnais had captured 
Madras which greatly worried the Nawab who 
had definitely ordered both the parties not to 
indulge in hostilities in the Carnatic. Muham- 



mad Mahfuz Khan, the eldest son of the 
Nawab, was in charge of Conjeevaram ; he 
now allied himself with the French and made 
war with the English- But he was obliged to 
fall back. The second son Muhammad Ali 
favoured the English at Fort St. David and 
showed himself to be an enemy of the French. 
Nawab Anwaru'd-din tried to treat both part- 
ies on an equal footing. 

Muthumalla Reddi of Tindivanam was full 
of hatred against Ranga Pillai and wrote to 
the Nawab, inviting him to attack Pondicherry 
and offering him to pay 1,000 pagodas every 
day for expenses. The Nawab consequently 
came with some of his troops to Tindivanam 
where he stayed for a month. Pondicherry 
was then being attacked by the English ; and 
the Nawab after receiving some money from 
the French, made his peace with them ; he 
then advanced south towards Tanjore and 
Trichinopoly, in order to realize the peshkaxh 
amounts due from the vassals in that part of 
the country. 


Nawab Asaf Jah died in 1158 Fasli. The 
news of the death of the aged Nizam reached 
Arcot 16 days after it happened, which was, 
according to the Diarist Ranga Pillai, June 2, 
1748, (i.e. 22nd May O.S.). This news caused 
great grief both to Anwaru'd-din Khan and to 


Ms son Mahfuz Khan- Nasir Jang who was 
with his father at the time of his death, set 
out for Northern India with a great army of 
horsemen, infantry and gunners and proceeded 
as far as the Narmada, at the invitation of his 
brother, Ghaziu'd-dm Khan of Delhi. 

Mutawassil Khan *, a son-in-law of Asaf 
Jah, now claimed that the old Nizam had 
given to his wife the Carnatic and the Subah 
of Hyderabad. He transferred these rights to 
his son, Hidayat Mohiu'd-din Khan, Muzaffar 
Jang, telling him as follows : 4t Your grand- 
father has given me the subah of Hyderabad. 
Profit by this moment to go to take possession 
of the Carnatic. The man who knows well 
the situation of the country is Hussain Dost 
Khan, also called Chanda Sahib. He is now 
at Poona, a prisoner of the Mahrattas. I am 
writing to him and sending for him." Muta- 
wassil Khan received Chanda Sahib after his 
release from Maratha hands, gave him robes 
of honour and sent him with his son into the 
Carnatic, strongly recommending to the latter 
that Chanda Sahib should be appointed fauj- 
ddr of Arcot, if the country should be con- 
quered by them. Hidayat Mohiud-dm Khan 

1 Mutawassil Khan was the governor of Molhair ; 
in 1741 he helped his father-in-law, Nawab Asaf Jah, to 
put down the rebellion of Nasir Jang who had a narrow 
escape from death at his hands. 


joined Chanda Sahib, took counsel with him, 
assembled 20,000 horse-men and 50,000 foot and 
descended into the plain of Kolar in 1159 FaslL 
Getting news of this new danger, the old 
Nawab Anwaru'd-din assembled some troops 
and munitions of war, asked his son, Muham- 
mad Ali Khan, to come to his help and himself 
returned from the south country, through 
Gingee, on his way to Arcot. There he recruit- 
ed more soldiers to his army and then went 
to prevent the entry of the enemy into the 
valley of Arcot from the west ; he was accom- 
panied by Najib Khan and Hussain Khan 
Tahir. Raza Ali, son of Chanda Sahib, who 
was then in Pondicherry and in close friend- 
ship with Dupleix, had joined his father with 
a body of French soldiers and a park of artil- 
lery and arrived in the rear of Anwaru'd-din 

After the death of Anwaru'd-din Khan in 
battle with the enemy at Ambur, Mahfuz Khan 
who had stayed at Arcot, departed for Hyder- 
abad for safety. Muhammad Ali Khan who 
had hastened to the plain of Polur, retreated 
to the neighbourhood of Fort St. David and 
tried through Raja Ananta Das, who was in 
that fort, to get artillery, ammunition and a 
body of English soldiers. He then retired to 
Trichinopoly, where he entrusted Captain Cope 
with the charge of the chauklii of the fort. 


Meanwhile Hidayat Mohiu'd-dm and Chanda 
Sahib reached Arcot in triumph and, after 
staying there for some time arranging affairs 
to their satisfaction, marched by way of Gingee 
to Pondicherry where they stopped for over 
.a month spending their time in festivities and 
schemes of further victories. It was on this 
occasion that Muzaffar Jang conferred on 
Ananda Ranga Pillai the dignity of an Amir 
of the Carnatic, with the supplementary 
honours of a palanquin and ornaments and 
the title of Wazarat Vijaya Ananda Ranga 
Rao, as well as the charge of the killedari 
of Chingleput, 

Muzaffar Jang and Chanda Sahib were 
hard pressed for money which was their pri- 
mary need and which Dupleix could not supply. 
Muzaffar himself was not to be greatly relied 
upon. He and Chanda Sahib now marched on 
an expedition to Tanjore, after having failed 
to get any money from the country round Fort 
St. David and got only very little from Udayar- 
palayam. Nasir Jang who had been apprised 
of these happenings and had begun his march 
southwards, wrote to Dupleix urging him to 
separate from his allies, as otherwise he 
would order all the French factories on the 
Coromandel coast to be pulled down. He 
asked Sayyad Lashkar Khan to seize Adoni, 
Rayachoti and other places belonging to Muz- 


affar Jang in the country south of the Krishna. 
News arrived that early in March 1750 Nasir 
Jang had reached the Chengama pass; 
thereupon Chanda Sahib and Muzaffar Jang 
raised their seige operations at .Tanjore and 
began to retreat across the Coleroon in the 
direction of Tiruvati. About the middle of 
March, Nasir Jang's troops occupied Gingee, 
but the killed ar that was appointed to be in 
its charge allowed the French who were 
stationed by the enemy at that place to depart 
with their money and material. Mir Asadullah 
Khan, the kiUcdar of Chetpat, paid his res- 
pects to Nasir Jang when he was encamped 
in the pass of Chengama and was confirmed 
in the charge of the districts of Polur, Villu- 
puram and Wandiwash. At the beginning of 
April, Nasir Jang pitched his camp between 
Villupuram and Koliyanur in the direction of 
Poudicherry. Muhammad Ali joined him with 
about 6,000 horse and the entire camp extend- 
ed for about five miles from north to south and 
three miles from east to west. There was 
great unrest in the enemy side ; and Muzaffar 
Jang in a fit of depression gave himself up 
into the hands of his uncle, though he had no 
preconceived plan of making his own terms 
with him. Muzaffar Jang's captivity in the 
camp of Nasir Jang did not seem to have 
been harsh. In the beginning of May 1750, 
Nasir Jang was still in the neighbourhood of 

.471 - 

Pondicherry and his nobles advised him to 
forgive Muzaffar Jang. Chanda Sahib was 
promised Trichinopoly with a mansabr jaghir ; 
but he wanted Arcot as well. 1 Nasir Jang 
proceeded from his camp to Arcot where 
he intended to stay for the rainy season. 
The sharp division of Nasir Jang's court 
into two parties, respectively supporting his 
cause and that of his nephew, is seen more 

1 A brief surrey of the politics ami 'movements of 
Nasir Jang's army in the summer of 1750. 

Nasir Jang ordered all his troops to rendezvous under 
the forts of Gingee. About the middle of March 1750 he 
himself arrived there with the main body. His whole 
army consisted of 300,000 fighting men, a part of which 
was composed of cavalry. There were also 1,300 
elephants and 800 pieces of cannon. The huge army of 
the Nizam convinced the English that he was the real 
subalidur of the Deccan ; and they ordered their detach- 
ment at Trichinopoly to proceed with Muhammad Ali 
who had joined with 6,000 horse, the army of Nasir Jang 
at Valudfivur, situated about fifteen miles from Pondi- 
cherry. Some days later, Major Lawrence arrived there 
with his own body of 600 Europeans. 

There were then factions among the officers of the 
French army who were helping Muzaffar Jang and who 
were clamouring vigorously for their emoluments. 
Dupleix had attempted to bring them back to duty by 
severity, but failed ; and treason increased among the 
soldiers who became insolent and regardless of their 

Soon a cannonade ensued between the two 
armies. D'Auteuil who was in command of the French 
army, was desirous of making peace, as he found that he 
could not rely on his troops with confidence for his 
success. Moreover, the officers of the army disheartened 
their men by exaggerating the superior forces of the 
enemy. However, the cannonade lasted till evening. 


Some thirteen officers of D'Auteuil deserted him, and 
such a scandalous desertion was probably the result of 
the panic of the troops. D'Auteuil had therefore to 
withdraw from the field to avoid defeat ; and he ordered 
his men to march towards Pondicherry. Muzaffar Jang 
and Chanda Sahib were astonished at the unexpected 
and hasty retreat of the French commander. 

Nasir Jang's men then made overtures of peace to 
Muzaffar Jang and promised him protection on his sign- 
ing a treaty. Muzaffar Jang had so fully relied on the 
French troops that he would not lay down his arms 
easily. But when Chanda Sahib followed the French 
to Pondicherry, Muzaffar Jang offered himself to 
surrender to Nasir Jang, relying on the latter's 
assurances of protection. Nasir Jang swore by the 
Quran not to make him a prisoner, nor deprive him of his 
government Muzaffar Jang was obviously deceived 
and he was arrested and kept as a prisoner. 

The Marathas under Murari Rao pursued the French 
battalion when they were making the disgraceful retreat 
to Pondicherry and harrassed them. 

Dupleix who was ever undaunted by adversity, soon 
took advantage of the discontent prevailing among the 
Pathan Nawabs of Kurnool, Savanore and Cuddapah, as 
they felt themselves greatly disappointed as to their re- 
wards for services rendered recently to Nasir Jang, and 
sent a detachment to attack Tiruvati on the Gadilam 
which fell into his hands easily. Muhammad AH then 
marched from Arcot with a huge army of 20,000 men, 
one half of which were composed of Nasir Jang's troops. 
He was later joined near Gingee by the English troops. 
In the battle that ensued between the French and the 
English forces, the latter suffered a defeat and Muham- 
mad Ali was routed near a place about 8 miles east 
of Tiruvati. 

Even this success of the French arms did not rouse 
Nasir Jang from his indolence ; and Dupleix availing 
himself of the inactivity -and of the general consternation 
which the rout of Muhammad Ali had .created in the 
neighbouring parts, ordered D'Auteuil and Bussy to 
capture Gingee " a place exceedingly strong and not ill 
fortified", which has been regarded as the strongest of 
all the forts in the Carnatic. 


and more clearly in the pages of the Diary 
of Ananda Raftga Filial. In July Muzaffar 
Jang is said to have attempted to escape 
from the custody of his uncle, while Cap- 
tain Cope with a body of English troops 
joined, near Tiruvati, Muhammad Ali who had 
marched down from Arcot. Then took place 
a battle between him and the French in 
which Muhammad Ali was defeated and from 
which he made good his escape with some 
difficulty ; he was afraid to halt at Gingee 
which he was ordered to secure and where 
Nasir Jang had promised to send him re- 

II. Gingee under tbe Europeans 

Events leading to the French capture of Gingee 
(September 1750). 

Nasir Jang had, as already told, marched 
from his first camp at Arcot to Tiruvati, whence 
he sent a vakil to Governor Floyer demanding 
assistance. The French had then encamped 
20 miles south-west of Pondicherry, with a body 
of 1000 Europeans, 2000 sepoys and cqffres and 
15,000 horse belonging to Muzaffar Jang and 
Chanda Sahib. Captain Cope was then ordered 



to join Muzaffar Jang from Trichinopoly, 
Stringer Lawrence soon afterwards marched 
from Fort St. David with the troops that 
could be spared from its garrison ; and after 
the latter's arrival at Nasir Jang's camp, the 
whole army advanced, whereupon, after a dist- 
ant and ineffective cannonade for a day, the 
enemy retreated so precipitately as to leave 
behind 10 guns and 2 cohorns. The Marathas 
pursued the French as soon as their flight 
came to be known ; but the latter escaped 
safely to Pondicherry. 

After this reverse, the weak-minded Muz- 
affar Jang became very much depressed, 
separated his troops from Chanda Sahib and 
submitted promptly the very next day to 
Nasir Jang, who put him in confinement, but 
not of a strict kind. After this, Nasir Jang 
advanced to Valudavur 7 miles to the west of 
Pondicherry. But he would not proceed fur- 
ther, because Lawrence now informed him 
that " the English could not act against the 
French in their Bounds, where they would be 
principals-'' Nasir Jang remained at Valuda- 
vur for about a month and then moved to 
Arcot. Really the English did not accompany 
him, as he did not consent to their demand 
for first receiving grants for the Poonamallee 
country ; and the English troops returned to 
Fort St. David. (April 22, O.S.) 


Soon after this the French and Chanda 
Sahib marched out and began ravaging and 
levying contributions on the country. They 
captured Tiruvati and sent a party to Chidam- 
baram where they plundered the suburbs and 
negotiated for a large contribution in return 
for their non-molestation of the temple at the 
place. At this juncture, Muhammad Ali wrote 
to Governor Floyer, saying that the French 
were fortifying themselves at Tiruvati and 
that Nasir Jang had drawn out a far-man 
granting Poonamallee to the English, which 
he lodged with a substantial merchant of 
Arcot to be delivered over when Muhammad 
Ali should be formally appointed Nawab of 
the Carnatic in September, and also sending 
some amount in lieu of the Poonamallee 
revenues for the time being. Thereupon 
Captain Cope was sent out with 600 men and 
a field-train on June 30, (O.S.) and joined the 
Nawab who had reached the neighbourhood 
of ,Tiruvati on the west. The French with- 
drew from Chidambaram without having got 
any contribution, left a garrison in Tiruvati 
and retired into their bounds. The English 
continued in their camp till the middle of 
August. Two battles were fought at Tiruvati 
with a month's interval, one on the 19th of 
July (O.S.) and the other on the 20th of August 
(O.S.). In the first encounter the English and 


Muhammad All were repulsed, while in the 
second Muhammad Ali whom the English had 
left to himself, was thoroughly crushed, his 
army was scattered and his camp burnt. He 
fled to Gingee, but not venturing to stand a 
sfej'ijge there, retreated further. 

During this action the English were qui- 
escent at Cuddalore, Dupleix was resolved 
to take advantage of this inactivity of the 
English and within a couple of days after the 
second battle, ordered D'Auteuil to despatch 
Bussy with a body of soldiers, coffres and 
sepoys to march against Arcot by way of 
Villupuram and Gingee. Martineau tells us 
that this expedition was merely to force the 
hand of Nasir Jang to set free his nephew, 
Muzaffar Jang. Bussy was at Villupuram on 
the 25th August (O.S.) (5th September N.S.) ; 
Dupleix then did not intend that Gingee should 
be captured as he considered there was 
nothing in that place- First Bussy, and later 
D'Auteuil and Latouche, persuaded Dupleix 
to change his mind and allow the attempt on 
Gingee. 1 Dupleix was convinced that the 

1 " Writing to D'Auteuil and Latouche on the 2nd 
September, Dupleix said : ' I would never have thought 
that such an expedition might have been envied by any- 
body ; but since you are of opinion that it would be worth 
the trouble, you may join Bussy and carry out your idea 
just as you please.' Two days previously, Dupleix had 
told D'Auteuil and Latouche that he had agreed to that 


town could easily be taken. He had main- 
tained at Gingee, previous to the descent of 
Nasir Jang into the Carnatic, a sergeant 
named St. Marc* and 10 soldiers, 20 East 
Indians and 50 sepoys and had gathered 
information from them that " there were 
several demolished places (probably in the 
ramparts) and that entrance through one of 
those breaches would be quite easy." He 
thought that the place would not cost a regular 
^jge as Tanjore did and that if an unexpected 
attack should be made on it, even the sepoys 
alone could break through it. 

Bussy was in sight of the town on the 
morning of the 31st August (O.S.) (or llth of 
September N.S.) ; and almost simultaneously 
Muhammad Ali reached the place from the 
west ; he had contrived to rally portions of his 
army and to assemble a large body of about 
8,000 cavalry, 2,000 infantry, 1,000 English 
sepoys and 8 guns served by English gunners 
or European deserters. Bussy determined 

expedition only ' to please ' Bussy (Versailles Records 
No. 3746)." (Bussy in the Dcccan : tr. by Dr. Miss A. 
Cammiade, p. 8). 

1 When Nasir Jang reached the Carnatic the 
" Quelidar " of Gingee handed over the town to him 
without the least difficulty, but Saint Marc was very 
courteously requested to go back to Pondicherry which 
he and his troops reached on the 18th March. (Bussy in 
the Deccan, p. 9, note 2). 


on an immediate attack on the great fort- 
ress without waiting for the reinforcements 
which D'Auteuil was bringing along. We 
learn from Martineau that the Nawab's army 
defended itself much better than it did in the 
previous encounter. It did not fall back at 
the first cannonade, but approached the 
French troops within the range of their 
pistols. The battle developed at first to the 
advantage of the Nawab, when the sound of 
the firing was heard by D'Auteuil and he 
hastened to join Bussy with his men. Soon 
the united forces of Bussy and D'Auteuil 
vigorously drove the Nawab's troops back to 
the wall of the town, and by degrees, through 
it within the town itself, into which they 
followed them. By this time it was night-fall 
and the cannon which had been operating from 
the heights of the three hills ceased to fire 
effectively. But French artillery continued 
to ply during the first part of the night which 
was moonlit. 

D'Auteuil and Bussy waited for the moon 
to disappear and complete darkness to set in, 
before starting to assault the three hills 
simultaneously. It was easy enough to 
proceed up the mild gradients of Krishnagiri 
and Chandrayandrug. But Rajagiri was more 
formidable. The entrance-gate at its foot 
luckily yielded to a few cracker shots ; the 


military outposts were captured ; and no 
further resistance was met along the winding 
pathway encircling that citadel. Yet the 
French had no spies or ' Fifth Columnists ' 
in the place ; nor was there any treachery to 
help them. Martineau attributes the easy 
success of the French in capturing the entire 
area of the fortress, to the moral dismay of the 
previous defeat and to the lack of any special 
affection of the troops for Muhammad Ali. 1 

1 " Dupleix writing to Brenier, the officer command- 
ing at Gingee, on the 16th September, said : As to the 
spot from which the rock was scaled, undoubtedly we 
were dealing with men willing to allow things to occur, 
because the number of those who entered was insufficient 
to cause the governor to Jose his head. (Versailles 
Records No. 3751). 

" Even to the officers who had taken part in the 
attack, the matter seemed quite simple. On reading the 
official report jointly signed, on the day after their 
achievement, by d'Auteuil, Bussy, Law and Latouche, it 
does not seem that they realized that they had crowned 
themselves with fame. We give below this too abrevi- 
ated account. 

"I (d'Auteuil) divided the troops and placed the 
Sepoys on the outskirts. I put in position the artillery 
and the two mortars which were very gallantly attended 
to by M. Galland. While Messrs, de Saint George, Very 
and Lenormand were ordered to scale one of the forts 
(Rajagiri) as soon as the moon had set, which they most 
valiantly carried out. The Dragoons under Puymorin- 
were meant to give support to those who had to blow up 
the doors of the main fort, which I was to force 
through with Latouche and Bussy. In the meantime the 
enemy was firing heavily muskets and guns and throw 
ing in a large quantity of rockets. Six of our men had 


already been killed and some wounded when I sent M. de 
Rouvray to reconnoitre the doorway. This brave officer 
was shot through the body while returning and died the 
next day. 

* 4 Mr. Law having reported the execution of the 
orders we remained in our positions till the moon set, 
which had been fixed upon as the signal for action on all 
sides. In the meantime, Mr. Gal land belaboured the 
enemy with grenades. About 4 A.M. I heard shouts of 
"Long live the King" from one of the hill tops, they 
came from Messrs. St, George. Very and Lenormane 
who had performed that part of the attack which had 
been entrusted to them. 

"I had then the doors of the chief fort blown up. 
Behind these doors was a fairly large town. After some 
musket firing the enemy took fright and fled. In less 
than an hour we were masters of all the place. The 
fugitives took shelter in their fortresses on two hills 
(the Krishnagiri and the Chandra Dourgam) which were 
at the back of us and they held out for awhile. But Mr. 
Law and his Dragoons soon forced the remainder of the 
enemy to flee and we were left the unmolested owners 
of Gingy and all its fortresses." 

"The French had only eleven men wounded and 10 
killed ; as for the losses of the enemy they were not 
known. In a letter dated 15th Sep. Dupleix said that 
the enemy had two thousand men killed ; but this figure 
seems greatly exaggerated. 

" On the next day Bussy whose initiative had won 
such a success, received the most hearty congratulations 
of Dupleix who wrote; "You deserve the highest 
rewards and I shall do all I can to have them bestowed 
on you." (1) Notwithstanding this the Governor was 
not fully convinced of the worth of Gingy. In a letter 
to Engineer Sornay, Dupleix declared officially that he 
did not intend staying at Gingy, but would remain 
there only such time as would be necessary to force the 
Suba to conclude peace as he was convinced that the 
smartness and rapidity of that brilliant action would 
make a deep impression on the Suba. (Bussy in the 
Deccan : 1r. by Dr. Miss A .Cammiade, pp. 11-13). 


M From the Fall of Gingee into French Hands 

down to the Assassination of Nasir Jang 

(December 1750) 

The French capture of Gingee awakened 
Nasir Jang to the true peril of his situation 1 . 
He now ordered Muhammad Ali to lay s!s%e 
to that fortress and to recapture it and also 
to prevent absolutely any help reaching the 
Gingee garrison from Pondicherry* Muham- 
mad Ali sent his bakshi, Muhammad Abrar 
Khan, with an army to Gingee. Meanwhile, 
the disloyal courtiers of Nasir Jang persuaded 
him to order the forces of Muhammad Ali to 
proceed to Conjeevaram which, they said, was 
in danger of an attack by the French troops 
from Chingleput ; and thus Abrar Khan was 
recalled from his march to Gingee and sent 
with augmented forces to Conjeevaram. Thus, 
in the quaint words of Burhanu'd-din, ' the 
maidan of impudence became extensive for 
the French and for those corrupted by 

1 Gingee was deemed quite impregnable ; and even 
Sivaji with his huge force was able to capture it only 
after coming to an understanding with the BiiapucL 
mander of the place. Later, it had defied 1" 
(1691-1698) the best efforts of the most rer 
of Aurangzeb. Such a fort was now orde j 
ed by Dupleix. 

Bussy's forces which consisted of J 
1,200 sepoys, advanced to surprise ' 


On the other hand, Dupleix boasted that 
he had definitely heard from one of the Mara- 
tha mansabdars in Nasir Jang's camp that, if 
the French had marched on Arcot immediate- 
ly after they took Gingee, Nasir Jang himself 
could have been easily seized. 

main army under D'Auteuil followed him. Bussy 
encamped at a place three miles from Gingee and found 
there about five thousand fugitives from Tiruvati who 
had taken refuge in the p!ace with some European 
artillery. Bussy threw them into confusion when the 
army under D'Auteuil came up. A general panic 
ensued and Bussy pushed and drove the fugitives under 
the walls of Gingee. 

Bussy's troops then petarded the principal gate of 
the fort and got hold of it, with the loss of only three or 
four men. Then they entered the town where they 
immediately fortified themselves. However, they found 
their position exposed to a continuous fire from the sum- 
mits of the three mountains. The Muhammadans tried 
to set fire to the combustible stores that belonged to the 
French. Bussy replied by bombarding the forts with 
mortars and firing upon them with artillery until the 
moon set, which was the signal to storm the fortifica- 

Orme, in paying a tribute to the French on their 
capture of the fort, has observed thus: *' None but the 
Europeans were destined to this hardy enterprize, who 
attacked all the three mountains at the same time and 
found on each redoubts above redoubts which they car- 
ried successively sword in hand until they came to the 
summits where the fortifications were stronger than 
those they had surmounted. They nevertheless pushed on 
and petarded the gates, and by day break were in pos- 
session of them all, having lost only twenty men in the 
different attacks. On contemplating the difficulties they 
had overcome, they were astonishad at the rapidity of 
their success and the pusillanimity of the defenders ; and 
indeed, had the attack been made in day light it could not 


have succeeded, for the Moors, as well as Indians, often 
defend themselves behind strong walls. No advantages 
either of number or situation can countervail the terror 
with which they are struck when attacked in the night." 

Kincaid and Parasnis in their " A History of the 
Maratha People," Vol. II, have observed thus :'" As the 
sun rose, the great captain looked with awe at the 
stupendous towers that frowned below him and asked 
himself by what miracle he had achieved the impossible. 
As he wondered there arose above his head, to flutter 
triumphant in the breeze, the lily-decked banner of the 
most brilliant of nation/' 

After the fall of Gingee the French took care to 
secure the fort by a strong garrison, supporting them 
well with artillery and ammunition. 

The remarks of Malleson on the capture of Gingee 
are worth quoting here. 

4t It was indeed a wonderful achievement, great in 
itself and calculated by its effect upon the people of 
Southern India fo be much greater. They were no second 
rate warriors who could within twenty-four hours defeat 
an army superior in numbers and storm a fortress reput- 
ed impregnable and which for several years had defied 
the best army and the renowned generals of Aurangzeb. 
Not lightly would such a great feat be esteemed in the 
cities of the South. The fame of it would extend even 
to Imperial Delhi on the one side and to the palaces of 
Poona on the other." History of tlw French in India, 
pp. 261-265). 

According to our Tamil Chronicler, Narayanan. 
Muhammad Ali Khan encamped at Tiruvati and 
strengthened his base by raising round his camp a wall 
of protection. Hasanu'd-din Khan, the French sepoy- 
captain, by instruction of La Touche, now made an 
advance upon Muhammad Ali's camp : while the latter 
attacked the enemy with a charge of cavalry, but was 
forced to retreat. He abandoned his camp at Tiruvati 
and fled by way of Tirukoyilur and took up his stand to 
the north of Gingee fortress and in front of the tank 
of Sirukadambur. La Touche advanced to Tumbur to 
the north of Villupuram ; Hasanu'd-din led a body of 


Ever since the marvellous capture of 
Gingee on the llth September 1750, it was 
highly valued by the French. Its capture 
enhanced the prestige of the French in the 
eyes of the natives and it served to consoli- 
date the French power in the Carnatic. 

The capture of Gingee raised the fame 
of the French power so much that Nasir 
Jang, roused fromliis lethargy by the loss of 

10,000 men against the fort and reached a place a few 
miles south of Gingee. Theroupon Muhammad AH 
made an attack on Hasanu'd-din's troops and fired his 
artillery pieces. La Touche now came to the help of 
Hasanu'd-din and Muhammad All's men fell back and 
retreated towards the fortress of Gingee, hoping to 
maintain a defence therefrom. The killedar of the 
place, Mirza Hasan Beg, and the garrison of Nasir 
Jang would not, strangely enough, allow Muham- 
mad AH to enter the fort. Muhammad All could not 
thus get the protection of the fort and was forced to 
retreat by way of Tiruvannamalai to Arcot. La Touche 
and Hasanu'd-din pursued the retreating troops of 
Muhammad Ali and when they were to the east of the 
fort, they were fired upon with the cannon from Rajagiri. 
One of the shots struck the followers of La Touche who 
thereupon became angry and ordered an assault on the 
fort. The main body of the garrison, including the 
killeddr, fled through the Velur darwaza and joined 
Muhammad Ali's troops ; but the others that remained 
continued to fight. The French brought their artillery to 
ply upon the Fateh darwaza, broke into the pcttali and 
plundered the house of the inhabitants. The Tamil 
Chronicler says that all the houses were plundered of 
their valuables and the town lost its entire prosperity 
from that time; and this took place in the month of 
Purotasi, Pramoduta. La Touche was put in charge of 
the killeddri and the remaining French troops proceeded 
north and encamped at Chetpat, but after a time 
returned to the plain a few miles to the north of Gingee. 

485 - 

the important fortress, resolved to retake it 
at any cost. He felt that! the French should 
either be crushed or conciliated. He preferred 
the latter course and sent two of his officers 
to treat with Dupleix who insisted on the rest- 
oration of Muzaffar Jang to his former power 
and the appointment of Chanda Sahib as the 
Nawab of Arcot. Dupleix further desired 
that the French troops should keep possession 
of Gingee till Nasir Jang should return to his 
head-quarters. Naturally Nasir Jang could 
not agree to the proposed terms of Dupleix ; 
and he then resolved to try the fortunes of 

Nasir Jang ordered his troops to march 
towards Gingee in the latter part of Septem- 
ber 1750. His army w^as now much less 
numerous than when he entered the Carnatic, 
after the battle of Ambur. His forces 
amounted to 60,000 foot and 45,000 horse, 700 
elephants and 360 pieces of cannon. 

He actually moved out from Arcot only in 
the month of Karthigai (November-December 
1750) with the aim of attacking Pondicherry 
and encamped in the plain of Elangadu. 
Ghulam Takya Khan, the killedar of Wandi- 
wash, who had sent his son as his vakil at the 
Nizam's camp, now prepared for some resis- 
tance ; but he found that his fort had been 
surrounded by the troops of the Nizam ; and 


on the advice of his son, Ali Naqi, he sent a 
letter of obedience along with the customary 
nazar and invited Nasir Jang and all his 
nobles, including Muhammad Ali, to be his 
guests. Takya Khan welcomed them warmly 
and seated them in his durbar hall each ac- 
cording to his respective rank, feasted them 
and sent them away with appropriate gifts 
of dress and money. He then visited the 
Nizam in his camp, spent some time with 
him in conversation and returned to his 
killa, with an order of confirmation of his 
jagir given by the Nawab (Nasir Jang), while 
his son continued to be in the camp. From 
Wandiwash, the Nawab proceeded some dis- 
tance towards Vellimedupet to the north- 
east of Gingee, The French forces were then 
encamped in the immediate neighbourhood of 
Gingee. When some French troops under 
Muzaffar Khan Garde were marching by way 
of Villupuram, a party of the Nizam's sar- 
dars came upon and fought an engagement 
with them and contrived to secure the person 
of Muzaffar Khan, keeping him a prisoner in 
Nasir Jang's camp. One of the 22 amirs that 
were in the Nawab's camp, Himmat Baha- 
dur Khan of Kurnool who cherished trea- 
chery, now wrote a letter to La Touche, 
inviting him to make a concerted attack on 
the Nizam's camp on a particular day. The 

. 487 . 

immense army of the Nawab was not in one 
united camp formation ; but it was distributed 
in various places while the rains were very 
heavy and caused much damage and loss of 
life. 1 Events hastened in quick succession, 
culminating in the assassination of Nasir Jang 
in the middle bis camp, with his treacherous 
nobles in league with the French who were 
actually invited to attack his position. 

1 Now as to the actual circumstances which culmi- 
nated in the assassination of Nawab Nazir Jang, in his 
camp, by Himmat Bahadur Khan, Nawab of Kurnool, 
who had already incited the French captain La Touche 
to make an attack on the army, first, we have the ac- 
count of Narayana Pillai, the Chronicler. The gist of it is 
as follows : Himmat Bahadur informed La Touche that 
he would communicate to him a favourable opportunity 
when he might make a night attack on the Nawab's 
forces and his cannonading should be so effective as not 
to be replied to* ** Then I shall strike down the Nawab 
and even usurp his position ; and I shall give you pos- 
session of the Carnatic." La Touche did not believe in 
the words of Himmat Bahadur Khan and required that 
he should take an oath on the Qnran with reference to 
his promise of help on the occasion of the attack. There- 
upon Himmat Bahadur Khan secretly sent to the French 
captain, through a messenger, a copy of the Quran, 
which he said, was a pledge of the sincerity of his pro- 
mise. This was believed in by La Touche who replied 
that his troops would advance at the appointed moment. 
One day, Himmat Bahadur Khan sent word that the 
occasion had come; and thereupon La Touche ap- 
proached Neganur, which is about six miles 
distant to the north-east of Gingee in the direction 
of Vellimedu. Just then Himmat Bahadur Khan 
sent contrary information that the moment was 
not favourable; and La Touche had to return to 
his former camp. Four days later, Himmat Bahadur 
sent word that La Touche might now advance towards 


the ahadi of Nasir Jang's camp. Upon this La Touche 
advanced by way of the Desur road, reached the ahadi 
of the Nawab's camp, while it was four nazhiyais to 
dawn and fired. When the Nawab was informed of this t 
he gave orders to the darogha of his iopkhami to fire with 
his cannon. The firing was done with empty powder 
at first. In the meantime the French troops had pene- 
trated to some distance into the Nawab's camp. The 
Nawab ordered his elephant to be made ready and 
mounted the howdah. The jamadar of the Knrch choirki 
was ordered to proceed with 2000 horse to the topkliana. 
The jamadar thereupon replied : ' The French troops are 
not numerous; some fitur (rebel) has invited them to 
come. There is danger impending. I request you to stay 
on in this place for the space of an hour after which the 
sun would rise, when the Maratha troops and those of 
the (Carnatic) Faujdar, Mahammad Ali, would be ready 
and we can beat the small number of the French. I 
would entreat you to do so." The Nawab became angry 
and exclaimed: " I shall go to the side of my brother, 
Himmat Bahadur Khan. You had better advance to the 
ahadi topklwma." Even then the jumadar continued to 
remonstrate against the Nawab's order. The Nawab 
became irritated at this and exclaimed, "you are haram 
to me." The jamadar felt very sorry and had to obey the 
order and go to the topkhana with his men. The French 
troops had now come into the middle of the Nawab's camp. 
The Nawab then ordered his elephant to be driven to the 
side of Himmat Bahadur. The mahoul said : "Sir, the 
elephant refuses to proceed ; you should not go to Him- 
mat Bahadur. You can go either to the camp of the 
Marathas or to the side of Faujdar Muhammad Ali." 
The Nawab became angry with the mahont and said 
that Himmat Bahadur was as a brother to him and 
would not plan treachery and asked him to take him 
quickly to his side. Unable to do anything, the mahout 
drove his elephant in the direction indicated, and the 
Nawab's brothers, Salabat Jang, Basalat Jang, and Nizam 
Ali Khan and others had to accompany him. Then all 
the chiefs in the camp became aware of the critical situa- 
tion and began to set their forces in order for action. 
The Nawab approached the elephant of Himmat Bahadur 
Khan and addressed thus : " There are so many trea- 
cherous amirs in the camp and not one would go to 


After the Nawab was assassinated the 
French troops pushed their way to the per- 
sonal encampment of Nasir Jang where they 
found in his tent an immense treasure amount- 
ing to two millions sterling, in money and 
jewels, by which they made their fortunes. To 
perpetuate the memory of this great and un- 
expected triumph, Dupleix caused a town to 
be built nearby which was named Fath-abad 
(town of victory). The exact site of this scene 
has formed the subject of keen controversy. l 

attack the French troops who have advanced into our 
midst/' On these words, Himmat Bahadur without any 
reply or hesitation, raised his pistol and shot the Nawab 
who thereupon sank down in the Itowdah. Himmat 
Bahadur then brought his own hoii'daJt close to that of 
the Nawab, jumped into the latter, cut off his head, 
fixed it on his spear and raised it aloft. Just then dawn 
broke. Muhammad All Khan Bahadur now came fully 
armed, along with his bakshi, Ghazanfar AH Khan, to 
the scene and also some amirs and the Marathas. But 
finding that the head of Nasir Jang was raised on a 
spear, all of them resolved to depart ; and Ghazanfar All, 
accompanying Muhammad AH Khan, galloped along 
the road toTrichinopoly by the south of Desur and north 
of Pennatur and within two jamcuns, reached the jungle 
of Manalurpet. 

1 The sita of this so-called battle of Gingee: (VeUi- 
nicdupct) and of Dupleix Fath-abad. 

Mon. A. Lehuraux of Chandernagore contends that 
the place which was called Fath-abad was at Vellimedu- 
pet, to the north-east of Gingee, Writing to the author 
from Calcutta, under date 6-5-1939, about the place of 
Nasir Jang's 'martyrdom' he thus says : 

"From a manuscript which I read in the Biblliothc- 
qnc Nationctle, Paris, viz., the Diary of Bussy's march 


490 ~ 

from Pondicherry to Aurangabad, with the new Nawab' 
Muzaffar Jang, the site of the murder of Nawab Nasir 
Jang may be identified. The detachment under Bussy set 
out on January 15, 1751 from Perimby near Vilnur 
(Villiyanallur) and marched 7 kos *= 19.30 miles, the 
official kos being 2.76 miles. They halted 2 days at an 
unnamed place and then, on the following day, proceeded 
on a second stage of 8 kos (-22 miles) and passed near 
the fort of Wandiwash. It will, I think, be easy for any- 
one familiar with the topography of the country to locate 
Nasir Jang's camp from these particulars ; Mailam proxi- 
mately represents the limit of the first day's march, 
20 miles north of Perimby. Starting again from Mailam, 
the detachment advanced 22 miles. Now Mailam is 28 
miles south of Wandiwash. Therefore when the detach* 
ment had reached a spot some five miles south of Wandi- 
wash, it had passed over the scene of the death of Nasir 
Jang. I told you (in a previous conversation) I surmised 
there must be 4 identifying marks viz: 

1. a large ruined mnitapttm (notic3d by Clive) 

2. Traces of a burnt-out village (Dupleix-Fath-abad) 

3. Grave-stones indicating a vast battle-field. 

4. Local tradition of a great fight and the death of 

the Nizam." 

He further writes on this topic: 

*'With regard to the site of Nasir Jang's murder, 
Colonel Lawrence's 'Narrative of the war on the coast 
of Coromandel' states that Clive burnt the town (Dupleix 
Fath-abad) and destroyed the monument on which the 
(commemorative) pillar was to have been erected. He 
did not plough the land. There is also no evidence that 
he destroyed the chaudri (choultry or mantaputn) that had 
been erected, not to the glorification of the French, but 
to the memory of the murdered Nawab. Further, as the 
locality had been the scene of hard fighting, the neigh- 
bourhood should be found to contain Muhammadan 
grave-stones. Thus the locality is a spot "lo or 17 miles 
(eastward) from Gingee" (Orme) or 40 miles (20 kos) 
from Pulcheri (Sunce Azad). Within these limits, I 
must find 

(1) a fairly large cliun.dri (<-hou,ltry) probably in ruins, 

- 491 - 

(2) Evidence of a burnt-out village (though this will 

be difficult to identify), 

(3) Grave-stones, here and there, 

(4) a local tradition of a great fight and the Nawab's 


44 The following localities are suggested as being the 
probable site : 

(a) Dupleix mentioned Sarasangupettai (on the route 

between Wandiwash and Villupuram) vide 
Anandaranga Filial' s conversation with Dupleix 
(d. 7th October 1752 in Vol. VIII of the Diary, 
pp. 239-241). 

(b) Tanyal near Nemali, on the plain, east of Desur 

(the French attack was delivered at Desur), 

(c) Velimedoupet, 

(d) Katteri, 

(e) Senal, 

(f) Sarodrium (Strotriem?) Katteri." 

Further, M. Lehuraux had discussed the question 
with Prof. Dubreuil andM. Fauchaux, "two distinguished 
explorers' 1 of Pondicherry ; and they were of the opinion 
that Nasir Jang's camp could never have extended so 
far as Balachetti Chatram, near Conjeevaram. A map 
of 1770 shows this choultry as well as another in the 
neighbourhood of Desur. 

An old route-map of the period in the Pondicherry 
Archives expressly states that Nasir Jang's camp 
extended from Fattehpet and Balachetti Chatram " on 
the route to Chetpet." Further the French troops under 
La Touche burned the Nawab's camp and attacked him 
from the rear (Desur). This movement could never have 
been accomplished successfully if the camp had extended 
so far as Balachetti Chatram near Conjeevaram. The 
French force would, in that case, have merely cut into 
the Nawab's army a very perilous position exposing 
them to be caught between two forces. Prof. Dubreuil 
thinks that Nasir Jang was killed at Banal, between 
Nerkunam and Tellar. Mons. Fauchaux believes that 


the site is Tanyal- Dupleix himself seems to indicate 
the scene of the murder to be Sarasangupettai, between 
Wandiwash and Villupuram. (The note of the edition 
of the Diary of Anandaranga Pillai says of this : "Not 
known, perhaps a corruption of Nasir-jangai konra-pettai 
the village where Nasir Jang was killed.)" 

(C. S. Srinivasachari: Ananda Ranga Pillai, the 'Pepyn' of 
French India, pp. 190-192, foot-notes.) 

Some pages in Tamil which were discovered by Mon. 
Lehuraux at the Montbrun Mansion in Fondicherry 
and found on examination by Prof. K. A. Nilakanta 
Sastriar, to be unpublished pages of the Diary of Ananda 
Ranga Pillai referring to various dates, many of which 
fall between November 11, 1751 and January 2, 1752, 
there being a hiatus in the published portions of the 
Diary contain, among other matter, entry under date 
12th November 1751, the following: 

"This morning, M. Dupleix having decided to place 
an inscription at Dupleix-Fathabad, where Nasir Jang 
was killed by Him mat Bahadur wrote: 

"The 35th year of the Louis XV, the 3rd year of the 
reign of Ahmad Shah the French General Provoste de 
Latouche, acting in the name of Governor Dupleix, 
killed Nasir Jang on this spot/ 1 

"This inscription was to be written in 6 languages, 
riz: French, Tamil, Telugu, Persian, Gujarati and Mah- 
ratti. Dupleix gave the French text to the engineer 
M. Abeille who was to engrave it as well as the other 

"It brings to light for the first time, the text of the 
inscription for the famous commemorative pillar which 
Dupleix selected for the projected site of the city of 
of Dupleix-Fateh-abad, and which was six months later, 
destroyed by Clive. (I. H. R, Commission, Proceedings 
of the Meetings, Vol. XVII, Baroda, pp. 10-11 of Ap- 
pendix C.) 

Mon. Lehuraux is convinced that the site between 
the half -ruined mantapam and the adjacent tank, locally 
known as the Komarappa Kulam situated in the Putha- 
nandal village, north of Vellimedupet, in the taluk of 

- 493 

C The exact site and date of Nazir Jang's 

Colonel Malleson and other European 
historians hold that it was 16 miles from 
Gingee where Nasir Jang's army, advancing 
from Arcot, was routed by the French who 
were assisting the troops of Chanda Sahib; 
and Nasir Jang was treacherously slain by 
some of his Pathan allies in the course of the 
battle, which took place on the 15th December 
1750. Macaulay, repeating these historians, 
says that Dupleix founded at this battle site 
a town of the name of Dupleix Fathabad and 
in memory of his own victory, erected in it a 
tower ; but later Olive destroyed this tower 
and town in such a way that not one vestige 
of them remains. 

Another view is that Nasir Jang's army, 
starting from Arcot and marching four miles 
every day, reached the north bank of the 
River Chiryar in the beginning of October, 

Tindivanam in the South Arcot District, near mile-stone 
No. 35 on the Tindivanam- Wandiwash road, is very like- 
ly the site of the city of Dupleix Fathabad, in the centre 
of which the French Governor Dupleix intended to raise 
a tjopuram, commemorating his victory, and beneath 
which he buried commemorative medals, photos of which, 
obtained from the Cabinet des Medailles of the Bibliothe- 
que Nationale, Paris, are in the mover's possession. If 
the original medals are unearthed it will prove the identi- 
ty of an interesting historical site. 

- 494 

and thence marched towards Gingee and 
camped at Desur. Here the army remained 
inactive on account of rains, flooding of rivers, 
and difficulties of communication ; and at this 
place the Nawab's treacherous chiefs slew 
him. Desur lies the south of Arcot .at a 
distance of 20 miles and to the east of Chetpat, 
the west of Wandiwash and north of Gingee. 

Another point of doubt is as to the particular date 
and day on which the assassination of Nasir Jang took 
place. Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil and Mon. Lehuraux 
are of the opinion that the murder happened on the night 
of the 17th Mohurrum (1164 A.H.)=^ December 1750 
A.D. The night of the 16th of Mohurram was the time 
of the murder according to Mir Najaf All Khan, a courtier 
of Nasir Jang, who was in his camp and was an eye- 
witness of the events and wrote the Rahat in 1171 
A.H., in which he minutely described the Arcot expedi- 
tion of Nasir Jang and the battle of Gingee, the details 
being such u ag have not been possible to find in any 
other work." The JtdJtat Af~u also says that Nasir Jang's 
army was on the Chakravati river, so near the Gingee 
fort that shots from his camp could reach the fort ; in 
fact the distance between Nasir Jang's forces and the 
fort was about that of a gun-shot. Hakim Sayyid Shams- 
ullah Qadri, who has written a Critical Note on the 
Murder-Site of Nairn It AY/.s/r Jamj for the Nctwub Jwad- 
nl-Mulk Memorial Volume, says that the spot where the 
assassination took place was near the Gingee fort on the 
other side of the Chakravati river, i.e., on its north bank 
from Phulchery towards Gingee 20 kos (40 miles) and 
from Gingee towards Bailpur 1 kos (2 miles). 

Besides the Rtihctt Af:,a, we have three contem- 
porary accounts of the expedition and the death of 
Nasir Jang. 

(1) Tarikh-i-FuthiyaJi Its author is Yusuf Muhammad 
Khan Tash-kandi who a was courtier ofNawab Asaf Jah 
Bahadur as also a courtier of his successor Nawab Nasir 
Jang. This courtier writes of those events of the Arcot 

495 ~i 

Mr. Quadri concludes from a clear exami- 
nation of the Rahat Afza that Nasir Jang's 
army was encamped at a distance of 9 kos, i*e.> 
18 miles from Bailpur (Villupuram) ; that in 
front of Nawab's army and by the side, of 
the Gingee fort was the river Chakravati ; 
that the Nawab's hararal was on the bank of 
Chakravati river near the water ; that the 
Nawab's artillery bombarded the Gingee fort 
and the French returned the fire on the 
Nawab's camp ; that De la Touche who was 
in the fort was incited by the traitors in Nasir 
Jang's camp to attack the Nawab's army: 
that on the 13th Mohurram Mir Najaf Ali 

expedition of which he himself was an eye-witness ; but 
unfortunately we cannot get any answer from him as to 
the time and the site of the Nawab's death. He simply 
says in one place that Nawab Nasir Jang's army was 
encamped between two rivers. 

(2) Sunr-c-Azad Its author, Mir Ghulam Ali Azad 
Bilgrami, wa* tutor to Nawab Nasir Jang and was with 
him during his marches and campaigns. Two hours before 
his death, Nawab Nasir Jang had called him to his pre- 
sence. This author wrote his history in 1166 A.H., 
and in it he recorded that near Gingee, and fifty miles 
from Phulchery (Pondicherry) the Nawab was slain. 

(3) Nawab Samsatn-ud-Dawlah Shah Nawaz Khan's 
Mathir-ul-Um<mi--Thia Nawab Samsam-ud-Dawlah was 
a nobleman of Nawab Nasir Jang's court and was with 
him in the Arcot expedition, and his son Mir Abdulhai 
Khan Samsam-ul-Mulk later completed this MutJrir-ul- 
Umara in 1191 A.H. In it the murder of Nawab Nasir 
Jang as well as other events of his life are mentioned in 
two places, which are copied word by word from 
Maulana Azad's Stirwc-Asad and the KIiasana-i-Amira. 


Khan who had marched from Tiruvannamalai 
and approached the base of the Gingee fort 
from the south, proposed to scale the walls of 
Gingee which were very low from the side of 
the west ; that this was on the night of the 13th 
Mohurram, but the attack did not take place ; 
and three nights thus passed off without any 
activity ; and that on the fourth night the cry 
of the enemy's approach rose, but the army 
ridiculed the news and slept soundly. 

We can now quote the words of Mr. Quadri 
detailing the murder of Nawab Nasir Jang. 
"At about one in the morning the Nawab was 
preparing for Namaz-e-Tahajjud, when the 
sound of gun fire was heard from the camps of 
Janoji and the Afghan chiefs ; thus there arose 
confusion in the camp. The French broke 
the front line and attacked the centre of the 
army. The Nawab's own gunners began to 
fire on his tents. 

" During this confusion, the Nawab 
ordered his elephant to be brought out and 
mounting it started from his camp with three 
thousand horsemen ; and repelling the French, 
and passing in their midst, he reached the 
Afghan troopers who were quite silent in the 
front lines. Himat Bahadur Khan the 
governor of Kurnool, Abdul Nabi Khan the 


governor of Cuddappah, Abdul Hakim Khan 
the governor of Savnoor, all mounted on ele- 
phants ,were also standing by with their men- 

" When the Nawab's elephant approached 
that of Himat Bahadur Khan, the Nawab 
first saluted him and advised him to advance 
and drive away the rebels- But Himat Baha- 
dur Khan without saluting and without a 
word, shot Nasir Jang in the chest with the 
'shirbacha' and the Nawab died the same 
instant. This event occurred on the 16th of 
Muharram, Wednesday, before sunrise, at 

Mir Najaf Ali Khan had taken three 
forts to the west and east of Gingee ; 
(1) Silatgadh (2) Narwarangam and (3) Kawat- 
nallur, which was 10 miles from Narwa- 
rangam. He then turned his attention to 
Palawatvanam (old Vettavalam) and to 
Kalol-gadh (Kallakurichl ?). Palawatvanam 
was behind Gingee ; Kalolgadh was in the 
possession of Muzaft'ar Khan Gardee and 
near it, at a distance of 10 miles, was the fort 
of Vardavar, where the French had an out- 
post to prevent supplies reaching the Nawab ; 
to the right of Kalolgadh, at a distance of 
about 8 miles was Talkanoor and on the left 
at a distance of 10 miles was Kawatnallur. 
On the 11 of November 1750, there was an 



action near Villupuram between Muzaffar 
Khan Gardee who was daily bringing in sup- 
plies from Pondicherry and Najaf Ali Khan. 
Muzaffar Khan was defeated ; he retreated 
and crossed the Chakravati to the other side. 
Here the Gingee forces were patrolling and 
took him captive, so that Najaf Ali Khan was 
not merely master of all the country to the 
west and south of Gingee but also of all the 
plain to the east fiom Chakravati to Villu- 

The forces under the Afghan Nawabs 
were on the left of the liar aval of N ask- 
ing's camp, i.e., a little to the east of Gingee 
close to the Chakravati and the Nawab was 
killed in the midst of these forces. Mr. Quadri 
has given the plan of Nawab Nasir Jang's 
camp arrangement in order to make his posi- 
tion very clear. This is as given below : 

(1) (2) (3) 

Right Manqala Left 

Janoji four thousand Raja Ramchander Forces of Himat Baha- 

horse and five thou- five thousand horse dur Khan and Abdul 

sand foot and five thousand Nabi Khan the gover- 

foot. nors of Cuddappah 

and Karnool and the 

Chief of Savnoor. 

C hand aval 

Ghulam Murtaza Qilladar 
of Vellore and other 
Qilladars of the Karnatak. 

- 499 - 

Two difficulties have got to be explained; 
(1) If the Chakravati was in floods and also 
the surrounding country was water-logged, 
ould the French have crossed the Chakra- 
vati from the Gingee side on to the other 
bank into the Nawab's camp ? (2) How to take 
the French version that made the French 
army move out of their camp in order to go 
into the Nawab's camp. 

Mon. Lehuraux who has made a very 
critical and intensive study of the whole 
question is convinced that the Nawab was 


Vir Nayak and other 
zamindars five thou- 
sand horse and five 
thousand foot. 


Hiraval Qalb 

Shah Nawaz Khan 
five thousand horse. 


Anwar-ud-din Khan Nawab Nasir Jang 

ten thousand horse 
and ten thousand 
foot with guns, 
jazail & rahekala. 

with Muhammad 
Khan Bakhshi and 
Shahbeg Khan Khan- 
saman and Muham- 
mad Sa'aid Risaladar 
with ten thousand 


Khan Alam and Qazi Daim 
with two thousand horse 
and two thousand foot. 

Safshikan Khan & Yaqoob 
Khan and Mooqtada Khan 
with five thousand horse. 


Laehman Rao and 
Murar Rao five thou- 
sand horse and five 
thousand foot. 


Rahmatulla Khan and 
Amanullah Khan and 
Chief of Srirangapa- 
tam ten thousand 
horse and ten thou- 
sand foot with guns, 
jazail and Rahekala. 

oUU * 

assassinated at some distance from Gingee 
near Velimedupet. He says that Sarasangu- 
pettai, mentioned in the Diary of Ananda 
Ranga Pillai, cannot be derived from an 
imaginary term ' Nasir-jangai-konra pettai* 
and that Professor Jouveau-Dubreuil has 
correctly traced it to Dupleix Fateh-abad 
under the name * Zafctr Jainj pettai ' (the city 
of Zafar Jang or Dupleix). 

Let us now turn to the references in the 
English records and the inferences that may be 
drawn from them. Olive wrote from his camp 
on his way from Arcot to the neighbourhood 
of Fort St. David, on March 8, 1752, that " he 
was encamped on the ground where Nasir 
Jang was cut off, in commemoration whereof 
a very fine Choultry was erected and a village, 
which monument of villainy he designs des- 
troying and expected to be here the llth." 
Orme converts the village into " a rising town 
projected by the vanity of Mr. Dupleix to com- 
memorate that detestable action, and called 
Dupleix-Fateabad or the town of Dupleix's 
victory," and adds "it is said that he was pre- 
paring a column with a pompous inscription 
in the French, Malabar, Persic and Indostan 
languages, which he intended to erect in the 
middle of fhe town, where he had already 
caused coins struck with symbols of the 
victory to be buried/' Macaulay omits the 


important words of Orme (it is said), in his 
essay on Olive ; " the column becomes a stately 
pillar; coins struck with the symbols of victory 
become medals stamped with the emblems of 
his successes; they were buried within the 
foundations of the stately pillar and round it 
arose a town." 

Sir George Forrest in his 'Life of Lord 
Olive,' 4 Vol. I, (1918)' thus tries to comment on 
this affair: " From the records of the time we 
now learn that in order to commemorate a 
4 detestable action' won by foul treachery, 
Dupleix had erected a splendid rest house 
for travellers on the battle-field. Both in 
erecting a memorial and in the nature of the 
memorial he was following an eastern custom, 
and he did it to impress the oriental mind as 
to the power of the French ; and Olive levelled 
the splendid choultry and village to the ground, 
thereby altering the native impression as to 
the respective powers of the French and Eng- 
lish. The work of destruction could not have 
been very onerous, for three days after the 
receipt of his last letter, Olive encamped 
within the bounds of Fort St. David." 

From the Madras records themselves we 
have a clear chronological notice of the move- 
ments of Olive in that momentous week. 


Monday the 9th- Sunday Letters from 
Captain Clive to the President are produced 
to the Board and read and the most material 
part of them as follows -The first is dated 
the 2nd instant at Arcot, gives a more 
particular account of the late action, and 
that he had left a party to watch the Prison- 
ers at Covrepauk, that having intelligence, 
some money, elephants and all young Chunda's 
Baggage was left at Vellour Pettah, he had 
sent to demand them of Moortaz Ally Caun 
and intended proceeding thither the next 
morning to look after them, and after re- 
freshing his people a little should set out 
for this place. The second dated the 7th 
instant that he is on his march hither, and on 
his approaching Chetteput, young Chunda 
retired to Gingee and from thence to Pondi- 
cherry, that he was encamped to the eastward 
of Gingee, and hoped to be within ten or twelve 
miles of Pondicherry to-day. The last dated 
yesterday, that he should immediately des- 
patch a letter to Lieutenant Grenville at Arcot 
to send the cannon, etc., to Fort St. George, 
but was apprehensive, the difficulty he found 
himself in transporting them thither from 
Covrepauk would prevent his getting Cooleys 
to draw them ; that judging it unnecessary on 
account of the enemy's defeat he has not des- 
patched any men to Madras and was then 

- 503 - 

encamped on the ground where Nasir Jung 
was cut off, in commemoration whereof a 
very fine Choultry was erected, and a village, 
which Monument of Villainy he designs des- 
troying and expected to be the llth." 

Thomas Saunders, 
Charles Boddam, 
Henry Powney, 
Alexander Wynch. 

llth. At about 5 this afternoon arrived 
Captain Clive with the Forces under his 
command at Trivendupuram where they 
encamped and orders were immediately issued 
out for bringing in all such necessaries as 
were in want of repair and to get the same 
done as soon as possible, also that the neces- 
sary supplies of ammunition, etc., for the use 
of the camp be got ready with the greatest 

We may presume that the work of des- 
truction should have been done by Clive be- 
tween the 8th March when he worte to Madras 
that he was encamped on the ground where 
Nasir Jung was cut off and the 10th when he 
should have started at the latest in order to 
have been on the evening of the llth at Tiru- 
vendipuram, 4 miles west of Fort St. David. 
Perhaps the place was destroyed on the 9th 


of March, 20th N.S. At least two days may 
have to be allowed for Olive's march from 
near that place to the neighbourhood of Fort 
St. David. 

It is not a village that was thus des- 
troyed, but only a choultry or a monument. 
Moreover, a village would comprehend scatter- 
ed dwellings, most of them of mud and thatch 
and not worth positive destruction. It is 
likely that it was the choultry that is qualified 
by the words " which monument of villainy." 

According to the Tiizak-i-Walajalri, 
Nawab Muhammad Ali advised Nasir Jang 
who had encamped on the maidan of Gingee 
that the encampment would serve as a means 
for treachery and that " it would be better to 
encamp on the maidan adjoining the qaxbu of 
Belpur (Villupuram), for it was very extensive, 
its level high, and the whole army could 
be gathered at one place." Nawab Nasir 
Jang took the suggestion, but postponed the 
day of his march owing to insidious counsels. 
The Tuzak further says that though Nasir 
Jang was warned by Mir Dayim Ali Khan, the 
sardar of the advance guard of the army, as to 
the treachery of the Pathan Nawabs and 
their negotiations with the French through 
Mir Sayfullah and the impending attack 
proposed, for that very night, Nasir Jang did 
not regard the danger as serious- On the 


same night at about 3 o'clock, the French 
came out of Gingee and marched into the 
camp, cannonading without any opposition or 
molestation. Nasir Jang then saw the serious- 
ness of the situation and realized his danger- 
Immediately he sent for Hidayat Muhiyyu'd- 
din Khan for the purpose of killing him. The 
latter was reading the Quran in pretence, 
while Raja Ram Das bribed the executioners 
and delayed their purpose. By that time the 
French had come near. Nasir Jang had per- 
formed his ablutions twice over and got up on 
his elephant without wearing any armour and 
coat of mail and without other arms- Part of 
the army was not aware of the French 
attack; others were negligent or pretended 
ignorance ; and there were no people near the 
Nawab, except some bamlarx and torch-bear- 
ers. In the meanwhile, the day began to dawn 
and Nasir Jang caught sight of the Nawabs 
of Cuddapah and Kurnool riding on their 
elephants. Contrary to practice, he directed 
his own elephant towards them and offered 
salutations to them first. But they pretended 
not to see him. Nasir Jang saluted them a 
second time and exclaimed : " It is incumbent 
on you and me ? brothers of the same faith, 
to fight the stranger." " In the course of this 
observation Himmat Bahadur Khan aimed 
at the Wazir with the musket, and the bullet 
pierced his innocent heart." 



Nawab Muhammad All in great secrecy 
and fear came out of the camp with Ghazanfar 
AH Khan and with a guide, pretending that 
he would return soon. He rode towards the 
taluk of Tiruvannamalai and ultimately 
reached Trichinopoly after encountering a 
serious crisis at Ranjangudi whose killedar 
was very near capturing him. 

The Tamil Chronicler Narayanan defi- 
nitely gives us information that (1) Nawab 
Nasir Jang encamped at the maidan of Veli- 
medupet to the north-east of Gingee and that 
the French troops had formed a camp near 
Gingee. Muzaft'ar Khan was captured by the 
Nawab's troops in the course of an encounter 
during his march from Villupuram to Gingee 
carrying supplies. (2) Himmat Bahadur Khan 
of Kurnool, one of the 22 Amirs with the 
Nizam, opened a correspondence with La 
Touche in Gingee, advising him to cannonade 
the Nawab's camp at night-time and telling 
him that he would co-operate with the French 
troops that might advance against the camp. 
La Touche would not, at first, believe the 
promises of Himmat Bahadur and insisted on 
the latter taking an oath on the Quran- (3) 
One day when he received information from 
Himmat Bahadur as to the favourable moment 
of attack, La Touche marched to Niganur at 
a distance of a few miles from his camp. But 


being told that the time was not fully oppor- 
tune, he marched back to his original camp. 
(4) Four days later, Himmat Bahadur asked 
the French to come towards the akadi of 
Nasir Jang's camp; thereupon La Touche 
marched towards Desur and reached the 
ahadi of the Nawab's camp, while yet there 
were a few hours still remaining in the night, 
i.e. in the early hours of the morning. (5) The 
French cannonade was answered by an 
attempt at firing by the top-khan a of Nasir 
Jang's army. By that time the French had 
penetrated into the camp. The Nawab asked 
his men to get ready, but was informed by the 
jamadar of the Karch Chaukhi of the fituri, 
i(>- the rebellion, that had invited the French. 
The Nawab was advised to wait till morning 
when he would have the help of the Marathas 
and of Muhammad AH- (6) Nasir Jang would 
not listen to his advice though it was repeated, 
but directed his mahout to go to the side of 
Himmat Bahadur and the jamadar to go to 
the top-khana in the ahadi. The mahout of 
the Nawab tried to persuade him to go to the 
camp of the Marathas or to that of Muham- 
mad Ali and not towards Himmat Bahadur. 
The Nawab maintained that Himmat Bahadur 
was a loyal brother of his and insisted upon 
proceeding to his side; and he was accom- 
panied by his brothers Salabat Jang, Basalat 


Jang and Mir Nizam Ali Khan. (7) The Nawab 
accosted Himmat Bahadur, saying that there 
were a number of disloyal amirs and not one 
of them would come forward to attack the 
enemy ; and thereupon, without answering a 
word, Himmat Bahadur shot the Nawab 
through his heart. He then jumped into the 
howdah of the Nawab, severed his head and 
raised it on a spear. Just then it was begin- 
ning to dawn. (8) Muhammad Ali who now 
rode into the scene fully armed, approached 
the Nawab's elephant, accompanied by Bakshi 
Ghazanfar Ali Khan. He saw the situation 
and the hoisting of the Nawab's head on the 
spear-head and the beating of the drums ; he 
quietly resolved to flee to his stronghold of 
Trichinopoly, and marched away, with Ghaz- 
anfar Ali Khan, first to the south of Desur and 
thence north to Pennatur ; and in the course 
of two j (imams, he had reached the jungles 
in the neighbourhood of Manalurpet. (9) The 
whole camp was thrown into confusion and 
the different captains and amirs had to shift 
to places where they would be secure from 
the general looting and fighting that was 
indulged in- La Touche and the amirs who 
remained with him mounted Muzaffar Jang 
on a howdah and proclaimed him the 
Wazir of the Deccan and beat the drum of 

509 - 

Professor Dubreuil has made a careful 
study, in his latest work 'Dupleix' Bicenten- 
aire, (March 1941), of the successive campings 
of ' Nawab Nasir Jang, of course on the basis 
mainly of French sources. At first, when 
Nasir Jang descended into the plains of 
Gingee in the summer of 1750, his encamp- 
ment extended more than six leagues in cir- 
cumference, from Tiruvakkarai on the west as 
far as Villianurmangalam on the east- There 
was a street well laid out for markets along 
its entire length. In that camp, the tents of 
Nasir Jang were at Valudavur near the mosque 
to the north of the river of Gingee ; a little 
further away was the tent where Muzaffar 
Jang was kept a prisoner and sideways were 
the camps of Shah Nawaz Khan and his 
Peshkar Ramdas. All round this central 
portion " the army was encamped in the 
fashion which the Marathas called 'in fort- 
ress'; that is to say, the tent of the Nawab 
should be at the centre of the camp and that 
the troops of the different generals should be 
posted in such a way that the camp formed a 
large circle. In order to prevent the quarrels 
inseparable from the differences in religion, 
the Marathas camped at one of the extreme 
ends of the camp and left a great space 
empty between them and the Moorish troops. 
( Terraneau, p. 140). 


The advance guard was under Kazi 
Dayem; Moro Pandit was the captain of the 
forward troops of the Marathas ; a jamadar of 
Chanda Sahib who had been captured by these 
two, early in March 1750, was the intermedi- 
ary between the traitors inNasir Jang's camp 
and Chanda Sahib in the front. Murari Rao, 
Janoji and Raja Ram Chander had all been 
bought over. Murari Rao was promised the 
territory of Tadpatri. Janoji was lured with 
gold and Raja Ram Chander was a friend of 
Janoji Nimbalakar. Moro Pant and Kazi 
Dayem were in the advance guard, close by 
Murari Rao. Janoji and Ramachandra Sen 
were encamped at the front centre ; on the 
left wing were the Pathans and on the right 
wing, Muhammad AH and the English. Of the 
three Pathan Nawabs, that of Savanur-Banka- 
pur was a young man, eclipsed by the other 
two. Abdul Nabi Khan of Cuddapah was 
elderly and addicted to opium. He was a friend 
of the French, because of the fief of Chidam- 
baram which was an enclave and belonged to 
him ; and the governor of Chidambaram was 
in close communication with Dupleix. Abdul 
Nabi's younger brother had written in Nov- 
ember 1749, five months before, to Chanda 
Sahib thus : " My elder brother, the Nawab of 
Cuddapah, is come, with the Nawab of Kanda- 
nur to oppose the devastations (of the army of 

- 511 

Nasir Jang) near Cumbum. He is your 

The Nawab of Kurnool, Himayat Khan, 
had recently paid Nasir Jang eleven lakhs of 
rupees as nazar. He had complained that the 
expenses of maintaining an army, which he 
was asked to contribute to fight for Nasir Jang 
were excessive ; and he had defeated a force 
sent against him by Nasir Jang, but had 
become reconciled to his suzerain, joined him 
on his southern march and got on well with 
him for some time. But the envoy of Himmat 
Khan who had expected to get the jaghir of 
Banganapalle from Nasir Jang in return for 
his services in effecting this reconciliation, 
grew angry with the Nizam and was said to 
have converted the Pathan Nawabs to the 
side of treason. This discontented envoy was 
probably Mir Sayfullah and is elsewhere 
called Sayfuddin. Himayat Khan was a 
young man of 27 or 28 years of age, " full of 
fire and courage. It was he who, so to speak 
led the gang." On the right wing, that is to 
say, the other end of the camp, were Muham- 
mad AH and his lieutenants (Mahfuz Khan, his 
elder brother, Khair-uddin and Abdul Jalil his 
brothers-in-law, and Sampat Rao the former 
diwan of his father) ; lastly, to the extreme 
right (that is to say, to the south, in such a 

J-i-w """"""" 

way as to be easily in touch with Fort St. 
David), were tfre English troops of Cope. 

Only Muhammad Ali was a sincere 
supporter of Nasir Jang. While this was the 
camp occupied by Nasir Jang in his first stay 
in the neighbourhood of Gingee, we do not 
know what exactly was the situation in the 
later camp of Nasir Jang, whether it was 
nearer Velimedupet or nearer Gingee. French 
evidence seems to be that the French troops 
attacked Nasir Jang's camp atDesu'r(A7t(mda 
Ranga Pilhtis Diary, Vol. IX, p. 165). But 
Nasir Jang was at Velimedu, as is expressed 
by Narayana Kone. An English account of 
the event contained in a letter from Fort St. 
David, dated 30th December O.S. 1750, i.e.. 
24 days after the event, speaks thus: "On the 
6th December 1750 N.S. at about 2 o'clock in 
the morning the French having roused (awak- 
ened) the rear guard of Nasir Jang, the 
Nawabs of Kadapa and Kurnool under the 
pretext of coming to ask for their orders, 
approached the tent of Nasir Jang, and at the 
moment he mounted on his elephant, killed 
him with a gunshot, and severed his head 
which they showed at the end of a pike to all 
the ?trmy. It is said that his Premier Shah 
Nawaz was the soul of the conspiracy." 

Dubreuil says that this account accords 
well with the French official version. " The 


Viceroy immediately mounted on his elephant ; 
he ordered all his subordinate Nawabs to join 

him and to draw up their troops This was 

where the Nawab of Kurnool waited for him. 
He drew near as if to obey him ; but while 
the prince could not have the faintest suspi- 
cion of his design, he discharged a pistol on 
his head."* 

~* The probability is that the Nawab's army ex- 
tended over a large area, in the plain to the north-east of 
Gingee, beyond the river Chakravati, very likely in the 
direction of Vellitnedu to the north-east and Sittamur 
and Villukam in the east. What is considered in the 
English version above quoted, as the rear guard of Nasir 
Jang has been evidently treated as the advance guard by 
the author of the Rah at Afza. On this supposition many 
of the difficulties and inconsistencies presented by a 
comparative study of the details given by the Rdliat 
Afza and by the Tuzak-i-Walajah-i and those given by 
Narayana Pillai and the French accounts can be 

If the generally accepted date for the martyrdom of 
Nasir Jang, riz, the night of the 17th Muharram 1164 A.H. 
is accurate, this corresponds to the 350th day of 1750 
(16th December). This 16th December was a Wednesday. 
The calculation of the Muslims historian would be like 
this 4 * If a certain event happened on the night of 
Safar 3, 1069 (October 31, 1658), it may have happened 
between sunset and midnight on October 30, or between 
midnight and dawn on October 31 " (page 5 of Compar- 
ative Tables of Muliannnadan and Christian Dates by Sir 
T. W. Haig Luzac & Co., 1932). 

Hence, if the martyrdom of Nasir Jang took place 
on the night (before dawn) of Moharrum 17, 1164 A.H. 
it was on Wednesday December 16 (N.S.) (December 5, 
O.S.), 1750. 



We have, from the generosity of Mon. A. Lehuraux 
a letter of M. Kerjean, nephew of Dupleix, who led the 
left wing of the French troops, writing a few hours after 
the tragedy, as follows . . 

Camp of Nas'r Jang, 
16, Dec. 1750, at 10 in the morning. 

"* Dear Uncle, 

We left Fathpet yesterday at 5 hours of evening ; and 
at 3 hours before daylight, we were before the camp of 
the Moors, who were sleeping profoundly. We gave 
them a cruel awakening by breaking into their camp in 
battle array ; all fled and we pursued them right and left, 
front and rear, without ceasing, till 7 o'clock when we 
perceived your standard as well as several French flags 
appearing on the rocks, but we dared not give complete 
credence to these signs of friendship, when the head 
munshi (f/rcnid ecrtrun) of Muzaffar Jang came to 
announce the death of Nasir Jang whose head had been 

cut off Mm. Very and Bussy are slightly wounded, 

we had only 6 or 7 soldiers wounded." 

This would fix the time of the tragedy in the early 
morning of the 16th December. 

M. Lehnraux further gives valuable information as 
to the site of the tragedy. He bases his conclusion that 
the place was near Velimedu, first on the mention in 
Narayanan's Chronicle that the Nawab (Nasir Jang) had 
fixed his camp on the plain of Velimedu, at 10 mlhyui 
distance to the north-east of Gingee, while the French 
army had encamped near Gingee. (10 ndliyai distance = 
13-8 miles). (2) La Touche, writing to Dupleix that the 
2 armies were 4 leagues from each other, separated by 
an unfordable river. (4 French leagues being nearly 
14 miles). The French camp at Fathpet (site of Nawab 
Sadatullah Khan's victory over Raja Desing) was one 
league in advance of their base at Gingee. Bussy, in 
accompanying Muzaffar Jang to the Deccan, in the course 
of the second day's march from Mailam (8 kos), traversed 
" the camp where Nasir Jang had his head cut off," on 
the road to Wandiwash. We have also noted above 
(p. 503) Olive's traversing the spot on his march from 
Arcot to Fort St. David. On these data, Mon. Lehuraux 

D. The Fort under French occupation (1750-61) 

Gingee became again the centre of 
interest during dive's memorable seige of 
Arcot, We learn from a despatch of Gov- 
ernor Saunders, dated September 30, 1751 
(O.S.), that Chanda Sahib's son with a body of 
2,000 horse, some French and sepoys, marched 
from Gingee where he had taken shelter after 
raising the siege of Arcot, for the recapture of 
that place from Olive. The diversion on 
Arcot had given the English and the Nawab 
an easy possession of the place and even 
success in several skirmishes with the enemy ; 
l)u t the English lacked adequate forces for 
taking up an aggressive attitude, particularly 
cavalry; and though Muhammad AH appointed 
his own collectors of revenue, it was felt that 
nothing could be done till he should send at 
least two or three thousand horse to Arcot. 

In July 1752, when Muhammad Ali was 
besieged in Trichinopoly by the French, he 
conceived the idea that the English troops 

has fixed the site at Puttanandal village, north of Velli- 
medu, the junction of Muhammad All's march in flight 
to Villupuram, Bussy's march from Perimbe to Wandi- 
wash and Olive's from Timiri to Pedrapolur. This is 
supported by inference from Orme's location of the 
army of Nasir Jang at 16 miles from Gingee. 

It is pertinent to point out that Dupleix erected, on 
the spot of Nasir Jang a very fine choultry to his 
4 memory/ Olive called it a " monument of. infamy." 


could reduce Gingee and hence courted their 
assistance in his attempt to capture it. The 
English at Madras tried to help him in storm- 
ing the fortress, notwithstanding the fact that 
Col. Lawrence advised against making the at- 
tempt, on the score of the improbability of suc- 
cess. Col- Lawrence knew that the place was 
very strong and well supplied with all manner 
of stores and garrisoned by 150 Europeans, be- 
side sepoys and it would require a strong and 
numerous force to attack it. Moreover, no 
supply of cannon could then be expected from 
Fort St. David. These and other reasons 
determined Col. Lawrence to dissuade the 
Madras Governor from the attempt. His 
advice was tendered too late, as Major Kinneer, 
a man newly arrived from Europe, had already 
been despatched to Gingee on 23rd July 1752, 
with an army of 200 Europeans, 1,500 sepoys 
and 600 of the Nawab's cavalry. The next 
day Kinneer ' marched on Villupuram fort, 
twelve miles north of Tiruvati near Panruti ; 
and the place immediately surrendered. 

Dupleix, on hearing of its fall, deter- 
mined to strike a blow for the recovery of the 
prestige of the French arms and directed his 
commandant at Gingee to defend his fort to 
the last extremity. Further, he sent 300 


Orine : History of Indostan, Vol. I, p. 162- 


Europeans and 500 sepoys with seven field- 
pieces, who took possession of Vikravandi 
which was situated midway between Pondi- 
cherry and Gingee and which commanded the 
road traversed by the English on their route 
to Gingee. Dupleix probably thought that the 
natural inaccessibility of the forts of Gingee 
was sufficient to enable a well-commanded 
garrison to beat off a force five times that of 
Kinneer, who was new to the country and the 

Soon Major Kinneer arrived before 
Gingee and realised that his force was too 
small to reduce such a strong fortress enclos- 
ing a chain of mountains. However, on arrival 
at Gingee, he summoned the garrison to sur- 
render. The French officer commanding the 
place answered with civility that he kept it 
for the King of France, that he would not 
surrender it and that he was determined to 
defend it. Kinneer was appalled at its 
strength and hesitated to invest the place with 
his small force. Moreover, the two pieces of 
battering cannon which he expected from 
Fort St. David did not arrive in time. 

His forces were, however, reinforced at 
Tiruvati with a body of 300 Europeans, 500 
sepoys and others. 


The French were placed in a strong sit* 
nation at Vikravandi which was surrounded 
by a river and hence they were able to cut off 
all communications. Kinneer boldly attacked 
the enemy, but at last fell down wounded. 
The English sepoys grew disheartened and 
began to retreat. Poor Kinneer was so much 
affected by his ill luck, that although he 
soon recovered from his wounds, his vexation 
and disappointment brought on an illness 
which cost him his life- 

Thus ended the expedition of Kinneer to 
Gingeeinl752. ] 

1 Orme (History of Indostan, Vol. I, pp. 253-254) thus 
describes this battle: "The English marched directly to 
the enemy who appeared at first drawn up on the 
outward bank of the rivulet and recrossed it with precipi- 
tation. The English, elated with the imagination of 
their panic, advanced to the bank, and leaving their field- 
pieces behind, began the attack with the fire of their 
musketry only. The enemy answering it, both from 
musketry and field-pieces, and under shelter, suffered 
little loss, and did much execution. The company of 
English Coffres were first flung into disorder by carry- 
ing off their wounded as they dropped, and soon after 
took flight ; they were followed by the sepoys ; and 
Major Kinneer in this instant receiving a wound which 
disabled him, the Europeans began to waver likewise. 
The enemy perceiving the confusion, detached 100 of 
their best men, amongst which were 50 volunteers, who, 
crossing the rivulet briskly, advanced to the bank. The 
vivacity of this unexpected motion increased the panic, 
and only 14 grenadiers, with two ensigns, stood by the 
colours ; these indeed defended them bravely, until they 
were rejoined by some of the fugitives, with whom they 
retreated in order ; and the French, satisfied with their 
success, returned to the village, having, with very little 


The English troops retreated to Tiruvati ; 
and the enemy, after quitting Vikravandi, re- 
captured the fort of Villupuram which they 
demolished. Dupleix was greatly elated by 
this success and strengthened the French 
army in the field with further reinforcements. 
The French forces ericamped to the north of 
Fort St. David close to the bound-hedge. 
Thereupon the English and the Nawab's 
troops quitted Tiruvati and took their post 
at Semmandalam, a redoubt within the bound- 
hedge, three miles to the west of Fort St. 
David ; and the French were even bold 
enough to capture some English troops that 
were coming by ma&ula boat* from Madras. 
This was the situation before the battle of 
Bahur; and Dupleix felt for the moment 
great satisfaction at having restored French 
prestige to some extent. 

loss to themselves, killed and wounded 40 of the English 
battalion, which suffered in this action more disgrace 
than in any other that had happened during the war: 
Major Kinneer was so affected by it, that although he 
recovered of his wound, his vexation brought on an 
illness, of which he some time after died/' 

u The greatest part of the town was encircled by a 
rivulet, which serving as a ditch, was defended by a 
parapet, formed of the ruins of old houses, and interrupt- 
ed at proper intervals to give play to the cannon. The 
outward bank was in many parts as high as the parapet, 
and that part of the village which the rivulet did not 
bound, might be easily entered ; but the English, neglect- 
ing to reconnoitre before they began the attack, lost the 
advantages which they might have taken of these cir- 


To return to the fortunes of Gingee : 

Gingee remained firmly in French posses- 
sion until after the fall of Pondicherry to Sir 
Eyre Coote in January 1761- It was in this 
epoch that the French added their own forti- 
fications to the place. Even now there can be 
seen the remains of the quarters which they 
built and the almost intact Royal Battery on 
the rocky knoll in the line between Chandra- 
yandurg and Krishnagiri. " The aggressively 
modern gate-posts outside the Pondicherry 
and Arcot gates, the curious little brick and 
chunam sentry-boxes (shaped like pepper- 
castors) and the brick embrasures which may 
be seen all about the fortifications would seem 
to have also been their work." 1 Gingee 
served the French as a base of resistance 
during the operations of Count de Lally in the 
Carnatic between the battle of Wandiwash and 
the fall of Pondicherry. From Wandiwash the 
French army fled through Chetpat to Gingee 
and from that place shortly retreated into 
Pondicherry. Coote took Chetpat on the 29th 
January 1760, Arcot on the 10th February 

1 It was from the Venkataramanaswami Temple that 
the French took away the tall monolithic pillars which 
were planted round Dupleix's statue at Pondicherry. 
Perhaps the French were responsible for the roadway 
which leads straight from the Pondicherry Gate to the 
Sadatullah Khan's Mosque. 


and Perumukkal * on the 3rd March, while 
Tiruvannamalai capitulated to a detachment 
under Captain Stephen Smith. The fort of 
Alamparva surrendered to Coote on the 12th 
March and the port of Karikkal was surrend- 
ered to an expedition sent by sea under the 
command of Major Monson, On the previous 
day, i.e., the 4th of April, Villupuram was 
taken by a detachment of sepoys under Captain 
Wood; on the 19th Chidambaram fell (with its 
garrison of 6 officers and 46 men) into the 
hands of Monson ; on the same day a detach- 
ment of sepoys occupied Cuddalore without 
serious opposition, while three days previously 
Valudavur had surrendered to Coote who had 
resumed command after a short period of ill- 
ness. Vriddhachalam likewise capitulated on 
the 27th April. Lally now solicited the aid of 
Haidar Ali, who ordered Makhdum Ali, then 
engaged in the conquest of the Baramahal, to 
proceed to Pondicherry ; and that chief march- 
ed from Baramahal to Tyagadurg. This place 
and Gingee alone were now in French posses- 
sion in the xubah of Arcot. Makhdum Ali's 
victory over Major Moore near Tiruvati was 
counter-balanced by Coote's capture of the 
fort of Villiyanur, just as Lally was marching 

* Lally attempted to reinforce O'Kemiedy, its cap- 
tain, but could not do so. So the pettah (outside the 
fort) was taken on the 3rd and the rock fort on the 6th 
of March. 


out from Pondicherry to relieve it. Coote set- 
tled down before Pondicherry during August 
between Perimbe and Villiyanur and invested 
the place at its bound-hedge limits which 
extended in a curve of 15 miles round the 
town and had been strengthened by four large 
redoubts, namely, the Madras, Vellore, Villi- 
yanur and Ariancopang Redoubts. Coote 
abandoned an attack on the Ariancopang fort, 
which he had projected, owing to the protest 
of Major Monson. But he repulsed a surprise 
attack made on the British camp by Lally on 
the 4th September. Four days later, the 
of Valudavur and Villiyanur Redoubts were 
taken, the latter by Major Joseph Smith. 

Within a week, the French withdrew from 
the Ariancopang Redoubt after partially 
blowing it up. Coote who had now rejoined 
the camp, took the Madras Redoubt on the 1st 
of October, with the help of Joseph Smith. It 
was retaken by the French the same night ; 
but " Subadhar Coven Naig " formed up the 
sepoys who had been driven out, and retook 
it with great gallantry soon afterwards. In 
October, Coote allowed women and children 
to be evacuated from Pondicherry ; and in the 
next month Lally turned out all the native 
inhabitants. Throughout December cannon- 
ading went on, with the fleet co-operating. On 
the 5th January 1761, the St. Thomas Redoubt 


erected by Lally opposite that of Ariyanco- 
pang, was captured, but lost the next 
day. Lally's attempts to secure Maratha help 
failed; and Pigot, the Governor of Madras, 
now arrived on the scene. On the 10th Jan- 
uary fresh batteries were opened ; trenches 
were commenced on the 13th ; on the 16th 
Lally surrendered and the garrison laid down 
their arms ; and Coote's Grenadiers took 
possession of the Villiyanur Gate. The 
British flag was hoisted on Fort St. Louis on 
the following day, under a salute of 1,000 guns- 
A huge quantity of arms and ammunition 
were taken, besides 500 pieces of cannon and 
100 kk mortars and howits." The entire forti- 
fications of Pondicherry were completely 
demolished ; and orders were given for the 
immediate reduction of the other French 
settlements in India. Tyagadrug capitulated 
to Major Preston on the 4th of February, 1761 ; 
five clays later Mahe fell into the hands of 
Major Hector Munro. The surrender of 
Gingee to Captain Stephen Smith on the 
6th April following, left " not a single ensign 
of the French nation allowed by the authority 
of its government in any part of India/' * 
The major part of the English army in the 
Carnatic was cantoned in Cuddalore, Pondi- 
cherry and Madras, by February 1761. One 

H. F. Mill-land : Bail lie ki PaUan (1930) p. 14. 

524 - 

detachment under Captain Smith was sent to 
blockade Gingee, and another under Major 
Preston was detailed to invest Tyagadrug. 
Everywhere else, the province was tranquil ; 
and in the last week of the month the British 
squadron left Pondicherry for Bombay. 

Captain Stephen Smith at Gingee and its Fall 
into English hands. 

After the fall of Pondicherry in January 
to Sir Eyre Coote's forces, Gingee and Tiagar 
(Tyagadrug in the present Kallakurichi taluk 
of the South Arcot District) alone remained 
in the hands of the French- Hence Coote 
decided to capture them also. He sent a^ 
convoy of military stores to Major Preston, 
who was blockading Tiagar. He also detached 
eight companies of sepoys under the command 
of Captain Stephen Smith to invest Gingee. 

Captain Smith, as soon as he encamped 
before Gingee, summoned Macgregor, its 
commanding officer, to surrender. Macgregor 
retaliated by saying that, even if he had 
brought 100,000 men, the forts could not be 
reduced in three years. The forts of Gingee 
were then surrounded by a strong wall, but- 
tressed with stone-towers connected with one 
another, which measured 12,000 yards or 


nearly 6% miles in length.* The French, who 
regarded the forts on the mountains to be im- 
pregnable, had for defence only 150 Europeans. 
To passes and Coffres, 600 sepoys and 1,000 
Colleries, /.(?., natives of the adjoining hills 
whom they called by that name. 

Smith was encamped in the eastern 
portion of the area. The French had con- 
structed, during their occupation, the Royal 

: * The petiuh outside the wall had a protecting mud 
wall. The inward town was in the centre of the triangular 
walled enclosure connecting the three hills and stood on 
higher ground. There was the connecting stone wall 
referred to above, which continued up the mountains and 
surrounded the three hills. " Besides this exterior en- 
closure, the interior and higher defences run double 
round the two forts to the east ; and the great mountain 
to the west (Raj^giri), which is the principal fortification, 
has four enclosures, one below another, towards the 

town in the valley The wall on the east side of the 

valley extends 1,200 yards from the Mountain of St. 
George on the right to the English Mountain on the left, 
and nearly in the middle passeth along the side of a heap 
of rocks on which the French had raised a work which 
they called the Royal Battery, under which, on the right, 
towards the mountain of St. George stood a gateway 
opposite to the outward petttih in the plain ; but the 
pettah extended only from this mountain to the rocks of 
the battery." (Orme. Vol. II (4th ed.) pp. 728-9) see also 
Plan of Gingee on p. 151 of Vol. I showing : 

(1) E< (outer pettah) 

(2) //, //, //, (French garrisions) 

(3) a, gate of the 2nd wall leading to the inner 


(4) c Pondicherry Gate in the outer stone- wall 
and the walls connecting and enclosing the three 
mountains and also the defence walls and gates of the 
Rajagiri citadel. 


Battery between the St. George's Mountain 
and the English Mountain. Captain Stephen 
Smith was informed by several persons about 
the real state of the garrison and the defences 
of Gingee. On the night of 2nd February 1761, 
he marched from his camp, with 600 sepoys in 
two divisions, of which the former carried a 
sufficient number of scaling ladders, while the 
latter were kept for support when called for. 
They crept unpercieved through the petta/i 
which was to the east of the Royal Battery 
and gained the road leading from the Pondi- 
cherry Gate to Sadatullah Khan's Mosque. 
The guards at the Pondicherry Gate raised 
an alarm ; but Smith drove them from their 
posts at the point of the bayonet and opened 
the gate to let in another body of 400 men 
which brought his total strength to 600. 
With these forces he captured the Royal 
Battery, taking possession of both the gate- 
ways of the outer wall. 

Then he waited for day-break to drive the 
enemy troops out of the town. Some had 
already fled to St. George's Mountain and 
others ran to the English Mountain. The 
majority of them went into the inner lower 
fort at the foot of Rajagiri from where they 
began to fire on the English troops below. 
At night-fall they retired from the inner fort 
to the higher defences. 

On the intelligence of this success, 1,000 
more sepoys were sent to Stephen Smith. A 
jamadar-deserter offered to lead a party, by 
a path he knew, to surprise the fort on St. 
George's Mountain. He was trusted ; and at 
the next night-fall, 200 sepoys marched under 
his guidance and scaled the defences unper- 
ceived. They ^zed eight Europeans, while 
the others escaped to the enclosure below. 
In the morning an officer came down to capitu- 
late, but demanded very liberal terms. 

Captain Smith refused to accept the sur- 
render.* A large stock of provisions was 
found in the fort of this mountain, from which 
it was concluded that the remaining forts 
were also well provided. There was no hope 
that " either of these fortresses could be taken 
by surprise and still less by open attack." 
They trusted to time for success, "which 
was not be expected either from force or 

On the every day when the Mountain of 
St. George surrendered to Captain Smith, i.e., 
4th February 1761, the important fortress 
of Tiagar (or Tyagadrug) capitulated to 
Major Preston after a severe blockade and 

* He knew that he could capture them by sending 
more men up the rock, demanded their surrender at 
discretion and got 42 Europeans and 70 sepoys. 


bombardment of 65 days. Mahe had sur- 
rendered to Major Munro on February 13, 
1761 ; and the news of the surrender had 
reached Madras on the 3rd of March. Gingee 
seems to have presented greater obstacles 
than either of these two places to the English 
attacking forces. 

However, on the 5th April 1761, Smith 
received a proposal from Macgregor, the 
French commander at Gingee, stating that he 
would capitulate, if his garrison were allowed 
all the honours of war. The rank and file of 
the Europeans had to be sent to Europe as 
prisoners liable to exchange. The officers 
were to be permitted to retire to any of the 
neutral European settlements on the coast, 
where they were to live at the expense of the 
English Company who were also to defray 
their passage to Europe. 

300 English sepoys had already died in 
the town and in the St. George's Mountain, 
44 from the peculiar inclemency of the air 
which has always been deemed the most 
unhealthy in the Carnatic in so much that 
the French who never until lately kept more 
than 100 Europeans here, had lost 1,200 men 
in the 10 years during which it had been in 
their possession." Captain Stephen Smith 
therefore readily accepted the terms and in 

~ 529 

the afternoon, the garrison marched out of the 
two mountains.* There were 12 officers, 100 
rank and file, Europeans and Topasses, 40 
lascars of artillery, 30 cannon and some 

The fall of Gingee on 5th April 1761 ter- 
minated the long contested hostilities between 
the two rival European powers in the 
Carnatic. The French lost their last posses- 
sion in the Carnatic. In order to retard 
as much as possible their re-establishment 
in power at the conclusion of peace, the 
demolition of the fortifications of Pondi- 
cherry and other places was ordered immedi- 
ately, at the suggestion of George Pigot, the 
Governor of Madras. 


Gingee regained for a time its st^tegic and 
military importance, alas ! for the last time 
in its fateful history, in 1780 A.D. during Haidar 
All's invasion of the Carnatic by the Changa- 
mah pass, with a force of 90,000 men and 
helped by some able French officers like 
Puymorin cind Lally the Younger (July 1780). 
Soon Ensign Macaulay was sent with a 
company of English forces to assist the 
Nawab's garrison at the fort. Haidar's men 
appeared before the place and easily carried 

* Orme : History of Lidostan : Volume II, pp. 728 
to 733. 



the lower fort by assault, while a European 
in the Nawab's service left his post without 
firing a shot. Macaulay had to retire to the 
top of Rajagiri, while the rest of the garrison 
mutinied, demanded that he should sur- 
render and even threatened to assassinate 
him. Macaulay was compelled to capitulate ; 
and he did so on the condition (which was 
never kept by Haidar) that he should be 
sent to Madras. But he was soon despatch- 
ed a prisoner to Seringapatam. According 
to a contemporary diary (the Journal of 
one Sergeant Smith) " they (Haidar's men) did 
not leave him a shirt." f That was how 
Macaulay failed in his attempt to resist 
Haidar's attack on Gingee (November 1780). t 

r Wilks: History of South India and Myxore,, Vol.1, 
Page 449; The South Arcot Gazetteer, Vol. I," pp. 355-356. 

J Major Innes Munro (in his work A Carrot-ire of 
the Military Operations on the Coromandal Coast: London 
1789) says that soon after Haidar's decent by the 
Changauiah pass, "the forts of Trinomaly, Ohitaputt, 
Arne, Gingee, Chillumbrum, Cavare-punk and Carran- 
gooly, etc., were all given up according to agreement ?(.) 
so that in less than fourteen days he possessed a chain 
of our frontier garrisons that completely secured the 
safety of all his convoys from the Mysore country." 
(p. 134). 

Wilks remarks that " not one native officer entrusted 
by Mohammad All with the defence of a fortress, would 
be faithful to the general cause, and it became an urgent 
consideration to commit them to English officers." To 
four important forts were European officers sent, Ensign 
Allan to Udayarpalayam, Ensign Macaulay to Gingee, 
Liteuenant Parr to Carnaticgadh, and another officer tp 


From the close of the Second Mysore 
War, Gingee has been free from the ravages 
and anarchy of war, but subject to desolation 
and decay. 

Wandiwash. Allan had to defend the place against its 
own poligar ; and Parr had to escape after considerable 
hardship and the humiliation of seeing the fort sold by 
its killedar to the enemy. 


Ever since Gingee came under the British 
control, it lost its historical importance. 
During the height of the Napoleonic scare in 
Europe, Mr. Garrow, the Collector of South 
Arcoti recommended to the Board of Revenue, 
in 1803, the demolition of the Gingee forts, in 
view of their proximity to Pondicherry- His 
recommendation was not fortunately carried 

Even though Gingee is now a small 
village and presents a desolate aspect, with its 
ruined redoubts, temples and granaries, it 
attracts a large number of visitors who 
wonder at the ponderous nature of its forti- 
fications. The place is well worth a visit even 
to-day, as it has got a fascinating interest 
for the student of history. We may fittingly 
conclude by quoting again the following dis- 
heartening reflection on the present state of 
Gingee. "It is a melancholy reflection for 
the historian, that what was once a scene of 
bustling animation and dazzling military 
pomp, can boast at present of only a few 
humble habitations with a handful of peace- 
ful agriculturists. Where once chargers 
pranced in martial array, the bullocks drag 
the plough-share, goaded by a half -naked 

farmer and the spider weaves its web where 
rulers once sat in state and administered 
the affairs of the realm. But the memory 
of one of the brave chieftains of the line is 
preserved even to this day in every town and 
village of South India. The wandering 
minstrel sings to groups of villagers, under 
the banyan tree of the heroism of Raja Desing, 
of how he loved and fought and fell." # 

* C. 8. Srinivd^achari : History of Gintfec (Madras 
1912) p. 2!. 


References are to Pages and Foot Notes. 

Abdulhai Khan, Mir. Samsam-ul-Mulk, his account 

of Nasir Jang's death 494N. 
Abdul Hakim Khan, 497. 

Abdul Jalil, brother-in-law of Muhammad All, 512, 
Abdul Karim Hayat Khan, an officer of Gingee 438. 
Abdulla Khan, his Mysore expedition 157. 
Abdulla Khan, Khaja, the subhedar of Arcot 460, 461, the 

Nazim of the Carnatic 461, his death 461, 462. 
Abdulla Khan, the Bijapuri governor of Gingee and his 

surrender to Shivaji 221. 

Abdul Nabi Khan, his territory plundered 408 & N, his 

strife with Sadat Tiyar Khan of Gingee 440. 
Abdul Nabi Khan, Nawab of Cuddapah 496, his forces 

498N, 510. his brother 511, 
Abul Hasan, Sultan of Golkonda, his help to Shivaji 

234, and the latter's betrayal 234&N. 
Abeille, a French engineer, 489NL 
Achyutappa Nayak of Tanjore, 77, 201N, 203. 
Achyutaraya of Vijayanagar, his consecration of Govinda- 

raju shrine for a second time 79N, 87, his 

generals 87, 123N, 126. 
Adaipalam 126N. 
Adil Shah, Sultan of Madura 57. 
Adil Shah of Bijapur 174, 191N, his government 211. 

capture of 212. 

Aditya Chola I, mentioned 27. 
Adondai Chakravarti, the Chola 37, overthrew the Kurum- 

bas 39, 64. 



Adoni 358N, 469. 

Afghan chiefs, 496, Nawabs 498. 

Africa, TON, 

Afzal Khan, the Bijapur general, 168, 183. 

Agaram tank 85N. Agaram village 100 identified with 

Krishnapuram 100, 203. 
Agastiya f The Sage, 58, 59. 
Agra, the Mughal court at 179, Shivaji's visit to 256, 

367, escape of the Mughal Prince from 446. 

Ahmad Shah, Emperor, 489N1. 

Ajit Naire, 298. 

Akalkot, Jaghir of 442N. 

Akilandeswari shrine at Jambai, 89. 

Akkanna, his presents to Shivaji, 213, 234N. 

Alaf Kuan Panni, his son killed, 460. 

Alamgir, the Padshah 410N. 

Alamparva fort, surrender of 521. 

Alampundi grant of Viriipaksha 51 to 53, its importance 

54, 55, 71, 72, 82. 

Alau'd-din Sjkandar Shah of Madura, 57. 
Allan, Ensign 530N. 
Ali Dost Khan, Nawab. 450, 451, his justice 452, his death 

456, 460. 

Ali Mardan Khan, the faujdar of Conjeevaram 294, 
attacked and captured 298, 299, his release 
299, 305, 306, 310, 325N2. 

Ali Naqi, son of the killedar of Wandiwash, 486. 

Ali Qadir, brother-in-law of Ali Mardan Khan, 299. 

Allahabad, 78. 

Allanganattam. 385. 

Alup Singh, Desing's nephew, his son performed the 

obsequies of Desing 410N, 433. 
Amanulla Khan, his forces 498N. 


Ambika Bai, wife of Harji Raja, 252. 

and Shivaji's daughter 238, 263, & 264. 
Ainboji Pant, his grant to the English, 243. 
Ambur, 449N. battle of 468, 485. 
Amir Jahan, 337N, 343, his letter, 344, 346. 
Amir Khan, appointed to the Bijapuri Carnatic, 358N. 
Amir-ul-Umara, Nawab, 335. 
Ammakulam, tanks in Gingee and Vriddhachalam, built 

by Mangammal of Gingee, 88N. 
Amrit Rao (Ameert Rao) 329NL 
Anaikulam Tank 8. 

Anandagiri, original name of Rajagiri 2, 85N", new name 
of Kamalagiri 31. 

Ananda Kon, chief of Gingee 28&N, his relations with 
Gingee 31, his victories 31, 33N1, his race 
68, called a Dhangar 83N. 

Ananda Ranga Pillai, Wasarat Vijaya. Dupleix's dubash 
465, 466, honours conferred by Muzaffar 
Jang 469, his Diary 473, referred to 489N1, 

Ananta, legendary serpent 12. 

Ananta Das, Raja, at Fort St. David, 468. 

Anantarya, author of Prapannamrtan^ 61. 

Anegundi, 41, Krishna Raya of 83N, 358N. 

Anglo-French wars 358N. 

Anka Bhupaia, Kalahasti chief, 93, 131N. 

Anka Damarla, author of Ushaparinai/am 94. 

Annaji Pant, Shivaji's minister, 227, 230N, 234N. 

Annamalai Chettiar, Raja Sir. his renovation of the 

Govindaraja Shrine 123N, 
Antwerp, 12 Years' Truce of, 119. 

Anwaru-d-dm Khan, his conducts toward the Madura 
Prince 454N, his machinations 462, appointed 


faujdar of the Carnatic 462, 463, suspected 

464, his return to Arcot 465, and troubles 

465, his treatment of the foreigners 466, his 
march towards the south 466, his return 
to oppose Muzaffar Jang 468, his deatli 
in the battle of Ambur 468. 

Anwaru-d-din Khan Muhammad Ali, his forces, 498N. 

Appa Naik of Gingee, 83, 91, 151. 

Appayya Dikshita, his patron, 103, 126>J. 

Appayya Nayak, 150. 

Aquaviva, Rev. Fr. Claudius, referred to 95N. 

Arabs, The, attacked the English 242, fight with 421N. 

Arasama Nayak, Velayudha, his claim of territory from 

the English 325N2. 
Arasama Nayak, identified with Yachama Nayak 319, 

Aravidu family, 123N, growth of religious controversy 

126N, 138. 

Arcot, as head-quarters of the Curnatic in 1716, 21, its 
Commissioner 28N, 30, taluk 51, district 
83N, defence of 328, 337N, 348, 358&N. 
arrival of harkars from the Padshah 410N, 
Mughal headquarters at 437, 438&N,Mughal 
prince at 446, subah of 447N, 449N, 450, 
Chanda Sahib's return to 452N, 456, plunder 
of 456, Arcot Gate of Gingee 520. 

Arcot, Nawabs of 812, conquest of 250, 360, subah of 
360N, 365, 368, 417, 421, Nawab's desire 
to dispossess Desing 422, 423, 424, his attack 
on Gingee 425, his army 427, his desire of 
conquest 432, 433, 435,439, Chanda Sahib's 
plan to become the Nawab of 454, 455, 
Safdar Ali as the Nawab 457, 458&N, 459, 
460, 461, 463&N, 464, 465, 466, 467, 468, 469, 
471, 473, 474, 475, ordered to be captured by 
Dupleix 476, 482. Nawab of 485, 493, 


494&N, 500, 502, 503, 513N, siege of 515, 
516, English capure of 521, 522. 

Ariancopang, blown up 522, 523. 
Armagaon, 109N, 147N. 

Armenian merchants, 299, sent to the Mughal court 

Annittu Filial 374N. 

Arni, 58, Raja's army fled to 179, Maratha defeat at 328, 
Sadatullah Khan's arrival at 410N, 425, 
449N, 530N. 

Arulala Perumal Temple of Kanchi, 128. 

Arungor of Du Jarric 100. 

Aryavarta, The, 78. 

Asadulla Khan, Mir. killedar of Chetpat, 457, 

Asad Khan in the south 247, 248, father of Zulfikar 
Khan 286, 292, sent to Gingee 292, 293&N2, 
met Prince Kam Bhaksh 293N2, 295, 301, 
302, 304, 307, 309, his peace terms to Raja 
Ram 309, 310, 311, fined by the Emperor 
311, restored to Emperor's favour 312, 317, 
320N, 325N2, his son 351, 430. 

Asaf Jah, Nizamu'1-Mulk, his'independance 440, his part 
in winning the Mahratta leaders 441, his 
with-holding of chnnth 441, his winning over 
of Sambhaji and treaty of Shevgaon 441, his 
plans 442N, his enmity to Shahu 442N, 
and hostility 443, his march to the south 443, 
444, granted concessions to the Carnatic 
Nawab 445, his return 445, his settlement 
of the Carnatic revenues 445N, conferred 
honour upon Sadatullah Khan 446, his rati- 
fication of Sadatullah Khan's appointment 
447, his order on the English construction 
of a fort at Madras 447, 457, 459. inarch into 
the Carnatic and settlement of the affairs 


at 460, 461, left Arcot 461, 462&N, his con- 
firmation of the faujdari of the Carnatic on 
Anwaru-d-din 462-3, 464, his death 466. 

Asia, 67N. 

Askar Ali Khan, the Golkonda governor 288. 

Askar Khan, Nawab of the Carnatic 325N2. 

Asuppur fortress 34, Asappur 356, 357. 

Asuras, The. 7, 59. 

Attock, 254N. 

Aurangabad 356, 357, Nizam's capital changed from 442N. 

Aurangzib Viceroy of Deccan, his help sought by Sri- 
ranga III, 175, 176, 191N, Shivaji's fear of 
225, siege of Golkonda 246, 247, 248, his 
hatred of Sambhaji 251, attacked him 255, 
appointed Zulfikar Khan to conquer the 
South 272N1, 286, 288, his son 292, 293, his 
rumoured death 301, 302, 303N2, 309, 311, 
312, 313N, 317, 320&N, 329, his order of 
the siege of Gingee 330N, his reinforce- 
ments 332, 334, 341, his appointments 353, 
grant of Gingee to Sarup Singh 354, 360, 
361, 364, appointment of Sadatullah Khan 
365&N, 366, his death 367, his farman to 
Desing's father 422, 423, 435, his times 
referred to 438N, 481N1. 

Avalkondai, killa of 449N. 
Avesta, The. its discovery of 70N. 
Avur, 51. 

Aya, The Great : of Gingee his influence 114, 115, his 
assurance to the Dutch 115, blamed by the 
Dutch 116, Dutch negotiations with him 117. 
Tiere Wangaleya, governor of Tondai- 
mandalam, 117 to 119. 

Ayyankulam, tank 129. 



Ayyappa, Damarla. his rule, 94. 

Azam, Prince : 2nd son of Aurangzib, posted to Cuddapah 

Aziz Khan, 314. 


Babaji, the Bhonsle free-hooter 266. 

Babuji Nayak, 455. 

Bade Sahib, brother of Chanda Sahib, 452. 456. 

Badshfibad, Bijapuri name for Gingee, 23. 

Bahadur Shah, troubled on all sides 367. 

Bahlol Khan, Rustam-i-Zaman, the Bijapur general 180, 
his friendship with Shivaji 211, his capture 
of the Adil Shah 212, 215N, 218N 233. 

Bahmani Sultans 181N. 
Bahur, battle of 520. 
Bailpur, see Villupuram, 494N1. 

Biiji Rao Peshwa, in the South, 441, 443, his death 457. 
Balachetti chatram 489N1. 

Balaghat, Bijapur Karnatak 169. 

Baliah Sri. a member of the Madras Provincial Service 7. 

Ballala III (See Vallalaraya) 44, his death 44, his defeat 
at Kannanur 45, his death 46, founded 
Virupakshapattana and planted a pillar of 
victory 46, his door-keeper Kampana 57. 

Ballala IV //a* Vira Virupaksha Ballala 42, or 
Hampaya Wodayar 42, 45, sister married 
to Vallappar 45&N, his fight 45, 47. 

Ballal Chitnis, Khando, son of Shivaji's private secretary 

253, 254. 
Bandipalayam, 386, scuffle between the English and 

Sarup Singh's men at 400. 


Bangalore, Mussalman capture of 156, chief of 168, 169, 
246, 247, taken by the Mughals 247, Raja 
Ram arrived at 257, fugitives at 258N1, fall 
of 261, 358N, Maratha outpost 442N. 

Banganapalle, 511. 

Banjaras, the caravans of : 313. 

Bankapur, 358N See also Savanur. 

Bantam. 177N, 

Baqir Ali Khan, killedar of Vellore and son of Ghulam 
Ali Khan, chosen as the Nawab of Arcot 
438N, 450, 452. 

Baramahal, The, under Mysore, 155, 171, conquest of 

Barbosa, referred to, 194, 196, 200N. 

Baroda, 191 N. 

Baron, Monsienr, 218N. 

Barradas, Manuel referred to, 133, 137, Provincial of 
Malabar 138, 141, his account of the murder 
of Ranga 141N, 142 to 145. 

Harwell, Mr. Charles, 270, 279. 

Basalat Jang, 487N1, accompanied Nasir Jang 508. 

Basatin-i-Sal<Uin 9 referred to, 183, 184, 191 & N. 

Basavapattanam, 155, 168. 

Bassu, mother of Daud Khan, 360N. 

Bassur, The Dutch Factory at, 421N. 

Batavia, 178. 

Bavanashi. The, 213. 

Bavdekar, Ramachandra Nilakanta (Pant Amatya) 253. 

Bednore (Bednoor) 257, 258N2. Rani of 258N2, 358N, 
Desing's arrival at 410N, Raja troubled by 
the Marathas 410N, 421, an account of 
421N, 422, tributes exacted by the Marathas 
441, 445N. 

Belgaum, Maratha outpost 442N. 


Bellary district 41, 358N, Mahratta outpost, in 442N. 

Bengal, The Royal Asiatic Society of. 67N, TON, Bay of 

108, 325N2, 431. 
Bentinck, Lord William. Governor of Madras, 15, 28N, 

31, 68, 

Benyon Mr. 401, 403. 

Berar, jaghir offered to the Marathas 441. 
Bernier, TON. 

Bhairava Nayaka, brother of Surappa Nayaka, 90. 
Bhawani, Goddess 254&N. 
Bhalleraj or spear-rule, 266. 

Bhimsen, 18th cent, anaalist referred to 3, his account 
Of the siege of Gingee 305, 310, 311, 321, 
229, 331, his date for the fall of Gingee 343, 
344, 346. 

Bhonsla line in Tanjore, 442N. 

Bhuloka Devendran, a Chola chief 27. 

Bhupatiraya Udayar of Wandiwash, 41. 

Bhuvanagiri, capture of, 146. 

Bider Bakht. Prince, 328. 

Bidnoor (Bednore) 230N. 

Bijapur, governors of Gingee 16N, 23, Nayaks' associa- 
tion with 82N, 153N, invasion of 155, Sultan 
of and his peace with the Mughals 155, first 
Mysore invasion and treaty 156, subsequent 
Mysore invasions 15T, 159, alliance sought 
by Golkonda 164, attack on Sriranga 164, 
Bijapur troops take Gingee 165, war with 
Golkonda 165, 166, 16T, forces 169, 1TO, 
alliance with Shaji 170, army's success 171, 
1T2, alliance sought by Madura 173, con- 
quest of Gingee 173-4, Sriranga's peace with 
175, help to Mir Jumla recalled 176, Raya's 
attempt at alliance with 179, its help to the 



Raya in overthrowing Golkonda 180, final 
occupation of Gingee 180, its success in 
Gingee 180, attack on Tanjore 180, its 
victorious return 181, its possessions in the 
Carnatic 181N, its siege of Gingee 183, its 
plunder of Gingee 184, rulers of 185, army's 
plunder of the south and return to capital 
186, date of the conquest of Gingee 186, its 
hold on Gingee 188, 190, revenues due from 
the south 191, 208, fortifications made at 
206, factions in the court 210. Shivaji's 
plunder of 211, Shivaji's offer to 213, 215N, 
217, 218N, 225, 226, Shivaji's expedition to 
227, 229, 230, court factions 232, 234N, fall 
of 245, 251, fall of 260, Raja Ram's attempt 
to retake it 264, 320N, conquest of 325N2, 
Adil Shahis of 358N, subhadar of 460, com- 
mander of 481N1. 

Bishun Gingee (Vishnu Gingee) 13, 14, identified with 
Singavaram 14. 

Bitter, Jacob de, 112, 113, 117. 

Black Town, The Old 361N, repairs done to 447N, 458N. 

Boddam, Charles, 503- 

Bombay Presidency, 130 222, 230N, 242, 325N2, 524. 

Bomma Raja, 63, 410N. 

Bomma Reddi of Kalahasti 73. 

Bordeaux 70N. 

Bourgonjie, Pieter Gerritsz, at Tegnapatam 113 to 115, 
116, 117, his contract with the Aya 117. 

Brahmans in the court of Gingee 99. 

Branfill, Col. referred to, 5, 15. 

Brazil, 70N. 

Brenier, French commander at Gingee 479N. 

Brown, C.P., his Collection 67N. 


Brown, Dr. Samuel, his journey to Gingee to get a farman 

Bukkaraja I, 48, 51, 52, 55, 71. 

Bundelas The. their part in the siege of Gingee 336&N, 
308, followers 316, 333, 410N. 

Bundelkhand, Raja of 354, 410N. 420, 421, 422. 

Burhan ibn Hasan or Burhanu'd-din, his account of 
Daud Khan 363&N, referred to 452, 481. 

Bussy, Dupleix's order to 471N, 476&N, his attack on 
Gingee 477, 479N, his success in capturing 
Gingee 479N, his advance on Gingee, 481N1 
his march referred to 483N1, accompanied 
Muzaffar Jang to the Deccan 513N, his 
march 513N. 

Caesar, his success in Spain recalled 222. 

Calcutta, 67N, 447, 489N1. 

Calicut 70N, Zamorin of 108. 

Canara coast of 421N". 

Canarins, The. (and the Korumbins) 38. 

Carnatic, the (Karnataka) Sivaji's expedition into the 16N, 
Carnatic wars 20N, 32, Krishnaraya's ex- 
pedition into 73, revenues from 74&N, 
sources for its history 75N, 81, date of 
Krishnaraya's expedition 81, 82, emperor of 
106N, events of 147N, country 166, 171 
ruler of 174, Mir Jumla's conquests in 177, 
180, Golkonda supremacy over 181N", 185, 
Sivaji's expedition into 188, its revenue 
190, inscriptions 196, Haidar's expedition 
into 202, its faujdar 206, 207, coast of 210, 
expedition 211, Sivaji's expedition into 
214, 215N, 217, 218, captations in 222, 
Sivaji's possessions in 223, his short 


stay in 224, its originator 226, plan for a 
Hindu Raj in 228, 229, 230, 232, affairs in 
233, 234&N, 237, 238N, Sambhaji sent his 
garrisons to 245, 247, 248, 254, 257, Maratha 
array in 261, The Mughals in 286, 287, 
292, 315, Hyderabadi-Carnatic 320N, Nawab 
of 325N2, 332, 336, faujdar of 338, 348, 351, 
352, 353, faujdar of 356, first Nawab of 358, 
divisions of 358N, Payenghat ; its boundaries 
358N, Hyderabadi-Carnatic its extent 358N, 
Bijapur Carnatic 358N, 360&N, Karnatak- 
ghad 365N, 366, Nawab of 368, account of 
410N, faujdar of 424, administration of 434, 
Nawab of 438N, 440 chauth from 441, 
Maratha affairs in 442N, Muhammadan 
sway established in 442N, tribute from 
443, faujdar of 444, 445N, killas of 447, 
Payenghat region of the Carnatic 449&N, 
Maratha advance upon 455, Nabobs of 458N, 
459, 460, revenues of 461, 462, 465, 467, 
Amir of 469, 471N, 475, 477, 484, 485, 487N1, 
521, 524, 529, 530&N1. 

Carrangooly (Karunguzhi) 530N. 

Castenheda, referred to 194. 

Cateck, appointment of the Nawab of, 350. 

Catuir of Nuniz, identified with Chittoor 74N. 

Cauvery, The, 232. 

Ceylon, 163. 

Chakkilidrug called Chamar Tikri, 3, 12, 14, fortification 
of 88N, 330, 449N. 

Chakrakulam tank, 8, 10, 11, 290, 433. 

Chakraperumal temple 88N, 410N. 

Chakrapuri, Sivaji's camp at, 215. 

Chakravati, The, 215, 494N, 495, 498, 499, 513N. 

Chalchiram, treasurer 356. 

Chalukyas, The. 39. 


Champaraya 50, see also Sambuvaraya. 
Chamaraja Udayar, grandson of Raja Udayar. his con- 
quest of Chennapatna 155. 

-Chamber, Mr. 178. 

Chanda Sahib, his release from the Maratha prison 
421N", son-in-law of Dost AH 452, his expedi- 
tion 452, his rise to prominence 452N, his 
plans 454, 455, 456, a Maratha prisoner 456, 
also called Hussain Dost Khan 467. his son 
468, his victory along with Muzaffar Jang 
468-9, his march upon Tanjore 469, his 
retreat 470, promised Trichinopoly 471&N, 
his troops 473, 474, his ravages 475, 485, 
French help to 493, (Chanda Sahib) 502, 510, 

Chandragiri 48, 87N, Mission house at 90N, 123N, change 
of capital 153N, 166, 175, 449N. 

Chandranagore, 320N, 489N1. 

Chandra Sen Jadhav, Shahu's enemy 442N. 

Chandry or Chindy, Maratha name of Gingee 23. 

Chandrayandrug, the southern fortification of Gingee 3, 
12, 14, 15, Senda Rayan fort 85N, temple 
built by Muthialu Nayakkan 88N, 296, 330, 
333, attacked 335, 438, 478, 479N. 520. 

Chennayya, deprived of his fief 155, appointed commis- 
sioner by Bijapur 156. 

Charles II, King of England, his grant to the East 
India Co. 281N1. 

Chauth 265, 457. 
Chekku, Mia of 449N. 
Chenam Nayak of Gingee, 83&N. 

Chengama Pass, 336, Nasir Jang's arrival at 470, 530&N. 
Chengam Fort, 323. 

Chenna, cousin of Yachama Nayak 106N, 141, general 
of the loyalists 142. 


Chennapattana 153N", 155, taken by Kantirava Narasa 
157, viceroyalty of 167, 258N2. 

Chennappattanara, see Madras. 

Chennasagaram, tank built by the Kalahasti chief 94, 

Chera, The. 62N, 73. 

Chetput (Settupattu), edifices built by Ramachandra 
Nayak of Gingee 88N, plunder of 262, 
Maratha camp at 262, Sadatullah Khan's 
arrival at 410N, 425, 449N, 457, killedar of 
470, 481N1, 489N1, 494, 502, capture of 521, 
Chitapet 530N. 

Chettikulam 8, 11, 25N, see also Rama Setti 433, 434, 

Chidambaram 79&N, Pimenta's arrival at 96, 100, 103N, 
120, temple dispute 120, 121, under Vijaya- 
nagar rule 122, 123&N, 126&N, Venkata's 
gifts to Saiva mendicants at 126N, 146, 204, 
207, near 316, seizure of 348, Daud Khan at 
371N, 449N, French ravages near 475, 511, 
capture of 521, 530N. 

Chikkadevaraja 130. 

Chikkaraya alias Sriranga, chosen as successor by 
Venkata I 98N. 

Child, Sir John 230N, General of India 325N2. 
Chimnaji Appa, the Peishwa's brother 455, his death 457. 
China, 70N. 

Chingleput 34N, Raja of 63, district 129, 134N, 149, 
conquest of 178, 181N, under the Mughals 
261, 449N, 469, 481. 

Chinna Bomma Nayaka of Vellore 103, 126N, 131N. 
Chinnana, See Mallaiya. 

Chinnia Chetti, builder of Fort St. David 269, 275. 
Chinna Oba Raya, younger brother of Jaggaraya 141. 


Chintadripet, grant of privileges to tfce English for 

minting rupees 458N. 
Chiryar, The. 493. 
Chitaldrug 166, 358N, first Maratha expedition called 

after 442N. 
Chitnis, Khande Ballal 258N1&2, his date for the fall of 

Gingce 343. 

Chittoor, chief of 73, 74N, 172, District 313N, 449N". 
Chokkanatha Nayak of Madura 187, 188. 
Chokkanatha. Vijayaranga of Madura 440, his widow 

Cholas, The. of the Vijayalaya line and disruption of 

the empire 27, 39, conquest of 52, 62N, 72, 

73, Tanjore victory over 76. 77, chief 

referred to 122, 123, state interference in 

social matters 198. 
Cholamandalam, chiefs of 73. 
Chola Naik, a poligar and a friend of the English 387, 

his plunder 388. 

Olive, Lord, referred to 489N1, his burning of Dupleix 
Fathabad 489N1, 493, his destruction of the 
French monument 500, ,501, his movements 
502 to 504, his march 513N, 515. 

Coart. Sen Joan, Dutch chief 281N1. 
Cochin. 70N, 138N. 
Coimbatore 40. district 51. 
Coimbra 70N. 

Coleroon, The. 65, 74, 76, 81, chief of 100, 102, 103N, 
358N, 470. 

Collett, Governor of Madras 447N. 
Cologne, 70N. 

Commons. The House of 67N. 
Comorin. Cape 67, 358N. 
Conans, Governor 371N. 


Conjeevaram 25N, 37, Little Conjeevaram 51, conquest 
of 178, Ruler of 248, 249, 250, 252, 261, 
Maratha success at 262, and retirement 
from 262, 289, 293N2, attack of 298, 299, 
300, 305, 306 to 308, 310, 311, 320N, 466, 481, 

Coorg. 39. 

Coote, Sir Eyre, his capture of Pondicherry 31N2, 520. 
his success 521 to 524. 

Cope, Captain 468, his help to Muhammad Ali 473, 
ordered to join Muzaffar Jang 473, joined 
Muhammad Ali 475, 512. 

Coromandel Coast 112, arrival of the Dutch fleet on 117, 
236, 325N2, 361N, 469, 489N. 

Coronatham 397, granted to the English 402. 

Courtney Capt, 388. 

Coutinho, Fr. Melchior, of Vellore 98N, referred to 105, 
quoted 106, 107, 130. 

Coven Naig, Subhedar, 522. 

Coventry Capt. 374, 391&N, his death 392, 395. 

Cuddalore 27, 34N, 108, Old Town 165, 192, 237, 240, 
factory granted to the English 241, 242, 243, 
- 249, 250, 251, 271, called Estambed 272N, 
278, 281N1, 294, 314, 315, 325N2, assault on 
337N, 347, 348 to 350, mint 355, 357, 370, 
372, 374&N 5 379, 380, 386, 387, 397, 400, 432 t 
the English at 476, English occupation of 
521, English army 524. 

Cuddapah District 183, ruler of Cuddapah and Kurnool 
submitted to Shivaji 213, 248, 289, 291, 
293N2, faujdar of 294, 300, 302, 310, 311, 
320N, Sambhaji's march to 328, formation of 
the Nawabship of 358N, Nawab of and his 
dicontent, 471N, 497, 498N, Nawab of 505, 
510, 511, 512. 
Cumbum 358N, 511. 


Dakhin Roy also Dakkana Roy, Dewan of Sadatullah 
Khan 365N, 366, 367, 443. 

Dalavai Agraharam Plates, referred to 129. 

Dalpat Rao. 293N2, general of Zulfikar Khan 301, in 
charge of Kam Baksh's camp 302, 305, his 
bravery 306&N, 308, 309, his victory 316, 
322, 323, 333, 334, agent 343. 

Dakkanatha, a sanyasi and his murder 451-2. 

Damalcheruvu Pass, 214, 456. 

Damarla Aiyappa, 167, 172. 

Damarla, Chenna of Kalahasti and the dalavai of 
Venkata I, sent to Vellore 131N, his victory 
over Lingama Nayaka 131N. 

Damarla Vengala Bhupala, author of Bahulfisvacharitam, 
referred to 134N. 

Damarla Venkatadri or Venkatappa of the Dutch 
Records and chief of Pulicat 157, his help to 
Venkatapati 157-8, his grant of Madras to 
the English 158, his opposition to Venkata- 
pati IPs successor 158, his imprisonment 
by Sriranga III 158, 161, superseded by 
Mallayya 162, 164, 172. 

Danaji Jadhav, his appointment as senapati 325N1, 328, 

329, his quarrel with Sambhaji 329&N. 
Danes, The. 361N. 

Dera Gunta (tent-pit) 319. 
Dharwar. 445N. 

Daud Khan Panni, Nawab : his plan to change the 
headquarters from Gingee to Arcot 21, 323, 

330, 331, 332, 333, 335, appointed faujdar of 
the Carnatic 338, his brother 348, appointed 
to the Carnatic 349, his exhortation 349, 352, 

356, 357, his capital 358, appointed Deputy 
Subhedar of the Deccan 360, his life 360&N, 



death 360&N, 361, his capital 361N, his 
attitude towards the English 361N, visited 
Madras 361N, his grants to the English 
361N, 365, his retirement 367, his amaldars 
371N, his attitude towards the English 372, 
mentioned 410N, referred to 438N, his grant 
to the English 447N. 

Daulat Khan, sent against Desing 410N, his death 428. 

D'Auteuil, French commander 471N, his hasty retreat 
471N, Dupleix's order to 476&N, his help to 
Bussy 478, at Gingee 478, his account of 
the capture of Gingee 479N, 481N1. 

Devagadh, killa of 449N". 

Devula Papa, defeat of 106N. 

Deucan, Mughal advance in 175, 176. 181, Mughal victory 
211, western 257, Mughal operations in 331, 
332, deputy Subhedar of 360, Mughal 
government 366, 440, chattth with held from 
441, 443, politics of 462, subhedar of 471N, 
509, 513N. 

Delhi, Emperor of 15, 251, 301, 369, 420, a letter referred 
to 430, 443, 447N, his conferment of distinc- 
tion referred to 450N, 467, 481N1. 

Desing, Raja of Gingee 8, 9, his bathing platform 9, his 
tutelary God 12, his fight with Sadatullah 
Khan referred to 12, 351 to 353, his ballad 
and his father 369, his achievement at Delhi 
369, 382N, son of Sarup Singh : his rule 
410&N, his arrival at Bednore 410N, pro- 
mised to help the Raja 410N, attacked the 
Marathas and got a lakh of rupees and a 
horse 410N, his arrival at Gingee 410N t 
assumption of power, and attacked by the 
Nawab's forces 410N, his fight and death 
410N. .his wife committed sati 410N, his 
gallantry 417, also Jaya Singh or Tej 
Singh or Tajab Singh or Taggy Singh 417N1 


418, ballad's account of him 419, 420, his 
help to Bednur recalled 421, at Gingee 422, 
causes for the struggle with Sadatullah 
Khan 423, 424, 425, his indignation towards 
the Nawab's officials 425, joined by the 
killedar of Valudavur 426, his army 426 
his determination to fight 427, the fight 428, 
shot at 428, date of the battle 429, 430, his 
wife committed sati 423, his cremation at 
Gingee 433, Nawab's regard for him 433; an 
estimate of his rule 435. 

Desur 306, fort 307, battle of 308, Maratha victory at 
320N, 352, 437N1, 489N1, 494, 507, 508, 512. 

Devagiri, The Yadavas of 199. 

Devanampatnam, see also Te^napatam :-Raja Ram to sell 

it 267, 268, 272N1, 279, 280, 281N1, 285, 349, 


Devanur, 27, 31, 207, 426. 

Devaraja II, 54. 

Devas, The 7. 

Dhabade, Khande Rao, the conqueror of Gujarat 253, 254. 

Dhanaji Jadhav, 253, 254, his success at Phaltan 255, 
257, his help to Raja Ram 297, 298, his 
success 300, 301, 308, 315, in the south 324, 

Dharmaraja temple at Gingee 88N. 

Dindigul 452N, 456. 

Divakara Nayaka, brother of Surappa Nayaka 90. 

Divi Varu, Brahman householders 318. 

Divukottah (or Devikotta) at the mouth of the Coleroon 
76, the ruler of 102. 

Doddacharya, or Mahacharya of Sholinghur 79N, 123N, 
126N, reconsecrated the Govindaraja shrine 
at Chidambaram 126N. 


Dorasamudra 43. 

Dowson, John and H. M. Elliot, quoted 338. 
Draupadi Amman temple at Gingee 88N. 
Duarte, Adrian, his account 234N. 
Dubino, Fr. Antony 98N. 

Dubreuil, Prof. Jouveau, referred to 489N1, 494N, 500, 
509, 513. 

Dupleix, his statue 7, and 520N, on the treatment of 
prisoners of war 20N, his d abash 465, 468. 
469, his plans 471N", his orders to Bussy 476, 
his scheme for the capture of Gingee 
476&N, 477, 499N, his appreciation of Bussy's 
capture of Gingee 469N, his terms to Nasir 
Jang 485, 439, Dupleix Fathabad 489N1. 

Dutch, The. Their relation \vith Krishnappa Nayaka 
of Gingee 107, arrival in India 108, alliance 
with the Zamorin 108, their penetration 
into the Bay of Bengal 108, permission to 
build a fort on the Coromandel Coast 108, 
construction of the fort at Tegnapatam 
109&N, 110, Venkata opposed to them 110, 
asked to deliver the fort to the Portuguese 
111, disappointment 112, secured a cowle 
from the Nayak of Gingee for their factory 
at Tegnapatam and allowed to lodge in the 
castle of Tiruppapuliyur 114, allowed to 
trade with neighbouring towns, 115, friendly 
attitude towards the king of Kandy 116, 
help sought by Tanjore and Jaffnapatam 
117, their request to Tanjore for founding a 
factory 117, conclusion of the trade contract 
with Aya 118, got permission of the Raya to 
trade with Pulicat 119, 147N, their trade and 
internal relations 162-3, joined Sriranga III 
163, 164, Sriranga's request for help 179, 
peace with Golkonda 180, their arrival at 


Gingoe 192, at Pulicat 207, fear of 208. 
attempt to capture Pondicherry 275, 276, 
their hold on Manjakkuppam 279, their 
attitude towards the English 280, 281&N1, 
attempt to retake Manjakuppara 285, their 
help to the Mughals 290, capture of Pondi- 
cherry 320N, 361N, 371N. 

East India Company, The English, 270, 272N1, 281N1, & 

East India Company, The French 210, 218N7, 

Edwardes, Mr. S. M., referred to 83, his chronology of the 
Gingee Nayaks from a ms. 83, description 
of the ms. and discrepancies therein 83N. 

Egmore, grant of 325N2, 349, scare at 361N, 447N. 

Elangadu forest 88N, 485. 

Elavanasur 449N. 

Elliot, Sir H. M. quoted 338. 

Ellore, the faujdar of 462. 

Elwick, Governor of Madras 447N. 

Empson, Mr. sent with presents to the Nawab 346. 

England, 67N, 209, despatches from 244, Gregorian 
Calendar accepted in 346, despatches to 
354, letter to 369, 370, 372, 380, 384, 397, 
despatches to 404, 405, 407, 417N1, 418, 419, 
423N, 430N3, 431N3, 434, 435N. 

Krishnagiri is known as the English-Mountain 3, 
11, capture of Gingee from the French 
referred to 20, treatment of prisoners of 
war 20N, got Madras 158, 161, renewed 
their grant for it from Mir Jumla 164, 
settlement at Fort St. George 207, attempt 
to found a factory in Gingee 207 -9, and the 
Marathas 220-1, 230N, 240, their negotiations 


240-1, their failure 241, their appeal to Surat 
242, got privileges from Sambhaji 242, forti- 
fication of their factories 248, 251, their 
factory at Porto Novo closed 263, an account 
of their purchase of Fort St. David 267-9, 
270, 271, their help to the Mughals 272N1, 
negotiations for acquiring settlements in 
Gingee 274-85, attempt to found a factory at 
Cuddalore 276-7, 279, its limits Gundu- 
gramam 279, 280, took possession of 
Manjakkuppam 285, help sought by the 
Maratb as 287, and by the Mughals 289, 290, 
their presents to Kam Baksh 293, attempt to 
concilate the Mughals 349, their demand for 
Cuddalore and Tegnapatam 349-50, right to 
coinage 355, Daud Khan's attitude towards 
them 361N, their presents to Daud Khan 
361N, relations with Sarup Singh 368-374, 
378 9, purchase of Fort St. David referred 
to 370, their help to Zulfikar Khan 374, their 
fighting at Fort St. David 374, growth of 
their acquisitions 374N, 377, causes for their 
war with Sarup Singh 381, bad treatment 
of the English captives at Gingee 382, 383, 
attempt to secure the release of their 
prisoners by paying ransom 383, attempt to 
secure peace 392, their letter of complaint 
against Sarup Singh to Zulfikar Khan 
394&N, consideration of Sarup Singh's peace 
terms 397-8, agreement to pay ransom 400, 
outbreak of troubles 400, peace 401, 
terms of peace 402, release of English pri- 
soners 402, causes for their treaty 404, 
305&N, 407, quarrel with Sarup Singh 
referred to 426, their letter of congratulation 
to the Nawab 431, and subsequent present 
of money 432, their embassy to the Nawab 
447N, records 458N, their attempts to secure 


privileges from the Nizam 461, their troops 

joined Muhammad Ali 473, their capture 

of Gingee 520 and 524-9. 
Ekoji (Vyankaji)Bhonsle at Tanjore 226, 227, his help to 

Raja Ram 287, his submission to Zulfikar 

Khan 351. 

Ennayiram, Inscription at 200. 
Ennore, 361N. 
Ensign Ray, capture of 373. 
Ernavore, granted to the English 458N". 

Europe 67N, European nations prohibited from trading 
with the natives 118, their settlements on 
the coast 207, European factories 288, 
European soldiers tempted by the Mughals 
289, settlements on the coast 361N, 374N. 

Evora, 70N. 

Eyil, 50. 


Fakruddin Mubarak Shah, Sultan of Madura 57. 

Farmer, Mr. 380, 390, 396, 397. 

Farrukh Slyar, Emperor 360, his succession 361, 367, 
368, his order for the recovery of dues 410N, 
invited Terani Singh to tame his horse 
419, 423, his grant to the English 447JST. 

Fasli year, an account of 33N1. 

Fateh Darwaja, gate of Gingee 336. 

Fatehpet, place where Desing fell 433, 437,513N. 

Fateh Singh Bhonsle, sent to the south by Shahu, 440, 
441, his second expedition into the s5fch 
also a failure 442, granted the jaghir of 
Akalkot 442N, 455, 456, 457. 

Fauchaux, M. referred to 489N1. 

Ferroli, D. referred to 70N. 


Figueroa, Suarez De, mentioned 109N. 
Floyer, Governor, Nasir Jang's request for help to 473 r 

Fontaine, Abraham 118. 
Forrest Sir G. 489N1. 

Fort, St. David 108, 167, bought by the English 270, 
named after the Welsh Saint 272, starting of 
mint at 272, 279, 385, fortification 386&N, 
387, 389, taken possession of 390, fight with 
Gingee 391, 392, 393, 394N1, projects of 
peace 395, peace terms submitted to the 
Council of Fort St. George 395, 397, 398, 400, 
quarrel with Sarup Singh 419. 

Fort, St. George, grant of 158, Governors of 179, founda- 
tion of 207, 208, 209, records of 217, 218, the 
English and Shivaji 220, 221, 222, 238, 243, 
genesis of the first settlement of 325N2, 
Letters of 333, 336, 337, 338, 344, 347, 349, 350, 
352, 355, 357, 369, 370, 372, 378, 380, Council 
considered unreasonable the demand of 
Sarup Singh 398, 399, 404, 406. 

Fraser, Mr. William, Chief of Fort, St. David 371, his 
agreement Louis (Pondicherry) 371&N, 407. 

Freeman, Robert, the English envoy at Gingee 241, 242, 
his proposal to settle an English factory 277. 

Freire, Fr. Andre, referred to 16, 186, 223, 225. 

French, The, their occupation of the Gingee fort and 
the erection of batteries 6, their removal of 
the monolithic columns from Gingee and 
their erection of Dupleix's statue at Pondi- 
cherry 7, fortification of Gingee 18, 520fflN, 
their batteries 18, their Royal Battery 19, 
attempts to found a factory on the coast 
210, help of Sher Khan 233, got privileges 
from Harji Raja 251, agent received at 


Gingee 262, Zulfikar Khan's order to 294, 
their friendly attitude towards the Marathas 
294, at Pondicherry 431, their attempts to 
secure privileges from the Nizam 461, their 
war with the English 466, their victory over 
Muhammad Ali 473, factions among the 
officers of 471N, and Chanda Sahib ; their 
withdawal from Chidambaram 475, their 
expedition against Nasir Jang 476, capture 
of Gingee 478-9, and account of their capture 
479N, 481&N1, 482, attack on Nasir Jang's 
camp 405, et seq. their alliance with Haidar 
530, 531. 

Gadag, battle of 213, tribute exacted irom 441. 

Gadilam, The, 34N, 104, 115N, 471N. 

Galgala, Imperial court at 311. 

Gailand M., 479N. 

Gandaraguli Maraiya Nayak 49. 

Gandikota, seige of 106N, 

Gangadevi, wife of Kamparaya 48, 58. 

Gangamma Nayak 83&N. 

Ganges, The, 193 

Gar row Mr. : 531. 

Garstin Mr., referred to 9, 15, 24, 391N. 

Gary, Henry 222, 242,, his mission to Sambhaji 242. 

Gazanfar Khan 337, appointed killedar of Gingee 347, 

348. " 

Ghazanfar Ali Khan 487N1, 506, 508. 
Geldria, fort at Pulicat 119, proposed 
Germain, Mon. St, 251. 
Ghatge, Sarji Rao, chief of Panhal 

Mughals : sought ser 
Ghaziu'd-din Khan, killedar of Ginge 


Ghaziu'd-din Khan, brother of Nasir Jang, 467. 
Ghorepade, Baji, father of Maloji 212. 
Ghorepade. Maloji Raji, 212. 

Ghorepade, Murari Rao 058N, power established in 
Gooty 442N, turned out of the south 460. 

Ghorepade, Santaji, sent to the south 245, 246, 253, 254, 
his attack on Aurangzib 255, 257, general 
of Raja Ram 265, 266, his help to Raja Ram 
297, his attack on Kanchi 298, 300, 301, his 
arrival at Gingee 305, 306, 307, attacked 
Kasim Khan 310, 320N, in the south 324, 
325, his quarrel with Danaji 325N1, his 
defeat 328, his retirement to Maharashtra 
329&N, 340. 

Ghulam Ali, (Gulam Ali) brother of Sadatullah Khan r 
364, made jaghirdar of Vellore 365&N, 429, 
made mansabdar of a thousand horse 438N, 
his son as the Nawab 438N, 450. 

Ghulam Hussain, Mir, killedar of Gingee 464. 

Giddangal 449N. 

Gingee, a description of the fort 1 to 16, its citadels 2, 
animal sacrifice at 5, 6, 7, 9, 12, 13, its topo- 
graphy 14, 15, called the Troy of the East 15, 
its fortifications 15, 15, 16&N, its conserva- 
tion 18 to 21, its insanitation 20, 21, change of 
the Carnatic headquarters from 21, proposed 
depot for salt storage 21, origin of the name 
21 to 23, its old name Krishnapura 23, also 
called Badshabad, Chandry and Nasrat 
Gaddah 23, spelt Gingee by the English 
and Jinji by the French, and as Chingee 
or Chengy in the early Madras records 23, 
identified with Singavaram by Garstin 24, 
derivation of the word 24N1&2, its begin- 
nings 27, 28, fortified circa 1200 A.D. 31, its 
relations with Ananda Kon 31, the Kon 


dynasty 33N, under the Kurumbas 34&N, 
under Vijayanagar 35, 41 under Vallappa or 
Vallabharaya 44, under the Hoysalas 42 to 
47, passed on to Vijayanagar Nayaks 65, 66, 
sources for their history 66, 68, 69, 71, 72, 73 
to 76, their emigration to Vijayanagara 78, 
and then to Gingee 71, their relationship 
with Surappa Nayaka 78, foundation of the 
Nayakship of 78, Kurumba chiefs of, defeat- 
ed by Vijayanagar 79, date of the commence- 
ment of the Nayak rule 80, Tubaki Krish- 
nappa was the founder of this line 81, 82, 
Date of the beginning of Gingee Nayaks 
1464 A.D. 82, Nayaks according to Mackenzie 
Mss. 82, according to Edwardes 83&N, its 
capture 83N, fort, granaries and fortifica- 
tions built by Tubaki Krishnappa 85, 87&N, 
the Right and Left Hand Caste inhabitants 
of 88N, 89, 90 to 95&N, heydey of its glory 
96, description of the city by Pimerita 96- 
101, Pimenta's new city identified with 
Krishnapatam 100, 101, Nayaks of 101 to 
103, Venkata's proposed war upon 104, 
abandonment of the invasion 105, Venkata's 
envoy to 110, 111, 113; Gingee coast, Dutch 
beginnings in 112, 113, 114, levy of tolls 115, 
116, 118, 119, Nayak of 123, the Nayak and 
the great civil war 131&N, 134N, the Gingee 
Nayak, and his disloyalty 142, 143, 145 
to 147, Yacha's victory over 149,later Nayaks 
150, Muhammadans at 150, 151&N, 152, 
the Nayak going to Tirumala 159, his 
rebellion against Sriranga III 162, attack on 
165, Bijapur occupation of 165, Mussalman 
penetration into [166, campaign against it 
referred to 169, the Nayak and Shah ji 169 to 
172, campaign against 173, surrendered in 
1649 A.D. 174, 175, its final sack 180&N, an 


account of its seige 183, its surrender (1648 
A.D.) 184, 185, attempts at the restoration 
of the Nayak dynasty 187, 188, Shahji's part 
in its capture 187, under Bijapur 188, its 
tribute 190, Nayak of 191, an account of its 
court 192-6, its buildings 105-7, its monu- 
ments 201, Muhammadan invasion against 
205, under Bijapur and Maratha rule 206- 
86, its first killedar 206, known as Badsha- 
bad 207, Bijapuri organization of 207, 
Shivaji's advance towards 214, and capture 
of 215, 217, an account of its capture 215N, 
Shivaji's march upon 220, 222, 223, Shivaji's 
conquest of 223, his fortifications 223-4, its 
importance to Shivaji 225 to 228, Maratha 
viceroy of 229; 230N, 232, its governor de- 
feated by Sher Khan of Valikandapuram 
233, organisation of 236, 237, under Sam- 
bhaji 238, Harji Raja's rule 239, English 
attempts to found a factory on the coast 240-1, 
242 to 247, Kasim Khan's march upon 247, 
Harji Raja's establishment of authority 
over 248, 249 to 253, 25S, Raja Ram at 257, 
259&N2, Mughal forces despatched to 259, 
260, Harji and Kesha Trimbak at 262, 
Anarchy around 263, 264, subhedar of 266, 
Marathas at 267, 272N1, English attempts 
to acquire land on the coast 274-85, 281N4, 
Mughal capture of 286-308, Zulfikar Khan 
at 286, Maratha retreat 287, pillaged 288, 
Mughal siege of 295-6, account of the siege 
296-30, 313N, Mughal siege for many years 
and fall of 335, 337&N, named Narsat Gadh 
338, account of its surrender 338-42, date of 
its fall 342-50, loss of its importance 348, 
under the Mughals 351, granted to Sarup 
Singh 354, 356 to 358N, 361N, 369, 370, 373, 
374&N, 380 to 385, 387, 390, condition of the 


people 391, 393, 394N, 395, 398, 399, forces 
of 400, 402, stipulations of the treaty 402- 
405N, Desing's arrival at 410N, Nawab's 
entry into 410N, 418, account of the 
country in the ballad 419, 421 to 423N, 
killedari of 424, [attack O n 425, Nawab's 
capture of 429, battle of 429 to 432, reminis- 
cenes of Desing's rule 433 to 43S&4, end of 
Rajput rule 436, loss of importance 437, 
was abandoned by the Nawab 438, strife 
in 440, Mughal prince at 446, 847, killas 
of 449F, 454, killedar of 464, 465, 468, 
469, Nazir Jang's occupation of 470, 571N, 
473, Dupleix's ordar to capture 471N", 
Muhammad Ali's flight to 476, French 
capture of 476&N, 477&N, French occupied 
Gingee 478-9, 479N, English capture of 
520, et seq. 

Goa 70N, arrival of the Dutch fleet 112, viceroy of 142, 
218N, siege of 253. 

Gobburi chiefs, 135N. 

Golkonda, Gingee Nayak's association with 82N, 153N", 
its attitude 154, invasion beaten off by 
Sriranga III 159, defeat of the forces of 
161, attack on Pulicat 162, 163, forces routed 
by Sriranga, 163, 164, attack on Sriranga 
164, 167, 169, in the siege of Vellore 171, 
172, Sultan of 174, his suspicion of Mir 
Jumla 176, arrest of Mir Jumla's son 176, 
his support to Sriranga 177, forces attacked 
by Krishnappa 179, 180, army's attempt to 
escape from the south 111, its supremacy 
over the Carnatic 181N, 183, 185, forces 206, 
Sultan 209, help to Shivaji 211 to 213, 215N, 
217, 220, 227 to 229, 230&N, 232, help sought 
by Nasir Khan 233, 234&N, its deputy 
240, governors of 244, siege of 245, 246, 


capture of 247, 248, territories of 249, fall 
of 259, 261 to 263, Raja Ram's attempt to 
take it 264, conquest of 325N2, 361N. 

Gooty (Gutti) fort capture of 106N, 358N, the Ghore- 
pades of 442N, 456. 

Gopal Dadaji, Pandit, Subhedar of Porto Novo and his 
help to the English 241, 243. 

Gopala Pillai, temple of 85N. 

Gopalaswami, temple of 32. 

Gopalakrishna Pillai of Gingee 83N. 

Gopanarya, Brahman general of Kampana 25, 47, 48, 50, 
59, 61, his reconsecration of the GodofSri- 
rangam 61, 62&N, 71, 79. 

Gopinatha, feudatory of the Hoysalas 44. 

Goradkar, Vithal Pildev, appointed subhedar of Gingee 

Gover, Charles E., referred to 417. 

Govinda Dikshita, the Tanjore minister 75N, his son 
77, 143. 

Govinda Kon, 31N, 32, 33N1. 

Govindaraja shrine at Chidambaram 79, its restoration 
79, its destruction under a Chola 79N, the 
idol at Tirupati and removed later to 
Chidambaram 79N, repairs done 96, 120, 121, 
123&N, founded by a Pallava ruler 123N, 
destruction of and date of its re-consecra- 
tion 123N, 126&N. 

Govindarasar. a general of Kampana 50. 

Grand Anicut the 135N. 

Grant Duff, J. 191N, 214N, 226, 452N. 

Gregory. Pope, his reform of the Calendar 345N. 

Greenhill, Mr., English Agent 162, 178. 

Guerreiro, 70N. 

Gujarat, 253. 


Oundalakama river, The, 358N, 

Oundu Gramara 279. 

Ountur, 181N, circar 358N. 

Gurramkonda, fight near 288N, 289, Mughal pursuit as 

far as 337N, 358N. 
Ouzaffar Khan 350, 352, 354, 355, 
Guzman 70N. 
Gyfford, William, Governor of Madras 238, 246, Chief of 

Vizagapatam 278. 


Haidar Ali. his vandalism 202. 
Hajjaj bin Yusuf, his tyranny in Arabia 364. 
Hakim Ismail alias Manoel de Olevera, the agent of 
Gingee 208. 

Hambir Rao Mohite, Shivaji's commander 213, his ad- 
vance and fight 213, 236. 

Hampaya Wodeyar, alias Ballala IV 42. 
Hampi, ruins of 16N. 
Hanumaji Pantulu 374N, 434. 

Hanumante v Rag^^^ his agreement with 

^__~ "" Gingee 226, and the originator of the 
Karnatak expedition 226, an account of him 
226, his treaty with Golkonda 227, 234N, 
236, dismissed by Sambhaji 237 an account 
of his imprisonment 238&N. 

Hanumante, Janardan, Raja Ram's minister 265. 
Harihara, the founder of Vijayanagar dynsty 44. 
Harihara II, 52 to 56, his date 56N, his titles 62N, 71, 72, 

called Kumara Virupanna Udyar 71. 
Harji, Hindoo Rao, 329N. 

Harji, Mahadik, Sambhaji's brother-in-law, appointed to 
Gingee and the Maratha viceroy of the 
south 229, an account of him 238&N, 239, 

' 568 

241, his exactions from the English 241, 243, 
orders to depose him 245, 246, his authority 
in Gingee 247, 248, established his power 
in Gingee 248, his quarrels with Keshava 
Pant 249, attempt to reconquer the terri- 
tories of Golkonda 249, his behaviour 250, 
grant of privileges to the French 251, 252, 
made himself independent in the south and 
later death 252, his lieutenant 257, sent an 
army to help Raja Ram 258, his son as 
viceroy 258N2, date of his death 258N2, at 
Gingee 260, his interference in the affairs 
of Trichinopoly as against Mysore 260, 
261, 262, his army to invest Golkonda 262 r 
received a French agent 262, 263, his im- 
prisonment of Trimbak 263, his idea of 
submitting to the Mughals 263, his death 
263, 278. 

Harpanahalli, Nayak of 171, 358N. 

Harrison, Edward, Governor of Madras 325N2, 381, his 
attempt to secure peace 394, 395, his stric- 
tures on the English conduct 396, 397 447N, 

Harze, de 119. 

Hastings, Marquis of, purchased the Mackenzie Col- 
lection 67N. 

Hassan Ali, his seizure of Gingee 419. 

Hatsell. Mr., Governor of Fort St. David 271, 279, 280, 
324, 348. 

Haughton, Mr., his escape 380. 

Haye, Baron de La, 218N, 227, 232, 234N. 

Haynes, Mr., 281N1, 315. 

Hebert, Mon., French Governor, his mediation 374, his 
support sought by the English 390, his 
mediation 401, 403, his reward 404. 

Hemaji Pandit, his Mysore expedition 157. 


Heras, Fr. H., referred to 98N, 107, 109N, 142, 196. 
Higginson, Nathaniel, President of Fort St. George 299 r 

325N2, 350. 

Himmat Khan, Nawab of Kurnool 460. 
Himmat, Tiyar Khan, killed 460. 
Hindustan 332, 419. 
Hirasat Khan, of Satgadh, 459. 
Houtman, Cornelius, commander of the first Dutch fleet 

Hoysalas, The, 27, 34N, 42, their records 43N, their 

kingdom 44, their decline 45. 47&N3, 77. 
Hugonin, James, capture of 373, 380, 386&N. 

Hussain Khan, Mayana, a Bijapur captain : his defeat 

Husain Khan, Tahir, accompanied Anwaru-d-din to 

Arcot 468. 
Hyacinthe, Abraham, original name of Anquetil du 

Perron 92N. 
Hyderabad 212, Shivaji's arrival at 212, Nizam's capital 

442N, Nizam's stay at 443, 460, 461, 463 t 

467, 468. 

Ibn Battuta, the Moorish traveller 46. 

Ikkeri, the Nayaks of 126N, their conversion of Jainas 
to Saivism 126N, inimical attitude towards 
Mysore 155, Nayak captured by Mussal- 
mans 156, 157, 160, attacked 167, his 
restoration 168, 171, help to Sriranga 172, 

Ilaivaniyans, The, 198. 

Imam Sahib, a friend of Dost Ali Khan 460. 

Indian sepoys, East, 477. 

Islamic influence on architecture 11. 



Ismail Khan, Makha, 258N2. 
Iswaran Koil, conservation of 20. 
Itikad Khan, the Mughal general 285. 
Iwaz Khan, sent to the Carnatic by Asaf Jah 440, his 
exploits in the Carnatic 440. 

Jadhes, ( Jedhes) The, Deshmukhs of Kari 223. 
Jaffnapatam, king, sought the help of the Dutch 117, 
Vellalas of 137. 

Jaggadeva Rayal, governor of Chennapatana, 155, 156. 

Jaggadeva of Kaveripatam, 169, fight against 171. 

Jaggaraya, the Gobburi chief and brother-in-law of 
Venkata 1 106N, his part in the civil war of 
Vijayanagar 131, his success 133, his murder 
of Sri Ranga Raya 134&N, his flight to the 
South 135&N, his attempt in favour of his 
sister 135N, 138, 139, his capture of power 
138-39, 140, his younger brother Obaraja 
141, his defeat 141 to 144&N1, his death 145, 
146, his brother 147 to 149. 

Jainas, The. 7, their persecution in Gingee 80, their 
temple 88N, their conversion to Saivism 
126N, 203. 

Jaipur, Raja of 353. 

Jambai, Inscription 89. 

Jamdatu'l Mulk, Zulfikar Khan in charge of the siege of 
Gingee, his opposition to Kam Bhaksh 340, 

James, King of England, his grant to the English East 
India Company 281N1. 

Jammanna Udayar, son of Kampana 49. 

Janoji Nimbalakar, 510. 

Janjira, attack on 455. 


Jannambika, sister of Harihara II 53 to 55. 
Jannambikabdhi alias Alampundi or Jannambikasamud- 
ram 53. 

Jarric, Pierre du 69, his life 70N, his work and transla- 
tion TON, 122N. 

Jats The. troubles from 367. 

Javadi Hills 32N3. 

Jayankondan 27, 31, 88N. 

Jayankondacholamandalam, 27. 

Jedhe Sakhdvali, the 222, an account of 223N. 

Jesuits, The. 96, their influence in the Vijayanagar court 
98N, Jusuit Missions 75, 95N, 130. 

Jesus, Society of 70N, 95N, 98N, 109N. 

Johnstone, Sir Alexander, founder of the Royal Asiatic 
Society 67N, son-in-law of Lord Napier 67N. 
Julian Calendar, The. 345N. 
Juppalli Varu, 318. 


Kaeppelin 215N, 257. 

Kadalimalai, Nawab's arrival at 410N, Desing shot at 


Kadavarayas, The. 34N, 43. 
Kaikkolas, The. 198, 199. 

Kailas-ghad, 365N, 449N. 
Kairiyat Khan, 183. 

Kakar Khan, 296, 297, made killedar of Gingee 337, 350, 

his death 350, 355. 
Kakatiyas, The. 27, 34N. 

Kalahasti, chief of 73, 93, 131N, 134N, 157, 220, Nayak 
of and his help to the Carnatic Nawab 410N. 
Kalahastiswara shrine at Adaippalam. 126N. 
Kalakavi, Chengalva author 75N. 


Kalakor, 333, 334. 

Kalasha, Sambhaji's favourite 245. 

Kalavai, 51, Kalavaighad 449N. 

Kallakkurichi, 426. Kalolgadh (?) 497. 

Kalyanakoti Vimana of the Varadaraja temple, erected by 
Tatacharya 128, 129. 

Kalyanamahal, description of 10, 18, 85, called the 
Queen's residence 85N, 201, 410N, Nawab's 
durbar at 432, 446. 

Kalyanpur, 421N. 

Kamakshi, mother of Bukka, 52, queen of Sangama 54. 

Kamalagiri, another name for Rajagiri, 2, 3, Goddess of 
23, fortress buttt] by Ananda Kon and re- 
named Anandagiri 31. 

Kamalakkanni Amman, Virgin goddess of Gingee 5, her 
temple 5, identified with Senjiamman 5, also 
called sister of Senjiamman, and her temple 
22, 85N. 

Kam Baksh, son of Aurangzib sent to the Carnatic 292, 
293&N2, 294, his correspondence with Raja 
Ram 300, his proposed alliance with the 
Marathas 301, under watch 301-2, his 
foolishness 302, 303, as prisoner 303, 304, 
312, 313, arrest of 320N, 325N2, 341, and 
release 341&N. 

Kammajas, The. 197, 199. 

Kampana Udayar, also called Kampana II, 48, his south- 
ern conquests 48 to 50, gift to Sri ran gam 
temple 51, his inscription 51. 

Kanara, South 358. 

Kanchi, 42, 49, 58, Vaishnava temples at 128, Kanchi- 
puram 197, 198. 

Kande Rao, killedar 335. 

Eandy, King of 116. 


Kangayaro, 51. 

Kannanur, 43, 45, 47, identified with Kabban of Ibu- 

Battuta 46, 47, also Kandur 55. 
Kanthirava Narasa of Mysore 157, captured Chenna- 

patna 157, hostility with Madura 157, gave 

asylum to Sriranga III 160, his submission 

to Shahji 168, his death 180. 
Kavikal, surrender of 52. 
Kama, illegitimate son of Raja Ram. sent to the Nawab 

329, 330. 

Karnataka country, The. Lower 42, 62N. 

Karnatakcti Rdjdkkal Savisthara Charitam: an account of 
its compilation and contents as studied by 
W. Taylor 28N, French translation of part 
of the work by M. Gnanou Diagou, 28N, its 
bearing on Gingee history 68. 

Karnatakghad, 449N. 

Karvetinagar chief of 138. 

Karunguzhi, 449N, 450. 

Kasbur Khan, see Guzaffar Khan. 

Kasidas Bukkansi, business house of 368N. 

Kasim Khan, faujdar 247, his march upon Gingee 247, 

governor of Sira and his defeat 325N1, 

Nawab designate of the Carnatic 325N2. 
Kasturi Rargappa, Yachama's father 148. 
Kathiwakam, 361N, granted to the English 447N. 
Kattumannargudi, 316. 

Kaveri, The, 74, 135N, 143, cutting open the dam of 
143, 144, erection of a pillar of victory 
145, the countries to the north of it taken 
by the Bijapurians 156. 

Kaveripakkam, plunder of 262, Kaveripak 310, 502, 503, 


Kaveripatam, Nayak of 168 to 170, 175. 

Katteri, 489, 491. 

Keigwin, got grants from Sambhaji 242. 

Kempe Gowda of Bangalore, his submission 168. 

Kenge Hanuma, his defeat by the Ikkeri Nayak and his; 

seeking the aid of Bijapur 155, reinstated 

156, 168. 

Kesava Pingle, sent by Sambhaji to the south 245, 246, 
alias Kesava Pant 246, his obedience to 
Harji and attack on Mysore 247, recalled 
248, his return to Gingee 249 to 251, his 
imprisonment and release 252, sent to the 
Carnatic 260, arrived at Gingee 261, 262, 
his plunder 262, imprisoned and released 
263. became governor of Gingee 264. 

Kesava Raman, appointed subhedar of Kanchi 299. 
Khafi Khan, his tour 338. 

Khan Bahadur, adopted son of Sadatullah Khan 365, 
. 438N, 449. 

Khan Sahib of Kallakkurichi ; joined the Nawab against 
Desing 426. 

Khan-i-Khanan, Khawas Khan, his expedition 170, 
183, 214N, his son 215N, leader of the 
Deccani nobles at Bijapur 215N, arrested 
215"N, his death mentioned 218N, his 
assassination by Bahlol Khan 233. 

Khizr Khan, Panni, father of Daud Khan, 360. 

Kinneer, Major 517, 518. 

Kincaid, Mr. referred to 247. 

Kishore Singh Hada, Raja, officer of Zulfikar Khan 

and his death 328. 
Koduttalam, battle of 456. 

Kobilingan, the chief of the Kurumba tribe 31N, 34, 37, 
41, defeat of 79. 


Kolar, district 43, 166, 169, 336, Maratha outpost at 442N, 
Muzaffar Jang's march to 468. 

Koliyanur, 470. 

Kollapalayam, 88N. 

Kon dynasty, The. Ananda Kon the founder 31&N, an 
account of it 31N, 34N, 42, 83N, 85!N , 88N. 

Koneri Chetti, the generalissimo of Sriranga III 177, 
his betroyal 177, 178, imprisoned by the 
Muhammadans 178. 

Koneri Kon, (Goneri Kon) of the Kon dynasty 31N, 32. 

Kongu, chiefs, The 39, Kongu country 44, Kantirava's 
march upon 157. 

Konkan, the, 364, 365, 438N. 

Koppal, Maratha outpost 442N. 

Kopperunjinga Kadavaraya, his connection with Kobi- 
lingan and an account of his reign 34N, his 
titles 34N, the problem of two Kopperun- 
jingas 34N, 35. 

Krishna, The. 67, 213, 358N, 469. 

Krishnadevaraya, his reduction of the Marutham fort 37, 
his times 48, 63, 72, his Carnatic expedition 
73, 74, his division of the empire 74&N, and 
the Karnataka 80, date of hisi expedition, circa 
1509 A.D. 81, 82, 83N, 87, 123N, 126, 129, 
his revenue 190. 

Krishnadrug, 171. 

Krishnagiri, 11, 14, 15, repairs done 18, 19, 32, 85N, 88N, 
296, 333, attacked 335, 438, 449N, 478, 479N", 

Krishna Kon (Crishna Con), 31N, 32, 33N1. 

Krishna Lord, sculpture of 9, tutelary god of the 

shepherds rulers of Gingce 23. 
Krishnappa Nayaka, Bala, 80, (Vala) 150N. 
Krishnappa Nayaka of Gingee 23, 66, 69, 73 to 75, men- 

tioned in the Tanjore Literature 76, his im- 

- 576 - 

prisonment 76, under Venkatapathi I 90, 91, 
identified with Varadappa Nayaka 91, pos- 
sible identification with Venkatappa Nayaka 
91, 92, his accession and imprisonment at 
Gingee 92, and escape 93, rebelled against 
Venkata 93, his release and marital alliance 
with Tanjore 93, his confinement 94, a wise 
and able ruler 95&N, 96, his hospitality 
towards the Jesuits 96, his stay at Chidam- 
baram 96, his putting out the eyes of his 
uncle as mentioned by Fr. Pimenta 98, a 
description of him 92, his ally and feudatory 
100, granting of permission to build a church 
101 to 104, his early rebellion against 
Venkata I 104, his refusal to pay tribute to 
Vijayanagar 105, his feigned insanity 105, 
his embassy to Venkata 105, his defeat 105, 
fell a prisoner 106, his submission to Venkata 
107, retired to Singavaram 107 and subsequ- 
ent return to his capital 107, his relations 
with the Portuguese and the Dutch 107, 
permitted the latter to build a fort in his 
territory 108, grant of farman to them 108, 
his hostility towapls the Portuguese 108, 
Venkata's order to drive away the Dutch 
and his reluctance to carry out the order 
110, ordered the Dutch to deliver the fort of 
Tegnapatam to the Portuguese 111, Dutch 
request for a second time 112, and refusal, 
called a friend of the Portuguese 112, restor- 
ation of Tegnapatam to the Dutch 113, his 
favourable attitude towards the Dutch 115, 
118, a staunch Vaishnava and a patron of 
Vaishnavism 120, 121, his determination to 
to restore the Vaishnava shrine at Chidam- 
baram 121, his relation with the temple 
Brahmans of the place 121, his order to shoot 
the recalcitrant Saivites 122, 123, his relig- 


ious attitude 126N, 203, his other services 
203, his part in the civil war 131&N, his 
early defeat and imprisonment referred to 
131N, his feudatories 131N, his refusal to 
pay tribute, etc. 131N, war with Venkata 
131N, a prisoner for a second time 131N, 143, 
his flight from the battle 145, second defeat 
146, his early rebellion referred to 149, his 
marital alliance with Tanjore referred to 
149, 150, his successors 150, recalled by 
Sriranga III 162, his victory over the Moors 
162, his court 191, his hospitality towards the 
Jesuits 192, arrival of the Dutch 192, 193, 
practice of tilting in Gingee 194, royal pomp 
195, 197, 200, 201, his building the Kalyana 
Mahal and other buildings 201-2. 

Krishnappa Nayaka Tubakala (or Tubaki) 25, also called 
Kistnappa Nayaka 25N, accompanied 
Krishnadeva Raya, 81, second in command 
81, founder of the Nayak line of Gingee 81, 
entry in the Caruatic 82. 

Krishnappa Nayaka, Tubaki of the 17th century, 25N, 
82N, 86, Mir Jumla's lieutenant and Koneri 
Chetty overtures to 178, also Topa Krish- 
nappa, 178, 179, attacked by the Golkonda 
forces 179, his peace with the English 179, 
beseiged Poonamalleo 180, his defeat and 
fall 180. 

Krishnappa Nayaka, Dubala, identified with Venkatapati 
Nayaka 81, and with Tubaki Krishuappa 
Nayaka 81-2, 83&N, 85, builder of temples 
and granaries 85&N, also forts 86, his 
successor 87, 88N, his Rajaguru 88N, per- 
formed sacrifice 88N, his gifts 88N. 

Krishnappa Nayaka Trimbakmal 83&N. 

Krishnapatam, town built by Krishnappa Nayaka of 
Gingee 100, identified with Agaram village, 



west of Porto Novo 100, situated in Arungor 
according to Du Jarric 100, construction of 
100-1, 131N, 203 ; see also Porto Novo. 

Krishnapuram, another name of Gingee 23. 
Krishna Sastri H. referred to 138&N2. 
Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Dr. S. referred to 57, 62N, his 
account of Raja Ram's escape 336, 352, his 
account of Desing 410N. 
Krishnaswami temple at Gingee 85N. 
Kudal or Cuddalore 34N. 
Kufa, nobles of 364. 
Kulasekhara Alwar 123N. 
Kulattur 49. 

Kulbarga, Treaty of 234N. 

Kuli Beg : Golkonda commander, his \ r ictory over 
Tubaki Krishnappa and further conquests 180. 
Kulottunga Chola I, 123N. 

Kulottunga Chola II, 122N, 123N, called Anapaya and 
Tirumrru Chola 123N. 

Kulottunga Krimikanta, his removal of the image of 
Govindaraja 79N, identified with Kulot- 
tunga II 122&N3, 123N3. 

Kulottungan, Senni 123N. 
Kaloltum/a Cholan Via 123. 

Kumara Kampana, 25, Kamparaya 47, his conquests 48, 
called Kampana Udayar 48, son of Bukka I 
55, date of his invasion 57, as BalJala's 
door-keeper 57, his conquest of Madura 
and Srirangam 58, and restoration of 
their temples 58 to 60, 62&N, 71, 79. 

Kumara Nayana, son of Yachama Nayak 318. 

Kumara Yachasamudram, 313N. 

Kumbakonam, 126N, 135N, 143. 

Kundapur, 358N. 


Kunjagadi, killa of 449N. 

Kunimedu, Dutch ships at 112, 236, 240, 242, English 
settlement at ; in 1682 : 243, 246 to 248, 251, 
266, the English chief at 267, the Maratha 
subhedar of 268, 270, 271, 277, 278, transfer 
of factories to 278, 288, the Dutch at 371N. 

Kuniyur, Plates, The. 153. 

Kuppam 34. 

Kurangu Durgam 85N. 

Kurnool, District 34N, conquest of 106N, 358N, Nawab 
of 460, his discontent 471N, 486, 496, 408N, 
505, 506, 511, 512, 513. 

Kurumba tribe, The. (Curumba or Vaduga Idaiyar), 31N, 
32N3, an account of 36, their land called 
Kurumbabhumi 37, the Corumbins 38, 
overthrown by Adondai 39, origin of the 
name 39, called Kurunilamannar 39, con- 
nected with the Kalians 40, 41, came from 
Vijayanagar 41, their original home 41, 
subjugation of 63, 64. 

Kutbu'd-din, court darogah 368N. 

Kutb Shahi, the 212. 

Kuttarisi, Durgam 85N. 

Kuvalayananda.1 a work of Appayya Dikshita 126N. 

La Bourdonnais, his capture of Madras 465. 

Lachman Rao 498N. 

Laerzio, Fr. A. 70N. 

Lake, Lord 450N. > 

Lakkana, nephew of Ballala IV 45N. 

Lakkireddipalli 313N. 

Lala Dakhni Roy. diwan peishkar 338, 353, 434. 


Lala Todar Mai, sheristadar of the Nawab 338, 353, 356 t 

LaTouche, French commander 476&N, 479N, 486, 487Nl t 
495, 507, 509, 513N. 

Lally, Count de 521, 522, 523. 

Lally Count de, the younger. 530. 

Law, his report of the capture of Gingee 479N. 

Lawrence, Major, his treatment of prisoners of war 20N. 
his joining the Nizam 471N, 474. 

Lehuraux, M. A. 489N1, 494N, 499, 513N. 
Left Hand castes in Gingee 88N. 
Lenormand M. 479N. 
Leonidas, referred to 426. 
Lespinay 218N. 

Levanto, Fr. Nicholas, Rector of the Jesuit College at 
San Thome 109N, 110, 111. 

Levi, Fr. Alexander at Krishnapatam 101. 
Leyden, J. his collection 67N. 

Lingama Nayaka, a feudatory of Krishnappa 102, 103, 
son of Chinna Bomma 103, his insubordi- 
nation and attempt at independence 103-4, 
106N, his rebellion 107, and defeat by 
Venkata of Kalahasti 107, 126N, 131N, his 
rebellion in 1603, 131N, and defeat at Minnal 
131N, 187, his treachery to Madura in join- 
ing Shahji 186, his flight 188. 

Lingappa, Podili, deputy of the Golkonda government 
240, his exactions and threatening the 
English at Madras 240, 245, 276. 

Lingayat pilgirims, 258. 

Linschoten, Huyghen van, quoted 38, referred to 107. 

Lisbon 96, 138N. 

Louis XV 119N1. 


Ma'alhir-i-Alamgiri 303N2. 

Macaulay, Ensign 493, 500, 530N. 

MacGregor, at Gingee 524, 525, 628. 

Mahfuz Khan 512. 

Mackenzie, Col. Colin, his Collection of Mss. 23, 67, an 

account of his work 67&N, his work and 

death 67N, 201, 203, 206. 
Maclagan E. referred to 70N, 
Macleod, Col. William, Commissioner of Arcot 28N, 30, 


Macrae, Governor of Madras 447N". 
Madagascar 218N. 
Madanagiri (Krishnagiri) 88N. 
Madanmast 352. 

Madanna Pant : the Golkonda minister 211, his presents 
to Shivaji 213, 228, his plan of a Hindu Raj 
228, his help to Shivaji 228, 232. 

Madappollam 272N1. 

Madras, 7, 37, grant of 59, surveyor-general of 67N, 
University of 67N, Presidency of 82N, 94, 
country 157, the English at 161, Council 162, 
records of 164, its neighbourhood 177, factors 
177N, 178, 179, subjugation of 180, 207, 209, 
214, records 220, 224, 228, 229, 230N, the 
English at 240, records 241, fortifications of 
244, Governor of 320N, 321, the English at 
324, 325&N2, Museum : Representation of 
Desing's fight 429, records 431, 435&N, con- 
struction of the fort of 447&N, Fort Square 
erected 447N, 458N, 461, capture of 465. 

Madura 35, Sultans of 45, 46, 47N3. Nayaks of 48, Sultans 
of 57, conquests of 58, restoration of its 
temples 58, defeat of the Sultans of 58, 59, 

reconsecration of its temple 62, Kayak of 64 t 
65, District 66, 67N, 74&N, Mission, founder 
of TON, Nayaks : Tanjore victory over 76, 
77, Nayaks' disloyalty 142 to 145, his sub- 
mission 146, his alliance with Tanjore 146, 
147, country devastated 148. 150, 152, 153, 
disservice to the empire 166, 167, Nayak's 
treachery again 176, 183, Muslim advance 
upon 186 to 189, attack on 320N, 358N, 
mission 45 2N, 456. 

Madurantakam 149. 

Maertssen Arend, the Dutch factor 117, captured the 

Portuguese ships 117, his negotiation 117, 

got a letter from the Gingee Nayak to the 

Stadth holder of Holland 118. 
Mahadevamangalam 313N. 
Maharashtra 329, the power of 332, averting of civil war 

in 443, 456. 
Mahe 523, 588. 
Mailam, the original home of the Kurumbas 41, 489 Nl, 


Makaraju (Macaraju) 138, 139, 148. 
Makha, Ismail Khan 288&N1, his allegiance to the 

Mughals 296, 297, defeated Jadhav 298, 299, 

his camp 300, imprisonment 306. 

Makhdum Ali, 521 ; his victory 522. 

Malabar 40, letters from 69, 70N, condition of 108. 

Malayanur 207. 

Malik Kafur, Alau'd-din's general 14, 55, sack of Sri- 

rangam 60, 181N. 

Malik Nemi, founder of the Madura Sultanate 57. 
Malik Raihan, Mughal commander at Gingee 183. 
Malladevi, wife of Harihara II 52, 54, also called Mal- 

lambika and belonged to the Yadava family 



Mallappa Nayaka, Adappam 89. 

Mallayya, alias Chinana Cbetty 162, put down the 
Damarla brothers 162, an account of him 
162-3, his peace with the Moors and his 
inimical attitude towards the Dutch 163. 
164, his loss of territory 164, 172. 

Malleson, G. B., referred to, 481 Nl, 483. 
Mallikarjungadh 449N. 
Malliki Maidan, a piece of cannon 6. 
Mallur 313N, North 317, 319. 
Mambattu 88N. 

Mamood Allee, English assistance to 272N1. 
Manalurpet, 487N1, 509. 

Mangammal, wife of Venkatappa Nayak of Gingee 88N. 
built tanks 88N. 

Mangalore 421N. 

Manikkavasagar, the great Saiva Saint 123N. 

Maninagapura or Manikhpur, the home of the Gingee 

Nayaks 78. 
Manjakuppam, under the Dutch 279, 280. spelt Mange 

Copang 281N1, affairs at 281N1, 285, 357, 

370, 374N. 
Mannur 313N. 

Manoel, d'Oliveira, alias Egyb Hakim Ismail 274. 
Manucci, Nicolo, the Venetian traveller 217, 321, 361N. 
Maraiya Mayaka, son of Somappa, the general of 

Kamapana 50. 

Marakatanagara 50, see also Vrinchipuram. 
Marakkanam 21. 

Marathas, The. (Mahrattas), their occupation of Gingee 
8, their fortifications 16&N, 18, attack on 
Gingee 210-11, their ravages 249, 251, 252, 
disruption of 253, their army 257, 258&N1, 
Mughal army sent against them 261, threat 


of 262, divided into two divisions 266, 280, 
their retreat to Gingee 287, attacked Zulfi- 
khar Khan 288N, retreat 289, did havoc to the 
Mughal army in Gingee 291, their raid 294, 
help to Raja Ram at Gingee 297, their 
success in the south 299-309, 307, 308, their 
supremacy in the south 320N, 323, army in 
the south 324, victory over the Mughals 
325N1, dissensions among 329, their suffer- 
ings 333, help to Raja Ram 336, 337N, forces 
339, their panic in Gingee 341-2, their land 
364, troubles 367, their march to Bednore 
410N, war with Bednore 421, driven out of 
the Carnatic 440, first expedition into the 
south and exaction of tribute 441, disunion 
among them 441, second expedition 442, their 
aid to Bangaru 452N, expedition to the south 
455-6, plunder of Arcot 456, their prisoner 
467, their attack on the French 471N, 
pursuit of the French 474. 

Mansablars, 482; troops 507, 508, 510, help sought by 

Lai ly 523. 

Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller, mentioned 200N. 
Margry M. P. 218N. 
Martello Towers 17. 

Martin, Francois, got Pondicherry for the French 210, 
215N, his Memoires 218&N, his account 
of Shivaji's Karnatak expedition 218N, 
Memoires 224, 228, 231 to 234&N, 293N2, 
294, 225&N1, 320&N. 

Martineau M. A., referred to 476, his account of the 
capture of Gingee 478-9, Editor of Martin's 
Memoires 20N. 

Martinez, translator of Du Jarric's work 70N. 
Marava country, The. 148, 152N, poligars submission 
to Zulfikhar Khan 351. 


Marutam 37, fort built by the Kurumbas 63. 
Mary, Queen of England 281N1. 
Musaravakkam 313N. 

Masulipatam, arrival of Dutch ships at 112, 171, 243, 
247, 272, Koti Bandar 360N. 

Maulana Azad, his account 494N. 
Maurica Prince 118. 

Melacheri or the old Gingee village 15, 31, 96, killedars 
of 335, 353, 41 ON, 425. 

Metcalfe, capt. 280, 281&N1. 

Minakshi, Rani of Madura 452N, her quarrel 452, 454, 


Minnal, battle of 107, (Munnali) 131N. 
Miraj 456. 

Mir Asad, the dewan 458N, see Mir Asadullah. 
Mir Asadullah Khan, killedar of Chetput 470. 
Mir Dayem Ali Khan, 505. 

Mir Jumla, the Golkonda minister 164, his alliance with 
Bijapur 164, his renewal of the grant made 
to the English 164, his march upon Gingee 
165, alliance with Bijapur 165, his subse- 
quent war with Bijapur 165, 169, his advance 

172, his campaign against Gingee in 1648 

173, his secret alliance with the Raya 173, 
175, defeat of 175, his peace with Sriranga 
175, entered service under Aurangzib and 
got the jaghir of the Carnatic 176, opposition 
to 177, his lieutenant, Tubaki Krishnappa 
Nayaka 178, at Agra 179, an account of his 
operations 183, secured the assistance of the 
Bijapur army 183, raised the siege of 
Gingee 183. 

Mir Sayfullah 505, 511. 

Mirza Hasan Beg, killedar of Gingee 481N1. 



Mohabat Khan, also Mahabat Khan, killedar of Valuda- 
vur 382, 386, his preparation against the 
English 386-7, his fight with the English 
391, his withdrawal 392, also spelt as Mobet 
Khan 408N, his help to Desing and death 
410N, 426, 427, his fight 428, 430, his tomb 
433, 435. 

Mohan Singh, capture of 386. 

Molhair, governor of 467N. 

Moluccas 70N. 

Monson, Major, 521, 522. 

Montbruo, M. 489N1. 

Moore, Major, 522. 

Montague Mr. 315, captain 380. 

Motupalli 358N. 

Mubariz Khan, his death referred to 462. 

Mughals, The. their empire 70N, their attacks 170, the 
Emperor and his supremacy in the South 
177, their court at Agra 179, their distur- 
bances in the South 246-8, their conquests 
in the South 250, 251, 252, Emperor 259, 
their southern occupations 261, their 
southern advance and victory 262, their 
siege of Gingee 286 350, help sent to 
Gingee 292, plan of the siege 295-6, failure 
297, change in the plan of attack 297, failure 
and internal troubles 300, their hardships 
301, 308-9, their retreat to Wandiwash 310, 
further attack on Gingee 311, dissensions in 
their camp 323, army's flight 324, the help- 
lessness of the army 324-5, their capture of 
Gingee referred to 351, their dominion 374N, 
407, their administration and its weakness 


Muhammai Abrar Khan 4807. 

Muhammad All, the Nawab and his treatment of the 
French prisioners 20N, Nawab of Arcot 
363N, son of Anwaru'd-din sent as hostage 
to the Nizam 463, his friendship with the 
English 466, summoned to oppose Muzaffar 
Jang 468, his joining Nasir Jang 470, 471N, 
completely routed by the French 471N, 
formal by English troops 473, his pass with 
the men defeat and flight 473, his letter to 
the English 475, his defeat at the hands of 
the French at Tiruvati 476, his flight to 
Gingee 476, at Gingee 477, his fight with 
the French 478, and defeat at Gingee 478-9. 
his attack on Ginges and retreat 486, 
487N1, advice to the Nizam, 504, 506 his 
help, 58816. 

Muhammad Ali, the Qazi of Gingee 438. 

Muhammalans of the South 50, 51, 57, 58, repulsion of 
93, their cruelties 186, 447N. 

Muhammad Mahfuz Khan, eldest son of Anwaru'd-din 
466, his war with the English 466, left for 
Hyderabad 468. 

Muhammad Khan 274. 
Muhammad Khan Tashkandi, 494N". 
Muhammad Said, Risaladar, 498N. 
Muhammad Sadik in the East Coast 252. 
Muhammad Shah, the Moghul Emperor 443, 446. 

Muhammad Sayyid Kevud, sent to th3 south 332, 335, 
made dewan of Gingee 338, also called 
Muhammad Sayyid Khan, made dewan of 
Gingee 353, 356, 357, succeeded Daud Khan 
360, 364, got the title of Sadatullah Khan 
365&N, 366, 438N, (see Sadatullah Khan). 

588 -- 

Muhammad Sayyid Khan, Sahib Zada ; son of Safdar AH 
458&N, 459, his submission to Asaf Jah 460 
462, 463&N. 

Muhammad Sayyid Khan, nephew of Sadatullah 450. 

Mulbagal country 48, 57. 

Munro Major 523, 528. 

Mungi Shevgaon, the Nizam's treaty at 441, 443. 

Murari Rao, Maratha igeneral 452N, 456, 458N, 471N, 
498N, 510. 

Murtaza -All Khan, Ghulam 452, 458, his murdar of 
Safdar Ali 458&N, and accassion as Nawab 
458&N, his machinations 462, his murdar of 
the Boy-Princ3 464, 502. 

Mustafa Xhan, Nawab, of Bijapur, Khan Baba his 
march to Seringapatam 157, 170, his cam- 
paign 171, 173, his misunderstanding with 
Shahji 174, 175, 183. 

Mutawassil Khan, son-in-law of the Nizam and his 
claims 467, his order to Chanda Sahib 467&N. 

Muthialu Nayakkan of Gingee and builder of Venkata- 
ramanaswami Temple 7, 83&N, 87, his other 
building activities 88N, Mutyalu N&yakan 
41 ON. 

Muthumalla Reddi of Tindivanam, his troubles 465, 466. 

Muthuvlrappa Nayaka of Madura and the civil war 131, 
143, 152&N. 

Muzaffar Jang, Hidayat Mohiu'ddin Khan, grandson of 
the Nizam 467, joined Chanda Sahib 467N, 
his expedition 468, his triumphal entry into 
Pondicherry and conferment of honours on 
Ananda Ranga Pillai 469, his march towards 
Tanjore 469, his retreat to Tiruvati 470, his 
captivity in Nasir Jang's camp 470, French 
help to 471N, his surrender 471N, his attempt 
to escape 473, his troops 473, his submission 
to Nasir Jang and imprisonment 474, French 

~ 589 

help for his release 476, 489N1, proclaimed 
Nizam 509. 513N. 

Muzaffar Khan, 486, 497, 498, 506. 

Muzaffaru'd-din, see Khan-i-Khanan. 

Mylapore, fortification and Daud Khan's bungalow at 
360N, 449N. 

Mysore, the Kurumbas of 39, 40, 41, ruler of 57, country 
61, 74N, invasions of Bijapur 156, siege of 
156, ruler 157, help to Srirangalll 161, alli- 
ance sought 164, Raja's war with Bijapur 
165, its help to the Empire 166, recognition 
of its early independence 167, subdued 
168, chiefs of 170, 175, death of its ruler 180, 
her help to Sriranga referred to 181, Sri- 
ranga's stay there as a refugee 181, Keshav 
Pant's attack on 247, 248, ruler of 260, his 
army's defeat 260, Balaghat country 325N, 
Central Mysore 328, 358N, Nizam's march 
through 446, Second Mysore war, 531. 


Nagamangala, chief of 155, 157. 

Najaf Ali Khan, 494N495, 498. 

Najib Khan, accompanied Anwaru'd-din to Arcot 468. 

Nandagopala Pillai of Gingee 83N. 

Nandi Kri^hnaji Pandit, gumasta of Sadatullah Khan 

444, 445. 
Nandyal 358N. 
Napier, Lord 67N. 
Napoleon, 531. 
Narapa Razu 139. 

Narasa Nayaka, founder of the III Vijayanagar dynasty 

72, his conquests 72. 
Narasimha II, the Hoysala 42, his victories 42, 43. 


Narasimha III, the Hoysala 43. 

Narasinga Raya, Saluva of Vijayanagar 35, 48, 59, his 
dominance over Gingee 80. 

Narayana Kon, alias Narayanan, author of Karnataka 
RajakkaJ Savisthara Charitam referred to 
23, 28&N, 31, 68, 72, 73, 74N, 85, 332, 334, 
336, 352, 355, 360N, his account of Sarup 
Singh 365N, 369, 370, his account of Desing 
410N, an estimate of his work 410N, account 
of Desing 420, 422, 424, 427, 434, his account 
443,1447, 481N1, 487N1, 506, 512, 513N. 

Nar varan gam 497. 

Narayanan, English agent 325N2. 

Narayana Vilasa of Virupaksha, a Sanskrit drama 72. 

Narmada, The 467. 

Nasir Khan, Muhammad, the Bijapur governor of Gingee 
207, 208, 214. his parentage 215N T 226, 
agreeing to Maratha terms 228, war with 

232, his defeat 233, sought Golkonda help 

233, 234&N. 

Nasir Jang, second son of Asaf Jah, his advance towards 
the North 466-7, his rebellion 467N, his 
order to Dupieix 469, his opposition to 
Muzaffar Jang 469, his arrival at the Chan- 
gama Pass 470, his occupation of Gingee 
470, his camp 470, joined by Muhammad 
Ali 470, his terms to Chanda Sahib 471&N, 
his movements and fight with the French 
471N, his offer of help to Muhammad Ali 
473, his march to Tiruvati 473, arrival of 
English help 474, Muzaffar Jang's submis- 
sion to 474, his farman to the English 475, 
his descent on the Carnatic referred to 
477&N, his camp 482-85, place of his mar- 
tyrdom 489N1 ; its date 494N ; account, etc., 
494N1, 504, 505, 50911513. 


Nasrat Gaddah, Moghul name of Gingee 23, 338, 347, 

353, Nawab's entry into 410N, 432. 
Nayaks, The. under Vijayanagar : their fortification of 

Rajagiri 17, 65, origin of the term 77, as 

governors 83N. 
Nazir Muhammad Khan 274. 

Nedungunram temple, built by Gingee Nayak 88N. 
Neganur 487N1, 507. Nemali 489N1. 
Negapatam 117, 207. 
Neill, General, hero of the Indian Mutiny, erection of 

his statue in (1858) 8. 
Nellore 74, 81, 172, 181N, 313N. 
Nerkunam 489N1. 
Netherlands, The 118. 
Nickel Fr. 189, 191. 
Nieuhoff John quoted 65, 189. 
Nikitin A., a traveller 191. 
Nilakanta Pingle (The Peishwa) 257, 258. 
Nilakanta Sastri K. A., Prof, referred to 489N1. 
Nileswar 421N. 

Nilgiris. The Kurumbas of 38 to 40. 
Nilo Moreshwar Pingle, Raja Ram's Peishwa at Gingee 

265, 288. 

Nilo Pant 258N2. 

Niraji Prahlad, the Maratha envoy 211, 212. 
Niraji Ranji 265. 
Niyamatullah Khan Khaja 461. 
Nivritti Sangam 213. 
Nizamu'1-Mulk, 'Asaf Jah 360, his appointment of 

Sadatullah Khan to the Carnatic 438N, his 
march to the south 443. ^ 

Nizam AH Khan, 487N1, 508. 

Nungambakkam, grant to the English 361, 447V. 

Nuniz, 74N, 189, 194. 


Oba Raya, father-in-law of Venkata I, 98N. 

O'Kennedy, 521N1. 

Olivia, Paul 186, 188. 

Ongole 172. 

Oppert, Dr. G., referred to 38. 

Orme, Robert, referred to 3, 4N, his plans 6, referred to 
11, 15, 21, 31N2, 186, 188, his account of the 
capture of Gingee 228-9, 241, 245, 250, 334, 
referred to 458N, referred to 481N1, 489N1, 
500, 501, 513N518N, &525N. 

Ottakuttan, a Tamil poet 123N. 

Padaividu 32&N3, identified with Rajagambhira fort 49, 

58, 197, 449N. 

Padanda Rayar, faujdaj- of Gingee 437. 
Padirikuppam 397, 402. 
Padshah Bagh 410N. 
Paes, referred to 189, 194 to 196. 
Palamaneri village 144. 
Palar, The. 27, 48, 65, 247, 248 to 251, 262, 361N, 437, 443. 

Palayamkottai, battle between Yatiraja and Yachama 
106N, 134N, battle of 146, 149, 207, fort 316. 

Palkhad, victory of 443. 

Pallavas, The. their relation with the Kadavarayas 34N, 
with the Kurumbas 38, 39, their capital 42. 

Balvat vanam 497. 

Pandarum Pander Yembollum, damage done to 374N, 396. 
Pandasolanallur, English capture of the people of 385. 
Pandharpur temple 130. 


Pandyas, The. 27, 34N, territory of 43, conquest of 5*> 
their kingdom 58, rulers 58, 59, 62N, 72, 73; 
Tanjore victory over them 76, 77. 

Panhala fort, 225, 251, 255, captured by the Mughals 
256, 257, 258N2, 267. 

Papiah, Rayasam 447N. 
Panruti 131N, 317, 517. 
Parakala Nambi 51. 
Parali, Ramdas's shrine at 254. 
Parasnis, Mr. 247, 481N1. 

Paris 92N, Archives of 218&N, Bibliotltequc Nafionalc 

Parsimungalem 408N. 

Pasupati Avaru, Brahman householders called 318. 

Pattabhi Ramaswami temple 7, 88N. 

Payne, Mr. C. H. 70N. 

Pedda Nayudu, his defeat 149. 

Peddapalayam (Periyapalayam), its siezure 177. 

Pedrapolur 513N. 

Pegu 70N. 

Pelakuppur fortress 34. 

Pennar, The South 34N, 102, 181N, North 248, 358N. 

Pennattur 336, jaghir granted to Venkatapati 438, 449N. 
465, 487N1, 513N, 522. 

Penukonda 41, siege of, referred to 93, 13 IN, 149, 153N, 
154, capture of 165, loss of 175, fall of 261. 328. 

Periya Aiya, poligar 465, his confinement 465, and 
escape 465. 

Perimby, 489N1, 513N; 522. 

Periyapettai 88N. 

Peria Tirumozhi of Tirumangai Alwar 123N. 

Perambur, granted to the English 458N. 



Perumukkal 31, called Permacoil by Orme ; and its forti- 
fications 31N2, iconquest of 314, 449N, Eng- 
lish capture of, 521, 531. 

Perron, Anquetil du, a French traveller 66, 69, 70N, his 
discovery of the Avesta TON, translator of 
the Upanishads 75, 92&N, his life 92N, 
called Abraham Hyacinthe 92N, 93, 104, 107. 

Perseram Pandit 329N. 

Perumbarrapuliyur, another name for Chidambaram 

Phaltan 255. 

Philip III of Portugal 109N, his letter to Venkata I 
109N, 111. 

Phonda (near Goa) 218N. 

Pichavaram, poligar of 103N. 

Pigot Mr., Governor of Madras 20, 523, 529. 

Piliailokam Jiyar, author of Divyasuri Charltam 123N. 

Pimenta, Fr. Nicholas, referred to 9, 10, 15, 66, 69, his 
visit to Gingee 69, 70N, his life 70N, and 
death 70N, 92, 95&N, 96, his meeting 
Krishnappa Nayaka 96, his description of 
Gingee 96, 97-101, 98&N. 99, 100, 102, 103, 
120, 121, 191, 192 to 195, 200, 203- 

Pina Virabhadra, Pillalamarri, author ofJaiinini Bhara- 
tam 59. 

Pindaris, The. 174, employed in the siege of Gingee 185. 

Pingalamuni, the Tamil lexicographer 39. 

Pitt, Thomas 325N2, Governor of Madras 361N, 374, 407. 

Place de la Repul)liqu6 at Pondicherry where Dupleix's 
statue was erected. 

Polu, a servant woman 318. 

Polur 32, 449N, 468, 470. 

Pondicherry, gate, on the east of the Gingee fort, named 
as such 4, 6, 520, 525N1, 526, Pondicherry 7, 
advance of Coote against 31N2, fall of 


referred to 92N, 165, looted 174, 185, 208, 
210, its foundations 210, (Pullacherry) 
captured by Shivaji 210, 218&N, 231, 232. 
236, 251, the French allowed to colonise at 
262, raid near 263, 274, 275, 288, the French 
at 288, 289, 294, Pondicherry gate of Gingee 
295, bombardment of 296, 314, governor of 
320&N, Dutch capture of 320&N, French 
governor of 374, 390, 401, 403, the French 
at 431, 461, 465, attack on 466, 468, 469, 
470, French retreat to 471N, French camp 
near 473, French retreat to 474, 477N, 498, 
502, 503, siege of 522, 523, fall of 524, des- 
truction of fortifications 529. 

Poona 257, 336, 337, Chanda Sahib a prisoner at 467. 

Poonamalle 94, 157, (Pundamallee) 177N, subjugation of 
178, fight near 179, 180, ruler of 248, 250, 
Mughal capture of 252, 261, 449N, grant of 
474, 475. 

Porto Novo 100, 112, 118, 131N, 165, looted 174, 185, 192, 
203, 208, abandoned by the Dutch 236, 
Dutch re-obtained it in 1680; 237, 238, the 
English to found a factory at 240, 241, 
import duties 242, 244, 248, English factory 
closed down 251, 263, 270, called Muhammad 
Bandar 272N1, 275 to 277, English factory 
opened at 278, gate 348, English ships 
captured near 379, taken possession of by 
Sarup Singh 408&N. 

Portugal 96, King of 109N. 

Portuguese, The. their relations with Gingee 107, their 
expulsion from the west coast of India 108, 
rivals of the Dutch 110 111, their fortunes 
112, relations with Gingee 112, turn in their 
affairs 113, 115, concession at Tegnapatam 
116, driven away from the coast 116, 117, 
their intrigues 119, called Parasikas : their 


part in the civil war 142, 147N, fight with 


'Pota Bhupala, father of Surappa Nayaka 90- 
Poysaleswara temple 43. 
Powney, Henry, 503. 
Prahlad Niraji, Maratha chief justice 253, 254, 257, 258, 

appointed regent 264, had no power under 

Rajaram 265, 268. 

Prapannamrtam, referred to 122, 123, 126K 
Pratapa Rudra, defeat of 60. 
Pratapgarh (Pratapgad) 254, fort of 259N2. 
Preston, Major, 523, 524, 528. 
Prisoners 1 Well 9. 

Proenza, Fr. 152, 181, 186, 188, 189, 191. 
Pudupauk granted to the English 458N. 
Pulalkottam 37. 

Puliakon (PalliyaKon) of the Kon dynasty 31N, 32, 
Puliyan 33N1. 

Pulicat, (Pa)iacate)109N, 119, 147N, the Dutch Governor 
of 162, Golkonda attack on 162, 163, Sri- 
ranga's siege of 177&N, conquest of 178, 
the Dutch at 180, 207, 237, 299. 

Punjab , the 367. 

Puflyakotiswara temple 51. 

Punayakoti Vimana set up by Krishnadeva Raya 129 

Puran Chand, diwan 461. 

Purasawakam, grant of 325N2, 449, scare at 361N, 447N. 

Pushpagiri 32N3. 

Puttanandal 489N1, 513N. 

Pumyorin, Dragoons under 479N, 530. 


Qasim Khan, sent against the Marathas 261. 
Qazi Daim (Dayem Ali Khan) 498N, 510. 

- 597 

QuranicLaw, provision for administration of 207. 
Queyroz, quoted 137, 139. 


Raghava lyengar, Rao Sahib M., referred to 79N. 

Baghuji Pantulu 268, 372N1. 

Eaghuji Bhonsle. his expedition 452N, 455, 456, his 

power 457. 
RaghunGthabhyudayam, The. 66. 75N, 76, 93, 102, 103, 

134, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144N1. 
RaghunuthCiblnjudayani, of Vijayaraghava 144N2, 146. 

Raghunatha Vildsa Natakam^ The. referred to 146. 

Raghunatha Nayak of Tanjore, author 75N, his exploits 
76, 77, 91, 92, 93, his part in the release of 
the Gingee Nayak from imprisonment 93, 
95, 104, his help to the Gingee Nayak 131N, 
his loyalty to the Emperor Rama 135, 142, 
143, his fight 144, 145, his victory 145, 146, 
his further victories 146, 149, 150, 

Raghunatha Pandit, subhedar of Gingee 240. 

Raghunatha Pant 214, his agreement with the captain 
of Gingee 214, 215N. 

Rahmatulla Khan 498N. 

Raigad, fort in the Konkan 222, 225, 239, 253, 254, captur- 
ed by the Mughals 255, 256, 259N2,(Raigarh) 
260, invested 286, Zulfikar's victory at 287. 

Rairee 229. 

Rajagambhiram, fortress of 49, also called Rajagambira- 
malai : capture of 49. 

Rajagiri, also known as Kamalagiri and Anandagiri: 
one of the citadels of Gingee 2, 3, also called 
the Great Mountain 4, description of 4, 5, 
springs at 10, 11, 14, 15, fortified by the 
Vijayanagar Nayaks 17 to 49, temple at the 
base of 22. Ramaswami temple in 85N, 88N, 

- 598 - 

name given to Anandagiri by Krishnappa 
Nayaka 85N, 201, 206, 296, 333, 334, Todar- 
mal's encampment at 424, date of Gingee's 
fall engraved upon 434? 438, Mughal prince's 
arrival at 446, 465, 478, scaling up the walls 
of 479N, 481N1, 525N, 527, 530. 

Rajagopalaswami temple at Gingee 85N, identified with 
Venkataramanaswami temple 85N. 

Raja-karanampettai 88N. 

Rajahmundry 462. 

Baja Raja Cholan Ula 122. 

Raja Raja Chola III 123N- 

Raja Ram, ruler of Qingee 8. 

Raja Ram, second son of Shivaji : his rule in Gingee 
225, 238, 239, Sambhaji's younger brother ; 
his arrival in the south 253. appointed 
regent 253, 254&N, his march to Pratapgad 
and his fight with the Mughals 254-5, be* 
sieged 255, 256, his march upon Gingee 257, 
at Bangalore 258&Nnl&2, an account and 
date of his advance 258N2, 263. asked to 
assume authority on Sahu's imprisonment 
264, his attempt to unify the Marathas as 
against the Mughals 264, his council of 
ministers at Gingee 265, 266. his financial 
difficulties 266, his anxiety to sell Devanam- 
patnam 267, 268-9, 270, sold it to the English 
271, 272&N1, his far man to the English 
272N1, 278, also called Rama Raja 279, his 
granting of a farman to the English 279, 
Dutch complaint to 280, 281N1, 285, his 
leaving for Tanjore 287, despatched an army 
to obstruct the Mughals 287, 288, at Tanjore 
289, his return to Gingee 290, 291, 294, 
295&N1, Maratha help to 297, 299, his pro- 
clamation 300, and Kam Baksh 301, 303, 307, 
309, 315, his seizure of the forts in the south 


316, 320N, his demand of a heavy sum of 
money from the English 329N, 323, the 
friendly attitude of the Dutch towards him 
324, 325N2, 329, his petition to Aurangzib 
329, 330, 331, escaped to Vellore 332, 333, his 
family invested 333 to 335, his escape to 
Poona 336, 337N, bribed 338, 341, 347, 351, 
370, his cowle to the English 374, 410N. 433, 

Rajanatha Dindima, author, 59. 

Rajapur. 218N". 

Raja Udayar of Mysore 152, his capture of Seringapa- 
tam 154, 155. 

Rajendra Choi a I 27. 

Rajendra Chola III 34N", defeated by Someswara 42. 43N. 

Rajputs, troubles from the : 367, their rule in Gingee 436, 
437, 45L 

Ramabhadramba, a Tanjore poetess 75N. 76. 144N1. 

Ramachandra, Sen, 510. 

Ramachandra Amatya 255, 257. 

Ramachandra Bavdekar. the commander of Maharash- 
tra 266. 

Ramachandra Nayaka of Gingee, Achyutha Vijaya 83, 
a mahamandaleswara 87&Ni built the gopura 
at Tiruvannamalai 88N". 

Ramachandra, the Yadava ruler 54. 

Ramadeva of Vijayanagar. his family 52. Mallambika 
belonged to this family 54, 94. 

Ramadeva I, brother of Venkata I and viceroy of Serin- 
gapatam 135N, his two sons 135N. 

Ramadeva II, son of Sriranga 135&N. crowned as em- 
peror at Kumbakonam 135NJ 142, 147N, 150. 

Ramagopalaswami temple at Gingee 85N. 

Ramakrishna Payya, the recorder of Gingee 356, 410N. 
422, 427. 437. 

Ramakrisbna Kavi, of Tenali, mentioned 130. 

Ramalinga, a friend of the English 355. 


Ramdas, Raja, 505, 509. 

Ramnad 4 poligars of, their submisssion to Zulfikar 

Khan 352. 

Ramanatha 43, see also Vira Ramanatha. 
Ramanuja, founder of Srivaishnavism 79N, his con- 
secration of Govindaraja at Lower Tirupati 

79N, 122, his uncle 129. 

Ramanuja Divya Cl\aritai, mentioned, 123N". 
Ramapuram, English capture of, the people of 385. 
Rama Rao 318. 
Rama Raya of Vijayanagar : his coronation at Vellore 

106N. his grant to the English referred, 

to, 402. 

Rama Rs,ya, lieutenant of Achyutaraya 123N, 126N. 
Rama Chetty, builder of Chettikulam, 8, 410N, 433. 
Rama Singh Hada. 329, 330. 
Ramaswami temple in Rajagiri 85N. 
Rama, temple at Padaividu 32N3 
Ramayana, scenes from the, depicted on the walls of 

the Venkataramanaswami temple 7. 
Rameswaram, 46, 66, 188, 254N, 258N1, 374N. 
Ramchand Hada 334. 

Ramchand Pandit, Rajaram's minister 329N. 
Ramje Nalage, appointed to be in charge of Gingee 216. 
Ram Raja, ruler of Gingee 16N. 
Rampur 449N. 
Ranade, referred to 232. 
Ranadulla Khan the Bijapur general 156, 157, 160, 

167, 358N. 

Ranga I of Vijayanaker, 90, 
Rangacharya Prof. V, referred to, 91, 92, 181N. 

Ranganatha temple, on the top of Rajagiri 5, 11, the 
shrine at Singavaram 12, 14, 61, tutelary 
god of Desing 424, 427. 

Ranga Raja, author of Satvikabrahma Vidya Vilasa ISO. 


Eanipettai ; founded by Sadatullah Khan 433. 
Ranjangudi449N, 506. 
Ranoo, Santaji's son, 329. 
Rauf Khan of Gingee, 214, 215N, 
Ravilla Venka, 148, 
Ravuttanallur 449N, 497. 

Raworth, Robert, 374, took possessioz^of Fort St. David 
390, sent to negotiate peaca 392, 393, 399, 
401, 403, 408N. 

Rayachoti 469. 

Raya Mahal of Gingee, The, 85N, 

Rayas of Vijayanagar, The, their fortification of Gingeo. 

Raza Ali, Chanda Sahib's son 468, his help to Anwaru'd- 
din 468, 

Razaak Abdur, the traveller 191, 200N. 

Red Hills Lake, 37. 

Renukambal temple, 32N3. 

Right Hand castes in Gingee, The, 88N". 

Roach, Capt., 374, 382, 387, 391XN, attacked 392, his 
plunder 406. 

Roberts, Gabriel, Governor of Fort. St. David, 373, 378. 
379, 381, 396, 400, 405N. 

Roe. Sir. Thomas, his reference to the betel, .200N. 

Rouvray M. de, 479N. 

Royal Asiatic Society. The, 67N. 

Rubino, Fr. referred to, 145. 

Rudraji Salvi, an officer 216. 

Rupaji the Bhosle freebooter 266. 

Riipa Chand, Diwan, 444. 

Hup Nayak of Gingee 184. 




Sadasivaraya of Vijayanagar 29, his epigraph, 200. 

Sadat Namah The, also Said Namah: biography of 
Sadatullah Khan 361&N. 

Sadat Tiyar Khan : appointed kiiledar of Gingee, 434, 
437, 438' his strife with Abdul Nabi Khan 
and death 440, 447. 451, his death 464, 

Sadatullah Khan* his mosque 6, his fight with Desing 
referred to 12, 18, 353, 358N, 360&N, 363, 
his origin 364, his personality 364, sought 
service under Aurangzib 364, mansabdar 
364, accompanied Daud Khan to the Car- 
natic 365, his official life 365, his praise- 
worthy rule 365&N, 366, made Sarup 
Singh his diwan 367, his report to the 
Emperor of Sarup Singh's non-payment 
of arrears 367-8, 368&N, 382N, 384, his 
territory plundered 408, 410N, his march 
on Gingee 410N, sent an army against 
Desing 410N, 417, 418, 420, 423, his struggle 
with Desing 423, 427, his desire to capture 
Desing alive 428, his capture of Gingee 429, 
430, his victory referred to 431, his entry 
into Gingee 432, his clemency 433, his 
building of a town in memory of Desing's 
wife near Arcot 433, his organisation of 
affairs at Gingee 438, his retriment from 
Gingee 438, his rule in Gingee referred to 
439, opposed Abdul Nabi Khan 440, The 
Nizam's march into the subah of 443, his 
; - : submission of accounts to the Nizam 444, 

445N, The Nizam's conferment of honours 
upon 446, his letter to the Emperor regard- 
ing a Mughal prince 446, his organisat 
ion of the killas and death 449, his titles 

Sadras, The Dutch at 208, Sadraspatam 371N. 


Safdar Ali Khan, nephew of Sadatullah, 442N, 452&N, 

454, 456, Nawab 457, his bravery admired 

457 his murder 458&N, sons 459, his mother 

463N killed 464. 
Safshikan Khan, 498N 
Sagar 311. 
Sahityaratnakara, The. 66, 75N, 76, 93, 102, 103, 134 r 

140, 142, 144N1. 
Sahu, his imprisonment, 264. 
Saint George, M. 479N. 
Saint, Marc. French sergeant 477&N. 
Saiya Bai, Shivaji's first wife, 238. 
Saiyad Khan, the Tanjore adventurer 452N. 
Salabat Khan 410N. 
Salabat Jang, 487N1, 508. 
Salem 155. 
Salim Khan 337N, brother of Daud Khan Panni 348, 

his attack on Cuddalore 348, second attack 

349, his plunders 349. 
Saluva Mangu 48, 50, 59, 62&N. 
Samayavaram, Gopanarya's defeat of the Muhammadans 

at 61. 

Sambhaji, his dismissal of Raghunatha Pant 237, alleged 
rumour of his death 238, appointed his bro- 
ther-in-law to Gingee 238&N, plots against 
239, English appeal to 242, grant of privileges 
to the English 242, 245, sent garrisons to the 
south 245, his order to Harji Raja 250, 251, 
his war with the Mughals 251, captured by 
the Mughals 252, execution of 252N, his 
council of ministers 253, 254, 256^, 
against 260, sent an army againjj 
261, his death in 1689 referred 1 
capture of his family 287. 

Sambhaji, the Maratha prince won 

441, 442 set up against Sha 


Sambuvarayar chief 49, 50, defeat of the Sambuvarayans 
58, 59. 

SammiLnamanavar, a distinction bestowed upon the shep- 
herds by Anandakon 31N. 

Sampat Rao, 512. 

Sandur, Mahratta outpost in 442N. 

Sangama, father of Bukkaraya 52, 54. 

Sangita Sudha, The, 75N. 

Sanjivi) the panacea of Hindu mythology ; considered as 
the root of the name Senji and Gingee 22. 

Sankarapuram 449N. 

Santaji, half-brother of 'Shivaji 221, 224, in charge of 
Gingee 236. 

Santavasal village 32N3. 

San Thome, the Missionary college at 98N, 109N, Bishop 
of 110, conquest of 180, the French at 208, 
siege of 218N, 361N, 447N. 

Sarasangupettai (Nasir Jangai-Konrapettai ?) 489N1, 500. 

Sardesai, Rao Bahadur G. S. referred to 227. 

Sarfoji of Tanjore, attacked 440, his appeal to Satara 

Sarkar, Sir J. N. referred to 174, 211, 214N, 215N, 
223N, 226, 230, his views on Shivaji's 
southern expedition 230, 258N2, 292, 297, 
311, 312, 314, 331, 332, his date for the 
fall of Gingee 342, 343, 344. 

Sarup Singh, a Bundela chief and a Rajput: Raja of 
Gingee 351, got Gingee from Aurangzib, 
354, an account of his early life 354, be- 
came killedar of Gingee in A.D. 1700, 355 
his officers 356, his administration 356, 357, 
his later quarrels with the English 357, 
his death in A.D. 1714, 367, arrest of his 
agent 368&N, 369, also spelt Surop Singh, 
Seroop Singh 369, and Syroop Singh 370, 
his capture of English officials 373, 374N, 
his bad treatment of the English captives 


and greed for money 382&N, his demand 
of a ransom 383, 384, his adamant attitude 
in not releasing the English prisoners 
384-5, causes for his stiffness and fight 
390-1, 396, his action justified 397, 398, 399, 
peace with the English and its terms 402, 
403, causes for the treaty with the English 
404-7, his death in A.D. 1713-14, 407, 
408&N, 409, 410&N, his death referred to 
418. his sons 419, his quarrel with the 
English Council at Fort St. David 419, 420, 
421, 423, his neglect to pay off the arrears 
referred to 423, 426, his reign in A.D. 1713, 
429, his son, 430, 431, his nephew 433, 447. 

Sarvagna Lingama Nayudu, Yacha's younger brother 


Satara 214, 440, 442N, 456, 
Satghar fort, 313, 315, 337N, 449N, Satgadh 459. 
Sattangadu 361N, granted to the English 447N. 
Satyamangalarn, Plates 54, Mysore capture of 157. 
Satyanatha Aiyar, Mr. R. referred to 181N. 
Satyavedu 449N. 
Sauinders, Governor 503, 515. 
Saudiancopang, granted to the English 458N. 
Savanadrug 168. 

Savanur Bankapur 358N, 445N, Nawab of 471N. 
Sayana Udayar, son of Bukka: 51, his rule in the 

South 51. 

Sayyid Amber Khan, the faujdar of the Carnatic, 206, his 
sons 214N, 215N, Maratha treaty with 226. 

Sayyid Lashkar Khan, his supply of provisions to Zul- 
fikar 291, his post in the seige of Gingee 
296, 297. 

Sayyid Hussain Ali and his fight 360. 

Sayyid Muhammad Khan, 451. 


Sayyid Nasir Khan of Gingee 206, 

Sayyid Brothers, the 367. 

Schopenhauer, the German philosopher 70N. 

Scott, Major referred to 293N2, 298, his date for the 
fall of Gingee 343. 

Semmandalam, the Nawab's camp at, 519. 
Senal, 489N1. 

Senji : old name of Gingee and called so after the name of 
the goddess of the place 5, 21, Tamil name 24. 

Senjiamman, the virgin goddess of Gingee 5. identified 
with Kamalakkanni Amman 5, 22, 

Sendamangalam : (Chentamangalam) : fort built by 
Kobilingam 31N, 34&N, 35, headquarters 
of Kopperunjinga 35. 

Sen, Dr. S. N. referred to 231. 

Sera, also Sira, Mussalman capture of 156, Nayak killed 
168, Mughal governor of and his defeat 
325N1, 358N, Maratha outpost in 442N, 446. 

Serappa, Checca, the Company's merchant 374N, his in- 
fluence 390. 

Seringapatam, capture of 152, 154, 155, siege of 156, 157, 
168, robbed 230N, tribute enacted from 
441, II Maratha expedition called after 
this 442N. 

Seshadri Aiyangar, Nallan Chakravarti, Rajaguru of 
Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaka 88N. 

Seven Pagodas, The, 109N. 

Sewell, Robert, referred to 74N, 138, 142. 

Shah Alam, his succession 301, 307, 450N. 

Shahbeg Khan, 498N. 

Shah Nawaz Khan, 494N, 498N, 509, 513. 

Shah Jahan, confirmed Mir Jumla in possession of the 
Carnatic 176. 


Shahji, the Maratha general of Bijapur 153N, his death 
in A.D. 1664, 166, saved the Hindu empire 

167, 168, got Bangalore 168, subdued Mysore 

168, attacked Kenga Hanuma 168, his at- 
tempt to form a confederacy of the south- 
ern Nayaks 168, 169, his power in A.D. 
1648, 169, and Sriranga 170, his imprison- 
ment at Bijapur and release 170, in Gingee 
173, 174, events leading to his arrest 174, 
his power in the south 174, 175, his victory 
over Mir Jumla 175, 180, his advance to 
Gingee 180, 183, 187, his part in the con- 
quest of Gingee 187, his attack on Trichi- 
nopoly and flight to Tanjore 188, father of 
Shivqji 358N. 

Shahji II, Raja of Tanjore 316, his submission to the 

Moghuls 316. 
Shahu, Maharaja of Satara, his help to Sarfoji 440, 441, 

442N. his desire to annex the south 442N, 

Nizam's war upon 443, 455, his" southern 

expedition 456, 

Shaikh Abdul Khadir the Quazi of the Padshah, 438, 
Shaikh, Nur, 356, 357. 
Shaitan Dari, gate of Gingee 296, 330, 334. 
Shamji Nayak Punde, 238, his imprisonment 239, at 

Gingee 260. 

Shamsullah Qadir 494N, 495. 498. 
Shankarji Malhar Eao, 265. 

Sher Khan Lodi, of Valikandapuram. 215, Martin's ally 

218N, 228, his war with Gingee 232, 233. 
Sheva Reddi Nayak, a trader 373. 374N, 377, 379. 
Shikar Udaya Ram, the jupyanavis, 356, 

Shivaji (also Sivaji), the Great Maratha : his campaign 
in the South 16, his fortification of Gingee 
16N, his rebellion 174, 185, his Karnatak 


expedition 188, his attack on Gingee 210 r 
got help from Golkonda 211, his plunder of 
Bijapur 211, his alliance with Bahlol Khan, 
and with Golkonda 211, his relations with 
Golkonda 212, his starting on the Karnatak 
expedition 212, his aliiance with Golkonda 
213, his assurance to Golkonda and Bijapur 

213. his route 213, built the Ganesh Ghat on 
the banks of the Krishna and visited 
Srisaila 214, his entry into the Carnatic 

214, his arrival at Gingee and capture 
of it 215, an account of its capture 
215N, 216, 217, his works at various 
places 417, 218N, the English fear of 
220, his letter to the English 220-1, his 
capture of Vellore 221, his fortification of 
Gingee 223-4, 225, his capture of Gingee 
recalled 226, his Carnatic expedition 226, 
his claims on the south 227, and Madanna 
Pant 228 as the commander of Golkonda 
forces 228, 229, the object of his expedition 
230, causes that led to his expedition ani 
the help of Golkonda therefore 233-4, his 
treachery to Golkonda 234&N, 235, his 
organisation of Gingee 236, his death 
in A.D. 1680, 237, the condition of Gingee 
at the time of his death 237, his daughter 
238N, his wife 239, 253, 254N, 256, 358N, 
his country 276. 

Shivaji, son of Sambhaji 253, chosen as ruler 253, 254&N, 
captured by the Mughals 255. 

Shivnath Singh, made killedar of Gingee, 352, a follower 
of Jaipur Eaja 353, 354. 

Sholinghur, Mahacharya or Doddacharya of; and his 
part in the consecration of the Govindaraja, 
shrine 79N, 123N. 

Silatgadh, 497. 


Siddavaram, 313N. 

Siddhi Raihan, commander 183. 

Sidhout, 358N. 

Sikhs, troubles from the 367. 

Simhalas, The, conquest of 52. 

Simon de Sa, Rector of the Jesuit College at San Thome 

Singarampettai 88N. 

Singavaram shrine 12, identified with Bishun Gingee 
(Vishnu Gingee) 13, 14, 22, 24N2, its origin 
25N, earliest mention in a Chola epigraph 
as Singapura Nadu 27, connection with 
Srirangam 55, 61, Adivaraha temple at 71, 
88N, 107, hill 296, 300, 427, 481N1. 

Sirukadambur 88N, temple built by Tubaki Krishnappa 
88N, 465, 

Sittamur, the stone car-stand at 7, inhabited by the Jains 
7. temple built by the Jains 88N, 316, 513N1. 

Sivaganga, Poligar of and his submisssion to Zulfikar 
352, 452N, 

Sivanath, the recipient of the Gingee jaghir 15. 

Sivappa Nayaka of Ikkeri 160, his help to Sriranga III, 
160, his success 160, 161 hostility to 
Shahji 169, 172, 173, got honours from 
Sriranga 173, 176. 

Smith, Captain Stephen 521, 524, 527, 529. 

S'olaga of the Collroon, his defeat 76, 100 also known 
as Salavacha 102, ruler of Devikottai 102, an 
account of 102, his attitude towards the 
Jesuits 103, his descendants 103N, family 
title of S'olaganar 103N, 131N. 

Somappa, general of Kampana, 50. 

Somasekhara Nayaka, Raja 421N, 



Somaya Dandanayaka the Mahapradhani of Kampana, 

49. See Somappa. 

Someswara, see Vira Someswara the Hoysala. 
Somerville Ensign 374, his base conduct 391&N, his flight 


Sornay the French engineer, 479N. 
Sorya Bai, Shivaji's wife 239, her desire to secure the 

throne for her son 239. 
South Arcot Dt. Collector of 8, 24N, under the Cholas 

27, 34N, 51, District 54, 55, 72, 80, 106N, 

131N, 146. 

Spain, King of 111, 
Srikaracharya Kalgankar 265. 

Srimushnam temple, built by Tubaki Krishnappa Nayaka 
85, image of Krishnappa Nayaka, at 86. 
sculptures in the temple of 202, 316. 

Srinivasa Dikshita Ratnakhita, author, 90, 

Sri Ram, Huzur Arnani, 356. 

Srirangam 14, 43, temple 50, 51, sack of 55, 60, 61 resto- 
ration of its temple 58, date of its consecra- 
tion 62, gifts to 62, 123N, 144. 

Sriranga Raya III of Vijayanagar, 123N, 152, his war 
with Mysore 152-3, his flight to Ikkeri 160, 
honoured Sivappa Nayaka 160, 161, his 
friendly attitude towards the English 161-2, 
confirmation of the grant of Madras in 
A. D. 1645., 162, 163, his success over the 
Golkonda forces 163, attacked by Bijapur 
and Golkonda forces 164, his flight 164 
his refuge in Mysore 165, his second flight 
from the capital 166, the condition of the 
empire at the time of his accession 166-7, 
170, alliance with Bijapur 170, his determin- 
ed opposition towards the Mussalmans 171, 
forced to flee 171, attacked 172, betrayed 172, 
sought the help of the Ikkeri Nayaka 172. 


his restoration 173, 175, his appeal to 
Aurangzib 175, peace with Bijapur 175, 
his subsequent fortunes 176, 177, his 
recovery 177N, his defeat 178, his conquest 
of Tirupati and other places 178, his request 
to the Dutch 179, his last attempts to gain 
power 180, 181, his failure to achieve any- 
thing 181&N, his epigraphs 197, 205. 

Sriranga the nephew of Venkata I ; appointed Raya 
133, supported by Yachama Nayaka 134 t 
murder of 134, his son, Rama 135, chosen 
heir 135N, his short rule 135&N, 137, 138, 
139 his murder 141, 143, 146, 

Srisaila, God Mallikarjuna of 214. 

Sripat Rao the Maratha Pratinidhi, 441. 

Stalakaranampettai 88N. 

St. George's Mountain, present name of Chandrayan 

Drug 3. 526,-29. 
St. Thomas 523. 
Sulupgadh 449N. 
Sunda, Raja Ram at, 257. 
Sundara Balaji, the subhedar of Kunimedu 268, his 

negotiations with the English 268-9, 270. 

Sundara Pandya I, 34N, 55. 

Sunku Rama, the Company's merchant, 447N. 

Surappa Nayaka of Gingee, his epigraph 78, called lord 
of Maninagapura 78, his relationship with 
the Gingee Nayaks 78, 89, called Adappam 
Surappa Krishnama 89, his ancestors and 
brothers 90, his help to Vijayanagar 90, 
difficulty in fixing his chronology 90, gov- 
ernor of Tiruvati 198. 

Surat, 217, 218N, 227, 230N, 244. 

Surman, John, his letter referred to 430, his embassy to 
the Emperor 447N, 


Tabari, the Muhammadan historian, 364. 

Tadpatri 451, 510. 

Takkayagapparani by Otta kuttan 123N. 

Talikota battle of 90, (Rakhas Tagdi) 181N, 204. 

Talkanoor 497. 

Tamarappakkam 449N. 

Tamil country, the 55, 59, 62, 63, 71, the Nayaks of 143. 

Tandore, grant of 325N2. 

Tanjore, road leading to 32, District 34N, 35, Nayaks 
of 48, under Sayana Udayar 51, Nayaks of 
64, 65, 72, 74&N, sources for their history 
75N, palace: description of 76, Nayaks 77, 
91 to 93, 95, 101, 104, 107, sought the help 
of the Dutch 117, union with Madura 146, 
149, joined Tirumala, but later on severed 
connection 159, loyalty to Vijayanagar 159, 
and Shahji 169, 170, 171, joining Madura 
and betrayal 172, 175, attacked and plunder- 
ed by Bijapur 180, Muslim advance upon 
186, 189, its tribute 190, Nayak of 200N, 205, 
Shivaji's capture of 222, its ruler 226, 230N, 
233, 234, Nayak of 260, Raja of 287, Raja 
Ram s request for help 287, migration of 
people to 288, 289, Raja of 290, his help to 
Rama Raya 299, Zulfikar's march towards 
294, 295, 314, 315, Raja of 316, 320N, tribute 
from 328, Z^lfikar at 357, 358N, Raja of 365N, 
440, Bhonsla line 442N, capture of, by Chanda 
Sahib 452, anarchy 452N, 456, Anwarud- 
din's march towards 466, Muzaffar Jang's 
march towards 469, raising siege of Tanjore 
470, 477. 

Tanyal 489N. 

Tadikara Virappan. the valiant protector of the virgin 
sisters, 22. 


Taqi AliKhan, killedar of Wandiwash 452 

Tarani Singh, Desing's uncle and his rule in Gingee 
369, 420, 

Tatacharya, Tirumala: the great Vaishnava teacher 120 t 
126N, his religious zeal 126N, 128, called 
Ettur Kumara Tirumala Tatacharya 128, 
also called Lakshmi Kumara and Koti- 
kanyadana and Venkataraya Tatacharya, on 
account of his influence in the court of 
Venkata I 128, royal guru and manager 
of Vishnu temples 128, his magnificence 
128, identified with Tatarya, great grandson 
of Srinivasa 129, his works 129, 130. 

Tatasamudram, tank dug by Tatacharya 129. 

Taylor Rev. William: author of the Catalogue Raisonnee 
2, Referred to and his summary of Karnatakct 
Bajakkalchantam quoted 28N, 67N, 74N. 

Tegnapatam, also known as Devanampatnam, the present 
Fort St. David 108, 109 also spelt as Teva- 
nampatnam and Taunapatam in thePortu- 
guese records 109N, 110, 111, 112, arrival of 
the Dutch ships at 112, 113, the Dutch at 
114, fort of 115&N, Nayak of 116, renewal 
of the old cowh 117, capture of the Portu- 
guese ships at 117, 118, 119, captured by 
the Bijapur forces 165, looted 174, 185, fort 
192, abandoned by the Dutch 237, granted 
to the English 242, 249, 250, Harji's retreat 
to 262. See also Fort. St. David & Deva- 

Tejonath Singh, 15. 

Tellar 489N1. 

Tenneri taluk 129. 

Terrill, Lewis : his account of the siege of Gingee 303, 

Terani Sing, father of Desing 369, 417, 419, 420. 


Tikka, the Telugu Chola chief, 42. 

Tillai Muvayiravar of Chidambaram 123N. 

Timaji Keshav 216. 

Timiri, 365N, 410N, 449N, 513N1. 

Timmaji Nayak appointed subhedar of Gingee, 264. 

Timmappayan Durgam 449N. 

Timma Naique 138, 

Tindivafcam, road leading to 6, 31&N2, Vishnu temple 
built by Ramachandra Nayaka of Gingee 
88N, Siva shrine at 88N, 202, 277, 314, 356, 
357, 465, 466, 486N1. 

Tippu Sultan, his capture of Gingee 83N. 
Tipudas, agent of Sadatullah 368N. 
Tirukkajfikkudi 51. 
Tirakkovoiyor^ a Saiva work 123N. 

Tirukoyilur taluk, 34&N, temple built by Tubaki 
Krishnappa Nayaka 85, image of Krish- 
nappa Nayaka 86, taluk 89, sculptures at 
202, 328, 356, 357. 

Tirumala Nayaka of Madura : his accession and in- 
subordination 152&N, 153&N, 157, and 
Kongu 157, and Sriranga III 159, his union 
with the other Nayaks 159, his appeal to 
Golkonda 159, 166, 167, 169, his treachery 
172, his march to Gingee 173, his death 
180, his opposition to Sriranga 181, his 
treachery 181N, his help to Gingee 183, 
186, his suceessor 187, 205, his policy re- 
ferred to 206. 

Tirumala, Bangaru of Madura 452N, his treachery 
452N, 453. 454. 

Tirumalaraya of Vijayanagar 90. 

Tirumalipatam (Tirumalarayanpatnam) 117. 

Tirumangai Alwar, the Vaishnava saint, 123N. 

Tirumullaivasal, Trimlivasal, 272N1. 


Tirunagari, 74N". 

Tirunamanallur 316. 

Tirupapuliyur (Cud'dalore N. T.) castle, 114, 115&N, 116, 

to 119, 357, 370, 374N, 386, people of 387, 

Tirupassur 449N. 

Tirupati, 61, Lower 79N, consecration of Govindaraja by 
Ramanuja 123, virnana gilded by Tatacharya 
128, his other gifts to 129, Sriranga's cap- 
ture of 178, 220, 229, hundi on 446. 

Tirupparankunram epigraph, 66, 78, 150, 188, 
Tiruppattur 336. 
Tiruppulivanam 51. 

Tiruppukkuli Inscription 49, 313N. 

Tiruvadi (Tanjore Dt.) 201N, Zulfikar's camp at 351, 
Tiruvakkarai 589. 

Tiruvagaliswaramudayar temple, 49. 

Tiruvamattur, 197, 356, 457. 

Tiruvannamalai, road leading to 6, 11, 21, 41, 44, 46, 50 
temple prakaras and gopura built by the 
Gingee Nayak 88N, 147, temple built 202, 
207, 252, Kesho Trimbak imprisoned at 263, 
Zulfikar's attempt to capture it 294, 313N, 
gate 335, Mughals at 336, 352, 449N, 481N1, 
496, 206, 526, 530N, 

Tiruvati (S. Arcot Dt.) 27, chief, a feudatory of Gingee 
102, 104, 131N, 198, 317, 352, Muzaffar 
Jang's retreat to 470, 471N, French attack 
on 471N, 473 captured by the French 475, 
battles at 475, 481N1, 517-22. 

Tiruvendipuram 397, Vishnu temple 400, grant of 402. 

Tiruvenkatam Pillai 434. 

Tiruvennainallur 352. 

Tiruvikrama Perumal temple, 202, 


Tiruvottiyur, grant of to the English, 361N, 447N. 

Tittagudi 315. 

Todar Mall, Lala the sheristadar 410N, sent to Gingee 
410F, his report of Desing's behaviour 
410N, his advance towards Gingee 424, 425 r 
426 his unsuccessful mediation 427. 

Tondamandalam 34N, 36, 37, 48, 57, Narasa Nayaka's 
invasion upon 72, 73 governor of 117. 

Tondiarpet 447N. 

Toppur, battle of 135&N, also Tohur 135N, 144, date of 
the battle 145, 149, 166. 

Tranquebar 207. 

Travancore 70N, South 74N, 101, Sriranga Ill's invasion 
on 153, 358N. 

Trenchfield, Richard 325N2, 374. 

Trichinopoly, road leading to 32, district 43, 46, 74N, 
134N, 144, 149, siege of 187, 188, 189, 
Nayak of 260, Zulfikar's march upon 294, 
Nayak of 316 his submission to Zulfikar 
351, Raja of 365N, 440, 452N, 454, Maratha 
siege of 456, Asaf Jah's attempt to recover 
it from the Marathas 460, 461, 466 Muham- 
Ali's retirement to 468, 471&N, 474, 417N1, 
506-8, 516. 

Trikalinga kings 42. 

Trimbak Rao 289. 

Triplicane 349, scare in 361N. 

Tristapitla, son of Anandakon of Gingee 83N. 

Tughlak Muhammad-bin 60. 

Tukoji. Tanjore Raja ; his help to the Marathas, 442&N. 

Tulapur 255. 

Tumbur 481N1. 

Tumkur 166. 

Tundira, conquest of 52. 74, Tanjore's victory over 76. 

Tungabadra, an island in the 258N2. 358N. 


Tuzuk-i-Walajuhi, the, 504. 
Tyagadrug, 522-4, 528. 

Udayagiri ; taken by Mir Jumla 164, Golkonda capture 

of 172, 449N. 

Udayarpalayam 469. 530N1. 
Ulundurpet 207. 

Ushaparinayam, The. a Telugu work 94. 
Uttaramallur 106N, battle referred to 134N, 149, Uttira- 
merur 37. 

Vajendragadh 449N. 

Vaidya, Mr. C. V. referred to 211, 225. 

Vaishnavism, its growth in South India 120, Vaishnava* 


Vaiyappa Nayaka 73, his conquests 73, 78, 81, 82, 85. 
Valentine, referred to 217. 
Valikandapuram 218N, 229, 230N, 233. 
Vallalaraya ruled over Gingee 41, 42, Ballala III 42. 

Vallappa Danda Nayakar 44, called Vallappar and identi- 
fied with Vallalaraya 44, king of Senji and 
son-in-law of Ballala IV, 45. 

ValudavQr 207, 208, Vardavur 274, 294, 356, 357, 373, 
Waldore 374N, rented out 377, 380, 381, 
382&N, 386, plundered 388, 389, 392, 
406, Desing's appeal for help to the ruler of 
410N, killedar joined Desing 426, 449N, 457, 
471N, Nasir Jang's advance towards 474, 
497, 509, 521-2. 

Vander Meer, head of the Dutch factory at Tegnapatam 

Vannandurgam 449N. 

Vanniyars, The 64. 


Varadambikaparinayami The 72. 

Varadamambapuram 313N. 

Varadapya Nayaka of Gingee, 78, 83&N, identified with 
Krishnappa Nayaka 91, 92, 150, 188. 

Varadaraja, author 123N, 

Varadarajaswami temple at Conjeevaram 25N, 128. 

Varahanadi, The, dam across built by the Nayaks, 88N, 
building of the mania pa 88N, 410N, the 
Sankaraparani of the ballad 428. 

Varthema 189, 200N. 

Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese chief 112, mentioned 

Vayyambika, queen of Venkata I, 133. 

Vedanta Desika, the great Vaishnava teacher 61, his 
praise of Gopanarya 62, 79. 

Velimedoupet 486, 487N1. 489N1, Nasir Jang's death at 
500. 506, 512, 513N. 

Veplas. The 63, 64. 

Vellar, The, 100, called Valarius by Du Jarric 100, 146. 

Vellore gate or Arcot gate of Gingee 4, siege of 16N, 

Krishnaraya's army encamped at 73, 74N. 

Gate 96, 98N, the Nayak of 102, 103, 106N, 

Venkata's residence at 107, 119, 126N 

Nayaks: followers ofSaivism 126N, 131N, 

an account of the siege of 131N, became the 

residence of Venkata in 1606. 131N, also 

called Rayavelur 131N, 138, 139, 153N, los 

of 159, lost by Sriranga III 160, recovery of 

160, 161, Arlour identified with 162, 165, 

166, invested 169, 170, 171, fort invested by 

Shahji 171, Sriranga's attempt to recover it 

175, its siege by Shivaji 221, 222, 227, 232, 

237, Rajaram at 257, 258N2, 295N1, 315, 

325N2, Rajaram's escape to 332, Marathas 

at 333, 336, 337&N, 347, 358N, 365&N, 

jaghir granted to Ghulam Ali 438N, 449N, 

killedarof 450. 458&N, 459. 481N, 498N, 502, 



Velugoti family, chiefs of Kalahasti 94, history of, 
134N, brothers of 157, an account of 313&N. 
Vvlugotivarivamsauali The 105. 
Vengalamba, mother of Surappa Nayaka 90, 
Venkata Boriah, Kavali 67N. 
Venkatacharya, the Madura dalavay 452N. 
Venkata I of Vijayanagar. 76, 90, 91, 92, called Ven- 
katapatir in the Jesuit records, 92, 93, his 
imprisoning Krishnappa Nayaka and subse- 
quent release 93, his death in A.D. 1614. 
94, 98N, his gift to the Jesuit 98N, his 
residence 98N, 103, 104, his war with 
Krishnappa Nayaka 104, abandoned his 
march upon Gingee 105, sent a general 
instead 105, fight 106, his early wars with 
the Muhammadans referred to 106N, started 
for Gingee from Vellore 107, his letter to 
Philip III of Spain 109N, and the Portu- 
guese 110, 111, his order for the expulsion 
of the Dutch 110, 111, 112, 120, 121, his 
patronage of Appayya Dikshita 126N, his 
leanings towards Saivism 126N, and Vaishna- 
vism as well 128, the Vilapaka grant 126N, 
his relations with the Jesuits 130, his death 
131, the civil war after his death 131 N, his 
victory over Krishnappa referred to 131N, 
his victory over Lingama Nayaka of Vel- 
lore 131N, his wives 133, his nephews 135N, 
137, 149, 153 and the ruler of Mysore 154, 
his administration 157, 158 and the Jesuits 
191, 203, 204. 
Venkata II. of Vijayanagar 94, brother-in-law of Venka- 

tappa of Kalahasti 94. 

Venkata. brother of the Kalahasti chief and commander 
of Venkata I's forces in Gingee 93, his 
defeat of Krishnappa Nayaka 93, his rule in 
Gingee 94, built a tank 94, belonged to the 
Velugoti family 94, 131N. 


Venkatagiri, chief of 134, 135N, under Yachama Nayak 
148, taluk, 313N, help to the Nawab of the 
Carnatic 410N, 425. 

Venkatakrishna. Dubash 379. 

Venkatakrishna Nayak of Gingee 83&N. 

Venkatammal, a sister of Venkatapati Nayak 203. 

Veakatammalpettai 203. 

Venkatapathi Gautama, sent by the Mughal emperor 
to the south 332, 335, appointed jaghirdar 
of Pennattur 438. 

Venkatapati Nayak. Bala or Vala, 80, persecuted the 
Jains 80, also known as Dubala Krishnappa 
81, identified with Tubaki Krishnappa 82, 
150N, 203. 

Venkatappa Nayak of Gingee, 73, 74, 83, 88N. contem- 
porary of Venkata I 91, identified with 
Krishnappa Nayaka 92. 

Venkatappa Nayaka called Moodu Venkatappa and son 
of Damarla Chenama Nayak, granted 
Madras to the English 95, his victory over 
Lingama Nayaka of Vellore 107. 

Venkataramaswami temple 7, 8, conservation of 19, 
85N, 87, built by Muthialu Nayaka 87, 89, 
201, 410N, 424, 520N. 

Venkataram Nayaka of Gingee 83&N. 

Venkata Rao, killedar of Ami, 410N, 

Venkatesapura, a village granted to Tatacharya 129. 

Venrumankonda Sambuvaraya, 49. 

Venugopalaswami temple, 9. 

Vepery. grant of, 325N2, 458N. 

Vepur Durgam. 449N. 

Verhoven, Admiral Pieter Willemsen, 113. 

Versailles, Records 476N, 479N. 

Very, M. 479N, 513N. 

Vettavalam 33, woods 296, 317, 356, 357. Vettavanam 
poligar of 465. 

Vico, Fr. referred to 65, 190. 


Vijayanagar. its style of architecture in Gingee 6. 10 
rulers of 25, and Kobilingan 34, rulers at 
Gingee 37, conquest of Gingee 41, their at- 
titude towards the agriculturists 64, TON, 
Nayaks under 77, emperor's help in the con- 
secration of Govindaraja at Chidambaram 
79N, 83N, and Vaishnavism 120, and the 
Chidambaram temple 122, empire and the 
civil war 131, its causes 135N, duration 
of the war 137, results of the war 147-8, 
151N, 167, disruption of the empire 172, re- 
sults 181N, 188, empire and its organisation 
188-9, its tributaries 190-1, its palmy days 
193-4, state interference in social matters 
198-204, offer of betel, a custom ; its origin 
199-200, civil war referred to 205, its glory 
and legacy 205. 

Vijayappa Nayaka of Gingee 83 &N. 

Vijayaraghavaswami. God 313N. 

Vijayaraghava Nayaka, general of Krishnadevaraya, 
73, 74. 

Vijayaraghava Nayaka of Tanjore, author 75N, son of 
Raghimatha 76, 144N2, 146. 

Vijayara</hai'a vamsavali. The 75N. 

Vijayaranga Nayak, governor 83N, got Gingee as 
jdtjhir from Krishnappa Nayaka 83N. 

Vijayindra Tirtha, the Madhwa Guru 126N. 

Vikrama Chola, 123N. 

Vikramapura, See Kannanur. 

Vikravandi 517-9. 

Vilapaka grant of Venkata I, 131 N. 

Viiiiyanur (Villenour) 489N1, 509, 522-3. 

Villupuram. 470, 476, 481N, 486, Belpur 490N, 495-7, 
504, 513N, 516, 519, 511. 

Vilukkam 513N. 

Virabhadra Nayaka of Ikkeri, his defeat of Kenga 
Hanuma 155, his complaint to Bijapur, 156. 

Virana, nephew of Ballala IV. 45N. 


Vira Narasimha III. the Hoysala 43, his fighting with 

his brother 43, 44. 
Vira Ramanatha : the Hoysala, 43. 
Vira Saiva Gurus 126N. 
Vira Someswara: the Hoysala 42, his conquest of the 

Chola 42, 43, his death 43&N. 
Vira Vijayarayar 41. 
Virinchipuram 48, identified with Marakatapuri 50 t 

defeat of Sambuvaraya at, 58. 
Virupakshapatta*ia, founded by Ballala III, 46. 
Virupaksha, son of Harihara II, 51, 55, 71, 72. 
Virupaksha II. referred to 130. 
Vishalgad, Raja Ram's escape to, 255, 256. 
Vishnu, Lord 52. 
Viswanatha Hoysala 44. 
Vifctala Raja, governor of Vijayanagar 103. 
Vittala temple at Pandharpur. 130. 
Vivers, Capt. 380. 

Vizagapatam. 272N1, chief of 278, 349, 356. 
Vriddhachalam,f the building of the prakara, gopura etc. 

by the Gingee Nayaks, 88N, 449N, 521. 
Vyasarpadi. 361N". granted to the English 447N. 


Wagingera, seige of 292. 

Wandiwash, Raja of 41, 94, chief of 157, Mughal cap- 
ture of 252, Maratha defeat at 262, Mughal 
camp at 262, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309 to 311, 
313, 314, return of Mughal army to 317, 
320N, 321, 325N2, 328, 330N, 337N, 365N, 
449N, 452, 460, 470, 485-6, 494, 513N, 521, 

Waring, Scott, referred to and quoted 13, 14, 15. 

White Town (Madras), fortifications of 447N. 

Wilks. Col. referred to, 213, 215N, 225, 452N, 530N. 

William III. King of England. 281N1. 

William, Fort. 325N2. 


Wilson, Prof. H. H. 67N. 
Wood, Capt. 521. 
Woodga Naik, 377&N. 
Wynad. 39. 
Wynch, Alexander 503. 

Xavier. St. Francis, 70N. 


Yachama Nayaka. Velugoti chief 105, his capture of 
Gingee 106, an account of him 106N, his 
early wars 106N, and the civil war 131&N, 
his capture of Gingee 131N, leader of the 
loyalists 134, his early victories 134N, alias 
Yachasura 134N, 135N, alias Pedda Yacha- 
ma Nayudu and Yachasurudu 140, Yacha- 
mahipa 140N, his refusal to join Jaggaraya 
140, 141, 142, his victory over Yatiraja 146, 
his later wars with Yatiraja 147N, 148, his 
title 148, his military exploits 149, his 
younger brother 149. 

Yachama Nayaka, alias Raja Bangaru Yachama Naidu 
of the Velugoti family ; and also Yachappa 
Nayaka 258N2, his rebellion 288&N, 289 
298, 307, 313&N, an account of his gifts 
313N, 315, his letter to the Mughal emperor 
317, was put to death by Zulfikar Khan 317, 
319, 320&N, 410N, his son, 428N. 

Yachama Nayaka. Bangaru Kumara: also Sarvagna 
Kumara Yachendra, son of Yachama, 318, 
installed as mansabdar 352, his help to 
Zulfikar Khan 425, 428N. 

Yadavas of Devagiri. the 199. 

Yagnanarayana Dikshita, son of Govinda Dikshita, 
75N, 77. 

Yakub Khan, 498. 


Yale, Mr. Elihu. his mission to Gingee 208, 209, 241, 
got privilege at Cuddalore 241, Governor of 
Madras 270, 272&N1, sent to Gingee 275, 
281N1, his help requested by the Marathas 
287, 325N2, 374.' 

Yale. Mr. Thomas. 270, 279, 280, 281&N1. 

Yatiraja, brother of Jaggaraya. 106N, his part in the 
civil war 146, his defeat 147&N. 

Yembollum. damage done to 374N. 

Yesubai. Sambhaji's widow, 253, her administration 
253-4&N, captured by the Mughals, 255, 264 

Zamorin of Calicut, his alliance with the Dutch 108. 

Zinatunnisa Princess Begum Sahiba, second daughter of 
Aurangzib: her friendly attitude to Sham- 
bhaji's widow and son 255, her attachment 
towards Sivaji, 256. 

Zulfikar Khan Nusrat Jang, Nawab and commander in 
chief of the Mughal forces : his siege of 
Gingee 16N, 23, 272N1, his far man to the 
English 285, despatch to the Carnatic 286, 
286, his terms to the English 286, 287, also 
Dhul Faqar Khan 288, at Gingee 288, 
attacked by the Marathas 288N, 289, his 
advance upon Gingee 289, 291, his march 
towards the South and return after plunder 
294, his advice to Raja Ram to surrender 
the fort 295&NI, his siege of Gingee 296, 
297, failure and further plans 298, his watch 
over Kambaksh -301-2, 303, 304&N, 305, 
accused of treachery 312, his retreat to 
Wandiwash 313&N, 314, 315, his arrival at 
Tanjore 316; his renewed attack on Gingee 
317, his collusion with the Marathas 317, his 
charge against Yachama Nayaka 317, 319, 
his prolonged siege 321, his victory at Ami 


328, his financial difficulties 328, 329&N, 
his renewed attack 330&N, got the title of 
Nasrat Jang 330N, his prolonged siege-show 
331, his collusion with the Marathas 332, 333 ; 
entered Gingee 334, his kind treatment of the 
Maratha royal family 334, title Amir-ul- 
umara, 335, 336, ocoupied Gingee 337, called 
Gingee Nasratgadh 338, 339, 340, an account 
of his capture of Gingee 341, and cruelties 
341-2, 344, 346, 347, 348, his letter to the 
English 348, restoration of order in Gingee 
and its neighbourhood 351, 352, 353, gave 
Sarup singh the kiUedari of Gingee 355, 
made over the administration and returned 
to Aurangzib 356, 357, appointed subhedar 
360&N, his conquest of Gingee referred to 
374, grant of cowle to the English 374, 379, 
394, 399, his earlier grant to the English 
referred to 402, 425, 428N. 


(Appropriate notes have been supplied in the course of the book 
on many of the sources of information). 


Arch&oloytcal, Epigraphlc and Record sources. 

Archaeological Survey of India Reports, 1908-9 and 

A Topographical List of the Inscriptions of the Madras 
Presidency (collected till 1915), by V. Ran- 
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Epigraphia Carnatica, Vols. Ill (1894), V (1902) and X 

Epigraphia Indica, Vol. Ill (1894-95). 

Lists of the Antiquarian Remains in the Presidency of 
Madras, compiled by R. Sewell, Vol. I (1882), 

A. T. Pringle Diary and Consultation Books of Fort 
St. George 1681-1685 Madras 1893-5. 

Selections from the Records of the South Arcot District 
Cuddalore 1870. 

Fort Si. George Records. 

Fort St. David Consultations. 
Letters from Fort St. David. 
Letters from Fort St. George. 
Letters to Fort St. David. 
Letters to Fort St. George. 
Military Country Correspondence. 
Public Country Correspondence. 
Public Consultations. 

Memo? res of Francois Martin, Vols. I-III, Ed. by A. 
Martineau, 1934. 



Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai, 1736-61, Vols. I 
XII, Madras. (Translated in English by 
Price and Dodwell) 1904-28. 

The Madras Despatches, 1744-55. H. H. Dodwell (1920). 
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The Calendar of Madras Records, 1740-44. H. H. Dod- 
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European Manuscripts in the India Office Library, 
Vol. II, Part II Minor Collections and 
Miscellaneous. Kaye and Johnston. Sec- 
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India Office Records Home Miscellaneous Series, by 
S. C. Hill, (1927). 

A Calendar of the Court Minutes, etc. of the East India 
Company. (Edited by E. B. Sainsbury) 

The English Factories in India from 1618 (A Calendar 
of Documents in the India Office and the 
British Museum) edited by W. Foster and 
others 190627. 

Dutch Records Dagh Register (Batavia Diary) 1640 

La Mission du Madure. 


Indigenous Sources, Literary and Historical 

Bahulasvacharitram of Kalahasti Damarla Vengala 

Catalogue Raisonnee of Oriental Mss : 3 volumes, by 

Rev. W. Taylor, 1857. 
Chatupadya Ratnakaram. 

Jaimini Bharatamu of Pillalamarri Pinavirabhadra. 
The Jedhe Chronology. 
Karnataka Rajakkal Savistaracharitram. (Mack Mss.) 


Koyilolugu (Ms. in the Mackenzie Collection). 
Kulottunga Cholan Ula, (1925). 

Ma'&thir-al-Umara of Shahnawaz Khan (Biblio* Indica). 
Madhuravijayam or Vira Kamparaya Charitram by 

Gangadevi, ed. and Harihara Sastri, by 

Srinivasa Sastri Trivandrum, 1916. 
Basatin-al-Salatin (of Al Zubairi?) 
Narayana Vilasam of Prince Virupaksha. 
Historical Sketch of the Kingdom of Pandya by H. H. 

Wilson, 1838. 

Periya Tirumozhi, of Tirumangai Alwar, (1930). 
Prapannamrtam of Anantarya. 
vRaghunathabhyudayam of Ramabhadramba t ed. by Dr. 

T. R. Chintamani, University of Madras, 


Raghunathabhyudaya Natakam of Vijayaraghava Na- 

Rairi Bakhar. 

Rahat Afzah of Mir Najaf Ali Khan. 

Ramabhyudayam of Saluva Narasimha. 

Ramanujarya Divya Charitai of Pillai Lokam Jiyar, 

Ramarajiyamu of Venkayya. 

Sa'id Namah of Jaswant Ray. 

Sabhasad Bakhar (1694). 

Sahitya Ratnakara, of Yagnanarayana Dikshita, ed. by 

Dr. T. R. Chintamani, 1932. 
Sangita Sudha of Govinda Dikshita. 
Sivabharat of Paramananda. 
Sivatattva Ratnakara of Keladi Basava 

Sources of Vijayanagar History (Madras University 
Historical Series I). Ed. by Dr. S. K. 
Aiyangar, 1919. 


Seydak-kadi Nondi Natakam -ed. by Dr. 8. M. Husayn 

Nainar (1939). 
\ Sukraniti (text) 1890. 
Takkayagapparani of Ottakuttan (Ed. by Mm. V. Swami- 

natha Aiyar, 1930). 

Tanjavuri Andhra Rajula Charitramu. 
Tirukkovaiyar of Manikkavasagar. 
Tuzak-i-Walajahi of Burhanu'd-din English tr. by Dr. 

S. Md. Husayn Nainar, Parts I & II, 1934- 


Ushaparinayam of Anka Bhupala. 
Vaishnava Guruparampara. 
Varadambika Parinayam of Tirumalamba. 
Vasudevachari'tram (Bhagavata) of Varadaraja. 
A Velugotivarivamsavali, ed. with introduction by Dr. N. 

V. Ramanayya, University of Madras. 
Vijayaraghava Vamsavali of Chengalvala Kalakavi. 

Historical and oilier works including Travellers' Accounts 
and Selections of Original Material. 

^ Anandaranga Pillai, The "Pepys" of French India by 
C. S. Srinivasachari, 1940. 

Aravidu Dynasty of Vijayanagara by the Rev. Fr. 

H. Heras, 1927. 
;\Bussy in the Deccan (Being extracts from 'Bussyand 

French India * by A. Martineau.) by A. 

x The Colas, by K. A. Nilakanta Sastri, Vol. II, 1937. 

Chronological Tables for Southern India from the Sixth 
Century by R. Sewell, 1887. 

Description of Hindustan and the Adjacent Countries, 
by W. Hamilton, Vol. II : 1820. 

An Indian Ephemeris A.D. 700 to 1779 by L. D. Swami- 

kannu Filial (1922) Vol. VI. 

An Ephemeris (showing the corresponding dates accor- 
ding to the English, Hindu and Musalman 
Calendars) from A.D, 1751 until 1850 by 
C. P. Brown, 1850. 
Comparative Tables of Muhammadan and Christian 

Dates by Wolseley Haig (1932). 

Fifth Report from the Select Committee on the Affairs 
of the East India Company, Madras Presi- 
dency (London 1812), Madras, 1863. 
.\History of the Deccan by Ferishta, by Jonathan Scott, 

Vol. II, 1794 
^History of India as told by its own Historians, by Elliot 

and Dowson, Vol. VII. 1877. 
A Family History of the Venkatagiri Rajas, by A. 

Jagannadha Sastri. 

\ History of Aurangzib, Vols. I-V by J. N. Sarkar, 1912-24. 
History of the Carnatic and Kurnool of Burhanu'd-din. 
\^A History of Madras by C. S. Srinivasachari, 1939. 
A History of the Mahrattas by E. Scott Waring (1810). 
Historical Fragments of the Moghul Empire, of the 
Morattoes and the English Concerns in 
Indostan by Robert Orme (1805). 

^History of the Military Transactions of the British 
Nation in Indostan, by R. Orme (4th ed. 

^Historical Sketches of South India in an attempt to 
trace the History of Mysoor etc., by M. 
Wilks, Vol. II (1869). 

The Jesuits and the Great Moghul, E. Maclagan (1932). 
The Jesuits in Malabar by D. Ferroli, Vol. I (1939). 
Karnataka Kavi Charite, by Rao Bahadur R. A. Nara- 

simhacharya, Vol. II, 1924. 

><The Dr. S. Krishnaswami Aiyangar Commemoration 
Volume (1936). 


Life of Lord Olive by Sir George Forrest, 2 Vols. (1918). 
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The Madras Census Report, 1891. 

Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency in 
illustration of the Records of Government 
and the Yearly Administration Reports, in 
3 volumes, Vol. Ill, Glossary, (1893). 

Madras in the Olden Time by Talboys Wheeler, 3 
volumes, (1882). 

Monumental Remains of the Dutch East India Company 
in the Presidency of Madras by A. Rea 
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Vol. II, Parts I-IV, (1930). 
A Narrative of the Military Operations on the Coro- 

mandel Coast by Major I. Munro, (1789). 
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> Rise of the Peshwas, by H. N. Sinha Vol. I, (1931). 

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(3) Some Account of Akana and Madana 
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Translated and selected by H. A. R. Gibb 
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with introduction and notes by C. H. Payne. 
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The Madras Journal of Literature and Science. 






47 N 3 

B. N. Saletore 

B. A. Saletore 

63 N 5 



75 N 12-13 


an illuminating 

92 12 



104 9 



150 16 




150 17 



168 25 



190 22 


were plundered 

201 N 1 




205 3-4 


resources as 



245 12 



246 8 



247 2 



250 26 



253 21 



259 N 29 



276 11 

One of the main 

"One of the 


. main reasons. 

286 Chapter 




288 N3 




















sufficient troop 





Singhor army 

besieging army 

321 N 


consequent an 

consequent on 





to the top of 

at the top of 







picture of the 

picture of him 



from from 




as a man 

a man 



Mack. Mass 

Mack. Mss. 

429 Nl 


S. J. Epigraph- 

S. I. Epigraph- 

ist's Report. 

ist's Report. 

435 N 
















483 N 


fo be much 

to be much 



in the middle 

in the middle of 

487 Nl 






of fhe town 

of the town 



essay on Olive : 

essay on Olive 

" the column 

and adds that 

" the column 



of them as fol- 

of them is as 

lows : 

follows : 










Nasir Jung 

513 Nl 









of Valudavur 



an convoy 









was not be 




On the every 




530 N 





Nasir Jang 


a convoy 


was not to be 

On the very 




* .$