History of Great Britain : from the death of Henry VIII. to the accession of James VI. of Scotland to the crown of England : being a continuation of Dr. Henry's History of Great Britain, and written on the same plan

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HISTORY

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

FROM THI

DEATH OF HENRY VIII.

TO THI

ACCESSION OF J AMES VI. OF SCOTLAND TO
THE CROWN OF ENGLAND.

BEING A CONTINUATION OF

DR. HENRY'S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN,

AND WRITTEN ON THE SAME PLAN.

THE THIRD EDITION.

BY JAMES PETTI? ANDREWS, F.S. A.
VOL. I.

LONDON :

PRINTED FOR T. CADELL AND W. DAVIES, STRAND,
BY J. M'CREERYj BLACK-HORSE-COURT, FLEET-STREET.

1806.

PREFACE.

HPHAT presumption which may be laid
to the author's charge, on his under-
taking the continuation of a work so highly
and deservedly esteemed as ' Dr. Henry's
History of Great Britain,' would be in great
measure done away, were he to bring for-
ward the names of those friends by whose
encouragement he was led to engage in the
arduous task.

In the ensuing volumes, each track of the
respectable historian above-mentioned has
been followed with measured steps. The
titles of his books, sections, and chapters,
and even most of his marginal references,

a 2 have

IV PREFACE.

have been copied with precision. One
page in the Section of Commerce, dedicated
to * inventions and improvements,' is the
only addition which the continuator has
presumed to make ; except, indeed, that of
a copious index, a necessary appendage to
history, although often neglected by the
historian as too mechanical a task.

During the course of his work the author
has owned his obligations to those printed
works of his contemporaries from which he
has received assistance. There only remain
to be paid returns of gratitude for particu-
lar favors. Among these are the many
lights thrown on the commerce and man-
ners of Scotland. For these he is indebted
to the benevolent communications of Sir
John Sinclair, Dr. Geddes, Dr. Gillies, and
Mr. Chalmers, who either lent or recom-
mended to his perusal treatises (and parti-
cularly the Collection of Scottish Acts of
Parliament, the most compendious and best-
expressed

PREFACE.

expressed of codes) which in great mea-
sure supplied that vacancy which had been
left by the historians of the North; who,
eager to recount the prowess of their coun-
trymen in the field, and their progress in
reformation and church-discipline, have
neglected, as beneath their notice, to paint
the state of the arts, of trade, of manufac-
tures, and the increasing civilization of
domestic life ; which form the most inter-
esting features of modern history.

His sincere and grateful acknowledge-
ments are likewise due to Mr. Steevens
and Mr. Seward for their judicious advice,
and for the scarce books with which they
have kindly assisted him ; to Mr. Ays-
cough, who has, with the utmost readiness,
permitted him to profit by the extensive
library at the Museum ; to Mr. Pye, for
his valuable aid in the poetical depart-
ment ; and to him and Mr. Wrangham for

their

IV PREFACE.

their counsel and assistance during the
progress of the history.

Each book, before its publication, has
been submitted to the perusal of persons
on whose judgment the author has a steady
reliance ; a precaution which has in great
measure lessened that anxiety which he
must have felt had his work encountered
the keen eye of public criticism snpported
only by his own partial and fallible judg-
ment.

CONTENTS.

CONTENTS OF VOL. I.

CHAP. I. PART I.

Page
The Civil and Military History of

England, from the Death of Henry

VIII. A. D. 154 7, to the Death of

Elizabeth, A. D. 1603.

Sect. 1. The Civil and Military History of
England, from the Death of Henry VIII.
A. D. 1547, to the Flight of Mary Stu-
art into England, A. D. 1569, — 1

Sect. 2. The Civil and Military History of
England, from the Flight of Mary Stuart
into England, A. D. 1569, to the Death
of Elizabeth, A. D. I603, — 77

CHAP. I. PART II.

The Civil and Military History of
Scotland, from the Accession of
Mary, A. D. 1542, to the Accession
of James VI. to the Crown of Eng-
land, A. D. 1603, - - 207

CHAP.

Vlll CONTENTS.

CHAP. II. Page

Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain
from A. D. 1547, to A. D. 1603.

Sect. !. Ecclesiastical History of England,
from the Death of Henry VIII. A. D.
1547, to the Accession of James I. A. D.
1603, — — — — 371

Sect. 2. The Ecclesiastical History of Scot-
land, from the Death of James V. A. D.
1542, to the Accession of James VI. of
Scotland to the Crown of England, A. D.
1603, — — — 5S7

HISTORY

HISTORY

b f.

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK VII.

CHAP. I.— PART L

THE CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY OF GREAT BRI-
TAIN, FROM THE DEATH OF HENRY VIII. A. D.
1547, TO THE FLIGHT OF MARY STUART INTO ENG-
LAND, A. D. 1569.

SECTION I.

A D.1547".

NOTHING could exceed the expectations O-V^
which were formed of the new king, although Accefslon

• i 1 1 • ofEd"
unfortunately he had but lately attained to hiswardVI.

ninth year. By the will of Henry, sixteen guar-
dians and twelve counsellors had been appointed
to regulate his proceedings, and the majority were
empowered ' to govern the kingdom as they
thought fit.' But these in general having been
more used to obey than to rule, and being most
of them well inclined to the Reformation, wil-
lingly surrendered their authority to the Lord
Hertford, the maternal uncle of Edward : a well-
meaning man and a steady Protestant, but totally
Vol. i. Part i. s devoid

2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A.D.1547. devoid of that firmness of character which the de-
licacy of the present conjuncture demanded in a
ruler. Peers were then created, in consequence of
the late king's intention ; to prove which* a regu-
lar inquiry was made, and witnesses examined :

Hertford among these Hertford became Duke of Somerset,

™ , e r and soon after obtained from his royal nephew a

Duke of ...

Somerset patent, appointing him protector of the realm,

*f ro~ with greatly extended powers. Wriothesly and
Lisle became Earls of Southampton and of War-
wick; and Seymour, Rich, Willoughby, and
Sheffield, took titles from their names.

Somerset was closely attached to the Reforma-
tion, and its bitterest opposers soon felt the weight
of his resentment. The Chancellor Wriothesly,
accused of having illegally put the great seal in
commission, lost his office ; and Gardiner, who
had distinguished his zeal for even the minutiae
of Popery, was committed to the Fleet.

Invasion Eager to pursue the late king's darling scheme,
an union of the island-realms by marriage, the
Protector marched (as soon as the affairs of Ens-
land were brought into order) with 18,000 men,
into the heart of Scotland. As he really meant
well, he committed no ravages on his journey, and
by his manifestos he explained his intentions to be
amicable to both kingdoms. Unhappily the Scots,

havino-

of Scot
land.

n

* Burnet's History of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 6, 7.

Ch. I. Part I. § i. civil and military. 3

having mustered an army of double his force, * {^^^f^*

looked on his moderation as the effect of fear, i-

and forced him to a battle at Musselburgh orBattleof

Mussel-
Pinkie, where they were defeated with uncom- burgh.

mon slaughter .' yet they had fought gallantly,
but Were Overmatched by the superior discipline
of the English, and by the active valour of Dud-
ley Earl of Warwick ; who, before the fight, had
offered himself to answer a defiance sent by the
Lord Huntley to Somerset, and had promised the
herald a large reward, if he could bring; the com-
bat to bear.

The slaughter of the routed army was dreadful.
10,000 are said to have fallen; [l] but among
these were several hundreds of fanatic monks, who
by their bigotry had prevented an agreement be-
tween the sister-nations. The English shewed
them no quarter, and none ever fell less pitied.
b 2, Intelligence

NOTES.

[l] More than 30,000 jackes and swords were taken as the
spoils of the field. [Pattev, &c.

In this fight Edward, a son of Somerset by his first wife (the
daughter of William Fillol) who had been long in disgrace with
his father, distinguished his valour so successfully, that he was
taken into favor, and an estate settled on him and his heirs,
who, towards the end of the J 7th century, succeeded to the
ducal title, by failure of the younger branch.

The reason of Somerset's dislike to his eldest offspring
(which has been little known, but was not unreasonable) may
be found in the Herald's office.

» King Edw. Journal, p. 5. + Holingshed, p. 985.

4 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN*. Book VIl.

A. D. 1547. Intelligence which the Protector had received
of the machinations forming against him by the
admiral, [2] his brother, prevented his pursuing
the advantage he had gained in the north. He
contented himself with receiving; the homage of
the southern part of Scotland, and leaving garri-
sons in places of strength.* He had a good excuse
for quitting the army, as the regent of Scotland
had desired an armistice, that he might send com-
missioners in order to treat of peace. But this
was only a feint for the purpose of gaining time,
and no such commissioners ever appeared.

On his return to the south, after gratifying his
vanity by obtaining from the king a patent of pre-
cedence

NOTES.

[2] The accomplishments joined to the turbulent ambition
oF the Lord Seymour of Sudley, brother to the Protector,
made him no contemptible enemy. He had even presumed
to aim at the heart and hand of the Princess Elizabeth.
Disappointed there, he wooed and won the Dowager Oueen,
Catharine Parr, who wedded him so hastily after the death of
Henry, that, had she been pregnant soon after her nuptials,
the father of the child might have been doubted. So fortu-
nate, indeed, was this enterprising nobleman in his designs on
the fair sex, that, in that credulous age, his success was uni-
versally ascribed to philtres and spells.

It has been said that a dispute concerning precedency, be-
tween the wives of Somerset and the admiral, first kindled
that fire which destroyed the Seymours. But there is no good
foundation for this tale. The artful Earl of Warwick, pro-
bably blew up the coals. [Hist, of Reformation.
* Holingshed, p. 992,

Ch. I. Parti. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 5

cedence as to rank, the prudent duke influenced ^"P*^)
the Parliament to repeal the most obnoxious and
tyrannic statutes of Henry VIII. particularly Tyrannic
that which gave to the king's proclamation the peaie(jt
force of a law.* An amnesty too was published ;
but Norfolk and three more were excepted.

It was about this time that the demise of Fran- Affairs on
cis I. of France, [3] (which brought the bigot ncnt<
house of Guise into power) and the total subver-
sion of the Protestants in Germany, by the power
of the Emperor Charles V. and the treachery of
Maurice of Saxony to his relation the elector, had
deprived England of her surest friends, and had
rendered the tenure of her possessions on the
continent exceedingly precarious.

Many

NOTES.

[3] Francis I. was elegant, both in person and mind ; he
was generous and personally brave ; this he evinced at the bat-
tle of Pavia, where he slew in single combat the heir of Scan-
derbeg's house. He loved and patronized the arts.

There was a real friendship, as well as some similitude of
character, between him and Henry VIII. of England ; and
the death of the latter is said to have hastened that of Francis.
He had however languished many years, in consequence oJ a
disorder (for which no certain cure was then known J which
had been communicated to him by conjugal vengeance. Fon-
tainebleau, St. Germain, and Madrid in the Bois de Boulogne,
are still monuments of his taste in architecture.

[De Thou, Daniel, 8co.
* 1 Edw, VI. cap. 2.

6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1548. Many regulations concerning religion, all fa-
progress vorable to reformation, were made in 1548.*
of the Re- Shewy processions were abolished, the marriage
tion. of priests permitted, the use of images interdicted,
and a new service ordered to be received in every
church. The Protector was naturally mild; and,
as he followed the advice of Cranmer, no harsh
measures were adopted, even with recusants. It
was at this period that the good archbishop, the
bulwark of Protestantism, was seen at the head of
the Roman Catholic prelates and peers, striving
against a bill which gave collegiate and chauntry
lands, to a vast amount, into the power of the
Protector. He knew that they would all be swal-
lowed by rapacious courtiers, and wished them to
remain as they were until better times should
come ; but his integrity could not struggle suci
cessfully with avarice and rapine. +

In Scotland all went ill. The English pro-
posal of a ten years' truce, and that the young
queen should be left to her own choice at tbe end
of that term, was rejected, chiefly by ecclesiastical
influence. A corps of French, under Desse, %
(amounting to 6000 men, with many good officers
and a fine train of artillery, enough to perpetuate,
not to end, the calamities of the north) were sent
by the new king, Henry II. ; the English were

wearied

* Ryrn. Feed. torn. xv. p. 149. Strype, vol. ii. p. 55.
•f Journals of Parliament. X Buchanan, lit, xv.

Ch. I. Part. I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 7

wearied out of the places they possessed in the^P-^^*
heart of Scotland ; and, finally, Mary, then six Mary of
years of age, was conveyed by the enterprising .c°ts car*
Villegagnon, (who with four galleys had found a France,
passage round the Orkneys to the port of Dunbar-
ton) in spite of the English fleet which guarded
the seas, to France ; much against the will of the
most discerning among the Scottish nobility, who
foresaw thenceforward perpetual dependence on
France and war with England. The dukedom of
Chatelheraultand a pension to the regent Arran,
and plenty of French gold scattered among the
popular leaders, had brought about this impru-
dent measure.

ToAvards the end of 1548, the turbulent Lord
Seymour, having lost his royal spouse Catha-
rine, [4] formed anew* designs on the Princess

Elizabeth

[4] Catharine Parr was remarkably learned, and pub-
lished, during her life, many works which did credit to her
piety and abilities. The accomplishments and arts of the
admiral seduced her into an injudicious marriage, and she
paid dearly for that imprudence which alone disgraced a life
of virtue and discretion. She fell by poison, as is believed,
given by her profligate husband, who had once again formed
criminal projects on the English throne. She lies buried in
the chapel of Sudly Castle, Gloucestershire; and her leaden
coffin having been opened in 1782, her face, and even her
eyes appeared in a state of uncommon preservation.

[arch.cologia, vol. IX,

* Stowe, p. 596. Strype's Notes on Hayward, p. 301,

$ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^iS48. Elizabeth. [5] He had had the address to gain
the favour of the young king, who had actually
requested, by a letter to the Protector, that the
Lord Admiral should be appointed to be his go-
vernor.

Gentle as the disposition of Somerset naturally
was, he could not longer avoid resenting the con-
duct of an ambitious rival, who, at this period,
madly refused every offer of reconciliation ; fixed
to ruin his brother or himself. The Protector
was, therefore, obliged to deprive him of his post
as admiral, and to send him to the Tower. He
even summoned a Parliament, and proceeded a-

The Ad- o-ainst his brother by bill of attainder;* away
miral at- s } '

tainted, more certain (as the members haci not forgot to

be

NOTES.

[5] Elizabeth had no aversion to Lord Seymour. Jt ap-
pears that Oueen Catharine had been made uneasy by the
romping freedoms which her husband took with ttie princess,
and even at times condescended to watch their motions.
Very curious specimens of Elizabeth's skittish coquetry may
be found in Burghley's State- papers. Sometimes, knowing
that this presumptuous lover was coming in, she ' ran out of
hir bed to hir maydens and then went behynd the curteyn
of hir bed.' ' At Hanworth, in the garden, he wrated
(romped, or wrestled) with hir, and cut hir gowne in an
hundred pieces (or places) beyng black clothes.' Mr. Ashley
* did fere that the Lady Elizabeth did ber some affection to
the admiral ; for sometyme she wolde blush if he were spoken
of.' [Burghley's Papers, by Haines,

* Hist, of Reformation, vol. ii. p. 97, 98,

Ch. I. Part, I. § i. civil and military. 9

be supple) than the more open trial which Lord A. d. 1548,
Seymour loudly demanded. The crafty Warwick,
who meant the destruction of both the brothers,
pushed on the illegal measure.

This wicked and artful statesman, onwhosedeep
machinations the fate of religion and government
in England was soon brought to depend, merits
particular notice. John Dudley, Lord Lisle and
Earl of Warwick, was the most dangerous of men.
He had been restored to those estates which his
father (the notorious instrument of Henry the
Seventh's oppression) had been deprived of de-
servedly, but not legally. At the battle of Mussel-
burgh he distinguished his personal courage, and
evendetermined the fortuneof that important day.
His talents were equally fitted for peace or war ;
and he had been uniformly successful wherever
employed. But he was insatiably avaricious, and
his ambition kneAV no bounds. To sum up his
character, he merited to be the son of Empsons
colle. gue, and the father of Leicester, the future.

favourite of Elizabeth.

The month of March, in 1549, saw the con- 1549.

demnation of the Protector's ambitious brother.

Some objections were brought against the method

of his trial, in the lower house ; but a message

which the young king was persuaded to send,

smoothed every difficulty, and Lord Seymour lost

his,

10 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

A. d. 1549. his head on Tower-Hill.[6] This severe mea-
Executed. sure it is very difficult to reconcile with the ge-
neral irresolution and placability of Somerset's
character. It must be imputed to the instigations
of the artful Warwick, who dreaded the activity
and spirit of the admiral's character, it was too
much like his own.
Refor- The taste for persecution now reached the Re-
formers, and two wretched Anabaptists," the inof-
fensive spawn of the Munster fanatics, perished at
the stake in Smithfield. Edward was with diffi-
culty

mers per
secute.

NOTES.

[6] The following lines, written by Sir John Harrington
under a portrait of the admiral, speak more in his favor than
any other document, and indeed seem to savour rather of blind
amity than of discernment.

Of person rare, strong lymbes, and manly shape,
By nature fram'd to serve on sea or lande ;
In friendship firme, in good state or ill hap,
In peace, head-wise; in war, great skill, bold hande.
On horse or foote, in peril or in plaie,
None could exceed, though many did assaie.
A subject true to Kynge, a servante grate,
Friend to God's truth, and foe to Rome's deceite.
Sumptuous abroade, for honour of the lande,
Temp'rate at home, yet kept great state with state,
And noble house, that fed more mouthes with meate
Than some advanc'd on higher steppes to. stande.
Yet, against nature, reason, and just lawes,
His blood was spilt, guiltless, without just cause. J. H.
[Harrington's Nug.e Antiqu.c.
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 2. Burnet's Ref. vol. ii. p. 112.

C}l. L Part. I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 11

culty persuaded by Archbishop Cranmer to sign A. d. 1549.
their condemnation.

This was a year of commotion throughout Eng-
land. The poor complained with some reason of
the rise of rents, of new inclosures for pasture, and
of the decrease of agriculture. The monasteries
which had supported the idle by ill-judged hospi-
tality, now turned out numbers of indigent friars,
who shared the work and the bread of the la-
bourer. Calm reasoning quieted most of these
risings. The men of Devon were more obstinate.
They began with complaints of increasing pastur-
age, and they proceeded to a demand of their old

relic-ion. Humphry Arundel, a veteran soldier,

0 . Devon-

governor of St. Michael's Mount, led ten thou- shire re-
sand of them to the sieo;e of ExeterJ;] and that . J**"
. ,. . . siege Exe-

IpyaJ city was" but just relieved in time by the ter.

Lord

NOTES.

[7] The men of Exeter were forced to eat their horses,
and make strange shifts for bread. A gallant old citizen en-
couraged them by declaring, ' That he would eat one arm
and fight with the other, ere he would agree to a surrender,'

[Hayward.

Mrs. Frances Duffield, a young unmarried gentlewoman,
struck the mayor over the face ; on which he ordered the
alarum-bell to be rung out, and a broil, dangerous to the
city, ensued. After the siege, the priest of St. Thomas was
hanged from the tower of his church in chains, with his full
attire, his bell, his beads, and his holy-water bucket.

[HOLIN'GSHEB,

* Hayward, p. 295.

12 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

ti23 Lord Russel, who soon reduced the rebels to sub-
Revolt in mission. A revolt in Oxfordshire was not quelled
Norfolk. wjthout bloodshed. But in Norfolk affairs wore
a still more serious aspect : a tanner named Kett,
and Coniers a seditious priest, supported by an
absurd prophecy, [8] under the shade of a tree,
which they styled the Oak of Reformation, gave
out orders to 16,000 resolute clowns, in warlike
array. Parr, marquis of Northampton, after some
success against them, was put to the rout, and
JLord Sheffield slain[9] by this hardy mob ; but
the active Earl of Warwick, at the head of 6000
old troops, (some of them foreigners) quashed this
tremendous rising, and the Oak of Reformation
was hung round with the associates in rebellion.
Some blood spilt in quelling a Yorkshire commo-
tion was the last which this series of tumults de-
manded ; and an amnesty proclaimed by order of

the

NOTES.

[8] The following lines composed the prophecy which led
these hapless rustics to rebellion :

< The country knuffs, Hob, Dick, and Hick, with clubs,

and clouted shoon,
* Shall fill up Duffendale, with slaughtered bodies, soon.'

[Ibid.

f9] He fell into a ditch, and a butcher slew him with a

club. [Dugdale.

Mr. Walpole admits Lord Sheffield among his noble writers,

on the credit of Anthony a Wood, who imputes to him a book

of sonnets.

4

Ch. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 13

the humane Somerset, dropped the curtain on A- D- 1549;
each scene of slaughter. [lo]

From the epoch of these numerous risings, we
are to date the appointment of Lord Lieutenants
to each county in the kingdom.*

And now the Protector himself was doomed to The Pro-
experience a cruel reverse of fortune. The old t0 tiie
nobles hated him for his sudden rise, and still Tower.
more for his having endeavoured to interfere on
behalf of the oppressed poor. It was, indeed en-
tirely to hear their complaints, and to relieve their
distresses, that he had held ' a Court of Requests'
in his own house. An illegal measure, which,
when maliciously represented, spoke bitterly
against him. Nor had it made him popular; his
ill-judged and greedy attempts to demolish
churches and chapels for the embellishment of

his

NOTES.

[10] There was much cruelty used after the rebellion was
quelled. Sir Anthony Kingston, the Provost-Marshal, went
to dine with Boyer, mayor of Bodmyn, walked out with him
to view the gallows, asked him if it were strong enough?
and, on his answering in the affirmative, hanged him upon
it. At another place, the servant of a rebellious miller ap-
pearing for his master, Sir Anthony made him be led to exe-
cution, not heeding his protestation of the deception : 'For,'
said the taunting judge, ' if it be as you say, can you do to
your master a better service than to hang for him ?'

[Camden's Remains.

* Strype's Memorials, vol. ii. p. 178.

14 ttlSTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vfl,

a.d. 1549. his palace had given universal disgust. At West-
minster^ ll] the people had defended their tem-
ples by dint of blows. The ambitious Warwick
headed the malcontents ; and Somerset, being ac-
cused of having proposed to deliver Boulogne to
the French and of other misdemeanors, was sent to
the Tower, while Warwick, at the head of a new
council, obtained from the young and unexpe-
rienced Edward leave to govern the kingdom.*
1550. The extreme irresolution of Somerset having-
Confesses led him to confess every article brought against
IumseH him, to be true ; he was no longer an object of

guilty and ' ' t P J

isreleas- dread. His posts indeed were taken from him;

but he was released, was re-admitted to the coun-
cil early in 1550, and a severe fine laid upon him
was annulled.
Boulogne A peace which included Scotland, was now
toFrance settled with France. Boulogne was given up for
a large sum of money ;t and soon after a marriage
between Edward VI. and Elizabeth of France was

concluded

NOTES.

[11] In other places he was unhappily more successful,
particularly in the demolition of St. Mary's church, and of a
fine chapel connected with St. Paul's. [Weaver Burnet.

These, with the materials of the episcopal palaces belong-
ing to YVorcestor, Litchfield, and Llandaff, formed the sacri-
legious mass called Somerset House ; which, toward the close
of the 18th century, gave way to the Royal Academy.
* King Edward's Journal, p. 9.
+ Rym. Feed. torn. xv. p. 214,

con-

Ch,I. Partl.§ I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 15

concluded on,* but this unpopular project never A.D.1550.
took effect.

Even the hardened Warwick had felt shame at
proposing the cession of Boulogne, a circumstance
which he had urged as treason against Somer-
set. He feio-tied sickness, and endeavoured to avoid
setting his name to the treaty. The peace Was,
however, absolutely necessary ; and the govern-
ment was so weak, and the people so tumultuous
in England, that no tax to carry on a war could
with safety have been levied. The tribute paid
for so many years by France to England, under
various names and pretences, was abandoned by
this treaty, at least for a time. As the vouns:
king's zeal for the Reformation rose nearly to
bigotry, Warwick, to gain his favour, treated the
Roman Catholic prelates with some degree of
harshness, ejecting even those who were willing Roman
to be silent on points of controversy. Gardiner, k -a, u> l(i

a / ' bishops

Day, Heath, and Voysey, lost their sees, which ejected,
were instantly filled by active reformers.

To please the people, Warwick now began a
strict inquiry concerning those who had misma-
naged the royal revenues, and fined them with-
out mercy, although many of the defaulters were
his own partizans. The Lord Arundel, in par- Great of-
ticular, was amerced 12,0001. Sir John Thynne ficets
6,000l. and four others 3,000l. each, t

It

* Hayward, p. 318. + Hist, of Refor. vol. ii. p. 149.

16 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A.D.1550. It is generally believed, that few periods in
England have produced more murthers, [12] and
other atrocious crimes, than that we now treat
of. Warwick, conscious of the trembling ground
on which he stood, dreaded, by any exertion of
the powers of Government, to give some pre-
tence for his numerous foes to rise and destroy
his authority and himself.

The

NOTES.
[12] Sir Peter Garaboa, and Filicirga, two distinguished
foreign officers, were, about this time, murthered near St.
Sepulchre's church, by Carlo Gavaro, and three other Spa-
niards, who were soon after executed on a gallows in Smith-
field ; Carlo having his right hand first stricken off, on the
wheel of the cart which conveyed him. Holingshed records
also a more complicated assassination, perpetrated at Fever-
sham, in Kent, on a gentleman named Arden. He had a
handsome wife, who was unfortunately attached to an inferior,
one Mosby; by his persuasions, she was seduced to join in the
plot against her spouse. The design failed many times, by
strange and almost praeternatural incidents. At length, by the
help of two disbanded soldiers, ' Black Will, and George
Shakebag,' it was completed. Such was the cool blood of the
wife, that she made an entertainment ' for two Londoners/
and made ' hir daughter to plaieonthe virginalls' to them, while
the mangled corpse of Arden was carrying out of her house.
This wicked woman, and most of the criminals, were deserv-
edly put to death ; and one innocent man, Bradshaw, having un-
knowingly delivered a note relative to the murther, was unhap-
pily involved in their punishment. The tale, as delivered by
Holingshed at full length, is so affecting and interesting, that
it has produced two tragedies, one of them by Lillo.

Cll. I. Part. I. §. I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 17

The Princess Mary, whose adherence to ^J^1/^}
old reiio-ion could not be shaken, having had her ThePrin-
chaplains imprisoned, and her faith weakly assault- |£^J2
6ji by a letter from the council, couched in disgust-
ing language, endeavoured to escape to her kins-
man the Emperor.* She was prevented; but
the remonstrances of Charles procured for her a
more tender treatment.

And now Warwick (newly created Duke of Warwick
Northumberland, and possessed of the vast nor- Jj^ of
thern estates of the Piercy family) pursued with Nor-
zeal, his darling project, for excluding both the ian(j.
sisters of Edward from the throne, and for intro-
ducing a son of his own, whom he meant to Aved Plan in
the Lady Jane Gray, grand-daughter to Mary, £™r j^
Queen of France. [13] Humbled to the dust as Gray.
Somerset had been, he might still be an obstacle
to this criminal plan. A spy (Sir Thomas Palmer)
had been set on his actions and his words ; he was
charged with a design to slay Northumberland,
to proclaim himself king,+ and with other trea-
sonable intentions ; and, with several of his mos^
intimate friends, was sent a second time to the
Tower.

Some

NOTES.

[l3] She was the daughter of the Marquis of Dorset, now
created Duke of Suffolk, on the death of the two heirs of
Brandon; both of these had been carried off by the Sweating;
sickness.

* Hayward, p. 315. + Ibid. p. 320.

Vol. I. Part. i. c

18 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A^D.u5i. Some attention was paid, about this period, to
the much-neglected commerce of England. An
advantageous treaty was concluded with Sweden,
and some alteration made in the privileges of the
f Steel-yard company ; by which natives were en-
tires en- couraged to enter into the mercantile line, and
courag to trade in English bottoms. Useful and in°;e-
nious foreigners were successfully invited to the
shores of Britain, and the circumstances of the day
were singularly favorable to this humane and poli-
tic system ; for the disputes on the continent
about religion, had driven from their homes se-
veral small colonies of manufacturers, who met at
this period with protection and encouragement in
England. A whole industrious congregation mi-
grated from the continent with their teacher,
John Alasco, a Pole of considerable distinction.*
Bucer, Peter Martyr, and other men of science,
sought also the protection of Edward.
1552. Early in 1552, the fate of Somerset was deter-'

executed. mniet^- Acquitted of treason, he was condemned
by a cruel statutet of Henry VII. which makes
it felony to imagine the death of a privy-coun-
sellor. The people who now knew his value,
and the profligacy of his rival, wept loudly at his
execution. The late Protector fell with singular
calmness. His fortitude was severely tried a few
minutes before his death. A loud and rushing

noise

* Rym. Feed. lib. xv. p. 170, 192, 193.
+ Stowe, p. 6Q6.

Ch. I. Part. I. §. i. civil and military, 19

noise was heard, and the people observing an ADl55?<
officer of the court approaching, shouted with one
voice, A pardon ! But the duke waving his cap,
entreated them to be silent and respectful. Soon
after the catastrophe of Somerset, there were led
to execution four knights, his most intimate
friends, Partridge, Stanhope, Arundel, and Vane,
The last was a veteran officer, who had distin-
guished his bravery at Musselburgh and on other
services. He met death with firmness, (as did his
comrades) but remarked sternly, ' that time was,
when he was held in some esteem ; but that now,
the brave man and the coward were treated alike.'
[14]

The Parliament, which had sat during the whole
of Edward's reign, was now dissolved, as not
pliant enough to the humors of Northumber-
land.* It had refused to pass a bill against trea-
sons, without insisting on the necessity of there

c 2 being;

NOTES.

fll] The malice of Warwick spared none of Somerset's
friends. The Lord Rich was dismissed from the Treasury,
and Sir William Paget degraded from the order of the Gar-
ter, ' because of his low extraction,' besides being amerced
6,0001. [Stowe.

He was restored by Mary, in the first year of her reign, to
all his honours. [Collins.

Others to whom Somerset had given grants of Chantry
lands, &c. were obliged to yield the estates up to the king.
* Hist, of Reformation, vol. ii. p. 190.

20 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1552. being two witnesses ; nor would it agree to de-
prive the decent and modest Tonstall, unheard, of
his see. These scruples were new and uncom-
mon ; the lords had none of them.

A new The most gross court-influence was used in

parha- convening the new senate ;[15] and nothing, in-
meat cor- ° . .

rupt and deed, could exceed its docility. It granted two
^ ia e* subsidies, and two fifteenths, and divided the see
of Durham (whence Bishop Tonstall had been
arbitrarily ejected') into two districts, at the de-
sire of the court, leaving to the Duke of Nor-
thumberland the palatinate of the county.

The sum of the kind's debts being; now risen to
the amount of 251,1791- sterling, a part of the
forfeited Chantry lands were directed to be sold
by commissioners, in order to pay the creditors.
1553. And now a sanguine cloud prepared to over-
cast the horizon of England. Edward, whose
good sense and virtue seemed to promise to his
people a redress of those evils which his minority
had occasioned, began visibly to droop. An ill-
cured small-pox+ had left a complaint on his

lungs,

NOTES.

[15] There are in Strype's collections letters from the
icing, recommending Sir Richard Cotton to Hants, Sir Wil-
liam Fitzwilliams, and Sir Henry Nevil, to Berks, 8cc. 8cc.

[Eccles: Memorials.
* Pari. Journal. Strype, vol. ii. p. 307.
i King Edward's Journal, p. 49.

Cll. I. Part. I. §. I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 21

lun^s, which had brought on a fatal consumptive A. D. 1553.

disorder. He knew his danger, but felt no an- The king

guish except for his people; whose newly-esta-

blished form of religion, he was conscious, would

be utterly overturned by the next heir, the Lady

Mary ; whose attachment to the Roman Catholic

faith had been nourished by an indelicate, harsh

opposition.

The artful Northumberland taking advantage

of this turn in the King's mind,. found means to

persuade him, that he might exclude Mary from Sets aside

the throne, provided that Elizabeth, who lay un- Mary anci

• ■ Eliza-

der the same charge of illegitimacy, was also set beth.

aside.

Edward loved the Lady Elizabeth, whom he
used affectionately to style, 'his sweet sister Tem-
perance ;' but his extreme zeal. for the Reforma-
tion overpowered the dictates of fraternal love and
of justice ; and he directed a patent to be drawn
up, which might settle the succession of the
crown" on Lady Jane Gray; who had been just
married to Lord Guildford Dudley, a younger son
of Northumberland, and to whom her mother the
Duchess of Suffolk, daughter to Mary of Fiance
had /ormally resigned lier own prior right.

At first the judges refused to be concerned in
this iniquitous tran- action; but the entreaties of
(he dying King, and the menaces of his impe-
tuous minister, Northumberland, prevailed on

them

* Holingshed, p. 10b3.

22 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a^d. 1553. them all, (except Sir James Hales) and on all the
council, to sign the deed ; Cranmer, however,
afterwards called on the judges* to witness his
reluctance and opposition. Instantly almost, the
state of Edward's health grew worse. A female
empiric was then trusted to prescribe ;[1G] but,
as his sickness encreased under her care, she was
dismissed, and the physicians retook their station.
They however could do him no farther service,

H« dies, and on the 6th of July, 1553, this amiable prince
expired in the sixteenth year of his age.

His cha- The accomplishments of Edward were greatly

racter. beyond his years. Besides being ma ter of several
lanQ-uaires, he understood theology, music, and
natural philosophy ; and the celebrated Jerome
Ca d n, who had an opportunity of converging
with him, bears a noble and public testimony to
his literary merit. [17] A letter from Dr. Cox,

one

NOTES.

[16] She had been recommended by the Dudley family;
and the king's pains encreasing by her medicines, great suspi-
cions were entertained as to her patrons, especially as it had
been observed that his health had visibly declined ever since
the Lord Robert Dudley had been near his person.

[Burnet, Strype.

[17] A few days before his death, Edward completed the
endowment of Christ's, St. Thomas's, and Bridewell hospi-
tals, with 6001. per annum from the Savoy. [Houngshed.

The cost of his houshold was, the 1st year, 49,1871. — 2d.
46>0'2l.— 3d, 46,1001. —4th, 100,5781.— 5th, 62,8631.— 6th
65,9231. [Sthyfs.

* Hist, of Reformation, vol. ii. p. *257.

Ch.I. Part. I. §i. civil and midtaey. 25

one of Edward's tutors, is also still extant; inA.D.i5*3.
which he quaintly avers, that the King ' discover-
' ed great towardness and all honest qualities; that
' he should be taken as a singular gift of God ;
' that he read Cato, Vives, and ^Esop, and that
' he conned very pleasantly.' What Erasmus
writes of this amiable prince, appears to be an
elegant and easy way of saying nothing more than
what any discreet lad might have claimed. ' Senex,

* juvenis convictu, factus sum melior ; ac, so-
4 brietatem, temperentiam, verecundiam, linguae
' moderationem, modestiam, pudicitiam, integri-
' tatem, quam juvenis a sene discere debuerat, a

* juvene senex didici.'

A journal written by the pen of theyoung King,
and transcribed by Bishop Burnet, exhibits a clear
proof of his sense, knowledge, and goodness. Be-
sides this, several small treatises in his own hand,
on subjects political and controversial, are extant ;
and Holland says, that he wrote a play, entitled,
4 The Whore of Babylon,' the non-existence of
which Mr. Walpole laments not.

Not withstand ino- the attainments and excellent
disposition of Edward, it must have been observed,
that the people were unhappy, oppressed, and in
consequence turbulent, during the whole of his
short reign. Yet to the sovereign himself none
of these evils should be imputed. His affection-
ate duty to his maternal uncles, and his attach-
ment to the plausible Warwick, blinded his eyes

to

24 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D. 1553. t0 their snccesssive failings ; while the narrowness
of thinking as to religious matters, which in the
16th century every party had adopted, had cloud-
ed his mind with a shade of bigotry; which, how-
ever, as well as his want of resolution, had Provi-
dence granted him a longer life, must have been
soon cleared away by the benignity of his disposi-
tion, and the brightness of his intellects.

Every step was now taken by the deceased
king's ministry to seize the princesses, and fix the
crown on the fair usurper's head ; and the ladies
Mary and Elizabeth were actually on the road to
the couri:, allured thither by a feigned message
from the king, when the news of his approaching
end save them warning of the deceit ;* and
Mary, flving to Suffolk, found every one eager to
arm in her cause. The detestation, indeed, in
which the Duke of Northumberland was held,
rendered every project in favor of his family fruit-
Lady Jane less *> and the unfortunate, though amiable Jane,
Gray who after a sincere resistance,-!- had been hardly
prevailed on by her father and husband to accept

the crov»n,[lS] resigned it with real and unaf-
fected

NOTES.

[18] At the proclamation of Jane, no joy had been shewn

by the people, and Gilbert Pp:, a vintner's lad, lost his
ears, for disrespectful words concerning the innocent usurp-
er. His master and others, returning from seeing his punish-
ment in the [Tower, were drowned, passing under London
Bridge. [Holingshed.

* Hist, of Reform, vol. ii. p. 233, + Ibid. p. 234,

. : • Z

Ch. I. Part I. § i. civil and military. 25

fected pleasure, after a joyless reign often days. A. D. 1553.
Mary, at the head of a numerous troop, (1000 of
which had been levied by the Lady Elizabeth)
entered London, and ascended the throne. Nor Expelled
did the mean conduct of Northumberland save his Mary,
life ; although, on finding himself deserted by his
army, he had cast up his cap for Mary, and had
fallen on his knees" to the Lord Arundel, who
apprehended him ; while at that humiliating mo-
ment, a woman held up to thedastardly suppliant's
face ahandkerchief,dipped,as she said, in the inno-
cent blood of Somerset, whom he had murthered.

He was tried and condemned by his Peers for Nor-
treason, and beheaded on Tower-hill, [19] with{hu™^"~
Palmer and Gates, his intimate associates ; con- headed,
sistent to the last in inconsistency, his last words
declared him to be, and ever to have been, a
Roman Catholic. +

As Mary wished to acquire popularity, [20]
ghe shed no more blood on the present occasion:

the

NOTES.
[19] ' The executioner,' writes a French priest, who was
an eye witness, ' wore a white apron, like a butcher; and
there you might see,' he adds, ' little children gathering up
the blood which had fallen through the slits of the scaf-
fold.' VoYACES DE PERLIK.

[20] It may be worth observing, that Mary rode through
the city of London in pomp, crowned by a circle of gold and

precious
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 13. Stowe, p. 612.
t Hist, of Reformation, vol. ii. p. 243.

26 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VI.

A^D: 1553. the Lady Jane, together with her husband, and
his brothers, were indeed tried and condemned
for treason, but their sentences were respited.

After the new Queen had released the venera-
ble Norfolk, and the other prisoners in the Tower,
she wished to celebrate the funeral obsequies of
her brother with the ceremonies of the Papal
church ; but Cranmer, meek as he was by nature,
stoutly opposed this innovation, and sheltering
himself under acts of Parliament still in force, he
interred the remains of Edward in the chapel of
Henry VII. after the rites of the reformed church.
If he officiated in person, it was probably his last
act of office, as he was almost immediately con-
fined to his house and treated as a criminal. Mary
had a service performed for her deceased brother
in her own chapel.*

And

NOTES,
precious stones, so heavy, that she was forced to support her
head with her hand, and' that behind her there came in a
chariot ' the Ladie Elizabeth and the Ladie Anne of Cleves."

[Holingshed.
Prodigies were not wanting to grace the accession of the
ill-favored sovereign ; for we arc also told by Holingshed,
' a compleat double female child was born at Midlenton near
Oxford, and lived 18 days; and that at Oueenborow three,
and at Blackwall six huge Dolphins' (or more probably Por-
poises) ' were taken at this periocL The least was bigger
than any horse.' Far more ominous was the loss of the Great
Harry, a royal ship of war, vast in its bulk, which was burnt
by accident at Woolwich.

* Holingshed, p. 1089.

Ok. I. Part I, § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 27

And now the natural bigotry of Mary took its ^-^-^j
full scope. A Parliament was formed which Strong
would second her in any measure, except the "^u["
restoration of church-lands. The Protestant favor of
Bishops were ejected and imprisoned ; their sees Ca_
filled with zealous Catholics, and Cardinal de la tholic
Pole was sent for hastily to assist as Nuncio, in
cleansing the polluted land. But the policy of
Gardiner, who suspected that the Queen meant
Pole for her husband, or at least for her primate,
found means to check the too impetuous zeal of
Mary, by the intervention of the Emperor.*

The Queen at this time tried to please the peo-
ple by remitting the subsidy granted to Edward,
but not levied. The acts of her Parliament were
not in general popular. Her own illegitimacy
was reversed, but that of Elizabeth was ungrate- Ingrati-
fully confirmed ; and Mary, by assigning to her Mary#
fairer sister a low rank, even beneath the coun-
tesses, drove from the court one who had already
been her successful rival. Religion was placed on
the footing of the last part of Henry VIII's reign,
and all preaching, except by licence, stopped*
The Protestants were now severely treated, their
favorite preachers imprisoned, and even the men
of Suffolk, to whose early loyalty Mary owed her
crown, were brow-beaten, and one of them pil-
loried + for demanding that liberty of conscience,

with

* Hist, of Reformation, vol. ii. p. 242.
i Strype, vol. iii. p. 52.

C8 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN*. Book VII.

A^D. 1553. with the promise of which she had engaged their
assistance.
1554. Mary now received with pleasure the over-

matchset- tlires made by her cousin, Charles V. for a match

tied. between her and his son Philip, a handsome prince,
ten years younger than herself. The nation how-
ever, saw the proposal in a light so different, that
a dangerous revolt ensued, headed by Sir Thomas
Wiat, a kentish knight ; who, although a steady
Roman Catholic,* had imbibed, by travelling in
Spain, 4- an utter detestation of that country's se-
vere manners. Followed by a strong party he
marched from Rochester to London ; having been

t joined on the road by a band of citizens, at the

head of whom that venerable warrior, [2l] the
Duke of Norfolk, (now relieved from his attain-

Wiat's der) meant to have opposed him. t Wiat, how-
ever, finding the bridge of the metropolis well

defended,

revolt.

NOTES.
[21] This gallant veteran died a few months after, pos-
sessed of more than fifty manors, besides hundreds, rectories,
sites of abbeys, Sec. ' Good and stately gear,' indeed, as
he justly called them, when he entreated Henry VIII. ' not
to scatter them among his courtiers, but to settle them on
the Prince of Wales ;' knowing that if they were not dispersed,
his family might have a chance of regaining them by favor of
some future prince. Norfolk had lived about eighty-seven

years and under eight sovereigns.

[Collins's Peerage.

Holingshed, p. 1104. + Hist. of Reform, vol. ii. p. 224.

|" Godwin, p. 341.

Cll. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. €9

defended, lost so much time in marching round ^JJ-*^
by Kingston, and in repairing the broken carriages
of his artillery, that when he entered London
through Hyde-Park (which was then the western
avenue) a strong force had been collected by
which he was overpowered and taken. He expi-
ated his fault on Tower-hill, where he solemnly
avowed the innocence of the Lady Elizabeth and
of Courtney, who both had been charged as fa-
voring his revolt. [22] Much blood was shed on
this occasion. Suffolk,* with the Lady Jane [23] JfdyJ*

J L J Gray bc-

and her husband, were beheaded ; and the Lord headed.
Thomas Gray, a tried and gallant commander,

with

NOTES.

[22] Neither this declaration, nor the protestation of the
poor princess, who prayed ' that God might confound her
eternally if she were guilty,' could save her from bein°" draped
from her bed, though really sick, and sent to the Tower
through Traitor's-gate. She made some resistance against
passing through that ominous defile, but in vain. Soon after
she asked, with visible anxiety, 'whether Lady Jane Gray's
scaffold was yet taken down ?'

[Camden, Holincshed,

[23] After her husband had been beheaded, Gates, the
Lieutenant of the Tower, asking her for some token of remem-
brance, she gave him her pocket-book with three sentences
one in Greek, one in Latin, and one in English, which she had
written on seeing the headless trunk pass beneath her window.
The purport was meek and forgiving.

[Heyi.vv.
* Stowe, p. 624„

30 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1554. -witli hundreds of inferior rank, suffered death in
the same cause. The.un fortunate Jane was highly
accomplished, and well versed in the antient as
well as the modern tongues. To her last mo-
ments she lamented her having accepted the
crown ; laid the blame on her own blind, filial
affection ; and told the people from the scaffold
that she suffered deservedly, since her innocence
was no excuse for the trouble which she had oc-
casioned to the realm. She would not see her
husband, lest the interview should be too affect-
ing; and, with inimitable meekness, thanked Dr.
Fecknam with her last words, for the pains he
had ineffectually taken in endeavouring to con-
vert her to his own faith. She was only sixteen
years of age when she suffered.

Mary now gave orders, that the church should
be purged of all married priests, and some thou-
sands of the cleTgy, inconsequence, lost their be-
nefices.

Prince In July, 1554, Prince Philip of Spain arrived at

Philip of 0 . rA. lit i

Spain Southampton. Displeased, perhaps at the stern
weds commander of his convoy, (who had fired at the
Mary. Spanish ships to make them salute the English
flag) he landed with his sword drawn, and made
no return to the compliments which attended his
approach to the town. The English were dis-
gusted by a continuation of this impolitic conduct,
but Mary made up by her fondness for the indif-
ference of her subjects. The articles of the
union had been drawn with proper caution ; and

Philip

Ch. I. Parti. § i. civil and military. 31

Philip gained little by the wedding (which was "^P"^*;
celebrated at Westminster.) except a homely, ill-
tempered, jealous wife. The gold which he brought
with him (which filled twenty-seven chests, be-
sides ninety-nine horse-loads and two cart-loads of
coin) smoothed his way ; and he gained some cre-
dit with the English by interfering with Mary in
behalf of her sister Elizabeth, of Courtney, Dud-
ley, Harrington, and others who were confined,
and in srreat dangler.*

A conference on religion held at Oxford having Confe-

ended, as the Roman Catholics declared, in favor rJrncrc ,at

Oxford.

of the old faith, Mary (who now gave it out that Mary
she was prep-nant+) no longer deferred the solemn suPPosed

* a / e> pregnant.

re-union of England to the Holy See, and with

sincere transport quitted that heretical title, ' The

Supreme Head of the Church ;' and was so much

affected at the speech which Cardinal Pole made

on this occasion before both Houses of Parlia-

men, that ' she felt the child stir in her womb.'

[*4]

A scene

NOTES.

[21] Instantly the Roman Catholics affirmed that it would
be a male; and Bonner, Bishop of London, ordered prayers
throughout his diocese, ' that he might be beautiful, vigor-
ous, and witty.'

The priest of Aldersgate went farther, and by a spirit of
prophecy, described the sex and features of the embryo.
"• Holingshed, p. 1129. Stowe, p. 6'26.
+ Holingshed, p. 1123, 1126".
2 On

32 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book. VlL

A.D.1555. A scene of the most bloody persecution now
The Pro- came forward. The Parliament had revived the

testants most sanguinary laws against heretics, and the

persecut- ° J °

ed. mild system of Pole gave way to the atrocious

counsels of Gardiner. Rogers, the most popular

oPProtestant preachers,! ed the way to the stake.

Hooper, late Bishop of Gloucester, followed; nor

were the horrors of. bigotry long checked even by

the declaration of Alphonso, Almoner to Philip,

who, before the council, bitterly reproached the

English Bishops for their impolitic humanity.

After a very slight pause, the persecution raged

The with more fury than ever. Ferrar, Bishop of St.
Bishops / . ' *

Hooper, Davids, was burnt in his own diocese; and the

Fenar, venerable Latimer, with Ridlev, late bishop of
Ridley, / x

and La- London suffered the same cruel death at Ox-
ford." The fate of Gardiner, who was awfully

burnt. 7

strucld- with death while exulting in the tor-
tures of the last-mentioned sufferer, did no ser-
vice

NOTES.
On the Protestant side, all kind of suspicions were encou-
raged against the actual pregnancy of Mary. There was
even a report, that an enquiry had been made in a mysterious
manner after a new-born infant.

[Fox, Burnet's Reformation.

The following pasquinade was posted on t'he palace gate:

* Serons nous si betes ; O nobles Anglois ! Que de croire

notre reyne enceinte? Ft de quoi le seroft elle, si non d'un

marmot, ou d'un dogue ?' [Embassages de Noailles.

* Fox, vol. iii. Godwin, p. 349.

+ Fox, vol. iii. Godwin, p. 351.

Ch. I. Part I. § I, civil and military. 33

vice to the cause of humanity. Bonner, who sue- AJD.1555.
ceecled him in carrying on the infernal work, add-
ed brutal buffoonery to the most refined cruelty.
Yet, even he, fatigued with the work of blood,
was sometimes reprimanded for indolence.*

To finish at once this disgraceful and detestable
subject, during the three remaining years of Ma-
ry's ill-starred reign, there perished at the stake
two hundred and seventy-seven persons ; among
whom were reckoned, five bishops, twenty-one
clergymen, eight gentlemen, eighty-four trades-
men, one hundred husbandmen, fifty-five women,
and four children. The temper of Mary grew
more turbid from repeated disappointments. That
pregnancy on which both she and Philip so much
depended, closed in worse than nothing ; the
spouse on whom she so fondly doated left her,
with cool, contemptuous indifference, [25] and
sailed to Spain; and even her packed senate, when

she

NOTES.

[25] After the departure of Philip, the neglected queen
spent lier days in solitude, and her nights in sighs and tears.
She wrote perpetual letters to her wanderer, to which lie sel-
dom vouchsafed any answer. [Noailles.
The only part of government to which she attended, was
that of extorting from her people illegal loans, and arbitra-
rily taxing the goods of English and of foreign merchants.

[Burnet, Cowper, Carte, &c.
* Burnet, vol ii. p. 335. In

Vol. I. Part I. D

34 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1555. sne wanted money to gratify her fugitive, re-
proached her for having given back to the church
those domains" which ought to have supplied her
with what she now demanded. In this they refer-
red

NOTES.

In one of her epistles, she professes herself more bounden
to Philip, than any other wife to her husband, notwithstand-
ing his ill-treatment of her: ' Dont,' says she, 'j'aycom-
mencee desja, de taster trop, a mon grand regret.' [Stryte.
Mary, however, sometimes did shew a degree of spirit ;
as once, when in a fit of rage or jealousy, she tore in pieces
the portrait of this adored husband. [Life of Sir T. Pope.
Another time she was highly incensed at an engraving
which represented her shrivelled, wrinkled, and lean, with
many Spaniards hanging on her, and sucking her to the bone.

[Ibid.
Philip was certainly a very handsome man ; and Elizabeth,
who was a good judge, although she refused his addresses,
kept his picture always by her bed-side. [Ballard's Mem.
The person of the Spanish prince is thus described by John
Elder : ' Of visage he is well-favored, with a broad fore-
head and grey eyes, streight nosed, and a manly counte-
nance. From the forehead to the chin his face groweth
small, his pace is princely, 8cc. ; he is so well proportioned
of bodi, arme, legge, and every other limme to the same,
as nature cannot worke a more parfit paterne,' &c. Sec.

[Grainger.
Philip wedded Mary with a view to rule in England, and
when the Oueen was supposed to be pregnant, he applied
to Parliament that he might be Regent during the mino-
rity
* Stowe, p. 627.

Ch. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 35

red to her having, through dread of papal excom- A^D.1555.
munication, given up to the church the first-fruits,
and all the church-lands vested in the crown.
She now exerted herself in discovering and fin-
ing such as had shared the moveables, books, 8cc.
of monasteries, and by her orders, towards the
close of 1555, Archbishop Cranmer was tried by , /?"■

bishop

three commissioners for heresy, and condemned Cranmer

to be degraded, and to be burnt alive. tr ietJ

i . . . condemn-

It was at this awful period that the frailty of ed.
human nature, and the importunity of English
and foreign divines, persuaded Archbishop Cran- He re-
mer to forsake that religion, of which he had hi- repen'ts
therto been the chief support.* His apostacy was and is

burned*
short. Mary, who detested him for his share in

her mother's divorce, not choosing to lose her

revenge, privately ordered his execution. But

d 2 Cranmer

NOTES.

rity of any child which might appear, offering to give bond
to surrender the government to such child when of age to
rule. The debate grew warm, but Lord Paget asking, ' who
should sue the King's bond!' the whole was suddenly con-
cluded in the negative. [Howell's Letters.
Once Philip wished to have united Elizabeth to Philibert
of Savoy, but Mary and her sister both disliked the scheme;
and when he sent the Duchesses of Parma and Lorrain to
fetch the Princess to Flanders, the Queen would not permit
them to visit her at Hatfield. The latter of these ladies was
supposed to be the favorite mistress of Philip. [Carte.
* Strype, vol. iii. p. 233.

$6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

'a.d. 1556. Cranmer had already repented of his weakness,
and when he was brought to church to abjure
Protestantism publicly, he disappointed the audi-
tors by bemoaning his own folly, and affirming
his determination to die in his former opinions.
At the stake, to which he soon was conducted, he
held that hand which had signed his recantation
in the flame until it was utterly consumed, crying
Cardinal incessantly, ' it was this hand which offended.'
comes Cardinal Pole succeeded Cranmer in the see of
Primate. Canterbury.

Meanwhile the fires at Smithfield blazed fierce-
ly for inferior heretics, and the zealous Mary
was only prevented from burning larger numbers
of her subjects by the remissness of the county
magistrates, whom the council were forced per-
petually to remind of their duty.

The Lady Elizabeth, during the heat of perse-
cution, was in no pleasant state. [26] Since her

release

NOTES.

[26] Being once urged to explain her sentiments concern-
ing the real presence, she happily thus expressed herself ex-
tempore :

' Christ was the word that spake it,

' He took the bread and brake it,

' And what the word did make it,

' I do believe and take it.'

She was, however, obliged to hear mass and submit to con-
fession. [Baker's Chrox.

CIl. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 37

release from the Tower, she had been in such a^d. 1556.
ill-omened custody, that she had often reason to
think her life in danger. Once Gardiner had
actually procured a warrant for her death, signed
by some of the privy-council; but the Queen,
being told of it, was obliged to forbid the execu-
tion.

At Woodstock she was perpetually teazed by The Lady

Gardiner, to own her misdoings towards Marv,lzab,

° ; severely-

all which she steadily denied. Philip, (as is be- treated.

lieved) at length obtained leave for her to live at
Hatfield ; and even there she had to her know-
ledge, in her own houshold, two spies upon her
conduct.* To calm the anxiety which such situa-
tions must occasion, the princess had recourse to
literature, and soothed her fears by perusing the
elegant productions of the antients in their native
tongues. [2 /]

During;

NOTES.

[27] The muse, too, condescended to soften her cares ;
although the following lines, written, (as we are assured by
Paul Hentznerj with charcoal on a window-shutter at Wood-
stock, breathe a stern spirit of revenge, mingled with much phi-
losophy :

Oh fortune ! how thy restless wavering state

Has fraught with cares my troubled wit !
Witness this present prison, whither fate
Has borne me, and the joys I quit.

Thou

Godwin, p. 319.

38 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i556. During this period, the weakness and bigotry
of the government, its want of money, and un-
willingness to exasperate by taxation a people who
detested its measures, rendered the state of Ens:-
land contemptible in the e) es of foreign nations.
A war with Scotland was with difficulty avoided,
by the firmness uf the Lords Shrewsbury and
Wharton ; who, with a small force, ill-paid, kept
the borderers, (who began every war) in peace
with each other.

The extreme discontent of the people occa-
sioned more than one rising in various parts of
England. One of these at D;s, in Norfolk,
though trifling in itself, and headed only by a
poor schoolmaster named Cleber, occasioned se-
veral

NOTES.

Thou causedest the guilty to be loosed
From bands, wherein are innocents inclosed.
Causing the guiltless to be* strait reserved,
And freeing those that death had well-deserved.
But by her envy nothing can be wrought ;
So God send to my foes all they have thought !
A. d. mdlv. Elizabeth, Prisoner,

A part of the palace of Woodstock, above mentioned, was
standing in the reign of Anne, and Sir John Vanbrugh had
taste enough to spend 20001. in supporting the ruins. But
the Lord Godolphin not liking the view of them from Blen-
heim, the Duchess of Marlborough made them be taken down.

[Life of Sir T. Pofe.
* Severely confined.

Ch. I. Part I. | I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 39

veral persons to suffer the death of traitors at Aj>.i556.
Bury, in Suffolk.[2S]

It was not until 1557 that Philip deigned to 155^
visit his neglected spouse ; but, more actuated
by interest than love, he made her declaration
of war against France the price of all future en-
dearments.

Mary could hardly have brought this about, ,

since the marriage articles, drawn by the cautious
Gardiner, expressly guarded against this contin-
gency," had not an insurrection in the north, un-
der one Stafford, given her a pretence to accuse
the French councils of disturbing the peace of
her realm. This ill-advised revolter, with a few War with
French adventurers, (who forsook him at the first
onset) pompously proposed himself as Protector
of England against the Spaniards. He was seiz-
ed in Scarborough bv the Lord Westmoreland,
brought to London, and with three accomplices
executed.

To raise money from a turbulent people, to
a weak queen and a timid ministry, was no easy

task :

NOTES.

[28] In the British Museum is a MS entitled, ' How one
Cleber, in 1560, proclaimed the Ladie Elizabeth Queue, and
her beloved bed-fellow, Lord Edward Courtueye, Kynge.'

[Life of Sir T. PorE.

* Rym. Foed. vol. XV. p. 337, 393, 403.

40 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VI

A.D.1557. task; and various were the expedients to which
Money recourse was had by Mary. One time she forced
1 e°\ y sixty gentlemen to lend her one thousand pounds
a-piece.[29] They did it; but with such difficul-
ty, that they were forced to retrench and lessen
the number of their servants. The discharged
domestics taking to robbery for their subsistence,
the considerate queen forced their masters by a

proclamation

NOTES.

[29] As these severities fell chiefly on the Protestant fa-
milies, the Roman Catholics presumed much on their favour
at court, but sometimes presumed too far, as in the case of the
Lord Stourton, a Roman Catholic Baron of Wilts, who on this
principle, had bitterly oppressed his neighbour, a gentleman
named Hartgill. The council-book of Edward's reign had
been full of their quarrels. Once Stourton, in consequence of
this broil, had opposed the Sheriff and the posse coinilutits.
At length, 1557, trusting to his interest with the council of
Mary, he nearly murthered the younger Hartgill, who was on
a reconciliatory visit at his house. Being fined and imprisoned
for this attempt, he got leave to return to Wilts, that he might
pay the fine .o tiie Hartgills. He then decoyed the whole fa=-
mily into Kilmmgion churcn-yard, where he made his servants
bind the father and son, and carry them by force to his house
at Stourhead, after having wounded the wife of the younger
Hartgill, who implored for her husband on her knees. When
he had them in his house, he made them be beaten with clubs,
and then held the candle while his servants cut their throats.
No interest could protect the Lord Stourton after this execrable
act. He was tried, found guilty, and hanged in the market-
place of Salisbury, as were his four servants at Stourhead.

[Houngshed, Gent. Mag. 1760, kc.

Cll. I. Part I. | I, CIVIL AND MILITARY. 41

proclamation to receive them again. Besides A^ixissr.
usino- these forcible loans, the conscientious Ma-
ry, another time, seized the corn of Suffolk and
Norfolk for the use of her fleet and army, with-
out repaying the owners.

With sums thus acquired by extortions little
short of robberies, she levied a body of 8000
men, whom she sent under the Lord Pembroke
to join the army of Philip in Flanders, where
they arrived in time to share in the honor of the
battle fought at St. Quintin. Meanwhile Mary
fought the battles of bigotry at home ; and form-
ing an ecclesiastical council of twenty-one, which
had as near a resemblance to the Inquisition as
she dared to give it, she placed spies on the coun-
try justices, summoned them to appear in Lon-
don, and harrassed them into measures which af-
forded new fuel for the Smithfield fires.

A severe disgrace now impended over England. 1558.
Calais, which she had held two hundred years, ? "Vy"
and had been eleven months in subduing, was lost the
in almost as few days. Archbishop Heath was
chancellor and minister ; and his royal mistress
and himself thought more of burnins: heretics,
than of securing the possessions of the crown.
Calais, therefore, and its dependencies, destitute
of men, money, and stores, fell easily to a spi-
rited attack, commanded by the great Duke of
Cruise, and seconded by the brother of the equally

great

42 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1558.

great Admiral de Coligny.fso] This fortress,
of more consequence to the honor than the
profit of the English nation, h.d been long me-
naced, and Philip of Spain haJ given notice
of its danger to the improvident Mary. She,
however, took no attention to the preservation
of so interesting a post, but permitted a large
part' of the ♦garrison,* as had been usual, from
motives of an ill-; dged parsimony, to quit
the duty during the ••rinter-months.[3l] Lord
Gray, the governor, a man of honor, in

vain

NOTES.

[30] Francis, brother to Gaspar, the celebrated head of
the French Protestants, was in a high post in the French
army ; yet, when his king demanded an explanation of his
sentiments as to religion, he had the firmness to answer:
' I must not dissemble on a point of such importance. Your
majesty may dispose of my life, my goods, and my employ-
ments, but my Creator alone can control my belief. In a word,
I would choose death rather than the mass.1 These bold ex-
pressions cost him his favour at court .

[Le Laboureur, Anoitetil.

[31] There were traitors within the town. Fontenay,
Lord of Britteville, who in 1545 took refuge in Calais be-
cause he had slain a man, is named as one. [Ant. de. Caen.

Mary, unfeeling as she was, felt this disgrace, and said,
* that when she should die, Calais would be found engraven
on her heart.' [Godwin, Sec.

The French turned all the inhabitants out of the place
after plundering them. A number of Scots who served on
the side of France behaved with great kindness to the dis-
tressed
* Stowe, p. 632.

Ch. I. Part. I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 43

vain presaged* the Fatal consequence of this A^D.1558.
neglect. Mary's ecclesiastical ministers mock-
ed his fears, and said that, during winter,

their

NOTES,
tressed English. The exultation of the French must have
been great, for Holingshed says, ' Now were he worthie of
a kingdome, that could sensiblie and significantlie set foorth
the insolent triumphs and immoderate rejoisings of the French,
for the recovery of Calais,' 8cc. Beneath is a specimen of a
poetical ovation, by way of dialogue between a Messenger
and a Traveller :

Nuncius. Clamate Galli, nunc ter Io ! Io !
Viator. Quas laeta Gallis instat ovatio ?
N. Capti Caletes. V. Multa paucis

Digna novo memoras triumpho.
A". Vicere Galli, sed duci Guisio,
V. Io triumphe ! nunc ter, Io ! Id !
JV". Vicere victores Britannos.

Annos ducentos, serva Britannia?

Urbs liberata est. V. Nunc ter, Io ! Io!
A". Migrate nunc prisci coloni, Sec.

Imitated.

Messenger. Huzza ! my lads of France, huzza !
Traveller. And why so joyous, friend, I pray ?

M. Calais is ours ! Tr. Ay, that's a saying-
Enough to set us all huzzaing.
M. The French have conquer 'd. Hail the Guise,

'Tis he has gained this glorious prize.
1'r. With loud huzzas we'll rend the skies.
M. The Britons, erst our conquerors, he
Has baffled — Calais now is free.

Calais
* Stowe, p. 638. Holingshed, p. 1136.

}

44 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1558. their white staves would be garrison enough to de-
fend the place.

A Parliament now met, and though in a very ill-
humor, granted to Mary a supply, which enabled
her to send a fleet under the Lord Clinton which
ravaged part of the French coast, with little advan-
tage or honor. Ten English ships of war were
more fortunate.* Hearing; the noise of a battle
when cruizing off Gravelines, they sailed up an
arm of the sea, and by cannonading one wing of

the

NOTES.

Calais, two hundred years the slave
Of yon curst Isle, is freed. Tr. O brave !
Huzza ! huzza ! M. To crown the whole, ^
The British townsmen, every soul, >

Far from our land are doom'd to stroll, &c. j

I.P.A.

There is extant a letter written by the English council to
Philip (who had proposed to attempt the re-taking of Calais]
in a style so dejected, that it disgraces the national spirit.

The castle of Guisnes resisted longer than Calais, but soon
fell, and that of Hatnmes was abandoned. Thus melted away
the fast hold which England vaunted that she kept in France.

[HoLINGSHED, CAMPB. ADMIRALS.

When Francis I. was made prisoner at Pavia, it was pro-
posed by Henry VIII's council, to give up to France Calais,
and all its dependencies. ' A measure' said some ' highly
honorable at this period, and greatly profitable to the realm.'
The motion was over-ruled.

The yearly cost of Calais to Mary was, at an average,
40301. [Strype's Memo.

* Holingshed, p. 1150.

Ch. I. Part. I. ^ 1. civil and military. 45

the French army, they enabled the Spaniards to a.d.1558.
give their foes a signal overthrow.

And now, on the 17 th of November, 155$,
Mary, worn out with unrequited love, with con-
sciousness of the deserved hate of her subjects, and
with dread of that complete change which her
successor would make in matters of religion, gave Mary
way to a dropsical complaint, and expired utterly
unregretted, unless by those whose power and
maintenance depended on her existence.

To delineate the character of this inglorious
sovereign, is nearly as unpleasant a task, as to racter
write the memoirs of her reign. Her person was
mean, as her mind was narrow ; from her mother
she inherited pride ; from her father, obstinacy and
cruelty; but neither of her parents bequeathed to
her any share of their abilities. Yet, says a threat
writer, ' many salutary and popular laws, in civil
matters, were made under her administration ;
perhaps the better to reconcile the people to the
bloody measures which she was induced to pur-
sue, for the re-establishment of religious sla-
very.'*

She was buried, with the Roman Catholic cere-
monies, in the chapel of her grandfather Henry
VII. Her relation, the primate Pole, survived
Mary only sixteen hours. +

The
Blackstone's Com. + Holingshed, p. 1162.

46 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^^J^; The severe Buchanan embalmed her Memory
by the following Epitaph : —

Sum Marie, male grata patri, male grata marito,

Ccelo invisa, meae pestis atrox patriae,
Nulla aberat labes, nisi quod fuit addita custos
Fida pudicitias, forma maligna meze.

Imitated.
Mary, by heaven and earth abhorr'd, my name
My country's scourge ; my sire's, my husband's shame.
From one offence alone by heaven ensur'd,
My odious form my chastity secur'd. P.

From a prison, and from almost daily appre-
hension[3i>] of a violent death, the daughter of
Anne Boleyn was called to the throne by the una-
nimous voice of Lords and Commons. She found
Modera- the nation depressed by an unsuccessful war, the
Eliza- treasury exhausted, and,the minds of the people
beth. totally unsettled about religion. Actuated by that
prudence which she had learnt in the school of
affliction, she took her measures with modera-
tion. \33]

She

NOTES.

[32] Elizabeth compared her own deliverance to that of
Daniel from the Lion's den. [Burnet, &c.

' No marvel' (says Holingshedj ' if she hearing upon a
time a certain milk-mayde singing pleasantlie near her gar-
den at Woodstocke, wished herself to be a milk-mayde as she
was ; saying that her case was better and life merrier.'

[33] Truly magnanimous was the Queen's conduct to Sir
H. BedingHeld, the most brutally severe of her successive
keepers. He presented himsell at her court; ' Begone from

my

Ch. I. Part. I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 47

She added to the late Queen's council, [34] the A.D.155&
Lords Northampton and Bedford," and several
others (Bacon and Cecil among them) friends to
the reformation ; she endeavoured to retain the
amity of Philip, although she refused his offered
hand; rationally arguingthat, should she marry her
late sister's husband by a dispensation, it would
then be said, that her father Henry's marriage with
his brother's widow, by the same authority, was
equally legal, and of consequence her own birth
illegitimate ; and she sent her most able statesmen
as ambassadors to the emperor, and other foreign
princes. It seems probable, that she would even

have

NOTES.
my presence,'" said the offended sovereign, * and when I have
a prisoner whom I wish to be treated with uncommon cruelty,
I will send for you again.' She took no other revenge on
this unmanly knight. Mr. Warton even intimates, that she
visited him once or twice on a progress.

[Life of Sir T. Pope, Holingsiied.
[34] The thirteen Lords that were left of Mary's council
were no bigots, but had changed with the times, namely,
Winchester, Arundel, Pembroke, Shrewsbury, Derby, Clin-
ton, Howard, 8cc. ' They sang,' as Sir J. Harrington wittily
says of the Bishops, ' Cantate Domino, canticum novum,'
four times in fourteen yeares, and yet never sang out of
tune.' It was one of these (Winchester) who, on being
asked how he had contrived to keep his interest at court in
such jarring seasons, made answer, ' by being a willow, not
an oak.' A sentiment leaning more to convenience than
honor.

* Strype's Annals, p. 5.

^g HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1558. have kept measures with the Pope ; but the hot-
,, j ^V headed Paul scorned her advances, and would hear
by the of nothing but her abdication.* This absurd and
™* ill-timed insolence seems to have determined Eli-
zabeth to follow the advice of Cecil, and declare

Embraces in favor of that religion which her heart approved.

the Pro-

testantin- But, although she recalled the exiles, allowed the

terest. service to be read n English, and forbad the ele-
vation of the Host, yet, cautious of offending her
only ally and a large number of her people, she
prohibited controversial preaching, and sought by
gentle means to unite the minds of all. The
Bishops, however, took the alarm, and refused, in
general, to assist at the coronation ; and Ogle-
thorpe, who held the see of Carlisle, was hardly
persuaded to set the crown on the most accomplish-
ed head that ever wore that ornament ; and even
he insisted that the elevation of the Host should
be performed. For this he was deprived of his
bishoprick, a loss which broke his heart.
Many Among the prelates who lost their sees as re-

changes cusants, the fate of none were so much regretted
Bishops. as *nat °f ^ie mihl and moderate Cuthbert Ton-
stall Bishop of Durham ; who, although his prin-
ciples kept him steady to the Roman Catholic
faith, had never walked in any paths of persecu-
tion ; but, at his own imminent hazard, had pre-
vented the stain of sanguine bigotry from infecting

his

Father Paul, lib. v.

Ch. I. Part I. § i. civil and military. 49

his diocese. In consequence, though contumaci- A.D.i.558.
ous, he was gently treated, and permitted to spend
the small remainder of his days with his friend, the
Archbishop of Canterbury. Far less laudable was
the conduct of White, Bishop of Winchester ;
who, in the funeral sermon of Mary, after enlarg-
ing on her patience, her piety, and her knees
hardened by incessant kneeling, added, 'We have,
however, her sister left, a lady of great virtue,
whom we are bound to obey ; for you know, " a
living dos: is belter than a dead lion." This
equally disloyal and vulgar sentiment gave great
offence ; Dr. White was, however, only punished
by being deprived, with the other recusant pre-
lates, and suffering a short imprisonment.

Early in 1559 a Parliament was summoned; its 1559.
members seemed heartily disposed to loyalty and
reformation. They first confirmed the title of
Elizabeth, which, from delicate regard to the me-
mory of Henry and of Anne Boleyn, was per-
mitted to rest only on the last disposition of that
king : and then addressed her to marry : ' As you parlia-

have not pointed out whom you would have me nient ac*~

. dress the

wed, said the queen, ' your address is dutiful, but queen to

my realm is my husband, my subjects are my w*

children, and I only wish to have it inscribed on

my tomb, that I lived and died a maiden Queen.'*

The

* Holingshed, p. 1181.

Vol. I. Part I. e

50 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AD 12*The Parliament then proceeded to allot to Eliza-
beth the supremacy of the church, and to discou-
rage the service of the mass, by reviving the laws
of Edward VI. respecting religion." A confe-
rence and disputation between advocates for each
contending faith, held in presence of the Lord
Bacon, and ending, as usual, with triumph to that
system which royalty espoused, finished the con-
test. Thus was the ill-constructed fabric raised
by Mary, and cemented with so much innocent
blood, utterly and irrevocably overturned in al-
most an instant of time.

The Commons, after a liberal grant of money,
retired to their respective homes, and left to their

Treaty sovereign the arduous task of settling a peace (ne-
with ° . . .

France, cessary to her finances) with France. Philip, al-
though from punctilio he supported her demand
of Calais, was now little inclined to exert him-
self farther in favour of a confirmed heretic and a
scornful mistress ; she therefore (after securing her
honor, by obtaining a conditional restoration [So]

' of

NOTES.
[35] Calais was to be restored to England at the end of
eight years, provided no hostility was committed either to-
wards France or Scotland during that period. And even
should such an improbable continuation of peace exist, France
had the alternative of paying a large sum of money.

[Pub. Act*.
* Holingshed, p. 1183.

Chap. I. Part I. § I. civil and military. 51

of the disputed town) consented to a treaty in ^j^;

■which Scotland was included.

Scarcely had this agreement been signed, ere

the foundation was laid of anew feud, productive

ofeventsmore than usually interesting. FrancisII.

having just mounted the French throne, assumed,

in right of his wife, Mary of Scotland, the royal

title and arms of England, as well as its sister-

kingdom ; nor gave any satisfactory answer to the

sharp remonstrances of the English ambassador.

Fortunately for Elizabeth, the Lords of Scot- Elizabeth

assists the
land, headed by the Duke de Chatelherault (late Scottish

Arran) had, at this juncture, applied to her for Lords'
help against the queen-regent, Mary of Guise, and
her French adherents. Encouraged by her dis-
cerning counsellors, the English queen promised
them her aid; and actually ordered in the dead of
winter a strong body of troops to march towards
the north, under the Lord Gray $[3.6] which, in

conjunction

NOTES.

[36] At this period, Sir Francis Anderson was mayor of
Newcastle. Standing on the brid e, probably to see the
troops pass by, he chanced to drop his ring into the Tyne.
Some time after, one of his servants accidentally bought a fish
in the market, in the body of which was found the identical
ring which had been dropped. Mr. Brand, from whose histo-
ry of Newcastle this story is taken, affirms that he has seen this
ring in the possession of a descendant of the family; and adds,
that Mr. Anderson has a family ched, prior in date to the
above-told event, with the impression of the same seal on it.
The engraving on the signet appears to be a Roman antique.

E 2

52 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1559. conjunction with the mal-content Scots, might
form the siege of Leith, while a fleet under Sir
William Winter* had directions to guard the
Forth, and prevent the arrival of French succors.
1560. The enterprizes of Elizabeth were generally
prudent, and almost always successful. Hertroopst
were joined by 5000 Scots, and Leith, though
garrisoned by a numerous band of French vete-

Leith rans, inured to the defence of fortresses, after a
TX ga^ant resistance, submitted to her arms. A fleet,

Scottish destined to retrieve the affairs of the regent, was

war en - dispersed by a storm ; and, to complete the good
fortune of the English, the civil dissentions of
France prevented her from attending with any
vigor to a foreign war. Readily, indeed, would
the French have re'stored Calais to England tc
have withdrawn Elizabeth from her Scottish alli-
ance, but she spurned the proposal ' What !'
said she with politic integrity, 'abandon my friends
for a paltry fishing town !' The death of the
queen-regent, Mary of Guise, still more embar-
rassed the scene ; and the French monarch found
himself at length obliged to embrace a humi-
liating treaty, styled that of Edinburgh, by which,
for himself and Mary, he abandoned the title and
arms of English royalty, withdrew his forces from
Scotland, and promised no more to interfere in
its government.

These

» Holingshed, p. 1187. + Haynes, vol. i. 256, C59.

Ch. I. Part I. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 53

These great points being gained, Elizabeth or-^^-1560-
dered her troops to quit Scotland, without re-
quiring from the party •whom she had saved from
ruin any other return, than their grateful recol-
lection of her conduct ; in consequence of this
moderation," she acquired more influence in Scot-
land than Mary, its natural sovereign, could ever
attain ; and before the year I56O was ended, am-
bassadors were sent from the Scottish states, who
had sjone violent lengths in reformation, to ex-
press their hearty gratitude, -f and intreat the con-
tinuance of her protection. [37]

The situation of Elizabeth was still very criti-
cal. She had not a single ally; the Guises, whose

counsels

NOTES.

[37] The Scots Lords (then styled ' Lords of the Con-
gregation') strongly recommended to Elizabeth a marriage
with the Earl of Arran. This accomplished young noble-
man, the son of Hamilton Duke of Chatelherault, had quitted
the service of France on account of his religion. Disap-
pointed of his view on Elizabeth, he courted Mary of Scot-
land ; there too he was unsuccessful. These royal aims in
Arran were not the offspring of mere vanity. He had in
himself the next claim to the crown of Scotland, on failure of
Mary's heirs. Tbe close of his life was melancholy; he lost
his senses, and lived many years in confinement; happy only
in not having sense enough to discern his tides and estates in
the possession of the most worthless of men, Captain Stuart of
Ochiltree. [Spotiswood.

* Forbes, vol i. p. 354, 372. + Keith, p. 154.

54- HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a.d. 1560. counsels governed France, wished to dethrone her
Elizabeth in favor of their niece Mary; Philip of Spain had

menaced sent back the insignia of the garter, and avowed

by Spain ~ °

and his enmity ; and Pius IV. (who had succeeded the

France. hisolent Paul on the Papal throne) disgusted at
her cool reception of a condescending message,
prepared anathemas, which, among the Roman
Catholic English, were sure to have considerable
weight.

The advice of Nicholas Bacon and of William
Cecil, two of the best statesmen in Europe, join-
ed to the more than masculine steadiness of Eli-
zabeth, steered the state-vessel clear of these and
all other perils.

Robert jn her choice of favorites, the queen was less

Dudley in . . . r . . n , v-w 1

favor with judicious than in that ol ministers. Kobert Ducl-

Ehza- jey son to t}ie an bitious Warwick, whose great
beth. .

personal accomplishments were, like those of his

father, sullied by the most odious vices, possess-
ed the highest place in her regard. He was,
however, at first only the amusement of her idle
hours, and was not entrusted with the secrets of
the cabinet.
1561. That leisure which the disturbances in France
and Scotland had allowed to Elizabeth, she em-
ployed in regulating her finances, and strengthen-
ing her frontiers. She reformed the royal house-
hold, and paid the crown debts ; she drove from
her shores all foreign fanatics, and prohibited hot-
headed

Ch. I Part I. § 1 . CIVIL AND MILITARY. 55

headed zealots from defacing churches [38] and ^- 1^-
monuments ; she armed her militia, she fortified
her coasts by castles, and still more by stout ves-
sels fit for Avar ; some of which she built, and
others she encouraged the merchants to fit out.

By persisting in this sagjacious plan, she be-
came as she then was styled, ' Queen of the Nor-
thern Seas.'* The Irish, who under Shan O' Neil,
the most popular and savage of their chiefs, had re- The Irish
volted, she soon brought to reason. She improv-P ied*
ed her coin, which had been much debased ; and
encouraged commerce and manufactures by the
most sage regulations.

In 1561, the deathof the vounn- Kins; of France,
and the slights which Catherine di Medicis, the
new regent, delighted to cast on his widow Mary,
incited in that blooming princess, [39] now just

nineteen

NOTES.

[38] Just at this time, the beautiful spire of St. Paul's
church, j'20 feet high from the ground, and 260 from the
tower, being made with wood and cased with lead, took fire
by lightning, as supposed ; and was consumed. The tower
was soon repaired; but the spire was never rebuilt. It ap-
peared afterwards, by the confession of a plumber on his death-
bed, that a pan of coals, carelessly left in the steeple, had oc-
casioned the conflagration. [Stowe, Heylyn.

[39] When Alary, in her fullest blaze of beauty, was
walking in a procession through Paris, a woman forced her

way
• Camden, p. 388. Strype, vol. i. p. 330, 336, 337.

56 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN- Book VII.

A^D.i56i. nineteen years of age, a wish to take possession
of her native throne. With this view she ap-
plied to Elizabeth, whose fleets rode triumphant
in the Channel/'" for a safe conduct. But she met
a refusal, which indeed might have been expect-
ed, as she herself had never yet, though often
applied to, consented to ratify the treaty of Edin-

Mary of DLiro-h.-t- She sailed however : and escaping in a
Scots ° _ .

leaves fog the English navy, landed safely at Leith.

lance, j_j arrival was strangely announced to Elizabeth

and lands o J

at Leith. by an ill-timed request, that the queen of Scots
mi'jrht be acknoAvle^ed as heiress of the English
crown. This was rejected with more temper than
might have been expected, and a literary inter-
course succeeded between the rival queens, in
which the epistles were equally affectionate and
equally insincere.

It is possible that a demand, which suggested to

Su;tors ■ Elizabeth the humiliating idea of dying childless,

to Eliza- inspired her with a transient spirit of coquetry ;

for it is at this period that she is said to have

smiled on many adorers. Besides Lord Robert

Dudley,

NOTES.

way through the crowd and touched her. Her excuse for this
rudeness was extreme curiosity, which prompted her to feel
if so angelic a creature were formed of iieshand blood.

[Grainger.
* Goodall, vol. i.p. 175.
-f Vie de Marie Steuard, par Brantome.

Ch. I. Part. I. § i. civil and military. 57

Dudley, the Earl of Arundel presumed on the^-*).^;
antiquity of his family ; Sir William Pickering
on his person ; and the Earl of Arran on his
relation to the crown :• several foreign princes too,
among whom were Eric, King of Sweden, [40]
and Adolphus, Duke of Holstein, paid their tri-
bute of admiration, and none met with a positive
refusal.

The attention of Elizabeth was, in I.5G2, at-
tracted towards France ; where the Huguenot
party, cruelly oppressed by the princes of the house
of Guise, earnestly implored her assistance, as the
protectress of the Protestant interest throughout
Europe. Tempted by the hope of embarrassing

the affairs of the most inveterate enemies to her;' \,sent

to the

rights, she first sent Sir Edward Poynings with Hugue-
3000 men, and then the Lord Warwick withnos*

3000

NOTES.

[40] Elizabeth, during the reign of Mary, had refused the
offer of this son of Gustavus Vasa, in so prudent a manner
as to extort praise even from the lips of her ill-disposed sister.
This princely wooer had paved his way to the fair queen,
by sending to her ' a royal present of eighteen large pyed
horses, and two ships laden with riches. [Strype.

There was a diverting perplexity as to the method of re-
ceiving this prince at court, from the prudish idea of ' the
Oueenes Majestie being still a mayde.' \

[VVarton from Burghley.

The costly method in which Eric carried on his suit, was a
matter of serious concern to the senate of Sweden.

[Raymond's Life of Gustavus Vasa,

58 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.i»6i. 3000 more to Normandy, where Havre-de-Grace
was delivered up by the mal-contents then in arms,
as a cautionary town ; Diep, which place Sir
Edward Poynings had garrisoned, having been
abandoned as not defensible. At home, the queen
was harrassed by conspiracies. The Earl and
Countess of Lenox having engaged in a suspicious
correspondence with Mary of Scots, were sent to
the Tower ; there were also two weak young men,
nephews to the late Cardinal Pole, who formed a
chimerical plan (founded on astrological predic-
tions) to excite a rebellion in Wales, and sup-
port their cause by succors from France. The
absurdity of these plotters probably saved their
lives. But Elizabeth extended not the same in-
dulgence to Lady Catharine Gray: more unfor-
tunate even than her ill-starr'd sister, Jane. Ca-
tharine had been in 1553 united to the Lord Her-
bert ; who, as he had married her merely from
ambitious views, had the baseness to desert her,
when he found her family delivered over to the
axe. After this separation, she privately married
the Lord Hertford, son to the late protector So-
merset. By him she had one child ; a circum-
stance whichalarmed Elizabeth, who dreaded every
one that shared the royal blood. Both husband
and wife were sent to separate confinement in the
Tower, and their marriage was annulled by sen-
tence in the Archbishop's court. The appearance
of a second offspring enraged the queen beyond
3 due

Ch. I. Part. I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 59

due bounds. Hertford was enormously amerced a.d. i56i.
for corrupting a princess of the blood ; the treat-
ment of each was more severe than ever ; and it
was not until the hapless Catharine had died, after
pining nine years in solitary confinement, that
the persecuted earl was permitted to enjoy his li-
berty.

In the interim the Huguenots, led by Conde,
received a severe defeat from the royalists under
Montmorency at Dreux, where, by a strange
caprice of fortune, each party left its general a
prisoner. The admiral escaped from the field,
rallied the shattered remnants of his army, and re-
ceived from Elizabeth 100,000* crowns, which
helped his active spirit to raise a new force against
the Roman Catholic troops.

The imminent danger to which Elizabeth had 1553.
in the winter of 1562 been exposed by the small-
pox, so much alarmed a Parliament which she
summoned early in the next year, that she was
again earnestly addressed by the memberst to
marry or to settle the succession; a request, each
branch of which she dextrously evaded. Marriage
she liked not for herself or others ; and as to the
succession, she had too much penetration not to
know, that when she named an heir, she created a
rival. The Parliament, after having granted a li-
beral

* Forbes, vol. ii. p. 322, 347.
t D'Ewes's Journal, p. 81.

60 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

tj^^f ;beral supply, and after having passed a rigorous
act against those avIio acknowleged not the royal
supremacy, another against foolish and rebellious
prophecies, and a third against witches and sor-
cerers, was prorogued.
I563# Beyond the Channel, affairs went ill for Eng-

land. The factions which had desolated France
being reconci led by a sudden and short-lived peace,
de-Grace united to expel the Earl of Warwick from Havre-
lost. de-Grace. They could not have accomplished
this had not a dreadful pestilence reduced his gal-
lant band to a handful.'" The capitulation had
hardly been signed, before the Lord Clinton ap-
peared at the mouth of the harbor with a fleet and
3000 soldiers. They were too late ; and, to add
to the mishaps of this disastrous campaign, the
disease which had thinned the ranks, accompanied
the poor remains of the garrison to London, where
it swept away near 30,000 souls.

The affairs of the north were too important,
and too nearly connected with the security of the
English queen, to be neglected by so keen a po-
litician., The youth and beauty of the Scottish
Mary, and still more her powerful, though ill-
regulated sovereignty, made her a desirable object
to every unmarried prince in Europe. Among
others who stood candidates for so valuable a
prize, we find that at this time Charles, Arch-
duke

* Forbes, vol. ii. p. 450, 458.

Ch. I. Part. I. § i. civil and military. 6l

duke of Austria, endeavoured to gain possession of A.D.ises.
her hand. But this connection Elizabeth took
great pains to prevent, by causing intimations to
be given to her, that such a marriage might en-
danger her claim to the English succession. On
the other hand the Guises, uncles to Mary, indeli-
cately offered her hand to almost every Roman
Catholic prince in Europe ; so much did they
dread her marrying a Protestant, or connecting
herself in close amity with Elizabeth.*

Early in 1564, a peace was made between Eli- 1564.
zabeth and Charles IX. of France. , A large sum j!£.
of money was paid to England by the French, and France.
the Calais hostages were restored; the rigdit to the
place remaining as before.

A general tranquillity now taking place through-
out Europe, Mary of Scotland thought seriously
of being married, and Elizabeth, with greater
earnestness, how to prevent her nuptials. She
had proposed to the Scottish queen her favorite
Robert Dudley, t lately created Earl of Leicester,
and Mary seemed not disinclined to the match,
provided her right to the English succession might
at the same time be settled. But the Queen of
England who never meant that things should <ro
so far, now permitted another candidate for the
heart of Mary to appear on the stage. This was the
Lord Darnley, son to the Earl and Countess of

Lenox,

Forbes, vol. ii. p. c287. + Melvill, p. 47.=

62 HISTOKY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.1564. Lenox, who, as grandson to Henry VII. by his
daughter Margaret of Scotland, divided with Mary
the claim to the crown of England. Darnley en-
gaged in the pursuit of the fair Queen, [4 1] with
the full leave of Elizabeth, who imagined that, as
the large estates of his family were in her power,
she could at any time stop the marriage. The
event proved that she was much mistaken. The
extremely elegant* person of the suitor, irrevo-
cably engaged the heart of Mary. It inspired her
with courage as well as love, and she mounted her
horse and headed her troops against the opposers
of the marriage. t

It was at this time, that, pained by the visible
^ disingenuity of Elizabeth's conduct, Mary had

written a resentful letter ; which, on consideration,
she repented of, and sent Sir James Melvill, a
sprightly courtier, to make her peace. The Eng-
lish princess, still more jealous of Mary's charms
than of her claim, sifted the subtle minister even
as to the colour of her hair. At last, she asked
him plainly, which of the two he thought the
fairest? To this the cautious Melvill answered,

that

NOTES.

[41] David Rizzio, afterwards slain by Darnley, was the
person who introduced that young nobleman to the company
and good graces of the then amiable and gentle Mary.

[Melvill,
* Melvill, p. 101. + App. to Keith, p. 164.

Ch. I. Part. I. § I. civil and military . 63

that her Majesty was the fairest person in Eng- ^v^*£f*;
land and his mistress in Scotland. During their
interviews, Elizabeth shewed herself to him in the
dresses of various countries, and contrived to let
him hear her perform on the virginals, an instru-
ment which she understood to perfection ; all the
time endeavouring, with incredible dexterity, to
allure the envoy into comparisons disadvantageous
to his lovely mistress.

During the course of J 564, Frances Dutchess
of Suffolk (daughter to Mary of France, sister to
Henry VIII.) ended in prison a life, which, for
variety of wretchedness, had had few parallels since
that of the Trojan Hecuba. She had seen her
daughter, the Lady Jane, beheaded. Her own
and her daughter's husbands had shared the same
fate. Her daughter Catharine, after having been
repudiated by the Earl of Pembroke, was now
confined in the Tower, and her youngest daughter,
Mary, most unequally matched to an inferior offi-
cer of the household. The old Dutchess herself
had wedded Adrian Stokes, ' a meane gentylman,'
more as is supposed, for her security than from
passion; the same motive had, perhaps, weighed
with her daughter Mary. [42]

About

NOTES.

[42] It is said, that on Elizabeth's exclaiming, ' What !
has she married her horse-keeper ?" 'Yes, Madam,' replied

Lord

64 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

C^^J About this time the good correspondence be-
Dispute tween the English and the Flemings wits for a

wuli the . *~ ° .

Flemings, short space interrupted, by the contrivance of

Philip's minister in FJanders, the Cardinal Gran-

velle ; but their mutual interest us to commerce,

soon brought about a reconciliation.

1565. With great apparent surprise and indignation

Mary of did Elizabeth hear, in 1565, of the union be-
sots
weds tween Mary of Scotland and the Lord Darnley.

nley. She seized the lands of Lenox, complained loudly
• of ill treatment, and even incited* the Protestant
Lords to revolt against the new king as a Roman
Catholic. They flew to arms, but were soon
routed and forced to take refuge in England, where
the policy of the queen instigated her to give
them a reception, 4- painful to them and disgrace-
ful to herself; for, after having by indirect means

prevailed

NOTES.

Lord Burghley, ' and she says your Majesty would like to
do so too.' Leicester was then master of the horse.

[Walpole's Anec.

Her grace's chaplain, John Pulleyne, was probably more
remarkable for his orthodoxy than for his skill in poetry ; at
least if we are to judge by a stanza from his translation of
Solomon's song ;

She is so young in Christe's truth,

That yet she has no teates ;
She wanteth brestes to feed her youth,

With sound and perfect meates. [Warton.
* Melvill, p. 57. + Ibid. p. ibid.

CIl. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 65

prevailed on the deluded Lords, before the am-^-^'
bassadors of France and Spain, to acknowledge
that she had no share in their revolt, Elizabeth Eliza-
had the audacity to drive them from her presence beth's

ill ungener-
as * rebels and traytors.' JThrogmorton, who hadous con_

had her own authority to encourage their rising , duct t0

. J a a the Scot-

would not join in this odious farce, but avowed tish

the part she had taken. The queen, however, Lor<*s*

provided for their subsistence in England, until

Darnley's jealousy of Rizzio restored them to

their country.

An account which Elizabeth now received of isqq^

the birth of a prince to Mary of Scots, affected A ,Scot"

i i tis"

her with a severe momentary pang; she retired prince

from a splendid entertainment at which she had n*

presided, and even, as is said, bitterly lamented

' her own virgin state, and the superior felicity

of her sister queen* in having a male offspring.'

This was, however, only the lapse of a moment ;

she soon recovered her native firmness, and sent

the Earl of Bedford to Mary with a golden font,

which she presented as god-mother. At the

same time, to keep up the farce of her resentment

against the Lenox family, Bedford was ordered

not to style the spouse of Mary, king. The Tne E 9

Lords, as well as the Commons of England, took^sh Par-

this occasion to renew their batteries against the irritatec{.

queen's reluctance to marry, or to settle the suc-

Vol. I. Part I. f cession,

* Melvjll, p. 70.

£6 .HISTORY OF. GREAT BRITAIN". Book VII.

a^d. 1566. cession. On this attack, the great officers were
sent to stop the discussion, and to declare, that
it would be dangerous at this period to appoint
an heir. This, however, gave no satisfaction ;
and Paul Wentworth, a spirited member, spoke
largely on the privileges of Parliament, and on
the illegality of the check which had been given
to freedom of debate. On finding an unusual in-
crease of warmth in the senate, Elizabeth wisely
restored the liberty of speech, and Parliament in
return supplied her so liberally, that the mode-
rate sovereign, conscious that the grant was meant
to incline her to settle the succession, contented
herself with two thirds of what it had allotted,
and nobly asserted, that ' she thought the money
in her subjects' purses was as ready to serve the
state, as if in her exchequer.' The Universities
of Oxford [43] and Cambridge were, in the same
year, honored with a visit from the queen, who
signified to each of them, in an elegant Latin
speech, her approbation of their attention to li-
terature.

A circumstance in the behavior of Mary
Stuart, is supposed to have given Elizabeth great
disgust at this period ; the Earl of Bedford, who

had

NOTES.

[43] The letter written to Elizabeth from the University

of Oxford, on her arrival at her palace after this visit, partakes
of the punning turn of the age : ' Ergo tuam celsitudinem,
non dicam ut iiumen, dicam certe ut Numam veneramur.'

[Philips's Lifi of Pole.

Cll. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 67

had attended her with congratulations on the^D^i566.
birth of James, was instructed to demand the ra-
tification of the treaty of Edinburgh, whereby
the arms of England were to be expunged from
her escutcheon. Mary hesitated, but offered an
encasement, that she would not use either the ti- Scots cau-
tie or the arms during the life of Elizabeth. Yet tl0US"
the caution mio-ht be ri^ht. Elizabeth hated her
as a rival, the English dreaded her as a Papist ;
perhaps an unqualified resignation of title and
arms might have been used to deprive her line
of the succession.

About this time, the jealousy of Darnley tempt- further
ed him to excite a number of Scottish Lords to of Rizzio.
assassinate David Rizzio, and in a manner so in-
delicate and cruel, that it appeared as if he had
had an intention to terrify his wife Mary, then
pregnant, into some disease, which might de-
stroy both her and her offspring.*

In no placid humor did the English Queen 1567
dismiss her Parliament in February, 1567- Her
parting speech was a mixture of tenderness and
severity. She hinted at her ' knowing the de-
signs of many among them in favor of Mary ;'
and protested, ' that by checking their debates,
she meant, not to infringe their liberties, but mere-
ly to warn them of a precipice ;' or, to use her

f 2 own

t Melviil's Relation, p. 22, 23,

68 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

K^l^L' own h°mety but expressive words, ' to stay them
before they fell* into a ditch.'

If Sir James Melvil is to be credited, Eliza-
beth was by no means too cautious. By his in-
trigues, and those of the Roman Catholic party,
Plots there were bands of armed ment ready to rise
E^za-1 *n many counties to support the cause of Mary,
beth. as to her succession at least, if not as to somewhat
farther. Besides this, the Duke of Norfolk, the
Lords Leicester, Pembroke, Bedford, Northum-
berland, and, except Cecil, all the great and lead-
ins; men in England, seemed earnest for a declara-
tion of a successor ; and the moderation in religi-
ous matters which Mary had hitherto maintained,^
had gained many voices in her favor. [44] But
the imprudence (to give it the tenderest name)
of the Scottish queen, saved her rival from per-
haps the greatest peril of those which attended
her long reign. Mary had been with reason dis-
gusted at the insolence and cruelty of the man, to
whom she had fondly given her person and her

kingdom.

NOTES,

[44] Some zealous Protestants adhered to the claims of
descendants from the house of Brandon, and there was among
the English a sufficient difference of opinion as to the succession,
to make cautious persons dread a civil war, if Elizabeth should
die before that point should be settled. [Hume.

* D'Ewes, p. 116, 117- + Haynea, p. 446, 448.

X Melvill, p. 53, 6l, 74.

Ch. I. Part I. § i. civil and military. 69

kingdom. He had murthered in her presence her "^2*^;
favorite servant, of whom he had conceived a jea-
lousy, and this at a period when the queen was
far advanced in pregnancy. Not long after, this
worthless and ungrateful prince was assassinated ; . .

° l The king

and those who at the time acquitted Mary of any of Scots
concern in this foul deed, could hardly avoid nVnt ei~
changing their sentiments, when the fair widow,
within three months after the catastrophe of
Darnley, gave" her hand to the profligate lord
Bothwell, whom Scotland's united voice had
pointed out as the murtherer of her husband.
The sea of troubles into which this unhappy step
plunged the lovely but indiscreet princess, pre-
vented her from embroiling; the affairs of her
neighbor, and at length totally overwhelmed her.
Elizabeth at first, in some degree interfered in
her favor, by sending Sir Nicholas Throgmor-
ton to the Lords who held her in confinement ;
but, at that time, even her remonstrances were
not listened to, so fully were the Scots persuaded
of their sovereign's guilt.

It was about this time that Ireland was freed,
for a short time, from the ravages of civil Avar, in
which the ambition of Shan (or John) O'Neil,
and the tyrannical inconsistency of the English
government, had involved it.

Shan

Spotiswood, p. 203, kc.

70 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

w^^S' Shan O'Neil was a valiant, licentious savage, of
Account extensive popularity in his country. He abhorred
O'Ne'l ^ie English customs, because they led to civili-
zation, and is said to have slain some of his fol-
lowers merely for attempting to introduce to his
district the use of bread ; yet though so violent
an enemy to luxury, he indulged himself in the
most beastly excess ; and was used to allay the
fever which his intemperance had caused, by
plunging into pools of mire. This stern barbarian
scorned the Earldom of Tyrone, which Elizabeth
would have s;iven to him, and called himself Kin?:
of Ulster. ' The Queen,' he would often say,
' was his sovereign lady ; but yet he never made
peace with her, but at her seeking.' The activity
of Sir Henry Sidney having driven this haughty
cacique from his lurking places, he chose, rather
than submit to England, to trust the faith of a
Scottish roving sea-captain ; who, from some old
2Tud<j[e, slew him at an entertainment.

These transactions, with a fruitless, because for-
mal, demand on France for the restitution of
Calais, closed the story of 1567- Calais was, in-
deed, only to have been restored, on condition
that England should commit no hostilities against
France; and the French now plausibly produced
the assistance given to the Huguenots, and the
taking possession of Huvre, as breaches of the
contract.

To

Cll. I. Part I. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. ' 71

To amuse her people, whose wishes to see ^^•1^)
their queen married were unanimous, Elizabeth Elizabeth
apparently listened, in I568, to the addresses of J0"^
the Archduke Charles ; but, by proposing harsh Arch-
conditions, delayed the negotiation so long, that
the disgusted wooer, finding his'address slighted
and himself denied the public exercise of his re-
ligion, flew off, courted the daughter of the Ba-
varian Albert (a less capricious mistress) and
married her.

A more important subject soon took up all the
queen's attention. Mary of Scots, after having
made a forced resignation of her crown to her in-
fant son James, had escaped from the hands of
her foes.* She had raised a new army, had been
utterly defeated, and forced to take shelter in the M 0f
dominions of the English queen, whose genero- Scots

... , takes re-

sity and policy were at war concerning the man- f„se -m

ner of her reception. The latter, however, aid- England.
ed by the suggestions of Cecil, gained the day ;
and the royal fugitive, instead of being received
with open arms by Elizabeth, was consigned to
the care of the family of Scrope, nearly connect-
ed with that of Howard. Advantage havino-
been taken of a wish which Mary had expressed
of clearing her character to the English queen,t
commissioners were appointed to hear her accus-
ation

* Camden, p. 110. + Spotiswood, p. 219.

72 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII

t^25* at*on ancl defence,[44] and York was the place
settled for the inquiry. Murray, regent of Scot-
land, together with the Earl of Morton, the Bi-
shop of Orkney, Lord Lindsay, and others at-
tended, besides the Earl and Countess of Lenox,
who loudly accused Mary of Darnley's murther.
Accused Besides these, Maitland of Lethington and Bu-
husband's cnanan attended as assistants. At first the re-
Biurther. gent was cautious of provoking her who might
again become his queen, by too harsh an exposi-
tion of her faults ; but when the hearing was
transferred to London, when the duke of Nor*
folk was no longer a commissioner, and above all,
when the sentiments of Elizabeth were under-
stood, he no longer hesitated to produce the
most bitter charges against the unhappy princess.
Her de- Whether or not they were well founded, Ma-
conduct- ry certainly took an improper method of defence.
ec^ The bishop of Ross and her other commissioners

protested, that they had orders not to concern
themselves with any accusation against her, since
' as she was a sovereign princess, she would jus-
tify herself to none but her sister-queen, Eliza-
beth.' They likewise laid the charge of Darnley's
murther at the door of the regent, but advanced
no proofs whatever to support the accusation.

In

NOTES.

[44] These were the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex,
and Sir Ralph Sadlier,

Ch. I. Part I. §. I. civil and military. 73

In the mean time, the whole proceedings a.d. i568.
charges, and evidence, as to the conduct of the
Scottish queen, having been solemnly laid before
the privy-council of England, the regent was per-
mitted to return to Edinburgh, and had 55OOOl.
allowed him by Elizabeth for his expences. She
then tried to persuade the hapless Mary to resign
her crown to the infant James, or to divide, at
least, her authority with him ; but that high-
spirited princess would accept of no compromise ;
and firmly demanded either an interview with the
Queen of England, or licence to depart in search
of some potentate more disposed to befriend her.

The enmity which Philip of Spain bore to Eli- 1569.
zabeth, had hitherto only discovered itself by in-
sults offered to her ships and merchants ; these she
had retaliated by seizures, and by letters of repri-
sal; no open war had yet appeared. In 1569, PIots
1 o ' • 1 1 1 j 1^ against

the Spaniard played a deeper game, iiy means Eliza-

of the Duke of Alva, who commanded in the Ne- "etl1'
therlands, a correspondence was begun with the
Roman Catholic friends of Mary, an invasion of
England was projected, and Chiapini Vitelli. an
experienced soldier, was sent to London on a
plausible pretence, that he might be at hand to
head the revolters. At the same time the royal
prisoner was engaged in a much more justifiable
negotiation. The Duke of Norfolk, a Protestant,
suitable to Mary in age and personal accomplish-
ments, aspired to her hand. His influence with the

English

74 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK VII.

A- D. 1569. English nobility was so extensive, that not less
than nine* of the first rank, with the favored
Leicester at their head, declared themselves satis-
fied with the match. To complete the plan,
however, it was necessary for Mary to be divorced
from the odious Bothwell ; nor could this be
brought about without the aid of Murray. He,
therefore, was unavoidably entrusted with the se-
cret,and, probablyby this means, Elizabethgained
intelligence of the whole design. [45] Not wish-
ing to proceed to extremities with so potent a
peer as Norfolk, she warned him of his danger;
she even hinted to him ' to heed on what pillow
he laid his head.' These intimations were unhap-
pily of no use, for the Duke affected to scorn the
idea of aiming to rule over a wild people torn in
pieces by factions. ' At his tennis-court at Nor-
wich, surrounded by his tenants,' he said, 'he was
Norfolk already a little prince.' In consequence, he was
lmpnsoii- sejzecj ancj sent t0 t}ie Tower, and Mary was re-
moved to a place of security ; + a precaution
taken just in time, for the Roman Catholics of
the north, headed by the bigoted Earls Qf Nor-
thumberland [46] and Westmoreland, now no

longer

NOTES.
[45] The letters relating to this plot were, for secrecy,
conveyed in ale bottles. [Camdev-.

[46] A copper mine, unjustly as he thought wrested from
him, had urged Northumberland to this revolt.

"• Leslie, p. 55. + Ibid. p. 80,

Ch.I. Part I. § I. civil akd military. 75

longer kept in awe by the loyal and well-mean- A. D. 1569.
ing Duke, flew to arms ; and at the head of 18,000 Two

men of their friends and those of the old reli- northern

earls re-
gion, took possession of Durham; where, after volt, and

publicly asserting their loyalty to Elizabeth, they a^e rout~
professed a determination to restore the Roman
Catholic faith, and after tearing in pieces, in the
market-place, the English Bible and Common
Prayer-book, they erected a crucifix in the ca-
thedral, and celebrated a pompous mass. But the
Lord Sussex, president of the north, who had
watched their motions, soon collected troops suf-
ficient to march against them, and these unhappy
peers, as weak in conducting as they had been
rash in undertaking their revolt, avoided the con-
test, fled to Scotland, and left their deluded fol-
lowers to the unmerciful discretion of the pro-
vost-martial, Sir W. Bowes ; who is said to have
executed on a gallows sixty-six petty constables,
and some hundreds of others.

Leonard, brother to the Lord Dacres, who, at Another
the head of 3,000, insurgents, attempted to sup- risin£ »"

.» . ., ~ TT the north

port the same cause, met a similar fate. He, as suppres_
well as the Earl of Westmoreland, found means sed-
to quit the island ; but the less fortunate Nor-
thumberland was seized in Scotland by order of
the regent, and thrown into prison.

The conduct of Norfolk had been so blameless
during these troubles, and his endeavors to serve
Elizabeth, by ordering his tenants to join her

troops,

76 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a^d.1569. troops, so hearty, that she released him from the
Tower, and permitted him to live at his own
house, on parole and bond, that he would proceed
no farther as to his projected marriage."

In the mean time professions of regard, equally
deceitful on each side, passed between the rival
queens ; who, although nearly equal in activity,
capacity, and spirit, -were ill matched as to pru-
dence and power. In these, the advantage rested
clearly + with Elizabeth. [47]

Section

NOTES.

[47] At this period died in prison Edmund Bonner,

the deprived Bishop of London. He had been chaplain to
Henry VIII. The gratitude of Cromwell, whom he had
befriended, procured him an embassy to the pope, and to
other princes. He lost his see in the reign of Edward VI.
for not preaching heartily in favor of the king's supremacy.
Mary restored him, and he became a singularly brutal perse-
cutor of the Protestants. On the accession of Elizabeth, he
was a second time degraded and thrown into the Marshalsea,
where he ended his days. It has been hinted before, that
he was a kind of buffoon, and in his misfortunes he retain-
ed a pertness not dissimilar to wit. A contemporary bard
thought two of his bon-mots worth reciting in an epigram as
follows ;

Bonner, that once had bishop been of London,
Was bid by one ' Goodmorrow, bishop Quondam;'
He, with the scoff no whit put out of temper,
Reply'd incontinent, 'Adieu, knave Semper!'

Another

* Leslie, p. 98. + Hume's Tudors, vol. ii. p. 51G.

Ch. I. Part 1. 5} 2. civil and military.

Section II.

THE assassination of Murray, regent of Scot- 1570.
,,.,.,. , , Murray

land, '" early in 1570, threw the govern- assassi-

ment into confusion, and would have given great n:Ucd.
advantage to the partisans of Mary, who instantly
took up arms, and endeavored to engage the
sister-nations in a war, t had not the Earl of Sus-
sex, at the head of an army, entered the country,
ravaged the lands of those adherents of Mary who
had plundered the borderers, and compelled the
divided realm to appoint the Earl of Lenox to

the

NOTES.

Another, in such kind of scoffing joke,
Begg'd his furr'd tippet for to line his cloke.
' No ! no !' quoth he, ' content thee with thy hap,
' Who hast a foolish head, to line thy cap.'

It may perhaps be worth observation, that, on the 11th
of January, 15G9, a kind of lottery was drawn at the west
door of St. Paul's cathedral, and continued incessantly till
the 6th of May following. It had 40,000 lots at 10s/ each
lot, and the profits were to go towards repairing the havens
of the kingdom. The prizes were plate.

Some account of this, or of a similar lottery, was given
to the Antiquarian Society, in 1 7-1S, by Dr. Rawlinson.

* Melvill, p. 102. + Spotiswood, p. 23 1.

78 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A. D. 1570. the vacant regency. Soon after this, a most ill-
Lenox concerted scheme in fovor of the Duke of Nor-

succeeds fo^ 'm which the family of Stanley were the
to the re- , ' ]

gency. leaders, was discovered, and the plotters impri-
soned.

Negotiations, intricate as fruitless, concerning
the fate of Mary, filled up the rest of 1570.
At this period, Elizabeth seemed willing to have
promoted the queen's restoration to the restrained
exercise of royalty; but the Lords of Scotland,
headed by the Earl of Morton, a man of the most
bitter inveteracy against Mary and her friends,
under pretence of duty to the young king, would
agree to no plan in his mother's favor. Fretted
by suspence, Mary fell dangerously ill, and the
English queen not only sent her the best physici-
ans of her train, but added the compliment of an
elegant ring as a token of sisterly affection. She
was not, in the mean while, unmindful of the state
of Europe. Walsingham, one of her most subtle
statesmen, watched over the approaching union
of parties in France, while her fleet, commanded
by a Howard, evinced at the same time her power
and her courtesy, by convoying Anne of Austria
to her bridegroom Philip of Spain, through the
Channel. An incident at this time, added ex-
ceedingly to the jealousy which Elizabeth and all
the Protestants of England already entertained of
the Queen of Scots. Pope Pius, who had lately
succeeded to the triple diadem, disgusted at the
2 English

Ch. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and military. 79

English queen for not receiving his overtures of ^^
amity with gratitude, and fearful lest her modera- The Pope

. anathe-

tion might tempt many of her subjects to quit matizes

the Roman Catholic faith, promulgated a damna- Eliza-

i • ii i i ii beth-
tory decree against her, and against all who should

obey her commands. * A wretched fanatic, named
Felton, who dared to post this bull against the
Bishop of London's palace-gate, and who scorned
to fly or deny the fact, received the fate he wish-
ed for ; and severe laws were made by Parliament
against those who should either publish or obey
the denunciations of a pope. [49]

The

NOTES.
[49] Dr. John Storie was executed for treason about
jliis time, and fell unpitied. During the reign of Mary he
had been active, even to wantonness, in deeds of persecut-
ing cruelty; and soon after the succession o( Elizabeth, in
1558, he owned that he had ' tost a fagot at the face of a
burning heretic, as he was singing psalms, and set a bushe of
thornes under his feet, a little to pricke him.' These words
he said in parliament, and was a little while after thrown
into prison by order of the new queen. Thence escaping,
he betook himself to Flanders, where he soon grew into
favor with the merciless Alva, who, finding him formed
r.fter his own model, employed him in offices suited to his
talents, in carrying on correspondence with the English mal-
contents, and in searching houses for books which might
subject the inhabitants to the inquisition. His alertness in this
last department proved his ruin. A decoy was prepared for
him, and he was told of a cargo of prohibited literature

which
••'• Camden, p. 487.

80 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

vj _^J The Queen of England now summoned a Par-
liament after a recess of five years. It met in
April 1571- It denounced the publishing any
Statutes bull, kc. from the pope, treason ; it declared,
thepoje, that to ca^ tne queen ' heretic,' or to say that the
**• statutes might not regulate the succession, [50]

See. k.c. was treason ; it gave to Elizabeth what
money she wanted, which was but little ; it tried
its strength in favor of a reformation of the Li-
turgy, and against a pernicious monopoly favored
by the court, and was baffled.
Account As the Parliament now abounded in men of
the Puri- stern morals and independent fortunes, who about
tans were, this time began to be called Puritans, from the

supposed

NOTES,
which an English sloop at the mouth of the Schelde had
brought, and meant to land at Antwerp. Storie darted raJ
cautious on his prey; but while he was eagerly searching the
hold, the sails were loosed, the anchor weighed, and the1
wretched traitor with horror found himself on his way for
England : He lay some time in prison, and at last, when exe-
cuted, he parted from life most unwillingly ; for after he had
been hanged, cut down, and partly dismembered, he sprang"
up, and almost felled the executioner by a blow on the ear.

[HOLINGSHED.

[50] It was enacted, that { the natural issue of the queen's
body, only, might succeed,' Sec. This expression being rather
uncommon, and used in lieu of ' lawful,' gave room to many
whom Camden styles, ' lewd catchers of words,' to fancy that
it was meant to bring forward some illicit fruit of the sup-
pose J loves between Elizabeth and Leicester.

Gil. I. Part I. § fi- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 81

supposed purity of their lives and doctrines, it ^^"^Pj
may not be amiss to describe in a few words a
party which, although by no means to be defend-
ed in every point, had yet the merit, as Mr.
Hume with a laudable candor owns, ' of kind-
ling and preserving the precious spark of liberty.'
' And it was to this sect,' proceeds the liberal
author, ' whose principles appear so frivolous and
habits so ridiculous, that the English owe the whole
freedom of their constitution.' The cruelties of
Mary's government had driven many ministers
of Protestant principles to cross the sea ; these,
when on the death of their persecutrix they re-
turned home, brought with them a double por-
tion of bitterness against Popery; and, from their
late familiarity with the Calvinistical teachers, an
utter dislike to any ecclesiastical forms whatever.
The proselytes of these refugees, adopting prin-
ciples of civil as well as religious freedom, be-
came, when in Parliament, the terror and detes-
tation both of kings and bishops.

In May the session was ended, not without a
severe reprimand from the Lord Keeper, for the
1 audacious, arrogant, and presumptuous folly' of
some of its members.

Elizabeth, at this juncture, thought it her in-
terest to connect herself with France ; and actu-
ally listened favorably to the matrimonial propo- Anjou
sals of the Duke of Anjou, brother to Charles IX. courts
Catharine di Medici's, who ruled the French ca- beth.

Vol. I. Part I. g binet;

82 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

*-D-1571-binet, probably entered into the negotiation with
as little sincerity as the English queen ; who tacit-
ly permitted Henry Champernon to lead a party
of English soldiers to assist the Huguenots.
Among these, Raleigh (afterwards Sir Walter)
served his earliest campaign.

Every passing year must have farther convinced
Elizabeth of the perils to which the imprison-
ment of Mary exposed her. The friends of that
princess, impatient at the procrastinations of the
English court, had now formed a new conspi-
Norfolk racy, in which Norfolk joined anew to deliver
engages j^r, and to restore her to her throne. The in-
with testine troubles of Scotland rendered this enter-
Alva# prize not difficult. Lenox the new regent had
been slain, and although the Earl of Mar was ap-
pointed in his room, yet the party of Mary was
not discouraged.

Norfolk, however, was too good an English-
man to enter heartily into a plan which compre-
hended a foreign invasion, and, perhaps, the de-
thronement of his sovereign. He hesitated, he
shuddered at an union with the atrocious Duke
of Alva ; and while he doubted, the vigilant Cecil,
now Lord Burleigh, detected the whole conspi-
racy, and Norfolk was sent to the Tower. At
the same time Leslie, Bishop of Ross, the most
active of Mary's agents, was confined, and so se-
verely threatened, that he confirmed the confes-
sions and the evidence which others had given

in.

Ch. I. Part. I. §2, civil and military. 83

in.* Ridolphi, a Florentine banker, long res;„ A^D.1571.
dent in London, appeared to be the soul of
the conspiracy, and was now travelling through
Europe + to regulate the foreign succors which
were at hand to support the cause of, the Scot-
tish princess.

A strange event in Herefordshire marked 157 1.
A piece of ground containing twenty-six acres,
under Marlech-hill, burst from its station, and
moved with a groaning noise, carrying with it cat-
tle, sheepcotes, trees, 8cc. full forty paces the first
day. It stopped at the end of four days, forming
a hill of seventy-two feet in height. Rynaston
chapel it had overturned in its progress. It left
a hollow thirty feet in depth, and one hun-
dred and sixty yards wide, and four hundred in
length. %

Early in 1572, the honest but imprudent Duke 1572.
of Norfolk was tried by a jury of twenty-iive
peers, and condemned to die for treasonably plot-
ting against Elizabeth. The trial was regular,
exceptthat the witnesses were not confronted with
the prisoner ; such was not then the custom in
cases of high-treason. Some months passed before
the sentence was executed, § and the queen twice Norfolk
revoked the death-warrant she had signed, al- executec*»
though the ministers pressed and the Parliament
g 2 demanded

-" Leslie's Negotiations, p. 107. + Ibid. p. 354.

4. Stowe, Holingshed, &c. (J Carte, p, 527. Digges, p; 160,

64 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlt.

^^J^; demanded the catastrophe. On the scaffold the
generous nobleman acknowleged the justice of his
sentence, but absolutely denied his ever having
given his consent to the interference of foreign
powers. [51] He died, praying for the welfare
of Elizabeth, * and that she may live and reign
many years. ' even to the world's end, which'
(continued the Duke) ' I believe some one alive
shall live to see.'

The ambassador of Spain had been deeply
engaged in these dark negotiations. He had
likewise exerted himself to prevent the proposed
match between Elizabeth and Anjou ; and was
even suspected of attempting to assassinate the
Lord Burleigh, whom he loudly declared to be
the enemy of his master. For these unjustifiable

The Am- measures he was ordered to quit the kingdom ;
rlsa .or a proceeding which Philip resented, by seizing

sent the goods of the English in his dominions.

away.

A treaty

NOTES.

[51] Norfolk might probably have been saved had he
made an open confession, at least Elizabeth declared that he
would ; but his servants had owned their being entrusted to
carry money to the friends of Mary in Scotland, and the
duke, ignorant of their confession, persisted in denying the
whole affair. , [Leslie.

Not very long after this event, the fugitive Earl of Nor-
thumberland, being delivered up by the regent of Scotland,
suffered in like manner.

* Camden, p. 440.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 85

A treaty was now concluded between Eliza- AD- li72-
beth and Charles IX. * of France; a short-lived peace
treaty, whose articles were soon washed away by pIth
the torrents of Protestant blood rushing from the
gates of Paris, from the very chambers of the
royal palace ! Fenelon, a man of honor enough
to acknowlege himself ashamed of wearing the
name of a Frenchman, was sent by Charles to
the English queen, that he might extenuate the
horrors of that execrable massacre. He was re-
ceived by her, and her whole court, in the deep-
est mourning ; and her answer to the futile ex-
cuses of Charles was cold and even bitter. It
was, however, not expressive of active resentment ;
for the politic princess, surrounded as she was by
domestic as well as foreign enemies, and far from
wishing to render France hostile, submitted to hear
new overtures of marriage from Alencon.-f the
younger brother of the Duke of Anjou; and
even stood [52] as god-mother to a princess of

France,

NOTES.

[52] Brantome speaks of a magnificent golden ' font,'
sent by the queen to Charles of France on this occasion.
This embassy grievously alarmed the Huguenots, who thought
that their only protectress meant to unite with uieir ene-
mies. They did not fathom her deep policy, nor consider
that her interest would always oblige her to save their party
from total destruction.

* Camden, p. 443. + Ibid. p. 447.

86

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

The Pu-
ritans
lead the
Parlia-
ment.

a^d.1572. France, who was christened Marie-Elizabeth. At
the same time, as she knew that the Guises
(who now again ruled in France) longed for the
ruin of her, the great and only bulwark of the
Protestant cause, she took every possible precau-
tion against their dangerous designs.

In the mean time the Parliament, in which tlie
puritan [53] interest preponderated, would have
proceeded to great lengths against Mary, after
ransacking the Old Testament * for precedents,
had not Elizabeth, to whom the French ambas-
sador had recourse, interfered, and checked with
great mildness their over-care for her security.

The small-pox, which about this period at-
tacked Elizabeth, and even brought her life into
danger, added to the alarms with which the very
critical state of Europe affected every well-wisher
to the Protestant interest. [54]

The

NOTES.

[53] The plundering and consequent destruction of churches,
chapels, &c. was grown to such a height, that Elizabeth found
it necessary to issue a proclamation against such as might tak«
away lead, bells, Sec. [Holincshed.

[54] In this year the trial by combat was demanded,
concerning an estate in Kent, by Simon Lowe and John
Kime, against Thomas Paramore. The affair was however
made up, but nevertheless the champions appeared in form
before the judges, in lists, appointed for the purpose. Nailer,

champion
* D'Ewes, p, 207, 208,

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 87

The impolitic cruelties of Alva in the Nether- A^D.1573.
lands had, by this time, compelled the inhabi-
tants, through despair, to resistance. At sea, the
Dutch mariners ranged afar, and, without any
showy triumph, most severely distressed the trade
of Spain. Elizabeth received these rovers in her Elizabeth
ports, and even permitted her subjects to purchase Sg^
their prizes. In order, therefore, to prevent Eng- Dutch
land from giving more effectual assistance to his
revolted subjects, Philip condescended, in 1573,
to repay to Elizabeth all the damages which he
had occasioned to her merchants, either at sea or
in his harbors.

The ceconomy of this great queen deserves at
this period, most particular praise. Besides the
expences of fortifying her coast, and improving
her navy, she found means, without any additional
burthen on her subjects, to discharge the debts
due to her people from Edward VI. from Mary
her sister, and from herself; and not without
due interest.

Her conduct towards the Huguenots of France, prer po_
who, after the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, licy as to
had fled to Rochelle, was exquisitely political.

She

NOTES.

champion for Lowe, challenged Thome, his antagonist, { to
plaie with him half a score blowes for pastime to the judges ;'
but Thorne sullenly refused, saying, ? he came to light and
not to plaie.' . [Holingshed.

88 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

a.d.1573. she received their deputies with affection, sup-
plied their wants, and protected their persons ;
but when the Earl of Essex and the Bishop
of London proposed to raise an army for their re-
lief by a voluntary contribution, she forbade any
such proceeding, as it must have engaged her in
an immediate war with a powerful neighbor. Yet
she gave no encouragement to the complaints of
the persecutors of the Protestants; and when the
French ambassador recounted to her the sums of
money lent by the Londoners to those of Ro-
chelle, she smiled, and said, ' that she did not be-
lieve that her subjects were so rich;' and when he
demanded that Montgomeri, the admiral of the
Protestants, and other Huguenots, should be de-
livered up, ; Receive,' said Elizabeth calmly, ' the
words of your own King Henry II. to my sister
Mary, in answer to a like request, " I will b$
no foreign prince's executioner,"
Assists With much less caution did Elizabeth proceed

the Scot- as to the affairs of the north. The support which
g^Je" she 2a1 e to the party which maintained the cause
of the young James, enabled it completely to
over-power the friends of Mary: unhappily Mor-
ton, the regent, a ma of a harsh as well as greedy
disposition, made a sanguinary use of the advanta-
ges which the English forces under Sir W. Drury,
by taking the Castle of Edinburgh, had assisted
him to procure. He had the cruelty to execute
shamefully, in spite of Drury's remonstrances,

the

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 89

the gallant Kirkaldie of Grange, who com- A D J573,
manded the party.*

The death of Charles IX. of France, in 1574, 1574,
eased the mind of Elizabeth from half its anxiety, ix^f

Henry III. who succeeded to the throne, both Fiance

dies
hated and dreaded the house of Guise, and con-
sequently cared little for the interest of the un-
fortunate Mary of Scotland. That kingdom en-
joyed at this period a kind of tranquillity under
the government of Morton, whose entire+ de*-
pendence on the English queen, at the same time
that it confirmed his power, prevented his grati-
fying his natural and evil propensities to the ex-
tent of his wishes.

Ireland had been strangely convulsed ; but the
care of Walter Devereux, Earl of Essex, had re-
stored at least the appearance of submission among
the revolted chiefs.^:

Little more, indeed, could be expected on a g f
fair statement of that unhappy country's condi- Ireland.
tion : greediness, inhumanity, and bad policy,
united to keep the inhabitants in a state of barba-
rism. The laws of England, we have already
seen, were denied to them, although eagerly re-
quested, and the wretched natives, neither se-
cure in property nor life, fled to the woods and

bo2;s

* Melvill, p. 118, 120, &c.
•I- Spotiswood, p. 2} 3, 274, 2/5. J Camden, Ann. 137?*

gO HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a.d. 1574. bogs for shelter ; and looking on mankind in ge-
neral, and the English in particular, as their
enemies, made reprisals on every stranger who
fell into their hands.

Besides the total neglect of their morals, the

pie ill English gave another incitement to this ill-fated

treated. pe0ple to continue uncivilized. The conquest
of districts was delegated to private persons.
These raised soldiers at their own cost; and,
where they succeeded, turned their acquisitions
to their own profit: to this they frequently found
the Irish customs more conducive than the Eng-
lish laws ; and, in consequence, embracing the
system which indulged most their despotism and
rapine, instead of improving the natives, they
became as mere barbarians as the beings whom
they had subdued. [5 5]

Revenue The whole annual revenue of Ireland was bare-

?f lJe~j> ly six thousand pounds. To this Elizabeth most

land, &x. J *

unwillingly

p— — —

NOTES.

[55] The sons of the Earl of Clanricard, an originally
English house, entered so far into the spirit of this system,
that they put to death all the inhabitants of Athenry, although
Irish, because they had begun to conform to English customs,
and had a more civilized method of living than had been prac-
tised by their ancestors. [Camden, Hume,

Out of all the English families settled in Ireland, that of
Butler, (whence the Earls and Duke of Ormond) seems to
have been the only one which was uniformly and faithfully at-
tached to the interest of the mother country.

Ch. I. Part I. § % CIVIL AND MILITARY. Ql

unwillingly added twenty thousand more. One A. d. 1574.
thousand soldiers, (and sometimes in need two
thousand) composed the whol~ military power.
A force perfectly incapable of subduing a nume-
rous and warlike race ; but rather serving to pro-
voke the natives, and to excite those frequent in-
surrections which kept up and inflamed the ani-
mosity between the two nations. That Elizabeth
should never have exerted the strength of Eng--
land to end these troubles, appears so strange to
a learned prelate of our own age, that he thinks
the weak measure must have proceeded from the
dictates of a crooked policy.*

Although the English queen privately sup- 1575,
ported the Protestant interest in France, and sup-
plied the Huguenots with large sums to levy
German troops, she nevertheless sent, in 1575,
to congratulate the new French monarch, and to
invest him with the order of the garter. Her
embassy was received with great respect.

Elizabeth had at this epoch, indeed, attained Elizabeth

to that importance in the political balance of the ho,lc!s the_
* l balance or

continent, which her father had missed through power.

his own intemperate levity ; her brother, through

his youth and inexperience ; and her sister,

through blindness and bigotry.

Some writers speak of a plan formed by this

politic princess to get the young king of Scots

into

* third's Dialogue on the reign of Elizabeth.

92 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

^1^1015' I"n*° ^er ^anc^s5 which they say was disappointed
by the firmness of his governor, Alexander
Erskine. Had she not found enough anxiety
from having Mary to take care of?

A tumult on the northern border, in which
Her mag- the English were both aggressors and sufferers,
jummity. gave Elizabeth an opportunity about this time of
shewing her magnanimity. Morton, devoted to
her will, sent Carmichael, the leader of the Scots
(although the injured party) to await her plea-
sure in London. But the daughter of Henry
VIII. commended his spirited conduct, and dis-
missed him loaded with presents.*

It was during the year 157.5, that the queen
bitterly complained to her Parliament of the
great remissness among magistrates in general, as
to the execution of the laws : insomuch, that if
no remedy were found, she should be ob-
liged to appoint in her commissions needy and
indigent persons, who, for their own interest,
would attend to the distribution of justice.
1576, In 157 6, the Hollanders, distressed beyond mea-
TheDutch sure oy faG power of Spain, which they had Ions:

offer their ' / . ^ ' , _ 7 \°

sovereign- and gallantly resisted, entreated Elizabeth, as heir-

ty.t0,Elx~ ess °^ Philippa, queen of Edward III. to accept
their sovereignty and undertake their protection.
Tempting as was this offer, the English queen
declined it ; she interposed however her good of-
fices

* Camden, p. 45 L

Ch. 1. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 93

fices with Philip, although in vain ; and afterwards ^? JJJJ

advanced 50,0001. to the distressed revolters.

The Commons met and gave a liberal subsidy ;

but in one point they went beyond what the

sovereign thought their limits. They attempted „

a> © j r Dawn-

to meddle with religion, and even proposed aingsofa

bill for the reformation of the church ; one pu- ^pX1".
ritan member, Peter Wentworth, spoke his sen- menu
timents in a bolder manner than his ao;e had been
accustomed to ; the powerful frown of the court,
however, chilled these dawnings of a regular
system of freedom, and the bill of reformation
dwindled into a petition, which Elizabeth an-
swered, by promising that she would direct the
bishops to amend the alleged grievances.

Before the close of 1576, Walter Devereux,
Earl of Essex, who, by the contrivance of Lei-
cester, had been sent to Ireland in a highly re-
sponsible situation, and yet unsupplied with pro-
per authority, suddenly died at Dublin. The
Earl of Leicester, (who almost instantly wooed
and married the widow of Essex, and to whom
the honest but too ingenuous Devxreux was known
to be an open enemy) was more than suspected
of having removed his rival by poison.

The appearance of Don John of Austria in 1577,
the Netherlands, as governor, disconcerted, in
1577, the ceconomical reserve of Elizabeth. She
dreaded that prince ; she knew that it was his
avowed wish to wed Mary of Scotland, and to as-
sert

94

HISTOBV OP GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII,

^•^- sert her pretensions to the whole island ; she de-
Elizabeth termined now to support the revolters with vi-

assists the s^e advanced to them one hundred thousand

Dutch. a

pounds by way of loan ; and, before it was long,

she consented by treaty to supply them with
5,000 foot and one thousand horse." At the
same time she wrote to the king of Spain a most
artful apology for her conduct, professing that
she had only undertaken the protection of the
Netherlanders, to prevent their throwing them-
selves into the hands of France, and offering to
withdraw her aid, if Don John and the Span-
ish troops should be recalled. Philip imitated
the policy of Elizabeth, and, while he professed
a continuation of amity, attempted to excite the
Irish to revolt.-f But the wise precautions of the
English queen had guarded against his machina-
tions.

London had a very narrow escape from the
plague in the same year. That dreadful scourge
shewed itself in the Temple ; but by the extreme
vigilance of Fleetwood, the recorder, its horrors
were prevented.

Oxford was not so fortunate. Its ' Black Assize,'
held in July, is fatally recorded for a sudden
'dampe' which arose, and after nearly smothering
the whole court and audience, caused the death

of

Oxford

Black

Assize.

* Camden, p. 466.

i Digges, p. 73.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 95

of the jud«re, high-sheriff, most of the jury, and A.D.i.wr.-
above 500 of the spectators. [56]

During 1578, Elizabeth had little to do but to 1578.
reprimand those who made an ill use of the powers
with which she had entrusted them. Prince Ca-
simir, instead of raising an army of Germans
to help the Dutch, had squandered * away the
money which she had sent to him. He visited
her in the winter, and she not only forgave him
but made him a knight of the g-arter. To the
regent of Scotland, Morton, she sent Randolph
to warn him of the fate which must attend him
unless he altered his manners, and rendered him-
self less odious to the Scots; and particularly to
the powerful Earls of Argyle and Athol. An Anjou
embassy from France, proposing the Duke of Sprr*
Anjou (late Alen^on) as a husband to Elizabeth, beth.
was kindly received; the eyes of Europe were

not

NOTES.

[56] Besides Sir Robert Bell, lord chief baron, there died
D'Oyly, Babington, Wenman, Davers, Harcombe, Kyrle,
Fettiplace, Greenwood, Forster, Nash, Barham, Stevens, See.
The women and children were not so much affected as the
men.

One Rowland Jenks was on his trial ' for his seditious
tongue.' The vulgar believed that magic had a share in the
event; but the discernment of Lord Bacon saw through the
mist of superstition. This seems to have been the first ap-
pearance of the jail-fever in England, Its symptoms marked
the most extreme putridity.

* Camden, p, 452.

t)6 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlt

A. d. 1578. not ye|- opened to a species of political coquetry
which assisted that princess so much in her ne-
gotiations. Even the subtle Catharine di Medicis
was deceived, and thought her youngest son al-
ready king of England. And Philip of Spain was
so far led to suspect thedesigns of his brother Don
John of Austria towards an union with Elizabeth,
that he put to death privately one of that prince's
secretaries, whom he thought the confident of a

James of matrimonial treaty between him and that most in-
Scots , l 1 c

kept in scrutable ol sovereigns.

awe by To awe the young king of Scotland, who,

beth. though but twelve years of age, had begun to
govern, * besides the rights of his imprisoned
mother, Elizabeth found means to intimate to
him, that the Lady Arabella Stuart (his cousin,
by a younger brother of his grand-father) had
claims on the English estates of Lenox, which
James had sent to demand. If she could claim
the lands, she might rival the king of Scots in
his heirship to the kingdom. +.

It was in this year (1578) that the wild and
enterprising spirit of the Portuguese % monarch,
opened a road for Philip of Spain to reach the
crown of Portugal. The battle of Alcasar (in
which the unfortunate Sebastian had, from motives

partly

* Melvill, p. 126. + Camden, p. 469, 470c

X Camden, p. 462, &c.

CH. I. Part I. § C. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 97

partly romantic and partly fanatical, engaged and ^^jj™,
lost his army [5 7] and his life) had nearly ex- Fall of
tinguished the race of the Portuguese nobility ; and [J® g°J"

the Sebastian.

NOTES.

[57] With the rash Sebastian fell the profligate but gal-
lant and intrepid Thomas Stukely, born in the west of Eng-
land, and deprived by his own extravagance of a decent
patrimony; his person and address gained the heart of a
London Alderman's well-portioned daughter. That he did
not appear to advantage in family life, appears in the po-
pular ballad :

' Make much of me dear husband, she did say.
* I'll make much more of thee, said he,
4 Than any other ; verily,

* I'll sell thy cloaths, and so I'll go my way.'

Leaving his family he went to Rome, where passing for
a person of importance, and vaunting of the ease with which
he could make Ireland revolt from Elizabeth, he found
means, partly by the resentment of Philip, irritated at Eli-
zabeth for aiding his revolted subjects in the Netherlands,
and partly by the ambition of the pope, whom he persuaded
that he would make his nephew, Buon Compagno, king of
Ireland, to raise a corps of 800 Italian gentlemen, with
whom he sailed to Lisbon; where, dazzled by the projects
of the heroic Sebastian, he persuaded his comrades to ac-
company the king of Portugal on his African enterprizc,
before they should attempt the conquest of Ireland; a king-
dom in which the pope had already conferred on him the
dignities of a marquisate and an earldom, Leinster and Wex-
ford. The fortune of the day visibly turning against the
Christian party, Stukely fell by the swords of his own men,
who reproached him with having led them to destruction.

[Camden, &c.

Vol, I. Part I. m

ccster.

<J* HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII;

A.i>. 1578. the reign of an aged priest, who succeeded to the
throne, seemed only calculated to give the plots
of Philip a few months, time to mature, without
affording any hopes of turning them aside.
The negotiations for the queen's marriage were
1579. quickened in 1579, by the arrival of Simier, an
artful agent [58] sent by Catharine di Medicis ;
Anjou's who gained such an ascendant over the counsels of
agent ill Elizabeth, that even Leicester was alarmed, and
by Lei- intimated to the credulous, his apprehension of
philtres, spells, 8cc. ; while Simier, irritated at
the absurd charge, informed the queen of Lei-
cesters's marriage with the widow of Essex, a dis-
covery which would have conducted the im-
prudent favorite to the Tower, had not the Lord
Sussex* (although the favorite's avowed foe) re-
presented to Elizabeth the illegality and impro-
priety of punishing any man for a legal act like
matrimony. Meanwhile the dastardly Leicester
dealt with a bravo, named Tudor, and bribed
him to assassinate Simier- On this being spoken
of, the queen publicly declared that she took the
Frenchman under her especial protection.

An

NOTES.

[58] De Thou describes him thus, ' Johannes Simieus,
homo blandimcntis k assentatiunculis innutritus aulicis.'

[De Temp. Sim.

* Camden, p. 471-

Ch. I. Part. I. §2. civil and military. 99

An affair about this time, brought forward a. d. 1579.
that magnanimity which too often slept in the Ma<mani-
bosom of the daughter of Henry VIII. She was mity of

Eliza-

in a barge on the Thames, attended by Simier beth.
and the Vice-chamberlain Hatton, when a piece
was fired from the shore,* and the ball entered a
rower's arm ; he that fired was seized, convicted
of treason, and brought to the gallows ; but as
he persisted to the last moment in his innocence,
Elizabeth ordered him to be set free : with these
memorable and glorious words, ' That she would
credit nothing against her subjects, which might
not be believed against her own children.'

The French connection wThich the queen seemed
to intend (for she probably had no real thought
of it) was extremely displeasing at this period to
the generality of the English, and particularly to
the sectaries ; one of whom, named Stubbes, a
passionate puritan, lost his right hand for publish- Stubbes
ing a pamphlet, ' The Gaping Gulph,' against , §e

this unpopular measure. In his work, France hands,
was represented as the gulph which gaped for
England and the Protestant religion. While his
wrist lay on the block, he said to the spectators,
' My masters, if there be any among you that
do love me, if your love be not in God and her
Majesty, I do utterly denie your love.' Afte" his

h 2 hand

* Camden, p. 471, 472.

106 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vll,

Ajx 1579. JiancI was stricken off, he waved his hat with the
other, crying ' God save the queen.' But this
irrational and unnatural exertion of loyalty did
not save him from a long imprisonment. Page,
who printed the libel, had the same punishment as
Stubbes.[59] He bore it with fortitude, and said
to the people, ' There lies the hand of a true
Englishman.'*

It was at this period, that the conscious despair
of making aneffectual resistance, while in separate
districts, to the vast forces and opulence of the

cruel

NOTES.

[59] These unfortunate men were rather sacrificed t«
policy, and to the deference which Elizabeth chose to pay
to Anjou, than to her own resentment. She could forgive
a sarcasm on her own conduct. It stands on record, that 2
carter had been sent for to her palace to remove some goods,
and had been dismissed; a second time he was bade to at-
tend, and a second time was ordered home ; ' Now, by our
lady,' said the blunt Englishman, slapping his hand on his
thigh, ' I see that the queen is a woman, as well as ray wife.'
Elizabeth who stood at a window hard by, over-heard
him. ' Fye,' said she to her maidens, ' what a villain is
this?' She sent him three angels, however, to stop his irre-
verent tongue. [Birch's Mem,

Camden places the execution of Stubbes two years later,
but the Nugce Antiques, from original papers, date it in
1579. Neal, in his history of Puritans, asserts, that Stubbes
became a valiant commander in the Irish wars, and did the
queen good service.

••'• Nugas Antique, vol. iii. p. 179.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. CIVIL AND MILITART. 101

cruel Philip, excited the seven Dutch provinces to A. d. 1579.
form a union against the common enemy. Their
first efforts were weak and attended with little
success : but a steady perseverance, directed by
patriotism, and supported by public spirit, raised
these mercantile warriors to such a pitch of power,
that, within a century, they were able to pro-
tect that very nation from destruction which now
sought their ruin. A warm remonstrance of
Philip to Elizabeth, deprecating that tacit per-
mission which she had given to the Netherland-
ers to sell their prizes in her harbors, acce-
lerated the measure. The ports of England being
barred against them, it was necessary for the pa-
triots to secure an asylum some where ; and the
Brill, a strong fortress and haven which they found taken.
means to surprize, became the nucleus of a vast
marine republic. :'[6o]

The Irish Roman Catholics, who had been by 1580
no means kindly treated by the English gover-
nors, made, in 15 80, an unsuccessful struggle for
independence. They were assisted by two several
detachments of Spaniards sent by Philip, who also

supplied

NOTES.

[60] Sir Thomas Gresham, founder of the royal Ex-
change and of Gresham College, died in 1579, as did Sir
Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper. Sir Thomas Bromley had the
seals jn his room, with the title of Lord Chancellor.
* Camden, p. 443.

102 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.1580. supplied the revolted* with arms and ammuni-
tion for 5,000 men. The expedition was unfor-
tunate ; the Spanish ships were destroyed by Win-
ter, an old sea officer, whose name often occurs
in the annals of Elizabeth. As to the troops
which had landed, Pelham, the lord deputy, with
the Earl of Ormond, St. Leger, Raleigh, and
other commanders, surrounded them and the rebel

The Spa- Irish, compelled them to yield at discretion, and
niards in x . . . .„

Ireland left not a man of them alive to complain of their

massa- inhumanity,
cred. § *

Elizabeth was not quite at ease in England,

The noxious seminaries of Douay, Rheims, and
Rome, began to pour their missionary legions
into Britain ; and the sons of Ignatius Loyola,
too, commenced their assaults. Two of these
last, Campian and Parsons, [6 1] wrote with acri-
mony against the government. The first was

taken

NOTES.

[61] Campian and Parsons had both studied at Oxford,
The first had been proctor of the university, and was reckon-
ed amiable in his disposition; but Parsons, who had been
expelled from Baliol College for his licentious manners, was
always rough and turbulent. His writings were scurrilous
and false, beyond those of any of his contemporaries. They
had both acted with uncommon insolence in point of con-
troversy, and had even publickly challenged the Protestant
clergy to a conference. Campian had published ' Decern
Rationes,' in defence of his principles, a book which Dr.
Whitaker had learnedly answered. [Camden, &x<,

* Camden, p. 475, 8cc,

Ch. I. Part I. § 2, civil and military. lOS

taken, and expiated his crime as a traitor at a fj^^};
gibbet ; the other, Parsons, fled across the Chan- English
nel ; and, to the utmost of his power, stirred up^J
new and bitter foes against his native sovereign, death.

The growth of fanaticism, of luxury in habit,
and of the buildings around the city of London,
were at this period restrained (as far as fine and
imprisonment could terrify) by three several pro-
clamations. These menacing limitations time has
proved to be all equally futile,

Elizabeth could not with justice complain of
Philip for assisting the rebels of Ireland, while she
fostered in her bosom Francis Drake, a bold
marine adventurer, who, after plundering the
south-west coasts of Spanish America, and taking
a considerable town with twenty-three* men pr;ze 0f
only, dared to cross the almost untried waves of DrakCc
the Pacific sea, and brought home his barges
loaded with Indian bullion. Him, his royal mis-
tress knighted, and honoured with her presence at
an entertainment on board his far-travelled bark in

the Thames. The Spaniard remonstrated, [62]

and

NOTES.
[62] On this occasion the Spanish ambassador is thus said
to have expressed himself with insolence in the character of
his master:

* Te veto ne pergas bella defendere Belgas.

* Qua? Dracus eripuit, nunc restituantur oportet.

* Quas
* Camden, p. 351.

104 HI5T0RY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BaokVII,.

iLD.1580. anc| foe qUeen restored some of the booty ; she
stopped her hand, however, when she found that
instead of being given to the persons aggrieved,
the money was employed to pay the troops who
warred against the Dutch in the Netherlands.

The fatal end of Morton, the regent of Scot-
land (tried, convicted of treason, and executed,
by direction of the young king*) a man devo-
ted to "her commands, as he held his authority
solely under her protection, made Elizabeth spend
the close of 1580 in some degree of well-ground eoJ
anxiety. She had discernment enough to see the

infinity

NOTES.

' Quas pater evertit, jubeo te condere cellas,
1 Religio Papas fac restituatur ad unguem !
She instantly answered with the same spirit which she used
to exert against lys invasions :

' Ad Grascas, bone rex, fiant mandata Calendas.'

[Walpole.
Imitated.

6 No longer, queen, the Belgic rout befriend.

*'i What Drake has plundered, back to India send ;

* Thy impious father's sacrilege repair,

* And bow thy sceptre to St. Peter's chair.'

Answer.

8 Believe, me, prince, I'll do thy high behest,

* When in one week two Sundays stand confest.3

I. P. A.
» Melvill, p. 128.

Ch. I. Parti. § 2, civil and military. 105

infinite advantages of an union of sentiment witl ^P^so-
the councils of Scotland, and dreaded every in-
cident which might tend to renew the connection
of that important nation with France. [63]

Her anxiety to prevent the fate of her depen-
dent, prompted her to advance a strong body of
troops towards her northern borders. These,
however, she ordered to retire, when she found
that the councils of James were not to be over-
awed at this period ; and the hasty measure pro-
bably hurried on the end of the devoted regent.

It was now time that the wire-drawn farce of the 1581.
French marriage should come to some conclusion.
Anjou had every reason to fancy himself sure of
his royal bride; she had sent to him in Flanders
a present of 100,000 crowns, the matrimonial
articles were settled to her mind, and a sumptuous

embassy

NOTES.
[63] Besides two considerable earthquakes, and « wonders
in the air,' seen in Wilts and Cornwall, the year 1580 ended
not without more prodigies. A monstrous child was born in
Huntingdonshire; and in Sussex a boy, eleven years old,
after lying entranced ten days, became 3 severe censor of
manners, and reclaimed many profligates, particularly 'a
servinge man, whom he sharplie tawnted for his great and
monstrous ruffes, telling him that " it were better for him
to put on sackcloth and ashes, than to prank up himself like
the Divell's darlinge;" whereon the servinge man wept, and
took a knife and rent the band from his necke, and cut it in

PieeeS« [HoUNCSHED.

105 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.d. 1581. embassy was sent from France to assist at the
Anjoude- wedding : Anjou himself arrived now in Eng-
ceived by ianci5 an(j was received by the queen with visible
beth. pleasure. She placed on his finger a valuable
ring as a pledge of her love, and took up the pen
to sign the marriage deeds, but she proceeded no
farther.* Walsingham, and all her ministers, re-
monstrated on the impropriety of the match, and
her maids of honour spent the night in weeping
and wailing; round her bed. She had now dis-
covered that she was twenty-live years older than
her lover, that she should never produce him any
children, and that the English would not bear
that a Frenchman should wear even their matri-
monial crown. But these sagacious motives, al-
though urged by the inconstant sovereign, and
seconded by her chamberlain the Lord Hatton,
had no effect on the deluded Prince. He dashed
the ring on the floor ; and loudly cursing the
caprice of Elizabeth and the ruggedness of her
people, he took his way soon afterwards to Flan-*
ders, where his ill-concerted plans of despotism
soon rendered him odious to the people who had
invited his coming.
Her my- it is still a mystery why the English queen
conduct, should have worn the useless masque of affection
so long and have put this wanton insult on a
suitor so respectable in his connections. Many
are of opinion, that an uncontrolable passion tfor

Anjou

* Camden, p. 486.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 107

Anjou carried her to such absurd lengths, [64] in A|D.i5M.
spite of that policy which would have made her
break off the negotiations by degrees. Had
France been freed from civil broils, the queen

might

NOTES.
[64] The following expressive lines from the Ashm. Mu-
gaeum MS. 6969 (781) and signed 'Eliza Regina upon
Mount Zeurs departure,' may serve to shew the state of
Elizabeth's heart, and the strength of her passions at fifty-
two,

I.

I grieve, yet dare not shew my discontent,
I love, and yet am forc'd to seem to hate;

I dote, but dare not say I never meant,
I seem stark mute, but inwardly do prate.

I am, and not 1 freeze, and yet am burn'd,

Since from myself my other self I turn'd.

II.

My care is like my shadow in the sun,

Follows me flying; flies when I pursue it;

Stands and lies by me ; does what I have done 5
This too familiar care doth make me rue it.

No means I find to rid him from my breast,

Till by the end of things it be supprest.

Ill,

Some gentler passions steal into my mind,
(For I am soft and made of melting snow)

Or be more cruel, love, or be more kind,
Let me or float or sink, be high or low.

Or let me live with some more sweet content,

Or die, and so forget what love e'er meant.

108 ftlSTOEY OF GREAT BRITAIN, Book VII,

A^D.i58i. might have drawn a cruel war on her subjects by
this worse than fantastical conduct. Even after
this breach, Elizabeth wished to stand well with
the prince whom she had deceived. She detained
him some time by a variety of diversions ; and
when he would depart, accompanied him as far
as Canterbury" on his return to the Netherlands;
shewedhim 'hir greate shippes' at Chatham, pro-
mising him the use of them whenever he should
need them ; and accommodated him with a large
sum of money. + Her most favored courtiers
and domestics had, it is true, wearied her with
arguments against the union, and she herself, when
she dropt the pen (meant to sign the articles)
asked her council harshly, 'If they were not con-
scious that this marriage would be her death T
An odd question, which has given rise to as odd
conjectures. [65] After all, a letter to the queen

from

NOTES.

[65] In the memoirs of Sir James Melvill, we find aa
anecdote almost too absurd to be repeated. He was told, he
says, that Henry VIII. having ' enquired of a diviner the
fate of his children, was informed that his son should not
live long, that Mary should wed a Spaniard, and Elizabeth
should out-live her sister, and marry either a Scot or a French-
man, so that strangers would be introduced to the English
throne. Whereupon Henry endeavored to poison both the
princesses ; and this not succeeding, he made them both be

declared

* Rym. Feed. torn. xv. p. 782. + Stowe, p. 690.

Ch. I. P&rt. I. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 109

from Sir Philip Sidney, preserved in the Sidney ^J**^*
papers, and filled with the most rational and for-
cible arguments against the connection, had pro-
bably more effect on her penetrating mind than
any other circumstance.

That anxiety concerning the affairs of Scotland^ 1582.
which, since the death of Morton, had disturbed
the bosom of the English queen, was lessened, in
1582, on her finding that the ' Raid of Ruthven'
had reinstated the Protestant lords in their autho-
rity.1' The ill-starred Mary, too, whose spirit
began to be broken by her long confinement
and consequent ill health, seemed now to have
abandoned every wish to reign, and only to aspire
after that moderate share of liberty against which,
unhappily for her, the dearest interests of Eliza-
beth militated. She however wrote, on hearing of Mary's
..... , , . letter to

the late incident at her son s court, to conjure Eliza-

the English queen not to abandon the forlorn "eth-
James to the caprice of his disorderly peers. The
letter was written with great spirit and good sense,
but unluckily abounded with such acrimonious

expressions

NOTES.

declared bastards, Loping that so their succession would be
barred. Moreover, that the poison had rendered each of them
incapable of having children, of which Mary had been so well
convinced that, in revenge, she had privately disinterred the
bones of her father, and burnt them.'

* Melvill, p. 129, 132. Strype's Ann. vol. iii. p. 7Q.

110 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf.

A.D.1582. expressions concerning the treatment herself had
met with, that it produced no good effect what-
ever* on the mind of Elizabeth.

That artful sovereign (who knew the conse-
quence of every movement in Scotland, andwhose
penetration had discovered the consequence to
which James was rising by dint of situation and
some share of abilities) had now sent a splendid
commission with two ambassadors, Gary and
Bowes, to reconcile the Monarch to his present
Prudence dependent situation ; while James, a politician
of James, ^y nature, accepted the compliment, and made a
merit with Elizabeth of treating with civility
those reverend demagogues, who, in the pleni-
tude of their power over the minds of the people,
would have smiled at his resentment.

A negotiation with Denmark, which, although
it procured for the king the order of the garter,
had not the wished-for effect of a relaxation in the
duty levied on all merchant ships which passed
the Sound, closed the transactions of 1582.
1583. It was n°t without great difficulty that Eliza-
Pathetic beth, in 1583, could parry an affecting applica-
Mary ^on ^rom ner 10yal captive ; who now addressed
her in the most persuasive terms, not only on her
own behalf, but on that of her son ; who, she still
alleged, was held as a prisoner by the Scottish

nobles.

* Camden, p. 489.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military, ill

nobles. A new negotiation on behalf of Mary* A.d.ism.
ensued ; and Elizabeth even ventured to consent
to her release and restoration to sovereign autho-
rity on certain conditions; conscious that the
Lords of Scotland, influenced by the clergy, (who
dreaded her abilities and abhorred her religion)
would never agree to receive her again as their
queen on any terms whatever. But the unfor-
tunate Mary, now too much broken in health and
spirit even to wish for the restoration of her crown,
at once yielded to her destiny ; and made over to She re-
her son James every right and title which she s!g?s

' _ ° rights to

might be supposed still to retain as to Scottish her son
royalty. This declaration she caused to be effec-^arnes*
tually made known to all the powers of Europe.
Towards the close of I583, the lords who had
kept James in custody having* been, by a new
revolution, forced to take refuge with Elizabeth*
she sent her secretary, Walsingham, partly to
speak on their behalf, and still more to examine
into the character and councils of the young nor-
thern prince ; and from the date of that acute
observer's return, it has been thought that her
conduct to the son of her hapless prisoner was ,
marked by an increase of attention and respect. £

Ireland

* Camden, p. 491. + Ibid. p. 482.

t Melvill, p. 293. Jeb. vol. ii. p. 536.

112 Hi STORY OF GREAT BRITAIN*. Book VlL

Ajx 1583. Ireland had its troubles at this period ; but the

Sir John spirited deputy, Sir John Perrot, (the queen's na-

restores tural brother) who joined to great valor and

quiet to some ferocity, strict regard to justice, reduced

the island to tranquillity. The Lord Baltinglass

was driven away, the Earl of Desmond was slain,

and his forfeited lands mostly [66] bestowed on

his loyal relation, the Earl of Ormond.

The Primate Grindai dying this year, his place
was supplied by Dr. Whitgift, a divine of a very-
different turn of mind. His first exertions were
directed against the puritans, and, to curb them,

An arbi- he persuaded the queen to form a ' High Com-
trary Ec- . . _, . .

desiasti- mission-Uourt, which should take cognizance ol

cal Court heresies and innovations, administer oaths, search

establish- . r ...

ed. into the conduct of private families, and should

even rack, torture, fine and imprison, without
any check on their authority. The Puritan re-
presentatives remonstrated and petitioned against
this accurate type of the Inquisition, but totally
in vain.

The

NOTES.
[66] Some were sold to greedy English adventurers, who,
arriving at the ceded lands in shoals, almost forced the loyal
Irish to rebellion, by driving them, as we'll as the rebels,
from their estates. The stern justice of the lord deputy Per-
rot stopped this iniquitous proceeding; but, at the same time,
planted against himself a masqued battery, which, within ^.
few years, occasioned his destruction.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and militar*. 113

The enterprizing spirit of Sir Humphrey Gil- a.d.1583.
bert, a western knight, prompted him this year
to sell his estate, and expend the produce in colo-
nizing the barren soil of Newfoundland. The
project failed, and the active Sir Humphrey was
droAvned on his return to England in pursuit of
reinforcements.

It was about this time that one Somervile, a
Roman Catholic gentleman of Warwickshire,
maddening with bigotry, threatened the life of
Eilzabeth. Frantic as he was, his evidence occa-
sioned the execution of Edward Arderne, his
father-in-law, although universally thought inno-
cent. Somervile slew himself in prison. The
wife, the daughter, and the domestic priest of
Arderne, were also condemned, but had favor
shewn to them.

Such frequent changes having happened in the 1584.
administration of Scotland, Elizabethfounditeasier bribes the

to ofain the successive ministers as they came to *avontes

. • i a of James,

power, than to support any particular party. Ac-
cording to this new system of policy, in I584,
she brought over to her interest, by means of
an artful emissary,* the Earl of Arran and the
Master of Gray ; two profligate but accomplished
favorites of James, who had already shewn that
marked partiality to grace and elegance of person
Vol. I. Part. I. 1 which

♦ ■Melvill, p. 157, Sec.

114 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlt,

A^d.1584. which formed so distinguished a feature in his
subsequent life. By means of these worthless
Discovers courtiers, she penetrated the interior recesses of
the de- ^ unnappV Mary ; who, thinking Gray her
Mary. friend, revealed to him those plots which her de-
spair of any favor from Elizabeth had prompted
her to cherish. In consequence of this, Francis
Throgmorton, a gentleman of Cheshire, after sign-
ing an ample confession, (which in vain he wished
to retract) suffered death on a gallows ; while the
Lord Paget and others sought their safety by cross-
ino- the Channel. An association was now form-
ed, and signed by almost the whole of the nobi-
lity and gentry of England, to support Elizabeth
against every plot ; to revenge her if any evil
should betide her ; and to exclude from the throne
any one who might abet such enterprize.

It is an affecting circumstance, that the dis-
tressed Mary, who foresaw that this new bond of
union would finally bring about her destruction,
and whose confinement was now more severe, en-
treated permission to join her name* to those of
the associators ; she proposed at the same time
such conditions for her future conduct, and made
such professions of amity, joined with such pa-
thetic entreaties for a little more liberty, that the
heart which dictated a positive refusal of all she

asked,

* Ca»den, p. 499, 501,

Ch. I. Part. I. §. 2. civil AND military. 115

asked, must have been either convinced of her AJ>i584.
insincerity, or entirely destitute of sensibility.

About this time Elizabeth, alarmed at the ge-
neral cry against her severity, openly questioned
her judges as to their treatment of Roman Catho-
lics and others, charged with treasonable proceed-
ings, and they answered not disingenuously.*
' Campian,' they said, ■ had indeed been stretched,'
(the term used for racking) * but with such mo-
deration, that he could walk immediately after-
wards. Another criminal, one Bryan, had been
kept without nourishment until he gave a sample
of his writing, which had been in vain demanded.'
Elizabeth absolved the judges, but ordered the
rack to be used no more, and released seventy
priests who had been imprisoned on suspicion, abolished.
This lenity was the more meritorious, as another
plot, which was connected with an invasion of
England by foreign powers, was discovered at this
period. Creighton, a Jesuit, pursued on his pas-
sage to Scotland by pirates, tore the schedule of
the conspiracy in pieces and flung them into the
sea. The fragments, however, were pursued, col-
lected together, and presented by one Wade to
the ministers of Elizabeth.

As Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador,-*- had

been deeply engaged in every cabal against the

i 2 English

♦ Holingshed, p. 1357.
+ Camden, p. 498. Holingshed, p. 1357.

1]<5 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book. VII.

^^^ English queen, he was examined before the coun-
cil ; and having returned insolent answers to the
questions which were proposed, he was abruptly
ordered to depart ; and Philip refusing to send

War with any 0ther ao;ent, or to hear any explanation, a war

Spam m- i • • i_i i r«

cvitable. appeared inevitable between England and Spain.

The situation of Elizabeth was now extremely
critical ; many of her own subjects, led by mistak-
en motives of religion, and excited by the active
and artful missionaries of the Flemish universi-
ties, were ready to join in conspiracies against
her ; unaided by any ally, she was on the point
of engaging in a contest with the most potent,
opulent, and subtle prince which Europe had ever
known. [67] Philip could at this period com-
mand

NOTES.

[67] So vast was the extent of Philip's empire, so great
Lis store of gold, (then scarce in Europe) and such was his
naval and commercial strength, that the king of Sweden,
when he heard of Elizabeth's engaging in war against him,
pronounced that she J had taken the diadem from her head,
and had left it to the arbitration of chance.' [Camdev.

Besides this potent competitor, she had reason to dread
the incessant endeavors ol the English exiles to raise ene-
mies against her, even among her own domestics. Books
and writings were, under the inspection of these virulent
foes, sedulously dispersed throughout the kingdom, in which
every endeavor was used to excite her people to destroy her.
Her very maids of honor were particularly admonished to
treat her as Judith did Holofernes, and promised glory in
this world and immortality in the next, in recompence for a
deed so illustrious. [Ibid.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 117

mand the assistance of the German empire ; he ^D. 1.584.
possessed (besides Spain and the Indies) Portugal
and her important colonies : his naval strength
was superior to that of all the rest of Europe ; the
Netherlands (whose gallant defender the Prince of
Orange had been just then assassinated) seemed to
be prostrate at his feet ; and France, his old and
dreaded enemy, from the impolitic suggestions of
narrow bigotry, rather favored than opposed the
ambitious plans of the Spanish tyrant. In that
country the Guises, whose power, grounded on
popular fanaticism, was unbounded, had formed,
or rather renewed, a formal covenant, styled 'The
League;' by which Henry of Navarre, the next
heir, on failure of the house of Valois, was ex-
cluded from the throne, if he should continue to
profess the reformed religion.

It was at this awful crisis that Elizabeth, con- 1585.
vinced at length of the king of Spain's inveterate Vigor of
enmity, and determined to shew herself as vigor- ^^^
ous in pursuing, as she had been cautious in niea_
adopting measures of hostility, began instantly to
attack Philip in his most vulnerable ports. The
enterprizing spirit of Drake was instantly called
into action.* With twenty stout vessels under
Christopher Carlisle, and 2,300 volunteer lands-
men, (besides sailors) he sailed to the West

Indies,

sures.

* Holingslved, p. 1401.

US HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^d.1585. Indies, reduced St. Jago, the capital of the Cape
Verd Islands, on his passage, took the town of St.
Domingo in Hispaniola,[o8] and Carthagena on
the continent of South America; then, after ravag-
ing the coast of Florida, returned to England with
the loss of 700 men by disease, but enriched by-
vast treasures, and accompanied by the poor re-
mains of a colony which Sir W. Raleigh had en-
deavored to settle in Virginia.
Succor Xo the Netherlands (almost sunk in despair by

Dutch. tne l°ss of their brave defender, and in vain offer-
ing their sovereignty to Henry of France and
to Elizabeth") the queen of England sent a gal-
. lant army, among whom rode a troop of 500 gen-
tlemen of the first consideration : but the manage-
mentof this respectable force was unhappily en-
trusted to the most worthless of favorites, the Earl
of Leicester ; who, conscious of his total want of
courage and abilities, endeavored tosupply the de-
ficiency by low, pernicious cunning. The states,
meaning to oblige Elizabeth, gave him a power
almost dictatorial, but recalled it on receiving a

a sharp

NOTES.

[68] Those who understood Latin were much diverted
with the vanity of Philip II. who had ordered to be placed
beneath his arras in the town-hall at St. Domingo, a horse
springing from a globe with this motto, ' Non sufheit orbis/
1 Th« world is too small for my ambition.' [Camden.

* Rym. Feed. torn. xv. p. 801, 802.
4

Ch. I. Part. I. §. 2. civil and military. 119

sharp reprimand from the queen;* who though AD-1585*
she loved Leicester, dreaded his unprincipled am-
bition. Flushing and the Brill, two strong towns,
were delivered into the hands of the English, as
sureties for the reimbursement of the queen's ex-
pences at the close of the war.

The Huguenots, hard pressed in France, were And t0
not neglected by Elizabeth, She supplied thegueHots.
Prince de Conde with a large sum of money, and
lent him ten ships of war, with which he effected
the relief of Rochelle, the strong hold of the
French Protestants,

In the mean while Wootton, a man of the most
insinuating turn, entertaining in conversation,
and skilled in dress and sporting, was sent by the
English queen to reside at the court of James of
Scotland, to gain his favor and inspect his con-
duct. It is even said, that he was to endeavor at
seizing the person of the Scottish monarch, with
a view to convey him to England ;t if so, James
shewed great sense in forgiving the unjust machi-
nation, and in entering very soon afterwards (in
spite of the remonstrances of France) into the
most rational and political treaty ever made be-
tween the sister nations. It was an alliance of-
fensive and defensive, and may be said to have
secured to the king of Scots the affection of the

English,

* Camden, p. 511. + Melvill, p. 167, 168.

120 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

a^d. 1558. English, and the succession to their sovereignty.
The regard of James was assuredly much con-
ciliated by an annual pension of 50001. equivalent
to the Lenox estate, and granted at this period.

The extensive enterprizes of Elizabeth in
foreign lands, should seem to imply that all was,
peace at home. It was not so. Parry, [69] a

member

NOTES.
We have in Holingshed what he styles an Epigram
on Parry. It is long, but, on account of the strangeness of
the metre, we will read a few stanzas of it.

' William Parry, was archbishop Harry, by his name ;
From the ale-house to the gallows, grew his fame.

It was pittie, one so wittie, male-content;
Leaving reason, should to treason be so bent.

But his gifts were but shifts, void of grace ;
And his braverie, was but knavery, vile and base.

Wales did beare him, France didsweare him to the pope;
Venice wrought him, London brought him to the rope.

Wherewith strangled, and then mangled, being dead,
Poles supporters of his quarters, and his head.

Parry was a Doctor of laws, and a new convert to the
Roman Catholic faith. He owned that he had been excited
to this attempt by a book, the work of Cardinal Allen, writ-
ten to extol the merit of slaying excommunicated princes ;
and by a plenary indulgence and remission of his sins.

[State Trials.

Parry had always spoken violently in the House in favor
of the Roman Catholics, and particularly had signalized him-
self against a bill which proscribed the Jesuits. ' It was full,'
^e said, ' of blood, danger, despair, and terror.' [D'Ew.Eft,

Ch. I. Part I. § i. . CIVIL AND MILITARY. 121

member of the Commons, being convicted of an A-®- 1™*j
inteniton to assassinate the 'queen, suffered the
death of a traitor ; Arundel, son to the unfortu-
nate Duke of Norfolk, seeking to fly the realm,
was sent to the Tower, where Henry Percy, Earl
of Northumberland, had just shot himself, either
conscious of guilt, [ 7 o] or dreading the prejudi-
ces of his judges.

The penal laws which were, in consequence of Severe
these events, enacted, did little honour to the can- aKajnst
dor of the age. Severe, indeed were these ordi- Popery,
nances. Jesuits and Popish priests became guilty
of treason if not gone from England in forty days
from the passing of the act, or if ever return-
ing ; and to harbour or relieve them was felony.
The public exercise of the Roman Catholic reli-
gion was, by the same act, totally suppressed.
Nor, when it appears that fifty priests were hang-
ed, and as many banished, within the next ten
years, will it be easy to persuade the world that
this was not a persecution on a religious account.
Yet religion had only a relative share in it. Eli-
zabeth was no bigot; it was her own safety and
that of the realm to which she attended.

The

NOTES.

[70] Mr. Pennant gives another reason: 'The b — h,'
exclaims the earl, 'shall not have my estate;' and 'on
June 21, 1585, shot himself with a pistol loaden with three
kullets.' [Of London.

122 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, Book VII.

A.d. 1585. Y he rising spirit of the English Commons must
be recorded before I585 has passed away. An-
thony Kirke, who brought a summons from the
Star-chamber to one of the members', was im-
prisoned by order of the House ; nor was he set
free until he had submitted and asked pardon.

Ireland was, in I585, disturbed by two com-
motions : but the alacrity of Sir John Perrot not
only quelled the insurgents, but by destroying
some thousands of the Hebridian Scots (the con-
stant fomenters of revolt in the northern dis-
tricts) in some degree ensured future quiet.
1586. In gratitude for Elizabeth's assistance, the
Dutch still continued to load the worthless Lei-
cester with honor and powers ; of these, that in-
triguing earl made so bad a use, and so perplexed
the affairs of the Netherlands, that, before the
close of I586, the English army was become a

Leicester burthen instead of a protection to the country;

abroad anc^ at lengtri? murmurs sounded so forcibly in

the General's ear, that he found it necessary to

repair to the court of London, where the favor

of the partial Elizabeth always afforded him a

sanctuary. The gallant Sir Philip Sidney had,

indeed, supported the honor of his country by

his valor and humanity ; but he fell before

Zutphen ;* and the bravery of Norreys, and of

the English soldiers in general, only made the

dastardly conduct of Leicester appear the more

glaringly odious.

It

* Stowe, p. 737, 739.

Ch. I. Part. I. §. fi. civil and military. 123

It was about this time that the working of mere A-0- 1586-

female spleen in the thoughtless Mary, sharpened

the dagger of the English queen, and pointed it

against her bosom. Disgusted with her keeper,

the Countess of Shrewsbury, she attempted to ruin

her interest by a method which would, at the

same time, lower the vanity of her rival to the

dust. She wrole to Elizabeth a letter,* acquaint- Hkjudg*

ed letter
ing her with what the Lady Shrewsbury had re- from

ported concerning her person and behavior : Mar)' to
' That she had promised marriage, and granted beth.
her favors to an anonymous person ; also to
Simier the French agent, to the Duke of Anjou,
and to Hatton, whom she had disgusted with her
fondness. That the countess had added several
odious particulars about her person, in some
decree inconsistent with the above tales. Her
intolerable conceit was next, as Mary averred, the
subject of Shrewsbury's satire ; and then her in-
fernal temper, which had provoked her to beat
a lady, named Scudamore, so violently as to break
her finger; and cut another across the hand with
a knife.' The ill-judging captive proceeded to
recapitulate many other most provoking calum-
nies, and dispatched the fatal packet to the woman
who already hated her, and dreaded her ; and
who had the power of life and death in her hands.
Those who know the workings of the human

heart

* Murden's State Papers, p. 55S,

124 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJX1586. heart will unite in thinking that this letter prov-
ed a dentli-warrant to the impolitic writer.

Other circumstances, however, concurred at this
period to hasten the melancholy doom of the Scot-
tish queen. Anthony Babington. a young gen-
tleman of Derbyshire, inspired with fanatical zeal
to effect a change in the religion and govern-
ment of his country, had joined with several men

Bating- of family and fortune in a plot to assassinate Eli-
ton's con- , ' . _• - .
spiracy. zabeth. 1 hey had been excited to this conspi-
racy by the exhortations of Dr. W. Gifford, and
others of the Rhemish seminary. An eccentric
species of ambition tempted seven of the chief
plotters to have their portraits taken in one pic-
ture, with a mysterious motto, ' Quorsum alio
properantibus?'* This picture was shewn to Eli-
zabeth, who knew Barnwell, one of the group,
as he had been with her about a business for the
Lord Kildare. Soon after this view of his por-
trait, she met him, and stedfastly viewing him,
and recognizing the resemblance, said sternly to
the Captain of her guard, ' Am I not well taken
care of, that have not a man in my company who
wears a sword?'

The vigilant subtlety of Walsingham detected
the whole contrivance ; in consequence, Babing-
ton, with thirteen of his associates, (seven of whom
had pleaded guilty) suffered as traitors. This led

to

» Camden p, 516.

Ch. I. Part. I. § i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 125

to a greater event. It had appeared clearly that AJ^ i^j
Mary knew and approved of the general conspi-
racy ; and by the deposition of her two secretaries,
Kairne and Curie, made without torture, there
was every reason to think that she was no stranger
to the design on the life of her rival in empire.
An intercepted letter, written in cyphers by the
captive princess, in which she acknowledged the
necessity of destroying Elizabeth, put the matter
out of doubt ; and the fears of the English mi-
nisters, who knew what must be their fate if Mary
ever should reign, combined with the united sen-
sations of resentment, dread, and jealousy, in the
heart of Elizabeth, conspired to fix the doom of
the captive [7 l] queen. Forty peers and privy-
counsellors were immediately commissioned* to
try that hapless lady, not by any common sta-
tute against treason, but by an act which had
been passed in 15^5, probably with a view to the
present event.

Mary,

NOTES.

[71] There were not wanting those who advised Eliza-
beth to make away with Mary by poison. Leicester, who
scrupled nothing, is even said to have argued, but in vain,
with Walsingham on the subject. Sir Drue Drury and Sir
Aniias Paulet, keepers of the unfortunate queen, were, it is
said, tampered with; but although, as rigid Puritans, they
abhorred and dreaded her, they yet spurned at the proposal of
murther. [Spotiswood, Camden.

Elizabeth herself is reported to have called Sir Amias ' a
precise dainty fellow,' for his honest scruples,
* Melvill, p. 172.

126 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a.d. 1586. Mary, who had first spurned at the commis-
sion, was induced by the insinuating eloquence
of Hatton* (now Lord Chancellor) to plead;
although with a lofty protestation of that court's
incompetence to pass judgment on the conduct of
a sovereign princess.

Trial of At her trial she denied not her conspiring; with
Mary. . . .

foreign powers, her assuming the title of queen

of England, nor her having promised to trans-
fer her rights in both realms to Philip of Spain,
unless her son James should become a Roman
Catholic. It was indeed proved, that, after tax-
ing him with disobedience, she had threatened that
the earldom of Darnley should be all his por-
tion. But she refused to acknowledge, that she

CD '

was concerned in conspiring against the life of
Elizabeth. As to the evidence of her secretary
Curie, she said he was honest, but weak ; and
that Nairne had imposed on him by imitating her
hand and cypher. She wished to have been con-
fronted with these two witnesses: but such was
not the common practice of trials for treason in
the sixteenth century.

When the Lord Arundel was mentioned, 'Alas,'
cried Mary, with genuine tears of affection, ' how
much have the noble family of Howard suffered
for my sake !' In another part of her trial, she
accused Walsingham of forging, or causing to

* Camden, p. 521

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 127

be forged, a letter to her disadvantage. Then A-D-*586.
Walsingham rose, and in a solemn" and affecting
speech vindicated his own character, in this and
in every other instance of his active duty to Eli-
zabeth. Mary appeared satisfied with his defence,
promised to think well of his conduct, and de-
manded of him equal candor as to her own.
Nothing indeed that the betrayed queen project-
ed was hid from her acute investigator, Maud;
one of his spies was admitted to all her corres-
pondences. One Polly, and Giffard a priest, whom
the ill-fated lady trusted with her letters written
in cypher, carried them all to Philips, a dexter-
ous decypherer; who, after copying the contents,
took them to Gregory, an artist whose business it
was to reseal each letter, and send it on as directed.
In fine, sentence of death was passed on the royal *Ier con-

r i 1 r» 1 • r 1 i i demna-

prisoner; |_72Jtne Parliament confirmed theaward; t;on#
and the generality of the Scots, as well as the
English, looked forward to the death of Mary,
as to the point on which the existence of the re-
formed religion depended. The queen, long
inured to ill-fortune, received her doom with
composure ; but was much hurt by that failure
of respect which she experienced after her sen-
tence.

NOTES.

[72] De Thou candidly remarks, that several of the com-
missioners were Roman Catholics. ' Inter mios fuere non-
null i majorum religioni addicti.'

* Camden, p. 523.

128 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII*

a^d. 1586. j-ence> J jer state-canopy was taken from her*
and her keepers approached her without cere-
mony, and Avith their heads covered. Concern-
ing this ungenerous treatment and other matters,
she wrote an affecting letter to Elizabeth. She
had no answer. Perhaps the letter was never de-
livered.*

Before the close of 1586, the assizes at Exeter
proved fatal to many men of note ; particularly
to Sir John Chichester, Sir Arthur Basset, and
Sir Bernard Drake ; who, with many other gen-
tlemen, fell by the jail distemper, occasioned by
the dirty and infectious clothes of the prisoners.
This deadly disease, after carrying off eleven of
the jury, and many of the inferior people, spread
itself into the country, and kept its ground for
many months among the lower ranks.
1587. IsJo sooner was the event of Mary's trial known

Interces-

lions on to the courts of Europe, than intercessions in
behalf of jier favor beset the English queen; who, at this
delicate juncture, either felt, or affected to feel,
great anxiety for the state of her affairs. She was
often found in a studious posture repeating sen-
tences of caution, such as ' Aut fer, aut feri. Ne
feriare, feri.'

Anglice — ' Let dread of harm thy anger quicken ;

' Srike quickly — or thou wilt be stricken/

Sincerity, however, did not always accompany
these remonstrances, and Henry III. of France,

wht>

Spotisvyood, p. 354=

Ch. I. Parti. §. 2. civil and military. 129

who abhorred the Guisesand all tbeir connections, A.D.issr.
is supposed, by the channel of his ambassador
Bellievre, [73] to have encouraged Elizabeth to
a deed, which he wished to be thought solici-
tous to prevent. James of Scotland, indeed, ven-
tured to send a harsh and threatening message to
the queen, by Keith a new ambassador, on behalf
of his mother. At first, the daughter of the
Eighth Henry foamed with passion at the insult;
but recollecting herself, she sent for the envoy
Gray, (who is said to have whispered ' a dead
woman bites not') and gave him such lessons for
his conduct that, on his return to James, by play-
ing on his timidity, his poverty, his ambition, and
his indolence, he re-instated the queen of England
in his good 'graces, and the oppressed mother
was thought of no more. To this acquiescence,
a letter drawn up by Walsingham, and sent to

Maitland,

NOTES.
[73] Yet the French ambassador made a long speech in fa-
vor of Mary, in which he cited examples drawn from the
Grecian and the Roman history. ' But' says an eminent
historian, ' as Elizabeth was neither an Alexander nor an
Augustus, his harangue made little impression on her.' Nor
had a menace which he uttered a month afterwards, viz.
' That France would resent the execution of Mary as a general
insult on crowned heads,' a better effect. ' Have you orders
to use such language?' said the queen. On his answering,
4 Yes;' she desired him to write down what he had said by
authority, and said that she would send an ambassador to his
master, who should explain the reason of her conduct.

[Cartf.

Vol. I. Part I. k

130 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

4.D. 1587. Maitland, secretary and chief minister to the
young and timid monarch, greatly contributed.
In this performance., every argument which justice
or policy could present to engage the king of
Scots to keep peace with Elizabeth, is digested
and brought forward; the decided inferiority of
his force; the incapacity of France, distracted by
a civil war, to help him; the extreme danger of
accepting aid from the ambitious and designing
Philip ; and the certain failure of his hopes of
succeeding to the English crown, if he should take
part now with the foes of England. Lastly, it
affirmed, that the strong and earnest solicitations
which James had offered on behalf of Mary had
hitherto endeared him to the English people,
and had strengthened his interest ; but that one
step farther would ruin all his expectations, and
render him detestable to the people he wished to
govern.

Herintre- On the 7th of February, 1 587, was the unfor-

pidityand [unate Mary of Scotland brought to the block, at

death. . , . . " ,

eight o'clock in the morning. In that awful con-
juncture, she displayed a fortitude and a decency
which would have honored a matron of Rome ;
and, to the moment of her death, united the ma-
jesty of a queen with the meekness of a martyr.

The Earls of Shrewsbury and Kent carried tQ
the hapless lady the warrant for her death. Worn
with sickness, confinement, and distress, she seems
to have looked on this summons rather as a re-
lief,

Ch. I. Part. I. §2. civil and military. X31

lief, than as an addition to her woes. She was ad. 1537.
unkindly denied a confessor, nor could she have
received the sacrament according- to her own
faith, had she not had the precaution, long be-
fore, to provide herself with a hoste consecrated
by Pope Pius, which she had preserved through
all her troubles. Eagerly did she catch at an
expression of Kent, ' That her death would be the
life of Protestantism ;' for this, she thought, made
her death appear a martyrdom. ' Her religion,'
she said, ' was her real and only crime.' She
divided her wardrobe among her servants, and
even deigned to excuse herself to them for not
adding to her present the magnificent habit in
which she went to her death; ' but I must,' said
she, ' appear in a dress becoming such a solemni-
ty.' It was not without many entreaties, that
she could get permission for six of her servants to
attend at her death. She was even forced to
remind the earls that she was ' cousin to Eliza-
beth, descended from Henry VII. a married queen
of France, and an anointed sovereign of Scotland.'
She refused the religious assistance of the Dean
of Peterborough, and persisted in her adoration
of the crucifix, from which the Earl of Kent with
ill-placed zeal would have dissuaded her. The
unutterable agonies of her servants she tenderly
repressed, telling them that she had answered for
the firmness of their behavior. To her son she
sent a lender and conciliatory message by the

£ 2 weeping

132 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. ' BOOK VII.

A^>-i53r. weeping Melvill. It was her hard lot to have
her last exercises of devotion disturbed by the fa-
naticism of the busy dean, who persisted in teazing
her to save her soul by changing her religion.
The answer which she made was steady and calm,
and the ill-judging bigot was at length silenced
by the earls, who bade him content himself with
silent orisons for the queen's conversion. Having
prayed [74] for the church, for her son, and for
the prosperity and long life of Elizabeth, :;; the in-
trepid Mary uncovered her neck and smiled at
her own dilatoriness. ' She was not,' she cheer-
fully

NOTES.

[74] Immediately before her execution, she repeated the fol-
lowing Latin prayer, composed by herself:

O Domine Deus, speravi in tc !
O care mijesu, nunc libera me !
In dura catena, in misera poena, desidero te ;

T.anguendo, gemendo, Sc genu fleet endo,
Adoro, imploro, ut liberes me !

Paraphrased.

In this last solemn and tremendous hour,
My Lord, my Savior, I invoke thy power !
In the sad pangs of anguish, and of death,
Receive, O Lord, thy suppliant's parting breath !
Before thy hallowed cross she prostrate lies,
( ) hear her prayers ! commiserate her sighs.
Extend the arms of mercy and of love,
And bear her to thy peaceful realms above !

[Anecdotes of Distinguished Persons.

* Jeb. vol. ii. p. 301.

Ch. I. Part I. §2. civil and military. 133

fully said, ' accustomed to undress before so much AD- 158r-
company.' A loud burst of groans and sobs pro-
claimed the feelings of those who stood around ;
she comforted and blessed them ; then serenely
laid her head on the fatal block, and two strokes,
at least, were used in severing herv neck. Her
body was not at first treated with due respect.
It was afterwards interred splendidly at Peterbo-
rough, whence James, in 1612, removed it to
Westminster Abbey. Of the long epitaph in-
scribed on her tomb, one line shall appear, as it
is strikingly comprehensive :

1 Jure Scotos, thalam.o Francos, spe possidet Anglos.

Imitated.

1 Scotland she claims, espouses France, and hopes for
England's crown.' I. p. a.

Thus perished, in the 45th year of her age and
the lgth of her captivity, the fair and unfortunate
Mary. If perfection was not her lot, yet few in
her place, perhaps, would have escaped the errors
into which she fell ; and had she met from Darn-
ley a proper return for that tender affection which
gave him herself and her crown, she would pro-
bably have shone as the most amiable, as she in-
disputably was the most lovely, sovereign of the
age she lived in. Her person was undoubtedly
beautiful, and she had graced it with every ac-
complishment Avhich the most elegant court in
Europe could bestow. Her hair had been auburn,
3 but

134 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

A. D. 1.587. but was become gray, and she now wore false
curls. Her temper, which wa naturally gay, sup-
ported its vivacity almost to the last ; but being at
length soured by incessant calamity, it tempted
her to write reproachful letters, which increased
her hardships and accelerated her catastrophe.
The remaining part of her character is lelt to be
-gathered from the history of her most unfortu-
nate passage through life.
Conduct And now, whatever may be said to excuse Eli-
bethcen- zaheth for the imprisonment and death of her
sured. hapless competitor on the score of state-necessity,
and still more on that of saving her subjects from
seeing the fires of Smithfield renewed by the bi-
gotry of a second Mary, no apology can be made
for the wretched farce which she acted after
that event; for her loud laments; for her ap-
peals to heaven that she meant not the death of
her beloved sister; nor, lastly, for her unjust and
irhuman treatment of the worthy Davison, * her
secretary, who had carried that death-warrant
which Elizabeth had signed ; and who, although
he had strictly obeyed her orders, was cruelly
lined and long imprisoned, on the poor pretence
of his having forestalled her commands. Nor is
it, by any means, a sufficient reason for this beha-
vior to a faithful servant, to say, that it was meant
to give James a plausible apology for his conti-
nued

* Bio^. Brit. Art. Davison.

Ch. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and military. 185

nued amity with Elizabeth. That discerning but A.D.issr.
parsimonious sovereign, who knew the extreme
necessities of the Scottish king, * might have in-
creased the pension of James, and saved her
blameless dependent. +

That attachment to a worthless favorite which
disgraced the reign of Elizabeth, was now put
to a severe trial. The conduct of Leicester in
Holland had been uniformly treacherous, dastard-
ly, and treasonable. Governors appointed by
him, (York and Stanley in particular) had sold to
the Spaniards the forts entrusted to their care ;
each town in Holland had become a scene of in-
trigue ; and a spirit of discontent, fomented by
this ambitious minion, had almost disunited those
provinces whose union alone could preserve their
existence as a nation. The Dutch told their
wrongs aloud, and Lord Buckhurst was sent to
examine and report the truth. He returned to
the queen with ample evidence of Leicester's bad
conduct and worse intentions. Lie found the favo-
rite in possession of Elizabeth's ear, and both he
and Sir John ISorreys were disgraced for telling
of Leicester's enormities; while that odious-mini-
on revisited Holland in triumph, and again beo-an
his career of turbulence and treason. However,
it was not long before evidence of his having

plotted

* Strype, vol. iii. p. 377.
-f Camden, p. 536. Strype, vol. iii. p. 370.

13G HTSTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book. VII.

A.D.15G7. plotted to seize and imprison Barnevelt, and
thirteen more of the first persons in the country,
was brought forward ; and this charge, which
was too well grounded even for the partial ear of
Elizabeth to resist, obliged her to recall that
worthless minion from the Netherlands, and to
Leicester send the Lord Willoiiffhby to take the command
[75] of a turbulent and ill-disciplined army.

It was not only on the continent that Leicester

sowed divisions; he was (unknown to his queen)

a most active protector of the Puritans at home.

Instigated by him, as is supposed, four of the most

rigid members of Parliament presented to the

house a New Directory for Prayer, very different

from the regular Liturgy. A proceeding so un-

Pur'tan pleasant to Elizabeth, that she sent the reformers

members to the Tower, and kept them there for some time

^jP in custody. The house, though uneasy at this

stretch

NOTES.

[75] Leicester, when obliged to leave the Netherlands,
presented to each of his partisans a golden medal ; on one
side was his own face, on the other a shepherd's dog leaving
his sheep, but looking back after them. The motto was,
4 Invitus desero,' ' I leave them unwillingly:' And over the
sheep was engraved, ' Non gregem sed ingratos, ' not the
flock but the unfaithful.'

The faction of Leicester made considerable disturbance in
Holland after his departure, and required some pains and care
before the Lord Willoughby could reduce them to order.

[Camden,

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 137

stretch of prerogative, kept a dutiful silence, and A.D.issr.
granted to the queen a liberal subsidy and a be-
nevolence.

An awful period in the annals of England now

i i m •!• it i -ii i • • Designs

approached, rhmp 11. elate with the dominions 0f Philip

of Spain, of Portugal, and both the Indies, had agauist
. l . _ & , . , . England,

determined to exert ins vast naval power, and

crush, with one huge effort, the insolent island-
ers who dared his vengeance. He had just re-
ceived new provocation ; Drake, the scourge of
Spain, had destroyed a whole fleet of transports
at Cadiz, laden with stores and ammunition ; had
ravaged his western coast ; insulted Lisbon ; and
taken a carack laden with treasure and papers of
high importance.

The preparations of Spain were worthy of the Account
provocations they were intended to revenge. One of theAr-
hundred and thirty vessels, most of which were
larger than had been usually known in the Euro-
pean seas, manned by 8.350 seamen,* 19,290
soldiers, and 2,08.0 galley slaves, and mounting
2,360 large pieces of ordnance, composed a pow-
er which in the eyes of Europe seemed irresisti-
ble ; and which the Spaniards haughtily christen-
ed ' The Invincible Armada.' Nor was this the
whole force destined to act ap-ainst the devoted
Elizabeth ; the Prince of Parma had 25,000 ve-
teran

Strype's Annals, torn. iii. App. No. 51. Speed, p. 858.

138 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.'

a.d.158?. teran troops quartered along the coast cf Flan-
ders, and ready to embark in transports and flat-
bottomed vessels, the moment that the Armada
should appear to protect their passage towards
the Banks of the Thames ; and some hundreds of
desperate English renegades presented' the most
odious, but not the least formidable show of this
armament ; the treacherous band was led by Stan-
ley, already proscribed for selling a Dutch for-
tress to Spain. Besides these, 12,000 French-
men, (bred by the bigot Guises in an habitual
hatred of Protestants) encamped on the Norman
coast, were prepared to embrace the first oppor-
tunity of crossing the Channel, and renewing in
the west of England those horrors which the
Huguenots had felt in France.

Provisions abounded in the Armada ; bread and
wine for 40,000 men, during a whole year, stored
the holds ; while the decks swarmed with volun-
teers of the highest ranks. Superstition, too,
added her fanatic but powerful aid ; bulls, de-
nouncing hell-fire to Elizabeth and her abettors,
accompanied the squadron ;:;: and a consecrated
banner from Rome waved over the heads of these
new crusaders.

»„.. • To oppose this tremendous arrav, the strength

Activity a a • ' o

of the of England seemed fearfully inadequate. The
*w ' whole realm could not supply 15,000 able sea-

men

* Camden, p. 543.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 13$

men ; and the royal navy consisted only of twenty- A>1)- 158r-
eight vessels, most of them small, and totally
unable to lye along side of the huge galleons of
Spain and Portugal. But Elizabeth reigned in
the hearts of her people,* and the exertions which
they made for her and their country were pro-
portioned to their attachment. London alone
sent her 10,000 men and 30 ships ; not large in-
deed, but nimble and well equipped. Other
ports followed this noble example, and the nobi-
lity and gentry, (among whom were several Ro-
man Catholics, and even aliens) [76] bought or
hired vessels, and made them ready to serve in
this o-lorious cause.

The queen had hardly an ally but James of Fidelity
Scotland, whose interest bound him to her, and of Scot-

I A

whose fidelity to his engagements was of infinite
consequence to England and the Protestant cause.
Great -were the offers by which the subtle Spa-
niard tempted him to join in an enterprize, which
he wished to represent as chiefly meant to re-
venge the death of his injured mother. + But the
young prince had discernment enough to pene-
trate

NOTES.

[76] The lords Oxford, Northumberland, and Cumber-
land, the knights, Cecil, Vavasor, Cerrard, and Blount, were
distinguished in this patriotic armament. [Camden,

* Stowe, p. 744, 749, ?50.
+ Strype's Annals, torn. iii. p. 382.

140 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a^ix 1587. trate tne sj jgjlt ve;j wjtll wjaici1 tne Spaniard wish-
ed to conceal his real designs, and Avit enough
to remark to an ambassador, that ' he found him-
self treated as Polyphemus treated Ulysses, and
reserved for Philip's last meal.'

Some small and negative aid England might be
said to have derived from the king of Denmark
and the Hanse-towns. These, though not on
good terms with Elizabeth, yet, moved by the
common interest of religion, found means to de-
lay, and even stop the sailing of those Spanish
ships which had put into their harbors, and
were laden with stores for the Armada.

I he martial and romantic spirit of Henry VIII.

now flowed in his genuine offspring:. She as-

1588
'' ' sembled her best officers. Her fleet she entrust-
ed to Lord Howard of Effingham, and to Drake,
Cavendish, and Frobisher, the first seamen of
the age. She raised three armies; one of 20,000

uce ar- was can toned alone the coast ; while one of

mics unci *-j

their sta- 34x000,* under the Lord Hunsdon.[7 7 ] guarded

tions. ,

her

NOTES.

[77] Henry Carey, Lord Huusdon, was cousin (by Ann
Boleyn) to Elizabeth. He was a true soldier, and a lover
of soldiers. Accustomed to the bluntness of a camp, ' he
made no scruple,' says Grainger, ' of calling things by their
own names, and was a great seller of bargains to the maids of
honor.' When dying, the queen, it is said, would have made
him an carl, but he refused the honor as out pf season.
* Stowe, p. 744. Speed, p. 859.

Ch. I. Part I. § C. civil and military. 141

her person, and was to act as occasion might re- a.d.1588.
quire. It pains the historian to add, that she
entrusted the third and most important corps of
22,000 men, encamped at Tilbury, and destined
to defend the metropolis, to the worthless, the
dastardly Leicester, who was appointed general
in chief of all her forces. Had the Spaniards
landed their veteran troops, this partiality might
have been fatal to England.

This army the queen visited in person ; and
riding through the ranks with a cheerful counte-
nance, she elevated the loyalty of the soldiers
almost to the pitch of phrenzy, by one of the most
spirited orations which any history can produce.
She told them, that she had been warned not to
trust herself among armed multitudes for fear of
treachery ; but that she did not wish for life, if
she must distrust her people. ' Let tyrants fear,' Speech of
said the eloquent heroine, ' I have always so be- at ji\-
' haved myself, that, under God, I have placed buiT
' my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal
' hearts and good-will of my subjects. I am
' therefore come among you, not as for my recrea-
1 tion and sport, but as being resolved, in the
' middle and heat of the battle, to live or die
' amongst you all ; to lay down, for my God and
' my people, my honor and my blood,' even in
' the dust. I know,' added she, ' that I have but
{ the body of a w:eak and feeble woman ; but 1
' have the heart of a King, and of a King of Eng-

' land

sails.

142 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D. 1588. i lancj t00 . ancj thmk foui scorn that Parma, or
' Spain, or any prince in Europe, should dare to
* invade the borders of my realm. To which,
1 rather than any dishonor shall grow by me, I
' myself will take up arms ; I myself will be
4 your general, judge, and the rewarder of every
4 one of your virtues in the field,' Sec. k.c.

Negotiations, delusive on both sides, had em-
ployed the commencement of 15 8 8, until the end
of May, when the Armada sailed under the Duke

„,, A de Medina Sidcnia, who, on the decease of the
I he Ar-
mada Marquis di Santa Cruz, had been appointed to

command. A storm which damaged the ships
and drove them back to Lisbon, had nearly occa-
sioned the disarming of the English fleet; w-hich
the ©economical Elizabeth judged no longer ne-
cessary. The Lord Howard, however, dared to
disobey her orders ; happily for England, for on
the 19th of July" a Scots privateer ran into
Plymouth, and informed him that the Armada was
in the Channel. Howard instantly dispatched
expresses for assistance ; and, eager for action,
towed his little fleet, (about 50 vessels) in spite of
wind and tide, out of the harbor ; undismayed at
the floating castles which covered the sea, and
which, as an elegant Italian paints, + • advanced
slowly, as if the ocean were tired of supporting,

and

* Stowe, p. 747. Sir W. Monson, p. 172.
+ Beulivoglio, lib. iv.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 143

the winds of impelling, so enormous a weight.' A.D.1588.
He hung upon their rear ; and, supplying the
want of force by valor and activity, he delayed
their progress until he had received reinforce-
ments from every southern port, fitted out and
commanded by the flower of the English na-
tion.

The fleet of Howard now amounted to one
hundred and forty ships, or rather barks ; with
these, unequal as they were, he skirmished with
the Invincible Armada six days. During this
time the English vessels could not lye alongside
of the Spaniards, so great was the superiority of
their metal ; nor could they board them, so lofty
were their sides ; nevertheless, by their perse-
vering agility they had gained such advantages,
that dismay had taken place of that insolence
which had hitherto animated the invaders.

The Armada now lay confusedly moored off

Calais ; it had lost several of its largest vessels,

and the Prince of Parma had refused to leave the The Ar-

r _,. ' . . mada dis-

ports ot 1H landers until he could be certain tiiatco,nfiteci.

the Spaniards were masters at sea. On the ninth
night, eight fire-ships, commanded by the Cap-
tains Young: and Prowse, dashing among the
thickest of the fleet, scattered terror and destruc-
tion around them ; and twelve of the best ships
which Medina Sidonia could boast of were con-
sumed cr lost. While England had only to
lament one brave officer, named Cocke ; who,

with

144 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1588. wJth his crew, overwhelmed by superior force,
perished in that glorious fight.

The next day it was determined to abandon all
ideas of an invasion, and to conduct, if possible,
the remains of the fleet back to Spain ;[78] and
rather than venture to repass the Channel, expos-
ed to the now dreaded vessels of England, it was
thought better to encounter the rocks, sands, and
billows of that stormy sea which washed the Isles

of

NOTES.

[78] Some say that Philip fell on his knees, and thanked
God that there returned any part of the Armada. This may
be true; Philip was an accurate dissembler, and besides, he
had been too much used to sacrifice thousands of men to his am-
bition and bigotry, to be much hurt at a loss like this. But
historians of great credit tell a much more credible tale. They
make the transports of Philip's anger and grief indescribable ;
and add, that he vowed on his knees that he would yet subdue
England, even if he reduced Spain to a desart by the effort.
Nor did his subsequent conduct make this resolution appear
improbable. Pasquin, at Rome, was very severe on this oc-
casion, aud made inquiry as to the fate of the Armada,
' Whether it was not caught up into Heaven ?' Sec. [Strype.

Medals were struck on the Spanish Armada's flight. Some
had as a motto, ' Venit, viclit, fugit:' ' It came, it saw, it
fled.'

The vain-glorious Philip published in almost every Euro-
pean tongue, besides that of England, a pompous account of
the fleet and land forces destined against England.

An astronomer of Honingsberg had long before (says Cam-
den) prophesied, that 1588 would be a year of wonders; and
the German chronologers had long presaged, that it would be
the ' climacterical year of the world.'

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military, 145

of Shetland. Every species of Avretchedness now AD- 1588;
hovered around them. Had not the English
wanted ammunition, the Spaniards had all been
their prisoners ;* as it was, tempests unceasingly
accompanied their course ;t some of the galleons
ran on the Scottish shore, where the few that
escaped were treated with decent kindness; others
more unfortunate were dashed to pieces on the
coasts of Ireland, where those who gained the
shore were without pity massacred. In fine, the
Invincible Armada, reduced to less than a third
of its original number, returned to Spain full of
famine and disease, to become the theme of Phi-
lip's affected philosophy.

Besides her deliverance from the Spanish in- Leicester
vasion,[79] England had another still more im- dies*

portant
i sg
NOTES.

[79] It may gratify our national pride to be told, that we
owe to the wisdom of Elizabeth, and the prudence of Bur-
leigh, the circulation of the first genuine Newspaper, the
* English Mercurie,' printed during the time of the Spanish
Armada ; the first number, preserved still in the British Mu-
seum, is marked 50; it is dated the 23d of July, 1588, and
contains the following curious article:

" Yesterday the Scotch Ambassador had a private audience
of her Majesty, and delivered a letter from the King his
master, containing the most cordial assurances of adhering
to her Majesty's interests, and to those of the Protestant reli-
gion ;
* Sir W. Monson, p. 172, 173. + Speed, p. 862.

Vol. I. Part. I. l

146 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

ajx 1588. portant event in I5S8 ; the decease of the Earl
of Leicester, [80] the most unprincipled of court

minions.

NOTES.

gion; and the young King said to her Majesty's minister ai
his court, that all the favor he expected from the Spaniards
was the courtesey of Polyphemus to Ulysses, that he should
be devoured the last." These publications were, however,
then, and long after, published in die shape of small pam-
phlets, and so they were called in a Tract of one Burton, in
If5l4: " If any one read now a days, it is a Play-book or 2
Pamphlet of Newes," for so the word was originally spelled.

It is to the life of Ruddiman, a most entertaining produc-
tion of Mr. Chalmers's pen, that we owe this remark.

[80] Robert Dudley, son to the Duke of Northumber-
land, was married, in 1550, to Amie the daughter of Sir
John Robsart. ' After which,' says Edward VI. in his Jour-
nal, ' certain gentlemen did strive who should first take
away a goose's head, which was hanged alive on two cross
posts.' In the reign of Mary, (although he and his family
had been in arms against her) he was made master of the
ordnance. A circumstance which made many think he had
betrayed the cause of Lady Jane Grey. Elizabeth promoted
him to the mastership of the horse, and shewed him other
especial favor. In 1560, the Lord Robert, thinking it con-
venient to be single while the two young queens in the island were
marriageable, contrived to put his wife out of the way, by
flinging her down stairs and breaking her neck. He is sup-
posed, soon after, to have privately married the Lady
Douglas Sheffield, after having poisoned her husband. Find-
ing her inconvenient to him, Dudley (now Earl of Leicester)
endeavored to poison her, and forced her by terror, and the
loss of her hair and nails, to marry Sir Edward Stafford.
He then got another wife, the Lady Essex, after getting
rid of her husband by his favorite method. His life is but
a list of poisonings and murthers. Six Nicholas Throgmor-
ton died by his hellish art ; and the Earl of Sussex, as well

as

Cli. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and military. 147

minions. He was on the point of being constitu- AJD1588.
ted Lieutenant-General of England. His royal
mistress lamented his loss with many tears ; but
with characteristic ceconomy, distrained his goods
to reimburse herself for what she had lent him.

The state of England was, in I589, florishing Elizabeth
beyond precedent. The Spaniards, disabled and assists the
dispirited, shrunk within their harbors ; the kin0.#
French king, involved in a civil war, looked to
Elizabeth with gratitude for an aid of 30,0001. and
4,000 men ; and Scotland was ruled by counsel-
lors who regularly received directions from the
English court, and obeyed them implicitly. The
queen, however, although she had been granted
a double subsidy from her Parliament, would not
indulge them in their favorite reform of the Li-
turgy, nor would she expend the supplies they had
given in any expeditions against Spain, as was the
public wish; she encouraged, indeed, Drake and
Norreys to fit out a fleet and an army in favor of
Don Antonio, who pretended to the crown of
l 2 Portugal }

NOTES,
as Cardinal Chastillon, brother to the Admiral of France, are
said to have owed their premature death to Leicester. His
servants were apt to die suddenly; Dr. Julio, an Italian,
deep in his Lord's mysteries, expired in a strange manner ;
and there is reason to suppose that the arch-liend Leicester
found his own fate at last, by means of venom which he had
prepared for others.

[Aubrey, Strype, Camden, Leicester's Common-
wealth, &c. 5

143 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1589. Portugal, and she lent them six ships and a little
Unsuc- money, but left the main cost to be defrayed by
ccssful tiiem# They sailed, destroyed a fleet at the Groyne,

enter- J J ' '

prize in landed in Portugal, took Cascaes, and routed the
Don An- Spaniards ; and (had not Drake and Norreys
tonio. disagreed/' and their men been attacked by a
pestilential disorder, owing to their excesses on
shore) might have been masters of Lisbon. Find-
ing, however, no prospect of a revolt in favor of
Don Antonio, they reimbarked, attacked and
plundered Vigo, and returned! to England with
the loss of 6000 men by sickness, [8 1] and with
sixty prizes, most of which they were obliged to
restore to the Hanse-towns. Famine, too, had
been added to their calamities, had they not met
the Earl of Cumberland, a gallant and adventu-
rous

NOTES.

[811 Don Antonio was singularly unfortunate. Both the
English and French nations endeavored to restore him with-
out effect. The wags of London used to call him ' The
Bishop of Ely,' because the revenues of that see were supposed
to be kept in the hands of the queen, in order to pay the costs
of the expedition in his favor. [Harrington,

A circumstance almost ludicrous occurs concerning this
enterprize. The soldiers, Sec. extremely disappointed and
disgusted at returning without money, and not being nice
casuists as to the distinction between foreign and domestic
property, were with difficulty prevented from making them-
selves amends by plundering Bartholomew Fair.

[Stowe, UBI SUPRA.

* Sir Vv\ Monson's Naval Tracts, p. 174. + Stowe, p. 757.

Ch. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and military. 149

rous nobleman, who, with a fleet fitted out (one A-D-i^-
of Elizabeth's ships excepted) at his own cost,
was sailing for the Azores ; he generously spared
some provisions to the distressed armament of
Drake and proceeded on his voyage, which was
not fortunate ; for although he distressed the
Spaniards, plundered their islands, andsweptaway
heir richest merchants ships, yet disease and want
of food thinned his crews ; and on his return,
the same ill-fate pursuing him, his most valuable
prize was dashed in pieces on the rocks of Corn-
wall.*

Although, by these enterprizes, the adventurers
were not enriched, yet the damage done to the
enemies of England was immense, and the name
of Elizabeth affected every Spanish ear with ter-
ror.

Philip, Earl of Arundel, eldest son to the late Trial of
Duke of Norfolk, was now brought to trial for Arundeb
treasonable practices, conferences with traitors,
and for having had a solemn mass performed in
favor of the Spanish Armada. He was condem-
ned, but the queen spared his life.

The English queen had hitherto, by a series
of deep machinations, prevented James of Scot-
land from marrying. She loved not wedlock

in

* HakUiyt, vol. ii. p. M3.

150 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1589. 'm general ,[82] and was particularly apprehen-
sive, that a wife of discernment might encou-
rage him to a secession from that dependence in
which she had hitherto kept him. Towards the
end of 15 $9, however, he exerted a spirit of
which he was not supposed to be capable, and, in
spite of her machinations, wedded Anne of Den^
mark, after having encountered the storms and
waves of the Norwegian ocean.
1590. The active and vigorous abilities of the English
queen, were now to be exercised in a new field.
Since the destruction of those wild expectations
which the inveterate Philip had founded on his
Armada, discouraged from his projects on Eng-
land,

NOTES.

[82] Once Elizabeth persuaded a harmless girl, a cousin
of Sir Matthew Arundel, to own that she wished to marry,
if she could gain her father's consent. c I'faith,' said the
queen, ' then I will sue for you to your father.' She did
50, and ' Sir Roberte,' the father, readily agreed to what
she asked. The young lady was now informed that her father
had given his consent. ' Then,' said the deluded girl, ' I
shall be happy.' ' So thou shake,' said her royal mistress,
* but not to be a foole and marrye. I have his consente
given to me, and I vow thou shalte never get it into thy pos-
session. So go to thy busynesse. I see thou art a bold one
to owne thy foolishnesse so readilye.' Her courtiers she
treated still worse ; she imprisoned them, and deprived them
of all her favor, when they dared to marry, as witness Lei-
cester, Essex and Southampton. [Nug^e Antique.

See too, in Monmouth's Memoirs, with how much difficulty
Sir Robert Carey got his pardon for committing the crime
of matrimony.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 151

land, he had turned his thoughts towards the pos- ^P**^*
session of France ; which he thought to gain by-
supporting the bigoted party styled The League,
who had assassinated their king, Henry III. Here,
too, his arch-foe Elizabeth was ready to oppose
him. To the aid of Henry of Bourbon, now king prancc

of France, the head of the Protestant party, she aSain

. . * , .j * g. , assisted,

now poured in tresh aids' ot money and men,

which, added to those with which she had before

supplied him, were of the utmost service to his

cause, which languished while faintly supported

by jealous Huguenots, and bigoted ill-affected

Papists.

Yet there were persons in the councils of Eli-
zabeth who advised her to permit France to be left
to tear herself in pieces ; these strengthened their
argumentsby quoting the words of the last Charles
of Burgundy, ' That it were well for Europe if
France were ruled by twenty princes instead of
one.' But the English queen spurned the unge-
nerous intimation ; and said, with a vehemence
almost prophetic, ' that the day which tore France
in pieces, would prove the eve of England's ruin.'

The cautious Elizabeth, however, seldom lent Caution
her assistance without security for repayment; and^etjx
in the treaties which were successively formed be-
tween her and the new king of France, she never
lost sight of restitution. She had acted in the

same

* Camden, p. 556.

152 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1590. same prudent style with the Dutch, nor permitted
the cautionary towns to escape from her power,
while she remained their creditor. It was this po-
licy which enabled her to wage a long and expen-
sive war with the richest sovereign in Europe,
without burthening her people with insupporta-
ble imposts.
Irish dis- Some disturbances happened in Ireland during
quelled. 159°' but they were soon quelled by the atten-
tion of the English government ; and Hugh, Earl
of Tyrone, who had illegally executed a brother
chief, was brought to make the most humble sub-
missions before the queen at Greenwich. He pro-
mised unlimited obedience ; and for some time
maintained his promise with good faith, as his cha-
racter was not totally destitute of pretensions to
honor. Others, among the turbulent chiefs of
the Irish, sought their own ruin by their illegrl
conduct. Hugh Roe Mac Mahon was executed for
exacting unlawful imposts ; and Bryan O'Rourke,
who had fled to Scotland for the same offence,
was delivered up by James, and died as a traitor
in London.[83]

Never

NOTES.

[83] Bryan O'Rourke was tried in Westminster-Hall for
treason. He had dragged the queen's picture about at the
tail of a horse, and cut it in pieces ; besides perpetrating
other traiterous acts. He was very turbulent, refused to be
tried by a jury; laughed at his confessor, and died like a
jnad savage. [Stowe.

Ch. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and military. 153

Never had any year deprived Elizabeth of so^-1590-
many confidential servants as did 1590. Of these Decease
the most remarkable were, Sir Francis Walsino;- °. AYa "

° singham

ham,4 and Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick : and many
nor were these great men survived long by the °
popular Sir Christopher Hatton, Chancellor of
England. [84] She probably derived great con-
solation

NOTES.
{84] Sir Francis Walsingham was born in Kent, and bred

at King's College, Cambridge. In 1573 he was made secre-
tary of state. His intelligence in foreign courts was incredible,
and he is reported to have paid near eighty agents and spies
for this purpose. He made no use of his power to enrich him-
self, but died so poor, (although a studious and temperate
man) that it was found necessary to carry his corpse to the
grave with privacy, lest his creditors should detain it. It was
a measure of Walsingham, by which the Spanish bills on the
bank of Genoa were stopped for some time, and in consequence
the fitting out the vast Armada was delayed during the whole
year. [Camden, &c.

Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, was a gallant and
tried soldier. He had nearly lost his life for his joining the
interest of his sister-hi-law, Jane Gray. He defended Havre
for Elizabeth, nor would yield until he received an express
order so to do. He had before shewn active bravery at St.
Ouintin. A wound, received at Havre, forced him at length
to suffer amputation, which occasioned his decease.

Sir Christopher Hatton (who died in the next year) was
born at Holdenby, in Northamptonshire, and bred to the
study of the law, and gained his high station not by any legal
abilities, but by the favor of Elizabeth, who admired his
graceful figure in a dance. His post was said to be ' above
his law, but not above his parts.' When called on to de-
termine
* Camden, p. 660.

1.54 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D.1590. Solation for these losses, from the effects of a
close and severe inspection ; which, in spite of
interested endeavors to the contrary, she made
at this period into the administration of her
' Customs.' From an annual produce of 14,0001.
she raised the income first to 42,OOol- and then
to 50,000l. per annum'*
lo9i. That flame of enterprize' which had been
kindled among the English by the first successes
of Drake, now blazed higher and higher. The
Lord Thomas Howard with seven ships sailed to
the Azores, to intercept a fleet laden with the
treasure of India. Philip had sent a large squa-
dron to protect them. The English were sur-
prized ; Howard, with five of his vessels, ran out
to sea and escaped ; but the Vice-Admiral, Sir
s-a °I°, Richard Greenville, thinking it beneath the Eng-
ard lish character to shew the stern of his ship, 'the

ville " Revenge,' to a Spaniard, resolved sooner to en-*
gage the vast force which beset him, amounting
to fifty-three men of war, manned with 10,000

seamen.

NOTES.

termine a dubious cause, he recurred always to the advice
of Dr. Swale, an eminent civilian, and his most intimate
friend. Although the queen loved him, yet her ceconomy
prompted her to exact a crown-debt from him with a seve-
rity that affected his health, and placed his life beyond the
reach of delicate cordials and fair words; both of which his
capricious mistress employed in person to save him,
* Naunton, p. 15.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 155

seamen. During fifteen hours, he fought with as A. D. 1.591.
many of the enemy as could find room to attack
him ; at length covered with wounds, his men
almost all slain or wounded, his powder nearly
spent, his masts gone, and his vessel, pierced by
800 bullets, almost sinking under him, he ear-
nestly recommended it to the lew survivors of
his crew to trust in God, rather than in Spain,
and to blow up the ship. The gunner and some
others approved the idea ; but a contrary senti-
ment prevailing with the majority, the Revenge
was surrendered on honorable terms'" to Don
Alphonso Bassano, the admiral of Philip. The
gallant Englishman died of his wounds in three
days, with the resignation [85] of a Christian
hero ; and his ship, the first English man of war
the Spaniards had ever taken, sunk at sea with
two hundred men on board. A dear prize ; as
the capture of her had cost the enemy 2000 of
their bravest sailors, and two of their stoutest
ships, which were sunk, besides two disabled. In

the

NOTES,

[85] These were his last words : <Here die I, Richard

Greenville, with a joyful and quiet mind; for that I have

ended my life as a true soldier ought to do, fighting for his

country, queen, religion, and honor. My soul willingly

departing from this body, leaving behind the lasting fame

of having behaved as every valiant soldier is in his duty bound

Jo do.' [H.u:luyt.

'"•'• Camden, p. 565.

156 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

a^d. 1591. the mean time [86] the Indian fleet, which the
dread of the Lord Howard had detained at the
Havannah beyond its due season, endeavoring to

Spanish reach Spain, Avas dispersed by a storm ; many

eet ,1S" were lost, and several fell into the hands of Ens;-
persed »

and lish adventurers.

In France, Sir John Norreys and Sir Roger
Williams commanded with great honor two sepa-
rate bodies of auxiliaries, [87] sent by Elizabeth
to the help of Henry. Bourbon. These sove-
reigns, although united in the great system of op-
position to Philip, were by no means always in
unison. It was the interest of France to dislodge

the

NOTES.

[S6] A voyage undertaken about this period, by the
Captains Riman and Lancaster, turned out very ill ; yet not
worse than the morals, equity, and gratitude of the adven-
turers merited. Some were shipwrecked, and some blasted
by lightning. Those who were relieved plundered their de-
liverers. Yet, with all their faults and follies, the few who
returned to England brought home vast riches, and pointed
out the way to the East Indies. [Camden.

[87] It was about this time that Sir Charles Blount (better
known as Lord Mountjoy) having, to gratify his military
turn, stolen over to France without the queen's knowledge,
that he might serve under one of her generals, met on his re-
turn with a reproof, delivered in no gentle terms. ' Serve
me so again once more, and I will lay you fast enough for run-
ning. You will never leave till you are knocked on the head,
as that inconsiderate fellow Sidney was. You shall go when I
send you. In the mean time, see that you lodge in the court,
where you may follow your books, read and discourse of the
wars.' [Sir Robert Naunton's Fr. Reg.

Ch. I. Part. I. §2. civil and military. 157

the Spaniards from the interior provinces, whereas A.D.1591.
the English queen wished her troops to be em-
ployed in driving them from Bretagne. This
occasioned remonstrances,'" warmth, and even me-
naces on the side of England ; but the mutual in-
terest of both always produced a reconciliation.
The youns; and o-allant Earl of Essex, now the
queen's supreme favorite* stole to France, where
he wished to have distinguished his valor under
Henry, but was severely chidden, and recalled
by his royal mistress. [88]

Amid her military exertions Elizabeth neglected Trinity

not the works of peace; and in order to keep her"llef,
1 l iounded.

Irish subjects at home, founded the celebrated Col-
lege at Dublin, dedicated to the Holy Trinity,
and endowed with the privileges of an university.

The transactions of 1592 were not so brilliant 1592.
as those of former years. Elizabeth sent troops a«j ^tnm
to France, to be employed in Bretagne, where T °f

Fruticc

the neighbourhood of the Spaniards made her
uneasy. But Henry, being severely pressed in

Normandy

NOTES.
[S8] It was probably on this occasion that Henry said in
anger to the English Ambassador, ' One sa Majeste ne lais-
serait jamais son cousin d'Essex s'eloigner de son cotillon.'
This being reported to Elizabeth by Sir Anthony Shirley, she
wrote with her hand four lines to Henry. Severe enough,
we may believe; for the king raised his hand, as if he
meant to strike the bearer, and drove him out of the cham-
ber. [Walpoi.c.
* Camden, p. 133, &c. + Stowe, p. 762.

158 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i592. Normandy, broke the agreement and turned his
united force that way ; and the English queen, al-
though displeased, did not recal her troops. At
sea, she continued to encourage every enterprize
which misiht tend to distress the navigation of
Spain. These were not at all successful ; Sir
Walter Raleigh, who meant to attempt an* im-
portant service in the West Indies, had his fleet
scattered and disabled by a storm; Sir John Bur-
roughs, and White, a Londoner, who command-
ed separately small squadrons, were more fortu-
nate. They harrassed the Spaniards and enriched
themselves. They first made prize of a galleon
worth* 150.0001. sterling, and drove another on
shore. The latter took a ship richly laden,
although one part of her cargo, a million of in-
dulgences, was to him of little value.
Sir John The close of the same year, 1 5 92, was fatal to
- ei\ot _ the spirited and honest, but thoughtless, Sir John
cd. Perrot, [89] who had ruled Ireland with good

success.

[89] Sir John was the nominal son of Sir Thomas Perrot,
gentleman of the bedchamber to Henry VIII. But that
monarch had his reasons for thinking him his own, and
hearing of his valor in a rencounter at the stews in South-
wark, he sent for him and took care of his fortune. He
was the exact likeness (according to NauntonJ of Henry,
' in qualities, gesture, and voice.' His strength and stature
were extraordinary, and his courage truly heroic. Eliza-
beth
* Camden, p. 566.
+ Raleigh's Report, Sec. Hakluyt, vol. ii. part 2.

Chi I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 159

success. He was attainted, and died in the Tower, A.D.1592.
after many reprieves, of a broken heart. [90]

Cautious as the queen had been with regard to 1593«
the expences of war, she was now considerably in
debt, and accordingly found it necessary to sum-
mon a Parliament early in 1593- The Com-
mons, called on this occasion, copied the hum-
ble manners of their predecessors in the days of

Henry VIII. For although Elizabeth unsraci- D ,.
/ » o Parha-

ously hesitated to grant their first request, ' liberty ment
of speech ;' and although she sent the intrepid ^tcJ
Puritan, Paul Wentworth, to the Tower, and
three other members to the Fleet, on account
of their endeavors to procure a settlement of the

succession,

NOTES,
beth employed him against the Irish rebels, towards whom
he is said to have shewn great ferocity. He was, how-
ever, equally severe on those English marauders who usurped
the lands of the unoffending Irish. His real crime appears
to have been an ill-judged effusion of his father's fiery spirit.
The queen had schooled him severely ; but in 15S8, she had
sent him a soothing letter. Perrot publickly ridiculed his
mistress's mutability : ' Lo' you now,' said he, that she is
ready to be-p — herself for fear of the Spaniard, I am again
one of her White-boys.' These indiscreet words were his ruin.
Dean Swift says, he was the first person who swore by

G s W s.

[Grainger, &c.

[90] In 1592, the Thames was so dried up on September
6", by a strong western wind, that between the Tower and
London Bridge people crossed it dry-shod. The summer had
been remarkably sultry.

160 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D1593. succession, yet the House acquiesced in these re-
peated breaches of privilege, and granted her a
considerable subsidy- The Lords wished to make
it still larger ; but the lower house, tenderer of
its purse than its privilege,, refused to* consent
to any money-bill which originated not from itself.
A conference, at length, composed this diffe-
rence. The Commons then made a faint attack
on that English inquisition 'The High Commis-
sion-Court,' but Elizabeth frowned them into
silence. The session closed with a reprimanding
speech from the throne, notwithstanding that, to
please the court, a severe act against recusants
had been passed, which affected the Puritans! as
much as it did the Roman Catholics.

The change of religion which Henry IV. of
France had been obliged by policy to adopt, al-
though it occasioned the queen of England to
chide him severely by letter, and although it
made her (as Camden writes) seek for classical
consolation by translating ' Boetius de Consola-
tione' into English, yet did not eradicate her
friendship ; on the contrary, she entered into a
new treaty of alliance with the forced apostate.

It was, indeed, the interest of both to unite ;
for Philip still had great power, and inveterately

Attempts sought their ruin. His emissaries, too, still ex-

to assassi- cited fanatics to assassinate those whom he pointed
nate Eh- x

zabeth. out

* D'Ewes, p. 473,477, 4S3. 4- Ibid. p. 46$.

Ch. I. Part I. § C. civil and military, 161

out as enemies ; and just at this period, three A,Dl593-
traitors, York, Williams, and Cullen, suborned
by Spanish agents to murther Elizabeth, were
discovered and executed. But the most danger-
ous conspirator against the queen was her domes-
tic physician, Rodrigo Lopez, a Jew. He owned
that he had received a bribe, yet denied that he
meant evil to Elizabeth, whom, to the great en-
tertainment of the spectators, he declared at the
gallows he loved as well as Jesus Christ.

One Hesketh, about the same time, would have
persuaded Ferdinand, Earl of Derby, to claim
the English crown as descended from Henry VII.
threatening his life if he refused. The loyal no-
bleman delivered up the villain to justice, but Lord
died* soon after by poison. [91] The traitors poisoned.
took refuge in Flanders, and it was with an ill
grace, and in vain, that Elizabeth, who had pro-
tected Perez when he fled from Spain, demand-
ed that they should be delivered up to her re-
sentment.

The enmity of Philip extended to Scotland, Affairs in
where the Roman Catholic lords formed plots and' ire-

under land-

NOTES.

[91] The credulity of the age attributed his death to
witchcraft. The disease was odd, and operated as a perpe-
tual emetic; and a waxen image, with hair like that of the
unfortunate earl, found in his chamber, reduced every sus-
picion to certainty. [Camden, Stows.
* Stowe. p. 767.

Vol. I. Part. T. u '

162 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D. 1593. imcler his auspices against the king and his Eng-
lish alliance. These were narrowly watched by
Elizabeth, who instigated James to proceed against
them. His poverty, however, and her parsimony
' (for she would advance no money to assist him)
saved them for the present. In Ireland, too, the
o;olcl of Spain influenced the unstable Earl of Ty-
rone to revolt, and assume the important and
forbidden appellation of ' O'Neile ;' he and his
adherents, however, were soon induced to submit,
and were forgiven.

London lost, before the close of the year 1593,
10,000 inhabitants, by her usual and periodical
scourge, the plague.
1594. While the king of Spain sharpened the poniard
and poisoned the bowl to destroy Elizabeth, that
heroine sought her revenge only in the fair field
English of war. Her forces, led by the gallant Norreys,

troops jn 1504 encountered and defeated the Spanish

successful / . x

in Bre- forces in Bretagne, and with great gallantry as-

tagne. sistecl at the taking Morlaix, Ouiinpercorentin,
and Brest ; before which last place Sir Martin
Frobisher who attacked it by sea, found, with ma-
ny other Englishmen, an honorable death. [92]

At

NOTES.
[92] Frobisher was born near Doncaster, in Yorkshire.
We know little of his early life. He followed the sea ; at-
tempted a North-west passage in vain; and in vain hoped
to make his fortune by the glittering sands of Greenland,

3 which

Ch. I. Part. I. § 3. civil and military. 163

At the same time the ocean swarmed with Eng- AT). 1594.
lish squadrons in search of Indian gold. Captain Marine
James Lancaster was the most successful, as he enterPri-

zes or
brought home fifteen ships laden with sugar (then Eliza-

a scarce commodity) besides the treasures of a et '
rich carack.* Sir Walter Raleigh and Richard
Hawkins were not so fortunate ; yet each added
something to the distress of the Spanish com-
merce, and helped to render the name of Eliza-
beth a terror to the ears of Philip.

At this period, Sir Francis Drake and Sir John
Hawkins sailed on their last expedition to the
West Indies. t They set out with no good
omens ; a menaced invasion of Cornwall by the
Spaniards of Bretagne detained them some time
at Plymouth ; and, after they had quitted their
port, the admirals disagreed as to the operations
of the armament. No enterprize in the reign of
Elizabeth had raised such high expectations, nor
any one ended with less success.

The quantity of grain which the armies in 1595.
Flanders and Fiance now demanded, together Afammc"

with

NOTES.

which have deceived many mariners. He had great success in

prizes from the Spaniards; was knighted for his bravery

against the Armada; and died through want of skill in his

surgeor. He was so strict an observer of discipline that his

seamen loved him not. [Campbell.

f Camden, p. 683. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 708.

t Stowe, p. 8O9. Fuller's Worthies, Yorkshire, p. 233,

M 3

164 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

f^-^^-with the bad last year's harvest, occasioned a
temporary famine in June, 1595- The Londoners
rose and committed strange disorders. While
Elizabeth, with almost as little law on her side,
appointed a provost-marshal, exercised martial
law, and executed five rioters on Tower-Hill,
without waiting for any usual form.
Disturb- Baffled in every other quarter, Philip could
Ireland only find in Ireland an opportunity of retaliating
on his magnanimous adversary some of those
devices by which she had curbed his vast power.
His agents excited the restless Tyrone to join a
Macquire and a MacMahon in revolt ; he sup-
plied the rebels with good officers from the Ne-
therlands, and, before it was long, 10,000 men in
arms, led by these factious chiefs, set at de-
fiance the English government.

To quell this formidable rising, Sir John Nor*
reys, with his veteran power, was suddenly trans-
ported from Bretagne ; and Tyrone was soon
routed, and reduced to the most desperate situa-
tion ; from which, however, he extricated him-
self in a certain degree by a series of deceitful
conventions, and by taking an artful advantage
of some impolitic bickerings between Russel the
Deputy, and the General.

Elizabeth, in the mean while, felt a disappoint-
ment in the failure of that tremendous armament
which she had sent to attack the heart of her an-
tagonist's

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 165

tagonist's richest dominion. * Sir Francis Drake A. d. 1595.
and Sir John Hawkins commanded the fleet,
while Sir Thomas Baskerville led the land forces.
The treasures of Porto Rico, the great object
of the expedition, they missed ; then sailing to
the continent of Spanish America, they destroyed
many towns, and laid a vast tract of country
waste with fire and sword ; but a rich g-alleon
escaped all their efforts; and one of their smallest
ships fell into.the hands of the Spaniards. To
complete the detail, both the marine command-
ers, the greatest seamen perhaps of any age or
country, fell by diseases, aided by vexation of Death of
mind, [93] before the returning; fleet reached the Dr?ke

L J ° and

shores of England, t Hawkins.

In

NOTES.

[93] Sir John Hawkins descended from a good western
family. The treachery of the Mexican Spaniards having
nearly ruined him by destroying his best ships at St. John
d'Ulloa, he thought himself authorized to plunder the sub-
jects of Philip in general. He succeeded well in many ex-
peditions, gained great honor against the Spanish Armada,
but died in his last enterprize, and was buried in the ocean.
Sir Francis Drake, who fell with him, had been a partaker
of his distresses in South America, and, like him, pursued
his injurers with most unrelenting vengeance. He was the
first Englishman who sailed round the globe. There have
been many disputes concerning his origin ; it appears most

probable,
•" Camden, p. 585, &x.
+ Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 583. Camden, p. 700.

1Q() HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book V

A.D.1595. In the mean while, Cornwall felt the inconve-
nience of having Spanish neighbors in Bretagne.
A detachment of that nation landed in Mounts-
bay

NOTES,
probable, that he was the son of a plain honest seaman, and
was born near Tavistock, Devon, in 1545; his descendents
still pay him the compliment of prefixing Francis to whatever
Christian name they give to their children.

[Campbell, Grainger.
One action in the varied and enterprizing life of Drake,
^nd one alone, has been spoken of with severity by contem-
porary writers ; his putting to death Mr. John Doughty, at
Port St. Julians, during his second foreign voyage. A man
second in command, and suspected (on the authority of the
following verses from an anonymous poem, called Leicester's
Ghost) to have been removed out of the way, that he might
not charge Leicester as the author of Lord Essex's murther.

* I doubted least that Doughty should betray
My counsel, and with other party take ;
Wherefore, the sooner him to rid away,

I sent him forth to sea with Captain Drake,
Who knew how t' entertaine him for my sake :
Before he went, his lot by me was cast,
His death was plotted and perform'd in haste.

He hoped well; but I did so dispose,

That he at Port St. Gillian lost his head ;

Having no time permitted to disclose

The inward griefs that in his heart were bred :

Now let him go, transported to the seas,

And tell my secrets to the Antipodes.'

But John Doughty was fairly tried and condemned by a jury
of twelve men, as a mutineer, and the charge against Drake
seems only to have originated in envy and malice.

An

Cli. I. Part I. §2. civil and military. lG7

bay and burnt Penzance, f and two villages, be-ADl595«

fore a sufficient force could be mustered to drive

them to their ships.

Towards the end of 1595, Philip, Earl of

Arundel, closed his melancholy life in the Tower

of London. [94]

It was early in 159fi, that Elizabeth had intel- 159<5-

Farther
ligence ol a new and vast armament which Philip designs of

had prepared at Cadiz, under Don Martin di piullP-

Padilia, an able officer, with a determination to

subdue Ireland, at least, if not England. She

waited not to be attacked. A numerous fleet

under .

NOTES.

An anecdote told by Prince and by another writer, (Feme)
is scarcely credible. Sir Bernard Drake (an enterprizing
seaman as well as himself) was so enraged at Sir Francis
for taking the same arms, that he gave the ' Terror of Spain'
a box on the car. The queen took up the quarrel, and gave
to Sir Francis a new coat of arms : and the talc may stand on
record as a parallel to the ' Strike! but hear me!' of The-
•mistocles. Her kindness, however, reached not beyond the
grave, for she prosecuted his brother Thomas, who had shared
all his perils, for a small debt due to the crown.

[Biog. Erit. kc.

The excellent establishment, called the Chest of Chatham,
owes its foundation to the two great mariners above recorded.

[Campbell's Lives.

[94] Austere fastings, too much prolonged, are said to have
hastened his fate. His bones were kept in an iron chest ; a late
dutchess of the same family procured his skull, had it enchased
in gold, andjised it to exalt her devotion, as the relique of a
martyr to religion. [Pennant's London.

* Carew's Cornwall, fol. 115. Camden, p. 583.

168 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book vT\.

A^D.1596. under the Lord Effingham, accompanied by an
army led by the Earl of Essex, (the most brave,
most worthy, and most accomplished of those
whom the queen had ever favored, but too rash
and unexperienced for such a command) sailed
instantly for the coast of Spain. The fleet was
reinforced by the counsel and experienced valor
of Sir Walter Raleigh, who had just returned
from a successless expedition to the coast of Guia-
na, in South America. On the view of Cadiz,
it was determined to attempt the destruction of
that fleet which it harbored ; and Essex, having;
hurled his hat into the sea with the most extra-
vagant joy at this resolution, led on the attack in
spite of the orders of Elizabeth ; who, dreading
his impetuosity, had directed Raleigh and the
Lord Thomas Howard to command the van. He
succeeded, in spite of a gallant resistance and
numerous obstacles ; he forced his way into the
Elizabeth harbor, took Cadiz by storm, * and destroyed or
Cadiz captured every one of the vast number of vessels

and de- which its port contained. Philip lost on this
strovs the rr , , . r ,

Spanish occasion fifteen large ships ol war, and twenty-
fleet. two vessels laden with commodities for the East.
The damage to the Spanish merchants was im-
mense. Twenty millions of ducats, it is com-
puted, would hardly pay the detriment which

Spain

* Vere's Commentaries, p. 39, 42.

Ch. I. Part I. § C. civil and military. 169

Spain suffered by this enterprize.* The pro- ^P-^J
fits, however, were not proportionably great, nor
were they fairly distributed. [95] The violent
spirit of Essex, not contented with this vast suc-
cess, incited him to stay with a small garrison and
defend Cadiz against the power of Spain: ' He
could maintain it,' he urged, ' for three months,
and then, at worst, he could exchange it with
Philip for Calais,' but none would remain on a
hope so forlorn. The soldiers and sailors were
now too wealthy to seek farther dangers. In vain
did Essex, with more heroism than judgment,-*-
propose new objects of conquest. They were, in-
deed, persuaded to attack Faro, as it was on their
way home ; but a panic-terror had induced its
inhabitants to abandon the place ; and no glory
ensuing from its conquest, Essex returned to Eng-
land, to see, with anp_uish, those whom he hated,
raised to honors which he thought his own a-usted.

due. [96]

What

NOTES.
[95] Some had ten, some sixteen, some 20,000 ducats for
the ransom of their captives. Sir Walter Raleigh, though
singularly active and severely wounded, got only (to use his
own words) ' a lame leg and deformed; for the rest, he
either spoke too late, or 'twas otherwise resolved ; he wanted
not good v/ords, hut had possession of nought hut poverty and pain.'
[Raleigh's Relation of the Expedition, &;c. kc.
[06] Cecil, son to the treasurer, had been made secretary
of state in the room of Boddely, whom Essex had recommend-
ed.
•••• Stowe, p. 774. Speed, p. 870.

•f SirW. Monson's Tracts, p. 1.01.

170 HISTORY OF CHEAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJD. 1596. What gave him most pain was that, in the patent
of the new earl of Nottingham, (the lord Effing-
ham) he was allowed the merit of having taken
Cadiz ; a provocation so great, that it moved
Essex to defie the earl, or any of his family, to
single combat.

The realm of England had been in peril during
the absence of the fleet. The Spanish admiral had
sailed with a vast navy and 8,000 soldiers, on a
well-concerted design to land a body of veterans
in the West of England, seize the unguarded har-
bor of Falmouth, and wait at the mouth of the
Channel to intercept the fleet of Lord Effingham
on its return from the Cadiz expedition, with

its

NOTES.

ed. That nobleman, who was as thoughtless as brave, had
offended the queen by making sixty knights at once at the
taking of Cadiz. It was a common saying:

' A gentleman of Wales, a knight of Cales,
A lord of the north country;
A yeoman of Kent with a twelvemonths rent,
Would purchase them all three.'

Elizabeth was so sparing of favor that she let the most
acute and discerning of her ministers, Walsinghaiy, sue to
her for years before she would indulge him with the humble
honor of knighthood.

A country gentleman who, at his own cost, had levied,
armed, and paid a corps of 300 men, and marched them to
Tilbury camp in 1588, vauntingly at parting said to his wife.
' Who knows, but you may be a lady when I return.'

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 171

its ships straggling, and its men sickly and fati- AJJ.159&
gued.

What the consequence of this apparently ra- Another

, , .11 1 • • fleet of

tional plan might have been, it is not easy to say ; phiiip

but Providence deigned to interpose ; and no destroy*.

f . ed by

sooner had the Spaniards gained sight of Scilly, a 5to«n.

than at the instant a council of war was sitting
on board the Admiral's ship, a storm arose with
such violence that it prevented the captains from
returning to their vessels. Forty of the fleet were
lost or forced into hostile ports, and the rest ut-
terly disabled. The same tempest met the vic-
torious fleet of England on its return ; but the
ships being lighter escaped with little damage.

Few other transactions distinguished the year.
Ireland was still disquieted by the intrigues of
Spain ; and Holland, which, under the protection
of Elizabeth and the government of Prince Mau-
rice was emerffinff from its distresses, not chusintj
to pay at once its great debt to England, engaged
to send a squadron of twenty-five ships when
wanted to join her naval expeditions ; besides
making a small annual payment. Henry IV. of
France severely felt the loss of those troops which
Elizabeth had hastily sent to Ireland. The Arch-
duke Albert advanced on his frontiers relieved
La Ferte, and took Ardres. The active German
stopped not there ; and the Duke de Bouillon
brought a hasty message to England from Henry
of France, that Calais was besieged by the Spa-
niards

17'-! HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

a^d.1596. njards. Elizabeth, really alarmed, [97] sent to the

Lord Mayor of London to raise 1,000 men in an

instant. It chanced to be on a Sunday, and he was

then at St. Paul's. He ordered the doors of the

church to be shut, and enlisted the proper per-

Calais sons upon the spot. Before Monday noon the

the^Spa"- >vno^e Party> consisting of 8,000 men were armed,

n'mds. and on their march for Dover ; but Calais had

fallen before their arrival, quick as the levy had

been made, and the men were dismissed ; but a

considerable sum of money was sent to France,

and arrived in due time effectually to assist the

royalists. [9 8]

Undismayed

NOTES.

[97] The French writers say, that Elizabeth offered to de-
fend Calais if she might have it as a pledge; but that Henry
said, ' No; if he must be bitten, it should be by a lion
rather than a lioness.' This answer, they say, irritated the
queen, and made her indifferent as to its relief. [Sully.

[98] Sir Roger Williams, one of the bravest soldiers in
Europe, departed nearly at this period. He fought first un-
der Alva ; afterwards he was highly promoted in his own
country's service. Henry IV. of France honored him highly.
Although educated as a mere soldier, he wrote a much com-
mended treatise on military improvements. His kinsman and
fellow-soldier, Sir Thomas Morgan, died the next day. He
had a strong proof of his loyalty in his possession, viz. the
offer of a large pension from Philip II. of Spain, if he would
desert the cause of his country.

It is told of Sir Roger, that, once as he was marching to
the aid of Henry of France, he was worried and teazed by a
volatile French officer to change his grave march for one in
a livelier style, which would hurry on his men. ' Rest you

* easvj

I

Ch. I. Part. I. § 2. civil and militahv. U^

Undismayed by a long series of disastrous ^^]^j
events, the persevering Philip again collected a The

/-i i • ^i i i t- i schemes

strong iorce at Corunna, winch he destined of philip

against his prosperous foe, Elizabeth. Her ex- again

° * * ]• • ciossedby

ertions, however, were not necessary to dissipate tj,e w-m^

this armament. A tempest assailed it on its out-
set from port, destroyed some of the ships, and
disabled all the rest.

The same fate, in some degree, attended a
powerful'" squadron, which, under Essex, assisted
by the Lord Thomas Howard, Raleigh, and Sir
Francis Vere, meant to have attacked Corunna. ^ design
Adverse winds delayed it, until its provisions against

. Corunna

were nearly exhausted. A partoi the ships, how- fails.

ever, put to sea, and sailed for the Azores. Ra-
leigh arrived first, and, not waiting; for his com-
mander, attacked and made himself master of Essex and

Fayal. This displeased Essex, whose appetite for ,a eig
J v 'll disagree.

glory was insatiable, so much, that had not How-
ard interposed, a court-martial would have sat
on Raleigh and his abettors. t Soon after the
wealthy Meet from the Indies came in sight, but
the greatest part escaped through the inexperi-
enced

NOTES,
easy,' replied the blunt old warrior. ( young man, that
march (the old ' Grenadier's march') has many times led my
countrymen through France; and, by the grace of God, I
think it shall do the like one time more.' [Camden, 8cc,

* Stowe, p. 783.

-1- Raleigh's Hist, of the World, book v. chap. 1 sec. 9.

174 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAINT. Book VT.I.

A.D.1597. enced of Essex in maritime manoeuvres. The
prizes taken reimbursed the costs of the expedi-
tion ; but the unhappy difference which it gave
rise to between Essex and Raleigh, had fatal con-
sequences. [99]

Elizabeth was still disquieted in Ireland by the

unquiet turbulent earl of Tyrone who, more by craft than
force, kept alive a kind of rebellion in the wilder
parts of the island. To Henry of France she sent
succors, both of men and money, more freely
than was usual ; for she had observed in his coun-
cils (since the important town of Amiens had
been surprized by the Spaniards under Porto
Carrero) symptoms of wishing for a peace with
Spain: a measure, indeed, thoroughly necessary
to the ruined and almost desperate state of his
kingdom.

A dispute chancing to arise between England
and the Hanse-towns, concerning ships which bad
been taken at Lisbon, the king of Poland sent
an ambassador to London, who having commenced

Polish a Latin oration in very haughty terms, Elizabeth

king's in- interrupted him with a rapid piece of eloquence

soltnce . T 111

repressed. in the same tongue, '1 expected an ambassador,
and behold a herald !' Thus she began ; she then

proceeded

NOTES.

[99] One of their first quarrels had been the earl's braving
Raleigh at a tilt, and appearing there, in defiance of him
with 'two thousand orange tawney feathers;' an affront not
very intelligible at present. [Walpoue.

Cll. I. Part. I. § 0. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 17o

proceeded to take to pieces the speech he had ^V^1597"

made, and ridiculed his master's inexperience, and

the messenger's pedantry, in pure classical Latin:

' Then, lion-like, rising,' saith Speed, ' she

• daunted the malapert orator, no less with her

' stately port and majestic departure, than with

' the tartness of her princely checks ;' and turning

to the train of her attendants, said, " God's death !

my Lords ; I have been forced this day to scour

up my old Latin, that has long lain rusting." She

afterwards settled the dispute by artfully drawing

the city of Dantzick off from the confederacy.

Towards the close of the year the queen called Elizabeth
her Parliament together, and asked for an extra- an ex_
ordinary supply which was readily granted (a pro- traordin-
test being made against the precedent) on her supply,
affirming, that the wars in France, Spain, the
Netherlands, and on the seas, had expended more
than the subsidies which she bad received. The
queen was now in her sixty-fourth year, and great
and firm as her political conductundoubtedly was,
she shared with the most capricious and vain of
her sex in their lightest foibles ; particularly in
the dread of being thought old.fioo] and in

that

NOTES.
[100] 'The majesty and gravity of a sceptre borne forty-
four yeeres,' (says Sir J. Harrington) ''-could not alter thai
oatuje of a woman in her.' Bishop Rudd, of St. Davi i'.s,
nreaching before her in Leni, l.SQf), mostiunltfce to a cot-
tier,

176 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN", Book VIL

t^^w' 'diat eagerness f°r admiration which frequently
tarries too long in the fairest forms. So strange,
indeed, was the mixture of qualities in the mind
of Elizabeth, that profound veneration and severe
ridicule must alternately be bestowed on her
conduct, by those who study her transactions.

Although

NOTES.

tier, expatiated on the mysterious nature of the grand cli-
macteric; and, although he observed that the queen as she
sat in her closet looked discomposed, yet the thoughtless
prelate went on to speak of the thankfulness which she owed
to God for preserving her in health and in good fortune so
long ; and closed with that picturesque description of old
age in scripture, ' When the grynders shall be few in num-
ber, and they wax dark that look out of windows,' kc. Eli-
zabeth opened her window when the sermon was ended, and
told him plainly, ' that he should have kept his arithmetic
to himself:' adding, ' but I see that the greatest clerks are
not the wisest men.' The poor bishop was advised by his
friends to confine himself for a few days, but Elizabeth for-
gave him.

Doctor Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, was not much-
more happy in his choice of a subject. He preached about
the same time before the queen, on the propriety of her
appointing a successor ; and ventured to say, ' that all men
pointed their expectations towards Scotland.' This,' he said,
' if an error, was surely a learned error.' Elizabeth dissem-
bled her resentment at the time, but afterwards sent two of
her council to reprimand the prelate severely. She took great
pains to convince her attendants, that her senses were as"
strong as ever, and particularly her sight, which she evinced
by reading a remarkably small inscription on a jewel, which
her good courtiers solemnly protested that they could not
decypher. [Harrington.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and militaryj 177

Although the most powerful remonstrances A-i>. 1598.

and most tempting* offers made by the Queen of

England, and the Dutch states, could not, in

1598, prevent Henry of France from agreeing to

a peace with Philip; yet Elizabeth, notwithstand- France
, . 1 r . • p 1 1 makes

ing this deiection, conscious 01 her great naval j)eace

superiority over Spain, and nobly refusing to with
abandon the United Provinces, with whom Phi-
lip would not treat, determined to continue the
war ; and, by a new and very advantageous-f trea-
ty, drew the knot of friendship between England
and the Netherlands still closer. In this, the
debt was acknowledged to be S00,000l. sterling ;
it was to be discharged by instalments ; the gar-
risons of the cautionary towns were to be paid
by the Dutch, and they were bound to supply a
considerable force both by land and sea, should
Elizabeth's dominions be invaded.

The enterprizing Earl of Cumberland now re-
turned from plundering the Canary islands, and
from the West Indies, where he had taken Porto
Rico, and, had not a cruel disease depopulated
his squadron, might probably have added the ex-
tensive island of that name to the English domi-
nion. Other adventurers, with inferior force,
had their share of success ; and the rich produce
of South America had, at this active period, little
chance of reaching the ports of Spain without a
severe contest.

At

♦ Camclen, p. 60j. + Rym. Feed. tom. xvi. p. 310.

Vol. I. Part I. n

178 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1598. At this juncture, worn out with fatigues of
mind, diseases, and disappointments, Philip of
Spain, the scourge of freedom, the right hand of
Philip II. bigotry, deceased, after having deprived millions
°ies* of their lives, and himself of the richest pro-
vinces which his ancestors had bequeathed to his
ill-omened sway. His contests with Elizabeth of
England had been incessant, and were carried on
with all the malice of private enmity, [lOl] and
it seems probable that the arrow which reached
his heart was poisoned by his perpetual envy at
her continued glory and success.

To

NOTES.

[101] One of the last instances of Philip's inveteracy,
seems to have been the encouragement given to Squires, ait
English prisoner, to destroy Elizabeth and Essex by a venom-
ous powder, which, when applied to the pommel of her saddle
and the elbow of A/5 chair, * should cause the queen and her fa-
vorite to perish. Squires failed in the execution ; and to punish
his remissness, a person was dispatched from Spain to accuse
him of the traitorous attempt. In consequence, Squires was
executed at Tyburn. [Winwood's Mem.

No person has been more diversly spoken of than Philip IT.
He was certainly a deep and hard-hearted politician; but his
devotion to the clergy blinded him to inhumanity, at which his
nature would have revolted. In the case of the Moriscos,
where he suffered not his priestly advisers to interfere, he
shewed some moderation. On his death-bed, he advised his
son and successor to trust the nobles rather than the clergy.
c These new men,' said he, ' are insatiable.' [M. Un. Hist.

* A noble and witty writer ridicules this conspirator's
adroitness in the choice of mortal parts.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. citil and military. 179

To console the high-spirited Essex for theA-D-1598*
promotion of his rival Lord Effingham to the
earldom of Nottingham, he had been made earl-
marshal of Eno-land. But although Elizabeth
loved him affectionately, she sometimes contra-
dicted him, to shew her superiority. It was in
one of these disputes, that the petulant favorite,
vexed at the Queen for not complying with his
recommendation as to the presidency of Ireland,
turned his back abruptly upon her ; a gross inci- Insolence
vility, which she requited by a smart ;: box 0n Essex*
the ear, bidding him at the same time ' o-o and
be hanged ;' at this, Essex clapping his hand to
his sword, and swearing aloud ' that he would
not have taken such an affront from her father,
Henry,' retired from court in extreme disgust.
The persuasions of his friends, however, soon
made him submit ; and Elizabeth again favored
him as much as ever. Soon after this, she lost
her old, faithful, ceconomical treasurer, [102]

n 2 Cecil,

NOTES.

[102] William Cecil was born in 1521, and bred at Cam-
bridge. He was master of requests under Edward VI. Mary
would have promoted him would he have changed his faith.
Elizabeth employed him in the most important business, and
trusted greatly to his counsel. He had no shining talents, but
great prudence and penetration. As a judge, he would discuss
100 petitions and answer them within a day. Forty years he

assisted
* Camden, p. G08.

180 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

£2£!5 Cecil, lord Burleigh. The Lord Buckhurst suc-
ceeded him, and not with discredit.

1599. yne rebellion in Ireland had now risen to a
Ireland in
eonfu- dangerous height ; Hugh, Earl of Tyrone, a

bJOn* hardy and deceitful savage, had actually broken
the heart of the brave Sir John Norreys.[l03]
That <mllant veteran had treated him with the
open confidence of a soldier, and finding that Ty-
rone had taken advantage of that confidence
to injure the affairs of England, he sunk under
the dread of losing his former reputation in
arms, through the insincerity of a barbarian.
The Earl of Ormond and Sir Henry Bagnal had
still worse fortune in the field, and Elizabeth
was on the point of sending the Lord Montjoy,

when

NOTES.

assisted in state affairs. He was so obnoxious to the Guises,
that he was invited to Paris expressly to be involved in the
massacre of 1572. He left a large fortune, got without a
blemish. James of Scots rejoiced at his death, as he thought
him a bitter opposer of his interest.

[Camden, Broc. Brit. Sec.
[103] Sir John Norreys sprung from a respectable house
in Oxfordshire, had fought long and successfully in the Ne-
therlands and in France, where the excess of his daring spirit
had more than once drawn upon him reprimands from the
queen. 'But he was now' (says the quaint Fuller) ' to fight
with left-handed foes ; and this great master of defence was
now to seek a new guard, viz. who could lie on the coldest
earth ; swim through the deepest water ; or run over what
was neither earth uor water.' [Camden, Fuller, Cox.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 181

when Essex intimated his wish to commanding01599;
Ireland; he was instantly made deputy, with Essex sent
powers more than usually extensive, and an army icr*
of 20,000 foot and 2,000 horse, was appointed to
serve under his orders. The friends of Essex
could not have wished him a greater honor ; his
enemies," too, (Nottingham, Raleigh, 8cc.) were
pleased to have his person removed from the par-
tial eye of the queen ; nor did they omit to make
her observe the vast popularity of her favorite,t
and the loudly-expressed wishes of the people
on his behalf as he passed through the streets of
London. These shafts of malice and envy
missed not their mark. ' By God's son,' said
the jealous sovereign to Sir John Harrington,
' I am no queen ! this man is above me !' %

111 fortune and mismanagement accompanied
the hapless Essex throughout his Irish expedi-
tion. He promoted his friend Southampton,
whom the queen disliked, and disputed her orders
when she commanded him to be dismissed ; he
attended to interested advisers, and neglected to
march against Tyrone, (who had again assumed
the proscribed title of O'Neal) until the great and
expensive army of England was dwindled by
sickness and desertion to a handful ; he then con-
sented to a dishonorable truce with Tyrone ; and

lastly,

Cabala, p. 79. + Sir Robert Naunton, p. 64, 65.
:!: Nug33 AutiquK, vol. ii. p. 131.

182 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1600. lastly, (in imitation of his father-in-law Leicester,
when complained of from the Netherlands) he
Returns suddenly quitted his command, and presented
un i en. j^ggif t0 the sJght of his irritated sovereign, as
she was sitting, just risen, with her hair about
her cheeks. The unexpected presence of one
whom she certainly loved with tenderness, so af-
fected Elizabeth that her anger subsided ; and on
his going home he was heard to say, not without
triumph, ' that though troubles and storms had
followed him abroad, he had found a sweet calm
at home.'"

In the afternoon he attended her again, but re-
flection had prepared him a more harsh reception.
The queen charged him with disobedience, ne-
glect, and dishonor ; and though he replied with
a meekness unknown before to his character, he
was ordered to appear before the council, (where,
to the amazement and indignation of all men,
Francis Bacon, to whom Essex had been a kind
patron, appeared against him) and, after a severe
examination, which lasted eleven hours, during
which he rested only on his knees, he was com-
mitted to the custody of the Lord Privy-seal.
Essex sickened at the queen's displeasure ; and
his still affectionate mistress ordered eight phy-
sicians to attend him, and sent him broth and a

most

* Sydney's Letters, vol. ii. p. 157,

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 183

most kind message to quicken his recovery.[l04] A^D.4600.
Sir Walter Raleigh (the rival of Essex) fell sick
in his turn at these marks of favor to his hated
competitor ; and Elizabeth found it necessary to
gratify also his caprice, by a like application of
kindness.

Conferences, to bring about a general peace,
were now to be held at Boulogne ; but a dis-
pute

NOTES.

[1041 Whenever Essex had been ill, his kind sovereign
had been used to visit him, sit by him, and order ' his broths
and things.' [Bacon's Papers.

Mr. Walpole, with great propriety, blames Voltaire for
doubting of Elizabeth's attachment to Essex, on account of
their disparity of years. Her jealousy broke out in many in-
stances. ' The queen has of late,', says Rowland White in
the Sidney Papers, ' used the fair Mrs. Bridges with words and
blows of anger:' Again, ' the earl is again fallen in love with

his fairest B . It cannot chuse but come to the queen's

ears, and then he is undone.'

In the Nugas Antiquce, we find Lady Mary Howard severely
treated, because ' she hath favors and marks of love from the
young earl.'

Again, at a masque, when Mrs. Fitton, at the head of
eight lady-masquers, wooed the ' queen to dawnce,' her ma-
jesty asked who she was? ' Affection,' she said. ' Affection !'
said the queen, ' affection is false.' This was at the height of
the fretful fooleries (as Mr. W. calls them) between her and
Essex. ' Yet her majesty rose and dawnced.' She was then
sixty-eight. Sure it was as natural for her to be in love.

[Royal and Noble Authors.

* Sydney's Letters, vol. ii. p. 139.

184 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i6oo. pUte about ceremonials[l05] stopped all pro-
ceedings.
Essex In the mean time, the friends of Essex mur-

doomed muring at his imprisonment, Elizabeth appointed

to con- him to be tried before her council, assisted by
finement. ir ., TT. .... • T i i

the lour judges. His misbehavior in Ireland,

his neglect of the queen's orders, and disrespect-
ful answers to her letters, were there urged
against him, and each charge was established ;
but as he behaved with propriety and submission,
he was only sentenced to be suspended from his
office of earl-marshal and master of the ordnance,
and to be imprisoned during the pleasure of his
sovereign. Elizabeth approved of the judgment,
and sent him to his own house in custody of Sir
Richard Berkley.

The clouds which had obscured the fortune of
this amiable, but heedless, nobleman, now seemed
inclined to disperse. His illness* had softened
the heart of his queen, and by enquiry she had
found that he had spent his hours in exercises of
the warmest devotion, an enthusiasm which always

seized

NOTES.

[105] The English claimed the second place, allowing to
France the first. They appealed to a hook well known concern-
ing ' the Ceremonies of the Court of Rome ;' and proved by
that, that at every general council that place had been allotted
to them. Spain had little to allege on her side except the ex-
tent of her dominions, and her attachment to the Roman Ca-
tholic faith.

» Camden, p. 628.

Cli. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 185

seized his mind when fortune was adverse: one^P-^pJ*
ill-timed piece of severity occasioned his destruc-
tion. The date of a lucrative patent enjoyed by
Essex had just expired, and he petitioned for its
renewal. Elizabeth denied it with this sarcasm,
' an :,; ungovernable beast should be stinted of its
provender.' On hearing this, he gave up all
hopes of being re instated in the favor of his
sovereign ; and, hurried away by the natural im-
petuosity of a temper inflamed by the insinua-
tions of his imprudent friends, (and particularly
of Cuffe his secretary) he rushed headlong into
ingratitude, treason, and ruin. He excited James
of Scotland to take violent measures to secure his
succession, which he said was in danger from the
machinations of a minister who had placed Ra-
leigh to command in Jersey, Carew in Ireland,
and LordCobham at the Cinque Ports, merely to
facilitate the accession of a Spanish princess. But
James was too cautious to risque so rich a prize bv
too much hurry. Essex now wrote to his friend
the Lord Montjoy in Ireland, and almost persuad-
ed him to transport his army to England. + He
silently caballed with the Roman Catholics, and
openly with the most rigorous of the Puritans ;
and he strove to form an association against Eliza-
beth among the magistrates and citizens of her

metropolis.

* Camden, p. 628. 4- Birch, vol. ii. p. 463.

186 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ajx 1600. metropolis. He had even proceeded to settle the
Plots an plan of an insurrection ; and it was determined
lion020" ^iat k's friends should overpower the guards, and
seize the palace; and that himself should with in-
finite respect and humility, kneeling to the queen,
insist on a new parliament, a new ministry, and a
settlement of the succession.

The party who dreaded the restoration of Es-
sex, had surrounded him with spies, against whom
the frank disposition of that nobleman was by no
means guarded. All he had plotted was made
known to the queen, and she might possibly ha ve
forgiven it all; but when she was assured, that the
man whom she had so highly distinguished, had
said of his kind mistress, ' That the old woman
was grown crooked in her mind as well as in her
body,' he could not hope for pardon. [106]

In

NOTES.

[106] This speech must have severely galled a woman so
anxious to conceal the growing infirmities natural to her time of
life. Whenever any messenger came from James of Scotland to
her, ' on lifting up the hangings, he was sure to find her dancing
to a little fiddle, affectedly, that he might tell James, by her
youthful disposition, how unlikely he was to come to the throne
he so much thirsted after.' [ Weldon.-

Elizabeth was as anxious for the credit of beauty, as of
youth. ' How did she torture Melvill, (says Mr. Walpole)
to make him prefer her person to that of his charming queen?'
When she was sixty-seven, she smiled on the Dutch ambassa-
dor, who told her, that " for beauty and wisdom, she ex-
celled all the princes of the world." Lady Rich, too, in

supplicating

Ch. I. Part 1. 1 2. civil and military. 187

In the mean time, the Lord Montjoy, seconded A.D.i60ft
by the Earl of Ormond and Sir George Carew, Ireland
had chastised * the rebel Tyrone, and restored the 4ulct«k
kingdom of Ireland to a short-lived peace; a cir-
cumstance, by comparison, not favorable to Essex.

The fall of the noble, but rash and misguided, 1601»
, t^ Essex,

Essex, sadly opened the year 1601. Driven to driven to

despair by the apprehension of ruin, he madly at- desPair>
tempted to arm the populace, who doted on his
frank and generous character, against the firm
throne of Elizabeth. Having garrisoned his house
in the Strand, and imprisoned therein three privy-
counsellors who had been sent to enquire into his
proceedings, he roamed through the city of Lon-
don at the head of two hundred armed men, cry-
ing, ' For the queen ! for the queen ! my life is
in danger.' But the Lord Mayor had ordered
the citizens to keep within doors ; and Essex,
having been proclaimed a traitor by the Earl of

Cumberland,

NOTES.

supplicating for her brother Essex, speaks of ' her majesty's
bcaulyj of her brother's service ' to her beauties ;' and re-
marks, that her excellent beauties and perfections should feel
more compassion.' Her features grew strong as she grew old;
she, therefore, 'would not permit those who painted her to
add shade to her portraits. ' Shade,' she said, ' was an acci-
dent, and not naturally existent in the face.' From the same
principle she always gave audience by day-light, and frequently
in the open air, as the shades had then less force.

[Royal and Noble Authors.
3 * Camden, p. 617, Sec.

188 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1601. Cumberland, saw his followers shrink from his
banner, and it was not without the loss of some of
his few remaining friends that he could force a
passage back to his house. There he was assailed
by the lord- admiral Nottingham with a corps of
regular troops, and soon obliged to surrender at
discretion. The privy-counsellors had been be-
fore released by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who is
supposed to have acted as a spy on the motions
of Essex. *
Essex The trial and condemnation of this unhappy

executed, nobleman soon followed his apprehension. It was
then that the enthusiasm of piety again possessed
the whole frame of Essex. He wept over his faults,
confessed all his machinations, and even related
the designs of his friends in his favor, an avowal
which, in his cooler moments, he would have ab-
horred. The queen signed the warrant for his
death with an almost convulsive reluctance, but
soon countermanded it, apparently waiting for
some humble application which might give her an
excuse for shewing mercy. None, however, came,
and resentment at finding her compassion (as she
balieved) set at nought, gave her powers to order
the execution of the hapless Essex. [107] He

fell

NOTES.

[107] Marechal Biron ridiculed the death of Essex as not
being that of a soldier; and he. when soon after he also ended
his life on a scaffold, died like a frantic coward. [Sully.

* Camden, p. 630. State Trials.

Ch. I. Part I. §2. civil and military. 189

fell with dignity; pious, but not dejected, he de- A.D.1601.

sired to be beheaded privately within the Tower,

lesl the sight of the people, * who he knew would

lament his fate, might turn his thoughts from

heaven. [10 8]

Sir Walter Raleigh, the great foe of Essex, ,,

o ' e ' I- ate

blemished his own fame by appearing at the earl's of his
execution ; nor did his excuse (the apprehension tnends'
that Essex at his death might wish to speak to
him) by any means vindicate his conduct. The
unfortunate earl had run along career of glory
and favor in a few years; he died at thirty-four.
Four of his associates were tried and executed.

Culfe,

NOTES.
[lOS] The romantic bravery of Essex had gained him the
hearts of the Londoners, who were used to see him returning,
frequently triumphant, from perilous exploits. He was as po-
pular in song as Robin Hood; one of the numerous ballads to
his honor ends thus :

' Oh, then bespoke the 'prentices all,

Living in London both proper and tall,
(In a kind letter sent straight to the queen]
Tor ' Essex's sake' they would fight all !

[Evans's Ballads.
It is a singular circumstance that, while Philip of Spain
thought Essex a foe so consequential, that he endeavored to
have him taken off by poison, the Roman Catholics should wish
to gain him for their protector as a man of moderation, it being
frequently in his mouth, that ' he wished not to have any one
murthered for his religion.' Essex had been the patron of
Spencer and of Bacon.

* Bacon, vol. iv. p. 534.

190 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.P. i6oi. Cuffe, whose counsels had precipitated him ; Da-
vers, Blount, and Meyric. Southampton [I09]
(for whom Essex had felt much more than for
himself) was spared, but remained a prisoner in
the Tower while the queen lived. It was not ge-
nerous in Elizabeth to order her late favorite's
memory to be defamed by a sermon at St. Paul's
Cross ; some sparks of indignation remaining in
her that were unquenched, even by his blood.
His cha- Yet, *n spite °^ n^s f°es' malice, and of his own
racter. faults, scarcely does any character in history in-
terest the reader of English history so much as
that of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. His
person was beautiful, and his spirit gallant and
enterprizing; at eighteen, he distinguished himself
near Zutphen, where Sir Philip Sidney fell, whose
widow he married ; at twenty-two he joined as a
volunteer in the enterprize to place Don Anto-
nio on the throne of Portugal, and challenged the
governor of Corunna to single combat. At the
siege of Rouen, in France, he defied Villars, the
commandant, to fight him on foot or on horse-
back; 'I will make you,' said he, ' own that I

am

NOTES.

[109] A favorite cat (a unique among her capricious, un-
grateful race) is said to have found her way to Southampton's
prison by means of a chimney ; and to have partaken and con-
soled the solitude of her master. Mr. Pennant mentions a pic-
ture of the earl at Bulstrode, attended by his faithful animal J
a kind of confirmation to the tale.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 191

am better than you, and that my mistress is fairer A.D.1601.
than yours.' His aversion to Philip of Spain was
shewn in a style too haughty for a private man.
1 I will teach,' he used to write, ' that proud
king to know,' 8cc. 8cc. Elizabeth approved not
of this liberty with a crowned head, although her
most hated enemy. *

The pensioners and spies of Essex in foreign
courts were as numerous as those of Walsino-ham.
He -was always an admirer of Elizabeth, and,
at a very early period of his life, insulted Sir
Charles Blount for wearing; an enamelled chess-
queen on his arm, which his sovereign had given
him on account of his gallantry at a tilt. ' Now,
I perceive,' said he, ' that every fool must have
a favor.' Sir Charles fought him in Marybone
Park, disarmed and wounded him.

It was still early in 1601, when ambassadors James
arrived from James of Scotland. Whatever was f round in
their original commission, (which, from circum- England,
stances t since discovered, appears to have been
connected W'ith the enterprize of Essex f) the
apparent errand was that of congratulation to Eli-
zabeth on her late deliverance. The prudent
queen, conscious of her successor's increasing in-
terest in her own cabinet, received the message
kindly, without examining into its sincerity ; and

added

* Royal and Noble Authors vol. i. p. 127.

•f Spot is wood, p. 464.

3; Johnstone, p. 28P. Birch, vol. ii. p. 510.

192 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book. VII,

A-D-1601. added 20001. to the pension of the needy prince.
The ambassadors, who were men of talents, are
believed, during their stay in London, to have
negotiated in the court of Elizabeth with equal
secresy and success, and to have effectually
smoothed their master's path to the English
throne. The important advice, and even the re-
gular correspondence, of the secretary Cecil, they
certainly secured.

Transactions on the Flemish coast, where Sir
Francis Vere, with a few English soldiers, [lio]
defendedOstend againstthe vast force of the Arch-
duke

NOTES.

[110] The great loss of the English in one assault, and
the bravery of their conduct, may be found well detailed in
Camden's complete history; where he tells us of ' Esquire
John Carewe, of Antony, in Cornwall, ' who seeing his arm
carried off by a cannon ball to a very considerable distance
from him, followed it, picked it up, and calmly carried it back
into the town.

The extract which follows, taken from Collins's Peerage,
Art. Percy, will prove, that to refuse a challenge grounded on
motives of private spleen, is consistent with the character of a
brave and tried soldier; perhaps no one else can do it.

In 1G02, are dated many papers relating to a most regular
defiance which passed between Henry Earl of Northumber-
land, and Sir Francis Vere, in consequence of a misunder-
standing while they both served in Ostend. The earl directs
his letter, ' to the vallorous and worthie captayne Sir Frauncis,'
&&. Yet, in one of them, he ' protests that Sir Frauncis Veere
was a knave and cowarde ; and that in flearin<2;e and jrearinjre
lyke a common buffoon, would wronge men of all conditions,
and had neyther the honestye nor the courage to satisfye any.'

The

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. ciyil and military". 103

duke Albert, had at this juncture drawn Henry A.D.1601.
IV. of France to the shores of the British Chan-
nel ; both Elizabeth and the French monarch
earnestly wished for an interview ; but reasons of
state and of ceconomy prevented the measure,
and they contented themselves with reciprocal
messages of amity.

Elizabeth had never been in greater hazard of Montjoy
losing Ireland, than in 1601. (Economy, ^hd a the Irish
mistaken policy, had tempted her to pay the and Spa-
troops in that country with a debased coin. Her
generals, while exerting themselves to prevent a
mutiny on this score, were alarmed by two sepa-
rate Spanish invasions, each seconded by the faith-
less Tyrone and his numerous dependents ; the
bravery and conduct, however, of Montjoy and
Carew, and the good fortune of the English queen,
dissipated this perilous confederacy, and reduced
every Spaniard to surrender at discretion. Yet
in one spot the Spaniards and their allies had
mustered 7,000 men;* while in Kinsale (which

they

*■■■■■•

NOTES.

This Sir Francis answers thus : ' Because I refused to meete
you uppon your peremptorye and foolishe summons, you con-
clude mee, &c. &c. to be a knave, a cowarde, and a buffoon;
vvhereuppon you have procured mee to set aside all respecte to
your person, and to saye that " you are a most lyinge and un-
worthie lord."

The queen interfered and prevented the duel. Many more
particulars may be found in Collins's Peerage, Art. Percy.
* Winwood, vol. i. p. 369.

Vol. I. Part I. o

194 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AD.1601. tjiey meant t0 relieve) Don John D'Aguilar lay
with 4,000 veterans, and many rebellious natives.
The foreigners were sent safely to Spain ; and
D'Asuilar s;ave to his court so discoura«;ino- an
account of Tyrone and the Irish attached to his
interest, that no more supplies of men were sent
from Spain, although the revolters were still
aided with ammunition.

It was now that Elizabeth stood in great need
of money. Her Parliament granted it to her li-
berally ; and she in return assured her commons,
that she would annul the most odious among: the
Monopo- grants of monopoly. She kept her word, and re-
ced in lieved her people from some of those patents
numbers, which impeded the free sale of salt, oil, starch,
and other commodities; the commons thanked
her and were dissolved.

The year 1601 Avas witness to a laudable ex-
ertion of a despotic tribunal, the Star-chamber,
on behalf of the distressed and injured Lettiee,

Lord Essex's widow, [ill]

Though

NOTES,
[ill] During the agonies with which her husband's trial
affected her, this poor lady had concealed in a private cabinet
some letters which she thought would hurt the earl's cause.
A wicked domestic having discovered them, had the inhuma-
nity to threaten the countess, (then lying in) that he would
send the pieces to the secretary of state, unless she would pay
him 30001. With difficulty the poor lady raised 11701. For
this large sum the treacherous villain only gave her some of the
tetters, and reserved the rest to give in evidence against his
waster. The

Cb. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 195

Though far advanced in life, and harrassedby A-D-i602.
private misfortune, [112] Elizabeth still continu- Elizabeth
ed to pursue the Spaniards with unceasing spirit, jjarrasses
Her fleets under Levison and Monson sought the sea.
Indian ships at the Azores, buttheywere guarded
by so strong a squadron, that Levison, who had
lost his consort, could not succeed against them.*
Joining afterwards with Monson, he forced a pas-
sage into Cerimbra in Portugal, where lay a rich

carack

NOTES.

The Star-chamber took up this matter, fined the wretch
30001. and nailed his ears to the pillory ; 20001. of the fine were
given to the countess. [Camden.

[112] The ingratitude and fall of Essex had almost driven
the high-spirited daughter of Henry VIII. to phrensy. Read
a letter in the Nugce Antique from Sir John Harrington, dated
late in 1601. 'She is much disfavored and unattired, and
these troubles waste her much. She disregardeth everie costlic
cover that cometh to her table, and taketh little but manchet
and succory pottage. Every new message from the city doth
disturb her, and she frowns on all the ladies.' Again, ' the
many evill plots and designs hath overcome her highness's sweet
temper. She walks much in her privy chamber, and stamps
much at ill news ; and thrusts her rusty sword at times into the
arras in great rage.' Again, ' The dangers are over and yet
she keeps a sword by her table;' and in the P. S. ' so disor-
dered is all order, that her highness has worne but one change
of rayment for many daies, and swears much at those that cause
her griefs in such wise, to tlie no small discomfiture of those
that are about her ; more especially our sweete Lady Arundel,'
Sec. In another letter, ' she often chides for small neglect, in
such wise as to make these fayre maides often cry and bewail in
piteous sort.'

'* Monson's Tracts, p. 181.
© 2

30(5 HISTORY Of GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1602. carack guarded by eleven galleys, all which he
V^v destroyed or put to flight, and took the great ship,
which produced a million of ducats. Other naval
successes against Spain marked the year 1602-.
Nor had a celebrated Genoese commander, the
Marquis Spinola, better fortune than the native
Spaniards; a fleet of armed galleys under his
command, venturing into the British Channel,
were attacked by Sir Robert Mansel with a small
force, and either destroyed or utterly dispersed.
Montjoy The war in Ireland was now closed in the most
the Irhfh honorable manner by the prudence and activity
rebels. 0f the lord-deputy Montjoy, whom the magnani-
mous Elizabeth had continued in his government,
notwithstanding his almost treasonable attach-
r/.3iit to the hapless Essex. The arch-rebel Ty-
rone was, by perpetual defeats, at length reduced
to despair, while his wretched followers, exposed
both to the miseries of sword and famine, perish-
ed by thousands ; he yielded himself to the lord-
deputy, and in the most submissive posture hum-
bly sued for pardon.* When this was reported
to the queen, she refused to shew any mercy to
•o notorious a traitor : her ministers, however,
overpowered her resentment; Tyrone was, on
the most humiliating terms, admitted to forgive-
ness, and every district of Ireland acknowleged

the sovereignty of Elizabeth.

& ' Many

* Camden, p. 6$2.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. <iivil and military. 1Q7

Many letters passed about this time between A-D.i602.
Henry of France and the English queen, con-
cerning the conspiracy which he had discovered,
and which was headed by Marechal Biron ; the
Duke de Bouillon was involved in the guilt ; and
Elizabeth, by writing in his favor, gave some
offence to her old friend and ally.

Within the date of 1602, the secular priests
of the Romish faith, settled in England, com-
plained loudly of the Jesuits, whose turbulent
and regicidal principles, they affirmed, had made
the whole body of Roman Catholic ecclesiastics
odious to the English government, and caused a
new and severe proclamation * to be issued against
them. [113] In consequence of this protest, some

favor

NOTES.
[113] Their plaints reached the ear of Pope Clement VIII.
and he restrained the sons of Loyola by a bull. The revenge-
ful brotherhood in a year or two wrote against the infallibility
of the papal chair; and the pontiff in return denied to the
founder of the Jesuits the honor of canonization.

[De Thou, Camden, &;c.
The memorial which the seculars published did honor to their
own candor, and to the clemency of the English queen. It
proved, that during the first eleven years of her reign not one
Roman Catholic, layman or priest, was molested for his reli-
gion. That during the next twelve years only twelve priests
kad been executed, and those mostly for treason. But that
after 15S0, when the Jesuits entered the island, fifty had been
put to death and fifty-five banished. [Camden.

There is a mystery that shrouds these transactions which

can
■ Rym. Feed. torn. xvi. p. 473, 489.

TOg HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.I602. favor was shewn to the seculars by Elizabeth,
who had just discovered a new plot against her,
in which Tesmond, a Jesuit, and one Thomas
Winter, were the conspirators.

And now a dark cloud was about to overcast

Sickness the evening of that day which had shone out with

f Ehza -guch lustre in the eyes of all Europe/' Melan^
beth. J ...

choly of the most black and immoveable kind, in

1603, overpowered the faculties of Elizabeth,

and rendered her insensible to every foreign and

domestic success. Some have imputed this

dreadful visitation to the anxious jealousy which

she felt at that attention which her penetrating

eye had discerned among her courtiers (114]

towards

NOTES,
can never (now) be shaken off. The seculars seem to have
acquainted Elizabeth with many instances of a dark and
suspicious correspondence between Scotland and Rome. Henry
IV. of France was strangely alarmed at it, and directed
his ambassadors to watch the motions of James's residents.
Yet, from the indifference of Elizabeth on this subject, we
must suppose that there was no really dangerous project on
foot. Perhaps an examination into the conduct and character
of trie Oueen of Scotland, Anne of Denmark, may solve the
mystery. She is said to have had agents at Rome unknown to
James.

[114] The following curious anecdote is mentioned by a
venerable author. Henry IV. of France seems to have had
some mysterious project concerning the English crown. He
had answered the Duke of Lenox abruptly, when sent by James
a little before this period to sound his sentiments, and he

now
¥ Hume.

Ch. I. Part I. § 2. civil and military. 199

towards James of Scotland. There is, however, A.D.1603.
a much more probable cause to be alleged : the
tale till lately has been thought a fiction ; but
papers, which have been within a few years past
laid before the public, give strong authority to
believe it true."

When the Earl of Essex was in the highest
favor with his royal mistress, he once ventured to
tell her of the perpetual anxiety which beset him
when duty demanded his absence, lest his rivals,
who he knew surrounded her, should deprive him
of her good opinion ; and he should be condem-
ned, unheard, to lose her smiles, which he valued
more than his life. The queen, affected with his
earnestness, <rave him from her finder a ring as a
pledge of her esteem ; promising at the same time
that, let his situation be ever so desperate, at the

sight

NOTES.

now made his ambassador intimate to Cecil what danger he
must sustain on the accession of the son of that queen, to whom
he had been such an enemy. But the wary courtier only an-
swered him by moral sentences, and communicated the over-
ture to James, protesting at the same time the fidelity of his
own attachment; ' Albeit he would not, as some others had
done, needlessly hazard his fortune and reputation before the
time.' The king of Scots answered him, that he did right
to be cautious ; ' lor,' said he, honestly enough, ' the loss of
your fortune and reputation would render you the less valuable
to my interest.' [Spotiswood.

■"■ Birch's Negotiations, p. 206. Birch's Memoirs, vol. ii,
p. 481, 505.

200 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i60S. sight of that token she would give him audience,
and hear him with candor. Essex preserved this
precious gift through all his disgraces, until after
he was sentenced to death, and then he thought
the time was come to prove its value.

Unhappily it was the Countess of Nottingham
to whom he entrusted the conscious jewel ; a
more unfit messenger he could not have found ;
since, besides the animosity borne to him by the
lord-admiral, her husband, the lady herself is
believed to have loved Essex, and to have bit-
terly felt the pangs of disappointment when he
married another woman.

In short, she carried not the ring ; and Eliza-
beth, after contriving many delays, disgusted at
the obstinacy of her favorite, (who, she believed,
despised her mercy) signed the warrant for his
execution.

Nottingham, in 1603, drawing near her end,
sent a pressing message to the queen, to entreat a
sight of her majesty before her death. Elizabeth,
who had dearly loved her, flew to the summons ;
but when she had heard the soul-harrowing con-
fession, she grasped the expiring criminal, shook
her, and almost tore her from her bed ; ' God, said
she, ' may forgive you, but / never can.' From
that moment she rejected all consolation, and not
only refused medicines, but even necessary food.
Ten days and nights she lay on a carpet, lean-
ing her head on a cushion, and not permitting

herself

Ch. I. Part I. § 1. civil and military. 201

herself to be put into bed.* Nature now ap- A-l>t603.
peared almost exhausted ; and her great officers,
despairing; of he; life, ventured to ask, ' whom
she would have for her successor?' To this she
faintly answered, that k her throne was a throne
of kings;' and, by signs, agreed to the appoint-
ment of James the son of Mary. Soon alter she she dies.
expired, [115] having expressed with her last
breath her trust in the Almighty, [l 16]

The

NOTES.

[115] On the 24th of March, 1603, aged sixty-nine year*
six months and seven days.

[116] Among the numberless tributes of the muses to the
perfections of Elizabeth, the following is not the least elegant:

Juno poteirs sceptris et mentis acumine Pallas,

Et roseo Veneris fulget in ore decor :
Adfuit Elizabeth — Juno perculsa refugit,

Obstupuit Pallas, erubuitque Venus,

Imitated.

Tho' Juno boast her power, tho' Pallas shine

In wit, tho' Venus vaunt her charms divine;

Behold Eliza comes, sham'd Juno fled,

For envy Venus blush'd, and Pallas hung her head.

P.

Nor are the following lines (which a great antiquary styles

'passionate and doleful') without true affection, although they

will probably cause more smiles than tears.

The queene was brought by water to Whitehall,
At every stroke the oares their tears let fall;

Swaas
* Strype, vol. iv. No. 276.

202 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A-D.160S. The person of the deceased queen was stout,
tall, and rather masculine ; her complexion was
fair, and her hair yellow : as to the qualities of her
mind they were paradoxical ; though in general
ceconomical, she was som times wildly profuse:
she had a comprehensive understanding, and yet
could descend to the most ill-founded and trivial
attachments, [117] and the most unwomanly fits

of

Her cha
racter.

NOTES.

Swans clung about the barge, fish under water
Wept out their eyes of pearle, and swome blind after;
I thinke the barg.men might with easier thighes,
Have row'd her thither in her people's eyes ;
But howsoe'er (thus much my thoughts have scan'd)
Sh'ad come by water, had she come by land.
[117] Besides the fondness which she showed to the last
for her own wrinkled and faded charms, she doted so much
on fine habits, that she is said to have left in her wardrobe
3000 various suits of clothes. Yet, although to gain the suf-
frage of Melvill in favor of her beauty, she dressed every day
in the varied attire of some new nation, she yet is never
painted or engraved unless loaded with pearls, and enormous
in her ruff. ' It happenede,' says Sir John Harrington, ' that
Ladie M. Howarde was possessede of a rich border powdered
wyth golde and pearle, and a velvet suit belonginge thereto,
which moved many to envye; nor did it please the queen,
who thoughte it exceeded her owne. One day the queen
did send privately and got the ladie's rich vesture which she
put on herself, and came forthe the chambre amonge the la-
dies. The kertle and border were far too short for her ma-
jestie's height, and she askede every one, " How they likede
her new fashioned suit?" At lengthe, she asked the owner
herself, " If it was not made too short and ill-becoming?"

which

Ch. I. Part I. ^ 2. civil and military. 203

r
of passion.[ll8] Her spirit was masculine, and 'VD.1603.

her courage undaunted ;[ 1 19] her speech at Til-
bury camp was expressive of true bravery, and in-
spired her soldiers with patriotisniand valor ; when
Essex was leading a party of rebels through her
capital she was calm and unconcerned : nor had
she shewn the smallest symptom of fear, when she
had reason to believe that Spain, France, and
Scotland, were ready to join the malcontents in
her realm with their united force: Yet a worth-
less.

NOTES.

which the poor ladie did readilye consent to. " Why then,
if it becomes not mee as being too short, I am mynded it shall
never become thee as being too fine." [Nuce AntioU/E

[118] When her majesty was moved she swore heartily, and
was by no means sparing of her blows. Indeed, the history
of the chastisements bestowed by the right hand of Eliza-
beth, from her first exertion upon record (when entering* the
Tower to certain death, as she thought) related by Holing-
shed, to the last bitter shake which she bestowed on the mali-
cious Nottingham, including her menacing Sir James Melvill
with her first when he surprized her playing on the virginals,
the blows lavished on her maids of honor, and the memorable
box on the ear bestowed on the gallant Essex, might afford
great amusement. The celebrated and ill-judged letter horn
Mary to Elizabeth (seepage 123) is very copious on this sub-
ject.

[119] The eccentric Pope Sixtus V. was heard to wish
for one evening's conversation with Elizabeth in her younger
times: 'The produce* (said the sanguine pontiff) ' must have
he n an Alexander.' [Burnet's Reformation,

* ' He offered to hir his cloke ; which she, putting it backe
with hir hand with a good dash, refused.'

5

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

less, unprincipled minion, a Leicester, could over-
awe this great but inconsistent mind ; and could
extort in 1598, from a mistress who knew him
to be a baffled, heartless soldier, a commission to
preside over the military force of England.

Far from being deficient in accomplishments,
Elizabeth was really learned ; danced, sung, and
wrote well; and, as apoet,[l20] equalled most
of her contemporaries : what her sentiments as to

religion

NOTES.

[120] Even in the trifling rebus, Elizabeth could deign
to excel. Few of the species are superior to that which she
made on Mr. Noel :

* The word of denial, and letter of fifty,
1 Are that gentleman's name, who will never be thrifty.'

[Collins's Peerage.
That she was favored by the muse in more serious com-
positions, the following interesting verses will testify. They
were probably made when she was displeased with Papists
or Puritans. The mention of ' her rustie sword' is highly
characteristic. Possibly Mary Stuart and Norfolk were in her
thoughts when she penned the. fifth and sixth stanzas, and the
missionaries returning from Douay, or perhaps from Geneva,

when the seventh.

I.

The dread of future foes,

Exyles my present joye ;
And wit me warns to shunne such snares

As thretten mine annoye.
II. s
For falshoode now dothe flowe,

And subjects faith dothe ebbe,
Which should not be, if reason rul'd,

Or wisdom wove the webbe.

II. But

Ch. I. Parti. § 2. civil and military. 205

religion were, cannot, perhaps, be properly ascer- A^D.i60S.
tained ; circumstances we know must have, at any
rate, fixed her in the Protestant faith.

The

NOTES.
III.

But clouds of joys untry'd,

Do cloak aspiring minds ;

Which turne to rage of late report.

By course of changed kindes.

IV.

The toppes of hope suppose,

The roote of rewe shall be ;

And fruitless of their grafted guyle,

As shortlie all shall see.

V.

The dazzled eyes, with pride

And great ambition blynde,

Shall be unseal'd by worthy wightes",

Whose foresights falsehood fynde.

VI.

The daughter of debate,

That discord aye doth sowe,

Shall reape no gaine where former rule

Still peace has taughte to Howe.

VII.

No forrain banish' d wight

Shall ankor in this port,

Our realme brooks no seditious sects,

Let them elsewhere resort.

VIII.

My rustie sword through reste

Shall firste his edge employe,

To polle the toppes that seek such change,

Or gape for such-like joye.

[Nuc^ Antique.

206 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^d.1603. The Englj^Q common people were certainly
happier during her reign than they had ever be-
fore been, and to this day they retain a grateful
regard for her memory. Yet she was no friend
to liberty, but watchfully checked those faint
dawnings of its splendor, which nowr and then
pervaded the gloom of despotism ; nor was the
administration of justice in her time calculated to
secure either life or property. Had she lived in
a private station, Elizabeth would perhaps have
been hated and ridiculed ; on a throne, she was
enabled to hide her less commendable qualities
under the blaze of a vast and magnanimous he-
roism. The sagacity of her counsellors, the brav-
ery of her commanders by sea and land, were
strong proofs of the strength of that discernment,
which could discover and employ such talents in
properly adapted services.

In fine, when the weak and spiritless state of
England, at the crisis of the decease of Mary, is
considered ; and when we find the condition of the
realm so altered in the space of a few years by
the witchcraft of Elizabeth's abilities, that, like
her lather Henry, she was enabled to hold the
balance of Europe : when we find the Protestant
faith firmly settled in England, the commerce of
the island increased, her fleets become powerful,
and her friendship earnestly sought for by all
nations, we cannot, without the greatest injustice,
withold the tribute of praise and gratitude from
this glorious, although not faultless sovereign.

HISTORY

207

HISTORY

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

BOOK VII.

CHAP. I.— PART. II.

SECTION I.

THE CIVIL AND MILITARY HISTORY Of SCOTLAND,
FROM THE ACCESSION OF MARY, A. D. 1542, TO
HER FLIGHT INTO ENGLAND, A. D. 1568.

r I \HE confusion in which the government of \^^j

•* Scotland was involved by the rout of Sol- State of
way, the death of the king, and the age and sex at Mary's
of the infant Mary, the undoubted successor to acession.
the throne, was unutterable ; sunk in the darkest
o;loom, the unfortunate James V. had neglected
every precaution, and had left the education of
his daughter and the administration of his realm
utterly to the decision of chance.

The Regency found two immediate claimants. Competi-
The one, Cardinal Beatoun, an insolent unfeeling jj£s ^

priest, gency.

208 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

tJi^3 priest, a persecutor of the reformed more through
policy than bigotry, subtle in counsel and violent
in action ; his claim was grounded on a testament
which he produced, as written by the deceased
prince ;* the forgery was, however, so very ap-
parent, that it ruined his cause, and united every
voice in favor of the Earl of Arran, a prince of
the blood, inclined to the reformed faith, gentle
in his nature, but rendered by a weak constitu-
tion, and a fickleness of disposition, still more
unfit for the government of a turbulent people
than his austere and unpopular competitor. In
the interim, the English monarch, into whose
hands the fatal rout of Solway had thrown all the
martial nobility of Scotland, instantly conceived
Match the plan of uniting the island-realms by marrying
bfiut his son Edward to the infant Mary. With Hen-
ry VIII. ry VIII. there was little interval between the de-
sign and execution^ He treated the captive lords
with hospitality, and at a convivial par;y to which
he invited them, he at the same time+ proposed
and obtained their joint consentfl] to his fa-
vorite

NOTES.
[I] It seems to have been now, that the court of England
first discovered the true system of treating with a fierce but
not opulent nation ; or, to use the words of an elegant histo-
rian, ' The situation of the country, and the bravery of the
people made the conquest of Scotland impossible ; but the
national poverty, and the violence of faction rendered it an

easy
* Sadleir's Letters, p. 161. Holingshed, p. 959.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 209

vorite project. They were all released and per- A. D. 1542.
mitted to repair homewards, on this condition
alone, ' that they should return as prisoners, if
any obstacle should prevent the accomplishment
of the match.'

When the lords, accompanied by Sir Ralph i543#
Sadleir * the ambassador of Henry, and by the Agreed
Earls of Angus and Douglas, chiefs long resident Scots.
in England, reached Edinburgh, every thing
seemed to favor their commission. A strong
party, including the Protestants, was eager to
unite with England; and the cardinal, who alone
was capable of exciting a faction to counteract the
measure, by being thrown into prison was ren-
dered inactive. Terms of alliance Avere proposed
by Henry; and, after having been modified by
the Scottish parliament so as to secure the total
independence of the kingdom, were accepted by
the regent and the legislature. +

But the artful cardinal, having regained his ^ ,. r

' & ^> Cardinal

liberty, soon changed the face of affairs. His Beatoun
• * * 1 1 1 reverses

intrigues excited numbers to oppose the treaty ; j j
some from motives of religion, and others, of of union.

national

NOTES.

tasy matter to divide and to govern it.' The original warranto

for remitting the large suras into Scotland, during more than

•ne minority, are still extant. [Burnet, Robertson,

* Herbert, p. 234.

+ Rym. Feed. torn. xiv. p. 781, 796.

Yol. I. Part II. p

210 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

-^•1543. national animosity and rivalry. He confined the
queen-dowager and the infant-queen, insulted the
ambassador of Henry, and treated with contempt
the new agreement with the English nation : the
timid, unsteady regent he so completely overawed,
that he persuaded him not only to renounce the

Arran ab- English alliance,* but publicly to abjure the Pro-

iiircs Pro- i • i • * • *

l t . testant doctrines, and to ioin in a most active
testant- J

ism. persecution of his late brethren in the gospel.

The versatility of Arran proved fatal to the in-
terest of Matthew, Earl of Lenox, an accomplish-
ed young nobleman, nearly [2] related to the
crown of Scotland. The cardinal had invited
him from France that he might oppose him to
the interest of the regent ; but, as he had now
found in Arran a suppleness equal to his wishes,
he neglected the new-comer as unnecessary to
Lenox his designs: Lenox, who felt the insult, employed
ecj flies t0 the money which he had received from France,
England. for other purposes, in raising troops; and, by the

celeritv

NOTES.

[2] Arran and Lenox claimed by descent from the princess
Mary, daughter of James II. and wife to James, Lord Ha-
milton; to whom they both were grandsons: but, as the
legitimacy of Arran depended on a divorce which his father
had obtained from a pope against Elizabeth Home, a former
wife, the subtle cardinal easily persuaded him how much it
was his interest to support the Church of Rome, and all her
decrees. [Craufurd's Peerage.

* Sadleir's Letters, p. 339, 356.

Chap. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 211

celerity of his motions, had nearly surprized the A. D. 1543.
cardinal and the royal family; but suffering him-
self to be deluded by the deceitful promises of
Beatoun, he found their accomplishment delayed
until his money was gone, and his soldiers for want
of pay had quitted him. He had now no course 1544
left but to seek refuge with the English forces The Eng.
which Henry, making policy give way to re- vacje
sentment, had sent to * revenge the capricious Scotland.
conduct of the Scottish administration. Lenox
was received with open arms, and the Lady Mar-
garet Douglas, niece to the king, given to him
in marriage ; although the steady patriotism of his
dependents had prevented him from delivering up
Dunbar ton to England, as he had engaged to do.

The ravages which the English army made in xheir ra-
a surprized and defenceless country, have already vaSes«
been told in a former division ; and although it is
frequently necessary, in writing the history of
the sister kingdoms, to repeat many circumstan-
ces, these are the events one would least choose
to dwell upon.

Suffice it then to say, that the troops of Henry,
having; reduced to ashes Edinburgh and Leith,
with villages, castles, Sec. without number, retired
to the English borders after a most inhuman cam-
paign, t which had added little to his dominions,

but

* Holingshed, p. 961.

* Hall, p. 258. Holingshed, p. 963.

P 2.

212 HISTORY OF CHEAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf .

a.d. 1544. bU£ naci neariy united the Scots in a general de-
The Scots testation of any connection with a prince who
lmutec C0llic{ resort to so ' coarse a method of wooing;.'

but not °

subdued. The war was carried on during the next two
' years in the same destructive manner by the im-
politic Henry, and with the same fatal indolence
on the part of Scotland: once, indeed, an Eng-
lish detachment under Sir Ralph Evers was de-
feated with the loss of 1000 men ;: by Norman
Leslie, a gallant par'tizan, son to the Lord Rothes ;
and a strong body of French troops under Des
The Lorges landing in Scotland at that period, seemed

French to promise considerable aid to the cardinal's par-
land. ty; but that insolent and brutal priest found means
to affront the commander (whom he disliked) so
grossly, that he never would afterwards agree to
an interview, even for the most necessary consul-
tations concerning the war. This dispute, and
the extreme inexperience of the regent and of
the cardinal in military operations, exposed the
country to new and ruinous inroads ; but no great
154.6. event occurred before the month of June, 1546,
when the magnanimity of Francis I. of France,

e?iC^ procured a peace for his faithful allies at his own

with t*ng- l l

land. cost ; + for no other motive could have probably-
induced him to lay down his arms while Boulogne
was in the power of England. But this is a soli-
tary

* Buchanan, lib. xv.
i Herbert, p. 255. Ryra. Feed. torn. xv. p. 9**

Ch. I. Part II. § t. civil and military. 215

tary instance of good faith in a nation for whose A. D. 1516.
cause Scotland had exerted unremitted valor, and
suffered innumerable hardships, during a series
of three hundred years.

Even this peace never came to effect ; for thelneffeo
death of Francis falling out precisely at that peri-
od, his successor refused to ratify the agreement.

Before the final settling of this important treaty,

the imperious and inhuman Beatoun met the fate

he had long merited ;:;: and the castle of St. An- Death of

drew's, in which the cardinal had fallen, was de- -o^t

Beatoun.

fended for a considerable time, by those who had
slain him, against the whole military force [3] of
Scotland. These valiant assassins were supplied
from time to time, by sea, with money, arms, and
provisions, from the English king; and it is pro-
bable that the Scottish regent was cautious of
driving them to despair, as his son, whom the
cardinal had kept near him as a kind of hostage,
was now in their power.

But at the crisis when they expected to be re^
lieved by Henry, at the head of a powerful army, 1547.

that

NOTES.

[3] The whole train which the regent could bring against
the castle, seems to have consisted of only two battering can-
non,named ' Crook-mow and Dumb Meg.' [Lindsay.

The battle at Flodden had deprived Scotland of her finest
pieces of ordnance, and the confusion ol the succeeding mino-
rity had given no leisure for reparation.

» Burnet's Reformation, vol. i. p. 332. B:ichanan, lib. xv,

214 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

f*P"^£^' that active and impetuous monarch breathed his
last ; and the necessary attention to the ceremo-
nials of his sons accession, prevented the imme-
diate march of the English army, and gave time
for Henry II. of France to send Leon Strozzi, a
veteran officer, with troops and artillery, who soon
St. An- reduced the conspirators to extremities. They
drew s insisted, however, on the most honorable terms;
taken. their lives and goods to be safe, and themselves
to be treated as prisoners of war in France. The
castle was the only sufferer ; it was razed to the
ground as having been the scene of a cardinal's
murther.
English An invasion of the north by the Protector of
and its ' England,* came too late to save the tenants of
conse- the castle. We have already seen in the English
'• history the event of that invasion, and how the
army of the Duke of Somerset, after having
escaped from extreme danger merely by the inex-
perience of the Scottish regent, gained the battle
pf Pinkie, (or Musselburgh) and in consequence
had the whole country at discretion.

How the Protector lost these advantages by
the turbulent state of affairs at home, which obli<r-

J CD

ed him to return southwards without taking the
necessary measures to secure a port where succors
might be landed for the troops which were left

in

* Holfngshed, p. D80. Hayward, p, 279.

Ch. I. Part II. §. i. civil and military. 215

in garrison at Haddington, 8cc. has been already A-r>,154r-
related. It is only necessary to say, that the
wayward star which directed the fortune of Eng-
land at this period, turned even her brightest suc-
cesses into misfortunes; and that it was the terror
consequent to the loss of the battle of Pinkie,
which hurried on the Scots to the fatal plan of
delivering their infant queen into the hands of
the French. This measure was steadily opposed Mary sent
by a moderate party, who foresaw in the measure, 1548.
dependence on France, ruin to the reformed, and
perpetual war with England. But the interest of
the queen dowager, (who was sister to the Duke
of Guise) of the regent, who was promised a pen-
sion and the French dukedom of Chatelherault,
and of the clergy, who dreaded the religion as
much as the politics of England, overpowered the
voice of reason, and young Mary embarked for
France, the destined spouse of the Dauphin.
She was received with transport at that elegant
court where Catharine di Medicis presided; and
an education allotted to her, which, if it did not
guard the purity of her infant mind, most cer-
tainly added every possible grace and accom-
plishment to her person.

Mean while Henry II. of France, grateful for
the 1 boon he had received, sent Desse, a favorite
general, with a strong auxiliary corps, to assist in
driving the English from their acquisitions in
Scotland. The new commander was not fortu-
3 nate ;

•216 UISJORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.1548. na[e . j^ besieged Haddington,* a fort which in-
commoded the capital, in vain. He made in-
deed, a plundering inroad into England with
some success; [4] but on his return to Edinburgh,
French ^e s0 ^ar countenanced the natural insolence of
insolence, his countrymen, that, in a trifling debate about
quarters, his soldiers took up anus and slew Ha-
milton, Provost of Edinburgh, a veteran officer,
and his son ; besides several citizens of distinc-
tion who interposed in the fray. For this teme-
rity Desse was recalled ; and De Thennes, a man
of a more conciliating disposition, was sent to
Scotland in his room : with him arrived Mont-
luc Bishop of Valence, who was appointed by
the regent Chancellor of the kingdom; but was
soon frighted from his office by the unconcealed
signs of disgust which the fierce, unpolished
Scots scrupled not to afford him, and returned in
haste to his own country. [5]

De

NOTES.

[4] A high-spirited English priest of Northumberland, vex-
ed to the soul at seeing these depredations carried on with im-
punity, and himself a captive, threw himself on the ground,
refused meat and drink, kept his eyes resolutely shut, and died.
This is said to have astonished the French beyond measure.

[Hist, of Reformation.

[5] Read Melyill's Memoirs for a very laughable tale of the
Bishop of Valence's reception by O'Dogherty, a hospitahle sa-
vage, at Loch Foyle in Ireland, on his return to France. And of
the laudable pains taken by two friars to provide him with a
f harlot' that could speak English.

•l Flolingshed, p. 995. Buchanan, lib. xv.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 217

De Thermes, taking advantage of the Insur- AJfc is**
rections in England, and the divisions in its ca-
binet, which prevented any military exertions,
reduced Broughty castle ; and obliged the garri-
son to evacuate the fortress of Haddington.* In
these enterprizes, he found no affectionate aid
from the natives ; that insolence with which the
French have ever been used to behave to foreign
nations, had already soured the irritable temper
£>f their antient allies, and there were few among
the Scots who did not already wish the fatal voy-
age of Mary recalled.

A peace which soon occurred, + delivered Scot- 1550.
land from these odious auxiliaries; but as thewjthEng-
same predilection for French counsels appeared ^anc'*
among the, rulers, and as the sovereign was in
French hands, the independence of the kingdom
was no more. [6]

It

NOTES.

[6} A stronger proof of this fact cannot be demanded, than
the total neglect in the articles of peace with which Panter, the
ambassador of Scotland, who was present at the conferences, is
treated. His name never once occurs ; but the interests of
Scotland are undertaken by the commissioners of France.

[Rym. Fced. tom. xv.

Bitterly were the Scots reminded of this surrender of their

independence, when, on the Master of Erskine's application

to Edward VI. for an explanation of some part of the treaty

relative
* Rym. Feed. tom. xv. p. 25.5, 273.
4- Holingshed's Scotland, p. 351.

£18 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1550. It was now that the ambition, natural to the
house of Guise, and the interested counsels of her

Policy of brothers, excited the queen-do wager to aim at

the queen. °

dowager, the sole government of Scotland ; and after a
journey* to France, [7] where proper measures
for this important change were concerted, she
began her operations with all the winning sub-
tlety of her sex. She easily gained to her side the
reformed party, (which was not contemptible in
1551. numbers or rank) by promising a toleration ; but
it was the regent himself with whom she found
most need to employ her address ; she corrupted,
however, two of his most intimate counsellors,
Panter, Bishop of Ross, and Sir Robert Carnegie ;
Arran's and, by their representations, dazzled his unsteady
„pco " mind with the view of vast advantages from the
court of France ;+ a pension of 12,000 crowns

for

NOTES,
relative to the borders, it was answered, 'that all such pro-
ceedings must pass through the medium of the French king's
ministers; "and we shall accordingly make answer to him, with
whom the treaty has been concluded, and not with you."

[Rym. Fced. TOM. XV.
[7] See in Bishop Leslie's History, a long and curious ac-
count of the reception given by Edward VI. of England to Mary
of Guise on her return, and of the very interesting conversa-
tion between them, concerning the marriage of the young queen.
The great politeness, and the total want of sincerity on each
side, might have suited a fashionable interview of modern times.
* Leslie, lib, x. p. 413. Holingshed's Scotland, p. 355.
-f Buchanan, lib. xv. Leslie, lib. x. p. 410,

Ch. I. Part II. §. I. civil and military. 219

for himself; and for his son, the command of the A.D. 1551.
Scottish guards. Besides this, she offered peer-
ages in Scotland for all his relations.

A few menaces artfully thrown in, joined in van-
quishing the stability of Arran, and he made little
difficulty of promising to yield up the regency to
the adroit tempter : but his natural brother, the 1552.
Archbishop of St. Andrew's, a licentious and un-
principled prelate, yet clear-sighted and resolute,
recovering from a dangerous illness[8] which had
kept him at a distance during the negotiation, in- 1553.
spired him with other thoughts, made him forfeit
his engagements, and during two years rendered
the attempt fruitless ; nor was it, at last, without
strong remonstrances from France, a powerful in-
terposition of the Protestant lords, and even the in-
terference

NOTES.

[8] That prelate had been recovered from a disease which
had brought him to the point of death by Jerome Cardan,
a wild philosopher, who, from having studied the powers of
nature with an attention uncommon in his time, was re-
puted a magician, and was not averse from the charge. He
received from the archbishop a reward of 1,800 crowns. It
was Cardan, of whom it is told, that a friend observing him
musing, and making most extraordinary grimaces, asked him
the reason : ' I am endeavoring,' replied the sage, ' to form
my face into the exact resemblance of him who is to judge
a cause of mine, that I may also assimilate my sensations to
his, and so dive into his sentiments.' He died of volun-
tary hunger in 1576, that he might fulfil a prediction of his
own as to the time of his decease. [Dict. Hist. kc.

220 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

V"?"*^' terference of the young queen, (now almost twelve

years of age) that Arran could be brought to

Mary of consent that Mary of Guise, the queen-dowager,

Guise should be invested with the complete dignity and
gains the . , ° J

regency, power of the Scottish regency."

During this period, the sister-nations were in a
state of peace, except on the borders[9] and in
the Channel, where Edmonstone, a Scot, who had
committed numberless piratical depredations, Avas
taken by the English, and only saved from exe-
cution by the powerful mediation of the French
administration.
1554. The manners of the Scots (at this period more

than commonly [lo] turbulent) needed to be re-
gulate^

NOTES.

[0] In the English council-books, at this period, particu-
lar directions are given to the border commanders to protect
the Greames. This clan, not acknowleged either by Eng-
land or Scotland, seems to have wandered like a horde of
Tartars, and to have sided with each sister-nation by turns,
Some antiquaries have thought them a remnant of the Meatae.
James I. of Great Britain took measures, at the beginning of
his reign, utterly to annihilate these hereditary pillagers.

[Bonder History.

[10] In ' Lesleus de Origine,' &x. may be found nume-
rous instances of cool, deliberate murthers committed by
divers of the Scots nobility at this juncture ; concerning none
of which there seems to have been any notice taken by go-
vernment. The Archbishop of St. Andrew's and the Earl
of Huntley were notorious among these titled assassins. The
latter on suspicion only of a private injury, seized William
Mac Intosh, the head of a powerful clan, and of his own au-
thority struck off his head. [Uui Supim.
* Holingshed's Scotland, p. 357.

Ch. I. Part II. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 221

srulated by a strong; and even hand. Such was^-D«155^

not that of the new-appointed regent. The love Conduct

of her native country's interest, and an unlimited oi t!lK
. r . regent.

devotement to the will of her relations, were the

chief features in her character ; and these quali-
ties, amiable in themselves, became, in the posses-
sion of the dowager-queen, the bane of her go-
vernment. Blindly obeying the mandates sent 155r
from France, she bestowed the first places in the
state on French noblemen ; and thus at once made
herself and her country, the objects of Scottish
hatred."

A war now breaking; out between Eno-land and
France, the regent was directed by the French
cabinet to raise a land-tax, which might enable Project «f
her to keep in pay a body of disciplined troops,
sufficient to cause an important diversion on the
English border. Mary of Guise, however, pro-
ceeded no farther on this scheme, than to propose
that every landed estate should be registered ; for
the very intimation of herdesign had nearly caused
a revolt. Three hundred of the lesser barons, or
' lairds,' boldly remonstrated against a plan which
affected their minds, as unconstitutional, unneces-
sary, and conducive to slavery : and they express-
ed themselves as more uneasy at the thoughts
of establishing stipendiary soldiers, than at raising

the

a land-
tax.

» Leslie, lib. v. p. 521. Holingshed's Scotland, p. 3^7,

222 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^1^!^/ ^ie ^unc^ to P'tly them. The prudent regent in-
stantly gave way, and the odium of the intention
fell on the foreign counsellors.*
r Mary had better success in her next enterprize ;

that of stirring up a war between the sister-king-
doms. She found, indeed, the nation unwilling
to begin the contest ; but here she exerted her
talents, and artfully, by fortifying a post near Ber-
wick, provoked an attack from the English gar-
rison ; an incident which, although justifiable by
the list treaty, yet failed not to rouze the animo-

F o-l Wf? * s'ty °f the Scots. An army was straightway raised
and marched to the borders ; but although D'Oy-
sel, who led the French auxiliaries, pushed for-
ward, crossed the Tweed and besieged the often-
disputed castle of Werk, he found little hope of
support from his northern allies. The folly of
rushing uninjured into a destructive war, and that
merely to promote the interest of a foreign nation,
had again presented itself to their minds. They
retreated from the Tweed, and the army disband-
ed ; nor (except a few skirmishes, and the usual
border-plimderings[l l]) did the whole war afford
any event worth recording.

It

NOTES.

[11] At one of the meetings held on the borders,
A. D. 1555, complaints were made on each side of more than
a thousand murthers, rapes, and robberies committed. The
Lord Dacres, an old and turbulent baron, protected the

Greames
* Buchanan, lib. xvi. Leslie, 1. x.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 223

It was about this time that the regent, to please A/^* ^}
the reformed party, (which grateful for her tacit
toleration had not opposed her late measures)
recalled to their country and estates the long-
exiled conspirators against Cardinal Beatoun.* - .,

, . , . Exile? re-

Norman Leslie, their chief, had fallen in bat- called.

tle;[l2] but William Kirkaldy, laird of Grange,
survived to shine in the annals of Scotland. She
then turned her thoughts to the establishment of
her authority, which, in the conduct of the Eng-
lish war, she had found to be trivial and ill-sup-
ported. The completion of her -daughter's union
with the dauphin, promised to form her most na-
tural and firmest bulwark ; and to expedite that
union, was the point in which her wishes cen-
tered.

To a marriage which conferred a potent king- Dissen-

dom on the bridegroom, even setting- aside the ~

o ' o jp ranee

tions in
charms

NOTES.

Greames and the Armstrongs, and encouraged them in their
favorite employment, pillage ; nor could the menaces of the
English or the Scottish Mary reduce him to order.

[Border History.
[12] Norman Leslie had been protected and pensioned by
Edward VI. but at the accession of Mary he was driven from
the kingdom ; even the arrears of his pension were denied
him: ' I see not,' said the old Duke of Norfolk at the council-
board, ' why a Catholic prince should maintain the assassin of
a cardinal.' Leslie repaired to France, where he was placed
high in the military line, and after distinguishing his valor,
fell at the battle of Rend, A. D. 155 1.

[Lindsay, Melyill.
*■ Buchanan, lib. kyj.

224 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

a:d.i557. charms of the lady (indisputably, the greatest
beauty in Europe) therecould, one might presume,
be no objection. Yet there were not wanting those
counsellors in the French cabinet, who hesitated
as to the policy of the measure. At the head of
these was the celebrated constable Anne de Mont-
morenci. He urged the certainty of a perpetual
war with England, as the consequence of the pro-
posed connection : and the extreme fierceness of
the Scots, which would never be brought to obey
the rule of an absent monarch ; and he rather
wished Mary to wed some French prince of the
blood than the king himself. Probably envy at
the fortunate house of Lorrain had more share than
policy in this advice ; yet, as his influence was con-
siderable, his being made a prisoner by the Ger-
mans at the battle of St. Quintin facilitated the
marriage ; and the ardor of the young king, en-
couraged by the counsels of the Duke of Guise,
having surmounted every obstacle, it was deter-
mined that the wedding should be celebrated
without delay.

Nine commissionersfisl (mostly of the Pro-

Scottish testant faith) with difficulty reached the coast of

commis- France

sioiiers at

Paris. — .,

NOTES.

[13] The Archbishop of Glasgow; the Bishops of Ross
and of Orkney: the Earls of Rothes and Cassilis ; the Lords
Fleming and Seatonj the Prior of St. Andrew's, and John
Erskine of Dun. [Buchanan, kc.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 2S>5

France from Scotland, [14] with the conditions A.D. 155?.
which the nation and parliament had agreed to
demand. * Nothing was omitted in these which
could secure the succession of the Scottish crown
to the Hamilton family, in case of Mary's failure
of issue, and prevent their country, on any event,
from becoming a province to France, t To none
of these cautionary terms was the least objection
raised by the ministers of the French court ; every
requisition was unconditionally granted, and, had
more been asked, it had been the same. It might
well be so; since, by the blackest perfidy ever ex- French
hibited in a civilized nation, they had provided, as Per^X*
they imagined, a remedy against every concession
which they might make, by persuading the infant-
queen privately to execute three deeds. By the
first, in case of her having no children, she gave
the realm of Scotland to her husband and his heirs;
by the second, she thought fit to allow the Scots a
power of redeeming themselves and their country
by paying to France a vast sum of money; and,
by the third, she protested against any agreement
which she might sign at her marriage to please

her

NOTES.

[141 The voyage was ill-omened; a violent storm separated

the fleet, and two of the ships perished. From these it seems,

by Buchanan's account, that two of the commissioners were

the only persons saved. [Lib. xvi.

* Leslie, lib. x. p. 533. + Keith's Appendix, p. 13.

Vol. I. Part I. o.

32fi .ftrSTQUY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^i!S ^ier suWects> as nu^ anc* v0*d. * It may be easily
supposed, that this dishonorable act was kept as a
profound secret. The king and the dauphin, con-
scious of the fallacy, ratified the demand of Scot-
land with the most solemn oaths ; and the mar-
Marriage riage, introduced by the most gross perjury, was-
e Quten ce[eDmted with unexampled splendor andfestivi-
the Dau- ty ; but scarcely were the marriage ceremonies
performed, ere the crown and regalia of Scotland
were demanded of the commissioners, that the
dauphin might be crowned king of Scotland.
The Scots denied their having the regalia or any
power to bestow them ; and resisted with proper
resentment the proposal of signing a promise to
support such a demand when it came before the
parliament. They then departed from Paris ; but
if their voyage to France had been unfortunate,
their return was much more fatal : Four of the
commissioners died, with many of their attend-
ants, before they took shipping ; and a fifth, Lord
James Stuart, the queen's illigetimate brother,
narrowly escaped with his life.

These events were naturally attributed by the
Scots to the effect of poison ; nor did the loose
morals of the Lorrain family, and their hatred of
the commissioners, as inimical to the French in-
terest and to the Roman Catholic cause, render
the supposition at all improbable.

The

* Keith, p, 73. Corps Diplomat, tern. v. p. 21,

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 227

The court of France, not discouraged by the ill A^D.1558;
success of its attempt on the commissioners, still
coveted the crown (styled Matrimonial) of Scot-
land. The regent was appointed to manage the
affair ; and she, with her usual address, persuaded
the Scottish parliament to conform to the dauphin's
wish. The house of Hamilton, with the Arch-
bishop of St. Andrew's, in vain resisted the mea-
sure ; and Arran, whose claim to the succession
it obliquely attacked, entered a solemn protest
.against it. * But while these, the most powerful of
the Roman Gatholic party, opposed the wishes of
the French, the Protestants, lulled to acquiescence
by the regent's dissimulation, united with her and
France in this and every other movement; and ac-
tually agreed that the two most popular and pow-
erful men of their party, the Earl of Argyle, and
the Lord James Stuart, Prior of St. Andrew's,
should carry the crown to the husband of Mary. The Dan-
The accession of Elizabeth to the throne of Eng- ta;ns tfie
land, at this period, sreatly influenced the reli- crown

ill* r n tt i matrimo-

gion and the policy ol Europe. Her character n;ai 0f
for firmness, prudence, and enterprize, soon be- Scotland,
came the theme of every tongue. To her the
Protestants of Scotland, a numerous and power-
ful body, had very soon occasion to apply for pro-
tection. Policy had hitherto restrained the regent
from shewing that detestation of their religion na-

q, 2 tural

■■—■—■■I

" Keith, p. 7§»

2^S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vll.

t^Z tura* to ^er fam^y- But, notwithstanding the ex-
treme and cautious regularity of their conduct,
they had lately been persecuted by the Archbishop
of St. Andrew's, [15] and by the convocation;*

and now a new and on-eater storm menaced their
1559. °

safety. The regent, who for her own ends had

shielded them from the wrath of the clergy, and
had even allowed them a tacit permission to wor-
ship God in their own way, having gained the
rank and power for which she had panted, forgot
the steps by which she had climbed to such a
height; and listening to the violent counsels (or
rather directions) of her brethren in France, +■
Mary of declared herself a foe to the reformed. Enraged

se , at the public celebration of the Protestant worship
treats the r r

Protes- at Perth, she ordered the ministers of that com-
khidly111" 1Iumion, throughout the realm, to repair to Stir
ling and take their trials. They obeyed the sum-
mons and advanced towards the place ; but ac-
companied by such numbers of friends, that the
terrified regent intreated John Erskine, of Dun,
one of their own flock, to meet them, and dis-
perse the tremendous assemblage. The interest of

Erskine

NOTES.

[15] It was on the head of a decrepit priest, aged 82, named
Walter Mills, that the ill-judged zeal of the prelate was vent-
ed : 'And the stake at which he expired,' says a modern histo-
rian, ' proved to be the funeral pile of the Romish religion
in Scotland.'

■■■ Keith, p. 81 . " f Melvill, p. 48.

Ch. I. Part II. § t. civil and military. 229

jErskine prevailed, and the venerable pastors dis- ^D.1559.

missed their supporters, and returned home ; but

the regent, when delivered from her fears, forgot

her word, and pronounced the preachers outlaws,

for not appearing to be tried at the day she had

appointed.

The stern virtue of Erskine could not endure Riots at
a court so void of honor. He hasted to Perth, ert "
and, seconded by the celebrated John Knox, [iG]

he

NOTES.

[16] John Knox was born in Scotland, A. D. 1515, and
was obliged to quit his country early in life for the liberal and
controversial turn of his opinions. In England Edward VI.
would have made him a bishop, but he refused the offered
see with some indignation. When Cardinal Beatoun was slain,
Knox hasted to join the conspirators, admonish them, and en-
courage their resistance. When the castle was taken he fled
for a while, but only to return with double vigor. At Perth
he incited the people to the most violent outrages against
crosses, images, and edifices. ' Pull down their nests,' said
the harsh reformer, '■ and the rooks will fly away.' Yet he re-
strained his followers from blood; nor, even by way of retalia-
tion, did a single man of the Roman Catholic party lose his
life for his religion, if we except the cardinal, who fell as much
on account of his despotism as of his bigotry. To a fierce, unpo-
lished race, like the inferior Scots, a stern, tasteless apostle like
John Knox, was, perhaps, necessary. A book which he penned
with great virulence against female sovereignty, had nearly em-
broiled him with Elizabeth ; but being convinced that it \va*
only aimed at Mary, she forgave and protected him. The title
of the book was, ' The first Blast of the Trumpet against the
monstrous Regimen of Women.'

•gso

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VIL

A. D. 1559.

The re-
gent
jnarches
against
the re-
formed.

Treaties
repeated-
ly vio-
lated.

he excited the party to vengeance. The lower
orders rushed to outrage and irresistible force.
Not only the gaudy irappings of Popery were the
victims of their zeal, but the solid habitations of
the monks, and their magnificent places of wor-
ship * fell beneath their strokes, and lay in indis-
criminate ruin,

No sooner was this rising made known to the
regent at Stirling, than she marched with the
French auxiliaries, and some regular Scottish
bands, to the number of nearly 3,000 men well
disciplined, to avenge this insult on her religion.
But the party of ' The Congregation of the
Lord,' for so it began to be styled, was soon so
much reinforced, particularly by the incredible
exertions of the Lord Glencairn, as to exceed the
forces of Mary of Guise in strength. An agree-
ment ensued to the advantage of the Protestants ;
but Mary, as soon as their troops were dispersed*
violated every article. As this breach of faith had
been foreseen, the lords of ' The Congregation'
(now joined by Argyle and the Prior of St. An-
drew's, both disgusted by the regent's dishonora-
ble conduct) had concerted matters so as to form
an immediate army, which obliged the regent to
retire, and even to quit her capital. Then began
again the demolition of Popish magnificence in,
almost every Scottish city, town, and hamlet ;

while

' Buchanan, lib. xvi.

Cfe. I. Part II §. T. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 231

while John Knox, now the most admired preach- ^P"*^,*
cr in Edinburgh, triumphed in the storm his
hardy eloquence had raised.

A quick reverse once more succeeded. The
Protestant soldiers began to separate for want of
pay ; and the regent (who had expected this event)
advancing with her regular bands, compelled
the residue to a treaty, which as usual [ 17] she
only kept as far as it suited her convenience. This
repeated perfidy, and her visible design of ruling
despotically by means of her French auxiliaries,
had, however, given such disgust to her two most
powerful friends, Chatelherault and Huntley,
that they determined to quit her party unless she
would dismiss these odious strangers.*

The death of the French Henry II. at this pe- Death
riod, by giving great additional strength to the of the
house of Lorrain, robbed it of its caution. Mary, ^
the niece of the Cardinal of Lorrain, and of the

Duke

NOTES.

[17] ' The promises of princes,' said the irritated French-
woman, being thrown off her guard when reproached with
this failure, ' ought not to be so precisely remembered ; nor
the performance of them expected, unless when suitable to their
conveniency.' [Buchanan.

Mr. Hume seems to doubt the authority of this tale of inso-
lent perfidy. ' If,' says he, ' the papists have sometimes
maintained that " no faith was to be kept with heretics," their
adversaries seem also to have thought, that " no truth should
ke told of idotetors."

* Knox, p. 154.

232 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

tl^jlS' Duke of Guise, was now Queen of France. By
direction of her uncles she had assumed the royr
al arms and title of England, and thus, with ex^
treme want of policy, afforded her rival Elizabeth
a fair pretext for interfering in Scottish affairs.
The system of violence was consistently pursued
in France ; one thousand soldiers were dispatch-
ed to aid the regent of Scotland ; Arran, the son
of Chatelherault, with difficulty escaped from
Paris, where his religion had marked him as a
sacrifice ;* and the Scottish regent was directed to
seize and destroy Argyle, and the Lord James
Stuart, by any means whatever.

The unsteady Duke of Chatelherault, urged
by his irritated son, now joined the Lords of the
Congregation, and became their nominal chief;
but it was the Lord James who was really the
head of the party. His spirit and address, joined
to great personal bravery, and a remarkable re-
gularity of conduct, rendered him exactly fit for
that station. Sensible of this, the artful regent
endeavoured to undermine his popularity, by
spreading reports that his ambition aimed at the
throne of Scotland. No accusations however,
from so suspected a source, could gain credit
among a discerning people.

Mary of Guise had now received additional
auxiliaries from France; she had also retained seve-
ral

* De Tjiou, lib. xxiv. p. 462,

Ch.I. Partll. §1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. £33

ral bands of Scots in regular pay; and, depend- a.d.isss.
ino- on her disciplined strength, she had avowed- The re-
ly fortified the town and harbour of Leith, th^tg£tf<v"
she might at any time receive aid from abroad. Leith.
On the other hand, almost the whole body of
Scottish nobility, (except the Lords Bothwell,
Seaton, and Borthwick who joined the garrison
of Leith, Morton who hesitated, andErskine who
commanded in the castle of Edinburgh) were in
arms against her; and Maitland of Lethington,
the wisest and most politic of her counsellors, (al-
thouoh the youngest) had abandoned her party.
The Lords of the Congregation, and their new
allies, the Hamiitons, Gordons, 8cc. demanded,
in terms not disrespectful, that she should send
back the French auxiliaries, destroy the fortifica-
tions of her new fortress, grant a toleration, and
reform her clergy; and on her refusal they so-
lemnly declared," still protesting their loyalty to
Mary their Queen, that she had forfeited the re-
gency, and with their numerous, but disunited
and ill-disciplined, troops, surrounded her
French allies and herself in Leith.

They had here undertaken an enterprize far
beyond their strength ; they had valor enough, but
they had neither battering cannon, ammunition,
nor money for their soldiers' pay, except a small
and irregular supply from England. Their men
grew mutinous ; they failed in one attack, and

lost

* Mem. de Castelnau, p. 445.

€34 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJDi.1559. lost their few field-pieces ; in another they were
Routs the pushed back to the gates of Edinburgh ; and

Protestant tnejr spirits were totally subdued when they

army. r * J

found that the regent's friends had intercepted* a

bag with a thousand pounds, which the governor
of Berwick, privately authorized by his sovereign,
had sent to their aid. They broke up the siege
with unmilitary haste ; and, after having dis-
patched the adroit Maitland to implore the pro-
tection of Elizabeth, each Lord of the Gonere-
gation retreated to his own district, that he might
recruit his force, and prolong a defensive war,
until better times might arrive ; while John Knox
and Willock, his fellow-labourer in polemics,
by zealous preaching, prevented the spirit of re-
sistance from sinking into indolence. +

The regent was not disposed to permit this
cautious plan to take effect ; a farther reinforce-
ment of veteran French troops had arrived at
JLeith ; from these, and from her original force,
she detached a strong party, which had orders to
enter by the way of Stirling the county of Fife,
Invades the richest of the Scottish provinces, and the
Fife. most devoted to the Protestant cause. To ravage
this, and to seize the town and port of St. An-
drew's, would at once chastise her foes, and se-
cure the best harbor and the most convenient sta-
tion for introducing forces into the heart of Scot-
land.

The

* Buchanan, lib. xvi. + Knox, p. 180.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 235

The Lord James Stuart saw that all was now at A.D.1559.
hazard ; and that, should this enterprize succeed,
the broken dispirited friends of civil and religi-
ous liberty in the north, might probably never
again unite. To prevent this evil, he determin-
ed, with about six hundred horse, to oppose the 0f tjlft
invaders ; and, aided by the Lord Ruthven, Lord
Kirkaldie of Grange, and a few more of his smart.
friends,* he exerted so much valor and skill, that,
by_harrassing the enemy's marches, and cuttino-
off their provisions, he kept 2,000 veterans at
bay during more than three weeks ; and thereby
gave time for the representations of Maitland to
operate on the discernment of the spirited, [18]
but cautious, Elizabeth of England.

At length the gallant defenders of their coun-
try were forced to yield to the torrent ; and the
French, rushing into Fife, laid waste the estates
of their foes ; [19] and, like a flood of fire from

a volcano,

NOTES.

[IS] Score, an agent of France, had endeavored to per-
suade the English queen that Chatelherault was at the same time
negotiating with her and with the court of France. The irritat-
ed duke, hearing this accusation, gave Score the lie, and offer-
ed either to fight him in person or to give him his choice among
one hundred of his dependents for an antagonist, each of them
equal in birth and descent to the calumniating Frenchman.

[Buleigh's Papers.

[19] In particular the house and village of Grange, be-
longing to the celebrated William Kirkaldie, was razed to the

foundation;
* Knox, p. 202.

1560.

0,36 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, Book VI I,

A. d. 1560. a volcano, desolated a wide road to the sea coast.
There, while spreading devastation, and pursuing
their triumphant march to St. Andrew's, an ad-
vanced party, having mounted a steep rock,* ex-
claimed with exultation that ' their friends were
succors come !' They had indeed descried a fleet of large
arrive. vessels not far from the shore ; and, knowing
that the Marquis D'Elboeuf was on the point of
sailing from France to reinforce them, they doubt-
ed so little of his approach, that they fired a joy-
ful salute from their artillery, and sent boats to
invite the newr-comers to feast with them on shore.
The return of their messengers undeceived them.
The ships were English; they were commanded
by an experienced officer named Winter, whose
instructions, although cautiously worded, war-
ranted him to relieve the Scots at any rate.

Convinced of their error, and dreading to be
intercepted on their return, the baffled French-
men abandoned their enterprize ; and, with great
difficulty and considerable loss, passing again by
Stirling, rejoined the garrison of Leith ;+ wjiile
Winter, taking advantage of some hostilities
committed by the French, attacked their small
fleet, boarded and took their armed vessels and

store-

NOTES.

foundation ; but the gallant owner falling on the marauders,

slew their leader, Captain L'Abast and fifty of his men on the

spot. [Buchanan;

* Buchanan, lib. xvi, + Holingshed's Scotland, p. 371.

Ch. I. Part II. | I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 23?

store-ships, and blocked up the harbour ; while A^d. 1560.
its garrison received the melancholy tidings of a
storm which had dispersed, and parly destroyed,
the long-expected fleet and land- force which had
been meant to relieve them.

An English army now appeared on the fron-
tiers of Scotland, under the Lord Grey of Wil-
ton. The commissioners of the Congregation
repaired to Berwick, where the Duke of Norfolk
met them ; and a treaty was concluded, in which,
although the interests of Scottish religion and
liberty were asserted, great respect was paid to
the Queen of Scots and her consort.

The English then advanced into Scotland and Siege of

T I

laid siege to Leith, whence the unfortunate Mary '
of Guise hastily departed, and, entering Edin-
burgh, intreated and obtained leave of the Lord
Erskine to take up her residence in the castle.
That independent nobleman received her with
great respect and equal caution. She languished
six weeks and died philosophically, although
broken-hearted, owning and lamenting the errors
of her administration, and conversing familiarly
on religious subjects with the most rigid of the

reforming ministers. [20]*

The

NOTES.

[20] Mary of Guise might have been, perhaps, amiable,
had she not been driven by her attachment to her own unprin-
cipled
* Knox. p. 228.

43S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BookVIL

A. p. igeo. Xhe siege of Leith was now begun by the
English and Scots conjointly, and afforded a strik-
ing example of the advantage which valor, sup-
ported by discipline and experience, may obtain
over numbers gifted with mere personal courage.
The garrison mocked their efforts ; the soldiers
within were familiar with sieges, and repulsed
every attack ; while the island troops, long un-
used to land-wars, [21] and commanded by brave
but unexperienced officers, exposed themselves
with improvident gallantry, assaulted impracti-
cable breaches, and fell by hundreds. Eight
thousand soldiers, on the part of the English and
Scots, are said to have found their graves before
the hastily-raised fortifications of Leith.

Peace The garrison, which had for some time sub-

sisted on horse-flesh only, must however have
yielded, had not a sudden treaty, concluded at
Edinburgh between England and France (includ-

with

France.

ing

NOTES.

sipled family into perjury and cruelty. Yet what shall we say
to her unfeminine expression, when the bleeding body of a lad
shot by her soldiers as he stood in a balcony at Perth was brought
before her? ' I cannot answer for accidents, but I wish it had
been his father !' [Buchanan.

[21] The English seamen, impatient at the tardy siege,
had nearly persuaded Winter, their admiral, to ask leave to at-
tack the place with his men alone. He might have succeeded;
for the garrison having, on account of his harsh character, a
rooted dislike to the Lord Grey, wished to yield to Winter.

[Anon apud Guthei?-.

Ch. I. Part. II. § i. civil and military. o^r»

ing Scotland) saved its honor. By this peace A- ry- 156°-
the rights of Elizabeth to the English crown were
acknowledged, and Francis and Mary engaged to
lay aside for ever the royal title and arms of Eng-
land. The effects of this treaty were instantane-
ous ; Leith was peaceably evacuated, and not a
Frenchman left in Scotland ; vyhile the troops of
Elizabeth, withdrawing at the same time, and re-
passing the borders, evinced to the world the in-
tegrity, and disinterestedness of her interference.
A parliament was now summoned, whose first
care was to nominate twenty-four persons from
whom the council of regency was to be chosen ;
then the terms of the late treaty were scrutinized,
and the security for the church not being deemed
sufficient, severe laws, too much savoring of that
spirit of persecution which had rendered Popery
odious, were promulgated against the old religion.
A Presbyterian government was established in the
church, but with the omission of a proper provisi-
on for the clergy ; and ambassadors were dispatch-
ed to France for a confirmation of the acts which
had passed. He was received with coolness, and
failed of his errand ; while the Lords Morton and
Glencairn, with Maitland, who were sent to thank
Elizabeth, and to humbly recommend the Lord
Arran, presumptive heir to the crown, to her as
a consort, met with no better success, although
they were received with much more civility.*

< The

* Keith, p, 154,

£40 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf.

A. D. 1560. The death of the French monarch, the spouse
Death of of Mary Stuart, which fell out at this conjunc-

Francis ture totally chano-ed the face of affairs, and g-ave
II. or .

France, a new turn to the politics of Europe.
1561. It was now the general wish of the Scots to see

invited to their queen among them ; and Lord James Stuart,

Scotland, her brother, was sent by the regency to announce
the request of her people. He found his beauti-
ful but ill-fated sovereign driven from court by
the neglect and apparent coldness of Catharine di
Medicis, the queen-mother, who not only hated
her arrival, but dreaded the extreme attach-
ment which her son Charles IX. professedly re-
tained for his fair sister-in-law. This gloomy re-
verse of her late splendid state had made her
think with some pleasure of visiting her native
kingdom. Leslie, (afterwards Bishop of Ross)
had endeavored to prejudice her against Lord
James, and to persuade her to depend on the
Roman Catholic interest alone ; but that counsel
was judged to be too hazardous.* She received
her brother with affection, and instantly prepared
for her voyage, which was not altogether with-
out hazard, as Elizabeth, disgusted at the Scot-
tish queen for not totally abandoning the insignia
of English royalty, had unkindly refused to grant

She quits her a safe conduct.t

France .

with re- It was not without the most poignant sentiments
Sret- of grief that Mary could quit a polished court and

kingdom

* Leslie, p. 227* f Keith, p. 171.

Ch. I. Part II. § I. civil and military. 241

kingdom, where, during many years, she had A-D>1561*
been treated with a respect little inferior to ado-
ration. Brantome, who accompanied her in the
same vessel, has left us a minute description of
her anguish.

As she left the port of Calais a vessel struck
on a rock, and perished in her sight. ' Alas !'
said the forlorn queen, ' what an unhappy augu-
ry for my voyage.' When her galley had left
the harbor with a fair wind she remained on deck,
leaning on the gunwale several hours, and in-
cessantly repeating, ' Adieu, France ! Adieu,
France !' When it grew dark, she lamented, in
the most affecting terms, the impossibility of see-
ing any longer the coast she so truly loved. She
would not quit the deck, insisted on having her
bed brought up from the cabin, and an awning
stretched over it, and directed the steersman to
wake her as soon as it was light, if France were
still in view. Chance favored her wishes ; her
beloved shore appeared again in the morn. The
queen raised herself from her bed, and as the
land soon disappeared to her sight, she exclaim-
ed, ' Adieu, beloved France ! It is all over !
Adieu, dear France ! Never shall I see thee more !'

Her voyage was not unprosperous ; she es- Her re_
caped the numerous squadrons of Elizabeth, and ception in
landed safely at Leith ; yet even there, although
flattered by the acclamations of a people not ac-
customed to the presence of their sovereign,
Mary met not with a reception calculated to make

Vol. I. Part II. r her

444 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ajx 1561. lier forget the polished pleasures of the French
court. [22 J The Scots had not time, as she came
suddenly, to soften the asperity of the views on
her road. The stern John Knox preached against
the ' Whore of Babylon, and the Antichrist of
Rome,' almost in her hearing ; her servants were
insulted as they celebrated mass in her private
chapel ; and the Lord James Stuart was forced to

interpose,

NOTES.

[22] Mary could not easily reconcile herself to the simple
manners of the Scots. She was by no means pleased at the
little ponies (hacquenees guilledines) on which her new attend-
ant lords and ladies rode; but, bursting into tears, compared
their ill-accoutered nags with the pompous and showy steeds
of the French. Nor, when lodged in Edinburgh, was she
consoled by the melody produced by a number of vagabonds
(cinq au six cens marauts) who welcomed her by playing on ill-
tuned fiddles and kits, and who sung under her window Scot-
tish psalms, with voices utterly discordant to each other.

[Brantome.

It is worth observing how very materially the account given
by John Knox of this very serenade differs from that of the
Frenchman.

' A cumpanie of most honest men, with instruments of mu-
sick and with musicians, gave their salutaciouns at hir chamber-
window. The melodie, as sche alleged, likid her weill, and
sche willed the same to be continued some nychts after with
grit diligence.'

Randolph, Elizabeth's ambassador, wrote to Cecil at this
time, speaking of the Scots, ' I think marvellously of the
wisdom of Cod, that gave this unruly, inconstant, and cum-
bersome people no more power nor substance, for they would
•therwise run wild.' [Keith.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 243

interpose, that his sister and sovereign might, in^D.i56i.
her own kingdom, have liberty of worshipping
God in her own way.

The violent zeal for reformation which pre-
vailed at this juncture seems, in the moderate
times of the 18th century, totally improbable; it
even interfered in the amusements of the day ;
and the very pageants contrived to amuse the
queen when she made her public entry into her
capital, exhibited various scenes of divine judg-
ments falling on idolators.[23] Perhaps a most

r 2 absurd

NOTES.

[23] A mock altar was erected in one place, like that used
in the mass. On this were sacrificed Korah, Dathan, and Abi-
ram. A Romish priest also was to have fallen; but the Lord
Huntley prevented that exhibition. [Anon ap. Guthrie.

Add to this the extreme resentment which animated the na-
tion on account of a trivial irregularity. Alison Craig, a cele-
brated woman of pleasure, was visited one evening by the
Marquis D'Elbceuf, and a party of Scottish and French young
noblemen, who had just quitted their bottle. They found no
admittance ; but not conceiving why she should bar her doors
against her usual visitors, they forced their passage, broke the
windows, and committed some disorders in endeavoring to
to find the capricious lady of the house. This was taken up
with great solemnity by the Assembly of the church then sit-
ting ; and they presented an address on the subject to the queen,
with this awful prelude. ' To the queen's majesty, &c. The
professors of Christ Jesus's holy Evangil wish the spirit of
righteous judgment.' In the address they demand ' the severe
punishment of those who hud endeavored to kindle the wrath of
Gad against the whole realm.' The queea received the ad-
dresser

£44 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

v^,!f!!*/ aDsurd and ill-timed demand, delivered in by the
French ambassador nearly at this time, helped to
irritate the people.* He required the Scots tore-
new their alliance with France, renounce their
treaty with England, and restore the Roman Ca-
tholic religion. The answer was manly, simple,
and rational. ' The French had deserved no
kindness at their hands ; they could not break
with England, who had saved them from Popery
and slavery ; and, as to the third article, they
were not mad enough willingly to load them
again with more chains, from which they had
with difficulty extricated themselves.'

The lawless state of the borders demanding im-
mediate attention, the Lord James Stuart was
sent to restore good government ; the militia of
eleven counties attended him ; he performed
his duty with severity, executed numbers, and
left all in tranquillity. During his absence from
court, many artful and earnest attempts had been
made by the Lord Huntley, and the Archbishop
of St. Andrew's, to induce Mary to favor the
Roman Catholics ; while Arran, on the other
hand, who was deeply in love with his fair cou-
sin, passionately and absurdly publishing his

wishes

NOTES.

dresser with politeness, but treated not the crime with that sa-
cred horror which was its due ; nor was her impious apathy
ever forgiven.

* K'hox, p. 269, 273,

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. ciyil and military. 24*

wishes that she might be*restrained in the exer- ^D.i56i.
cise of her religion, deprived himself of every
chance of obtaining; her regard, and in conse- .
quence, after having alarmed her by a strange ill- %
concerted project of carrying her off by force to
his own estate," utterly lost his senses.

A convention which chiefly deliberated on re- Provision
ligious matters, closed the year I56I. An al- ™^J£
lowance was there settled for the subsistence of gy.
the Protestant priests ; it was very small, and '

even that was by no means regularly paid.

Deadly feuds, and aristocratic insurrections, 1562.
the consequence of that anarchy which had long
prevailed in Scotland, embittered the second
year of Mary's residence in her kingdom.

The Earl of Arran, whose mind was declin-
ing apace into idiotism, accused himself and the
Lord Bothwell of a design to assassinate their
inveterate foe, the Lord James Stuart, Prior of St.
Andrew's (who had just been honored with the
Earldom of Mar) in his own house. In conse-
quence the parties were confined, and the duke
of Hamilton, father to the accuser, was obliged to
yield the strong castle of Dunbarton to the power
of the queen,+ although it is probable that there
were no grounds for the accusation except the

heated imagination of Arran.

A

more

* Holingshed's Scotland, p. 379.
•J- Keith, p. 202. Buchanan, lib. xvii.

£46 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book. VII.

A. d. 1562. A more dangerous attempt to subvert the pre-
sent order of government was made by the po-
tent family of Gordon. Sir John, the eldest son
of the Earl of Huntley, had dangerously wound-
ed Lord Ogilvie in a private quarrel , he escaped
from confinement, and was protected by his* fa-
ther even against the queen, who at that juncture
was on a progress into the north, where the es-
tates of Huntley lay- A plan of the Gordons to
destroy the ministers of Mary being discovered,
the clan took up arms ; and, led on by the old
earl, would have endangered the queens safety,
James had not the gallant James Stuart, now Earl of
raadcEarl ^ -n:ay,[24] (the title of Mar being claimed by
of Mur- his uncle, Lord Er^kine) by a steady exertion of
personal bravery, at the head of a few spearmen,
supported the attack of a numerous body of High-
landers armed with the broad sword, and put
Fall of them to flight. The Earl of Huntley, old and cor-
Huntley pulent.4- was trod to death in his hasty retreat.[25]

His

NOTES.
[24] On the clay of his receiving of the patent, the earl

married Agnes, the daughter of the Earl Marischal ; and, to
the great scandal of John Knox and the strict ones, he accom-
panied his wedding with songs, dances, and a kind of masque-
rade. [HOLINGSHED, &C.

[25] The mangled body was kept without burial, as the
custom was in Scotland, until the parliament met, that it might
be presented before that assembly, in order to the forfeiting of
the estate, ' after that he was deid and departit frae this mortal
lyfe.' [Keith.

* Keith, p. 223, + Holingshed's Scotland, p. 381.

Ch. I. Part II. § I. civil and military. 447

His family fell into the hands of the royalists ; A.D.156J.
Sir John was beheaded, but the other sons were
spared. The possessions of the Gordons, (of
which Murray[26] had made a part) were consi-
derably lessened, and their power was no longer
formidable.

Mary had long wished for an interview with
Elizabeth, and measures had been taken for their
meeting at York, during the summer of I562 ;
but there is reason to believe that Cecil, the fa-
vorite minister of the English queen, persuaded
her that the meeting would have no good effect.
It was accordingly evaded, avowedly because the
state of French affairs required Elizabeth's con-
stant attention and presence in London.*

Nothing farther occurred within the year, ex-
cept repeated and fruitless remonstrances of the
clergy concerning the failing payment of their
small stipends. [2 7] The

NOTES.
[2£>] There was an unhappy singularity in the fate of this

earldom. It lay within the country which the house of Gor-
don claimed; and, being given to another family, it was perpe-
tually plundered by the Highlanders allied to the Gordons. At
a much later day than that we now write of, Sir Ewen Came-
ron, being charged with evil designs against the Grants, alleg-
ed, ' that he meant not to molest them, but only to make an in-
cursion into Murray land, where every man was free to lake his
prey.' [Pennant.

[27] Chatelard, grandson to the celebrated Bayard, a
man of literature, and an elegant poet, who had long adored

the
v Keith, p. 216.

248

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book. VII.

A. D. 1563.

Proposals
of marri-
age to
Mary.

Account
of Lord
Darnley.

The chief potentates of Europe now sought to
tempt the blooming Mary, who had been two
years a widow, to a second marriage. The Arch-
duke of Austria, the Duke of Anjou, and Carlos
the son of the Spanish Philip, were offered to her
acceptance ; but, whatever might be her secret
wishes, motives of policy urged her to take the
advice of Elizabeth as to her choice." That
jealous sovereign openly disapproved of any
foreign match, and, as the Scots were of the same
opinion, the proposals on behalf of the distant
princes were all rejected. Probably the project
which Mary had now formed of wedding a
young nobleman of her own family, rendered
her more attentive to the advice of Elizabeth.

Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, was the eldest son
of Matthew, Earl of Lenox (who, exiled from his
country, had long resided in England) by the La-
dy Margaret Douglas, the niece of Henry VIII.
and the nearest rival to the Scottish queen in the
English succession. Margaret was daughter to
Margaret the widow of James IV. by the Earl

of

NOTES.

the beautiful Mary in secret, permitted his love at this junc-
ture so far to overpower his prudence as to tempt him to hide
himself in the queen's bed-chamber. He was discovered and
forgiven. The same insult again repeated proved fatal. He
was delivered up to the law, tried, and executed.

[Vie de Marie par Brantome.
* Melvill, p. 88.

Ch. I. Part II. §. 1. civil and military. 249

of Angus; a circumstance -which brought her one ^\^^
degree nearer the throne of England than Mary,
"who was that queen's grand-daughter. Her being
a native of England too was in hei favor. [28]
Nor can it be a matter of wonder, when the per-
son of Lord Darnley (which was remarkably ele-
gant") is considered, that a young princess should
easily be brought to think that the marriage with
such a competitor would be the best method of
consolidating the rival claims. The plan, how-
ever, lay dormant some time longer.

In the mean while Murray, whose open mind
and martial disposition had set him above the
wretched and intolerant fanaticism of his reform-
ing friends, had nearly lost all his interest with the
Presbyterian party by refusing to join in hasty and
ill-concerted measures to deny the queen the pri-
vate exercise of her religion. The fierce John

Knox

NOTES.

[38] A lawyer named Hales wrote about this time a treatise
in favor of the claims of the Suffolk branch (descended from
Mary of France, daughter to Henry VII.) in preference to the
line of Margaret. What Elizabeth thought of his argument is
uncertain, for his having dared to call hei conduct in question,
concerning the Countess of Hertford, drew on his head the ven-
geance of her offended majesty on her own account, and he suf-
fered a long confinement. [Carte, &c.

At a period not very far distant, one Thornton, a lawyer,

was thrown into prison for arraigning the title of the Queen

»f Scots. [Camden.

••• Melvill,p. 101.

%50 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1563. Knox [29] solemnly renounced his friendship, and
it was nearly two years before the strange events
of the changeable times forced them through po-
licy to a reconciliation. Disappointed of Mur-
ray's aid, the stern demagogue had recourse to the
people, and succeeded in exciting them to insult

Violence the priests who officiated before the queen. Two

of John 0f tjie most forward among; the mob being- seized,
Knox. m ° °

Knox dispersed circular letters to convene all

good Protestants to their rescue. For this gross at-
tack on the civil power the turbulent ecclesiastic
was imprisoned, and tried before the privy coun-
cil. * There he judiciously rested his defence on
the numerous precedents which the late troubles
had afforded, and pleaded his own cause so well,
that he was acquitted; and Sinclair, Bishop of
Ross, a zealous papist, approved of the acquittal. t
1564. It was early in 1564, that Elizabeth caused her
favorite, the Lord Robert Dudley, to be proposed

as

NOTES.

[29] Mary sometimes condescended to reason with this holy
savage. ' Will ye allow,' said she, ' that the people shall
take my sword from me?' ' It is God's sword,' replied he,
* and if princes use it not rightly, the rulers under them ought
to do it. Samuel spared not to slay Agag, the fat and delicate
king of Amalek, whom Saul had spared.',. When this singular
priest overheard persons wondering at his bold familiarity in
Conversing with the queen, he answered, ' What ! should the
pleasant face of a lady affray me?' [Knox.

♦ Knox. p. 335, kc + Ibid. p. 313.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 451

as a husband to Mary of Scotland. * Strange as f^^*T
was this proposal, the rejection of it was clothed
in the most respectful terms. [30] The fair queen
of Scots listened, however, with more pleasure to
a request made some time after by the English
queen, ' that she would reverse the sentence of
forfeiture on the Lenox estates.' Mary, happy The Le-
at having a pretext to oblige the family of one jy fav0_ *
whom she had thought of marrying, soon compli-red.
ed with this intimation. She did more; she inter-
posed to prevent the house of Hamilton from
taking violent steps against their old enemies, the
Stuarts of Lenox ; and she pacified the potent fa-
mily of Douglas, who also abhorred that house,
by persuading the old Earl of Lenox to abandon
his pretensions in right of his wife to the earldom
of Angus.

Towards

NOTES.

[30] It was about this time that Mary sent to Elizabeth a
diamond ring in the form of a heart. The great Buchanan ho-
nored this gift with an elegant but short Latin poem. It may
be thus translated :

; This gem behold, the emblem of my heart,
From which my cousin's image ne'er shall part.
Clear in its lustre, spotless does it shine;
As clear, as spotless, is this heart of mine.
What tho' the stone a greater hardness wears,
Superior firmness still the figure bears.'
James I. gave this ring to Sir Thomas Warner, whose de-
pendent still possesses it.

[Le Clere's Life of Buchanan, apud c Anec-
dotes of Distinguished Persons', Sec.
* Melvill, p. 90. Keith, p. 251.

252 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN*. Book VII.

CJiiilS* Towards the end of 1564, a dispute between
Maitland of Lethington and John Knox, on the
right of the people to resist a tyrannical sovereign,
was carried on before the General Assembly with
great art and eloquence. Knox, it may be easily
supposed took the popular side. *
1565. Early in the succeeding year Lord Darnley,
having obtained a tacit leave from Elizabeth to
visit Scotland, appeared at the court of Mary,
and made a swift conquest of her susceptible
heart. He had, indeed, an advocate who was al-
ways near the queen, and had the possession of
A c unt ^er Pr^vate ear. This was David Riccio or
of David Rizzio, an Italian musician, supposed an emissary
from the Pope, + who at times officiated as secre-
tary for the French tongue, and whose intimacy
with Mary was so very close, that it was only his
homely figure, and [31] (as some say) advanced
a<*e, which prevented the tongue of calumny
from exerting itself on the subject.

The

NOTES.

[31] Nothing, says Buchanan, could make him look like a
gentleman, although he tried to einhellish his odious figure by
fine garments.

' Rei iudignior videbatur, quod non faciem cultus honestabat,
sed facies cultum destruebat.' [Lib. xvii.

Buchanan adds, he was young ; but Blackwood, who also
knew the man, says that he was elderly, and had a morose for-
bidding countenance.

• Knox, p. 349. + Melvill, p. 1 12, 114.

ChvI. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 255

The crooked and mysterious policy of Eliza- AJ>.i565.
beth on occasion of this marriage has been already
described. Historians are at a loss to conceive
why she should with such apparent earnestness
oppose a marriage which, at the same time that it
prevented Mary from any foreign alliance, ena-
bled the English queen to enlarge her influence in
the Scottish court, by allowing or withholding at
pleasure the large income of the Lenox estates ly-
ing within the domains of England. Indeed there
is great reason to believe that her whole opposi-
tion was a political fallacy. Yet she carried it so
far as to confine the Lady Lenox, mother to Darn-
ley, and to excite the Protestant lords to take up Unsuc-

f I

arms against the proposed alliance. The appa- ces.slul

0 l l L l using ot

rent motive was the warm attachment of the the Pro-
Lenox family to the Roman faith. The activity of l^j"
Murray on this occasion reconciled him to the
severe Knox, who had before thought him a false
brother. Murray had, indeed, some pretext for
his displeasure; his favor was waning at court;
his sister had visibly slighted him, and cherished
his bitterest foe, Bothwell, (who had more than
once attempted to murlher him) and by her cool-
ness had driven him from those councils which
he had heen used to guide.

Asa politician this great and popular leader was
mistaken in his measures. The gentle govern-
ment of Mary had so far reconciled all parties
to her sway, that few could be persuaded to rise

is.

against

9

254 HI9TOKY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BookVII.

w^'iS" agamst ner* Nor did Murray accurately calcu-
late for the exertions of a woman in love. Inspir-
ed by her passion for Darnley, (who was barely
twenty years of age) she first raised him nearly to
an equality with herself, by giving him the royal

Man-iagc honors of Ross and Albany ; then she married
him, having the evening before the wedding pro^
claimed him King of Scots; * and then, having
allowed only three days to nuptial [32] festivity,

she

of the
queen

NOTES.

[32] Randolph, the English resident, writes, some curious
particulars of the marriage to Lord Leicester. ' She had
an h.er back the great mourning gown of black, with the
great wide mourning hood, Sec. The rings, which were
three, the middle a rich diamond, were put on her ringer.
They kneel together, and many prayers were saici over
them; she iarrieth out the mass, and he taketh a kiss and
leaveth her there, and went to her chamber, whither, within
a space, she followelh and being required (according to the
solemnity) to cast off her caies. and leave aside these sor-
rowful garments, and give herself to a more pleasant life,
after some pretty refusal (more, I believe, for manersake
than grief of heart) she sufTereth them that stood by, every
man that could approach, to take out a pin; and so, being
committed to her Indies, changed her garments, but went
not to bed; to signihe to the world, that it was not lust that
moved them to marry, but only the necessity of her country,
not, if God will, to leave it long without an heir. Suspi-
cious men, &c. would that it should be believed diat they
knew each other before that they came there ; but I would
not that your lordship should so believe it.' And then the

goo4
* Guthrie, vol. vi. p. 284.

Cll. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 8J5

she mounted her horse, and leading her armv (in A.D.1565.
which she had 700 regular troops kept in con-
stant pay) in person, armed with loaded pistols/'
she ceased not from the pursuit of the revolted
lords [33] until they had taken shelter at Ber-
wick under protection, of the Earl of Bedford,
who received them with hospitality ; and where
Elizabeth, notwithstanding the unpardonable du-
plicity of he* conduct, which made her disavow
the measures that she had urged, supported them
until an opportunity should an ve to reinstate
them in their former possessions.

On this expedition, and on her nuptial gaieties,
Mary had expended large sums ; these she raised
by borrowing 50.0001. on her own credit, and
by moderate fines on the towns and district*
which had taken part against her.

At this period the Roman Catholic party, al-
though not openly espoused by the queen, in-
creased in power and number. The title and

estates

NOTES.

jood Randolph, fired by the spirit of chivalry, declare? in very

plain terms, that he would not credit his own eyes against the

virtue of the fair Queen of Scotland.

[Randolph's Lettf.rs.

[33] The most known of these were Chatelherault, (who ob-
tained a pardon, though with exile) Argyle, Glencairn. Rothes,
Boyd, and Ochiltree; with the lairds of Grange, Cunningham-
Wcid, Balcomie, and many others. [Knox.

* App, to Keith, p. 16 J.

Q56

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VIL

Vicious
folly of
the new
ling.

A^D. 1565. estates of Huntley were restored to Lord Gor-
don ; the Earl of Athol was called to a high post;
the mass was publicly celebrated ; and Monks
were permitted to preach in public. *

When Mary had returned from her expedition
to the south, she returned not to domestic enjoy-
ment. Her chosen lord proved to be the vainest
and weakest of men. Honored as he had been
by the fairest of sovereigns, he thought that what
she had done for him was less than his due, and in-
cessantly persecuted her to give him the matrimo-
nial crown. This request the queen hesitated to
grant, and with reason. The manners of the
youth (now King Henry) were become gross and
odious. He was perpetually intoxicated, and in
company with the lowest and worst of women.
Young and beautiful as she was, the health of
Mary was injured by his brutality ; nor could her
laudably artful management conceal his vile pro-
pensities ; since even at table, in public, he was
wont to use expressions of boundless and vulgar
profligacy. Just as this refusal was, Henry was
inordinately enraged [34] at it, and laid the whole

blame

NOTES.

[34] The temper of the young King of Scots was child-
ishly irregular. He had nearly stabbed the Lord Ruthven for
bringing him news that his creation, as Duke. of Albany, was
delayed for a few days. David Rizzio was at first his greatest

intimate
* Knox, p. 3S9, 390.

Ch. I. Part. II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 257

blame on Rizzio, of whose intimacy with the A.D.1565.
queen he on a sudden grew suspicious.

The meeting of parliament drew near, and the 156G.
sentences and forfeitures of the fugitive lords were
on the point of being confirmed. The humanity
or policy of Mary had, indeed, tempted her to
listen* to the earnest request of Elizabeth, and
the prayers[35] of many noblemen, in favor of

Murray

NOTES,
intimate and confidant ; but it appears that the capricious

king had soon forgot his services, by the following remonstrance

which he addressed to the queen :

' Since yon fellow Davie fell irr credit and familiaritie
with your majestie, ye regarded me not, Sec. for every day,
before and after dinner, ye would come to my chamber and
pass time with me ; and this long time ye have not done so.
And when I come to your majestie's chamber ye bear me
little company, except Davie had been the third marrow.
And after supper your majestie hath a use to set at the cards
with the said Davie till one or two of the clock after mid-
night. And this is the entertainment I have had of you this
long time.' [Complaint of the King in

Ruthven's Narrative.

[35] Guthrie quotes an excellent letter from Throgmorton,
a minister of Elizabeth, but a real friend to Mary, which
ought to have weighed with the ill-advised princess. He tells
her the consequence of union at home; warns her against
trusting to foreign connections; and tells her that she will only
be respectable in proportion as she should unite the interest of
all her subjects with her own. Above all, he very rationally
advises her to prevent her subjects from receiving pensions from
foreign princes, and rather to pay their debts for them than
permit them to owe such favors to strangers.
* Melvill, p. 127.

Vol. I. Part II. s

258 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A. d. i566. Murray and his fellow-exiles ; but a message from
Mary her surviving uncles, (Guise had been slain at Or-

hstens to ieanS) anci the counsels of Rizzio, steeled her heart

i rench m '

counsel, against any measure of forgiveness. The ambas-
sadors told her, that the fate of religion was in her
hands ; and that if she re-admitted the Protestant
lords, no hopes would remain of establishing the
Roman Catholic religion in her dominions. They
also earnestly requested and obtained her appro-
bation of the Holy League, formed under the
patronage of Pope Pius IV. for the extirpation
of Protestantism, under the title of Heresy.

The friends of the exiles had no hope left unless
in some resolute counsel. Convinced of this, they
determined to seize and destroy Rizzio. They
would have had him tried before the Parliament ;
but the capricious and brutal king, who had en-
tered eagerly into all their schemes, insisted that
the wretched musician should be slain in the pre-
sence of Mary. Accordingly the plan for the
murther was laid as he wished it, and nothing could
exceed the horror of the style in which it was
performed. Mary, (then twenty-three years of
age) in the sixth month of her pregnancy, Avas
sitting at supper (as was her imprudent custom)
with David Rizzio and the Countess of Argyle,*
when Henry entered the room, followed by Lord

Ruthven, with a countenance rendered pale and

ghastly

* Melvill, p. 130,

Cli. t. Part II. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 259

ghastly by disease, and with a frame so weak, that A.D.1566.
the weight of his armor would have borne him to
the ground, had he not been supported by two
men. Morton, the lord high chancellor, and other
armed followers crouded in. Ruthven,[36] draw-
ing; his dasher, with a hollow voice bid Rizzio
" retire from a place of which he was not wor-
thy." But the hapless wretch, clinging to Mary r;zzj0
for protection, was wounded, forced from his sane- slain*
tuary, and slain with fifty-six strokes, in spite of
the queen's tears, intfeaties, and menaces.

A scene of confusion followed this atrocious
act. Murray, with the exiled lords, Argyle,
Glencairn, Rothes, ScC. had advice of what had
been done, and, suddenly appearing, threw them-
selves at the queen's feet ; while she, looking on Murray
their faults as trivial when compared to those of*, . , ,

K . banished

the murtherers of Rizzio, received Murray with lords re-
affection, only conjuring him not to protect the
wretches who had insulted her in away so unmanly.
Mary indeed exerted both art and spirit on this
occasion ; by the former she seduced the weak
Henry from his confederates, and, as soon as she

s2 had

turn to
court.

NOTES.

[36] Its seems strange that Ruthven should be chosen as
the executioner of Rizzio, when so wan in his countenance
that he seemed (says one author) ' a moving death,' and so
ill that he was forced to call for a cordial in the queen's
presence.

260 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A-D-J^. had gained that point, she drove the rest of the
party who committed the outrage to seek shelter
in the English borders. The exiles were now well
received at court, and those, whose cruel and
daring enterprize had reinstated them, were them-
selves compelled to fly.
Bothwell It was about this time that James Hepburn,
m avor, £arj Q£ Botfrwell, first appeared on the stage as a
favorite of the fair Queen of Scots. He had,
without doubt, in some degree, merited that favor
by steady fidelity ; for on no occasion whatever
had this nobleman ever taken part against* her.
In recompence she had made him Warden of
the Marches, and, on his having been wounded in
a private contest on the borders, she had ridden
through an almost impassable country to visit him.
His character was ambitious and daring to an ex-
treme ; and it is a tradition in Scotland, that the
first impression which he made on the susceptible
heart of his queen might be dated from his riding
furiously down the steep hill of Calton, near
Edinburgh, in her sight. This man had been long
an enemy to the Douglas family, and to all of
Murray's party ; but probably seeing in Morton,
Ruthven, 8cc. characters not unlike his own, he
aspired to their friendship, and by making use of
his interest! with Mary (whose disposition was far
from implacable) obtained permission for the re-
turn

* Knox, p. 396. + Melvill, p. 152.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. $61

turn of those who had so cruelly outraged her A.D.1566.
feelings, and endangered her life.

Mary, unhurt by the horrid scene to which she
had been a witness, was now far advanced in her
pregnancy, and took up her abode in Edinburgh
Castle ; for such was the aristocratic power in
Scotland, and so feeble was the government, that
the privy-council thought her palace not a safe
habitation at so critical a season.

She was delivered on the 19th of June of ajamesVL
prince, afterwards James I. of England, and VI. of °orn'
Scotland, who proved the happy bond of union
between two nations which nature had always
meant to be friends and fellow-subjects, but into
whose bosoms foreign policy had too often suo-
cesfully instilled the bitterest enmity.

Mean while the worthless and unfortunate king King
sometimes unheeded followed the court, and some- HeniT
times wandered solitarily from place to place. His
inexcusable conduct had totally alienated the affec-
tion of his once doting wife. She had withdrawn
her countenance from him, and the courtiers,
alert at discerning a disgraced favorite, had even
ventured to intimate to Mary that she might with
ease obtain a divorce.* She would perhaps have
embraced this expedient, had she not dreaded lest
such a measure might leave a stain on the legiti-
macy of her child, and perhaps prejudice him as

to

* Anderson, vol, iv,

362 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ajxiss&to the English succession. The manners of
Henry rendered him every day more odious, and
he now openly spoke of his design to quit Scot-
land, and relate his family complaints to every
court in Europe ; nor could his father the Earl
of Lenox, nor the queen, succeed in dissuading
Jiim from this wild project.

The ceremony of the young Prince's baptism
[37] was now performed with splendor [38] at the

castle

NOTES.
[37] The devices at the entertainment which accompanied
the baptism were regulated by a Frenchman named Bastien, and
seem to have been singularly uncouth. Satyrs with tails, and
whips in their hands, personated by the French ambassador's
retinue, ran in skipping before the ' meate,' and musicians
dressed like ' maydes* followed after. Somewhat which occur-
red in this barbarous medley disgusted the English ; and Hatton,
one of Lord Bedford's suite (afterwards high in the favor of
Elizabeth) said, < that if it were not in the queen's presence, he
would put a dagger to the heart of that knave Bastien, who' (he
alleged; ' had done it out of spight that the queen made more
of them than of the Frenchmen.' Melvill sensibly remarks,
that the English were fools for taking the affront to themselves,
and Lord Bedford discreet for ending the affair without noise.

[Memoirs, &c.
[38] Soon after the christening, a singular accident chanced
to Mary. She had ridden to the borders, and while Sir John
Forster, the warden, was talking to the queen, his horse rear-
ing to bite hers by the neck, struck her Majesty's thigh with
his hoof. Forster jumped off his horse and fell on his knees,
but the good-natured and truly well-bred Mary smiled, and
told him ' no harm was done.' Yet she was two whole days
confined to her room in consequence of the hurt. [Melvill,

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 265

castle of Stirling. Bedford, who attended with a AJJM566.
sumptuous present from Elizabeth, brought like-
wise a conciliatory proposal as to the rights of the
Stuart family, which the English queen offered to
allow, provided Mary would promise not to disturb
her or her heirs ; [39] while the ill judging Henry,
not invited to the ceremony, shewed himself in
Stirling as if proud of the neglect he had suffered.

A most unpopular measure*dictated to Mary by Roman
the ambitious Bothwell, closed the transactions offavorecj
1566. She restored to the Archbishop of St. An-
drew's that jurisdiction in the spiritual court,
which had by act of Parliament been taken from
him and lodged in the hands of commissioners
The reformed clergy, bitterly offended at this
breach of faith (for the queen had confirmed the
statute) addressed a warm remonstrance to+ the
whole body of the Protestant nobility. They
were the more alarmed, as the queen had con-
sented

NOTES.

[39] Mary frowned on this plan, which, had she approved
it, might perhaps have given a more favorable turn to her for-
tunes. She was persuaded that the will of Henry VIII. which
disinherited her branch of the Tudor family, was not genuine.
Dr. Robertson thinks otherwise, and that Elizabeth served the
interest of the Stuarts by not bringing that will forward. She
never meant any prejudice to the Stuarts' claim. She only
wished, for her own interest, to make their success dependent
•n her good will. [Hist, of Scotland.

' Knox, p. 403. + Keith, p. 56J.

264 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJ>-i566- sented to admit a nuncio from the Pope, and had
accepted a present of 20,000 crowns from the
treasury of Rome. The archbishop, finding the
universal dislike to his new powers, had so much
moderation and sense as not to exert them for the
present.
1567. Towards the beginning of the next year, Henry,
who had retired to his father's house, from a chi-r
merical dread of imprisonment, fell sick at Glas-
gow ; poisoned, as some supposed, by Bothwell,
or worn outby his own noxious irregularities. [40]
Yet, although he was believed to be in danger, the
queen was so much estranged from him as not to
visit him during the first month of his sickness.
At length, when she found him recovering,
though slowly, and still determined to expose him-
self and her by travelling, she repaired to his
abode, treated him with uncommon tenderness,
and persuaded him to accompany her to Edin-
burgh. He was there lodged in a house situated
in an open field remarkable for its salubrious air,
but at the same time uncommonly well adapted
for any illegal or murtherous purpose. There
the affectionate wife watched over her convale-
scent, sat by him during the day, and frequently

spent

NOTES.

[40] Bishop Leslie imputes the illness of Henry to poison
administered by his servant, but Archbishop Spotiswood at-
tributes it to a disgraceful malady.

Ch. I. Part. II. § i. civil and military. 26.5

ipent the night in his chamber ; her attention A^^J
was such, that an entire reconciliation with her
husband was generally believed to have taken
place.

On Sunday February 9, 1567, Mary, and those
noblemen who usually accompanied her steps,
left the ill-fated Henry, to be present at a mas-
qued-ball; and at two in the succeeding morn
the city was alarmed by a loud explosion of gun-
powder. The house in which the king resided Assassi-

*" nation of

had been blown up; and, after a slight search, Henry,
his body, and that of a domestic who lay near him,
were found in an adjacent garden, without any
marks of violence upon them, but apparently
slain by suffocation or strangling.

Thus fell, in the twenty-first year of his age, His clia*
Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. His person [41]
and accomplishments had gained him the heart of
the most lovely princess in Europe ; and, had he
possessed either sensibility, gratitude, or common
sense, his path might have been strewed with
flowers ; but, like a viper, he stung the fair bosom
which had cherished him. Most unhappily he
suffered not alone; his vices and follies drew
down destruction, not only on his own deservine-
head, but on his injured benefactress. Had he

died

NOTES.

[41] ' He was,' say Melvill, ' handsome, beardless, and
lady- faced.'

&66 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

f*^**f^ died in peace at Glasgow none would have regret-
ted him, nor enquired into the circumstances of
his decease ; but the alarming manner of his de-
parture at his capital, kindled a flame which de-
stroyed all order and government, and which at
length consumed one of the fairest and most ami-
able, though not the most faultless, of beings.

Bothwell The cry of the nation was now raised against
suspected. J _ c

Bothwell as the murtherer of his king; loud voices

during the night proclaimed his guilt; papers to
the same effect were seen at the corner of every
street ; and portraits of the supposed assassin were
every where set out to view. The queen, who
had retired to a mournful solitude at Seaton, six
miles from Edinburgh, in vain offered a large re-
ward for the discovery of themurther. She her-
self was by many implicated in the accusation;
and it was observed with disgust, that although,
on the earnest application and complaint of the
old Earl of Lenox, Bothwell was bid to prepare
for trial, yet he was not only permitted to remain
at liberty, but was continued by the ill-judging
queen in the supreme direction of all business.
That dangerous lord had indeed almost all the
force of the kingdom already in his hand ; from
the great offices [42] which he held ; and Mary,

at

NOTES.

[42] Bothwell was Great Admiral of Scotland, Lieutenant of
|he Marches, Governor of Dunbar, Sec. Sec.

Ch. I. Part II. § i. civil and military. 267

at this critical time, most imprudently added to his A. D. 1567.
other commands that of the castle of Edinburgh,
which she had persuaded the Earl of Mar (late
Lord Erskine) to yield to her, in lieu of the royal
infant James, whom she committed to the charge
of that steady and patriotic nobleman.

The trial of Bothwell now came on apace, for,
at a meeting of the privy-council, (in which he
himself actually * sat) on the 28th of March, it
was fixed for the 12th of April. In vain did
Lenox complain of this haste, which allowed him
no time to look out for evidence ; he was an-
swered by being shewn a letter of his own, de-
manding ' speedy justice.' The wretched old lord,
conscious as he was with the rest of the nation who
it was that had slain his son, yet had no witness
[43] to produce. He was also terrified at the vast
number of friends and followers (or approvers, as

they

NOTES.
[43] It was not until the execution of Morton, in 1581,
that any strong light was thrown on this mystery. That re-
solute but wicked peer left behind him in a paper, (which
appears to have been perused by Archbishop Spotiswood)
that Bothwell pressed him to commit the murther, but that
he refused it, although assured by the tempter that the queen
earnestly wished the deed. When asked why he did not in-
stantly divulge the atrocious offer, ' To whom,' said he,
with an appearance of candor, ' should I have told it? The
^ueen was, as Bothwell averred, a party in the cause ; and

as
* Anderson, vol. i. p. 50, 52.

268 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d, 1567. they were styled) that were ready to accompany
and support the potent culprit. He stopped on
his journey to Edinburgh, sent a domestic to
appear for him at the trial, and to protest against
the proceedings, and took refuge* at the court of
Elizabeth ; who he knew had sent in vain to ad-
vise Mary for her honor's sake to defer the trial, +
and who had just then set the Lady Lenox free
from her confinement in the Tower.

The court was opened on the appointed day ;

acquitted. Bothwell was arraigned at the bar ; but as no one
appeared against him he was of course acquitted.
It is even believed, that, whatever witness had
appeared, lie must have been cleared, as the in-
dictment was laid, probably on purpose, for the
ninth, not the tenth, day of the month ; at which
latter date the affair really happened.

Numerous intimations now gave the triumphant
Bothwell to know, that by this irregular acquittal'
his cause had gained no ground in the public
opinion, and he found that some farther steps were
necessary to brighten his tarnished honor. His
first attempt was made by a challenge to any gen-
tleman of good fame who would still accuse him

of

NOTES.

as for the king, he was so weak and childish, that he would
have betrayed my confidence without securing himself.'

[Appendix to Crawfurd's Mem. &c. apu*
Guthrie.
• Keith, p. 378, noted. + Holingshed's Eng. p. 1209, 60,

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 2G(J

of the king's assassination. Afterwards he endea- A- D.1567.
vored, by a bold measure, to connect the in-
terest of the Protestant cause with his own, and
actually swayed the accessible mind of Mary
(even at a time when she was more than ever en-
gaged to restore and support the Roman Catholic
faith) to pass an act * in favor of the reformation,
so clear and comprehensive, that its greatest
friends could find nothing to add to it, but con-
tented themselves, when in power, with ratifying
every clause.

There remained now but one step for Both well

to take that he mio-ht reach the hio-hest station in
his country. To attain this he drew together
most of the prelates and noblemen of Scotland at
an entertainment ; and when their hearts were
exhilarated with his hospitality, produced a bond,
whereby the subscribers, after fully acquitting him
of King Henry's murther, and promising to sup-
port him against all accusers, joined together in
recommending him to the queen as a husband. 4-
To this scandalous paper the whole assembly, al-
though persons of opposite sentiments in religion
and politics, united in signing their names; pro-
bably with the more alacrity, from consciousness
that they were surrounded with armed men,
posted by order of the artful and ambitious
planner of this disgraceful measure. Murray

was

* Pari. i. Jacobi VI. cap. 31. + Anderson, vol. i. p. 9*.

/

«70 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VlL

A. d. 1567. was in France, but his name was added to the
bond by a person present.

Armed with this important scroll, Bothwell
waited not long inactive ; but hearing that Mary
had quitted her retreat at Seaton, and meant to visit
her son at Stirling, he rode to meet her on her re-
turn, accompanied by a thousand of his dependents
on horseback, surrounded her, and having dispers-
al ed her attendants, led his fair prey ('nothing loth,'
carriedoffas Melvill,* who was of the party, intimates) to
\vdl° " n^s castle at Dunbar, where he detained her some
days as a prisoner, and, profiting by the advantages
of his situation, ungenerously permitted the res-
pect due to his sovereign to give way to the warmth
of his sensations as her admirer. At the same time
he shook off his former wife, the Lady Jane Gor-
don, sister to his best friend the Earl of Huntley,
by a double suit of divorce. The first before the
Archbishop of St. Andrew's, because too nearly
allied in blood ; the second brought by the lady
herself, accusing her husband of adultery with a
maid-servant. Both these suits succeeded, and
Bothwell, being amply divorced, had leave to
marry again. All this was done almost in an in-
stant, and the queen conveyed by the triumphant
ravisher to Edinburgh castle, where they were
married by Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney; t
but not before Bothwell had been made Duke of

Orkney,

* Melvill, p. 155, 156. + Ibid. p. 157.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 271

Orkney, and the Queen had exhibited a formal A-Dl567-
declaration before the session, that ' although the
violent conduct of Bothwell had at first o-iven her
displeasure, she had now forgiven him in conse-
quence of his respectful behavior, and from the
memory of his former services ; and that more-
over she meant to raise him to higher honors.'

No marriage was ever contracted under more wllo
unpromising auspices ; scarcely any nobleman ap- weds her.
peared to grace it with his presence ; Du Croc,
the ambassador of France, would not attend, and
Craig, a private minister of Edinburgh, had re-
fused to publish the banns, and had defended his
conduct before the privy-council, by alleging the
violence of Bothwell, and the improper and pre-
cipitate dissolution of his former marriage. The
courts of England and of France expressed equal
disgust at this ill-sorted [44] union; and the

honor

NOTES.

[44] The character of Bothwell, odious in every light,
must strike an observer with wonder, as having been able to
attract the affection of the delicate Mary. His language
when he carried off the queen (as reported by an ear-witness)
was vulgar and disgusting; and the same person, Sir James
Melvill, adds, • Then he fell in discoursing with the gen-
tlewomen, speaking such filthy language that they and I left
him and went to the queen,' &c. He adds, • He (Both-
well} was so beastly and suspicious, that he suffered her not
to pass one day in patience, without making her shed abun-
dance of tears.' And again, ' In presence of Sir Arthur

Areskine,
4

B4 **

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

a.d.1587. honor in which the name of a Scot had been held
throughout Europe, now gave way to sentiments
of disregard and aversion. Pasquinades abounded*
at home, and the sullen :,: and discontented air of
the people pointed out the suspicions with which
their minds were agitated. [45]

The

NOTES.
Areskinc, I heard her ask for a knife to stab herself. " Or
else," said she, " I shall drown myself." These last quota-
tions prove that the ill-fated queen felt the disgrace and
horror of her connection. If, indeed, we could believe those
letters which appear as hers in Anderson's collection to be
genuine, Bothwell might appear no unworthy mate for such
a correspondent. But who that has ever read the elegant
stanzas written by Mary on the death of Francis II. will
believe that the same pen could produce the gross lines here
alluded to.

[45] Volumes have been written in the 1 8th century for
and against the imputed crime of Mary. To give judgment on
a disputed point like this is totally foreign to the plan of this
history. Tindal, the commentator on Rapin, has made an ob-
servation which seems well-founded, and may serve to direct
those who study Scottish history to judge for themselves.
' Camden,' says he, ' has spoke scarcely a word of truth;
Buchanan the whole truth, and more than the truth; and Mel-
vill has said the truth, but not the whole truth.'

The historian feels himself happy that he is permitted to
decline the painful task of searching into and exposing the
errors of a lovely but frail being, whose long and patient
sufferings ought in our eyes to atone for her faults ; or, on
the other hand, of employing ingenious, but not wholly justi-
fiable, sophistry, in excusing palpable misdemeanors by ar-
gument';
• Melvill, p. 159, l60.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 273

The late transactions in the higher circles of ^JjJJJJ
Scotland had passed with such rapidity, and were
so unexpected, that the heads of the nation stood
some time as petrified with astonishment ; nor were
they roused from this stupefaction until they were
alarmed by an attempt of the Duke of Orkney
(for Mary had not conferred royalty on her third
consort) to carry off the young prince from the
custody of the Earl of Mar.* Frighted at this
enterprise, a large number of the Protestant no-
blemen met at Stirling, and formed an association The Scot-
to defend the heir of the crown against any per- associ_
son whatever. To them Stuart, Earl of Athol, ate.
united himself, although a zealous Roman Ca-
tholic, and attached affectionately to the interest
of the queen. It was easy for men of rank and
popularity to raise an army, especially as nothing
could be more plausible than their cause, and
they omitted not to set this forth to the people
by proper publications.

Meanwhile the wretched Bothwell (whose cou-
rage was that of a bravo, frantic when not opposed,
but withering to nothing at the appearance of a foe)

fled

NOTES.

gumcnts which, when two centuries have passed, may be at
any time produced by men of reading to contradict almost any
event in history.

* Melvill, p. 1S7.

Vol. I. Pakt II. t

274 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^•i^; fled from Edinburgh, where he ought to have been
prepared for resistance, and where Balfour his de-
pendent was master of the castle. He* led with
him the queen of Scots, in the indecent dress of
a man, as the partner of his precipitate and shame-
Tke ful retreat. Arrived at Dunbar, he mustered his

queen adherents, and posted them at Carberrie-hill, on

meets

them at nearly the same ground which the English occu-

Carbernc pied at the battle of Musselburgh. The troops
arms. of the associated lords advanced with caution ; the
armies were nearly equal in numbers, but spirit
and discipline had ranged themselves with the mal-
contents. In vain did Du Croc, the French am-
bassador, endeavor to effect a reconciliation ; the
lords smiled at the offer of a pardon, and demanded
the head of Bothwell. At length, as the armies
drew nearer to each other, such strong symptoms
of fear and discontent appeared among the fol-
lowers of Bothwell, that Mary saw too plainly
how little she might expect from their disheart-
ened efforts. Her tears and reproaches were
fruitless ; nor had the vaunting challenge of Both-
well to the best knight among his enemies, a better
effect. Kirkaldie of Grange, Murray of Tullibar-
din, and the Lord Lindsay accepted the defiance.
To the two first he excepted, as being his inferiors.
To the third no objection could lie; but either
the queen's commands, or want of spirit in her
champion, prevented the combat.+

Kirkaldie,

* Keith, p. 398. + Melvill, p. l6l.

Pi. I. Part II. §1* CIVIL AND MILITARY. 37^

Kirkaldie, observing the Irresolution of Mary's A«D.1567.
adherents, stepped forwards, and offered to the
terrified queen, in the name of his party, honorable
terms, would she but separate her interests from
those of her unworthy consort. Bothwell, during Bot^weii
the parley, had galloped from the field with a few flies,
followers ; [46] his departure smoothed every
difficulty, and Mary, embracing the offers ofMa
Kirkaldie, rode over to the army of the con- yields t«

r , • , • 1 ii- • the con"

iederates, permitting her own soldiers to retire federates.
where they pleased.

The unfortunate queen, although respectfully
treated by the leaders, was cruelly insulted by the
lower ranks of the army. Her ears were pained
by the most taunting sarcasms, and wherever she
turned her eyes they met a standard displaying the
murther of her husband Henry.* This ghastly
memorial[47] was even carried before her in slow

procession

NOTES.

[46] This wretched fugitive became a pirate for subsist-
ence; but having been pursued by Kirkaldie, and driven
from the Scottish coast, he attempted the same vocation on
the shores of Norway ; there he was taken and imprisoned.
The discovery of his rank saved his life, but ten years con-
finement deprived him of his senses, and he died frantic in a
dungeon. [Melvill, feci.

[47] In this vindictive banner the corpse of Henry layr
stretched on the ground, while the infant prince, kneeling
before it, uttered, ' Judge and revenge my cause, O Lord i'

[MKkVUfc,

* Melvill, p. 162*

276 HtSTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^2*^* procession to the house of the provost of Edin-
burgh, where she lodged. Her stay was short, for
she was almost immediately sent in confinement
to a castle situated on Loch Levin, and placed
tinder the care of the mother of Murray, who
had been the concubine of James V. and who
boasted of a marriage with that prince, prior to
that which* he contracted with Mary of Guise.

The high spirit of Kirkaldie could not brook the
breach of articles which his own word had sanc-
tioned ; but his reproaches were silenced by the
sight of an intercepted letter from the queen to
Bothwell, in which she promised ' never to aban-
don him, however long their separation might en-
dure.*' He perused the scroll with anguish, and
wrote to the infatuated Mary a letter of advice dic-
tated by an honest heart, and conceived in the
language of a soldier, not a courtier. The asso-
ciated lords now styled ' of the Secret Council,'
having in their hands the supreme authority, pro-
ceeded to search for the murtherers of the late
king. But, although they tried and executed
Captain Blackadder and a few more, no import-
ant or satisfactory discovery was made. It was
about this time that a servant of Bothwell was
seized while endeavoring -to convey away a casket
which his master had left behind him in the castle
of Edinburgh. The contents, viz. letters and

poems,

* Melvill, p. 163.

Cfa. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 277

poems, supposed to be the produce of Mary's pen, A- D- 1567;
and directed to Bothwell, were of such importance
as, if genuine, to justify every step of the revolt-
eel lords, and condemn the unhappy queen to the
censure of indelicacy ss well as of infidelity. Some
time elapsed before any public mention was made
of this very important casket.

The associated lords now wished to complete Mary rc-
their work, by depriving the queen (with her own croWn.
consent) of the regal authority. To accomplish
this, she was prevented from corresponding with a
party of noblemen who had met in her favor at
Hamilton, and from all communication with
foreign ambassadors ; she was terrified with the
idea o[ perpetual imprisonment, and, perhaps, of
a trial for the murther of her husband* Besides,
she was persuaded by the few friends who had
access to her, that whatsoever concessions she
might make while in durance, would be void
when she regained her liberty.

Elizabeth of England acted on this occasion
with more candor and affection towards her sister-
queen than had been usual to her. The instruc-
tions given to Throgmorton speak much in her
favor. She even wrote to the lords assembled at
Hamilton, and alarmed the court of France in
behalf of the distressed Mary. Perhaps the exam-
ple of subjects righting themselves, might have
somewhat alarmed the jealous sovereign. Her
good wishes, however, were of little use ; and

Mary,

$78 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

AJD.156T. Mary, not without floods of bitter tears, yielded
up,* with all due formality, the rule and govern-
ment of Scotland to her infant son, and the re-
gency to her brother Murray. That wise and
made re- popular earl, who had retired to France at the
gent. tnTie 0f the king's murther, now returned ; and,
after some deliberation, accepted the high office
allotted to him by the voice of the nation.

It was not the character of the new regent to be
remiss. His steps were hasty and yet prudent.
He changed the seal of the kingdom, purchased
Edinburgh Castle (the key of the realm) of Sir
James Balfour, and forced Wilson, another of
Both well's creatures, to surrender to him the castle
of Dunbar. The last he delivered to the magis-
trates of the town, and trusted the care of the form-
er to the high-spirited Kirkaldie. But if these pre-
cautions did honor to his penetration, a visit
which he paid to his forlorn sister at her prison,
did little credit to his sensibility, gratitude, or hu-
manity. He received the affectionate and interest-
ing confession of her faults and follies, which she
eagerly poured, forth into his bosom, with philo-
sophical sternness ;t advised her to patience ; and
only promised that he would endeavor to save
her life. Affected by this faint effort of friendship,
the forsaken Mary conjured him, for her son's
sake and hers, to hold the regency. A request of

which

* Melvill, p. 1C5. + Keith, p, 96.

Ch. I. Part II. ^ I. civil and military. 279

which he failed not to make frequent mention in ^2;*^*
the succeeding part of his life.

A parliament closed the history of this busy,
eventful year. In this, every act in favor of the
reformation was confirmed ; the resignation of
Mary registered ; and every possible step taken
which could render stability and safety to the late
associators. The letters supposed to be Mary's,
and found in Bothwell's casket, were produced
before this session, and were received as genuine.*

The popularity of the regent was now on the ]56§

wane. His natural severity of manners, prompted Murray
, . r r . . . losses his

by the extreme necessity or unlorgiving strictness populari-

in every department, had disobliged many. He ry«
found that many of his trusted friends began now
to quit his side; that the adherents to the queen
had again collected a strong party ; and that the
house of Hamilton, and all the favorers of the old
religion, were unanimously disposed to pity and
relieve her distress. A sudden change of fortune
placed Mary at the head of her friends. Her na-
tural graces and talents for insinuation had subdued
the heart of George Douglas, + half-brother to the
regent, and an inhabitant of Loch-levin castle.
By his means she had attempted an escape in the
disguise of a laundress, with a bundle of linen on
her head, but had been discovered by the white-
ness

* Anderson, vol. ii. p. 206.
■]■ Buchanan, lib. xix. Holingshed's Scotland, p. 39] ,

280 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJX 1568^ ness of her hands, to the boatmen ; who although
they rowed her back to her prison, yet had so
much generosity as not to make her enterprize
known to her keeper. A second trial succeeded
better. On the 2d of May, 1568, the keys of
the castle were secreted by George Douglas, ( a lad
of eighteen) and thrown into the lake, when
Mary had been by their means let out of her prison :
accompanied by one maid she sprang into the

escapes boat, and was rowed by Douglas to ihe shore,

Irom where she was received by Lord Seaton, Sir James
Loch- m m ~J

levin. Hamilton, and their friends, who conveyed her
quickly to Hamilton. Almost instantly she found
herself from a prisoner a queen, at the head of a
Raises an numerous nobility, and G000 soldiers. She re-
army, nounced the resignation of the crown, and every
step which terror had forced her to take ; and
she saw an association* formed in her favor, and
signed by many of those who had set their hands
to one of a contrary nature a few weeks before.

Numbers were now on the side of Mary, but nei-
ther prudence, subordination, nor union ; her best
step, it should seem, had been to march north-
wards, and to join Huntley and his numerous
Roman Catholic dependents ; but the Hamilton
party prevailed, and it was determined to fight
the regent in the south. Had even this been
done instantly, perhaps his party might have been

crushed ;

* Keith, p. 475.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 281

crushed; but hesitation, divisions, and negotia- f^*1^;
tion, delayed the time, and gave opportunity
for that discerning and experienced captain
to post the daring Kirkaldie with a body of in-
fantry (conveyed hastily on horseback behind
troopers)* on an eminence called Langside-hill, Battle of
which commanded the destined field of battle.

The expectations of Mary's friends were high,
as they brought to the field nearly double the
number of their foes. The Hamiltons had already
triumphed in imagination over their old enemies
Murray, Morton, Glencairn, <kc. and the Archbi-
shop of St. Andrew's already viewed in the vic-
torious queen a wife for one of his nephews ; but
the event baffled this pregnant hope. The violent T/he re-
attack of the southern infantry was repelltd by S™1

. . triumphs,

the regent's spearmen, while the fire of Kirkaldie's

musquetry flanked the Hamiltons, and drove
them to a total rout. Very few fell in this battle
through the particular humanity of the regent
and Kirkaldie, 4- who rode about the field intreat-
ing the conquerors to spare their unfortunate
countrymen.

Mary, too confident of victory, had watched on
a rising ground each motion of the armies; at
length, seeing her expected laurels blasted by the
event of the day, she drew animation from des-
pair, and hurried from the field. Goaded by ter-
ror

• Melvill, p. 175. + Ibid. p. 176.

28S history of great Britain. Book VII.

4-i>- 1568. ror she rode towards England, nor ever rested
until she had reached the abbey of Dundrenan,*
in Galloway, sixty miles from the place of action.
She stayed not there ; her fears still pressing her
on, she disregarded the intreaties of her faithful-
lest attendants, the Lords Herries and Fleming,
that would have guarded her from trusting to Eli-
zabeth, -whom she had already disobliged, and
rendered mistrustful by perpetually refusing to
ratify the treaty of Edinburgh ; and throwing
Mary flies herself into a boat, entered Cumberland, before
land"5* ner servants had been able to apprize the Govern-:
or of Carlisle of his royal visitor's approach.

The reception which she met with in the south,
where, instead of a sister, she found a rival ; in-
stead of protection, imprisonment ; has already
been related in the History of England. 'With
Elizabeth and her counsellors,' writes a modern
historian, ' the question was net what was most
just or generous, but what was most beneficial to
herself and to the English nation ?' And, indeed,
the extreme hazard both to church and state from
any other measure than that which she embraced,
is the only excuse which can be alleged in de-
fence of the stern daughter of Henry VIII.

In the mean while the regent was not idle ; he
reduced several castles belonging to the party of
Mary, and shewed so formidable a countenance,
that Huntley, who was advancing towards the ca*

pital

* Keith, p. 481,

Ch. I. Part TI. § 1. civil and military. 283

pital with 2000 men, thought it best to retire. AiD.1568.
Murray now marched towards the west, and the
estates of those who had adhered to the queen
would have been laid waste, had not Elizabeth at
her earnest intreaty interposed, [48] and persuad-
ed him to disband his forces ) and the friends of
Mary having at her request consented to the same
measure, he found leisure, in spite of the endea-
vors of his enemies, and even of the wishes of
Elizabeth, to convoke a parliament. There he
found a great majority of friends to the cause he
had supported; little favor was shewn in this as-
sembly to those of the other party ; and whatever
moderation appeared, was owing to William
Maitland of Lethington, who had already, from
generosity or versatility of spirit, formed resolu-
tions in favor of his fair, oppressed queen.

Not long after this, the regent, with Morton,
Lindsay, and several other noblemen, assisted by
two of the first men of the as:e for literature and
abilities, Maitland and Buchanan, met the Duke
of Norfolk and the other commissioners of Eliza-
beth, and the friends of Mary, at York. Mur- Confer-
ray would not have attended in person, could he ^ceJ a
have prevailed on the other lords to have taken

the

NOTES.

[48] John Knox had exerted his influence just before to save
six of the queen's chief friends who had been taken at Langside,
and after atrial had been doomed to execution as traitors.

[Calderwood.

£B4 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VU,.

A^D.i568. the charge upon them, nor would he have taken
Maitland with him, had he not dreaded the com-
motions which his popularity and intriguing spirit
might have stirred up at home. After some time
spent without gaining ground, a private negotiation
was commenced, and a marriage was cautiously
planned between Mary and Norfolk, with the par-
ticipation of the regent ; at length, Elizabeth, un-
easy at finding no pretence to detain her sister-
queen, removed the conferences to Westminster.
It was there that the Earl of Lenox solemnly ac-
cused Mary as the murtheress of his son, and that
the regent was prevailed on, by promises of pro,-
tection if he made good his charge, arid by menaces

Casket of if he should stop half-way, to produce the fatal sil-

letters

produced. ver casket given by Francis II. to. Mary, and by
her to the worthless Bothwell ; and the letters,
contracts, and other MSS which, if genuine, [49]

were

NOTES.

[40] Whoever wishes to enter into the contest and convince
himself" as to the proper degree of credit which these celebrated
letters may command, he may find them and the poems in An-
derson's collection; and may read on the one side Dr. Robertson's
Dissertation, and Hume's History of Tudors, p. 499, 500; on
the other side, he may examine the seventh volume of Guthrie's
Scotland. The strongest evidence that Mary never wrote the
poems, &c. in question, may be deduced from their internal
evidence. Surely the elegant authoress of the elegy on Fran-
cis II. could hardly have written the gross lines with which
those performances abound !

4

Ch; I. Part II. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 285

■were completely sufficient to cover the wretched Ajxi568.
Mary with a cloud of infamy.*

The regent was now anxious for permission to 1569.
return to Scotland, where the situation of his party
was growing critical ; besides the promises of
assistance which were daily sent by Mary to keep
her friends from being disheartened, they had just
heard of a new bulwark added to their cause.
France, unable from her own civil wars to add
much to the miseries of Scotland by an armed
force, tried at least to form one new division in the
country, by sending them the late regent, Cha-
telherault, with a sum of money to raise forces.
He passed through England and conferred with
Mary,t who delegated to him an almost kingly
power, and treated him as her father. Elizabeth
detained him under various pretences some weeks,
but at length he set out for the north at the same Return of
time with the recent; who although he could s;ain there"
no public declaration from the English court in his of Cha-
favor, was consoled by fair promises and a large tellie"
sum of money secretly committed to his charge.
Elizabeth was, indeed, driven to the necessity of
supporting him ; as she found by an intercepted
letter, written by the incautious Mary, that she was
looked on by that queen and her friends as an ir-
reconcileable enemy. The Earl of Murray reached

Edinburgh

* Anderson, vol. iv. p. 1/9, 183, &x. Buchanan, lib. xix.
+ Buchanan, lib. xix.

286 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlt

/LD.1569. Edinburgh in proper time ; by exerting his usual
spirit and address, he prevented the revolt medi-
tated by the old Chatelherault, but with his ac-
customed moderation granted him an honorable
treaty ; by virtue of which, the prisoners of
Langside regained their liberty and estates, on the
easy condition of paying their allegiance to the
son of their queen. The head of the Hamiltons,
with his usual instability, soon endeavored to raise
new commotions ; but the active regent met him
half way, seized his person, and confined him and
the Lord Henries in the Castle of Edinburgh.*
His accomplices, Argyle and Huntley, with their
clans, were soon dispersed ; and Murray, who
was never accused of inhumanity, permitted them
to make their peace on moderate terms. It was
soon after this disturbance, that the engagements
entered into between the Queen of Scots and
Norfolk became known to Elizabeth. They had
indeed proceeded so far, that the susceptible Mary
had warmly intreated the regent that he would
render her accessible to the addresses of a fourth
husband, by annulling her inauspicious union with
Bothwell. The English queen, with her usual ac-
tivity, imprisoned the daring Norfolk, and speed-
ily routed his two revolting friends, Percy and
Nevil, of Northumberland and Westmoreland.!

The

» Meltill, p. 193. Buchanan, lib. xix,
+ Camden's Eliza, p. 422, &e,

Ch.I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. £S?

The Scottish regent had just at this period a re- a^d.1569.
verse of fortune. He had long suspected that
Maitland, of Lethington, had betrayed his coun-
sels, and seduced from his interest his firmest
friends ; he meant to confine him for this conduct,
and found a pretence to send him to Edinburgh
Castle. Unhappily, the gallant Kirkaldie, of The re-
Grange, who had been placed to command that f^" ose*
fortress by the regent, was one of those whose friends*
fidelity the art of this adroit tempter had shaken
from its foundation. He released Maitland as
soon as he had entered his walls, and afterwards
acted only by his direction. Still the generous
Murrav trusting to his honor, visited him uno-uard-
ed in his castle, and left him in possession of that
important fortress while he went to the borders,
where he exerted such prudence and activitv, in
quieting the turbulent and punishing the plun-
derers, that everyone spoke loudly in his praise.*
The situation of the Scots, in point of civil go-
vernment, was, at this period, and for many years
after, truly deplorable. Assassinations [50J were

frequent,

NOTES.
[50] The story of one of these outrages, nearly of this date,

related in Mr. Pennant's Tour to Scotland, is interesting. John
and Robert Innes, two lairds, joined to assassinate their re-
lation Alexander Innes, at Aberdeen ; the son (named also
Alexander) escaped. After the murther, John and Robert
having by a bribe corrupted a servant of the deceased, sent

hiia
* Buchanan, ubi supra.

288 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

^JJJ^fJ* frequent, and men were forced to depend for pre-
servation on their own strength, and that of their
castles and dependents, since the laws, overpow-
ered by "the din of arms, were totally silent.

1570. The assassination of 'The Good Recent.'* (for
The re- .

gCnt so says Melvill he was, and ever will be, deservedly

slaia- called)

NOTES.

him to the castle of Innes on his master's horse, with his seal as

a token, to demand an important box of writings. The widow
apprehending no fraud, delivered them to the traitor. It luck-
ily chanced that a young man of the family desired the bribed
servant to let him ride behind him to Aberdeen : the servant
refused, but shewed such marks of confusion that, the young
Innes suspecting him, a broil ensued, the treacherous servant
was killed, and the box of writings carried back to the widow:
by which an estate in dispute between Alexander and John, the
title to which depended on those writings, was saved to the
family of Alexander.

The whole affair soon became public ; and, notwithstanding
the complaint of the widow, yet John and Robert lived in peace
and impunity on their estates, above two years after the mur-
ther. At length, the widow not ceasing her complaints, they
were declared out-laws, and the young Alexander went with a
party to seize their persons. John was soon taken, and
compounded for his life by the gift of an estate ; but Robert
stood on his defence, and was at length taken by that very-
young man who had providentially punished the treacherous ser-
vant. He was ever after styled, ' Craig in Peril,' because of his
combat with the desperate assassin. As to Robert, ' there was
no mercy for lain, for slain he was ; and his hoar-head cut off,
and taken to the widow of him whom hehadeslain, and carried
to Edinburgh, and casten at the king's feet; a thing,' adds the
narrator, ' too masculine to be commended in a woman.'

[Appendix to First Scottish Tour.
* Spotiswood, p. 234.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 289

Called) clouded over the dawn of 1570. He lost^^^j™*
his life for a fault not his own ; he had, at the
intreaty of Knox, spared the forfeited head of a
Hamilton of Bothwell-haugh ; but had given his
estate to a friend, Sir John Ballentyne, who had
taken possession of it in so harsh a manner as to
drive the unhappy wife of the culprit to mad-
ness. Determined on revenge, and unhappily
pointing that revenge at the regent, and not at
the man whose brutality had immediately done
the injury, the enraged Hamilton watched every
step he took, and pursued his design with an
openness which might have been fatal to him,
had the object of his resentment been more sus-
picious. At Linlithgow,* he found an opportu-
nity he had long sought ; he shot his enemy T«
through the body as he rode (although warned of gentslain.
his danger) slowly along the street, and mounting
his horse, escaped to the sea-side and thence to
France. [51]

The

NOTES.
[51] The precautions taken by the assassin argued uncon>

mon coolness and solicitude for success and safety. He posted
himself in a wooden room, (or as it is called gallery) near which
the regent was obliged to come; he covered the floor with a fea-
ther-bed that his motions might not be heard, and he hung up
black garments facing the window that his shadow might not
be seen : then with his knife he cut a hole in the wall of th«
chamber for his gun to pass through. The murtherer was for-
warded in his flight by the Harniltons, the deadly foes of Mur-

rar,
* Melvill, p. 196.

Vol. I. Part II. w

*§0 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. i5?o. The regent died, after a few hours pain, with
philosophic firmness. He earnestly commended
the care of the infant-king to the lords around
him, and hearing those who stood near lament-
ing that he saved Hamilton from death to become
his murtherer, uttered with his dying voice a sen-
timent which would have done honor to an An-
toninus :

4 Nothing can make me repent of an act of
clemency.'*
Hischa- Thus fell James Stuart, Earl of Murray, the
racter. son of James V. of Scots, by a private marriage,
as his mother (the daughter of Lord Erskine) and
her relations steadily affirmed. ? He was,' says
one of the steadiest friends to Mary, ' at first, of
a gentle nature, well-inclined, wise, and stout ;
in his first uprising his hap was to light on the
best sort of company ; he was religiously educat-
ed, and devoutly inclined.' He did eminent ser
vices to Scotland and to the Protestant faith ; and
could he be absolved from the charge of harshness
and cruelty to a sister, who seemed disposed to

love

NOTES.
ray. The horse that waited for him even belonged to Lord
Claud Hamilton.

It is said that the fugitive refused a large premium offered
to him in France, if he would slay the great Coligny. ' He
had dipped his hands once in blood,' he said, ' to take venge-
ance for an injury; but that no mercenary motives should tempt
kirn to commit a murther.' [Spotiswoob.

* Spotiswood, Buchanan, lib. xix.

Ch. T. Part II. § 1. civil and military. SJQJ

love him tenderly, his character would he with- A.D.ivo.
out a Baw.fjS]

The party of Mary received the newsofMur-
I a death with Immoderate and indecent tri-
umph: the Hamiltons, in particular, loudly
avowed their [by, ami the vei v next day. Scot and
Buccleugh, two of Mai v s wtarmes1 adherents,
invaded the English border and ravaged it with
uncommon barbarity ; a circumstance which made
manysupp >s< thai the regent's murther had been
conceited by the w hole party, since, had they not
i certain of his death, the plunderers had not
dared to violate the peace between the nations.

Elizabeth, with her usual policy, made peat
advantages of this imprudent incursion. After
declaring that she only blamed a party, and not
the Scottish nation for what had been done, she
hade her troops invade the southern districts and

i 2 lay

NOILS.

[.S2] Tke testimonies in favor of tin* great man from tlic

pen of the eloquent Buchanan may be thought in; ihc

the recent had the honor of being hi-, patron ; but the venerable

intended him hi I the classical prai e

• •I l)e Thon, a disinter temporary, will remind the

readei of a Tacitu recordio ji icola : ' I eret,

linistris rumoi ibus ab a

Mm urn i laudibus eti im il> inimi-

tdatus ; qui, et pre i mi im animi in pc licitatem

in urasleis, inj jniiaicin, murum gravitated! cum

Liberalitate humaniute summ . , licaheai.'

il Hll roil* awi Timor iz.

292 HISTORY Or GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

a^d. i57o. lay Waste the estates of the queen's party.[53]
Sussex and Scroop led two armies beyond the
borders ; while a smaller corps, under Sir Wil-
liam Drury, penetrated to Glasgow and joined
the royalists, as the favorers of the king's autho-
rity in opposition to Mary were now called. The
effect of this powerful support was immediate.
Lenox, whom England recommended, was chosen

Lenox recent and began his administration with vigor,
made re- & ° . &

Sent. He prevented the meeting of a parliament con-
vened by the queen's friends at Linlithgow ; he
dispersed a body of troops raised by Huntley;
he displaced Maitland, (who, from a prisoner, had
been made secretary of state) and made the parlia-
ment attaint him, Chatelherault, the Archbishop
of St. Andrew's, Huntley, and others of Mary's
adherents, as traitors. He was supported in these
spirited measures by the advice of Randolph, the
most active* of Elizabeth's emissaries. Discou-
raged and depressed, the friends of the Scottish
queen applied to France and Spain for aid, but
in vain; and it was only the particular interest

of

NOTES.

[53] Some authors carry their ideas of Elizabeth's policy
so far as to suppose, that she directed the lands of particular
noblemen (e. g. the Lord Hume's) to be desolated, in order to
drive them into the queen's faction, and by that means keep the
Scottish parties in a kind of equilibrium. [Melvilu

* Melvill, p. 203, 207.

Ch I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 293

of Elizabeth, which led her to wish for a peace, A^D.1570.
that prevented their total destruction.* Lenox,
who wanted not spirit and activity, would have
driven them to extremities, but was curbed by
the strong arm of his potent ally and protectress.

The negotiations carried on between Eliza- ispi.
beth and her prisoner, at this season, have been
before described. Mary was indeed so compliant,
as to give to the English queen no opportunity
to break off a treaty which she was determined
should never have effect. The Scottish royalists, .
however, who dreaded the return of Mary, af-
forded her a fair pretext for a rupture, by refus-
ing to permit the authority of the infant-king to
be diminished. t The commissioners thought new
powers necessary ; and the treaty broke off at the Treaty
same time nearly that the cessation 01 arms ex- ry at a
pired. stand.

Scarcely had a day elapsed after that period,
ere the castle of Dunbarton, the strongest of the
Scottish fortresses, and the best station for land-
ing succors from foreign parts, garrisoned with
choice troops, and situated on an inaccessible
rock, was surprized and taken by a daring hand- gurD1.;ze
ful of royalists. Captain Crawford, who con- of Dun-
trived this astonishing enterprize.J: mounted the castie
rock where it was highest and steepest, as the
fewest guards were there to be found. The first

ladder

* Spotiswood, p. 243. + Haynes, p. 524, 528,

X Buchanan, lib. xx.

»-

*£H HISTORY O* GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.15T1. ladder broke with the weight of the assailants,
yet the garrison were not alarmed ; a second lad-
der was raised, but die ascent of the party was
stopped by the convulsive disorder of one man,
•who clung seemingly lifeless to the middle of the
ladder. Crawford, unwilling to kill his comrade,
contrived to bind him to, -the ladder, and to turn
his body round in such manner as to permit the
party to climb over him.' The enterprize suc-
ceeded ; Lord Fleming, the governor, alone es-
. caped ; but his lady, Verac the French ambassa-

dor, and Hamilton Archbishop of St. Andrew's,
were made prisoners. The government of the
castle be had so gallantly taken was with justice
given to Crawford ; Lady Fleming was treated
with politeness ; and \ erac with a respect which
he had no right to claim, as he had degraded the
sacred character of an ambassador by meddling in
party disputes. A worse fate attended the ill-
starred prelate; his great abilities, his activity and
firmness in his patroness's cause, deprived him of
every chance for favor; he was led to Stirling,
where he was charged before a court of justice
with the murther of his king :* no proof, how-
-. ever, appearing of that fact, his former attainder
was brought forward, and, on the fourth day after
the surprize of Dunbarton, he was executed on a
gallows ;+ a mean end, ' from which! (says a ce-
lebrated historian) ' the high offices which he

had

» Spotiswood, p, 252. + Ibid,

<

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. $95

had enjoyed both in church and state ought to ^P-^V*
have exempted him.' [54]

Mean while Kirkaldie strengthened himself in Kirkal-
Edinburgh castle and awed the townsmen, who<juct#
were strongly inclined to the party of the king.
He had received from France money and provi-
sions ; the Hamiltons, and other friends of Mary,
resorted to him ; the resignation of the queen
was publicly declared to be null and void ; and
his force became so considerable, that he meditat-
ed an enterprize which might well repay the dis-
graceful loss of Dunbarton, bv striking: a decisive
blow to the party of the king. Morton, on the
other hand, who led the royalists, had fortified
Leith, and straitened Edinburgh. He had o-ain-
ed some advantage in various skirmishes, and the
war proceeded with incredible animosity, al-
though the forces in pay on each side hardly ex-
ceeded the number of 700. A parliament had been
convened by each faction. The queen's was

small,

NOTES.

[5 4] The following distich was addressed to the tree which
served (at Stirling) as a gallows for the Archbishop of St. An-
drew's :

4 Vive diu, felix arbor, semper que vireto,
* Frondibus, ut nobis talia ponia fer.tj.'

Imitated,
' Hail, happy tree ! may verdure ever crown
4 Thy boughs, while pensile fruit like this they own.'

I. P. A.

f90 HISTORY OF CHEAT BRITAIN. £ook VII,

Aj). i5ri. small? ancj sat at Edinburgh ; three peers and two
prelates formed the Upper House ; and, few as
they were, they attainted 200 of the king's ad-
herents. The royalists, (who, although they for
form-sake opened their parliament also at a spot
within the limits of Edinburgh, but distant from
the castle, soon prorogued it and sat at Stirling)
•were numerous, and their appearance splendid.
The potent Earls of Argyle, Eglinton, andCassi-
lis, had joined this senate ; and like their rivals at
Edinburgh, they began with forming acts inimi-
cal to the other party. But their deliberations
were unpleasantly interrupted by a camisade from
Edinburgh ; 400 chosen men, under Lord Hunt-
ley and Lord Claud Hamilton, early one morn-

c . ,. jns; entered Stirling; with, silence ; and surround-
Stirling T © - ■ o i ■ ,

surpuzed. ing the principal quarters, surprized the regent
in his bed, and every lord of the king's party,
except the Earl of Morton, who defended his
house with desperate valor until it was set on fire.
He yielded then ; but his resistance had given
time for the Earl of Mar to be alarmed, to rush,
down from the castle with a few resolute soldi-
ers, and, by a gallant exertion of desperate va-
lor, to rescue the captive lords. In vain did
the assailants endeavor to rally their men ; they
had dispersed for the sake of plunder, and
fled in confusion. Not one of the officers of
the queen's party could have escaped, had not
the borderers seized and rode off with every

4 horse.

Gh. I. Part. II. § i. civil and military. 297

horse in Stirling * at their first entrance, and ^J^*^,*

so prevented any pursuit.

1 he recent was the only royalist who suffered ; The re-

he was slain in spite of the endeavors of Sir David and Mar

Spence, T55l to whom the care of him had been chosen m
r u --J . . . his place,

particularly recommended by Kirkaldie, who

planned the enterprize; and who, had he been
permitted by his anxious friends to command in it,
would certainly on that day have completely ruin-
ed the arty adverse to Mary. The death of Lenox
2;ave no great concern to any but Kirkaldie ; he
was on the whole a well-meaning man, and a lover
of peace, but too passionate and unsteady for a
commander in chief. The Lord Mar, an honest
and patriotic peer, who could plead great merit in

his

NOTES.
[55] Sir David Spence was a gallant and successful leader ;
he eagerly endeavored to save the regent, as he knew that
Kirkaldie depended on gaining him to his cause. He even
was wounded in his defence. When the party under Mar
rescued the captives, the dying Lenox endeavored to repay the
kindness of Sir David by protecting him ; it was too late, and
the generous contest ended in the death of both. The confu-
sion was so great in the retreat from Stirling, that most of those
who had seized the lords in their beds, yielded themselves as
prisoners to their lately-made captives. The word of the assault
was, ' The Queen ! and Remember the Archbishop !' The re-
gent, when carried to a couch and told that his wounds were
mortal, only said, ' If the babe' (the king) 'be well, all is
well.' '

[Spotiswood, Buchanan, §cc.
* Melvill, p. 215, 216.

298 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D. i5n. hJg attention to the young king's education, and
in his late conduct in the rescue of th^ lords, was
chosen regent in his room, in preference to Ar-
gyle and Morton, his competitors.
Elizabeth Just at this time the whole weight of Eliza-
j^arv> beth's power was thrown into the scale of the
king's partizans. By the timidity [56] of the
Bishop of Ross, whose fear of the rack extorted
from him all his royal mistress's secrets, she had
discovered Mary's negotiation with Norfolk and
with foreign powers ; she had no longer, there-
fore, any measures to keep ; but resolved openly
to support the young king's authority, and to
humble the friends of Mary, whom she now look-
ed on in the light of a determined foe.

1572. T/he civil war Avas now carried on in Scotland
Wretch- .... . . .

ed state of with an inhumanity beyond example; no quarter

Scotland. was given in the field, and numbers of prisoners

taken in the country were put to death in cool

blood. No rank could command humanity ; the

ties of nature yielded to the blind zeal of party ;

sons

NOTES.

[56] It must be owned, that the visible confusion of the
terrified bishop's communications diminish in some degree their
eredit. He accuses his mistress of crimes which were never
alleged against her, nor (on account of their absurdity) can
ever be credited for a single moment. Such as, ' that she poi-
soned her first husband, Francis II. ;' ' that she led Bothwell t«
the field of battle that he might be sacrificed,' kc. kc.

[Mukden's State Papers.

Ch. I. Part II §. i. civil and military. 299

sons ravaged the lands of their parents, and bro- A. d. 1572.
thers calmly witnessed the execution of their
brethren.

Edinburgh, (which, contrary to its principles,
took part through fear with Kirkaldie) was re-
duced to great straights by Morton's blockade ;
that active commander had destroyed the mills *
all around the town, and placed garrisons in every
church or house which could be defended. The
city and castle were by this measure prevented
from receiving any supplies, and must soon have
surrendered ; had not a truce, strongly recom- A truce.
mended by England and France, and agreed to by
the Scots lor two months, restored plenty to the
garrison and inhabitants. + This Was the conse-
quence of a peace between England and Fiance,
concluded under deplorable auspices, as it was im-
mediately followed by the massacre of Paris. It
served, however, to prove the insincerity of Mary's
foreign allies ; the ambassador scarcely mentioned
her name to the English queen ; he desired, in-
deed, visibly for the sake of form, that the rigor
of her confinement might be softened, but never
repeated the request nor urged the performance.

Killigrevv and Drury were at this time joined
to Randolph in commission, that they might assist
the French ambassador, Du Croc, in pacifying the
Scots. Their success was not immediate ; for, just

at

* Buchanan, lib. xx. -f Camden, p. 4 14.

300 JtlSTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

A^D.1572. at this time, a large convoy of necessaries for the
castle was taken by the royalists, and every man
of the party slain or hanged ; while, almost at the
same instant, fifty-six of the king's party were
executed under the castle walls at Edinhuro-h.

The horror of these frequently-repeated scenes
of studied inhumanity, weighed down to the
ground the spirit and health of the patriotic regent.
The Re- He saw himself crossed in every endeavor to form
gent Mar a union 0f parties ; he saw the power of Morton
superior to his own; and he found himself utterly
unable to stem the torrent of misery which over-
flowed his country. He sank [57] beneath the
load of woe ; and left Morton without a rival to
Morton dispute his title to the regency. Supported by
succeeds. Elizabeth, there could be no doubt of his suc-
cess ; and he became the fourth regent of Scot-
land within the space of five years. He had not
long before given up to the governor of Berwick
the Earl of Northumberland, who had fled for
refuge to Scotland. Could Morton have refused
any thing to Elizabeth, it should have been this
demand, as he had peculiar obligations to the un-
fortunate nobleman.

Before

NOTES.
[57] It is a curious circumstance, and marks the anarchic
turn of the times, that the Regent Mar should have left the
tuition of the young king and the government of Stirling castle
to persons of his own name and family by will; and that the
regularity of the bequests was not disputed by the new re
gent.

Ch. I. Part II. ^ I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. SOl

Before the close of 1572, the celebrated John A. D. 1572.
Knox, the founder of Scottish reformation, died
at the age of seventy-five. The daring and un-
principled Morton, whom that stern teacher had
frequently censured with uncourtly civility, wit-
nessed his funeral, and thus pronounced his eu-
logy: ' There lies he who never feared the face
of man.' [58]*

Morton had now reached the summit of his 1573.
ambition ; and seemed to wish to enjoy in quiet
that pre-eminence to which his turbulent spirit
had exalted him. Elizabeth, too, (without whose
directions he proceeded not a step) at this period,
shewed a desire to afford peace and union to those
Scots, whose divisions she had so long and so assi-
duouslv fomented. She saw her danger from the
firm, though private and impolitic, connection of
France and Spain, and was desirous of finding in
Scotland an ally and support against foreign
attacks.

To bring about an advantageous agreement, Peace

Morton, with his usual dextrous duplicity, treated whhChi-

• 1 1 i« • • telhe-

separately with the two divisions of Mary's party, raulk

He had found Kirkaldie too much on his guard ;
but those in districts distant from the capital, head-
ed by Chatelherault, by Huntley, and Sir Adam

Gordon

NOTES.

[58] ' His severity,' says Randolph in one of his dispatches,

* keepeth us' (meaning the queen and court of Scotland] ' in
marvellous order.'

* Spotiswood, apud Robertson, vol, ii. p. 35.

302 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN". Book VII.

A^D.i573. Gordon (a leader more fortunate than humane,
[59]) listened readily to his proposals, abandoned
the interest of Kirkaldie and his brave garrison,
and consented to acknowledge him as regent, pro-
vided that every act by which the partizans of
Mary were attainted, should be repealed. *

Not so the party headed by the intrepid Kir-

Kirkaldie kaldie, and the adroit and sanguine Maitland of
* Lethington. They held the first fortress in the
realm, and kept the capital in awe ; they had also
received some small supply from France, and had
fair promises of more : to these promises, and to
chances which might fall out in their favor, did
they chuse to trust, although shamefully and ab-
surdly forsaken by their party, rather than confide
in the offers of Morton, of whose personal enmity
they were both apprehensive. But Elizabeth, who
was determined that no place in Scotland should
remain in such hands as would willingly receive
auxiliaries from France, sent a strong body of

troops

NOTES.
[5] This nobleman, under the name of ' Edom o' Gordon,'
had been charged with heinous deeds of cruelty in an affecting
ballad, which may he found in one of the most elegant of
modern collections, ' The Reliqr.es of Antient English Poetry.'
The real infamy of the deed is said, by some, to belong to
a Captain Care or Ker, who probably fought under Lord
Adam's banner; but Archbishop Spotiswood positively charges
it on Lord Adam.

[Hist, of the Church of Scotland.
* Melvill,.p. 225.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 303

troops under Sir William Drury, well provided A. D. 157:?.
•with artillery, to reduce the castle. During one
month it resisted a resolute and spirited attack
with constant hravery ; hut the water failing, the
garrison mutinied, and forced their gallant leader
to surrender. Kirkaldie delivered himself to
Drury, who treated him kindly, until he was di-
rected hy Elizabeth to give him to the custody of
the regent ;* but Morton, dreading his active and Kirkaldie
daring spirit, caused him [60] and his brother put to
James to be executed on a gallows in the market- death,
place of Edinburgh, Lord Hume, and other of-
ficers of the garrison, quitted their country and
served abroad; and Maitland, knowing what
doom he had to expect, put an end to his own
life by poison.

The regent, now possessed of unlimited autho- 1574.

ritv, and delivered bv death from his onlv danger- 'jtues
' ' ] / *o and vices

ous competitors, Chatelherault and Argyle, per- of Mor-

• .. 1 ton.

mitted

NOTES.

[60] Sir James Melvill dwells with affection on the charac-
ter William Kirkaldie of the Grange. ' In the house,' (says
he] he was humble and meek as a lamb, but like a lion in the
field. He was a lusty, strong, and well-proportioned person-
age ; hardy, and of a magnanimous courage; secret and pru-
dent in all his enterprises:' I heard,' he adds, ' Henry II. of
France point unto him and say, " Yonder is one of the most
valiant men of our age." Morton demanded his death of Eli-
zabeth, declaring, that neither his person nor authority were in
in safety while Kirkaldie survived.

* Melvill, p. 228, 229.

304 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.1574. mitted his naturallyavaritious disposition to un-
fold itself, and turned every thing to his own pro-
fit. He performed, however, some important
services to the country. At his accession to com-
mand, anarchy prevailed in every district ; and a
firm government like that of Morton, was needed
to stop the course of that unbridled licentious-
ness which, protected by one or the other fac-
tion, had overrun the realm. These disorders he
repressed with a strong hand ; and, by a series of
vigorous exertions, restored order and a due ad-
ministration of justice throughout the kingdom:
but he tarnished the lustre of these o-reat works
by the insatiable desire of gain, which he mani-
fested on all occasions. He debased the coin, op-
pressed the church,* encouraged monopolies, and
shewed his administration venal in every branch.
Mean while the unfortunate Mary, now more
than ever obnoxious to her powerful rival, con*
tinued under the care of Lord Shrewsbury. She
was, as an especial favor, permitted to drink the
waters of Buxton, but so extremely jealous was
Elizabeth of those who went near her, that she
had nearly disgraced the old and faithful Lord
Burleigh, for paying a visit to those wells at this
time, although merely as a valetudinarian.*

Dispute A dispute on the borders, such a one as would,

©n the a few years before, have involved the sister-nations
borders,

in

* Spotigwood, p. 2r?. t Stiype, vol. ii. p. 248 288.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 305

in a war, was compromised early in 1575, by the^0-1575*
deliberate and decent conduct of Elizabeth and
the regent. The English had been worsted, and
Forester the warden, and many others, made pri-
soners. Sir John Carmichael, the Scottish war-
den, repaired to London, and answered so well
for his conduct, that Elizabeth treated him with
respect and dismissed him with honor.

The death of the profligate Bothwell [6l] in
a Danish prison, and a declaration (of disputed
authenticity) which he left behind him, were to-
pics of discourse towards the close of the same
year : but still more interesting was an attack made
by a private clergyman (named Andrew Melvill)
on the Episcopal order. But this will be related
in the Ecclesiastical History of Scotland.

A quarrel between the Earls of Athol and Ar-
gyle had nearly proved, in 1576, the destruction 1570.
of both these noblemen. The vassals of the one
had committed depredations on the other; he
was demanded in vain by the injured party, and
arms were snatched up on both sides. The con-
test

NOTES.
[61] It seems strange that an author so respectable as Mr.
Guthrie, should allow any credit to the asseverations in a will,
in which the testator affirms, ' that, as he had from his youth
addicted himself much to the art of enchantment at Paris and
elsewhere, he had bewitched the queen (Mary) to fall in love
with him,' Sec. 8cc. kc.

Vol. I. Part II. x

306 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A- D. 1576. test would have been decided by battle, had not
the regent obliged both parties to lay down their
arms. Eager to break the force of two such po-
tent chiefs, the insidious Morton summoned both
Plot of to court, meaning to involve both in a charge of
the regent treason ? but their good genius tempted a clerk,
named Campbell, who had been intrusted, to
reveal the plot: in consequence, the invitation
was disregarded, and the bearers dismissed with
contempt by each of the summoned earls.*
1577. The tide of the regent's prosperity had now
passed its utmost height, and began to ebb apace.
Besides Athol and Argyle, the house of Hamilton
detested him, and earnestly sought his ruin ; yet
did he daily add to their enmity by new provo-
cations. He even pretended to suspect the Lord
Claud Hamilton of a design to murther him ; and
actually put Semple, one of that nobleman's de-
pendents, to the torture, under pretence of clear-
ing the innocence of his patron.

It was to the young but promising James, that
the nobility looked for protection from this artful,
Character daring despot. James, though but twelve years of
•i James. a^ afforc[ecl a fajr prospect of futurity. He had
been well educated by the regent Mar, and since
his death by his brother Alexander Erskine ; and
the great George Buchanan was his preceptor, t
He had a strong appetite for learning ; and, young

as

* L iwford's Mem. p. 2S5. + Melvill, p, 234,

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 507

as he was, a still more eager wish for power. Av^^
The regent Morton was never in his favor, and
he listened with delight to every intimation of his
delinquency. Athol, Argyle, and the Hamiltons,
found means, by the connivance of Ei skine, * to
be admitted to his presence, and to acquaint him
with the unjust rigor of Morton's government,
and the aspirations of the Scots for a change.
They even prevailed on him to issue his letters to
summon a council, and they took care that only
those who hated the regent should be summoned.

The discontented lords could not have chosen The re-
a fitter time for the contest. Morton's avidity had gtm
disgusted many ; the clergy detested him for his
oppressive treatment of their community, and only
united with him in abhorrence of the imprisoned
Mary ; and his patroness, the English queen, was
too deeply engaged in protecting the United States
against the designs of the Spaniards, to be able to
spare a force sufficient for his support. All these
circumstances presaged the fall of the regent.

But the strong mind of Morton had penetrated 1578.
the schemes of his foes, and pointed out to him r#^8#
that he must give way, in order to return with the
greater force. He at once, and with no bad grace,
resigned the regency to the young monarch, who,
solemnly before the inhabitants of his capital,
took upon himself the supreme government, and

x 2 accepted

»McWffl,p."33#.

505 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII*

A^D.1578. accepted a full approbation of his services, and an
indemnity for all offences. * Yet, the eagerness
of his enemies, (a council of twelve appointed to
assist the king with their advice) which prompted
them to attack his vast property, had nearly turned
him from the sober path of a temporary submis-
sion, to the folly of a fruitless resistance. The
Icing, young as he was, who dreaded as much as
he hated him, interfered in his favor, and Morton
retired to a distant castle on a solitary lake. A
new turn of affairs was at hand ; Glamis, the Chan-
cellor, fell by the enmity of the Crawfords, in one
of the common brawls of the times ; and Athol,
a reputed papist, being promoted to his office, the
cautious Protestants soon began to remark, that
Roman Catholics, whom they abhorred still more
than they did the late regent, had totally sur-
rounded the king; and the tide of popularity began
to turn again in favor of the lately detested Earl
of Morton, whose steady adherence to the refor-
mation was never doubted, although it did little
credit to a good cause. That great politician, who
had watched in his retirement every step of his
„ enemies, now issued from the castle of Loch Le-

sumes vin, styled by the people his ' Lion's Den ;' and,
his pow- with his usual artifice, prevailed on the Earl of Mar
to deprive Alexander Erskine, his uncle, a most
determined foe to Morton, of the custody both of

the

cr.

* Crawf. Memoirs, p. 289.
4

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 309

the king and of Stirling castle. As soon as this A.D.isrs.
was accomplished, the artful instigator of the en-
terprize entered the castle,* took the command,
and by his astonishing talents became once more
arbiter of the privy-council, and even procured
himself to be, in some degree, favored by the un-
steady James.

Athol and Argyle flew to arms ; at the head
of 7000 soldiers they inarched to deliver, as they
vaunted, their king from durance ; on their ban-
ners were inscribed distichs, [62] expressive of
their upright intentions. Morton, by means of his
nephew Angus, the warden of the border, rais-
ed 5000 southern men, who waited the coming of
his foes without terror. A civil war was on the
point of breaking out, when Sir Robert Bowes,
arriving from Elizabeth, proved a successful me-
diator ; and a peace was settled and confirmed by
a convention of noblemen. Morton, without the
title, retained the power of the regency ; and the
infant James, though nominally king, submitted
like the rest to this re-assumed sway.

The

NOTES.

[62] On one was a short dialogue between the king and the
associated lards :

King. — ' Captive I am, liberty I crave.'

Lords. — * Our lives we will lose, or that ye shall ha

[MSS Mem. of Balfour.
* Melvill, p. 237.

ton.

SIO ftlSTORY or GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII*

A. D. 1579. The sudden decease of the Chancellor Athol
after a banquet given by Morton, awakened those
suspicions which had lain dormant since the
equally seasonable death of the Regent Mar. [63]
Morton, by this opportune event, lost a bitter
enemy, and by giving his post to Argyle, in some
degree made a friend.
Cruelty Together with the capacity to oppress, Morton
t„„ c found the will return in full force. The house of
Hamilton had been suspected of practices against
the regents Murray and Lenox ; he accused the
Hamiltons of murthering both, and havingdriven
the lords John and Claud out of Scotland, he
cruelly included Arran, their eldest brother, in
the proscription, although, since his love for
Mary of Scots had met a repulse, he had never
enjoyed the use of his senses. Yet was his estate
forfeited with those of his brothers, and the for-
feiture was confirmed by act of parliament.

The unfortunate Mary was still kept in close"
confinement by her cautious rival. She contrived,

however,

NOTES.

[63] Archbishop Spotisvvood writes, that the body of Athoi
was opened, and that no symptom of poison appeared. Moyses
intimates the contrary. Morton was capable of any act of cru-
elty. He caused two men of poetical talents, Turnbull and
Scott, to be executed at Stirling for uttering sarcasms against his
person and government. Morton was, indeed, the Leicester of
the North, with a better capacity, and a more daring mind.

[CiiAWFose'* M$M«m««

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 311

however, to send a letter to her son, accompanied A.D.1579.
by some jewels of considerable value, and a vest
embroidered with her own hands. But the un-
feeling Morton, taking advantage of the direction,
which was, 'To the Prince of Scotland,' not 'the
King,' sent the whole back untouched.

The strange and absurdly- warm attachment 1580.
which bound James of Scotland during his whole
life to a succession of favorites, had already begun
to appear. Two young men at once gained his
affections and guided his steps. Esme Stuart, Two Stu*
Lord D'Aubigny, was his near relation, Mi«gfavore£i
nephew to the Regent Lenox, the grand lather of by James.
the king; he came from France to be presented
to his royal cousin ; and was made in a short space
of time Duke of Lenox, first Lord of the Bed-
chamber, and Governor of Dunbarton castle. Ma-
ny other places were bestowed upon him, nor was
his promotion accompanied by the public hatred,
as he was of an amiable* and mild character, al-
though not fit for the intrigues of a court. Cap-
tain Stuart, (son to the Lord Ochiltree) the rival
of Lenox, was of a character totally different.
Every vice which could render a favorite odious
to a nation, or dangerous to a government, he pos-
sessed. He was rash, unprincipled, and ambitious.
The restraints of religion, morality, or honor, he

despised;

* MelvUl, p. 240.

312 HISTORY O* GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A-D.1580. despised ; yet he had dexterity enough to gain an
ascendant over the unexperienced mind of an in-
fant king, and for a long space succeeded in all
his designs, however unattainable they might at
first appear.
Their Both these dissimilar courtiers ioined in thede-

ters™0" s*§n °^ rummg Morton ; whose strong discern-
ment made him foresee the mishap which he could
not prevent, unless by some course too desperate
for the temper of the nation. It was once rumor-
ed, that he meant to carry off the king and deli-
ver him to the custody of Elizabeth ; but, as he
earnestly pressed to have an enquiry made into
the transaction, it is probable that this report
only was meant as a pretext for the establishment
of a Lord High-Chamberlain, to be always near
the royal person, and of a life-guard consisting;
of twenty-four young men of noble birth. Le-
nox was honored with this office, and with the
command of the guard.

The falling statesman had in vain attempted to
interest the priesthood of Scotland in his behalf, by
exclaiming against the new favorite as a Roman
Catholic. But Lenox guarded against this attack
by publicly embracing the Protestant faith. The
support of England was all that now remained to
him ; and nothing except the inexperience of the
one, and the audacity of the other minion, could
have rendered Elizabeth's intercession on Morton's
behalf so completely insignificant as it was found

to

Chap. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military, S13

to be. Indeed, it appeared, that the too warm A^D.i580.
interference of Bowes, the English minister, rather
hastened the fall* of the obnoxious earl, than
s;uarded against it.

Early in 1581, thegreat minister who had ruled
Scotland with the tyranny of a despot, but who
had guarded it from all ills except those of his
own creation, was seized and committed first to
the castle of Edinburgh, and then to that of Dun-
barton. It had been difficult to reach his life, so
well had his pardon been drawn ; but the murther Morton

of Henry, the father of James, having- been from d^c"sed

1 . °' king

decency left out of the crimes pardoned, the vio- Henry's

lent and brutal Captain Stuart, at once accused murt ier?
him of being- his assassin. +

The Earl of Morton appeared greater in his
misfortunes than he had seemed in the plenitude
of his power. Conscious, as he declared, of his
innocence, he refused the assistance of his nephew
Angus ; who, thinking the honor of the Douglas
name at stake, offered to head a warlike troop of
borderers and risque his life and fortune for his de-
liverance. Elizabeth was not unconcerned. She
remonstrated to James ; she made the Prince of
Orange remonstrate ; she even caused a large body
of troops to advance towards the northern fron-
tiers, and had the ministers of James been old and
cautious, these precautions might have saved her

faithful

* Melvill, p. 238. 4 Crawford's Memoirs, p. 323.

314 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^ix 1581. faithful dependent; but the two Stuarts had no
such diffidence. They prepared to repel force by
force ; and the English queen, sensible that she
had carried her interference somewhat too far,
withdrew her army. And now Morton, deserted
by those who owed their fortunes to his patronage,

Con. and tried and condemned by a packed jury, and

demned on evidence wrested by torture from his servants,

and exe- '

cuted. and even from his nephew Auchinleck, of Bal-

merino, was brought to -the scaffold,* where he

died with firmness worthy a better man. [64]

The fa- Soon after this event the two favorites, to whom

disagree their mutual dread of Morton had been a band of

union, disagreed, and gradually came to an open

rupture. Captain Stuart, from being guardian to

the unhappy lunatic Arran,t was permitted by the

king,

NOTES.

[64] The confession of Morton has been mentioned before.
His excuses for not revealing the plot against the king, might,
from a better man, be judged admissible. Opulent as he had
been, he was so plundered while in prison, that he was
forced to borrow twenty shillings on the scaffold to <nve
among the poor. He was executed by 'a maiden:' an in-
strument which, having seen accidentally at Halifax, he drew
on the spot, and caused one to be made by that pattern when
he reached his home. In later times the engine has been
denominated the ' Guillotine.5 The extreme contempt with
which Morton treated the wretched Arran, when he asked
his pardon on the scaffold, would furnish a good subject for a
historical picture.

* Spotiswootl, p. 313, 311, 315. i Melvill, p. 24$,

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 513

king, with a total disregard to justice, to possess A.D.i58i.
himself of his title and estate. He gained a wife
by a method still more dishonorable ; he seduced
her from the bosom of his best friend, Lord March,
to whom she had been married some years ; and
she had had the audacity to demand a divorce for
the most indelicate of reasons, that she might wed
Arran. To regain their characters, this detestable
pair became fanatics in religion, affected more
than common attachment to the Protestant faith,
and even objected to Episcopacy, in order to gain
the favor of the most violent among the Presby-
terian clergy. Lenox, on the other hand, was the
avowed protector of the bishops, and by his coun-
sels encouraged in James that strong propensity
which he ever retained towards a regulated hie-
rarchy.

The quarrel between the favorites of a young 158^

and timid prince, threw the government of the The lord*

, r • L 1 r of Scot-

country into general contusion ; and an interie- }anci aiar.

rence in ecclesiastical matters, in which the head- mecl»
strong Arran had presumed* to engage, excited
the turbulent temper of the times. Mmy cir-
cumstances, indeed, at this crisis, conspired to
raise discontent* in the most powerful barons
around the throne; they knew that James received
from his favorites lessons of despotism, which he
wanted only opportunity to put in practice: they

saw

* Melvill, p< 245, -f Spotiswood, p. 320,

315 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ajxi58i. saw tne most oppressive of the feudal tenures re-
vived, and severe fines levied on land-owners for
trifling errors ; they had also good reason to think,
that Lenox had a design to bring about the ac-
complishment of Maitland's favorite scheme, that
of a government carried on by Mary and James
united ; and they observed that the friendship of
Elizabeth was slio;hted, and dreaded the revival of
those ruinous wars which had desolated their
fairest districts. They consulted together with-
out distinction of party, and determined to ap«
ply a sure, though bitter, remedy.

The king was engaged in a party of hunting,
his best-loved diversion, after having in some de-
gree reconci led the two thoughtless young men who

^L t> j governed liim and the nation. At Ruthven castle,
The Raid a '

of Ruth- whither the love of sport had allured him, he was
surprized to see a long train of nobles enter his
bed-chamber at an early hour one morning, and
after receiving a strong remonstrance on the follies
and faults of his minions, to find them firmly
demanding the dismission of two persons, whose
inexperience, they averred, would ruin the realm
of Scotland. James listened patiently; but, with a
childish dislike to reprehension, pressed to be gone;
and, on finding his way obstructed, burst into tears,
' Better,' said the stern tutor of Glamis, ' that
bairns should weep, than bearded men.'* The

severity

* Spotiswood, p. 320.

Cll. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 317

severity of this apophthegm was never forgotten ^J^J^;
by the terrified monarch, who instantly, though
sadly, yielded his consent to the dismission of his
minions. Arran, violent and fierce as usual, rode
up hastily to the castle ; and, with only two ser-
vants, braved the anger of those associated peers,
whose contempt alone of his present insignifi-
cance saved his life. He was disarmed and sent as
a prisoner to Stirling castle. The milder Lenox
was, after some delay, ordered by James to depart
the realm. It was long before he could bring him-
self to obey a command given^as he knew, most
unwillingly. At length, slowly passing through
Eno-land, he reached France, and died of a heart Death of
broken by his disappointment in his ambitious
friendship ; [65] affirming, with his last words,
his strict attachment to the reformed religion.*

In the mean while, an embassy from England
confirmed the wavering James in his submission
to ' the Raid of Ruthven,' (as the late revolution
was named) and he was even persuaded to agree
in opinion with a convention of the estates, and to

declare,

NOTES.

[65] The conduct of James to the five children of Lenox
was parental and affectionate; he sent for them from France,
and besides loading the two sons with honors, he married one
daughter to Huntley, another to Mar, and the third might have
had as respectable an alliance, but chose a cloyster.

[Spotjs\voo»„
* Spotiswood, p. 322.

31$ HISTORY Or GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlt

A/d. 1582. declare, that the lords concerned in the ' Raid'
had done the state good service. The Assembly of
the Church of Scotland concurred in the same de-
claration; * while the great respect with which the
king was treated, and his apparent acquiescence,
induced his subjects to hope that he was not in-
sincere in his professions. But in a country go-
verned by a capricious youth, divided by factions,
and headed by turbulent peers, no dependence can
be placed on the duration of any political system:
and, by another of those ministerial revolutions so

1583. common in Scotland, the month of January had
James re- . .

gains his n°t passed, ere James was, by the contrivance of

autho- Colonel Stuart, commander of the body-guards,
delivered from the honorable confinement in
which ' the Raid of Ruthven' had entangled him,
and enabled to establish a new set of administra-
tors of government. Argyle, Huntley, and a few
more, now possessed his favor, and Gowry was,
on his submission, admitted to forgiveness; while
An; r,us, Glencairn, and the rest of the lords of
' the: Raid,' were exiled or imprisoned ; nor did
a spl endid embassy [6o] from England, with the

subtle

NOTES.

[66] A short time before this embassy, the English quecA
had by a letter schooled James for his unsteadiness, and enve-
nom ted her strictures with a passage from Isocrates^, and James^
witl i pardonable pedantry, had out-reasoned her by returning
two passages from the same rhetorician, which militated against
Bj*r argument. [Melvilu

* Spotiswood, p. 324.

Ch. I. Part II. | 1. civil and military. 319

subtle Walsingham at its head, prevail on James AJ-J-1583.
to pardon the offenders, most of whom had fled to
England, or to permit them to plead the amnesty
granted by the convention. It was the malicious
Arran, now re-instated in his power and his place
in the royal favor, who had hardened the heart of
James, otherwise disposed to moderation, against
all applications in favor of these two hardy patri-
ots. The embassy of Elizabeth had no good effect.
James answered the complaints of England by re-
crimination ; and, when reproached with breaking
his promise to the exiled lords, pleaded the force
he was under at that time, and charged Elizabeth
with bavins; neglected to notice a strong- intimation
which he had then given to her ambassador, Gary,
of his want of liberty ; and Walsingham returned
to London, after his ineffectual negotiation, with
no bad idea of James's capacity for reigning.

As the noblemen, exiled on account of ' the 1584.
Raid of Ruthven,' were much too potent and too
active to sit down contented with their lot, they
intrigued for their restoration both with the court >
and the church. In the former, they gained the
assistance of their old associate Earl Gowry, *
whose penitence had not placed him in so high a
station as he thought his merits in deserting the
confederacy might have claimed. In the church
they had many friends ; the preachers with one

accord

* SpotUwooJ, p. 33U,

3«0 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

A^D.i584. accord espoused their cause, and those who were

most popular went greater lengths than reason and

loyalty seemed to justify ; but James, encouraged

bv the fierce Arran, exerted himself, and drove

The cler- the boldest declaimers from their pulpits. Dury,

gy of who in a sermon had praised ' the Raid' as a salu-

Scotland i

humbled, tary measure, was silenced ; and Melvill, who had
drawn odious comparisons as to reigns, and had
likened James VI. to James III. was obliged to
take shelter in England ; * advantage, too, was
taken of these imprudent rhapsodies, to fetter the
church with laws which prevented the clergy from
interfering in political measures. Nor were the
military attempts of the friends to the banished
lords, more successful than those of the ecclesi-
astics. Gowry, who was suspected of treasonable
designs, was seized by Colonel Stuart at Dundee,

Cowry after a sharp resistance, and beheaded ; and the ba-
nished lords, Angus, Mar, Glamis, 8cc. who had
surprized thecastleof Stirling, were forced to leave
it precipitately, and take shelter again in England.

Arran was now supreme Lord of Scotland, and
Amn s ....

weakcon-had a full opportunity of gratifying his cruelty

■ im and his avarice, by the ruin of the banished lords,
and the forfeiture of their estates. But his fall in
its turn approached. He had, with an uncommon
want of policy, introduced to James the Master of
Gray, a young man equal to the favorite in per-
sona?

Spotiiwood, p. 333.

Ch. I. Part. II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 321

sonal accomplishments, equal to him in profliga- ^-D***^
cy, and much his superior in decent hypocrisy.
The childish favor of the king instantly attached
itself to this new object ; and Arran, who had now
recognized his own absurdity, could only delay his
impending disgrace by dispatching this new mi-
nion on an embassy to England. There, too, the
policy of the elder favorite failed. Elizabeth
(who had condescended to bribe Arran, and who
had found him ready to enter into the most trai-
torous engagements to betray the councils of his
royal master to the English cabinet, and to pre-
vent him from marrying during three years) saw,
with a discerning eye, in the Master of Gray, an
object more likely than the boisterous Stuart to
retain James's settled affection, and equally ready
to receive a bribe and to betray the confidence of
his master. She with wonderful good policy
strengthened his interest at the Scottish court, by
permitting him to obtain the removal of the ba-
nished lords into the interior of England ; and
sent him back to James, engaged and determined
to serve her interest, in despite of gratitude, ho-
nor, and loyalty.

The transactions of 15 84, in which the still
unfortunate Mary was implicated, have been told
in the English history, with which they are im-
mediately connected.

A new revolution impended over the fragile l585«
state ol James s ministry. Arran, who was now gncy of
Lieutenant-General of Scotland, and held the Arran»

Vol. I. Part II. y castles

353 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vll*

A^D. 1585. castles of Edinburgh and Stirling, had reached the
summit of profligacy as well as of power, and
was become so detested, that his vast authority
hung by a single thread. The catalogue of his
oppressions is odious, and too long for admission
here. The Earl of Athol he imprisoned for re-
fusing to divorce his wife, and to settle his lands
on him ; Lord Home, because he would not give
up an estate which lay commodiously for the ty-
rant. Two of the Home family, and two other
gentlemen of high credit, he sacrificed at the
gallows to his private enmity, under false and tri-
vial pretexts, unsupported by evidence.* Instru-
ments to destroy such a minister (perhaps the
most atrociously wicked that history has ever re-
corded) could not be wanting. Elizabeth, who
abhorred Arran, formed the plot and directed the
actors. She sent to the court of James as her
ambassador the dextrous Wotton, who had been
employed at the age of twenty to deceive the Con-
stable de Montmorenci in France. + His gay and
amusing conversation, and his singular skill in
sporting, soon acquired the favor of the thought-
less king, although warned of his arts by the more
experienced courtiers. X The Master of Gray,
Sir Lewis Bellenden, the Justice Clerk, and Sir
John Maitland, the secretarv, each bought bv
Elizabeth, were employed gradually to weaken
the affection of James towards Arran, whose

monstrous

Spotiswood, p. 337. + Melvill, p. 293.

X Melvill, p. 19Q.

CIl. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. S2S

monstrous vanity had now led him to intimate, A- D- 1585«
that, in right 'of his pretended ancestor, Murdo,
Duke of Albany, he had a claim to the Scottish
crown prior to that of James himself.

Matters were well arranged for an explosion,
when an incident hastened the catastrophe. Sir ■
Francis Russel was slain in a border-quarrel ; and,
on Elizabeth's peremptory demand of satisfac-
tion, the Scottish warden, Ker, of Fernihurst, and
his patron Arran, were, on the persuasion of
Gray and his associates, thrown into confinement.*
At this crisis the exiled lords (whose mutual mis-
fortunes had softened old feuds, and united in tjie j,a_

one enterprize the hostile stocks of Douglas and nished

lords.
of Hamilton) advanced into Scotland. They were

met by their numerous dependents in arms ; the
younor kino; was surrounded in Stirling and
taken, but treated with the highest respect ; and
the lords of ' the Raid of Ruthven,' the friends
of Scotland's true interest, amity with England,
once more became the directors of their mon-
arch's conduct.

Warned by adversity, they acted with sense and
moderation. The restitution of their own honors
and lands contented their rational wishes ; they
aimed at no forfeitures, nor recalled the memory
of past injuries. Colonel Stuart was silently dis-
missed ; it was at the wretched Arran alone that

y 2 they

t Spotiswood, p. 339.

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D. 1585. they pointed the bolt of their vengeance; that
may-game of fortune, stripped of his estates and

Ruin of titles, reduced to the denomination of Captain
James Stuart, and proclaimed an enemy to his
country, dropped quietly into that obscuiity for
which nature had intended him. Wotton, who
presided over the whole affair, dared not stay to
enjoy the storm which he had raised.* He had
refined on his commission, and plotted other de-
signs, [67] the discovery of which hastened his
return to England. Before his departure he had
proposed to James a strict league of friendship
between the sister-realms, a measure highly ap-
proved by the country in general as well as the
king, whose good will to England was by no
means diminished, on finding that Elizabeth
meant to allow him a pension of 50001. per
annum ; a considerable sum at that period, and
exactly what she had herself received before she
became the queen of England, a circumstance
which she communicated to the needy prince.

The

NOTES.

[67] Wotton was suspected of plotting to carry off the
king of Scots, in order to place him in the custody of the queen
of England. He had also with great art circumvented a matri-
monial engagement, which ambassadors from Denmark came to
propose, by persuading the imobserving and haughty king, that
they were people in business ; and that Denmark, like Holland,
was 2 country of merchants. [Me vill.

* Melvill, p. 307.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 325

The parliament, which was called on this occa- A-D«1585*
sion, confirmed every measure which the banished
lords had proposed : restored their estates ; and
ratified their pardon. Every thing wore a tran-
quil appearance ; and a good-natured king, [68]
after owning that ' he never did like the violence
of Arran,' * acquiesced in every reasonable mea- Acquies-

sure, and of his own accord hastened the settle- crence c

James.

ment of the popular alliance with Elizabeth.

The preachers alone, who had been driven from
Scotland for their severe language against the mea-
sures of the court, thought themselves neglected,
and spoke their minds freely ; [69] since the dread

of

of

NOTES.

[68] Arran had always plundered James's ill-furnished
treasury without stint ; and the king at length discovered that
the ungrateful minion had carried away jewels worth 200,000
crowns. Huntley, who was sent to seize the robber, narrowly
missed him ; but the terror of Arran prompted him to send
back to the king the richest piece which he had stolen.

[Spotiswood, &x.

[69] c Captain James and his wife Jezebel were taken
hitherto,' said a hot-headed priest in his pulpit, ' to be the per-
secutors of the church. It is now seen to be the king himself;
but, like Jeroboam, he shall die childless, and be the last of
his race.'

It was on this occasion that the King of Scots uttered a
sentiment which ought to be ever recorded to his honor. A
courtier had advised him to leave the clergy to their own

courses,
* Spotiswood, p. 312,

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^d. 1583. 0f disgusting the unsteady James had prevented
the lords of the Raid' from taking an early op-
portunity of re-instating them in their charges.
1586. The melancholy detail of Babington's conspi-
racy, in which :he unfortunate Mary's fate was
fatally involved, has already been told in a former
book. The mind of James was, at this time,
ulcerated against a mother whom he had never
known ; and who (as it was the interest of each
among his vast variety of successive ministers to
keep them asunder) had generally been represent-
ed to him in an odious light, as an adulterous
murtheress, leagued with his foes against him.
He had even written to her a letter which, instead

Anger of of dutiful expressions, contained bitter taunts;
and she, in return, had threatened him with her
curse, and with a transfer of her rights to a po-
tent heir, (probably Philip of Spain) who would
revenue her cause on an ungrateful and disobedi-
ent child/"

It was, perhaps, this dissension which made
James so little attentive to his mother's safety, as
to send as an envoy to the court of Elizabeth! Ar-
chibald

NOTES,
courses. ' They will become,' said he, ' so odious, that the
people will rise and chase them out of the country.' ' True,'
said the good-natured prince, ' and if I meant to undo the church
and religion, your counsel were good; but as I mean to pre-
serve both, for their own sakes I shall take some pains to re-
form the;.!.' [Spotiswood.
* Mackenzie, vol. iii. p. 34:6, I Spotiswood, p. 348.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 327

chibald Douglas, one who had been employed in *t^]^j
the murther of King Henry, and was the bitterest
foe that Mary ever knew. Nor did the Master
of" Gray, who succeeded him in the embassy, shew 1587.
a better will towards her security : on the other
hand, he is supposed to have hastened her fate
by strongly intimating to Elizabeth the apathy of
her prejudiced, poor, and greedy son.* The crisis
was so extremely delicate, and the situation of the
English queen so very dangerous, that had she
expected real and settled resentment[70] in James

for

NOTES.

[70] There are letters in Murden's state papers which prove
that James was somewhat affected when he found that his mo-
ther's death was resolved on. ' His opinion,' says Gray to
Douglas, ' is, that it cannot stand with his honor that he be a
consenter to take his mother's life; but he is content how strictly
she be kept, and all her old knavish servants hanged ; chiefly
they who be in bands.' Some time after, when the Scottish
ambassadors proposed to Elizabeth that Mary should be spared
on making over all her claims to her son James; ' Is it so?' said
the peevish queen. ' Then I put myself in worse case than be-
fore; by God's passion ! that were to cut my own throat.'

James himself states his own reasons for acquiescence to have

been, ' 1. His tender youth, not trained up to arms. 2. His

excessive povertie, which made him live from hand to hand,

from neydie to neydie, to greedie and greedie.'

[SruYPE.

A letter
■• Spotiswood, p. 352.

328 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i587. for the death of his mother, she would have found

it convenient to have spared her.

But as she knew that the kino; was surrounded

by persons in her pay, that he was himself her

pensioner, and that the interest of his kingdom

and the voices of his subjects united in favor of

perpetual peace with England, she ventured to

Death of strike that stroke, which, although we may for-
Mary.

give it to the queen, makes us survey the woman

with horror.

At hearing of his mother's execution, James
breathed nothing but war with England, and ap-
peared to listen with pleasure to the suggestions
of the noblemen who represented to him the in-
delible disgrace of passing by such an insult unre-
venged. But cooler consideration, an unanswerable
letter drawn up by Walsingham, and the advice of
the English envoy, bringing to his mind the cer-
tain loss of his pension, and the probable failure of
his hopes of succeeding to the English crown, he
James pa- accepted the excuses of Elizabeth, laid the blame,
as she wished, on the secretary Davison, and be-
came

NOTES.

A letter is existing from the needy monarch, of this date,

begging for the loan of 1000 marks, or 541. 3s. 4d. from John

Boswell of Balmonto, and pressing his request thus strongly

upon him : ' Ye will rather hurt yourself very far than see the

dishounour of your prince and native country, with the povertie

of baith set downe before the Face of strangers.5

[Pennant.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 329

came as much as ever the creature of the English A-D- l587,
cabinet. To this the politic generosity of the
English queen greatly contributed, by sending
him frequent presents of hounds, horses, and
books written on those subjects which he most
delighted in.

The Master of Gray, whose interest with the
king had much declined, was now accused by Sir
Robert Stuart,* the brother of Arran, of having
advised and contrived the death of Mary, and of
being a bigoted Papist, and keeping up a corre-
spondence with Rome. His defence was trivial,
and his life would have paid the forfeit of his du-
plicity, had not the gratitude of the late exiles
protected him. He was permitted to sink gently
dowmfrom power and affluence, to disgrace and
banishment. An attack of a similar kind, made
by Captain James Stuart (the late Arran) on the
secretary, Sir John Maitland, did not succeed;
and his innocence was illustrated, by the king's
bestowing on him the Chancellorship of Scotland.

James had now attained to the ao-e of twenty-
one, and shewed as much eazerness to wed a Da- proPoscs
msh princess, as Elizabeth did zeal to prevent
him. Denmark had always a close connection
with Scotland, and the embassy in 15 85 had been
intended by the Danish monarch rather to bring
about a matrimonial alliance than to demand the

Orkney

» Spotiswood, p. 364.

330 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1587. Orkney islands, which was the ostensible motive.
The death of King Frederic, which happened
about this time, was indeed the only circumstance
which prevented the projected marriage taking
place almost immediately.*

A festival of pacification, which the peace-lov-
ing king celebrated on his coming of age, did him
real honor. After taking great pains to settle the
contentions which had grown to deadly feuds, and
had made many of the noblest houses foes to each
other, he found means to form at least a tempo-
rary reconciliation. After witnessing this hap-
py event, and confirming it by a splendid enter-
tainment at Holy rood house, he conducted the
parties in solemn procession, each holding the
hand of his personal enemy, through the streets
of Edinburgh to the Market Cross ; where they
found a collation of wine and sweetmeats. They
drank to each other, and departed in apparent,
but unhappily not durable, friendship.
PaHia^ ° James, who had penetration enough to admire
mem. the constitution of England, now made an impor-
tant step towards bringing his own parliament to
resemble that of his neighbor-country, and by
reviving an act procured by the first Jamesin 1427,
but disregarded, as all that wise prince's regula-
tions were, he brought the lesser barons to appoint
two commissioners for each shire, to represent

them*

Spotiswood, p. 366.

Ch. 1. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 331

them. The noblemen were shocked at this in- ^^)
novation, which they foresaw would gradually an-
nihilate their illegal power. Lord Crawfurd
loudly opposed it, and:;: (says Archbishop Spotis-
wood) * the noblemen did work him (the king)
great business in all the ensuing parliaments.'
They could not, however, prevent the regula-
tion, since James might have overpowered them
by summoning the tenants, of the crown to vote.

The year 1588, although a very busy period isss.
in England, produced few incidents in the realm
of James, but gave him a fair opportunity of dis-
playing his discernment and honor. Convinced
of the pernicious consequences of Philip's enter- Spirited

prize, should it succeed, he acted a firm and manly conduct of

James,
part ; he imprisoned the envoy from the Nether-
lands, Colonel Sempill, on fmclinghim to be a trea-
cherous subject of his own. He listened not to
the counsel of a second turbulent Bothwell, (Fran-
cis Stuart, a grandson of James V.) who had alrea-
dy raised men to invade-f- England ; he discourag-
ed the Popish priests, particularly the Jesuits, who
swarmed in his realm, and banished some of them;
he rejected every proposal from Philip; and, by
a sudden and spirited march dispersed the follow-
ers of the Lord Maxwell ; who were arrayed in
readiness to join the Spanish forces, had they land-
ed in the North. As Maxwell was closely con-
nected

* Spotiswood, p. 36(5. + Ibid. p. 370,

$32 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^ififia nected with the powerful lords Huntley, [7 1] Er-
rol, and Crawfurd, (who were all zealous Roman
Catholics, and who abhorred the league with Eli-
zabeth, and wished to provoke a war) this exer-
tion was of the utmost consequence to the peace
of the country, and to the welfare of England.
Yet so little were the laws respected, and so weak
was the government of Scotland, that Sir William
Stuart, who was remarkably active on this expe-
dition, was, with impunity, pierced through the
heart by the sword of the impetuous Earl of Both-
well, almost in the king's presence.

Not contented with these efforts, the friendly
monarch wrote to Elizabeth to assure her that he
had an army at her devotion ; while she, sensible
of the value attached to such a friend, thanked
him affectionately, and made him great and
splendid promises ; among these are to be num-
bered an English dukedom, and a guard for his
person, maintained by the queen.
Covenant It was upon this occasion first that a Covenant
framed (a name afterwards used for a very different species

of

NOTES.

[71] Huntley protested his innocence as to the intention of
evil, and James received his excuses and made him captain
of his guard ; but his violence of temper and bigotry soon
drove him again into rebellion. Yet a Scoitish writer most
strangely paints him as a mild, peaceable man. ' Huntlasus,
homo minime ambitiosus, minime turbidus, sed ad quietem
proclivis.' [Johnston.

3

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 3£3

of association") was brought forward. It was a V3' 1588',
spirited resolution to defend the religion, the
king, and the laws, and was signed by people in
every rank and station.*

In this vear died the Earl of Annus, a nobleman
of known bravery, great abilities, and of an amiable
and respectable character; but one who had suffer-
ed the extremes of fortune, and lived half his
years in exile ; by the steady friendship of Eliza-
beth, however, he spent his latter days in peace
on his own estate. His death is introduced in
this place as a proof of the blind superstition of
the age. He died (says a venerable author) ' of Insianc*
sorcery and incantation.' A wizard, after the ?. c,edu"
physicians had pronounced him to be under the
power of witchcraft, ' made offer to cure him,
saying (as the manner of these wizards is) " that
he had received wrong." But the stout and pious
Earl declared, " That his life was not so dear
unto him, as that, for the continuance of some
years, he would be beholden to any of the devil's
instruments," and died.'

Before the close of 1588, the total dispersion of
Philip's enormous fleet delivered[72] Elizabeth

from

NOTES.
[72] The defeat of the Armada gave the Scots an oppor-
tunity of shewing, in one instance, an exertion, of spirit, in
another of humanity.

» Dunlop's Collection, vol. ii. p. 108.

or

334 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

a^d.1588. fr0m her fears of invasion. She wrote a grateful

letter to the King of Scots ; but though she praised

his fidelity, she was not forward to reward it.*

1589. Disappointedby the discomfiture of his Armada,

in his views on England, the artful Philip thought

to find an easier way into the realm, by engaging

Scotland in his interest, and invading- Elizabeth's

territories from the borders. The Roman Catho-

Popish lie lords were eao;er to serve him, and Bcthwell,

revolt merely from turbulence of disposition, joined the

party. It was settled among them, that Maitland

the chancellor, the friend of England and of the

Reformation, was first to be made away with ; and

he very narrowly escaped assassination^- even in

the king's presence, where he was surrounded by

Huntley,

NOTES.

Off Mull, one of the Hebrides, the Florida, a Spanish ca-
rack, was blown up, as tradi:io;i says, by the desperate resolu-
tion of a Scot. Many attempts have since been made to recover
the lost treasure, as the exact spot is known. A Mr. Sache-
verel is said to have had great success in this pursuit, by
means of diving bells, in 1688. [Pennant.

Seven hundred naked wretches escaping from the wrecks
of several ships were humanely fed and clothed at Edinburgh.
They were then embarked for Spain. Ill fortune still pur-
sued them, and they were forced by stress of weather into
Yarmouth, where the general detestation had nearly proved
fatal to them. Their misery, however, heightened by famine,
sickness, and despair, saved their lives and liberty, and a
remnant of them at length reached Spain.

[Stow. Strype.
* Camden, p. 548. + Spotiswood, p. 374.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 335

Huntley, with a band of assassins.* The very A.D.1589*.
slight notice which the pacific James took of this
conspiracy emboldened the actors ; and after suffer-
ing a si io- lit confinement, thev fled each to their
estates, where they raised armed men, and in a short
time took the field with 3000 soldiers. The king,
irritated at their ferocious ingratitude, pursued
them gallantly ; but having less troops by one
third than the rebels, he might have suffered in
the contest had their men been hearty in the
cause. The speech which he made to his little
army would have done honor to an Elizabeth. 'If
benefits or good deeds could have made these men cauant
loyal, 'said the irritated prince, ' 1 have been spar- conduct
ing of neither. t They have drawn me into the°
field against my will, and I trust that you will
not forsake me. I shall desire you to stand no
longer than you see me at your head. I think
they will not dare to fight me ; but let us order
things -as if they meant to make a powerful stand
against us.'

It fell out as James had prophesied. The army The lords

dispersed, and the chiefs surrendered themselves subrlued>
1 t and treat-

to the royal mercy. They acted wisely. No pro- ed with

vocation from the Pope, no reproaches from Eli- lemty-

zabeth, no gross abuse from his own clergy, could

make the Kin2; of Scots act with severity against

the Roman Catholics. He caused, indeed, the

lords to be tried, but he adjourned the passing of

the

MS npuol Guthrie, -f Spotiswood, p. 375.

335 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A^D.i389. j-jic sentence; and they all, after suffering a very
moderate term of imprisonment, were delivered
from bondage, and joined in the festivities of the
royal marriage.

That important [73] event approached in spite
of Elizabeths intrigues to prevent it. She had
made the King of Denmark think that James was
not in earnest, and he had given his eldest daughter
to the Duke of Brunswick ; yet Anne, a younger,
still remained, and to her the royal addresses were
transferred. The English Queen had tempted
James with the Princess Catharine of Bourbon,"
sister to Henry IV. but in vain, for he was con-
stant : she had eno-aaed all the Scottish council
to oppose the match ; this too was fruitless ; James
with astonishing presence of mind and contrivance,
found means to incite the populace of Edinburgh
to rise and threaten destruction to the cabinet mi-
nisters, if they did not send for the princess Anne.
In consequence of this sedition, the Earl Marischai
sailed with a fleet of ships of war to convoy the
fair Dane ; but a storm having driven her into a

Norwegian

NOTES.

[73] James had good reasons to think of marriage. He
was the last person by whom England and Scotland could be
united. Should he be childless, that union could not take
place. Arran, the next heir to the Scottish crown, was a
lunatic, and a disputed succession might involve the nation in
a civil-war.

* Melvill, p. 322.-

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 337

Norwegian port, the active and spirited James ^?-]^"
sprung into a vessel, and settingstorms and all the James
powers of the air [74] at defiance, crossed the JJjJ^J^

German and mar-

ries,

NOTES. .

[74] That the wary Elizabeth should endeavor to frus-
trate the matrimonial plans of James, we cannot wonder*
She hated and envied all that married ; she dreaded, too, lest
a sensible wife might open his eyes to the corruption which
enslaved his ministers ; but why the powers of the air should
be leagued against his marriage is by no means so clear »
yet we find that with such intent, Agnis Tompson, (as she
confessed before the king and council) with other witches to
the number of 200, ' went altogether by sea, each one in her
riddle, (or sieve) with flaggons of wine, making merry and
drinking by the way, to the kirk of North Berwick in Lothian,
where, when they had landed, they took hands and danced,
singing all with one voice,

1 Commer* go ye before, commer goe ye,
' Gif ye will not go before, commer let me.'

* That Geilis Duncane did go before them playing said
reel on a Jew's trump. + That the devil met them there ;
here the discerning monarch shewing symptoms of doubt,
Agnis taking him a little aside, ' declared unto him the very
words which had passed between him and his queen on th»
first night of their marriage, with their answer each to other,
whereat the king wondered greatly, and swore by the living
God that he believed all the Devils in Hell could not have
discovered the same.' Agnis then proceeded with the account
•f the solemn christening of a cat, ' which cat, said Agnis

confessed,
* Gossip*

+ On this James sent for Geilis Duncane, who upon the
like trump did play the said dance before the king's majesty,'

"Vol. L Part II. z

3SS

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII.

1590.
Corona-
tion of
Anne.

f*?**i?5 Gertftan ocean,* completed his marriage, [75]
and spent his winter on the Baltic shore in con-
vivial amusement ; the court of Denmark muni-
ficently supplying his expences.

Applause And here it is apposite to remark, that were a

due to . . rr *

James, historian to judge of James's character from his

atchievements in 1 5 89, he would paint him faith-
ful, brave, active in war, and humane in peace ;
steady, politic, and regardless of dangers by sea
or land, when a point of importance was at stake.
The next year, 1590, presents no event in the
Scottish history worth recording, except the safe
return of the king and queen from Denmark, and
the singularity of her coronation being performed
by a Presbyterian minister and not by a bishop.

A dispute

NOTES.

confessed, ' was the cause that the king's ship coming from

Denmark had a contrary wind ;' and the king standing by,
did acknowledge that, ' when the rest of the ships had a fair
and good wind, then was the wind contrary and altogether
against his majesty.' And said witch declared, ' that his
majesty had never come safely from the sea, if his faith had
tiot prevailed against their intentions.' A great deal more such
nonsense, much of inhumanity and some ludicrous stories in-
termixed, may be found in a scarce pamphlet, called ' Newes
from Scotland,' &c. &x. from which many extracts are taken in
the 49th volume of the Gentleman's Magazine.

[75] The first interview between James and Anne is minutely
described by Moyses, who seems to have been an attendant ok
the court ; the royal lover's approach to the fair bride was free,
even to boisterousness. She repressed his indelicacy with de-
cent rigor, but soon forgave the offence.
*Melvill, p. 33 J.

Ch. I. Part II. § I. civil and military. S39

A dispute concerning unction had nearly stopped A^D.1590.
the ceremony: it was at length agreed ' not to be
a mere Jewish rite,' and was administered by
Mr. Robert Bruce, in the Abbey-church of Holy-
rood house.*

The hospitality which James had found in
Denmark was now to be returned : but the means
were wanting, since there never lived a poorer
prince than the son of Mary of Scots; luckily
Elizabeth, who wished to keep him in temper, in-
dulged him with a considerable donation; and a
loan among his richest lords completed the sum
wanted for reciprocal festivity.

The ease and placability of James's temper in a 1591.
ruler was fatal to good government, although it JvS

o o 7 o oi crimi-

might have been amiable in private life. For many nals.
years the criminal code had been little respected in
Scotland, and each man when able had thought
himself justified in taking the law into his own
hands. The Scottish nobility were formed into
parties, and supported each in murther and ra-
pine. Bothwell was the most notorious among
this turbulent race, and the absurd credulity of
the age had added sorcery to his other evil qua-
lifications. Unfortunately for him, Agnis Tomp-
son, styled 'The wise Wife of Keith,' 'a woman' t
(says Archbishop Spotiswood) ' not of the base
and ignorant sort of witches, but matron-like,
grave, and settled in her answers, which were all

z2 to

» Spotiswood, p. 282. j- Ibid. p. 382.

340 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

AJX1591. j-0 some purpose,' had confessed that he had unit-
ed with her in magical enquiries; witchcraft was,
indeed, the only charge which met with attention
from the unsuspicious eye of James ; and while as-
sassinations were perpetrated with impunity, and
property was unguarded and plundered, all com-
merce with Satan was so strictly watched, that
Witch- many persons not quite in the inferior ranks of
alone ^e were confined, tortured, and even put to
perse- death, for this fancied enormity. Accused* of
employing witchcraft in obstructing the king's
voyages, and in searching into his fortune and the
time of his death, Bothwell lost every shadow of
favor with his royal master, and became an object
of horror to his sight. He was committed to
prison, but broke out ; and gaining, by favor of
the young Duke of Lenox, a secret passage to
Temerity the inner court of Holyrood-House, he encourag-
° ,,ot l" ed his followers to assault the palace ; the king
fled for safety to a tower which had some strength ;
and Sandilands, an attendant, giving the alarm,
and the citizens of Edinburgh, rouzed by the dan-
ger of their inoffensive king, assembling, and
surrounding the palace, the Catiline of Scotland
(as the profligate and fierce Bothwell was gene-
rally styled) found great difficulty to escape ; and
owed his safety only to the uncommon darkness

of the night.

It

* Spotiswood, p. 38 J.

4

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 341

It was some time after this, that Captain Stuart, A^D.1591.
late Earl of Arran, was assassinated, without mak-
ing the least resistance, by a Douglas ; in revenge
lor the death of the regent Morton. [76]

The character of queen Anne began now to 1592.

unfold itself, and by no means to her advantage. ™racter

7 * o 01 Anne

She appears to have been a busy, insolent, vin-ofDeu-
dictive woman, artful to an extreme, connected
with the court and principles of Rome, proud of
her person, and not totally inattentive to those
who admired it.

To this last propensity the ' bonny' or hand-
some Earl of Murray (as he was styled) owed an
untimely end. He had been suspected of accom-
panying Bothwell in his last illegal enterprize ;
and the king, who, as has been intimated, thought
that he meant to injure him in a tender point, [77]

commissioned

NOTES.

[76] The remark of Sir James Melvill on this murther
points out the wretchedness of a country where penalties sleep,
unless exacted by private revenge. ' Little diligence was
made to revenge the same, many thinking it strange that he was
permitted so long to live, &c. Sec. &:c. [Memoirs.

' What is the name of this field ?' said the superstitious and
cowardly ruffian, when he found himself pursued by the venge-
ful Douglas. Being told the name, ' Alas!' exclaimed he,
' I thought so; I wish! could get over it,' referring, probably,
to some fanatical presage. [Spotiswood.

[77] In the elegant collection called « Rtliques of An-
tient Poetry,' we find the following observations; 'In a po-
pular

342 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

A^D.1592. commissioned the Eai I of Huntley, his inveterate

foe, to bring him to justice. Huntley executed

his commission in a manner which he supposed

was intended. He surrounded the house * and set

fiie to it; some of Murray's followers were burnt,

some yielded. The Earl endeavoring to escape

in a boat was overtaken by a determined assassin,

Murthcr Gordon of Buckie, who wounding him despe-

ofMur- A , . , ill- i

ray. rately in the visage, he had just strength to say,

with a last effort of vanity, ' ye have spoilt a
better face than your own,' and expired.

Another plot of Bothwell, and another conspii
racy of the Popish Lords, encouraged by Spain,
but ill-concerted, and broken in pieces by the sa-
gacity of Maithnd and Sir Robert Melvill, filled

up

NOTES.

pular ballad made on this tragical event, after the person, 8cc,
of the murthered nobleman had been highly praised, it is far-
ther added,

' He was a brave gallant,

And he played at the gluve,
And the bonny Earl of Murray
He was the queen's luve.'

' A descendent of this earl has in his possession a picture of
the body naked, and covered with wounds, which had probably
been carried about 10 inflame the populace. He appears by
that to have been a very handsome man.'

' Gordon, of Buckie, forced Huntley, with his dagger at his
breast, to wound the poor defenceless body, saying " you shall
be as deep as I."

* Spotiswood, p. 387, 388.

Cll. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY.

up the remainder of 1592, except certain trans- A.D.159*.
actions in the church-government, which will
appear in another place.

The turbulence of the northern Roman Catho- 15g3#
lies being suppressed, James found it difficult to
screen them, as his system of moderation prompt-
ed him, from punishment; nor could he save Gra-
ham of Fintry, one of their confederates, from an
ignominious death. Lord Burgh, too, was sent by
Elizabeth to urge him to make some sacrifice to
offended justice ; and the pulpits resounded with
declamations against the modern Saul who spared
the devoted Ag-ag-. But the English ambassador
weakened his own cause, by supplicating at the
same time for the pardon of Bothwell. That
artful, though impetuous traitor, had now ranged
himself under the English banner, and Elizabeth
knew his value too well to hesitate on shielding:
so apt a fire-brand, from extinction/"

Bothwell had another protectress, Anne of
Denmark. She had favored him ever since his
attempt to murther the secretary Maitland, whom
she hated ; and never ceased supplicating James
for the pardon of the one, and the dismission of the
other. She prevailed in part, and Maitland was
displaced ; but the king, conscious of having lost
in him his ablest counsellor, meant to recall him.
He was prevented from executing this design by

Bothwell,

» Spotiswood, p. 393.

1544 ^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.159S. Bothwell, who, with Lenox and others, having

Darin* b>r the connivance of Queen Anne seized the gates

enter- of James's palace, surprized him, and on his

Bothwell. knees requested a pardon, which he could now

command. The king's resentment was raised to

the highest pitch by this insolent enterprize ; it

overpowered his natural timidity, and he told

Bothwell to kill him on the spat rather than pn>

long such a disgraceful scene.* He consented,

however, to his demands, but on condition that

the earl (whom he actually dreaded more as a

magician than a conspirator) should not appear

in his sio-ht unless commanded.

The good fortune of the profligate and daring
Bothwell lasted not long ; James soon shook off
his fetters, and by aid of a parliament recovered
his independency; and his persecutor, after a
new but fruitless endeavor once more to seize the
person of the king, lost his courage, and fled to
the English border.
Popish At tliis period, the three Popish earls threw

oven. themselves at the king's feet and sued for pardon;
nor would the placable James have refused it,
but he dreaded his stern ally, and he dreaded his
parliament. He managed the latter, however,
with so much art, that the lords were forgiven
under condition of becoming Protestants, or re-
tiring to Spain.

u

* Spotiswood, p. $9-5"

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. C1YIL AND MILITARY. 345

In 1594, the Scottish history affords no inci- A. 1x1594.

dents, except a repetition of troubles raised by the They take

three Roman Catholic earls, and Elizabeth's ear- arms

again.

nestness to have them driven from Scotland. She
sent a new ambassador, the Lord Zouch, to hasten
this important business ; but that nobleman gave
great and just offence by treating, not only with
the king, but with his mal-content subjects, and
with his petulant priests. At length the fickle
Bothwell having quitted the interest and protec-
tion of Elizabeth, and united with the Popish
lords, Argyle, a gallant but young and inexperi-
enced nobleman, marched against them with a su-
perior force and fought them at Glenli vat: unluck- Andde-
ily his Highlanders, startled at the appearance of * ^r"
the revolters' train of artillery and cavalry, broke
and fled ; while their boy-commander, (fur he had
scarcely seen eighteen years) raving at the cow-
ardice of his soldiers, and crying * out for death
rather than dishonor, was forcibly carried from
the field by his friends and servants. Alarmed at
this unhappy defeat, the king marched at the head
of a few troops (to raise which he had been forced
to pawn his jewels) to the place of action ; his
appearance changed the scene ; the soldiers of the
earls would not fight against their king ; and the But at
royalists having subdued all the country belong- lenSth
inn; to the three lords, those violent spirits at to

length

Spotiswood, p. 409.

546 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.1594. length agreed to quit the realm, and give no more
disturbance to the well-affected.* The birth of
a son, named Henry, at this crisis, gave great
addition to the weight of the Scottish kins; in the
courts of Europe, and particularly in that of Eii~
zabeth, whose opinion of James's fidelity as to
his transactions with the Popish eai Ls had been so
low, that she had for some time past refused him
any pecuniary aid ; she now sent the Earl of
Sussex [77] to the prince's baptism with magnifi-
cent gifts ; and every prince of Europe (except
Henry IV. of France, who owned himself too
poor) followed her example. +

As the turbulent Both well had accompanied
the Popish earls in their exile, there seemed reason

to

NOTES.

[77] The presents from the states of Europe were mag-
nificent. Elizabeth sent { a Fafre cupboard of silver, over-
guilt, cunningly wrought, and some cups of massy gold.'
The Dutch sent two cups of massy gold and a parchment,
binding themselves to pay five thousand pounds per annum
to the prince. It was the greedy poverty of James which had
incited him to send ambassadors all over the Continent to an-
nounce the baptism of the prince. He expected presents like
these, and he soon found uses for them. ' I leave it to others,'
says Melvill with sensibility, ' to set down the weight and
value; but I say these which were of gold, and should have
been kept in store to posterity, were soon melted and disposed
of. But if they had been preserved, as they ought to have
been, those who advised to break them would have wanted
their part.'

* Calderwood, p. 373. -f Spotiswood, p. 40,7,

Ch. I. Part II. 1 1. civil and military. 347

to hope that tranquillity might for some time ^'^
flourish in Scotland, but there were still manyob- Anarchy
stacles. The feuds among private: persons had }^ot"
been suffered to reign with impunity so long, that
they raged beyond the power of a sceptre like
that of James to restrain. The Highlands and the
V. estern Isles afforded repeated scenes of delibe-
ra:e barbarity; in these remote districts, family
animosities raged bevond the comprehensions of
civilized people :[7S] and as the protecting arm
of ffovei nmentwas indolent and palsied, each man
of power avenged his real or fancied wrongs by
his own strength, and according to iiis own ideas

of

NOTES.

[781 Instances are much too frequent of such horrors,
the following is well attested: In or about 1595, the
M'Gre"-ors having defeated the Colquhouns of Dunbarton-
shire, at Glenfrone, pursued their hard, Humphry Coiquhoun,
to his castle, and having made themselves masters of it, they
put him to death with circumstances of uncommon cruelty.
A number of young noblemen and gentlemen of different fa-
milies who were at Dunbarton-school, had thronged to see the
fight at Glenfrone, but the Colquhouns, to prevent their
being ill treated, shut them up in a barn, and prevented their
coming to the field. Nevertheless, the M'Gregors after their
victory set fire to their asylum, and burnt them all together.

[Acts of Council, kc. ai-uo Pennant.

The very name of the sanguinary race was abolished by
law in consequence of this atrocious deed. Towards the close
of the 18th century the appellation was by act of parliament
permitted to be resumed, l as the causes for suppressing it
are now little known, or have ceased.' [Pub. Acts.

348 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^J*0S °^justice. On the borders matters were, if possi-
ble, in a worse state. The Maxwells and the John-
stones had long carried on an uninterrupted and
sanguinary civil war, and the treatment which
the peaceable inhabitants received from the roving,
unprincipled warriors on each side, forms a story-
unprecedented in the annals of a civilized coun-

Scheme3 . [-_ -,

of Anne try.[79j

of Ben- The subtle and dangerous machinations of Queen

l»ark. A l .1 r

Anne were also the source or great uneasiness to
her consort, who, indolent and peaceable as he was,

frequently

NOTES.

[79] Strange it as must appear it is nevertheless true,

that before the junction of the two crowns on the head of
James, England had never enjoyed the advantages of her insular
situation. The barbarous tenants of the borders, had, ever
since the departure of the Romans, kept that part of the
island in a state of civil war ; and had produced a race of
monsters scarce to be parallelled in modern history. Geordic
Bourne, one of them, and not a man of uncommon villany,
confessed, before his execution, ' that he had violated forty
men's wives, and had cruelly, in cold blood, murthered seven
Englishmen.' [Cary's Memoirs.

Other instances of profligate ferocity in abundance may be
found in the Border History, in Burn's Northumberland, &c.

The following names belonged to some of those worst of
borderers, called Moss-troopers : Tom Trotter of the Hill,
Goodman Dickson, Ralph Burn of the Coit, George Hall,
called Pat's Geordie, The Lairds Jok, Wanton Sym, Wilj
of Powder-lampat, Arthur Fire-the-braes, Gray Will, Will
the Lord, Richie Graham the Plump, Priors John and his
Bairnes, Hector of the Harlaw, The Griefes and Cuts of the
Harlaw, 8cc. fee.

Ch. I. Part II. % 1. civil and military. 34§

frequently found himself obliged by her intrigues AJX1595.
to make unpleasant exertions.

The custody of the Prince-royal of Scots was
by hereditary custom the right of the house of
Erskine, and the Lord Mar had the infant now
under his care. As the queen, who wanted not
discernment, clearly saw the great increase of
power of which such a charge in an ill-settled
government must confer on the person trusted,
she at once dropped her hatred to the secre-
tary Maitland, and condescended to plot with '"ted.
him the means of gaining possession of the
important child. Bat James having discovered
her design, severely* reprimanded her, and gave
such warning to Mar, as placed the prince totally
beyond the danger of a surprize. He then visit-
ed Maitland, who was much indisposed, and re-
presented the impropriety of his conduct in so
strong a light, that the days of that long-trusted
and high-spirited minister are supposed to have
been much shortened by his feelings on the occa-
sion. The good-natured monarch was deeply con-
cerned at the effect of his anger, and honored his
deceased favorite with an epitaph. [8o]t

The taste for expensive amusements which both 1596.
the king and queen possessed, and perpetually gra-
tified, obliged the thoughtless James, in spite of

his

NOTES.

[SO] See the Appendix.

* Spotiswood, p. 411. + Ibid p. 412.

350

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. d. 1596 his indolent turn, to devise some way of increasing
^^^ his finances, especially as he found that he could
not entirely rely on Elizabeth for money when
suddenly needed ; that discerning princess expect-
ing a consistency and fidelity in her pensioner,
qualities in which the unsteady disposition of
Institu- James too frequently failed. Eight n en of the

tion of jaw (stvled from their number Octavians*) were
the Octa- \. J ..',., , ,

viaus. thereiore supplied with ample powers to regulate

the Scottish finances* and restore order to the con-
fused accounts of the treasury. It does not, how-
ever, appear that any immediate advantage re-
sulted to the king's coffers from this experiment.
The Octavians, who despaired of clearing up the
accounts, confused as they found them, contented
themselves with obliging the peculators to com-
pound, and repay a part of their gains. The pub-
lic accused these ministers of converting the fines
to their own use, and the divines preached against
them as Papists, but they nevertheless retained
their stations ; and, allowing for the shortness of
their reign, considerably improved the fiscal de-
partment of Scotland.

Dancre- ^ was not ^on§ a^ter tn's appointment ere the
roustu- timid and irresolute character of James, and the
Edin- extreme violence of his clergy, caused adisturb-
burgh. anceof a dangerous kind. The Popish earls, the
unceasing sources of Scottish discord, once more

moved

* Mclvill, p. 348,

Cli. I. Part II. § 1. Civil and military. g.51

moved every engine to gain admittance again to A.D. 1596.
their countrv[8l] and estates ; nor was James
averse to their request, since he found that his late
exertion of spirit against the Northern rebels had
terrified the Roman Catholics both in Eno-land and
Scotland, and had indisposed many to his clomi*
nion. But on his hinting his design, the clergy of
Edinburgh took fire[S2] and communicated the
flames of their resentment to the citizens.* The
preachers, with a furiousdemagogue, named Black,
at their head (who had denounced Elizabeth as
an atheist) raved from their pulpits against their
reprobate king; the magistrates of the capital
shut their ears to the disloyal acclamations which
resounded through the streets ; while manv citi-
zens, with the Lord Lindsay and other hot-head-
ed fanatics, surrounded James in the sessions'-
house, and, by behavior which deserved a worse
name than disrespectful, forced him for his safe-
ty to quit the city. He retired from the disloyal

metropolis

NOTES.

[81] Two of the earls lurked in Scotland, the third
(Errolj was seized in the low Countries, betrayed by his
singularly fine person and lofty stature.

[Anon apud Glturif..

[82] When James endeavored to soften Robert Bruce, one

the 'most moderate, ' I see,' said the haughty priest, ' that ye

Wish to have Huntley back. Ye cannot have him and me.

Look that ye take your choice.' [Spotiswoob, &;c.

* Birch's Memoirs of Eliz. vol. ii. p. 230. 250.

352 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1.596. metropolis to Linlithgow; and there, with un-
commmon intrepidity, planned cool and decisive
measures against those who, as he properly ex-
pressed it, had reduced him to be ' the cypher
of a king-'
Carlisle ^n tne mean while the spirited action of a chief
surpiiz- on the borders had almost caused a fatal rupture.
Scot of Buccleugh, one of the most active of the
partisans on the Marches, had received an un-
warrantable affront from the English warden, who,
in despite of that custom which had rendered the
place of conference an asylum to all criminals,
had carried off one Armstrong, a celebrated
plunderer, prisoner to Carlisle. The irritated
Scot followed him with 200 men, surprized the
castle of Carlisle, rescued the captive, and re-
turned home without spilling a drop of blood.
Elizabeth stormed on hearing the tale, and the
pacific James condescended to let the gallant Scot
attend her court, and defend his own cause before
her in person. He did so, and the not ungene-
rous queen sent him back with an honorable ac-
knowledgment of his innocence.
1597 ^ne reflections of James, after his retreat from

Resolute Edinburgh, appear to have inspired him with a de-
conduct . "r , . r . .
of jamts. termination to seize this lortunate opportunity, and

rescue the crown from the extreme subordination

into which the church had gradually reduced it.

ISo sentiment had indeed been too treasonable for

the favorite preachers to promulgate from their

pulpit, nor for their pupils in politics to defend by

rioting

Ch. I. Part I. § 1. . civil and military. 353

rioting and the sword. Welch, a noted declaim- A.D.i59r„
er, had delivered the king over to perdition as a
person possessed by Beelzebub ; he had urged
the legality of wresting the sword from his pol-
luted hand ; and, although the house of Hamil-
ton had refused to head the mal-contents, yet
Lord Lindsay, Lord Forbes, and others, having
been asked by the king, ' How they could dare
to dispute his proclamation ?' answered, ' That
they dared do that and more to preserve their
religion unsullied by Popery.'*

The first step of the justly irritated king was-p^

an order to the magistrates of Edinburgh to ar- church

• i r i i i humbled,

rest the most insolent ol the preachers ; and at

the same time all the well affected were ordered
to withdraw from the disloyal capital. He then
assembled a convention, and laying before the
members what provocations he had received, ea-
sily succeeded not only in causing the late disturb-
ances to be styled treason, but in procuring such
ordinances as might re-instate the civil power in
its rights. By these, all ministers of the church
were ordered to subscribe a declaration of obedi-
ence to the royal authority ; magistrates might
seize and imprison seditious preachers ; no eccle-
siastical court of judicature might meet unless by
the king's direction; and, lastly, an alteration wan

made

* Spotiswaod, p. 429.

Vol. I. Part II. a a

3o4 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ajx 159T. made Jn tlie mode of electing the magistrates of
Edinburgh, which took the power from the po-
pular party, and subjected the whole to the ap#
probation of the sovereign.*

The me- This firm and prudent conduct of the king com-

tropohs pietely humbled the violent ecclesiastics and
corrected. r m '

their hot-headed hearers ; the magistrates, being
told that their offices were forfeited by their pas-
sive indulgence of treason, threw themselves at the
feet of James, professing unlimited obedience for
the future ; while the seditious preachers, timid
in deed as loud in declamation, fled to the bor-
ders, and left their pulpits to resound with the
doctrines of more loyal declaimers. So much
did the conscious inhabitants of Edinburgh dread
the penalties which might be levied on their heads
for their indefensible conduct, that they thought
themselves happy when the natural moderation
of James, supported by the earnest recommenda-
tions of Elizabeth, procured them forgiveness on
the mild conditions above-mentioned and the
payment of a considerable fine. The pardon of
the three Popish earls naturally followed these
events, but they were first obliged to make some
concessions to the church, and to find enormous
bail for their good behavior.
The Oc- At this juncture the Octavians, finding them*
uvians selves hated by the people, neglected by James,

retire. ,

who

* Spotlswood, p. 434, &c.

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 355

who thought little but of church government, A^-^r.
and teazed by Queen Anne for money which the
treasury could not supply, abandoned their new
vocation, and left the finances to regain that state
of confusion from which the best authors think
they were, under their management, in a train to
be rescued.*

An event of a romantic cast closed the trans- Enter-
actions of 1597- There lies on the western coast £nze,°
of Scotland, at some distance from the land, a
vast rock named Aylsa, with the remains of a
fortress on its side, but no inhabitants. To this
solitary asylum Barclay of Ladyland, a proscrib-
ed partisan of Spain and of the popish earls, led
a ferocious band of armed out-laws ; with these
he silently abode in the hospitable ruin, and wait-
ed there unheeded some weeks for the promised
help from Philip, who was ever ready to support
the rebel, or encourage the assassin. While Bar-
clay was one day cautiously treading the shore,
and eagerly looking out for the sails of Spain, he
was alarmed by the sight of a stranger just land-
ed from the main land ; and although he saw no
armed force in his company, his courage s;ave im-
mediate way to despair ; he rushed headlong into
the sea and was drowned. His party, abandoned
by their leader, surrendered without resistance,

a a 2 and

* Spotiswood, p. 435.

356 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

t^il^j anc^ tne ear^s were deprived of every chance ex-
cept that of submission.*
Witches It ought not to be forgotten, that the annals of
persecut- scotlancl were disgraced in 1597 by a violent pro-
cedure against witches. [83] So many, indeed,
were discovered, that their persecutors were asto-
nished, remitted the penalty to some, and pre-
vented any farther executions unless after confes-
sion.
\B9S. No particular events in Scottish history distin-
guished the next year, except the birth of the
Princess Elizabeth, (on which occasion the Earl*
of Hamilton and Huntley, having assisted as wit-
nesses, were made marquisses) and the arrival of
the queen's brother from Holstein at the court
of James. The entertainment of this prince, and

» the baptismal ceremonies of the infant, were far

Poverty L

of James, more costly than the purse of the thoughtless king
could support, although his pension had been
enlarged by Elizabeth. It was therefore found ne-
cessary

NOTES.

[S3] Margaret Atkin undertook to discover witches by

their eyes. She met -with ready belief; and at Glasgow,
through the credulous folly of John Cowper the minister, many
•ufFered death on her evidence. At length, being narrowly
watched, she was found out to be an impostor, and to say dif-
ferent things of the same person when brought to her more
than once. She was brought to a trial, confessed her compli-
cated villany, and was executed. [Spoti»wood«
* Spotiswoed, p. 447*

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. civil and military. 557

cessary to create a new board of sixteen members, ^^- ^^j
to regulate the royal income, and to raise a con-
siderable impost on the people to support the ex-
pence of sending and receiving embassies. The
want of a strong government [84] was still severe-
ly felt in every remote district, where murther,
instigated by private feuds, stalked abroad with
impunity.

As the Queen of England now visibly declin- 1599.
ed in health and spirits,[85] James took the ec-^j^' *r

centric sies.

NOTES.

[84] In 159S was fought one of the last battles among ths
Scottish clans. Sir Laughlan Maclean of Mull invaded Hay
with 1500 men, intending to deprive his nephew, the Lord
of the Isles, of that patrimony. A witch, the oracle of Mull,
had given him three counsels, each of which he was obliged to
counteract. He was bade not to land on a Thursday, but he
was compelled by a storm ; he was not to drink of a certain
spring, but he did it through ignorance ; lastly, he had direc-
tions as to chusing his held of battle, which he could not obey.
The sagacious reader will anticipate the event — Sir Laughlan
was defeated and slain. [Pennant.

[85] Elizabeth, however old, was not of a temper to put
up with any disrespect, even at this late period 0! her life and
reign. On surmising that she was slighted, she encouraged
writers to attack James's title to her succession. But an anec-
dote told by Guthrie (without naming his authority) is striking
and characteristic.

In a dispatch which that spirited queen sent (at the age of
sixty-four) to her minister in Scotland, Bowes, she inserted
with her own hand, between the signature of her name and the

to
4

358 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK VII.

A^D. 1599. centric step of sending to gain the silent suffrage
of every Protestant court for his succession to the
English throne. The answer which he received
from each to this very delicate communication
was uniformly respectful, but strongly dissuasive
of hasty measures, which might ruin an interest
that otherwise no foreign or domestic event could
injure.

Prudent The extreme earnestness of James to secure

conduct njs £n2;lish succession carried him still greater
ot James. ° m °

lengths ; anxious to gain the good will of every

party, he raised the jealousy of the Protestant
states, by the indiscriminate attention which he
paid to the professors of both religions. [S6]
Elizabeth was at this period particularly hurt by
the discovery of a letter to the Pope, signed by
the Scottish prince, in which, after many expres-
sions favorable to the Roman Catholic faith, he
recommends Drummond,[87] a Scot, to fill a va-
cancy

NOTES,
first line of her instructions, the following nervous words : * I
wonder how base-minded that king thinks me, that with pati-
ence I could digest such dishonorable treatment I Let him

therefore know that I will have satisfaction, or else .'

James pacified the angry virago with ample submission, and re-
ceived 70001. from her during that year.

[Hist, of Scotland.

[86] The Pope was so steady a friend to James's rights,
that that grateful prince made a public acknowledgement on
that head some years after. [Calderwood.

[87] The house of Drummond, says Mr. Pennant, took
its origin from the pilot of the vessel which conveyed th royal

Saxon

Ch. I. Part II. § I. civil and military. $59

cancy in the sacred college. A copy of this pa- A-D.i59».
per (which had been obtained by the humble di-
ligence of the Master of Gray, who now acted as
a spy for Elizabeth at Rome) was sent to James.*
At first he denied all knowledge of it, but after-
wards owned his name, but averred that he had
signed it carelessly, without having examined
the contents. [88] With this excuse the queen
found it prudent to acquiesce ; she saw indeed,
with unutterable anguish, that her people began
visibly to look towards her successor ; and that
Bruce of Kinloss, his ambassador, a man of great
address and abilities, had made innumerable pro-
selytes among her greedy, ungrateful courtiers.
She had endeavored, by seizing a low culprit,
named Valentine Thomas, to intimate a suspicion
of his being employed by James to hasten her
decease; but the manly and open conduct of the
prudent heir made her ashamed of the shallow

plot.

NOTES.

Saxon family of England, at the aera of the Norman conquest,
to Leith. Mauritz was his name, a Hungarian of royal blood.
In gratitude for his skilful care, Malcolm Canmore gave him a
grant of lands, and the appellation of c Diymen,' or ' The
high Ridge,' referring to the waves over which he had safely
conducted the future Queen of Scotland. [Pennant.

[88] Although the blame fell on Elphinstone, a Roman
Catholic, secretary to the king, yet it has been strongly hinted
that Anne of Denmark was principally concerned in the busi-
ness; she was busy and mercenary.

* Spotiswood, p. 456.

S60 HISTORY Of GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D.1599. pl0t. As Elizabeth, however, did not wish him
to be too certain of success, she did not discou-
rage the polemic politician, who published' fugi-
tive pieces arraigning the title of James to the
English throne; but the cautious Scot, instead of
complaining to the queen, caused each treatise to
be answered with such spirit and strength of ar-
gument, that his cause gained ground by the very
cavils of his enemies.
Basilicon Nor ^id tne publication of the ' Basilicon Do-
Boron. r01l5' at this juncture,* hurt the interest of the
King of Scots, its author. The sentiments which
it contained had been misrepresented, and it be-
came necessary to let the world see, that the
principles of the work neither tended to bigotry
nor despotism. It proved to be a well-written
treatise on the arts of government, clothed in as
pure a style as the age would admit, and not
more chargeable with pedantry than contempo-
rary books of a serious kind.

The study of letters naturally led the well-in-

-, formed prince into the walks of Parnassus ; and

Come- v • T ,;

4>ans sent he manifested his attachment to the Muses by re-
iT l^d °iuestmo Elizabeth to send him a company of
English players to Edinburgh. But, as the gaiety
of the stage, and the free manners of the comedi-
ans formed too strong a contrast to the solemn
discipline recommended by the stern followers of

Calvia*

* SpotUwood. p, 457\>,

Ch.I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. $f)\

Calvin, a warm opposition was made by the clergy A. D. 1599.
against a measure which tended to substitute wit
and cheerfulness in the room of formality. * The
king had however gained too strong an ascendance
over the church to be passive under an opposition
to a favorite project. The preachers were ordered
by the throne to be silent, and the theatre, disbur-
dened of an anathema, became the resort of
every rank of society. A modern historians af-
firms, that he has reason to think the great Shak-
spear to have been one of the party that migrated
to the North on this expedition.

Thenearerthe Kino; of Scots approached to the l60°-

. . . Precau-

English throne, the more diligence he exerted in tions of

smoothing the path which led to that exalted sta- James*
tion. He wished most ardently to conciliate the
Roman Catholics, and with that view made the
Popish Archbishop of Glasgow^ (after the con-
vention had been persuaded to restore his tempo-
ralities) reside at Paris as his ambassador; andhe
employed Lord Home, a Roman Catholic peer,
in a private negotiation with the Pope; while Sir
James Lindsay, familiarizing himself with those
of that religion in England, disposed them to ex-
pect great indulgence at the accession of James.
The cautious prince paid equal attention to the
ministry and favorites of Elizabeth ; and, w hile he

listened

* Spotiswood, p. 457. + Guthrie.

X Calderwood, vol. vi. p. 147.

362 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.D. 1600. listened with a polite but incredulous ear to the
wild fears of a Spanish pretender, with which
the Earl of Essex perplexed him, he had begun
to form a much more certain and useful connec-
tion with Cecil, the right hand of the declining
queen ; a connection which, after the unfortu-
nate Essex had rushed on his destruction, still
silently supported the cause of James, and at
length introduced him peaceably to the throne
of Great Britain.

At this juncture, when every thing and every
party concurred to promote his interest, when the
church interfered not with the exercise of his au-
thority, and when the private quarrels of the no-
bility were gradually subsiding, a strange incident,
hitherto totally unaccounted for, and indeed,
hardly credited by many, had nearly deprived the
king of life, and involved the island in confusion.
Cowrie's If a conspiracy existed, it was assuredly one of the
rac^1" worst concerted which history can produce ; but
so wild are the circumstances which are handed
doAvn to the present age, that it does not appear
what advantage could accrue to any of the con-
spirators had the plot succeeded. The account
beneath is copied from the narrative which James
himself gave to the public.

Lord Gowrie and his brother, Alexander Ruth-
ven, were the sons of the Earl of Gowrie, put to
death in 15 84 for treason. They were accomplish-
ed young men, of amiable characters, had a more
than common share of learning, were much fa-
vored

Ch. I. Part II. § 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 363

vorecl bv the kins:, and exceedingly beloved Jn^0,1600;
the northern counties of Scotland.

On the 5th of August, 1600, James was at his
hunting palace, called Falkland, not far from
Perth, the seat of the Gowrie and Ruthven po-
pularity ; he was at an early hour proceeding in
search of sport, when Alexander Ruthven met ,
him, and with great confusion and earnestness in-
formed him, that he had seized a suspicious fel-
low, who had under his cloak a large pot full of,
money, and that he detained him for his Majesty's
examination. * Money was an irresistible bait to
the needy prince, and, although not satisfied, he
was persuaded by his informer to ride without
attendants to Lord Gowrie's, where the bearer of
the treasure (whom James immediately supposed
to bean emissary from the Pope or King of Spain)
was kept in hold. They entered the castle by a
private way, and, ascending a blind staircase to a
small obscure room, where they found a man
standing, armed at all points, Ruthven, suddenly
altering his behavior, told the king, that as he
had slain the father of Gowrie, and of him, he
must die to expiate his offence. James reasoned
with him, defended his own conduct, and so far
staggered his sanguinary plan, that he left the
room, but soon returned, denouncing death to the
hapless prince, and endeavoring to tie his hands,

while

» Spotiswood, p. 459.

364 HISTOTtY OF GHEAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A. D. 1600 while }ie held a dag-orer at his breast. The armed
man, "who had been argued by the king into an
agony of terror, stoodtrembling by, when James,
exerting his utmost strength, and overpowering
Alexander Ruthven, gained the window, and call-
ing to his attendants, they forced a passage, re-
lieved the king, and slew both the Gowries. And
thus James concludes his own narrative : ' While
these spells were about him, (Gowrie) the wound
of which he died bled not, but when they were
taken away the blood gushed out in great abun-
dance ; an infamy which has followed and spot-
ted the race of this house [89] for many de-
scents,' Ice. 8cc.
Clergy So strange and unexpected an event, although

inc u- vouched by royal authority, met with slow and
unwilling belief. The Gowrie family had been
beloved by all, and especially by the clergy of
Scotland; and it was with the greatest difficulty

that

NOTES.

[S9] This sarcasm on the house of Ruthven perhaps refers t»
the execution of Jane Douglas, Lady Glamis, who had some re-
lationship to that family, and who was burnt on a charge of
sorcery about twenty-five years before. This poor lady is also
hinted at in a ballad which may be found in the ' Reliques of
Ancient English Poetry,' entitled ' Northumberland betrayed
by Douglas.'

1 My mother she was a witch ladye,
And of her skill she learned mee,
She would let me see, out of Loch Lev*n}
What they did in London cine.5

Qi. I. Partll. § I. CIVIL AND MILITART. 363

that the preachers could be persuaded to publish A.D.16O0.
from their pulpits the king's own narrative of the.
plot ; at length however all, except Robert Bruce,
acquiesced. But that sturdy demagogue could
only be brought to say, that, although he respected
the king's account of the affair, he would not an-
swer for believing it. In vain did James condescend
to reason with the obstinate sceptic ; he retained
his incredulity, and was banished to England.*

More courtly in their faith, the members of a
convention, which was immediately called, la-
mented over the peril of the king, and loaded its
authors with disgrace. The mano-led bodies t of
the two young men were, as the custom ordained,
produced to the house, and condemned as guilty
of treason; their lands were forfeited; the name
of Ruthven declared infamous ; and an annual
day of thanksgiving for the royal escape unanim-
ously directed to be held by all good subjects. [90]

Before

NOTES.

[90] This whole story is so absurd and improbable, that it
«an only be explained (say most writers] by one of the following
methods : Either James's detestation of the Ruthven family
made him invent the whole story, or else the plan was laid by
the Ruthvens with a view not to kill the king, but to frighten
him into acquiescence, and then to deliver him up to Eli-
zabeth.

Both these solutions are highly improbable. James's turn

ivas not sanguinary, nor had he ever shewn signs of malice

against
* Caldcr. vol. v. p. 389. + Spotiswood, p. 162.

366 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

A.r>.i60Q. Before the close of this year, Ave must notice
Birth of the birth of Charles, an ill-starred prince,

^inc,e doomed

Charles. «■■■■■ —

NOTES.

against younger branches of the Ruthven family. On the other
hand, Elizabeth, declining in spirits and in health, was not
likely to encourage an undertaking so perilous and so little ne-
cessary.

There is one other way of solving the mystery. If we can
suppose Alexander Ruthven to have been seized with a sudden
fit of insanity, then most part of the tale may be accounted for.
At any rate the earl seems to have had no concern it. He had
a large armed force, yet he made no use of it against the king j
but, as soon as he heard a cry that ' the king was slain,' he
dropped two swords which he had in his hands, and suffered
his heart to be pierced without resistance. Nor could Alex-
ander Ruthven have designed the murther of James, since,
when his dagger was at the king's breast, he only made use of
it to terrify him that his hands might be bound. The armed
man too (who on promise of pardon surrendered himself)
proved to be one Henderson, a timid honest man, totally igno-
rant why he was clothed in armor, and so frighted that he was
a long time recovering the use of his senses.

When every other surmise has failed, may we not ask, whe-
ther the unprincipled intriguing Anne of Denmark might not
somehow be concerned in this strange affair? There are hints
given among Winwood's papers of her attachment to Alexan-
der Ruthven, whose personal beauty was extraordinary, and of
the king's uneasiness on that account.

About nine years after this strange event, one Sprat, a no-
tary, having prated imprudently, as if he had been concerned
in the plot against the king, was seized and tortured, on
which he made an inconsistent wild confession, charging two
dead persons (Logan and Bour) as his accomplices. He was
hanged; and, having promised to the spectators that he
3 / would

Ch. I. Part II. | 1. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 3fi7

doomed to supply a melancholy page to the A-D.160I.
annals of Great Britain.

That unhappy disturbance at London which,
in 1601, cost the gallant Earl of Essex his life,
and his royal mistress her peace of mind, gave
great uneasiness to the King of Scots, in whose
favor the rash, unthinking earl, avowedly raised
his standard. The ambassadors, (Mar and Kin*
loss) who were sent in haste to save* if possible
the friend of James from the axe, arrived, per-
haps fortunately, after the blow was struck ; and
turned into congratulations the intended remon-
strances. These were received by the dispirited \m;t™

Elizabeth with kindness, and rewarded by an ad- witn EIfr
,. . r , . , zabeth.

dition oi 50001. per annum to the usual pension.

The Pope at this juncture, displeased with James
for thus strengthening; his connection with the
foe of Catholicism, forbade, by a privately-dis-
tributed bull, all persons to acknowledge any suc-
cessor to the throne of England who should not
promise to tolerate, and even to establish, the
Roman belief. By some this prohibition has been
looked on as the progenitor of the gunpowder-
treason conspiracy.

James

NOTES.

tsvould give a token of his veracity, he clapped hi3 hands thrice
after the executioner had thrown him off the ladder. Vet
Archbishop Spotiswood treats the confession with contempt.

[Robertson.
♦ Birchj Mem. vol. ii. p. 410.

368 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. B<5ok VIL

^P'^ff*; James now received an ample proportion of

Cecil a professions of loyalty and support from his future

fnend to £nQ-lJsh subjects ; and Cecil, the hereditary foe
James. .

of the Stewarts, heartily but secretly espoused

his cause. Yet he was anxious to know the
sentiments which Henry IV. of France had form-
ed of his right to the English crown, and sent
the duke of Lenox, splendidly equipped, to
sound his opinion. The answer of the ruminat-
ing Bourbon, (with whom James was never a fa-
vorite, and to whom the supposed negotiations
with Rome and Spain had given suspicion and
disgust) was so dry and unpromising, that the
ambassador was ordered abruptly to repair to the
court of England. There he offered to the in*
firm and aged sovereign the aid of the whole
Scottish force, if necessary, to quell the Irish re-
bels. She accepted not the offer, but thanked
James with affectionate gratitude.
1602. ^ne storv °f Scotland as a separate kingdom
now draws apace to its close. James saw the ter-
mination of his residence in the North approach,
and wished to leave behind him some testimony
of his affection which might endure.* To in-
Unfortu- troduce new sources of provision and commerce
tempt to to the Western Islands (then over-clouded with

civilize barbarism) was an object worth his attention.

the He- ; J

brides. But although there are only dark accounts of his

endeavors towards its accomplishment, yet these

are

* Basil. Doren. p. 159«

Ch. I. Part II. § I. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 300

are worth relating, as they prove the indepen- A.D.1609.
dence of those isles, and the weakness of James's
government. It appears that he drew from Fife,
where the inhabitants were industrious in hus-
bandry, and good fishermen, an efficient colony,
(headed by Sir James AnstVuther and other gentle-
men) and planted it on the isle of Lewes. Mur-
doch Macleod, a base-born but potent and fero-
cious chief, was at this time lord of Stornoway,
a district where the new comers landed, and him
they expelled, probably with inconsiderate haste.
His people on shore submitted, but the active
despot putting to sea with a little fleet composed
of bhiings, a bark peculiar to the Western Isles,
soon found an opportunity to surprize one of the
colonial ships which a calm had prevented from
takino- measures for flight or defence. The whole
crew were hanged by the inhuman captor, except
the Laird of Balgomie, who was on board, and Sava
he, after a rigorous confinement, was ransomed, islanders.
and died at Orkney; Soon after Murdoch was seiz-
ed by his own brother, Neil Macleod, who sold him
to the Scots, and he was hanged at St. Andrew's.
The colony in the mean while was surrounded and
harrassed by the natives under a third brother,
Norman Macleod ; and, when most of the adven-
turers were slain or starved, the residue yielded
themselves prisoners, and the unsteady king, in-
stead of revenging the insult, bought the freedom
Vol. I. Part II. . Bit of

370

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII,

A^D.1602. 0f £]ie few survivors with a promise that the
islanders of Lewes should remain unmolestedly

1603. savage."
Twines be™
comes This was the last incident which the reign of

King of James VI. produces as kins; of one half of Great

Great x &

Britain. Britain. On the decease of Elizabeth he ascended

her throne, not only without opposition but with
the complete approbation of all ; as no title was
ever more indubitably established than that of the
King of Scots to the crown of England. [9 1] It
was indeed a title clearly superior to that of the
Plantagenets ; being derived from David I. of
Scots, who was heir to St. Margaret, the sister
and heiress of Edgar Atheling; whereas, except-
ing the right which possession can impart, the
Plantagenets had no claim but from Matilda, the
sister of David, and wife to Henry Beauclerc.

How far the abilities of James were found to fit
him for the great task now before him, and whe-
ther his mind and his views were enlarged pro-
portionally to the increase of his dominions, will

be seen in a following; volume.

HISTORY

NOTES.

[91] The pedigree of James was a lasting feast for the
students of genealogy. The author has now before him a
book in quarto, compiled by ' George Owen Harry, Parsou
of Whitchurch in Kemeis,' comprizing the descent of that
prince from Noah, Brutus, and Cadwallader ; from Owen
Tudor, and from almost every crowned head in Europe. It
was printed at London in 1604.

f Spotiswood, p. 468.

371

HISTORY

OF

GREAT BRITAIN.

CHAP. II.— PART. I.

SECTION I.

ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND, FROM THE
DEATH OF HENRY VIII. A. D. 1547, TO THE AC-
CESSION OF JAMES I. A. D. 1603.

¥ T were natural to suppose, that the general in- Cent.xvi;
■*• terest of religion, as well as that of reforma- Edw. VI.
tion in particular, should have been much for- *avors
warded by the decease of the capricious and forma-
more than half Roman Catholic Henry, [l] andUon#

the

NOTES.

[1] The reader may consult Burnet's Reformation, vol. ii.
p. 13, for the account of a circumstance at the royal funeral
which afforded matter of triumph to the bigoted Papists, and
which gave them an opportunity of comparing the obse-
quies of Henry VIII. to those of Jezebel. See 1st. book of
Kings, chap. ix. v. 33, 8cc.

B B£

372 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Centxvi. the accession of Edward VI. a prince so exceed-
ingly amiable, virtuous, and even plcus, that, al-
lowing for the natural exaggerations of Protestant
writers, he must be looked on as a prodigy ; epes-
cially considering his extreme youth and his situ-
ation as a king, surrounded with every tempta-
tion which servility could offer or luxury afford.
The Protestant faith most certainly advanced
by huge strides. It had on its side the affection*
of the young Edward (whose education wras totally
in the hands of zealous reformers) and of the
S mcrset nonest and zealous Protector ;+ the wise counsels
andCran- of Cranmer, whose moderation was undoubted,
friends. anc^ ^vno ^y no means wished to destroy the hier-
archy, but to reduce it according to the dictates
of reason ; the firm and bold arguments delivered
from the pulpits of Latimer, Hooper, and many-
other sincere well-wishers to reformation ;[2]

and,

NOTES.

[<2] Let us read a specimen of the age's blunt divinity
from a work of Richard Bankes, ' dwellynge in Gracious
Street besyde the Condyte,' printed as well as composed by
himself, and addressed to the people, in 1544. ' Though
I am olde, clothed in barbarus wede, nothynge garnyshed
with gay eloquensy; yet I telle the truth (if ye lyke to
take hede) againste theyr frovvard furious fantasy which rek-
ken it for a grate heresy, and unto laye people grevous
outrage, to have Godes word in theyr native langage.
Enemys I shall have; .many a shorne crowne with forked caps,

and
* Holingshed, p. 979. + Burnet's Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 25,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 373

and, in general, the good will of the people. CentxvL
It had also an addition of strength in the eager-
ness

NOTES.

and gay crosses of golde; whiche, to mayntayne their ant-
bicious renowne, are glad laye peopel in ygnorance to holde ;
* Yet, to shew the veryte, one may be bolde,
1 Altho' it be a proverbe dayly spoken,
M Who that tellyth truthe, his hed shall be broken."
[A Compendious Old Treatyse, shewynce, Sec.
Another began thus,

* Will none in all this lande
Step forth, and take in hand*
The buckler and defence

Of mother holy kyrcke,
Or weapon to drive hence

All that agaynst hyr wrycke.'

[A Poore Helpe.
But in a very scarce comedy, written by Bale, afterwards
Bishop of Ossory, scurrility and prophaneness are called forth
in great force to combat the monks and Popish miracles. Infi-
delity, one of the persons in the drama, speaking of the laity,
prays ' To the omnipotent and eternal God,' ' Ut sicut eorum
sudoribus vivimus, ita eorum uxorbus, filiabus et domicellis
perpetuo frui mercamur, per dominum nostrum Papain.' The
same speaker then begins a conversation in English with ' Lex
Moysis,' ' too low and licentious' (says the historian of English
poetry) ' to transcribe,' introducing ' an olde fryre vvyth -r>ec-
tacles on hys nose, and Dame Isabel, and olde nun, who crowes
lyke a capon.'

It was (sings Infidelity, almost in the style of, though less
delicate than, a modern Vauxhall ballad J

' A good world, when wyth us it was merya

And we went to Berye, J^g

374 HISTORY 0? GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. ness for plunder which most of the old courtiers
of Henry possessed. By establishing the new
doctrines, these had a chance of pillaging the se-
cular, as they had already the regular, clergy.
Indifferent to all religion they dreaded the return
of Popery, as it must bring with it a severe ac-
count for them to settle-
Gardiner The Popish party, which the experienced and
joe, cautious zeal of Gardiner [3] directed, as it

could

NOTES.
And t'oure Ladye of Grace ;
To the bloude of Hayles,
Where no chere fayles,

And other holye place.

When the prestes rnighte walke,
And wyth yonge wyves talke,

Then had we chyldrene plentye ;
Then cuckoldes myghte leape,
A score in a heape,

Now there is not one in twenty.

When the monkes were fatte,' &c. &x.
And thus, in another place, is the old philosophy ridiculed :
' And I wyll rayse up in the universitees
The seven sleepers there, t'advaunce the Pope's decrees:
As Dorbel, Duns, Durande, and Thomas of Aquine,
The maystre of sentens, wythe Bachon the grate devyne,
Henricus de Gandavo ; and these shall rede " ad Clerum,"
Aristotle and Albertus, " de secretis mulierum,"
With the commentaries of Avicen and Averoyes,' Sec.
[3] Gardiner wrote at this period a treatise in defence of
' holy water,' in opposition to a sermon preached by Bishop
Ridley. « It was,' he said, ' an instrument in the hands of the

Almighty,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 375

could not oppose the torrent, readily gave it way ; ^*,^J'
opposing only now and then a slight impediment
to its progress. ' They could not deny,' they
said ' that the measures proposed were good ; but
this, being a minority, was not the proper season.
Images ought not to be abolished, as they pre-
served a sense of religion among the illiterate
multitude. Above all, they affirmed that it was
a dangerous precedent to break through solemn
acts of parliament in order to please an infant
kinii or his minister.'

These inuendos missed their aim, and refor-
mation proceeded with calm and steady steps.

It was about this time that Gardiner preached*
before the king. He had been warned not to
speak of controversial subjects, and the answer
he gave had been moderate and satisfactory. But
when in the pulpit, he forgot his promises ; and
warmly supported the real presence of Christ's
flesh and blood in the sacrament. The effect of
this ill-judged rhapsody was grossly indecent.
Each party, although in the church, and before
the king, cried out aloud and with vehemence to
fcupport or to insult the preacher; and, on his

leaving

NOTES.

Almighty, and might do good as well as the shadow of St.

Peter, the hem of our Savior's garment, or the spittle and clay

hid on the eyes of the blind.' [C«llieb,

* Burnet's Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. QG,

376 history or great Britain. Book VII,

Cent.xvi. leaving the rostrum, the impolitic orator was

Impri- taken to prison. His eloquence had little effect

soned. on f-iie prepared mind of the young monarch,

who had already ordered prayers to be read in

the English language at the royal chapel.*

Instructions + were now formed which might
generally direct the course which both the priest
and his parishioners ought to steer. All the
rules which Cromwell, as vicegerent of Henry
VIII. had sent around the country, were re-
newed, and several others annexed. [4]
A visita- A visitation, composed of ecclesiastics and
tion \m laymen, perambulated the kincdom, (which was

injunc- ' . * &• » \

tions. divided into six circuits) and took upon itself to
spread abroad these injunctions, to correct immo-
ralities in th clergy, and to abolish gradually the
ancient and obnoxious superstitions. [5] X The

parliament

NOTES.

[4] The keeping of ' the holiday' was strongly ordained in these
injunctions, but that ' holiday' not being clearly explained, gave
some offence. Those who apprehended that Sunday was
meant, pressed the keeping of it with too much strictness ; the
others spent it in licentious gaiety. From small beginnings of
this kind, lasting schisms arose. [Hist, of Ref.

[5] So moderate were the directions given to the Visitors,
that images not used for idolatrous purposes were to be
retained, and ceremonies not yet abolished were to be still
held in reverence ; only holy-water sprinkling, bell-ringing,
and lighting candles to drive away the devil, were exploded.

Some
* Stowe, p. 591. \ Hist, of Ref. ii. p. 27.

^ Ibid. p. 59.
4

Ch. II. Part I.§ 1. ecclesiastical. 377

parliament co-operated with these decent censors ; Cent.xvr.
priests (except a few to whom, as they could he
trusted, general licence was given) were directed
to preach only in their own[6] parishes ; the
Liturgy was amended ; homilies favorable to re-
formed principles were composed and ordered to
be read; the communion in both kinds" was al-
lowed to the laity ; and, above all, the bloody
act (as it was called) which had driven so many
proselytes into exile, and had deprived the Pro-
testant church of so many preachers, was repeal-
ed ; and, as a natural consequence, the marriage
of priests was no longer forbidden. [7 J

At

NOTES.

Some of these images loudly called for a removal or a reforma-
tion, particularly one (probably at Sarum, as a print of it was
there published) in which the Blessed Virgin was admitted as
a fourth person in the Trinity.

[6] Most of the English parish churches had been fdled by
displaced monks, in order to save the pensions with which they
had been supported. And these, attached to their old doc-
trines, roamed from church to church, inveighing against the
new faith. [Burnet. Fox.

[7] At this part of the English history Mr. Carte introduces
an anecdote so extraordinary that it merits admission, al-
though it belong to a later age. ' Bossuet, Bishop of Meaux,
had,' he gays, ' a dispensation from the Pope to marry.
This was produced and verified before the Parliament of
Paris, who (as the rapporteur of the cause told Mr. Carte)
adjudged the bishop's estate to his wife and children, and allow-
«d them to be legitimate.' [Hist, of England.

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 39.

.373 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvr. At the root, however, of this fair plant of re-
formation there was a canker-worm ; the spoils
of the many religious foundations with which
Henry had gratified his favorites, had only whet-
ted their appetites for prey. Having already
pruned away the superfluous parts (and much su-
perfluity there certainly was) from the revenues
of the church, they began now to lop off those
vital branches which were necessary for its sup-
port ; and this principle had been so widely ex-
tended, that there was scarcely a benefice in the

Creedi- nation on which some greedy courtier was not

ness of pensioned." Anions; these, Somerset the Protec-
•ourtiers. _ . ,_

tor, and many of his dependents, were endowed

with spiritual preferments, deaneries, and pre-
bends. For now, among other attacks on the hier-
archy of England, the custom of bestowingchurch
preferments on laymen gained ground every day.
., , In the mean while speculative points, not ap-
disputes. parently of consequence to the general welfare of
the reformation, were hotly maintained by the
preachers of the new faith; a circumstance which
not only gave great advantage to the enemies[8]

of

NOTES.
[8] Particularly the doctrine of grace, nnd of justification by-
faith. Gardiner was rationally severe on the extreme precision
with which these were defined in the new homilies ; while, on
the other side, Fox charges the Bishop of VVinton as ' an insen-
sible ass, who had no feeling of God's Spirit in the matter of
Justification.' [Martyrology.

• Gilpin's Latimer.

Chap. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 379

of the Protestant cause, but also proved the-^jj^jjj*
source of divisions among the teachers, and made
them the laughing-stock of their enemies.

It was about this time that the French re- Calvin
former, Calvin, wrote to Cranmer, offering his feres>
services towards forming the new rules for the
English church ; but the archbishop discouraged
the overture. Calvin had better success in his
address to the Protector, Somerset ; and, gaining
his favor, his advice had considerable weight in
the revision of the Liturgy which in a short time
was brought forward."

About the year 1548 Peter Martyr was en- Peter
couraged by Archbishop Cranmer to read lee- oxford.
turest on divinity at Oxford.

This learned theologian (who, notwithstanding
his appellation, died in his bed at Zurich in 1562)
was born at Florence, in 1500, of a respectable
and opulent family named Morigi. Against his
will he was thrown among the friars of St. Au-
gustine, and became a celebrated preacher ; at
length, studying the works of the reformers, he
grew so heretical in his doctrines, that he was
obliged to quit Italy. He was accompanied by
Bernard Ochino, general of the Capuchins, who
had imbibed the same sentiments. Wherever he
went his great merit was acknowledged and re-
spected.

In

* Heylyn apudl Carte, vol. iii. p. 254, 255.
+ Life of Cranmer, p. 134.

380 BISTORT OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIT,

c«t-!XVf« In 1547 he was invited to England* by Edward
VI. but was ex pelled[9] by Mary on her accession.
At Oxford he held public disputations on the
contested points between the old and the new doc-
trines. Dr. Smith, a celebrated polemic, chal-
lenged himto a conference, and prepared a chosen
audience to encourage their own side, and to hiss
and hoot down the opponent of the Roman Ca-
tholic doctrines. But the calm Italian baffled their
contrivances ; and, by refusing to dispute in the
method of the schools, and insisting on being
judged by the scriptures, he threw his antagonist
out of his common and studiedcourse of argument.
A tumult had nearly been raised by the discontent-
ed schoolmen, but the vice-chancellor interfered ;
and Dr. Smith, having been reprimanded by the
privy-council, retired to the continent, but soon
returned, recanted, and remained a firm Protes-
tant until the accession of Mary.

As Peter Martyr immediately assaulted the main
fortress of the Reman Catholic faith, ' The Cor-
poral Pre ence,' he alarmed both the bigots and
the well-meaning on the side of Popery. Three

of

NOTES.

[9] His daughter, falling into misfortunes, was pensioned
by the senate of Zurich, from esteem to the memory of her
father. Peter Martyr wished a general union among all Pro-
testants, and is spoken of (with Melancthon) as the mildest «f
reformers,

* Nouveau Dictionnaire Historiquc> Art., Pierre.

Cli. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 381

of the former, and one of the latter cast, started Centxvi.
against him ; Chedsey, Morgan, Tresham, [lo]
and Bernard Gilpin. The three first he discom-
fited, and converted the last named, who in con-
sequence became one of the strongest supporters
of the Protestant religion.*

It may not be amiss here to give the general
reasons for the change of religious sentiments in
this great reformer, as briefly set out by his inge-
nious descendant : ' He found that the chief doc-
trines of the Popish church obtained not in the
purer ages of the Christian church, hut were all
the inventions of later times, when ignorance and
credulity prevailed. Seven sacraments he found
had never been heard of before the time of Peter
Lombard, 1 100 years after Christ; no traces could
be found of the the denial of the cup to the laity \

until

NOTES.
[10] Of Dr. Tresham we preserve an anecdote which marks
his character. When Mary meant to restore the old reli-
gion to the Universities, Tresham, then Sub-dean of Christ-
Church, convoked the members of the college, and having
recommended Popery to them in the usual common-place terms,
he added, ' that the queen had been so gracious as to send them
a number of fine cepes which were intended for Windsor, and
that each of them should have one if he would go to mass.'
He promised them also ' to procure for the college the Lady-
Bell at Bampton, which would make the peal at Christ-Church
the sweetest of any in England ; and that, lastly, he would give
fchem as fine a water-sprinkle as eyes ever beheld.'

[Life of Latimsr.
* Life of Gilpin, p. 13.

582 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

v!^^Ii unt*l tne same date ; and the doctrine of transub-
stantiation itself was not heard of before the
eighth century after Jesus Christ.'*

Super- Reformation now moved a step onwards ; and

StltlOUS . . A

customs orders of council prohibited the various proces-
exploded. sjonSj tne candles on Canalemas-day, ashes on

Ash-Wednesday, and palms on Palm-Sunday.

Images were now no longer suffered in churches ;

nor was the auricular confession strictly enjoined

as heretofore,
p Y cs About this time too the metrical version of

X S a 1 II 1 S

versified. David's Psalms, by Thomas Sternhold, began to
be used in churches, [ll]

This translation however was not only owing
to the muse of Sternhold ; he had an obscure
assistant, John Hopkins, a clergyman and school-
master in Suffolk, of whom little is known.

William

NOTES.
[ll] And here we may take notice of Sternhold's great proto-
type, Clement Marot, who, from the same religious motive,
had, a very short space before, translated the Psalms into
French. He had the pleasure to see his verses become so fa-
shionable as to be sung by the first persons about court, al-
though not with that purity and simplicity of heart which he
meant should have attended them. The dauphin's love of the
chase made him delight in ' Ainsi qu'on oit le cerf bruire/
Mad. de Valentinois expressed her love to the dauphin by
chanting ' Au fond de ma pensee.' And every prince, peer,
and lady, chose a psalm to sing, which best expressed the am-
bition, love, or mystery, which chanced at that time to com-
mand in each breast. [Warton on Poetrt.
♦ Life of Gilpin, p. 21, 22, &c.

Cli.II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 583

William Whyttingham, Dean of Durham, CentXVE
translated some of the Psalms, and versified the
Ten Commandments, the Athanasian Creed, 8cc.

Thomas Norton translated twenty-seven of the
Psalms. He was a barrister, and a warm Cal-
vinist. The tragedy of Gorboduc is supposed
to have been partly written by his pen.

Robert Wisdome translated one Psalm, and
composed the rhapsody against ' Pope and Turk.7
[12] He had been nominated to an Irish bishop-
ric by Edward VI. was a fugitive under Mary,

and

NOTES.
[12] The facetious Bishop Corbet has left us a whimsical
epigram on this solemn bard. He fancied himself seized with
a sudden impulse to hear or to open a puritanic hymn, and
invokes the ghost of Robert Wisdome to assist in the composi-
tion, but warns him to steal back to tomb with caution.
To the Ghost of Robert Wisdome ;
* Thou, once a body, now but ayre,
Arch-botcher of a psalm or prayer,

From Carfax come !
And patch us up a zealous lay,
With an old ever and for aye,

And all and some.
Or such a spirit lend me,
As may a hymne down send me,

To purge my braine.
Cut, Robert ! look behind thee,
Lest Turk or Pope do find thee,

And go to bed againe.'

{"Corset's Poeus. Warton'j Hist, or Poet* v.

384 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Cent. xvr. anc{ afterwards became Archdeacon of Ely when

Elizabeth reigned.

The entire version of the Psalms was published

at length by John Day, A. D. 1562.
Liturgy Towards the close of 1548 [13] a liturgy, set-
and mar- je(j . ^ prelates and confirmed by parliament,*

riage or J r ,

priests was published, and ordered to be used in churches.

settled. Tliis fqrm Qp prayer h^ been drawn up by a se-
lect committee of the most moderate bishops and
divines ; and, as none of them were actuated by
that spirit of contradiction which usually attends
great innovations, they retained as much of the
service of the mass as the principles of reforma-
tion could possibly permit. Priests now were al-
lowed to marry ,+ although, by the preamble of
t-he permission, celibacy was forcibly recom-
mended.

Thus, in the space of little more than two years,
was the reformation in England, in a great mea-
sure

NOTES.

[13] At this time it appears that the preachers of the age
differed so much from one -another in doctrine, that it wai
judged necessary to silence them for a space, by a proclamation,
that they might afterwards start together on somewhat nearer'
the same grounds. [Fuller's Church History.

An act, passed at the close of this year, unites several pa-
rishes in the city of York in one, on account of the great decay
of the place ; and Collier seems to apprehend, that the reve-
nues of dissolved monasteries being expended at a distance from
the city, occasioned this local distress. An opinion much con-

, B ., [Eccl. Hist. Vol. II.

trover ted. L

* Stat. 2 and 3 Edw. VI. cap. 1.
4 Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 84, 85.

Ch II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 385

sure completed. Yet a few of the Popish doc- Cent.xVL
brines, and particularly that of the ' real presence,'
still maintained their ground with many, and
were supported by the old frairs, who constituted
the greater number of parish priests. Those in-
deed who were not thus provided were reduced
to great extremities, and forced to take to the
lowest trades for subsistence ; some became tay-
lors and carpenters, and many kept public
houses of entertainment.

The appointment of Dr. Hugh Latimer to Hugh La-
preach before the kins; does ereat honor to Somer- t,mer

, . i . , • r T • made Bi-

set, who held the reins ol government. JLatimer g]10p 0f

had a quick wit and an undaunted spirit. Where- Worccs-
ever he saw vice, he exposed it to public shame,
although it might lie in the bosom of a prime
minister. The quaintness of the style used in
the 16th century, and the natural humor of the
preachers gave to his discourses an air which
would now be termed vulgar, but which then of-
fended not the nicest ear.

A few extracts from the sermons preached by Extracts

this sincere and honest divine, before his king, from llis
... , r .'. , . , . Sermons,

will be ol use to point out at the same time his

own inflexibility of character, and the licentious
manners of the times. ' Remember,' he exhorts
Edward, ' Remember that God says, " he that
shall do my will shall reign long, he and his chil-
dren.'' Wherefore I would have your erace re-
member this ; and when any of these flatterers
Vol. I. Part I. « c and

386 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Cent. xvi. anc} flibber-gibbers another day shall come and
claw you on the back, and say, " Sir, trouble not
yourself; what should you study for? Why
should you do this or that?" Your grace may an-
swer them thus: " What, Sirrah ! I perceive you
are weary of us ; doth not God say that a king
should fear God, that he may reign long? I per-
ceive now that thou art a traytor !" Tell him this
tale once, and I warrant you he will come no
more to you.'

Speaking of the reformation, he says, ' It is
yet but a mingle-mangle, a hotch-potch ; I can-
not tell what; partly Popery and partly true re-
ligion mingled together. They say in my coun-
try, when they call their hogs to the swine-
trough, " Come to thy mingle-mangle, come,
pur, come !" Even so do they make a mingle-
mangle of the gospel,' 8cc.

In another place he attacks the prelates : ' Oh
that a man might have the contemplation of hell !
That the devil would allow a man to look into it
and see its state ! " On yonder side," would the
devil say, " are punished unpreaching prelates."
I think, verily, a man might see as far at a ken-
nine:, as far as from Calais to Dover, I warrant
you, and see nothing but unpreaching prelates.'*

Another time he thus satirizes non-residents :
4 I heard lately of a bishop, on a visitation, that

when

NOTES.
* Life of Latimer, p, 112.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 387

when he should have been rung into the church, Cent. XVI.
as the custom is, the great bell's clapper was
fallen down ; there was a great matter made of
this, and the chief of the parish were much blam-
ed for it. They excused themselves as well as
they could; it was a chance, they said, and should
be amended as shortly as might be. Among them
was one wiser than the rest, and he comes up to
the bishop, " Why, my lord," saith he, " do you
make so much of the bell that wanteth a clapper?
Here is a bell," quoth he, and pointed to the pul-
pit, " that hath lacked a clapper these twenty
years." I warrant you this was an unpreaching
prelate ; he could find fault with a bell that
wanted a clapper to ring him into town, but
not with the parson that preached not at his be-
nefice,' * Sec. 8cc.

One might be tempted to augur well of a court
wherein such rough truths might be publicly
spoken with impunity; unhappily that allowance
which, we might hope, proceeded from approba-
tion of the doctrine, took its rise in the hardened
insensibility of the courtier's bosom. The in-
formal trial and execution of the admiral, [14] at

this

NOTES.
[14] This accomplished but turbulent lord had a turn both
to piety and poetry. It was but just before his execution that
he wrote the following lines :

i Forgetting
• Life of Latimer, p. 121.

c c 2

388 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent-XVI- this time, hurried on by his otherwise humane
brother, the protector, supplies a marked fea-
ture to this strangely inconsistent period.

It was but a necessary piece of policy to confine
Gardiner and Bonner, inveterate foes of the re-
formation, and capable of impeding its progress ;
but how it came to pass that the mild and candid
Cranmer should have pressed on the cruel exe-
cution of a wrong-headed fanatic, Joan Bocher,
A Kentish commonly styled 'Joan of Kent,' merely for a
b rnt speculative opinion, is still a mystery. She held,
with one sect of the Anabnptists, that ' Christ
was not truly incarnate of the virgin, whose flesh

being:

NOTES.

* Forgetting God, to love a king,

Hath been my roclde ; or else nothynge

In this frail lyfe, beynge a blaste

Of care and stryfe, till it be paste.

Yet God did call me in my pryde,

Leste I should fall, and from him slyde;

For whom he loves he must correcte,

That they may be of his electe.

Then, Death, haste thee ! thou shall me gaine

Immortallie with God to raigne.

Lord send the king like years as Noye,

Jn governing this realme in joye ;

And after this frail lyfe, such grace,

That in thyblisse he maie find place.'
Vet, notwithstanding the extreme self- approbation and con-
fidence of these verses, we are told by the honest Hugh Lati-
mer, that he died on the scaffold ' very dangerouslie, irksomlic,
horriblie.'

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. £80,

being sinful he could take none of it.' And sheCent,XVI'
provoked her judges to cruelty by an indecent
sauciness of behavior, which ought to have moved
their compassion, as it brought conviction of her
brain being disordered. Cranmer could not, with-
out great difficulty, persuade the young king to
sign her death warrant; although he argued from
the law of Moses, that ' blasphemers should be
stoned, and that Joan had rushed with violence
against the Apostles' Creed, and deserved the
punishment of a blasphemer.' Edward's inward
monitor was not to be satisfied witb such danger-
ous sophistry. ' I sign this sentence,' said the
amiable prince with tears, ' because I am under
your authority ; but, if I am doing wrong, you
must answer it to God.'* This awful declaration,
although from the lips of an infant, struck the ve-
nerable prelate with such horror that he strove to
save the woman ; but her ' jeers and other inso-
lences,' although only additional proofs of her in-
sanity, provoked her execution ; and she perish-
ed by fire, bishop Scory preaching while the
poor maniac [15] was consumed to ashes.

There was at this period an Anabaptist of a Anabap-

less noxious kind than the unfortunate Joan of l!st?

their te-

Kent, nets.

NOTES.

[15] A Dutchman, named Van Paris, suffered some time

afterwards for a like heresy. He exulted in his martyrdom,

and embraced each faggot with extasy. [Burnet.

» Fox, vol. ii.p. 2. ed. 16£i.

390 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. Kent, and he was permitted to think as he
pleased. The precepts of this sect only related
to the proper age and season for conferring bap-
tism. Their principles were assailed by books,
not by burning piles, and in consequence they
were soon utterly forgotten.

Another sect * (for the great chain being
loosened mankind enjoyed the liberty of forming
new systems, although not always with impunity)
were styled ' Gospellers ;' they studied the Bible,
and refined extremely, but by no means unnatu-
rally, on the doctrine of predestination ; ' Hea-
ven,' said they, ' has decreed what shall happen,
and what our conduct shall be. Why then should
we fruitlessly strive against these decrees ? No !
let us swim down the stream, and act as nature
prompts or chance directs.' This species of Qui-
etism was opposed by Bishop Hooper ; and a
caution against it may be found in the church
article of Predestination.

Insurreo During the summer of 1549 there were great

turns fre- COmmotions in England, partly in favor of the old

quant. . ■ ■ P

religion, but more on account of a scarcity of pro-
visions, which was by the people imputed to the
numerous inclosures which had lately been made.
These were repelled by force, and the coun-
try was at length reduced to order ; * however,
the good Cranmer, finding the minds of men still

agitated,

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 105. 4 Ibid. p. 109.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 391

agitated, and ready to prompt them again to rebel- Cent. XVI
lion, took the pains to answer the declaration
which they had published paragraph by para-
graph ; and in a plain but masterly manner , suit-
ed to the lowest comprehension. We will give a
short specimen. As to their demand of a separ-
ate jurisdiction for the clergy, he writes, ' I can-
not deny but these be good and beneficial decrees
for the liberty of the clergy. But I suppose none
of you will think it an indifferent decree that a
priest shall sue you where he list ; but if he had
slain one of your sons or brothers, you should
have no remedy against him but only before the
bishop.'

A visitation was now sent by the ministry to Dr. Rid-
Cambridge ; and Bishop Ridley, who presided, y p"v
approved of the plan while he thought it was plunder-
meant only to rectify abuses. But, when he found c°m_
that the university was meant to be plundered; bridge,
that some colleges were to be suppressed, (as
Clare-hall, which the master and fellows savedby
resistance) and some to be united two in one ; he
Set his face so heartily against such unjustifiable
outrages, that his associates, disgusted at his ho-
nesty, wrote to the protector, that the ' barking,'
as they decently called it, of Ridley had stopped
their proceedings. Somerset wrote to chide him,
but gained nothing on his resolute honesty, and
the university escaped pillage.

About this time, when the church was suffer- Incum-
itig an enormous pillage, it was judged equitable be"1 Pro#

to

392

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII.

Bonner
ejected
From

Cent, Xvi. to secure what little was left to the ministers ; ac-
cordingly,* a very clear act of parliament passed
in favor of the incumbent, giving him an effec-
tual remedy, both in the temporal and spiritual
court, for any failure in the payment of his tithes.
Soon after this, Bonner, Bishop of London, who
had, on his fair promises, been indulged with li-

London. berty, was cited to appear before commissioners
to answer the charges of ill-will to Protestantism,
and insincerity in the compliances to which he
had yielded. The character of Bonner was ec-
centric. He was more a buffoon then a bishop,
nor would lose a conceit to save a confinement.
When under examination, he likened one witness
against him to a goose; and hearing a murmur he
shook his head and softly said, ' Ah, Woodcocks !
Woodcocks !'t He asked the judges, ' Whether
they really gave credit to the foolish folk who
swore against him?' He accused Bishop Hoo-
per of preaching ' like an ass, an ass indeed.' And
told the secretary of state, that as in a high office
he honored him, but that, ' as Sir Thomas Smith,
he lied. ' After such conduct none can wonder
at his being judged unworthy to retain his see.:£
The fall of Somerset at the close of [16] 1549,

gave

NOTES.
[16] Thomas Sternhold, a minor reformer, died in the

same year. He was of Hampshire, had been groom of the

robes

* Stat, 2 and 3 Ed. VI. cap. 7. + Fox, vol. ii. p. 20, &c.

X Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 120.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 303

gave to the Popish party the strongest hopes of CtafcXVB
a change in ecclesiastical affairs ; and Gardiner
'' -f ' ' from

NOTES,
robes to Henry VIII. had received from him a legacy of 100

marks, and was continued in his post by Edward VI. Being
of a religious turn, and disliking the loose and wanton ballads
sung by the courtiers of Edward, he undertook a metrical ver-
sion of the Psalms, ' thinking thereby,' says Anthony a Wood,
' that the courtiers would sing them instead of their sonnets;
but did not, only some few excepted.'

There was a strange resemblance of circumstances between
him and Clement Marot, his fellow-laborer in France, who
versified the Psalms from the same motive. ' Each version
was published both in Prance and England, by laymen and by
servants of the court.'

The extreme disparity of Sternhold to himself as a poet can
only be accounted for by remarking, that ' his only merit con-
sists in preserving the expressions of the prose version; when
once he attempts to add or dilate, his weakness appears. How
else could he who wrote

1 Thy heritage with drops of rain
Abundantly was washty
And if so be it barren was
By thee it was refresh! d.
Cod's army is two millions

Of warriors good and strong ;
The Lord also in Sinai
Is present them among:'
ke the author of those celebrated lines,

' The Lord descended from above,

And bowde the heav'ns most high ;
And underneath his feet he cast

The darkness of the sky.
On cherubs and on cherubim

Full royally he rode ;
And on the winges of mighty windqs
Canie flying all abrode.'

394 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. from his prison wrote to the Earl of Warwick an
artful letter, intreating his notice when affairs of
state should be settled ; but it was soon found that
Warwick, (to whom all religions were perfectly-
indifferent) finding that both king and people
vv ' k were attached to the reformation, thought it his
discou- interest to support that cause with vigor. South-
Popish G amPton5 wno headed the Roman Catholics, after
party. having heard him deliver this opinion in coun-
cil, went home and died of a broken heart. The
followers of the old faith were indeed much worse
treated by the unprincipled Warwick and his
council than they had been by the well meaning,
irresolute Somerset.

One of the first measures taken by the new ad-
ministration in matters of religion was a change in
the method of ordination. Many of the popish
ceremonies were left out, and the imposition of
hands and prayer alone retained, as being the
only parts warranted by Scripture. A demand
was ordered to be made of the petitioner for or-
ders, ' Do you trust that you are inwardly mov-
ed by the Holy Spirit to take upon you this of-
fice and ministration?' Sec. k.c. To which he
was to answer in the affirmative. More enlight-
ened times would have avoided this very delicate
question.

Heath, bishop of Worcester, for disagreeing
with some of these alterations, was thrown into
prison.

5 About

Cli. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 395

About the beginning of 1550, Bishop Ridley Cent.xvi.

was appointed to the sees of London and West- The sees

minster, now for the first time united in one see ; . West_

minster

10001. a year and a prebendary, were judged suf- and Lon-

ficient for maintaining the episcopal dignity. °nunu*

The rest of what both sees had produced was

Swallowed up by some greedy attendant on the

protector.* Thirlby, Bishop of Westminster,

had been at this juncture persuaded to accept the

see of Norwich, vacant by the resignation of

Wrilliam Reps.

The appointment of the rigid Hooper to the

bishopric of Glocester was attended with more

difficulty, and, in its discussion gave rise to a Dr. Hoo-

point of debate which is not yet settled. Hooper, Per s
* / r '^scruples.

although willing to take on him the trouble of
the diocese, objected to the oath of canonical
obedience, and to the wearing of episcopal vest-
ments* at the consecration. ' They were,' he
said, ' human inventions, and had been conse-
crated for the mass-worship chiefly ; and St.
Paul,' he added, ' had condemned all such ce-
remonial proceedings as " beggarly elements."
On the other hand, Cranmer and Ridley af-
firmed, ' that in indifferent things, men should
conform to established customs ; that to aban-
don the use of such vestments as employed for
the mass, might lead to the destruction of
bells, because baptized, and churches, because

consecrated,'

* Strype's Eccl. Mem. vol. ii. p. 217, 272.
+ Hist, of Rcf. vol. ii. p. 144.

396 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. because consecrated.' Bucer [17] and Peter
Martyr, although they wished the ceremonials
abolished in part, nevertheless condemned Hoo-
per's obstinacy.* Yet, although so determined
was the court to make him a bishop in the usual
style that he was thrown into prison to break his
spirit, he still held out, and, through favor of

Theypre- Warwick, carried his point; the king having
commanded Cranmer to consecrate the obstinate
priest unvestured and unsworn. [18]

Besides

NOTES.

[17] Martin Bucer was a man of great erudition, who from
a Dominican became a Lutheran minister at Strasburgh. He
fled to England from a German persecution with his wife and
thirteen children. He was appointed to read lectures on the
New Testament at Oxford. He died in 1557 of a painful
disease, which forced him to cry out, ' Chastise me, Lord !
but throw me not off in my old age!' Oueen Mary ordered
his hones to be disgraced and burnt. I Bucer composed a book
for the use of King Edward, entitled, ' Concerning the King-
dom of Christ.' The prince (only fourteen years of age) pe-
rused it, and wrote observations on it with the wit of a man,
but with a simplicity of style which proves it to be the produc-
tion of an infant.

[Burnet. Graincer. Dict. Hist.

[18] The historian of the English reformation treats the
positive Hooper as a father of the Puritans, and remarks with
St. James, ' How great a matter hath a little fire kindled '.'
The oath to which the strict teacher objected ran thus : ' By
God, by the Saints, and by the Holy Ghost.' The two latter

branches
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 145.

+ Id cinerem aut manes credis curare jepultos? Virgil.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ecclesiastical. 397

Besides the admission of the non-conforming CentXVt
Hooper among the rulers of the church of Eng-
land, there were landed soon after on her coast »
farther aids to anti-episcopal doctrines, in the
persons of John Alasco [19] and a large congre-
gation of non-conforming Protestant Germans, a con-

who were received with kindness, and (to the SreSatloa

under
number of 380) made denizens of England ; al- Alasco

though their opinions were hostile to her ecclesi- arnve*
astical regulations, as to vestments and as to cere-
monial attitude. They were against all episcopal
forms, and wished to receive the sacrament rather
sittino- than kneeling;.

A new review of the Liturgy was made about The Li-
this time, with the candid intention of altering vl|c^(j#
any circumstances therein, which might press
upon tender consciences. It was, however, the
opinion of Bucer and other reformers, that no
amendment was necessary.

Before

NOTES.

branches of this asseveration Dr. Hooper, with some reason,
wished to avoid as totally unnecessary ; and the good Edward,
being convinced by his reasoning, drew his pen through the lat-
part of the proposed vow.

[Neal's Hist, of Puritans.
[19] John Alasco was nearly related to the King of Poland,
and had been a bishop of the Romish church. He purchased
the valuable library of Erasmus, as that great man lay on his
death-bed. Alasco and his congregation (who were chiefly ma-
toubcturers) were driven away by Queen Mary. He died ia
Poland, A.D.I 560. [Graincm.

398 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Centxvi. Before the close of 1550, Tindal's translation
of the Bible, revised by Dr. Coverdale, was pub-
lished* for the use of English Protestants. [20]

During the rest of the year no remarkable in-
cident occurred in the history of the English
Abuses church. Bishop Ridley indeed aided the cause of
rectified, reformation in the diocese of London, and re-
moved many abuses which Bonner had never
wished to check, such as ' washing hands at the
altar, holding up the bread, licking the chalice,'
Sec. He changed the altars also into real tables,
and the example was followed all over the realm.
Sermons on working days were suppressed about
this time ;t for it was observed as a serious evil,
that many of the lower sort lost their time and

profits

NOTES.

[20] There was at this juncture discernment enough in a
simple printer, Robert Crowley, to enable him to see the ad-
vantage which the publication of an old, spirited, satirical
work (aimed at the monks of the 15th century) might bring
to the infant reformation. ' At this tyme,' says Crowley, ' it
pleased God to open the eyes of many to see hys truth, geving
thim boldnes of herte to open their mouthes, and cry out
against the workes of darkness, as did John Wycklefe and this
writer, who' &c. kc. The work here alluded to is ' Piers
Plowman's Vision.' A prose version of the same book wag
published in 1561, ending thus:

4 God save the kynge, and speed the plough,
And send the prelats care inough.
Inough, inough, inough.'

[Ames on Printing,
* Strype, vol. ii. p. 200, 203. + Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 151.

Ch. II. Part l.§ 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 399

profits by running from village to village in the Cent.xvi
most busy time in quest of favorite preachers.

The next year a strict enquiry took place con- Some bi-
cerning the conduct of many old bishops, who g-°^L
impeded the progress of reformation. But ex- some
cept Gardiner and Bonner, who were detested
by every Protestant as determined persecutors,
and Voysey of Exeter, who resigned as conscious
of his own insignificance, the mild spirit of Cran-
mer prevented any considerable censures. Bon-
ner was degraded, and Gardiner left in prison.
Others, as Kitchen of Landaff, Capon of Sarum,
Sampson of Coventry, bought their security by
yielding part of their lands to the minister's
friends ; nor did their greedy courtiers think it
beneath them to pillage the university libraries
and that of Westminster. [21]

The articles of religion, forty-two in number, Article*
which had been long delayed, lest any traces of of [? "J1

indecent

NOTES.

[21] This iniquitous transaction was carried on under the
pretext of ' purging the libraries of all missals, legends, and
other superstitious volumes. Sir Antony Aucher's name shines
on the record as a pillager of no common rank, but he expiated
his fault by dying for his country when Calais fell. Irrepa-
rable mischief was done in the Oxford libraries. Books and
MSS were destroyed without distinction. ' Those of divinity
suffered for their rich bindings, those of literature as useless,
and those of geometry and astronomy were supposed only to
contain necromancy.'

[Hume from Wood,

400 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. indecent haste should be found about them,* were

now settled ; [22] probably by the particular care

of Cranmer and Ridley.+ Some alterations were

made in the Book of Common-Prayer ; the use of

oil in confirmation and extreme unction ; the

prayers for departed souls ; and a few more re-

liques of Popery, were left out, and reasons were

set forth for receiving the communion on the knee.

The Lady Great endeavors were used (in consequence of

harshly that narrow zeal which swayed every religion in

treated. tjie jgtn century) to deprive the Lady Mary, the

king's sister, of the liberty of having mass said

in her own palace. She resisted stoutly, [23] and

appealed

NOTES.

[22] Of these articles an elegant modern writer observes,
' The eternity of hell-torments is asserted in them ; and cars
is also taken to inculcate, not only that no heathen, however
virtuous, can escape an endless state of the most exquisite mi-
sery ; but also, that every one who presumes to maintain that
any Pagan can possibly be saved, is himself exposed to the pe-
nalty of eternal perdition.' [Hume.

[23] Mary wanted not for obstinacy. The good Catharine
Parr had formerly requested that princess, then very young,
to translate the Paraphrase of St. John by Erasmus, probably
with a view to her conversion ; but Mary soon got rid of the
task, ' being' as she said, ' cast into sickness by overmuch study
at this work.' [Strype.

' She would not,' says Mr. Walpole, ' have been so easily
*' cast into sickness," had she been employed on the legends of
St. Theresa, or St. Catharine of Sienna.'

[Royal and Noble Authors.
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 158.
4 Collections by Burnet, vol, ii. No. 55.

Ch.II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 401

appealed to the emperor her cousin, who remon- Ce»t.xvi.
strated in her favor,* at first with some effect ;
but her toleration lasted not long, and she was
so harrassed, and her chaplains so roughly treated,
that she listened eagerly to a plan formed for
her escape to the Netherlands. This was pre-
vented, [24] although not before a vessel was
hired in Flanders to hover on the coast of Eng-
land, and convey her across the Channel. In
short, Mary might fairly accuse the Protestants
of having given her a taste of that persecution
which afterwards, by her means, streamed down
upon their teachers and themselves.

The king, whose youth must excuse his bigotry,
wept bitterly at being forced to permit the mass
to be said anywhere within his realm. But Mary
smiled at his command. ' Good sweet king,' she Steady t©
used to say, ' he is not a fit judge in these matters. r ait *
If ships were wanted for the sea would his coun~
cil let him appoint them ? No ! Why then in
matters of theology, which are still more difficult

to be understood ?'

In

NOTES.

[24] The conduct of Warwick cannot be accounted for*
Had he permitted Mary to escape, she could hardly have re-
entered the island to receive the crown ; the tide of popularity
would have been against her, every ambitious project of that
profligate statesman must have taken place, and the Dudley*
would have succeeded to the throne of the Tudors,
* King Edward's Journal, p. 9.

Vol. I. » d

402

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII,

Cent. XVI,

Altera-
tions in
Liturgy,
&c.

In 1552 several acts were brought forward and
passed respecting religion. By one of these a
new edition of the Liturgy, with alterations, was
directed to be read ;* by another, fasts and holi-
days were ordered to be observed, and the bishops
were entrusted with the care of seeing the pro-
visions of the act strictly observed. Sundays too
were to be kept holy, except on extraordinary
occasions, and then laborers might work even on
such Sundays, holidays, 8cc. By a third, matri-
mony was not only permitted, but almost recom-
mended, to the clergy. [25] One bill failed,
which militated against simony ; a monster which
has been the object of penalties and of satire in
all ages and all religions, and has yet approved
itself invulnerable. t

A convocation which sat this year agreed to
and confirmed all those regulations which the
parliament had enacted.

Some reformation was also made, in 1552, in

the

NOTES.

[25] Among the various schemes of exalting the reformation
on the ruins of Popery, the order of St. George, as it was then
called, was comprehended. The king ordered it to be named
the order of ' The Garter,' and changed the figure of a knight
and a dragon to a knight with a sword, inscribed ' Protectio,'
carrying a book on the point, on which was written, ' Verburn
Dei,' and on his shield one might read ' Fides.' Oueen Mary,
early in her reign, expunged this religious romance, and re-
placed the injured saint and his dragon. Had she stopped
there we had neither blamed her taste nor her zelil.
* Collier's Eccl. Hist. vol. ii. p. 321.
i Hist, of Ref.p. 183.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 40S

the system of the canon or ecclesiastical laws. Centxvi.
These had long wanted a strict examination. Ecclesias-
Such a one had been projected in the reign of ^.^
Henry VIII. but that capricious monarch had
dropped the plan. Cranmer, who had been em-
ployed by him, in 1545, in methodizing a system
for improving these ordinances, neglected not the
task, but drew up a scheme which, though liable
to some objections, has great merit ; this will be
found in the note below. [26] Other prelates and

divines

NOTES.

[26] The work was fated to obscurity. Henry had neg-
lected it ; and Edward VI. who earnestly patronized the un-
dertaking, died just when the plan was settled. The book
was however published in the reign of Elizabeth, and entitled
' Reformatio Legum Ecclesiasticarum.' And as this work,
though written by Cranmer, had been entirely approved by the
other prelates and divines, and was very near being put in exe-
cution, it may be entertaining to recount how the law would
have stood had the new system taken place.

All promises, or contracts of marriage, were to have been
null and void. But every man who might seduce a girl from
chastity must marry her, or pay her one third of his goods, or
keep the child and do penance. All marriages without parents'
or guardians' consent were to be null; but, should that consent
be capriciously refused, the parties might find a remedy by
applying to the ecclesiastical judge. In case of adultery the
innocent party might marry again, but not the guilty. Besides
this case there were others which justified divorces, long ab-
sence and irreconcileable enmity ; and still the innocent party
only might re-marry. These were the most considerable alter-
ations marked out by Cranmer for the canon laws; which
however, by a chain of accidents, continue to this day what
they were under Henry VIII.

[Burnet Ref. Leg. Eccjl,
D D %

HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Si^Z^ divines bad been named by Henry to join Cran-
mer in his researches ; but the whole weight fell
upon him, both on account of his superior abi-
lities, and of his having carefully studied that
particular branch of the law.
Two bi- Before the close of this year Heath of Wor-
eiected cester> and Day of Chichester, were discarded
from their sees,* the former for not approving
of the new book of ordinations. Hooper was
placed in the vacant diocese of Worcester, and
Glocester was reduced to an archdeaconry.*
Candor of The parliament which passed the above-named
bir£ * acts was now dissolved. Warwick complained of
Cranmer. it as an assembly chosen by, and devoted to, the
interest of the fallen Somerset, who had expired
under the axe at the beginning of 1 552 ; it is true,
that with a degree of firmness not common in the
16th century, it had resisted, among other unjust
laws, one which meant to attaint the moderate
and worthy Cuthbert Tonstal, Bishop of Durham ;
a bill which, to the disgrace of the aristocratic
branch, had passed the house of peers with only
the negatives of the dispassionate Cranmer and
Lord Stourton. Such a senate was ill-suited to the
grasping Warwick, now exalted to the Dukedom
of Northumberland. He dismissed it and called
another, not omitting the most extraordinary and
unconstitutional measures to secure a majority.

Before

* Hist, of Ref. p. 192. + Rym. Feed. torn. xv. p. 297*

Cb. II. Part I. § 1 • ECCLESIASTICAL. 406

Before the year is entirely quitted, mention Centxvi.
should be made of several attempts in parliament Education
to effect some support for the education of those ? student»
destined for the church, who had not interest to neglected,
obtain exhibitions at either university, and to
relieve the poorer clergymen. These were all
ineffectual. A book was however published on
this subject, and dedicated to the Bishop of Ely.

The church still afforded opportunities for
plunder, and a quantity of chantry [27] lands
were sold, in 1552, to pay the king's debts,

The new parliament in 1553 was all compliance, New and
>nd readily gave consent to the dismembering ofin * ]._
the bishopric of Durham, according to the mini- liament.
ster's will. This measure was not quite so gross
a robbery of the church as has been represented.
The county palatine was to form two bishoprics,
Durham and Newcastle, where a cathedral was
to be built, and a deanry with a chapter founded
and endowed. Nor does it appear that, when
the allowance for the bishops and their train, as
«et forth in the act, should be deducted, that much
revenue was left for the plunderer. It was pro-
bably the accession of power in the North, which

the

NOTES.

[27] Chanterys, or chantrys, were small chapels or altars,
within cathedral churches, endowed with lands or revenues to
pay priests for singing mass for the welfare of the deceased's
•oul. [Grose's Antisuities.

405 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. the ambitious Northumberland aspired to, more
"^^ than of profit, when he coveted the earldom (for
such it seems to be) of Durham. But no essential
step was taken in any part of this business before
the accession of Mary, and the consequent fall of
the Dudleys.

The reio-n of Protestantism was now almost
expired. [28] The sickness and death of the

promising

NOTES.

[28] During the short remainder of the reformed hierarchy,
Christopher Tie, a doctor of music at Cambridge, having a
passion for ' pious poetrie,' published the Acts of the Apostles
in alternate rhymes, ' Very necessary for studentes after their
studie to fyle their wittes, and also for alle christians that cannot
synge to reade the good and godlie stories,' kc.kc. And thus
he recommends his lays to Edward VI.

« That such good thinges your grace might move,

Your lute, when you assaye ;
Instede of songs of wanton love,

These stories then to play.
So shall your grace plese God the Lord,

In walkynge in his waye ;
His loves and statutes to recorde,

In your heart night and day.
And eke your realm shall flourish still,

No goode thynge shall decaye ;
Your subjects shall with right goode will

These wordes recorde and saye;
«« Thy lyfe, O kyng, to us doth shyne,

As God's boke doth thee teache ;
Thou dost us feed wyth such doctrine.

As God's elect doe preache."

Sixteen

Ch. II. Part I. § 1, ECCLESIASTICAL, 407

promising Edward [29] had begun the calamities Cent.xvi.
of the reformed, and the complete failure of that Death of

desperate measure, the substitution of Lady Jane ,w"

" J and acces-

Gray in preference to the legal heir, threw refor- sion of
mation at the feet of its bitterest foes. While in ary*
power the Protestants had shewn no inhumanity.
JLed by men of bad and licentious character, they

had

NOTES,

Sixteen years after this devout performance Dr. Tie published

a Tale from Boccace, in the same Sternholdian measure, which

by no means became his subject. [Warton.

The following extract from the same bard's Version of the

Acts, will give no high idea of his poetic fire :

1 It chaunced in Iconium,

As they oft times did use ;
Together they into did come

The sinagoge of Jues.
Where they did preache, and only seke

God's grace them to acheve,
That so they speke> to Jue and Greke,
That many did beleve.'
Peter Moore also wrote a metrical treatise against the PapaL
doctrines nearly at the same time, with this title :
' A short treatise of certayne thynges abused,
I'th' Popish church long used.
But now abolysh'd, to our consolation,
And Godde's word advanc'd, the light of our salvation.'
[29] Many circumstances concur to make it believed that
that amiable prince had unfair treatment. Among other cir-
cumstances Dr. Hcylyn produces the testimony of a Popish
writer; who avers, that the apothecary who attended him,
drowned himself in despair; and that she who washed his
linen, lost the skin of her fingers. 4

408 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK VII,

Cent.xvi. had mercilessly pillaged the church, but private
people had no reason to complain ; nor, except
that of the few Anabaptists, had they shed any
blood.

Her harsh The accession of the bigot Mary gave to the
* Roman Catholics an opportunity of darting ten-
fold vengeance on their adversaries. That narrow-
minded princess, although seated on her throne
by the loyalty of her Protestant subjects, to whom
she had promised security for their religion, [30]
chose to be queen of a sect ; and eagerly thirsted
to restore every abolished superstition. [3 1] The

artful

NOTES.

[30] Ungratefully as she treated the inferiors, she forgot not
their general the Earl of Sussex, Radcliffe, f«r she gave him a
licence to wear his hat in the royal presence in England. The
De Courcys have the siane privilege in Ireland.

[31] It was not long before Mary renewed the absurd cus-
tom (abrogated by her father Henry VIII.) of the ' boy-bishop.'
' On St. Nicholas even, a boy habited like a bishop, " in pon-
tificalibus," went abroad in most parts of London singing after
the old fashion, and was received by many ignorant, but well-
disposed people, into their houses,* and had as much good
cheer as ever was wont to be had before.' [Strvpe,

With

* Particularly hospitable were the nuns to the ' boy-bishop'
and his train. Accordingly we find in the injunctions to the
religious ladies of Romsey nunnery, by the Bishop of Winton,
* Item prohibemus ne cubent in dormitorio pueri masculi
cum monialibus, vel fcemellae. nee per moiuales ducautur u\
thorunij' &c.

Ch. II. Part I. ^ 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 409

artful and cruel Gardiner, and the time-serving C^^J
brutal Bonner, were her most trusted advisers ;
Gardiner, with the veteran Duke of Norfolk and
Lord Courtney, had thrown themselves at her feet
when she visited the Tower on her first arrival in
London as Queen of England ; and she had set
them free, and made Courtney Earl of Devon-
shire. She likewise restored by patent to its an-
cient dimensions, the bishopric of Durham, and
re-instated the good Tonstal in his diocese.

No one could wonder at Mary's decided aver-
sion from reformation and its, votaries, who would

recollect

NOTES.

With this custom was probably connected a superstitious idea
of presents from St. Nicholas, as, may be gathered from the fol-
lowing lines :
* St. Nicolas monie usde to give to maidens secretlie,
Who, that he still may use his liberaiitie,
The mothers all their children on the eeve do cause to fast,
And when they everie one at night in senselesse sleepe are cast,
Both apples, nuts, and payres they oring, and other thinges

beside,
As cappes, and shoes, and petticoates, with kirtles they do

hide,
And, in the morning found, they say, " Saint Nicolas this

brought," 8cc. Sec.

[B. Googe's Popish Kingdom.

Strype relates more mummeries revived in this auspicious
rei<m. ' On May 30th was a goodly maygame in Fenchurch-
street, with drums, and guns, and pikes, and the " nine wor-
thies," who rid, and each made his speech. There was also
the morris dance, and an elephant and castle, and the lord and
lady of the May appeared to make up this show.'

410 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Cent.xvi. recollect that all the misfortunes of her mother
and herself proceeded wholly from that source.
Catharine of Arragon bred her up in a thorough
attachment to her religion, and in horror to all
heresies ; and when separated from her she con-
firmed her faith by letters. [32]
Prudence It needed now a stronger power than that of
of Gardi- tne sa2;acious Gardiner, who was entrusted with
the seals as chancellor,* to moderate the enter-
prizing bigotry of the new queen. She would not
wait the proper season, but pressed to hazard a
rebellion by dashing down at once the whole sy-
stem of reformation, and erecting on its ruins the
most gross superstitions of the Papists. Gardiner,
though fond of persecution, and that from syste-
matic principle, on this occasion objected to it ;
and by writing to the German emperor, and set-
tins: forth the creat dancers to which too much
haste would expose the kingdom, gained his suf-
frage ; this was sent by letter to the zealous queen,
and she, respecting the emperor's advice, reined
in her passion for a while, made Gardiner her
chancellor, and moved only by his counseL

As the queen had declared, at her first accession
to the crown, that she would force no man's con-
science in point of religion, there needed some

provocation

NOTES.

[32] See the Appendix.

* Godwin de Prass. p. 333.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 411

provocation to form an excuse for a change in her Cent.xvi.
sentiments. A tumult happened opportunely at
St. Paul's, where Bourne, a chaplain of Bishop
Bonner, (now restored to his see of London)
praised him highly in his sermon, and spoke
harshly of the deceased Edward. This the spirit
of the Londoners could not brook,* they hissed Bishop
the imprudent orator, pelted him with stones and cwi^a
brick-bats, and one of them darted a dagger at him insulted,
with so good a will that it stuck fast in the pulpit
behind him. The terrified preacher saved his
life by stooping, but remained in extreme danger
until he was relieved by the exertions of Rogers,
and Bradford, two celebrated Protestant preach-
ers, Avho protected him from the angry citizens,
and safely conveyed him to his home.

Soon after this disturbance a proclamation was
issuedt by Mary, exhorting all parties to peace-
able demeanor, and ' to avoid ill names, such as
Papist and Heretic ;' the promise of toleration
was renewed, but tempered with this proviso,
" until public order should be taken in it by
common consent ;" and the whole closed with a
prohibition of ' preaching or writing without a
special licence for the same.' Her next acts ap- Ingrati-
pear to have been ingratitude and insult to the l" e

1 ° Mary.

loyal men of Suffolk,^; an entire restoration of

the prelates, such as Heath, Day, Bonner, k.c.

who

* Holingshed, p. 1089. + Fox, vol. iii. p. 16, 17.

X Strype's Mem. vol. iii. p. 52.

412 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VH.

u^^!/ W^° ^ia<^' on account °f their religion, been eject"
ed from their sees,* and the most ungrateful and
undeserved imprisonment of Rogers and Brad-
ford, who had hazarded their persons to save the
life of Bourne at St. Paul's cross. ' They could
repress the rage of the populace in a moment,'
said the ill-reasoning queen, ' doubtless they set
it on.' Her inexcusable treatment of Judge
Hales-f is mentioned below. [33] But Mary
knew not what gratitude meant, as Cranmer and
many others were doomed to experience.
Roman Gardiner being now appointed to distribute

preachers ^cences f°r preaching, the reformed clergy met,
encou- and agreed, that as they saw none licensed ex-
** cept determined Papists, they would hazard

every thing rather than be lost in silence. Their
churches were therefore kept open in spite of
the royal prohibition, and the strongest argu-
ments against the Popish cause might be heard
from every pulpit.

Archbishop

NOTES,
[33] James Hales was the only one of the judges who had
the resolution to refuse (although a Protestant) to sign the de-
claration in favor of Lady Jane Gray. This worthy man, ne-
vertheless found himself so harrassed under the unfeeling Mary,
by fines and other persecution, on account of his faith, that he
lost his senses ; and put an end to his life by drowning himself
in a stream so shallow, that he had great difficulty in keeping
his head under water.

[HoLINGSHEDi.

* Rym, Feed. vol. xv. p. 337. + Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 248.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 413

Archbishop Cranmer was soon after this pro- Cent- XVI*

voked to stand forward by the taunts of Bonner Cranmer

[34] and others, who purposely mistook his mild ^eclare^

behavior for an unlimited compliance with the averse

religion of the court. He had been advised to Iom l ie
*> mass.

fly, but refused; ' since,' he said, ' he had been so
much concerned in every measure of reforma-
tion, that his honor would not suffer him to stir
from the scene of his exertions.' He did more ;
irritated at the reports of his acquiescence, he
drew up a paper, by the advice of Peter Martyr*
in which he professed his own steadiness to the
doctrines of Protestantism, and offered to defend
them, in public, at any conference which might
be appointed. Dr. Scory having shewed abroad
copies of this declaration, Cranmer was cited
before the star-chamber ; where he avowed it,
and expressed his wish that it had been posted
up on St. Paul's cross.

It may appear strange, that, after such an expli-
cit avowal of adverse sentiments, Cranmer should

have

NOTES.
[34] Bonner had much of the buffoon in his character, more
indeed, than one would have thought could have been harbored
with such steady inhumanity. A letter of his is extant, in
which he puns on the name of Shipside, (Bishop Ridley's stew-
ard) and exults on re-entering the see of London, vowing ven-
geance on the sheeps heads and calves heads. He mentions,
also, his happiness at the approaching fall of Cranmer, whom
h« styles ' Mr. Canterbury.'

[Hist, of Reformatio*,,

414 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf,

Cent. xvi. have been dismissed in peace from the court. Yet
so it was; and he owed his liberty to the unpity-
ing Gardiner. That clear-sighted prelate, more
politician than bigot, knew that the Archbishop-
ric of Canterbury was intended for Cardinal Pole,
the queen's favorite relation; and he dreaded the
counsels of that devout prelate, when arrived at
the primacy, as dangerous not only to his own
private interest, but to the good of the nation ;
which, with all his faults, Gardiner seldom neg-

Gardincr lected. On this account he wished to preserve

protects Cranmer as lono- as possible in his see ; but all his

him in his ° x

see. measures were broken by the passionate resent-

ment of Mary, who looked on the archbishop
as the counsellor and cause of her mother's di-
vorce ; and had forgotten, that, when her stern
father had thoughts of putting her to death [35]
on her positive adherence to the mass, and when
Norfolk and Gardiner stood by, not chusing by
interposition to hazard their own interests with
the capricious tyrant, Cranmer had interfered ;
and had saved her life, by painting her as young,
indiscreet, and led away by her mother ; and by
describing the odious light in which such severity
in a father would appear throughout Europe. *

Proies- In September, 3 553, Cranmer and Latimer, the

tant is- j ornament, the other the bulwark of re-

hops im-
prisoned, formation,.

NOTES.

[35] See Catharine of Arragon's letter in the Appendix,

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 240, 241.

Cll. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 415

formation, were sent to the Tower. Many Pro- Cent.xvi.
testant preachers were at the same time imprison-
ed, [36] and soon after, the foreigners who had
taken refuo-e in England on a religious account,
seeing as black a cloud forming over their heads
as that from which they had escaped, retreated to
the continent. Among these were Alasco with
his congregation, [37] and Peter Martyr. No
obstacle was laid in the way of their departure.*

Many

NOTES.

[36] Most unfortunately the love of controversy accompa-
nied the Protestant divines to their prisons. The arduous dis-
pute concerning free-will and predestination was carried on
with such animosity, that confessions were drawn up on both
sides, and signed by numbers who were even at that time under
sentence of death. Each party had the folly to exclaim aloud,
that their antagonists would do more harm in the world than
the Papists themselves ; insomuch as their example was better,
while their doctrines were equally bad. Their contentions even
ran to such a height of phrenzy, that the keeper of the Marshal-
sea was often obliged to separate them.

The triumph which this petulant folly afforded to the Roman
Catholics may easily be supposed. The Free-willers, as thev
were called, were led by Harry Hart, Trew, and Abingdon;
they treated the Predestination-men with great rudeness; and it
was in vain that the prelates imprisoned at Oxford wrote to
their brethren in the Marshalsea to exhort them to peace.

[Clark's Martyrs. Hist, of Puritans, &c.

[37] The church allotted to this congregation was taken
from them, and they were desired to conform or depart."
Alasco sailed with 170 of his people in two ships to Denmark.

As
* Hi;t. of Ref. vol. ii. p, 250.

,416 HISTORY Of GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vfl.

Cent xvi. Many Englishmen who had been active in the
Many re- plans of reformation, and particularly several
formers well-known ecclesiastics, among which we read
realm, the names of Cox, Sandys, Grindal, and Horn,
followed the example of their foreign brethren,
and emigrated to more friendly shores.

On the 1st of October, Mary was crowned by
Gardiner, supported by ten chosen bishops J
among whom Day was selected as the best
preacher, to pronounce the coronation sermon.

A parliament was now convened ; in that the
reformed prelates had but little strength. Many
of them, indeed, were in actual confinement; the
Archbishop of York had been just sent to prison ;
the two bishops Taylor and Harley came to the
House of Peers, and meant to justify their pro-
ceedings ; they were astonished at hearing sounds
of a mass to the Holy Ghost performed before
the house ; they were not listened to, nor allowed
to take their seats, and Taylor was driven with
some violence to leave the house. This rough
couduct in the ruling party gave almost universal
displeasure to the nation.

The

NOTES.
As they «ould not accord in matters of religion with the Danes,
they were directed to depart in forty-eight hours. Lubec, Wis-
mar, Hamburgh, received them with equal inhospitality ; nor
did they find a resting-place for their wives and children until
ihey reached Friesland. [Hist, of Rif<

Cn. II. Part I.§ 1. ECCLESIASTICAL 417

The first interesting business of the senate was to Cent.xVL

reverse the declared illegitimacy of Henry VIII. 's Audacity

marriage with Catharine. This Gardiner con- j.

° diner,

trived, as he had promised to Mary, without the
intervention of the Pope ; and although himself
had plotted the divorce long before Cranmer had
interfered, and had pursued every possible me-
thod to bring it forward, yet, with an audacity
scarcely to be equalled, he made the new act speak
of the corrupt means by which the opinions of
the universities were procured, and threw the
whole blame of declarins: the marriage illegal on
Cranmer alone. The Princess Elizabeth was left
by this act in a state of illegitimacy, and the con-
duct of the queen was from this time much less
kind to her sister than hitherto it had been.

Mary had two eager pursuits at this juncture ;
to reconcile England to the church of Rome, and
to marry Philip the son of the German Emperor.
For the first of these she employed with great
■ecresy Commendone, an Italian, who repaired to
Rome and engaged the Pope (rather unwillingly, „
as the invitation was not sufficently formal) to to the
send Cardinal Pole to England as legate. But °pe*
the subtle Gardiner discovered what was going
on, and found means to represent at the Imperial
court in how promising a state the affairs of the
church and state now stood, and how very easily
a crude mismanagement might destroy the hopeful
fabric. Pole, he alleged, was a pious but a weak

Vol. I. n man,

418 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN". Book VIl,

L man, and would hazard every thing to maintain
the dignity of the papacy. It is not improbable
that the politic bishop added an artful though
groundless intimation, that Pole might become a
dangerous rival to Philip in the heart of Mary ;
and that in such case a dispensation might easily
be had at Rome for the cardinal to become a
king.

The new legate was, in consequence of these
hints, stopped under some plausible pretence at
Dittingen * on the Danube, and Mary, acquies-
cing + without much persuasion in Gardiner's sys-
tem of marrying before the ceremony of reconci-
liation with Rome, wrote to Pole to tell him the
steps she had taken, and to advise him not at pre*
sent to approach any nearer to England, X since
Pole the report of his coming as legate had already

made le- h^t the Roman Catholic interest. Pole, who dis-
gate.

cerned the machinations of Gardiner, answered,

by a long and cool epistle, ' he was displeased with
her for being too much governed by carnal policy;
saw through the Emperor's reasons for detaining
him ; advised her to shake off the supremacy
with as much courage as her father had shewn in
attaining it ; and lamented lest the Pope, displeas-
ed at the treatment of his chosen legate, should

send

Cardinal

* Philips'.^ Life of Pole, part ii. p. 30.
+ Hist, of Rcf. vol. ii. p. 260, Sf 1.

.; Life of Pole. vol. ii. p. SO.

Ch.II Part I. | 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 419

send to* England an alien, who might treat the Cent.xvi.
kingdom with more severity than he (Pole) found
himself inclined to do.'

The devout queen [38] attended to his advice,
and gave orders that none should any longer
style her supreme head of the church.

The convocation was now called together ; but, Disputes
though great care had been taken that the mem- m the

0 ° _ convoca-

bers should be docile, yet there were six * who tioa.
resisted the general turn of the assembly ; these,
being all deans or archdeacons, had a right to sit ;
and when Weston the prolocutor, whose chief
vaunt was his having been in prison six years for
his faith, proposed to condemn the lately-formed
Liturgy, and its declarations as to the quality of

e e 2 the

NOTES.
[38] It must have been with a design to share the warm
beams of the rising sun that ' Syr William Forrest Preeiste,'
chaplain to Queen Mary, published a panegyrical history of
Queen Catharine and her patient suffering under Henry VIII,
Speaking of her towardliness, when young, thus he sings :

4 With stoole and needyl she was not to seeke,
And other practyseinges for ladyes meete;
To pastyme at tables, tick-tacke or gleeke,
Cardys, dice,' 8cc. &;c.

Forest, it is probable, changed his faith with the times, as
ke had not long before dedicated fifty of David's Psalms to th«
protector Somerset. Little more is heard of him, except that,
loving music, he carefully preserved several ancient MSS of
Taverner, and others, which are still extant in the musical
archives at Oxford.

* Hist, of Rcf, vol. ii, p. 263.

4

AtO HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

f^*55 ^ie lord's Supper, these opposed the intended
censure, and offered to dispute in favor of the
points arraigned ; the rest being unanimous for the
condemnation, a disputation ensued ; which, by-
several adjournments, was prolonged many days.
Three of the six, Haddon, Ayimer, and Young,
foreseeing the event from the violence and heat
which burst out at the beginning of the debate,
retired ; but the others, Cheyney, Moreman, and
Philpot, [39] although brow-beaten, interrupted,
and frequently silenced, supported their argu-
ments with such strength, that the prolocutor was
heard to exclaim, at the close of the disputation,
* Aye, but though they have the word, we have:
the sword.'*

On the 21st of December the service of the

The Latin mass 'm Latin, was restored throughout Ens;-
strvice ° a

restored, land; + and, on the 28th, Voysey was replaced

in the see of Exeter: this act closed the pro-
ceedings of 1553.

The

NOTES.

[39] Philpot, Archdeacon of Winchester, had his party
been strongest, would probably have rivalled Gardiner in the
race of persecution. Disputing once with an Arian, his over-
abounding zeal prompted him to spit in his adversary's face.
Finding his conduct blamed, he wrote a treatise in its defence,
alleging, that such blasphemy as the heretic voided, could only
be answered by an insult. [Strypx.

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 247.

•f Stowe, p. 61 J.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 421

The rebellion of Wiatt * and his discomfiture, Cent.xvi.
and the execution of the amiable and innocent
usurper, Lady Jane Gray, found sufficient em-
ployment for the first three months of 1554.

The failure of an insurrection always strength-
ens the hands of that government which it was
meant to destroy ; and accordingly the measures of
Gardiner acquired new force from Wiatt's fall.
The deprivation of several Protestant bishops fol- Protes-

lowed that event. This was grounded, with the !ant p,re"

rt ' lutes de-

most absurd injustice, on their having taken wives prived of

in consequence of the liberty allowed to them by ueir sees*

successive acts of parliament. [40] On the whole,

sixteen new prelates appeared in the house of lords.

The distribution of Spanish gold+(for 1,200,000 Spanish

crowns were acknowledged to have beenborrowed ^Il"eiT*

= by

NOTES.
[40] In justification of these proceedings many books were
about this time published against clerical marriage, particularly
one by Gardiner, under the name of Dr. Martin. As the
doctor was a man of a very loose character, this work opened a
torrent of bitter accusations against the Popish clergy. ' That
kennel of the uncleauness,' says Bishop Burnet, ' of the priests
and religious houses, was again, on this occasion, raked and
exposed with too much indecency; for the married priests,
being openly accused for the impurity and sensuality of their
lives, thought it but a just piece of self-defence to turn these
imputations back on those, who pretended to chastity, and yet
led most irregular lives, under the appearance of that strict-
ness.' [Hut. os Ref.

* Holingshed, p. 10<}5, 6, 7, &x.

+ Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 286.

4t2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent xvt Dv the Emperor for the purpose) was now per-
formed by Gardiner with so judicious a hand,
that not less than four bills took their rise in the
commons in one session, each aiming at the perse-
cution of heretics. The house of peers, however,
not being yet properly brought into order, flung
out every one of them. Nor did the servility of
the commons, although ready to countenance
every degree of fanatic cruelty, and to join wil-
lingly in reconciling England to the church of
Rome, produce any real profit to the papacy, for
not an acre of consecrated property would they
restore, nor allow one monastery or nunnery to
be re-endowed with the revenues of which Henry
or Edward had deprived it. On the other hand,
the strongest possible ordinances were enacted to
secure in the possession of such estates, those lay-'
men to whom they had been appropriated.
Confc- A polemic conference at Oxford" was now de-

("Vf6 d termined on ; and a detachment from the convo-
cation, headed by Weston the prolocutor, re-
paired thither to meet [41] the Protestant cham-
pions..

NOTES,

[41] The prolocutor made an unlucky miitake at the setting
out of the disputation. * Ye are this day,' said he, ' assembled
to confound the detestable heresy of the verity of the body of
Christ in the Sacrament.' This error set the whole assembly
into a paroxysm of laughter.

[Hut. •* R*f.
* Fox, vol. ii. p. 4*? &c.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 423

pions. On the other hand, Cranmer, Ridley, and ^^^TJ*
Latimer, who had for some time been confined to
one small room in the Tower of London, were
led from the common jail at Oxford to manage
the Protestant side of the controversy. The two
first were much molested by the quotations from
the fathers. They could not answer them, and
yet knew not how to get rid of them. Latimer
took a forcible, though simple, method. ' I lay
no stress on the fathers, said he, ' unless when
they lay stress on the Scripture.' At length, over-
powered by his antagonist's volubility of tongue
the good prelate exclaimed, ' If I can argue no
longer for my religion, I yet can die for it.' [42]

After

NOTES.

[42] It is acknowledged by the most candid writers, that
the Roman Catholics had much the advantage in this dispute.
It must have been so, where quotations from the fathers were
allowed as arguments. For what answer can be made to the
following extracts, except that of the good Latimer above re-
cited? ' What a miracle is this ! He who sits above with the
father, at the same instant is handled by the hands of men!'*
Or again, from the same writer, ' That which is in the cup
is the same which flowed from the side of Christ.' Or, ' Be-
cause we abhor the eating of raw flesh, and especially human
flesh, therefore it appeareth bread though it be flesh. '+ Of
to this, ' Christ was carried in his own hands, when he said
" This is my body."+ Or to this, ' We are taught that when
this nourishing food is consecrated, it becomes the body and

blood
* St. Chrysostom. + Theophylact. % St. Austin.

424 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvt. After the close of the conference, the advocates
for reformation were told by Weston, that they
were defeated, and must recant their errors. To
which Cranmer answered, that ' if so, they were
only defeated by the noise and revilings of their
antagonists ; four or five of them often speaking
at once, so that it was utterly impracticable either
to hear them or to answer them.' Ridley [43]
and Latimer said the same. They all refused to
change their opinions, and were accordingly de-
clared

NOTES.

blood of our Savior.'* Or, lastly, to this from St. Ambrose,
* It is bread before consecration, but after that ceremony it be-
comes the flesh of Christ.' [Gilpin's Latimer.

[43] ' There was,' says Ridley, in his account of the con-
ference, ' great disorder, perpetual shoutings, tauntings, and
reproaches ; so that it looked liker a stage than a school of di-
vines.' He adds, that the noises and confusions with which
he had been much offended in his youth at the Sorbonne, were
modest, when compared to this.' [Hist, of Ref.

The good old Latimer attended the conference most simply
attired; his cap was buttoned under his chin, a pair of spec-
tacles hung at his breast, a staff was in his hand, and the New
Testament under his arm. ' You must dispute,' said the pro-
locutor, c next Wednesday morn.' ' I am as well qualified,'
answered the cheerful Latimer, shaking his palsied head, 'to be
governor of Calais. In this book,' he added, ' which, I have
deliberately perused seven times, I can find no mention of the
mass: neither its marrow-bones nor its sinews.' This expres-
sion being supposed a ludicrous allusion to the doctrine of tran-
substantiation gave great offence, nor was Latimer permitted
to explain it. [Gilpin'* Latimeb.

» Justin Martyr.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ecclesiastical. 425

clared ' obstinate heretics ;' and kept in prison c^^}
•with great strictness, and restraint of all corres-
pondence from without or with one another.

The loud and outrageous boasts of the convo-
cation concerning the victory which they pretend-
ed to have gained, having reached tliQ ears of the
Protestant divines imprisoned in London, they
drew up and published a confession of their faith,
and a declaration of their readiness to dispute in
favor of every article therein contained.

The arrival of the Spanish Philip in England Philip of
i i r t i ii-i Spain ar-

on the 20th ol July, 1554, and his subsequent ,ives ;n

marriage with the queen of England, were events Englaad.
of such an interesting kind that they, for a short
time, took off the minds of the nation from reli-
gious debates. Gardiner, who had. alone brought
about the marriage, was rewarded by the most
implicit confidence placed in him by the royal
pair. On his side the courtly bishop launched out
from his pulpit in praise of the virtues and graces
of the Spaniard, concluding with a trope which,
in a more refined age, would affect the audience
with disgust rather than conviction : ' If he prove
not what I say, I am content that ye shall esteem
me an impudent lyar.'

The visitation of the new bishops [44] to their

dioceses,

NOTES.
[44] The progress of Bonner was as usual strongly marked
with buffoonery. At Hadham, finding neither sacramental

bread,

426 HISTORY OF GREAT BRJTAIif. Book VII,

^^*^* dioceses, which took place in the summer of
Ceremo- 1554, were chiefly employed in restoring old cus-
storcd " toms# They did not re-ordain those priests who
had taken orders under Protestant prelates, but
only ' reconciled them to the church ; and added
the ceremonies which had been omitted, the
anointing, putting on the vestments,' kc. [45]

The

NOTES,
bread, nor a proper rood, he fell furiously on Dr. Bricket the

priest, calling him ' heretic, knave,' kc. swearing at the same
time most enormously. In vain did the priest, who knew his
gluttonous turn, describe the dainties he had provided for his
dinner. The bishop, blinded with anger, aimed a blow at
Bricket, but struck the ear of Sir Thomas Josselyn, and nearly
felled him; while the good-humored knight resented the unin-
tentional affront only by wishing ' that, when Bonner was
taken out of the Marshalsea, he had been transferred to Bed-
lam.' At other places the boisterous bishop was grossly lam-
pooned for his follies and prejudices, and particularly for scrap-
ing from church walls all those scripture sentences which had
been painted on them, and in their room substituting absurd
groupes cf ill-executed saints and martyrs.

[Hist. ofRef.
[45] It should seem that the church of Rome had no settled
rule as to this circumstance. She always was wont to receive
priests ordained in the Greek communion as regularly ad-
mitted; yet, during the contest between the popes and the
pseudo-popes, in the early ages, the pontiffs did not even al-
low of each other's ordination. They were more considerate
in the schism between Rome and Avignon, and did not ob-
ject to the mutual allowance of orders. In England, as far-
t her progress was made in bigotry, and the bodies of here-
tics were brought to the stake, more rigor was used as to

aiders ;

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ecclesiastical. 427

The attainder of Cardinal Pole being taken ofTCentxvI-
by the parliament, and his presence no longer in-
terfering with any powerful interest, he was in-
vited to England from Brussels ; and entered ° e .
o ' comes to

London without the legatine pomp, as it was England,
doubted how it might be relished by the popu-
lace ; yet he was received with some state, the
Bishop of Durham and Lord Shrewsbury meet-
ing; him with the act in his favor* in their hands.
Soon after his arrival, both houses of parliament
being summoned to attend on the king and queen,
Pole, in a long speech, declared the powers en-
trusted to him, and advised them, as the repre-
sentatives of the nation, to be reconciled with the
Roman Catholic church. [46] In a few days, the
speaker having consulted with the commons on
the measures to be pursued, a conference was held
between the two houses, and they agreed to peti-
tion

NOTES.

orders ; and the prelates who expired in flames were only degrad-
ed from the priesthood, and not from their episcopal dignity,
which was supposed to be null, as conferred by heretical
hands. [Hist, of Ref.

[46] The weak and vain Mary (who had for some time past
fancied herself with child) thought that she felt the child stir
in her womb at this invitation. Her women, whose absurd
flattery had nursed up her idea of pregnancy, joined with the
priest ; and compared the springing of the child to that of John
the Eaptist, when his mother was saluted by the Blessed Virgin.

* Philips's Life of Pole, vol. ii. p. 78.

428 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

K^f^J' tiofl the king and queen to be their advocates,

England that they mi^ht obtain the reconciliation which

reconciled .,-.,,. „_,

to the had been brought within their reach. They were

church of then introduced to the royal presence, and, pre-
Rome. , ■ . | x r

senting the petition humbly on their knees,* were

absolved in the fullest manner by the cardinal,
who at the same time recapitulated to them ' the
services which the pope had done to England,
k.c. ; the gift of Ireland by Adrian to Henry II. ;
the title of Defender of the Faith to Henry VIII.
k.c. He then shewed how Greece, since her
schism, had been abandoned by God, and had fal-
len to the Mahometans ; how distracted Germany
had been with war, civil and foreign ; and what tu-
mults had arisen in England.' The house then
appointed a committee to prepare an act which
might do away all the statutes that militated
against the Romish faith. [47] And thus ended a
day which can only be compared to that on which
the unprincipled John yielded his crown to the
legate of Innocent III. That king had on his side
the excuse of urgent necessity ; the commons that
of a thorough habit of embracing any form of re-
ligion,

NOTES.

[47] Philips affirms, that the lords and commons embraced
one another saying, ' This day we are born again !' A
festival was assigned for this important event, and a book
written upon the subject in Italian, named, ' 11 ritorno del
regno dTnghilterra.' Life es Pole.,

* Philips Life of Pole, vol. ii. p. 80.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESSIASTICAL. 429

ligion, or government, which their superiors Ccnt.xvr.

might wish them to adopt.

The Parliament now went on to form a law Church

which might repeal every act in favor of refor- ,.s

. * conlnnied

mation, taking great care, as it proceeded, to to lay-
confirm the complete alienation of the abbey- ovvners*
lands, church estates, 8cc. and to leave them all
in the hands of the laymen to whom they had
been given. This apparently unjust decree was
made more palatable by a most disinterested peti- n- .
tion, which was sent from the convocation of the rested
Canterbury diocese ;* praying that, to prevent 0f ♦•,-
disputes, such estates might remain unclaimed convoca-
by the church. The act condemns the royal su-
premacy, but confirms all its decrees: It likewise
confirms all past marriages, settlements, and pro-
cesses, and it suspends the mortmain act for
twenty years.

To this act the cardinal acceded ; strongly in-
timating at the same time, that the curse of heaven
(as in the case of Belshazzar, whose father, not
himself, had been guilty of the sacrilege) would
pursue every man who should take advantage of
tliis law to detain the property of the church*
an intimation which seems to have affected no
one person except the sincere, though deluded,

Mary.[48]

The

NOTES.

[48] The voice of the people was against the re-estahlish-

jraent of Popery, and many vulgar jokes explained the opinion

of
* Life of Pole, vol. ii. p. 90.

430 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

CeitxvL The censures incurred by the clergy being of
a different nature from those of the laity, the

bishops

NOTES.

«f the lower orders of society. To ridicule the priesthood,
says Holingshed, ' A cat with her head shorne, and thelike-
nesseof a rocket cast over her, with her fore feet tied together,
and a round piece of paper, like a singing cake, heing put be-
tween them, was hanged on a gallows in Cheape.' Which cat
was shewed to the Bishop of London, and he afterwards re-
proached the Dutchess of Suffolk as authoress of this low wit-
ticism. Soon afterwards, a remarkably gay rood having been set
up in St. Paul's with great and pompous ceremony, a merry
fellow, making a very low obeysance, thus bespoke the image ;
* Sir, your maistership is welcome to towne. I see you bee
clothed in thequeene's colours, so I hope ye be but a summer's
bird, as ye be drest in white and greene.' As a crowd of
people were present when this free joke was uttered with impu-
nity, the sentiments of the Londoners, concerning image-wor-
ship, may be conjectured.

But the gibe which gave most diversion to the people was
an artful conveyance of the holy wafer out of the pix, in
which it had, according to custom, been deposited at the
even-song of Good-Friday. In consequence when, on Easter
Sundav morn, the choir sung out, ' Surrexit, non est hie,'
' He is risen, he is not here,' the singers' words were made
good ; nor could the priest, to the infinite diversion of his im-
moral audience, find a hoste to elevate. On this subject a
ballad was made, with this free burthen, * One Gad being
stolen or lost, another was made in his room.' Great rewards
were offered by the clergy for the discovery of the impious
bard ; as well as of several others, who ridiculed the Latin
service in a kind of Macaronic poetry.

Encouraged by the visible turn of the people, a girl,
named Elizabeth Croft, acted the part of a demoniac ; and

made

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 431

bishops and priests all met in convocation ; and <J"^*^*;
there, on their kneeSj received absolution, as
their lay-brethern had done before them.*

These great events were notified to the court of
Rome by three ambassadors. Lord Mountacute,
the Bishop of Ely, and Sir Edward Karne.

The commons, as they had gone such lengths
to establish their interest at court, determined
not to stop before they had completed their
work. They revived all the old persecuting sta-
tutes against Lollards, passed in the days of
Richard II. Henry IV. and V. ; and they would
have rendered all the acts of married priests null
and void had they not been checked by some of
the landholders, who must have suffered essen-
tially if that ill-judged bill had been carried. [49]

Gardiner

NOTES.

aiade her familiar, * the spirit in the wall,' whistle out strange
prophecies, in an uncouth tone, against Philip of Spai». But
she was detected, and publicly exposed on a scaffold.

[HOLINGSHED. HlST. OF ReF. &C.

[49] It must astonish the reader to see so total a change in
the sentiments of a great nation's representatives, in so trifling
2 space of time as that between the last parliament of Edw. VI.
and the first of Mary. But what will he say when he
hears that two quotations, one from Bishop Burnet, the other
from Bishop Taylor, are adduced by the artful Philips, in
his Life of Cardinal Pole, (vol. ii. p. 86) to excuse this
change; and indeed to give plausible reasons for it ? Contro-
versial writers should be very cautious «f the " Data' they

allow ;
* Life of Pole, vol. ii. p. 88.

4S2 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

P™*^^ Gardiner was now highly esteemed at court,
for every measure which he had proposed had
been attended with success ; but the ferocity of
his disposition was now to meet indulgence. It
was to him that the counsels which stained the
latter years of Mary's reign with blood were at-

Gardiner tributed ; Gardiner's religion was only policy ;

counsels t jjj j^ counterrance slaughter,* while Pole,

inhuma- y ° '

Hity. (who shared with him the confidence of Mary)

although zealously attached to every Popish tenet,
is believed to have used allhis interest in favor of
mercy. ' Such,' says a modern writer, ' is the
prevalence of temper above system.' Unhappily,
Gardiner had most weight ; and the standard of
indiscriminate inhumanity only waited the open-
ing of the next year to be widely displayed. No-
thing indeed but cruelty could be expected under
the rule of a fanatic, who, when she received the
crown, had gloried in being styled ' a virgin sent
from heaven to avenge the cause of God.'

At the beginning of 1555 all the bishops, and
many of the clergy, went to Cardinal Pole (who,
during the confinement of the primate, had taken
possession of Lambeth) to receive his instructions.

They

NOTES,
allow ; too great advantages are often given that way to a subtle
enemy ; and a good cause irrecoverably hurt with honest but
weak minds. The passage here referred to is well worth
a perusal as a master piece of polemic subtility.
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 278.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1 • ecclesiastical. 4S3

They were humane and worthy of his gentle turn P"^*J*;
of mind. He bade them treat their flocks with
tenderness, and rather to make converts by ex-
ample and instruction than by rigor. [50]

Little

NOTES.
[50] In this place an ingenious modern author amuses

himself in supplying Gardiner and his friends with arguments
to oppose the milder reasoning of the cardinal. That so much
can be said for a bad cause will equally astonish and entertain
the reader.

' The doctrine of liberty of conscience,' said the fancied
arguer, ' is founded on the most flagrant impiety, and supposes
such an indifference among all religions, such an obscurity in
theological doctrines, as to render the church and the magistrate
incapable of distinguishing with certainty the dictates of heaven
from the mere fictions of human imagination. If the Divinity
reveals principles to mankind, he will surely give a criterion by
which they may be ascertained ; and a prince who knowingly
permits these principles to be perverted or adulterated, is more
criminal than if he permitted poison to be sold to his subjects
for bread. Persecution may, indeed, seem calculated rather to
make hypocrites than converts ; but experience shews, that
often the habits of hypocrisy turn to real devotion, and that the
children, at least, of such hypocrites, become frequently or-
thodox Christians. It is absurd to plead the temporal and tri-
vial interests of civil society against considerations of such vast
importance; and, besides, where sects arise, and with equal vi-
rulence execrate and damn each other, why should not the civil
magistrate, for the public peace, support one and silence every
other ? An affected neutrality in the prince can only serve
to keep alive the reciprocal animosity. The Pretestants
when in power shewed no mercy to those who followed the
religion of their ancestors. They enacted severe, and, in

some

Vol. I. ff

434

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII.

Cent. XVI.

Persecu-
tion com-
mences*

Thirty
Prote-
stants
seized.

Little availed the merciful legate's sincere re-
quest with a set of men devoted to their own
interests, and determined to take whatever line
of conduct the more effective favorite, Gardiner,
should intimate ; and his finger pointed at blood.
Accordingly a series of barbarities came forward
which, had it not been visibly the effect of reli-
gion wrongly understood, and fermented in the
weak brain of a misled fanatic, might have pre-
judiced the national character of England; a
country which may proudly say, that, setting
aside the mistaken Mary's short but bitter phren-
zy, it stands clear of the massacres and persecu-
tions which have deformed the history of the other
districts of Europe, and most of all those which
have called themselves the most polished.

Thirty of the most known and steadiest Pro*
testants had just then fallen into the hands of their
enemies. They had been taken at a meeting near
Bow church ; where Rose, a minister, had given
them the communion according to the service of

the

NOTES.

'ome instances, capital, punishments against them. And if
any kind of persecution is to be admitted, the most bloody
and violent will surely be allowed the most justifiable, as the
most effectual. Imprisonments, fines, 8cc. serve only to irri-
tate sectaries, without disabling them from resistance. But
the stake, the wheel, and the gibbet, must soon terminate in
the extirpation or banishment of all the heretics who are inclin-
ed to give disturbance j and in the entire silence and submission
of the rest.' [Hume's Tubors,

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ecclesiastical. 435

the English Liturgy. These were brought before Cent-XVI*
the council,'"' and persuaded to subscribe the Po-
pish confession of faith ; but none would be
wrought upon. Rogers, who was the chief of the
party, and who was particularly obnoxious for
having published a revised edition of Tindal's
Bible, asked Gardiner, ' Whether he had not
preached against the Pope during best part of
twenty years V ' Yes,' said Gardiner, ' but I was
forced to it by cruelty.' ' And will you then, v
said Rogers, ' use that cruelty to others, of which
you complain ?' Gardiner avoided answering him,
yet every one of the thirty were sent to prison ;
except one, whom the good-humored Lord
Effingham saved by asking him, ' If he would be
an honest man, as his father had been before him ?'
And on his saying ' Yes,' he sent him off hastily,
as one that had ansAvered to his satisfaction.

Not to dwell too long on so disgraceful and
distressing a subject, those who suffered for their
religion at this direful aera shall be thrown toae-
ther with as much conciseness as possible.

The proto-martyr was Rogers, above-mention-
ed. He had been pressed to fly, but could not
prevail on himself to leave his wife with ten chil-
dren. He met his death with intrepidity. On Ro&ers

. r J and many

petitioning Gardiner for a last interview with his others

,. r o t suffer,

in wile,

' Strype's Mem. vol. iii. p. 180.

436 "klSTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, Book Vll,

Centxvi. wJfe} he was insultingly told, ' that being in
orders, he could have no wife.'

Bishop Hooper* was burnt with green wood,
and remained three quarters of an hour in torture ;
yet did he pray until his tongue was by the lire
rendered useless.

Sanders, at Coventry, refused a pardon, and
rapturously embraced the stake.

A poor weaver had his beard torn off, and his
hand consumed in the flames of a candle, by the
brutal Bonner, before his final punishment.

Ferrar, Bishop of St. David's, a man of strange
and affected singularity, suffered at the stake with
great intrepidity.

Rawlins White was burnt at Cardiff for having
sent his son to school that he might learn to read
the bible to him.

One Hunter had absconded, fearing the ven-
geance of Bonner, for a trifling but heretical
lapse in conversation. Bonner seized and me-
naced the father of Hunter ; the good young
man, to save his parent, delivered up himself,
and perished in the flames.

Thomas Haukes stretched out his arms when
in the agonies of a fiery death ; a signal he had
agreed to make if he found consolation in his
torture. This circumstance had an incredible
effect in confirming the faith of many.

Taylor,

;- Fox, vol. iii. p. 145.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 437

Taylor/'' the venerable priest of Hadley, being Cent.xvi
tied to the stake in his own parish, was severely
wounded by a faggot thrown by one who stood
by ; to whom the meek sufferer only said, ' Oh,
friend, I have enough ! What needed that ?'

George March, a priest, was burnt at Chester,
where, with a refinement of cruelty, there was
placed over his head a pot of pitch to melt and
scald him as it fell.

One named Flower, who suffered in the church-
yard of Wesminster- Abbey, deserved the least
$hare of pity, as he had madly and wickedly-
wounded a priest, while celebrating the mass; at
first he gloried in the deed ; but being; soon con-
vinced by his brethren of his crime, he lamented
it bitterly ; and died a sincere penitent.

From this horrid picture let us turn away our
eyes for a moment, and view the follies of the
sincere though deluded Mary. Flattered by the
women about her, she had conceived herself near
her delivery ; and in order to lighten her con- ^arv's
science against that awful time, she had sent for fancied
her great officers,-!- and told them, ' that she was j?' §n
determined to deliver up all the church lands
which the crown possessed to the legate, for
religious uses. That, it was true, the crown would
be impoverished ; but that her soul was of more
value than ten crowns.'

Notwithstanding

;- Fox, vpl. iii. p. 166.
t Ibid. p. 221. Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 308.

438 HISTOSY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.XVL Notwithstanding this propitiation, Mary's error
was soon apparent ; yet, not before many zealous
Papists had exposed their sanguine and ridicu-
lous credulity.[5l]

The time was now come that the venerable
Latimer[52] should be brought to confirm, by
his patient and instructive death, those truths

during

NOTES.

[51] Bishop Burnet had seen a letter from the Bishop of
Norwich to the Lord Sussex, in which he asserts that the queen
was brought to bed of a 'noble prince;' for which he had
ordered ' Te Deum' to be sung in his cathedral, and the other
churches in Norwich. [Hist, of Ref.

[52] Hugh Latimer, the most spirited of English reform-
ers, was born at Thirkesson, Leicestershire, in 1470, of an
honest yeoman's family, and bred at Cambridge, where, after
beginning his clerical course as a violent Papist, he became
a most zealous preacher on the side of Protestantism. Re-
commended by Cromwell to the bishopric of Worcester
(after having suffered much persecution) he retained it not
long; for, on the passing of the ' bloody act,' in 1589, he
retired to his friend Cranraer's dwelling, and resigned his see
with a cheerfulness bordering on levity ; for he sprang up,
and congratulated himself on the lightness he felt on quitting
his episcopal vestments. Called forth again on the accession
of Edward VI. and refusing to resume his see, he was ap-
pointed to an important and dangerous post, that of preacher
to the court. Of this task he acquitted himself with incredible
intrepidity; he spared neither the profligate minister, the
partial judge, the indolent priest, nor even the misguided
infant king; yet he continued court preacher until the fall
of his friend and protector Somerset. He then withdrew to
his diocese, where he continued until he was called on by the
bigot Mary to suffer at the stake. [Gilpin's Latimer,

Cli. II Part I. § I. ECCLESIASTICAL. 43&

which during his life, he had with so much zeal P"1;*J*'
and success supported. The sincerity of his heart,
and the simplicity of his manners, merited for
his last hours such a companion as Ridley, Bishop Two ^
of London : perhaps the most eminent of all those shops
who assisted the reformation, in piety, learning, tot]ie
and firmness of mind. Three bishops sat in Ox- flames.
ford to judge them; they condemned them for
heresy ; and, after allowing them one night's
consideration, delivered them over to the secular
arm as obstinate heretics.

Neither the spirit of Latimer nor his good pjrmness
humor forsook him to the last. Passing through of Lati-
Smithfield, when brought up to his martyrdom,
' This place,' said he, ' has long groaned for me.'
When interrupted in his defence by Dr. Wes-
ton, he said warmly, ' I have spoken in my time
before two kings, and have been heard some
hours together ; and now I may not speak for
one quarter of an hour !' When in prison, being
severely treated in winter, he sent word to his
keeper, that ' if he took no better care he should
escape him.' The keeper in a fright asked How ?
' Why,' answered Latimer, ' if you will not afford
me a faggot, I shall be starved to death with cold,
and not burnt as my sentence runs.' After he
was fastened to the stake his last words to his fel-
low-sufferer, the Bishop of London, were these,
1 This day we shall lio-ht such aflame in England
as, I trust, shall never be extinguished.'*

Ridley's

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 295.

440 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

^!^Ib Ridley's deportment was equally composed
And of and intrepid. ' Be of good heart, brother.' said
1 ey* he to Latimer, ' God will either assuage the fury
of the flames, or enable us to abide it.' Albas:
of gunpowder kindly placed near the head of
Latimer finished his pains, but Ridley was long
tortured.

The death of Latimer was oddly accompanied
by that of the bitterest foe of him and of the Pro-
testant religion, Bishop Gardiner." On the 9th
of November, 1555, that resolute persecutor re-
fused to have his dinner served up until a mes-
senger should arrive to tell him that fire was
set to the faggots of Latimer and Ridley, although
the good old Duke of Norfolk was his guest.
Him he kept waiting for his meal, ' until three
or four o'clock,' when the desired intelligence
arrived. Even then the persecutor was not des-
tined to enjoy his dinner. Lie fell suddenly[53]

ill

NOTES.
[53] Bishop Poinet, who succeeded to the see of Winton,

thus paints his predecessor: ' He had a swarthy color, hang-
ing look, frowning brows, eyes deep in his head, wide
nostrils, sparrow mouth, great hands, and long talons on his
toes which made him go awkwardly.' Gardiner is believed
to have been the natural son of Richard de Wideville, brother
to Elizabeth, consort to Edward IV. He was a great and
not unpatriotic statesman, but perverse and pitiless. Per-
petually did he persuade Mary to destroy her sister, who,
he foresaw, would reverse all she had done. lie died in

agonies
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 258.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 441

ill of a suppression of urine, lay in torture fifteen (r^XVI*
days, and then died. The times were supersti- Death of
tious and the reflections made on this seasonable Gardzncr«
death may be easily imagined.

it

NOTES.

agonies of repentance, crying, ' I have sinned with Peter, but
I have not wept with him !' Two elegies, strongly expressive
of the different lights in which he was seen by different parties,
may be found in Dr. Harrington's Nugas Antiquas. They be-
gin thus :

Pro, by Mr. Prideaux.
' The saints in heaven rejoice,

This earth and we may waile,
Sith they have won, and we have lost.
The guide of our availe.

Tho' death hath loosed life,

Yet death could not deface
His worthy work, his stayed state,
Nor yet his gifts of grace,' Sec.
Contra, by an Ill-wilier.
( The dev'ls in hell do dance,
This realm and we may joy,
Since they have got, and we forgone,

The cause of our annoy.
Though death hath wip'd out life,

Vet death cannot outrace
His wicked works, usurped state,
Nor faults of his, deface,' &c.
When Gardiner first recommended persecution, he thought
that a few striking examples would cause a general recantation;
but when he found his error, he left the weight of cruelty on the
willing shoulders of Bonner, who was wont to say, ' Let me
once lay hold of these heretics, and, ii' they escape me, God
do so and more to Bonner ! '

442 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Si^Z!/ ^ was a^0Llt ^lls time5 or early in 1556, that

Rise of the schism between the episcopalians of England

Punta- ancj t|ie non_conformists, soon after styled Puri-
msm. J

tans, first broke out.

Numbers of British (Tor John Knox was among
them) exiles met at Frankfort, and wished to ce-
lebrate divine service according to the Protestant
rite, but could not agree as to the mode. At
length, however, being admitted to a participa-
tion of the French church, and allowed to per-
form divine worship as they pleased at stated
times, they agreed not to use the Litany or the
surplice, and not to answer the minister; and,
having settled these points, they went on peace-
ably until the arrival of Dr. Cox, a high-spirited
exile, once tutor to Edward VI. and an admirer
of the original Liturgy. He attended the service
with a number of orthodox comrades, distressed
the reader by answering him aloud, and at length
placed in the desk a resolute priest, who wore a
surplice, and pronounced the whole of the Li-
tany. Important contests for those who had lost
their country, their friends, their estates !

Numbers ^q pr0ceed with the painful lists of equally
suffer at . X , , / „ . X . 7

Uie slake sincere, though not perhaps equally interesting,

sufferers : One Cambridge, in Hants, unable to
bear the lire, recanted, and was taken from the
stake. An order of council, however, sent him
again to the flames, and imprisoned the sheriff
for having reprieved him. Toole, who was hang-
ed

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 443

ed for robbery, having bordered on heresy in his Cent X^L
dying words, had his body consumed by fire.
Thirteen persons were burnt at once at Stratford-
le-Bow, in Essex. Bradford too was burnt,
although he, with the respectable Rogers, had
saved, in a popular tumult, the life of Bourne,
now Bishop of Bath and Wells.*

Enough has been said on the subject so dis-
gusting ; unhappily it would afford materials for
a much longer account. Above thirty other per-
sons [54] suffered by the flames, during the au-
tumn of 1555, in different country towns, besides
six that Avere burnt in one fire at Canterbury.

The persons condemned to these punishments
(observes Mr. Hume) were not convicted of teach-

m ing

NOTES.
[54] Many of those who suffered at the stake were young peo-
ple; and it was observable, that the younger were frequently
the more eager, and the steadier, converts to reformation. Con-
formably to this idea, the devil is made, in a drama nearly of
Mary's epoch, to attribute the defection from Popery to the
young :

' The ould peopel wolde beleve still in my lawes,
But the yonger sorte lead them a contrary waye ;
They wyll not beleve, they plainley saye,
In oulde tradytions made by men,
But they wyll b'leve as scripture teacheth them.'
And, a little farther, Hypocrysie remarks, thatc
' The worlde was never so merye
Since chyldren were so bolde.
Now every boy will be a teacher;
The father a foole— the cliylde a preacher.'
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 291 .

444 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. JSook VII.

Cent. xvi. jng or dogmatizing contrary to the established
religion. They were seized merely on suspicion ;
and, ai tides being offered to them for subscrip-
tion, they were instantly on their refusal condemn"
ed to the flames. Each martyrdom was, from the
constancy of the sufferers, equivalent to a hun-
/ dred sermons against Popery ; and men either
avoided such horrid spectacles, or returned from
them full of a violent, though secret, indignation
against the persecutors.

It was not, indeed, without evident signs of
disgust [55] that the nation beheld these repeat-
ed scenes of inhumanity. Even Gardiner had

odious to endeavored to throw the blame f the horrors he

the

nation, had counselled on the queen; but it was Philip on

whom the odium chiefly rested. Bred up under a
persecuting father, accustomed to the cruelties of
the inquisition, and to the principles of the Duke
of Alva, such proceedings might naturally be ex-
pected

Such
scenes

NOTES.

[55] One circumstance was thought a great addition to the
general inhumanity of the times. After the condemnation of
those who were sent into the country to be burnt, they were
told by the council that they must be silent at their execution,
otherwise they would have their tongues cut out on the spot.

[Hist, or Ref.

Many letters were written from court to exhort all persons
to attend the executions ; and the council, being informed that
some Essex gentlemen had ' honestly, and of their own accord,'
attended a great and horrid exhibition of this kind at Colches-
ter, condescended to send them a letter of thanks. [Ibid.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 445

pected from him. This conclusion he dreaded,* ^nt.XVI-
as it might expose him to the resentment of the
people, and eventually endanger the little interest
which he had in England. On this account he
directed Father Alphonso, his coufessor, to
preach a sermon against violent measures with
heretics : an argument so strange from the mouth
of a Spaniard, that it made the ardor of the Eng-
lish bishops cool for a while ; but, after a few
weeks, they proceeded again with such vigor that
even Bonner [56] hesitated to obey their direc-
tions, and needed a letter from court to inspire
him with new resolution.

About the same time Mary received a book
from Germany, well and firmly written, admo-
nishing

NOTES.

[5G] The horror in which that inhuman prelate was held by
the suffering Protestants, gave occasion to the most bitter invec-
tives against him. A pedigree was about this time handed
about in MS, and in 1569 was printed. Part of it ran thus:
■ Hereafter do follow a linial pedegree of Boner's kindred, a
man of a great house long before the captivite of Babylone.
Bastard Edmonde Savage, beynge a q;reat lubberly scholar, was
supposed to be the son of one Boner, which was the son of a jugler,
or wyld roge ; which was the son of a villayn in grosse ; which
was the son of a cut- purse : which was the son of Tom o'Bedlam,
kc. kc. Colonel Antichrist, the son of the devel, of iniquitie,
of perdition, the cause of all ignorance, infidelitie, simonie,
treason, idolatrie, persecution, rebellion, wicked assemblie, and,
finally, everlasting damnation.' This specimen will probably
be thought a sufficient taste of antient ribaldry and abuse.

[Epitafh, kc. on Bonner. Printed by John Allele, I56g.
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 284.

446 HISTORY 6* GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf.

Centxvi. n^Jjjg ner of the injustice, as well as cruelty, of
her proceedings ; reminding her of Cranmer's
merits; and of the very moderate manner in which
her brother Edward had changed the religion of
the kingdom. He had indeed ejected many
priests from their sees, but had hurt not one of
them. It closed by conjuring the queen to treat
her own subjects, at least, with the same kindness
which foreigners had experienced at his hands,
and permit them to depart the realm in peace, if
they chose rather to quit their country than their
religion. The present was fruitless ; bigots are
not to be convinced by argument.
Gardi- ^ was ^ut a ^tt;^e before his death that Bishop

ner's in- Gardiner had been more severely treated. He

sincerity . ,

exposed. nac^ published a book, entitled, ' True Obedi-
ence,' in the reign of Henry VIII. armed with
sturdy arguments against the pope's supremacy,
against the union with Catharine, which he styled
4 incestuous and unlawful,' and in praise of
Henry, for marrying ' his godly and vertuous
wife, Queen Anne.' This performance Avas now
re-printed at Strasburgh, imported to England,
and sent abroad among the people ; to the utter
confusion of the double-faced author.*

The commons, which met late in 1555, were
not pleased with the queen's cession of the church-
lands, and of the first-fruits of benefices, of which

she

* Hist, of Ref. vol. if. p. 278-

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 447

she told ihem she could not in conscience make Centxvi.
use. They parted in ill-humor, as they knew
that they must make up the deficiency.

At this period Cardinal Pole, having licence A synod
from the queen to hold a synod, explained to the pe [ y
clergy his plan for reformation of the church,
which appears to have been moderate, and less
tending towards persecution than could well be
expected, considering the age in which he lived,
and the court in which he had been bred.*

The year 1555 closed with the burning of
three persons at Canterbury, and of the passion-
ate disputant Archdeacon Philpot, who suffered
in Smithfield. These completed the number of
sixty-seven who had fallen in that year for their
adherence to the Protestant doctrine, amono;
whom four were bishops, and thirteen priests.

The next year commenced with the long-ex- Cranmer

pected doom of Archbishop Cranmer. Gardiner, I1*1"1 a,n(|
, . ' degraded,

who, horn interested reasons, had prolonged his

life, was now departed; and Cardinal Pole [57]

does

NOTES.
[57] As the character of Pole was rather amiable than
otherwise, we must not have so little charity as to suppose him
a bitter enemy to the Archbishop, when he wrote to him, and
called God to witness the truth of what he wrote, that ' could
he but deliver him from the fatal doom which impended over
both his body and soul, he would prefer that gratification to all
the riches and honors which this world could bestow.'

[OuifciNi's Collection »f Pole's Letters,
* Hist- of Ref. vol. ii. p. 204.

448 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vlf.

^^"^23 does not appear to have interfered in the
matter.

The trial of Cranmer was carried on with
greater dignity than rationality. A commission
was sent from Rome on purpose. He was cited
in form to appear in 80 days before the Papal
tribunal, and on his non-appearance (he was then
in prison) he was delivered over to the secular
arm as a contumacious heretic.

The ceremony of degradation was performed
by Bishop Thirlby, who, recollecting that Cran-
mer had been his only patron and friend, burst
into tears, and needed an exhortation from the
meek primate to enable him to perform his duty.
When degraded he walked through [58] Oxford
with a townsman's cap on his head, while the
petulant buffoon, Bishop Bonner, frolicked be-
hind him, crying aloud, ' He is no longer my
lord ! he is no longer my lord 1'

The circumstances which attended the last hours
of this great but not perfect man, have been told

in

NOTES.

[58] Bonner's scurrilous ribaldry peeped out even in the
speech which he made in public on Cranmer's degradation.
' This is he that despised the pope,' said the exulting buffoon ;
1 lo ! he is judged by the pope ! He pulled down churches, and
Mo! he is judged in a church !' 8cc. $cc; while the gentler
Thirlby, shocked at the brutal mirth of his comrade, frequently
admonished him of his misconduct by pulling his sleeve.

[Hist, of Ref. Sec. &c.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 44y

in another place. The benefits which England Cent.xvL
reaped through his means are in some degree re- And
paid by the universal respect paid to his memory, burnt*
and by the gentle manner in which the frailty of
those hours is ever recorded by the historians of
his country. [59]

The Archbishopric of Canterbury was imme-
diately given to Cardinal Pole, although much
against the will of the Pope, who had some par-
ticular reasons to dislike that moderate and decent
prelate.

Several religious houses were at this time re- Religious
founded by the queen,* but none that were ex- hous*s rc^
pensive. Glastonbury was thought of, but was

probably

NOTES.

[59] Thomas Cranruer was born at Ashlacton in Notting-
hamshire, was bred at Jesus College, Cambridge, and com-
menced D. D. in 1523. How he became a principal agent in
the divorce of Queen Catharine has been mentioned, and how,
consequently, he rose to preferment. He was learned, devout,
and in general, moderate. But in the 16th century there was
no religion without some turn to persecution.

Cranmer was charitable, mild, and hospitable; his manner*.
converted many of his foes to friends ; and he never made an
enemy by his conduct in private life. He left a wife and
children not ill provided for; but as he was obliged to keep
them obscurely, little has transpired concerning them.

The palace of Cranmer was the general asylum of distressed
literature. Buccr, Fagius, Sleidan, Peter Martyr, Alasco,
and a learned Scot named Aless, all found maintenance and re-
pose at Lambeth.

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 317-

Vol. I. g g

455

HTSTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN,

Book VII.

Cent. XVI.'

Vittims
increase.

Horrid
instance
of bigot
cruelty.

Intrepi-
dity of
the re-
forming
teachers.

probably too costly. A step, however, was now
taken essentially in favor of monastic institution,
and that was the total destruction of every record
which could be found concerning the abuses dis-
covered in religious houses by the visitors ap-
pointed by Henry VIII.

Persecution still proceeded with faggots and
fire-brands in her train. Eighty-five persons
suffered at the stake in 1556, and ail with equal
calmness and intrepidity ; avowing, even while
their sinews were shrinking, and their flesh con-
suming by the flames, their thorough resignation
to the will of Heaven, and their triumphant joy
in the cause they died for.

To crown this painful detail with a deed almost
too horrid for the pen, it must be told, that a
mother and her two daughters being at the stake
in Guernsey, a child, with which one of them
was pregnant, burst from the womb of the agoniz-
ing parent, and was with difficulty saved from
the fire by a stander-by. A magistrate, however,
being consulted, the infant was, by his order, re-
committed to the flames, and perished with its
wretched mother.

Little did the heat of persecution avail to the
cause of popery. Under the veil of caution the re-
formed increased in numbers, and persisted with
intrepidity in hearing those ministers whom they
had chosen. Of these c;allant men who braved
every danger that they might preserve their flocks

in
3

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 451

in purity, we find the names of Scambler and Cent.xvi.
Bentham, (afterwards made bishops by Elizabeth)
Foule, Bernher, and Rough, a Scot, who fell into
the hands of Bonner, and perished at the stake.
Those who fled for their religion went to Frank-
fort, Geneva, 8cc. and seem to have employed
their polemic abilities more in prizing the worth
of the English Liturgy, against the prayers used
in the towns where they sought refuge, than in
supporting the general system against the com-
mon enemy.

At a visitation of Cambridge, early in 1557,* Oxford

the churches of St. Mary and St. Michael were ?nd ,Cam"

b™ge
put under an interdict for containing the buried visited.

bodies of Bucer and Faojus. Anxious to redeem
their honor, the accused churches sent out their
dead to suffer judgment. The offensive remnants
were delivered over to the secular power ; and,
standing mute, were condemned to the flames,
together with many heretical books.

The same visitors proceeded at Oxford against
the body of Peter Martyr's wife ; but as she, when
alive, could speak no English, no one could tes-
tify that she had uttered any sentiment contrary
to orthodoxy. By this accidental advantage her
bones escaped the flames, but not the ignominy
of being taken out of the church, and being bu-
ried in a dunghill ; because the body of St. Fride-

g g 2 swide

* Hist. Ref. vol. ii. p. 321.

452 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

CentXVl. grcyjdg lay jn the same repository, [60] which was
judged not becoming.*

Towards the middle of I557 great complaints
were made to the council of the extreme indif-
ference shewn [6l] by the county magistrates, to
the orders for searching out and apprehending
heretics. It was this charge, together with the
increasing frowardness of the disappointed
queen, which produced the last and mostarbrita-
ry of Mary's measures in favor of Popery ; viz.
Imitation the institution by her prerogative, of a court con-
^ .e, sisting of twenty-one persons, any three of whom
Inquisi- might act with powers unlimited, to search into
the actions and religious opinions of her subjects.
The Spanish inquisition had hardly greater or

more

tlOD.

NOTES.

[Col On the accession of Elizabeth the students of Oxford
took the remains of Peter Martyr's wife, which had been thus
ignominiously removed, and placed them in the same tomb
with the ashes of St. Frideswide, with the following inscrip-
tion, which Sanders the Jesuit styles, ' Epitaphium impium :'

* Hie requiescit religio cum superstitione.'

[Gl] They were sometimes harsh enough in the distant dis-
tricts, as in the case of Joan Waste of Derby, a poor blind
girl aged 22, whose industry and filial affection had surmounted
the loss of sight, and had enabled her to assist her father in sup-
porting himself by rope- making. Accused of denying the real
presence, this harmless young woman was borne to the stake,
and died with undaunted serenity.

[Hutton's Derby. &c>
* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 322.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 455

more odious poAvers than this judicature wereCentXVI«
permitted to assume.

There was little need to complain of remiss-
ness in the persecution. During the course of
1557, seventy-nine persons, of various sexes and
conditions, suffered death by fire for their reli-
gion. And it is possible that the fierceness of
these flames, and the council's dread of being
thought partial, occasioned the death of Lord
Stourton.* He had committed a most inhuman
murther, and staid coolly at home setting the
laws at defiance, depending on that interest in
the council which his zeal for the Roman Catho-
lic religion had o-ained. How he found his er-
ror, is told in another place.

The parliament sat on an early day in 1558;

and Dr. Feckenham, the abbot of Westminster,

together with Tresham, Prior of St. John's, took

their places in the upper house as peers. As

soon as that assembly broke up, the persecution

began again with more violence than ever. A

proclamation was issued, at a time when seven Inhuman

were led out to be burnt at once in Smithfield, Proc;Ia"

' raation.

' that no man should pray for the victims, should
speak to them, or say, " God help them !" It
was also proclaimed, in the true spirit of the In-
quisition, that whoever should possess any book
of heresy, treason, or sedition, and should not

instantly •

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 325.

454 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Cent-XVI; instantly burn it without reading it or shewing it
to any one, should be accounted a rebel, and
perish by martial law.'" Besides this it was re-
marked, that punishment more than conversion
was now the point in view ; for a magistrate was
imprisoned in the Fleet for saving a heretic from
the flames on his recanting; as soon as he felt the
force of the fire.

Bonner was now almost sated with the cries of
suffering martyrs, and is said even to have releas-
ed a dozen or two of sturdy heretics unconvinced,
after having indulged his natural propensity to in-
humanity, by whipping them with great severity.

Summary ^ 111 1 • • ™

of Pro- ^n t"e whole, thirty-nine rrotestants were

testant burnt [62] in I558, which, with those which had
martyrs* - rr 1

surlered

NOTES.

[62] * This persevering cruelty,' says an elegant modern

historian, ' appears astonishing, yet it is nothing to what has
been practised in other countries. Father Paul computes that,
in the Low Countries alone, from the time that the edict of
Charles V. was published against the reformers, there had been
fifty thousand persons hanged, beheaded, buried alive, or burnt,
on account of religion.' [Hume.

To this observation let us add a singular computation which
may be found in a French treatise, entitled, ' Les Secrets des
Finances, par Froumenteau.' This curious calculator asserts
that, during the first twenty years of the French civil wars on
account of religion, there were, slain 765,200 persons; that
12,300 females suffered violation; and that 128,256 houses
were burnt or destroyed ! Yet did these wars endure twenty
more years after the date of Froumenteau's remark; and, as
they were supported with equal fury, it is probable that there
were as many sufferers.

♦ Heylyn, p. 79,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1, ecclesiastical. 455

suffered before in the same reign, made up the ^entxvL
number of martyrs for their faith 284.* Sixty-
four more suffered persecution, of whom seven
were whipped, and twelve died in prison.

The reign of bigotry was well nigh ended in
England. The autumn had been uncommonly
sickly, and Mary, who had been for some time in
an ill state of health, fcund her health as well as
her spirits destroyed by the repeated strokes of
ill fortune which had attended her. The mis-
take concerning her pregnancy ; the visible neg-
lect with which her husband had treated her ; the
loss of Calais ; and the extreme obstinacy of her
subjects, whose attachment to the reformation was
visibly increased bv every step which she took to
eradicate it ; all these evils had overpowered her
naturally resolute mind. A dropsy added its
force ; and the hated and broken-hearted sove-
reign expired. Within sixteen hours she was Deatn of
followed to the grave by her relation Cardinal J? , r

Pole ;+[63] to whose mild counsels had she paid Cardinal

1 Pole,
due

NOTES.

[63] Cardinal Pole might have been Pope in 1550: but as
the choice had been made at midnight, he declined the offer
until it should be confirmed by day-light, saying, ' This should
not be a work of darkness.' The electors retired and chose the
Cardinal del Monte. With great gentleness of manners and
modesty, Pole had abilities and literature ; he was intimate

with
■ Cell. vol. ii. p. 397. Strype, vol. iii. p. 473. Speed, p. 826.
■f Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 3J3.

456 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent xvl due attention, she might perhaps have shared
with her sister and successor, Elizabeth, the af-
fectionate remembrance of a grateful nation.

Joy at the The unusually great acclamations and inordi-

secession

•f Eliza- nate joy of the English people, at the accession
bcth> of Elizabeth, (which occurred on the 17th of No-
vember, 1558) formed a severe satire on the pre-
ceding government. Policy, at the commence-
ment

NOTES.

with Sadolet, Bembo, and every man of learning in Italy; al-
though not free from a tincture of bigotry, yet he disapproved
of the crueltiet exercised in the reign of Mary. His mild ad-
ministration at Viterbo, and other places where heresy wa«
supposed to abound, made him be suspected of holding doc-
trines unfriendly to the Papal creed, and the proud, despotic
Pope Paul IV. in consequence declared himself his enemy; hut
the steady affection of Mary supported him in the legatine sta-
tion. She even dared to intercept and detain the Pope's letter
of recal, until she had, by a spirited declaration of her senti-
ments at the court of Rome, obtained a confirmation of his au-
thority. In fine, Bishop Burnet writes of this worthy cardinal,
that ' he was a learned,xmodest, humble, good-natured man ;'
and adds, that, had his advice been followed by the queen, the
Pope, and the bishops, he might have done much towards re-
ducing England again to the Roman Catholic faith.

[Hist, of Ref. Grainger. Philips.

Pole left his whole fortune, a few legacies to servants ex-
etpted, to his friend Aloysio Priuli, a learned Venetian, who
had been attached to him during many years. But the gener
rous legatee refused the bequest, and only accepted the breviary
which the cardinal had always used, dividing the rest among
the dependents of his departed friend.

[Puitips, &c

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 457

merit of her reign, persuaded the new queen to Cent.xvi.
compliment every sovereign, even the Pope, by
the resident ambassador. But the violent Paul
gave her no opportunity of keeping measures ;
he raved at her insolence in assuming the regal
authority ; and only gave her distant hopes of
his favor, on her entire submission to his dic-
tates.* This folly urged the queen to recal the
English envoy, Sir Edmund Karne ; but he,
having acquired an office of honor and profit
at Rome, chose to stay there, and enjoy his own
manner of worship, unmolested.

The prudence of Elizabeth prevented her Her pru<-
from taking too hasty measures in favor of a re- enc*'
ligion which she not only loved, but looked on
as finally to be indispensably connected with her
interest ; and she retained for a while all her sis-
ter's counsellors, only mingling with them a few,
of whom she had a better opinion than of the
rigid Papists, or the time-servers. She set at
liberty, however, all those who had been thrown
into prison on a religious account; but made no
other declaration of her own sentiments.

The consultations which were held on the
properest method of re-establishing Protestant-
ism in England, were long and important. [64]

We

NOTES.
[64] The persons appointed to consult on the steps to be
Jpken as to religion, seem to have been the Lords Northamp-
ton,
♦ Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 374.

458 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cart xvi. We are m possession of a paper* which sums up

the whole result of the conference, and points

out, with due caution, the intended steps ; but

the people were too eager for a new change, to

The Eng- wajt {jie signal of authority. Refugees, irritated

lish wish • n •

for a new by exile, flocked from the continent ; and those

change of w^0 jja(j c0ncealed themselves in England, now
jrehgion. s

walked abroad. The churches in many places

were crowded with Protestants ; and the service
of Edward VI. reared its head, threw down the
images, and expelled the mass-priests. Encou-
raged with this tacit declaration of sentiments,
similar to her own, the queen ordered that the
Gospels and Epistles, the Lord's Prayer, the
Apostles' Creed, and the Ten Commandments,
should be read in English in all places of wor-
ship; but prohibited any other alteration until
the meeting of parliament. She soon found how
pleasing these directions appeared to the gene-
rality of her people, and particularly to the in-
habitants of her metropolis. Among other to-
kens it was remarked, that, when passing under

a triumphal

;

- NOTES,
ton, Bedford, Pembroke, and John Gray. That Pembroke
should be one seems strange; he had been the foremost in rais-
ing Mary to the throne, and supporting her measures ; and had
wickedly and meanly deserted his betrothed (and some say
wedded) spouse, the sister of Lady Jane Grey ; only because
her family was out of favor at court.

* HisU of Ref. vol. ii. p. 37$, 377.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 4^g

a triumphal arch erected by the city of London, Cent.Xttf.
she was presented, by a cherub descending from,
above in the character of Truth, with an Eng-
lish copy of the Bible ; she received it most gra-
ciously, kissed it, and placed it in her bosom.

The translation of the Bible into English wa&
at this juncture oddly recommended to the queen
by one Rainsford, a Protestant, whom she had
released, who implored her pity for four othef
prisoners, Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John.
Elizabeth, not displeased at the quaint idea,
smiled and told him, that she must first enquire
of these captives whether or no they wished to be
released.

Many sees were vacant ; Camden savs, that, Dr. Par-

when the parliament met, there were but four- ker/"aised
1 to the se^

teen bishops alive. For the primacy Dr. Parker of Can-
was proposed, a learned and pious clergyman, tert?UI7*
who had been chaplain to Anne Boleyn, and by
her had been conjured to keep her daughter
Elizabeth steady in point of religion. Lie had
performed his trust faithfully, and had with great
peril escaped the flames in the reign of Marys.
It was not till the close of 1559* that he was
placed in the see of Canterbury ; nor was it then
without real difficulty that he could be brought
to accept that high station.

Early in 1559 Elizabeth was crowned-f by Elizabeth
Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlisle, the only one Of/Crowned-

Mary's

* Life of Archbishop M. Parker, p. 38, 60, 61.
+ Rym. Foed. vol. xv. p. 494, 499.

460 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

c*nt. XVI. Mary's prelates that would solemnize that rite
for a queen who, they plainly perceived, meant
to eradicate their religion from her realm. Two
of these prelates whom Edward VI. had conse-
crated were indeed in the kingdom; but to have
so awful a rite performed by a bishop actually in
office, it was thought, would have the best effect.
The other prelates, having most of them changed
their faith foul' times already, seem to have at
length felt shame at the approach of a fifth apos-
tacy.

The Parliament, which met in January, re-
stored to the crown" the supremacy of the
church, the right of appointing bishops, the first-
fruits, and all the advantages which it enjoyed in
the reign of Edward VI. It revived the statutes
which separated all ecclesiastical matters from
the pope's jurisdiction ; and guarded against too
sudden innovations, by reviving an early law of
Edward VI. made against speaking irreverently
of the sacraments, &:c.

The bishops of Mary's appointment hotly op-
posed the regal supremacy, but in vain. The
good Tonstal of Durham, who had never dipped
his hands in blood was not present ; and great
hopes were entertained, from the known gentle-
ness of his character, that he would join the new
interest ; but, whether from conviction, or from

a delicacy

* D'Ewcs's Journal, p. 19.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 461

a delicacy which repugned at a new change of Cent.xvL
principle, he chose rather to resign his see.

The Roman Catholics submitted not quietly Preach-
to their destiny ; their priests vented their resent- £gfe ™*
ments in most uncharitable and disrespectful ser- while,
mons ; and, in consequence, all performance of
divine service (unless licensed) was ordered to
«top, as had been enacted at each former change
of national religion.

Another step, usual on such junctures, fol- A disptv
lowed — the appointment of a conference at West- vyest-
minster- Abbey between the teachers of both re- minster,
licrions. Thev met, and Dr. Horn, on the Pro-
testant side, read a paper in support of using the
English tongue in divine service, in answer to
one which had been pronounced by Dr. Cole on
the contrary side.

There seems to have been nothing unfair in the
management of the disputation ; but the Roman
Catholics, finding a vast applause to attend the
close of Dr. Horn's arguments, and after theirs
only a gloomy silence, augured ill for their cause,
and withdrew themselves ; protesting against the
brinojns; so solemn a matter as a national reli-
gion, before any tribunal unauthorized by a pa-
pal decree. The triumph, it may be easily suppos-
ed, was loud on the part of the Protestant religion.

Soon after this the parliament debated on the jiie £n2„
English Liturgy. Its admission was opposed by l'8*1 Lit-
the bishops and by Feckenham, Abbot of West- stored,
minster, upon the old ground of the superior age

and

46*2 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Gfcct.xw, ancj stability of the mass. They were overpow-
ered, and the act passed ; but a protest was en-
tered, signed by eight spiritual and nine tempo-
ral peers. By two other acts all religious houses
were annexed to the crown ; and a power given
to the queen to exchange appropriated tithes
for Bishop's lands. On the 8 th of May the
house was dissolved ; and, on the same day,
Whitsunday, the service * began to be read in
English throughout the kingdom.

The convocation had sat, but, as it shewed
strong symptoms of disaffection to the new sys-
tem, Elizabeth sent thither a positive order that
no canons should be formed. It obeyed ; but
Dr. Harpsfield, the prolocutor, a vehement par-
tizan of the old faith, drew up four propositions
concerning the sacrament, and the papal right to
govern all churches. These were sent to the
Universities, and were signed by the seniors. A
fifth, which condemned all conferences, unless
ordered by the church, was not approved.

Moderate ^ne new °iueen was now as much employed in
measures restraining the zeal bursting forth from the
friends of Protestantism as in guarding against
its enemies. The exiles, during the Marian per-
secution, had either sought refuge in Scotland,
where the most gross scurrility and the wildest
outrage had kept pace with reformation ; or in

the

••- Stowe, p. 639.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 463

the Low Countries, Geneva, or Swisserland, Centxvi.
where the most rigid Calvinism was preached,
and the uncharitable doctrines of election and re-
probation were universally acknowledged. These,
when on their return to England they found a
moderate but shewy hierarchy, retaining a pro-
portion of the habits and the ceremonies, as well
as the liturgy, of the detested Papists, could not
contain their zeal, but suffered it to expand in ef-
fusions [65] dangerous to government, and parti-
cularly unpleasant to Elizabeth ; who knew too
well the connection between regal and ecclesias-
tical policy not to discern that the support of the
church which she had formed was necessary to
the preservation of the throne she sat on. Ac-
cordingly, throughout the reign of that wise
princess, we find her opposing with warmth, and
sometimes with despotic exertions, every effort
made by those who were styled Puritans, and
were numerous in parliament, to trench on her
prerogative ' as head of the church.'

During the year 1.559 the oath of supremacy Fate o{-
was tendered to the bishops of Mary's appoint- Mary's

. prelates,

meut, l

NOTES.

[65] In an ineffectual remonstrance from the Scottish to the

English church, they say, ' what has darkness to do with light v
If surplices, corner caps, and tippets, have been badges oi
idolators in the very act of their idolatry, why should the
preachers of Christian liberty, and the open rebuker of all su-
perstition, partake with the dregs of the Romish beast?'

[Keith. Kkox.

4(54 H1STOHY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Cent. xvi. ment, and all, except Kitchen of LandafT, refus-
ed it, and lost their sees. Heath, Tonstal, and
Thirlby, were treated with great kindness ; the
former was exiled to his own estate, where the
queen frequently visited him ; the other two liv-
ed at Lambeth vvith their hospitable friend Arch-
bishop Parker.* White and Watson were sul-
len, and were kept some time in confinement;
and the detestable Bonner spent the rest of his
days in prison. Of the other prelates, Christo-
pherson, who was a deep scholar, and Baine,
lived undisturbed in England; Pates, Scot,
and Goldwell, were permitted to go abroad ; but
Feckenham, Abbot of Westminster, chose to re-
main at home ; and, being liberal and popular,
passed his life in pleasure and credit. The Lord
Morley and four knights, Englefield, Peckham,
Shelley, and Gage, left the kingdom. Most of
the monks returned to the occupations of secu-
lar life ; and the nuns chiefly went abroad.
These seem to have been all the alterations which
the change of religion operated on the fortunes
of private persons. Not a drop of blood was
spilt, nor one estate confiscated. The number
of prelates in England who refused to comply

Number witkthe reiornino; faith was fourteen; archdea-
of recu- °

same. cons, twelve ; heads of colleges, fifteen, ca-
nons, fifty ; and of parish-priests about eighty.*

The

* Camden, p. 377.
t Rym. Foed. vol. xv. p. 548, 562, 582.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical, 465

The queen about this time ordered a general Cent.xvi.
visitation of the churches in England, and sent General
injunctions * to be distributed in every parish, visitatl0n»
not unlike those which were sent abroad early in
the reign of Edward VI. By these, priests were
permitted, with some limitation, to marry ; images
were to be removed ; the service to be read in Eng-
lish; proper habits for ministers were directed;
attendance at the parish-church was ordered ; the
supremacy of the crown was asserted, but in a very
moderate manner ; and declared only to mean,
that no foreign powers could have authority to
guide the English church. Besides these, the in-
junctions contained many less important regulati-
ons; they recommended a peaceable carriage, and
forbad all hard names, such as ' Heretic, Papist,'
8cc. k.c. They seemed, on the whole, calculated
to compose differences ; and to soften that acri-
mony to which a change of worship must natu-
rally give rise in the falling party. The places
in the church, vacated by the recusants, were
filled up by conscientious Protestants ; and refor-
mation proceeded, with a calm and steady pace,
to finish her truly important work.

The high-commission court, which gradually First
became an evil of the first magnitude, sprung; up establlsj1<

° ' r o l merit of

from that act which allotted the supremacy to the the high-
queen ; as it permitted her to delegate that supre- g^™13*
Vol. I. h h macy«ourt.

9 Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 368.

466 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vll.

Cent. XVI. maCy to persons whom she should approve. — ■
Henry VIII. had done this by appointing a vice-
gerent, but it was now thought better to lodge
that oreat power in the hands of a mixture of laity
and of divines. The first high-commission for
the province of York was trusted to the Earls of
Shrewsbury and Derby, along with others ; they
were directed to make the visitation ; ' to dis-
perse the royal injunctions among the people;
to examine, and, if necessary, to censure and pro-
ceed by ecclesiastical law against them.' This
power allotted to laymen was thought an uncom-
mon stretch of the prerogative. The commis-
sioners were also empowered to allot pensions to
such priests as chose to resign, rather than con-
form to the new doctrine. This was a humane
regulation, but had no precedent ; since former
changes had uniformly turned the men of con-
science out to starve.

At the close of 1559, the consecration of the
really diffident and unwilling Matthew Parker to
the see of Canterbury,* and of fifteen other perf-
lates, was performed in form [66] at Lambeth

chapel.

During

Prelates
conse-
crated.

NOTES.

[66] Bishop Burnet is extremely anxious to rescue these
prelates from a scandal invented by one Neale, a chaplain of
Bonner, and now totally lost In oblivion, viz. that instead of
a chapel they all met in the Nag's Head Tavern in Cheapside,

and
* Hist, of Ref. vol. U. p. 373.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. • 467

During the next year, 1560, Alasco and his Cent. xvi.

foreign congregation, finding the exiles on the Return of

score of religion were returning; to England, de- 01clSn~
e » » crs to

termined to request a restoration of the privileges England,
torn from them by the unfeeling Mary, and re-
gained their charter, [67] and a church in Austin
Friars, which their descendants still enjoy. A
set of French emio-rants at the same time reco-
vered a church in Threadneedle-street.*

To settle the religion of the nation, to translate

the Scriptures into English, and to regulate the

h h 2 ecclesiastical

NOTES.

•and consecrated one another in a very unceremonious style. He
clearly refutes the story, and brings as a witness a very old Earl
of Nottingham, who was actually present at the chapel of
Lambeth when the consecration was performed.

[Hist, of Reformation*
Notwithstanding the clearing away of this offensive rubbish,
yet two objections, thrown in the way of the bishops by their
Popish antagonists, appeared to them so forcible, that they ap-
plied to parliament, and were confirmed in their sees about
seven years after their consecration. These were the doubts :

1. The consecrators had been deprived of their sees in
Mary's reign legally, and were not yet re-instated.

2. The consecration should have been performed according
to the directions of the statute, anno 25 Henry VIII. and not to
King Edward's form, which had been legally repealed under
Mary and not restored. [Hist, of Puritans.

[67] Elizabeth at first objected to admit a congregation with

a foreign head. On which they deposed John Alasco, and

chose for their protector Grindal, Bishop of London, which

satisfied the queen. [Neal.

* Hist, of Puritans, vol. i. p. 165.

46S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. ecclesiastical courts, were great objects ; and these
the new constellation of bishops, immediately
after their appointment, earnestly endeavored
to compass.* And first, while they were revis-
ing the articles designed for the English church,
they prepared a short profession of faith, which
was ordered to be given out from the pulpit by
every parish priest.
Articles In the articles some alterations were made ; m
rained" tliat respecting the Lord's Supper a very long
and set- refutation of the ' real presence' is left out, in lieu
tled' of which it is only said, that ' the body of Christ
is given and received in a spiritual manner ; and
the means by which it is received, is faith.' This
gentle method of denying that important tenet
was probably meant to leave an opportunity for
moderate Roman Catholics to join the reformed
communion. At least this reason is more cha-
ritable and probable than that which has been
supposed by some, viz. that in their hearts these
prelates approved of transubstantiation.+

The translation of the Bible [68] was allotted to
various persons. William Alley, Bishop of Ex-
eter,

NOTES.
[68] A retrospect in this place to the various attempts to
render the Bible legible in English may not be thought impro-
per. The first translation was that of J. Wickliffe, about the
year 1300. Printing was then not known, but several MS
copies of it exist in pirblifclibraries.

A version

* Hist, of Ref. vol. ii. p. 3/5. + Ibid. p. 376.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 4QQ

eter, undertook the Pentateuch. Richard Davis, Cent.xvi.
Bishop of St. David's, and Edwin Sandys ofWor- Names of

NOTES.

A version by Johan de Trevisa was less fortunate, we know
of no copies remaining.

The first printed English Bible we owe to William Tindal,
assisted by Miles Coverdale, afterwards Bishop of Exeter. As
these reformers had little money, it was printed abroad, on vile
paper, with wretched types; but the zeal of Bishop Tonstal
and of Sir Thomas More, who bought up the whole impression
in order to destroy it, supplied the needy undertakers with the
means of printing a more correct and creditable edition in 1530.
This, too, was almost entirely purchased by its enemies, and
committed to the flames; a fate which overtook the translator;
who, after printing a third edition of the Bible without the
Apocrypha, and preparing a fourth, was seized in Flanders,
and burnt at a stake. The book, however, went on under the
care of John Rogers, afterwards Mary's proto-martyr, who
made a version of the Apocrypha, aud, besides comparing the
translation ©f the Scripture with the Hebrew, Greek, Latin,
and German, added prefaces and notes from Luther's Bible.
As Rogers took the name of Thomas Matthews when he dedi-
cated this copy to Henry VIII. in 1537, this is commonly called
' Matthews' s Bible.'' It was printed at Hamburgh; and li-
cence was obtained for its being published in England, by
the prelates, Cranmer, Latimer, and Shaxton. Archbishop
Cranmer re-printed this edition in London by authority, after
Dr. Coverdale had revised it. This was called ' Crantfier's
Bible,' and had an uncommon series o( good and bad fortune.
After having been ordered by Henry VIII. in 1540, to be set
out and read in every parish church, the capricious prince, in
1542, prohibited the perusal of it. Edward VI. restored it in
1550, and it afterwards shared the fate of the religion it was

meant to elucidate.

The

transla-
tors of
Bible.

cester, t

' torsot the

470 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII

Centxvi. cester, went on, the first to the Book of Kings, the
second to the end of Chronicles. From thence
to Job the signature is A. P. G. Bishop Ben-
tham, of Litchfield, translated the Psalms; the
Proverbs are marked A. P. and Solomon's Song,
A. P. E. Thence to ' Lamentations' were given
to Robert Horn, Bishop of Winton; Ezekieland
Daniel to Bishop Bentham ; Grindal, Bishop of
London, proceeded on to Malachi ; the Apocry-
pha, as far as the Book of Wisdom, fell to the

share

NOTES.

The Geneva Bible was printed in 156*0, by Covcrdale, Good-
man, Gilbie, Sampson, Cole, Whittingham, and Knox, all
refugees at that sober town for their religion. As the minds of
the editors were embittered by persecution, and as they had
been hospitably received in a district where no ceremonies were
allowed, and where religion was supposed to demand severity
of countenance and sternness of manners, it cannot be matter of
wonder that the notes accompanying the text of this Bible
should favor the austere doctrines of Puritanism.

After this came ' The Great English Bible* or ' Bishops
Bible,' spoken of hereafter.

Concerning this publication Mr. Walpole mentions a strange
circumstance. ' The large G at the head of the first chapter of
the epistle to the Hebrews, represents a naked Leda, with a
swan, as shocking in point of indecency as can be imagined ;
and still more so in point of impropriety, as it makes part of so
awful a word.' Mr. W. supposes that the letter was intended
for one of Ovid's books, and was misplaced by an ignorant
printer. It was fortunate for the episcopalians that this cir-
cumstance was not discovered by the puritan adversaries to this
particular version of the Bible,

Cn. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 471

share of Barlow, Bishop of Chichester; and the c^™)
rest of it to Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich. The
Gospels, Acts, and Epistles to the Romans, be-
came English by the care of Richard Cox, Bi-
shop of Ely ; the Epistles to the Corinthians are
marked G. G. The names of the translators go
no farther.

The rules by which the translators o-overned Their re-
,.,.,. . gulations.

themselves during this truly important enterpnze,

appear to have been the same as those to which
a later body of divines, employed in the reign of
James I. on the same work, were subjected. Each
bishop took what associates he pleased in the
district of Scripture allotted to his care. Eve-
ry section, when translated, was communicated to
the whole body, and compared with other trans-
lations before it was adopted. And every care
was employed to mark all the parts with the
names of those who had undertaken them. The
work, great as it was, seems to have been com-
pleted within two years, since the first edition of
that Bible came out in I56J.

The ecclesiastical canons formed a task not so panon,s

iormed.

easily or so soon accomplished. They were not
published until 1571; nor then were they looked
upon by those who study the rights of hierarchy
as complete ; as there were no penitentiary ca-
nons, nor rules for the government of the church
by churchmen.

The years 1559 and 1560 brought hometown,
England great numbers of Protestants who had

fled

47^ HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvr. f}ecj t0 various foreign parts during the Marian
persecution. Among these destitute fugitives
there subsisted the most acrimonious disputes.
Those who had resided at Frankfort had, after
the severe contest in 1555, (see before, p. 442)
maintained the regular episcopal worship as set
forth in the Liturgy of Edwa rd VI. ; while others,
retreating to Geneva, where they conversed with
Calvin, and were instructed by John Knox, grew
every year more intractable in points which,
though seemingly indifferent, were in their eyes
important to salvation. The episcopal vestments ;
the dress, and particularly the surplice of the
inferior clergy ; together with the tippet and the
corner cap,* were objects of detestation in the
eyes of these hyper-reformers ; and the violent
spirits among them not only dogmatically refused
all communion with those priests who conform-
ed to the rules set out by authority, but some-
times proceeded with a blameable zeal to revile
them as false brethren, and even to spit [69] in
their faces.t

In

NOTES.

[69] Religious books, with singular title pages, entered

with the Puritans ; and the term 'ballet or ballad,' was in-
discriminately applied to sacred and prophane poems. There
Was ' A Ballet of Alexander and Campaspe/ and ' A Ballet
of four Commandments,' extracted from the ten. 'A Ballet
of the 17th Chapter of the 2d Booke of Kynges,' and a

balUt

* Strype, vol. i. p. 416.

-5- Life of Archbishop Whitgift, p. 460.

Ch, II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 475

In Elizabeth, whose sentiments [70] with re- ?^!i*^5
spect to the rival religions, Protestantism and
Popery, were always problematical,* and who
appears to have wished to bring the public wor-
ship as near as possible to that of the Roman

Catholic

NOTES,
ballet or interlude of the Cruel Debtor. They published
likewise. ' The Waylinges of tbe Prophet Hieremiah, done
into English verse, wyth epigrammes.' Thus the argument
begins :

Hierusalera is justly plagued,

And left disconsolate ;
The queene of townes, the prince of realmes,
Devested of her state.'
[70] Elizabeth loved the pomp of the Romish service ; she
retained in her church ordinances some of those vestments
which her brother Edward had dismissed ; she expunged from
the Litany, ' From the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome, and
all his detestable enormities, Good Lord deliver us!' There
appeared in her chapel, an altar, a crucifix, and lighted tapers;
copes and rich garments were still used by her priests and
singers, and the Knights of the Garter adored her altar; a
ceremony disused by her brother Edward. She has been
known to call out from her closet to her chaplain, in the midst
of a sermon, to desist from condemning the sign of the cross ;
she openly thanked one of her divines for preaching on be-
half of the real presence ; she hated that the clergy should mar-
ry; and, but for Cecil, would have forbad them; she was an
enemy to sermons ; ' Two preachers,' she said, ' were enough
for a county.' [Heylyn.

On the other hand, she is said to have severely reprimanded
a clergyman for placing before her at church a ritual ornamented
with paintings of saints, and other illuminations.
* Heylyn, p. 124.

474 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent xvi. Catholic church, such dogmas excited a steady-
Puritans aversion; which was much heightened when she

hated by f0U1K| t}iat i\ie relish which the puritans, for so we

Eliza- *

beth. must now name them, entertained for political

liberty, was as strong as was their dislike to any
ecclesiastical restraints. Thus her inclination and
her interest united to make her guard [7i] against
them- For this purpose she caused a statute, en-
joining uniformity of worship, to be enacted, and
strictly put in execution ; and it was the dread of
this party's great power which made her support
the high-commission court ; and even indulge it,
in a distant year (15 83) with powers not far be-
neath those which her sister Mary had borrowed
on a similar occasion from the Spanish Inquisi-
tion.

By the statute of uniformity above-mentioned,
and passed April 8, 1559, power was given to the
queen with the advice of her metropolitan, Sec.
' to ordain and publish such farther ceremonies
and rites, as may be for the advancement of
God's glory,' kc. kc. And so determined was
Elizabeth to possess this power, that she told*

Archbishop

NOTES.

[71 J Elizabeth probably dreaded the puritan interest the
more, since, for reasons only to be drawn from the crooked
policy of courts, her most entrusted ministers, Cecil, Dudley,
Walsingham, and particularly her favorite, Essex, had suc-
cessively entered into close connections with that rigid party,
-'•'- Hist, of Puritans, vol. i. p. 140„

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ecclesiastical. 475

Archbishop Parker that she would not have Cent.XVI,
passed the act without it had been granted to her. PopePius

It was early in I56O that Pope Pius IV. who attemPts
J x a recou-

had succeeded to the absurdly-haughty Paul, ciliation.
made more than one attempt to lead Elizabeth to-
wards a reconciliation. But the crisis was past;
she was settled in a rational system of policy,
which admitted no foreign interference either in
religion or state ; his nuncios were not even per-
mitted reach the shores of England.

Nor was she more disposed to listen to the soli-
citations pressed on her by the Roman Catholic
powers of Europe in favor of their English bre-
thren. It was an age of bigotry and persecution;
and although capital punishment on n religious
account had been very rarely inflicted by the Pro-
testant governments, yet the penalties on reading
mass were enacted to be, for the first offence, loss p0pish
of o-oods, banishment for the second, for the third, Pnestsse-

& ' verelv

death. Surely too severe an ordinance against a treated,

person who probably might act from conscience,

and have in his opinions neither mutiny nor

treason/" Yet not an atom of this law would the

acrid spirit of the times permit to be modified.

A Declaration of Faith, to be made by all di- A Decla-

vines on taking possession of their benefices, and ™*l°n of

on certain holidays every year, was published

about this time. It gave disgust to the stricter The Pu-

part of the returned exiles ; and, as the chief rUansdls"
* gusted,

part

* Collier's Eccl. Hist. vol. p. i, 4G8.

476 HISTORY OP GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. part of the erudition which the Protestant clergy
could boast subsisted among those exiles, learning
was at so low an ebb in England, that, had not
a few of them, such as Grindal, Parklrurst, San-
dys, Pilkington,* and others, laid their scruples
for a while to sleep, there would have been great
difficulty in filling the vacant sees, and livings,
with decent incumbents.
cle In consequence of this scarcity of preachers,

*H- Archbishop Parker, when in I56I he visited his

diocese, found a great deficiency both of loyalty
and literature, among his parochial clergymen ;
most of them beina: either ignorant mechanics or
designing mass-priests. The declaration in favor
of the supremacy, and the administration of the
sacrament, presented for subscription to each cler-
gyman, in some part remedied the first of these
evils ;+ and, to prevent the increase of the last,
the archbishop directed that no more mechanics
or tradesmen should be ordained. He then pro-
ceeded at leisure to appoint the chapters of the
Bible, the Psalms, kc. to be read in churches
each day during the year.
tl(Djec" Unfortunately, in this very appointment the

the Apo- Puritans found a stumbling-block, as the Apo-
ei)T a- crypha, which they held[72] not admissible as

Scripture,

NOTES.
[72] The Apocrypha (from Avoy.pvm-6), to hide, because
its original is obscure) seems not to have met with admission

in
♦.Hist of Pur. p. 1 12. 4 Life of Abp. M. Paiker p. 773'

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 477

Scripture, was included.* And this, with the Ccmt.xvr.
graver objections against the habits, 8cc. forced
the bishops to admit pluralists, non-residents,
civil lawyers,+ k.c. to populous benefices ; while
men of real piety and sound learning, [73] ready
and even eager to do their duty, stood by starving
and idle, from the great misfortune of being fet-
tered by petulant, though unfeigned, [74] scru-
ples on their own side, and unkind bars on that
of the episcopalians.

In 1565 the convocation assembled, and, after
a close examination, reduced the Articles of Faith

from

NOTES.

in any reformed church except that of England. The
Council of Trent, however, allowed six of its books to be ca-
nonical. And its merits, both in point of historical intelli-
gence and keen lessons of morality, are surely not inconsiderable.
[73] The universities could afford but little help to the
church. At Oxford there were but Humphreys, Kingsmill,
and Sampson, who were counted good preachers, and they were
all Puritans. [Hist, of Puritans.

. [74] Trifling as such scruples may in this open-minded
age appear, we cannot help lamenting that they should have
reduced to poverty the the venerable Miles Coverdale, once
Bishop of Exeter, and the next translator of the Bible after
Wickliffe, and the indefatigable and entertaining martyro-
logist, John Fox. Neither of these would accept see or
benefice while incumbered by that ' iunica molesla,' the sur-
plice. The good old Coverdale died almost in want; but
Fox obtained a prebend at Sarum, and, by the good-nature
of the bishop, was permitted to enjoy it without any duty
which might demand the investment of that fatal cincture.

[Hist, of Pur.
' Life of Abp. Parker, p. 81. i Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 175.

478 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VlL

Cent.xvi. frotll 42 to 39. No very essential alteration was

made in the general doctrine by this decree.
Convoca- At the same assembly a very warm attack was
uoanU made on the surplice, the tippet, and the cor-
mouscon- liered cap. It failed however ; but the kneeling

cerning , ... , .

cereino- at the sacrament, the cross in baptism, and the
nies* use of organs, were saved only by the casting
vote ; so powerful was the Puritan interest even
in the strongest hold of episcopacy.*

The plague which ravaged the metropolis and
country of England during J 563, seems to have
turned away the attention of the people from po-
lemic matters to the more immediate duty of
self-preservation.

In J 564 [75] it appears, by a report found
among the MSS+ of the secretary Cecil, that
nothing could exceed the variety of methods in
which divine service was performed in places dis-
stant from the capital. ' Some minister in a sur-
plice,' says this observer, ' some without ; some
with a square cap, some with a round cap, some
with a button cap, and some in a round hat ; some

in scholar's cloaths, and some in others.'

This

NOTES.

[75] Pestilence, death, and poverty, all afflicted London
ia 1564; the last being caused by a temporary stoppage of
t; e Flemish trade. The then unaccounted for Aurora Bore-
alis frighted the populace; the Thames too, having been
frozen, a sudden thaw produced floods, which occasioned im-
mense damages. [Holingshed.
* Strype's Annals, p. 337. I- Life of Abp. M. Parker, p. 152.

Ch. II. Part I. § I. ecclesiastical. 479

This criminal indifference could not expect to- Cent.xvi.
leration. Accordingly, in I5G5, the Archbishop Non-con-
of Canterbury, Matthew Parker, sing-led out two foimity at

11 • • Oxford

of the most celebrated non-conformists in Oxford, repressed;
Thomas Sampson, Dean of Christ-Church, and
Dr. Lawrence Humphreys, president of Mag-
dalen college. These had been exiles, and were
men of sense and learning. They wished to re-
tain their posts, and offered, what they thought
reasonable submissions. Still however they would
not wear the vestments : ' For,' said they with
cautious subtlety, ' should we put on the cor-
nered cap, a thing apparently of small impor-
tance, who knows how soon we might be ordered
to shave our crowns ?* Impressed by this train
of reasoning, they spurned the insidious cap, lost
their benefices and retired to obscurity ; from
which Dr. Humphreys emerged ten years after,
and submitted to wear the corner-cap in a much
inferior station than that which he had quitted.
Soon after this, the London clergymen were

convoked at Lambeth, and Mr. Thomas Cole, a . ,

' And at

priest dressed in the four-cornered cap, the tippet, London,
and the scholar's gown, being set before them,
they were asked, Whether they would agree to
dress like him.5' 'Great,' says Mr. Neal, 'was
the anguish and distress of those ministers ;' they
exclaimed, with unutterable horror, ' we shall' be

killed

* Life of Abp. M. Parker, r. \66.

480 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Centxvi. killed' in our souls for this pollution of our's !'*
This conflict between conscience and interest
lasted some hours ; at length sixty-one out of an
hundred agreed to wear the detested dress, and
the rest were suspended from their functions, but
had three months allowed to form their final re-
solution.
Puritan The ice was now broken, and great severity
silenced" followed. One stroke silenced every Puritan
preacher. The licences for performing divine
service were at once withdrawn from every clergy-
man, and were restored to none, unless to such
as agreed to sign a declaration of conformity.

It were needless to mention the distress to
which this sweeping edict drove the Puritan di-
vines. Those whose consciences prompted them
to suffer every extreme, rather than wear the
cornered-cap, betook themselves to various ways
of living;. Some became physicians, some lawyers,
and some private chaplains. Many went to Scot-
land, and others returned each to his asylum be-
yond the Channel.

Cambridge, which abounded, as well as her sis-
ter Oxford, with non-conformists, exercised a right
derived from Pope Alexander VI. of licensing
twelve preachers, independent of episcopal exami-
nation, and oddly enough constituted the father of
Caesar Borgia, a patron of Puritan divines. t The
primate debated this right, but in vain. The Uni-
versity,

» Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 211.

* Life of Abp. M. Parker, p. 193,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 481

versity attempted, however, without success, to Centxvi.
throw off the cornered cap. The heads of many
colleges wrote to Cecil, their chancellor, and ex-
pressed the universal detestation of that enormity.
But he was impenetrable, and the heads * sub-
mitted.

The year 15 66 produced a complete separation Separa-
between the church of England and the Puritan purj°ans

society. Many pamphlets had been published by fr°m the
. r . . t r r , . . church of

the non-conlormists in defence ot their opinion ; England.

and, as mildness of manners, and delicacy of style,
were not always attended to in the 16th century,
their home strokes, couched in provoking and
perhaps scurrilous language, drew upon them a
severe injunction from the star-chamber ; prohi-
biting, on pain of three months' imprisonment,
the publishing of any treatise ' against the queen's
injunctions.'!

Forbidden thus to move the tongue or the pen
in defence of their opinions, the aggrieved non-
conformists met and determined to have divine
service of their own, since they could not consci-
entiously join in that of the episcopalians. Some
of them, it appears, affected with the dignity of
the English Liturgy, proposed to preserve as
much of it as possible, amputating only the dis-
eased parts ; but that proposal was over-ruled,

and

* Life of M. Abp. Parker, p. 194. 4 Ibid. p. 222.

Vol. I. i i

482 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vll#

^^•XVL and the book of service used at Geneva was ap-
pointed to be the model. *

In 1567 this plan was brought into practice ;
and, as a beginning, Plumber's Hall t was hired
by the Puritans, on pretence of celebrating a wed-
ding, but really that they might enjoy a whole
Their day's prayers and sermons. They met, to the
meeting nuirmer 0f iqq but were surrounded and led to

interrupt-
ed, prison by the sheriffs of London. Eight of the

chief anions them were examined before the
Bishop of London. Their answers to his ques-
tions were more stout than respectful, and as
there were no signs of conciliation, twenty- four
of them were sent to prison, and continued
there a considerable time. Letters were, how-
ever, sent X to these suffering brethren to encou-
rage them to perseverance, the energy of whose
meaning amply compensated for their deficiency
in sense and delicacy. [76]

The

NOTES.

[76] In one of these we read the following expression, ' Let
us not dissemble, as some do, to save their pigs, but be valiant
for the truth.' Another ends thus : ' Yours to command in the
Lord, William White: who joineth with you in every speck
of truth, but utterly detesteth whole Antichrist, head, body,
and tail.' Another letter, written by one Lever, declares the
writer's determination, let what will happen, ' neither to wear
the square cap nor surplice, because they tended neither to
decency nor edification.' [Hist, of Pur.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 230.

+ Life of Abp. Grindal, p. 315.

% Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 246, 247.

Ch. II. Part 1. § 1. ecclesiastical. 483

The Bishops' Bible,* which was published in Cent.xvi.
1568, was intended to counteract that of Geneva, The
which was now in general use ; but tended to Pu- B|j^gPS
ritanism both in church and state so visibly by its publish-
notes, that it was believed to be dangerous.

The ornaments to the new edition were costly
and curious. There was a map of the Land of
Canaan, and another of the journeys made by
Jesus Christ and his apostles. There were some
engravings, some genealogies, and delineations of
the arms belonging to Cranmer, and Parker. [77]

The illness of Elizabeth in I568, who was with Insolence
justice styled the bulwark of the Protestant reli- °ian c°
gion, gave active spirits to the Roman Catholics, tholics.

who

NOTES.
[77] Decorations of this kind could not allure the Puritan
reader from the severe sarcasms, both on church and state,
with which the political Scripture of Geneva abounded. The
note on Exodus, chap. xv. verse 19, which allows of disobe-
dience to regal authority; that on 2d Chron. chap. 19, verse
16, which censures Asa for stopping short in his work, when
he contented himself with deposing his mother, and not putting
her to death ; and that on Rev. chap. ix. verse 3, wherein the
locusts which come out of the smoke are interpreted to be
* false teachers, worldly subtle prelates, with monks, friars,
cardinals, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, doctors, batchelors,
masters,' &c. fcc. besides numbers more, equally directed
against all establishments, civil and ecclesiastical, were not to
be found in the Bishops' Bible; and a map or two, or an en-
graving, were but indifferent substitutes for annotations like
these.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 250.
I I 2

484 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book Vllo

^^•^^ who began now to recollect a prophecy which
intimated, that the length of their adversary's
reign would be only twelve years. Encouraged
by this, and by a bull of excommunication hurled
by the indignant Pius, (in which the queen is
styled ' an usurper and a vassal of iniquity,' is
deposed, and all nations are encouraged to in-
vade her dominions) they shewed uncommon
si<ms of disaffection. In Lancashire churches
were shut up by force, and the Popish ritual
publicly used. For these outrages several gentle-
men were examined by commissioners, and many
bound to their good behavior.* In Oxford, two
colleges, Corpus Christi and New College, were
so full of Roman Catholics, that their visitor, the
Bishop of Winchester, was forced, in 1569, to
break down the gates, + in order to enter that he
mis;ht purge these ill-affected societies.

Nothing of great importance seems to have il-
lustrated the ecclesiastical annals of England until
the year 1571, except, indeed, the bold lectures of
Objec- a Mr. Thomas Cartwright of Cambridge, a man
Thom0 °^ iearnmg anc* eloquence ; who, besides the usual
Cart- scruples of .tbe Puritans, added his private objec-
tions. ' The care of burying the dead did not,'
he said, ' belong to the ministerial office, more
than to the rest of the church. In giving names
to children,' he thought, that ' paganism should

be

: Strype's Annals, p. 541.

■f Life of Abp. Grindal, p. 133.

4

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 485

be avoided, as well as the names and offices of Cent.xvi.
Christ.' These, and other propositions, more
petulant, perhaps, than dangerous or intelli-
gible, caused their publisher to be silenced, and
expelled the university. A shorter but not so
candid a method of appreciating the merit of his
doctrines, as that of a public conference ; in
which Cartwright offered to engage with any
man of polemic learning.*

In 1571, Mr. Strickland, an ancient pari i a- Success of

ment-man,+ moved the house, that ' the Com- , ,,

7 hmd s en-

mon-prayer Book might be altered, and many deavor to
superstitions removed.' The courtiers said, that j^ ™ l ie
this motion trenched on the prerogative ; and
the queen sent for him and discharged him from
attending in parliament. But finding that this
prohibition had given great offence, the cautious
Elizabeth withdrew it; and Strickland proceeded
with his motion, but without success. [78]

The session did not, however, finish without an
address to the queen for a reformation of the
church ; which had no more effect on Elizabeth

than

NOTES.

[78] On this occasion a committee attended on Arckbishop
Parker. ' Will you not leave these things to your bishops ?'
said he. * No !' answered Peter Wentworth,' a sturdy non-
conformist, ' by the faith I bear to God, we will pass nothing
before we understand it : for that were to make you Popes.
No ! make you Popes who list, we will make you none.'

[Hist, of Pub,
-•'• Clarke's Life of Cartwright, p. 18.
+ D'Ewes's Journal, p. 156, 157.

486* history of great Britain. Book VII,

PjJtJSj t^ian ^at °^ a reverend Puritan, Mr. Gilbert Al-
cock, who, at the same juncture, petitioned the
convocation on behalf of the silenced ministers.

The parliament had not neglected, d<-;;ing its
sitting, to guard against the admission < f my bull
from Rome; it had even declared those who
might introduce an Agnus Dei, a crucifix, or
any relique consecrated by the Pope, guilty of a
premunire.

The town of Northampton abounding with
Puritans, two numerous societies of a religious
kind were formed there and in the neighborhood.
In these at first there was nothing remarkable,
except that the lectures pronounced at one of them
Prophe- were called ' Prophesyings,' from a scripture-text
symgs. oddly applied. It was not long before they were
looked upon as nurseries for Puritan preachers.

Before the close of 157 1, the good and learned
John Jeroel, Bishop of Salisbury, ended his life;
he was born in 1521, had been an exile during
the reign of Mary. He was compared to Bellar-
mine as to excellence in polemic writing; and his
4 Apology' for the church of England is greatly
esteemed, and was translated into Greek by an
English lady, and published at Constantinople.
He had a vast memory, and could, after once
reading it over, repeat by heart any one of his

own long sermons.*

Mr,

* Grainger, vol. i. p, 2Q9,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 487

Mr. David Whitehead dieH nearly at the same Centxvi.
time ; an eminent, and, as Mr. Neale styles him,
' a most heavenly professor of divinity.'" Eliza-
beth honored him for living a batchelor, [79]
and pressed him to accept the see of Canterbury.
He approved not the square cap, but lived by
preaching in private families.

In 1572, two bills, which were levelled at rites Wish of
and ceremonies, and meant to bring the Puritans m fo~
spontaneously back to church, by complying with a reform
their chief requests, gave great offence to the h the
ruling powers. They were sent up to the queen queen.
by the commons, with a petition in the usual
humble strain, ' that she would not be offended,'
8cc. k.c. But she sent to tell them, ' that she
disliked both,' and never returned them. The
$tout Puritan, Wentwoi th, rose and spoke against

a proceeding

NOTES.

[79] ' I like thee the belter,' said the capricious queen one
day to the sturdy Puritan, ' Whitehead, that thou livest un-
married.' ' In troth, Madam:' replied he, bluntly, ' and I like
you the worse for the same cause.' Whitehead had a great
memory, which assisted him much in disputation.

[Bacon's Apophthegms.

In 1572 died also, at Mechlin, to which place his religion
had caused him to retire, Dr. John Clement, an eminent phy-
sician, and a man of great learning. After having been tutor
to Sir Thomas More's children, he became Greek professor at
Oxford. His wife, Margaret, who had been bred up by Sir
T. More, was as learned as himself. [Aikin,

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 273.

48S HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Cent. XVI. a proceeding so despotic, and he was sent to the
Tower *

Indifferent as the success of this attempt had
been, the non-conformists, finding no hopes from
the favor of the queen, or her bishops, determined
again to apply to the commons. Accordingly
two of their most eminent teachers, Field and
Wilcox, presented an' Admonition,' to the lower
house concerning the needful reformation of the
church, and the condemnation [80] of ceremo-
nies. Thomas Cartwright, just returned from
exile, seconded the remonstrance. The parlia-
ment neglected them, and the court imprisoned
them. Indeed a repetition of this adventure
comprises most of Queen Elizabeth's Ecclesias-
tical History. The same perpetual opposition
on the Puritan's side against the cap, the surplice,
and the organ ; the same pertinacity in retaining
each on that of the conformists. But the Puritans
engaged to a great disadvantage, as the secular
arm was always ready to second the stroke of the
episcopalian. [81]

This

NOTES.
t80] Every petition presented by Puritans offered its mite
towards the abolition of church music. The last-mentioned
production is accompanied by a confession, which avers, ' that
they do not object to the plain singing of psalms, but that they
abhor the tossing the psalms from the one side to the other,
with the interminglement of organs.' [Hist, of Pur.

[81] On these occasions the judges sometimes permitted

their
* Life of Abp. M. Parker, p. 394.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 489

This undetermined contention must have hurt 9^1*^5
the interest of religion in general, if the picture Harsh
which follows bears any likeness to the original ^"i"6
it means to copy : ' the churchmen heaped up times.
many benefices on themselves; and resided at
none, neglecting their cures. Among the laity
there was little devotion ; the Lord's day great-
ly prophaned, and little observed ; the common
prayers not frequented ; some lived without any
service of God at ail ; many were mere heathens
and atheists. The queen's own court a harbor
for epicures and atheists, and a kind of lawless
place, because it stood in no parish.' *

In 15735 the outrageous insanity of Peter Bir- Frenzy of
diet, a mad fanatic, who had been accounted aa aua 1C*

Puritan,

NOTES,
their vivacity to outrun that grave caution which, in the

eighteenth century, is thought necessary in a character so high

and so important. The lord chief justice, and other judges,

examined Mr. White, a citizen of London, as follows:

L. C. y. Who is this?

Prisoner. White, an't please your honor.

L. C. J. Ay ! White, as black as the devil !

Prisoner. Not so, my Lord. One of God's children.
We find the same eminent person proceeding thus :

/. C. J. Thou art a rebel.

Prisoner. Not so, my lord — a true subject.

/. C. J. Yea ! I swear by God thou art a very rebel.

The Lord chief justice being modestly reprimanded by the
prisoner for this gross excess of language, defended himself by
laying, ' that he might swear in a matter of charity.'

[Hist, of Pur,
* Life Abp. M. Parker, p. 305.

490 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Si^Iv I*ur^an5 stirred up additional troubles for the sect.
Fancying himself armed in the cause of heaven,
he rushed through the streets, and, meeting Sir
William Winter, and Captain Hawkins, two cele-
brated naval officers, on horseback, their servants
following at some distance on foot, he wounded
the latter dangerously in the arm and side, taking
him to be, as he owned, Christopher Hatton,
captain of the guards, ' whom,' he said, ' he was
moved by the Spirit of God to slay, as being an
enemy of God's word, and a lover of Papistry.'
Irritated at the danger of her navigator, (though
Hawkins did recover) the queen would have had
Birchet straightway put to death by martial law ;
but her counsellors telling her that such proceed-
ing; would be illeo;al, he was tried as an heretic

0 0' '

He then promised to recant, and would probably
have escaped punishment, had he not, still aiming
to kill Hatton, in a new fit of madness, knocked
his keeper on the head with a billet; for which he
was tried and hanged. Innocent as were the non-
conformists of this insane enterprize, they are be-
lieved to have suffered by it in the queen's opi-
nion, and to have owed several severities, which
they had to suffer, to this ill-grounded persuasion.
Prophe- In 1574, the prophesyings, as they were strange-

symgs ly called, having much increased in the diocese

suppress- J a

«d. of York, 8cc. Archbishop Parker determined to

suppress them, as he looked on them as exercises

of Puritanism, notwithstanding that they were

apparently

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 491

apparently pointed against the Roman Catholic Cent.xvi.
doctrines. Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, a re-
verend exile, supported them, and the council
■wrote in their favor; * but the archbishop, having
persuaded the queen that they tended to promote
disaffection to her government, she ordered every
means to be used towards their suppression. The
good old bishop, frowned on by the court, and re-
primanded by the primate, protected them no
more, nor indeed remained much longer alive.
He died much lamented in his diocese, as chari- Arch-
table,+ hospitable, and moderate ; and was soon fol- pls ?P
lowed to the grave by his reprover, Dr. Matthew dies.
Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. He had been
bred at Christ Church college, Cambridge, and
having been chaplain to Anne Boleyn, he had
good preferments in the church; all which he was
obliged to relinquish in the reign of Mary because
he had taken a wife. Elizabeth, at the beginning
of her reign, bestowed the primacy upon him al-
though she liked not his marriage, as she contriv-
ed once, humorously, to tell his consort. The
queen had been hospitably entertained at his
house, she had thanked him ; ' and now, said she,
turning to the lady, ' what shall I say to you ? Ma-
dam I may not call you, and Mistress I am asham-
ed to call you, so I know not what to call you;

but

# Life of Abp. M. Parker, p. 450, 461.

+ Ibid, passim. Fuller's Church Hist. b. 9. p. 108.

492 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN." Book VII,

Cent xvi. but yet J do thank you.' Dr. Parker left munifi-
cent donations to many colleges and churches,
and expended great sums on the repairs of his pa-
laces at Canterbury and Lambeth, where he lived
with great hospitality, and protected the deprived
prelates, Tonstal and Thirlby, in his family, dur-
ing their respective lives. He wrote - Antiquitates
Britannicse,' a work which proved his knowledge
of ecclesiastical remains ; and was the founder of
the Antiquarian Society in London. * He is be-
lieved to have been a good Oriental scholar ; and,
having a turn to poetry, amused himself during
his retirement, while Mary reigned, with trans-
lating the psalms into metre. In his poetic pre-
face he thus sings the power of holy music :
Hispoc- ' The psalmist stayde with tuned songe

The rage of myndes aghast ;
As David did, with harpe amonge,

To Saul in fury cast.

With golden stringes, such harmonie
His harpe so sweete did wreste,

That he relieved his phrenesie,
Whom wicked sprites possest.'

What follows is a specimen of the translation
of the 18th Psalm, but cannot be, without great
disadvantage, compared with the celebrated ver-
sion of Sternhold of the same passage :

' The

*■ Grainger, vol. i. p. 204.

Ch. II. Part I. § i. ECCLESIASTICAL*

4 The heav'n full lowe he made to bowe,

And downe did he ensue ; *
And darkness greate was undersette
His feete in clowdy hue.

He rode on hye, and did so flye

/ Upon the Cherubines ;

He came in sight, and made his flight

Upon the wynge of wyndes.
The Lord from heaven sent down his leaven,

And thundered thence in ire ;
He thunder cast, in wondrous blast,

With hayle and coales of fyre.' [N2]

The historian of English poetry says, ' Here
is some degree of spirit, and a choice of phraseo-
logy; but, on the whole, Parker will be found to
want facility, and in general to have been un-
practised, in writing English verses. His abilities
were destined to other studies, and adapted to
employments of a more archiepiscopal nature.'

The

NOTES.
[82] Contrast these pompous lines with the modest muse of
the Countess of Pembroke, sister to Sir Philip Sidney.

Psalm LI. Stanza 1.
' O Lorde ! whose grace no lymitts comprehend,

Sweet Lorde ! whose mercies stand from measure free,
To me that grace, to me that mercy send,

And wype, O Lorde ! my sinnes, from sinful me.
O cleanse ! O wash! my foul iniquitie.
Cleanse still my spotts, still wash away my stayninges,
Till staynes and spotts in me leave no remayninges.'
» Follow.

494 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VlL

v^^3 The Pur^ans were loud in their complaints *
of the archbishop's severe conduct towards their
party. [83] 'He had known,' said they, 'what
persecution was ; but he only recalled to mind
his own sufferings, that he might copy them at
the cost of his once brethren in adversity.'

About the same time died, much advanced in
years, Richard Taverner, + a gentleman of Nor-
folk, and an active reformer. As Protestant di-
vines were scarce in the days of Elizabeth, she
had indulged him with a licence (though a lay-
man) to preach, and he was looked on as a master
of pulpit eloquence. The reader may judge of
his merits by an extract from a sermon which,
when sheriff of Oxfordshire, he delivered from
the stone pulpit of St. Mary's, Oxford, with his
sword by his side, and his golden chain round
his neck: ' Arriving at the mount of St. Mary's,
in the stony-stage where I now stand, I have
brought you some fine biskets, baked in the oven
of charity, carefully conserved for the chickens
of the church, the sparrows of the spirit, and the
sweet swallows of salvation,' §cc.

Another

NOTES.

[S3] * lie was a " Parker," indeed,' says the quaint Ful-
ler, ' careful to keep the fences, and shut the gates of disci-
pline, against all such night-stealers as would invade the same.

[Church History.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 340.

+ Ath. Oxonienses, apud articulum Taverner.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 495

Another celebrated preacher, Edward Dering Cent.xvi.
of Kent, ended his life in 1574* He had spirit
enough to tell Elizabeth, when he preached be-
fore her, that in Mary's time she might have
taken for her motto ' Tanquam Oris, " Meek as a
lamb ;' but that now it ought to be ' Tanquam in-
domita juvenca, ' Wild as a heifer.' The mo-
derate queen excused this sally, and only bade
him preach no more before her. *

Early in 1576, Archbishop Grindal was trans- Dr. Grin-
lated from York to Canterbury, Dr. Sandys to a ' e"
York, and Dr. Aylmer to London. The new pri- primat*.
mate was old, and remarkably moderate in his
principles ; nor would he stir a step farther in
persecuting the Puritans than he was obliged to
do, by orders which he dared not to disobey.
The prophesyings he openly favored, only en-
deavoring to regulate them by his advice in such
a wTay, that government might not take offence
at their continuing to exist.

The next year it was reported to Elizabeth,
that the prophesyings continued to be held in
almost every diocese. New orders were therefore
issued + to each bishop, to use every possible me-
thod to stop the practice. They obeyed, although
some of them unwillingly, particularly in the dio-
cese of Litchfield and Coventry; the new arch-
bishop.

* Fuller's Ch. Hist. b. ix p. 109.
+ Life of Abp. Grindal, p. 190, &c.

496 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VlL

Cent. xvi. bishop, Dr. Grindal, steered a different course ;
he not only gave no orders against them, but ac-
tually wrote to the queen to tell her how much ser-
vice to the cause of pulpit-oratory these prophe-
syings, or preaching exercises, had been. * ' Be-
fore this institution,' said the honest but impolitic
primate, ' I knew of but three good preachers in
my diocese. Now, I can bring thirty that may be
heard with applause at Paul's cross ; and forty or
fifty more who are able to read lectures to their
own parishes.' This was uncourtly doctrine, and
the good archbishop was confined to his house and
menaced with degradation. The queen did not
think it right, however, to proceed so far; but

Dr. Grindal Ions remained in a o;entle impri-

rower 01

„, n . sonment.
the Pun-
tans. In the mean while the Puritan interest throve

amain, notwithstanding the checks it received ;

and so few, [84] as is affirmed were there among

those

NOTES.
[84] Hard as this is to believe, yet the people believed it •
witness the supplications to parliament from London and from
Cornwall. The Londoners quaintly say, ' that they are pes-
tered with candlesticks, not of gold but clay; that scarcely the
tenth man waits on his charge ; that the Sabbath is wholly neg-
lected,' Sec. Sec. The Cornish men, more outrageous, say,
that ' they are above 90,000 souls who have none to teach
them but fornicators, adulterers ; some felons, bearing the marks
of their offence in their hand; some drunkards, Sunday game-
sters,' Sec. ' The mouths of Papists, infidels, and filthy livers,
are open against them.' They beg the house to dispossess these
4 dumb dogs and ravenous wolves.' [Hist, of Pur.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 35S.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 497

those who conformed who took any attention to Cent.xvi.
their duty, and so great was the number of the
dissentient clergy, that it was found impossible to
prevent the last-mentioned from re-entering
those churches as curates, from. which, as rectors
and vicars, they had been ejected. They ac-
cepted of trifling stipends, certain of being as-
sisted by the benevolence of their hearers ; with
whom, on account of their zeal and sufferings,
the non-conformists were generally popular.
These curates continued to meet in spite of the
court's endeavor to prevent them, and to prac-
tise preachings or exercises in the manner of the
exploded prophesyings. Steps of honor in the
church they contrived still to attain to ; for by
going to Antwerp, and submitting a short time
to the Dutch ecclesiastical discipline, they were
admitted to receive degrees as in the church of
England.*

It was about this time that a set of German fa- Family of
natics, styling themselves the Family of Love,
and taking their ideas of religion from one
Henry Nicholas, began to appear. Their prin-
ciples verged towards Quietism ; and, before it
was long, they fell under the notice of the civil
magistrate. But they were preceded, in the path
of suffering, by a set of Dutch Anabaptists, who
had been apprehended near Aldersgate, to the
number of twenty-seven ; they were tried before

the

r Strype's Annals, p. 513.

Vol. I. k k

498 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. the consistory of St. Paul's (which seemed to cast
an envious eye at the orthodox splendor of Ma-
ry's reign) and eleven of them, ten women and
one man condemned to the flames, by the writ
4 De Hseretico comburendo ;' which, after hav-
ing been some years hung up, was put in force
to the destruction of these poor wretches. Two
of them suffered at the stake, the other nine
wrere whipt and banished. They were supposed
to inherit the noxious principles of John Mun-
cer and his wretched crew. [85]
Popishse- Seminaries were begun at this juncture to be
minancs. settlecl in continental towns, with a view to sup-
ply missionaries to Protestant countries. That
at Douay soon sent over hundreds to England
alone. * The Roman Catholic princes spared
no cost in forming societies, the political advan-
tages of which thev foresaw.
Abject- If Puritanism had begun in 1580 to sprinkle
ness m the English Commons with its zeal, it had then

parlia- . , ,

ment. imparted none 01 its steadiness ; for, on their
voting that ' they would meet at the Temple-
church (for preaching and to join in prayer
for her Majesty,' kc. kc. Elizabeth, suspecting

that

NOTES.

[85] Besides these unhappy victims, Matthew Hamont, a.
deistical fanatic, was convened before the Bishop. Lc. of Nor-
wich, and afterwards sentenced by the recorder, &:c. to have
his ears cut off, and, seven days afterwards, to be burnt. This
was executed. [Holincshe*.

* Fuller, b. ix. p. S2.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL.

that at the bottom of this loyal ardor some grains Cent.xvi.
of non-conformity were concealed, sent a severe
message by Hatton, ' wondering at their rash-
ness.' And the servile senate instantly ' owned
its offence and contempt ; and humbly craved
forgiveness.'*

Sarcastical pamphlets began now to be written
by the oppressed party, and Elizabeth finding it
easier to punish the writers than to answer them,
countenanced an act, whereby, ' to devise, write,
or print, any book, rhyme, ballad, letter, fee.
k.c. against the government, was made felony.
Another severe law was passed, nominally against
the Papists, but included the unlucky, obnoxious
Puritan.

In 1581 the Brownists, a most violent set ofTjie
reformers, were first heard of. They lasted not Brown-
Ions;. The ministers of Elizabeth o-ave them no
rest until they,+ with their teacher, Robert
Brown (a man of good descent in Rutland) had
quitted the kingdom, and migrated to Middle-
burg in Zealand, where the society soon fell to
pieces, % and was scarcely heard of again.[86]

kk2 In

NOTES.

[86] The founder, a man of impatient spirit, returned to

England, lived a riotous life, and died in a prison, to which he

had been sent for abusing and beating a constable, at the age

of 81. [Fuller's Ch. History.

* Heylyn, p. 287. + Strype's Annals, p. 21.

X Fuller's Ch. History, b. x. p. 168.

509 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. jn the same year a party of over scrupulous

Image image-haters defaced the statues within their

breakers, reacn ^ the cross in Cheapside ; nor were the

perpetrators discovered, although a large reward

was offered.

Nothing happened during the next year, ex-
cept additional burthens on the Puritans, and a
steady resistance in that elastic race. They had
still many favorers in the church and at court,
but their own immoveable firmness; or, as their
enemies called it, obstinacy and perverseness,
was their best friend. Their preachers wanted
not support. They were tutors in many noble
houses, and formed the bulk of the chaplains in
the army and navy.
Deathand Edmond Grindal, Archbishop of Canterbury,
of Arch- died in I583. He was a man of deep learning,
bishop H'ls principles were so well known, that he had
been forced to fly to foreign countries during the
reign of Mary. Elizabeth gave him in I560 the
see of London, and Canterbury in 1575- He
joined John Fox in composing the Martyrology,
and had a considerable share in forming the Li-
turgy. A Dialogue between Custom and Truth,
in John Fox's great work, was written by Dr.
Grindal. He had been sequestered from his
functions, and confined to his own house some
time before his decease, for declining to prose-
cute those who went about ' prophesyings' (as
they styled their vocation) according to the or-
ders of Elizabeth. Sir John Harrington gives a

verv

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 501

very different reason for this prelate's disgrace. Cent.xvi.
The Earl of Leicester, he says, protected an
Italian physician, the husband of two wives at
once, and for that reason severely prosecuted by
the archbishop ; who, having disregarded the
lords' intreaties, was applied to, even by a letter
from the queen, to stop the process. The stout
prelate, instead of yielding, told her Majesty,
that her letter was so heterodox, that he must, in
conscience, demand a written account of her own
faith. Overawed by the archbishop's sanctity,
Elizabeth meant to comply, but was dissuaded
by her favorite ; and Dr. Grindai was bade to
keep his house. His friends reported that he
was blind ; but he lived some time after this im-
prisonment, and had promised to resign his see to
the queen, when death prevented him.

The same year proved also fatal to Bernard of Ber-
Gilpin, Archdeacon of Durham, born in 1517.n?rc* Gil-
He had been a zealous disputant on the Roman
Catholic side, but was converted to Protestantism
by Peter Martyr. He was sent for in the reign
of Mary out of the North, to suffer for his reli-
gion. Luckily, however, he broke his leg on
the journey, and the death of the queen saved
him. He refused the bishopric of Carlisle ; and
was at his own rectory (Houghton Le Spring, in
Durham) so hospitable, that it was a common
saying, that ' a horse turned out any where in
the North, would find his way thither.' Gilpin
was learned, charitable, and pious.

Dr.

502 HISTOBY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Cenuxvi. j)r> John Whits;ift was now placed 'n die see

Doctor of Canterbury, and began his archiepiscopal*

Whitgitt course by promulsatino- a set of severe articles ;+

made pn- . .

mate. aimed, with great dexterity, at those instances of

non-conformity which hitherto had been left
untouched ; particularly the preaching and pray-
ing in private families to the neighbors assembled
together. He was so strict in demanding com-
pliance with these regulations, and a subscription
to a thorough approbation of the Common
Prayer, 8cc. that, during his first visitation, he
suspended 233 clergymen for refusing their as-
sent. As future visitations by this orthodox pre-
late occasioned a still greater number of priests
to lose their benefices, the distress of the ejected
vented itself in supplications to the council,
from not only the ministers, but from the gentle-
men of the counties which had lost them. All
was, however, in vain ; and the archbishop, un-
moved by the complaints and distress of the
preachers and their families, petitioned the queen
for new powers, that he might utterly eradicate
the schism. [87]

The

NOTES.
[87] Heretics still mourned the want of toleration. A tai-
lor and a shoemaker were hanged at Bury for disapproving of
the received Liturgy ; and John Lewis, a kind of Socinian, was
burnt at Norwich in 1583.

* Life of Bernard Gilpin, passim.
+ Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 118,

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 503

The powers granted by this high commission, Centxvi.
the sixth that had ever been issued, and dated High-
January 7, 1583-4, were superior to any which commis"
had before been granted. There were forty-four court,
commissioners named, twelve of whom were bi-
shops, and the rest privy-counsellors, lawyers,
and officers of state. It appeared on the face of
this commission that authority was given to en-
quire into all manner of heretical opinions, ' se-
ditious talks,' k.c. 8cc. ' by any means or ways,'
certainly including rack and torture. The whole
affair brought the Spanish inquisition much too
closely to the mind ; and had a very bad effect
on the quiet of some persons, and on the loyalty
of others.

In order to render the proceedings of this court Severity
more effectual, twenty-four articles were invent- £ishorc
ed by the archbishop, and each clergyman was to Whitgift.
be examined on each of these. And so well were
they calculated to perform the work, that it was
hardly possible for any one to guard against each
interrogatory which the commissioners were here-
by appointed to employ. * This very harsh con-
duct occasioned a letter from the treasurer Bur-
leigh to the archbishop, in which he says, ' he
will not call his proceedings captious, but thinks
they are hardly charitable. '* Not long after this,
Mr, Beale, clerk of the queen's council, having

warmly

Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 163 * Ibid. p. 160.

504 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

S^^I*/ warmly blamed the archbishop for his inveteracy,
the primate, in his turn, accused him, before the
queen and council, among other things, ' of hav-
ino: condemned the racking of offenders as illegal,
and contrary to the liberty of the subject ; and of
warning those that used torture, although direct-
ed by the queen's hand, to look to it that their
doings were well warranted.' * These charges,
which load with disgrace the flinty heart which
conceived them, were thrown with contempt
from the council board.

A fruit- A fruitless conference was held in 15 84, before

less con- three of Elizabeth's ministers of state ; between
ference.

the primate and the Bishop of Winton on one

hand, and Dr. Sparke and Mr. Travers on that of

the Puritans. It broke up, as usual, with no visible

advantage on either side, nor any conviction. 4-

After suffering, what they thought, very harsh

treatment, especially as coming from the hands of

old friends, [88] the Puritans determined to seek

redress

NOTES.

[88] Dr. Aylmer, Bishop of London, was one of these.
He had been an exile during the Marian persecution, and
had written with bitterness against the ' lordly dignities, and
civil authority,' of the bishop. Yet, when he had attained
to a see, no man carried those dignities to a higher pitch.
As an ecclesiastical judge we have the following record of his

unseemly
* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 212.
+ Ibid. p. 170.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 505

redress from the parliament which met in No- (J^*^*;
vember, 15 84, and which was no way disinclined

to

NOTES,
unseemly warmth while examining a Puritan preacher named

Merbury, whose coolness must have been provoking, but ought
not to have thrown a prelate off his guard.

Bishop. ' The bishop of Peterborough was overseen when
he admitted thee as a preacher at Northampton.'

Merbury. ' Like enough so, I pray God these scales may
fall from his eyes !'

Bishop. ' Thou art a very ass ! thou art mad ! Thou cou-
ragious ? Nay, thou art impudent. By my troth I think he .is
mad; he careth for nobody.'

Merbury. ' Sir, I take exception at swearing judges ; 1
praise God I am not mad, but sorry to see you out of temper.'
Bishop. ' Did you ever hear one more impudent?'
Merbury. * It is not, I trust, impudence to answer for
myself.'

Bishop. ' Thou takest upon thee to be a preacher, but there
is nothing in thee ; thou art a very ass, an ideot, and a fool !
An overthwart, proud, Puritan knave,' &c. &c. Sec.

Merbury. ' I humbly beseech you, Sir, have patience,
and give this people a better example,' &c. &c. &c.

[Hist, of Pur.
The candid reader will End much to blame in the conduct
of- each party, and will give great allowance to the resentment
of the hierarchy, when assailed by such odious ribaldry as the
following, which is extracted from a petition to parliament, in
1586, for a reform of the church. Among other things, it
prays, ' That all Cathedral churches may be put down where
the service of God is grievously abused by piping of organs,
singing, ringing, and trowling of psalms, from one side of the
choir to another: with the squeaking of chaunting choristers,
disguised, as all the rest, in filthy surplices ; some in corner
caps and filthy copes, imitating the fashion and manner of An-
tichrist

508 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

v!£i^2' and permitted none to set up a press unless a
licence was first obtained. But the elastic non-
conformists, against whom this prohibition was
levelled, rendered it of no avail, by printing
their works abroad and importing them to Eng-
land, where they were eagerly read by every
rank of life.

The parliament soon after brought in a bill
for the better observation of Sunday ; but the
quick discernment of Elizabeth traced the hand
of the Puritan in it, and stopped it, as ' trench-
ing on her supremacy of the church.'*

A farther exertion of Archbishop Whitgift
And o Drougnt Schoolmasters under the same regula-
schools. tions as preachers, and obliged them to subscribe
a declaration of conformity.*

The next year produced an earnest supplica-
tion to parliament for a reformation ; and a very
particular account of the lives and characters of
present incumbents. Although this schedule
abounds not in charity, as may be judged by the
specimen below, [91] yet it gained credit and a

bill

NOTES.
[91] In the deanery of Pendore, Cornwall, \vc find,

Vicarage, Lanleweric, Mr. Batten, no preacher. He liv-
eth as a pot-companion.

Ditto, Trewardreth, Mr. Kendal, no preacher. A simple
man.

Ditto, EseYj John Bernard, no preacher. A common dicer,
burnt in the hand for felony, full of all iniquity.

Ditto,

■~ Strype's Annals, p. 295.

+ Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 246.

C%. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 509

bill was hastened through the lower house on the (J^^3
plan proposed. But Elizabeth again interposed ;
and some of the warmest speakers being sent to
the Tower, the proposed reformation was heard
of no more during; the session.

The remainder of 15 86 passed in great severi- Secession
ties towards the Puritans, and produced a deter- p^!6
mination made by those spirited schismatics, that,
as the church of England refused to relieve
their scruples, they would * remove still farther
from her pale. Accordingly a new book of dis-
cipline for the seceding members was settled,
and signed by above 500 clergymen, once bene-
ficed in the English church, and many of them
celebrated preachers.*

In 1587 died the voluminous and laborious Death of
historian John Fox, born at Boston, in Lincoln- JonnFox*
shire, in 15 17, and bred at Brazen-nose college,
Oxon. His Martyrology, or Acts and Monu-
ments of the Church, form, though not a perfect,
yet a stupendous, work. In writing the story of
Lady Jane Grey, Fox declares that he shed tears.
He had fled to Basil, during Queen Mary's perse-
cution, where he wrote his Martyrology, and
turned it into Latin. He was a moderate but
firm nonconformist, and endured great hardships

for

NOTES.

Ditto, Breage, Fitz Jeffery, a preacher, but non-resident,

covetous ; his curate, Robert Douay, an ignorant man, &c. 8cc.
fcc.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 483.

508 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^^•^^•and permitted none to set up a press unless a
licence was first obtained. But the elastic non-
conformists, against whom this prohibition was
levelled, rendered it of no avail, by printing
their works abroad and importing them to Eng-
land, where they were eagerly read by every
rank of life.

The parliament soon after brought in a bill
for the better observation of Sunday ; but the
quick discernment of Elizabeth traced the hand
of the Puritan in it, and stopped it, as ' trench-
ing on her supremacy of the church.'*

A farther exertion of Archbishop Whitgift

, , brought Schoolmasters under the same reg-ula-

And on t ° °

schools, tions as preachers, and obliged them to subscribe
a declaration of conformity, t

The next year produced an earnest supplica-
tion to parliament for a reformation ; and a very
particular account of the lives and characters of
present incumbents. Although this schedula
abounds not in charity, as may be judged by the
specimen below, [91] yet it gained credit and a

bill

NOTES.

[Ql] In the deanery of Pendore, Cornwall, wc find,

Vicarage, Lanleweric, Mr. Batten, no preacher. He liv-
eth as a pot-companion.

Ditto, Trewardreth, Mr. Kendal, no preacher. A simple
man.

Ditto, Esey, John Bernard, no preacher. A common dicer,

burnt in the hand for felony, full of all iniquity.

Ditto,
* Strype's Annals, p. 295.
+ Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 246.

C%. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 509

bill was hastened through the lower house on the ^^^J1,'

plan proposed. But Elizabeth again interposed ;

and some of the warmest speakers being sent to

the Tower, the proposed reformation was heard

of no more during: the session.

The remainder of 15 86 passed in great severi- Secession

ties towards the Puritans, and produced a deter- ° l.ie

r run tans.

mination made by those spirited schismatics, that,
as the church of England refused to relieve
their scruples, they would * remove still farther
from her pale. Accordingly a new book of dis-
cipline for the seceding members was settled,
and signed by above £00 clergymen, once bene-
ficed in the English church, and many of them
celebrated preachers."

In 1587 died the voluminous and laborious Death of
historian John Fox, born at Boston, in Lincoln- John Fox.
shire, in 1517, and bred at Brazen-nose college,
Oxon. His Martyrology, or Acts and Monu-
ments of the Church, form, though not a perfect,
yet a stupendous, work. In writing the story of
Lady Jane Grey, Fox declares that he shed tears.
He had fled to Basil, during Queen Mary's perse-
cution, where he wrote his Martyrology, and
turned it into Latin. Fie was a moderate but
firm nonconformist, and endured great hardships

for

NOTES.

Ditto, Breage, Fitz Jeffery, a preacher, but non-resident,

covetous ; his curate, Robert Douay, an ignorant man, &c. &c.
fcc.

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 483.

510 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.XVi. for njs 0p5nions ; although the queen had paid
the highest honors to his book, by ordering it to
be placed in all public hails, colleges, 8cc. where
it was almost treated with a veneration only due
to the Scripture. Towards the close of his life
he had an indifferent provision in the church of
Sarum, and was permitted to officiate without that
bone of contention the surplice.* It has been
said of Fox, as was of Bishop Burnet, that many
persons supplied him with pretended facts in
order to ruin the credit of his work. But he
stands in no need of such an apology.

During 1587 and 88, the dangers impending
over the state, from the Spanish Armada, seem-
ing more imminent than those to the church
from Puritanic zeal, the non-conformists enjoy-
ed some relaxation of episcopal severity, and
distinguished their loyalty by entering the navy
and army as chaplains.

Contro- A controversy concerning the divine right of

versy episcopacy, which occasioned much argument in

arises on l l J °

theordi- a later a?:e, had indeed taken its rise from a rash

f
Bisho s sermon Poached at St. Paul's cross by Dr. Ban-
croft, the primate's chaplain + This was answer-
ed by Dr. Rainolds, a celebrated Puritan, who
utterly denied to the bishops any superiority in
point of ordination to the clergy in general.

At

* Hist, of Pur. vol. i. p. 41^3.
+ Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 292.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 5U

At this important juncture the exiled Roman Cent- XYt

Catholics were not backward in trying to inflame insolence

the minds of their brethren in England by sedi- °' tlie

. . . Papists.

tious writings. ' The Admonition,' nominally,

written by Cardinal Allen, but supposed by Fa-
ther Parsons, was one of the most dangerous of
this class, and was very sedulously dispersed
throughout the island. It begins by a gross abuse
of the queen ; it proceeds to threaten the nobili-
lity with judgments from heaven, and devasta-
tion by the Spaniards, unless they join the forces
of Philip ; it boasts of the vast strength of these
forces ; that they contain more good captains than
Elizabeth had soldiers. It asserts, that the saints
in heaven ail prayed for victory to the Spani -
ards, that the holy angels guarded them, and that
Christ Jesus was with them every day. This
performance, which, had the Armada succeeded,
would have been treated as a prophecy, was, on
its defeat, brought up and burnt so carefully,
that there are very few copies existing out of the
thousands which were dispersed among the pa-
pists of England.

Towards the end of I5S8, the disgusting scene Parlia-
was repeated in the commons which had more !nent, , ,

1 . humbled.

than once before disgraced that abject assembly.
The same application of the Puritans, the same
bills hurried through the house in their favor,
and. the same tame dereliction of each bill, as
soon as the queen, roused by the convocation,
(who saluted her with { O Dea certe !' and prayed
3 her

512 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. XVL foer protection) had imprisoned some of the most
forward members, and terrified the rest into a
blind submission.*

Two celebrated and learned reformers, Samp-
son and Humphreys, died at this period. They
had each been exiles during the reign of Mary ;
and Sampson had been pressed by Elizabeth to
accept the bishopric of Norwich. The un-
happy scruples concerning the cap and surplice
deprived the English church of these and many
other men of real worth and abilities.

Death of ^n 15^8 also died Edwin Sandys, Archbishop

Dr. Ed- 0f York. He had been an exile under Mary ;

dys. and a translator of the bible, and regulator of
religious matters, under her successor. An un-
lucky piece of satirical wit cost him dear. Sir
Robert Stapleton, his intimate friend, shewed
him a sumptuous house which he was finishing
at an enormous cost. ' This,' said he, ' I mean
to call Stapleton' s Stay.' ' Alas !' said the
bishop, ' he would be your friend who would
say to you " Stay Stapleton." Sir Robert
. heard this sarcasm on his imprudent undertak-
ing with a concealed acrimony; and not long
after, contrived to introduce the hostess of an
inn to Bishop Sandys' bed-chamber, and on that
incident to bring a charge of adultery against
the venerable reformer. Improbable as this
accusation appears to have been, the prelate

could

» Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 280.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 515

could not shake it off without the help of the f^^*r
Star-chamber, by which court the malicious knight
was ordered to pay a heavy fine, and make a
public recantation[92] of his scandal.*

In 1589 a paper-war was carried on, with out-
rageous virulence, between the church and the satires
conventicle. The Puritans, shut out by law P1'"^'
from every public press, nevertheless contrived
to obtain a private one of their own. From this
now issued forth a torrent of acrimonious pam-
phlets, which were answered with nearly equal
scurrility by the Episcopalians. [93] Great pains

were

NOTES.

[92] According to the quaint conceit of the times, Sir
Robert White, making this ' amende honorable,' exposed to
view a whetstone hanging out of his pocket. A mysterious
and hieroglyphic way of giving himself the lie for what he was
then saying. [Harrington's Nuc/e Antique.

[93] A few instances may amuse the reader. The favorite
book on the Puritan side was written under the name of ' Martin
Marre-prelate ;' and the writer thus addresses the hierarchy ;
'Right puissant and terrible priests !' l Right poisoned, per-
secuting, and terrible priests ! My horned masters, your go-
vernment is anti-christian; your cause is desperate; your
grounds are ridiculous.' ' Enemies of the gospel ! and most
covetous, wretched, and Popish priests!' Besides this book,
the same press produced many others equally abusive. Nor
did the writers on the side of the church yield to their adver-
saries in buffoonery and abuse. In the variety of titles of their
books they exceeded them : they had, ' Pappe with a hatchet,'

alias,
* Harrington's Brief View, p. 203, Sec.

Vol. I. ll

514 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIl.

Cent. xvi. were taken to discover this insolent press, and at
length it was found out and silenced ; and two
knights who protected it, by name Knightly and
Wigston, with the printer and the disperser, were
severely fined in the Star-chamber ; but, by the
intercession of the archbishop, had their fines
remitted."

The primate crew every year more strict in

Credulity, . r. & { ' 7 .

censured. nis enquiry alter concealed runtans, whom, to

the disgrace of that discernment which charity

would make us allot to one in so eminent a station,

he

NOTES.

alias, ' A fig for my Godson,' or ' Crack me this nut,' that is,
* A sound box on the ear for the ideot Martin to hold his peace.'
Also, ' An almond for a parrot,' or ' An alms for Martin Marre-
prelate.' By ' Cuthbert Curry-knave.' And ' A whip for
an ape,' or ' Martin displayed.' The following epigram too
they published :

' Martin the ape, the drunke and the madde,
The three Martins are, whose workes we have had.
If Martin the fourthe come after Martins so evill,
Nor man nor beast comes — but Martin the devill.'
One exceeding voluminous title shall close the extracts re-
lating to this ludicrous controversy : ' A counter-cuffe given
to Martin junior by the venturous, hardie, and renowned,
pasquil of England, Cavaliero. Not of old Martin's making,
which newly knighted the saintes in heaven with { Uppe !
Sir Peter, and SirPaule!" but latelie dubbed for his service
at home, for the defence of his country, and for the cleane
breaking of his staffe on Martin's face. Prynted between
the skie and the grounde, wythin a myle of an oke, and not
many fields off from the unprivileged presse of the ass-signees
flf Martin junior.' [Ames on Printing,

* Fuller's Ch. Hist. b. ix. p. 191.

Chap. II. Part I. § 1. ecclesiastical. 5\5

he classed with beings whom he ought to have Cent.xvi.
known to be imaginary. He examined the
church-wardens, on oath, whether they knew,
among; their neighbors or parishioners, any ' com-
mon-swearers, * drunkards, usurers, witches, con-
jurers, any that went to conventicles or meetings
for saying prayers in private houses,' 8cc. k.c.

The cruel, though not the absurd, tendency of
this enquiry, struck Sir Francis Knollys so for-
cibly that he sent them to the treasurer, calling
them ' Articles of Inquisition highly prejudicial
to the Royal Prerogative.' Yet the archbishop
altered them not.

In 1590, John Udal, an eminent Puritan preach- Dfstresses
er, was tried and condemned to die, on evidence of Udal.
which was hardly equal to hear-say, + that he was
the author of a very bitter ' Demonstration of
Discipline,' dedicated ' to the supposed Gover-
nors of the church of England.' After lying in
prison two years, at the intercession of James
King of Scots, and others, he was allowed a par-
don on condition of repairing to Asia as chaplain
to the Turkey company ; but the ships, by some
error, sailing without him, he broke his heart and
died in confinement.

In the same year died Dr. Thomas Godwyn,
Bishop of Bath and Wells, more remarkable for

l l 2, the

* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 309, 313.
+ Fuller's Ch. Hist, b, ix. p. 223.

516* HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. t|ie persecution in which the caprice of Eliza-
beth, and the avarice of her favorites, involved
him, than for any other circumstance. [94]
And of In 1594, Mr. Cartwright, who was styled ' Fa-
w^ht *ner °^ tne Puritans?' suffered a long confinement,
with several of his friends, by order of the court of
the Star-chamber. For him too James of Scots in-
terceded, and was permitted to retire unmolested
to an hospital at Warwick, over which he presid-
ed. Many Puritans were at this time in prison,
and their numbers increased every day," since,
tired of confinement, one or other would fre-
quently, to gain his own liberty, disclose the place
where the non-conformists met, and the names
of those who attended at these illegal assem-
blies ;

NOTES.
[94] Old, decrepit, and gouty, Dr. Godwyn wedded the
elderly widew of a citizen, apparently for her great wealth.
Instantly the queen was told that the bride was beautiful and
young; that the bishop had promised to alienate, for her sake,
half the revenues of the diocese; and that, determined to
marry, he had been carried to the altar in an easy chair. In
vain did a good-humored earl address the queen with, ' Madam,
I know not how much the lady is under twenty, but I know a
son of hers who is more than forty years old.' The queen
chose not to be convinced, and the courtiers said that it made
the matter worse, as it took away the only excuse that could be
urged for the folly. In fine, Elizabeth so harrassed the poor
prelate with slights and frowns, that he gave her minion one of
the best episcopal manors, and broke his heart for having joined
in the sacrilege. [Brefe View, &c,

* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. S71.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 517

blies ; and such were instantly pursued by the ac- <r*^'^3'
tive vengeance of the high-commission court.[95]

Three execrable blasphemers drew upon Blasphe-

themselves the attention of government about ™ies. ot

° Hacket.

this time. William Hacket, [96] their chief,
suffered that fate which his detestable profaneness
seems to have merited. Coppinger died in prison.
Arthington, the third, was pardoned on recanting
his horrid impieties. He even wrote a book to
expose his late folly and prophaneness.

Hacket had styled himself ' King Jesus,' had
declared Elizabeth bereft of her throne, and had

stabbed

NOTES.

[95] It was not only the Puritans who felt the lash of per-
secution; Edmund Jennings, a priest from Rheims, was executed
for celebrating mass against the statute. His death was at-
tended by two miracles as his legend avers. After his heart
was taken out, he said, ' Sancte Gregori, ora pro me!' on
which the hangsman said, ' God's wounds ! see ! his heart is in
my hand, and Gregory is in his mouth!' The other wonder
was, that his thumb came off in the hand of a woman who
wished for a relic of such a martyr. [Grainger.

[96] This wretched (and, let us hope, insane) being was
born at Oundle in Northamptonshire. His schoolmaster hav-
ing corrected him, he sprung at him, bit off his nose, and swal-
lowed it, lest it should be replaced. He professed being
invulnerable; and, trusting to the law's safeguard, pressed
people to make the experiment by running a sword through his
body. However, Dr. Childerly of St. Dunstan's tried the
strength of his arms, and nearly broke the wrists of Hacket
(' although,' says Fuller, ' he was a foul, strong lubber') in
the struggle. 4 [Fuller's Worthies.

518 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. xvi. stabbed her picture with a dagger. As these
three had been non-conformists, great endeavors
were used by those who hated the Puritans to in-
volve that whole sect in their infamy ; * and many
tracts were written in their defence against so
odious a charge.
Abject In 1592 a bill had nearly passed the lower house,

conduct introduced by Mr. Morrice to prevent the bishops
commons, from using the oath ' ex officio,' by which a man
may be obliged to accuse himself; and to prevent
their illegally imprisoning the queen's subjects.
But Elizabeth instantly stopped the progress of
the bill, and sent Morrice to Tutbury-castle; his
confinement was long and well-deserved ; for none
but a madman would have attempted a project
which had been seen four times to miscarry, and
"which only served to expose the inconsistent par-
liament to the contempt and ridicule of despotism.
Nor had the year ended before the same senate,
which had meant so well to civil and ecclesiastical
liberty, was brought by the court to pass the se-
verest bill that exists against the Puritan interest ;
one which makes it felony, without benefit of
clergy, even to raise any doubts of the queen's
power over the affairs of the church. t

Towards the close of 1592 the resentment of the
archbishop was directed against the Brownists,who

hatf

f. Fuller's Ch. Hist. b. ix. p. 386,
Jr Acts, 35 Elizabeth, cap. 1.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 519

had risen again under a Mr. Barrow ; these were ^"* XVL
again become numerous, and Sir Walter Raleigh
acquainted the house that he would answer for
there being 20,000 of them in Norfolk, in Essex,
and near London. It was easy to discover their
haunts." Fifty were seized at once, and commit-
ted to prison by order of the high-commission
court, where, from the closeness of the room, six-
teen of them died. Two of their leaders, Barrow Two
and Greenwood, were executed on a gallows, after |0W11I^ts
having been tried and condemned on the statute
Eliz. 23, 'for writing and publishing sundry se-
ditious books,' 8cc. 8cc. Two other divines were
reprieved at the place of execution. t

That these persons suffered for their obstinacy
cannot be denied, since it is certain that they were
offered mercy if they would only promise to come
to church. X Yet, as nothing was alleged against
them but their dislike of the cap and surplice,
of the repetition of the Lord's Prayer, and of a
few ceremonies, and their having written in de-
fence of these principles, and not against the
queen, but the bishops, they seem to have met
with hard measure. There is indeed reason to
believe that Elizabeth felt great concern when she
heard in what strong professions of loyalty the

two

* Strype's Annals, vol. ult. p. 174, 175.

4- Hist, of Pur. p. 558.

J Broughton's Works, p. 731.

•520 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Ont.xvi. tw0 sufferers employed their latest breath ; and
that she directed that no Brownists for the fu-
ture should suffer a heavier penalty than exile.

Fate of In 1593, John Penry, or Ap Henry, a Welsh

John divine of good abilities, but of a violent temper
Penry. ° . . .

and unconquerable obstinacy, met with severe

treatment. He was seized, as lie was on the road
to the palace, with a petition in his pocket, which
he meant to deliver into the hands of the queen.
As he had concealed himself during some years,
knowing that he was suspected to be the author
of ' Martin Mar-prelate ;' he could not therefore
be tried by the statute ' against seditious words
or writings,'* since the given time for bringing in
the accusation was elapsed, he was therefore
brought to judgment, and executed for papers
found in his pocket, ' which, though they ac-
knowledged her majesty's royal power to establish
laws, ecclesiastical and civil, had avoided the
usual terms of making, enacting, decreeing, and
ordaining, laws, which imply a most absolute au-
thority.'

It was about this time, that a much more suc-
cessful and respectable defender of the English
hierarchy than Archbishop Whitgift, arose; a
defender whose bulwark will remain unshaken,
and attract veneration, when the prisons, the
racks, and the gibbets, of the high-commission
court, are only recollected with horror.

Richard

* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 412.

Ch. II. Parti. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 521

Richard Hooker (styled by Elizabeth ' the ju- Cent.xvi.

dicious Hooker') was born near Exeter, and bred Account

at Corpus Christi college in Oxford.* Arch- °! R.ich*
1 ° Hooker.

bishop Whitgift made him Master of the Tem-
ple ; but, finding too much bustle and distraction
in that station, as some say, he retired first to
Wiltshire+ and then to Kent, that he might give
his whole time to the great work he had under-
taken.

His ' Ecclesiastical Polity' is a cool rational
defence of the English church. The principles
he lays down are these: 1. That the Scripture,
though a standard for doctrine, is not a rule for
discipline. 2. That the practice of the Apostles,
as they acted according to circumstances, is
not an invariable rule for the church. 3. Many
things are left indifferent, and may be done with-
out sin, although not expressly directed by scrip-
ture. 4. The church, like other societies, may
make laws forlier own government, provided they
interfere not with the Scripture. 5. Human au-
thority may interpose where the Scripture is si-
lent. 6. Hence it follows, that the church may
appoint ceremonies within the limits of the Scrip-
tures. 7. All born within the district of an estab-
lished church ought to submit to it. The church
is their mother, and has a maternal power over
them. 8. The laws of the church not beino- moral

are

• Fuller's Worthies, Devonshire, p. 264,
I Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 421.

522 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN, Book VII.

Cent. xvi. are mutable, and may be changed according to
the will of its directors.

His per- t JVIr. Hooker's voice was low,' says Dr. Ful-

son ana , J

manner, ler, { stature little, gesture none at all ; standing

stone-still in the pulpit, as if the posture of his
body were the emblem of his minde, immoveable
in his opinions.' *

He had had a sharp contest, [97] while he pre-
sided at the Temple, with a Puritan of great
learning and pulpit elocution, Mr. Travers, con-
cerning the church of Rome ; which Hooker held
to be a true church, although not pure nor perfect.
Archbishop Whitgift stopped the debate in the
outset, by silencing the helpless non-conformist.t
This step, though harsh, was, however, not un-
necessary : for when Hooker preached in the
morning orthodox doctrine, the subtle Puritan,
having listened to his discourse, regularly took the
same text in the afternoon, and attacked separately

each

NOTES.

[97] A much severer and more lasting contention was kept
up between the good divine and a bitter shrew whom he had
unfortunately chosen for a wife. His pupil, Edwin Sandys,
came suddenly one day to his retreat in the country, and found
him keeping sheep. His consort had sent away the boy who
used to assist him, and soon after directed Hooker himself to
hasten in doors and tend the rocking of the cradle. It was this
unpleasant and humiliating scene which, when represented to
the primate, procured for the meek priest the mastership of the
Temple. [Bbrkenhout,

* Fuller's Ch. History, b. ix. p. 216. + Ibid. p. 217.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 523

each argument which the episcopalian had ad- ^ntxvL
vanced ; and as the audience was composed of the
same persons, this contest had a very bad effect
on their principles of religion.

In 1594 died Dr. John Elmer,[98] or Aylmer, Dr. Ayl-
T T i i i t. „ f rner dies.

Bishop of London. He had been preceptor to

Lady Jane Gray, had fled to Switzerland from
Mary's tyranny, and under Elizabeth had met due
preferment. He assisted in translating Fox's
Martyrs into Latin, and answered the petulant
performances of John Knox. When his audience
were languid, he roused their attention by reci-
ting Hebrew verses from a pocket-bible. He had
great personal courage; and once had a tooth
drawn, to encourage Elizabeth to do the like.
His disposition was warm, and as he was exceed-
ingly severe to the Puritans, among whom he had
once had been counted, he was assaulted virulent-
ly by their sarcastical writers ; and was the hero
[99] of the celebrated Martin Mar-prelate.*

The

NOTES.
[98] Dr. Aylmer was so very diminutive in size, that once,
when hotly pursued as an heretic, he escaped by being con-
cealed in a pipe of wine which had a false bottom; and
while Aylmer lay hid in the upper half, wine was drawn from
that below. [Fuller's Worthies.

[99] That bitter Puritan accompanied the bishop most
pitilessly to his domestic amusements. ' He will cry to his
fcowle,' writes Martin, "Rub! Rub! Rub!" and when it

goeth
* Fuller's Ch. History, b. ix. p. 223, 224.

5C4 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII,

Ceiit.XM. Yhe same year freed Elizabeth and the reform-
And Car- ed churches from their most inveterate enemy,
^ul A1" Cardinal William Allen, [100] who died at

Rome,

NOTES.

goeth too far, he will say, " The divell goe with it!" And then
Ike bishop will follow .' '

Dr. Aylmer's temperament was too warm to allow him
time always to consult the most episcopal plan of acting. He
had married a favorite daughter to a celebrated and learned
clergyman, named Adam Squire ; whose fantastic turn may be
guessed by the text of the sermon which he preached on his
wedding-day : ' It is not good for Adam to be alone.' This
Adam, however, sought more than one Eve ; and meanly tried
to extenuate his fault by unmerited recrimination on his inno-
cent wife. But the bishop, who, though a dwarf in stature,
had the gallantry of a Paladin, having closely searched into the
charge, and found it totally groundless, took the law into his
own hands, and so severely chastised the culpable Adam with
his cudgel (styled by Harrington ' a good waster' J that he
humbled himself to his lady, and hankered no more after
forbidden fruit.

[Mart. Mar-Prelate. Har. Brefe View,

[100] This subtle polemic was well-born in Lancashire,
and bred at Oriel College, Oxford, where he became head
of St. Mary's Hall. He fled at the accession of Elizabeth,
was made a professor at Douay, canon of Rheims, &c. and
at length, by a series of signal services against his own
country, he merited and obtained the scarlet hat. He may be
styled founder of the seminary of Douay, as it was he who col-
lected the English exiles into a body and planted them there.
His character is so differently spoken of by two opposite
parties, that it is best to leave it in abeyance. His utmost en-
deavors were certainly exerted to overthrow the government

and

Oi. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. S2&

Rome, and chose rather to be buried at the Eno;- Cent.xvr.
lish colleg-e than at the church of St. Martin,
whence he took his title.

In 1595 Dr. Bound, one of the most eminent Attack on
among the Puritans, made a rude assault on the JJ^f
sports of dancing/'4 fencing, ringing, wrestling,
Sec. usual on the Sabbath-day, by a book which
he wrote to prove them impious and heathenish.
Many people took part with his arguments, [lOl]
and the fashion of the Sunday evening was gene-
rally changed from gaiety and mirth to a more sad
and formal, but more decent reserve. A Mr. Ro-
gers, some years after, wrote a treatise in answer to
this work ; but Archbishop Whitgift had instantly
on the publication of Bound's performance silenc-
ed the author; and Lord Chief Justice Popham had
ordered all the copies to be seized and burnt.i

Dr. Whitaker,

NOTES.

and religion of his native island. How far sincerity in his reli-
gion may excuse his incessant machinations for mischief, will
only be known hereafter. [Fuller's Worthies.

[101] ' On that day,' says Dr. Fuller, ' the stoutest fencer
laid down his buckler; the most skilful archer unbent his bow ;
maygames and morish dances grew out of request; and good
reason that bells should be silenced from gingling about men's
legs, if their very ringing in steeples were judged unlawful,'
&c. &c. [Church History.

* Fuller's Ch. History, b. ix. p. 227. Dr. Bound on the
Sabbath, p. 202, 206, 209.

+ Rogers's Pref. to the Articles, parag. 20,

526 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^!^^Z5 Dr. Whitaker, the queen's professor of divi-
nity at Cambridge, died about this time. His
passion for theology destroyed him. The ques-
tion, ' Whether or no, true justifying faith can
be lost?' broke his rest and killed him.

A very warm dispute now was revived con-
concern- J *

ing pre- cerning the doctrines of predestination, free grace,
estina- and the advantages derived from the redemption

tion. * r

of Jesus Christ. The debate was commenced by

a Mr. Barret of Cambridge, who attacked the be-
lievers of predestination with great fervor. As
the matter was grave and important, a deputation
from the university attended on the archbishop at
his palace, and there nine articles were settled to
regulate the belief of the orthodox. They were
subscribed by the primate, by Hutton, Archbishop
of York, Fletcher, Bishop of London, Vaughan,
of Bangor, and Young, of Rochester ; and given,
as the primate writes to the university, not as
new decrees, but as an explication of certain
points ' corresponding to the doctrine professed
by the church of England, and already estab-
lished by the laws of the land.'
Lambeth \m « That God from eternity has predestinated
some persons to life, and reprobated others to
death.

2. ' The moving or efficient cause of predesti-
nation to life is not foreseen faith or good works,
or any other commendable quality in the persons

predestinated.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 52?

predestinated, but the good will and pleasure of ^^^
God.

3. ' The number of the predestinate is fixed,
and cannot be lessened on encreased.

4. ' They who are not predestinated to salva-
tion, shall be necessarily condemned for their sins.

5. ' A true, lively, and justifying faith, and
sanctifying influence of the Spirit, is not ex-
tinguished, nor does it fail or go off either finally
or totally.

6. ' A justified person has a full assurance and
certainty of the remission of his sins, and of his
everlasting salvation by Christ.

7. ' Saving grace is not communicated to all
men ; neither have all men such a measure of di-
vine assistance that they may be saved if they will.

8. ' No person can come to Christ unless it be
given him, and unless the Father draws him;
and all men are not drawn by the Father that
they may come to Christ.

9. ' It is not in every one's Avill and power to
be saved.'

New opinions, so energetically supported as to Variety

become subjects of debate amongr the heads of the of new

° doctrines.

church, sprang up every year. In 1596, Dr. Baro,

an alien, having been, during 55 years, Margaret
professor of divinity at Cambridge, humanely ar-
gued, that all mankind were born to eternal life ;
and that the propitiation offered by Jesus Christ
for the sins of the human race was meant to

confer

528 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Cent. xvi. confer eternal happiness on the whole world.
But the queen, displeased at this too benevolent
system, obliged him to be silent,* and retire from
his professorship.

A controversy in the same year arose among
the learned concerning the nature of Christ's de-
scent into hell; Mr. Hugh Broughton, + a singu-
larly learned polemic, maintaining, that Hades
ought to be translated not Hell, but the invisible
world.

Pretend- rri . . , „ f

ed exor- * ne Year 1597 produced an uncommonly artlul

cist de- anci wicked divine of the Puritan persuasion, by

tected. .^

name Darrel, who pretended to maintain the fre-
quency of diabolical possessions ; and the power of
the faithful to cast^mt devils. As Darrel was not
on the side of those in authority, he was closely
watched ; and detected % at length in a kind of
conspiracy with one William Somers of Notting-
ham, who, after having been trained up four years,
had with great dexterity acted the part of one
possessed by an evil spirit. Darrel attempted to
clear himself chiefly by calling down judgments
on his own head if guilty. This had little effect
on the public, or on his judges, who condemned
him to a long imprisonment for the imposture.

Richard Fletcher, Bishop of London, died about
this time. His qualities seem to have been chiefly

personal.

* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 473.
+ Heylyn's Hist, of Presb. p. 249.
t Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 492, 495.

Cll. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL.

personal. His stature and fis;ure are commended : Cent.xvr.
and his riding ' the great horse' is mentioned by
all his biographers. He married a gay second
wife. Elizabeth, who disliked all marriages, but
particularly those in the episcopal line, frowned
upon him ; and he was too good a courtier to
survive her frown. *

The ecclesiastical branch of English history,
during the short remainder of Elizabeth's [102]

NOTES.

[102] About this time died Dr. Andrew Perne, a man of
wit and learning, bred at Peterhouse, Cambridge, of which
college he became at length master, as well as vice-chancellor
of the university. Although he changed his religion four times
in twelve years, he yet was beloved stedfastly by the Protestants,
as his interest was exerted to save many from the flames. His
turn was extremely sarcastical. He had once chanced to call a
clergyman a fool. The irritated priest threatened that he would
complain to his bishop. ' Go to your bishop,' replied the bitter
Perne, ' and he will confirm you.'

A jest is said at length to have cost the doctor his life. Eliza-
beth, at the close of her reign, increased in pettishness and ob-
stinacy. She would ride out in the rain in spite of the hum-
ble intreaties of her maidens; and the only hopes they had of
stopping her was to set her buffoon, Clod, to laugh her out of
it. ' Heaven dissuades you, madam, in the person of Arch-
bishop YYhitgift, and earth dissuades you in the shape of your
fool, Clod ; and if this will not serve, at least attend to the dis-
suasions of Doctor Perne, who has long been suspended in reli-
gious doubts, between heaven and earth.' The queen applaud-
ed the joke, but the doctor sank under it, accompanied his pa-
tron, Dr. Whitgift, to Lambeth, and very soon after expired.

[Fuller's Worthies, Sec.
* Fuller's Ch. Hist. p. 233.

Vol. I. m m reis:n

530 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

PjJJU reign, affords little that is worthy of remark. The
many abuses which had been encouraged in the
spiritual courts were grown so enormous, that the

Spiritual parliament, in 1598, saw the necessity of checking

courts them by a bill. This attempt was as usual frown-

sonic-

what ed on by Elizabeth ; and, as usual, it sunk to no-

curbed, thing at her frown. But she seems to have wink-
ed at a kind of ' prohibitions' which the sufferers
easily obtained, and which prevented the eccle-
siastical courts from proceeding. Archbishop
Whitgift took great offence at this indifference in
the queen, but his influence was not sufficient to
restore the authority of his courts of judicature.*
As the high-commission court had an unlimited
power over all publications, it exerted that power
most severely in 1599, by sweeping away from
Stationer' s-hall Marston's Pygmalion, Marlowe's
Ovid, the Satires of Hall and Marston, with the
* Caltha Poetarum.' These, by the direction of
the prelates, Whitgift and Bancroft, were ordered
(together with ' The Shadowe of Truth,' ' Snarl-
ing Satires,' ' The Booke agaynst Women,' and
1 The XV Joyes of Marriage') to be instantly
burnt. [103] The Books of Nash and Gabriel Har-

" vey

NOTES.

[103] Writers of light or ludicrous essayrwere now, it must
be owned, in danger. While the axe of the £p is copal phalanx
threatened their very existence, the subtle lash of the Purilon
lacerated their limbs, and rendered them odious to the fanatic
mob.

A kind

* Life of Abp. Whitgift, p. 527.

Ch. II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 531

vey were at the same time anathematized ; and sa- 2"*'^JJ*
tires and epigrams were forbidden to be printed
any more. That Hall and Marston should both
be included in the same prohibition seems a sen-
tence grounded on rigor rather than justice,
since, as they darted the stings of their satires
at parties precisely opposite, they could not easily
be both in the wrong. [104]

The

NOTES.

A kind of pantheon was censured, in 1599, by H. G. 'a
painful minister of God's word in Kent,' as ' the spavvne of
Italian Gallimaufry.' And George Potter published in the
same year ' A Commendacyon of true Poetry, and a Discom-
mendacyon of all baudy, pyebalde, paganized, Poets.'

[104] The enthusiastic attachment of the Puritans to the
Song of Solomon, and one particular version among many,
styled ' The Poem of Poems, or Sion's Muse, contayning the
divine Song of King Solomon, divided into eight Eclogues,' de-
dicated to ' the sacred Virgin, divine Mistress Elizabeth Syd-
ney, sole Daughter of the ever-admired Sir Philip Sidney,' were
intolerable to the keen spirit of Dr. Hall; (afterwards Bishop of
Norwich, and of whom more will be said in another reign)
and after having mentioned another poem, probably of the
same cast, he proceeds,

' Yea, and the prophet of the heavenly lyre,

Great Solomon, singes in the English quire,

And is become a new-found sonnetist,

Singing his love, the holie spouse of Christ;

Like as she were some ' light skirtes' of the rest,

In mightiest inkhornisms he can thither wrest.

Ye ' Sion Muses' shall, by my clear will,

For this your zeel and self-admired skill,

M m 2 Be

532 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. XVI. The transactions between the crown of England
and the Roman Catholics, as they relate more to
the civil than the ecclesiastical branch of this
work, have been chiefly ranged under that head ;
where also may be found some account of the dis-
pute between the Jesuits and secular priests,
which took place at the close of this busy reign.
Conduct ^ may PeinaPs De expected that some judgment
of Eliza- should here be passed on the conduct [105] of

beth ac- ^ . . . ,

counted Elizabeth

for. T^^TZnn.

NOTES.

Be straight transported from Jerusalem
Unto the holie house of Bethlehem.'
But John Marston, a sober bard, of whom little is known,
but of whom Langbaine speaks with great respect and consider-
ation, answered the caustic bard in no contemptible verse:
' Come daunce, ye stumbling satyres, by his syde,
If he list once the Sion muse deride.
Ye, Granta's white nymphs, come, and with you bringe
Some syllabub, whilst he doth swetely singe
'Gainst Peter's teares, and Marie's moving moane;
And, like a fierce enraged bore, doth foame
At sacred Sonnets. — O dire hardiment !
At Bartas' sweet semaines, rail impudent !
At Hopkins, Sternhold, at the Scottish king,
At all translators that do strive to bring
That stranger language to our vulgar tongue,' Sec. &c.

[Marston's Satires, B. IV.
[105] Nothing can be more amusing to a cool dispassionate
reader of history than to observe the contradictory sentiments
of warm party writers, when treating on the same subject. Thus
we find in Carte's English History, that ' it is much to be
lamented that she (Elizabeth) acted by halves in the establish-
ment of the church of England. She had scarce restored it
n-, before

Cli.II. Part I. § 1. ECCLESIASTICAL. 533

Elizabeth to the various sects into which her sub- Cent.x\i.
jects were divided. But facts, not opinions, are •
what a historian ought to present to the public ;
and when those facts are candidly told, to reason
upon them, seems only unwarrantably to forestal
the judgment of the reader. Should that reader
condemn the severe proceedings of the queen
against men respectable for their piety, learning,
eloquence, and sufferings ; men to whose inde-
fatigable and incessant zeal for reformation she
owed the very power which she exerted to op-
press them : men who only disobeyed her ordi-
nances

NOTES.

be Tore she impoverished it : and though the Puritans opposed
her favorite branch of the royal prerogative, broke through all
order and decency, and carried on their opposition to the li-
turgy, government, and discipline of the established church,
. with an unparallelled insolence, and she might easily have sup-
pressed them at first ; yet, by the unsteadiness of her proceed-
ings, prosecuting them one while to give them a colour to com-
plain of persecution; and another while stopping the execution
of the laws against them; she left that turbulent set of men in
a condition that enabled them to distress her successor,' &cc.
&c. &c.

■ She understood not,' says a writer of very opposite princi-
ples, ' the rights of conscience in matters of religion, and
therefore is justly chargeable with persecuting principles. She
countenanced all the engines ol persecution, as spiritual courts,
8cc. and I her pierogative to support them beyond the

law, and against the sense of the nation.'

Could one well suppose that both these historians were men
n? integrity, and both wrote of the same person? Yet such is
fact, 3

534 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent xvi. nanCes in trifles almost too ludicrous for a seri-
ous complaint ; in preferring a round cap to a
cap with four corners ; the extenuation of her
apparent inhumanity would soon present itself.
He would find that the desire of curbing the
then unlimited power of the crown went, among
the Puritans, hand in hand with their wishes to
avoid the ceremonies of the church. And if he
will consult the Journals of D'Ewes,* he will be
satisfied that the speeches of Strickland, Carle-
ton, Yelverton, and particularly of Peter Went-
worth, the great support of the Puritan party,
were as much aimed at the enormities of the
sceptre as of the crozier. The sagacious daugh-
ter of Henry VIII. penetrated into their designs;
and, as she was determined never to yield a tittle
of the power which her father had exercised,
she applied severity as the only argument which
would have any effect on those whom she
thought unreasonable mal-contents. Yet were
her great qualities universally acknowledged ;
and a o-enerous, though a bitter foe to her intole-

Candor of rant character, thus expresses himself at the

a Pr°- close of her reign: ' But with all these blemishes

fcsscci

enemy. Queen Elizabeth stands on record as a wise and

politic princess ; and though her Protestant sub-
jects were divided about church affairs, they all

discovered

* D'Ewes's Journal, p. 156, 157, 175, 176, 236, 237-

Ch. II. Part I. ^ 1. ecclesiastical. 535

discovered a high veneration for her royal per- Cent.xvi.
son and government ; on which account she ^^^^
was the glory of the age in which she lived, and
will be the admiration of posterity.' *

* Neal's Hist, of Puritans, vol. i. p. ult.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 537

CHAP. II.— PART L

SECTION II,

THE ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND, FROM
THE DEATH OF JAMES V. A. D. 1542, TO THE AC-
CESSION OF JAMES I. AND VI. TO THE CROWNS
OF ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, A. D. 1603.

r~pHE stroke which slew Cardinal Beaton, in ^^
154G, proved fatal to the interest of the Death of
Papal church in Scotland. No leader of talents Beaton
and spirit could be found to head the Roman fatal to
Catholics ; and there was only remaining in the
party a fatal power of irritating the spirits of the
reformed, by persecuting their brethren." The
courts of justice were, indeed, still in their hands;
and it was by direction of one of these, in 1550,
that Adam Wallace, a harmless rustic, expired
at a stake in Edinburgh. Nor did the absurd
dispute among the Scottish clergy, ' Whether or
no the Lord's Prayer might be addressed to the
saints ?'+ increase the respect of the nation for a
declining cause. [106] This heresy was checked
__ by

NOTES.

[106] The arguments of a disputing friar on this subject
may amuse the reader. " Our Father" we may surely say to
die saints as to any old man we meet in the streets. " Which
art in heaven." Good ! we know each of them to be in

heaven.
* Spotiswood, p. 90. | Ibid. p. 91.

538 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent. x\ I. by a Synod, and a small catechism was printed
in English by authority, for the use of congrega-
tions, which was styled by the vulgar, ' The
Twopenny faith.'

The Protestants lost, in 1553, a prudent, but
witty and spirited friend, Sir David Lindsay of
the Mount, whose sarcastic muse had been em-
ployed with great success in the cause of reforma-
tion. [107]

In

NOTES,
heaven. " Hallowed be thy name/' Yes, God has sanctified

their names. " Thy kingdom come." Heaven is their kingdom

by inheritance. " Thy will be done." Had not their will been

the will of God they had not been there.' Thus far the monk

had proceeded with plausibility; but not being able to gloss

over the prayer for ; daily bread,' his rough audience burst into

laughter, and the shouts and hisses of those who met him in the

street, drove him from St. Andrew's the scene of his confusion.

[Spotiswood.

[107] Sir David Lindsay was a statesman and a poet as well as

a reformer. He was born in 1490, and bred at the university of

St. Andrew's. In 1514 he returned from travelling through

Europe, and soon after was entrusted with the education of his

young king, James V. After the death of that prince, in 1542,

Sir David became a favorite with Arran, the regent: but finding

the Archbishop of St. Andrew's (the regent's brother] to be

his enemy, he retired to his estate, and spent the rest of his

days in literary leisure. Sir David was a man of great learning,

and considerable skill in heraldry ; in the court of which he

bore an office. He had likewise been employed on embassies

to Charles V. and to Francis I.

The poetical works of Lindsay are voluminous, and have

great merit. He was a thorough friend to the reformation;

and seems to have prepared the way for John Knox by his

poems,

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 539

In 1554 the stern John Knox, of whom much Cent- xvr«
has been said in a former book, returned to Edin-
burgh ; and, notwithstanding the intolerance of
the times, and the friendly cautions of the courtly
Maitland of Lethington, he thundered from the
pulpit of a private meeting with eloquence so
adapted to the unpolished minds of his hearers,

that

NOTES.

poems, which were so obnoxious as to be publicly burnt at
Edinburgh by the Popish assembly in 1558. Sir David thus
speaks of a now-forgotten pageant:

4 Of Edingburgh the great idolatrie,
And manifest abominatioun !
On thair feist day all creature may see

Thay beir an awld stok-image [a] throw the town,
With talbrone, (b) trumpet, shalme, and clarioun,

Quilk has been usid mony on year bygone,
"With priestis, and frairs, into processioun,
Sic lyke as Baal was borne thro' Babilone.'
In another poem he thus attacks the vanity of female trains :
' Every lady of the land
Should have her tail [c) so syde-trailand, [d)
Ouharever thay go it may be sene
How kirk and calsay [e) thay suepe clene.
Kittok, that clekkit [j ) was yestrene,
The morn will counterfete the quene;
And muirland Megg, that milk'd the covvis,
Claggit [g) with clay about the howis,
In barn nor byir scho woll not byde,
Without her kyrtle tail beside.
They waste mair claith within few ycres,
Than wolde claith fyftfe score of frcres.'
(a) Wooden image, (b) Tabor, (a) Train, (d) Trailing on one side.
(e) Sweep the church and causeway clean, (f) Kitty thai was burn
yesterday, next morn will, $c. (g) Clogged. \

540 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII-

Cent.x\i. tiiaj- j-jie regular churches were deserted. For
this contempt Knox was cited by the bishops ;
who, nevertheless, dared not proceed against
him ; so popular was his doctrine, and so well
was he supported by the numbers who admired
his principles and his intrepidity.
Wealth If any members of a hierarchy could be said to
*n p,0~ be ripe for a fall, those who now Q-overned the

hi^acy i o

of the Scottish church certainly came under that de-
clerffv^ scription. The slain cardinal had lived many
years in a free and open commerce with a woman
of quality, and had publicly celebrated the mar-
riage* of his and her daughter, with a son of the
Lord Crawfurd ; nor were the other prelates en-
titled to the praise of a better life than the pri-
mate. The Archbishop of St. Andrew's, in
particular, set an example of the most licentious
and dissolute manners.

The riches of the Scottish ecclesiastics far ex-
ceeded their just proportion. They paid one half
of every impost laid on land ; and there is no
reason to think that a body so potent would per-
mit themselves to be over-rated. These vast
possessions, it must be owned, contributed much
to the abolition of the Roman Catholic faith in
both the island-kingdoms. The people had long
felt with displeasure that superiority with which
die wealth, the power, and the subtlety of the

[ clergy

•" Keith, p. 42.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 541

clergy had endowed them; and greedily swal- CentXlkr
lowed any doctrines which taught that these re-
venues, having been alienations unjustly made
by antient possessors, might be with justice re-
claimed. They enjoyed with transport the com-
plex idea of lowering the pride and luxury of
each pampered priest, and of profiting by his
spoils. When motives like these were reinforced
by strong nervous appeals to conscience and
common sense, it cannot be a matter of wonder
that a reformation should burst forth with the
ardor of a volcano."

In I556, Knox, having been elected preacher j. Knox
to the English church at Geneva, left his friends reUres-
in Scotland for a while. Scarcely had he departed
ere he was cited anew, condemned, and burnt in
effigy at the market-cross at Edinburgh.! His
absence was fortunate for the cause of reforma-
tion. That great work, from motives of policy,
was connived at by Mary of Guise, the regent,
and gained, silently, ground every day. But had
the fierce Northern apostle remained in Scotland,
the train might have caught fire before measures
wrere in forwardness to second the explosion.

Meanwhile, that hatred to the French which
was with the Scots a new, but a favorite, passion.
aided the new faith in its progress ; nor could the
natives think well of a religion, whose professors

had

Robertson, vol. i. p. 128, 125, 4 Spotiswood, p. 9-3.

Mills
burnt.

542 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VIL

Cent. xvi. liac| plundered their country, and, as they be-
lieved, poisoned their ambassadors.

Walter The barbarous execution of Walter Mills,* an

old decrepit priest, who had only offended by re-
fraining for some time from celebrating the mass,
seems to have signed the death-warrant of the
Roman Catholic religion in Scotland. It affected
his brethren in faith so sensibly, that they united
in a resolution to defend each other by force of
arms, should the persecution continue. Luckily
the mere determination had a good effect ; and
Walter Mills was the last martyr who suffered by
the flames [ 108] in Scotland.

The very close connection of the Scottish civil
and military history with that of the church, has

necessarily

NOTES.

[108] The good old reformer died with wonderful intre-
pidity. During his examination he had answered with an
acuteness strongly savoring of wit. Oliphant, a priest, asked
him, ' Say you there are not seven Sacraments?'

IV. Mills. ' Give me the Lord's Supper and Baptism, and
part the rest among you.'

Oliphant. ' What think you of matrimony ?'

IV. Mills. ' I think it a blessed bond. You abhor it, and
take other men's wives and daughters.'

Oliphant. ' What of the administration of the Sacrament?'

W. Mills. ' I will tell you. A Lord inviteth many to
dinner; he ringeth his bell, and they come into his hall; he
then turneth his back on the called guests, and catcheth and
drinketh all himself, giving them no part; and so do you,' &c.
&c. [Spotiswood, 8cc

* Spotiswood, p. 95.

Cli. II. Part I. § 2. ECCLESIASTICAL. J43

necessarily occasioned the proceedings of tlieCeut-^^-
associated reformers, ' The Lords of the Con-
gregation,' to be told in a former book. The
timelv aid of the English Elizabeth extricated the
Scots from the snares of the French ; and the
death of Francis JI. of France, the husband of
Queen Mary, which happened not long after,
gave them a fair prospect of enjoying their fa-
vorite religion undisturbed

The parliament, in 15C0, was perfectly dis- Popery

1 1 i* 1 1 - -n r ■ 1 r> • • - abolish-

posed to establish tiie Protestant iaith. Jt etitions" ^
in favor of reformation were kindly received; and
the few Roman Catholics who sat in the house
were silent, as they saw their party contemptibly
weak. There was little difficulty in carrying
every wished-for point. The Papal authority
was abolished ; the service appointed to hi read
no longer in Latin ; a confession of faith, agreeable
to the principles oi reformation, was adopted;
and general directions given in favor of the new
doctrines. [109] Sir James Sandilands was di-
rected, before the house broke up, to carry to the
queen, in France, an account of what had been

done,

NOTES.

[109] So little had the Protestant Scots learned to profit by
the odious appearance of that persecution which had martyred
their brethren, that one of their new laws enacted death as the
punishment fur a third offence against its directions as to church-
worship. [RuBF.RTSOV.

* Knox. p. 237.

o44

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII.

New or-
dinances
for the
church.

Cent. xvi. done, together with strong professions of loyal
affection. He performed the task, met with a
very disobliging * reception, and returned much
displeased with the politics of the family of Guise.

A convention being held at Edinburgh, in
I56I, it was judged proper by the friends of re-
formation to consult on a new system of estab-
lishment for the Scottish church.

In those countries where a change of faith had
been begun by the governing powers, as in Eng-
land, it merits observation that the episcopal func-
tion had only been weakened and diminished,
and not utterly abolished ; but, where the lower
orders stood forward as the first movers of inno-
vations in point of religion, both bishops and
their cathedrals have been laid low, and the
priesthood brought to an unqualified level.

It was nearly on this latter system that Knox,
Willock, and the leading members of what soon
began to be called the Presbyterian church, meant
to form the ecclesiastical plan for Scotland. They
proposed, indeed, to have ten or twelve superin-
tendants in lieu of bishops,* but to grant them little
power and no rank. They had prepared a com-
plete book of discipline, and a long and particular
' Form of Church Policy,' % and presented both
to their powerful friends in the convention. Both

were

* Knox, p. 255.

+ Spotiswood, p. 158.
Ibid. p. 152.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 545

were received graciously : and although the latter Cftnt.xvi,
was not regularly passed into a law, it was signed
by most of the members, and carried into exe-
cution. One part, however, was carefully except-
ed— that which allotted national and beneficial
uses for the church revenues. These had been Church
seized by laymen, and not a penny would one of tajnej
the plunderers consent to restore. They were
ready to promise, indeed, that the clergy should
be decently provided for from a part of them ;
but even that promise they forgot to fulfil. A no-
bleman declared Knox's plan to be 'a pious ima-
gination; no better than a dream, as it could
never take effect.' * But that warm reformer
should have taken, in due season, the advice sent
him some time before by the shrewdly discerning
Archbishop of St. Andrew's. ' He has begun
too hastily,' said the subtle prelate, ' and pulls
down before he has got a substitute to set up in
the place. Things, it is true, want reformation ;
but the revenues of the church have been the
work of ages, and should not be destroyed, nor
put out of the hands they are now in, until a bet-
ter use be appointed for them.' Such was the
purport of the archbishop's counsel ; and he
added, with some candor, ' Master Knox, I
know, esteemeth me an enemy ; but tell him
from me, that he shall find it true as I speak.' t

An

* Knox, p. 256. Spot is wood, p. 174. + Spotiswood, ibid.

Vol. I. n n

546 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.x\l. An act passed in the same convention for de-

Destmc- molishing cloisters, abbey churches, Sec. and the

*"? ,? execution of it was committed to different sets of
public

buildings, noblemen and gentlemen as a meritorious and
necessary work.

If it were certain that the Protestant doctrines
could not have found admittance to the kingdom
of Scotland until every beautiful and venerable
edifice were demolished, beauty and grace must
undoubtedly have given way to the more impor-
tant concern of salvation; but if, as probably was
the case, the love of that poor plunder which
a ruined cathedral could bestow, was the motive
of the <jrreat men : and if the lower orders were
only moved by hatred and envy of the indolent,
luxurious monks, and a puerile passion for de-
stroying what their wit could never raise, then no
appellation with which the much less offending,
because ignorant, Goth has been loaded, can be
too severe to be applied to those who framed and
who executed that illiberal [HO] ordinance.

In

NOTES.

[l 10] ' The very sepulchres of the dead were not spared;
the registers of the church, and the Bibliothekes, cast into the
iire. In a word, all was ruined.' One of the most lamenta-
ble among these acts of brutality, ' goaded by avarice, was th»
destruction of Aberdeen's beautiful and stately cathedral. ' The
barons of the Merns,' says the writer of the above, 'accom-
panied by some townsmen of Aberdeen, having demolished

the

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 547

In 1561 the necessities of the Protestant clergy Cent.xvr.

throughout the kingdom were become too press- indigence

ins: to be any lone;er left without attention. They °f t,ie

clergy.
had, indeed, no support whatever. Most of the

Popish ecclesiastics continuing to hold their re-
venues, although prevented by the populace from
doing any duty; and those benefices which were
not in their hands having been seized by the most
powerful land-holders in their neighborhood.

It may be easily supposed that great difficulties Il! re-
attended this discussion ; it was, however, settled
at length, that an exact account of all the church
property should be taken;" that two thirds of the
whole should be vested in the actual occupiers ;
that the remaining third should be put in the
hands of government ; and that, out of that third,
all the parish clergy should be paid.

The stipends which this allotment would afford
were very small ; for very unfair accounts of re-
venues were delivered in, and the thirds due from
the most powerful noblemen were generally pass-
ed over, i Indeed the extreme penury to which

the

NOTES,
the monasteries of the Black and Gray Friars, fell to rob the
cathedral, which they despoiled of all its costly ornaments and
jewels, and demolished the chancel. Having shipped the lead,
bells, and other utensils, intending to expose them to sale in
Holland, all this ill-gotten wealth sunk (by the just judgment
of God on sacrilege) not far from the Gridleness.'

[Spotis wood's Scottish History.
•- Spotiswoodj p. 183. + Keith, App. p. 188.

N N 2

548 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cej&XVI. tne Scottish ministers were reduced by this hard

measure, was the source of unceasing complaints

and remonstrances during many years ; nor will

this appear strange when the reader is told, that

twenty-four thousand pounds Scottish * appears to

have been the whole sum allowed for the yearly

maintenance of a national church.

The ecclesiastical transactions for some years

were not important in Scotland. That narrow

bigotry which, in 1 563, denied to the sovereign

the exercise of her religion, and the candor and

honor of her brother, the Lord James Stuart,

which estranged from him, for a time, the stern

Knox's regard, have been already recorded.

In I566, the baptism of the vouna: James by
Baptism . ' l ' ° , 7

o( James, the ritual of Rome [ill] gave much displeasure

to the Protestant clergy; [112] nor were they

consoled

NOTES.

[ill] One trifling and indelicate circumstance excepted.

[Spotiswood.

i 112] The superintendant oF Lothian waited on Mary to ask
that the prince might be baptized a Protestant. The queen gave
no positive answer, but treated him with great politeness, and
sent for the child. As soon as he came the good priest took
him in his arms, knelt down, and with great energy pronounced
an orison for his future good conduct and fortune ; and, having
finished the prayer, with great puerility, and much to the di-
version of Mary, he bade the infant ' say Amen for himself.'
The superintendant lived long ; and was never known at court,
nor spoken of by Mary or James, by any other name than
' Amen.' [Spotiswoou.

* Keith, ubi supra. Spotiswood, p. 198.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 549

consoled when they saw the Archbishop of St. ?"[**2*
Andrew's restored to his functions as to register-
ing of wills, and the control of the spiritual court.

A letter appears, dated in the same year, sent Letter to
by the Assembly of the Scottish church to the glish pre-
English bishops on behalf of some non-con- lates*
formist preachers ; who, as they express it, ' re-
fuse those Romish rags,' meaning the vestments.
The application had no effect, although couch-
ed in lano-uaiie suited to the times, scurrilous and
enthusiastic.

The very little weight which the clergy of
Scotland seem to have had when they endea-
vored to obtain redress for their own grievances,
when contrasted with their power of exciting the
citizen and the rustic to tumult, seems wholly
unaccountable. Potent as they were over the
minds of their conorefjations, the ministers were
not able, though headed in their remonstrances
by the emphatic Knox, to gain from the parlia-
ment even a decent provision ; and although, in
1567, when the assistance of their zeal and elo-
cution was needed by the Earl of Murray, the
restoration of the church's patrimony was so-
lemnly, by articles, * promised, yet no such step
was taken ; and annual complaints of suffering
pastors disgrace the journals of parliament.

* Spotiswood, p. 209.

In

550 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. In the same year the Assembly of the Church
A bishop deposed the Bishop of Orkney, Adam Hepburn,
deposed. for having wedded the queen to the Earl of Both-
well ; and, having cited the Countess of Argyle
to appear, she was made to perform public pe-
nance in the chapel at Stirling, on a Sunday after
sermon, for having been present at the Papistical
baptism of the Prince of Scotland.*

In 1568 the Bishop of Orkney was, on his sub-
mission to the assembly, replaced in his see ; at
the same meeting, John Willock, the moderator,
complaining of the confused state of the assem-
Rcgula- bly, it was ordered, that only superintendants,

tions for vjsj:tors 0f churches, commissioners of shires and

the as- . . . .

sembly of universities, and such ministers whom the super-

the cler- intendants should chuse, and for whose discre-

gy.

tion they should answer, might be admitted to
speak and vote.t
Bishops The year 1572 saw three Protestant ministers
received. jntrociuced by the Earl of Morton as bishops, to
the convention then sitting at Leith. As it was
publicly known that these prelates enjoyed but a
small part of the episcopal revenues, and were
only named bishops that certain great men might
more plausibly possess the rest of the income, it
is astonishing that a procedure so grossly simo-
niacal could be connived at by the assembly and
by John Knox. But the assembly dreaded the
regent, and the intrepid John Knox was no more,

or

Spotiswood, p. 214. + Ibid. p. 219.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ECCLESIASTICAL. 551

or at least was very near his decease.* He ex- Cent.xvi.
pired within the year, [lis] Death of

Little worth recording: seems to have fallen out J* Knox-
until 1574, when the artful regent, Morton, con-
trived to persuade the clergy, that if they would
surrender into his hands the thirds which had
been appointed to be managed by the superin-
tendants for their profit, he would undertake to

enlarge

NOTES.

[113] The demise of John Knox was adorned both with
piety and philosophy, and, as his followers added, with the
gift of prophecy. To the Earl of Morton, who attended his
last moments, he gave a spirited admonition, and warned him of
his fate if he did not amend. To Kirkaldle of Grange, then
holding the castle of Edinburgh, he sent an affecting message,
reproaching him for deserting his old friends. He then took
particular attention to the making and fitting of his coffin, and
departed with serenity both of mind and of countenance.

Archbishop Spotiswood takes pains to prove that Knox was
not the author of that ' History of the Church' which bears his
name, and brings strong circumstantial evidence. Knox (he
observes) is made in that history to refer to Fox's Martyrology;
a book which was not published till twelve years after his
death.

The features of Knox's character were stern and unamiable ;
but those very qualities made him a fit instrument to be em-
ployed in the reformation of a fierce, unpolished nation. Zeal,
intrepidity, and disinterestedness, were qualities allowed to him
even by his enemies. He was acquainted with the learning
which his age mostly cultivated, and was peculiarly excellent
in that species of rough eloquence which is calculated to rouse
and inflame. He had lived 67 years.

[Spotiswood. Robertson, Sec.
* Spotiswood, p. 266.

552

HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN.

Book VII.

Andrew
Melvill
succeeds
him.

Cent-xvr. enlarge their very moderate stipends. Trusting
to this promise, they allowed him to seize their
revenue, and he, in return, with a total derelic-
tion of all honor, augmented their distress, by
appointing three or four churches to one mini-
ster, and paying the incumbent verv indiffer-
ently. This caused a complete breach between
Morton and the priesthood ; nor could he ever
find the means of reconciliation.

In 15/8 Mr. Andrew Melvill, the leading man
among the Scottish clergy since the decease of
Knox, and who most resembled him in intre-
pidity, ferocity, and insensibility, presented to
the convention a form of church policy. This
was approved by that assembly ; was allowed to
be right and proper ; and confirmed as to almost
every article, except such as had any tendency
to take the estates of the church from the present
lay-possessors.

Finding little hopes of obtaining a decent sub-
sistence, the members of the assembly, unable to
cope with their interested parliamentary adver-
saries, turned their resentment against an order
•which they hated and perhaps somewhat envied ;
and urged Dr. Boyd, Archbishop of Glasgow,
to permit his episcopal power and revenue to be
reformed, according to the regulations of the
Presbyterian church. But the good and learned
prelate, (for such Dr. Spoliswood affirms him to
have been) after firmly and modestly refusing to

submit,

3

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 553

submit, found the dread of such a contention too Centxvi.

alarming for his ao-e and weak state of health.

He grew melancholy and died, after bitterly The

reproaching the ingratitude of Melvill ; who, bishop of

although he had educated him, and promoted Glasgow

. . r >, dies.

him to be Principal of the university of Glasgow,

had stirred up this persecution, and had treated

his benefactor with public incivility.*

As the Scottish reformers made war equally Cathedral
... . , ofGlas-

on superstition and on tnste, it cannot be a matter govv in

of surprise that the ferocious Andrew Melvill ganger of
..... . ... destruc-

should incite his hearers, in 1579? to demolish tion.

the magnificent and beautiful cathedral of Glas-
gow. ' It drew the Papists together ;' he said,
' it was too large for the voice, and several little
churches might be formed from the materials.'
His Gothic eloquence had prevailed on the ma-
gistrates to take the work in hand ; they had
collected masons, quarriers, and other laborers,
around the close; and that cathedral, the only
relique of ecclesiastical splendor in Scotland, had
fallen in precipitated ruin, had not the ' Crafts,'
or mechanics, gallantly stood forth and protected
the ornament of their city. They heard the bell
which gave the signal of destruction ; they rushed
out in arms, placed themselves round their altars,
and swore that the first man who touched the
sacred walls should be buried in the ruin he had

made.

* Spotiswood, p. 303.

554> HISTORY Ol GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. mac[e. Frighted at this exertion, the magistrates
abandoned their design. A faint attempt was
made to punish the insurgents ; but, young as
he was, the infant king applauded the conduct
of those who had defended the cathedral, and
observed, that ' too much mischief had already
been done.'"
Bishops In I58O, the Assembly of the Church, con-
" vened at Dundee, voted that the office of a bishop
had no foundation in the word of God ; and
therefore they gave notice to all bishops to quit
their sees, and to desist even from the ministe-
rial + function, until the same authority should
give them permission to resume it.

It may easily be supposed with what indigna-
tion this rash ordinance was received ; indeed it
appears to have disgusted many of the ministers
themselves; and, in I58I, it was objected to in
the assembly ; but a new and interesting business
now came forward.
Lenox The Duke of Lenox had been persuaded to

makes an app0jnt one Robert Mongomery to the Arch-
bishop, bishopric of Glasgow, on condition of his pay-
ing almost all the revenue to his patron. [ 1 1 4 ]

Had

NOTES.

[114] This kind of prelate was humorously baptized a ' Tul-
chan bishop ;' a ' tulchan' is a calve's skin stuffed, and pre-
sented to the cow, that, mistaking it for her calf, she may let
down her milk. [Hist, of Ch. of Scotland.

It

«

* Spotiswood, p. 304. + Ibid. p.. 311.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 555

Had the assembly assaulted the simoniacal ten- Cent.xvi.
dency of this contract it might have succeeded,
but it was the episcopal appointment to which it
objected. The king insisted on this point being
dropped, and referred to the conduct of the as-
sembly held at Leith in 1582, where it was
agreed, that bishops might be appointed to the
church until the king should be of age, and
make such orders as might be convenient. The
assembly then enquired into the moral character
of Mongomery, and presented to the king some
very extraordinary" charges against him, but
without effect. It was therefore obliged to be
contented with prohibiting the obnoxicus prelate
from all episcopal function. Some of the minis-
ters, particularly Walter Balcanquel, spoke ofAbold
the king's conduct with unseemly harshness. Preacncr*
' Papacy,' he said, ' had entered the country and
the court, and was maintained in the kind's hall
by tyranny of a champion called " Grace." But
if his Grace continued to oppose God, and his
word, he should come to little grace in the end.'
This wretched conceit displeased the king, who

complained

NOTES.

It was not only Mongomery at whom the anger of the assem-
bly was pointed: nearly at the same time, Dr. Adamson was
appointed to succeed Dr. Douglas as Archbishop of St. An-
drew's; and, as there was a kind of rivalry between him and
John Melvill, in learning and eloquence, great uneasiness fol-
lowed his promotion.

* Spot is wood, p. 316.

536 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII*

SiiZ!' compIa,necl of him to the assembly. Finding,
however, that Balcanquel had too many friends
there, James withdrew his accusation ; but the
assembly would not let the matter drop, but tried
Balcanquel, and declared, to the king's great
displeasure, his doctrine to have been good and
sound.*

In the same year the church was indulged, by
the profligate Arran, with a statute to prevent
the appointment of two or three churches to the
care of one minister.

In 1582, Mongomery, whose character seems
to have been but indifferent, both as to morality
or political principles, after apparently submit-
ting to the decrees of the church, changed his
mind on meeting a cool reception at court, and

James determined to maintain his right to the see of

supports

episco- Glasgow, independent of the assembly. And

pac^* the king, having determined to support him, im-
prisoned-f the moderator of the Glasgow presby-
tery for not attending to his warrant, and desist-
ing from a process against the unsteady prelate.
This, and the expulsion of John Dury, a violent
preacher, exasperated the populace, and gave
great offence to the heads of the church. They
fasted and remonstrated, but both in vain. They
even excommunicated Mongomery ; but still the
Duke of Lenox protected him, nor heeded the

complaints

••' Spotiswood, p. 317. + Ibid. p. 319-

Ch. II. Parti. §2. ecclesiastical. ^j»7

complaints of those who were deputed to ac- ^^
quaint him with the anathema.

The ' Raid of Ruthven altered the face of T^M>°-

nzes at

affairs, and the preachers, again triumphant, the Raid
loudly, and with great commendation, extolled ^uth~
from their pulpits an enterprize which brought
their friends into power ; while the young king,
prudently yielding to the fortune of the day,
owned, ' that he believed religion was in hazard,
and his own danger was connected with the at-
tempts made to overturn the national church.'

The leaders of the Presbyterians had hardly
time to make any advantage of this favorable
event before the king had regained his authority,
and replaced his favorite, but odious and profli-
gate, minister, the Earl of Arran. In conse- silences

quence, Dury, who had returned to his charge, tur»uleQt

. . preach-

%as again silenced, and the zealous and turbulent ers.

Andrew Melvill, who had preached, ' that James
had perverted the laws''" both of God and man,'
driven from the city. He fled to England, and
the churches of Edinburgh resounded most in-
cautiously with loud complaints, ' that James had
extinguished the light of learningf in his king-
dom, and deprived the church of its most faith-
ful defender.'

But littla did these complaints avail, since the
independence of the church of Scotland was
doomed, in the same year, I5S4, to receive its

death-

* Spotiswood, p. "?30. 4- Ibid.

558 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK VII.

2^^3 death-wound. Determined on humbling a power
too nearly equal to that of the crown, James
summoned a parliament in haste. The mem-
bers were devoted to the court, and carried on
their task with vigor and secresy, and the Lords
of Articles were sworn to silence.

Terrified at these ominous precautions, the
presbytery sent David Lindsay, a minister, to ex-
plore the cause ; but he was intercepted and sent
to prison ; others were refused admittance ;* and
until the explosion, the ministers were entirely
unacquainted with the extent of their danger.
Power Those ecclesiastics, who had hitherto kept the

churchre- k^n§ and the parliaments in awe, had reason to be
strained, alarmed. The laws which had been enacted in
secresy were meant to disarm the church of its
most formidable weapons. It was now ordained,
that ' The refusal to acknowledge the jurisdiction
of the privy-council, the pretending to an ex-
emption from the authority of the civil courts,
the attempting to diminish the rights of any of
the three estates in parliament, were HIGH
TREASON ;' and that ' To hold any assembly,
civil or ecclesiastical, without the king's permis-
sion or appointment, and to utter, either pri-
vately or publicly, in sermons, 8cc. any false and
scandalous reports against the king, his ancestors,
or ministers, were CAPITAL CRIMES.'*

An

Calderwood, vol. iii. p. 565. + Pari. 8 Jac. VI.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 559

An universal consternation seized both the 9®°J"^~!
shepherds and their flocks on the promulgation The king
of these extensive ordinances, by which the ]'"r1J°1)U"
power of the church was done away, and the
ministers as completely deprived of all conse-
quence and authority as they had been of pecuni-
ary emoluments by the rapacity of the men of in-
terest. The most intemperate of the preachers,
dreading proceedings ' ex post facto,' fled to Eng-
land. The king was universally reported to
have become a Papist ; and the general disaffec-
tion gained such ground, that it was judged ne-
cessary to publish a justification of the king's
measures, in which the ' petulance of the Edin-
burgh ministers, the insult offered to govern-
rnent, by ordering a fast on the day when a feast
was given to the French ambassadors,' and other
perverse dealings of the preachers, were sum-
med up and given as reasons for the edict.*

Before the close of 1584, the ministers re-
maining in Edinburgh were called on by the
council, and directed to subscribe a paper of ar-
ticles to the purport of an acknowledgment, that
all the rules and ordinances lately appointed, re-
specting the church, were good and salutary.
Not many could be prevailed on to sign such a
declaration, and another emigration to England
took place.

A new

* Spotiswood, p. 334.

560 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Cent.xvi. a ne;y revolution having, in I5S5, restored
Exiles re- the lords concerned in the ' Raid of Ruthven' to
store . tjie ravor 0f James, the ministers of the church
expected to have heen re-instated in their conse-
quence ; but so bold a measure was not attempt-
ed, and a passionate preacher suffered for vent-
ing virulent complaints.

In 1586 a general assembly was held, and
measures taken to compromise a disgraceful feud
between Archbishop Adamson and John Melvill,
who had reciprocally hurled excommunication
at each other. The episcopal name and office
was there confirmed to the church, although
much diminished in power and revenue ; the
prelate yielded to the new rules, and his excom-
munication was annulled/' Notwithstanding; this
proceeding, Melvill and others openly declared,
that they still looked on the archbishop as one
'justly delivered over to Satan/
Church In 1587 a parliament was called on the king's

lands an- attaining; the age of twentv-one. It was an im-

nexed ° ° ,

to the portant one to the Scottish church, for it settled

crown. tjie wnoje of the church lands on the king, except

such as had been granted away. The tithes were

reserved for the incumbent's support, as was the

mansion-house for his residence. The Protestant

bishops suffered most by this arrangement, but

they

* Spotiswood, p. 347.

Ch. II. Part T. S 2. ECCLESIASTICAL. 56l

they were neither potent nor popular, so that Cent.xvi.
none listened to their rfemonst-ranc'es.*

The extreme dang, .A ot the unfortunate Mary
r iipted the king to direct prayers to be said
on her behalf in all the churches of the capital.
This natural and humane duty many of the
preachers refused. Such was the bigotry of the
time! [115]

A sense of general danger from the vast prepa- A na-
rations of the Roman Catholics at this juncture, venant
united the greater number of the Scots, and in-
cited them to join in a national covenant. By
this solemn tie they bound themselves to defend
their religion, and the person of their king, from
all enemies, domestic and foreign. 4- The king,
the noblemen, the clergy, and the people, sub-
scribed it with equal alacrity. No measure could
be better adapted to oppose the Roman Catholic
league, which had united half Europe against
toleration.

Scotland at this time swarmed with Jesuits,
and the kirk ministers, excusing themselves by
their dread of Popery, headed a vast mob, and
surrounded the king in his palace of Holyrood-

house,

NOTES.

[115] Yet the prayer was modest: { That God would
please to illuminate her with the light of his truth ; and save
her from the apparent danger into which she was cast.'

• Pari. 2 Jac. VI. cap. 29.

+ Dunlop's Collection, vol. ii. p. 228.

Vol. I. 00

5(54 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

^^^ house, and demanded some speedy measures to be
pursued against that obnoxious fraternity.

Nothing of importance occurred in the church
history of Scotland, except jealous remonstrances
of the ministers against the favors shewn to Pa-
pists, and fretful petitions for more power and
larger stipends, until 1590 ; when the king, whose
partiality to the Roman Catholic peers had ren-

James dered him unpopular, seekhw to sain the affec-

soothes . . i •

the kirk tions of the Presbyterians, attended their general

ministers. assembly held at Edinburgh in August ; there,
' taking off his bonnet," with his eyes and hands
lifted to heaven,' he thus addressed the solemn
throng. ' He praised God that he was born in the
time of the light of the Gospel, and in such a place
as to be king of such a kirk, the sincerest kirk in
the world. The church of Geneva,' added he,
' keeps Pasch and Yule;t what have they for
them? They have no institution. As for our
neighbor kirk in England, their service is an evil
said mass in English; they want nothing of the
mass but its liftings. I charge you, my good peo-
ple, elders, doctors, nobles, gentlemen, and
barons, stand to your purity, and exhort the peo-
ple to do the same; and I forsooth, so long as I
brook my life and crown, shall do the same.'

Not long after, in 1592, favors of real value
were conferred on the kirk by the king and par-
liament

* Calderwood apud Crookshanks Ch.of Scot. vol. i. p. 13.
+ Easter and Christmas.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 56$

liament. The acts of 15 84 were either rescinded CentxvL
or explained,* and the church placed on the foot- And re-
ins; on which its members had Ions; wished, but scinds the

& .'"■,-. acts °*

had never been able to attain. The Presbyterian 1584.

government was here completely established, with
the assemblies, the synods, the presbyteries, and
kirk sessions. It must have been the uneasy and
dangerous situation of James at this period which
occasioned this strange condescendence. Besides
his lenity to the Popish peers, he had lost great
credit by not pursuing the murtherers of the
young Earl of Murray. His favorite, the chan- ji;s rea-
cellor, too, was threatened by a strong party; and sons*
Lord Bothwell, whom the king hated and dread-
ed, possest the ear of the queen, and kept him in
incessant terror. Amid these perils he probably
thought it right to secure the friendship of a
numerous corps of rough, ill-bred, disgusting,
but well intentioned men.

The Presbyterian clergy were not formed to v- je
enjoy such advantages with indifference. They of the
declaimed more loudly than ever ao-ainst the en- t r-! ^

/ o ten?.n

couragement given to Roman Catholics; and the clergy.
synod of Fife, in 1493, excommunicated the Po-
pish peers, in spite of the earnest endeavors of
James ; who condescended to intreat Robert
Bruce, a favorite minister, to stop the sentence,
but in vain. ' Well,' said the irritated king, ' I

002 could

* Spotiswood, p. 388.

564 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

Centxvi. could have no rest till ye got what ye call the
" discipline of your church" established; now,
seeing I have found it abused, and that none
among you hath power to stay such disorderly
proceedings, I will think of a mean to help it.'*
Yet, notwithstanding this sudden displeasure of
the unsteady James, he had strangely permitted
the church to gain one great point, in the last
parliament : an act to declare such persons who
obstinately set at defiance the censures of the
church, outlaws,* rebels, and liable to the pen-
alty of rebellion.
Edin- In !596 the Scottish ministers, incensed be-

burgh yond measure at the indulgence shewn by the
' timid James to the insolent conduct of the Roman
Catholic peers, insulted their monarch in his
palace. But enough has been said of this, and
of the consequent humiliation of the citizens of
Edinburgh, in another place.

It was now, that, from a retrospect to the con-
tests in which the crown had been perpetually
engaged against the clergy, it began to strike the
not-unobserving king, that it might be more easy
by gentle means to persuade the assemblies to lay
restrictions on themselves, than to attempt com-
pulsion by acts of parliament, which always
created such a spirit of resistance as made their

execution dangerous and doubtful.

In

* Spotiswood, p. 39S. + Slat. 164. Pari. 13, Jac. VI.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 565

In consequence of this well-judged plan, he 9^*^;
sent to the North, and other distant districts, and James al-
allured numbers of clergymen, less prejudiced te,rs l
against the regal authority than those of the capi- subduing
tal, to attend and vote. Two general assemblies, ^^
held in 1597, modulated thus, and somewhat freed
from the despotic command of the violent Bruce,
Melvill, Black, 8cc. agreed to many regulations
which, had they sprung from any other source,
would have met an obstinate resistance. They
restrained the hitherto unlimited licence of in-
veighing against the king or private persons from
the pulpit ; they gave up the privilege of convok-
ing assemblies without the king's leave ; and they
allowed him to nominate ministers for the prin-
cipal towns. By these compliant synods the Po-
pish earls were allowed to make a public recanta-
tion of their errors, were absolved from excom-
munication, and received into the bosom of the
church. [116]

But the most difficult task was yet to come. Gajng
James wished to procure seats in the senate for every
the heads of the church, and this idea affected ancTuisti.
every good kirk minister with horror. In vain tutes bi"
were they told of the vast addition to the credit °pS'
and consequence of their fraternity. Still they

NOTES.

[116] These ungracious babes tarried not long with their

forgiving parent, but repaired again to haunts of her whom

the Scots preachers honored with the title of the Whore of Ba-

bjlon. [Roberts©*.

566 HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Book VII.

cent.xvi. Were resolute, ' Varnish over this scheme with
what colors you please,' said one of the leading
clergymen, ; deck the intruder with your utmost
art ; under all this disguise I see the horns of the
mitre.' Yet even this point was gained at last,
and fifty-one persons, it was settled, were to be
chosen from the clergy to represent that estate
in parliament ; but the manner of their election,
their powers, and even their titles, were left for
future discussion.
Seditious The king, in 1598, with great good-nature, re-
preachers mitted all the errors of the Edinburgh preachers,

forgiven.

and gave them leave to take the same stations
which they had formerly possessed. The petu-
lant Robert Bruce alone raised some scruples
concerning; receiving: a new form of ordination.
The rest acquiesced and were grateful; and even
Bruce, on his submission some time after, was
permitted to preach in the capital.
Letter fo In I559 a correspondence between James and
the Pope. tne Pope gave great alarm to the warm Prote-
stants in the North. Indeed, from the extreme
solicitude which the cautious monarch testified to
gain the favor of every party, there is nothing
surprising in the fact of his writing to the pontiff
in polite terms, addressing him as ' Beatissime
Pater,'* and giving him hopes of more indul-
gence for the Roman Catholics. Elphinston, the

secretary?

* Calderwood, p. 427.

Ch. II. Part I. § 2. ecclesiastical. 567

secretary, however taking the whole affair on Cent.xvi.
himself, the matter was dropped.

In 1601 an assembly of the church of Brunt-
island resounded with complaints against the de-
pravity of the age. It was agreed that the nation
must soon be swallowed up by Popery or Athe-
ism. To prevent these evils, it was determined, Terrors
with laudable perverseness, to fast on the two last^onc^rn"

r ing Po-

Sundays in June, and to double the severity with pery and
which all the Roman Catholics were treated. A
very insolent letter from John Davidson was sent
to the assembly, ridiculing the indolence and
apathy of the Scottish church, and lamenting the
striding approach of Popery and prelacy.

The complaints of the parochial clergy were
loudly sounded in the ears of the king at this
juncture. They were still kept at a very short
allowance, and even that was irregularly paid.
The king, as he had often done before, promised
redress, but took no effectual steps.

No farther transaction of any importance is to
be found in the ecclesiastical history of Scotland
at the opening of the seventeenth century.

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

INDEX

TO THE

FIRST VOLUME.

ALASCO John, with his congregation, arrives in England,
P. 18, 397. Expelled by Mary, P. 415. Returns, and
is protected by Elizabeth, P. 467.

Allen Cardinal, his insolent admonition, P. 511. His death
and character, P. 524, N. 100.

Ambassador of Poland humbled, P. 174, 175.

Anabaptists persecuted, P. 389.

Anecdote of the Seymour family, P. 3, N. I. Of Princess
Elizabeth, P. 8, N. 5. Of Exeter, P. 11, N. 7. Of cru-
elty, P. 13, N. 10. Of two murthers, P. 16, N. 18. Of
a female empiric, P. 22, N. 16. Of an execution, P. 25,
N. 19. Of the Norfolk estate, P. 28, N. 21. Of Eliza-
beth's ill-treatment, P. 29, N. 22. Of Lady Jane Gray,
P. 29, N. 23. Of Mary pregnant, P. 31, N. 24. Of
Mary's ill usage and bad humour, P. 33, N. 35. Of Eliza-
beth's conformity, P. 36, N. '26. Of Woodstock, P. 37,
N. 27, P. 46, N. 32. Of Bedingfield, P. 46, N. 33. Of
pliant lords, P. 47, N. 34. Of Sir F. Anderson, P. 51,
N. 36. Of Mary Stuart, P. 55, N. 39. Of Swedish
wooing, P. 57, N. 40. Of Lord Burghley, P. 63, N. 42.
Vol. I. ff Of

570 INDEX.

Of a punning letter, P. 66, N. 43. Of Bishop Bonner,
P. 76, N. 47. OfDr.Storie5P. 79.N.49. Of a combat,
P. 86, N. 51. Of Thomas Stukely, P. 97, N. 57. Of
Elizabeth and a carter, P. 100, N. 59. Of a Spanish am-
bassador, P. 103, N. 62. Of prodigies, P. 26, N. 20,
P. 105, N. 63. Absurd, P. 108, N. 65. Of an carl's
death, P. 121, N. 70. Of Leicester, P. 136, N. 75. Of
Lord Hunsdon, P. 140, N. 77. Of the Armada, P. 144,
N. 78. Of newspapers, P. 145, N. 79. Of Lord Lei-
cester, P. 146, N. 80. Of a plundering plan, P. 148,
N. 81. Of a maid of honour, P. 150, N. 82. Of Sir
Charles Blount, P. 156, N. 87. Of Elizabeth and Henry
IV. P. 157, N. 88. Of witchcraft, P. 161, N. 91. Of
Drake and Doughty, P. 165, N. 93. Of a box on the
ear, Ibid. Of Lord Arundel, P. 167, N. 94. Of Sir
W. Raleigh, P. 169, N. 95. Of Lord Essex's knight?,
P. 169, N. 96. Of Calais, P. 172. 97. Of the gre-
nadier's march, Ibid. N. 98. Of Elizabeth's vanity,
P. 175, N. 100. Of a ring, P. 199. Of a cautious cour-
tier, P. 198, N. 114. Of Elizabeth's passion for dress,
P. 202, N. 117. Of her anger, P. 203, N. 118. Of
Sixtus V. Ibid. N. 119. Of an English priest, P. 216,
N. 4. Of Alison Craig, P. 243, N. 23. Of Scottish mu-
sicians, P. 242, N. 22. Of Chatelard, P. 247, N. 27.
Of James Stuart's baptism, P. 262, N. 38. Of good -
humour in Mary of Scots, P. 262, N. 38. Of Bothwell's
confession, P. 266, N. 42. Of a raurther, P. 289, N. 51.
Of Sir David Spence, P. 297, N. 55. Of Morton's death,
P. 314, N. 64. Of an angry priest, P. 325, N. 69. Con-
cerning the sentence on Mary of Scots, P. 327, N. 70.
Of Arran's death, P. 341, N. 76. Of ' the bonnie Earl
of Murray,' P. 346, N. 77. Of the clans of Colquhouns
and M'Gregors, P. 347, N. 78. Of insolence, P. 351,
N. 82. Of Elizabeth's spirit, P. 35, N. 85. Of the

name

INDEX. 57 J

name of Drummond, P. 358, N. 87. Of Bishop Eossuet,
F. 377, N. 7- Of Dr. Tresham, P. 381, N. 10. Of
Marot's Psalms, P. 382, N. 11. Of Robert Crowley,
P. 398, N. 20. Of Sir Anthony Aucher, P. 399, N. 21.
Of Lady Mary, P. -400, N. 23. Of a scrupulous bishop,.
P. 408, N. •••■. Of the boy-bishop, ibid. N. 31. Of
Judge Hales, P. 412, N. 33. Of Bishop Bonner's buf-
foonery, P. 413, N. 34. Of Dr. Philpot, P. 420, N. 39.
Of a mistake, P. 422, N. 41. Of Latimer, P. 424, N. 43.
Of Bishop Bonner, P. 424, N. 4L Of the popular dislike
of Popery, P. 429, N. 48. Of Bonner's pedigree, P. 445,
N. 56. Of Cardinal Pole, P. 447, N. 57. Of Bp. Bonner's
scurrility, P. 148, N. 58. Of a conclave, P. 455, N. 63.
Of a scandalous consecration, refuted, P. 466, N. 66. Of
Elizabeth's caprice as to divine worship, P. 473, N. 70.
Of the Bishops' Bible, P. 468, N. 68. Of Peter Wentworth,
P. 485, N. 78. Of Elizabeth and a Puritan, P. 487,
N. 79- Of an irritated judge, P. 488, N. 81. Of a
spirited preacher, P. 495. Of Dr. Aylmer, P. 504, N. 88.
Of Sir Robert Stapylton and an archbishop, P. 512. Of
Bishop Godwyn, P. 516. Of a strange miracle, P. 517,
N. 95. Of William Hacket, ibid. N. 96. Of a conjugal
scene, P. 522, N. 97. Of Dr. Aylmer's escape, P. 523,
N. 98. Of his family, N. 99. Of a fatal joke, P. 529.
N. 102. Of a disputing friar, P. 537, N. 106'. Of Wal-
ter Mills, P. 542, N. 108.

Angus Earl of, his credulity, P. 333.

Anjou Duke of, courts Elizabeth, P. 81, 96. Deceived, 106.

Anne of Denmark married to James VI. P. 338. Her charac-
ter, P. 341.

Answer of Elizabeth to the French, P. 88. To Spain, P. 88,
N. 62. To Poland, P. 174, 175.

Antonio Don, fails in an attempt on Portugal, P. 148.

Apocrypha. See Puritans.

i'P2 Arden

572 INDEX.

Arden of Feversham, his murther, P. 16, N. 12.
Arguments, ingenious in favour of persecution, P. 433, N. 50.
Arran, James Hamilton Earl of, his character, See. P. 53,

N. 37.
Arran, James Stuart, vicious, P. 315. Plunders the Scottish

treasury, P. 325. Slain, 3-11.
Articles of faith settled, P. 399. Re-settled, P. 468. Again

settled at Lambeth, P. 526, 527.
Artillery of Scotland insignificant in 1546, P. 213, N. 3^
Aucher, Sir Anthony, P. 399, N. 21.
Aylmer, Dr. John, his death and character, P. 523, Ibid.

N. 98, 99.
Aylsa rock surprised and retaken, P. 353.

Babington's plot, P. 124, 125. Fatal to Mary of Scot?,

P. 326.
Ballad or ballet what, P. 472, N. 69.
Banner of the Scots at Carberrie, P. 274.
Basilicon Doron, account of, P. 360.

Beatoun Cardinal assassinated, P. 213. His death fatal to Po-
pery, P. 537.
Bible, particulars relating to its English version, P. 468,

N. 68.
Birchet Peter, a mad fanatic, deservedly punished, P. 489,

490.
Bishops' Bible published, P. 483.
Blount. See Mountjoy.
Bodmyn, Mayor of, hanged, P. 13, N. 10.
Bonner Edmund, Bishop of London, ejected from his see,

P. 392. His death and character, P. 76, N. 40.
Borders, disorders there, P. 222, N. 11, P. 304, 348, N. 79.
Bothwell, James Hepburn Earl of, his character, P. 260. Sus-
pected of murthering King Henry, P. 266. Tried and

acquitted,

INDEX. 573

acquitted, P. 268. Carries off and marries Mary of Scots,

P. 270, 271. His brutality, P. 271, N. 44. Betakes

himself to flight at Carberrie-hill, P. 274. His end, P. c2753

N. 46.
Bothwcll, Francis Stuart Earl of, insults King James VI.

P. 310. Again, P. 344.
Brownists, P. 499. Account of their teacher, Ibid. N. 86.

Cruelly treated, P. 519.
Bucer Mania, account of him, P. 396, N. 17. His bones

burnt, P. 451.

Cadiz taken by the English, P. 168, 169.

Calais taken by France, P. 41, 42. Ode on it, P. 42, N. 31.

Again taken by Spain, P, 172.
Campian, a Jesuit, executed, 102. His story, Ibid, N. 61,
Cardan Jerome, some account of him, P. 219, N. 8.
Carlisle surprized, P. 352.
Casket of letters important, P. 284.
Castle of St. Andrew's taken, P. 214.
Cat, a faithful one, P. 190. N. 109.
Cecil William, Lord Burghley, his death and character,

P. 179, N. 102.
Chantries sold, P. 405. Description, Ibid. N. 27.
Charles (afterwards King of Great Britain) born, P. 366.
Church lands in England disinterestedly given up by the

Popish clergy, P. 429.
Church of Scotland rendered subject to the king, P. 353.
Coligny Francis, anecdote of his firmness, P. 42, N. 30.
Combat, trial by, P. 8G, N. 54.
Commissioners sent horn Scotland to France, P. 224. Most of

them perish, P. 226.

Conference

574 INDEX.

Conference at Oxford, P. 423. Remarks on it, P. 424, N. 42.
At Westminister, P. 461.

Coverdale Miles. See Bible.

Craig Alison insulted, P. 213, N. 23.

Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, favours the reformatien,
P. 37.2. Gentle in counsel, P. 6. Harsh to a lunatic,
P. 389. Forms a code of ecclesiastical laws, P. 463, N.
26. His candor, P. 401. Sets the mass at defiance under
Mary, P. 412. Tried and degraded, P. 447, 448. Recants,
but repents of his weakness and is burnt, P. 35, 36, 449,
His character. P. 449, N. 59.

Crown matrimonial of Scotland given to the Dauphin. P. 227.

Cruelty at Bodmyn, P, 13, N. 10. At Guernsey, P. 450, In
France, P. 454, N, 62.

Darnley, Henry Stuart Lord, account of him, P. 248. Mar-
ries Mary of Scots, P. 254, N. 34. Murthers Rizzio, P.
258. Neglected, P. 261. Assassinated, P. 265. His
character, Ibid.

Derb) ^o.\j, uies of poison, P. 161.

D'evreux Robert, Earl of Essex, disgusted, P. 169. Quar-
rels with Raleigh, P. 173. Insolent to Elizabeth. P. 179.
Returns unbidden from Ireland, P. 182. Attempts an in-
surrection, is taken, tried, and put to death, P. 187, kc.
His character, P. 190. Fate of his friends, P. 189.

D'evreux Lastitia, Countess of Essex, cruelly treated by a do-
mestic, P. 194, N. 111.

Divinity, coarse specimens, P. 372, N. 2,

Drake Sir Francis, his first enterprize, P. 103. Unsuccessful
in 1595, P. 165. Death and character, P. 165, N. 93.

Dudley Robert, favoured by Elizabeth, P. 54. Made Earl
of Leicester, P, 61. Dies, P. 145. His character, P. 146,
N. 80,

Dudley,

INDEX. 575

Dudley John, Earl of Warwick, his character, P. 9- Displaces
the protector Seymour, P. 14. Made Duke of Northumber-
land, P. 17. Beheaded, P. 25.

Dudley Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, his death, fcc. P. 153,
N. 84.

Dunbarton Castle surprized, P. 293.

Durham, the bishoprick divided, P. 20.

Dutch offer their sovereignty to Elizabeth, P. 92.

Ecclesiastical laws revived by Archbishop Cranmer, P. 403.

Edinburgh Castle defended by Kirkaldie, P. 295.

Edinburgh, tumult there, P. 350. The city humbled,
P. 354.

Edward VI. his accession to the English throne, P. 1. Dis-
inherits his sisters, P. 21. His death and character,
P. -22, 23.

Elizabeth Princess, courted by Admiral Seymour, P. 8, N. 8.
Set aside from the throne, P. 21. Ill treated by Oueen
Mary, P. 29, N. 22, and P. 37- Becomes Queen of Eng-
land, P. 46". Supports Protestantism, P. 48. Aids the
Scots, P. 51. And the Huguenots, P. 57. Courted,
P. 71. Cursed by the Pope, 79- Encourages the
Dutch, P. S7. Magnanimous, P. 92. Aids Holland,
P. 91. Awes James of Scots, P. 96*. Deceives Anjou,
P. 106\ Her conduct towards Mary of Scots censured,
P. 134. Her speech at Tilbury, P. 141. She assists
Henry of France, P. 147. Again, P. 157. In danger of
assassination, P. 160. Spirited answer t« Spain, P. 103,
N. 62. Her verses, P. 107, N. 64. Bribes the Scottish
ministers, P. 113. Capricious and vain, 175. N. 100.
Humbles the Polish ambassador, P. 175. Is much disor-
dered by grief, P. 195, N. 112. Sickens and dies, P. 198,
201. Her character, P. 202, &c. Her conduct to the Pu-
ns accounted for, P. 532} kc.

English

576 INDEX.

English invade and ravage Scotland, P. 211. Relieve the Pro-
testant lords, P. 237.
Epitaph on Elizabeth, P. 201, N. 116.
Essex. See D'Evreux.
Exeter besieged by revolters, P. 11.
Exiles. See Puritans.
Exorcist, Darrel, a pretended one, detected, P. 528.

Famine in London, P. 163.
Fines on great men, P. 15.
Fox John, his retirement, P. 477, N. 74. Death and charac-?

ter, P. 509, 510.
Francis I. (King of France) his death and character, P. 5,

N. 3.
Francis II. (King of France) dies, P. 240.
Frobisher Sir Martin, falls before Brest, P. 162.

Gardiner Stephen, Bishop of Winton, a determined foe to
Protestantism, P. 374. Imprisoned, P. 376. Ejected,
P. 399. Re-instated and made chancellor, P. 410. His au-
dacity, P. 417. Particular account of his death and cha-
racter, P. 440, N. 53.

Garter, order of, altered, P. 402, N. 25.

Geneva Bible described, P. 483, N. 77.

Gilpin Bernard becomes a Protestant, and why, P. 381. Dies,
P. 501. His character, Ibid.

Godwyn, Dr. Thomas, Bishop of Bath and Wells, his death
and character, P. 516, N. 94.

Gospellers, a sect, described, P. 390.

Gowry, the Earl of executed, P. 320.

Gowry, the conspiracy of, P. 362, &c. Ruin of the family,
P. 365.

Gray, Lady Jane, crowned, P. 24. Dethroned, P. 25.

Gray, Lady Catharine, her misfortunes, P. 58.

3 GreenvilU

INDEX. 577

Greenville Sir Richard, his valor and death, P. 154, 155.
Grindal Edraond, Archbishop of Canterbury, dies, P. 500.
His character, P. 501.

Hacket William, executed, P. 517.

Hamilton, Archbishop of St. Andrew's, cured by Cardan, P.
219, N. S.

Hartgill murthered by Lord Stourton, P. 40. N. 29.

Hatton Sir Christopher, his death and character, P. 153.
N- 84.

Havre de Grace retaken by France, P. 60.

Hebrides, attempt to civilize them, P. 3GS. The people
savage, P. 369.

Henry VIII. of England plans a marriage to unite England
and Scotland, P. 208.

Henry II. of France dies, P. 231.

Henry IV. of France changes his faith, P. 160.

Hepburn. See Bothwell.

High-commission court first established, P. 465.

Holidays, P. 376, N. 4.

Hooker Richard, some account of him, P. 521, 522.

Hooper Dr. John, Bishop of Glocester, the father of Puri-
tanism, P. 395, 396, N. IS.

James Stuart born, P. 261. Baptized, P. 262, N. 37.
Takes the government of Scotland into his hands, P. 307.
Confined at Ruthven, P. 318. His rational benevolence,
P. 325, N. 69. Pacified as to his mother's death, P. 328.
His spirited conduct, P. 335. Marries Anne of Denmark,
P. 337. Has powerful friends in the court of Elizabeth,
P. 368. Becomes King of Great Britain, P. 370.

Jesuits, their dispute with the secular priests, P. 197, N. 113.

Jewel,

578 INDEX.

Jewel John, Bishop of Sarum, dies, P. 486. His character,
■ Ibid.

Inclosures occasion many insurrections, P. 390.
Insolence of the French in Scotland, P. 216. Of Bishop

Bonner, P. 392. Of the Papists in 1688, P. 511.
Interview between Alary of Guise and Edward VI. P. 218,

N.7.
Ireland, its state, P. 89. Revenue, P. 90. Pacified, P. 112,

152. Unquiet, P. 174. Reduced by Lord Montjoy,

P. 193. 19(5.

Kirkaldie William, of the Grange, plundered, 235, N. 19.

Defends the castle of Edinburgh, P. 295. Taken arid put

to death, P. 303. His character, Ibid. N. 60.
Knox John, his outset in life, P. 229, N. l6\ His violence,

P. 250. His conversation with his queen, P. 250, N. 29,

Dies, 301,

Lancaster James, a successful marine adventurer, P. l63.
Land tax projected in Scotland, P. 221. Fails, P. 222. N. 12.
Latimer Hugh, Bishop of Worcester, his sermons, P. 385.

386, 387. Tried for heresy, convicted, and burnt, P.

438, 439.
Leith fortified, P. 233. Besieged by the English, 237.

Evacuated, P. 239.
Lenox, Matthew Stuart Earl of, becomes regent of Scotland

P. 292. Slain at Stirling, P. 297.
Leslie Norman falls gallantly in battle, P. 223.
Lindsay Sir David dies, P. 638. His character and works,

Ibid. N. 107.
Liturgy settled by the Reformers, P. 384. Reviewed by

Bucer, Sec. P. 397. Altered, P. 402. Gives place to the

Latin service, P. 420. Finally restored by Elizabeth,

P. 481.

London,

INDEX. 579

London, disturbances there in 1595, P. 164.
Lord-lieutenants of counties first appointed, P. 13.
Lottery, one in 1569, P. 76, N. 47.

Maclean Sir Laughlan, his presaged fall, P. 357, N. 84.

Mar Earl of, becomes Regent of Scotland, P. 297. Dies,
P. 300.

Martyr Peter, at Oxford, P. 379. Expelled by Mary, P. 415.

Martyrs for the reformation numbered, P. 454,455.

Mary the daughter of Henry VIII. disgusted, P. 17. Treated
harshly and absurdly, P. 401, N. 24. Set aside, P. 21.
Mounts the English throne, P. 25. Ungrateful and bigot-
ed, P. 27. Marries, P. 30. Supposes herself pregnant,
P. 31. Disappointed, P. 33. Ill treated, Ibid. N. 25.
Unjust, P. 40. Dies, her character, P. 45.

Mary Queen of Scots sent when six years old to France, P. 7.
215. Her beauty, P. 55, N. 39. Quits France with
regret, P. 241. Her reception in Scotland, P. 242, N. 22.
Particulars of her marriage, P. 254. N. 32. Stolen by
Bothwell and married, P. 272. Yields at Carberrie,
P. 275. Defeated at Langside, P. 281. Takes refuge in
England, P. 71, N. 282. Accused of slaying her husband,
P. 72. HI defended, Ibid. Writes angrily to Elizabeth,
P. 123. Resigns her rights to her son James, P. Ill,
277. Severely reprimands him, P. 326. Tried and con-
demned to death, P. 126, 127. Her intrepidity and fall,
P. 131, 13 2, 133. Her Latin prayer, P. 132, N. 74.
Mary of Guise becomes Regent of Scotland, P. 220. Her
imprudence, P. 231. N. 17. She fortifies Leith, P. 233.
Dies, P. 237.
Mass restored, P. 420. Finally abolished by Elizabeth, P. 461.
Massacre of Paris, F. 85.
M'lls Walter burnt in Scotland, P. 512.

Monopolies

580 INDEX.

Monopolies reduced, P. 194.

Monks slain at Pinkie, P. 3.

Morton Earl of, made regent of Scotland, P. 301. Resigns,
P. 307. Regains his power, p. 309. His cruelty, P. 310.
Condemned and executed, P. 314.

Moss-troopers, their names, P. 34S, N.79.

Mountjoy Lord, chidden, P. 156, N. 87. Subdues the rebel-
lious Irish, p. 196.

Murray Lord James. See Stuart.

Murray, a land liable to be plundered, P. 247, N. 26.

Murray the Earl of, inurthered, P. 341, No. 77.

Murthers, P. 16, N. 12.

Musselburgh, See Pinkie.

Norfolk Duke of, his vast estate, P. 28, N. 21.

Norfolk Duke of, plots with Mary of Scots and is imprisoned,
P. 74, 82. Beheaded, P. S3.

Numbers of victims to Mary I.'s bigotry, P. 454, 455. Of
victims to French inhumanity, &c. Ibid. N. 62. Of recu-
sants at Elizabeth's accession, P. 464.

Oak of reformation, P. 12.

Octavians their institution in Scotland, P. 350. Retire with

credit, P. 355.
O'Neile, Shan or John, his character, P. 70.
O'Neile. See Tyrone.

Ordination of bishops occasions a controversy, P. 510.
O'Rourke Bryan executed, P. 152, N. 83.
Oxford black assize, P. 94. Libraries plundered, P. 399,

N. 21.

Page, a printer, loses his hand, P. 100.
Parker Matthew, Archbishop of Canterbury, dies, P. 491.
His character and poetry, P. 492, 493.

Parliament's

INDEX. 5S1

Parliament's abject conduct when harshly treated, P. 159,

498, 511, 518.
Parr Catharine, her death and character, P. 7, N. 4.
Parsons. See Campion.
Penry John harshly treated, P. 520.
Percy Henry, Earl of Northumberland, kills himself, P. 12*,

and why, Ibid. N. 70.
Perfidy of the French court, P. 225.
Perne Dr. Andrew, slain by a jest, P. 529, N. 102.
Perrot Sir John, pacifies Ireland, P. 112. Imprisoned, P. 158.

Dies, P. 15Q. His character, Ibid. N. 89.
Persecution of Protestants commences, P. 434. Particulars,

P. 435, 43&, 437, 442, 443, 450, &c.
Perth, riots there, P. 229 •

Philip II. of Spain weds Mary I. P. 30. Treats her ill, P.
33, N. 25. Loses his fleets, P. 144, 156, 170, 171, 173.
Pinkie, battle of, P. 214.

Pole Cardinal, appointed legate to England, P. 418. Ar-
rives and reconciles the English to the church of Rome, P.
428. Dies, P. 455. His character, Ibid. N. 63.
Popery, severe laws against it, P. 120, 475.
Predestination, disputes about it settled by the Lambeth arti-
cles, P. 52(5, 527.
Prelates of Mary I. kindly treated, P. 463, 464.
Presents on the baptism of Prince Henry of Scotland, P. 346"r

N. 77.
Prodigies P. 26, N. 20. P. 105, N. 63.
Prophesy ings, P. 486. Suppressed, P. 490.
Protestants disagree, P. 378. Ibid. N. 8. P. 415. N. 36.
Psalms versified, and by whom, P. 382, 383. Specimen*

from Stemhold, P. 392, N. 16.
Puritans account of them, P. 80. Lead the parliament, P. 86.
Imprisoned p. 136. Strengthened by returning exiles, P. 472.

Hated

582 INDEX.

Hated by Elizabeth, P. 474. Abhor the Apocrypha-, V*
476. Various in dress, P. 478. Their distress on account
of the cap and surplice, P. 479. Silenced, P. 480. Sepa-
rate from the episcopal church, P. 481. Interrupted, P.
482. Their favorite Bible, P. 483, N. 77. Abhor organs,
&c. P. 488, N. 80. Petition the commons in vain, P. 50r5,
507. Print satirical books, P. 513, N. 93.

Raid. See Ruthven.

Reformation, progress of it in England, P. 375, 376, 377, kc.
384.

Reformers. See Protestants.

Ridley Nicholas, Bishop of London, prevents die plundering of
Cambridge, P. 391.

Ring, anecdote of Elizabeth's, P. 19Q. Poem on one, P. 251,

N. 30.

Rizzio David, account of him, P. 252. Ibid. N. 31. Assas-
sinated, P. 258, 25f).

Ruthven Lord, one of Rizzio's assassins though sick, P. 25$.
N. 36. Raid of Ruthven, P. 31rJ.

Sandys Dr. Edvvyn, Archbishop of York. His death and cha-
racter, P. 515.

Scandal, P. 80, N. 50.

Scots defeated at Pinkie, P. 3. Aided by Elizabeth, P. 51.
Ill treated by France, P. 217, N. 6. Associate against
Bothvvell, P. 273.

Sebastian, King of Portugal, slain, P. 97*

Seymour Edward, Marquis of Hertford, created Duke of So-
merset and Protector, P. 1. Defeats the Scots, P. 3, Disin_
herits his eldest son, Ibid. N. 1. Prosecutes his brother
the Admiral by attainder, P. 8, 9. His sacrilegious pro-
ceeding, P. 14, N. 11. Beheaded, P. 19.

Seymour

INDEX. 583

Seymour Sir Thomas, Lord Sudley, forms designs on the Lady
Elizabeth, P. 4, N. 2. Tried and executed, P. 10. Cha-
racter, S:c. Ibid. N. fj.

Somerset. See Seymour.

Spaniards massacred in Ireland, P. 102. Defeated by Lord
Montjoy, P. 193. »

Spiritual courts restrained. P. .530.

St. Andrew's Prior of. See Stuart.

Stirling castle surprized by Queen Mary's party, P. 297.

Storie Dr. John, his well-merited fate, P. 79, N. 49.

Stourton Lord. See Hartgill.

St. Paul's spire burnt, P. 5b, N. 38.

Strickland unsuccessfully attacks the Liturgy, P. 485.

Stuart Matthew. See Lenox.

Stuart Henry. See Darnley.

Stuart James. See Arran.

Stuart Lord James, Prior of St. Andrew's, defends Fife, P.
235. Opposes Mary's marriage and is exiled, P. 253. Re-
turns on the death of Rizzio, P. 258, 259. Made Earl of
Murray, P. 246. And Regent of Scotland, P. 278. De-
feats the friends of Queen Mary at Langside, P. 281. Mur-
thered, P. 289. His character, P. 2^1, N. 52.

Stubbes loses his right hand, P. 99.

Stukely Thomas, his story and fall, P. 97, N. 57.

Sunday sports attacked, P. 525.

Taverner Richard dies ; his eccentric sermon, P. 494.
Thuanus, his character of the Scottish regent, P. 291, N. 52.
Titles, quaint to controversial books, P. 513, N. 93.
Torture abolished, P. 115.
Trinity College in Dublin founded, P. 157.
Tyrone, Hugh, Earl of, submits, P. 152. Assumes the title of
O'Neile. P. 162.

, Vane

584 INDEX.

Vane executed P. 19.

Vere Sir Francis, his conduct as to a challenge, P. 192, N.
110.

-Verses on Admiral Seymour, P. 10, N. 6. Prophetic, P.
1^2, N. S. By Elizabeth, P. 36, N. 26. P. 37, N. 27. On
Mary I. P. 46'. On the loss of Calais, P. 42, N. 31. By
Dr. Pulleyne, P. 63, N. 42. On Bonner, P. 76, N. 47.
On Stukely, P. 97, N. 57. By a Spaniard, and Elizabeth's
answer, P. 103, N. 62. On Montzeur's departure, P. 107,
N. 64. On William Parry, P. 120, N. 69. By Mary of
Scots at her death, P. 132, N. 74. On Drake and
Doughty, P. 165, N. 93. On a knight of Cales, P. 170,
N. 96. By Elizabeth on her alarms, P. 204, N. 120.
On Elizabeth, P. 201, N. lit?. On a ring, P. 251, N. 30,
On a gallows, P. 295, N. 54. On Popery, P. 372, N. 2.
By Bishop Corbet, P. 383, N. 12. Of Lord Sudley, P.
387, N. 14. By Sternhold, P. 392, N. 16. By Dr. Tie,
P. 406, N. 28. On St. Nicholas' eve, P. 408, N. 31.
On Queen Catharine, P. 419, N. 38. On Bishop Gar-
diner, P. 440, N. 53. On religion, P. 443, N. 54. On
Hierusalem, P. 472, N. 69. By Archbishop Parker, P.
492, 493. By Lady Pembroke, Ibid. N. 82. On Solo-
mon's Song, P. 531. N. 104. By Marston, Ibid. By
Lindsay, P. 538, N. 107.

Walsingham Sir Francis, his death and character, P. 153, N. 84.
Warwick. See Dudley.

Whitgift John, becomes Archbishop of Canterbury, P. 502.
Severe, P. 503. Restrains printing and schools, P. 507, 508.
Witchcraft, P. 337, N. 74. P. 339, 340, 356.
Witch-discoverer, P. 356, N. 83.
Witches classed with Puritans, P. 515.

END of vol 1.

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