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THE 

HISTORY 


OF 


GREAT    BRITAIN, 

FROM   THE 

FIRST  INVASION  OF  IT  BY   THE  ROMANS  UNDER 

JULIUS  CESAR. 

WRITTEN  ON  A  NEW  PLAN. 


By  ROBERT  HENRY,  D.  D. 

ONE   OF    THE    MINISTERS    OP    EDINBURGH,  MEMBER    OF    THE    SOCIETY    OF    ANTIQUARIANS 
OF    SCOTLAND,   AND    OF    THE    ROYAL    SOCIJETV    OF    EDINBURGH. 


THE  SIXTH  EDITION. 
IN    TWELVE   VOLUMES. 

VOL.  X. 


LONDON : 

PRINTED  FOR  T.  AND  J.  ALLMAN,  PRINCE'b  STREET,  HANOVER  SQUARE;  W. 
BAYNES  AND  SON,  PATERNOSTER  ROW;  A.  B.  DULAU  AND  CO.  SOHO  SQUARE; 
C.  SMITH,  STRAND;  W.  WRIGHT,  FLEET  STREET;  WESTLEY  AND  PARRISR, 
strand;  JOHN  ANDERSON,  JUN.  EDINBURGH;  M,  KEENE  AND  JOHN 
CITMMING,  DUBLIN. 

1823. 


J.  Q.  Barnard,  Sklitner  Street,  Loodon. 


THE  LIBRARY 
UMVT-'.TTY  OF  CAUFORNIJ& 
.-...,^-  _SAKTA   BARBARA 


CONTENTS 


OF 


THE  TENTH  VOLUME, 


BOOK  V.    Continued. 

CHAP.  II. 

History  of  Religion  in  Great  Britain,  from  the  Ac^ 
cession  of  Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  to  the  Accession 
of  Henry  Yll.  A.  T>.  14^85.  -         -         Page  1 

CHAP.  III. 

History  of  the  Constitution,  Governme?if,  and  Laws 
of  Great  Britain,  from  the  Accession  of  Henry 
IV.  A.  D.  1399,  to  the  Accession^  of  Hewry.  VII. 
A,  D.  14S5.         -         -         -  ...  51 

Sect.  I.  History  of-  the  Constitution,  Govern- 
ment, an(l  I^qws  of  Knglan^l,  from  A.  D.  1399, 
to  A.  1).  14B5.  -  -  .  52 

Sect,,  XI,,  Hjgtorv  of  the  Constitution,  Govern- 
ment;,, and  Laws  of  Scotland,  i'roni  A.  D.  14-00, 
to  A.  D.  1488.  -  -  -  90 

a 


\i  CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  IV. 


JJistorij  of  Learning  in  Great  Britain,  from  the  Ac- 
cession of  Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  to  the  Acces- 
sion of  Henry  VII.  A.  D.  1486. 

Sect.  1.  State  of  Learning  in  Britain,  from  A.  D. 

1399,  to  A.  D.  1485.  -         -  Page  109 
Sect.  II.  History  of  the  most  Learned  Men  who 

flourished   in   Britain,  from  A.  D.    1399,  to 
A.  D.  1485.         -  -  -  -  129 

Sect.  III.  History  of  the  chief  Seminaries  of 
Learning  founded  in  Great  Britain,  from  A.  D. 

1400,  to  A.  D.  1485.  -  -  149 

CHAP.  V. 

JListory  of  the  Arts  in  Great  Britain,  from  the  Ac- 
cession of  Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1  399,  to  the  Acces- 
sion of  He7iry  Yll.  A.  D.  14^85.         -  -  169 

Sect.  I.  History  of  the  Necessary  Arts  in  Bri- 
tain, from  A.D.  1399,  to  A.  D.  1485.      -         170 

Sect.  II.  History  of  the  Fine  and  Pleasing  Arts 
of  Sculpture,  Painting,  Poetry,  and  Music, 
in  Britain,  from  A.  D.  1400,  to  A.  D.  1485.      205 

CHAP.  VL 

History  of  Commerce,  Coin,  and  Shipping  in  Great 
Britain, from  the  Accession  of  Henry  IV.  A.D. 
1399,  to  the  Accession  of  Henry  VII.  A.  D.  1485.  233 

CHAP.  VIL 

History  of  the  Manners,  Virtues,  Vices,  remarkable 
Customs,  Language,  Dress,  Diet,  and  Diversions 
of  the  2'cople  of  Great  Britain,  from  the  Acces- 
sion of  Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1 399,  to  the  Acces- 
sion of  Henry  VII.  A.  D.  1485-  -  275 


CONTENTS. 


APPENDIX  TO  BOOK  V. 

Number  I.  Example  of  the  bombast,  being  part 
of  Thomas  de  Elmham's  description  of  the  Bat- 
tle of  Agincourt  -  -  -         Page  325 

Number  II.  Carta  ordinan  Robertum  Dominum 
Boyd  gubernatorem  Regni  et  persone  Regis         326 

Number  III.  Pacification  of  Blackness  -  327 

Number  IV.  List  of  the  Members  who  were  pre- 
sent the  first  day  in  the  Parliament  of  Scotland, 
which  met  June  1,  A.  D.  1478,  being  the  first 
List  of  the  kind  that  occurs  in  the  records  of 
Parliament  -  -  -  -  329 

Number  V.  Letter  of  Remission  by  Patrick 
Graham,  Archbishop  of  St  Andrew's,  to  John 
Martin,  citizen  there  -  -  -  331 

Number  VL  The  goodly  provision  made  for  the 
Installation- feast  of  George  Neville,  Archbishop 
of  York,  A.  D.  1466.  332 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


GREAT  BRITAIN, 


BOOK    V. 

CHAP.  II. 


HISTORY  OF  RELIGION  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN  FROM  THE 
ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  TO  THE  ACCES- 
SION OF  HENRY  VII.  A.  Q.  1485. 

1  HE  ecclesiastical  transactions  of  this  period  >*■  y^ 
that  merit  the  attention  of  posterity  are  not 
many  :  being  for  the  most  part  of  a  melancholy 
nature,  they  shall  be  related  with  as  much  brevi- 
ty as  is  consistent  with  perspicuity. 

Henrv  IV.,  conscious  of  the  defect  of  his  title  ^^"^7 

.  .  courts  the 

to  the  throne,  earnestly  desu'ed  to  gain  the  favour  clergy. 
and  support  of  the  clergy.  With  this  view,  he  sent 
the  Earl  of  Northumberland  to  a  convocation  of 
the  province  of  Canterbury,-  met  in  the  chapter- 
house of  St  Paul's,  6th  October,  A.  D.  1399,  with 
a  message  admirably  adapted  to  please  the  mem- 
VOL.  X.  B 


ti 
it 
it 


2  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

Cent.  XV.  |)ers  of  that  assembly,  and  attach  them  to  his  in- 
terest. "  I  am  not  come  (said  the  Earl),  like  the 
*'  commissioners  of  former  kings,  to  demand  your 
"  money,  but  to  assure  you,  tluit  my  royal  mas- 
ter never  will  demand  any  money  of  his  cler- 
gy, except  in  cases  of  the  most  extreme  neces- 
sity. I  am  come  most  earnestly  to  beg  the 
"  prayers  of  the  church  for  the  King  and  king- 
"  dom ;  and  to  promise  that  he  will  protect  the 
"  clergy  in  all  their  liberties  and  immunities ; 
"  and  that  he  will  assist  them  with  all  his  power 
"  in  exterminating  heretics*."  The  first  of  these 
promises  was  soon  forgotten ;  and  no  king  of 
England  ever  made  such  frequent  demands  of 
money  from  the  clergy  as  Henry  IV.,  after  he 
was  firmly  established  on  the  throne ;  but  the 
second  was  too  faithfidly  performed. 
Law  Archbishop  Arundel,  who  was  now  restored  to 

LoUards.  his  scc  of  Canterbury ,  was  a  cruel  enemy  to  Wick- 
liffe  and  his  followers.  When  he  was  Archbishop 
of  York,  he  persecuted  them  with  great  severity ; 
but  being  now  placed  at  the  head  of  the  clmrch, 
and  supported  by  all  the  power  of  the  crown,  he 
determined  to  shew  them  no  mercy.  That  he 
might  be  armed  with  legal  powers  to  take  ven- 
geance on  the  devoted  Lollards,  he  and  his  clergy 
applied  to  the  parliament  that  met  at  Westmin- 
ster, A.D.  1400,  representing,  that  many  persons, 
who  had  no  authority  from  a  bishop,  preached 
heretical  doctrines,  published  heretical  books,  and 
taught  errors  and  heresies  in  the  schools ;  and 

*  Wilkin.  Coneiliar.  torn.  S.  p.  238,  239. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  3 

praying  the  parliament  to  provide  a  remedy  Cent.  xv. 
ao-ainst  these  dangerous  innovations.   In  compli-  ^^^'''■'^ 
ance  with  this  representation  of  the  clergy,  the 
parhament,  or  rather  the  King  and  peers,  made  a 
severe  law  against  the  Lollards,  authorising  the 
bishops  to  imprison  all  persons  suspected  of  here- 
sy, to  try  them  in  the  spiritual  court;  and  if  they 
proved  either  obstinate  or  relapsed  heretics,  the 
spiritual  judge  was  to  call  the  sheriff  of  the  coun- 
ty, or  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  town,  to  be  pre- 
sent when  the  sentence  of  condemnation  was 
pronounced,  and  immediately  to  deliver  the  con- 
demned person  to  the  secular  magistrate,  who 
was  to  cause  him  to  be  burned  to  death  in  some 
elevated  place,  in  sight  of  all  the  people*. 

The  Archbishop,  impatient  to  put  this  cruel  ^°^^"^ 
law  in  execution,  even  during  the  session  of  par-  wniiam 
liament  that  made  it,  brought  Sir  AVilliam  Saw- 
tre,  rector  of  St  Oswyth,  London,  to  his  trial  for 
heresy,  before  the  convocation  of  the  province  of 
Canterbury,  at  St  Paul's.  The  chief  heresies  of 
which  he  was  accused  were  these  two,  that  he  re- 
fused to  worship  the  cross,  and  that  he  denied  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  The  unhappy 
man,  in  order  to  avoid  the  painful  death  with 
which  he  was  threatened,  endeavoured  to  explain 
away  his  heresies  as  much  as  possible.  He  con- 
sented to  pay  an  inferior  vicarious  kind  of  wor- 
ship to  the  cross,  on  account  of  him  who  died  up- 
on it.  But  that  gave  no  satisfaction.  He  acknow- 
ledged the  real  presence  of  Clu'ist  in  the  sacra- 

•  Statutes,  2d  Hen.  IV,  ch.  15.      Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  3,  p.  271. 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V.. 

Cent.  XV.  -jxient ;  and  that  after  the  words  of  consecration 
were  pronounced,  the  bread  became  the  true  spi- 
ritual bread  of  life.  He  underwent  an  examina- 
tion of  no  less  than  three  hours  on  that  subject, 
February  19,  A.  D.  1401 ;  but  when  the  Arch- 
bishop urged  him  to  profess  his  belief, — "  I'hat 
"  after  consecration  the  substance  of  the  bread 
"  and  wine  no  longer  remained,  but  was  convert- 
"  ed  into  the  substance  of  the  body  and  blood  of 
"  Christ,  which  were  as  really  and  truly  in  their 
•'  proper  substance  and  nature  in  the  sacrament, 
"  as  they  were  in  the  womb  of  the  Virgin  Mary, 
"  as  they  hung  upon  the  cross,  as  they  lay  in  the 
"  gTave,  and  as  they  now  resided  in  heaven ;"  he 
stood  aghast,  and,  after  some  hesitation,  declared, 
"  That,  whatever  might  be  the  consequence,  he 
"  could  neither  understand  nor  believe  that  doc- 
"  trine."  On  this  the  Archbishop  pronounced 
him  an  obstinate  heretic,  degraded  him  from  all 
the  clerical  orders  with  which  he  had  been  in- 
vested, and  delivered  him  to  the  mayor  and  she- 
riffs of  London,  with  the  hypocritical  request, 
that  they  would  use  him  kindly ;  though  he  well 
knew,  tliat  all  the  kindness  they  dared  to  shew 
him  was  to  burn  him  to  ashes.  He  was  accord- 
ingly burnt  in  Smithfield,  and  had  the  honour 
to  be  the  fost  person  in  England  who  suffered 
this  painful  kind  of  death,  for  maintaining  those 
doctrines  which  are  now  maintained  by  all  the 
Protestant  churches*. 

*  Wilkin.  Concjl.  torn.   3.  p.  262.     Fox,   Acts  and  Monument!;,  p. 
476,477. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  5 

This  cruel  public  execution  of  so  respectable  cent.  xv. 
a  clergpnan  struck  terror  into  all  the  followers  ^^JJ^J^ 
of  WicklifFe,  and  made  many  of  them  conceal  dismayed. 
their  opinions  to  preserve  their  lives.    Others  of 
them,  when  they  were  brought  toT  their  trial, 
fainted,  woiuiding  their  consciences,  by  pretend- 
ing to  renounce  their  sentiments ;  and  several 
years  elapsed  before  any  one  was  found  who  had 
fortitude  to  endure  the  fiery  trial*.    Great  mul- 
titudes, however,  in  all  parts  of  England,  parti- 
cularly in  London,  Oxford,  Shrewsbury,  Nor- 
folk, and  Lincolnshire,  still  secretly  adhered  to 
the  opinions  of  Wickhffef . 

Archbishop  Arundel  was  as  superstitious  as  he  Arundei 
was  cruel.  He  increased  the  number  of  holidays,  tious. 
and  appointed  additional  acts  of  worship  to  be 
paid  to  the  Virgin  INIary,  to  whose  patronage  he 
ascribed  all  the  prosperity  of  the  English  nation, 
and  particularly  the  late  revolution,  which  had 
restored  him  to  his  seel.  To  do  this  prelate  jus- 
tice, he  attempted  to  rectify  a  very  great  abuste 
wdiich  had  long  prevailed,  of  holding  fairs  and 
markets  in  church-yards  on  Sundays.  He  pro- 
hibited this  practice,  except  in  harvest,  when  it 
was  thought  to  be  necessary  §. 

William  Thorp,  a  clergyman  of  uncommon  Sufferings 
learning  for  the  age  in  which  he  flourished,  was  a  ^^p. 
disciple  of  WicklifFe,  and  preached  the  doctrines 
he  had  learned  from  him  in  many  parts  of  Eng- 
land. He  was  sometimes  imprisoned;  but  by  his 

•  Fox,  Acts  and  Monuments,  p.  435.  f  Id.  ibid. 

\  Wilkin.  Concil.  tom.  3.  p.  246.  253.  §  Id.  ibid. 


6  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  Q-yyii  prudence,  and  favourable  events,  he  long 
^^""^  escaped  any  severer  sufferings.  Being  apprehend- 
ed by  the  magistrates  of  Shrewsbury,  he  was  sent 
to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury;  before  whom, 
and  three  of  his  most  learned  clergy,  he  under- 
went a  very  long  examination,  on  the  first  Sun- 
day of  August,  A.  D.  1407 ;  of  which  he  wrote 
a  very  distinct  account.     From  this  account  it 
appears  that  JMr  Thorp  was  an  overmatch  for  his 
antagonists  at  disputation ;  which  made  them 
have  recourse  to  promises  and  threatenings  to 
shake  his  constancy.     The  primate,  who  was 
much  addicted  to  profane  swearing,  declared, 
with  many  oaths, — "  That  he  would  pursue  him, 
"  and  all  his  sect  so  narrowly,  that  he  would  not 
"  leave  one  slip  in  the  land."    One  of  the  assist- 
ant priests  told  him,  that  if  he  did  not  recant,  he 
should  be  cursed,  degraded,  burnt,  and  damned; 
and  another  of  them  proposed  to  throw  him  into 
""     the  sea.    At  last  the  primate  adopted  a  measure, 
in  appearance  at  least,  milder.     He  committed 
him  to  a  loathsome  prison  at  Saltwood,  the  hor- 
rors of  which  had  oA^ercome  the  fortitude  of  se- 
veral other  Lollards ;  and  in  this  prison,  it  is  pro- 
bable, IVIr  Thorp  died,  as  no  further  mention  is 
made  of  him  in  history*. 
Attempts        The  excessive  riches  and  dissolute  manners  of 
trimony  tif  many  of  the  clergy  created  them  many  enemies, 
the  church.  ^^^  produccd  scvcral  attempts  against  the  patri- 
mony of  the  church.    When  the  King  was  redu- 
ced to  great  straits  in  his  expedition  into  Wales, 

*  Fox,  p.  4S7 — 500. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  f^ 

A.  D.  1403,  some  of  his  barons  proposed  to  seize  Cent  xv. 
the  money  and  plate  of  certain  rich  prelates  who  ^*^ 
were  in  the  army,  to  supply  his  wants.  But  the 
primate,  v.^ho  was  present,  denounced  sucli  threats 
against  any  who  should  presume  to  invade  the 
property  of  the  church,  that  the  proposal  was 
not  adopted*.  In  a  parliament  at  Coventry, 
A.  D.  1404,  when  a  supply  was  demanded  from 
the  commons,  they  represented  by  their  speaker 
to  the  King,  in  the  house  of  lords,  that  the  com- 
mons were  reduced  to  great  poverty  by  frequent 
taxes  and  their  personal  service,  and  could  not 
afford  any  supply ;  but  that  the  clergy  wallowed 
in  w^ealth ;  and  that  it  was  therefore  reasonable 
to  take  some  of  their  superfluous  ridies  to  sup- 
])ly  the  necessities  of  the  state.  To  ward  off  this 
blow,  the  primate  fell  on  his  knees  before  the 
King,  and  conjured  him  to  remember  his  coro- 
nation oath,  by  which  he  had  solemnly  swore  to 
protect  the  church  in  all  her  privileges  and  im- 
munities. The  King  desired  the  Archbishop  to 
rise  and  go  to  his  place,  and  assured  him  he  would 
defend  the  church  in  all  her  possessions,  and 
would  leave  her  richer  than  he  found  her.  The 
peers  adopting  the  same  idea,  the  commons  were 
obliged  not  only  to  relinquish  their  proposal,  but 
to  beg  pardon  for  their  presumption  f. 

Several  laws  were  made  in  this  reign  against  Laws 
the  exorbitant  exactions  of  the  court  of  Rome,  cSun  of 
against  the  Pope's  providing  successors  to  bene-  ^°"^* 

•  Walsing.  Ypodigma  Neustn«,  p.  561. 
t  Id.  ibid.     Ilist.  Aug.  p.  31 1 ,  372. 


8  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  fices  bcfore  tliey  became  vacant,  and  against  his 

^"^''''"'^  granting  exemptions  to  the  regular  clergy  from 

the  payment  of  tithes*.     Eut  these  laws  were 

not  more  effectual  than  former  ones  to  the  same 

purpose. 

Archbishop      'Pile  primate  held  a  convention  of  the  prelates 

Arundel  s  ^  ,  ^ 

constitu-  and  clergy  of  his  province,  at  St  Paul's,  January 
14,  A.  D.  1409,  in  which  thirteen  canons  or  con- 
stitutions were  made.  In  the  preface  to  these 
canons,  it  is  declared  to  be  the  most  horrid  of  all 
crimes,  to  dispute  any  of  the  doctrines,  or  dis- 
obey any  of  the  decrees  promulgated  by  the 
Pope — "  who  carried  tlie  keys  of  eternal  hfe  and 
*'  eternal  death ;  was  the  vicegerent,  not  of  a 
"  mere  man,  but  of  the  true  God,  on  earth ;  and 
"  to  whom  God  had  committed  the  government 
*'  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  f."  This  was  rather 
strong  language,  especially  at  a  time  when  there 
were  two  popes,  who  had  sent  one  another  to 
the  devil,  and  were  both  declared  contumacious 
heretics  by  the  coimcil  of  Pisa  that  same  year|. 
The  design  of  Archbishop  Arundel's  constitu- 
tions was,  to  prevent  the  increase,  and  even  to 
extirpate  Lollardy,  as  the  doctrines  of  Wickliffe 
were  then  called,  by  inflicting  certain  wholesome 
severities  on  those  who  propagated  or  professed 
these  doctrines  f . 
Burning  of  Au  cxamplc  of  tliis  scvcrity  was  exhibited  soon 
Badby.  after  the  publication  of  these  canons.  Thomas 
Badby,  a  tailor  in  the  diocese  of  Worcester,  was 

•  Statutes  at  Large,  item,  &c.     f  Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  3.  p.  314. 
\  Du  Pin,  Cent.  XV.  c.  1.         §  Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  2.  p.  314.  319. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION. 

tried  and  found  guilty  of  heresy  by  the  bishop  of  Cent.  xv. 
that  see,  January  2,  A.  D.  1410,  and  sent,  with 
a  copy  of  his  trial  and  sentence,  to  the  primate. 
The  heresy  of  which  Badby  was  accused,  and  for 
which  he  was  condemned,  was  this — "  That  the 
"  sacrament  of  the  body  of  Christ,  consecrated  by 
"  the  priest  on  the  altar,  was  not  the  true  body 
"  of  Christ,  by  virtue  of  tlie  words  of  the  sacra- 
"  ment ;  but  that,  after  the  sacramental  w^ords 
"  spoken  by  the  priest  to  make  the  body  of 
"  Christ,  the  material  bread  did  remain  vipon  the 
"  altar  as  at  the  beginning ;  neither  was  it  turn- 
"  ed  into  the  very  body  of  Christ  after  the  sacra- 
"  mental  words  spoken  by  the  priest*."  He  was 
also  accused  of  saying  that "  no  priest  was  able  to 
"  make  the  body  of  Christ."  On  these  subjects  he 
was  examined  by  the  Archbishop,  in  the  presence 
of  nine  other  bishops,  and  many  of  the  chief  no- 
bility, March  1.  The  primate  pressed  him  ear- 
nestly to  renounce  his  errors,  and  believe  as  the 
church  believed ;  and  declared,  that  if  he  w^ould 
do  this,  "  he  would  gage  his  soul  for  him  at  the 
"  day  of  judgment."  But  Badby  still  adhering  to 
his  opinions,  he  pronounced  him  an  obstinate  he- 
ritic,  and  delivered  him  to  the  secular  magis- 
trates, "  desiring  them  very  instantly  not  to  put 
"  him  to  death  ;"  though  he  knew  perfectly  tliat 
they  could  do  nothing  else.  He  was  accordingly 
conducted  to  Smithfield  the  same  day,  in  the  af- 
ternoon, placed  in  a  large  tun,  surrounded  with 
dry  wood,  and  fastened  to  a  stake  with  iron 
chains.    Before  the  fire  was  kindled,  the  I'rince 

•   Fox,  p.  479. 


10  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent,  XV.  of  Wolcs  Tode  up  to  the  pile,  and  earnestly  en- 
^^^'^""'^  treated  him  to  save  himself  from  a  painful  death, 
by  renouncing  his  heresies,  promising  him  a  com- 
petent annuity  for  life  if  he  would  comply.  The 
poor  man,  with  many  expressions  of  the  warmest 
gratitude  to  the  Prince,  declared,  that  he  firmly 
believed  his  opinions  to  be  true,  and  that  he  could 
not  renounce  them,  even  to  save  his  life.  The  fire 
being  then  put  to  the  wood,  when  he  felt  the  vio- 
lence of  the  flames,  he  cried  aloud  for  mercy. 
The  prince  thinking  that  the  pain  he  had  felt  had 
overcome  his  fortitude,  commanded  the  flames 
to  be  extinsjiiished,  and  renewed  his  intreaties  to 
him  to  recant.  But  this  humble  sufferer  remain- 
ing invincible  in  his  resolution  to  endure  any  tor- 
ment rather  than  renounce  the  truth,  the  fii'e 
was  kindled,  and  he  was  reduced  to  ashes*. 
Schism  in  As  it  doth  not  properly  belong  to  our  present 
the  papacy.  g^]3Jg(,t^  gQ  j|-  would  bc  tcdious  to  givc  a  minute 

detail  of  all  the  steps  that  were  taken  by  the 
church  of  England,  in  conj miction  with  other 
churches,  to  put  an  end  to  the  schism  in  the  pa- 
pacy, which  had  now  continued  about  thuly 
years.  It  is  sufficient  to  observe,  that  the  two 
contending  popes,  Peter  de  Luna,  called  Bene- 
dict XIII.,  and  Angelus  Corarius,  called  Grego- 
ry XII.,  were  deposed  by  the  council  of  Pisa, 
June  5,  A.  D.  1409,  as  manifest  schismatics  and 
heretics,  gTiilty  of  contumacy  and  perjury ;  and 
on  the  19th  of  the  same  month,  that  general  coun- 
cil raised  Peter  Philaret,  a  Greek  to  the  papacy, 
who  took  the  name  of  Alexander  V.,  and  was  ac- 

*  Fox,  p.   -177—480. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  11 

knowledged  as  pope  by  the  church  of  England*.  ^-  ^* 
But  this  was  so  far  from  putting  an  end  to  the 
schism,  that  it  added  one  pope  more  to  the  num- 
ber ;  so  that  now,  and  for  several  years  after, 
there  were  no  fewer  than  three  infallible  heads  of 
the  church,  and  keepers  of  the  keys  of  the  king- 
dom of  heaven,  at  once ;  who  gave  one  another 
very  bad  names,  which  was  not  the  worst  proof 
of  their  infallibility.  Alexander  V.  died  JMay  3, 
A.  D.  1410,  and  was  succeeded  by  Balthasar  Cos- 
sa,  a  Neapohtean,  who  assumed  the  name  of  John 
XXIII.  But  John  was  deposed,  A.  D.  1415,  by 
the  council  of  Constance,  for  heresy,  contumacy, 
peijury,  simony,  adultery,  incest,  and  a  thousand 
cheatsf .  Benedict  XIII.  (Peter  de  Luna)  was  al- 
so deposed;  and  Angelus  Corarius  (Gregory 
XII.)  having  resigned,  the  chair  of  St  Peter  was 
considered  as  empty,  and  Odon  de  Colonna,  Car- 
dinal-deacon of  St  George,  was  placed  in  it,  who 
took  the  name  of  INIartin  V.  But  as  Benedict 
XIII.  did  not  submit  to  the  sentence  of  deposi- 
tion, and  even  had  a  successor,  named  Clement 
VII.,  the  schism  was  not  fuUy  terminated  tiU 
A.  D.  1429,  after  it  had  continued  more  than  half 
a  century,  had  occasioned  great  confusion  in  the 
Christian  world,  and  put  aU  the  princes  and  states 
in  Europe  to  incredible  expence  and  trouble. 

Archbishop  Arvmdel  still  continued  his  efforts  Pcrsecu- 
to  extii-pate  the  opinions  of  WicklifFe,  by  perse- 

•  Du  Rn,  Cant.  XV.  c.  I.  f  Id.  ibid,  c.  2. 


tion. 


12 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 


Cent.  XV.  cuting  those  by  whom  they  were  maintained. 
He  was  the  more  exasperated  against  these  opi- 
nions, that  some  of  them  were  hostile  to  the 
power  and  riches  of  the  clergy  ;  and  their  friends 
in  the  house  of  commons  had  made  repeated  at- 
tempts on  the  possessions  of  the  church.     In  the 
parliament  that  met  at  Westminister  in  the  be- 
ginning of  Lent  A.  D.  1409,  the  commons  re- 
presented to  the  King,  in  the  house  of  peers, 
"  That  if  he  would  please  to  take  away  the  es- 
"  tates  of  the  bishops,  abbots,  and  priors,  which 
"  they  spent  in  unnecessary  pomp  and  luxury,  the 
*"  crown  and  kingdom  would  reap  great  advan- 
"  tages,  as  it  woidd  enable  the  King  to  support 
"15  earls,    1500  knights,  6200   esquires,   and 
"  100  hospitals*."      But  this  petition  was  re- 
jected ;  and  the  peers  presented  a  counter  peti- 
tion, praying  the  King  to  protect  the  patrimony 
of  the  church,  and  to  punish  all  such  as  taught 
the  people  that  it  was  lawful  to  take  it  away*" 
The  primate,  in  order  to  suppress  the  doctrines 
of  WicklifFe  in  the  university  of  Oxford,  where 
they  prevailed  more  than  in  any  other  part  of 
England,  set  out  with  a  great  retinue,  A.  D  1411, 
to  visit  that  university.  Eut  when  he  approached, 
he  was  met  by  the  chancellor  and  proctors,  who 
told  him,  that  if  he  came  only  to  take  a  view  of 
their  colleges,  he  should  be  received  and  enter- 
tained with  all  the  respect  due  to  his  high  rank ; 

•  Walsing.  p.  379.  f  Fuller's  Church  Hist,  book  4.  p.  161. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  13 

but  that  if  he  came  as  their  visitor,  he  could  not  Cent.  xv. 
be  admitted,  because  they  were  exempted  by  se-  ^"^^""^ 
veral  papal  bulls  from  all  episcopal  visitation. 
The  primate,  greatly  irritated  at  this  repulse,  ap- 
pealed to  the  King ;  who,  after  hearing  both  par- 
ties, pronounced  a  definitive  sentence,  February 
9,  A.  D.  1412.,  against  the  university*. 

The  Archbishop,  being  engaged  in  other  af-  Doctrines 
fairs,  did  not  execute  his  intended  visitation,  but  liffe  con- 
commanded  the  university  to  appoint  twelve  of  '^™" 
its  most  learned  and  orthodox  members  to  exa- 
mine the  works  of  Wickliffe,and  extract  such  opi- 
nions as  appeared  to  them  heritical  or  erroneous. 
In  compliance  with  this  injunction,  the  univer- 
sity chose  four  doctors,  four  bachelors,  and  four 
students  in  divinity,  who  examined  Wickliffe's 
works,  and  extracted  no  fewer  than  267  opinions, 
which  they  declared  to  be  partly  heretical  and 
partly  erroneous,  which  they  transmitted  to  the 
primate,  who  sent  them  to  the  Pope,  with  a  re- 
quest to  condemn  them,  and  grant  him  authority 
to  take  the  body  of  Wicklifte  out  of  the  gi'ave, 
and  throw  it  on  a  dunghill,  that  it  might  be 
trampled  on  by  all  Christians.  The  Pope  con- 
demned Wickliffe's  doctrines,  but  refused  to 
grant  the  primate  permission  to  disturb  his 
ashes  f. 

Though  Henry  IV.  died  March  30,  A.  D.  Lord  cob- 
1413,  the  power  of  the  primate  was  not  dimi-  ta^cTed" 
nished,  nor  the  persecution  of  the  Lollards  in  the 

•    Fuller's  Church  Hist,  book  4.  p,  164. 
f   Wilkin.  Concil.  toin.  3.  p.  339 — 353. 


14  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  least  abated ;  the  clergy  having  taken  great  pains 
^'"^'^^""'^  to  train  the  favom*  of  his  son  and  snccessor 
Henry  V.  The  Archbishop,  secure  of  the  sup- 
port of  the  crown,  now  detennined  to  attack  Sir 
John  Ohlcastle,  Lord  Cobham,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  the  party,  in  order  to  strike  terror  into 
the  rest.  Soon  after  the  coronation  of  Henry  V. 
a  parhament  met  at  AVestminster,  and  a  convoca- 
tion at  St  Paul's.  At  this  convocation,  a  copy 
of  each  of  Wickhffe's  works  was  XDubhcly  burnt, 
with  great  solemnity,  by  the  primate,  in  presence 
of  the  nobility,  clergy,  and  people.  It  happened 
that  one  of  the  books  burnt  on  this  occasion  had 
belono'ed  to  Lord  Cobham,  who  was  also  accused 
by  the  proctors  of  the  clergy  as  the  great  encou- 
rager  of  the  Lollards,  and  was  therefore  summon- 
ed to  appear  before  tlie  convocation*. 
The  King  Tlic  primatc,  upon  second  thoughts,  did  not 
withTord  think  it  proper  to  proceed  any  further  against  a 
Cobham.  p^gon  of  sucli  high  rank,  and  so  renowned  for  liis 
valour  and  virtues,  till  he  had  consulted  the  King, 
and  obtained  his  permission  to  proceed.  The 
King  desired  the  primate  to  delay  the  prosecu- 
tion for  some  time,  andpromised  to  converse  with 
Lord  Cobham,  and  endeavour  to  persuade  him  to 
renounce  his  errors.  Accordingly  he  had  a  pri- 
vate conversation  with  him,  and  laboured  very 
earnestly  to  prevail  upon  him  to  return  to  the 
faith  and  obedience  of  the  church.  He  answered 
in  terms  of  the  highest  respect,  but  spoke  with  so 

•   Fox,  p.  514.     Wilkin.  ConciHa,  p.  353. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  I5 

much  freedom  of  the  Pope  as  antichrist,  that  the  Cent.  xv. 
King  was  disgusted,  and  gave  him  up  to  the  will 
of  the  clergy  *.  The  primate,  having  obtained  the 
royal  permission,  proceeded  with  great  vigour 
against  Lord  Cobham  ;  who  having  disregarded 
three  successive  summonses,  was  declared  con- 
tumacious, and  excommunicated.  In  the  mean 
time  he  was  apprehended,  and  imprisoned  in  the 
tower  of  London,  and  brought  from  thence  be- 
fore the  primate,  assisted  by  several  bishops  and 
doctors,  September  25.  The  primate  narrated  to 
him  all  the  steps  that  had  been  taken  in  his  affau% 
that  he  had  been  declared  contumacious,  and  ex- 
communicated ;  but  that,  on  desiring  it,  he  was 
ready  to  grant  him  absolution.  Lord  Cobham, 
taking  no  notice  of  this  offer,  said,  he  was  very 
willing  to  give  them  an  account  of  his  religious 
principles  ;  and,  pulling  a  paper  out  of  his  bosom, 
read  it  as  the  confession  of  his  faith,  and  then 
delivered  it  to  the  Archbishop.  The  following 
is  a  copy  of  that  curious  paper,  that  may  be  sup- 
posed to  contain  the  sentiments  of  the  most  in- 
telligent Lollards,  cautiously  expressed,  in  the 
language  of  that  age. 

"  I  John  Oldcastell,  knyght,  Lord  of  Cobham, 
"  Wole,  that  all  Cristyn  men  wyte  and  under- 
"  stond,  that  I  olepe  Allmyghty  God  in  to  wyt- 
"  ness,  that  it  hath  ben,  now  ys,  and  ever,  with 
"  the  help  of  God,  shall  ben  myn  entent,  and 
"  my  wylle,  to  beleve  feythfully  and  fully  all  the 

•  Wilkin.  Concilia,  p.  355. 


(t 


IQ  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V 

Cent.  XV.  «  sacramentis  that  evyr  God  ordcyned  to  be  do  in 
holy  churche ;  and,  more  over,  for  to  declare 
"  me  in  these  foure  peyntes  :  I  beleve,  that  the 
"  most  worschipfuU  sacrament  of  the  auter  is 
"  Christes  body  in  forme  of  bred,  the  same  body 
"  that  was  born  of  the  blyssyd  Virgyne  our  Lady 
"  Seint  JMarye,  don  on  the  cross,  deed  and  bmyed 
"  the  thrydde  day,  ros  fro  deth  to  lyf,  the  wycli 
"  body  is  now  glorified  in  hevene.  Also,  as  for 
"  the  sacrament  of  penance,  I  beleve,  that  it  is 
nedfuU  to  every  man  that  shall  be  saved,  to  for- 
sake synne,  and  do  due  penance  forsynnebifore 
*'  doon,  wyth  trewe  confession,  very  contrition, 
"  and  duhe  satisfaction,  as  Goddes  law  lymitetli 
"  and  techeth,  and  ellys  may  not  be  saved. 
"  Whych  penance  I  desir  all  men  to  do.  And 
"  of  as  ymages  I  understonde,  that  thei  be  not  of 
"  belive,  but  that  thei  were  ordeyned  syth  the 
"  belive  was  zew  of  Crist  be  suflFeraunce  of  the 
"  churche,  to  be  kalenders  to  lewed  men,  to  re- 
"  present  and  brynge  to  mynde  the  passion  of  our 
"  Lord  Jhesu  Crist,  and  martirdom  and  good 
"  ly  vying  of  other  seyntis  ;  and  that  who  so  it  be 
"  that  doth  the  worschipe  to  dede  ymages,  that 
"  is  duhe  to  God,  or  putteth  seych  hope  or  trust 
"  in  help  of  them,  as  he  shuld  do  to  God,  or  hath 
"  affeccion  in  one  more  than  in  an  other,  he  doth 
"  in  that  the  grete  sin  of  mawmentrie.  Also  I 
"  suppose  this  fully,  that  every  man  in  this  erthe 
"  is  a  pilgrime  towarde  blyss,  or  toward  peyne  ; 
"  and  that  he  that  knoweth  not,  ne  wole  not 
"  knowe,  ne  kepe  the  holy  commandementes  of 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  tf 

"  God  in  his  lyvjdng  here,  al  be  it,  that  he  goo  ^^"*-  ^'^• 

"  on  pylgrimage  to  all  the  world,  an  he  dy  so,  he  ^""^''''"^ 

"  shall  be  dampned ;  and  he  that  knoAvyth  the 

"  holy  comandementys  of  God,  and  kepeth  hem 

"  hys  end,  he  shall  be  saved,  tho'  he  nevir  in  hys 

"  ly ve  go  on  pilgrymage,  as  men  use  now,  to  Can- 

*'  tirbury  or  to  Home,  or  to  any  other  place*." 

The  primate,  after  consulting  with  the  bishops  ^°^^^^ 
and  doctors,  told  Lord  Cobham,  that  several 
things  in  his  paper  had  a  good  and  catholic 
appearance ;  but  that  it  was  not  sufficiently  ex- 
plicit on  any  of  the  four  heads,  of  the  eucharist, 
confession,  images,  and  pilgrimages.  For  his 
instruction,  therefore,  he  gave  him  the  following 
paper,  containing  the  doctrine  of  the  church  on 
these  subjects,  and  allowed  him  two  days  to  con- 
sider it.  "  The  fayth  and  the  determination  of 
"  holy  churche  touchyng  the  blissfull  sacrament 
"  of  the  auter  is  this  :  That  after  the  sacrament- 
"  all  wordes  ben  sayde  by  a  prest  in  hys  masse, 
"  the  material  bred  that  was  bifore,  is  turned 
"  into  Cristis  verray  body ;  and  the  material 
"  -wyn  that  was  before,  is  turned  into  Crystes 
"  verray  blode ;  and  there  leweth  in  the  auter 
"  no  material  brede,  ne  material  wyn,  the 
"  ^^xh  wer  tlier  byfore  the  seying  of  the  sacra- 
"  mental  wordes :  How  lyve  ye  this  article  ? — 
"  Holy  churche  hath  determyned,  that  every 
'*  Cristen  man  lyving  here  bodilich  in  erthe, 
"  oughte  to  schryve  to  a  prest  ordeyned  by  the 

•  Wilkin.  Concilia,  p.  354,  355. 
VOL.  X.  C 


18  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

Ccnu  XV.  "  churche  if  he  may  come  to  hym  :  How  fele  ye 
^"^y^""^  "  this  article  ? — Crist  ordeyned  Seint  Petir  the 
"  apostell,  to  ben  his  vicarie  here  in  erthe ;  whos 
"  see  ys  the  church  of  Home,  ordynying  and 
"  grauntying  the  same  power  that  he  gaf  to  Petir 
"  shuld  succede  toallPetir'ssuccessours;thewych 
"  we  c^llyn  now  popes  of  Rome ;  by  whose  power 
*'  in  chm-ches  particuler  special  ben  ordeyned 
"  prelates,  as  archbyshoppes,  byshoppes,  curates, 
"  and  other  degrees,  to  whom  Cristen  men 
"  oughte  to  obey  after  the  lawes  of  the  churche  of 
"  Rome.  This  is  determination  of  holy  churche : 
*'  How  fele  ye  this  articull  ? — Holy  church  hath 
"  detennined,  that  it  is  needfull  to  a  Cristyn  man 
"  to  goo  a  pylgrymach  to  holy  places,  and  there 
"  specially  to  worship  holy  reliques  of  seyiites, 
*'  apostelys,  martyrs,  confessours,  and  all  seyntes, 
"  approved  be  churche  of  Rome.  This  is  deter- 
"  mination  of  holy  churche :  How  fele  ye  this  ar- 
"  ticule  *  ?"  Such  strange  things  our  ancestors, 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  were  obliged  to  believe, 
under  the  pain  of  being  burnt  to  ashes  ! 
Lord  Cob-  Lord  Cobham  was  brought  before  the  primate, 
demned!"  bishops,  aud  doctors,  on  Monday  September  25  ; 
and  having  again  and  again  refused  to  profess  his 
belief  of  the  several  articles  contained  in  the  paper 
that  had  been  given  him  two  days  before,  the 
Archbishop,  modestly,  mildly,  and  sweetly  (as  he 
says  himself)  pronoimced  a  sentence  of  condem- 
nation against  him,  as  an  obstinate  heretic,  and 

•  Wilkin,  Concil.  p.  3.14.  355. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  1^ 

delivered  him  over  to  the  secular  arm ;  the  mean-  ^e"'-  ^v. 
ing  of  which  was  perfectly  well  known*.  At  this  ^''"'*''— ^ 
last  examination,  which  was  very  long,  Lord 
Cobham  behaved  with  great  intrepidity  and  pre- 
sence of  mind,  and  frequently  put  the  whole 
court  to  silence  by  the  quickness  and  propriety 
of  his  speech.  As  soon  as  the  sentence  of  con- 
demnation was  pronounced,  he  fell  on  his  knees, 
and  put  up  a  fervent  prayer  to  God  to  forgive  his 
enemies ;  after  which  he  was  carried  back  to  his 
prison  in  the  Towerf . 

Thouffh  the  kin^  was  offended  with  Lord  Cob-  ^scapes 

^      ^  '-'      _  from  the 

ham  for  his  opposition  to  the  church,  he  still  Tower, 
esteemed  him  for  his  valour ;  and  therefore  de- 
layed his  execution,  in  hopes  of  bringing  him  to 
recant.  His  condemnation  was  also  very  unpo- 
pular, and  had  brought  a  general  odium  upon  his 
judges ;  which  made  the  primate  consent  to, 
or,  as  some  say,  desire  this  delay ;  which  gave 
the  prisoner  an  opportunity  of  escaping  from  the 
Tower,  and  flying  into  Wales,  where  he  con- 
cealed himself  several  years:]:. 

Archbishop  Arundel,  whose  character  is  suffi-  Jr^n^"/ 
ciently  indicated  by  his  conduct,  died  Febuary  succession 
19,  A.D  1414,  and  was  succeeded  by  Henry  ley. 
Chicheley,  Bishop  of  St  David's,  who  was  elect- 
ed by  the  monks  of  Canterbury  on  the  King's 
recommendation.     Pope  John  XXIII.,  though 
in  a  very  ticklish  situation  himself,  contending 
with  two  anti-popes,  disannulled  that  election, 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  354,  355.  f  See  Fox,  p.  516,  &c. 

I  Walsing.  p.  385 


20  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

^^^^'  as  an  encroacliment  on  his  right  of  nomina- 
tion ;  but  not  daring  to  disobh^e  the  King: 
and  clnnx'li  of  England  too  much,  he  nomi- 
nated the  same  person  who  had  been  elected*. 
On  receiving  his  pall  from  the  Pope,  July  29, 
he  took  an  oath  of  canonical  obedience  in 
such  strong  terms,  that  it  rendered  him  more 
the  subject  of  that  pontiff,  than  of  his  natural 
sovereign  f . 

Law  The  new  primate  was  as  oTcat  a  persecutor  of 

against  ixnii-  i 

Lollards,  the  Liollards  as  his  predecessor.  It  was  probably 
by  his  influence  that  a  very  severe  law  was  made 
against  them  by  the  parliament  at  Leicester, 
A.D.  1415.  By  that  law,  all  former  statutes 
against  them  were  confirmed ;  and  it  was  fur- 
ther enacted,  That  the  chancellor,  the  judges  of 
both  benches,  and  of  assize,  all  justices  of  the 
peace,  sheriffs,  mayors,  and  bailiffs,  should  take 
an  oath  at  their  admission  to  their  offices,  to  do 
every  thing  in  their  power  to  extirpate  all  Lol- 
lards out  of  the  kingdom,  and  to  assist  the  or- 
dinaries in  prosecuting  Lollards  |. 

Abusciin       ^^  ^j^g  kiug-'s  commaud,  the  university  of 

the  church    ^  "^ 

Oxford  drew  up  a  catalogue  of  those  abuses 
in  the  church  that  needed  reformation,  to 
be  laid  before  the  council  of  Constance. 
This  catalogue  consists  of  forty-six  articles, 
and,  though  it  was  composed  by  clergymen, 
gives  a  most  odious  picture  of  the  manners  of 
the  clergy  at  this  period,  particularly  of  their 

*  Antiq.  Britain,  p.  276.  f  Diich.  Vita  Chicheley,  p.  12. 

^  Statues  at  large,  an.  1415.     Wilkin,  p.  355. 


>, 


Chap.  X.  RELIGION.  21^ 

avarice  and  debaucheiy.     Of  each  of  these  it  ^^"^'  ^'^• 

wU  be  sufficient  to  give  one  example.     In  the  ^^'v'""' 

twenty-seventh  article  it  is  said,  "  It  is  notorious, 

"  that  when  a  Pagan  or  a  Jew,  abandoning  his 

"  former  errors,  desires  to  be  purified  in  the  holy 

"  fount  of  baptism,  all  his  temporal  goods  are 

"  confiscated  to  the  church ;  which,  it  is  beheved, 

"  prevents  many  Jews  from  being  baptised.     It 

"  would  be  pious  and  meritorious  in  the  council 

"  to  remedy  this  abuse.     For  when  Philip  bap- 

"  tised  the  eunuch,  he  did  not  seize  his  chariot, 

"  or  the  other  goods  he  had  about  him,  at  his 

*'  baptism."     The    thirty-eighth   article    repre-  ^ 

sents,  "  That  the  carnal  and  debauched  lives  of 

"  the  clergy  in  our  days  and  their  pubhc  forni- 

"  cations,  which  are  never  punished  (  except  by 

"  a  small  fine  in  private),  set  an  evil  example 

"  before   others ;   it  woidd  therefore  be  a  holy 

"  thing,  and  contribute  to  the  reformation  of  the 

"  church,  if  priests,  of  every  rank  and  order,  who 

"  were  public  fornicators,  were  obliged  to  abstain 

"  from  celebrating  mass  for  a  limited  time*." 

The  primate  attempted,  about  this  time,  to  re-  Barbers  re- 
form another  order  of  men,  the  barber-surgeons, 
and  published  a  decree  in  all  the  churches  of  his 
province,  forbidding  them  to  keep  their  shops 
open  on  the  Lord's  day ;  which,  by  a  strange  mis- 
take, he  described  in  this  manner :  "  The  Lord's 
"  day,  viz.  the  seventh  day  of  the  week,  which 
"  the  Lord  blessed  and  made  holy,  and  on  which, 

*  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  360— S65. 


23  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

Cent  XV.  if  jifter  his  six  days'  works,  he  rested  from  all  his 
'        "  labour*." 

Persecu-  But  the  I^ollards  were  tlie  great  objects  of  the 
liatred  and  discipline  of  the  church  in  this  period. 
One  John  Clay  don,  a  furrier  in  London,  together 
with  certain  Knglish  books  found  in  his  house, 
was  brought  before  the  primate,  and  several 
bishops  and  doctors,  August  17,  A.D.  1415,  by 
Thomas  Fauconer,  mayor.  He  was  accused  of 
being  a  relapsed  heretic ;  and  confessed, — that 
he  had  been  long  suspected  of  Lollardry; — that 
he  had  been  imprisoned  for  it  two  years  in  Con- 
way castle,  and  three  years  in  the  Fleet,  near 
London; — and  that  he  had  abjured  it  before  the 
late  primate.  To  prove  that  he  had  relapsed,' the 
English  books  found  in  his  house  were  produced 
by  the  mayor;  particularly  one,  called  The 
Lanfe?'?ie  ofLig/ify  which,  he  said,  was  the  vilest 
and  most  perverse  book  he  had  ever  seen.  Three 
of  the  servants  were  brought  to  give  evidence, 
that  their  master  used  to  hear  people  read  these 
books  to  him  (as  he  could  not  read  himself) ; 
and  that  he  seemed  to  approve  of  what  he  heard. 
The  Archbishop  appointed  the  examiner-general 
of  Canterbury  to  examine  the  witnesses,  and 
certain  doctors  to  examine  the  books,  and  then 
adjourned  the  court  to  the  19th  of  the  same 
month.  On  that  day  the  depositions  of  the  wit- 
nesses were  produced,  bearing,  That  they  had 
often  heard  one  John  Fuller  read  these  English 

•  Wilkin.  Concii.  p.  S6S. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  23 

books,  particularly  the  Laiiterne  of  Light  to  c^"*-  ^v. 
their  master ;  and  that  he  seemed  to  be  highly 
delio-hted  with  what  he  heard.  The  doctors  who 
had  examined  the  books  declared,  that  they 
were  full  of  heresies  ;  and  that  the  Lanterne  of 
Lidit  contained  no  fewer  than  fifteen.  The 
Archbishop  then  condemned  the  books  to  be 
burnt,  and  pronounced  John  Clay  don  a  relapsed 
heretic,  and  delivered  him  to  the  secular  arm*  In 
consequence  of  tliis  sentence  he  was  conducted  to 
Smithfield,  and  there  committed  to  the  flames.    General 

It  would  be  tedious  to  relate  the  trials  of  all  the  tion  of  " 
Lollards  during  the  primacy  of  Archbishop  ^°""^ 
Chicheley.  By  one  of  his  constitutions,  A.  D. 
1416,  three  of  the  most  respectable  inhabitants 
of  every  parish  were  solemnly  sworn  to  make 
diligent  inquiry  if  there  were  any  Lollards  or 
any  suspected  of  Lollardi-y,  or  any  who  had  Eng- 
lish books  in  their  houses,  or  had  any  thing  sin- 
gular in  their  way  of  living,  within  their  parish, 
and  to  send  an  account,  in  writing,  to  the  arch- 
deacon twice  every  year,  of  their  names,  and  aU 
other  circumstances  f.  By  this  constitution  a 
strict  search  after  Lollards  was  set  on  foot,  pro- 
digious numbers  of  them  were  detected,  thrown 
into  prison,  and  cruelly  harassed  and  persecuted. 
But  it  must  be  confessed,  that  they  generally 
fainted  in  the  fiery  trial,  and  chose  rather  to  be 
hypocrites  than  martyrs. 

Immediately  after  Lord  Cobham's  escape  out  Execution 
of  the  Tower,  a  proclamation  was  issued,  January  cobham. 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  S71— 374.  t   ^^-  'bid,  P-  S78. 


24  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  11,  A.  D.  1415,  offering  a  reward  of  1000  mai'ks 
^"""y^  IQ  any  who  should  apprehend  him,  500  marks  to 
any  who  shoidd  give  information  of  the  place  of 
his  retreat,  and  exemption  from  all  taxes  for  ever 
to  the  inhabitants  of  any  city,  town,  or  village, 
who  should  seize  him*.  All  these  tempting 
offers  produced  no  effect  for  several  years  |.  But 
at  length  he  was  apprehended,  after  some  resisi^ 
ance,  by  the  Lord  Powis,  in  December  A.  D. 
1418,  and  brought  to  Westminster,  where  a  par- 
liament was  then  sitting,  by  which  he  was  con- 
demned, on  his  former  sentence,  to  be  strangled 
and  burnt.  This  sentence  was,  accordingly  execut- 
ed at  Tyburn ;  and  the  death  of  this  great  man 
proved  a  great  discouragement  to  the  Lollards. 
Affairs  of  lu  the  tlircc  last  years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  V. 
meliu""''  the  English  were  so  eagerly  engaged  in  pushing 
their  conquests  in  France,  that  their  ecclesiastical 
annals  consist  almost  entirely  of  the  trials  of  here- 
tics, and  other  matters  of  little  moment  :j:.  It  is 
remarkable  with  how  gentle  a  hand  the  prelates  of 
this  period  touched  the  article  of  reformation,  for 
which  there  was  so  loud  a  call.  In  a  convocation 
of  the  clergy  of  the  province  of  Canterbury, 
May  5,  A.  D.  1421,  a  decree  was  made, "  That 
*'  a  bishop's  barber  should  not  demand  a  fee 
"  from  those  who  received  holy  orders  from  the 
"  bishop  §." 
Haughti-  The  great  long  schismi  in  the  papacy  had  very 
Pop^  ^^^  much  diminished  the  papal  power  and  pride.  The 


•  Rym,  Foed.  torn.  9.  p.  S9.  f  ^o*'  P-  ■59- 

\  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  390—417.  §  Id.  p.  399. 


Chaps.  RELIGION.  25 

several  contending  popes  dared  not  to  treat  the  cent.  xv. 
princes  and  nations  in  their  communion  with  their 
usual  insolence,  for  fear  of  a  revolt.  But  that 
schism  being  now  nearly  healed,  and  Martin  V.  in 
full  possession  of  the  papal  chair,  he  began  to  re- 
vive the  most  extravagant  claims  of  his  haughtiest 
predecessors,  and  to  talk  in  the  most  imperious 
strain  to  the  greatest  princes  and  prelates.  The 
several  buUs  which  he  directed  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  and  to  the  King  and  parliament 
of  England,  in  the  years  1426and  1427,  concern- 
ing the  law  called  'premunire,  which  prevented 
the  popes  from  disposing  of  all  the  benefices  in 
the  kingdom  at  pleasure,  afford  a  striking  proof 
of  this  fact.  In  these  bulls  he  treated  the  Arch- 
bishop with  great  asperity,  and  gave  him  the  most 
opprobrious  names,  for  suffering  that  detestable, 
execrable,  abominable  law  (as  he  caUed  it)  to 
subsist  so  long.  He  treated  the  King  and  parHa- 
ment  very  little  better ;  telling  them  plainly  that 
he  was  constituted  by  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  su- 
preme head  over  them  and  the  universal  church  ; 
giving  them  broad  hints,  that  if  they  did  not 
repeal  that  odious  statute,  they  would  all  be 
damned ;  and  promising,  if  they  repealed  it,  to 
be  very  good  to  them,  and  not  oppress  them  very 
much.  The  primate,  to  regain  the  favour  of  the 
Pope,  went,  attended  by  the  other  prelates,  to 
the  house  of  commons,  and,  with  many  tears  and 
prayers,  intreated  them  to  consent  to  the  repeal 
of  the  obnoxious  act  "*.     But  the  hard-hearted 

•  Wilkin.  Coucil;  p.  471 — 487. 


26  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  commons  remained  unmoved  by  all  his  tears  and 

^"^^^"""'^  prayers. 

croisade         The  opinioHs  of  Wickliffe  were  not  confined 

against  the   .      i  •  ,  •  aI^^  •  n 

Bohemi-     to  his  native  country,  but  were  more  universally 
*°'*  adopted  in  some  other  places,  particularly  in  Bo- 

hemia, than  in  England ;  which  greatly  alarmed 
the  court  of  Rome.  The  Pope,  therefore,  pub- 
lished a  bull,  A.  D.  1428,  and  sent  it  into  Eng- 
land, as  well  as  into  other  countries,  commanding 
solemn  processions  to  be  made,  on  thefirst  Sunday 
of  every  month,  in  all  churches  and  church-yards, 
in  order  to  draw  down  the  vengence  of  Heaven 
on  those  heretical  Bohemians  ;  and  promising 
sixty  days'  indulgence  to  all  who  attended  these 
processions,  or  who  saidtwenty-^Ye  pater-nosfe/'s 
with  the  same  pious  intention*.  His  Holiness, 
not  trusting  entirely  to  supernatural  interposition 
for  the  destruction  of  the  enemies  of  the  church, 
proclaimed  a  croisade  against  the  Bohemians, 
granting  the  pardon  of  all  their  sins,  and  the  hap- 
piness of  heaven,  to  all  who  died  on  that  expedi- 
tion ;  and  a  certain  quantity  of  indulgences  to  all 
who  contributed  to  its  success,  in  proportion  to 
the  value  of  the  contribution  f.  Many  of  the 
English  engaged  in  that  croisade,  which  was 
conducted  by  the  Cardinal  of  Winchester. 
^"i°ht  '^^^^  clergy,  in  their  convocations  in  this  period, 

prohibited,  somctimcs  meddled  with  things  that  seem  to  have 
been  a  little  out  of  their  road.  In  the  convention 
of  Canterbury,  A.  D.  1430,  it  was  represented, 
that  some  merchants  bought  certain  goods  by 

*  Wilkin.  Concii  p.  492.  f  Id.  p.  511. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  27 

the  aimcil  weight,  and  sold  them  by  avoirdupois  <^*"*  ^^• 
weight,  which  was  lighter.     The  convocation 
therefore  made  a  canon,  That  no  person  should 
use  the  auncil  weight  under  the  penalty  of  the 
greater  excommunication*. 

Martin  V.  Avas,  with  great  difficulty,  prevailed  council  of 
upon,  or  rather  compelled,  to  call  a  general  covm- 
cil,  according  to  his  own  promise,  and  a  decree 
of  the  council  of  Constance ;  and  appointed  Ju- 
lian, Cardinal  of  St  Angelo,  to  preside  in  it  in  his 
name.  But  the  Pope  died  February  20,  (before 
the  council  met  at  Basil,  July  19,  A.  D.  1431,) 
and  was  succeeded  by  Gabriel  Condolmicas,  a 
Venetian,  who  took  the  name  of  Eugenius  IV., 
and  confirmed  the  nomination  of  Cardinal  Julian 
to  preside  in  the  council.  In  the  second  session, 
February  15,  A.  D.  1432,  the  council  decreed, — • 
That  a  general  council,  when  sitting,  was  su- 
preme head  of  the  church,  to  whose  censure  all 
persons  (the  Pope  not  excepted)  were  subject; — 
and  that  the  Pope  could  not  dissolve  a  general 
council  without  the  consent  of  the  members.  The 
Pope,  irritated  at  these  decrees,  published  a  bull 
of  dissolution ;  at  which  the  fathers  at  Basil 
were  so  much  offended,  that  tliey  threatened  to 
depose  him,  and  elect  another  pope,  if  he  did 
not  recall  his  bullf.  AVhen  affairs  were  in  this 
distracted  state,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury 
called  a  convocation  of  the  prelates  and  clergy 
of  his  province,  November  7,  A.  D.  1433,  and 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p   616.  f  Dii  Pin,  eeiU.  15.  tli.  S. 


28  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  proposed  the  following  questions  to  the  repre-- 
^""^^"""^  sentatives  of  the  clergy  in  the  lower  house:  Hath 
tlie  Pope  power  to  dissolve  a  general  council  ? 
Hath  the  coinicil  of  Basil  power  to  depose  Pope 
Eugenius  ?  If  that  council  depose  Eugenius,  and 
elect  another,  will  you  adhere  to  him,  or  to  the 
Pope  cliosen  by  the  council  ?  After  requesting 
some  days  to  deliberate  on  these  questions,  they 
returned  the  following  answer,  by  their  prolocu- 
tor Thomas  Bikyngton.  The  Pope  hath  power 
to  dissolve  a  general  council :  The  council  hath 
not  power  to  depose  Pope  Eugenius :  If  that 
council  depose  Pope  Eugenius,  we  will  still  obey 
him  as  lawful  Pope*.  One  thing  that  engaged 
the  English  clergy  to  embrace  the  party  of  the 
Pope  against  the  council  was  this  :  in  the  coun- 
cil of  Constance,  the  members  deliberated,  and 
voted  by  nations  ;  and  the  English  had  one  en- 
tire vote :  but  in  the  council  of  Basil  the  mem- 
bers were  divided  into  four  deputations,  each  of 
which  was  composed  of  persons  of  different  na- 
tions ;  and  the  English,  being  few,  and  divided 
into  the  different  deputations,  were  lost  in  the 
crowd,  and  bad  little  influence  in  the  council. 
Of  this  they  sent  home  grievous  complaints; 
which  irritated  the  English  clergy  against  the 
council,  and  made  them  desire  its  dissolution  f. 
Negoda-  The  Bohemians  having  proved  victorious  in 
iliTBohe-  the  field  over  the  Emperor  Sigismond,  and  all  the 
princes  and  prelates  who  had  engaged  against 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  S23.  f  Id.  ibid. 


mians. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  29 

them,  the  council  of  Basil  entered  into  a  kind  of  ^^^^  ^^• 
negotiation  with  them.  The  Bohemian  deputies  ^"^^'^'""^ 
proposed  certain  points  of  reformation,  which,  if 
the  council  granted,  they  promised  that  they  and 
their  countrymen  would  return  to  the  commu- 
nion of  the  church.  The  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, having  received  intelligence  of  this  nego- 
tiation, proposed  this  question  also  to  his  clergy 
in  the  same  convocation :  Whether  any  conces- 
sions, or  what  concessions,  might  be  made  by  the 
council  of  Basil  to  the  Bohemians,  to  bring  them 
back  to  the  communion  of  the  church  ?  To  this 
question  the  clergy  returned  this  answer :  That 
if  the  Bohemians  required,  that  the  communion 
should  be  given  in  both  kinds  to  the  laity,  that 
all  priests  and. deacons  should  have  authority  to 
preach,  that  temporal  offices  should  not  be  enjoy- 
ed by  the  clergy,  and  that  all  notorious  criminals, 
without  distinction,  should  be  punished,  (which 
were  the  four  things  chiefly  insisted  on  by  the 
Bohemians,)  they  should  be  denied ;  and,  in  a 
word,  that  no  concessions  whatever  should  be 
made  to  such  perverse  heretics*.  Such  deter- 
mined enemies  were  the  clergy  of  England,  at 
that  time,  to  all  reformation. 

The  persecution  of  the  Lollards  was  still  car-  Persecu- 
ried  on  with  unabating  violence.    William  Tay-  Loiirrds.'^ 
lor,  a  clergyman,  was  condemned  by  Archbishop 
Chicheley,  and  burnt  in  Smithfleld,  A.  D.  1423, 
for  maintaining  this  heresy  (as  it  was  called), 
"  Tliat  prayers  for  spiritual  gifts  were  to  be  made 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  323. 


30  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  «  ^Q  QqjJ  aloHG ;  aiicl  that  to  pray  to  creatures 
"  was  idolatry."     The  unhappy  man,  in  hopes 
of  savino-  his  life,  admitted,  "  That  an  inferior 
"  kind  of  worship  might  be  paid  to  saints ;  and 
"  that  their  merits  and  intercessions  were  profit- 
"  able  both  to  the  dead  and  the  living*."     But 
that  gave  no  satisfaction.     Father  Abraham  of 
Colchester,  John  White,  and  John  Waddon, 
priests,  were  also  committed  to  the  flames  for 
the  same  crime  of  LoUardryf .    Many  were  con- 
demned to  perpetual  imprisonment,  to  severe 
flagellations,  and  a  variety  of  other  punishments. 
twTen'the'"      ^hc  coutcst  bctweeu  the  Pope  and  the  coun- 
Pope  and    cil  of  Basil  Still  contiuucd,  and  became  g-raduallv 

council.  <^  -^ 

more  and  more  violent.  Eugenius  published  a 
bull,  translating  the  council  of  Basil  to  Ferrara, 
A.  D.  1437 ;  and  commanded  the  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  all  the  clergy  of  England  who 
had  a  right  to  be  members  of  a  general  council, 
to  attend  him  at  Ferrara.  But  though  the  pre- 
lates, abbots,  and  priors,  as  well  as  the  civil  go- 
vernment of  England,  favoured  the  Pope  in  this 
quarrel,  the  inferior  clergy  in  convocation,  obsti- 
nately refusing  to  contribute  one  farthing  to  the 
expences  of  representatives,  it  is  probable  that 
very  few  were  sent^.  The  Pope  deprived  and 
excommunicated  all  the  members  of  the  council 
at  Basil,  which  was  very  numerous,  and  support- 
ed by  almost  all  the  princes  of  Europe ;  and  that 
council  very  soon  returned  the  compliment,  by 

»  Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  S.  p.  404 — 413.     Fox,  p.  606. 

t  Id.  p.  607.  f  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  525,  Sec. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  31 

suspending  the  Pope  from  the  exercise  of  his  of-  ^^"*-  '^^• 
fice,  and  excommunicating  all  the  members  of 
his  council.  At  length  the  council  of  Basil  de- 
posed Eugenius,  A.  D.  1439,  and  elected  Ama- 
deus  Duke  of  Savoy  (who  had  resigned  his  do- 
minions, and  lived  in  retirement,)  to  be  pope ; 
which  produced  another  schism  in  the  church ; 
and  the  two  popes,  as  usual,  cursed  and  excom- 
municated one  another,  and  their  respective  fol- 
lowers*. But  as  the  church  of  England  took 
very  little  part  in  this  quarrel,  it  would  be  a  di- 
gression to  pursue  the  history  of  it  any  further. 

Archbishop  Chicheley  died  April  12,  A.  D.  ^^'cfbisLp 
1443,  after  he  had  been  primate  twenty-nine  chkheiey. 
years.  He  was  learned  for  the  age  in  which  he 
flourished,  and  an  encourager  of  learning.  INIar- 
tin  y.  and  his  own  haughty  suff"ragan,  the  rich 
Cardinal  of  Winchester,  treated  him  harshly  on 
some  occasions  ;  but,  being  a  prudent  man,  he 
had  the  wisdom  to  submit,  when  he  had  not  the 
power  to  subdue.  He  was  a  cruel  persecutor  of 
the  I^ollards  ;  but  doth  not  seem  to  have  been  so 
fond  of  burning  them  as  his  predecessor ;  ob- 
serving, that  those  scenes  of  horror  excited  com- 
passion for  the  sufferers,  and  indignation  against 
their  persecutors  f.  He  was  succeeded  in  the 
primacy  by  John  Stafford,  Bishop  of  Bath,  a  son 
of  the  Eari  of  Stafford. 

A  violent  contest  had  arisen  between  the  cler-  Pet'^'on  of 

the  clergy 

gy  and  the  common  lawyers,  about  the  meaning  to  parlia- 
ment 

•  Du  Pin,  Cent.  XV.  cli.  3. 

f  Ducli.  Vita  Chicheley,  p.  47,  48.     Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  537. 


32  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  of  a  siiigle  word  in  the  famous  statute  of  premu- 
^"^y""'^  yjjj-e  Iji  that  statute  it  was  enacted,  "  If  any 
"  purchase  or  piu'sue,  or  do  to  be  purchased  or 
"  pursued,  in  the  court  of  Home,  or  elscAvhere, 
*'  anv  such  transactions,  processes,  and  sentences 
"  of  excommunication,  bulls,  instruments,  or  any 
"  other  things  which  touch  the  King,  against 
*'  him,  his  regality,  or  realm,"  &c.  they  shall  in- 
cur the  penalties  in  the  statute.  By  the  court 
of  Rome,  or  elsewhere,  the  clergy  understood  the 
court  of  Rome,  whether  it  was  at  Rome  or  any 
other  place;  but  the  common  lawyers  understood 
the  court  of  Rome,  or  any  other  court;  and  when 
any  spiritual  court  in  England  presumed  to  judge 
any  cause  that  did  not  strictly  belong  to  them, 
the  courts  at  Westminster  not  only  granted  pro- 
hibitions, but  punished  the  spiritual  judges,  as 
in  a  premunire*.  The  two  archbishops,  with  all 
their  suffragans  and  clergy,  presented  a  petition 
to  parliament,  A.  D.  1447,  earnestly  entreating 
an  explanation  of  the  word  elsewhere,  in  the  sta- 
tute of  the  16th  Richard  II.,  agreeable  to  their 
views.  In  this  petition  they  complain  bitterly 
of  the  presumption  of  the  courts  at  Westminster, 
in  pretending  to  be  the  sole  interpreters  of  acts 
of  parliament,  affirming  that  the  spiritual  courts 
had  as  good  a  right  to,  and  were  much  better 
qualified  for  that  office  f.  But  the  parliament 
paid  no  regard  to  their  petition. 
The  Pope       The  popcs  iu  this  period  considered  all  the  cler- 

rose  to  the  gy  hi  the  Christian  world  as  their  immediate  sub- 
King. 

•  See  Ruffhead's  Statutes,  vol.  1.  p.  406.       f  "Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  5SS. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  gg 

jects,  on  whom  they  might  impose  wliat  taxes  they  Cent.  xv. 
pleased.     But  though  the  clergy  had  a  great  ve-  ^'^'^^'^"'^ 
neration  for  the  Pope,many  of  them  had  a  greater 
veneration  for  theu'  money  ;  which  obliged  the 
court  of  Rome  to  call  upon  kings  and  princes  to 
compel  these  refractory  ecclesiastics  to  pay  their 
taxes.     Pope  Eugenius  having  imposed  a  tax  of 
one-tenth  of  their  benefices  on  all  the  clergy  of 
England,  and  suspecting  that  they  would  not  be 
very  fond  of  paying  it,  he  sent,  by  his  collector, 
a  consecrated  rose  of  gold,  with  a  bull,  to  Hen- 
ry VI.     In  this  bull  his  Holiness  magnified  the 
honour  he  had  done  to  the  King,  by  sending  him 
so  precious  a  present,  and  explained  the  myste- 
rious meanings  of  the  rose  :  nor  did  he  forget  to 
exhort  him  to  use  all  the  authority  he  had  over 
the  clergy,  to  make  them  pay  the  tax  pleasantly, 
which  (he  said)  would  be  a  great  advantage  to 
him  and  his  subjects.     The  rose  was  received 
with  great  ceremony ;  and  the  primate,  who  was 
also  chancellor,  made  a  long  and  eloquent  .speech 
to  the    Pope's  collector,   on  the  beauties   and 
virtues  of  the  rose  :  but  on  the  tax  he  was  rather 
dry,  telling  him  only,  that  the  King  would  send 
some  persons  to  converse  with  his  Holiness  on 
that  subject,  and  forbidding  him  to  collect  any 
money  in  England  till  they  returned.  * 

The  foreign  and  domestic  disorders  and  cala-  Succession 
mities  in  which  the  English  were  involved  at  this  ^^^^J 
time,  render  their  ecclesiastical  history  as  barren 
and  unimportant  as  their  civil  history  is  copious 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  548. 
VOL.  X.  D 


^4  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

■Cent.  XV.  and  interesting.  Archbishop  Stafford  died,  A.  D. 

^  '"^  1452,  and  was  succeeded  by  Jolni  Kemp,  Arch- 
bishop of  York,  and  Cardinal  of  St  Balbina,  who 
enjoyed  thcprimacy  only  about  eighteen  months; 
and  on  his  death,  Thomas  Bourchier  Bishop  of 
Ely,  and  brother  to  the  Earl  of  Essex,  was  ad- 
vanced to  that  high  station* 

Trial  of         Reginald  Pocoke,  Bishop  of  Chichester,  had 

coke.**^  ""  been  patronised  and  promoted  by  Humphrey, 
the  ffood  Duke  of  Gloucester ;  but  after  the 
death  of  that  prince  the  clergy  became  clamo- 
rous against  him,  accusing  him  of  many  heresies. 
At  length  Archbishop  Bourchier  commanded 
both  the  Bishop  and  his  accusers  to  appear  be- 
fore him,  by  a  citation,  dated  at  Lambeth,  Octo- 
ber 22,  A.  D.  14571.  The  Bishop  was  examined 
several  times  by  the  primate,  assisted  by  other 
prelates  and  doctors,  and  was  at  last  prevailed 
upon,  by  threats  and  promises,  to  recant.  The 
accounts  we  have  of  the  trials  and  tenets  of 
Bishop  Pocoke  are  confused  and  contradictory ; 
but  the  opinions  he  acknowledged  he  had  held, 
and  which  he  recanted,  were  these  following : 
"  We  are  not  bound,  by  the  necessity  of  faith, 
"  to  believe  that  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  after  his 
"  death,  descended  into  hell. — It  is  not  neces- 
"  sary  to  salvation,  to  believe  in  the  holy  catholic 
"  church. — It  is  not  necessary  to  salvation,  to 
"  believe  the  communion  of  saints. — It  is  not 
"  necessary  to  salvation,  to  affirm  the  body  of 
"  Christ  is  materially  in  the  sacrament. — The 

•   Antiq.  Britan.  p.  298.  t  ^o^»  P-  *^'' 


Chap,  2.  RELIGION.  35 

**  universal  church  may  err  in  matters  which  per-  Cent  xv. 
"  tain  unto  faith. — It  is  not  necessary  unto  sal-  ^"■'"^^"— '^ 
"  vation,  to  believe  that  that  which  every  general 
"  council  doth  universally  ordain,  approve,  and 
**  determine,  should  necessarily,  for  the  help  of 
"  oiu  faith  and  the  salvation  of  our  souls,  be  ap- 
"  proved  and  holden  of  all  faithfid  Christians*." 
For  having  maintained  these  opinions,  though 
he  now  renounced  them,  this  prelate  was  depriv- 
ed of  his  see,  and  doomed  to  spend  the  rest  of 
his  days  in  retirement,  if  not  in  prison. 

The  taking^  of  Constantinople,  the  capital  of  Croisade 

'-^  ■'--'-  against  the 

the  eastern  empire,  IMay  29,  A.  D.  1452,  by  ^la-  Turks. 
homet  II.,  Emperor  of  the  Turks,  alarmed  all  the 
Christian  princes  and  states  of  Europe.  But 
these  princes  and  states  were  so  much  engaged 
in  war,  that  they  could  not  be  brought  to  unite 
against  the  common  enemy;  and  the  clergy  were 
left  to  fight  with  theu  spiritual  vs^eapons  against 
those  adA^ersaries  of  the  Christian  faith.  Arch- 
bishop Kemp  pubhshed,  IVIarch  2,  A.  D.  1453, 
an  order  for  processions  to  be  made  for  a  whole 
year ;  and  in  this  he  was  imitated  by  his  succes- 
sor f.  For  in  those  times  processions  were  believ- 
ed to  be  the  most  effectual  means  of  procuring 
the  divine  favour  and  assistance.  At  length  Pope 
Pius  II.  (formerly  vEneas  Silvius)  pubhshed  a 
long,  eloquent,  and  pathetic  bull,  A.D.  1468,  en- 
gaging to  march  in  person  at  the  head  of  a  Chris- 
tian army,  against  the  Turks,  and  most  earnestly 
exhorting  all  Christians  to  take  the  cross,  or  to 

•  Fox,  p.  i6I,  f  Id.  ibid.     Wilkin,  Concil.  p,  563.^72. 


36  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  contribute  by  their  money  to  the  success  of  the 
^^  expedition:  promising  the  ])ardon  of  sin,  and  the 
happiness  of  lieaven,  to  all  who  complied  with 
his  desire*.  At  the  same  time  the  Pope  sent 
bulls  into  every  Christian  country,  imposing  a 
tax  of  one-tenth  on  the  benefices  of  all  the  cler- 
gy. Edward  TV.  who  then  reigned  in  England, 
not  willing  to  acknowledge  the  Pope's  right  to 
tax  his  clergy,  and  yet  desirous  that  tliey  should 
contribute  liberally  on  this  occasion,  wrote  to  the 
primate,  to  raise  a  handsome  sum  by  a  voluntary 
assessment,  which  would  satisfy  the  Pope,  and 
prevent  the  pid)lication  of  his  bull.  This  me- 
thod was  pursued :  but  so  little  were  the  clergy 
disposed  to  part  with  their  money,  that  it  was 
with  much  difficidty  the  primate  prevailed  upon 
them  to  grant  sixpence  in  the  pound f. 

Charter  of       Edward  IV.  soon  after  his  accession,  being  ear- 
Edward  " 

IV.  nestly  desirous  of  the  support  of  the  clergy,  made 

a  most  im warrantable  stretch  of  his  prerogative 
in  their  favour,  by  gTanting  them  a  charter,  which 
rendered  them  almost  entirely  independent  of 
the  civil  government,  and  left  them  at  liberty  to 
do  what  they  pleased.  By  tliat  charter  he  took 
upon  him  to  dispense  with  the  famous  statute  of 
premunire,  which  no  entreaty  could  ever  per- 
suade the  parliament  to  repeal;  and  he  discharg- 
ed all  civil  judges  and  magistrates  to  take  any 
notice  of  any  treasons,  murders,  rapes,  robberies, 
thefts,  or  any  other  crimes  committed  by  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  priests,  deacons,  or  any  person 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  587— ,593.  f  Id.  p.  554,  &c. 


\ 

Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  37 

ill  holy  orders.  Nay,  if  any  person  apprehend-  *^^°*-  ^^'• 
ed  for  a  crime  pretended  that  he  was  in  or-  ^'"^^"""^ 
ders,  though  no  such  thing  had  ever  been  heard 
of,  the  civil  magistrate  was  commanded  to  deli- 
ver him  to  the  bishop  or  his  official,  to  determine 
wheth.er  he  was  in  orders  or  not ;  which  opened 
a  door  for  the  most  gross  abuses*.  So  shameless 
were  the  claims  of  the  clergy  in  those  times,  and 
so  extravagant  were  the  concessions  of  princes  in 
their  favour,  when  they  stood  in  need  of  their 
assistance ! 

INIany  of  the  clergy  (if  we  may  believe  Arch-  Profligacy 
bishop  Eourchier)  made  a  very  bad  use  of  this  "le^v. 
exemption  from  civil  authority.  That  prelate, 
in  a  commission  he  granted  to  his  commissary- 
general,  to  attempt  some  reformation,  says,  that 
many  of  the  clergy,  both  secular  and  regular, 
were  ignorant  illiterate  blockheads,  or  rather 
idiots ;  and  that  tliey  were  as  profligate  as  they 
were  ignorant,  neglecting  their  cures,  strolling 
about  the  country  with  bad  women  in  their 
company,  spending  the  revenues  of  their  bene- 
fices in  feasting  and  di'inking,  in  fornication  and 
adultery  f. 

The  long  and  cruel  persecution  which  the  one  burnt 
IjoUards  had  endured,  seems  either  to  have  di-  ^""^  ^'^^'^y- 
minished  their  number,  or  shaken  their  constan- 
cy, or  perhaps  both ;  for  we  only  hear  of  one 
person  wlio  was  burnt  for  heresy  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  IV.,  when  the  church  was  most  vigor- 
ously supported  by  the  secular  arni|. 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  583.  f  Id.  p.  573.  \  Fox,  p.  659. 


^  triStORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

Cent.  tv.  A  violent  dispute  was  carried  on,  in  tlie  reign 
^^^P^i^  of  Edward  IV.,  between  the  secular  clergy  and 
between     thc  begmng  friars.     These  last  maintained  that 

the  secu*  <^*"       c 

lars  and     Jcsus  ChHst  had  been  a  beggar,  and  that  they, 
regu  ars.     ^^  ^^^^  accovint,  wcrc  liis  greatest  favourites,  and 
intitled  to  the  peculiar  regard  and  bounty  of  the 
faithful.  The  seculars,  perceiving  the  design  and 
tendency  of  that  doctrine,  declaimed  and  wrote 
against  it  with  gTeat  vehemence,  as  false  and  im- 
pious. At  last  Pope  Calixtus  II.  published  a  bull 
against  the  INIendi cants,  A.  D.  1475,  declaring 
their  doctrine  to  be  heretical*. 
Convoca.        Though  the  convocations  of  the  province  of 
York.        York  generally  adopted  or  imitated  the  constitu- 
tions of  those  of  Canterbury,  yet  they  sometimes 
made  constitutions  of  their  own  that  were  sino-u- 
lar  and  curious,  of  which  it  may  be  proper  to  give 
one  example.  In  the  convocation  of  the  province 
of  York,  held  by  Archbishop  Neville,  A.  D.  1466, 
several  remarkable  canons  were  made.     By  the 
first  canon,  every  parish  priest  is  commanded  to 
preach  fom'  times  in  the  year  to  his  people,  either 
himself  or  by  another,  and  explain  to  them  in 
English,  without  any  fantastical  subtilties, — the 
fourteen  articles  of  faith, — the  ten  precepts  of 
the  decalogue, — the  two  precepts  of  the  gospel, — 
the  seven  works  of  mercy, — the  seven  mortal  sins, 
— the  seven  principal  virtues, — and  the  seven  sa- 
craments of  grace.     To  enable  the  clergy  to  per- 
form this  task,  the  convocation  subjoined  an  expla- 
nation of  each  of  these  particulars,  which  forms  a 
system  of  the  Catholic  theology  of  the  fifteenth 

•  Fox,  p.  659.     Fuller,  p.  132. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  3<j 

century,  not  a  little  curious,  but  far  too  long  to  be  Cent  xv. 
here  inserted.  In  the  explanation  of  the  ten  pre-  ^""y"'"^ 
cepts  of  the  decalogue,  the  ftrst  commandment  is 
said  to  be  a  prohibition  of  aU  enchantments,  su- 
perstitious characters,  and  such  figments ;  the 
second  is  entirely  omitted  ;  and  to  keep  up  the 
number,  the  tenth  is  divided  into  two.  This  was 
using  no  Httle  freedom  with  a  system  of  laws 
which  they  acknowledged  to  be  divine.  So  per- 
fectly pure  were  the  members  of  this  convoca- 
tion, that  they  would  not  give  any  explanation  of 
luxury  (one  of  the  seven  mortals  sins),  for  fear  of 
corrupting  the  ah*.  But  they  are  still  more  distin- 
g-uished  for  the  prodigious  desii'e  they  discover  to 
preserve  the  poor  laity  from  being  damned  for  not 
paying  their  tithes  punctually  and  fully  to  the 
church  ;  and  that  they  miglit  not  be  guilty  of  any 
omission  in  a  matter  so  essential  to  salvation,  they 
give  they  a  most  complete  catalogue  of  tithable 
subjects*.  The  canons  made  by  that  convocation 
contain  several  other  remarkable  particidars. 

The  minds  of  men  were  so  much  engaged  and  Petition  of 
agitated  by  the  sudden  and  surprising  revolutions  ^  ^  ^'^'' 
that  took  place  in  the  short  reigns  of  Edward  V. 
and  llichard  III.,  that  they  seem  tohavepaid  httle 
attention  to  ecclesiastical  affau:s.  The  clergy  of 
both  provinces  in  convocation,  presented  a  suppU- 
cation  to  Richard,  complaining,  that  the  clergy 
*'  were  cruelly,  grievously,  and  daylye  troubled, 
"  vexed,  indighted,  and  arrested,  by  malicious 
"  and  evil-disposed  parsons.  In  eschuying  of 
"  which,  say  they,  seeing  your  most  noble  and 

t  Vide  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  599—605. 


40  HISTORY  OP  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  "  blessed  disposition  in  all  other  things,  we  be- 
^""^^^""^  "  seech  you  to  take  tender  respect  and  consider- 
"  ation  unto  the  premises,  and  of  yourself,  as  a 
"  most  catholic  prince,  to  see  such  remedies,  that 
"  under  your  most  gracious  letters  patents,  the 
"  liberties  of  Christ's  church  and  yoiu's  may  be 
"  confirmed,  and  sufficiently  auctorised  by  your 
"  high  court  of  parliament,  rather  enlarged  than 
"  dyminished*."  Whether  the  clergy  on  this  oc- 
casion used  the  language  of  truth  or  flattery,  when 
they  praised  E.ichard  for  his  most  noble  and 
blessed  dispositions  in  all  things,  maybe  doubted; 
but  it  was  a  language  very  agreeable  to  the 
royal  ear;  and  they  obtained  letters  patents, 
February  23,  A.  D.  1484,  confirming  those  of 
Edward  IV.,  and  emancipating  them  from  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  King's  courtf . 
General  Tliouoh  A^^ickliffc  aud  his  followers  detected 

observa-  *-' 

tions.  many  of  the  errors,  and  exposed  many  of  the 
superstitious  practices  of  the  church  in  this 
period,  the  clergy  obstinately  refused  to  aban- 
don any  of  those  errors,  or  relinquish  any  of 
those  superstitions,  and  persecuted  with  unrelent- 
ing cruelty  all  v/lio  attempted  the  smallest  refor- 
mation. The  declamations  of  the  Lollards 
against  the  excessive  power  and  riches,  and 
scandalous  lives,  of  priests,  inflamed  their  rage 
against  them,  and  made  them  reject  all  their  other 
opinions,  Avithout  nuich  examination ;  and  the 
laity,  in  general,  were  still  too  ignorant,  or  too 
indifferent,  to  form  opinions  for  themselves  on 

*  Wilkin.  Coucil.  torn.  3.  p.  61-1.  f  lil.  ibid.   p.  GIG. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  41 

subjects  of  that  kind.  So  gi'eat  was  theopposi-  C'^nt.  xv. 
tion  to  every  thing  that  had  the  appearance  of  re- 
formation, that  errors  and  superstitious  rites  were 
multiphed  rather  than  diminished.  Transubstan- 
tiation  was  now  fully  established,  and  made  an 
essential  article  in  the  creed  of  every  member  of 
the  church.  The  cup  was  taken  from  the  laity» 
but  with  gi'eat  caution  and  by  slow  degTees.  The 
clergy  were  first  commanded  to  be  at  great  pains 
to  instruct  the  people,  "  that  both  the  body  and 
"  blood  of  the  Lord  Avere  given  at  once,  under 
"  the  species  of  bread,  nay,  the  entire,  living,  and 
"  true  Christ ;  that  the  wine  in  the  cup  was  not 
"  the  sacrament,  but  mere  wine,  given  them  (it 
"  was  then  given  them)  to  make  them  swallow 
"  the  bread  more  easily."  The  clergy  are  then 
directed  "  to  begin  to  with-hold  the  cup  in  small 
"  obscure  churches,  and  to  exhort  the  people  to 
"  swallow  the  bread  without  chewing,  that  none 
"  of  it  might  stick  in  their  teeth*."  The 
churches  were  crowded  with  images  of  the^'irgin 
Mary,  and  other  saints,  to  which  much  greater 
homage  was  paid  than  to  the  Supreme  Being.  Se- 
veral English  saints,  as  St  Osmund  the  bishop, 
the  two  virgins,  St  Fridiswida  and  St  Ethelrida, 
were  canonized  in  this  period,  and  festivals  insti- 
tuted to  their  honoiu'f .  The  festivals  of  other 
saints,  as  of  St  George,  St  Edward  the  Confessor, 
the  Visitation  of  the  Virgin  ISIary,  were  made 
double  festivals,  and  many  additional  ceremonies 
aj)pointed  to  be  observed.  Great  stress  was  now 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  662,  663.  f  Id.  p.  613. 


42  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  XV.  laid  on  pilgrimages,  processions,  indulgences,  con- 
^"^'""^  fessions  to  priests,  and  their  pardons ;  and  the 
people  seem  to  have  had  a  good  deal  to  confess, 
and  to  have  stood  much  in  need  of  pardon.  George 
Neville,  Archbishop  of  York,  enumerates  no  few- 
er than  thirty-seven  kinds  of  sin,  which  none  but 
the  Pope  or  a  bishop  could  pardon.  The  first 
and  greatest  of  these  sins  Avas  heresy  ;  the  second 
was  crimen  contra  naturam,  maxime  cum  hrutis ; 
the  thirty-seventh,  and  least  in  the  estimation  of 
the  church,  was  raising  a  sedition  which  endan- 
gered a  state  or  city*.  In  a  word,  ignorance, 
vice,  and  superstition,  seemed  to  have  gained 
ground  in  England  in  the  course  of  this  period, 
though  the  revival  of  learning,  and  the  refor- 
mation of  religion,  were  at  no  great  distance. 
Church  The  church-history  of  Scotland  is  as  imper- 

scoSd^  fectly  preserved  in  this  as  in  the  former  period. 
imperfect,  fherc  Is  sufflcieut  evidence  that,  besides  dioce- 
san synods,  general  synods  or  assemblies  were 
frequently,  if  not  annually,  celebrated  f.  But 
their  records  were  either  destroyed  at  the  Re- 
formation, with  the  Ubraries  in  which  they  had 
been  deposited,  or  were  carried  away  into  fo- 
reign countries.  We  have  the  less  reason  to 
regret  the  loss  of  these  records,  that  the  canons 
of  all  the  national  churches  in  those  times  were 
nearh/  the  same,  having  been  either  copied  from 
one  another,  or  dictated  by  the  court  of  Rome. 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  p.  613. 

f  A.  D.  1420.  C<'iigref;ata  fuil,  apnd  Perth,  in  ecclesiafratrum  presdi- 
catnrum,  synmlis.  provinciulis  el  consilium  generule  clcri  regni  Scoti,  prout 
mori%  esl.     Wilkin.  Concil.  tom.  3.  p.  397. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  43 

Before  the  establishment  of  archbishops  and  a  Cent.  xv. 
primate  in  Scotland,  one  of  the  bishops  was  cho-  ^^"^'^""^ 
sen  conservator  privUegiorum,  and  presided  in 
these  general  assemblies  of  the  clergy*. 

Though  the  bishops  of  St  Andrew's  had  no  g^^^P^  «f 
direct  authority  over  the  other  bishops  till  to-  drew's. 
ward  the  end  of  this  period,  they  had  a  kind  of 
tacit  pre-eminence,  and  were  considered  as  the 
first  bishops  of  Scotland,  on  account  of  the  anti- 
quity and  opulence  of  their  see.  That  excellent 
prelate  Bishop  Trail  having  died  A.  D.  1401, 
Thomas  Stewart,  Archdeacon  of  St  Andrew's, 
nearly  related  to  the  royal  family,  was  elected  in 
his  room ;  but  being  a  man  of  a  recluse  unambi- 
tious disposition,  declined  accepting  the  office ; 
and  the  chapter  refusing  to  make  a  new  election 
Avhile  he  lived,  the  King  retained  the  temporali- 
ties till  his  death,  A.  D.  1404.  Gilbert  Grienlaw, 
Bishop  of  Aberdeen,  was  then  elected;  but 
Henry  Wardlaw,  precentor  of  Glasgow,  being  at 
the  court  of  Benedict  XIII,  one  of  the  contend- 
ing popes,  obtained  the  vacant  see  by  a  papal 
provision  f . 

Wickhffe's  followers  behigcmeUy  persecuted  l^^^^''^^ 
in  England,  several  of  them  fled  into  foreign 
countries,  in  hopes  of  saving  their  lives  without 
wounding  their  consciences.  One  of  them,  John 
Risby  a  preacher,  fled  into  Scotland,  where  he 
met  with  the  hard  fate  he  endeavoured  to  avoid, 
and  was  burnt  for  heresy  A.  D.  1407  X- 

*   Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  3.  p.  597. 

f   Spottisvvoode,  p.  56.  \   Id.  ibid. 


44  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Cent.  w.      The  kingdom  and  churcli  of  Scotland  adhered 
^     ^""^  lonoer  to  Benedict  XIII.  than  any  other  chvirch 
at  Pertii.    or  nation.    The  conncil  of  Constance  havhig  de- 
posed that  pope,  and  liis  rival  John  XXIII.,  and 
chosen  IMartin  V.,  sent  the  Abbot  of  Pontiniac,  a 
celebrated  orator  and  divine,  into  Scotland,  to 
persnade  the  Scots  to  withdraw  their  obedience 
from  Benedict,  and  acknowledge  the  pope  chosen 
by  the  conncil.     The  Emperor  Sigismund  ,sent 
letters  to  the  regent  and  three  estates,  to  the  same 
pnrpose.     This  important  question  was  debated 
two  days,  October  2,  and  S,  A.  D.  1416,  hi  a 
general  assembly  at  Perth.   The  Abbot  of  Ponti- 
niac made  an  eloquent  harangue  to  the  assembly, 
in  commendation  of  the  council  of  Constance 
and  IMartin  Y.,  and  earnestly  intreated  them  to 
acknowledge  that  pope,  and  put  an  end  to  the 
schism  in  the  chiu'ch.     Letters  were  presented 
from  Benedict  XIII.,  reprobating  the  council  of 
C'onstance,  and  maintaining  that  he  was  the  only 
lawful  pope.    This  cause  was  favoured  by  the  re- 
gent, and  strenuously  defended  by  Friar  Robert 
Harding,  an  Englishman,  who  made  a  kind  of 
sermon  to  the  assembly,  from  a  text  of  Scriptiu'e. 
But  ]Mr  John  Elwolde,  rector  of  the  university 
of  St  Andrew's,  founded  about  four  years  be- 
fore,   and  some  other  famous   divines,    having 
proved  that  the  friar  had  mistaken  the  meaning 
of  his  text,  tliat  his  sermon  was  scandalous,  sedi- 
tious, and  heretical,  the  assembly  complied  with 
the  request  of  the  council,  and  acknowledged 
JNIartin  V.  for  their  lawful  pope*. 

*  Forduii  Scotkion.  edit,  nearu.  vol.  1.   p.  1186,  &c. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  45 

We  have  some  remains  of  a  general  assembly  ^^^^'  ^v. 
or  convocation  of  the  clergy  of  Scotland,  that  ^IltiCr 
met  at  Perth,  July  16,  A.  D.  1420.    It  consisted  s^'"''^\ 

assembly 

of  six  bishops,  and  the  procurators  of  four  that  at  Perth. 
were  absent ;  five  abbots,  and  the  procurators  of 
eight  who  were  absent ;   a  good  many  deans, 
archdeacons,  friars,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the 
clergy  (says  the  record)  who  used  to  come  to  ge- 
neral assemblies.   William  Bishop  of  Dumblane, 
being  chosen  conservator  of  privileges,  presided 
in  that  assembly;  the  chief  design  of  which  seems 
to  have  been,  to  investigate  tlie  customs  that  had 
been  observed  in  former  times  by  the  several 
bishops'  courts  in  tlie  confirmation  of  testaments, 
and  to  ascertain  the  fees  of  these  courts.     This 
was  done  by  the  declarations,  upon  oath,  of  some 
of  the  oldest  clergymen  in  each  diocese:  and  from 
these  declarations  it  appeared,  that  the  customs 
that  had  been  immemorially  and  universally  used 
were  these :  1.  That  the  ordinaries  in  every  dio_ 
cese  had  been  accustomed,  time  out  of  mind,  to 
confirm  testaments,  and  to  appomt  executors  to 
those  Avho  died  intestate :  2.  To  sequestrate  the 
goods  of  the  defunct,  till  their  testaments  were 
produced  and  confirmed :  3.  To  oblige  the  execu- 
tors both  of  the  testate  and  intestate  to  take  an 
oath  de  fideli :  4.  To  oblige  them  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  their  administration.   The  fees  of  court 
appear  to  have  been  very  moderate.    These  cus- 
toms were  tlien  formed  into  a  canon  or  laA\^,  to 
which  all  the  members  afiixed  their  seals,  and  the 
"whole  transaction  was  attested  by  two  notaries*. 

*  Wilkin.  Coiicil.  p.  ri97. 


46  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 


Councils. 


Cent.  XV.  The  eler^  of  ScotliUid  did  not  coiicei'n  them- 
selves much  with  the  councils  of  Constance  and 
Basil.  During  the  jitting  of  the  first,  they  were 
in  the  obedience  of  Benedict  XIII. ;  and  after 
they  acknowledged  Martin  V.  they  continued  in 
the  obedience  of  him  and  his  successor  Euge- 
nius  IV.,  though  deposed  by  the  council  of  Basil. 
A  Scots  abbot,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 
distinguished  himself  very  much  in  the  debates 
of  that  council*. 
Bishop  AVhen  James  Kennedy,  Bishop  of  Dunkeld, 

Kenne  y.  j^^^gj^jjg^j  Popc  Eugeiiius  and  his  council  at  Flo- 
rence, A.  D.  1444,  he  was  elected  to  succeed 
Henry  Wardlaw  in  the  see  of  St  Andrew's. 
Bishop  Kennedy  was  nearly  related  to  the  King ; 
and,  happily  for  his  country,  had  great  influence 
in  all  the  affairs  both  of  church  and  state ;  as  he 
was  one  of  the  wisest  statesmen,  and  best  prelates, 
that  Scotland  ever  produced.  By  his  example 
and  authority,  he  made  as  great  a  reformation  in 
the  church,  and  the  manners  of  the  clergy,  as  it 
was  possible  to  make,  while  the  pernicious  power, 
absurd  doctrines,  and  superstitious  rites,  of  the 
church  of  Rome  remained  f. 
Convoca-  A  kind  of  convocation  of  the  clergy,  or  rather 
Edin-  a  deputation  of  the  clergy  and  parliament,  con- 
sisting of  thirty-six  persons,  met  in  the  manse  of 
the  vicar  of  Edinburgh,  June  28,  A.  D.  1445. 
John  Bishop  of  Brechin  was  then  conservator  of 
the  privileges  of  the  church  of  Scotland,  and  pre- 
sided in  that  meeting;  but  John  Sives,  canon  of 

*  Du  Pin,  Cent.  XV.  ch.  3.  f  Spottiswoode,  p.  57. 


tion  at 
Edin- 
burgh 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  47 

Glasgow  and  Aberdeen,  and  official  general  of  Cent.  xv. 
St  Andrew's,  (was  for  what  reason  I  know  not) 
joined  with  him  as  an  assessor.  John  Winchester, 
Bishop  of  JNIoray,  as  procurator  for  all  the  clergy, 
presented  two  papal  bulls,  one  of  Gregory  VII. 
the  other  of  JMartin  V.,  and  requested  that  several 
authentic  copies  of  these  bulls  might  be  made ; 
that  if  the  originals  should  be  lost,  these  copies 
might  bear  equal  faith.  This  was  done  with  great 
formality,  and  each  of  the  copies  attested  to  be 
faithful,  by  all  the  members  of  the  court,  and  by 
three  notaries.   A  custom  had  prevailed  in  Scot- 
land, that  when  thelving's  officers  took  possession 
of  the  temporalities  of  a  vacant  see,  they  seized 
also  all  the  goods  or  personal  estate  of  the  deceas- 
ed bishop.   The  bull  of  Gregory  VII.  prohibited 
this  practice  for  the  future,  and  declared  all  who 
should  thereafter  be  concerned  in  it  excommuni- 
cated, the  King  himself  not  excepted.  The  King 
had  complained  to  Martin  V.,  that  Finlaw  Bishop 
of  Argyle  had  joined  in  a  rebellion  against  him  ; 
and  when  that  rebelhon  Avas  crushed,  had  fled  into 
a  foreign  country,  and  left  his  diocese  destitute  of 
a  spiritual  father ;  and  that  pope,  by  his  buU, 
granted  a  commission  to  the  Bishops  of  St  An- 
drew's and  Dumblane,  to  examine  into  the  facts 
in  this  cause,  and  report  to  him,  who  alone,  by 
the  divine  appointment,  had  the  government  of 
aU  the  clergy  in  the  world,  that  he  might  do 
justice*.      So  great  was  the  authority  of  the 

•  Wilkin.  Concil.  torn.  3.  p.  S44,  &c. 


48 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN. 


Book  V. 


Cent.  X 


Convoca 
tioti  at 
Perth. 


St  An- 
drew's 
made  an 
archbi- 
shopric. 


^'-  popes,  and  so  little  the  power  of  kings  over  the 
clergy  in  those  times. 

King  James  II.  sent  Sir  Patrick  Grahame  and 
Mr  Archibald  Whitelaw  to  a  convocation  of  the 
clergy  at  Perth,  July  19,  A.  D.  1459,  to  demand 
a  declaration  from  them,  "  That  the  King,  by 
"  ancient  custom,  had  a  right  to  present  to  all  the 
'•  livings  in  the  gift  of  any  bishop,  that  became 
"  vacant  during  the  vacancy  of  the  see,  and  while 
"  the  temporalities  were  in  the  King's  hands." 
The  convocation,  after  examining  several  of  the 
clergy  upon  oath,  granted  a  declaration,  conform- 
able to  the  King's  desire,  subscribed  by  Thomas 
Spence,  bishop  of  Aberdeen,  conservator ;  Don- 
ald Rede,  clerk  to  the  convocation  or  assembly ; 
and  John  Petrie,  notary-public*. 

That  excellent  prelate  Bishop  Kennedy  died 
at  St  Andi'ew's  A.  D.  1466,  and  was  succeeded 
by  a  near  relation  of  his  o^vn,  Patrick  Grahame, 
Bishop  of  Brechin.  This  prelate  being  obnoxious 
to  the  Boydes,  who  were  then  the  King's  favour- 
ites, had  many  difficulties  to  encounter.  To  avoid 
the  effects  of  their  displeasure,  and  to  obtain  the 
confirmation  of  his  election,  he  went  to  the  papal 
coiu't,  where  he  resided  several  years,  not  daring 
to  return  while  his  enemies  were  in  power.  Being 
an  ingenious  and  learned  man,  he  ingratiated  him- 
self so  far  into  the  favour  of  PopeSixtus  IV.,  that 
he  erected  the  see  of  St  Andi-ew's  into  an  arch- 
bishopric, and  constituted  Archbishop  Grahame, 


*  Wilkin,  concil.  torn.  S.  p,  576. 


Chap.  2.  RELIGION.  49 

and  his  successors,  primates  of  all  Scotland,  Cent.  xv. 
A.  D.  1472*.  The  new  archbishop  was  also  ^""^^"""^ 
appointed  the  Pope's  legate ;  and  having  re- 
ceived intelligence  of  the  fall  of  his  enemies  the 
Boydes,  he  returned  into  Scotland,  expecting  to 
meet  with  a  favourable  reception  from  his  sove- 
reign and  his  countrymen.  But  in  this  he  was 
disappointed.  The  new  honours  with  which  he 
was  adorned  having  raised  the  envy  of  the  other 
prelates,  and  the  new  powers  with  which  he  was 
invested  as  papal  legate  having  excited  the  fears 
of  many,  he  found  himself  surrounded  with  ene- 
mies. By  these  he  was  accused  of  having  left 
the  kingdom  without  a  royal  licence,  of  having 
accepted  of  the  office  of  papal  legate  without  the 
King's  permission,  and  of  various  other  delin- 
quencies ;  for  which  he  was  committed  to  pri- 
son, where  he  died.  A.  D.  1470f.  So  unfortu- 
nate was  the  first  primate  of  the  church  of 
Scotland  ;  and  several  of  his  successors  were  still 
more  unhappy. 

Archbishop  Grahame  was  succeeded  by  Wil-  sheven 
liam  Shevez,  who  had  been  one  of  his  most  vio-  shop.  '" 
lent  enemies.  Shevez,  on  his  return  from  the 
university  of  Louvain,  where  he  had  studied 
under  pne  Spu'icus,  a  famous  astrologer  of  those 
times,  boasted  of  superior  skiU  in  that  science ; 
which  procured  him  a  presentation  to  the  arch- 
deaconry of  St  Andi-ew's,  from  James  III.  who 
Avas  a  great  admirer  of  astrology  and  astrologers. 
But  the  new  primate,  who  had  a  sovereign  con- 

•  Buchanan,  lib.  12.  p.  226.  f  Id.  ibid. 

VOL.  X.  E 


50 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Rook  V. 


Cent,  XV.  tempt  for  botli,  refused  to  admit  Shcvez  to  that 
office ;  who  was  tliereby  so  much  euragcd,  that 
he  joined  with  one  Ijocky,  rector  of  the  univer- 
sity of  St  Andi-ew's,  and  tlie  other  enemies  of 
the  Arclibishop,  and  never  ceased  to  persecute 
him  till  he  lodged  him  in  a  prison,  and  was  ap- 
pointed his  coadjutor  and  successor*. 

•  Spottiswoodc,  p.  59- 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


GREAT  BRITAIN 


BOOK    V. 

CHAP.  III. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION,  GOVERNMENT,  AND 
LAWS,  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF 
HENRY  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  TO  THE  ACCESSION  OF  HENRY 
VII.    A.  D.  1^85. 

The   kings   and  people   of  both  the  British  ConsUto- 
kingdoms  were  so  much  engaged  in  war  in  the  much 
period  we  are  now  examining,  that  they  paid  «=^*"s***' 
less  attention  to  the  improvement  of  the  consti- 
tution, government,  and  laws  of  their  country, 
than  they  probably  would  have  done  if  they  had 
enjoyed  more  tranquillity.    The  changes,  there- 
fore in  these  particulars,  that  took  place  in  this 
period,  and  are  of  such  importance  as  to  merit  ad- 
mission, into  general  history,  are  not  very  many. 


52  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

and  may  be  comprehended  within  a  narrow  com- 
pass, without  omitting  any  thing  material.  For 
the  same  reason  it  will  be  sufficient  to  divide 
this  chapter  into  two  sections  ;  tlie  first  contain- 
ing the  constitutional  liistory  of  England,  and 
the  second  that  of  Scotland. 


SECTION  I. 


Historij  of  the  Constitution,  Government,  and  La^aos,  of 
England,  Jrom  A.  D.  1399,  to  A.  D.  14.85. 

Slavery,  SoiNiE  progress  seems  to  have  been  made,  in  the 
course  of  this  period,  towards  a  very  happy 
change  in  the  condition  of  the  lowest  order  of 
men  in  society,  by  the  dechne  of  servitude,  and 
diminution  of  the  number  of  slaves ;  though 
slavery  was  still  too  common,  and  slaves  too  nu- 
merous. Some  examples  occur,  of  men,  parti- 
cularly prisoners  of  war,  being  bought  and  sold 
like  cattle;  and  all  that  can  be  said  is,  that 
these  examples  are  not  so  frequent  as  in  former 
times*.  Predial  slaves,  commonly  called  vil- 
lains, were  still  very  numerous.  These  unhap- 
py men,  with  their  families,  were  annexed  to 
the  lands  on  which  they  dwelt,  and  transferred 
with  them  from  one  proprietor  to  another. 
Their  sons  coidd  not  enter  into  holy  orders 

*   Hall,  f.  35. 


ed. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  53 

witliout  the  consent  of  the  owner  of  the  estate 
to  which  they  were  annexed*.  They  could  not 
prosecute  their  lordly  masters  in  a  court  of  law, 
which  must  have  subjected  them  to  many  in- 
juries f  ;  and,  in  a  word,  they  had  notliing  that 
they  could  call  their  oa\ti.  When  sheriffs  at- 
tempted (as  they  sometimes  did)  to  levy  a  tax  on 
the  villains  of  lords  and  prelates,  for  paying  a 
part  of  the  wages  of  the  knights  in  parliament, 
a  writ  issued  from  chancery,  prohibiting  them 
to  le\y  such  a  tax,  "  because  all  the  goods  in 
"  the  possession  of  villains  were  the  property  of 
"  their  lords,  who  attended  parliament  t-" 

But  there  is  sufficient  evidence,  that  the  num-  Diminish- 
ber,  not  only  of  domestic,  but  even  of  predial 
slaves,  sensibly  decreased  in  the  course  of  this 
period ;  and  that  few  of  them  were  to  be  found, 
except  on  the  demesnes  of  prelates  and  great 
lords.  Other  proprietors  of  estates  chose  rather 
to  have  theu*  lands  cultivated  by  labourers,  who 
were  free  men  ;  and,  at  the  request  of  the  com- 
mons in  parliament,  many  laws  were  made,  for 
increasing  the  number,  and  regulating  the  wages, 
of  such  labourers  §.  By  one  of  these  laws,  no 
man  who  had  not  an  estate  worth  twenty  shil- 
lings a-year,  equivalent  to  ten  pounds  at  pre- 
sent, was  permitted  to  put  his  son  to  any  other 
employment,  but  was  obliged  to  bring  him  up 
to  husbandly  work ;  and  if  any  person  applied 

♦  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  9.  p.  69;  torn.  11.  p.  56. 

t  Id-  torn.  12.  p.  259.  i  Prynne's  Kalendar  of 

rarhamentary  Writs,  vol.  4.  p.  432. 
§  Statutes,  vol.  1.   p.  612. 


54  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

to  such  work  till  he  was  twelve  years  of  age  he 
M^as  not  permitted  to  abandon  it,  and,  follow 
any  other  line  of  life* 

Causes.  A'arious  causes  contributed  to  the  decline  of 

villanage  in  England.  The  proprietors  of  land 
by  degrees  discovered,  that  slaves,  who  laboured 
not  for  themselves,  but  for  their  masters,  were 
often  indolent  or  refractory  ;  and  that  they  got 
their  work  performed  to  better  purpose,  and  even 
at  less  expence,  by  hired  servants.  But  the  al- 
most incessant  wars  in  which  the  English  were 
engaged  in  this  period,  contributed  more  than 
any  thing  to  the  decline  of  slavery,  by  obliging 
prelates,  lords,  and  gTcat  men,  to  put  arms  into 
the  hands  of  their  villains.  There  is  hardly  any 
evil  that  doth  not  produce  some  good. 

Viscounts.  A  new  order  of  nobles  was  instituted  by 
Henry  VI.  A.  D.  1440.  They  were  styled 
viscounts^  and  placed  between  earls  and  barons, 
below  the  former,  and  above  the  latter.  John 
Lord  Beaumont,  the  &st  nobleman  of  this  order, 
was  created  Viscount  Beaumont,  in  full  parlia- 
ment, at  Reading,  February  12,  that  yearf. 

pariia-  As  the  parliament  hath  long  been  the  great 

fountain  of  law,  and  supreme  coiu-t  of  judica- 
ture, the  guardian  of  the  just  prerogatives  of  the 
crown  and  the  legal  liberties  of  the  people,  it  me- 
rits particular  attention  in  every  period.  That 
this  aug-ust  court  hath  undergone  various  changes 

•  Statutes,  vol.  1 .  p.  470. 

I  Selden's  Titles  of  Honour,  p.  680.  J>ugdalc's  Baronage,  vol.,  2. 
p.  54.  My  authorities  have  perhaps  mistaken  the  date  of  this  creation  a 
fevf  years. 


menu 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.     CONSTITUTION,  &c.  55 

in  its  constitution,  hath  been  already  proved ; 
and  several  of  these  changes,  with  their  causes 
and  effects,  liave  been  briefly  described,  in  their 
proper  places  in  the  former  volumes  of  this 
work*.  The  description  that  hath  been  already 
given  of  the  constituent  members  of  both  houses 
of  parliament  in  the  reign  of  Richard  II.,  will 
give  our  readers  a  sufficient  idea  of  these  houses, 
as  they  were  constituted  in  the  beginning  of  this 
period;  and  therefore,  to  prevent  repetitions, 
they  are  referred  to  that  description  f. 

As  soon  as  the  smaller  freeholders,  wlio  were  Election 

laws. 

not  summoned  by  particular  writs,  were  excus- 
ed from  appearing  personally  in  parliament,  and 
permitted  to  appear  by  representatives,  the  elec- 
tions of  these  representatives,  their  wages  and 
their  privileges,  became  the  subjects  of  various 
laws  and  political  regidations,  which  had  a  great 
influence  on  the  constitution  of  the  house  of 
commons. 

At  first,  and  from  A.  D.  1269  to  A.  D.  1429,  Elector*. 
all  freeholders,  without  exception,  had  votes  in 
electing  the  knights  of  the  shires  in  which  they 
resided  and  had  their  freeholds.  In  some  comi- 
ties the  small  freeholders  were  very  numerous, 
and  many  of  them  very  indigent,  which  pro- 
duced A'arious  inconveniencies,  and  sometimes 
rendered  the  elections  of  the  representatives  of 
these  counties   scenes   of   riot,    violence,   and 

•  See  vol.  3.  p.  S6S — 376.  vol.  6.  p.  28 — S2.  vol.  8.  book  4.  cli.  i. 
f  See  vol.  8.  book  4.  ch.  S.  §  5. 


56  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

slaughter.  To  remedy  these  evils,  a  law  was 
made,  8th  Henry  VI.  A.  D.  1429,  "  That  the 
"  knights  of  the  shires  shall  be  chosen  in  every 
"  county  by  people  dwelling  and  resident  in  the 
"  same  counties,  whereof  every  one  of  them  shall 
"  have  free  land  or  tenement  to  the  value  of 
"  forty  shillings  by  the  year  at  least,  above  all 
"  deductions*."  The  letter,  but  not  the  spirit, 
of  this  law,  hath  been  ever  since  observed ;  for 
forty  shillings  a-year,  A.  D.  1429,  was  equivalent 
to  201.  a-y ear,  A.  D.  1784.  The  representatives 
of  cities  and  burghs  were  chosen  only  by  those  who 
actually  resided  in  the  cities  and  boroughs  which 
they  represented ;  but  whether  by  the  citizens 
and  burgesses  at  large,  or  by  the  corporations,  is 
not  very  clearf .  The  custom,  it  is  probable,  was 
different  in  different  places ;  and  custom  by  long 
continuance,  became  law.  That  these  laws  might 
be  more  strictly  observed,  they  were  inserted 
verhathn  in  the  writs  to  sheriffs,  for  some  years 
after  they  were  madet. 
Elected.  The  King  in  his  writs  to  the  sheriffs,  describ- 
ed the  quahfications  of  the  persons  who  were  to 
be  elected  to  represent  counties,  cities,  and  bo- 
roughs. The  freeholders  in  each  county  were 
directed  to  chuse  "  two  of  the  fittest  and  most 
"  discreet  knights  resident  in  the  county  J ;"  but 
because  actual  knights  residing  and  properly 
Qualified  sometimes  could  not  be  found,  an  act 

•  Statutes,  8th  Hen.  VI.  c.  7  ;  10th  Hen.  VI.  c.  2. 
f  1st  Hen.  V.  c.  1.  \  Prynne's  Survey  of 

Parliamentary  Writs,  vol.  2.  p.  134,  &c.  §  Id.  ibid. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c;  ^ 

was  made,  23d  Henry  VI.,  A.  D.  1444,  permit- 
ting freeholders  to  cliuse  "  notable  esquires, 
"  gentlemen  by  birth,  and  qualified  to  be  made 
"  knights ;  but  no  yeoman,  or  person  of  an  in- 
"  ferior  rank*."  This  article  of  that  act  was  in- 
serted in  the  subsequent  writs  for  some  years, 
that  it  might  be  universally  knoAvn  and  observ- 
edf .  Those  gentlemen  who  had  freehold-estates 
of  401.  a-year,  equivalent  to  4001.  at  present, 
were  qualified  to  be  made  knights,  which  was 
therefore  tlie  qualification  in  point  of  fortune 
for  the  representative  of  a  county:}:.  By  the 
same  ^vrits,  the  electors  in  cities  and  boroughs 
were  directed  to  chuse  the  fittest  and  most  dis- 
creet persons,  freemen  of,  and  residing  in,  the 
places  for  which  they  were  chosen,  and  no  others 
upon  any  pretence  J.  The  parliamentary  wTits 
in  tliis  period  directed  electors  in  counties,  cities, 
and  boroughs  to  chuse,  not  only  the  wisest,  but 
tlie  stoutest  men  (potentiores  ad  hiborandum), 
that  they  might  be  able  to  endure  the  fatigue  of 
the  journey  and  of  close  attendance ;  it  being 
one  great  object  of  the  legislature,  at  this  time, 
to  secure  the  constant  attendance  of  all  tlie  mem- 
bers of  the  house  of  commons  ||.  Sheriffs  could 
not  be  elected ;  and  Henry  IV.,  in  the  fifth  year 
of  his  reign,  inserted  an  uncommon  clause  in  his 
\vrits,  prohibiting  all  apprentices,  or  other  men 

*  Stat.  23d  Hen.  VL  c,  14. 

f  Prynne's  Survey  of  Parliamentary  Writs,  vol.  2.  p.  135. 

I  Rym.  FoEfl.  torn.  8.  p.  656.  §  1st  Hen.  V.  th.  1. 

II  Prynne,  passim. 


58  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

of  law,  to  be  elected*.     Bat  tliis  was  a  violent 
stretch  of  prerogative  ;  and  though  it  was  obey- 
ed, it  was  not  repeated. 
Number  of     'j^j^g  lumber  of  boroimhs  that  sent  members 

burgesses  " 

uncertain,  to  parliament  in  this  period  was  very  unsettled, 
and  seems  to  have  depended  very  much  on  the 
pleasure  of  the  slieriffs  of  the  several  counties. 
There  is  the  clearest  evidence,  that  the  sheriffs 
of  the  same  county  sent  precepts  to,  and  made 
returns  from,  sometimes  more  and  sometimes 
fewer  boroughs,  without  assigning  any  reason  for 
their  conduct;  that  some  boroughs  to  which  pre- 
cepts were  sent  never  elected  or  returned  any 
members,  and  some  only  once,  twice,  or  a  few 
times  ;  that  sheriffs,  in  their  returns,  sometimes 
reported,  that  certain  boroughs  to  which  they 
had  directed  precepts,  had  made  no  returns,  and 
no  excuses  for  their  disobedience ;  and  others 
had  excused  themselves  by  pleading  poverty  f. 
Tliese  and  several  other  irregularities  that  might 
be  mentioned,  afford  sufficient  evidence,  that 
the  constitution  of  the  liouse  of  commons  was 
yet  far  from  perfection ;  and,  in  particular,  that 
the  number  of  its  members  was  not  ascertained, 
irreguia-  Scvcral  laws  wcrc  made  in  this  period  for  re- 
eiectiins.  gulatiug  the  manner  of  proceeding  in  the  elec- 
tion of  members  to  the  house  of  commons,  and 
for  preventing  false  returns;  for  which  tlie  read- 
er must  be  referred  to  the  statute-book,  as  they 

•  Prynne,  vol.  2.  p.  123.     Walsitig.  p.  271. 

f  Piynne's  Brevia  Parliamejuaua  Rediviva,  vol.  S.  §  7.  p.  223. 


Chap.  S.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  Ac.  59 

are  too  voluminous  to  be  here  inserted*.  But 
notwithstanding  all  these  laws,  some  surprising 
irreo-ularities  were  practised  in  elections,  of  which 
'  it  will  be  sufficient  to  give  a  few  examples.  The  , 
knights  for  the  large,  rich,  and  populous  county 
of  York  were  chosen,  13th  Henry  IV.  A.  D. 
1411,  and  2d  Henry  V.  A.  D.  1414,  not  by  the 
freeholders,  but  by  the  attornies  of  a  few  lords 
and  ladies  who  had  great  estates  in  that  county; 
and  this  irregailar  practice  continued  to  A.  D. 
1447,  when  the  freeholders  resumed  their  vio- 
lated rights  f.  Many  of  the  knights,  citizens, 
and  burgesses  in  the  parHament  that  met  at  Co- 
ventry, 38th  Henry  VI.  A.  D.  1460,  had  not  so 
much  as  the  shadow  of  an  election,  but  were 
named  by  the  King,  in  letters  under  the  privy 
seal,  and  returned  by  the  sheriffs,  who  obtained 
an  act  of  indemnity  for  that  outrageous  breach 
of  their  trust t-  But  that  assembly  at  Coventry 
was  rather  a  meeting  of  the  heads  of  a  party  in 
the  time  of  a  bloody  civil  war,  than  a  parliament; 
and  aU  its  acts  were  rescinded  the  very  next 
year^. 

The  sheriffs,  in  this  period,  were  guilty  of  many  Abuses  of 

.  -  .  ',  ,   .  sheriffs. 

great  abuses  m  conductmg  elections  and  makmg 
their  returns.  This  appears  from  various  monu- 
ments, and  particularly  from  the  following  pre- 
amble to  an  act  of  parliament,  23d  Henry  A^I. 


•  See  7th  Hen.  IV.   c.  15.     1st  Hen.  V.  c.  1.     6th  Henry  VI.  c.  4. 
8th  Hen.  VI.  c.  7.      10th  Hen.  VI.  c.  2.     23(1  Hen.  c.  15. 
f  Prynne,  Brevia  Parliamentaria  Rcdiviva,  v.  S.  p   152 — 154. 
f  Pari.  Hist.  v.  2.  p.  288 — 292.      Prynne,  vol.  2.  p.  HI. 
§  31>th  Hen.  VI. 


60  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

A.  D.  1444. — "  Diverse  sheriffs  of  the  counties  of 
"  the  reahii  of  England,  for  their  singular  avail 
"  and  lucre,  have  not  made  due  elections  of  the 
"  knights,  nor  in  convenient  time,  nor  good  men 
"  and  true  returned,  and  sometimes  no  return  of 
"  the  knights,  citizens,  and  biu'gesses,  lawfully 
"  chosen  to  come  to  the  parliament ;  but  such 
"  knights,  citizens,  and  burgesses,  have  been  re- 
"  turned  which  were  never  duly  chosen,  and 
"  other  citizens  and  burgesses  than  those  which, 
"  by  the  mayors  and  bailiffs,  were  to  the  said 
"  sheriffs  returned.  And  sometimes  the  sheriffs 
"  have  not  returned  the  writs  which  they  had  to 
"  make,  of  elections  of  knights  to  come  to  the 
"  parliaments ;  but  the  said  writs  have  mibisiled ; 
"  and  moreover  made  no  precept  to  the  mayor 
"  and  bailiff,  or  to  the  bailiff  or  bailiffs,  where  no 
"  mayor  is,  of  cities  and  boroughs,  for  the  elec- 
"  tion  of  citizens  and  burgesses  to  come  to  the 
parliament*." 

A  candidate  who  thourht  himself  injured  by  a 
return.  false  rctuHi,  did  not  (if  I  am  not  mistaken  and 
misled  by  the  authorities  I  have  quoted)  apply  to 
the  house  of  commons  for  redress,  and  for  the 
punishment  of  the  sheriff  who  had  injured  him, 
but  pursued  such  other  methods  as  were  then 
pointed  out  by  law  and  custom.  By  an  act  11th 
Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1409,  the  injured  candidate 
might  bring  an  action  before  the  justices  of  assize, 
and  if  the  sheriff  was  found  guilty  by  the  verdict 
of  a  jury,  he  was  to  be  fined  lOOl.  (equivalent  to 

•  2:3d  Ilcn,  VI.  c.  M. 


Redress 
for  a  false 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.    CONSTITUTION,  &c.  61 

lOOOl.  at  present),  to  the  King,  and  the  member 
who  had  been  falsely  returned  to  lose  his  wages*. 
By  another  act,  8th  Henry  VI.,  A.  D.  1429,  a 
sheriff  found  guilty  of  a  false  return,  besides  pay- 
ing the  above  fine,  was  to  be  imprisoned  a  whole 
yearf.  By  a  third  act,  23d  Henry  VI.  1444,  a 
convicted  sheriff,  besides  the  above  fine,  was  to 
pay  lOOl.  to  the  injured  candidate,  or  any  other 
person  who  sued  for  it:]:.  This  was  a  very  severe 
law,  as  it  subjected  a  sheriff  to  a  fhie  equivalent  to 
20001.  besides  a  whole  year's  imprisonment ;  but 
the  reason  of  this  severity  seems  to  have  been,  that 
parliaments  were  then  so  short,  that  a  member  de- 
prived of  his  seat  by  a  false  return  could  hardly 
ever  recover  it  in  time.  Electors  and  candidates 
who  thought  themselves  injured,  sometimes  ap- 
phed  by  petition  to  the  King  for  redress  J. 

All  the  members  of  the  house  of  peers  always  Members 
attended  parliaments  at  their  own  expence,  that  wages. 
being  one  of  the  services  they  were  obliged  to 
perform  for  the  baronies  they  held  of  the  crown. 
But  as  soon  as  the  smaller  tenants  of  the  King  in 
capite,  or  freeholders,  were  permitted  to  appear 
by  representatives,  they  were  subjected  to  pay  the 
expences  or  wages  of  these  representatives.  This 
custom,  of  representatives  receiving,  and  their 
constituents  paying  wages,  commenced  with  the 
commencement  of  representation,  from  a  prin- 
ciple of  common  equity,  without  any  positive 
law;  and  on  that  footing   it   continued   from 

•   nth  Hen.  IV.  c.  1.  t  8th  Hen.  VI.  c.  7. 

\  23d  lien.  VI.  c.  M.  §   Prynne,  vol.  3.  p.  157. 


G2  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIX.  Book  V. 

49th  Henry  TTI.  A.  I).  1265,  to  the  18th  Kichai-d 
II.  A. D.  1394<,  when  a  law  was  made  tore- 
move  some  doubts  that  had  arisen  about  the 
persons  bound  to  contribute  to  the  payment 
of  the  wages  of  the  re])resentatives  of  counties*. 
The  wages  of  kniglits  of  shires  w^ere  always 
higher  tlian  those  of  citizens  and  burgesses,  be- 
cause they  were  really  persons  of  a  higher  rank, 
and  hved  in  a  more  expensive  maimer.  For 
more  than  a  century  tlie  wages  of  the  members 
of  the  house  of  commons  w^ere  sometimes  higher 
and  sometimes  loM^er ;  but  at  length,  in  the 
reign  of  Edward  III.,  they  became  fixed  to  4s. 
a-day  for  a  knight  of  a  shire,  and  2s.  a-day  for 
a  citizen  or  burgess,  and  continued  at  that  rate 
as  long  as  tliey  continued  to  be  paidf.  Nor 
was  this  at  fii-st  an  incompetent  sum,  as  4s.  then 
was  equivalent  to  40s.  at  present.  The  proudest 
and  most  opulent  knights  thought  it  no  disho- 
nour to  receive  their  wages,  and  even  to  sue  for 
them  ;  and  no  man  in  those  times  imagined  that 
this  custom  ever  could  or  would  be  changed, 
as  it  was  so  reasonable,  and  productive  of  so 
many  good  effects  ;  particularly  it  engaged  the 
attendance  of  all  the  members  to  the  very  last 
day  of  every  session,  because  those  who  did  not 
attend  from  tlie  first  to  the  last  day  received  no 
wages  ;  and  their  negligence  could  not  be  con- 
cealed from  their  constituents.  Accordingly  we 
often  find  all  the  members  present,  and  receiving 

•    Prynne,  vol.  4.  p.  400. 
■}•    Id.  ihid.  p   TS.  et  pafiim. 


Chap.  S.  Sect.  1.    CONSTITUTION,  &c.  63 

wTits  for  tlieir  expences  at  the  dissolution  of  a 
parliament*. 

As  the  members  of  the  house  of  commons  re-  Privileges, 
ceived  wages  for  their  services,  so  they  enjoyed 
certain  privileges,  to  enable  them  to  earn  their 
wages,  by  performing  their  services.  Their  own 
persons,  therefore,  and  the  persons  of  their  neces- 
sary servants  and  attendants,  were  secured  from 
arrests,  ingoingto,  attending  upon, and  returning 
from  parliament;  but  not  in  the  intervals  between 
one  session  of  parliament  and  another.  In  a  word, 
their  pay, their  privileges,  and  their  services,  com- 
menced and  ended  at  the  same  time,  /.  e.  they 
commenced  as  many  days  before  the  beginning 
of  a  session  as  enabled  them  to  travel  from  their 
own  houses  to  the  place  wliere  the  parliament 
was  to  meet ;  they  continued  during  the  conti- 
nuance of  tlie  session,  and  as  many  days  after  as 
enabled  them  to  return  home,  and  not  one  day 
longer,  f  When  the  commons  imagined  that  any 
of  their  number  had  been  deprived  of  their  pri- 
vileges, they  applied,  by  petition,  to  the  King, 
or  house  of  lords,  or  to  both,  for  redress ;  of 
wliich  we  meet  with  many  authentic  proofs  and 
examples  in  the  work  quoted  below  ^.  Tliese 
petitions  were  sometimes  unsuccessful,  as  appears 
from  the  famous  case  of  Thomas  Thorpe,  speak- 
er of  the  house  of  commons,  A.  D.  1452^. 


•   See  I'rynne's  Register  of  Parliamcnfary  Writs,  vol.  4.  passim. 
f    1(1.  ibid.  vol.  5.  p.  625 — ft99. 

t   M.  il>i(l.  p.  678— 6fK).   7'2ii.   730.    736—744.  74T— 751.  160— IIG. 
S.';o — S.^S. 

§    Id,  ilHd,  p.  67R — r.90. 


64  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  BookV. 

Convoca-  Coiivocatioiis  wcre  also  summoned  to  the  same 
place,  at  the  same  time  with  pari  laments,  by  writs 
directed  to  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  com- 
manding them  to  attend  in  person, to  consultwith 
theother  prelates  and  nobles;  enjoining  them  also 
to  issue  precepts  to  their  deans  and  chapters,  their 
archdeacons  and  clergy,  requiring  the  deans  and 
archdeacons  to  attend  in  person,  each  chapter  to 
send  one  proctor,  and  the  clergy  of  each  diocese 
to  send  two  proctors,  "  to  consent  to  those  things 
"  which  should  be  ordained  by  the  common  coun- 
"  cil  of  the  kingdom*."  This  was  the  uniform 
tenor  of  the  clerical  writs  in  this  period  ;  and  as 
the  deans,  archdeacons,  and  proctors  of  the  inferior 
clergy,  had  only  a  power  of  consenting,  and  not  of 
consulting,  it  is  not  probable  that  they  were  now 
considered  as  members  of  the  house  of  commons ; 
though  in  the  parliament  of  Ireland  (which  was 
originally  formed  on  the  model  of  that  of  Eng- 
land) they  continued  to  be  members  of  the  house 
of  commons  long  after  this,  till  they  were  excluded 
by  an  act  of  parliament,  28tli  Henry  VIII.  A.  D. 
1536,because  they  supported  the  authority  of  the 
Pope,  and  obstructed  the  reformation  of  the 
church  f.  The  proctors  of  the  clergy,  however, 
receivedwages  from  their  constituents,  and  enjoy- 
ed all  the  other  privileges  of  the  members  of  the 
house  of  commons:}:.  The  clergy  still  continued 
to  grant  their  own  money  in  their  convocations; 


*   Dugdale's  Summons  to  Parliament,  passim. 

f   Prynne,  rol.   i.  p.  596. 

\   Id.  ibid.  p.  4.37.  599.     Statutes,  8tli  Hen.  VI.  cli.  1, 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.     CONSTITUTION,  &c.  65 

but  their  grants  were  not  effectual  till  they  were 
confirmed  in  parliament*. 

The  clergy  of  England  had  great  influence  in  influence 
aU  the  public  councils  of  the  kingdom,  and  par-  clergy. 
ticularly  in  parliament,  in  this  period.  This  was 
not  so  much  owing  to  their  superiority  in  learn- 
ing and  sanctity,  which  they  did  not  very  much 
affect,  as  to  their  constant  residence  in  the  king- 
dom, and  presence  in  these  councils,  while  the 
nobles  and  great  men  were  engaged  in  warlike 
expeditions  into  France  or  Scotland.  Besides 
aU  the  archbishops  and  bishops,  twenty-five  ab- 
bots and  two  priors  were  summoned  to  every 
parliament,  and  sometimes  many  more,  which 
made  the  spiritual  lords  generally  double  the 
nimiber  of  the  temporal  lords  in  the  house  of 
peers  f.  This  enabled  the  prelates  to  procure 
sanguinary  laws  against  heretics,  and  to  secure 
the  immense  possessions  of  the  church,  together 
with  all  her  absurd  errors  and  wretched  super- 
stitions, from  aU  attacks  f. 

One  of  the  most  important  changes  in  the  Method  of 

1        1       /»  T  .  -1         •  •  making 

method  of  conducting  business  in  the  parliament  laws. 
of  England,  that  occurred  in  the  course  of  this 
period,  was  in  the  manner  of  framing  laws  or  acts 
of  parliament.  In  the  former  period,  "  the 
"  commons,  towards  the  conclusion  of  every 
"  session,  presented,  in  the  presence  of  the  lords, 
"  certain  petitions,  for  the  redi'ess  of  grievances, 

•  Prynne,  p.  ,^94,  595. 

f   Prynne's  Register  of  Writs,  vol.  1.  p.  141, 

{  1st  Hen.  IV.  ch.  15.     2d   Hen.    V.   ch.  7.     Walsingham,  p.  S71, 
37a. 

VOL.  X.  F 


66  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

"  to  the  King,  wliidi  he  either  <>Tantctl,  denied, 
"  or  delayed.  Those  petitions  tiiat  were  granted 
"  were  afterwards  put  into  the  form  of  statutes, 
"  by  tlie  judges  and  other  members  of  the  King  s 
"  council,  inserted  in  the  statute-roll,  and  trans- 
"  mitted  to  sheriffs,  to  be  promulgated  in  their 
"  county-courts*."  This  was  certainly  a  very 
loose  inaccurate  method  of  conducting  a  business 
of  so  much  importance  ;  and  the  commons  com- 
plained that  some  of  the  statutes  did  not  corre- 
spond to  their  petitions,  nay  that  some  statutes 
appeared  in  the  statute-roll  for  which  they  had 
not  petitioned,  and  to  which  they  had  never 
given  their  consent f.  To  prevent  such  dan- 
gerous abuses,  the  commons  began  to  di-aw  up 
their  petitions  in  a  more  correct  manner,  and  at 
greater  length,  than  formerly,  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  V.,  and  saw  them  formed  into  acts,  by  the 
judges,  before  the  session  ended.  In  the  next 
reign,  they  became  still  more  expert  in  business, 
and  drew  up  their  petitions  in  the  form  of  bills 
or  acts,  as  they  wished  them  to  be  passed  into 
laws ;  and  when  all  these  acts  prepared  in  one 
session  had  been  examined  and  agreed  to  by  the 
lords,  and  had  received  the  royal  assent,  the  enact- 
ing clause  was  prefixed  to  the  whole  system,  most 
commonly  in  these  or  such  words  as  these: — "The 
"  King,  by  the  advice  and  assent  of  the  lords  spiri- 
"  tual  and  temporal,  and  at  the  special  request  of 
"  the  commons,  hath  ordained  and  established  cer- 

•  Sec  vol.  8.  cli.  3.  §  4.  f  See  vol.  8.  cli.  .3.  §  4. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.     CONSTITUTION,  Sec.  gsjr 

"  tain  ordinances  and  statutes*."  This  was  a 
great  improvement  in  the  art  of  legislation,  which 
advanced  by  very  slow  degrees  towards  perfection. 

The  sessions  of  parliament  were  stillvery  short ;  shortness 
and  many  of  them  had  only  one,  and  few  of  ment. 
them  above  two  or  three  sessions.  The  last  par- 
liament of  Richard  II.,  which  also  may  be  called 
the  first  of  Henry  IV.,  sat  only  one  day,  Septem- 
ber 30,  A.  D.  1399  ;  and  in  that  short  session, 
deposed  one  king,  and  placed  another  on  the 
throne  ;  which  hasty  transaction  was  productive 
of  many  calamities,  and  brought  the  kingdom 
to  the  brink  of  ruinf .  The  two  longest  parlia- 
ments in  this  period  were  those  of  the  8th 
Henry  IV.  A.  D.  1407,  and  23d  Hemy  VI. 
A.  D.  1446  ;  the  former  of  which  sat,  in  three 
sessions,  159  days,  and  the  latter,  in  four  sessions, 
178  days  :  but  both  the  members  and  theu' con- 
stituents complained  of  the  length  of  these  par- 
liaments ;  the  members,  for  being  so  long  de- 
tained from  their  business  and  diversions  in  the 
country,  in  which  they  dehghted;  and  their 
constituents  on  account  of  the  wages  of  their  re- 
presentatives, which  amounted  to  considerable 
sumst.  The  wages,  for  example,  of  the  two 
knights  of  the  sliire  for  Cumberland,  in  the  first  of 
these  parliaments,  amounted  to  80l.  8s.  equiva- 
lent to  8001.  at  present ;  because,  besides  the  159 
days  that  the  three  sessions  lasted,  they  were 

*  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  vol.  1.  p.  175.     Statutes  at  Large,  vol. 
1 .  paxsim' 

f  Prynne,  vol.  4.  p.  449,  4.50.      Walsingham,  p.  S.'JQ. 
I  Prynne,  vol.  4.  p.  482.  .5'26.     Ilollingshcd,  p.  531. 


68  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

allowed  wages  for  forty-two  days  for  their  three 
joiirnies*. 
Statute  About  fifty  systems  or  bodies  of  laws  were 

made,  ill  so  many  different  sessions  of  parliaments, 
in  the  course  of  this  period,  some  of  them  contain- 
ing only  a  few,  and  others  of  them  between  twen- 
ty and  thirty  statutes,  on  too  great  a  variety  of 
subjects  to  be  here  enumerated  f.  Some  of  them 
were  intended  to  explain,  amend,  or  revive  for- 
mer laws,  and  others  in  affirmance  of  the  common 
law,  or  for  supplying  its  defects,  by  inflicting 
severer  penalties  on  certain  crimes,  and  provid- 
ing new  remedies  for  new  disorders.  It  seems 
still  to  liave  been  a  prevailing  opinion  in  the  fii-st 
part  of  this  period,  tliat  the  authority  of  laws 
was  weakened,  if  not  destroyed,  by  the  death  of 
the  prince  under  whom  they  had  been  made ; 
and  therefore  both  Henry  IV.  and  Henry  V.  soon 
after  their  accession,  confirmed  the  great  charter, 
and  the  charter  of  the  forests,  with  all  other 
laws  that  had  not  been  repealed  |.  But  though 
these  two  famous  charters  were  thus  twice  con- 
firmed in  this  period,  it  was  only  in  common  with 
all  other  statutes ;  and  it  plainly  appears,  that 
they  were  not  so  much  insisted  upon,  or  attended 
to,  by  the  people  of  England,  as  they  had  been 
when  the  remembrance  of  them  was  more  re- 
cent. Some  severe,  or  rather  cruel  laws,  were 
made   by   Henry  IV.  and  Henry  V.   against 


•    Prynnc,  vol.  4.  p.  47S. 

f   See  Statutes  nt  Large,   vol.  1,2. 

\   Statutes,  1st  Heii,  IV.  fli.  1.  -llli  lien.  V,  ch,  I. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTIQN,  &c.  (59 

the  followers  of  Wickliffe,  wlio  were  called 
heretics  and  Lollards,  and,  when  convicted,  were 
consigned  to  the  flames*.  These  laws  were  pro- 
bably procured  by  the  influence  of  the  clergy, 
whose  favour  was  much  courted  by  both  these 
princes.  Additional  powers  were  granted  to 
justices  of  the  peace;  and  various  laws  were 
made  for  regulating  their  qualifications  and  pro- 
ceedings!. '^^^^  statutes  of  this  period  w^ere  very 
unfriendly  to  strangers  who  traded  or  settled  in 
England,  particularly  to  the  Welsh  and  Irish  :|:. 
Some  excellent  laws  for  the  regulation  and  en- 
couragement of  trade  and  manufactures  were 
made  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.,  who  was  liim- 
self  one  of  the  greatest  merchants  in  Europe,  and 
paid  great  attention  to  commerce  f.  The  sta- 
tutes of  Richard  III.  were  the  first  that  were  ex- 
pressed in  the  English  language,  all  fonner  sta- 
tutes having  been  either  in  Latin  or  French ; 
which  w  ere  not  understood  by  the  great  body 
of  the  people,  or  even  by  many  of  the  legisla- 
tors ||.  These  were  also  the  first  statutes  of 
England  that  were  printed.  But  as  many  of  the 
statute  laws  of  this  period  have  been  eflectually 
repealed  by  length  of  time  and  change  of  cir- 
cumstances, as  weU  as  by  subsequent  statutes, 
it  doth  not  seem  to  be  necessary  to  give  a 


•  2d  Hen.  IV.  ch.  15 ;  2d  Hen.  V.  ch.  7. 

t  4tli  Hen.  IV.  ch,  9  ;  5th,  ch.  10 ;  13th,  ch.  7  ;  2d  Hen.  V.  ch.  4; 
2d  Statutes^  cli.  1  ;  2d  Hen.  VI.  ch.  9  ;  6th,  ch.  S,  &c.  &c. 

t  2d  Hen.  IV.  ch.  16  ;  4th,  ch.  16 — 34;  9th,  ch.  3;  Ist  Hen.  V. 
ch.  fi  ;  4th,  ell.  6  ;  1st  Hen.  VI.  ch,  S.  &c.  &c. 

§  Se«  Stat.  Edward  IV.  ||    Sea  staU  Rich,  HI. 


70  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

more  particular  account  of  tliciu  in  a  general 
history*. 
Judges  The  courts  of  law  in  England  continued  near- 

sriaries!'  ty  ou  tlic  samc  footiug  lu  tliis  as  in  the  former 
period.  Tlie  number  of  judges  in  the  courts  at 
Westminster  was  not  yet  fixed ;  as,  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  VI.,  there  were  sometimes  five,  six, 
seven,  and  at  one  time  eight  judges,  in  the 
court  of  Common  Pleas  f.  The  ancient  salaries 
of  these  judges  were  very  small,  viz.  to  the  chief 
justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  401.  a-year,  to  the 
chief  justice  of  the  Common  Pleas,  401.  and  to 
each  of  the  other  judges  in  these  two  courts, 
40  marks.  Henry  VI.,  by  letters  patent,  grant- 
ed an  additional  salary, — to  the  chief  justice  of 
the  King's  Bench,  of  180  marks,  or  1201.,  which 
made  his  whole  salary  I60l.,  equivalent  to 
1,600; — to  the  chief  justice  of  the  Common 
Pleas,  of  931.  6s.  8d,  which  made  his  whole  salary 
1301.  6s.  8d.,  equivalent  to  l,300l. ; — to  each  of 
the  other  judges,  110  marks,  which  made  the 
whole  salary  of  each  judge  lOOl.,  equivalent  to 
l,000l.  at  present.  Besides  these  salaries,  each 
judge  had  a  certain  quantity  of  silk,  linen-cloth, 
and  furs,  for  his  summer  and  winter  robes,  out  of 
the  royal  wardrobe,  or  an  equivalent  in  money. 
All  these  judges  were  also  justices  of  assize,  for 
which  each  had  a  salary  of  20l.  equivalent  to 
2001.     What  other  perquisites  or  profits  were 


*,  See  many  ingenious  remarks  on  the  statutes  of  tltis  period,  in  the 
Hon.  Judge  13arrington's  Observations  on  tlie  Statutes. 
f   Dugdale's  Origincs  Juridicalcs,  p.  '.ii). 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.       CONSTITUTION,  &c.  ,  71 

annexed  to  their  offices  (which  they  held  only 
during  pleasure)  I  have  not  discovered.  The 
winter-robes  of  each  judge  cost  51.  6s.  ll^d. 
equivalent  to  53 1.  10s. ;  and  his  summer-robes 
3l.  3s.  6d.  equivalent  to  311.  15s.  The  annual 
salary  of  the  attorney-general  was  only  10 1.,  equi- 
valent to  lOOl.  He  was  allowed  only  one  robe, 
worth  ll.  6s.  lid.  equivalent  to  13l.  10s.  All  the 
j  udges  and  the  attorney-general  presented  a  peti- 
tion to  the  King  in  parliament,  A.  D.  1439,  com- 
plaining that  their  salaries  were  too  small,  and  ill 
paid ;  and  that,  if  they  did  not  obtam  redi'ess, 
they  woidd  be  obliged  to  resign  their  offices.  It 
doth  not  appear  that  they  obtained  any  addition: 
but  an  act  was  made,  that  they  should  be  regu- 
larly paid,  twice  a-year,  by  the  clerk  of  the  Ha- 
naper*.  When  a  judge  was  admitted  into  his 
office,  he  took  a  solemn  oath,  "  That  he  would 
"  not  receive  any  fee,  pension,  gift,  reward,  or 
"  bribe,  of  any  man  having  sute  or  plea  before 
**  him,  saving  meat  and  di'ink,  which  should  be 
"  of  no  great  valuef ." 

Great  and  just  complaints  were  made,  m  this  as  Corrupt 
well  as  in  former  periods,  of  the  corrupt  and  im-  tration  of 
perfect   administration   of  justice.      This   was^"''^'^^ 
owhig  to  several  causes,  besides  the  insufficient 
salaries,  and  precarious  situation  of  the  judges. 

•  Dugilale's  Origines  Juridicales,  p.  105 — 110. 

f  Fortescue  de  Laudibus  Lcgum  Anglin?,  c.  51.  Statutes,  A.  D. 
1344.  Tlie  whole  fees  or  salaries  of  the  treasurer  of  England, 
keeper  of  the  privy  seal,  the  judges  of  both  benches,  tlie  barons  of 
tlie  exchequer,  and  other  ofhcers  of  these  courts,  A.  D.  1421,  amounts 
ed  only  lu  ;j000l.  equivalent  to  30,0001.  at  present.  Ryin.  Feed, 
torn.  10.   p.  113. 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Maintenance,  as  it  was  called,  still  prevailed; 
by  wliicli  great  niunbers  of  people,  confederated 
together,  under  one  head,  whose  livery  they 
wore,  to  defend  each  otlier  in  all  their  claims 
and  pleas,    whether  they  were  just  or  unjust. 
These  confederates  laid  all  the  peaceable  people 
around  them  under  contribution,  not  to  harass 
them  by  vexatious  law-suits*.   The  exemptions 
which  the  clergy  claimed  from  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  civil  courts,  made  it  almost  impossible 
for  the  laity  to  compel  their  spiritual  guides  to 
do  them  common  justice  by  a  legal  process. 
The  great  number  of  sanctuaries  in  all  parts  of 
the  kingdom,  protected  many  from  the  punish- 
ment due  to  their  crimes,  and  from  the  pay- 
ment of  their  debts.     Perjury  was  a  reigning 
vice  in  this  period ;  and  we  are  told  by  the  pre- 
lates and  clergy  of  the  province  of  Canterbury, ' 
in  convocation,  A.  D.  1439,  that  great  numbers 
of  people  had  no  other  trade  but  that  of  hiring 
themselves  for  witnesses,  or  taking  bribes  when 
they  were  on  juriesf.      But  the  violent  fac- 
tions, and  cruel  civil  wars,  of  those  times,  were 
the  greatest  obstacles  to  the  regular  impartial 
administration  of  justice.      The   truth  is,  the 
people  of  England,   in  this  period,  were  fre- 
quently under  a  kind  of  military  government ; 
and  the  high  constable  was  invested  with  autho- 
rity to  put  the  greatest  subjects  in  the  kingdom 
to  death  without  noise,  or  so  much  as  observing 

*  Wilfciti.  Concil.  torn.  i.  p.  584.  f   Id.  ibid. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  73 

the  forms  of  law,  when  ever  he  was  convinced 
in  his  own  mind  that  they  were  guilty,  as  ap^ 
pears  from  an  article  in  his  commission,  quoted 
below*.  This  extraordinary  commission  was 
sometimes  executed  in  its  full  extent ;  and  se- 
veral persons  of  high  rank  were  put  to  death, 
without  any  inquiry  after  evidence,  as  our 
readers  must  have  observed.  But  when  the 
constable  wished  to  have  some  appearance  of 
proof,  and  could  not  obtain  it  in  any  other  way, 
he  sometimes  had  recourse  to  torture.  Of  this 
it  may  be  proper  to  give  one  example.  One 
Cornehus  Shoemaker,  being  seized  at  Queen- 
borough,  A.  D.  1468,  and  letters  found  upon 
him  from  Queen  INIargaret,  then  in  France,  he 
was  tortured  by  fire,  to  make  him  discover  the 
names  of  the  noblemen  and  gentlemen  who 
corresponded  with  the  exiled  Queen  f.  The 
famous  rack  in  the  tower  of  London,  called 
tJie  Duke  of  Exetefs  daughter,  because  invent- 
ed by  that  Duke  when  he  was  constable,  is 
well  known. 

But  if  iustice  was  not  well  administered  in  i-a^yers 

•^  .  and  attor- 

this  period,  it  was  not  owing  to  a  want  or  scar-  nies. 
city  of  lawyers  or  attornies.     According  to  the 
account  given  us  by  Sir  John  Fortescue,  chief 
justice  of  the  King's  Bendi  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.,  there  were  no  fewer  than  2000  stu- 

•  Plenam  potestatcm  et  aiictoritatcm  tlamus  et  committimus  atl  cog- 
nosccnduDi  et  procedcndum  in  omnibus  et  singulis  causis  et  ncgotiis  de  ct 
super  crimine  laesre  majestatis,  scu  ipsius  occasioiie,  caeterisrjuc  causis 
quibuscunquo,  summario  et  de  piano,  sinu  strepitu  et  figura  judicii,  &c. 
&c.      Ryni.  Feed.  toin.  H.  p    582. 

I  \V.  Wyrceiter,  p.  515. 


74 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN. 


Book.  V. 


Common 
law. 


Court  of 
Chancery. 


dents  of  law,  in  the  inns  of  cliancery  and  the 
inns  of  court  in  his  time*.  Attornies  had  be- 
come so  numerous  about  the  same  time,  in  some 
parts  of  England,  })articularly  in  Norfolk  and 
Suffolk,  that  an  act  of  parliament  was  made, 
33d  Henry  VI.,  A.  D.  1455,  restricthig  their 
number  in  these  two  counties  to  fourteen,  six  in 
each  county,  and  two  in  the  city  of  Norwich  f. 

The  following  description  of  the  common  law 
in  this  period,  taken  from  the  learned  historian  of 
that  law,  is,  I  believe,  both  the  best  and  shortest 
that  can  be  given.  "  Touching  tlie  reports  of 
*'  the  years  and  terms  of  liemy  IV.  and  Henry 
"  V.  I  can  only  say,  they  do  not  arrive,  either 
"  in  the  nature  of  the  learning  contained  in 
"  them,  or  in  the  judiciousness  or  knowledge  of 
"  the  judges  and  pleaders,  nor  in  any  other  re- 
"  spect  arise  to  the  perfection  of  the  last  twelve 
*'  years  of  Edward  III.  But  the  times  of  Henry 
"  VI.,  as  also  of  Edward  IV.  and  Edward  V., 
"  were  times  that  abounded  with  learned  and 
"  excellent  men.  There  is  little  odds  in  the 
"  usefulness  and  learning  of  these  books,  only 
"  the  first  part  of  Henry  VI.  is  more  barren, 
"  spending  itself  much  in  learning  of  httle  mo- 
"  ment,  and  now  out  of  use ;  but  the  second 
"  part  is  full  of  excellent  learning:]:." 

Tliough  that  remarkable  singularity  in  the 
English  constitution,  the  court  of  equity  in 
Chancery,  is  not  of  great  antiquity,  it  is  not 

•  Fortescue  de  Laudibus  Lcgum  Anglia-,  cli.  49. 

f  Statutes,  03d  Hen.  VI.  cli   7. 

I  Hale's  Ilibtory  of  the  Common  Law,  p.  171. 


Chap.  3.  Sect  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c;  75 

easy  to  trace  it  to  its  origin,  or  to  discover  the 
precise  time  and  occasion  of  its  establishment. 
It  is  most  probable  that  it  was  introduced  by 
certain  steps  and  practices,  which  slowly  and  in- 
sensibly led  to  such  an  institution.  In  former 
times,  when  a  person  thought  himself  greatly 
injmred  by  a  sentence  of  the  supreme  courts  of 
law,  he  appHed  by  a  representation  of  his  case,  ' 
and  a  petition  for  redress,  to  the  King,  the 
fountam  of  justice.  After  our  kings  desisted 
from  administering  justice  in  such  cases  in  their 
own  persons,  these  representations  and  petitions 
were  commonly,  and  at  length  constantly,  re- 
ferred to  the  lord  chancellor,  the  keeper  of  the 
King's  conscience,  one  of  the  gi'eatest  officers 
of  the  crown  and  wisest  men  in  the  kingdom. 
By  a  long  continuance  of  this  practice,  the 
chancellor  came  to  be  considered,  both  by  our 
kmgs  and  their  subjects,  as  the  officer  whose 
province  it  was  to  mitigate  the  rigorous  senten- 
ces of  strict  law,  by  the  milder  decisions  of  equity 
and  mercy.  John  Waltham,  Bishop  of  Sahs- 
bury,  and  chancellor  to  Richard  II.,  invented, 
it  is  said  the  writ  of  subpoena,  returnable  only  in 
chancery,  in  order  to  bring  feoffees  of  land  to 
uses,  directly  into  that  court,  to  make  them  ac- 
countable to  those  for  whose  use  they  held  the 
lands*.  These  writs  were  soon  after  apphcd  for 
and  obtained  in  other  cases ;  which  greatly  in- 
creased the  business  of  the  court  of  equity  in 
chancery,  and  gave  umbrage  to  the  courts  of 

*  lilackstoiif,  vol  3.  p.  51,  52. 


76  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

common  law*.  A  small  cheek  was  given  to  this 
by  an  act  of  parliament,  17th  Richard  II.,  A.  D. 
1393,  by  empowering  the  chancellor  to  give  da- 
mages to  the  injured  party,  when  he  found  that 
a  cause  had  been  brought  before  him  on  untrue 
suggestions!.  This,  however,  and  another  still 
stronger,  15th  Henry  VI.,  A.  D.  1436,  did  not 
satisfy  the  common  lawyers ;  and  the  house  of 
commons,  at  their  request,  petitioned  the  King 
in  parliament,  14th  Edward  IV.,  A.  D.  1474,  to 
.suppress  the  writ  of  subpoena.  But  that  petition 
was  refused :  and  the  court  of  equity  in  chancery 
was  fully  established,  and  its  business  continued 
to  increase  f.  All  the  chancellors  in  England  in 
this  period  were  clergymen ;  and  this  triumph 
over  the  courts  of  common  law  was  chiefly  ob- 
tained by  the  influence  of  the  clergy,  who  had 
long  viewed  these  courts  with  an  unfriendly  eye, 
as  tliey  did  not  favour  their  exorbitant  claims. 
For  a  more  particular  account  of  the  courts  of 
law  than  is  competent  to  general  history,  the 
reader  may  consult  the  excellent  work  quoted 
below  f . 
Ordinary  The  revcnucs  of  the  kings  of  England  in  this 
period,  as  weU  as  their  cliarges  and  expences, 
may  be  divided  into  ordinary  and  extraordinary. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  give  a  very  minute  descrip- 
tion of  the  hereditary,  stated,  and  ordinary  reve- 
nues of  the  kings  of  England  in  this  period,  as 

•  Blackstone,  vol.  3.  p.  51 ,  52. 

f  Statutes,  17th  Rich.  II.  ch,  6. 

\  Cotton's  Records,  p.  410.  422.  424.  548, 

5  Judge  lilackstoue's  Commentaries,  vol.  S.  ch.  4,  5,  6. 


jrevenues. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  77 

the  sources  of  them  have  been  already  enumei^- 
ated  at  full  length*.  The  crown-lands,  with  the 
wardships  and  marriages  of  those  who  held  of 
the  crown  in  capite,  still  formed  one  of  the  chief 
sources  of  its  ordinary  revenue.  The  crown  lands, 
or  royal  demesnes,  in  the  reign  of  William  the 
Conqueror,  and  some  of  his  successors,  were  of 
immense  extent  and  great  value ;  and,  together 
with  the  various  prestations  of  their  feudal  te- 
nants, were  abundantly  sufficient  to  support  them 
in  affluence  and  splendour,  with  little  or  no  de- 
pendence on  their  subjects.  But  succeeding  prin- 
ces, by  engaging  in  unnecessary  and  expensive 
wars; — ^by  liberal,  profuse,  imprudent  grants; — 
by  founding  and  endowing  monasteries ; — and 
by  other  means,  gradually  and  greatly  diminished 
the  royal  demesnes.  It  is  difficult  to  determine 
whether  those  kings  who  were  despised  for  their 
weakness  and  superstition,  or  those  who  were  ce- 
lebrated for  their  valour  and  ambition,  contribu- 
ted most  to  produce  this  effect.  The  victorious 
Henry  V.  not  only  pawned  his  crown,  liis  jewels, 
and  his  furniture,  but  alienated  so  many  of  the 
crown-lands,  that  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign, 
the  remainder  of  them,  with  the  wardship  and 
marriages  of  his  vassals,  yielded  only  15,0()61.  lis. 
Id.  equivalent  to  150,6711.  Us.  lOd.f  This  fund 
of  the  ordinary  revenues  of  the  crown  sometimes 
received  great  accessions,  by  resumptions  and 
confiscations.  Edward  IV.,  after  the  battles  of 
Barnet  and  Tewkesbury,  A.D.  1471,  by  the  con- 

•  Sea  Tol.  6.  cli.  8.  §  1.  f  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  10.  p.  113. 


&c. 


^g  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

fiscation  of  the  great  estates  of  the  Duke  of  So- 
merset, the  Marquis  of  ^lontacute,  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  and  all  the  chief  men  of  the  Lancas- 
trian party,  "  had  (to  use  the  words  of  Sir  John 
"  Fortescue)  livelood  in  lordscliippis  lands,  tene- 
"  nients,  and  rents,  nerchand  to  the  value  of  the 
"  fifth  part  of  his  realme,  ahove  the  possessions 
"  of  the  churche ;  by  which  livelood  if  it  had 
"  abyden  styl  in  his  hands,  he  had  been  more 
"  myghty  of  good  revenuz,  than  any  king  that 
"  now  reynith  upon  Christen  men*."  He  says 
further,  that  if  the  King  had  kept  all  his  land, 
"  he  schuld  have  had  lyvelood  sufficyent  for  the 
"  maintenaunce  of  his  astatef ."  At  the  same  time 
he  relates  in  what  manner  all  that  immense  ac- 
cession of  landed  property  was  soon  alienated, 
and  the  King  reduced  to  a  state  of  dependence 
upon  his  subjects  for  extraordinary  aids  in  par- 
liament ±.  This  constant  dissipation  of  the  landed 
property  of  the  crown  was  not  altogether  owing 
to  the  imprudent  profusion  of  princes,  but  was 
almost  unavoidable ;  because  money  being  very 
scarce,  they  had  hardly  any  other  way  of  grati- 
fying favourites,  or  rewarding  services,  but  by 
grants  of  lands. 
Customs,  The  several  customs  and  duties  on  merchan- 
dise, tliough  imposed  by  parliament,  were,  in  this 
period,  reckoned  amongst  the  ordinary  stated  re- 
venues of  the  crown,  because  they  were  granted 
to  every  king,  as  it  were,  of  course.    In  that  ac- 

•  Sir  John  Fortescue  on  the  diflcrence  between  absolute  and  limited 
monarchy,  p,  83,  84.  f  Id.  p.  85.  f  Id.  p.  81,  85. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  79 

count  delivered  to  Heniy  V.  at  Lambeth,  A.  D. 
1421,  by  William  Kenwolmersh,  dean  of  St  Mar- 
tin's, London,  treasurer  of  England,  all  these  cus- 
toms and  duties  amounted  to  40,6871.  19s.  ^d. 
a-year,  equivalent  to  406,8801.  of  our  money  at 
present.  By  that  account  it  also  appears,  that  the 
whole  stated  revenue  of  the  crown  of  England 
for  that  year  amounted  to  no  more  than  55,7541. 
10s.  10:J:d.,  which  (neglecting  the  fractions)  was 
equivalent  to  557,5401.*  From  that  very  curious 
accomit,  it  is  likewise  evident,  that  Henry  V. 
after  paying  his  guards  and  garrisons, — the  ex- 
pences  of  his  civil  government — the  salaries  of 
the  collectors,  &c.  of  his  customs — and  pensions 
to  dukes,  earls,  knights,  &c.,  which  were  charges 
on  his  ordinary  revenue,  had  only  3,507l.  13s. 
md.,  equivalent  to  35,0771.  remaining,  to  de- 
fray all  the  expences  of  his  household, — his  ward- 
robe,— his  works, — his  embassies,  and  various 
other  charges :  a  sum  altogether  incompetent  to 
answer  those  purposes,  as  the  expence  of  the 
King's  household  alone  amounted,  in  those  times, 
to  alx)ut  20,0001.,  equivalent  to  200,0001.  at  pre- 
sent f.  The  same  account  also  represents,  that 
many  of  the  debts  of  liis  father  Henry  IV.,  and 
his  own  debts  contracted  when  he  was  Prince 
of  Whales,  were  still  unpaid,  and  that  great  ar- 
rears were  owing  of  salaries  and  pensions,  and  to 
his  garrisons,  his  household,  and  his  wardrobe. 
From  this  authentic  account  of  the  ordinary  re- 

•  Fortesciie,  p.  84, 85.    A nderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  1 .  p.  284. 
f  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  1.  it.  237. 


nary  reve- 
nues. 


go  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Bdok.  V. 

venues  of  the  crown  of  England,  and  of  the  or- 
dinary charges  upon  these  revenues,  we  need  not 
be  surprised  that  all  oiu*  kings  in  this  period  lived 
in  straits,  and  died  deeply  involved  in  debt,  Ed- 
ward IV.  alone  excepted.     As  that  prince  suc- 
ceeded to  an  enemy,  and  an  usurper,  he  paid  none 
of  his  predecessor's  debts.    He  was  a  good  oeco- 
nomist,  and  a  great  merchant,  and  used  various 
means  to  get  money  with  which  other  kings  were 
unacquainted,  besides  the  large  pension  from  the 
King  of  France,  which  he  enjoyed  several  years. 
Extraordi.      The  extraordinary  revenues  of  the  crown  of 
England  were  such  as  were  granted  by  parlia- 
ment, not  of  course,  but  on  particular  occasions, 
to  answer  particular  purposes.  These  grants  were 
made,  upon  the  application  of  the  King  by  his 
ministers,  most  frequently  to  defray  the  expen- 
ces  of  a  war,  for  which  the  ordinary  revenues  of 
the  crown  were  quite  inadequate.    They  consist- 
ed chiefly  of  tenths  or  fifteenths  of  all  the  move- 
able goods  both  of  the  clergy  and  laity,  to  which 
the  King  had  no  right,  till  they  were  voluntarily 
given  him  by  the  clergy  in  convocation,  and  by 
the  laity  in  parliament.     These  tenths  and  fif- 
teenths were  paid  according  to  a  value  set  upon 
every  person's  goods  by  commissioners  appoint- 
ed for  that  purpose  in  every  district,  both  in  town 
and  country,  and  yielded  sometimes  more,  some- 
times less,  as  they  were  more  carefully  or  more 
carelessly  collected,  or  as  the  kingdom  was  in  a 
flourishing  or  declining  state.    The  people  some- 
times endeavoured  to  avoid  paying  their  due 
proportion  of  tenths  and  fifteentlis,  by  removing 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  81 

their  cattle  and  goods  to  some  distance,  before 
the  commissioners  came  to  take  an  account  of 
them ;  to  prevent  wliich,  an  act  of  parliament 
was  made,  A.  D.  1407,  that  all  persons,  and  par- 
ticularly foreigners,  should  pay  according  to  the 
cattle  and  goods  they  had  in  any  place,  on  the 
day  on  which  the  act  for  a  tenth  or  fifteenth  was 
passed ;  and  that  the  district,  town,  or  county, 
should  pay  for  all  the  cattle  and  goods  that  were 
removed  after  that  day*.  This  made  the  people 
spies  upon  one  another.  Sometimes  parliament 
granted  a  tax  upon  lands  and  offices  above  a  cer- 
tain value;  sometimes  imposed  additional  duties 
upon  certain  commodities  for  a  limited  time;  and 
on  a  few  occasions  imposed  a  poll-tax  f.  But 
these  extraordinary  aids  frequently  fell  short  of 
answering  the  purposes  for  which  they  were  gi- 
ven, and  added  to  the  difficulties  and  debts  of 
the  prince  to  whom  they  were  granted.  The 
preservation  of  Calais  and  the  castles  in  its  little 
territory,  and  the  defence  of  the  borders  against 
the  Scots,  were  heavy  loads  on  the  revenues  of 
the  kings  of  England  in  this  period.  These  two 
charges  were  nearly  equal,  and  (if  there  is  no 
mistake  in  the  record  of  the  transcript)  amount- 
ed to  38,6191.  5s.  lOd.,  equivalent  to  ,S86,210l. 
1 8s.  4d.  :j:  In  a  word,  it  was  the  great  misfortune 
of  the  people  of  England  in  this  period,  that 
they  were  almost  constantly  engaged  in  war;  for 
though  some  of  these  wars  were  glorious,  none 

•  loth  Ilcn.  IV.  c.  7.  f  Pari.  Hist.  v.  2.  p.  124.  S68— 372. 

I  Rym.  Foed.  torn.  10,  p.  113. 

TOL.  X.  G 


82  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

of  them  were  advantageous ;  and  most  of  them 
were  very  pernicious  to  the  prosperity  of  tlie 
kingdom — by  diminishing  population — by  ob- 
structing the  progress  of  arts  and  commerce — 
and  by  involving  our  kings  in  debt,  after  they 
had  extorted  more  money  from  their  subjects 
than  they  could  well  afford  to  pay.  A¥lien  will 
ambition  listen  to  the  voice  of  reason  and  huma- 
nity, and  permit  mankind  to  enjoy  the  gifts  of 
nature  and  providence  in  peace  ? 
Illegal  me-  Whcii  all  the  Ordinary  and  extraordinary  re- 
raiiing  mo.  vcnucs  of  the  crown  proved  insufficient  to  defray 
"^y*  the  expences  of  a  war,  our  kings  had  recourse  to 
various  expedients,  some  of  them  neither  honour- 
able nor  lawful,  to  procure  money.  Edward  IV., 
for  example,  not  only  carried  on  trade  like  a  com- 
mon merchant,  but  also  solicited  charities,  which 
he  called  benevolences  or  free  gifts,  like  a  com- 
mon, or  rather  hke  a  sturdy  beggar.  Having  ex- 
pended all  the  aids  granted  to  him  by  parliament, 
in  preparing  for  an  expedition  into  France,  A.D. 
1475 ;  he  sent  for  all  the  rich  lords,  ladies,  gen- 
tlemen, and  merchants,  of  whoin  he  had  procur- 
ed a  list,  received  them  with  the  most  captivat- 
mg  affability,  represented  the  greatness  of  his 
necessities,  and  earnestly  intreated  them  to  grant 
him  as  great  a  free  gift  as  they  could  afford,  ac- 
companying his  entreaties  with  smiles  and  pro- 
mises, or  frowns  and  threats,  as  he  saw  occasion. 
Being  a  handsome,  gallant,  courteous,  and  popu- 
lar prince,  he  was  exceedingly  successful  in  his 
solicitations,  particularly  with  the  ladies,  and  col- 
lected a  greater  mass  of  money  than  had  ever  been 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  83 

in  the  possession  of  a  king  of  England*.  This 
mode  of  raising  money  appeared  to  be  so  danger- 
ous to  the  liberties  of  the  kingdom,  as  well  as 
hurtful  to  particular  persons,  who  were  induced 
to  contribute  more  than  they  could  afford,  that 
an  act  of  parliament  was  made  against  it  1st 
Richard  III.,  A.  D.  1483  ;  and  in  the  preamble 
of  that  act,  the  pernicious  effects  of  it  are  paint- 
ed in  very  strong  colours :  *'  INIany  worshipful 
"  men  of  this  realm,  by  occasion  of  that  benevo- 
"  lence,  were  compelled  by  necessity  to  break  up 
"  theu'  households,  and  to  live  in  great  penury 
"  and  wretchedness,  their  debts  unpaid,  their 
"  children  unpreferred,  and  such  memorials  as 
"  they  had  ordained  to  be  done  for  the  wealth 
"  of  their  souls,  were  anentized  and  annulled,  to 
"  the  great  displeasure  of  God,  and  destruction 
"  of  this  realm  f."  Several  other  pitiful  and  ille- 
gal arts  were  used  by  the  kings  of  England,  in 
this  period,  to  extort  money  from  then*  subjects, 
which  are  better  buried  in  oblivion  than  record- 
ed in  history  t- 

The  powers  and  prerogatives  of  the  kings  of  England 
England  in  this  period  were  not  distinctly  mark-  monarchy;, 
ed  or  ascertained,  and  therefore  depended  in  some 
measure  on  the  character  of  the  king,  and  the 
circumstances  of  the  kingdom.  In  general,  how- 
ever, it  may  be  safely  affirmed — that  they  were 
very  far  from  being  possessed  of  arbitrary  power 
— that  the  distinction  between  an  absolute  and 

•  Hist.  Croyl.  p.  558.   Fabian,  f.  222.    Hall,  f.  227.    Grafton,  p.  71t>. 

f  Statutes,  1st  Rich.  III.  c.  2. 

\  Ste  Cottoni  Posthiima,  p.  163 — 202. 


« 
ti 
(( 
ti 
t( 


84  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

limited  monarchy  was  perfectly  well  imderstood 
•—and  that  England  was  a  limited  monarchy. 
**  Ther  be  two  kynds  of  kyngdomys  (says  Sir 
"  Jolm  Fortescue,  who  wrote  in  this  period)  of 
**  which  that  one  ys  a  lordship,  call  id  in  Latyne, 
"  Dominium  rcgnle,  and  that  other  is  callid  Uo- 
"  minium  poUfi cum  ^  regale.  And  they  dyversin 
"  (differ)  in  that  the  first  may  rule  his  people  by 
"  such  lawys  as  he  maky th  himself ;  and  therefor 
he  may  set  upon  them  talys  (taxes)  and  other 
impositions,  such  as  he  wyl  hymself,  without 
their  assent.  The  secund  may  not  ride  hys 
people  by  other  lawys  than  such  as  they  as- 
senten  unto ;  and  therefor  he  may  set  on  them 
none  impositions  without  their  own  assent*." 
That  great  lawyer,  in  the  subsequent  chapters  of 
his  book,  enumerates  the  advantages  that  Eng- 
land derived  from  being  a  Dominium  politicum  c^ 
regale,  or  a  limited  monarchy  ;  and  the  miseries 
that  France  endured  from  being  a  Dominium  re- 
gale, or  an  absolute  monarchy.  It  was  also  un- 
derstood, that  the  kings  of  P2ngland  could  neither 
repeal  nor  change  any  standing  law  of  the  land 
by  their  own  authority,  without  the  consent  of 
parliament.  "  A  king  of  England  cannot,  at 
*'  his  pleasure  make  any  alterations  in  the  laws 
■*  of  the  land ;  for  tlie  nature  of  his  government 
"  is  not  only  regal  but  political  f."  I  am  not  so 
certain  that  it  was  understood  to  be  a  part  of 
the  constitution  of  England  in  this  period,  that 

•  Sir  John  Fortescuc,  on  the  difference  between  an  absolute  and  limit- 
ed monarcliy,  c.  1 . 

f  Fortescue  de  Laudibus  Legum  Angh'a;,  cap.  9. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  85 

the  king  could  not  interpret  the  laws,  and  ad- 
minister justice  to  his  subjects  in  person,  but 
only  by  his  judges.  This,  however,  was  so  much 
ttie  practice,  that  I  have  met  with  only  one  ex- 
ception to  it,  if  it  is  indeed  an  exception.  Ed- 
ward IV.,  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  sat 
three  days  together  during  Michaelmas  term,  in 
the  court  of  King's  Bench ;  but  it  is  not  said  that 
he  interfered  in  the  business  of  the  court ;  and 
as  he  was  then  a  very  young  man,  it  is  probable 
that  it  was  his  intention  to  learn  in  what  man- 
ner justice  was  administered,  rather  than  to  act 
the  part  of  a  judge*.  The  same  prince,  in  the 
17th  year  of  his  reign,  A.  D.  1477,  when  the 
country  was  overrun  with  numerous  gangs  of 
robbers,  accompanied  the  judges  of  assize  in  their 
circuits ;  but  his  design  in  doing  this  seems  to 
have  been  to  prevent  the  judges  from  being  in- 
sulted or  intimidated,  and  to  secure  the  execu- 
tion of  their  sentences  f. 

But  though  it  was  well  miderstood,  that  the  Dispens- 
kings  of  England,  in  this  period,  had  no  right  to  *°^' 
make,  repeal,  or  alter  the  laws  of  the  land  by 
their  own  authority ;  it  is  very  certain,  that  they 
frequently  took  upon  them  to  dispense  with 
these  laws,  and  to  grant  permission  to  particular 
persons  or  societies  to  violate  them  with  impu- 
nity. Of  this  many  examples  might  be  given ; 
one  of  each  kind  will  be  sufficient.  There  was 
not  any  one  law  of  England  made  with  greater 

•  Trussel's  Continuation  of  Daniel's  Hist.  p.  184.      Stowc,  p.  416. 
t  Hist.  Croyl.  a  Gale,  vol.  I.  p.  B59. 


86  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

deliberation  and  solemnity,  or  to  which  the  peo- 
ple had  a  stronger  attachment  than  that  of  16th 
Richard  II.  ch.  5.  against  procnring  or  purchas- 
ing provisions  to  benefices  from  the  Pope ;  and 
yet  Henry  IV.  granted  a  dispensation  from  that 
law,  by  name,  A.  D.  1405,  to  Philip  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  with  a  permission  to  procure  provisions 
from  the  Pope  for  twenty-four  discreet  and  vir- 
tuous clerks,  graduated  or  not  graduated*.  That 
money  was  paid  to  the  King  for  this  dispensa- 
tion, there  is  little  room  to  doubt ;  and  that  the 
words  discreet  and  virtuous  were  mere  words  of 
course,  is  equally  clear ;  for  if  the  Bishop  and  his 
clerks  had  been  remarkably  discreet  and  virtu- 
ous, they  would  hardly  have  desired  a  dispensa- 
tion from  so  good  a  law.  Edward  IV.  in  the 
second  year  of  his  reign,  A.D.  1462,  made  a  most 
extraordinary  use  of  this  dispensing  power;  and, 
to  secure  the  clergy  in  his  interest,  granted  them 
permission  to  violate  all  the  laws  of  the  land,  or 
rather  all  the  laws  of  God  and  man,  prohibiting 
all  his  judges  and  officers  to  try  or  punish  any 
archbishop,  bishop,  or  other  clergymen,  for  trea- 
son, ravishing  v/omen,  or  any  other  crime  f.  But 
whether  this  dispensing  power,  which  was  car- 
ried to  such  an  extravagant  length  was  consider- 
ed in  those  times  (as  it  probably  was  and  certain- 
ly ought  to  have  been  considered)  as  a  violent 
illegal  stretch  of  the  prerogative,  I  have  not  been 
able  to  discover,  as  I  do  not  remember  to  have 
met  with  any  complaints  on  that  subject. 

*  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  S.  p.  409.         f  Wilkin.  Concil.  toni.  3.  p.  583. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  87 

Thoiiffh  the  feudal  system  of  government,  or  Preroga- 
rather  tyranny,  that  gave  so  many  pernicious  pre- 
rogatives to  the  fii'st  kings  of  England  after  the 
conquest,  had  been  long  declining,  and,  like  an 
old  Gothic  castle  that  had  never  been  repaired, 
was  now  almost  in  ruins ;  yet  our  kings,  in  this 
period,  still  retained  some  of  these  prerogatives 
that  were  very  inconvenient  and  distressful  to 
their  subjects,  as  the  wardship  and  marriages  of 
the  tenants  of  the  crown,  purveyance,  &c.    It  is, 
however,  evident  that  these  prerogatives  were 
now  exercised  with  much  greater  lenity  than 
they  had  been  in  former  times,  owing  to  the 
greater  dependence  of  our  kings  upon  their  sub- 
jects.  Purveyance,  in  particidar,  was  limited  by 
various  statutes,  and  reduced  within  the  follow- 
ing bounds.     "  The  King,   by  his  purveyors, 
"  may  take,  for  his  own  use,  necessaries  for  his 
"  household,  in  a  reasonable  price  to  be  assessed 
"  at  the  discretion  of  the  constables  of  the  place, 
"  whether  the  owners  will  or  not ;  but  the  King 
"  is  obliged  by  the  laws  to  make  present  pay- 
"  ment,  or  at  a  day  to  be  fixed  by  the  great 
"  officers  of  the  household*."     It  seems  to  have 
been  an  undisputed  prerogative  of  the  kings 
of  England  in  this  period,  to  press,  not  only 
sailors   and   soldiers,   but  also  artificers   of  aU 
kinds,  and  even  musicians,  goldsmiths,  and  em- 
broiderers, into  their  servicef .     They  also  natu- 
ralized foreigners  by  their  own  authority;  of 

•  Fortescue  dc  Laudibus,  &c.  ch.  36. 
t  Rym.  Feed.  tom.ll.  p.  375.  832. 


^ 


8^  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

wliicli  many  examples  might  be  produced*. 
lint  it  is  not  necessary  to  revive  the  memory  of 
these  and  tlie  hke  exploded  prerogatives,  which, 
haj)pily  both  for  the  crown  and  country,  are 
now  foi'<>;otten. 
Offices  In       'pi^g  numerous  civil  offices,  as  well  as  eccle- 

tlie  King  s 

g'it.  siastical  benefices,  which  the  kings  of  England 
had  in  their  gift  in  this  period,  added  not  a  Httle 
to  their  power  and  influence.  "  The  kyng  (saith 
"  Sir  John  Fortescue,  in  the  reign  of  Edward 
"  IV.)  givyth  moo  than  a  thousand  offices,  be- 
"  sydes  thoos  that  my  lord  prince  gyvith,  of 
**  which  I  rekyn  the  officers  as  the  kyng's  offi- 
"  cers.  Of  thees  officers  sum  may  despend  by 
"  the  yere,  by  reason  of  his  office,  2001.,  some 
"  lOOL,  some  401.,  some  .50  marks,  and  so  down- 
"  wardf ."  These  salaries  appear  contemptible 
in  our  eyes ;  but  they  were  valuable  in  those 
times ;  and  the  use  that  might  be  made  of  them, 
for  attaching  many  persons  to  the  interest  of  the 
crown,  was  perfectly  well  understood.  "  Sum 
"  forester  of  the  king's  (saith  the  same  gi'eat 
**  lawyer  and  politician,  Sir  John  Fortescue) 
"  that  hath  none  other  livelood,  may  bring  moo 
men  into  the  fild,  well  arrayed,  and  namely 
"  for  schoting,  than  may  sum  knight,  or  sum 
esqueer,  of  right  grete  livelood,  dwellyng  by 
hym,  and  having  non  office.  What  than  may 
"  gTete  officers  do ;  as  stewards  of  grete  lord- 
"  schippis,    receyvers,    constables    of    castellis, 

*  Rym  Fijcd.  torn.  10.  p.  2.  74 

-f-  Sir  Joliri  Fortescue  on  the  tlifferenct-  between  an  absolute  and  limited 
nioncirchy,  cli.  17. 


i( 


Chap.  S.  Sect.  1.      CONSTITUTION,  Sec.  89 

"  master-foresters,  and  such  other  officers ;  be- 
"  sides  the  high  officers,  as  justices  of  forests, 
"justices  and  chamberleyns  of  countries,  the 
warden  of  the  ports,  and  such  others  ?  For 
soth  it  is  not  lightly  estimable  what  might  the 
king  may  have  of  his  officers,  if  every  of  them 
"  had  but  one  office,  and  served  none  other  man 
"  but  the  king*  " 

The  distinction  between  a  Idng  de  facto  and  a  King  de 
king  dcjiire^  was  first  known  in  law  in  this  pe- 
riod ;  and  Edward  IV.  gave  an  illustrious  proof, 
both  of  his  wisdom  and  humanity,  in  confinning, 
by  the  very  fost  statute  in  his  reign,  all  the  deeds 
and  acts  of  his  three  predecessors  of  the  house  of 
Lancaster  (with  a  few  exceptions),  though  they 
were,  he  declares,  only  kings  in  fact,  and  not  of 
right.  How  many  noble  families  would  have 
been  preserved  from  ruin,  if  such  a  law  had  been 
made  at  the  beginning  of  this  period  ! 

To  conclude :  Though  the  constitution,  go-  England 
vernment,  and  laws  of  England,  had  not  yet  ar-  vemed. 
rived  at  that  excellence  to  which  they  have  since 
attained,  they  were  considerably  improved  in  the 
course  of  this  period,  and  were  really  better  than 
tliose  of  any  other  state  in  Europe  at  that  time. 
To  demonstrate  this,  was  the  chief  object  of  that 
learned  and  virtuous  statesman  Sir  John  Fortes- 
cue,  in  his  curious  work  in  praise  of  the  laws  of 
England;  and  it  is  confirmed  by  the  testimony  of 
one  of  the  most  intelligent  foreigners  who  flou- 

•  Sir  John  Forlcscue  on  tlie  UilTcrenct;  between  an  absolute  and  limit- 
ed monarchy,  ch.  17. 


90  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

rished  in  those  times*.  Philip  de  Comines,  after 
describing  the  disorders  that  reigned  in  the  go- 
vernments of  France,  Germany,  and  Italy,  and 
the  crnel  oppressions  under  which  the  people  of 
all  these  countries  groaned,  concludes  in  this 
manner: — "  In  my  opinion,  of  all  the  states  in  the 
"  world  that  I  know,  England  is  the  country 
"  where  the  commonwealth  is  best  governed,  and 
*'  the  people  least  oppressedf ."  INIay  the  inha- 
bitants of  this  happy  island  ever  enjoy,  and  never 
abuse  this  most  desirable  of  aU  distinctions ! 


SECTION  ir. 


History  of  the  Constitution,  Government,  and  Laws  of 
Scotland,  from  A.  D.  1400,  to  A.  D.  1488. 

Distracted  \  qr  mauv  vcars  before  the  untimely  death  of 

state  oi  "^      •'  *' 

Scotland  Alexander  III.,  A.  D.  1286,  and  of  his  OTand- 
1 4tii  cen-  daughter  JMargaret,  commonly  called  The  Waklen 
tu'yj  of  Norway,  heiress  of  his  dominions  (who  survived 
him  only  four  years),  Scotland  enjoyed  as  much 
prosperity  and  peace,  with  as  good  government 
and  laws,  as  any  kingdom  in  Europe  in  those  times. 
But  after  these  events,  that  unhappy  country  suf- 
fered a  sad  reverse  of  fortune,  feU  into  the  most 
deplorable  disorder  and  confusion,  andbecamethe 
scene  of  a  long  series  of  the  most  destructive  wars, 
which  threatened  it  with  desolation.  This  was 
owing — to  the  disputed  succession  to  the  throne; 
— to  its  situation  in  the  same  island,  with  a  much 

*  Sir  John  Fortescue  de  Laiidibus  Legum  Anglise,  passim. 
f  Philip  de  Comines,  b.  5.  ch.  18. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  2.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  9I 

greater,  more  opulent,  and  more  powerful  king- 
dom ; — and  to  the  ambition  of  Edward  I.,  and 
Edward  III.,  two  of  the  most  warlike  kings  of 
England,  who  ardently  desired  to  subject  it  to  their 
authority.  In  the  course  of  this  long  and  bloody 
struggle,  Scothmd  was  frequently  overrun,  and 
in  appearance  subdued;  but  the  spirit  of  its  inha- 
bitants was  invincible,  and  baffled  all  the  efforts 
of  their  two  powerful  neighbours  to  deprive  them 
of  their  independency.  In  these  circumstances  no 
improvements  in  legislation  could  be  expected ; 
which  is  the  reason  that  the  account  given  in  the 
eighth  volume  of  this  work,  of  the  constitution, 
government,  and  laws  of  Scotland,  in  the  four- 
teenth century,  is  so  short  and  unsatisfactory, 
What  did  not  exist  could  not  be  described. 

The   circumstances   of  Scotland  in  the  first  ^^<^  ''^s'"- 

ning  ot  the 

twenty-four  years  of  our  present  period,  were  no  i5th. 
better  in  this  respect  than  they  had  been  in  the 
former.  It  was  then  governed  (if  it  can  be  said  to 
have  been  governed)  by  two  successive  regents, 
who  made  no  new  laws,  and  had  not  authority  to 
execute  the  old.  The  last  of  these  regents,  Mur- 
doch Duke  of  Albany,  was  universally  contemp- 
tible, and  had  little  or  no  authority  even  in  his  own 
family.  When  James  I.,  therefore,  returned  from 
his  long  captivity  in  England,  and  mounted  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors,  A.  D.  14:24.,  he  found 
every  thing  in  the  greatest  disorder ;  the  laws 
despised, — the  royal  autliority  almost  annihi- 
lated,— the  patrimony  of  the  crown  dissipated, — 
arts  and  commerce  in  a  languishing  state, — the 


Parlia- 
ment. 


92  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

nobles  factious  and  turbulent, — and  the  people 
indigent  and  oppressed, 

But  tliat  excellent  prince  applied  himself  with 
equal  wisdom  and  vigour  to  remedy  these  disor- 
ders, aTid  his  efforts  were  not  unsuccessful.  With- 
out loss  of  time  he  held  a  parliament  at  Perth, 
May  26,  in  which,  and  his  subsequent  parlia- 
ments, many  acts  were  made  that  appear  to  have 
been  well  calculated  to  restore  the  authority  of 
the  laws,  the  prerogatives  of  the  king,  the  pa- 
trimony of  the  crown,  the  safety  and  prosperity 
of  the  people  ;  of  which  it  will  be  sufficient  to 
give  a  few  examples  on  each  of  these  heads. 
^f  Ihe""*^  For  restoring  the  authority  of  the  laws  it  was 
i^a«^-  enacted,  "  by  the  king,  with  the  assent  and  deli- 
"  verance  of  the  three  estates,  that  all  and  sindree 
"  the  kingis  liegis  of  the  realm,  leef  and  be  go- 
"  vernit  under  the  king's  laws,  and  statutes  of  the 
"  realm*."  An  act  that  never  would  have  been 
thought  of  in  a  more  settled  state  of  government; 
but  tliat  was  very  necessary  when  law,  and  the 
obligations  to  obey  it,  were  almost  forgotten.  By 
the  same  parliament  it  was  enacted,  "  That  six 
"  wyse  men  and  discreit,  of  ilk  ane  of  the  three 
"  estatis,  quhilk  knawcs  the  lawis  best,  sal  be 
"  chosin,  that  sal  see  and  examine  the  buikis  of 
"  law,  that  is  to  say,  Regiam  Majestatem  and 
"  Quonlam  Attachiameiita,  and  mend  the  lawis 
"  that  neidis  mendimentf ."  The  last  act  of  tlie 
thii'd  parliament  of  James  I.  held  in  March  A.D. 

*   Records  of  Parliament,  James  1.  act  53.     Black  Acts,  f.  9. 
f  Id.  act  60. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  2.    CONSTITUTION,  &c.  93 

1426,  effectually  provided  for  the  promtdgation 
of  aU  the  laws  that  had  been  made  in  that  and  the 
two  preceding  parliaments*.  But  as  the  best  laws 
are  of  little  value  if  they  are  not  properly  execut- 
ed, it  was  one  of  the  first  cares  of  this  wise  prince 
to  provide  for  the  due  execution  of  the  laws  and 
administration  of  justice.  By  the  sixth  act  of  his 
first  parliament,  "  it  is  ordainit,  That  thair  be 
"  maid  officiaris  and  ministeris  of  law,  throw  all 
"  the  realme,  that  can  or  may  had  the  law  to 
"  the  kino-'s  commonis,  and  sic  as  lies  sufficientlie 
"  of  theirawin,quhairthrowtheymaybe  punishit 
*'  giff  they  trespass.  And  giff  ony  be  infeft  of  sic 
"  offices  of  befoir,and  ar  not  sufficient  to  minister 
"  thairin  in  proper  person,  that  othoris  be  or- 
"  danit  in  their  stedes ;  for  the  quhilk  they  that 
"  lies  sic  offices  of  the  king  in  fee  be  halden  to 
"  answer  to  him  giff  thay  trespass f."  By  these 
and  several  other  acts,  James  I.  raised  law  from 
the  dust,  and  placedherAvith  dignity  on  the  bench. 

For  reviving  the  prerogative  of  the  sovereign,  Preroga- 
severe  laws  were  made  against  treason,  and  all  king. 
who  aided  or  entertained  traitors  ;  against  bonds 
or  combinations  for  resistino;  the  kino;  and  his 
officers  in  the  administration  of  justice  and  exe- 
cution of  the  laws ;  against  private  war ;  against 
the  crime  called  Leemigmaliug,  or  spreading 
such  defamatory  reports  of  government  as  had 
a  tendency  to  disturb  the  public  peace,  and 
create  discord  between  the  king  and  his  sub- 
jects, &c.  &c.t 

•  Records  of  Parliament.  James  T.  not  77.  f   Id.  act  6. 

\   llecords  of  rarliaineiits.     IJlack  Acts,  act  2,  S,  4.  33.  47. 


94  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.         ,   Book  V. 

Patrimony  For  I'ecoveriiig  the  patrimony  and  revenues 
awn.  of  the  croAvn,  his  first  parhaniciit  granted  the 
greater  customs  on  all  goods  ex])ortcd  and  im- 
ported, with  the  smaller  internal  tolls  at  fairs  and 
markets,  to  the  king,  for  the  support  of  his 
household*.  The  same  parliament  appointed 
commissioners  to  make  inquiry,  in  every  shire 
of  the  kingdom,  what  lands  had  belonged  to  any 
of  the  three  preceding  kings,  David  II.,  Robert 
II.,  and  Robert  III.,  that  such  of  them  as  had 
been  alienated  by  the  two  regents  might  be  re- 
sumed f.  The  confiscation  of  the  great  estates 
of  the  Duke  of  Albany  and  his  sons,  brought  a 
great  accession  of  wealth  to  the  crown,  which 
was  further  increased  by  the  resumption  of  the 
earldoms  of  IMarch  and  Strathern. 
Oppression  Wlicu  Jamcs  I.  returned  from  England,  he 
peojL  found  the  common  people  of  Scotland  in  great 
distress,  and  groaning  under  hardships  and  op- 
pressions of  various  kinds.  The  country  was 
not  only  overrun  with  beggars,  but  still  more 
cruelly  harassed  by  troops  of  lawless  banditti, 
called  soniers,  who  roamed  from  place  to  place, 
living  every  where  at  free  quarters,  chiefly  upon 
the  poor  farmers.  James  I.,  in  his  very  first  par- 
liament, made  a  very  wise  law  for  the  regula- 
tion of  beggars.  By  that  law,  if  any  persons 
above  the  age  of  fourteen,  and  under  seventy, 
presume  to  beg  in  boroughs  without  badges 
from  the  magistrates,  or  in  the  country  without 
badges  from  the  sheriff,  they  shall  be  seized  and 

*   Black  Acts,  act  8.  f  Ibid,  act  9. 


Chap.  S.  Sect.  2.    CONSTITUTION,  &c.  95 

compelled  to  labour,  under  the  penalty  of  being 
burnt  on  the  cheek,  and  banished  the  country*. 
To  relieve  the  country  from  sorners,  sheriffs  were 
invested  with  power  to  apprehend,  imprison,  and 
punish  them ;  and  were  du-ected  to  inquire  at 
eveiy  head  court  if  there  were  any  sorners  within 
the  shire  f.  But  this  proved  an  obstinate  evil, 
that  subsisted  through  several  succeeding  ages, 
in  spite  of  many  severe  laws.  Finally,  by  restor- 
ing authority  to  law,  and  providing  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  the  common  people  were 
protected  from  many  injuries  to  which  they  had 
formerly  been  exposed ;  and  this  excellent 
prince,  in  the  short  space  of  thirteen  years,  made 
great  improvements  in  the  government  of  his 
kingdom  ;  and  would  have  made  still  greater,  if 
he  had  not  been  cut  oflp,  in  the  prime  of  life,  by 
the  hands  of  cruel  assassins. 

James  II.  pursued  the  plan  of  his  illustrious  James  11. 
father ;  and  many  acts  of  parliament  were  made 
in  his  reign  for  the  improvement  of  the  consti- 
tution, by  securing  the  rights  and  revenues  of  the 
crown,  the  authority  of  the  laws,  and  the  regu- 
lar administration  of  justice  ;  of  which  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  mention  a  very  few.  By  repeated  acts 
in  the  minority  of  .Tames  II.  all  the  lands  and 
goods  that  had  belonged  to  his  father  at  his 
death,  were  secvu'ed  to  him  tiU  he  arrived  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one  years  j:.  After  the  forfeiture 
of  the  great  estates  of  the  family  of  Douglas,  a 

*  Black  Acts,  act  27.  f  Ibid,  act  7. 

t  Ibid.  f.  27. 


96  HISTORY  OF  DRITAIN.  Book  V. 

remarkable  law  was  made,  A.  D.  1455,  annex- 
ing many  castles  and  lordshi])s  to  the  crown, 
and  declaring  them  unalienable,  without  the 
consent  of  parliament,  because  (as  it  is  said  in 
the  preamble)  "  the  poverty  of  the  crown  is  oft- 
"  times  the  cause  of  the  poverty  of  the  realm*." 
Some  severe  acts  were  made  for  securing  the 
person  and  authority  of  the  king,  and  for  pu- 
nishing those  who  attempted  any  thing  against 
them,  or  favoured  such  attemptsf .  The  follow- 
ing clause  in  one  of  these  acts  hath  been  the 
subject  of  waiTn  political  debates,  though  it 
seems  to  be  very  plain.  "  Those  that  assailzies 
; "  castelles  or  places  quhair  the  kingis  persoun 
if  sail  happen  to  be,  without  the  consent  of  the 
5*  three  estates,  sail  be  punist  as  traitouresf." 
From  this  clause  it  is  very  plain,  that  the  three 
estates  supposed  a  case  might  occur  whefi  it 
would  be  proper  for  them  to  command  a  castle, 
in  which  the  king's  person  was  to  be  assaulted : 
and  the  case  they  had  in  view  most  probably 
was  this ;  when  the  king  had  been  seized,  and 
was  detained  by  some  powerful  faction  against 
his  wiU,  which  too  often  happened  in  those 
turbulent  times.  The  acts  that  were  made  ih 
the  reign  of  James  II.,  for  establishing  tlie  aui- 
thority  of  law,  and  the  regular  administratioti 
of  justice,  will  come  more  properly  under  our 
view  in  describing  the  courts  of  justice.     Few 


•  Black  Acts,  f.  34.  f  Ibid.  f.  29,  30.^  '^ 

j  Ibid.  James  II.  act  2.5.     See  account  of  the  rights  of  the  parliaments 
of  Scotland— Abcrcromby's  Martial  Atchieveinents.  vol.  2.  p.  345. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  2.      CONSTITUTION,  &c.  97 

laAvs  were  made  for  the  improvement  of  the  con- 
stitution in  the  unhappy  reign  of  James  III. 

The  prerogatives  of  the  kino-s  of  Scotland,  in  ^'"5*^  p"^*^- 
this  period,  were  the  same,  in  speculation,  with 
those  of  the  kings  of  England,  being,  like  them, 
sovereigns  of  a  limited  monarchy  ;  but,  in  fact, 
they  seldom  enjoyed  so  much  power.  This  was 
owing  to  the  power  and  turbulence  of  the  great 
nobility;  to  the  inide  state  of  some  parts  of  their 
dominions,  particularly  of  the  Highlands  and 
islands,  where  the  authority  of  the  kmg  and  of 
the  laws  was  but  little  regarded ;  and  chiefly  to 
the  long  and  frequent  minorities  of  our  kings, 
as  the  crown  always  lost  some  power  when  it 
was  worn  by  a  child.  It  plainly  appears  from 
the  records,  and  even  from  the  printed  statutes, 
that  the  kings  of  Scotland,  in  this  period,  con- 
sulted their  parliament  on  subjects  that  belong- 
ed to  tlieir  own  prerogative ;  such  as  declaring 
and  conducting  war ;  making  peace  or  truce ; 
granting  pardons,  coining  money  ;  sending  am- 
bassadors, &c.*  But  it  is  probable  that  they 
were  induced  to  do  this  from  prudential  consi- 
derations, and  because  they  stood  in  need  of  the 
personal  or  pecuniary  aid  of  their  subjects,  on 
all  these  occasions.  None  of  the  kings  of  Scot- 
land, in  this  period,  attempted  to  impose  the 
smallest  tax  without  the  consent  of  parliament. 

•  See  Records  of  Parliament — Black  Acts,  Jaine»  I.  act  25.  50. 
James  II.  act  15.  34.  H.  62.  James  III.  act  9.2.  55,  5C.  6'J.  ^0.  111. 
iI2.  126. 

VOL.  X.  H 


estates. 


9g  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

State  of         As  all  these  improvements  in  tlie  eonstitution, 

parliament.  '^  /.     ^         i         i  i 

government,  and  laws  of  Scotland,  were  made 
by  the  adviee  and  authority  of  parliament,  it  is 
proper  to  give  a  short  and  plahi  description  of 
those  assemblies  in  this  period.  The  orighial  re- 
cords, or  rather  minutes,  of  many  of  these  par- 
liaments arc  still  extant ;  and  though  they  are  hi 
general  very  short  and  unsatisfactory,  it  is  from 
them  the  following  description  is  chiefly  taken. 
Tiiree  Though  all  the  members  of  the  parliaments 

of  Scotland  sat  in  one  house,  they  were  of  three 
different  orders  in  society,  which  were  called  the 
three  estates.  TJie  first  of  these  estates  was  com- 
posed of  the  archbisliops,  bishops,  abbots,  priors, 
and  a  few  other  dignitaries  of  the  church.  The 
second  estate  consisted  of  the  dukes,  earls,  lords 
of  parliament,  barons,  and  freeholders.  The 
commissioners  of  boroughs  formed  the  third 
estate*.  It  appears  from  the  rolls  of  parliament, 
that  the  members  of  the  fu'st  and  second  estates 
were  far  more  numerous  than  those  of  the  third; 
and  being  also  of  higher  rank  and  greater  power, 
they  had,  no  doubt,  proportionably  greater  in- 
fluence ;  and  it  is  not  improbable,  that  a  con- 
sciousness of  their  own  insignificancy  was  the 
reason  that  so  few  commissioners  of  boroughs 
(seldom  above  fourteen  or  fifteen)  attended  any 
parliament!.  From  the  same  evidence  we  also 
find,  that  very  few  of  the  small  barons  and  free- 
holders attended  parliaments  in  this  period,  and 


Chap,  8.  8ect.  2.      CONSTITUTION,  Ac.  .igf 

that  these  assemblies  consisted  chiefly  of  spirit- 
ual and  temporal  lords*. 

It  was  the  king's  undoubted  prerogative  to  call  h«^  <"»"- 
parliaments,  and  to  appoint  the  time  and  place 
of  their  meetings ;  which  he  did  by  sending  spe- 
cial letters  imder  his  signet  to  all  the  prelates  and 
great  lords,  and  by  issuing  general  precepts  out 
of  chancery,  to  be  published  edictually  by  the 
sheriff  of  every  shire,  commanding  all  lords,  pre- 
lates, barons,  freeholders,  and  commissioners  of 
boroughs  to  attend  a  parliament  that  was  to 
meet  at  such  a  time  and  place f.  This  mode  of 
summoning  parliaments  is  a  further  indication 
of  the  superior  importance  of  the  aristocracy,  as 
lords  and  prelates  were  summoned  both  by  spe- 
cial letters  and  by  general  precepts,  and  the  other 
members  only  by  general  precepts. 

We  find  no  vestiges  in  the  records,  of  speeches  Proceed. 

«...  '"gs- 

made  by  the  king,  or  any  of  his  ministers,  at  the 
opening  of  parliaments ;  though  it  is  highly  pro- 
bable that  something  was  said  concerning  the 
reasons  of  calling  them,  &c.  A  roll  was  prepar- 
ed, containing  the  names  of  all  who  had  a  right, 
or  rather  of  all  who  were  bound  to  appear  in  par- 
liament, which  was  called  over  at  the  first  meet- 
ing of  every  session.  Anciently  the  records  on- 
ly bear,  "  That  all  who  were  able  and  willing  to 
'*  come  were  present ;  that  some  who  were  ab- 
"  sent  had  sent  excuses ;  that  others  were  absent 


•  Records,  passim. 

t  Uecords,  James  III.  A,  D.  1478      Kainc's'  Essays,  p.  58.  04,  &c. 


*ces 


100  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

"  without  excuse ;  and  that  each  of  tliese  last 
•'  was  fined  lOl.  for  liis  contumacy ;"  but  from 
A.  D.  1478,  downAvard,  the  names  of  all  who 
were  present  are  recorded*." 
Commit-  After  the  roll  was  called,  the  parliament  pro- 
ceeded to  appomt  three  committees,  each  com- 
posed of  three  members  of  each  of  the  three 
estates.  The  first  of  these  committees  was  called 
the  committee  pro  art'icuUs  advisandis  (on  the 
articles).  The  business  of  this  committee  was, 
to  receive  petitions,  pi'oposals,  and  overtures, 
and  to  form  such  of  them  as  appeared  worthy  of 
attention  into  bills  to  be  laid  before  parliament. 
This  committee  was  afterwards  called  "  The 
"  lords  of  the  articles,"  and  became  the  subject 
of  much  political  artifice  and  contention.  The 
second  committee  was  called  ad  jiaUcia  (on 
judgments),  and,  like  the  former,  consisted  of 
three  prelates,  three  barons,  jmd  three  burgess- 
es, who  were  to  sit  as  judges  in  all  criminal 
prosecutions  that  were  brought  before  parlia- 
ment. The  third  committee  was  constituted 
in  the  same  manner  with  the  other  two,  and 
was  called  ad  causas  (on  causes) ;  its  members 
sat  as  judges  in  all  civil  causes  that  were  brought 
into  parliament  by  appeals  from  the  inferior 
courts f.  These  committees  were  evidently  in- 
tended to  dispatch  the  business,  and  shorten  the 
duration  of  parliaments ;  and  they  were  well 


*  Records,  ;)(!.vM»».      See  a  roll  of  parliament,  A.  D.  1487.   Ai)pendix. 
f  iSee  the  members  of  these  three  committees,  A.  IX  1478.  Appendix. 

lit  t 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  2.       CONSTITUTION,  &c.  101 

adapted  to  answer  that  intention,  as  they  com- 
prehended the  three  great  branches  of  parliamen- 
tary business ;  making  new  laws,  and  pronouncing 
judgment  in  the  last  resort,  in  criminal  and  in  civil 
causes.  The  committees  on  judgments  and  on 
causes  were  invested  with  parlianientary  powers 
which  rendered  their  sentences  final ;  and  the 
members  of  them  took  an  oath  to  determine  ac- 
/cording  to  law  and  justice*.  The  appointment  of 
these  three  committees  finishedthe  transactions  of 
the  first  day  of  every  parhament ;  and  those  mem- 
bers who  were  not  on  any  of  these  committees 
were  at  liberty  to  dispose  of  themselves  as  they 
pleased,  till  matters  were  prepared  for  a  second 
meeting. 

The  constitution  of  the  committees  on  the  ar-  Ao-istc 

cracv. 

tides,  judgments,  and  causes,  had  a  great  appear- 
ance of  equity,  and  seemed  to  give  an  equal  degree 
of  power  and  influence  to  each  of  the  three  estates. 
But  that  appearance  was  quite  destroyed  by  ano- 
ther law,  that  gave  a  seat  and  vote  in  each  of 
these  committees  to  all  the  lords  of  parliament 
who  chose  to  claim  them,  which  threw  the  whole 
power  into  the  hands  of  the  aristocracy .f 

As  soon  as  the  committee  on  the  articles  had  ?f':?"f 
prepared  their  several  biUs,  another  meeting  of 
the  whole  parliament  was  held,  at  which  these 
biUs  were  read,  debated,  and  either  passed  or  re- 
jected; after  which  the  parliament  was  adjourned 
or  dissolved^ .     When  the  committees  on  judg- 

•  James  I.  pari.  6.  act  93.  t  See  Records, 

I  Records,  ;)ni«>i. 


session. 


two 
houses 


102  HISTOllY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

nicnts  and  causes  had  not  finished  their  business 
before  tliis  last  meeting,  their  parliamentary 
powers  were  prolonged,  till  they  had  determined 
all  the  causes  that  had  been  committed  to  them*. 
By  these  contrivances,  the  sessions  of  the  parlia- 
ments of  Scotland  were  rendered  very  short,  and 
seldom  exceeded  five  or  six  days.  The  last  session 
of  the  last  parliament  of  James  III.  sat  fifteen 
days,  and  was  the  longest  I  have  met  with  in 
the  records  of  this  period f. 
to  Io"m'  James  I.  formed  a  design  of  dividing  his  pai*- 
liament  into  two  houses,  in  imitation  of  that  of 
England.  With  this  view  he  obtained  an  act  of 
his  seventh  parliament,  A.  I^.  1427,  containing 
the  following  clauses  : — "  1.  That  the  small  ba=- 
"  ronis  and  free  tennentis  need  not  to  come  par- 
"  liaments,  swa  that  of  ilk  sheirifdome  thair  be 
"  send,  chosin  at  the  heid  court  of  the  shirief«- 
*"  dome,  twa  or  maa  wyse  men^  after  the  largc- 
'."  nes  of  the  sherefdome,  outane  the  sherefdoms, 
'*'  of  Clackmannan  and  Kinrossie*  of  quhilkes 
"  ane  be  send  of  ilkane  of  thame,  the  quhilk  sail 
'•  be  ^allit  commissaris  of  the  sliire.  2.  The 
"  quhilk  commissaris  feal  have  fidl  and  hail  power 
*'  of  all  the  laif  of  the  sherifdome,  under  the 
*'  witnessing  of  the  shereffis  seill,  with  the  seillies 
"  of  div^s  bariunies  of  the  shife,  to  heir  and 
•'  treit,  and  finally  to  determine  all  causes  to  be 
"  proponit  in  counsal  or  parliament.  S.  Be  thit 
"  commissaris  of  all  sliires  sal  be  chosen  ane 
"  wyse  man  and  expert^  callit  the  commoun  spei- 

■*  iAccorM,' imsiim-  f  See  Records. 


Chap.  3.  Sect.  2.  .CONSTITUTION,  &c.  103 

"  kar  of  the  ixirViament ;  the  quhilk  sail  pro- 
"  pone  all  and  sindrie  neidis  and  causes  perten^ 
"  ing  to  the  commounis  in  the  parliament 
*'  4.  The  commissaris  and  speakaris  sal  have  cost- 
'*  age  of  thame  of  ilk  shire  that  aw  coraperance 
"  in  parliament*."  This  very  remarkable  act 
was  evidently  copied  from  the  practices  that  pre- 
vailed in  England,  and  was  intended  to  establish 
a  house  of  commons  in  Scotland ;  but  unhappily 
it  was  never  carried  into  execution.  Whether  this 
was  owing  to  the  negligence  of  the  small  freehold- 
ers, or  to  the  opposition  of  the  great  lords,  or  to 
what  other  cause,  we  are  not  informed.  By  a  sub- 
sequent law  in  the  reign  of  James  II.,  A.  D.  1457, 
all  freeholders  who  had  not  201.  a-year  were  ex- 
empted from  attending  parliaments,  but  without 
any  mention  of  representation! . 

The  chief  courts  of  law  in  Scotland,  in  this  couna  of 
period,  were  not  fixed  to  one  place,  like  those  of  ^*"* 
England,  but  were  ambulatory,  and  occasionally 
held  in  all  the  different  corners  of  the  kingdom, 
for  the|accommodation  of  the  lieges.  The  two 
committees  of  parliament  already  mentioned, 
called  the  committees  on  judgments,  and  on 
causes,  were  in  reality  courts  of  law,  and  the 
highest  court  of  the  kingdom,  exercising  that 
supreme  and  ultimate  jurisdiction  which  is  now 
exercised  by  the  house  of  peers  in  the  British  par- 
liament. These  committees,  or  courts,  met  at 
the  same  time  and  place  with  the  parliaments, 
of  which  their  judges  were  members. 

*  James  I.  pari.  7.  a,  112,  t  James  II.  act  85. 


10 J;  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Session.  Another  high  court  of  law,  called  the  session^ 

is  often  mentioned  in  the  monuments  of  this 
period.  This  court  had  no  stated  establishment, 
but  was  occasionally  constituted  by  parliament 
for  a  short  time,  most  commonly  for  one  year. 
Parliament  also  named  the  judges,  and  appoint- 
ed the  times,  places,  and  duration  of  the  sittings 
of  this  court.  The  judges  were  always  nine  in 
number,  three  prelates,  three  barons,  and  three 
bugesses,  who  had  neither  salaries  nor  perqui- 
sites. The  parliament,  for  example,  at  Edin- 
burgh, in  March,  A.D.  1457,  appointed  three 
sessions  to  be  held  that  year :  one  at  Edinburgh, 
one  at  Perth,  and  one  at  Aberdeen,  each  to  con- 
tinue forty  days ;  and  named  the  judges  in  each  i 
of  these  sessions,  with  the  day  when  each  session 
was  to  begin*.  The  constitution  of  this  court  ap- 
pears to  have  been  very  unsettled,  and  underwent 
various  changes  in  the  course  of  this  period,  ,y 
which  need  not  be  mentionedf .  (j 

.Justiciary.       The  officc  of  justlclary  was  one  of  the  highest   r^ 
offices  in  the  several  kingdoms  of  Europe,  in  the    sa 
middle  ages.     In  England  it  was  abolished,  or  ra-    if: 
ther  discontinued,  because  the  powers  annexed 
to  it  were  thought  to  be  too  great  for  a  subject 
to  possess.     In  Scotland  it  was  kept  up ;  and 
'    the  justiciar-general,  in  this  period,  was  at  the 
head   of  the  law,  and  the  chief  dispenser  of    -mt 
justice.     This  great  officer,  in  person,  or  by  his 
deputies,  held  justice-airs,  as  they  were  caUed,   ,xKi 

•  Records,  James  II.  acts  68,  69,  70. 
f  Records,  James  I.  acts  72,  73,  74,  75. 


Chap.  S.  Sect.  2.       CONSTITUTION,  &c.  105 

twice  a-year,  once  in  the  spring,  and  once  in 
autumn,  in  every  county  of  the  kingdom,  at 
which  the  sheriif,  with  all  the  barons  and  free- 
holders of  the  county,  were  obliged  to  attend*. 
At  these  courts  were  exercised  all  that  juris- 
diction that  is  now  exercised  by  the  court  of 
justiciary  at  Edinburgh,  and  by  the  lords  of  justi- 
ciary in  their  circuits. 

The  chamberlain  was  another  great  officer  of  ^'^"iber- 

o  lam. 

the  law  in  this  period.  His  jurisdiction  was  in 
a  great  measure,  if  not  altogether,  confined  to 
the  royal  boroughs  of  the  kingdom,  in  which 
he  held  courts,  called  chamberlain-airs.  To 
these  courts  the  magistrates,  as  well  as  the  in- 
habitants of  boroughs,  were  amenable  ;  and  in 
them  all  complaints  of  the  people  against  their 
magistrates,  or  of  the  magistrates  against  any  of 
the  people,  or  of  one  burgess  against  another, 
were  heard  and  determined.  In  them  also  the 
chamberlain  collected  the  royal  revenues,  re- 
gidated  weights  and  measures,  removed  nui- 
sances, and  in  a  word,  took  cognizance  of  every , 
thing  respecting  the  police  of  the  borough  where 
the  court  was  heldf . 

When  any  person  thought  himself  injured  by  Court  of 
the  sentence  of  a  particular  chamberlain-court,  boroughs. 
he  could  not  appeal  either  to  the  justiciar-ge- 
neral,  to  the  King  in  council,  or  even  to  par- 
liament,  but   only   to   the   court   of  the   four 
boroughs,   as  it  was   called,    whicli   alone  had 

*  .Tames  II.  act  5  ;  James  III.  act  76.     Rcgiam  Maicstatem,  p.  300. 
t  Id.  p.  231. 


10^  HISTORY  OF  lUlITAIN.  Book  V. 

authority  to  review  the  sentences  pronounced  in 
the  chaniberldin-airs.  The  boroughs,  whose 
commissioners  composed  this  supreme  court, 
or  little  ])arliament,  were  anciently,  Edinburj^li, 
Stirling,  Berwick,  and  Roxburgh  ;  but  after 
these  two  hist  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Knglish, 
I^anark  and  Linlithgow  were  substituted  in  then- 
places.  Each  of  these  four  borouglis  were 
obliired  bv  law,  "  to  send  three  or  four  of  their 
"  most  discreet  burgesses,  having  lawful  com- 
"  mission,  to  compear  personally  before  the 
"  chamberlain  at  Haddington,  they  being  law- 
**  fully  summoned  to  that  effect ;  and  there  the 
"  riirht  or  the  wronff  of  the  sentences  com- 
"  plained  of  shall  be  discussed  and  detennined 
*?  by  them.  And  it  is  understood,  that  the  de- 
h  cisions  of  this  court  of  the  four  boroughs,  as. 
*^  sembled  before  the  chamberlain,  are  as  avail- 
;^  able  amono-  buroesses  as  if  they  had  been 
'^  done  in  parliament*."  The  reason  of  this 
remarkable  institution  (which  was  of  great  anti- 
quity, and  continued  long)  seems  to  have  been 
this,— that  burixesses  were  believed  to  be  the 
best  jndges  of  idl  the  disp\ites  and  cxjntroversies 
that  arose  among  burghers. 
Hereditary  The  ancicut  kings  of  Scotland  not  only  dimi- 
nished the  patrimony  of  the  crown,  by  improvi- 
dent grants  of  land,  but  they  also  diminished  its 
jiwt  powers  and  prerogatives,  by.  imprudent 
grants  of  various  powers,  privileges,  and  juris- 
dictions, to  their  favourites,  which  rendered  them 

'  Kfgiam  I\I:tjestalt'm,  i".  -'67. 


Chap.  8.  Sect  3.      CONStlTUTION,  Ac.  107 

1(Hj  gre&t  for  subjects^*  and  almost  wholly  inde- 
pendent; The  lofds  of  regalitieSj  for  example, 
had  obtained  so  many  exemptions,  powersj  and 
privileges,  that  they  were  in  reality  petty  kings, 
and  their  teirltofies  petty  kingdoms,  locally  si- 
tuated within  Scotland,  but  very  little  connect- 
ed with  it.  These  lords  had  their  officers  of 
state,  their  judges,  and  their  courts,  as  Well  as 
the  king ;  and  in  these  courts  they  tried  all  man- 
ner of  causes,  and  inflicted  all  manner  of  punish- 
ments ;  and  when  they  pleased,  they  pardoned 
the  greatest  criminals*.  The  kings  who  reigned 
in  this  period  saw  and  felt  the  evils  arising  from 
these  little  kings  and  little  kingdoms  included 
in  their  dominions,  and  earnestly  desired  to  mi- 
tigate those  evils.  With  this  view,  James  I. 
obtained  several  acts  of  parliament,  to  compel 
lords  of  regalities,  and  their  officers,  to  execute 
the  laws,  and  to  enable  the  King  to  punish  them 
for  refusing  to  do  justicef .  James  II.  proceed- 
ed still  further,  and  procvired  the  two  following 
wise  and  salutary  laws,  A.D.  1454:  "  1.  That 
"  all  regalities  that  are  now  in  the  King's  hands 
"  be  annexed  to  the  royalty ;  and  that  in  time 
"  to  come  there  be  no  regalities  granted,  with- 
"  out  deliverance  of  the  parliament.  2.  That 
"  there  be  no  office,  in  time  to  come,  given  in 
"  fee  and  heritage*."  But  these  excellent  laws 
were  soon  forgotten ;  and  the  hereditary  powers 

*  See  a  pardon  by  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrew's,  Appendix, 
t  Jaims  I.  acts  101,  105. 
\  Jamts  II.  acts  4C,  47. 


105  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

and  jurisdictions  of  barons  and  lords  of  regality 
continued  to  be  a  blemish  in  the  constitution  of 
Scotland  for  about  three  centuries  after  these 
laws  were  made. 

The  powers  and  jurisdictions  of  sheriffs,  and 
of  the  magistrates  of  boroughs,  have  undergone 
so  few  changes,  and  are  so  well  known,  that 
they  need  not  be  delineated. 


THE 


r.-iTj 


HISTORY 


OF 


GREAT  BRITAIN. 


BOOK    V. 


CHAP.  IV. 


HISTORY  OF  LEARNING  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROM  Till- 
ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  TO  TKE  ACCKS- 
SION  OF  HENRY  VII.  A.  D.  1485. 

SECTION  I. 

State  of  Learning  in  Britain  from  A.D.  1399,  to 
A.D.  1485. 

The  darkness  of  that  long  niglit  of  ignorance  Age  of 
which  oversliadowed  Europe,  from  the  fall  of  the  '§"•"•="'"■ 
western  empire  to  the  revival  of  learning  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  was  not  equally  profound  at 
all  times  and  in  all  places.  In  Britain  particu- 
larly, some  gleams  of  light  appeaj-ed  at  differ- 
ent times,  as  in  the  age  of  venerable  Bede — of 


110  HISTORY  or  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Ak'iuiius — of  Alfred  the  Great — and  of  Friar 
Bacon*.  l>iit  these  gleams  were  neither  very 
bright,  nor  of  long  duration  ;  and  as  soon  as  the 
luminaries  which  produced  them  were  extin- 
guislied,  the  former  darkness  returned.  This  is 
so  true,  that  the  present  period,  though  it  imme- 
diately preceded  the  revival  of  learning,  was,  in 
liritain,  one  of  the  darkest,  and  furnishes  fewer 
materials  for  literary  history  than  any  former 
period ;  for  which  reason,  a  very  brief  delinea- 
tion of  it  in  this  place  will  be  sufficient.  No  art 
or  industry  could  render  a  long,  minute  detail 
of  the  learning  of  an  illiterate  people,  in  a  dark 
age,  instructive  or  entertaining. 
Greeks  in  ^^^  ^lic  dccliue  and  fall  of  the  western  empire 
Italy.  were  the  chief  causes  of  the  decline  and  almost 
extinction  of  learning  in  all  the  countries  which 
had  composed  that  empire,  so  the  decline  and  fall 
of  the  empire  of  the  east  proved  the  chief  causes 
of  the  revival  of  learning  in  the  west.  For  when 
the  dissolution  of  that  empire  visibly  approach- 
ed, several  learned  Greeks  retired  into  Italy,  to 
avoid  impending  ruin,  and  when  its  capital  Con- 
stantinople, was  taken  by  the  Turks,  A.D.  1453, 
a  much  neater  number  fled  into  the  same  coun- 
try.  Th^e  these  learned  exiles  met  with  a  kind 
reception ;  and,  under  the  patronage  of  the  Ro- 
man pontiffs,  and  the  princes  of  the  illustrious 
house  of  Medici,  they  taught  the  language  and 
philosophy  of  the  Greeks  with  great  success.  It 
will  be  a  sufficient  proof  of  this  to  mentipn  the 

•  Soe  vol.  4   p,  25 — :''>.   vol,  0.  c.  1,  vol.  8.  c.  4.  §  2. 


Chap. 4.  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  &c.  HI 

names  of  a  few  of  tlieir  disciples,  as  Daute,  Boc- 
cace,  Petrarch,  Politian,  Laurentius  Valla,  Agri- 
cola,  John  Pecus  Mirandula,  and  Marsilius  Fe- 
cinus,  who  were  tlie  first  restorers  of  useful  and 
polite  learning  in  the  western  world*. 

But  the  progress  of  reviving  science  was  very  Not  in 
slow,  and  for  the  greatest  part  of  the  fifteenth 
century  was  almost  wholly  confined  to  Italy. 
Rodolphus  Agricola,  being  by  birth  a  German, 
after  he  had  studied  several  years  under  Theodo.. 
rus  Gaza,  one  of  the  most  learned  of  tlie  Greek 
exiles,  returned  into  Iiis  native  country,  A.  D. 
1482 ;  where  he  spent  the  last  years  of  his  life 
in  the  most  strenuous  endeavours  to  inspire  his 
countrymen  Avith  a  taste  for  the  Greek  learningf . 
But  none  of  those  learned  exiles,  or  even  of  their 
disciples,  visited  Britain  in  this  period,  if  we  ex- 
cept one  Cornellius  Vitellius,  an  Italian,  who 
reiid  lectures  in  New-College  at  Oxford,  and  was 
(according  to  Polydore  Virgil)  the  first  person 
who  taught  good  letters  in  that  university  1.  The 
effect  of  these  lectures,  however,  if  they  produc- 
ed any,  must  have  been  very  transient,  as  that 
new  and  better  taste  in  the  study  of  letters,  which 
had  so  long  prevailed  in  Italy,  was  little  known 
or  regarded  in  Britain  till  the  beginning  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

Besides  the  general  causes  of  the  decline  of  Causes  of 
learning  in  Europe,  in  the  middle  ages,  wliich  in  Britain. 


*  BriuJcirc  IIi^.t.  Pliilosopli.  loin.  4.  cnp.  1,  2. 

f  Id.  itiiil.  caiK  1    |).  3  1 — 38. 

\   I'olyd,   Virfil,  Hist.    Aug.  p   600. 


112 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIX.  Book  V, 


liave  been  already  mentioned  in  tliis  work,  there 
were  some  particidar  ones  whieli  increased  that 
evil  in  Britain  and  some  other  countries  in  this 
period. 

Wars.  The   distracted   unsettled   state   of    Britain, 

France,  and  some  otlier  countries,  torn  by  the 
most  furious  factions,  and  kept  in  continual  agi- 
tation by  wai-s  and  revolutions,  proved  one  of 
the  gi-eatest  obsti'uctions  to  the  revival  and  pro- 
gress of  learning.  For  the  wars  of  those  times 
were  not  carried  on  by  standing  armies,  as  at  pre- 
sent, while  the  rest  of  the  people  pursue  their 
several  occupations  in  tranquillity ;  but  persons 
of  all  ranks,  the  clergy  not  excepted,  Avere  called 
into  the  field.  Even  the  universities  and  seats 
of  learning  were  frequently  scenes  of  the  most 
violent  discord,  and  their  streets  were  sometimes 
stained  with  blood*. 

Learning  If  learning  was  not  despised  in  this  period,  it 
was  certainly  very  little  esteemed  or  honoured ; 
nor  was  it  the  most  effectual  mean  of  procuring 
preferment  even  in  the  church.  We  meet  v/ith 
frequent  complaints  of  the  universities  of  Ox- 
ford and  Cambridge  to  parliament — that  all  the 
most  valuable  livings  were  bestowed  on  illiterate 
men  or  foreigners,  by  papal  provisions,  by  which 
private  patrons  were  deprived  of  their  rights,  and 
the  best  scliolai*s  in  the  kingdom  were  left  to  lan- 
j^iish  in  indigence  and  obscurity,  nay,  were  some- 


•  Vide  Ant.  Wood,  Jlist.  Univer.  Oxon.     Bulxi   Hist.    Univer.   Pa- 
ri sien. 


uot  valued. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  &c.  1X3 

times  driven  to  the  necessity  of  begging  tlieii- 
bread  from  door  to  door,  recommended  to  cha- 
rity by  the  chancellors  of  the  universities  in 
which  they  had  studied*. 

Two  of  these  learned  mendicants,  we  are  told,  Example, 
came  to  the  castle  of  a  certain  nobleman,  who 
understanding  from  their  credentials  that  they 
had  a  taste  for  poetry,  commanded  liis  servants 
to  take  them  to  a  well,  to  put  one  into  the  one 
bucket,  and  the  other  into  the  other  bucket,  and 
let  them  down  alternately  into  the  water,  and 
to  continue  that  exercise  till  each  of  them  had 
made  a  couplet  of  verses  on  his  bucket.  After 
they  had  endured  this  discipline  for  a  consider- 
able time,  to  the  great  entertainment  of  the  ba- 
ron and  his  company,  they  made  the  verses,  and 
obtained  their  liberty  f. 

It  was  a  further  discouragement  to  the  pursuit  Not  ro- 
of learning  in  those  unhappy  times,  that  as  the  ^^''^'*^' 
possession  of  it  did  not  promote,  so  the  total  want 
of  it  did  not  prevent,  preferment;  and  those  who 
had  powerful  friends,  or  much  money,  though 
ignorant  or  profligate  in  the  extreme,  were  load- 
ed with  dignities  and  benefices.  "  I  knew  (said 
*'  Doctor  Thomas  Gascoigne,  Chancellor  of  Ox- 
"  ford,  A.  D.  1443)  a  certain  illiterate  ideot,  the 
"son  of  a  mad  knight,  who,  for  being  the  com- 
"  panion,  or  rather  the  fool,  of  the  sons  of  a  great 
"  family  of  the  royal  blood,  was  made  archdeacon 


•  Ant.  Wood,  IJku  Vn'ivet.  Oxon.  an.  1400.  ad  an.  14S5. 
f  Id.  p.  22,9. 

VOL.  X.  I 


114  HISTORY  OF  BRITALN.  Book  V. 

"  of  Oxford  before  lie  was  eighteen  years  of  age; 

"  and  soon  after  obtained  two  rich  rectories  and 

"  twelve  prebends.     1  asked  him  one  day  what 

"  he  thought  of  learning.    As  for  learning,  said 

*'  he,  I  despise  it.    I  have  better  livings  than  any 

"  of  you  great  doctors,  and  I  beheve  as  much  as 

"  any  of  you.    ^Vhat  do  you  believe  ?  I  believe, 

"  said  he,  that  there  are  three  Gods  in  one  per- 

"  son,  I  believe  all  that  God  believes*." 

Schism  in       The  long  schism  in  the  papacy,  from  A.  D. 
u.e church.  ^^^^  ^^  ^  j^  ^^^^^  ^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^ll  obstructiou  to 

the  progress  of  real  learning  and  useful  know- 
ledgef .  Those  who  live  in  an  enlightened  age 
and  reformed  country,  can  form  no  conception 
of  the  consternation  into  which  that  event  threw 
the  whole  Christian  world,  and  how  much  it  en- 
grossed the  attention  of  kings,  princes,  prelates, 
universities,  scholars,  and  people  of  all  ranks. 
At  a  time  when  it  was  generally  believed  that 
the  Pope  was  the  sole  head  of  the  church,  the 
only  vicegerent  of  Christ  on  earth,  and  had  the 
custody  of  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
the  perplexity  of  all  good  Catholics  could  not 
but  be  very  gi'eat,  when  they  saw  first  two  and 
then  three  po])es,  each  asserting,  with  equal  con- 
fidence, that  he  was  only  true  pope ;  that  his  ri- 
vals were  pretenders,  usurpers,  schismatics,  and 
heretics;  and  that  they  and  their  adherents  would 
certainly  go  to  the  devil.  Colleges,  universities, 
and  men  of  learning,  neglecting  their  usual  stu- 

*  Ant,  WftOfl.  Hist.  Univer.  Oxon.  p.  220. 
t  Du  Pin,  Cent.  XIV.  c.  4.    Cont.  XV,  c.  3. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  &c.  1.15 

dies,  engaged  v/ith  ardour  in  this  interesting 
controversy^  which  threatened  the  destruction\ 
of  the  church.  Several  councils  were  called  by 
the  contending  pontiffs,  to  which  the  principal 
prelates  and  greatest  doctors  of  the  different 
parties  crowded,  and  spent  many  years  in  pub- 
lic wrangling  and  private  caballing,  to  very  lit- 
tle purpose*. 

The  gi'eat  scarcity  and  high  price  of  books  still  Scarcity  of 
continued  to  obstruct  the  progTess  of  learning. 
None  but  great  kings,  j^rinces,  and  prelates,  uni- 
versities, and  monasteries,  could  have  libraries ; 
and  the  libraries  of  the  gTeatest  kings  were  not 
equal  to  those  of  many  private  gentlemen  or 
country-clergymen  in  the  present  age.  The  royal 
library  of  France,  which  had  been  collected  by 
Charles  V.,  VI.,  and  VII.,  and  kept  with  great 
care  in  one  of  the  towers  of  the  Louvre,  consist- 
ed of  about  900  volumes,  and  was  purchased  by 
the  Duke  of  Bedford,  A.D.  1425,  for  1200  li- 
vresf .  From  a  catalogue  of  that  library,  still- 
extant,  it  appears  to  have  been  chiefly  composed! 
of  legends,  histories,  romances,  and  books  on  as- 
trology, geomancy,  and  chiromancy,  which  were- 
the  favourite  studies  of  those  times  j:.  The  kings 
of  England  were  not  so  well  provided  in  books. 
Henry  V.,  wlio  had  a  taste  for  reading,  borrowed, 
several  books,  which  were  claimed  by  their  own- 
ers after  Ms  death.    The  Countess  of  Wcstmore- 

•  Du  Tin,  Cent.  XIV.  c.  4.    Cent.  XV.  c.  3. 
f  Table,au  historiqiie  de  la  Bibliothoquo  du  Roy,  p.  C — If?, 
t  Historic  de  T  Academic  Iloyaie,  8vo.,  torn.  1.  p.  885—395;  torn.  4. 
p.  446. 


116  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

liUid  presented  a  petition  to  the  privy  council, 
A.  D.  1424.  representing,  tliat  the  late  king  had 
boiTowed  a  book  from  her,  contiiining  the  Chro- 
nicles of  Jerusalem,  and  the  expedition  of  God- 
frey of  Boulogne,  and  praying  that  an  order 
might  be  given  under  the  privy  seal  for  the  re- 
storation of  the  said  book ;  which  was  granted 
with  great  formality*.     About  the  same  time, 
John,  the  Prior  of  Christ-church,  Canterbury, 
presented  a  similar  petition  to  the  privy-coun- 
cil, setting  forth  that  the  king  had  borrowed 
from  his  priory  a  volume  containing  the  works 
of  St  Gregory ;  that  he  had  never  returned  it ; 
but  that  in  his  testament  he  had  directed  it  to 
be  restored  ;  notwithstanding  which,  the  Prior 
of  Shme.  who  had  the  book,  refused  to  give  it 
up.     The   council,   after   mature   deliberation, 
commanded'  a  precept  under  the  privy-seal  to 
be  sent  to  the  Prior  of  Shine,  requiring  him  to 
deliver  up  the  book,  or  to  appear  before  the 
council,  to  give  the  reasons  of  his  refusalf .  These 
facts  sufficiently  prove,  that  it  must  have  been 
very  difficult,  or  rather  impossible,  for  the  gene- 
rality of  scholars  to  procure  a  competent  num- 
ber of  books.    The  noble  and  most  useful  art  of 
printing,  it  is  true,  was  invented  in  the  course 
of  this  period,  and  practised  in  England  before 
the  end  of  it ;  but  as  yet  it  had  contributed  very 
little  to  increase  the  number,  or  diminish  the 
price  of  books. 

*  T?vtn.  Toed.  torn.  10.  p.  317.  f  Id.  iliid. 


Chap,  k  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  Ac,  Hy 

One  of  the  most  obvious  defects  in  all  the  au-  Bad  tast& 
thors  of  this  period,  is  a  total  want  of  taste.  This 
a])pears  both  in  their  language  and  sentiments 
almost  in  eveiy  page.  The  truth  is,  the  art  of 
criticism  seems  to  have  been  quite  unknown  and 
neglected ;  and  the  generality  of  writers  appear 
to  have  had  no  idea  of  purity  of  style,  or  pro- 
priety of  sentiment ;  but  contented  themselves 
with  clothing  such  thoughts  as  occuiTed,  in  the 
most  common  and  vulgar  language.,  without 
Jiuich  regard  even  to  the  iiiles  of  grammar. 
When  they  attempted  to  be  pathetic  or  sublime 
(as  they  sometimes  did),  they  never  failed  to  nm 
into  the  most  extravagant  bombast.  Of  this  the 
reader  will  meet  with  an  example,  in  a  descrip- 
tion of  the  battle  of  Agincourt,  by  turning  to 
the  Appendix,  No.  1. 

The  arts  and  sciences  that  were  cultivated  in  sciences 
Britain  in  the  middle  ages,  have  been  enumer-  creased. 
ated  in  the  preceding  volumes  of  this  work;  and 
I  know  of  no  addition  that  was  made  to  the 
number  of  them  in  the  present  period*.  A  a  cry 
brief  delineation,  therefore,  of  such  changes  as 
took  place  in  any  of  those  sciences,  though  ge- 
nerally for  the  worse,  will  here  be  sufficient. 

Though  the  Latin  language  was  still  generally  Latin. 
used  by  divines,  lawyers,  philosophers,  historians, 
physicians,  and  even  poets,  in  their  writings,  and 
in  all  public  and  private  deeds  of  any  import- 
ance ;  yet  the  knowleydge  of  that  language  ap- 
pears plainly  to  have  declined  in  this  period.  Vc^ 

*  See  vol.  6.  ch.  4.  §  1  ;  toI.  S.  ch.  4.  vj  I. 


il8  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

nerable  Bode,  Aleuiniis.  Iloger  Eacon,  Joseph 
Iscanius,  John  cxt'  Siilisbury,  Peter  of  Hlois,  &c, 
were  pure  and  classical  writers,  in  comparison  of 
those  who  liourislicd  in  tliat  part  of  the  fifteenth 
century  Avhich  is  the  subject  of  this  book.  Tliese 
last  paid  very  little  regard  to  the  peculiar  idiom 
of  the  language,  and  thought  they  had  written 
yery  good  Latin  when  they  had  clothed  English 
])hrases  in  Latin  words.  Sometimes  they  could 
not  even  accomplish  tliis :  and  when  they  could 
not  find  a  Latin  word  to  answer  their  purpose, 
they  Latinised  an  English  one.  Thus  Wilham 
of  AVyrcester  tells  us,  that  the  Duke  of  York 
returned  from  Ii'eland,  "  et  arrivaA-it  apud  Red- 
"  banke  propeCestriam,"(and  arrived  atRedbank 
near  Chester) ;  and  John  Rous,  the  antiquarian 
of  Warwick,  says,  that  Thomas  Grey,  Marquis 
of  Dorset,  son  to  Queen  Elisabeth,  widow  of 
Edward  IV.,  and  Sir  Thomas  Grey  her  brother, 
were  obliged  to  fly,  "quod  ipsi  contravissent  mor- 
"  tern  ducis  protectoris  Anglias,"  (because  they 
had  contrived  the  death  of  the  Duke,  protector 
of  England*).  It  must  not,  however,  be  imagin- 
ed, that  the  Latin  style  of  all  the  British  writers 
of  this  period  was  equally  barbarous ;  that  of 
Thomas  Walsingham,  and  a  few  others,  was  less 
exceptionable,  tliough  far  from  being  classical. 
Greek.  While  the  Greek  language  w^s  studied  with ' 

great  assiduity  and  auccess  in  Italy,  it  was  almost 
quite  neglected  and  imknown  in  Britain,  and 
even  in  France^  in  this  period.    The  famous  Gro- 

*  W.  WyrceBtei,  p.  493.     J.  Roksse  HiM-  p.  213. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.         LEARNING,  &c.       s^  II9 

cyne,  one  of  the  first  revivers  of  learning  in  Eng- 
land, left  his  coiintiy,at  the  age  of  forty-six,  A.D. 
1488,  and  travelled  into  Italy,  to  study  the  Greek 
language,  under  Chalcondilas,  one  of  the  eastern 
refugees ;  which  is  a  sufficient  proof,  that  the 
knowledge  of  that  language  could  not  then  be 
acquired  in  Britain*.  There  was  not  so  much 
as  one  Greek  book  in  the  library  of  the  kings 
of  France  mentioned  above ;  and  it  was  not 
till  A.D.  1470,  that  some  of  the  eastern  exiles 
began  to  teach  Greek  in  the  university  of  Paris, 
where  it  was  then  (says  the  historian)  almost 
quite  unknown f. 

There  were  lectures  on  rhetoric  read  in  the  Rhetoric. 
imiversities  of  England  in  this  period  ;   but  that 
art  could  not  possibly  flourish,  when  the  learned 
languages  were  so  ill  understood,  and  the  modern 
languages  so  imperfect  f. 

It  would  be  improper  to  spend  any  time  in  de-  Literary 
lineating  the  state  of  that  scholastic  philosophy  ^""^  ^^^' 
and  theology  which  still  reigned  in  all  the  seats  of 
learning,  and  in  the  study  of  which  so  much  time 
was  mis-spent  by  so  many  ingenious  men.  But 
even  in  that  line,  few  or  none  made  any  distin- 
guished figure ;  and  we  hear  of  no  irrefragable  or 
angelic  doctors  who  flourished  in  this  period. 
About  the  middle  of  it,  indeed  (A.  D,  1445),  a 
kind  of  literary  prodigy,  we  are  told,  appeared  at 


•    A.  Wood,  Atheii.  Oxon.  voi,  1.  col.  15, 
f  Mcmoircs  de  Literature,  torn.  4,  p.  4(53.  Svo. 

j   Bulapi    Hist.    Unirer.   Paris,  torn.  5.   p.    692.     Wood  Hiit.  UniV, 
Oxon.  lib.  2,  p.  4. 


120  IIISTOUY  OF  BRITAIN.  Jiook  V. 

I'ads,  and  defeated  all  the  doetors  of  that  univer- 
sity at  disputation.  His  name  was  Ferrand  of 
Corduba  in  Spain  ;  and  though  he  was  only  twen- 
ty years  of  age,  lie  was  a  doctor  in  all  the  four 
faculties,  of  arts,  laws,  medicine,  and  divinity. 
He  was  a  perfect  master,  not  only  of  the  whole 
15ible,  but  also  of  the  works  of  Nicolas  de  Lyra, 
Thomas  Aquinas,  John  Hales,  John  Duns  Sco- 
tus,  Bonaventure,  and  other  divines,  and  of  the 
decretals,  and  other  books  on  the  civil  and  canon 
law ;  as  likewise  o(  the  writings  of  Aristotle, 
Hippocrates,  Avicenna,  Galen,  Albert  the  Great, 
and  other  physicians.  He  understood  and  wrote 
Latin,  Greek,  Hebrew,  and  Arabic ;  excelled  all 
illuminators,  painters,  and  musicians,  in  their  re- 
spective arts  ;  was  knighted  for  his  dexterity  in 
the  use  of  arms  ;  and  foretold  future  events  by 
his  skill  in  astrology.  The  Parisian  doctors  dif- 
fered in  their  opinions  of  this  extraordinary  per- 
son, some  asserting  that  he  was  a  magician,  and 
fuU  of  the  devil,  others  affirming  that  he  was 
antichrist*.  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  young 
man  v/as  possessed  of  a  very  extraordinary  ine- 
mory,  a  facility  of  acquiring  languages,  and 
other  accomplishments  superior  to  his  years ; 
but  great  abatements  must  be  made  in  the  above 
description  to  entitle  it  to  credit. 
Medicine.  Tliough  mcdicinc  was  now  taught  and  studied 
in  every  university,  the  knowledge  of  it  was  rather 


•   rftsfjufer,    Rechcrchet   de  la  France,  p.   579;    580,      Bul»     Hist. 
Uni\cr.  Paiisicn.  torn.  5.  p.  534. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  I.  LEARNING,  &c.  121    «^ 

diminished  than  increased  in    this  period.   Dv 
Freind,  the  learned  historian  of  physic,  could  not 
find  so  much  as  one  physician  in  England,  in  those 
times,  who  deserved  to  be  remembered,  or  whose 
works  merited  any  attention.  Dr  Gilbert  Kymer, 
physician  to  Humphrey  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
composed  a  medical  work  called  Dietarium  de  sa- 
nitatis  custodia  (A  Dietary  for  the  Preservation  of 
Health),  which  is  still  extant.     It  consists   of 
twenty-six  chapters,  the  third  and  nineteenth  of 
which  have  been  printed,  and  contain  several  cu- 
rious things,  and  some  very  salutary  advices  to 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  on  a  very  delicate  sub- 
ject*. Dr  John  Fauceby,  physician  to  Henry  VI., 
pretended  to  be  an  adept  in  the  occult  sciences,    - 
and  obtained  a  commission  from  that  Kmg  to  dis- 
cover an  universal  medicine,  called  the  elixir  of 
life,  for  the  cure  of  all  diseases,  wounds,  and  frac- 
tures, and  for  prolonging  life,  health,  and  strength 
of  body,  and  vigour  of  mind,  to  the  greatest 
possible  extent  of  timef.     We  have  no  account 
of  the  success  of  this  undertaking.    The  learned 
reader  may  see  a  very  full  eninneration  of  the 
medicines,  and  medical  operations,  used  by  the 
physicians  and  surgeons  of  this  period,  in  the  note 
below,  as  they  are  mentioned  in  a  commission 
granted  to  the  three  physicians  and  two  surgeons 
appointed  to  attend  Henry  VI.,  in  that  severe  ill-  >v<l 

ncss  with  which  he  was  seized  A.  D.  1454.:}: 

-  Wyicester,  p.  548 — 5,)8. 
f   Ilyin.  Fred,  toiii.  11.  p.  U79. 

\  \n  rt^irne  niedirinalium  libere  nobis  post-itis  tninistiaru  elecluaria,  porti 
lies,   aquas,   sirupos,   loiiftctioiics,   laxativas   mcdicinas,  iliilcrin,   iuppo- 


123 


niSTOKY  OF  BRITAIN. 


Book  V. 


Swenting 
•ickocsft 


Surgery. 


An  unknown  and  veiy  violent  disease  appeared 
in  England  towards  the  end  of  this  period.  It 
was  called  the  .sircat'niij^  ftickttcs,s.  In  I^ondon  it 
carried  off  two  mayors,  five  aldermen,  many  other 
persons  of  rank  and  opulence,  with  a  prodigious 
nudtitude  of  the  people.  It  commonly  killed 
those  who  were  seized  with  it  in  seven  or  eight 
hours :  and  those  who  survived  twentv-four 
hours  generally  recovered*.  It  was  one  of  the 
most  sinindar  circumstances  of  this  disease,  that 
Englishmen  residing  in  foreign  countries,  it  is 
said,  were  seized  with  it  at  the  same  time,  while 
foreigners  residing  in  England  escaped f.  Its 
symptoms  Avere  alarming  from  the  first  moment, 
such  as,  burning  heat,  excessive  sickness,  head- 
ach,  delirium,  unquenchable  thirst,  vehement 
pulse,  and  labouring  breath.  The  physicians 
had  neither  skill  nor  presence  of  mind  to  admi- 
nister much  relief  to  their  afflicted  patients. 
This  dreadful  distemper  first  visited  England 
A.D.  1483,  and  repeated  its  visitations,  in  the 
following  years,  viz.  1485,  1506,  1517.  1528, 
and  last  of  all  in  1551  i. 

In  those  martial  times,  when  the  people  of 
Britain  were  almost  constantlv  ena'af^ed  in  war, 
we  might  imagine  that  the  very  useful  art  of 
surgery  v/ould  be  diligently  studied  and  well 
understood.     Ikit  this  was  not  the  case.     Ana- 


sitoriii,  caputpurgia,  >,Mrgarisniata,  l>;iliiia,  cpithiiiiata,  foinentationes, 
embrocationes,  capitis  rasurain,  uneliones,  cmplastra,  ccrota,  veiilosa* 
cum  scarificatione  vcl  sine,  emeroidai  um  provocation's.  Rym.  Feed, 
torn.  11.  p.  '.^Al. 

*  Continualio  Hist..  Croyl.  p.  570. 

t  Frcind's  Hist.  Tbys.  vol.  2.  p.  S3.5.  \  Id.  ibid. 


Chap.  4.  Sect  1.         LEARNING,  &c.  123 

tomy,  without  a  competent  knowledge  of  which 
no  man  can  be  a  skilful  surgeon,  was  not  mere- 
ly neglected,  but  abominated  as  a  barbarous 
violation  of  the  remains  of  the  dead.  The 
niunber  of  surgeons  in  England  was  very  small, 
and  few  of  them  were  famous,  or  much  respect- 
ed for  their  skill.  AVhen  Henry  V,  invaded 
France,  A.  D.  1415,  w^ith  a  great  fleet  and  army, 
he  earned  with  him  only  one  surgeon,  Thomas 
Morstede,  who  engaged  to  bring  in  his  company 
fifteen  persons,  twelve  of  them  of  his  own  pro- 
fession, and  three  of  them  archers  ;  JNIorstede 
was  to  have  the  pay  of  a  man  at  arms,  and  his 
twelve  assistants  the  same  pay  with  common 
archers*.  The  same  prince  found  it  still  more 
difficult  to  procure  a  competent  number  of  sur- 
geons to  attend  his  army  in  his  second  expedition 
into  France,  and  was  obliged  to  grant  a  warrant 
to  the  same  Thomas  Morstede,  to  press  as  many 
surgeons  as  he  thought  necessary  into  the  ser- 
vice, with  artists  to  inake  their  instruments  f. 
In  these  circumstances,  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  many  lost  their  lives  for  want  of  proper  as- 
sistance in  their  distress.  That  heroic  prince 
Henry  V.,  himself,  it  is  highly  prot)able,  fell  a 
sacrifice  to  the  ignorance  of  his  medical  attend- 
ants. 

Tlie  operation  of  lithotomy  for  extracting  the  Lnhoio- 
stonewas  not  unknown  to  the  ancients,  but  seems  "'^* 
to  have  been  diffused  in  the  middle  ages,  and  was 
revived  again  at  Paris  A.  D.  1474.     An  archer 

*  Rym.  Feed,  torn,  9.  p.  M7,  f  Id.  ibid.  p.  363. 


12i 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 


who  was  tormented  with  the  stone,  being  con- 
demned to  be  hanged  for  robbery,  the  physicians 
and  surgeons  of  Paris  represented  to  the  King, 
that  many  of  his  subjects  Avere  afflicted  with  that 
painful  distem])er  for  which  they  coidd  find  no 
remedy,  and  prayed  that  they  might  be  permit- 
ted to  try  the  operation  of  extracting  the  stone 
upon  the  condenmed  criminal.  Their  petition 
was  granted :  the  stone  was  extracted,  and  the 
j)atient  recovered ;  which  encouraged  others  to 
submit  to  the  operation*.  But  I  have  not  met 
with  any  evidence  that  this  operation  \\  as  per- 
formed in  England  in  the  })resent  period:  for 
the  circulation  of  literary  intelligence  was  then 
slow,  which  formed  one  obstruction,  amongst 
many  others,  to  the  progress  of  learning. 
Mathema-  Tlic  mathematical  sciences  were  not  wholly 
neglected  in  the  darkest  ages ;  but  they  were 
cultivated  with  little  success,  and  with  impro- 
per? views.  -fVstrology  was  so  nuich  the  study 
of  the  mathematicians  of  those  times,  that  ma- 
thematician and  astrologer  were  synonymous 
terms  f.  The  pretenders  to  that  fallacious  sci- 
ence were  loaded  with  honoin-s  and  rewards ; 
and  in  the  preceding  century,  the  wisest  princes 
in  Europe  ])aid  more  regard  to  the  responses 
of  their  astrologers  than  to  the  counsels  of  their 
ministers  i.  But  astrologers  began  to  sink  in 
their  credit  in  the  course  of  this  period,  some 
desj)ising  them  as  impostors,  and  others  detesting 

•  Moiistrelft,  an.  1471.      A'illaf.  toni.  IS.  p.  121. 

f   l)ii  Cange,  voc.  ^lailiein.iticus. 

I  Mfiiioirt*  lie  Literature,  turn,  i.  \\  4.GG,  Li.  S\o. 


tics. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  &c.  125 

them  as  magicians,  wliile  too  many  still  revered 
them  as  men  of  the  most  consummate  learning 
and  wisdom.  One  Arnold  de  Marests,  an  astro- 
nomer, published  a  book  on  Astrology  in  France, 
A.  D.  1466,  which  made  a  mighty  noise.  The 
King  sent  the  book  to  the  university  of  Paris,  re- 
quiring that  learned  body  to  examine  it,  and  re- 
port their  opinion.  The  university  appointed 
certain  deputies  out  of  each  of  the  four  nations 
to  examine  this  work ;  who  reported — "  That 
"  it  contained  many  superstitions,  many  conjura- 
"  tions,  many  manifest  and  horrible  invocations 
"  of  the  devil,  with  several  latent  heresies  and 
"  idolatries*."  In  England  there  was  a  board 
of  commissioners,  consisting  of  several  doctors, 
nectaries,  and  clerks,  for  discovering  and  appre- 
liending  magicians,  enchanters,  and  sorcerers, 
probably  comprehending  astrologers  f.  When 
these  commissioners  had  discovered  one  of  these 
offenders,  they  pi-ocured  a  wan-ant  from  the  King 
for  apprehending  him  with  all  his  apparatus.  It 
was  by  virtue  of  sucli  a  warrant  that  Thomas 
Northfield,  professor  of  divinity  and  sorcerer,  was 
apprehended  at  AVorcester,  A.  D.  1432,  with  all 
liis  books  and  instruments:!:. 

The  science  or  art  of  alchymy,  which  pretend-  Aichymy. 
cd  to  produce  a  remedy  for  all  diseases,  and  to 
transubstantiate  tlic  baser  metals  into  the  purest 
gold  and  silver,  was  more  encouraged  by  govern- 
ment in  the  reign  of  Henry  Vl.  than  any  other 

•    HuLri  Hisf.  Univ.  r.irix.  torn.  5   ))  67". 

+    Uym.   I'd'il.  toiii    10.  p.  ^52.  \    Id.  )i»id.  p   .''yO-l. 


126  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

art  or  science.     In  that  reign  we  find  many  pro- 
tections mven  to  different  idcliv mists,  to  secure 
them  from  the  penalty  in  an  act  of  parliament 
made  A.D.  1403,  and  from  the  fury  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  believed  thnt  they  were  assisted  in  their 
operations  by  infernal  spirits*.      As  these  royal 
protections  contain  the  sentiments  entertained 
by  that  king  and  his  ministers  on  this  subject,  it 
may  not  be  improper  to  insert  here  a  transla- 
tion of  the  most  material  part  of  one  of  them. 
*'  Ancient  sages  and  most  famous  philosophers 
"  have  taught,  in  their  books  and  writings,  un- 
"  der  figures  and  emblems,  that  many  notable 
"  and  most  glorious  medicines  may  be  extracted 
"  from  wine,  precious  stones,  oils,  vegetables, 
"  animals,  metals,  and  semimetals  ;  and  particu- 
"  larly  a  certain  most  precious  medicine,  which 
"  some  philosophers  have  named  the  Mother  and 
"  Queen  of  INIedicines,  some  the   Inestimable 
"  Glory,    others   the  Quintessence,    others  the 
"  Philosopher's  Stone,  and  others  the  Elixir  of 
*'  Life.    The  virtue  of  this  medicine  is  so  admir- 
"  able  and  efficacious,  that  it  cures  all  curable 
"  diseases  with  ease,  prolongs  human  life  to  it» 
"  utmost  term,  and  wonderfully  preserves  man  m 
"  health  and  strength  of  body,  and  in  the  fuU  pos- 
"  session  of  his  memory,  and  of  all  the  powders  and? 
"  faculties  of  his  mind.     It   heals   all   curable 
"  wounds  without  difficulty,  is  a  most  sovereigns 
"  antidote  against  all  poisons,  and  is  capable  of 

•   Statutes,  5th  Hen,  IV.  c.  4.      Rvni    Feed.  torn.  1].  p.  68.  240*  309. 
379. 


Chap.  4  Sect.  1.  LEARNING,  &c.  12'j' 

'*  procuring  to  us  and  our  kingdom  (jther  great 
**  advantages,  such  as  tlie  transmutation  of  other 
•*  metals  into  real  and  fine  gold  and  silver. 

"  We  frequently  revolve  in  our  mind,  by  long 
"  and  serious  meditation,  how  delectable,  and 
"  profitable  it  woidd  be  to  us  and  our  dominions, 
•*  if  this  precious  medicine  could  be  discovered 
"  by  the  blessing  of  God  on  the  labours  of 
'*  learned  men ;  and  also  how  that  few  or  none, 
"  in  former  times,  have  attained  to  the  true 
"•  method  of  making  this  most  glorious  medicine, 
**  partly  owing  to  the  difficulties  attending  the 
"  operation,  but  chiefly  because  the  most  learned 
"  men  have  been,  and  still  are  discouraged  and 
"  deterred  from  the  undertaking,  by  the  fear  of 
"  inciu'ring  the  penalties  in  a  certain  law  made 
"  in  the  reign  of  our  grandfather  Henry  IV. 
••  against  alchymists. 

"  Wherefore  it  seems  right  and  expedient  to 
"  us  to  pi-ovide,  select,  and  appoint  certain  in- 
"  genious  men  sufficiently  skilled  in  the  natm-al 
"  sciences,  well  inclined  and  disposed  to  attempt 
*'  the  discovery  of  the  foresaid  medicine,  who 
*'  fear  God,  love  truth,  and  hate  all  deceitful, 
"  fallacious,  metallic  tinctures ;  and  by  our 
"  authority  and  prerogative  royal  to  provide 
"  sufficiently  for  the  quiet,  safety,  and  indem- 
"  nity  of  these  men,  that  they  may  not  be  dis- 
"  turbed  or  injured  in  their  persons  or  goods, 
"  while  they  are  engaged  in  this  work,  or  after 
'•  they  have  finlslied  their  laboiu's, 

"  We  therefore,  confiding  in  the  fidelity,  cir- 
•'  cumspection,  profound  learning,  and  cxtraor- 


128  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN'.       ^    Book  V. 

"  diiuiry  skill  in  tlic  natunil  sciences,  of  these  fiv- 
"  moiis  men  Jolni  Fauceby,  Jolni  Kirkeby,  and 
"  John  llayny,  elect,  assign,  nominate,  and  li- 
"  cense  all  and  each  of  them,  and  of  om-  certain 
"  knowledge,  and  by  our  authority  and  prero- 
"  gative  royal,  we,  by  tliese  presents,  grant  to 
'*  all  and  each  of  them,  liberty,  warrant,  power, 
"  and  authority,  to  inquire,  investigate,  begin, 
"  prosecute,  and  perfect  the  foresaid  medicine, 
"  according  to  their  own  discretion  and  the  pre- 
"  cepts  of  ancient  sages,  as  also  to  transubstan- 
'*  tiate  other  metals  into  true  gold  and  silver ;  the 
"  above  statute,  or  any  other  statute,  to  the  con- 
*'  trary  notwithstanding.     Further,  we  hereby 
"  take  the  said  John,  John,  and  John,  with  all 
"  their  servants  and  assistants,  into  our  special 
"  tuition  and  protection*."     This  curious  com- 
mission was  confirmed  by  parliament,  31st  May 
A.  D.  1456. 
Ignorance       When  learning  was  in  so  low  a  state  among 
people.      those  of  high  rank  and  learned  professions,  w^e 
may  conclude  that  the  common  people  were  to^- 
tally  illiterate.  It  was  not  till  the  reign  of  Henry 
IV.  that  villains,  farmers,  and  mechanics,  were 
permitted  by  law  to  put  their  children  to  school  f;^ 
and  long  after  that,  they  dared  not  to  educate  a 
son  for  the  church,  without  a  licence  from  their 
lord.   But  it  seems  to  be  quite  unnecessary  to  fol- 
low the  faint  traces  of  learning  any  further  in 
this  benighted  period. 

*  Rym.  Fred.  torn.  11 .  p.  'A79. 
■f  Statutes  7th  Hen.  IV.  chap,  IT. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.         LEARNING,  &c.  Iqq 


SECTION  II. 

History  of  the.  Learned  Men  who  flourished  in  Britain^ 
from  A.  D.  1S99,  to  A.  D.  1485. 

A  FTER  the  account  that  hath  been  given  of  Few  leam- 
the  state  of  learning  in  Britain  in  this  period,  '"^  "'^"* 
we  cannot  expect  to  find  many  persons  in  it  so 
eminent  for  their  genius  and  erudition  as  to  me- 
rit a  place  in  the  general  history  of  their  coun- 
tr}\  If  many  such  persons  had  then  existed, 
they  would  have  dispelled,  in  some  degree,  that 
profound  darkness  in  which  their  country  was 
involved*.  It  is  true,  that  Leland,  Bale,  Pits, 
Cave,  and  Tanner,  the  writers  of  oin*  literary 
history,  give  us  the  names  of  many  authors  who 
flourished  in  this  period,  with  the  titles  of  their 
works,  and  assure  us,  according  to  their  custom, 
that  tliey  were  all  wonderfully  learned.  But 
these  boasted  authors  were,  for  the  most  part, 
obscm-e  monks,  knavish  or  deluded  alchymists 
or  astrologers,  whose  works  have  deservedly 
sunk  into  oblivion  ;  nor  have  I  been  able  to 
discover  so  much  as  one  divine,  philo.sopher,  or 
pliysician  in  Britain,  in  those  times,  who  did 
honour  to  liis  country  by  his  writings.    It  would 

•  It  is  a  strong  presumptive  proof  of  the  truth  of  that  account  given 
in  the  precedinjr  section,  of  tlie  dcclininpr  state  of  learning  in  this  period, 
and  of  the  paucity  of  learned  men  who  flourished  in  it,  that  it  hath  af- 
forded the  very  well  informed  and  industrious  authors  of  liiographia  Bri- 
tnnnira  only  four  or  five  .irticles  ;  and  these,  except  two,  tlio  moit  insig- 
iiifuTinf  ill  that  valuable  work. 

VOL.  X.  K 


L'iO  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  IJook.  V. 

be  easy  to  fill  many  pages  with  the  liistory  of 
many  writers  who  enjoyed,  perliaps,  some  little 
pre-eminence  in  their  own  times,  whose  names 
and  writing's  are  now  as  little  regarded  as  if  they 
had  never  been ;  but  as  this  could  answer  no 
good  purpose,  it  shall  be  omitted*. 

Historians.  Qur  liistoriaiis  in  this  period  were  not  better  or 
more  elegant  writers  than  our  divines,  philoso- 
phers, and  pliysicians ;  but  as  they  have  re- 
corded many  curious  and  important  facts,  in  the 
best  maiuier  they  could,  tliey  have  deserved 
well  of  t]ieir  country,  and  merit  somie  attention. 
Mr  William  Caxtoii,  who  was  more  famous  as  a 
printer  tlian  as  a  waiter,  gives  this  reason  for  his 
\vriting  a  continuation  of  Higden's  Polycroni- 
con,  from  A.  D.  1357  to  A.  D.  1460 :  "  Because 
"  mennes  Avyles  in  this  tyine  ben  oblyvious  and 
"  lyhtly  forgetten  many  thyngys  dygne  to  be 
"  put  in  memorye ;  and  also  there  cannot  be 
"  foundin  in  these  days  but  few  that  wryte  in 
"  theyr  regysters  suche  thyngis  as  daily  happen 
"  and  fallef." 

w-xising-  Thomas  A\''alsinghamj  a  monk  in  the  abbey  of 
St  Alban's,  was  unquestionably  the  best  of  our 
historians  in  this  period.  His  style  is  indeed, 
according  to  his  own  confession,  rude  and  unpo- 
lished ;  and  he  relates  many  ridiculous  stories  of 
visions,  miracles,  and  portents  :  but  this  was  the 
vice  of  the  age  rather  tlian  of  the  man;  and  must 
be  forgiven  to  him  and  others.    His  narrative  is 

*  See  Leland,  Bale,  P!(s,  Cave,  Tanner,  Warfoii's  Anglia  Sacra,  God- 
win de  Prtesulibiu  Anglis.  f  Ames's  Typograpiiy,  p.  32,  33. 


ham. 


Chaix  4.  Sect.  '2.         LEARNING,  ike.  liJl 

tar  more  fall,  circumstantial,  and  satisfactory, 
than  that  of  the  other  annalists  of  those  times, 
and  contains  many  things  nowhere  else  to  be 
found.  He  compiled  two  historical  works  of 
considerable  length.  The  one  he  entitled,  "  A 
History  of  England,"  beginning  at  the  57th 
Henry  HI.,  A.  D.  1273,  and  concluding  with 
an  account  of  the  splendid  fvmeral  of  Henry  V., 
and  the  appointment  of  Humphrey  Duke  of 
Gloucester  to  the  regency  of  England.  To  the 
other  he  gave  the  whimsical  name  of  "  Ypodig- 
ma  NeustriEe,"  which  is  a  history  of  Normandy 
(anciently  called  Neustria),  interspersed  with  the 
affairs  of  England  from  the  beoinnine:  of  the 
tenth  century  to  A.  D.  1418.  In  the  dedication 
of  this  work  to  Henry  V.,  he  tells  that  prince, 
that  when  he  reflected  on  the  cunning  intrigues, 
frauds,  and  breaches  of  treaties  in  his  enemies 
the  French,  he  vv^as  tormented  with  fears  that 
they  would  deceive  him  ;  and  had  composed 
that  work,  which  contained  many  examples  of 
their  pei-fidy,  to  put  him  upon  his  guard*. 

Thomas  Otterbourne,  a  Franciscan  friar,  com-  otter- 
posed  a  history  of  England,  from  the  landing  of 
Brutus  the  Trojan  to  A.  D.  1420.  It  is  extracted, 
as  he  acknowledges,  from  former  historians,  as 
JeofFrey  of  ^lonmouth,  Venerable  Eede,  William 
of  INIahnsbury,  Henry  of  Huntington,  Iloger 
Hoveden,  and  Higden's  Polycronicon,  for  the 
benefit  of  tliose  who  could  not  procure  an  oppor- 
tunity of  perusing  their  works.   It  is  certainly  not 

"  See  Camdinp  Anglica,  Normaniuca,  &c.  p.  43— *92. 


V3» 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN. 


Book  V 


Wlietliain 
sude. 


fUaibani. 


TltU9 

Livius. 


a  masterly  ])erformance  ;  iind  yet  it  ought  to  be 
consulted,  and  affords  some  useful  information 
in  the  history  of  his  own  times*. 

John  \Vhethamstede,  abbot  of  St  Alban's, 
wrote  a  chronicle  of  twenty  years  of  this  period, 
beginning  A.  I).  14.-11,  and  ending  A.  D.  1461. 
It  contains  many  original  pa})ers,  and  gives  a  very 
full  account  of  some  events,  particularly  of  the 
tAvo  battles  of  St  Alban's.  More  than  one  half 
of  his  chronicle  is  filled  with  the  affairs  of  his  own 
abbey,  to  v/hich  he  was  a  great  benefactor.  The 
most  remarkable  circumstance  in  the  personal 
liistory  of  this  w^riter,  is  his  longevity.  He  w^as 
ordained  a  priest  A.  D.  1382,  and  died  A.D.  1464, 
when  he  had  been  eighty-two  years  in  priest's 
orders,  and  above  one  lumdred  years  of  agef . 

Thomas  de  KImham.  prior  of  Linton,  wrote  a 
copious  history  of  the  life  and  reign  of  Henry  V. 
in  a  very  inflated  and  disgusting  style.  But  as  he 
was  the  contemporary  of  that  great  prince,  and 
had  his  information  from  persons  of  rank  and 
honour,  who  were  eye-witnesses  of  most  of  the 
events  which  he  relates,  his  work  is  valuable!. 

The  history  of  Henry  V.  was  also  written  by 
one  who  took  the  name  of  Titus  Livius,  and 
whose  real  name  is  not  known.  He  was  an  Ita- 
lian by  birth  ;  and  not  meeting  v/ith  proper  en- 
couragement in  his  own  country,  he  came  into 
England,   and  put  himself  under  the  protection 


»  T.  Otterbourne  IIi>.t.  a  T.  Ilearn  edit.  Oxon.  1732. 

f  Id.  in  praefat.  torn.  I.  57,  58.  torn.  2. 

i   rii.  de  Elmham,  Vita  lien.  V.  a  T.  nearii  edit.  Oxon.  1727. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  2.         LEARNING,  &c.  13; 

of  Humphrey  Duke  of  Gloucester,  that  minii- 
ficent  patron  of  learned  men,  who  made  him  liis 
poet-iaureat,  and  persuaded  hhn  to  write  the 
history  of  the  late  king,  his  brother.  His  work 
is  a  free  judicious  epitome  of  the  above  history 
of  Thomas  de  Klmhani,  leaving  out  some  things, 
and  adding  others.  In  liis  style,  he  was  a  pro- 
fessed but  very  unsuccessful  imitator  of  the  great 
Roman  historian  wiiose  name  he  assumed*. 

William  Bottoner,  better  known  by  the  name  Bottoner. 
of  William  of  W}Tcester,  was  born  at  Bristol, 
and  educated  at  Harts-hall,  Oxford,  where  he 
was  supported  by  the  famous  warrior  Sir  John 
Falstolf,  to  whom  he  became  a  retainer.  Our 
literary  historians,  who  copy  one  another,  tell 
us,  that  he  was  a  good  mathematician,  an  ex- 
pert ph)^sician,  a  great  cosmographer,  and  a  fa- 
mous historian.  If  he  deserved  the  other  cha- 
racters no  better  than  the  last,  they  were  be- 
stowed upon  liim  very  improperly.  He  wrote 
meagre  annals  of  England  from  A.  D.  1324,  to 
A.  D.  1468,  in  a  most  barbarous  style  ;  but  as 
they  contain  some  things  that  are  not  to  be 
found  in  any  other  work,  they  are  of  some  va- 
lue, and  must  be  consulted. 

John  llous,  the  antiquary  of  Warwick,  is  ce-  john 
lebrated  by  our  literary  historians  as  a  man  of  ^''"** 
immense  learning,  and  indefatigable  industry  in 
collecting  materials  for  a  history  of  the  kings  of 
England  f.    But  when  we  peruse  the  work,  liow 

»   Titi  Livii  Vita  Hen.  V.  a  T.  Hearn  edit.  Oxon.  1716. 
f  Leland,  p.  473.     Tanner,  p.  643. 


134  HISJORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

greatly  arc  we  disappointed !  His  language  is 
incorrect  and  Ixubarous,  his  credulity  childish, 
liis  digressions  long  and  frequent,  and  his  nar- 
rations of  the  most  important  events  short  and 
unsatisfactory.  He  begins  his  history  at  the 
creation,  and  tells  us,  amongst  other  extraordi- 
nary things,  that  IMoses  mentions  only  one  ante- 
diluvian city,  which  was  built  by  Cain,  and  call- 
ed by  him  Enoch,  in  honour  of  Enoch,  his  eld- 
est son ;  but  that  the  famous  man  Bernard  de 
Breydenbach,  dean  of  Mentz,  writes,  that  there 
were  eight  noble  cities  built  before  the  flood ; 
and  he  tells  this  story  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
convince  us,  that  he  gave  as  much  credit  to 
Bernard  de  Breydenbach  as  to  Moses*.  But 
notwithstanding  all  its  imperfections,  this  work 
of  John  Rous  is  of  considerable  use,  as  he  inci- 
dentally mentions  many  curious  particulars  con- 
cerning the  state  of  England,  and  the  manners 
of  its  inhabitants,  in  his  own  times.  He  died 
in  a  very  advanced  age,  A.  D.  1491. 
Tabian.  ^]]  ^\^q  autliors  abovc-iTientioned  wrote   in 

Latin ;  but  Robert  Fabian,  a  merchant  and  alder- 
man of  London,  WTote  a  chronicle  of  England 
and  France,  called,  The  Concordance  of  Stones,  in 
the  English  of  his  age,  which  is  very  inteUigible. 
It  is  di^dded  into  seven  parts,  the  first  beginning 
at  the  aiTival  of  Brutus,  and  the  last  ending  at  the 
20th  Henry  VII.,  A.  D.  1504.  The  histories  of 
England  and  France  are  intermixed,  but  given  in 
distinct  chapters.     This  work  is  valuable  for  the 

•  J.  Rossii  Historia  Regiim  Angloruin,  p.  1. 


Chap.  1..  Sect.  2.         LEARNING,  &c.  Ig^f 

plaiiiiiess  and  sincerity  with  which  it  is  written  : 

for  tlie  lists,  first  of  the  bailiffs,  and  afterwards  of 

the  mayors  and  slieriffs  of  London;  and  for  manv 

other  particulars  relating  to  that  great  city*. 

Some  other  chroniclers  lived  and  wrote  in  this  <^«her  his- 
torians. 

period,  particidarly  John  Harding  and  William 
Caxton,  whose  works  have  been  printed ;  but 
those  who  exT>ect  much  information  or  amuse- 
ment in  tJie  perusal  of  them  will  be  disappointed. 
The  wTiters  and  lovers  of  English  history  are 
much  more  indebted  to  the  labours  of  three 
French  gentlemen,  Sir  John  Froissart,  Philip  de 
Comines,  I^ord  of  Argenton,  and  Dehguerran 
de  Monstrelet,  who  give  more  full  and  circum- 
stantial relations  of  many  transactions  than  any 
of  our  own  contemporary  historians. 

Though  the  law-colleges  in  I^ondon,  common-  Lawyers. 
ly  called  the  Inns  of  Court  and  Chancery,  were 
crowded  \vith  students  of  law^  in  this  period,  few 
gentlemen  of  that  profession  made  a  distinguish- 
ed figure  as  authors,  if  we  except  Sir  Thomas 
Littleton  and  Sir  John  P'ortescue,  who  have 
merited  a  place  in  the  history  of  their  countiy 
by  their  learned  labours. 

SirTliomas  Littleton,  descended  of  an  ancient 
and  honourable  family  in  tlie  county  of  Worces- 
ter,  when  of  a  proper  age,  and  duly  qualified, 
became  a  student  of  law  in  the  linier  Templef . 
After  he  had  been  some  time  at  the  bar,  and 
his  abilities  were  known,  he  was  promoted  first, 

•    FabianV  Chronicle,  printed  by  W.  Rastall,  l.i.13. 
t    Fortescue  de  Laiidibu^  Legum  Angliflr,  ch.  49. 


lij(i  llIiSTORY  OF  BlUTAIN.  Book  V. 

lu  be  :i  judi>'e  of  the   JNIarslialsea   eouit,  made 
king's  sergeant  and  justice  of  assize,  A.  13.  1455, 
and  one  of  the  judges  of  tlie  court  of  Conniion 
Pleas,  iV.  1).   1-166,  liaving  conducted  himself 
"vvitli  so  much  moderation  and  prudence  in  those 
diflicult  times,  as  to  possess  the  favour  of  the 
contendiuii'  families  of  Lancaster  and  York.  Our 
judge,  at  his  leisure  hours,  composed  his  learned 
and  useful  work  on  English  temu-es  of  lands,  to 
Avhicli  he  is  indebted  for  that  fame  which  he 
hath   long    enjoyed,    and    will  probably    much 
longer  enjoy.     The  learned  judge  died  in  an 
advanced  age,  August  23,  A.  D.  1481,  leaving 
three  sons  to  share  his  ample  fortune*. 
Fortescue.       Sir  Joliu  Fortcscue  was  the  oreat  ornament  of 
his  honourable  profession,  and  one  of  the  most 
learned  and  best  men  of  the  age  in  which  he 
flourished.     Being  the  third  son  of  Sir  Henry, 
Fortescue,  Lord  Chief  Justice  of  Ireland,  he  was 
early  intended  for  the  law,  and  at  a  proper  age 
entered  a  student  in  Lincoln's   Inn,  where  he 
soon  became  famous  for  his  superior  knowledge,^ 
both  of  the  civil  and  common  law.     When  he, 
was  reader  in  that  society,  his  lectures  were  at- 
tended with  crowded  audiences,  and  received 
with  great  applausef .     He  was  made  a  sergeant 
at  law,  A.  D.  1430;  appointed  king's  sergeant 
A.  D.  1441  ;  and  raised  to  the  high  office  of 
Chief  Justice  of  the  King's  Bench,  A.  D.  1442, 
in  which  he  presided  many  years  with  great 

•   See  Biographia  JBritatinica,  vol  5.  p.  2975. 
f   Bale,  p.  613. 


n»ap.  4.  Sect.  2.         LEARNING,  &c.  I  ]  37 

wisdom,  dignity,  and  uprightness.  As  tiie  Oiief 
Justice  was  steady  in  his  loyalty  to  his  so\Tr^igii, 
Henry  VI.,  he  shared  in  his  misfortunes,  and  was 
attainted  of  iiigli  treason  by  the  first  parliament  of 
Edward  IV.,  A.  D.  1461,  after  he  had  flee  into 
Scotland  with  his  unfortunate  master*.  It  was 
probably  there  that  he  was  created  I^ord  Chan- 
cellor of  England,  an  office  which  he  never  had 
an  opportunity  of  exercising.  Having  retired 
into  France,  A.  D.  1463,  with  Queen  JNIargaret 
and  her  son  Edward  Princeof  AVales,he  remained 
there  several  years,  assisting  them  with  his  coun- 
cils, and  superintending  the  education  of  that 
hopeful  young  prince.  It  was  for  his  instruction, 
to  give  him  clear  and  just  ideas  of  tlie  constitution 
of  England,  as  a  limited  and  legal,  and  not  an 
absolute  monarchy,  that  he  composed  his  admi- 
rable little  treatise,  I)e  Laudihus  Legum  Anglia;  ; 
^vhich,  for  the  excellence  of  its  raethod,  the  soli- 
dity of  its  matter,  and  the  justness  of  its  \iews, 
excels  every  work  on  that  subject,  in  so  small  a 
compass,  and  must  endear  the  memory  of  this 
great  and  good  man  to  every  friend  of  our  happy 
constitution.  This  excellent  treatise,  after  re- 
maining too  long  in  obscurity,  was  printed,  and 
hath  passed  through  several  editionsf.  Sir  John 
Fortescue  accompanied  Queen  JMargaret  and 
Prince  Edward  in  their  last  unrbrtimate  expedi- 
tion into  England,  and  was  taken  prisoner,  after 


•    W.  VVvrcester,  an.  1161. 

I    Ste  ihe  well-'.vrillcn  Life  of  Sir  Jolin  Fortescue,   in  Uiographia  I)ri. 
tannica. 


1^8  HISTORV  GF  BRITAIX.  Book  V. 

the  defeat  of  their  army,  at  Tewksbury,  JNIay  4, 
A.  D.  1471.  TiuMigh  Edward  W.  made  rather 
a  critel  use  of  his  victory,  he  spared  the  life  of  this 
veneiable  sage ;  and  after  some  time  restored  him 
to  his  hberty,  and  probably  to  his  estate,  and  re- 
ceived him  into  favom*.  Sir  Jolm,  like  a  wise  and 
good  man,  ac(juiesced  in  the  decision  of  I'rovi- 
dence  in  the  fatal  contest  between  the  houses  of 
York  and  I  Lancaster  ;  and,  considerin.o'  the  last  of 

7  7  ^j 

these  houses  as  now  extinct,  he  frankly  acknow- 
ledy;ed  the  title  of  Edward  IV.  to  the  crown,  and 
wrote  in  defeiice  of  th.at  title.  But  lie  still  re- 
tained the  same  political  principles,  and  particu- 
larly his  zealous  attaclinient  to  a  limited  and  legal 
government,  in  opposition  to  absolute  monarchy. 
This  is  evident  from  his  excellent  treatise,  on  the 
difference  between  an  absolute  and  limited  mo- 
narchy, which,  after  remaining  long  in  MS.  was 
publislied  by  a'l  honourable  descendant  of  the 
author,  A.  D.  1714.  This  treatise  is  WTitten  in 
English,  M'cif;  designed  for  the  use  of  Edward  I^"., 
and  is  valuable  as  a  specimen  of  the  English  of 
those  times  ;  but  much  more  valuable  on  account 
of  the  many  curious  particulars  it  contains  con- 
cerning the  constitution  of  England,  and  the  con- 
dition of  its  inkibitants*.  I  heartily  subscribe 
to  the  character  given  of  this  treatise  by  a  very 
good  judge  of  literary  merit :  "  Take  it  all  to- 
*'  gether,  and  it  will  appear  to  be  a  work  which 
"  affords  us  full  e\idence  of  the  learning,  wisdom, 

*  See  tlie  diffeience  iKtwccn  an  absolute  nnH  limilcH  monarchy,  &c. 
•written  by  Sir  John  Forttscue,  /tc.  published  by  John  Foitisdic,  A,  D. 
1714; 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  ti.         LEARNING,  &c.  13^ 

"  uprightness,  public  spirit,  and  loyal  gratitude 
"  of  its  author,  as  any  that  is  extant  in  ours  or 
"  in  any  modem  language*."  This  learned 
judge  composed  several  other  works,  which  are 
still  extant  in  MS.,  and  some  which  are  probably 
lost ;  and,  after  a  long,  active,  and  virtuous  life, 
chequered  with  prosperity  and  adversity,  he  paid 
the  last  debt  to  nature  in  the  ninetieth  year  of 
his  agef . 

The  love  of  learninoj  was  by  no  means  the  pre-  ignorance 

.,.  o     ^  •         \  ■  of  the 

vailing  taste  or  the  great  in  the  times  we  are  ex-  great. 
amining.  Even  in  a  later  period,  "  it  was  thought 
*'  enough  for  a  nobleman's  son  to  winde  their 
"  horn,  and  to  carry  their  hawk  fah%  and  leave 
*'  study  and  learning  to  the  children  of  mean 
•'  people:}:."  A  few  persons,  however,  of  liigh^ 
rank  possessed  such  strength  of  mind  as  to  resist 
the  tyranny  of  fashion,  and  engage  with  no  little 
ardour  and  success  in  the  pursuit  of  learning, 
and  on  that  account  deserve  to  be  remembered 
with  honour  by  posterity. 

James  I.,  King  of  Scotland,  was  not  only  the  James  i. 
most  learned  king,  but  one  of  the  most  learned 
men,  of  the  age  in  which  he  flourished.  This  in- 
genious and  amiable  prince  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  enemies  of  his  country  in  his  tender  youth, 
when  he  was  flying  from  the  snares  of  his  unna- 
tural, ambitious  uncle,  who  governed  his  domi- 
nions, and  was  suspected  of  designs  against  his 


•    Biographia  Briinnnici,  vol.  2.  p.  ]i)97.  f  1(1.  ibid. 

^    Id  ibid.  p.  123(5. 


^40  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN'.  Book  V. 

life.  The  King  of  England  knew  the  value  of 
the  prize  he  had  obtained,  and  kept  it  with  the 
most  anxious  care.  The  prince  was  conducted 
to  the  tower  of  London  immediately  after  he 
was  seized,  April  12,  A.  D.  1405,  and  there 
kept  a  close  prisoner  till  June  10,  A.l).  1407, 
Avhen  he  was  removed  to  the  castle  of  Notting- 
ham, from  whence  he  was  brouglit  back  to  the 
Tower,  March  1,  A.  D.  1414,  and  there  confined 
till  August  3,  in  the  same  year,  when  he  was 
conveyed  to  the  castle  of  Windsor,  where  he 
was  detained  till  the  summer  of  A.l).  1417; 
when  Henry  V.,  for  political  reasons,  carried  liim 
with  him  into  France  in  his  second  expedition*. 
In  all  these  fortresses,  his  confinement,  from  his 
own  account  of  it,  was  so  severe  and  strict,  that 
he  was  not  so  much  as  permitted  to  take  the 
air. 

Quhare  as  in  ward  full  oft  I  wold  bewaille 
My  dedely  lyf,  full  of  peyne  and  penance, 

Saing  zyt  thus,  quhat  have  I  gilt  to  faille 
My  fredonie  in  this  warld,  and  my  plesance  ? 
Sin  every  weight  has  thereof  suffisanco. 


Bewailing  in  my  chamber  thus  allonc, 
Dispeired  of  all  joye  and  remedy e, 

For-tirit  of  my  thot,  and  woe-begone, 
And  to  the  wyndow  gaii  1  walk  in  hye, 
To  see  the  warld,  and  folk  that  went  forbye. 

As  for  the  tyme,  though  I  of  mirtliis  fudo 

Myt  have  no  more,  to  luke  it  did  me  gudof . 


•  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  R.  p.  4SI.   torn.  9.  p.  2.  i4. 

f  The  King's  Qnhair,  a  poem,  by  Jame»  I.,  canto  •.  stan.  7.  0. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  2.  LEARNING,  &c.  141 

Kino-  James  was  about  thirteen  years  of  asfe  Fond  of 

A' 

when  he  lost  his  hberty,  and  was  kept  in  this  un-  ^^^  ''^* 
comfortable  close  confinement  till  he  was  about 
twenty-six.  In  this  melancholy  situation,  so  un- 
suitable to  his  age  and  rank,  books  were  his  chief 
companions,  and  study  his  greatest  pleasure.  He 
rose  early  in  the  morning,  immediately  applied 
to  reading,  to  divert  him  from  painful  reflections 
on  his  misfortunes,  and  continued  his  studies, 
with  little  interruption,  till  late  at  night. 

The  long  dayes  and  the  nightis  eke, 
1  wold  bewaille  my  fortune  in  this  wise, 

For  quhich  again  distresse  comfort  to  seke. 
My  custum  was  on  mornis  for  to  rise 
Airly  as  day,  O  happy  exercise ! 

Bot  slep  for  craft  in  crth  myt  I  no  more; 
For  quhich,  as  tho'  could  I  no  better  wyle, 
I  toke  a  boke  to  rede  upon  a  quhile : 
IMyn  eyne  gan  to  smart  for  studying  ; 
My  boke  I  schet,  and  at  my  hede  it  laid.* 

James  being  naturally  sensible,  ingenious,  and  Universal 
fond  of  knowledge,  and  having  received  a  good  '"'^  "*''^" 
education  in  his  early  youth,  under  the  direction 
of  Walter  Wardlaw,  Bishop  of  St  Andrew's ; 
by  this  close  application  to  study,  became  an 
\miversal  scholar,  an  excellent  poet,  and  exqui- 
site musician.  That  he  \\Tote  as  well  as  read 
much,  we  have  his  own  testimony,  and  that  of 
all  our  historians  who  lived  near  his  timef. 
Bowmakcr.  the  contimiator  of  Fordun,  who  was 
his   contemporary,    and   personally  acquainted 

•  King\  Quhnir,  canto  2   stanra  10.   canto  1.  stan.  5.  S. 
f  Id.  canto  I .  «t.  \?,. 


142  HISTORY  OF  lUtlT AIN.  Book  y. 

witli  liiin,  s])en(ls  ten  eha])ters  in  his  praises, 
and  in  lamentations  on  his  death  ;  and,  anion ost 
other  thing's,  says,  tliat  his  knowledge  of  the 
scriptures,  of  law,  and  pliilosopliy,  was  incredi- 
ble-^  Hector  Boyse  tells  us,  tliat  Henry  IV. 
and  V„  furnislied  their  royal  prisoner  with  the 
best  teachers  in  all  the  arts  and  sciences ;  and 
that,  by  their  assistance,  he  made  gTeat  proficien- 
cy in  every  part  of  learning  and  the  fine  arts ; 
that  he  became  a  perfect  master  in  grammar, 
rhetoric,  poetry,  music,  and  all  the  secrets  of  na- 
tural philosophy,  and  was  inferior  to  none  in  di- 
vinity and  law.  He  observes  further,  that  the 
poems  he  composed  in  his  native  tongue  were  so 
beautiful,  that  you  might  easily  perceive  he  was 
born  a  poet ;  but  that  his  Latin  poems  were  not 
so  faultless ;  for  though  they  abounded  in  the 
most  sublime  sentiments,  their  language  was  not 
so  pure,  owing  to  the  rudeness  of  the  times  in 
which  he  lived f.  From  one  of  his  English  poems 
which  hath  been  lately  rescued  from  oblivion, 
and  presented  to  tlie  public,  by  the  laudable  in- 
dustry of  its  learned  editor,  it  plainly  appears, 
that  its  royal  author  was  possessed  of  a  great  va- 
riety of  learning,  as  well  as  of  a  genuine  spirit  of 
poetry  ;  and  if  his  other  works  had  been  preserv- 
ed, it  is  probable  we  should  have  had  still  strong- 
er evidences  of  his  erudition  t.  But  the  works 
of  James  I.  have  been  as  unfortunate  as  their 
autlior ;  and  all  his  Latin,  and  many  of  his  Eng- 

*  Scoticron.  li)).  16.  c.  28 — .?«. 

t  Heet.  Boeth.  Scot.  Hist.  lib.  16.  fol.  3-10. 

^  Seethe  Poetical  Remains  of  James  I.      E^linburgh.  173'J. 


chap.  4..  Sect.  2.  LEARNING,  Aec.  I43 

lish  compositions  are,  it  is  to  be  feared,  irrecu 
verably  lost. 

John  Tiptoft,  Earl  of  Worcester,  who  flourish  Eari  of 
ed  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  VI.  and  Edward  IV  ^^''"•'^^*'"- 
was  greatly  distinguished  among  the  nobility  o: 
his  time,  by  his  genius  and  love  of  learning.    He 
succeeded  to  the  great  estates  of  his  family,  by 
the  death  of  his  father  John  Lord  Tiptoft,  21  st 
Henry  VI.,  when  he  was  about  sixteen  years  of 
age ;  and,  six  years  after,  was  honoured  by  that 
monarch  with  the  higher  title  of  Earl  of  Worces- 
ter*.   This  accomplished  nobleman  was,  by  the 
same  prince,  constituted  Lord  High  Treasurer 
of  England,  when  he  was  only  twenty -five  years 
of  agef.    The  Earl  of  AVorcester  very  early  dis- 
covered a  taste  for  learning,  and  at  a  proper  age 
prosecuted  his  studies  at  Baliol  college  in  Ox- 
ford; v/here,  as  his  contemporary  and  fellow- 
student,  John  Rous  of  "Warwick,  tells  us,  he  was 
much  admired  for  his  rapid  progress  in  litera- 
ture:!:.    In  the  twenty-seventh  year  of  his  age, 
he  was  commissioned,  with  some  other  noble- 
men, to  guard  the  narrow  sea,  and  performed  that 
service  with  honour  to  himself  and  advantage  to 
his  country  ^.     But  in  the  midst  of  all  these  ho- 
nourable toils  and  offices,  his  love  of  learning  con- 
tinued unabated;  and  he  resolved  to  travel  for  his 
improvement.    Having  visited  the  Holy  Land, 
he  returned  to  Italy,  and  settled  at  Padua,  where 


•  Dujjf'alf's  Baronage,  vol.  2.  p.  41. 

■f  I^i'land  (lu  Script.  Britun.  p.  47.5. 

i  J.  Iii)»si  Hi*t.  p.  5.  §  Dugdalp,  v.  2.  p.  41. 


;|4.|,  HISTORY  OF  BHIT AIN.  Book  V. 

lodovicus  Carbo,  Giiariiuis,  aiulJohn  Plirea,  an 
Iiioflishinan.  were  then  very  famous  for  their 
laming,  and  attracted  great  crowds  of  students. 
^ur  ilhistrious  stranger  was  treated  with  great 
espect  at  Padua,   and  much  admired  by  all  the 
aen  of  letters,  for  the  knowledge  he  already  pos- 
essed,  and  his  ardour  in   adding  to  his  stores. 
.^is  countryman,    John  Phrea,    dedicated  two 
aooks  whicli  he  then  published,  to  the  Earl  of 
Worcester;  and  in  these  dedications  he  bestowed 
the  highest  praises  on  his  patron,  for  his  genius, 
Jearning,  and  many  virtues  ;  and  amongst  other 
(things,  says,  "  Those  superior  beings,  whose  of- 
"  fice  it  is  to  be  the  guardians  of  our  isle  of 
i"  Britain,  knowing  you  to  be  a  wise  and  good 
"  man,  an  enemy  to  faction,  and  a  friend  of 
"  peace,    warned   you    to   abandon    a   country 
"  which  they  had  abandoned,  that  you  might 
"  not  be  stained  by  mixing  with  impious  and 
"  factious  men*."      Vv^hile  he  resided  at  Padua, 
which  was  about  three  years,  during  the  heat  of 
the  civil  wars  in  England,  he  visited  Rome,  and 
delivered    an    oration    before    Pope    Pius    II. 
(^neas  Silvius),  and  his  cardinals,  which  drew 
tears  of  joy  from  His  Holiness,  and  made  him 
say  aloud,    "  Behold   the   only  prince  of  our 
"  times,  who,  for  virtue  and  eloquence  may  be 
"  justly  compared  to  the  most  excellent  emper- 
"  ors  of  Greece  and  llomef ."     Such  a  compli- 
ment from   an  Italian  to  an  Englishman  must 
liave  been  extorted  by  the  force  of  truth. 

•  Lelaml,  p.  477.  t  ^•'-  P-  '*"'^- 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  2.  LEARNING,  ike.  1 45 

The  Earl  of  Worcester  was  a  great  collector  of  a  collector 
books  ;  and  while  he  resided  in  Italy,  he  expend-  ^ 
ed  much  money  in  literary  purchases,  "  The 
^  Earl  of  Worcester  (says  Laurentius  Carbo), 
**  captivated  by  the  charms  of  the  Muses,  hath 
*^  remained  three  years  in  Italy,  and  no^v  resides 
"  at  Padua,  for  the  sake  of  study,  and  detained 
"  by  the  civilities  of  the  Venetians  ;  who,  being 
'•  exceedingly  fond  of  books,  hath  plundered,  if 
"  I  may  so  speak,  our  Italian  libraries,  to  enrich 
"  England*."  After  his  return  home,  he  made 
a  present  of  books  to  the  university-library  of 
Oxford,  Avliich  had  cost  him  500  marks  f  ;  a  great 
sum  in  those  times. 

As  soon  as  the  Earl  received  intelligence  that  Returned 
the  civil  war  was  ended,  by  the  elevation  of  Ed-  \l^"^~ 
ward  IV.  to  the  throne,  he  returned  to  England, 
submitted  to  that  prince,  was  received  into  his 
favour,  and  raised  by  him  to  several  places  of 
power  and  trust.  In  the  second  year  of  that 
reign,  he  was  made  treasurer  of  the  exchequer, 
and  in  the  next  year,  chancellor  of  Ireland  for 
life.  He  was  soon  after  constituted  lord  depu- 
ty of  Ireland,  imder  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  and 
at  last  made  lord  lieutenant  of  that  kingdom, 
and  constable  of  England.  In  a  Avord,  he  was 
loaded  Avith  favours ;  and  hardly  a  year  passed 
in  which  he  did  not  receive  some  valuable  grant 
or  great  office  t- 


»   Lelaml,  p.  ^178.  f  Tanner,  p.  715. 

^    DiigJalo,  vol.  2.  p.  41. 

vol.,  X.  L 


14>6  HISTORY  OF  BRIT/VIN.  Book  V. 

Beheaded.  }j^it  tbis  prosperity  was  not  of  long  duration. 
A  new  revolution  took  place.  Kdward  IV.  was 
obliged  to  abandon  bis  kingdom  witb  great  preci- 
pitation to  save  bis  life.  Tbe  Earl  of  \Vorcester 
was  not  so  fortunate  as  to  escape;  but  after  be  bad 
concealed  bimself  a  few  days,  be  was  discovered 
on  a  bigb  tree  in  tbe  forest  of  Waybrig,  conducted 
to  London,  condemned  at  Westminster,  and  be- 
beaded  on  Tower-bill,  October  15,  A.  D.  1470, 
in  tbe  42d  year  of  bis  age*.  He  was  accused  of 
cruelty  in  the  government  of  Ireland ;  but  bis 
greatest  crime,  and  that  for  wbicb  be  suffered, 
was,  bis  steady  loyalty  to  bis  rigbtful  sovereign 
and  generous  benefactor,  Edward  IV.  "  O  good 
"  blessed  Lord  God  !  (saitb  Caxton,)  wbat  grete 
"  losse  was  it  of  tbat  noble,  virtuous,  and  well- 
"  disposed  lord  tbe  Earl  Worcester !  AVbat 
"  worsbip  bad  he  at  Home,  in  tbe  presence  of  our 
"  holy  fader  tbe  Pope,  and  in  all  other  places 
'''  unto  bis  deth  !  Tbe  axe  then  did  at  one  blow 
"  cut  off  more  learning  than  was  in  the  heads  of 
"  all  the  surviving  nobility  f."  Caxton  was  his 
contemporary  ;  and  being  also  a  zealous  Yorkist, 
could  not  but  be  well  acquainted  with  him. 

Works.  This  earl  translated  the  Orations  of  Publius 

Cornelius,  and  Caius  Flaminius,  rivals  for  the 
love  of  Lucretia ;  and  his  translation  (says  Ice- 
land) was  so  neat,  elegant,  and  expressive,  that 
it  equalled  the  beauty  of  the  original:]:.  He  trans- 

•    Dugdale,  vol.  2.  p.  4J. 

f   See  Royal  and  Noble  Authors,  vol.  1.  j-,  59 — 67. 

\  Leland,  p.  480. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  1.         LEARNING,  &c.  I47 

lated  also  into  English,  Cicero  De  Amicltia,  and 
his  treatise  De  Seneciute ;  and  these  translations 
were  printed  by  Caxton,  A.  D.  1481*.  His  fa- 
mous oration  before  the  Pope  and  cardinals,  and 
most  of  his  original  works,  are  lost,  a  feAV  letters 
and  small  pieces  only  remaining  in  jMS.f 

Another  English  nobleman,  con  temporary  with  Eari 
the  Earl  of  Worcester,  who  was  an  author,  and 
had  a  taste  for  letters,  was  Anthony  AVodevile, 
Earl  Rivers,  brother  to  Elizabeth  Wodevile, 
Lady  Gray,  Queen  of  Edward  IV.  He  was,  in 
all  respects,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  no- 
blemen of  his  age.  But  as  it  is  only  as  a  man 
of  letters  he  is  introduced  here,  it  is  only  his  li- 
terary character  and  history  that  can  with  pro- 
priety be  given  in  this  place.  I  have  not  disco- 
vered where  this  noblemen  was  educated,  or 
how  far  he  pursued  his  studies ;  but  as  he  was 
eai'ly  and  constantly  engaged  in  the  tumults  of 
those  turbulent  times,  or  in  discharging  the  du- 
ties of  the  high  offices  with  which  he  was  in- 
vested, it  is  probable  that  he  made  no  great  pro- 
gress in  the  cultivation  of  the  sciences  ;  and  as 
his  works  consist  of  translations  from  the  French^ 
they  did  not  require  much  erudition. 

The  following  account  of  these  works,  by  his  Works„ 
printer  and  great  admirer,  honest  William  Cax- 
ton, will  be  more  satisfactory  than  any  that  can 
be  given  by  a  modern  writer.     "  The  noble  and 
"  virtuous  Lord  Anthoine,  Erie  Ryviers,  Lord 

*  Tanner,  p.  716.  f   I<1-  «bicl. 


148  HISTORY  or  BlUTA IN.  Book  V. 

"  Sc'tiles,  uiul  of  tlie  Isle  of  Wiglit — undo  and 
'•  Li;overn()\ir  to  my  lordc  Prinoc  of  AValcs — -not- 
'•  witlist^uidirijjj  tl.c  great  labours  and  charges 
"  tliat  he  liatii  liad  in  the  service  of  the  Kin"' and 
"  the  said  Lord  I'rince,  as  well  in  Wales  as  in 
"  England,  wliich  hath  he  to  him  no  little 
"  thought  and  bisiness,  both  in  spirite  and  bodv, 
*'  as  the  fruit  thereof  experimentally  sheweth ; 
"  yet  over  that,  tenriche  his  virtuous  disposicion, 
"  he  liath  put  him  in  devoyi',  at  all  tymes  when 
"  he  might  have  a  leyser,  whiche  was  but  starte- 
"  mele,  to  translate  diverse  bookes,  out  of  Frensh 
"  into  English.  Emong  other,  passed  thurgli 
"  myn  hande,  the  booke  of  the  Wise  Sayinges 
"  or  Dictcs  of  Philosophers — and  the  Wise  Hol- 
"  som  Proverbes  of  Cristine  of  Pyse,  set  in 
"  metre.  Over  that,  hath  made  diverse  balades 
"  aginst  the  seven  dedely  synnes.  Furhermore, 
"  he  took  upon  him  the  translating  of  this  pre- 
"  sent  worke,  named  Cordyale,  trusting,  that 
"  bothe  the  reders  and  the  hearers  thereof  sholde 
"  knoAV  themself  Jiereafter  the  better,  and  am- 
"  mende  their  lyvyng*."  These  three  books, 
translated  from  the  French  by  Earl  Kivers,  were 
printed  by  Caxton,  A.  D.  1477  and  1478  ;  and 
our  earl,  and  his  ]irinter  Caxton,  were  the  first 
English  writers  who  had  the  pleasure  to  see  their 
works  published  from  the  press.  His  ballads 
against  the  seven  deadly  sins,  I  presume,  are  lost ; 
but  John  llous  of  Warwick  hath  preserved  a  short 

*   Biot^raphia  Britannica,  vol.  2. 


Chap.  l.  Sett.  I.         I-EA liXlNG,  &c.  119 

poem,  whicli  he  is  said  to  have  composed  in 
his  prison  in  Fomfret  castle,  a  little  before  his 
dcatli,  Aviiich  breathes  a  noble  spirit  of  pious  re- 
.signatioii  to  his  ap])roaclung  fate*.  This  accom- 
plished, brave,  and  ann'abie  nobleman,  as  hath 
})eeM  already  related,  was  beheaded,  at  I'omfret, 
23d  June,  A.  D.  1483,  in  the  41st  year  of  his 
agef. 

^Yho  can  lielp  observuig,  with  surprise  and 
sorrow,  that  King  James  I.,  the  Earls  of  A^^or- 
cester  and  llivers,  the  great  ornaments  of  Bri- 
tain in  the  age  in  which  they  flourished,  were 
all  cut  off.  in  the  prime  of  life,  by  unmerited 
and  violent  deaths  ?  This  is  one  proof,  amongst 
many  others,  of  the  ciiiel  ferocious  spirit  which 
leigned  in  those  imhappy  times.  May  such  a 
spirit  be  held  in  everlasting  detestation  ! 


SECTION  III. 


llistori/  of  the  chief  Semiiiaries  of  Learning  founded  in 
Great  Britain,  from  A.D.  1400,  to  A.  D.  1485. 

1  HOUGH  learning  sensibh'  decUned  in  Britain  school* 

,,  .  -11  •  1  founded. 

in  tins  period,  that  was  not  owing  to  t^ie  want 
of  schools,  colleges,  and  universities ;  as,  in  the 
course  of  it,  three  colleges  were  founded  in  each 
of  the  English  universities,  and  the  two  universi- 

"   Kosbii  Hist.  p.  ail. 

f  See  Royal  and  Noble  Authors,  vol.  1,  p,  67 — SO. 


150  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

ties  of  St  xVndrew's  and  (Glasgow  were  founded 
in  Scotland. 
Linccin  Rlcluird  Fleminj?,  Bishop  of  I^incoln,  was  the 

College.  *^'  A     ^ 

founder  of  Lincohi  College  in  Oxford.     In  his 
youth  he  was  a  great  admirer  of  Dr  Wickliffe, 
and  a  zealous  advocate  for  his  opinions ;  but  hav- 
ing obtained  good  preferments  in  the  church,  and 
expecting  better,  he  changed  his  principles,  and 
became  as  violent  an  opposer  as  he  had  been  a  de- 
fender of  these  opinions.     Having  been  raised  to 
the  episcopal  chair  of  Lincoln,  he  founded  Lin- 
coln College,  in  Oxford,  A.  D,  1430,  for  a  rector 
and  seven  scholars,  who  were  to  make  contro- 
versial divinity  their  particular  study,  to  fit  them 
for  defending  the  church  against  the  Lollards, 
by  their  writings  and  disputations.    Bishop  Fle- 
ming died  soon  after  he  had  laid  the  foundation 
of  his  college,  and  left  it  in  a  very  imperfect  state. 
But  the  buildings  were  carried  on,  and  several 
fellowships  founded  by  successive  benefactors  ; 
and  at  length  the  whole  was  completed  about 
A.  D.   1475,  by   Thomas    Scott   of  Rotheram, 
Bishop  of  Lincoln,  who  may  be  called  the  second 
founder  of  this  college*. 
All-Souls        Henry  Chicheley,  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
''  ^^'''     founded  All-Souls  College  in  Oxford,  A.  D.  1 437. 
Having  determined  to  devote  his  money  to  pious 
and  charitable  uses,  his  friends,  with  whom  he 
consulted,  advised  him  tobuild  an  hospital  for  the 
disabled  soldiers,  who  were  daily  returning  from 

*  Ant.  Wood,  Hist.  Univ.  Oxon.  lib.  2.  p.  159,  &c. 


Chap.  4,  Sect.  3.  LEARNING,  &c.  151 

the  wdi's  in  France.  But  this  great  prelate,  be- 
ing more  under  the  influence  of  superstition  than 
humanity,  and  thinking  it  a  gTeater  act  of  cha- 
rity to  relieve  the  souls  of  the  dead  than  the  bo- 
dies of  the  living,  founded  a  college  for  a  warden 
and  forty  fellows,  and  appointed  them  to  put 
up  incessant  prayers  for  the  souls  of  those  who 
had  fallen  in  the  French  wars,  and  for  the  souls 
of  all  the  faithful  departed,  from  whence  it  was 
called  CoUef'inm  Omnium  Afiimarum,  the  Col- 
lege of  All-Souls.  The  Ai-chbishop  expended 
45451.  on  the  fabric,  and  procured  a  consider- 
able revenue  for  it  out  of  the  lands  of  the  alien 
priories,  which  had  been  dissolved  a  little  time 
before*. 

AVilliam  Patten,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  found-  Magdalene 
ed  a  college  at  Oxford,  dedicated  to  St  Mary  '^  ^^^' 
Magdalene,  and  from  thence  called  Magdalene 
College;  for  a  president,  forty  fellows,  thirty 
scholars,  four  presbyters,  eight  singing  clerks, 
sixteen  choristers,  with  suitable  officers  and  ser- 
vants. The  foundation  of  the  fabric  was  laid 
A.  D.  1458,  and  the  whole  structure  was  com- 
pleted A.  D.  1479.  This  college,  by  the  bounty 
of  its  foimder,  and  other  benefactors,  soon  be- 
came one  of  the  richest  in  L^uropef . 

Henry  VI.  founded  King's  College  in  Cam-  King'* 
bridge,  A.  D.  1443,  for  one  provost,  seventy  fel-  ^°"®s«> 
lows  and  scholars,  three  chaplains,  six  clerks,  six- 
teen choristers,  with  a  master,  sixteen  officers, 

•  Ant.  Wood,  Hist.  Univer.  Oxon.  lib.  2,  p.  172,  &c. 
t  Id.  ibid.  p.  187,  &c. 


152  HISTORY  OF  BRITAhX.  Book  V. 

twelve  servitors,  kc.  Tlic  original  j)lan  of  this 
foiindiition  was  truly  royal  and  magnificent,  if 
we  may  judge  of  it  from  the  chapel,  wliich  hath 
been  long  and  imiversally  admired  as  one  of  the 
finest  pieces  of  Gothic  architecture  in  the  world. 
But  the  misfortunes  of  the  unliappy  foimder 
prevented  the  execution  of  that  plan*.  King 
Henry  foimded  also  tlie  illustrious  school  of 
Kton,  near  A\'^iudsor,  about  the  same  time,  to  be 
a  nursery  for  his  college  in  Cambridge. 
Queen's  Quecn  Mari>aret,  the  active  ambitious  con- 
Cam-  sort  of  Hcury  V^I.,  founded  Queen's  College  in 
°  '  Cambridge,  A.  D.  1448.  This  college  was  in- 
volved in  the  misfortunes  of  its  foundress,  and 
in  danger  of  perishing  in  its  infancy ;  but  was 
preserved  by  the  care  and  diligence  of  Andrew 
Ducket,  its  first  president,  avIio  continued  in 
that  station  no  less  than  forty  years ;  and  by 
his  assiduous  solicitations,  procured  it  so  many 
benefactions,  that  he  may,  with  great  pro- 
priety, be  esteemed  its  preserver  and  second 
founderf. 
Katherine  Hobcrt  Woodlarlv,  tlic  tliird  provost  of  King's 
^idce^^"'  College,  founded  Katherine-Hall  in  Cambridge, 
A.  D.  1475,  for  a  master  and  three  fellows. 
This  hall,  so  small  at  its  beginning,  increased 
so  much  in  its  revenues,  and  the  number  of  its 
members,  by  the  boimty  of  many  subsequent 
benefactors,  that  it  became  equal,  if  not  supe- 
rior, to  some  colleges  I- 

"  Fuller's  Hist    Cam,  p.  73.  -j   Id.  p,  SO. 

1  Id.  p.  S3. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  ^•.  LEARNING,  &c.  153 

The  professors  of  the  several  sciences  in  Cam-  riii)iic 
l^ridire  and  Oxford  anciently  read  tlieir  lectures.  '''^'"'°  *' 
either  in  convents  or  in  private  lionses,  at  a  dis- 
tance from  one  another,  hired  for  tliat  purpose ; 
which  was  attended  with  various  inconveniences. 
To  remedy  this,  public  schools  were  built,  in 
both  these  imiversities,  in  the  course  of  this  pe- 
riod. Thomas  Hokenorton.  Abbot  of  Osne}^ 
erected  a  ranjje  of  stone  buildings,  in  Oxford, 
A.  D.  1439,  which  he  divided  into  schools,  for 
ths  following  arts  and  sciences;  metaphysics, 
natural  philosophy,  moral  philosophy,  astrono- 
my, geometry,  music,  arithmetic,  logic,  rhetoric, 
and  grammar.  These  were  called  the  7?eiv  .schooJ.s^ 
and  were  used  till  long  after  the  conclusion  of 
this  period*.  The  foundation  of  the  magnificent 
divinity  school  and  library,  in  the  same  univer- 
sity, was  laid  about  A.  D.  1427 ;  but  the  build- 
ing was  frequently  interrupted  for  want  of  mo- 
ney. At  length,  by  the  liberal  donations  of 
several  benefactors,  particularly  of  Hmnphrey 
Duke  of  Gloucester,  Cardinal  John  Kemp  Arch- 
])ishop  of  York,  and  his  nephew  Thomas  Kemp 
Bisliop  of  London,  the  structure  was  completed 
A.  D.  1480f .  Tliis  fabric  was  an  object  of  great 
admiration  in  tliose  times;  and  the  university 
s])eak  of  it  m  the  most  lofty  strains,  in  their  let- 
ters to  their  great  benefactor  the  I>ishop  of  T^on- 
don,  calling  it  "  A  work  worthy  of  God,  as  nnicli 
*'  superior  to  all  the  great  edifices  around  it,  in 
•'  magnitude^  and  beauty,  as  divinity,  to  wliich 

■   Aul.  Woo<l  lib.  2.  p   J6.  I  Id,  ibid,  p   2J,  21-'. 


154  HISTORY  OF  BRITALV.  Book  V. 

"  it  is  dedicated,  is  superior  to  all  the  other  sci- 
"  ences*."  The  quadrangle,  containing  the  pub- 
lic schools  in  Cambridge,  at  least  the  west  side 
of  it,  was  founded  about  the  beginning  of  this 
period,  and  the  whole  was  finished  about  A.  I>. 
147ot. 
No  univcr-  '^^^^  voutli  of  ScotLuid,  iu  thc  middle  ages, 
sity  in        were  not  destitute  of  a  genius,  and  a  taste  for 

Scotland.  ~ 

learning ;  but  had  not  the  same  means  of  acquir- 
ing it  with  tliose  of  Ejigland.  Having  no  uni- 
versity in  their  own  country,  such  of  them  as 
prosecuted  their  studies,  v/ere  obliged  to  travel 
for  their  improvement;  which  was  attended  with 
much  expence  and  trouble.  This  disadvantage 
was  sensibly  felt  and  much  regretted  ;  but  the 
distracted  state  of  that  unhappy  kingdom,  in- 
volved in  almost  incessant  wars,  long  prevented 
any  remedy  ij:. 
Lectures  ^^  length,  A.  D.  1410,  a  few  men  of  letters  in 
at  st  An-   g<3  Andrew's  formed  themselves  into  a  voluntary 

drew  s.  *^ 

society,  and  generously  offered  to  teach  those 
sciences  then  usually  taught  in  universities,  to  all 
who  chose  to  attend  their  lectures.  Laurence 
Lindores,  a  learned  theologian,  read  lectures  on 
the  fourth  book  of  the  sentences  of  Teter  Lom- 
bard; Dr  Richard  Cornel,  arciideacon  of  Lothian, 
IVIr  John  Litster,  canon  of  St  Andrew's,  and  Mr 
John  Chevez,  official  of  St  Andrew's,  and  Mr 
William  Steplien,  lectured  at  different  hours,  on 
the  civil  and  canon  laws,  which  were  the  favour- 

*  Ant.  Wood,  lib.  2.  p.  21,  22.  t  Fuller,  p.  79. 

f  Fordun's  Scolicron.  lib.  15.  c.  22.     Heel.  Boeth.  lib.  16.      Buchan. 
lib.  10. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  3.  LEAKNING,  &c.  I55 

ite  Studies  of  the  clergy  in  those  times;  Mr  Jolm 
Gyll,  Mr  A\^illiam  Fowles,  and  Mr  William 
Croiser,  taught  logic  and  philosophy.  These 
lectures  commenced  at  AVhitsunday  A.  D.  1410, 
and  were  attended  by  crowds  of  students*. 

Henry  A\  ardlaw,  Bishop  of  St  Andre^v^'s,  a  university 

.  „  •  -  ^       -  "         of  St  An- 

magmncent  and  generous  prelate,  a  great,  and  draw's 
probably  the  chief  promoter  of  this  design  of 
erecting  an  university,  encouraged  by  the  suc- 
cess of  these  previous  lectures,  granted  a  charter 
"  to  the  venerable  doctors,  masters,  bachelors,  and 
"  students,  residing  in  his  city  of  St  Andrew's, 
"  and  their  successors,  confoming  the  university 
"  there,  which  they  had  so  laudably  instituted 
"  and  begun,  constituting  and  declaring  it  to  be 
"  an  university,  for  the  study  of  divinit}^  law, 
"  medicine,  and  the  liberal  arts,  and  taking  it 
''  under  his  special  protection."  In  tliis  charter 
the  Bishop,  for  himself  and  his  successors,  granted 
to  the  members  of  his  university  of  St  Andrew's, 
and  their  successors,  all  the  powers,  privileges, 
and  immunities,  usually  gi-anted  to  other  uni- 
versities, which  are  enumerated :  and  obliged 
the  aldermen,  bailiffs,  and  other  officers  of  his 
city  of  St  Andrew's,  when  they  entered  on  their 
offices,  to  take  an  oath  before  the  rector  of  the 
university,  not  to  invade  or  violate  any  of  these 
privileges.  In  the  same  charter  the  prior  and 
chapter  of  St  Andi-ew's,  with  the  archdeacons 
of  St  Andrew's  and  Lothian,  give  their  con- 
sent to  the  establishment  of  the  university,  and 

•   Scoticron,  lib.  15.  cap.  22. 


Confirmed 
J>v  tlie 


156  HISTORY  or  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

gTiiiit  the  same  |)rivile<.';cs  to  its  mcinber.s,  in  all 
their  l)aronics  and  liiiuis.     Tliis  charter  is  dated 
at  St  Andrew's,  27th  Febnmry  A.  D.  M<11*. 
As  no  transaction  of  importance  in  those  times 

iV*^-  was  conchided  without  tlie  a])])robation  of  t]ie 
Pope,  the  above-mentioned  charter,  with  j)etj- 
tions  for  the  coniirniation  of  it  from  the  lie- 
gent,  in  tlie  name  of  the  Kmi^,  from  tlie  bishop, 
prior,  and  chapter  of  St  Andre^v's,  were  sent  to 
Pope  Benedict  XIII.,  one  of  the  tliree  contend- 
ing popes,  who  then  resided  in  Arragon,  and 
was  acknowledged  by  that  kingdom,  and  by 
Scotland.  Beiiedict  granted  one  bull,  coiilirm- 
inff  the  above  charter,  and  all  the  privileges  and 
immunities  therein  given  to  the  new  university, 
by  the  bishop,  ])rior,  chapter,  and  archdeacons ; 
and  another,  granting  certain  additional  privi- 
leges, by  His  Holiness.  I^oth  these  bulls  are 
dated  at  Paniscole  (a  strong  place  in  Arragon, 
where  that  ]wy>e  then  kept  "his  little  court), 
September  3,  A.  D.  1412t.  When  these  papal 
bulls  were  brought  to  8t  Andrew's  February  S, 
A.  I>.  1413.  by  Henry  de  Ogilby.  A.  M.,  they 
were  received  with  great  ceremony,  and  e^ery 
possible  demonstration  of  joy  ±. 

]?!;?!."?  'I'lie  university  of  St  Andrew's  soon  l)ecame 

conspicuous,  and  acquired  considerable  influence 
in  the  most  important  affairs  both  of  church  and 
state.  Scotland  adhered  longer  toEenedict  XHI. 
than  anv  other  nation :  but  after  that  ]iopc  was  de- 

ft' 

■  Ex  Archivis  Univcr.  S   Andr.  f  Id. 

:->:;.  I  Stoticron    iilj.  15.  t.  12. 


I'amcus. 


Cliap.  4.  Sect.  :5.         LEARNING,  &c.  157 

posed  ])y  the  council  of  Constance,  and  Martin  V. 
chosen  in  Jiis  place,  the  council  sent  the  Abbot  of 
Pontiniac,  a  man  of  great  learning  and  eloquence, 
into  Scotland,  to  prevail  upon  that  church  and 
kino-doni  to  withdrav/  their  obedience  from  Bene- 
diet,  and  acknowledge  tlie  pope  who  had  been 
chose]  1  by  the  council.  The  Emperor  Sigismond^ 
at  tlie  same  time,  sent  letters  to  the  lie«;ent  and 
the  three  estates  to  the  same  purpose.  The  Duke 
of  Albany  summoned  a  parliament,  and  convoca- 
tion of  the  clergy,  to  meet  at  Perth,  2d  October 
A.D.  1417,  to  determine  this  important  question. 
The  llegent  was  friendly  to  the  cause  of  Bene- 
dict; and  that  pope  was  not  v/anting  to  himself  on 
this  occasion.  After  the  Abbot  of  Pontiniac  had 
laid  before  the  parliament  the  Emperor's  letters, 
and  tlie  request  of  the  council  of  Constance,  and 
enforced  them  in  a  long  oration,  Dr  John  Hard- 
ing appeared,  with  letters  from  Benedict,  which 
he  presented,  together  with  a  commission  to  him 
to  plead  his  cause.  Tlie  letters  contained  the 
most  flattering  praises  of  the  Scots  for  their  former 
steadiness,  and  the  most  pressing  exhortations  to 
persevere  in  their  adherence  to  him  as  the  only 
lawful  pope;  and  Dr  Harding  pleaded  his  cause 
with  great  ability  and  zeal,  employing  arguments 
which  must  have  made  a  deep  impression  on  a 
superstitious  high-spirited  people,  proud  and 
jealous  of  their  independence.  But  Dr  John 
Elwood,  the  rector,  and  the  other  famous  di- 
vines of  tlie  university  of  St  Andrew's,  having 
taken  the  other  side  of  the  question,  ])revailed 


158  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

upon  the  parliament,  by  the  .strength  of  their  ar- 
guments and  the  Aveight  of  their  influence,  to 
withdraw  from  the  obedience  of  Benedict,  and 
acknowledge  Martin  V.  to  be  the  lawful  pope*. 
Favoured        Jauies   I.,    that  great  lover  of   learning  and 

'  """"'  '  learned  men,  rejoiced  in  the  solitude  of  his  pri- 
son, at  the  establishment  of  an  university  in  his 
dominions ;  and  after  his  return  home  he  gave 
the  members  of  it  many  marks  of  his  favour  and 
attention.  He  sometimes  honoured  their  public 
acts  and  disputations  with  his  presence;  bestow- 
ed ecclesiastical  dignities  and  benefices  on  the 
most  eminent  professors;  kept  a  list  of  the  most 
promising  scholars,  in  order  to  prefer  them  as 
opportunities  offered ;  and  granted  them  a  char- 
ter, expressive  of  the  warmest  regard,  and  ex- 
empting them  from  all  tolls,  taxes,  and  services, 
in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  This  charter  is  da- 
ted, at  Perth,  20th  March  A.  D.  14311.  We 
are  told  by  one  of  our  ancient  historians,  that 
the  new  university  increased  immensely  under 
the  patronage  of  this  excellent  prince  ;  that  it 
had  thirteen  doctors  of  divinity,  eight  doctors  of 
laws,  many  other  learned  men,  and  a  prodigious 
midtitude  of  students  |. 

Not  rich.  But  though  the  university  of  St  Andrew's  was 
thus  completely  established,  much  respected,  and 
well  frequented,  it  was  but  ill  accommodated  and 
endowed.     The  students  lived  entirely  at  their 


•  Scoticron.  lib.  15.  c.  24,  25. 

f  Ex  Archiv.  &c.      H.  Boeth.  lib.  IB.  p-  SIT. 

t  Ibid. 


Chap.  4  Sect.  S.  LEARNING,  &c.  I59 

own  expence;  the  regents  or  teachers  had  no  fix- 
ed salaries;  and  the  gratuities  they  received  from 
their  pupils  were  probably  very  small ;  and  in  this 
condition  this  iniiversity  continued  about  forty 
years,  owing  to  the  very  unhappy  and  distressful 
circumstances  of  the  kingdom  in  those  times. 

At  length  that  generous  and  public-spirited  st  Saiva- 
prelate,  James  Kennedy  l^ishop  of  St  Andrew's,  lege. 
who  succeeded  Bishop  Wardlaw  in  that  see, 
A.  D.  1444,  built  a  college  in  that  city,  for  the- 
ology and  the  liberal  arts,  dedicated  to  the  ho- 
nour of  God,  of  our  Saviour,  and  the  Vu-o-in 
Mary  ;  and  gave  it  the  name  of  St  Sahator's 
College.  Besides  defraying  all  the  expence  of 
the  fabric,  with  its  furniture,  and  of  the  utensils 
and  ornaments  of  the  chapel,  he  endowed  it  with 
competent  revenues  for  a  principal,  six  fellows, 
and  six  poor  scholars.  It  is  difficult  to  discover 
the  precise  time  when  this  college  was  built  and 
endowed.  The  first  foundation-charter  was  con- 
firmed by  Pope  Nicolas  V.,  who  died  25tli 
March,  A.  D.  1455  ;  before  which  time  the  col- 
lege must  have  been  foimded*.  The  second 
foundation  charter,  considerably  different  from 
the  first,  is  dated  at  the  castle  of  St  Andrew's, 
5th  April  A.  D.  1458,  and  was  confirmed,  at 
Rome,  by  Pope  Pius  II.,  13th  September  in  the 
same  year.  This  charter  is  very  long,  contain- 
ing all  the  statutes  of  the  college,  from  which 
only  a  very  brief  abstract  of  the  chief  or  most 
remarkable  articles  can  be  given.  By  this  char- 
ter the  principal  was   always   to  be  a  dcK'tor  in 

*  Du  Pin,  rent.  1.),  rh.  f>. 


lOO  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN  Book  V. 

divinity,  and  rector  ol"  Qiihilt,  and  was  obliged 
to  read  a  theological  lecture  once  in  every  week, 
and  to  preach  to  the  people  four  times  a-year. 
The  first  of  the  fellows  was  to  be  a  licentiate  in 
divinity  and  rector  of  tiic  parish-church  of  Kem- 
bach,  and  to  read  theological  lectures  thrice  a- 
week,  and  preach  to  the  people  six  times  a-year. 
The  second  of  the  fellows  was  to  be  a  bachelor 
in  divinity,  rector  of  Duninach,  and  to  read  a 
theological  lecture  every  lawful  day.     Tlie  rec- 
tories annexed  to  these  three  offices  constituted 
their  endowments.    The  other  four  fellows  were 
to  be  masters  of  arts,  and  in  priests'  orders ;  and 
two  of  them  were  to  be  chosen  annually,  by  the 
principal,  the  licentiate,  and  the   bachelor,  to 
read  lectures  in  logics,  physics,  philosophy,  or 
metaphysics,  according  to  the  manner  prescrib- 
ed by  the  general  statutes  of  the  university,  for 
which  they  were  to  receive  small  annual  sti- 
pends.    All  the  members,   with  necessary  ser- 
vants and  attendants,  were  to  be  proyided  with 
meat,  drink,  and  lodging  in  the  college ;  and 
funds  were  settled  for  that  purpose.     Others, 
who  resided  in  it  at  then-  own  expence,  were  to 
conform  to  all  its  regulations.      This  chaj-ter 
contains  a  great  variety  of  rules,  concerning  the 
succession  or  election  to  offices, — the  times  of 
vacation    and    residence, — the    performance   of 
divine  service  in  the  chapel, — visitation  by  the 
rector  of  the  university,  the  authority  of  the 
principal,  &c.  &c.      Though  this  good  bishop 
is  said  to  have  been  a  great   reformer  of  the 
manners  of  the  clergy,  he  doth  not  seem  to  have 


(( 
« 
it 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  8.  LEARNING,  &c.  Igj 

expected  or  exacted  any  very  extraordinary  de- 
grees of  purity  and  strictness  from  the  members 
of  his  college,  as  appears  from  the  following  sta- 
tute :  "  We  ordain  further.  That  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  said  college  live  decently,  as  be- 
comes ecclesiastics ;  that  they  do  not  keep  con- 
cubines publicly ;  that  they  be  not  common 
night-walkers  or  robbers,  or  habitually  guilty 
"  of  other  notorious  crimes ;  and  if  any  one  of 
"  them  is  so  (which  God  forbid),  let  him  be  cor- 
"  rected  by  his  sviperior,  and  if  he  proves  incor- 
"  rigible,  let  him  be  deprived  by  the  same  supe- 
^*  rior,  and  another  substituted  in  his  place*." 

As  the  diocese  of  Glasgow  was  next  to  that  of  University 

.  -,  ^  of  Glasgow 

St  Andrew's  m  rank  and  revenues,  the  bishops  founded. 
of  the  one  often  emulated  those  of  the  other. 
William  TumbuU,  Bishop  of  Glasgow,  seeing 
an  university  established  at  St  Andrew's,  and 
being  a  friend  to  learning,  resolved  to  procure 
the  establishment  of  another  at  his  episcopal  seat. 
With  this  view,  he  prevailed  upon  King  James 
II.,  to  apply  to  the  Pope  for  erecting  one  in  that 
city ;  representing,  that  it  would  be  of  great  use, 
not  only  to  his  own  subjects,  but  also  to  the  peo- 
ple of  some  neighbouring  countries ;  and  that 
the  place  was  very  fit  for  such  a  seminary  of 
learning,  on  account  of  the  salubrity  of  the  air, 
and  of  its  abounding  with  all  the  necessaries  of 
life.  In  compliance  with  this  application.  Pope 
Nicholas  V.,  moved  by  the  accounts  he  had  re- 
ceived of  the  pleasantness  of  the  place,  the  con- 

♦  Ex  Arfliivi<»  Univer.  St  Andr. 
vol..   X.  M 


jg2  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

venientness  of  its  situation,  and  the  number  of 
leiimed  men  residing  in  it,  granted  a  bull,  dated 
at  Rome,  26th  December  A.  D.  1450,  establish- 
ing an  university,  or  general  study  in  all  lawful 
faculties  in  the  city  of  Glasgow,  with  all  the 
powers,  honours,  and  immunities,  of  his  own 
university  of  Bononia ;  and  that  the  degrees  and 
honours  conferred  by  it  should  be  sustained  by 
every  other  university.  By  the  same  bull,  the 
Pope  constituted  William  Bishop  of  Glasgow, 
and  his  successors,  perpetual  chancellors  of  this 
university,  with  all  the  powers  enjoyed  by  the 
chancellors  of  other  universities*. 
Commen.  When  this  bull  was  brought  to  Glasgow,  a 
'«<*•  congregation  of  those  who  were  to  be  the  first 

members  was  held  in  the  chapter-house  of  the 
Dominican  friars ;  and  at  that  meeting  the  uni- 
versity was  formed.  About  forty  gentlemen, 
mostly  ecclesiastics,  were'incorporated,  or  matri- 
culated, and  took  an  oath  to  keep  the  secrets, 
mamtain  the  privileges,  and  obey  the  laws,  of 
the  university.  At  their  matriculation,  each  per- 
son paid,  or  engaged  to  pay,  a  sum  of  money, 
for  the  support  of  the  institution ;  but  whether 
that  sum  was  fixed,  and  a  condition  of  their  ad- 
mission, or  was  uncertain  and  voluntary,  I  have 
not  discovered.  The  first  lecture  in  this  univer- 
sity was  read  in  the  chapter-house  of  the  Domi- 
nicans, 29th  April  A.  D.  1451,  by  Dr  David 
Cadzow,  the  first  rector,  on  the  third  book  of 
the  sentences,  De  vita  et  honestate  clericorum ; 

*  Ex  Archivis  Univer.  Glasgowen. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  3.  LEARNING,  Ac.  I(^g 

and  Dr  John  Lennox  read,  the  same  day  in  tlie 
same  place,  on  the  rubric  of  tlie  civil  law*.  Dr 
Andrew  Garlics,  doctor  of  medicine,  was  admit- 
ted a  member  four  days  after  this,  and  was  pro- 
bably the  fii'st  professor  of  that  science  in  this 
university. 

In  the  same  year  in  which  the  university  of  Coiiige. 
Glasgow  was  thus  established,  the  college  or  fa- 
culty of  arts  was  also  formed.  Dr  WiHiam  El- 
phinston  was  chosen  the  first  dean  of  that  facul- 
ty ;  and  the  regents  immediately  began  their 
lectures  in  logics,  physics,  and  philosophy.  Tlie 
college  was  governed  by  a  principal  or  chief  re- 
gent, who  was  subject  to  the  authority  of  the 
rector  of  the  university.  Dr  Duncan  Bunch 
was  the  first  principal  f.  The  ancient  records  of 
the  college  were  kept  in  a  book  distinct  from 
those  of  the  university. 

The  university  and  college  of  Glasgow  being  Confinnea 
thus  completely  formed.  King  James  II.,  by  his  'i'?/"™"' 
letters-patent  under  the  great  seal,  dated  at 
Stirling,  20th  April  A.  D.  1453,  took  under  his 
special  patronage  and  protection,  the  rector, 
dean  of  faculty,  proctors  of  nations,  regents, 
masters  and  scholars,  and  their  successors ;  and 
exempted  them,  together  with  their  beadles, 
•writers,  stationers,  and  parchment-makers,  from 
all  taxes,  tolls,  watchings,  wardings,  &c.  within 
this  kingdom  t- 


*  Ex  Archivis  Univcr.  Glasgoiven. 
t  Kx  Archivis  Collegii  Glasgowcn. 
{  Ex  Archivib  Univtr.  Glasfroweii, 


164  HISTORY  OF  BKITAIN.  Book  V. 

ByBiskop  William  TunibuU,  Bislioi)  of  Gkisajow,  wlio 
"'^"  "  •  had  been  the  chief  promoter  of  this  institution, 
granted  a  charter,  dated  at  his  city  of  Glasgow, 
1st  December,  A.  D.  1453,  containing  a  variety 
of  powers  and  privileges  conferred  by  him  on  the 
rector  and  university.  Particularly  he  granted 
to  the  rector  of  his  university  of  Glasgow,  and 
his  successors,  jin-isdiction  and  cognisance  in  all 
civil  and  pecuniary  causes  of  smaller  moment 
within  the  university;  reserving  those  of  greater 
importance  to  his  ov/n  determination  as  lord  of 
the  regality.  He  also  granted  to  the  rector  the 
trial  and  cognisance  of  all  quarrels  and  disputes 
bet^veen  the  members  of  the  imiversity  and  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city  and  regality  of  Glasgow; 
reserving  to  the  latter  the  privilege  of  appealing 
from  the  decisions  of  the  rector  to  the  bishop  or 
his  official.  All  beneficed  clergymen  within  the 
diocese  of  Glasgow,  who  were  members  of  the 
university,  either  as  regents  or  students,  were  by 
this  charter  exempted  from  the  obligation  of  re- 
siding in  their  parishes,  but  were  obliged  to  keep 
curates.  The  Bishop  also  granted  an  exemption 
from  all  tolls,  exactions,  and  services  impased  by 
the  city,  to  all  the  members  of  the  university, 
including  the  beadles,  shield  bearers,  familiars, 
servants,  writers,  stationers,  parchment-makers, 
with  their  wives,  children,  and  servants;  and 
obliged  the  magistrates  of  the  city  of  Glasgow, 
when  they  entered  on  their  offices,  to  take  an 
oath  before  the  chancellor  of  the  diocese,  to  pro- 
tect the  university  in  all  its  privileges.  In  a  word. 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  5.  LEARNING,  kc  16^ 

William  Bishop  of  Glasgow  granted  the  same 
privileges,  almost  in  the  same  words,  to  his  uni- 
versity of  Glasgow,  that  Henry  Bishop  of  St  An- 
drew's had  before  granted  to  his  university  of  St 
Andrew's;  and  both  these  prelates  used  the  style 
of  independent  sovereigns,  prescribing  laws  and 
granting  privileges  to  their  subjects*. 

But  though  the  powers,  privileges  and  immu-  ni  tndo«. 
nities  of  this  new  university  and  college  were 
sufficiently  ample,  their  endowments  and  reve- 
nues were  very  small.    For  some  time  they  seem 
to  have  had  no  possessions  or  fixed  revenues,  but 
to  have  depended  entirely  on  occasional  dona- 
tions, and  the  fees  paid  by  the  students.     They 
could  the  more  easily  subsist  in  this  manner,  that 
the  rector,  the  principal  regent,  the  other  re- 
gents, and  even  many  of  the  students,  were  be- 
neficed clergymen  or  monks.     It  appears  also, 
from  the  most  ancient  matricidation-rolls,  that 
the  rest  of  the  students  were,  for  the  most  part, 
yoimg  noblemen  or  gentlemen ;  few  persons  of 
inferior  rank  having  either  the  ambition  or  abi- 
lity to  give  their  sons  an  university  education  f. 
Bishop  TurnbuU,  it  is  said,  intended  to  have  en-, 
dowcd  his  favourite  university,  which  he  con- 
sidered as  his  child,  with  certain  rents  and  tene- 
ments ;  but  he  went  to  Rome,  and  died  there  in 
the  prime  of  life,  only  about  nine  months  after 
he  had  granted  the  above  charter,  without  hav- 
ing executed  his  intention. 

•  Ex  Arciiivis  Univcr.  G.lasgoncn,  f  Ibid, 


166  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Lord  Ha-  '1^1  ic  collegG  of  Glasgow  rcceived  its  first  valu- 
oTea'tbt-  '"^^^^^  benefaction,  wliicli  gave  it  a  solid  foundation 
nefactor.  i^}|(|  establishment,  from  the  noble  family  of  Ha- 
milton, who  seem  to  have  tlie  best  title  to  the  ho- 
nour of  l)eing  its  founders.  James  Lord  Hamil- 
ton, and  his  Lady  Euphemia  Countess  of  Doug- 
las, by  a  deed  or  charter,  dated  at  Glasgow,  6th 
of  January  A.  D.  1459,  granted  to  tlieir  beloved 
•  Duncan  Bunch,  principal  regent,  to  the  other 
regents,  and  to  the  students  in  the  college  or  fa- 
culty of  arts,  in  the  miiversity  of  Glasgow,  and 
their  successors,  a  tenement  on  the  east  side  of 
that  street  in  Glasgow  which  leads  from  the  ca- 
tliedi'al  to  the  market  cross,  for  their  accommo- 
dation, with  four  acres  of  ground  adjacent.  The 
principal  regent,  with  the  other  regents  and  stu- 
dents, accordingly  took  up  their  residence  in  that 
tenement  (on  the  site  of  which  the  present  college 
is  built),  and  lived  in  a  collegiate  manner.  In 
this  charter,  the  Lord  and  Lady  Hamilton  fre- 
quently call  themselves  the  founders  of  the  col- 
lege of  Glasgow ;  and  in  return  for  this  valuable 
benefaction,  they  oblige  the  members  of  their 
college  to  perform  a  variety  of  religious  rites  for 
the  benefit  of  the  souls  of  their  founders.  In 
particulai',  they  oblige  them,  every  day  after 
dinner  and  supper,  to  stand  up  and  pray,  for  the 
good  state  of  the  universal  churcli,  for  the  King 
and  Queen  of  Scotland,  and  of  the  souls  of  Lord 
and  Lady  Hamilton,  their  founders.  Besides  this, 
they  oblige  all  tlie  members  of  tb.eir  college  who 
are  priests,    to  say  a  great  number  of  masses 


Chap.  4.  Sect.  S.        LEARNING,  &c.  167 

every  year,  for  the  souls  of  their  founders,  and 
for  the  souls  of  all  those  from  whom  the  Lord 
Hamilton  had  taken  any  thing,  and  had  never 
made  any  return*.  This  was  a  very  common 
method  of  compensating  injuries  in  those  super- 
stitious times ;  and  to  this  many  churches  and 
monasteries,  as  well  as  colleges,  owed  their  ex- 
istence. 

*  Ex  Archivis  Univer.  Glasgowen> 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


GREAT  BRITAIN 


BOOK    V. 

CHAP.  V. 


HISTORY  OF  THE  ARTS  IN  GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROM  THE 
ACCESSION  OF  H£U^nY  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  TO  THE  ACCES- 
SION OF  HENRY  VII.  A.  D.  1485. 


The  frequent  wars  in  which  the  people  of  DccUua  of 
Britain  were  engaged  in  this  period,  were  as  ^'^** 
unfriendly  to  the  improvement  of  the  arts  as  to 
the  advancement  of  learning.  The  art  of  war, 
indeed,  was  cultivated  with  the  greatest  ardour, 
and  many  improvements  were  made  in  the 
science  of  shedding  human  blood ;  while  some 
of  the  most  necessary  and  useful  arts  were  al- 
lowed to  languish  and  decline.  But  it  is  pro- 
per, and  may  be  both  useful  and  amusing,  to 
take  a  more  attentive  view,  first  of  the  necessary, 
and  then  of  the  pleasing  arts,  in  this  period. 


170  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 


6ECTIOM  I. 

History  of  the  necessary  Arts  in  Britain  from  A.  D.  1 399, 

to  A.D.  1485. 

Agricui-  Agriculture,  the  most  necessary  and  useful 
of  all  arts,  could  not  flourish  or  be  much  im- 
proved, when  those  who  cultivated  the  soil 
were  little  better  than  slaves,  and  laboured  not 
so  much  for  themselves,  as  for  their  haughty 
masters,  who,  in  general,  treated  them  with  little 
kindness,  and  less  respect. 
Distress  of  Thcsc  uuhappy  rustics  were  not  even  pennitted 
a  ourers.  ^^  pursuc  their  humble  toils  in  peace,  but  were 
liable  every  moment  to  be  called  from  the  plough 
into  the  field  of  battle,  by  a  royal  proclamation, 
or  by  the  mandates  of  their  own  arbitrary  lords. 
Such  multitudes  of  this  most  useful  order  of  men 
actually  fell  in  battle,  or  were  destroyed  by  the 
accidents  and  fatigues  of  war,  that  hands  were 
wanting  to  carry  on  the  necessary  operations  of 
husbandry.  This  occasioned  loud  complaints  of 
the  scarcity  of  labourers,  and  of  the  high  price  of 
labour.  IVIany  laws  were  made  to  reduce  and 
fix  the  price  of  labour,  to  compel  men  to  be- 
come labourers,  and  to  restrain  them  from  follow- 
ing other  occupations*.  In  one  of  these  statutes 
it  is  said,  that  noblemen  and  others  were  greatly 
distressed  for  want  of  labourers  and  servants 

*  See  Statutes,' Tih  Hun.  IV.  ch.  17,  ,  lid  Ilcn,  V.  ch.  '1, ;  4th  Hen, 
V.  ch.  4. ;  2d  Hen.  VI.  ch.  14. ;  23d  Hcu.  VI,  ch.  12. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  I.  THE  ARTS.  I7I 

in  husbandry ;  and  therefore  it  was  enacted, 
*•  That  whoever  had  been  employed  at  the 
"  plough,  or  cart,  or  any  other  husbandry -work, 
"  till  he  was  twelve  years  of  age,  should  be  com- 
"  pelled  to  continue  in  that  employment  during 
"  life."  It  was  further  enacted,  "  That  none 
"  who  had  not  lands  or  rents  of  the  value  of 
"  twenty  shillings  a-year  (equivalent  to  ten 
"  pounds  at  present),  should  be  permitted  to  put 
"  any  of  their  sons  apprentices  to  any  other 
"  trade,  but  should  bring  them  all  up  to  husban- 
"  dry."  These  hai'd  laws,  which  infringed  so 
much  on  natural  liberty,  were  enforced  by  very 
severe  penalties :  a  proof  that  the  evil  they  were 
intended  to  remedy  was  very  sensibly  felt*". 

But  these  and  several  other  laws  limiting;  the  Change  in 

~  agricul. 

price  of  labour,  seem  to  have  had  little  or  no  ture. 
effect.  The  scarcity  of  labourers  still  continued, 
and  with  the  increasing  ravages  of  war  increased, 
and  at  last  produced  a  memorable  revolution  in 
the  state  of  agriculture,  which  made  a  mighty 
noise  for  many  years.  The  prelates,  barons,  and 
other  great  proprietors  of  land,  kept  extensive 
tracts  of  them  around  their  castles,  which  were 
called  their  demesne  lands,  in  their  own  imme- 
diate possession,  and  cultivated  them  by  tlieir  vil- 
lains, and  by  hired  servants,  under  the  direction 
of  their  bailiffs.  But  these  great  landholders 
having  often  led  their  followers  into  the  fields  of 
war,  their  numbers  were  gradually  diminished, 
and  hired  servants  could   not  be  procured   on    - 

•  Statutes,  7lh  Hen.  IV.  cb.  17. 


172  HISTORY  OF   BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

reasonable  terms.  This  obliged  the  prelates, 
lords,  and  gentlemen,  to  inclose  the  lands  around 
their  castles,  and  to  convert  them  into  pasture- 
grounds.  This  practice  of  inclosing  became  very 
general  in  England  about  the  middle  of  this  pe- 
riod, and  occasioned  prodigious  clamours  from 
those  who  mistook  the  effect  of  depopulation  for 
its  cause.  For  when  we  consider,  that  the  import- 
ance, honour,  and  security  of  the  nobles,  knights, 
and  gentlemen  of  those  times,  depended  more 
upon  the  number  of  their  followers,  than  on  the 
greatness  of  their  estates,  we  cannot  suppose  it 
possible  that  the  generality  of  them,  nearly  about 
the  same  time,  would  have  agreed  to  expel  their 
faithful  followers  from  their  demesne  lands,  in 
order  to  cover  them  with  defenceless  flocks  and 
herds,  if  they  had  not  been  compelled  to  do  it 
by  some  very  general  and  powerful  cause.  We 
learn  from  the  best  authority,  the  testimony  of 
many  acts  of  parliament,  that  the  depopulation 
of  the  country,  and  the  difficulty  of  procuring 
labourers,  was  the  real  cause  of  this  remarkable 
revolution. 
Com-  John  Rous  of  Warwick  was  a  most  violent  de- 

tiiat  ac-  claimer  against  the  nobility  and  gentry  who  in- 
closed their  lands  ;  and  a  considerable  part  of  his 
History  of  England  consists  of  the  most  bitter  in- 
vectives against  them:  calling  them  depopulators, 
destroyers  of  villages,  robbers,  tyrants,  basilisks, 
enemies  to  God  and  man ;  and  assiu'ing  them,  that 
they  would  all  go  to  the  devil  when  they  died*. 

-  J,  Rossi  Hist  Ang.  p.  39— d4.  p.  88—96.  p.  114— 137. 


cuunt. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  I73 

This  zealous  enemy  to  inclosures  tells  us,  that  he 
presented  a  petition  against  them  to  the  parlia- 
ment that  met  at  Coventry  A.  D.  1459,  which 
was  totally  disregarded ;  and  that  several  peti- 
tions to  succeeding  parliaments  had  been  equally 
unsuccessful*.  But  though  John  Rous  was  a 
contemporary  writer,  no  great  regard  is  due  to 
his  opinions,  as  he  was  evidently  a  superficial 
observer,  and  a  weak  credulous  man.  In  his  de- 
clamations against  those  hated  depopulators,  he 
informs  us,  that  one  of  that  character  had  actu- 
ally been  seen  in  hell,  by  a  certain  priest  who 
was  carried  thither  on  the  back  of  a  devil,  with 
whom  he  was  familiar;  that  the  priest  was  a 
little  averse  at  first  to  trust  himself  on  the  back 
of  his  infernal  friend,  tiU  the  devil  gave  him  his 
word  of  honour  that  he  would  bring  him  back 
in  safety  ;  which  he  faithfully  performed f. 

But  though  this  alteration  in  agriculture  was  Continued 
introduced  at  first  by  the  scarcity  of  labourers, 
and  the  high  price  of  labour,  it  cannot  be  denied, 
that  the  humour  of  inclosing  arable  lands,  and 
converting  them  into  pastures,  was  at  length 
carried  too  far  ;  and  early  in  the  succeeding  pe- 
riod, we  shall  find  that  parliament  interposed  to 
stop  its  progress:]:. 

The  frequent  dearths  which  happened  in  this  Dearths. 
period,  is  another  evidence  of  the  imperfect  state 
of  agriculture.    In  the  present  age,  when  grain  is 
double  its  ordinary  price,  it  is  accounted  a  great 

*   .].   Hossii  ni'-t.  An^f,  ji.  120.  f  Id.  p.  94. 

\  Statutes,  4tli  Hen.  VII.  cli.  10".  19. 


174  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

dearth,  and  is  very  severely  felt  by  tlie  great  botly 
of  the  people.  But  in  those  times  grain  was  fre- 
quently triple  or  quadruple  its  usual  price,  which 
must  have  produced  a  grievous  famine*.  The 
most  common  price  of  a  quarter  of  wheat  in  this 
period  seems  to  have  been  about  4s.  or  4s.  6d.  at 
the  rate  of  40s.  or  45s,  of  our  money  at  present. 
But  we  are  informed  by  a  contemporary  historian, 
that  in  A.  D.  1437  and  1438,  the  price  of  a  quar- 
ter of  wheat  in  many  places  was  no  less  than 
11.  6s.  8d.  (equivalent  to  13l.  6s.  8d.  at  pre- 
sent) ;  and  the  price  of  all  other  kinds  of  grain 
in  the  same  proportion  to  their  ordinary  prices  f. 
In  this  extremity,  the  common  people  endea- 
voured to  preserve  their  wretched  lives  by  drying 
the  roots  of  herbs,  and  converting  them  into  a 
kind  of  bread:}:. 
Cheapness  It  must  bc  coufcsscd,  that  in  the  course  of  this 
period  grain  of  all  kinds  was  sometimes  exceed- 
ingly cheap.  Wheat  was  sold,  A.  D.  1455,  in 
some  places,  at  Is.  the  quarter f.  But  this  was 
not  so  much  owing  to  any  improvements  in  hus- 
bandly, as  to  an  extraordinary  importation  of 
corn  from  the  continent  in  order  to  procure  a 
supply  of  English  wool.  This  excessive  import- 
ation which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the  English 
farmers,  excited  the  most  violent  complaints, 
and  gave  occasion  to  a  corn-law,  A.  D.  1463. 
By  that  law  it  was  enacted,  that  no  grain  of  any 


*   See  Chronicon  Prcciosum,  p,  98—114. 

f   Hist.  Croyland.  p.  518.  \   Ibid. 

§   Stow,  p,  S98, 


of  grain. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  I75 

kind  should  be  imported,  when  wheat  was  be- 
below  6s.  8d.,  rye  under  4s.,  and  barley  under 
3s.  per  quarter ;  which  were  high  prices,  and 
called  for  a  supply  from  abroad*. 

But  the  great  decrease  in  the  value  of  land  is  Low  value 
the  strongest  proof  of  the  decline  of  agriculture  " 
in  this  period.  There  are  some  examples  of  land 
sold  at  twenty-five  years  purchase  in  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  which,  it  is  probable,  was  not  much 
above  the  common  price  f.  But  there  is  the 
fullest  evidence  that  land  had  fallen  in  its  value 
to  ten  years  purchase,  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV. 
For  that  prince  promised,  by  proclamation,  a  re- 
ward of  lOOOl.  in  money,  or  an  estate  of  lOOl. 
a-year,  to  any  who  should  appreliend  the  Duke 
of  Clarence,  or  the  Earl  of  Warwick :}:.  It  is  even 
probable  that  land  was  sometimes  sold  consider- 
ably lower.  Sir  John  Fortescue,  advising  Ed- 
ward TV.  to  reward  his  servants  with  money,  ra- 
ther than  with  land,  says,  "  It  is  supposed,  that 
"  to  sum  of  them  is  givyn  lOOl.  worth  landyere- 
**  ly,  that  would  have  hold  him  content  with 
"  2001.  in  money,  if  thay  might  have  had  it  in 
"  hand  J."  So  deplorable  are  the  effects  of  long 
and  frequent  wars,  especially  of  intestine  wars, 
in  a  country  not  overstocked  with  inhabitants. 

If  agriculture  declined  in  England  in  this  pe-  in  scot- 
riod,  it  declined  still  more  in  Scotland,  as  that  un- 


»  Statutes,  3d  Edw.  IV.  ch.  2. 

I  Godwin  de  Prcsiilil)us  Angl.  p.  116. 

}  Uym.  F(i.'d.  toni.  1 1 .  p.  G.54. 

§  Fortescue  on  Absolute  and  Limited  Monarchy,  p.  85. 


176  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

happy  country  luid  suffered  more  in  proportion  to 
its  population  and  wealth,  by  long  and  ruinous 
wars.  The  low  state  of  its  agriculture  in  this 
period  is  evident  from  the  laws  that  were  made 
for  its  improvement.  By  one  of  these  laws, 
A.  D.  1424,  it  is  enacted,  "  That  ilk  man  of 
"  simple  estate,  that  sould  be  of  ressoun  labourers, 
*'  have  owther  half  an  ox  in  the  pleuh,  or  else 
"  delve  ilk  day  vii  fute  of  length,  and  vii  on 
"  bread*."  Another  law,  A.  D.  1457,  is  thus 
expressed :  "  Anent  the  sawing  of  quheit,  peis, 
"  and  beinis,  it  is  sene  speidfuU,  that  ilk  man 
"  crend  with  a  pleug  of  viii  oxen,  shall  saw  at  the 
"  least  ilk  yeir,  anefirlot  of  quheit,  half  an  firlot 
"  of  peis,  and  forty  beins,  under  the  pane  of  ks.  to 
*'  the  barronne  of  that  land  that  he  dwells  in. — 
"  And  giff  the  baiTone  saws  not  the  said  corn  in 
"  his  domainis,  he  sail  pay  to  the  King  x  sh."  f 
How  different  from  this  is  the  present  state  of 
agriculture  in  North  Britain  ! 
Garden-  Orcliards  and  gardens  were  cultivated  in  this 
as  well  as  in  former  periods ;  but  if  any  great 
improvements  were  now  made  in  that  branch  of 
agTiculture,  by  the  introduction  of  new  fruits, 
plants,  herbs,  or  flowers,  they  have  escaped  my 
researches.  The  following  verses  of  King  James 
I.  of  Scotland,  contain  a  description  of  the  royal 
garden  at  Windsor,  as  it  appeared  about  A.  D. 
1414, 

*    Black  Acts.  fol.  7.  f   II>id.  f.  44. 


mg. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  i<^^ 

Now  was  there  maid  fast  by  the  Touris  wall 
A  gardyn  faire,  and  in  tlio  corneris  set 

Ane  herbere  grene,  with  wandis  long  and  small 
Railit  about ;  and  so  with  Ireis  set 
Was  all  the  place,  and  hawthorn  hegis  knet, 

That  lyf  •  was  non  walkyng  there  forbye 

That  myght  within  scarce  any  wight  aspye. 

So  thick  the  bcuis  and  the  levis  grene, 
Beschadet  all  the  allyes  that  there  were, 

And  middis  every  herbere  might  be  sene 
The  scharp  grene  suete  junipere, 
Growing  so  fair  with  branchis  here  and  tliere, 

That  as  it  semyt  to  a  lyf  without. 

The  bewis  spred  the  herbere  all  about  |. 


That  excellent  and  most  accomplished  Pi*ince,  in  Scot. 
James  I.,  who  was  not  a  mere  scholar,  but  pos- 
sessed no  little  skill  in  many  of  the  useful  as 
well  as  elegant  arts,  laboured  with  great  ardour 
to  inspire  his  subjects  with  the  love,  and  to  in- 
struct them  in  the  practice  of  those  arts,  and, 
amongst  others,  of  the  art  of  gardening.  "  At 
*'  his  leisure  hours,  (says  a  contemporary  histo- 
"  rian,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  him,)  he 
"  not  only  indulged  himself  in  music,  in  reading 
"  and  writing,  in  di'awing  and  painting,  but 
"  when  the  circumstances  of  time  and  place, 
*'  and  the  taste  and  manners  of  those  about  him, 
"  made  it  proper,  he  would  sometimes  instruct 
*'  them  in  the  arts  of  cultivating  kitchen  and 
"  pleasure  gardens,  and  of  planting  and  ingraft- 
"  ing  different  kinds  of  fruit  trees |."    That  il- 


•  Lyf,  living  person. 

f  Poetical  remains  of  James  I. 

t  Scoticron.  lib.  1C>.  c.  30. 

VOL.  X.  is" 


178  HISTORY  OF  BHTTAIN.  Book  V, 

liistrious  Prince,  Henry  V.,  thougli,  for  political 
reasons,  he  kept  the  unfortunate  James  a  pri- 
soner during  his  whole  reign,  and  would  pro- 
bably never  have  consented  to  his  enlargement, 
could  not  help  admiring  his  virtues  and  ac(;om- 
plishments,  and  acknowledging,  that  the  sub- 
jects would  be  happy  who  were  governed  by 
such  a  prince*. 

Cuitivat-        Though  greater  attention  was  paid  to  the  breed- 
ing grasses  o     o  l  ^  ^ 

unknown.  Ing  and  feeding  of  sheep  and  cattle  in  this  than 
in  any  former  period,  the  sowing  of  grasses  and 
the  manuring  of  pastures  were  quite  unknown. 

Making  Salt  is  at  all  times  an  important  article,  and 

was  of  still  greater  importance  in  those  times, 
when  salted  meats  were  so  much  used ;  and  yet 
the  art  of  making  it  was  very  imperfectly  under- 
stood in  England.  Henry  VI.  being  informed, 
that  a  new  and  better  method  of  making  salt 
had  been  invented  in  the  Low  Countries,  he  in- 
vited John  de  Sheidame,  a  gentleman  of  Zea- 
land, with  sixty  persons  in  his  company,  to  come 
into  England,  to  instruct  his  subjects  in  the  new 
method  of  making  salt,  promising  them  protec- 
tion and  encouragement  f . 

Architec-  It  would  be  improper,  on  many  accounts,  to 
encumber  the  pages  of  a  general  history,  with 
tedious  minute  details  of  every  trivial  transitory 
change  in  the  necessary  or  pleasing  arts,  which 
had  little  or  no  effect  on  the  appeafance  of  the 
country  or  the  state  of  its  inhabitants.    This  was 

■   Seoticron.  lib   IC,  c,  30.  f  Kym.  Foed.  torn,  8,  \y  761. 


tiire. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  179 

never  promised  or  intended  in  this  work,  in  which 
it  is  only  designed  to  introduce,  in  their  proper 
times,  such  useful  inventions  and  important  im- 
provements in  the  arts,  as  were  productive  of  real 
and  permanent  advantages.  It  is  not  necessary, 
therefore,  in  this  place  to  give  a  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  the  state  of  architecture,  as  that  was  very 
nearly  the  same  in  this  as  in  the  preceding  period. 

Though  great  guns  were  now  used  both  in  the  Military. 
attack  and  defence  of  places,  no  alterations  were 
yet  made  in  constructing  and  fortifying  such 
places.  The  prodigious  thickness  and  solidity  of 
the  walls  of  the  Anglo-Norman  castles,  made  any 
alteration  to  appear  unnecessary,  as  they  seemed 
to  be  sufficiently  strong  to  resist  any  force  with 
which  they  could  be  assaulted.  The  trvith  is, 
that  the  people  of  England  in  this  period,  were 
much  more  employed  in  beating  down  than  in 
building.  Many  large,  strong,  and  magnificent 
castles  were  demolished  or  dismantled  during 
those  desolating  civil  wars  between  the  houses  of 
York  and  Lancaster,  but  very  few  were  built. 
For  at  the  same  time  that  these  castles  were  de- 
stroyed, their  noble  proprietors,  who  might  have 
rebuilt  them,  were  either  killed  or  ruined.  So 
many  of  the  artificers  also  employed  in  building, 
fell  in  these  and  other  wars,  that  they  became 
exceedingly  scarce,  and  the  price  of  their  labour 
very  high;  and  all  the  laws  made  to  remedy  this 
evil  proved  ineffectual*.     Scotland  was  in  the 

»  See  Stntmes,  Ith  Hen.  IV.   c.  14  ;  2d  IIcii,  V,   c  4.   an.  1.  c.'J  ; 
6th  Hl'ii.  VI.  c,  S.  an.  8.  c.  8.  an.  23.  c  12. 


180  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

same  situation  in  this  respect.  Masons  and  car- 
penters were  so  few,  that  they  undertook  more 
works  tlian  they  could  execute ;  the  trouble  and 
expence  of  building  were  so  great,  that  it  be- 
came necessary  to  make  laws  to  compel  men  of 
fortune  to  build*. 
Sacral.  The  tastc  for  founding  and  building  monaste- 

ries and  cluu'ches  did  not  prevail  so  much  in  this 
as  it  had  done  in  some  preceding  periods.  This 
was  partly  owing  to  the  unhappy  state  of  the 
country ;  and  partly  to  the  doubts  which  had 
been  raised  in  the  minds  of  many  persons  of  all 
ranks,  by  AVickliffe  and  his  followers,  concern- 
ing the  merit  of  those  pious  but  expensive  works. 
It  cannot  be  denied,  however,  that  the  style  of 
sacred  architecture,  commonly  called  the  Gothic, 
continued  to  be  gradually  improved,  and  in  the 
course  of  this  period  was  brought  to  the  highest 
perfection.  Of  this  most  lofty,  bold,  and  perfect 
style  of  Gothic  architecture,  several  specimens 
remain  entire;  and  as  these  structures  were  much 
admired  in  the  age  in  which  they  were  erected, 
they  are  still  beheld  with  pleasure,  not  without 
surprise.  Of  this  kind  are — the  divinity  school 
at  Oxford — the  chapel  of  King's  College  at  Cam- 
bridge— the  collegiate  church  of  Fotheringay — 
the  chapel  of  St  George  at  Windsor,  and  several 
other  churches  in  England  f.  Specimens  of  this 
kind  are  also  to  be  found  in  Scotland,  as  the  col- 


•  -Black  Acts,  .lames  I.  c.  89,  90.  92. 

I  Warton's  Observations  on  the  Fairy  Queen,  vol.  2.  p.  182,  &c 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1-  THE  ARTS.  o^ 

lege  church  in  Edinburgh — tliat  chapel  which  is 
now  the  vestry  to  the  old  church  in  the  same 
city — the  palace-church  in  Linlithgow — the  east 
church  in  Stirling,  &c.  which  were  all  built  in 
this  period. 

To  prevent  the  necessity  of  a  minute  descrip-  King's 
tion  of  the  pecidiarities  of  this  style  of  architec-  chaiir 
ture,  it  may  be  proper  to  lay  before  the  reader 
the  plan  of  King  s  College  chapel  in  Cambridge 
(the  most  admired  edifice  of  this  kind),  extract- 
ed from  the  last  will  of  its  royal  founder,  Hen- 
ry VI.,  by  one  of  our  historians.  "  The  words 
"  of  the  will  are  these — As  touching  the  dimen- 
"  sions  of  the  church  of  my  said  college,  of  our 
"  Lady  and  St  Nicholas  at  Cambridge,  I  have 
"  devised  and  appointed,  that  the  same  church 
"  shall  containe  in  length  288  foot  of  assize,  with- 
"  out  any  iles,  and  all  of  the  wideness  of  40  foot. 
"  And  the  length  of  the  same  church,  from  the 
"  west  end,  inito  the  altars  at  the  quire  door, 
"  shall  contain  120  foot,  and  from  the  provost's 
**  stall  unto  the  steps  called  Gradus  Chori,  90 
"  foot,  for  36  stalls  on  either  side  of  the  same 
"  quire,  answering  to  70  fellows,  and  ten  priests 
"  conduits,  which  must  be  JDe  prima  forma. 
"  And  from  the  said  stalls  to  the  east  end  of  the 
"  church,  22  foot  of  assize.  Also  a  rere-dosse 
"  bearing  the  roodloft,  departing  the  quire  and 
"  the  body  of  the  church,  containing  in  length 
"  40  foot,  and  in  breadth  1 4  foot.  The  walls  of 
"  the  same  church  to  be  in  height  90  foot,  em- 
"  battled,  vaulted,  and  chere-roofcd,  sufficiently 


182  HISTORY  OF  RRITAIN.  Book  V. 

**  hutteracetl,  and  every  biitterace  fined  with 
"  finials.  And  in  the  east  end  of  the  same  chvirch 
"  shall  be  a  window  of  nine  days,  and  betwixt 
"  every  biitterace  a  window  of  five  days.  And 
"  betwixt  every  of  the  same  biitteraces  in  the 
"  body  of  tlie  church,  on  both  sides  of  the  same 
"  church,  a  closet,  with  an  altar  therein,  contain- 
"  mg  in  length  SO  foot,  and  in  breadth  10  foot, 
"  vawlted  and  finished  under  the  soyle  of  the  isle 
"  windows.  And  the  pavement  of  the  church  to 
"  be  enhanced  four  foot  above  the  ground  with- 
"  out ;  and  the  pavement  of  the  quire  one  foot  and 
"  a  half  above  the  pavement  of  the  church*." 
This  light,  lofty,  and  beautiful  structure  was 
founded  A.  D.  1441,  and  consecrated  A.  D. 
1443,  though  it  was  not  finished  till  some  years 
after ;  and  is  still  in  excellent  preservation. 

If  many  churches  and  castles  were  destroyed 
by  the  desolating  wars  of  this  period,  a  much 
gi'eater  number  of  villages  and  private  dwellings 
were  demolished  or  deserted.  John  Rous  of 
Warwick  names  no  fewer  than  sixty  villages, 
within  twelve  miles  of  that  city,  some  of  them 
formerly  large  and  populous,  with  churches  and 
manor  houses,  that  were  destroyed  and  aban- 
doned f.  In  such  circumstances,  no  improve- 
ments could  be  made  in  civil  architecture  that 
merit  investigation.  It  is  sufficient  to  observe  in 
general,  that  the  common  jieople  were  but  indif- 
ferently lodged ;  and  tliat  the  mansions  of  the 
great  were  more  magnificent  than  comfortable. 

»  Stow'e  Aiaiah,  p.  380.  f  J.  Kossii  Hist.  Ang.  p.  122, 


Civil  ar- 
chitectuic. 


Chap,  5.  Sect.  K  THE  x\I{TS.  -  18^ 

The  arts  of  mining,  of  refining  and  working  aietuUic 


arts. 


metals,  so  useful  in  themselves,  and  so  necessary 
to  all  the  other  arts,  were  greatly  improved  in 
England  in  the  fourteenth  century,  as  appears 
from  that  brief  delineation  of  them  in  the  fifth 
chapter  of  the  fourth  book  of  this  work*  to  which 
the  reader  is  referred.  We  have  no  reason  to 
think  that  any  of  the  metallic  arts  declined,  but 
rather  that  they  were  improved  and  multiplied 
ill  our  present  period.  The  efforts  of  ingenious 
men  to  discover  an  universal  medicine,  and  a  me- 
thod of  refining  the  baser  metals  into  gold  and 
silver,  were  more  strenuous  and  more  encou- 
raged in  this  than  in  any  preceding  period ;  and 
though  these  efforts  did  not  succeed  to  their  wish, 
they  improved  their  knowledge  of  the  nature  of 
metals,  and  of  the  arts  of  working  them.  Those 
wars  which  were  hurtful  to  other  arts  and  artists, 
were  favourable  to  those  employed  in  fabricating 
defensive  armour  and  offensive  arms,  with  which 
every  man,  both  in  England  and  Scotland,  was 
obliged  by  law  to  be  furnished. 

Though  tin  and  lead  had  long  been  staple  com-  Mining 
modities  of  England,  and  valuable  articles  of  ex- 
port, the  English  miners  were  not  believed  to  be 
so  skilful  in  their  profession  as  those  of  Germany. 
Henry  VI,,  therefore,  having  failed  in  all  his  at- 
tempts to  prociu'e  the  precious  metals  by  alchy- 
my,  brought  over,  A.  D.  1452,  Michael  Gosse- 
leyn,  George  Hartryke,  Matthew  Laweston, 
three  famous  miners,  with  thirty  other  miners, 

*  Sec  the  eighth  volume. 


184  HISTOllY  OF  BUITAIiV.  Book.  V. 

from  Boliemia,  Austria,  and  Hungary,  to  superr 
intend  and  work  the  royal  mines,  and  instruct 
liis  subjects  in  their  art*.  Of  the  success  of  this 
project  we  liave  no  account 
cikiing.  As  gold  and  silver  were  very  scarce  in  Eng- 
land in  this  period,  the  art  of  gilding  a  great 
variety  of  goods  made  of  baser  metals,  to  give 
them  the  appearance  of  plate,  was  much  prac- 
tised ;  and  some  of  these  gilders  had  so  much 
art,  and  so  little  honesty,  as  to  sell  their  gilded 
wares  at  the  price  of  real  plate.  To  punish  such 
as  should  be  guilty  of  this  gross  imposition,  and 
also  to  prevent  the  use,  or  rather  the  waste,  of 
too  much  gold  and  silver  in  gilding,  it  was 
enacted  by  parliament,  A.  D.  1403,  "  That  no 
"  artificer,  nor  other  man,  whatsoever  he  be, 
"  from  henceforth  shall  gilt  nor  silver  any  locks, 
"  rings,  beads,  candlesticks,  harness  of  girdles, 
"  chalices,  hilts  nor  pomels  of  swords,  powder- 
"  boxes,  nor  covers  for  cups,  made  of  copper 
"  or  latten,  upon  pain  to  forfeit  to  the  king  cs. 
"  at  every  time  that  he  shall  be  found  guilty, 
"  and  to  make  satisfaction  to  the  party  grieved 
"  for  his  damages  ;  but  that  (chalices  excepted) 
"  the  said  artificers  may  work,  or  cause  to  be 
"  wrought,  ornaments  for  the  church  of  copper 
"  and  latten,  and  the  same  gilt  or  silver ;  so  that 
"  always  in  the  foot,  or  in  some  other  part  of 
"  every  such  ornament  so  to  be  made,  the  cop- 
"  per,  and  the  latten  shall  be  plain,  to  the  in- 
*'  tent  that  a  man  may  see  wlicreof  the  thing  is 

*    Ilyin.  Twd,    torn.  IL  p.  317. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  J 85 

"  made,  for  to  eschew  the  deceit  aforesaid*."  By 
a  subsequent  law,  gilders  were  still  further  limit- 
ed ;  and  embroiderers,  having  been  guilty  of  simi- 
lar frauds,  were  subjected  to  similar  penalties f. 

It  hath  been  iustly  observed,  that  as  arts  are  P'vi«'onof 

T    ■,    ,  labour, 

miproved,  labour  is  gradually  more  and  more  di- 
vided; and  that  this  division  of  labour  contributes 
to  their  further  improvement  t-  The  manufac- 
turers of  metals  in  England  were  now  divided 
into  many  branches,  and  many  articles  of  hard- 
ware were  manufactured  by  them,  that  had  for- 
merly been  imported.  In  consequence  of  peti- 
tions to  the  last  parliament  of  this  period,  from 
the  pinners,  cutlers,  blade-smiths,  blacksmiths, 
spurriers,  gold-beaters,  founders,  card-makers, 
wiremongers,  coppersmiths,  of  London  and  other 
cities,  towns,  boroughs,  and  villages,  an  act  was 
m  ade,  prohibiting  the  importation  of  all  the  f oUow- 
ing  articles  : — Harness  for  girdles,  pins,  knives, 
hangers,  tailors-shears,  sysors,  andirons,  tongs, 
fire-forks,  gridirons,  stock-locks,  keys,  hinges, 
and  garnets,  spurs,  beaten  gold  or  beaten  silver 
wrought  in  papers  for  painters,  horse-harness, 
bits,  stirrups,  buckles,  chains,  latten  nails  with 
iron  shanks,  turnels,  standing  candlesticks,  hang- 
ing candlesticks,  holy-water  stops,  chaffing- 
dishes,  hanging  lavers,  curtain-rings,  cards  for 
wool  (except  lloan  cards),  clasps  for  gowns, 
buckles  for  shoes,  broaches,  bells  (except  hawks- 


-    StatiUrs,  5ili  Hen,  IV,  cli.  13. 

f    Ibid.  Hib  Hen.  V.  th.  3;   2d  lien  VI.  ch.  9. 

j   See  Dt  Smith's  extcllcnt  work  on  tht  VV'taltli  of  Nations,  vol.  I. 


arts. 


Igg  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN  Book  V. 

bells),  tin  imd  leaden  spoons,  wire  of  latten  and 
iron,  iron  cantUesticks,  grates,  or  any  other  arti- 
cles manufactured  by  the  petitioners*.  This  is  a 
sufficient  pr(x>f,  to  which  others  might  be  added, 
that  the  metallic  arts  were  improved,  multi]:)lied, 
and  diffused,  in  the  course  of  this  period ;  thougli 
they  were  still  but  in  their  infancy,  in  comparison 
to  the  magnitude,  multiplicity,  and  perfection, 
at  which  they  have  since  arrived. 
Clothing  The  great  importance  of  the  clothing  aits, 
particularly  of  the  woollen  manufacture,  was  now 
so  well  understood  in  England,  that  the  cala- 
mities and  confusions  of  w^ar  only  retarded,  but 
could  not  prevent,  the  progress  and  improve- 
ment of  those  arts,  and  of  that  manufacture. 
The  English  had  at  length  discovered  and  re- 
garded these. two  obvious  truths  i-^That  it  was 
better  to  manufacture  their  own  clothing  of 
their  own  wool  at  home,  than  to  pay  foreigners 
abroad  for  doinff  it :— and  that  wool  made  into 
cloth  was  a  more  valuable  article  of  export,  than 
in  the  fleece.  Kings  and  parliaments,  in  the 
preceding  period,  endeavoured  to  induce  and 
compel  the  people  to  act  upon  these  maxims,  by 
making  severe  laws  against  the  exportation  of 
wool  and  the  importation  of  cloth f.  By  the 
operation  of  these  laws,  and  other  concurring 
causes,  the  nmnber  and  skill  of  the  people  em- 
ployed in  the  woollen  manufacture  gradually  in- 
creased ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  this  period,  that 

»    Statutes,  1st  Richard  III.  cli.  12. 
f  §ce  vp}.  8.  hook  i.  tlj.  5.  §  1. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  ^^p^ 

most  valuable  manufacture,  which  hath  contri- 
butedsomuch  to  the  prosperity  and  wealth  of  Ensj- 
land,  was  widely  diffused  and  firmly  established  *. 

Though  the  kings,  lords,  and  commons  of  Laws  for 
England,  in  this  period,  were  too  much  engaged  couragel 
in  war,  they  did  not  neglect  an  object  of  so  great  """"*' 
importance  as  the  woollen  manufacture.  On  the 
contrary,  no  fewer  than  twelve  acts  of  parliament 
were  made  in  the  short  and  turbulent  reiirn  of 
Henry  IV.  for  the  regidation  and  encouragement 
of  that  manufacture ;  for  preventing  the  expor- 
tation of  wool  and  importation  of  cloth ;  and  for 
guarding  against  frauds  in  the  fabrication  of  it  at 
homef.  Henry  V.  was  too  much  engaged  in 
projects  of  ambition  and  conquests  to  pay  proper 
attention  to  manufactures;  but  in  the  succeeding 
reigns,  a  great  number  of  statutes  were  made  for 
the  improvement  of  the  clothing  artsf.  From 
these  statutes,  which  afford  the  best  h  istorical  evi- 
dence, it  plainly  appears,  that  the  woollen  manu- 
facture had  now  spread  from  one  end  of  England 
to  the  other,  and  produced,  not  only  sufficient 
quantities  of  cloths  of  various  kind  for  home-con- 
sumpt,  but  also  great  quantities  for  exportation. 

The  arts  of  spinning,  throwing,  and  weaving  siik. 
silk,  were  brought  into  England  in  this  period, 
and  practised  by  a  company  of  women  in  London, 
called  dnf-women.    Upon  a  petition  of  this  female 
company  to  parliament,  A.  D.  1455,  representing, 

•  Amlcisoii'»  Hist.  Com.  vol.  1.  p.  229. 

+  S«c  Statutes  temp.  Hen.  IV. 

1  See  Statutes  temp.  Hen.  VI„  Edw.  IV,,  Rich.  III. 

.-J 


war, 


188  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

that  the  Ijombiirds  and  otlicr  Italians  imported 
sucli  quantities  of  silk  thread,  ribbons,  corses,  t^c. 
that  they  were  in  danger  of  being  reduced  to  great 
poverty,  an  act  was  made  for  prohibiting  the  im- 
portation of  any  of  the  articles  manufactured  by 
these  silk-women*.  These  articles  consisted  onlv 
of  laces,  ribbons,  and  such  narrow  fabrics,  in  no 
great  quantities.  From  such  small begiimings  did 
the  present  great  silk  manufacture  of  England 
derive  its  origin.  Towards  the  end  of  this  pe- 
riod, about  A.  D,  1480,  men  began  to  engage  in 
the  silk  manufacture,  which,  before  tliat  time, 
had  been  wholly  performed  by  women  f. 

Art  of  ^Vs   the  destructive   art   of  war  was   much 

studied  and  practised,  it  was  also  much  im- 
proved, in  this  period;  and  various  changes 
were  introduced  in  the  manner  of  raising,  form- 
ing, and  paying  armies,  in  their  arms,  opera- 
tions, discipline,  &c.  The  most  important  of 
these  improvements  and  changes  shall  be  de- 
scribed in  as  few  words  as  possible. 

Raising  The  feudal  military  services  were  always  per- 

formed with  reluctance,  gradually  decreased  in 
efficacy,  and  at  this  time  were  not  to  be  depended 
upon  for  raising  an  army,  especially  for  a  foreign 
expedition.  When  such  an  expedition,  therefore, 
was  intended,  our  kings  raised  the  best  part  of 
their  armies,by  entering  into  indentures  with  their 
own  dukes,  earls,  barons,  and  knights,  and  with 
foreign  chieftains;  who  engaged  to  serve  them,  on 

*  Statutes,  35(1  Hun.  VI.  cli.  5. 
f  23d  Edw.  IV.  cli.  3, 


armies. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  189 

a  certain  expedition  (described  in  the  indenture), 
for  a  certain  time,  with  a  stipulated  number  of 
men  at  arms  and  archers,  at  a  fixed  price.  These 
indentures  contained  several  other  covenants  and 
regulations  respecting  the  service  which  makes  it 
proper  to  lay  the  substance  of  one  of  them  before 
the  reader.  By  an  indenture  between  Hemy  V. 
and  Henry  Lord  Scroope,  it  is  stipulated,  That 
the  said  I^ord  Scroope  shall  attend  and  serve  the 
King,  one  year,  in  an  expedition  into  France,  with 
thirty  men  at  arms,  and  ninety  archers  on  horse- 
back ;  himself  to  be  one  of  the  men  at  arms ; 
the  rest  to  consist  of  three  knights  and  twenty- 
six  esquires : — That  Lord  Scroope  shall  receive 
for  his  own  daily  pay,  4s. ;  for  each  of  the 
knights,  2s. ;  for  each  of  the  esquires.  Is. ;  and 
for  each  of  the  archers,  6d. ; — That,  besides  this 
pay,  the  Lord  Scroope  shall  receive  the  usual 
regard  (or  douceur),  at  the  rate  of  100  marks 
per  quarter,  for  thirty  men  at  arms  ; — That  all 
prisoners  taken  by  Lord  Scroope  and  his  troops, 
in  the  said  expedition,  shall  belong  to  him,  ex- 
cept kings,  kings  sons,  generals,  and  chieftains, 
who  shall  be  delivered  to  the  King,  on  his  pay- 
ing a  reasonable  ransom  to  the  captors.  The 
other  articles  relate  to  the  securities  and  terms  of 
payment,  the  time  and  manner  of  musters,  &;c. 
and  are  not  very  material.  This  indenture  was 
made  29th  April  A.  D.  1415,  when  Hemy  V., 
was  ])reparing  for  his  first  expedition  into  France; 
about  which  time  many  others  of  the  same  kind 
Avere  conch i  ded  * . 

•   Ilym.   loL-d    toni.  <J.  i>,  '2rJ0. 


igO  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Continued.  Tlio  clueftaiiis,  who  contracted  with  tlic  King 
to  serve  him  with  a  certain  number  of  troops, 
made  similar  contracts  with  small  bodies  of  men 
at  arms  and  archers  to  make  up  that  number. 
Thus,  for  example,  Thomas  Earl  of  Salisbury  en- 
gaged, by  an  indenture  dated  June  1,  A.  D. 
1415,  William  Bydyk,  Esq.  a  man  at  arms,  to 
serve  under  him  with  ten  archers,  for  one  year, 
in  the  intended  expedition  into  France,  at  the 
daily  pay  of  Is.  for  himself,  and  6d.  for  each  of 
his  archers.  From  this  contract  it  appears,  that 
the  regard  (as  it  was  called),  at  the  rate  of  100 
marks  per  quarter  for  every  thirty  men  at  arms, 
belonged  wholly  to  the  chieftain,  to  enable  him 
to  keep  a  table  for  his  men  at  arms  ;  and  that 
he  had  also  a  right  to  the  third  part  of  all  the 
plunder,  and  of  the  ransom  of  all  the  prisoners 
taken  by  those  under  his  command*.  These 
military  contracts  were  very  beneficial  to  the 
great  barons  of  those  times,  which  made  them 
fond  of  war,  especially  of  foreign  expeditions, 
by  which  many  of  them  were  greatly  enriched 
in  the  victorious  reign  of  Henry  V. ;  though 
their  country  was  almost  ruined  by  their  per- 
nicious victories. 
Pay  of  We  cannot  but  observe,  that  the  pay  of  soldiers 

soldiers,  ^£  ^  rauks,  in  an  army  raised  in  this  manner, 
was  very  high.  The  daily  pay  of  a  duke  was  one 
mark,  equivalent  to  about  71.  of  our  money;  of 
an  earl,  6s.  8d.  equivalent  to  3l.  10s. ;  of  a  baron, 
4s.  equivalent  to  2l. ;  of  a  kniglit,  2s.  equivalent 

'  Rym.  Feed,  torn.  9.  p.  258. 


Chsip.  a.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  \^i 

to  11. ;  of  an  esquire  or  man  at  anils.  Is.  equiva- 
lent to  10s. ;  of  an  archer,  6d.  equivalent  to  5s.* 
The  pretences  for  this  high  pay  were  these,- — the 
shortness  of  the  service,  and  the  great  expences 
they  were  at  in  furnishing  themselves  with  horses, 
armour,  arms,  clothing,  victuals,  servants,  and 
every  thing,  except  shipping  and  artillery.  But 
however  just  these  pretences  might  be,  the  ex- 
pence  of  an  army  of  this  kind  soon  exhausted  all 
the  revenues  of  the  crown,  and  almost  all  the 
resources  of  the  country.  Henry  V.  had  not  only 
expended  all  the  treasure  he  had  been  amassing 
for  two  years  by  bon-owing,  and  every  other  art, 
but  was  obliged  to  pawn  his  crown,  and  his  most 
valuable  jewels,  before  he  embarked  on  his  first 
expedition  against  France  f.  When  will  poste- 
rity profit  by  the  errors  of  theu-  ancestors  ? 

When  an  invasion  or  rebellion  was  apprehend-  Diireient 
ed,  and  a  great  army  to  be  raised  m  a  short  time, 
to  repel  the  one,  or  suppress  the  other,  a  different 
and  less  expensive  method  was  pursued.  The 
King  summoned  all  the  military  tenants  of  the 
crown  to  attend  him  in  arms ;  sent  letters  to  the 
archbishops,  bishops,  deans,  archdeacons,  abbots, 
and  priors,  to  arm  and  array  aU  their  clergy, 
to  defend  the  church  and  kingdom  against  the 
enemies  of  God  and  the  King ;  and  issued  procla- 
mations to  the  sheriffs  of  the  several  counties 
commanding  tliem  to  array  all  the  able-bodied 
men  in  their  counties,  between  the  age  of  sixteen 

*  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  9.  p.  227. 
t  Id,  ibid.  p.  257.  284,  'J85. 


192 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 


and  sixty ;  at  tlie  same  time  g-mntin<^  commissions 
to  certain  knights  and  gentlemen  in  each  county, 
to  divide  the  men,  when  raised,  into  regiments  of 
1000,  and  companies  of  100,  and  parties  of  20, 
to  train  and  conduct  them  to  the  place  of  ren- 
dezvous*. By  these  means  very  great  armies 
were  raised  in  a  few  weeks,  at  a  very  small  ex- 
pence.  On  pressing  occasions,  the  great  barons 
made  voluntary  offers  to  serve  the  King  with  a 
certain  number  of  knights,  men  at  arms,  and 
archers,  without  pay  or  reward ;  and  some  of 
them  to  fit  out  ships,  at  their  own  expence,  for 
the  protection  of  the  coasts  f. 
Discipline.  Amiics  that  were  so  suddenly  raised,  and,  after 

a  short  service,  as  suddenly  dismissed,  could  not 
be  well  disciplined.  Henry  V.  seems  to  have 
been  the  first  of  our  kings  who  was  sensible  of 
the  importance  of  regular  movements  and 
united  efforts  ;  and  was  at  much  pains  to  teach 
his  troops  to  march  in  straight  lines,  at  proper 
distances  with  a  steady  measured  pace,  to  ad- 
vance, attack,  halt,  and  even  fall  back,  at  the 
word  of  command,  without  breaking  their  ranks. 
This  discipline,  imperfect  as  it  was,  gave  him 
great  advantages  over  the  French,  who  in  those 
times  were  almost  as  tumultuary  in  advancing 
to  an  attack,  as  in  flying  from  a  defeat.  To 
this  superior  discipline  of  his  troops  that  prince 
was  indebted  for  his  success  in  general,  and  parti- 
cularly for  his  great  victory  at  Agincourt;  as  ap- 

•  Rym,  Feed,    torn  8.  p.  12.T.   138.   146.   270.  ;  torn.  9.  p.  216.  2;*.3, 
&c.  t  Itl.  torn.  8.  p.  126. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  193 

pears  from  the  account  given  of  that  famous  bat- 
tle, and  from  the  contemporary  historians,  from 
whom  that  account  is  taken*. 

Though  the  men  at  arms,  covered  with  po-  Arci.ers. 
iished  armour  from  head  to  foot,  and  mounted 
on  great  horses,  were  the  most  splendid  and  most 
expensive,  they  were  not  the  most  useful  troops. 
The  archers  formed  the  chief  strength  of  the 
English  armies,  and  were  the  great  instruments 
of  all  their  victories  in  this  period.  The  archers 
sometimes  gained  great  victories  without  the 
least  assistance  from  the  men  at  arms ;  as,  parti- 
cularly, the  decisive  victory  over  the  Scots  at 
Hamildon,  A.  D.  1402.  In  that  bloody  battle 
the  men  at  arms  did  not  strike  a  stroke,  but  ^vere 
mere  spectators  of  the  valour  and  victory  of  the 
archers f.  The  Earl  of  Douglas,  who  command- 
ed the  Scots  army  in  that  action,  enraged  to  see 
his  men  falling  thick  around  him  by  showers  of 
arrows,  and  trusting  to  the  goodness  of  his  ar- 
mour (which  had  been  three  years  in  making), 
accompanied  by  about  eighty  lords,  knights,  and 
gentlemen,  in  complete  armour,  rushed  forward, 
and  attacked  the  English  archers,  sword  in  hand. 
But  he  soon  had  reason  to  repent  his  rashness. 
The  English  arrows  "were  so  sharp  and  strong, 
and  discharged  with  so  much  force,  that  no  ar- 
mour could  repel  them.  The  Earl  of  Douglas, 
after  receiving  five  wounds,  was  made  prisoner ; 
and  all  his  brave  companions  were  either  killed 

*  Sec  chap.  1 .  p.  ,'5 1 . 

t  Otterbourne,  p.  2?iC,.     Walsing.  p.  "6G. 

VOT,.   X.  O 


1()1.  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Rook  V. 

or  tJikeii*.  Philip  do  Comiiies  aclvnowlcdges, 
Avliat  our  own  writers  assert,  tliat  the  Enolish 
archers  excelled  those  of  every  other  nation ;  mid 
Sir  John  P'ortesciie  says  aofain  and  awiin — "  that 
''  the  might  of  the  realme  of  England  standyth 
"  upon  archers f."  The  superior  dexterity  of 
tlieir  archers  gave  the  English  a  great  advantage 
over  their  capital  enemies  the  French  and  Scots. 
The  French  depended  chiefly  on  their  men  at 
arms,  and  the  Scots  on  their  pikemen ;  but  the 
ranks  of  both  were  often  thinned  and  thrown 
into  disorder  by  flights  of  arrows  before  they 
could  reach  their  enemies, 
111  Scot.  James  I.,  who  had  seen  and  admired  the  dex- 
terity of  the  English  archers,  and  who  was  him- 
self an  excellent  archer,  endeavoured  to  revive 
the  exercise  of  archery  among  his  own  subjects, 
by  whom  it  had  been  too  much  neglected  f. 
With  this  view  he  ridiculed  their  awkward  man- 
ner of  handling  their  bows,  in  his  humorous 
poem  of  Christ's  Kirk  on  the  Green ;  and  pro- 
cured the  following  law  to  be  made  in  his  first 
parliament,  A.  D.  1424,  immediately  after  his 
retuni  to  Scotland :  "  That  all  men  busk  thame 
"  to  be  archares  fra  the  be  12  years  of  age,  and 
"  that  at  ilk  ten  punds  worth  of  land  thair  be 
"  made  bow  markes,  and  speciallie  near  paroche 
"  kirks,  quhairn  upon  halie  dayis  men  may  cum, 
"  and  at  the  leist  scluite  thryse  about,  and  have 

*  W^alsing.  p.  ()66. 

f  Fortescue  on  the  diflercnry  bctweon  an  absolute  and  limited  monar- 
chy, p.  88.  90.      Philip  de  Cominos,  f.   1,  p.  27. 
I  Scolicron.  lib,  16.  c.  28. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  I95 

"  usage  of  archarie;  and  quliasa  usis  not  archarie, 
"  the  laird  of  the  land  sail  rais  of  him  a  wedder  ; 
*'  and  giff  the  lakd  raisis  not  the  said  pane,  the 
"  king's  shiref  or  his  ministers  sail  rais  it  to  the 
«  king*."  But  tlie  untimely  death  of  that  ex- 
cellent prince  prevented  the  effectual  executioji 
of  this  law. 

It  hath  been  already  observed,  that  tlie  chang-  Fiioarms. 
es  introduced  into  the  art  of  war  by  the  inven- 
tion of  gunpowder  were  very  slowf .  The  mar- 
tial adventurers  of  those  times  were  not  fond  of 
changing  the  arms  to  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed ;  and  it  was  difficult  to  find  instruments 
to  manage  and  direct  an  agent  so  impetuous  as 
gunpowder.  The  instruments  employed  for  that 
purpose,  for  almost  two  centuries,  were  called  by 
the  general  name  of  cannon,  though  they  were  of 
many  different  kinds,  shapes,  and  sizes,  distin- 
guished from  each  other  by  particular  names,  as 
culverines,  serpentines,  basilisks,  fowlers,  scor- 
pions, &c.  :j:  All  these  ancient  cannon  were  made 
of  iron  only,  without  any  mixture,  till  towards 
the  end  of  this  period,  when  a  mixed  and  harder 
metal  was  invented,  cdiSledifont-mefal  or  b?'onxe^. 

The  cannon  of  this  period  were  of  very  dif-  cannon, 
ferent  sizes,  some  of  them  exceedingly  large,  and 
others  very  small.  We  read  of  some  cannon 
that  discharged  balls  of  500  pounds  weight,  and 
required  fifty  horses  to  draw  them,  and  of  others 
not  much  heavier  than  a  musket ;  and  between 

•  Black  Acts,  fol.  4.  -f  See  vol.  S.  ch.  5.  §  1. 

\  Rym    Ffcfl.  torn.  12.    p.  140.      Daniel,    Milice    Francoisc,   torn.   I. 
p.  322.  §  Id.  ibid.  p.  3'J.5. 


19()  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V 

these  two  extremes  there  were  many  gradations. 
INIonstrelet  mentions  a  caimon  cast  by  John 
Mangud,  a  famous  founder,  A.  D.  1478,  that 
tlirew  a  ball  of  500  lb.  from  the  Bastile  to  Cha- 
renton ;  and  Philip  de  Comines  acquaints  us, 
that  there  were  10,000  men  armed  with  culve- 
rines  in  the  Swiss  army  at  the  famous  battle  of 
Morat,  A.  D.  1470*.  These  small  culverines, 
or  hand-cannon,  as  they  were  sometimes  called, 
were  carried  some  of  them  by  one  man,  and 
some  of  them  by  two  men,  and  fired  froin  a 
rest.  They  seem  to  have  been  first  brought  in- 
to Britain  by  the  Flemings  who  accompanied 
Edward  TV.  in  his  return  to  England,  A.  D. 
1471 ;  for  these  troops,  in  number  300,  were 
armed,  it  is  said,  with  hand-guns  f. 
Carts  of  The  Scots  had  a  kind  of  artillery  peculiar  to 
themselves  in  this  period,  called  carfs  of  war. 
They  are  thus  described  in  an  act  of  parliament, 
A.D.  1456:  "  It  is  thocht  speidfull,  that  the 
"  king  make  requeist  to  certain  of  the  great  bur- 
"  rous  of  the  land  that  are  of  ony  myght,  to 
"  mak  carts  of  weir,  and  in  ilk  cart  twa  gunnis, 
"  and  ilk  ane  to  have  twa  chalmers,  with  the  re- 
"  manent  of  the  graith  that  effeirs  thereto,  and 
"  ane  cunnand  man  to  shute  thame."  By  an- 
other act,  A.  D.  1471,  the  prelates  and  barons 
are  commanded  to  provide  such  carts  of  war 
against  their  old  enemies  the  English  t- 


*  Monstrelet  Contln.  p.  69.      Comines,  lib.  5.  c.  3. 

f  Leland's  Collectanea,  vol.  2.  p.  503. 

I  Black  Acts,  James  II.  act  52.     James  III.  act  55. 


war. 


Ghap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  I97 

Many  of  the  cannon-balls  used  in  tliis  period  Bails  ot 

*  StOllC 

were  made  of  stone.  Henry  V.  gave  a  commis- 
sion, A.  D.  1419,  to  John  Louth,  clerk  of  the 
ordnance,  and  John  Bennet,  mason  in  Maidstone, 
to  press  a  sufficient  number  of  masons  to  make 
7000  cannon-biills,  in  the  quarries  of  Maidstone- 
heath*.  Even  towards  the  end  of  this  period, 
some  of  the  cannon-balls  were  made  of  stone,  and 
others  of  metal.  Edward  IV.  gave  a  commission 
to  one  William  Temple,  A.  D.  1481,  to  press 
masons,  smiths,  and  plumbers,  to  make  cannon- 
balls,  some  of  stone,  some  of  iron,  and  some  of 
leadf.  It  is  a  curious  and  well  attested  fact, 
that  the  art  of  discharging  red-hot  balls  from  can- 
non was  known  and  practised  early  in  this  pe- 
riod. When  an  English  army,  commanded  by 
the  Duke  of  Gloucester,  besieged  Cherbourg, 
A.  D.  1418,  the  besieged  (as  we  are  told  by  a 
contemporary  writer  of  the  best  credit)  discharg- 
ed red-hot  balls  of  iron  from  their  cannon  into 
the  English  camp,  to  burn  the  huts  in  which 
the  soldiers  were  lodged  |. 

The  cannon  that  were  used  in  ships  of  war  in  ship  guns. 
this  period  were  few  in  number,  and  of  a  small 
size.  This  appears  from  the  following  authentic 
account  of  the  furniture  of  the  ship  caUed  the 
Queen's-hall,  in  which  Henry  IV.  sent  his  daugh- 
ter Philippa,  Queen  of  Sweden,  Denmark,  and 
Norway,  to  her  liusband.  Henry  Somer,  keeper 
of  the  private  wardrobe  in  the  Tower,  delivered 
to  WiUiam  Lovency,  treasurer  to  Queen  Philippa, 

*  Ryin.  Feed.  loin.  9.  p,  .542.  f  Id,  torn.  12.  p.  140. 

I  Thomas  dc  Elmham,  Vita  Hen.  V.  p.  155. 


198  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

for  the  arinainciit  of  lier  ship — 2  guns — 40 
pounds  of  poAvder  for  these  guns — 40  stone 
balls — 40  tompions — 1  mallet — 2  firepans — 40 
pavises — 24  bows — and  40  slieffs  of  arrows*. 
From  the  Jibove  aeeount,  it  is  probable  that 
each  of  these  guns  required  only  one  pound  of 
powder  for  a  charge.  But  when  ships  were 
fitted  out  for  a  warlike  expedition,  tliey  were  a 
little  better  armed. 
Field  ar-        Guupowdcr  aiid  caunoiiwere  not  much  usedin 

tiUery.  >  ^  , 

fields  of  battle  for  a  considerable  time  after  they 
were  invented.  Though  they  were  sometimes 
used  before,  Edward  IV.  was  the  first  King  of 
England  who  depended  much  on  his  field-pieces, 
or  derived  any  great  advantage  from  them.  In 
the  battle  of  Stamford,  fought  by  that  prince 
against  a  numerous  army  of  his  rebellious  sub- 
jects, commanded  by  Sir  Kobert  Wells,  "  the 
•'  King  (we  are  informed  by  a  contemporary  his- 
"  torian)  sparkeled  his  enemies  with  his  ordi- 
"  nance,  slew  many  of  the  commons,  and  thereby 
"  gained  the  victory  f."  The  train  of  field-artil- 
lery prepared  by  Edward,  A.  D.  1481,  to  repel  a 
formidable  invasion  tlu'eatened  by  the  Scots, 
must  have  been  considerable,  since  it  required  a 
great  number  of  oxen  and  horses  to  di'aw  it,  and 
consisted  of  six  or  seven  different  kinds  of  can- 

Ariofat-     lion*. 
tacking 

^bitb.  No  part  of  the  military  art  was  more  studied, 

or  better  understood,  by  the  English  in  this  pe- 

•  Ryin    Frtd.  torn.  8.  p.  117. 

■(■  Leland's  Collectanea,  vol.  2.  p.  502. 

I  Ilym.  Feed.  torn.  liJ.  p.  140. 


Chap.  ,-,.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  '  190 

riod,  especially  in  the  reign  of  iicniy  V.,  than 
that  of  attacking  strong  places.  Tliat  heroic 
])rince  had  no  opportunity  of  lighting  many 
battles ;  but  he  besieged  and  took  many  cities, 
towns,  and  castles,  that  were  strongly  fortified, 
bravely  defended,  and  beUeved  to  be  impregna- 
ble. These  sieges  are  described  at  considerable 
length  by  two  contemporary  historians  ;  from 
whose  writings  the  foUowino-  verv  brief  account 
of  the  modes  of  tlie  attaciv  and  defence  of  places 
in  this  period  is  collected*. 

When  Henry  \'.  had  invested  a  city  or  town  CoiuinueJ. 
where  he  expected  a  vigorous  resistance,  and  ap- 
prehended an  attempt  to  raise  the  siege,  he  se- 
cured his  army  from  the  besieged  by  lines  of  con- 
travallation,  and  from  the  enemy  without,  by 
lines  of  circumvallation,  strengthened  by  paUi- 
sadoes,  and  small  towers  of  wood  at  proper  dis- 
tances. In  summer  he  lodged  his  men  in  tents, 
and  in  winter  in  huts  disposed  in  regidar  streets. 
Approaches  were  made  by  trenches ;  batteries 
were  constructed,  and  planted  with  machines  for 
throwing  great  stones,  and  with  battering  cannon 
to  make  breaches  in  the  walls.  Under  the  pro- 
tection of  the  artillery,  the  ditch  was  filled  up 
with  branches  of  trees,  earth,  and  stones.  In  the 
mean  time,  the  miners  were  employed  in  making 
approaches  under-ground ;  and  these  being  some- 
times met  by  counterminers,  bloody  skirmishes 
were  fought  between  the  besiegers  and  besieged. 
In  these  skirmishes  in  the  mines,  Henry  himself 

*  See  Monstrclct,  torn   i,     Thomas  de  Elmham,  ;)a«j/«. 


OQO  HISTORY  OF   BRITAIN.  Book   V. 

frequently  engaged.  The  besiegers  and  besieged 
annoyed  eacli  otlicr  by  flights  of  quarrels  from 
tlieir  cross-bows,  and  by  large  bodies  of  combus- 
tible materials  set  on  fire  and  discharged  from 
engines.  15y  these  means  Henry  took  every  city, 
town,  and  castle  in  France  that  he  besieged, 
eitlier  in  person  or  by  his  generals,  though  some 
of  them  were  defended,  with  great  bravery,  to 
the  last  extremity. 
Alt  of  ^\^Y\  art  was  invented  on  the  continent,  and  in- 

printing. 

troduced  into  this  island,  in  this  period,  which, 
though  it  cannot  be  called  necessary,  is  certainly 
most  excellent  and  useful.     This  was  the  art  of 
printing;  which  hath  contributed  so  much  to 
dis])el  that  darkness  in  which  the  world  was  in- 
volved, and  diffuse  the  light  of  religion,  learning, 
and  knowledge  of  all  kinds.  But  though  printing 
hath  thrown  much  light  on  every  other  subject, 
its  own  origin  remains  in  some  obscurity  ;  and 
there  have  been  many  disputes  about  the  time 
when,  the  place  where,  and  person  by  whom, 
it  was  invented.     Without  entering  into  these 
disputes  (in  which  Britain  is  not  concerned),  it 
may  be  sufficient  to  say,  that,  upon  the  whole, 
it  seems  most  probable,  that  Laurentius  Coster, 
keeper  of  the  catliedi'al  of  Haerlem  conceived 
the  first  idea  of  printing  about  A.  D.  1430  ;  and 
between  that  time  and  A.  D.  1440,    when  he 
died,  printed  several  small  books  in  that  city, 
with  wooden  types  tied  together  with  threads. 
As  this  art  was  likely  to  be  very  profitable,  Lau- 
rentius   kept    the  secret  with  great  care,    and 
wished  to  tjansniit  it  to  his  familv.    But  this  de- 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1 .  THE  ARTS.  201 

sign  did  not  succeed.  For  about  the  time  of  his 
death,  John  Geinsfleich,  one  of  his  workmen, 
made  his  escape  from  Haerlem,  carrying  with 
him,  it  is  said,  some  of  his  master's  types,  and 
retired  to  INIentz,  and  there  began  to  print  with 
wooden  types,  A.  D.  1441,  being  encouraged 
and  supplied  with  money  by  John  Fust,  a  wealthy 
citizen.  About  two  years  after  he  settled  at 
INIentz,  John  Geinsfleich,  or  his  assistant  John 
Gutenberg,  invented  metal-types,  and  set  them 
in  frames  ;  which  was  so  great  an  improvement, 
that  the  city  of  IMentz  claimed  the  honour  of 
being  the  place  where  printing  was  invented*. 
From  Haerlem  and  Mentz,  this  noble  art  was 
gradually  conveyed  to  other  cities  of  Germany, 
Italy,  France,  England  and  other  countries. 

All  our  historians  and  other  writers,  who  flou-  i"  Eng- 
rished  in  or  near  those  times,  and  mention  the 
hitroduction  of  printing  into  England,  unani- 
mously, and  without  hesitation,  ascribe  that  ho- 
nour to  JNIr  William  Caxton,  mercer  and  citizen 
of  London f.  Attempts  have  since  been  made 
to  deprive  him  of  that  honour,  in  favour  of  one 
Corsellis,  who,  it  is  pretended,  printed  here  some 
years  before  him.  But  the  story  of  Corsellis  is 
in  many  particulars  improbable;  and  there  seems 
still  to  be  good  reason  to  believe  that  Mr  Caxton 
was  really  the  first  printer  of  England^.  This 
modest,  worthy,  and  industrious  man  hath  been 
already  noticed  as  an  historian ;  he  was  also  the 

*  See    Meerman,    Maltaire,    Marchand,    Palmer,   Ames,  &c.    on  the 
liistory  of  printiti;^. 

f  Sec  Dr  Middiclon's  woiks,  4to.  vol.  3,  p.  245.  }  Id.  il)id. 


202  .     HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Rook  V. 

translator  of  many  books  out  of  French  into  Eng- 
lish; but  he  merited  most  of  his  country  by  in- 
troducing the  art  of  }>rinting.  After  he  had 
served  his  apprenticeship  to  an  eminent  mercer 
in  London,  he  went  into  the  Low  Countries, 
A.  D.  1442,  as  agent  to  the  Piercers'  Company, 
and  resided  abroad  about  thirty  years.  He  was 
appointed  by  Edward  IV.,  A.  D.  1464,  his  am- 
bassador to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  commerce  witli 
Philip  Duke  of  Burgundy,  one  of  the  greatest 
princes  in  Europe ;  and  when  the  Lady  JNIarga- 
ret.  King  Edward's  sister,  was  married  to  Charles 
Duke  of  Burgundy,  A.  D.  1468,  he  was  greatly 
favoured  and  much  employed  by  that  active 
princess*.  Though  Mr  Caxton  was  now  about 
fifty-six  years  of  age,  being  a  man  of  great  cu- 
riosity and  indefatigable  industry,  he  acquired, 
"  at  grete  charge  and  dispense"  (as  he  says 
himself),  so  complete  a  knowledge  of  the  new 
and  admired  art  of  printing,  that  he  actually 
printed,  A.  D.  1471,  at  Cologne,  a  book  which 
he  had  translated  out  of  P'rench  into  English, 
called  The  Recule  of  the  Uislorie.s  of  Tnnje\. 
Having  }}resented  a  copy  of  this  book  to  his 
patroness,  the  Duchess  of  Burgundy,  for  wliich 
he  was  well  rewarded,  and  disposed  of  as 
many  copies  as  he  could  on  the  continent,  he 
came  over  to  England,  A.  D.  1472,  bringing 
with  him  the  remaining  copies  as  specimens 
of  his  skill  in  the  art;.     Encouraged  by  Tho- 

•  Rym.  Focd.  torn.  11.  p.  591.  t  Ames,  p.  2—5- 

\  Middkton,  p.  LM9. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  1.  THE  ARTS.  203 

mas  Milling,  Abbot  of  Westminster,  and  others, 
he  set  up  a  printing  press,  A.  D.  1473,  most  pro- 
bably in  the  almonry  of  Westminster-abbey, 
where  it  is  certain  he  wrought  a  few  years  after  ; 
and  from  that  press  he  produced,  in  March  A.  D. 
1474,  a  small  book  translated  by  himself  out  of 
French,  called  The  Game  at  Chess,  w^hich  is  the 
first  book  we  know  with  certainty  was  printed 
in  England*.  From  this  time  to  his  death,  A.  D. 
1491,  he  applied  with  so  much  ardour  to  trans- 
lating and  printing,  that  though  he  was  an  old 
man,  he  published  about  fifty  books,  some  of 
them  large  volumes,  and  many  of  them  translat- 
ed by  himselff .  How  productive  is  incessant 
labour,  and  how  worthy  are  such  men  as  Caxton 
of  a  place  in  the  history  of  their  country  ! 

Though  Mr  Caxton  was  the  first,  he  was  not  Printers, 
the  only  printer  in  England  in  this  period.  Theo- 
dore Rood,  John  Lettow,  William  JMachelina, 
and  Wynkyn  de  Worde,  foreigners,  and  Thomas 
Hunt,  an  Englishman,  printed  in  London  both 
before  and  after  the  death  of  IVIr  Caxton  ;  by 
whom,  it  is  probable,  the  foreigners  were  brought 
into  England,  and  employed  as  his  assistants  |. 
A  schoolmaster  of  St  Alban's,  whose  name  is  not 
preserved,  set  up  a  press  at  that  place  ;  and  seve- 
ral books  were  printed  at  Oxford  between  A.  D, 
1478  and  1485$.     In  the  colophon  of  one  of  the 


'  Middleton,  p.  249.     Ames,  p.  5. 

f  Id.  ibid.      Soe  Biograpliia  Brilannii'a,  iii  Caxton. 

I  Aincs,  p.  71— 110.     Middlttai,  p.  240. 

§  Id.  p  2;iy.  213. 


204  HISTORY  OF  RRITAIX.  Book  V. 

books  ])rintecl  there  in  the  lasst  of  these  years  are 
tlie  following  verses : 


land 


Cclatos,  Vuiicti,  nobis  tninsmiltcre  libros 
Cuditc,  nos  aliis  vendiinus,  O  Veiieti ! 


which  seem  to  indicate,  that  the  English  printers 
were  not  only  able  to  answer  the  demand  for 
books  at  home,  but  even  exported  some  of  their 
works*. 
In  Scot-  ~No  book  hath  yet  been  discovered  printed  in 
Scotland  in  this  period.  But  it  is  highly  proba- 
ble tliat  the  fu-st  productions  of  the  Scottish  press 
perished  in  the  almost  total  destruction  of  the  ca- 
thedral and  monastic  libraries  at  the  lief  ormation. 
The  Scots  had  great  intercourse  \^'ith  the  Low 
Countries,  where  that  art  was  much  practised. 
James  III.  was  exceedingly  fond  of  the  arts,  and 
of  artists,  and  no  less  fond  of  books  ;  and  there- 
fore could  not  but  wish  to  introduce  this  admired 
art  into  his  dominions.  I  have  now  before  me  a 
large,  beautiful,  and  splendid  book,  w^hich  be- 
longed to  that  prince,  as  appears  from  the  fol- 
lowing inscription,  in  the  hand-writing  of  those 
times,  on  the  blank  leaf  fronting  the  title-page :, 
I.ste  liber  pertinet  Ea^cclleulf'ssrmo  et  invictismno 
Pr'mcqu  Jacoho  Tertlo,  Delgratki,  Scotorum  Re- 
gi  Illustrlsdmo.  A  little  below  is  the  king's 
subscription,  Jacobus  Tert'ms  ll.m.  a  very  strong 
and  beautiful  ]iand.  It  is  a  voluminous  system 
of  scholastic  moral  pliiloso})liy,  called  Speculum 

'    3Iiddlitoii,  p.  ^'iO. 


€bap.  5.  Sect  2.  THE  ARTS.  205 

MbraVdatiH  (the  JMirror  of  Morality),  composed 
by  the  famous  Dr  ^''incentius,  consisting  of  278 
leaves  in  large  folio,  of  very  thick  and  white 
paper,  without  signatures,  catchwords,  pages,  or 
folios,  beautifully  printed  in  two  columns,  and 
in  some  places  finely  illuminated.  At  the  end 
is  this  colophon  :  Vlncentii  Specidi  Moralitatis 
liber  secundus,  in  quo  dc  quafuor  novissimis  disse- 
ritur^finitfeliciter  *  *  *,  without  printer's  name, 
place,  or  date.  But  from  the  form  of  the  letter, 
the  great  number  of  abbreviations,  the  want  of 
signatures,  catchwords,  and  folios,  and  some 
other  marks,  it  appears  to  have  been  printed 
about  A.D.  1470,  most  probably  at  Venice.  This 
is  indeed  no  proof  that  printing  was  introduced 
into  Scotland  in  this  period ;  but  it  is  a  proof  that 
James  III.  was  at  the  pains  and  expence  of  pro- 
curing the  most  splendid  and  voluminous  pro- 
ductions of  the  press  from  foreign  countries. 


SECTION  II. 


History  ofthefne  and  jilcasijig  Arts  of  Sculpture,  Paints 
ing.  Poetry,  and  Music,  in  Britain,  from  A.  D.  1400, 
to  A.D.  14-85. 

If  the  frequent  wars  in  which  the  people  of  War  un- 
Brit'iin  were  engaged  in  this  period  were  un-  to'lhe  Le 
friendly  to  the  necessary,  they  could  not  be  fa-  "'*"' 
vom-ablo  to  the  fine  and  pleasing  arts ;  and  if 
any  of  these  flourislied,  it  must  have  been  owino- 

ft 


206  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

to  some  aceidenttil  circumstances.  For  the  muses 
and  tlie  graces  naturally  fly  from  scenes  of  tumult 
and  devastation,  and  delight  in  the  calm  and  se- 
curity of  national  prosperity  and  peace.  A  very 
brief  account,  therefore,  of  these  arts,  in  this 
place,  Avill  be  suflicient. 
Scuiptuic.  We  have  good  reason  to  believe,  that  scidptors 
and  statuaries  were  more  employed,  and  better 
rewarded  for  their  works,  in  this  than  in  any  for- 
mer period,  which  must  have  contributed  to  the 
improvement  of  their  art.  The  followers  ofWick- 
liffe  condemned  the  worship  of  images  in  the 
strongest  terms;  and  several  of  them  submitted  to 
suffer  the  most  painful  death,  rather  than  to  ac- 
knowledge the  lawfulness  of  that  worship*.  This 
alarmed  the  clergy,  and  made  them  redouble  their 
efforts  to  inspire  the  minds  of  the  people  with  a 
superstitious  veneration  for  images.  With  this 
view,  they  not  only  propagated  many  stories  of 
miracles  wrought  by  images,  but  they  increased 
the  number  of  them,  and  grudged  no  expence  to 
procure  such  as,  by  the  excellence  of  their  work- 
manship, the  beauty  of  their  appearance,  and  the 
richness  of  their  dress,  were  likely  to  excite  the 
admiration,  and  inflame  the  devotion,  of  the 
multitude  towards  thernf .  These  efforts  were  not 
unsuccessful.  There  was  no  time  in  which  the 
worship  of  images  more  prevailed  than  in  the  age 
immediately  before  the  Reformation  ;  nor  was 
tliere  any  thing  which  the  people  of  England  then 
relinquisJied  with  greater  reluctance,  than  the 

*    Fox.  p.  476,  477.  f   Id.  p.  489,  &c. 


Chap.  B.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  207 

images  in  tlieir  chiirclies.  Tlie.se,  however,  were 
at  length  completely  removed  and  destroyed ; 
wliich  puts  it  out  of  our  power  to  judge  by  in- 
spection of  the  degree  of  excellence  to  which 
sculpture  had  arrived  in  this  period.  A  few 
statues  still  remain  in  niches,  on  the  outside  of 
some  of  our  cathedrals,  particularly  on  the  west 
end  of  the  cathedral  of  Wells  ;  and  though  these 
outside  statues  were  probably  not  the  works  of 
the  best  artists,  they  afford  no  unfavourable  spe- 
cimen of  this  art  in  those  times*. 

The  taste  of  adorning  sepulchral  monuments  statues. 
with  statues,  and  figures  in  basso  and  alto  relievo, 
prevailed  as  much,  both  in  Britain  and  on  the 
continent,  in  this  as  in  any  period;  and  this 
taste  procvu-ed  much  employment  to  the  sculptor 
and  statuary.  Many  of  these  monuments,  witli 
their  statues,  were  defaced  or  ruined  with  the  con- 
ventual churches  in  which  they  were  placed ; 
but  those  on  the  monuments  in  other  churches 
escaped  much  better  than  the  images  which  had 
been  objects  of  adoration  ;  and  great  numbers  of 
them  are  still  rcmainingf .  If  we  had  proper 
drawings  and  descriptions  of  these  monuments, 
with  their  statues  and  other  ornaments,  they 
would  not  appear  inferior  to  those  of  France, 
of  which  very  elegant  drawings  and  descriptions 
have  been  published |.  For  we  know  with  cer- 
tainty, that  English  artists  were  employed  in 
erecting   monuments    for    some    of   the    great 

*    Blown  Willfcs  Mctr.   AijI).  vol,  2.  p.  rjV.T.      Wartoii  on  Spuncer,  vol. 
'-•  P-  197-  t   Stnitt,  vol.  rj.  p.  184. 

\   See  Montfaufoii  Monumcns  I'rancois,  loin,  3, 


208  HISTORY  OF  ERITALV.  Book  V. 

princes  on  the  continent.  Tlionuis  Colyn/riiomas 
Holewell,  and  Tliomas  Poppeliowe,  made  the 
alabaster  tomb  of  John  IV.  Dnke  of  Brittany,  in 
London,  carried  it  over,  and  erected  it  in  the  ca- 
thedral of  Nants,  A.  D.  1408  ^.  We  know  also, 
that  the  irreat  English  barons  of  those  times  ex- 
pcndcd  much  money  on  their  monuments,  and 
employed,  in  executing  them,  the  best  artists 
that  coulci  be  found  f.  A  few  of  these  artists 
were  foreigners;  but  the  greatest  number  of 
them  were  natives  of  England.  Of  the  live  art- 
ists who  were  employed,  in  erecting  the  monu- 
ment of  Richard  Beauchamp  Earl  of  Warwick 
(who  died  A.  D.  1439),  and  adorning  it  with 
images, four  were  Englishmen,  viz.  two  marblers, 
one  founder,  and  one  coppersmith  ;  the  other 
artist  was  a  Dutch  goldsmith.  The  number  of 
images  adorning  this  monument  was  thirty-two, 
besides  the  great  image  of  tlie  Earl.  These  were 
all  cast  of  the  finest  latten,  by  WiUiam  Austin, 
founder,  of  London,  and  gilded  with  gold  by  Bar- 
tholomew Lambespring,  the  Dutch  goldsmith  |. 
Though  the  beauty  of  this  monument,  and  its 
various  ornaments,  is  much  impaired  by  time, 
yet  some  parts  of  it  are  in  such  preservation, 
as  to  give  us  a  favourable  idea  of  the  skill 
of  these  artists,  and  of  the  improving  state  of 
their  several  arts.  This  monument,  with  the 
chapel  of  our  Lady  in  St  Mary's  church,  War- 


*  Rym.  Feed,  torn  8.  p.  510. 

f   See   Moniiraenta   Westmoiistoricnsin.        Weavcv's   Funpral    Moiui- 
inents.      Diigdale's  Warwickshire.      Stow's  .Survey.  &:C.  &c. 
I   Dugdale's  Warwickshire,  vol.  1.  }>■  4i.'i,  446. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  209 

wick,  in  which  it  was  erected,  cost  24811.  4s.  7d., 
equivalent  to  24,8001.  of  our  money  at  present* 
In  a  word,  in  an  age  when  hardly  any  person  of 
rank  or  wealth  died  who  had  not  a  monument 
erected  to  his  memory,  with  his  effigies,  in  free- 
stone, marble,  or  metal  upon  it,  the  artists  who 
were  employed  in  erecting  these  monuments, 
having  so  much  employment,  and  so  great  en- 
couragement, could  not  fail  to  make  improve- 
ments in  their  arts. 

The  reigning  superstitions  of  those  times,  with  Painting. 
the  vanity  of  the  rich  and  great,  contributed  as 
much  to  the  improvement  of  painting,  as  of  the 
arts  above  mentioned,  by  furnishing  constant  em- 
ployment, and  good  encouragement,  to  a  great 
number  of  painters.  For  as  cathedral,  conven- 
tual, and  other  rich  churches,  were  crowded  with 
crucifixes  and  images,  and  their  chapels  with  se- 
pulchral statues,  so  the  walls  of  both  were  almost 
covered,  and  their  windows  almost  obscured, 
with  paintings  of  various  kinds,  as  pictures  of  our 
Saviour,  the  Virgin  Mary,  the  apostles,  and  other 
saints,  Scripture-histories,  allegorical  and  armo- 
rial pieces,  kc.  All  these  paintings  have  been 
long  ago  destroyed,  except  a  few  fragments  of 
painted  glass  ;  but  we  have  sufficient  evidence 
that  they  did  exist,  and  that  many  of  them  were 
painted  in  this  period.  "  John  Carpenter,  town- 
"  clerk  of  London,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V., 
"  caused,  with  great  expences,  to  be  curiously 
"  painted  upon  board,  about  tlie  north  cloister 

•   Dugdale's  Warwickshire,  vol,  1.  p.  -147. 
VOL.  X.  P 


210  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

"  of  St  Piuil's,  ii  monument  of  Death,  leading 
"  all  estates,  with  the  speeches  of  Death,  and 
"  answer  of  every  state*."  This  famous  picture, 
called,  the  Dance  of  Death,  contained  the  figures 
of  persons  in  all  the  different  ranks  of  life,  in 
theu-  proper  dresses,  and  Avas  painted  in  imita- 
tion of  one  of  the  same  kind,  in  the  cloister  ad- 
joining to  St  Iimocent's  church-yard  in  Paris. 
The  French  verses  were  translated  in  to  English  by 
John  Lydgate,  the  poetic  monk  of  Buryf .  The 
expence  of  painting  the  above-mentioned  monu- 
ment of  Richard  Earl  of  AVarwick,  and  the  cha- 
pel, was  considerable ;  and  these  paintings  were 
of  differeiit  kinds,  and  performed  by  different 
artists.  John  Prudde,  glazier  in  Westminster, 
engaged  to  glaze  the  chapel  "  with  glass  from 
*'  beyond  the  seas,  of  the  finest  colours,  of  blue, 
"  yellow,  red,  purpure,  sanguine,  and  violet,  and 
"  of  all  other  colours  that  shall  be  most  necessary 
"  and  best,  to  make  rich  and  embellish  the  mat- 
"  ters,  images,  and  stories,  that  shall  be  delivered 
"  to  him  by  patterns  on  paper,  afterwards  to  be 
"  newly  traced  and  pictured  by  another  painter, 
"  in  rich  colour,  at  his  charges  t-"  It  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  fifty-three  delineations,  illus- 
trating the  history  of  this  Earl  of  Warwick  by 
John  Rous,  who  then  resided  at  Warwick  (con- 
tained in  a  MS.  in  the  Cotton  library),  which 
have  been  published  by  Mr  Strutt,  are  the  very 

*   Stow's  Survey  of  London,  vol.  1.  p.  261. 

t   Dugdale's   St  Paul's,   p.  1S4.     Walpole's    Anecdotes  of  Painting, 
vol.  1.  p.  71.  8vo. 

t   Dugdale's  Warwickshire,  vol.  i.  p.  446. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  o- , 

patterns  that  were  delivered  to  John  Prudde  to 
be  painted  on  the  windows  of  the  chapel,  oi* 
that  these   delineations  were  copied   from  the 
windows  after  they  were  painted*.     However 
this  may  be,  the  glass  and  workmanship  cost 
1081.,  equivalent  to  10801.  of  our  money  f.   John 
Brentwood  steyner,  of  London,  covenanted  "  to 
"  paint  fine  and  curiously  on  the  west  wall  of  the 
"  chapel,  the  dome  of  our  Lord  God  Jesus,  and 
"  aU  manner  of  devices  and  imagery  thereto  be- 
"  longing,  of  fair  and  sightly  proportion  ;"  for 
which  he  was  to  receive  131.  6s.  8d.,  equivalent 
to  1301. 1"     Christian  Coliburne  painter  in  Lon- 
don, covenanted  "  to  paint  in  most  fine,  fairest, 
"  and  curious  wise,  four  images  of  stone  ordained 
"  for  the  new  chapel  in  Warwick  ;  whereof  two 
"  principal  images,  the  one  of  our  Lady,  the  other 
"  of  St  Gabriel  the  angel ;  and  two  less  images, 
"  one  of  St  Anne  and  another  of  St  Georsre : 
"  these  four  to  be  painted  Avith  the  finest  oil 
"  colours,  in  the  richest,  finest,  and  freshest  clo- 
"  things  that  may  be  made  of  fine  gold,  azure,  of 
"  fine  purpure,  of  fine  white,  and  other  finest  co- 
*'  lours  necessary,  garnished,  bordered,  and  pow- 
"  dered,    in  the  finest  and  curiousest  wise  §." 
We  have  no  opportunity  of  knowing  with  what 
taste  these  paintings  were  executed  ;  but  it  was 
certainly  intended  that  they  should  be  very  fine. 

Portrait-painting  had  not  yet  become  fashiona-  portrait. 
ble,  and  we  hardly  hear  of  any  portraits  that  were  p^"*'"^' 

*   See  Strutt,  vol.  3.  j-    Dugdalc,  vol.  3. 

t   Id.  ibid.  1).  417,  «   ld.il)id. 


212  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN,  Book  V. 

painted  in  this  period,  except  those  of  a  few  great 
princes,  prelates,  and  nobles*.     As  this  branch 
of  the  art,  therefore,  was  not  much  cultivated, 
it  was  not  much  improved.    The  portraits  of  the 
kings  and  queens  of  England,  and  of  a  few  other 
eminent  persons  of  those  times,  which  are  still 
preserved,  have  been  examined  by  a  gentleman 
of  distinguished  taste  ;  and  on  his  authority  it 
may  be  safely  pronounced,  that  portrait-painting 
in  Britain  was  then  in  a  very  imperfect  state f. 
In  the  museum  of  the  Society  of  Antiquaries  of 
Scotland,  lately  established  at  Edinburgh,  by  a 
royal  charter,  there  is  a  portrait,  in  oil  colours, 
well  preserved,  with  the  following  inscription,  in 
Spanish,  at  the  bottom,  "  The  most  excellent  and 
"  most  serene  Lord  T.  George  Innes,  a  native 
"  of  Scotland,  minister-provincial  and  vicar-ge- 
"  neral  of  England,   cardinal,   who   flourished 
"  A.  D.  1412,  and  wrote  those  books."     The 
books  are  painted  near  the  top  of  the  picture  on 
a  shelf,  with  the  following  titles  in  Latin:  "  De- 
"  scription  of  Jerusalem  in  its  deformity — La- 
"  mentations  of  the  Holy  Land — Griefs  of  the 
*•  Virgin   Mary — History  of  the  order  of  the 
"  Holy  Trinity  for  the  redemption  of  captives." 
The  cardinal  is  drawn  in  the  habit  of  the  order 
of  the  Trinity  (in  which  he  made  a  conspicuous 
figure,  as  superior  of  the  convent  at  Aberdeen, 
minister-provincial  for  Scotland,  and  at  last  vi- 

*   See  Hon.  Mr  Walpole's  Anecdotes  of  Painting,  ch.  2,  3. 
f  Id.  ibid. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  213 

car-general  for  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland), 
with  the  cross  of  that  order  on  his  breast,  and 
the  red  mantle  of  a  cardinal  above  his  habit.  On 
his  head  he  hath  a  small  red  bonnet,  and  the 
large  red  hat  on  a  table  before  him.  In  his 
right  hand,  extended,  he  holds  a  pen,  in  his  left 
a  scroll  of  paper ;  his  eyes  are  lifted  up,  his  face 
turned  a  little  to  one  side,  with  strong  expres- 
sions of  intense  thought  and  contemplation. 
This  picture  hath  probably  been  preserved  by  the 
care  of  the  ancient  and  honourable  family  of 
Innes,  in  Aberdeenshire,  from  which  the  cardinal 
was  descended,  and  was  lately  presented  to  the 
society  by  a  gentleman  of  that  family.  If  it  was 
really  painted  in  Spain,  A.  D.  1412,  only  two 
years  after  painting  in  oil  is  said  to  have  been  in- 
vented by  John  Van  Eyck,  it  affords  another 
presumptive  proof,  that  this  invention  is  more 
ancient  than  is  commonly  believed. 

The  illuminators  of  books  supplied  the  place  iiiumin«- 
both  of  histoiy  and  portrait-painters  in  this  period, 
and  present  us  with  the  pictures  of  many  eminent 
persons  of  both  sexes,  and  representations  of 
various  transactions,  in  miniature.  This  delicate 
art  of  illuminating  was  chiefly  cultivated  by  the 
monks,  and  carried  to  a  high  degree  of  perfec- 
tion. Many  beautiful  specimens  of  this  art  are 
still  remaining  in  the  British  Museum,  and  other 
libraries ;  and  prints  of  a  considerable  number 
of  them  have  been  published  by  Mr  Strutt*. 

-  See  Strutt's  Ecclesiastical  and  Civil  Antiquities  of  England. 


214,  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Tliough  these  prints  do  not  exhibit  the  bright 
and  vivid  colours  of  the  originals,  tliey  give  us  a 
view,  not  only  of  the  persons  and  dresses  of  our 
ancestors,  but  also  of  their  customs,  manners, 
arts,  and  employment,  their  arms,  ships,  houses, 
furniture,  kd.  and  enable  us  to  judge  of  their  skill 
in  (h'avvins:  and  colourino;.  Their  figures  are  often 
stiff  and  formal ;  but  their  ornaments  are  in  ge- 
neral fine  and  delicate,  and  their  colours  clear 
and  bright,  particularly  their  gold  and  azure.  In 
some  of  these  illuminations  the  passions  are 
strongly  painted.  How  strongly,  for  example, 
is  terror  painted  in  tlie  faces  of  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick's sailors,  when  they  were  threatened  with 
a  shipwreck,  and  grief  in  in  the  countenances  of 
those  who  were  present  at  the  death  of  that 
hero*  ?  After  the  introduction  of  printing,  this 
elegant  art  of  illuminating  gradually  declined, 
and  at  length  was  quite  neglected. 

Poetry.  Geoffrey  Chaucer  and  John  Gower,  the  illus- 

trious fathers  of  English  poetry,  died  in  the  be- 
ginning of  this  period ;  and  after  their  death, 
that  pleasing  art  evidently  declined  and  lan- 
guished. Of  tliis  their  successors  seem  to  have 
been  sensible,  acknowledged  them  for  their  mas- 
ters, and  loaded  them  with  praises. 

Praise  of        Jamcs  I.,  Kino"  of  Scotland,  an  excellent  poet, 

Chaucer  '  &  '  1  > 

and  Gow-   as  wcU  as  most  accomplished  prince,  concludes 
James  I.     his  pocm  callcd  77te  King's  Qtmir,  with  a  kind  of 

dedication  of  it  to  the  memory  of  these  two 

great  poets,  then  lately  dead. 

»  See  StruU,  vjl,  2.  plates  5*.  58. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  215 

Unto  impnis  ot  my  maisteris  dere, 

Gowere  and  Chaucere,  that  on  the  steppis  sail 

Of  rcthorike,  quhill  thai  were  lyvand  here. 

Superlative  as  poetis  laureate, 

In  moralitee  and  eloquence  ornate, 

I  recommend  my  buk  in  lynis  seven, 

And  eke  their  saulis  unto  the  blisse  of  hevin  *. 

Occleve,  who  seems  to  have  been  personally  By  Oc- 
acquainted  with  Chaucer,  and  to  have  received 
instructions   from   him    in   poetiy,   frequently 
laments  his  death  in  very  pathetic  strains: 

My  dere  mayster,  God  his  soul  quite. 

And  fader  Chaucer  fayne  would  have  me  taught ; 

But  I  was  dule,  and  learned  lyte  or  naught, 

Alas  !  my  worthy  mayster  honourable. 

This  londis  very  tresour  and  rechesse, 

Deth,  by  thy  deth,  hathe  harme  irreparable 

Unto  us  donef . 

John  Lydgate,  the  poetic  monk  of  Bury,  was  By  Lyd- 
no  less  lavish  in  his  praises  of  Chaucer :  ^^  '* 


My  maister  Chaucer 

And  if  I  shall  shortly  him  descrive. 
Was  never  none  to  thys  daye  alyve. 
To  rckon  all,  bothe  of  young  and  olde. 
That  worthy  was  his  inkehorne  for  to  holdc  J. 


As  these  three  writers,  who  thus  celebrated 
their  illustrious  predecessors,  were  unquestion- 
ably the  best  poets  of  this  period,  it  is  necessary 


"  Poetical  Remains  of  James  I.  p.  162. 
f  Warton'8  History  of  Poetry,  vol.  2.  p.  42. 
I  Lydgate's  Siege  of  Troy,  book  5. 


James  I. 
imtortu- 
iiate. 


216  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

to  give  a  brief  account  of  their   genius  and 
principal  works. 

As  James  I.  of  Scotland  was  one  of  the  most 
accom})lislied  princes  that  ever  filled  a  throne, 
he  was  also  one  of  the  most  unfortunate.    After 
spendiirg  almost  twenty  years  in  captivity,  and 
encountering  many  difficulties  on  his  return  into 
liis  native  kingdom,  he  was  murdered  by  barba- 
rous assassins,  in  the  prime  of  life.    In  the  monu- 
ments of  his  genius  he  hath  been  almost  equally 
imfortunate.   No  vestiges  are  now  remaining  of 
Ills  skill  in  architecture,  gardening,  and  painting; 
though  we  are  assured  by  one  who  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  him,  that  he  excelled  in  all  these 
arts*.     IMany  of  the  productions  of  his  pen  have 
also  perished ;  for  he  tells  us  himself  that  he 
wrote  muchf ;  and  we  know  only  of  three  of 
his  poems  that  are  now  extant,   viz.   Christ's 
Kirk  of  the  Green — Peebles  to  the  Play — and 
the  King's  Quair,  which  was  lately  discovered 
by  ]VIr  Warton,  and  hath  been  published  by 
another  gentleman:]:.     But  slender  as  these  re- 
mains are,  they  afford  sufficient  evidence,  that 
the  genius  of  this  royal  poet  was  not  inferior 
to  that  of  any  of  his  contemporaries ;  and  that 
it  was  equally  fitted  for  the  gayest  or  the  bravest 
strains. 


*  Sooticron.  lib.  16.  cap.  30. 
f  King's  Quair,  canto  I.  stan.  IS. 

\  See  Poetical  llcmains  of  James  I.  jmblislied  by  William    Tyllei  ol 
Woodliousclee,  Esq.     Walton's  Hist.  Poet.  vol.  2.  p.  125. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2-  THE  ARTS.  ^17 

The  first  of  the  above  mentioned  poems  is  well  Christ's 

Kirk 

known,  and  hath  been  often  printed.  It  is  a 
ludicrous  description  of  a  country -wedding,  at 
Christ's  Kirk,  in  Aberdeenshire,  which  began 
with  music  and  dancing,  and  ended  in  a  fray. 
The  awkward  gambols  and  merriment  of  the 
country-people,  and  the  comical  incidents  of  a 
quarrel  which  ensvied  between  two  young  men, 
and  soon  became  general,  with  the  ridiculous 
attitudes,  actions,  and  speeches  of  the  com- 
batants, (who  threatened  much,  and  performed 
little,)  are  described  in  strains  of  wit  and  plea- 
santry highly  entertaining  to  those  who  under- 
stand the  language.  The  last  stanza,  which  de- 
scribes a  cowardly  braggadochio,  who  appeared 
with  terrible  threats,  after  the  fray  was  ended, 
and  when  he  knew  there  was  no  danger,  may  be 
given  as  a  specimen  : 

Quhen  all  wcs  done,  Dik  with  ane  aix 

Cam  furtli  to  fell  a  suddir  *, 
Quod  he,  quhair  ar  yon  hangit  smaix, 

Rycht  now  wald  slane  ray  bruder : 
His  wyf  bad  him  ga  hame,  Gib  glaiks, 

And  sa  did  Meg  his  mudcr, 
He  turnit,  and  gaif  them  baith  their  paikis, 

For  he  durst  ding  nane  uder, 

For  feir, 
At  Christis  Kirk  of  the  Grenc  that  day. 

The  historian  John  Major,  who  flourished  in  Kcbics  to 
the  end  of  the  fifteenth,  and  the  beginning  of  ^'"^  ^'^^' 
the  sixteentli  century,  acquaints  us,  that  in  his 
time  several  poems  which  had  been  comjwscd 

♦  To  kill  a  great  number. 


218  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V^ 

by  James  I.,  were  repeated  and  admired  by  the 
people  of  Scotland ;  particularly  a  very  witty 
and  pleasant  song,  which  began  with  these  words, 
"  Yas  sin,  &c."  and  another  with  "  At  Bel- 
"  tayn*."  It  had  long  been  supposed  that 
both  these  poems  were  irretrievably  lost.  The 
last  of  them,  however,  hath  been  lately  reco- 
vered and  publislied,  with  this  title,  "  Pebles 
"  to  the  Playj."  It  is  in  the  same  kind  of 
stanza  and  verse  with  Christ's  Kirk  of  the 
Green,  and  with  the  same  pleasantry  and  hu- 
mour describes  the  adventures  of  a  company 
of  country-people,  who  went  to  Peebles  to 
see  the  annual  games  at  that  place.  This 
amiable  prince  seems  to  have  delighted  in 
seeing  his  subjects  in  their  Sunday's  clothes, 
and  in  their  hours  of  festivity.  The  first  stanza 
may  be  a  specimen  : 

At  Beltane,  when  ilk  bodie  bownis 

To  Pebles  to  the  play, 
To  heir  the  singcn  and  the  soiindis ; 

The  solace,  seith  to  say, 
Be  firth  and  forest  fiirth  they  found ; 

Thay  grathit  tliam  full  gay  ; 
God  wait  what  wald  they  do  that  stound. 

For  it  was  thair  feest  day, 
Thay  said, 

Of  Pebles  to  the  play  \. 

Kings  The  chief  work  of  Kinff  James  now  known  is 

the  poem  lately  published,  called  the  King's  Quair, 

*  J.  Major  dc  gcstis  Scotorum. 

f  It  was  discovered  by  Dr  Percy,   and  is  published   in  a  collection  of 
Scottish  Ballad:;,  vol.  2. "p.  I. 
I  Colleclion  of  select  Scottish  Ballads,  vol.  2.  p.  1 . 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  219 

i.  €.  the  King's  Book,  consisting  of  197  stanzas, 
of  seven  lines  each,  divided  into  six  cantos.  It 
was  written  in  honour  of  Lady  Jane  Beaufort, 
his  beautiful  mistress,  afterwards  his  beloved 
queen ;  and  few  ladies  have  had  so  fine  a  poem 
composed  in  their  praise  by  a  royal  lover. 

In  the  first  canto,  after  bewailing  the  uncom-  Canto  i, 
fortable  days  and  restless  nights  he  spent  in  pri- 
son, he  teUs  us,  that  one  morning  the  bell  that 
rung  to  matins  seemed  to  call  upon  him  to  tell 
the  story  of  his  love,  which,  after  some  hesita- 
tion, he  determined  to  do,  and  invoked  the  aid 
of  the  nine  muses. 

In  the  second  canto,  he  relates  his  sorrowful  Canto  2. 
parting  with  his  friends  when  he  was  very  young, 
his  capture  and  imprisonment,  and  again  laments 
his  loss  of  liberty  and  long  confinement,  in  very 
affecting  strains.  He  then  comes  to  the  main 
subject  of  his  poem,  the  story  of  his  love ;  and 
tells  us,  that  one  morning  in  IMay,  as  he  was 
looking  down  from  the  window  of  his  prison  in 
AVindsor  castle  into  the  garden  below,  listening 
to  the  love-songs  of  nightingales,  and  wondering 
what  the  passion  of  love  could  be,  which  he  had 
never  felt,  he  adds. 


And  therewith  kcst  I  doun  myn  eye  agcyne, 
Quhare  as  I  saw  walking  under  the  Tourc, 

Full  sccretely,  new  cumyn  Iiir  to  pleyne, 
The  fairest  or  the  frcschest  zoung  floure 
That  ever  I  saw,  methought,  before  that  houii, 

For  (juiiich  sodayne  abate,  anon  asterl, 

The  blude  of  all  my  body  to  my  hcrt. 


02Q  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

He  then  paints  the  various  emotions  of  his 
lieart,  and  the  beauties  of  his  mistress  in  strong 
and  o-lowino-  colours.  His  invocation  of  Venus, 
and  his  invitation  of  the  nightingales  to  enter- 
tain his  lady  with  thek  songs,  are  finely  imagin- 
ed and  expressed.  At  her  leaving  the  garden, 
he  sunk  into  the  deepest  melancholy : 


To  scne  her  part,  and  folowe  I  na  might, 
Methought  the  day  was  turnyt  into  nyt,  &c. 


Canto  3.  "^^^^  third  canto  proves,  that  King  James  pos- 
sessed the  most  rare  and  necessary  qualification 
of  a  great  poet,  a  lively  and  inventive  fancy. 
He  imagined  that  he  was  transported  in  a  bright 
cloud  to  the  planet  Venus,  and  admitted  into 
the  palace  of  the  Queen  of  Love,  where  he  be- 
lield  all  who  had  been  the  votaries  to  that  divi- 
nity divided  into  different  classes,  according  to 
their  different  characters  and  fortunes.  His  de- 
scriptions of  these  different  classes  of  lovers  dis- 
cover that  he  had  acquired  an  extensive  know- 
ledge of  mankind,  even  in  the  sohtude  of  his  pri- 
son. The  clerical  and  conventual  lovers,  who  had 
taken  vows  of  virginity  are  thus  described : 


And  efter  this,  upon  yon  stage  adoun, 
Tho'  that  thou  seis  stand  in  capis  wyde : 

Yon  vt  re  whilom  folk  of  rehgion, 
That  from  the  warld  their  governance  did  hide, 

And  freely  servit  lufe  on  every  syde, 
In  secrete,  with  tliaiie  bodyis  and  Ihaire  gudis. 
And  lo  I  why  so,  ihey  hingin  down  thaire  hudis. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  g^l 

The  descriptions  of  Cupid  and  Venus,  his  ad- 
dress to  that  goddess,  and  her  answer,  discover  an 
equal  richness  of  CKpression  and  invention.  Ve- 
nus, after  promising  her  aid,  sends  him  under  the 
conduct  of  Good-Hope  to  JNIinerva  for  advice. 

The  fourth  canto  contains  his  journey  to  the  Canto  4. 
palace  of  IMinerva,  his  address  to  that  goddess, 
and  her  answer.  Mineiva,  after  questioning  him 
concerning  the  nature  of  his  love,  and  being 
convinced  by  his  ansA^ers  that  it  was  of  the 
most  sincere,  vu'tuoui,  and  honourable  kind, 
gives  him  many  wise  advices,  and  this  amongst 
others : 

Be  trewf  and  meke,  and  stedfast  in  thy  thot, 
And  diligevt  her  mere!  to  procure, 

Not  onel;  in  thy  word,  for  word  is  not. 
But  gif  thyverk  and  all  thy  besy  cure 

Accord  tbreto  — — 

Minerva  then  acquaints  him,  that  the  success  of 
every  enterprie  depended  on  the  decree  of  Hea- 
ven, which,  mongst  men,  was  called  Fortune, 
and  directs  hin  to 


Pray  Fortie  help ;  for  such  unlikely  thing 
Full  oft  a)ut  she  sodeynly  dooth  bring. 


He  then  too  his  leave  of  JMincrva,  and  thus  de- 
scribes his  decent  from  her  celestial  palace : 

Us  straught  as  ony  lyne 

Within  aeme,  that  thro  the  contree  dyvine, 
Sclie  perng  through  the  firmament  extendit, 
To  grou)  agevHe  my  spirit  is  descendit. 


222  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

In  these  two  cantos,  the  King  very  artfully 
contrives  to  put  several  fine  compliments  to  his 
mistress  into  the  mouths  of  Venus  and  INIi- 
nerva. 

Canto  5.  In  tho  5th  canto,  he  sets  out  in  quest  of  For- 
tune, conducted  by  Gocd-Hope,  and  describes 
the  rivers,  trees,  and  arimals  of  the  beautifid 
country  through  which  they  travelled,  in  very 
poetical  language.  He  found  the  goddess  sit- 
ting on  the  ground,  dressed  in  a  party-coloured 
robe,  sometimes  frowning  and  sometimes  smil- 
ing, with  her  wheel  before  her,  from  which  he 
saw  many  persons  fall  headlong  irto  a  profound 
pit,  out  of  which  few  of  them  emerged.  Hav- 
ing implored  her  aid  for  the  success  of  her  love, 
she  encouraged  him  to  mount  hei wheel  boldly, 
to  stand  fii-m  and  hold  fast ;  but  ii  assisting  him 
to  mount,  he  says, 

She  by  the  ere  mo  toke 

So  ornestly  that  there  withall  I  woke. 

Canto  c.  In  the  sixth  canto,  he  describe  the  painful 
perplexity  he  was  in,  to  know  whejier  what  had 
passed  was  a  vain  dream,  or  a  real  ision,  which 
could  afford  him  any  solid  hopes.  In  this  per- 
plexity he  walked  to  the  window  <  his  prison, 
where  "  A  turture  white  as  calk"  aghted  upon 
his  hand,  with  a  stalk  of  gillyflowerin  her  beak, 
which  she  delivered  to  liim,  and  tok  her  flight. 
On  the  leaves  of  the  flowers  thesa^erses  were 
written : 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  2^6 

Awake !  awake !  I  bring  lusar,  I  bring 
The  newis  glad,  that  blissful  ben  and  sure 

Of  thy  confort ;  now  launch,  and  play,  and  sing, 
That  art  besid  so  glad  an  avanture  ; 

For  in  the  hevyn  decretit  is  thy  cure. 


Having  read  these  verses  a  hundred  times,  they 
dispelled  all  his  fears,  and  filled  him  with  the 
most  hvely  transports  of  joy. 

To  these  six  cantos  is  subjoined  an  epilogue, 
in  which  he  pours  a  profusion  of  blessings  on 
every  person  and  every  thing  which  had  contri- 
buted to  the  success  of  his  love,  and  paints  his 
own  happiness  in  the  purest  and  strongest  colours. 

It  is  with  difficulty  I  restrain  myself  from  giv- 
incT  a  fuller  view  of  the  lono'-lost  remains  of  this 
most  amiable  and  accomplished  prince,  whose 
fame  hath  not  been  equal  to  his  merit. 


Thomas  Occleve  flourished  in  the  reign  of  occieve. 
Henry  V.,  and  composed  a  considerable  number 
of  poems;  but  as  few  of  them  have  been  thought 
worthy  of  publication  in  print,  it  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  give  his  character  as  a  poet,  in  the  words 
of  one  of  the  best  informed  and  most  judicious 
critics  of  the  present  age.  "  Occleve  is  a  feeble 
*'  writer,  considered  as  a  poet ;  and  his  chief  me- 
"  rit  seems  to  be,  that  his  writings  contributed  to 
"  propagate  and  establish  those  improvements  in 
"  our  language  which  were  now  beginning  to  take 
"  place.    His  works  indicate  a  coldness  of  genius. 


224  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

"  and,  on  the  whole,  promise  no  gratification  to 
"  those  who  seek  for  invention  and  fancy*." 

Lytigatc.  John  Ljdgatc,  a  monk  in  the  great  Benedic- 
tine monastery  at  St  Edmundsbury,  was  by  far 
the  most  voluminous,  and,  in  some  respects,  the 
best  poet  of  this  period.  He  composed  verses 
on  a  great  variety  of  subjects,  and  many  differ- 
ent occasions.  His  principal  works,  which  have 
been  printed,  were  these  four, — The  Lyfe  of  our 
I,ady,— The  Fall  of  Princes,— The  Siege  of 
Thebes, — and  The  Destruction  of  Troy.  Of 
these,  and  Lydgate's  other  poems,  the  reader 
will  find  a  satisfactory  account,  with  many  spe- 
cimens in  the  excellent  work  quoted  below  f. 
The  chief  excellencies  of  this  poet  were,  the 
smoothness  of  his  versification,  and  the  strength, 
beauty,  and  copiousness  of  his  descriptions,  in 
which  he  a]3ounds ;  but  he  seems  to  have  been 
inferior  to  his  contemporary  King  James  in  ori- 
ginality, and  the  powers  of  invention.  Lydg-ate 
was  not  only  a  good  poet,  but  also  a  genenil 
scholar,  acquainted  with  all  the  learning  of  the 
times  in  which  he  flourished ;  and  it  is  no  small 
reproach  to  those  times,  that  he  died  in  his  mo- 
nastery, at  an  advanced  age,  without  ever  hav^ 
ing  received  any  preferment. 

,?ni?  Several  other  poets,  or  rather  versifiers,  appear- 

ed in  this  period ;  but  they  are  not  entitled  to  a 
]:)lace  in  general  history.  I  am  fully  convinced, 
that  the  poems  published  a  few  years  ago,  under 

■        ■■■■',-    t ' .       /  ;  i  J  , 

*  Warton's  History  of  English  Poetry,  vol.  2.  p.  38. 
f  Id.  ibid.  [).  51—100. 


poets 


music. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  225 

the  name  of  Thomas  Rowlie,  confessor  to  Wil- 
liam Canning,  the  famous  merchant  of  Bristol, 
Were  neither  written  by  that  gentleman,  nor  by 
any  other  person  in  this  period.  It  is  impossible, 
however,  to  peruse  these  poems,  without  lament- 
ing the  untimely  fate  of  the  unhappy  youth  who 
was  their  real  author. 

As  martial  music  was  much  used  and  culti-  isrartra! 
vated  in  this  period,  it  is  probable  that  it  was 
improved ;  but  of  the  particulars  of  these  im- 
provements we  have  no  certain  information. 
The  band  which  attended  Hemy  V.  in  France, 
consisted  of  ten  clarions,  and  many  other  instru- 
ments, and  played  an  hour  every  morning  and 
another  every  evening,  at  the  King's  head-quar- 
ters*. 

Church  music  was  cultivated  with  as  much  church 
care  and  diligence  in  this  as  in  any  preceding- 
period.  As  the  clergy  endeavoured  to  captivate 
the  eyes  of  the  people  by  the  magnificence  of 
their  churches,  the  beauty  of  their  paintings  and 
images,  the  splendour  of  their  dresses,  the  pomp 
of  their  processions,  &c.  so  they  endeavoured  to 
charm  their  ears  by  the  sweetness  of  tiieir  music; 
especially  in  cathedral  and  conventual  chm'ches, 
and  in  the  chapels  of  kings,  prelates,  and  great 
barons,  where  the  service  was  daily  sung  by  nu- 
merous bands  of  men  and  boys,  to  the  sound  of 
organs.  This  made  it  necessary  for  all  who  assist- 
ed in  performing  the  public  offices  of  the  church, 
to  acquire  a  competent  knowledge  of  music,  and 

•   Monstrclet,  HI).  2.  cli.  227. 
vol,.  X.  Q 


music. 


«  scieiMC. 


226  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  BookV. 

caused  those  who  excelled  in  that  art  to  be  much 
admired  and  well  rewarded. 
Studied  as       Church  m\isic  was  not  merely  practised  as  an 
art,  but  the  theory  of  it  was  studied  as  a  science, 
in  this  period.     It  was  one  of  the  four  sciences 
which  constituted  the  quadrivium  of  the  schools  ; 
and  was  studied  with  greater  attention  than  any 
of  the  other  three,  which  were,  arithmetic,  geo- 
metry, and  astronomy.     A  considerable  mmibei- 
of  the  youth  who  were  educated  for  the  chm-ch 
made  music  their  principal  study  at  the  univer- 
sities, in  order  to  obtain  the  academical  honours 
of  bachelors  and  doctors  of  music ;  because  those 
who  obtained  these  honours  were  almost  certain 
of  preferment.     Thomas    Saintwix,    doctor  of 
music,  for  example,  was  appointed  provost  of 
King's   College,  in  Cambridge,  by  its  founder, 
Henry  VI.,  A.  D.  1463*. 
Counter-         Harmouy  was  now  superadded  to  the  melody 
or  plain  chant  of  the  ancient  church.     Counter- 
point M^as  invented,  though  it  was  very  imperfect- 
ly understood.  This  new  art,  as  it  may  be  called, 
furnished  an  ample  field  for  exercising  the  genius 
and  industry  of  musical  students  ;  and  this  was 
the  chief  subject  of  their  studies.     A  great  num- 
ber of  tracts  on  counterpoint  were  written  in 
England  and  other  countries  in  this  period,  of 
which  the  greatest  part  are  lost.    Many  pieces  of 
this  new  music  were  composed  for  the  church,  but 
very  few  of  them  have  been  preserved  f.     The 

•    Rym.  Feed.  torn.  11.  p.  510. 

I   See  Dr  Burney's  History  of  Music,  vol.  2.  c.  4,  .<;.     Sir  John  Maw- 
kins,  vol,  S. 


point. 


Chap.  5.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  ggy 

honour  of  inventing  counterpoint  is  ascribed  to 
the  Enghsh  by  John  Tinctor,  one  of  the  best 
Writers  on  music  in  this  period.  "  Of  which  new 
*'  art  (says  he),  as  I  may  call  it,  viz.  counter- 
"  point,  the  fountain  and  origin  is  said  to  have 
"  been  among  the  Englisli,  of  whom  Dunstable 
"  was  the  chief  or  head*."  In  these  words,  the 
invention  of  counterpoint  is  ascribed  to  the  Eng- 
lish, but  not  to  Dunstable,  who  is  only  said  to 
have  been  at  the  head  of  the  English  musicians 
of  his  time,  of  wliich  there  is  sufficient  evidence 
still  remainingf .  John  Dunstable,  famous  for 
his  superior  skill  in  astronomy  and  music,  flou- 
rished in  the  former  part  of  the  fifteenth  centu- 
ry, and  died  in  Londortj  A.  D.  1458.  Tinctor, 
who  flourished  in  the  same  century,  could  not 
be  ignorant  that  counterpoint  was  invented  be- 
fore the  birth  of  Dunstable.  It  is  not  impro- 
bable, that  what  Giraldus  Cambrensis  had  writ- 
ten concerning  the  natural  harmony  practised 
by  the  people  of  Wales  and  the  Nortli  of  Eng- 
land in  his  time,  gave  rise  to  the  report,  that 
counterpoint  was  invented  in  England  f. 

Church  music  was  not  only  admired  and  stu-  studied  by 
died  by  the  clergy,  but  it  was  one  of  the  most  '^  *'  ^'' 
pleasing  amusements  of  the  laity,  and  was  culti- 
vated with  diligence  and  success  by  persons  of  the 
highest  rank.  Henry  V.  was  an  admirer  of  church 
music,  and  amlised  himself  with  playing  on  the 
organ  J.     His  contemporary,  James  I.  of  Scot- 

•   Burncy,  vol.  2.  p.  -150.  f  Id.  ibid.  p.  405—112. 

i  Sl-c-  vol.  6.  p.  251,  '^52.  §   Thomas  de  fitaiham,  p.  12 


22S  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

land,  was  a  capital  performer  on  tlie  organ,  and 
even  composed  several  pieces  of  sacred  music  for 
the  use  of  the  church*.  James  III.  beinir  no 
less  fond  of  music  than  of  the  other  fine  arts,  in- 
vited the  most  famous  musicians  to  his  court, 
and  loaded  them  with  favours.  Sir  WilUam 
Rogers,  a  musician,  was  one  of  liis  six  unhappy 
favourites  who  were  put  to  death  at  Lauder, 
A.  D.  1482f.  Ferrerius,  an  Italian,  who  wrote 
he  history  of  this  prince,  acquaints  us,  that  he 
had  conversed  with  several  celebrated  musicians 
in  Italy,  who  spoke  in  high  terms  of  the  excel- 
lence of  Scotch  music,  and  the  munificence  of 
James  III.,  in  whose  court,  they  told  him,  they 
had  been  educated  t-  These  musicians  had  pro- 
bably belonged  to  that  numerous  choir  which 
King  James  established  in  the  chapel  of  his  pa- 
lace in  the  castle  of  Stirling,  and  had  returned 
into  their  own  country  after  the  death  of  their 
royal  patron,  and  carried  with  them  the  know- 
ledge of  the  Scotch  music.  Not  only  the  kings, 
princes,  and  prelates,  but  all  the  great  and  opu- 
lent barons  of  those  times  had  magnificent  cha- 
pels in  their  castles,  furnished  with  organs,  mu- 
sicians, and  singers ;  and  these  nobles,  with  their 
friends  and  families,  attended  the  services  of 
the  church  performed  in  then*  chapels  as  agree- 
able entertainments  as  well  as  acts  of  devotion  f. 


*   Scoticron,  1.  16.  c.  28.   Alessandro  Tassoni,  Pensieri  Diversi,  lib.  10. 
f  See  p.  390,  391.  |   Ferierii  Hist. 

§,  Seethe  Northumberland  Family-book,  p.  323,  324,  S67-r-377. 


Cfiap,  5.  Sect.  2-  THE  ARTS.  229 

The  people  of  Britain  have  in  all  ao-es  delight-  Secoiaa- 
ed  in  secular  or  social  music.  It  is  a  sufficient 
proof  of  this,  amongst  many  others  that  might 
be  given,  that  the  professors  of  that  art,  the  scalds 
and  minstrels,  were  the  favoiu-ites  of  the  great, 
and  the  idols  of  the  people,  for  many  ages.  But 
long  and  great  prosperity  had  the  same  effect 
upon  these  minstrels,  that  it  hath  uniformly  had 
on  every  order  of  men.  It  swelled  their  num- 
bers beyond  all  due  proportion,  increased  their 
avarice,  inflamed  their  pride,  and  con-upted  their 
manners,  and  at  length  lost  them  that  public 
favour  which  they  had  long  enjoyed.  But 
though  the  minstrels  began  to  decline  in  their 
credit  in  the  present  period,  and  were  neither 
so  highly  honoured,  nor  so  richly  rewarded, 
as  they  had  formerly  been ;  yet  such  of  them 
as  excelled  in  their  aii;  were  stiH  much  respect- 
ed. Not  only  all  our  kings,  but  almost  all  the 
nobility  and  men  of  fortune,  had  bands  of  these 
secular  musicians  or  minstrels  in  their  service, 
who  resided  in  their  families,  and  even  attend- 
ed them  in  their  journeys,  for  their  amusement. 
These  domestic  minstrels,  besides  tlieir  board, 
clothing,  and  wages,  which  they  received  from 
their  masters,  were  pennitted  to  perform  in 
rich  monasteries,  and  in  the  castles  of  other  bar- 
rons,  upon  occasions  of  festivity,  for  which  they 
were  handsomely  rewarded*.  Edward  IV., 
A.D.  1469,  on  the  complaint  of  Walter  Hahday, 
and  his  other  minstrels,  that  many  ignorant  dis- 

•  Warton  Hist.  Poet  vol.  1.  p.  91.      Northumberland  Book,  p.  339. 


Much  of 
it  lost. 


230  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

orderly  ])ers<)ns  assumed  the  "  name  of  minstrels, 
"  and  broiinrlit  the  profession  into  disgrace,  gave 
"  and  granted  a  licence  unto  Walter  Haliday, 
"  John  Cuff,  llobert  Marshall,  Thomas  Grane, 
"  Thomas  Caltliorne,  William  Cliff,  ^Villiam 
"  Christian,  and  AVilliam  Eynesham,  his  min- 
^'  strels,  and  their  successors,  to  be  one  body  and 
'*  cominality,  perpetual,  and  capable  in  law*." 
Edward,  by  the  same  charter,  gave  ample  powers 
to  this  musical  corporation,  for  correcting  the 
disorders,  and  regulating  the  affairs,  of  the  min- 
strels. But  this  institution  neither  corrected  the 
disorders,  nor  retrieved  the  reputation,  of  this 
fraternity. 

Many  of  the  poems,  songs,  and  ballads,  that 
were  sung  by  the  minstrels  and  people  of  this  pe- 
riod, have  undoubtedly  perished;  but  a  consider- 
able number  of  them  have  been  preserved  and 
published! .  They  are  of  very  different  degrees 
of  merit,  and  written  on  a  great  variety  of  sub- 
jects ;  some  of  them  calculated  to  entertain  the 
great,  and  others  to  divert  the  vulgar.  But 
though  the  words  of  these  poems  are  preserved, 
the  tunes  to  which  many  of  them  were  originally 
sung  are  now  unknown  ;  and  the  most  diligent 
inquirers  have  been  able  to  discover  only  a 
very  few  specimens  of  the  popular  music  of  this 
period:}:. 


•  Rym.  Feed.  tom.  11.  p.  642. 

f  Sec  Reliqucs  of  Ancient  Poetry,  Ramsay's  Evergreen,  and  other 
collections. 

\  Sir  Jolfn  Hawkins,  vol.  3.  p.  2 — 17.  Di  Burney,  vol.  2.  p.  405 
—412. 


Chap.  .-,.  Sect.  2.  THE  ARTS.  251 

The  secular  music  of  Scotland  was  greatly  im-  secuiar 
proved  at  this  time,  not  by  the  efforts  of  professed  ^"^'j^^^ 
musicians,  but  by  the  inffenuitv  of  one  of  her  improved 
monarchs,  James  1.,   wiio  seems  to  have  been 
born  to  excel  in  every  art  and  science  to  wluch 
he  applied  his  mind.     Walter  Bower,  abbot  of 
Inch-cohn,  who  was  intimately  acquainted  with 
that  prince,  assures  us,  tliat  he  excelled  all  man- 
kind, both  in  vocal  and  instrumental  music :  and 
that  he   played  on  eight  different  instruments 
(which  he  names),   and  especially  on  the  harp, 
with  such  exquisite  skill,  that  he  seemed  to  be 
inspired*.     King  James  was  not  only  an  excel- 
lent performer,  but  also  a  capital  composer,  both 
of  sacred  and  secular  music ;  and  his  fame  on 
that  account  was  extensive,  and  of  long  dura- 
tion.    Above  a  century  after  his  death  he  w^as 
celebrated  in  Italy  as  the  inventor  of  a  new  and 
pleasing  kind  of  melody,  which   had  been  ad- 
mired and  in)itated  in  that  country.     This  ap- 
pears from  the  following  testimony  of  Alessan- 
dro  Tassoni,  a  writer  who  was  well  informed, 
and  of  undoubted  credit :    *'  We  may   reckon 
"  among  us  moderns,  James  King  of  Scotland, 
"  Avho  not  only  composed  many  sacred  pieces  of 
"  vocal  music,  but  also  of  himself  invented  a 
"  new  kind  of  music,  plaintive  and  melancholy, 
"  different  from   all   other  ;  in   which  he  hath 
"  been  imitated  by  Carlo  Gesualdo,  Prince  of 
"  Venosa,    who,    in    our    age,    hath    improved 
"  music  with  new  and  admirable  •inventions! ." 

•  Scoticron,  lib.  16.  r.  23.  f  Alcssand.  Tabi.  rensieri 

Divcrsi,  lib.  10.      Sir  Ji)hn  Hawkins,  vol.  4.  p.  5,  6. 


232  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V. 

As  thelPrince  of  Vcnosa  imitated  King  James, 
the  other  musicians  of  Italy  imitated  the  Prince 
of  \^enosa.  "  The  most  noble  Carlo  Gesualdo, 
"  the  prince  of  musicians  of  our  age,  introduced 
"  such  a  style  of  modulation,  tliat  other  musi- 
"  cians  yielded  the  preference  to  him ;  and  all 
"  singers  and  players  on  stringed  instruments, 
"  laying  aside  that  of  others,  every  where  em- 
"  braced  his*."  All  the  lovers  therefore  of  Ita- 
lian or  of  Scotch  music,  are  much  indebted  to  the 
admirable  genius  of  King  James  I.  who,  in  the 
gloom  and  solitude  of  a  prison,  invented  a  new 
kind  of  music,  plaintive  indeed,  and  suited  to 
his  situation,  but  at  the  same  time  so  sweet  and 
soothing,  that  it  hath  given  pleasure  to  millions 
in  every  succeeding  agef . 

*  Sir  John  Hawkins,  vol.  f?,  p.  212. 

f  For  a  more  complete  account  of  Scotch  music,  see  Mr  Tytler's  Dis- 
sertations subjoined  to  his  edition  of  the  Poetical  Remains  of  James  I. 
Edinburgh,  1783. 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


GREAT  BRITAIN 


BOOK    V. 

CHAP.  VI. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  COMMERCE,  COIN,  AND  SHIPPING  IN 
GREAT  BRITAIN,  FROM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  IV. 
A.  D.  1399,  TO  THE  ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  VII.  A.  D. 
1485. 


1  HE   commerce  of  Great  Britain  hath  at  all  import- 
ance of 

times  been  an  object  of  great  importance^  commerce. 
and  hath  contributed  so  much  to  the  power  and 
riches,  to  the  comfort  and  happiness,  of  its  inha- 
bitants, that  the  state  and  progress  of  it  merits  our 
attention  in  every  period,  and  is  not  unworthy 
of  a  place  in  general  history.  Triumplis,  con- 
quests, and  victories,  excite  a  more  lively  joy  at 


234. 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V 


tlie  time  when  they  are  obtained,  and  make  a 
greater  li<;ure  in  the  page  of  history,  tlian  tlie 
])eaceful,    silent  adventures   of   tlie  merchant: 
but  if  they  do  not,  in  tlie  issue,  contribute  to 
increase  the  ships  and  sailors,  and  to  extend  the 
trade  of  such  a  country  as  llritain,  they  are  of 
little  or  no  utility,  if  they  are  not  pernicious. 
Such  were  the  celebrated  victories  obtained  by 
the  English  in  France,  under  their  heroic  King, 
Henry  V.;  ahnost  equally  ruinous  to  the  victors 
and  the  vanquished, 
obstruc-        The  trade  of  Britain  met  with  many  obstruc- 

tions  of  .  ,  •      1  1   •    1  i_i 

trade.        tions  ui   tlic   prcscut  period,  whicli  greatly  re- 
tarded its  progress  and  extension.     The  martial 
spirit  that  reigned  in  both  the  British   nations, 
with  the  foreign  or  domestic  wars  in  which  they 
were   almost   constantly  engaged,   formed   the 
greatest  of  these  obstructions.     In  such  turbu- 
lent times,  commerce  could  not  flourish,  when 
war  was  the  only  honourable  occupation,    the 
merchant  was  despised,  his  person  and  property 
Avere  unsecure,  and  exposed  to  many  dangers 
both  by  sea  and  land.     As  our  kings  had  fe^v 
ships  of  their  own,  whenever  they  had  occasion 
for  a  fleet,  to  fight  their  enemies  or  transport 
their  armies,  they  pressed  into  their  service  all 
the  ships  as  well  as  all  the  sailors  that  could  be 
Ibund;  which  put  a  total  stop  to  trade.    Thus,  to 
give  one  example  out  of  many,  Henry  V.,  at  his 
first  invasion  of  France,  A.  D.  1415,  pressed  all 
the  ships  in  all  the  ports  of  England,  of  twenty 
tons  and  upwards,  to  transport  his  army,  &c.  to 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE.  &c.  235 

the  continent*.  Even  those  who  were  engaged 
in  trade  had  imbibed  so  much  of  the  martial,  fe- 
rocious spirit  of  the  times,  that  they  frequently 
acted  as  pirates  ;  and  when  they  met  with  ships 
of  inferior  force,  they  seized  or  plundered  them, 
without  distinguishing  between  friends  and  foes. 
This  obliged  the  mariners  of  other  nations  and 
their  sovereigns  to  make  loud  complaints  to  the 
court  of  England ;  and  when  they  could  not  ob- 
tain redress  (which  was  often  the  case),  they 
were  compelled  to  make  reprisals,  which  in- 
creased the  dangers  of  navigation,  and  interrupt- 
ed the  intercourse  between  countries  that  were 
not  at  warf.  It  was  common  for  the  kings  of 
England,  and  other  princes  in  this  period,  to 
grant  letters  of  marque  to  a  single  merchant, 
empowering  him  to  make  reprisals  on  the  sub- 
jects of  a  state  with  which  they  were  at  peace, 
till  he  was  indemnified  for  the  losses  he  had  sus- 
tained from  the  subjects  of  that  state |.  Besides 
this,  both  the  Baltic  and  the  British  seas  were 
infested  with  pirates,  who  seized  and  plundered 
the  ships  of  all  nations  without  distinction.  Nei- 
ther the  merchants  nor  the  legislators  of  this  pe- 
riod entertained  just  ideas  of  trade,  or  of  the 
most  effectual  means  of  promoting  it ;  and  we 
may  reckon  the  monopolizing  spirit  of  the  for- 
mer, and  the  imprudent  regulations  of  tlic  lat- 
ter, among  the  impediments  that  obstructed  its 

•  Ryrn.  Feed,  torn   0.  p.  21.5 — 218. 

t  Sec  Uakhiyt's  Voyages,  vol    I.  p.  \54—-lSO.      Kyin.  Fred.   torn.  8. 
p.  269,  273 — '-'76.  Csi.  287. 
t  Id.  ibid.  p.  D6.  755.  773. 


o.'JG  IIISTOKY  OF  BRITAIX.  Book  V. 

])rogTess.  Tlic  Britisii  morcluints  considered  all 
foreigners  who  came  amongst  tlicni  for  the  sake 
of  trade  as  interlopers  and  enemies ;  and,  at  their 
instigation,  the  legislatm-e  laid  them  under  re- 
strictions that  were  hardly  tolerable.  It  was  en- 
acted by  the  parliament  of  England, — "  That  all 
*'  foreisrn  merchants  should  lav  out  all  the  mo- 
*'  ney  they  received  for  the  goods  they  imported, 
"  in  English  merchandise  to  be  ex])orted — That 
"  they  should  not  carry  out  any  gold  or  silver  in 
"  coin,  plate,  or  bullion,  under  the  penalty  of 
''  forfeiture — That  they  should  sell  all  the  goods 
*^  they  imported  in  the  space  of  three  months — 
*'  That  one  merchant-stranger  sliould  not  sell 
*^  any  goods  in  England  to  another  merchant- 
"  stranger — That  when  a  foreign  merchant  ar- 
**  rived  in  any  port  or  town  in  England,  a  suffi- 
"  cient  host  should  be  assigned  him  with  whom 
"  he  should  dwell,  and  no  where  else*."  The 
parliaments,  both  of  England  and  Scotland, 
made  many  laws  against  the  exportation  of  gold 
and  silver  in  any  shape,  or  on  any  accoimt ;  not 
reflecting,  tliat  if  the  balance  of  trade  was  against 
them,  that  balance  must  be  paid  in  these  pre- 
cious metals,  in  spite  of  all  the  laws  that  could 
be  made  against  it,  and  that  these  laws  could 
serve  no  other  purpose  but  to  perplex  and  dis-f 
tress  the  merchant. 
Retarded  Eut  tlic  island  of  Britain  is  so  favourably  si- 
grcss.  tuated  for  trade,  and  the  love  of  gain  is  so  strong 
and  general  a  passion  in  the  human  mind,  that 

"  Statutes,  4th  Henry  IV.  c.  IJ.       Jth  Hc:iry  IV.  c.  0,  Sec. 


Chap.  6*.  COMMERCE,  &c.  337 

all  these  obstructions,  though  they  retarded,  did 
not  wholly  prevent  the  progress  of  commerce  in 
this  period,  as  will  appear  from  the  sequel. 

Henry  IV,,  being  a  wise  prince,  and  knowing  Commer- 
the  great  importance  of  commerce,  promoted  it  ""'^  ^^'^^^' 
as  much  as  the  unsettled  state  of  his  affairs  per- 
mitted. After  tedious  negociations,  he  put  an 
end  to  the  disputes  and  mutual  depredations  that 
had  long  prevailed  between  the  English  mer- 
chants and  mariners,  and  those  of  the  Hanse 
towns  of  Germany,  and  of  the  seaport  towns  of 
Prussia  and  Livonia,  subject  to  the  grand  mas- 
ter of  the  Teutonic  order  of  knights,  who  then 
possessed  these  two  last  countries.  Both  parties 
made  loud  complaints,  and  gave  in  high  esti- 
mates of  the  damages  they  pretended  they  had 
sustained ;  and  it  required  long  discussions  to  as- 
certain the  justice  of  these  estimates.  At  length 
it  was  agreed,  A.  D.  1409,  that  Henry  should 
pay  15,955  gold  nobles  to  the  grand  master,  and 
416  of  the  same  to  the  consuls  of  the  city  of  Ham- 
burg, as  the  balance  against  his  subjects*.  Among 
other  claims,  the  German  and  Pru ssian  merchants 
demanded  damages  for  some  liundreds  of  tlieir 
countrymen  who  had  been  thrown  overboard  and 
drowned  by  tlie  English.  To  this  claim  Henry 
made  answer — "  That  when  we  shall  be  adver- 
"  tised  of  the  number,  state,  and  condition  of 
"  the  said  parties  drowned,  we  will  cause  suf- 
"  frages  and  prayers,  and  divers  other  holesome 
*'  remedies,  profital)le  for  tlie  souls  of  the  de- 

*  Rj'in.  Feed.  torn.  <).  p.  601 ,  G02. 


238 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V 


"  ceased,  and  accepUible  to  God  and  meii,  to  Ix? 
"  ordained  and  provided ;  upon  condition,  that, 
"  for  the  souls  of  our  drowned  countrymen,  tliere 
**  be  the  like  remedy  provided  by  you  *."  These 
transactions  exhibit  a  strange  mixture  of  barba- 
rity and  superstition  which  too  much  prevailed 
in  the  times  we  are  now  describing. 
Companies      Thougli  the  dislikc  of  the  English  to  mer- 
of  foreign-  chant-stranq-crs  continued  through  the  whole  of 
this  period,  and  they  were  exposed  to  frequent 
insults,  and  subjected  by  law  to  various  hard- 
ships; yet  several  companies  of  them  were  settled 
in  London  and  other  places,  under  the  protection 
of  royal  charters.    The  German  merchants  of  the 
steel-yard  formed  one  of  the  most  ancient,  opu- 
lent, and  powerful  of  these  companies,  being  a 
branch  of  the  great  commercial  confederacy  of 
the  Hanse  towns  in  Germany  and  Prussia.   This 
company  had  been  highly  favoured  by  Henry  III. 
who  by  his  charters  conferred  upon  it  various  pri-- 
vileges  and  exemptions,  which  were  confirmed 
by  his  successors,  both  in  the  last  and  present  pe- 
riod.   These  privileges  are  not  distinctly  known ; 
but  it  plainly  appears,  that  they  were  exempted 
from  contributing  to  subsidies,  tenths  and  fif- 
teenths, and  were  not  subjected  to  the  additional 
duties  imposed  from  time  to  time,  on  goods  ex- 
ported and  imported  ;  paying-  only  the  ancient 
customs  agreed  upon  at  the  time  of  their  esta- 
blishment, which  were  very  small f.     It  is  not 

•  Hakluyt,  vol.  1.  p.  177.  f  See  Anderson's  History  of 

Commerce,  vol.  1.  p.  111.  114.  120.  129.  240.  279.  282. 


Cha^  5.  Sect.  1.  COMMERCE,  &c.  239 

to  be  wondered,  therefore,  tliat  the  English  mer- 
chants were  not  very  fond  of  a  company  of  fo- 
reigners seated  in  the  metropolis,  and  enjoying 
greater  advantages   in    trade  than  themselves. 
This  company  had  houses  in  other  towns,  par- 
ticularly at  Lynn  and  Boston,  and  preserved 
their  privileges,  with  some  interruptions,  almost 
&  century  after  the  conclusion  of  this  period*. 
Companies   of   merchants   of    Venice,    Genoa, 
Florence,  lAicca,  and  I.ombardy,  were  also  set- 
tled in  England,  chiefly  in  London,  protected 
by  royal  charters,  and  managed  the  ti'ade  of 
the  states  and  cities  to  which  they  belonged  f. 
In  a  word,  a  great  part  of  the  foreign  trade  of 
England  was  still  in  the  hands  of  these  compa- 
nies of  merchant-strangers. 

The  mercliants  of  tlie  staple,  as  they  were  call-  ^J^J^^J'*"^ 
ed,  were  formed  into  a  corporation,  or  trading  staple. 
company,  about  the  beghming  of  the  preceding 
period.  The  constitution  and  design  of  that  once 
rich  and  flom*ishing  company  hath  been  already 
described:]:.  It  still  subsisted,  and,  though  it  had 
met  with  some  discouragement,  was  not  incon- 
siderable. Tliis  company  paid  no  less  for  the  cus- 
toms of  the  staple  commodities  of  wool,  wool- 
fells,  woollen  cloth,  leather,  tin,  and  lead,  it  ex- 
ported, A.  D.  1458,  than  68,0001.,  containing  as 
much  silver  as  136,0001.  of  our  money;  which  is 
a  sufficient  proof  that  its  dealings  were  then  ex- 
tensive f.  They  were  strictly  bound  by  their  char- 

•  Anderson's  History  of  Commerce,  vol.  1.  p.  291-  418. 

f  Id.  ibid.  p.  'J3I.  '2r5.5,  SMfi.  2'10.  243.  301. 

I  See  to).  8.  book  4.  cli.  C.  §  Aiidcrsoii,  v.  1.  p.  27C. 


mas. 


240  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

ter,  and  by  law,  to  cany  all  the  goods  they  ex- 
ported to  the  staple  at  Calais ;  and  to  land  them 
at  any  other  port  was  made  felony  by  act  of  par- 
liament, A.  D.  1439*.    The  corporation  or  com 
pariy  of  the  staple  was  originally  composed  of 
foreigners ;  but  by  degrees  some  English  mer- 
chants were  admitted  into  it,  as  being  fittest  for 
managing  their  affairs  in  England,  to  which 
branch  of  the  business  the  English  were  confined. 
JoTd'^of'         ^^^  most  ancient  company  of  English  mer- 
st  Tho-     chants,  of  which  there  is  any  trace  in  history, 
was  established  about  the  end  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  and  was  called — The  brotherhood  of  St 
Thomas  Secket — in  honour  of  that  celebrated 
English  saint.    The  design  of  that  company  was 
to  export  the  woollen  cloth,  which  about  that 
time  began  to  be  manufactured  in  considerable 
quantities  in  England;  and  as  that  manufacture 
increased,  the  trade  of  the  brotherhood  also  in- 
creased.    Henry  IV.,  A.  D.  1406,  incorporated 
this  society  by  a  charter,  regulating  their  go- 
vernment and  their  privileges.    By  this  charter, 
any  merchant  of  England  or  Ireland  who  desir- 
ed it,  was  to  be  admitted  into  the  company,  on 
paying  a  small  fine.     As  this  society  was  com- 
posed of  the  native  subjects  of  the  kings  of  Eng- 
land, it  was  favoured  both  by  government  and 
by  the  people,  made  gradual  encroachments  on 
the  trade  of  the  merchants  of  the  staple,  and  at 
length  ruined  that  company  f. 

*  Statutes,  18th  Hen.  VI.  c.  15. 
f  Anderson,  vol.  1.  p.  233.  260,  &c. 


V<^b%p.-:6-  COMMERCE,  &c.  24,1 

The  English  merchants,  observing  tlie  advan-  English 
tJiges  that  foreigners  derived  from  having  part-  abroad!^ 
j^ers  and  coiTespondents  of  their  own  countries 
rsettled  in  England,  imitated  their  example,  and 
cstabUshed  factories  in  several  places  on  the  con- 
tinent. Henry  IV.  granted  a  charter,  A.  D. 
1404,  to  the  English  merchants  residing  in  Ger- 
many, Prussia,  Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Norway, 
empowering  them  to  hold  general  assemblies,  to 
make  laws,  to  choose  governors,  with  authority  to 
determine  disputes  among  themselves,  and  with 
foreigners,  and  to  preserve  the  privileges  granted 
to  them  by  the  sovereigns  of  these  countries*. 
The  same  king  granted  a  similar  charter,  A.  D. 
1406,  to  the  English  merchants  in  Holland, 
Zealand,  Brabant,  and  Flanders  f.  The  first  of 
these  charters  being  too  extensive,  Henry  granted 
a  separate  one,  A.  D.  1408,  to  the  English  settled 
in  the  dominions  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  who 
was  also  King  cf  Sweden  and  Norway:]:.  These 
charters  were  confirmed  by  Henry  VI.  A.  D. 
1428^.  The  office  and  powers  of  these  gover- 
nors seem  to  have  been  nearly  the  same  with  those 
of  our  modern  consuls ;  and  towards  the  end  of 
this  period,  they  were  called  by  that  name,  and 
appointed  by  the  King,  llichardlll.  A.D.  1585, 
appointed  Laurentio  Strozzi,  a  merchant  of 
Florence,  to  be  consul,  and  president  of  all  the 
English  merchants  at  Pisa,  and  parts  adjacent; 


*  nakluyt,  vol.  1.  p.  184.      R>in.  Food.  torn.  8.  p.  360. 
+  Id.  ii)i(l.  p.  464.  \  Id.  il)id.  p.  511. 

§  Id.  toin.  10.  p.  4CX). 

VOL.   X.  11 


242  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

"  allowing  him  for  his  trouble  the  fourth  part  of 
"  one  per  cent,  on  all  goods  of  Englishmen,  either 
"  imported  to,  or  exported  thence*."     In  that 
commission  llichard  says,  he  had  appointed  tliat 
officer  in  imitation  of  otlier  nations;  which  makes 
it  probable,  that  it  was  the  first  commission  of 
the  kind  granted  by  a  king  of  England. 
Treaties.         It  would  be  tcdious  to  enumerate  all  the  com- 
mercial treaties  that  were  made  by  the  kings  of 
England,  with  almost  all  the  princes  and  states  of 
Europe,  in  this  period.   These  treaties  were  very 
necessary,   to  restrain  the  piratical  spirit  that 
reigned  in  the  mariners  of  aU  nations  in  those 
times :   but  they  were  very  iU  observed ;   and 
few  seamen  of  any  covmtry  could  resist  the  temp- 
tation of  seizing  a  weaker  vessel,  when  she  fell  in 
their  way,  though  belonging  to  a  friendly  power. 
This  occasioned   continual    complaints   of  the 
breach  of  treaties,  and  the  frequent  renewal  of 
these  treaties.     No  fewer  than  four  commercial 
treaties,  for  example,  were  concluded  between 
England  and  the  Hanse-towns,  in  the  space  of 
three  years,  from  A.  D.  1472,  to  1474,  and  all 
to  little  purpose  f ;  and  we  have  copies  of  eigh- 
teen such  agreements  between  England  and  Flan- 
ders, in  this  period ;  which  is  a  sufficient  evi- 
dence that  none  of  them  was  well  observed  :j:.  The 
intent  of  those  treaties  was,  to  prevent  mutual 
depredations  at  sea,  and  to  secure  a  friendly  re- 
ception to  the  merchants  of  the  contracting  par- 
ties in  each  other's  ports ;  and  no  doubt  they 

»  Rym.  r»d.  torn.  12.  p.  261.  f  Id.  torn.  9.  p.  739.  780.  792, 

I  Id.  torn.  8 — lij. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  Sec.  24^ 

contributed  something  to  these  purposes,  though 
not  so  much  as  was  intended. 

The  English,  in  this  period,  were  fully  con-  Custody  of 
vinced  of  tlie  importance  and  necessity  of  being 
masters  at  sea,  and  particularly  on  their  own 
coasts,  and  in  the  narrow  seas  between  this  island 
and  the  continent.  This  was  most  earnestly  in- 
culcated upon  them,  by  a  rhiming  pamphlet, 
written  about  A.  D.  1433.  The  now  unknown 
author  of  that  pamphlet  asserted,  in  the  strongest 
terms,  that  if  the  English  kept  the  seas, especially 
the  narrow  seas,  they  would  compel  all  the  world 
to  be  at  peace  with  them,  and  to  court  their 
friendship*.  The  ancient  duty  of  tonnage  and 
poundage  was  granted  to  our  kings  by  parlia- 
ment, to  enable  them  to  guard  the  seas  and  pro- 
tect the  merchants! .  This  duty  (raised  to  3s. 
on  every  ton  of  wme,  and  5  per  cent  on  all  other 
goods  imported),  together  with  the  fourth  pai't 
of  the  subsidy  on  wool  and  leather,  was  gi'anted 
by  Henry  IV.,  A.D.  1406,  with  consent  of  parlia- 
ment, to  the  merchants,  to  guard  the  seas  ;  but 
payment  was  soon  stopped,  on  complaints  being 
made  to  tlie  King  that  the  seas  were  not  pro- 
perly guarded:]:.  Henry  IV.  maintained  the  do- 
minion of  the  narrow  seas  with  great  spirit,  and 
took  ample  revenge  on  the  French,  Flemings,  and 
Eritons,  who  had  insulted  the  English  coasts,  and 
interrupted  the  English  commerce,  when  the  King 
was  engaged  against  the  Earl  of  Northumberland 

•   See  this  very  curioiis  pamphlet  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  1.  p.  167-— 208i 
f  Stntutes,  r,th  Rich.  11.  ch.  ;?. 
\  Ryiti    Fctd.  torn.  S.  p.  437. 


at  sea 


244  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

and  ills  confederates.  William  do  AVilford,  admi- 
nd  of  the  narrow  seas,  sailed  to  the  coast  of  Brit- 
tany, where  he  took  forty  of  their  ships,  and 
burnt  an  equal  number*.  The  earl  of  Kent  did 
still  greater  mischief  on  the  coast  of  Flanders ; 
and  the  ftnnous  Henry  I'ay,  admiral  of  the 
cinque-ports,  took  a  whole  fleet  of  French  mer- 
cliantmen,  consisting  of  120  sailf . 
Victories  Xlic  licroic  Hcmy  V.  was  almost  as  victorious 
at  sea  as  at  land ;  and  in  his  reign  the  fleets  of 
England  rode  triumphant  on  the  narrow  seas. 
His  brother  John  Duke  of  Bedford  obtained 
one  naval  ^dctory,  A.  D.  1416,  and  the  Earl  of 
Huntin,t?ton  another,  A.  D.  1417,  over  the 
imited  fleets  of  France  and  Genoa,  taking  or 
destroying  almost  all  their  ships ;  which  eftec- 
tuall)^  secured  the  dominion  of  the  sea  to  the 
English  for  several  years +.  Henry  V.  seems  to 
have  been  the  fii'st  king  of  England  ^^^ho  had 
any  ships  that  were  his  own  property.  At  his 
first  invasion  of  France,  he  had  two  large  and 
beautiful  ships  with  purple  sails,  the  one  called 
the  King's  Chamber,  the  other  his  Hall.  The 
author  of  the  pamphlet  above  mentioned  saith 
of  tliis  prince, 

At  Hampton  he  made  the  great  dromons, 

Which  passed  other  great  ships  of  all  the  commons; 
The  Trinity,  the  Grace  de  Dieu,  the  Holy  Ghost, 
And  other  moe,  which  now  be  lost§. 


*  AValsing.  Ypodigma  Neustri.-c,  p„  561. 

f  Otterbourne,  p.  25S.      Walsing.  p.  376. 

I  Elmham,  cap.  30.  36. 

\  Prologue  of  English  Policie,  apud  Hakluyt,  vol.  1,  p.  203. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  245 

In  the  long  unhappy  reign  of  Henry  VI.,  es-  Henry  vi. 
pecially  after  the  death  of  his  uncle  the  Duke 
of  Bedford,  A.  D.  1435,  the  aifau-s  of  the  Eng- 
lish declined  with  great  rapidity,  botli  h\'  sea 
and  land.  The  French,  having  expelled  them 
from  all  theu-  conquests  on  the  continent,  ex- 
cept Calais,  insulted  them  on  their  own  coasts, 
took,  plundered,  and  burnt  the  town  of  Sand- 
wich*. But  the  great  Earl  of  AVarwick,  being 
appointed  admiral,  equipped  several  squadrons, 
with  which  he  scoured  the  channel,  took  many 
valuable  ships,  and  in  some  degree  recovered 
the  dominion  of  the  seaf . 

Edward  IV.  paid  gTcat  attention  to  mercantile  Edua^d 
and  maritime  affliirs,  and  on  two  occasions  col- 
lected very  great  fleets :  first,  when  he  actually 
invaded  France,  A.  D.  1475 ;  and,  secondly, 
when  he  prepared  for  another  invasion  of  it,  but 
was  prevented  by  death.  This  prince  had  seve- 
ral ships  that  were  his  own  property,  with  whicli 
he  at  some  times  protected  the  ti'ade  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  at  other  times  he  employed  them  in 
trade  as  a  merchant,  which  contributed  not  a 
little  to  his  great  wealthy. 

The  reign  of  Kichard  III.  was  so  short  and  tur-  Richard 
bulent,  that  he  had  little  opportunity  of  shcw- 
iuix  his  attention  to  the  dominion  of  the  sea.  It 
is,  however,  certain,  that  if  he  had  guarded  the 
narrow  seas  with  greater  care,  he  might  have 
prevented  the  landing  of  his  rival  the  Earl  of 

*  Fabian,  p,  404.  f  Stow,  p.  <ini. 

I  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  12,  p.  1S9.     Hist.  Cioyl.  p.  550. 


246  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

Eichmond,  and  preserved   both   his   life    and 
crown. 
Circle  of        Thoughthe  English,  in  thisperiod,  were  much 
larg^d!"     engaged  in  war,  and  consequently  could  not  cany 
on  trade  with  the  same  ease  and  safety  as  in  more 
peaceful  times,  the  circle  of  their  commerce  was 
not  contracted,  but  rather  a  little  enlarged.    The 
countries  with  which  they  had  commercial  inter- 
course in  the  fourteenth  century,  have  been  al- 
ready enumerated  ;  and  there  is  the  fullest  evi- 
dence that  their  intercourse  with  all  these  coun- 
tries still  continued ;  and  that  English  merchants 
now  beg-an  to  visit  some  seas  and  coasts  which 
they  had  not  formerly  frequented*.  A  company 
of  London  merchants,  A.  D.  14 13, ^loaded  several 
ships  with  wool  and  other  merchandise,  to  the 
value  of  34,0001.  (a  gTcat  sum  in  those  times),  for 
the  western  parts  of  JMorocco,   which  was  pro- 
bably the  first  adventure  of  the  English  to  those 
parts.     The  Genoese  seized  these  ships  as  inter- 
lopers ;  and  Henry  IV.  granted  their  owners  let- 
ters of  marque,  to  seize  the  ships  and  goods  of  the 
Genoese  wherever  they  could  find  them  f.  There 
was  a  great  trade  between  Venice,  Genoa,  Flo- 
rence, and  other  cities  of  Italy,  and  England, 
long  before  this  time ;  but  that  trade  seems  to 
have  been  whoUy  carried  on  in  foreign  bottoms, 
and  by  foreign  merchants.  This  appears  from  the 
commercial  treaties  between  the  English  govern- 
ment and  these  Italian  states  and  cities,  in  which 

•  See  vol  8.  book-!,  tli.  6  t  ^y^-  ^^^-  *""i-  ^=  P'  '^"^^ 


Chap.  5.  COMMERCE,  &c.  g^y 

they  stipulate  for  the  safety  and  friendly  recep- 
tion of  their  ships  and  merchants  in  the  ports  of 
England,  without  any  stipulation  in  favour  of 
English  ships  or  merchants  in  their  ports;  which 
could  not  liave  beeen  neglected,  if  they  had  fre- 
quented those  ports*.  The  merchants  of  Eng- 
land, in  the  course  of  this  period,  attempted  to 
obtain  a  share  in  this  trade ;  but  they  met  with 
great  opposition  in  the  execution  of  this  design, 
not  only  from  the  Italians,  but  even  from  their 
own  sovereigns,  who  favoured  those  foreigners, 
because  they  accommodated  them  with  gTeat 
loans  of  money  in  their  straits,  and  paid  higher 
customs  than  their  own  subjects.  It  was  not  tiU 
the  reioTi  of  Richard  III.  that  the  English  mer- 
chants  obtained  any  solid  footing  in  Italy;  as  is 
evident  from  the  preamble  of  that  prince's  com- 
mission to  Laurentio  Strozzi  to  be  their  consul  at 
Pisa :  "  Whereas  certain  merchants  and  others 
"  from  England  intend  to  frequent  foreign  parts, 
"  and  chiefly  Italy,  with  their  ships  and  merchan- 
"  dise,  and  we  being  willing  to  consult  their 
"  peace  and  advantage  as  much  as  possible,  and 
"  observing  from  the  practice  of  other  nations, 
"  the  necessity  of  their  having  a  peculiar  magis- 
"  trate  among  them  for  the  determining  of  all 
"  disputes,  &;c.  I"  Two  English  merchants,  A. D. 
1481,  encouraged  by  Edward  IV.,  and  by  the 
Spanish  Duke  of  JNIedina  Sidonia,  prepared  a 
fleet  for  a  trading  voyage  to  some  of  those  coun- 
tries on  the  coast  of  Africa,  that  had  been  lately 

*  See  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  8,  9.  t  ^^-  *°™-  12.  p.  281. 


g!48  HISTORY  OF  BIIITAIN.  Rook  V. 

discovered  by  the  Portuguese,  particularly  to 
Guinea.  IJiit  that  enterprise  was 'prevented  by 
the  interposition  of  John  II.  King  of  Portugal, 
at  the  court  of  England*.  So  slow  was  the  pro- 
gress of  commerce  at  this  time,  in  comparison 
of  the  rapid,  astonishing  advances  it  made  in  the 
next  period, 
amfhn^  A  prctty  full  enumeration  of  the  exports  and 
ports.  imports  of  England  hath  been  given  in  a  former 
period,  to  which  very  much  cannot  now  be  add- 
edf .  Several  changes,  however,  had  taken  place 
in  these  particulars;  and  some  additions  had  been 
made  both  to  the  exports  and  imports,  a  few  of 
which  may  be  mentioned.  Slaves  were  no  long- 
er exported  from  England :  but  pilgrims  were 
now  become  a  considerable  article  of  exporta- 
tion ;  and  several  ships  were  every  year  loaded 
from  different  ports  with  cargoes  of  these  delud- 
ed wanderers,  who  carried  out  with  them  much 
money  for  defraying  the  expences  of  their  jour- 
ney, and  making  presents  to  the  saints  they  vi- 
sited :  for  all  these  saints,  they  were  told,  were 
much  pleased  with  money.  We  meet  with  many 
licences  granted  by  our  kings  to  masters  of  ships, 
permitting  them  to  carry  a  certain  number  of 
pilgrims,  from  such  a  port  to  the  shrine  of  such 
a  saint,  named  in  the  permit.  Henry  VI.,  for 
example,  granted  permits,  A.  D.  1434,  for  the 
exportation  of  2433  pilgrims  to  the  shrine  of  St 
James  of  Campostella.  Fortunately  there  was 
a  still  greater  importation  of  pilgrims  from  the 

'  ^Anderson,  vol  1.  p.  296.  -f-  Sec  vol.  6.  p.  267 — ^2|8, 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  04,9 

continent,  to  visit  the  shrine  of  St  Thomas  of 
Canterbury ;  which  brought  the  balance  of  this 
traffic  in  favour  of  England. 

As  great  improvements  had  been  made  in  the  WooUens. 
woollen  manufactory,  great  varieties,  and  much 
greater  quantities  of  woollen  clotlis,  were  ex- 
ported tlian  in  any  former  period.  These  formed 
one  of  the  most  valuable  articles  of  exportation 
to  every  country  with  which  England  had  any 
trade.  But  still  the  English  were  so  far  from 
working  up  all  theu'  wool,  that  great  quantities 
of  that  precious  commodity,  so  much  valued  in 
Italy  and  Flanders,  were  yet  exported  * ;  and 
the  subsidy  on  wool  exported  was  one  of  the 
most  certain  and  valuable  branches  of  the  royal 
revenue. 

Corn  seems  now  to  have  been  a  more  important  Com. 
article  of  export  than  it  had  been  in  some  former 
periods ;  and  several  laws  were  made  for  regulat- 
ing its  exportation  and  importation.  A  law  was 
made  A.  D.  1425,  granting  a  general  and  per- 
manent permission  to  export  corn,  except  to 
enemies,  witliout  particular  licences;  but  giving 
the  King  and  council  a  discretionary  power  to 
restrain  that  liberty,  when  they  thought  it  neces- 
sary for  the  good  of  the  kingdom  f.  The  coun- 
try gentlemen  in  the  house  of  commons,  A.  D. 
1463,  complained,  that  the  easterlings  or  mer- 
chants of  the  steel-yard,  by  importing  too  great 
quantities  of  corn,  had  reduced  the  price  of  that 

*  Rym.  F«.I.  torn.  9.  p  ^51 2.     Anderson,  vol.  ].  p.  -SO. 
I  Statutsr.,  tth  Hen,  VI.  c.  5. 


250  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

commodity  so  much,  tluit  the  English  farmers 
were  in  dan>:.i:er  of  being  ruined.  To  prevent 
this  it  was  euiicted,  "  Tluit  when  tlje  quarter  of 
"  wlieat  did  not  exceed  tlie  ])rice  of  6s.  8d.,  rye 
"  4s.,  and  barley  3s.,  no  person  should  import 
"  any  of  these  three  kinds  of  grain,  upon  forfeit- 
"  ure  thereof*." 
Imports.  The  curious  pamphlet  called  the  FroIo.i!;ue  of 
EngU,sh  Policy,  already  quoted,  gives  a  distinct 
account  of  the  commodities  imported  into  Eng- 
land by  the  merchants  of  different  countries,  or 
carried  by  them  to  the  great  emporium  of  Bru- 
ges in  Flanders,  and  from  thence  imported  by 
Engiisli  merchants :  and  as  it  was  written  near  the 
middle  of  this  period,  by  one  who  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  the  subject,  it  is  worthy  of  credit. 
According  to  that  author,  the  conmiodities  of 
Spain  were  figs,  raisins,  wines,  oils,  soap,  dates, 
licjuoricc,  wax,  iron,  wool,  wadmote,  goatfell,  red- 
fell,  saffron,  and  quicksilver f. — Those  of  Portu- 
gal were  nearly  the  same:]:. — Those  of  Brittany 
were  wine,  salt,  crest-cloth  or  linen  and  canvas |. 
— Those  of  Germany,  Prussia,  &c.  or  the  mer- 
chants of  the  steel-yard,  were  besides  corn,  iron, 
steel,  copper,  osmond,  bowstaves,  boards,  wax, 
pitch,  tar,  flax,  hemp,  peltry,  tliread,  fustian, 
buckram,  canvas,  and  wool-cards  ||. — Those  of 
Genoa  were  gold,  cloth  of  gold,  silk,  cotton,  oil, 
black  pepper,  rock-alum,  and  woad<^|. — Those  of 


•  Statutes,  3d  Edw.  IV.  c.  2. 

f  Prologue  of  English  PoHcv,  c.  1 .  \  Id.  c.  1. 

§  Id  c.  3.  II   Id.'c.  S.  1  Id.  c.  6. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  521 

Venice,  Florence,  and  other  Italian  states,  were  all 
kinds  of  spices  and  grocery  wares,  sweet  wines, 
sugar,  drugs,  with  (as  that  author  adds). 

Apes,  and  japes,  and  marmusits  tayled, 
And  nifiis  artd  triflis  that  have  little  avayledf . 

As  several  manufactures  were  introduced  into  Prohibited 

goods. 

England  in  the  course  of  tliis  period,  laws  were 
made,  towards  the  end  of  it,  against  importing  any 
of  the  articles  furnished  by  these  manufactures. 
Upon  a  petition  to  the  house  of  commons,  A.  D. 
1483,  from  the  manufacturers  of  London  and 
other  towns,  representing  the  great  damage  they 
sustained  by  the  importation  of  the  articles  which 
they  manufactured,  an  act  was  made  against  the 
importation  of  "  girdles,  barneys  wrought  for 
"  gu'dles,  points,  leather-laces,  purses,  pouches, 
"  pins,  gloves,  knives,  hangers,  taylors  shears, 
"  scissars,  and  irons,  cup-boards,  tongs,  fireforks,  ^ 
*'  gridirons,  stock-locks,  keys,  hinges,  and  gar- 
"  nets,  spurs,  painted   glasses,   painted  papers, 
"  painted  forcers,  painted  images,  painted  cloths, 
"  beaten  gold  and  beaten  silver  wTought  in  pa- 
"  pers  for  painters,  saddles,  saddle-trees,  horse- 
"  barneys,  boots,  bits,  stirrups,  buckler-chains, 
"  latten  nails  Avith  iron  shanks,  turners,  hanging- 
«  candlesticks,  holy-water-stops,  chaffing  dishes, 
"  hanging-leavers,     curtain -rings,     wool-cards, 
"  roan-cards,  buckles  for  shoes,  shears,  broaches 
"  for  s])its,  bells,  hawks-bells,   tin,  and  leaden 
^'  spoons,  wire  of  latten  and  iron,  iron-candle- 

•   Prologue  ol'  English  Folifv,  c.  7. 


tow  ns, 


2j<2  history  or  Britain.  Rihik  v. 

**  sticks,  ivrntes,  and  horns  for  laiithoriis,  ttr  any 
*•  otlier  tliinos  made  by  the  petitioners,  on  pain 
"  of  forfeiture*." 
Staple  Foreign  trade  was  not  carried  on  exactly  in  tl\e 

same  manner  in  those  times  as  it  is  at  present. 
IMerchants  did  not  ordinarily  carry  their  o-oods  to 
the  ports  where  they  were  to  be  iinally  disposed 
of  and  used,  but  to  certain  emporia  called  staple 
towns,  where  they  met  with  customers  from  the 
countries  where  their  goods  were  wanted,  and 
M'ith  the  commodities  they  wished  to  purchase 
for  importation.   This  seems  to  haye  been  owing 
to  the  imperfect  state  of  nayigation,  Avhich  made 
long  yoyages  tetlious,  and  to  the  aboundhig  of 
pirates,   which  made   them  dangerous.      jNIer- 
chants,  therefore,  of  distant  countries  diyided  the 
fatigue  and  danger,  and  met  each  otlier  half-wa}'. 
This  was  attended  with  another  adyantaoe.  that 
they  were  siu*e  of  finding  a  more  com])lete  as- 
sortment of  goods  for  their  purpose  at  those  sta- 
ple towns,  than  they  could  luiye  found  at  any 
other  place.     Bruges  in  Flanders  was  the  great 
emporium  of  Europe  in  this  period,  to  Avhich 
merchants  of  the  south  and  north  conyeyed  their 
goods  for  sale  ;  and  so  great  was  their  resort  to 
it  from  the  Mediterranean  and  the  Baltic,  that 
130  ships  were  seen,  A.  D.  1486,  to  oi-riye  at  its 
harbour  of  Sluyce  in  one  dayf. 

The  great  fairs  in  Brabant  were  also  frc-quent- 
ed  by  mcrclumts  from  England,  Spain,  France, 

»   Statutes,  L'd  Richard  III.  c.  l'_\ 
f  Anderson,  vol.  1.  p.  -b'i.  '^SL 


(hap.  0.  COMMERCE,  &c,  053 

Italy,  Germany,  Scotland,  and  Ireland  ;  and  a 
great  variety  of  goods  were  brought  to  them 
from  all  the  neiglibouring  countries.  But  the 
English,  it  is  said,  bought  and  sold  more  at  these 
fairs  than  all  the  other  nations  : 

— Her  marts  ben  feble  sliame,  to  say, 
But  Englishmen  thider  dress  their  way.  * 

Fishing,  as  a  source  of  wealth  and  commerce,  Fisheries. 
was  not  neglected  by  the  English  in  this  period ; 
particularly  for  cod  and  stock-fish  on  the  coasts  ' 
of  Iceland,  and  for  herrings  on  their  own  coasts. 
The  merchants  of  Bristol  and  some  other  towns 
sent  several  vessels  annually  to  Iceland,  in  opposi- 
tion to  the  frequent  complaints  of  the  kings  of 
13enmark,  and  prohibitions  of  their  own  sove- 
reigns), to  procure  stock-fish,  which  were  then 
nmch  used  in  victualling  ships  for  longvoyagesf. 

Of  Iceland  to  write  is  little  nede 
Save  of  stock-fish;   yet  forsooth  indeed, 
Out  of  Bristow  and  costes,  many  one 
Men  have  practised  by  needle  and  hy  stone, 
Thiderwardes  within  a  little  while.^ 

The  herring-fishery  on  the  coast  of  Norfolk  was 
an  object  of  great  importance  in  the  fourteenth 
century,  and  rendered  the  towns  on  that  coast 
rich  and  flourisliing ;  and  the  heiTing  fair  at  Yar- 
mouth was  of  so  much  consequence,  that  it  was 


*    Prologue  of  English  Policy,  apud  Hakluyt,  p.  107. 
t    hi.  p.  '2(n.      Anderson,  vol'.  I.  p.  272.  2S6.  £i>6. 
I    Hakluyt,  p.  '2(jI. 


Rich  mer- 
chants. 


254  HISTORY  OF  BRITAI.'^.  Book  V. 

regulated  by  several  statutes*.  The  consumption 
of  liemngs  still  continuing  to  be  immensely  great 
in  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  the  English  herring- 
fishery  was  still  carried  on  with  vigour  and  success. 
Some  very  wealthy  merchants  flourished  in  this 
period  in  Italy,  France,  and  England.  The  fa- 
mily of  IMedici  at  Florence  was  the  most  opulent 
and  illustrious  mercantile  family  that  ever  exist- 
ed in  Europe.  When  Cosmo  de  IMedici  was 
only  a  private  merchant  and  citizen  of  Florence, 
he  expended  four  millions  of  gold  florins  in 
building  churches  and  palaces  in  that  city  and 
its  environs,  and  one  million  in  charitable  foun- 
dations for  the  support  of  the  poorf.  Jaque 
Le  Cceur  was  the  greatest  merchant  that  ever 
France  produced,  and  had  alone  more  trade  and 
more  riches  than  all  the  other  merchants  of  that 
kingdom  ;  and  by  his  trade  and  riches  contribut- 
ed greatly  to  save  his  country.  It  was  this  ex- 
traordinary man  who  furnished  Charles  VII. 
wdth  money  to  pay  and  support  those  armies 
with  which  he  recovered  his  provinces  from  the 
English  t-  John  Norbury,  John  Hende,  Richard 
Whittington,  and  several  other  merchants  in 
London,  appear  to  have  been  rich,  from  tlie  great 
sums  they  occasionally  lent  their  sovereign,  and 
the  great  works  they  erected  for  the  use  and 
ornament  of  the  city  J.  But  William  Canning, 
who  was  five  times  mayor  of  Bristol,  and  a  great 

•  Statutes,  Edw.  III.  an.  SI.  35.  f  Anderson,  an.  14Sa 

^   Id.  an.  1449.     Ville  and  Villaret,  torn.  15. 
§   Ryni.  Ffced.  t.  1.  p.  43S, 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  ore 

benefactor  to  that  city,  seems  to  have  been  the 
greatest  EngHsli  merchant  of  this  period.  Ed- 
ward IV.  took  from  hin^  at  once  (for  some  misde- 
meanom-  in  trade)  2470  tons  of  shipping;  amongst 
which  there  was  one  ship  of  900  tons,  one  of 
500,  and  one  of  400,  the  rest  being  smaller* 
We  are  not  informed  what  IMr  Canning's  misde- 
meanour was  ;  but  it  is  most  probable  that  there 
was  nothing  dishonourable  in  it,  as  the  above 
anecdote  is  inscribed  upon  his  tomb. 

From  this  brief  account  of  the  trade  of  Encr-  '^'"'"'^^  p™- 

o     fitable 

land  in  this  period,  it  plainly  appears  that  it  was 
not  inconsiderable  ;  and  it  is  probable  it  was  not 
unprofitable,  but  the  contrary.  We  have  no 
means,  however,  of  discovering  with  certainty 
to  which  side  the  balance  inclined,  or  the  exact 
value  of  that  balance  ;  but  we  have  reason  to 
think,  in  general,  that  it  was  in  favour  of  Eng- 
land, and  that  it  was  very  valuable.  It  appears 
from  an  authentic  record,  that  about  the  middle 
of  the  fourteenth  century,  the  balance  of  trade 
in  one  year  (1354)  in  favour  of  England,  was  no 
less  than  294,184L  of  the  money  of  those  times; 
and  we  know  witli  certainty,  that  some  articles 
of  export, particularly  the  great  article  of  woollen 
cloth,  had  veiy  much  encreased  in  the  present 
periodf.  The  incessant  exhausting  drain  of 
money  from  England  to  the  court  of  Rome  still 
continued.  Henry  V.,  after  squeezing  every 
shilling  he  could  from  his  subjects,  anticipated 
his  revenues,  pawned  his  crown  and  jewels,  and 

•    Anderson,  vol.  ],  p.  271.  f   See  vol.  T.  boyk.  4.  ch.  G/ 


256  HTSTOilY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

carried  an  immense  mass  of  treasure  out  of  Eng- 
land in  his  attempts  to  conquer  France.  Hen- 
ry VI.  expended  as  much  in  losing  as  his  father 
had  done  in  gaining  these  foreign  conquests  ; 
and  I  know  of  no  other  means  by  which  these 
treasures  could  be  replaced,  but  by  the  profits  of 
manufactures  and  of  commerce.  In  a  word,  it 
seems  to  be  highly  probable,- that  while  the  kings 
of  England,  in  this  period,  were  dissipating  the 
riches  of  their  dominions,  by  their  defeats  and 
victories,  manufacturers  and  merchants  were  re- 
storing them,  by  the  silent  operations  of  art  and 

trade. 
Trade  of        j^  ^j^g  beffinuins;  of  this  period,  during  the 

Scotland.  »  -r      rM         1         1  •  1 

captivity  of  James  I.,  Scotland  was  m  such  an 
unsettled,  distracted  state,  that  its  commerce 
could  not  flourish.  There  is,  however,  suffi- 
cient evidence,  that,  even  in  those  unhappy  times, 
it  was  not  destitute  of  trade  and  shipping,  of 
wdiich  it  sustained  a  very  gTcat  loss  A.  D.  I*il0. 
Sir  Robert  Umfreville,  an  English  admiral, 
wdth  a  fleet  of  ten  stout  ships,  sailed  up  the 
frith  of  Forth,  as  far  as  Blackness,  where  he 
took  fourteen  vessels,  burnt  several  others,  and 
amongst  them  a  large  one,  called  the  Grand 
GuUiot  of  Scoiknid-K  In  this  expedition.  Sir 
llobert,  it  is  said,  brought  home  so  great  a  quan- 
tity of  corn,  that  the  price  of  it  was  reduced  in 
the  markets  of  England,  which  procured  him 
the  name  of  Robert  Mend-marhet\.  John 
Duke  of  Brabant  granted,  by  his  letters-patent, 
various    privileges,    A.  D.  1407,    to   the   mer- 

•   Hall,  f«l  26.      Stow,  p.  r>38.  +    U-  il'id. 


Chap.  G.  COMMERCE,  &c.  357 

chants  of  Scotland,  who  came  into  his  dominions 
on  account  of  trade*. 

When  King;  James  I.  returned  from  his  lonjr  Jamea  i. 
captivity  into  his  native  kingdom,  A.  D.  1424, 
he  apphed  with  great  ardour  to  promote  the 
prosperity  of  his  subjects,  and  particularly  their 
commerce,  as  is  evident  from  his  laws.  He 
procured  several  acts  of  parliament  for  an  unifor- 
mity of  weights  and  measures,  of  all  kinds,  in 
all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  with  very  particular 
directions  for  making  and  keeping  of  the  stand- 
ards, and  fixing  what  goods  were  to  be  sold  by 
weight,  and  what  by  measure ;  which  (if  they 
were  executed)  must  have  greatly  facihtated 
both  foreign  and  internal  trade  f.  This  wise 
prince  earnestly  desired  to  restore  the  coin  of 
Scotland  to  the  same  weight  and  fineness  with 
that  of  England,  and  obtained  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment to  that  pui-pose:}:.  But  he  never  was  able 
to  carry  that  act  into  execution ;  though  he  en- 
deavoured, by  various  methods,  to  procure  bul- 
lion for  that  end.  AVith  this  view,  he  prevailed 
upon  the  same  parliament  to  grant  him  all  the 
silver  in  aU  the  mines  in  which  a  pound  of  lead 
yielded  three  halfpence  of  silver}.  By  another 
law,  all  merchants  were  obliged  to  bring  home  a 
certain  quantity  of  bullion,  in  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  goods  tliey  exported  jj.  A  duty  of 
10  per  cent,  was  laid  by  several  acts,  on  gold  and 


•  Maitland's  Hist.  Edinburgh,  p.  384. 

■f   Black  Acts  .lames  I.,  oh.  63,  64,  6.';.  79,  SO. 

t  Id.  ch.  S.-J.  §  Id.  ch.  14.  II   Id.  ch.  1©0.- 

Vol..  X.  S 


258  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

silver  coins  exported ;  and  at  last,  in  imitation 
of  P^ngland,  the  exportation  of  these  precious 
metals,  coined  or  uncoined,  was  prohibited*,  I 
will  not  affirm,  that  these  laws  were  or  coidd  be 
eftectual ;  but  they  plainly  discover  that  it  was 
the  intention  of  this  prince  to  promote  trade,  and 
to  make  it  lucrative  to  his  kingdom,  by  increas- 
ing its  stock  of  gold  and  silver.  Several  other 
'  laws  of  this  excellent  king,  that  were  made  with 
the  same  intention,  might  be  mentioned ;  such 
as, — those  for  ascertaining  the  rate  of  customs  on 
all  exports  and  imports, — for  securing  the  effects 
of  traders  who  died  abroad, — for  permitting  his 
merchants  to  freight  foreign  ships,  when  they 
could  not  procure  any  of  their  own  country, — 
for  regulating  fairs  and  markets,  and  delivering 
those  who  frequented  them  from  various  vexa- 
tions, &c.  &c.f 

James  II.  Jamcs  II.  was  not  wholly  inattentive  to  trade. 
He  renewed  the  laws  tliat  had  been  made  by  his 
father  for  the  uniformity  of  weights  and  mea- 
sures, and  for  regulating  fairs  and  markets:]:. 
But  as  most  of  the  mercantile  regulations  of  this 
prince  relate  to  the  coin,  they  will  be  considered 
in  another  place. 

James  III.  Many  commercial  laws  were  made  in  the  reign 
of  James  III. ;  but  some  of  them  discover  no  great 
wisdom  or  knowledge  of  the  subject,  in  the  la\^- 
makers.  Tliey  renewed  all  the  former  acts  for  the 


*  Black  Acts,  .Tames  I.,  cb.  55.  ICG. 
■f  See  Arts  of  James  II.,  2'"-'si»t. 
i  Act's  Jamts  1 1,  cli.  CG.  S2. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE.  &c.  059 

i  mportation  of  bullion,  and  against  tlie  exportation 
of  coin,  again  and  again  with  severer  and  severer 
penalties,  and  were  mncli  surprised  to  find  that 
money  was  still  scarce.  This  they  imputed  to  the 
negligence  of  the  officers  who  were  appointed  to 
put  those  acts  in  execution ;  never  reflecting  that 
if  the  value  of  the  goods  exported  was  less  than 
of  the  goods  imported,  ten  thousand  laws,  and  the 
greatest  vigilance  in  their  execution,  could  not 
prevent  the  exportation  of  money  ta  pay  the 
balance*.  It  is  difficult  to  discover  with  what 
view  several  laws  were  made  forrestraining  crafts- 
men, or  such  as  were  not  burgesses,  or  had  not  a 
certain  quantity  of  goods,  from  engaging  in 
foreign  trade ;  but  these  restraints  were  certainly 
imprudent,  and  were  ]}robably  procured  by  the 
influence  of  the  richer  merchants  f.  An  embargo 
was  laid  by  law  on  all  the  shipping  of  Scotland, 
from  St  Simon's  and  St  Jude's  day  (October  28) 
to  Candlemas,  as  sailing  was  thought  to  be  pecu- 
liarly dangerous  at  that  season:):.  The  staple  for 
the  merchants  of  Scotland  was  removed  by  an 
act  of  parliament,  A.  D.  1466,  from  Bruges  in 
Flanders,  first  to  INIiddleburg,  and  soon  after  to 
Campvere  in  Zealand,  where  it  still  remains^. 
It  a])pears  from  another  act  of  the  same  parlia- 
ment, that  it  was  not  uncommon  for  the  prelates, 
lords,  and  barons  of  Scotland  to  export  tlic 
produce  of  their  own  lands,  and  import  such 


•    Acts  .Tdmcs  lit.,  rh.  10,  11.  27.  63.  80. 

t  Id.  ch.  l.*;,  Ifi.  \   Id.  ch.  itl< 

5   Id.  ch.  19,  20. 


260  HISTQ-RY  OF  BllITAIM.  Book  V, 

goods  as  they  thought  proper  for  the  use  of  tlieir 
families*. 


It  would  be  difficult,  and  is  unnecessary,  to 
Exports     give  a  complete  enumeration  of  all  the  exports 

and  iiu-  ■.    .  n  c^         -I         -I    •         1  • 

ports,  and  UTiports  ot  Scotland  m  this  period,  as  they 
were  both  very  numerous,  but  many  of  them  not 
very  valuable.  The  chief  articles  exported  were, 
wool,  wool-fells,  woollen  cloth,  leather,  salted 
hides,  skins  of  metricks,  harts,  hinds,  does,  roes, 
tods,  fowmats,  cunnies,  and  otters,  barrelled  and 
red  herrings,  salmon,  black  cattle,  horses,  and 
sheep.  That  all  these  articles  were  exported, 
we  have  the  evidence  of  acts  of  parliament  ascer- 
tiiining  the  customs  to  be  paid  on  their  expor- 
tation f.  Tallow  was  also  exported,  except  at 
particular  times,  when  its  exportation  was  prohi- 
bited f.  Tlie  articles  imported  were  still  more 
numerous,  and  consisted  of  silks  and  fine  cloths  ; 
but  these  in  no  great  quantities,  as  the  use  of 
tliem  was  confined  by  law  to  a  few  persons  of 
high  rank  ;  wines,  groceries,  hardware,  armour, 
and  arms  ;  furniture  and  implements  of  husban- 
dry J.  But  so  low  was  the  state  of  agriculture, 
as  well  as  of  the  other  arts,  in  Scotland,  in  those 
unhappy  times,  that  corn  was  one  of  the  greatest 
articles  of  importation.  This  appears  from  se- 
veral acts  of  parliament,  and  particularly  from^ 

*    Acts  James  III.,  ch.  M. 

t  Black  Acts  Jamus  I.,  cli.  23,24.  44.  86,  &e. 

\  hi.  cli.  35. 

§  Id.  ch.  52.     Prologue  of  Engliih  Tolicy,  ch.  4, 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  Sec.  261 

the  following  preamble  to  one,  A.  D.  1477. — 
"  Because  victuals  (corns)  ar  rycht  schant  within 
"  the  countrie,  the  maist  supportation  that  this 
"  realme  lies,  is  be  strangers  of  divers  uther  na- 
"  tions  that  brings  victual*." 

The  Scots,  in  this  period,  seem  to  have  been  Fisii«"es. 
sensible  of  the  importance  of  the  fisheries  an 
their  coasts  and  in  their  rivers,  and  desirous  of 
availing  themselves  of  that  advantage,  both  for 
home  consumpt  and  for  exportation.  By  an  act 
of  parliament,  A.  D.  1471,  it  is  statute  and  or- 
dained, "  That  the  lords  spiritual  and  tempc«-al, 
"  and  burowes,  gar  mak  greit  schippiis,  buschcs, 
"  and  uther  greit  pinkboiltis,  with  nettis  and 
"  abelzements  for  fisching,  for  the  commun 
"  gude  of  the  realme,  and  the  great  entres  of 
"  ryches,  to  be  brought  within  the  realme,  of 
"  uther  countries f."  They  discovered  their 
anxiety  for  preserving  the  fry  of  red  fish,  and  for 
preventing  the  killing  salmon  at  improper  sea- 
sons, by  many  laws ;  and  the  value  they  set  on 
that  fish,  by  ordaining,  that  none  of  them  should 
be  sold  to  Englishmen,  but  for  inunediate  pay- 
ment in  gold  or  silver ;  or  to  Frenchmen,  but  for 
gold,  silver,  or  claret  wine|. 

It  is  impossible  to  discover  whether  the  balance  pg!,„ce 
jof  trade  was  in  favour  of  Scotland  or  not,  in  tliis  <>'  ^'"^*'- 
period.     It  is  probable  the  balance  on  eitlier  side 
was  not  very  great,  as  that  country  dotli  not 


•   Act5  .lames  IJI.,  cli.  81.  f  !<'•  <'i-  "P- 

f  AcU  .Taruc*  1.,  cli.  12.  115.  163.  Jame«  II.,  cli.  R.  P6.  Jarne*  III., 
fh,  -15.  S2.  ■  ■ 


S>G3  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

jtppcar  to  liave  ])cen  either  reiiuirkubly  enriched 
or  impoverivshed.  But  even  such  a  commerce  is 
not  unprofitable,  as  it  i)rocures  many  accommo- 
dations, conveniencies,  and  comforts,  which 
coidd  not  otherAvise  be  obtained. 
Bioney.  As  moucy  or  coins  have  long  been  the  great 

medium  of  commerce,  and  the  common  measure 
of  the  value  of  all  other  commodities  ;  and  as  the 
acquisition  of  them  hath  been  the  great  object  of 
particular  merchants,  and  of  trading  nations,  they 
are  well  entitled  to  a  place  in  the  commercial  his- 
tory of  every  period.  AVithout  a  competent  know- 
ledge of  coins  in  every  age,  of  their  weight  and 
fineness,  and  of  their  comparative  value,  with  re- 
spect to  other  commodities,  and  to  the  coins  of  our 
own  times,  we  can  formno  justconceptionsof  the 
price  of  labour,  the  rate  of  living,  the  prosperity 
and  wealth  of  nations,  and  many  other  important 
facts  in  history.  We  are  apt,  for  example,  to  be 
surprised  to  hear,  that  the  wages  of  common  la- 
bourers in  the  fifteenth  century,  were  only  three- 
halfpence  a-day,  and  to  imagine  that  these  poor 
labourers  must  have  lived  in  a  very  wretched 
manner ;  but  when  we  are  told,  that  those  three 
halfpence  contained  as  much  silver  as  three-pence, 
and  would  purchase  as  many  of  the  necessaries  of 
life  as  fifteen  pence  of  our  money  will  do  at  pre- 
sent, our  surprise  and  pity  are  at  an  end. 
Weight  of  It  hath  been  already  observed,  that  anciently 
^'^'"*'  the  English  nominal  pound  in  coin  contained  a 
real  Tower  poimd  of  silver,  weighing  5100 
grains  Troy  ;  that  of  this  pound  of  silver  were 


Chap.  6,  COMMERCE,  kc.  oQ^ 

coined  240  pennies  (the  largest  coins  then  in 
use,)  weighing  each  22^  Troy  grains ;  and 
that  the  money  of  England  continued  on  the 
same  footing  from  the  Conquest  till  near  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  centurj^  when  Ed^ 
ward  III.  made  an  alteration*.  That  prince, 
A.  D.  1346,  coined  270  pennies,  weighing  each 
only  20  Troy  grains,  instead  of  22^,  out  of  a 
Tower  pound  of  silver  :  by  which  the  value  of 
the  nominal  pound  was  reduced  from  60  of  our 
shillings,  to  51s.  8d.  That  same  prince  made 
another  change  in  his  money,  A.  D.  1351,  by 
coining  groats  that  weighed  only  72  grains,  in- 
stead of  90  (the  original  weight  of  four  pennies,) 
by  which  the  nominal  pound  was  brought  down 
to  46s.  6d.  of  our  present  money ;  at  which  it 
continued  till  after  the  beginning  of  the  period 
we  are  now  delineating  f. 

By  an  act  of  parliament,  13th  Henry  IV.,  Continued. 
A.  D.  1412,  it  was  directed,  "  That  by  reason 
"  of  the  great  scarcity  of  money  in  the  realm 
"  of  England,  the  pound  Tower  should,  from 
"  the  feast  of  Easter  following,  be  coined  into 
"  thirty  shillings  by  tale|."  A  strange  ima- 
gination, that  diminishing  the  value  of  the 
nominal  pound  would  make  money  more  plen- 
tiful !  and  yet  it  was  on  this  groundless  fancy 
that  aU  the  above  and  subsequent  changes 
were  made.     13y  this  last  regulation,  the  value 


*  See  vol  6.  p.  294,  295.  t   Sco  vol.  S.  th.  S. 

t  Statutes,  13th  Ilcn.  IV. 


264 


HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN. 


Book  V. 


Edward 
IV. 


Jnconve- 


Goi(} 


or  quantity  of  silver  in  tlie  nominal  pound  was 
reduced  to  38s.  9d.  of  our  money  ;  and  on  that 
footing,  the  coin  of  England  continued  more 
than  half  a  century,  during  the  reigns  of  Henry 
V.  and  Henry  VI*. 

Edward  IV.,  A.  D.  1464.,  by  coining  37s.  6d. 
by  tale  out  of  the  Tower  pound  of  silver,  brought 
down  his  groats  (the  largest  coin  then  in  use) 
to  48  Troy  grains,  and  the  intrinsic  value  of  the 
nominal  pound  to  31s.  of  our  money  ;  and  thus 
it  remained  till  long  after  the  conclusion  of  the 
present  period. 

These  successive  changes  in  the  value  or  quan- 
tity of  silver,  in  the  nominal  pound  of  coin, 
which  could  add  nothing  to  the  real  riches  of  the 
kingdom,  were  productive  of  many  inconveni- 
encies.  Every  change  deceived  the  people  for 
sometime  to  their  loss ;  and  occasioned  great  con- 
fusion in  the  payment  of  debts,  rents,  annuities, 
and  in  all  mercantile  and  money  transactions. 

The  only  gold  coins  that  were  struck  in  Eng- 
land in  the  greatest  part  of  this  period,  in  the 
reigns  of  Henry  IV.,  Henry  V.,  and  Henry  VI., 
were  nobles,  with  their  halves  and  quarters.  The 
first  nobles  of  Henry  IV.  weighed  120  grains, 
and  their  value  was  21s.  Ijd.,  the  same  weight 
and  value  with  those  of  his  predecessor  Ri- 
chard II.  But,  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign, 
the  noble  was  reduced  to  108  grains,  value 
19s. ;  and  on  that  footing  it  continued  during 


•   Martin  Folkw  on  the  Siher  Coins  of  Ens'and,  p   15,  14. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  0^5 

the  two  succeeding  reigns*.  The  gold  noble 
was  of  23  carats  3^  grains  fine,  and  ^  grain  in 
alloy,  and  was  much  admired,  both  at  home 
and  abroad,  for  its  purity  and  beauty. 

Edward  IV.,  A.  D.  1466,  struck  gold  coins,  Continued. 
called  angels^  from  the  figure  of  an  angel  on  the 
reverse  ;  and  their  halves,  called  angelets.  The 
angel  weighed  80  grains,  passed  for  6s.  8d.  of 
the  silver  money  of  those  times,  and  was  worth 
14s.  Id.  of  our  present  money f. 

In  the  preceding  period,  it  hath  been  observed  Coins  of 
that  the  coins  of  Scotland  were  originally  the 
same  with  those  of  England,  and  so  continued  till 
about  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  when 
they  fell  a  little  below  the  English  coins,  both  in 
weiglit  and  purity  f.  This  difference  between 
the  coins  of  the  two  British  kingdoms  gi-adually 
increased  ;  and  at  the  beginning  of  our  present 
period,  those  of  Scotland  were  only  about  half 
the  value  of  those  of  England  of  the  same  deno- 
mination. But  this  difference  was  then  only  in 
weio-ht,  because  the  Scottish  coins  had  been  re- 
stored  to  their  former  fineness  §. 

James  I.  on  his  return  to  Scotland,  A.D.  1424,  James  i. 
being  convinced  that  this  difference  between  the 
coins  of  the  two  kingdoms  was  a  great  interrup- 
tion to  trade,  procured  an  act  of  parliament,  im- 
powering  him  "to  mend  his  money,  and  gar 
"  stryke  in  it  hke  wicht  and  fynes  to  the  money 


»   Martin  Folkes  on  the  Gold  Coins  of  England,  p.  4. 

f    Fo'koi  on  Gold  Coins.  i   See  vol.  8.  ch,  6. 

5    Kuddimanni  Praefat.  ad  Andersoni  Diplom.  Scot. 


niency. 


oQQ  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

''  of  Indand*."    Eut  the  disorders  and  distresses 
of  his  kingdom  prevented  the  execution  of  that 
wise  law ;  and  the  coins  of  Scotland  oradually 
sunk  more  and  more  below  the  value  of  those  of 
England  of  the  same  denomination.     JMaterials 
are  not  wanting  to  trace  the  gradual  decrease  of 
the  Scottish  coins,  step  by  step  ;  but  such  a  mi- 
nute detail  would  be  tedious  and  uninteresting. 
It  will  be  sufficient  to  remark,  that  at  the  end 
this  period,  they  were  little  more  than  one-fourth 
of  the  weight  and  value  of  the  coins  that  were 
called  by  the  same  names  in  Englandf . 
inconve-        Tliough  our  kiugs  and  great  barons  were  the 
chief  promoters  of  the  diminution  of  the  weight 
and  value  of  the  coin,  they  were  by  far  the  great- 
est sufferers  by  that  imprudent  measure.     For 
by  that  means  all  the  fixed  annual  payments  that 
were  due  to  them  from  their  subjects  and  vas- 
sals, were  much  diminished  in  their  real  value, 
though  they  continued  the  same  in  name.  They 
received  the  same  number  of  pounds  that  had 
been   originally   stipulated;  but  these  pounds 
did  not  contain  the  same  quantity  of  silver,  and 
would  not  purchase  the  same  quantity  of  goods 
with  those  in  the  original  stipulation.  The  Khig 
and  nobility  discovered  the  error  they  had  com- 
mitted and  the  loss  they  had  sustained,  and  en- 
deavoured to  apply  a  remedy ;  but  it  w^as  not 
the  natural  and  only  effectual  one,  of  restoring 

*  Black  Acts  James  I.,  act  25. 

t  Id.  James  11.  act  72  j  James  III.,  act.  22.  26.  58.  63.  S3.  89. 108. 
114. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  oQj 

the  coin  to  its  original  weight  and  purity.     An 
act  of  parliament  was  made,  A.  D.  1467,  to  the 
following  puii^ose :  *'  Because  our  soverane  lord, 
"  and  his  three  estatis,  considderis  and  under- 
*'  standis,  that  his  hienes,  and  the  hail  realme  in 
'*  ilk  estate,  is  greitly  hurt  and  skaithet  in  the 
"  changeing  and  heying  the  course  of  the  money, 
"  baith  in  debts  paying,  and  contracts,  bygane 
"  annuallis,  wedsettis,   and  lands  set  for  lang 
"  tennis,  customis,  and  procuraseis  of  prelatis, 
"  and  all  other  dettes ;  it  is  pro^ydit,  by  our 
"  soverane  lord  and  his  three  estatis  in  this  pre- 
"  sent  parliament.  That  baith  the  creditour  and 
"  the  dettour,  the  byar  and  the  sellar,  the  bor- 
"  roAver  and  the  lennar,  the  lord  and  the  tennant, 
"  spkituall  and  temporall,  be  observit   to  the 
*•  desyre  and  the  intentis  of  thame  that  war  in 
*'  the  tyme  of  making  the  contractis,  and  pay- 
"  ment  to  be  made  in  the  samen  substance  that 
"  was  intendit  at  the  tyme  of  the  making  of  the 
"  contractis  *."     This  law   was   certainly    very 
equitable ;  but  it  is  obvious,  that  the  execution 
of  it  would  be  attended  with  many  difficulties, 
and  productive  of  many  disputes ;  and  that  it 
would  be  no  easy  matter  to  persuade  vassals, 
tenants,  and  debtors  of  all  kinds,  to  pay  a  greater 
number  of  pou nds,  shillings,  and  pence,  than  they 
were  bound  to  pay  by  then-  original  obligations. 
There  is  sufficient  evidence  still  remaining,  tliat 
thouiih  several  laws  were  made  of  the  same  tenor 
with  that  above,  none  of  them  could  be  execut- 

•  Black  Acts,  James  III.,  act.  23. 


268  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

ed ;  and  that  the  several  feudal  payments  dvie 
by  the  vassals  of  the  King  and  barons,  by  the 
successive  changes  of  the  coin,  and  of  the  value 
of  money,  dwindled  down  to  less  than  the  hun- 
dredth part  of  what  was  originally  intended,  and 
in  manv  cases  to  a  mere  trifle.  The  relief,  for 
example,  paid  to  the  crown  by  the  ancient  barons 
of  Panmore,  was  originally  1221.  containing  as 
much  silver  as  3661.  of  our  present  English  mo- 
ney ;  and  as  4,392l.  of  our  present  Scotcli  money, 
equivalent  in  efficacy  to  1,8301,  Engiisli,  and  to 
21,960l.  Scotch.  This  was  a  valuable  payment, 
and  was  probably  one  year's  rent  of  the  estate. 
Edward  I,,  when  he  was  in  possession  of  Scot- 
land, remitted  to  William  de  Maul,  baron  of 
Panmore,  82l.  of  his  own  relief,  and  of  his  heirs, 
to  eain  him  to  his  interest.  From  thence  the 
relief  paid  by  the  heirs  of  that  noble  family  was 
401.,  containing  originally  as  much  silver  as  1201. 
English,  and  as  1,4401.  Scotch,  equivalent  in 
value  to  6001.  English,  and  to  7,2001.  Scotch 
money.  But  by  many  successive  diminutions 
of  the  nominal  money-pound  in  Scotland,  that 
payment,  originally  so  considerable,  was  reduced 
to  the  trifling  sum  of  3l.  6s.  8d.  of  our  present 
English  money*. 
Gold  coin.  Gold  was  coiucd  in  Scotland  by  Robert  II.  soon 
after  it  began  to  be  coined  in  England  by  Ed- 
ward III.;  and  the  gold  coins  of  both  kingdoms 
were  the  same  in  weight  and  fineness  to  the  endQjf 

*  See  Ruddi'tnan's  Pref.  to  Anderson's  Diploin.  Scot.  sect.  61. 


Chap.  G. 


COMMERCE,  Sec. 


this  period*.  But  the  reader  will  form  a  more 
distinct  idea  of  the  gold  coin  of  those  times,  and 
of  the  comparative  value  of  gold  and  silver,  by- 
inspecting  the  following  table,  than  can  be  given 
him  in  many  words. 


269 


A.  D. 

A.  Regni. 

Fineness. 

Value  of 
coins  out 
Alloy.  1     of  a 

pound of 
gold. 

Weight  of 

silver  for  a 

pound  of 

gold. 

1371,  &c. 

1390,  &c. 

1424. 

1451. 

1456. 

1475. 

I4S4. 

Robert  II. 
Robert  III. 
James  I.       19 
James  II.    15 

on 

oz.pvv.  gr 
11    18   18 
11    18   18 
11    18   18 
11    18   18 
11    18    IS 

pw. 

1 

1 
1 

1 

0 

1 
1 

6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
G 

L.  s,  d. 
17   12  0 
19     4  0 
22   10  0 
S3     6  8 
50     8  0 
78   15  0 
78   15  0 

lib.  oz.  pw.  gr. 
11      1      17     22 
11      1      17     22 
11      1      17      22 
9     8        4      14 
9     8        4      14 
10     2        0     20 
10     5        7        9 

James  III.  16 

11    18    18 
11    IS    18 

From  the  above  table,  constructed  from  au- 
thentic monuments,  the  following  facts  appear 
— That  the  gold  coined  in  Scotland  was  of  suf- 
ficient fineness — that  the  nominal  money  pound 
contained  above  four  times  more  silver,  A.  D. 
1390,  than  it  did  in  A.  D.  1445  :  a  prodigious 
chancre  in  so  short  a  time ! — and  that  the  va- 
lue  of  gold  compared  to  silver  was  about  one- 
third  less  than  it  is  at  present :  and  so  it  con- 
tinued, till  after  the  discovery  of  the  silver 
mines  in  South  America ;  from  which  immense 
quantities  of  that  metal  have  been  imported 
into  Europe. 


»  Black  Act«,  Jamc»  HI.,  act  I0«.  A.  D.  1433. 


270  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V- 

coppcr  In  thefirstparlianicnt  of  James  III.  A.  D.  1 4(){), 

money.  ■■• 

an  act  was  made  for  coining  co})])cv  money,  "  for 
"  tlie  use  and  sustentation  of  the  king's  liegis, 
"  and  for  almous  deid  to  be  done  to  pure  folk." 
An  exact  description  is  given  in  the  act,  of  the 
form  of  these  copper  coins,  of  which  four  were 
to  pass  for  one  penny.  Ey  the  same  act,  a 
coinage,  of  three  hundred  pound  weight,  of  a 
different  kind  of  copper-money,  with  a  mixture 
of  silver  in  it,  was  appointed.  This  was  called 
hlach  money,  from  its  colour,  as  the  mixture  of 
silver  in  it  was  very  small,  probably  not  greater 
than  the  mixture  of  copper  in  the  white  money, 
hardly  one  ounce  in  the  pound*.  King  James 
was  afterwards  cruelly  calumniated  for  coining 
this  black  money,  and  the  minds  of  the  common 
people  inflamed  against  him  on  that  account,  by 
the  Earl  of  Angus  and  his  party,  though  they  per- 
fectly well  knew,  that  it  had  been  coined  in  con- 
sequence of  an  act  of  parliament,  when  the  King 
was  in  his  childhood,  and  had  no  concern  in  the 
matter.  So  little  regard  hath  faction  to  truth, 
and  so  easily  are  the  minds  of  the  people  misled ! 
Rate  of  It  would  rcQ uirc  a  lono-  and  very  tedious  indue- 
tion  of  particulars,  to  ascertain  the  exact  differ- 
ence between  the  rate  of  living  at  present  and  in 
the  period  we  are  now  examining.  I  have  investi- 
gated this  matter  with  all  the  attention  of  which 
I  am  capable ;  and  I  am  persuaded,  t]iat  to  the 
lower  and  middle  ranks  of  the  people,  living  was, 
in  that  period,   nominally  ten  times,  and  really 

•  Black  Acts,  James  III.,  act  12. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  071 

five  times  cheaper  than  it  is  at  present,  to  persons 
of  the  same  rank.  To  understand  the  distinction 
between  the  nominal  and  real  difference  in  the 
rate  of  living,  we  have  only  to  reflect,  1st,  That 
one  nominal  money-pound,  m  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tiuy,  contained  as  much  silver  as  two  nominal 
pounds  contain  at  present ;  and  therefore  a  per- 
son who  had  then  an  income  of  lOl.  a-year  had 
as  much  silver  to  expend  as  one  who  hath  now 
an  income  of  201.  a-year ;  and,  2dly,  That  the 
same  quantity  of  silver,  suppose  a  pound  weight, 
would  then  have  pvuchased  as  many  of  the  neces- 
saries of  life  as  five  times  that  quantity,  or  five 
pounds  weight  of  silver,  will  purchase  at  present: 
for  these  two  reasons,  one  who  had  a  free  annual 
income  of  ten  nominal  money -pounds  in  the  fif- 
teenth century,  was  as  rich  and  could  live  as  well, 
as  one  who  hath  an  income  of  ten  times  as  many 
money-pounds,  or  of  lOOl.  at  present;  though  in 
reality,  any  given  weight  of  coins  had  then  only 
five  times  the  value  and  efficacy  that  the  same 
■weight  of  coins,  of  equal  purity,  have  in  our 
times. 

That  the  above  account  of  the  nominal  differ-  VtooCs. 
cnce  in  tlie  rate  of  living,  and  the  real  difference 
in  the  value  of  money,  is  not  far  from  the  truth, 
many  proofs  might  be  produced  ;  of  which,  to 
avoid  prolixity,  I  shall  mention  only  two  or 
three.  As  grain  of  different  kinds,  and  animal 
food,  are  the  chief  means  of  su])porting  luunan 
life,  their  prices  claim  particular  attention  ii» 
forming  a  judgment  of  the  ex])ence  of  living. 


272  llISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  Y. 

Tlie  average  price  of  a  quarter  of  wlieat,  in  tliat 
part  of  tlie  fifteenth  century  wliich  is  the  suli^ject 
of  this  hook  (except  in  a  few  years  of  famine), 
appears  to  have  been  about  5s.  which  multiplied 
by  ten,  produces  50s.  wliich  is  not  esteemed  a 
very  high  price  at  present.  When  wheat  was 
6s.  8d.  per  quarter,  a  famine  was  dreaded,  antl 
the  ports  were  opened  for  importation.  All  other 
kinds  of  grain  were  cheaper  in  proportion  to 
vv'heat  than  they  are  at  present*.  Animal  food 
of  all  kinds  was  still  cheaper  than  grain.  The 
price  of  an  ordinary,  probably  a  small  cow,  was 
7s.  equivalent  to  3l.  10s.  Od. — of  a  calf,  Is.  8d. 
equivalent  to  l6s.  8d. — of  an  ox,  13s.  4d.  equi- 
valent to  61.  13s.  4d. — of  a  sheep,  2s.  5d.  equi- 
valent to  ll.  4s.  2d. — of  a  hog,  2s.  equivalent  to 
11, — of  a  goose,  3d.  equivalent  to  2s.  6d.  &c.f 
Liquors  were  fully  as  cheap  as  either  bread-corn 
or  butcher  meat,  or  rather  cheaper.  Claret  cost 
only  Is.  a  gallon,  equivalent  to  10s.  and  ale  only 
l^d.  equivalent  to  Is.  3d. i  It  was  established 
by  law,  2d  Henry  V.  A.  D.  1414,  "  That  no 
*'  yearly  chaplain  within  the  realm  shall  take, 
"  from  henceforth,  more  for  his  whole  wages  by 
"  the  year  (that  is  to  say,  for  his  board,  apparel, 
"  and  other  necessaries),  but  seven  marks,  or 
''41.  13s.  4d.  equivalent  to  461.  13s.  4d.^"  a 
sum  which  is  barely  sufficient  (if  it  is  sufficient) 
to  support  a  single  clergyman  in  board,  lodgings^ 
apparel,  and  every  thing  else,  in  a  manner  suitable 
to  his  character.     By  the  same  statute  it  is  or- 

*  See  Chionifrou  Precio^iim,  p.  fJS— 112.  t  ^'^-  '•'''^• 

i  Id.  ibid.  §  Staliites,  -Jd  Henry  V.  stat.  y.  c.  2. 


Chap.  6.  COMMERCE,  &c.  ^fS 

dnined,  "  Tliat  parish-priests  which  be,  or  shall 
*'  be  retained  to  serve  cures,  sliall  take,  from 
"  henceforth,  for  their  whole  wages,  by  the  vear, 
"  but  8  marks,  or  51.  6s.  8d.*;"  which,  being  mul- 
tiplied by  ten,  yields  53l.  6s.  8d. ;  a  sum  certainly 
not  too  great  for  the  decent  support  of  a  parish- 
priest  at  present :  and  we  cannot  suppose  that 
the  parliament  of  England  would  have  fixed  the 
highest  stipend  to  be  given  to  a  curate  at  8  marks, 
if  that  sum  had  not  then  been  sufficient  for  his 
decent  support.  Sir  John  Fortescue,  Chief  Jus- 
tice of  the  King's  Bench,  and  afterwards  Chan- 
cellor to  Henry  VI.,  wrote  his  book  on  the  Dif- 
ference between  an  Absolute  and  Limited  JNIo- 
narchy,  towards  the  end  of  this  period ;  and  in 
that  work  he  says,  in  plain  terms,  "  that  five 
"  pounds  in  a  year  was  a  fair  living  for  a  yeo- 
"  man ;"  which,  I  believe,  can  hardly  be  said  of 
fifty  pounds  a-j-^ear  in  our  times  "f.  In  a  word, 
it  seems  to  be  abundantly  evident,  that  inferior 
clergymen,  yeomen,  respectable  tradesmen,  and 
others  in  the  middle  ranks  of  life,  could  haA^e 
lived  as  plentifully,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  on 
an  income  of  51.  a-year,  of  the  money  of  that  age, 
as  those  of  the  same  rank  can  live  on  ten  times 
that  nominal,  or  five  times  that  real  income,  that 
is,  on  501.  a-year  at  present;.     The  precious 

*  Statutes,  2(1  Henry  V.  sfat.  2.  c.  2. 

f  Fortescue  on  tlie  Dift'erence  between  an  absolute  and  limited  Monar- 
chy, p.  13:^. 

\  I  confess  Bishop  Fleetwood,  in  his  Chronicon  Prociosum,  makes  the 
diftercnce  in  tlie  rate  of  living  only  as  six  to  one.  But  (hat  learni'd  and 
good  iiroLite,  uritin}"  on  a  case  of  conscience,  intentionally  kept  within 
bounds.  He  wrote  also  in  the  beginning  of  this  cenltn-y,  when  living  wa* 
cheaper  than  it  is  at  present. 

vol,.   X..  T 


^74  HISTORY  OF  BRTT\IN.  Book  V. 

inetals  of  gold  and  silver  have  indeed  greatly- 
increased  in  Britain  since  those  times ;  but  we 
must  not  therefore  imagine,  that  we  are  so  much 
richer  than  our  ancestors  ;  because  as  these  me- 
tals increased  in  quantity,  they  decreased  in  va- 
kie  and  efficacy. 
Shipping.  The  state  of  shipping  in  Britain  seems  to  have 
been  nearly  the  same  in  this,  that  it  had  been  in 
the  former  period.  Commerce  was  not  much  ex- 
tended and  a  gTeat  part  of  it  was  still  carried  on 
by  foreign  merchants  in  foreign  bottoms;  which 
•retarded  the  increase  both  of  ships  and  sailors. 
Some  attempts  were  made  to  build  ships  of  great- 
er burden  than  had  formerly  been  in  use,  in  imi- 
tation of  the  can-acks  of  Venice  and  Genoa,  which 
were  often  seen  in  British  harbours.  But  these 
attempts  were  prol:>ably  very  few,  as  they  are 
mentioned  by  our  historians  with  expressions  of 
admiration,  and  those  who  made  them  obtained 
both  honours  and  immunities.  James  Kennedy, 
the  patriotic  Bishop  of  St  Andrew's,  is  as  much 
celebrated  for  building  a  ship  of  uncommon  mag- 
nitude, called  the  Blshof^s  Berp^^e,  as  for  building 
and  endowing  a  college*.  John  Taverner  of  Hull, 
obtained  various  privileges  and  immunities  from 
Henry  VI.  A.  D.  1449,  "  because  he  had  built  a 
"  ship  as  large  as  a  great  carrackf :"  a  sufficient  proof 
that  few  such  ships  were  then  built  in  England. 
In  the  subsequent  periods  of  this  work,  the 
increase  of  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain,  par- 
ticularly of  England,  will  be  more  conspicuous, 
and  merit  a  n/ore  extended  delineation. 

*  Pitscottie.  HawUiorden.  f  Ryin.  Feed.  torn.  U.  p.  258. 


THE 

HISTORY 

OF 


.' M        ;.         L    ^  ,     J. 


GREAT  BRITAIN 


t    ■■'  '»    ;'1  't  i  i    .fi: 


BOOK    V. 

CHAr.  TII. 

THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  MANNERS,  VIRTUES,  VICES,  RE- 
MARKABLE CUSTOMS,  LANGUAGE,  DRESS,  DIET,  AND 
DIVERSIONS,  OF  THE  PEOPLE  OF  GREAT  BRITAIN, 
rnOM  THE  ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  IV.  A.  D.  1399,  TO 
THE  ACCESSION  OF  HENRY  VII.  A.  D.   1485. 

When  a  country  is  conquered  by  a  foreign  slow 
power,  and  receives  new  masters,  and  an  inun-  ^anners!^ 
dation  of  new  inhabitants  from  a  distant  resdon, 
a  great  and  sudden  change  of  manners,  &c.  is 
commonly  produced,  by  the  introduction  of 
those  of  the  conquerors,  in  the  place  of  those  of 
th6  ancient  inhabitants,  or  by  an  intermixture  of 
both.    Such  were  the  great  and  striking  revolu- 


07(5  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

tions  in  the  munners,  customs,  and  circumstances 
of  the  people  of  liritain,  introduced  by  the  suc- 
cessive conquests  and  settlements  of  the  Romans, 
Saxons,   Danes,  and  Normans,  in  this  island, 
which  have  been  already  delineated  in  their  pro- 
per places.    But  Avhen  a  country  continues  to  be 
inhabited  by  the  same  people,  living  under  the 
same  government,  professing  the  same  religion, 
and  speaking  the  same  language,  as  the  people  of 
Britain  did  in  this  period,  the  chan^'es  in  their 
manners,  customs,  virtues  vices,  language,  dress, 
diet,  and  diversions,  are  slow,  and  almost  imper- 
ceptible.   These  changes,  however,  like  the  mo- 
tion of  the  shadow  on  tlie  sun-dial,  are  real,  and 
in  process  of  time  become  conspicuous.     If  the 
heroic  Henry  V.  were  now  to  arise  from  the  dead, 
and  appear  in  the  streets  of  London,  mounted 
on  his  war-horse  and  clothed  in  complete  armour, 
what  astonishment  would  he  excite  in  the  admir- 
ing multitude  !  How  much  woidd  he  be  surpris- 
ed at  every  object  around  him  !  If  he  were  con- 
ducted to  St  Paul's,  he  would  neither  know  the 
church  nor  understand  the  service.  In  a  word,  he 
would  believe  himself  to  be  in  a  city,  and  among 
a  people  he  had  never  seen.    It  cannot  therefore 
be  improper  to  trace,  in  every  period,  those  gra- 
dual, and  almost  insensible  changes,  in  our  man- 
ners, language,  and  dress,  &c.   which  have  at 
length  transformed  us  into  a  people  so  totally 
different  from  our  ancestors ;  and  to  point  out 
the  causes  of  these  changes,  and  the  degrees  of 
hn])piness  or  distress  which  they  produced. 


Chap.    T-  MANNERS,  Sec.  0^7' 

No  very  material  alteration  in  the  ranks  and  Alterations 
orders  of  men  in  society  took  place  in  this  pe- 
riod ;  but  there  seems  to  have  been  a  consider- 
able change  in  the  comparative  importance  and 
influence  of  the  people  in  these  several  ranks. 
The  distinction  between  the  nobility  and  gentry 
of  England  Vv^as  now  fully  established,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  division  of  the  parliament  into  two 
houses ;  and  the  former  enjoyed  several  privi- 
leges to  which  the  latter  had  no  claim.  The  par- 
liament of  Scotland  still  continued  to  meet  in 
one  house ;  and  the  nobility  hardly  enjoyed  any 
peculiar  advantages,  except  their  titles  and  mere 
precedency,  besides  those  they  derived  from  the 
greatness  of  their  fortunes  and  number  of  their 
followers*.  The  citizens  and  burgesses  in  both 
kingdoms  were  more  respected,  or  rather,  not  so 
much  despised,  as  they  had  been  formerly  ;  and 
even  the  common  people  were  treated  with 
greater  lenity,  as  their  haughty  lords  often  stood 
in  need  of  their  assistance  in  the  field  of  battle. 

The  most  remarkable  chano-e  in  all  ranks  of  r^pp^P"'*- 

c  _  tion  under 

men  in  this  period,  was  a  great  diminution  of  the  Henry  iv. 
numbers  of  the  people  in  every  rank  (except  tliat 
of  beggars),  by  the  devastation  and  depopulation 
of  the  country.  This  depopulation  was  occasioned 
by  the  three  greatest  scourges  to  which  mankind 

*  In  tlic  original  records  of  parliament,  the  ecclesiastical  poors  arc 
always  placed  first,  the  dukes  and  earls  next,  Ijul  the  names  of 
lords  and  gentlemen  are  intermixed ;  and  several  gentlemen,  who 
were  not  lords  of  parliament,  have  dnmhua  prefixed  to  their  nainei«. 
In  a  word,  the  distinction  between  lords  and  lairds  in  those  tinic* 
was  very  inconsiderable.  'The  wives  of  lairds  were  constantly  called 
ladies. 


278.  HISTORY  OF  BUITALN.  Uook  V. 


rv 


are  exposed,  faniiiio,  ])estilenee,  and  war,  but 
chiefly  by  the  last.  Famine  was  most  fatal  to  those 
in  the  lower  walks  of  life  ;  war  was  most  destruc- 
tive to  those  of  higher  rank,  in  proportion  to  their 
number  ;  the  pestileiice  made  no  distinction. 
Depopuia-  To  Say  nothing  of  the  great  numbers  of  brave 
Sgu' of  ^  y^G^  who  fell  in  the  foreign  and  civil  wars  in  the 
Henry  V.  r^jgn  of  Hcury  IV.,  what  prodigious  multitudes 
perished  in  the  French  wars,  in  the  reigns  of 
Henry  V.  and  Henry  VI.,  which  continued  about 
thirty  years,  and  were  uncommonly  destructive  ! 
The  English  nobility  and  gentry  engaged  in  those 
wars  wdtli  the  greatest  ardour,  in  hopes  of  obta,in- 
ing  splendid  settlements  on  the  continent.  But 
instead  of  gaining  fortunes,  so  many  of  them  lost 
their,  lives,  that  in  the  last  year  of  the  victorious 
Henry  V.  there  was  not  a  suflicient  number  of 
gentleman  left  in  England  to  carry  on  the  bu- 
siness of  civil  government.  This  is  evident 
-  from  the  following  statute,  made  in  that  year : 
"  Whereas,  by  an  act  made  in  the  14th  of  Ed- 
"  ward  III.,  it  w^as  statu'>@-  and  ordained,  That 
"  no  sheriiTorescheator  should  remain  above  one 
"  year  in  his  office,  because  there  v/as  then  a  suffi- 
"  cient  number  of  gentlemen  in  every  county  of 
"  England,  w^ell  qualified  to  fiU  these  offices  to  th^, 
"  satisfaction  both  of  the  King  and  liis  subjects : 
"  And  whereas,  by  diverse  pestilences  within 
"  the  kingdom,  and.  by  foreign  wars,  there  is 
*^  not  a  sufficiency  at  present  of  proper  persons^ 
"  to  fill  these  offices :  it  is  therefore  enacted  by 
■'  th^s  padianient,  That  the  King  may  appoint 


Chap.  7.  MANNEES,  &c  g^i^ 

*'  sheri-fife  and  escheators  to  continue  more  than 
"one  year  in  their  respective  offices  for  four 
"  years,  commencing  at  the  next  election  of 
"  these  officers*."  This  act  appears  to  have 
been  made  with  much  rehictance,  and  from 
mere  necessity. 

But  if  tlie  victories  of  Henrv  V.  were  so  fatal  u^'^'"''  ,,. 

Henry  \  1. 

to  the  population  of  this  countr}%  the  defeats 
and  disasters  of  the  succeeding  reign  were  still 
more  destructive.  Tn  the  twentv-fifth  vear  of 
this^  war;  the  instructions  given  to  the  Cardinal 
of  Winchester,  and  other  plenipotentiaries  ap- 
pointed to  treat  about  a  peace,  authorised  them 
to  represent  to  those  of  France,  "  that  there  liaan 
"  been  moo  men  slayne  in  these  wars  for  the  title 
"  and  claime  of  the  coroune  of  France,  of  oon  na- 
"  cion  and  other,  than  ben  at  this  day e  in  both 
"  landys,  and  so  much  Christiene  blode  shede, 
"  that  it  is  to  grete  a  sorow  and  an  orrour  to 
"  thinke  or  here  itf."  But  these  and  many 
other  representations  were  in  vain.  The  war 
continued  several  years  longer;  aud  before  it 
ended,  the  two  powerful  kingdoms  of  France 
and  England  were  so  much  exhausted,  that,  in 
some  campaigns,  they  could  hardly  bring  10,000 
men  into  the  field  on  either  side. 

England  was  still  furthei'  depopulated  by  the  Edwart; 
bloody  contest  between  the  houses  of  Lancaster 
and  York  which  succeeded  tlie  French) win's.  This 
contest  was  peculiarly  fatal  to  peisons  of  rank 

•  Statutes,  9th  Hen.  5.  cli.  .'>. 
f  Rym.  Fad,  tom.  10.  p.  7;M: 


280  HISTORY  OF  BRITALN.  Book  V. 

and  power,  and  seemed  to  threaten  tliat  order  of 
.  men  witli  extirpation.  If  we  may  believe  Philip 
de  Comines,  one  of  the  most  credible  historians 
of  those  times,  no  fewer  than  sixty  or  eighty 
princes  and  nobles  of  the  blood-royal  of  Eng- 
land lost  their  lives  in  this  quarrel,  either  in 
battle  or  on  the  scaftbld*.  The  same  writer  in- 
forms us,  that  Edward  IV.  told  liiin  one  day  in 
conversation,  tliat  in  all  the  nine  pitched  battles 
he  had  gained,  he  had  fought  on  foot ;  and  that 
as  soon  as  the  enemy  began  to  fly,  he  mounted 
liis  horse,  and  cried  to  his  men  to  spare  the 
common  people,  and  to  kill  their  leaders  f.  At 
the  battle  of  Towton,  one  of  these  nine,  three 
earls  and  ten  lords  of  the  Lancastrian  party,  be- 
sides a  prodigious  number  of  knights  and  gentle- 
men, were  found  dead  on  the  field.  At  the  fii'st 
parliament  of  Edward  IV.,  long  before  the  con- 
clusion of  that  fatal  contest,  the  nobility  of  Eng- 
land consisted  only  of  one  duke,  four  earls,  one 
viscount,  and  twenty-nine  barons ;  all  the  nobles 
of  the  Lancastrian  party  having  been  either  kill- 
ed in  battles  or  on  scaffolds,  or  had  fled  into  fo- 
reign countries  to  save  their  lives:!:. 

The  same  causes  of  depopulation  produced  the 
same  effects  in  Scotland ;  and  this  depopulation 
was  but  too  visible  in  both  countries,  by  ruined 
viUages,  vmcidtivated  fields,  and  decaying  towns 
and  cities^.  Upon  the  whole,  we  have  good  reason 
to  believe,  that  there  were  not  3,000,000,   pro- 

*  Philip  dc  Comines,  vol.  1.  p.  52.  1S6.  f  Id.  ibid. 

I  Parliament-  Hist,  vol.  I.  p,  Sli. 
§  J.  Rossi  Hiit.  Angl.  passim. 


Chap.  7-  MANNERS,  &c.  031 

bably  not  above  2,500,000  people  of  all  ages  in 
Britain,  at  the  end  of  this  period.  It  is  no  ob- 
jection to  this,  that  we  hear  of  numerous  armies 
transported  to  the  continent,  and  appearing  in 
the  field  in  Britain ;  because  all  men  from  sixteen 
to  sixty,  the  clergy  not  excepted,  were  every 
moment  liable  to  be  called  into  the  field,  and  few 
dared  to  disobey  the  call. 

The  circumstances  of  the  people  of  Britain,  in  Distresses. 
this  period,  were  far  from  being  comfortable.  The 
crown  tottered  on  the  heads  of  her  princes,  who 
were  sometimes  on  a  throne,  sometimes  in  a  pri- 
son, or  in  exile.  Of  the  three  kinos  who  reioned 
in  Scotland,  one,  after  spending  the  best  years  of 
his  life  in  captivity,  perished  by  a  violent  death  ; 
the  other  two  fell  in  war  ;  and  they  were  all  cut 
off  ill  the  prime  of  their  age.  Many  of  the  rich 
and  great  experienced  the  most  deplorable  re- 
\'erses  of  fortune,  and  sunk  into  indigence  and 
obscurity  ;  and  some  of  the  most  ancient  and 
noble  families,  in  both  kingdoms,  were  ruined, 
and  almost  extirpated.  The  common  people  en- 
joyed few  of  the  comforts,  and  sometimes  want- 
ed the  necessaries,  of  life  ;  and  neither  their  per- 
sons nor  properties  were  secure.  It  was  indeed 
impossible  that  a  people  so  much  employed  in 
destroying  tlie  inhabitants  of  other  countries,  or 
in  tearing  one  another  in  pieces,  could  be  hap- 
py. Ikit  all  the  distresses  in  which  tlie  peo])le  of 
Britain  were  then  involved  did  not  diminish 
their  vices  nor  increase  their  virtues.  Their 
mannci-.s  in  these  respects  seem  to  have  been 
nearly  the  same  in  this  as  in  the  preceding  pe- 


582  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

rk)4  and  have  been  alTcacly  described.     It  will 
be  sufficient  therefore,  in  this  pliice,  to  mention 
a  fe^v  particului's,  wliicli  were  either  peculiar  to 
tke  times  we  are  now  considering,  or  become 
more  or  less  conspicuous. 
Chivalry.        Chivalry,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  peculia- 
rities in  tlie  manners  of  the  middle  ages,  flou- 
rished greatly  in  England  in  the  fourteenth,  but 
decMiied  in  tlie  fifteenth  century.   Our  kings  and 
iW)ble»  were  then  so  much  engaged  in  real  com- 
bats, that  they  could  not  pay  equal  attention  to 
the  representations  of  them  in  tilts  and  tourna- 
ments;    The  decline  of  chivalry  is  thus  feehngly 
lamented  by  that  simple  person  (as  he  often  calls 
tiimself )  Mr  William  Gaxton, :  "  O  ye  knyghtes 
"  of  Englond  !  where  is  the  custome  ami  usage 
*'  of  noble  chyvalry  that  was  used  in  tho  days  ?' 
"  What  dio  yc  now  but  go  to  the  baynes,  and 
"  play  at  dyse  ?     And  some  not  well  advysed^ 
"  use  not  honest  and  good  rule,  again  all  ordre 
"  of  knygthode.     Leve  this,  leve  it,   and  rede 
"  the  noble  volumes  of  St  Graal,  of  Lancelot, 
"  of  Galaad,  of  Trystram.  of  Perse  Forest,  of 
"  FercyvaLof  Gawayii,and  many  mo  ;  ther  shall 
"ye  see  manliode,  cmtoyse,  and  gentylness. — I 
"would  demaunde  a  question,  yf  I  shold  not  dis- 
"  please  :  How  many,  knyghtes  ben  ther  now  in^ 
"  England,  that  have  thuse  and  thexerceise  of  a. 
"  knyghte ;  that  is  to  wite.  that  he  knoweth  his- 
"  horse,   and  his   horse   him.     I  suppose,    and 
*•'  a  due  serche  sholde  be  made,  there  sholde  be 
many  founden    that   lacke ;    the   more   pyte 
is. — I  wold  itpleasyd  om:  soverayne  lord  that 


it 
« 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  iec.  ogg 

"  twyse  or  thryse  a-yei'e,  or  as  the  lest  ones,  he 
"  wold  do  cry  justis  of  pies,  t9  tlxende,  that 
"  every  knyght  shold  have  hors  and  hanieys,  and 
"  also  the  use  and  craft  of  a  knyghte,  and  also 
*'  to  tornoye  one  agaynste  one,  or  two  agaynst 
"  two,  and  the  best  to  have  a  prys,  a  diamond  or 
"jewel,  such  as  shold  please  the  prynce*." 

But  though  chivalry  was  now  decUning,  it  was 
far  from  being  extinct.  Henry  V.  of  England, 
and  James  I.  of  Scotland,  are  highly  extolled  for 
theu'  dexterity  in  tilting;  and  Richai'd  Beau- 
champ,  Earl  of  Warwi(;k,  v/as  famous  for  the  vic- 
tories he  obtained  in  those  knightly  encounters, 
both  at  home  and  abroad  f.  Many  of  the  first 
productions  of  the  press  were  books  of  chivaby, 
and  adventures  of  knights-erraaiti.  We  meet 
with  a  gTcat;  number  of  royal  protections  graiit- 
^d  by  our  kings  to  foreign  piinces,  noble>,  and 
knights,  to  come  into  England  to  perform  feats 
pf  arms  ;  and  licences  to  their  own  subjects,  ^o 
go  into  foreign  countries  for  the  same  purpose  J. 
AH  coronations  and  royal  marriages  were  at- 
tended with  splendid  tilts  and  tournaments,  in 
which  the  young  nobles,  knights,  and  gentle- 
men, displayed  their  courage,  strength,  and  dex- 
terity in  horsemanship,  and  the  use  of  arms,  in 
the  presence  and  for  the  honour  of  their  ladies. 

The  most  magnificent  of  these  tournaments  was  a  touma^ 
that  performed  by  tlie  bastard  of  Burgundy  and  "''"'^' 


*  Ames's  Typograjihical  Antiquities,  p.  <1 1 . 
f  Striitt.  vol.  2.  Scoticron.  lib.  l(i.  c.  '28. 
\  Ames's  Typograpciicrt!  Aiifi<|uities,  p.  41 . 
<i  Vide  Kvm.  FoRd* 


284  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Rook  V. 

Antlioiiy  Lonl  Scales  brother  to  the  Queen  of 
Knglaiid,  in  Smitlifield,  A.  D.  1467.     The  King 
and  Queen  of  England  spared  no  expence  to  do 
honoio-  to  so  near  a  relation  ;  and  Philip  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  the  most  magnificent  prince  of 
that  age,  was  no  less  profuse  in  equipping  his 
favourite  son.     Several  months  vvere  spent  in  ad- 
justing the  preliminaries  of  this  famous  combat, 
and  in  performing  all  the  pompous  ceremonies 
prescribed  by  the  laws  of  chivalry.     Edward  IV. 
granted  a  safe  conduct,  October  29,  A.  D.  1466, 
to  the  bastard  of  Burgundy,  Earl  of  La  Roche, 
with  a  thousand  persons  in  his  company,  to  come 
into  England,  to  perform  certain  feats  of  arms 
with  his  dearly-beloved  brother  Anthony  W^idi- 
vile.  Lord  Scales  and  Nucelles*.     But  so  many 
punctilios  were  to  be  settled  by  the  intervention 
of  heralds,  that  the  tournament  did  not  take  place 
till  June  11,  A.  D.  1467.     Strong  lists  having 
been  erected  in  Smithfield,   120  yards  and  10 
feet  long,  80  yards  and  10  feet  broad,  with  fair  and 
costly  galleries  all  around,  for  the  accommodation 
of  the  King  and  Queen,  attended  by  the  lords  and 
ladies  of  the  court,  and  a  prodigious  number  of 
lords,  knights,  and  ladies  of  England,  France, 
Scotland,  and  other  countries,  in  their  richest 
dresses  ;  the  two  champions  entered  the  lists  and 
were  conducted  to  their  pavilions.     There  they 
underwent  the  usual  searches,  and  answered  the 
usual questions,andthenadvancedinto the  middle 
of  the  lists.     "  The  first  day  they  ranne  together 

*  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  1 1.  p.  513, 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  285 

*'  with  sliarp  spears,  and  departed  with  equal 
"  honour.  The  next  day  they  turneyed  on 
"  horseback.  The  Lord  Scales  horse  had  on  liis 
"  chaffron  a  long  sharp  pike  of  steel;  and  as  the 
*'  two  champions  coaped  together,  the  same 
"  horse  thrust  his  pike  into  the  nostrils  of  the 
"  bastard's  horse ;  so  that,  for  very  pain,  he 
*'  mounted  so  high,  that  he  fell  on  the  one 
"  side  with  his  master;  and  the  Lord  Scales  rode 
"  about  him  with  his  sword  drawni  in  liis  hand, 
"  till  the  King  commanded  tlie  marshal  to  help 
*'  up  the  bastard,  who  openly  said,  I  cannot  hold 
"  me  by  the  clouds ;  for  though  my  horse  fail 
"  me,  I  will  not  fail  my  encounter-companion. 
"  But  the  King  would  not  suffer  them  to  do  any 
"  more  that  day.  The  next  morrow,  the  two 
"  noblemen  came  into  the  field  on  foot,  with  two 
"  polaxes,  and  fought  valiantly  ;  but  at  the  last 
*'  the  point  of  the  polaxe  of  the  Lord  Scales  hap- 
*'  pened  to  enter  into  the  sight  of  the  bastard's 
"  helm,  and  by  fine  force  might  have  plucked 
"  him  on  knees  :  but  the  King  suddenly  cast 
"  down  his  warder,  and  then  the  marshal  severed 
*'  them.  Tlie  Bastard  not  content  witli  this 
"  chance,  required  the  King,  of  justice,  that  he 
'*  might  pcrforme  his  enterprise.  The  Lord 
"  Scales  refused  not.  Eut  tlie  King,  calling  to- 
"  him  tlie  constable  and  the  marslial,  with  the 
"  officers  of  arms,  after  consultation  had,  it  was  ^ 
"  declared  for  a  sentence  definitive,  by  the  Duke 
"  of  Clarence,  tlien  constable  of  England*,  and 

»  Jolin   Tipfofl,   IC.irl  (if  \\'f)icc«itcr,  and  not  the  Duke  of  Clarence, 


^^^  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

**  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  then  marshal,  that  if  he 
"  would  go  forward  with  his  attempted  chal- 
"  lenge,  ho  must,  hy  the  law  of  arms,  be  delivered 
"  to  his  adversary  in  the  same  state  and  like  con- 
"  dition  as  he  stood  when  he  was  taken  from  hiih. 
"  Tlie  Bastard,  hearing  this  judgment,  doubted 
"  the  sequel  of  the  matter,  and  so  relinquished 
"  his  challenge*." 
Bravery.  The  bravcry  and  martial  ardour  of  both  the 
British  nations  never  appeared  more  conspicuous 
than  in  the  present  period,  particularly  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  V.  The  English  under  that  he- 
roic prince  seemed  to  be  invincible  ;  and  fought 
with  so  much  courage  and  success,  that,  towards 
the  end  of  his  reign,  they  had  a  very  probable 
prospect  of  making  a  complete  conquest  of  the 
great  and  populous  kingdom  of  France.  The 
Scots  were  much  admired  for  the  steady  intrepi- 
dity with  which  they  defended  themselves,  and 
the  seasonable  and  successful  succours  they  sent 
to  their  ancient  allies  in  their  greatest  distress, 
when  they  were  on  the  brink  of  ruin,  and  for- 
saken by  all  the  world. 
Subject  to  But  national  as  well  as  personal  courage  is  sub- 
ehange.  j^^^  ^^  suddcu  and  Surprising  changes,  which  are 
sometimesproducedbyverytriflingcauses.  There 
is  not  a  more  remarkable  example  of  this  in  his- 
tory than  that  extraordinary  revolution  in  the  spi- 
rits of  the  French  and  English  armies,  at  the  siege 


was  then  constable.     See  Rym.  Feed,  tonv,  11,  p.  581.     Biographia  Bri- 
tannica,  vol.  2.  p.  1231.     Note. 
*  Stow,  p.  420. 


Cbap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  ^^^ 

of  Orleans,  A.  D.  14^8,  which  hath  beeft  already 
mentioned*.  Before  that  period,  the  English 
fought  likelions,  and  the  French  fled  before  them 
like  sheep.  But  as  soon  as  the  Maid  of  Orleans, 
a  poor  obscure  servant-givl,  about  seventeen  years 
of  age,  appeared  on  the  scene  of  action,  the  for- 
tune of  the  war,  and  the  spirits  of  the  contend- 
ing nations,  were  entirely  changed.  The  French 
became  bold  and  daring,  the  English  dastardly 
and  desponding.  The  terror  of  that  dreaded 
heroine  was  not  confined  to  the  English  army  in 
France,  but  seized  the  great  body  of  the  people 
at  home,  and  made  many  who  had  enlisted  in 
the  service,  desert,  and  hide  themselves  in  holes 
and  corners.  This  appears  from  the  proclama- 
tions issued  in  England,  commanding  the  she- 
riffs of  London,  and  of  several  counties,  to 
apprehend  those  who  had  deserted  and  conceal- 
ed themselves  Jbr  fear  of  the  Maidf.  As  it  is 
imprudent  to  discover  any  distrust  of  national 
courage  when  war  is  necessary,  it  is  no  less  im- 
prudent to  plunge  a  nation  into  a  war,  from 
too  great  a  reliance  on  a  quality  that  may  fail 
when  it  is  least  expected. 

The  hospitality  of  our  ancestors,  particularly  of  Hospitaiity 
the  great  and  opulent  barons,  hath  been  much  great. 
admired,  and  considered  as  a  certain  proof  of  the 
nobleness  and  generosity  of  tlieir  spirits.     The 
fact  is  well  attested.   The  castles  of  the  powerful 
barons  were   capacious  palaces,  daily  crowded 


•  Sev  vo..  9.  p  91,  &c. 

t  Rym.  Feed.  torn.  10.  p.  459.  472, 


28»  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Hook.  V. 

with  their  numerous  retainers,  who  were  always 
welcome  to  their  plentiful  tahles.  They  had  tlieir 
privy  counsellors,  their  treasurers,  marshals,  con- 
stables, steAvards,  secretaries,  chaplains,  heralds, 
pursuivants,  pages,  henshmen  or  guards,  trum- 
peters, minstrels,  and,  in  a  word,  all  the  officers 
of  the  royal  court*.  The  etiquette  of  their  fa- 
milies was  an  exact  copy  of  that  of  the  royal 
household ;  and  some  of  them  lived  in  a  decree 
of  pomp  and  splendour  little  inferior  to  that  of 
the  greatest  kings.  Richard  Nevile,  Earl  of  A¥ar- 
wick,  we  are  told,  "  was  ever  had  in  great  favour 
"  of  the  commons  of  the  land,  because  of  the  ex- 
"  ceeding  household  which  he  daily  kept  in  all 
"  countries  wherever  he  sojourned  or  lay ;  and 
"  w^hen  he  came  to  London,  he  held  such  an 
"  house,  that  six  o:xen  w^ere  eaten  at  a  breakfast; 
"  and  every  tavern  was  full  of  his  meatf ."  The 
Earls  of  Douglas  in  Scotland,  before  the  fall  of 
that  great  family,  rivalled,  or  rather  exceeded, 
their  sovereigns  in  pomp  and  profuse  hospitality. 
But  to  this  manner  of  living,  it  is  highly  proba- 
ble, these  great  chieftains  were  prompted,  by  a 
desire  of  increasing  the  number  and  attachment 
of  their  retainers,  on  which,  in  those  turbulent 
times,  their  dignity,  and  even  their  safety,  de- 
pended, as  much  as  on  the  innate  generosity 
of  their  tempers.  These  retainers  did  not  con- 
stantly reside  in  the  families  of  their  lords  ;  but 
they  wore  their  liveries  and  badges,  frequently 

*  See  the  Northumberland  Family-book. 
■J-  Stow,  p,  4*21 . 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  gg^ 

feasted  in  their  halls,  swelled  their  retinues  on 
all  great  solemnities,  attended  them  on  their  jour- 
nies,  and  followed  them  into  the  field  of  battle. 
Some  powerf id  chieftains  had  so  great  a  number 
of  these  retainers  constantly  at  their  command, 
that  they  set  the  laws  at  defiance,  were  formida- 
ble to  their  sovereigns,  and  terrible  to  their  fel- 
low-subjects; and  several  laws  were  made  against 
giving  and  receiving  liveries*.  But  these  laws 
produced  little  effect  in  this  period. 

Hospitality  was  not  confuied  to  the  great  and  of  inferior 
opulent,  but  was  practised  rather  more  than  it  is 
at  present  by  persons  in  the  middle  and  lower 
ranks  of  life.  But  this  was  owing  to  necessity, 
arising  from  the  scarcity  of  inns,  which  obhged 
travellers  and  strangers  to  apply  to  private  per- 
sons for  lodging  and  entertainment ;  and  those 
who  received  them  hospitably  acquired  a  right 
to  a  similar  reception.  This  was  evidently  the 
case  in  Scotland  in  the  first  part  of  this  period. 
James  I.,  A.  D.  1424,  procured  the  following  act 
of  parliament :  "  It  is  ordanit,  that  in  aU  burrow 
"  townis,  and  throuchfairis  quhair  commoun  pas- 
"  sages  ar,  that  thair  be  ordainit  hostillaries  and 
*'  resettis,  havand  stables  and  chalmers ;  and  that 
"  men  find  with  thame  bread  and  aill,  and  all 
*'  uther  fude,  alswcil  for  horse  as  men,  for  reson- 
"  able  price  f."  But  travellers  had  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  lodge  in  private  houses,  that  these 


•  See  Statutes,  1st  Hen.  IV.  c.  7.     7th  lien.  IV.  c.  14.    Sth  Edward 
IV.  c.  2. 
f  Black  Acts,  James  I.  par.  I.  c.  26. 

VOL.  X.  U 


oc)0  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

public  inns  were  quite  neglected ;  and  those  who 
kept  tliem  presented  a  petition  to  parliament, 
complaining,  "  Tiuit  the  liegis  travelland  in  the 
"  realme,   quhen   they  come  to  burrowis  and 
**  throuchfairis,  herbreis  thame  not  in  hostilla- 
"  ries,  bot  with  their  acquaintance  and  friendis*." 
This  produced  an  act  prohibiting  travellers  to 
lodge  in  private  houses  where  there  were  hostal- 
ries,  under  the  penalty  of  40s.  and  subjecting 
those  who  lodged  them  to  the  same  penalty. 
Religion.        The  people  of  Britain  were  not  chargeable 
with  the  contempt,  or  even  neglect,  of  the  cere- 
monies of  religion  in  this  period.     On  the  con- 
trary, many  of  them  spent  much  of  their  time 
and  money  in  performing  those  ceremonies.    To 
say  nothing  of  the  almost  constant  service  in  ca- 
thedral and  conventual  churches,  all  the  great 
barons  had  chapels  in  their  castles,  which  very 
much  resembled  cathedrals,  in  the  number  of 
tlieir  clergy  aiwi  choristers  ;  the  richness  of  their 
furniture  and  images  ;  and  the  pomp  and  regu- 
larity with  which  the  sei^ice  of  the  church  was 
daily  performed.    The  Earl  of  Northumberland, 
for  example,  had  constantly  in  his  family  a  dean 
of  liis  chapel,  who  was  a  doctor  of  divinity,  a 
subdean,  and  nine  other  priests  ;  eleven  singing 
men  and  six  singing  boys  ;  in  all,  twenty-eight ; 
who  daily  performed  divine  service  in  his  cha- 
^  pel,  at  matins,  lady-mass,  high-mass,  even-song, 

and  comply ne.    The  four  first  singing  men  act- 

*  Black  Acts,  James  I.  par,  3.  c.  6U 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  2qj 

ed  as  organists,  weekly  by  turns*.  Tliis  was  a 
very  splendid  and  expensive  establishment,  con- 
sisting of  greater  numbers  than  are  now  to  be 
found  in  several  cathedrals. 

But  unhappily  the  relioion  of  our  ancestors  in  ^"p^''*^- 
those  times  was  so  strongly  tinctured  with  gross 
irrational  superstition,  that  it  had  little  tendency 
to  enlighten  their  minds,  regulate  their  passions, 
or  reform  their  lives.  Their  creed  contained 
some  articles,  that  theu'  very  senses,  if  they  durst 
have  used  them,  might  have  convinced  them 
could  not  be  true ;  and  others  that  were  equally 
contrary  to  reason  and  revelation.  The  ceremo- 
nies of  their  worship  were  mere  mechanical  ope- 
rations, in  which  their  minds  had  little  or  no 
concern ;  and  they  were  taught  to  place  their 
hopes  of  tlie  divine  favour  on  such  fallacious 
grounds,  as  the  pardon  of  a  venal  priest,  the  pa- 
tronage of  a  saint,  pilgrimage,  fastings,  flagella- 
tions, and  the  like.  But  the  most  odious  feature 
of  the  religion  of  those  times  was  its  horrid  cru- 
elty and  intolerance,  whicli  prompted  them  to 
burn  their  fellow-Christians  to  ashes,  because 
they  dared  to  think  for  themselves,  and  to  wor- 
ship God  in  a  manner  which  they  believed  to  be 
more  acceptable  than  the  establislied  forms. 

It  is  one  evidence  amongst  maiiy  others,  that  Perjurj 
their  religion  had  little  influence  on  their  morals, 
that  perjury  prevailed  to  a  degree  that  is  hardly 
credible,  and  the  obligations  of  the  most  solemn 

»  See  Northumberland  Fainily-bool;,  p.  2:23 — 33j. 


292  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

oaths  were  almost  totally  disregarded  by  persons 
of  all  ranks.     Of  this  the  reader  must  have  ob- 
served many  examples  in  the  preceding  history, 
particularly  in  the  conduct  of  Edward  I^^.  and 
Richard  III.*    All  the  lords,  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral, in  the  famous  parliament  at  Shrewsbury, 
A.  D.  1398,  oaS^Q^  the  great  j)nrl\ament,  took  a 
solemn  oath  on  the  cross  of  Canterbury,  never 
to  suffer  any  of  the  acts  of  that  parliament  to  be 
changed ;  and  yet  these  same  lords,  in  less  than 
two  years  after,  repealed  all  these  actsf.     Vari- 
ous ceremonies  were  invented  to  give  additional 
solemnity  to  oaths,  and  secure  their  observation. 
Philip  the  good  Duke  of  Burgundy,  A.  D.  14.53, 
in  the  middle  of  a  great  feast,  and  in  the  pre- 
sence of  his  whole  court,  had  a  roasted  pheasant 
brought  to  his  table,  with  great  pomp,  and  swore 
over  it  a  most  tremendous  oath,  that  he  would 
march  an  army  against  the  great  Turk ;  and  all 
the  lords  and  knights  of  his  court  swore  in  the 
same  manner  that  they  would  march  with  him : 
but  none  of  them  performed  their  oaths  ]:.     It 
is  no  wonder  that  the  common  people  were  so 
profligate  in  this  respect,  that  not  a  few  of  them, 
we  are  told,  lived  by  swearing  for  hire  in  courts 
of  justice  §. 
Swearing        The  EugUsh  wcrc  remarkable  in  this  period, 
sation.    '  amoug  the  nations  of  Europe,  for  the  absurd  and 
impious  practice  of  profane  swearing  in  conver- 

*  See  vol.  9.  p.  214.  248.  252. 

f  See  vol.  7.  p.  S57.  vol.  9.  p.  4. 

\  Moristrdct,  torn,  S.  fol.  56,  §  Wilkin.  Con.  p.  £34. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  093 

sation.  The  Court  of  Luxemburg,  accompanied 
by  the  Eai'ls  of  A¥arwick  and  Stafford,  visited 
the  INIaid  of  Orleans  in  her  prison  at  Rouen, 
where  she  was  chained  to  the  floor,  and  loaded 
with  irons.  The  Count,  who  had  sold  her  to  the 
English,  pretended  that  he  had  come  to  treat 
Avith  her  about  her  ransom.  Viewing  him  with 
just  resentment  and  disdain,  she  cried,  "  Begone! 
"  You  have  neither  the  inclination  nor  the  power 
"  to  ransom  me."  Then  turning  her  eyes  to- 
wards the  two  earls,  she  said,  "  I  know  that  you 
"  English  are  determined  to  put  me  to  death ; 
"  and  imagine,  that  after  I  am  dead,  you  will 
"  conquer  France.  But  though  there  were  an 
"  hundred  thousand  more  God-dam-mees  in 
"  France  than  there  are,  they  will  never  conquer 
"  that  kingdom*."  So  early  had  the  English 
got  this  odious  nickname,  by  their  too  frequent 
use  of  that  horrid  imprecation.  A  contemporary 
historian,  who  had  frequently  conversed  with 
Henry  VI.,  mentions  it  as  a  very  remarkable  and 
extraordinary  peculiarity  in  the  character  of  that 
prince,  that  he  did  not  swear  in  common  conver- 
sation, but  reproved  his  ministers  and  officers  of 
state  when  he  heard  them  swearing  f. 

An  excessive  irrational  incredulity  still  conti-  Credulity. 
nued  to  reign  in  all  the  nations  of  Europe,  and 
seems  to  have  prevailed  rather  more  in  Britain 
than  in  some  other  countries.     Of  this  many 
proofs  might  be  produced.  There  was  not  a  man 

*  Villaret,  torn.  15.  p.  27. 

t  Ottcrbournc,  edit,  a  T.  Hearne,  torn.  1.  p.  300. 


294.  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

then  in  England  who  entertained  the  least  doubt 
of  the  reality  of  sorcery,  necromancy,  and  other 
diabolical  arts^-.  Let  any  one  peruse  the  works 
of  Thomas  AA'alsingham,  our  best  historian  in 
this  period,  and  he  will  meet  with  many  ridicu- 
lous miracles,  related  with  the  greatest  gravity, 
as  the  most  unquestionable  facts.  The  English 
were  remarkable  for  one  species  of  credulity  pe- 
culiar to  themselves,  viz.  a  firm  belief  in  the  pre- 
dictions of  certain  pretended  prophets,  particu- 
larly of  the  famous  Merlin.  Philip  de  Comines, 
in  his  relation  of  what  passed  at  the  interview  be- 
tween Edward  IV.  and  Lewis  XI.  on  the  bridge 
of  Picquiny  (at  which  he  was  present),  acquaints 
us,  that  after  the  two  kings  had  saluted  one  ano- 
.  ther,  and  conversed  a  little  together,  the  Bishop 
of  Ely,  Chancellor  of  England,  began  a  harangue 
to  the  two  monarchs,  by  telling  them,  that  the 
English  had  a  prophecy,  that  a  great  peace  would 
be  concluded  between  France  and  England  at 
Picquiny ;  for  the  English  (says  Comines)  are 
great  believers  in  such  prophecies,  and  have  one 
of  them  ready  to  produce  on  every  occasion  f. 
The  Eng-  The  English  frequently  defeated  the  French 
ciators.  in  the  field  in  this  period,  but  were  generally 
defeated  by  them  in  the  cabinet.  Philip  de  Co- 
mines,  who  was  an  excellent  judge  of  mankind, 
and  seems  to  have  studied  the  national  character 
of  the  English  with  great  care,  acknowledged  that 


*  W.  Wyrcester,  p.  461.  471.     Rym.  Fcsd.  torn.  8.  p.  427.     Wilkin 
Concil.  torn.  2.  p.  394. 
f  Meinoires  de  Philippe  de  Comines,  1.  4.  c.  10. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  29"> 

they  were  but  blundering  negotiators,  and  by 
no  means  amatchforthe  French.  They  were  easi- 
ly imposed  upon,  he  says,  by  dissimulation,  apt  to 
fall  into  a  passion,  and  to  become  impatient  when 
they  were  contradicted;  and,  in  a  word,  that 
they  were  not  so  subtile,  insinuating,  and  pa- 
tient, as  their  adversaries,  who  took  advantage  of 
all  their  foibles*.  The  English  certainly  com- 
mitted a  most  grievous  error  in  withdrawing, 
in  a  passion,  from  the  great  congress  at  Arras, 
A.  D.  1435f .  No  prince  was  ever  more  shame- 
fully deceived  by  another  than  Edward  IV.  by 
that  artful  and  faithless  monarch  Lewis  XI. 

A  fierce,  and  even  cruel  spu'it  too  much  pre-  Ferocity, 
vailed  in  both  the  British  nations  in  this  period, 
and  formed  a  disagreeable  feature  in  then'  national 
characters.  This  was  owing  to  the  violent  con- 
tests, and  almost  constant  wars,  in  which  they  were 
engaged;  which  hardened  their  hearts,  inflamed 
their  passions,  and  made  them  familiar  with  blood 
and  slaughter.  The  reader  must  have  met  with  so 
many  proofs  of  this  fierce  and  cruel  spirit,  in  per- 
using the  first  chapter  of  this  book,  that  it  is  as 
unnecessary  as  it  would  be  unpleasant,  to  multiply 
examplesof  it  in  this  place.  It  is  sufficient  to  ob- 
serve in  general,  that  the  wars  and  battles  of  this 
period  were  uncommonly  fierce  and  sanguinary  ; 
that  prisoners  of  distinction  were  generally  put  to 
death  on  the  field,  in  cold  blood ;  that  assassina- 


*  Memoires  de  Philippe  de  Comines,  I.  4.  c.  6.  9. 
t  See  vol.  9.  p.  109. 


296  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

tions  and  murders  were  very  frequent,  perpe- 
trated on  persons  of  the  greatest  eminence,  by 
the  hands  of  kings,  nobles,  and  near  relations. 
The  ferocity  of  those  unhappy  times  was  so 
great,  that  it  infected  the  fair  and  gentle  sex, 
and  made  many  ladies  and  gentlewomen  take  up 
arms,  and  follow  the  trade  of  war.  "  At  this 
"  siege  (of  Sens,  A.D.  1420,)  also  lyn  many  wor- 
"  thy  laydes  and  gentilwomen,  both  French  and 
"  English  ;  of  the  whiche  many  of  hem  begonne 
"  the  faitz  of  armes  long  time  agoon,  but  of 
"  lyying  at  seges  now  they  begynne  first*.'' 
But  the  women  of  Wales,  on  one  occasion,  are 
said  to  have  been  guilty  of  deeds  so  horrid  and 
indelicate,  that  they  are  hardly  credible ;  and 
are,  therefore,  related  in  the  words  of  the  origi- 
nal author,  in  the  note  below  f. 


*  Rym.  Feed,  torn.  9.  p.  911. 

f  Eo  tempore  (A.  D.  1402.)  Howenus  Gleyndor  assuetis  intcndens 
irruptionibus,  pene  totam  militiam  Herefordensis  provinciae  provocavjt 
ad  arma,  cui  ducatum  praebuit  Edmundus  de  Mortuomari.  Sed 
cum  perventum  fuisset  ad  actum  martium,  proditione  mediante,  et 
Edmundus  captus  at  ca;teri  victi  sunt,  occisis  de  nostratibus  amplius 
quam  mille  viris.  Quorum  genitalia  mulieres  Wallensium  post  con- 
flictum  absiderunt,  et  membrum  pudendum  in  ore  cujuslibut  inter- 
empti  posuerunt,  testiculosque  a  mcnto  dependere  fecerunt^  nasosque 
prfficisos  in  oculis  eorundera  presserent,  et  sepulturam  mortuis  cadaveri- 
bus  prohibuerunt.     T.  Walsing.  p.  557. 


Shakespeare  seems  to  have  perused  the  above,  of  virhich  the  following 
lines  are  a  delicate  guarded  translation  : 


There  came 

A  post  from  Wales,  loaden  with  heavy  news ; 
Whose  worst  was,  that  the  noble  Mortimer, 
Leading  the  men  of  Herefordshire  to  fight 
Against  th'  irregular  and  wild  Glendower, 
Was  by  the  rudt  hands  ef  that  Welshman  taken ; 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  297 

When  we  consider  the  state  of  the  country,  Robbery. 
the  condition  and  character  of  many  of  its  in- 
habitants, we  shall  not  be  surprised  to  hear  that 
England  was  much  infested  with  robbers  in 
this  period.  Sir  John  Fortescue,  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Iving's-bench  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VI., 
acknowledges  that  robbeiy  was  much  more  fre- 
quent in  England  than  in  France  or  Scotland ; 
and,  which  is  remarkable  in  one  of  his  profes- 
sion, he  boasts  of  this  as  a  proof  of  the  superior 
courage  of  the  English.  "  It  hath  ben  often 
"  seen  in  England,  that  three  or  four  thefes  hath 
"  sett  upon  seven  or  eight  true  men,  and  robyd 
"  them  al.  But  it  hath  not  ben  seen  in 
"  Fraunce,  that  seven  or  eight  thefes  have  ben 
"  hardy  to  robbe  three  or  four  true  men.  Where- 
"  for  it  is  right  seld  that  Frenchmen  be  hangyd 
"  for  roberye,  for  that  they  have  no  hertys  to  do 
"  so  terrible  an  acte.  There  be  therefor  mo  men 
"  hangyd  in  England,  in  a  yere,  for  roberye 
"  and  manslaughter,  than  there  be  hangyd  in 
"  Fraunce,  for  such  cause  of  crime,  in  seven 
"  yers.  There  is  no  man  hangyd  in  Scotland  in 
"  seven  yers  together  for  robberye  ;  and  yet  tliay 
"  be  often  tymcs  hangyd  for  larceny  and  stely- 
"  inff  of  ooods  in  the  absence  of  the  owner  tlier- 
"  of :  but  their  harts  serve  them  not  to  take  a 


A  thousand  of  his  people  butclicred. 

Upon  whose  dead  corps  there  was  such  misuse. 

Such  beastly  shameless  transformation 

By  the  Welshwomen  done,  as  may  not  be, 

Without  much  shame,  retold,  or  spoken  of. 

1st  Tart  Heiu-y  IV.  Act  1.  Scene  1. 


COS  HISTORY  GF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

''  inanny's  goods,  while  he  is  present,  and  will 
"defend  it;  which  maner  of  takying  is  called 
"  robberyo.  But  the  English  men  be  of  another 
"  corage  :  for  if  he  be  poer,  and  see  another  man 
"  having  richesse,  which  may  be  taken  from  him 
"  by  might,  he  wol  not  spare  to  do  so*." 
Whatever  becomes  of  the  reasoning  of  the  Chief 
Justice,  his  authority  is  sufficient  to  estabhsh  this 
fact,  that  robbery  prevailed  much  more  in  Eng- 
land than  in  France  or  Scotland,  in  his  time. 
Manners  The  manners  of  the  clergy  in  the  preceding 

clergy.  pcriod,  which  have  been  so  fully  described  in 
the  eighth  volume  of  this  work,  were  so  similar 
to  those  of  the  times  we  are  now  delineating, 
that,  to  prevent  unnecessary  repetitions,  the  read- 
er may  be  referred  to  that  description  f.  For 
though  Dr  Wickliffe  and  his  followers  declaimed 
with  as  much  vehemence  against  the  pride,  am- 
bition, avarice,  cruelty,  luxury,  and  other  vices 
of  the  clergy,  as  against  their  erroneous  doctrines 
and  superstitious  ceremonies,  they  declaimed  in 
vain  :  the  clergy  were  at  least  as  much  attach- 
ed to  their  riches,  their  honours,  and  their  plea- 
sures, as  to  their  speculative  opinions ;  and  as 
unwilhng  to  abandon  their  vices  as  to  renounce 
their  en-ors.  In  a  word,  the  generality  of  the 
British  clergy  in  this  period  were  neither  more 
learned,  nor  more  virtuous,  than  their  imme- 
diate predecessors ;  and  seem  to  have  differed 

*  Sir  John  Fortescue  on  tke  Difference  between  an  absolute  and  K- 
mited  Monarchy,  ch.  13. 
t  See  vol.  8.  p.  367—371. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  ggq 

from  tliem  in  nothing  but  in  the  Superior  criielt^^ 
with  which  they  persecuted  the  unhappy  Lol- 
lards, 

Great  cities  in  (general  are  not  very  friendly  to  ^J''""^" 

'^  ''J  of  youth. 

the  virtue  of  their  inhabitants,  especially  of  the 
young  and  opulent.  Honest  Mr  Caxton  observed 
concerning  the  youth  of  London  in  his  time,  that 
when  they  w^re  very  young  they  were  exceed- 
ingly amiable  and  promising;  but  that  when 
they  arrived  at  riper  years,  many  of  them  disap- 
pointed the  hopes  of  their  friends,  and  dissipated 
the  wealth  that  had  been  left  them  by  their 
parents.  "  I  see  that  the  children  that  ben  borne 
*-'  within  the  sayd  cyte  (London)  encrease  and 
*'  prouffyte  not  like  their  faders  and  olders ;  but 
"  for  mooste  parte,  after  that  they  ben  comeyn 
"to  theyr  perfight  yeres  of  discrecion,  and  ry- 
*'  penes  of  age,  how  well  that  theyre  faders  have 
"  lefte  to  them,  grete  quantite  of  goodes,  yet 
scarcely  amonge  ten  two  thrive.  O,  blessed 
Lord!  whan  I  remembre  thys,  I  am  al  abashed: 
I  cannot  juge  the  cause  ;  but  fayrer,  ne  wyser, 
"  ne  bet  bespoken  childi*en  in  theyre  youthe  ben 
"  no  wher  than  ther  ben  in  London  ;  but  at  thyr 
"  ful  ryping,  there  is  no  camel,  ne  good  corn 
"  founden,  but  chaff  for  the  moost  part*." 

It  would  be  improper  to  pursue  this  unpleasant  Compa- 
subject  any  further.  If  our  ancestors  in  this  period 
were  free  from  certain  vices  and  follies  which 
are  too  prevalent  among  their  posterity  in  the 
present  age,  they  were  guilty  of  others,  some 

•   Ames'  Hi&tory  of  Printing,  p.  37. 


<( 


(C 


riiion. 


200  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

of  them  of  a  very  odious  nature,  which  do  not 
now  prevail.  Let  us  not  then  imagine,  from  an 
ill-founded  veneration  for  antiquity,  that  the 
former  times  were  better  than  these.  In  several 
respects  they  were  certainly  much  worse,  as  well 
as  more  unhappy. 
Language.  Tlic  Uviug  language  of  a  great  commercial 
people,  who  cultivate  the  sciences,  and  have 
much  intercourse  with  other  nations,  is  liable  to 
perpetual  changes.  These  changes  are  intro- 
duced by  slow  imperceptible  degrees;  but  in 
the  course  of  a  few  ages  they  become  conspicu- 
ous. The  language  (for  example)  of  the  people 
of  England,  in  the  eleventh,  twelfth,  and  thir-' 
teenth  centuries,  is  now  as  unintelligible  to 
their  posterity,  as  a  dead  or  foreign  language. 
Of  this  any  reader  may  be  convinced,  by  look- 
ing into  the  Saxon  chronicle,  or  turning  to  the 
specimens  of  the  language  of  those  times,  in  the 
preceding  volumes  of  this  work*.  In  the  four- 
teenth century,  the  people  of  England  began  to 
speak  a  language  Avhich  may  be  called  English  ; 
though  it.  was  still  so  different  from  that  which  is 
spoken  by  their  posterity  in  the  present  age, 
that  it  can  hardly  be  understood  without  the 
assistance  of  a  glossary  f. 
Greater  Tlic  language  of  the  vulgar,  in  every  age,  is 

the  Ian-  cousidcrably  different  from  that  of  the  polite  and 
fhTvuigar  learned ;  and  in  some  times  there  are  greater 
than  of  the  (.jiano-es  iu  tlic  ouc  than  in  the  other.  In  our  pre- 

leacned.  o  r 

*  See  vol.  4.  p.  368,  f569  ;  vol.  C.  p.  352,  353  ;  vol.  8.  App.  No.  4. 
f  See  the  works  of  Chaucer,  Gowcr,  &,c. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  301 

sent  period,  we  find  few  or  no  improvements  in 
the  language  of  the  learned,  because  there  were 
few  or  no  improvements  made  in  learning.  The 
works  of  Chaucer  and  Gower,  who  flourished  in 
the  fourteenth  century,  are  as  intelligible  to  a 
modern  reader,  as  those  of  King  James  I.,  Lyd- 
gate,  or  Occleve.  But  we  learn  from  the  testimo- 
ny of  William  Caxton,  that  the  language  of  the 
common  people  of  England  underwent  a  very 
remarkable  change  in  the  course  of  this  period. 
"  Certaynly  the  langagenow  used  (A.  D.  1490.) 
"  varyeth  ferre  from  that  which  was  used  and 
"  spoken  whan  I  was  born.  For  we  Englishe  men 
*'  ben  borne  under  the  domynacyon  of  the  mone, 
"  which  is  never  stedfaste,  but  ever  waver- 
*'  ynge*."  The  difference  between  the  lan- 
guage most  commonly  used  and  inost  generally 
understood,  and  that  which  was  affected  by  the 
pohte  and  learned,  was  then  so  great,  that 
Mr  Caxton  (who  was  much  employed  in  trans- 
lating books  out  of  French  into  English)  was 
greatly  perplexed  what  v/ords  to  use,  in  order  to 
render  its  translations  universally  useful  and 
agreeable.  "  Some  gentylmen  (says  he)  have 
"  blamed  me,  saying,  that  in  my  translacyons  I 
"  had  over  curyous  tcrmes,  which  could  not  be 
"  understande  of  comyn  peple,  and  desired  me  to 
"  use  old  and  homely  terms  in  my  translacyons ; 

"  and  fayn  wolde  I  satisfy  every  man. But 

"  som  honest  and  grete  clerkes  have  been  wyth 
"  me,  and  desired  me  to  wryte  the  mostc  curyous 

*  Ames'  History  of  Printing,  p.  52. 


302  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

"  termcs  that  I  coude  fyiide.  i\nd  tliiis  between 
"  pliiyn,  rude,  and  eurioiis,  I  stand  abashed*." 
To  extricate  himself  out  of  this  difficulty,  Cax- 
ton  very  wisely  resolved  to  use  terms  neither 
over-rude  nor  over-curious. 

Different  Difference  of  dialect  is  common  to  everv  lan- 
guage,  in  every  age  and  country,  especially  in 
countries  of  great  extent,  and  divided  into  many 
provinces.  This  difference  was  so  great  in  Eng- 
land, in  this  period,  that  (as  we  are  told)  the 
inhabitants  of  one  county  hardly  understood 
those  of  another.  "  That  comyne  Englishe 
"  that  is  spoken  in  one  shy  re  varyeth  from  an - 
•'  other  ;  insomuche,  that  in  my  dayes  happened, 
''  that  certayn  merchaunts  were  in  a  shipp  in 
"  Tamyse,  for  to  have  sailed  over  the  see  into 
"  Zelande,  and  for  lacke  of  wynd  they  taryed 
"  atte  Forland,  and  went  to  land  for  to  re- 
"  freshe  them  ;  and  one  of  them,  named  Shef- 
"  felde,  a  mercer,  came  into  an  hows,  and  axed 
"  for  mete,  and  specyally  he  axed  after  egges  ; 
"  and  the  good  wyf  answerde.  That  she  coude 
"  speke  no  Frenshe.  And  the  merchant  was  an- 
"  gry  ;  for  he  also  coude  speke  no  Frenshe  ;  but 
-'  wolde  have  hadde  egges,  and  she  understode 
*'  him  not.  And  thenne  at  last  another  sayd, 
"  that  he  wolde  have  ceyren  ;  thenne  tlie  good 
"  wyf  sayd,  that  she  understode  him  wellf." 

Spelling         From  the  many  specimens  that  have  been  giv- 

unsettled.  •>      L  o 

en  of  the  English  of  this  period,  in  this  and  the 
preceding  chapters  of  this  book,  from  the  best 

*  Ames'  History  of  Printing,  p.  52.  -f  Id.  ibid. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  Sec.  303 

writers  both  in  prose  and  verse,  the  reader  must 
have  observed  with  some  surprise  their  various, 
strange,  irregular  manner  of  speUing,  which  con- 
tributes not  a  little  to  the  obscurity  of  their  writ- 
ings.    Spelling,  in  those  times,  was  so  perfectly 
arbitrary  and  unsettled,  that  the  same  writer 
spelt  the  same  word  two  or  three  different  ways 
in  the  same  page.     In  a  word,  every  -writer  con- 
tented himself  with  putting  together  any  com- 
bination of  letters  that  occurred  to  him  at  the 
time,  which   he   imagined  would   suggest  the 
word  he  intended  to  his  readers,  without  ever 
reflecting  what  letters  others  used,  or  he  himself 
had  used,  on  former  occasions,  for  that  purpose. 

It  is  difficult  to  discover  any  very  material  dif-  La^jguage 

'^  -^  ^  of  Scot- 

ference  between  the  language  of  England  and  land. 
of  the  low  lands  of  Scotland,  in  this  period  ;  the 
writers  of  the  one  country  being  as  intelligible  to 
a  modern  reader  as  tliose  of  the  other.  Of  this  any 
one  may  be  convinced,  by  comparing  the  works 
of  Jeoffrey  Cliaucer  and  John  Earbour,  or  of  any 
two  contemporary  writers  of  the  two  countries. 
There  was  probably  a  considerable  difference  in 
the  pronunciation,  as  there  is  at  present. 

Customs  which  have  been  Ions;  established  are  Laws  in 

p  ■,  ,  ,     .  French. 

apt  to  be  continued,  after  the  change  ol  circum- 
stances hath  rendered  them  absurd  and  inconve- 
nient. Could  any  custom  be  more  inconvenient 
and  unreasonable,  than  to  compose  and  promul- 
gate tlie  laws  of  a  country  in  a  language  which 
few  of  the  legislators,  and  hardly  any  of  the  other 
inhabitants,  understood?  Such  a  custom  pre- 
vailed in  Knuland  in  this  neriod.    Tlie  numerous 


304  HISTORY  OF  BRITAiy.  Book  V. 

statutes  made  in  the  reigns  of  Henry  IV.,  V., 
and  VI.,  and  of  Edward  IV.,  except  a  very  few 
in  Latin,  were  composed,  recorded,  and  promul- 
gated in  French  * ;  tliough  that  language  was 
then  very  little  understood  or  used  in  England. 
INIany  proofs  might  be  produced  of  this  last  fact ; 
but  the  express  testimony  of  an  author  of  un- 
doubted credit,  who  flourished  in  those  times, 
will,  I  hope,    be   thought   sufficient.     Honest 
William  Caxton  assures  us  that  the  great  mo- 
tives which  induced  him  to  spend  so  much  of 
his  time  in  translating  books  out  of  French  into 
English,  were,  "  1.  Because  most  quantyty  of 
"  the  peple  understoude  ne  Frenshe  here  in  this 
"  noble  royame  of  England — and,  2.  To  satisfy 
"  the  requestes  of  his  syngular   good  lordes," 
who  needed  these  translations  as  well  as  others  f. 
Richard  III.  and  his  parliament,  which  met  at 
Westminster,  20th  January  A.  D.  1483,  put  an 
end  to  this  absurd  custom,  by  framing  their  acts 
in  the  English  language:]:.     The  acts  of  the  par- 
liaments of  Scotland,  from  the  beginning  of  this 
period,  were  composed  in  English,  or  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  low  lands,  and  most  populous  parts 
of  that  kingdom,  which  was  also  understood  by 
the  chieftains  in  the  Highlands  J. 
Dress.  As  the  pcoplc  of  England,  in  this  period,  pos- 

sessed great  abundance  of  excellent  wool,  and  had 
made  considerable  progress  in  the  cloathing  arts, 
it  is  probable  that  they  were  comfortably  and  de- 

*   See  Statute,  vol.  1,2.  f   Ames,  p.  47. 

I  Statutes,  1st  Richard  III.  §   See  Black  Acts. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  3O5 

centiy  dressed.  This  conjecture  is  confirmed  by 
the  unexceptionable  testimony  of  Sir  John  For- 
tescue  ;  who,  in  proving  that  the  EngHsh,  who 
lived  under  a  limited  monarcliy,  were  much  hap- 
pier than  their  rivals  the  French,  who  Hved 
under  a  despotic  government,  gives  this  as  one 
example  of  their  superior  happiness,  that  they 
were  much  better  di-essed  or  clothed.  "  The 
"  French  weryn  no  wollyn,  but  if  it  be  a  pore 
"  cote,  under  their  uttermost  garment,  made  of 
grete  canvas,  and  call  it  a  frok.  Their  hosyn 
be  of  like  canvas,  and  passin  not  their  knee ; 
"  wherefor  they  be  gartered,  and  their  thyghs 
*'  bare.  Their  uifs  and  children  gone  bare  fote*. 
"  But  the  English  wear  fine  wollen  cloth  in  all 
*•  their  apparell.  They  have  also  abundance  of 
"  bed-coverings  in  their  houses,  and  of  all  other 
"  wollen  stufFe*."  It  is  probable,  however,  that 
Sir  John  Fortescue,  in  this  passage,  speaks  only  of 
yeomen,  substantial  farmers,  and  artificers.  For 
it  appears,  from  an  act  of  parliament  made  A.  D. 
1444,  for  regulating  the  wages  and  clothing  of 
servants  employed  in  husbandi-y,  that  their  dress 
and  furniture  could  hardly  answer  the  above  de- 
scription. By  that  law  a  baihff  or  overseer  was  to 
have  an  allowance  of  5s.  equivalent  to  50s.  a-year, 
for  his  clothing  ;  a  hind  or  principal  servant,  4s. 
equivalent  to  40s.  at  present ;  an  ordinary  ser- 
vant, 3s.  4d.  equivalent  to  33s.  4d.|.     But  as  al) 

•    Fortescuc  on  absolute  and  limited  iMouarcliy,  c.  3< 
f   Id.  de  Laiidiiius  Lejrum  Anylice,  cap.  36. 
\   Statutes,  2r5d  Hen.  VI.  c.  12. 

vol,,  X.  X 


Robes  of 
the  nobili 


206  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

these  persons  were  allowed  meat,  drink,  and 
wages,  they  might  be  comfortably  and  decently 
clothed,  by  expending  a  part  of  then*  wages  on 
their  clotliino;.  The  dress  of  labourers  and  com- 
mon  people  in  this  period  appears  to  have  been 
simple  and  well  contrived,  consisting  of  shoes, 
hose  made  of  cloth,  breeches,  a  jacket  and  coat 
buttoned  and  fastened  about  the  body  by  a  belt 
or  girdle.  They  covered  their  heads  with  bonnets 
of  cloth*.  As  the  common  people  could  not  af- 
ford to  follow  the  capricious  changes  of  fashion, 
the  dress  of  both  sexes  in  that  order  seems  to  have 
continued  nearly  the  same  through  several  ages. 
But  comfort  and  decency  are  not  the  only,  very 
ty.  &c.  often  not  the  chief,  objects  regarded  in  dress. 
It  hath  been  an  ancient  and  universal  custom,  to 
distinguish  the  different  ranks  and  professions  in 
society  by  their  different  robes  and  dresses.  The 
robes  worn  by  the  kings,  princes,  dukes,  earls, 
lords,  and  knights  of  England,  on  public  solem- 
nities, are  so  well  known,  and  have  been  so  often 
described,  that  a  minute  delineation  of  them  in 
this  place  is  unnecessary,  and  would  be  tedious. 
As  those  of  persons  of  rank  in  Scotland,  in  this 
period,  are  not  so  generally  known,  they  may  be 
briefly  mentionedj.  The  robes  of  the  earls, 
lords  of  parliament,  and  burgesses,  in  the  parlia- 
ments of  Scotland,  were  prescribed  by  the  fol- 
lowing law  made  in  the  reign  of  James  II.  A.  D. 


•   See  Mr  Stnitt's  usc-riil  work,  vol.  C.  plate  3. 

f   See   Seidell's  Tillee  of  Honour,    Ainslic's   History  of  the  Garter, 
Stnitt's  Anti(jiiitie». 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  307 

1455  ;  "  It  is  statute  and  ordainit,  that  all  erlis 
"  sail  use  mantillis  of  browne  granit,  oppin  be- 
"  foir,  fumt  with  quhyte  lyning,  and  lynit  be- 
"  foir  outAvith  an  hand  braid  to  the  belt  steid, 
"  with  sanien  furring,  with  lytell  huds  of  the 
"  saimen  claith,  and  to  the  iisit  upon  their  schul- 
"'  daris.     And  the  other  lordis  of  parliament  to 
"  have  an  mantellof  reid,rychtswaoppenit  befoir, 
"  and  lynit  with  silk,  or  furrit  with  cristy  gray 
"  greece,  or  purray,  togidder  with  an  hude  of  the 
"  samen  claith,  furrit  as  said  is.     And  all  com- 
"  missaries  of  burrowis,  ilk  ane  to  have  ane  pair 
"  of  clokis  of  blew,  furrt  fute  syde,  oppin  on  the 
"  rycht  schuldar,  furrit  as  affeiris,  and  with  huds 
"  of  the  sanien,  as  said  is.     And  quhat  erl,  lord 
"  of  parliament,  commissaries  of  borrowis,  that 
"  enteris  in  parliament  or  generaU  counsall  but 
**  [without]  the  said  habit  furrit,  saU  furthwith 
"  pay  tharefter  ten  punds  to  the  King  unfor- 
"  given*."     By  the  same  law,  advocates,  who 
spoke  for  money  in  parliament,  are  commanded 
"  to  have  habits  of  grene,  of  the  fassoun  of  a 
'"  tuiielvil,  and  the  sieves  to  be  oppin  as  a  tal- 
"  bertf ."     How  antic  and  ridicidous  an  appear- 
ance would  an  advocate  make  at  the  bar,  in  the 
present  age,  in  this  di'ess  !     But  the  magic  pow- 
er of  fashion  makes  almost  any  habit  appear 
graceful  while  it  is  fashionable. 

As  vanity  contributed  as  much  as  necessity  to  Fashions. 
the  introduction  and  use  of  clothing,  that  power- 
ful universal  passion  has  presided  ever  since  in 

•   Black  AcU,  28ih  J»me«  II.  ch«p.  St.  f  Ibid. 


308  HISTORY  OF  BRITyVlN.  Book  V. 

the  province  of  dress,  and  produced  an  almost 
innumerable  multitude  of  modes  and  fashions  in 
every  age.  Many  of  these  fashions  appear  to  us 
ridiculous  ;  some  of  them  were  certainly  incon- 
venient ;  few  of  them  deserve  to  be  recorded  or 
revived ;  and  therefore  a  very  brief  notice  of  the 
most  remarkable  of  them,  it  is  hoped,  will  be 
sufficient  to  gratify  the  reader's  curiosity.  To 
attemjit  a  minute  detail  of  them  all,  in  regular 
succession,  Avould  be  as  vain  as  to  attempt  such 
a  detail  of  the  shape  of  last  year's  clouds,  and  as 
imbecoming  the  dignity  of  general  history. 
Long  Those  fashions  that  are  most  absurd  and  trou- 

shies!  blesome,  and  most  keenly  opposed  and  censured, 
are  commonly  most  permanent.  Folly  is  fickle 
when  it  is  let  alone,  but  obstinate  when  it  is  op- 
posed. No  fashion  could  be  more  absurd  and 
troublesome  than  that  of  the  long-pointed  shoes, 
with  which  they  could  not  walk  till  they  were 
tied  to  their  knees  with  chains.  This  fasliion 
was  condemned  by  the  papal  bidls,  and  the  de- 
crees of  councils,  and  declaimed  against  with 
great  vehemence  by  the  clergy  ;  and  yet  it  pre- 
vailed, in  some  degree,  almost  three  centuries*. 
At  length  the  parliament  of  England  interpos- 
ed, by  an  act,  A.  D.  1463,  prohibiting  the  use 
of  slices  or  boots  with  pikes  exceeding  two  inch- 
es in  length,  and  prohibiting  all  shoemakers  to 
make  shoes  or  boots  with  longer  pikes,  under 
severe  penaltiesf.     But  even  this  was  not  suffi- 

•   W.  Malms,  p.  f>9.     J.  Ttossii  TIlsl.  p.  205. 
f   Statult's,  Sil  Eilw.  IV.  ch.  1. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  Sec.     -  3()g 

cient  to  put  an  end  to  this  ridiculous  inconve- 
nient fashion.  The  civil  power  was  obliged  to 
call  in  the  aid  of  the  church  ;  and  a  proclama- 
tion was  published  in  all  parts  of  England,  de- 
nouncing the  dreadful  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation, besides  all  other  penalties,  against  all  who 
wore  shoes  or  boots  with  pikes  longer  than  two 
inches*. 

The  dress  of  the  beaux  and  fine  gentlemen  of  Dress  of  a 
England,  in  this  period,  was  remarkably  scrimp 
and  hght.     Their  stockings  and  breeches  were  in 
one  piece,  as  tight  to  their  limbs  as  possible,  like 
the  tartan  trouse  of  the  gentlemen  in  the  high- 
lands of  Scotland.     Their  coats  or  jackets  were 
very  short,  reaching  only  an  inch  or  two  below 
the  top  of  their  breeches ;  and  John  Rous  of 
Warwick  complains  bitterly,  that  by  the  shortness 
of  then'  coats  they  exposed  those  parts  to  view 
which  ought  to  have  been  concealed  f.     Parlia- 
ment also  attempted  to  prevent  this  indecency, 
and  made  an  act,  A.D.  1463,  that  no  man  should 
wear  a  jacket  but  what  was  of  such  a  length, 
that  when  he  stood  upright  it  should  hide  his  but- 
tocks |.     But  the  power  of  fashion  was  greater 
than  the  power  of  parliament.     Long  hair  was 
much  admired  by  the  gay,  and  as  much  con- 
demned by  the  grave,  particularly  by  the  clergy, 
in  this  period.    John  llous  reproaches  the  beaux 
of  his  time  for  suffering  their  long  hair  to  cover 


•   Stow,  p,  419.  f  J.  Rossi  Hist.  p.  131. 

\  Statutes,  3tl  Edw.  IV.     Slow,  p.  417. 


310  HISTORY  OF  BfilTAiN.  Book  V. 

their  foreheads,  on  wliicli  they  liad  been  marked 
with  the  si  on  of  tlie  cross,  at  their  baptism*. 
On  their  heads  they  wore  bonnets  of  cloth,  silk, 
or  velvet,  adorned  with  pearls  and  precious 
stones f.  In  winter  and  bad  weather  they  used 
mantles,  which  were  at  some  times  as  short  astheir 
jackets,  and  at  other  times  so  long,  that  their 
sleeves  reached  the  ground.  These  mantles  with 
long  sleeves  are  ridiculed  by  the  poet  Occleve, 
in  the  following  lines  : 

Now  hath  this  land  little  ticde  of  broomed. 

To  sweep  away  the  filth  out  of  the  strccte, 
Sin  side  sieves  of  penniless  grooms 

Will  it  uplicke,  be  it  dry  or  weete. 

\Yhen  Henry  Prince  of  Wales,  afterwards  Heir- 
ry  v.,  waited  on  his  father  Henry  IV.,  in  order 
to  make  his  peace,  he  was  dressed  in  a  m.antle  or 
gown  of  blue  sattin,  full  of  small  oylet  holes,  with 
a  needle  hanging  at  every  hole  by  a  silk  threadf . 
This  was  sufficiently  ridiculous,  but  it  was  the 
fashion. 
Ladicfs  1'lie  young,  gay,  and  opulent  of  the  fair  sex 

were  not  less  fond  of  ornaments,  nor  less  fickle  and 
fanciful  in  the  fashions  of  their  dress,  than  their 
admirers.  As  it  would  be  ungraceful  to  dwell  on 
this  subject,  I  shall  mention  only  one  of  these 
fashions.  The  head-dresses  of  the  ladies  were  ex- 
ceedingly large,  lofty,  and  broad.  This  mode  was 


•  J.  Rossi  Hist.,  p.  ISl. 

f  See  the  figure  of  a    Beau  in   Strutt'i  Antiquities,  toL  S.  plate  1. 

\  HuUiiig»h«d,  p.  1100. 


Chap.  T.  MANNERS,  &c.  3IX 

introduced  in  tlie  preceding  period,  prevailed 
long  both  in  France  and  England,  and  at  length 
arrived  at  a  most  enormous  pitch*.  When  Iza- 
bel  of  Bavaria,  the  vain,  voluptuous  consort  of 
Charles  VI.,  kept  her  court  at  Vincennes,  A.  D. 
1416,  it  was  found  necessary  to  make  all  the 
doors  of  the  palace  both  higher  and  wider,  to  ad- 
mit the  liead-dresses  of  the  queen  and  lier  ladies  f. 
To  support  the  breadth  of  these  dresses,  they  had 
a  kind  of  artificial  horn  on  each  side  of  the  head, 
bending  upwards,  on  which  many  folds  of  ribbons 
and  other  ornaments  were  suspended.  From  the 
top  of  the  horn  on  the  right  side,  a  streamei',  of 
silk  or  some  other  light  fabric,  was  hung,  wliich 
was  sometimes  allowed  tolly  loose,  and  sometimes 
brought  over  the  bosom,  and  wrapt  about  the  left 
arml.  These  head-dresses,  by  their  immense  size, 
admitted  a  great  variety  of  ornaments,  and  there- 
by afforded  the  ladies  an  opportunity  of  display- 
ing their  taste  and  fancy  to  advantage. 

The  extravatjance  of  both  sexes,  and  of  all  Sumptuary 
ranks,  in  their  di'ess,  hath  been  a  subject  of  com- 
plaint in  every  age,  and  in  none  more  than  in 
our  present  period.  The  parliament  of  England 
attempted  to  set  bounds  to  that  extravagance, 
by  several  sumptuary  laws,  particularly  by  two 
acts  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV.  §  But  vanity 
^is  invincible;  and  these  and  other  acts  of  that 

•  See  vol.  8.  p.  102.     J.  Rossi  Hist.  p.  205. 

f  Villarct,  torn.   If?,  p.  423.  ;   Monstrelet,  f.  .'59.  tol.  2.  ;  Pasquior^ 
p.  .57R. 

\  See  Strutt,  vol.  2.  plate  6» 

§  Statutes,  Sd  and  92d  Edw.  IV. 


312  HISTORY  OF  BlUTIAN.  Book  V. 

kind,  served  only  to  give  a  different  turn  to  ex- 
travagance. 
I  n  Scot-        \Y  hen  we  reflect  on  th  e  unhappy  circumstances 

land.  .  . 

of  the  people  of  Scotland  in  this  period,  we  might 
imagine  that  there  could  be  no  need  of  sump- 
tuary laws  in  that  kingdom,  lint  that  was  not 
the  case.  In  the  reign  of  James  II.  the  follow- 
ing curious  law  was  made  A.  D.  1457  :  "  That 
"  sen  the  realme  in  ilk  estate  is  gretumly  purit 
"  throw  sumptuous  cleithing,  baith  of  men  and 
"  women,  and  in  special  within  buiTowis,  the 
"  lords  thinkis  speedful,  that  restriction  be  maid 
"  thairof,  in  this  manner :  That  no  man  within 
*'  burgh  that  lives  be  merchandice,  bot  gif  he  be 
"  a  persoun  constitute  in  dignitie,  as  alderman, 
"  baillie,  or  uther  gude  worthy  men,  that  are  of 
"  the  counsal  of  the  towne,  and  thair  w}^fis,  wair 
"  claiths  of  silk,  nor  costly  scarlettis  in  gownis, 
"  or  furrings  with  mertrikis.  And  that  they 
*'  mak  thair  wyfis  and  dotchters,  m  like  man- 
"  ner,  be  abilzeet  ganand  and  corespondand  for 
"  thair  estate ;  that  is  to  say,  on  thair  heidis 
"  schort  courchis  with  lytil  hudis,  as  are  usit  in 
"  Flanders,  Ingland,  and  other  countreis.  And 
"  as  to  their  gownis,  that  na  wemen  weir  mer- 
"  trikis,  nor  letties,  taihs  unfitten  lenth,  nor 
"  furrit  under,  bot  on  the  haly  day*."  This  law 
was  evidently  dictated  by  the  pride  of  the  great 
lords  to  check  the  vanity  of  the  burghers,  their 
wives  and  daughters,  who  presumed  to  dress 
like  lords  and  ladies. 

*   Acts  James  II.,  ch.  7S. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  31 3 

The  diet  of  the  people  of  England  in  general,  Diet, 
in  this  period  (if  we  may  believe  Sir  John  For- 
tesciie,)  was  neither  coarse  nor  scanty.     "  They 
"  drink  (says  he)  no  water,  except  when  they 
"  abstain  from  other  di'inks,  by  way  of  penance, 
"  and  from  a  principle  of  devotion.     They  eat 
"  plentifully  of  all  kinds  of  fish  and  flesh,  with 
"  which   their   comitry  abounds*."     This  was 
probably  intended  for  a  description  of  the  man- 
ner in  which  persons  in  good  circumstances,  in 
the  richest  parts  of  the  kingdom,  lived  in  years 
of  plenty.     It  is  also  necessary  to  remark,  that  it 
was  the  chief  design  of  this  patriotic  writer,  to 
convince  his  royal  pupil.  Prince  Edward,  that  the 
subjects  of  a  limited  monarch  were  much  happier 
than  the  slaves  of  an  absolute  sovereign.  AViththis 
view,  he  painted  botli  the  plenty  and  prosperity 
of  the  English,  and  the  poverty  and  misery  of  the 
French,  in  the  strongest  colours.     "  The  com- 
"  mons  in  France  (says  he)  be  so  impoverished 
"  and   destroyyd,   that  they   may  unith  lyve. 
"  Thay   drynke  water,  thay  eate  apples,  with 
"  bred  right  brown,  made  of  rye.    Ill  ay  eate  no 
"  flesche,  but  if  it  be  selden,  a  littill  larde,  or  of 
"  the  intrails  or  hcds  of  bests  sclayne  for  the 
"  nobles  and  merchaunts  of  the  landf."     But 
thoughit  was  true,  tliat  P^nglandhad  sufl'eredless 
than  France  by  the  ravages  of  war  and  tlie  ex- 
actions of  government,  and  that  the  English  in 
general  lived  better  than  tlie  French,  there  is  suffi- 

*  Forttsqiic  dc  Laiidibus  Legum  Aiijr''^-  cap-  •'"'• 

I  Fortescue  on  absolute  and  limited  Mouarcliy,  chap.  S. 


314  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book.  V.' 

cient  evidence  that  the  labourers  and  common 
people,  especially  in  the  north  of  England,  did 
not  possess  that  plenty  andvariety  of  provisions 
mentioned  by  Sir  John  Fortescue.  il'^neas  Sil- 
vius,  afterwards  Pope  Pius  II.,  assures  us,  that 
none  of  the  inhabitants  of  a  populous  village  in 
Northumberland,  in  which  he  lodged,  A.  D. 
1437,  had  ever  seen  either  wine  oi*  wheat-bread ; 
and  that  they  expressed  great  surprise  when  they 
saw  them  on  his  table*.  In  the  years  of  scarci- 
ty, which  were  too  frequent,  the  common  peo- 
ple were  involved  in  great  distress,  and  not  a 
few  of  them  died  of  hunger,  or  of  diseases  con- 
tracted b)^  the  use  of  unwholesome  foodf . 
Luxury  of      Themonks  in  rich  monasteries  lived  morefully^ 

monks.  *' 

and  even  more  delicately,  than  almost  any  other 
order  of  men  in  the  kingdom.  The  office  of 
chief  cook  w^as  one  of  the  great  offices  in  these 
monasteries,  and  was  conferred  with  great  im- 
partiality, on  that  brother  who  had  studied  the 
art  of  cookery  with  most  success.  The  historian 
of  Groyland  abbey  speaks  highly  in  praise  of 
brother  Laurence  Chateres,  the  cook  of  that 
monastery  ;  who,  prompted  by  the  love  of  God, 
and  zeal  for  religion,  had  given  forty  pounds 
(equivalent  to  4001.  at  present)  "  for  the  recrea- 
"  tion  of  the  convent  with  the  milk  of  almonds 
*'  on  fish-days."  He  gives  us  also  a  long  and 
very  particular  statute  that  was  made  for  the 


•  Opera  Pii  Socundi,  p.  5. 

f  Hist.  Croylnnd,  p,  518.     Seep.  174,  of  tbi«  volume. 


Chap.  r.  MANNERS,  &c.  315 

equitable  distribution  of  this  abnond-milk,  with 
the  finest  bread  and  best  honey  *. 

The  secular  clergy  were  no  enemies  to  the  of  the 
pleasures  of  the  table;  and  some  of  them  contriv-  clergy. 
ed  to  convert  gluttony  and  drunkenness  into  reli- 
gious ceremonies,  by  the  celebration  of  glutton- 
masses,  as  they  very  properly  called  them.  These 
glutton-masses  were  celebrated  five  times  a-year, 
in  honour  of  the  A^irgin  INIary,  in  this  manner  : 
Early  in  the  morning,  the  people  of  the  parish 
assembled  in  the  church, loaded  with  ample  stores 
of  meats  and  drinks  of  all  kinds.  As  soon  as  mass 
ended,  the  feast  began,  in  which  the  clergy  and 
laity  engaged  with  equal  ardour.  The  church 
was  turned  into  a  tavern,  and  became  a  scene 
of  excessive  riot  and  intemperance.  The  priests 
and  people  of  different  parishes  entered  into 
formal  contests,  which  of  them  should  have  the 
greatest  glutton-mass,  /.  e.  which  of  them  should 
devour  the  greatest  quantities  of  meat  anddi'ink, 
in  honour  of  the  Holy  Virgin  f. 

The  English  noblemen  and  gentlemen  who  Scotland. 
accompanied  James  I.  and  his  Queen  into  Scot- 
land, A.  D.  1424,  introduced,  it  is  said,  a  more 
luxurious  way  of  living  into  that  kingdom  than 
had  formerly  been  known  ;  which  gave  great  of- 
fence to  such  of  the  nobility  as  admired  the  tem- 
perance and  frugality  of  their  ancestors.  Henry 
Wardlaw,  Eisliop  of  St  Andrew's,  (if  we  may 
believe  Hector  I^oyce)  made  a  long  and  elo- 

•    Hist.  Croyland,  p.  <97,498. 

f  Willtin.  Concilia,  tom.  3.  p.  S89. 


316  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

qiient  liarangue  to  the  King  in  a  parliament 
at  Perth,  A.  D.  1433,  against  that  new  and 
extravagant  mode  of  living  introduced  by  the 
English ;  and  in  consequence  of  that  harangue 
an  act  of  parliament  was  made,  regulating 
the  manner  in  which  persons  of  all  orders 
should  live,  and  in  particular,  prohibiting  the 
use  of  pies  and  other  baked  meats  (then  first 
known  in  Scotland)  to  all  vuider  the  rank  of 
barons*. 
Manner  of      It  was  now  bccome  the  custom  in  great  fa- 


livin 


i^  m 


great  fa-     milics,  to  havc  four  meals    a-day,    viz.  break- 

Diilies.  J?     i        T  IT-  1  •    T 

lasts,  dmners,  suppers,  and  liveries,  which  was 
a  kind  of  collation  in  their  bed-chambers,  im- 
mediately before  they  went  to  rest.  As  our 
ancestors  in  this  period  were  still  early  risers, 
they  breakfasted  at  seven,  and  dined  at  ten 
o'clock  forenoon,  supped  at  four  afternoon,  and 
had  their  liveries  between  eight  and  nine ;  soon 
after  which  they  went  to  bed.  But  though 
they  breakfasted  thus  early,  their  appetites  seem 
to  have  been  sufficiently  keenf .  The  breakfast 
of  an  earl  and  his  countess,  on  Sundays,  Tues- 
days, Thursdays,  and  Saturdays,  in  the  holy  fast 
of  Lent,  was,  "  first  a  loaf  of  bread  in  trenchors, 
"  two  manchetts^,  a  quart  of  beer,  a  quart  of 
"  wine,  two  pieces  of  salt  fish,  six  baconed 
"  herrings,  four  white  herrings,  or  a  dish  of 

*  H.  Boeth.,lib.  17.  f.  350. 

f  Northumberland  Family-book,  c.  41.  and  notes  on  p.  310. 

i  A  mancfact  was  a  small  loaf  of  the  fintit  bread,  weight  6  ounces. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  317 

"  sproits*."  This,  for  two  persons,  at  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  was  a  tolerable  allowance 
for  a  day  of  fasting.  Their  suppers  on  these  days 
were  equally  plentiful.  Their  breakfast  on  flesh- 
days  was,  "  first  a  loaf  of  bread  in  trenchors,  two 
"  manchetts,  a  quart  of  beer,  a  quart  of  wine, 
"  half  a  cheyne  of  mutton,  or  a  cheyne  of  beef 
"  boiledf ."  The  liveries,  or  evening  collations,  for 
the  lord  and  lady  were,  "  first  two  manchetts,  a 
"  loaf  of  household  bread,  a  gallon  of  beer,  and 
"  a  quart  of  wine:}:."  The  wine  was  warmed,  and 
mixed  with  spiceries.  No  rule  was  fixed  for  din- 
ners, as  these  were  the  principal  meals,  at  which 
they  entertained  their  company.  It  is  remark- 
able, that  shopkeepers,  mechanics,  and  labourers 
breakfasted  at  eight  in  the  morning,  dined  at 
noon,  and  supped  at  six  in  the  evening ;  which  * 

were  later  hours  than  those  of  the  nobility.  So 
different  are  the  customs  of  one  age  from  those 
of  another. 

The  hospitality  of  the  gTeat  and  opulent  ba-  Entertain- 
rons  of  this  period  hath  been  already  mention- 
ed^. These  barons  not  only  kept  numerous  house- 
holds, but  they  frequently  entertained  still  great- 
er numbers  of  then-  retainers,  friends,  and  vassals. 
These  entertainments  were  conducted  with  much 
formal  pomp  and  stateliness,  but  not  with  equal 
delicacy  and  cleanliness.  The  lord  of  the  man- 
sion sat  in  state,  in  his  great  chamber,  at  the  head 
of  his  long  clumsy  oaken  board ;  and  his  guests 

•  Nortlinmhnlaiid  Family-hook,  p.  1?..  f  I<1.  P-  "•5- 

}    1.1.  p.  96.  §  See  p,  287.  2g8. 


3X8  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

were  seated  on  each  side,  on  long  liard  benches 
or  forms,  exactly  according  to  their  stations;  and 
happy  Avas  the  man  whose  rank  entitled  him  to 
be  placed  above  the  great  family  silver-salt  in 
the  middle.  The  table  was  loaded  with  capa- 
cious pewter  dishes,  filled  with  salted  beef,  mut- 
ton, and  butcher-meat  of  all  kinds  ;  with  veni- 
son, poultry,  sea-fowls,  wild-fo^vls,  game,  fish, 
kc.  &c.  di'essed  in  different  ways,  according  to 
the  fashion  of  the  times,  The  sideboards  were 
plentifully  futnished  with  ale,  beer,  and  wines, 
which  were  handed  to  the  company,  when  called 
for,  in  pewter  and  wooden  cups,  by  the  mare- 
sclials,  grooms,  yeomen,  and  waiters  of  the  cham- 
ber, ranged  in  regular  order.  But  with  all  this 
pomp  and  plenty,  there  was  little  elegance.  The 
guests  were  all  obliged  to  use  their  fingers  hi- 
stead  of  forks,  as  these  most  simple  and  useful 
instruments,  which  contribute  so  much  to  clean- 
liness, were  not  yet  invented*.  They  sat  down 
to  table  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  forenoon,  and  did 
not  rise  from  it  till  one  in  the  afternoon ;  by 
which  three  of  the  best  hours  of  the  day  were 
consimied  in  gormandizing  f. 
Great  The  feasts  at  coronations  and  ro}^al  marriages 

and  at  the  installation  of  great  prelates,  were  ex- 
ceedingly splendid  in  this  period ;  and  at  these 
feasts  prodigious  multitudes  were  entertained. 
The  marriage  feast  of  Henry  IV.  and  his  Queen 
Jane  of  Navarre,  consisted  of  six  courses ;  three, 

*  Coryat's  Crudities,  p.  90,  91  . 
f  Norlhum.  Book,  p.  SIO.  31'4. 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  gjg 

of  flesh  and  fowls,  and  three  of  fish.  All  these 
courses  were  accompanied  and  adorned  ^vith  sut- 
tleties,  as  they  were  called.  These  suttleties  were 
figures  in  pastry,  of  men,  women,  beasts,  birds, 
&c.  placed  on  the  table  to  be  achnired,  but  not 
touched.  Each  figure  had  a  label  atlixed  to  it ; 
containing  some  wise  or  witty  saying,  suited  to 
the  occasion  of  the  feast,  whicli  was  the  reason 
they  were  called  suttlcties^K  Hie  installation- 
feast  of  George  Xeville,  Archbishop  of  York, 
and  Chancellor  of  England,  exceeded  all  others 
in  splendour  and  expence,  and  in  the  number 
and  quality  of  the  guests.  The  reader  may  form 
some  idea  of  this  enormous  feast,  by  perusing 
the  catalogue  of  tlie  provisions  prepared  for  it, 
which  he  will  find  in  the  Appendix,  Xo.  \'^I. 

Few  tliini^s  are  more  permanent,  and  less  lia-  O'^'ersions 
ble  to  change,  tlian  national  diversions.  The 
sports  of  the  field  have  been  the  favourite  diver- 
sions of  persons  of  rank  and  fortune  through 
many  successive  ages ;  and  in  the  short  intervals 
of  peace  between  one  war  and  another,  were 
pursued  with  as  much  ardour  in  this  as  in  any 
other  period f.  For  more  than  five  centuries 
after   the   Korman   conquest,   princes,    nobles. 


•  See  Strutt,  vol  2.  p.  101 — 104. 

.}■  Every  baron  in  Scotland  was  obliged  l)y  law  to  Iiiint  the  «olf  four 
times  a-year,  attended  Ijy  ail  his  tenants,  in  the  proper  season;  and 
every  siieriir,  witli  all  the  barons  and  freeholders  of  his  county,  were 
obliged  to  have  three  great  wolf  huntings  in  the  year.  But  this  was 
from  necessity,  and  not  merely  for  amusement,  as  that  country  «a«  still 
infested  by  these  destructive  animals,  lilack  Acts,  Junies  I.  ch.  115  i 
James  II.  ch.  98. 


320  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

knights,  and  esquires,  di.splayed  tlieir  courage, 
strength,  and  dexterity,  in  horsemanship  and  the 
use  of  arms,  in  splendid  tilts  and  tournaments, 
for  the  entertainment  of  the  great  and  the  fair ; 
while  the  common  people  diverted  themselves 
with  the  humbler  feats  of  boxing,  wrestling, 
leaping,  rimning,  &c.  &c.  Our  Saxon  ancestors, 
in  the  woods  and  wilds  of  Germany,  were  as 
desperate  adventurers  at  games  of  chance,  as  the 
most  thoughtless  and  fearless  of  their  posterity 
in  the  present  times ;  and  we  meet  with  com- 
plaints of  the  prevalence  of  this  pernicious  hu- 
mour in  every  intervening  age*  JMiracles, 
mysteries,  and  moralities  (which  have  been  al- 
ready described,)  continued,  with  very  little  va- 
riation, to  be  the  only  representations  that  re- 
sembled theatrical  entertainments  for  several 
centuries,  in  the  middle  ages,  and  were  so  in 
the  present  period f.  The  foot-ball  was,  in  those 
times,  a  favourite  diversion  of  the  common  peo- 
ple ;  and  the  hand-ball  of  persons  of  rank  and 
fortune,  who  played  with  it  on  horseback  as  well 
as  on  foot,- for  great  sums  of  money:]:.  There 
was  never  wanting  in  the  middle  ages,  a  great 
number  of  jugglers,  minstrels,  mimics,  mum- 
mers, tumblers,  rope-dancers,  and  other  artists, 
who  supported  themselves  by  diverting  others ; 
and   they   seem   to   have   been   no   contempt- 


*  See  vol.  2.  p.  S73;   Vol.  4.  p.  403  ;  vol.  6.  p.  376. 

f  Pasquier,  p.  382. 

i  St  Foix  Essais  sur  Paris,  torn.  1.  p.  342. 


Chap.  7=  MANNERS,  &c.  30I 

ible  performers  iw  tlieir  several  arts*.  In  a  worclj 
the  amusements  of  persons  of  all  ranks,  for  more 
than  five  centuries  after  the  conquest,  Avere  so 
much  the  same,  that  it  is  unnecessary  to  give 
a  minute  detail  of  them  in  every  period  ;  and 
it  will  be  sufficient  to  describe,  in  their  proper 
places,  such  new  amusements  as  have  been  in- 
troduced from  time  to  time. 

Such  was  the  martial  spirit  that  reigned  in  our     certain 

-IT  11-1  /»iiT  games  pi'o= 

present  period,  that  the  legislators  01  both  the  hibitcd. 
British  kingdoms  attempted  to  compel  the  peo- 
ple to  relinquish  their  most  favourite  pastimes, 
and  to  spend  all  their  leisure  hours  in  archery. 
With  this  view,  the  following  law  was  made 
in  Scotland,  A.  D.  1424. :  "  It  is  statute,  and 
"  the  King  forbiddis,  that  na  man  play  at  the 
"  fute-ball,  under  the  pane  of  40  shillings,  als 
"  oft  as  he  be  taintit :  And  that  all  men  busk 
*'  thame  to  be  archaris  fra  thaybe  twelve  years 
"  of  age ;  and  that  ilk  ten  pundis  worth  of 
"  land,  thair  be  maid  bowmarkis,  and  specially 
"  near  paroche-kirkis,  whair,  upone  hahe  days, 
**  men  may  cum,  and  at  the  leist  schute  thryse 
"  about,  and  have  usage  of  archery  f."  With 
the  same  view,  a  law  was  made  in  England 
to  the  following  purport — "  Tlioiigh,  by  the 
"  laws  of  this  land,  no  man  shall  play  at  unlaws 
•*  ful    games,  as  coits,   foot-ball,  and  tlie  like 

*  In  I\fr  Strutt's  work,  vol.  2.  plate  G.  wc  see  the  figure  of  a  bag- 
piper, with  a  man  on  his  sliouklers,  dancing  to  liis  music,  and  the  figure? 
of  another  artist  standing  on  one  foot,  and  balancing  a  spear  on  bi» 
noKC. 

t  Black  Afti,  Jarne*  I.  c.  19,  20. 

VOL.  X.  Y 


322  HISTORY  OF  BRITAIN.  Book  V. 

"  games,  but  that  every  able-bodied  man  shall 
"  daily  practise  archery,  because  the  defence  of 
"  the  kingdom  depends  on  archers;  yet  notAvith- 
"  standing  these  laws,  many  evil-disposed  per- 
"  sons,  of  all  ranks,  play  at  those  and  at  other 
"  newly -invented   games,  called  cloish,  kayles, 
"  half-boul,  handin-handout,  and  quickeborde." 
The  act  then  proceeds  to  paint,  in  very  strong 
colours,  the  fatal  effects  of  playing  at  these  games, 
and  to  prohibit  the  use  of  them  under  very  se- 
vere penalties*.  How  unhappy  were  those  timesj 
in  which  such  laws  were  expedient,  or  rather 
necessary ! 
Cwd-piay.      Though  card-playiug  is  not  named  among  the 
new  games  in  the  above  act  of  parhament,  it  was 
certainly  introduced  into  Britain  in  the  course  of 
this  period.    Playing-cards  were  made,  and  pro- 
bably invented  about  the  end  of  the  fourteenth 
or  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century,  by  Jaque- 
min  Gringonneur,  a  painter  in  Paris.  They  were 
invented,  it  is  said,  for  the  amusement  of  that 
unhappy  Prince,  Charles  VI.,  in  his  lucid  inter- 
vals.   That  they  were  made  for,  and  used  by  that 
Prince,  is  evident,  from  the  following  article  in 
his  treasurer's  accounts:  "  Paid  fifty-six  shil- 
lings of  Paris,  to  Jaquemin  Gringonneur  the 
painter,  for  three  packs  of  cards  gilded  with 
gold,  and  painted  with  diverse  colours  and  di- 
verse devices,  to  be  carried  to  the  King  for  his 
amusement  f."    From  the  above  article  we  per- 

*  Statutes,  17  th  Ed.  IV.  c.  3. 

f  Mr  Saintfoix  Essais  sur  Paris,  foto.  1.  p.  341. 


a 


Chap.  7.  MANNERS,  &c.  323 

ceive,  that  playing-cards  -were  originally  very 
different  in  their  appearance  and  their  price  from 
what  they  are  at  present.  They  were  gilded, 
and  the  figures  were  painted  or  illuminated, 
which  required  no  little  skill  and  genius,  as  well 
as  labour.  The  price  of  one  pack  of  these  cards 
was  no  less  than  18s.  8d.  of  Paris,  a  very  consi- 
derable sum  in  those  times.  The  last  circum- 
stance is  probably  one  reason  that  playing-cards 
were  little  known  or  used  for  a  good  many  years 
after  they  were  invented.  Though  I  have  met 
with  several  complaints  of  the  too  great  preva^ 
lence  of  dice-playing,  I  have  with  none  with 
regard  to  card-playing,  in  the  wi'iters  of  those 
times.  By  degrees,  however,  cards  became 
cheaper,  and  the  use  of  them  more  common : 
and  we  have  the  evidence  of  an  act  of  parlia- 
ment, that  both  card-playing  and  card-making 
were  known  and  practised  in  England  before  the 
end  of  this  period.  On  an  appHcation  of  the 
card-makers  of  London  to  parliament,  A.  D. 
1463,  an  act  was  made  against  the  importation 
of  playing-cards*.  But  if  the  progress  of  card- 
playing  was  slow  at  first,  it  hath  since  become 
sufficiently  rapid  and  extensive,  to  the  cost  of 
many  unfortunate  gamesters,  and  the  loss  of 
many  others,  who  spend  too  much  of  their  time 
in  that  infatuating  amusement. 

*  Statutes,  3d  Edw.  IV.  c.  4. 


APPENDIX 


TO    THK 


FIFTH  BOOK. 


NUMBER  I. 

Example  of  the  Bombast,  being  part  of  Thomas 
de  Elmham's  description  of  the  battle  of  A  gin- 
court. 

O  !  letale  helium,  dira  strages,  clades  mortalis,  fames 
mortis,  sitis  cruroris  insaciabilis,  furibundus  impetus, 
furor  impetuosus,  insania  vehemens,  crudelis  conflictus, 
inmisericors  ulcio,  lancearum  fraijor  immensus,  sagittaruin 
garritus,  securium  concussus,  ensium  vibi'acio,  armorum 
dirupcio,  vulnerum  impressio,  efFusio  sanguinis,  induccio 
mortis,  corporum  dissolucio,  nobilium  occisio,  aer  frago- 
ribus  horrendis  tonitruat,  nubes  missilia  impluunt,  tellus 
cruorem  absorbet,  spiritus  a  corporibus  evolant,  semi  viva 
corpora  proprio  sanguine  volutant,  cadaveribus  occisorum 
terrae  superficies  operitur.  Iste  invadit,  ille  cadit  iste 
aggreditur,  ille  moritur,  iste  animum  revocat,  ille  animani 
cum  cruore  simul  eructat,  occisor  irascitur,  occisus  moe- 
rore  conteritur,  victus  reddi  desiderat,  victorum  impetus 
reddicionis  tempora  non  exspectat,  saevicia  regnat,  pietas 
exulat,  fortes  et  strenui  opprimuntur  et  montes  cadaverum 
cumulantur,  multitudo  maxima  traditur  morti,  principes 
et  magnates  ducuntur  captivi,  &c.  &c. 


ArPKNDIX. 


NUMBER  II. 

Carta  ordinaii  Rohertum  Dominum   Boyd   Gu- 
beniatorem   Ilegni   et   Persone  Regis. 

Jacobus  Dei  gratia  Rex  Scotorum  omnibus  probis 
hominibus  suis  ad  quos  presentes  litere  pervenerint  salu- 
tem.  Quia  nos  in  parliamento  nostro  ultimo  tent  apud 
Edinburgh  mentem  nostram  coram  tribus  regni  nostri 
statibus  declaravimus  quod  quamplurimum  nobis  placuit 
ut  consanguineus  noster  Robertus  Dominus  Boide  guber- 
nationem  et  regimen  nostre  persone  et  tratrum  nostrorum 
et  fortaliciorum  tanquam  unus  ne  intimis  nostris  consuii- 
bus  babeat  in  nostre  auctoritatis  regie  et  justicie  executione 
usque  ad  nostram  etatem  legitinjam  viginti  unius  annorum. 
Ea  propter  dictum  Robertum  Dominum  Boid  consangui- 
neum  nostrum  ex  concensu  et  deliberatione  ceterorum 
dominorum  nostri  concilii  gubernatorem  nostre  persone 
ac  fratrura  nostrorum  et  fortaliciorum  usque  ad  nostram 
etatem  predictam  confecimus  et  ordinavimus  ac  ut  pre- 
mittitur  constitimus  et  ordinamus  per  presentes  strictius 
inhiben  ne  quis  in  contrarium  presentis  nostre  ordinationis 
aliquatenus  devenire  presumat  sub  omni  pena  quam  erga 
nostram  regiara  incurrere  potent  majestatem  in  hac  parte. 
Dat  sub  magno  sigillo  nostro  apud  Striveling  vicesimo 
quinto  die  mensis  Octobris  anno  Domini  millesimo  qua- 
dringentesimo  sexagesimo  sexto  et  regni  nostri  septimc- 

Faithfully  copied  from  the  records  of  the  great  seaL 


APPENDIX, 


327 


NUMBER  III. 

Pacification  of  Blackness. 

1  HiR  ar  the  articles  uppone  ye  quhilk  or  soverain  lord 
sail  gif  commissioun  under  his  gret  sele  to  ye  lordis  under 
written.  Yat  is  to  say  ye  bischop  ot"  Aberden  chancellar 
the  erlis  of  Huntlie  Erole  Merschiale  lord  Glammys  & 
Alexander  Lindesay  to  comon  conclude  &  end  with  yir 
lordis  follow  and  Yat  is  to  say  ye  bischop  of  Giasgw  ye 
erlis  of  Angus  Ergile  lord  Halis  lord  Lile  the  quhilkis 
lordis  sail  haffe  full  commissioun  of  my  lord  prince  &  of 
all  the  lordis  being  with  him. 

In  the  first  to  comone  and  conclude  yat  ye  kingis  hie 
honor  estate  riale  autorite  be  exaltit  conservit  &  borne  up 
at  he  may  exhers  justice  universally  to  all  his  liegis  in  all 
ye  pertis  of  his  realm. 

Item^  At  his  maist  noble  persone  be  at  all  tymes  in  ho- 
nor securitie  &  fredome  &  at  yar  be  prclatis  erlis  lordis  & 
baronis  &  utheris  persons  of  wisdome  prudence  and  of  gud 
disposition  &  unsuspect  to  his  hienes  &  evinly  to  ail  his 
liegis  dayly  about  his  nobil  persoun  to  the  gud  giding  of 
his  realme  and  lieges. 

Item^  Yat  all  ye  persons  being  about  my  lord  prince  yt 
has  in  tym  bygane  done  displessr  to  his  hienes  mak  hono- 
rabiie  &  agreabile  amendis  to  his  hienes  be  ye  wisdome 
and  discretione  of  the  said  lordis  yar  liffis  heretage  &  ho- 
nouris  except. 

Item^  Yat  ye  kingis  hienes  sail  giff  honorabill  sustenta- 
tioun  &  levin  to  my  lord  prince  his  sone  at  ye  considera- 
tione  of  ye  saidis  lordis. 

Item,  At  wiss  lordis  &  honourabill  persons  of  wisdome 
and  discretioun  evinly  &  of  gud  dispositioun  sal  be  dayly 


a^&  APPENDIX. 

about  my  lord  prince  for'tlie  giid  governance  of  him  and 
securite  of  his  person  in  his  tender  age. 

Item^  To  aviss  conione  &  conckide  how  my  lord  prince 
sail  in  all  times  to  cum  be  obedient  to  his  f aider  ye  king 
&  how  yt  i'aiderly  luff  and  tendernes  sail  at  all  tymis  be 
had  be  twex  yame. 

Item,  How  ye  lordis  and  uyir  persons  being  about  my 
lord  prince  sail  haf  or  soverane  lordis  favoris  &  grace  & 
hertly  forgevinnys  &  yar  persons  to  be  in  securite  as  best 
can  be  divisit  by  ye  said  lordis  for  ony  displessr  done  to 
ye  kingis  hienes  in  ony  tym  bygane. 

Itcrn^  At  my  lord  prince  sail  tak  in  hertile  favoris  all 
lordis  spiritual  and  temporale  &  all  uyris  persons  yat  has 
ben  with  the  kingis  hienes  ui  consale  or  uyir  service  now 
in  vis  tyme  of  trouble. 

Item,  At  al  discentious  and  discordis  now  standard  or 
beand  be  tuex  ony  lordis  or  gret  baronis  of  baith  ye  pertis 
sal  be  drawin  be  ye  wisdome  of  ye  said  lordis  to  unite 
concord  sa  yt  luff  &  favour  may  stand  ymangis  oure  sove- 
rane  lordis  liegis  and  peax  to  be  had  &  justice  to  proceed 
&  spealy  be  tuix  ye  erle  of  Buchain  and  lord  Lile  &c. 

The  foresaid  pacification  was  presented  in  the  first  par- 
liament of  King  James  IV.  and  bears  to  be  signed  by  the 
King's  own  hand. 

Extracted  from  the  registers  of  Parliament. 


APPENDIX. 


329 


NUMBER  IV. 

List  of  the  INIembers  who  were  present  the  first 
day  in  the  Parhament  of  Scotland,  which  met 
June  1.  A.  D.  1478  ;  being  the  first  list  of  the 
kind  that  occurs  in  the  records  of  Parliament. 


Episcopi. 
Glasguen 

Baron  is. 
Dominus  Hammiltoun 

Commissarii 
hurgorum. 
Edinburgh 

Dunkelden 

Dns  Erskyn 

Aberdeen 

Aberdonen 

Dns  Abernethy 

Perth 

Moravien 

Dns  Kilraawaris 

Strivelyne 

Candida  case 

Dns  Maxmale 

Linlithgow 

Dns  Halibertoun 

Hadington 

Dns  Carlisle 

Aire 

Ablates  et  Prelati. 

Dns  Lindesay  de  Byris 

Ruyerglen 

Dns  Lyle 

Irwyn 

Dumfermlvn 

Dns  Oliphant 

Berwick 

Kelso 

Dns  Cathkert 

Dumbretane 

Melross 

Dns  Sommervile 

Carrale 

Sti  Columbe 

Preceptor  de  Torfeclun 

Coupir 

Kihvynyng 

Will.  Edmundiston 

Santandris 

Secretarius 

Dns  Stobhall 

Clericus  registri 

Dns  de  Bass 
Dns  de  Scraling 

Officl  Glasguen 

Dns  Craigmillar 

OfficI  Dunkelden 

Dns  de  Dundass 

Officl  Laudonie 

Dns  de  Kerss 
Dns  Robertus  Hammil- 
toun 

Comct-Angusie 

Johes  Haldcn  do  GIo- 

Comes  de  Rothes      iitgass 

Dns  Flcnnnjr 

330 


APPENDIX. 

The  three  committees  chosen  thcjirst  day  of  every  Parliament,, 

Ad  Causas. 

Pro  Prelatis, 

Ninianus  Epiis  Candide  case 

Mag.  Will.  Elphinstoun  officialis  Laudonie 

Mag.  David  Meldrum  offic.  Dunkelden 

Pro  Baronibus. 
Robertas  dominus  Lyle 
Johes  Drummond  de  Stobhall 
Willielmus  Prestoim  de  Craigmillar 

Pro  Covimissariis. 
James  of  Creichton  propositus  de  Edinburgh 
Alexander  Foulis 
Johannes  Knollis 
Ad  Decissionem  Judicii,  Pro  Articulis  Advisandis. 

Abbas  de  Calco  Epi.  Glasguen  S-^ 

Archi.nus  Glasguen  Rerik  Aberdonen 

Thesaura."s  Glasguen  Carmichell         Movavien 

Pto  Baronibus.  Cancellarius 

Dns  Abernetby  Comes  Angusie 

Dns  de  Skraling  Dns  Hammilton 

AVillms  Edmondistoii  Henricus  Caunt 

Pro  Covimissariis.  Patricias  Baroun 

Johannes  Multrar  Williemus  Monor-'- 

Alexander  Buuche  gund  * 

Matheus  Forester 

Very  few  of  th.e  prelates  or  great  barons  attended  thisji 
parliament,  owing  to  their  discontent,  and  the  distracted 
state  of  the  country,    occasioned   by  the  the  death  of  the 
Earl  of  Mar,  and  the  imprisonment  of  the  Duke  of  Albanvy 
the  king's  brother. 

•  Extracted  from  the  records  of  Parliament, 


APPENDIX. 


331 


NUMBER  V. 

Letter  of  Remission  by  Patrick  Graham,  Arch- 
bishop of  St  Andrew's,  to  John  Martin,  citizen 
there. 

W  E  Patrick,  by  the  mercy  of  God,  archbishop  of  St 
Andrew's,  lord  of  regality  thereof,  for  divers  and  sundry 
reasonable  considerations  moving  us  thereto,  have  re- 
mitted, discharged,  and  freely  forgiven  our  lovite  John 
Martine,  citizen  of  our  city  of  St  Andrew's,  and  by  the 
tenor  hereof  remits,  discharges,  and  freely  forgives  him, 
in  our  sovereign  lord's  name  and  authority,  and  ours,  for 
the  transporting  forth  of  the  realm,  and  carrying  away, 
by  himself,  or  others  in  his  name,  at  sundry  times,  tal- 
low, molten  taugh,  or  other  forbidden  goods,  geer,  or 
merchandize,  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  the  acts  of  parlia- 
ment, laws  and  constitutions  of  this  realm,  and  also  for 
all  other  crimes  or  faults  done,  committed,  assisted  to,  or 
fortifyed  by  him  in  any  time  bygone,  albeit  the  same  be 
greater  than  the  said  special  crime  or  fault  above  express- 
ed ;  anent  the  quhilk  we  dispense  with  him,  and  grants  him 
full  free,  aud  plain  remission  for  the  same  ;  and  that  he 
shall  never  be  attacht,  called,  adjourned,  !^umnloned,  nor 
accused  therefor,  nor  yet  troubled  and  molested  for  the 
same,  in  his  person,  goods,  nor  geer,  any  manner  of  way 
but  to  be  as  free  thereof  as  if  the  samen  had  never  been 
committed  by  him  ;  and  thir  letters  of  remit  to  be  extend- 
ed in  maist  ample  form,  so  oft  as  need  beis. 

N.  B.  This  remit  is  signed  by  theardibishop.  and  h:Ui> 
part  of  his  seal  yet  to  be  seen  upon  it. 


33,2 


APPENDIX- 


NUMBER  VI. 

The  Goodly  Provision  made  for  the  installation- 
feast  of  George  Neville,  Archbishop  of  York, 
A.  D.  1466. 


In  wheat,  quarters, 
In  ale,  tuns, 

300 
300 

In  wine,  tuns. 

100 

In  ipocrasse,  pipes. 
In  oxen. 

1 
104 

In  wild  bulls. 

6 

In  muttons, 

1000 

In  veals. 

304, 

In  porkes, 
In  swanns. 

304? 
400 

In  geese. 
In  cappons, 
In  piggs. 
In  plovers. 

2000 

1000 

2000 

400 

In  quailes, 

1200 

In  fowles  called  rees, 

2400 

In  peacocks, 

104 

In  mallards  and  teales, 

4000 

In  cranes, 

204 

In  kidds, 

204 

In  chickens. 

2000 

In  pigeons. 
In  Connies, 

2000 
4000 

In  bitters. 

204 

In  heronshaws, 

400 

In  phesants, 

200 

In  pertridges, 

500 

APPENDIX. 

In  woodcocks, 

400 

In  curliews, 

100 

In  egrits, 

1000 

In  staggs,  bucks,  and  roes, 

500  and  more 

In  pasties  of  venison  cold, 

4000 

In  parted  dishes  of  jellies. 

1000 

In  plain  dishes  of  jellies, 

3000 

In  cold  tearts,  baked, 

4000 

In  cold  custards,  baked. 

SOOO 

In  hot  pasties  of  venison, 

1500 

In  hot  custards. 

2000 

In  pikes  and  breams. 

308 

In  porpoises  and  seals, 

12 

283 


Spices,  sugared  delicates,  and  wafers  plenty. 

This  curious  bill  of  fare  will  give  the  reader  some  idea 
of  this  enormous  feast.  No  turkies  are  mentioned  in  it, 
because  they  were  not  then  known  in  England.  Cranes, 
heronshaws,  porpoises,  and  seals,  are  seldom  seen  at 
modern  entertainment*. 


END    OF    TUB    TKNTIf    VOLUME. 


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