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0. a
H History
of tbe
<5osbenboppen IReformeb Charge
noontaomen? County, penne^lvania
(1727*1819)
Part XXIX of a Narrative and Critical History
prepared at the request of
The Pennsylvania-German Society
By REV. WILLIAM JOHN HINKE, Ph.D., D.D.
Professor of Semitic Languages and Religions in Auburn Theological Seminary,
Auburn, New York
LANCASTER
1920
>
Copyright, 1920
BY
William J. Hinke
Autograph Edition, 230 copies
No..
'±0
PRESS OF
THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER, PA.
PREFACE.
Reformed Church History in this country has long been
a subject of study. It is interesting to note that the first
printed history of the Reformed Church in the United
States was published not in America but in Germany. In
the year 1846, the Rev. Dr. J. G. Buettner, the first pro-
fessor of the first Theological Seminary in the State of
Ohio, published " Die Hochdeutsche Reformirte Kirche in
den Vereinigten Staaten von Nord-Amerika," in Schleiz,
Germany. But even before that time, the Rev. Dr. Lewis
Mayer, the first professor of the Reformed Theological
Seminary at York, Pa., had been busy gathering materials
for the history of the Reformed Church. Unfortunately
he died at York, in 1849, before he had fully utilized the
documents he had so carefully collected and copied. Only
a brief sketch from his pen appeared in I. Daniel Rupp's
" History of the Religious Denominations in the United
States," Philadelphia, 1844. A few years afterwards the
Rev. Dr. John W. Nevin included a sketch of the German
Reformed Church in America in his " History and Genius
of the Heidelberg Catechism," Chambersburg, 1847. ^ n
it he lamented that the Journal of Michael Schlatter was
"the only record we have on the general state of the
American German Reformed Church in the middle of the
last century."
In 1849, the Rev. Dr. Philip Schaff published in his
" Kirchenfreund," Vol. II, a series of three articles on the
" History of the German Church in America," in which he
traced the origin and growth of the Reformed and Lu-
theran churches through three successive periods.
vi Preface.
But the man who may well be called the father of Re-
formed history in America was the Rev. Dr. Henry Har-
baugh. He not only secured the manuscripts and docu-
ments of Dr. Mayer for the use of the church and added
to them many others which he collected himself, but upon
the basis of these documents he wrote two splendid vol-
umes, which told the story of Reformed history in
America with such real enthusiasm and beauty of style,
that they have always remained sources of inspiration for
later students. They were: "Schlatter's Life and Trav-
els," Philadelphia, 1857, and "The Fathers of the Re-
formed Church," Vol. I, Philadelphia, 1857. In 1872,
Dr. Harbaugh added a second volume to the " Fathers "
of the church. In these volumes the lives and labors of
the most important German Reformed ministers in Amer-
ica were set forth.
It remained for a former president of the Pennsylvania
German Society, the late Rev. Dr. Joseph H. Dubbs, to
write the first connected history in his " Historic Manual
of the Reformed Church in the United States," Lancaster,
1885. Later he corrected and completed the story in his
contribution to the "American Church History Series,"
Vol. VIII, New York, 1895, and especially in his beauti-
fully illustrated and well-written work "The Reformed
Church in Pennsylvania," published by our Society in 1902
as part IX of its "Narrative and Critical History."
A new era was ushered in, however, in 1 895-1 898,
when the rich treasures of manuscripts and documents,
stored in the archives of the Reformed Church of Holland,
were discovered and made accessible to American students.
It was in this connection that the writer first became inter-
ested in Reformed Church history. In the summer of
1897, his friend and colleague, the Rev. Dr. James I.
Preface. vii
Good, asked him to go to Holland, in order to copy and
photograph the records which had been found. He car-
ried out this commission in the summers of 1897 and 1898,
with the result that, on the basis of the newly found docu-
ments, the history of the Reformed Church in the United
States could be entirely rewritten. This was done by Dr.
Good in his important book " History of the Reformed
Church in the United States, 1725-1792," Reading, 1899.
The writer himself had the privilege of translating and
editing two volumes of documents, in 1903 the " Minutes
and Letters of the Coetus of Pennsylvania," and in 19 16
the "Life and Letters of the Rev. John Philip Boehm."
They have placed German Reformed Church History in
America upon a safe foundation.
But there are other sources of Reformed history which
ought to be made accessible to students. By no means the
least important of them are the church records of the
oldest Reformed congregations. This volume may be re-
garded as a contribution to that subject. These church
records have long been an object of serious study by the
writer. Even before the year 1900 he had copied the first
volume of the Goshenhoppen records. It was published
in 1900 in Mr. Dotterer's " Perkiomen Region," volume
III, and later, with notes, in the American Monthly Maga-
zine of the Society of the Daughters of the American
Revolution, Vol. XLII, 19 13. It is now republished,
with some corrections, together with the other volumes of
church records, which, when combined and correctly inter-
preted, tell the story of the Goshenhoppen Charge. It is
such a complicated story, that the records by themselves
were insufficient to unravel the various difficulties and per-
plexities. They became intelligible only when studied in
the light of all the evidence which had become available in
viii Preface.
Europe and America. In the history of the Goshenhop-
pen churches the writer has made use of all the documents
which have come to light, with the result that he has been
able to piece together a fairly complete and well-authenti-
cated history. The manuscript was prepared in 19 14,
hence many letters of Boehm are quoted more at length
than they would have been if written after the appearance
of Boehm's letters in 19 16.
There only remains for the writer the pleasant duty to
express his deep obligation to the pastors of the churches
whose records are published in this volume. They placed
most readily and gladly all their records and other his-
torical documents at his disposal. They answered letters
and sent photographs, most of which could unfortunately
not be utilized, because of the high cost of engraving at
the present time. The completeness of the book owes
much to their kind cooperation. The writer is under spe-
cial obligation to his dear friend, the Rev. John B. Stoudt,
who first encouraged him to undertake the writing of this
history, and then gave his most loyal assistance in every
difficulty that arose. To him the book is most fittingly
dedicated as a token of the author's indebtedness and
appreciation.
William J. Hinke.
Auburn,
October 15, 1919.
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Introduction 5-18
The Goshenhoppen Region — Its Extent — Its First Appearance —
Forms of the Name — Old and New Goshenhoppen — First Immi-
gration in 1710 — The Rev. Paulus Van Vlecq — The Reformed
Church at Whitemarsh — Its First Members — First Reformed Set-
tlers in Perkiomen Valley — Immigration about 1720 — The Rev.
John Philip Boehm — His First Churches — Earliest Reformed Set-
tlers in Goshenhoppen — Indian Legend.
CHAPTER I.
Ministry of the Rev. George Michael Weiss, 1727-
1730 19-70
First Service of Weiss at Goshenhoppen — Peter Miller's Refer-
ence to Weiss — Weiss at Heidelberg University — The Weiss
Family at Eppingen — Arrival of the Ship William and Sarah —
Captain's List of Passengers — Signers of Oath of Allegiance —
Weiss the Leader of the Colony — Certificate of Weiss's Ordina-
tion — John Philip Boehm in the Perkiomen Valley — Opposition of
Weiss to Boehm — Mr. Andrews on Weiss — Ordination of Boehm —
Weiss at Goshenhoppen — Book against Newborn — Book on Indians
— Condition of Reformed people at Philadelphia — Weiss adver-
tising for Pupils — Collecting Tour of Weiss and Reiff to Holland
— Its Origin — Its Object — Reiff's Account of Tour — Power of
Attorney given to Reiff — Letter of Skippack Church — Weiss and
Reiff in Holland — Expenses of Tour — The First Printed Report on
Reformed Church of Pennsylvania — Departure of Weiss from
Philadelphia.
CHAPTER II.
Ministry of the Rev. John Peter Miller, 1 730-1 734. 71-95
His Matriculation in Heidelberg University — His Life in Ger-
many — His Father — His Arrival in Pennsylvania — His Meeting
with Boehm — His Activity at Skippack and Philadelphia — His
ix
x Table of Contents.
Ordination by the Presbyterians — His Pastorate at Goshenhoppen
— In the Conestoga Valley — Letter of Conrad Tempelman — Pastor
at Muddy Creek, Reyer's, Zeltenreich and Cocalico— His Activity
at Tulpehocken — The Three Reformed Churches in the Goshen-
hoppen Region — His Conversion in May, 1735 — Provost Acrelius
regarding Miller — Miller and Conrad Weiser — Miller's Own Ac-
count of his Conversion — Boehm's Account of Goshenhoppen in
1734 — Miller's Death and Tombstone.
CHAPTER III.
Ministry of John Henry Goetschy, i 735-1 740 96-130
Arrival in Philadelphia — Rev. Maurice Goetschy — Departure
of Colony from Zurich — Journey down the Rhine — Their Expe-
riences in Holland — Emigrants in Goetschy's Colony — Letter of
John Henry Goetschy — Application to Presbyterians for Ordina-
tion — Activity at Old Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp — Boehm
regarding New Goshenhoppen — Boehm regarding Goetschy —
Goetschy's Missionary Activity — Goetschy Circulating Letter of
Wilhelmius — The Goshenhoppen Churches Subscribing for Pas-
tor's Salary — Ordination of Goetschy by Dorsius in 1741 —
Goetschy's Activity in Dutch Reformed Church — His Death in
1774-
CHAPTER IV.
Ministry of the Rev. Peter Henry Dorsius, 1741-
1744 131-148
The Dutch Reformed in Bucks County seeking Pastor in 173c
Wilhelmius Secures Dorsius — His Studies in Holland — His Family
at Moers — His Journey to America — Boehm and Dorsius — His
Activity at Goshenhoppen — His Journey to Holland and Return to
Pennsylvania — Boehm's Account of Goshenhoppen in 1744 — Decla-
ration of Trust by Elders — Return of Dorsius to Holland.
CHAPTER V.
Ministry of Frederick Casimir Mueller, 1 745-1 748. 149-157
Schlatter regarding Mueller at Goshenhoppen — Arrival of Mueller
in Pennsylvania — Schlatter and Weiss at Goshenhoppen — Letter of
Mueller to Schlatter — Departure of Mueller from Goshenhoppen —
His Ministry at Berne — At Longswamp — At Muddy Creek — At
Coventry — At Hain's Church — At Lebanon and Swatara — Muel-
ler's Doubles.
Table of Contents. xi
CHAPTER VI.
Ministry of the Rev. George Michael Weiss, 1746-
1761 158-192
Weiss in New York State — His Return to Pennsylvania — Weiss
in the Coetus — Schlatter regarding Weiss — Letter of Weiss to
Schlatter — Debt on Old Goshenhoppen Church Paid — Events of
the Year 1750 at Goshenhoppen — Church Farm at New Goshen-
hoppen — Weiss Welcoming Schlatter and Six New Ministers —
Schlatter Bibles Distributed — Division in Coetus — Donations from
Holland — Congregational Activity — Subscriptions for Church Land
at Great Swamp — Disposal of Mr. Weiss's Property — Inventory
and Account of His Estate — Will of Mrs. Anna Weiss — Letters of
David Schultze.
CHAPTER VII.
The Period of Supplies, 1762-1766 193-214
Otterbein Called but Declines — (1) Ministry of John Philip
Leydich — His Pastorates — His Activity in the Coetus — His Home
— His Death — (2) Ministry of Philip Jacob Michael — His Arrival
in Pennsylvania — His Pastorates — His Appearance Before Coetus
— Chaplain in the War of the Revolution — His Activity After the
War — His Will — (3) Ministry of Jacob Riess — His Arrival in
Philadelphia — His Pastorates — His Activity at Goshenhoppen —
His Death — (4) Ministry of John Rudolph Kittweiler — His Arri-
val — His Pastorates — His Activity and Death at Great Swamp —
Patent for Great Swamp Church Land.
CHAPTER VIII.
Ministry of the Rev. John Theobald Faber, Sr., 1766-
1779 215-223
His Birth and Training in Germany — His Certificate from
Palatinate Consistory — Letter of Alsentz to Faber — His Marriage —
His Activity in the Goshenhoppen Churches — Called by Lancaster
Church — Faber Preaching at Tohickon — Progress of the Goshen-
hoppen Churches under his Ministry — Call to Lancaster Church.
xii Table of Contents.
CHAPTER IX.
Ministry of the Rev. John William Ingold, 1780-
1781 224-229
His Life in Germany — His Arrival in America — His Checkered
Career — His Activity at Old Goshenhoppen — Supplies at Great
Swamp and New Goshenhoppen — His Pastorate at Reading — At
Indianfield and Tohickon — Death of His Wife — Leaves Ministry.
CHAPTER X.
Ministry of the Rev. Frederick Delliker, 1 782-1 784,
230-234
The Delliker Family at Zurich — His Parents — His Ministry in
Europe — Arrival in Pennsylvania — Pastorate in New Jersey — His
Pastoral Activity at Goshenhoppen — At Falkner Swamp.
CHAPTER XI.
Ministry of the Rev. Frederick William Van Der
Sloot, Sr., 1 784-1 786 235-237
His Life in Europe — His Ministerial Descent — Arrival in Penn-
sylvania — Activity at Goshenhoppen — Ministry in Northampton
County.
CHAPTER XII.
Second Ministry of the Rev. John Theobald Faber,
Sr., 1 786-1 788 238-240
Pastorate at Indianfield and Tohickon — His Return to Goshen-
hoppen — His Pastoral Activity — His Sudden Death.
CHAPTER XIII.
Ministry of the Rev. Nicholas Pomp, 1 789-1 792. . 241-248
Call of Rev. N. Pomp — Letter of Pomp to Goshenhoppen
Churches — Autobiography of Pomp — Pastorate at Goshenhoppen — ■
At Indianfield and Tohickon — At Falkner Swamp — His Book
against Universalism.
Table of Contents. xiii
CHAPTER XIV.
Ministry of the Rev. John Theobald Faber, Jr., 1791-
1807 249-255
His Youth and Training — Licensure and Ordination — Letter of
Delliker to Faber — Pastoral Activity at Goshenhoppen — School-
masters at Old Goshenhoppen — Activity at Great Swamp — Letter
of Senn to Faber — Call to New Holland.
CHAPTER XV.
Ministry of the Rev. Albert Helffenstein, 1808-
181 1 256-258
His Birth and Training — Examination and Ordination — Pas-
toral Activity at Goshenhoppen — Later Pastorates — His Death.
CHAPTER XVI.
Ministry of the Rev. Frederick William Van Der
Sloot, Jr., 1812-1818 259-266
His Life in Germany — Arrival in Pennsylvania — Licensure and
Ordination — Pastorate in Northampton County — His Marriage —
At Germantown — At Goshenhoppen — His Appearance — Pastorate
in Philadelphia— In Virginia— In York and Adams Counties— His
Death.
CHAPTER XVII.
Division of Charge and Second Pastorate of the Rev.
John Theobald Faber, Jr., 1819-1833 267-271
Call of Goshenhoppen to Faber — Old Goshenhoppen Separates
from Charge— Rev. Jacob William Dechant at Old Goshenhop-
pen— Upper Milford Added to Charge of Faber— Faber's Sudden
Death.
xiv Table of Contents.
SECOND PART. GOSHENHOPPEN CHURCH
RECORDS.
New Goshenhoppen Records 272-385
A. Volume I, 1731-1761 272-311
Lists of Members 272
1. Baptisms by John Peter Miller 277
2. Baptisms by John Henry Goetschy 281
3. Baptisms by Peter Henry Dorsius 284
4. Baptisms by Frederick Casimir Mueller 286
5. Baptisms by George Michael Weiss 288
6. Marriages by George Michael Weiss 301
7. Catechumens of George Michael Weiss 307
8. Miscellaneous Entries by John Henry Goetschy 311
B- Volume II, 1 762-1 832 312-384
I. Baptismal Records 312-353
1. Baptisms by Jacob Riess 312
2. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr. . . 314
3. Baptisms by Supplies 329
4. Baptisms by Frederick Delliker 330
5. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der
Sloot, Sr 334
6. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr. . . 335
7. Baptisms by Nicholas Pomp 340
8. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Jr. . . 341
9. Baptisms by Albert Helffenstein 345
10. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der
Sloot, Jr 347
11. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Jr.. . 348
12. Baptisms by Later Hands 352
II. Burial Records 353-362
1. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Sr. ... 353
2. Burials by Frederick Delliker 359
3. Burials by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot,
Sr 359
Table of Contents. xv
4. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Sr. ... 360
5. Burials by Nicholas Pomp 361
6. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Jr. ... 361
III. Marriage Records 362-369
1. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Sr. . 362
2. Marriages by Frederick Delliker 366
3. Marriages by Frederick Wm. Van der
Sloot, Sr 367
4. Marriages of John Theobald Faber, Sr. . 367
5. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Jr.. 368
6. Marriages by Albert Helffenstein 369
IV. Catechumens, 1 767-1808 370
V. Communicants, 1 809-18 15 379
Old Goshenhoppen Record, 1 764-1833 386-436
I. Baptismal Records 386-417
1. Baptisms by Jacob Riess 385
2. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr- 386
3. Baptisms by John William Ingold 399
4. Baptisms by Frederick Delliker 400
5. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot, Sr. 402
6. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr 402
7. Baptisms by Nicholas Pomp 405
8. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Jr 408
9. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot, Jr. 409
10. Baptisms by Jacob W. Dechant 410
II. Burial Records 418-423
1. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Sr 418
2. Burials by Frederick Delliker 422
3. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Sr 422
4. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Jr 423
III. Marriage Records 424-428
1. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Sr 424
2. Marriages by Frederick Delliker 427
3. Marriages by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot,
Sr 427
4. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Sr 428
2
xvi Table of Contents.
IV. Catechumens, 1 767-1 794 428
V- Communicants, 1813-1815 434
Great Swamp Record, 1 736-1 833 437-479
I. Baptismal Records 437-464
1. Baptisms by John Henry Goetschy 439
2. Baptisms by George Michael Weiss 439
3. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr 442
4. Baptisms by Frederick Delliker 450
5. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot, Sr. 452
6. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Sr 453
7. Baptisms by Nicholas Pomp 456
8. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Jr 457
9. Baptisms by Albert Helffenstein 458
10. Baptisms by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot, Jr. 460
11. Baptisms by John Theobald Faber, Jr 461
II. Burial Records 464-469
1. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Sr. ....... 464
2. Burials by Frederick Delliker 467
3. Burials by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot, Sr. . 467
4. Burials by Nicholas Pomp 468
5. Burials by John Theobald Faber, Jr 468
III. Marriage Records 469-472
1. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Sr 469
2. Marriages by Frederick Delliker 471
3. Marriages by Frederick Wm. Van der Sloot,
Sr 471
4- Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Sr 471
5. Marriages by John Theobald Faber, Jr 472
IV. Catechumens, 1 767-1 795 472
V. Communicants, 1814-1818 477
Index 480
Table of Contents. xvii
ILLUSTRATIONS.
Autographs.
Page
John Philip Boehm 4°
George Michael Weiss 45
John Philip Boehm 5 1
John Bartholomew Rieger 7$
Peter Miller 92
John Henry Goetschius n8
John Conrad Wuertz 120
Michael Schlatter 161
John Philip Leydich 195
Title Pages.
Book of Weiss against Newborn 42
Circular Letter of Reformed Ministers 167
Pomp's Book against Universalists 248
List of Plates.
Facing Page
Frontispiece. Pennsylvania Documents in Archives at The
Hague, Holland
Title Page of New Goshenhoppen Record, 1736 118
Old Goshenhoppen Church, built 1744 142
Cornerstone of Old Goshenhoppen Church, 1744 144
House of William Dewees, Whitemarsh 144
The Rev. Michael Schlatter 150
New Goshenhoppen Church, 1 770-1857 220
Organ of New Goshenhoppen Church 222
The Rev. Clement Z. Weiser 270
^JS S Bffl y'IH ' region commonly known as Goshenhoppen
/ -d extends along the Perkiomen Creek, in the
ffl upper end of Montgomery County, Pa., and
^L^J/ covers also small strips of land in the adjacent
^^^ counties of Berks, Lehigh and Bucks. Ac-
cording to Dr. C. Z. Weiser 1 it is a tract
"perhaps ten miles long and five miles wide" which ex-
tends " from Treichlersville [Lehigh County] to Sumney-
town [Montgomery County], north and south and from
the Bucks County line to the Perkiomen, east and west.
It is a region rather than a township."
The name first appears in the public records of the prov-
ince in the year 1728, 2 when on May 17, 1728, the inhabi-
tants of Colebrookedale addressed a petition to the gover-
nor, asking for relief against the Indians. They report
that " we have Suffered and is like to sufer By the Ingians,
they have fell upon ye Back Inhabitors about falkners
1 See C. Z. Weiser's Monograph of the Neiv Goshenhoppen and Great
Swamp Charge, 1731-1881, Reading, 1882, p. 5; also his statement in
Dotterer's Perkiomen Region, Vol. I, p. 64.
2 See Pennsylvania Archives, First Series, Vol. I, p. 213 f.
6 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Swamp, & near Coshahopin. Therefore, we the humble
Petitioners, With our poor Wives & Children Do humbly
Beg of your Excellency To Take It into Consideration
and Relieve us the Petitioners hereof, Whos Lives Lies
at Stake With us and our poor Wives & Children that is
more to us than Life. Therefore, We the humble Peti-
tioners hereof, Do Desire An Answer from your Excel-
lency By ye Bearer with Speed, so no more at present from
your poor afflicted People Whose names are here Sub-
scribed."
Among the 48 signers to this petition are several, like
Christian Neuschwanger, John Mayer, Christopher
Schmidt and Peter Bohn, who appear also as members of
the Reformed church at Skippack. 3
The name of the district was variously spelled. In the
Journal kept in the Land Office of the Proprietaries 4 it
appears as Cowessahopin, Cowessehoppen, Cowissehop-
pin, and other similar forms. Mr. Boehm uses 5 Goschen-
hoppen, Goschoppen and even Goschenhakken. Dr. Weiser
quotes 6 in addition: Quesohopen, Cosshehoppa, Coshen-
hoppe, Coshahopin, Cowissahopen, and Coschehoppe.
As the second part of the name appears in the names of
two Indian chiefs, Enschockhoppa and Shakahoppa, Dr.
Weiser concludes that the name is of Indian origin. 7
The Goshenhoppen region included from early times
3 See Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 122; Vol.
VII, pp. 48. 60.
4 See Perkiomen Region, Vol. I, pp. 105, 118, 119, 140, 141, 151, etc.
5 See Journal of the P. H. S., Vol. VII, pp. 56, 122, 124.
6 Weiser, Monograph, p. 5. t
7 In the Perkiomen Region, Vol. Ill, p. 145, Mr. Dotterer raises the ques-
tion whether " Goshenhoppen " might not be a German name, by calling
attention to the German place name " Goshenhof." But the Dutch form of
" Hof," namely " hoeve," shows that the final " f " in High German be-
comes " v " or " w " in Low German, but not a single or double " p."
The Goshenhoppen Region 7
two sections, one nearer Philadelphia, known as Old Gosh-
enhoppen, comprising part of Upper Salford township,
the other farther north, in Upper Hanover township,
known as New Goshenhoppen. Which one of these dis-
tricts was settled first has not as yet been determined, so
much is certain that, as we shall show later, ecclesiastically
New Goshenhoppen was the first, for the first traces of a
Reformed church organization appear in the New Gosh-
enhoppen section.
As the Goshenhoppen region is a part of the Perkiomen
valley and the latter a part of Montgomery County, we
shall preface the history of the Goshenhoppen churches
with a brief survey of the general field.
In the Journal of the Land Office of the Proprietaries, 8
the Perkiomen valley, called Perqueaming, appears as
early as 17 17. On March 15, 17 18, " Peter Wents" of
Skippack paid quitrent for 100 acres for a period of ten
years and for 50 acres for a period of 14 years. Hence
he must have settled at Skippack as early as 1704. This
makes him one of the earliest settlers of the Perkiomen
valley. In 1730 his name appears 9 as a member of the
Reformed Skippack Church. His son Peter Wentz was
one of the founders of Wentz's Church in Worcester
Township in 1762. 10
But the full tide of German immigration into the Per-
kiomen valley did not begin till the second decade of the
eighteenth century. In July, 1728, the elders of the Re-
formed congregations of Falkner Swamp, Skippack and
Whitemarsh wrote to the Classis of Amsterdam: 11
8 Perkiomen Region, Vol. I, p. 28.
9 See an article by the writer in Dotterers Historical Notes, p. 102 f.
10 See " History of the Wentz's Reformed Church " in the Journal of the
P. H. S., Vol. Ill, pp. 332-346, especially p. 339.
11 The full letter has been printed repeatedly, first in the Mercersburg
8 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The first settlers in this widely extended region of Pensylvania
were Christians bearing the name of Quakers. Hither came also
men holding all sorts of opinions. About eighteen years ago
[1710], there began to come in occasionally and to settle here and
there, in places widely separated from each other, certain ones of
the Reformed church. These came from different parts of Ger-
many and from other places, and a few also from the neighboring
provinces of New York and New Jersey, etc. In time these
greatly multiplied, but, in order not to fall into the errors of those
among whom they dwelt, they provoked one another to good works,
by encouraging each other to hold religious meetings on the Lord's
Day, etc., according to the doctrine and order of the Reformed
Church, as far as it was understood by us.
As the writers of this petition were themselves living
in the Perkiomen valley, their statements are most natu-
rally explained as referring primarily to this region.
These statements find a welcome confirmation in the old
record book 12 of the Dutch Reformed congregation, now
at Churchville, Bucks County, Pa.
In this record it is stated 13 that "on May 20th, in the
year of our Lord Jesus Christ 17 10, Mr. Paulus Van Vlecq
was installed pastor or shepherd and teacher in the Church
of Jesus Christ at Neshaminy, Bensalem, Germantown
and surrounding villages." On June 4, 17 10, the follow-
ing consistory was installed at Whitemarsh: as elders,
Hans Hendricks Meels and Evert ten Heuven, and as
Review, Vol. XXIII (1876), pp. 529-541; also in the Ecclesiastical Records
of the State of Nenu York, Vol. IV, pp. 2425-2437, and in the Journal of
the P. H. S., Vol. VI, pp. 303-316. In 191 6, the writer published the
whole Boehm Correspondence in Life and Letters of the Rev. John Philip
Boehm, Philadelphia, Publication Board of the Reformed Church. In that
book all the letters of Boehm, quoted below, are given in full.
12 This record was published by the writer in full in the Journal of the
P. H. S., Vol. I, pp. 111-134.
13 See /. c, p. 118.
The First Settlers 9
deacons, Isaac Dilbeck and William de Wees. The mem-
bers of the Whitemarsh congregation in 17 10 were as fol-
lows: 14 Hans Hendrick Meels, Evert ten Heuven, Isaac
Dilbeck, Willem de Wees, Jan Aweeg, Johannis Yodder,
Antonie Geertheus [Yerkes], Johannes Raevenstock, Ger-
trude Rembergh, Elisabeth Schipbower, wife of E. ten
Heuven, Mary Bloemers, wife of I. Dilbeck, Catrina
Meels, wife of W. de Wees, Gertrude Aweeg, Anna Baer-
ents, wife of J. Pieterse, Maria Selle, wife of G. ten
Heuven. On December 25, 17 10, there were received by
profession of faith: Sebastian Bartels and his wife Mary
Hendricks and Caspar Staels. On March 31, 171 1, were
received: Elsa Schol, Sebilla Revenstock, wife of Henry
Tibben and Margaret Bon, wife of Caspar Staels. In
17 1 1 there were, therefore, 21 regular members of the
congregation. The marriage and baptismal records of
the congregation add a number of other names of persons,
who may be called adherents of this first Reformed con-
gregation of the province. They were: Herman ten
Heuven, Peter Bon, Gabriel Schuyler, William Rembergh,
Peter ten Heuven and Jacob Op de Graef. These were
married by Dominie Van Vlecq, while he baptized the
children of the following persons living at Skippack: Jacob
Dilbeck, Cornelius De Wees, Gerhart ten Heuven, Arent
Hendricks, Dirk Remberg, Hendricks Pannebacker, Jacob
Pieterse, Rightijers Gaebel. In addition to the 21 regu-
lar members there were, therefore, 14 Reformed adherents
at Whitemarsh and Skippack from 17 10-17 12.
Of these first Reformed settlers in Pennsylvania Isaac
Dilbeck came with Pastorius in 1683. 15 In 1690 Gerrit
14 See /. c, p. 1 20.
15 Pennypacker, Settlement of Germantown, pp. 135, 190-192, 194; also
Dotterer, Historical Notes, pp. 15-16, 23-26.
io History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Hendricks De Wees, probably the father of Willem De
Wees, bought a lot of land in Germantown. In 1699
Evert ten Heuven, with his sons Herman, Gerhard and
Peter, was a resident in Germantown, as was also Hen-
drick Pannebecker. In 1700 Sebastian Bartels appears,
in 1 701 Hans Hendrik Meels, in 1702 John Rebenstock
and Michael Remberg, with his sons Dirck and Willem,
also Peter Bon and Henry Tibben, and 1703 Antoni
Gerckes. Some of these settlers took up land at Skippack,
Hendrick Pannebecker in 1702; Gerhard and Herman In
de Heuven, also Dirck and Willem Remberg in 1706;
William and Cornelius De Wees in 1708.
On September 29, 1709, the following Reformed set-
tlers were naturalized by a bill passed in the Provincial
Assembly and signed by the governor: 16
Isaac Dilbeck and his son Jacob Dilbeck; Caspar Stalls and
Henry Tubben; Johannes Rebenstock, Sebastion Bartells and his
son Henry Bartells; Evert in Hoffe and his sons Gerhard, Her-
man and Peter in Hoffe.
The ministry of Van Vlecq at Whitemarsh and Skippack
continued from 1710 to 1713. On April 24, 1713, he en-
tered his last wedding into the church record. On Sep-
tember 21, 17 10, Van Vlecq applied to the Presbytery of
Philadelphia 17 for admission. A committee was ap-
pointed which considered his application and handed in a
report, then " after serious debating thereon it was put to
the vote, to admit him a member of the Presbytery or not,
and it was carried in the affirmative." In 17 12 the charge
16 Keyser, Kain, etc., History of Old Germantoivti (1907), Vol. I, p. 96.
See also the paper on " Rev. Paulus Van Vlecq," by the writer, in the
Papers read before the Bucks County Hist. Society, Vol. IV, pp. 688-702.
17 Records of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America,
Vol. I, pp. 17-40, for statements regarding Van Vlecq from 1710 to 1715-
First Reformed Settlers n
of bigamy was lodged against him, which, after thorough
investigation, was sustained in 17 13. He was, as a result,
suspended from the ministry. In 17 15 he is reported as
having " run out of the country."
A much larger number of German Reformed people
came into the province of Pennsylvania in the period be-
between 1720 and 1730.
In a petition addressed by some members of the Phila-
delphia Reformed Church to Governor Patrick Gordon,
on November 23, 1732, they state: 18
That a great number of Protestants born under the Ligeance of
the Emperor of Germany did, about ten years since [1722], come
into this Province, and having settled in divers parts thereof, but
especially in the city of Philada., formed themselves into a Reli-
gious Society, commonly called by the name of German Reformed
Church.
The same statement is repeated and somewhat enlarged
in a bill of complaint which the same persons submitted to
the Court of Chancery of the Province on January 23,
J 73 2 [—1733], in which they declared. 19
The said deponents . . . say that for above the space of ten
years by gone, great numbers of the subjects of the emperor of Ger-
many, professing the Protestant religion or as 't is equally called
the Reformed religion and having suffered hardships in their native
country upon the score of their religion, came over into the prov-
ince of Pennsylvania and settled themselves in sundry parts of the
s d . province and especially in Philadelphia.
In harmony with these statements we find in the
18 This petition is a part of the Reiff papers, printed in the Reformed
Quarterly Review, 1893, Vol. XL, p. 59 f.
19 This bill of complaint belongs also to the Reiff papers, but it has not
yet been printed. The original is in the Harbaugh collection of manu-
scripts, now in the possession of Rev. Prof. J. I. Good.
12 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
" Resolutions of the States of Holland and West Fries-
land," that on June 12, 1722, the Raad Pensionaris
(Prime Minister) reported to the States the arrival of a
large number of families from Germany, which had come
to Holland on various ships, with the intention of being
transported to England, to be sent to one of the English
Colonies, without any preparation having been made for
their journey, or any invitation having been extended by
the British government. He asked what steps should be
taken. The States decided to confer with the authorities
of the province nearest to Germany, to prevent the coming
of any more emigrants. 19a
In the year 1725 John Philip Boehm began his minis-
terial activity in the Perkiomen valley. For the first com-
munion services, held in 1725, he reported 20 the following
members :
On October 15, 1725, at Falkner Swamp, 40 members
or 24 males;
In November, 1725, at Skippack, 37 members or 20
males ;
On December 23, 1725, at Whitemarsh, 24 members or
14 males.
The totals for these three congregations were, there-
fore, in 1725, 101 members or 58 males. These three
congregations of Boehm continued the organization ef-
fected by Paulus Van Vlecq in 17 10, for of the latter's
members we find Gabriel Schuler and Gerhart In de Heven
19a Taken from the Rotterdam Archives.
20 The number of males in 1725 is mentioned in the appeal of Boehm's
elders to the Classis of Amsterdam, dated July, 1728, printed in the Jour-
nal of the P. H. S., Vol. VI, p. 308. The number of members is found in
Boehm's report of 1744, see Minutes and Letters of the Coetus of Pennsyl-
vania, p. 18. See also Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 160, 409.
First Reformed Services 13
in Boehm's congregation at Skippack; 21 Willem de Wees,
John Rebenstock and Isaac Dilbeck in his congregation at
Whitemarsh. 22 If we had the complete lists of Boehm's
10 1 members we would no doubt be able to find other con-
necting links besides the five mentioned above.
Such was the beginning of Reformed church life in the
Perkiomen valley.
The time when the first Reformed settlers arrived in the
Goshenhoppen region cannot be determined with the evi-
dence at hand at present. But it was most probably about
the year 1720. So much is certain that in 1727 enough
Reformed people had arrived in Goshenhoppen, so that a
communion service could be held for them.
In 1736 John Henry Goetschy, the boy preacher, en-
tered the names of 45 heads of families into the Reformed
record at New Goshenhoppen (seep. 274). Besides these
there appear 68 additional names of men in the baptismal
entries from 173 1 to 1736 inclusive, so that there were at
least 113 settlers, together with their families, in the New
Goshenhoppen district by the end of the year 1736. With
the help of Rupp's Immigrant Lists the exact time of the
arrival of many of these settlers can be determined. The
following is a list of those whom the writer was able to
identify with some degree of probability: 23
21 See the documents printed in the Journal of the P. H. S., Vol. VII,
pp. 34, 48 ; also the letter from Skippack of May 10, 1730, quoted in His-
torical Notes, p. 103.
22 These three men signed the appeal of July, 1728, see Journal of the
P. H. S., Vol. VI, p. 316; as well as Boehm's letter of January 30, 1730, in
Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 34; Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 169, 191.
23 In the case of very common names like Jacob Meyer and Jacob
Miiller the possibility of mistaken identity must of course remain open.
H
History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Earliest Reformed Settlers in the Goshenhoppen Valley.
Names of Settlers.
Time of Arrival. At Goshenhoppen.
Johannes Huth September 18
Johann Friedrich Hilligass September 18
Hans Michel Zimmermann September 18
Hans Georg Welcker September 18
Ulrich Hetzell [Hertzel] September 18
Benedict Strohm [Strome] September 18
Frantz Stupp September 30
Burckhard Hoffmann September 30,
Johann Peter Hess October 2
Michel Eberhart October 16
Johann Philip Ried October 16
Wendel Wiant August 29
Johann Peter Moll August 29
Valentin Griesemer August 29
Thomas Hamma[n] August 29
Abraham Transu August 29
Lonhart Hochgenug August 29
John Adam Stadtler September 5
Johann Philip Emmert September 5
Casper Holtzhausen [r] August 17,
Abraham Sahler [Seler] September n
Johann Bartel. Gucker [Kucker]. .September 11
Johann Michel Moll September 11
Christopher Moll September 11
Hans Adam Echelen [Euchelen] ..September 11
Leonard Bock September 21
Jacob Meyer September 21
Hans Jerg Steger August 11
Adam Hillegas August 11
Georg Mertz September 11
Georg Palsgraff September 11
Hans Steinmann September 19
Jacob Miiller September 19
Lorentz Hartman September 19
Andreas Lohr September 19
Johan Henrich Jung September 19
Georg Peter Knecht .September 21
Hans Leonhart Herzel September 21
Peter Matern September 30,
Peter Raudenbusch September 30
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1727
1729
1729
1730
1730
1730
1730
1730
1730
1731
1731
1731
1731
i73i
i73i
1731
1731
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
1732
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
Go.
i73i
1731
1733
1731
1733
1736
i73i
1732
1733
1732
1736
1736
1733
i73i
1732
i73i
1732
1733
1731
1733
1732
1732
1732
1733
1731
1737
1736
1737
1737
1736
1736
1733
1737
1736
1733
1736
1737
1737
1734
1733
Reformed Settlers in Goshenhoppen 15
Johannes Geiger September 30, 1732 Go. 1734
Georg Michel Favian [Fabion] October n, 1732 Go. 1736
< Joh. Jost Ohlwein September 18, 1733 Go. 1736
Here are more than forty German Reformed settlers
the exact time of whose arrival can be fixed and who, some
time between that date and their first appearance in the
New Goshenhoppen record, moved into the Goshenhoppen
region. The others, whose date of arrival is as yet un-
known, did not necessarily come before 1727. They may
have come through another harbor, or reached Goshen-
hoppen by a circuitous route. For it is a significant fact
that of the Lutheran settlers at Old Goshenhoppen only
three came before the year 1730, Kilian Gauckler, who
came to America in 17 17, John George Weicker who ar-
rived in 1724, and John Martin Deer in 1728. Of the
rest, nearly thirty, only a few appear in the immigrant lists,
although they all came, according to the Church Record,
between 1732 and 1750. This proves that the absence of
a name from the immigrant lists cannot be used as an argu-
ment for or against the early arrival of that person. It
must also be remembered that the immigrant lists are in-
complete and that the names have in many instances been
deciphered incorrectly.
Although the time of arrival of the earliest settlers
cannot be established definitely, it is certain that the year
1727 is the first fixed point in the history of the Reformed
Church in the Goshenhoppen region.
The Indian traditions, which gathered around the origin
and meaning of the name Goshenhoppen are beautifully
summed up in a poem of the Rev. Dr. C. Z. Weiser, which
may fittingly be inserted here. 23a
23a The writer owes this poem to the Rev. John B. Stoudt, who kindly
transmitted it for publication.
16 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The Legend of Goshenhoppen.
By C. Z. Weiser.
Would you hear of Goshenhoppen,
What it means and where it hails from
Do not trust the pale-faced people,
They are but of yesterday.
'Tis with them but speculation,
Guess work oozed from fever'd brainshop,
Like the webs from working spiders.
Now they have it " Que-se-ho-pen,"
Then they say it's " Coss-he-hop-pe,"
" Cos-she-hop-pa," says another,
" Cos-ha-ha-pin," writes a fourth one;
" Cosh-a-hop-pa " — " Gosh-e-hop-pa,"
Or, again, " Co-wis-se-hop-pen,"
Till at last it's " Gosh-en-hop-pen."
Who can tell in such a Babel,
How to utter it correctly,
How to rightly shape its body, —
And divine its primal meaning ?
We must trace it as a river,
From its mouth back to its source spring ;
Trace and tail it up and backward,
Through the periods and the ages —
Till we find its secret rising.
Long before Great Brother Omas
Came to own his forest domain,
Had the Redman shared the country
Into tracts and into districts,
Measured it by strips of deer-skin;
Marked it out by trees and rivers,
Or by hills and mountain ranges.
Indian Legend 17
Every tribe then had its domain,
For to smoke and roam and hunt in ;
And each tribe its Sak-e-maker,
He whose name stood for the region,
He who owned and bargained for it.
Thus we know the great " Mough-ough-sin "
Owned the land of " Pah-ke-ho-ma,"
Which is known and called Macungie,
That was sold for two big blankets
And four pairs of leather stockings,
And four bottles of sweet cider.
When we read of " Guch-i-o-thon,"
And besides of " En-shok-hup-po,"
And at last of " Shak-a-hop-pa,"
Who were ancient Sak-e-makers,
Great big Injuns-treaty makers.
These three ancient Sak-e-makers
Ruled the vale of Pah-ke-ho-ma,
Ruled the fair Per-ki-o-men valley,
Shak-a-hop-pa stood as chieftain
Over all the Sak-e-makers,
Since he grew a foot beyond them,
And came nearer the Great Father.
Shak-a-hop-pa, the tall chieftain,
Of the vale of Pah-ke-ho-ma,
Sold and barter'd off his title
For two hundred feet of wampun ;
And for thirty feet of duffels;
For some sixty feet of mattress ;
Thirty shirts and thirty kettles ;
Shoes twelve pairs and thirty gimlets ;
Sixty stockings, thirty scissors;
Thirty combs and thirty axes ;
Thirty-one tobacco pouches;
i8
History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Thirty small tobacco cases;
Seven awls and thirty glasses;
Thirty bars of lead and powder;
Thirty pounds of lead that reddens ;
Beads poured into three full papers ;
Thirty pairs of bells that rattle ;
Drawing knives one half a dozen ;
And some eighteen caps with feathers;
And as many hoes and handles.
This was the consideration,
Which Great Brother Omas tendered,
For the vale of Goshenhoppen,
To the ancient Sak-e-maker,
Shak-a-hop-pa, the Big Smoke Pipe.
CHAPTER I.
Ministry of Rev. George Michael Weiss,
1727-1730. 24
j&f£N November, 1730, the Rev. John Philip Boehm
_jfl wrote as follows to the Reformed Classis of
^B Amsterdam : 25
y!^^ He [Mr. Weiss] preached at a branch place called
Goschenhoppen, about ten miles from Falckner Schwam;
the last time on October 12, 1727, he celebrated the Lord's Supper
without knowing the people, admitting among others two men from
Falckner Schwam, who ought to have been taken to account because
of their vicious lives.
This passage gives us the first recorded date in the his-
tory of the congregation. It names its first pastor and
enables us to locate the first place of worship. It could
not have been at Old Goshenhoppen, near Salford Station,
on the Perkiomen Railroad, which is hardly five miles
from Falkner Swamp, but it must have been at New Gosh-
24 For earlier accounts of Weiss see Harbaugh, Fathers of the Reformed
Church, Vol. I, Lancaster, 1857 pp. 265-274; Good, History of the Reformed
Church in the United States, I"j2^-i , jg2, Reading, 1899, pp. 113-152;
Corwin, Manual of the Reformed Church in America, New York, 1902,
pp. 896-899 ; Dubbs, History of the Reformed Church in Pennsylvania,
Lancaster, 1902, pp. 83-90; Hinke, Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 26-37.
25 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 56; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 215.
19
20 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
enhoppen, near East Greenville, which is about ten miles
from Falkner Swamp. The first Reformed services were,
therefore, held at New Goshenhoppen by the Rev. George
Michael Weiss, the first pastor. He is such an important
personage in the history of the Reformed Church in
America, that he deserves a more elaborate biography than
has yet been written of him.
John Peter Miller, the later monk of Ephrata, wrote
about Mr. Weiss as follows in his Chronkon Ephratense : 26
About the year 1726, the first High-German Reformed preacher,
Weiss by name, arrived in Pennsylvania. He was born at Steb-
bach, a Palatine place in the Neckar valley; studied at Heidelberg
and finished his course at Koschehoppen [Goshenhoppen] in the
county of Philadelphia.
This was all that was known about Weiss's birthplace
till 1897, when the writer visited Heidelberg and found
there, in the matriculation book of the famous University,
the following entry:
1 718, October 18.
Georgius Michael Weiss,
Philosoph. Stud.
Eppinga, Palatinus.
This entry shows that Mr. Weiss entered the Univer-
sity of Heidelberg on October 18, 17 18, as student of
philosophy, and that he gave his birthplace as Eppingen,
which is about half a German mile southwest of Stebbach.
On August 15, 1897, the writer visited Eppingen and
found in the old church records of the town considerable
information about the Weiss family. The oldest repre-
sentative of the family, mentioned in the records, 27 is Nico-
26 Chronkon Ephratense, Engl, transl., Lancaster, 1889, p. 70.
27 See article by the writer in the Reformed Church Messenger of Octo-
ber 27, 1898, on "A Contribution to the Life of George Michael Weiss";
also in Christian Intelligencer of November 16, 1898.
George Michael Weiss 21
laus Weiss, a citizen of Gross Engersheim, in the Kingdom
of Wiirtemberg. His son, John Michael Weiss, a tailor
by trade, married on February 26, 1686, Barbara, widow
of Jacob Stierle, citizen and tailor at Eppingen. This
union was blessed with two children, Maria Appollonia,
baptized December 26, 1686, and Barbara, baptized Octo-
ber 7, 1689. But on June 30, 1692, the mother died,
aged 44 years.
On September 16, 1692, "Hans Michel Weiss, citi-
zen and tailor," married a second time, namely Maria,
daughter of the late Martin Frank, shoemaker in Bretten.
This second union was blessed with six children, as follows:
1. Anna Catherine, Dec. 11, 1695, died July 9, 1696.
2. Eva Catherine, July 31, 1697.
3. Gorg Michael, Jan. 23, 1700.
4. Maria Elisabeth
5. Christophel
6. Maria Elisabeth, born July 10, bapt. July 12, 1705.
I twins, March 29, 1703.
In the case of the first five children but one date is given
in the record, without any statement as to whether the
date of birth or of baptism is intended. But as the names
are entered in the baptismal record, it is more probably
the date of baptism. The dates of the last child show that
baptism took place usually on the third day after birth.
These entries prove that Georg Michael Weiss was not
born at Stebbach, but at Eppingen. What is more re-
markable is that, according to information received from
the pastor of Eppingen, Stebbach never belonged to Ep-
pingen ecclesiastically, but to a neighboring parish.
What became of Mr. Weiss, after he had finished his
studies at Heidelberg, is still unknown. We meet him
again ten years later, when on September 21, 1727, he
with fifty other Palatines appeared before the Provincial
22 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Council of Pennsylvania, in the Court House of Philadel-
phia and signed the oath of allegiance to the King of
England.
As early as September 14, 1727, the Governor, Patrick
Gordon, had called the Provincial Board together,
to inform them that there is lately 28 arrived from Holland, a ship
with four hundred Palatines, as 'tis said, and that he has informa-
tion they will be very soon followed by a much greater number,
who design to settle in the back parts of this province; & as they
transport themselves without any leave obtained from the Crown
of Great Britain, and settle themselves upon the Proprietors un-
taken up Lands without any application to the Proprietor or his
Commissioners of property, or to the Government in general, it
would be highly necessary to concert proper measures for the peace
and security of the province, which may be endangered by such
numbers of Strangers daily poured in, who being ignorant of our
Language and Laws, & settling in a body together, make, as it
were, a distinct people from his Majesties Subjects. 29
In answer to this representation of the governor the
board ordered,
that the Masters of the Vessells importing them shall be examined
whether they have any Leave granted them by the Court of Britain
for the Importation of these Foreigners, and that a List shall be
taken of the Names of all these People, their several Occupations,
and the Places from whence they come, and shall be further exam-
ined, touching their Intentions in coming hither; And further, that
28 This proves that the ship William and Sarah did not arrive on Sep-
tember 1 8, 1727, as has been wrongly inferred from the list published in
the Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, Vol. XVII, p. 7. This list was
drawn up on September 18, but the ship had landed before September 14,
" lately " may mean a day or even several days earlier.
29 See Colonial Records, Vol. Ill, p. 282 f., for this list and the following
extracts.
Ship William and Sarah 23
a Writing be drawn up for them to sign declaring their Allegiance
& Subjection to the King of Great Britain & Fidelity to the Pro-
prietary of this Province, & that they will demean themselves peace-
ably towards all his Majesties Subjects, & strictly observe, and
conform to the Laws of England and of this Government.
In consequence of this order a signed list was laid before
the board at its meeting on September 21, containing
the names of one hundred & nine Palatines, who with their Fami-
lies, making in all about Four hundred Persons, were imported into
this Province in the Ship William and Sarah, William Hill, Mas-
ter, from Rotterdam, but last from Dover, as by Clearance from
Officers of his Majesties Customs there; And the said Master being
asked, if he had any Licence from the Court of Great Britain for
transporting those People, & what their Intentions were in coming
hither, said that he had no other License or Allowance for their
Transportation than the above Clearance, and that he believed they
designed to settle in this Province.
This list of 109 Palatines, as submitted to the Provincial
Board on September 21, 1727, has been published in Vol.
XVII, of the second series of the Pennsylvania Archives,
pp. 7-8, but it is so imperfect and inaccurate, full of typo-
graphical and other mistakes, that it seems worth while to
submit a corrected list. Such a new publication is all the
more justified because the list as submitted to the board,
indicates the number of people in each family, which
figures, though important, were omitted in the Pennsyl-
vania Archives. The list is as follows : 30
30 The original list is now in the State Library at Harrisburg, Depart-
ment of Public Records, at present (1914) in charge of Mr. Luther R.
Kelker, who very kindly allowed the writer to examine and copy the
original list, as well as others mentioned later.
24 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
A List of ye Palatine Passengers imported in ye Ship William and
Sarah, Will'm Hill, Mast*., from Rotterdam, Philad'a ye
18 September 1727.
[1
[2
[3
[4
[5
[6
[7
[8
[9:
[10
I"
[13
[13
[14:
[15
[16
[17
[18
[19
[20
[31
[22
[33
[24
[35
[26
[37
[28
[29
[30
[31
[33
[33
[34
[35
[36
[37
[38
Hans Jerrick Swaep ... 6
Hans Martin Levisteyn . . 2
Benedic Strome 2
Jan Hend k Scaub 3^
Hans Jerrick Shoomaker. 6V 2
Abraham Beni 5
Hans Martain Shoomak r 1
Frederick Heiligas \V 2
Hans Mich. Pagman . . 1
Sebastian Creef 4
Johan Habaraker 2^2
Alex. Diebenderf 2
Hieronemus Milder 2
Johann Will m Mey ... 2
Henericus Bell 1
Caspar Springier 4
Hans Heri". Siegler ... 3
Michael Peitley tf/ 2
Hans Mich. Tiell 3^
Jan. Barn. Levinstey. . . . 1
Jacob Jost 2
Johannes Hoet 3^
Daniel Levan 8
Hans Mich 1 . Weider... 2
Andr w . Simmerman ... 8
Leonart Seltenreich .... 2
Hans Jerrick Wigler. ... 2
Will" 1 Jurgens 1
Johan Wester, sick 1
Will™ Heer 1
Hans Adam Milder 2
Anspel Anspag 2 z / 2
Henrich Meyer 4
Adam Henrich 2
Jacob Gons 2
Ulrich Heere 3
Sebastian Vinck 2
Tonicus Meyer 5
126
[39] Jacob Swicker, sick 1
[40] Hans Jer. Herzels 4
[41] Jan Bernard Wolf 6
[42] Steven Frederick $y 2
[43] Ann Floren xy 2
[44] Philip Fer-nser 1
[45] Hans Jacob Eckman 2
[46] Hans Fill. Heysinger... 1
[47] Hendrick Witte 1
[48] Hans Jerrick Hoy, sick. . 1
[49] Jacob Pause 2%
[50] Andr 17 Saltsgerrer 1
[51] Hans Jerrick Wolf 2%
[52] Jacob Milder, dead 3^
[53] Hans Jerrick Bowman... 1
[54] Johannes Wester* 1
[55] Johannes Stromf, boy 1
[56] Hans Jerig Anspag 2^
[57] Philip Swyger 2
[58] Christ. Milder, dead.... 2
[59] Elias Meyer 3^
[60] Peter Springier 1
[61] Martin Prill 3
[62] Joh. Tob s . Serveas 1
[63] Peter Seyts 4^
[64] Johannes Eckman 4
[65] Johannes Hend\ Gyer,
sick 2
[66] Christ 1- . Labengyger ... 2
[67] Johannes Berret 4
[68] Andrew Holtspan 4
[69] Jacob Swarts 4
[70] Hans Jerick Schaub 3
[71] Hans Mich 1 . Phauts 5
[72] Christian Snyder 2
[73] Bastian Smith 2
[74] Johannes Barteleme 1
92
[75] Tobias Freye 4
The Captain's List
25
[76
[77
[78
[79
[80
[81
[82
[83
[84
[85
[86
[87
[88
[89
[90
[9i
[92
[93
[94
[95
[96
Johannes Tiebenderf ... 4
Jacob Mast, Skipach .... 4
Joseph Aelbragt 3^
Nicholas Adams 2
Jacob Meyer 2
Johannes Leyb 4
Johanes Bait, Germt.... 4
Conrad Miller, sick 5
Christopher Walter 4
Ulrich Hartsell, Skippach 2
Hans Adam Stoll 3
Hans Jerrick Guyger... 4^
Hans Martin Wilder... zVz
Hans Jerig Viegle 6^4
Hans Jerig Ardnold, dead
Hans Jerig Cramer 3
Hans Jerig Peter( ?).... 2^2
Albert Swoap 1
Hendrick Gouger, sick.. 3^2
Diederick Roede 1
Hans Jerig Roedebas,
Skipach 2
[97] Hans Adam Beinder.... 4^
[98] Christopher Wittmer,... 1
[99] Hendrick Hartman 3
[100] Clement Eirn 2
[101] Philip Jacob Reylender. . 5
[102] Johanes Mich 1 . Peepell. . 1
[103] Ernst Roede 1
[104] Philip Seigler $ J /£
[105] Philip Roedeull 2
[106] Rudolph Wilkes 3
[107] Hans Jerig Milder 1
[108] Abraham Farn 4
[109] Uldrich Staffon 3
107
This is a true list of Passengers
Imported in the ship William &
Sarah, Will" 1 . Hill, Masf., from
Rotterdam among whom are no con-
victs, given upon oath,
by Tho. Tuber.
The totals of the three columns are said to be 126 -f- 92
-{- 107 = 325. But in reality the figures in none of the
columns have been added correctly. The correct totals,
supposing all the figures to be accurate, are: 118 +91
-{-108 = 317. The whole number of passengers was,
therefore, much nearer 300 than 400.
Of these colonists not more than 51 actually appeared
on September 21, 1727, in the Court House at Philadel-
phia to sign the following oath of allegiance:
We Subscribers, Natives and late Inhabitants of the Palatinate
upon the Rhine & Places adjacent, having transported ourselves
and Families into this Province of Pensilvania, a Colony subject
to the Crown of Great Britain, in hopes and Expectation of finding
a Retreat & peaceable Settlement therein, Do Solemnly promise &
Engage, that We will be faithful & bear true Allegiance to his
* Name erased, see No. 29.
26 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
present MAJESTY, KING GEORGE THE SECOND and
his Successors, Kings of Great Britain, and will be faithfull to the
Proprietor of this Province; And that we will demean ourselves
peaceably to all His said Majesties Subjects, and strictly observe
and conform to the Laws of England and of this Province, to the
utmost of our Power and best of our understanding.
The names signed to this declaration have been pub-
lished repeatedly, but so full of inaccuracies, that a new
transcript of the original is absolutely necessary. The
figures placed before them identify them with the corre-
sponding names in the first list. The signatures to the
Declaration of Allegiance are as follows :
Palatines imported in the Ship Will m & Sarah, Will m Hill, Comm
from Rotterdam who hereunto sett their hands, the 2ist of
Sept. 1727, in presence of the Gov r & Council.
G. M. Weiss, V.D.M. 31 [18] Michel Bottle
[1] Johann Georg Schwab [106] Rutolff Wellecker
[41] Hans Bernhart Wolff [92?] Jeorg Petter
[8] Joh. Friederich Hilligass [88] Hans Mart. (W) Weller
Rudolff Leyb [89] Hans Jerg Vogelle
[19] Hans Michel Diel [30] Willem Herr
[10] Sebastian Graff [67] Johannes Barth
[22] Johannes Huth [ l6 ] Hans Caspar Spengler
[101] Filibs Jacob Rheinlender r_ 90 ] Hans G6rg Cremmer
[104] Filib Zigler, X his mark [6l -j Hans Mart ; n Mill
[75] Tobias Frey |- 68 j Andreas (A) Holsbacher
[ 5 6] Hans Jerch Anspacher [4g] Jacob Bausd
[63] Johan Peter Seitz hi s
[78] Joseph Albrecht [ 3I ] Hans Adam | Miller
[64] Johanes Eckman mark
[5] Jerich Schuhmacher [35] Johan Jacob Cuntz
[21] Jacob Jost [51] Hans Jerg Wolff
31 The Clerk of the Provincial Council (see minutes in Colonial Records,
Vol. Ill, p. 284) wrote the name " G. M. Wey," but a photograph of the
original, kindly furnished by Mr. Luther R. Kelker, shows plainly that
it is " G. M. W«is."
Signers of Oath of Allegiance
27
[105] Philip Rutschly
[103] Hans Ernst Rudi
[59] Elias Meyer
[25?] Hans Michel Zimmerman
[27] Hans Gorg Welcker
[57] Hans Philip Schweikhardt
[12] Alexand. Diibendorffer
[2] Hans Martin Liebenstein
[95] Johan Diderich Rudi
[40] Hans Jerg Hertzel
[81] Johannes Leib
[99] Joh. Henrich Hartman
[17] Hans Georg Ziegler
[n] Johannes Haberacker
[33] Henrich Meyer
[80] Jacob Meyer
[84] Christoph Walter
Henry (H) Sippen
[71] Hans Michel Pfautz
A comparison of these two lists shows how carelessly
the captain's list was made. The writer made no attempt
to ascertain the correct spelling of the names. He merely
wrote down what he supposed he heard when the names
were pronounced to him. For Welcker he heard Wigler
and in a second case Wilkes. For Mill he put down Prill,
for Miller he wrote Milder. Schweikhardt he turned into
Swyger, Spengler into Springier, Rutschli apparently into
Roedeull. In some cases the scribal monstrosities are so
great that no identification is possible. No wonder that it
is so difficult to identify immigrants, when the captains'
lists are so badly corrupted and the passengers' own signa-
tures are sometimes such awful scrawls that they need a
second list as a key to decipher them correctly.
The relation of Mr. Weiss to these immigrants has long
been doubtful. The question whether he was merely their
fellow passenger or the recognized leader of a colony
could not be determined till very recently. There are now
three documents at hand which answer this question. The
first is the earliest printed report concerning the Reformed
Church in Pennsylvania, printed in Holland in 173 1. It
was submitted in that year to the Synod of South Holland
which met from July 3 to 13, 173 1, at Dortrecht.
In this report we find the following statement about the
28 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
religious conditions in Pennsylvania and the coming of
Mr. Weiss to America : 32
But as the Quakers were not numerous enough to colonize this
territory, William Pen, when he projected and built a city, called
it Philadelphia, that by a name so friendly he might attract other
Europeans thither. Not long after the first settlement many of
the oppressed inhabitants of Germany, particularly from the Pala-
tinate and from the districts of Nassau, Waldeck, Wittgenstein
and the Wetterau, emigrated to Pennsylvania, with their wives
and children and the proceeds of the property which they sold,
whether more or less.
Among them are Mennonites, Lutherans and Reformed, but at
the present time the Reformed, holding to the old Reformed con-
fession, constitute about half of the whole number, being about
15,000. The German Palatines, migrating from their own coun-
try to Pennsylvania, year after year, were unable to provide them-
selves with ministers. Finding no religious worship, many, at-
tracted by the good morals and blameless conduct of the Quakers,
joined themselves to them, preferring their worship to none. 33
At last four years ago, the Upper Consistory of the Palatinate
sent over a minister by the name of Do. [Dominie] Weis, with a
number of people migrating from the Palatinate. They formed a
consistory at Schibbach, a place about six miles from Philadelphia.
A wooden church was erected and he [Dominie Weis] preached
for the congregation and administered the ordinances of Baptism
and the Lord's Supper. There most of the Palatines live close
one to the other.
In this report it is distinctly asserted that the Upper
Consistory of the Palatinate sent Mr. Weiss with these
32 Two copies of the Report of 1731, entitled Berigt en Onderrigtinge
nopens en aan de Colonie en Kerke van Pensyhanien, 2 pp. preface and
18 pp. text, are known to be in existence. One is in the possession of Rev.
Dr. J. I. Good, the other was in the library of late Governor Pennypacker.
The writer has used a photographic copy.
33 This is in agreement with the testimony of Muehlenberg, see Hallesche
Nachrichten, new ed., Vol. II, p. 195.
Leader of Colony 29
emigrants. This statement is supported by another re-
port, which was presented on October 31, 1735, to the
Synodical Deputies (an executive committee of the Synods
of North and South Holland) . In this report, Do. Wil-
helmius, then pastor at Rotterdam, the best friend of the
Palatines in Holland, 34 gave an extensive account as to
how the Synods had come to take up the care of the
churches in Pennsylvania. In it he wrote:
These present Germans in Pennsylvania have immigrated thither
from various parts of Germany, not in order to secure liberty of
worship, which they enjoyed in their own land, but to realize better
means of subsistence. Most of them came from the Palatinate,
concerning whom the Great Consistory of the Palatinate, consist-
ing of civil and ecclesiastical persons, addressed itself to the Synod
of this country by means of letters, sent some years ago to me, and
by me delivered to the Very Reverend Synod, showing that being
oppressed as they were, they were not in a condition to furnish any
assistance to these people, for the securing of any ministers of the
Word, and asked therefore that our Synod would be kind enough
to extend a helping hand. This the Synod subsequently accepted
as an affair of the utmost importance, these people belonging to
the pure Reformed religion and having been accustomed to our
Catechism and Confession of Faith. . . .
In the next place the condition of the church among them ought
to be noted. They consist of several thousand, whose exact num-
ber cannot even be guessed at, because they live scattered through
the whole country in forests, without any civil or ecclesiastical
union, so that those living in Philadelphia know as little about
34 John Wilhelmius, son of William Wilhelmius, was born Decembei
4, 1671, at Hardwyk. He studied at Leyden, where he also took the degree
of doctor of philosophy. He was first pastor at Twisk, then professor of
theology in the Reformed University at Lingen, and finally pastor at Rot-
terdam, 1713-1748. He died March 3, 1754. He was a faithful friend
of the Reformed Church of Pennsylvania. See Biographish Wordenboek
der Nederlanden, 20ste Deel, Haarlem, 1877.
3° History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
those living at other places, as we in Holland know about our
co-religionists in Poland or Hungary. . . .
These people have organized themselves in three places into con-
gregations and have built for themselves three churches, of which
the first is in Philadelphia, where they now have a small stone
church, towards which those of the larger English church have
manifested their liberality. The second is at Germantown, a vil-
lage eight hours 35 distant from it, that being a large barn built
upon the land of the notorious [befaamden] Ryff and now en-
larged, on which account they are in debt to the amount of 2500
guilders. The third [church] is at Schibbach.
For the ministry of these churches Do. Wys [Weiss] has been
in service, who came over with a colony of these Palatines [die met
eene Colonie dezer Paltzers is overgekomen] and who now has
left his service, having been called to one of the churches of New
Netherland [New York]. The other is Do. Boom [Boehm],
against whom the congregation is greatly embittered, and from
whom they have no service. The third is candidate Rieger, who
came over with another colony and became minister there, but now
has openly turned Quaker and refuses to baptize children and pub-
licly teaches, to the disturbance of these congregations, that one
can be saved in every religion.
There are a number of points in this report which de-
serve special emphasis. We notice first of all that the
grossly exaggerated figures of the 1731 report, regarding
the Reformed people in Pennsylvania, have been materially
reduced. Instead of 15,000 we read only of "several
thousand," which is certainly much nearer the truth. We
also learn that the Reformed people in Pennsylvania
passed under the care of the "Fathers" in Holland in
answer to the urgent representations made to them by the
35 This distance is of course much too great. Eight hours represent
twenty-four miles. In reality the Reformed churches of Philadelphia and
Germantown were only six miles apart. See the statement of Boehm in
his report of 1734 in Minutes and Letters of the Coetus of Pennsylvania, p. 1.
Report of Wilhelmius 31
Upper Consistory of the Palatinate. The first letter from
the Heidelberg Consistory was laid before the South Hol-
land Synod in 1728. Moreover, both Mr. Weiss as well
as Mr. Rieger came with Reformed colonies to Pennsyl-
vania. The statements about the three Reformed churches
in Pennsylvania in 1735 are inaccurate in almost all par-
ticulars. No small stone church, erected by Reformed
people, existed in that year in Philadelphia. The reli-
gious services of the Reformed people were rather held in
an old butcher shop. 36 It stood on Arch Street above
Fifth and belonged to Mr. Andrew Hamilton, who had
rented it to Reformed and Lutherans for their joint use.
The stone church of which the report speaks was rather
built in Germantown. Mr. Boehm is authority for the fact
that there was " a well built, pretty large stone church " 37
in Germantown, erected by the Reformed people there in
1733. Finally it was the Skippack Reformed church
36 Mr. Boehm, in his report of 1744, refers to it in the following words:
" At Philadelphia we had thus far, in common with the Lutherans, an
old and dilapidated butcher's shop, at an annual rent of three pounds;
finally this was raised to four pounds, which we must pay alone, for the
Lurtherans have built a church there 70 by 45 feet." See Minutes and
Letters of the Coetus of Pennsylvania, p. 23. A similar statement is made
by Muehlenberg, see Selbstbiographie, Allentown, 1881, p. 128. Zinzen-
dorf calls it " an old barn," see Budingische Sammlungen, Vol. Ill, p.
579; cf. Hallesche Nachricliten, new ed., Vol. I, p. 39. It belonged to
Andrew Hamilton, Esq., until his death in 1741, when it passed into the
hands of his son-in-law, Justice William Allen. See Dotterer, Rev. John
Philip Boehm, p. 9. Schlatter entered into the church record at Philadel-
phia the following statement regarding it: "Thus far [till December,
1747] the congregation has worshipped, every other Sunday, in an old
small house, made of boards, from November, 1734, together with the
Lutheran congregation. But when the Evangelicals [Lutherans] built a
stone church in the year 1744, we had it alone and paid annually to Mr.
William Allen the sum of four pounds." See also Life and Letters of
Boehm, p. 329, note 213.
37 See his report of 1739, in the Minutes of Coetus, p. 12.
3 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
which was built on the land of Mr. Reiff, not the church
in Germantown, and that there was a debt of 2500 guilders
resting upon it is another remarkable exaggeration in the
Dutch records, due no doubt to exaggerated reports that
had come from Pennsylvania.
In view of these inaccuracies in the report of Dr. Wil-
helmius, his statement about Weiss might also be open to
doubt, were it not for the fact that it is fully supported by
a Latin testimonial which was given to Mr. Weiss by the
Palatinate Consistory on May 1, 1727. The original of
this certificate is no longer in existence, but a copy of it was
entered by Mr. Weiss himself into the church record of the
old Catskill Reformed Church at Catskill, N. Y., of which
Weiss was pastor from 1732 to 1735. As it is an im-
portant historical document which has thus far escaped the
notice of historians 38 we offer a translation of the whole
certificate:
Ordination Certificate of Rev. George M. Weiss, May
1, 1727.
Greeting to the Kind Reader!
He who once foretold that at evening time it shall be light [Zech.
!4 : 7]) when contrary to the hope and expectation of all, the King
of kings and the Lord of lords shall, as it were, suddenly take his
stand for His struggling Church, even as He appeared at one time
to the Apostles in the night following the resurrection, when, for
dread of the Jews, the doors were closed, — whence no one can
doubt that in the same manner He will be near His holy Church,
when it will be shut in by foes and deserted by its own. For thus
it has pleased the Divine Wisdom and Goodness that just then
38 It was mentioned by Dr. Corwin in his Manual of the Reformed
Church of America, 3d ed., 1879, p. 544. The writer owes his copy to
the kindness of the present pastor, Rev. John H. Dykstra, who very readily
gave him access to it.
Ordination Certificate of Weiss 33
when the Omnipotent has seen that the hand of the defenders has
failed, the arm of the Lord should put on strength and claim for
Himself His own, whereby should become all the more conspicuous
that great Salvation, which was promised to the Sardensian circle
[Rev. 3:4], numbering few survivors only, but also to each most
beloved Philadelphia, when He shall see it [Philadelphia] drawing
near and yearning to unite with Him: Then it will surely come to
pass that, after its forces have become very small, it shall grow
into large forces, large companies and into an army formidable unto
its enemies, to which even the most distant peoples and nations
shall be accessible and doors shall be opened, never afterwards to
be closed ; whereby there shall be gathered to the Savior, the Son
of God, a people wholly new, even if it must be sought in another
continent.
Wherefore, since the most excellent Sir, distinguished through
ability and learning, George Michael Weiss, from Eppingen in
the Palatinate, a candidate of Sacred Theology, determined to
apply the divinely granted gifts to this most laudable use, that he
might labor to the best of his ability for the extension of the King-
dom of God, which is the kingdom of love; hence, after having
devoted himself to the fine arts of the humanities and to philosophy,
he consecrated himself wholly to the even sublimer studies of
theology, in which he made such happy progress in a short time
that he was deemed worthy to be permitted to undergo the exami-
nation for the ministry. In this he proved his diligence to our
Senate in such a manner that we not only hoped but were also con-
fident that he would some day perform a useful work for the
Church of Christ.
Wherefore, since he announced of late that he had conceived the
plan with some of his fellow-citizens and other friends, well known
to him, to undertake a journey to the transatlantic parts of the
world, if it should please the Divine Providence to entrust him
there with the leadership of a congregational flock, to teach and to
guide them there, and since he asked that to that end he be fully
inducted into the spiritual office with the laying on of hands,
Therefore, since the purity of his morals, his humility and espe-
4
34 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
daily his piety that flows from it, were well known to us, and since
our Senate was at the same time well aware of the progress he had
made in the knowledge of the theological sciences and in thorough
acquaintance with the sacred languages, we hesitated all the less
to grant his request since we could cherish the certain hope that
the Chief Shepherd of the sheep, to whom his own are well known,
though they live in the most distant parts of the world, would not
withhold his support from the undertaking of an honest mind.
Hence we have admitted him to the office of the ministry of the
divine Word and have ordained him by the imposition of hands
and by extending to him the right hand of fellowship in the sacred
ministry.
It now remains for us only to implore God, the best and the
highest, the ruler of the world and the church, that He may prove
himself to be the companion of his journey. May He bless his
labors most abundantly and whatever plans he makes, whatever
labors he undertakes, may He crown and advance them with the
most desired success.
Given in Heidelberg on the Calends of
May in the year of our Lord MDCCXXVII.
Director and Councillors of the
Senate of the Palatinate Church.
C. L. Mieg. Pl. Pastoir.
P. R. Folad.
In view of this document there can be no longer any
doubt that Mr. Weiss was actually the leader of the colony,
at whose head he appeared in signing the declaration of
allegiance on September 21, 1727.
Of the colonists who came with Weiss to Pennsylvania,
apparently only four remained in Philadelphia, the rest
scattered over the province. Those who are found among
the Reformed members in Philadelphia are : Hans Michel
Diel, Rudolf Wellecker, Hans Georg Kremer and Hans
Companions of Weiss 35
Henrich Weller. 39 To Goshenhoppen went five, Johann
Friedrich Hilligas, Johannes Huth, Hans Michel Zimmer-
man, Benedict Strohm, and Hans Georg Welcker. Alex-
ander Diibendorffer appears later as a member at Great
Swamp. Three settled at Skippack, 40 Hans Georg Bow-
man, Sebastian Smith and Ulrich Staffon [Stephen], and
two in the Conestoga valley, Hans Georg Schwab and prob-
ably Leonart Seltenreich. The rest have not yet been
found.
When Mr. Weiss appeared in Pennsylvania in 1727,
he found the beginnings of religious life among the Re-
formed people in the province already in existence. In
1725 the beginning had been made by two laymen, by John
Philip Boehm in the Perkiomen valley and by Conrad
Tempelman in the Conestoga valley. No sooner had
Weiss heard that Boehm, a layman, was acting as a min-
ister than he tried to stop him in his work. On October 2,
1727, he addressed a letter to Mr. John George Schwab, 41
one if his travelling companions, who had settled in the
Conestoga valley, in which he informed him of his readi-
ness to preach for the Reformed people at Conestoga, but
also expressed his surprise
that Mr. Boehm allows himself to be used as a minister, indeed
that he usurps such privileges and authority as do by no means
belong to him, nor have been accorded to him by the clergy, as I
have learnt, to my satisfaction from the ministers here, but that he
assumes so important an office merely at the instigation of the peo-
39 These names appear among others signed to a call which was given
to Mr. Boehm by the Philadelphia congregation on April 20, 1734, see
Journal of P. H, S., Vol. VII, p. 117; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 233.
40 For these names see the letter of the Skippack congregation, dated
May 30, 1730, printed below, p. 58, and Dotterer, Historical Notes, p. 103.
41 Printed in full in Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, pp. 51-53; also in
Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 212-214.
J
36 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
pie, while he cannot boast either of an external or of an internal
call. . . . Wherefore I cannot conscientiously recognize Mr.
Boehm as a Reformed teacher and preacher, until he submits to an
examination and is ordained in Apostolic manner, which he will
never be able to do.
Weiss followed up this letter with a personal letter ad-
dressed to Mr. Boehm 42 on November 28, 1727, in which
he challenged his right to the ministry and summoned him
to appear in the manse of the Presbyterian minister in
Philadelphia for the purpose of being examined as to his
qualifications for the ministry. Mr. Boehm, of course,
ignored this letter, but his followers called upon Mr. Weiss
to produce a proof of his own claims to be considered a
regularly ordained minister. Weiss showed them his
Latin certificate from Heidelberg, dated May 1, 1727, but
none could read it. He was then challenged to produce
a German certificate, which ordinary people were able to
understand. As a result Mr. Weiss was compelled to
write to Heidelberg, on December 3, 1727, and he re-
ceived from the authorities there the following reply, dated
April 26, 1728, of which he has also left a copy in the
Catskill record book : 43
Certificate of Palatinate Consistory, April 26, 1728.
Whereas Mr. George Michael Weiss, born in Eppingen, in the
Electoral Palatinate and at present stationed as a High German
Reformed minister at Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, under date of
December 3rd, of the last year, made his report to the Consistory
42 This letter of Weiss is translated and printed in Journal of P. H. S.,
Vol. VII, p. 54 f. ; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 211 f.
43 First published by Dr. Weiser in his Monograph, p. 28 f., but with a
number of minor inaccuracies, as my own transcript made directly from
the record shows. My translation differs accordingly from his in a few
places.
Palatinate Consistory 37
of the Electoral Palatinate concerning the present condition of
religion and of the church affairs there —
And whereas, on this occasion he gave us to understand, that
(although he received from this Consistory a Latin certificate of
his life and doctrine at the time of his journey thither) he needs
also a certificate in German, because of certain circumstances in
which he is placed and especially on account of those who do not
understand any other language [but German] : —
Therefore, we testify, as we did before, that he is not only ortho-
dox in his doctrine and unblamable in his life, peaceable and socia-
ble in his conduct, but he has also been found edifying in the
sermons which he has preached on several occasions, and we have
no doubt that, if the Lord grant him life and health, he will be of
great usefulness under divine blessing and be a means of edifying
many souls.
The infinitely good and merciful God and Father extend to him
light and strength in full measure, from the fulness of his grace
which is in Christ Jesus, that the work of the Lord now begun
may, through his ministry, make great progress, that the wealth of
the nations be brought to the Lord and their kings be led unto
him. 43a
Heidelberg, the 26th of April 1728.
(L.S.) A. von Luls. L. C. Mieg.
When Mr. Weiss shortly afterwards came in contact
with the Presbyterian minister, at Philadelphia, Mr. Jedi-
diah Andrews, the latter formed an equally good opinion
of him, for on October 14, 1730, he wrote a letter to his
friend, the Rev. Thomas Prince of Boston, in which he
paid Mr. Weiss a fine tribute. He wrote: 44
There is, besides, in this Province, a vast number of Palatines,
and they come in still, every year. Those y l . have come of late
years are, mostly, Presbyt'n, or, as they call themselves, Reformed,
43a Cf. Isaiah 60: 11.
44 First printed in Hazard's Register, Vol. XV, p. 200.
3$ History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the Palatinate being about three fifths of that sort of people; they
did use to come to me, for baptism of their children, and many
joined with us, in the other sacram't. They never had a minister,
'till about 9 [read 3] 45 years ago, who is a bright young man and a
fine scholar. He is at present absent, being gone to Holland, to
get money to build a ch'ch, in this city; but they are scattered all
over the country; those yt. live in Town, are mostly a kind of
Gibeonites, hewers of wood etc. They are diligent, sober, frugal
people, rarely charged with any misdemeanors. Many of 'em,
yt live in the country and have farms, by their industry and frugal
ways of living, grow rich, for they can underlive the Britons, etc.
The first comers of 'em, tho' called Palatines, because they come
lastly from that country, are mostly Switzers, being drove from the
Canton of Bern, for they are Baptists, 46 and won't fight or swear.
They don't shave their heads and are many of them wealthy men,
having got the best land in the Province. They live 60 or 70
miles off, but come frequently to Town with their waggons, laden
with skins, (which belong to the Indian traders), butter, flour
etc. There are many Lutherans, and some Reformed, mixed
among 'em. In other parts of the country they are, chiefly, Re-
formed, so that I suppose the Presbyt'n party are as numerous as
the Quakers or near it.
The opposition of Weiss to Boehm's ministry instead of
driving Boehm out of his office, induced the elders of his
three congregations at Skippack, Whitemarsh and Falkner
Swamp to appeal to the Classis of Amsterdam through the
Dutch Reformed ministers of New York. The petition
45 This statement has caused a good deal of discussion, see Weiser,
Monograph, p. 17 f., and Good, History, p. 117, note. The easiest solu-
tion of the difficulty is to suppose a misprint of 9 for 3, because the letter
as originally printed in Hazard's Register, Vol. XV, p. 200 f., uses the
figure 9, not the word " nine," as the later reprints of the letter do.
46 This statement refers to a colony of German Mennonites, who settled
in 1709 and following years along the Pequea Creek in Lancaster County,
see Rupp, History of Lancaster County, pp. 72-114; C. H. Smith, The
Mennonites in America, Scottdale, 1909, pp. 134-181.
Ordination of Boehm 39
of the consistories of Boehm's churches was drawn up in
July, 1728. A preliminary answer was given by the
Classis on December 1, 1728, and a final decision on June
20, 1729, in which the call, extended to Boehm by the peo-
ple, was declared valid and the Dutch ministers of New
York were asked to ordain Mr. Boehm. This ordination
of Mr. Boehm took place in the Dutch Reformed Church
in New York on November 23, 1729. 47 On the follow-
ing day a public reconciliation between Mr. Boehm and
Mr. Weiss (who had also been summoned to New York)
took place, in which each promised to recognize the min-
istry of the other and confine himself to his own congre-
gations, Mr. Weiss to Philadelphia and Germantown, Mr.
Boehm to Falkner Swamp, Skippack and Whitemarsh.
These promises were unfortunately not kept by Mr. Weiss,
but he allowed himself to be persuaded by his followers
to disregard them.
Of the ministry of Weiss at Goshenhoppen little is
known, and all that we know comes from the pen of Mr.
Boehm. The first communion service, on October 12,
1727, has already been referred to. In the same letter of
Boehm, quoted above, he writes: 48
At the above mentioned Goschenhoppen on the same 12th of
October and later on the 19th at Schipbach, that is in the very
place in which I had been regularly called, and also on the 26th in
Philadelphia, in these public assemblies he spoke of me by name
and declared me to be an incompetent preacher, whom he did not
regard as fit to administer the holy sacraments.
47 The papers relating to the ordination of Mr. Boehm have been
printed repeatedly. See Mercersburg Review, Vol. XXIII (1876), pp.
528-557; Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, Vol. IV, pp.
2425-2437, 2468-75, 2478-88; Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VI, pp. 303-324;
also Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 155-183.
48 Journal of P. H. S„ Vol. VII, p. 56; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 216.
4°
History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
In his report of 1739, Mr. Boehm writes of Goshen-
hoppen as follows : 49
Of this congregation I know little, for it never wanted to be
under our Church Order, but desired to be its own master. When
Do. Weiss, as stated above, came into the country and created great
confusion, they faithfully adhered to him.
It was during his ministry at Goshenhoppen that Mr.
Weiss made numerous missionary tours throughout the
province. Thus he preached repeatedly to the Reformed
settlers in the Conestoga valley. He was also the first
Reformed minister who preached at Oley, unless Rev.
Samuel Guldin was there before him, of which, however,
we have no contemporaneous evidence. As to his activity
at Oley, Mr. Boehm wrote as follows to Holland in No-
vember, 1730 : 50
Mr. Weiss celebrated the Lord's Supper, without previous prep-
aration, at a place named Oley, where the sect calling itself the
"New Born" (originated) and baptized at the same time several
children, among (as is reported) were also Indian children, who
as unbelievers, go about like wild animals, without knowledge of
God or of his Word. Of which he boasted with his own mouth
before Peter Zenger, sexton of the Reformed Church in New York,
as the latter himself declared.
49 Minutes of Coetus, p. 9.
50 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 58 ; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 217 f.
Book of Weiss on Newborn 41
The contact of Mr. Weiss with the New Born at Oley
called forth the first book written by a German Reformed
minister in Pennsylvania and printed there in 1729. 51 Its
title may be rendered as follows in English:
The Preacher, / traveling about in the American Wilderness/
among different nationalities and religions / and frequently at-
tacked, /portrayed and presented /in a conversation with a /Citi-
zen and a New Born. / Treating of different subjects but especially
of /the New Birth. / Prepared and /brought to light out of his
own experience and / for the advancement of the glory of / Jesus, /
by George Michael Weiss, V.D.M. /
Printed at Philadelphia / by Andrew Bradford, 1729.
The purpose of the book was to show that the doctrines
taught by the New Born were neither rational nor scrip-
tural. Their rejection of prayer and of the holy scrip-
tures, their repudiation of the ministry and of religious
worship, including the sacraments, together with their
claims of perfect sinlessness could not be accepted because
they were against reason and Holy Scripture.
The reference to the baptism of Indian children at Oley,
sometime between 1727-1730, is decidedly interesting.
It is by far the earliest Indian baptism in Pennsylvania
known to the writer. That Weiss was much interested in
the Indians is shown by a book which he wrote later in
life at Burnetsfield, New York. The minutes of the
Classis of Amsterdam, under date September 3, 1742,
51 The only known copy of this exceedingly rare book was found by the
writer in 1899 in the Congressional Library at Washington, D. C. For
an account of it see Reformed Church Messenger of March 9 and 16, 1899;
also Dr. Sachse's German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, pp. 155-159-
It was reprinted and translated in Penn Germania, Vol. I, pp. 336-361.
4 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
DELK
IN 13ER AMERICAN!--
SCHEN 'WILDNUSZ
later M«*fchea von varfchicdenea
NatkaKrn und Religionen
Mki und vieder ierum Wandas
t?nd yerfchiedencttch Angefochtsne
PREDIGER.
Abgeomhfet und vcrgetdtee
lii einem Gefpraech mft Einem
Politico und Nem&arenen*
Vcrfchiedene Studc infonderhelt
Die IfetgtSbrr betrefiende,
Vertenget^nnd zu Beforderoog derEhac
J ESU
Sim aus ftgener " Erfabmng an das
Lkfit gebr&cht
■ i i T — — K— — ■ * " " "^ *^^"^
7&i GmgfMtbazX ftfiijf V. D. .M.
tfM9«MM««H
Book of Weiss on Indians 43
refer to the receipt of a letter of Weiss, dated May 10,
1741: 52
The Book of Weiss on the Indians, 1741.
This letter was accompanied by a package, in which the Rev.
Weiss sends over: (1) A small painting of the wild men of North
America, mentioned above in the letter. (2) "A faithful descrip-
tion of the savages in North America, as to their persons, charac-
teristics, tribes, languages, names, houses, dress, ornaments, mar-
riages, food, drink, domestic implements, housekeeping, hunting,
fishing, war, superstitions, political government, besides other re-
markable matters, composed from personal experience, by George
Michael Weiss, V. D. M." Thus reads the title. This descrip-
tion covers ninety-six and a half pages, in 8 vo., besides the preface
[dedication], which is brief, to the Classis. In this he states the
reasons which induced him thereto [viz. to prepare this book]
and to communicate the same to the Classis. He doubted not that
it would be agreeable to the Classis, and would be looked upon
favorably, since he is cognizant of the paternal love which the Rev.
Classis bears towards him. It ends with a wish for our prosperity
and blessing. The introduction is signed at Albany, N. Y., by
Rev. Weiss of Bumetsfield, October 4, 1741. Then follows the
description itself.
Unfortunately no copy of this book has been preserved,
which is much to be regretted, as his description of Indian
manners and customs would no doubt have proved to be
very interesting.
When Weiss came to Pennsylvania he found most of
52 Ecclesiastical Records of Neiv York, Vol. IV, p. 2778. In a letter to
the Classis on July 14, 1741, Weiss informs the Classis "that, inasmuch as
he has had excellent opportunities to observe the ways of the wild men
(Indians), and inasmuch as these people are very interesting, he has on
several occasion spoken to them by means of an interpreter, about Chris-
tian doctrines, and has baptized many of them, at their request," /. c,
p. 2760.
44 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the Reformed people there in great poverty, unable to pay
their minister a decent salary. A letter of Rev. John B.
Rieger and Dr. John Jacob Diemer sets forth the situation
very clearly. They write to the Deputies of the Synods,
under date March 4, 1733 : 53
For most of the people, who come hither and have no means, are
compelled to sell themselves and also their children who generally
must serve until their 20th year, as here in Philadelphia some hun-
dreds are in the service of the English people, but have the privi-
lege to attend our services. ... At Philadelphia, which is the
capital, and where most of the grain is shipped, in order to convey
it to other lands, there are but ten [Reformed] families, which are
well-to-do, all the others are in service. Among the townships
Schippach is the most thickly settled, where about forty families
may be counted, but they are for the most part poor, and it is nearly
thirty miles from the city. The other localities are at a still
greater distance.
When Mr. Weiss faced these conditions for the first
time he felt much inclined to give up his work in Pennsyl-
vania and return to Germany. This appears clearly in a
statement of Jacob Reiff, which will be presented later in
connection with his trip to Holland. 54
Meanwhile, in order to increase his income, Weiss
offered to give instruction in some of the subjects which
he had studied in the University of Heidelberg.
Beginning with February 10, 1730, and continuing
through eight successive weekly issues of the American
Weekly Mercury, printed by Andrew Bradford in Phila-
53 This letter is preserved in the Synodical archives at the Hague, 74,
I, 15. The numbers of the documents at the Hague are quoted according
to the number given to them in the printed catalogue, entitled Catalogus
van het Oud Synodaal Archief, bewerkt door H. Q. Janssen, 's Graven-
hage, 1878.
54 See below, p. 46.
Advertisement of Weiss 45
delphia, Weiss had the following notice inserted in that
paper:
This is to give notice, that the subscriber hereof, being desirous
to be as generally useful as he can in this country (wherein he is
a stranger) do declare his willingness to teach Logick, Natural
Philosophy, Metaphysicks etc. to all such as are willing to learn.
The Place of Teaching will be at the widow Sprogel's in the Sec-
ond Street, Philadelphia, where he will attend, if he has encour-
agement, Three times a week for that Exercise.
N. B. All persons that come, either as Learners, or Hearers,
will be civilly Treated. By G. M. Minister of the Reformed
Palatine Church.
In the first insertion he signs himself " G.M.," then
twice "G. Michael," then six times, from March 3-April
6, 1730, in full "G. Michael Weiss."
It is very doubtful whether the people of Philadelphia
at that time, struggling for the very necessaries of life,
cared much about being instructed in the mysteries of phi-
losophy or the abstractions of metaphysics. At any rate,
a month after the last advertisement we find Weiss prepar-
ing to return to Holland for the purpose of raising there
some money for his needy churches.
46 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The Collecting Tour of Weiss and Reiff to
Holland, 1730-31.
It is interesting to trace this new undertaking of Weiss
to its origin. When three years later [in 1733], Jacob
Reiff was cited into court, to give an account of the moneys
collected in Holland, he stated: 55
He [the defendant] further answereth and saith that the said
congregations of Philadelphia and Skippack in conjunction with
their minister George Michael Weitzius (alias Weiss) did prefer
a petition to the excellent Classis of Divinity in the United Prov-
inces, which petition this defendant saith was signed and subscribed
by the church wardens or elders of both the said congregations of
Philadelphia and Skippack and (as this defendant remembers) it
set forth the unhappy and necessitous condition of the said congre-
gations and prayed the charitable donations of the said Classis, and
this defendant delivered the said petition to Dr. Wilhelmus in the
Bill named. This defendant believes a report was spread in Pen-
silvania that collections of money had thereupon been made, and
that before such news arrived the said George Michael Weitzius
{alias Weiss) had prepared to return to Holland or Germany, and
that upon receiving the said news the said congregations or one of
them might entreat him to stay, to which the said George Michael
Weitzius (alias Weiss) might make such answer as in the com-
plainants said bill of complaint is set forth, and might promise to
serve them to the utmost of his power; and this defendant doth
acknowledge himself to have been a member of the German Re-
formed Church of Skippack from its first establishment, but not of
the German Reformed Church of Philadelphia, as in the bill
charged. And this defendant doth deny that he usually traded
into Holland or Germany, as in the complainants said bill of com-
plaint is falsely suggested, other than and except that this defendant
went over there in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred
and twenty seven to fetch his relations and laid out his money (as
55 See papers in Reiff Case, printed in Reformed Quarterly Review,
Vol. XL (1893), p. 61.
Collecting Tour of Weiss 47
passengers generally do) in goods fit for sale in this country. And
this defendant saith that before or since that time he never carried
on any trade to or from Holland or Germany (except as herein-
after mentioned). And this defendant doth admit that he was
acquainted with Doctor Wilhelmus in the bill named, and was
informed by him that a collection had been made in favor of said
congregations of the German Reformed Church of Philadelphia
and Skippack to the amount of about two hundred guilders, but
knows not of his own knowledge what sum was collected. And
this defendant saith that the said Doctor Wilhelmus requested him
this defendant to receive the monies so collected for use of the sd.
congregations of Philadelphia and Skippack. But this defendant
absolutely refused so to do, having been informed by letter from
some of his friends in Pensilvania that some of the members of the
sd. congregations were jealous or entertained some suspicions of this
defendants' honesty, or to that purpose. And this defendant saith
that he this defendant returned to [from] Holland from [to]
Pennsylvania in August in the year of our Lord 1729.
From this statement a number of important facts can
be gathered:
1. The Reformed congregations of Philadelphia and
Skippack had drawn up a petition, addressed to the Re-
formed Classis of Holland, asking for a collection to be
taken up in their behalf.
2. This petition was personally delivered by Jacob
Reifif to Dr. Wilhelmius, then pastor in Rotterdam. And,
as Reiff, according to his own statement, went to Holland
only once before his journey in 1730, namely in 1727,
when he intended " to fetch his relations," this petition
must have been written and was delivered in 1727.
3. Weiss had become so disheartened in Pennsylvania,
that even before an answer to this petition was received,
he had made up his mind to return to Europe, and it was
only when it became apparent that the people of Holland
48 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
had acted favorably upon the petition that he promised his
congregations in Pennsylvania to serve them to the utmost
of his power.
4. That when Reiff returned from Germany to Hol-
land, Dr. Wilhelmius offered to turn the money collected
for the Reformed congregations of Philadelphia and Skip-
pack over to him, but Reiff refused to accept it, as he had
learnt from letters that his honesty had been questioned
in Pennsylvania.
5. Reiff returned to Philadelphia in August, 1729.
The lawyer, who wrote Reiff's answer to the bill of com-
plaint, evidently exchanged the prepositions "to" and
" from." In 1729 Reiff returned " from " Holland " to "
Pennsylvania and not vice versa. 56 This is shown by the
immigrant lists, for on August 19, 1729, Reiff landed in
Philadelphia on the ship Mortonhouse, from Rotterdam.
With him were Johannes Reif, evidently a relative, Wen-
del Wiant, Jacob Sellser [Selzer], Johann Peter Moll,
who settled in Goshenhoppen; Richard Fetter and Hans
Michael Frohlich, who became members of the Reformed
congregation at Philadelphia; David Montandon, who is
found in Skippack in 1730 and Johan Philip Ranck and
Conrad Worntz, also Reformed people, who settled in the
Conestoga valley. It is not impossible that Reiff was
really the leader of this whole company.
The petition of 1727, which Weiss and his consistories
addressed to the Classes of Holland and which was deliv-
ered to Dr. Wilhelmius, found its way to the Synod of
56 This conclusion is made absolutely certain by a sentence which occurs
a little later in the same document: "On the contrary this defendant saith
that on his return from Holland to Pensilvania in the year of our Lord as
aforesaid ... he had no thought or design of going abroad any more " ;
/. c, p. 62.
Synods of Holland 49
North Holland. In the minutes of the North Holland
Synod, dated July 27-August 5, 1728, we read: 57
The corresponding delegates of the South Holland Synod rec-
ommended Philadelphia, from which this Christian Synod also
received a letter, containing a request to take up a collection for
them, for the building of a new church by our fellow believers who
have fled thither from the Palatinate.
This is the very first reference in the minutes of the
North Holland Synod to the Reformed congregations in
Pennsylvania. Weiss's petition of 1727 has, therefore,
the distinction of being the first link in the chain which
brought the Reformed churches of Holland and Pennsyl-
vania together and was the beginning of a union which
lasted 6s years (1727-1792).
But Weiss had written not only to Holland, he had also
addressed himself to the consistory of the Palatinate. In
the German certificate, which the Upper Consistory of the
Palatinate signed for him on April 26, 1728, it is distinctly
stated that in asking for this certificate in a letter dated
December 3, 1727, he had "made a report to the Con-
sistory of the Electoral Palatinate concerning the present
religious and ecclesiastical affairs there."
The effect of this letter can also be traced in the Hol-
land records, for at the meeting of the South Holland
Synod at Woerden, from July 6-16, 1728 :
The president read a letter addressed to this Christian Synod by
the Great Consistory of Heidelberg, containing a request to receive
something for the building of a Church in Pennsylvania by our
fellow-believers, who have gone thither from the Palatinate, be-
cause they are compelled to conduct divine service under the blue
sky. It has been thought, that under the blessing of the Almighty,
this affair [undertaking] might result in a large blessing for the
57 Ecclesiastical Records of New York, Vol. IV, p. 2424.
5
50 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Church and, therefore, it was resolved to recommend it earnestly
to the Classes.
This letter is also the first one on record, by which the
South Holland Synod was made acquainted with the con-
dition of the Reformed people in Pennsylvania. Thus we
are brought to the important conclusion that in July, 1728,
the attention both of the North and the South Holland
Synods was drawn to the Reformed churches of Pennsyl-
vania through the influence of the letters of Weiss, written
in 1727. The appeal of Mr. Boehm's congregations,
written to the Classis of Amsterdam in July 1728, did not
reach Holland till November, 1728. On November 14,
1728, it is first mentioned in the Classical Minutes. 58
Hence it is evident that the letters of Weiss must be given
the credit of having first directed the attention of the
"Fathers" in Holland to the struggling Reformed
churches in Pennsylvania.
When Mr. Weiss heard that, in answer to his letters to
Holland and the Palatinate, collections had been taken in
Holland for the poor Reformed settlers in Pennsylvania,
he determined to return to Holland, in order to take charge
of this money personally. Before he left he arranged
several farewell services with his adherents at Skippack.
On May 17, 1730, John Philip Boehm wrote about them
as follows to the Dutch Reformed ministers in New
York: 59
Then he [Weiss] stayed away [from Skippack] for some time
until now, on the 30th of April, he returned at the request of the
seceders, and held the preparatory service and on May 1st cele-
brated the Lord's Supper. He likewise preached on the 7th, being
Ascension day, and again to-day. They are all called farewell
58 Ecclesiastical Records of New York, Vol. IV, p. 2440.
59 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 47; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 208.
Letter of Boehm 51
services. Moreover, after these sermons and at other occasions he
baptized various children and married people. He thus revealed
what intention he had in mind during all this time. Through all
this our poor congregation, which has been completely split by him,
has been kept thus far in such harmful division and strife.
Boehm had also heard about the object of Weiss's jour-
ney and was not at all pleased with it. He regarded it
only as a means of strengthening still more the opposition
to him. Continuing the above quoted letter to New York,
he wrote :
Moreover he ("Weiss] is now setting further mischief on foot,
for he has resolved to cross the ocean with the avowed intention
of going to Holland to receive the money which, he claims, has
been collected there in answer to his letter. He intends to put this
out at interest, so he can live on it. Then he is going to return.
Through this the poor seceding members, who have been driven
into rebellion through him, will still further be hardened.
When Weiss was ready to leave, his elders associated
Jacob Reiff with him, a well-to-do man and member of the
Skippack congregation, for they feared that Weiss might
be persuaded to stay in Holland or return to Germany.
In that case Reiff was to take charge of the collected money
and also try to secure them another minister. That this
52 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
was the reason why Reiff was associated with Weiss is
asserted in a letter of Rev. John B. Rieger and Dr. John
Jacob Diemer, written on March 4, 1733, to the Synod-
ical Deputies. They write in the course of their letter: 60
When Dominie Weiss, about three years ago, resolved to go to
Holland and Germany to present our need to good-hearted souls
eager to advance the honor of God, a doubt arose in the minds of
some of us, whether he might not allow himself to be persuaded
to remain in Germany, whereby our good efforts would prove
fruitless. For this reason we associated with him Jacob Reif, a
naturalized citizen of this country and a well-to-do man, who
intended to travel to Germany, and we gave him a special power of
attorney, by virtue of which he was requested to take charge of the
collection, in case Weiss would not return, and act in accordance
with the orders of the consistory of Amsterdam and Rotterdam.
That a possible change of ministers was contemplated
appears also from a statement made by Do. Wilhelmius
before the Synod of North Holland, held at Enkhuysen,
July 29-August 7, 1732. The minutes of that meeting
state :
Do. Wilhelmius has heard that the Society of Merchants has
bought a large district in Pennsylvania, but intended to sell this
land again, for which purpose J. Ryff has traveled to the Palati-
nate. The said Mr. Wilhelmius had proposed Mr. Hottinger to
J. Ryff, with the view of sending him to Pennsylvania, for the
purpose of organizing the Church there. About this matter J.
Ryff had written to Wilhelmius, that he had spoken to Mr. Hot-
tinger about it and that he was not without hope that Mr. Hot-
tinger could be persuaded to do this.
From these two documents we learn incidentally that
Jacob Reiff had other reasons for going to Holland and
Germany in 1730. He was traveling in behalf of a so-
G0 The original is in the Hague archives, 74, I, 15.
Jacob Reiff in Court 53
ciety of merchants as a land agent, and probably induced
a number of those who are later found as his traveling
companions on the ship " Mortonhouse " to go with him
to Pennsylvania.
Reiff himself hotly denied in his answer to the bill of
complaint preferred against him in 1732, that he had any
other motive for going to Holland in 1730 except to serve
the congregations of Philadelphia and Germantown. He
said: 61
Answer of Reiff to Bill of Complaint, September 4, 1733.
[This defendant] denies that he did acquaint the said congre-
gations, church-wardens or elders, or any person or persons what-
soever, that he intended a voyage to Holland and from thence to
Frankfort in Germany, or that he should be glad of the company
of the said George Michael Weitzius (alias Weiss) or that he
would willingly assist him in doing any service he could to his
brethren of the Reformed Church of Philadelphia; or that if he
should stand in need of any money for that purpose or for his own
private wants that he this defendant would furnish him, or any-
thing to that or the like purpose, as in the said bill of complaint is
falsely suggested. But on the contrary this defendant saith that
on his return from Holland to Pensilvania in the year of our Lord
1729 as aforesaid (or any time afterwards till prevailed on as here-
after mentioned) he had no thought or design of going abroad any
more. But several of the church-wardens or elders of the said
congregations of Philada. and Skippack and the said George
Michael Weitzius (alias Weiss) frequently applied, to the defendant
and earnestly entreated him to go to Holland and Germany once
more, to accompany and assist the said George Michael Weitzius
(alias Weiss) in collecting and receiving monies collected and to be
collected for the use of the said congregations. And the better to
prevail on this defendant to comply with their request, they volun-
tarily and of their own accord faithfully promised that they would
61 Reformed Quarterly Review, Vol. XL, p. 61 f.
54 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
reimburse and pay to him this defendant all costs and charges and
expenses that he should be at in the said voyage, and that they
would likewise pay and allow him any reasonable satisfaction for
his time and trouble therein. But this defendant often refused
to take the said voyage, this defendant being then employed in car-
rying on certain buildings on his plantation at Skippack, and it
was likely to be very prejudicial to this defendants affairs. And
this defendant saith that in order to get rid of their importunities
he endeavored to get some other person to undertake the said
voyage in his stead and accordingly offered £5 out of his own
pocket to one Hans William Rohrich who was willing to go. But
neither of the said congregations thought fit to trust him. And
this defendant saith that by the continued importunities of the said
members of the said congregations, their elders or church wardens
and minister, induced by their fair promises expecting that agree-
able thereto he should be reimbursed all the charge and expense he
should be at and be also generously rewarded for his trouble, and
upon the said elders or church-wardens signing an instrument for
that purpose, he the said defendant was at length prevailed upon
to undertake the said voyage, tho' hazardous, troublesome and very
prejudicial to this defendants affairs and interest, and the great
displeasure and uneasiness of his most intimate friends and rela-
tions. And this defendant saith that true it is a power was given
to this defendant signed by the elders or church wardens of both
the said congregations of Philadelphia and Skippack, but denies that
the said power is of the purport or contents in the bill set forth or
that he was thereby enjoined to observe the directions of the Classis
in Holland, as may appear by the said power now in the defendants
possession and ready to be produced to this honorable court, a copy
whereof is to this defendants answer annexed, which this defendant
prays may be taken as part of this his answer.
This power of attorney, written in incoherent German,
with several words left out, as well as poorly spelled, was,
according to Reiff's copy [presumably correct] as follows : 62
62 Reiff's copy of this power of attorney is in the Harbaugh collection
of manuscripts; printed in the Reformed Quarterly Review, Vol. XL, p. 58.
Power of Attorney 55
Power of Attorney Given to Reiff, May 19, 1730.
Forasmuch as our pastor, Mr. Weiss, has resolved to take a
journey, accompanied by Jacob Reiff, to England and Rotterdam,
for the purpose of receiving the collection which is said to be lying
ready there, [intended] for the erection of a church in this coun-
try ; authority is herewith given to Jacob Reiff to take entire charge,
so that Mr. Weiss may be expedited on his immediate return with
the same to Pennsylvania. Therefore we also entrust everything
to his good conscience, and give him plenary power in everything.
In testimony whereof we subscribe our names. Given at Phila-
delphia, May 19, 1730.
We hereby request Jacob Reiff to arrange matters in such a way
that, if Pastor Weiss should or would not return to this country, 63
he, Reiff, may at once bring with him a minister from Heidelberg,
and provide him with whatever is most necessary ; because if monies
collected should be no longer on hand, we deem is unnecessary that
Mr. Weiss proceed further in his journey, but that, according to
his best judgment, Jacob Reiff should deliver the letters at their
proper destination and personally ask for a reply thereto.
Signed by all the elders of the two congregations at Philadelphia
and Skippack:
[Philadelphia] [Skippack]
J. Diemer, D.M.P. Wendel Keiber
PlETER LECOLIE DeOBALT JUNG
JOHANN WlLLEM RORIG CHRISTOFFEL SCHMITT
Henrich Weller Gerhart (G.I.H.) Inde Heven
George Peter Hillengass George Reif
Hans Michel Frolich Georg Philip Dodder.
Michel Hillengass.
It is significant of the state of affairs that Reiff admits
in his answer to the bill of complaint " that at the time
when the said power was given, the said George Michael
63 This statement shows that there was still a lurking suspicion in the
minds of some of his members that Weiss would not return to Pennsylvania.
$6 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Weitzius (alias Weiss) was absent and this defendant be-
lieves it was given without his knowledge."
When Weiss and Reiff left for Holland they took with
them several letters. The consistory of the Dutch Re-
formed congregation at Neshaminy, Bucks County, sent
through Mr. Reiff a letter, dated May 3, 1730, to the Rev.
David Knibbe of Leyden and the Rev. John Wilhelmius
of Rotterdam, 64 asking them to issue in their name a call
to a minister for the Dutch Reformed church in Bucks
County at a salary of sixty pounds, and sending at the
same time a sum of money to pay his traveling expenses.
Two other letters, dated May 10, 1730, almost identical in
contents, were sent by the followers of Weiss at Skippack,
one to the Classis of Amsterdam, the other to the Classis
of Rotterdam. As these letters have not been published
before, we offer herewith a translation of the letter to the
Classis of Amsterdam, which is the more interesting of
the two, because 41 signatures of people living at Skip-
pack in 1730, are affixed to it. It reads as follows: 65
Letter of the Skippack Reformed Church to the Classis
of Amsterdam, May 10, 1730.
Very Worthy, Very Learned, our Highly Respected Gentlemen of
the far famed Classis of Amsterdam.
A whole congregation ventures, upon the request of the elders
and deacons of the Reformed Church and Congregation at Skip-
pack, to submit this present letter to the very Reverend Classis of
64 This letter, together with the old church records of the congregation,
is now in the archives of the Theological Seminary at New Brunswick,
N.J. It was translated and published by the writer in a paper, read before
the Bucks County Hist. Society, January 19, 1918, on the Life and Work of
the Rev. Peter H. Dorsius.
65 The original of this letter is in the archives of the Classis of Amster-
dam, " Pennsylvania Portfolio," new letters, No. 4.
Letter of Skippack Church 57
Amsterdam with the request to look upon it with favorable eyes.
It is indeed a great comfort to us here in this wilderness that a
Reverend Classis has taken our affairs somewhat to heart, which
favor we are certainly unable to appreciate sufficiently with a thank-
ful spirit, yet it pains us that we are unable to accept and recognize
Mr. Boehm as our minister, in whose behalf a letter was addressed
to the Reverend Classis, in the name of the congregation at Schi-
bach. This is due to the fact, that he did not hesitate, without our
knowledge and against our will, to deceive with a false statement
your Reverences, for whom we have and shall always maintain the
highest respect. For in our name and with the addition of some
signatures he asked and petitioned a Reverend Classis about things
which we have not even thought of. We recognize that, in answer
to Mr. Boehm's supplications, the Reverend Classis had the best
interests of the Reformed Congregation in view and acted very
wisely, but it was certainly desirable that Mr. Boehm should have
made the same profession of his intentions here in this country as
before a Reverend Classis, so that we would not be compelled to
annoy you with complaints.
We, the whole congregation in the neighborhood of Schibach
creek, are well satisfied with our minister, Mr. Weiss, who, in
answer to a regular call and upon our repeated requests and desires,
undertook the service of the ministry among us. We are deeply
grieved that he is to be taken from our congregation. It appears
to us so hard, because we feel as if we were no longer worthy to
hear the Word, which is the only saving means of grace, from a
duly ordained minister of God's Word, who insists on a virtuous,
loving and God-fearing heart. We can have great confidence in a
man, who leads a good life, but little in one who has a restless
head and mixes too much in worldly affairs. Rev. Mr. Weiss
read on December 7, 1729, after his sermon at Schibach, the de-
cision of the Reverend Classis regarding the ordination of Mr.
Boehm which had taken place. But, as we were greatly dismayed
about this, we asked Mr. Weiss to spare us in this, as we could not
possibly accept Mr. Boehm and recognize him as a minister. The
letter which Mr. Boehm had written some time ago to the Reverend
5 8 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Classis, had not been sent with our knowledge and consent. Now
the Reverend Classis can easily see what to think of Mr. Boehm's
petition and how he deceived us all.
We hope that for this reason the Reverend Classis will not take
it amiss, inasmuch as we do not wish to give thereby offence to the
whole Reformed Church nor any occasion for slander to the mani-
fold sects in this country.
However, we heartily forgive Mr. Boehm for what he has done
in this matter, if only he will give up his purpose. We herewith
request the Reverend Classis to favor us with a reply in so impor-
tant a matter, in order that we may be governed by it and not be
hindered in our divine services.
With all dutiful respect all of us remain greatly indebted to the
Reverend Classis,
Schibach, May 10, 1730.
The most submissive and obedient servants of the Reverend
Classis, Deacons and Elders of the Congregation at Schibach:
Wendel Keupper Gerhart (G.I.H.) Indeheven
Christophel Schmitt Hans Georg Reiff.
Dewald Jung Jagob Keller
Johannes Scholl Marte Hiltebeudel
Johannes Lefeber Ulrich Steffen
Johannes Leman Johan Jacob Arndt
Jost Ferer Hans Adam (H M) Mauer
Felix Guth Johann Philb Ried
Henrich H Huwer Phillips Henrich Soller
Jerg (G) Gernan Johannes Lebo
Valentin(VHA) Hans Amen Bastian Schmit
Lorentz Schweitzer Hans Filb Steinheindig
Johannes (O) Willhe Jacob Heidschuh
Peter Wence Jost Scheuler
nlcklas l6scher jacob hanf
Christian Weber David Montandon
Peter Borger Hans Jerg Bauman
Weiss in Holland 59
Carl Ludwig Keipper Friderich Scholl
Andreas Hack Jacel Leidy
Ludwig Schefer Georg Philib Dodder.
WlLLHELM SCHMIT
The point made against Boehm in this complaint was of
course poorly taken. In order to have a valid petition
Boehm did not need to have the signatures and consent of
all the members of his congregations. It was enough that
he had the signatures of all his elders. The plaint of the
seceders at Skippack amounts simply to this, that Boehm
did not take them, his enemies, into his confidence. There
was no deception in that and no sensible man can blame
him for not doing it. It was the part of wisdom to keep
his own counsels.
Before Weiss and Reiff reached Holland the Synod of
South Holland had been held July 4 to 14, 1730, at
Breda, 66 at which its president, Rev. Dr. Wilhelmius of
Rotterdam, read a lengthy report. In it he stated among
other things that the number of Reformed confessors from
the Palatinate then in Pennsylvania was 15,000. They
were increasing year by year through new arrivals. Only
a few weeks before the meeting of Synod, three ships with
600 emigrants had passed through Rotterdam. The
same report was also read before the Synod of North Hol-
land, held July 21 to August 3, 1730. As a result of this
report the church of Pennsylvania was earnestly recom-
mended to the benevolence of the Classes.
Weiss and Reiff arrived in Holland shortly after the ses-
sions of these Synods. We first meet them at Haarlem 67
66 There is no evidence that Weiss and Reiff were present at the Synod
of Breda. Their names are not mentioned in the minutes of that meeting.
67 These dates are based on the list of contributions printed in the
writer's " History of the Reiff Case," in Mr. Dotterer's Historical Notes,
p. 153. There are three contemporaneous copies of this list: (i) In the
60 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
on August 10, where the Rev. Jacob Geelkerke handed
them fl. 390, collected by the Synod of North Holland.
A few days later, on August 15 to 16, they were at Rot-
terdam, where the Rev. Alardus Tiele gave them, by
order of the Synod on South Holland, held at Kuilenburg
in 1729, fl. 696.12, and the Rev. Barth. Van Velse handed
over the contributions of the Synod just held at Breda in
1730, namely fl. 79. At the same time they appeared
before the Synodical Deputies, whose minutes of August
15 to 16, 1730, give us the following information:
Weiss and Reiff before the Synodical Deputies.
1. The Deputies of the Synods have requested the Rev. Classis
of Schieland to appoint some of her midst to make further inquiries,
in accordance with the resolution of the Rev. Synod of South Hol-
land, held at Breda, regarding the report touching the churches in
Pennsylvania, which had been presented to the Synod. They hear
with much satisfaction from the mouth of the president, Do.
Wilhelmius, that a good opportunity will be afforded to do this, be-
cause the Rev. George Michael Weitzius, minister at Philadelphia
and an elder of that congregation 67a are at present in Rotterdam.
2. Who having been interviewed at length by the Deputies
about the condition of the church and the contents of the memorial,
presented before Syond, it was resolved to further discuss the matter
with them tomorrow at the house of Do. Wilhelmius.
3. Having met here, the above mentioned Do. Weitzius
(a) presented to the Deputies his certificate of examination and
the commission given to him by Upper Consistory at Heidelberg,
Harbaugh manuscripts (see Ref. Quarterly Review, Vol. XL (1893), p.
68 f.) ; (2) in the Minutes of the Synodical Deputies, under date April
13-16, 1739 (see Dotterer's Historical Notes, p. 153) ; (3) in the letter
book at the Hague, 74, II, 3. pp. 15. 16.
67a Reif was not an elder, but only a member of the Skippack Church,
see Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 237; see also his own statement, above,
p. 46.
Weiss before Deputies 61
dated May I, 1727, and renewed by the said Consistory on April
26, 1728.
(b) He gave an account of the large number of Reformed
people in Pennsylvania, who have been served hitherto by him alone
and by a certain Philip Beem [Boehm], who has set himself up as
a teacher, although being without education and having no proper
call, but who through wrong information was examined, it seems,
and admitted to the ministry by one of the ministers of New
Netherland, upon the order of the Rev. Classis of Amsterdam,
about which the congregation at Philadelphia and at Skippaclc
wrote a letter to the Classis of Amsterdam and also to the Classis
of Schieland, dated May 30, 1730, signed by forty-four persons,
requesting that the above mentioned Beem might not be forced upon
them as their minister.
(c) He accepted the request to prepare a chart, showing the
different colonies of the Palatines, the distance of one from the
other, and how many churches ought to be built there for their
service, and how many shepherds or teachers would be necessary
to serve them properly, and he agreed further to give a detailed
written account concerning the whole condition of the land and
the Palatines living therein.
The minutes of the meeting of September 12 to 14,
1730, add: "This report came after the close of the ses-
sions and was communicated to the Deputies."
It is very unfortunate that this report and chart of Weiss
are no longer in existence, for they would have given us
no doubt important information regarding the various
German settlements in the province and the earliest Re-
formed congregations.
On September 4, 1730, Weiss and Reiff were in Am-
sterdam, where they appeared before the famous Classis
of that city. The Classical Minutes states that:
Do. G. Mich. Wijs, minister at Philadelphia, appeared with an
elder of Schibach and made known that the congregation at Schi-
62 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
bach, from which also a letter had been received, is very much dis-
turbed and in great confusion, because the congregation refuses to
recognize Do. Boehm as a properly ordained minister, who has
been installed as their pastor, in accordance with the order of this
Classis, by the ministers of New York, which can be seen in the
Acts of January 1 1, 1729. His Reverence requested this Classis
to take such measures as would restore the peace of the congrega-
tion. Whereupon the Deputies for foreign affairs were asked to
investigate this matter carefully and present their recommendations
to this body.
Further his Reverence requested a contribution to build a church
at Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, which congregation is recom-
mended to the charity of all the congregations under the jurisdic-
tion of this Classis.
The two travelers remained in Amsterdam for several
months. On October 18, 1730, the burgomasters of the
city permitted them to collect fl. 600. A list of contribu-
tions spread out upon the minutes of the Synodical Depu-
ties under date April 14, 1739, shows that this sum was
actually collected. The permit issued to them has been
translated and printed several times, but as it is desirable
to have all the documents, bearing on their stay in Hol-
land, put together in one place, we may be pardoned for
repeating it in this connection, with a few minor correc-
tions : 68
Permit of Burgomasters of Amsterdam, October 18, 1730.
The Burgomasters and Magistrates of the City of Amsterdam,
upon the report made to their Honors by George Michael Weiss,
minister, and Jacob Reiff, elder, as commissioners of the Reformed
congregation at Philadelphia, concerning the miserable condition
of the said congregation, consisting in general of poor and needy
68 A contemporaneous copy of this permit in Dutch, from which the
above translation was made, is found at the Hague, Vol. 74, II, 3.
Weiss in Amsterdam 63
people, who were compelled by religious persecution or from lack
of subsistence to emigrate thither, and after long and expensive
journeys had to settle there empty handed ; and being without
places and opportunities for the exercise of their religion, and for
the propagation of the Christian Reformed religion, have resolved,
in order to so far come to the aid of these poor banished brethren
in the faith, in the attainment of their desires, as to grant and per-
mit to their aforesaid commissioners, being assisted by John Peter
Bolthuysen, a resident of this city, that these same, within this city
and its jurisdiction, may visit the homes of the good citizens and
residents and may solicit of the same most courteously the gifts
and donations of their Christian sympathy, such as they may be
willing to contribute to them ; moreover, that they may accept such
gifts and contributions with gratitude to the amount of six hun-
dred guilders and no more.
Done at Amsterdam on the 18th of October 1730.
By ordinance of their Excellencies aforesaid
(L.S.) S. B. Elias.
On October 19, 1730, the consistory of the Reformed
Church at Amsterdam gave fl. 150, through Rev. John
Visscher, pro tern, president of Synod and on the follow-
ing day the diaconate added fl. 600, through Wm. Coeven-
hoven, deacon.
During October and November private persons in Hol-
land contributed fl. 217, so that the total of all the contri-
butions received was fl. 2132.12.
The last reference to the presence of the two delegates
in Holland is found in the minutes of the Classis of the
Hague, which mentions, under date November 6, 1730,
a Latin letter of Do. Weiss, addressed to the Classis, in
which he asked for their help and encouragement.
The later movements of Weiss can fortunately be traced
by an account which he submitted in May, 1738. At that
time he made a trip from German Flats, N. Y., to Skip-
64 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
pack, Pa., in order to bring the long standing " Reiff
Case " to a final settlement. At a conference held at Skip-
pack, Weiss submitted the following paper to be signed
by his former elders. He did not succeed in getting them
to sign it, but they made a copy of his statement, which
ultimately fell into the hands of John Philip Boehm, who
promptly forwarded it to Holland. 69 The statement of
Weiss was as follows :
Statement of Weiss Regarding Money Collected in
Holland.
Schipach, May 8, 1738.
Account, made with J. Reiff, concerning the collected money,
which he received in my presence in Holland at Rotterdam, Haar-
lem and Amsterdam, from the, respective donors, of which he made
the following disposition, namely:
Receipts, according to the collection book added together in sum
total fl. 2104.—
Expenditures, being for necessary expenses:
1. For voyage from Philadelphia to London without the provisions
taken along £18. —
2. For provisions in London during about one month, with the
duty for myself and Jacob Reiff £5.sh.7.d.6.
3. For passage from London to Rotterdam for each I5sh. sterling,
1 chini [guinea] for the bed and 3sh. sterl. for the board.
4. Expenses for half a year's board in Holland and necessary
travels, 700 Dutch guilders.
5. At Rotterdam, shortly before my return to London, Jacob
Reiff gave me 250 Dutch guilders, with which I paid to pas-
sage from Rotterdam to London (when J. Reiff remained in
Holland, i5sh. one chini [guinea] for the bed, 6sh. for the
board.
69 Boehm's copy is in the Pennsylvania Portfolio of the Classical Ar-
chives, No. 20.
Return of Weiss to America 65
The passage from London to Maryland £8. — without the pro-
visions taken along.
The journey from Maryland to Philadelphia by sea £3,sh.i2,d.i.
Board in London i6sh.
In addition for my labor and trouble I ask £50 for the year.
N.B. Jac. Reiff declares to have paid me for clothes and books
nofl.14 stuivers.
When pounds and shillings are referred to, sterling money is
meant.
This statement reveals the fact that Weiss stayed in
Holland six months. Since he arrived about August 10,
1730, he must have left it about February 10, 173 1.
Then he returned to Pennsylvania by way of London and
Maryland.
Besides collecting about fl. 2100 for the congregations
of Philadelphia and Skippack and rousing much interest
for the Reformed people in Pennsylvania, the visit of
Weiss in Holland had another important result. It led
to the publication of the first printed report regarding the
Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, which was laid before
the Synod of South Holland, convened at Dortrecht from
July 3 to 13, 1 73 1, and was ordered printed by that Synod.
The minutes of that meeting state regarding it:
Minutes of South Holland Synod on Reformed Church
in Pennsylvania, July 3-13, 1731.
The Reverend Deputies of the Synod reported, that, in obedience
to the resolution of Synod, they had gathered full information, with
the assistance of the commissioners of the Reverend Classes of
Delft and Delftland as well as of Schieland, from the lips of Do.
Georgius Michael Weitzius, minister at Philadelphia and from his
elder, who have come over hither [to Holland], 70 as well as from
70 This statement proves that the "Berigt" of 1731 was based on the
reports of Weiss, but it was not actually written by him, as has been stated
6
66 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
thorough reports and letters, regarding the condition of the churches
in Pensylvania, which consist of 30,000 baptized members, among
whom are about 15,000 [adult] members. They were served
hitherto by only one minister, namely the aforesaid Do. Weitz,
besides by another, Philippus Beem [Boehm], who, however, has
had no [preparatory] studies nor a call, but was forced upon the
congregation rather than elected by it. They are now busy with
the building of a stone church with materials from that country.
They will need in course of time at different places four other
churches, together with a minister and schoolmaster for each. . . .
Furthermore, the Reverend Deputies read before Synod a draught
of a church order [constitution], composed at the express request
of the Palatine colonists in Pennsylvania, by their Reverences
together with the Commissioners of the Classis of Delft and Delft-
land, as well as those of Schieland, which according to their
opinion (subject to correction) can be introduced to a large extent
into the distant churches, in harmony with the usages of the Pala-
tinate. . . .
The Christian Synod is of the opinion that the Reverend Depu-
ties and Commissioners of the Classes of Delft, Delftland and
Schieland ought to be thanked for the trouble and efforts expended
in this far-reaching affair and for the draught of a church order
which has been read.
This draught should be printed as quickly as possible, so that
during the sessions of this Synod 71 their Reverences, the correspond-
ing delegates as well as the members of Synod, may be provided
with copies and thus be better able to express their opinion regard-
ing it, that if necessary, the draught may be changed or amended
and then be sent as soon as possible to the congregation [in Penn-
sylvania]. The commisioners for this affair shall put such a title
repeatedly. There is reason to think that the author of the " Berigt " was
the Rev. John Wilhelmius, see Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 306, note 190.
71 The Synod at which all these events happened was the Synod of Dort-
recht (or Dort), held in 1731, and not the Synod of Breda of 1730, as has
been stated by Dr. Good in his History of the Reformed Church in the
United States, p. 136, and repeated by Dr. Corwin, Manual of the Re-
formed Church in America, 4th ed., p. 897.
Report and Instructions 67
or statement upon it as shall make it evident that this draught is
only an advice or counsel which the Deputies of this Synod, to-
gether with the Commissioners of Delft, Delftland and Schieland,
drew up at the request preferred to them, so that no suspicion may
be provoked by it. This was done and the copies [of the draught]
were handed over to the members present and to each Classis,
according to the number they had asked for.
Copies of this printed report have come down to us.
One was bought by the writer in Holland for his friend,
the Rev. Prof. J. I. Good, D.D. It is entitled:
Berigt, / en / Onderrigtinge, / nopens en aan de Colonie / en
Kerke/ van / Pensylvanien. /Opgestelt en Uytgegeven door de
Gedeputeerden van/deE. Christelyke Synodus van Zuyd-Holland,
/benevens de Gecommitteerden van de/E. Classis von Delft en
Delfsland, / en Schieland.
Title page, one page of introduction and 18 pages of
text, in small quarto.
The title reads in English:
Report and Instructions, concerning and for the Colony and
Church of Pennsylvania. Prepared and published by the Deputies
of the Rev. Christian Synod of South Holland, together with the
Commissioners of the Rev. Classis of Delft, Delftland and Schie-
land.
As the title indicates the booklet consists of two parts:
(1) a report, covering five pages, (2) an instruction for
the regulation of the churches there, pp. 6-18.
The report gives a brief description of Pennsylvania,
its location, climate, nature of soil, products, metals and
inhabitants. It then traces its history from the first occu-
pation of the country by the Swedes, to its surrender to the
English in 1665 and its acquisition by Penn in 168 1. It
refers to the establishment of Philadelphia and the efforts
of Penn to attract settlers to the colony. It states that
68 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
many inhabitants of Germany were attracted to Pennsyl-
vania, Mennonites, Lutherans and Reformed, but that the
last were nearly half of the whole population or about
15,000. This is, of course, a greatly exaggerated figure.
Of the Reformed people it is said that, being without reli-
gious services, many had gone over to the Quakers. Four
years ago [1727] their first minister had arrived, Weiss,
under whom they had formed a congregation at Skippack,
but that one minister and one church was not sufficient for
the widely scattered Reformed settlers. Therefore they
needed the help of the Reformd Church of the Nether-
lands. With their help even the Indians might be reached
and converted. The log church at Skippack should be
replaced by one of stone and four additional churches
should be erected.
The second part of the pamphlet, called instruction,
proposes the complete organization of the Church in Penn-
sylvania, looking forward even to the formation of a
Classis, but demanding of its ministers subscription to all
the formulas of unity, adopted by the Synod of Dort, in-
cluding the Heidelberg Catechism, Belgic Confession, De-
crees as well as Post-Acta of the Synod of Dort.
Two remarkable facts should be noted with regard to
this proposed constitution for the Reformed churches of
Pennsylvania. The first is that it exerted absolutely no
influence upon the constitutional history of the Reformed
Church. Mr. Boehm clung tenaciously to his own consti-
tution, drawn up in 1725, which had been permitted by the
Classis of Amsterdam in 1729, and which became the con-
stitution of the Coetus of Pennsylvania in 1748. The
other fact is that the opponents of Boehm circulated an
interpolated manuscript copy of this constitution, written
it was claimed by Do. Wilhelmius in Rotterdam, which
Certificate of Philadelphia Church 69
declared that the church in Pennsylvania was an altogether
independent church and could choose as their ministers
whomsoever they pleased. Through this letter the oppo-
nents of Boehm tried to justify their existence of a sepa-
rate organization. 72
When Weiss returned to Pennsylvania, in the summer
of 1 73 1, he found the churches of Philadelphia and Ger-
mantown under the care of another minister and as the
Reformed congregation at Huntersfield, Schoharie County,
N. Y., gave him a call, he accepted it and removed to the
State of New York. 73
Before Weiss left Philadelphia, however, he requested
and received the following letter of commendation from
his elders at Philadelphia. Of this letter, too, he has
spread a copy upon the church record at Catskill, from
which the writer copied the original German recently.
The following is a translation of this certificate:
Certificate Given to Weiss by Philadelphia Reformed
Church.
Copy of the Attestation given to me by my late congregation
at Philadelphia in Pennsylvania, after I had received a letter from
Schohary, not far from Albany.
Inasmuch as our late pastor, the Rev. Mr. G. M. Weiss, has
now resolved to leave Philadelphia and go to Albany, to enter there
72 A copy of this forged letter of Wilhelmius was sent to Amsterdam
by Boehm. It is in the Pennsylvania Portfolio of letters at Amsterdam,
new letters, No. 10. It is printed in full in Life and Letters of Boehm,
pp. 303-311.
73 After a short ministry Weiss left Huntersfield in February, 1732. A
testimonial given him at the time of his removal, February 22, 1732, from
the Huntersfield congregation, is spread upon the Catskill record. Weiss
received and accepted a call from the Dutch Reformed Church at Catskill,
N. Y., dated February 8, 1732. He opened the Catskill record on February
25, 1732. His last baptism there was entered into the record July 6, 1735.
70 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
upon his calling, according to the divine providence, a credible tes-
timonial is given him herewith by the congregation here, that,
according to the obligations of a minister, he discharged the duties
of his office piously, faithfully and diligently and led such a Chris-
tian life that the whole congregation was well satisfied with him,
as we also wish him the blessing of God for his undertaking. In
testimony of which and in the interest of truth we, the elders of
the Reformed Congregation, have hereunto set our signatures and
affixed our seals.
Given in Philadelphia, the 22nd of September 1731.
JOH. DlEMER, (L.S.) PlETER LeCOLIE (L.S.)
JOHANN WlLHELM ROHRIG (L.S.)
Henrich Weller (L.S.)
Conrad Reiff (L.S.)
Gerhardt in de Heffen (L.S.)
With this letter Weiss left Philadelphia and went to his
new field of labor in the state of New York.
CHAPTER II.
Ministry of Rev. John Peter Miller, 1730-1734.
y J(^^ N August 29, 1730, there appeared in the
a m -—ft courthouse of Philadelphia a man who was
fl ■ destined to play a prominent part in the reli-
^ J ~W gious life of Pennsylvania. It was John
^^— *^ Peter Miller, the later monk at Ephrata,
who came to Pennsylvania as a Reformed
candidate of theology.
The life of John Peter Miller has often been sketched, 74
but no one has ever attempted to gather together all the
documents bearing on the few years which he spent as
minister of the Reformed Church in Pennsylvania. This
shall be our aim, to shed as much light as possible upon
his short career as a Reformed minister.
On December 29, 1725, there registered in the matricu-
lation book of the University of Heidelberg "Johannes
74 For earlier accounts of Peter Miller see Harbaugh, Fathers of the
Reformed Church, Vol. I (1857), pp. 301-311; Dubbs, Historic Manual of
the Reformed Church, 1885, pp. 175-187; Good, History of the Reformed
Church in the United States, 1725-1792, Reading, 1899, pp. 160-165;
Dubbs, Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, 1902, pp. 94-99; Sachse, Ger-
man Sectarians of Pennsylvania, Vol. I, passim; also "John Peter Miller"
in The Pennsylvania German, Vol. I, No. 2 (April, 1900), pp. 3-17; also
Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 44-48.
71
72 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Petrus Mullerus, Altzbornensis." Alsenborn is a village
about two and a half German miles northeast of the city of
Kaiserslautern, in the Rhenish Palatinate, now a part of
Bavaria.
In the Burial Register of the Ephrata Community for
the year 1796, John Peter Miller is recorded as having
"died September 25, 1796, aged 86 years, 9 months." 75
Counting back 86 years and 9 months from the day of his
death we are brought to December 25, 1709, as the day
of his birth.
Of his life in Germany nothing is known except a brief
allusion which occurs in a letter from Ephrata signed K.,
a letter that was published in the Berliner Monatschrift
of 1784, to which the late Prof. Jos. H. Dubbs first called
attention. 76 After giving a somewhat discouraging ac-
count of the condition of the Ephrata community, the
writer makes the following reference to Peter Miller:
Peter Miller, the only educated man (in the society) studied in
Heidelberg and was authorized to preach, but not to baptize.
With thirty guldens in his pocket he left his father. Afterwards
he preached in this country, and at the request of a German coun-
try congregation was ordained by the Presbyterian clergy of Phila-
delphia. After four years he resigned his congregation, was con-
verted, baptized others and was himself baptized; and six months
after the organization of this society he joined it. Previously he
had lived as a hermit.
A correspondence carried on with the Reformed pastor
at Alsenborn, shortly before the Great War, brought to
light some facts regarding the family of Peter Miller.
His father was the Rev. John Muller, who from 1708-14
75 Sachse, The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, Vol. II, p. 516.
This statement is corroborated by the inscription on his tombstone, see
below, p. 95.
76 Dubbs, The Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, p. 98, note 99.
John Peter Miller 73
was pastor at Zweikirchen and Wolf stein, near Kaisers-
lautern. Later, from 1714-26, he was pastor at Alsen-
born, and from 1726-41 pastor at Altenkirchen, near
Homburg in the Rhine province. He died at Altenkirchen
May 11, 1 74 1. His son, John Peter Miiller, must have
been born at Zweikirchen, during his father's pastorate at
that place. Unfortunately neither the church nor the
church records of Zweikirchen are now in existence, so
that we are unable to supply further details. However,
we now know that the reference to Alsenborn in the ma-
triculation book at Heidelberg does not mean that John
Peter Miiller was born there, but that it was his temporary
home, because his father was pastor there, when he matric-
ulated in the university.
On August 29, 1730, a list was presented in the court-
house at Philadelphia, containing the names of seventy-five
men, who with their families making in all about two hun-
dred and sixty persons, were imported in the ship Thistle
of Glasgow, Colin Dunlap, 77 master, having come from
Rotterdam, but last from Dover, England, as by clearance
from that port. They subscribed the " Declaration of
Fidelity and Abjuration." Among these names is " Pe-
ter Miiller," in bold German characters.
With Miller came a number of persons whom we after-
wards find as members of the Reformed Church at Gosh-
enhoppen. They are: Valentin Griesemer, Hans Jacob
Diehl, Thomas Hamman, Abraham Transu, Hans Simon
Mey. Lonhart Hochgenug, Bernhard Siegmund and Jo-
hannes Scherer became members of the Reformed Church
at Philadelphia and Christian Leman appears in 1734 at
Skippack, while John Henrich Schmidt is enrolled in the
same year as a Reformed deacon in Falkner Swamp.
77 The correction "Calvin Dunlap" in the Pennsylvania Archives, 2d
Ser., Vol. XVII, p. 20, is entirely unjustified.
74 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Soon after his arrival Peter Miller came in contact with
John Philip Boehm, who was at that time (1730) the only
ordained Reformed minister in the province. Miller
called on Boehm in his home and had with him a lengthy
conversation, of which Boehm sent the following report to
Holland, in a letter dated November 12, 1730 : 78
Letter of Boehm Regarding Miller, November 12, 1730.
Meanwhile no peace can yet be expected, for there arrived this
fall another man, named Miller, whose father is pastor in the
Electoral Palatinate, under the inspectorate of Kaiserslautern. He
likewise avails himself of the liberty of this country, and so far
has been preaching to the seceders at Schipbach, as the enclosed
letter, marked F, shows. He has promised them, as also the people
in Philadelphia and Germantown, to take the place of Mr. Weiss
until the latter returns. In order to carry this out successfully,
he betook himself to the Presbyterians in Philadelphia (because he
is unordained), that he might be ordained by them. This he told
me himself in my house on October 19th, saying that in the pre-
ceeding week he had handed to them his confession of faith con-
cerning the points they had asked of him, and expressing the hope
that the affair [of his ordination] would be concluded in the fol-
lowing week, which so far as I know has not yet taken place.
I warned him in a friendly way and advised him to go to the
reverend ministers of New York and endeavor to have his ordi-
nation take place in accordance with the church-order of the Re-
formed Church, whereby it would stand a better test before the
world. To this he replied, that such a course was far too cir-
cuitous for him, if he could gain his end by a shorter way, he would
take it, as there was no great difference in it. Moreover, he said,
he would like to know who had given authority to the Classis of
Amsterdam to rule over the Church in this country. He thought
the King of England was more important than the Classis of Hol-
78 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, pp. 36-38; Life and Letters of Boehm,
p. 199 f.
Boehm on Miller 75
land. Then I answered that it was asking too much who had
given her the authority, and that I did not care anything about
that, but that I believed, if the Classis had no such authority she
would not have taken us under her care and supervision, that I
for one was subject to her and would always be glad to act under
her direction, etc. Then I received this fine reprimand : " There
is such a glorious liberty in this country that the people themselves
are free to elect, accept and also dismiss their preachers. It is not
right to attempt to deprive them of this liberty and to subject them
to a Classis, which can then force upon them such ministers as she
desires. Christians have liberty and are in this world under no
head, Christ alone is their head in heaven."
He also remarked that the people had called me only temporarily,
until they could get another minister. I showed him my call. He
said there was nothing in it, that they had called me for life.
Then I answered him : " The Reverend Classis had recognized it
as a lawful call, if he was wiser than the Classis, he would have
to take it up with her. I furthermore reminded him, that I also
regarded Christ as the head of his church, yet I believed that Christ
ruled his church on earth through agents, wherefore I would rather
be under supervisors divinely appointed, in order to preserve good
order in the Church of Christ, than stand up on my own freedom."
On this point he did not agree with me.
It is interesting to see the difference in the character of
these two men, thrown into such strong relief in this con-
versation. Boehm methodical, exact, strong for order and
church government, firmly attached to the customs and
traditions of the fathers, seeing in them the safeguards of
the Church. Miller, easy-going, chafing under restraint,
glad to be free from the restrictions of the old world, car-
ing little for traditions and customs, or even for the visible
Church. To his sanguine temperament the ideal and spir-
itual alone appeals. He thinks of the liberty of the chil-
dren of God and the glory of the invisible Church. This
76 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
conversation furnishes us therefore the key to his later
conversion.
The elders of Skippack, writing with Mr. Boehm to the
Reformed ministers of New York, under date November
5, 1730 (in the enclosure, marked F, referred to the
above), make the following statement about Miller: 79
The harmful division, caused in our congregation by Mr. George
Michael Weiss and continued by him until his departure from here,
contrary to all order and the solemn covenant made with him, all
this has hitherto been kept up by Mr. Miller, who came to this
country this fall. Coming into this country as an unordained
minister and willing to be ordained by the Presbyterians in Phila-
delphia (as we hear), we have no other prospect before us but a
continuous division in our poor congregation. Our hope for a
good and God-pleasing harmony, established in brotherly love,
which we expected to be able to report with rejoicing, after the
departure of Mr. Weiss, has been entirely taken away from us
through the above mentioned Mr. Miller.
The same unwillingness which the people of Skippack
manifested to submit themselves to the supervision of the
Classis of Amsterdam, appeared also in Philadelphia,
under the inspiration of Weiss and Miller, for Boehm
writes again: 80
With respect to the Reformed people of Philadelphia, I have
been compelled to hear repeatedly, with a sad heart, from several
of them the reply, (when I recommended the good work to them) :
" We are here in a free country, and the Classis of Holland has no
right to give us any orders." This statement, however, has been
prompted, as I believe, by the persuasion of Mr. Weis alone, which
is now continued by Mr. Miller.
It is rather curious to see how eager these independents
79 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 59; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 219.
80 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 44; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 205.
Ordination of Miller 77
were to accept the benefactions of the Classis of Amster-
dam, but when it came to accept their well meant advice,
they drew the line. Consistency, thou art a jewel!
Ordination of Miller in Philadelphia.
We must now turn to the story of Miller's ordination
by the Presbyterians in Philadelphia.
On September 19, 1730, the Presbyterian Synod of
Philadelphia passed the following resolution: 81
It is agreed by Synod, that Mr. John Peter Miller, a Dutch pro-
bationer, lately come over, be left to the care of the Presbytery of
Philadelphia to settle him in the work of the ministry.
Unfortunately the minutes of the Philadelphia Pres-
bytery from 17 17 to 1732 are lost, so that it is impossible
to give the exact details. A well known letter of Rev.
Jedidiah Andrews, from 1698 to 1747 pastor of the old
Buttonwood Presbyterian Church, supplies the omission
partially. It was written on October 14, 1730, to his
friend, the Rev. Thomas Prince, pastor of the Old South
Church of Boston. In it he writes : 82
There is lately come over a Palatine candidate of the ministry,
who having applied to us at the Synod, for Ordin'n, 't is left to 3
ministers to do it. He is an extraordinary person for sense and
learning. We gave him a question to discuss about Justification,
and he has answered it, in a whole sheet of paper, in a very notable
manner. His name is John Peter Miller, and speaks Latin as
readily as we do our vernacular tongue, and so does the other, Mr.
Weis.
Many years afterwards Peter Miller himself wrote the
following account of his ordination to a friend in a letter
dated December 5, 1790: 83
81 Records of Presbyterian Church, Vol. I, p. 99.
82 Hazard's Register, Vol. XV, p. 201.
83 Hazard's Register, Vol. XVI, p. 254.
78 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
As concerning our transactions during that long term of our
residence at Ephrata, I wish I could satisfy thine curiosity. I have
published a Chronicon Ephratense, of which I could make thee a
present, if thou art master of the German language. However I
will do something to satisfy thee. In August 1730, I arrived at
Philadelphia, and was there at the end of said year upon order of
the Scotch Synod, ordained, in the old meeting house by three emi-
nent ministers, Tenant, Andrews and Boyd.
Peter Miller served the congregations, Skippack, Ger-
mantown and Philadelphia, according to Boehm's letter
of November 12, 1730, till the fall of 1731. On Septem-
ber 21, 1 73 1, the Rev. John Bartholomew Rieger arrived
at Philadelphia, who became Miller's successor in these
congregations.
On November 22, 1731, the Reformed congregation of
Philadelphia wrote to the Rev. Dr. Wilhelmius of Rot-
terdam : 84
In order that the minister's chair might not remain vacant, since
Mr. Weis has left us, we have, sometime ago, elected and accepted
as our teacher the newly arrived Candidate Rieger, to whose plant-
ing and watering among us the Lord may grant his blessing from
on high.
As a result we find Miller turning to the interior Ger-
man settlements. He first appears at Goshenhoppen. In
84 The original is in the Hague archives, 74, I, 10.
Miller at Goshenhoppen 79
his report of 1739, Mr. Boehm locates him definitely at
Goshenhoppen : S5
Of this congregation [Goshenhoppen] I know little, for it never
wanted to be under our church-order, but desired to be its own
master. When Do. Weiss, as stated above, came into the country
and caused great confusion, they faithfully adhered to him. When
he traveled to Holland in order to obtain the well known moneys
collected there, they immediately clung to Miller, who, assisted by
another person, continued to serve Goshenhoppen. By their serv-
ices at Skippack, they kept the congregation there in a state of con-
tinued restlessness, which had been begun by Weiss. All my peti-
tions, entreaties and warnings were in vain.
In course of time Miller extended his activity. In 1733
we find him ministering to the Reformed people in the
Conestoga valley, Lancaster County, and in the Tulpe-
hocken valley, Berks County.
On March 4, 1733, Rev. John B. Rieger and the Phila-
delphia physician, Dr. John Jacob Diemer, write in a letter
to the Synodical Deputies: 86
The church at Conestoga and vicinity has a preacher by the
name of Joh. Petrus Muller, who was ordained in the Presbyterian
church here. He administers divine services there [at Conestoga].
The churches at Schippach, Germantown and Philadelphia have a
preacher who came over a year and a half ago, Bartholomeus
Rieger, who has taken the place of Do. Wys. He preaches one
Sunday at Schippach, the second at Germantown and the third at
Philadelphia.
We learn still more about the activity of Miller in the
Conestoga valley from a very important letter of Conrad
Tempelman, who did for the Conestoga valley what Mr.
Boehm did for the Perkiomen valley. He began the first
85 Minutes of Coetus, p. 9.
86 The original is at the Hague, archives 74, I, 15.
80 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Reformed services in that region. In this letter Tempel-
man writes to the Synods of North and South Holland
under date February 13, 1733 : 87
Letter of Conrad Tempelman Regarding the Reformed
Church in Conestoga, February 13, 1733.
The church at Chanastoka took it origin in the year 1725, with
a small gathering in houses here and there, with the reading of a
sermon and with song and prayer, according to their High German
church order, upon all Sundays and Holidays, but, on account of
the lack of a minister, without the administration of Baptism and
of the Lord's Supper.
Thereafter Dominie Bohm served them, at first [1727] volun-
tarily at the request of the people, later, after being fully ordained,
he administered baptism and communion to them for the space of
two years [1 730-1 731], upon a yearly call, although he lived a
distance of 21 hours [about 63 miles] away from them, being sat-
isfied with their small, voluntary gifts. He also subsequently
established a church-order [constitution] among them and the con-
gregation chose elders and he himself exercised a strict and careful
supervision, so that things went on in good order in this congre-
gation.
Further the writer reports that the congregation, on account of
its enlargement and the great distances between the members, has
divided itself into six meeting-places in Chanastoka, whereof three
places are served by a Reformed minister, Johan Peter Miiller, by
name, by whom also another strong congregation is served about
seven hours [21 miles] distant, called Dalbenhacken [Tulpehocken] .
But that they now, by reason of the division of the congregation,
cannot any longer be served by Do. Boehm, as also not by the afore-
said Miiller, both by reason of the great distance of the localities
and because of the manifold occupations and heavy labor wherewith
he is overburdened. . . .
87 Only an abstract of Tempelmann's letter in Dutch has been preserved
at the Hague, archives 74, I, 14.
Letter of Tempelman 81
The entire north side, 20 hours [60 miles] distant from Phila-
delphia, named Chanastoka (which is no town, but a tract of land
so named after a certain creek) is settled by Germans and English.
There are three of the meeting places of the Reformed people, cov-
ering an area 7 hours [21 miles] long and 7 hours [21 miles]
wide. But they say further, that they can give no report to the
Rev. Christian Synods of the 3 places, ministered unto by Do.
Muller. Nevertheless they hope that the said preacher will make
known his own needs (inasmuch as he cannot well subsist by the
free-will gifts of his people) as well as the condition of his congre-
gation and his elders. . . .
Regarding the three first named meeting places they give further
report to the Rev. Christian Synods [Classis] of Amsterdam and
Rotterdam, concerning the members and elders belonging to them,
with the autograph signatures of the latter.
It is signed
Conrad Tempelman
Reader of the Congregation
(N.B. He seems to be the writer of the letter.)
Members 55, Elders: Rudolf Heller (L.S.)
Michel Albert (L.S.)
Andries M . . . (L.S.)
At the second meeting place there are the following number of
members and elders:
Members 51, Elders: Hans Georg Swab (L.S.)
Johannes Gohr (L.S.)
Conrad Werns (L.S.)
At the third meeting place there are the following members and
elders:
Members 30, Elders: Johann Jacob Hook (L.S.)
Andries Halsbrun (L.S.)
Nicolaus (L.S.)
82 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The fact that Tempelman has given us the names of the
elders of these congregations enables us to identify them.
The first of these preaching places is now represented
by Heller's church in Upper Leacock township. 88 The
second is the Cocalico church near Ephrata, and the third
is the Lancaster church. Its elder, John Jacob Hock, was
elected the first pastor of the Lancaster church in 1736.
As to the congregations served by Miller, we can only
speak with some degree of probability. One was prob-
ably Muddy Creek, for in the Lutheran Muddy Creek
record two children are recorded as having been baptized
by Peter Miller, one on January 20, 1730 [31], the other
on February 3, 1733. 89 The second congregation seems
to have been Reyer's Church (now at Brickerville) , Eliza-
beth township, where Tempelman made entries in an old
church record, beginning with the year 1735. The third
was most likely Zeltenreich, near New Holland, where a
Reformed Church was in existence in 1744, ministered to
by Jacob Lischy.
Sometime during this period (1730-1734), probably
before the division into six preaching places had occurred,
Miller also preached at Cocalico, near Ephrata, for in a
list of pastors of that congregation, drawn up in 1766 by
the Rev. John George Wittner, the name Peter Miller
occurs. As this important list has never been published,
it may be well to insert it here in full, with some comments :
S8 A full discussion of the evidence was given by the writer in the
Reformed Church Messenger of January 4, 1900; also by Prof. Jos. H.
Dubbs, D.D., in the " Earliest Church in Lancaster County," a paper read
before the Lancaster County Historical Society, Proceedings, Vol. V (1900),
No. 1. See also Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 64.
89 A photographic reproduction of that page is given by Dr. Sachse in
his German Sectarians in Pennsylvania, Vol. I, p. 237.
Pastors at Cocalico S3
List of all the Teachers and Pastors who from the First beginning
have officiated in the congregation at the cocalico, or the
so-called Keller's Church.
[1] Bohm [John Philip].
[2] Bechtold [otherwise unknown].
[3] Hoock [John Jacob, of Lancaster]. •
[4] Tempelmann [John Conrad].
[5] Wieser [otherwise unknown, unless it be George Michael Weiss].
[6] Rieger, post et Med. D. [John B. Rieger, afterwards Doctor of
Medicine].
[7] Fock [Lewis Ferdinand Vock].
[8] Peter Miller, in Ephrata Jaibetz. 89a
[9] Loscher [unknown, unless it be Jacob Lischy, who preached at
Cocalico].
[10] Joh. Waldschmidt [1752-1762].
[11] Deckert [John Henry Decker; 1762-1763].
[12] Friz Muller [Frederick Casimir Muller; 1763-1765].
[13] Berger from Reading, supplied the congregation for two years.
[14] J. G. Wittner [1766-1770].
[15] Joh. Christoph Gobrecht [1770-1779].
[16] Anthony Hautz [1786-1790, September].
The first part of the list up to the fourteenth minister is
in the handwriting of Rev. Mr. Wittner, by whom the
record was begun. With regard to the earlier entries
(Nos. 1-9) it should be noted that they are not in strict
chronological order. Hence from the position of Peter
Miller after Vock, who was pastor in 1750, it should not
be inferred that Peter Miller served the congregation
after that time, when he was Prior of the convent at
Ephrata. The Reformed people would never have per-
mitted that. The only safe inference to make is that
Peter Miller was one of the early pastors of the congre-
gation, while other evidence makes it certain that Mr.
Wittner did not insert him in his proper chronological
89a In Ephrata Peter Miller adopted the name Jabez, based on I. Chroni-
cles 4: 9. It is there explained as meaning " Borne with sorrow." It
refers no doubt to his remarkable conversion. The words " in Ephrata
Jaibetz " were added about 1786 by Anthony Hautz.
84 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
place. This applies equally to all the other early minis-
ters from the first to the ninth.
In the light of all the available evidence, I offer the fol-
lowing chronological list of the earlier pastorates :
1725. — Origin of the German Reformed Church in the Conestoga valley.
1725-1727. — Religious meetings in private houses conducted by Conrad
Tempelman.
1727, October 15. — First Reformed Communion service in the Conestoga
valley. Brief ministry of Rev. John Philip Boehm.
1728-1729. — Ministry of George Michael Weiss.
1730, May 30. — Formal organization of the Conestoga Congregation, now
Heller's in Upper Leacock township.
1730-1732. — Origin of the Reformed congregations at Lancaster and Co-
calico, and probably also at Muddy Creek, Reyer's and Seltenreich.
1733, February 13. — Six Reformed preaching places in existence in the Con-
estoga valley.
Reformed Ministers at Cocalico, now Bethany, near Ephrata. 90
1. Ministry of John Philip Boehm, 1730-1731.
2. Ministry of John Peter Miller, 1731-1734.
Miller's conversion, 1735, May.
Visit of Boehm to Conestoga, 1735, May 11.
3. Ministry of Bechtold, 1735-1736.
The ministry of Peter Miller at Tulpehocken has left
its traces in several documents.
Miller himself, in the Ephrata Chronicle (Engl. Ed.,
p. 70) , gives the following account :
At that time the region of Dulpehakin was settled entirely by
Protestants. These had agreed among themselves not to suffer
among them any who were differently minded; so that many who
were of like persuasion came to them. But shrewdly as they con-
trived it, God yet at last set up his candle on a candlestick in that
then dark region, as will soon be narrated. These now had called
the afore-mentioned P.M. [Peter Miller] to be their teacher,
90 A history of the Cocalico congregation was given by the writer in
the Reformed Church Messenger, January 4-18, 1900, and continued in
the Reformed Church Record, February 15-March 1, 1900.
Miller at Tulpehocken 85
which office he served among them and in other places during four
years.
The Moravian church record of Tulpehocken, now pre-
served in the archives at Bethlehem, tells the following
story of the origin of the Lutheran congregation there and
Peter Miller's ministry among them: 91
In the year 1723 Tulpehocken was first settled and inhabited by
people who had dwelt in Schocheri. Most of them were brought
under conviction and made restless in their hearts while still resid-
ing in Schocheri [Schoharie] through Bernhard von Thieren, who
was their pastor there, and who had promised these people also to
move to Tulpehocken and continue to be their minister. But he
made only occasional visits, administered the Lord's Supper at
various times, baptized also the children and then went back again
to Schocheri. There came also at times a preacher named Henckel
from Falkner Swamp to visit us and administered occasionally the
Lord's Supper. He advised us to build a church, which was done
in 1727. Peter Muller a Reformed preacher also came to us and
preached sermons for almost two years. Afterward he went
among the Seventh Day people [Siebentager],
It was during the ministry of Peter Miller at Goshen-
hoppen that the three Reformed congregations in the
Goshenhoppen district first come into view.
Old Goshenhoppen appears first in the year 1730. On
November 12, 1730, Rev. John Philip Boehm wrote to
the Classis of Amsterdam: 92
91 The claim of the writer, in the Reformed Church Record and in the
Reformed Church Messenger, to have " discovered " this record in the
Bethlehem archives has been questioned (History of the Lutheran Church
in Pennsylvania, p. 447, note 520). The facts in the case are as follows:
In the summer of 1902 the writer spent five weeks in the archives of the
Moravian Church at Bethlehem and found there among other documents
this church record. It was spoken of as a discovery (in the articles men-
tioned above), because it teas at that time unknown to Reformed historians.
92 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. VII, p. 43 f. Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 20+.
86 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The same action [namely a request for organization] was taken
in another small congregation, of about fifteen families, with the
same humble request to the Reverend Classis. It is situated about
ten miles from here. The place has as yet no definite name, but it
is called after the river on which it lies Bergjamen [Perkiomen].
As there is no other Reformed congregation along the
Perkiomen Creek, about ten miles from Boehm's home in
Whitpain township, than Old Goshenhoppen, we have
little hesitation in identifying the two names. This identi-
fication is indirectly corroborated by the fact that, accord-
ing to the Old Goshenhoppen Lutheran record, " in the
year 1732 a warrant was taken up jointly by the Lutherans
and the Reformed. In the fall of that year a union
schoolhouse was built upon this land." In this school-
house, the first of its kind in the charge, the religious serv-
ices of the congregation were no doubt held.
In 1734 the congregation at Great Swamp appears for
the first time. On December 12, 1734, Rev. John Martin
Boltzius, a Lutheran minister at Ebenezer, Georgia, wrote
to Dr. G. A. Francke, head of the Institutions at Halle,
Germany : 93
In the above mentioned Great Swamp there is also a small Re-
formed congregation, which has its own pastor.
In a preceding reference to Great Swamp the writer
remarked :
Not far from Oley is the Great Swamp, where the Evangelical
[Lutheran] congregation has a preacher named Kaspar Steber
[Stoever], whom the Rev. Schultze had ordained before his de-
parture. This Steber is at present involved in a quarrel with his
congregation, because they do not want to give him the salary that
was promised to him. They are said to promise often something,
93 Quoted in Muhlenberg's Selbstbiographie, Allentown, 1881, p. 213.
Baptisms by Miller 87
but when the minister preaches and applies the truth too strongly,
they become rude and refuse to pay the minister's salary.
The Reformed pastor in Great Swamp in 1734 can
hardly be any one else than Peter Miller. This is cor-
roborated by a letter of Boehm, who in a report to the
Holland Synod, dated October 18, 1734, refers distinctly
to Peter Miller's activity in the Goshenhoppen district.
He writes : 94
Nevertheless one of them is still in this country, namely, Peter
Miller. When this man could not bring the people over to his
opinion, he quitted the ministry altogether and he is now an oil-
miller. But what he was after, and thought of persuading the
people to do, is plainly to be seen from this, overlooking everything
else: About two years ago he went with one of his elders, whom he
had installed in the congregation at Goshenhoppen into the house
of a Seventh Day "Tumpler" [Dunker], and there they allowed
themselves to be called brethren and to have their feet washed by
him; and this is the truth, whereupon followed his complete
apostasy.
The two references of Mr. Boehm to Peter Miller's
activity in Goshenhoppen, the one made in 1734 and the
other in 1739 (already quoted above), definitely settle
the fact that from 1731 to 1734 Peter Miller was the Re-
formed pastor in Goshenhoppen. This is corroborated
by the New Goshenhoppen church record, in which 69
baptisms were entered by one hand from June, 173 1, till
July, 1734. At one of these baptisms, on April 16, 1732,
"Johann Peter Miiller" acted as sponsor. This is no
doubt the pastor. As these are the only baptisms which
Peter Miller most likely entered himself, we reproduce
the page bearing his name in facsimile.
Miller's inclination toward the Ephrata Community
04 Coetus Minutes, p. 2 f.
88 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
began in 1732. Two years later it led to the surrender
of his ministerial functions. But it was not till May,
1735, that Miller actually joined the Seventh Day Bunk-
ers by public immersion. This act of Miller threw the
Reformed people into consternation, as can be seen clearly
from the accounts of Boehm, describing this remarkable
and important event. On January 14, 1739, Mr. Boehm
wrote as follows to Holland, regarding the Conestoga
congregation : 95
Then Do. Weiss slandered me in this congregation by a very
abusive letter, which I have in my possession. He thereby misled
them and drew the congregation to himself. But soon afterwards
he again left them, whereupon Miller went there to carry on the
work of Weiss. At that time Miller drew also Tulpehocken to
himself. I warned them frequently against this false spirit, but
the misguided and simple-minded people clung to him, until finally
the deception, with regard to which I had warned them so faith-
fully came to light, and this Miller publicly went over to the wicked
sect of the Seventh Day " Tumpler " [Dunkers] and was baptized
in Dunker fashion at Conestoga in the month of April i735. 95a
He took with him about ten families, Lutheran and Reformed,
from the congregation of Dolpihacken [Tulpehocken] who fol-
lowed his example.
This caused a great alarm among the congregations. Those
that were kept by God sent therefore again messengers and letters
to me and once more asked for help, which I did not dare to refuse.
Hence I again went to them, and there were on May 11, 1735, in
the above mentioned first congregation or Hill church, at Cones-
toga, 92 communicants.
It is interesting to place alongside of these statements
95 Coetus Minutes, p. 8.
95a Miller himself stated repeatedly that this baptism took place in May,
1735. See Ephrata Chronicle, Engl. Transl., p. 73; also Miller's letter of
December 5, 1790, quoted below, p. 92.
Conversion of Miller 89
of John Philip Boehm the well known account of Peter
Miller himself in the Ephrata Chronicle : 96
The Superintendent [Conrad Beissel] soon after found occasion
to make a visit to Tulpehocken with several of his disciples, where
he was received by the teacher [Peter Miller] and elders with the
consideration due to him as an ambassador of God. While on his
return the teacher and C.W. [Conrad Weiser], an elder, accom-
panied him over the mountains for six miles. The result of their
visit in Tulpehocken was that the teacher, the elders and several
others withdrew from the church; whereupon a venerable Pietist,
by the name of Casper Leibbecker, took the teacher's place in die
church. Among these seceders was C.W., an elder of the Lutheran
faith, a man who had received from God remarkable natural gifts
and sound judgment. . . .
Accordingly they were baptized together under the water, after
the teaching of Christ; which was done on a Sabbath in May of
the year 1735. Thus the teacher, the schoolmaster, three elders,
besides various other households, went over from the Protestants
to this new awakening.
These same events are briefly reviewed and an excellent
description of Peter Miller, as he appeared to his contem-
poraries, is given by the Rev. Israel Acrelius, Provost of
the Swedish Churches in America and Rector of the Old
Swedes Church, Wilmington, Deleware. In his well-
known "History of New Sweden," he gives a description
of his visit to Ephrata, which he made on September 7,
1753, in company with his friend, George Ross. After
describing the cloister and the religious life fostered there,
he draws the following pen-sketch of Peter Miller him-
self: 97
86 See English edition, pp. 71, 73.
97 Acrelius, History of New Sweden (Memoirs of the Hist. Society of
Pa., Vol. XI), Philadelphia, 1876, p. 374.
90 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
There was also a brother named Jabez, who, before his rebap-
tism was called Peter Miiller. He had been a German Calvinistic
Minister, came into the country, according to their custom, as a
candidate for the Ministry of the Reformed Church of the coun-
try, was afterwards ordained by the Presbyterian Minister, Mr.
Andrew, in Philadelphia, and for a long time preached in the vari-
ous parts of the country among the Germans before that, eighteen
years since ["1735], he betook himself to Ephrata. He is a learned
man, understands the Oriental languages, speaks Latin, discusses
theological controversies as well as other sciences; although, in his
present condition he has forgotten much. He is of a good stature,
with a friendly face and friendly manners, on which account
strangers always get introduced to him, and seek his society. He
is open-hearted toward those to whom he takes a liking, and is
modest and genial. The brethren have great respect for him, and
not without reason, for he is a prudent man, upon whom their
order chiefly depends, although he gives himself no higher name
than that of a single brother. In their Public Worship he reads
the Scriptures and also baptizes when so directed by Father
Friedsam.
Another remarkable incident in connection with this con-
version of Miller is told by Mr. Boehm in his now ex-
tremely rare book, which he published in 1742 against the
Moravians. It was the dramatic burning of Reformed
and Lutheran devotional books by the new converts.
Thus far we had only traditional accounts about this
event, which are now superseded by this contemporaneous
account of Mr. Boehm.
Criticizing especially the conduct of Conrad Weiser,
Boehm writes : 98
98 Boehm's Getreuer W arnungsbrief , Philadelphia, 1742, p. 29. The
only known copy of this now exceedingly rare book is in the possession of
Rev. Dr. J. I. Good, who bought it at the sale of late Governor Penny-
packer's library.
Burning of Devotional Books 91
But whether we can entertain any hope with regard to him, let
every Evangelical Christian think what kind of a man he is. Will
he help to establish the honor of the gospel of Jesus Christ? For
when Peter Miller, the former pretended Reformed minister of
Dolpihaken, became a regular disgrace to our Reformed Church by
letting himself be baptized in Dunker fashion as a member of the
Seventh Day Tumpler [Dunker] sect, together with several others,
this Conrad Weiser was one of them. (He was indeed a Lu-
theran and at that time an elder of the Lutheran congregation at
Dolpihacken.) 99 Moreover, when four Seventh Day Tumpler
[Dunkers], namely Peter Miller (above mentioned) Michel Mil-
ler, Conrad Weiser (above mentioned) and Gottfried Fidler,
burnt with fire the Reformed Heidelberg Catechism, the Lutheran
Catechism, the Psalms of David, the " Paradeys-Gartlein " and the
"Exercise of Piety" [Ubung der Gottseligkeit], in all 36 books
in derision and in disparagement, in the house of Gottfried Fidler,
he was one of them. Nor has it become known that since that time
he has turned from them in repentance and has again betaken him-
self to his former Lutheran religion.
99 The Lutheran membership of Conrad Weiser has been called in ques-
tion recently, see Dubbs, Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, p. 97, note
96, but without sufficient reason. All contemporary writers are agreed that
he was a Lutheran. This is the testimony of Boehm and Miller, in the
extracts from their writings quoted above. Zinzendorf makes the same
statement, see Fresenius, Nachrichten von Herrnhutischen Sachen, Vol. Ill,
p. 710. Weiser took part in a Lutheran communion service, see Hallesche
Nachrichten, new ed., Vol. I, p. 202. Muehlenberg reports him as a
Lutheran, cf. Hallesche Nachrichten, new ed., Vol. I, p. 362. "At Tulpe-
hocken, many years ago, some Lutherans, among whom was Mr. Weiser,
had taken up a piece of land." Finally Weiser himself stated, according
to Muehlenberg, that " he held the principles of our Evangelical religion,"
see Hallesche Nachrichten, new ed., Vol. I, p. 449. The fact that Mr.
Weiser acted as trustee of the Reformed Church at Reading (see D. Miller,
History of the Reformed Church in Reading, p. 17), proves nothing, for
he was also a trustee of the Lutheran Church at Reading, see J. Fry, His-
tory of Trinity Lutheran Church, Reading, 1894, p. 18.
9 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The account of Peter Miller's activity as a Reformed
pastor may fittingly be closed with another account of his
conversion, written by himself on December 5, 1790, to
a friend: 100
Miller's Account of His Conversion.
Having officiated among the Germans several years I quitted the
ministry and returned to private life. About that time our small
state was in its infancy: I never had an inclination to join it, be-
cause of the contempt and reproach which lay on the same; but
my inward Conductor, brought me to that critical dilemma, either
to be a member of this new institution, or to consent to my own
condemnation, when also I was forced to choose the first. In my
company had been the schoolmaster, three elderlings (Conrad
Weiser one), five families and some single persons, which raised
such a fermentation in that church, that a persecution might have
followed, had the magistrates consented with the generality. We
have been incorporated with said congregation in May, 1735, by
holy Baptism; When we were conducted to the water, I did not
much differ from a poor criminal under sentence of death. Who-
ever [!] the Lord our God did strengthen me, when I came into
the water and then in a solemn manner renounced my life with all
its prerogatives without reservation and I found by experience in
subsequent times, that all this was put into the divine records ; for
100 First printed in Hazard's Register, Vol. XVI, p. 254 f.
Dorsius on Miller 93
God never failed in his promise to assist me in time of need. At
that time the solitary brethren and sisters lived dispersed in the
wilderness of Canestogues, each for himself, as Heremits, and I
following that same way, did set up my Hermitage in Dulpehakin
at the foot of a mountain, 101 on a limped spring, the house is still
extant there with an old orchard. There did I lay the foundation
to solitary life, but the melancholy temptations, which did trouble
me every day, did prognosticate to me misery and affliction: Who-
ever [!] I had not lived there half a year, when a great change
happened: for a camp was laid out for all solitary persons at the
very spot, where Ephrata stands, and where at that time the Presi-
dent lived with some hermits. And now, when all heremits were
called in, I also quitted my solitude and exchanged the same for
the monastic life, which was judged to be more inservient [" !] to
sanctification than the life of a hermit, where many under a pre-
tense of holiness did nothing but nourish their own selfishness.
The profound impression which this remarkable con-
version made upon the Reformed churches is seen by the
fact that in popular story the number of converts grad-
ually increased until it has reached several hundred. On
March 1, 1738, the Rev. Peter Henry Dorsius, who had
not been in Pennsylvania when the events took place,
wrote to the Synodical Deputies as follows : 102
In this connection [I wish to state that] Do. Muller, having
fallen away from our faith, has persuaded no less than three hun-
dred souls to go over with him to the errors of the Dunlcers [Dom-
pelaars], whereof very many promise to return to our Christian
religion, if only they were deemed worthy, through the providence
of God, of being provided with an orthodox minister.
101 The same fact is told, with some additional detail, in the Ephrata
Chronicle: "Soon after the Brethren erected a solitary residence for the
teacher at the foot of a hill in Tulpehocken, where, however, he lived no
longer than till the next November," Chronicon Ephratense, English trans-
lation, p. 73.
102 The letter of Dorsius was spread upon the Minutes of the Deputies,
under date June 16-20, 1738.
94 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Mr. Boehm gives as usual the best survey of this period
in the history of the congregation. In his report of Oc-
tober, 1734, he gives the number of members at Goshen-
hoppen (presumably New Goshenhoppen), "according to
the statement of some members as about 40." Of the
charge as a whole he writes : 103
Boehm's Account of Goshenhoppen in 1734.
A fourth minister would greatly be needed at Goshenhoppen,
about thirty-six miles from Philadelphia. 104 He might conduct
services there every three weeks, and use the rest of the time to feed
the poor sheep at the end of the wilderness, in the above mentioned
Saucon, Macungie, Maxatawny and Great Swamp, who thirst for
the hearing of God's word as the dry earth for water. Many
people of these regions have already been to see me in great sadness,
and complained of the pitiable state of their souls. There were
also some, who being able to make the journey, have come at vari-
ous times to communion in the congregation entrusted to me at
Falkner Swamp, a distance certainly of twenty-five to thirty miles,
and brought children to baptism, which journey, however, is im-
possible for old persons and weak women, so that it is not to be
wondered at (especially when one remembers that there are chil-
dren who for lack of a minister cannot be brought to baptism until
they are several years of age) that my heart breaks and my eyes are
full of tears about this condition. But I cannot accomplish this
work alone, for my years are beginning to accumulate, and my
poor body is also getting feeble, since I must not only make long
103 Minutes of Coetus, p. 2.
104 This statement refers to New Goshenhoppen, as can be seen from a
quotation of Thomas F. Gordon's Gazetteer of Pennsylvania, 1832 (quoted
by Mr. Dotterer in his Perkiomen Region, Vol. I, p. 14) : " New Goshen-
hoppen, a post town and village in Upper Hanover township, Montgomery
County, situated in the forks of Perkiomen creek, 37 miles northwest of
Philadelphia, and about 21 northwest of Norristown." The same authority
states of Upper Hanover township : " The central distance from Philadel-
phia is 35 miles northwest," /. c., p. 12.
Tombstone of Miller 95
journeys and preach, but also, because these poor people are not
able to support me, must support my large family with manual
labor.
After being for many years the moving spirit in the
Ephrata community, Miller died there and was buried in
the little cemetery belonging to the cloister. His tomb
is next to that of Conrad Beissel, the founder of the so-
ciety. It bears the following inscription:
Hier Liegt Begraben
PETER MILLER
Gebuertig im Oberamt
Lautern in Chur Pfalz
Kam als Reformirter
Prediger nach America
Im Jahr 1730. Wurde
Unter die Gemeine in
Ephrata getaufet im
Jahre 1735 und genant
Bruder Jaebez. Auch ward
Er nachmals ihr Lehrer
Bis an sein Ende. Entschlief
Den 25sten September, 1796.
Alter 86 Jahr und 9 Monath.
In English it would read: " Here lies buried Peter Mil-
ler, born in the Oberamt Lautern in the Electoral Palati-
nate. He came as a Reformed preacher to America in
the year 1730. He was baptized into the congregation at
Ephrata in the year 1735 and was called Brother Jabez.
Became afterwards their teacher until his end. Fell asleep
the 25th of September, 1796. His age 86 years and 9
months."
CHAPTER III.
Ministry of John Henry Goetschy, 1735-1740.
AFTER the departure of Peter Miller, Gosh-
enhoppen remained without a pastor for
nearly a year. In the summer of 1735,
however, a new minister appeared in the
person of young John Henry Goetschy. 605
On May 29, 1735, the ship Mercury,
William Wilson, master, from Rotterdam, landed in Phila-
delphia with 186 passengers. Among them were Esther
Goetschy, aged 44 years and her eight children: Henry,
17 years; Rudolph, 12 years; Mauritz, 10 years; Anna,
24 years; Barbara, 18 years; Esther, 16 years; Beat, 8
years; Magdalena, 6 years. With them came also Conrad
Wuertz, who had married Anna Goetschy, and like John
Henry Goetschy became a minister of the Reformed
Church. 106
These people, who arrived in Philadelphia on May 29,
1735, with the ship Mercury, formed a colony from Swit-
zerland, and, as it is one of the few colonies whose his-
105 F or earlier accounts of John Henry Goetschy see Harbaugh, Fathers
of the Reformed Church, Vol. I, pp. 292-296; Good, History of the Re-
formed Church in the United States, 1725-1792, pp. 171-189; Dotterer,
" Goetschy's Colony," in Historical Notes, pp. 171-173, 179-186; Dubbs,
Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, pp. 104-110; Corwin, Manual of the
Reformed Church, 4th ed., pp. 489-492 ; also Life and Letters of Boehm,
PP- 51-54-
106 Penna. Archives, 2d Series, Vol. XVII, pp. 113-117.
96
John Henry Goetschy 97
tory can be told with some detail, it will be interesting to
trace them in their journey from Zurich, Switzerland,
until they step upon the shores of the New World.
The leader of this colony was the Rev. Maurice
Goetschy, whose son, John Henry, became pastor at Gosh-
enhoppen in 1735.
The members of the Goetschy family had been for
many generations citizens in Zurich, Switzerland. The
first person of that name who is mentioned in the genealog-
ical records of the city was Henry Goetschy, who in 13 15
A.D., was mayor of the city. Maurice Goetschy was
born in 1686. 107 On December 4, 1702, he matriculated
in the Latin school at Zurich. On February 24, 17 10, he
married Esther Werndli, and was in the same year ad-
mitted to the ministry. In 17 12 he became first deacon
at Bernegg in the Rhine valley (Canton of St. Gall), and
in 1720 pastor at Salez. In 1733 he was deposed from
the ministry. On March 8, 17 18 his son John Henry was
born. The younger Goetschy matriculated in the Latin
school at Zurich on March 23, 1734. But before he had
spent half a year at school, his father with his whole
family left for Pennsylvania.
On October 7, 1734, the Nachrichten von Zurich, a
newspaper of the city, published the following account of
the departure of the colony of Maurice Goetschy: 1
.108
Departure of Mr. Maurice Goetschy from Zurich,
October 4, 1734.
The past Monday [October 4th], Mr. Maurice Goetschy, to-
gether with his wife and children and with a considerable number
107 The statements regarding Maurice Goetschy and his family are taken
from the Lexicon Geographico-Heraldico-Stemmatographicum, zusammen-
getragen von Johann Friedr. Meyss, A . 1740, Vols. I-VII, manuscripts in
the city library of Zurich (Msc. E. 54), Vol. II, Letters D-G, p. 806.
108 Printed by Mr. Dotterer in Historical Notes, p. 172.
8
98 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
of country people, old and young, took passage on a boat, and
started for the so called Carolina island, in the hope of meeting
there with better fortune than he had found in his native land.
He was urgently dissuaded by our gracious Lords [of the govern-
ment] and by the local clergy, but he persisted in his resolution,
and took his departure. Shortly afterwards another boat followed
him with like, we must say, silly people, making a total of 174
persons for that day. Many thousands saw them depart with great
pity for them, especially because they were undertaking so thought-
lessly, with wife and child, and but poorly provided for, the dan-
gerous journey of 300 hours in cold, rain and wind, now, when
the days are getting shorter. Nevertheless, kindhearted and dis-
tinguished persons supplied them with all kinds of articles, such
as bread, shawls, caps etc. The following day the third boat
started off. These were liberally provided, from the office of
charities, with a large amount of bread, flour, stockings and other
supplies. Especially the neighborhood of the exchange showed
itself deeply sympathetic; nor will they be likely to forget what
was given to them at the Salthouse for bodily refreshment. In
like manner many merchants assisted them. Upon the last boat
were 82 persons, who would have been worthy of more considera-
tion if they had been compelled to leave for the honor or the truth
of God. They must bear the consequences of their act, be they
good or ill. At the same time, upwards of 20, induced by the wise
representations of worthy gentlemen and citizens, changed their
intentions, choosing the better part. They remained here and will
be very kindly returned to their homes. Meanwhile we should
pray God that the great number who have gone on this journey,
may either soon return or reach the destination they so much wish
for. May He fill their hearts with patience, and, as many sad
hours are likely to embitter their voyage, may He comfort them
with the thought that, if they remain faithful, a far better life is
reserved for them.
The journey of the colonists from Zurich to Basle down
the Rhine is told at length in a pamphlet which Ludwig
Departure from Zurich 99
Weber, one of the emigrants, who returned to Zurich from
Holland, wrote and published at Zurich in 1735 as a warn-
ing to later venturesome spirits. 109 We shall follow his
story in tracing the movements of the party.
The emigrants turned from Zurich northward till they
reached the Rhine at Laufenburg. Then taking a boat on
the Rhine they came, on October 5, to Rheinfelden, where
they had to show their passports. Towards evening of
the same day they reached Basle. There they had to wait
until a passport could be secured from Comte du Jour, the
commanding general of the French army at Strassburg.
It cost 44 guilders, which some gentlemen at Basle paid
for them. After securing this passport they waited two
days longer for the ships that were to carry them down the
Rhine. Meanwhile several became impatient at the de-
lay. A tailor from Lichtensteg advised them to take the
road through France, claiming that he knew the way and
was able to speak French. Thirty-one persons followed
him, but nothing more was heard of them. From forty
to fifty others resolved to travel through Lorraine by way
of Namur to Rotterdam. They were fortunate enough
to secure alms at several places along the route and,
although they had many quarrels and difficulties, they
finally reached Rotterdam eight days after the main party.
At Basle eighty refugees from Piedmont joined them in
a separate ship. The main party, consisting of 194 per-
sons, embarked in two ships. They suffered intensely on
the ships through rain and cold, against which they were
but poorly protected with scanty clothes and provisions.
109 The title page of this pamphlet reads: Der Hinckende Bott von Caro-
lina oder Ludivig Webers von IValliselen Beschreibung seiner Reise von
Zurich gen Rotterdam, mit derjenigen Gesellschaft ivelc/i neulich aus dem
Schvjeizerland nach Carolinam zu Ziehen gedachte, Zurich, MDCCXXXV,
pp. 32. Only known copy in the city library at Zurich.
L314A
ioo History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
After leaving Basle their first encampment was upon an
island, covered with trees and shrubs, in the middle of the
Rhine. Such continued to be their night quarters, although
the nights were wet and cold. Moreover the ships were
crowded so badly that there was hardly enough room to
sit, much less to lie down. There was no opportunity for
cooking on the ships; and as they were sometimes com-
pelled to stay days and nights on the ships, the cries of the
children were pitiful and heart-rending. Whenever they
could get ashore they cooked, warmed themselves and
dried their clothes. Many would have liked to return
home, but as the armies of the French and the Austrians
lay on both sides of the river, they did not dare to risk it.
Quarrels among men and women were frequent. Mrs.
Goetschy, the chronicler tells us, often quarreled with her
husband, called him all kinds of names and one morning
tore a cane from his hand and belabored his back soundly.
At night they saw the camp fires of the imperial troops
on one side and of the French on the other, which terrified
them by their ghostly appearance. As they were afraid
of an attack from one or both armies almost at any time,
they refrained carefully from making the least noise, so
as to pass by unnoticed. Nevertheless, they were stopped
repeatedly. At Old Breysach, in the Breisgau, all their
chests were opened and examined. Goetschy, who called
on the commandant of the fort, was advised to leave im-
mediately, as the French on the other side of the river
were aiming three field pieces at the boats. Of course
they made off with all possible speed. At Ketsch, near
Schwetzingen, west of Heidelberg, the dragoons of the
imperial army stopped the boats and compelled Mr. Wirtz
of Zurich, who acted as self-appointed commissary, to go
to Heidelberg and secure a passport for 30 guilders, from
Journey down the Rhine 101
the Duke of Wurtemberg, the commanding general of the
imperial army. They were also forced to make an extra
payment of two ducats for each vessel.
Nine miles below Mayence the dragoons again rode
after them and would not have allowed them to pass on,
if their leader had not been of the Reformed religion.
They took the meat away from Goetschy's plate with their
sabers, which they swung about his head, so that he quite
lost his appetite. Shortly before reaching Mayence from
forty to fifty men had exhausted all their money, so that
they did not even have enough to pay their boat fare.
They were compelled to continue the journey on foot.
At Mayence they were delayed four days because they
could not agree with the captain of the boats about the
passage money to be paid to Rotterdam. Finally they
agreed on three guilders for adults and half fare tor
children.
After leaving Mayence their journey was a little more
comfortable, for they had at least a chance to cook on the
ships. Their spiritual needs, however, were sadly neg-
lected, for, if we can believe the chronicler of the journey,
the pastor, Mr. Goetschy, always had the pipe or the wine-
glass near his mouth. Mornings and evenings, one of the
men, Heinrich Scheuchzer from Zurich, read a prayer.
When Goetschy actually did preach a sermon, in which he
compared some of the leaders of the company to the fol-
lowers of Korah, Dathan and Abiram, he almost caused
a riot.
When they reached Neuwied four couples were mar-
ried by a Reformed minister:
i. Hans Conrad Wirtz and Anna Goetschy.
2. Conrad Naff, of Walliselen and Anna N. —
3. Jacob Rathgeb and Barbara Haller, both of Walliselen.
4. Conrad Geweiller, a gardener.
102 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The Count of Wied desired them to remain in his terri-
tory, offering to give them houses and land, but as he did
not promise as much as they expected to receive in Caro-
lina, they did not accept his offer, but left.
From Neuwied they continued their journey down the
Rhine until they reached Collenburg (now Culenborg) in
Holland. There they were compelled to stop four days
because of a strong contrary wind. Goetschy was invited
to preach in the principal church at Culenborg, which he
did with much acceptance. As a result a collection was
taken up by the congregation for the party, so that each
received one guilder. From Culenborg Goetschy sent a
party of three men to Rotterdam, where he said two Eng-
lish ships were waiting for them. The party consisted
of Abraham Bunninger, a carpenter of Bachenbiilach,
Jacob Issler, a tailor, and Abraham Weidman, a black-
smith of Luffingen. At Culenborg they also sold their
ships, which they must have bought at Basle, for 45 Dutch
guilders, apparently a very small sum. Then, contrary to
their agreement, they were compelled to take another ship
to convey them to Rotterdam. In their hurry to get off
several children fell overboard into the water, from which
they were rescued with difficulty. Early the following
morning they reached Rotterdam.
Having reached Rotterdam they heard to their dismay
that no ships were waiting for them. Moreover the cap-
tain of the ship with which they had come wished to return
at once, so they had to unload their goods quickly and,
having no other place, they dumped them on the bank of
the river on one heap.
Mr. Goetschy received a letter from a certain Mr.
Schobinger, a native of St. Gall, who was living at the
Hague, asking him to come to the Hague. So he left the
Arrival in Holland 103
emigrants to their own devices and with his son-in-law
hurried off to comply with the request.
In a few days Mr. Wirtz returned and comforted them
with the news that several oxen would be sent to them
from the Hague, that the States General would send them
to England at their own expense and that a large sum of
money had been collected for them in England. Unfor-
tunately none of these statements proved to be true. A
few days later Goetschy also returned and reported that
the States General had offered him a position as a minister
of great importance, that he and his family had thus re-
ceived unexpected help and he advised them to secure simi-
lar help for themselves.
In this extremity some indeed tried to help themselves
by begging, but in that they were soon stopped by the mag-
istrate with a threat of a fine of 25 guilders. Meantime
some became sick from want and hunger, and two of them
died. A tailor from Buchs, Sebastian Neracher by name,
who was married in Rotterdam, came to see them. Most
of them were in an inn outside of the city. He took care
of those from Buchs. He brought with him a Mr. Scha-
penhaudt, who interceded for them so successfully that
many people took pity on them and distributed food and
clothes among them. They also paid for their lodgings
at the inn.
Mr. Schapenhaudt presented their sad condition to Rev.
Mr. Wilhelmi of Rotterdam, who advised them to go to
the Hague and apply there to Mr. von Felss, at the Eng-
lish embassy, to present their needy condition to him.
Three men were sent to the Hague. When they reached
the Hague, they first hunted up Mr. Goetschy and told
him of their intention. He was greatly displeased with
their plan and told them he had already spoken with Mr.
104 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Felss, who was sufficiently well informed about their plans
and condition. Goetschy entertained the three men at
dinner and then offered to send a letter with them to Mr.
Wilhelmi at Rotterdam. After waiting an hour for the
letter, he sent them word that he had already dispatched
it with his boy. Hence they had to return to Rotterdam
without having accomplished their purpose.
Meanwhile Goetschy had been very successful in his
interview with Mr. Felss, whom he calls an antistes, 110
but who was a prominent statesman, probably the Grand
Pensionary himself.
In a letter, dated November 26, 1734, Goetschy gives a
glowing account of this interview to Mr. Friess of Zu-
rich, 111 the city treasurer and a near relative of his. After
having related their experiences to Mr. Felss, he answered
him (according to Goetschy's letter) as follows:
My dear brother, for six years we have been searching for a man
through whom the churches of God in Pennsylvania, which con-
sist of more than 60,000 souls, of whom 20,000 have not yet been
baptized, could be organized. Divine Providence has sent you to
us. Now I shall promote your call as general superintendent of
the whole of Pennsylvania, which has more than eight cities and
more than 600 boroughs and villages. You shall receive a yearly
salary of more than 2000 thalers, until all has been accomplished.
I shall see to it that the people get support from the Dutch govern-
ment. But first you must write to your government for the requi-
site testimonials and then you will be examined before the General
Synod.
Consequently Goetschy implored Mr. Friess to help him
in securing the necessary testimonials. His son, John
110 Antistes is a term used in Switzerland for the chief minister of a
town. It was originally a Latin term, used of the chief priest of a temple,
literally it is one who stands at the head, antisto = antesto.
111 A copy of this letter is preserved in the city library of Zurich. De
Rebus Saeculi XVII, Vol. XXXV.
Rev. Maurice Goetschy 105
Henry, supported his father's request in a separate letter,
saying that, if the testimonial from Zurich would be favor-
able to his father, Mr. Felss had promised him to send
him to the University of Leiden to study there for the
ministry, so that he might become the successor to his
father.
Meanwhile Rev. John Wilhelmi [Wilhelmius] of Rot-
terdam wrote also to Switzerland, to the Rev. John Bap-
tista Ott of Zurich, to learn more of Goetschy's past. On
February 5, 1735, Mr. Ott replied to him. He sketched
Goetschy's life as student in the Zurich Gymnasium, as
deacon at Bernegg and as pastor at Salez. He praised
him for his scholarly attainments, as an evidence of which
he states that it was popularly reported that he conducted
family worship with the Bible in the original language
before him. He acknowledged that he had been guilty of
immorality, but expressed the hope that as the authorities
in Zurich had dealt leniently with Goetschy, simply dis-
missing him as a minister, so the Dutch people would find
him worthy to send him out as their missionary. 112
Whether this letter reached Holland before the time of
the departure of the emigrants is doubtful, as Ludwig
Weber states in his report that after his return to Switzer-
land he heard that the party had left Holland on February
24, 1735-
When Goetschy had received from Mr. Felss the assur-
ance of his appointment as minister to Pennsylvania, he
returned to Rotterdam and acquainted his party of emi-
grants with his changed plans. Most of them readily ac-
cepted his proposal to change their destination from Caro-
lina to Pennsylvania. There were, however, some who
refused to have anything to do with him. Weber reports
112 All these letters referred to above are in the city library at Zurich.
106 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
88 as taking ship to England, but what became of them is
unknown. The rest, 143 persons, signed their names for
passage to Philadelphia. They agreed with the owner of
a ship [Schiffpatron] to pay six doubloons for an adult
and three for a child. If any of them should die, the sur-
vivors pledged themselves to pay their passage money.
The names of those who registered to sail for Pennsyl-
vania were, according to Weber's report, as follows :
Emigrants in Goetschy's Colony.
Home in Switzerland, Name of Head of Family. Number.
Appenzell Jacob Mettler i
Bachs9 Jacob Bucher, shoemaker 4
Basserstorff Heinrich Brunner 1
Basserstorff Heinrich Diibendorffer 5
Basserstorff Jacob Diibendorffer 2
Basserstorff Kilian Diibendorffer 5
Basserstorff Heinrich Hug, wheelwright 1
Bertschicken Rudolph Walder 3
Buchss Jacob Schmid 6
Buchss Jacob Murer (Maurer) 5
„- Buchss Heinrich Huber 4
Buchss Conrad Meyer 3
Diebendorff Jacob Dentzler 6
Esch Rudolf Egg 1
Flunteren Balthasar Bossart 5
Flunteren Jacob Schellenberg and servant ... 2
Greiffensee Johannes Heid 2
Hirsslanden Caspar Notzli and his children . . .
Illau Rudolf Hotz 1
Iloten Verena Kern 3
Langenhuet Hans Ott 1
Luffingen Abraham Weidemann, blacksmith. . 2
Hennidorff Hans Ulrich Ammann 1
Miilliberg Jacob Possart 6
Opffikon Barbara Eberhardt 1
Riesspach Heinrich Schreiber, " blatmacher ". . 4
Rumlang Rudolf Weidman, tailor 3
Steinmeer, Upper Hans Meyer 4
Stein Conrad Geweiler, and second wife. . 2
Colony of Goetschy 107
Sultzbach Jacob Frey 5
Wallisellen Heinrich Merck 6
Wallisellen Martin Schellenberg 3
Wallisellen Ludvvig Lienhardt 1
Wallisellen Jacob Wiist 1
Wallisellen Hans Rudolf Aberli 1
Wallisellen Conrad Keller 3
Wallisellen Jacob Naff 5
Wallisellen Conrad Naff 5
Wallisellen Jacob Naff 2
Wangen Caspar Guntz 1
Windli Hans Ulrich Arner 6
Winckel Jacob Meyer 5
Zummikon Jacob Bertschinger 1
Zurich Heinrich Scheuchzer 1
N. — Hans Miiller 4
N. — Jacob Miiller and brother 2
N. — Abraham Wackerli 4
N.— Hans Kubler 4
This company with some others who evidently joined
them after Ludwig Weber had started on his return jour-
ney to Switzerland, and whose names he could not there-
fore record, reached Philadelphia on May 29, 1735, in
the ship Mercury, William Wilson, master. It carried
in all 186 passengers, 61 men, 51 women, 37 boys and 34
girls. The above list forms an important supplement to
the list in the Pennsylvania Archives, as it gives in each
case the place in Switzerland from which the several per-
sons came.
The journey itself and some of the later experiences of
the Goetschy family are given in a letter which John Henry
Goetschy, then a boy of 17 years, wrote on July 21, 1735,
to Mr. Werdmuller, deacon at St. Peter's church in Zurich.
As this letter has never been published and is quite inter-
esting, we present it in full: 113
113 Original in Zurich library, see Zusdtze zum Lexicon Geograph.-
Herald-Stemmatogr., Vol. II, F-H, pp. 196-199 (Msc. E. 62).
108 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Letter of John Henry Goetschy to Zurich, July 21, 1735-
Very Reverend, Very Learned Mr. Deacon!
I, the most submissive servant of my very reverend, highly and
very learned Mr. Deacon, cannot forbear to report to your Rever-
ence, how we are getting along. After we had left Holland and
surrendered ourselves to the wild, tempestuous ocean, its waves and
its changeable winds, we reached, through God's great goodness
toward us, with good wind, England within 24 hours. After a
lapse of two days we came to the island of Wicht [Wight] and
there to a little town, called Caus [Cowes], where our captain
supplied himself with provisions for the great ocean [trip] and
we secured medicines for this wild sea. Then we sailed, under
God's goodness, with a good east wind away from there. When
we had left the harbour and saw this dreaded ocean, we had a
favorable wind only for the following day and the following night.
Then we had to hear a terrible storm and the awful roaring and
raging of the waves when we came into the Spanish and Portu-
guese ocean. For twelve weeks we were subjected to this misery and
had to suffer all kinds of bad and dangerous storms and terrors of
death, which seemed to be even more bitter than death. With
these we were subject to all kinds of bad diseases. The food was
bad, for we had to eat what they call " galley bread." We had to
drink stinking, muddy water, full of worms. We had an evil
tyrant and rascal for our captain and first mate, who regarded the
sick as nothing else than dogs. If one said : " I have to cook some-
thing for a sick man," he replied: "Get away from here or I'll
throw you overboard, what do I care for your sick devil." In
short, misfortune is everywhere upon the sea. We alone fared
better. This has been the experience of all who have come to this
land and even if a king traveled across the sea, it would not change.
After having been in this misery sufficiently long, God, the Lord,
brought us out and showed us the land, which caused great joy
among us. But three days passed, the wind being contrary, before
we could enter into the right river. Finally a good south wind
came and brought us in one day through the glorious and beautiful
Letter of John Henry Goetschy 109
Telewa [Delaware], which is a little larger than the Rhine, but
not by far as wild as the latter, because this country has no moun-
tains, to the long expected and wished for city of Philadelphia.
When we reached here our dear father, because of the great and
tedious journey and the hardships so unbearable to old people, was
very sick and weak. On the last day, when we were before Phila-
delphia, the elders of the Reformed congregation came to him and
showed their great joy over him. They spoke with him as their
pastor, who had been appointed to that position by the ruling per-
sons in Holland, as was shown by his testimonials which he had
with him. They discussed one or other church affair with him
and showed their great joy. He spoke heartily with them, as if
he were well. The following day they came and took him to the
land. When he reached the land he was so exhausted by his sick-
ness that he could not walk alone, but was carried in a chair to the
house assigned to him. When they were there, they wished to
talk with him about one or other subject. Of his own people
none were with him but mother, the children were yet on the ship
on the water. Then he said : " It is so dark before my eyes, let
me lie down and sleep." As they did not want him to sleep in
that room, since people were coming in continually and he would
have been unable to sleep, they carried him upstairs to the bed
room. In the middle of the stairway he sat down, lifted his hands
to his heart and his eyes to heaven, heaved a sigh and died. On
the third day a very distinguished funeral took place in the prin-
cipal English Presbyterian church in Philadelphia, with a large
attendance of people. All the members of the consistory of the
Reformed church and very many of the congregation were present.
Now we, his wife and eight poor, forsaken orphans, are in a
strange land among strange people, who do not know us, poor and
without comfort. We, therefore, commend ourselves most sub-
missively to all those in Zurich to whom our misfortune will be-
come known and whose hearts will be touched, in order that they
may graciously grant us their assistance. It can easily be sent
into this country, if they will only send it through Mr. Wilhelmius
at Rotterdam, for which I ask most humbly, for the sake of the
merciful Jesus.
no History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Very Reverend Mr. Deacon, when I showed my testimonials,
and the people saw that I had been engaged in study, they almost
compelled me to preside over the congregations as well as I could.
Hence, through the goodness of God, I preach twice every Sunday
and teach two catechetical lessons. For this I make use of the
books which I have brought with me and through good diligence
I am enabled, thank God, to perform this in such a way, that each
and every person is well satisfied with me. Now the first Sunday
I preach in Philadelphia both in the forenoon and the afternoon
and always give with it catechetical instruction. On the second
Sunday in Schippach, which is a very large congregation, a sermon
and catechetical instruction in the forenoon. In the afternoon at
Old Goshenhoppen, two hours [six miles] from Schippach, a ser-
mon and catechetical instruction. It is also a pretty large congre-
gation, as large as any in the canton of Zurich. On the third
Sunday I preach in New Goshenhoppen and have catechetical
instruction there in the forenoon. In the afternoon at Great
Swamp [Grossen Schwam], which is also one of the large congre-
gations. All this I can do through the strength given me by God's
spirit, to the great satisfaction of the people. I expect to be con-
secrated next Christmas by the English Presbyterians, in order that
I may be able to administer the communion, unite people in mar-
riage and baptize children. With the help of God I intend to do
this. I would be able to do this all the better and put forth greater
efforts for the souls of abandoned and confused sheep, if I had my
library, which is in charge of Mr. Gorchen [George] Kromer. I
therefore ask your Reverence most humbly, if at all possible, to
send it to me very kindly, not only for my sake and the large num-
ber of poor orphans left by my sainted father, but also for the sake
of the many thousand strayed and shepherdless sheep, who go about
in error and in a destitute condition, yea for the sake of the many
heathen, who thereby might be led to the Lord Jesus, as has already
been done.
, Given on the 2ist of July 1735.
Henry Goetschius,
Philadelphia in Pennsylvania.
Goetschy before Presbyterians in
The condition of the land is as follows : There are in it English-
men, Germans and French from all parts of Europe. Most of
them are Reformed. The others are people of all kinds of imagi-
nable sects, Atheists, Anabaptists, Quakers, Arians, Enthusiasts,
Nestorians, Pietists, Mennonites, Waldensians etc., etc, many hun-
dred kinds, for in this country there is perfect liberty of conscience.
The Reformed are scattered through seven congregations and thus
there is among many thousand sheep no shepherd.
This letter bears the following inscription :
Letter of Henrich Goetschi, minister at Philadelphia to
Mr. Werdmuller, " Diacon " at St. Peters in Zurich.
In order to prepare himself for the next important step
in his life, his ordination, Mr. Goetschy wrote on Septem-
ber 26, 1735, to John Lavater, professor of Latin and
Greek in the "Collegium Humanitatis " at Zurich, asking
him for a certificate of his work and conduct while there.
This certificate was written on May 28, 1736, 114 and it
testified to the fact that, after having been instructed in the
fundamentals of the arts and ancient languages by his
father he had entered the Latin school and spent there a
year and that he had been " faithful and diligent in his
studies, upright in his life and morals, modest and pious
in his conduct."
On May 27, 1737, Goetschy applied to the Presby-
terian Synod of Philadelphia for ordination. The min-
utes of that meeting 115 state that,
a letter was brought in from Mr. Henricus Goetschius to Mr.
Andrews, signifying his desire and the desire of many people of the
German nation, that he might be ordained by order of Synod to
the work of the ministry, upon which the said Mr. Goetschius was
desired to appear before the Synod, that they might see his cre-
dentials and have some discourse with him ; which being done, he
114 Archives of Classis, Pennsylvania Portfolio, new letters, No. n.
115 Records of Presbyterian Church, Vol. I, p. 133.
ii2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
produced testimonials from Germany, which were ample and satis-
factory to the Synod respecting his learning and good Christian
conversation; whereupon he was recommended to the care of the
Presbytery of Philadelphia, to act upon further trials of him, with
respect to his ordination, as to them should seem fit.
Formerly it was supposed, without further investigation,
as a matter of course, that the Presbytery granted his re-
quest. But when the writer some years ago examined the
unpublished minutes of the Philadelphia Presbytery, he
discovered that this supposition was not correct.
On the same day, May 27, 1737, the Presbytery met
and took up the case referred to them by Synod. The
minutes state : 116
The affair of Mr. Henry Goetschius his tryale and ordination,
being by the Synod recommended to this Presbytery, they took the
same under consideration and agreed to meet tomorrow morning
at Mr. Andrews' chamber, in order to take his tryale and then
conclude upon what is further to be done in his affair as things
shall then appear and Mr. Andrews agrees to give him notice that
he may be present at the above time and place.
May 28, 1737.
Memorandum that three members of this Presbytery and three
other ministers met at Mr. Andrews's chamber as above directed
and having read an exegesis composed by Mr. Goetschius on the
article of justification and discoursed with him largely in order to
discover his qualifications for the ministry, they unanimously came
to this conclusion, that tho' he appeared well skilled in the learned
languages, yet inasmuch as they found him altogether ignorant in
college learning and but poorly read in Divinity, his ordination to
the ministry must at present be deferred. And therefore for his
116 Minutes of Presbytery of Philadelphia, Vol. Ill, 1733-1784, a manu-
script preserved by the Presbyterian Historical Society at Philadelphia. The
extract given above was printed, from copy furnished by writer, in Eccle-
siastical Records of New York, Vol. IV, p. 2684 f.
Goetschy at Goshenhoppen 113
better instruction advised him (being willing to encourage him)
to put himself under the tuition and care of some minister for some
competent time, that he may be better accomplished for the work
he is engaged in ; and they also agreed, that, considering the neces-
sitous condition of the people, that they desire his labours, he may
sometimes preach to them in the meantime, as he has done for some
time past.
The presence of Mr. Goetschy in the Goshenhoppen re-
gion soon made itself felt in the activity of the people.
At Old Goshenhoppen, the Lutheran church record in-
forms us,
in the year 1737, on January the 26th, the church land was sur-
veyed and it was found to contain 38*4 acres of land, with allow-
ance for roads. In the same year, February 7th, [it was] entered
in the office for Recording of Deeds for the City and County of
Philadelphia, in Patent Book A, Volume VIII. p. 325, by Mr.
Brockden. Anno 1738, January 12th, the expenses were paid by
Mr. Michael Reiher in behalf of the Lutherans and by Jacob
Keller in behalf of the Reformed. They were as follows:
£ s. D
1. For 38*4 acres of land 5. 17. 9
2. To Surveyor General for warrant and return — 9. o
3. For the patent to the Secretary of the Proprietor 1. 5. o
4. For the recording by Brockden — 5. o
5. To Mr. Grashold for his trouble — 7. 6
Total £8~~ ~ 4 "3
At Great Swamp warrants for land were taken out on
May 23, 1738, and
there was surveyed on the twenty-seventh day of September, fol-
lowing unto Michael and Joseph Everhart a certain Tract of Land
situate in Upper Milford Township, formerly in the County of
Bucks, now Northampton . . . containing one hundred and thir-
teen Acres and seventy perches and the usual allowance of six Acres
per cent for Roads and Highways ... in Trust for minister,
9
H4 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Elders and Congregation for the time being of the said reformed
Calvinist and their successors settled and to be settled from time to
time in the said several Townships of Upper and Lower Milford,
the said Congregation having now erected [1762] on the said
Tract a Church and School House for the use of them and their
successors. 117
At New Goshenhoppen John Henry Sproegel had do-
nated a tract of land consisting of fifty acres. Unfor-
tunately no deed was given and hence the date and the
circumstances cannot now be determined. But that it
took place at an early time is vouched for by the report of
John Philip Boehm, written to the Synods of Holland on
April 20, 1744. He writes: 118
Regarding the congregation at Goshenhoppen, it has also a sui-
table frame church upon a piece of land consisting of 50 acres,
donated by some one, that all religions and sects should have the
privilege of building a church thereon, and I lately learned from
an old elder of theirs that the church is paid for. Two years ago
four of them bought a plot. They intended to hand it over to
the congregation for a parsonage if they were reimbursed for their
outlay. How much it costs I do not know.
The fact that John Henry Sproegel 118a was the donor of
117 Printed by Dr. Weiser in his Monograph, pp. 42-46.
118 Minutes of Coetus, p. 26.
usa John Henry Sprogell (Sproegel) was born February 12, 1679. His
father, John Henry, was an eminent Lutheran minister and head of a
Lutheran Seminary at Quedlinburg, Germany. His mother was a daughter
of the celebrated composer of music, Michael Wagner. Godfried Arnold,
the church historian, married his sister. He came to Pennsylvania with his
brother, Ludwig Christian, about 1702. In 1727 he is reported as having
lived in the province twenty-five years, see Pennypacker, Hendrik Panne-
becker, p. 86. In 1705 Pastorius says (see Pennypacker, History of Ger-
mantoivn, p. 76) that " about two years ago one John Henry Sprogel
arrived in this province." In the beginning of 1705 both brothers were
naturalized. John Henry Sproegell purchased about 600 acres in Potts-
grove, on which he settled with his family. The present Sprogel's run
Donation of Henry Sproegel 115
this land is not only traditional but it rests on good docu-
mentary evidence. The congregation still owns a draught
made by the surveyor, David Schultze, of which we pre-
sent a facsimile, which is described by the surveyor as " a
draught of a tract of land divided into several tracts, sit-
uate in Upper Hanover Township in the County of Mont-
gomery and State of Pennsylvania, containing together
Fifty acres and 26 Perches of land. Being part of 13,000
acres, in former Times belonging to John Henry Sproegel
and afterwards to Thomas Tresse, Senior, deceased."
A curious fate overtook the donation of John Henry
Sproegel. He died without giving the congregation a
deed. The same happened to the Falkner Swamp Lu-
theran Church. As a result the New Goshenhoppen con-
gregation was compelled to purchase the land of the heirs
of John Henry Sproegel. For David Shultze states on
his draught, above referred to, that " in the year 1749 [it]
was by the Agents or Trustees of the said deceased Tresse's
Family, sold to the settlers thereof, and the above tract
was jointly purchased of them, by the Calvinists and
Mennonists Congregations for the use of Churches, Meet-
ing House, School House and Burying Ground." To an-
vvas called after him and flows through this tract. From a stone in an
ancient graveyard east of the borough line we learn that his wife, Dorothea,
died August 7, 1718, aged forty years. A son, Frederick, died in 1716, one
year old. (See Buck, History of Montgomery County, p. no.) In 1719
John Henry Sprogell gave fifty acres of land to the Lutherans in New
Hanover township. Hendrick Pannebecker surveyed it and laid it out,
the survey being completed April 17, 1719, see Pennypacker, Hendrick
Pannebecker, p. 73 ff.
His brother, Lodowick (Ludwig) Christian Sprogell, died at Philadel-
phia in 1729. His will is No. 129 of 1729, Book E, p. 114.
His sister, known as widow Sprogell, lived on Second Street, Philadel-
phia, see advertisement in Weekly Mercury of February 10, 1730, quoted
above, p. 45. She died at Philadelphia December 20, 1760, see American
Ancestry, Vol. IV, p. 5.
n6 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
ticipate the later history, it may be noted here that in 1749
the congregation was again unable to secure a deed. Not
before February 23, 1796, was the deed actually made
out and the final transfer of the land to the congregation
consummated.
The church at New Goshenhoppen reported by Boehm
as standing on the Sproegel tract in 1744, can be traced to
a still earlier date. It had been erected before January,
1739, for at that time Mr. Boehm reported to Holland : 119
Goshenhoppen. As I have heard from people that live there,
they have built a pretty large church at that place, which will be
sufficient for them for some time, but it is poorly made of wood.
Of the ministry of John Henry Goetschy at Goshen-
hoppen we have a somewhat extended description by John
Philip Boehm in his report of January, 1739. Goetschy,
like Weiss and Miller, soon after his arrival came in con-
flict with Mr. Boehm, because he entered several of his
congregations. Hence Boehm condemned his work se-
verely. Continuing the history of the Goshenhoppen
church after the departure of Miller, Boehm writes: 120
After these men had failed, they arbitrarily made Henry
Goetschi their pretended minister, when he was hardly eighteen
years of age and but half a year before had received the Lord's
Supper for the first time from Do. Rieger at Germantown.
Goeschi then undertook to administer the Lord's Supper and to
baptize, to install elders and to marry people. In short, he did
what belongs to the office of a regular minister. Goshenhoppen
has him at the present time [1739] as its preacher, and permits
him to establish and to carry on all this disorder from Goshen-
hoppen as a center, not only at Skippack, but at other places also.
He has done this, at Oley, where he has misled the congregation,
119 L. c, p. 12.
120 L. c, p. 10; Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 277 f.
Boehm on Goetschy 117
which was established by me in 1736 at their request, and he now
also serves this congregation. At Tulpehocken he attempted to
do the same thing through three un-called-for visits, but he was
refused. Yet he continues such improper actions.
Meanwhile this Goshenhoppen is a congregation or a place where
a faithful shepherd and minister is greatly needed, through whose
wise administration a flourishing congregation ought soon to be
established. There are also several places near Goshenhoppen
which should be provided for, as Great Swamp and Saucon Creek.
These, although they might be served by the minister of Goshen-
hoppen with the administration of the sacraments and sometimes
with a sermon, yet need to be provided with readers, who have the
ability to catechise, especially at Saucon Creek, because it is a some-
what out-of-the-way place and many Reformed people live there.
We learn more about the extensive activity of young
Goetschy from the title page of the oldest New Goshen-
hoppen Reformed Record, by which he informs us that he
preached at eleven preaching places, namely at Skippack,
Old Goshenhoppen and New Goshenhoppen in Mont-
gomery County; Great Swamp and Egypt in Lehigh
County; Saucon in Northampton County; Maxatawny,
Moselem, Oley, Berne and Tulpehocken in Berks County.
In four of these places church records, begun by him, or
containing at least entries by his hand, are still in existence.
In New Goshenhoppen he entered 60 baptisms, begin-
ning on April 25, 1736, and ending on September 24,
1740. He also wrote the title page of this record, prob-
ably in 1736, when he began his entries. Moreover, we
have from his pen the first list of members at New Gosh-
enhoppen, 45 in all, written about 1736; and the first list
of elders, elected April 25, 1736, namely John Steinmann,
John- Bingemann, J. Georg Welcker and Henry Gallman.
At Great Swamp he started a church record on April
24, 1736. On that day he wrote the title page of this
n8 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
record and entered, at the same time, a brief but compre-
hensive constitution for the congregation and six baptisms
into the record. In all he recorded there but fourteen bap-
tisms, the last on February 28, 1738.
On March 22, 1739, he opened the Egypt record with
a Greek and Latin sentence. The Greek sentence reads :
OvSev dXk rypd<f>T]<i, which means neither " Ohne Versuch
schmeckt man nichts," as Dr. Weiser renders it, 121 nor
"nothing without writing," as Mr. Roberts translates
it, 122 but " Mayest thou write nothing crowdedly," or ren-
dered freely: "Write everything plainly." These and
other doubtful Latin and Greek phrases are of course remi-
niscences of the Latin school at Zurich, and were evidently
used by the young preacher to impress the German farmers
of his congregations with his great learning.
Only three baptisms in the Egypt records are in the
handwriting of Goetschy. They took place on June 12,
June 27 and September 30, 1739, but two other children
were also baptized by him on earlier dates. John Traxel,
son of Peter Traxel, was baptized "by Rev. Mr. Gotschi"
on October 26, 1736, and Peter Roth, son of Daniel Roth
on July 27, 1737. These two entries were probably made
by Peter Traxel, "Vorsteher der Reformirten Gemeinde
allhier," who acted as sponsor at the second baptism.
121 See Monograph, p. 15.
122 Pennsylvania Archives, 6th Series, Vol. VI, p. 134.
THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY.
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TITLE PAGE OF NEW GOSHENHOPPEN RECORD, 1736.
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John Conrad Wirtz 119
On March 24, 1739, the Berne church record was
opened by Mr. Goetschy. An earlier baptism which had
taken place in May, 1738, was also most probably entered
in March, 1739. On July n, 1739, three children were
baptized by Mr. Goetschy at Berne. At one of the bap-
tisms, that of John Henry Jaeger, son of Philip Carl
Jaeger, Goetschy acted as sponsor. Later dates on which
baptisms were performed by Mr. Goetschy at Berne were :
July 12, September 12 and November 26, 1739. In all
there are fifteen baptisms entered by Mr. Goetschy at
Berne from April, 1738, till November 26, 1739. Eleven
other baptisms, from March 1, 1740, till August 20, 1740,
though entered by a different hand, may possibly have been
performed by Mr. Goetschy also, as we know from the
New Goshenhoppen record that he officiated in the charge
till September, 1740.
It was during the ministry of Mr. Goetschy that the first
schoolmaster appeared in the Goshenhoppen region. It
was John Conrad Wirtz, the brother-in-law of Goetschy.
The exact time of his stay is uncertain, but the fact of his
presence at Goshenhoppen is vouched for by Mr. Boehm.
In his last letter to the Classis of Amsterdam, dated De-
cember 2, 1748, he writes about Wirtz:
He was accepted at Old Goshenhoppen to teach school, but they
soon got tired of him and sent him away. Afterwards the Men-
nonites at Cannastocka accepted him for the same work, but he
was dismissed by them just as quickly.
Later he assumed the ministry in various country con-
gregations. From September, 1742, to December, 1743,
we find him at Egypt in Lehigh County. When Schlatter
came in 1746, he was ministering at Saucon, Springfield
120 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
and the Forks of the Delaware, now Easton. He was in
these churches probably from 1745-1749.
September 27, 1750, he applied to the Presbyterian
Synod of New York for admission. He was received as
a probationer by the Presbytery of New Brunswick, Sep-
tember 3, 175 1, and was ordained by this Presbytery as
pastor of Rockaway, N. J., June 5, 1752. He served
this church and others in its neighborhood until 1761.
He was then dismissed by the Presbytery to become the
pastor of the Reformed Church at York, Pa., where he
officiated from May, 1762, to September, 1763. He died
at York, September 21, 1763. His numerous descendants
have recently presented a beautiful memorial tablet to the
Church in York, to commemorate his labors.
Mr. Goetschy came in conflict with Mr. Boehm by cir-
culating everywhere a letter of Rev. Wilhelmius of Rot-
terdam, which Boehm claimed was forged. This letter
gave the Reformed congregations in Pennsylvania the
privilege to engage and dismiss their ministers at pleasure.
Finally, in the spring of 1740, the letter fell into the
hands of Mr. Boehm, who sent at once a copy of it to the
Classis of Amsterdam and wrote the following important
Boehm to the Classis 121
letter concerning it, in which he also touches upon his rela-
tion to Mr. Goetschy: 123
Letter of Boehm to the Classis of Amsterdam, April
4, 1740.
Very Reverend ClassiSj Reverend and Devout Church Fathers/
I had serious doubts about sending the enclosed copy to the Rev-
erend Classis, believing that on its account I might be regarded
with displeasure. Yet I thought it indispensably necessary, in
whatever aspect I considered it, to let the Very Reverend and
Devout Church Fathers see it, for they, in their exalted wisdom,
will know what to do with it, in order that your poor fellow-
servant may be guarded against further trouble.
This letter caused constant mischief and was the continual sup-
port of the wicked associates of Jacob Reiff, since the time of its
arrival in this country. (Do. Weiss brought it along from Hol-
land). The Christian Synods in their letters to his Reverence,
Mr. Dorsius, have sufficiently declared their displeasure with the
unordained preachers and hirelings.
About eight years ago, I was shown this letter (of which the en-
closed is a copy) from a distance, with the statement that they did
not concern themselves much about me and my church-order; here
they had a right church order and they knew what power and lib-
erty they had.
But although I tried hard during all this time, yet I could not
obtain the letter, until a few weeks ago. It came by accident out
of their hands into mine.
Now I believe firmly that this letter was cunningly forged, for
1st. A long time ago I heard from the lips of Reiff himself that he
had received the same from Do. Wilhelmi in the Dutch language
and that he had it translated into the German language in Holland.
2nd. The signature is written by the hand of the translator, while
the name of the translator is not mentioned. This ought to be
entirely different.
123 The original letter of Boehm is in the Classical Archives at Am-
sterdam. First printed in Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 300-303.
122 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
3rd. The letter consists of six sheets, which have been sewed to-
gether with a blue silk ribbon and sealed. I cannot believe that it
is Do. Wilhelmi's seal, for I have his seal on two letters in three
forms, none of which is like it.
4th. In these letters Do. Wilhelmi wrote me, after I had notified
him that they did such things in the name of his Reverence (which
they did as the letter shows) and he assured me, if such was done
in his name it was done without his knowledge and approval. His
letter was dated June 30, 1736.
5th. The so-called " Report and Instructions concerning Penn-
sylvania," drawn up by ten commissioners and printed by order of
the Christian Synods (probably in 1731) is almost uniform with
the regulations of the enclosed letter. But nothing is mentioned
[in the Report] about that which is contained in the beginning
of the letter, in regard to the power and liberty which the letter
grants to the people of this country and to the exercise of which
it urges them. 124 The letter likewise does not say to whom money
124 The letter of Dr. Wilhelmius is too long to be given entire. But a
few of the more important paragraphs of the first part of the letter may be
quoted. In the beginning of the letter the writer expresses his pleasure
that he was permitted to appeal in behalf of the Pennsylvania churches
to the church of Holland, with the result that the latter would take up the
cause of the Pennsylvania churches and assist them with counsels and con-
tributions. He expresses his regret to hear of their troubles and divisions,
caused by the ordination of Mr. Boehm. He reports that he had trans-
mitted their letters to their destination. The first he had sent to the Classis
of Amsterdam, which, however, he informs them, continued to be of the
opinion that Dom. Boehm should be supported in his position. Hence on
November 21 [1730] he had submitted their second letter to the Classis of
Rotterdam with the result that a committee of ten persons had been ap-
pointed to investigate the whole case. But as their report would not be
submitted to the Classis before next Easter, and as he did not want Mr.
Weiss to return empty-handed, he would give them his own personal
opinion in the matter.
First of all he advises them to accept the counsel of the Classis of Am-
sterdam in order to preserve by it peace and harmony among the churches,
until after the death of Mr. Boehm a change would take place. By doing
this they would be sure of gaining the favor and good will of the Classis,
inasmuch as the ordination of Boehm had taken place in answer to a
Letter of Wilhelmius 123
had been given in Holland. The printed pamphlet, however, men-
tioned that a considerable sum had been placed into the hands of
Do. Weis in Holland.
Therefore I cannot believe that Do. Wilhelmi ever wrote such a
letter.
For this reason no one would be a more fitting person to lead
the poor misguided people back upon the right way and to bring
about unity, love and a God-pleasing order, by exposing such cun-
ning and fraud, than his Reverence, Do. Wilhelmi, whom God
may graciously reward for it. This would certainly be the case
because many have passed away without being reconciled, and many
have gone over to the sects on account of the trouble and dishar-
mony occasioned by this letter, so that my heart often bled and
sighed to God. I should be very glad to have a letter regarding
it in my hands (for if it gets into the hands of Reiff's adherents, it
will be hidden). Then, with the help of God, I would soon
gather my sheep and perform my work among my congregations
petition received from them and Mr. Boehm could not be removed from
his office without much scandal and bitter feeling.
After these sensible admonitions, there follow four paragraphs which
are out of harmony with all that precedes and follows and which were no
doubt inserted by Reiff and his followers. It is inconceivable that Dr.
Wilhelmius could have written them. They read as follows:
" In case this advice be not acceptable to you and your minds cannot
unite with him, nor be edified, improved and comforted by his ministry
and your church be exposed to ridicule and contempt, as you write in your
letter and I have heard from the two delegates, I give it as my own per-
sonal opinion, that, in order to remove the present and future quarrels, you
have the divine right, given to you by God in Christ Jesus, which you can
and must use, to elect on your own responsibility a minister according to
the word of God and the church order.
" For your nation, which is living in a free land, is a perfectly free
church, dependent upon none, which has in herself the right to govern
herself, to elect such elders as she may please, if it be only done according
to the word of God. Being independent of every church in the world,
whichever it may be, you can accept advice and follow it or decline to do
so. This is entirely different with the churches in New Netherland, which
have been organized by the church of Holland.
" Inasmuch as this is so, the congregation of Schippach, Schwam and
124 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
with a double joy and my bitter sorrow would soon be sweetened.
But as long as this letter has been here my work has been ren-
dered useless among many. The slanderers and liars found it a
weapon against me and I had to put up with a small compensation
for all my difficult and wearisome toil and labor and thus lose my
food for the support of my body. But the most painful result was
that I had to see my labor made fruitless with many, because of the
letter, and had to behold more harm in all the congregations of the
whole country than I could bring about growth.
The Reverend Classis can, therefore, clearly see that it is not
my fault that our true church in this country did not grow. For
Henry Goetschy has shown this letter everywhere and thereby
caused me very much persecution, until he learned differently from
his Reverence, Inspector Dorsius. Then he heartily repented and
asked my forgiveness in the presence of his Reverence, which I
granted him with all my heart. I also wish him success and inter-
cede for him with God and our Reverend Church Fathers. He
obediently submitted to the decision of the Reverend Christian
Synods and desisted immediately. May God give him blessing
and grace that he may become an efficient instrument to edify
others.
neighboring places, has the divine right herself to elect a minister whom
she may find fit for that position, and it is my opinion that the following
procedure should be adopted: The consistory should assemble and inves-
tigate the conduct of the men, who in the name of the whole congregation
wrote to the Classis of Amsterdam, asking for Boehm and when it shall
appear that they did not act truthfully, or that they themselves were de-
ceived, the consistory must bring them to a confession of their guilt, and
exclude these men from the table of the Lord and his communion, they
being the cause of this disturbance. They should treat Dom. Boehm in the
same manner, and if it be found that he deceived these men in their simple-
mindedness, by his cunning and artifice, I suggest that these things be
properly recorded and sent to the Classis, in order to justify yourselves
and to assure the Classis that her resolution was based upon deceptive
tales.
" After this has been done, the consistory shall notify all male members
to meet at the specified time and vote one by one for the election of a
minister, acting according to the church order of the Palatinate, then pro-
Forged Letter 125
I also made this suggestion to his Reverence, Inspector Dorsius,
to propose to the Christian Synods, in sending the desired ministers,
to ordain each for his particular place. For some places are more
acceptable than others and the people also differ. I think that
thereby future quarrels could be avoided entirely, and all would
have to be content. May God give his gracious blessing upon his
work for the salvation of many.
Your obedient servant commends herewith the Very Reverend
Classis, your reverend persons, with all your families and holy
service to the dear heavenly father and to the word of his grace
and himself to your blessed and affectionate care, and he remains,
Very Reverend Classis,
Your most submissive and obedient servant,
Joh. Ph. Boehm,
Minister at Falckner Schwam, Schip Bach
and Weitmarge.
Witpen Township, Philadelphia County,
Pennsylvania, April 4, 1740.
ceed to the ordination, and, in order that all this be done orderly, the
advice and guidance of the nearest regular minister, that can be secured
from Staten Island or Bucks County, should be requested, who should be
present and preside over the whole transaction."
No arguments are needed to prove that these sections constitute the for-
gery of which Boehm complained. It is incredible that any minister in
his right mind could have written them. They are not only inconsistent
with Dr. Wilhelmius' preceding advice to submit to the counsel of the
Classis of Amsterdam, but they are also inherently absurd. The ridiculous
insistence on a supposed " divine right " of the congregation is enough to
discredit them. Moreover, why should the writer have taken the great
trouble to work out elaborate rules for the guidance of the churches in
Pennsylvania (which follow these sections immediately), if in his opinion
the Palatinate church order was sufficient for their government? The pity
of it all was that the " Fathers " in Holland paid no attention to these just
complaints of Boehm, allowing his enemies to go on unrebuked. The letter
of Wilhelmius is dated December 31, 1730. Boehm's copy of this letter is
in the Pennsylvania Portfolio, archives at Amsterdam, new letters, No. 10.
It was printed in full in Life and Letters of Boehm, pp. 303-311.
126 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
In the spring of 1740, Mr. Boehm visited the Goshen-
hoppen congregations to secure from them, as he had se-
cured from all the other Reformed congregations in Penn-
sylvania, a statement as to what they were willing to give
towards a pastor's salary.
In March, 1740, Boehm reported as follows to the
Classis regarding his visit to Goshenhoppen: 125
Concerning the congregation of Goshenhoppen I know not what
to say. I have been there three times, yet I have not been able to
do anything, although I entreated them very urgently not to cast
aside the grace of God, now so clearly visible. When I went to
them the third time, they [namely the elders] held a meeting on
the 2 1 st of February, and a part of them promised me at last to
come to me on the 26th or 27th in order to sign the paper. I also
heard that the people in Great Swamp and those at Saucon Creek
were not at fault. However I did not see any of them.
Shortly afterwards, however, they sent in a report
through Mr. Goetschy; the New Goshenhoppen congrega-
tion promising ten pounds, Great Swamp five pounds and
Saucon Creek five pounds. The paper signed by the
elders of the three congregations was as follows : 126
(1). The congregation in New Goshenhoppen promises Ten
Pounds.
Herman Fischer
George Steinmann
Caspar Holtzhauser
Andreas Greber
(2) The congregation in Great Swamp promises Five Pounds.
Felix Brunner
Michael Eberhard
Christian Willauer
Jacob Wetzel
Elders
Elders
125 The original of Boehm's report is in the Classical archives. Printed
in Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 296 f.
126 Also in archives of Classis. See Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 293.
Pledges of Goshenhoppen 127
(3) The congregation at Saucon Creek promises Five Pounds.
Georg Best
Frantz Blum
Friedrich Scholl
Tobias Baal
Elders
At the same time when Boehm secured these pledges for
pastor's salary, he also proposed to the Classis that the
congregations in Pennsylvania be organized into six
charges. The last and sixth charge to consist of New
Goshenhoppen, Great Swamp and Saucon Creek. It is
strange that he passes Old Goshenhoppen by entirely,
which was certainly in existence, as is evident from the
documents which we have already presented.
In repartitioning the congregations in 1740 (an earlier
partitioning into four charges had been proposed by him
in 1734), Boehm suggested not only how the congrega-
tions might be most advantageously combined into charges,
but he also pointed out where the residences of the minis-
ters might be most conveniently located. Thus he wrote
of Goshenhoppen : 1S
127
VI. Goshenhoppen. As in the last two congregations [Oley
and Tulpehocken], a place might here also be found for a minis-
ter's dwelling which would not be too inconvenient in order to
supply Great Swamp and Saucon Creek from it.
The good feeling and spirit of cooperation, which was
established between Boehm, Dorsius and Goetschy in 1740
did not last very long. In the winter of 1 739-1 740, Mr.
Boehm had made an extended tour of visitation to all the
Reformed congregations, traveling 300 miles on horseback
to visit the various congregations, in order to ascertain how
much each was willing to pay towards a pastor's salary.
127 Minutes of Coetus, p. 16; also Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 298.
128 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The result of his visits was embodied by him in an elabo-
rate report, which he placed into the hands of Dorsius, in
order that he might transmit it to Holland. Instead of
doing so, Dorsius made a summary of it in Dutch and sent
that to Holland in his own name, giving there the im-
pression that he himself had secured all the information
which had been requested. 128 When Boehm heard of it
he became very angry and on July 25, 1741, wrote a long
letter of complaint to the Classis. In it he wrote : 129
It seems to me that my sending over [a copy of] this letter [of
Do. Wilhelmius] accounts largely for the ill-will, which his Rev-
erence, Mr. Dorsius, bears me. For after I had secured this letter
from Mr. Goetschi, after many efforts, and it became known to
Mr. Dorsius, Goetschi came directly to me, brought me greetings
and implored me to give him the letter again, under all kinds of
pretense. He also said, that the Inspector, Mr. Dorsius, deemed it
advisable to return the letter to the people, otherwise trouble might
arise. But I thought that they were trying to make the letter dis-
appear. I, therefore, declined in a friendly way and retained the
letter. Now, whether his Reverence, Mr. Dorsius, is also of the
opinion that every one in this country may do as he pleases, I leave
to men, endowed with wisdom, to find out. For his Reverence
ordained this young Goetschi, who caused so much harm here
through the assistance of disorderly people and by the arbitrary
transgression of our Reformed church order and customs. This
ordination took place after he left Goshenhoppen, and had lived
half a mile from his Reverence and studied under him for one year,
on the 7th of April last [1741], with the assistance of Do. Frei-
linghausen, of Randany [Raritan] and of another whose name I
have not been able to find out as yet. But as far as I have heard,
he is said to be one of the Tennents, who are of the Whitfield fol-
12S Incorporated into the minutes of the Synodical Deputies, under date
March 7-8, 1741.
129 In Classical Archives, Pennsylvania Portfolio, No. 14.; see Life and
Letters of Boehm, p. 324 ff.
Goetschy at Tulpehocken 129
lowers, otherwise called Presbyterians. I shall try to make certain.
This Goetschi, as reported in my last submissive letter, had indeed
asked for my forgiveness, in the presence of Mr. Dorsius, of the
wrong committed against me and promised to live according to all
order. This occurred on the 21st of February 1740. But what
he did soon afterwards (and it can hardly be thought that he did
it without the knowledge of his Reverence, Mr. Dorsius) may be
seen from the enclosure, marked C. He likewise made two oral
offers to my regular congregation in Oley (according to their testi-
mony) whereby this congregation also was separated and divided.
Enclosure C. is a letter from the elders at Tulpe-
hocken, 130 addressed to Mr. Boehm, dated April 20, 1740,
informing him that Mr. Goetschy had written to them a
letter in which he notified them that he and Mr. Dorsius
would come to Tulpehocken in May and administer the
Lord's Supper there.
In his report of 1744, Mr. Boehm confirms and en-
larges upon his previous statements regarding the ordina-
tion of Mr. Goetschy and the conditions prevailing at
Goshenhoppen. He writes: 131
This congregation up to this time has claimed the privilege ac-
corded to them in the letter which Reiff had when he returned
from his collecting tour, and which purported to have been written
by his Reverence, Doctor Wilhelmi of Rotterdam (whereof a copy
may be found among the Pennsylvania papers). Hence they will
not submit to any church-order. And no matter how much I may
admonish them, they remain of the same mind. They had taken
young Goetschi to be their pastor, but when Do. Dorsius arrived
he withdrew from them, went to him, and studied a year with him,
and after this year he was ordained as minister for Long Island in
the month of April 1741, by Mr. Dorsius, assisted by Do. Fre-
130 Classical Archives, Pennsylvania Portfolio, No. 17. Printed in Life
and Letters of Boehm, p. 342.
131 Minutes of Coetus, p. 26 ; also Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 419.
10
13° History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
linghuysen, of Raritan, and still another (as I learned afterwards)
Tennant by name, of whom it was said that he was one of the
Whitfielders.
In 1739, the Synods of Holland had notified the Penn-
sylvania churches (see Life of Boehm, p. 284) that they
could expect no help from them, unless they would " refuse
to hear the unordained ministers and hirelings." As a
result Goetschy stopped preaching in 1740 (see p. 124),
went to Dorsius, studied with him for a year, and was then
ordained by Dorsius, Frelinghuysen and Tennent on April
7> 1741.
In October, 1740, Mr. Goetschy had gone to Long
Island where he visited the congregations of Newtown,
Jamaica, Hempstead and Oyster Bay, which extended a
call to him. 132 This he accepted and moved to Long Island
in the following year. Thus he left the German Re-
formed churches of Pennsylvania and assumed the ministry
of the Dutch Reformed churches of Long Island. The
validity of his ordination in 1741 was questioned and in
order to preserve peace among his congregations and
remove all objection he submitted to another examination
and ordination in 1748.
In 1743 Goetschy published a sermon on the "Unknown
God," which he had preached in Dutch in 1742 at several
places. After a long and successful ministry of thirty-four
years in the Dutch Reformed Church he died at Schraalen-
berg, N. J., November 14, 1774. 133
132 Corwin, Manual of the Reformed Church in America, ^.thed., p. 490 f.
133 Corwin, /. c, pp. 489-492; Sprague, Annals of the American Pulpit,
Vol. IX, Part 2, pp. 15-17; Taylor, Annals of the Classis of Bergen, 1857,
p. 185.
CHAPTER IV.
Ministry of Rev. Peter Henry Dorsius,
1741-1744.
^^Zd^ Boehm's report of 1744, quoted above, is found
Jl ■ the earliest reference to the next pastor at Gosh-
enhoppen. Continuing the history of Goshen-
^rj hoppen after the departure of Goetschy to Long
Island, Mr. Boehm writes: 134
Meanwhile, since Goetschi is no longer with them, Do. Dorsius
has several times administered the Lord's Supper to this people
before his journey to Holland.
This passage introduces us to a young minister, who
had come to Pennsylvania in 1737.
As early as May 3, 1730, the elders of the Dutch Re-
formed congregation at Neshaminy, Bucks County, had
written a letter to Rev. David Knibbe of Leyden and Rev.
John Wilhelmius of Rotterdam, Holland, stating that,
although small in number, they were anxious to secure a
minister and had for that purpose canvassed the congre-
gation and found that they were able to give 60 pounds,
Pennsylvania currency, as salary to a pastor. Hence they
asked these two Dutch pastors to secure them as a minister
" a suitable young man of about 30 years of age, who has
a distinct enunciation, is well grounded in the doctrine of
134 Minutes of Coetus, p. 26.
131
13 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the truth, able to instruct, admonish and to silence all
adversaries, but no less edifying in his life." 135 They
also guarantee him a free dwelling, fire wood and a free
passage for himself and his baggage to Pennsylvania.
On May 29, 1734, Rev. Wilhelmius notified them that
he had found a young candidate by name of Masius, whose
father was pastor in the Low-German Reformed congre-
gation at Altona near Hamburg. But when the time of
his departure for Pennsylvania had come near, he had
withdrawn. But, he informed them, that he had con-
tinued his efforts and had, a few weeks before, found " a
certain young man suitable and pious, 24 years of age, who
still needs one year to complete his studies. He shows
great desire and eagerness to preach the Word of God
among you. This man, I believe, will, under God's gra-
cious blessing, be a useful and successful preacher among
you, and I heartily recommend him to you. But the ques-
tion is whether you will grant him a year's time to com-
plete his studies, and whether I can advance him for this
purpose such an amount of the money which I have re-
ceived from you, as will be necessary for it and for his
examination and ordination in this country." He reports
further that the money which Reiff had given him in their
name was still in his care and that the reason why he had
not written sooner was partly because he had had no earlier
opportunity, partly because Reiff had failed to call on him
before his departure in order to take a letter along.
On October 30, 1734, nineteen members of the Nesha-
135 This letter, as well as the later letters exchanged between the Dutch
ministers in Holland and the Reformed Church at Neshaminy, Bucks
County, are deposited in the archives of the Theological Seminary at New
Brunswick, N. J. This letter is printed in full in a paper, submitted by
the writer to the Bucks County Hist. Society, January 19, 1918, entitled
" Life and Work of the Rev. Peter H. Dorsius."
Peter Henry Dorsius 133
miny congregation answered the letter of Dr. Wilhelmius.
They expressed their willingness to wait for their pastor
and gave Wilhelmius authority to use their money for him,
but with the condition that he should see to his examina-
tion, ordination and transportation to America. They
also reported that they were already busy in buying 40
or 50 acres as glebe land for their pastor's use.
On March 1, 1735, Dr. Wilhelmius sent another letter
to the Bucks County people. He expressed his pleasure
that they were satisfied with his choice of a pastor. He
reported that the young man, just about 26 years old and
unmarried, had already made such good progress in the
ancient languages, Latin, Greek and Hebrew, that he was
instructing others in them. He was also well advanced
in theological studies. He was a pious young man and
was burning with desire to preach the gospel of Jesus in
another part of the world. He had made him sign a
paper, in which he obligated himself to go to Pennsylvania
immediately after completing his studies, or to return the
money advanced to him with double interest. Wilhelmius
stated that the bearer of his letter was a Reformed min-
ister from Switzerland [Rev. Maurice Goetschy], through
whom they hoped the churches in Pennsylvania would be
well organized.
Another set of letters was exchanged between Wil-
helmius and the congregation in 1736, and finally on May
22 > J 737i Dr. Wilhelmius reported that Do. Dorsius had
been ordained at Groningen and had left for Philadelphia
with Captain Stedman.
On April 5, 1734, Dorsius had matriculated at the Uni-
versity of Groningen and on September 17, 1736, at Ley-
den. The entry in the matriculation book of the latter
university is as follows :
134 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Petrus Henricus Dorsius, 1736 Sept. 17.
Meursanus, 25. T.
This means that on the above date Peter Henry Dorsius,
a native of Meurs, 25 years old, matriculated as a student
of theology. This corrects the statement of Dr. Wil-
helmius as to his age. According to his own statement in
the matriculation book he was born in 171 1.
Fortunately we are now able to present definite infor-
mation regarding the family and age of Mr. Dorsius from
the church records at Meurs (now Moers), which the
present pastor, Rev. W. Rotscheidt, very kindly commu-
nicated to the writer, 136 for which he deserves the grati-
tude of the Reformed Church in the United States.
Peter Henry Dorsius was the son of Johann Henrich
" Dorschius" of Moers. His father was a widower when
he married Peternella Gravers of Altkirch, on September
15, 1708. Their children were as follows:
1. Alethea, baptized November 15, 1709.
2. Peter Hendrich, baptized January 2, 1711.
3. Abraham, baptized August 5, 1712.
4. Isaac, baptized December 22, 1713, died soon afterwards.
5. Isaac, baptized March 8, 1715.
An older relative of his, who acted as sponsor at his
baptism, Samuel Dorsius, entered the Gymnasium Adolphi-
num at Moers on May 8, 1708. Isaac Dorsius, probably
his younger brother, entered the gymnasium on May 5,
1727. His own name does not seem to be registered
there. Hence he probably studied somewhere else. In
1734 he entered the university of Groningen, as we have
seen, and in 1736 that of Ley den. In the following year
he left Holland for Pennsylvania.
He himself has given a description of his journey to
136 Xn a letter, dated February 16, 1914.
Dorsius leaves Holland 135
Pennsylvania and his first experiences there in a letter,
which he addressed to the Synodical Deputies in June,
1749. He writes: 137
It is about twelve years ago, after I had been received, on April
30) I737> by the Classis of Schieland at Rotterdam among the
number of the candidates of theology, and on May 29th of the
same year had been ordained by the very learned theological faculty
at Groningen to be a minister of the gospel, that, on July 11
[ J 737]> I undertook the great and dangerous journey from Rotter-
dam to Pennsylvania, when we did not arrive safely at Philadel-
phia till October 5th ; however, with the loss of many persons, who
had died at sea and had been buried in the great ocean. Then I
inquired immediately after my location. I learnt at once at the
beginning that I, as well as others, had been woefully misled, and
thus was sadly compelled to preach in the barn of one farmer after
another, because there was no house of God ; and at the same time
take up my lodging with one family after another in the woods
[bosch], as they are accustomed to call it in this land. This made
me think of returning speedily, but I was kept back by my con-
science and the example of early Christians. Through the encour-
aging and cheering letters of the very learned Rev. Mr. Ernest
Engelbert Probsting, p. t., scriba of Synod, written to me in the
name and by the order of the Reverend Deputies of both Synods.
I was much strengthened to continue in the difficult work of the
ministry which I had undertaken.
Mr. Boehm refers to the arrival of Dorsius in a letter
addressed to the Classis of Amsterdam on March 10,
1738, in which he says: 138
Last fall there came to this country Do. Dorsius, as a regular
minister of the Dutch Reformed congregation at Neshaminy, Bucks
County, and with him another by the name of Van Basten, who,
137 Hague Archives, 74, II, 12.
138 Classical Archives, Pennsylvania Portfolio, No. 1. See Life and
Letters of Boehm, p. 259 f.
136 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
although he was not ordained, yet travels here and there through
the country and preaches, saying that he had been sent from Hol-
land. But he has given us absolutely no cause for joy.
Turning to the immigrant lists of Rupp, we find that on
September 26, 1737, John Herman von Basten, 139 " Can-
dida tusS.Th.," arrived at Philadelphia in the ship Andrew
Galley, John Stedman, master, from Rotterdam. This
must have been the ship on which Mr. Dorsius came. We
know from the letter of Dr. Wilhelmius, quoted above,
that he came with Captain Stedman, and we know from
his own letter of June 1749, that he arrived on October 5,
1737. The latter i& the date according to the "new
style." It is, however, surprising that the name of Dor-
sius does not occur in the list as given by Rupp, while in
the list given in the Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series,
Vol. XVII, pp. 138-140, both names are wanting.
The bill for the ship's passage of Mr. Dorsius from
Captain Stedman and the receipt of Dorsius given to his
consistory on September 28, 1737, are still in existence. 140
They read as follows :
Myn Heer Dorsius Dr.
To John Stedman
to his passage & goods P. 15: —
to Duty in England P. i: J A
to Citty Dues 3/2:
to fresh Provision in England P. z: J /2
Total P. 19:0
139 The immigrant list in Rupp's Thirty Thousand Names, p. 109, give
us at last the correct Christian name of Van Basten. In December, 1738,
Dorsius reports him as having preached at Amwell, N. J., and on Long
Island and as being at that time at Fishkill, N. Y., see Ecclesiastical
Records of New York, Vol. IV, p. 2741. In 1739-40 he is reported as
preaching at Jamaica, Success, Oyster Bay and Newtown, N. Y. But he
was addicted to drink, hence his activity as a minister was brief. After
1740 he disappears. See Corwin, Manual, 4th ed., pp. 807, 1011, 1016.
140 Part of church records at New Brunswick, N. J.
Dorsius in Bucks County 137
Receipt of Rev. P. H. Dorsius,
I, the undersigned, acknowledge clearly and distinctly to have
received from the Reverend Consistory, elders and deacons, the
sum of six and twenty pounds, fifteen shillings and two pence,
Pennsylyania currency, for the passage money of person and goods,
together with the expenses from Rotterdam to Pennsylvania for
Captain John Stedman.
Given in Philadelphia, September 28, 1737.
P. H. Dorsius, minister in Bucks
County, Pennsylvania.
Dorsius and Boehm worked together very harmoniously
till the spring of 1740, when Boehm in answer to the re-
quest of the Holland Synods, communicated to him
through Dorsius, had prepared his elaborate report of
1739, and had handed it to Dorsius with the request to
send it to Holland. When Dorsius failed to do this,
Boehm became very indignant.
On November 30, 1740, the elders of Boehm wrote a
defence of their pastor to the Classis, with affidavits re-
garding the events that had taken place.
In the affidavit it is said : 141
When Mr. Dorsius, minister at Neshaminy, was at Goshen-
hoppen on the 24th of September 1740, and baptized children, in
his anger against our minister, Mr. Boehm, he burst out without
any reserve, in the following expressions among others: " If Boehm
says that I have not sent the letters, which he wrote regarding the
church, to Holland, he lies like a scoundrel" and this he repeated
several times.
Privately to Boehm, Dorsius had admitted that the
letter had not been sent off. In support of Boehm his
elders wrote: 142
141 Classical Archives, Pennsylvania Portfolio, No. 15. See Life and
Letters of Boehm, p. 338.
142 L. c, No. 16. See Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 339.
138 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
His Reverence [Mr. Dorsius] visited the congregations Saucon
and New Goshenhoppen on his return home from Minisink. As
far as we know he did not visit any other congregations in the
back woods. At that time his Reverence had the young Goetschi
preach the sermon and read the baptismal formula, while he bap-
tized the children. Afterwards all that is stated above took place.
It is impossible for us to let the case rest here because his Rever-
ence has not only treated our beloved and faithful pastor so un-
kindly, but he also attacked the respect due to the reverend men
and devout church fathers, who established our pure divine wor-
ship in this country.
During the ministry of Dorsius, in the year 1742, the
second schoolmaster appears in Goshenhoppen. On De-
cember 21, 1742, the Bethlehem Diary reports a visit at
Bethlehem of "John Adam Luckenbach, schoolmaster at
Goshenhoppen." He was born in 17 13 at Winckelbach,
near Hachenburg, in Nassau, Germany. On September
30, 1740, he arrived with two other members of his fam-
ily at Philadelphia. He served as schoolmaster in various
localities, first at Goshenhoppen. In 1743, we find him
at Muddy Creek, where he assisted Jacob Lischy. When
Lischy moved to York County, in 1745, Luckenbach ac-
companied him and became schoolmaster in Kreutz creek.
In 1754, he was schoolmaster in Allemaengel, Lynn town-
ship, Lehigh County. He married Eva Maria Spiess,
who bore him one son and two daughters. He died in
1785 at Saucon and was buried in the Moravian cemetery
at Bethlehem. 142a
According to Boehm's report of 1744, already quoted,
Dorsius administered the Lord's Supper "several times"
before his journey to Holland, which took place in 1743.
i* 2a See Reincke, Register of Moravians, pp. hi, 131, Schultze, Guide to
the Old Moravian Cemetery at Bethlehem (Proc. of Pa. Germ. Soc, Vol.
XXI, p. 14).
Dorsius in Goshenhoppen 139
In perfect agreement with this statement we find thirteen
children baptized at New Goshenhoppen on August 30,
1 74 1, and six children on September 4, 1742. Then there
is a break in the baptismal record till May, 1744. In the
interval Dorsius undertook a journey to Holland. This
was undertaken, as he explained later to the Deputies, be-
cause there was no prospect of growth for the Dutch Re-
formed Church in Pennsylvania, first, because their num-
ber was becoming constantly smaller through sickness and
death; secondly, because through intermarriage the mem-
bers were lost to the church, and thirdly, because they had
no school-teachers to teach the children the Dutch lan-
guage. In view of this condition Dorsius desired permis-
sion either to accept a call to another church or to remain
in Holland. As his letter to the Deputies, written in June,
1749, gives an interesting account of this journey, it may
be quoted in part: 143
I considered all this very carefully, besides, the continual com-
plaints of the consistory (which had to collect the pastor's salary),
that they were no longer able to pay the 68 pounds of salary which
they had promised, without injuring their own families, as they
were not able to secure the promised salary from the congregation,
but had been compelled to add each year enough money so as to
complete the salary; hence after full deliberation I concluded to
return to my fatherland and to undertake the difficult and expen-
sive journey in the strength of the Lord of Lords, also to call the
consistory together, submit to them my plans, ask for a certificate,
in case it should happen that I would not return. This was done
on the 9th of March, o.s. My just request was granted and a
certificate was given to me, together with a petition to the Rev.
Deputies for another faithful shepherd and teacher, at a lower
salary, in as much as I might feel inclined to stay in my own coun-
try. This certificate and also the letters written to me by the
143 The same letter of Dorsius quoted before, see note 137.
140 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
learned Mr. Probsting, I handed over to the Christian Synod of
North Holland in the year 1743, in answer to the request of the
Rev. Mr. Cornelius Houthoff, p. t., deputy of the Synods. These
writings are most likely still in the hands of the reverend gentlemen.
Then I began the great journey on the 26th of May, 1743, o.s.,
from New York to Amsterdam, where I arrived safely and well
on the 14th of July at Texel. Then on the 26th and 27th of
July I appeared before the Christian Synod of North Holland held
at Hoorn, in order to make known the lamentable and desolate
condition of the American Reformed churches, especially of the
Dutch people, over whom I had been placed as shepherd and
teacher. This, however, did not have the result or effect, which
I had desired or expected. I could not stay in Holland because
on the one hand it was to be feared that the fire of war might break
out between France and England, which would make the Spanish
Sea, over which we had to sail, unsafe and dangerous to travelers,
as to our grief, it proved to be the case in the spring of the follow-
ing year. On the other hand, my domestic affairs (of which I do
not wish to speak further) could not be arranged so as to make it
possible for me to stay longer in Holland. Moreover, a suitable
opportunity offered itself so that I could readily bear the expense
of the journey and return home again.
Hence on the 19th of October 1743, o.s., I again undertook
the great journey across the sea, when after suffering, especially in
the neighborhood of Ireland, many hardships and dangers on the
ocean, common to the winter season, I did not reach Philadelphia
till January 16, 1744, o.s., though in good health. From there
I returned to Bucks County, where I tried to discharge the duties
of the ministry faithfully.
Shortly after his return from Holland, Dorsius visited
Goshenhoppen again. Boehm in his report of 1744 refers
at length to this visit: 144
144 Minutes of Coetus, p. 26 f . ; also Life and Letters of Boehm, p. 419 f.
Boehm on Goshenhoppen in 1744 141
Boehm's Account of Goshenhoppen in 1744.
As I learned on Tuesday after last Easter at Goshenhoppen from
a ruling elder, it is arranged that he [Dorsius] shall again admin-
ister the Lord's Supper to them in the next coming month of May.
On this Tuesday after Easter, when I happened to come to Goshen-
hoppen, I found this among them: On Good Friday, they allowed
the base deceiver, Jacob Lischy, to preach in their church, who at
the same time baptized two children. When I represented to two
elders, who were together on this Tuesday after Easter, the impro-
priety of this act in the presence of several people, in having per-
mitted a Moravian to do such things they answered me that they
themselves had held it up to him, but he had protested with an
oath and called upon God to forsake him if he were a Moravian.
He claimed to be a Reformed preacher from Switzerland. Then
I showed them his Moravian hymn book, entitled " Shepherd
Songs of Bethlehem, for the use of all who are humble," which
before this was his own pocket hymn book, and came to my hands
in a wonderful but honorable way, in which he had written his
name with his own hand ; When they compared the letter he had
written to them with it and saw that it was his own handwriting,
they realized his wicked conduct, the more so because, when they
told him that I had this little book, he denied it was his, say-
ing that he knew nothing of the book, that others could easily
write his name in a book; he could not prevent that, and that for
this reason he had long regarded me as a treacherous Boehm, of
whom he had heard before in Holland, etc. Then they acted as
if they were sorry. But one among them, Michael Radner, con-
fessed that it was his fault alone that Lischy had come into the
church. Whereupon I took my departure. The next day I spoke
with another ruling elder, who was not present the day before.
This one said to me with a sad heart, almost with tears: "But
what shall we do? Mr. Dorsius has told us we should not think
that we could get ministers from Holland. We should ourselves
see to it, what was to be done." The Hollanders had said : " What
do the Pennsylvanians imagine themselves to be? They live in a
14 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
free country, have nothing to pay to any royal court, yet want to
give but ten pounds in such a large congregation to a minister;
then we cannot provide them with a minister," etc. Nevertheless
I admonished them to remain steadfast in prayer, and without
being discouraged to wait upon God's favor. As for me, I felt
assured that if our pious church Fathers desired to admonish us or
were displeased about anything, they would not thus rudely present
it, but speak of it in an amicable and friendly manner, becoming to
servants of God. But according to my expectations the affairs of
our church would take quite a different turn under the providence
of God and his guidance. And thus we separated. . . .
Do. Dorsius has also promised the people at New Goshenhoppen
to administer the Lord's Supper there on May 6th, and that on
the 7th he would be at Old Goshenhoppen, situated about four
miles from Skippack, where the Lutheran and Reformed people
wish to build a union church (whereby again some members will
be drawn away from Skippack, for until now this district had be-
longed to Skippack) and on May 7th he will there lay the corner-
stone. On this occasion the Lutheran preacher, Andres by name,
and Do. Dorsius are each to preach a sermon. Do. Dorsius asked
said Lutheran pastor to announce this from his pulpit for the
benefit of his Lutheran congregation, which he did on April 8th.
Afterwards I was told by some of my elders who were present
that the Lutheran minister distinctly said: "Rev. Inspector Dor-
sius will administer the Lord's Supper on May 6th at New Goshen-
hoppen for the Reformed people, and on the 7th ditto, at the laying
of the corner-stone of the union church at Old Goshenhoppen, he
as well as myself (the Lutheran pastor) will preach the first ser-
mon (which words a certain man who had heard them told me
with astonishment in my house on the 16th of April). . . .
P.S. On May 6th, Do. Dorsius administered the Lord's Sup-
per at New Goshenhoppen, several persons from Falkner Swamp
communed there without saying anything.
On May 7th, the corner-stone of the above mentioned union
church was to be laid ; a considerable number of people were pres-
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Cornerstone at Old Goshenhoppen 143
ent, but the day was rainy. Do. Dorsius did not come. It was
postponed till Whit Monday, May 14th, old style. Do. Dorsius
again did not come. But an elder of New Goshenhoppen was
appointed to represent Do. Dorsius, and the work was thus accom-
plished.
The presence of Do. Dorsius at New Goshenhoppen in
May, 1744, is corroborated by the church record, for on
May 5, 1744, six children were baptized, and their bap-
tisms entered into the church record by one of the elders.
The pastor who officiated was undoubtedly Mr. Dorsius.
The cornerstone laying at the Old Goshenhoppen church
is described more fully in the Old Goshenhoppen Lu-
theran record, which has also preserved the agreement,
then drawn up by the Lutheran and Reformed people. It
is as follows:
Agreement Placed in Cornerstone of Old Goshenhoppen
Church, May 14, 1744.
Anno 1744, May 14th, through the wonderful providence of the
all-wise God and against all expectations, these two congregations,
Lutheran and Reformed, began to build a large, beautiful stone
church. In this year was laid the cornerstone, in which the fol-
lowing writing was put and deposited :
In the Name of the Blessed Trinity, Amen.
Through the all-wise providence of God it has come to pass that
both Evangelical congregations, Lutheran and Reformed, con-
cluded to build a new stone-church, for which the corner-stone was
laid today in the name of God. Inasmuch as under such circum-
stances, and for the safety of both parties, a written agreement is
necessary, showing in what manner each congregation is to conduct
itself and what rights each possesses, therefore, the following con-
tract has been made and established by us:
First: We implore unitedly and with burning hearts the almighty
144 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
and all-gracious God, that he may not allow any discord or dissen-
sion to arise among us, but may preserve us in love and unity, that
our Christian work, undertaken by us, may have a happy issue.
Secondly: No congregation, neither Lutheran nor Reformed,
shall have any preference in the divine service, nor shall any con-
gregation have more rights in the church than the other, but every-
thing shall be done in love, without confusion and disorder, nor
shall either congregation disturb the divine services of the other.
Thirdly: We stipulate mainly and earnestly, that no false
teacher, suspected of heresy, who adheres to neither the Lutheran
nor the Reformed doctrines, shall under any circumstances be per-
mitted or tolerated in our house of God, but in such a case either
congregation shall have authority, right and power to close and
lock the church against such a false teacher.
To our posterity we wish temperal and eternal blessedness.
And, inasmuch as Jesus Christ is the only corner-stone and founda-
tion of our faith, who is made unto us wisdom, righteousness,
sanctification and redemption, therefore may he grant that this our
faith may be continued and preserved to all times, in order that we
all at last, when heaven and earth perish, may be translated from
the church militant unto the church triumphant, and then, before
the throne of the Lamb, all of us, with one accord, may honor and
praise God, through our dear Lord Jesus Christ.
In testimony whereof the elders of both congregations have
affixed their own signatures.
Old Goshenhoppen, May 14, 1744.
Reformed : Lutherans :
Christian Schneider Michael REiHER + his mark
Christian Lehmann Balsar Gerlach
Bernhard Arnd Philip Gabel
johann zlewer. *c()nrad schneider.
As to the cost of the church nothing certain is at hand, because,
in the first place, the two congregations have helped and given
much, and in the next place, other friends have also contributed
their share.
THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY.
■ % *
LI BEMLlTAS pink '
^ LVtHERAN^ATgVe
1
strVXIt-
CORNERSTONE OF OLD GOSHENHOPPER CHURCH, 1744.
(See Page 145.)
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HOUSE OF WILLIAM DEWEES, WHITEMARSH.
(REFORMED PEOPLE OF WHITEMARSH MET HERE, 1725-1745.)
ff£^
Declaration of Trust in 1744 145
The cornerstone of the first church at Old Goshenhop-
pen is still preserved in the right hand corner of the pres-
ent building. It bears an interesting Latin inscription:
LIberaLItas pLebIs i. e. The liberality of the people
LVtheran^ atqVe Lutheran and also
reformats has ^eDes Reformed this house
Vna eXstrVXIt. unitedly has erected.
1. C. ANDREW, past. LVTH. J. C. Andreae, Luth.
pastor.
The inscription is unique because the capital letters when
added together give the year 1744. This can be easily
demonstrated:
Line i.
LI.
LI.
LI. = 153
Line 2.
L.
V.
V. = 60
Line 3.
M.
D.
= 1500
Line 4.
V.
X.
VXI. = 31
1744
This ingenious method of indicating the date is prob-
ably due to the Lutheran pastor, J. C. Andreae, whose
name was put into the last line of the inscription.
Shortly before the cornerstone laying of the Old Gosh-
enhoppen church took place, the church wardens or trus-
tees of the two congregations had drawn up a " declaration
of trust," which because of its contents and remarkable
English deserves to be published in full, spelling and all,
verbatim and literatim. It is dated April 16, 1744:
Declaration of Trust by Old Goshenhoppen Elders,
April i6, 1744.
To all Christian People to Whom these Presents Writings
Shall Come Know Ye that We Michael Reyer, Churchwardens of
the Lutherian Congregation & Jacob Keller, Churchwardens of
the Reformirth Congregation of Upper Sollford Township in the
11
146 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
County of Philadelphia are Lawfully Invested by a Warrant of
the Hounorable the Propriedais Date the twelfth Day of January
anno Domini 1737 there was Surveyed and laid out on the Six-
teenth Day of the Said Month unto us the said Michael Reyer
and Jacob Keller of the County of Philadelphia a certain Tract
of Land Seituate in the s d Upper Sollford Township in the s a
County BEGINNING at a Post in a Line of other Land of the
said Jacob Keller and Extending thence by the Same South East
Seventy Perches to a Post thence by other Land of the Said
Michael Reyer Southwest ninety three Perches to a Post at a
Corner of Adam Mayrers Land thence by the same North west
Seventy Perches to a Post thence by Vacant Land North East
Neinty three Perches to the place of Beginning Containing thirty
Eight acres and a quarter and an allowance Proportional to Six
acres Per Cent, for Roads and Highways as in and by the Survey
thereof remaining in the Surveyor Generals Office may appear-
Now know Ye that we the s a . Michael Reyer & Jacob Keller,
Chosen Churchwardens of both the said Congregations have gath-
ered so moch money as woult pay for s d tract of Land and Cost
and Charges to pay, and was agreed between them two said Con-
gregations that this place shall be for no other use but to built a
Shoolhause and in Fouture to come a Chirch to keep a School-
master upon said pleace Either between the both Congragations or
Every on for them selfes and also built a Church between both s a
Congregation or Every one for them selfes and we Paid for said
Land & patend warrant and Recortern and sum other Costs Eight
pounds nine Shillings & Three pence of the money we gathered.
Now because the Patend and also the Draught of s d tract is made
upon us and in our names weilst it Could not be Done otherwise,
So we Prodest and Declear by and with this presents, that we or
our Heirs, Exect s , Administ 3 , or Assigns shall have no claim or
Demand of in or to the s d Land or any part thereof From or after
our Decease but to permit and Suffer the s d two Congregations
their Heirs and Assigns and Every of them to have, possess and
enjoy to their own use for Ever the said Land and Every part
thereof without any Let or disturbance of or by us our Exect 3
Dorsius returns to Holland 147
Administ 3 or Assigns or of or by any other person or persons or by
this or any of their acts means consents or procurements Clearly
released acquitted and Discharged of and from all Incumbrances
What So Ever by them had, made and Committed or Done or to
be had made Committed or Done but the two Congarigations be-
tween them shall pay the Quittrend Due and for Ever to come to
the Hounorable the Propriedars according as it is mentioned in
the patend we have and Shall also have the two Congrigations the
Reight and Power given in the patend to us, that we never have
any more to Demand than another man of the s d two congrigations
and that also for the true performans We give to Every Congri-
gations this writings from unter our hands and Seals Dated this
1 6th Day of Aprill in the year of our Lord one Thousand Seven
Hundred and fourty four Annoque Domini 1744.
Sealed & Delivered in the presence of us
his his
Christian X Lehman Michael X Reyer (Seal)
mark mark
his Christian Schneyder in place
Adam X Meyrer of Jacob Keller (Seal)
mark
Philad a 1 2th Jan y 1737. Received of Michael Royer and Jacob
Keller five pounds Seventeen Shillings & nine Pence in full for
thirty eight acres of Land Surveyed to them in Salford Township
in the County of Philadelphia. Received for the use of the Pro-
prietaries.
£5 17s. gd. James Steelyard.
After 1744, Dorsius visited Goshenhoppen no more,
although he remained pastor of Neshaminy, Bucks County,
till 1748, when he returned to Holland. There he died
about the year 1757. 145 The last reference to him is in
143 For earlier accounts of Dorsius see Harbaugh, Fathers of the Re-
formed Church, Vol. II (1872), p. 375 f. ; Good, History of the Reformed
Church, pp. 190-199 ; Dubbs, Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, pp. 92-
94; Corwin, Manual of Reformed Church, 4th ed., pp. 429-31. The most
148 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the minutes of the Classis of Amsterdam, under date Oc-
tober 5, I750. 145a From 1752 to 1776 his widow received
support from the Coetus of Pennsylvania.
extensive account of the "Life and Work of the Rev. Peter H. Dorsius "
was given by the writer in a paper submitted to the Bucks County Hist.
Society, see above, note 135.
w>* Ecclesiastical Records of New York, Vol. IV, p. 3138.
CHAPTER V.
Ministry of Frederick Casimir Mueller,
i745- I 748.
/ \+b N July 7, 1745, a new handwriting appears in
Mm --w tne New Goshenhoppen record. It is that
fi of Frederick Casimir Mueller. On Sep-
% jf ~J tember 27, 1745, he acted as sponsor at the
^— *^ baptism of a son of Johan Adam Mengel.
On March 23, 1746, a son of Frederick
Casimir Mueller himself was baptized with Johann Hoff-
mann and Friedrich Helwig as witnesses. The record
itself gives no indication that Mueller was actually the
pastor of the congregation. All that can be inferred from
the record is that between July 7, 1745, and April 28,
1750, he entered thirty-five baptisms into the record. But
what is lacking in the record is fully supplied by other
evidence.
In Schlatter's private diary we read under date Septem-
ber 20, 1746: 146
I preached in the new stone church at Old Goshenhoppen, but
inasmuch as a considerable part of the New Goshenhoppen con-
gregation adheres to a certain hireling, Frederick Casimir Mueller,
who was a school teacher but now wants to be a minister, I was
not able to accomplish anything. I concluded to investigate this
" 6 Printed in Journal of P. H. S., Vol. Ill, p. inf.
149
15° History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
matter at some other time and then fix the salary. I shall also
endeavor to bring about, with the help of God, unity in the con-
gregation, since Do. Weiss is generally liked. But, whereas some
adhere to the above-mentioned Fred. Mueller, it is necessary to use
prudence, because he is a bold fellow and was in the congregation
before Do. Weiss returned from Rhinebeck.
At a later place in the same diary Schlatter refers at
length to Casimir Mueller and sheds considerable light on
his activity: 147
The above mentioned Frederick Casimir Mueller is the only one
thus far known to me, who is not willing to submit to any order,
but, as he states himself, will create as much dissension and division
as possible. But I trust to Almighty God, that Mueller alone
will not be able to hinder the progress of God's work, which other-
wise is blessed everywhere.
He has now 10 or 12 small congregations in and about Oley and
in New Goshenhoppen about 18 men, who adhere to him and re-
fuse to side with Do. Weiss, being so to speak bewitched with his
bragging and assurance. During the whole week he rides about
and tries to make the kind intention of the Reverend Synods ob-
noxious to his adherents, pretending that if they submit to them
they will lose their liberty and accept unbearable fetters.
I asked him to come to see me in Oley on September 23 rd. At
that time he appeared to me rather favorable, and in view of your
Reverences' counsel, I made to him the following proposition in
the presence of Do. Weiss: Whether, if he were a true Reformed
man, he would from now on abstain from administering the Lord's
Supper and from uniting people in marriage, until I had written
to the Reverend Fathers and received their answer, whether the
Reverend Synods deemed it wise that, like Dom. Boehm in former
years, he be ordained by a Coetus and be installed as a regular
minister in a regular congregation? To this he heartily agreed,
but on the following Sunday, through God's wonderful providence,
147 L. c, p. 119.
THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY.
Frederick Casimir Mueller 151
he made himself unworthy of the good opinion which I had formed
about him. For he baptized children as before and announced
the administration of the Lord's Supper in four weeks. Hence I
lost all desire to write to you in his behalf.
From the Hebron Diary, written by the Moravian pas-
tors at Lebanon, it appears that Frederick was the call
name of Frederick Casimir Mueller, for his name always
appears there as Frederick Mueller. The same conclusion
can be drawn from his own signature, which is usually
Friederich C. Miiller.
Rupp's Thirty Thousand Names, notes the arrival of
three Friedrich Muellers from 1 727-1 744. On Septem-
ber 30, 1743, a Friedrich Miller qualified, whose name
was written by the clerk, probably because he himself was
unable to write. On September 24, 1742, a Friederich
Miiller qualified, who came in the same ship as John Jacob
Riess, another Reformed pastor at Goshenhoppen. A
third Friedrich Miiller arrived October 28, 1738. We
are inclined to regard the second Mueller identical with
our Frederick Casimir Mueller, because he was apt to
make his presence felt shortly after his arrival.
In spite of Schlatter's unfavorable opinion, Mueller
preached acceptably to numerous Reformed congregations
and no doubt did a good work, in his own way. It may
serve, therefore, a useful purpose to put together the scat-
tered references to his life and work.
In a letter of Schlatter, dated October 3, 1746, which is
lost in the original, but an extract of which has been pre-
served in the Minutes of the Synodical Deputies of March
21-22, 1747, Schlatter states that Mueller had been a
school teacher at a place near Mayence, in the Palatinate.
In July, 1745, he appears for the first time in Pennsyl-
vania, as pastor of the New Goshenhoppen congregation.
IS 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
On October 19, 1746, Schlatter visited New Goshen-
hoppen again, in order to restore if possible order and har-
mony in the congregation. His private diary describes
his experiences at that time as follows : 148
On the 19th, I traveled to New Goshenhoppen, 18 miles, to-
gether with Dos. Boehm and Weiss, in order to remove if possible
the division which had been caused in the congregation by the above
mentioned Miller.
I preached from II. Chron. 15: 2-4. After that I tried to gain
the adherents of Miller with love and kind words and win them
for Do. Weiss, but Miller, who was in the church, controlled his
party to such an extent that all my efforts were in vain. He is
said to have declared from the pulpit, last Sunday, October 16th,
that even if the black and white wigs (meaning the Hollanders
and Switzers), would come, they could not drive him away. Fi-
nally I wanted to know how strong his adherents were and asked
them to raise their right hand, but they refused, saying that they
would not swear an oath. Then I asked them that, as a sign of
their difference, they should put on their hats, but they refused that
also. At last I asked that those who held with Do. Weiss should
cover their heads, thus I was able to count the others against their
will, namely 17 or 18 families. Thereupon I admonished them
all to be peaceful and I caused the party of Do. Weiss, numbering
about 30, to put upon paper their contribution toward his salary,
which amounted to about 15 pounds and thirty bushels of wheat.
In Schlatter's diary, as published by Dr. Harbaugh in
his "Life of Rev. Michael Schlatter," p. 140, is this addi-
tional sentence: "Although we did not, at this time, suc-
ceed in accomplishing this object, yet the Lord interposed
some time afterwards and restored order."
Almost immediately after the visit of Schlatter, Mueller
wrote him a letter on October 29, 1746, which, following
the "old style," he dated October 18, 1746. As it is the
148 L. c, p. 160.
Letter of Mueller 153
only letter of Mueller in existence and reveals clearly his
attitude and spirit, we shall give it in full: 149
Letter of Frederick C. Mueller to Schlatter.
Goshenhoppen, October 18, 1746.
I have thought much about you, since I saw and heard you at
Goshenhoppen, for the reason that I expect you to organize every-
thing in good order. You ought to know that church questions
cannot be treated like secular affairs, which was done nevertheless.
At the city hall I saw how people were asked to raise their hands
or make a sign with their hat. That is the way it looked at your
organization, to the amusement of the sects.
I do not wish to make you proud, but simply to write you the
thoughts of my heart. I care little or nothing whether you send a
petition to Holland or not, nor will I allow you to forbid me any-
thing. If I need a petition, my congregations are willing to draw
it up themselves, for they can give the best testimonial regarding
me. I am ready to submit to an honorable Church Council, but
not to beg for anything, and if my congregations submit a testi-
monial to the honorable Church Council as to you and take as
much interest in it as you, I shall have good help, but they will not
drive me away from the congregations which love me heartily.
You should know that neither money nor anything else will induce
me to give up the congregation, even if Mr. Weiss's salary for two
years be offered to me. You promised to secure me a place as a
schoolteacher. I hope you will stand by your word, but if you
are unable, because you can issue no command which the farmers
must respect, I shall look for such a place myself.
I wish you heartfelt humility from him who can give abundantly.
I shall report the outcome ©f the affair to the Rev. Mr. Bruynings
in Amsterdam, whom I know and love heartily.
Your ever ready (Servant)
Frid. Casimir Muller.
i 4f) Hague Archives, 74, I, 51 (9).
154 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
We cannot state definitely when Mueller left Goshen-
hoppen. It may have been in 1747, for on September 29,
1747, Rev. George Michael Weiss reported New Goshen-
hoppen as one of his congregations. 150 But inasmuch as
Do. Weiss dates the beginnings of his ministry in 1748, it
is more likely that Mueller withdrew in that year. Weiss
heads his baptismal entries with the statement "from 1748
till the year 1758, the following adult persons were bap-
tized, upon the profession of their faith." Also his cate-
chumens were recorded from the year 1748. Neverthe-
less, Mueller continued his visits to Goshenhoppen, for in
1749, January to July, he entered five baptisms into the
record and one on April 28, 1750. The record book re-
mained in the hands of Mueller's followers till 1757, when
it passed into the custody of Weiss. But even as late as
1752 we hear of a Mueller faction in New Goshenhoppen.
In order to realize the importance of Mueller for the
Reformed Church, we must review his labors outside of
Goshenhoppen. It is at present impossible for us to iden-
tify all of the ten or twelve congregations in and about
Oley, which Schlatter reports him as serving in 1746.
We can, however, trace his activity in a number of con-
gregations.
In 1746, he appears in Berne, Berks Co. An entry in
the Berne record by his hand reads: " Register [showing]
how many and whose children were entered by me Fried-
rich Casimir Miiller, at this time preacher, 1746." His
handwriting stops in November, 1746. Then there is a
break till February, 1749, when a new set of entries begins
running till April, 1752. Though not written by Miller
himself, it is barely possible that the baptisms were per-
formed by him.
150 Minutes of Coetus, p. 33.
Pastorates of Mueller 155
In 1748, Mueller appears in Long Swamp, Berks
County. After stating that the first church there had
been begun in September, 1748, Jacob Weimer, the faith-
ful schoolmaster, writes in the Long Swamp record:
"After having completed this church to the honor of God
and for their own salvation, they called the Rev. Fridrig
Casemer Miller to dedicate this house and they accepted
him as their preacher, who served them for some time."
How long Mueller stayed at Long Swamp is not certainly
known, but probably till 1752.
In October, 1752, the Minutes of Coetus report 151 that
he was "supported by a part of that congregation" at
Muddy Creek, whereby he was causing considerable trouble
to the pastor, Rev. John Waldschmidt.
On October 11, 1753, Mueller applied to the factional
Coetus, held at that time at Cocalico, to be received as a
member. But his request was not granted. 152
In the same year Mueller appears as pastor of Coventry
(now Brownback's), in Chester County. On February
18, 1753, he baptized there the first child. His entries
extend there till November, 1761.
In 1762 he signed an account at the Heidelberg Church
(now Hains' Church), near Wernersville, Berks County.
In the same year he appears as pastor of the Reformed
Church at Lebanon. On July 18, 1762, he dedicated the
newly-built Reformed Church there, as is stated in the
Hebron Diary. He opened the church record at Lebanon
on November 24, 1764. 153 His entries, eighteen in num-
ber, extend till April 5, 1766. On September 28, 1764,
151 Minutes of Coetus, p. 73.
152 L. c., p. 108.
153 For the ministry of Frederick Casimir Mueller at Lebanon, see the
writer's " History of Tabor Reformed Church, Lebanon, Pa.," in the Re-
formed Church Messenger of August 4 and September 8, 1904.
156 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the Hebron Diary reports the death of Rev. Mueller's
wife, who was a daughter of Veronica Leidolt. The
Moravian pastors at Lebanon speak of Mueller in a
friendly way 154 and exchanged visits with him. But
while Mueller's handwriting stops in the Lebanon record
in April, 1766, it is continued at Swatara till July 3, 1768.
He probably died soon afterwards.
Frederick Casimir Mueller has had the distinction of
having had two doubles.
In 1855, Rev. Henry Wagner published a Kurzgefasste
Hundertjdhrige Geschichte der Bergkirche in Lebanon
County, Pennsylvania, in which he refers, p. 4, to a Mr.
Friederich, a Swiss minister, who followed Tempelman in
1760. He is said to have had a quick temper and soon
returned to Europe. His name is perpetuated by Dr.
Harbaugh in his Fathers of the Reformed Church, Vol.
II, p. 384; by Dr. Corwin, Manual, 3rd ed., p. 265;
and also by Dr. Good, History of German Reformed
Church, p. 649. Later, when the Hebron Diary became
known, it was found that, beginning with 1762, it men-
154 What appears at first sight as a very serious charge against Mueller
is made in Saur's paper, Pennsylvanische Berichte, under date June 16,
1749, where the following notice is inserted: "Henry Adam of Maxetani
makes known that his wife Maria has left him faithlessly and turned to
(hat sich gewendet zu) Friedrich Casimir Miiller. None may loan or
give her anything on his [Adam's] account, as he will not pay it." This
statement does not necessarily prove that the woman had eloped with
Mueller. She may have left her husband and entered Mueller's family as
a servant. The New Goshenhoppen record proves that Mueller was mar-
ried in 1745. The Hebron diary at Lebanon shows that Mueller's mother-
in-law, Veronica Leidolt, was living with him in 1765. While in between
these years he was constantly serving Reformed congregations. This
would no doubt have been impossible if he had been guilty of adultery.
The well-known facts of his life are best reconciled with the notice in
Saur's paper by the supposition that Mrs. Maria Adam had become
Mueller's maid servant in 1749.
Muellers Doubles
157
tioned Frederick Miller as the Reformed pastor at Leba-
non; see Klopp, History of Tabor First Reformed
Church, Lebanon, 1892, p. 54. Alongside of these two
men, Frederick Casimir Mueller was known as the Re-
formed pastor at Long Swamp, see Harbaugh, Fathers,
Vol. II, p. 380. Thus it came to pass that Mr. Frederick,
Mr. Frederick Miller and Mr. Frederick Casimir Miller
figured as three Reformed pastors in history, see Good,
History, pp. 517, 649. The truth is that all three are but
one man. The Lebanon Reformed church record shows
unmistakably the handwriting of Frederick Casimir Muel-
ler. Moreover, of the 18 children whose baptisms Muel-
ler entered, he acted as sponsor in the case of three, sign-
ing his name Friederich C. Miiller, in his well-known
wretched script.
CHAPTER VI.
Ministry of Rev. George Michael Weiss,
1746-1761.
,HEN Michael Schlatter arrived in Penn-
sylvania in September, 1746, he found a
new minister in the Goshenhoppen charge.
It was the Rev. George Michael Weiss.
We left Weiss in 1732 as pastor of Cats-
kill and Coxsackie, N. Y. There he re-
mained till 1735. His last baptism was entered July 6,
1735. From Catskill he went to Burnetsfield or German
Flats, now in Montgomery County, N. Y. There he was
pastor from 1736 to 1742. In the latter year he removed
to Rhinebeck, Dutchess County, N. Y., where he served as
pastor from 1742 to 1746. He then returned to Penn-
sylvania.
While pastor at Catskill, Mr. Weiss was married by
the Rev. Petrus Van Driessen on November 25, 1733,^0
Anna Broenckh, daughter of John Broenckh, one of his
parishioners, in her father's house. Weiss himself en-
tered the record of the marriage into the marriage register
at Catskill. The couple had no children.
The time of Mr. Weiss's removal from the State of
158
George Michael Weiss 159
New York is fixed as about June, 1746, in a letter of
Schlatter to the Synodical Deputies, dated October 3,
1746. The letter itself is no longer in existence, but an
elaborate abstract of it was inserted in the Minutes of the
Synodical Deputies, from which we take the following
statement, regarding Schlatter's visit to Old Goshenhop-
pen on September 20, 1746. He writes:
On September 20th he [Schlatter] preached in the nearly com-
pleted stone church at Old Goshenhoppen from II. Chron. 15:
1, 2. To this place Do. Weiss was called from Albany and has
now [September 1746] been pastor there for three or four months.
Here he [Schlatter] attempted to restore order, but he could not
persuade the congregation at New Goshenhoppen to unite with
Great Swamp for this purpose, because they allowed themselves
to be served by a hireling, Miller (who had been a schoolmaster at
Steticheim 155 near Mayence in the Palatinate), although there was
hope for this [union] in the future.
The same time of removal is indicated in the first part
of Schlatter's private journal, dated December 15, 1746,
and published by the writer in the Journal of the Presby-
terian Historical Society. 15 ® There we read :
Do. Weiss returned about six months ago from Esopus in the
government of [New] York, for fear of the war about Canada
and at the request of the congregation at Goshenhoppen. He is
now willing to remain with his wife in Pennsylvania.
To complete the evidence about Weiss's coming to
Pennsylvania, we may add the passage from Schlatter's
Diary, as printed by Dr. Harbaugh in his " Life of Rev.
Michael Schlatter": 157
155 This name has not been transcribed correctly from the Minutes of
the Deputies or from Schlatter's letter, for an inquiry at Mayence brought
the answer that there is no such place near Mayence.
1 56 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. Ill, p. 108.
157 Life of Rev. Schlatter, p. 132 f.
160 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Mr. Weiss, who several months ago, had fled from his church
at Rhinebeck near Albany in New York, from fear of war, had
come hither on invitation of this and other congregations in this
vicinity. He is also beloved by many, yet, on account of the ad-
herents of the one who had irregularly thrust himself into the
service of the church, it is necessary still to exercise great prudence.
On October 12, 1746, Weiss met with Schlatter, Boehm
and Rieger at Philadelphia for a preliminary conference
with a view to perfecting an organization of the Reformed
churches and ministers in Pennsylvania. "This was the
first assembly in which these Reverend Brethren had all
been together, notwithstanding one and another of them
had already been laboring about 20 years in this part of
the Lord's vineyard." 158
On October 19, 1746, Schlatter, Boehm and Weiss met
at New Goshenhoppen in order to overcome, if possible,
the division existing there through the presence of Fred-
erick Casimir Mueller. But although Schlatter succeeded
in ascertaining the number of Mueller's and Weiss's ad-
herents, being eighteen and thirty heads of families re-
spectively, and although the latter promised fifteen pounds
and thirty bushels of wheat to Do. Weiss's salary, yet
Mueller could not be dislodged. It was probably not till
1748, when the baptismal record of Weiss begins at New
Goshenhoppen, that Mueller withdrew, although he con-
tinued to make occasional visits till April, 1750.
Schlatter's estimate of Weiss was quite favorable in
1746, for in the first part of his private diary, dated De-
cember, 1746, he reported to Holland: 159
Do. George Michael Weiss is now minister at the above men-
tioned places. He is, as far as I can see, innocent in the affair
15S L. c, p. 136.
159 Journal of P. H. S., Vol. Ill, p. 117.
Weiss at Coetus of 1747 161
with J. Reif, for the latter always received the money, according
to his own confession. Moreover Do. Weiss has asked him a thou-
sand times for God's sake to settle this matter. His Reverence has
otherwise a good reputation in this country and Do. Boehm himself
told me, that Do. Weiss has always carried himself as a quiet, dili-
gent, sober and orthodox minister. He also took the trouble to
travel with me to " Tolpehaken " and " Canastoke."
At the first meeting of the Coetus of Pennsylvania, held
from September 29 to October 2, 1747, at Philadelphia,
George Michael Weiss was present with delegates of his
three congregations, namely, Christian Schneider and
Daniel Hister, of Old Goshenhoppen, John Huth and
Philip Ried, of New Goshenhoppen, and John Huber and
Nicholas Montbauer of Great Swamp.
From the second meeting of Coetus, held on September
29, 1748, at Philadelphia, Weiss was absent. But shortly
afterwards, on December 12, 1748, he sent a letter to
Schlatter, excusing his absence because of sickness. In
this letter he makes the following report regarding his
congregations : 160
In my congregations nothing of importance has taken place.
They are quite harmonious. They only lack money in order to
pay for the newly built church at Old Goshenhoppen and to give
their minister his salary according to promise. For I have not
yet been fully paid for the first year and now am still expecting
the salary of almost a year and a half. The conditions with regard
to this are very bad. The one pays, the other does not. Many
160 Hague Archives, 74, I, 51 (19).
12
162 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
depend upon the promised help from Holland. I stand on a very
loose footing. If my congregations will not be able to give me
my dues, I shall not be able to stay, but must seek my fortune
elsewhere.
With regard to the debt resting on the Old Goshen-
hoppen church, Schlatter states in his private diary that it
amounted to about 600 guilders or about 240 dollars. 161
The Old Goshenhoppen Lutheran record states with
regard to this subject:
As to the cost of the church nothing certain is at hand, because
in the first place the two congregations have helped and given
much, and the next place other friends also have contributed their
share.
And again:
As to the interior finishing of the church, on July 12, 1748, a
joint contract was made by the two congregations with the car-
penter to make and paint the seats and gallery for 15 pounds.
The pulpit was ordered and presented by Gabriel Schuler, Re-
formed.
The story as to how the church debt was finally paid is
given in the Old Goshenhoppen Lutheran record as fol-
lows :
In the year 1751 there remained 30 pounds of church debts and,
after consultation, we deemed it proper to send out collectors by
the Evangelical Lutherans alone, because each congregation had its
separate debts. Hence on November 7, 1751, the beginning was
made by two collectors appointed for the purpose, who brought
home on the 14th of December of this year 13 pounds and 14
shillings, not counting 1/3 of the proceeds which went to the col-
lectors. For this may the rich Lord bless all benevolent givers in
body and soul.
Anno 1752, two joint collectors were sent out, one by the Lu-
"i Journal of P. H. S., Vol. Ill, p. 170.
Goshenhoppen in 1750 163
therans, the other by the Reformed, in order to collect contribu-
tions in the State of New York. They returned in this year, as
our exclusive third part, 1 1 pounds, 3 shillings and 9 pence.
At the Coetus meeting held in 1749 at Lancaster, Weiss
acted as secretary.
In the year 1750 two important events occurred which
stirred the congregations deeply.
On May I, 1750, the following notice appeared in
Saur's Germantown newspaper, called Pennsylvanische
Berichte:
It is reported from Goshenhoppen that there is a woman who has
left two husbands that are still living and wanted to marry the
third man. There are in that district three preachers, the one
was so white [play on the name Weiss] that he would not marry
the pair, but the other [play on the name Andre] who had before
married the good woman to another man hesitated indeed, because
the second husband lived so near, but the bridegroom, knowing
that everything can be obtained from some people for money,
heaven and salvation, Christ and forgiveness of sin, offered no
small remuneration for the marriage. The reverend minister was
pleased to accept and married them in the name of God, without
proclamation (otherwise there might have been some objection)
for 30 shillings. The farmers in his three congregations were
startled, not knowing whether all their wives might not be married
away to others. They formed a church council and consistory,
deposed their minister, for they preferred to be out of danger.
In June, 1750, the Goshenhoppen region was startled
by a murder. The wife of one of its most respected citi-
zens, David Schultz 162 (whose tomb is in the New Gosh-
enhoppen Reformed churchyard) was brutally slain by
one of her servants.
162 For a sketch of David Schultz's life, see the Pennsylvania German,
Vol. IX, pp. 499-505.
164 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
George Schultz, his wife and their son David arrived
in Philadelphia with the ship Pennsylvania Merchant,
John Stedman, captain, on September 18, 1733. They
settled in the Perkiomen Region. On October 29, 1745,
David Schultz married Anna Rosina, daughter of Abra-
ham Beyer. In May, 1749, he bought 180 acres and 60
perches of land for 72 pounds 3 shillings, lying in Upper
Hanover township, what is now East Greenville, Pa.
As he was a surveyor, David Schultz was much away
from home. During his absence the management of the
farm naturally fell to his wife. In June, 1750, he had a
servant, Hans Ulrich Sailer, whom his father-in-law,
Abraham Beyer, had brought with him from Holland
during the previous summer, on condition that he serve him
seven years for the passage money. He was a Swiss boy,
of a lazy and surly disposition. David Schultz thought
that he could manage him with kindness, hence he took him
and his indenture along to his farm. His wife found fre-
quent occasion to urge him to do his work better. After-
wards the young man claimed she even slapped his face,
which may not be true. At any rate he took a decided dis-
like to his mistress and determined to get even with her.
In the night of June 14, 1750, he climbed through a
window into her bedroom with a long, pointed knife. But
as she turned around in bed, he left the room again.
After some time he entered the second time but she turned
again. On his third entry he found everything quiet.
Then he stabbed her in the neck, cutting the jugular vein.
After thus satisfying his revenge, he ran out and hid in a
neighbor's haystack. Mrs. Schultz rose from her bed and
went downstairs to call for help, but fell at the foot of the
stairs upon her face, where she was found dead the next
day. The murderer was soon caught and confessed every-
Anna Rosina Schultz 165
thing. He was taken to Philadelphia, where he was
placed on trial and found guilty of murder on October 22.
He was executed by hanging on Wednesday, November
13, 1750. 163
Close to the New Goshenhoppen church is the tomb of
Mrs. Schultz, with this inscription:
Anna Rosina Schultzin
Murdered June 14, A.D. 1750.
Aged 29 years. Funeral Text:
Jeremiah 9: 21.
In 1750 and 175 1 the people at New Goshenhoppen
made the first effort to secure a deed for their minister's
farm. The details hav T e fortunately been preserved by
David Schultz, who interested himself more than any other
in securing the property for the congregation. On Feb-
ruary 3, 1776, he sent a letter to Mr. Rundle 164 regarding
this land, from which the following statements are taken :
After all the land had been surveyed to the settlers thereof,
agreeable the general agreement this tract was left vacant.
Sometime before the general agreement was made, Edward Scull
was ordered to survey the greatest part of his 13,000 acres, but
after the general agreement was made and the remaining surveys
were to be completed, he not having time to do it himself, ordered
me to finish the remainder, under his examination ; which was done
and [I was] employed with the Mr. Parsons, Ross and Greenway.
I accordingly surveyed the tract now in question on the 19th No-
163 The story of Mrs. Schultz's murder and of the trial and execution
of her murderer is given at length in Saur's Pennsylvanische Berichte of
July 16, 1750, November i and 16, 1750; cf. also Colonial Records, Vol.
V, p. 488. The New Goshenhoppen record shows that David Schultz mar-
ried his second wife, Elizabeth Lar, on June 27, 1758. This union was
blessed with four daughters.
164 This letter was first printed in the Daily Norristoivn Register of
March 6, 1883. It was reprinted in the Penn Germania, Vol. I, pp. 364-368.
166 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
vember 1750, for the said congregation, in the presence of the
elders or church wardens thereof, containing 42 acres, with allow-
ance (of six acres per hundred for roads) at their request, with
an intention to build a house thereon for their minister to live in,
and continually to keep this same for such use forever.
Also with intention, when it should suit them, to agree and pay
for the land, with the above named three gentlemen.
They immediately built a dwelling house and stable on it, dug
a well and began to clear some land in the spring 1751. Their
minister came to live there with his negro family; at his request
the congregation allowed him for his better support to clear some
more land. He continued from time to time with cleaning, though
sometimes forbid by the congregation, till almost all was cleared
a few acres excepted.
In August, 1752, Mr. Weiss and other Reformed min-
isters hastened to Philadelphia to welcome Schlatter and
the six young ministers, whom he had brought from Hol-
land. Their arrival was an event of great importance 165
for the Reformed church in Pennsylvania and was fittingly
marked by a meeting of all the Reformed ministers in the
province at Philadelphia, from August 10 to 13, 1752.
On September 2, 1752, Rev. John Philip Leydich, pas-
tor at Falkner Swamp, sent a letter to Rev. Jacob Lischy,
165 The importance of this event was duly recognized by a Circular
Letter, issued in 1752 by Messrs. Weiss, Leydich and Lischy. It was enti-
tled: Circular Schreiben der Vereinigten Reformirten Prediger in Pennsyl-
vanien, an dasige sdmmtliche nach Gottes Wort Reformirte Gemeinen:
Darin sie kiirzlich darlegen, <wie der grosse Jehovah die von Sr. Ehrzv.
Michael Slatter, V.D.M., an unsere Hochiv. Christl. Kirchenvater iiber-
nommene Commission zu ihrer Rettung und Hiilfe, in Gnaden gesegnet
etc. Zu Allgemeiner Nachricht herausgegeben von Georg Michael Weiss,
Joh. Phil. Leydich, Jacob Lischy. Lancaster, Gedruckt bey H. Miiller und
S. Holland, 1752, 4-to, pp. 11. The title page was published from a photo-
graph taken by the writer, by Prof. Jos. H. Dubbs, in his Reformed Church
in Pennsylvania, p. 165. The only known copy of the booklet is in the
archives at the Hague, 74, II, 21.
Circular Schreiben 167
pastor at York, in which he refers to the third school-
master at Goshenhoppen, whose name has been preserved.
He writes: 166
Let me add a few words, regarding the bearer of this letter,
IttciilarWreiDeit
t>.cr SJcmnifltcn
leforiitrfcn ImMgcr
an fcafige (dmtlidK nad)05Ottc5 2Boit
a efonnirte Hcineuicit;
Sarin (m furjitd) barfcgcii,
SBic t»cc ©roffe 3 e * & * 5I ^ tc ^ on ® r - &)W.
MICHAEL SLATTER, V.D.M.
mi unjtre
jpocf)it>. gbrttfl. SfirdkntMit cr
ubernommencgommiiTioii jti ibm'tRetfuiiii iint-OiilfY,
inC&nafren gcfecjnct:
Unt>
tOit fblcbea »6rt fbri?Artcri ©emeimn folic gebiil)rint> crhntr, nut &<wtv
fagung (jngcnommcti/ mit> rccht gcl'tuucbt, 1.1. «umi M'C (g>£fttf
Miib ftrm-£)cil il)ii'r.un|1cvblici)incccKiiaiiginMii0c ivirCcrt.
3u
SUIflemeintt 9?nd)cid)t
liuaufQigctm upii
GEORG MICH Mil. WKISS.
JOH PHIL I. MY IJIC H.
JACOB LlbCHY.
«5WC2l©S<S;X, e)cOrucftbci)<,.mi»ikrmiDe./^il.iii{>; 17s-.
namely John William Wigand, at present schoolmaster at New
Goshenhoppen, a man with excellent testimonials, as their presenta-
tion will show you in detail. He cannot subsist in said congre-
106 Hague Archives, 74, I, 72 (3).
1 68 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
gation because of the division caused by the so-called Fritz-Mueller
and Weiss parties. He has a special desire to work under the dear
Brother [Lischy] and according to his instructions.
In the following year the schoolmaster at Goshenhoppen
received £5 s.8 support from the donations sent from
Holland. 167
In 1752 five hundred folio Bibles, sent by the Classis of
Amsterdam, were distributed among the Reformed minis-
ters at the meeting of Coetus. It was resolved to place
one copy of these Bibles in each pulpit and to distribute the
rest among the various ministers.
It was resolved to send Do. Weiss 24 copies of the folio Bibles,
one half to be sold and one half to be given to the poor, and with
the same understanding the others were assigned. 168
These so-called "Schlatter Bibles" are becoming ex-
ceedingly scarce. None seem to have survived in the
Goshenhoppen congregations. For their identification the
following may be noted. As stated in the minutes of
Coetus, it was a large folio Bible, printed at Basel, " im
Verlag Johann Ludwig Brandmullers, im Jahre Christi
MDCCXLVII.
When in 1753 serious dissensions arose in the Coetus,
Weiss sided with Leydich, Steiner, Rubel, Waldschmidt
and Wissler against Schlatter and his friends. This sepa-
ration was due among other causes to the desire, as ex-
pressed by Weiss, to " maintain love and peace among
their congregations, inasmuch as they were not in favor
of subordination to Holland and to our Coetal institu-
tions and directions." 169
On September 10, 1753, a convention was held by the
167 Minutes of Coetus, p. 89.
168 L. c, p. 69.
169 L. c, p. 92.
Holland Donations 169
dissatisfied ministers at the house of Mr. Weiss at Gosh-
enhoppen and then an attempt was made by them to con-
vene a regular Coetus at Cocalico, in Lancaster County,
on October 10 to 12, 1753. At this meeting Mr. Weiss
presided. But this attempt to wrest the control of Coetus
from Schlatter and his friends failed, as the " Fathers" in
Holland refused to recognize Weiss and his followers and
threatened to withhold all donations from them. This
threat was more powerful than all arguments and had the
desired effect. At the Coetus, held at Philadelphia in
October, 1754, a reconciliation took place and the two par-
ties pledged themselves to forget their differences.
Beginning with the spring of 1753, the ample donations
from Holland put ministers and schoolmasters in more
comfortable circumstances. The following table shows
the total amounts distributed and the share that fell to
Mr. Weiss and the Goshenhoppen schoolmaster:
Year.
Total Amounts.
Weiss's
Share.
Schoolmaster's
1753
£363
s. 8
£20
£5 s. 8
1754
£289
s. 7
£20
1755
£418
s.15
d.6
^35
S.15
1756
£366
s.12
£27
S.IO
1757
£357
S. 2
d.io
£ 27
S.IO
£l S.IO
1758
£385
S.14
£30
£l S.IO
1759
•£339
s. 9
£30
£l S.IO
1760-61
£337
S.17
d.io
£30
£2
1762
£321
s. 5
£lO
The last amount in 1762 was given to Mr. Weiss's
widow. His salary during this period amounted to 40
pounds annually.
Besides these contributions from Holland, Reformed
ministers and schoolmasters shared in the benefactions of
an English society, organized to maintain charity schools
among the Germans in Pennsylvania. The first payment
17° History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
from this source was made on June 16, 1756, when ten
Reformed ministers received 91 pounds. 170 Similar pay-
ments followed in the next three years. At each of these
occasions Weiss received ten pounds, although no charity
school was established in the Goshenhoppen region.
The development of the Goshenhoppen congregations
during this time cannot be followed in detail. Only at
Old Goshenhoppen has the Lutheran church record pre-
served some interesting details of congregational activity.
During the year 1753, beginning May 3, the churchyard
was enlarged at Old Goshenhoppen and it was surrounded
by new posts, clap boards and new gates were put up.
In 1754 a new stove was bought for 4 pounds. In
1755 all church debts were completely paid by the Lu-
therans and let us hope by the Reformed people also. In
the same year a new well and spring house were made.
In i757>
the church was improved both inside and outside with carpenter
work. Five new windows with glass were inserted, new seats
were put in and painted and a new roof was put on the kitchen of
the schoolhouse. All was paid and the [Lutheran] congregation
has still a balance of 6=£ 18s. gd.
In 1757 a long and lingering sickness befell Mr. Weiss,
which made it impossible for him to attend the meetings
of Coetus any longer. In October, 1759, Coetus met at
Goshenhoppen "in the home of the sick Do. Weiss."
Of the year 1759 we have the first statistical report by
Mr. Weiss regarding his congregations. It was sub-
mitted to the Coetus that met May 28, 1760, at Falkner
Swamp, and was as follows : 171
170 L. c, p. 144; also p. 198.
171 As the references to the Minutes of Coetus can be located in the
printed minutes without difficulty, it is not necessary to give in every case
Death of Weiss 171
At Old Goshenhoppen Do. Weiss has 30 families, at New Gosh-
enhoppen 45, and at Great Swamp, 33. In 1759 he baptized in
the three congregations 60 children, and instructed 33 persons in
the confession of Faith and received them as members. About the
schools he could give no report.
At the meeting of Coetus on October 21 to 22, 1760,
held at Germantown, the congregations of Weiss expressed
their willingness "patiently to bear with his age and in-
firmity."
In 1 76 1 Weiss reported 120 families in his churches.
"He baptized, during 1760 and up to the present time,
45 children and received 36 members."
This is the last reference to Weiss. He died in Au-
gust, 1 76 1. David Schultz, Esq., in a letter to Daniel
Rundle, dated February 3, 1776, writes: "Anno 1761 in
August, their said minister, Geo. Michael Weiss died."
Shortly before Mr. Weiss died, in May, 176 1, the Great
Swamp congregation made an effort to pay for its church
land. Accordingly a paper was circulated (now much
worn and partly torn) on which the members subscribed
certain sums to pay this debt. A similar effort seems to
have been made in Decmber, 1748, but was probably only
partially successful. At that time the following members
made subscriptions for this purpose:
Subscriptions for Church Land at Great Swamp.
Anno 1748 (?), December 26th, an agreement was made by
the members of our congregation that we are willing to pay for our
church land. Each one gives at his own free will as follows:
£ s.
Michel Kohler — 10
the exact page reference. The minutes of Coetus were edited by the writer
in 1903 under the title: Minutes and Letters of the Coetus of the German
Reformed Congregation in Pennsylvania, 17+7-1792. Reformed Church
Publication Board, Philadelphia, 1903.
172 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
£ s.
Johannes Bleyler — 15
Johannes Huber — 10
' Jacob Wetzel — 15
Jacob Dubs — 10
Christian Willauer — 10
Paul Samsel — 10
*'' Caspar Erb — 10
Johannes Griesemer — 5
Michel Nussbach — 10
Alexander Diebenderfer — 15
Peter Walbert — 10
Ludwig Bitting 1 —
Abraham Ditlo — 15
Henrich Hitz — 5
Nickel Mombauer — 10
Henrich Huber — 5
Abraham Faust — 10
Henrich Bach — 5
Michel Braun — 5
Peter Scholl — 5
Nickel Bach — 3
Philip Heger — 6
Ruthe Fricki — 6
Dewalt Brauchler — 5
Jacob Rite — 5
Michel Eberhard — 10
Matheis Bischof — 10
Abraham Kreither — 5
Ruthe Huber — 5
Philip Brunner — 13
Joseph Eberhard 1 —
David Streib 1 —
Ulrich Riser — 5
Gorg Lein — 5
Michel Hornberger — 5
Conrad Zimmerman — 10
? Endross — 5
? ? — 10
Total £17 s.13
As the cost of the land was only £17 us. 70!., it would
not have been necessary to start a second subscription list,
Subscriptions to Church Land *73
unless for some reason the first had not been paid, or at
least had not been paid in full. The latter seems to have
been the case. For on the same paper with the above sub-
scription is the note:
Today, April 10, 1749, I, Michel Kohler have paid for the
church land eleven pounds ten shillings and for a warrant one shil-
ling and six pence.
JOHANN GEORG BLATT.
On May 30, 1761, twenty members signed £20 2s. 9d.
on another subscription list. This may have been only
tentative, for on June 8, 1761, still another list was signed
which read as follows:
Subscriptions for Church Land at Great Swamp, June
6, 1761.
On June 6, 1761, we have made an agreement to pay for the
church land and whatever we promise we shall faithfully keep and
pay. Christian Willauer and Valentin Huber are the deputies.
The head of each family signs what he will give to the Reformed
congregation in Great Swamp:
£ s. d.
Ulrich Spinner pays 2 o o
Peder( ?) Bleiler pays 1 o o
Henrich Huber, the tailor pays o 15 6
Henrich Huber, the wheelwright pays . . . . 1 o o
Dewalt Brauchler, pays o 10 o
Peter Samsel pays 1 o o
Paul Samsel pays o 5 o
Nicklaus Mumbauer pays o 10 o
Henrich Hitz pays o 7 6
Henrich Crob pays o 10 o
Rudi Huber pays o 10 o
Abraham Ditlo pays o 15 °
Henrich Bleiler pays 1 o o
Rudi Frick pays — 10 o
174 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Jacob Huber, the [. . .] pays — 10 o
Total £n 2 6
Nicklaus Faust — 3 —
Jacob Meier — 5 —
Adam Willauer — 7 6
Lutwich Hersch pays 3 sh. for the farmer.
Paul Samsel pays one sh. for the churchyard.
Nicklaus Mumbauer pays one sh. for the churchyard.
Peter Weber pays 5 sh. for the churchyard.
Disposal of Rev. Mr. Weiss's Property.
When Mr. G. M. Weiss died in August, 1761, he left no will.
For some unknown reason his widow, Anna Weiss, delayed asking
for letters of administration till October 2, 1764, when they were
granted to her and to Christian Schneider, as executors, inventory
to be exhibited in the Court at Philadelphia on or before October 2,
1765. Before the inventory was filed, Mrs. Anna Weiss herself
made a will on May 9, 1765. She died within a month after-
wards, on June 2, 1765. On August 20, 1765, her will was pro-
bated. By the terms of her will she not only freed, under certain
conditions, her negro family, consisting of a man and his wife,
together with nine children, but also bequeathed to them all the
improvements of the farm, belonging to the congregation, on which
she lived. By this act she involved the congregation in a long and
tedious law-suit, and thus the history of the disposal of Mr. Weiss's
property becomes part of the history of the congregation. In order
to clear up this whole case, which has often been alluded to by his-
torians, but w T as never fully understood, we present the following
documents :
[I. Letters of Administration Granted to Mrs. Weiss.]
Book of Administration, Register of Wills Office, Philadelphia,
Vol. G. p. 417.
Memorandum, that Letters of Administration were granted to
Anna Weiss and Christian Schneider in the Estate of the late
Michael Weiss, dec. Inventory to be exhibited on or before the
Inventory of Weiss Estate
175
2nd day of October 1765. Given under the seal of the Register
General's Office, at Philadelphia, the 2nd day of October 1764.
William Plumsted,
Reg. Gen 1 .
[II. Inventory of the Estate of George Michael Weiss.
October 2, 1764.]
Office of Register of Wills, Philadelphia,
1764, No. 114.
Inventory of the Estate chattels, moveables and Household goods
of Michael Weiss late of Upper Hanover Township in the County
of Philadelphia and Province of Pennsylvania, Minister of the
reformed congregation, deceased, as the same being valued and
appraised by Adam Hillegas and John Coleman on this nth day
of September Anno 1764.
&
Six books mostly Latin, in quarto 1.
To one Book in folio, five dito in octavo, Latin o.
to six books octavo Latin, Greek & Hebrew o.
to fifteen small books, mostly Latin o.
to the Table 1.
to the round Table o.
to two old chairs o.
to another round table o.
to an old looking glass and a pair of Pictures o.
to a pair of fire dogs o.
to five pewter Dishes, two Basons 1.
to one dozen plates and one dozen spoons o.
to two pewter Tea Pots & a coffee pot o.
to six delft tea cups & saucers o.
to two Cannisters & a funnel o.
to Tea Kettles o.
to a water pot o.
to two Iron Pots with Pot-hooks. Two Pans o.
to three Tubs two buckets o.
to his Bed with the Bedstead and appurtenances 2.
to another Bed with Bedstead 2.
to three Cows, two Calves 9.
to a side sadle i-
s.
d.
0.
15
0.
12
0.
7-
6.
0.
3
0.
1
6.
15
0.
7
6.
7
6.
15
0.
7
6.
7
6.
2
6.
1
6.
10
0.
4
0.
12
0.
3
6.
10
0.
0.
0.
5
0.
176 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
to an old Horse 3
to one gray Horse 4
to an old waggon with the Geers 11
to the Plough and Harrow 1
£43
The amount of the first page brought over 43
to an ax, cropping Howe dung fork, pitch fork o
s.
o.
o.
o.
o.
7-
d.
o.
o.
o.
o.
6.
7-
10.
6.
o.
amount to £43
appraised by
Adam Hilligas
Johannes Gallman
There is fifteen acres of land a 35/ 26.
four Hogs a 10/ 2.
five sheep a 6/ 1.
i7-
6.
10.
£29. 15. —
[The last four lines are crossed out with the remark " to be left
out."]
Besides the above there is a Negro Family belonging to said
Minister deceased, viz.
A negro Man named Gideon, aged about 44 years old,
but now a cripple, who is not appraised.
His wife Jenny, aged 42 years with a female child about
six months old, valued at £30.
A negro lad, named Jacob, old 20 years 50.
A negro wench, named Elizabeth, 18 years old 40.
A negro lad, named Henry, 16 years old 40.
A negro wench, named Anne Mary, 14 years old 30.
A negro girl, named Catherine, 11 years old 30.
A negro girl, named Margareth, 9 years old 25.
A negro girl, named Susan, 6 years old 20.
A negro boy, named John, 4 years old 15.
Amounts to £280.
appraised by
Adam Hilligas
Johannes Gallmann
[Endorsed]
Inventory of Mich 1 . Weiss's Estate
Exhibited 2. October 1764.
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
o. o
Account of Weiss Estate
177
[III. Account of Michael Weiss's Estate.
July 8, 1766.]
Register of Will's Office, Philadelphia,
1764, No. 114.
The accompt of Christian Schneider, surviving Administrator of
the Estate late of Michael Weiss deced. as well of all and singular
the Goods, Chattels, Rights and Credits which were of the said
deced. and which came to this Accomptant's Hand and Possession
as of the several payments and disbursements made out of the same.
Imprimis 1764.
The said Accomptant charges himself with all and
singular the Goods Chattels Rights and Credits which
were of the said deced. as mentioned in an Inventory
remaining in the Reg r . Genl. Office at Philad\ am. to. £280. o. o
The said Accomptant charges himself with the
further sum of £129-11, being the app^. value of
the goods and what the deceased's goods sold for
more than appraised at including y e negroes
The said accomptant charges himself with the follow-
ing sum reced for work done by the Negroes to the
following persons, viz.
from Adam Hillegas £ 3. 3. 10.
from Jacob Derr 3. 5. 3.
from John Wisler — 4. —
from Peter Hilligas — 17. 8.
from Andreas Greaver — 10. —
from George Miller — 2. 3.
from Bernard Bispham 3. 10. —
129.
Ditto with the sum of 30/ being what a large
Bible sold for and not included in y e aforesaid
Inventory
£ 11.
1.
£422.
Item
The said Accomptant prays Allowance for his several
payments and disbursements made out of the same
as follows, viz. —
By cash paid for Letters of Adm
13
11.
13
10.
14.
— 17. —
178 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
paid sundry Expenses on appraising Goods amount-
ing to £ 1. 2. 6.
paid David Shultz for services, etc — 5. —
paid to Frederick Snyder for eight days services on
business of the Estate by order of Wra. Plumsted,
then Reg r . Gen 1 4. — —
paid John Ross for advice 1. 10. —
paid B. Chew Esq. for ditto 1. 14. —
paid Conrad Frank for sundry services in and about
the Estate, allowed & approved by Wm. Plumsted,
Esq 6. — —
paid to Advertisements — 6. 3.
paid Christian Hambach per receipt 1. 14. —
paid at the office for these amounts 17/6 and a Clk for
services 7/0 1. 5. —
£ 18. 13. 9.
By an allowance for reced
£422. 14 21. 2. 6.
ditto on paying 4. 18. 13 — 18. 8.
Ballance of £381. 19. 1 to be disposed of according to
Law as follows:
To the widow, one half £190. 19. € l A
To the Heirs of the deceased £190. 19. 6M2
£381. 19. 1
£422. 14. —
Philadelphia July 8, 1766.
Error excepted
Examined & pass'd Christian Schneider
July 8, 1766. The Adm r . being first thereto sworn by
Benj. Chew,
Regr. Gen 1 .
[IV. Additional Account of the Estate of G. M. Weiss.
December 12, 1771.]
The Additional Acct. of Christian Schneider surviving Admin-
istrator of the Estate of Michael Weiss, deceased.
The said Accomptant charges himself with the Ballance
of the last settlement on the other side of this paper. .£381. 19. 1.
Final Account of Estate 179
The said Accomptant prays Allowance for the several payments
and disbursements made out of the same since last settlement, viz.
Paid expenses of Arbitration at Daniel Etters p. account i. 18. o.
Paid James Tilghman, Esquire, for his counsel and as-
sistance in the affair of the Negroes 6. o. o.
paid Expenses of Arbitration at Mr. Davenport p.
account i. 13. —
paid Mr. Lewis Weiss for translating sundry writings
from Germany — 15. —
paid for stating the add', ace 1 . 7/6 and for examing
& passing etc. 17/6 1. 5. —
£ 11. 77. —
By Leonard Thomas Bond for Negroes sold him at
Vendue not received 82. — —
By Andrew Oel for the remainder of his Bond for one
Negro sold him 40. 5. —
By the sum of 30. — being for one negro boy sold
George Righter, received by Leonard Melchior .... 30. — —
By pay ing £ 1 1 . 11 at 5 p. cent o. 11. o-
£164. 7. o.
Ballance on this settlement exclusive of the above
bonds £130 217. 12. 1.
£381. 19. i»
Philadelphia, December 12, 1771.
Error excepted Christian Schneider.
[V. Final Account of the Estate of G. M. Weiss.
November 6, 1789.]
The final Ace 1 , of Leonard Melcher and Christian Schneider as
Administrators etc. of George Michael Weiss and Ann his wife
both deceased.
To Ballance on their first ace*, settled in Register's
Office July 8, 1766 £381. 19- *
Bal 1 . in favor of the said Administrators £272. o. — l A
£654. 9." ~7y 2
N. B. Sundry Papers respecting the foregoing account are tied
in a Bundle and lodged in the desk of this office.
i8o History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
By Am*, of their disbursements on 2nd Ace*, ren-
dered in Reg. Office Dec. 1771 £12. 2. —
By Am*, appraism'.s & sales of Negroes charged to
the said Administrators in their first ace*, (the said
negroes having since obtained their freedom and
the Adm rs . obliged to refund 193. 5. —
By Amo*. of Interest costs paid to Michael Bishop
over and above first cost of Negro sold him 8. 6. 9
By Amo'. ditto paid Sam 1 . Heads Adm. over & above
first cost of Negro sold him 70. 8. 8
By Amo*. disbursements etc. as per 1st ace*, settlm*.
of Ann Weiss rendered 8th March 1769 109. 10. 8
By amo*. ditto on 2nd AccoS of d°. rendered Dec.
i7,i77i I2 - — —
By amo'. monies remitted to the Heirs in Germany. . 103. 13 ioj4
By Cash paid at Philad\ by Christian Schneider to
Geo. Mich. Weiss & Martin Weiss, Agents &
Representatives of the Heirs in Germany 20. 2. 2.
By Amo*. of Principal of Andrew Ohl & Leonard
Thomas two Bonds given for Negroes sold to
them — which Bonds the said Schneider assigned &
delivered to the said George Mich 1 . Weiss &
Martin Weiss as Agents & Representatives 122. 5. —
By Cash paid Clerk for stating Acco* 2. 5. —
By d°. paid Reg r . for examining & passing this acco*.
with copy — 10. —
£654. 9~r ~ty 2
Frederick Schneider and Henry Frantz, executors for the Testa-
ment and last will of Christian Schneider, dec d ., who was the sur-
viving Administrator of George Michael Weiss afors d ., on their
solemn oaths do depose and say that the foregoing account as it
stands stated and settled both as to the charge and discharge thereof
is true and just to the best of their knowledge and belief. Sworn
the 6th day of November 1789.
Frederick Snider
Henry Franz
Before me
Geo. Campbell, Reg r .
Will of Mrs. Anna Weiss 181
[VI. Will of Mrs. Anna Weiss, dated May 9, 1765, pro-
bated August 20, 1765.]
Book of Administration, Register of Wills Office,
Philadelphia, Vol. H. p. 1.
In the Namce of [God] Amen.
Whereas I, Anna Weiss, as Relict Widow of George Michael
Weiss late of Upper Hanover Township in the County of Phila-
delphia, Reformed Calvinist Minister deceased, do find myself in
an advanced age and very weak in body but of sound mind and
understanding and Memory, thanks be to God, and calling to
Mind the Mortality of my body and knowing that it is appointed
to all men once to die, so do I on this ninth day of May in the year
of our Lord one thousand and seven hundred and sixty five make
and ordain this my last Will and Testament.
And first of all, I recommend my soul into the Hands of Al-
mighty God that gave it, and do desire that after my death my body
be buried in a Christian like and decent manner and as touching to
my worldly estate I do hereby dispose of the same in the following
manner.
Imprimis, it is my will that all my Just debts contracted by me
or my negroes be duly paid and discharged, and also that my here-
unto named Executors shall demand ask and get in all the out-
standing debts that are due to my deceased Husband for his serv-
ices if they can be got,
And further it is my will and I give and bequeath unto my
beloved Cousin Leonard Brunk living in the County of Albany in
the government of New York and to his Heirs or Assigns all my
fine Clothes and Garments as also six great silver spoons and also
my three Golden Rings as in full for his Hereditary Share and
Portion of my Estate to be delivered to him on demand by my
Executors.
And whereas I have a Negro family consisting at Present of
Eleven Persons as the Negroe man named Gideon and the wife
named Jenny, the man aged about forty four years and the woman's
age about forty two, their children's names are Jacob about Twenty
182 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
years old and Elizabeth about Eighteen years, and Henry about
sixteen years and Anne Mary about fourteen years and Catherina
about eleven years, and Margareth about nine years, and Susanna
about six years and John about four years and also a young female
child about one year old named Eva, which all accordingly have
been baptized to the Christian Protestant reformed Religion.
And whereas lately some claim hath been made by a Relation
of the s d . deceased Rev a . Minister my s d . Husband in favour of
his other Relations in Germany claiming the half of our Estate, as
also with an intention to sell said Negroes for slaves contrary to
the sentiments and Intentions of my s a . deceased Husband who
died Intestate, so it is my will that the said Negroe children may
be bound out to serve from time to time or as long as necessary in
order to make up such a sum of money as may be required or
ordered to be sent to the Brethren and Relations of my s a . deceased
Husband in Germany for their Hereditary share and Portion,
and further it is my will that all my said whole Negroe family
shall after the time of my death be free, and I do hereby declare
them altogether without distinction or Exception to be an entire
free Negroe family, so that they never shall or may be bound out
to eternal slavery, but shall hereby fully have and enjoy their lib-
erty, only hereby excepted as above said to get so much money by
servitude as necessary on the above said demand, as from year to
year or otherwise as it shall seem best to my hereunto named
Executors :
And I do hereby further give devise and bequeath unto my said
Negro Man Gideon Moor and to his Heirs and assigns as to my
said whole Negroe family forever a certain Tract of Land situate
in Douglas Township in the County of Philadelphia adjoining the
land of Michael Read, Mathias Walther, Andreas Weiler and
Philip Leidecker and containing fourteen acres and six Perches of
Land which I lately Purchased of Peter Hillegas & obtained a
Deed for the same with all Hereditaments and Appurtenances
whatsoever. To hold to them my said Negroe family and for
their use and behoof forever,
And I further give and bequeath all my Right Claim and de-
Will of Mrs. Anna Weiss 183
mand (if any I have) of in and to any Improvement and Land
where I now live unto the said Gideon Moor and for his and their
Proper Use and Behoof for ever, saving to others their Right to
the same if any they have,
And I do hereby further give devise and bequeath unto my said
Negro man Gideon Moor and to his Heirs and Assigns forever all
the remainder of my Moveable and personal Estate as my other
Clothes, chests, money, furniture and all and every sort of house-
hold goods and Tools whatsoever. To hold to him the said Gideon
Moor his Heirs and Assigns and to their only proper use and Be-
hoof for ever, Provided hereby that all my debts now due by me
be all regularly paid and I devise that all may be done according to
the true Intent and meaning hereof,
And I further devise that care may be taken that all the said
Negroe Children may be taught & instructed in the Doctrine of
the true Christian reformed Religion, in the best manner it can
be done, and I do hereby wish that they all may enjoy hereafter
endless Felicity.
And I do hereby nominate constitute and appoint my trusty and
beloved friends as Jacob Arndt, Esquire, one of his Majestys Jus-
tices of the peace for the County of Northampton and Peter Hille-
gas of Upper Hanover Township in Philadelphia County yeoman
to be the sole Executors of this my Last Will and Testament and
I do hereby declare this and no other to be my last will & Tes-
tament.
In Witness and Confirmation whereof I the above named Anna
Weiss have hereunto set my Hand and Seal. Dated the day and
year as first above written.
her
Anna A Weiss (Seal)
mark
Signed sealed published and declared by the said Anna Weiss as
her last Will and Testament in the presence of us the subscribers.
Johannes Wishler
David Schulz
Johannes Taubst
184 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Philadelphia August 20th 1765,
There personally appeared Johannes Wissler and David Shultze
two of the witnesses to the foregoing will and on their solemn
affirmation according to Law did declare they saw and heard Anna
Weiss the Testatrix therein named sign seal publish and declare
the same will for and as her last Will and Testament and that at
the doing thereof she was of sound mind memory and understand-
ing to the best of their knowledge.
Coram Benjamin Chew, Esq r . Reg. General.
Memorandum that Letter of Administration of the Estate of
Anna Weiss dece a . Math the will of the said Anna annexed were
granted to Christian Schneider and Leonard Melchior (the Ex-
ecutors in the said will named having first renounced) Inventory
to be exhibited on or before the 20th day of September next and
an acct. on or before the 21st day of August 1766.
Given under the seal of the Register General's Office at Phila-
delphia the 20th day of August 1765.
p. Benjamin Chew,
Reg r . Gen 1 .
[VII. Letter of David Schultze, Esq., to Mr. Daniel
Rundle, February 3, 1776; printed in Daily Norris-
town Register of March 6, 1883.]
To Mr. Daniel Rundle.
Sir!
Whereas the Reformed Calvinist congregation in these parts
have already had a considerable deal of trouble with that negro-
man called Gideon Moor, who was a slave to their minister, the
late Geo. M. Weiss, so that they are engaged in a tedious lawsuit
with him and though I never inclined to be very much troublesome
to you about this affair, yet as it seems that that congregation might
possible lose their cause: if not properly assisted. So I find myself
under necessity to give you some information of the matter, as
short as possible, as the said congregation also most humbly request
your assistance therein, as far as thought necessary. The more
First Letter of David Schultz 185
especially, since you had a hand in the land affairs from the begin-
ning, and for the present time are looked upon by the parties as the
chief of those parties concerned therein. We also hope that you
will remember that about five or six years ago some of the members
of the said congregation applied to you about the same cause, when
you gave them your promise that they should have that land as soon
as the affair with your partners was settled.
But the better to explain their cause I shall be obliged to repeat
the affair from its beginning.
After all the land had been surveyed to the settlers thereof agree-
able the general agreement this tract was left vacant.
Sometime before the general agreement was made, Edward Scull
was ordered to survey the greatest part of his 13,000 acres, but
after the general agreement was made and the remaining surveys
were to be completed, he not having time to do it himself, ordered
me to finish the remainder under his examination which was done
and employed with by the Mr. Parsons, Ross and Greenway, I
accordingly surveyed the tract now in question on the 19th Novem-
ber 1750, for the said congregation, in the presence of the elders
and churchwardens thereof containing 42 acres with allowance [of
six acre per hundred for roads] at their request, with an intention
to build a house thereon for their minister to live in and continually
to keep this same for such use for ever.
Also with intention, when it should suit them, to agree and pay
for the land, with the above named three gentlemen.
They immediately built a dwelling house and stable on it, dug a
well and began to clear some land in the Spring of 1751. Their
minister came to live there with his negro family; at his request
the congregation allowed him for his better support to clear some
more land; Though who [he] continued from time to time with
cleaning Though sometimes forbid by the congregation, till almost
all was cleared, a few acres only excepted. The timber required
for building, and mostly rails, was carried there by said people from
their own lands. Since there was scarce any on the premises. The
greatest part thereof was but a barren plain. They applied to Mr.
Greenway about the land about 1767 or 1768, he returned for
1 86 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
answer, that they should have the land, but since some of the heirs
were under age, he would not undertake to make a deed for it.
We applied to you about it and received nearly the same answer.
Anno 1 761 in August, their said minister, Geo. Mich. Weiss
died and though the said congregation got another, yet out of com-
passion to the deceased's widow, allowed her to live on that land
with her negro family and left her the full use thereof, without
demanding a penny rent of her for it. They rented another house
for their new accepted minister to live in, until in the year 1765,
June 2nd, the said, relict widow Anna Weiss died also, having no
children, only her said negro family, he died without a will, but
she made a will, whereupon she gave all her estate to the said negro
family and also her right to the improvements, if any she had.
But in my opinion she could claim no further right thereon.
She only had the use and produce there during her stay on the
premises and that only by permission of the said congregation.
Then in about three months afterwards, the said negro family were
all sold for slaves by Christian Schneider and Leonard Melchior,
who had administered for the estate. The said negro man with
his wife and two children were sold to Leonard Thomas, an inhabi-
tant of this township. Sometime afterwards the congregation got
an inmate to live in the house on the premises.
The said Leonard Thomas, weary of his negroes, allowed the
man liberty and time to try for to obtain his freedom, during which
interview the said Gideon, by some lawyer's contrivances came and
took possession again of the said premises, about the latter end of
1767 or the beginning of 1768. This occasioned new trouble to
the congregation.
They soon after applied for the land to you and to John Margo-
troyd and received yours and his promise in their favor, to get it
done as soon as those affairs were settled, but they could have a
deed for mortgage, on the 16th of February 1768. Sent with
order to that negro-man to go off from the premises with his family
and effects within a week, otherwise he would sue him for trespass.
Until, as I suppose in April 1769 (some think 1770) the congre-
gation being tired with the like vexations, went there and carried
First Letter of David Schultz 187
his family and goods to his said master's house, repaired and fitted
up the dwelling for their new minister to live in, who resides
thereon since. He put the fences in good condition to save the
winter grain for the benefit of the said negroes, who got the grain
next harvest. But in return said Gideon sued them for trespass,
which occasioned the trial in September court 1770, when those
of the congregation who done that act were obliged to pay a small
fine, with a considerable deal of costs. Since this time the said
Gideon hath sued them again for damages, that he says, he suf-
fered merely by some trivials on rags, which he left lying before
in the weather and muddled before his said master's house. His
loss can be but very small, but though it be ever so little, yet it may
prove probably possible, that the congregation might be sued again
and also obliged to pay a considerable deal of costs too, and thereby
be obliged to submit to this hero Lord South, if not timely sup-
ported. I have further to add that several witnesses were also
sued to give evidence in favor of the said negro but they refused
to appear. Then before March Court last, I also had a subpoena
sent me to attend in favor of the negro, but by reason of my weak
state and condition of health, I did not attend nor any other wit-
ness, nor did I incline to meddle with it till August last a writ of
attachment was served on me and also on the other witnesses, for
disobedience or contempt of court, by the high Sheriff himself, so
that we have to thank the high Sheriff's generosity and benevolence
for it, for not putting us to goal for it, for near a whole month
till September court about this affair. A strange instance indeed
to observe, that this great Lord South, who was but lately a slave
and to whom almost every one of us, at one time or another, out
of compassion to him proved to be a benefactor, on his being sup-
ported by others, should have obtained so much power as to send
six freeholders to gaol at his pleasure. God beware, that the
mighty Lord South does not obtain power to treat the members of
our honorable Congress in the same manner.
This affair disturbed my mind terribly at that time, but we
appeared in town on the 6th of September last, as the day appointed
by the high Sheriff. Wm. Lewis and Fisher are the two lawyers
188 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
on the negro case. Mr. Lewis examined us, but found my testi-
mony not to be that told him, but told us the case could not be
tried now, but was put off.
Andrew Maurer, who had been sued for said damages and
thereby obliged to stand foremost on the congregation's part, did
not take a lawyer till September court last, when he employed
Andrew Allen to act on their behalf. The trial was to be had on
the 8th of January, now past, when I was obliged to go to town
again, at the request of Mr. Allen, for Mr. Lewis had acquitted
me in September court, since I could not give my evidence in favor
of the said negro-man's cause before September last. I had not
been in town for the space of five years together, chiefly by reason
of my weak condition of health. When on calling at Mr. Allen's
he informed us that we should have some deed or agreement or
writings to show that the owners of the land had either sold or
at least promised the same to the congregation, in order to show
it as their title to the land at court, without which he could not
consent to let the trial go on. This was the reason that we called
at your house three times on the same morning, the 8th of January
past, in order if possible to obtain such writings. But by reason
of your indisposition, we were prevented to speak to you about it,
or to inform you of the importance of it, so that Mr. Allen thought
it suitable to remove the cause to the Supreme Court, but we find
that Mr. Lewis bound over his witnesses to appear again on the
9. March next, as at the next close of the Common Pleas Court.
So I have now thought necessary to inform you of the circum-
stances of this affair, in order that you may observe how trouble-
some the negroman hath already been to the said congregation who
always have been and are yet ready to agree with you about the
land and pay for it and have been long soliciting for it. For I
conclude from the examination made on me by Mr. Lewis, that
they intend yet to lay claim on the improvements, to which I think
by no means that the negro can have a right, since whatever he did
thereon, while a slave, they had the full use thereof, during their
stay thereon; and I don't doubt, if you can spare time as to con-
sider the matter all over again, you will be of the same opinion.
Second Letter of David Schultz 189
I am sorry to trouble you with this long detail, but I should think
it a defect, if I should not do, what is possible in behalf of the
congregation.
Well what we most humbly desire of you, Sir, to be done is this:
That you would be pleased to make an agreement with some of the
members of the said congregation and put the same in writing,
for the said tract of 42 acres and allowance with . . . per land.
I have made a new draught for the same to them, or if a deed
could be made out now to the congregation, it will be found the
better, before the time of the trial comes. Then we suppose all
the vexations of the negro fellow and his supporters against the
said congregation would terminate and be at an end. We think
in these turbulent times we have and yet may expect trouble and
calamity enough already.
We shall ever remain, dear Sir, your most affectionate and hum-
ble servant.
D. Schultze.
By some boastings dropt by said Gideon, it seems that his lawyers
intend to scruple the validity of our title in general to the land at
court.
All to Daniel Rundle, the 3rd February 1776, sent Febr. 6th pr.
Andrew Maurer.
[VIII. Letter of David Schultze, Esq., to Andrew Allen,
Esq., February 3, 1776. Printed in the Daily Norris-
town Register, March 6, 1883.]
To Andrew Allen, Esquire! 1776. February 3rd.
Sir/
About the affair of the bearer hereof, Andrew Maurer, I
have to inform you at first, since we could not speak to Mr. Daniel
Rundle, when in town, by reason of his indisposition, who is one
of the three parties or owners to the land in question, so I have
now wrote a letter to him of the affair very circumstantially, and
alleged the necessity to get either a deed for the premises if possible
or at least an agreement signed from under their hands.
19 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
I also wrote another letter to Thomas Pugh, who is executor
for the last deceased Thos. Tresse, Junior, another of the said
partners to the land.
I spoke to him about it when in town, who promised to do all in
his power in favor of the congregation, as to John Margotroyd,
as the third partner. We could not learn where he lives now.
What Mr. Rundle's answer will be I cannot know. One diffi-
culty may perhaps obstruct the affair, for those three parties have
been at variance with each other for many years past, and not yet
settled, which hath been the chief reason, that no deed could be got
out ever since the dec'd of old James Margotroyd — otherwise this
land would have been long ago paid for. If our proposal for a
particular agreement should not succeed, we have yet in reserve
the general agreement, made with Parsons, Ross and Greenway,
in April 1749, which on certain conditions includes the whole tract
of 13,000 acres, signed by their own and many of our hands.
Though it may not suit so well now, than if a new particular one
can be obtained.
We have further to mention, when on our return to town, we
met the other three witnesses, that they then informed us, that on
that afternoon Mr. Lewis had bound them over by recognizance
in Mr. Biddle's offices, to appear and attend again on the 9th of
March next, as at the close of the next Court of Common Pleas,
as if the cause was then to be tried. Though as we understand
from you, that the cause was removed to the Supreme Court, which
we should like much better, in order to gain more time, for we
cannot know what difficulty we may find or what time will be
required to obtain what is required.
Now if you could prevail on Mr. Lewis, to send a written
order to his three witnesses, Jacob Miller, Jacob Wissler and
Ulrich Graber, not to attend on the said 9th of March next. Then
they will stay at home, otherwise they will certainly attend for fear
of falling into the same unwelcome disgrace as in August last.
For what reasons Mr. Lewis hath, that he then acted in this
manner we cannot know, if to increase the costs or for some other
advantage ?
Second Letter of David Schultz 191
So we humbly desire that you would be pleased to rectify this
affair.
By some boasting words, dropt by that negroman, as I was told
of when in town, I suspect that his lawyers intend to dispute the
validity of our title in general to these lands, which I think is a
matter of no concern at all to them, we had trouble enough in
former times already, until the cause was decided by the Supreme
Court, anno 1754 in favor of Parsons, Ross and Greenway. I
could make out a large description of the whole, but I should now
think it unnecessary, see paper No. 2.
It is strange to observe that these gentlemen Fisher and Lewis
and their supporters, of whom Mr. Israel Pemberton is looked
upon as their chief, under the applauded pretext by assisting the
needy and oppressed, by their endeavors are doing a considerable
injury to a large number of people, especially at a time, when the
utmost necessity requires it for every one to be as cautious as pos-
sible to avoid contentions nor to give offence to any.
I observed to you formerly, that I suspect those lawyers will
perhaps lay claim again to that improvement, which if they do, it
will seem so much the more strange, if they take for their founda-
tion the foolish fancy of that old Irish low Dutch woman. I look
upon them as gentlemen, who would proceed on good reasonings.
They forget themselves so far, while under a laudable pretext, they
are putting numbers to loss and unnecessary charges. This small
tract of land will cost the people dear enough besides.
The whole affair about the estate of that deceased minister hath
to my opinion not been transacted according to law, nor agreeable
to his will, nor even (if I dare say) to equity, for agreeable to the
law, will and equity, the half of his relict estate should have been
transmitted to Germany to his relations, to his brother eldest son,
which hath not been done.
There is a strong supposition that the minister had a good purse
in ready cash, which was concealed at the appraisement by his
widow and afterwards by the negroes, for she paid almost no debts
contracted by his negroes during the four years she outlived her
husband. Christian Schneider was after his death obliged to pay
19 2 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
above a hundred pounds debts and costs, if he has been repaid, I
did not inquire. It must be true, since that can be proved by living
witnesses, thus running the estate so much in debt in so short a
time by his negroes while all the produce of the premises were also
left him, it will appear, that he was none of the best economists,
by the congregation gratis benevolence.
Did any of his supporters consider the matter with more delib-
eration, or think if any of their deceased tennants negroes should
re-enter their premises and claim a right to their works done for
their master, while slaves, how they would behave. I hope they
would desist from what they are doing. Their own consciences
(if any they have) would probably give them better instructions.
To Mr. Allen
Febr. 3, 1776.
CHAPTER VII.
The Period of Supplies, 1762-1766.
-HEN Mr. Weiss died, the Goshenhoppen
churches lost a faithful and able pastor.
They struggled along for a few years with
supplies, without being able to find a
worthy successor.
At the Coetus of 1762, held on June 30
and following days at New Hanover,
three elders from Old and New Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp
were admitted and reported that these three congregations would
remain inseparably together. They then urgently asked that a
minister of the Coetus be given to them in place of their faithful
pastor, Do. Weiss, now deceased. And if they might be permitted
to name the minister they would choose Do. Otterbein. The
Reverend Coetus took this under consideration and promised them
to make known the answer through Do. Leydich. After they were
dismissed Do. Otterbein refused their request because of trifling
reasons.
As Otterbein declined to serve Goshenhoppen, Leydich
took his place. This is evident from the first entry in the
second New Goshenhoppen record book, which reads :
Church Record for the Congregation of New Goshenhoppen,
from the year in which Rev. Weiss died [1761] [containing the
14 193
194 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
names of] all the children, who from that year to the year 1766
were baptized by me, Jacob Riess, Leyte [Leydich] and Michel
and also those of later years.
Taking the statement in the Coetus minutes and this en-
try in the church record together, the most probable infer-
ence is that Mr. Leydich followed Weiss immediately. In
view of the willingness of the congregations to apply to
the Coetus for a minister, the most natural supposition is
that a minister of the Coetus first supplied them after the
death of Weiss and that, when he was no longer able to
hold them, they drifted into the hands of independent
ministers.
1. The Ministry of Rev. John Philip Leydich,
i762-i763(?).
John Philip Leydich was in 1762 pastor of Falkner
Swamp and Providence (now St. Luke's at Trappe),
Montgomery County, and of Vincent, Chester County.
John Philip Leydich was born April 28, 17 15, and bap-
tized May 5 of the same year, at Girkhausen, near Berle-
burg, in Westphalia. 172 He was the son of the Rev.
Leonhard Leydich, then pastor at Girkhausen. John
Philip Leydich studied for the ministry and in course of
time became assistant to his father. In July, 1748, he
appeared before the Synod of South Holland, then held at
Briel, where he was commissioned for service in Pennsyl-
vania. We next meet him in Philadelphia. Schlatter in
his Journal states: 173 "On the 15th of September, 1748,
to my exceeding great joy, came to my house, healthy and
172 The facts about the birth and parentage of the Rev. John Philip
Leydich were discovered by Mr. Dotterer, see his various articles in his
Historical Notes, pp. 2, 50, 59 f.
173 Life of Rev. Schlatter, p. 182.
John Philip Leydich 195
happy, John Philip Leydich, with his wife and two chil-
dren." Immediately after his arrival Leydich became
pastor at Falkner Swamp and Providence. This incident
is touchingly described by Mr. Boehm in his last letter,
written on December 2, 1748, 174 to the Classis of Am-
sterdam :
Shortly afterwards came my dear and kind brother, the Rev.
John Philip Leydich, who was found to be suitable to take my
place. At the Coetus of this year Do. Leydich willingly accepted
his call to Falkner Swamp and Providence, as Do. Hochreutner to
Lancaster and Do. Bartholomie to Tulpehocken. Coetus com-
missioned me to install Do. Leydich and Do. Bartholomie in their
charges, which commission was carried out on October 1 6th at
Falkner Swamp and on October 23rd at Tulpehocken.
Leydich was pastor at Falkner Swamp from 1748 to
1765; at Vincent, Chester County, from 1753 to 1765; at
Coventry, now Brownback's, in Chester County, from
1769 to 1784; at Upper Milford and Salzburg, in Lehigh
County, from 1766 to 177 1, and at Pottstown from 1770
to 1784.
During the first twenty years of his ministry, Mr. Ley-
dich took a prominent part in the work of the Coetus.
He preached the opening sermon of the second Coetus,
September 28, 1748, but a few weeks after his arrival.
The same is true of the third Coetus, which was opened
September 27, 1749, at Lancaster, "with a well arranged
174 Classical Archives, Pennsylvania Portfolio, No. 33. See Life and
Letters of Boehm, p. 449 f.
196 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
and edifying sermon by Do. Leydich." He was the presi-
dent of Coetus in 1757 and 1760, and acted as its secre-
tary in 1753, 1756 and 1768. In 1753 his salary is given
as 40 pounds. After the year 1768 he retired to the back-
ground. That may have been due to his failing health,
for in 1757, 177 1, 1772 and 1776 he is reported as absent
because of sickness or infirmity of old age. 175
On October 16, 1749, Mr. Leydich purchased one hun-
dred and five acres of land in Frederick township, on the
banks of the Swamp Creek. This became the family
homestead. 176
He died January 14, 1784, leaving three sons and four
daughters. He was buried on Leydig's graveyard, a pri-
vate burial place, in part located on land originally pur-
chased by him. The inscription on his tombstone reads
in an English translation :
John Philip Leydich
Reformed Minister
was born 17 15
the 28th of April
Died January 14, 1784
Aged 69 Years
2 Tim. 2: 3.
How long Leydich supplied Goshenhoppen cannot be
made out with entire certainty, but probably a year, for at
the Coetus meeting of May 5 to 6, 1763, Goshenhoppen
is referred to as vacant.
On May 19, 1763, the Commissioners of the Classis of
Amsterdam wrote as follows to the Coetus of Penn-
sylvania :
175 For other sketches of Mr. Leydich's life see Harbaugh, Fathers of
Reformed Church, Vol. II, pp. 24-28; Good, History, pp. 493-496.
176 Dotterer, Historical Notes, p. 60.
Philip Jacob Michael 197
Inasmuch as the congregations of Old and New Goshenhoppen
as well as some others desire a minister, we have now a good oppor-
tunity to send them a well tried teacher, who has done camp serv-
ice with much praise in a Swiss regiment in the service of our
country. This gentleman, who has a wife and several children,
cannot decide to come over to jou unless the congregations which
desire his services shall have indicated how much they will be able
to raise for his yearly salary and how much they are willing to send
over for the traveling expenses of himself and his family; to which
we expect a speedy answer.
When Coetus informed the Fathers that the sending of
traveling expenses to Holland was impossible, the expected
minister from Holland did not materialize.
2. The Ministry of Philip Jacob Michael,
1763-1764(1).
In the opening statement of the New Goshenhoppen
record, quoted above, Mr. Michael is placed after Mr.
Leydich as the next pastor at Goshenhoppen. This is
indirectly confirmed by the minutes of the Coetus of May
2 to 3, 1764, which state:
Regarding Goshenhoppen, we mention that it is provisionally
supplied with preaching by another minister, until it shall be in a
better condition to call a regular pastor.
The fact that the name of the minister is not given is
rather surprising. Was it because Coetus was employing
one who was not one of its members and did not want the
Fathers in Holland to know the fact? This question sug-
gests itself naturally and an affirmative answer becomes
highly probable, because recently another letter has come
to light, in which the same state of affairs is said to have
prevailed in another congregation. In January, 1773,
Simon Dreisbach, a member of the Indian Creek congre-
198 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
gation (now Stone Church in Northampton County)
wrote to Rev. John Henry Helffrich about his congrega-
tion as follows:
A minister was promised us, as soon as one should come in [from
Holland]. Meanwhile Rev. Mr. Leydich and Rev. Michael were
to supply us until a minister should come in. Each of these con-
gregations gave twelve pounds to the said ministers to come to us
on a week day, every three weeks, for one year, which was done
and our congregation got its share, until several ministers came in
[Stapel in 1761 and Weyberg in 1762]. 177
In view of these facts it is highly probable that the un-
named supply of Goshenhoppen in the Coetus minutes of
1764 was Philip Jacob Michael. It was at this same
meeting of Coetus that he asked for admission. Although
he was an independent Reformed minister, yet he did a
useful work, that is well worthy of recognition.
When Michael appeared before the Coetus in 1764, he
is said to have been 48 years of age, hence he was born in
17 1 6. Rev. Wm. A. Helffrich states in his "History of
Some Churches of Lehigh and Berks Counties," "that he
was a weaver by trade." 178
A Jacob Michael, and the only person of that name
before 1744, qualified in Philadelphia on October 14,
173 1, having arrived with the ship Snow Louther, Joseph
Fisher, master. We are probably justified in identifying
this Jacob Michael with the Reformed minister, Philip
Jacob Michael. Inasmuch as in Germany the second
177 This letter was first quoted by Ben. Trexler in his Skizzen aus dem
Lecha = Thale, Allentown, 1886, p. 107. More recently it was again
brought to light by Rev. John B. Stoudt of Northampton, Pa., and published
by him in the Cement News of Siegfried, Pa., January 30-February 13,
1914; also in the Reformed Church Review, April, 1914, pp. 206-218.
17s Wm. A. Helffrich, Geschichte verschiedener Gemeinden in Lecha
und Berks Counties, etc., Allentown, 1891, pp. 8, 79.
Churches of Michael 199
Christian name serves as call name, the first is usually
omitted.
Mr. Michael first appears as minister in the year 1744.
His first field was Heidelberg, Lehigh County. Rev.
Wm. A. Hellfrich says of him in his "History": 179
"In the year 1744 a log church was built [at Heidel-
berg] and dedicated by Philip J. Michael." On March
28, 1745, he signed a contract drawn up by the Reformed
and Lutheran congregations, worshipping in that church.
In 1750 we find him present at the dedication of Ziegel
church in Lehigh County. On July 6, 1750, he signed a
contract drawn by the Reformed and Lutheran members
of that church. At the dedication of the church, July 29,
1750, Michael preached the first sermon and was the first
pastor of the congregation.
In the same year, 1750, the first church building of
Jacobs church, in Jacksonville, Lynn township, was erected.
Here again Michael officiated at the dedication of the
church and was elected as the first pastor of the congre-
gation. 180
Two years later we meet him at Longswamp, in Berks
County. Of this Jacob Weimer, the schoolmaster of the
congregation, reports in the old church record :
After this work [the building of the church] had been com-
pleted to the honor of God and for their own salvation, they ac-
cepted the honored Mr. Frederick Casimir Miller for the purpose
of dedicating this church and accepted him as their preacher, who
served them for some time. But when he left them, they looked
for another shepherd and accepted the honored Mr. Philip Jacob
Michael as their minister. During his and the preceding pastor's
ministry, Fridrich Holwig has acted as cantor and precentor until
the present time when this was written.
"0£. c., p. 32.
180 L. c, p. 52.
200 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
The ministry of Michael at Longswamp extended prob-
ably from 1 75 2-1 753.
In 1753 Michael appears in Reading, where he bap-
tized a number of Reformed children. Curiously enough
the baptisms are entered into the Lutheran record, possibly
because the parents became later members of the Lutheran
church. The last baptism of Michael at Reading took
place on November 10, 1754. 181
In 1 76 1 Michael dedicated the first church of the Ebe-
nezer congregation, also called "Organ Church," in Lynn
township, Lehigh County, and acted as its pastor from
1760 to 1770.
In 1 76 1 Michael began his ministry also in the Weisen-
berg congregation, in Weisenberg township, Lehigh
County. He served that congregation until the middle of
the seventies, or about 1775. 182
During the same time, from about 1759 till 1770, he
was pastor at Maxatawny, Berks County, now De Long's
Church, at Bowers. In October, 1771, the minutes of
Coetus report Maxatawny, " formerly served by Do.
Michael," as vacant for some time and appealing to Coetus
for a minister.
In 1764 Mr. Michael appeared before Coetus. The
minutes state :
Philip Jacob Michael appeared with an earnest petition that he
might be admitted as a member of Coetus. His credentials, from
far and near show that, according to the rules of our Reformed
Church, he has been faithful in doctrine, life and conduct for four-
181 Daniel Miller, History of the Reformed Church in Reading, Pa.,
Reading, 1905, p. 12. A sketch of Michael's life is given there by the
writer, pp. 13-15.
182 For Michael's work in these two churches see Helffrich's Geschichte,
PP- 47. 39-41-
Michael before Coetus 201
teen years [1 750-1 764] and constantly served the same congrega-
tions in Maxatawny and therefore, he does not deserve the name
of an adventurer or Moravian. He showed that twelve years ago
("1752] Mr. Schlatter would not recognize or admit him because
of unfounded reasons. Wherefore he would not apply again,
although he labored continually in harmony with us. 183 We can
state this all the more readily, because all his congregations are
well known to us and we know how he has unweariedly aimed for
this end, and even now, in he 48th year of his age, he supplies
with the greatest zeal twelve congregations. This earnest request
and petition we could not refuse. But since he has not been or-
dained, according to the order of our church, we herewith request
permission, and proper authority from the Reverend Synods to
ordain him. And as several of our number have heard him preach,
and in his ministrations all is clearly in accordance with the Re-
formed church-order in doctrine and life, we expect that our re-
quest will not be in vain, so that we may thus be strengthened, by
bringing under our control the congregations which he is serving,
and comply with his reasonable request. We would not put our
pen to this were we not convinced that it would be of advantage
to us, and of greater profit to his congregations. We expect at the
earliest opportunity a favorable reply from the Reverend Synods.
In spite of this earnest plea the Holland Fathers re-
fused to consent to his ordination in Pennsylvania, but
demanded that he should come to Holland. That was of
course impossible. Hence he did not press his request.
The minutes of 1765 state:
We shall leave Mr. Michael to himself, and say nothing further
about him, because the Reverend Fathers seem much disinclined to
grant our request, and he being aged does not press his case, and
his congregations are satisfied with him without ordination.
183 This statement supports our contention, p. 198, that Coetus appointed
Michael to supply Goshenhoppen in 1764.
202 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
In 1769 Michael founded the Lowhill congregation, in
Lehigh County. On September 3, 1769, the first church
was dedicated by him and he served as pastor of this con-
gregation from 1769 to 1772. 184
In the same year he also founded Michael's Church
(named after him) in Upper Berne township, Berks
County.
When the War of the Revolution broke out Michael
resigned his churches. On May 17, 1777, he was ap-
pointed as chaplain of the first battalion of the Berks
County militia. 185
After the war he again entered upon his duties as pastor
at Longswamp. There he had served a second pastorate
from 1762 to 1774. His last baptism was on October
2 3> I 774- A third pastorate began there in January,
1 78 1, and ended sometime in 1785. A baptism on De-
cember 25, 1785, was probably performed by Heinrich
Hertzel, his successor. His will is dated May 6, 1786,
and was probated at Reading, June 17, 1786. 186 Between
these two dates he must have died. His will shows that
he was the owner of 94 acres of land, situated partly in
Rockland and partly in Longswamp township. He left
to survive him a widow and five children.
The last will and testament of Mr. Michael is an in-
teresting document, which deserves preservation. It reads
as follows:
184 Helffrich, Geschichte, p. 43.
185 Pennsylvania Archives, 2d Series, Vol. XIV, p. 257. The name given
there is Jacob Michael, but that is in perfect harmony with German custom,
which uses the second Christian name as a call name, dropping the first
entirely.
186 Pennsylvania German, Vol. VIII, p. 191.
Last Will of Michael 203
Last Will and Testament of the Rev. Philip Jacob
Michael, May 6, 1786.
(Register of Wills Office, Reading, Pa.)
In the name of God, Amen. I, Philip Jacob Michael, of Rock-
land township, in the County of Berks and State of Pennsylvania,
Minister of the Gospel, Being of an old age and weak and sick in
Body, but of a Good and Sound mind, memory and understanding,
Thanks be to Almighty God, and Calling in mind the Mortality
of my Body, I being willing to make this my Last Will and Testa-
ment, In manner and form following:
First of all, I recommend my Immortal Soul into the Hands of
Almighty God, through the merits of Jesus Christ, our Precious
Lord and Saviour, and my Body to be Buried in a Christian like,
decent manner, at the Direction of my Dear Wife Sara.
It is my will and I do Order that my said Dear Wife Sara shall
hold and Enjoy free and Clear Dwelling abode in my Present
Dwelling house, undisturbed and unmolested During her Natural
Life, if she remains a Widow, and also such Proper Pieces of
Ground and of the Garden as she will Properly want to and for
her use near the said dwelling abode. And so much of my mova-
ble Estate as will be Necessary to and for her use in housekeeping,
and so much Income of my Estate that will Properly be sufficient
to and for her Livelihood, support and maintenance during her
natural life, if she remains a Widow aforesaid, But in case she
should Marry again, all aforementioned shall be disallowed unto
her and she shall then receive nothing out of my Estate.
It is my will that all my Messuages or Tenements and Lands I hold
and possess, situate Partly in Rockland and Part in Longswamp
Township, in the County of Berks aforesaid, Consisting in two Parts,
Containing in the Whole Ninety-four Acres of Land, or there-
abouts, be the same more or less, Shall after my decease within
the time of one Year, be appraised by three honest, reputable free-
holders at a Reasonable rate and value thereof, and such Proper
204 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Terms as may seem meet, having Regard to such Reservations for
my Dear Wife aforesaid, And it is my will That then my oldest
son John Michael shall have the first Choice to hold and Enjoy
for him, his Heirs and Assigns forever my said Real-Estate, with
all and every the appurtenances, at and for said sum, as the same
will be appraised aforesaid, And in Case he should not except [ !]
thereof, then It is my will that my son Moses Michael shall have
the next choice for him, his Heirs and assigns forever as aforesaid,
And in case he would not except thereof, then it is my Will that
it shall come to the choice of my son Philip Michael, to have and
to hold the same unto him, his Heirs and Assigns forever as afore-
said, Provided that such of my said three Sons aforenamed, who
shall or will hold my said Real Estate as aforesaid, shall out of
such appraised valuation Pay all my just Debts and then the Re-
mainder sum It is my will shall be equally divided to and among
all my Children, to wit, John Michael, Moses Michael, Philip
Michael, William Michael, And Sara Michael, share and share
alike.
Item. It is my will that such of my Sons aforesaid as will
hold my Real Estate aforesaid, Shall also hold my Wagon, Horses
& Mares, with the Geers, Ploughs and Harrows and the Stock of
Horned Cattle by the Appraisement, if he Chooses, and It is my
will that my said five children shall have due regard for their said
Mother, after my decease, and for her Livelihood, Support and
Maintenance as herein aforesaid, And I give and Bequeath unto
them my said five above named Children (observing my directions
aforesaid) Equal shares and Portions, Share and Share alike of my
whole Estate, And I do hereby ordain, Constitute and appoint my
Trusty Friend Paul Grosscup, Esq. to be the Executor of this my
Last Will and Testament, and I do hereby revoke and make void
all former wills and testaments by me made, Hereby Ratifying
and Confirming this and no other to be my Last Will and Tes-
tament.
In Witness Whereof I, the said Philip Jacob Michael, have
Philip Jacob Michael
(seal)
Jacob Riess 205
hereunto set my Hand and Seal the sixth day of May, In the Year
of our Lord One Thousand Seven hundred and Eighty-six.
Signed, sealed pronounced and
declared by the said testator as his
last will and testament in the pres-
ence of us, who at his request have
hereunto set our names as witnesses
to the same.
Henry Hoffman
George Bower
Register of Wills Office, Reading, Berks County, June 17, 1786.
Personally appeared Henry Hoffman & George Bower witnesses
to the above written will and upon their oaths did severally Depose
and say that they were present and did see and Hear Philip Jacob
Michael, the Testator therein named, sign seal pronounce, Pub-
lish and Declare the above Writing to be his Last Will and Testa-
ment, and that at the time of Doing thereof, he was of sound mind,
memory and understanding, as they verily believe, and further that
the names of said Deponents by them respectively subscribed there-
unto as Witnesses, are each of his own handwriting, done in the
presence of each other at the request and in the presence of the said
Testator.
Coram me Henry Christ, Register.
His ministry at Goshenhoppen probably did not last
longer than a year. In 1765 a new minister had come
into the charge.
3. Ministry of Jacob Riess, 1765-1766.
The next minister of Goshenhoppen is introduced to us
by the Coetus minutes of May 8 to 9, 1765. Here we
read:
Goshenhoppen, about which your Reverences inquire, has taken
an old, ordinary man, a shoemaker [Jacob Riess] for their minis-
206 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
ter, because we could not provide the members with some one to
their satisfaction.
Not much is known about Jacob Riess. It is probable
that he is identical with Johan Jacob Riess, who on Sep-
tember 24, 1742, qualified at Philadelphia.
We first find Riess as minister at Tohickon. There he
opened the first church record in 1749:
Church Record for the Reformed Congregation on the Tohickon
in Bedminster township, in which I have recorded those children
which I, Jacob Riess, have baptized as Reformed preacher from
the year 1749.
The first baptism was entered by him on August 27,
1749, the last on March 28, 1756.
At Indian Field, Bucks County, Jacob Riess opened the
first record on June 3, 1753. The first baptism recorded
by him took place on July 14, 1754. From that date till
August 11, 1766, he entered nearly 250 baptisms into the
Indian Field record.
At Springfield, Bucks County, Jacob Riess opened the
church record on August 24, 1760. From that date till
December 18, 1763, he entered forty-seven baptisms into
that record.
At New Goshenhoppen Riess began the second record
book, but the exact time cannot be determined. The bap-
tisms are entered by families and he evidently made it a
point to enter all the children of the families in which he
performed any baptisms. Thus of the Cunius family he
probably baptized himself only the last child, born on
October 7, 1765. The children born before July, 1761,
were baptized by Mr. Weiss. Some of them are actually
found in the first volume. His last baptism at New Gosh-
Riess at Goshenhoppen 207
enhoppen was that of two negroes, father and son, brought
to baptism by Thomas Mabry on January 26, 1766.
The elders at New Goshenhoppen during the ministry
of Mr. Riess were Johann Ehrhart Weiss and Michael
Moll, the deacons Ulrich Greber and Peter Hillegas.
At Old Goshenhoppen the oldest record book, now in
possession of the congregation, was also begun by Mr.
Riess. Here again earlier baptisms were entered by him.
The first baptism which he himself may have performed is
dated June 5, 1764, although the baptism which is actually
placed first took place on January 22, 1765.
The elders during his ministry at Old Goshenhoppen
were Jacob Hauck and Johannes Goetz, the deacons Isaac
Sumne and Andreas Ohl.
It may be that David Schultz had this minister in mind
when he wrote, on February 3, 1776, to Daniel Rundle:
Anno 1 761 in August, their said minister, Geo. Michael Weiss
died, and though the said congregation got another in his stead,
yet out of compassion to the deceased's widow, allowed her to live
on the land with her negro family, and left her the full use thereof
without demanding a penny rent of her for it. They rented
another house for their new accepted minister to live in, until the
year 1765, June 2nd, the said relict widow Anna Weiss, died also,
having no children, only her said negro family, he died without a
will, but she made a will, whereupon she gave all her estate to the
said negro family and also her right to the improvements, if any
she had. 187
The last baptism by Jacob Riess at Old Goshenhoppen
took place on March 15, 1766. After that he disap-
peared. His tomb is in the graveyard adjoining the To-
hickon church. His tombstone bears the following in-
scription :
18 7 See above, p. 186.
208 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Jacob Riess
Gewesener Reformirter Prediger
Geboren den 10. April 1706.
Gestorben den 23. December 1774.
The minutes of the Coetus, held September 3 to 4, 1766,
at Reading, inform us that
Old and New Goshenhoppen, as well as Great Swamp have dis-
missed their shoemaker, Ries by name. They earnestly request
that we provide them with a minister. Resolved that they be
taken under the care of Coetus, and that they shall have one of the
first new ministers.
At Great Swamp Riess has left no traces, but the above
extract shows that he preached there as well as in the two
Goshenhoppen churches. But while at Goshenhoppen
Riess was preceded by Michael and Leydich, this does not
seem to have been the case at Great Swamp. Tradition
as well as direct evidence point to another pastor at Great
Swamp, filling out the interval between the death of Weiss
and the coming of Riess into the field. It was the Rev.
John Rudolph Kittweiler.
4. Ministry of John Rudolph Kittweiler at Great
Swamp, 1762-17 64.
On September 28, 1749, Hans Rudolph Kittweiler ap-
pears as one of 242 immigrants, brought to Philadelphia
in the ship Ann, John Spurrier, master. The immigrants
are described as " foreigners from Basel, Wirtemberg,
Zweibrucken and Darmstadt." 188 Kittweiler belonged to
the first group, for later he was known in his congregations
as the " Schweitzer Pfarrer."
According to recent investigations, carried on at the
188 Rupp, Thirty Thousand Names, p. 214.
John Rudolph Kittweiler 209
request of the writer by Mr. Fritz Hensler, assistant in the
University Library of Basel, 189 "Johann Rudolf Kind-
weiler" (this form or Kindwyler is the one commonly used
at Basel) was born (or perhaps baptized, which took place
at the latest eight days after birth) on May 26, 17 16, at
Basel, as son of Hans Jacob Kindweiler and his wife
Catherine, nee Sporlin. This baptism, together with that
of several other children, is entered into the church record
of the St. Elizabeth congregation in Basel.
There is no evidence that Hans Rudolph Kindweiler
studied in the University of Basel or was an ordained min-
ister in Basel, as is stated by Rev. William A. Helffrich. 190
From documents in the state archives at Basel it appears
that in the year 1749 three hundred persons emigrated to
Pennsylvania from villages, then belonging to the terri-
tory of the city of Basel. The first of such emigrations
from Basel had taken place in 1738. When the new
movement began in 1749, the government wanted to know
what induced the people to leave. They gave poverty as
the reason of their desire to leave for Pennsylvania.
The name Kindweiler does not appear in the lists of
emigrants at Basel, probably because he was a free citizen
of Basel. But when they arrived in Philadelphia, we find
him as one of a company of Swiss emigrants.
Mr. Kindweiler (or Kittweiler as he was known in
Pennsylvania) appears first as pastor of the Weisenberg
congregation, in the northwestern corner of Weisenberg
township, Lehigh County, where he organized the congre-
gation and was present at the dedication of the first church
189 The following facts were communicated to the writer by Mr. Fr.
Hensler, assistant librarian in the University Library at Basle, in a letter,
dated February 10, 1914.
190 Helffrich, Geschkhte, p. 26.
15
210 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
in 1754. Rev. Wm. Helff rich gives the following account
of these events in his "History": 191
The organization of the congregation took place about the year
1747. Divine services were held in private houses as elsewhere.
From 1749 that was done by Rev. Kitenweiler, who was known
as the " Swiss Preacher " and resided within the congregation.
John Holben is named as an elder of the congregation at that time.
The building of the first church took place in June 1754. The
church was, as everywhere else at that time, a log church; but it
was built better than others. ... As the Rev. Daniel Schumacher
testifies, the church was dedicated by Rudolph Kitweiler and Jacob
Frederick Schertlein, the first pastors of the congregation. . . .
Both preachers, Kitweiler and Schertlein, were ordained ministers.
He was pastor of the Weisenberg church till about
1 76 1, when he was succeeded by Philip Jacob Michael.
Kittweiler also appears at Longswamp. The church
record there informs us that " when the above mentioned
preacher [Michael] had made his farewell, they accepted,
about the middle of May, 1754, Mr. Rudolph Kiden-
weiler, who preached 73/2 years to the congregation.
When he could not gain his purpose, he left the congre-
gation defiantly." That must have been about the close
of the year 1760.
In 1759 Kittweiler was present at the dedication of the
Eastern Salisbury Church, also called " Die Morgenland
Kirche," Lehigh County. The Rev. Daniel Schumacher,
first Lutheran pastor of the congregation, has preserved
the following record of it in the old Lutheran church
book: 192
"I L. c, P . 39.
192 Hallesche Nachrichten, new ed., Vol. I, p. 593 ; and " History of the
Jerusalem Church. Eastern Salisbury," in Proceedings of the Lehigh
County Historical Society, Vol. II (1910), p. 72.
Tombstone of Kittweiler 211
The Christian Evangelical Lutherans and Reformed, both ad-
hering to the Protestant religion, have together erected a church
in Salzburg township in Northampton County, in the year of the
Lord 1759. This church was built after the Indians had again
ceased to burn and kill in this neighborhood, and by poor people
only, who were, however, assisted by their brethren with small
contributions.
The first preacher on the part of the Reformed congregation, at
the dedication of this new church, was the Rev. Rudolph Kid-
weiler, popularly known as the Swiss preacher.
How long Kittweiler served this congregation is not
known.
The time when Kittweiler came to Great Swamp cannot
be determined definitely, but it was probably some time
after the death of Weiss, that is, about the year 1762.
The evidence of his presence at Great Swamp consists of
an entry in the Great Swamp account book and of his
tombstone in the graveyard near the church. The inscrip-
tion on the tomb reads as follows :
HIER LIEGT BEGRABEN
DER GEWESENE REFORMIRTE PREDIGER
JOHANN RUDOLPH KITWEILER
SEIN ALTER WAR 47 JAHR 9 MONAT
1ST GEBOREN DEN 2 JANUAR 1717
GESTORBEN DEN 2 OCTOBER 1 764.
The entry in the account book, made March 31, 1766,
states:
Of the above mentioned money of Ulrich Spinner there was paid
to the wife [widow] of Rev. Rudolph Gittenweiler £1.0.6.
It is probable that during the pastorate of Kittweiler
the Great Swamp Church secured a deed for its land.
Although printed before, this document is important
enough to be given a place here. It reads as follows: 193
193 First printed in Dr. Weiser's Monograph, pp. 42-46.
212 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Patent of Great Swamp Church Land, December 16, 1762.
Thomas Penn and Richard Penn, Esquires, true and absolute
Proprietors and Governors in Chief of the Province of Pennsyl-
vania and Counties of Newcastle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware,
To all, unto whom these Presents shall come, Greeting: Whereas
in pursuance of Warrants under seal of our Land Office, dated the
twenty third day of May, one thousand seven hundred and thirty
eight, there was surveyed on the twenty seventh day of September,
following, unto Michael and Joseph Everhart a certain Tract of
Land situate in Upper Milford Township, formerly in the County
of Bucks, now Northampton, Beginning at a marked white oak,
a corner of the said Michael and Joseph Everhard's Lands, thence
by Land of Bartle Hornberier South-West one hundred and thirty
perches to a post, Thence by Land of Lawrence Erb North West
one hundred and forty eight perches to a post, thence by. Land of
Felix Brunner North-East one hundred and thirty perches to a
stone in a line of the said Joseph Everhard's Land, thence by the
same South-East one hundred and forty-eight perches to the place
of Beginning, containing one hundred and thirteen acres and sev-
enty perches and the usual allowance of six Acres per cent for
Roads and Highways, as in and by the said Warrant and Survey
remaining in the Surveyor General's Office and from thence certi-
fied into our Secretary's Office more fully appears, And Whereas
the said Warrant was granted and the said Tract surveyed thereon
at the instance and request and by the direction and at the proper
cost and charges of the Minister, Elders and Congregation of the
reformed Calvinist Society settled in Upper Milford aforesaid and
adjacent Township of Lower Milford, who have now humbly be-
sought us to grant unto the said Michael Everhard and to Joseph
Everhard, the son of the said first Joseph Everhard, who is since
lately deceased, in Fee the said described Tract of Land in Trust
for the Minister, Elders and Congregation for the time being of
the said reformed Calvinist and their Successors settled and to be
settled from time to time in the said Two several Townships of
Upper and Lower Milford the said congregation having now
Patent of Great Swamp Land 213
erected on the said Tract a Church and School House for the use
of them and their successors. And we favoring their request.
Now know ye that for and in consideration of the sum of seventeen
pounds eleven shillings and seven pence lawful money of Pennsyl-
vania to our use paid being the money of the said congregation by
the said Michael Everhard and Joseph Everhard their heirs and
assigns, the Receipt whereof we hereby acknowledge and thereof
do acquit and forever discharge the Michael Everhard and Joseph
Everhard their heirs and assigns by these Presents and of the yearly
Quit Rent hereinafter mentioned and reserved. We have given
granted released confirmed and by these Presents for us our Heirs
and Successors as give grant release and confirm unto the said
Michael Everhard and Joseph Everhard their Heirs and Assigns
the said one hundred and thirteen acres and seventeen perches of
Land as the same as now set forth, bounded and limited as afore-
said. With all Mines Minerals Quarries Meadows Marshes Sa-
vannahs Swamps Cripples Woods Underwoods Timber and Trees
Ways Waters Water Courses Liberties Profits Commodities Ad-
vantages Hereditaments and appurtenances whatsoever thereunto
belonging or in any wise appertaining and lying within the bounds
and limits aforesaid. Three full and clear fifth parts of all Royal
Mines free from all deductions and Reprisals for digging and refin-
ing the same and also one-fifth part of the ore of all other mines
delivered at the pitts-mouth only excepted and hereby reserved and
also free leave right and liberty to and for the said Michael Ever-
hard and Joseph Everhard, their Heirs and Assigns to Hawk Hunt
Fish and shoot in and upon the hereby granted Land and Premises
or upon any part thereof. To have and to hold the said one hun-
dred and thirteen Acres and seventy Perches of Land and Premises
hereby granted (except as before excepted) with their appur-
tenances unto the said Michael Everhard and Joseph Everhard
their Heirs and Assigns forever. In trust nevertheless and for
the use of the Minister Elders and Congregation for the time being
of the said reformed Calvinist Society and their Successors settled
and to be settled from time to time in the said two several Town-
ships of Upper and Lower Milford and to and for no other use or
214 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
purpose whatsoever to be holden of us our Heirs and Successors,
Proprietaries of Pennsylvania as of our Manor of Tamor in the
County of Northampton aforesaid in free and common Socage by
Fealty only in lieu of all other services. Yielding and paying
thereof Yearly unto our Heirs and Successors at the Town of Easton
in the County aforesaid at or upon the first day of March in every
year from the first day of Marsh last one-half Penny sterling for
every acre of the same or value thereof in coin current according as
the exchange shall then be between our said Province and the City
of London to such Person or Persons as shall from time to time be
appointed to receive the same and in case of non-payment thereof
within ninety days next after the same shall become due then it
shall and may be lawful for us our Heirs and Successors our and
their receiver or receivers unto and upon hereby granted Land and
Premises To-Re-enter and the same to hold Possess until the said
quit-rent and all arrears thereof together with the charges accruing
by means of such non-payment and Re-entry be fully paid and dis-
charged.
Witness James Hamilton Esquire Lieutenant Governor of the
said Province, who by virtue of certain powers and authorities to
him for this purpose (inter alia) granted by the said Proprietaries
hath hereunto set his Hand and caused the Great Seal of the said
Province to be hereunto Affixed at Philadelphia this sixteenth day
of December in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred
and sixty two. The Third Year of the Reign of King George
the Third over Great Britain.
CHAPTER VIII.
Ministry of Rev. John Theobald Faber, Sr.,
1766-1779.
AFTER four years of supplies, the congrega-
tions were again provided with a regular
pastor in the fall of 1766. It was the Rev.
John Theobald Faber, Sr.
He was born February 13, 1739, at Zo-
zenheim, south of Bingen, at one time in the
Palatinate, but now in the archduchy of Hesse. He ma-
triculated at Heidelberg University, February 5, 1760, as
student of philosophy and theology.
His examination as candidate for the ministry took place
at Heidelberg on April 20, 1763. Three years later he
left the Palatinate for Holland. At his departure he re-
quested and secured the following certificate: 194
Inasmuch as the Consistory of the Electoral Palatinate has
learned with special pleasure that the Palatine Candidate for the
Ministry, Faber of Zotzenheim, according to the commission given
to him, intends to go to America as minister, therefore his petition
made to us yesterday, namely that his eventual return to his father-
194 The German text is given, with several misprints, in Dr. Weiser's
Monograph, p. 63.
215
216 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
land might not be forbidden to him, is hereby not only granted,
but on the contrary in such a case special regard shall be given to
his advancement. In witness whereof the large seal of the Con-
sistory's Chancery and the usual signatures have been affixed.
Heidelberg, the 28th of April 1766.
Consistory of the Electorate Palatinate
J. W. F. Hads, Antz.
Seal of the
{seal}
Reformed Consistory of the Palatinate.
On June 27, John Theobald Faber, John George Witt-
ner, another candidate from Bellheim in the Palatinate,
and Carolus Lange, a third candidate, from Innsbruck,
Tyrol, appeared before the deputies, were examined and
received their commissions and 250 fl. each as traveling
expenses to America. Their ship left Rotterdam for New
York on July 10, 1766. They arrived in Pennsylvania in
September, 1766.
Shortly after their arrival, Rev. John George Alsentz
of Germantown wrote Mr. Faber the following letter: 195
Letter of Alsentz to Faber, September 19, 1766.
Germantown, the 19th of
September 1766.
Very Reverend
and much esteemed Sir!
My heart is full of thanks to the faithful Father for His
gracious guidance of your Reverence and your happy arrival in our
vineyard. My heart rejoices and I congratulate myself because of
the help that has reached us, which we so much need. I have
195 This letter is now in the library of the Reformed Theological Semi-
nary at Lancaster. It was placed at the disposal of the writer, together
with a number of other letters from the correspondence of Mr. Faber,
through the courtesy of Prof. Geo. W. Richards, D.D.
John Theobald Faber, Sr. 217
understood that you preached yesterday in Philadelphia and that
you will come up to me next Sunday. I have accordingly informed
the Rev. Weyberg that I had announced a communion service and
that you might choose a sermon fitting for the occasion. If that
letter should have been delayed, I ask you herewith to make note
of this. In addition I wish to ask you to notify me whether you
prefer to preach in the forenoon or afternoon, so that I may be
governed by your choice. This I may tell you in advance that in
the morning the church will be best filled, because many people
live far away. Hence it is the best service for a strange minister
to be heard. Besides I ask you to inform me whether you are a
Mr. Faber from Zozenheim and what the names of the other gen-
tlemen are,
I remain very respectfully
Your Reverence's
Faithful Brother
Jo. Geo. Alsentz.
P.S. More orally. Please attribute my brevity to my ill health.
Faber reached his charge in October, 1766. On Octo-
ber 21, 1766, he performed his first ministerial act, by
officiating at a funeral at New Goshenhoppen. He made
his home at first with Daniel Hiester. On February 29,
1769, £1.12.10, was paid by the Great Swamp congrega-
tion as "house rent for the minister to Daniel Hiester." 196
This remained the place of his residence probably till he
married on August 7, 1770, Barbara Rose, daughter of
Erhardt Rose of Reading. After his marriage he moved
into the parsonage, built on the glebe land near the New
Goshenhoppen church. 197
At the Coetus of 1768, held September 8 to 9, 1768, at
Easton, Faber reported for the first time the statistics of
his congregations. Old Goshenhoppen had then 30 fami-
196 According to an entry in the account book of the congregation.
197 See letter of Mr. Schultz, printed above, pp. 184-9; es P- P- x ^7-
218 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
lies, New Goshenhoppen 90, and Great Swamp also 30
families. He had baptized during the preceding year 60
and confirmed 22. These figures increased only slightly
during the next four years. Thus in 1771 he reported 40
families at Old Goshenhoppen, 90 at New Goshenhoppen
and 40 at Great Swamp, 63 baptized and 25 confirmed.
It is, however, remarkable that in his report of 1773 the
sum total of his membership jumps from 170 families in
1772 to 260 in 1773, together with 87 baptized and 36
confirmed. In the last year of his pastorate, 1779, the
figures were 270 members in the three congregations, 69
baptisms and 48 confirmed. Complete statistics cannot be
given from the Coetus Minutes, as the reports for two
years (1774 and 1778) are missing.
It may, however, serve a useful purpose to give a sum-
mary of his pastoral activity on the basis of the various
church records. Into them he entered 764 baptisms, 262
funerals and 127 weddings. The record for the separate
congregations stands as follows :
At New Goshenhoppen he entered from January, 1767,
till October 6, 1779, 312 baptisms; he officiated from Oc-
tober 21, 1766, till August 5, 1779, at 126 funerals, and
married from March 3, 1767, till September 30, 1779,
56 couples. His first class of catechumens was confirmed
on April 17, 1767, his last on April 2, 1779.
At Old Goshenhoppen he recorded from November,
1766, till September 24, 1779, 282 baptisms; from De-
cember 26, 1766, till October 18, 1778, he held 82
funerals; and from January 20, 1767, till October 5, 1779,
he officiated at 52 weddings.
At Great Swamp he baptized from November 19, 1766,
till October 27, 1779, 170 children; he entered 54 funerals
from April 21, 1767, till June 11, 1779, and united in
Faber at Goshenhoppen 219
marriage 29 couples from March 5, 1767, till August,
1779.
These entries make it plain that Faber's pastorate ex-
tended from October, 1766, till October, 1779.
Faber was honored by the Coetus in being elected its
secretary in 1771 and its president in 1772.
The ability of Faber as a preacher was recognized by
other congregations than his own. When the congrega-
tion of Lancaster became vacant in 1769 through the re-
moval of Mr. Hendel to Tulpehocken, they called Faber.
The minutes of 1770 state: "The congregation made an
urgent request for an ordained minister and gave a special
call to Do. Faber of Goshenhoppen." But since he had
many scruples with regard to leaving his congregations he
asked for four weeks' time to consider, which was granted
him by the Reverend Coetus, and it was at once resolved
that he might accept the call without waiting for a further
decision of the Coetus. The Coetal letter of that year,
written on December 7, 1770, reports that "Faber has
concluded to remain at Goshenhoppen."
In 1775 Lancaster became again vacant through the re-
moval of its pastor, Charles L. Boehm, to Hanover, hence
the Lancaster congregation renewed its call to Mr. Faber.
At the Coetus held May 10 to 11, 1775, at Lebanon, "two
delegates from Lancaster appeared with a written call for
Do. J. Th. Faber, who, however, could not decide to leave
his congregations."
In 1779 the call of the Lancaster congregation was re-
newed for the third time and was at last accepted by
Faber.
Before, however, recounting these final events in the
ministry of Faber at Goshenhoppen a few other facts
ought to be mentioned.
220 History of the Goshenlwppen Charge
In 1773 the Minutes of Coetus state:
Trumbauer Congregation, in Bucks County, which was at first
served by Do. Gobrecht, and afterwards, from time to time by
Do. Faber, asked the Reverend Coetus for Do. Gebhard.
Gobrecht was in Bucks County as pastor of the To-
hickon charge from 1766 to 1770, hence Faber must have
supplied that congregation from 1770 to 1772, when Mr.
Wack became the pastor at Tohickon.
A remarkable entry in the Coetus Minutes, connecting
Gobrecht with Great Swamp ought to be mentioned.
The statistics of 1769 and of 1770 report Gobrecht as
serving Tohickon, Indian Field and Great Swamp, while
at the same time Faber is reported as the pastor of Great
Swamp and, moreover, the Great Swamp church record
shows that the baptismal entries of Faber at Great Swamp
run without break through 1769 and 1770 as through all
the other years from 1766 to 1779. Perhaps the easiest
way to get rid of this difficulty is to regard it as a simple
mistake of the clerks of Coetus. Such an explanation
would seem to be demanded for 1769, where the statistics
of Gobrecht and Faber follow each other immediately and
where Gobrecht is said to have reported for Great Swamp
30 families, 16 baptisms and 1 catechumen. Incidentally
the same figures are reported by Faber for Great Swamp.
Surely there must be a confusion in this case. But what
caused the confusion in 1770, if there be one, remains
unexplained.
The progress of the charge under the care of Mr. Faber
is seen in the fact that during his ministry two of the con-
gregations built new churches.
In 1769 the cornerstone was laid and in 1770 a large
new stone church was completed at New Goshenhoppen.
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At Old Goshenhoppen a similar stone church was built
in 1772. In the same year a new parsonage seems to have
been built at New Goshenhoppen. For in the Old Gosh-
enhoppen account book we find the following entry in
1772:
Two and Twenty Pounds and eleven shillings were paid by
Christian Hollebusch for the parsonage at New Goshenhoppen to
Adam Hillegas and in addition 3 pounds to Abraham Seckler, as
per receipt, dated June 7, 1772. Thirteen shillings 6 pence were
paid to me by Ulrich Hertzel on account of the building expenses
of the parsonage.
Weygand Pannebecker.
The organist and schoolmaster at Old Goshenhoppen
from 1772 to 1778 was Henrich Hemsing, who at first (in
1772) received five, later six pounds as salary for playing
the organ.
The organist at New Goshenhoppen during this period
is unfortunately not known, but the organ has been pre-
served and what is more remarkable it is still in use. It
is probably the oldest organ in use in the Reformed church.
It was put into the second church in 1770 when it was
finished. It was built by the well-known organ-builder
Tannenhauser of Lititz, Lancaster Co., Pa.
In August, 1779, the congregation at Lancaster sent the
following call to Mr. Faber: 198
Call of Lancaster Church to Faber.
Lancaster, August 30, 1779.
Reverend Sir: — It is without doubt already known to your Rev-
erence, that the Rev. Mr. Helffenstein has left our congregation
for some time past. In order, therefore, to obtain another pastor,
the congregation assembled yesterday in the schoolhouse; on which
10s Weiser, Monograph, p. 67.
222 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
occasion your Reverence was unanimously elected. If you will,
then, have the goodness to visit us and preach for us we will be
very thankful. The Consistory, accordingly resolved, with the
consent of the congregation, to send the bearer, William Jacob
Schaeffer, to wait upon you, and urge upon you our call. Should
you consent to preach a trial sermon, on some day of your own
choosing, we will then be fully prepared to extend you the proper
call. To this end, Mr. William Jacob Schaeffer is authorized to
confer with you in detail.
Meanwhile we remain your Friends. Done in the name of the
Consistory of the German Reformed Church, Lancaster,
Nicholas Job
William Bush
ludwig schell.
But the people at Goshenhoppen were not willing to
give up their pastor. Hence they framed and forwarded
a protest to the Coetus. In it they stated that his charge
"unanimously desires to retain him as their pastor; that he
is greatly beloved by all, and that he is very useful."
They furthermore promised "to give him £225 lawful
money, sixty bushels of wheat and rye, the use of the par-
sonage, fuel and the hay of a meadow." They expressed
the hope that the Reverend Coetus " would grant their de-
sire and allow Mr. Faber to remain with them."
In spite of this protest, however, Faber left Goshen-
hoppen in October, 1779. The Coetus Minutes of 178 1
report : " Mr. Faber has accepted Lancaster. He left
Goshenhoppen because they did not give him the neces-
sary support which they were sufficiently able to do."
This plain statement stands in glaring contrast to the
promises of the congregations. Indeed the salary of Fa-
ber as reported for 1770 and 1771 was only £65. In
1785 he reported it at £100, while the highest salary any
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Faber leaves Goshenlioppen
223
minister of the Coetus received in 1785 was £150. We
are, therefore, justified in questioning the accuracy of the
above translation. If a supposition may be ventured, the
writer would suggest it to be a misprint for £75 or perhaps
£85. That would be in harmony with general conditions.
CHAPTER IX.
Ministry of Rev. John William Ingold, 1780-1781.
OME time in September, 1780, the following
heading was put over a series of baptisms in
the Old Goshenhoppen Record:
"The following children were baptized by
me, Johann Wilhelm Ingold, pastor loci."
This heading is followed by fifteen baptismal
entries, in the handwriting of Ingold, extending from Sep-
tember, 1780, to July 30, 178 1. These entries introduce
us to a minister of an entirely different type than his
predecessors.
On August 4, 1754, "Joh. Wilhelmus Ingoldius " ma-
triculated in the University of Heidelberg, as a student of
theology, from Simmern, in the Palatinate, at present in
the Rhine province, in the " Regierungsbezirk " Koblenz.
He was ordained at Heidelberg May 10, 1762. He ap-
peared before the Deputies June 1, 1774. He produced
as his testimonials a letter of recommendation from Hos-
pital, consistorial councillor at Heidelberg, dated May 23,
1773. He also had a letter from the German Reformed
Church of London, where he had been pastor for four
months, dated February 20, 1774. His credentials were
found to be sufficient, and he was appointed by the Synod-
ical Deputies. On June 9, 1774, a letter of introduction
to the Coetus of Pennsylvania was given to him and 150 fl.
224
John William Ingold 225
as traveling expenses. Shortly afterwards he left for
Pennsylvania, where he arrived in the fall of that year.
He had a very checkered career. From 1775 to 1790 he
is mentioned in the Minutes of Coetus, serving in these
fifteen years no less than seven different charges. His
whole ministry was filled with quarrels. He paid no re-
gard either to the resolutions of the Coetus or the wishes
of his congregations. Hence he was constantly in diffi-
culty. The verdict of Coetus on his ministry is expressed
in these words: "Rev. Ingold during his stay with us
has not conducted himself to the satisfaction of his
brethren." 199
Shortly after his arrival he took Witpen and Worcester
in Montgomery County. At Witpen (now Boehm's
Church at Blue Bell) his baptismal entries begin Novem-
ber 7, 1774, and end May 25, 1775. At Worcester (now
Wentz's Church) a receipt for salary shows that his min-
istry there began on November 10, 1774. It lasted for
one year. At the end of that time the people were unwill-
ing to continue paying him £75 as salary.
At the close of the year the congregations offered a smaller sum,
and said if he should not be satisfied with this they would close the
church against him. Thereupon Mr. Ingold preached no longer
for them, but continued to live in the parsonage until he no longer
dared to remain there. He then moved to another house in the
neighborhood, where he wholly consumed the gathered crumbs.
His brethren were sorry for him, gave him oral and written advice,
and helped him to Saucon. But here again he left immediately
and went to Easton, hoping to draw the united congregation to
him. 199a
In Easton his baptismal entries begin on July 7, 1776,
199 Minutes of Coetus, p. 373.
199a Minutes of Coetus, p. 373.
16
226 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
and continue from that date uninterruptedly till March
17, 1786. It was thus while pastor at Easton that the
Goshenhoppen charge became vacant and was entered by
him. The Minutes of 178 1 continue the story:
Easton being a small congregation and unable to support him,
and he in addition losing the love of the people, and finally even
being persecuted, tried to gain the favor of Goshenhoppen. He
offered to take only as much salary as their kindness and free-will
would give. The result was that two small congregations [Old
Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp] allowed him to preach in their
churches ; but the strongest congregation, New Goshenhoppen, pro-
tested against this, and many persons also in the two smaller con-
gregations did not want to have anything to do with him, until he
should be accepted by the three united congregations as their min-
ister. Nevertheless, Ingold settled among these congregations on
his own account. Hence there arose the greatest confusion among
them which a committee of Coetus tried to settle. But Ingold
opposed and frustrated the attempt of his brethren. When all
these actions of this man were placed before Coetus, the following
resolution was adopted :
a. That the three united congregations shall meet for the elec-
tion of a minister. Mr. Ingold may be a candidate in this election,
if the congregations so agree.
b. That this action be recommended, in writing, to the congre-
gations and Mr. Ingold likewise be advised to help in bringing
about this election ; otherwise the Coetus will be compelled to take
extreme steps in his case.
When Coetus met again on May 1, 1782, at Reading,
they report:
Mr. Ingold, who was not present at the Reverend Coetus, having
left the congregations in Goshenhoppen half a year ago, informed
the Reverend Coetus by a letter presented by an elder, that he had
begun to serve the congregations Easton, Dryland and Greenwich.
The Reverend Coetus was obliged to approve of this action, because
Ingold at Goshenhoppen 227
for several years it has been thought advisable to allow all vacant
congregations to call a minister of the Coetus according to their
pleasure; even as a minister is also at liberty to accept such con-
gregations at pleasure.
This entry shows that Ingold left Goshenhoppen about
November, 178 1, probably because the election was unfa-
vorable to him.
The activity of Ingold in the Goshenhoppen charge can
only be traced at Old Goshenhoppen. Besides the bap-
tisms, to which reference has already been made, he en-
tered a class of catechumens (22 boys and 19 girls) into
the record on April 21, 178 1. Besides, he signed the ac-
count of the treasurer on May 18, 178 1, with A. M. Ache,
the schoolmaster.
At Great Swamp different hands entered eleven baptisms
from September 18, 1780, till July 22, 178 1. According
to the minutes of the Coetus of May, 178 1, Caspar
Wack, 200 pastor of Tohickon and Indianfield, was supply-
ing the Swamp church. In the minutes of the Coetus of
1782, held May 1, 1782, at Reading, we read:
The congregations Tohickon, Indianfield and Great Swamp,
which, by the departure of Mr. Wack, had become vacant, asked,
through delegates for another minister. The Reverend Coetus
could do nothing but give these congregations liberty to call a
minister.
200 Caspar Wack was the son of John George Wack, who arrived at
Philadelphia on September 16, 1748. Caspar Wack was born at Phila-
delphia August 15, 1752. He was educated by Rev. Caspar Weyberg;
licensed by Coetus in 1770; catchist at Lancaster, 1770-71; ordained June,
1772. His first pastorate was at Tohickon and Indianfield. 1772-1782, to
which Nacomixon was added in 1773. He was pastor of German Valley,
Foxhill and Rockaway, N. J., 1782-1809; of Germantown and White-
marsh, 1809-1821; of Whitemarsh alone 1821-23. He died at Trappe,
Montgomery County, July 19, 1839. See Harbaugh, Fathers, Vol. II, pp.
173-192; Good, History, pp. 570-72.
228 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
During this period! we find at New Goshenhoppen 17
baptisms recorded from June 18, 1780, till March 12,
178 1. Most of these entries are in the handwriting of
the Rev. John Henry Helffrich, 201 then pastor of Maxa-
tawny, Heidelberg, Lowhill, Upper Milford, and Salz-
burg, all of which, except the first, are located in Lehigh
County. He was one of the strong men of Coetus, who
did much to uphold order and religion in his own as well
as in neighboring congregations.
After Ingold left Easton in 1786, he went to Reading.
His call to that congregation is dated September 14, 1786.
After serving that congregation for a year and a half,
which was rich in quarrels, he left it in April, 1788.
Coetus does not want to put all the blame on him, but re-
marks that " a repulsive conduct is likely to bring about
such consequences." From there he went to Indianfield,
Tohickon and Trumbauers. At Indianfield his baptismal
entries run from June 19, 1788, till November 1, 1789.
While pastor there, he lost his wife. He himself made
the following entry in the Indianfield record:
"March 29 [1789], Mrs. Catharine Barbara Ingold,
wife of the pastor died, aged 40 years, 6 months, 3 weeks
and 4 days." At the meeting of Coetus held in June,
1790, he is reported as having been " rejected by his con-
gregations." After that his name appears only once more
in the official records of the church. It was to make his
201 John Henry Helfrich was born at Mosbach in the Palatinate, October
22, 1739. He matriculated at Heidelberg University, February 2, 1758.
He was ordained in September, 1761; became assistant pastor to his father
at Sinsheim and Rohrbach ; was then vicar at Reyen, Kirchhard and Stein-
furth; was commissioned for Pennsylvania July, 1771; arrived at New
York January 14, 1772. He was pastor of the Maxatawny charge all his
life, 1772-1810, which consisted among others of Lowhill, Heidelberg,
Kutztown, etc. He died December 5, 18 10. See Helffrich, Geschichte,
pp. 73-86; Harbaugh, Fathers, Vol. II, pp. 240-251.
Ingold leaves Church
229
separation from the church complete and final. In 1801
Synod notified him that by his continued absence he had
excluded himself from the church. His name was there-
fore dropped. 202
202 For sketches of Ingold's life see Harbaugh, Fathers, Vol. II, p. 399 f - ;
Good, History, pp. 561-563; Miller, History of the Reformed Church in
Reading, pp. 86-90.
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CHAPTER X.
Ministry of Rev. Frederick Delliker, 1782-1784.
AT the same meeting of Coetus, at which the
departure of Ingold from Goshenhoppen
was announced, we also find the announce-
ment of the arrival of a new pastor.
Mr. Daelliker informed Coetus why he had left his
former field in New Jersey, including the congrega-
tions Rockaway, Valley, Foxhill, and a few months ago, accepted
a call from the congregations of Goshenhoppen.
Frederick Delliker (or Dalliker) was descended from
an old Zurich family. They became citizens in Zurich,
1376. During the seventeenth century there were at
least three ministers in the family. The coat of arms of
the family showed a man with two burning candles in his
hands. This design was based on the name of the family
which was originally "Talliker," meaning the "candle
maker" (cf. the German Talg and the English tallow).
These facts, taken from the " Lexicon Geographicum-
Stemmatographicum " 203 in Zurich, dispose entirely of the
old tradition that the name of the family was originally
203 In the city library at Zurich, Msc. E. 54; Vol. II, pp. 5-8; cf. also
above, p. 97, note 107.
Frederick Delliker 231
De la Cour and that he was, therefore, of Huguenot de-
scent. The family was rather an old Swiss family and
could not possibly have been Huguenot. What actually
happened was that Frederick Delliker adopted for a time,
while in French services, a French name.
Hans Rudolph Dalliker, the father of Frederick Dalli-
ker, was a painter and in 1750 became " Oberster Salz-
hausdiener," which position was probably equivalent to
the manager of the saltworks. His mother was Maria
von Brunn of Basel, who married his father on March 23,
1732. She died March 23, 1754, while the father died
April 23, 1769, at Schaffhausen.
Frederick Delliker was born in 1738, according to the
Zurich records. Dr. Harbaugh 204 gives February 2,
1738, as the date of his birth, but that cannot be correct.
His tombstone at Falkner Swamp states that he died Jan-
uary 15, 1799, aged 60 years, 10 months and 17 days, 205
hence the date of birth must have been February 27, 1738.
According to the genealogical records in Zurich, Fred-
erick Dalliker was ordained in 1757. In the year follow-
ing (1758), he became German " Diakon," or assistant
minister in Geneva. In 1760 he became chaplain of the
French regiment " Lochmann." It was while he was a
French chaplain that he assumed temporarily the name De
la Cour. The French name never appears in his later
life. In 1766 he left French services.
In December, 1766, he arrived at Amsterdam, and on
April 17, 1767, he appeared before the Classical Commis-
sioners. In May his presence and application for service
in Pennsylvania was announced to the Synodical Deputies.
He was examined at the Hague, June 25, 1767, signed
20 < Harbaugh, Fathers, Vol. II, p. 382.
205 Roth, History of the Falkner Swamp Reformed Church, 1904, p. 37.
232 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
the formula of unity and was given his commission.
When he arrived in Pennsylvania in the fall of 1767
(probably October), he was sent to Amwell, New Jersey,
now at Ringoes, Hunterdon County, N. J. In 1768 Ger-
mantown gave him a call but he declined it and announced
that he had determined to serve, in addition to Amwell,
Alexandria (Mt. Pleasant), Rockaway (Lebanon), Fox-
hill (Fairmount) and German Valley, four new congrega-
tions, which asked " to be taken into the fellowship of
Coetus," At Rockaway his entries begin in the church
record on November 6, 1768. 206 In 1769 charges were
brought against him at Amwell, as a result of which he
left Amwell, but continued to serve the other congrega-
tions. The statistics of 1769 report him as unmarried,
residing at Rockaway, and serving the four congregations
mentioned above.
Delliker continued as pastor in New Jersey until the
spring of 1782, when, through the departure of Ingold
from Goshenhoppen, these congregations had become va-
cant. In May, 1782, he informed Coetus that he had
gone to Goshenhoppen " a few months ago." In entire
harmony with this statement we find that his baptismal
entries begin at New Goshenhoppen on March 3, 1782,
at Great Swamp on March 10, and at Old Goshenhoppen
on March 17, 1782. On June 6, 1783, he signed a re-
ceipt for salary at Old Goshenhoppen from February 1,
1782, to February 1, 1783. This fixes the beginning of
his ministry definitely as February 1, 1782. On May 1,
1782, Delliker made the following report of his congre-
gations: " 170 families, 33 baptisms, 35 confirmed and 3
schools." This is the first definite evidence in the Coetus
Minutes that each of the three congregations had a paro-
chial school.
206 Chambers, Early Germans in New Jersey, p. 105 f.
Delliker at Goshenhoppen 233
At the meeting of Coetus on May 14, 1783, in Phila-
delphia, Delliker is reported as supplying six congrega-
tions in New Jersey, part of them his former charge,
Rockaway, Valley and Foxhill, also in part Nolton, Hart-
wick and Newton. At the same time he made detailed
report about the three congregations of which he was the
regular pastor. Of New Goshenhoppen he reported 95
families, 37 baptized, 17 confirmed, 2 schools with 48
scholars; of Old Goshenhoppen 45 families, 18 baptized,
8 confirmed, 1 school with 32 scholars; of Great Swamp
37 families, 12 baptized, 26 confirmed, 1 school with 31
scholars. Unfortunately we know nothing more of the
two schools at New Goshenhoppen.
The pastoral activity of Delliker in the Goshenhoppen
charge can be summed up as follows: 141 baptisms, 21
funerals and 16 weddings. The record for each of the
churches is as follows:
At New Goshenhoppen he entered 77 baptisms, begin-
ning on March 3, 1782, and ending March 21, 1784.
There were 12 funerals from June 5, 1783, to March n,
1784, and 7 weddings from March 24, 1782, to March
16, 1784.
At Old Goshenhoppen he officiated at 30 baptisms from
March 17, 1782, to January 18, 1784, at 4 funerals from
February 12, 1783, to January 15, 1784, and at 5 wed-
dings from August 6, 1782, to May 20, 1783.
At Great Swamp he had 34 baptisms from March 10,
1782, till March 18, 1784, 5 funerals from April 17,
1783, and 4 weddings from April 23, 1782, to April 1,
1783.
From these summaries it is apparent that the pastoral
activity of Delliker at Goshenhoppen extended from
March, 1782, till March, 1784. During this time he was
234 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
not, as has been commonly reported, the pastor at Falkner
Swamp. The ministry of Rev. Nicholas Pomp came to
an end at Falkner Swamp after the meeting of Coetus on
May 14, 1783, when he is still reported as pastor of Falk-
ner Swamp and Vincent. He did not leave these congre-
gations till the fall of 1783 for Baltimore. Pomp's first
baptismal entry made in the Baltimore records was on Sep-
tember 15, 1783, and he himself states in that record that
he preached his installation sermon [Eintrittspredigt] on
the first Sunday of September, 1783.
In the spring of 1784, Delliker was called to Falkner
Swamp to become Pomp's successor. Delliker's first en-
try in the Swamp records was made on April 9, 1784. At
the Coetus meeting held on May 12, 1784, Delliker is
reported as having gone from Goshenhoppen to Falkner
Swamp.
He remained pastor of Falkner Swamp and Vincent to
the end of his life. He died at Falkner Swamp June 15,
1799, and was buried in the Falkner Swamp graveyard. 206a
He was a prominent member of Coetus, as is seen from
the fact that he was the secretary of Coetus in 1774, 1783,
1786, 1788, 1789, and its president in 1775, 1787 and
1790. In 1789 he had the honor, as secretary of Coetus,
to send a congratulatory address to Washington, on having
been elected first president of the United States. 207
An old man who personally remembered him described
him to Dr. Jos. H. Dubbs as " a little, good-humored, red-
faced man, with a shock of white hair." 208
206a While pastor at Falkner Swamp Frederick Delliker married Maria
Juvenal, October 12, 1786. The marriage is recorded in the church record"
"of the Tirst Reformed Church at Philadelphia (see Pennsylvania Archives,
2d Series, Vol. VIII, p. 663) and also in the Falkner Swamp Record, see
Pennsylvania Archives, I. c, p. 603.
207 Minutes of Coetus, p. 434.
208 Dubbs, Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, p. 195.
CHAPTER XI.
Ministry of Rev. Frederick William Van Der
Sloot, 1784-1786.
AT the meeting of Coetus, held May 12, 1784,
in Lancaster, "the congregations of Old and
New Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp re-
quest Do. Frederick William Van der Sloot
for their pastor. This Van der Sloot was
born in Anhalt-Zerbst, and, according to his
testimonials, has preached frequently, as candidate of the-
ology, in the Cathedral of Berlin. For two and a half
years he acted as inspector of the Joachimsthal Gymna-
sium. As his other circumstances are the same as those of
Do. Wynckhaus, mentioned in the previous article (they
were not sent by the Fathers in Holland) , the same action
was taken regarding him; that he shall minister to the said
congregations until we have ascertained the opinion of the
Reverend Fathers."
The new minister at Goshenhoppen seemed by descent
and training well fitted for his position and work.
He was descended from a ministerial family. Both his
grandfather as well as his father had been ministers before
him. His grandfather, Friederich von der Schloth, was
pastor at Barby on the Elbe River, southeast of Magde-
235
236 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
burg. 20Sa His father, Friedrich Heinrich von der Schlott,
was pastor of the Reformed church of Aken, 1725 to
1743, and of St. Nikolai at Zerbst, in the principality of
Anhalt-Zerbst, from 1743 to 175 1. While pastor of this
church he married Sophia Wilhelmine von Boiler, August
20, 1743. Their only son was Philip Wilhelm Frederick
von der Sloot, born in Zerbst, September 27, 1744. Ap-
parently later in life he changed his Christian name to
Frederick William. He studied for the ministry and be-
came pastor of Zornitz, Poetnitz, Scholitz and Nauendorf
in the province of Brandenburg. Later he was conrector
of the Latin school at Dessau and then for two and a half
years Inspector of the Joachimsthal Gymnasium in Berlin.
There he married, May 5, 1772, Louisa Henrietta,
daughter of the Rev. Prof. Schultz, professor in the same
school.
According to his great-grandson, 209 he came to Pennsyl-
vania in 1779 or 1780, leaving his wife and family (one
son at least) in Germany. His first charge was in Allen
township, Northampton County.
In April, 1784, he came into the Goshenhoppen charge.
At Great Swamp he entered the first baptism on April 18,
1784, at New Goshenhoppen on April 25, 1784, and at
Old Goshenhoppen on May 2, 1784. At New Goshen-
hoppen he entered 21 baptisms between April 25, 1784,
and November 21, 1784; at Old Goshenhoppen 6 baptisms
between May 2, 1784, and October 14, 1784, and at
Great Swamp 16 baptisms between April 18, 1784, and
May 14, 1786.
The reason for the sudden termination of his work at
208a The antecedents and history of Mr. Van der Sloot have been cleared
up by one of his descendants, Lewis Vandersloot, who in 1901 published
the History and Genealogy of the Von der Sloot Family, Harrisburg, 1901,
pp. 68; see especially pp. 9-17.
209 L. c, p. 16.
Frederick William Van Dcr Shot, Sr. 237
New and Old Goshenhoppen is furnished by the Coetus
Minutes of 1785, which read:
As was stated in Art. VI of last year's minutes, Fred. Wm. Van
der Sloot preached at Old and New Goshenhoppen and Great
Swamp. The former two congregations have now locked the
churches against him on account of a very disgraceful and unlawful
act; but the latter congregation, namely Great Swamp, still allows
him to preach. This was the deed. He had left a wife and child
in Germany, but married here a single woman. A short time after
his marriage it became known through his own statements that he
had another wife, whereupon his father-in-law took his daughter
back to his home. Then Van der Sloot was locked out by the two
Goshenhoppen churches.
In corroboration of this statement we find the following
entry in the New Goshenhoppen record, made by Van der
Sloot himself:
June 29, [1784], Rev. Daliker married me, Friedrich Wilhelm
Von der Sloot, only son of Friedrich Heinrich Von der Sloot, late
minister in Anhalt-Zerbst, Germany to Anna Margaretha Riedt,
oldest daughter of Jacob Ried of Hatfield township, Philadelphia
County.
Judging by the church records, the ministry of Van der
Sloot at Great Swamp ended in May, 1786. There was
a baptism as late as May 14, and a funeral on April 3,
1786, by Van der Sloot. But it is possible that he was
then merely a visitor, for even at the Coetus meeting of
April 27 to 28, 1785, Faber reported Tohickon, Indian-
field and Great Swamp as the congregations which he was
then serving. The actual removal of Faber, however, to
the Goshenhoppen field did not take place till the spring
of the following year.
Van der Sloot meanwhile returned to Northampton
County, where he ministered to congregations in Allen,
Moore and Lehigh townships. He died there in 1803.
CHAPTER XII.
Second Ministry of John Theobald Faber, Sr.,
1786-1788.
E left Faber in 1779 as pastor of the Re-
formed Church in Lancaster. He began
his work there in November, 1779, but he
stayed hardly three years. The city life
evidently contrasted unfavorably to his
mind with the quiet country life in the
Goshenhoppen valley. He became restless and homesick.
One evidence of this is that the consistorial minutes were
almost entirely neglected during his ministry. He, there-
fore, determined to return to the lower counties as soon as
possible.
In September, 178 1, the Indianfield and Tohickon con-
gregations in Bucks County became vacant through the
removal of Rev. Caspar Wack. Hence Faber accepted a
call to that field, only fifteen miles from his former charge.
His ministry at Indianfield began on July 14, 1782; at
least on that day he entered his first baptism into the In-
dianfield record. From that time till April 27, 1786, he
recorded 57 baptisms in the Indianfield record. The
latter date must have marked approximately the end of his
ministry in that field, for in May, 1786, his entries begin
in the New Goshenhoppen record.
238
John Theobald Faber, Sr. 239
On May 17 to 18, 1786, the minutes of Coetus report:
J. Theobald Faber left Indianfield, Tohickon and Trumbauer's
Church and accepted his former congregations of Old Goshenhop-
pen, New Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp.
Apparently he was very happy to get back to his first
friends. Dr. Weiser has preserved a tradition 210 that on
the day of his return his parishioners had gathered in the
parsonage to welcome him.
When nearing the premises, he stood up in a large wagon, and
with uncovered head cried out: "Ihr Goschenhoppener! Ich ver-
lass euch in meinem Leben nicht mehr. Hier will ich leben und
sterben."
The reunion was a happy one and resulted well for pas-
tor and people. In 1787 Faber reported of his three con-
gregations 230 families, 76 baptized, 93 confirmed and 78
scholars in the schools. The whole record for his second
pastorate at Goshenhoppen is as follows: 179 baptisms,
67 burials and 28 weddings. Unfortunately his ministry
was not of long duration. His death was sudden and
unexpected. The Coetal letter of 1789 gives us a con-
temporaneous record of it: 211
We have to report that the Lord has taken from us a brother,
namely Do. Theobald Faber, late minister in New Goshenhoppen
and Great Swamp. His departure was unexpected. On Novem-
ber 2, 1788, a deathly weakness attacked him while in the pulpit.
Having finished half of the sermon, he, with difficulty, repeated the
Lord's Prayer, He was then carried from the pulpit and an hour
and a half later died in the school-house. It was remarkable that
his sermon was on death, for he was just preaching on Jairus'
210 Weiser, Monograph, p. 74.
211 The traditional account given by Dr. Weiser, Monograph, p. 74 f.,
varies from this statement in several interesting particulars; cf. Minutes
of Coetus, p. 431.
240 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
daughter, Matt. IX being the gospel lesson of that day. How
dear he was to his people is proved by the fact that, altogether
contrary to the custom of this country, they gave him a burial-place
under the altar, also that they desired his oldest son for his suc-
cessor, if this is at all possible.
The elder Weiser placed a memorial tablet over his
remains with this inscription :
TRITT leise!
HIER RUHET DER
EHRW. JOH. THEOB. FABER,
EHEMALS GEWESENER PREDIGER
DIESER GEMEINDE.
GEBOREN DEN I3TEN FEBR. 1739,
STARB DEN 2TEN NOV. 1 788.
ALTER 49JAHR 8 MO. UND 1 8 T.
His funeral sermon was preached by the Rev. Mr.
Blumer, then pastor at Allentown. His text was He-
brews 13 : 17.
Mr. Faber left behind him a wife and seven children,
whom the congregation permitted to remain in the par-
sonage for several years. They also aided his oldest son
in his studies to become his father's successor.
To Dr. C. Z. Weiser, Mr. Faber was described as " a
man of small, portly figure, full of vivacity and jovial."
His widow married again, a Mr. Christian Sheidt of
Sumneytown. She outlived even her second husband and
died, 82 years old, in the home of her son-in-law, Dr.
Tobias Sellers. 212
212 Weiser, Monograph, p. 75 f.
CHAPTER XIII.
Ministry of Rev. Nicholas Pomp, 1789-1792.
AFTER the death of Mr. Faber the congrega-
gations of the Goshenhoppen charge were
for more than a year without a regular pas-
tor. An entry in the Old Goshenhoppen
records throws some light on this period :
After the death of the sainted Mr. Faber, when the congrega-
tion was without a minister, the following children were baptized,
some by Mr. Roller, some by the ministers who visited this congre-
gation, and, at the request of the parents, their names were entered
by Johann Daniel Jung, schoolmaster.
Rev. Conrad Roeller was from 1772 to 1799 the pastor
of the Old Goshenhoppen Lutheran congregation. Four
baptisms were entered by Mr. Jung from February to No-
vember, 1789.
In the New Goshenhoppen record the history is con-
tinued by the next pastor:
After the Rev. J. Theobald Faber had died unexpectedly on
November 2, 1788, and the congregation had been without a pastor
for more than a year, I, N. [Nicholas] Pomp, was called to serve
in his place and commenced my ministry here, in the name of God,
17 241
242 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
in these congregations, in the beginning of the month of December
1789.
Dr. Weiser in his "History" 213 has preserved an inter-
esting letter of Mr. Pomp, which reveals his spirit and the
conditions under which he entered upon his work in the
new field. It reads as follows:
Letter of Rev. N. Pomp to the Goshenhoppen Churches.
Baltimore, Md., October 2nd, 1789.
To the three united Consistories at Old and New Goshenhoppen
and Great Swamp:
Since it has seemed good to the Rev. Ministers, Hendel, Del-
licker and Helffrich, that I should supply the three congregations
of your charge, now without a pastor, I have concluded to lay
before [you] certain conditions, without compliance therewith, I
could not under any considerations acquiesce in your wish.
First: The Widow and Family of the late Pastor Faber, still
abiding among you, must not be made to suffer any sacrifice by my
coming. The sainted Faber and I were bosom friends, and I can,
therefore, rejoice the more over the warm and true regard which
the charge has manifested toward his bereaved household, from love
to his memory.
Secondly : The membership must prove of one mind in the choice
of myself as their temporary pastor. I cannot tolerate any dispute
to arise, and will not consent to serve, unless the people are a unit.
Thirdly : No definite period of time must be fixed. I shall labor
solely for the welfare of the flock, and in the same spirit in which
I served at Falconer Swamp. As soon as you determine upon the
services of the young Faber, or of any other devoted Pastor, I wish
it in my power freely to relinquish the field in his favor.
Fourthly : In regard to Parsonage and Salary I shall say nothing.
I will leave all that over to yourselves, and agree to be satisfied
with what you consider right and just. My family is small —
213 l. c, pp. 77-79.
Nicholas Pomp 243
myself and wife. We need no roomy house then. It will not
prove a hard task, I think, to find a spot for me to occupy.
Fifthly: My removal will not be attended with much trouble
and expense, as my goods can be conveyed by water from Balti-
more to Philadelphia, and thence by wagons.
The Consistories ought to assemble and deliberate over these
several points. The matter is very important, and concerns the
welfare of many souls, whose interests suffer in consequence of
your want of a regular Minister. Consider well and prayerfully.
May you be guided in determining on the wisest course. You can
forward the result of your deliberations to Pastor Weyberg, who
will report to me.
I am affectionately yours,
N. Pomp.
According to Dr. Weiser, the joint consistory met at the
parsonage on October 24th, concluded to comply with Mr.
Pomp's conditions and extended to him a unanimous call,
which he promptly accepted. In the beginning of the
month of December, 1789, he moved into his new field.
Nicholas Pomp was one of the strong and influential
men of the Reformed Church and deserves a more ex-
tended notice. About his life in Europe Mr. Pomp him-
self has left a short, but fragmentary autobiographical
sketch, which we reproduce in full in an English trans-
lation: 214
Autobiography of the Rev. Nicholas Pomp.
I, Nicolaus Pomp, have deemed it well to write up an account
of my life so that my late descendants may be able to read and see
how their ancestor has fared in this world.
I saw the light of day in Manbuchel, then in the Duchy of
214 It was formerly in possession of Dr. Jos. H. Dubbs, who published it
in part in his Reformed Church in Pennsylvania, pp. 190-192. It is now
in possession of the writer.
244 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Zweibriicken, January 20, 1734. My honored father was Peter
Pomp. My dear mother Elisa, his lawful wife. These parents
brought me on the fourth day after my birth to holy Baptism.
After which only this is to be noted that for three years I lay sick,
as my parents told me. Nevertheless I got well again, so that I
could go to school and was able to work. In my 14th year I had
read the Bible several times and was also able to recite the Heidel-
berg Catechism. Catechetical instruction, which I received from
ministers, was so effective that I became a new man and loved the
triune God heartily. With worldly people I did not want to
have anything to do. Hence I sought solitude, where I could
pour out my soul to God and in which my soul took much delight.
My only desire for the world was this, that I might become a min-
ister, whereby I could call sinners to repentance. But my father
did not want to consent to it, because it would cost him too much
to let me study, without which I could not become a minister.
He, therefore, urged me against my will to take to tailoring, which
trade means constant sitting and which, after a few years, under-
mined my health completely. Hence my father did not insist that
I should continue this trade, but gave me the permission to study,
so that in time I might become a minister, if my health and his
resources would permit it.
I was now 20 years of age when my studying began with all
seriousness. I spent a period of four years in school, where I learnt
Latin and Greek as well as Hebrew pretty thoroughly. Then (in
the 24th year of my age) I went to Marburg, in Hesse, to study
theology in the university.
Here there is a break in the manuscript, the lower part
of the page being torn off. The story is continued on the
next page :
Although they had before been inclined to disparage me, being
unwilling to make me a candidate [of theology], now so were so
well disposed towards to me, that without my request they were
ready to assist in my ordination and introduction into the ministry.
When information came from Holland that the Synod there wished
Autobiography of Pomp 245
to promote me to the ministry in America, I was ordained in the
city of Cassel and sent with an excellent testimonial to Holland.
The Synods examined me and, because they found me well quali-
fied, they gave me 535 guilders for traveling expenses and a good
recommendation to the congregations in America, which I was
expected to serve. I was 15 weeks on the ocean from Holland to
Philadelphia, where I arrived December 8, 1765.
At the same time my ministry in Falkner Swamp and Vincent
began. After I had spent seven years with these congregations, I
married Elisabeth Dotterer, 215 a widow with six children and no
property, but we lived happily together. I was not rich either,
but we had as much as we needed day by day. One son was born
to us in wedlock, who remained our only child and whom I called
Thomas. 216 After we had raised him, I myself educated him for
the ministry as well as I could. He became indeed a minister and
has been a great comfort to myself and his mother.
About my life I would have to say much at this place if I wished
to relate everything that happened to me at Falkner Swamp. I
215 On the same paper on which his autobiography is written, Nicholas
Pomp gives also a brief sketch of the life of his wife. Her maiden name
was Elizabeth Antes, born January 29 (or February 9, new style), 1734,
at Falkner Swamp. Rev. John Philip Boehm baptized her (see Perkiomen
Region, I, 51). Her father was Henry Antes and her mother Christina,
nee Dewees. When eight years old she was taken to Bethlehem, where
she stayed till her twelfth year. In May, 1754, she married George Philip
Dotterer, with whom she had six children, two sons and four daughters.
Her husband died August 23, 1771. She married again, April 23, 1772,
Rev. Nicholas Pomp, with whom she had one son, Thomas Pomp. She
died at Easton, May 20, 1812. See also The Dotterer Family, by H. S.
Dotterer, p. 65 f.
216 Thomas Pomp was born February 4, 1773 in Skippack township,
Montgomery County. He studied under his father, was examined and
ordained in 1795. In the following year he became pastor of the Easton
charge, then consisting of Easton, Plainfield, Dryland and Mt. Bethel.
In place of the last Lower Saucon was substituted after some years. He
remained pastor of this charge for fifty-six years, much beloved and highly
respected by his people. He died at Easton April 22, 1852. See Heisler,
Fathers of the Reformed Church, Vol. IV, pp. 15-30.
246 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
only want to say this, that I remained 18 years in the service of
this congregation and then I accepted a call to Baltimore in 1783.
My departure from Falkner Swamp caused much bitterness and
sadness among the people, for the welfare of whose souls I had
cared so long and so earnestly. Hardly a single person wanted to
be satisfied with my removal, although they could soon get another
and perhaps a better preacher. Yet they were not satisfied with it.
I also went away with a sad heart, but with the thought that I
had done more good among these people than I had believed before.
In Baltimore I could only stand it for six years [1 783-1 789]
and, although I did my best to build up this congregation, I was
unable to stay any longer with a quarreling church. For the new
church which they had to build, caused a division into two parties
and I could side with only one party. . . . [The rest of the manu-
script is torn off.]
At the meeting of the Coetus, held June 7-8, 1790, at
Falkner Swamp,
the three united congregations in Goshenhoppen sent their dele-
gates with a call for Do. Pomp, thus far minister in Baltimore.
They desired to have him as their regular pastor in place of Do.
Faber, deceased. But, as the parsonage of the congregation is still
occopied by the widow of Do. Faber, whom one would not like to
drive out, the congregations are advised to provide a house for Do.
Pomp, and to continue the kindness towards the widow, as far as
possible.
At the same meeting Pomp reported about his new con-
gregations. There were 200 families, 40 baptized, 52
confirmed, 3 schools with 120 scholars.
But the ministry of Pomp at Goshenhoppen was of short
duration. At New Goshenhoppen his baptisms extend
from November 26, 1789, to July 25, 1790, and his wed-
dings from December, 1789, to August 10, 1790. At
Great Swamp ten baptisms were entered by him from Jan-
Pastorates of Pomp 247
uary 3, 1790, to June 18, 1790. Only at Old Goshen-
hoppen his ministry seems to have been longer. His bap-
tismal entries there extend from January 3, 1790, to May
28, 1792. The annual financial settlement at Old Gosh-
enhoppen, made on July 19, 1791, was written by Mr.
Pomp. But one of the items of the account was "£2. 5s.
for fire wood for Rev. Mr. Faber." At the meeting of
Coetus on June 27 to 28, 1791, at Lancaster, Pomp is
marked absent " on account of indisposition," but he is
already called "minister in Indianfield."
In August, 1790, Mr. Pomp began his ministry at In-
dianfield (now called Indian Creek) and Tohickon. His
entries in the Indian Creek record are headed with this
statement :
After I, Nic. Pomp had been called to the service of this con-
gregation in Indian Creek and Tohickon and in the beginning of
the month of August entered upon this service, there follow now
the names of the baptized children of said congregation.
The first baptism following this beginning is dated Au-
gust 26, 1790. Mr. Pomp remained pastor at Indian
Creek till August, 1797. From April, 1794, till August,
1796, Whitpain, now Boehm's church at Blue Bell, was
part of his charge. In 1797 he retired to Easton to live
with his son, Thomas Pomp, who had become pastor there.
He died at Easton, September 1, 18 19.
It was while pastor at Falkner Swamp that Mr. Pomp
wrote a book, by which he is best known. It was a refu-
tation of the teachings of the Universalists, as contained in
the book of Paul Siegvolck, entitled " Das Ewige Evan-
gelium," which had been published in German by Saur, the
Germantown printer, in 1768. Pomp's book, while not
a profound treatise, was a creditable performance.
248 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Translated into English the title reads : " Brief Examina-
tion of the Doctrine of the Eternal Gospel, by which it is
clearly shown that the Restoration of all things is vainly
$Dtitftttigen
SCcrail
®ag man &te rDiefccrbtittgtfng
eilUt sDinge in 6er {jeifigert -6<fjrift:
ttergebfid) fucfjet.
Sluf Q5«8f &rtn eieler grcunbe &9.Q) SDttttf
bef6rt>ert
von
% tyomp, v. d. M.
$ 6 i I a 5 e I p i a,
©ettucft beo £><tmcl) ttlillcti
1774.
sought in Scripture. At the request of many friends pub-
lished by N. Pomp, V.D.M., Philadelphia, printed by
Henry Miller, 1774," i2mo, preface 12 pp., and text
200 pp.
CHAPTER XIV.
Ministry of Rev. John Theobald Faber, Jr.,
1791-1807.
^^^T^N 1 79 1 the wish of the Goshenhoppen people was
m gratified to have their former pastor's son with
Wm them as the successor of his father.
All John Theobald Faber, Jr., was born in the
^—- ^ parsonage of New Goshenhoppen, in Upper
Hanover township, as the oldest child of his
parents. His father himself entered the record of his
birth into the New Goshenhoppen book: "On September
24, 1 77 1, a son was born to me, Pastor Faber, named
Johannes Theobald. Witness was Daniel Gross, minister
at Saucon and Springfield."
As a boy he enjoyed the advantages of the parochial
school of the New Goshenhoppen congregation and the
additional instruction of his father.
When fifteen years of age he headed a class of 61 cate-
chumens at New Goshenhoppen, who were confirmed by
his father on April 9, 1787.
He pursued his classical studies under the Rev. Frederick
Valentin Melsheimer, pastor of the Lutheran congregation
at Hanover, York County. He studied theology with
249
250 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Rev. Dr. William Hendel, Sr., from 1 782-1794, pastor
at Lancaster, Pa. As his course of special study covered
only three years it was at most incomplete and hurried.
He was licensed probably sometime in the year 1791,
for his baptisms begin in the spring of 1792.
At the meeting of Coetus, held May 6 to 7, 1792, at
Philadelphia, "the congregations of Old and New Gosh-
enhoppen presented a call for Mr. John Faber, and asked
that he be examined and ordained. The Reverend Coetus
resolved that he be examined on the following day by Do.
Hendel, Helffrich and Pomp."
On the following day the minutes report :
In accordance with the resolution of the first session, Mr. John
Faber was examined by Dos. Hendel, Pomp, Helffrich and Blumer.
The committee made a report in reference to the examination of
Mr. Faber, and stated that he had not given such satisfactory an-
swers to the dogmatical questions proposed as they had expected
from him; still, out of regard to the Goshenhoppen congregations
and his widowed mother, the examination was approved and, by a
majority of votes, he was recognized as qualified for the ministry,
and it was resolved that Dos. Helffrich, Blumer, Pomp and Del-
licker ordain him as soon as possible.
The ordination of the young candidate took place at
Goshenhoppen on June 23, 1792, as appears from the fol-
lowing letter of Mr. Delliker, addressed to young Faber. 2
17
Letter of Delliker to Faber, Jr., May 12, 1792.
My dear Faber:
I congratulate you from the bottom of my heart, on the success-
ful issue of your examination. The Lord sustain you continually.
The request, deo volente, I will endeavor to comply with and
preach the sermon on the day of your ordination. I have received
217 Weiser, Monograph, p. 83.
John Theobald Faber, Jr. 251
no letter from Synod, but have at hand one addressed to Pastor
Helffrich. We will speak more definitely, when I shall have the
pleasure to be with you on the day before the 23rd of June.
I am, Reverend Sir, in sincere friendship,
Our highest regards to you all.
Falkner Swamp, Your humble servant
May 1 2th, 1792. Fred. Dklliker.
Dr. Weiser has preserved a traditional account of his
introductory sermon from one who heard it, which may
well be repeated:
In his introductory (sermon) he did not fail to call attention to
the peculiar solemn position in which he found himself placed.
The death of his beloved father occuring, as it were in the very
spot on which he was then speaking ; his mouldering remains lying
under his very feet; his youth and hasty preparation to become his
sire's successor; the questionable propriety of becoming a prophet
in his own country — on all these points the young pastor delicately
touched with much trembling and many tears. One who heard it
all says: "When he exclaimed. ' Who is sufficient for these things?'
all became strangly affected, and many wept."
In the spring of 1792 young Mr. Faber began his pas-
toral work in his three congregations. Indeed he seems
to have been so eager for his work that he officiated as a
minister even before he was ordained, baptizing several
children at Old Goshenhoppen in May, 1792. During
the first few years he kept the various church records fairly
well. Thus at New Goshenhoppen he entered 59 bap-
tisms from the summer of 1792 to September, 1795, at
Old Goshenhoppen he entered 24 baptisms from May,
1792, to April, 1795, and at Great Swamp 33 baptisms
from the summer of 1792 till September, 1796. But after
the latter date his records were entirely neglected, no en-
tries of any sort being made after June 1, 1797. It may
252 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
of course be that he kept private records in which he re-
corded his ministerial acts, but judging from the incom-
plete and careless entries actually made in the records, that
is hardly to be expected.
Fortunately the lack of information regarding his pas-
torate is partly supplied by the account books of the Old
Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp congregations, from
which the following interesting entries are taken.
In the Old Goshenhoppen account book (opened in
1772) we find that on July 19, 179 1, the congregation
paid to the schoolmaster, Mr. Jung, 15 shillings. On
June 15, 1792, there were paid to Mr. Faber, Jr., 15 shil-
lings; to Mr. Peter Hollebusch for expenses to go to the
Coetus 7s. 6d ; to the schoolmaster Jung for the year 1 79 1 ,
£2. 5s. On December 5, 1793, Mr. Faber signed his first
receipt for salary from the congregation, amounting to
£24. 8s. 1 id. This was probably one third of the whole
amount he received from the charge. Later on his salary
increased. Beginning with the year 1803, Old Goshen-
hoppen paid its pastor £33. 6s. 8d. From at least 1804
to 1807 Nicolaus Weinel was the schoolmaster of the con-
gregation, who was paid £6 for playing the organ and
leading the singing. The account book makes us ac-
quainted with three of the early schoolmasters of Old
Goshenhoppen, Henrich Hemsing, from at least 1772 to
1782. Then there was probably a change. Payments
to the schoolmasters are noted from 1785 to 1789, but no
name is mentioned. In July, 1791, schoolmaster Jung is
mentioned. How long he served cannot be made out.
From 1804 to at least April 1, 1807, Nicolaus Weinel
served in that capacity.
From the Great Swamp account book (begun in 1759,
II II
II ((
II II
Great Swamp Account Book 253
but poorly kept, with many years, e.g., 1770 to 1793, en-
tirely wanting) , we have culled some items of interest:
On August 5, 1794, the following payments were en-
tered into the record :
£ s. d.
Paid to Mr. Hendel — 1 \oY 2
paid as rent to Mrs. Levy for Mr. Pomp — 15 —
paid to Mr. Jost Wiand to fetch Mr. Faber from Lancaster — 12 —
paid to go to Coetus — 8 —
paid to Mr. Hendel — 15 —
" " ditto — 3 9
Mrs. Levy as rent for Mr. Pomp — 15 —
ride to the Coetus — 5 —
Mr. Philip Eberhard to go to the Coetus in
Phila. [1792] — 11 —
On March 19, 1796, we find:
£ s. d.
Paid to Mr. Faber, minister, on account of his salary . . 12. 7. 6.
paid to the administrator of the late Mr. Faber for
salary still due him 24. 11. 4.
Received on March 15. 1796, from Philip Eberhard,
Jacob Schmid, Johannes Jung and Philip Mumbauer,
deacons and elders at this time, the sum of 100 dol-
lars to secure a patent for the pastor's land [glebe] at
Goshenhoppen.
David Spinner.
On November 16, 1797, the following items deserve
notice :
£ s. d.
Paid for 15 bushels of lime for the schoolhouse — 15. —
paid for the masons — 18. —
paid for 12 pounds of nails — 15. —
paid for glass 2. 16. 10.
paid for ioo shingles for the parsonage 3. 15. —
paid for 205 feet of boards for the same — 17. —
paid for puddy — 4. 6.
paid for a ten plated stove 6. — —
paid to ride to Synod 3. 15. —
paid for grass for use of Mr. Faber — 10. —
254 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
paid for springhouse at parsonage — 10. —
paid for pump at parsonage 3. o. 7.
On August 9, 1804, £2.14.3. were paid for repairs to
the schoolhouse.
Paid for a bake-oven in the parsonage 1. 6. 2.
On May 23, 1805, £6.2.10. were paid for repairs to the
parsonage.
From 1797 to 1804 John Jung signed receipts for re-
pairs to the schoolhouse. He is probably identical with
the schoolmaster Jung mentioned in 1791 in the Old Gosh-
enhoppen book.
In 1 801 the four united congregations of Northampton,
Jordan, Union and Egypt extended a call to Mr. Faber
to become their pastor, but he declined it. 218
Faber attended the meetings of Synod faithfully, except
in 1803 and 1806. In the former year he was sick. In
1807 he was secretary, in 1808 president of Synod.
A letter of Rev. Jacob Senn, pastor at Tohickon and
Indianfield, to Mr. Faber, referring to his sickness, is pre-
served in the archives of the Reformed Seminary at Lan-
caster. It is interesting enough to be inserted here: 219
Letter of Rev. Jacob Senn to Rev. John T. Faber, Jr.
Rockhill, February 22, 1803.
Dear Friend and Brother!
I received your letter and heard with pleasure that you are again
improving. I entertain the hope, that (God willing) you will
soon regain your former health and strength, and thus be able to
attend again to your ministry, which is no doubt much to be
desired both by yourself and your congregations.
I have also had sickness in my family for a long time. My wife
has been unwell for almost two years and sometimes I have had
218 Minutes of the Synod of 1801, Session I, §2.
219 This letter also was placed at the disposal of the writer by Prof. Geo.
W. Richards, D.D., of the Lancaster Seminary.
Letter of Senn to Faber
255
little hope for her recovery, but now (thank God) she is better
again.
As regards your request, I am willing and ready to serve you,
but I cannot do it at the time set by you. I can never take away
a Sunday (as you no doubt know yourself) without first informing
the congregation and that cannot be done before three weeks.
Three weeks from yesterday I am, therefore, ready to serve you,
if that is agreeable to you. You may therefore announce it, if
agreeable, that I shall conduct services for you on March 13th.
With a friendly greeting to yourself and wife, I remain,
(Address) Your Friend and Servant
Rev. Mr. J. T. Faber, Jacob Senn.
New Goshenhoppen.
In 1807 Mr. Faber accepted a call from the New Hol-
land charge, Lancaster County, where he remained pastor
till 1 8 19, when he returned to Goshenhoppen.
M^^fe#^f
CHAPTER XV.
Ministry of Rev. Albert Helffenstein, 1808-1811.
CHOOLMASTER Nicolaus Weinel of Old
Goshenhoppen introduces us to the next min-
ister. In the Old Goshenhoppen account
book he made an entry which fixes the exact
time when the new pastorate began :
On June 19, 1808, the young Rev. Mr. Helfenstein delivered
his first introductory sermon here in Old Goshenhoppen. On Sun-
day before he made the beginning at New Goshenhoppen.
Albert Helffenstein was the fifth son of the well-known
Reformed preacher of Germantown, John Conrad Al-
bertus Helffenstein, and of his wife, Catharine Kircher, a
native of Philadelphia. 220 He was born in Germantown,
March 13, 1788. He was baptized and confirmed in his
father's church.
He received his theological education from Rev. Dr.
Christian Ludwig Becker, from 1795 to 1806 pastor at
Lancaster, and from 1807 to 18 18 pastor at Baltimore.
Dr. Becker was a fine scholar and pulpit orator and well
qualified to prepare young men for the ministry. Nine-
220 They were married on February n, 1773, at Philadelphia. Their
marriage is recorded in the old record book of the First Reformed Church
at Philadelphia, see Pennsylvania Archives, 2d Series, Vol. VIII, p. 678.
256
Albert Helffenstein 257
teen students received their theological instruction from
him during the last sixteen years of his life (1800-
1816). 221
After completing his theological training Helffenstein
appeared before Synod, which met at his native place,
May 15, 1808. At that time "a call was received from
Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp for Mr. Albert Helffen-
stein."
Similar calls were received at the same time for other
candidates. It was then resolved " that the candidates
Messrs. Runkel, Jr., Gloninger, Schaffner, Becker and
Helffenstein be examined this evening. The committee
of examination consists of Messrs. Helffrich, Wack, Hoff-
meier and benn. —-
On the next day the committee " who were appointed to
examine the several candidates last evening, reported, that
the young gentlemen sustained a perfectly satisfactory ex-
amination. It was resolved, that these young men be
ordained this evening. Messrs. Faber, Geistweidt and
Hoffmeier were appointed the committee of ordination."
Helffenstein entered upon his work at Goshenhoppen
immediately after the meeting of Synod, preaching on
June 12, 1808, his installation sermon at New Goshen-
hoppen, as the record of schoolmaster Weinel, already
quoted, proves. On June 21 he had his first funeral at
New Goshenhoppen. But his ministry was of short dura-
tion. On May 11, 181 1, he entered his last baptism at
New Goshenhoppen.
The record of his pastoral work at Goshenhoppen is not
complete. He only entered 70 baptisms, 22 funerals and
221 Good, History of the Reformed Church in the United States in the
Nineteenth Century, New York, 191 1, p. 13 f.
222 Minutes of the Synod of 1808, Session I, §§3, 7; Session III, § 2.
18
258 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
12 weddings into the records. There are no weddings
recorded by him at Great Swamp and even the other en-
tries are incomplete, most of them stopping in 1809.
His ministry seems to have extended till October, 181 1,
for on October 27, 181 1, he signed a receipt for salary for
four months from the Great Swamp congregation. His
salary was apparently one hundred dollars from each con-
gregation. In July, 1809, 18 10 and 181 1, he signed re-
ceipts for $100 each from the Great Swamp congregation.
Dr. Weiser reports 223 that like Mr. Pomp he resided at
first with a widow Levy at New Goshenhoppen, later with
Mr. Pannebecker, until the new parsonage was completed.
Being a city boy and more accustomed to the English
language than the German, he felt ill at ease among the
German farmers at Goshenhoppen. He, therefore, ac-
cepted in 181 1 a call to Carlisle, where he stayed till 18 19.
Then he was pastor at Baltimore from 18 19 to 1835.
After that he left the Reformed Church, removed to Ohio
and entered the Protestant Episcopal Church. In 185 1
he applied to Lebanon Classis to be received back to the
church of his fathers. His request was granted with cer-
tain conditions which he fulfilled. At the same meeting
of Classis he presented a call from the Elizabethtown
charge in Lancaster County, w T hich Classis confirmed.
He labored in this field till 1853, when he retired from the
ministry. In 1859 ne removed to Shamokin, where he
resided with his nephew, Chas. P. Helffenstein. There
he died January 30, 1869. 224
223 Weiser, Monograph, p. 89.
224 For a sketch of Albert Helffenstein's life see Heisler, Fathers, Vol.
IV, pp. 67-70.
CHAPTER XVI.
Ministry of Rev. Frederick William Van der
Sloot, Jr., 1812-1818.
AFTER Mr. Helffenstein had left Goshenhop-
pen in October, 181 1, the congregations
were without a pastor for more than a year.
In November, 18 12, they succeeded in se-
curing a new pastor. He himself has left
a statement in the New Goshenhoppen rec-
ord which fixes the time of his arrival. " On November
12, 18 12, I entered upon my ministry, but funerals did not
occur till 1 8 13." This new pastor was Frederick William
Van der Sloot, Jr., son of the former pastor.
Frederick William Van der Sloot, Jr., was born No-
vember 15, 1773, at Dessau, in the Duchy of Anhalt, Ger-
many. 225 The following is a translation of the baptismal
entry in the church record at Dessau :
To Mr. Philipp Wilhelm Friedrich Van Der Sloot, appointed
conrector of the Latin school of this place and to his wife, nee
Schultz, a young son was born, Friedrich Wilhelm, early at one
o'clock, Monday morning, the 15th of November 1773, and was
baptized in the house on the same day.
225 F or the history of Mr. Von der Sloot, Jr., see History and Genealogy
of the Von der Sloot Family, pp. 18-23.
259
260 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
He studied in the University of Leipzig, and, after
completing his studies, emigrated to America in the year
1 80 1. He landed at Charleston, S. C, whence he con-
tinued his journey to Philadelphia. From there he made
his way in a " market wagon " to Northampton County,
Pa., where he found his father ministering to seven or
eight congregations.
In 1802 young Van der Sloot appeared before the
Synod of the Reformed Church, which met from May 16
to 18, 1802, at Philadelphia. On Monday, May 17,
a communication was received from the congregations in Allen,
Moretown, Lehigh and Hanover townships, asking Synod to hold
a tentamen with young Mr. Van der Sloot, and to place him in a
position to serve them as their pastor. Resolved, that a committee
of five be appointed to hold a tentamen with him. The following
persons constituted the committee : Messrs. Hendel, Wagner, Wack,
Sen., Runkel and Wack, Jr.
On Tuesday morning, May 18,
the committee consisting of Messrs. Hendel, Wagner, Wack, Sen.,
and Wack, Jr., reported that they held a tentamen with Mr. Van
Der Sloot, and found his qualifications such that he can with pro-
priety be licensed as a candidate for the ministry. Resolved that
Mr. Van Der Sloot be licensed. 226
Later on in the same session we read that,
to Mr. Van Der Sloot, in connection with his tentamen, was as-
signed the duty of preparing a sermon on Rom. 8:1.
At the meeting of Synod, held May 8 to 10, 1803, at
Lebanon,
application was made this morning by the congregations of Mr.
Van Der Sloot for his ordination. The subject was again taken
into consideration this afternoon. It was resolved that Mr. Van
226 Minutes of the Synod of 1802, Session I, § 5 ; Session III, §§ 1, 6.
Frederick Wm. Van Der Slool, Jr. 261
Der Sloot be ordained. Messrs. Helffrich, Pomp, and Hoffmeier
were appointed a committee to ordain him in his congregations on
the second Wednesday after Whitsuntide; 227 (June 8, 1803).
In May, 181 1, Mr. Van der Sloot informed Synod
that he had left the congregations he had heretofore served, and
accepted a call from the congregation at Germantown. The call
was confirmed by Synod. 228
Shortly after entering upon his ministry in Northampton
County Mr. Van der Sloot had been married, on Novem-
ber 11, 1802, to Catharine Pauli, daughter of the Rev.
Philip Reinhold Pauli, of Reading, Pa. The marriage
ceremony was performed by the Rev. Dr. Wm. Hendel,
Jr., then pastor at Tulpehocken.
Mr. Van der Sloot remained only a short time in Ger-
mantown. As we have learned from his own entry in the
New Goshenhoppen record, he came to Goshenhoppen in
November, 18 12.
The record of his ministry at Goshenhoppen is very in-
complete. Even his baptisms were not fully recorded.
At New Goshenhoppen are 21 baptisms by him from Jan-
uary 24, 1 8 13, to August, 18 18; at Old Goshenhoppen he
recorded 20 baptisms from February 28, 18 13, to Decem-
ber, 1 8 17, and at Great Swamp 19 baptisms were entered
into the record by him from May 22, 18 14, to November
22, 18 18. The records of his funerals are entirely want-
ing, five lonely burials at New Goshenhoppen excepted.
While pastor at Goshenhoppen Mr. Van der Sloot also
supplied the Reformed congregation at the Trappe, Mont-
gomery County.
Dr. Weiser draws this interesting picture of him as pas-
tor at Goshenhoppen :
227 Minutes of the Synod of 1803, Session II, §9.
228 Minutes of the Synod of 1811, Session III, § 15.
262 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
His large, burly form, his stentorian voice, his peculiar power to
sing, pray and preach, his natural abilities and pulpit aptitude, his
jovial nature, funded with wit and anecdote, his affable and friendly
mien — all these bold features of the man are still to be freshly
traced in the minds of his old parishioners, and are likely to per-
petuate his portrait life-sized to another generation. 229
As now a full century has passed since the beginning of
Mr. Van der Sloot's pastorate at Goshenhoppen, it is
hardly probable that the recollection of his jovial person-
ality and short labors is still so vividly retained by the
present generation.
His ministry at Goshenhoppen came to a close in No-
vember, 18 18. From entries in the Old Goshenhoppen
account it appears that his annual salary from that congre-
gation was $200, the other two congregations contributing
probably an equal sum.
In December, 18 18, we find him in Philadelphia. As
nothing has appeared thus far in English regarding his
activity in Philadelphia, it may be well to insert here a
brief sketch of his labors there, based upon a recent inves-
tigation of the writer.
In the summer of 18 18, English church services were
introduced into the old Reformed church at Philadelphia.
The German element of the congregation, which had for
years fought against their introduction, felt so much ag-
grieved that they left their church and formed an inde-
pendent congregation. In July, 18 18, they rented the
" Old Commissioners Hall " on Third Street below Green
and asked a Lutheran minister, Rev. Karl R. Demme, to
preach for them. On August 26, 18 18, they elected the
first consistory, consisting of four elders, four deacons and
five trustees. On September 1, 18 18, they sent a petition
229 Weiser, Monograph, p. 91.
Van Der Shot in Philadelphia 263
to Synod, which met September 8 at Carlisle, asking that
their action be confirmed and they be allowed to organize
a German congregation. Their petition was readily
granted and a committee was appointed to install the con-
sistory. 230 This took place on September 20, 1818. On
November 9, 18 18, an election for pastor took place, as
a result of which Frederick William Van der Sloot was
elected. He hesitated at first to accept it, but after his
salary had been fixed at 1,200 dollars, he accepted on
December 2. On January 1, 18 19, he delivered his intro-
ductory sermon, in Zion's Lutheran Church to a large
audience, preaching from the text Ezekiel 3: 17, "Son of
man, I have made thee a watchman unto the house of
Israel."
Under the leadership of the new pastor steps were at
once taken for the building of a church. On February
15, 1 8 19, the congregation resolved to build a church 50
feet wide and 67 to 70 feet long. On March 27 the con-
gregation was incorporated. In April a schoolhouse was
bought on Rose Alley, the present Bodine Street.
The cornerstone of the new church was laid with special
services on May 9, 18 19. At this time the church was
named " Salem Church," which is still its name. A spe-
cial feature of the celebration were a series of hymns which
the pastor had written and for which the schoolmaster,
Jacob Bibighaus, had composed the music. The church
was dedicated October 24, 18 19, with a still more elabo-
rate celebration, for which the pastor had again composed
the hymns and the schoolmaster had written the music.
The following verses may be quoted as a sample of pastor
Van der Sloot's German poetry:
230 Minutes of the Synod of 1818, p. 14, §§ 10, n.
264 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Ist's wirklich? — Nicht ein siisser Traum?
Dass hier, aus diesem oden Raum —
Zu Menschen Gliick und Gottes Lob —
So schnell sich dieses Haus erhob?
Chorus:
Nein! Nicht ein Traum. Der Gott, der uns're Vater
In friih'rer Zeit berieth, der ist auch spater —
Noch unser Gott. In seinem Arm gestiitzet,
Umschliesst er uns; er ist ihm nicht verkurzet:
Umschliesst er uns mit himmlischen Erbarmen —
Beseelet uns mit Muth in Seinen Armen.
Another verse refers to the name of the new church :
Durch Christum war der Herr euch nah,
Auf ! Singet laut Hallelujah!
Zieht jubelnd in eu'r Salem ein :
Der mit euch war, wird mit euch sein.
But although the congregation had now a beautiful
property and a new home, their joy was by no means un-
mixed, for there was also a large debt on the property.
But the members did not lose courage. Several commit-
tees were at once appointed. One to collect among the
members of the congregation. Another committee went
to Baltimore where they succeeded in raising $208. Then
they wrote letters to the different congregations of the
Synod, asking them to take up a collection for them. To
satisfy the most urgent creditors a mortgage of $5,000
was taken upon the property on July 23, 1821. In No-
vember of the following year they asked the legislature of
the state for permission to start, in accordance with a then
prevailing custom, a lottery to pay off their debt. But
their petition was apparently not granted.
As they felt that they could not meet their obligations,
Pastorates of Van Der Shot 265
the consistory, in January, 1821, fixed the pastor's salary
at $800, but when Van der Sloot expressed his unwilling-
ness to serve for that sum, they allowed him to take up an
extra collection for the remaining $400. But such an
arrangement could not be continued for any length of
time. Evidently Van der Sloot, too, saw that their ex-
penses had to be curtailed, hence he handed in his resigna-
tion on December 26, 1823. The four years which Van
der Sloot had spent in the congregation had not been with-
out success. In 18 19 he reported 304 members, 26 con-
firmed, 50 baptisms and 19 funerals. In 1820 the num-
ber of members had risen to 346. That there was also
a healthy internal growth is shown by the fact that in Feb-
ruary, 1 82 1, the first society of men was organized, and in
April, 1823, the Sunday School. But the finances of the
congregation could not be put on a sound basis till, on Jan-
uary 5, 1824, Henry Bibighaus was elected Van der Sloot's
successor at a salary of $400, which was better within the
reach of the congregation to pay. 231
From Philadelphia Van der Sloot went to Virginia,
where, in March, 1824, he accepted a call of eight, later
ten, congregations in Rockingham and neighboring coun-
ties. Here he preached for about three years, until, in the
spring of 1827, he was called to York and Adams coun-
ties, where he served nine congregations — Pigeon Hill,
Holtzschwam, Straher's, Rosstown and Franklin in York
County, and Bermudian, Oxford, Abbottstown and Berlin
in Adams county. These congregations he served up to
the time of his death, which took place in Paradise town-
231 A more extensive history of Salem's Reformed Church at Philadel-
phia, was read by the writer on October 15, 1899, in that church, and
printed in the Kirchenzeitung.
266 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
ship, on December 14, 1831. He was buried in the grave-
yard of the Holtzschwamm church. 232
Mr. Van der Sloot was a good linguist and he had also
talent and taste for poetry. A number of his poems and
hymns have been printed. As a minister he was an untir-
ing worker. In the thirty years of his ministry he is said
to have served thirty-three congregations. He was promi-
nent in the counsels of the church. In 182 1 he was elected
clerk of Synod and in the following year its president.
When Philadelphia Classis was organized in 1820, F. W.
Van der Sloot became its first president and Jacob W.
Dechant its first secretary.
232 For a sketch of F. W. Von der Sloot's life see Harbaugh, Fathers,
Vol. Ill, pp. 118-121.
' -M-uJl^s
rife
CHAPTER XVII.
The Division of the Charge in 1819, and Rev. John
T. Faber's Second Pastorate,
1819-1833.
^^r>^JSTORY often repeats itself. This proved to
dm . ^ be the case at Goshenhoppen. Just as the
0m I J elder Faber, after an absence of seven years,
" "■ was glad to return to the field of his first
^^*\ labors, so the younger Faber followed in the
" footsteps of his father, when after the de-
parture of F. W. Van der Sloot, Jr., he accepted a call
from his first congregations to return to them. The call
extended to him is an interesting historical document which
deserves preservation. It reads as follows : 233
Call of the Goshenhoppen Congregation to Mr.
Faber, Jr.
Reverend Sir: —
Inasmuch as the Rev. Mr. Von Der Sloot has resigned the office
of pastor over us and accepted a call from the new German con-
gregation in Philadelphia, we are compelled to renew our efforts
to secure the services of another shepherd. At the suggestion of
several members of the consistory of the congregation at Old
233 Weiser, Monograph, pp. 98-101.
267
268 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
Goshenhoppen, we resolved to hold an election in the three congre-
gations. As you have been our pastor in former years, as well as
your father before, and as we have always cherished a peculiar
love and affection for you, it is our heart's desire that you return
to us again. This general esteem and confidence which we have
ever borne you, manifested itself also, at the time of our election,
on which occasion the congregations at New Goshenhoppen and
Great Swamp cast a unanimous vote in your favor. To this
unanimity Old Goshenhoppen, it is true, forms an exception.
There the election was not held on the appointed day; but that
congregation will be obliged to submit to the will of the majority —
as is but right and proper. After having learned the result, we,
the elders and deacons, in the name of the congregations, call the
Reverend John Theobald Faber, at present pastor over the New
Holland charge, as our minister and pastor over our congregations,
to preach the word of God among us, to administer the holy sacra-
ments, and to discharge all those duties becoming a faithful Chris-
tian minister of the German Reformed Church. And as he who
ministers at the altar shall also live by the altar, we, therefore,
promise on our part, and in the name of the congregations, to pay
you annually the sum of four hundred and fifty dollars; and be-
sides, the possession of the parsonage, and whatsoever else is cus-
tomary to be given as perquisites on funeral, marriage and con-
firmation occasions.
We now pray you to accept our call, which we as representatives
of our charge extend to you, and to favor us with an answer, in
writing, so that we may make arrangements to bring you and
your dear family among us. Do not allow yourself to be discour-
aged by the fact that the election was not held at Old Goshen-
hoppen at the time appointed, but on a wholly different day —
which was irregular — and that on that occasion a majority of
votes was cast for the Rev. Mr. Zeller. Our three congregations
constitute a pastoral charge — the majority of whose votes were cast
in your favor. Though the two congregations elected you —
unanimously, to say — and a minority of the third even, you will
yet be the choice of the large majority of the charge; and you are
John Theobald Faber Jr. 269
hereby truly and solemnly called as its minister. If Old Goshen-
hoppen should desire to sever her connection with us, we will,
nevertheless, pay you the full amount promised. We fear greatly
that our flock may be scattered, and on this account the more
urgently request you to show your love toward us, by accepting our
call. The Lord will in future be with us and bless His word to
the salvation of our souls.
Undersigned by our hands as elders and deacons of the joint
congregations, and given by us on the 31st day of March, A.D.
1819.
John Gery 1 John Hillegass
Adam Everhart Adam Hillegas [Deacons.
Henry Ott Mich. Roudenbush
Jacob Dubbs
The expectations of New Goshenhoppen and Great
Swamp that Old Goshenhoppen would acquiesce in the
choice of the majority were not fulfilled. The opposition
to Mr. Faber was so serious that they refused to recon-
sider their action, but appealed to Synod for help.
At the meeting of the Synod held on September 5 and
following days of the year 18 19, at Lancaster,
a letter from the Old Goshenhoppen congregation was read, in
which the Reverend Synod was requested to permit them to secure
services on Sunday afternoon through a minister of Synod. A
committee, consisting of Messrs. Wack, Sen., Hinsch and Elder
Graff was appointed to take this letter under consideration.
On the following day the committee handed in the fol-
lowing report:
The committee appointed to consider the conditions in the Old
and New Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp congregations, report:
" That they had found that Rev. Mr. Faber has been elected pastor
by a very large majority in the New Goshenhoppen and Swamp
congregations, the Old Goshenhoppen congregation, however, does
270 History of the Goshenhoppen Charge
not seem to be inclined to Mr. Faber." It is the judgment of the
committee that it would be advisible for Synod to give the Old
Goshenhoppen congregation the friendly advice, to unite with the
other two congregations rather than sever a bond of eighty-two
years standing, for the committee cannot imagine how the Old
Goshenhoppen congregation will gain anything by withdrawing
from the union with New Goshenhoppen and Great Swamp. 234
At the same meeting of Synod, in 18 19, John T. Faber
reported as his congregations Old Goshenhoppen, New
Goshenhoppen, Great Swamp and Trappe in Montgomery
County. He had baptized 90, confirmed 35, buried 34,
and 202 members had communed. He also reported one
school. The inclusion of Old Goshenhoppen was prob-
ably due to the fact that the final decision as to the attitude
of the congregation had not yet been rendered. When it
was rendered it was adverse to accepting Mr. Faber as its
pastor, in spite of the friendly advice of Synod.
At the meeting of the Classis of Philadelphia, held at
Philadelphia on April 30 to May 1, 1820,
a letter was read from the congregation of the Rev. J. Faber, in
which they expressed their satisfaction with his ministry. A letter
from Mr. Faber was also read in which he excused his absence
because of sickness. The excuse was unanimously accepted.
The minutes of Synod of 1820 show also what had be-
come of Old Goshenhoppen. Jacob William Dechant is
reported as pastor of Pikeland, Chester County, Old Gosh-
enhoppen in Montgomery County and Hilltown. His
baptisms at Old Goshenhoppen begin on December 25,
1 8 19. On December 30, 1820, he signed a receipt in the
Old Goshenhoppen account book for 170 dollars salary.
The separation of the Old Goshenhoppen congregation,
which occurred in 18 19, was final. It never returned to
234 Minutes of the Synod of 1819, p. 19, § 15; p. 21, § 9.
THE PENNSYLVANIA-GERMAN SOCIETY.
REV. CLEMENT Z. WEISER.
[p new ro^x 1
/
Faber's Death 271
the former charge. The congregation of Upper Milford
took its place and remained under Faber's care to the end
of his life.
There is only one later event in the pastorate of the
younger Faber which deserves some notice. It is the re-
markable manner of his death, almost an exact reproduc-
tion of that of his father. We quote fittingly the descrip-
tion of Dr. C. Z. Weiser, who has done so much to pre-
serve the history of the congregation: 235
Pastor Faber's history, like that of his sainted father, came sud-
denly and solemnly to a close. At the funeral services of Mrs.
Peter Maurer he was taken ill in the middle of his discourse, and
sank away. The excitement of the congregation cannot well be
described. It was on the first day of February, just forty-five
years later than the time his father had received his final call to the
eternal world. Several helping hands bore the sick pastor away
to the school-house and subsequently to the parsonage. Here he
lingered ten days. His death occurred on the 10th of February,
1833, at an age of 61 years, 4 months and 11 days. His remains
were laid alongside of those of his father, beneath the chancel of
the church. Over the elder Faber's tomb were placed the words:
"Approach lightly." Over that of the son: " Depart softly."
With the division of the charge and the second pastor-
ate of John T. Faber the first part of its history came to a
close. In 1827 the first century of congregational life
was ended. Having reached this point, our task is accom-
plished and we lay down our pen, leaving the later history
to some future historian.
235 Weiser, Monograph, p. 106.
Church IRecorfcs
of tbe
(Boshenhoppen IReformeb Church
1731*1830
TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY
PROF. WILLIAM J. HINKE, Ph.D., D.D.
Cburcb IRecorbs
CHURCH RECORDS OF THE NEW GOSHENHOPPEN
REFORMED CONGREGATION, UPPER HANOVER
TOWNSHIP, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, PA.
VOLUME I, 1731-1761.
VOLUME II, 1762-1832.
Translated and Edited by
William J. Hinke, Ph.D., D.D.
The church record herewith published has the unique distinction
of being the oldest known record book of the Reformed Church in
the United States. It is the property of the New Goshenhoppen
Reformed congregation, which worships in the New Goshenhoppen
Reformed Church, a building standing about one mile west of East
Greenville, Montgomery County, Pa., close to the east bank of the
Perkiomen Creek.
The book measures 7^3 inches in width and 12^ inches in
length. It is bound in heavy, leather-bound, oak covers. The
leather was at one time tastefully tooled, but it is now torn and
shows the signs of age. It was also provided with iron clasps, but
they have mostly disappeared, and only parts of them have survived.
The number of leaves still in the book is eighty-one. They are
water-stained and yellow with age.
The publication of this record is justified by both historical as
well as genealogical considerations. It is on the one hand an im-
272
New Goshenhoppen — Vol. I. Title 273
portant source of family history for the Goshenhoppen region,
making us acquainted with some of the most prominent families in
the Perkiomen Valley. But it is also important as a source for
church history, because it contains the record of the ministerial
labors of some of the earliest Reformed ministers in Pennsylvania.
The title page is especially interesting and important. It was
written by John Henry Goetschius (or Goetschy). Being undated
it w"as formerly thought to have been written as early as 1 73 1 , when
the first baptismal entries were made. But this is now known to be
an error, because documents both in Switzerland and Pennsylvania
prove that Mr. Goetschy did not come to Pennsylvania till 1735.
As the title page of the Great Swamp record was written in 1736,
so it is most likely the case with this record. At least we cannot
be far from right when we say that it was entered about the year
1736.
The title page reads verbatim et literatim:
Das Buch Kost 5 schiling.
Tauf Buch
der Gemeind von Coschenhope.
In welchem verzeichnet sind die Namen
der Kinderen
welche durch die H. Tauf nach dem Befehl Jesu
under die Gemeine Gottes als Glieder an-
genomen worden, im beyseyn Christlicher Tauf
Zeugen, der (en) Namen samt der Getauften Kinder (en)
Eltern von den (en) rechtmesigen Lehrern hier
eingezeichlet worden.
Gott wolle Ihre Namen
mit dem Blut Jesu aus
dem Siinden Buch auslosch(en)
und in das Lebens Buch
ein Schreiben. Amen.
Joh. Henricus Goetschius, V. D. M.
Helvetiae Tigurinae
et cet.
Pronuncia[n]s veritatem in
Schippach, Alt Coschenhopen, Neu Coschenhopen, Schwam,
Sacen, Aegipten, Macedonia, Missillem, Oli, Bern,
Dolpenhacen.
274
Church Records of Goshenhoppen
This means :
This Book costs 5 shillings.
Baptismal Book
of the Congregation of Goshenhoppen,
in which are recorded the names
of the children,
who, through H. Baptism, according to the command of Jesus
were received into the congregation as
members, in the presence of Christian wit-
nesses, whose names together with those of the
parents of the baptized children have been here
recorded by the regular ministers.
May God erase their names
with the blood of Jesus from
the book of sin
and enroll them
in the book of life. Amen.
John Henry Goetschius, V.D.M.,
of Zurich, Switzerland, etc.,
preaching the truth at
Skippack, Old Goshenhoppen, New Goshenhoppen,
[Great] Swamp, Saucon, Egypt, Maxatawny,
Moselem, Oley, Berne and Tulpehocken.
List of the Heads of Families Belonging 10 the Congregation of New
Goshenhoppen, Reformed Members:
Herman Fischer
Conrad Colb
Joh. Michael Moll
Fridrich Hilligas
Michael Reder
Joh. Bartholomeus Kuker
Michael Lutz
Andreas Lohr
Georg Mertz
Michael Fabibn
Henrich Jung
Philip Jacob Schellhammer
Leonhardt Knopf
Jacob Knopf
Caspar Kamm
[1]
Johan Steinmann
[16]
[2]
Henrich Galman
[17]
[3]
Johanes Bingeman
[18]
[4]
Joh. Georg Welker
[19]
[5]
Benedict Strohm
[20]
[6]
Philip Emmert
[21]
[7]
Johanes Hut
[22]
[8]
Abraham Transu
[23]
[9]
Andreas Greber
[24]
[10]
Philip Ried
[25]
[11]
Georg Mess
[26]
[12]
Joh. Georg Pfalzgraff
[27]
[13]
Jacob Fischer
[28]
[14]
Paul Staab
[29]
[15]
Wendel Wiand
[30]
New Goshenhoppen — Foil. I. Members 275
[31] Caspar Holzhauser
[32] Michael Zimmerman
[33] Baltasar Hut
[34] Niclaus Ensly
[35] Jacob Maurer
[36] Fridrich Maurer
[37] Christian Knopf
[38] Fridrich Pfanenbeker
[39] Benedict Raderly
[40] Valentin Griesemer
[41] Lorentz Hartman'
[42] Georg Philip Dotder
[43 1 Jacob Meyer
[44] Daniel Lawar
[45] Peter Walper[t].
[This list of 45 members is in the handwriting of Mr. Goetschius
and was therefore made sometime between 1 736-1 739.]
List of the Heads of Families who in New Goshenhoppen Belong to
the Congregation of the Rev. George Michael Weiss.
Michael Moll
J. Georg Welcker
Conrad Wannenmacher
Melchior Kolb
Michael Ried
Andres Mauerer
Abraham Segler
Weygandt Pannenbeek
J. Schell
Georg Zimmerman
Wilhelm Geiger
J. Nicolaus Jung
Georg Michael Kolb
Samuel Somani
J. Mack
Herman Fischer
Wendel Wigand
Jacob Mauerer
Friderich Mauerer
J. Huth, Senior
J. Huth, Junior
Philip Huth
J. Nicolaus Ohl
Henerich Gebel
Michael Schell, Junior
Jacob Fischer
[1]
Peter Beissel
[27]
[2]
Philip Ried
[28]
[3]
Berenhfard] Gucker
[29]
[4]
Adam Bosserdt
[30]
[5]
Andres Ohl
[31]
[6]
Conrad Zimmerman
[32]
[7]
Jacob Ridi
[33]
[8]
J. Adam Hillikas
[34l
W.
Georg Peter Hillikas
[35]
rio
Fridrich Hillikas
[36]
["
Henerich Gallman
[37]
[12
J. Gallman
[38]
[13
Andres Greber
[39]
[1+
Ullrich Greber
[40]
[15
Wilhelm Griesemer
[41]
[16
Peter Lauer
[42]
[17
| Michael Roeder
[43]
[is
| Jost Schlicher
[44]
[19
| David Schmidt
[45]
[20
| Jacob Gery
[46]
[21
| Valadin Griesemer
[47]
[22
| Caspar Holtzhauser
[48]
[23
| Leonhardt Griesemer
[49]
[24
] J. Georg Steinman
[50]
[25
] Benedict Strohm
[5i]
[26
| Henrich Jung
[52]
276
Church Records of Goshenhoppen
List of the Heads of Families who in Old Goshenhoppen Belong to
the Congregation of the Rev. George Michael Weiss.
[i]
Johannes Jost
[2]
Jacob Hauk
[3]
Jacob Weitman
f4]
Samuel Schiiler
[5]
Benedict Schwob
[6]
Daniel Hister
[7]
Jost Keller
[8]
Hennerich Buhl
[9]
Felix Lee
[10]
Jacob Grub
[»]
J. Hollenbusch
[12]
H. Hollenbusch
[13]
J. Werman
[14]
Jacob Isset
[IS]
J. Gantz ^
[16]
J. Muck
[17]
H. Bamberger
[18]
J. Brunner
[19]
Andres Miiller
[20
[21
[22
[23
[24
[25
[26
[27
[28
[29
[30
[31
[32
[33
[34
[35
[36
[37
Philip Wentz
Johannes Faust
Kilian Zimmerman
Ullerich Herzel
J. Denig
Hoffel Dickenschitt
Jacob Hoffman
Gabriel Schiiler
J. Gotz
Simon Mag
J. Lee, Junior
J. Denig, Junior
Baltasar Lamper
Philip Ried
H. Bamberger, Junior
N. — Dickenschitt, Junior
J. Gotz, Junior
N. — * Hildenbeidel
List of the Heads of Families who in Great Swamp Belong to the
Congregation of the Rev. George Michael Weiss.
[1] Franz Rus
[2] Ullerich Rieser
[3] Ludwig Bitting
[4] Alexander Diefendorfer
[5] Peter Linn
[6] J. Schmidt
[7] Christian Miiller
[8] N. — Miiller
[9] Jacob Dubs
[10] Jacob Wetzel, Junior
[11] N. — Kehler
[12] Jacob Wetzel, Junior
[13] Felix Brunner
[14] J. Reiswick
[15] Joseph Eberhardt
[16] Michael Eberhardt
[17] Michael Eberhardt, Junior
[18] Uly Spinne 
