Full text of "The history of Greece."

RYOF
RDNTO

THE

HISTORY OF GREECE

VOL. X.

The Vignette on the Titlepage represents

A SILVER TETRADRACHM OF ALEXANDER
THE GREAT,

Copied from a Coin in the British Museum.

LONDON :

Printed by A. SPOTTISW OODE,
New-Street-Square.

THE

HISTORY OF GREECE.

WILLIAM MITFORD, ESQ.

(ZBUition,

WITH NUMEROUS ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS.
TO WHICH IS PREFIXED

A BRIEF MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR,
BY HIS BROTHER, LORD REDESDALE.

IN TEN VOLUMES.

VOL. X.

LONDON:

T. CADELL, STRAND;
AND W. BLACKWOOD & SONS, EDINBURGH.

1836.

V.t*

OCT 2 7 1941

CONTENTS OF VOLUME X.

CHAPTER L.

ALEXANDER'S FOURTH CAMPAIGN IN ASIA : AFFAIRS IN GREECE:
TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON, MARKING THE CHARACTER OF THE
MACEDONIAN CONSTITUTION.

SECT. I. Measures of Darius. Affairs in Greece. Confederacy under
the Lead of Lacedaemon against that under the King of Macedonia, and
War ensuing ... - - Page 1

SECT. II. Alexander's March into Media. Flight of Darius from Ecbatana.

Re-enforcement to Alexander's Army. Pursuit of Darius His Death.

Honours to his Memory - - - 12

SECT. III. Alexander's Measures for completing the Reduction of the north-
ern Provinces. Surrender of several Satraps ; of the Grecian Troops in
the Persian Service ; of Ministers from Grecian Republics to the Persian
Court. League of Satraps against Alexander, and Acknowledgment of
Bessus as Successor to the Persian Monarchy. Treachery of Satibar-
zanes ... - 19

SECT. IV. Trials of Philotas and others for High Treason - - 26

CHAPTER LI.

ALEXANDER'S FIFTH CAMPAIGN IN ASIA, WHICH COMPLETED THE
CONQUEST OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECT. I. Natural and political Circumstances of the northern Provinces of
the Persian Empire. Rebellion of Satibarzanes. Paropamisan Alex-
andria founded. Asiatic Recruits to Alexander's Army . - 37

SECT. II. Measures of Bessus Discontent in Alexander's Army. Pur-
suit of Bessus. Critical Circumstances of Alexander. Surrender of
Bessus . .... 50

SECT. III. Stubborn Resistance of the Northern Asiatics. Negotiation
with Scythian Kingdoms. A Grecian Colony established among the
Scythians not Subjects of the Kingdoms. War with the Scythians not
Subjects of the Kingdoms . . - - 57

VI CONTENTS.

SECT. IV. Recruits to Alexander's Army. Cruel Treatment of Bessus.
Difficulties for Alexander arising from his Successes. Embassies from
Scythian and other northern Princes - - Page 69

SECT. V. Different Character of northern and southern People of the Per-
sian Empire. New Rebellion of the Sogdians under Spitamenes. Death
of Spitamenes, and final Reduction of the Sogdians . 75

SECT. VI. Circumstances of Scythia. Country between Media and Scythia.
Siege of the Hill-fort of Oxyartes. Marriage of Alexander with Roxana,
Daughter of Oxyartes. Conquest of the Persian Empire completed - 81

CHAPTER LII.

CONTROVERSY ON THE KINGLY OFFICE AND DIGNITY. TRIALS

FOR HIGH TREASON. WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BE-
YOND THE BOUNDS OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECT. I. Republican Greek Philosophers following Alexander's Court.
Controversy on the kingly Office and Dignity - 90

SECT. II. Death of Clitus - - 99

SECT. III. Conspiracy of the Band of Pages - 103

CHAPTER LIII.

WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS OF THE
PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECT. I. Force of Alexander's Army. Natural and political Circumstances
of India westward of the Ganges. March into India, and Conquests
there. Grecian Colony established in India. Indian Cattle sent to
Greece - . . . - 108

SECT. II. War with the Assakene Indians. Indian mercenary Troops.
Questionable Deed of Alexander. Siege of Mount Aornos. Conquest
carried to the River Indus - - 120

SECT. III. Fancies of the Greeks concerning the Expedition of Bacchus to

India Ready Submission of the City and Province of Nysa to Alexander,

and Conquest as far as the River Indus completed - 130

SECT. IV. Circumstances of the northern Part of India beyond the Indus.
Alliances formed by Alexander beyond the Indus, and War carried
beyond the Hydaspes. The, Dominion of Porus conquered. Grecian
Colonies established on the Hydaspes

SECT. V. Constitutions of Indian States. Subordinate Sovereignties.
Free Cities. Trade on the Indus. War prosecuted by Alexander in
India - 148

SECT. VI. Growing Extravagance of Alexander's Purpose. Discontent of

the Army Forced Concession to its Wishes. Arrangement for the

conquered Indian Provinces - - 1W

CONTENTS. Vll

CHAPTER LIV.

ALEXANDER'S RETURN FROM INDIA.

SECT. I. Beginning Return of the Army Care of Colonies in northern
India. Ancient Law of Nations. Eulogy of Alexander. War with the
Mallians. Alexander dangerously wounded - Page 167

SECT. II. Alexander's Navigation of the Indian Rivers. Conquest of
southern Provinces. Division of the Army for the Return home-
ward. Establishment of a naval Station in the Indus. Arrival at the
Ocean. Establishment of a naval Arsenal at the western Mouth of the
Indus - - 189

SBCT. III. Arrangement for the Return of the Army to Persia, and for
exploring the Means for Navigation between India and the Persian Gulf.

Difficulties of the proposed March. Colony settled near the Coast.
Failure of ordered Preparation. Sufferings in traversing the De.

; sert - - 202

CHAPTER LV.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.

SECT. I. Authority for the Narrative. Deficiency of Means for the Under-
taking. The Fleet to be employed. The Monsoon. Appointment of
Officers. Foreseen Difficulties of the Undertaking - - 216

SECT. II. Published Narratives of the Voyage of Nearchus. Remarkable
Omissions in the extant Narrative. The Voyage begun during the ad-
verse Monsoon. Delays in the River. Early and long Delay on the
Shore of the Ocean. Arrival on the Coast of the Orite Country - 225

SECT. IIL Slowness of the Fleet's Progress. Supply to the Fleet from
the Army. Inhabitants mentioned to have been seen. Passage along
the Coast of the Fish-eaters. Supply obtained by faithless Violence.
Town deserted on the Fleet's Approach. Entrance of the Persian Gulf.

Arrival at Harmoza in Carmania - - 236

SECT. IV. Occurrences at Harmoza. Journey of Nearchus to wait upon
the King. Return to Harmoza - 254

SECT. V. Procedure of the Fleet up the Persian Gulf - - 266

CHAPTER LVI.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH FROM CARMANIA THROUGH PERSIA

AND SUSIANA. MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF TERRITORY

AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. AFFAIRS IN GREECE.

SECT. I. March from Carmania to Parsagardae. Persia described. Spo-
liation of Cyrus's Sepulchre at Parsagardae. Delinquency of Officers in
high Authority. Rebellion obviated. Oppression punished - - 27K

Vlll CONTENTS.

SECT. II. Difficulties of Alexander for his civil Government. His Purpose
to make, of his various Subjects, one People. Marriages of Greeks with
Persians. Bounty to the Army - Page 283

SECT. III. Alexander's Voyage down the River Eulaeus to the Persian
Gulf, and up the Tigris to Opis. Correction of Mai-administration under
the Persian Government. Mutiny of the Army. Renewed Loyalty of
the Army - - - 292

SECT. IV. Affairs in Greece - - 311

CHAPTER LVII.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH THROUGH MEDIA TO BABYLON.

FARTHER MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT OF TERRITORY AND

EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. CIVIL REGULATION. DEATH OF

ALEXANDER.

SECT. I. March into Media. Amazons. Death of Hephaestion. War
with the Cossees. Measures for exploring the Caspian Sea. March to
Babylon - - 328

SECT. II. Embassies from Greek Republics and Foreign Nations. Mea-
sures for maritime Discovery and Extension of Commerce. Slavery
among the Ancients Floods of the Mesopotamian Rivers, and Works to
profit from them. Regulations civil and military - 336

SECT. III. Omens. History of an Indian Brahman. Respect for Pro-
gnostics among the Ancients . - 354

SECT. IV. Sacrificial Feast for the Armament. Alexander's Illness and
Death - - 362

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVII.

Extracts from the Royal Daybook . - 372

Examination of Mr. Mitford's Dates of the Campaigns of Alexander - 379

GENERAL INDEX - 383

THE

HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER L.

ALEXANDER'S FOURTH* CAMPAIGN IN ASIA: AFFAIRS IN
GREECE : TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON, MARKING THE
CHARACTER OF THE MACEDONIAN CONSTITUTION.

SECTION I.

Measures of Darius. Affairs in Greece. Confederacy under
the Lead of Laced&mon against that under the King of Mace-
donia, and War ensuing.

THE unfortunate Darius, from the field of Arbela, after col-
lecting what he could of his fugitive troops, had proceeded
to Ecbatana, the capital of Media. That ancient kingdom,
with the adjoining provinces, Parthia, Bactria, Sogdiana,
and others, would alone form a dominion still worthy of the
imperial title, and their people were the most warlike of the
whole empire, and the most loyal. There he hoped to raise
an army with which he might still vindicate for himself that
large and valuable relic of his former, perhaps over-extensive,
dominion. Nor was he without reasonable subsidiary hopes.
The fame of Alexander's extraordinary fortune, and the
evidence of his passion for still pushing conquest, had ex-
cited alarm among the warlike nations of the north, often
at war with Persia, but now rather disposed to look toward
the stranger as the more dangerous enemy ; so that, negoti-
[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.}
VOL, X. B

2 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

ation having been put forward, Darius was led to expect
important assistance. He looked moreover to the proba-
bility that, in the rich and populous countries compelled to
receive a foreign ruler supported by a foreign army, or even
in the conqueror's old dominion and the numerous states of
various interests around it, whence he was now so distant,
or in his army itself, the instrument of his conquests, some-
thing might arise powerful to check his progress, and perhaps
afford means not only to preserve the actual relic of the
empire, but to recover much, if not all, of what had been so
rapidly lost.

But especially the state of things in Greece, and the old
connection of the Persian court, still maintained with a
powerful party in that country, though communication was
become difficult and precarious, would afford reasonable en-
couragement for these speculations. A regular embassy from
Lacedaemon, a minister more doubtfully authorised from
Athens, and one even from the distant state of Carthage
had followed the Persian monarch's motions j not, perhaps,
after the battle of Arbela, with choice of another course in
their power, yet in regular prosecution of their commissions;
and they attended him still at Ecbatana.

The springs of that policy among the Grecian republics,
which produced war against Alexander in Greece itself, while
he was prosecuting the war of the Grecian confederacy
against Persia, nowhere declared by ancient writers, but
seeming rather studiously involved in mist by some of them,
may nevertheless, by a careful examination of information
remaining, in a great degree be traced. We have observed
it remarked by Plato, of the singular constitution of Lace-
daemon, that it was more that of an army than of a peaceful
society ; or, in his expression, of a camp than of a city. It
denied friendly communication, on equal footing, with any
other government : Lacedaemon must command, or keep at

SECT. I. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 3

an unsocial distance. Accordingly, in the very terms in
which accession to the general confederacy of Greece, under
the lead of Macedonia, was refused by the Lacedaemonian
government, the purpose of command was avowed. It had
been the habit and privilege, it was declared, of Lacedaemon,
to follow the lead of none, but on the contrary to Ch 44 s l
hold the lead of Greece. Philip's sagacity no ofthisHist
doubt had observed the unbending and domineering temper
of the Lacedaemonian constitution : and he seems, as much
as might be, avoiding to oifend, to have avoided communi-
cation with it. Men versed in his able councils would be
among the advisers of Alexander's youth, when, on occasion
of the haughty and almost hostile refusal of Lacedaemon to
acknowledge the validity of a decree of a general council of
the Greek republics, acknowledgment of whose constitutional
authority was implied by its act in sending deputies to that
council, he showed his moderation. Philip, we have observed,
had always professed himself of no party among the contests
of the republics ; nor is the assurance of Isocrates, that he
adhered in practice to that profession, contradicted by any
authentic information. Among the Athenians it was avowed
as a rule, to compel all states, over which, with the name of
allies, they acquired command, to change their form of govern-
ment, if differing from their own. The Lacedaemonians
equally, after the Peloponnesian war, overthrew constitutions
everywhere. Decarchies superseded the old government in
most states ; governors or superintendents, with the peculiar
title of harmost, exercised despotic authority wherever they
were sent. Nothing of this arbitrary policy of the Athenians
and Lacedaemonians is imputed to the Macedonian supremacy.
On the contrary, the endeavours of Demosthenes to overbear
the confederacy of republics under the lead of Macedonia, by a
union of the democratical interest under the lead of Athens
and Thebes, failed through the attachment principally of the
B 2

4 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

democratical states, those of Peloponnesus especially, to the
king of Macedonia's patronage. Alexander so far deviated from
his father's policy as, in Asia, generally to favour democracy
in preference to that form of republic, the government of a
few, which Lacedaemon had always favoured ; and in Greece
he courted especially the Athenians. Apparently the hostile
conduct of Lacedaemon urged him to this policy. Could
Lacedaemon have coalesced with the other Grecian states, it
seems possible that the vision of Isocrates might have been
realised : the Grecian republics, each governing itself, as the
Swiss formerly, by its own constitution, and all meeting in
general assembly, a resource wanting to the Swiss, to direct
common concerns and prevent war of one republic with
another, might long have maintained domestic peace and
national dignity.

Nothing in ancient history remains more fully ascertained
than that, under the Macedonian supremacy, the Grecian
republics enjoyed, not only more liberty and independency
than under the Athenian or Lacedaemonian supremacy, but,
as far as appears, all that could be consistent with the con-
nection of all as one people. Nor did it rest there : Demo-
sthenes, in the Athenian assembly, reviled the Macedonian
2Esch.de cor. monarchs, the allies of his commonwealth, the
ad. n^ske. heads of the Grecian confederacy, in a manner
that, in modern times, would be reckoned highly indecent
toward an enemy; and he avowed and even
boasted of treasonable practices against the general
confederacy, of which his commonwealth was a member:
" I," he said, " excited Lacedaemon against Alexander : 1
procured the revolt against him in Thessaly and Perrhaebia/*
In fact the government of Athens, described, as we have
formerly seen, by Xenophon and Isocrates as in their time
verging toward anarchy, is largely shown, in the extant worka
of following orators, and especially, in the celebrated contest

SECT. I. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 5

between ^Eschines and Demosthenes, to have been still
advancing in corruption and degradation. During the whole
time that Alexander was in Asia, the struggle of parties was
violent ; one, under Demosthenes, with the support of
Persia, contended ably and indefatigably for the mastery of
Athens and of Greece ; the other, after Isocrates, looking to
Phocion as their leader, desired peace under the established
supremacy of Macedonia, and above all things dreaded the
ascendancy of Demosthenes and his associates.

Of the domestic politics of Lacedsemon, as occasion has
heretofore repeatedly occurred to observe, information rarely
comes to us but through transactions with other states.
Agis, the reigning king of the Proclidean family, whom we
have seen already active in enmity to Macedonia, appears to
have been a man of character to suit the purposes of Demo-
sthenes ; of high spirit, without great talents or extensive
views ; perhaps of sincere patriotism ; and if it was mere
Lacedaemonian, not Grecian patriotism, the narrowness
should be attributed less to his nature than to his education
under the Lacedaemonian institutions. Possibly he was not
much grieved, nor perhaps Demosthenes, at the death of
Memnon, Had Memnon lived, either could have been but
second of the Greeks of the party ; which could HO way
maintain itself but through the patronage of Persia. By
Memnon's death indeed great advantages were Lost, and a
contest of far less hope for the party altogether remained.
But in that contest Demosthenes reckoned, by his talents
and his extensive political communication, to hold the first
importance among the Greeks, while Agis reckoned himself
effectually first, by his regal dignity and the old eminence of
the Lacedsemonfan state j both trusting that they should
still not fail of support from Persia. Till the battle of Issus
the hopes of both might reasonably ran high ; and evidently
they were not abandoned on the adverse event of that battle.
B 3

6 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. i>.

Yet declamation of contemporary writers of the party so
gained favour with men of letters under the tyranny of the
Roman empire, and the spirit has been so cherished by the
learned under the arbitrary governments of modern times,
admirers of the politics of . Demosthenes, as to have spread
extensively the belief that Greece was enslaved by the kings
of Macedonia. Nevertheless looking to facts acknowledged
by all, we find the little, half-ruined state of Lacedaemon
never ceasing to avow a political opposition, at length grow-
ing into open hostility, to the confederacy of republics, con-
stitutionally established under the lead of Macedonia; as
constitutionally, it appears, as ever before under the lead of
Lacedaemon, Athens, or Thebes. In Athens itself an oppo-
sition to the Macedonian interest was always openly main-
tained. Negotiation was carried on by Lacedaemon among
the other republics with avowed hostile purpose, and adverse
intrigue from Athens appears to have been no secret.
Against this open political hostility no interference of force
has been even pretended to have been used ; and, in all
appearance, hardly so much opposition of influence as honest
prudence might require. Negligence, inertness, short-sighted-
ness may seem, with more reason, to be imputed ; yet they
never have been imputed to Antipater, to whom the govern-
ment of Macedonia and the protection of the Macedonian
party in Greece were committed. It may seem an overween-
ing magnanimity that allowed the workings of the Persian
party among the republics to go so far : a determination to
prove that the reigning king of Macedonia was worthy,
equally with his predecessors, to be the chief of a free people,
desiring authority founded on the attachment of a free people,
and not on violence. But perhaps for a Macedonian poli-
tician, of however acute intellect, bred under a monarchy, in
the simple state of the Macedonian, the ways of republican
intrigue were hardly to be conceived. While then the Mace-

SECT. i. CONFEDERACY AGAINST MACEDONIA. 7

donian supremacy, if not remissly, was liberally exercised,
the party interests in every Grecian state, the inveterate
hatred everywhere of fellow-citizens to fellow-citizens, and
the generally active and restless temper of the Grecian people,
afforded ground for that league against the confederacy of
the Greek nation acknowledging the lead of Macedonia,
which Demosthenes and Agis succeeded in forming.

It is beyond question that Persian gold, imputed by all
writers, greatly promoted the Persian interest. It appears
to have been after the disastrous battle of Arbela, when the
Persian monarch's hope even of personal safety depended
on opportunity to raise new enemies to Alexander, that he
found means to make remittances to Greece. ^Eschines,
uncontradicted by Demosthenes, stated before .rasrh. de COT.

" - t p. 633. ed.

the assembled Athenian people, as a matter publicly Keiske -
known and not to be gainsaid, that a present to them of
three hundred talents, about sixty thousand pounds, was
offered in the name of the king of Persia. To the modern
eye not only the transaction altogether may seem strange,
but, on first view, the sum as a bribe to a whole people,
beside being little for the wealth of the Persian empire, may
appear beneath its object. It must however be recollected
that, when paper credit was unknown, and especially if
Lesser Asia and Syria were no longer portions of the
Persian empire, the remittance of even the sum stated might
not be easy ; and farther, that the Athenian citizens, compe-
tent to vote in the general assembly, have in no account been
reckoned at many more than thirty thousand, and that rarely
ten thousand met. Demosthenes himself then Demosth.de
having stated, before the Athenian people, half-a- chf wTjfs!'
crown to have been a bribe for the secretary of the Hist -
general assembly, it will appear that sixty thousand pounds
might be a powerful present to be divided even among thirty
thousand citizens ; how much more may have been given to

B i

8 HISTORY OP GREECE. CHAM.

the leading orators remaining unknown. The prevalence of
Phocion's party however, at the time, sufficed to procure a
refusal of the disgraceful offer.

But in Peloponnesus the Persian party, under the lead of
the king of Lacedaemon, for whom there was no "difficulty in
taking subsidies from the Persian court, obtained superiority.
Argos and Messenia, inveterately hostile to Lacedaemon,
were indeed neither by bribes nor threats to be gained. But
all Elea, all Arcadia, except Megalopolis, and all Achaia, one
small town only refusing, renounced the confederacy under
the lead of Macedonia, and joined Lacedaemon in war, equally
against Macedonia and all Grecian republics which might
Diod. 1. 17. adhere to the confederacy. Beyond the peninsula
the opposite politics generally prevailed ; though
in Athens Phocion's party could do no more than maintain
nominal adherence to engagement, and a real neutrality; the
weight of the party of Demosthenes sufficing to prevent any
exertion against the Lacedaemonian league.

That league however was not of such extent that it could
be hoped, with the civic troops only of the several states, to
support war against the general confederacy under the lead
of Macedonia ; and those states were not of wealth to main-
tain any considerable number of those, called mercenaries,
^sch. decor, ready to engage with any party. Nevertheless
4. mercenary troops were engaged for that league, to
fa e num b er> jf the contemporary orator Dinarchus
should be trusted, of ten thousand ; Persia, as JEschines,
still uncontradicted by Demosthenes, affirms, supplying the
means; and another source is hardly to be imagined. With
such preparation and such support Agis ventured to com-
B. c. 330. mence offensive war. A small force of the op-
posing Peloponnesian states was overborne and
destroyed or dispersed ; siege was laid to the only adverse
Arcadian city, Megalopolis, and its fall was expected daily.

SICT. I.

WAR IN GREECE. 9

Alexander was then in pursuit of Darius. Accounts of
him received in Greece of course would vary : some reported
him in the extreme north of Asia ; others in India. Mean-
while revolt in Thessaly and Perrhaebia, excited ^ gch decor
by the able intrigues of Demosthenes, and, accord- g,"fi. 27 .
ing to Diodorus, also in Thrace, distressed Anti-
pater, while it was a most imperious duty upon him, as vice-
gerent of the head of the Grecian confederacy, to protect
the members of that confederacy, apparently the most nu-
merous part of the nation, against the domestic enemy, sup-
ported by the great foreign enemy who threatened them.

Accounts remaining, both of the circumstances of the
Macedonian kingdom at the time, and of following events,
are very defective. But it appears indicated that no Mace-
donian force, that could be spared for war southward, would
enable Antipater to meet Agis ; and it was long before he
could excite the republican Greeks, adverse to the Lacedae-
monian and Persian interest, however dreading its prevalence,
to assemble in arms in sufficient numbers. His Diod. 1. 17.

c.63.

success however in quelling the disturbances in 01.111.3.
Thessaly and Thrace, encouraging the zeal of that portion of
the Greek nation which dreaded republican empire, whether
democratical under Demosthenes, or oligarchal under Agis,
enabled him at length to raise superior numbers. Mega-
lopolis had resisted beyond expectation. Antipater, enter-
ing Peloponnesus to relieve that place, was met by Agis. A
sanguinary battle ensued. The Lacedaemonians are said to
have fought with all the obstinacy which their ancient insti-
tutions required, and which then* ancient fame was adapted
to inspire. But they were overborne : Agis, fighting at
their head, with the spirit of a hero rather, apparently, than
with the skill of a general, received a wound which disabled
him, so that it was necessary to carry him out of the field.
His troops, unable to resist superior numbers, directed by

10 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

Diod.i. 17. superior skill, took to flight. Diodorus relates
that, pressed by the pursuing enemy, he peremp-
torily commanded his attendants to save themselves, and
leave him with his arms ; and that, disabled as he was, re-
fusing quarter, and threatening all who approached him, he
fought till he was killed. 1

The conduct of the victor then was what became the dele-
gate of the elected superintendent and protector of the liber-
ties of Greece. The Lacedaemonian government,
feeling its inability to maintain the war in which it
was engaged, and perhaps no longer holding the same dis-
position toward it, the principal instigator being no more,
sent a deputation to Antipater to treat for peace. Antipater,
as deputy of the captain-general and stateholder of the Greek
nation, took nothing farther upon himself than to summon a
congress of the several republics to Corinth, to which he
referred the Lacedaemonian ministers. There matters were
much debated and various opinions declared. 2 The decision
at last, in the historian's succinct account, appears not what
best might become the wisdom and dignity of a nation accus-
tomed to appreciate its ascertained privileges, or what ought
to be such. For the Grecian republics, neither under the
rule of Lacedaemon, or of Athens, or under the more liberal
superintendency of Thebes, while Epaminondas lived, were
in the habit of such appreciation. And looking to prece-
dents, with any liberal views, the congress could not but
be greatly at a loss. When Lacedaemon led, the massacre
of the Plataeans; where Athens commanded, that of the

1 Curtius tells the same story, in his romantic way, describing all as he
might see it quietly acted before him on the stage. Nevertheless, in the scan-
tiness of accounts of this important movement in Greece, the loss of that
early part of Curtius's work which related leading circumstances may be
regretted.

2 ' AvT/5rTgv. 'Extivov Si ttri to xtiw 'EAX;van awil^itv r->.v otirex$ifi

ftiv a-vvtSgai <rvv'/ t x6vnrot,v Is Ko|<v0v, xcti jraXXiJv fVjBivruv \iyon
os, !So|sv cturois, x. r. A. Diod. 1. 17. C. 73.J

SECT. I. SUBMISSION OF LACEDJEMON. 11

Melians and Scioneans; where Thebes had power, the
severities against Plataea, Thespiae, and especially Orcho-
menus, all would revolt liberal minds. Even the recent
decision of the nation, in assembly, against the Thebans,
would justly appear a precedent not to be followed. Failing
thus of fit example, and unable to agree upon a measure to
afford precedent for future times, the resource was to decree
that the Lacedaemonian state, submitting itself to the mercy
of their great and magnanimous captain-general, should send
fifty principal Spartans into Macedonia, as hostages to ensure
obedience to his decision. We owe to Curtius the additional
probable information that the assembly set a fine Cnru L 6
of a hundred and twenty talents, about twenty- c '
four thousand pounds, upon the Eleans and Achaeans, to
compensate to the Megalopolitans the damages done in the
hostile operations against them.

It seems likely the Lacedaemonians rejoiced in a sentence
which, in so great a degree, secured them against the usual
virulence of party animosity among the Greeks, and the
result of which they had reason to hope would be liberal
and mild. It does not appear that anything more was
required than to acknowledge error in hostile opposition to
the general council of the nation, and to send, thus late, the
Lacedaemonian contingent of troops for maintaining the
Grecian empire, already acquired, in Asia. 3

3 Diodorus's succinct account of this interesting business in Greece is clear
and altogether apparently fair, allowing for inexactness in round statements
of military numbers, and for the partiality which diposed him to adopt the
cry of the Persian party among the Greek republics, trv/^f^e^e-ee,! m rye
tteuQifietf. Diod. L 17. c. 62. For the transactions in Thrace, there is de-
ficiency, and perhaps error in transcribing. A rebel Macedonian is men-
tioned as commanding a Persian party in Thrace, by the name of Memnon,
without distinguishing him from the great Memnon, commander-in-chief of
the Persian fleets and armies, who, according to Arrian's perspicuous nar-
rative, and as Diodorus also has previously indicated, proposed indeed to
go to Thrace, but never reached it. What however may more be regretted
is the want of more complete information of the circumstances whence

12 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

SECTION II.

Alexander's March into Media. Flight of Darius from JEcbatana.
Re-enforcement to Alexander's Army. Pursuit of Darius.
Hit Death. Honours to his Memory.

ALEXANDER, eagerly bent upon completing the conquest of
the Persian empire, appears to have used the earliest season
that the climate would allow for prosecuting his march
northward. In the way to Media, or near it, was a country
called Parsetacene, held by a people who refused submission
to him ; apparently less through attachment to the Persian
king than with the purpose of maintaining that degree of
independency which we have observed so many provinces
within the bounds of the empire asserting, and in appre-
hension of being brought, by the new conqueror, within
stricter rule. Alexander quickly subdued them ; and, their
territory being extensive and important enough to form a
separate satrapy, he added to the former instances of his
liberality toward his new subjects, by committing the dignity
and authority to Oxathres, whose father, Abulites, a
Persian, held under him the more important satrapy of
Susiana.

Information now arrived that Darius was so

ACT. 1. 3. c. 16.

advanced in preparation as to propose to hazard
another battle. With all Alexander's ardour and vigour
and celerity, prudential considerations, however sometimes
he might appear to overstep them, seem never to have
escaped him. Celerity in movement he reckoned still
important, but such only that he might lead with him his
whole force, leaving only the heavy baggage to follow. On

the Argives, Messenians, and Megalopolitans in Peloponnesus, and so many
republics without the peninsula, were zealous in preference of their political
situation, as members of the Macedonian confederacy, to that to which Agi
and Demosthenes invited them.

SECT. ii. FLIGHT OF DARIUS FROM ECBATANA. 13

the twelfth day thus entering Media, he obtained intelligence
that Darius, disappointed of expected succours from the
Cadusians and Scythians, had not a force with which he
could hope to keep the field. Alexander, still pressing
forward, was within three days' march of Ecbatana, when
he was met by Bisthanes, an illegitimate son of the late king
Ochus 4 , bringing information that Darius had, five days
before, quitted that city, with an escort of only three thou-
sand horse, and six thousand foot, but carrying with him
about seven thousand talents, near a million and a half
sterling, in money.

Among the Scythians and Cadusians the Grecian name
would be more familiar, and events in Greece more readily
known, than among the more southerly of the eastern pro-
vinces of the Persian empire. With the western Ch ^ g 3
Scythians, we have formerly seen, commerce
with the Greeks was constant; and that communication
among the Scythians themselves, through their extensive
country from east to west, was ordinary, will occur for
observation in the sequel. Thus it seems likely that
Darius's negotiation with them may have been assisted
by those circumstances in Europe which have already
occurred for notice, the powerful opposition raised against
the Macedonian interest under the lead of Agis king of
Lacedaemon, threatening Macedonia itself, and the probable
advantage of such a diversion for the affairs of Darius in
Asia. It seems then farther likely that intelligence of the
defeat and death of Agis had reached both Darius and the
Scythians, and very possibly the Scythians first ; whence
might come the alteration in their disposition to support
a tottering throne, and, in result, his flight from Ecbatana.

This circumstance becoming known, all the great and

4 From all accounts of the family and succession apparently Bisthanes must
bave been of birth not to succeed regularly to the throne.

14? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. t.

wealthy kingdom of Media seems to have yielded to the
conqueror. The treasury was emptied, but a great revenue
would be still accruing. For immediate needs much of the
wealth of Persia, found at Pasargadae, had been brought in
the military chest, and from the southern treasuries more
might come at command. Alexander's power thus was
large both to reward past, and to engage men for new
services. Arrian, reporting his generosity in discharging,
is evidently deficient in notice of the numbers added to the
army; probably because the generals his guides neglected,
or perhaps designedly avoided, to report them. According,
Curt to Curtius, five thousand foot and a thousand
i. 5. c . 7. h orse> un der Plato, an Athenian, joined the army
in Media; perhaps all Greeks, but however under Grecian
officers, and trained in the Grecian discipline. Plutarch
speaks of much larger numbers raised among those whom
the Greeks called barbarians. Thus Alexander might be
enabled, without inconvenience, to dispense that favour of
discharge to those of his old soldiers desirous of it, which
Arrian mentions. At Ecbatana he declared all the civic
troops of his Grecian allies released from obligation for
farther service, and made a donation among them of two
thousand talents, about four hundred thousand pounds, in
reward of the past. They were then informed, that all the
convenience of an orderly march should be provided for
those who might desire to return home, but that the choice
to re-engage was open to all who might prefer following his
farther fortune. These were numerous. Of the others,
the cavalry, mostly Thessalian, were allowed, or perhaps
required, to sell their horses. A body of cavalry was
therefore directed under the command of Epocillus son of
Polyides, to escort all to the Phenician coast ; where, in
pursuance of orders to the governor- general, Menes, vessels
were prepared to carry them to Eubcea. The remainder of

SECT. II. PURSUIT OF DARIUS. 15

the wealth brought from Persia was placed in the treasury
of Ecbatana, to the presidency of which Harpalus was
appointed, with a guard of six thousand Macedonian foot,
and a small select body of horse. Parmenio was then
directed to lead the mercenary troops, and the Thracians,
with a large proportion of the cavalry, through Cadusia into
Hyrcania.

For his own office Alexander resumed the task of pur-
suing the illustrious fugitive, Darius. For this he reckoned
no longer any great numbers requisite, but those, of every
weapon, who could best make rapid . progress and bear
fatigue. Of heavy infantry he took only those Macedonians
who had not been previously selected for the treasury-guard
of Ecbatana; of middle-armed only the Agrians; all the bow-
men, unless a few had been assigned to the bodies under
Parmenio and Clitus; of cavalry the royal companions, and
the fore-runners 5 , superior bodies, and the mercenary
horse ,* perhaps preferred to the allies, as these, mounting
themselves, would be liable to be unequally mounted,
whereas the mercenaries, for their enlisting bounty and pay,
would be required all to be well mounted, and to be ready,
at least equally with any others, for any service. The haste
of the march was such that many of the infantry, unable to
keep pace with the rest, were left behind, and some of the
horses died of fatigue ; yet so was Alexander bent upon his
object that, indefatigable himself, he would not remit any-
thing of the speed of the ablest. Thus pressing forward
eleven days, he arrived at Rhagae, within one day's forced
march of the pass through the mountains of Caucasus,
called the Caspian gate. There he received information
that Darius, despairing of ability to defend the pass against
him, had abandoned it, and, with a wide continent before
him, had resumed flight.

16 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. t.

Satisfied now that farther immediate haste would be vain,
Alexander halted at Rhagae five days, to collect and refresh
his scattered and wearied troops. Meanwhile he found
gratifying consequences resulting from his recent exertion.
Of the little army which Darius had led to the Caspian gate,
the greater part, on his taking again to flight, deserted, and
not a few came and surrendered themselves to the con-
queror. Intermitting however the prosecution of his pur-
pose no longer than circumstances made indispensable,
Alexander moved from Rhagae on the sixth day, encamped,
for that night, at the Caspian gate, and next day entered
Parthia. The country was, in that part, cultivated ; beyond,
as he was informed, waste. A halt therefore was necessary,
while Coenus was dispatched with a strong body of horse
and a few infantry to collect provision. During

Art. 1. 3. c. 21.

this pause Bagistanes, a man of high rank among
the Babylonians, and Antibelus, one of the sons of Mazaeus,
Alexander's satrap of Babylon, arrived at the camp.
Hitherto they had faithfully followed the fortune of Darius.
But, in circumstances which had occurred, their services
about his person having been forcibly ended, the course
they took was perhaps the most promising for his personal
safety. Surrendering themselves to Alexander, they in-
formed him that Bessus, satrap of Bactria, with Brazas,
satrap of Arachosia, and Nabarzanes, commander of the
small force of cavalry which remained as the royal body-
guard, had conspired against the unhappy prince, who was
actually their prisoner.

This intelligence inflamed Alexander's ardent and feeling
mind. Without waiting the return of Coenus, he ordered
the companion and forerunner horse for immediate duty,
and selected, among the infantry 6 , the ablest for rapid
progress. Committing the rest of the army then to Craterus,

c Gronovius's note on this passage of Arrian perhaps may deserve the
critic's notice.

SECT. II. PURSUIT OF DARIUS. 17

with orders to follow leisurely, and commanding his chosen
body to take only their arms and two days' provision, he
marched throughout the night, and till noon of the follow-
ing day. Allowing then short repose, he proceeded again
throughout the next night, and about daybreak reached the
ground where Bagistanes had left the satraps encamped;
but they were gone. Nevertheless important information
was obtained. The rebel chiefs had gained the Bactrian
forces and all the cavalry of the small royal army, except
that under the satrap Artabazus and his sons.

r Arr. 1. 5. c. 8.

With these the Grecian mercenaries, said by
Arrian to have been now collected to the number of four
thousand, persevered in fidelity to the deposed monarch ;
and, though unable to prevent the revolution, had together
seceded from the revolted forces, and were marching for the
mountains. Artabazus was the father-in-law of Mentor
and Memnon; under the Persian empire, while it existed,
satrap of Lower Phrygia, and the firmest still,
as he had been among the oldest, of Darius's
friends. The unfortunate sovereign was confined in a
covered chariot ; and it was said to be the purpose of the
rebels, if they found themselves pressed by pursuit, to deliver
him to Alexander, and make for themselves the best terms
they could; but, should leisure be afforded them, to use
their utmost endeavours for collecting forces, and make
common cause for vindicating the possession of their
satrapies. The command-in-chief, for the present, was
allowed to Bessus; both because of his former situation,
as the immediate minister of Darius, and also because the
circumstances occurred within his satrapy.

This was new and vehement stimulation for Alexander.
Tired as his troops were, he would proceed immediately.
Again marching throughout the night, and till noon of next
day, he arrived at a village which the satraps, with their

VOL. x. c

] 8 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. I,.

royal prisoner, had left but the preceding evening. Learning
then that it was their practice to march by night and rest
by day, it followed that, to overtake them, he must use the
day. Inquiring farther concerning their road and the sur-
rounding country, he gained information of a shorter way,
but across a desert and waterless heath. Encouraged thus
to hope that exertion might yet avail for his earnest purpose,
but reckoning it important to have some infantry with his
cavalry, he ordered five hundred of the latter to give their
horses to as many of his phalanx, and to follow themselves
afoot. Committing the rest of the infantry then to Nicanor
and Attalus, with orders to proceed by easy marches along
the great road, he took himself the cavalry, with his five
hundred dragoons, by the shorter way. Having, in the
course of the night, advanced between twenty and thirty
miles, when day broke he saw the enemy hastening before him
in disorderly march. As he gained upon them in pursuit,
a few, assuming some order, attempted resistance ; but pre-
sently some were killed and the rest dispersed. Alexander
then continuing to press forward, Bessus and his associates
despaired of being able, safely for themselves, to bear off
their prisoner king. Apparently they had reckoned upon
advantage to their purposes from holding him alive in their
power, and apprehended an adverse use of his name and
influence, should he fall living into Alexander's hands.
Satibarzanes and Barzaentes therefore, who had charge of
his person, proceeded with their swords to de-
stroy him, and then, with Bessus, rode off. The
wounds given in their haste and confusion were not imme-
diately mortal, but, before Alexander could arrive, the
unfortunate sovereign of the Persian empire had expired.

Darius, at the time of his death, in the fifth or sixth year
of his reign, seems to have been about the fiftieth of his age.
Hitherto, in the historian's account of Alexander's conduct,

SECT. in. DEATH OF DARIUS. 19

there appears something of. personal enmity to the unfor-
tunate sovereign of Persia. But if he was ever actuated by
any such sentiment, its operation, as all collateral circum-
stances show, was restrained by a temper of large generosity,
and on his rival's death not the least of a revengeful dis-
position was manifested. He directed the dead body to be
treated not only with decency, but with all honour. Being
carried into Persia, it was deposited in the usual place of
sepulture of the royal family, with all the pomp and cere-
mony formerly used at the burial of the Persian kings.

SECTION III.

Alexander's Measures for completing the Reduction of the northern
Provinces. Surrender of several Satraps ; of the Grecian
Troops in the Persian Service; of Ministers from Grecian
Republics to the Persian Court. League of Satraps against
Alexander, and Acknowledgment of JBessus as Successor to the
Persian Monarchy. Treachery of Satibarzanes.

ARRANGEMENTS for the newly conquered provinces now
required Alexander's attention, and in these he pursued his
early principle of making his new subjects his friends, en-
trusting command to those among them whom he might
suppose most worthy of it. Ammynapes, a Parthian, had
been in power in Egypt, and had concurred with Mazaces
in surrendering that rich country to Alexander. His service
on that occasion was now rewarded with the appointment
to the satrapy of Parthia and Hyrcania, which seems to
have been one of the greatest governments of the empire,
and, for situation and circumstances, of the highest trust.
The precaution however, which we have seen used else-
where, was not omitted, but perhaps rather extended here ;
a Grecian colleague was given him, Tlepolemus,
son of Pythophanes, one of the band of royal
companions.

c 2

20 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

For securing the dominion of these northern parts of his
now vast empire, two important objects yet remained ; to
reduce Bessus, who, assuming the name or title of Arta-
xerxes, aspired to succeed to the sovereignty of the Persian
monarchs, and also to bring to his obedience those of the
late king's adherents who, though seceding from the traitor,
had not yet surrendered, and especially the Greeks. These
had betaken themselves to the lofty wooded mountains of
Hyrcania, whose inhabitants, the Pagrans, affecting inde-
pendency of the Persian dominion, appear to have admitted
them as associates. Alexander then being joined by the
bodies which, through the rapidity of his movement, he had
left behind, took again, according to his custom, the service
of fatigue and danger. Sending Craterus in command of
an expedition against the Tapoors 7 , and committing to
Erigyius the conducting of the cavalry and greater part of
the phalanx by a circuitous but better road, he himself led a
chosen body of heavy-armed, with some bowmen, a most
difficult march over the mountains. He seems however to
have found little other opposition than the country itself
offered. A great plain beyond, extended to the sea which
Arrian calls the Caspian. Here he halted four days ; and,
before the body under Erigyius arrived, Phradaphernes,
satrap of Hyrcania and Parthia, with Nabarzanes, and some

7 TeureCfeue . To investigate accurately the geography of these countries,
so little known to the world of letters either in ancient, or even in these mo-
dern times, is a labour which I have been unable to undertake. Diodorus
(1. 17. c.75.), attentive often to matters less with Arrian's purpose, relates that
Alexander, in his way now through a most plentiful country, came to a great
city, which he calls Hecatontapylus, a Greek, it will be observed, and not a
Parthian name, meaning Hundredgates. Thence entering Hyrcania, he sub-
dued all to the Caspian, which Diodorus concurs with Arrian in considering
the same as the Hyrcanian sea ; though modern travellers have ascertained
that there are two seas, or immense lakes, which the ancients appear not to
have known to have been separated by a wide tract of country. The historian
then mentions a district in Hyrcania, called the Happy, singularly fruitful,
with vines and fig-trees especially productive.

SECT. in. SUBMISSION OF SATRAPS, ETC. 21

others who had been in high situations under Darius, came
and surrendered themselves. Proceeding then toward Za-
dracarta, the capital of Hyrcania, he was joined by Erigyius,
with the baggage of the whole army, and by Craterus, who
had brought to obedience the people through whose country
he had passed. The Grecian mercenaries had been sup-
posed there, but no intelligence of them was obtained.
Soon after however the satrap Artabazus arrived, with
three of his sons, Cophen, Aribarzanes, and Arsames, and
also Autophradates, satrap of Tapuria, all surrendering
themselves ; and they brought with them, desiring to pre-
sent, for his favour, some Greeks of the Persian service,
deputed to solicit his forgiveness for the whole body. All
the Persians were honourably received. Autophradates was
restored to his satrapy. Artabazus, a man now of great
age, of the first nobility of Persia, known to Alexander not
only as satrap of the province of Bithynia, and by his
various Grecian connections, but also as having been at one
time a refugee at Philip's court, was, together with his sons,
complimented on their fidelity to their late sovereign, and
all were immediately placed in situations of honour about
Alexander's person. But he peremptorily refused to treat
with the Greeks; they must surrender themselves uncon-
ditionally, or provide their own safety. Then- deputies
then, hopeless of better for themselves and their constitu-
ents, engaged for the required submission to Alexander's
generosity ; requesting only that an officer of rank might
return with them, to command the march, and provide for
security in it. This was granted; and it seems to have
been a kindness that would be gratifying and encouraging
to them that, in the commission for the purpose, with his
own officer, Andronicus, son of Agerrus, the satrap Arta-
bazus, their friend and late patron, was joined, who, through
his family-connections and habits, was almost half a Greek,
c 3

Arr. 1. 3. c.24.

22 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

In his progress into Hyrcania Alexander had left behind
him a horde of freebooters, the Mardians, holding a high-
land territory, so rough and so poor that the
combined consideration of the difficulty of sub-
duing them, and the worthlessness of the conquest, had
hitherto preserved them from invasion j and they the more
trusted they should continue to enjoy the immunity, as
Alexander had already passed without noticing them. 8 But
for Alexander, it appears, difficulties were pleasant. He
would hunt a wild horde of warriors among hardly ac-
cessible mountains, as other princes the wolf or the roe.
He had now formed a body of horse-dartmen, apparently
after the Persian model, probably all Asiatics, trained from
infancy to the exercise ; skill in which is not to be acquired
but while the limbs have the suppleness of the growing
frame. Part of the country, it appears, was fit for the
action of cavalry. With this new body of horse-dartmen
therefore he took also half the horse of the order of com-
panions : some chosen heavy-armed, all the bowmen, and
all his favourite middle-armed, the Agrians, completed his
army. With a force so various, so practised, and so com-
manded, the Mardians certainly were unaccustomed to
contend. Wherever they attempted resistance they were
slaughtered ; and flight, even to their highest and roughest
mountains, gave them but a precarious security. Shortly
they sent deputies offering submission to regular authority,
and their country was added to that of the Tapoors, under
the administration of Autophradates.

Returning to his camp in the lowlands 9 , Alexander found
the Grecian mercenaries arrived, under the conduct of Ar-
tabazus and Andronicus, and with them some eminent pri-

8 Mctxiftoi in r% trivia, ^trotv. Arr. 1. 3. c. 24. This phrase, combined with
all we learn of the Asiatic mountaineers, enough marks their character of
freebooters.

9 To

SECT. III. GREEK AMBASSADORS TAKEN. 23

soners of a remarkable description. They were ministers
from several states to the Persian court, who had followed
the unfortunate Darius while he lived. In preference to
Bessus then, and his associates, they had held with Arta-
bazus and the Greeks ; and now, hopeless of other means
of safety, they threw themselves on Alexander's mercy. An
embassy from Lacedsmon consisted of four, Callistratidas,
Pausippus, Monimus, and Anomantus : Dropides 10 was com-
missioned from Athens : from Carthage came Heraclides,
whose name would mark him for a Greek; possibly of a
Sicilian town of the Carthaginian dominion ; and from
Sinope, on the Euxine shore, some deputies unnamed.
The Sinopians he immediately dismissed, considering them,
though of Grecian origin and language, yet not of the
Grecian confederacy, but proper subjects of Persia, and
therefore warranted to communicate by their deputies with
the Persian king. The others he ordered into custody ;
the Lacedaemonians being agents of a state engaged in
rebellion against the common confederacy of the Greeks,
and the Athenian not only so, but a rebel to the actual
government of his own city, which adhered to the general
confederacy. Whether the original appointment of Dro-
pides had been regular, from the Athenian people under the
lead of Demosthenes, or his mission was one of those irre-
gular measures of an adverse party, of which Demosthenes
himself furnishes an instance in describing his own conduct,
does not appear. Taking then the various cases of the
Grecian mercenaries into consideration, Alexander freely
dismissed all who had entered into the Persian service
before the confederacy was formed, to the presidency over
which he had been elected to succeed his father. On the
rest he imposed no greater severity than requiring them to
enter into the service of that confederacy, with the same
10 Dropides, Arr. Dtopit/ics, Diod.

c 4

24> HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

pay as in their former service j and Arrian gives his judg-
ment on this, that it was clearly a wise liberality.

While Alexander was delayed by the difficulties of the
mountainous country to be traversed, and of the season,
which seems to have been winter, in a climate where, for
the latitude, the winters are of extraordinary severity, some
principal Persian nobles had assembled about the regicide
Bessus. A just patriotism might animate some ; and the
heinousness of the crime of regicide would be diminished
for Persian minds by its familiarity, not in Persian history
only, but jn the history of eastern courts altogether. Look-
ing around then for means to maintain themselves, they had
negotiated with neighbouring nations, claiming assistance as
in a common cause, against the invader from another quarter
of the world. Alexander's successes and avowed ambition
might indeed well excite jealousy, however his pretensions,
even if extending to universal empire, were no more than
the Persian kings appear to have asserted, after the Assyrian
princes, who possibly claimed from the first patriarchs.
Accordingly the combined chiefs were not unsuccessful in
their negotiation ; and especially as the powerful nations of
Scythia gave them hope of large support. To preside over
their measures, and give weight to their negotiations, in
conformity to oriental notions, one supreme head was
become indispensable, and the imperial dignity was allowed
to Bessus. He assumed then the upright tiara and the
Persian robe, the customary marks of royalty, and with
them the name of Artaxerxes, and the title of king of
Asia.

Alexander meanwhile, with his usual scorn of rest, bent
upon revenging the murder of Darius, and, for his own
future quiet, preventing the murderer from enjoying the
proposed fruit of his crime, crossed Parthia to the adjoining
territory of Aria. At Susia, a principal town, Satibarzanes,

SECT. HI. TREACHERY OF SATIBARZANES. 25

satrap of the province, surrendered himself, and, in reward
for his ready submission, was restored to the satrapy. So
disposed then was Alexander to trust those of the Persian
nobility whom he received into favour that he left in Aria
a body of only forty horse-archers, under the command of
Anaxippus, one of his band of companions ; not to hold
the people in subjection, but to ensure them against injury
from his own troops in passing through their country. In-
telligence arrived of the lofty pretensions of Bessus, and of
the expectation of a Scythian army to support them. Pre-
paration for such events had not been neglected. A con-
siderable body of cavalry joined from Media ; and, with his
collected army, Alexander was proceeding to invade Bactria,
when information of the first treachery, at least the first of
any importance, experienced among his new subjects, reached
him. Satibarzanes, whom he had so readily received into
favour, and trusted with high authority, was of a time-
serving character. No sooner did his magnanimous new
patron's departure from his province leave him scope than
he began practising with the people to revolt with him, in
favour of the regicide Bessus, and he quickly succeeded to
a great extent. Overpowering then Anaxippus and his
small band, he put all to death, and collected his utmost
force at Artacoana, the capital of the country. There,
should Alexander return against him, he hoped to maintain
himself till he might have relief from his newly chosen so-
vereign, or, should the enemy persevere in his course, to
carry assistance to that new sovereign.

Alexander was instantly decided by the urgency for sup-
pressing and punishing such treason as that of Satibarzanes.
Committing the command of the main body of his army to
Craterus, he took himself the lead of a select division, the
best capable of rapid movement. By a forced march, in two
days he reached Artacoana j so before expectation that, in

26 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

the universal surprise and alarm ensuing, the greater part of
those whom the satrap had assembled in arms deserted him,
and he himself, utterly at a loss for measures, fled, with a
few horse. Rarely as Alexander had yet been harsh, even
against rebels, it was judged necessary to take measures of
some severity here. Not the chiefs only, as many as could
be taken, suffered, but cavalry sent in pursuit of the people
(who, at the satrap's call, had left their villages in arms)
killed many, and made many prisoners, who were made
slaves. Alexander's magnanimity however would still trust
his new subjects, insomuch that he committed the satrapy
of Aria to Arsaces, a Persian.

Returning to the body of his army, he proceeded into the
province of Zaranga, held by Barsaentes, one of the accom-
plices of Bessus in regicide. This satrap, who seems to
have been yet but preparing means for supporting his
associate's assumption of the royal title, fled on Alexander's
approach. Whether only for better safety to his person, or
hoping to find support for his cause, he went into the
neighbouring northern part of India. But he had so mis-
calculated his interest there that he was arrested and sent
prisoner to Alexander ; who, reckoning him a proper subject .
for public justice, caused him, with what formalities we do
not learn, to be executed for his atrocious crime against his
proper sovereign.

SECTION IV.

Trials of Philotas and others for High Treason.

ALL thus succeeding for Alexander in his exertions for com-
pleting the conquest of the Persian empire, a matter broke
out, of a character most severely to interrupt his immediate
satisfaction, and to embitter his following days.

An. 1. 3. c. 26. fo *

In this distant corner of that empire, bordering

SECT. IV. TREASON OF PHILOTAS. 27

on nations hardly heard of among the Greeks, with his mind
bent upon the prosecution of war against the traitor and
regicide Bessus, his declared rival in claim of the Persian
empire, he was informed that Philotas, who had been among
his most intimate and favoured friends from childhood, son
of Parmenio, his father's and his own most confidential
general, was engaged in traitorous measures against him.
Concerning this variously interesting matter, and its tragi-
cal results, our information is very disappointingly scanty.
Here, if anywhere in ancient history, an account, circum-
stantial as well as trustworthy, of a political plot, where the
criminal suffered the penalty of the law, might be expected.
Not that we can wonder if the historian generals, Aris-
tobulus and Ptolemy, connected as they were with the
parties, and probably interested in the event, were, as Arrian
shows they were, in their published histories, cautiously
concise upon it. Yet, from other sources, it might be sup-
posed, posterity would derive trustworthy information of
matters of such public importance, through trials so public
as those which ensued. It is however evident that Arrian
could find no other guides in whom to have any confidence ;
and apparently we may trust Plutarch for the failure of any
others deserving it, since, disposed as he generally was to
enlarge on such matters, though, in his too usual way, he
has undertaken to relate words spoken, the least likely to
come to public knowledge, yet he assists not with a syllable
Arrian's brief account of the very interesting public circum-
stances.

Aristobulus and Ptolemy, as Arrian assures us, concurred
in relating that disloyalty was not now for the first time
imputed to Philotas. He had been accused of treasonable
practices so long before as when Alexander was in Egypt.
Then however the accusation seems to have rested on mere
suspicion ; that any proof was ready is not said. Accord-

28 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

ingly Alexander's generous temper, on consideration of his
intimacy from infancy with Philotas, his respect for Par-
memo, and the ground, in his mind, for believing both above
suspicion, would not allow any formal inquiry : the matter
dropped, and Philotas continued to be trusted with high
command, and to receive favours, perhaps extravagant.

We have had occasion formerly to observe faction, for
ages, violent among the Macedonians. In character how-
ever it differed from that among the Grecian republics.
The contending parties, as in our own country formerly,
supported different families, competitors for the throne ; the
constitution, being also, like ours of old, but more than ours,
irregular and undefined, yet having, in some degree like ours,
excellent principles of freedom. Among those, formerly of
adverse parties, admitted to favour and confidence by the
generosity of Alexander, we have seen some making an ill
return ; of whom his kinsman Alexander of Lyn-
cestis, accused by Parmenio, is said to have
attended the army's movements as a prisoner now for three
years. In the Macedonian court, as in all courts, rivalship,
dissension, contest, though of less violence than in republics,
yet were weeds of growth not to be prevented. Even
generosity would produce trouble, as in the case of Alex-
ander of Lyncestis, and whether he was guilty or no ; one
party imputing crime to the Lyncestian, another envy, and
false or exaggerated accusation to Parmenio.

It is remarkable, considering Parmenio's fame as a general,
and his eminence under Philip and under Alexander, that
concerning either his political or his private character so
little remains. The liberal and perhaps reasonable inference
would be, that in politics he was honest and moderate, and
in private life unexceptionable. But where party was rife,
to be wholly clear of party connections, and of their in-
fluence on conduct, would hardly be possible. The violence

SECT. IV. PARMENIO AND PHILOTAS. 29

and indiscretion of either an, adverse or a friendly party
might make that necessary which was not within his incli-
nation.

To mark the private character of Philotas we are not
equally without anecdote. In what rank Parmenio was
born is not said, but probably among the higher. An over
early promotion to the highest among subjects appears to
have been the misfortune of Philotas. In Alexander's first
campaign against the northern Europeans he held the
command of all the Upper Macedonian horse, apparently the
principal force of cavalry in the Macedonian service. From
the first arrival of the army in Asia we find him in military
rank, and in importance of commands, inferior hardly to any
but his father. Thus situated, with considerable talents, he
had made his military merit conspicuous. But his vanity
and ostentation are said to have been yet more conspi-
cuous : and his profusion was such that though,

Plut-v. Aler.

as Alexander's generosity expanded with his ac-
quisitions, loaded with riches, he was sometimes without
means for his immediate needs. Through his generosity,
his vanity, and his high pretensions, he had numerous
adherents, but also numerous enemies. Among instances
of his arrogance he is reported to have said, talking of his
father's deeds and his own, " What would Philip have
been without Parmenio, or Alexander without Philotas?"
Parmenio himself, it is related, apprehensive of the con-
sequences of his indiscretion, though partial to his merit,
reproved him on some occasion, saying, " My son, be less
eminent." 11

The weight of Parmenio's family, in political as well as in
military affairs, must have been great ; himself the second
man in the army and the kingdom ; his eldest son inferior
only to himself; and two other sons, Nicanor and Hector,

11 Xe/{v IMI yivov. Plut. v. Alex. p. 692. B.

30 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. t.

holding high military rank. When Alexander advanced
northward, Parmenio had been left with the chief command
in Media ; a trust of the more importance, as Alexander had
allowed himself little time for arranging the affairs of that
extensive and rich kingdom, to which he must in prudence
look for means of retreat, should any adversity make retreat
necessary. Parmenio, thus in the most critical detached
command, was in the situation in which we have commonly
before seen him. But it is observable, in Arrian's narrative,
that, since the battle of Arbela, Philotas is less mentioned,
and Craterus was become the general in whom Alexander
showed most confidence. Probably the concurrence of
Diodorus and Plutarch may be trusted for the enmity they
assert to have existed between Craterus and Philotas. But
family calamity, which Parmenio had been suffering, may
have somewhat lessened that family weight which arises
from combined influence. One of his sons, Hector, had re-
cently fallen in battle. Another, Nicanor, had since died of
sickness. Alexander's disposition to a generous sympathy
however did not fail on that occasion. In his eagerness for
the prosecution of war against Bessus, denying rest to
himself, he had given leave for Philotas to remain in Parthia,
where his brother died, to do, in funeral obsequies, all
honour to his memory.

Philotas had rejoined the army, when he was

Arr. 1. 3. c. 26. . ''

suddenly arrested on accusation of high treason.
Caution was evidently deemed requisite in measures, even
the most rigidly legal, against the heir of a family so eminent,
and among a large party in the army so popular. The pro-
ceedings against him appear to have been strictly according
to the Macedonian law. But that law, though proposed to
give the utmost security to innocence against official power,
being the law of an unlettered people, was favourable to
hasty decision. Communication with Parmenio was avoided,

SECT. IV. TRIAL OF PHILOTAS. 31

while Philotas, with others, accused as accomplices, were
brought to trial. The manner of the trial appears to have
been nearly the same as in the Grecian kingdoms of Homer's
age, and hardly differing, in essential matters, from what,
derived from the times of regal government in Attica, had
ever since prevailed in the Athenian republic. All the
Macedonians of the army were assembled as the jury. The
king himself, as in our law, was the prosecutor, and, as
appears to have remained regular under the Macedonian
constitution, though ours, consulting better both the dignity
of the crown and the safety of the subject, has for centuries
disallowed it, Alexander himself arraigned the accused, who
himself pleaded his own defence. Witnesses were then
heard ; the multitudinous court pronounced sentence of
death; and those who gave the verdict were the execu-
tioners, proceeding, it appears, immediately, to pierce the
condemned with their javelins. In this hasty consummation
only is marked a difference from Athenian practice ; a dif-
ference not creditable to the Macedonian law, but, on the
contrary, a striking relic of barbarism ; yet, in character, so
far consonant with the rest of the proceeding as to mark
itself a feature of a free constitution. 12

12 Diodorus says that Philotas was put to torture, and, in his sufferings,
confessed the crime imputed to him. Curtius, whether inventing himself, or
profiting from the ingenuity of some one of the many Greek writers of Alex-
ander's history, whose works, in his time extant, are now lost, has wrought
the trial of Philotas, with attending circumstances, into nearly a complete
tragedy. Plutarch also gives, in his way, some scenic representation, hardly
of probability enough for tragic poetry, and utterly unfit to be asserted as
history.

It is too well known that torture for the purpose of extracting confession
from accused persons has been extensively used, to the disgrace of almost
every known sort of government ; and probably enough the Macedonian may
have warranted torture. But Arrian's account strongly implies that there
was no opportunity for applying torture to Philotas. Indeed it seems to afford
conviction that the whole story of the confession has been exaggerated by the
ingenuity or the interestedness of some, and perhaps altered by the carelessness
of others, of the writers whom Diodorus, Curtius, and Plutarch followed.
Whatever confession Philotas made, Ptolemy and Aristobulus, no doubt,

32 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. t.

Among those brought to trial with Philotas were Amyn-
tas, Attalus, and Simmias, sons of Andromenes, who all
held high rank in the army. Polemon, their brother, im-
mediately on receiving information of the arrest of Philotas,
whose intimate friend he was, had fled. This circumstance
made very unfavourable impression upon the minds of the
numerous jury ; yet the three tried so defended themselves
that they were acquitted. Amyntas then requested that he
might be permitted to seek his fugitive brother, confident,
he said, of his innocence, and of his own power to persuade
him to return and stand his trial. The assembly assented ;
Amyntas went, and on the same day returned with Polemon.
Thus, says the historian, even the suspicion, that might have
adhered to all, was done away ; and Alexander, whose great
mind evidently was always averse to suspicion, continued to
Amyntas the high command he held. 13

In the usual failure of Arrian, for such matters, we have
only, from Diodorus, a very succinct account of legal pro-

would have known, and are not likely to have been backward to report ; for
they were evidently not of Parmenio's party. Nevertheless they concurred
in relating that Philotas denied the imputation of having information of a
plot against Alexander which he never revealed; and Arrian, who shows
himself to have been anxious to discover and to relate all that could be ascer-
tained concerning this interesting transaction, appears to have given no credit
to any account of any confession made by him. Concerning three most im-
portant points it is satisfactory to find all extant accounts agreeing : first, that
the trial was public, by the assembled Macedonians of the army ; secondly,
that the condemnation was pronounced by a majority; and thirdly, that this
majority themselves carried their own sentences into execution.

13 Arrian, more concise concerning the trial of Philotas, in speaking after-
ward of that of Amyntas, which appears to have followed immediately, con-
firms the description of the criminal court, given by Curtius, as consisting,
according to the ancient Macedonian law, of all the Macedonians of the army.
AAX' ' Af&uvTiz; yi guv voi? otd&Qoif, vyo/u.^ivf T^V Stx^v, xee,i ot,5ro\oyvio'a.fjt.tvos
sv MAKEAO2I xa,%Ti$;, a.<fitrxi rfc KITIK;- xou ti/6vs us utriQwyiv sv rij
ixxkyo-i*, rgtcattv uQ'.ftyvoti ci \\Biiv 3-g rov aSeApev, zati ol MAKE AONE2
^vy^ea^oua-iv. Arr. 1. 3. c. 27. Diodorus, a century and a half before Arrian,
expressed himself to the same purpose, T->,v x*'urn ro7s MAKEAO2I (o 'AXs|-
vSo?) 5r='T6-k{/. 1. 17. c. 79. More, to the same purpose, occurs in the next
following note.

SECT. IV. CONDEMNATION OF PARMENIO. 33

ceedings against Parmenio. That eminent man, he says,
absent, was arraigned before the same numerous tribunal
which condemned Philotas. His friends in the army were
allowed to plead in his defence, and there was much contest
in speeches. A majority at length pronounced condemna-
tion. 14 This was a mode of proceeding authorised by the
law and practice of Athens, and probably of most, if not all,
Grecian republics. It may therefore, on the authority of
Diodorus, not unreasonably be believed of the Macedonian
kingdom, a branch from the great root whence the Grecian
republics sprang. Indeed it is not wide in principle from
our own law of parliamentary impeachment ; for the portion
of the Macedonian people forming the army, when regularly
called together by the king, as a popular assembly, appears
to have been, by the Macedonian constitution, a sovereign
assembly. That, in Alexander's army, a powerful party
desired the ruin of both Parmenio and Philotas is implied in
all accounts. Proof of guilt, against even the son, Arrian
seems rather to have doubted ; and against the father he
appears to have known of nothing beyond suspicion. What
authority Curtius may have had for his different Curt , 6
conclusion we fail to learn. Those writers how-
ever concur in indicating that measures of severity against
a man in Parmenio's situation were not to be Arr.utant.
taken without hazard, requiring much caution in .i.

Ch. 47. s. 1.

proceeding. Indeed the circumstances, formerly ofthisHist -
noticed, of the arrest of Alexander of Lyncestis, on Par-
menio's accusation, mark the necessity of deference to ge-
neral opinion, in a Macedonian army, on such an occasion.
Arrian, in his usually simple manner, reporting facts without
comment, says, that Polydamas, of the order of

* J J Arr.I.3.c.26.

royal companions, was sent into Media, with in-

14 TloMw $} faOivTtuv loyuy, el MAKEAONE2 xariyvtmrat -rev
xett 7U xctTxiTiatfisiiraiv, 5-vo5Tfl, Jv its tKrr^xt H<x,/*tv<wi. DioA 1. 17. C. 80.

VOL, X.

34? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

structions for the generals Oleander, Sitalces, and Menides,
who apparently had been commanding under Parmenio.
They were authorised now to command in chief; and, in
pursuance of instructions to them, Parmenio suffered
death. '

From Arrian we have no farther account of the Lynces-
ch 47 s i ^ an Alexander, son of Aeropus, than that, on
u accusation preferred by Parmenio, as formerly
related, when the king Alexander was in Lycia, he was re-
moved from a situation of high military command, and
imprisoned. But Diodorus and Curtius concur in reporting
that, having remained a prisoner three years, he was now
brought to trial before the same numerous tribunal which
condemned Philotas ; and, receiving sentence of death, was
executed. That any community in crime was imputed to
them, does not appear ; and if credit, which there seems no
reason for denying, should be given to the concurring ac-
counts of those writers, the probability may seem to follow,
that the son of Aeropus was a sacrifice required by the
partisans of Parmenio and Philotas.

Arrian's eminent situation, under the despotism of Roman
emperors, might occasion for him no small amount of ne-
cessity for forbearance on civil and political subjects, even
in treating of centuries long past ; and thence it may be that
we have so little light from him on such subjects ; a defi-

is Diodorus, in his account of Parmenio's condemnation and death, with
his usual honesty, shows vacillation between different reports before him,
from different parties, of the merits of which he felt himself unable to judge,
and yet was unwilling to acknowledge so much. After having related that
Parmenio was condemned by a vote of the majority of the army, (which, as a
very public matter, was probably not denied by writers of any party,) he says,
that Alexander, sending men upon swift camels, to arrive before report of the
execution of Philotas could reach Parmenio, riag^gt/wyet ISsAwpo'mirc, 1. 17. c. 80.
This expression enough marks itself as derived from an adverse party, and
yet perhaps not very falsely describes the manner of the business, which, ho
ever uncreditable for a regular government, may have had large warrant fr
such law as precedent may have established among the Macedonians.

SECT. IV. MEASURES TO QUELL DISCONTENT. 35

ciency in his history greatly to be regretted. There is indeed
no appearance that he has suppressed any fact reported by
those whom he has professed principally to trust ; but it is
to be observed that they also were in situations to make it
not only imprudent, but highly improper, to publish all that
might come to their knowledge. In the deficiency therefore
of their accounts, what has been transmitted by ancient
writers, less informed than Aristobulus and Ptolemy, and
less judicious than Arrian, yet having before them what
does not remain to us, may deserve some attention here.
Diodorus reports measures taken, as necessary to stem the
ebullition of discontent arising from the execution of Par-
menio. Those of the army, who by their conduct in the
judiciary assembly, or otherwise, had manifested a disposition
adverse to the king's counsels, were noted : to discover the
less openly indicated purposes and sentiments of others,
letters directed for Macedonia were opened. Thus, he says,
the communication of the spirit of dissatisfaction from the
army to the people at home was checked. And to prevent
the spreading of dissatisfaction in the army itself, through
daily conversation, the discontented were drafted from their
several divisions, and formed into one separate body, with
an appropriate title ; a title not to be with certainty trans-
lated, but seeming to refer to their failure in constitutional
deference to the decision of the assembly of the army, con-
stitutionally held to deliberate on matters of vital importance
to the state. 16 Of these matters no mention is made by

i 6 ' Arx^ruv T^^ct. Diod. 1. 17. c. 80. This title, according to Diodorus,
was given, or warranted, by Alexander himself. The authors of the ancient
Universal History have translated it the turbulent battalion. It is rendered
in Rhodoman's Latin translation, adopted by Wesseling, cohors extraordi-
narta, and explained conjecturally, in Wesseling's note, Fortassc. quod seorsum
cohortem hanc a ceteris tendere rex jusserit. The title turbulent apparently
would have been ill fixed by authority, as its tendency would be rather to
stimulate the turbulence which it was the purpose of the measure to stifle.
Possibly the word may have had reference to the military situation in which

D 2

36 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L.

Arrian; and that the Macedonian generals, his favourite

authorities, would avoid them, is likely. But he relates

measures of a character to corroborate what the

Arr.l. 3.C.27.

elder historian has reported. The command of
that superior and numerous body of horse, called the King's
Companions, was thought, he says, too great a trust to
be any longer committed to one officer. Being therefore
divided, one division was given to Hephaestion son of
Amyntor, the other to Clitus son of Dropidas ; both among
Alexander's most confidential favourites. Not long after,
suspicion being entertained of Demetrius, one of the lords
of the body-guard, that he had participated in the councils
of Philotas, or perhaps was among those discontented at
his fate, he was removed from that confidential situation;
and Ptolemy, the historian, afterward king of Egypt, gained
promotion, being appointed in his room. It is thus made
evident that Ptolemy was not of the party -of Parmenio and
Philotas. Doubtful then as history has left their guilt,
doubtful also as remains that of the Lyncestian prince, whose
accuser Parmenio was, it seems altogether likely that Alex-
ander, in very difficult and hazardous circumstances, took
nearly that course, which, as far as human prudence could
decide, those circumstances imperiously required, and the
Macedonian law warranted.

the drafts were placed, as the Latin translator and the learned annotator
have imagined ; or possibly it may rather have been applied, as supposed in
the text, to their conduct in their civil capacity, as members of the general
assembly of the army, failing in constitutional deference to the decision of the
majority.

NORTHERN PERSIAN PROVINCES. 37

CHAPTER LI.

ALEXANDER'S FIFTH* CAMPAIGN IN ASIA, WHICH COM-
PLETED THE CONQUEST OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECTION I.

Natural and political Circumstances of the northern Provinces of
the Persian Empire. Rebellion of Satibarzanes. Paropamisan
Alexandria founded. Asiatic Recruits to Alexander's Army. 1

AMONG events so originating from party interests, and so
necessarily distressing to numerous individuals, irritation to
the public mind could not fail, nor would immediately cease.
Parties would remain adverse to each other, and some
among them perhaps adverse to the king himself. To leave
the army then in leisure to brood upon the past could not
be prudent, even had it been Alexander's disposition, or
had there not remained an enemy holding means with incli-
nation to disturb his yet unsettled empire.

The views of Bessus and his associates were greatly fa-
voured by the circumstances natural and political of that
considerable portion of the Persian empire in which they

[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.]
1 Arrian, little attentive to chronology, noticing neither the Olympiads nor
the years of Rome, yet relating events generally in the course in which they
occurred, and sometimes mentioning seasons, has pretty satisfactorily distin-
guished the five first years of Alexander's reign. The two next are less
marked by him, and those following less still. For Diodorus, the beginning
of the Olympian year at Midsummer, dividing thus the principal season of
military operations, has been a stumbling-block ; and his purpose of a concise
abridgment of universal history would ill allow him to give every event
exactly to its day. In failure of other assistance, nevertheless, we are often
reduced to draw from him as we best may, and rejoice in what he affords.

D 3

38 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

had held the chief, and, some of them, perhaps, hereditary

strab.i. is. commands. The mountain-range, which, under

B'a&aub.^ various ancient names, Taurus, Caucasus, Emo-

dus, Imaus, and others, extends, from the west,

as Arrian has observed, through Asia, as far as Asia was in

his time known, is supposed, from modern observation, to

complete its course unbroken, through China, to the Paci-

strab i 11 ^ c O cean ' Comparatively narrow within Lesser

vemi. Asia, it spreads in Armenia ; which in Strabo's

ed. Casaub. ... ,,

description consists of many mountains, and many
highland plains. Contracted then, on the north of Media,
it spreads again in advancing toward India; in some parts
so unbroken in its height as to seem a great island, or even
a continent set upon a continent. From the narrower part,
where it approaches the Caspian sea, a large branch stretches
southward, almost to the Indian ocean, forming the eastern
boundary of ancient Media and Persia. Eastward then
of this extensive highland country is a sandy desert, not
equalling those of Africa, but far greater than that often
called the Great Desert, which divides Mesopotamia from
Syria. Extending fifteen degrees of longitude and ten of lati-
tude, it reaches eastward to India, southward to the ocean.
Report went that it had been the grave of every army at-
tempting to cross it ; among which one of the great Cyrus,
and, though not impossible, yet rather more against pro-
bability, one of his predecessors in the Assyrian empire, the
great queen Semiramis, are mentioned. Communication thus,
from the body of the empire, and its three capitals, with the
northern provinces was limited and hazardous.

Those northern provinces were of great extent, and vari-
ously important. Bactria or Bactriana, the satrapy of Bes-
sus, while a subject, was a large country, populous and
eminently fruitful. Strabo says it gave abundantly all the
most valuable productions of the earth, except olives, and

SECT. I. PROVINCES OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. 39

whatever else could ill bear severe winter cold. Its limits,
as those of all these provinces, unless where a great river
marked them, appear to have been but uncertainly known
to the most inquisitive and best informed ancient writers ;
and the names of many, taken by Grecian ears from Asiatic
mouths, or by Grecian pens from Asiatic alphabets, are
found so variously written as to leave it often uncertain
whether, by names of different orthography, the same coun-
try or another has been intended. Sogdia, or Sogdiana,
north of Bactria, bordered on Scythia. Westward, the
principal names are Parthia, Daa, and Hyrcania. Southward
was Paropamisus, for its extent eminent among those found
in various parts of the world of the character which the
concisely expressive language of Greece described by the
one word oropedion 2 , which may be translated a highland
plain. Southward of this, in a line from west to east, were
Zaranga, apparently the same which is found otherwise
written Drangia and Drangiana, and perhaps Dragogia, un-
less Dragogia were a name for the country of the Ariasps,
beyond which, eastward, Arachosia extended to India. Al\
these countries partook of the character of Strabo's oro-
pedion, highland-plain, though less lofty than Paropamisus,
and all bordered southward on the Great Desert. West-
ward then of Paropamisus was the large and highly fruitfu^
province of Aria, Areia, or Ariana, bordering, north-east-
ward, on Bactria, and, in the opposite direction, reaching
the Caspian Gate ; the Thermopylae of these parts, being
the principal pass for communication with Media and the
body of the empire. By position therefore, as well as by
produce and population, Aria was of great importance. In
all these countries moreover the people, widely different in
character from those of the south, were universally bred to
the use of arms. Nevertheless in the lowlands they were

2 'Oesr-'Sia. Strab. 1. 11. p. 520.
D 4

40 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

civilised, and their country highly cultivated. Aria, still
more than Bactria, was celebrated for fruitfulness, and espe-
cially for the abundance and excellence of its wines. The
people of the adjoining province of Zaranga, or Drangia,
though a highland country, are marked as a civilised race,
by Strabo's information that they lived in the Persian manner,
except, as he says, that they had little wine, the climate,
apparently, denying the production.

We have observed, in the account of Alexander's course
through the Lesser or, as the Greeks called it, the Hither
or the Lower Asia, the turbulent and predatory character
of the people of the extensive highlands of that country;
not widely different, it must be confessed, from what, in
many lively pictures, from the candid pen of Xenophon, we
have seen extensively that of the Greeks themselves. It
may be advantageous to add here Strabo's account of the
mountaineers of the Greater, the Farther, or the Upper Asia.

Westward of the Caspian Gate, toward the borders of
Armenia, the Mards and other highlanders, brought by
Alexander to submission in his course through that country,
have been already noticed. Southward, along the borders
of Media and Persia, the mountains dividing those rich
regions from the Great Desert were held by various hordes,
of which also some have already occurred for no-

Strab. 1. 11.

tice. Their territories differing in fruitfulness of
soil and temperature of air, their wants, and so their mode
of life and of policy, in some degree differed ; but they were
all more or less freebooters. The Cossays, on the east of
Media, were all bred from infancy to the use of the bow ;
and for the supply of their wants and luxuries, beyond what
their soil spontaneously afforded, and what they might get
by hunting, they depended almost wholly upon robbery.
The parsetacs were not without agriculture, but still they
were robbers. Elymasa, southward, had, among its moun-

SECT. I. MARCH OF ALEXANDER EASTWARD. 41

tains, some fine vales, well cultivated : it was altogether the
most varied and most fruitful of the highland countries. The
military hordes, holding these countries, had each its chief;
for military hordes must acknowledge a chief. However
then occasionally, or perhaps some of them hereditarily, at
variance with one another, they would also occasionally
unite, when defence required, or when opportunity for profit
invited. The Elyma?ans, having the best country, Strab h 15<
and most practising husbandry, had probably also p *
the best policy. Their chief is said, at one time,
whether before or after Alexander appears un-
certain, to have been accompanied by thirteen thousand men
from other hordes, in addition to his own, in a march into
Susiana and Babylonia. All these people had been brought
to acknowledge submission to Alexander; but a submission
no longer to be depended on than while the strong hand of
power was impending over them.

Those highland-plain provinces, which extended eastward
from Aria to India, with Paropamisus on the north, and
the Great Desert on the south, were held by people who,
as more following agriculture, were more disposed to live
in peace with their neighbours. To have secure command
of this country, while he proceeded northward against
Bessus, was important for Alexander. Rugged highlands
formed a line of separation for all this northern part of the
empire from the still larger and richer portion which more
patiently acknowledged his sovereignty. But it appears that
be had a farther object. The Indian prince who, Ch ^ s 3

,., . f . , . of this Hist.

of his own free motion, as we have seen, sent in
bonds to Alexander the fugitive satrap of Zaranga, Barsa-
entes, the associate of Bessus, thus marked himself for no
friend to Bessus. Probably, their territories joining, they
had been at variance ; and the Indian, dreading the advance-
ment of the satrap of Bactria to the sovereignty of the Per-

42 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

sian empire, was anxious to cultivate the friendship of the
great conqueror, his enemy.

Such seem to have been the considerations which induced
Alexander, as soon as the revolt of Aria, excited by the
faithless satrap "Satibarzanes, was quelled, instead of return-
ing directly northward, by the western side of Paropamisus,
into Bactria, to proceed first eastward, to the provinces
southward of that singular country. Zaranga or Drangia
was first in his way, where the catastrophe of Philotas and
Parmenio, and the Lyncestian Alexander, had occurred.
B c 330 ut ' Before matters were so settled that military
operations might be resumed, autumn was already
advanced, and the country, though, according to the latest
geographical inquiries, included within the thirty-fourth
degree of northern latitude, and thus south of all Europe,
became early covered with snow,

In the mild climate of our islands very few persons, com-
paratively, are aware of the degree of winter cold on the
continent southward, even in the countries nearest us, Ger-
many, and a large part of France itself; though to those
who have visited America or China vicissitudes of tempera-
ture in the air, of a violence hardly known anywhere in
Europe, will be familiar. But even within Europe the
account of a country, not ordinarily visited either for busi-
ness or curiosity, by a very intelligent modern author, who
had held high office there, may deserve notice. " In Wala-
obs. int. ia chia," which is in the latitude nearly of Lombardy
Moidav. an j tne south of France, " the winter," says that
respectable writer, " is long, and commonly very severe. In
the year one thousand seven hundred and seventy-nine,
though little snow fell, the quicksilver in Reaumur's thermo-
meter stood at twenty degrees below frost. 3 Spring begins in

3 Twenty degreas of Reaumur's thermometer are equal to about forty-seven
of Fahrenheit's : an amount of cold never experienced in any part of Britain.

SECT. i. SEVERITY OF THE CLIMATE. 4-3

April ; in July and August the heat is excessive. Excellent
wines are produced in great abundance : but, as soon as the
vintage is over, the vines are bent to the ground, and co-
vered with soil, not to be exposed to the air again till
spring." 4 Xenophon's description of a climate Ch 23 s 4
some degrees southward of Walachia, yet more
severe, so as to forbid the cultivation of the vine, of which
he had experience in returning from Mesopotamia with the
Cyrean Greeks, will be remembered.

Alexander had already had experience enough of the cli-
mate of Caucasus and the islands branching from the great
range, to be not unaware of what was to be expected among
them. Eager nevertheless in his purpose, in advanced
autumn he moved from Zaranga eastward. In the adjoining
country he met with a political phenomenon of a very gra-

4 Observazioni storiche, natural!, e politiche, intorno la Valachia e Mol-
davia, printed at Naples in 1788. The author, Raicewick, by birth and family
a Transylvanian, was counsellor of legation from the court of Vienna to that
of Naples, where he did me the favour to present me with his book. He had
been previously secretary to the Austrian embassy at Constantinople, and
afterward principal secretary to Ypselanti, prince of Walachia. With a sin-
gular talent for acquiring languages, he chose the Italian for his book, and has
had the approbation of Italian critics for his style.

5 ... Ajayyaj rt xeti Agetyuyouf tv T'/J Totgodtu tr ctqetirTTitrci fx.lv e;. Haege-
fTYitree.ro dl xa.1 rol/s ' Agx%o!>rot>f 'EtryhOi 5s xi tcav 'Itdav <rvjg frgoF%c!>gouf

'AeCt%UT6tf. Et/.TVT Si TUT fflvl) Slit %IOH6f ft iTflXXt-f, XCii |t/V etfT6gl

T ixtTvSitav, xa.1 TUV o-r^otTicaTuv TctXnturugia,, tfryhdt. Arr. 1. 3. C. 28.

The learned translator of Arrian, Rooke, would give no credit to this pas-
sage of his author : " The country, " he says, in a note on it, " lies between
the thirty- fourth and fortieth degrees of latitude, and of consequence could not
be much colder than Greece or Italy." Common as such error is, it seems
strange that a man of learning and inquiry should so boldly maintain it. Not
only any one acquainted with Virginia could inform him better, but, in John-
son's Dictionary, he might have found admonition, that he should have inquired
farther before he so positively asserted. Under the article Temperature, the
great lexicographer quotes the following passage from Brown's Travels:
" There may be as much difference, as to the temperature of the air, and as
to heat and cold, in one mile as m ten degrees of latitude ; and he that would
cool himself in summer had better go up to the top of the next hill, than
remove into a far more northern country." Brown's Travels, quoted under
the article Temperature.

Rooke's numerous notes indeed, unless for his laborious collation of Curtius
with Arrian, are rarely of any value.

44 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

tifying kind, of which probably he was not without previous
intimation. The small nation of the Ariasps, or Agriasps,
differed so in character from the predatory hordes of the
Asiatic highlands in general that they were renowned for
honesty and good faith. Arrian says, meaning it

Arr. 1. 3. c. 27.

' evidently as high eulogy, that they were equal to
!.' 17. the best of the Greeks. According to tradition,
the great Cyrus, when he marched through their
country to make war on the Scythians, was so satisfied with
their conduct, that he gave them the title of Welldoers ;
which had prevailed so as nearly to have superseded their
ancient name. 6 How a small horde so situated should have
acquired this superior character, and how, under a govern-
ment so failing to afford due protection to its best subjects,
as we have seen the Persian, they should have maintained it
and preserved themselves, is matter of just curiosity, for
which however, among ancient writers, gratification fails.
Arr. ut ant. Alexander, the historian proceeds to say, halted

Diod. 1. 17. J

Ct 81 - in their country to celebrate a sacrifice to Apollo ;

and their rulers, encouraged by his expressed satisfaction
with them, requested a small addition to their territory,
which he granted. An additional proof of his favour and
confidence he seems to have given them, in committing the
Diod ut ant. government of then* country to a Persian, who,
curt. i. 7. c. 3. accorc [i n g to Curtius, had been secretary to the
late king, Darius, not leaving any military force under a Gre-
cian commander to ensure their fidelity to engagements.

The Ariasps of this country, as the learned examiner of
the historians of Alexander has observed, have been con-
founded by some ancient writers with the Arimasps of
European Scythia, eminent in fable as dwarf human mon-
sters, with an eye only in the forehead, who waged continual

6 Of the Persian word we are not informed, the Greek writers all using the
translation into their own language,

SECT. I. ARIASPS OR WELLDOERS. 45

war with brute monsters, of. mixed form, beast and bird,
called griffins, or gryphons. Hence the existence of the
Welldoers has been called in question. 7 Wherever fable is
found blended with history, under respectable assurance of
its antiquity, some foundation in truth may not unreason-
ably be expected. Extensive tracts of mountain, and their
inhabitants, generally, the world over, are little known be-
yond their immediate neighbourhood. Of those in Europe,
the Alps, whose valleys alone afford thoroughfare to Italy,
have become most familiar. There the disease of the swoln
throat prevails, and with it often mental weakness. Those
of its people not so affected are generally of good persons,
and strong in body and mind ; and even those labouring
under infirmity of either have been remarked for that
eccentric wit, which, in those ages when letters were
neglected and even despised by the higher ranks, was so in
request, as an amusement of courts and great houses, that
none would be without its fool. Hence, throughout the
south of Germany, the proper name Tyrolese has become
the common word for that kind of witling; as, at Paris,
Swiss for a porter, and Savoyard for a chimney-sweeper.
But within Europe there is another country, less known,

7 If the learned examiner of the historians of Alexander has given way
sometimes to hasty fancy, the liberal reader, considering the merits of the
work, and the author's early age when published, will make allowance for it.
" Les historiens d'Alexandre saisirent avec empressement," he says, " le
rapport qu'il pouvait y avoir entre les Agriaspes ou Ariaspes, selon Ptolomee
(1. 6. c. 19.) , et les Arimaspes, peuple de la Scythie Europeenne, ct'lebre
tant par les fables qu'en avait debitees Aristeas de Proconese (Herod. 1. 4.
c. 11. et seq.), que par le secours qu'ils donnerent aux Argonautes, et qui leur
meriterent le nom d'Evergetes (Steph. Byzant.), les ecrivains imaginerent,"
&c. Exam. Crit. des Hist. d'Alex. p. 214. Strabo, as well as Diodorus,
agrees with Arrian in sober account of the Welldoers of this neighbourhood
of India. The concurrence of Diodorus and Curtius concerning the appoint-
ment of a satrap to their country, though differing as to his name, yet agreeing
so far that each gives him a Persian name, is itself considerable testimony.
Altogether then, whatever of fable may have been mixed with accounts of the
Ariasps by writers whose object has been amusement for the fancy, their more
sober history is so far warranted that it cannot but appear rather rash for a
modern to treat it with contempt.

46 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. tl.

where the malady is more severe. " The people of Argis,

. among the mountains of Walachia," in the ac-
e MOW. count of the respectable writer recently noticed,
" seem hardly of human race : less than four feet high, such
is the fleshy protuberance under their chins, that the large
misshapen head seems fixed on the chest, without the inter-
vention of a neck ; and understanding fails." Nevertheless
Walachia is a valuable country, and the people not thus un-
fortunately affected, a respectable race. Whatever then may
be thought of the European dwarfs, the Arimasps, objects of
fable, and whether there may or may not have been any ana-
logy between them and the Walachians of Argis, or between
either them, or the Walachians, with the Ariasps between
Media and India, it cannot but be gratifying to the inves-
tigator of eventful history to find, among other testimonies,
that of so able and careful an inquirer as Arrian to the cha-
racter of the Asiatic Welldoers.

In the northern parts of the Persian empire, though hardly
reaching the middle of the great Asiatic continent, the cha-
racter of the people, and of their government, appears to have
differed from those of the south as much as the climate. In
the south, the mass of the population consisted of husband-
men and artisans, utterly unused to arms, depending upon
the ruling powers to ensure orderly conduct among them-
selves, and to protect them against foreign enemies. Here
government was despotic, and subjects were careless whom
they served. But, in the north, verging on foreign nations,
whose trade was plunder and war their delight, circum-
stances, compelling every man to be a soldier, compelled also
the rulers to respect the subjects. Where every man bears
arms there must be respect for the multitude ; there must,
whatever form the government may have, be a considerable
amount of freedom; and the conduct which rulers find
necessary will attach the people to them. Alexander found
early proof of this. Satibarzanes, his late satrap of Aria,

SECT. I. DEATH OF SATIBARZANES. 4?7

faithless in promise, but bold and persevering in enterprise,
on being surprised by his rapidity, so as to be obliged, pre-
sently after engaging the Arian people in revolt, to abandon
them, had fled to Bessus. While then Alexander was
busied with his various measures for securing his command
of the countries southward of Bactria, Satibarzanes, obtain-
ing a body of two thousand horse from his new sovereign,
returned into Aria 8 ; and, such was the respect for him
among the people, or such their aversion to a foreign domi-
nion, that he engaged them a second time in revolt.

Alexander did not judge it necessary now again to inter-
rupt the prosecution of his concerted measures by return-
ing himself to oppose this new insurrection. With two
Macedonians, Erygyius and Caranus, he appointed two emi-
nent Persians, Artabazus, so often mentioned, and Phrata-
phernes, his satrap of Parthia, to conduct the war in Aria.
Satibarzanes meanwhile had collected such a force as to
venture to meet them in battle, and maintain
sharp contest. With that impatience, distinguish-
ing Asiatic from European minds, he seems to have resolved
to conquer or die. Instead then of attending, with the just
coolness of a general, to the conduct of those under him,
who were yet maintaining an action of doubtful issue, he
sought personal conflict with the opposing commander ;
attacking Erygyius, he was killed by his hand. The Arians
then universally fled, and no farther resistance appears to
have been made throughout their country.

Meanwhile Alexander proceeded eastward, through Ara-
chosia to the confines of India, the whole way, according to
the concurring accounts of historians, over snow. No op-
position is mentioned, even in the Persian provinces. In
India, as already observed, it seems probable that his object

8 Areia is the orthography in our copies of Arrian : in those of Strabo it is
Aria, but more commonly Ariana.

48 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

was rather negotiation than war, and he appears to have
succeeded. But he had now had sufficient evidence that,
for these northern countries, quiet could not be provided
with the same ease, or by the same methods, as for the
southern. The singular region called Paropamisus divided
Arachosia from Bactria. Probably his information was good
on which he grounded his resolution to proceed thither for
winter quarters. On the higher grounds pro-
jected from the mountains into the lofty plain he
found a spot advantageous for the site of a fortress to com-
mand an extent of fruitful country. There he employed his
troops during winter in building a town, to which, as to his
Egyptian city, he gave the name of Alexandria. 9

' 9 Arrian says that here Caucasus produces nothing but fir-trees and master-
wort, rt^tvQovs and <r/A<p/v, yet that the country is populous, feeding nu-
merous flocks and herds. 2/A0/ov, under its Latin name, Laserpitium, is
described by Ainsworth, " an herb, the gum whereof is called laser / some
call it masterwort ; some take it to be benzoin : the worst kind of it is called
assafcetida." Of this plant, Arrian proceeds to say, sheep are so fond that the
Cyrenaeans, in whose country it abounds, and who prize the benzoin greatly,
protect it from them with laborious care. * Elsewhere he mentions the name
of Caucasus as improperly, though frequently by the Greeks, extended to this
part of the great Asiatic highland chain. He uses it nevertheless here, but
seemingly limiting it to the mountains, TO. ogj, and not including under it the
plainer highland country, which would probably give other produce than g-
(tivdovs and <r/A<pjv.

Strabo reckons Paropamisus within his Ariana, and thence calls this the
Arian Alexandria, but, among later writers, the title of the Paropamisan
seems to have more prevailed.

[_* " Si quando incidit pecus, in spem nascentis, hoc deprehenditur signo :
ove, cum comederit, dormiente protinus, capra sternutante." Plin. Nat.
Hist. xix. 15. In the Quarterly Review (vol. xxvi. p. 220.) a fac-simile is
given of an ancient coin, from Delia- Cella's Viaggio da Tripoli, &c., on one
side of which is an umbelliferous plant, supposed to be the Cyrenaic silphium
or laserpitium, and on the other is the head of Jupiter Ammon. To classical
readers this combination will immediately suggest the lines of Catullus in
Carm. vii. :

Quam magnus numerus Libyssae arenae

Laserpiciferis jacet Cyrenis

Ordclum Jovis inter aestuosi

Et Batti veteris sacrum sepulcrum.

" Cyrenaica," says Pliny, " illustratur Hammonis oraculo, quod a Cyrenis
abest CCCC.M. passuum." Nat. Hist. v. 5J

SECT. I. PAROPAMISAN ALEXANDRIA FOUNDED. 49

We have seen, in Xenophon's account of the retreat of the
Cyreans, how unavailing ordinary Grecian discipline was to
prevent the association of women and the growth of families,
in a Grecian army, passing any time in an enemy's country,
even in distressing circumstances. Hence, though the Mace-
donian discipline is likely to have been, for other matters,
more perfect, yet, much as Alexander evidently had need to
court his army, what indulgence for the society of women,
in passing through such an extent of country as conquerors,
would be expedient and even necessary, may, in some
degree, be estimated. We have seen also the -

Cn. z3. c. 5.

violence of opposition to Xenophon's purpose of
colonisation with the Cyrean army. But his plan was pro-
posed after a single year's absence from Greece, and not till
all the greatest difficulties of the return, long nearly hope-
less, were overcome, and home was already almost within
sight. Very different were the circumstances now, when,
after an absence of three years, the army was on the border
of India, and a winter campaign in a most severe climate,
against enemies of high and even singular warlike fame, was
in view. Probably numbers, if not with a view to perfect
satisfaction, yet as a very desirable immediate indulgence,
would take the permission to rest, with their families, in the
new settlement. It seems indeed likely that a

J An. 1. 3. c. 28.

large proportion had been Persian subjects ; for
the civil government of the colony was committed to a
Persian, Proexes, with the title of satrap; the military
command however being reserved to Niloxenus, of the band
of companions. But such was the wisdom or feli- Vincent on
city with which the situation was chosen and the v - l - n - 7 -'
arrangements made that the settlement prospered, as a
Grecian colony, long after support from a Grecian empire
failed, and flourishes yet, it has been supposed, under the
corrupted name of Candahar.

VOL. X. E

50 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

Arrian's omission of notice of Asiatic recruits to Alex-
ander's army, even Greeks of Asia, has been formerly ob-
served, and the probable cause suggested, that the Mace-
donian generals, whose reports he principally trusted, were
not solicitous to mention them. What is related on this
subject by other writers will therefore deserve consideration.
Plutarch says that, observing the hardiness of body and firm-
ness of mind of the people of these climates, Alexander
enrolled no less than thirty thousand boys, to be trained in
the Macedonian discipline. Probably he has described them
properly, calling them boys; for men would be averse to a
change of habits to which they had been educated ; whereas
boys would soon become proud of arms and discipline,
which gave them military importance above the men of their
nation, and equality with the conquerors of Asia. Associ-
ating with Greeks, they would, more readily than men, learn
the Grecian language, and, in other matters of habit, would
become effectually Greeks.

SECTION II.

Measures of Bessus, Discontent in Alexander's Army. Pursuit
of Bessus. Critical Circumstances of Alexander. Surrender
of Bessus.

BESSUS meanwhile had been busy in measures for ob-
structing Alexander's farther progress. Of the

Arr. 1. 3. c. 28.

northern satraps about him, of no small power,
some were also of no mean abilities; insomuch that hope
might be entertained, not only to defend the dominion they
yet held, but to proceed to the recovery of some of the
southern provinces, which it might be supposed, only in
want of due support from a superintending government,
had submitted to a foreign invader. They removed or de-
stroyed all subsistence for an army, throughout the plain

SECT. ii. DISCONTENT IN THE ARMY. 51

at the foot of Caucasus toward Bactria, and soon the sea-
son, coming to their assistance, had covered the country
with snow.

But, for Alexander, difficulties were inviting, and rest
annoying. Anxious to reach Bactria while Bessus might
be yet incompletely prepared, he resolved upon moving
while spring, in that severe climate, yet lingered. Probably
his inquiries had been extensive, his information good, and
his purpose founded on a just view of things ; for the result
warrants the supposition. But he had difficulties to en-
counter beyond what the enemy opposed. To Babylon, and
perhaps as far as the treasury of Pasargadae, he was fol-
lowed by most willing soldiers ; eager for great rewards in
promise. Even when, after indulgence of some months of
rest and plenty there, the march was turned northward, in
pursuit of the fugitive monarch, the expediency of thus
providing permanence for advantages gained would be so
obvious to those of more thought, and impatience of rest,
ordinary with those habituated to action, would so stimulate
the more thoughtless, that zeal for the prosecution of the
monarch's purpose might still be ready. But when Darius
was no more, and with him the Persian dynasty so far
extinct that a pretender able to contend with Alexander,
for the richer part of the empire, was supposed no longer
to be apprehended, yet war was to be prosecuted in a
most severe climate, against hardy nations, whose conquest
would bring no obvious reward, a great change would be
likely to ensue in the soldier's mind. Diodorus,

Diod. 1. 17.

Curtius, and Plutarch nearly concur in supply- u ^; , 6
inc: what Arrian has left unnoticed ; probably p'lut. vit.

r J Alex. p. 691.

because the Macedonian generals, his guides,
would avoid report of the first ebullitions of discontent in
the army ; and yet there occurs, in his narrative, what gives
probability to their accounts.

E 2

52 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

It appears likely that, as Curtius relates, the adverse
humour originated, or first became extensive and dangerous,
during the intermission of military enterprise, while the new
city, the Paropamisan Alexandria, was building. The notion
was propagated that, Darius being dead, Alexander clearly
lord of the Persian empire, and a new settlement prepared
for those whom age or wounds disabled for the long march
home, and for numerous others for whom, on account of
families grown in camp about them, or failure of means at
home, such a settlement would be acceptable, all desirous
of returning would of course have free leave to return. In
this temper of the army, notice of the purpose of marching
still northward, and with snow yet upon the ground, was
received with such demonstration of discontent, and such
disposition to disobedience and tumult, that Alexander
deemed it expedient to call the soldiers together as a popu-
lar assembly. In an able speech then, mixing the pathetic
with the animating, he so wrought on their minds as to
restore zeal for the prosecution of a hitherto glorious, and
largely rewarding, but yet unfinished war, and to produce
a declaration that they would follow wherever he would
lead. Diodorus adds that this zeal was politically rewarded
with large donations immediately made ; and it seems in-
dicated, by what Arrian adds, that it was promoted by
promises of dismissal for any who might desire it, when
the expedition, which circumstances immediately required,
should be ended.

The threatening discontent of the army being thus ap-
peased, Alexander hastened to use the favourable temper
which he had excited. Proceeding with the ut-

Arr. 1. 3. c. 29.

most speed that the season and the state of the
country would allow, he advanced into Bactria. Whether
Bessus and his associates disagreed, or why else they w r ere
yet so unprepared to defend that extensive and populous

SECT. II. DISPERSION OF THE BACTRIANS. 53

region, which under their legitimate sovereign they had
commanded as his satraps, we are uninformed ; on Alex-
ander's approach they withdrew. Probably his army was
formidable, not by discipline only, but in number also. They
however resolved to retire behind the great river Oxus,
which separated Bactria from Sogdiana, the satrapy of Spi-
tamenes. But when arrived there, the Bactrians of their
army, to the number of seven thousand horse, refusing to
go farther, dispersed to their several homes ; whence it may
seem that Bessus, even in his own province, was little
esteemed. The Sogdians followed Spitamenes, and the
Daans accompanied them ; for the way was homeward for
both. But the sequel shows Spitamenes to have been able,
and considerably popular. When all had crossed the river,
they burnt the boats, which had given them passage ; thus
demonstrating hopelessness of support from Bactra, and
abandonment of the Bactrians to the mercy of the con-
queror. Alexander allowed his army, in the town of
Drapsaca, some time for rest and refreshment, which were
probably needed. He then proceeded against Bactra and
Aorni, the two principal cities of the province ; and, these
making little resistance, the whole quickly submitted. In
the citadel of Aorni he placed a garrison under one of his
band of companions, Archelaus son of Androcles, and he
committed the very important satrapy of Bactria, a large,
fruitful, and populous province, to his Persian friend, of
tried fidelity in engagements alternately on either side, the
almost half Grecian Artabazus.

It may have been policy, but it seems also to have been in
some degree a passion of Alexander, to pursue Darius living,
and not less so to revenge him dead. Coming

& Arr. 1. 3. c. 29.

to the river Oxus, the difficulty of crossing
seemed insurmountable. The breadth was great ; the depth
various ; the rapidity of the stream, and the shifting of the
E 3

54- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. u.

gravel in its bed, made fording, in the most favourable
season, dangerous. But now, with advancing spring, the
snow melting on the mountains, fording was utterly denied ;
and to make bridges, or repair the destruction of boats by
the enemy, the country, to a great extent, afforded no ma-
terial. The hazardous resource therefore was, what we
have before observed in use for passing quieter streams,
to use skins, the soldiers' beds, or nightly covering, duly
stuffed, as rafts.

With his mind eagerly bent upon one object, Alexander's
circumstances were, at this time, variously critical. His
new subjects, to whom he had dispensed favours, and
committed great and confidential offices, showing, in some
instances, a most honourable fidelity, still in others con-
tinued to prove that trusting them was hazardous. Intelli-
gence came that Arsames, raised, on the second expulsion of
the faithless Satibarzanes, to the important satrapy of Aria,
was misconducting himself; insomuch that Stasanor, of
the band of companions, was sent to arrest him. Whether
some revival of discontent in the army, and unwillingness
to pursue a flying enemy farther among boundless snows and
deserts, were demonstrated, or it was simply in pursuance
of promises given, when the former fermentation was stilled,
some of the most valuable troops of the army, in circum-
stances so pressing, were dismissed. All those Thessalians,
who had voluntarily renewed their services, together with
all Macedonians who coi^ld claim privilege for age, wounds,
or any disability, were, in this critical state of the expe-
dition, allowed to return to Europe. No others are men-
tioned, nor is cause for the distinction stated, but, in the
course of the history, it may be gathered. The Thessalians,
all cavalry, would all have either property or valuable con-
nections at home, and to Alexander popularity in Thessaly
was of especial importance. Of civic troops of the southern

SECT. II. SURRENDER OF BESSUS. 55

republics, probably few, if any, now remained with the
army. Alexander's great acquisition of pecuniary means
having enabled him to dispense with their service, by in-
creasing his mercenary Grecian force, all engaged for ad-
venture, and in no small proportion exiles, whose republics
would not receive them, and to whom therefore their dis-
charge would be a most severe misfortune.

The army then crossed the Oxus on the stuffed skins.
If loss was suffered, Arrian has not mentioned it ; but he
says the business, probably executed with diligent care,
employed five days. The army then proceeded in pursuit
of Bessus. The effect of the bold measure was evidently
great : it appears to have brought to decision the policy of
that pretender's associates. A deputation from Spitamenes
and Dataphernes met Alexander, commissioned to inform
him that Bessus was effectually their prisoner ; not indeed
under close restraint, but in their power ; and they would
surrender him to any officer whom he would send with
a detachment, which need not be large. Alexander chose
for the important mission Ptolemy son of Lagus. To his
orders a force was committed, not inconsiderable for number,
but superior for selection. The heavy-armed consisted of
the taxis 10 , which having been that of Philotas, went still
by his name, and one chiliarchy of hypaspists. Of this
body we have no farther information than that, with its
peculiar title, of very uncertain meaning, it had eminently
Alexander's confidence, and especially his preference among
the heavy-armed, for rapid movements. Of light infantry,
all the Agrians were assigned, and half the bowmen of the
army : of cavalry, three troops of royal companions, and all

10 Whether the taxis, in Alexander's army, more nearly answered to our
brigade, or to a division consisting of two or more brigades, appears uncer-
tain. The chiliarchy would be something between eight and twelve hundred
men.

56 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

the horse-darters. With this force Ptolemy was directed
to use the utmost speed, while Alexander followed with
the rest of the army, at an easier pace than before. Such
then was the vigour of the body selected that, on the fourth
evening, having completed the space, the historian says, of
ten ordinary marches, Ptolemy reached the ground which
Bessus had quitted only the day before. Gathering reason
then for doubting, either the sincerity of Spitamenes and
Dataphernes in their offer, or their perseverance in its
purpose, he took the lead with his cavalry only, directing
the infantry to follow, in order for action. On approaching
a fortified town, he learnt that Bessus was there with a
small force ; deserted by Spitamenes, who would no longer
support him, yet would not himself be the person to de-
liver him to his enemies. Ptolemy sent a summons into
the town, offering immunity to the garrison and people,
upon condition of surrendering Bessus. This found ready
acceptance, and Ptolemy, with his prisoner, hastened his
return.

Approaching Alexander, he sent to ask his commands
for the manner in which the captive chief, the pretender to
the throne of Asia, should be brought into his presence.
The answer directed that he should be placed naked, with a
halter about his neck, on the right of the road by which the
army was inarching. Alexander, in his chariot, stopping
when he came near, asked Bessus, " Why he had so treated
Darius, not only his king but his friend and benefactor,
dragging him about a prisoner, and afterward putting him
to death ? " Bessus answered, that " the measures were
not of his single authority, but concurred in by those then
attending Darius, with the view to obtain safety for them-
selves from Alexander's mercy." Alexander then directed
that he should be scourged, and that the herald should pro-
claim his crimes of treachery and murder in the same terms

SECT. in. MARCH TOWARD THE CASPIAN. 57

in which he had himself reproached him, as the reason for
the ignominious severity. This, Arrian says, was Ptolemy's
own account. But Aristobulus related that Bessus was
sent by Spitamenes and Dataphernes under a guard, ap-
parently meaning a guard of their own people, who delivered
him naked, and bound with a halter ; seeming thus to differ
from Ptolemy, yet not clearly contradicting him. This no-
tice, by Arrian, of difference between those eminent writers,
whatever farther may be thought of it, will be so far satis-
factory to the modern inquirer, as it shows his care to
investigate and declare authorities, and to mark whatever
might be doubtful. The miserable Bessus was Arr , 3 ,
sent to Bactra, the capital of the province of
which he had been satrap, there to await his farther doom.

SECTION III.

Stubborn Resistance of the Northern Asiatics. Negotiation with
Scythian Kingdoms. A Grecian Colony established among the
Scythians not Subjects of the Kingdoms. War with the Scy-
thians not Subjects of the Kingdoms.

IN passing the mountains of Caucasus, and in the hasty
marches over the snow-clad plains beyond them, a great
number of horses had perished. Fortunately Sogdiana and
adjoining provinces could furnish supply of a valuable kind,
both for cavalry and baggage. But time would be necessary
for collecting these, and preparing them for service to follow,
while the army rested in the city called by the Greeks Mara-
canda, the modern Samarkand, capital of Sogdiana.

The object of the next march, toward the Caspian sea, is
no farther stated, than as it appears the people were not
disposed to the submission required ; perhaps necessary
toward the quiet of the more civilised country which ac-
knowledged the conqueror's sovereignty. Nevertheless no

58 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

opposition seems to have been yet met, when, while the
army encamped near a great river, variously called Tanais,
Orxantes, and Silys, a body of foragers was destroyed ; and
the natives, to the number of thirty thousand, assembling
on the summit of a hill on all sides precipitous, defied
assault. n Alexander, indignant at his loss and their pre-
sumption, took himself the lead of his lightest troops to
storm the post. Such however was the difficulty of the
ground and the energy of its defenders that his men suf-
fered in several unsuccessful assaults, and he himself received
a bowshot in the leg. The wound was so far severe as the
arrow-head could not be extracted without cutting; but
efforts were not relaxed for it. Resistance being at length
overborne, only about eight thousand of the enemy were
reckoned to have escaped death from the sword, or the
precipices by which they attempted flight.

Concerning Alexander's wound, warranted by Arrian, a
circumstance, related only by Curtius, but in its nature open
to extensive knowledge, may deserve notice. A wound in
Q. curt. i. 7. tne teg, lt k we ^ known, for cure, requires rest
of the limb. But Alexander's mind could not rest
without personal observation of things going forward. He
would be carried in a litter, by men's hands, wherever he
supposed his attention wanted. The honour then of being
his bearers was contested with eagerness among his troops.
The cavalry, as his usual companions in action, claimed the
duty of attending his necessities when unfortunately dis-
abled for action. The infantry contended against this, that,
as theirs was the office to carry their wounded fellow-

11 The river, according to Arrian, was ordinarily called the Tanais ; not
that Tanais, he says, which, falling into the lake Maeotis, was reckoned by
Herodotus the boundary of Europe and Asia ; for, rising among (.he heights
of Caucasus, it runs into the Caspian, or, as he names it here, the Hyrcanian
sea. According to Aristobulus, he adds, the people of the country called the
river the Orxantes: Pliny (1. 6. c. 16.) gives it the very different name of the
Silys.

SECT. in. EMBASSIES FROM THE SCYTHIANS. 59

soldiers, cavalry as well as infantry, it could not be just to
deny them the honour of carrying their king, when needing
such assistance. Alexander settled the dispute by deciding
that cavalry and infantry should carry him alternately.

Not many days after, while he was allowing that rest to
his army which he wanted for himself, but nevertheless was
employing his mind diligently in ordering regulations for all
the country around, he was surprised with embassies coming
to wait upon him from the kings of the Scythians. Arrian
mentions, of that powerful and extraordinary people, two
great kingdoms, one in Asia, the other in Europe ; and,
beside these, many wild hordes, who, with opportunity for
wandering over immense plains of soil little productive, in a
most severe climate, avoiding all certain settlement, avoided
all regular government. They appear to have resembled
much the borderers of England and Scotland in former days,
and those of Spain and France; differing chiefly as they
lived in a severer climate, and had an extent, very many
times greater, of land uninviting for cultivation, to wander
over. The embassies, now arriving, came together from the
two great princes of the more settled and civilised Scy-
thians, the Asiatic and the European. To the European
the Greeks had been for ages known. Athens, Ch 3S s 3
we have seen, had commercial settlements on
their shores, which were a principal source of its slave-
market, and Macedonia had had wars with them, and pro-
bably treaties. To the Asiatic- Scythians communication
with the Persian empire was familiar, in war and in ne-
gotiation. Both the princes appear to have supposed it of
consequence for them to acquire some insight into Alex-
ander's purposes; and it was perhaps yet more important
for him to have some knowledge of theirs. Receiving both
the embassies therefore in a gratifying manner, he avoided
immediately entering into any specific treaty with either,

60 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

by sending, as a compliment, his ambassadors to their
princes.

Within the great river, the boundary of the late Persian
empire against the Asiatic- Scythian kingdom, a Scythian
horde, conquered, it appears, by the great Cyrus, had been
allowed to retain its establishments, and to live in freedom,
as subjects of the Persian crown. But to provide for peace
and good order, that prince had fortified a principal town,
which had from him its name, in the Grecian translation,
Cyropolis. War with any of the Scythians appears not at
all to have been Alexander's purpose ; nothing among them
inviting it. But stability for his acquired empire, always
prominent among his objects, and, with it, improvement of
the condition of its people, required consideration. For the
security therefore of his northern border, and at the same
time for enforcing peaceful demeanour among subjects dis-
posed to turbulence, he pursued his own former plan, in
imitating that of his great predecessor in conquest. On the
river, whether to be called Tanais, Orxantes, or Silys, a
situation offered itself, recommended, not only by its op-
portunities for both protecting Sogdiana, and
carrying war, should it become advisable, into
Scythia, but also by various circumstances of promise for
the growth of a great and wealthy city. A remarkable
instance of Alexander's deference, whether more for the
political principles gathered from his habits with the free
constitution of Macedonia and his education under Aristotle,
or for the free people forming the principal strength of his
army, followed. He summoned all the Sogdians, who held
authority in their country, to a meeting for deliberation on
measures for common good. 12 His purpose evidently was
to conciliate his new subjects of the north, as he had con-

12 'Eg 'iva. tyX^oyov Ixi-yy-cXxi %vviKQ{tv TOVS l-xai-^ov? T%S x.&eS Urt/wjf. Arr.
1. 4. c. 1.

SECT. ill. WAR WITH THE SCYTHIANS. 61

ciliated those of Egypt and the south of Asia : but Arrian,
who, himself an Asiatic, would know the general temper
of Asiatics, indicates that it had a contrary effect ; express-
ing himself doubtful whether it did not excite more jealousy
than the proposed new town, and afford more opportunity
of advantage for the partisans of Bessus. The Sogdians
generally, and many of the Bactrians, and all the Scythians
within the Orxantes, engaged together in revolt. The Scy-
thians were the first to act. Falling suddenly on those of
the Macedonian army quartered in their country, they put
all to death, and then Scythians, Sogdians, and Bactrians
withdrew to their strong places.

Such proceedings would of course call forth Alexander's
energy. His first measures were directed against the Scy-
thians. Cyropolis had walls of masonry, and a citadel : six
other towns had fortifications, but only of earth. Among
these towns their forces were distributed in proportion to the
estimated importance of each ; by far the greatest in Cyro-
polis. Alexander committed to Craterus an army sufficient
to invest that city, while he took himself, in his usual way,
the conduct of the more active and dangerous service.
When a contravallation around Cyropolis was so far com-
pleted that no succour could easily issue to any of the
inferior towns, he attacked them one by one, and presently
stormed three. 13 All the men were put to death; the
women and children were saved for slaves, as part of the
booty to reward his army. Measures were taken for pre-
venting information of the fate of these towns from reaching
those unattacked ; yet such alarm arose, either from intelli-
gence or suspicion, that two were abandoned. Alexander,
apprehending this, had so stationed his cavalry that few of
the fugitives escaped.

13 Arrian says two of those towns were stormed in one day, and the third on
the day following ; whence it may seem that the word TO\IS has not been
intended to be taken in the elder Greek sense of the word, a city.

62 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

His whole force was then assembled against

Arr. 1. 4. c. 3.

Cyropolis. Assault, according to ancient art,
with battering machines, was preparing, when the channel
of a torrent stream running through the town, rough and
narrow, yet not impracticable for armed infantry, was
observed to be neglected by the garrison, intent upon the
expected attack on their walls. Thus an enterprise was
offered, inviting for Alexander himself. With a few chosen
troops he entered without resistance ; and, hastening to
the nearest gate, opened it, and admitted a large body
prepared for the event. Nevertheless the garrison, amount-
ing, according to Arrian, to eighteen thousand men, sur-
prised, but not dismayed, resisted vigorously. Alexander
received blows on the head and neck with stones. Craterus
and other principal officers were wounded with arrows.
The Scythians however, unable to make head at the same
time against the enemies within their walls and entering
over them, were overpowered. Eight thousand are said to
have been slain ; but about ten thousand made their retreat
good into the citadel. There however (probably through
incomplete execution of the great founder's purpose) was
no provision of water ; so that, on the second day, they
found it necessary to surrender. The seventh town was yet
held by its garrison, but yielded immediately on Alexander's
approach ; according to Ptolemy by capitulation ; but Aris-
tobulus reported that it was taken by assault, and all the
men within put to the sword. Arrian however seems to
have thought Ptolemy's account the rather to be trusted, as
it proceeded to state, what must have been within that
officer's means of knowing, that the prisoners were distri-
buted among the several divisions of the army, to remain in
custody ; apparently, to be finally led away to slavery ; for
the historian says it was resolved to leave none behind who
had partaken of the revolt.

SECT. in. WAR WITH THE SCYTHIANS. 63

Alexander's rapidity in his measures for reducing this
small branch of the extensive nation of Scythians, subjects,
apparently, since its reduction by Cyrus, of the Persian
empire, appears to have been of great importance.
Those holding the country on the farther side of
the river, so variously named Orxantes, Silys, and Tanais,
on intelligence received of insurrection of those of their
nation within the old Persian boundary, had assembled in
arms and already had reached the neighbourhood. With
information of this threatened hostility from that formidable
nation, so eager in pursuit of gain by victory, with so little
to lose by defeat, and possessing such ready means to avoid
and still annoy a foe whom they could not resist, intelligence
arrived that Spitamenes had revolted, and was actually be-
sieging Paracadi, where Alexander had left a garrison. As
however the force under Spitamenes was of the freebooting
kind, neither regular, nor very numerous, it was thought
sufficient to despatch against him fifteen hundred of the
mercenary Grecian foot, with eight hundred horse of the
same description, and sixty of that superior and confidential
body, the royal companion cavalry. These appear to have
had their several proper commanders, Andromachus, Mene-
demus, and Caranus. Whether then through growing favour
to Asiatics, or on the supposition that negotiation might
succeed with little support from arms, the chief authority
was committed to Pharnuches, a Lycian, familiar with the
Scythian language, as well as with the Greek, of approved
talent for civil business, but without the qualifications of a
military commander. Meanwhile the establishment of the
proposed colony engaged Alexander's own attention; and
in twenty days, employing all the force with him, he raised
works sufficient for its defence against the surrounding
people ; formidable in the field, but of no skill in the assault
of fortifications. He then offered choice for any of the

64< HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

Greek mercenaries, and those Macedonians who, from age
or infirmity, were become less fit for active service, to es-
tablish themselves in the place, with permission to associate
any of the natives of the country who might be willing.
Matters of business being settled, he, according to his
custom, engaged and amused the public mind with religious
ceremonies and games, horse-races and gymnic exercises
being exhibited among sacrifices to the gods.

The Scythians of the farther side of the river meanwhile
remained encamped near its bank, watching what was going
forward. The stream, though not fordable, was not there
so wide but that words might be heard across; and the
Scythian soldiers amused themselves with taunting speeches
to the Macedonians, telling them, " their king, as great a
conqueror as he was, dared not invade their country, or he
would soon be taught the difference between Scythians and
the southern Asiatics." Words not producing provocation
enough, they proceeded to acts, and shot arrows, Arrian
does not say over, but into the river. The usual disposition
to petulance, among youths with arms in their hands, under
a loose discipline, may have produced so much. But the
amount of force assembled appeared to indicate, that the
Scythian chiefs entertained a hostile jealousy, if not hostile
purposes. Alexander therefore resolved to cross the river,
and at once chastise, rather than complain of insolence.
Skins were prepared in the usual way to serve as rafts, and
the usual sacrifices for engaging the favour and consulting
the will of the gods were performed ; Alexander's favourite
seer, Aristander of Telmissus, presiding. It appears likely
that the principal officers of his army, in concert with the
seer, who seems to have been an able man, apprehended the
consequences of their prince's impatience of insult and eager-
ness for adventure, with the immense wild plains of Tartary
before him. The symptoms of the victims however were

SECT. in. WAR WITH THE SCYTHIANS. 65

declared quite unfavourable. Alexander, uneasy under the
disappointment, nevertheless acquiesced, so far as to defer
his purpose. But, the Scythians continuing their provoking
conduct, he ordered another sacrifice. Still the symptoms
were declared utterly unfavourable, and clearly portending
danger. Alexander's temper could then hold no longer :
" It were better," he said, " to risk the extreme of danger
than, after conquering almost all Asia, to become a laughing-
stock for the Scythians, as the elder Darius had been."
Aristander answered, " that, however the king might desire
another interpretation, he himself could only declare what
was indicated by the divinity."

Nevertheless Alexander persevered. The artillery, for
throwing darts and stones, was moved to the river side, to
protect the passage ; some of the enemy were wounded ;
and one, struck with a dart, through both his shield and
breast-plate, fell from his horse dead. In evident conster-
nation at this event, all withdrew from the bank, and the
Macedonian army passed, Alexander leading. The Scy-
thians seem to have been all cavalry carrying missile wea-
pons. Alexander, knowing that their discipline would not
enable them to withstand a regular charge from even an
inferior force, hastened against them a division of the allied,
and four squadrons of the spear-bearing horse. The Scy-
thians, approaching enough to give effect to their missile
weapons, avoided a charge by rapidly wheeling : then, taking
a circuit, they returned, and again discharged their darts and
arrows. Alexander, we have seen, to answer the exigen-
cies of service against Asiatic cavalry, had formed a small
body, trained, after the Asiatic manner, to use missile
weapons on horseback. This he now despatched to support
his suffering troops ; but he seems to have depended more
upon his numerous bowmen, slingers, and darters, accus-
tomed, on foot, to act in concert with cavalry. Hastening
VOL. x. F

66 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

these forward, he followed himself at the head of all the
remainder of his horse. The Scythians finding that they
could no longer attack with missile weapons but at the peril
of wounds given at equal or greater distance, which dis-
turbed their wheeling, and overtook them in retreat, fled
precipitately. Being pursued by the fresh cavalry, about
a thousand were killed, and a hundred and fifty taken.

In advanced summer now, as not uncommon in climates
where winter is very severe, the heat was violent. Alex-
ander, with his usual eagerness, intent upon revenging the
disgrace and loss of the first onset, urged in person the
pursuit of the fugitives, till at length, in common with
others, he was oppressed with thirst. The country offered
water, but of an unwholesome quality, of which he was
unaware. Drinking therefore plentifully, he was quickly
seized with a disorder of the bowels, such that he was
carried back to the camp with his life supposed in danger.
The evil however passed, and the advantage resulted, that
the credit of the science of prophecy, and the reputation of
the seer Aristander, its professor, often found of great con-
venience, were completely saved; for the danger to the
king, supposed to have been portended, was not from the
enemy, but from the draught of water.

Not long after, deputies reached Alexander from the king
of the Scythians ; so Arrian qualifies him, not distinguishing
of what portion of the extensive Scythian nation he was
sovereign. They came directed to apologise for the insults
offered to his troops by some outlaws, they said, living by
robbery, without warrant of any authority which the body of
the Scythian people acknowledged; adding assurance that
the king himself was ready to obey his commands. It seems
probable that the Macedonian generals, Arrian's authorities,
to magnify their prince, derogated somewhat from the dignity
which the king of the Scythians would maintain on the oc-

SECT. in. DISASTER TO ALEXANDER'S TROOPS. 67

casion ; for that historian proceeds to avow, what indeed
the sequel of his narrative evinces, that it would ill have
suited Alexander, at that time, to engage in war with the
king of the Scythians. Accordingly the embassy was very
civilly received ; and, if the offer to obey commands was a
Scythian compliment, really expressed, it appears to have
been judiciously taken as such ; for the apology was ac-
cepted, and no commands are mentioned to have been
returned.

This accommodation fortunately was completed

Arr. 1. 4. c. 5.

before intelligence arrived of the greatest disaster
which had yet befallen the Macedonian arms. Spitamenes,
dispirited by a successful sally of the garrison of Maracanda,
and informed that the force under Pharnuches was ap-
proaching, raised the siege and retired toward the extensive
Scythian downs. Pursued by Pharnuches, he avoided
action till he was joined by six hundred Scythian horse ;
for the herdsmen, who occupied the Scythian downs, or,
as the Greek word has been commonly expressed, desert,
appear to have been all horsemen. The Grecian cavalry
being then worn with marching, and weak through de-
ficiency of forage, he could avoid their charges while he
gave unceasing annoyance to the infantry, with the missile
weapons which the Asiatics used so dexterously on horse-
back. Defence now became the object of Alexander's offi-
cers ; and they retired to a wood verging on a considerable
river, the Polytimetus. But among them there was neither
just command nor proper concert. Caranus, apparently a
Macedonian, without communicating either with the Lycian
commander-in-chief, or with the commanders of the mer-
cenary Greeks, probably men of the republics, led his
small body of horse across the river. The infantry, seeing
themselves thus deserted by that small but superior body
of cavalry, without command, hastened after him. Spita-
F 2

68 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

menes, and the Scythians, observing the disorderly move-
ment, proceeded to use advantage offered. The Greeks,
some already across, others yet in the river, were so pressed
with darts and arrows that they attempted to regain the
wood; but being intercepted, they stopped on a small
island. Missile weapons however could reach them there.
Many were thus killed, and many others wounded. The
survivors, feeling themselves helpless, surrendered at dis-
cretion, and all were put to death.

This appears to have been Ptolemy's account. Aris-
tobulus attributed the misfortune to the deficient arrange-
ment of command, on which, it may be supposed, Ptolemy r
a favourite of Alexander, would avoid comment. When dif-
ficulty arose, Pharnuches, according to Aristobulus, avowing
himself incompetent, as little versed in military affairs, and
rather appointed for a civil business, desired to commit the
military command to the proper military officers. But these
hesitated to take upon themselves, in circumstances highly
threatening, a responsibility not regularly theirs ; and, before
anything was settled, the enemy was upon them. Of the
whole force, about forty horse only and three hundred foot,
according to Aristobulus, escaped.

Intelligence of this event vehemently affected Alexander.
With the utmost .of his usual zeal and activity, he took
himself the command of a chosen body, and, understanding
that Spitamenes was approaching Maracanda, to renew the
siege, he hastened thither. By extraordinary exertion, at
the dawn of the fourth day he reached the city. Spitamenes
informed of his approach, had withdrawn toward the Scy-
thian downs. Alexander, urging pursuit to the utmost
ability of his troops, was however unable to overtake him.
His next care therefore was to find the field of battle in
which the force under Pharnuches had suffered, and to
perform those rites of burial for the bodies, the importance

SECT. IV. RECRUITS TO ALEXANDER'S ARMY. 69

of which, in the opinion of the Greeks, we have observed so
often strongly marked. After this he gave a loose to revenge,
wasting all the cultivated country on the banks of the river
Polytimetus, whose inhabitants, he was informed, had joined
those of the downs in the destruction of his troops.

SECTION IV.

Recruits to Alexander's Army. Cruel Treatment of Bessus.
Difficulties for Alexander arising from his Successes. Embassies
from Scythian and other northern Princes.

WINTER then approaching, which in that country AW. i. 4. c. 7.
sets in early, and is often early severe, he moved P-SH.SIG.
for quarters to the city of Zariaspa, said by Strabo to be
the same with that commonly called by Arrian, and other
Grecian writers, Bactra. There he was presently joined by
his satrap of Parthia, Phrataphernes, and his general Sta-
sanor, whom he had sent together to quell the second
rebellion of the Arians. They appear to have been com-
pletely successful, bringing in custody Arsames, whom
Bessus had commissioned as his satrap of Parthia, and
other chiefs, his associates. About the same time powerful
re-enforcements arrived, to supply the losses sustained in
long and difficult marches and numerous actions, since the
last from the western countries joined at Susa. They
consisted of three thousand foot, and five hundred horse,
from Syria, commanded by Asclepiodorus : equal ^n-.i. 4.0.7.

J Q. Curt. 1. 7.

numbers of each from Lycia, probably collected c - 10 -
among the Greek cities of Asia, by Asander and Nearchus ;
seven thousand five hundred foot, and five hundred horse,
sent by Antipater from Greece, where the levy probably
would be easier for the recently finished war with Lace-
daemon. Beside these Ptolemy, distinguished among the
F 3

70 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

several of that name as general of the Thracians, brought
three thousand foot and one thousand horse ; probably
Greeks and others, raised in the provinces south of Lesser
Asia. If, in the failure of Arrian to mention the numbers,
Curtius may be trusted for them, likely to be not exact, yet
not imaginary, but given from some authority, the whole
would be sixteen thousand five hundred foot and two
thousand five hundred horse.

The assemblage thus at head quarters would be nu-
merous, of persons of all ranks of both nations, when
Bessus was brought, apparently after the Macedonian man-
ner, before all in congress. The treatment of him however
was rather after the Asiatic manner, arbitrary and cruel.
No mention is made of any form of trial. He was re-
proached before the numerous meeting with his perfidy to
Darius : then his nose and ears were cut off; and in that
mangled state he was sent to Ecbatana, to be treated ac-
cording to the law or the pleasure of those Medes and
Persians there 14 , who, apparently having been, or being
supposed to have been, faithful to Darius living, had after
his death been admitted to some favour by Alexander.

On this proceeding Arrian has declared his own senti-
ment : " Such extravagant punishment," he says, " I cannot
commend. Mutilation of the body in that manner is of the
spirit of barbarians ; and I am inclined to think that Alex-
ander was led to it by a growing disposition to emulate the
Median and Persian pomp of power, and ostentation of
superiority over vassal princes." The historian, no doubt,
will have credit here with the modern reader ; and, con-
sidering his situation in the Roman empire, he will also

14 'Ev rS> Mtfav xa< Ih^fuy &XXo'/u avoBctvovfttvov. Arr. 1. 4. c. 7. p. 159.
Gronovius understands |yXXoyj here to maan the same as |ivoSc? . It seems
to me uncertain and not very important ; Arrian himself probably having
known little of the Median and Persian constitution and law, and therefore
not meaning to define any particular kind of assembly.

SECT. IV. PUNISHMENT OF BESSUS. 71

have excuse for overlooking the monstrous cruelties of the
renowned Roman republicans to conquered princes, of
which the fate of the king of Numidia, Jugurtha, is a
prominent example, while he refers to the practice, in no
accounts more atrocious, of the Medes and Persians. But
those crimes which we denominate high treason, and es-
pecially the extreme of them, regicide, tending to the most
violent disturbance of the quiet of nations, require, in mercy
to millions, severity to one or a few. Hence the mode and
measure of punishment for those crimes, even in modern
ages, in some countries by the law itself, (which neverthe-
less, as in our own, practice has mitigated,) in others by
arbitrary decision for the occasion, as in two memorable
instances in France, have been carried to a severity at
which the philosophic mind is apt to revolt. Yet what
should be the mode and measure appears to be among
questions proposed by Providence for trial of mankind, not
to be by human wisdom exactly decided. For the punish-
ment said to have been ordered by Alexander himself, the
historian's censure will hardly be controverted ; but, for
leaving the regicide to Persian law or practice, if approba-
tion be denied, excuse however apparently may with reason
be demanded.

Arrian has taken this occasion for noticing
some other matters of Alexanders conduct, in
his arduous situation, on which opinions both ancient and
modern have been divided. " Nor can I, " he says, " any-
how approve his assuming the Median dress instead of the
Macedonian ; he of the race of Hercules : and changing,
for the Persian turban, the covering which he, the conqueror
of the Persians, had been accustomed to wear." Esp des ^
Against Arrian, an eminent modern, Monies- 1- 1- c> 13 '
quieu, has warmly eulogised, not indeed the cruelty to
Bessus, but the adoption of Persian customs, which Arrian
F 4

72 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

has blamed. To judge between them it must be considered
that Alexander's circumstances were such as never before
occurred, from the beginning of the world, as far as history
shows, nor since. When the disposition of that extraor-
dinary conqueror to become Persian, in dress and manners,
was first manifested, Arrian has not said. According to
Diodorus, and Curtius, and Plutarch, it began almost im-
mediately on the acquisition of Babylon, and was not a
little encouraged and emulated by some of the younger
officers in high situations about him, and especially by
Philotas. Since the age of twenty Alexander had seen
little of Macedonia, and from twenty-two, when he passed
into Asia, to now, toward twenty-seven, had never been
near it. His immense acquisitions of dominion would be,
and clearly ought to be, important in his consideration ; and
the consideration was of a magnitude and difficulty such as
never occurred to any other man. That his prudence in
the business was consummate, as the sage Montesquieu's
concise eulogy may imply, will hardly be generally admit-
ted ; yet that large allowance should be made for failure
of perfection, in the very difficult decision, candour must
allow.

For the manner in which Bessus was put to

Arr. 1. 4. c. 15. ^

death at Ecbatana accounts vary. That it was
cruel, it is to be feared may be believed ; and if more light
is not to be obtained on the particulars, it will be little
regretted by the generous reader.

During Alexander's winter residence in Zariaspa, his
ambassadors to the Scythian courts returned, accompanied
by an embassy from the king of the European- Scythians.
During their mission the reigning king of European- Scythia
had died in the course of nature, and the ambassadors now
arriving came commissioned by his brother, who had suc-
ceeded to the throne. They brought from that prince

SECT. IV. EMBASSIES FROM SCYTHIAN PRINCES. 73

presents, such as among the Scythians were esteemed most
valuable, with a declaration, that he was ready to obey
Alexander's commands ; offering him, for cementing alliance,
his daughter in marriage, or, should that be disdained, the
daughters of his nobles, or, in Arrian's phrase, his satraps,
for Alexander's confidential ministers and officers ; and
adding, that if Alexander's will might be so signified, he
would come himself to take his commands. Perhaps here,
as perhaps also on other occasions, in translating a foreign
language into Greek, the compliment may have been some-
what exaggerated.

Nearly about the same time Pharasmanes, styled king of
the Chorasmies, came in person, with an escort of fifteen
hundred horse, to wait upon Alexander. His country, he
said, bordered upon that of the Colchians and of the Ama-
zonian women 15 , (information marking how little it was
before known to the Greeks,) and, if Alexander desired to
subdue the Colchians and Amazons, and other people near
the Euxine sea, he would himself guide his army through
the country, and undertake for abundant supplies. Alex-
ander received all graciously. The offer of marriages he
declined ; but he concluded with Pharasmanes a treaty of
friendship and alliance. At the same time he declared that
" his views would not allow him immediately to march
himself westward : that he proposed first to bring India
under his dominion; and, being so master of all Asia, (such
is Arrian's phrase,) he would then return to Greece, and
thence direct his measures for the reduction of the people
around the Euxine sea." For that season he desired Pha-
rasmanes to reserve himself under the engagements made.
"In the mean time," he said, "his Persian friend Artabazus,
who was well acquainted with that part of the world, should
accompany Pharasmanes in his return westward, and all the
15 T7? yw*i& ra7 s 'A(Mt{ifu. Arr. L 4. c. 15.

4> HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

satraps in that line of country should be required to afford
him friendly accommodation."

The epithet JUST, by which Homer, in earliest, and
Arrian, in later times, have described the Scythians, and the
philosophical character attributed to them by authors of
ages between them, may seem to be rendered doubtful by
the indications of barbarism also occurring in the imperfect
historical memorials of them which have reached us. Not
simply however the epithet, but Arrian's narrative, who
must have had knowledge of their descendants in his own
age, seems to afford some warrant for the favouring reports.
The passage of Alexander's ministers through the country
of the Asiatic, to the residence of the king of the European-
Scythians, and their return, indicates order among the peo-
ple ; and the apology of the Asiatic prince, for the unpro-
voked aggression on Alexander's troops, appears to mark
government more regular, and people more civilised, than
the Scythian generally has been described. But the same
writer's account of the Nomad- Scythians, and especially
the character asserted to have been given of them by the
sovereign of a large portion of the nation, assist to show
the ground of the differences observable in different ac-
counts of that widely-spread people. 16 For the Amazons,
here first mentioned in Arrian's narrative, remark may best
be reserved for an occasion on which we find him entering
into some discussion of the reports transmitted by other
writers concerning them.

16 It may seem likely, founding conjecture concerning a most extensive
nation, of which we know of no historians, on the only ground afforded,
occasional notice of their transactions with other nations, that a superior
polity among one or more portions of them furnished the military power of
Gengis and the Turkish conquerors, and that, their conquests inviting all the
best of the population to emigrate, the remainder fell into the barbarism of
the wilder part of the nation, in which their posterity have remained.

SECT. v. INSURRECTION OF THE SOGDIANS. 75

SECTION V.

Different Character of northern and southern People of the
Persian Empire. New Rebellion of the Sogdians under
Spitamenes. Death of Spitamenes, and final Reduction of the
Sogdiana.

THE contrast between the stubborn people of the north and
the submissive millions of the southern provinces of the
Persian empire, who, while their monarch was yet living
and preparing to repair his losses, yielded to the conqueror
without a struggle, and remained apparently satisfied with
the new dominion, continues yet to become more Arr , 4
strongly marked. The Sogdians again rose in c> 15> 16 '
rebellion. Refusing obedience to the satrap appointed by
Alexander, a great proportion of them withdrew to strong
holds. 17 In these few words of Arrian is indicated the
foundation of the striking difference of character. In the
south, an immense population, in large proportion artizans
and manufacturers, all wholly unpractised in arms, were in
the habit of depending, for security of person and property,
both against fellow-subjects and foreign enemies, upon
others, to whom, under direction of their king and his
officers, the profession of arms was peculiar. In the north,
on the contrary, a scantier population, husbandmen, herds-
men, and hunters, were in the habit of reckoning arms
among necessaries, and of depending for safety, private and
public, much on themselves. Such men necessarily would
be respected by those in authority over them, and thence
would hold a considerable amount of freedom ; not ensured,
as far as appears, by any regular constitution of govern-
ment, but by the power which arms in their hands, and the
need of their chiefs for their service, gave. Practice in

17 tig 7 Igv/Mtroc.. Arr. L 4. c. 15.

76 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

arms, we have observed, under hereditary chiefs, had pre-
served the freedom of the Macedonian people under their
monarchal constitution. A state of things, not the same,
yet considerably similar, appears to have maintained the
independent spirit, and an effectual freedom, among the
northern subjects of the Persian empire. If the Macedo-
nian government was more irregular and undefined than
that, eulogised by Tacitus, which our Teutonic forefathers
established for the basis of the English constitution, that of
the Asiatics appears to have been still more irregular and
undefined. Yet, from the freedom they enjoyed through
the means which arms in their hands gave, seems to have
flowed the attachment to their monarch, and aversion to a
foreign dominion, beyond what was found among the people
of the south.

The Sogdian war thus required the employment
of the whole army, with which, after subduing
the Persian empire, Alexander had proposed the immediate
prosecution of conquest beyond its bounds. For the example
of the Sogdians immediately stimulated neighbouring people,
actuated by similar principles. A portion of the Bactrians
presently joined in revolt, and the disposition was supposed
extensive through that country. A large force therefore was
left under Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager;
principally as a body of observation, for the rising yet was
small. Alexander led the rest of his army against the
Sogdians. Arriving in their country, he divided his force
into five parts. Under the command severally of Hephaestion,
Ptolemy son of Lagus, Perdiccas, and Coenus, but associating
in authority with them his venerable Persian friend Arta-
bazus, he placed four divisions, for reducing the towns and
fastnesses held by the insurgents. With the remaining
division he went himself toward Maracanda, the capital of
the province, where he had a garrison.

SECT. V. WAR WITH THE SOGDIANS. 77

The people of these countries were more skilful in desul-
tory war in the field, than in the defence of walls or strong
positions, against the Grecian art of attack. The four
generals soon reduced all the places of refuge within Sogdia;
but, of the people, many had fled, with or after Spita-
menes, to the Scythian wilderness. This is not, like the
southern deserts, an ocean of driving sand; but rather, in
some parts, resembling Bagshot heath, in others the Cheviot
highlands or Salisbury plain ; affording firm footing for
cattle, and not wholly denying pasture. Alexander there-
fore detached Coenus and Artabazus against the Scythians,
while, to ensure the future obedience of the Sogdians,
Hephaestion was employed in establishing colonies of his
veteran soldiers and others, in the principal towns of the
country.

The apparent inconsistency in the conduct of Spitamenes,
who had so essentially served Alexander by delivering Bessus
to him, and then became presently and perseveringly hostile,
is not accounted for ; but that he was an active, bold, and
able enemy is evident. The Sogdians, who fled from Alex-
ander's arms, found, among the Massagete- Scythians, a kind
reception, which, apparently, Spitamenes had prepared for
them. The Massagetes were a plundering horde, generally
ready for adventure. Spitamenes persuaded six hundred
horsemen of them to join his Sogdians for an inroad into
Bactria. There he surprised a Macedonian garrison, made
the governor prisoner, put to death all of inferior rank who
could not escape by flight, because numerous prisoners were
inconvenient, and then proceeded toward Zariaspa, the capital.
The garrison there, as Arrian's account implies, was only
about eighty mercenary horse, with a few of the body of
royal Macedonian youths, and some of the royal companions,
left for recovery of health ; most however so far convalescent
as to be able to mount their horses and use arms. This

78 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

slender force then being found alert, the irregular enemy-
would not venture attack upon the town, but directed their
measures to plundering the surrounding country. Frequently
in accounts of military operations by military men, such as
Arrian, (those of others would prove nothing,) we find
deficient arrangement of gradation in command in Grecian
armies ; and sometimes such a sort of republican equality
that there was no proper commander. So we have seen it
in the recent disaster to Alexander's troops in Scythia ; and
so, in Arrian's account, it appears to have been here. The
only persons, in Zariaspa, of consequence enough to be
named by the historian, were Pithon, son of Socicles, entitled
chief of the king's household, and Aristonicus, a singer.
The enemy was seen dispersed for collection of booty. On
consultation all agreed to go out and attack them. The
bold measure succeeded so far that, killing many, they put
the rest to flight, collected the booty, perhaps mostly
cattle, and returned with it toward Zariaspa. But the
Scythians, the able Spitamenes being with them, soon re-
covering from the dismay of surprise, observed their enemy's
march, which, says Arrian, was disorderly, as being under
no regular command ; and, on account of their convoy, it
was necessarily slow. Getting before them, unperceived,
they placed themselves in ambush, at which they were ex-
pert, it being their common mode of attack. With superior
numbers then, falling on the Macedonians by surprise, they
killed sixty of the mercenary horse, and seven of the royal
companions : Pithon wounded was carried off a prisoner :
Aristonicus, acting, says Arrian, beyond what might be ex-
pected of one of his profession, as a brave soldier, or, in
the Greek phrase, a good man, died fighting. 19 The result,

18 Ki6cc.%toSos, a singer to the harp or lyre. This seems to mark nearly the
character of the minstrel of early modern ages.

19 Oit x7 xiOeteutioii ayijg at,y6os ytyo/Atvos. Arr. 1. 4. C. 16.

SECT. V. WAR WITH THE SOGDIANS. 79

though not stated by the historian, of course would be, that
the booty before taken was recovered by the victors, and
that they might, without immediate danger, extend their
marauding.

As soon as intelligence of this reached Coenus 20 ,

Air. 1. 4. c. 17.

he proceeded against the Massagetes. Informed
of his approach, they hastened toward the desert ; but, their
booty apparently making their inarch slow, he overtook
them. Meanwhile they had been joined by about a thousand
Massagete cavalry. With this re-enforcement standing an
action, they maintained it stoutly; but superior discipline
prevailed. About a hundred and fifty Scythians were killed :
the vigour of their horses and acquaintance with the country
enabled the rest to save themselves by flight; but their
booty would be finally lost.

Winter now approaching, the known severity

-B. C. 329-328.

of the climate, and the daring and persevering ffi'/cfsas-?.
activity of an enemy singularly formed to disturb
neighbouring countries in all seasons, though without strength
to protect their own, admonished to the measures which
followed. The large experience, the powerful influence,
and the tried fidelity and honour of the veteran satrap
Artabazus gave him a value which Alexander appears to
have estimated justly, and cherished accordingly. But the
fatigue of the government of a frontier province, like Bactria,
with a turbulent population, exposed to the intrigues and
possibly the attacks of such enemies as Spitamenes and the
Scythians, being too much for his years, he desired to
resign it, and Alexander appointed a Macedonian, Amyntas,

20 Polysperchon, Attalus, Gorgias, and Meleager were commanders for
defence of Bactria ; Ccenus and Artazabus were sent against the Scythians.
Considering what follows in Arrian (c. 17.)> it seems nearly clear that for
Craterus here should be read Ccenus; yet Craterus is mentioned again
(c. 18.) as if associated in command with Ccenus.

[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, preceding the Index.]

80 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

son of Nicolaus, in his room. His own winter

Arr. 1. 4. c. 18.

residence he took at Nautica in Sogdiana, the
most northern province of his acquired empire.

Meanwhile Spitamenes was in uneasy circumstances.
There was no longer safety for him in Bactria or Sogdiana,
but with an armed force ; and he could no longer keep an
armed force together than while he could provide for it the
allurement of plunder. A bold attempt was therefore neces-
sary, and without delay. Within the Sogdian territory, but
Arr. m sup. upon the verge of the Massagete-Scythian downs,

Strab. 1. 11.

P. SIT. was a town, of name variously written by the
Greeks, Gabae or Bagae, strongly situated on the Oxus,
where it divides Sogdiana from Bactria. There he induced
the Scythians to join him to the number of three thousand
horsemen; which, says Arrian, was not difficult, because
that people, having neither towns, nor any settled habitation,
feared little for anything they had to lose, and were urged
by want to use arms, always in their hands, for gain.

Alexander had committed the military command, within
the two frontier provinces of Sogdiana and Bactria, to his
approved, and now oldest general, Coenus. That officer,
informed of the measures of Spitamenes, marched to meet
him. A sharp conflict ensuing, the Macedonians remained
conquerors, with the loss, it is reported, of only twenty-five
horsemen, and twelve foot soldiers. Above eight hundred
of the enemy, all cavalry, were said to be killed. In the
flight of the survivors, Spitamenes was deserted by most of
his Bactrian and Sogdian followers. They, not disposed to
the life of the wandering Scythians, or to change their
fruitful lands for new settlements in the Scythian wilderness,
sent offers of submission, which Coenus accepted. The Scy-
thians then, disappointed of the plunder which they hoped
to have carried off for their winter subsistence, deserted
by their allies, threatened with invasion of their country

SECT. VI. CIRCUMSTANCES OF SCYTHIA. 81

by a prince who could command the service of numbers,
used, as they were, to the rigour of climate, and thus, for
themselves and their horses, which they valued almost equally
with themselves, apprehensive of starving, cut off the head
of Spitamenes, and sent it, as a propitiatory present, to
Alexander.

Thus was ended the little yet troublesome war with the
wild borderers, which had so long engaged the rapid con-
queror of the Persian empire.

SECTION VI.

Circumstances of Scythia. Country between Media and Scythia.
Siege of the Hill-fort of Oxyartes. Marriage of Alexander
with Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes. Conquest of the Persian
Empire completed.

THE smallness of the numbers attributed to the enemy, in
all the many engagements, mostly allowed to have been
sharply contested, is no inconsiderable warranty of the
fairness of the reports which have reached us of these
transactions. The Scythians, ancestors of those whom we
now call Tartars, holding the same extensive country, are
universally so described that the modern Tartars seem to
have inherited their character and manners, transmitted
through so many generations, unchanged. What we might
principally desire to know of them, beyond what has been
transmitted, is the state of the two great kingdoms of
Asiatic- Scythia and European- Scythia, indicated, as they
are, to have been Jield by people more settled and more
civilised than those who wandered over, rather than pos-
sessed, what the Greeks called the Desert. All accounts
mark the Scythians of those two kingdoms for a free people;
and it may seem to have been a superior civilisation, under
a free yet regular government, which produced that superiority
of character, whence some writers have represented the

VOL. X. G

82 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

Scythians altogether as a nation of philosophers ; while
others, led by the more striking peculiarities of character
and manners of the Scythians of the Desert, have considered
those peculiarities as forming the general character of the
nation. It seems however evident that, though in very an-
cient times Scythia may have sent out the hordes of whose
destructive emigrations uncertain rumour only reached the age
of letters, yet no Scythian kingdom ever was able to con-
tend for superiority with the Persian empire. The establish-
ment, in their country, of the great Cyrus's colony, which
the Greeks, apparently translating the Persian name, called
Cyropolis, proves the successful exertion of his superior
power; and the subsistence of that colony, and of the
Persian dominion over it, till it yielded to Alexander, satis-
factorily shows the continued existence of very superior
means in that empire, among all its troubles, and with all
the occasional misrule and weakness of its government in
later times. Thus then we find four distinctions of Scythians
clearly marked; the European kingdom, the Asiatic king-
dom, the wanderers of the Desert, and the people of the
Persian province. That the freebooting Scythians were
always alarming, often highly annoying to the Persian borders,
appears not doubtful. That they were difficult to be dealt
with, and hardly to be bound by treaties, may also be believed.
To them honesty was unprofitable ; war the source of wealth
and enjoyment. But the Scythian kingdoms had within
their bounds some of the most fruitful portions of the
earth. To them therefore peace was valuable, and a repu-
tation for good faith an important possession. Accordingly
it appears that they maintained peace and good faith with
Alexander.

In the course of the winter, Coenus, who had

Arr. 1. 4. c. 18.

commanded against the Sogdians and their Scy-
thian allies, and Stasanor, who had commanded in Aria, and

SECT. VI. EMPLOYMENT OF PERSIAN OFFICERS. 83

Phrataphernes, satrap of Parthia, returned to head-quarters
at Nautaca, reporting the complete execution of the busi-
nesses severally committed to them. We have seen it
Alexander's policy in his outset, apparently on just con-
sideration, to entrust the highest commands under him,
military or civil, only to Macedonians, bred under his father.
But early in his career of conquest in Asia, earnest to con-
ciliate the conquered people, he had committed to the great
among them high and even critical authority. To hold the
attachment of the republican Greeks was also evidently
much in his consideration. At the same time then that he
was liberal in favour to the Persians, he brought republican
Greeks also forward, and put them more upon a footing
with the Macedonian great. That some of all descriptions
would disappoint his hopes might be expected. Phradates, a
Persian, his satrap of Mardia and Topira, repeatedly sent
for, had failed to come. Nevertheless Alexander employed
a Persian, Phrataphernes, with whose conduct in Parthia
he had found reason to be satisfied, to bring him to obedi-
ence. Exodates, to whom he had committed the great and
important satrapy of Media, had exhibited symptoms of
disaffection. Another Persian, Atropates, was sent to
supersede him. Diodorus and Curtius have reported some
instances of mutiny among the republican Greek merce-
naries, and the desertion of a considerable body, with their
officers, when, after having shared largely of the riches of
the southern provinces, severe service in the northern was
before them. Not improbably Ptolemy and Aristobulus
would avoid mention of such a circumstance, and therefore
Arrian might avoid it. But as among the Macedonians
themselves loyalty was not so universal, or so certain, but
that [some of those most highly entrusted had been con-
demned for high treason, it was perhaps altogether the
safest, as well as the most liberal policy, to divide high
G 2

84* HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

favour and high confidence among men of the several nations
of the empire. Accordingly Eumenes, a Greek of Cardia in
Thrace, whose superior talents and satisfactory conduct had
earned him Alexander's favour in the confidential office of
his principal secretary, was raised to high military rank, and
entrusted occasionally with great commands. Stasanor, who
had executed satisfactorily the business in Aria, was a Greek
of Soli in Cyprus. He was now appointed to command in
Drangia. The government of Babylonia becoming vacant
by the death of Mazaeus, formerly in high situation under
Darius, was given to Stamenes, apparently a Macedonian.
Sopolis, Epocillus, and Menoedas, also probably Mace-
donians, were despatched home, to conduct thence recruits
for the army.

strab etArr ^ ne countries between Tartary and the great
eastern desert abounded in military posts of un-
common strength, such as in India our armies have fre-
quently had to contend for; small rocky hills, precipitous
on all sides. Habitual confidence in these fortresses, some
of which, never known to have yielded to an enemy, were
deemed impregnable, encouraged some principal men of
those parts, how otherwise incited does not appear, to join
in revolt against the conqueror. Oxyartes, an eminent
Bactrian chief, had submitted to Alexander. Nevertheless,
with many Bactrians, having engaged numerous
Sogdians in his party, he took possession of a
hill-fort in the highlands of Sogdiana, introduced large store
of provisions, and placed his family there as in a situation
of certain security, while himself, without, took measures
for extending insurrection. About the same time Chorienes,
an associated chief, took possession of a post of congenial
character in the adjoining province of Paraetacene,
while two others, Catanes and Austanes, excited
the Paraetacs to a general rising.

Arr.1.4. c. 18.

SECT. VI. SIEGE OF THE HILL-FORT OF OXYARTES. 85

The view of extraordinary difficulties appears always to
have stimulated the ardent mind of Alexander : easy enter-
prises had little gratification for him : to overcome what to
others had been insuperable was his delight. The siege of
the fort of Oxyartes, in all seasons an arduous undertaking,
was now the more so, as, in its lofty country, winter still
lingered when spring had invited to move from Nautaca :
on approaching the fort, it was found still surrounded by
deep snow. According to the liberal practice of modern
Europe, little known among the republican Greeks, Alex-
ander, before attacking, summoned it; offering protection
for those within, if they would surrender and go to their
several homes. Such liberality seems to have been as little
common among the Asiatics as among the republican Greeks,
and therefore perhaps was mistrusted. A scoffing answer
was returned, signifying that Alexander should seek some
winged soldiers ; for the garrison feared no others. Perhaps
this imprudent joke suggested the course that Alexander
took. His means to reward were great, and, for obtaining
a favourite purpose, his liberality little bounded. He caused
proclamation to be made, that he who first of a storming
party reached the top of the rock should receive twelve
talents, near two thousand five hundred pounds, and who
last, three hundred darics, about two hundred pounds.
Zeal was thus enough excited, and volunteers abounded.
But Alexander would not leave the business to

Arr. 1. 4. c. 19.

blind zeal. Among the multitude offering, dili-
gent inquiry was made for those most practised in climbing
mountains, and in mounting the walls of places besieged, of
whom three hundred were chosen. One side of the rock
was so lofty and precipitous that, ascent being supposed
impossible, no watch was kept by the garrison. There the
chosen three hundred, supplied with iron pins and short
ropes, going to work early in the night, drove their pins :
G 3

86 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

here into frozen snow, there into crevices of the rocks, and,
with their ropes assisting one another, mounted. About
thirty, losing hold and footing, fell, and perhaps perished ;
the rest reached the summit before daybreak. Alexander,
assured by signal of their success, with his army prepared
for assault against the less precipitous part of the hill,
again summoned the Indians to surrender ; informing them
that his winged soldiers had already possession of the
summit of their rock. In extreme surprise and conster-
nation, on having ascertained that it was so, without waiting,
and probably not having means immediately, to know the
number of those who had so unaccountably mounted, the
garrison surrendered at discretion ; and the family of Oxy-
artes became Alexander's prisoners.

It seems probable that when the family of Darius were
taken, none of his daughters were of marriageable age. His
wife, as formerly mentioned, had reputation among the
Greeks as the most beautiful woman of the empire ; and
Alexander, with a sense of honour that has justly earned
him universal eulogy, had treated her, while she lived, as a
sacred charge. But Oxyartes had a daughter marriage-
able ; said by those of Alexander's officers who were sup-
posed to have seen both, to have been, after Darius's queen,
the most beautiful of women. With her, as with the rest of
her family, Alexander did not scruple to make honourable
acquaintance ; and intercourse produced a passion, which
he proposed honourably to gratify by marrying her. In-
ducement, beyond personal beauty, not stated by the his-
torian, seems yet, in the progress of his narrative, in some
degree implied ; and, though the resolution were hasty, yet
its connection with political purposes, previously enter-
tained, appears probable. Communicating on it with his
friends, Craterus, to whom latterly he had most entrusted
high and difficult military commands, dissuaded it strongly.

SECT. vi. ALEXANDER MARRIES ROXANA. 87

On the contrary, Hephaestion, in whom he most confided as
a personal friend, encouraged it. To the Europeans gene-
rally, unless to some who had taken or desired to take
Asiatic wives, it was offensive ; but to Alexander's new and
now far most numerous subjects it was highly grateful.
The lady's father was still in arms against him, yet the
wedding was quickly solemnised.

Circumstances followed which would assist, in argument,
the favourers of the connection, though among the Greeks
it could not be esteemed otherwise than irregular.
Probably Alexander had good information of the
character of Oxyartes, who, it appears, had confidence in
that of Alexander. Presently he offered submission, which
was accepted, and he was received with honour and kind-
ness. It remained then to reduce the revolters in Parae-
tacene, the most southerly of those provinces which had
demonstrated a rebellious disposition, bordering on the
richer countries of quieter population, to which the soldier
chiefly looked for the reward of his dangers and sufferings
among the rough people in the rough climate where the army
now was. That war therefore would be, in the mind of all,
an important business. The mountaineer Paratacs are
described by Strabo as a nation of robbers, li ving chiefly by
plunder, and confiding in their fastnesses for security against
punishment for their aggressions. The lowlanders, or rather
inhabitants of the more level highlands, were more nume-
rous, and had more property to defend ; but were neverthe-
less addicted to predatory excursions, and thence practised
in arms. These had joined in the revolt, or perhaps were
principal in it ; confiding for defence against the conqueror
of the Persian empire, principally in the extraordinary cir-
cumstances of a hill-fort within their plains. The height
of the insulated eminence, if the number in our copies of
Arrian may be taken for correct, is more than a mile ; the
G 4

88 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LI.

measure probably being intended not of the perpendicular,
but of the slope, or, perhaps, of the ordinary way of ascent ;
the circuit was about two miles; clift on all sides. One
part only led to the summit, formed by art, narrow, and for
a single person difficult, even though none opposed. To
check military approaches, a deep ditch had been formed
around the foot of the hill.

For the engineer's art however to meet these difficulties
the neighbouring mountains bore an inexhaustible supply of
fir-trees. In felling and conveying these the whole army,
beyond camp-guards, was employed by reliefs. Galleries,
framed in the day, were erected in the night, and covered
with earth, for security against fire ; and shortly the edifice
attained such a height that missile weapons from it might
reach the besieged, from assailants hid by their defences.
Then the garrison, who at first had scoffed at the work,
became so seriously alarmed, that their chief, Chorienes,
sent a request to Alexander, that Oxyartes might be per-
mitted to come to confer with him. This was granted.
Oxyartes declared to Chorienes his opinion that no place
was impregnable to Alexander and his army, and no advan-
tage not to be expected from his friendship and generosity.
Upon this the Paraetac chief, without more negotiation,
taking some of his family and principal associates with him,
went and surrendered himself to Alexander, who did not
disappoint Oxyartes's promise. Chorienes, remaining with
some of his company, sent some back into the fort with
orders for its surrender, which were obeyed. Alexander,
curious to see the place, went himself, with an escort of
five hundred hypaspists, to take possession. Restoring
then the fort to Chorienes, he appointed him also to the
command of all the neighbouring country which he had
before commanded.

This war against the revolted highlanders, with the sieges

SECT. VI. ALEXANDER IN BACTRA. 89

of the two extraordinary fortresses, and the intervening
nuptials, for which some leisure would be taken, appear to
have consumed the summer*, so that before Chorienes
surrendered much snow had fallen, and the besieging army
was suffering from both cold and scarcity. Chorienes, in
just return for Alexander's generosity, gave a plentiful
supply from the store in his fort, and engaged to furnish
salted meat and other eatables for two months, if wanted,
avowing, or perhaps boasting, that so not a tenth of what
had been prepared for the siege would be consumed.

Catanes and Austanes yet maintained, in Parae-
tacene, what they would call the cause of their
country, but the Macedonians rebellion. Alexander sent a
body against them under Craterus. Their force evidently
was not large ; for, standing a battle acknowledged to have
been warmly contested, their loss in killed is stated at no
more than a hundred and twenty horse and fifteen hundred
foot. Nevertheless Catanes being among the slain, and
Austanes among the prisoners, the rebellion was completely
quelled, and thus ended resistance to Alexander's command
of all that had been the Persian, now the Macedonian or
Grecian empire.

To establish order in the northern provinces, and to
prepare for the farther conquests which he meditated,
Alexander then returned into Bactriana, and took his
head-quarters in Bactra, otherwise called Zariaspa, the
capital.

[* See extract from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenic!, preceding the Index.}

90 HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER LII.

CONTROVERSY ON THE KINGLY OFFICE AND DIGNITY.

TRIALS FOR HIGH TREASON. WAR PROSECUTED BY

ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS OF THE PERSIAN
EMPIRE.

SECTION I.

Republican Greek Philosophers following Alexander's Court.
Controversy on the kingly Office and Dignity.

WHEN it is considered that, with such scanty power in the
outset, Alexander's conquests now exceeded, both in extent
and rapidity of achievement, all that history reports before
him, and all that, in more than two thousand years, has
occurred in the world since, it may rather appear matter for
admiration that, at his early age, now but about his twenty-
sixth year, he preserved so long so much moderation and
prudence, than if, at length, moderation and prudence failed.
But, far as those conquests had led him from Greece, among
people of very different manners, policy, and prejudices, very
many times outnumbering the conquering nation, it seems
obvious that a reasonable policy might urge him to assume
to be, in all points, as great as those before him on the
Persian throne, or rather greater ; and this, not on his own
account only, but, for the sake of establishing, for the com-
paratively few thousands of Greeks about him, a permanent
command over the almost numberless millions become, with
them, his subjects, but their inferiors. At the same time
the constitutional freedom, the habits of simplicity, the ac-
customed familiarity with their kings, and the constitutional
control over them, which all accounts mark to have been
established among the Macedonians, would make the pursuit

SECT. i. POLICY OF ALEXANDER. 91

of this policy difficult. Nor would the difficulty be lessened
by the conflicting politics of the Grecian republicans. These
were numerous about him ; and, in stationary quarters, not
only military men, but others, and especially men eminent in
science and literature. Alexander's policy, in his first in-
vasion of Asia, led him, as we have seen, to profess himself
the patron of democracy ; less probably fearing Aristot.
inconvenience to result from such a policy, not h 6 - 4 (J 7 S ' 2>
so much because his master Aristotle held demo- nemos"* 1 '

de legal. ;

cracy to be the kind of government most con- pp-424,5.
genial with tyranny, but as he would know that, of all the
republics of Greece, some of the Peloponnesian democracies
had been most attached to his father, and even extravagant
in court and adulation to him.

The choice of line then for him to pursue, when become
master of the Persian empire, was of difficulty, such that
perhaps the ablest of modern politicians would be at a loss
to say, either what was the course most for his own interest,
or what for that of the Grecian confederacy of which he was
the elected head ; and, perhaps yet more, what for a just
performance of the weighty and quite new duty incumbent
on him, the protection of uncounted millions become his
subjects by his conquests. On ascending the splendid
throne, in which he superseded the long list of the Persian,
Median, and Assyrian dynasties, tracing their pretensions
from the first conqueror known in history, to adopt in some
degree oriental habits, and assume oriental state, was a
policy which a view to interest, and to the welfare of all
about him, probably would concur with inclination to press
upon him. In making the hazardous change however he
did not proceed hastily. Arrian does not, like some other
ancient writers, more careless of just authority, assert that
Alexander himself was the first to promote the requisition,
either of that form of salutation, in approaching him, too

92 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. MI.

nearly in the manner of adoration to the Deity, which had
been, from time immemorial, rigorously required of all in
approaching the Persian kings, nor that he himself first
broached the absurd notion that he was the son, not of
Philip, but of Jupiter Ammon. Among the Greeks, whom
the fame of his conquests, of his liberality, and of his patron-
age of arts and literature had drawn to his distant court,
and who had followed its wanderings, opposition of senti-
ment, much arising from opposition of interest, had pro-
duced division into parties ; and some recommended and
applauded, perhaps too much without reserve, the adoption
of oriental manners and customs, while others too rigorously
insisted upon the strict maintenance of Grecian habits and
practices, in circumstances in which they would never have
arisen, and for which they were so utterly unadapted, that
perhaps they could no way be established. But in his
earnest purpose of conciliating his new subjects Alexander
had clearly made a progress of no small importance to all
those, of his old subjects, who looked to profit from the
establishment of his new empire. Among these however,
Macedonians, his subjects by inheritance, and Greeks of the
republics, his subjects by their own election, between whom
he seems to have, made the least distinction that might be,
by the perhaps reasonable attachment of some, and the un-
reasonable prejudices and extravagant desires of others, that
purpose was thwarted.

We have, from Arrian, report of discussion on this
important and curious matter, said to have occurred in
Alexander's presence, and given as the best selection that
historian could make, among varying and contradictory
reports in his time extant, derived from persons present.
The care which Arrian continually manifests to use his best
judgment in comparing accounts, and the evidence his work
altogether affords of his desire to maintain a just impartiality,

SECT. I. PHILOSOPHERS IN ALEXANDER'S COURT. 93

are here eminent. The illustration therefore of the manners
of Alexander's court, which his report affords, especially
marking freedom of communication and conversation in the
king's presence and with himself, make it highly interesting ;
and the more from the consideration that the author held
high office in the Roman empire, in an age when science
and philosophy most flourished, and when nevertheless for
a previous century and half divine honours had been attri-
buted to the sovereigns 1 ; nor were discontinued till the
adoption of Christianity, for the religion of the state, extin-
guished the impious absurdity.

Anaxarchus and Callisthenes, both subjects of An-. 1.4. 0.22.

Plut. v. Alex.

the Macedonian monarchy, the former as a citizen p - 694 - E -
of Abdera, the latter of Olynthus 2 , were the most eminent
among the philosophers of Alexander's train, leaders of the
two adverse political sects. Anaxarchus is represented as a
courtier, a flatterer of the great, qualified to become the
favourite of an Asiatic despot ; Callisthenes, who had
studied under Aristotle, as a rough republican, extravagantly
disposed to flatter himself. Of his insolent vanity

Arr. 1. 4. c. 10.

Arnan mentions a remarkable instance, which,
though of uncertain authority, yet, as having been popular,
marks the popular opinion of the philosopher's character.
He claimed for himself to be greater than Alexander, and
for his literary works to be more glorious than all Alex-
ander's deeds of conquest and political regulation ; for, he
said, he did not follow that prince to be indebted to him for
glory, but to make him glorious among men ; and if Alex-
ander's connection with the godhead had credit, it did not

1 Virgil's flattery in this fulsome and impious way is, I think, the earliest
that has reached us. Horace has preserved so much more of a better school
as to reflect credit on his patron Maecenas, and on Augustus himself.

2 Curtius, unscrupulous in assertion, says, on another occasion, that Calli-
sthenes, as an Olynthian, was not entitled to the benefit of the Macedonian
law. Observation upon this will occur hereafter.

4 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LII.

come from what others falsely reported of his birth, but from
what he the philosopher, by his writings, persuaded men to
believe. To illustrate this eminent man's politics
also, Arrian furnishes an anecdote. Philotas, it
was said 3 , once in conversation with him, asked, "whom
he reckoned to be held most in honour by the Athenians."
" Harmodius," he answered, " and Aristogiton ; because
they killed one of the two tyrants, and procured the over-
throw of the tyranny." Philotas then asking, " where a
man who killed a tyrant might find surest refuge among the
Greeks;" Callisthenes answered, "if nowhere else, he
would be safe among the Athenians." Alexander having
the magnanimity (for if imprudent, it was yet a magnani-
mous imprudence) to admit a man of formidable talent, so
avowing the king-killing principle of Demosthenes, to his
counsels and his table, he may surely at least be excused the
admission also to his society of the courtly philosopher
Anaxarchus, as well as of the poet Agis, said to have been
not less a complete courtier, though a citizen of the demo-
cratical republic of Argos.

Concerning then the requisition of the ceremony called
adoration, which consisted in bowing to the ground, on ap-
proaching the royal presence, Arrian says that, among various
reports transmitted, what he preferred was this. Alexander
invited to an entertainment the principal Persians and Medes,
together with the principal officers of his army, and the prin-
cipal philosophers and eminent men attending him from va-
rious Grecian republics. Wine circulating, the philosopher
Anaxarchus began a preconcerted discourse, stating that
" Alexander might be more reasonably treated with divine
honours than either Bacchus or Hercules ; not only on
account of the superiority of his deeds, and the greater
extent of his conquests, but also because Bacchus was a

3 Eiri

SECT. I. CEREMONY OF ADORATION. 95

Theban, unconnected with Macedonia; Hercules, an an-
cestor indeed of Alexander, yet not a Macedonian, but an
Argive ; and surely it would be more consistent for the Ma-
cedonians so to honour their own king. That after death,
such honour would be paid him there could be no doubt.
How much better then to give him importance by it, in the
eyes of his new subjects, while living, than wait for his death
when that advantage would, for him, be gone by ! "

For Grecian minds, however enlightened by philosophy,
the extravagance of such a proposal obviously would be
lessened by familiarity with Grecian religion and that called
mythology, which taught that many of the Grecian gods had
been fathers of men, and warranted the claim for very many
Greeks, and eminently for Alexander, to be of a race de-
scended from a deity. Accordingly other philosophers of
Anaxarchus's party supported his proposal, some with
speeches, all with applauses. But the matter was not a
question simply either of compliment, or of religious con-
cern. It might not unreasonably be apprehended that the
change from Grecian to Persian habits, but especially if
honours were added to the living prince as to a Grecian
deity, would produce, or even seem to warrant, a claim to
that unlimited authority over all subjects, which those of the
Persian empire had been habituated, from time immemorial,
to admit in their sovereigns. The Macedonian
officers therefore were very generally dissatisfied,
yet held silence. The philosopher Callisthenes undertook
reply ; and the speech will deserve attention ; whether pure
from his day, or mixed and tempered with sentiments of
Arrian's own age, a century and half within the Christian
era ; when, on one hand, the attribution of divine honours
to the most worthless and vicious of men had been carried
to the most absurd and abominable extravagance, and, on
the other, even philosophers had condescended to gather

Arr. 1.4.C.11.

96 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LH.

from Christianity purer notions of the Godhead. " Of
honours," said Callisthenes, " which men pay to a man, I
think none too great for Alexander. But human and divine
honours are many ways distinguished. To the gods we
consecrate temples, we sacrifice, we pour libations. Hymns
are sung to the gods : praises are given to men ; but not
with the ceremony of prostration. We salute men with a
kiss : but to reach the gods, living beyond us, we worship
them with prostration. Dances are practised in honour of
the gods, and paeans are sung to them. Different honours
are paid to different gods, and to heroes again honours dif-
ferent from godlike honours. It cannot be proper to con-
found all these ; honouring men extravagantly, and derogat-
ing from the dignity of the gods, by giving to men equal
honours. It would, beyond others, become you, Anax-
archus, who for your learning and wisdom are admitted to
continual communication with Alexander, to recommend to
him these considerations, and divert him from contrary
purposes. Recollect that you are not advising Cambyses,
or Xerxes, but the son of Philip, of the posterity of Hercules
and ^Eacus. His forefathers passed from Argos

Arr.1.3. c.24.

into Macedonia, holding the sovereignty of the
Macedonian nation, not by violence, but under law. Her-
cules himself, while living, was not worshipped as a divinity ;
nor even after death, till the god at Delphi had clearly de-
clared that it should be so."

Curtius, as superior in dramatic arrangement as inferior in
all the most essential qualities of a historian, makes Alex-
ander withdraw during the discussion, to re-enter with effect
when it was concluded. Arrian's account, after some writer
apparently earnest to put forward the causes of philosophy
and democracy, makes him present during the whole ; thus
exhibiting more eminently the commanding boldness of the
democratical philosopher, But thus he marks also the

SECT. I. CEREMONY OF PROSTRATION. 97

character of the Macedonian constitution, which enabled a
subject to use such freedom with the sovereign. After the
preceding argument, directed to the meeting at large, Arrian
represents Callisthenes addressing the king himself thus :
" And if, because we are only a few thousands in a wide
continent of millions of barbarians, it may be in any degree
necessary to adopt barbarian sentiments, nevertheless I con-
jure you, Alexander, to be mindful of the Greek nation ;
for whose sake wholly the expedition was professed to be
undertaken, with the purpose of subjecting, not Greece to
Asia, but Asia to Greece. Consider, ^theiij when you
return to Greece, will you require of the Greeks, bred,
beyond all people, to reckon upon a liberal equality between
man and man, this servile ceremony ? Or will you make a
degrading difference for the Macedonians, and put upon
them alone this dishonour ? Is it not fitter that the dis-
tinction should be otherwise made ? That the Greeks,
including the Macedonians, should pay you human honours
according to Grecian customs, derived from remotest an-
tiquity, and that to the barbarians should be left the practices
transmitted from their forefathers ? Humiliation seems to
await the proud. Xerxes was put to shame by the Athe-
nians and Lacedaemonians ; Artaxerxes by Clearchus and
Xenophon ; and recently Darius has been levelled with the
dust by Alexander, not then worshipped as a god."

Arrian, still avoiding, with his usual just caution, to answer
for words, though reported to have been delivered in his own
language, in a numerous company, on a subject of great in-
terest, proceeds to demonstrate his opinion of the freedom
used, not less by republican Greeks than by the Macedonian
great, in communication with Macedonian monarchs, even
with Alexander, in the zenith of his triumphs. These and
similar arguments, he says, were very grating to
Alexander ; who nevertheless would not directly

VOL. x. H

98 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LII.

express dissatisfaction. That Callisthenes's freedom had
been gratifying to the Macedonians present was obvious.
Intimation nevertheless being given that the ceremony of
prostration would please the king, and was expected by him,
all the Persians rose, and, in order, made the obeisance, as
to their former monarchs. One of them appearing to humi-
liate himself more than the rest, Leonnatus, an eminent
Macedonian, previously, and afterward, much favoured by
Alexander, indecorously enough laughed at him. At this
Alexander did not scruple to express displeasure. But,
however swoln with pride, or bent upon a favourite pur-
pose, possessing, with a generous forgiving temper, much of
his father's talent to engage the willing obedience of men,
he would use no compulsion, and yet, for the moment, suc-
ceeded. It was customary, among the Greeks, to drink in
circle from the same cup. Alexander directed a golden
flagon to be filled with wine ; and, drinking from it himself,
sent it to one of several who had previously expressed his
approbation of the purpose of adopting the ceremony. This
person, not named by the historian, rose and drank, gave the
flagon to the cup-bearer, prostrated himself, and, on rising
again proceeded, after the Grecian custom, to salute the king
with a kiss. Others, also prepared, followed the example ; and
thus all those averse to the ceremony were led to comply,
except Callisthenes. He drank, and proceeded, but without
prostration, to offer the kiss. Alexander, talking at the
time with Hephaestion, did not observe the omission ; but
Demetrius 4 son of Pythonax informing him, he refused the
Grecian salutation from Callisthenes. The philosopher
withdrawing then said aloud, " I put up with the loss of a

4 Surnamed Phidon. Plut. v. Alex. p. 696. A. This story is related nearly
alike by Arrian and Plutarch. The latter informs us that its authenticity
rested on the report of Chares, of Mitylene, whose authority, it appears,
Arrian respected.

SECT. II. DEATH OF CLITUS. 99

kiss." If Alexander resented this insolence, it seems that
he had the temper not at the time to show it.

SECTION II.

Death of Clitus.

AMONG the Macedonians, by ancient custom, a
particular day of the year was sacred to Bacchus.
In the winter-quarters at Bactra Alexander took the fancy,
instead of Bacchus, to perform the sacrifice and hold the
feast in honour of Castor and Pollux. It might seem that
he meant thus to declare his esteem of the warlike character
of which those heroes were esteemed patrons, and his dis-
regard of the luxury which, perhaps not in the origin of the
worship, was supposed the care of the fabulous conqueror of
all the countries from Greece to farthest India, but in pro-
cess of corruption became so. Among Alexander's

Arr. 1. 7. c . 9.

virtues a general temperance is, on the best au- 28-
thorities, attributed to him. 5 In eating, Plutarch says, he
remained always moderate; faring, according to Plut . symp
his own assertion, reported by Arrian, like L1 ' p ' 6i
those under him, and even less luxuriously than some,
studious of delicacies. But in drinking, latterly, he some-
times deviated from his early sobriety, giving, according to
Arrian's phrase, into the barbarian habit of excess. 6 Yet,
according to Plutarch, his pleasure was in conversation more
than in wine, so that often when he sat long he drank little.
At the feast of the twin gods however the cup circulated
over freely. The company in general was heated, incm.auct.
when question arose about the history of Castor c -*-
and Pollux, how it was that they were reputed sons, not of

5 'HSovcJv til ruv [tlv rou tTM/^tnTOs lyx^a,TiffT(x.res. Arr. 1. 7. c. 28.

6 K.x'i -yu-s. ' 7* v fOTUv % 'AA|vo
Arr. 1. 4. c. 8.

H 2

100 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LH.

Tyndarus, their mother's husband, but of Jupiter. Hence
the discourse turned on their actions ; and at length some,
disposed to flatter the king, and urged by the fumes in their
head, insisted that, in greatness of achievement, those of
Bacchus were not comparable to those of Alexander.

Clitus, brought up with Alexander from childhood, and
now among his most favoured generals and most confidential
friends, nevertheless was among those who saw with uneasi-
ness his growing vanity, his growing partiality for oriental
manners and sentiments, and his disposition to abandon
the character of a Greek as contradistinguished from a
barbarian. Himself heated with wine, he reproved warmly
the flattery of the king to the dishonour of divinities. This
urged the others to greater extravagance. " All that was
reported of Hercules himself," they said, " was little, com-
pared with what had been done by Alexander. But human
envy denied to the merit of the living its due honour."
Clitus retorted, and at length, with the altercation, so lost
his temper and judgment, that, turning from those with
whom he had been arguing, he addressed the king himself
in very offensive terms. Alexander, heated like the rest
with wine, and irritated by the conversation he had wit-
nessed, became so provoked that he rose, and was advancing
with marks of vehement anger toward Clitus. Some of the
more sober and prudent managed to stop him, while others
Aristob a forced Clitus out of the room, and led him to a

guard, where Ptolemy commanded. Being how-
ever not strictly watched, he slipped away, returned to the
company, and immediately addressed Alexander with evi-
dent purpose of provocation. The king, unfortunately not
in a condition to command himself, snatching a weapon
from one of the attending guards, killed Clitus on the spot.
Alexander's almost immediate repentance for

this atrocious deed has been allowed by all writers,

SECT. ii. PARTIES IN ALEXANDER'S COURT. 101

however differing about particulars, to have been signal.
For three days he kept his chamber in the deepest grief,
and would neither eat nor drink. His friends, highly uneasy,
at length, with difficulty, persuaded him to take refresh-
ment, and resume his former habits of business and daily
meals. Some priests of Bacchus are said to have assisted ;
representing that the anger of the god, for the neglect of
customary honour, produced the catastrophe. To this
representation Alexander so far yielded that he performed a
sacrifice to Bacchus ; glad, says Arrian, to have the fatal
event attributed rather to the god's anger with him than to
his own disposition. The philosopher Anaxarchus took
occasion to use an analogous argument. " It was a saying
transmitted," he said, " from wise men of old, that justice
sat on the right hand of Jupiter, and whatever Jupiter de-
creed was just." He is reported to have proceeded to urge
the inference, afterward actually adopted by the Roman
emperors, that " whatever the king does is just." Pos-
sibly this may have been added by some ingenious Greek
among the enemies of Anaxarchus; for it seems uncalled
for by the occasion, and, on the contrary, rather weakening
the arguments drawn from the supposed pleasure of one
deity and anger of another.

Plutarch's account of the death of Clitus, dif- Plut v Alex .
fering in some particulars, is so far of the same p ' G
tenor with Arrian's that it may be considered as confirming
rather than contradicting it. But Plutarch has added what
assists to mark the character of Alexander's court and the
state of parties there at the time. Envy was not between
Greeks and Persians only. The respect with which Alex-
ander treated the republican Greeks generally, and the
honours with which he distinguished some, inflamed the
vanity which was not an uncommon Grecian failing ; and
the men of letters, almost all men of the republics, began
H 3

102 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LH.

to assume occasionally an offensive superiority over the
Macedonians, less generally educated to letters. " Do not
the Greeks appear among the Macedonians like demi-gods
among wild beasts ? " is a speech reported, no doubt on
the authority of republican writers, to have come from
Alexander himself. Callisthenes was admired for a sin-
gularly ready eloquence. On any proposed subject he
could speak immediately an interesting treatise, and defend
either side of any question with ingenious arguments. Yet so
far he kept this talent in reserve that he rarely entered into
general conversation ; oftener indicating silently a sullen dis-
approbation of the sentiments of others, than declaring any
of his own. In a numerous company once, the merits of
the Macedonians being proposed to him by Alexander for
a topic, he spoke so as to gratify all ; and the Macedonians
most highly. Alexander then, in a phrase of the poet
Euripides, said : " On an advantageous subject words will
be ready; but now, Callisthenes, show your powers in re-
presenting the faults of the Macedonians, so that hearing
they may mend them." Callisthenes, immediately taking
the other side of the question, abused the Macedonians
grossly, vilified the king's father, imputing his successes,
not to his talents, but solely to the divisions among the
republican Greeks; and concluded with a verse, probably
from some tragedy then familiar, " The wicked wretch
through discord honour won." The Macedonians present
showed themselves highly offended. Alexander himself
simply observed, that " Callisthenes had been less showing
his powers of eloquence than his ill-will toward the Mace-
donians." To this anecdote Plutarch has given value by
naming his authority for it ; Hermippus, a contemporary
of Alexander, he says, related that Stroibus, reader to
Callisthenes, reported it to Aristotle. Another anecdote,
also furnished by Plutarch, marks the freedom which Calli-

SECT. III. CONSPIRACY OF THE PAGES. 103

sthenes would take and Alexander would bear. On some
occasion the philosopher, finding or fancying himself less
well received than formerly, turned away, repeating in
Alexander's hearing, twice or thrice, this verse of Homer :
" Patroclus died ; a better man than thou : " which, adds
the biographer, is enough to justify Aristotle's observation,
that Callisthenes was great and powerful in eloquence, but
wanted just judgment. 7

SECTION III.

Conspiracy of the Band of Pages.

AFTER the death of Clitus, in the winter-quarters still of
Bactra, a conspiracy against Alexander's life, of a very
extraordinary kind, was discovered. The body-guard of
boys approaching manhood 8 , sons of the first ^.43.8.4.
men of the state, has been formerly described. f
They were the king's companions, it will be remembered,
in hunting, and by turns they mounted guard nightly in the
antechamber of his bedroom. Arrian mentions,

Arr. 1. 4. c. 13.

but as a report, for which he would not answer, u - L 8-

Plut. v. Alex.

though he seems to have thought it probably
true, that Alexander being on a hunting party from Bactra,
and going to strike a boar, Hermolaus, one of the youths
of the body-guard, insolently or indiscreetly struck the
animal before him. The youth's father, Sopolis, was of
high military rank, then employed on the recruiting service
in Macedonia. Nevertheless, for such a breach of order
and discipline, perhaps more than for personal disrespect,
Alexander ordered Hermolaus to be chastised with stripes,
in presence of the other youths, and deprived of his horse.

7 Neu> S= olx iix, iv -

8 Oa-oi Is faixiKv i(Aiitxi<rotvro. Arr. L 4. c. 13.

H 4

104? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LII.

The king's anger was passing, but the youth's indignation
was not so. He was re-admitted, it is evident, to the
former honours of his situation, or his chosen opportunity
for revenge would not have occurred. He is said to have
been a diligent and favourite scholar of Callisthenes ; who,
according to report, as we have seen, which appears entitled
to credit, was a preacher of the doctrine of the lawfulness
and merit of tyrannicide. It seems indeed difficult to
conceive that, without some such stimulation, what fol-
lowed could have happened. Hermolaus, the more his own
master as his father was absent, engaged four other youths,
sons of eminent Macedonians, together with the son of
Carsis, who, though a Thracian, appears to have ranked
among those of the Macedonian court most honoured, in
the horrid plot to murder their king in his sleep. For
executing this the night was chosen when Antipater, one
of the conspirators, whether alone, or in command of
others, was to hold the watch in the antechamber. The
father of Antipater, Asclepiodorus, was actually satrap of
Syria, perhaps the most important command within the
new empire. Alexander, however generally a model of
temperance, yet of a constitution to bear long tension of
the faculties, and to be uneasy in rest, would in the leisure
of winter-quarters, even after the catastrophe of Clitus,
and perhaps as medicine for his severe feelings resulting
from it, indulge sometimes immoderately in protracting the
pleasures of the table. The character of the company he
most encouraged favours the apology for him, that liberal
and instructive conversation was altogether his object ; yet
it appears on all hands acknowledged that he would some-
times drink to excess. Arrian, on the authority of Ari-
stobulus, has thought what follows worthy of a place in his
narrative. A Syrian woman, pretending to inspiration, had
followed Alexander from her own country, and was ad-

SECT. III. DETECTION OF THE CONSPIRACY. 105

mitted occasionally to his presence : first as an object of
ridicule for himself and companions ; but, her forebodings
being often justified by the event, at length she gained great
estimation, insomuch that access to him was denied her
neither day nor night, and she frequently watched him
sleeping. This woman, meeting him, on the night proposed
for his assassination, as he was retiring from his company,
conjured him to return. At her pressing instance he did
so, and, continuing his carousal till daylight, escaped the
danger prepared for him. From a man of the rank and
means of information of Aristobulus, if only as marking
the manners and opinions of Alexander's court, this could
not but require the modern historian's notice.

Next day one of the conspirators revealed the secret to
a young friend. He told another, who hastened to declare
it to Ptolemy son of Lagus, and the five youths were
presently arrested. Being put to torture, accord- ptoi. et

Aristob. ap. ;

ing to the Macedonian law, they revealed the Arr -
whole plan of their conspiracy; and declared Callisthenes
to have been their instigator. They were then brought
to trial before the Macedonians of the army. According
to some writers, unnamed by Arrian, Hermolaus boldly
confessed and gloried in the plot, telling his judges that
it could not become freemen to bear the indignities put
upon them by Alexander. Proceeding then to particulars,
he noticed the unjust condemnation of Philotas ; the still
more illegal execution of Parmenio ; the murder of Clitus
in a fit of drunkenness ; the assumption of the Median
dress ; the requisition of the ceremony of adoration ; not
however saying it was insisted on, but only not aban-
doned ; the drinking by night, and sleeping by day, of the
man who, beyond all others, ought to watch for the good
of all.

If credit should be given to this account, it however

106 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. ril.

proves that freedom of speech was largely allowed to the
accused. But indeed so far all accounts concur, that the
trial was according to all the forms of law required by the
free though rude constitution of the nation; that the
assembled Macedonians condemned Hermolaus, and the
youths engaged with him, to death ; and that they proceeded
to execute the sentence, according to the national custom,
known as also that of the Jews, by overwhelming them with
stones.

The philosopher Callisthenes, accused of instigating the
plot, was apprehended. Aristobulus related that he was
carried about a prisoner, with the army, and died of disease
in the course of nature. On the contrary Ptolemy asserted
that he was put to torture, and then hanged. 9 " So
widely," observes Arrian, " have those who ought to have
been most worthy of confidence, and who, as present with
Alexander, must have had all opportunity for knowing such
facts, differed about them." This, it must be confessed,
is an extraordinary difference ; hardly to be accounted for
unless upon the supposition that, among the distractions
which followed Alexander's death, with opportunity for
either, in the situation where he then might be, to obtain
credit for a matter happening in a very distant country,
some private interest instigated one, and we are without
means to decide which, of those eminent writers. Thus
much however appears from all accounts of Callisthenes,
that he was a turbulent and mischievous preacher of de-
mocracy, long favoured by Alexander's liberality beyond
prudence. His imprisonment and death, as, from the utter
uncertainty of the circumstances, they were a most con-
venient, so they became a favourite subject for following

9 %$i[*.o-8ivrx,. There has been controversy among the modern critics of
the continent about the exact import of the word, as describing a capital
punishment, decision of which I will not undertake.

SECT. HI. PUNISHMENT OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 107

democratical writers ; who appear to have made large use
of the opportunity afforded, by the impossibility of absolutely
proving falsehood, to assert, very variously, anything to
their purpose.

108 HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER LIII.

WAR PROSECUTED BY ALEXANDER BEYOND THE BOUNDS
OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

SECTION I.

Force of Alexander's Army. Natural and political Circumstances
of India westward of the Ganges. March into India, and
Conquests there. Grecian Colony established in India. Indian
Cattle sent to Greece.

ALEXANDER, having set out for the conquest of Asia, as
we have seen, with a land force of less than forty thousand
men, and with a revenue too scanty to maintain the fleet
wanted for co-operation with it, now, with the income of
the Persian empire, commanded a corresponding army.
With guards and garrisons in all the provinces, and ad-
ministration so arranged that disturbance of the new order
of things arose nowhere, or nowhere so as to engage the
notice of historians, those provinces enjoying a freedom
from commotion and from the private wars of satraps
unknown perhaps since the defeat of Xerxes in Greece,
unless in the latter years of Ochus, Alexander's moving
army, under his immediate command, according to Curtius,
who alone of extant writers has given the number, was a
hundred and twenty thousand men. Exactness in the
round sum will not be supposed ; yet the amount is no way
beyond probability, nor does anything from Arrian imply
contradiction of it. Doubtless, in a new empire, to main-
tain a large disposable force would be necessary, and in

SECT. I. DISQUIETUDE OF ALEXANDER. 109

so wealthy an empire means abounded. To maintain satis-
faction with quiet in a conquering army would be the
difficulty ; for Alexander the greater from the very rapidity,
extent, and value of his conquests, in which the soldier
was accustomed to have all fall before him, and to find
large reward, if not with little labour and danger, yet in
little time. But his latter campaigns, though everywhere
still victorious, could not have been gratifying, like the
earlier, to either soldier or officer. Instead of a great
battle splendidly successful, or an obstinate siege once or
twice in a season, followed by the ready submission of the
richest countries and largest cities in the world, there had
been continual hard fighting, in a climate of the severest
alternacy of heat and cold ; and though the success so
hardly obtained was most important for the quiet and
stability of the empire, yet in comparison with what had
preceded, little ensued of either glory for the chief, or profit
for the soldier.

But the passion for adventure and impatience of rest,
common in youth, had been, in Alexander's ardent temper,
stimulated by extraordinary success and fixed by habit in
exertion ; holding all his faculties now for years almost
unremittingly on the utmost stretch. With this, to a mind
highly susceptible of fine feeling, reflection on things recently
past could not but be greatly uneasy. If Parmenio and
Philotas were guilty, that those whom he had so esteemed
and honoured and trusted should so prove, must have been
of bitter consideration. If they were innocent, or if their
guilt, as in all accounts it seems to have been, was, at least
in the imputed amount, doubtful, reflection on the cata-
strophe would be still more biting. His poignant grief for
the death of Clitus, though, after three days' most acute
suffering, smothered so far as no longer to interrupt his
public functions, could not so end. Pondering on all these

110 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

matters would contribute to chasten his generous yet over
ardent temper, and prepare it to bear the disappointment,
which apparently he found it expedient to bear, of failure
in the purpose in which at first he seems to have been
keenly earnest, to establish the ceremony called adoration,
in approaching his person, together with the opinion, or
the acknowledgment, that his dignity, if not his nature also,
was superhuman. The idea of a man partaking of divine
nature and dignity was familiar among the most cultivated
of ancient nations ; and the estimation of such superiority
to the bulk of mankind would be not simply gratifying to
human vanity, but probably important, and perhaps in-
dispensable, toward obtaining that respect among subject
nations for the conqueror of the Persian empire, with which
the conquered dynasty had for ages been treated ; and
desirable, not for the prince only, but for all who were to
share with him in profit from the conquest. That a
powerful party therefore would favour the extravagant idea
is not wonderful, and under this view much consideration
certainly is due to Alexander himself.

These circumstances of sorrow and disappointment appear
to have been among stimulations for Alexander to seek new
conquests. But there were still others. It was evidently in
his nature to desire to show the Macedonians that, with the
wish he had manifested for extravagant honour as a divinity,
it was not his purpose to seclude himself, like some of the
Persian monarchs, among the pleasures of his palace, avoid-
ing in future the labours and dangers and privations of the
common soldier. But he had still farther and greater
views.

For some time now we have been engaged with transac-
tions in countries imperfectly known from either ancient
accounts or modern, yet known to have remained always
very deficiently civilised. The sea, in the infancy of art

SECT. I. NATURAL CIRCUMSTANCES OF INDIA. Ill

and science the divider of nations, beneficial to mankind by
affording security for the weak against oppression from the
strong, became in their advancement otherwise beneficial,
giving means for advantageous communication between the
most distant. Thus while a large portion of the Persian
empire, nearly central in the greatest continent of our globe,
has remained, still for us, in much obscurity, countries of
vast extent beyond that empire, against the ocean, have
become in large proportion even familiarly known. Interest
and curiosity together inciting, the talents of seamen,
soldiers, merchants, geographers, philosophers have been
largely and laboriously exerted, and the results of their
inquiries have been ably given to the world. Formerly,
if, anywhere among the learned, suspicion was entertained
of romance in even the gravest accounts of Alexander's
transactions in that distant part of the world whither we
are now to follow him, such suspicion could not, on sure
ground, be controverted. But the new and certain light,
in modern times obtained, affording much confirmation of
the best ancient accounts, often deriving assistance from
them, and rarely finding them in error, tends to establish
widely the faith of ancient history. Not simply as it
establishes the credit of Alexander's historians, especially
Arrian, for matters in countries at length laid open to
European curiosity, but farther as it reflects credit on the
most authentic, and assists estimation of the more question-
able accounts of things and transactions in countries less
admitting observation and inquiry.

It is now ascertained that the northern part of western
India, to a great extent watered by the numerous streams
issuing from the boundary mountains of Scythia, which, at
intervals uniting, form the great river Indus, is among the
most productive in the world, and thence in ancient, as in
modern times, extraordinarily populous and wealthy. Of

112 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lin.

wars between the Indian princes and the Persian empire
accounts remain ; but scanty and uncertain, nor is any great
result from them indicated. Probably the limits of the
Persian empire, on this side, were not very steadily main-
tained, and perhaps never very exactly decided. But with
Alexander's views it would be an important political object
to establish a certain boundary, and to provide for its being
respected. Doubtless he would have intelligence of the
wealth of India; nor would information fail him of the
worthlessness of a great extent of country between India
and Persia Proper, barren, nearly as the desert he had
traversed in Africa, but affording refuge for wild hordes in
its neighbourhood, whence they avoided submission to any
government. Arrangement of some sort for this eastern
boundary of his new empire was obviously, in various
views, wanting ; and Alexander's views, always great, were
often directed to extensive benefit for mankind. Whether
the learned Vincent had ground for the supposition that,
when he founded his city of Alexandria in Egypt, he had
already conceived the idea, not only of carrying conquest
to the Indus, but also of establishing a commercial com-
munication between the Indian shores and that city, it
seems not doubtful that, when, having completed the con-
quest of the Persian empire, he resolved still to prosecute
conquest eastward, such contemplation was in his mind.

In Arrian's account of India, not only natural but political
circumstances also are described, in large part, as they exist
at this day. The country was divided into numerous
principalities, to several of whose chiefs he gives a title 1
indicating allegiance to some paramount sovereign; yet
shows that they possessed power to make war and peace
for themselves. Contests between these chiefs abounded ;

f, seeming to mark nearly the modern, perhaps also ancient,

SECT. T. MARCH TOWARD INDIA. 113

and probably among them, on this eastern verge of the
Persian empire, as among the Grecian republics on the
western, it had been the policy of some to obtain support
from that empire ; whence, on their conqueror's arrival with
his victorious army in their neighbourhood, a disposition to
court him was ready.

Such was the climate of Bactria that it appears to have
been necessary for Alexander to wait in the winter quarters
there till spring was considerably advanced*, before the
roads were sufficiently open for conveniently marching in
any direction. Even then the extent of the Indian mountains
eastward was forbidding, in no season affording an easily
practicable road. Alexander therefore, leaving

& Arr.l.4.c.22.

ten thousand foot and fifteen hundred horse,
under the command of Amyntas, for the security of the
northern provinces of his acquired empire, directed his
march, with an army of probably more than a hundred and
twenty thousand of all arms, first southward. Crossing,
in that course, without difficulty the ridge of Caucasus, the
southern boundary of Bactria, in ten days he reached his
colony of Alexandria in Paropamisus. That colony he
strengthened by allowing those of his army less fit for active
service to remain there, in houses already provided ; and
he associated with them some of the neighbouring natives,
who were willing to become their fellow-citizens. Dis-
satisfied then with the conduct of the officer whom he had
left governor, he removed him, and, committing the military
command to Nicanor of the band of companions, he ap-
pointed Tyriaspes, apparently a Persian, to the chief civil
authority, with the dignity of satrap.

[* " Mr. Mitford, although he rightly dates the Indian expedition in the
spring of B. c. 327, yet in the detail has made it a year later." Clinton. See
the proofs of this in an extract from his Fasti Hellenici, preceding the
Index.}

VOL. X. I

114- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII.

From the border of Paropamisus eastward a great extent
of valuable country, held by people of the Indian nation,
seems to have been claimed as a portion of the Persian
empire ; perhaps conquered by the first Darius, or perhaps
by Cyrus ; but latterly, in the weakness and troubles of the
imperial government, the chiefs of districts appear to have
assumed an independent authority. Nevertheless Alexander
found no resistance, or none noticed by the historian, in his
march to a city which the Greek writers call Nicaea; pro-
bably translating a Persian name, commemorating a victory.
A peaceful transaction only is mentioned there, a sacrifice to
Minerva. Whether or no there may have been any farther
view in this, it would of course be a regale for his army.
Still unopposed then he proceeded without opposition to
the river Cophen. Here the historian indicates that, though
he claimed sovereignty beyond that stream, (whether as suc-
cessor to the conquests of Persian kings, or in pursuance of
the Grecian claim against all barbarians, or if any other
ground might be, does not appear,) he was doubtful of the
acknowledgment of his claim. A herald was sent forward
to the chiefs of districts, with orders for them to attend the
paramount sovereign, as, in his progress, he might approach
them.

At this time Taxiles, a bordering chief, powerful by his
interest among neighbouring states, was at enmity with a still
more powerful chief, Astes, prince of a district still eastward,
which the Greeks called Peucelaotis. Under the lead of
Taxiles, all the chiefs westward of Peucelaotis came to
wait upon Alexander, bringing large presents, as the custom
in India still is, and offering all the elephants they possessed.
These, only twenty-five, were apparently not the produce of
their northern country, but obtained from the southward.

The submission of Taxiles and his associates

Arr. 1. 4. c. 22.

appears to have determined the opposition of

SECT. I. SUCCESS OF THE ARMY IN INDIA. 115

Astes, with a powerful party adhering to him as their chief.
Hephaestion therefore and Perdiccas were sent with a strong
division of the army against them. Astes shut himself
within his principal town, to which siege was laid; and,
after a resistance of thirty days, it was taken by assault, in
which himself was killed. All the more level country then
submitting as far as the Indus, Hephaestion and Perdiccas,
according to their instructions, proceeded to prepare means
for the difficult passage of that great river.

Meanwhile Alexander was pursuing labours and dangers,
perhaps with more than former eagerness, to relieve a
troubled mind. Three obscure nations, the Aspics, Thyrees,
and Arasacs, confident in the strength of their rough and
mountainous country, and in their own valour and skill in
arms, refused submission. After a troublesome march, having
with difficulty crossed the river Choes, he found a country
before him in which cavalry might act. Expecting then that
the inhabitants would remove all portable valuables to their
fortresses or to the nearest highlands, he put eight hundred
Macedonian heavy-armed foot on horseback, and with these
and all his cavalry he hastened forward, leaving the main
body of his infantry to follow at an easy pace. But, as he
approached a large fortified town, the people, observing the
smallness of his numbers, and confident in their superiority,
quitted their walls to meet him in the field. His experience
enabling him to estimate, better than they, his own strength
and theirs, he proceeded immediately to attack them ; and
the charge of so considerable a body of regular cavalry, of
which they had no previous idea, drove them within their
gates. In the short yet sharp conflict however Alexander
and two of his most active young generals, Leonnatus and
Ptolemy son of Lagus, were wounded ; but the injury to
himself, which was in the shoulder, through the excellence
of his defensive armour, was not severe,
i 2

116 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII.

Next day assault was made on the town, which was sur-
rounded with two walls. The outer was mastered with
little difficulty: the inner was at first defended bravely.
But the Indians feeling soon their inability to resist, in close
fight, the Grecian weapons and discipline, issued by the
gates which afforded best opportunity, and fled for the
mountains. The Macedonians, pursuing, angry, says Arrian,
that their king had been wounded, gave no quarter; and
Alexander himself appears to have sanctioned this illiberality
by destroying the town. The proximity of the mountains
however gave present safety to the greater part of the
people.

The success nevertheless, and the severity together, had

their effect. The next town, Andax, presently surrendered ;

and the principal difficulties for the reduction of that part

of the country were so far overborne that nothing inviting

for Alexander's fancy remained. The business

Arr. 1. 4. c. 24.

therefore of accepting or compelling the obedience
of those who had not yet professed it, and of taking the
measures necessary for the future administration, he com-
mitted to Craterus; who seems to have been judiciously
selected as, after Parmenio, the ablest of his generals. For
himself he continued to prefer the business of most labour
and danger. With a chosen portion of the army, infantry
and cavalry, he proceeded to a town, described only as the
principal city of the Aspies, where the principal strength of
the country was collected under its chief. By a forced
march he reached it in two days. The inhabitants, in
extreme alarm, burnt their town, and fled to the mountains ;
yet not so timely but that many were killed by the pursuing
Macedonians.

The multitude however soon recovering in some degree
from their first alarm, their chief, who did not want personal
courage, collected a force about him on a hill, projected

SECT. I. RESISTANCE OF THE INDIANS. 117

from the body of the highlands into the plain, and thence
observed his enemy's motions. Under a prince so little
sparing of himself as Alexander, there would of course be
emulation of his conduct. Ptolemy son of Lagus, having,
in the division under his command, a part of that select
body called the hypaspists 2 , led them against the Indian
prince. Protected by their armour, and powerful by their
discipline, they soon compelled the very superior number
of the Indians, though very advantageously posted, to fly.
Ptolemy followed ; and when the steepness and roughness
of the ground made farther progress with his horse difficult,
he alighted and pursued afoot. The Indian prince, whether
checked in retreat by increasing difficulty of the ground, or
reckoning upon advantage from that already reached, engaged
those about him to turn against his pursuing enemy, and
himself drove his long lance against Ptolemy's breast. The
point however was effectually resisted by the armour it met,
and Ptolemy, directing his weapon against his assailant's
thigh, pierced it, and the Indian fell. Those immediately
about him then fled in dismay, and the Macedonians pro-
ceeded to carry off the wounded prince. But by this time
the Indians had collected in great number, on the nearest
heights, and, on seeing the distress of their prince, a general
effervescence of grief and indignation among them produced
a strong effort to relieve him. It was however too late ; for
Alexander, hastening with his mounted heavy infantry to
the foot of the hill, and there making them alight, presently
arrived. Nevertheless the valour and obstinacy of the
Indians had been so excited that not without difficulty they

2 It has before been observed that satisfactory information of what charac-
terised the uxot.orxia-Toe.'i fails. It might seem indicated here that they were
cavalry, carrying larger shields than those found most convenient for the
general cavalry service, and thence more capable of acting with the heavy-
armed foot ; but in other instances they are clearly marked as infantry, and
neither here nor elsewhere clearly as cavalry.

I 3

118 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LHI.

were driven back, and the prince's body, whose wound
appears to have been mortal, remained with the Mace-
donians. 3

Alexander then crossed the mountains to Arigaeum, a
town which he found deserted and burnt. Here Craterus,
with the main body of the army, rejoined him, having
brought the province of Peucelaotis to complete obedience.
Sangaeus, an Indian chief who had been driven from his
territory by Astes, being connected in friendship with Taxiles,
had been introduced to Alexander's protection, and so
gained his esteem that he was now appointed to the govern-
ment of the country which had been his enemy's principality.
Neither the policy by which conquest should be maintained,
nor that by which the fatigues of service (great indeed were
those he often required) should be relieved, and cheerful-
ness under them promoted, seem ever to have failed in
Alexander's mind. The situation of Arigseum appearing
favourable for a colony, he appointed Craterus to super-
intend the rebuilding of the burnt town ; directing him
meanwhile to encourage the fugitive inhabitants to return
with any neighbouring people who might be disposed to
accept the settlement, in which he joined with them any
soldiers of his army less fit for fatigues to ensue, who were
disposed to rest there.

But the people of the Arigaean country, far from yet show-
ing any disposition to a general submission, had assembled
themselves and their cattle in a strong situation. Alexander,
with some imperfect information of their measures, leaving
Craterus to his appointed employment, marched himself
towards them with a chosen force. Ptolemy, on a foraging
party, extending his observation far, came in view of the

3 Arrian has not said whether this exploit of Ptolemy was related by him.
self; but his narrative seems in some degree to indicate that this part of it,
together with what immediately follows, was from Ptolemy.

SECT. i. CONQUEST OF THE ARIGJEANS. 119

enemy's station : and, on his return, reported that, from the
extent of the height they occupied, and also from their fires,
it appeared probable that their numbers far exceeded his.
Alexander, having considered the circumstances, resolved
upon three simultaneous assaults. Committing one division
of his army to Ptolemy, and another to Leonnatus, he took
himself the immediate command of the third. To

An. 1. 4. c. 25.

Ptolemy, who had made the observation, he as-
signed the attack where was the greatest difficulty of ground.
For himself he took that where it was supposed the greater
opposing force might be expected. But the Indians, observ-
ing the smallness of his numbers, confidently descended
into the plain to meet him. Thus disadvantage of ground
remained only for Ptolemy's division. The bravery of
superior numbers then was so little availing against superior
arms and skill and science that victory was easy. The
prisoners, according to Ptolemy's account, women and
children probably included, were no less than forty thousand.
Neat cattle, to the amount of two hundred and thirty
thousand, were the farther fruit of the contest ; perhaps an
exaggerated enumeration, rather to be attributed to the
error to which, in repeated transcriptions, reports of numbers
are so obviously liable, than to the real testimony of so
informed and eminent a writer. Here again Alexander
showed, in a matter generally of small interest among
conquerors, his attention still to his native country, and*
what he was frequently, among his military exertions and
the conquests resulting from them, evincing, his attention to
the general welfare of mankind. Reviewing the cattle, he
observed the peculiarities of their make ; and being assured
of their superiority to those of Europe, especially for work-
ing, he ordered a selection of them to be sent to Macedonia,
to improve the breed there. Modern observation does
credit to Alexander's judgment in this matter, so out of the
I 4;

120 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

ordinary course of conquerors, and to Arrian's information
concerning it ; the Indian cattle being found, at this day, of
a form admired among our breeders for beauty, superiorly
disposed to ready fattening, and, as Arrian says of them, of
extraordinary strength, activity, and power of perseverance in
labour ; though found inferior for another great public pur-
pose, milking. The judicious reader, it may well be trusted,
will find gratification rather than disgust in this little familiar
episode, which the eminent officer, afterward founder of the
Grecian monarchy of Egypt, and Arrian's guide, thought
not unworthy of a place in his history of his sovereign, the
greatest conqueror the world had known.

SECTION II.

War with the Assakene Indians. Indian mercenary Troops.
Questionable Deed of Alexander. Siege of Mount Aornos.
Conquest carried to the River Indus.

CRATERUS, having completed, as far as immediate occasion
required, the rebuilding and fortifying of Arigsum, and the
necessary arrangements for the new settlement there, joined
his king with the main body of infantry of the phalanx and
the besieging artillery. Next in the proposed progress was
the country of the Assakenes ; who, Arrian says, could
bring into the field thirty thousand foot, two thousand
horse, and thirty elephants ; which he mentions as compa-
ratively a great force among the small nations of these parts.
No offence from that people is mentioned or intimated, unless
that they declined to acknowledge themselves subjects of
the conqueror of the Persians. Whether any former con-
quest of their country, by Persian kings, afforded a pretence
to claim dominion over them history does not say. But the
Indians were Barbarians, that is, not Greeks, and therefore,
according to the common Grecian tenets, fair objects of sub-

SECT. ii. WAR WITH THE ASSAKENE INDIANS. 121

jugation. Alexander proceeded still as if fatigue and danger
were his chief delights. Taking the lead of a small body,
but of all arms, the river Guzaeus crossed his way. Rapidity
of current, and a bottom composed of round stones, denying
sure footing for man and beast, made the passage, even
without hostile opposition, so difficult and hazardous that
the Indians, assembled on the opposite bank, supposed it
would not, in face of an enemy, be attempted. Alexander's
troops however advancing in regular order to the bank,
dashed, without hesitation, into the stream. Probably the
fame of his invincibility operated then on the minds of the
Indians, and enhanced their alarm. Without waiting to see
the event of the struggle with the difficulties of the passage,
they fled, and betook themselves to their towns. Alexander
proceeded immediately to Massaga, then* capital.

In that age, in India, as in Greece, and as in An-, i. 4. c . 26.

Plut. v. Alex.

India still at this day, war was a trade, so that a P- 698 -
mercenary force was always to be procured for hire. The
Assakenes had strengthened themselves in Massaga with
such a force, to the amount of seven thousand men. Alex-
ander, with his small advanced body, encamped before their
walls. Confident in superior numbers they sallied to attack
him. He, confident in superior arms and discipline, desired
more space for pursuing them when he should have put them
to flight ; and accordingly he led hastily away from the town.
The Indians, encouraged thus, pursued in much haste, and
in no order. As soon then as their bowshots reached his
troops, he ordered to face about, and advance speedily
against them. The horse-darters, the bowmen and the
Agrians preceded ; Alexander himself led the phalanx. The
Indians, astonished at the unexpected event, after having
borne the attack of the light-armed, took to flight on the
approach of the phalanx. About two hundred were killed;
the rest found safety within their walls. Alexander, at the

122 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII.

head of the phalanx, approaching these, received an arrow
in his foot, but the wound was slight.

Next day the battering engines were brought against the
fortification, so little adapted to resist such machines that a
practicable breach was quickly made. Assault was imme-
diately attempted, but the resistance was such that Alex-
ander ordered retreat. Next day a wooden tower was
advanced, whence bowmen, in shelter, discharged their
arrows with effect, and machines threw more weighty wea-
pons. But Grecian discipline did not give the same advan-
tage against numbers, behind the rudest fortifications, as in
the field. Such was the resistance of the garrison that the
besiegers could not penetrate. On the third day therefore
a bridge was thrown from the moveable tower to the broken
part of the wall, and the hypaspists, who, through similar
arrangement, had taken the great and powerful city of Tyre,
were the troops sent to storm. But through their eagerness
to be forward in the assault, under their prince's eye, the
bridge was overloaded, and gave way. Then the Indians
AM i 4 c 27 P resse d u P on tne i r distressed enemies, not only
with missile weapons from the walls, but, issuing
by small sallyports, came even to close action. They were
driven back, but Alexander then prudently ordered retreat.

Against the next day however a more perfect bridge was
completed, and assault was renewed. The resistance was
again obstinate, and the event still doubtful, when the chief
of the Indians was killed by a shot from an engine. Then
the mercenaries probably began to doubt whether they were
equally sure, as before, of the stipulated reward for their
service. Many however being already killed, and many
more wounded, those yet able, no longer acknowledging any
authority but that of their own chiefs, sent out a proposal
to capitulate. Alexander, says Arrian, admiring their bra-
very, rejoiced in the opportunity to save them from destruc-

SECT. II. WAR WITH THE ASSAKENE INDIANS. 123

tion. The town was surrendered with the condition that
they should pass into his service. Marching out accord-
ingly with their arms, they encamped on a hill near the
Macedonian camp. For what followed, Alexander has been
variously censured, as the facts have been variously related
and believed. According to Arrian, he was informed that
these mercenaries, averse to serve against other Indians, had
resolved to move in the night, and desert their engagement.
Upon this, in early darkness, surrounding their camp with
his whole army, he put all to the sword. Proceeding then
to the town, he took possession of it as if there had been
no capitulation, and the mother and daughter of the chief of
the Assakenes became his prisoners. 4

The numerous small nations of India seem to have had
much of the obstinate attachment of the several Grecian
cities each to its separate independency, and a consequent
disposition to hostility among one another. With no con-
cert, or none of material efficacy, they persevered in resist-
ance, each confiding in its own means : among which the
singularly strong posts, afforded by the nature of the country,
were principally encouraging. Beside these however they
had towns, of which some were considerably populous and
well fortified. Bazira and Ora appear to have been the
most important. Against the former Alexander sent Coenus ;
against the other Attalus ; expecting, says Arrian, that
information of the catastrophe of the Assakenes would

4 Of different accounts of this business Arrian seems to have selected that
least uncreditable to Alexander ; and Diodorus, who delighted in glaring
colours and strong light and shadow, that most so ; for which the eighty-
fourth chapter of his seventeenth book may be seen. Plutarch, adverting to
the fact, without naming either people or place, observes upon it, TOUTO rots
trotefAixoi; tgyoif KUTOU, raXAa vo(jt.ifjuug xaii /2<r;A;*aij xtiteykfoaavos , <if xv,Kis
ff^otrta-Tiv. V. Alex. p. 698. It is for the credit of Alexander's history alto-
gether, that, among the often varying ancient accounts, the most favouring
writers have not represented him blameless, while the most adverse have
acknowledged great qualities and even great virtues.

124 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. nil.

produce ready submission. If however such was his expect-
ation, he was disappointed, for the effect was the reverse.
The Bazirenes trusting in the natural and artificial strength
of their town 5 , the Orenes in support from some neigh-
bouring people, both resolved not to commit themselves by
a capitulation. Alexander then led his main body against
Ora, leaving only a small force under Coenus before Bazira.
Indian walls were unavailing against the Grecian art of
attack, and Indian numbers against the Grecian discipline :
Ora was quickly taken, and then the Bazirenes began to
despair of the defence even of their stronger situation.

But there was, within their country, an insulated moun-
tain called Aornos, of very extraordinary advantages for
a military post. Its circuit at the base was said to be
twenty miles ; the lowest height of its precipitous sides more
than a mile. One practicable path, formed by hand, led to
the champaign top, where were woods, land fit for tillage
enough to employ a thousand men, and running springs of
fine water. The Bazirenes, making their way to this place
by night, were quickly joined by the population of all the
surrounding country. Aornos had the fame of being im-
pregnable. " Report," says Arrian, " goes, that
even Hercules, son of Jupiter, failed in attempting
to take it." " But," he continues, " whether either the
Theban Hercules, or the Tyrian, or the Egyptian ever
reached India, is more than I can affirm. Indeed I am in-
clined to believe the contrary. The disposition of men to
express, rather beyond than short of the reality, whatever
they would describe as extraordinary, has led to the common
phrase concerning difficulties, that even Hercules could not
surmount them; and I think it likely Hercules has thus
been implicated in the history of this mountain."

But with or without the passion to emulate or exceed

Arr. 1. 4. c. 27. p. 170.

SECT. II. SUBMISSION OF VARIOUS TOWNS. 125

the deeds of Hercules, Alexander's purpose being to hold
the country as far as the Indus within his dominion, and con-
nect it by navigation with the rest of his empire, such a
passion could hardly be needful to admonish him that a post
like Aornos, in the midst of a populous and fruitful country,
should not be left behind him in the possession of enemies.
Those previous measures then which, with these views, pru-
dence would recommend, he proceeded to take. Improving
the Indian fortifications of Ora and Massaga with Grecian
art, he placed garrisons in them simply as military posts.
But he gave Bazira other importance. Improving its forti-
fications also, he replenished it with inhabitants, and gave
it a constitution as a city. 6

During these transactions Hepha3stion and Perdiccas had
restored the deserted town of Orobatis, and, leaving a garri-
son there, had proceeded to the Indus and completed the
projected bridge. Meanwhile, at the persuasion of the In-
dian princes, Cophaeus and Assagetes, who had attached
themselves to Alexander, the principal city of Peucelaotis
had surrendered ; and then many smaller towns hastened to
profit from opportunity afforded to obviate greater evils by
following the example. In Peucelaotis Alexander placed
a garrison, and appointed Philip, son of Machatas, to the
command.

The northern part of India as far as the Indus, Aornos
only excepted, being now reduced to quiet subjection, Alex-
ander committed the command of the whole, with the title
of a satrapy, to Nicanor of his band of companions, and then
proceeded to measures for reducing that formidable post.
At the town of Embolima, not far distant from it, he sta-

6 To, ft.lv $YI v &e xi Ma<r<ry <p$oi>iot Ixa'ivmv lav TV? %<uea,' <r B& Si
sroXiv ||T/%/. Bazira in URBIS modum excoluit. I suppose this, Vul-
canius's translation, is as near the original as could be in the Latin language
without circumlocution.

126 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

tioned Craterus, with a part of his army, to collect magazines,
with a view to a protracted blockade, if, through the failure
of effective means for assault, that mode of siege must be
resorted to. Himself, with a select division, undertook the
lead of measures for a quicker execution of the purpose.

The animosities among the Indians, together with Alex-
ander's reputation for generosity, and his means for reward-
ing largely, made everywhere facilities for him among difficult
enterprises. Some natives of the country now undertook
to show a way, not generally known, by which active men,
with arms, might reach a commanding part of the

Air. 1. 4. c. 29.

mountain. A chosen body was accordingly put
under the orders of Ptolemy son of Lagus. Moving by
night, they succeeded in gaining the indicated post, unper-
ceived by the enemy. It was a small hill, whence, though
in some degree detached, access to the body of the mountain
was easier than from the country below. Ptolemy pro-
ceeded immediately to fortify his station ; and, when all was
duly prepared, gave information by a concerted signal. Next
day Alexander attempted an assault, hoping that the sight
only of Ptolemy's troops, already in possession of a fortified
post on the mountain, would so alarm and distract the enemy,
that he might make his way good against the difficulties
which nature offered on the other sides. But the Indians
profited so ably and boldly from the advantages of their
situation that they obliged him to abandon his purpose, and,
not resting there, proceeded to direct nearly their whole
force against Ptolemy. His situation became in consequence
critical ; for no assistance from friends could readily reach
him. His light troops however, which were of the best of
the army, with advantage of ground and from behind lines,
plied their weapons so efficaciously, that the enemy, without
coming in contact with the heavy-armed, at the close of day
withdrew.

SECT. ii. SIEGE OF AORNOS. 127

In the following night Alexander sent orders to Ptolemy,
by a trusty Indian intimately acquainted with the ground ;
for their quarrels among themselves made Indians trusty for
Alexander. He had resolved, on the morrow, to endeavour
himself, with a powerful body, to reach Ptolemy's station by
the difficult path by which he had ascended. To obviate in-
terruption from the enemy in this difficult attempt, Ptolemy
was directed, not to keep his force, as before, merely in a
threatening attitude behind his lines, but to issue against the
enemy, and force attention the farthest that might be from
the part by which it was proposed the army should ascend.
This was accordingly executed. Yet the Indians resisted
with a valour and skill which compelled Alexander re-
peatedly to relieve the assailing body with fresh troops.
Till mid-day the contest was quite doubtful; and not till
near night, by great perseverance, with judicious conduct,
the junction with Ptolemy was effected.

But even thus the business was far from completed. The
first assault, from the army united on the hill occupied by
Ptolemy, was unsuccessful, and it became necessary to en-
camp there for the night. Next morning at daybreak orders
were issued for every man to provide himself immediately
with a hundred palisades, which the growth of wood on the
hill sides abundantly furnished. In this business they were
uninterrupted by the enemy. The next day was employed
in forming, with the assistance of the palisades, a causeway
across the bottom 7 which separated Ptolemy's hill from the
body of the mountain. Alexander himself superintending
the work, it was, before night, completed to the length of a
furlong, of such height that missile weapons might be effi-
caciously delivered from it, either by hand or by engines,

7 Better described in the old language, preserved in the north of England,
where the thing is oftener found than in the midland or southern parts, 07
the term DEAN, on the eastern side of the country, and GILL on the western.

128 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lin.

against any endeavouring to interrupt the work. During

the two following days therefore the business proceeded

still more rapidly; and, on the fourth, it afforded

Arr. 1. 4* c. 30.

such advantage for reaching a kind of promontory
projected from the mountain that a small body of Mace-
donians, seizing an advantageous opportunity, by a bold
exertion reached that projected height, and established
themselves on it. Alexander presently joined them there,
and thence urged the completion of the causeway.

The Indians now saw their means of effectual resistance
gone. They sent therefore a herald to propose capitulation,
and negotiation was begun. But their conduct excited sus-
picion that their purpose was only to obtain a suspension of
attack during daylight, and in the night to withdraw with
their arms. Alexander therefore, instead of measures of
hinderance, removed his troops from all situations accom-
modated to intercept their retreat ; but, carefully watching
them, when their ill faith became fully manifest, by the
actual beginning of their flight, then, with his body-guards,
and a division of the hypaspists, he led the way himself to
the height they had occupied, and directed pursuit of the
fugitives. Many perished by the sword, and many among
the precipices ; which made flight by night, even had no
enemy pursued, hazardous, and even to those best ac-
quainted with the ways.

If then, on this occasion, the army was gratified with the
imagination of having accomplished what Hercules, with
whatever force he commanded, had been unequal to, it
could not be politic for Alexander to check the amusing
fancy. Perhaps he promoted it by a sacrifice, which the
historian mentions to have been performed next day, though
to what deity is not said. The instances of infidelity among
those of his new subjects to whom he had entrusted con-
fidential situations did not dissuade him from persevering in

SECT. ii. MARCH TOWARD THE INDUS. 129

that policy. Placing a garrison in the mountain rock, he
committed the command to Sisicottus, an Indian ; who,
driven apparently from his own country, had passed to
Bactra, and engaged, with a body of troops attached to him,
in the service of Bessus ; on whose downfal, being admitted
with his troops into that of Alexander, he had, on all oc-
casions, so conducted himself as to win his new sovereign's
esteem.

While Alexander was engaged in the siege of Aornos, the
brother of the prince of the Assakenes, under the hope that
it would certainly detain him long, and perhaps might baffle
him at last, had excited a rebellion, and, with a considerable
force, taking all the elephants in the country, had withdrawn
to the mountains. When therefore Aornos was reduced,
Alexander marched for Dyrta, the principal city of Assakene
In his way he found the territory deserted, and, arriving at
the city, he found that also without inhabitants. Satisfied
then with this evidence that the insurrection was little
threatening, he committed the reduction of the rebellious
Assakenes to his generals Nearchus and Antiochus, and
resumed his own march for the Indus.

But the way was difficult, principally from its woods, and
afforded great opportunity for an enemy to obstruct his
progress. A strong body of pioneers was therefore sent
forward to open the way. Proceeding thus, he was met by
a deputation from an Indian army, bearing the head and
arms of its chief, as a peace-offering, which Alexander's
policy would not allow him to refuse. 8

8 For this, unnoticed or obscurely noticed by Arrian, the concurring tes-
timonies of Diodorus and Curtius (Diod. L 17. c. 86. Curt. 1. 8. c. 12.) may
be admitted, being consonant to both ancient and modern accounts of the
Indians.

The compilers of the ancient Universal History observe upon it : " How
Arrian came to omit this event, we cannot pretend to say, unless we suppose
that he doubted the truth of it, ^because it was omitted in the Memoirs of
Aristobulus and Ptolemy." It appears to me far from clear that Arrian has

VOL. X. K

130 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lin.

Not yet arrived in the climate where elephants were
commonly bred, those animals, scarce and highly valued
'among the natives, were greatly prized by Alexander.
Desirous therefore of recovering those which had been
carried off by the Assakenes, he had directed Nearchus and
Antiochus, among inquiries about all circumstances of the
country, to be diligent in search for them. Information
then was obtained that the Assakenes, when they deserted
their city and plains, had turned their elephants to pasture
on the banks of the Indus ; and it was farther found that,
among the Indians in Alexander's service, some were pro-
fessional elephant-hunters. These being sent in pursuit of
the animals brought all to the camp except two, which, as
they reported, falling down precipices, had perished.

SECTION III.

Fancies of the Greeks concerning the Expedition of Bacchus
to India. Ready Submission of the City and Province of
Nysa to Alexander, and Conquest as far as the River Indus

WHILE the army was within the extensive bounds of the
Persian empire, though among various nations, differing in

wholly omitted the event, though he has mentioned neither the chiefs name
(Aphrices in our copies of Diodorus, Eyrces in those of Curtius,) nor his
catastrophe, as related by those historians. It is observable that in Arrian's
account of the rebellion of the Assakenes, the name of the prince their leader
is unmentioned, and that, in the accounts of the other two historians of the
opposition of Aphrices or Eryces, the name of the people is unmentioned. It
seems therefore at least possible that Aphrices or Eryces was the leader of
the Assakenes. The matter is little important. Nor does it clearly follow
that, if the catastrophe of that prince was unnoticed by both Ptolemy and
Aristobulus, therefore such a fact, so consonant with Asiatic manners in
general, and Indian particularly, should be discredited ; the principal object
of those writers having been, as Arrian's after them, a military history of
Alexander and of themselves. The conjecture, in the Universal History, that
the army of Aphrices was composed mostly of mercenaries, may well be
admitted, as consonant with Arrian's account of the Indian military.

SECT. in. TRADITIONS OF BACCHUS. 131

speech, as in manners, habits, traditions, and superstitions, yet
the language of government would be everywhere Persian ;
everywhere, even among the natives, would be many who
could speak Persian ; and, as many among the Greeks were
conversant with the Persian, means for information about
any matter of extensive notoriety would not wholly fail for
any who desired it. Nevertheless, concerning those Persian
provinces which lay beyond all ordinary resort of the Greeks,
some of their writers, whether more indulging in their
fancies, or pursuing a view to profit from popular curiosity
and credulity, published some very extravagant stories.
And now a more favourable field for them was opened. In-
terpreters would be found still for Alexander and his prin-
cipal officers; but, for others, means to communicate with
the natives would be rare and scanty. Arrian
indicates a suspicion that Alexander himself, pro-
fiting from these circumstances, promoted the belief of some
fictions calculated to assist his purposes ; and especially
to reconcile the Grecian part of his army to his ulterior
views.

Tradition was old among the Greeks that their

Arr. 1. 5. c. I.

god Dionysus, called also Bacchus, was taken S'SsiS*'
from the womb of his dying mother Semele, at
Thebes in Bceotia, and placed for maturity of birth, by his
father Jupiter, in his own thigh, whence he was delivered
in due time at Nysa, in that part of the country westward
of the Red Sea, now reckoned a part of Egypt, but anciently
attributed to Arabia. Tradition also was old that Eur .
Dionysus, at the head of an army from Greece, Sophoc
penetrated to India, and even conquered a part of that ex-
tensive country. Concerning however all circumstances of
this conqueror traditions greatly varied. Hence, among the
Grecian writers, comparing those traditions with one another
and with matters of more authenticated, though still obscure,
K 2

132 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII.

history, some supposed there were three of the name of
Dionysus ; one Grecian, one Egyptian or Arabian, one
Indian ; while others inclined to believe Dionysus and
Bacchus but additional names or titles of the famed
Egyptian conqueror Sesostris.

In the country where Alexander now was, be-

Arr. l.S.c. 1. J

tween the rivers Cophen and Indus, was a prin-
cipal city to which the Greeks, probably following as nearly
as they could the Indian pronunciation, gave the name of
Nysa. Alexander, on his march toward this city, had just
entered the tent prepared for him, when the arrival of a
deputation from it was announced. With his helmet and
armour still on, and covered as he was with dust, he directed
that the deputies should be introduced. Struck with the
sight of so renowned a conqueror, in habit so unceremonious
yet so warlike, they fell on the ground and held silence.
Alexander however kindly greeting them, they rose, and
Acuphis, their chief, addressed him thus : " The Nysaeans,
O king ! through us, beseech you, for the sake of the god
Dionysus, whom you revere, to grant them the continuance
of their actual free constitution. For Dionysus, after he
had conquered India, before he returned toward the Grecian
sea, founded their, city, and peopled it with his invalid
soldiers, who were congenial with himself 9 , for a perpetual
memorial of his victories; as you have founded Alexandria
in Egypt, and Alexandria at Caucasus, and are now founding
other cities, and will found still more ; your achievements
far exceeding those of Dionysus. That deity, in honour of
his nurse Nysa, gave our city its name, and its territory he
called Nyssea; and from his having, as our mythology and

9 O" S-4 uT<p **/ Baixxoi ?<rv. Vulcanius has translated this, Qui ipsi et
Bacchi erant, which the learned annotator Gronovius has allowed to pass
without comment. [" Hoc nomine non Bacchus tantum appellatur, sed ejus
cultores quoque, et qui hujus numine agitantur." Raphdius.]

SECT. m. SUBMISSION OF NYSA. 133

yours teaches, grown to maturity for birth in Jupiter's thigh,
he gave to the neighbouring mountain the name of Meron,
which, in our language, as in yours, means a Thigh. From
him we derive that free and regular government under
which we have lived. If farther proof were needful that
Dionysus was our founder, we have it in this singularity,
that ivy, the plant sacred to that god, flourishes here, and
is found nowhere else throughout India."

This speech, the historian says, " was grateful to
Alexander, who desired that the traditions of the
expedition of Dionysus to India, and of his being founder
of the city of Nysa, should have credit ; that so he might
himself obtain the estimation of having already equalled the
extent of conquest of Dionysus, and soon of having sur-
passed it ; for thus he thought the Macedonians would be
led to have the same zeal with himself for farther conquest.
He therefore readily granted to the Nysaeans the privileges
they solicited."

It seems here clearly indicated that official report was
made to the army of what passed at the audience of the
Nysaean deputies ; and it appears highly probable that, if
what is related really passed, it was preconcerted with the
heads of the Nysaean government. Nevertheless it is clearly
possible that the speech of Acuphis may have differed widely
from that reported. For no Greek would understand him
speaking his own language; and so opportunity was open
for representing it such as might best suit Alexander's
purpose.

The Nysaean constitution, we are informed, was aristocra-
tical ; a senate of three hundred holding the principal powers
of government. In confirming this constitution Alexander
declared his approbation of it, and of the system of law and
mode of administration of the Nysaeans. Probably in all his
conquests he took some contribution of force to his army.
K 3

134? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIII.

Of the Nysaeans he demanded three hundred horse ; but
whether through jealousy, or whether proposing honour, he
required that one hundred should be of the senate, with
Acuphis at their head. This distressed the Nysaean leaders.
Three hundred horse, they said, or more, they would
willingly furnish; but deprived of one third of their most
efficient members, they could not answer for the conse-
quences : double the number of another description they
could well spare. In the Nysaean, as in all free governments,
there would be parties ; but whether the subtraction of one
third of the senate would have endangered the prepon-
derance of the actually ruling party, or only such a number
of the senate were averse to the active and hazardous
service which Alexander would expect of them, no account
shows. Alexander however conceded to the remonstrance ;
took only the three hundred cavalry which he had demanded,
not requiring that any should be senators, and he appointed
Acuphis his lieutenant of the province 10 ; accepting his son,
and his grandson by a daughter, as his substitutes for military
service.

Alexander would not quit Nysa without visiting the anti-
quities, which were said to prove the foundation of that city
by the Grecian Dionysus, or Bacchus, and the mountain
Meron, where ivy grew. In his visit to them he was
attended by a considerable escort of horse and foot ; and
the soldiers, in ascending the mountain, delighted with the
ivy, which they had not for a long time seen, (for in India,
says Arrian, even where vines flourish ivy is not found,)
eagerly gathering it, made themselves crowns ; singing hymns
to Dionysus, and calling on him by his various names. Far-
ther then to establish the credit of the traditions, (which

1' xxov. This title, not occurring in Arrian's account of the Persian
empire, we find commonly used by him to designate chiefs of provinces in
India.

SECT. in. SACRIFICE TO DIONYSUS OR BACCHUS. 135

possibly may have been reported to the army in the Greek
language somewhat more accommodated to former Grecian
belief or fancy than they were delivered, if at all delivered,
in the Indian,) Alexander sacrificed there to Dionysus, and
entertained the principal persons about him with a banquet.
Thus far Arrian appears to have credited the accounts in
his time extant. If some writers, he adds, should be believed,
some of the eminent personages, entertained on that occasion
by the conqueror of Asia, emulated the extravagances of the
bacchanals at the festivals of Dionysus in Greece ; running
about with wild gestures, as if under inspiration from the
god, and uttering the exclamations and invocations com-
monly used at those festivals. u " I leave this,"

Arr. 1. 5. c. 5.

says the historian, " to every one's opinion ; but
I cannot entirely agree with Eratosthenes of Cyrene, who
asserts that the disposition of the Macedonians to gratify
Alexander's vanity produced or spread and confirmed the
stories of conquests attributed to the gods. Finding a
cavern, if we' should believe him, among the mountains of
Paropamisus, and, either hearing some story current in the
country, or themselves combining fancies and rumours, they
amused themselves with asserting that the mountain there
in India was Caucasus, extending thus far from the Euxine
sea, and that the cavern was that in which, according to
mythology, Prometheus was chained, on whose bowels an
eagle fed, till Hercules, in the course of his eastern con-
quests, passing that way, killed the eagle, and set the suf-
ferer at liberty. So also seeing, in the same part of India,
neat cattle with a mark burnt on their skin resembling a
club, they took this for proof that Hercules had been there.
Similar matters concerning the expedition of Dionysus are
treated by Eratosthenes as fables. For myself, all that re-

11 For these may be seen Potter's Antiquities of Greece, ch. 20., of the Re-
ligion of Greece.

K 4

136 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

lates to both those deities I leave to the discusssion of
others."

SECTION IV.

Circumstances of the northern Part of India beyond the Indus.
Alliances formed by Alexander beyond the Indus, and War
carried beyond the Hydaspes. The Dominion of Porus con-
quered. Grecian Colonies established on the Hydaspes.

CURIOSITY appears to have been a passion of Alexander
hardly less than ambition. But with both, as we have
before observed, were connected extensive views for benefit
to mankind, yet not limited by a much stricter regard for the
rights of any foreign people than were usually acknowledged
among the republican Greeks. With such views he was
especially desirous of seeing the Indian ocean, and exploring
its shores ; and he had accordingly directed Hephaestion to
construct a bridge over the Indus for the passage of his
army, that he might command both banks, and to build a
number of vessels for the transport of necessaries down the
stream, and for means of supporting the army on either side
from the other. The inducement to postpone this favourite
object for the purpose of still extending conquest eastward,
not directly stated by Arrian, may yet, in his common defi-
ciency of political information, be in some degree gathered
from his military narrative ; which often affords assistance
for estimating the political information furnished by writers
less judicious, or less careful of authority.

The people beyond the Indus appear to have been less
divided into small states, hostile to each other, than those
on the Persian side. There was however among them, at
this time, extensive apprehension of the ambition of Porus,
the sovereign of a large dominion beyond the next great
boundary river of the country, the Hydaspes. To them
therefore the arrival of a conqueror like Alexander, famed

SECT. IV. ALLIANCES BEYOND THE. INDUS. 137

for generosity as for invincibility, was an auspicious event.
The principal city in these northern parts, between the
Indus and the Hydaspes, is called by Arrian Taxila, and its
chief Taxiles. But it appears from Diodorus and Curtius
that Taxiles was a title : and the name, in our

ATT. 1. 5. c. 8.

editions of the former, Mophis, of the latter,
Omphis. According to the probable account of Diod , 17
Diodorus, when Alexander was in Sogdiana, an c '
embassy from Taxiles had attended him, soliciting his im-
perial protection ; and Curtius adds the inform- Curt , 8 c 12
ation that, to engage his favour, provisions were
furnished, and all friendly offices done, to Hephaestion,
while employed in preparing for the passage of the Indus.
But, according to all the writers, it seems probable that
Alexander's resolution was not decided till he had crossed
that great river. Taxiles then came himself to wait upon
him, and the result was, that Alexander undertook to give
him security in his dominion, by invading the territory of
Porus, whose ambition he dreaded.

On the left bank of the Indus the army halted some time,
and a solemn sacrifice was performed there, according to the
Grecian ritual. A sacrifice for the army being a feast for the
army, the purpose of Alexander's piety, obviously,

Arr. 1. 5. c. 7-

was to infuse cheerfulness under the view of new
difficulties and dangers to be encountered, when all might
have been supposed already ended, with wealth and glory,
beyond common measure, already acquired. The march
was then resumed for Taxila. There the disposition of the
people seconding that of their chief, all was made satisfactory
for the army and its commander. Pleased with their con-
duct, Alexander granted a desired addition to their territory;
at the expense of what other prince or people the historian
has not said. The fame however of his liberality, com-
bined with that of his victories, produced advantageous

138 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

consequences. At Taxila, where, according to the chrono-
logy of Diodorus, (for Arrian is often deficient in marking
seasons,) he took his winter quarters, the brother of Ambi-
sares, who held a principality in the Indian highlands, arrived
at the head of an embassy, soliciting friendship and bringing
presents ; the custom still of the Indians to those whom,
fearing, they would honour ; and a similar deputation arrived
from Doxares, designated by Arrian as chief of the law 12 :
perhaps a chief of the bramins.

Leisure then, on account of the season, occurring, Alex-
ander gratified the army with another sacrifice, and added
the entertainment of gymnic games, and equestrian military
exercises ; whether simply horse-races, or perhaps rather
contests in arms, like the tilts and tournaments of our
forefathers. The disposition of prince and people to admit
his sovereignty, for the sake of his powerful protection
against the pretensions of one to whom they were averse,
appears to have in some degree invited him to leave here, as
a colony, those of his army, become by wounds or fatigue,
since his last measure of the kind, less fit for service to
ensue. To superintend the establishment a Macedonian,
Philip son of Machatas, was appointed to the dignity and
authority of satrap, with a military force under his com-
mand.

The great king Porus, whose ambition the Indians
between the Indus and the Hydaspes dreaded, seems to
have been checked in his purpose of invasion by information
that they had gained, from a country before unheard of, so
extraordinary a conqueror for their protector. Instead of
crossing the Hydaspes, for which he, had prepared, he sat
down with his army behind that boundary river. Alexander
resolved upon what is often the most effectual mode of
defence for a country, attacking the enemy; and, in the

SECT. IV. PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES. 139

actual circumstances, it seemed the only way to give security
to subjects who had voluntarily adopted his empire. With
this view he ordered a sufficient number of the boats, which
had been prepared for the navigation of the Indus, to be
brought by land to the Hydaspes. We have seen, in the
authentic narratives of Thucydides and Xenophon, entire
vessels of war, of the ancient construction, with the scanty
means of the Grecian republics, conveyed some miles over
land. For easier carriage the far greater distance for Alex-
ander's purpose, the vessels were cut in two, and some in
three, to be put together again on their arrival. 13

Spring was advanced u ; the rainy season in that part of
India, when also the melting of the snow on the range of
mountains, which Arrian still calls Caucasus, assisted to fill
the rivers. In summer and autumn the Hydaspes is in parts
fordable. Alexander gave out that he meant to wait for
that favourable season, and collected stores in his station
accordingly. Nevertheless he made movements for the pur-
pose of alarming, as if he would attempt the passage with
his boats. About fifteen miles above the enemy's station
circumstances afforded opportunities of which he thought he
might avail himself. The shores on both sides were woody,
and in the stream was a wooded island of some extent,
Boats then were so conveyed by land, and so deposited, as
not to be seen by the enemy, though watchful, on the op-
posite shore. Skins also, the soldiers' bedding, were pre-
pared in the way usual for rafts.

Preparation being completed, the command of the camp,
with the main body of the infantry, was committed to Cra-
terus, while Alexander himself, as in ordinary course,

13 Cutting vessels in two, to lengthen them, is a well-known practice of
modern times.

14 V H "yot.0 eaeee, t-roi/f, y f^ira, r^otfot.; /MtXitTTOt. Iv Sign 'vetxtrou o faios. Arr.
1. 5. c. 9. [That this passage is wrongly interpreted by Mr. Mitford, is shown
in the examination of dates preceding the Index.]

14-0 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

undertook the business of most critical difficulty and danger,
the passage by the island. Midway, between the
camp and the island, a strong body was stationed

under Meleager, Attalus, and Gorgias.

Arrian seems to have reckoned the Indian

c. 14, 15.

king's force toward forty thousand foot, about
six thousand horse, four hundred and twenty chariots, and
more than two hundred elephants; and he says it was in
good condition and well disciplined. 15 Alexander's numbers
are mentioned by none, but it is evident that his means were
great ; and Arrian sufficiently shows that his force on the
bank of the Hydaspes was powerful. In addition to his
Grecian numbers, and those from the southern part of his
new empire, he had cavalry, probably the best of Asia, from
Arachosia, Paropamisus, Bactra, Sogdia, Scythia, and Daa.
Probably his Asiatic infantry, in consideration of the extent
of country he had in view to traverse, and his desire of quick
progress, was not proportionally numerous.

Depending then much on his cavalry, his fear was of the
enemy's elephants, which horses, unused to them, will not
approach. To provide facility therefore for landing where
he proposed, under his own lead, he directed Craterus to
make all demonstration of the purpose of crossing near the
enemy's station, with the view to retain his elephants there ;
but not actually to cross till it might be ascertained that the
elephants were moving toward where the crossing had been
effected. A thunderstorm, on that night, with

c* 13*

heavy rain, assisted the purpose of concealment,
and, ceasing toward daybreak, did not interrupt the passage
of the river. Alexander, taking with him Ptolemy, Lysi-

15 Diodorus, in our copies of his work, reports Porus's array above fifty
thousand foot, three thousand horse, more than one thousand chariots, and a
hundred and thirty elephants : our copies of Curtius give him only thirty
thousand foot, three hundred chariots, without notice of other cavalry, and
eighty-five elephants.

SECT. IV. PASSAGE OF THE HYDASPES. 141

machus, Seleucus, and Perdiccas (the latter as agent of the
empire, the three former afterward known as sovereigns of
powerful kingdoms) led the way in a triaconter. As they
passed the island in the river, they came unavoidably in view
of an outpost of the enemy ; not of force to resist, but
whence intelligence was hastened to Poms. Reaching land,
Alexander was the first to leap ashore, and all the cavalry
debarked safely ; but, instead of the main land, it was found
to be an island of considerable extent, with a channel inter-
vening, not broad, but, with the rain of the night, become so
deep that it was apprehended the boats would be wanted for
reaching the desired shore. Thus opportunity would be
given for Poms to bring up his elephants, which must make
it impossible to land the horses. With diligent trial however
a ford was found, which even the infantry could pass, though
with the water breast high. Thus the whole force, about
five thousand horse and six thousand foot, without oppo-
sition reached the enemy's side of the river.

As soon then as arrangement for the business in view was
completed, Alexander hastened forward with his cavalry;
satisfied that, if Poms came against him with overbearing
numbers, he could avoid contest till he might be supported ;
if with a smaller force he might defeat it. The bowmen,
under the command of Tauron, were ordered to follow with
the utmost speed, and the heavy-armed, as heavy-armed best
might; all having to encounter the difficulties of marshy
ground which, to a great extent, bordered the river.

He had not proceeded far when, over the flat, a hostile
force was at a distance seen approaching. Uncertain
whether this might be a part or the whole of the enemy's
army, he sent forward his horse-bowmen to check them.
Assured then, by his scouts, of the hostile numbers, and of
their kind, about two thousand horse with a hundred and
twenty chariots, he hastened at the head of his regular

142 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

cavalry against them. They hardly stood a charge, to
which indeed they were unequal; the chariots, from the
swampiness of the ground, being little capable of acting, and
the cavalry too inferior in number. 16 In pursuit about four
hundred were slain, and, among them, their young comman-
der, the son of Porus. All the chariots were taken, with
their horses.

Porus was quickly informed of this disaster. To move
from his actual situation was hazardous, because of the
threatening aspect of the force under Craterus. Yet, after
short consideration, only leaving a small body of foot with a
few elephants to disturb the landing, if that general should
cross the river, he hastened, with his principal force, about
thirty thousand foot, four thousand horse, three hundred
chariots, and two hundred elephants, immediately against
his imperial opponent. Knowing the country, or well in-
formed of it, in a tract extensively marshy he halted on a
sandy plain, sufficiently firm for the action of both cavalry
and chariots, and there formed in order of battle.* His
elephants he placed in front, at intervals of about a hundred
feet ; his chariots on the same line, in the wings ; his in-
fantry behind the elephants, and his cavalry behind the
chariots.

Alexander approaching, and viewing the ground

AIT. 1. 5. c. 16.

and the enemy's order, presently observed their
defects. In front, assault would be obviously rash. Horse
would not approach the elephants, and his infantry was not
sufficiently numerous for the attempt. But the wings were
very infirmly supported by the ground on either side. He

16 This, Arrian tells us, was Ptolemy's account, which he preferred ; Pto-
lemy having been present, and about Alexander's person. Aristobulus, he
says, reported somewhat differently, and others, he adds, related circumstances
which seem to have been known to neither.

[* By Elphinstone the place of encounter is thought to be Julalpoor ; by
Burnes Jclum, about twenty-five miles higher up the Hydaspes.]

SECT. IV. BATTLE OF THE HYDASPES. 14-3

had acquired extensive experience of the marshes on the
banks of the Hydaspes, and he judged that, swampy now
with heavy rain recently fallen, they would impede the action
of the enemy's chariots, yet would not deny action for his
own horse. Presently therefore he determined, without
waiting for his main body of infantry under Craterus, im-
mediately to use his superior force of cavalry. With this
view, taking himself the lead of the greater part of it, he
committed the infantry to Seleucus, Antigonus, and Tauron,
with orders to avoid engaging till they should see the ar-
rangement of the enemy's infantry disturbed through his
movement. A smaller body of horse he put under the
command of Coenus, directing him to turn the enemy's right,
and, if possible, proceeding rapidly behind his whole line, to
attack the rear of the cavalry of his left, which he proposed
himself to attack in flank.

The action was begun in front by Alexander's horse-
bowmen, in number about a thousand, against the chariots
of the enemy's left. Their weapons distressing the cha-
rioteers, and reaching the cavalry beyond them, engaged the
attention of both, while Alexander, with his choicest body
of horse, gained their flank. Observing this, they
were changing then* front to receive him, when
Coenus, having ably executed his orders, appeared in their
rear. A double front thus became necessary for them, and,
before they could complete the arrangement, Alexander,
who had watched the opportunity, made his charge. Pre-
sently thrown into confusion, they retreated toward their
elephants, as to a friendly fortification.

Thus arose opportunity, for which Alexander had pre-
pared his generals of infantry to make advantage. The
phalanx, it appears, was furnished for the occasion with
darts, as the Roman legionaries with the pilum ; for the
long spear, ordinarily its only weapon, highly formidable

144 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

against men and horses, would be of no efficacy against
elephants. Their darts, the historian says, disabled many of
the riders, and annoyed the beasts themselves. But when-
ever an elephant went forward against the phalanx, in how-
ever close order with protruded spears, he broke the order
and made his way. The Indian cavalry, meanwhile, habit-
uated to elephants, went familiarly among them, and, thus
gaining protection and encouragement, formed again in
a body, and again met Alexander. But Ccenus had now
joined him : numbers and disciph'ne together gave prepon-
derance, and the Indian cavalry fled again toward the
elephants for protection.

Then, in the Indian army, all became confusion. Infantry,
horse, and elephants, were mixed. Some of those formid-
able beasts, raging with wounds, became ungovernable.
Some had lost those riders who should have governed
them, and then were no less formidable to friends than foes.
Some wounded, all tired, at length, as if by consent, refusing
farther efforts in the direction against the enemy, bellowing
in concert, they withdrew. Alexander, observing this,
directed the phalanx to take its proper formation, with
closed shields and protruded spears, and press upon the no
longer formidable enemy j and, the cavalry at the same time
charging, the victory was quickly complete.

Meanwhile Craterus had crossed the river, and,

Arr. 1. 5. c. 18.

with fresh troops, intercepted the already fatigued
retiring troops. Three thousand of the Indian cavalry are
said to have been killed ; mostly on the field of battle ; and
near twenty thousand foot : all the elephants and all the
chariots not destroyed were taken. A second son of Porus
was among the slain, and most of his principal officers.
Porus himself, while any remained to fight about him, was,
on his elephant, in the thickest of the contest. He wore a
coat of mail of uncommon excellence ; but that, according

SECT. IV. DEFEAT OF PORUS. 14-5

to the universal practice of generals among the ancients, he
might be an example in action for his soldiers, his right arm
must be free for the use of weapons, and his right shoulder
was therefore less protected. Eminent among his troops
he was especially an object for the enemy's aim, and, in his
right shoulder he received a wound. Disabled thus for
the office of a soldier, and, through the slaughter of many
and flight of most of the rest of his troops, the business
of a general no longer remaining for him, he at length
allowed his attendants to turn his elephant, and, among the
last, he withdrew. Alexander, informed that he was in
danger from the indiscriminate fury of pursuers, and gene-
rously desirous to obviate it, sent Taxiles after him ; who, on
a swift horse overtaking him, said he brought a message from
the Macedonian king. But the indignant Indian prince,
seeing an ancient enemy, continued his way, and, disabled as
he was, threatened him with his weapon. Taxiles upon this
withdrew, and hastened back to report the occurrence. Alex-
ander, not thus driven from his purpose, sent several others,
and among them Meroes, an Indian, long known to Porus,
and always upon friendly terms with him. Porus, at length
overtaken, was suffering severely from fatigue, and especially
from thirst. Persuaded then, or rather, through inability to
proceed, necessitated to stop for refreshment, he at length
consented to return and surrender himself.

Alexander, informed of his approach, advanced toward
him on horseback, attended by his band of companions.
Admiring his form and size (he is said to have been a very
handsome man above common height) 17 and still more the

l ? More than five cubits (Arr. 1. 5. c. 19.). Plutarch says most writers
allowed him more than four cubits and a palm. V. Alex. p. 639. B. Plutarch
mentions letters of Alexander (p. 638.) giving account of this victory over
Porus. How it has been that numerous letters of Alexander reporting his
progress in conquest, mentioned by Plutarch, have remained wholly without
notice from Arrian, is a question that apparently should have engaged the

VOL. X. L

146 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

unbroken majesty of his demeanour, he desired him to speak
his wishes. Porus answered : " To be treated as a king."
" That," replied Alexander, " shall be on my own account ;
but I desire you to speak your wishes on your own." Porus
answered : " All I desire is what I have already said."
Treaty was thus concluded. Alexander restored Porus to
his throne; even enlarged his dominion, and ever after
found in him a faithful friend. Such is Arrian's account;
and for his general scrupulousness he may perhaps be trusted
here, even for words spoken ; Ptolemy, his principal guide,
if he did not hear them, having been in a situation to have
all information from those in the way of hearing.

After the battle, among the victor's earliest cares was the
burial of the slain. Perhaps official accounts, Arrian's au-
thorities, would exaggerate the loss on the Indian side, and
extenuate that on the Grecian. If our copies of Arrian
should be trusted, of six thousand infantry engaged, only
eighty fell ; but it may seem not unlikely that he wrote eight
hundred. 18 Of the cavalry it is acknowledged that two hun-
dred and twenty were killed, of whom twenty were of the
body entitled royal companions. 19 Without distinction they
seem to have been esteemed entitled to extraordinary honours,
or Alexander's policy led him to bestow such. The funeral,
in addition to the ordinary rites, was celebrated with gymnic

attention of critics, but of which I have never met with discussion. [See the
fifth note on the following chapter.]

18 From OFAOHKO2IOI to OFAOHKONTA, the change, as those who
have observed the various forms of Grecian letters, in writing and engrav.
ing, will be aware, might be less violent than the differences often found in
different manuscripts of the same work.

19 I am induced to hope and believe I have given fairly the sense of Arrian's
succinct account of this celebrated battle ; though some of his phrases have
been so disturbed by careless or ignorant transcribers (a misfortune to which
the ancient military writers have been, more perhaps than all others, subject)
that I would not undertake to give an exact translation of them, even with
allowance to admit the learned Gronovius's proposed corrections ; which
however are valuable.

SECT. iv. FUNERAL HONOURS TO THE SLAIN. 147

exercises and horse-races, in the manner of the funerals of
eminent men in the heroic ages, described by Homer.

Of little real importance, yet, for the extensive celebrity
of the animal, and for the honour testified by Arrian to have
been paid to his memory, it must not be omitted to mention
that Alexander's favourite horse died there. On this oc-
casion only he is found mentioned by that writer, whose
words on the subject, as nearly as they may be rendered,
will, among all that has been transmitted on it from an-
tiquity, be perhaps most worthy of the reader's attention, if
not even alone fit for serious history. " On the

Arr. 1. 5. c. 19.

field of the battle fought with Porus," says
Arrian, " Alexander built a town, which he named Nicaea,
Victory-town ; and, where he crossed the Hydaspes, another
which he called Bucephala, in honour of his favourite horse,
Bucephalas, which, in his thirtieth 20 year, died there. That
horse was tall, and of generous temper, and would admit
none but Alexander to mount him. From a mark of a bull's
head imprinted on him, he had his name Bucephalas, bull-
head : though some say that a natural white mark on his
forehead, resembling a bull's head, his general colour being
black, gave occasion for the name. This horse being in the
Uxian country missing, Alexander caused proclamation to
be promulgated, that if the horse was not brought to him
he would put the whole nation to the sword ; and presently
the horse was brought. Such was Alexander's estimation
of the animal, and such the fear of that prince among the
barbarians."

20 Error in transcription of the numeral here, according to all accounts of
this famous horse, may be suspected. Perhaps it should be thirteenth.

L 2

148 HISTORY OF GREECE.

SECTION V.

Constitutions of Indian States. Subordinate Sovereignties, Free
Cities. Trade on the Indus. War prosecuted by Alexander in
India.

THE conquered Indian prince's magnanimity, and Alexander's
generosity, have been, from their age to this, themes for de-
clamatory writers. Alexander's policy for his Indian con-
quests, how he accommodated his political arrangements to
his generosity, so that his acquisitions remained, not to him
only, but long to his successors, has not been with equal
diligence transmitted. Nevertheless Arrian's narrative,
checked, as apparently it was, by his situation under a
despotic government, affords indications deserving attention ;
and, events within our own times having brought circum-
stances of that great and variously interesting country more
within the sphere of European information, the diligence
and learning and talents of recent inquirers, some visiting
the countries, others comparing all accounts, have warranted
the exactness of ancient reports, especially Arrian's, of
Alexander's transactions there.

Whether Porus was a completely independent prince, or,
like many powerful Indian chiefs of modern times, owed a
degree of fealty to some paramount sovereign, seems un-
certain : but the latter appears probable. Thus he would
be the more prepared to be satisfied, in his restored domi-
nion, to acknowledge Alexander as a superior, holding, as
he appears to have done, perfect friendship with him. Ar-
rangement with that prince then being settled,

Arr. 1. 5. c.20.

Alexander committed to Craterus the business of
superintending the building of the newly founded towns, and
giving order to the population established there, while he
proceeded himself to farther conquest.

Bordering on the kingdom of Porus was the country of

SECT. V. SUBMISSION OF THE GLAUSEES. 149

the Glausees, or Glaucaneeks ; of no great extent, but
highly fruitful, and, through diligent use of great oppor-
tunities for commerce, more than ordinarily populous and
wealthy. Of thirty- seven towns within it, the least is said
to have had five thousand inhabitants; some above ten
thousand; and of numerous villages, some were hardly in-
ferior in population to the towns. Popular government is
mentioned, by Arrian, as not uncommon among the Indian
nations, and such seems to have been that of the Glausees.
With the too ordinary carelessness of the ancients about
just cause against those they called barbarians, the historian
has omitted mention of any for war with this people ; unless
it may be understood from him that they had been enemies
to Porus, who, with all his great qualities, evidently an am-
bitious prince, may have put forward pretensions adverse to
their claim of independency. Alexander however determin-
ing that they should be his subjects, led a select body into
their country. Probably the terms he offered were liberal,
in the spirit of the Macedonian free constitution ; and pro-
bably the Glausees felt need of a protector, and were more
disposed to trust Alexander than any neighbouring poten-
tate. However, without battle or siege, they came to a
composition with him. Of the terms we are uninformed ;
for, from ancient writers, whether themselves living under
monarchies or republics, we have, on such subjects, rarely
more than sparks of intelligence. The historian's expres-
sion here however implies some compact for their benefit,
under which the country of the Glausees was put under the
superintendency of Porus.

The fame of the victory, and of Alexander's generosity
toward the magnanimous defeated prince, operated exten-
sively. Abissares, who, before the battle, had proposed to
join Porus, now sent his brother to Alexander, with a pre-
sent of money and forty elephants. Alexander, not satisfied
L 3

150 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

so, commanded that he should come himself. Meanwhile
it was an object, for the future peace of this portion of his
now vast empire, to reconcile Porus with Taxiles. This
was effected, and then the latter was dismissed, to resume,
in peace, the government of his also increased dominion.

In this rich, and populous, and warlike country, though
there was not at all the ready disposition to submission which
had favoured Alexander in the western and southern pro-
vinces of the Persian empire, yet the divisions of the people
among themselves evidently much facilitated his conquests,
and also suggested the policy which should make the ac-
quisition lasting. The highlanders, everywhere in the habit
of looking upon their mountains as sure refuge, were readiest
to rebel. The people of Assakene, a portion of the exten-
sive highlands whence flow the various streams which meet
in the Indus, assassinated the commander of the forces
which had been left to secure their obedience, and rose in
revolt. But an Indian who had been appointed satrap of
that country, Sisicottus, remained faithful, and hastened
intelligence of the circumstances. About the same time
Alexander was gratified with the assurance of the fidelity of
a Persian, Phradaphernes, to whom he had entrusted a
highly important office, that of satrap of the two great
border provinces of Bactra and Hyrcania. With a body of
Thracians, which had been put under his command, he
came, according to orders, to attend the king.

Against the revolted Assakenes then, to support his
Indian satrap, Sisicottus, he joined a Persian, Tyriaspes,
in command with Philip son of Machatas, a Macedonian.
For himself the political circumstances of his new Indian
friend, Porus, furnished pretence for continuing that activity
in war, to which he had now, from the age of twenty, been
so habituated that it seems to have become as necessary to
his enjoyment as to a keen sportsman the pleasures of the

SECT. v. REVOLT OF THE ASSAKENES. 151

chase. There was another Indian prince called Porus,
whether it were name or title, hostile to the great man, his
namesake, now Alexander's friend. This prince
had been forward, as we have seen Taxiles, to
declare his submission to Alexander ; not indeed personally,
like Taxiles, but by a deputation. Yet when, having done
nothing farther to earn friendship, he learnt that his enemy
of his own name not only was restored to dominion, but to
enlarged dominion, and had gained high esteem with the
conqueror, he took alarm.

His principality was separated from that of the other Porus
by the great river Akesines, and from nations farther east-
ward by another great river, the Hydraotes. Throughout
India, or at least the western part of that great country, if
there was anywhere an extensive empire, it was,
like that of the Mogul lately, unable to maintain
its claimed superiority over subject potentates. As we pro-
ceed we still find the country divided into governments
under numerous chiefs, like the rajahs and soobadars of
modern India. Among the various people beyond the
Hydraotes, the Cathayans had obtained reputa-
tion for superior courage and military dexterity.
In alliance with them were the Oxydracs and Mallians
southward ; whose country the great Porus, before his war
with Alexander, had invaded, and, though assisted by power-
ful allies, yet with no success. Hence their friendship was
likely to be open to any who would be his enemy. The
other Porus therefore, whether more decided by policy, or
as Arrian says, by passion, being vehemently hostile to his
namesake, resolved to embrace the ready alliance of those
people, rather than maintain his engagement with Alexander.
Despairing, nevertheless, of power to defend his own domi-
nions, against which invasion was ready, he withdrew into
their country, with all the military force he could engage.
L 4

152 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. mi.

In this decision he seems to have failed either of courage
or judgment; for the river Akesines, the boundary of his
territory on the threatened side, afforded uncommon ad-
vantage for defence. It was the only Indian river of which,
Arrian says, Ptolemy had stated the width and depth. Ac-
cording to that eminent eye-witness, if remaining manuscripts
may be trusted, the width was fifteen stades ; which, accord-
ing to the lowest computation of the Grecian stade, would
be seven furlongs ; perhaps however spreading so in the
rainy season only, or with the melted snow from the moun-
tains. 21 With this it was of great rapidity, and abounding
with interruptions of rock, producing whirlpools. To cross
this formidable stream, a large body of Alexander's army was
embarked, some in boats, the rest on stuffed skins, or on
rafts borne on such. Of the boats, many, splitting on the
rocks, were lost, and skill in swimming availing little among
the whirlpools, many men were drowned. The buoyant
skins, less injured by collision, carried their freight more
safely. This struggle with nature however was so far suc-
cessful as to give footing on the enemy's land, and then
Porus, in whose cause the expedition had been professedly
undertaken, was sent back to raise forces, of the best kind
that India could furnish, and to bring as many elephants as
could be obtained : Coenus was directed to superintend the
passage of the main body of the army, and to collect neces-
saries from the subdued and friendly territories. Alexander
himself, conformably to his usual choice, took the laborious

21 Credit to the MSS. for such a width of the river, in the report of such
an author as Ptolemy, Dr. Vincent has been disposed to deny ; perhaps having
never had opportunity to see how streams, by whose channels the melting
snows of extensive mountains have their vent, occasionally spread wherever
the confinement of lofty banks of rock ceases, and permanently mark the
extraordinary space over which their waters occasionally roll. Possibly Pto-
lemy may have meant to describe the width of the channel so indicated, and
not of the water which Alexander actually crossed. Nevertheless the fre-
quent doubtfulness of numbers stated in ancient MSS. must, as the learned
and able commentator observes, be acknowledged.

SECT. v. WAR BEYOND THE HYDRAOTES. 153

and hazardous business of pursuing (according to Arrian's
description it might be called hunting) the fugitive prince,
whom the historian distinguishes here by an epithet, the bad
Porus. 22

The river Hydraotes, equally broad with the Akesines,
but less rapid, crossed his way. 23 Eager to pursue his pur-
pose, yet provident of all circumstances, he appointed
Craterus to co-operate with Coenus in the collection of
supplies to the greatest extent that might be ; and, desiring
to leave nothing hostile behind him, he committed two pha-
langes 24 , and two brigades of cavalry 25 , to Hephaestion, to
bring to obedience that part of the country between the
rivers which had been under the dominion of the fugitive,
called the bad Porus; with direction that all should be
placed under the authority of the friendly prince of the same
name. On the Hydraotes, according to Arrian, were some
independent cities. Through means opened in our days it
has been ascertained that a great trade has been carried on
for many centuries (in the opinion of the able commentator
on Nearchus, greater in ancient than in modern V mcenton
ages) upon the Indus, and the rivers communi- N '
eating with it. Alexander would be supreme wherever he
could carry his arms; but he required those cities to ac-
knowledge, under him, the dominion of Porus. Never-
theless, if the sovereignty of Porus over those Indian small

22 Porus, according to Vincent (on Nearch. p. 19.), was not a name, but a
title, having only the Greek termination added to the Indian word Poor,
meaning a prince or sovereign.

23 Vincent, in his variety of diligent investigation, has bestowed much care
on that of the names of the principal Indian rivers ; which are found, in the
old language of the country, generally to have had analogy with those given
by the Greek writers ; but, in many instances have been totally changed by
some later conquerors. The modern name of the Akesines he gives, as in
our orthography, Chenab, of the Hydraotes, Ravee.

24 I do not recollect any former mention by Arrian, any more than by any
older writer, of the phalanx as a determinate division of the heavy-armed
infantry of an army.

154" HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

republics was only as liberal as that of the Persian kings
over the Greeks within their empire, they would probably
not be sufferers, but rather gainers, by the establishment of
such superintending authority ; and, allowing the credit
which seems due to the arguments and opinions of the very
able and careful inquirer just noticed, it could not be with
the purpose of abridging their just freedom, and so checking
their commerce, but, on the contrary, of assuring protection,
equally to both, that Alexander directed all his regulations.
His arrangements for the conquered countries being made,
he proceeded on his proposed expedition, with a small army,
but carefully chosen. Information reached him that the
Cathayans and their allies were assembled at Sangala, a prin-
Arr i s cipal city, where they proposed to wait for him.
In the second day's march from the river he
came to a fortified town of the Adrai'st Indians, who sub-
mitted under a capitulation. A day's rest was here given to
the army. Proceeding on the morrow, he came in view of
Sangala. There he found the Indians encamped without
the town, on a hill surrounded with a triple rampart of
waggons. 26 Alexander, after carefully observing everything,
and forming his estimate of the enemy's force, resolved upon
immediate attack. He sent forward first his horse-bowmen,
to annoy from a distance. This not provoking the enemy
to advance, and the other cavalry, with which he usually
charged, being, in the circumstances, useless, he dismounted,
and took the lead of his infantry. Quickly he became
master of the first line of carriages. At the second the
Indians made a stouter resistance : but the soldiers of the
phalanx, better armed than the Indians, for defence as well
as for close action, and able, with their large shields, to
defend one another, removed some of the carriages, and
passing through the intervals, drove the enemy to their third

26 'A/<*ij, Arr. 1. 5. c. 22. 'Apu^Sv, c. 23.

SECT. V. CAPTURE OF SANGALA. 155

line. There no stand was made; but the check it gave to
pursuit was successfully used for reaching present safety
within the town walls. Alexander, from experience of
Indian practices, suspected that the town would be deserted
by night ; and he judged the attempt would be made where
a lake near the wall, though fordable, interrupted the invest-
ment, which he had begun. His suspicion, according to the
historian's account, seems to have been corroborated by
information from deserters. To obviate such a purpose he
placed a body consisting of three thousand hypaspists, all
the Agrians, and one taxis of bowmen, under the orders of
Ptolemy the historian. That general, in prose-
cution of the duty thus committed to him, col-
lected the carriages deserted in the action before the town ;
and, in early night, placed them in the way which it was
supposed the Indians would take. As was expected, the
Indians issued about the fourth watch ; but quickly falling
in with the impediments prepared, and hearing the hostile
trumpets sound, they hastened back, not without con-
siderable loss.

Presently after Porus arrived with a re-enforcement of
five thousand men and some elephants, and by this time
engines for battering the walls were completed. But before
they could be put in action, a part of the wall was ruined
by mining, and the town was taken by storm. Seventeen
thousand Indians, if our copies of Arrian may be trusted,
were slain on the occasion; notwithstanding which, the
surviving captives were more than seventy thousand. Five
hundred only of these being stated to have been cavalry,
and yet three hundred chariots of war being said to have
been found 27 , it may seem probable that a large proportion

27 "A^aT. The carriages of which the Indians formed their triple ram-
part are four times mentioned by the name of A^ala;, waggons or carts.
The Latin translator has confounded these with the a,s/u,tx,T, by rendering
both equally currus , and the learned critic and edito/ Gronovius, insultingly

156 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lin.

of mounted men had found means to escape by flight. 28
Whether rather error of transcribers, or exaggeration in
report from authority, which the historian, always scrupulous
of authority, followed, may be most suspected in the account
of the slain and prisoners, not less there appears ground for
supposing a politic concealment of lives lost on the victorious
side; for only about a hundred being said to have been
killed, the wounded, living objects of public observation, are
acknowledged to have been twelve hundred ; several of them
officers of high rank 29 , and one of the highest, Lysimachus,
who afterwards attained regal dignity.

Immediately after the sack of Sangala, Alexander de-
spatched Eumenes, with three hundred horse, to two free
cities in alliance with its people, with assurance that, if they
submitted and received him as a friend, no ill should befall
them, but they should be liberally treated, as all free Indian
states, so conducting themselves, had been. Information
however of the catastrophe of Sangala having reached them
before Eumenes could arrive, they had deserted their town.
Alexander pursued them. In the historian's account reason-
able cause does not appear ; but the result of his anger (it
may be hoped not of his direct command) was, that, though
the greater part were too far advanced to be readily over-
taken, about five hundred of those who had less ability for
rapid flight were killed by his pursuing troops. All the
conquered territory he gave to those free cities which had
readily accepted his offered terms. Porus was detached

severe upon him on many occasions not more important, has left this confusion
unnoticed.

28 The learned commentator on the voyage of Nearchus has supposed
Arrian to have stated not only the 17,000 slain, but the more than 70,000
prisoners, together 87,000, as the number of TROOPS in Sangala. Arrian's
expression is T 'Ix&wy, Indian people, leaving it uncertain how many were
soldiers. That historian's account however, as Dr. Vincent has remarked,
clearly indicates a great and wealthy population.

SECT. vi. FARTHER PROGRESS OF ALEXANDER. 157

with his own Indian army to place garrisons where it might
be .judged expedient ; the expediency being, apparently, to
be measured by the need which the people of the friendly
towns might have for protection against hostile neighbours,
when the imperial army should be withdrawn. 30

SECTION VI.

Growing Extravagance of Alexander's Purpose. Discontent of
the Army. Forced Concession to its Wishes. Arrangement
for the conquered Indian Provinces.

IN proceeding southward and eastward from the
vast body of highlands whence the many great
rivers of India flow, the country still improved in richness
and population. The Hyphasis was the next stream in the
way. 31 Beyond it, according to all reports, the land was
highly cultivated. The nearer provinces were, according to
Arrian, under a well-administered aristocratical government ;
the people orderly; good husbandmen and good soldiers.
A great sovereign was said to reside far eastward; but
whether the nearer countries were within his claim of
empire seems uncertain. Thus far Alexander may have
pursued conquest on principles more justifiable than the
republican Greek maxim, that it was lawful for Greeks to
subdue, enslave, or even extirpate, any people not of Grecian
blood and language. But here the better principle, if ever
regarded, seems to have been thrown by. Curiosity and
thirst of conquest were so become settled passions, and a
view to rest so intolerable, that, without any other motive
indicated by ancient writers, he would now prosecute con-

30 We have seen such a measure often necessary for the security of towns
of republican Greece. But Arrian's conciseness here, as sometimes elsewhere,
leaves the modern reader in some doubt of his meaning.

31 Now, in Vincent's English orthography of the oriental name, the Biah.

158 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. tin.

quest into that populous, rich, and quiet country; and
accordingly he marched to the Hyphasis.

Apparently he thought the fame of that country for wealth
would suffice to reconcile his army to his views. War in
Lesser Asia having been always inviting for the Greeks, war
in a country richer than Lesser Asia, he might suppose,
would now be inviting; and, as he himself delighted in
laborious and hazardous adventures, others would have the
same propensity. Perhaps, for his new recruits, and the
younger men of the army in general, he may thus have
reasoned well : to return home and have fortune still to
seek would be little alluring for them. But it was not so
among the older men, and especially those of the higher
ranks, already possessed of great riches. Issuing from
Macedonia with uncertain hopes, rising rapidly to great
wealth and splendid circumstances, when only Lesser Asia,
Syria, and Egypt were reduced, already many would be
looking earnestly toward the enjoyment of their advance-
ment, in other kind of leisure and other kind of independency
than military service could admit. Babylon, Susa, and Per-
sepolis, with their treasuries, being now added, and the rich
kingdom of Media having fallen without a blow, an end to
the protracted war in the rough climate and among the fierce
nations of the north could not fail to have been anxiously
looked for among all ranks. There however, though the
soldiers could neither clearly see nor would greatly care for
a reasonable object, whence, in parts of the army, vehement
discontent appears to have arisen, which the military his-
torians, to whose authority Arrian generally limited his nar-
rative, would avoid to report, yet to the officers generally,
and especially the superior officers, the expediency or even
necessity of that war, for securing the advantages beyond
calculation already gained, would be obvious. But a new
scene was now opened. A populous and wealthy continent

SECT. VI. DISCONTENT OF THE ARMY. 159

was found to be yet before them, of extent utterly unknown ;
upon the conquest of which their prince was bent, among
labours and dangers utterly incalculable, with the final object
utterly undefined. Dissatisfaction grew among men of all
ranks, even Alexander's greatest favourites and most confi-
dential friends. The Macedonian constitution, as we have
seen, warranted to a Macedonian army a great degree of
the authority of a popular assembly. The civic troops of
the Greek republics not less claimed the same privilege ; but
Arrian mentions the Macedonians particularly as now meet-
ing to debate on the king's purposes. In dissatisfaction with
these, he says, all seemed agreed; and some, he adds, went
so far as to declare that, if the king required them to go into
new wars, his command should no longer be obeyed.

Alexander, informed of the dangerous discontent, appears
to have taken, with great good temper, the course becoming
the sovereign of a people claiming the rights of the Mace-
donian kingdom and the Grecian republics. Without dis-
tinction between them, he assembled the generals and taxi-
archs of both, exclusively of the officers of the mercenaries,
who served on quite other terms. Reports of words spoken
in private, or in miscellaneous conversation, or in the heat
of military action, must always be subject to much doubt;
but as it appears to have been hardly less customary, among
the Greeks of Alexander's age, than with us at present, to
note and publish the speeches of eminent men in deliberative
assemblies, what Arrian has given as delivered on this occa-
sion, though he has not precisely named his author, yet
scrupulous of authority as he always shows himself, will
well deserve notice. 32

Alexander, he says, began the deliberation by addressing

32 Arrian has not precisely said that he had these speeches from Ptolemy,
but he nearly indicates so much, quoting Ptolemy for attending circumstances,
and mentioning him shortly after as the guide whom he chiefly followed.

160 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

the assembly thus : " Macedonians and allies ! Observing
that you are no longer disposed, as formerly, to accompany
me in hazardous enterprise, I have assembled you with the
purpose that, either persuading, I may engage you to proceed
with me, or, being persuaded by you, we may together
return toward our homes. If either our joint labours
hitherto, or my command under which they have been
undertaken, are matter for complaint, I have no more to say.
But if, through those labours, Ionia, and all Lesser Asia,
Phenicia, Egypt, the Grecian settlements in Africa, part of
Arabia, Ccelesyria, the Mesopotamian Syria, Babylon, Susa,
the whole empire of the Persians and Medes, and more, the
country beyond the Caspian gates and as far as the Hyrcanian
sea, are ours, and the Scythians are driven to their deserts ;
if, beyond this, the Indus and the Hydaspes and the Akesines
and the Hydraotes now flow through our empire, why should
you hesitate to add to it the Hyphasis, and the country
beyond the Hyphasis ? Are you now afraid that barbarians
will be able to resist us ; so many nations as you have seen
of them, some willingly submitting, some flying yet over-
taken, some completely abandoning their country to us,
some becoming voluntary subjects? For myself I reckon
that the labours of a brave man should be limited only by
the failure of objects worthy of them. If it be asked what
is to be the end of our warfare, I answer, the space is now
small to the river Ganges and the Indian ocean. This
evidently is connected with the Hyrcanian sea; for the
ocean surrounds the earth. I desire then, Macedonians and
allies, to inform you that the Indian ocean communicates
with the Persian gulf on one side, as with the Hyrcanian
sea on the other. From the Persian gulf our fleet will cir-
cumnavigate Africa to the gates of Hercules, at the western
end of the Mediterranean sea. The interior of Africa will
thus be at our command, and the bounds of our empire will

SECT. VI. DELIBERATION OF THE ARMY. 161

be those which God has made the bounds of the earth."
Adding some arguments drawn from the disposition of the
northern people subdued, but not yet such willing subjects
as those of the south, the gratification to arise from glory,
the examples of Hercules and Bacchus, the comparatively
small part of Asia (according to his very deficient notion,
which the reader will have observed, of its extent) remaining
to be subdued, and the difference to all whom he addressed,
if, the conquest of the Persian empire not having been at-
tempted, their rewards in wealth and fame were limited to
what arose from wars with the Thracians, Triballians, and
Ulyrians, he concluded thus : " If indeed, you

J Arr. 1.5.C.26.

undergoing labours and dangers, I, as commander,
avoided them, and, yours being the trouble, the reward was
all for others, reasonably, I admit, your disposition to
exertion might slacken. But you know that I have shared
with you in labours and dangers, and you have shared with
me in reward. The empire is yours ; you preside over it ;
some in the dignity of satrap, all in eminence of rank and
power 33 ; and a large portion of the revenue is yours. When
the conquest of Asia then may be completed, your desires,
by heaven, I swear, not only shall be fulfilled, but exceeded.
Those wishing to return home I will discharge, or conduct
myself ; but those who will abide with me shall be the envy
of those who quit the service.

Alexander ending, a long silence ensued. None
had that knowledge of the extent of the Asiatic
continent which could enable them to controvert his widely
erroneous representation of it, and show the extravagance of
his views, yet none were disposed to concur with him in the
purpose of at all prosecuting conquest eastward. Neverthe-

33 "ffAiig tzur/if ffetroK'Tivi'ri. This Persian- Greek phrase is not to be exactly
rendered in modern language. The learned reader will judge how far faith,
fully I have rendered the sense.

VOL. X. M

162 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIU.

less none was willing to be foremost in declaring opposition.
Repeatedly the king desired that any who differed from him
would speak freely, yet still all were silent. At length
Coenus son of Polemocrates arose : the oldest of the generals,
since Parmenio was taken off, and, as we have seen, among
the highest in esteem and confidence with Alexander. He
began with an apology for himself, and then adding assurance
of his own and the army's attachment to their king, he pro-
ceeded to say he would declare, as he reckoned might
become one of his age, and experience, and services, what,
though it should be agreeable to none, he thought most
advantageous for all. " The more then, and the greater,"
he said, " are the achievements the army, under your com-
mand, O king, has accomplished, so much the more I reckon
it becoming and expedient to put an end to its labours and
dangers. Of the thousands of Macedonians and Greeks
who set out in the expedition with you, the number remain-
ing you know. Already, when we were in Bactria, perceiving
the Thessalians 34 less ready to proceed to new labours and
dangers, judiciously, in my opinion, you dismissed them. Of
the other Greeks, numbers have been left in the towns you
have founded; not very willing settlers there 35 ; and the
rest, who, with the Macedonians, have persevered in the
course of fatigue and peril, some have fallen in battle, some
are disabled by wounds, some have been necessarily left
behind in different parts of Asia; numbers have died. of
sickness ; of the many few remain ; and they, in body not
able as formerly, in mind are still more broken. Advantages
indeed great and splendid they have acquired ; from poor,

34 The Thessalian cavalry were men of property : not so the Grecian foot.

35 Probably these were, in large proportion, exiles from various republics,
and yet many perhaps unwilling settlers in so distant a country', surrounded
by people of different language and manners ; many having the hope, through
Alexander's favour and power, to be restored to their several republics, and
perhaps to hold command over the party which had expelled them.

SECT. vi. THE ARMY IN COUNCIL. 163

they are become wealthy ; from obscure, the renowned of
the earth. Hence the desire, naturally keener and therefore
more deserving consideration, advanced as they are, under
your lead and by your favour, in riches and honours,
to revisit parents, wives, children, and native soil." Coenus
then proceeded to observe, that the king's own family had a
right to expect him ; that the people of the Grecian re-
publics, by whose choice he was there presiding magistrate,
had, for the troubles arisen in their country, in his absence,
and in consequence of it, a claim to his attention. " When
duties thus obvious," he added, " are performed, then you
may lead a new army, at your choice, to eastern India, or to
the countries about the Euxine sea, or to Carthage, and the
regions of Africa beyond Carthage. Young men, with
fortune before them, will be ready, in any number, to go
with willing minds on any enterprise, when they see those
who have been serving under you return to enjoy, in their
homes and with their families, their acquired riches and
honours. It is honourable, O king, to be moderate in
prosperity. With your present army, you commanding,
nothing is to be feared from an enemy. But the ways of
Divine Providence are not to be foreseen, and therefore not
to be guarded against by human power or wisdom." 36

Coenus ending, a general murmur of appro-
bation arose. So were minds affected by the
question before them, such were the conflicting feelings of
attachment to the king, their successful commander, and
aversion to his purpose, that some even shed tears. Alex-
ander, seeing the general disposition expressed so decidedly,
dismissed the assembly.

But the keenness of his disappointment on the occasion
was more than he could patiently bear. His conduct then

36 Toe, 5 I* rov AatfAOyiou a.Mxv-ra, n, <x,t TI>TVI xcti
itrri. Arr. 1. 5. c. 27.

M 2

164? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Llll.

will deserve observation. It was clearly not that of one
habituated to despotism, or, however he might desire, at all
claiming it. Next day he convened the same officers again;
and, with uneasiness of mind strongly marked in his man-
ner, declared, " that he would himself proceed in his pur-
pose." Forbearing then to notice the republican Greeks,
but directing his reproach to the Macedonians only, he
added, " that he would not command the service of any
Macedonian with him j not doubting but enough would be
ready to follow their king ; and, for those who desired to
return home, they might go, and tell their friends that they
had deserted him among his enemies." Not waiting then
for reply, he went to his tent, and admitted nobody for
two days.

According to Ptolemy, whom Arrian here quotes, (and
Ptolemy, we have seen, was before among his most fa-
voured friends, and, we shall find, continued so,) he hoped
that some change of mind, common among soldiers in rest,
would take place, of which indication would reach him.
But, on the third day, perfect regularity being maintained
throughout the army, and a general regret for the king's
dissatisfaction clearly manifested, but no change of the ge-
neral aversion to his purpose, he took the course best
adapted, in yielding to the circumstances, to maintain his
own dignity. He ordered a sacrifice to be performed to
consult the gods about crossing the river ; as if that re-
mained his object. The symptoms were declared completely
adverse. Assembling then his principal officers, he told
them that as the divine powers were favourable to his army's
wishes, and not to his own, he should abandon his design,
and they might communicate his intention to move home-
ward. This being done, a universal shout of joy
arose ; and the soldiers crowded about the king's
tent to testify their gratitude, for that he, invincible to all

SECT. VI. ARRANGEMENT FOR INDIAN PROVINCES. 165

others, had yielded to them. Harmony being thus re-esta-
blished, he directed twelve altars to be erected, of the height
of the highest towers ordinary in fortifications, and of more
than their usual size, as thanksgiving offerings to the gods,
and monuments of the extent of his victories. Rest being
given to the troops while these were completed, he then
sacrificed on them with the solemnities used among the
Macedonians from times beyond memory, and added, as
had been his custom, the amusement of gymnic and eques-
trian exercises.

In arranging then the affairs of the conquered countries,
he added to his former presents of dominion to his once
magnanimous enemy, now apparently, of Asiatics, his most
esteemed friend, Porus, placing under his protecting au-
thority all the territory last conquered, as far as that river,
the Hyphasis, which the decision of ' the army had made
the boundary of his empire. But all his presents of do-
minion in India, equally as elsewhere, he reckoned still
within his empire ; entitled to its protection, and therefore
liable to its control, and required to pay tribute towards
its support. Nor thus does he seem to have imposed any
thing upon the conquered princes or people beyond what
they were subject to under the old constitution of their
country; commanding only, as by right of conquest, the
transfer to himself of that allegiance which had been before
due to some once powerful, but now decayed, empire east-
ward. 37

37 Arrian describes many of the Indian princes, previously to their submis-
sion to Alexander, by the title of Svoe,^x.o{, clearly thus indicating that they
acknowledged some superior. Who that superior was, and where he resided,
we fail of any direct information. The able commentator on Nearchus has
reckoned it indicated to be within that country about the Ganges, where the
Mogul sovereigns of India chose their residences.

The compilers of the ancient Universal History, whose diligence, and also

whose judgment (though more that of the writers of some of the notes than

of the text) I have heretofore found occasion to commend, have imputed

fiction to Arrian, in reporting the speeches, injuriously, I think, both to the

M 3

166 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. im.

author and to the history. " Arrian and Curtius," they observe, " have both
given the substance of Alexander's harangue ; but they differ widely ; and
the frame of each of the speeches agrees exactly with the genius of the author.
That in Arrian is grave, solid, and at the same time very specious ; whereas
that in Curtius is copious, florid, and full of strong rhetorical figures, which
serve rather to amaze than to persuade. We may therefore reasonably sup-
pose that Arrian and Curtius composed each his harangue." The characters
here given of the speeches are just; but the conclusion, as far as regards
Arrian, is false, I think, within proof. For the speech attributed to Alex-
ander by that careful historian marks in the speaker an utter ignorance of
the geography of the countries beyond Alexander's conquests. But before
Arrian's time, and indeed soon after Alexander's, as Arrian himself shows in
his account of India, the defective and erroneous notions before entertained
of those countries were largely corrected. The speech given by Arrian
therefore seems clearly derived from writers of Alexander's age, uninformed,
equally with himself, about those countries. Nor do I think that even Curtius
has been here wholly an inventor. He had before him, apparently, the same
authorities as Arrian, but he used them differently, as with different purpose.
Occasionally he appears moreover to have used those which Arrian thought
unworthy of notice ; and, in reporting the speech in question, as on too many
other occasions, he has evidently been rather aiming to move his less con-
siderate readers by what might have momentary effect on their imagination,
than careful of any authority, or at all solicitous to follow the best. His
apology for his account of some wonders of nature may deserve his reader's
recollection on many occasions : " Equidem plura transcribe quam credo :
nam nee adfirmare sustineo de quibus dubito, nee subducere quae accepi."
Q. Curt. 1. 9. c. 1. It may indeed be suspected that he has not always limited
himself to authorities, though the best have evidently been within his means,
but that, for scenic effect, he has frequently exerted his talent, which appears
to have been considerable, of invention for himself.

BEGINNING RETURN OF THE ARMY. 167

CHAPTER LIV.
ALEXANDER'S RETURN FROM INDIA.

SECTION I.

Beginning Return of the Army. Care of Colonies in northern
India. Ancient Law of Nations. Eulogy of Alexander.
War with the Mallians. Alexander dangerously wounded.

THE retrograde march was at length begun, with perfect
good humour in the army, and Alexander more than ever
its idol. The space from the Hyphasis to the Hydraotes
was retraced, and from that river to the Akesines ; where
the construction of the town, the superintendence of which
had been committed to Hephaestion, was found so ad-
vanced as already to afford convenience for the residence
of numbers. Offer was made for the less able men of the
mercenary forces to settle there ; and, on a view of the im-
mense distance of their native homes, and of the advantages
which the new settlement promised, many accepted the
offer; and many of the natives of the neighbourhood, on
permission given, became their voluntary associates in the
colony. During the halt, on the occasion, the brother of
Abisares, with Arsaces, chief of a bordering province, came
to wait upon Alexander, bringing presents of great amount.
From Abisares, with other valuables, were thirty elephants,
accompanied with an apology for his inability, on account
of ill health, to pay his personal respects. Alexander, ac-
cepting the apology, appointed Abisares and Arsaces jointly
his satraps over both provinces, and settled the tribute to
be paid by them to the empire to which they had submitted.
M 4

168 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

Here the indication concurs with what is elsewhere found,
that these princes had been subordinate to some such great
paramount sovereign as the late Mogul ; and that, in failure
of due protection from that paramount sovereign against
other subordinate princes, and against the foreign con-
queror, they were prepared for submission to any foreign
conqueror, of power to inspire terror, and of character to
afford them better hopes. Alexander then proceeded from
his new town on the Akesines to his new towns of Nicaea
and Bucephala on the Hydaspes. There he employed his
soldiers in repairing damages, which the buildings, probably
after the present manner of the country, of unbaked earth,
and hastily erected, had suffered from weather, and gave
his attention to whatever might be requisite toward the
administration and defence of the country around.

But, in yielding to the desire of his army to return home-
ward, he had not engaged that it should be by the shortest
way, or the easiest. On the contrary, it had been among
his declared and most earnest purposes to explore the
shores of the Indian ocean ; and the project of conquest to
an unknown extent eastward, which had so alarmed his
army, being abandoned, it seems to have been understood
that southward, so as at least to include within his empire
all westward of the great river Indus, all should be com-
pelled to submission ; for so much we find the army was
yet willing to undertake.

If then, according to the better maxims of modern times,
a just occasion for Alexander to carry war, even into the
northern Indian provinces, is not very clearly declared by
ancient writers, mostly* little solicitous about such matters,
still less clearly is it found for his invasion of the south.
Nevertheless it is to be observed, as at least probable, that
the conquests of the Persian kings had, at some time, ex-
tended to the Indus, or perhaps beyond ; and that all the

SECT. I. ANCIENT LAW OF NATIONS. 169

country westward had been once held by princes acknow-
ledging the paramount sovereignty of Persia. The claim
then of right to revindicate the sovereignty, as successor by
conquest to the rights of the Persian empire, would per-
haps not appear any great violation of the ancient law of
nations, or of the notions of political justice which we have
observed to prevail among ancient minds.

Alexander's conquests were so extensive, so rapid, and
altogether so extraordinary, that they may seem hardly to
have left opportunity for writers, who may seem also to have
supposed hardly desire in their readers, to view him in any
other character than as a conqueror j unless, after some of
the violent party authors of his own and presently follow-
ing ages, to revile him as a tyrant, a drunkard, even a
madman 1 ; the freedom of the Greek republics affording
opportunity, and the violence of party-spirit among them
providing incitement, for such opposite extravagances. To
estimate then the merit of Alexander's administration, it
may be not unavailing to look a little to that of other con-
querors, and especially of the greatest of all, the Roman
republic. Its conquests, less rapid, were however alto-
gether so great and so splendid, and its able writers have so
engagingly portrayed the great men who led its triumphs,
that it has generally satisfied following authors, as well as
readers, to admire the Roman senate as directors, and the
people as instruments, of its extraordinary successes, little
heeding the result to the rest of mankind. If kings then
only were exhibited in chains to the scoffs of the Roman
populace, or, like Jugurtha, starved to death, the philosophy,
which has been transmitted from the school of Callisthenes

1 This latter epithet I believe, however, has been ventured only under the
quidlibet audendi prerogative of poets ; " From Macedonia's madman to the
Swede." Two characters so different were hardly ever besides offered as
parallels ; but Pope had imbibed much of the French political philosophy
derived from Callisthenes and others before him.

170 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

through all succeeding times over modern Europe, might
teach to regard it with complacency or even with pride.
But the destruction of nations, Greece reduced to a desert,
Sicily depopulated, and, with Italy itself, excepting the im-
perial city, occupied almost only by slaves, facts reluctantly
and therefore defectively indicated by Roman, and fearfully
by Greek historians, but incidentally shown in clear light
when the predominant purpose has not been flattery either
to the Roman great or the Roman people, will hardly be
acknowledged as praiseworthy by any modern school of
philosophy. 2

Nevertheless, differently as the rights of humanity and
the due to our neighbours have been estimated in ancient
and in modern ages, the law of nations and of peace and
war has thence so differed, among the ancients, from that
acknowledged by the states, in modern tunes, forming what
has been not unaptly called the European commonwealth,
that it may be unfair to estimate the moral merit of any
ancient conqueror, or the justice of any ancient war, strictly
by that law. Among the great men of Rome, Julius Caesar
has been reckoned the fittest to be compared with Alex-
ander. Certainly he was among the most liberal and noble-
minded of any who, at any time > led Roman triumphs. Yet,

2 Strabo has described, but with cautious pen, forbearing remark, the
wretched state of Greece and Sicily, as he saw them, in the age of Augustus.
In describing Italy he seems to have thought still more caution and forbear-
ance necessary ; having avoided to notice the miserable condition of that fine
country under Roman sway. Our historian of the Roman republic, Hooke,
has diligently investigated and ably marked the characters of the civil contests
of the Roman people, but has afforded little information of the condition of
the countries subjugated by them, and of the state of their population under
the rule of the imperial republic. It has remained for a writer of the present
day, in a work where it would be little expected, and which, on account of the
necessary expensiveness of so splendid a publication, (the third volume of
publications of the Dilettanti Society,) cannot have the extensive circulation
desirable for so important a portion of history, to collect from unquestionable
authorities, and show in clear light, the real character of the Roman repub-
lican dominion.

SECT. I. ANCIENT LAW OF NATIONS. 171

for his invasion of Britain, may it be allowed to go so
far for illustration, neither justification, nor any sufficient
temptation is very obvious. To tell the Roman people that
he had carried their conquering arms, in the phrase of the
day, beyond the bounds of the earth, and to increase the
splendour of that always cruel and truly barbarian cere-
mony, the triumph, by exhibiting in chains prisoners of a
nation before unseen in Rome, though unjust, might be
powerful motives. But a principal object pressed CKS. Beii.
upon him by his situation as servant of a re- Strai) - L 4 -
public, and by the circumstances of that republic, seems
enough marked to have been to seize prisoners for the sup-
ply of its slave-markets. 3 By their sale he would find the
desired, perhaps even necessary, gratification for his sol-
diery; and a plentiful and unexpected supply for those
markets, with of course a reduced price of what, in the cir-
cumstances of Italy, under Roman policy, was a commodity
so necessary for persons of all ranks, of the greatest pro-
perty and the least, would be extensively gratifying. Yet,
in justice to Caesar, it should be observed that, though such
was his conduct when servant of a republic, and dependent
upon the favour of a democratical party for his eminence,
yet, among his first acts, when he had overborne the op-
posing party, was a law to limit slavery in Italy, by com-
manding the employment of freemen in husbandry. 4

3 - ac.KYfrot'ysv avgjre& xeu -riis <x,XXvts feints tr^Beg. Strab. 1. 4. In
large amount of various Blunder, here indicated, slaves, it seems, as indeed
from all information of the state of the country would be likely, were alone
what the geographer reckoned of importance enough to be specified.

In Caesar's own account (so I venture to call it, notwithstanding the ques-
tions on the subject,) the mention of prisoners, I think, has been avoided
except in describing his final departure from Britain, when, in accounting for
the number of vessels wanted, and with difficulty collected, (apparently to
obviate the supposition that his military force was larger than has been
owned,) a multitude of captives is noticed. The purpose of transporting
these [could hardly be any but to supply the slave-markets. Altogether his
invasions of Britain seem strongly marked for slave-hunting expeditions.

4 - Neve hi, gut pecuariam facerent, minus tertid parte puberum in-

172 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

Of the slavery under the Persian empire we have hardly
any information. The learned commentator on the voyage
of Nearchus has supposed that among the Indians there was
no slavery, properly so called ; though he has admitted the
division of the people into castes to have been then of old
establishment ; and, among the castes, probably would be
one, then as now, hardly above slavery. But Alexander,
bred under Aristotle, who, with many other Grecian phi-
losophers, as we have formerly observed, esteemed slavery
natural and necessary among mankind, would not be likely
to scruple condemning Indian prisoners, for what he rec-
koned offences, to that miserable state. In perfect con-
sonance thus, not only with the practice of all the Grecian
republics, but of the Roman after them, oppressing a por-
tion, what he did for extensive benefit of mankind, being
peculiar to himself, will for a just estimation of his cha-
racter, as well as on its own account, especially deserve
consideration.

In pursuing this subject then I desire allowance to avail
myself of the very able work of the author whom I have
already found occasion to quote, and, in beginning, to use
Vincent on ^ s wor ds : " It is perhaps imputing too much
to that .extraordinary man, Alexander, to assert
that he had preconceived the comprehensive scheme of com-

genuorum inter 'pastores haberent. Sueton. Jul. c. 42. The value of this
short but important passage, imperfectly seen by the learned annotator Ca-
saubon, stands noticed, according to its just estimation, in the introduction to
the third volume of publications of the Dilettanti Society. Yet that learned
and diligent annotator has, in a following note, shown his sense of the value
of a passage of Livy, marking, in few words, most strongly the desolation of
Italy under the Roman republic, and the need for such a law as that of the
great dictator : . . . Plerique enim de plebe in re facienda omissiores sT^ae.
rovTt> facti sunt, neglectum negotiandi studium, spreta agrorum cur a, et servis
vinctisque commissa : ex quo ilia Livii gravis querela libra sexto : " Olim
multitudinem innumerabilem liberorum capitum in eisfuisse locis, qua nunc y
vix seminario exiguo militum relicto, servitia Romano, ab solitudine vindi-
cant." Casaub. annot. in Suet. Octav. c. 42.

SECT. I. TRADE AND. NAVIGATION. 173

merce with India from the first foundation of Alexandria
in Egypt ; but certain it is that, as his mind expanded with
his success, and his information increased in proportion to
the progress of his arms, the whole plan was matured.
Whatever vanity then may be attached to the foundation
of cities, and however this passion might operate upon
Alexander, utility still was the prevailing motive in his mind.
It has been judiciously observed that most of the cities
founded after him, by the Syrian kings, existed little longer
than their founders; and, if we except Antioch on the
Orontes, and Seleucia on the Tigris, there was perhaps not
one capable of existing. But the Paropamisan Alexandria,
and that on the laxartes, continue to this day cities of im-
portance; and Alexandria in Egypt, after surviving and
greatly flourishing through the revolutions of empires for
eighteen centuries, perished at last," or rather its singular
importance perished, " only in consequence of a discovery
which changed the whole system of commerce throughout
the world."

Alexander's way from his colonies of Nicaea and Buce-
phala to the ocean was nearly limited to the course of the
river Indus, both by the expediency of holding commu-
nication with his fleet, and by the circumstances of the
country. The great vale, through which that river flows,
is bounded westward by the sandy desert, or by interven-
ing mountains. Eastward a similar character of worthless
country is found, though of less extent. The vale between,
like the region of the five rivers, in which Alexander had
been engaged northward, was of extraordinary fertility ; and
the abundant population was famed, among neighbouring
nations, for skill in arms and for courage. But it was
divided into many small states, often hostile to one an-
other. Thus their power for offensive war was small, and
opportunity for war against them abundant ; yet nume-

174- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

rous positions in their country, of extraordinary natural
strength, gave to all great means and great confidence against
invasion.

It seems, as before observed, rather probable that all this
country, westward of the Indus, had been, at some time,
conquered by Persian armies, and had not ceased to be
claimed as a portion of the Persian empire ; though, if its
princes now acknowledged any superior, it appears to have
been some great Indian sovereign, residing far eastward.
On this supposition, Alexander's pretension to be, by con-
quest, the rightful successor to all the dominions of the
Persian monarchs might perhaps, according to Grecian and
ch. 53. s . s. Roman principles, be admitted ; and, against the
Mallians and Oxydracs, the most powerful of
the people in his way, he had moreover the ground of quar-
rel formerly noticed, that they were the allies and pro-
tectors of his enemy, the prince called by Arrian the bad
Porus.

It is the opinion of the commentator on the voyage of
Nearchus, whose professed object has been geography, but
whose observations, to which his geographical researches
have led him, will rank him among the ablest historical
critics, that, long before Alexander's age, a great trade was
carried on from the upper provinces of India, by the Indus
and the rivers communicating with it, to the ocean ; little,
if at all, directed thence westward ; the barren shore of the
Desert, for some hundred leagues, repelling ; but much along
the coast of Malabar, where the commodities of the rich
countries in the cool climate of the north of India would
be desirable, as those of the torrid regions of the peninsula
would reciprocally be in request northward. He has even
supposed that the vessels employed in that trade turned the
southern cape, and proceeded northward along the coast of
Coromandel, toward the Ganges ; but that the eastern shore

SECT. I. TRADE AND NAVIGATION. 175

of the great Indian Gulf was little if at all known to the
western Indians. Thus, on the information that Alexander
could acquire, his supposition that India was the extreme
of the Asiatic continent, and that the ocean bounding it
was connected with the Caspian, which was also supposed
a portion of the farthest northern sea, may seem not utterly
unreasonable. 5

At his new towns on the Hydaspes Alexander had pro-
vided that, while he was engaged on his expeditions east-
ward, a fleet, very numerous, though of small vessels, should
be built. Beside the labour of the conquered Arr , 6
country, which he could command, he had, in c-2l&3 -
his army, many Carians, Phenicians, Egyptians, and Cy-

| 5 Arrian mentions here a much greater, indeed an almost inconceivable,
deficiency of the geography of the age. Alexander, no doubt, would have
all the geographical information that the best informed Greek could give.
Yet, crocodiles being found in the Indus, and that kind of bean which
had been reckoned by the Greeks peculiar to Egypt, being observed on
the banks of the Akesines, he is said to have imagined he had discovered
whence the Nile had its source ; supposing it to flow through immense de-
serts from India to JEthiopia, whence it was well enough known to pass
through Egypt to the Mediterranean sea. It is added that he actually men-
tioned this idea in writing to Olympias his mother ; but, before the letter was
dispatched, getting better information, he effaced what he had written about
the Nile (Arr. 1. 6. c. 1.). The historian neither quoting authority here, his
common practice for extraordinary matters, nor mentioning how it became
known what the effaced passage expressed, it may seem not too much to
doubt the correctness of his information about it. We find Plutarch quoting
numerous Letters of Alexander, as authority for important matters political
and military. It has not fallen in my way to find the authenticity of those
letters discussed, or, I think, at all noticed, by any of the numerous commen-
tators on Alexander's history. That they should have been unknown to
Arrian, contemporary, or nearly so, with Plutarch, seems hardly to be sup-
posed. If then he believed them genuine, that he should have noticed, among
them all, only some blotted lines concerning a question of geography, would
be somewhat extraordinary. [They have been appealed to by an earlier
writer, and one whom Mr. Mitford would have considered much more trust-
worthy, than Plutarch. Among the " Auctores Externi" enumerated by Pliny
as authorities for the sixth book of his Natural History, appears the name
ALEXANDER MAGNUS. In the nineteenth chapter (ed. Harduin.) he attests a
fact merely by the words, " Alexander magnus prodidet ;" but in the twenty-
first he refers expressly to the Letters. Having stated certain distances of
places according to the measurement of Diognetus and Baeton, " itinerum ejus
mensores," he says : " EpistoUe quoque Regis ipsius consentiunt his."]

176 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. IIV.

priots, practised, some in ship-building, more in navigation,
all capable, beyond mere landsmen, of assisting toward the
building and equipment of a fleet. Of these, the historian
proceeds to say, Alexander principally formed his crews ;
no Greeks, either of the continent, either of Europe, or of
Lesser Asia being mentioned ; whence it seems probable that
all were of the new levies, and that the Greeks, engaged
in the first of the expedition, had mostly been discharged,
either to return home, or to settle among the various new co-
lonies. The vessels, mostly boats, in our phrase, rather than
ships, were of various kinds, adapted for different purposes :
some for carrying infantry, some for cavalry, some for
stores, and some for battle. Of the latter, no hostile fleet
being to be apprehended, none exceeded the triaconter, or
galley of thirty oars, the smallest of those commonly used
among the Greeks, for action by water. Of every descrip-
tion the whole number was said by Ptolemy to have been
two thousand.

During these preparations the veteran general Coenus
died; one, as we have seen, most trusted by Alexander
with great command, and, as Arrian's phrase bespeaks him,
of his most confidential friends. The funeral obsequies
were performed with suitable magnificence, apparently the
utmost that circumstances would admit.

When all was ready for the proposed movement south-
ward, Alexander called together all the attending ministers
of Indian princes, together with all the principal officers
of his army ; and, in their presence, declared Porus king
of all the conquered part of India westward of the Indus.
The Nysasan cavalry, which seems to have been the only
Indian force he had used, excepting that under Porus, he
dismissed to return home. Of his remaining army, one
division, under Craterus, was directed to march by the right
bank of the river ; another, the larger, under Hephasstion,

SECT. I. PROGRESS DOWN THE INDUS. 177

with all the elephants, in number two hundred, was ordered,
on the left side, to make the utmost speed to the capital,
unnamed, of a prince called Sopithus. Alexander himself
took the immediate command of a chosen force of horse
and foot to go by water ; ready thus to give attention and
support to either side, and also to strengthen either from
the other. A fourth body, under Philip, whom

AIT* 1. 6* c. 2.

he had appointed satrap of all the country west-
ward of the Indus, as far as the cpnfines of Bactria,
probably the same person formerly described as ch. 53. .. 4.
son of Machatas, was to remain four days, ap- AW. i.s.c.g.
parently to manage some business not indicated by the
historian, and then follow.

At daybreak sacrifice was performed. Then the divisions
for the left bank and for the river navigation embarked.
Alexander, on reaching his galley, poured from a golden
flagon a libation into the Hydaspes, invoking the deities of
that river and of the Akesines, which it joined at some
distance, and of the Indus, which receives their united
waters. After this ceremony, he poured to Hercules, to
Ammon, and, as ancient Macedonian custom prescribed,
(so the historian describes it,) to other gods. This pious
ceremony being concluded, the trumpet, at his command,
gave the signal, and the fleet moved. Such a number of
vessels, passing along the river in regular order, with signals
of trumpets and words of command heard on the shores,
and occasionally reverberated by rocks and woods on the
banks, the effect was greatly striking even to the Greeks ;
but still more to the multitude of Indians, led by curiosity
from the populous neighbourhood on each side of the river,
to whom everything seen and heard was new, and whose
wonder, the historian says, was particularly excited by the
sight of horses conveyed by water. Singularly given to

VOL. x. N

178 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

singing, he adds, their songs, on this occasion, heightened
the extraordinary chorus.

On the third day of the voyage the fleet arrived
where Craterus, on one side of the river, and
Hephaestion, on the other, according to orders, met it.
Alexander directed them to proceed immediately, and still
by the river's course. With the fleet he waited himself
two days, while Philip, with his division, joined. This
body, probably with a view to the more easily finding
provisions for all, he ordered across the country to the
Akesines, with instruction to follow the course of that
stream to its junction with the Hydaspes, on which he
himself pursued his voyage, in a width of water, according
to the historian, nowhere less than twenty Greek stades,
which on no computation would be so little as a mile. 6 In
five days he reached the confluence of the two rivers.
There a contraction of the channel, through which the
combined waters were of necessity to flow, produced what
our seamen call a race, and of very dangerous violence. Of
this both Alexander and the army had previous intelligence
from the country people ; but, for the fleet to proceed, the
passing must be hazarded. On approaching the strait, the
roaring of the waters was such that the rowers, appalled,
as if by consent, without command, rested on
their oars. Orders were issued to proceed with
the greatest and most unremitted exertion ; assurance being
added, that so the force of the whirlpools might be over-
borne or evaded. The round vessels, (as the Greeks called
vessels of burden, nearly such as the modern for ocean
navigation,) though the irregular violence of the current
alarmed those aboard, all passed safely. But the long
vessels, with low sides, adapted to swift rowing, and

Ovtiapov pi'toi* \t ra xxroarXM UKOITI ffretitav n iv$os. Arr. 1. 6. C. 4.

SECT. I. RESISTANCE OF THE MALLIANS. 179

especially those of two benches 7 , the rowers of the lower
bench, whose rowloops were little above the level of the
water when smooth, being unable to disengage their oars
from the rising billows, were greatly distressed. Two of
these falling against each other were lost, and many of the
men they bore perished. Fortunately it happened that,
presently below the rapid, on the right bank of the river,
was a shore advantageous for receiving and refitting the
damaged fleet. Alexander, attentive to the danger and
suffering of his people, having himself passed safely, landed
there, and diligently superintended assistance to the injured
vessels and those they carried. At this place Hephaestion,
Craterus, and Philip, with their several divisions, joined.

Hitherto the people on either shore had mostly been
submissive, and the few refractory were with little effort
compelled to obedience. But more powerful states were
next in the way, those of the Mallians and Oxydracs ;
people, according to Arrian, living under republican govern-
ment, and eminent among the Indians as military people. 8
Assurance being received that these, in alliance, were de-
termined upon resistance, it was judged expedient to in-
crease the force on the right bank of the river, where their
territory lay. Philip's division, and Polysperchon's, and
all the horse-bowmen, and all the elephants, such was
Alexander's opinion of the power of that animal in battle,
were conveyed across the river, and put under the command
of Craterus. Of the rest of the army, one

Arr. 1. 6. c. 5.

division, under Hephaestion, was sent forward
a five days' march ; another, under Ptolemy, the historian,
was ordered to remain three days behind. The immediate
command of a chosen body of foot and horse Alexander

7 "OtTKI 3lZOT6l KVTtaV. AlT. 1. 6. C. 5.

8 Memorials of these people, whose names the Greeks wrote MaXXe/ and
'O|uSa/, Vincent has observed, remain in the modern names of their coun-
tries, Mooltan and Ooche.

N 2

180 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

took himself, to go upon the most active service. The
fleet he directed to proceed the space of a three days' march
down the river.

An object is not indicated by historians to require these
measures, which yet possibly may have been ably adapted
to circumstances ; and Arrian, from whom most is always
to be expected, though he rarely goes beyond his purpose
of a military history, has stated, as cause for war with the
Mallians, only that they declined acknowledging Alex-
ander's imperial authority on terms he offered them ;
whether claiming their allegiance as once subjects of the
Persian empire, or only considering them, like all other
people, out of compact, and so, according to the ordinary
Grecian principle, fair objects of conquest. Simply as an
addition to his vast dominion, their country could be but
a small object. But all the Indian tribes, like them of
warlike reputation, were predatory people. Whether the
vmcent on Mallians might have means to interrupt the trade
on the Indian rivers, supposed eminent among
Alexander's objects of protection and encouragement, we
hardly have ground to judge ; but that security for the
peaceful cultivators of the soil in the provinces would be
precarious in the neighbourhood of a people of that cha-
racter, holding complete independency, cannot be doubtful.

But if just cause for engaging in the war may be sup-
posed, neither the following severity against the enemy, nor
the prince's rashness in the exposure of his own person to
dangers even for him beyond the common, appears at all
within excuse. It may seem that, in smothered ill humour
with his army, of which he knew himself, notwithstanding
the recent opposition to his fancy, highly the favourite, and
whose favour it greatly behoved him to cultivate, venting
his spleen on the foe, he would waste the exertion upon
small, for which great enterprise was denied him.

SECT. I. WAR WITH THE MALLIANS. 181

A sandy waterless desert divided the rich country of the
Mallians from the river Akesines. Marching in the morn-
ing, from his camp on the bank of that river, at the distance
of about nine miles he reached a smaller stream, where he
gave his troops midday rest. Proceeding then in the after-
noon and throughout the night, and himself hastening with
his cavalry before his infantry, in the morning he approached
a principal town of the Mallians.

That people, refusing tribute to the mighty conqueror
of the continent from the Hellespont and the African desert
to the Indus, confident in the security of their situation,
were found unprepared to expect an enemy. Many about
the fields, unarmed, fled toward the town for safety : those
overtaken were put to the sword. The horse then were
stationed around the town to prevent egress. The foot
arriving, the assault began ; and the Indians, after some
vain efforts at defence, withdrew to their citadel. This
was then attacked, and being carried, those within, about
two thousand, were all put to death. No reason is men-
tioned by the historian for such severity ; nor for what
ensued. Perdiccas had been sent against an inferior town.
At his approach the inhabitants fled. He pursued; and
his light troops, practised in running, overtook many, whom
they put to death. Neighbouring marshes afforded refuge
for those who could reach them.

Alexander, resting only till the first watch of

J Air. 1. 6. c. 7.

the night, proceeded, by a forced march, to the
river Hydraotes, where, at daybreak, he overtook the flying
and scattered Mallians. Most had crossed the river, but
many were killed by his cavalry in the water, and many
more in the continuation of pursuit. Some were made
prisoners; of course for profit of the troops by sale to
slavery. The greater part however were enough advanced
to reach a town strongly situated and walled. Against
N 3

182 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

these Python son of Agenor 9 was detached, who presently
took the town by storm. The lives of the survivors here
were spared.

Meanwhile Alexander himself went against the town of
the Bramins 10 : thus only the historian describes it. The
Bramins were then, as now, the wise men or philosophers
of the Indians. n They seem to have encouraged the
people in opposition to Alexander, as afterward the Druids,
who were of nearly similar rank and character among the
ancient Britons, encouraged them in opposition to the
Romans. But the Grecian art of sapping, used against
their walls, quickly produced effect, which caused such
alarm that, without attempting to defend the breach, they
withdrew into their citadel : yet in such deficient order that
some of Alexander's troops, following, entered also. These
however were presently overpowered and driven out with
loss. Twenty-five were acknowledged to have been killed.
Alexander then ordered the sappers to the wall, and the
scaling ladders to be ready on all sides. A tower being
reduced to ruin, and part of the adjoining curtain falling
with it, Alexander himself led the forlorn hope. Zeal
thence becoming vehement among the troops, the place was
quickly carried. Most of the Indians died fighting. The
less able set fire to the houses, where whole families
perished : a few only, such, observes the historian, was
their fortitude, were saved for slavery.

It seems to have been this passive courage, character-
istical still of the Indians, that provoked the youthful
conqueror. They could not resist him, yet would not yield.
Nor was this stimulation single in his mind. Angry yet,
though no longer avowing anger, with his army for refusal
to follow him against the powerful kingdoms of eastern

9 TluBtavoe, <rov 'Aywogos. Arr. 1.6. c. 17.

10 Bgaxjuayay. c. 7. " 2o0rra/. c. 16.

SECT. i. WAR WITH THE MALLIANS. 183

India, this new incentive came upon him from those whom,
in contempt, he would have left behind him, could he have
prosecuted the greater object of his desire. Allowing his
troops therefore only one day's rest, he detached Python
and Demetrius, with a force suited to the pur-

r An. 1. 6. c. 8.

pose, back to the thickets on the bank of the
Hydraotes, whither many Mallian families had fled, in
hope of security which they found their towns could not
afford them. His orders were sanguinary. Any Mallians
who came to surrender at discretion might be spared, but
all others found were to be put to the sword.

Meanwhile he proceeded himself against the principal
town of the Mallian country. But the Indians had already
so experienced the weakness of their fortifications against the
Grecian art of attack that, before he could arrive, the town
was deserted. The people, with those of many inferior
towns, having crossed the Hydaspes, occupied the farther
of its lofty banks, in number, it was said, fifty thousand
armed men, with the purpose of disputing the passage.
Alexander, after a rapid survey, rode into the river at the
head of his cavalry. He had hardly reached the middle of
the channel when the resolution of the Indians failed them,
and, with hasty steps, but in good order, they withdrew
from the bank. He followed. But they then, seeing his
infantry yet afar off, stood, and so resisted his charges that
he found it expedient to wait for his infantry. The Agrian
and other select light-armed arrived first, with the bow-
men. 12 These, together with the cavalry, began a desultory
action, which they maintained till the phalanx approached;

12 Arrian here distinguishes the fyiKo'i and the TO&TOU. I think Xenophon
and Thucydides always reckoned the bowmen among the vJ>;Xo/, though a
distinguished and superior branch of them. Arrian's vJ>/Aw seem to have
been the JTEATCKT-TIX}, middle-armed, of the elder writers ; and indeed probably
Alexander would not take with him to the farther end of Asia any of what
Thucydides has called o^Kos ruv ^t'/Mv.

N 4

184? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

and then the Indians, of whom many were already wounded,
presently fled. At no great distance a town strongly
situated was their refuge, but the pursuing horse killed
many.

Next day, committing one division of his army to Per-
diccas, leading the other himself, Alexander assailed the
town in two places. His own division forcing a gate entered
first. Apparently the fortification was very imperfect. The
Indians, no longer attempting defence of the town, withdrew
into the citadel, stronger by art as well as by local circum-
stances. Immediately he proceeded to storm it. At the
same time sapping was begun, and scaling-ladders were
applied. But the efforts of his men not satisfying his im-
patience, he took a ladder from one bearing it, placed it
against the wall, and mounted, under protection only of his
ch 46 s. 2. of shield carried over his head. Peucestas, the bearer
of the sacred shield, taken, as formerly mentioned,
from the temple of Minerva at Troy, immediately followed ;
Leonnatus, a lord of the body-guard, was third ; Abreas,
apparently a common soldier, but of those who, for merit,
received double pay, mounted nearly at the same time by
another ladder. The hypaspists 13 , (who seem to have at-
tended Alexander's person in every action in which infantry
could join,) zealous to follow, overloaded the ladders and
they broke. Alexander thus, with three others only, was
on the top of the wall, and, for the splendour of his armour,
the principal object for the enemy's missile weapons. Within
the wall the soil was raised, so that he might leap down
without other danger than exposing himself still more to the

13 "Tfretawo-rris. Failure of desirable explanation concerning the body dis-
tinguished by this title has been formerly observed. Taylor's edition of He-
deric's Lexicon gives for version, Clypeatus safeties, quoting the Glossaria
Veterum, and agreeing with Scapula, who may probably have drawn from the
same source. But this, leaving the distinguishing ia-e unnoticed, as a version
is clearly defective, and as explanation nothing.

SECT. I. ALEXANDER DANGEROUSLY WOUNDED. 185

enemy. In advancing the hazard thus was of one kind, in
retreating perhaps equal of another. In advancing there
might be glory, in retreating shame. With a moment's con-
sideration, he leaped down into the citadel, and, for defence,
stood with his back against the wall. The Indians, seeing
him alone, closed upon him. The excellence of his armour,
with his skill in arms, protected him, while he killed an
Indian chief, and wounded several. The three who

Arr. 1. 6. c. 10.

had mounted the wall with him presently joining
him, the Indians no longer dared to close, but plied them
with missile weapons. Abreas, wounded in the face with
an arrow, fell. Alexander himself received a shot, which
pierced his breastplate, and the effusion of blood following
was such that he presently fainted. Peucestas and Leon-
natus remained to maintain the unequal contest.

But the troops, whose eagerness to prevent had enhanced
their prince's danger, so indiscreetly incurred 14 , soon suc-
ceeded in relieving it. The wall was only of earth, or un-
baked clay, and, even without ladders, some of the soldiers
found means to mount. A gate at hand was so infirm, or
so ill guarded, that it was presently forced. Attack, from
powerful numbers, ensuing, was, at first, withstood by the
Indians vigorously ; but they could not long maintain close
fight against the superiority of Grecian arms and discipline.
Before however the relief arrived, all Alexander's supporters
were wounded, and nearly disabled. He was himself borne
away, uncertain whether to survive. There was then no
restraining his victorious soldiery. Every man, woman, and
child found in the place was put to the sword ; his own
latter conduct having indeed, on some occasions, afforded
too much encouragement for such illiberal revenge.

Such an adventure as this, of the conqueror of Asia,
would be likely to be variously dressed by the numerous

14 .... /c*j ft oiiitois o fiottrihivs XKBr,, ou |y voca xivduHuay. Arr. 1. 6. c. 10.

186 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

writers of his age, and ages following, candidates for public
favour ; and Arrian mentions, among other instances, one
remarkably showing excess of carelessness, if not rather im-
pudence, of some among them, while, in the scarcity and
dearness of copies, examination and comparison of accounts
could be within the power of a very few. Some authors,
he says, reported that Ptolemy, the historian, was one who
mounted the ladder with Alexander, and protected him
when disabled ; " whereas," he proceeds, " Ptolemy in his
own narrative relates that he was not then present with the
army under Alexander's immediate orders, but commanding
a detached body on a distant service." Ptolemy however
would have full means to learn all circumstances, so as to
give an exact account ; and this Arrian appears to have
carefully followed.

An- 1 e c 12 Alexander's danger put the army, through all
ranks, upon serious and anxious consideration.
What might be the consequences of his death, for which no
provision had been made, and who should succeed to the
command-in-chief, were questions most seriously involving
the interests of all, and for which none had a ready answer.
Since Parmenio no one had been so distinguished by the
king as to be at all marked for such pre-eminence ; and the
troops were rather, in their several divisions, attached to
their several leaders, than generally disposed to allow to any
one the command over all. What then would result among
the conquered nations ? Their chiefs had been not only
subdued by the arms, but gained by the favours of Alexander ;
whose name also the people revered, as of the most glorious
of sovereigns, under whose rule they enjoyed all their former
advantages, with less apprehension, than before, of a troubled
government. Who would be for settling in the empire
gained, and fighting still, if necessary, for its maintenance ;
and who for the return home, the extensive earnestness for

SECT. I. RECOVERY OF ALEXANDER. 187

which had recently so grieved their lost leader ? And for
either settling in the conquered provinces, or for a length of
march, before so unheard of, as the return through so many
provinces, which to be friendly, which hostile, none could
know, who was to decide, and what were their means ?

The news reaching the army remaining, under Hepha3Stion's
command, in the camp whence Alexander had set out for
his expedition against the Mallians, produced even greater
and more lasting anxiety than where he was present. The
first report was that he was dead. Contradiction soon
arrived, but did not obtain immediate credit; suspicion
arising that it was an artifice of interested leaders, desirous
of gaining time for their purposes. Even when at length
Alexander, unable to come, wrote himself for assurance,
apprehension that this might be a forgery still gave un-
easiness.

Informed of all circumstances, as soon as he could bear
the motion of a litter, Alexander proceeded to the Hy-
daspes. On that stream a vessel bore him without fatigue
to the station where his fleet, under Nearchus, lay, with the
main body of his army, under Hephaestion, encamped hard
by. The litter was ready for him again at the landing-place ;
but, feeling himself beyond expectation able, he ordered his
horse; and, mounting, to the joyful surprise of the sur-
rounding anxious soldiery, though apparently not without
hazard, and perhaps injury, rode to his tent, and, without
assistance, dismounted. Universal acclamation, gratulation,
and, the historian says, tears of joy attended him. So does
personal valour commonly engage the esteem of the multi-
tude, especially of valour in high station, and more especially
where exerted of free choice, without any pressure from
necessity. But still more, with the added opinion of talent
capable of directing multitudes, so as both to lead them to
glory, and provide for their welfare, better than they could

188 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

do for themselves, or any other for them, an enthusiastical
attachment arises : and such Arrian describes as prevailing
toward Alexander. Among his more judicious friends how-
ever, universally dissatisfied with his rashness, some took
the liberty to admonish him, that the merit of the lowest
soldier should not be the object of the general's ambition ;
and that one whose life was so important to so many thou-
sands, and even millions, should not so waste his safety.
Alexander bore this, but with some demonstration of im-
patience ; which an old Boeotian officer, more a soldier than
a general, observing, exclaimed, in his Boeotian dialect : " O
Alexander, such deeds become men : the proverb says, Bear
the evils which great actions bring, and enjoy the glory."
This is among the few anecdotes of the more private life of
Alexander, authentically transmitted j Arrian having given
it from the narrative of Nearchus, the commander of the
fleet ; who added, that the old Boeotian was thenceforward
in much favour with the king.

The army in the Mallian country appears to have
remained to complete its subjugation, and then pro-
ceed against the Oxydracs ; represented as a powerful nation,
whose purposed junction of forces with the Mallians had
been disappointed by Alexander's rapidity. Terrified now
by experience, both of the force and of the severity of the
conqueror come from afar, both people sent deputations
offering submission and soliciting pardon ; the Mallians for
their resistance, the Oxydracs for having failed of an earlier
submission. The latter seem, on information received, to
have devised a mode of flattery grateful to Alexander :
" They were desirous," they said, " of freedom and inde-
pendency ; to which, if any people, they were entitled, having
enjoyed them from the time when Bacchus came to India :
but, understanding that Alexander also was of the race of
the gods, if it was his pleasure to appoint a satrap over

SECT. II. NAVIGATION OF INDIAN RIVERS. 189

them, they would submit and pay such tribute as he might
require." The terms, on their compliance with which he
insisted, were not mild. He would have a thousand of the
principal men of the two nations sent to him, to be held as
hostages ; or, at his pleasure, to be employed as soldiers in
his proposed subjugation of the rest of India. Again they
seem to have had politic consideration of his character.
They sent him a thousand men, selected for size and come-
liness of person, with assurance also, true or otherwise, of
their eminence of rank ; and, with them, five hundred armed
chariots, with the necessary horses and drivers, as a volun-
tary tribute of auxiliary force. Pleased with this, he
accepted the chariots with their appendages, and dismissed
the hostages; but appointed a satrap over the country,
Philip, apparently the same formerly distinguished as son of
Machatas, and already of satrapal dignity.

SECTION II.

Alexander's Navigation of the Indian Rivers. Conquest of southern
Provinces. Division of the Army for the Return homeward.
Establishment of a naval Station in the Indus. Arrival at the
Ocean. Establishment of a naval Arsenal at the western Mouth
of the Indus.

ALEXANDER, checked by the reasonable opposition of his
army in his wild purpose of extending conquest, (wild cer-
tainly, yet in his very extraordinary circumstances at his yet
early age, demanding consideration,) and apparently some-
what sobered by the severity of his last wound and the length
of confinement required for the cure, again directed his un-
common powers of mind and body and fortune to projects
useful to mankind. His purpose, formerly conceived, of
exploring the course of the Indus, and making known to the
western nations the navigation of the ocean, from the Indian

190 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

to the Persian gulf, employed his attention. During his
confinement he had caused a considerable increase to be
made to his river-navy ; principally of the larger vessels ;
and, as soon as his convalescence was sufficiently advanced,
he prosecuted the voyage down the Hydraotes to

[_B.C. 326. CI.}

its confluence with the Akesines, and thence on-
ward to that of their united streams with the Indus. There
he awaited the arrival of Perdiccas, who had been sent with

a division against a refractory Indian nation. In

Arr. I. 6.; C . 15. *

this leisure examining the opportunities of the
place, and finding them inviting, he resolved to found a
town there, and provide it with conveniences for a naval
station. During his stay Perdiccas, successful in the business
he had been sent upon, rejoined. Oxyartes, father of the
queen Roxana, also arrived, reporting some misconduct of
Tiristes, Tiryestes, or Tyriaspis, (for the Greeks varied in
their orthography of Persian names,) satrap of Paropamisus ;
who was in consequence removed, and the satrapy was com-
mitted to Oxyartes. Philip's satrapy was then declared to
extend to the confluence of the Akesines and Indus, in-
cluding the new town and arsenal, the completion of which
he was directed to superintend. A body of troops, including
all the Thracians of the army, was left with him, to ensure
quiet in his province.

For proceeding still downward, the ground on the left
bank of the river being incommodious, and hostility being
more threatened on the right 15 , the greater part of the di-
vision under Craterus was transported across, with all the
elephants, there to continue the march toward the sea;
Alexander himself, with a chosen body, being again borne on
the stream. Reaching the capital of the Sogdians 1G , appa-

15 Aqitrrtgai. For the interpretation here, note 17. is proposed to account.

16 Possibly these may have been a branch of the nation formerly noticed
(c. 51. s. 5.), of the same name, near the Caspian sea, or possibly the name
here may have been corrupted in transcription.

SECT. II. SUBMISSION OF MUSICANUS. 191

rently without resistance, he formed there again a subsidiary
naval arsenal, aud provided for its security by fortifications.
Already, though much remained yet to be subdued, he took
upon himself to dispose of all the river-side country, some
hundred miles from the confluence of the Akesines and
Indus to the sea, declaring it a satrapy under the joint au-
thority of Oxyartes and Python.

Directing the march of Craterus then by the right bank of
the river, through the country which the historian describes
as that of the Arachotes and Drangies 17 , he proceeded him-
self still by water to the territory said to be the richest of
India, the dominion of a prince called Musicanus. That
prince had not waited upon him, to offer submission for
himself and his country, nor had even by an embassy sought
friendship, nor had either sent those presents which common
civility required for a great king, or solicited anything for
himself. These are the causes stated by Arrian for treating
him as an enemy. Such then was the rapidity of Alexander's
movements that, before Musicanus obtained notice of the
armament's approach, it was already within his territory.
Apparently however he had information of Alexander's cha-
racter, as well as of his power. With the most magnificent
presents he could collect he hastened to meet him, and es-
pecially with all his elephants. Being admitted to audience,
he began with acknowledging himself wrong 18 ; which, says,
the historian, commonly weighed most with Alexander

tf By this description it seems made sufficiently evident that Arrian, for
distinguishing the banks of a river as right and left, traced the water upward,
whereas, in modern Europe, it seems now agreed to name them, as they stand
in tracing it from its source downward. The country of the Arachotes and
Drangies, stretching'westward on the north of the great Desert, was of great
importance to Alexander, being that alone by which, from his actual situation,
there was any ready communication with Media, Persia, and all the west of
his empire. But whether Arrian was clearly aware of the geography here,
or whether rather some deficiency may not be in the extant MSS. of his work,
perhaps not unreasonably may be doubted.

18 Arrian's expression is strong,

192 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

toward obtaining favour. Accordingly his delinquency was
pardoned ; and Alexander, having viewed his capital and his
country, admiring both, continued him in the presidency,
but not in independency : the capital being in a command-
ing situation, he built a citadel, and placed a garrison there.
Musicanus however, though sovereign over subjects, like
many now in India, was not an independent prince, and
therefore apparently had it not properly in his choice to
submit to another. But Alexander's claim of paramount
sovereignty extended to the dominion of Oxycanus, to whom
Musicanus acknowledged fealty; and Oxycanus,
like his subordinate, had omitted the required
acknowledgments. Alexander therefore hastened to proceed
against him, leaving the superintendency of the building of
the new citadel, with the command of the forces there, to
Craterus. So, it appears, he had now learnt to contemn
the boasted Indian military that, without any infantry of the
phalanx, he took, for the expedition against Oxycanus, only
the cavalry which had been conveyed on the river, with his
favourite middle-armed, the Agrians, and his bowmen.
Nevertheless in the field he seems to have found no re-
sistance ; and presently, with a force so unfit for sieges, he
took the two principal towns, in the second of which Oxy-
canus himself was made prisoner. 19

19 It has been observed by Vincent that the name Porus signified Prince.
The termination Canus, may seem to have been, in another language, a word
signifying the same title, to which the Greeks prefixed the proper name, and
added, in their usual way, a final syllable to denote the case. This title is
found variously spelt, Can, Khan, Chan, Cham, even by English writers, who,
too commonly, bowing to any foreign orthography of Asiatic names which
foreign writers may reasonably have endeavoured to adapt to their several
languages, misrepresent them, often grossly, for an English reader. By the
more judicious, the same title has been written Cawn or Khawn ; which I
apprehend, according to English orthography, best represents the word ;
though to indicate exactly all Asiatic sounds by any E uropean alphabet is
impossible. Vincent, distressed by confusion and uncertainty often thus
arising, has taken pains to collate various spellings of eastern names, with the
purpose of ascertaining what should be the English orthography ; but, in the

SECT. II. TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA. 193

Meanwhile information arrived that Sambus, an Indian,
satrap, under Alexander's appointment, of a neighbouring
mountainous region, had absconded. Alexander on this
hastened to Sindomana, the principal town; Arrian here
giving the name, which often fails in his narrative, for cities

evident want of familiar acquaintance with the pronunciation of any language
but his own, he has succeeded little farther than to furnish some ground for
any who may follow him better prepared. On the other hand, modern fashion
has tended variously to increase this inconvenient confusion. French modes,
puzzling for the English reader, have been adopted for foreign words, even
for some which had become classical in our language, as the Turkish title
Bashaw. This spelling, which Johnson has followed, represents regularly, in
our orthography, the sound indicated by the Italian Bascia ; and both concur
exactly with the French Pacha, except for the first letter. Gibbon's diligent
curiosity leading him to inquiry, he learnt that in one extensive portion of the
Turkish empire the people failed, as the Welsh with us, of the faculty of pro-
nouncing the B, and in another part that of pronouncing P ; whence has
arisen the difference in regard to that first letter, which alone directs to a
difference in pronunciation between the French and us, with whom the Ita-
lians concur. Gibbon, so far concurring with the French, has chosen for
himself the peculiar orthography, Pashaw, which possibly may be, as he has
supposed it, the most warranted by the best Turkish custom. But it may pro-
bably have occurred to many to have observed some English speakers, and not
uneducated, misled by the modern fashion of French orthography, strangely
to pervert the proper sound, pronouncing as if the word were written Paka.
Thus also the fashionable French orthography of the name of an Arabian
people, Bedouin, variously puzzles English readers ; who have no difficulty
when they find it written by Shaw, and other English travellers, Bedoween ;
thus properly representing the Arabic letters, and indicating the Arabic pro-
nunciation, as far as English letters may. Legislation in orthography, and
also in phraseology, rests now principally with the daily newsprinters, as those
with whose works the public eye is far most continually and extensively
familiar. And considering the rapidity to which they are unremittingly
urged, as in a race, their general correctness ought perhaps more to excite
admiration than any occasional failure of it should induce blame. A large
proportion of their materials coming to them in French, it is not wonderful
if, in their necessary constant haste, they frequently relieve themselves by
adopting French words, French idioms, and all the torture to which the
French, scrupulous of nothing which may make every thing French, put
foreign names : while modesty, overstrained with us, (what the French call
mauvaise honte,) produces scruple of whatever may make anything English.
Thus an injurious change is rapidly working in our language, to which even
the government gazette, not excusable as the daily newspapers, has sometimes
contributed ; lending its authority for the intrusion of words and phrases out
of all analogy with the English language, and needless for any purpose, unless
to amuse those who are aware how English voices far mostly mispronounce
them.

VOL. X. O

194? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

in India, even the residence of princes. He was surprised
to find the gates open, the principal friends of Sambus ready
for surrender, the treasury untouched, and not an elephant
removed. Those left in authority pleaded, in excuse for
their chief, that he had no purpose of hostility, or of any
disobedience to Alexander ; but, being informed that his
enemy, Musicanus, had been received into favour, he feared
the consequences to himself, and on that account only had
withdrawn. Alexander seems to have been satisfied with
this apology for Sambus, but some bramins, accused as in-
stigators of revolt, were put to death.

Musicanus however, urged by the bramins, probably mis-
estimating the value of Grecian arms and discipline, and
encouraged by a view of the smallness of the numbers
actually attending Alexander, had revolted. Python, sent
in command against him, soon took all his towns : some
were destroyed, and the surviving inhabitants condemned
to slavery ; in some citadels were built and garrisons placed.
Musicanus himself, brought prisoner, was by Alexander's
order sent back to his own country, to be there hanged,
together with some bramins, his advisers.

The terror of Alexander's arms now extended to the
ocean ; the intervening country being indeed too much
divided among small sovereignties, often hostile to one an-
other, for any to have reasonable hope of successful resistance
to such a force as he could command. A deputation waited
upon him from the sovereign of the insular territory, inclosed
between the two principal channels by which the waters of
the Indus reach the sea. Bringing the assurance of sub-
mission, which Alexander required from all within his reach
who desired to live in peace, the deputies carried back with
them his promise of protection for their prince in his present
power and dignity; but, with it, a requisition that, at the
town of Pattala, the capital of his dominion, situated at the

SECT. n. TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA. 195

point of separation of the two great channels of the Indus,
all convenience should be provided for his fleet and army
against their arrival.

It seems, from Arrian's omission, nearly evident that the
historian-generals, Ptolemy and Aristobulus, beyond whose
authority he shows himself generally unwilling to pledge
himself, declined to report even those accessions of strength
to the army, which continued to be received occasionally
from Europe, and still more would be disposed to avoid
acknowledgment of the greater numbers of Asiatics, whom
they styled barbarians, now forming a very important part
of that nevertheless, for its general title, called the Mace-
donian army. But what is not found in his history

J J Arr.Ind.c.19.

of the expedition remains stated in his account of
India, that, when Alexander embarked on the Hydaspes, his
army, in that country, was of a hundred and twenty thou-
sand men, exclusively of those auxiliary troops of the Indian
princes and states which he afterward dismissed. Between
India and the centre of the empire were yet objects for
military measures, but not requiring such numbers, nor in
countries capable of maintaining them. To divide the army
therefore being necessary, a large body was committed to
Craterus, consisting of three divisions of the phalanx, com-
manded by Attalus, Meleager, and Antigonus, with some
bowmen, and all those Macedonians, among whom were
some of the band of companions, who for age, wounds, or
state of health, were less able for severe service. Craterus
was directed to march for Persia Proper; not by the shortest,
but the easiest and safest road ; first returning up the course
of the Indus by its right bank, and then proceeding through
Arachosia, a fruitful country already explored, and where
nothing hostile was apprehended. At the same time Python
was sent back northward on the left bank, with the Agrians
and horse-bowmen, to inspect the state of the colonies
o 2

196 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

established, and inquire concerning the conquered countries
on that side of the river ; with orders, after having made all
necessary arrangements, to return and follow the motions
of the largest of the bodies retained for service southward,
which was to proceed, under the command of Hephsestion,
on the right bank, to Pattala. Alexander himself embarked
for that place, with a chosen division.

Having proceeded on the water two days without any
remarkable occurrence, information met him, on the third,
that the chief of Pattala 20 had deserted his country, leading
the greater part of the inhabitants with him. Accordingly,
on arriving, he found the town and neighbouring country
deserted. Severity, overstrained, he seems now to have
learnt, would defeat its own purpose. Sending in pursuit
of the fugitives therefore, he gave orders not to kill, but to
bring prisoners; and these he sent back again after their
still flying fellow-countrymen, to assure them that all might
return, and securely occupy their houses and till their lands,
as before. This had, in considerable amount, the desired
effect. Pattala then was presently observed to be a place
Arr.i.6.c.is. of critical importance for its command of the two
Nearchus. branches of the river, and of a country abounding
with valuable produce; fruitful of cattle, especially of camels,
and, for grain, of the best rice. Works were therefore put
forward for making it a naval station, and securing that
station for a citadel. Observing farther that much of the
neighbouring country was uninhabited only from want of
fresh water, though springs might be found in digging to a
moderate depth, he employed parties of his troops in that

20 On the first mention of this chief, Arrian calls him 'O ran Tl,rr<x,\an <rijs
%&;? *x,uv. 1. 6. c. 17. s. 4. Here he calls him r!av nrraXa Sxx%%os. Ib.
s. 9. Under whom he was a.y,uv is not said ; nor is this the first occasion on
which Arrian gives the title of Strot^of without mention of a superior. This,
and indeed the whole of his narrative, marks his uncertainty about the
political state of India.

SECT. II. PROGRESS DOWN THE INDUS. 197

service. Altogether this southern part of India appears to
have been less civilised, and less well governed, than the
northern, which had been already subdued. The inhabitants
of the neighbourhood of Pattala, through ignorance, jealous
of the beneficent works going forward, killed some of those
employed, but were soon repressed by a force sent against
them.

The question arose now by which of the branches of the
great river, which here divided, the fleet should proceed to
the ocean. Alexander resolved himself to examine both,
and to begin by the western. For escort on the water he
took a select squadron of the vessels which had been found
the swiftest, and he put eight thousand foot and one thou-
sand horse under the command of Leonnatus, to attend his
motions, marching on the left bank. The season was ad-
verse, being that of the stormy monsoon, blowing from the
ocean ; and pilots failed ; those Pattalians most practised in
navigation, perhaps informed of previous severities, and
therefore less confiding in promises of protection, not being
found among those who had returned to their homes.
Nevertheless Alexander, not probably without information
of what might be expected, yet not believing it in its full
extent, and of a temper indisposed to yield to any conquer-
able obstacles, persevered in his purpose. The first day of
the voyage passed smoothly. But, on the second, a violent
adverse wind not only prevented progress, but, meeting the
stream which favoured the fleet's course, produced so trou-
bled a surface that the vessels laboured greatly : some were
so injured by collision as to be rendered useless ; but the
crews all reached the shore. Parties then pursuing still the
fugitive natives, some prisoners skilled in the river navigation
were taken, and, being well treated, were found highly use-
ful. In the farther progress of the fleet the water widened
to the extent of some miles, and here another storm came
o 3

198 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

on ; but, the Indians showing a bay near, capable of affording
shelter, damage was avoided.

Already here the river was affected by the singular tides
of the neighbouring ocean. To the astonishment of the
Greeks, accustomed only to the Mediterranean and Euxine
seas, the ebb left all the vessels aground ; and then again to
their surprise the following flood set them afloat. 21 Inform-

21 Very early, in the course of this work, occasion occurred to animadvert
upon the too common practice of critics, ingenious as well as learned, but
who, speculating much, have seen little, to assume judgment on matters of
which their information has been very deficient. The commentator on Ne-
archus has also found occasion for such animadversion. " The surprise of
the Macedonians, and their ignorance of the tides," he observes, " have been
ridiculed by Voltaire, who thinks it incredible that Alexander should not
know the nature of tides ; as he must have seen the Euripus when in Bceotia,
and must have known that Aristotle wrote on the subject. Major Rennell
has corrected this petulance, by showing that the tide in the Indus is the
Bore, which operates along the whole coast, runs in the Hoogly river
seventy miles in four hours, rises, at Calcutta, five feet in an instant, in the
Megna twelve feet" Vine, on Nearch. b. 2. p. 171. The learned commen-
tator might have added, what Voltaire, with modest inquiry, might readily
have learnt, that the tides on the coast of his own country, as of England
also, especially on the western coasts, are so much greater than those of the
Euripus, that these would hardly furnish a conception of what was to be
expected. Lord Lyttelton, in his History of Henry the Second, has wasted
labour to refute Voltaire's at least equal petulance, in contradicting the report
of historians, that the first William made New Forest. " Les historiens," he
says, in his essay on general history, " ne font pas attention qu'il faut au
moins vingt anne'es pour qu'un nouveau plan d'arbres deviennent une foret
propre a la chasse. On lui fait semer cette foret en 1080. II avait alors soi-
xante-trois ans. Quelle apparence," &c Those who know the country and
its history will see it every way probable that, when William subjected his
new forest to the same forest laws and government, or nearly the same, which
he found already established for many forests in his acquired kingdom, it was
already prepared by nature to be a forest, differing little, if anything, in general
character, from that it bears at this day. In large tracts oak is the weed of
the soil, coming every where without human care, and protected in early
growth by holly, but still more advantageously by hawthorn, also weeds of
the soil, even against deer. Intervening large tracts, bearing nothing but
heath, deny equally the growth of indigenous trees and advantageous return
for tillage. That these tracts, or much of them, were then wild, cannot be
doubted ; and that William afterwards made large additions from cultivated
private estates, has been given to general knowledge since Lord Lyttelton's
time by the publication of Domesday Book, compiled by William's order.
Most of those estates were granted again to individuals in presently following
reigns, and mostly hold, to this day, the same names by which they are re-

SECT. II. ARRIVAL AT THE OCEAN. 199

ation was obtained that near the river's mouth was an
island called Killuta, affording advantageous harbours. Two
light vessels were despatched to ascertain the circumstances.
On their return, their commander's report encouraging, the
squadron proceeded thither : and Alexander himself, eager
to explore the great expanse before him, went on, with some
chosen vessels, some leagues, till he came in sight of another
island. But he had neither vessels fit to proceed far on the
ocean, nor means to be sure of his course beyond sight of
land. Returning therefore to Killuta he there sacrificed to
the gods, to whom the oracle of Ammon, he said, had di-
rected him to address such worship. On the following day
however he ventured to proceed as far as the island last
discovered, and there sacrificed to other gods with other
ceremonies ; still asserting that all was done in conformity
to instructions from the oracle of Ammon. Directing his
course then eastward beyond the mouth of the Indus, and
finding no land southward, he celebrated a magnificent sacri-
fice ashipboard to the god Neptune. The carcasses of bulls,
slain with due ceremony, were thrown into the sea. Golden
cups being then filled with wine, from a golden flagon, he
himself, after pouring libations upon the waves, threw in
both cups and flagon.

An object worthy of this hazardous expedition in a distant
corner, so separated from the body of the empire, where
most important matters of regulation necessarily pressed for
attention, is so obscurely and deficiently indicated by ancient

corded in Domesday Book, or so nearly the same as not to be mistaken. All
of these, with hardly an exception, are at this day still so wooded, among
their cultivated fields, as to be perfect for all the purposes of a forest. The
very ingenious French poet-historian-philosopher's argument then, contrasted
with these matters of fact, can be matter only for ridicule.

This, wide as it is from the subject, it is hoped, may be allowed in a note,
for its tendency to warrant observations offered in former notes, and perhaps
some yet to come.

200 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

writers that the pomp with which its success was celebrated,
and the pretension to the favour of divine admonition con-
cerning it, might appear even ridiculous, if the petition,
which Alexander is stated to have addressed to the deity
on the occasion, did not open light upon the large policy,
the spring of ah 1 : he prayed " that the fleet, which he was
about to send from the Indus, by the ocean and the Persian
gulf, to the Euphrates, might prosperously make the voy-
age." That voyage, for vessels wholly unadapted to ocean
navigation, and seamen wholly unpractised in it, whether
indeed ever before performed being apparently unknown,
was evidently enough of extraordinary hazard, and might
well want extraordinary encouragement and stimulation for
those to be employed on it.

Arrian, prosecuting his purpose of a military history of
Alexander, has been often led, as here, to notice important
facts beyond that particular object; and these, in the part
with which we are now engaged, have attracted the just
attention of the commentator on the narrative of his admiral
Vincent on Nearchus. " That Alexander," savs that diligent

Nearchus,

b. 2. p. 165. inquire^ " na( j conceived a plan of the commerce
which was afterward carried on from Alexandria in Egypt
to the Indian ocean, I think capable of demonstration by
his conduct after his arrival at Pattala. In his passage down
the Indus he had evidently marked that river as the eastern
frontier of his empire. He had built three cities, and for-
tified two others on this line ; and he was now preparing for
the establishment of Pattala, at the point of division of the
river, and planning other posts at its eastern and western
mouths. Upon his arrival at Pattala he had despatched
light troops in pursuit of the fugitive people, who, upon
promise of safety and protection, mostly returned. His
next care was to explore the deserts, to find water, and to
dig wells. This is evidence rather of a commercial than a

SECT. II. OBJECT OF THE VOYAGE. 201

military purpose ; for so all who have travelled the deserts
will esteem it, and such was Arrian's opinion, who says it
was to render the country habitable.

Reckoning Pattala then the advantageous place for the
great emporium proposed for the east, as Alexandria in
Egypt for the west, he enlarged his plan for making it a
naval arsenal, and resolved to leave a part of his fleet there.
Informed that the eastern branch of the Indus, having a less
rapid current, afforded a more advantageous communication
with the ocean than the western, he would himself explore
it. In approaching the sea his pilots pointed out an exten-
sive lake, with a convenient harbour, or landing-place, and
good communication from the river. Leaving there the
greater part of the land force which had attended him, with
all his smaller vessels, he proceeded with the larger only.
Reaching the ocean, and landing on its shore, he employed
three days in examining that part of the country, and then
returned to his haven in the lake. Having directed there
whatever his purposes appeared farther to require, he pur-
sued his way back to Pattala.

He was now satisfied of the imprudence of undertaking
in that season of the adverse monsoon, with the means
possessed by the ancients, and vessels adapted to such de-
ficient means, the navigation of the Indian ocean. He there-
fore directed the collecting of four months' provisions for
the force intended for that service. Even the river navigation
had been found in that season hazardous. Nevertheless, hi
returning to his main army, he would share, with his navi-
gators, the peril of going by water. In his extensive survey
of the shores, and, as far as time and circumstances would
allow, of the country, having observed its wants, and the
opportunities for relieving them, he sent additional parties
to dig wells in various places, that water, that indispensable

202 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

necessary, of which his vessels could not carry a supply for
many days, might abound for his fleet in passing.

SECTION III.

Arrangement for the Return of the Army to Persia, and for explor-
ing the Means for Navigation between India and the Persian
Gulf. Difficulties of the proposed March. Colony settled near
the Coast. Failure of ordered Preparation. Sufferings in
traversing the Desert.

THE northern countries, which now separated the recent
conquests from Persia and Media, Alexander knew from
having traversed them ; the southern only by report. Before
he detached Craterus by the known way, he had large assur-
ance that the other was, from natural circumstances, of
difficulty, for the march of an army, extraordinary, of a
numerous army insurmountable. Nor were these

Arr. 1. 6. c. 21. J

circumstances unknown to those selected for the
expedition, but, on the contrary, rather exaggerated in report
and in fancy. Several armies, which had attempted to
cross the wilderness, it was said, had wholly perished there,
and, even of the commanders, only two had survived ; Semi-
ramis, queen of Assyria, celebrated in earliest profane history,
and the great Cyrus ; the former reaching her own dominion
with only twenty attendants, the latter saving only seven.
Alexander nevertheless persevered in an undertaking, how-
ever hazardous, indispensable toward the completion of his
great design of providing advantageous communication and
connection, for the body of his empire, with the highly
valuable newly acquired eastern provinces. Without co-
operation and occasional support from a land force, it were
beyond hope for a fleet, of the ancient construction, and
with only the ancient means for navigation, to make the
proposed voyage along such an extent of unknown coast ;

SECT. III. ARRANGEMENT FOR RETURN. 203

mostly desert, and, where inhabited, hostile. So

Arr. 1.6. c.21.

however his liberality, his reputation for piety,
the historian says, toward the gods, his pretensions to assur-
ance of divine favour, supported by his extraordinary and
constant successes, but especially his profuse unsparingness
of himself, his readiness upon all occasions for any fatigue,
any privation, and every danger, had gained the attachment
and confidence of those under him, that no unwillingness
appears to have been finally shown, either in the army or
in the fleet, to proceed upon the expeditions proposed for
them ; in which he was to accompany the one, with promise
of all possible support to the other.

It was, according to the commentator on Near-

1>. C. 3xo.

chus, founding his calculation on combined inform-

ation from Strabo and Arrian, early in Septem-
ber, that he set out from Pattala with his land force, leaving
his fleet to await there the season for navigation. The first
requisite toward his great object being to facilitate commu-
nication by the ocean between the river Indus and the
Persian gulf, his purpose was to march the nearest to the
coast that the circumstances of the country would allow.
Always then ready to take the business of most fatigue and
danger, he committed the main body to Hephaestion, to
proceed by the less forbidding road, higher up the country,
while, with a chosen division, he diverged himself toward
the barren shore, where he caused wells to be dug, and
other provision to be made for the welfare of his fleet when
it might pass.

As generally in India, so in proceeding now westward,
the population was found divided into communities unable
to resist, yet unwilling to obey. On the army's approach,
the Arabites, (called so by the Greeks from their river, the
Arabis,) quitting their cultivated lands, had fled to the
neighbouring wilds. The river was not of depth to make

204 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

the passage difficult. Beyond it was a desert; of extent
however not requiring much more than one night for the
march across it, so as to reach, soon after daybreak, the
cultivated country of the Orites. The disposition of that
people being hostile, insomuch that they were prepared, not
only for emigration, should it be needful, but first for re-
sistance, Alexander hastened forward with his cavalry ; and,
attacking those found in arms, killed many and made many
prisoners. Encamping then on the bank of a small river
which crossed the way, he was there joined by Hephaestion,
and the united army proceeded to Rambacia, which Arrian,
though describing it as the largest town of the Orite territory,
calls nevertheless a village. Apparently it was unfortified ;
but the advantages of its situation, and the fruitfulness of
the surrounding soil, engaged Alexander's attention. Not
on the coast, it was yet so near that a fleet might have easy
communication with it ; and being, by all circumstances, says
the historian, singularly promising for a great and flourishing
city, he resolved to establish a colony there, and took mea-
sures accordingly.

Beyond the Orite country was Gadrosia, a province of
that formerly the Persian, now his own empire, where his
Grecian satrap, Apollophanes, commanded. The western
part of that extensive region, bordering on Carmania and
Persia, with exception for the coast, is fruitful ; the middle
an immense sandy wilderness : the people of the eastern
part thus, under the lax rule of the Persian satraps, had
been little habituated to civil restraint. For the number of
important offices to which, among his extensive and rapid
conquests, Alexander had often, in necessary haste, to
appoint ; that selection should be always fortunate would not
be to be expected from the most penetrating of mankind,
even if also the most experienced. Apollophanes,

Art. 1* 6* c. 26.

according to Arrian's phrase, had done nothing

SECT. in. OPPOSITION OP THE GADROSES. 205

of what had been commanded him. The eastern Gadroses,
whether through his failure, or otherwise, not only gave a
friendly reception to numerous fugitive Orites, but concurred
with them in occupying a strait, on their frontier, with the
purpose of disputing the passage. Information of this
reached Alexander at Rambacia. To be quick, and not to
commit to others what he could do himself, seem to have
been always his maxims in all difficulties. He gave to
Hephaestion the comparatively easy office of superintending
the projected works there, while himself, with a select body,
proceeded against the united Orites and Gadroses. Nor was
his presence unavailing toward an easy success. Assured that
Alexander in person was come to attack them, and that, on
the spot, proposal or solicitation might be addressed to him,
the united people deserted their strong post; and shortly
the chief of the Orites arrived at his camp, surrendering
themselves, and offering the surrender of their nation. This
being precisely what, for his objects at his new colony, he
desired, he dismissed them, with direction to inform their
people " that all who would go home should have his
protection for person and property."

Returning then, he constituted Rambacia the capital of a
surrounding satrapy. To the charge and dignity of satrap
he appointed an officer named, in our copies of Arrian, like
the satrap of Gadrosia, perhaps through error of transcribers,
Apollophanes 22 , and he selected a body of horse and foot to
remain there, under the command of Leonnatus. His
earnestness to maintain the dominion acquired in these
eastern parts, to use the advantages it offered for the benefit

22 The circumstances stated by Arrian indicate that this Apollophanes was
a different person from him recently mentioned by the same name to have
been satrap of Gadrosia, and it seems more likely that, for the description of
one or the other, transcribers may have been careless, than that Arrian
would have failed to add some such distinction as that of the father's name,
usual with him on other occasions, had the names of the two persons been
the same.

206 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

of the whole empire, and, with that view, to assure the
safety and success of his fleet in exploring the coast, are,
among numerous other indications, not lightly marked in the
amount and in the selection of troops for the station of
Rambacia. Beside a large body, not particularly described
by the historian, he left there all the Grecian mercenary
horse, those middle-armed, the Agrians, whom he had dis-
tinguished as his chosen companions in dashing enterprises,
and a complete division of bowmen. The whole was directed
to await the passing of the naval armament, and meanwhile
to support the satrap in measures for its relief and welfare.

In the march from the Indus, thus far, rivers had been
found at no very great intervals. But, in the country next
to be traversed, in the way to Persia, the inconveniences of
a very extensive sandy wilderness were to be encountered.
The heat of the air there is beyond that ordinary in other
the most sultry climates. Myrrh-bearing trees, and the
nard plant in great abundance, are the only produce noticed.
Some Phenicians, who had followed the army in this perilous
march, with mercantile views, loaded their cattle with these,
in such quantities, that the abundant nard, bruised in carry-
ing, perfumed the air. Alexander's view to the encourage-
ment of commerce, and his earnestness in it, are, in this
incidental information from the historian, clearly and strongly
shown; for the merchants could not have engaged in such
an undertaking without, beyond his permission, assurance of
his support. In this wilderness here and there only a very
scanty population was found ; food and water were every
where scarce; and the nearer the coast, where Alexander's
great object required his course, every deficiency and every
inconvenience greatest. It seems indeed indicated that all
were greater than might have been, had his satrap of
Gadrosia executed, ably and diligently, the duties expected
of him.

SECT. HI. DIFFICULTIES IN THE MARCH. 207

Under necessity therefore to diverge inland with his main
body, Alexander detached Thoas son of Mandrodorus, with
a small division of horse, to explore the country toward the
sea. That officer, on rejoining, reported, that he found
inhabitants only on the coast, and those few and miserable ;
living on fish, in huts formed of shells and fish-bones, with
water in very small quantity, to be had only by digging in
the sand near the shore, and all brackish.

As.the army proceeded, difficulties and distresses increased.
Hills of accumulated sand, crossing the way, yielded to the
step as mud, or, says the historian, rather as snow. Progress
for wheeled carriages soon became impossible. Horses and
mules, though not drawing, with difficulty got forward, and
through fatigue and hunger and thirst, many perished. The
march, regulated necessarily by opportunity for finding water,
was sometimes very long. Night was always preferred for
it ; both to avoid the heat of the sun, singularly scorching
in that country, and to obviate as far as might be the misery
of excessive thirst. Food also was scanty and bad. The
summits of palm-trees, used by the few inhabitants of the
desert as a culinary vegetable, were resorted to by the troops,
when the rare opportunity offered. But, as the urgency for
hasty progress, and of course for bodily exertion, increased,
the strength of many failed. Carriages then being necessarily
left behind, and cattle, still more than men, fainting through
hunger and thirst, relief in conveyance, for sick and wounded,
and weak, was impossible. In necessary care for all, says
the historian, regard for individuals was lost : and, through
the urgency for every one to make the greatest possible
speed, the disabled were left to perish unattended. In the
need of provisions and unavoidable laxity of order, with this
haste, and among such distresses, numbers of horses and
mules, lean as they were and exhausted, were killed by the
soldiers for food. On inquiry it was always pretended that

208 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

they died of hunger and fatigue : and though this, in many
cases, was disbelieved, and report was made to Alexander
accordingly, he judged it, says again the historian, better to
seem still ignorant of the irregularity, than either to punish
that for which necessity would so plead excuse, or, as know-
ing, yet not punishing, to appear to warrant it.

Many days these distresses had been suffered, when,
from a new cause, apprehension of worse arose ; the guides
declared they could no longer discern the way; the sand,
driven by the wind, having obliterated every beaten track,
and the country furnishing no landmark ; not a tree, nor
even any permanent irregularity of ground ; while, contrary,
to what had been experienced in the outset, when the
scorching ray had been a principal grievance, the sky was
become so constantly clouded, that neither sun could be
vine on seen ^J ^ a J nor s ^ ar ^ v night. And this is ascer-
tained, by modern observation, to occur regularly
toward the change of the monsoon. Should they proceed,
in these circumstances, they might soon become uncertain
even in what direction they were going. Alexander, having
considered all information, resolved, while yet the direction
was known, to seek the sea. Thus far his anxious desire
to explore the coast had yielded to the urgency for con-
ducting his army, with the least delay, to a land of food and
water. Now the surest, if not the shortest, course to that
object concurred with the other. Probably the guides,
knowing yet where they were, knew that the sea was not
far off. Alexander would himself lead the party for the
search ; though, on inquiring for horses, only five, of the
whole army, it is said, were found able for the undertaking.
Fortunately however, within an easy distance, he was gra-
tified with a view of the Indian ocean. Returning then
with the best speed, and conducting his suffering troops to
the shore, he had the farther good fortune, in following

SECT. m. RELIEF TQ THE ARMY. 209

its direction, to find everywhere, by digging in the sand, a
sufficient supply of wholesome water; an advantage not
probably unlocked for, as not only common on a sandy
shore, but having been recently found by the detachment,
under Thoas, which had been sent to the coast. In this
course, after some days' progress, a farther advantage oc-
curred. Objects came in view, so giving character to the
face of the country, that the guides declared they could now
safely quit the coast, and lead the more direct way toward
that distinguished as the fruitful Gadrosia. Soon then an
advantageous change was found. Cultivation came in view,
and presently corn was obtained in sufficient plenty.
The numerous accounts, Arrian says, in his

Arr.l.6.c.24.

day extant, mostly concurred in asserting that
the sufferings and losses of the army, in passing the Gadro-
sian desert, were greater than in all the preceding years,
since it crossed the Hellespont. Whether the march was
indeed rashly undertaken, or whatever amount of the dis-
aster may have been owing to the failure of the satrap
Apollophanes to provide expected supplies, that the king
should escape blame from the vulgar tongue, or from a party
adverse to himself, or to his ministers, would not be within
reasonable expectation. But that, in the distresses of that
march, Alexander bore his share admirably, all testimonies
agree. Early in its course, when the relief of carriages was
lost, and those disabled by disease, wounds, deficiency of
food, or its badness, or by excessive heat, were, in the
urgency to reach the station where relief might be obtained,
necessarily left behind, probably to perish, Alex- Arr . L6 . c . 26
ander, instead of riding, as usually, with his
cavalry, dismounted, and walked at the head of his infantry.
Throughout the march a party was advanced before the
army to seek water, attended with pioneers to dig for it
where anything might afford a promise of success ; of which

VOL. X. P

210 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Liv.

the growth of palm-trees is said to be sure indication. In
one day's march of extraordinary length, in the

An-. 1.6. c.26.

course of which, under a scorching sun, no water
had been found, and all were suffering, some of the light-
armed discovered a very small pool remaining in the bed of
a winter-torrent. Proposing from this to make a grateful
offering to their king, in failure of another vessel, they
carried him a helmet full. Alexander taking the helmet,
and commending the intention of those who brought it,
poured the water on the ground. The effect, says Arrian, in
encouragement to the troops, was as if every man had been
refreshed with a draught : " And I commend Alexander,"
he proceeds, " for this, as an eminent instance of forbear-
ance, and of conduct becoming a general."

Having at length reached that distinguished from the
desert by the title of the fruitful Gadrosia, where his army
would be presently beyond want, his fleet became his care.
It appears probable that he may have had information of
its departure from the Indus before the appointed time ;
but of the delays, which in the sequel we shall find occur-
ring, intelligence is not so likely to have reached him.
Anxious therefore for its welfare, he sent a quan-
tity of corn, in packages sealed with his signet,
under an escort, to wait its arrival on the barren coast,
distinguished as the land of the fish-eaters, which extended
from the Orite country nearly to the mouth of the Persian
gulf. On this desolate shore the provision for the escort
itself was consumed, while no fleet yet appeared or could
be heard of. Hunger then pressing, the store in charge
was invaded; and, nearly all being used, while still no
intelligence of the fleet arrived, the escort rejoined the
army. In ts report, the necessity of its situation was made
so evident that Alexander, says the historian, forgave the
irregularity.

SECT. III. ARRIVAL IN GADROSIA. 211

But, as he proceeded, he found farther proof of what
Arrian, in his commonly concise way, sums up in saying,
that his satrap of that extensive province, to whom he
looked for relief for his fleet, his army, and himself, Apol-
lophanes, had done nothing of what had been commanded
him. Failure to provide food for all seems to have been
at least among his deficiencies. Alexander therefore, taking
on himself, as usual, any office for the duties of which he
was anxious, rode around the country to superintend and
enforce the collection of corn and flour; which he com-
mitted to Telephus, of his band of companions, and Cre-
theus, another confidential officer, to escort to different
parts of the coast, there to await the fleet's arrival. Mean-
while others were directed to procure, from the northward,
flour, and dates, and sheep, which should follow.

Proceeding then, it was, according to Arrian and Strabo,
about the sixtieth day after the departure from the Indus,
and, according to Vincent's careful computation, toward
the end of October, that the army arrived at Poora, the
capital of Gadrosia, situated in a plentiful part of that pro-
vince so extensively a barren wilderness. Here Alexander
gave his wayworn troops the rest they so much needed.
Apollophanes was dismissed from the satrapy, and Thoas,
whom we have seen lately successful in a critical military
command, was appointed to it. Probably that deserving
officer had suffered from his exertions in the severe service
of the desert ; for he died presently after. The Gadrosian
government including Arachosia, for extent, together with
its critical situation, must have been a very important trust.
It was committed to Sibyrtius, who previously held the
satrapy of the smaller neighbouring province of Carmania,
where Tlepolemus son of Pythophanes succeeded him.
It seems to have been at Poora that a large supply of
horses and camels arrived from the northern provinces,
p 2

212 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. L1V.

provided by the diligence of Stasanor, satrap of Aria and
Zarangia, and Phrataphernes, satrap of Parthia and Hyr-
cania, to repair the loss of troop-horses, and baggage-cattle,
which had been foreseen as hardly avoidable in crossing
the desert.

The army then being refreshed, supplies obtained, and
necessary arrangements settled, the march was resumed
westward. Some progress had been made, when intelli-
gence arrived of a mutiny in the army in India, wherein
Philip, commander-in-chief there, a man apparently much
esteemed by Alexander, had lost his life ; with the satis-
factory addition however, that it had been completely
quelled by the surviving officers, supported especially by the
Macedonians of the commander-in-chief's body-guard, and
that the principal mutineers, mercenaries of various nations,
had been put to death. The steady and animated loyalty
of the Macedonians, left in that distant province, would be
the more gratifying to Alexander on account of his late
difference with all the Macedonians of his army. Such was
the assurance of complete order restored that he judged it
sufficient to send a written commission for Eudemus, ap-
parently a Macedonian, and the Indian prince Taxiles, jointly
to superintend the affairs of the Indian dominion, till he
might appoint another satrap.

The province he was now approaching, Carmania, bor-
dering eastward on Gadrosia, westward on the Persian
Gulf, northward on Proper Persia, was toward the coast
a continuation of the Gadrosian sandy desert, with inter-
vals only of a soil somewhat, and not greatly, better; but
within land an elevated country, of a more tempered heat
of atmosphere, and eminently fruitful. The people were in
manners, habits, and language Persian. Though

Strab. 1. 15.

difficulty in the march from Poora is not speci-
fied, yet Alexander seems not till he had reached Carmania

SECT. in. ARRIVAL IN CARMANIA. 213

to have reckoned that the troubles of his painful march
were decidedly over, and that he was completely returned to
the body of that rich empire, so rapidly conquered, whence,
separated by a range of mountains the longest in the world,
and among the loftiest, and by a desert among the largest, he
had been absent near six years. In Carmania Craterus was
to join him with that large portion of the army which, for
avoiding the desert, had been directed to march through
Arachosia. In Carmania Stasanor came to wait upon him
from Aria, and Pharismanes, deputed by his father Phra-
taphernes, from Parthia; apparently to report circum-
stances of the important governments over which they
presided.

In the rapidity of his earlier successes, having allowed
but a few weeks of his presence in any one place of his ex-
tensive conquests, for the establishment of his dominion,
it cannot be wonderful if, on his return now, he did not
find the negligence of his satrap of Gadrosia alone a cause
of dissatisfaction, but rather that, in such an absence from
so new a dominion, so extensive, so rich, and so populous,
great troubles, and of difficult suppression, had not arisen.
Deficient as our information is of particulars, the result
enough shows that he employed able ministers, and that
his own judgment in selection and direction was excellent.
Nevertheless the distance to which his ambitious and roving
temper had led him, his purpose declared to carry conquest
to an unknown extent still eastward, his frequent serious
dangers, giving occasion sometimes to reports even that he
was dead, encouraged those left in command, if inclination
at all prompted, to malversation in office ; some only for
private lucre, to the oppression of those under them, others
with revolutionary purposes. Craterus arriving, according
to orders, with the largest portion of the army, and all
the elephants, brought with him, as a prisoner, an eminent
p 3

HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LIV.

Persian, Orsanes ; who, among the people between northern
India and Carmania, had been exciting revolt. In pursu-
ance of commands also the generals Oleander, Sitalces, and
Heracon arrived from Media with part of the forces, for-
merly under Parmenio, and, since his death, under their
command. The names indicate Sitalces to have been a
Thracian ; the two others Greeks, whether of Macedonia
or the republics. Accusation had been preferred against all
for oppression and peculation. Alexander ordered their
trials ; and, evidence from the army itself confirming that
of the people of the country, Cleander and Sitalces were
condemned and executed. Heracon was acquitted. But
the fame of Alexander's severe justice, confirming former
assurances of his anxiousness for the welfare of all under
his empire, and of his determined impartiality in providing
for it, encouraged the Susians to institute accusation against
Heracon. Among other matters, robbery of the treasury
of one of their principal temples was proved against him,
and he then suffered death. These just severities, the
historian says, were highly consolatory to Alexander's new
subjects, and powerfully conciliated their attachment. The
manner of the trials is not mentioned; but, considering
en so s 4 Alexander's recent concession, or rather sub-
mission, to the Macedonian part of his army,
together with the circumstance that, in these accusations,
the army itself concurred with the people of the country,
no dissatisfaction among the old subjects being noticed, it
seems every way probable that, as in the trials of Philotas
and the Lyncestian Alexander, all was conducted according
to the Macedonian law.

The army being now reassembled, and business, pressing
for immediate attention, being settled, the usual ceremonies
of piety toward the gods, and gratification for the troops,
followed. A magnificent thanksgiving sacrifice was offered

SECT. in. REWARDS TO OFFICERS. 215

for the Indian victories, and for the preservation of the king,
and his surviving companions in arms, among the perils of
the wilderness ; and this was followed by gymnic exercises
and theatrical entertainments.

Rewards to deserving officers at the same time engaged
Alexander's attention. Among these Peucestas, to whom
he reckoned himself indebted for the preservation of his
life, when he rashly leaped within the Mallian fortification,
was eminently distinguished. Hitherto the number of those
great officers of the court, entitled body-guards, had been
limited to seven. This number being full, Peucestas, now
added, made an eighth.

Falsehoods, affecting the character of eminent men, if
they have obtained any extensive credit, may be objects for
historical notice, not only in justice to those men, but as
they assist to mark the character of the times in which they
were published and held credit. Arrian has mentioned the
report of some authors, that Alexander traversed Carmania,
lying in a vehicle formed of two of his ordinary chariots,
surrounded by his favourite companions, with music con-
tinually playing, while the troops marched, as in a procession
of the festival of Bacchus, with licentious merriment, by
short stages, at each of which luxurious fare was provided
for them. Among the promulgators of that re- Dlod l 17
port we find Diodorus ; and it was too inviting cnltf L 9.
for the taste of Curtius, and perhaps of those
to whom principally he looked for readers, to be omitted
by him. On the contrary Arrian, after reporting
the story, says, " I do not believe it; as it is
noticed neither by Ptolemy son of Lagus, nor by Aristo-
bulus son of Aristobulus, nor by any other author worthy of
credit. For my account I have followed Aristobulus."

p 4

216 HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER LV.

VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS.

SECTION I.

Authority for the Narrative. Deficiency of Means for the Under-
taking. The Fleet to be employed. The Monsoon. Appoint-
ment of Officers. Foreseen Difficulties of the Undertaking.

ALEXANDER was still in Carmania when he had the satis-
faction to receive information of the safe arrival of his fleet,
from the Indus, at a harbour of the Persian Gulf; and soon
after to see his admiral, Nearchus, coming to report to him
the circumstances of the voyage.

For this interesting, and singular, yet formerly neglected
portion of ancient history, neglected apparently because
difficult and doubtful, it is no ordinary advantage, for the
writer of the present day, to have it before him elucidated
by the learning, talent, and devoted diligence of the late
dean of Westminster, Vincent. Of his commentary on the
narrative, derived, through Arrian, from that of Nearchus
himself l , as of a gift to the world, free use will be made ;
while nevertheless liberty will be taken for any animadversion
which the duty of a writer for the public may appear to re-
quire. If thus the account, here following, should, in some
places, have more of the character of a dissertation than

1 We have Arrian's express testimony to this in his history of Alexander :
Oxcag II ifftevo-ffa oe,VTM TO. afro TOtJ 'IvSflu xoTK/Aov ixi rw S-<x.^o.<r(ra.v Tr t v Ileg-

fflKYfl, KOt,} TO ffTOfJUX, TOV Tty^rOf, TMUTOC, iStOt. OiVy^K^M, V<r>

Arr. de exped. Alex. 1. 6. c. 28.

SECT. I. VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS. 217

were desirable in the flow of history, it will be found, it is
hoped, not more than the circumstances demand.

To begin then with the words of the able commentator :
" The voyage of Nearchus is the first event of general im-
portance to mankind in the history of navigation. In the
first instance it opened a communication between Europe
and the most distant countries of Asia. At a later period it
was the origin of the Portuguese discoveries, the foundation
of the greatest commercial system ever introduced into the
world, and consequently the primary cause of the British
establishments in India. The narrative of this voyage has
been preserved to us by Arrian, whose peculiar felicity it
has been to rise in estimation in proportion to the attention
bestowed on the transactions he records. As our knowledge
of India has increased, the accuracy of his historical re-
searches has been established; and, as the limits of geo-
graphy have been extended, the exactness of his information
has become daily more conspicuous, and the purity of the
sources, whence he drew, more fully established. 2 At this

2 The authenticity of that narrative, which has been preserved to us as
Arrian's, is proved, I think, almost superfluously by his able commentator ;
for to me there seems never to have existed reasonable cause to question it.
Yet among those who have endeavoured to throw doubts on it is a critic
to whom I have found occasion formerly to acknowledge no inconsiderable
obligation, Dodwell ; of whom, however, Vincent says that he has been apt
to be extreme in scepticism, as some others in credulity ; an assertion which
I will not undertake to controvert, though I do not recollect that it has
formerly occurred to me. But I think scepticism has been not a little a
prevailing passion among critics ; not a few of whom may be found arrogantly,
and for the matter often ignorantly (as in the instance of Voltaire on New
Forest, mentioned in a former note, p. 198.), and altogether mischievously,
controverting ancient authority. For the voyage of Nearchus, three accounts
of it having, beyond question, been published by persons who performed it>
and a fourth, in the same language, by Arrian, abridging that of Nearchus
himself, that it should, with any imaginable view, in any imaginable age, have
been attempted to impose on the world a spurious account, pretending it
to be Arrian's, and especially one so simple and concise as that which has
been transmitted, appears so strikingly improbable that the attempt to dis-
prove its authenticity seems to me hardly more mischievous than extravagant
and absurd.

218 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

day we may deem lightly of a voyage which required so
much preparation to accomplish, and which a single sloop
would now perform in a tenth part of the time." The able
commentator however would be aware, as will also the
reader, that the great advantage of the modern navigator is
owing to the discovery of powers in nature, and the pos-
session of instruments to profit from them, unknown till
near two thousand years after Alexander ; without which
hardly could the voyage be rationally undertaken at all, in
any of our vessels adapted to the navigation of the ocean.
Vincent accordingly has well added, " but the merit of the
attempt is to be estimated by the originality of the concep-
tion ; " and, it may be farther added, by the difficulties and
dangers of the undertaking, and the judgment which saw it,
with all its difficulties and dangers, not absolutely imprac-
ticable, even with the scanty means which the age afforded.
For the fleet to be employed, a small portion only was
wanted of that, mostly adapted to river navigation, which
had borne a large division of the army, cavalry as well as
infantry, with stores for all, down the Indus, and wafted
elephants from shore to shore. Of the two kinds of ancient
vessels, distinguished by the names of long ships and round
ships, we have observed the former, though utterly unfit to
keep the sea, alone used as ships of war ; being the best
adapted to naval action with ancient arms, and alone
capable of action in the calms, to which the Mediterranean
is subject. Experience of a more stormy atmosphere, with
shores varying twice daily with the tide, and in some parts
greatly, led the ruder people bordering on the Atlantic to a
c.j.cses. different construction. Thus those of that part

de Bell.

Gaii. i. 3. O f Q au i now ca u ec i Brittany, with vessels better
adapted to their sea, long distressed the invader of their
country, the great Julius; and though his numerous fleet
would combine the improvements of the Carthaginians with

SECT. I. VOYAGE OF NEARCHUS. 219

those of the Greeks, yet the able use of a fortunate occur-
rence of very calm weather seems alone to have enabled
him at length to overcome them. When Alexander pro-
posed his expedition on the ocean, his naval advisers had
had no experience of the kind ; and even the Roman
navigators remained so attached to their old ways that, for
the commerce between the coast of Gaul and the mouth
of the Thames, the trading vessels, to avoid the North
Foreland, threaded the narrow and shallow channel which
formerly made Thanet an island, but now remains distin-
guishable hardly as a ditch.

That an enemy was to be apprehended on the seas, capable
of contending with the force which Alexander might give to
the expedition, seems no way probable ; but, for a survey of
the coast, perhaps not less than for battle, the long ships
were, with the ancient art of navigation, best adapted ; able
always to hold to the shore, to make way without wind, or,
if not over violent, even against it, and to land without the
intervention of boats. For a voyage of any length however
they had very considerable inconveniences. To so many
hands as were wanted for giving sufficient impulse with oars
they afforded, as Vincent has well observed, " neither space
for motion nor convenience for rest ; so that continuing on
board at night was always a calamity." Beside the proper
crews therefore, liable to great fatigue with rowing, a military
force was wanted for a nightly camp ashore ; and thus the
vessel was still the more encumbered.

But neither of the number of the vessels employed has
clear information reached us, nor of the quality, farther than
that they were all of the galley or rowboat kind. In the
fleet on the river were some of the most powerful commonly
yet used in battle by the Greeks, the triremes ; and some of
the second rank, the biremes. Vincent seems clearly right
in supposing that none of these were allotted to the fleet for

220 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

discovery. Even the penteconter, or vessel of fifty oars,
which was, to the Greek fleets of triremes, as our frigates to
line-of-battle ships, is not mentioned, but only the triaconter,
or vessel of thirty oars, the smallest used for war, as our
sloops. And this vessel seems clearly to have been best
suited to the purpose. The seamen would know it to be
better adapted to bear a rough sea than the bireme, or any
of the vessels which, with more than one tier of oars, were
more powerful in battle ; and so much we have seen proved
even for the landsmen, in the voyage on the river. It was
also more convenient than even the penteconter, for frequent
landing, and for being lodged in safety on a beach, beyond
reach of waves or surf. The number of vessels would be cal-
culated to carry the force requisite for resisting, or deterring,
hostilities to be expected, not on the waves, but ashore.
Thirty-three triaconters are mentioned as of the river fleet,
and Vincent has not unreasonably reckoned all to have been
probably assigned to the expedition on the ocean. Store-
ships attended ; but these, for power to accompany a fleet
of rowboats, being necessarily also rowboats, their room
for stowage would be scanty. It is indicated, in the course
of the narrative, that the fleet altogether could carry water
for only five days, and food for ten.

Of that extraordinary circumstance of the Indian ocean,
and most important for navigators, the regularity of the
winds, known by the name of Monsoon, some experience
had been acquired, and no doubt much information. That
the wind blew nearly six months of the year regularly from
the north-east, and six from the south-west, would probably
be ascertained. Its extent, which is from Madagascar to
Japan, none then could know ; and even whether it held
throughout the proposed course along the coast of the
ocean, complete assurance would hardly be gathered. For
its fluctuations, ordinary for many days about the seasons of

SECT. I. THE MONSOOX. 221

change, and the various disturbance to which it is liable, in
approaching the coast, from mountains, capes, and bays in-
tercepting or directing its course, and, in nearer approach,
the occasional but uncertain prevalence of the land and sea
breezes, which alternate every twenty-four hours, if any un-
dertook to know, yet whom to trust for knowledge, and at
the same time for fidelity, would be difficult to judge ; and
then to find interpreters able to explain clearly the inform-
ation given might be a second and not less difficulty. The
existing monsoon was adverse, not only as opposing the pro-
posed course, but as enhancing another adverse circumstance,
of which, in Alexander's voyages to the ocean, not only
information would have been obtained, but something would
have been seen. On the shores of the Indian seas, gene-
rally, the surf is greater than in most other parts of the
world ; and this inconvenient agitation of the water would
be stimulated by the wind of the monsoon, then existing,
blowing from the sea ; abated by the wind of the monsoon
to come, blowing from that land along which was to be the
course. Accordingly Alexander ordered that the

Arr. Ind. c. 20.

fleet should wait at Pattala, where he had pro-
vided great advantages, till the promised change of the mon-
soon were completed.

For a commander of the proposed expedition, he had
difficulty. Earnest upon the enterprise, he dreaded its
failure, not only for the disappointment of his great pur-
poses, but as it might tarnish his already acquired glory,
and deprive him of the advantage, not a small one, of his
reputation for never-failing success. Among the ancients,
Romans as well as Greeks, the duties of the land and sea
service, as we have had occasion formerly to observe, were
not allotted to different establishments of officers ; a general
commanded the fleet, as a branch of the military of the state,
and the captain of a trireme had commonly his equal com-

222 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

mand in the land service; a combination of military and
naval rank, which, with all its far greater inconvenience for
modern naval war, remarkably enough subsisted, till of late
days, in the French service. For the importance of the
trust, and the glory to ensue from success in it, Alexander
was desirous of committing the command-in-chief to one of
his most favourite and confidential generals; for so much,
though not avowed, appears enough marked in the account
which Arrian seems to have given in Nearchus's own words.
But, for a voyage of discovery, a nautical skill was necessary
which none of those generals had had opportunity to acquire.
For directing the navigation therefore two others had been
principally in view ; Onesicritus of Astypalaea in the island
of Cos, and Nearchus son of Andromenes, born a Cretan,
but become, by settling in Amphipolis, a Macedonian sub-
ject. Both appear to have been bred seamen of the jEgean ;
though Onesicritus is said, at one time of his life, to have
studied in the school of the celebrated Cynic philosopher
Diogenes. The view, ordinary among the Greeks, to profit
from military service in Asia, seems to have been the in-
ducement for both to engage in the army, for the invasion of
that inviting country ; and Nearchus, whether for previous
reputation, or recommending himself in the course of the
expedition, had been chosen to command, under the king
only, the immense fleet in the voyage on the rivers. Onesi-
critus, as the better-educated man, probably the pleasanter
companion, had been preferred to command the vessel in
which the king himself sailed. Nearchus, with talent,
activity, and courage not to be doubted, has put it equally
beyond doubt that he had much vanity and self-importance,
with little liberality. His own account, invidiously directed,
in exalting himself, to vilify the Macedonian generals, may
alone justify their unwillingness to undertake a highly im-
portant and most critical command, for the most essential

SECT. I. APPOINTMENT OF OFFICERS. 223

business of which, the direction of a difficult and hazardous
navigation, they must be dependent on such a man, com-
manding under them. All declined it, and none appear so
to have lost anything of Alexander's estimation or favour.
The command-in-chief then, according still to his own ac-
count, as reported by Arrian, was committed to Nearchus
alone; but Strabo, who appears to have compared all
accounts in his time extant, mentions Onesicritus as having
had a joint authority with him ; though whether as equal,
a mode common with both Greeks and Romans, or only
second, is not clearly said ; but even Arrian's narrative, in
the sequel, indicates that he had a share in the command,
and moreover that there was a third in the commission, a
Macedonian of distinction, Archias son of Anaxidotus of
Pella. This person had held the rank of trierarch in the
river voyage; probably a young man, and little a seaman,
but willing, for the honour and emolument, to share the
dangers and troubles of the expedition. In adverting to
Alexander's former policy, it seems every way likely that a
Macedonian would be joined with the islanders in such a
trust. Nearchus however, with all his haughty pretensions,
having the suppleness and art to gain Archias, appears to
have held effectually, through a majority in the triumvirate,
what his own account has claimed for him, the command-in-
chief.

For the success of the expedition nothing within Alex-
ander's large means had been omitted. The fleet was not
only fitted well but splendidly ; a matter not indifferent
toward conciliating and encouraging the many. The crews
were mostly practised seamen, selected, from the army,
among recruits from the various shores of the -/Egean and
Propontis, Cyprus, Phenicia, and Egypt; and, as the pro-
ject appears to have been long in Alexander's view, likely to
have been engaged for the purpose. These would all have

224 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

become, in some degree, practised soldiers ; but, with a view
to probable urgency, a chosen body for land service was also
put aboard. The officers appear to have been mostly such
as Nearchus approved, inasmuch as he has given them
general praise for zeal and activity in preparation for the
voyage, though for nothing farther. He seems indeed to
have had more talent for commanding the cheerful obedience
of those under him, necessary to his own credit and interest,
than disposition either to agree with his superiors or equals,
or to give merited praise to his inferiors, when he no longer
wanted them. Nevertheless readier, as on some occasions
he has shown himself, for illiberal slander, than just com-
mendation, yet he has so far done justice to his king as to
acknowledge, not only the excellent condition of the fleet
committed to him, but also the advantage he derived from
Alexander's example in venturing himself among the first to
enter the ocean, by each branch of the Indus ; and he has
added, that the confidence, thus excited, was strengthened
by the solemn ceremonies of thanksgiving and prayer to the
gods, performed on the occasion, and by the consideration
of Alexander's never-failing success in whatever he had un-
dertaken ; which Grecian piety was ordinarily disposed to
attribute to the favour of the gods toward the successful
adventurer.

Pilots had been found for the river, as far as the ocean,
and perhaps they might have been found for proceeding
along the coast of Malabar ; where circumstances certainly
afforded great invitation for trade, which Vincent, though
without any direct information from antiquity, has supposed
already flourishing. But for the long and hazardous course
along the barren and ill-inhabited coast, repelling for the
merchant, from the mouth of the Indus to the entrance of
the Persian gulf, no man, according to the narrative, was

SECT. II. NARRATIVES OF THE VOYAGE. 225

found who could serve as a pilot ; and, probably enough, no
man who had ever made the voyage.

Nevertheless there appears large indication that Nearchus
would not be unattended by persons acquainted with the
land along the coast as far, at least, as the country of the
Arabites and Orites extended, whom Alexander, in passing,
had reduced to obedience. For the long desert shore of
Gadrosia, in which were only scattered habitations of the
fish-eaters, there would be some greater difficulties, but pro-
bably also some advantages. Gadrosia, a satrapy of the late
Persian empire, had now been years under Alexander's do-
minion. His satrap there indeed had not duly executed
orders ; but this deficiency, on his own arrival, we have
seen him active to repair. Guides had been found for the
army's way across the desert ; so that, though reduced, by
the circumstances of the season, to difficulty for the course
in the sandy plain, yet, having reached the coast, and fol-
lowed its direction for some days, as soon as they could
perceive the highlands, they again knew where they were.
Means then hardly would be wholly wanting for Alexander's
power to extend communication to most parts of the shore,
and his will clearly would not fail to provide information
and assistance for his fleet in its progress.

SECTION II.

Published Narratives of the Voyage of Nearchus, Remarkable
Omissions in the extant Narrative. The Voyage begun during
the adverse Monsoon. Delays in the River. Early and long
Delay on the Shore of the Ocean. Arrival on the Coast of the
Orite Country.

THE account of the navigation on the rivers, as far as
Pattala, and down the two channels of the Indus to the
ocean and back again, have been already given from Arrian's
history of Alexander, drawn from the generals Ptolemy and
VOL. x. Q

226 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

Aristobulus. But their narratives of naval measures are
not likely to have gone farther than they accompanied the
fleet. Of the adventurous foUowing voyage on the ocean
however three accounts were published by persons who
served on it ; Nearchus, the commander-in-chief, Onesi-
critus, either his associate or second in command, and
Androsthenes, of the island of Thasos, become, by settling
in Amphipolis, like Nearchus, a Macedonian subject. He
had held, as well as Archias, the naval rank of trierarch on
the rivers , and now probably was commander of one of
the vessels, or, as that rank might rather require, of a
division of them. All these works have perished : of the
last only one passage remains noticed by Strabo ; of the
second, several by the same eminent writer, and Pliny, and
others : of the first, Arrian having chosen it for his guide,
the essence fortunately has been preserved, and probably
all that was valuable in it : unless that, as a singularity,
among relics from the ancients, a seaman's journal, as it
came from his hand, might have been an interesting curiosity.
The form however given it by Arrian, little differing from
that of a journal, and his known judgment and scrupulous
adherence to authority, afford every likelihood that in using
generally his own, yet sometimes, apparently, the original
words, he has given everywhere fairly the original sense,
omitting nothing important, and even abridging little.
Strabo, referring frequently to the original of Nearchus
for geographical information, adds to Arrian's account in
regard to one important matter, confirms it in others, and
contradicts it in none.

The accounts then of those two eminent writers con-
currently show, that the fleet quitted the port of Pattala,
and proceeded for the ocean, in a most unfavourable season,

3 This, on comparing the passages, in Arrian, twice mentioning Andro-
sthenes, appears the probably just description of the writer of the voyage.

SECT. II. OMISSIONS IN THE NARRATIVE. 227

near two months before the ordinary time of the change
of the monsoon, for which Alexander had directed that
it should wait. Arrian, without mentioning any cause for
this, begins his narrative of the voyage with stating, that,
in remission of the etesian winds, his phrase for the mon-
soon, the fleet set out, not then from Pattala, but from
a port unnamed, hardly so little as a hundred miles lower
down the river, being within ten or twelve miles of its
mouth; and after this he proceeds to add the remarkable
circumstance, that Nearchus had previously solemnised a
sacrifice to Jupiter the preserver, and treated the armament
with the amusement of gymnic exercises. 4 But Strabo
has mentioned, what is not found in Arrian, that Nearchus,
in some publication, stated a cause for his measure, which
necessity only could justify. The Indians, he said, desirous
of throwing off a foreign dominion, and resuming courage
after the king's departure with the army, came against him
in arms. But here also the place where he was so attacked,
or threatened, is unnamed; and this failure, in both the
accounts, is the more remarkable, as the name of every
the most insignificant place touched at by the fleet after-
ward, and of some which it merely passed, are stated by
Arrian, and several are also noticed by Strabo. As far
as ground then is offered for conjecture, when it is con-
sidered that even the mutiny in the army, which produced
the catastrophe of the governor-general, Philip, shook Alex-
ander's Indian dominion but for a moment, it seems utterly
unlikely that any Indian force could compel Nearchus to
quit Pattala, fortified as it was by Grecian art, prepared
with care for a naval station, and plentifully provided.

4 'fig $1 roe, Irriiria, frvivpotTcc, ixoi^O'/i rori. bri U^Y.VTO. Arr. Ind. c. 21.
In prosecuting the account he shows in clear terms, that the stormy and ad-
verse monsoon, blowing from the ocean, was not even near its end :
rov XOVTOV Ixvit, xtu fi/nxf*. Ibid.

Q 2

228 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

Nor is this important failure the only one in the narrative
requiring notice, and the more for causes which will appear
in the sequel. The naval station provided by Alexander
at Killuta, as subsidiary to that of Pattala, and on the same
side of the river, the eastern, or left, appears marked by
its distance from the ocean for the place of the sacrifice
offered and games exhibited by Nearchus, and whence the
fleet took its departure. Yet Vincent, in his careful com-
parison of ancient with modern accounts, has expressed a
doubt whether that place was not on the opposite bank.
Thus altogether we are without any information of the
circumstances of the voyage, perhaps more than a hundred
miles, down the river, from Pattala, where Arrian's nar-
rative, derived from the generals Aristobulus and Ptolemy,
leaves it, till the moving of the fleet from the station within
ten miles of the bar against the ocean, with which his
narrative, following, as he professes, that of Nearchus,
begins. Where then the hostilities occurred, as reported
by Strabo, seems yet more doubtful ; and where even was
the place of the sacrifice and games, mentioned by Arrian,
is far from clear ; yet so far not likely to have been the
same, as such ceremonies and festivities indicate secure
possession and leisure ; if not in perfect peace with all
around, yet at least such as might have some assurance
within good fortifications with a strong garrison.

The time of the departure from that station seems well
ascertained, by Vincent, to have been about the beginning
of October, and a month or six weeks after Alexander's
departure with the army for the march across the desert.
But then occurs farther difficulty. The first progress was
of a dilatoriness not accounted for. In an ac-

Arr. Ind. c.21.

knowledged remission of the adverse wind, with
opportunity therefore to be supposed, and in no degree
denied, to profit from the tide's alternacy, the first day's

SECT. ii. DELAYS IN" THE RIVER. 229

course was of only about six miles. For the measure,
Vincent's calculation, the result of unsparing pains, amid
indeed extraordinary difficulty, is followed here, and will
be in the sequel. The fleet then reaching a large creek,
entered it, and the crews, landing, remained ashore two
days. The name of the place, though that of the more
important previous station fails, is here given, Stoora ; but
neither of inhabitants is anything said, nor of cause for the
stay, nor is it in any way shown on which side of the river
Stoora lay. Circumstances only suggest the supposition
that, if Killuta was the place whence the fleet took its
departure, the shelter of a lee-shore, and the advantage of
a shorter course by that shore toward the point to be
turned at the river's mouth, would combinedly invite to
cross the river at the earliest opportunity.

On the third day the fleet moved again, but to advance
only about two miles, to another similar creek. Here
again the name of the place is given Caumana ; but reason
still for the smallness of the progress fails, though the
station is acknowledged to have been disadvantageous, as
affording no water uninjured by the tide from the ocean.
The progress then on the next day was of only one mile,
to a third inlet, at a place called Coreatis. All these inlets
are marked, by the phrase describing them, to have been
canals, partly at least artificial 5 ; and Vincent seems justly
to have supposed them such as are, at this day, nume-
rous among the flats widely spreading from the banks
of Indian rivers. Names of places commonly indicate
population, and such works moreover indicate commerce
and wealth ; yet no people are mentioned ; nor any produce
of the places but water. Whether then, after Alexander's
protecting presence was withdrawn, exaction or other ill
treatment had been suffered by the people here, or accounts

5 Aiuzv&s.

Q 3

230 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

from other parts had so excited apprehension that, like
those of Pattala, on the first approach of the fleet and army,
all had fled, must be left for such conjecture as the narrative
itself, without farther help of ancient testimony, may afford
ground for.

The progress now made in six days, according to
Vincent's careful computation, was of only about nine
miles. He has supposed the opposition of the wind may
have sufficed to prevent better speed. It must indeed
have been violent, if it denied opportunity to use the ebb-
ing tide for progress, under protection of a lee-shore;
yet, though on several following occasions hindrance from
violence of adverse wind is mentioned in the narrative, it
is wholly unnoticed here.

On the seventh day however the wind, as the circum-
stances related show, was not violent. Early on that day
the fleet reached the bar at the river's mouth, now called
the bar of Sindi ; a feature of nature which, though liable
to great alterations, is yet of a kind so far permanent as
to afford some sure assistance for geographical calculation,
which Vincent has not failed to use. In proceeding toward
the ocean, with the view to a westerly course along its
shore, it would be highly desirable for row-boats to hold
to the western side of the river. But on that side, it
seems, was no channel across the bar. This however,
though a great hindrance for trade westward, with vessels
deep with burthen, and, for economy, carrying few hands,
was little for Nearchus, whose vessels were floaty, and
hands numerous. Any natural channel indeed, the course
crooked, and depth varying, and both liable to alteration
from every storm, might have difficulties and obstructions,
hazardous for such a fleet, under guidance of the most
practised pilot. Nearchus therefore, using the opportunity
of low water, caused a straight and even-bottomed channel

SECT. II. ENTRANCE. OF THE OCEAN. 231

to be dug through the easily moved sand, and the fleet
passed on the supervening balanced flood without accident.
Wind then being still evidently moderate, it turned the
western headland, and, in a course of nine or ten miles,
reached the channel between the mainland and an island,
whose name, written by the Greeks, Crocala, is nearly
preserved to this day in that of a bay of the opposite coast,
which our fellow-countryman Robinson, who was employed
to survey it, proposing to indicate the oriental pronunciation
as nearly as might be with our letters, has written Crotchey
bay.

Here first, in the narrative, occurs any notice that the
country passed, and so often landed on, was peopled.
Hostility is avowed to have been apprehended. Mostly
barren toward the coast, but fruitful within, this was the
territory of the Arabees ; a predatory horde, like the
Belooches or Bloachees who now hold it, and reduced by
Alexander, in passing, to but uncertain order. For better
security therefore the desert island was preferred for the
repose, wanted by the crews after their labour, and they
stayed through the next day. Proceeding on the day follow-
ing, the fleet turned the headland called by Arrian Irus, by
our navigators Cape Monze. Here, first, violence of wind
is mentioned. Fortunately a little onward a haven was
found, most commodious for vessels of the galley kind,
protected by a small island against the assaults of the
adverse monsoon. The haven was called Sangada, the
island then Bibacta, now, by our navigators, Chilney. In
three days the fleet had yet advanced hardly twenty miles
on the ocean, when such was the threatening aspect of the
weather that, in apprehension of necessary delay, Nearchus
fortified his station; and not merely in the common manner
of a wayfaring camp, but strengthening the outer face of
the rampart with stone, which the neighbourhood fortunately
Q 4

232 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

afforded. No less than twenty-four days the fleet was
detained here by storms violent and continual. Notwith-
standing the mention of apprehended hostilities, no actual
communication with inhabitants of the country, friendly or
hostile, is noticed; nor is it said that the place afforded
anything of value but an abundance of shellfish, with
perhaps other fish 6 , and water, which however was all
brackish. Yet Nearchus, in honour of his sovereign, the
harbour itself being excellent, named the place Alexander's
haven.

No doubt as soon as the fleet, having crossed the bar
of Sindi, was fairly on the ocean, the adverse wind blowing,
and the adverse waves rolling, without check from the
farthest point of Africa, would affect row-boats very dif-
ferently from what had been experienced within the river,
and in a manner they were ill calculated to bear. Surely
the pressure must have been severe that could drive the
admiral from the advantages of Pattala, even to proceed
down the river j and it must have been actively and
strongly maintained, apparently on both shores, if it could
compel him to abandon all the shelter which the river
afforded, and meet certain peril from adverse gales on the
ocean, or seek safety in a temporary fort, on a coast, still
hostile, and affording nothing but fish and brackish water.
The learned commentator, in his report, anxious for the
reputation of the commander of the expedition, which he
so zealously devoted himself to illustrate, has imagined
what seems to deserve notice only for the high character
of its proposer. In Strabo's age, he observes, powerful
pirates, such as in modern times have infested the Indian
seas, were formidable on the coast of Malabar ; and, sup-
posing that, already in Alexander's age, a rich commerce
was carried on between that coast and the Indus, piracy,

[Muscles.]

SECT. ii. DELAY IN- THE VOYAGE. 233

having there its object, may already have been also flourish-
ing. But on the coast eastward of the Indus evidently
there was no maritime commerce ; insomuch that Vincent
himself has stated it as doubtful whether a single ship had
ever performed the voyage which Nearchus had undertaken.
Robbery by land, such as, according to all the histories of
Alexander, was practised by so many Asiatic hordes, re-
quired little preparation and little expense ; but piracy
much of both. No cargo that the fleet under Nearchus
could carry, unless it were gold, the plunder of injured
nations, could be an object for piracy; and the prospect
of hard blows and no profit will not allure to that crime
against nations. But hostility on the sea, had any ground
or pretence for apprehension of it existed, would have
been so much more an interesting matter for the narrative
than the acknowledged fear of attack by land, that the
failure of mention of it seems enough to prove that none
existed.

When Alexander, on moving with his army eastward,
left orders with his admiral Nearchus to await the change
of the monsoon for moving, it could not be in his con-
templation, or that of his council, that, before the fleet had
advanced twenty miles from the mouth of the Indus, it
would be in distress for provisions. Nevertheless consider-
ing that the object of his perilous and painful march was
to assist his fleet, and considering moreover all that is
indicated in Arrian's accounts of the march and of the
voyage, it may seem probable that a supply of provisions,
furnished through Alexander's care, though not acknow-
ledged in the narrative published after his death, was found
at that place which, with the purpose of compliment to him,
while living, the admiral named Alexander's haven.

After so long a stay at a place so little

* Arr.Ind.c.22.

inviting, the adverse season was not yet ended,

234 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

when, in a remission of the gales, the fleet moved; but
proceeded only about six miles to a desert island which,
with protection against winds and waves, afforded also
the comfort of sweet water. Here however only one night
was passed. On the morrow the advance was of near
twenty miles, and in the evening the fleet reached a good
situation, where sweet water was found within half a mile
vine, on f th e snore ' These, and some following circum-

stances, are interesting only as, through their
accordance with modern accounts, they evince the accuracy
of the narrative, wherever the private interests of the
narrator are not involved. On the following day, after
nearly an equal progress, a passage between two rocks,
barely leaving room for the oars, led into an extensive
haven, with deep water, and shelter against all winds. 7
Here however again only one night was passed. In issuing
on the morrow by the same outlet, the swell was such that
the rocks were with difficulty cleared ; but, with just
exertion, damage was avoided. In proceeding then choice
was offered of a channel, sheltered by a woody island, but
so narrow that, the narrative says, it might have seemed
a work of art. Appearing however sufficient for such
vessels, it was preferred to the open sea, and the fleet
seems to have rested the night within it. Moving at dawn,
the mouth of the river Arabis was reached early in the
day. Here was shelter against wind and waves, but no
fresh water. The fleet therefore proceeded immediately
two miles up the river ; and, having supplied itself, re-
turned, in the afternoon, to the station at the mouth. This

7 Vincent assumes two days here ; and of course a greater yet unascertained
progress ; not without some, though, as he has professed, doubtful, ground in
the narrative. For his purpose of measuring both the time and the space of
the course, it has been necessary to state precisely his best conjecture where
certainty has been unattainable. For a merely historical account it is little
important.

SECT. II. CHARACTER OF THE COAST. 235

procedure seems to strengthen the probability that Nearchus
had the assistance of persons aboard with him, acquainted,
if not with the sea, yet with the shore, at least as far as
this river, and who could inform him where the needful
supply, denied at the river's mouth, could be so obtained.
An abundance of shell, and other fish, found here, afforded
farther refreshment, but inhabitants remain unmentioned.
Thus far the country of the Arabees, and with

Arr.Ind.c.23.

it (that people being of Indian race and language
and manners) India, in ancient estimation, extended. On
the western bank of the Arabis the land was claimed by the
Orites, who were not Indians. Their country, as appeared
in Alexander's march, within land was good, but toward the
shore, as it has been ascertained by modern navigators, a
barren sand ; not everywhere absolutely unproductive, nor
wholly, as modern accounts show, denying habitation, but
having much of the wilderness character. Along this coast
the fleet having proceeded about twelve miles, a party was
sent ashore for water ; but good anchorage being found, the
crews passed the night aboard.

Moving again at day-break, the progress was of hardly
twenty miles, when, night already approaching, such a surf
broke on the shore that it was thought advisable to lie at
anchor again. 8 Uneasy in this situation, though the weather
was unpromising, the course was resumed at dawn. Such
then was the supervening gale that two long ships, and one
of the kind called kercurus, apparently a storeship, were
lost ; nigh enough however to land, for the crews to save
themselves by swimming. Nevertheless the advance made
was of twenty miles, but to reach only a desert shore, where
still a surf deterred landing. About midnight therefore the

8 I completely admit, and gratefully accept, Vincent's interpretation of
Arrian's word pr%6/ij or p-<;/-/j, as the surf. Confirmation of this interpretation
will be noticed hereafter.

236 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

fleet moved again, and, after proceeding about twelve miles,
found a place where landing was safe, and the vessels might
ride at anchor safely near it. So the rowers now wanted
rest that Nearchus here fortified a camp for security against
hostility apprehended from the Orites.

SECTION III.

Slowness of the Fleet's Progress. Supply to the Fleet from the
Army. Inhabitants mentioned to have been seen. Passage
along the Coast of the Fish-eaters. Supply obtained by faith-
less Violence, Town deserted on the Fleet's Approach.
Entrance of the Persian Gulf. Arrival at Harmoza in Car-
mania.

IN about forty days, now, from Killuta, or from whatever
port from the mouth of the Indus the fleet took its departure
for the ocean, the progress, according to Vincent's reckoning,
on a careful comparison of modern accounts with ancient,
including the delay of twenty-four days at Alexander's haven,
had been of only eighty miles. Had the change of the mon-
soon been waited for, the narrative itself, in its sequel,
appears enough to show, that, unless circumstances more
than commonly unfortunate intervened, the voyage might
have been completed in two, or at most three days. In no
calculation therefore that Alexander or his council could have
reason to make would it be necessary for the fleet to carry
stores for the time actually employed; nor probably could
such vessels, even including those provided for the purpose,
as it has been already observed, carry them for more than a
fourth of the time. Hence arose Alexander's determination,
at extreme hazard for himself and the army attending him, to
march near the coast, instead of going the secure way by
which he sent the larger division under Craterus ; and thus
his foresight and indefatigable diligence, stimulated by his

SECT. in. SUPPLY FROM THE ARMY. 237

anxiety for the success of his naval expedition, had provided
that on this desert shore food should be found. Rambacia,
the capital of the Orite country, had, according to Pliny, a
seaport. It does not follow that Pliny supposed the town
situated on the haven ; as there has been frequent occasion
to observe that, with the Greeks, and it appears to have held
equally with the Romans, the seaport of a town was any
with which it could command ready communication, either
by water or land. Thus Piraeus was the port of Athens,
Nauplia of Argos, Ostia of Rome ; the latter, though con-
siderably most distant from its port, alone having a water-
communication with it, and that only for very small vessels.
Rambacia, as Arrian shows, not itself a seaport, was how-
ever not far from the coast. It seems probable that, among
advantages of its situation, which recommended it to Alex-
ander, may have been opportunity for water-carriage to its
port. To superintend the civil government of Rambacia,
it will be remembered, he had established a Grecian satrap,
Apollophanes ; and, to ensure the obedience of the people,
and thence a friendly reception for his fleet, when it might
pass, he had left a chosen military force, under one of his
most approved generals, Leonnatus.

Nevertheless, after his departure with the main An-. e *p. AI.

1. 6. c. 27.

body of his army, the Orites, engaging some Ind - c -23.
neighbouring people in their cause, revolted ; and, in an en-
suing battle, the contest, as Diodorus seems on good ground
to have reported, was severe ; for Apollophanes is stated by
Arrian to have been killed in it. Leonnatus however gained
a complete victory, with slaughter said to have been of six
thousand of the Orites and their allies, among whom it is
added were all their chiefs. Nor does this appear improbable ;
for it seems to have been eminently required, among the
Asiatics, for the chief officers, especially in adverse fortune,
if they would have those under them fight, to set the example

238 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

of desperate valour ; and indeed, under the misfortune of
defeat, they appear to have been often in no less danger
from their prince and their people than from the enemy.
On the Macedonian side fifteen only of the cavalry are
acknowledged to have been slain, with a few, unnumbered,
of the infantry; and, considering what troops Leonnatus
commanded against those whose irregular discipline would
not probably be better than that of Asiatics at this day,
and allowing for wounded, the account may not be very
extravagant.

Through this important success Leonnatus was enabled
to give the attention expected from him to the arrival of the
fleet on the Orite coast, and to relieve its immediate needs.
There seems indeed every probability, though not acknow-
ledged in the narrative, that it was a place appointed for the
purpose. Nearchus, however, was not only soon freed from
apprehension of an enemy, but supplied with corn sufficient
to serve the armament ten days. Alexander's great means,
and his earnestness for the welfare of his fleet, being con-
sidered, together with the necessary construction of vessels
to make way with oars, it seems probable that the supply
was limited to that quantity only by the failure of stowage for
more ; means however being in view for furnishing a fresh
supply before this should be exhausted. But important
relief of another kind is acknowledged in the narrative.
Under Alexander's munificent encouragement, and through
his popularity, a sufficient number of men had been found
willing to risk the future difficulties of the voyage, in relief
of those already disabled in body by its hardships, or indis-
posed in mind, for rewards in prospect, to bear a continuance
of them. All such therefore were now dismissed from the
sea-service, to follow Leonnatus by land. What his course
afterward was we do not learn. Alexander was already
engaged in the perils of the desert, whether to survive or

SECT. III. CHANGE OF, THE MONSOON. 239

perish among them none could tell. Possibly report of
them, and probably exaggerated, might promote a disposition,
among those arrived with Leonnatus, to exchange service
with any desirous of relief from the experienced severities
of the sea-service at the hazard of uncertain troubles and
dangers by land.

The shore, where Nearchus chose his principal station,
seems to have forbidden the common practice of hauling the
vessels on it, common whether for their greater safety or for
giving the crews completer rest. Yet he found means to
repair damages ; possibly at what Pliny has called the haven
of Rambacia, which might be little distant. During his stay
however the long-wished-for advantage of the change of the
monsoon took place. The wind hitherto had Vinc on
blown constantly from the south-west, over the
ocean, toward the land, often violent, and generally adverse
to the fleet's course, and always increasing the surf on the
shore. Now, after a short period of fluctuation, it became
fixed toward the north-east. Blowing thus from the land,
and never with violence, it stilled the surf, and generally
favoured the course ; which was farther favoured by a
current, observed by modern navigators in that sea, setting
constantly to the westward. Whether Nearchus was fully
apprised of all these advantageous circumstances, may, as
Vincent has remarked, be doubted, yet probably he was not
without considerable information about them.

Toward the end of November the fleet pro- Ibid
ceeded again ; and, with the improved state of A
the weather, and favour of wind and current, made, on the
first day, a greater progress than on any former of the voyage ;
reaching at the distance of more than thirty miles the mouth
of the river Tomerus. From the Indus thus far, though the
coast was mostly barren, so that modern navigators have
observed little produced but brushwood, and here and there

24<0 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

a few palm-trees, yet the inland country was fruitful and
well-inhabited. The Arabees, we have observed, were
reckoned of Indian race : the Orites, though of different
origin and language, are described as of Indian manners ; im-
plying that they were a people considerably civilised, culti-
vating at least the more necessary of the arts of civil life.
But westward of the Orite country was the great desert,
where barrenness extended from the ocean hundreds of miles
inland. Food, and raiment, and means for shelter, thus
denied in the interior, were however still found on the coast,
such as might maintain some unfortunate families, whom the
failure of security elsewhere against human violence had
driven thither. The coast abounded with fish j which was
almost their only food : their dwellings were stifling huts 9 ,
formed of the bones and skins of the larger fish ; of which
even whales are mentioned as then frequenting that coast.
Their clothing, principally wanted for defence against the
burning sunbeam, was of skins, either of beasts or fish. From
their dependence on fish for food came the name, by which
alone they are distinguished, as a nation, by either Greek or
Latin writers, in the Greek language describing their diet,
Fish-eaters. In these circumstances, to become barbarians
was unavoidable. They are represented, in the narrative of
the voyage, equally as in the account of Alexander's march,
like the wildest of those found in modern times on any
shore of the Pacific ocean ; and Vincent's diligent inquiry
has led him to the conclusion, that the inhabitants of the
same coast, at this day, in way of life and manners nearly
the same, are in condition rather worse than those described
by Nearchus when he passed it.

It is remarkable enough that though apprehension of

iyr^ac.!. " Such are the cabins described by Cook, in a thousand
instances, into which you must enter crawling, and when entered you cannot
stand upright." Vincent on Nearchus.

SECT. III. FIRST NOTICE. OF INHABITANTS. 241

hostilities is more than once mentioned, yet of inhabitants
seen, in any of the various places of landing, notice here first
occurs. If in other parts of the coast the people had fled,
here, less informed or uninformed of the power of Grecian
weapons and discipline, they were prepared to resist. The
shore was lined with men armed with strong spears nine
feet long. To regard any rights of such people, even to their
lives, we have had much occasion to see, was little within
Grecian rules, either of the law of nations, or of morality,
or of philosophy. Nearchus, without any endeavour to ap-
proach them in peace, made his fleet advance within bow-
shot ; and then, having observed that the barbarians had no
missile weapons, he judiciously formed his plan of attack.
Selecting, among his light-armed, the best swimmers, he
ordered them to swim toward the shore ; and the foremost,
as soon as they could reach ground, to stand in the water
till the rest arrived, so that the whole might form regularly
in three ranks. Meanwhile, from bows and engines in the
vessels, he plied the barbarians with arrows and stones ; so
much to their astonishment as well as injury, that, when the
swimmers approached, running and shouting, they presently
fled. Many are said to have been killed in flight, and many
taken, whence opportunity was gained for observing their
persons. In the account of these, the hairiness of their
bodies, and the length and strength of their nails, resembling
tigers' claws, and doing the office, not only of butchers' but
of carpenters' tools, perhaps may be somewhat exaggerated.
Their weapons may have been truly represented as resem-
bling those found, in modern voyages, among islanders
secluded from the civilised world, of wood only, with the
point hardened by fire.

This shore of hostile savages Nearchus chose

Arr.Ind.c.25.

for a stay of five days ; the narrative says, to

repair damaged vessels, though of recent storms, or other

VOL, X. R

24?2 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

cause of injury, no mention is made. But information con-
cerning a more interesting matter also wholly fails : it is not
said what was the fate of the numerous prisoners. The
ordinary object of the Greeks in making prisoners was profit
in the slave-market. If the wretches here taken were to be
conveyed to a slave-market, it must have been in miserable
plight.

The fleet moving then in the second watch of

Arr.Ind.c.26.

the night, its course was of near forty miles, to a
convenient haven, where was a village, named Pasira, and
its people Pasirees. The stay there was only for the night's
rest, and no mention is made of communication with the
people. On the next day a lofty precipitous promontory,
with a surf on the shore, made difficulty for the commanders,
and labour for the rowers. The following night, on account
of the surf, was passed at anchor. Men were however sent
ashore for water ; and by digging in the sand a sufficiency
was obtained, but all brackish. On the succeeding day the
fleet advanced little more than twelve miles ; but, moving
again at dawn, a progress of near forty had been already
made, when a village seen on the shore, with date-trees
about it, seems to have been as a signal for landing.

At this village, named Carnina, another and an important
novelty occurs in the narrative. Thus far communication
with the natives of the coast is mentioned only on occasion
of the bloodshed of a few days before ; here, first, hospitality
is acknowledged ; the people furnished not only fish but
sheep. These, the land bearing no grass, are stated to have
been fed on fish ; whence their flesh was fishy, such is the
expression, like that of sea-birds. Arrian, as if unwilling
himself to answer for this, has particularly mentioned that
Vine, on it was so affirmed by Nearchus. Vincent, always

Nearch. "

p.*3i.n. 135. diligent in inquiry, has found modern writers
asserting that, in some parts of Africa, fish have been found

SECT. ill. COAST OF FISH-EATERS. 243

a food not incapable of supporting cattle. Yet, as in
Arrian's account of Alexander's march it is men- Ch 54 s 3
tioned that, among other provisions, sheep were f
forwarded to the coast for the fleet, it may seem the more
reasonable conclusion, that the sheep, furnished by the fish-
eaters of Carnina, were not bred among them, but, however
unacknowledged in the narrative, had been sent by Alexander
from the country northward.

Though at that unnamed village, where many of the
natives were killed in battle, and many made prisoners, the
fleet stayed five days, yet at this place, where such accom-
modation was found, the stay was only of one night. The
next progress then was but of thirteen or fourteen miles,
when temptation to land again occurred. Fishing-boats
were seen on the shore, and a village not more than two
miles from it. The corn, furnished by Leonnatus, was now
all consumed. So it is here observed in the narrative,
without any notice of the several supplies asserted, in the
account of the march, to have been afterward sent for the
fleet. But the country, near the coast, had begun a little
to improve, and hope was entertained that some corn might
be found. The inhabitants however, whether in reasonable
fear, or otherwise, had all fled, and no corn was discovered.
Some goats, left wandering, being caught, made a meal for
the night, and next morning the fleet proceeded.

A lofty promontory, supposed that called, by our navi-
gators, Posmee, was then turned ; and, after a progress of
about twenty miles, the fleet entered a commodious haven,
where was a village of fishermen, called Mosarna. No com-
munication with inhabitants, even here, is acknowledged in
the narrative ; yet by the mention of an important incident
assurance is afforded that there must have been communi-
cation with them, and great probability that the fleet was
expected, and friendship prepared for it. A practised
R 2

Ch. 54. s. 3.
of this Hist.

244 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

mariner, a native of the inland Gadrosia, was found at this
village, who undertook, as a pilot, to conduct the fleet the
remaining length of the coast to the Persian gulf. Thus it
appears evident that the Mosarnians, though of the race of
fish-eaters, were not, by the circumstances of their country,
so excluded from communication with the fruitful Gadrosia
as those of the coast eastward. The indication indeed is
strong that here was a port, by which the fruitful Gadrosia
commonly communicated with the sea ; and that commerce
was carried on along the coast westward, though eastward
only by land. In return for what Gadrosia wanted, the
nard and myrrh of the Desert, the fame of which appears to
have induced Phenician traders to hazard all the
miseries and dangers of the march of the army,
may have been valuable articles for export here. A con-
currence of indications moreover seems to furnish nearly
assurance that Mosarna and its commerce were known by
report to Alexander in India, and that the information
obtained concerning them afforded both instigation and
encouragement to direct the voyage and undertake the
march.

A pilot being acquired, Nearchus henceforward, for less
fatigue to his rowers, used the night mostly for progress;
which before, while none abroad had any knowledge of the
coast, could seldom be prudently ventured. The wind
also now favoured, and thus the first run from Mosarna to
a resting-place was of near fifty miles. In the next, the
improved character of the country, within view, tempted to
put ashore at little more than half that distance. About a
village numerous palm-trees were observed. On landing, a
garden was found, where flowering plants were numerous ;
and the narrative distinguishes the myrtle as flourishing.
Chaplets of herbs and flowers, originally used in sultry
climates perhaps not more for ornament than relief, were a

SECT. III. COAST OF FISH-EATERS. 245

favourite luxury of the Greeks at their feasts; and the
gratification of the crews, in finding here the myrtle for the
purpose, is mentioned as if it were that of meeting a friend
long unseen. Here moreover, first, in the course of the
voyage, cultivated fruit-trees were found ; and, the narrator
adds, men not wholly savage. He has also given the name
of the place, Barna ; but what communication was had with
the inhabitants, or whether any, is not said. The heat of
the day only seems to have been passed there.

Whether then revenge from the assembled natives was
apprehended, or what else occasioned so hasty a departure
from a place, in description, more than any before, inviting
to stay, the fleet proceeded to a station where the crews
were exposed to the inconvenience of resting aboard : still
whether fearing the inhabitants of the coast, or for what
other cause, is not said. Moving however again about mid-
night, and advancing near twenty-five miles, a secure haven
was found. But here again the inhabitants are described as
of uncultivated character : their employment fishing, their
vessels mere canoes, rowed, not with oars, but, what seems
to have been new to the Greeks, with paddles ; so that to
describe their action in rowing, it is said to have resembled
that of men digging the ground. No communication with
the people thus is mentioned ; nor any refreshment obtained,
but from abundance of good water; which, as it had so
often failed in the course of the voyage, might be a valuable
relief.

Under the Gadrosian pilot's direction the fleet proceeded
again by night, and the course was continued to the next
evening; when, after a progress of about sixty miles, a
tremendous surf was found breaking on the shore. Anchors
therefore were cast, and supper was taken aboard. That
such a circumstance was thought worthy of notice in the
narrative, shows the character of navigation, in this voyage,
R 3

24-6 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

to have been the same as we have seen it commonly for
vessels of war in the days of Thucydides and Xenophon,
ch. 19. s . 8. when the crews of fleets, though hastening to

& ch. 26. s. 8.

of this Hist. an object, were landed even twice in a day for
meals. It may further deserve observation here, that the
provision which supplied strength for so long a run, and
afforded the supper, must have been acquired in some way
not acknowledged in the narrative.

After refreshment however thus taken, and ensuing repose,
the fleet had proceeded about thirty miles, when an object,
not probably before seen in the voyage, engaged attention :
a fortified town, small indeed, but situated on a hill advan-
tageously for defence. On nearer approach stubble was
seen in the fields around, whence it was conjectured that
corn would be in store at the place. Thus the cupidity
of the commander, according to his own account, and pro-
bably also that of the crews, difficult for the commander
wholly to restrain, was excited. He thought however, he
says, that in a country producing corn so scantily the people
would not willingly part with their store. His numbers, he
supposed, with Grecian arms and Grecian skill, might, by
open force, compel surrender, but not without inconvenient
delay. He therefore resolved upon fraud ; and this he has
not only avowed, but boasted of; for to his fellow country-
men of his age in general, though the flourishing age of
Grecian philosophy, it appears too evident he might avow
it without fear of reproach. Imputation therefore perhaps
should rest less upon the individual than upon the morality
of the age altogether ; which too clearly little fostered the
nobler sentiment of Agesilaus ; who, according to Xenophon,
reckoned that, in war, to deceive those who refuse you their
confidence is fair, but those who trust you infamous. For
war with this people however Nearchus had not a pretence;
unless universal hostility for Greeks against barbarians were

SECT. in. SUPPLY OBTAINED BY VIOLENCE. 24-7

allowable. It was with the avowed purpose of deceiving
and robbing those who trusted him, that Nearchus directed
the course of his fleet along the coast, as if to pass the
place, while he landed himself with a small party from a
single vessel.

The people, who hitherto, from within their walls, probably
not without apprehension, had been observing all, seeing
only six men approach, went out, and, with ready hospitality,
presented, in baskets, some tunny-fish dressed, some cakes,
which seem to have been partly of meal, and some dates.
Nearchus, affecting to receive the gift graciously, told them
by an interpreter, one of his attendants, that he was desirous
of seeing their town ; and they, without suspicion, assented.
He must then have managed very artfully to amuse the
principal townsmen, so as to be enabled to abuse their
confidence in the manner which he has proceeded to re-
late. His plan, decided before he left his ship, had been
communicated to Archias, whom it appears he principally
trusted in command under him. On a signal agreed on,
Archias reversed the course of his fleet, landed all that
could be spared from care of the vessels at anchor, and
hastened toward the town. The people, seeing such an
armed body approaching, ran for their weapons. Nearchus,
on entering the town, had left two of his escort at the gate,
probably very narrow, such as are seen now in many old
towns of the continent, not proposed to admit carriages.
No guard of the townsmen however appears to have been
there. With the other two, who were bowmen, he and his
interpreter mounted the town-wall. The people assembling
underneath, the interpreter engaged their attention by a
proclamation, which he concluded with telling them that,
" if they would save their town and themselves they must
furnish grain for the armament." Answer was made that
there was no grain in the place. Presently then numbers
R 4

24-8 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

were preparing to attack the intruders in their lofty station.
But, though more civilised than those before met in arms,
they were still of the fish-eater nation, and seem, like the
others, to have been without missile weapons. Some bow-
shots therefore from the two who attended Nearchus, perhaps
surprising, sufficed to check them. The two at the gate
meanwhile, probably in full armour, held possession of it.
The whole force from the fleet then being soon near, the
people, in complete consternation, declared their readiness
to give all their grain, if they might otherwise be spared.
Nearchus, upon this, directed Archias to take possession of
the gates and the wall with sufficient numbers, while the
rest were employed in seeing to the surrender of grain,
wherever to be discovered. Great store of a kind of meal
prepared from fire-dried fish was found, but of grain little.
Without any notice of millet, or any other seeds commonly
used for food in the hot climates, wheat and barley are
mentioned; the barley no doubt of the round-eared kind,
which we distinguish by the names of big, or bear, the
ordinary barley of the south of Europe; where summer-
heat denies the growth of the flat-eared sort, which we in
preference cultivate.

The people here were so far civilised as to dress their
fish : all formerly met with, according to the narrative, ate
it raw. On fish was their principal dependence for food ;
bread was considered only as a sauce for their fish; a
desirable delicacy, but not a necessary. Nevertheless the
corn % which Nearchus took, was what he supposed would
serve his people till they might reach a more fruitful country.
Payment seems to have been no more in his contemplation,
than in that of any of the predatory highlanders whom
Alexander in his course had chastised, or our borderers of
Scotland and Wales, or the Miquelets on the verge of France
and Spain, when they stole their neighbours' cattle ; nor is

SECT. III. DISSATISFACTION OF THE CREWS. 249

there any other evidence than the author's silence, that the
loss of corn was the only injury suffered. The name of the
place, thus made remarkable, is not given ; and this failure
is certainly among those, in the narrative, of a kind to excite
suspicion.

The fleet stayed here no longer than to complete its
commander's project of fraud : its course appears to have
been resumed in the afternoon of the same day, though
to reach no advantageous situation for the night. In the
evening it anchored off the headland named Bagia, the
western point, according to Vincent, of that now called
Gutter Bay. About midnight it moved again ; and, wind
no doubt favouring, the run was continued to the extent
of sixty miles. A good harbour was then found, called
Talmona; good, apparently, as affording convenience for
the crews to rest ashore.

A progress afterward of twenty-five miles brought the fleet
to a town named Canasida. If, as seems likely, Nearchus
expected corn here, he was disappointed. A well is mentioned
to have been found, artificially formed. Whether this might
indicate advancement in civil arts among the people beyond
that of those eastward, or whether it was one of the nume-
rous wells, mentioned in the account of the army's march, to
have been provided for the fleet by Alexander's care, seems
utterly uncertain ; no result of that care appearing to have
been acknowledged by Nearchus, with a single exception for
the relief he received from Leonnatus. The town however
was found deserted, for what cause is not said; and the
heads of palm-trees were the only food obtained. Distress
therefore urging, the fleet proceeded through the afternoon
and all the following night, and still, at daybreak, was on a
desert shore. Rest however being then necessary, anchors
were dropped. Here Nearchus has avowed that he feared
to let the crews quit their vessels ; such being the dissatis-

250 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

faction among them that, rather than return aboard, he
apprehended they might endeavour to join the army by land.
Among the many very remarkable omissions in the narrative,
the failure to acknowledge any information obtained of what
must have so excited the attention of every inhabitant of
the coast as Alexander's march along it, and according to
Vincent's probable supposition, through Canasida 10 , is not
ch.54. s.3. tne l east striking. As soon as, turning inland, he
had reached a fruitful country, not there so distant
from the sea as farther eastward, he had hastened, it will be
remembered, unsparing of his own labour, to collect and
forward provisions, under escorts commanded by confidential
officers, to two different parts of the coast, to await the
fleet's passing. However then acknowledgment may have
failed in Arrian's narrative from Nearchus, yet on comparing
with it what he has given from Ptolemy and Aristobulus, it
seems utterly improbable that the commanders of the fleet,
even should they have missed the supplies, were without
intelligence of the army : the admiral, we have recently seen,
had an interpreter, whom he esteemed worthy of confidence :
and it is unlikely that such intelligence could be wholly con-
cealed from the crews. Thus neither the project imputed
to the seamen will appear so extravagant, nor the fears of
the admiral so without reasonable ground, as the narrative
of the voyage, unassisted by that of the march, leaves them
to be supposed.

But, among indications here, as sometimes before, produced
by the narrator's care to earn credit for accuracy in whatever
related to the seaman's business, it is shown that not only
information, but supplies, unowned, must have been received.
Here first the crews are said to have been starving, and this
after great fatigue ; yet they were able to persevere in a run

10 Vincent's map carries the march through Canasida.

SECT. III. FORAGING FOR PROVISIONS. 251

of near fifty miles to a place called Canate. There artificial
watercourses were found, clearly indicating population and
cultivation ; yet neither supply is acknowledged to have
been obtained, nor people seen. Nevertheless the strength
of the crews did not fail ; for, after no unusual time stated
to have been allowed for repose, the progress was again of
fifty miles. It seems to have been through this speed that
the inhabitants of some small villages, of a district on the
coast not wholly unproductive, called Troisi, were so far
taken by surprise that, though all fled, they left behind them
not only some corn and dates, which were seized, but also
seven camels. The flesh of that animal is said to be neither
an unwholesome nor an ungrateful food. Accordingly all
were devoured. The prize would be valuable for the fleet,
if, against Alexander's intention, food could be had for it
only by violence ; but the loss of seven camels must have
been severe upon villagers on such a coast.

The crews, thus however recruited, were allowed only
short rest, the fleet moving again at daybreak. At a distance
of about twenty miles it reached Dagasira, a place frequented
by herdsmen ; sure indication that, though still within the
line of coast called that of the fish-eaters, the change toward
a more productive country was already considerable. But
herdsmen could readily move their all beyond the reach of
rapacious hands, whose approach by sea might be seen afar.
Accordingly nothing valuable appears to have been found
there.

After rest therefore during the midday heat only, progress
was resumed toward evening, and prosecuted through the
night and all the following day. The wind apparently
favoured, so that, for a course of near a hundred and fifty
miles, the labour would not be severe. With this fortunate
speed the boundary of that called the fish-eaters' coast was
passed, and hope was entertained of immediately finding the

252 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

relief which accounts of the adjoining country, Carmania,
promised. The surf however being such as to

Arr.Ind.c.29. F

deter landing, the repose, now necessary for the
crews, was only such as they could take in the vessels at
anchor.

The general direction of the shore of the ocean

c. 32.

from the mouth of the Indus, or near it, thus far,
modern observation confirming the account of Nearchus,
Vincent on is remarkably direct, east and west, with only
P. 300. occasional indentures and projections of bays and
promontories, small in proportion to the length of line of
above six hundred miles. Hereabout, still coinciding with
modern observation, Nearchus says the course, guided still
by the coast, was turned to the north-west. Soon then the
fleet reached Badis, a cultivated district of Carmania, pro-
ducing corn and good wine, and all the ordinary fruits of
Greece abundantly, except olives. And yet no mention is
made of supply obtained, or of any inhabitants seen, in this
plentiful district of a province, not only for years past
governed by Alexander's officers, but in which he had him-
self been now some weeks with his army.

Important assistance of another kind, acquired on this
part of the coast, and probably at Badis, is however indicated.
The Gadrosian pilot had undertaken no more than to
conduct the fleet to the Persian Gulf. Now other persons
were aboard, more extensively acquainted with land and sea
in those parts. After a run of fifty miles from Badis, for
which refreshment obtained there must have prepared the
crews, a lofty promontory came in view, afar off; which,
says the narrative, persons familiar with those parts declared
to be a projection from the Arabian shore, marking the
entrance of the gulf, and eminent for the trade which supplied
the great cities of Assyria with perfumes and spices. Cinna-
mon alone is distinguished by name ; probably furnished from

SECT. III. DIRECTION OF THE SHORE. 253

southern Arabia, till, through Alexander's measures, the way
was opened for the Arabian traders to the coast of Malabar,
and thence to the island of Ceylon, which produces that
ever since the most in estimation. The name of V mcent on
the promontory, with Arrian Maketa, with Strabo
Makai, is now, with our navigators, Mussendon.

Here difference of opinion arose, among the principal
officers, concerning the course to be pursued. On the
Carmanian side the shore receded, so as to form a bay, near
thirty miles deep, and sixty wide, with a barren coast, as far
as eye could reach, and a surf breaking on it. Onesicritus,
since the fleet's outset now first mentioned in the narrative,
recommended avoiding the circuitous line of the bay, with
so forbidding a shore, to stretch away immediately to the
promontory on the Arabian side ; the distance being estimated
not to exceed an ordinary day's run with oars. Nearchus
opposed this. In rather offensive phrase, according to his
own account, he told Onesicritus " that he was foolish u
indeed, or strangely inattentive to the king's instructions,
if he did not know that they required the examination of all
shores, havens, islands, bays, maritime towns, with observation
where the land was fruitful, and where barren. Already the
principal dangers and labours of the expedition were sur-
mounted, and no serious difficulty remained in view, if they
proceeded in the course hitherto pursued ; but, what might
be beyond that promontory on the Arabian shore, he feared
more than any on the Carmanian." This opinion, we are
told, prevailed; a phrase appearing to mark that the authority
of Nearchus was not perfectly independent of colleagues or
council. Accordingly the fleet, resting that night at anchor,
proceeded on the morrow along the Carmanian shore, about

11 Njjjnov. The exact value of such phrases can be estimated only by those
practised in the conversation of the day, and rarely can be given in another
language.

254? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

thirty miles, to a place described only by its name,

Arr.Ind.c.33.

Neoptana ; and, moving again at daybreak, by a
course of no more than six miles, reached Harmoza or
Harmozia 12 , on the river Anamis, a principal port of Car-
mania. There an officer of considerable rank under Alex-
ander commanded, friendship was ready, and, as in a very
plentiful country, every necessary abounded.

SECTION IV.

Occurrences at Harmoza. Journey of Nearchus to wait upon the
King. Return to Harmoza.

THE merit which the learned Vincent was the first probably
to discover, but certainly to ascertain to the world, in the
narrative of Nearchus, has led that worthy person to an
esteem of the author's character surely much beyond what
any, more versed among men, can be disposed to allow.
His praise, that it deserves all credit, cannot be admitted
(supposing, as Vincent has supposed, that Arrian has given
justly the meaning, if not even the words, of his author)
without exception .for what Nearchus related of himself.
The account of his conference with Alexander, previous to
his appointment to the chief command for the voyage of

12 The name of Harmoza remains to this day, though, among the revolu-
tions to which the finest parts of Asia have been singularly liable, transferred
to another place. The people, on occasion of which three conquests of their
country, suffered between the beginning of the thirteenth and the end of the
fifteenth centuries, is uncertain, to avoid the dominion of a conquering despot
from the interior of the continent, migrated to a small island, not far from the
mouth of the Anamis, completely of the wilderness character. Affording
nothing but safety against hostile attack, not even water, but what fell from
the sky, yet Ormuz, as we write it after the Portuguese, like Venice and
Amain in Europe, in nearly similar circumstances, flourished from com-
merce, eminent among the marts of the east. Even under the Portuguese
it flourished ; but an English fleet, in war with Portugal, enabling another
conqueror from the interior of Asia to become its master, its prosperity soon
ended.

SECT. IV. OCCURRENCES AT HARMOZA. 255

discovery, reviling the principal officers of the army, and
representing himself as the king's dearest friend, for whose
welfare he was even absurdly solicitous, has evidently been
calculated only for the most uninformed of the sovereign
multitudes in the Grecian republics, among whom, as well
as for whom, it was published, not till after Alexander's
death. For the transactions of his extraordinary voyage
indeed, the narrative is generally perspicuous, always pro-
bable, corresponding, beyond what might be expected, with
modern observation in its geography, the sure test of its
authenticity, and failing only by omission of matters of
which some account most reasonably might be expected.
But now, when account is to be given, no longer of the
navigation, but of the narrator's conduct ashore, among a
civilised and friendly people, and in communication with
his king, it becomes in some parts mysterious, in others
strangely extravagant.

Already the fleet had coasted for many leagues a province
not only for some years commanded by Alexander's officers,
but in which he actually was with his army. On that coast,
in the fruitful territory of Badis, abundant supplies were
found : of course there had been communication with the
people; and now a seaport was reached, apparently the
principal of the province, where all was friendly, and where
the governor of a considerable district resided. Never-
theless, though Alexander's unremitted anxiety and even
painful activity to afford all assistance to his fleet is, in the
narrative, as in all other accounts, largely testified, yet, in
the same narrative, it has not been scrupled to assert that,
at this friendly port, Nearchus could obtain no news of his
king, or information where any one in authority under him
was to be found. Some men from the fleet, wandering, it
says, as those long confined ashipboard are fond of doing, to
their surprise, not less than to their joy, met a Greek from

256 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

the army ; who informed them where the king and the army
were, and readily conducted Nearchus to the prefect of the
district. It is implied that the admiral was anxious to wait
upon the king the soonest that might be, and it is clearly
expressed that he obtained all necessary information from
the prefect for making the journey, reckoned, at the utmost,
of five days for a party afoot. Nevertheless he neither im-
mediately went, nor sent any intelligence of himself or the
fleet. His first business, after hauling his vessels ashore,
was to fortify his naval camp, as if in an enemy's country,
and with more than common care and labour ; for he sur-
rounded it with a double rampart, and a ditch deep enough to
be floated from the river. As a reason for such a work, it is
stated that, his instructions directing him to survey the Per-
sian gulf and meet the king at Susa, he reckoned the whole
of the fleet needless for that continuance of the voyage, and
therefore he would leave a part at Harmoza. Thus he
seems to have assumed to himself to decide on a matter for
which, if nothing else pressed for communication with his
king, he should have hastened to desire orders.

Arr.Ind.c.34.

But the prefect, his duty requiring that the king
should have the earliest information of the fleet's arrival at
a port of his district, whether dissatisfied with the admiral's
conduct, or having other causes, instead of sending, went
to make the report himself. This displeased Nearchus, who
has not scrupled to represent it as an interested interference
with business which, clearly with the purpose to impose
only on those most ignorant of what would become persons
in their situations, he intimates should have been left
entirely to him.

ch 54 s 3 The place of Alexander's residence in Car-
Hlst ' mania, probably the capital, had been made re-
markable, as we have seen, by transactions there; and is
among those also remarkable for being, in the narrative,

SECT. IV. ALLEGED IMPATIENCE OF ALEXANDER. 257

without a name. This however Diodorus has

Diodl. 17.

supplied, writing it, as we perhaps best, with VM*?I
Vincent, may render the Greek orthography,
Salmoon ; which, the first syllable being said to mean a fort,
seems preserved in the modern Maaun. 13 That place is less
distant from the port where the fleet lay than may seem
implied in the narrative ; in which however confusion,
rather than clearness, appears to have been, on this oc-
casion, studied. The tale that follows is indeed extra-
ordinary, and even absurd ; and yet may deserve notice as
a sample of what might be offered for belief among the
Grecian republics. Alexander's impatience at the failure of
Nearchus to arrive, as expected, is described as unfit for a
man, and his measures to acquire information as ineffectual
as could be those of a child : he sent messenger, it is said,
after messenger, to various parts of the coast to acquire
intelligence, and none brought any. Were this related as
happening before the fleet reached the Carmanian shore, it
might appear not only credible, but likely. The narrative
however goes much farther; some of the messengers, it
says, never returned. For such failure no cause is men-
tioned ; and how it should have happened, unless Nearchus
himself managed to detain them, seems not easily imaginable.
The king's impatience however, the narrative proceeds to
say, at length became so extravagant that, supposing the
prefect's hasty intelligence of the fleet's arrival deceptive,
he ordered him to prison. Nevertheless he sent horses and
carriages to conduct Nearchus ; and these so took the right
road (by what information or what good fortune guided, is
not said) that they met him, already on the way. If it was
to convey him prisoner to Salmoon, even from his own ac-
count, he seems to have deserved it. Nor indeed is the
suspicion, that so it was, without some apparent ground.

13 In the Greek it occurs only in the dative, ~S.st,\u.<vTi.
VOL. X. S

258 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. tv.

For, after having been at the friendly port of Harmoza
vine, on several days, (Vincent reckons only three, but

Nearch. .

P. 348. t ne narrative, describing the works at that place,
and the going and return of the king's many messengers,
implies considerably more,) Nearchus set out, taking Archias
only for his companion, and four inferior attendants ; though
on account of the lawless state of the country, if what
follows in the narrative should be credited, prudence would
have recommended a stronger escort, had he shown himself
in his proper character of commander-in-chief of the imperial
fleet. But he chose (for after such delay at a friendly and
plentiful seaport it must have been choice) that all should
go in the same soiled clothes, soaked with brine, and with
the same weatherbeaten and toilworn looks as when they
landed ; in his description altogether miserable. Such, it
may be observed, among the Greeks, was the kind of ap-
pearance ordinarily affected by those, who, in the character
of suppliants, desired to excite commiseration. The escort
sent by the king, on meeting them, not guessing who they
were, would have passed them unnoticed. But they could
not fail to know of what description those of the escort
were; and yet they hesitated to declare themselves. At
length however, resolving to inquire where they might find
the king, and explanation ensuing, they were taken into the
carriages, and conducted to the place of his residence.

Arrived there they presently waited upon him, still in the
same soiled clothes in which they had set out from Har-
moza, and altogether with the same appearance, studiously
described as wretched. Alexander, like the escort they had
met on the road, hardly knew them ; but as soon as he had
assured himself he took Nearchus, the narrative says, by the
hand, and led him to a private apartment. Still supposing
his fleet lost, (for still the prefect's account had no credit
with him,) he was so overborne with joy at seeing Nearchus

SECT. IV. KIND RECEPTION OF NEARCHUS. 259

and Archias safe that, for a long time, tears prevented
speech. Being then informed by them that the fleet also
was safe, tears of joy flowed afresh, and he swore by the
Jupiter of the Greeks, and the Ammon of the Libyans, that
he was more gratified with that information than with the
conquest of all Asia. The prefect of Harmoza

. r Arr.Ind.c.36.

was yet under arrest. Finding opportunity how-
ever to prostrate himself before Nearchus, and obtaining his
intercession with the king, he was at length released,
Alexander then solemnised a sacrifice to Jupiter the pre-
server, and Apollo the evil averter, and Neptune, and
(such is the expression in the original) whatever other
seagods might be ; Nearchus leading the procession, and
the whole army throwing on him flowers and garlands.
Gymnic games and theatrical exhibitions concluded the
celebrity.

After this boast of honours to himself, and imputation of
imbecility to his sovereign, follows the remarkable con-
fession, that Alexander proposed to remove him from the
command of the fleet. To disguise this disgrace, the same
extravagance has been resorted to which was not scrupled
to colour Alexander's hesitation ever to commit to him the
command-in-chief : the king, he says, assured him it was
because he could no longer expose so dear a friend to such
labours and dangers. This assertion, that a prince of such
great views, and so unsparing of himself, would, in weak
tenderness for any man, deny a difficult but honourable
command to him whom he thought fittest for it, and who
also desired it, is evidently enough what could be proposed
for belief only to the most uninformed of the people who
shared sovereign power among the Greek republics. The
narrator's pretension, twice stated, that he was himself the
object of such regard, and that Alexander was the man so
to yield to it, seems indeed too ludicrous, and the pub*
s 2

260 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

lication of it too impudent, to admit comment in terms
becoming the sobriety of history. 14

What Nearchus has proceeded to relate we find satis-
factorily confirmed by other testimony : on his earnest
solicitation that he might not be deprived of the credit of
completing a great undertaking, the larger, and far the more
difficult part of which he had already successfully executed,
Alexander finally yielded to his request.

In returning then to Harmoza, he was allowed a military
escort, sufficient, he says, for a country in peace. Thus he
could not avoid showing himself in his proper character of
commander of the fleet. In this character, and so attended,
he was attacked on the road, twice or thrice, by different
parties of the country people, insomuch that with difficulty
he made his way. But, in these attacks, of number so
doubtfully stated, it is not said that there was slaughter, or
even wound on either side ; nor are the assailants described
as of a predatory horde, but simply as people of the country,
where the satrap, Tlepolemus, recently appointed, had not
had time to establish proper order. The late satrap Sibyr-
tius however, it should be remembered, had been removed
to a more extensive and critical command in Gadrosia, not
surely for having failed to keep order in his former province.
Nor are the Carmanians anywhere described as among the
predatory hordes of Asia ; not even in an account of those
hordes by Nearchus himself, preserved to us by Strabo.
1. 16. Whether then the tumults mentioned were more

ed. cas. than those of an unarmed multitude demanding
reparation for plunder, or other injury, such as, on several

14 It were tedious to notice all the absurdities in the account given from
Nearchus hy Arrian. The reader curious about them, and they are indeed
matter of some curiosity, will be best referred to the original ; or, if a transla-
tion be wanted, not to what Vincent has given, in tenderness to Xearchus
omitting some things and softening others, but rather to Kooke's, which is not
indeed elegant, but much more exact,

SECT. IV. REMARKS ON THE JNARRATIVE. 261

parts of the coast, it is acknowledged the people suffered
from the fleet, seems left uncertain.

Though supposition should not, without much caution,
nor indeed without a degree of necessity, be mixed with
history, yet, if important facts are found involved in mystery,
and eminent characters implicated; especially if there is
any appearance of studied disguise or concealment ; and most
especially if it is moreover clear that the narrator's interest
has been deeply concerned ; it must be the historian's ha-
zardous duty to offer, as he best may, what may tend to
show the matter in a just light.

From earliest history then, even to the present day,
Piracy, we know, has been familiar and flourishing in the
JEgean sea ; ordinarily patronised by sovereign power, by
republics not less than by single tyrants, and sup- strab.i. 10.
pressed, in the course of so many centuries, if ^- Cas -
completely ever, only in short periods of uncommon vigil-
ance and vigour in the administration of the Roman do-
minion. In this eminent kind of highway robbery we have
formerly observed the admirals of the Athenian democracy,
in the zenith of its power, holding an imperial lead. When
their means were checked by the successes of Philip king
of Macedonia against them, the Cretans rose to the first
eminence in the same line ; favoured by the situa-

J Strab. ibid.

tion of their island, and by the failure of oppor-
tunity to control them, when the Macedonian kingdom
became again implicated in war with some of the republics.
The increased traffic which Alexander's conquests afterward
opened, for Greece and countries westward, with Phenicia
and Egypt, and the advantage of situation for intercepting
it, enabled the Cilician robbers to overbear the Cretan, and
hold the superiority; till, under the new power of the
Roman republic, the evil was, perhaps for the first time,
effectually stopped by the great Pompey,
g 3

262 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

Piracy thus, in its various practices, seizing ships, landing
for plunder, (of which, men, women, and children for the slave-
markets were no small object,) or, like the states of Barbary
in modern days, arrogating payment for forbearance, would
be familiar, at least from information and in idea, not to the
commanders only, Nearchus, a Cretan, and Onesicritus, of
the island of Cos, in situation between Crete and Cilicia,
but to every seaman of the fleet ; and what was little
scrupled by the Greeks toward one another, we have had
enough occasion to observe, would be less so toward In-
dians. Alexanders determination to protect his new sub-
jects was sufficiently known. His promises of reward to all
engaged on his favourite project of maritime discovery no
doubt would be highly liberal ; and probably would be
trusted, as far as performance might depend on himself.
Nevertheless the restraint which he put upon all under him
in favour of barbarians, far beyond that of the Athenian
republic in favour of Greeks, might, in the natural partiality
of men for their own interest, be considered as a grievance ;
and that the desire to plunder the Indians, whose wealth,
in Vincent's supposition, the result of his careful inquiries,
even exceeded that of modern times, was very extensive in
the fleet, will hardly be doubted. But moreover it could
not fail to occur that, should all success attend them in
their voyage, yet Alexander might perish; whether from
the severity of the torrid climate, to which he was exposing
himself, or from the hand of an enemy, from which recently
he had so nearly met his fate ; and then reward for them
would be utterly precarious. If then through the uncer-
tainty of their king's life, with the consequent uncertainty
of either reward for merit, or punishment for misdemeanour,
together with the consideration that, even if he survived,
naval command put choice both of measures and course
much in their power, such temptation prevailed, no difficulty

SECT. IV. QUESTIONABLE MATTERS. 263

will remain for what appears otherwise unaccountable in
Nearchus's narrative. The departure from Pattala, in most
adverse season and against orders, might be even necessary
for the purpose : the omission of all account of the voyage
of not less than a hundred miles down the river, to some
unnamed place near the ocean, will be no longer strange :
the enmity of the Indians (reported by Strabo, but unnoticed
in the narrative) which is said to have compelled the de-
parture from some again unnamed; the shortness of the
first advances of the fleet, in its way from that unnamed
place, would also be accounted for ; as would also the failure
to notice any intercourse with the inhabitants of three named
places of the river-side country, at which the fleet stopped,
and which circumstances noticed indicated to have been
populous and wealthy. The following measures, quitting
all the shelter which the river would afford, to meet the ad-
verse monsoon in the ocean ; preferring, for a day of repose
there, which seems to have been immediately necessary, an
island of sand to the shore of the nearly adjacent continent ;
and, presently after, through inability to contend with the
violence of contrary winds, waiting near a month in such
a situation as he has described that which he named Alex-
ander's haven, and the care to fortify the naval camp there,
would all be necessary consequences. The perfect acqui-
escence of the crews, under all hardships, difficulties, and
dangers, thus, against their king's orders, undergone, which,
though implied in the narrative only by the failure of men-
tion of discontent, has excited Vincent's admiration, would
be the ready and even necessary consequence of their
voluntary concurrence in a scheme of forbidden plunder.
Along the fish-eaters' coast nothing hostile is mentioned by
the generals, in their account of the march. Whether then
the hostility, found by the admiral, originated with the
people of the country or with himself, remains matter of
6 4

264? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV

question. If wells, which Alexander had been diligent to
provide in other parts, were rarely seen there, it may have
been because the water obtained by digging in sand, near
the sea-shore, is found to become more brackish as it lies
longer exposed. But, of the stores of food whicli, accord-
ing to the account of the generals, were sent, that none
should have been received, or even heard of by the fleet,
though notice of them in the narrative wholly fails, is ob-
viously unlikely; and that no information of Alexander's
march along the coast should have been received, though
none is acknowledged, appears utterly incredible. The pre-
tension then, stated in direct terms, that even at the ports
of Carmania no intelligence of Alexander was to be obtained,
till some of the crews, wandering about Harmoza, acci-
dentally met a Greek from the army, also wandering, carries
the face of falsehood strongly enough to warrant the sup-
position of any probability to supersede it. Nevertheless,
though information could hardly have failed that Alexander
and the army had some time ago entered Carmania, it might
be unknown that he remained there, and had not yet pro-
ceeded for Persia. But if, at Badis, intelligence, as seems
likely, was obtained that the king was still at Salmoon, and
especially if information of the execution of the generals,
Heracon, Oleander, and Sitalces, had reached the place,
then anxiety to avoid him might pervade the fleet; and
reason would be obvious for the advice which is attributed
by Nearchus to Onesicritus, to avoid the Carmanian shore,
and proceed directly up the gulf on the Arabian side;
though to judge fairly between them the lost account of
Onesicritus is wanting. Yet, still on the same supposition,
the praise of both judgment and courage may be due to
Nearchus, who did not despair of making his peace with
the king. To the hope of this indeed he may have been
encouraged by the consideration of more than one important

SECT. IV. QUESTIONABLE MATTERS. 265

difference between his case and that of the generals who
had suffered: their oppression of the conquered people
seems to have been for profit only to themselves, or in
share with a very few ; for the troops under them, we are
assured, supported the accusation against them ; but Near-
chus, more politic, seems to have managed so as to have
the whole fleet on his side. All then having a common
interest with him in preserving plunder, in which all shared,
the laborious work of fortifying the naval station at Har-
moza, for its protection even against Alexander himself,
might be cheerfully undertaken. Flight would thus be in
their power, if final resistance were not ; and Alexander
had not another fleet with which to pursue them, whether
returning to wealthy India, or whether any other course
might more invite. The admiral's delay then to wait upon
the king, however against his duty, might be grateful to
them all. When at length he resolved to go, they would
probably be encouraged by the consideration, that, what
they had, beyond general hope, effected, was but a begin-
ning of what Alexander was known to desire in the way of
maritime discovery. And thence Nearchus, if he was po-
pular in the fleet, as seems probable, might estimate his own
importance and theirs with their sovereign. Alexander,
with his large experience of men, though in early years,
would know that he could find none perfect ; and that, for
the execution of great and extraordinary purposes, he must
use the means which he could not make. Probably there
was not a seaman unimplicated with Nearchus, nor another
known to be, equally with him, capable of the command.
Moreover for the completion of the voyage proposed neither
the temptation which India offered, nor the opportunities
of freedom from observation and control, would again occur.
Nor is the admiral's boast of the favour of the army, pub-
licly shown, on occasion of the thanksgiving procession,

266 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV,

by throwing flowers on him and presenting garlands, at all
out of probability ; for the soldiery would naturally be dis-
posed to be partial toward that very system of plunder
which would excite their juster sovereign's indignation.
With all these considerations it may appear not wonderful
that Alexander so far smothered even a reasonable anger
that the earnest entreaty of his admiral to be reinstated in
his command was finally successful.

SECTION V.

Procedure of the Fleet up the Persian Gulf.

NEARCHUS being returned, through whatever difficulties in
his journey, to the fleet at Harmoza, measures without delay
seem to have been tiken for proceeding on the voyage up the
gulf. No farther mention occurs either of the fortified naval
station, or of the formerly professed purpose of leaving
there any part of the fleet. Whatever then may have been
Alexander's disposition toward his admiral, his usual liber-
ality would not fail toward the fleet altogether. Accordingly,
as the concluding preparation for the outset, a feast was
given to the armament, in the usual manner, under the name
of a sacrifice to the Preserving Jupiter, followed by the
amusement of gymnic exercises. Nearchus of course presided ;
and the narrative seems to claim the whole magnificence for
him. But it cannot be doubted that it was under his king's
order ; and if at his own expense, hardly so, but also under
command so to apply a portion of ill-got'ten wealth.
vine, on For the voyage now to be pursued, up the Per-

sian gulf, the able commentator on the narrative
says that its correspondence with modern observation is
most satisfactory, insomuch that, through the correctness of
English charts for the seaside, and the assistance afforded
by the eminent French geographer D'Anville, for the land,

SECT. V. VOYAGE UP THE PERSIAN GULF. 267

he satisfied himself, even without difficulty, of every station
at which the fleet anchored. For Persia Proper, or, as,
conveniently enough for distinction, he writes it, with the
Greek termination, Persis, the general description of the
coast, he says, in Arrian's narrative is perfect, and the
principal harbours as fully ascertained as in modern geo-
graphy.

According to his careful reckoning, it was about B c 326
the first of January, of the three hundred and
twenty-fifth year before the Christian era, that the fleet de-
parted from Harmoza. The first day's course
was of less than twenty miles 15 , to a large island,
fruitful then, as now, in corn, wine, and dates, which seems
to have retained its name, written by modern Europeans
Vroct, but by the Greeks, according to their common
practice of adapting foreign names to their own habits of
pronunciation and the inflections of their language, variously,
Oaracta, Doracta, and Ouoracta, or, as we should perhaps
rather write it, Woracta. Among European navigators of
the present day the name of the principal town, Last, has
prevailed as that of the island; precisely as, in the Medi-
terranean, the island of Crete is most known by the name
of its principal town Candia. Not only all ordinary accom-
modation was found here, but the governor, Mazenes, a
Persian, offered himself to accompany Nearchus, and assist
with his advice for the whole course up the gulf, and the
inland navigation afterward, to Susa ; an offer which Near-
chus accepted. Some explanation, which the narrative
ought to give and does not, is clearly wanting here. For a
person intrusted with the government of a large and fruitful
island, critically situated in the way of all the commerce

15 For this measure, which seems sufficiently ascertained by modern ob-
servation, and its difference from that stated in our copies of Arrian, Vincent's
observations may be seen.

268 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

between the coast of Arabia and the three capitals of the
empire, to quit his important duties there in pure friendship
to an utter stranger, and simply as an adviser for the navi-
gation, would be carrying hospitality to a very extraordinary
length. In the Indus such an offer might perhaps have
been made, with a view to share in plunder ; and accepted
to obtain useful assistance for it ; but hardly in the Persian
gulf, where Alexander's just severity against oppressors and
peculators would be known and dreaded. Altogether there-
fore, following circumstances of the voyage being found of
a character to support the supposition, it seems hardly to
be doubted that the advantageous reception in Oaracta was
prepared by Alexander's orders, and that Mazenes was di-
rected to accompany Nearchus, not without a share of
authority; perhaps in the room of Archias, whom the
narrative mentions no more. Without imputation against
Archias, Alexander might reckon a noble Persian, acquainted
with the sea and its coast, and known everywhere as the
governor of Oaracta, a fitter associate in authority with the
admiral, for the rest of the voyage, than a Macedonian who
had no such qualifications.

From the unnamed port where Mazenes joined the fleet,
the first day's progress was of no more than twelve miles,
to a port still of the same island. The reason appears in
what followed. Daybreak was waited for ; and, the fleet
moving then, the rapidity of the ebbing tide was such that,
notwithstanding the assistance obtained of mariners familiar
with the navigation, three ships grounded, and the rest, not
without difficulty, making their way through the receding
surf, reached the deep water. Why the flood was not used
rather than the ebb, for this troublesome passage, perhaps
may be accounted for by those who know the coast. With
the rising tide however the grounded vessels floated, and
rejoined the fleet, apparently undamaged.

SECT. V. PROGRESS UP THE PERSIAN GULF. 269

The coast of the gulf, in this part, is, to a considerable
extent, barren, sandy desert. The fleet therefore, in a course
of twenty-five miles, made for an island eighteen from the
main, where it passed the night. But to hold that distance
would not suit rowboats, for which frequent landing was
necessary. Moving therefore at daybreak, the course was
directed again toward the mainland, though the country in
that part was most uninviting. The inhabitants of the
village of Sidodone, where the next night was passed, sepa-
rated as they were from the extensive coast of fish-eaters,
yet, through similarity of circumstances, a sea abounding
with fish, a soil almost perfectly barren, were of similar
character, fish-eaters. In proceeding from this place the
promontory of Tarsias was doubled, and the course was
again directed to an island, whose name, written by the
Greeks Cataia, seems preserved in that written by our navi-
gators, not from Greek but oriental mouths, Kaish. This
island, though low and flat, is, in modern description, fruitful
and even beautiful. Overagainst it, on the mainland, was
the boundary of Carmania against Proper Persia,

r m ' Arr.Ind.c.38.

or, as with Vincent we may call it, Persis.

The first course then on the Persian shore was of only
four or five and twenty miles to Ila; a name which, as
Vincent has remarked, seems preserved in that which some
modern Europeans, meaning to represent oriental pronun-
ciation, as they best might, have written Gillam and Gella ;
thus endeavouring to indicate the incipient guttural, to
which English speech has nothing analogous, and which the
Greeks would be likely to leave unnoticed. The An-, ibid.

Vine, on

station for the next night was an island, where **>
then was, and still is, a pearl-fishery. Under a lofty pro-
montory of the mainland, called Ochus, was found a har-
bour convenient for rowboats, where the following night
was passed. This high ground seems to have been but as

270 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

a point projected from the inland mountains, intersecting
the general flatness of the coast. A course of about thirty
miles then brought the fleet to a situation where were many
vessels ; and, not on the shore, but about four miles within
land, a village called Apostani ; whether the barrenness of a
sandy soil dissuaded nearer habitation, or the distance was
preferred for better security against piratical adventurers,
where the late government had given little protection.

The character of the land on the coast however now was
changing for the better, while that of the sea, near it, was
becoming more disadvantageous. Through the whole length
of the gulf on the Persian side, at no great distance from the
shore, is a range of mountains ; whence, in the rainy season,
numerous torrents run, drenching the flat that extends from
their foot to the sea, which is shallow to a great extent.
The mouths of the better rivers are obstructed by bars, the
tides great, and a surf everywhere breaking on the shore.
In advancing up the gulf the mountains more approach the
coast, and the intervening soil has no longer the desert cha-
racter : on the contrary it is fruitful, but the sea is to a still
greater extent encumbered with shoals. At the distance of
four or five and twenty miles from Apostani was found an
advantageous exception to this general character of the sea,
in a bay, with a fruitful country around, bearing, beside
palms, which Greece had not, all the fruit-bearing trees
common in Greece. Nevertheless no stay is mentioned
there. The next course, of near forty miles, was to a town
called Gogana, in a populous country at the foot of the
mountains, which here approach the shore; but only a
scanty harbour was found. Proceeding then fifty miles,
the fleet reached Sitakus, probably the best of all the incon-
venient harbours of the Persian shore. Here large store of
corn, provided by Alexander's care, is acknowledged to have
been found. It is remarkable enough, that with all the

SECT. V. PROGRESS UP TllE PERSIAN GULF. 2?1

assurance we have of his earnestness for the accommodation
of his fleet, and of the severe sufferings he underwent, and
dangers to which he exposed himself, to ensure such accom-
modation, none received from him, since that early in its
voyage furnished by Leonnatus, is, till now, noticed in the
narrative. Here the fleet stayed twenty-five days, to be
overhauled and receive necessary repairs. It seems alto-
gether likely to have been under Alexander's strict order
that, on the return of Nearchus to Harmoza, the fleet imme-
diately proceeded on its voyage, and that Sitakus was the
place appointed for any repairs, beyond what might be ur-
gently necessary, as well as for receiving supplies.
On moving; again, the first day's course was of

7 . Arr.Ind.c.39.

near fifty miles, to the town of Hieratis on the
river Heratemis. An artificial canal, communicating with
that river, was here the anchoring place. The next day's
run was to the mouth of a winter-torrent. This expression
indicates mountains to have been near; but the immediate
neighbourhood was fertile, abounding especially in fruit-
bearing trees. Proceeding then only twelve miles, the fleet
entered a river of better character, the Granides, where was
a town called Troca ; at the distance of about twelve miles
from which, up the country, according to information of the
inhabitants, was an ancient palace of the Persian kings.
Then again the mouth of a torrent afforded, for such vessels,
a safe harbour. The violence of the water running from
the mountains seems to have had, on this part of the coast,
its singular value ; keeping channels open, by which small
vessels might securely reach the shore, which the shoals and
the surf would otherwise have made everywhere difficult
and dangerous, or even impossible. The place next resorted
to, after a run of four or five and twenty miles, though
otherwise of similar character, had its peculiar disadvantages.
The coast was rocky, and about the torrent's mouth were

272 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

breakers, which, obstructing the course of the fresh water
from the mountains, produced shoals ; and these were trou-
bled with a surf. 1G If the place was sufficiently known to
the pilots, the failure only of a better, when the crews
wanted rest, could have persuaded the admiral to halt there.
The fleet took its station, it appears, nearly at high water,
with the hope of continuing to ride at anchor ; but the ebb
left all aground. Crowded on their thwarts, without room
to lie at length, the situation of those aboard, uneasy for
sleep, even when the vessels rode on an even keel, would be
still more uneasy when, being grounded, the position was
oblique. The next flood however relieved them from the
uneasy attitude and temporary bondage, and on the following
day they reached the river Arosis, the largest yet seen in
the whole course from the Indus to the boundary of Persis
against Susiana.

New difficulty for the navigation now occurred.

Arr.Ind.c.40. J

The extent of the shoals was greatly increased,
and toward the shore such a surf broke that landing was
not prudently to be attempted. Thus rest could be taken
only aboard, and, should winds be adverse, fresh water
might fail. The greatest quantity therefore, that means of
stowage in row-boats would admit, was to be taken aboard,
and this appears to have been limited to a five days' ordinary
supply. Badness of water we have observed often noticed :
but absolute want, or even short allowance, nowhere men-
tioned as before occurring, was not suffered now.

After a progress of thirty miles from the Arosis, the fleet
anchored in a channel among the shoals, abounding with

16 r P*iZ''i ?.v, xce.} p^xiei, xa.1 ^ot^t; \x rov vovrw K,V~I%OV. Here is a most
satisfactory assurance that Vincent has been right in his interpretation of
fax'tY, as the surf. The adoption of this interpretation in the last edition,
Taylor's, of Hederic's lexicon, does credit to the diligence of the editor.
Xg? clearly implies that character of rock which our seamen denominate a
breaker.

SECT. iv. MYSTERIOUSNESS OF THE NARRATIVE. 273

fish, which would afford relief. The next day's course was
of difficulty, though the way was marked by stakes ; nearly,
says the narrator, as on the western coast of Greece, be-
tween the island of Leucas and the mainland of Acarnania.
Nevertheless the indication was not so perfect but that
there was hazard of grounding ; and then neither poles were
availing, nor could the strength of men without relieve a
stranded boat ; for the mud was of so yielding a substance
that they sunk presently to the breast : landing was every-
where impracticable ; and thus, after a most laborious course
of between thirty and forty miles, the crews (it is mentioned
as a hardship worthy of notice) were to take their supper
aboard. Fortunately however the fleet had so cleared the
shoals that progress in the night might be ventured. Per-
severing then till next evening, in a course of between fifty
and sixty miles, and overrunning the channel leading to the
mouth of the river Pasitigris, by which was the navigation
to Susa, it reached Diridotis, a commercial town of Baby-
lonia at the mouth of the Euphrates ; eminent as the prin-
cipal interposit for the trade between Mesopotamia and
Arabia. 17

Mystery here again occurs in the narrative, and of the
same character as before ; respecting, not the voyage, but
the commander's conduct only. Mazenes, who had been
taken aboard to advise for the navigation, would surely be
attended by the ablest pilots that his authority, supported by

Y> 'Agaw y-/i 0sgu. Arr. Ind. c. 41. Vincent has rendered XUU.YI a village,
Occasion has occurred formerly to observe, that the Greek word zufj.-* answers
rather to the legal and technical than the familiar sense of our word villrge.
Thus Manchester is a village, though larger and more populous than perhaps
any city of Great Biitain, London only excepted.

Gronovius has noticed different translations of the phrase, arro TV,; iprsfi*;t
yri?, x. t. A. Neither, I must own, quite satisfies me, and that least of which.
the commentator has declared his preference. The learned reader will judge
how far I have expressed the author's meaning.
VOL. X. T

274 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV.

Alexander's, could procure. The mart of Susa must have
been a considerable object for the commerce with Arabia,
and the navigation to it well known ; yet no cause is stated
for missing the proper course and deviating so far as Diri-
dotis. That it could here be in view of the commanders to
avoid Alexander, and proceed directly for Babylon, would
appear hardly imaginable, if the course taken, the most
direct for the purpose, or perhaps the only one accommo-
dated to a fleet of row-boats, was not matter to suggest the
supposition, and if the failure of due explanation, and the
mysterious difference between the narrative derived from
the admiral, and that from the generals, by the same writer,
did not afford support to such a supposition. Likely enough
it may have been necessary for the fleet, after its long course
through the shoals, to touch at Diridotis for supplies.
Nevertheless the stay there, not specified, seems to have
been only of one night ; and the cause assigned for hastening
away is doubly remarkable. Information was obtained, the
admiral's narrative says, that Alexander was marching for
Susa. But it must have been well known to him, as he had
been directed to meet Alexander at Susa, that he would be
marching thither, if not already arrived ; and, considering
the stay of the fleet at Sitakus, with Alexander's no more
than ordinary rapidity of progress, notwithstanding the halt
of some days at Parsagardae, he might well have been arrived,
as the narrative from the generals implies that he was. The
acknowledgment then here of intelligence of Alexander is
farther remarkable, as it is the first found, in the admiral's
narrative, of any obtained in the whole voyage, after the
meeting with Leonnatus, early in its course, excepting that
at Harmoza, which is asserted to have been not official, but
merely accidental; and shortly again we shall find that,
where information might reasonably have been expected, it
is asserted to have been unaccountably failing. Notice of

SECT. iv. END OF THE VOYAGE. 275

these mysterious circumstances appeared requisite, though
guide for conjecture of what may have given occasion for
them fails. The fleet returned hastily, by its former course
among the shoals, to the channel which it should before have
entered, and, without any recorded difficulty, proceeded to
the Pasitigris.

The great rivers of the south of Asia, having their sources
at wide distances, in that vast chain of mountains which
divides the continent in its length from west to east, are
driven, by the form of the land, toward a few openings to
the ocean, some joining in their courses, and others nearly
approaching at their mouths. The Persian gulf receives,
beside the Euphrates and the Tigris, two other rivers,
inferior, yet still large, anciently named Pasitigris and Eulaeus.
These, for a considerable way before reaching the gulf, have
their courses nearly parallel, and not very distant, through a
flat country. Susa stood on the Eulaeus. But this river
was, toward its mouth, so inconvenient for navigation, that
the preferable course for vessels, from the gulf to Susa, was
up the Pasitigris, to a canal communicating with the Eulaeus.
The fleet therefore entering the Pasitigris proceeded up it,
through a rich and populous country, fifty miles, to a bridge
on the great road leading from Carmania, across Persis to
Susa. There was found a division of the army, not unpro-
vided, it may be believed, with supplies as well as orders for
the fleet, and directions for any needful assistance ; while
Nearchus and Onesicritus, in obedience to command, pro-
ceeded by land to wait upon the king at Susa. ia

18 These, on careful comparison of Arrian's narrative of the voyage, from
Nearchus, with his narrative of the march, from Aristobulus and Ptolemy,
appear to me most likely to have been the circumstances, greatly amplified in
the former, and wholly unnoticed in the latter. In a note at the end of the
next section the matter will be farther noticed.

T 2

276 HISTORY OF GREECE.

CHAPTER LVI.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH FROM CARMANIA THROUGH
PERSIA AND SUSIANA. MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT
OF TERRITORY AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. AFFAIRS
IN GREECE.

SECTION I.

March from Carmania to Parsagardce. Persia described.
Spoliation of Cyrus's Sepulchre at Parsagardce. Delinquency
of Officers in high Authority. Rebellion obviated. Oppression
punished.

B c 3W HAVING dismissed Nearchus to resume the com-
mand of the fleet, and proceed with it up the
Persian gulf, Alexander moved with the army again west-
ward. His presence, it appears, was urgently wanted in the
rich and extensive regions, conquered so rapidly, and left so
soon, and now so .long in large part confided to governors
from among the conquered people. Attended therefore only
by the companion-cavalry, some infantry, apparently heavy-
armed, but chosen for ability to bear a fatigue, and a division
of bowmen, he took himself the shortest road, over a hilly
country, to Parsagardae 1 ,the capital of Persis, committing
the main body, with all the elephants, to Hephaestion, to go
by a more circuitous road, through a lower country, near
the coast ; where provisions were plentiful, and the winter
air mild.

1 Among the various spellings of the name of the metropolis of Persis,
found among the Greek and Latin writers, I have been induced by Vincent's
observations to prefer that in the text.

SECT. I. MARCH FROM CARMANIA. 277

Persis, the first dominion of the great Cyrus, a small
portion only of the extensive country which in modern times
has borne the name of Persia, is less known at this day than
any other country of equal fame. Modern observation how-
ever, as far as it has gone, confirms the account given of it
by Arrian, from Nearchus. Toward the gulf is a tract known
by our navigators by the name of Ghermeseer 2 ; low, with
a sandy soil, mostly barren, and a torrid atmosphere. A
range of mountains bounds this unprofitable country. Beyond
these, the plains, holding a considerable elevation above the
ocean, though so near the tropic, enjoy a most advantageous
temperature ; summer not violently hot, nor winter severely
cold. The soil being mostly excellent, grapes, and all the
fruits common in Greece, olives excepted, are plentiful : the
country is well watered ; in some parts the rivers expand
into lakes, well stored with fish, and frequented by water-
fowl ; pasture is plentiful, and meadows are common ;
woods are frequent, affording timber and fuel, and protecting
game : cattle are numerous ; horses especially excellent ;
and the human form is said to have been, and to be still,
found there in its greatest perfection. Beyond this valuable
country, against Media, is a range of lofty mountains, where,
in summer, the air of the valleys is suffocating, and in winter
snows prevail.

Alexander, having crossed the mountains which divide the
fruitful part of Carmania from the rich plains of Persis, on
reaching Parsagardae, was informed of a matter that gave
him great displeasure. The magnificent sepulchre of the
great Cyrus, which he had left uninjured with all its rich

2 Vincent shows here, what is to be regretted, his almost total failure of
'acquaintance with any modern speech but his own. " I have retained Ker-
mesir," he says, " which is the orthography of Niebuhr ; but Mr. Jones writes
it Ghermeseer, which I conclude is more correspondent to oriental authority.'
I cannot but prefer Mr. J< -ics's orthography as that proposed to direct
English, ami not foreign, voices to the oriental pronunciation.

T 3

278 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

contents, in the care of a kind of college of Magians, esta-
blished for the purpose by the Persian kings, had been
plundered. The description of this monument which Arrian
has given, after Alexander's general and historian, Aris-
tobulus, hardly would the modern historian excusably pass
unregarded.

The sepulchre of Cyrus, he says, was in the paradise of
the palace ; an eastern phrase signifying those extensive
pleasure-gardens, with adjoining parks, ordinary appendages
of the houses of the Persian great, and adopted by the
Greeks, because, to them, living mostly within city-walls,
and always in fear for their fields, that elegant luxury had
not, in their own language, a name. The building stood on
a lawn, surrounded by a wood of various trees, and enlivened
by a stream. In so warm a climate the lawn was admired
for its luxuriant grass and unfading verdure. The building
consisted of a chamber, raised on a quadrangular basement,
and having the roof of the same stone with the walls. It
may seem that the construction of the dome was already
known in the East, and that the style of sepulchral monu-
ment, seen yet among the ancient buildings of India, of con-
siderable art, but of more magnificence than elegance, was
already in practice. The door-way was so narrow that a
man even of ordinary size had some difficulty to enter; a
circumstance observed of the sepulchral chambers in the
Egyptian pyramids. In the chamber stood a bed with
golden feet, having furniture of purple cloth, and a coverlet
of Babylonian tapestry. On the bed was a coffin of gold,
containing the embalmed body of Cyrus. A table bore the
various articles of a splendid regal dress, with the ornamental
appendages usual in the East, chains and ear-rings of gold,
and scimitars with hilts of gold, all enriched with gems. An
inscription on the wall, in the Persian language and charac-
ters, said : " O man ! I am Cyrus son of Cambyses, who

SECT. I. SEPULCHRE OF CYRUS. 79

acquired empire for the Persians, and reigned over Asia ;
envy me not this monument."

Such still was the state of the sepulchre when Alexander
saw it, while passing the winter at Parsagardae. At its foot,
and near the steps leading to the chamber, was a small
building allotted to the residence of the magians, who had
been constituted its hereditary guardians ; the sons succeed-
ing their fathers in the office. For their maintenance a
sheep was allowed them daily, with a proportionate quantity
of meal and wine, and monthly a horse to be sacrificed to
Cyrus. This establishment, maintained by Alexander, had
not, in his absence, answered its purpose. All the rich
furniture of the chamber had been taken away. The coffin
and the bed remained, but not uninjured. The lid of the
coffin was gone ; and upon the rest marks of violence were
evident, with the purpose of cutting or breaking off parts,
whence the body itself had suffered. Alexander, in vexation
and anger at this sacrilege, caused the magians, so evidently
in fault by connivance, or at least by negligence, if not even
actively concerned in the crime, to be put to torture. Their
perseverance however in denying that they had either par-
ticipated in the sacrilege, or had any knowledge of its
authors, unlikely as it may seem that this could be truth,
induced him to allow their release. He was then careful to
have the monument restored, as far as might be, to the
former state, committing the superintendence of the business
to Aristobulus, from whose history of Alexander Arrian took
the account here given. The door-way was then blocked
up with masonry, and the impression of the royal signet was
given to every joint.

Other and greater delinquents than the magians were

soon after denounced. Alexander, at his departure for the

conquest of Media and pursuit of Darius, had committed

the satrapy of Persis to Phrasaortes, a Persian. While he

T 4,

280 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

was in India Phrasaortes died, and then Orxines, also a
Persian, whether in office under the deceased satrap is not
said, took upon himself to fill the vacant situation. That
he incurred any blame simply on that account is also un-
said, but numerous complaints were now preferred against
him by the Persians; that he had plundered temples, that
he was the robber of the royal sepulchre ; and that he
had unjustly directed the execution of many persons, some
of them Persians. To what manner of trial he was sub-
jected, in consequence of these accusations, the historian
has not mentioned ; reporting only the result, that Orxines
was publicly executed.

The appointment to the important satrapy of the ancient
kingdom of Per sis then rewarded the fidelity and zeal of the
new lord of the body-guard, Peucestas ; who had not merely
recommended, but, in a matter of no small moment, qualified
himself for it, by the diligence with which he had acquired
the Persian language. This was very gratifying to the
Persians. Peucestas moreover had been the first of the
Macedonians to appear in their national dress, and by his
conduct altogether he became very popular among them.
Alexander approved his conduct, as tending to reconcile the
proudest of his new subjects to their new situation, under
the dominion of a foreign conqueror.

The urgency for a politic condescension toward the con-
quered nations appears in what had occurred in the adjoining
kingdom of Media ; which, for its several advantages of
situation, climate, population, and wealth, was perhaps the
most important province of the empire. While Alexander
was far eastward, Baryaxes, a Mede, had led a revolt, assum-
ing the title of king of the Medes and Persians. The satrapy
of Media had been intrusted to Atropates, who also was a
Mede or a Persian, (for the Greek writers have been rarely
solicitous to distinguish them,) and with what judgment

SECT. i. CRIMES IN ALEXANDER'S ABSENCE. 281

appeared in the event. Atropates had quelled the rebellion,
and came now to wait upon the king at Parsagardae, bringing
Baryaxes and some of his principal supporters prisoners.
These were presently executed.

After no long stay at Parsagardae Alexander hastened to
Susa. 3 His vigour, in repressing and punishing opposition
to his new sovereignty, appears to have been not greater
than his earnestness to prevent oppression of his new

3 In Arrian's narrative from Ptolemy and Aristobulus, without notice of
any circumstances of the march, Alexander's arrival only at Susa is men.
tioned in three words, T*ga0<i Is ~Sov<r*. But in his narrative from Nearchus
matters remarkable enough are reported. Alexander, it is there said, at the
head of his army, joined his fleet lying in the Tigris, and, notwithstanding
the urgency for his hastening forward, indicated in the account from the
generals, he delayed his progress to celebrate there the happy junction, with
sacrifice, procession, and games, among which Nearchus was singularly ho-
noured by the army. Vincent, earnest for the credit of his admiral, has been
anxious to reconcile the two narratives, and flattered himself thai he had
succeeded. Wherever these may differ I cannot, for myself, hesitate to
prefer that of the generals ; which, as far as it goes, is clear ; and they had no
obvious interests in giving a false colouring to any of the circumstances. But
there are awkwardnesses here as elsewhere in the report from the admiral
himself. At Diridotis, in a corner of the Persian gulf, far out of Alexander's
way, intelligence of the king and the army, the admiral has acknowledged,
was ready for him ; yet afterward, in the rich and populous country on the
banks of the Pasitigris, across which the king and the army were necessarily
to pass, if indeed not already gone by, information so failed that he had to
send messengers some davs' journey to inquire for them. How it should be,
not only that such intelligence as was ready at Diridotis should fail on the
Pasitigris, but also that Alexander's care, acknowledged in the supplies found
at Sitakus, also should fail, where least of all it may seem to have been likely
to fail, is left for conjecture. Why, in the admiral's narrative, the bank of
the Pasitigris has been chosen for the place in which he would have the
Greeks at home believe that he, among sacrifices, processions, and games,
received from the hand of his king the honours which the testimony of the
generals, surely more creditable for him, attributed to him at Susa, we also
inquire in vain. His omission to acknowledge that his colleague Onesicritus
received, as the report from the generals assures us, the ^ame honour with
him, is quite in consonance with all that appears of his character.

These differences, clearly not unworthy of historical notice, it may be ob-
served, are so far from impeaching the general credit of the history that they
vouch for it. Were not the more important facts beyond suspicion true,
these minor matters in controversy would never have reached us. For the
credit of Roman history we might desire, oftener than they are found, similarly
conflicting reports from writers of different interests.

282 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

subjects, his diligence in attending to their complaints, and
the strictness of his control over those in authority among
them. Information of his condescension and of his justice
having preceded him, complaints preferred to him were
numerous. For, says Arrian, when it had become known
that Alexander was beyond the Indus, and the Hydaspes,
and the Akesines, and the Hyphasis, daily exposing himself
to danger, and still proposing to proceed to more unknown
regions ; and even afterward, when, instead of returning by
the safe way of Arachosia, by which he sent the largest
division of his army under Craterus, he had resolved himself
to brave the horrors of the Gadrosian desert, many, left in
authority, throughout the conquered countries, proceeded
to enrich themselves in all ways within their power, plun-
dering temples and sepulchres, and oppressing the people.
The satrap of Susiana, Abulites, a Persian, and his son
Oxathres, were accused as eminent in this course. Both
suffered capitally. But the greater number of those implicated
in such crimes were Greeks, The impartiality then with
which Alexander proceeded to punish the guilty, whether
Persians or Greeks, Macedonians or republicans, would not
be generally approved by the conquering nation. It was
imputed to him that he was extreme in believing accusations,
and punishing what they called small crimes. But this
imputation is left quite general; insomuch that no par-
ticulars of either the offenders, or the offences, which Arrian
has mentioned as so numerous, have reached us. Except-
ing the generals Heracon, Oleander, and Sitalces, whose
eminence would make notice of their fate hardly avoidable,
not even the name of any European, who suffered in any
way, has been transmitted.

SECT. ii. DIFFICULTIES FOR GOVERNMENT. 283

SECTION II.

Difficulties of Alexander for his civil Government. His Purpose
to make, of his various Subjects, one People. Marriages of
Greeks with Persians. Bounty to the Army.

To settle the government of his vast empire, Alexander had
a business before him of greater difficulties perhaps than all
his conquests ; never such occurred for any man besides
known in history. To estimate that difficulty, it will be
necessary, among other considerations, to look back to the
earliest evidence of that distinction of Greek and barbarian,
which became so strong in Grecian minds, forming a promi-
nent feature of the national character. Homer, as occasion
has occurred formerly to observe, knew nothing of it ; and
even Herodotus, in whose time the prejudice was already
powerful, shows that less than a century before him it hardly
existed. In the age of Croesus the Lydians appear not to
have been considered by the Greeks as any otherwise distin-
guished from themselves than the several modern European
nations at this day from one another. Even ^Eschylus
shows nothing of that insolent claim of superiority for those
of Grecian blood and language, and that principle of un-
charitableness toward all others, which however grew in his
time ; resulting from the Persian invasions of Greece, and
encouraged by the extraordinary victories obtained by the
little republics, on land and sea, which delivered them from
the slavery, or even annihilation, which they had dreaded
from the vast power of the Persian empire. Then grew
that narrow pride, which would deny to the Macedonians
and Epirots their claim to be of the Greek nation ; while
yet all the boasted advancement in philosophy left uncor-
rected that cruel selfishness, found in modern times only
among the merest savages, whence the whole population of
even Grecian republics was, without remorse, reduced to

284- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

slavery, and in some instances extirpated, by their fellow
Greeks of other republics. But now the military glory and
political importance of the Macedonians would not only
raise their claim to consideration among the Greeks, but
give them an effectual superiority; while on the other hand
the republicans, with the presumption and illiberality common
to republicans, though hating one another, assumed still to
be all superior to the rest of mankind.

Differing thus among themselves, yet the agreement was
general in aversion to allow the subdued nations any equality
of rank or advantages. The conquest of the greatest part
of the civilised world, comprising countless millions of 'in-
habitants, had been wonderfully made with an army of com-
paratively a very few thousands. But how those millions
should be held in that state of degradation and oppression,
which so many of the conquerors desired, and yet continue
to furnish the wealth which was their great object, and
what should be the form of government to satisfy, not the
conquered, but even the small proportion of conquerors, and
maintain that union among them necessary to the con-
tinuance of their dominion, were problems which human
wisdom would hardly solve.

Alexander, on the other hand, it appears, had early con-
ceived the magnanimous and philanthropic project to con-
solidate his new empire by bringing his subjects of distant
parts, and different languages, manners, and religions, to
coalesce as one people. So early as in the second year of
his progress in conquest he made this evident by his measures
in Egypt. His successes afterward were of amount that
4 might stimulate less capacious minds to extravagance of
ambition. His purpose of carrying conquest to the ex-
tremity of the East clearly was extravagant, and his abandon-
ment of it, in compliance with the wishes of his army, was
evidently in no small amount forced ; yet, in the manner of

SECT. II. PURPOSE TO UNITE NATIONS. 285

that concession, as well as in following measures, he made
the greatness of his mind conspicuous. Where just con-
sideration must have convinced him that he was wrong, he
yielded, yet with dignity. But, when the eager desires and
stubborn prejudices of a large majority among all his original
subjects were adverse to a good purpose, he would not
yield. Nevertheless, in whatever might be done toward
softening their prejudices, satisfying any reasonable desires,
and reconciling them to what was requisite for the perman-
ency} not more perhaps of his own power than of their
advantages, he was most liberal and most diligent.

Already, as we have seen, he had himself taken a wife
from among the conquered people. Many probably before,
but more after his example, had done the same. This mode
of amalgamating nations would be more adverse to the pre-
judices of the republican Greeks, whose illiberal jealousies
forbade intermarriage even of Greeks beyond their several
townships, than of the Macedonians, whose customs, war-
ranting their princes, probably allowed subjects also to take
wives from other states. Alexander resolved to prosecute
it, and in a signal manner. At Susa he had left the family
of the late king of Persia his prisoners. Married as he was
already to the daughter of the Bactrian chief Oxyartes, he
now took, as an additional wife, Barsine, eldest daughter of
Darius, who probably, when he left her at Susa, was under
marriageable age. Concerning this measure, which certainly
was not consonant to Grecian common rule, nor, as we
learn, to Persian, what was the public opinion at the time
is much less indicated by ancient writers than might be
expected. The marriage with Barsine, or, as others have
given her name, Statira, (if one of these be not rather a
title,) was reported by all historians of the time. Aristo-
bulus, in his history, as Arrian assures us, added that
Alexander also married Parysatis, daughter of the former

286 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

sovereign of the Persian empire, Artaxerxes Ochus; not
however mentioning when this took place ; nor does it
appear that the fact was noticed by any other contemporary
writer.

Consonantly then with what afterward, under the feudal
institutions, prevailed over Europe, he was probably war-
ranted by oriental custom, as sovereign of the empire, in
assuming to himself to dispose, in marriage, of the daughters
of the greatest families. To cement the union of the con-
quering and conquered nations, he gave them to his principal
officers. Whether any of these, like himself, had already
wives, is not said. For his eminently favoured friend He-
phaestion he made the most illustrious match, giving him a
younger sister of his own new queen, another daughter of
Darius Codomannus. He then gave Amastrine, daughter
of Oxyartes brother of Codomannus, to Craterus, whom
he appears to have esteemed the ablest of his surviving
generals : the daughter of Atropates, satrap of Media, was
betrothed to Perdiccas ; one of the daughters of the ve-
nerable Artabazus to Ptolemy the historian, afterward king
of Egypt ; and another to Eumenes his chief secretary,
eminent not so only, but as a military officer perhaps inferior
to none. Eumenes was not of a Macedonian family, but of
the republican Greek settlement of Cardia in Thrace ; whose
people, in Philip's reign and before, had distinguished them-
selves by their perseverance in resisting the tyranny of
the Athenian people, and maintaining their right to prefer
the alliance or patronage of the Macedonian kings. The
loss of his history of Alexander is, in the destruction of
ancient memorials, especially to be regretted. The ser-
vices of Nearchus, recently arrived from the fleet, were
rewarded with a present of a wife whose mother only was
Persian, her father that eminent Greek in the Persian
service, Mentor ; who, had he and his brother Memnon

SECT. H. MARRIAGES OF GREEKS WITH PERSIANS. 287

survived, if human speculation should be trusted, were
likely to have given a very different turn to the affairs of
the civilised world. Extensive as their interest was among
the Grecian republics, and at the same tune high as their
esteem in the Persian empire, not only they might probably
have stopped Alexander's career, but produced another kind
of a revolution, still by a union of Greeks and Persians,
in which however it could hardly have been but that the
Persian interest must have predominated. The match
made for Seleucus, eminent afterward among the successors
to the empire, was remarkable, as it tends to show the
extent of Alexander's views in uniting his subjects of the
two nations. To that highly esteemed officer he gave a
daughter of his persevering opponent, who had fallen in the
adverse cause, the Bactrian Spitamenes. Possibly Seleucus
had made acquaintance with the lady, and solicited the
match ; though that he could then have had any view to
the splendid fortune, to which it may nevertheless have
assisted to lead him, is utterly unlikely. Altogether from
illustrious families of the conquered empire he made eighty
matches for his principal officers.

These marriages of the most eminent being arranged, all
the Macedonians who had taken oriental wives, apparently
including all Greeks of that which, for a comprehensive
name, was called the Macedonian army, were assembled;
and, a roll of them being taken, they were found to be
above ten thousand. The weddings were then celebrated
after the Persian manner ; a compliment which could not
but be gratifying to the families of the ladies. The cere-
mony was followed by a magnificent supper for the men
only. We have observed formerly that, in the Greek
republics, women, unless of the lowest ranks, lived in much
seclusion; far more than in the previous times of kingly
government; but among the Persians that seclusion was

288 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

yet stricter. Among neither people however was allowed
the society of reputable women with men at table. But
after the meal, whether approved by republican manners,
or, as the particularity of the description may lead to sup-
pose, only in the Macedonian and other surviving Grecian
monarchies, the ladies were introduced. Each, as she en-
tered, was received by her betrothed husband, joining right
hands, and saluting her with a kiss, and then seating her
by him. This society however was of short duration. Pre-
sently, the king leading throughout the ceremony, every
husband severally handed away his wife. The association
thus of the king with his subjects, so contrary to that sullen
though pompous seclusion of the royal person, which had
gained establishment as a rule among the Persians, was
highly gratifying to the Greeks, and softened, in some de-
gree, the ill-humour excited by the extensive favour to the
conquered, and the adoption of their customs in so many
instances.

That ill-humour was farther obviated by a magnificent
liberality. Dowers were given with all the wives ; and this
was followed by a bounty more out of all expectation. The
disposition, eminent among our seamen, to be eager to
acquire riches, and careless of them when acquired, had
grown in Alexander's army. His donations, or what we call
prize-money, rapidly gained, were rapidly dissipated. From
this extravagance many profited, perhaps more of the con-
quered than of the conquering nation, and, with the view
to farther profit, gave credit to those who, having acquired
expensive habits, were unwilling to forego them. Many
debts however were contracted beyond all reasonable hope
of means of payment. Conquest ended, the former oppor-
tunities were ended ; creditors became uneasy ; and debtors
feared complaints, which might excite the severity of the
king's justice against them. Alexander, informed of this,

SECT. II. BOUNTY TO THE ARMY. 289

ordered a return of all debts contracted by officers and
soldiers, adding a promise that they should be paid. This
liberality had not immediately the proposed effect. Not
improbably credit had sometimes been extorted by threats.
All accounts mark that, under republican commanders, such
and even greater violence to barbarians, as they were termed,
could not have been either prevented or punished. Even
in Alexander's army such had been the extravagance in
borrowing, whether by extortion or favour, yet such the
jealousy which the signal demonstration of his determination
to dispense equal justice to all his subjects excited, that,
some fearing the reproach of violence, some of fraud, some,
according to the historian, only of extravagance, few would
acknowledge any debts.

Alexander's measure was of a kind not to be prompted
by either extravagance in himself, or by simple liberality, of
which indeed it could be no prudent result. He saw a
storm growing which it behoved him to obviate. Not satis-
fied therefore with the evasion of his offered bounty, in
following orders he reproved the suspicion which had been
so extensively entertained. " As it became a king," he
said, " to be strict in speaking only truth, so it ill became
subjects to entertain groundless suspicion that it could be
their king's purpose to deceive them." Tables were then
placed in a convenient manner throughout the camp, with
a sufficiency of money on them ; and, under direction of
proper officers, accounts were called for, debts paid, and
receipts given, without any memorial kept of the debtors'
names. The amount of this largess, if the copyists may be
trusted for numbers, was, according to Arrian, reported to
have been twenty thousand talents, between four and five
millions sterling. The army, it is added, was more gra-
tified by the generous allowance to conceal the debtors'

VOL. x. u

290 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

names, than even by the relief from debt, and apprehended
consequences.

From this indulgence for misconduct Alexander pro-
ceeded to reward merit. To all who had distinguished
themselves he assigned largesses in proportion to their rank
and services ; but to a few of the more eminent he added
an honorary present, ordinary, as we have formerly seen,
among the Grecian republics, a golden crown, in general
assembly placed on the head of the receiver, and, on this
occasion, by the king in person. Peucestas, to whom he
reckoned himself principally indebted for the preservation
of his life, when he had so rashly leaped singly into the
Mallian fortress, was the first so distinguished. The second
honour was given to. Leonnatus, who, beside having shared
in that singularly perilous service, had distinguished himself
on several occasions in India, and still more afterward in
the return westward, when, left with the command in the
Orite country, he had, by a signal victory, quelled the
rebellion of the Orites and then- allies, and then, with great
prudence, settled the government of that wild part of the
empire, where any powerful hostility might have been
even fatal to the fleet in passing along its coast. The
king's value for the service of the fleet itself was shown
in giving the third crown to Nearchus, and the fourth to
Onesicritus.

Prudence, a virtue not generally attributed to Alexander,
though in his progress in achievement largely indicated, is
in this distribution of honours remarkable. No man he is
said to have valued as a friend and confidential adviser
equally with Hephaestion, and no man was more distin-
guished by ordinary honours. Hephaestion appears never-
theless to have been not of splendid talents, nor so esteemed
by Alexander. The qualities valued in him were good sense,
sincere friendship, a sober mind, and a warm heart. Accor-

SECT. n. ASIATIC RECRUITS TO THE ARMY. 291

dingly the more difficult enterprises were never committed
to him, but he was selected for the highest and most confi-
dential commands when the business was only to maintain
loyalty and good order. It was on the present occasion
resolved that Hephsestion, and with him all the other lords
of the body-guard, whose chief he seems to have been,
should receive the honour of a crown for their faithful ser-
vices altogether; but secondary only to those who had
earned it in laborious and hazardous enterprise. Thus
Hephaestion, though clearly first in the king's favour and
confidence, was^only fifth in the number of those now dis-
tinguished. Nor was the honour extended beyond those
high officers, his associates ; a limitation which would make
it the more flattering to those who first received it.

In this, and in all measures at this time taken, there
seems to have been a view to those farther resolved on;
apparently necessary to the consolidation of the new empire,
but of a kind to be generally offensive to those by whom
that empire had been acquired. Many satraps of the con-
quered provinces arrived at Susa, bringing recruits for the
army, natives of their several countries, to the number of
thirty thousand; all completely instructed in the Grecian
discipline, and a considerable part of them in that of the
horse-service. The whole cavalry of the army, previously
in four divisions, was now arranged in five ; not by adding
one composed entirely of orientals, but by distributing these
among all. In the number of the recruits was a body of
Persians bearing among their fellow-countrymen a distin-
guishing title in their own language, not explained to us :
the others were all from the north-eastern countries, Bactria,
Sogdiana, Arachosia, Zarangia, Aria, and Parthia. Alex-
ander's preference for the character of those whom he had
found most difficult to subdue is thus made evident. But
for their very virtues they would the more be objects of
u 2

292 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

jealousy among his old subjects, who had long been in the
habit of despising the southern and western Asiatics, but
could not despise these. His confidence in the men of
higher rank among them was remarkably enough demon-
strated; the highest commissions in his new division of
cavalry being assigned to them exclusively. The chief com-
mand of the whole body was committed to Hydaspes, a
Bactrian. Under him Cophes son of Artabazus, Hydarnes
and Antiboles, sons of Mazaeus, Pharasmanes son of Phra-
taphernes satrap of Parthia and Hyrcania, Itanes brother of
Alexander's first queen Roxana, and ^Egojpares and Mith-
robasus, described only as brothers, but marked, by their
association with those before named, as men of eminent
dignity, held the next rank. Nevertheless, however this
may have been required by just consideration, not only of
the general interest of the whole empire, but also of the
particular interest of the people both of the Macedonian
kingdom and the Grecian republics, yet it would not be
satisfactory to those of either, who, now in high situations,
were aspirin'g to higher. At the same time the mass of the
Grecian army saw, with particular envy, some of the bar-
barians, as they were called, admitted into that distinguished
body the royal-companion horse. Discontent thus was
brooding, but nothing immediately broke out.

SECTION III.

Alexander's Voyage down the River Eulceus to the Persian Gulf,
and up the Tigris to Opis. Correction of Mai-administration
under the Persian Government. Mutiny of the Army.
Renewed Loyalty of the Army.

ALEXANDER, already when at Parsagardse and

Arr. 1. 7. c. 1.

Persepolis*, according to Arrian, expressed an

4 'ft? II If n<*<rajya<*f rl xtui Is HlcffixoXtv atfixiTO 'AXi%t$Of, xoBof
i *l, x. T. A. This, the only instance of the occurrence of the

SECT. m. VOYAGE TO THE PERSIAN GULF. 293

earnest desire, as he had explored the courses of the Indus
to the ocean, to examine those of the rivers that discharge
their waters into the Persian gulf. Some writers, he adds,
have reported that he had in view to circumnavigate Africa,
little as its extent southward was then known ; and entering
the Mediterranean by that now called the strait of Gibraltar,
and subduing Carthage, to bring all under his dominion.
Others said that his purpose was to return to Greece, and
in the way add the Scythian and other countries about the
Euxine sea to his European kingdom. According to the
fancy of others again, he had been alarmed by report of the
threatening progress of the Romans in conquest, whence his
first purpose was to secure Sicily and the Grecian towns of
Italy against them. " For myself," adds the historian, " I
can neither gather with any certainty what were his pur-
poses, nor do I care for conjecture : only of this I am con-
fident, that he would not remain idle in the enjoyment of
what he already possessed, and that his view would not he
limited to small objects ; but, on the contrary, could he have
added Europe to Asia, and the Britannic islands to Europe,
he would still have sought unknown ' lands ; and, when
nothing remained to contend for, the restlessness of his
mind would not have ceased."

With regard to the Grecian settlements in Italy and
Sicily, it may be observed that, as members of that eminent
nation of which Alexander was the elected head, they
would of course be objects of his care ; but for his appre-
hension of the Romans, beside the negative evidence, for-
merly noticed, that even the name of Rome is not found
in the works of Aristotle, who survived him, the positive

Greek name Persepolis in Arrian's extant works, must be what Vincent has
meant to refer to as marking Arrian's distinction of Persepolis and Pasargadae,
or Parsagardae. How far Arrian has intended to mark any such distinction,
the curious reader, observing the many instances in which the name of Pasar-
gadae is found in his history of Alexander, will judge for himself.

u 3

294- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

testimony of Roman history marks it for a vain fancy,
originating in later ages. When his kinsman and contem-
porary, Alexander king of Molossis, lost his life in war in
Italy, the power of the Roman people was not yet formidable
to the Greeks, even of that country; nor became at all
alarming till half a century later, when, after considerable
conquests among the Italian states, it showed itself in the
war with Pyrrhus, successor of the Molossian Alexander.

The next objects of the greater Macedonian Alexander's
pursuit, made fully known to us, were of a kind worthy of a
great prince. The bounty of nature, often not immediately
obvious to man's view, nor profitable to him without
exertion of his ingenuity and industry, offered to the pos-
sessors of the vast plain about the rivers flowing into the
Persian gulf great reward for such exertion. Periodical
floods brought sometimes destruction, sometimes plenty, as
the season was more or less favourable. Under the As-
syrian princes, commanding a great population, supported
by a soil highly, but precariously, productive, measures had
been taken, with great labour, to extend the inundations in
some parts, to confine them in others, and to form canals
for the convenience of water-carriage. Thus the land for-
merly valuable was protected, a very great extent, formerly
barren, was made highly fruitful, and the produce was cheaply
conveyed to its market.

The Assyrian kings had their residence in Mesopotamia ;
and, from their comparatively moderate extent of dominion,
the revenue from that country would be of principal im-
portance. With the Persian dynasty, afterward, neither the
land, nor the climate, nor the people were in favour ; the
flat and often flooded soil unsuitable both for their pleasure-
gardens, entitled paradises, in which they delighted, and for
their favourite amusement of hunting, the climate hot and
moist the people of another language and another religion ;

SECT. in. CIRCUMSTANCES OF ASSYRIA. 295

nor, in the extent of the Persian empire, was the revenue
from that one, though a very rich province, important
equally as for the Assyrian princes. Thus not only im-
provements were discontinued, but the maintenance of those
already made was neglected ; left apparently to the means
of the proprietors, or of the neighbouring townships, under
the government of conquerors who disliked them.

The Assyrian kings appear to have thought little of
maritime commerce. But the extraordinary successes of
the Sidonians and Tynans, whose merchants, like those of
Florence, Venice, and Genoa in modern ages, are described
as princes of the earth, had excited the attention of the
able early sovereigns of Palestine, and their patronage of
that source of public and private wealth had been largely
successful. Whether Alexander's views toward it had ori-
ginated, as may seem probable, from his father's policy,
whose principal revenue appears to have been ch . 36 . s . 2 .
derived from the commerce of the Thessalian
ports, or had been excited by what he had observed in
Phenicia, where he would no doubt obtain information
enabling him to enlarge them, they were evidently already
extensive, when, at the early age of twenty-four, he took
possession of Egypt, and there, in the space of a few
months, laid the foundation of the greatest commercial
system that had been seen in the world, and which flourished
after him near twenty centuries. India offered a field in
which his mind, with such a favourite purpose, would not
fail to expatiate ; and, on his return toward Babylon, after
having not only opened the way toward that wealthy
country by land, but proved the possibility of also reaching
it by sea, that it employed his extraordinary diligence
greatly, we have assurances from all historians. Arrian
especially, expressing himself doubtfully concerning the ex-
travagant views to farther conquest, attributed to him by
u 4

296 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

some, affords evidence of his speculating on the extension
of commerce, clear and decisive. Nevertheless, though to
what extent must remain utterly uncertain, yet that he
meditated some farther conquest as necessary, not only to
commerce in view, but to the peace of his subjects in some
of the richest parts of his actual empire, appears more than
probable.

Babylon, the capital of the first prince on
record as powerful in arms, was not chosen by
him with a view to those pleasures of the chace, of little
danger, but no use, in which his successors in empire
delighted; it would be a work of peril and labour to
dislodge the lions from their thickets, and make the plain
secure for the husbandman. But the beasts of the forest
were not the only disturbers of the peace, and invaders
of the property, of the industrious cultivators of that wide
and rich plain', the best part of the Assyrian dominion, called
by the Greeks Mesopotamia, the Midriverland. Bounded
on one side by the great sandy desert, spreading through
Arabia to Egypt, on two others by rugged and lofty
mountains, these became retreats for the idle and profligate
of mankind, who multiplied into nations of robbers, depend-
ing on rapine for the best part of their livelihood. From
earliest history to the present day such has been the
character, and such the profession, of the scattered, but
altogether numerous p&pulation of the extensive desert,
from the border of the Euphrates to the Red Sea, and of
the highlanders generally throughout Asia. As then it
seems indicated that the first conqueror obtained his title
of a mighty hunter, by destroying, as we are told of some
of the Grecian heroes, the wild beasts which infested his
country, so the more general description of him by the first
known historian, as " a mighty one on earth,"
appears to mark that, as it is said particularly.

SECT. in. MEASURES OF IMPROVEMENT. 297

of Hercules, he was successful in supporting the Ch , s a
industrious and peaceful of the cultivated country
against the violent and lawless of the wilds.

Alexander however, presently on returning to those rich
plains whose state he had formerly seen, took measures
for repairing the damage suffered from neglect under the
Persian monarchs, and moreover for carrying improvement
far beyond what had before been in contemplation ; he
would promote agriculture by maritime commerce, and
maritime commerce by agriculture. But, bordering on
Babylonia, touching on the Euphrates, if not even holding
part of the country on both sides of that great river toward
its mouth, were hordes of Arabs, whose propensities were
adverse to the quiet and welfare both of the husbandman
and merchant. The allowance of the Persian government
for those pirates of the desert appears to have been nearly
such as we have formerly seen it for those of the mountains ;
marking either extreme weakness in itself, or extreme
negligence of the welfare of its subjects. To awe, if not
to subdue these would be in Alexander's view.

Having resolved then himself to examine the circum-
stances both of the rivers and of the country, he began
with the stream on which Susa stood, the Eulasus, by
which of course would be the readiest communication with
the sea, if, in approaching the gulf, it could be made as free
for navigation as it was upward toward the city. With
this object he embarked with a small escort of horse and
foot, directing the main body of the army to attend his
motions, marching on the bank ; the whole fleet accompany-
ing him as far as the canals which communicated, one with
the Pasitigris eastward, the river by which Nearchus had
ascended, another with the greater river Tigris westward.
For the more difficult navigation, from the canals to the
mouth of the Eula3us, he would not hazard the whole fleet,

298 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

but, with a few of the lighter vessels, proceeded himself.
Without accident he reached the gulf; and then, turning
westward along its shore, entered the Tigris, and ascended
that stream to its junction with the canal, where he rejoined
the main bodies of both the fleet and the army.

This greater river also had its obstructions, now to be
examined. The measures of the Persian monarchs for
the protection of their Mesopotamian subjects against the
inroads of the Arabs, formidable only as pirates, are indeed
remarkable. Instead of proposing to facilitate maritime
commerce, and repress piracy, by a powerful marine, instead
of anything consistent either with their duty to their Meso-
potamian subjects or their own dignity, their resource for
checking depredation was to establish a perpetual blockade
of their own river. Dams had been formed at intervals
across the stream, to stop the ascent of vessels. Alex-
ander, causing these to be removed, laid the navigation
open. 5

5 " Alexander removed the dikes with which the Persian monarchs had
obstructed the stream. His historians delight in attributing these obstruc-
tions to the timidity of the Persians, and the removal of them to the mag-
nanimity of the conqueror ; but Niebuhr, who found similar dikes both in the
Euphrates and Tigris still existing, observes, that they are constructed for
the purpose of keeping up the waters to inundate the contiguous level ; if so,
the demolition is as derogatory from the policy and sagacity of the monarch,
as it is nattering to his intrepidity." Vine, on Nearch. p. 505.

This passage had escaped my recollection when I wrote what is on the
subject in the text ; but, on my best consideration, it appears to me that the
worthy and diligent dean has not used his ordinary caution here. The exact
situation of Opis he acknowledges to be unknown ; and therefore whether any
dam, which Niebuhr saw, was below it, must be somewhat uncertain. The
neglect of the beneficial works of the Assyrian monarchs, by the Persian, the
dean has stated ; and Alexander's general diligence of inquiry, and earnest-
ness in improvement of his dominions, have been objects of his warm praise.
Alexander's engineers surely would have had no difficulty to draw water from
a higher situation to a lower, for the purpose of irrigation, without obstructing
the navigation. With a little more extent of. observation than perhaps the
very respectable critic had opportunity for, he might have had seen, even
within his own country, that a part of the waters of a river may be diverted
for the purpose of irrigation without preventing navigation. Altogether I
am quite disposed to adhere to the ancient authority, that of Arrian, on which
the account in the text rests.

SECT. in. DISSATISFACTION IN THE ARMY. 299

As far as Susa the promised progress of the army home-
ward had been interrupted only by the necessary halting
for rest, or for business obviously requiring attention. But
the expedition to the Persian gulf was of another character.
Not only it was an interruption of the progress homeward,
uncalled for by any necessity obvious to the many, but
would be likely to excite jealousy of views to farther con-
quest, and promote rumours on the subject, which might
not otherwise have arisen. The predatory habits of the
bordering Arabs would be known by report; and Alex-
ander's earnestness to reduce to civil order all such, within
or bordering on his dominions, had in the course of his
progress eastward been largely shown. But it might be
farther apprehended that the fame of conquering a country
like Arabia, never known to have been conquered, might
allure him ; and to command the whole of the sea-coast,
so far at least as to repress piracy, would be readily sup-
posed, if not even known, to be within his views. The
torrid zone had been imagined, by some of the elder Greek
philosophers, to be uninhabitable for heat, as the frozen
for cold ; and, though heat equal to any ordinary in Arabia
may have been already suffered by some of the army, yet
apprehension of the unexperienced circumstances of the
torrid zone might heighten an indisposition to warfare
there, which had been excited by memory or report of the
sufferings in the Gadrosian desert. With uneasiness thus
likely to have possessed many, the general offence to all
of Grecian blood and language from the assumption of the
Persian dress occasionally by the king himself, and, after
his example, and through his encouragement, by some of
his principal officers, concurred to make dissatisfaction
extensive and violent. Nor was this limited to those of
the lower orders : on the contrary it appears that some,
and even many, of high rank, not only were so affected,

300 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVi.

but themselves promoted the disposition. Great advance-
ment, instead of satisfying, is often apt to excite ambition ;
and probably no man ever experienced more than Alex-
ander what the fourteenth Lewis of France is said to have
wittily complained of, that, when he conferred a favour,
he provided ingratitude in one man, and discontent in
twenty. It was treated as matter for indignation, that
Peucestas, appointed to govern Persia, condescended to
use the Persian language in speaking to the Persians. Nor
was it alone offensive that Macedonians accommodated
themselves to Persian manners : the allowance of the
Macedonian dress, and instruction in the Macedonian dis-
cipline, and the adoption of Macedonian manners, for those
of the new levies, whom the Greeks called barbarian youths,
also gave umbrage. These were matters of open and loud
complaint among one another. Altogether however, in
the unfortunate failure of Persian historians, it appears,
even from the Greek, that the just protection afforded to
conquered subjects, and the denial of that plunder, habitual
to the Greeks hardly less than to the Asiatic highlanders,
plunder extended even to the persons of the conquered,
carried off for slavery, had principally produced the already
threatening spirit of discontent in the Grecian part of the
army.

Arr.^xp A1 Alexander, not unaware of this, had not neg-
lected preparation for meeting it. At Opis, the
principal town on the Tigris, was a palatial castle, apparently
such as were everywhere found at the place of residence
of Persian governors of provinces, which would afford
convenient opportunity for seclusion, desirable for his pur-
pose, arid means for security, which a just precaution would

Diod.i.i7. recommend. Arriving there about the ordinary

season of the Macedonian Olympiad, he caused

the festival to be proclaimed. In careful conformity now,

SECT. in. MUTINY OF THE ARMY. 301

as formerly, to the Macedonian constitution, which so far,
at least, agreed with the Greek republican, he called the
whole Grecian army together, and addressed it as a popular
assembly :

" Their attendance," he said, " he had required for the
purpose of informing them of his intention immediately to
discharge all whom age, wounds, or any infirmity disabled
for farther active service, with ample means for those to
return home who might desire it. But it was not his
intention so to limit the indulgence ; for any future service
he desired only willing minds ; and for these the advantages
should be such as to make them the envy of others, and
excite emulation among the youths at home, for a share in
future labours and dangers."

Numerous as the exiles were always from many of the
Grecian republics, the proportion of them among the merce-
naries of Alexander's army would be likely to be large ; and
for them leave to return to their own countries would be
no boon, unless they might be protected by a powerful
foreign hand. Alexander therefore, according to the pro-
bable account of Diodorus, had promised them protection.
Arrian's, and indeed all accounts indicate that the leaders
in the tumult were Macedonians. To go home was not
their object, or however not their immediate object : so
much he had already yielded to them in India : they would
now have more. Voices exclaimed : " He no longer cares
for Macedonians ; all his favour is for barbarians ; Ara-
chosians, Parthians, and others, of names even unknown in
Greece." Some, in terms of complete mutiny, went so far
as to vociferate : " Dismiss us all, and, for your associate
in future campaigns, take your father : " alluding to his
pretension, or the pretension put about for him, to be the
son of Jupiter Ammon.

Alexander's conduct now, whether to be successful or not,

302 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

was decisive. Leaping from the tribunal on which he was
sitting, he rushed among the multitude, accompanied by his
principal generals and his guard; the former no doubt pre-
pared for such a measure ; and, directing his view wholly to
the Macedonians, he caused thirteen to be apprehended.
This being done, apparently without resistance, he ordered
them to be led away, and, as liable under military law, im-
mediately executed. Ascending then again the tribunal, he
Arr> j 7 spoke to the surprised multitude thus : " I do
not address you now to divert you from your
eagerness to return home. All are welcome to go, as far as
depends on me. But I desire first to remind you of what
you were when you left your home, and to what circumstances
you are now advanced. In doing this, as in all duty bound,
I must begin with acknowledging my obligations and yours
to my father, both incalculably great." He proceeded then
to mention briefly the poverty of the Macedonian people,
and their distressed circumstances at Philip's accession, and
the various improvements under him : security provided for
the land against invasion, before always apprehended, fre-
quently suffered ; commerce flourishing in the ports, formerly
all in the hands of enemies, now restored to the kingdom ;
the Macedonian capital become the resort of the wealthy
from all parts ; and, finally, the king elected general auto-
crator of all the republics of Greece for war against Persia,
and Macedonia raised to the first dignity among Grecian
states. " Succeeding my father," he then continued, " in-
heriting from him that kingdom, so improved for the people,
but through exertions which left the treasury poor ; some
gold and silver plate in it, but in money not sixty talents ;
(about twelve or thirteen thousand pounds sterling;) yet
loaded with a debt of five hundred talents, I found means
to borrow eight hundred. Such was the fund with which,
together with you, I left Macedonia ; which was not yet

SECT. m. ALEXANDER'S SPEECH TO THE ARMY. 303

among wealthy countries, though already affording, for its in-
habitants, subsistence in security. Soon then, through our
success in arms, Ionia, ^Eolia, Phrygia, and Lydia were
added to your dominion, and made subsidiary. Crelesyria
and Palestine became yours, and, in the same campaign,
the wealth of Egypt and Gyrene followed without contest.
Mesopotamia, Babylon, Susa, Bactria, the Persian treasure,
the wealth of India, and the command of the ocean beyond
are now yours. From among you, satraps, generals, officers
in all degrees have risen. And, after so many labours in
which I have shared, what distinguishes me from you but
this purple robe and this diadem ? Individually I have
nothing. Nobody can show treasures of mine which are
not yours, or preserved for your sakes. For my own use
indeed I want no more than you possess. I sleep in the same
manner, I eat the same food ; or rather, I think, I fare less
luxuriously than some of you ; and I am sure I have some-
times watched for you, when you have slept in all quiet.
Who among you can say that he has borne more fatigue for
me than I for him ? Look well now among you, and see who
can show more scars from wounds, not only from weapons
striking from afar, but also from those used in close action.
For your glory and your wealth I have led you conquerors
over plains and mountains, lands and seas. These labours
completed, the recent business has been of another kind.
Nuptials have been joyfully celebrated, and marriage portions
have been given with all. Though your ordinary pay has
been beyond all former custom great, and large prize-money
has accrued to many, yet, to obviate uneasiness, liable to
arise from extravagance perhaps thus excited, all verified
debts have been paid, without inquiry why they were con-
tracted, and without memorial kept of by whom. To all
who have distinguished themselves by their merits honours
have been added, such as will be a testimony for them even

304- HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

to late posterity. None have fallen in battle who, beside
the ordinary glory of such a death, have not had their merits
recorded by a splendid funeral and lasting monuments.
Brazen statues have been erected at their homes to many j
and their parents and families have not honour only, but the
advantage of immunity from those burthensome offices re-
quired in all civil communities. This then remains for my
gratification, that under my lead no man has perished in
dishonourable flight. It was my intention to have sent
home those less qualified for farther service, the envy of
mankind. But as it is the desire of all to go, go all, and
tell those at home, that your king Alexander, who has
conquered the Persians, Medes, Bactrians, and Sacians, and
reduced under obedience the wilder nations of Arees, Ara-
chotes, Drangies, Chorasmies, Parthians, and Hyrcanians ;
who has led you over Caucasus and through the Caspian gates,
and across the rivers Oxus and Tanais, and not only after-
ward the Indus, which no conqueror ever before passed
except the god Dionysus Bacchus, but also, beyond the
Indus, over the Hydaspes, the Akesines, and the Hydra-
otes ; and would have crossed the Hyphasis, but that your
spirits failed ; who nevertheless entered the ocean by both
mouths of the Indus ; who led an army across the Gadrosian
desert, which no leader before ever attempted to cross but
to the destruction of his army ; who so equipped and pro-
vided his fleet that, at the same time, it made its way along
the inhospitable coast of the ocean and through the difficult
navigation of the Persian gulf, so that fleet and army have
together hailed him conqueror at Susa ; tell at home, I say,
that having shared with him in all glories thus far, you then
deserted him, turning him over to the care and guard of
barbarians, whom, with him, you had conquered. Such is
the account you will have to give, for your honour among
men, and for the favour you would pray for from the gods."

SECT. Hi. FAVOUR TO PERSIAN OFFICERS. 305

Having thus spoken he descended hastily from the tri-
bunal, went to his palace, and neither on that nor on the
following day admitted any one to his conversation. Appa-
rently waiting for concessions which were not made, he
would not implicate, in disfavour with the army, those of
his principal officers who concurred with him in the more
liberal opinion of the propriety, or rather necessity, of ad-
mitting the many millions conquered to some fellowship in
common rights with comparatively the few thousands of
conquerors; he would take the whole responsibility upon
himself. On the third day, nothing conciliatory from the
army having reached him, he proceeded to measures for
dispensing with their favour. Sending for the principal of
those orientals of different provinces, who, for the con-
venience of a common name, are often described together by
that of Persians, he distributed the chief command of the
several bodies of his army among them; and he limited
the privilege of saluting him, in the Macedonian manner,
with a kiss, to those who, by marriage, were become his
kinsmen. Having before admitted many Persians into his
body of royal-companion cavalry, he now formed a body of
royal-companion infantry, composed entirely of orientals.
A distinguished body of Persians, who, from their silvered
shields, had the title which the Greeks translated into their
own language, argyraspides, he took among his guards; and
to another Persian body he gave a Macedonian title.

In this, altogether perhaps the most difficult and dis-
tressing business of Alexander's short but eventful life, he
completely succeeded. Arrian's concise account implies
that he implicated in disgrace, on the occasion, every Mace-
donian of his army ; unless those become his relations, by
taking oriental wives, were allowed to retain the privilege
of the Macedonian salutation, in common with the Persians
in the same manner connected with him. It is indeed ex-

VOL. X. X

306 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

pressly stated that, in returning to his palace, after his
speech to the army, he was attended by the lords of the
body-guard and his usual companions, though not by the
crowd of followers which it seems had been ordinary. The
nerves of the mutiny had been at once palsied by the bold
measure of seizing the ringleaders, and sending them to
immediate execution. When the king left the assembly,
the Macedonians, Arrian says, stood silent, as men at a loss
for measures. Those looked to for leading being disposed
of, and no others putting themselves immediately forward,
the multitude remained quiet.

How far, in the extreme case of mutiny, Alexander's
decisive measure, directing capital punishment by his simple
mandate, was justifiable under Macedonian law, from the
scantiness of our information concerning that law, we have
means only for conjecture. In the different republican states
the military law would differ, and in some would be more, in
ch. is. s. s. others less regular. An Athenian general might

& elsewhere

of this Hist. not unreasonably fear to exert the most warranted
and even necessary authority over Athenian soldiers, before
whom, as his sovereign judges, on returning home, he was,,
in regular course, to answer for the whole of his conduct
in command, and whose simple displeasure might condemn
him to banishment, or death. The several rights of Spar-
tans, Lacedaemonians, and Laconians in the Lacedemonian
states, remain little explained by ancient writers ; but a very
remarkable instance of the most despotic exercise of the
ch 20 s 3 power of capital punishment by a Lacedaemonian
Hist ' commander, not of regal rank, over those other
republican Greeks, allies of Lacedaemon, has been formerly
noticed, as related by the contemporary Athenian historian,
Xenophon. To assist judgment then, in Alexander's case,
the analogy, also formerly noticed, between the Greek re-
publican governments, of most regular form, and the Roman,

SECT. in. REPENTANCE OF THE TROOPS. 307

which was an improvement on them, may deserve consider-
ation. On military service the Roman consuls claimed,
and sometimes exercised, a summary jurisdiction in capital
cases; and, under a special commission from the senate,
in civil disturbances also. The dictator's authority, by his
simple command to his lictor, to inflict death by the axe,
seems never to have been controverted. The failure of
imputation against Alexander, on this occasion, among
extant ancient writers, all advocates for free constitutions,
must be considered as evidence in his favour ; though of
the less weight as, among the ancient republics, the most
atrocious irregularities in civil contest were familiar. The
completeness of his success in the following reconciliation
with his offended army, reported by all, affords perhaps the
best testimony that he was, in general estimation at the
time, warranted in his measures. If there remained, as
doubtless would be, discontented men, their murmurs were
so little heard as to have passed unnoticed in extant ancient
history. On the other hand, such was at least Diod.i. 17.
the apparent general change of mind that the ft^M-
whole repentant army in a manner besieged the fro*!' AL

. /. . Q- c >rt.

palace with expressions of regret for past mis- l - 10 - c - 4 -
conduct, and entreaty for restoration of their king's favour,
grounding their arms, as supplicatory offerings, and request-
ing admission ; with a declaration that they would surren-
der the surviving leaders of the mutiny, if required, but
would not rest day or night till Alexander would forgive
them.

Perhaps allowance should be made for some partiality in
the account of the generals, whose report Arrian followed.
Not only however all the historians nearly concur in it, but
ensuing matters prove that, even if the picture be a little
inflated, Alexander's conduct on the occasion was most
politic, as well as most vigorous and most successful. The
x 2

308 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

king, Arrian says, yielding at length to the general wish,
strongly manifested, the palace-gate was opened, and he
appeared at it. A general cry of lamentation immediately
arose from the army. He shed tears, and they shed tears.
He was advancing, as if with the purpose of speaking, when
Callines, an elderly officer of the royal-companion cavalry,
addressed him thus : " O king ! it grieves the Macedonians
that, since you have made Persians your kinsmen, and allow
them the honour of saluting you with a kiss, that honour is
denied to Macedonians." How far this may have been pre-
pared we cannot know, but Alexander was ready with a
most politic answer. As if he knew of none ill-disposed
toward him, " Not so," he said ; " on the contrary I consider
you all as my kinsmen, and so henceforth will always call
you." On this Callines proceeded to salute him with a kiss,
and the same honorary freedom was denied to none. Taking
up their arms then, with loud hoorahs they returned, singing
the pa3an, to their camp.

Previous arrangement with the principal Macedonians and
principal Persians, and a perfect understanding of both with
the king, is clearly enough marked in what followed. A
sacrifice was offered .to those gods to whom, according to
the historian's phrase, the Macedonian laws prescribed such
reverence from the chief of the nation. The sacrifice
would, in usual course, afford a feast for the whole army.
After this, a regular supper was served, at which, if report
might be credited, and the manuscripts giving that report
should be trusted for notation of numbers, nine thousand
persons were entertained. Alexander presiding, the principal
Macedonians sat next him, and below them the principal
Persians ; who were prepared, it thus appears, to hold rank
below the Macedonians. Others, of both nations, then took
place in corresponding order.

After this conciliatory festival, all Greeks, whether Mace-

SECT. III. DISCHARGE OF INVALIDS. ' 309

donians or of the republics 6 , who desired their discharge,
received it, and they are said to have been about ten
thousand ; though few, it is implied, if any, put themselves
forward for it who were not, through age or wounds, or fail-
ing health, proper objects. Every man, beside his regular
pay, which was to be continued till his arrival at home, was
presented with a talent, above two hundred pounds sterling,
as a gratuitous reward for his services. Those who had
children by Asiatic wives were required to leave them, lest
the extreme aversion, common among the Greeks, to admit
any of foreign blood to share with them in civil rights, might
be so excited as to occasion disturbance ; Alexander how-
ever promising to provide that those children should have a
Grecian education, and that, when they should be grown up,
he would himself be their conductor to Macedonia, arid
introducer to their fathers, and to the rights of the children
of such fathers. Here, as what follows in Arrian's account
implies, Macedonians only are intended ; Alexander having
been careful to avoid, as Philip before him, to interfere with
the merely civil concerns of the Grecian republics, till
recently, urged by the circumstances of the moment, he had
pledged himself in favour of the republican exiles in his army
who should desire to return home, that they should be
received in their several states. Seemingly aware of dis-
turbance hence likely to arise, and which actually did ensue,
he avoided now to extend his engagement to them. The
appointment of Craterus to be commander for the march
home, with a commission moreover to supersede Antipater

6 The Greek writers themselves wanted terms for readily and clearly dis-
tinguishing Greeks of the kingdoms from those of the republics : whence, in
Arrian's history, all Greeks are sometimes intended to be included under the
Macedonian name, as well as Macedonians under the more properly compre-
hensive name of Greek. In this passage he uses the Macedonian name only,
to denote all who desired and received their discharge ; but a following phrase
clearly proves that he meant to include all Greeks of the army.

x 3

310 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

in the viceroyalty of Macedonia, Thrace, and Thessaly,
and the protectorship, such is Arrian's expression, of the
freedom of the Greeks, appears to have been grateful to all;
Craterus being not higher in the king's confidence than in
esteem with the Grecian forces, whose interest he had
always favoured in preference to that of the new Asiatic
levies.

Here then it may deserve observation that, throughout
the expedition, in such various trying circumstances during
so many years, though discontents of both are recorded, no
failure of harmony between the republican Greek troops
and the Macedonian is marked in any account. Now all
the dismissed appear to have set out, on their long and
difficult march, with a general spirit of perfect loyalty;
shedding tears, says the historian, at the ceremony of parting
with their victorious prince, who sympathised with them. 7

1 Curtius continues to show that he had before him the same authorities
which Arrian followed. He has described the mutiny, the seizure and execu-
tion of the thirteen ringleaders, the immediate stupor of the army, and its
ensuing repentance and lamentation and solicitation, as if he had, in his
flowery way, translated from the same Greek originals from which Arrian
drew. But he has added some things, and differently reported others, from
writers adverse to Alexander's fair fame ; himself not adverse to it, but as he
was led by his constant -eagerness for high colouring, strong contrast, and
great scenic effect. Hence his eagerness to relate, as certain, transactions the
most secret, and his boldness to answer for words spoken either in the greatest
privacy, or amid the completest tumult, with such carelessness for consistency
and probability, that Horace's incredulus odi cannot fail to be the frequent
sentiment of his more considerate readers ; who nevertheless perhaps may
find amusement even from his extravagances. A man of his talents of course
would adapt these to the taste of his age ; and thus they may, possibly, in
some degree, assist those curious to ascertain his age. Probably those extra-
vagances are not wholly his own, but derived from Grecian writers ; yet may
have been heightened in many instances by his fondness and talent for high
colouring. It seems to me, though mere conjecture, not improbable, that
Curtius's work, recent and in vogue, was among those which, as Arrian says,
stimulated him to compile and publish a history of Alexander from the best
authorities.

AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 311

SECTION IV.

Affairs in Greece.

PREVIOUSLY to this fortunate accommodation with his
Grecian army, Alexander's situation appears to have been
highly critical; and some knowledge of the circumstances
probably had encouraged the promoters of the mutiny. He
proceeded from Opis still northward into Media ; wide of the
way homeward, so long since generally desired by the Grecian
part of the army ; with what view direct information fails ;
a vacuity, fortunately not large, and the only one in Arrian's
valuable narrative, being found here in every known ancient
copy. But it is obvious that in that extensive, fruitful, and
populous country, the favoured seat of the Persian monarchs,
critically situated in the middle of the empire, bordering
southward on its richest and most submissive provinces,
northward on those which had been far the most difficult to
conquer, itself the seat of a rebellion while he was in India,
his presence was likely to be urgently wanted. Aware of
the importance of securing an interest among the warlike
people of those northern countries, we have seen him
remarkably attentive to engage the attachment of the men
of most influence among them. Should this fail, a Grecian
force only could be depended upon for maintaining a conquest
on which the quiet of the rich southern countries, and even
the communication with India, unless by sea, depended.

Meanwhile matters had occurred in republican Greece, and
in Macedonia itself, of a kind to excite anxiety. Alexander
had always treated his mother, the dowager queen, with
great attention and respect. But he had intrusted her with
no share in the regency, while she reckoned she ought to
have been, in his absence, chief, if not sole administratrix of
the royal authority. Antipater, who, as far as appears, was,
x 4.

312 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

for his honesty, as well as his ability and diligence, worthy
of the late king's esteem and his successor's confidence, was
disturbed by her attempts at interference. Mutual complaints
passed from them to Alexander; and her charges against
the viceroy went so far as to impute to him the purpose of
rebellion. In these delicate circumstances it seems to have
been a fortunate opportunity, which Alexander judiciously
used, for preventing the inconvenience of farther difference
between them. The declining health of Craterus afforded
reason for sending that valuable officer home, in command
of the large body of returning invalids; and this urgency
for parting with the general, in whose military talents he
had long shown the highest confidence, afforded cause,
honourable to Antipater, for requiring him to supply the
place thus vacated, and, instead of commanding the compar-
atively small kingdom, under the sovereign at a distance, to
direct, with him, the affairs of the new Macedonian empire.

In republican Greece, at the same time, unquiet spirits
had been stirring ; encouraged, like those in office in Asia,
by accounts of the distance to which Alexander was carry-
ing his arms, and the hope that he would never return. The
scrupulous attention of Philip, while he lived, and of Alex-
ander afterward, to avoid offence to the irritable spirit of
republicans, and especially of that large portion of them
which anxiously desired their patronage, is largely indicated.
That the leaders of the adverse party, avowedly taking
subsidies for their states, took also notoriously presents and
pensions for themselves, from the great enemy of the Grecian
name and of free constitutions, the despot of Asia, while
they were imputing corruption to their opponents, remains
abundantly asserted. If then some indulgence for the ordi-
nary effect of party-spirit may be allowed to the Greeks, yet
that so large a majority of modern writers on the subject
should have concurred, not only in railing against the Mace-

SECT. IV. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 313

donian kings as the oppressors of the free, but in eulogy of
their opponents so notoriously the hired associates of a
despot, as the assertors of independency, is matter not
incurious in the history of literature. 8 Pre-engaging thus
the modern public mind, they have provided some hazard for
the writer who desires to do equal justice. Fortunately
however for the character of the Macedonian princes, and
their party among the republics, testimony remains, even
from their opponents, ample to overbear at least modern
calumny. It is indeed remarkable, and, even after allowance
for the tendency of fervent party-spirit to lead men into
contradictions, appears matter for wonder, that the testi-
mony of all antiquity, and even of those most zealous in the
democratical cause, admits the patriotism of Isocrates and
the rigid virtue of Phocion ; who, always in opposition to
Demosthenes and the Persian interest, were steady to the
Macedonian. For a very extensive preference, among the
Grecian republics, of the Macedonian supremacy to the
Persian, we have observed evidence from Demosthenes
himself.

The death of Memnon, perhaps relieving to Demosthenes,
so far as it removed an over-powerful rival for the lead of
the Persian interest in Greece, was a very severe blow to
the party. Their hopes however rose again, together with
those of Demosthenes, on assurance that the king of Persia
was advancing in person, from the interior provinces, toward
Lesser Asia, at the head of an army formidable, not only by
its numbers, and the just estimation of its large proportion

8 This, as observed in former notes, has been carried farther by learned
men of the continent than of our own country ; unless the compiler of the
chronology of the Ancient Universal History should be excepted ; who, taking
upon himself to go far beyond his proper office of referring to the valuable
work for which he was employed, has reported, from the stores of his own
learning and judgment, many extravagances of fact and character, as if to be
found in that work, which the better judgment of its authors had wholly
avoided.

314? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

of cavalry, but still more by having, among its numbers, a
powerful body of Greeks their friends. The event of the
ensuing battle of Issus, with the rapid following conquest of
Syria, Phenicia, Cyprus, and Egypt, by the Grecian prince
whom they opposed, brought them again low, and their
hopes must have been finally extinguished, had the conqueror
accepted the terms offered by the Persian king. But his
determination still to pursue conquest eastward, beyond the
Great Desert, afforded new prospect. The body of friendly
Greeks, remaining in the Persian king's service, was yet
considerable for number, and eminent for faithful attachment
to the cause in which they were engaged; and, for the
Persian party in Greece, of still greater consideration on
account of the Persian king's confidence in it, which ensured
their importance with him. Communication indeed with
that body, as well as with their ministers yet attending the
Persian court, would be now difficult and hazardous, yet
ch.5o.s 3 probably not wholly precluded. But the ensuing
victory of Arbela, and the consequent submission
of Babylonia, Susiana, and Persis, were again stunning blows.
Nevertheless, while Darius lived, and Grecian troops re-
mained in his service, and the ministers of the party still
attended and were respected at his court, hope of advantage
was not wholly extinct. A Persian dynasty might yet be
maintained on the north of Caucasus, or, what would be all
they desired, a dynasty hostile to Alexander. Far more
than the death of Darius then, the surrender of those
faithful Greeks would be discouraging to them, and yet their
perseverance remained unabated. Even their signal defeat
at their own doors, in that battle in which the king of Lace-
daemon, Agis, lost his life, did not reduce them to final
dejection. Information that the ardent spirit of the youthful
conqueror led him to persist in pursuit of endless conquest
gave them new encouragement.

SECT. IV. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 315

Meanwhile how moderately Alexander's vicegerent Anti-
pater, though reported to have been a man of a severe
temper, had used the victory by which peace, disturbed by
the ambition of the king of Lacedaemon in combination with
Demosthenes, was restored to Greece, is evinced by facts,
which the flatterers of democracy have blazoned as, for
them, matter for boasting and triumph. We have observed
it become common, among the Grecian republics, to testify
the general sense of eminent public merit, by a popular
decree for the honorary reward of a golden crown, to be
placed on the head of the meritorious person in solemn
public pomp. This honour we have farther seen, in the
testimony of Demosthenes, offered by the demo- ch 40 s 2
cratical republics of Argos and Megalopolis to f
Philip king of Macedonia. The Athenian people had been
in the habit of so honouring their own fellow-citizens,
popular favourites ; and, in the wildness of democracy, had
gone to such excess in it that, in some favourable moments,
prudent men had found opportunity to persuade the multi-
tude to enact laws for restraining their own improvidence.
It was forbidden to propose a crown for any man Xsch ^ Aecor ,
actually holding office, or till, after its conclusion,
he had rendered an account of his administration, and re-
ceived what our law terms his quietus ; and it was farther
enacted that, if a crown were decreed by the council, it
should be presented only in the council-hall ; if by the people,
then only in the square called the Pnyx, the ordinary place
for holding assemblies of the people. Moreover, for the
prevention of irregular and ill-considered decrees, it had
been made penal, as we have observed formerly, to propose
any alteration of an established law, without the previous
measure of procuring its repeal. These provisions were
obviously wise ; worthy of the republic of which Solon had
been the legislator. But, in an absolute democracy, which

316 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

was not Solon's constitution, such precautions were in-
effectual. Instances had been numerous of contravention
of those salutary laws ; and what was everybody's business
being that of no one man more than another, no prosecution
following, no punishment had followed.

Such was the state of things when, between the first and
second Phocian wars, while the contest was warmest between
the parties of Chares and Demosthenes on one side, and
Isocrates and Phocion on the other, Ctesiphon, an eminent
member of the former, confiding in its support, had ventured
to propose that a golden crown should be presented to
Demosthenes, though then holding the office of superintendent
of repairs of the city walls, and, in virtue of that office,
receiving from the treasury all the money issued for the
service ; and moreover that it should be presented, not in
the Pnyx, where, unless when some party-purpose called for
the exertion of conflicting interests, attendance was commonly
small, but in the theatre of Bacchus, on the first day of the
representation of tragedies in the feast of the Dionysia,
when it would not fail to be large. The offence to the law
being, in this measure, glaring, ^schines entered a prosecu-
tion against Ctesiphon, stating the penalty at fifty talents,
more than ten thousand pounds sterling. But, whether
restrained by the moderation of his party, or its weakness,
and the consideration that an unsuccessful effort would tend
to its injury, he carried the business at that time no farther.
We have already seen that his opponents, if not then already
holding, soon after obtained, a decisive superiority, enabling
them to lead the republic to the crisis which ended in their
complete discomfiture at the battle of Chaeronea. According
to most writers of the Demosthenic party, Philip then com-
manded Athens. Much certainly came into his power ; yet,
such was his forbearance, that in the short interval before
his death Demosthenes again obtained an ascendancy, which t

SECT. iv. AFFAIRS IN GREECE. 317

on occasion of the monarch's assassination, he used, as also
formerly seen, insultingly. Taking then the lead in again
exciting war among the republics, he forced those adverse to
the. dominion of his party to seek refuge in the patronage of
Philip's youthful successor. Again brought low Ch 44 fc 3
by Alexander's success at Thebes, the great orator cf
fled, not from the vengeance of the conqueror, but from the
indignation of his fellow-citizens.

Whether then through the usual moderation, or the
over-scrupulousness, of Phocion and his party in Athens,
or through negligence of the Macedonian government, or
instructions from its absent king to avoid interference in
the internal politics of any republic, though in his office of
captain-general accountable for the peace of all, there was
indulgence, clearly rather extreme, for agitators, in Athens
and throughout Greece. When that party among the
republics which relied upon the captain-general, as formerly
they had been accustomed to rely on the imperial republic
of the day, Lacedaemon, Athens, or Thebes, for support, was
most seriously threatened, Antipater was slow to interfere.
Perhaps difficulties arose for him which remaining inform-
ation will not enable us to appreciate. By a novelty in the
ever-troubled political system of that eminent yet not fortu-
nate nation, Lacedaemon, for preceding centuries the deter-
mined enemy of democracy, at onetime successful in abolish-
ing it throughout the republics of Greece, Thrace, and Asia,
now, under an ambitious and apparently popular king,
became leader in its cause. Alexander, when in Ch 49 s t
Egypt, had been apprised of this ; and he was
moreover apprised that Athens was wavering, parties there
being nearly balanced : insomuch that it became doubtful
whether those two rival republics, wfrich had successively
tyrannised over all the others, might not now combine to
recover the sovereignty in partnership. Nevertheless Anti-

318 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

pater was unprepared to meet the growing storm. His
difficulty seems to have been that ordinary in confederacies,
the difficulty of procuring simultaneous and universally ready
exertion ; for which it is not likely that he had the advan-
tage of Philip's popularity or authority, or perhaps talent.
The dissolution of the adverse league nevertheless being

ch so s . i. en ec ted by the battle in which the Spartan king

fell, the ensuing moderation of the Macedonian

confederacy toward the vanquished was beyond all example,

when a republic, whether democratical or aristocratical,

Athens, Thebes, or Lacedaemon, held the supremacy. The

Demosth de boast of Demosthenes remains, in his own words,
that he had been the leading agitator under whose
advice and stimulation the Spartan king had acted ; yet he
was allowed not only to live undisturbed in Athens, but to
prosecute his measures for maintaining a commanding in-
fluence there. Immediately however open disturbance could
offer no hope for him or his party : and thus, without any
reported interference from Macedonia, the republics enjoyed
such unusual quiet for several years that the ordinary troubles
of the country offered nothing prominent enough for the
notice of any of those recorders of military events whose
works remain to us. But, during this freedom from the
miseries of war, in the unrestrained licentiousness of popular
governments, political contest ran high, and eminently in
Athens, where, producing what has singularly interested the
republic of letters through all following ages, it has been
the means of preserving to us some important political
information.

While Alexander, already master of the greatest and
richest part of the Persian empire, was yet engaged in his
arduous struggle with tfie northern nations, if not already

piut. T. moved toward India, (for the time is not exactly
ascertained,) ^Eschines prosecuted his accusation

SECT. IV. JESCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES. 319

of Ctesiphon, after it had rested, it is said, ten years. The
party of Demosthenes then held the superiority in Athens,
and that of Phocion was uneasy under it. No hostility '
however toward Macedonia, or toward regal government,
appears to have been at the time avowed. On the contrary,
complimentary intercourse, common among the Greeks, and
similar to that of modern times, was maintained by the
Athenian government ; probably with the Macedonian court,
as we are assured it was with a court nearly connected with
the Macedonian. Alexander king of Molossis, or, as, in
consequence of extension of the dominion or influence of
the Molossiari kings, they have been often entitled, of Epirus,
losing his life in war in Italy, an embassy was sent, with
compliments of condolence, in the name of the Athenian
people, to his widowed queen Cleopatra, sister of the great
Alexander king of Macedonia: and a friend of

& _ -Esch. de cor.

Demosthenes, Ctesiphon, was the chosen ambas-
sador on the occasion.

Ctesiphon was recently returned from that embassy, when
^Eschines resumed the prosecution against him for his illegal
conduct in moving the decree for a crown to Demosthenes.
Why this time of prevalence of the adverse party was
chosen for the hazardous undertaking is marked in the open-
ing of the prosecutor's speech ; and confirmation is found in
his adversary's reply. Addressing the sovereign multitude,
" You see, Athenians," said jEschines, " the ar- ^sch. decor.

p. 381. ed.

rangement of the forces of my opponents; you ^ iske -
have been witnesses to the solicitations in favour of extra-
ordinary and irregular measures. I, on the contrary, offer
myself to you now, desirous only that the council, and you,
the assembly, should abide by the constitution, and support
the wise regulations which Solon established for the order
of your proceedings : namely, that the oldest citizen should
first ascend the bema : that he should declare gravely, and

320 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

undisturbed by noise and tumult, what his experience led
htm to believe the assembly, for the republic's good, should
decree : that then, others, who might desire it, should deliver
their opinions, with a preference always for the older. This
salutary provision for order having been overborne, decrees
against law we have seen often proposed; presidents, not
regularly chosen, have declared the majority of votes in favour
of what the majority disapproved ; and, if any objection was
made to such irregularities, and a councillor duly chosen to
the presidency claimed his right, he has been threatened
with citation before the people. Thus the sober judgment
of the courts, provided, by the wisdom of Solon, for the
security of individual subjects of the republic, has been
superseded by passionate decrees of the general assembly :
orators, confiding in the experienced efficacy of such threats,
assume sovereign power ; neither the laws nor all the magis-
trates can restrain them ; and the constitutional right of the
ward, presiding, in its turn, to stay the proceedings, is utterly
disregarded."

Evidently enough this accusation of Ctesiphon was adopted
as a mode of attacking the great leader of his party, Demo-
sthenes. Ctesiphon having grounded his decree of honour
on that orator's merit toward the republic, it has been the
object of the adverse orator to show that Demosthenes was
wholly unworthy, not only of that honour, but of any public
esteem. It is remarkable then that, in favour of that
authority among the republics, formerly conceded to the
imperial people of Athens and Lacedremon, and since given,
in more constitutional form, successively to Philip and
Alexander, he has not ventured a word; even alliance with
Macedonia he has avoided to mention as desirable ; and this
is the more remarkable as, even before that kingdom had
acquired any great pre-eminence, Isocrates had boldly and
zealously contended, not only for the alliance, but also for

SECT. IV. ^ISCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES. 321

the presidency of the king of Macedonia, as highly desirable
for the welfare of the Athenian people and the Greek nation.
But ^Eschines reproached Demosthenes with having been
notoriously the pensioner of the Persian king, and moreover
at times the flatterer of both Philip and Alexander. He
then mentioned, as recent matter, or even actually ^. sch de cor
going forward, that, though, by the Athenian law, p ' M1 '
it was a capital crime for individuals to hold correspondence
with foreign potentates, yet Demosthenes and his associates
not only corresponded by letters with foreigners in power,
both in Europe and in Asia, but received from them what
the orator calls embassies 9 , at their own houses, and even
boasted of such communication. In such contempt, he said,
were the laws and constitution held by the demagogues who
commanded a majority in the general assembly : so ready
was that tumultuous sovereign to use its tyrannical power
for dispensing at pleasure with its own enactments.

The reply of Demosthenes is a wonderful example of
eloquence, and of talent for leading such an assembly as that
of the Athenian people. A long exordium, boasting of his
services to the republic, and thus directing the minds of
the hearers to matters foreign to the accusation, has been
admirably adapted to provide a favourable reception for the
very weak defence to follow. That the proposer of the
decree for the crown was guilty of a breach of the law, and
that the orator, to whom the honour was prostituted, had
never given a regular account of his disposal of the public
money intrusted to him, is not denied. 10 But, what' par-
ticularly deserves observation here is that, while ^Eschines
feared to speak in favour of the Macedonian connection,

9 Tlio-iicti octfixvovvrxi iif ISica-rixct; otxioc,;.

10 That warm admirer of the politics of Demosthenes, the learned and
ingenious translator, Auger, has been candid enough to notice this in his
summary of the speeches on the crown.

VOL. X. Y

322 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

Demosthenes did not scruple to abuse the father of the
conquering Alexander, and all connected with him, as freely
as before the battle of Chaeronea ; thus completely proving
the hypocrisy and falsehood of the lamentations of ancient
writers, adopted and even exaggerated by many modern, on
the fall of the freedom of Greece under the Macedonian
supremacy. To judge of some assertions of Demosthenes,
in answering some in his adversary's speech, it should be
known what that adversary might have replied, had the
course in the Athenian courts permitted ; or what an able
chief justice, moderating between the parties, might have
remarked. But, the Athenian courts acknowledging no
such moderator, reply to the accused was denied to the
accuser. Indeed, for the numbers composing their courts,
all standing, and in the open air, that length of discussion,
which a jury of twelve, sitting under shelter, may well allow,
was inadmissible. Even had it not been so, yet, in the
circumstances of the Athenian constitution, altered as it
was from that of Solon, and with the Athenian many,
commonly eager for prosecution of any of their superiors,
the denial may have been rather an advantageous and even
necessary check upon the malevolent or sinister views of
accusers, and altogether desirable for well-disposed subjects.
Under this rule therefore ^Eschines had to contend with the
same disadvantage as the foremost speakers in the ordinary
debates in our house of commons; he must anticipate his
adversary's defence, and reply to it, as he best might, by
conjecture ; and to this accordingly we find him, with great
ingenuity, directing much of his celebrated speech.

A law was in force, to which the multiplicity and frequent
frivolousness of accusation among the Athenians had given
occasion, subjecting an accuser, who did not obtain a fifth
of the voices of the multitudinous court, to banishment.
JEschines, no doubt, had considered this law, as well as his

SECT. IV. RETIREMENT OF ^SCHINES. 823

own situation in Athens under the ruling faction. It is
exultingly said, by the friends of the politics of piut.T.
Demosthenes, ancient and modern, that he failed P- 857 -
of obtaining one fifth of the voices of the Athenian people.
But ^Eschines would hardly have ventured to prosecute his
accusation without assurance of support from the party
which looked to Phocion as its head ; and the circumstances,
not reported by ancient writers, must have been extra-
ordinary which could either have reduced that party so low,
or could have led it so to neglect a powerful member in
need. But, as the previous uneasiness of his situation,
under the sway of the adverse party, appears to have been
the stimulation for ^Eschines to the hazardous undertaking,
so, after the loss of his cause, far which probably he would
be prepared, Athens could be no pleasant, nor perhaps safe,
residence for him. However, as so many men, eminent by
their civil and military services, some compelled by a decree
of the despotic sovereign, others choosing among evils, had
done before him, he quitted Athens, and passed
the rest of his life partly in Rhodes, partly in S 05 *'
Ionia ; leaving the anti- Macedonian party in com-
mand of the republic's politics. From such a result of that
celebrated contest may be estimated the justness of the im-
putations against Philip and Alexander, as destroyers of the
freedom of the Grecian people, tyrants over the republics.
Nor does the refutation rest here : whoever will investigate
the history of following times will find confirmation of it in
the whole tenor of succeeding events.

The magnanimous kindness of Alexander to Ch 49 s t
the friend of his earliest youth, Harpalus, will be
remembered; kindness carried perhaps to the extreme of
rash indulgence and confidence. Harpalus, apparently of
the school of Aristotle and Callisthenes, was probably a
man of considerable talents, and, unlike Callisthenes, of
Y 2

324 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

insinuating manners. Alexander had left him, at Babylon,
in the office of treasurer of his newly acquired empire, or of
a large part of it, and, according to Diodorus, satrap of Ba-
Diod. 1. 17. bylonia. Harpalus was among those who, specu-
p'lut. ' lating upon the improbability of his sovereign's
P. 857. return, abused the trust grossly; insomuch that,
fearing now to stand the accusations ready against him, he
resolved upon a new and greater crime, involving, with
direct treason, the extreme of ingratitude. Holding the
first civil authority in a great and rich satrapy, and com-
manding the treasury, it would not be difficult for him to
engage and arm men to proceed to Greece under his orders.
But, according to the probable account of Diodorus, he
found soldiers with arms and discipline ready for his pur-
pose. For men in the unhappy condition of exiles from
their republics, always very numerous, usually wandering
over Greece, Thrace, Lesser Asia, Phenicia, and Egypt,
in search of any military service in which they might hope
for a livelihood, the opportunity offered by Alexander's ex-
pedition would be a great relief; but especially after the
battle of Issus, when the plunder of all the East came in
view, it would be most inviting. Accordingly the republican
Greeks in Alexander's army seem to have been, in large
proportion, of this description, and those who had amassed
wealth, with remaining constitutions to afford hope of en-
joyment at home, would be likely to desire to return home ;
all claiming merit which would entitle them to their captain-
general's patronage for their purpose. His scruple then to
interfere with the civil government of any republic would
be disappointing to them. Revenge was a passion com-
monly warm in Grecian minds, and the view to gratify both
revenge and ambition, by returning in a body capable of
overbearing their domestic adversaries, under a leader whose
interest was united with theirs, and whose pecuniary means

SECT. IV. DEFECTION OF HARPALUS. 325

were large, would stimulate them. Thus it appears to have
been that Harpalus was enabled quickly to collect to the
number of six thousand, armed, disciplined, and zealous.
Arriving with these on the Phenician coast, he procured
shipping, with which he conveyed his army to the pro-
montory of Tasnarus, in Laconia, where he landed. Pos-
sibly he had hope of countenance from Laced aemon ; but,
though in this he seems to have failed, yet neither opposition
to his landing, nor molestation, in probably a strong post
which he occupied, is mentioned. Leaving his army then
in present security there, he proceeded himself by sea to
Athens.

His principal hope of ultimate success, in a desperate
enterprise, if he could not gain Lacedaemon, seems to have
rested on his knowledge of the violence of party, which still
divided Athens, and on his old connection with the leading
men there, adverse to his sovereign. But, in the moment,
whatever the change may have been since the victory of
Demosthenes over ./Eschines, their party had no decided
superiority. For Harpalus therefore, a rebel against the
captain-general of the confederated republics, even to ap-
pear in Athens, but still more to prosecute his purpose
there, would be highly hazardous. His resource accord-
ingly was to go in the character and habit of a suppliant,
but carrying money in large amount. The most eminent
orators of the high democratical party are said to have
been readily engaged to advocate his cause, De- Diod . K 17 .
mosthenes only excepted. He, at first shrinking jjjjj^
from the hazard of the undertaking, however p- 857 -
at length concurred in it; induced, according to report
even of writers generally favouring his cause, by increased
bribery, of which Plutarch has not scrupled to relate the
particulars. But as it remains unsaid how these became
known, justice may require the observation that anxiety to
Y 3

326 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVI.

maintain his connection and influence with the leading men
of his party may have been a sufficient motive. However,
whether through improved interest of Phocion's party, or
mistrust of the character of the suppliant among their own,
their interest and their eloquence in the general assembly
failed; and Harpalus, in danger of being arrested, owed
his escape ashipboard to the concealment and opportunity
which his Athenian supporters provided for him.

Returning then to Taenarus, which, without countenance
from the Lacedaemonian government, would not be a situ-
ation for him to remain in, he passed to Crete. That
fine island, celebrated, as we have seen, in earliest

Ch. 1. s. 2.

chf4 d s .2. history, for the power of its princes, the excel-

of this Hist. , f . ,,..... .

lence of its policy, and the civilisation of its^
people, was naturally divided by its mountains, and, through
the opportunities which these afforded, became civilly di-
vided among many lawless communities, and thus it has
been, in the more illustrious ages of Greece, almost without
history. To Harpalus it appears to have been inviting as
a country of pirates, among whom he and his followers
might find association. Bitter disappointment to the latter,
arising from early evidence of the utter inability of their
leader to realise his promises, which had raised their hopes
high, seems to have produced the ensuing catastrophe.
Harpalus was assasinated ; according to Diodorus, by one
of his principal associates ; yet the troops held together ;
all without resource if they separated, and looking for
means of subsistence only from united strength, which might
enable them to profit from the weakness or the contentions
of others.

Meanwhile at Athens, minds being exasperated against
those orators who would again have subjected the state
to the evils of war with the general confederacy of the repub-
lics under the lead of Macedonia, accusation was preferred

SECT. iv. RETIREMENT OF DEMOSTHENES. 327

against them as having, under the influence of bribery, re-
commended measures highly adverse to the common wel-
fare, and they were cited to answer for their conduct before
the assembled people. Doubting then the sufficiency of
their interest with the inconstant many, who, with little
deliberation or none, might have condemned them to ba-
nishment or death, they procured a decree, (through the
exertions, it is said, principally of Demosthenes,) for refer-
ring the matter to the court of Areopagus. Avoiding thus
the severer sentence apprehended, that court however de-
clared them guilty, and the fine set upon Demosthenes was
of fifty talents, more than ten thousand pounds sterling.
Rather then than pay, if he was able, so great a sum, and
live in Athens, while his adversaries ruled there, he with-
drew, in voluntary banishment, to ^Egina. u

11 Plutarch's account of this business, in his Life of Demosthenes, grossly
uncreditable to the great orator, is curious ; rather as showing how, in ancient
as in modern times, political parties were given to scandalise one another,
than as deserving credit for all the detail, even if he had all from the
eminent author of the time, Theopompus, whom, for one circumstance, he
has quoted.

328 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVH.

CHAPTER LVII.

TRANSACTIONS IN THE MARCH THROUGH MEDIA TO
BABYLON. FARTHER MEASURES FOR IMPROVEMENT
OF TERRITORY AND EXTENSION OF COMMERCE. CIVIL
REGULATION. DEATH OF ALEXANDER.

SECTION I.

March into Media. Amazons. Death of Hephcestion. War
with the Cossees. Measures for exploring the Caspian Sea.
March to Babylon.

Diod. 1. 17.

THE loss of a small part of Arrian's narrative has
deprived us of his information concerning Alex-
ander's march from Susa into Media, and occurrences there,
apparently of some importance. The principal stations
however between Opis and Ecbatana remain named by
Diodorus, probably from good authority. In five days the
army reached Sambana, and remained there seven ; but for
what purpose is not said. Proceeding then, it reached
Celonae, a colony of Boeotians, who, after the celebrated
battle of Plataea, flying to avoid the revenge of the Greeks,
confederated for common defence, had sought and obtained
the protection of Xerxes. Their descendants, driven by
necessity to learn the language of the country in which they
were settled, were found to have retained also much of
Grecian speech, and much of Grecian manners. Alexander
then turned from the direct road, to pass, through a tract
called Bagistane, famed for both fertility and beauty, to the
Nysa3an plain, where was the principal stud of the Persian

SECT. I. MARCH INTO MEDIA. 329

kings. Here, fortunately, Arrian's narrative recommences,
and so holds connection with those of Diodorus and Curtius
as to afford presumptive proof of their correctness con-
cerning the matters of which his report is lost. The number
of mares in that magnificent stud, he says, had commonly
been a hundred and fifty thousand, but was now reduced,
by robbery, or mismanagement, or both, to little more than
fifty thousand. 1

At this place Atropates, satrap of Media, came to wait
upon Alexander, and, according to the report of some
writers, such is Arrian's phrase, presented him with a hun-
dred women, said to be of the Amazons : skilful horse-
women, equipped in the manner of troopers ; except that,
instead of lances, they carried battle-axes : but that careful
historian adds that no mention was made of these women
by Aristobulus, or Ptolemy, or any other writer of credit ;
and he proceeds : " If Atropates really produced some
armed horsewomen to Alexander, I should incline to sup-
pose they were of some other barbarous nation, and not of
that familiarly known to the Greeks, through tradition and
fable, by the name of Amazons." 2

1 Our copies of Curtius agree exactly with those of Arrian concerning those
numbers, and those of Diodorus differ only as they give sixty, in both places,
for fifty.

2 The various stories of people described by the name of Amazon, are
among the mysteries of early Grecian history, concerning which Strabo, Plu-
tarch, and Arrian, all curious about them, have been unable to satisfy them-
selves. All however appear to have held that a people of that name existed,
and, emigrating from Scythia, made extensive conquest in Lesser Asia. Ac-
cording to the geographer, they were not such determined vagabonds as the
Scythians have been commonly described ; for they founded some of the prin-
cipal cities afterward occupied by the Greeks, Ephesus, Smyrna, Cuma, and
others. But migration of hordes, men, women, and children, we know has
been an Asiatic practice from earliest history to this day ; and the remarkable
instance, in western Europe, among the Gauls, in the authentic account of
the ancestors of the Swiss nation by Julius Caesar, is known to all. The La-
cedaemonian women, we are assured, were required by law to be so exercised
in the use of arms as to be qualified for battle among men, and some instances
are mentioned of the practice. If Amazonian women were seen acting in
arms among men, in an invasion of Attica, such a circumstance may,have

330 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

In the course of this march a dispute, necessarily dis-
tressing to Alexander, happened between his principal
secretary, Eumenes 3 , a man of superior talents, much
esteemed by him, and Hephaestion, in whom he had most
confidence as a sincere friend and grateful companion. This
was matter for Plutarch to relate in his usual way, as if he
had perfect information of the most private transactions,
and of words spoken in the most private conversation.
A broken sentence of Arrian, where extant copies resume
his narrative, assures us that such a dispute occurred; and
so much farther confirms Plutarch's account, as it indicates
that Alexander interfered, and that Hephaestion, probably
the younger man, submitted to his decision with rather an
ill grace, Eumenes showing more liberality on the occasion.

Arrived at Ecbatana, Alexander celebrated a magnificent
thanksgiving sacrifice for his various and extraordinary
successes, with the added amusements of gymnic games

afforded to Grecian ingenuity and love of the marvellous foundation for all
that is fabulous in their history. That Amazon was a Greek name, signifying
Breastless, appears to have been a late and an unfounded imagination. The
father of history, where mentioning the reported invasion of Attica by the
Amazons, to ascertain that they were females of whom he was speaking, has
added a syllable, calling them Amazonids * ; thus implying that he considered
the name Amazon as applicable to men equally as to women. The absurd
tale, gravely told by both Diodorus and Curtius, of Thalestris, queen of the
Amazons, marching some hundred miles from her own country, between the
Caspian and Euxine seas, over hardly practicable mountains, to visit Alex-
ander in Hyrcania, utterly unworthy of political history, is yet, like some
matters formerly noticed, of curiosity for the history of letters. It was no
invention of those writers, or of their age, but first propagated in Alex-
ander's (Plut v. Alex. p. 691.) ; and perhaps it may justly be reckoned less
wonderful that such a story should then have some degree of popular credit,
when the Greeks, through all previous ages limited to their own country and
the shores of the neighbouring seas, now had the whole interior of Asia newly
laid open to their curiosity, than that it should have been afterward tolerated
by the popular taste in the most flourishing and enlightened times of the
Roman empire.

3 He is entitled by Arrian r^ot^twsTsy; {B<x,<riXixos (Arr. exp. Al. 1. 7. c. 4.),
by Plutarch 'A^fy^KfA^ot-ntj;. Plut. v. Eum. init

f. Herod. 1. 9. c. 27.

SECT. I. DEATH OF HEPHJESTION. 331

and theatrical exhibitions. The sacrifice being a feast for
the whole army, there were other feasts for more select
company. Amid the hilarities here Hephaestion was seized
with a fever. It is obviously probable that the officers more
immediately about Alexander's person would sometimes
have very severe service. Possessing himself singular power
of body, and ability to bear heat and cold and hunger and
thirst, fatigue in all shapes, he would be likely to measure
others by his own standard, so that those most favoured by
him, most emulating his exertions, would be most liable to
suffer from their own. His ordinary diet, according to his
own account, reported by Arrian, and according to all most
authentic accounts, was abstemious ; but in times of festivity
(as it is said of him by others, and even by Arrian admitted)
he would indulge, as his constitution would bear, and youth
and company prompt, sometimes extravagantly. Hephaes-
tion's fever probably arose from a combination of fatigue,
frequent exposure in bad air unregarded, extremes of heat
and cold alternate, abstinence occasionally unavoidable, and,
when temptation occurred, excess, at his age, not unnaturally
following. It was on the seventh day of his illness, when
he seems to have been supposed convalescent, while the
principal physician who had attended him was indulging in
the amusement of the gymnastic games where Alexander
presided, that finding appetite return, he would have a meal
of meat, of which he ate heartily ; and then, finding himself
oppressed, and fever returning, drank a quantity of iced
wine. A paroxysm ensued, such that information of it was
sent to Alexander, who instantly quitted the celebrity, at
which he was presiding, to visit his suffering friend, but
found him already lifeless.

His grief on this melancholy event, marking a feeling
mind, was however, according to all accounts, immoderate.
Numerous stories were circulated on the occasion, and

332 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

reported to posterity ; writers differing in them according to
their disposition to extenuate or exaggerate the failings to
which so extraordinary a man, as a man, was liable. All
however agree, says Arrian, that for three days he refused
both society and food. He then ordered a funeral of extra-
vagant magnificence; with games, after the manner of the
funerals in Homer's age, in which no less than three thou-
sand persons contended for prizes. 4 The affection of his
mind nevertheless so lasted as to cause great uneasiness to
his surviving friends ; whose endeavours to relieve it were
but incompletely successful, till, whether new circumstances
occurred, or the matter was before less regarded, cause or
pretence was found for recommending to him a new military
expedition. In the extensive highlands, bordering north-
ward on the plains of Media, southward on those of Susiana
and Persis, was a numerous horde, the Cossees, who either
had not acknowledged subjection to his dominion, or had
renewed their predatory practices. His mind, lately devoted
to projects for improving the condition of his subjects by
arts of peace, but rendered torpid by the sudden loss of the
most confidential partaker in all his councils, was roused to
energy by the view to active exertion, which might contribute
toward the previously conceived purpose. Winter was

4 Of remaining historians, Diodorus has been very succinct on this subject,
and, to his credit, simple and sober. Even Curtius has almost exactly con-
curred in what Arrian has reported as from authority, adding little ; though
strange extravagances, as we learn from Arrian as well as Plutarch, were cir-
culated on the occasion. The moral philosopher indeed, in this part of his
Life of Alexander, seems to have been borne away by his passion for fable the
most extravagant, or even absurd, which might afford ground for moral reflec-
tion. It may seem that when Addison referred to Arrian and Plutarch together
as the writers of clearest credit for the history of Alexander, he rather hazarded
the assertion on the ground of the general reputation of both, than confided
in any examination of their differences. Yet it must be said for Plutarch that,
for some of his most extravagant stories, he quotes authority ; which so far
gives them value, as they contribute to mark the extent of that bad taste
which, under the tyranny of the Roman empire, arose, in a great degree, from
deficiency of general information. For the important public occurrences
Plutarch agrees with Arrian.

SECT. i. WAR WITH THE COSSEES. 333

approaching ; but the change from the summer fervor of the
plains, in which he and his army had been living, to the
frozen air of the snowy mountains of the Cossees, would
not at all deter him. On the contrary, judging that to be
the season for the most effectual warfare against them, he
resolved to use it. For, in summer, the highlanders, dis-
persing among hardly accessible rocks, might defy the pur-
suit of regular troops ; but if, in the season in which they
did not apprehend attack, he could drive them from the
stores collected from their neighbours' fields, they must
surrender or starve. Ptolemy, who seems, like himself, to
have been endowed with superior power of limb and hardi-
ness of constitution, was the general chiefly employed with
him. The Cossees being brought to submission, his mea-
sures were what our Edward, entitled the First, pursued in
Wales. Building and fortifying towns in commanding
situations of their territory, and placing garrisons there, he
forced them to peaceful industry for their livelihood, by
denying them means for preying on their neighbours. 5

The Caspian sea, one of the boundaries of Alexander's
empire, imperfectly known, even in modern times, till of
very late years, had been best described to the Greeks by
their early historian Herodotus. Succeeding writers had
given such erroneous accounts of it that, as we have formerly
observed, the supposition had obtained credit that it was
open northward to the Arctic, and eastward to the Pacific
ocean. Alexander's strong and apparently just
curiosity led him to measures for having its
extent and boundaries and means for communication ascer-
tained. He sent Heraclides son of Argasus into Hyrcania,
in the command of a body of shipwrights, to build vessels,
both open and decked, for the purpose.

5 The name of this people, according to Vincent, remains among the same
mountains to this day, but without any relic of the improvement of their
manners effected by Alexander.

334 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

Probability appears, in Arrian's account, that the com-
pletion of arrangements in the Cossee country was com-
mitted to Ptolemy, while, in spring of the three hundred

B c 3*1. an( * twenty-fourth year before Christ, Alexander
01. 113. 4.

circumstance of the march is reported, by any historian,
till he was within thirty miles of that city, when, according
to all, a very extraordinary matter occurred. A deputation
from the body of Chaldean priests arrived, commissioned to
represent that, as Alexander had paid just honour to their
god, so their god was disposed to be favourable to him, and,
accordingly, had authorised them to admonish him that to
proceed to Babylon, at that time, would be unfortunate for
him. 6

When, presently after the battle of Arbela, while the
former sovereign was yet living and yet master of half the
empire, Alexander entered Babylon, he had been received
with general joy, as a deliverer rather than a conqueror.
He had since shown great favour to the Babylonians. A

temple, of extraordinary magnificence, raised by
cwt.^ia tne Assyrian kings for the worship of Baal or

Beel, or, as the Greeks and Romans wrote the
name, with their added termination, Belus, signifying The
Lord, had been destroyed by the Persian kings, averse to
the Chaldean superstition. Alexander had directed the
rebuilding of this temple with increased magnificence, and
committed a large revenue to the management of the priests
for the purpose. He had moreover projected great works
for the benefit of the city and surrounding country ; and it
appears that, for the advantages of its situation, he pro-
posed to make Babylon the capital of his Asiatic dominion.
To be told then that to enter that city would be unfortu-

6 MJJ *& oi'yotQav 01 SMO.I <rr,v VU-PO^OV T-),V If BwXav<* kn -rca -ran. Arr. 1- 7.
c.16.

SECT. I. ENTRY INTO BABYLON. 335

nate could not but be surprising to him, even though aware
of the motive ; having received information that the rebuild-
ing of the temple had been but little prosecuted ; whence he
gathered that the priests, like so- many others in high em-
ployment under him, speculating on the improbability of his
return from the East, had been using the revenue assigned
for that great work for their own profit and enjoyment.
Accordingly, as Arrian, always cautious of answering for
words spoken, says was reported, he replied to the extra-
ordinary admonition, or perhaps only expressed himself to
the royal companions attending, by a verse of Euripides ;
" He the best prophet is who guesses best."

But with his great purpose of bringing all his subjects of
all religions to friendly union, and with his especial desire
to hold complete his popularity in his proposed capital, it
might be important to maintain a good correspondence with
the Chaldean priests. Their deputies accordingly, though
denied their first object, finding a reception altogether fa-
vourable, ventured, with what reasonable view is hot obvious,
to recommend to him at no rate to proceed by the direct road,
by which he would enter the city facing the west, but, if he
determined to persevere, rather to make a circuit by which
he would enter facing the east. They must have known,
and it is unlikely that he would be without information,
that to proceed by the road they indicated was impossible.
Nevertheless, as Arrian assures us Aristobulus related, he
conceded so far as to take that road ; and possibly a prudent
consideration for Grecian as well as Chaldean superstition
may have determined him to this ; the Greeks, generally
ready to adopt any superstitious belief not directly adverse
to that in which they had been educated, being especially
attentive to predictions. But, having shown his army the
floods and marshes which at that season absolutely pre-
vented progress in the course recommended, he turned, and

336 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

entered the city by the way before proposed. The people,
whether informed, or not, of any pretended adverse fore-
boding, received him with all demonstration of joy. That
he took any severe measures against the priests, for their
misconduct in the charge committed to them, is not said ;
whence it may seem probable that he used toward them a
politic forbearance. 7

SECTION II.

Embassies from Greek Republics and Foreign Nations. Measures
for maritime Discovery and Extension of Commerce. Slavery
among the Ancients. Floods of the Mesopotamian Rivers, and
Works to profit from them. Regulations civil and military.

THROUGHOUT the Grecian republics, not less than in Asia,
but rather more, minds would be affected by the news of
Alexander's return victorious from India, with not only the
whole of the Persian empire, but nations beyond, in peace
acknowledging the sovereignty of the elected captain-general
of the nation. Some citizen of almost every state, either
of the party friendly or of the party adverse to that in the
moment ruling, would have shared in the glorious achieve-
ments, either among those who first passed into Asia, or in
the numerous levies which afterward reinforced the army.
At home all would have information that, as all Greeks had
always been treated as fellow-countrymen in Macedonia,

7 The business with the Chaldean priests was of a kind likely to be variously
reported. Diodorus has been partial to them. Relating the matter in more
detail than is usual with him, yet avoiding to mention the imputed pecu-
lation, he has spoken of their skill in prophecy as superior to that of the seers
of his own nation. Curtius, more concise than Diodorus, appears however
to have followed nearly the same authority. Plutarch has been prudently
short on the subject. Arrian, generally preferring Ptolemy's account, has
here deferred to Aristobulus. Indeed, if Ptolemy, as seems indicated, had
been left on service in Media, the matter may have been unnoticed in his nar-
rative. Aristobulus appears, in Arrian's quotations from him, to have been
either addicted to belief in augury, or to have had his views in promoting it,

SECT. ii. EMBASSIES FROM GREEK REPUBLICS. 337

and especially by the late king, so now, in the progress of
conquest, distinction had become less and less between
Macedonians and republicans ; many of the latter had been
raised to very high situations, military as well as civil ; men
of science, and artists of every description, were especially
encouraged; extension of commerce was a favourite object
of the sovereign, and all Asia was open for all Greeks, to
seek fortune or to settle in. The party adverse to the Mace-
donian supremacy would thus be nearly silenced ; the zeal of
the friendly would be forward ; and ordinary compliments
to the captain-general of the nation, who had so extended
its renown, and so opened the commerce of the world to it,
would not fail.

Consequently many embassies from Grecian
republics were arrived at Babylon, charged with 7}g. K 17 -
various business ; all with those compliments of
congratulation which appear to have been customary among
themselves, and all with their ordinary token of gratitude
for public services, presents of golden crowns. According
to the probable account of Diodorus, here the more valuable
as Arrian's is defective, those charged with representations
concerning temples and sacred ceremonies were esteemed
entitled to audience before those commissioned on political
matters only, though of no small importance ; some to
state controversies of republics with republics, and some,
which seems to have been in itself of weightiest consider-
ation, to object to the restoration of citizens, exiled in con-
sequence of political differences. Such unfortunate men
the history of the republics shows to have been always very
numerous. Their restoration would be indispensable to-
ward the establishment of that peace throughout the nation,
the great object of the Athenian patriot Isocrates, Ch
which, as formerly has been observed, he blamed ofthisHist -
the magnanimous king of Lacedaemon, Agesilaus, for at-

VOL. X. Z

338 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

tempting over-hastily, but for which the season, if ever to
be, might seem now arrived. Those commissioned on this
subject, the historian says, were last heard ; probably not,
though such may seem to have been the historian's opinion,
because their purpose was ungracious, but rather on account
of its difficulty, and the variety of discussion to which it
would give occasion. All however were received and dis-
missed with the honours that, among the republics, were
commonly esteemed gratifying. 8 The arrival of these em-
bassies, while Alexander's mind was intent upon improving
his Asiatic empire, seems to have put him upon considering
what might be immediately gratifying to his own nation,
which he showed himself disposed always duly to respect,
however he might judge it improper, or even impossible, to
provide for it all the advantages which, through oppression
of the conquered, were expected from him. He now re-
newed his inquiry for statues of the gods, and of eminent
men, and whatever other spoil Xerxes, carrying from Greece,
had deposited either at Babylon, or Parsagardae, or Susa, or
elsewhere ; and all that could be found were sent back to
the cities whence they were taken. 9

8 That the embassies were so received and dismissed Arrian says ; but adds,
that he could not satisfy himself what, beyond compliment, was the object of
any of them. Occasion has occurred formerly to remark that Arrian, though
sometimes venturing to show a just liberality of political principle, has been
altogether extremely reserved on civil matters, and especially cautious of no-
ticing republican affairs. Plutarch, in the same age, and under the same
government, an obscure individual, could venture more ; but, failing of Ar-
rian's advantage of practice in political business, and being under the disad-
vantage, common to both, of knowing no government, from experience, but a
military despotism, which had already, for a century and half, pervaded the
civilised world, his politics are of no consistency, vaguely directed to recom.
mend republican principles, and altogether little better than a kind of barking
at he knew not what.

9 There appears again in this part of Arrian's history of Alexander some
indication of what has been observed in a former note of this volume, that,
though clearly intending his work for the public, he never completely prepared
it for publication. In reporting Alexander's first taking possession of Susa,
in bis third book, he says, as it has been alreadyjnentioned in its place, that,

SECT. II. FOREIGN EMBASSIES. 339

But the fame of Alexander's conquests, and the known
great means afforded by the mighty empire now at his
command, with rumour, true or exaggerated, of his farther
ambitious views, would of course interest nations beyond
the narrow bounds of Greece and the Grecian colonies.
According to historians of his age, many such
embassies waited upon him at Babylon, or in his iod. ,. 17>
way thither. To some of these Arrian gave full
credit; doubting however some, and rejecting some. He
mentions confidently those from Libya, and from Lucania,
Brutium, and Tuscany in Italy; and ground for this is
obvious. The embassies from Libya probably were from
the Grecian colonies on its coast, and perhaps from some
neighbouring Africans; to whom Alexander's favour, pos-
sessed as he was of Egypt, and commanding the eastern
end of the Mediterranean sea, would clearly be important.
The recent death then of his kinsman, Alexander king of
Molossis, in war in Italy, might give occasion for both the
friends and the enemies of that unfortunate prince there,
the former to desire the protection, the latter to obviate
the enmity, of the great conqueror of the day. The
accounts of embassies from Carthage, from Ethiopia, from
European Scythia, and from some Gallic and Spanish
people, which the cautious historian mentions, though with
apparently less confidence, seem yet not improbable. For
the connection with the Tyrians sufficed to make the
Carthaginians alive to the consequences of Alexander's
conquests ; Ethiopia, bordering on his kingdom of Egypt,

among many other things brought from Greece, were the statues of Har-
modius and Aristogiton, which he sent back to Athens. Here in his seventh
book he mentions again those statues, as if not till now they had been sent
back, without noticing his former mention of the same fact. The question
when the measure took place is in some degree interesting, as it would indicate
the devotion of Alexander's mind to his interest in Athens, and throughout
Greece, at the time.

z 2

340 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

could not be wholly uninterested ; and European Scythia
was in the habit of communicating, in war and in commerce,
with both the Macedonian kingdom and the maritime
Grecian republics. An embassy from Rome, the two Greek
writers whom Arrian has named, had had the hardihood
to assert it, he considered, I think justly, for reason more
than he mentions, as mere fiction. Yet, for the desire of
the more distant tribes of Spain to engage Alexander's
friendship, there is no improbability; the prosecution of
the Carthaginian conquests there apparently sufficing to
make them look out, at any distance, for connection with
enemies to Carthage. The Cisalpine Gauls, bordering on
the Triballians and Illyrians, were quite within reach for
being affected with either hope or fear from the wonderful
increase of the Macedonian dominion.

In choosing Babylon for the capital of his Asiatic empire,
Alexander was not led, as the Persian monarchs formerly
to a preference for Susa and Ecbatana, by any pleasantness
of climate, or beauty of surrounding country, or its fitness
for royal sports, but wholly by political considerations. It
was nearly central among the nations newly owning sub-
jection to him. The extent of rich plain around, traversed
by great rivers, was most advantageous for the production
and conveyance of supplies for a great collected population ;
and, by the gulf, receiving those rivers and conveying their
waters to the ocean, means were open for maritime com-
munication unlimited. But these great means had been
only prepared by nature, leaving the completion to the
ingenuity and industry of man.

This now especially engaged Alexander's attention.
Much toward it indeed he had already done. Together
with the shore of the ocean eastward the eastern side of
the gulf had been explored. But the western side remained
known almost only to the predatory hordes of Arabs, its

SECT. II. MEASURES TO PROMOTE COMMERCE. 34-1

possessors, whose manners deterred the approach of
strangers, and against whose hostility the Persian monarchs
appear to have provided but very deficient protection for
their people on land, and none for then* sea-faring subjects.
Alexander would have discovery prosecuted around the
whole of the Arabian peninsula, and provide means and
security for maritime commerce, as eastward with India, so
westward with Egypt, and through Egypt even with Greece.
Hostility on the water, hardly looked for in the way from
India, was in this course to be apprehended ; and he
prepared accordingly. The country, within any convenient
distance around Babylon, furnished no timber, fit for ship-
building, but cypress. Of this, perhaps not the best for
the purpose, he directed some vessels to be built ; but the
timbers for the greater part of his fleet were prepared in
Phenicia, conveyed over land to Thapsacus on the Eu-
phrates, and, being there duly put together, passed down
the stream to Babylon.

In the naval battles of the Greek republics the trireme, or
vessel of three benches of oars, had been the most powerful
ship of war ; and of such the majority or almost the whole
of contending fleets hitherto had been composed. But as,
with experience, art improved, the naval architects had
found means to make more powerful vessels capable of naval
action in the ancient way. Proceeding to four, they quickly
advanced to five benches of oars ; beyond which, though
vessels to carry many more hands were built occasionally
for stateliness and show, yet, for naval action, all being still
necessarily rowboats, none appear to have been advanta-
geous. The Phenician builders seem to have been the first
to go beyond the ordinary Grecian rate ; unless, which may
seem probable, they gained the plan from the Carthaginians.
The vessels framed in Phenicia, and conveyed to Babylon,
z 3

34-2 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LV1I.

were two quinqueremes, three quadriremes, twelve triremes,
and thirty triacontors, or vessels of thirty oars. 10

At Babylon then a great work was undertaken for the
accommodation of a fleet. By excavation and embankment,
a port was to be formed, capable of containing a thousand
vessels, unmolested by either the superfluity or deficiency
of the stream, and provided with shelter for them, as usual
with the ancients ashore. Meanwhile to provide crews,
Miccalus, a Greek of Clazomene in Lesser Asia, was em-
ployed to engage seamen from Phenicia : and, it being
Alexander's purpose, for the security and convenience of
commercial intercourse, to establish colonies on the shores
of the Persian gulf and in its islands, the same officer was
authorised to offer advantages for settlers there. To prepare
then for this, three others, Archias, apparently the associate
of Nearchus in the voyage from the Indus, Androsthenes,
described only by his name, and Hieron of Soli in Cilicia,
were sent, each in a vessel of thirty oars, to explore the
Arabian side of the gulf, and proceed farther if it might be.
The latter alone was successful enough, on that difficult
coast, to reach the promontory, formerly described, at the
mouth of the gulf - T nor can it now be wonderful if, with
such a vessel, single he dared not proceed, or, rather, if he
thought it utterly unbecoming him to hazard farther, not
only the lives of those with him, but also the information
which, in going so far, on a coast before unknown, he had
acquired.

The Euphrates has its sources in the highlands of
Armenia, so raised above the level of the ocean that, in a

10 I have been surprised to find my friend Sainte Croix misled to the adop-
tion of a criticism of a French engineer, who, calculating the burthen of an
ancient, as of a modern, ship of war, by the hands she bore, has reckoned it
impossible that the Euphrates could carry quinqueremes from Thapsacus to
Babylon. Sainte Croix, though of the land service, having served in the West
Indies, would know modern ships of war. The engineer certainly had a very
erroneous notion of the ancient.

SECT. ii. FLOODS OF MESOPOTAMIAN RIVERS. 343

latitude to expect a mild winter air, Xenophon

Ch.23. s.4.
of this Hist.

had found, and modern travellers have confirmed
his account, the severity of an arctic sky. Issuing a torrent
from the mountains into the very extensive plain of Meso-
potamia, there, on a bed of clay, covered with a sandy soil,
the stream formed a channel, within which, during the
greater part of the year, it has continued to pass, by a
course of some hundred miles, to the Persian gulf. But,
as other rivers whose sources lie among lofty mountains,
with the melting of snow in spring, its waters are so in-
creased as to overflow the flat country to a very great
extent. In these circumstances it was observed that the
sand, otherwise barren, when saturated with water resting
on the retentive clay, became highly fruitful. Accordingly
art was early used to assure and extend the benefit. But
about fifty miles below Babylon, on the western side, the
floods found a hollow in the clay ; into which the waters
rushing dispossessed the sand and became a very extensive
lake ; whence, with farther increase, they penetrated variously
through the surrounding loose soil. Here much was lost,
while much so forced its way, in the course of a gentle and
hardly perceptible declivity of the land, as to form a new
channel to the gulf. The greater part of the flood passing
thus, the benefit of irrigation for the lands lower on the
river side was lost. To provide the advantage then, or
restore it, the Assyrian kings had constructed a dam across
the opening toward the lake, with a vent that might be
regulated, so that the land below should be duly irrigated
while the superfluous water might still be discharged. The
lake obtained the name of Pallacopas, and the channel
toward it was called the river Pallacopas.

Under the Persian kings these valuable works had been
neglected, and were gone far to decay. Alexander would
not merely restore but greatly improve them. For such a
z 4-

344 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. rvil.

business very numerous hands would be wanted. According
to report, thirty thousand men at one time had been em-
ployed on it. Among the Greeks, we have observed, not
only such extraordinary operations, but almost the whole of
the manual labour necessary for the support of mankind,
was considered, even by the philosophers, as unfit for free-
men, but properly imposed on their fellow-men in the
condition of slaves ; so that, in every republic, the slaves
would out-number the freemen, and in the more flourishing
were many times more numerous. Among European
nations of old indeed, if a more liberal system anywhere
prevailed, it has failed of notice from those writers to whom
we owe all extant accounts. On a former occasion it has
been observed, that to take slaves for the Roman markets
appears to have been a chief object of Julius Caesar's
invasions of Britain; the demand being urgent for large
and continual supplies of men in that wretched condition ;
not domestic service only, but the labours of husband^,
throughout Italy, under the Roman dominion, being com-
mitted almost wholly to slaves. Julius was certainly among
the most generous and humane of Roman conquerors ; yet,
cses. de when he had, not without difficulty, brought the
people of the territory of the town now called
Vannes, in Brittany, to unconditional submission, he con-
demned all of higher rank to death, and sold the whole
remaining population to slavery.

Of slavery among the Asiatics we have little from Grecian
writers, and nothing from any other, excepting the Jews ;
whose institutions were so decidedly proposed to maintain
a constant separation between them and other people that
what held among them can indicate nothing for any others.
But when the kings of Assyria, successively conquerors of
the Samaritans and Jews, carried, at unquestionably great
expense and trouble, the former into Media, and afterward

SECT. II. SLAVERY AMONG THE ANCIENTS. 345

the latter into Babylonia, it would not be with the liberal
and humane views which the modern European law of
nations and maxims of religion and morality require toward
a conquered people, and on which their practice for many
centuries has been founded. The treatment however of
those prisoners of war, condemned to slavery, as far as
light is thrown upon it, appears rather to have resembled
that of the Israelites in Egypt than to have been so inhuman
as was ordinary, less indeed among the Greeks than the
Romans. Yet we have full assurance from the Jewish
historian that the purpose was to employ them; and
the pathetic exclamation of the poet, " By the waters of
Babylon we sat down and wept," may perhaps afford some
confirmation to the otherwise highly probable supposition,
that the great works under the direction of the Assyrian
kings, which gave to the Babylonian plain the benefit, and
secured it against the ravages, of floods, were in large part
executed by Hebrew hands.

In India, it is said, slavery, at least such as that among
the Greeks and Romans, was little, if at all, admitted. But
Alexander, coming there instructed in Grecian principles by
Aristotle, condemned to that state some whole communities
of Indians, reduced by arms to unconditional submission.
Crimes indeed were alleged to justify such severity ; and
modern information concerning the various people of that
extensive country shows it probable, that a just humanity
toward a larger portion of the population may at least have
promoted the policy, so severe toward a smaller ; for the
transportation of some thousands of the caste of warriors,
born to the profession of robbery, and bound to die in it,
could hardly fail to afford relief to many more thousands of
the valuable caste of husbandmen. Nearchus, we have seen,
in the course of his voyage, took prisoners ; but his means
for carrying them to a market were scanty. Accordingly

34-6 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

none are mentioned till the fleet was approaching the com-
mercial towns near the Persian gulf. What became of such
unfortunate people it was not in the way of ancient historians
to be solicitous to tell. Probably Nearchus relieved his
crews by compelling his prisoners to work at the oar till
they might be sold at Mosarna, Badis, or Harmoza. But
many thousands might be subsisted while attending the
march of the army, under Craterus, from India through the
fruitful countries northward of the great Desert, and probably
would be afterward employed on Alexander's great public
works.

In some degree to indicate the value of those works, and
so assist toward a just estimate of the great conqueror's
character and policy, a summary history of then- fortune,
even to the present day, as given by that very diligent and
able inquirer, Vincent, may be useful here : " While Babylon
was the capital of the East," he says, " the control of the
waters invigorated all the contiguous districts. But, when
the Persian conquerors dwelt at Ecbatana, Susa, or Per-
sepolis, due attention being discontinued, Mesopotamia,
Chaldea, and their capital declined together." Alexander,
he proceeds, proposed to restore and improve the works.
Concerning what followed under his successors, till they
were dispossessed by the Parthians, extant history gives no
information. The Romans then becoming masters of all
westward, and the Parthians of Babylonia itself and all
eastward, the latter not only neglected the beneficial works,
but " encouraged the extension of a desert against the
Roman frontier. In following vicissitudes of power, despotism
and neglect completed what policy might have commenced.
Still it has happened, in every age, and under every government,
that the neglect was not universal. The grand canals have
failed ; but a partial distribution of the water has constantly
been preserved : insomuch that, even under the desolating

SECT. II. TERRITORIAL IMPROVEMENT. 34-7

empire of the Turks, it is to this hour an object of com-
parative importance. While Ives was on his passage up
the river he met a bashaw coming down, with a commission
to direct the places where the bank was to be opened, or the
outlet closed. The office is still of dignity, for this bashaw
was a commander of thirty thousand men ; and, as we may
conclude that, under the Turkish government, every drop of
water is paid for, though the service will be performed badly,
still it will be performed." The extent of the ancient im-
provement, ancient account of it failing, the able and diligent
commentator proceeds to show thus : " No traveller passes
the great desert between Basra and Aleppo without finding
traces of habitation, buildings, and remains of towns : hardly
Arabian relics, for this is not the country where the Arabs
live in towns ; they are probably Chaldean, Syrian, or Mace-
donian. They must all have possessed water as the primary
means of existence, and they have ceased to exist because
the Euphrates has ceased to convey them the means of
fertilising the desert."

Alexander, leaving Media, as Arrian indicates, in spring,
and delayed by nothing on the march, would reach Babylon
early in the season of the floods. That season, adverse to
the excavation of the proposed dock, though not perhaps to
the erection of the necessary buildings around it, would be
most favourable for the business which he in person exe-
cuted ; going by water to the mouth of the channel of the
Pallacopas, and proceeding by that channel to a survey of
the lake. The country around that expanse of water, in the
neglect of the Persian government, mostly barren, and left
open to the incursions of the freebooting Arabs, was capable
of being made greatly productive. But, for the improve-
ments which Alexander meditated, defence for the workmen
to be employed would be necessary. Selecting
therefore a convenient situation on the border of

348 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVH.

the lake, he directed the building and fortifying of a town,
for a settlement for such Greeks of his army as might prefer
such an establishment, under their captain-general's protec-
tion, to returning to their several republics, where probably
they might be at a loss for both protection and means of
livelihood.

It has been formerly observed that Arrian, emulating
the simplicity and candour of Thucydides, has, unfor-
tunately for the highly interesting history which we owe to
him, failed to emulate that excellent author's accuracy in
marking times and seasons. Among extant historians, after
Thucydides, chronology has been proposed to be regularly
given only by Diodorus ; whose inaccuracies, canvassed by
many able critics, have been the subject of former necessary
notice. Thus, among very able and diligent modern inquirers,
there has been much question concerning a whole year, or
nearly so much, following Alexander's return from the
eastward to Babylon. Such assurance however as ancient
testimonies afford of what was executed may assist the
judgment where indications of time alone are doubtful. A
powerful fleet was partly built on the spot, partly brought
over land from a distant country. A dock was excavated
on the bank of the Euphrates to receive it, and numerous
edifices, such as ancient use required for a naval arsenal,
were erected. Possibly so much may have been previously
in preparation. But, clearly after Alexander's return, very
extensive surveys were made, by land and by water, prepar-
atory to works for improving the inland navigation, and
irrigating the country j a town on a hostile frontier was
built, fortified, and peopled ; and meanwhile the restoration
of the temple of Belus in Babylon was going forward. To all
these works Alexander is said to have attended, and in the
surveys to have taken a leading part.

But a greater, and far more difficult, as well as more

SECT. H. PRESERVATION OF POPULARITY. 349

beneficial, work than all these, though details concerning it
fail, evidently was accomplished. This was such as never
occurred for any man, before or since. Chief of a small
limited monarchy, and of a confederacy of republics, Alex-
ander had conquered a mighty empire, composed of many
nations, differing among themselves in language, in manners,
and in religion, but all perhaps differing more from their
conquerors, through their habit of seeing their government
administered with the greatest pomp, if not also with the
greatest rigour, of despotism. Educated himself to cultivate
popularity among the free, he had, according to all best
testimony, in imitation of his father, and in conformity to
his great preceptor's instructions, persevered in the practice.
The well-known story of his visit to the cynic philosopher
Diogenes, when, after his first successes, at the age of only
twenty-one, he bore with complacency the affected pride and
rudeness of that singular man, is warranted by Arrian ; who
has added an occurrence of similar character in
India, when he already commanded the Persian
empire. A brahmin, whom he sent for, not only refusing
sternly to stir at his command, but adding reproaches, he took
all patiently, and would allow no violence toward the man.
The liberality of his intercourse, at all times, with all Greeks,
whether of his kingdom or of the republics, is marked by all
writers ; and not least by Arrian, in occasionally reporting
table conversation. To maintain his popularity with his
own nation was perhaps even more important after than
before his conquests ; for he could hold these in no security,
without the support of Grecian hearts, directing Grecian
hands.

But he had now another pressing interest, in a manner at
war with this. It was to gain the attachment and secure
the respect of those who had been accustomed to see their
sovereign only surrounded with the utmost pomp, secluded

350 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

almost as a divinity, commanding every thing by his nod,
familiar with nobody; while the subjects of the higher
classes, each as far as his station would admit, imitated this
pomp of despotism. It had not been indeed altogether a
successful policy. In the course of this history we have
observed rebellions against the sovereign frequent ; in some
instances long lasting; in some threateningly extensive;
assassinations of members of the royal family numerous ;
the demise of the crown always attended with trouble, and
rarely free from bloodshed : in the quietest times for the
throne, wars of governors of provinces with one another,
each professing to act in the cause of the throne, continual ;
and thus, after the first Darius, security for the subject
appears to have been rarely found throughout the empire,
unless under the able administration of Mentor in the west,
and Bagoas in the east, in the latter years of the energetic
reign of Artaxerxes Ochus.

But Alexander, conquering this empire, and venturing,
even while the contest continued, to commit, not only the
highest civil, but also very high military commands to eminent
men of the conquered, and blending even the armies of the
two people, so established harmony throughout the many
nations, so balanced the conquerors and the conquered,
that on his premature death, leaving the succession singularly
questionable, there was, except among the ever troubled
republics of Greece, for some years, a quiet, not perfect, not
universal, but, for the circumstances, very extraordinary.
The great business of arrangement, indispensable toward
providing such an amount of political tranquillity, in such
circumstances, is so far marked to have been Alexander's
own, as no historian has said who, after Parmenio, was his
adviser. No doubt he consulted many ; and the talents
afterward displayed by several of the persons placed by him
in the highest situations prove the judgment with which he

SECT. II. CIVIL AND MILITARY ARRANGEMENTS. 351

had selected them. These were mostly, but not all, Mace-
donians. Even the person, who held under him the con-
fidential office of secretary, Eumenes, was born a republican ;
and, considering the superior ability shown by that officer,
after the loss of his great patron, it seems at least likely that
he was a .principal and a very valuable assistant.

For the completion of so great a business, however long
contemplated, and in whatever degree prepared at Parsa-
gardse, Susa, and Ecbatana, the leisure of one winter at
Babylon clearly would be little enough; and the narra-
tive of Arrian, and the chronology of Diodorus, though
with no exactness marking the times of transactions, concur
in showing that one winter was passed there. Thus it ap-
pears every way probable that the flood of the first summer
was used for the first voyage down the river to the lake.
For the excavation of the dock at Babylon, the absence
of the flood, and therefore winter, would be requisite. For
building and fortifying and settling the town on the lake, time
would be wanted, and still more for the very extensive
arrangements, civil and military ; which were completed, so
far at least as to produce the very beneficial results already
noticed.

The flood of the second spring is then suffi-
ciently marked as the season of a second voyage
to the lake. Circumstances, on this occasion related by the
historian, show Alexander's personal attention to the busi-
ness of the survey. The water, issuing from the river far
below Babylon, had spread back again, dispossessing the
sand, northward toward the city. In extending the survey
in this direction a part of the fleet became entangled
among shoals. The king, observing or informed of its diffi-
culty, found, among the pilots attending on himself, one
who undertook to know that part, and who, being imme-
diately despatched, conducted the erring vessels into the

352 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

proper channel. But another matter, unimportant in itself,
and perhaps not then much noticed, greatly engaged the
public mind afterward. The plain in this part, while
dry, or but partially floated, had been chosen in pre-
Arr.utant. vious ages for the sepulchres of Assyrian kings ;
Nearch. f or w hich islands appear to have been, among the
Asiatics, and perhaps others, favourite situations. About
those monuments the collected sandy soil favoured the
growth of reeds. Among them Alexander, in his aversion
still to inaction, as formerly when crossing the Hellespont,
was himself steering the vessel which bore him, when the
diadem which he wore was blown from his head by a violent
gust of wind, and lodged on a bed of reeds. Some one from
the vessel swam after it, and to obviate wetting, returned
with it on his own head. Among the occurrences of Alex-
ander's active life this was little likely to be much regarded
at the time. But, being recollected afterward, in other cir-
cumstances, the anecdote became popular, though in very
various report. Some related that the eminent general
Seleucus was the person who swam after the diadem ; thus
rather making their story complete for their purpose of
showing an omen verified, than regarding the real fact. Ac-
cording to more probable accounts, an obscure man was the
adventurer ; doubtful whether fortunate or unfortunate ; for,
according to some, as the careful historian informs us, the
king rewarded him with the present of a talent, according to
others, caused him to be whipped.

Returning however in safety to Babylon, Alexander found
more embassies from Grecian republics arrived, with the
ordinary present of golden crowns. Ancient writers have
noticed the spirit of adulation which had been growing
among the republican Greeks, and which, in following ages,
became extravagant in extreme ; a natural consequence of
extravagant violence in the spirit of faction. When one

SECT. ii. MORE EMBASSIES TO ALEXANDER. 353

party proposes to rule through the favour of a licentious
multitude, its opponents of the weaker party, being in
danger of the cruellest oppression of which history tells,
will not be scrupulous of extravagance in endeavours to
avert or resist it; and so will be ready for any adula-
tion to obtain powerful protection, and any subserviency
to avoid destruction. This observation indeed is at least
as old as Aristotle, who has reckoned demo- ,

cn. *3. s. 1.

cracy and tyranny congenial governments, and
remarked that the Grecian demagogues of his age and
before, failing of their object to attain command, were
commonly ready for any submission. If however there
was anything extraordinary in the compliments from the
republics, by their embassies to Alexander, it was not such
as to attract the notice of historians; though favours
said to have been solicited for some, nominally for their
temples and religious service, appear rather extravagant.
Alexander however gave a polite attention to all ; his interest
indeed requiring the maintenance of peace between them,
and a good disposition toward him among all.

At Babylon he found also large re-enforcement arrived to
supply the numerous recent discharges from his army. From
the eastward his satrap of Persia, Peucestas, had brought
a body of twenty thousand Persians, beside a considerable
force of highlanders, mostly Cossees and Tapoors. The
judicious conduct of Peucestas in his government, and also
the loyalty of the Persians under it, received the king's
particular commendation. It appears indeed probable, from
the combined accounts of Diodorus and Arrian, that the
Persians, reckoning themselves unworthily neglected by the
late Median dynasty, were prepared with a disposition to
be engaged by Alexander's talent for popularity. Recruits
for the infantry were arrived from the westward, under
Philoxenes and Menander, the former from Caria, the other

VOL. X. A A

354? HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

from Lydia, and Menidas had brought a body of cavalry ;
but in what proportion any of these were Greek is not said.
In admitting orientals however into the establishment of the
army of the empire, Alexander avoided to leave them dis-
tinct bodies : he so mixed Greeks, whether Macedonian or
of the republics, among them that the Greek officers, and
of these probably the Macedonian, had the greater share of
command. 11

While thus arranging the business of the army, so as to
suit the circumstances of the acquired empire, the fleet still
appears to have been, for Alexander's indefatigable mind,
with purposes immediately in view, the object of his more
studious care. In frequent exercise on the wide summer
course of the river the rowers vied with one another; those
in vessels of the old construction, the triremes, striving to
equal or excel in swiftness the quadriremes and quinque-
remes, proposed, with more numerous hands, to be capable
of more rapid motion.

SECTION III.

Omens, History of an Indian Brahman. Respect for Prog-
nostics among the Ancients.

OMENS, supposed to portend the death of eminent men,
less found in earlier history, abound in that of Alexander,
and of many following ages ; perhaps recommended to
public attention, and thence to the regard, not only of
writers seeking, for their profit, to engage public curiosity,
but also of statesmen, with political views, not least by
circumstances about this time occurring, and rumours gain-

11 Here again Arrian's work seems to show the want of his revising eye.
He says the oriental soldiers, forming in bodies together with Greeks, re-
tained their national arms. But, on a former occasion, we have his assur-
ance that large bodies of orientals were completely instructed in the discipline
of the phalanx, and armed accordingly. What is here said does not indeed
necessarily imply contradiction : it is obviously possible that bodies of orien-
tals, skilled in the use of the bow, might be advantageously annexed to the
phalanges. But perfect coherency, or at least explanation, seems wanting.

SECT. ill. OMENS. 355

ing popularity and raised to importance through Alexander's
fame. Commonly, where reported by different ancient
writers, they are found differently reported.
Arrian speaks of the admonition of the Chaldee
priests to Alexander, " not to enter Babylon," as founded
on an oracle delivered to them by their god Belus, declaring
that misfortune would follow, but not specifying what.
Diodorus, after some other authority, says that reod , 17
the priests positively foretold his death as to '
follow if he entered Babylon, but that all misfortune might
be avoided if he passed by ; and that they knew this, not
by any communication from their deity, but through their
skill in astrology. With other particulars, unnoticed by
Arrian, he has added what is perfectly probable, that the
Greek philosophers, of Alexander's retinue, held the science
and the prophecy of the Chaldees together in scorn. What
followed seems to have raised both in public esteem ; and
the historian shows largely his own respect for them, and
his opinion of the inferiority of the science of the philo-
sophers of his own nation. It appears to have been in
consequence of what followed that, the public mind being
greatly agitated throughout the empire, not the prophecy
of the Chaldees only, but numerous occurrences, in them-
selves utterly unimportant, engaged public attention deeply.
Recollection, and imagination, and invention, through various
feelings, and with various views, all became busy. Facts
were remembered, and representations of them were made,
and importance was attributed, and interpretations were
insisted on, which otherwise never would have occurred to
thought, or would have been little regarded.

But a matter which had passed at Parsagardae, Arr , 7
while Alexander was yet there, of neither political
nor military concern, yet, as simply related by Arrian, in
itself interesting, becoming afterward implicated in report

A A 2

356 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVlI.

with following events, may perhaps best have its place in
narrative here. Alexander, in the course of his conquests,
appears to have met nowhere so determined an opposition
as in India, from those known, then, as now, by the title of
Bramins or Brahmans. 12 Hence, as we have seen, he was
induced to treat those singular men, on some occasions,
with great severity. Nevertheless the peculiarities, and,
among these, the merits, of their doctrine and of their
manners, excited his curiosity, and even engaged his esteem ;
so far at least that he did not refuse friendship with those
among them who would cultivate friendship with him. One
eminent man of their caste, Calanus, as the Greeks wrote
his name, acquiring his favour, was enough gratified with it
to be induced to attach himself to his court, and even to
attend him in the march, threatening in outset, and danger-
ous and painful in experience, through the Gadrosian desert.
Athen. 1.10. Some writers, amid the profligacy of aftertimes,
imputed to this man, and even generally to the
brahmans, a propensity, in most decided opposition to their
avowed principles, to indulge in the sensual pleasures which
Alexander's court might afford, and especially to drinking.
Whether there were or not, among them, men of such a
disposition, nothing seems to warrant the imputation against
Calanus. Sensual pleasures were surely not expected in
the Gadrosian desert. To study nature was among their
objects on principle ; and extension of that study, in observ-
ation beyond Indian bounds, might be among his motives.
But, if he had any less worthy, what followed appears to
show it to have been the pride of exhibiting, among stran-
gers, the ordinary fortitude of his brotherhood ; first in
bearing great hardships, clearly expected in the march, and

12 Bramin seems French orthography, ill adopted by our writers, as suiting
no language but the French. The Greek orthography, E^et^/^a.ti, perhaps re-
presented the Indian word, both of Alexander's and of the present day, as
nearly as could be with Greek letters.

SECT. in. ACCOUNT OF AN INDIAN BRAHMAN. 357

then in a contempt of life, when the prospect of opportunity
for sensual gratification became open.

It is not said that he did not bear the evils of that
desperate undertaking, the march through Gadrosia, with
unreproved constancy. But, arrived at Parsagardae, when
ease and pleasure were, in ordinary course, within hope of
all, being seized with severe illness, no unlikely result for
one habituated to a life of the greatest abstinence indeed,
but of the most perfect quiet, he became it is said impatient
of life. According to the brahman doctrine,
death is but a parting of the immortal soul from
an unworthy associate, the mortal body, which every one
might choose for himself, regardless of farther duties among
men. Of his faith in this doctrine, and of his contempt
for whatever enjoyments might be reserved for him in this
world, Calanus resolved to show an example ; ordinary in
his own country, but which, where he now was, would be
striking and memorable. Accordingly he made known to
Alexander his desire to die by fire on a funeral pile, pur-
suant to the practice of his sect. The prince kindly
remonstrated, and at first refused permission. But Calanus
persevering, against all solicitation and argument, in declar-
ing that he would use his right of choosing death for himself,
and, if denied the more honourable mode, warranted by the
practice of his caste, still he would die, Alexander at length
reluctantly yielded.

Avoiding to be present at the mournful exhibition, he
would otherwise do his wilful parting friend the utmost
honour. The whole army was ordered out, under the
command of the historian, Ptolemy son of Lagus. Calanus,
so weak from sickness as to be unable, if not rather un-
willing, to walk, was provided with a horse. A company
preceded him, carrying offerings of vessels of gold and
silver and royal robes. He was crowned in the Indian

A A 3

358 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. Lvh.

manner, and sang as he went. At the foot of the pile he
was taken on a couch, perhaps a palankeen, and carried by
men to the top. The decent gracefulness and apparent com-
posure with which he placed himself there were remarked
by the beholders. While the flames approached him he
remained, to the admiration of all, motionless, till, with the
smoke, they hid him from sight.

" Such," says Arrian, " is the account given
by writers worthy of credit," and it seems to
have been all that he found given by writers whom he so
esteemed. But an addition gained popularity, which he has
noticed on a following occasion. " This is re-
ported," he says, " of the Indian philosopher
Calanus. On leaving the palace to proceed to the funeral
pile, having saluted the rest of his friends, he avoided that
ceremony to Alexander, saying he would salute him at
Babylon." Such a story could hardly fail of Plutarch's
favour, who has given it, without naming authority, as an
authentic prophecy of Alexander's death. But he might
have named, what may deserve notice, the authority of
Cicero. That extraordinary man, who, in the stormy time
in which he lived, deeply engaged in political and civil
business, could yet give much attention to philosophical
subjects, has left, it is well known, a treatise in support of
belief in prognostics, as prophetical intimations, (whether
from one god, or from some of the various deities of the
Greek and Roman creed,) and in the ability of men, versed
in divination, to interpret them. In that treatise he has
not scrupled to state, as an instance of true prophecy, that
the Indian philosopher Calanus foretold the death of Alex-
ander as to follow, within a few days, that to which he was
going immediately to put himself. Here we have a strong
instance, how much at hazard, in failure of the modern con-
venience of printed books and indexes, the most informed

SECT. III. RESPECT FOR PROGNOSTICS. 359

men among the ancients would refer to historical matter,
when history was not their principal object. The prophecy
of Calanus, disregarded (for so Arrian says) at the time,
seems, most probably, to have been unheard of till after
Alexander's death.

It may appear indeed, in modern times, extraordinary,
that such and so many prognostics, as here load Arrian's
narrative, should have been thought worthy of it by one of
his eminence in civil and military office, and of the under-
standing shown in his extant writings. But, as they remain
noticed not by him only, but by other eminent men, they so
mark the character of three ages, the most enlightened of
antiquity, those of Alexander, of Cicero, and of Arrian him-
self, that still some farther notice of them may be required
of the modern historian. The authority of Aristobulus,
cited by Arrian for three which he has related, indicates
the importance attributed to them in Alexander's own
age. One of these, involving other men in eminent situ-
ations, may most deserve attention, and may suffice for
example.

When Alexander left Babylon for the eastward, com-
mitting the important satrapy of the province to the
Persian Mazaeus, he appointed a republican Greek, Apollo-
dorus of Amphipolis, one of his band of companions, to
the chief military command. When assurance was obtained
that, in returning from India, he was proceeding to Ecbatana,
Apollodorus, whether according to order, or to obviate im-
putations against him, repaired thither. Informed of the
king's severe justice, already exercised toward oppressors, in
alarm, he wrote to his brother, Pithagoras, an eminent seer,
of that branch which pretended to know the future from
observation of the intestines of victims killed for sacrifice,
desiring prophetical information concerning his own future
safety. Pithagoras, in answer, inquired from whom particularly
A A 4?

360 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

fearing danger he desired a prophecy on the subject. Apol-
lodorus wrote him, that he feared the king himself, and
Hephaestion. Pithagoras then sacrificed first concerning
Hephaestion ; and, finding the victim's liver defective, wrote
to his brother that there could be no danger from Hephaes-
tion, for he would be very shortly out of the way ; and
Aristobulus related that Hephaestion died the next day after
the letter's arrival. Pithagoras then sacrificed concerning
Alexander, and found the victim's liver again faulty. Of
this Apollodorus informed the king, hoping so to obtain the
credit of solicitude for his welfare ; and so far he succeeded,
that he lost no favour. According to Aristobulus, Alex-
ander was enough impressed by the story to be induced to
communicate with Pithagoras upon it, when he arrived
at Babylon. The seer assured him boldly that the failure
in the victim's liver portended him great misfortune; and
Alexander was so satisfied with what he esteemed the
honesty of the declaration, that Pithagoras was thenceforth
in more than former favour with him. Aristobulus, who
related all this, in his history, as having had it from Pitha-
goras himself, added other instances of the skill of that seer
in divination, shown afterward, as he said, in foretelling the
fate of other eminent men.

Considering the eminence of both Aristobulus and Arrian,
we have here indeed very remarkable evidence to the es-
timation of that called the science of divination, in the most
flourishing ages of Grecian and Roman philosophy. But in
the report, from Aristobulus, of Alexander's communication
with Apollodorus and Pithagoras, this moreover will deserve
notice. We have there the testimony of those in the habit
of conversation with Alexander, published when there could
be no purpose of flattery, to the temper with which he
received such communications. And this will deserve to be
borne in mind by any whom curiosity may lead to the

SECT. III. RESPECT FOR PROGNOSTICS. 361

stories told by ancient writers, some even by Arrian, ot
which two are from Aristobulus, imputing to him unworthy
alarm and base resentment.

But, in estimating these tales of prognostics, so solemnly
and authoritatively told, still some other matters may de-
serve the modern reader's consideration. Both in the Roman
republic, and afterward under the empire, the various offices
of the priesthood, even the highest, were held by men
holding at the same time, not only the highest civil, but also
the highest military situations, and were no mean political
engine in their hands. Arrian, with both civil and military
office, is said to have held a priesthood of considerable
power and emolument. Thus he would not only have a
personal interest in the subject which Cicero, before him,
had recommended to public respect, but would have a duty
toward his office, while he held it, to consider. But, before
Arrian's time, that had occurred, whence had arisen a con-
flict, both of opinions and of interests, which could in no
degree be in Cicero's contemplation. Already the credit of
the Christian religion was so advancing (to this purpose the
testimony of Arrian's contemporary, Pliny, is decisive) as
to have become alarming to those, from opinion or from
interest, attached to the heathen rites : and thus, in emula-
tion of those prophecies by which the Christian faith was
promoted, a desire and an interest to maintain and promote
the credit of heathen prognostics was excited.

Fortunately for the short but interesting portion of
Alexander's history to follow, extraordinary authority has
been preserved ; neither confirming nor confuting the
various accounts of facts, reported as prognostics, but
affording ground for estimating the value of tales trans-
mitted of any effect from them on that extraordinary man's
mind.

362 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

SECTION IV.

Sacrificial Feast for the Armament. Alexander's Illness and
Death.

EXTREME in bearing fatigue when business required bodily
exertion, careless of bodily exercise when the mind could
be employed ; extreme also occasionally in watching and
fasting, and occasionally indulging his power of sensual
enjoyment ; regardless always equally of the winter atmo-
sphere of snowy mountains and of the summer heat of plains
under a tropical sun ; such was the excellence of Alex-
ander's constitution that, except what he had brought upon
himself, at Tarsus in Cilicia, by bathing, when violently
heated, in a river singularly chilling, it does not appear that
he had ever suffered sickness. The transition from the
summer heat of Gadrosia and Persia to the keen winter air
of the Cossee mountains, and thence again to assiduous
employment among the marshes of the Babylonian plain,
under a burning sun by day and among rank vapours by
night, would put the strongest constitution to severe trial.
This however he had borne, apparently uninjured ; and,
after a following winter, had hazarded, in the returned heat
of summer, again to employ himself assiduously, careless,
it appears, of weather, in an open boat among the marshes.
Arrian marks it to have been shortlv after his

Arr. 1. 7.

piuf.'vu.' second return to Babylon, from this variously
hazardous business, that, preparation for his long-
projected expedition to the southward being completed, he
resolved to proceed upon it ; trusting that, with arrange-
ments made, he might commit the administration at home
to those whom he had appointed to the several departments
and provinces, while he should be absent for uncertain time
in uncertain distance. In his usual way then of cultivating

SECT. IV. A SACRIFICIAL FEAST. 363

popularity among all ranks in his service, previously to
departure he gave a magnificent sacrifice, affording a feast
for the combined fleet and army, in which he shared at a
table provided for himself and his more select companions.

After the death of Hephaestion, the person with whom
he most communicated as a confidential friend and grateful
companion was Medius of Larissa, in Thessaly; probably
of that race of Thessalian nobles who claimed

Arr. K7.

kindred with the Macedonian royal family, as of c'h 2 *^'. 2.
the blood of Hercules, and to whom the reigning
branch was largely indebted for the possession of the throne.
According to report, which Plutarch has followed, and
which Arrian appears to have reckoned trustworthy, Alex-
ander was retiring from his magnificent sacrificial entertain-
ment with the purpose of going to rest, when Medius
requested him to join a company at supper.

Mid-day being in the hot climates, for those of easy cir-
cumstances, the season of repose, when, with the light of
the sun, the heated air also, for domestic comfort, even in
the south of Europe, is commonly excluded from all apart-
ments, night is the season rationally chosen for social enjoy-
ment; and sitting late, in itself, no indication of debauch.
Night of course was the preferable season for that convers-
ation in which, as on the best authority we are assured,
Alexander delighted, and in opportunities of leisure indulged ;
sometimes it appears drinking to excess, but, according to
far the most trustworthy testimony, that of Aristobulus,
reported by Arrian, and confirmed by every account of what
was accomplished by Alexander, generally without excess,
and rather abstemiously.

The interesting sequel is given by both Arrian and Plu-
tarch, from the royal daybook formerly mentioned ; said to
have been compiled under the direction of that very eminent
man, Eumenes, the king's principal secretary. Their reports

364} HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

differ; but so only that Plutarch, confirming much, invali-
dates nothing of what is stated by the other far more careful
writer. 3

According to both accounts, Alexander, after the feast
given to the whole army, joined a select company at supper
with Medius. Bathing before the meal, we find, was common
among the Greeks in Homer's tune. In the hot climate of
Babylonia it appears to have been the common practice on
rising and going to rest. Alexander, according to Arrian's
report from the daybook, bathed on rising from supper, and
then retired, already, according to Plutarch, who apparently
has meant to speak of the same day, feeling fever. The
next day was passed in conversing, drinking, and playing at
dice with Medius, nobody being admitted on business ; a
course utterly adverse to what the sequel decisively marks
to have then strongly engaged Alexander's mind. Thus it
appears highly probable that, as Plutarch's account indicates,
a disabling illness was already felt ; yet such only as to leave
the hope ready that, with one day's quiet, power for the
usual exertion of mind and body might return. Late at

13 These reports are noticed by Vincent, in his commentary on Nearchus,
p. 524., thus: " The extract preserved both by Plutarch and Arrian does not
materially differ in the accounts of the two reporters, except that Arrian has
preserved more notices of the fleet." Sainte Croix describes the same ex-
tracts somewhat differently : " Un fragment, conserve par Arrien, extrait avec
peu de fidelite par Plutarque." Exam, des Hist. d'Alex. p. 157. It seems
evident to me that neither writer has proposed a rigidly exact copy, but that
each has extracted what he reckoned for his purpose, using often the original
words, (as Plutarch has professed for himself to have done,) but abridging and
connecting with their own phrases as they saw convenient. The publication,
entitled the royal daily transactions, or daybook, being a dry register of facts,
and not a work proposed for general amusement, is unlikely, as it has been
formerly observed in the text, to have been in many ancient libraries. The
two extracts from it, transmitted by two ancient writers of the eminence of
Plutarch and Arrian, however differing, together furnish authority more than
commonly satisfactory for such matter in ancient history. They are indeed
documents altogether so singular among the relics of antiquity, and of so
interesting a kind, that I have been induced to offer translations of them
side by side at the end of this chapter, to enable the curious reader the more
readily to form his own judgment of the use here made of them.

365

night he bathed, ate a little, and, the fever then running
high, retired to rest in Medius's house. Most extravagant
stories were, perhaps not till long after, circulated of his
drinking on this occasion ; some refuted by their very extra-
vagance, all made doubtful by their varieties, and all virtually
contradicted by the daybook. 14

An eminent modern physician has reckoned, from the
circumstances most authoritatively reported, that the disorder
was what, in modern medical phrase, is termed an irregular
semitertian fever ; precisely the kind of disorder which, not
excessive drinking, but incautious and unlimited exposure to
alternate heat, cold, and damp, with great exertion of the
body, and intense application of the mind, also in alternacy,
would be likely to produce.

On the third morning, impatient of idleness, though so
oppressed by illness as to be unable to rise, the king was
carried on a couch to the sacrifice, which the law prescribed
for every day. This, a thanksgiving to the gods for the
meal, seems to have been little if anything other than a more
ceremonious manner of what was practised by our fathers,
and perhaps ill neglected among ourselves, in our phrase,
saying grace. Lying then on his couch, he received his
principal officers, and gave orders for the proposed expedi-
tion; so trusting yet that his indisposition would be transi-
tory that he named the fourth day forward for the army to
move, and for the fleet, in which he proposed himself to
embark, the fifth. Both accounts indicate a remission of
the disorder on this day. After despatching business, he

14 I hardly know whether fitter refutation of those extravagances could be
than is virtually involved in the hyperbole of our dithyrambic poet, who may
indeed seem to have proposed exposition of their absurdity, rather summing
up than exceeding them, in saying :

" Alexander hated thinking,

Drank about at council-board,
And subdued the world by drinking
More than by his conquering sword."

366 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

could attend to the amusement of hearing Nearchus, and
others who had made the voyage with him, relate the cir-
cumstances of the Indian ocean and its shores. In the
evening, probably for fresher air than that of the palace in
the city, carried still on a couch, or in a palankeen, he
crossed the river to a paradise, a pleasure-ground appendant
to a smaller palace, where, having bathed as usual, he rested
for the night.

On the fourth day, whether feeling fatigue from the for-
mer day's exertion, or compelled by increased fever, or re-
fraining with the hope of acquiring better power from quiet,
he admitted only Medius to his conversation. The principal
officers were directed to attend next morning. In the even-
ing he ate a little, but throughout the following night the
fever was high.

On the morning of the fifth day there seems to have been
such a remission as to encourage him, who scarcely ever
before had known illness, to hope that his disorder was
wearing off; for after having bathed, and attended the
usual ceremony of sacrifice, he gave orders to the principal
officers for the armament to move on the third following day.

On the sixth day, after bathing, and the never-failing
ceremony of sacrifice, the fever became again high. Never-
theless he would see the principal officers, and gave farther
orders for the expedition ; but in the evening his disorder
was evidently increased.

On the seventh day, perhaps again for cooler air, he was
carried to a building described as that where was the great
swimming bath. There the ceremony of morning sacrifice
was performed in his presence : and, though very ill, he yet
would see the principal officers, and gave some orders con-
cerning the expedition.

On the eighth day, though so reduced that with difficulty
he attended the sacred ceremony, he would nevertheless

SECT. iv. ALEXANDER'S ILLNESS. 367

see the principal officers, and gave some orders, showing
himself still intent on the expedition.

On the ninth day, in extreme illness, he would yet attend
the accustomed ceremony of sacrifice. Thus, and indeed
throughout the extracts from the daybook, is marked what
Arrian has attributed to Alexander, his careful attention
to the ceremonies of religion prescribed by the customs
of his forefathers, in which he concurred with almost every
eminent man known by ancient history; but in no part
of them is found any warrant for the unmanly and disgrace-
ful superstitions attributed to him by Plutarch, not then
writing from the daybook, which are contradicted by the
whole tenor of his previous conduct, as reported, in con-
currence with all other historians, by Plutarch himself. 15
His mind remained intent upon the expedition. The officers
were ready, as usual ; and, though he was in no condition
to receive them, all were directed to wait ; the generals
within the great hall, the chiliarchs and pentacosiarchs
without. In the course of the day it appears to have
become evident that he was near extremity, and, in those
circumstances, it was thought proper that he should be
carried back from the paradise to the palace. There the
principal officers had access to him ; but, though he showed
that he knew them, he was unable to speak.

During that night, and throughout the next day, the
fever continued violent. Great uneasiness pervaded all the
lower ranks of the army. Who was to command, and what
was to become of them, in the event of the king's death,
none could tell. Suspicion ran that he was already dead,

15 Plutarch's excuse for himself, stated in the beginning of his Life of Alex-
ander, has perhaps escaped the observation of some, and rarely obtained due
consideration from others, who have quoted his authority for historical mat-
ters. " Writing," as he says, " not histories but lives," though he has not
directly claimed, yet he seems often to have reckoned upon, the poet's pri-
vilege of knowing what only the Muse could tell.

368 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

and that the principal officers, with views of their own,
concealed the catastrophe. Consistently then with what
the Macedonians, even on military service, esteemed their
right, they would have assurance on the highly interesting
subject, and nothing under ocular evidence would satisfy
them. Their importunity at length proceeding to threats
of violence, should their just desire be longer denied, it was
deemed expedient, or even necessary, to admit a number
without arms, in civil dress, to pass regularly, in single file,
through the chamber where the king lay. He showed
himself yet sensible, raising his head a little, holding out
his hand, and marking intelligence by his eyes, but remain-
ing speechless.

In the severe disorder which he had brought on himself
by bathing at Tarsus, he was attended by a physician ; his
confidence in whom has become matter of celebrity. He-
phaestion also, in the illness which ended his life, we have
seen, was attended by a physician. Hence it appears the
more extraordinary that, among so many particularities of
Alexander's last illness, in no account is an attending
physician mentioned. Yet an omission of what the ordinary
practice of the age in common decency would have required,
had it been real, hardly would have escaped the notice of
all extant authors. Probably it may have been, in failure
of remaining hope from medical skill, to pacify the army,
and protect physicians, together with all other attendants,
against vulgar resentment, that a measure was resorted to
altogether of extraordinary aspect, though perhaps not with-
out some near parallels among modern nations. Seven
men, in the highest military offices, Python, Attalus, De-
mophoon, Peucestas, Cleomenes, Menidas, and Seleucus,
passed a night in the temple of Serapis, to solicit relief for
their suffering sovereign, and especially to seek information
whether it might be advantageous for him to be lodged in

SECT. IV. DEATH OF ALEXANDER.

the temple, and there himself solicit succour from the god.
The existence of a temple of the Egyptian god in the
metropolis of the Chaldee religion seeps to mark its origin
from Alexander's great purpose of bringing his subjects of
all religions to frjendly union. The preference of it for
the solemn occasion, so interesting to all of Grecian race
appears rather extraordinary. Possibly however among
the Greeks, whose lively fancy was commonly ready to
adopt additions to their religious faith, some partiality for
this new deity may have prevailed, or, possibly, the men
in power may have reckoned upon it as the most manage-
able of auguries within, ready reach, or under direction of
priests, the most friendly to them. The eminent persons
appointed to consult it however reported, that a voice,
issuing from the divinity, declared that it would be better
for the king not to be brought to the temple, but to remain
where he was. Shortly after, on the eleventh day of his
illness, Alexander expired, " as if," Arrian has added, " that
were best for him."

" Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad;
and in the archonship of Hegesias at Athens. He lived,
as Aristobulus says, thirty-two years and eight months,
and reigned twelve years and eight months." Thus im-
perfectly Arrian has indicated the time of an event the
most extensively and deeply interesting to the civilised
world of perhaps a.ny recorded in, profane history ; ancient
chronology apparently failing to furnish means for more
exactness. By this account however, compared with that
of Diodorus, it. appears marked not altogether unsatis.-.
factorily, the ordinary deficiency of ancient chronology con-
sidered, that the catastrophe occurred about Mid- B c ^
summer of the three hundred and twenty-third
year before Christ. 16

16 A note on this subject will be found in the Acpendix.
VOL. X. B B

370 HISTORY OF GREECE. CHAP. LVII.

Arrian, whose disposition to careful examination, and
whose desire of impartial judgment, will be most striking to
those most versed among the ancient historians, has concluded
his narrative of the actions by declaring his opinion of the
character of that extraordinary man thus : " Alexander was
in body most graceful, most active, most indefatigable ; in
mind most manly, most ambitious of glory, most indifferent
to danger, most diligent in devotion to the deity. In sensual
pleasures he was most temperate ; of praise for the gifts of
the mind only insatiable : singular in readiness to see the
best to be done in the most critical emergencies, and, from
what was evident, to conjecture concerning what remained
obscure : in all the business of arraying, providing, and
ruling an army most able in encouraging the soldiery, filling
them with hope, and, by demonstration of his own fear-
lessness, dispelling the fears of others, excellent ; in doubt-
ful enterprise most daring ; in anticipating even the enemy's
suspicion of his purposes most skilful ; in his own engage-
ments most faithful ; in avoiding to be deceived by others
most acute; of expense upon his own pleasures most spar-
ing ; in bestowing upon others perhaps profuse.

" If then, through vehemence of temper, and in highly
provoked anger, he became criminal, or if, through inflated
pride, he gave too much into barbarian fashions, I think
candour will find large extenuation for him ; his youth, and
his uninterrupted course of the most extraordinary great for-
tune, being considered, together with the flattery with which
kings, to their great injury, are constantly beset. On the
other hand, the severity of his repentance for his faults I
reckon his great, and, among what is recorded of kings, his
singular merit. Even his claim to divine origin I cannot
'esteem a blameable extravagance ; his object having been to
gfcin that veneration from those he had conquered which
might contribute to the stability of his new empire ; and the

IECT. IV. CHARACTER OF ALEXANDER. 371

example of Minos, JEacus, Rhadamanthus, Theseus, and
Ion, men acknowledged by the Greeks to have been sons of
gods, being familiar to him and all about him. His assump-
tion of the Persian habit, while living among the Persians,
avoiding thus to appear a stranger in the country over which
he reigned, I consider as a just policy. His long setting at
table, Aristobulus assures us, was not for the sake of wine,
for he commonly drank little, but for conversation, and to
discover who might deserve his esteem, and with such to
cultivate friendship.

" Let, then, whoever would vilify Alexander, not select,
from the actions of a man, fallible as of mankind, only what
may be blameworthy ; but, putting together all his deeds,
consider how comparatively insignificant, in whatever situ-
ation of high fortune placed, he himself has been, engaged
through life in comparatively little matters, and not even in
those doing always well. My opinion therefore I will pro-
fess, that not without especial purpose of the Deity such a
man was given to the world, to whom none has ever yet
been equal."

B B 2

372
APPENDIX

TO THE FIFTY-SEVENTH CHAPTER.

Passage in Plutarch's Life of
Alexander, leading to the ex-
tract from the royal daybook.

After the magnificent feast
given to Nearchus and those ap-
pointed with him for the expe-
dition, Alexander was retiring
to rest, but at the solicitation
of Medius, joined a company at
supper, and drinking there all
the next day, he began to have

Passage in Arriari's History of
Alexander [1. 7. c. 24.], lead-
ing to the extract from the
royal daybook.

SOME have written of Alexan-
der, that, retiring from the feast
given to the army and fleet, his
purpose was to go to rest ; but
Medius, then his most favourite
friend, solicited his company to
supper; urging that he would
find a pleasant company. l

.u.tAxtrea *& o'i' y^via-dcti yct. civ fdlv r6v KU/MV. Tllv-tv va
xta!jux.irix,vT<x,. Desirous as I have always been to avoid verbal criticism,
yet the choice of modern historians and translators, and commentators, very
generally to infer from these phrases something very disgraceful to Alexander,
makes me reckon it right to observe that I apprehend the words xufAos and
xtou/itc,! do not always, among the Greek writers, imply any thing disgraceful,
or even at all indecorous. So much the lexicographer's quotation from Eu-
ripides, I think, sufficiently proves, To* xatX^ivixev /U.ITO. $-iv \XU[AO,O-IY. Here.
Fur. 177. And I am not aware of any reason for supposing the historian t
have proposed those words in a sense at all differing from that, clearly no way
dishonourable, intended by the poet- Nevertheless, whether those, or almo.st
any other words, may, in common acceptation, have acquired shades of dif-
ference in Alexander's age, and whether others in Arrian's, and whether,
throughout the divided portions of the Greek people, they were precisely of
the same import in any age, I will leave for more diligent investigators of
such matters to say. Yet I cannot pass unnoticed the learned commentator
Gronovius's remark on this passage : " Nee commentarii regii," he says,
" debueruut omittere quod annotarunt alii, nempe xuwe-ctvT<z, Hoc enira
fuit alterum lutum in quo hsesit Alexander, praeter TO viviiv."

A Dutch doctor of the eighteenth century, in a university near the mouth
of the Rhine, thus undertakes to say what Alexander's secretary ought to
have reported Alexander to have done more than two thousand years before,
in private company at Babylon. And on this occasion his inadvertency has

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVIT.

373

ArriarCs extract from the day- Plutarch's extract from the day-
book, book.

The daybook also says as fol- a fever. Not that he emptied
lows : the cup of Hercules at a draught,

nor that he was suddenly seized
with a pain in the loins as if
struck with a spear, as some
have thought expedient to re-
port, supposing something su-
perlatively tragic and pathetic
necessary for the conclusion of
a great drama. Aristobulus in-
deed relates that, being light-
headed and suffering greatly
from thirst, he drank wine, and
so promoted the delirium, in
which he died on the thirtieth
day of the month Daesius. But
in the daybook it is written of
the illness thus :
First day: 2
On the eighteenth day of the

First day:
That he drank in festive com-

pany with Medius, on rising month Dsesius he slept in the

nearly equalled his malice and his arrogance ; for, if he had taken the trouble
to look into Plutarch's Life of Alexander, he would have found there the
daybook quoted for that very matter which he has so arrogantly blamed
the daybook for omitting, nempe xvSiua-vT. Why Arrian has mentioned, as
from the daybook, the Wvwv, omitting the xuStua-etnTtt, and Plutarch has no-
ticed the latter, omitting to claim the authority of the daybook for what he had
previously said of the former, are questions I apprehend to be but on doubtful
conjecture answered. The graver question perhaps would be, why, in such
a register as the daybook seems to have been, either was noticed. The sim-
plicity of what follows in both the extracts from that register may however
warrant the compiler against the imputation of any malignant purpose. The
probability then may seem, that the king being disabled by illness, so that no
one was admitted to him on business, these trifling matters alone occurred,
and, if really in the daybook, were, for their novelty, and to account for the
failure of more, entered there.

2 Arrian, in his extract from the daybook, has marked time only by the
daily transactions. Plutarch has named the month and the days of the month,
passing however unnoticed two days of the illness, the twenty-third and the
BBS

374- APPENDIX TO

Passage in Arrian's History of Passage in Plutarch's Life of
Alexander. Alexander.

bathed, and then went to rest, bathing-hall, because he had a
and fever.

Second day : Second day :

next day ate again with Me- On the nineteenth, after bath-
dius, and again sat drinking till ing, he returned to the bed-
late at night, then bathed, after room-apartment, and, during the
which he ate a little, and slept day, played at dice with Me-
there, because he had already a dius. Late in the evening he
fever. bathed; then, from the supper,

he made the accustomed offer-
ing to the gods, and ate 3, but
had fever through the night.

twenty-eighth of the month. Plutarch mentions fever in the first day's re-
port ; Arrian not till the second. Whether both meant to begin with the
same day therefore may be questioned.

Of the various calendars of the Grecian states the Attic is that of which
most, and yet very imperfect, information remains. The very learned and
diligent Vincent, after laborious comparison of different opinions of former
learned and diligent inquirers, has been utterly unable to satisfy himself with
what Attic month the Macedonian Daesius corresponded, or most nearly cor-
responded. Considering then the varieties and perplexities of the Grecian
calendars, it may be no severe imputation upon Plutarch to suppose that
even he was unable to state the day of either an Attic or a Boeotian month
corresponding with the eighteenth of the Macedonian Daesius, and therefore
gave only the Macedonian name. The circumstances of Alexander's history
seem to afford the best ground remaining for conjecture of its place in the
modern European calendar, but no farther than as it is indicated to have been
near midsummer. [See a note from Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenic! at the end
of this Appendix.]

3 To, heat, rot; Sto"; |jn0/f, 1/Mfee.y^iv, dia, VUXTOS ry=|=v. Plut. vit. Alex.
The pretended translation of this passage, under the names of Cruserius and
Xylander, runs thus : " Sacris operatus, cibum sumsit avidius. Hinc nocte
febre tentatus est."

Vincent, in his commentary on Nearchus (p. 526. n. 80.), has noticed the
falsehood of this translation, but with mind apparently divided between a just
care for the assailed character of Alexander, and respect, far more than due,
for the learned assailants ; who, by the insertion of the utterly unauthorised
words avidiusand /line, have been guilty of nothing less than a most impudent
and malicious forgery. Though occasion has occurred to notice emulation of
such democratic virtue in the translator of Arrian, and also in the learned and
acute commentator, yet I think neither has anywhere equalled this instance of
it in the learned translators of Plutarch.

CHAPTER LVII.

375

Arrian's extract from the day-
book.

Third day .

Next morning, being carried
on a couch to the sacrifice,
he performed the ceremony re-
quired by the law for every day ;
and the sacrifice being offered 4 ,
he continued lying in the great
hall till evening. During the
day he gave orders to the com-
manders for the march of the
army and the outset of the fleet,
appointing the fourth day for-
ward for the former, and the
fifth for the latter, in which
he proposed himself to embark.
He was then carried on a couch
to the river, which he crossed
in a boat to a paradise, where
again he bathed and rested the
night.

Fourth day :

r On the following day he
bathed and sacrificed, as the law

Plutarch's extract from the day-
looL

Third day :

On the twentieth, having
bathed, he again performed the
customary duties of the sacri-.
fice, and passed the day lying in
the bathing-hall ; amusing him-
self with hearing Nearchus, and
those who made the voyage with
him, relate the circumstances of
the ocean and its shores.

Fourth day :
Passing the twenty-first in
the same manner, the fever in-

t Si l-rt x\ivr,s frgo; TO. ilex,, &vffu.i u? vb[j.oc 1$' Ixa.ff
x. r. X. For explanation of this, which both translator and commentator
have avoided, we look in vain even to the learned Archbishop Potter, in his
large collection on the religion of Greece. Xenophon however has afforded
some light, especially in the sixth book of his narrative of the expedition of
Cyrus, noticed in the fifth section of the twenty-third chapter of this history.
In comparing what is there found with what is here mentioned by Arrian, it
seems clear that the sacrifice was a ceremony of thanksgiving to the deity for
the meal ; analogous to that religious and moral ceremony of our foretathers
(now, perhaps as little to the advantage of morality as religion, grown rather
unfashionable) which we call Saying Grace, and differing only by some little
additional formalities. These appear hardly to have differed from what are
repeatedly described by Homer, especially in the beginning of the third book
of the Odyssey ; but I know not that they are mentioned as of daily practice
at ordinary meals anywhere but in extracts from the royal daybook.
BB 4

376

APPENDIX TO

Arrian's extract from the day- Plutarch's extract from the day-
book, book.

required, and then going to the
bedchamber-apartment 9 he lay
there conversing with Medius.
The gene'rals were ordered to
attend next morning. In the
evening he took a light supper,
and, being carried to his bed-
chamber 5 , had fever through
the night.

Fifth day:

On the morrow again, having
bathed and sacrificed, (break-
fasted,) he admitted Nearchus
and other principal officers to
audience, and gave orders for
the expedition, naming the third
day after for moving.

Sixth day :

Next day, after bathing, he
performed again the prescribed
ceremony of sacrifice; and the
meal, thus sanctified, being set,
though there was no intermis-
sion of the disorder, he would
see the generals, and gave or-
ders for the expedition, requir-
ing all to : be ready. In the
evening he bathed again, and
was afterward extremely ilk

creased, and he had a very bad
night.

Fifth day . *

On the twenty-second, the
fever being violent, he was car-
ried to the great swimming-bath,
and lying by it he conversed
-with the generals about persons
fit to be appointed to some va-
cant commands.

Sixth day :
Account omitted.

5 EV Ty,v x.a.fJtM.G/x.v llff&Qovrot. K.O[Mf6lvret Si v6i; tig TY,V XXUM^KV. It
seems by these differing expressions implied, that in a remission of the dis-
order he could walk from the sacrificial breakfast to his chamber in the
morning, but that, its violence returning, it oecame necessary or expedient
that he should be carrieu from the evening meai.

CHAPTER LVII.

377

Arrian's extract from the day- Plutarch's extract from the day-
book, book.

Seventh day :
Next morning he was carried
back to the house where was
the great swimming-bath, (ap-
parently within the paradise,)
and there the customary cere-
mony of sacrifice was performed.
Though very ill, he would see
the principal generals, and gave
some orders about the expedi-
tion.

Eighth day :
On the next day he ill bore
to be carried to the sacrifice,
and go through the ceremony,
and yet would give orders to
the generals about the expedi-
tion.

Ninth day :

On the following day, though
very ill, he nevertheless attend-
ed the sacrifice, but ordered the
generals to wait in the hall,
the chiliarchs and pentacosiarchs
without. The disorder becom-
ing extreme, he was carried
from the paradise to the palace.
There the generals had access
to him ; and he knew them, but
said nothing, being speechless.
That night the fever was vio-
lent, and

Seventh day :
On the twenty-fourth, though
the fever was violent, yet sup-
ported at the ceremony he sa-
crificed. The generals were
directed to wait in the hall, the
chiliarchs and pentacosiarchs to
pass the night without.

Eighth day :
On the twenty-fifth, being
carried back to the palace, he
slept a little ; but there was no
remission of the fever, so that
when the generals came to at-
tend him he was speechless.

Ninth day :

On the twenty-sixth he was
in the same state. The Mace-
donians, supposing him already
dead, clamoured at the gate,
and threatened the royal com-
panions till they were admitted ;
and, in civil dress, without arms,
they passed his bed one by one.

On the same day, Python and
Seleucus, being commissioned to
go to the Serapion, consulted
the god whether he should be
carried thither : but the god
directed that he should remain
where he was.

378 APPENDIX TO CHAPTER LVII.

Arrian's extract from the day- Plutarch's extract from the day-
look, look.

Tenth day : Tenth day :

continued so the next and fol- Account omitted,
lowing night. So it is written
in the daybook. Moreover it
is there said, that the soldiers
were eager for admission : some
anxious once more to see their
king living; others uneasy be-
cause it was rumoured that he
was already dead, and suspicion
went that the lords of the body-
guard desired to conceal the
event ; but, as I conjecture, the
greater part through grief for
the apprehended loss of their
king, and anxiety for his safety.
However their violence was such
that they obtained their pur-
pose. As then they passed him
in just order, though he was
speechless, yet it is said he held
out his hand to them, with dif-
ficulty raising his head a little,
but with his eyes showing in-
telligence still remaining.

Days unascertained :
The royal daybook also says,
that Python, Attalus, Demo-
phoon, Peucestas, Cleomenes,
Menidas, and Seleucus passed
the night in the temple of Se-
rapis, to obtain information from
the god whether it were advan-
tageous and best for Alexander
to be carried to the temple, and
himself solicit his cure from the

EXAMINATION OF DATES. 379

jlrriaris extract from the day- Plutarch's extract from the day-
book, book.

god ; and that a voice came from
the god, forbidding carrying him
to the temple, and declaring that
he would better remain where
he was. So, according to the
daybook, the king's companions

reported ; and, not long after, Eleventh day :

Alexander died ; as if that were On the twenty-eighth *, to-
best for him. Nor do the ac- ward evening, he expired,
counts of either Ptolemy or Ari- These things, mostly word
stobulus considerably differ from for word, are so written in the
this. daybook.

EXAMINATION OF MR. MITFORD'S DATES OF THE
CAMPAIGNS OF ALEXANDER.

[From Mr. Clinton's Fasti Hellenic!, pp. 231, 232.]

OUR faithful guide, Arrian, determines the campaigns of Alex-
ander by marking the dates of the principal events. Mr. Mitford
has too much neglected Arrian in fixing the times of the trans-
actions of Alexander's reign. It will be seen by the Tables,
that Alexander passed into Asia in spring B. c. 334; that four
winters intervened between his arrival in Asia and the death of
Darius ; that this event happened in the fifth campaign of
Alexander in Asia. It will be farther seen, that three winters
intervened between the death of Darius and the defeat of Porus ;

C* " A part of Thargelion coincided with a part of Deesius, as a part of
Hecatomb&on would coincide with a part of Lotis" [the Macedonian month
in which Plutarch states that Alexander was born]. " According to JElian,
Alexander died on the sixth of the month Thargelion. If this account be
true, the Gth of Thargelion, in that year, corresponded with the 28th of Daesius ;
consequently, the 1st of Thargelion fell upon the 23d of Daesius. The ob-
servation of /Elian, that the death of Alexander and his birth happened upon
the same day of the month, namely the sixth, is confirmed by Plutarch. (Alex.
c. 3.) He was born on the sixth of Hecatomb&on ; he died on the sixth of
Thargelion:" May or June. Clinton's Fasti Hellen. p. 230.]

380 EXAMINATION OF DATES.

that two campaigns were consumed in the northern provinces,
and a third in India, in which Porus was encountered. Now,
Mr. Mitford has deranged the times of these transactions. He
supposes Alexander to be " toward twenty-seven a " at the con-
elusion of that campaign in which Bessus was tried and put to
death, during the winter-quarters at Bactra; and " twenty-two"
when he passed into Asia: which nearly describes the actual
interval. Again, he rightly specifies the date of Arrian for the
battle of Arbela b B.C. 331. c And yet he calls the operations
of the following year " Alexander's fourth campaign in Asia." d
He rightly dates the pursuit of Darius B. c. 330. e But the
operations of the next year are called " the fifth campaign in
Asia." f Having marked the date B. c. 330 for the death of
Darius *, he dates the winter-quarters of Alexander at Nautaca,
after the Sogdian war, B. c. 329-328 h , which implies an in-
terval of only one winter between the death of Darius and the
Sogdian war. And yet Mr. Mitford himself, following Arrian,
has marked two winters between the death of Darius and the
quarters at Nautaca : <f Autumn was already advanced." ' And
he arrived at the Oxus " with advancing spring." k This,
then, is the first winter, B. c. 330-29. He notices the J " ad-
vanced summer" during the operations beyond the Oxus; and
afterwards, " winter approaching, he moved for quarters to Za-
riaspa.'"" This was the second winter: B.C. 329-8. Then he
relates the Sogdian war. n After which " winter approached "
again. A third winter, then, after the death of Darius : con-
sequently the winter of B. c. 328-7.

Mr. Mitford had supposed the battle of Issus, and the siege
and capture of Tyre, to have happened in the same summer, and
to have formed parts of the second campaign. P Hence he assigns
a year too little to the succeeding campaigns : the fourth cam-
paign is called the third; the fifth is called the fourth; and so

a Vol. X. p. 72.

l> Except that he supposes the month Hecatombseon to correspond with the
end of May or beginning of June, which is an error of about one month.

c Vol. IX. p. 329. d Vol. X. p. 1. P- 9.

f p. 37. pp. 9. and 42. h P- 79.

i p. 42. k p. 54. 1 P- 66.

m p. 69. n pp. 7579. P- 79.

p See ch. 48. s. 4. His marginal date, at p. 302. Vol. IX., is inconsistent
with his own description, p. 823.

EXAMINATION OF DATES. 381

of the rest. This defect of a year it seems his purpose to supply
by supposing the sieges of the two hill forts and the marriage of
Roxana to have " consumed the summer.'"! So that, after
Chorienes had surrendered, another winter arrived, which was
passed at Bactra, or Zariaspa. r He again mentions these
" winter-quarters at Bactra s " as the period of the death of Clitus,
and the conspiracy of the band of pages; " in the winter-
quarters still of Bactra." 1 And Alexander waited in these winter-
quarters " till the spring was considerably advanced u ," before
he set out for the Indus. Mr. Mitford, therefore, although he
rightly dates the Indian expedition in the spring of B. c. 327,
yet, in the detail, has made it a year later, and has interposed four
winters after the death of Darius, instead of three.

After the passage of the Indus, he supposes, with Diodorus,
another winter, before the battle with Porus. " At Taxila he took
his winter-quarters. " v When Alexander forded the Hydaspes,
" spring was advanced." w Thus he renders x &pa erous, y /nerd
Tpoiras /j.d\iffTa fv Se'pct TpeTrerot 6 fjAtos y : misled, as it should
seem, by the false reading /JLOVVVXIOOVOS. z He has therefore en-
umerated Jive winters between the death of Darius and the
passage of the Hydaspes. These five winters would obviously
bring down the engagement with Porus so low as B. c. 325, a
date at which it is confessed that Alexander had already arrived
in Susiana.

When Alexander took his head-quarters at Zariaspa, after his
marriage with Roxana, he is said to be " now but about
his twenty-sixth year a : " and yet this period is the winter of
B. c. 328-7, according to Mr. Mitford himself. And, according to
Mr. Mitford himself, Alexander passed into Asia at twenty-two,
in the spring of B. c. 334, an interval of near seven years, instead
of five. It is correctly stated that " at the early age of twenty.
four b " Alexander took possession of Egypt.

q Vol. X. p. 89. r ibid. p. 99.

1 p. 103. p. 113. v p . lag.

w p. 139. x Arrian, v. 9.

y Arrian uses similar expressions elsewhere : lx<> r;o*ctf <rr/v? tn> &-e%ve
o v t \iot ixia-Tz'-Qtt (vii. 21.) ; which Mr. Mitford, Vol. X. p. 351., has rightly in-
terpreted.

z In Arrian, v. 19. See the TatT.es, B. c. 327.

a Vol. X. p. 90. b p. 295.

382 EXAMINATION OF DATES.

Mr. Mitford, therefore, by neglecting the true time of the
surrender of Tyre, has lost a year between the first passage of
Alexander into Asia and the death of Darius. He has again, by
neglecting the chronology of the campaigns in the northern pro-
vinces, interpolated two years between the death of Darius and
the defeat of Porus.

His arrangement, however, is judicious in the period which
follows the voyage of Nearchus : and he determines rightly that
Alexander approached Babylon in the spring of the 324th year
before Christ. On the concluding transactions of Alexander's
life, he has some just remarks. Dr. Vincent c had supposed the
voyage of Nearchus to have occurred in B. c. 326, and the death
of Alexander in B. c. 324. He finds it, however, to be " more
probable that Alexander died May, B. c. 323. " d One objection
however," he observes, " only remains ; which is, that I cannot
discover in any of the historians two winters after Alexander's
return to Susa. One is evident : that in which he subdued the
Cossaei. But the year and five months afterwards is not filled
up by the transactions recorded." This objection Mr. Mitford 6
undertakes to answer ; and has answered it most sufficiently by
showing that the leisure of one winter at Babylon was little
enough for the performance of the things which were accom-
plished in that interval -, the building and preparation of a
powerful fleet ; the excavation of a dock to receive it ; extensive
surveys for the improvement of the inland navigation ; the erec-
tion of a town on a hostile frontier ; the arrangement of the ad-
ministration in the provinces of that vast empire. And he points
out the two voyages down the river to the lake, requiring two
distinct seasons of flood for their performance. Mr. Mitford in
these observations has cleared this part of the history from much
of the difficulty with which it was supposed to be embarrassed.

c Voyage of Nearchus, p. 36. d p. 530. e Vol. X. pp. 351, 352.

GENERAL INDEX.

il. B. The Roman numerals refer to the volume, and the figures to the page.

ABDERA, foundation of, ii. 19.

Aboukir, a corruption of Albekeer, ii.
22. and note.

Abreas, a Macedonian soldier, his per-
sonal bravery, x. 184, 185.

Abronychus accompanies Aristides and
Themistocles on their mission to
Sparta, ii. 258, 260.

Abulites, a Persian, appointed satrap of
Susiana, x. 12. His execution, 282.

Academia, groves of, by whom estab-
lished and ornamented, ii. 304.

Acanthus, state of parties at, iii. 250.
Negotiation of Brasidas with, 251

, 253. Becomes a member of the La-
cedaemonian confederacy, 250.

and Appollonia send embassies to

Lacedaemon, vi. 87. 91.

Acarnanians, the only people in Greece
who did not share in the expedition
to Troy, i. 40. 70.

, Acarnania overrun by the Am-

braciots, iii. 117. How Demosthenes
was received by the Acarnanians, 185.
They request him to become their
cominander-in-chief, 186. And elect
him accordingly, 187. Battle of Olpae,
188. And of Idomene, 191, 192. Mo-
deration of the Acarnanians, 193.
Peace between them and the Ambra-
ciots, ib.

, view of the history of Acarnania,

vi. 52. Expedition of Agesilaus into,
53.

Accuser, not obtaining a fifth of the
votes, subject to banishment, x. 322.

Achaea. See Achaia,

Achaemians, conduct of, in the invasion
of Attica, iii. 79, 80.

Achaia, boundaries of, i. 12. Sketch of
the history of, 241.

, its several changes from aris-
tocracy to democracy, vi. 222 224.
Epaminondas leads the army of the
confederacy into, 225. And displays
a generous policy towards the Achas-
ans, 225, 226. Regulators sent from

I Thebes to all their cities, ib. The
banished Achasans recover their
power, and espouse the Lacedaemon-
ian interest, 227. The Achaean cities
protect Elis, ib.

- , the first example of confederate go-
vernment attributed to them,vii. 122.

Achaioi. See Panhellenes.
Achelous, river, i. 11.

Achilles, number of towns plundered
by him, i. 72.

Achradina, a division of the city of Sy-
racuse, taken by Imilcon, vii. 102.

Acoris, king of Egypt, connection of
Evagoras with, vi. 305, o06.

Acorns, or mast of different trees, the
food of the early Greeks, i. 8. And
of mankind in a civilised as well as a
barbarous state, 8, 9. note.

A era?, foundation of, i. 319.

Acragas, foundation of, i. 319. See
Agrigentum.

Acrisius, king of Argos, and father of
the celebrated Daniie, notice of, i. 29.
viii. 4.

Acroceraunus, promontory of, i. 11.

Acrothinia, or offerings to the gods
after victory, nature of, ii. 167, 168.

Actium, sea fight off, iii. 21.

Acusilaus, of Argos, an early Greek
prose writer, i. 198.

Ada, queen of Caria, notice of, ix. 210.
Her interview with Alexander, 212.
Surrenders Alinda to him, 213. Re-
appointed to her former dignity, 219

Addison, Mr., his observations on party-
spirit, vii. 334, 335.

" Mtux., decrees of protection, v. 107.

Adimantus, the Corinthian commander,
his reprimand to Themistocles, ii.
148. And retort of the latter, ib.

Admetus, king of the Molossians, his
reception of Themistocles, ii. 294.

Adoration, ceremony of, in what it
consisted, x. 94.

Adranum besieged by Icetes, vii. 201.

JEgean, pirates of the, expedition
against, ii. 282.

.Sgeus, king of Attica, reign of, i.
45. Seduces JEihra, 46. His vale-
dictory address to her, 48. He recog-
nises his on Theseus, 53.

.Sgina, sieges of, ii. 322. ; vi. 68.

^inetaris, ravages of, in Attica, ii. 49.
Origin of the enmity between Athens
and JSgina, 67. War with Athens,
and defeat of the ^Eginetans 72
73.

. , expelled from their island by the

Athenians, iii. 85. Retire to Tliyne-
atis, ib. Defeated at Thynea by Nicias,
228. Their town burnt, and the re-
maining inhabitants sent to Athens
and executed, VJ28.

, their freebooting war against

Attic-a, vi. 67, 68.
^Egisthus usurps the throne of Argos,

i. 74. His death, 162.
JEgitium, battle near, iii. 183.

384

GENERAL INDEX.

JEgospotami, battle of, iv. 308511.
Consequences of, 312 314.

JElian, grounds stated by him for the
condemnation of Socrates, v. 122. By
whom confirmed, 123.

, his anecdotes of Archelaus king of
Macedonia,vii. 242. A professed story-
teller, ix. 160.

JEneas and his posterity reigned over
the Trojan state for some generations,
i. 73.

./Eneas, general of Arcadia, compels Eu.
phron to withdraw from Sicyon, vi.
237.

-Solians, what part of the Grecian
people 'comprehended under this
name, i. 166, 167. Leaders of the
JEoYic migration, and towns founded
by them, 310.

, circumstances of JEolia under the

satrapess Mania, v. 279 282.

JEpalius, chief of Doris, bequeaths his
principality to Hyllus, i. 163.

JEropus usurps the throne of Mace-
donia, vii. 244.

JEschines, the orator, his conduct in the
action of the Nemean glen, vi. 231.

, his account of the affairs of Mace-
donia, vii. 257. 261. and note. On a pro-
posed correction in, 310. note. His ac-
count of the Amphictyonic council,
viii. 2. Of the voting therein, 15.
and note. His origin, 93. and note.
Account of, 93,94. Distinguishes him-
self at Tamynffi, 126. Is sent am-
bassador to Peloponnesus, 139. 141
143. note. His remarks on the public
excitement at Athens, 163. One of
the ambassadors to Philip, 167. 182.
Addresses Philip, 189. His report of
the embassy to Macedon, 193, 194.
His change of party, 213. His in-
vectives against Demosthenes, ib.
His account of the meeting of the
Amphictyons, 216. note..

^, accusation of, by Timarchus, viii.
237. Contests of Demosthenes with,
237, 238. His impeachment on the
embassy, 239 241. Answer to the
, objections of Plutarch respecting the
speeches of yEschines and Demo-
sthenes, on the embassy, 241. note.
Elected an Amphictyon, 310. JEs.
chines charges Demosthenes with ac-
cepting bribes from the Amphissians,
310, 311. His arguments in the Am-
phictyonic council, 312. E'ected syn-
dic, 321. Opposes a decree proposed
by Demosthenes, 343. Is sent on an
embassy to Philip, 360.

, one of the embassy to Alexander

the Great, ix. 129. His account of
the connection of Demosthenes with
Persia, 165. His account of the bribe
offered by Darius, 326. ; x. 7.

, enters a prosecution against Cte-

siphon, but does not proceed, x.
313. Resumes it, 318. His speech on
the crown, 319. Replied to by De-
mosthenes, 319, 320. He quits Athens,

323. Spends the remainder of his life
in Ionia or Rhodes, ib.

JEschylus, his definition of the domi-
nions of the Pelasgian princes, i. 24,
25. On the importance of astronomy,
143. note.

, his testimony to the virtues of

Cyrus, ii. 20. note. His character of
Darius, 27- note. His allusions to
the difference in the weapons used
by the Greeks and Persians, 80. note.
Motive alleged by him for the ex-
pedition of Xerxes to Greece, 110.
note. Remark on a passage in, re-
lating to the numbers of the Persian
and Greek fleets at Salamis, 154. note.
His sketch of the battle the most con-
sistent on record, 156, 157.

.flCsculapius, magnificent sacrifice of
Alexander to, at Soli, ix. 258.

JEthra., mother of Theseus, notice of,
i. 46, 47.

JEtna, mount, notice of, iv. 16. ; vii. 98.

^Etna, a town of Sicily, establishment of
Syracusans at, vji. HI. They march
to attack Dionysius, ib. Seven thou-
sand return to, when defeated, 64.
Besieged and taken by Dionysius, 65.

^Etolia, geographical description of, i.
39. Ancient history of, 40.

, sketch of the history of, Hi. 180.

Enterprise of Demosthenes against,
181. Who is defeated by the JEto-
lians, near TEgitium, 183.

, embassy of the ^Etolians to Alex-
ander the Great, ix. 132.

Africa, notice of Greek colonies, planted
in, i. 315.

, settlements of the Phenicians on

the coast of, ii. 213216.

Agamemnon, king of Argos, notice of,
i. 33. and 33, 34. note. Character of,
70. Sacrificed Iphigenia previously
to undertaking the siege of Troy, ib.
His assassination, 74, 75.

Age, reverence of, at Sparta, i. 262.

Agesilaus, king of Lacedasmon, his
accession to the throne, v. 301. Offers
himself for the command of the ex-
pedition to Asia, 307. Date assigned
for his arrival in Asia, and the ob-
jections 'to which it is liable, 309.
note. His measures in Asia, 311, 312.
His first campaign, 313, 314. Pre-
parations for a second campagn, 315,
316. Defeats the Persians at the
battle of Pactolus, 317. His views,
320. His plan for dismembering the
Persian empire, 330. His prosecution
of the war in Asia, 3o2 335. His
conference with Pharnabazus, 335
337.

, recalled from Asia, vi. 3, 4. Is

wounded at the battle of Coronea, 17.
Generous action of, ib. His expedi-
tions into Argolis and Corinthia, 42
44. Into Acarcania, 53, 54. The
part he took in the congress held by
Tiribazus, for concluding peace with
the Greek nation, 78. Threatens hos-

GENERAL INDEX.

385

tility against Corinth and Argos, ib.
Approves the peace of Antalcidas,
79. His remark upon it, 81. His
maxim relative to Laceda?mon, 82.
How connected with the republic
of Mantinea, 84. Undertakes the
command against Phlius, 107. And
reduces that city, 110. 111. Mys-
tery in his conduct towards the The-
bans, 121. His patriotism extends to
all Greece, 123. Exerts himself to
procure the acquittal of Sphodrias,
130. Takes the command against
Thebes, 131. Secures a passage into
Bo30tia by availing himself of the Cli.
torian mercenaries, 133. Plunders
and wastes Boaotia, ib. Again ravages
the Thebaid, 135. Disabled from
commanding by severe illness, 137,
138. His embassy to Mantinea, 183,
184. Enters Arcadia with the ; Lace-
dajmonian army, 191. His influence
restored by the Theban invasion, 254.
Marches to Pellene with the heavy-
armed, 287. Hastens his return to
Sparta, ib. Remains for the protection
of Laconia, 293. Borrows money for
the recovery of Messenia, 302. Com.
mands the Grecian mercenaries under
Tachos, king of Egypt, 310. Aban-
dons Tachos, and joins his kinsman,
Nectanabis, 311. In concert with
Chabrias, seats Nectanabis on the
Egyptian throne, 312, Sails for Greece,
and dies in a Cyrenaic port, 313. Is
entombed with regal honours at
Sparta, ib. His age, according to Xe-
nophon and Plutarch, ib. note.

Agesipolis, king of Lacedasmon, his
expedition into Argolis, vi. 56. Un-
dertakes the command against the
Mantineans, 84. How connected
with the republic of Mantinea, ib.
Floods the town, and reduces it,
by stopping the current of the river
Ophis, 85. His severe conditions to
the conquered, ib. Appointed to the
command-in-chief against Olynthus,
104. Storms Torone, 110, 111. Dies of
an inflammatory fever at Aphyteus,
ib. Funeral honours to him, ib.

Agis, king of Lacedeemon, commander
of the Peloponnesian forces on the
fifth invasion of Attica, iii. 193, 194.
Marches against Argos, 324. Ac-
count of his operations, 325 328.
Called to account by the Lacedae-
monians, and a military council ap-
pointed to attend him, 329. His
victory near Mantinea, ^33.

, his attempts upon Athens, iv. 195.

241. Proposes that a squadron should
be stationed at Byzantium and Chal-
cedon, 242.

, his death, and magnificent funeral,

v. 299. Dispute which ensued on his
death respecting the succession to the
throne, 300, 301.

Agis, king of Lacedsemon, son of Ar-

chidamus, notice of, ix, 233. His am-

VOL. X. C

bitious projects, 264, 265. Joins the
Persian fleet, 288, 289.

Agis, his character, x. 5, 6. Commences
operations against Macedonia, 8. De-
feated by Antipater, and slain in
battle,; 9.

Agnon, son of Nicias, operations of the
fleet under his command, iii. t8.

Agora, meaning of the .word, i. 103,
104.

Agrarian law in Sicily, account of the,
iv. 8.

Agrians and Thracians, the, defeated
by Alexander the Great, ix. 97, 98.
Use made of the Agrians by Alex-
ander, 103.

Agriculture, state of. in ancient Greece,
i. 126, 127.

Agrigentum, or Girgenti, sketch of the
history of, ii. 217, 218. Stupendous
public works there executed by the
prisoners taken by the Agrigentines,
224, 225. The remains of these still
visible, ib.

, [its ancient magnificence, vii. '24.

Population, 25. Magnificence of in-
dividual citizens, 25, 26. The Agri-
gentines employ Dexippus, thei La-
cedaemonian commissioner, in their
service, 29. Reject the proposals of
the Carthaginians, 30. Their generals
accused of treachery, and massacred,
33. A majority of the citizens flee to
Gela, 35. Imilcon preserves the town
for his winter-quarters, 36. The
Agrigentine refugees removed to Sy-
racuse, ib. Agrigentum destroyed by
Imilcon, 50. How governed "under
Timoleon, 224. (See Acragas.)

Agyris, chief of Agyrium, relieves Dio-
nysius with a body of Campanian
horse, vi. 64.

, is supported against Magon, the
Carthaginian general, by Dionysius,
vii. 119, 120. The confidence of Di
onysius in his integrity, ib. note.

Aigiopelago. See Archipelago.

Aimnestus, tyrant of Enna, deposed by
Dionysius, vii. 71.

Akesines, the river of, noticed, x. 152.
Its width and depth, ib. Crossed by
Alexander, 153. Its modern name,
ib. note.

Albanians, the, remark on, vii. 278.
note.

Alcseus, the poet, anecdote of, i. 369.

Alcamenes, appointed to the command
of the Lacedaemonian fleet, iii. 149.
Defeated and slain by the Athenians,
151.

Alcander, his assault upon Lycurgus, i.
252. Noble conduct of the latter to
him, ib.

Alcibiades, ' son of Clinias, saves So-
crates at the battle of7Delium, iii. 244.
Account of his family, 306. His
person and manners, 306, 307. Be-
comes the pupil of Socrates, 308.
Services in which they fought to-
gether, ib. His life saved by So-

386

GENERAL INDEX.

crates, ib. His noble conduct to his
benefactor, ib. His master-passion,
ib. His magnificence and ostenta-
tion, 309, 310. His ambition, 310.
Connection of his ancestors with La-
cedamon, 312. Becomes head of a
party, ib. Policy by which he ef-
fected the project of putting Athens
at the head of a confederacy in Pelo-
ponnesus, 312 316. Elected general-
in-chief, 320. Importance of his
office, 320, 321. His influence in
Peloponnesus, 323. Proceeds to Argos
with twenty ships of war, and seizes
three hundred Argives, 344, 345.

Alcibiades, party formed against him by
Hyperbolus, iv. 23, 24. Stratagem by
which he procured the banishment of
his opponent, 24. His policy with re-
gard to the measures of Nicias, 25, 26.
Named second in command of the
Sicilian expedition, ib. His speech
on the subject of the expedition, 28
31. Party formed, and accusation
against him, 35, 36. His admirable
conduct on the occasion, ib. His
speech at the debate of the Athe-
nian generals, 46, 47. His operations
in Sicily, 48, 49. Party formed against
him at Athens, 49, 50. His recall,
53. His banishment decreed, 62.
Circumstances that happened to him
from his escape to his removal to
Sparta, 62, 63. His reception there,
63. His speech to the Laceda?monian
senate, 63 65. His plans for the ag-
grandisement of Lacedajmon, 152
156. Is persecuted by the new Spar-
tan administration, 170. Said to have
intrigued with the wife of Agis, ib.
Withdraws from Lacedaemon, and
takes up his residence with Tissa-
phernes, 171. Tries to set the satrap

, at variance with Laceda?mon, 171,
172. His policy, 173. His plan for
returning to Athens, 174. His plot
for changing the Athenian con>titu-
tion, 176. Breach between him and
the managers of the plot, 182, 183.
His restoration decreed by the Athe-
nians, 203. Elected general by the
armament, 204. His able and bene-
ficial conduct, 209, 210. Watches the
motions of Tissaphernes, 211. His
imprisonment and escape, 232. His
judicious and decisive measures pre-
vious to the naval action near Cyzicus,
233, 234. The mode he adopted for
collecting a revenue, 235. Defeats
Pharnabazus, 247. His important
successes against the Chalcedonians,
249. Captures Byzantium, 252. Ser-
vices rendered by him to his coun-
try since he had been at the head
of the forces, 253. His return to
Athens, and his reception there, 256.
Chosen governor-general, or com-
mander-in-chief, with supreme au-
thority, 256, 257. Gratifies the Athe-
nians with respect to their religious

ceremonies, 257. Defeats the An-
drians, 263. His measures previous
the battle of Notium, 264, 265. Com-
plaints against him at Athens, 266.
Accusation against him, 266, 267.
Review of his various measures,'267,
268. Is dismissed from his command,
268. The line of his conduct, and its
effects, 268, 269. Retires to his estate
in the Thracian Chersonese, 270.
Anecdote of, on his recall from Sicily,
283. Patriotic conduct of, 307, 3C8.

Alcibiades, his conduct during his re-
tirement, v. 65, 66. His projects, 66.
Attacked by an armed multitude in
his own house, and slain, 67.

Alcibiades the younger, his descent and
character, v. 74. How chiefly known,
74, 75. Refuses to accompany a military
expedition, 75. And is prosecuted in
consequence, ib. Points in Lysias's
oration against him, 76, 77. Second
prosecution, 77. Notice of the speech
composed by Isocrates, and spoken by
Alcibiades, 77, 78.

Alcidas, commander of the Lacedae-
monian fleet, sent for the relief of
Mitylene, iii. 143. His transactions
on the Ionian coast, 144146. At
Corcyra, 149.

Alcinous's garden, fruits of, i. 127. and
note.

Alcmaeonidae, who intended by the
Greek writers under this appellation,
i. 374. Sacrilegious conduct of, at
Athens, 326, 327. The political an-
tagonists of Pisistratus, 358, 359. By
whom they are expelled from Athens,
360, 361. Rebuild the temple of Del-
phi, 374. They expel the Pisistratida?
from Athens, 375. Are attacked by
the party of Clisthenes, but eventually
triumph, 378. Their envy and im-
peachment of Miltiades, ii. 88, 89.

Alcon, of Molossis, notice of, ix. 21.

Alexander, king of Macedonia, son of
Amyntas, notice of, ii. 111. Connec-
tion subsisting between him and the
Grecian and Persian nations, 173, 174.
Sent to Athens by Mardonius, 174.
How received there, ib. His speeches
at the congress, 174, 175. His inter-
view with Aristides at the Grecian
camp, 189. Returns to his kingdom,
after the battle of Platasa, leaving his
son Perdiccas in command of the
army, 204. Dedicates a statue of gold
at Delphi, ib.

Alexander, king of Macedonia, son of
Amyntas II., vii. 253. Maintains his
family interest in Thessaly, 255. Is
assasinated, 256.

Alexander, son of Philip, afterwards sur-
named the GREAT, birth of, viii. 57.

, state of the known world, more

especially of Macedonia, when he
succeeded to the throne, ix. 1 76.
Speech of, reported by Arrian, 67,68.
Account of his life by contemporary
historians, 7779. Of later extant

GENERAL INDEX.

387

writers respecting the same, 79 81.
and note. His boyhood, 81. His first
measures after his accession to the
throne, 82 85. and notes. His elec-
tion to the supreme dignity in Thes-
saly, 86, 87. Takes his seat in the
Amphictyonic council, ib. Receives
the embassies of the Grecian states,

88. Is chosen, at Corinth, commander-
in-chief of the Grecian confederacy,

89. Returns to Macedonia, 92. Heads
the army against the pirates, 96.
Assembles his forces at Amphipolis,
ib. Defeats the confederate rebels,
97, 98. His campaign against the
Triballians, 98, 99. Puts the Getes
to flight, 100. He enters Illyria, and
defeats the lllyrians, 103, 104. Re-
pulses the lllyrians and Taulantians,
106. Account of his march from Il-
lyria to Bffiotia, 113. His procla-
mation to the Thebans, 115. Amount
of Alexander's force, 115, 116. He
invests Thebes, 116. His forbearance,
119. Gains possession of Thebes, 121.
His conduct there, 122126. His
reception of the Athenian embassy,

129. His letter to the Athenians,
129, 130. His answer to their petition,

130. Anecdote of, related by Plutarch,
ib. His moderation to the allies of
the Thebans, 132, 133. Celebrates
the Macedonian Olympic festival,
133. His expedition against Persia,
first campaign, 163216. His eager-
ness to invade Persia, 166. His war.
like preparations, and the amount of
his forces, 169171. Assembles them
at Amphipolis, 171. Marches for the
Hellespont, ib. Arrives at Sestus,

174. Visits the tomb of Protesilaus,

175. Embarks at Eleus, ib. Explores
the site of Troy, 176. and note. His
sacrifices there, 177. Rejoins the
army at Arisbe, 178. The road he
determines to take, 179. His pro-
gress, 179, 180. He reaches the river
Granicus, 185. Disposition of his
forces, 186. and notes. His personal
exploits at the battle of the Granicus,
188190. His life saved by Clitus,
189. His popular conduct after the
battle, 192. His present to the Athe-
nians, 193. Appoints Callas satrap of
Phrygia, 194. Enters Sardis, 195.
Ane'cdote of, 196. His arrangements
there, 199. Arrives at Ephesus, 200.
His conduct there, 200, 201. Sends
Parmenio to Magnesia, iOl. Besieges
and takes Miletus, 203, 204. His cle-
mency there, 205. and note. Sends
his fleet home, 206. His pecuniary
distress, 206, 207. The causes of his
successes, 210, 211. His interview
with Ada, and its consequences, 211,
212. Besieges Halicarnassus, 213.
Fails in an attempt on Myndus, 214.
And takes Halicarnassus, 215, 216.
His winter campaign in Asia, and
measures of the Persian armament,

C C

under Memnon, against Greece, 217
252. His financial difficulties, 215
218. The measures he resolved
on, 218. Rewards Ada, 219. The
appointment he gave to Parmenio,
220. His successes in Lycia, 220, 221
Anecdote of, 222, 223. Account of
his route to Perga, 224. Takes Mar-
mara, 230. and note. His behaviour
to the Aspendians, 230, 231. Leaves
a garrison at Sida,',231. Gains posses-
sion of Aspendus, 232. Circumstances
threatening to him, 233236. He
resolves to rejoin Parmenio, 235.
Opposed by the Telmissians, ib.
Makes a treaty with the Selgians,
236. Takes Salagassus, 237. Subdues
Pisidia, 238. Takes Cela?na?, ib.
Makes a short stay there, and ap-
points Antigonus satrap of Upper
Phrygia, 243. Proceeds to Gordium,
244. His answer to the Athenian
embassy, 245. and note. The story
respecting him and the Gordian knot,
246249. He advances to Ancyra,
248. Enters into a treaty with the
Paphlagonians, 249. Subdues Cap-
padocia, 250. Remarks on Plutarch's
treatise " on Alexander's Fortune,"
250 252. His second campaign in
Asia, 253 322. He passes into Cilicia,
254. His illness at Tarsus, 254, 255.
Sends Parmenio to secure the pass
into Syria, 256. He reaches Anchia-
lus, 257. Subdues Cilicia, 258. Cele-
brates festivals at Soli and Magarsus,
259. His conduct at Mallus, id.
Situation in which he was placed,
2fi6, 267. He invades Syria, 267.
Alarm in his council, 270. His address
to his commanders, 270, 271. Amount
of his forces at Issus, 274,275. The
disposition of his army, 276 279.
Gains the battle of Issus, 277284.
His behaviour to the family of Darius,
284. His conduct after the battle of
Issus, 287. He subdues Syria, 289.
His answer to Darius, 293, 294. His
treatment of the Grecian prisoners,
295. He takes Byblus, 296. His reply
to the Tyrians, 297. His address to
the council of war, 297, 298. His pro-
ceedings against Tyre, 299. Procures
a fleet, ib. He besieges and takes
Tyre, 301, 302. and note. His answer
to Darius's second deputation, 303.
Is wounded, 305. Takes Gaza, ib. He
arrives at Pelusium, 307. Conquers
Egypt, 308. Account of his religious
festival at Memphis, 308311. He
founds Alexandria, 311. Receives
news from his fleet, ib. Arrives at
Parastonium, 315. Visits the land of
Ammon, 316-^-318. and notes. Consults
the oracle there, 318. Returns to Mem-
phis, ib. His arrangements in Egypt,
319322. His third campaign in Asia,
323 358. Re-enforcements received
by him in Egypt, 323. Receives a
third embassy from Darius, ib. Pro-

388

GENERAL INDEX.

ceeds to Tyre, 325. His liberality to
the Athenians, 326. His conduct to
Harpalus, 327. His promotions of his
officers, 328. He crosses the Euphrates,

329. Marches across Mesopotamia,

330, 331. He crosses the Tigris, 332.
Phenomenon witnessed by his army,
ib. His skirmish with the Persian
horse, 333. His disposition of his
forces at Arbela, 338. The error which
he committed, 340. Gains the battle
of Arbela, 342. And takes possession
of Babylon, 346. His appointments
of officers there, 347. Gains posses,
sion of Susa, 348. Sends a present
to the Athenians, 349. His conduct
at Susa to the family of Darius, ib.
He receives a re-enforcement from
Greece, 350. His answer to the
Uxians, 352. His defeat and treat-
ment of them, 352, 353. and note. He
is detained at the Susiad rocks, 354.
Defeats Ariobarzanes, 355. Marches
to Persepolis, 356. His conduct there,
357. and notes.

Alexander, his fourth campaign in Asia,
x. 1 36. His conduct to the conquered
states in Asia, 4. He subdues Paras-
tacene, 12. Appoints Oxathres satrap
of it, ib. He marches towards Ecba-
tana, 13. Receives are-enforcement,
14. His conduct to his soldiers at
Ecbatana, 15. Arrives at Rhage, 16.
Enters Parthia, ib. He pursues
Bessus, 17. His treatment of the body
of Darius, 18. Several satraps sur-
render to him, 20. note, and 21. His
treatment of them, ib. And of the
Grecians in the Persian service, 23,
24. He enters Aria, 25. Restores
Satibarzane* to the satrapy, ib. Hears
of his treachery, and defeats him, 26.
Condemns Barzaentes to death, 27.
He hears of the treachery of Philotas,
ib. His former generosity to Philotas,
28. He superintends the trial of Phi-
Iotas, 31. Measures adopted by him
to quell discontent in the army, 34,
35, and note. Appoints Hephasstion
and Clitus commanders of the king's
companions, 35, 36. Displaces Deme-
trius, 36. His fifth campaign in Asia,
which completed the conquest of the
Persian empire, 3789. He sub-
dues Zaranga, 42. Sends a force
against Satibarzanes, 47. Passes
through Arachosia, ib. Founds a
town in Paropamisus, ib. He strength-
ens his army with Asiatic recruits, 50.
Discontent in his army, 50, 51. His
mode of quelling it, 52. He crosses
the river Oxus, 53. Dismisses some
of his veteran troops, 54. His inter-
view with, and treatment of, Bessus,
56, 57. Is wounded on the banks of
the river Tanais, 58. Receives em-
bassies from the Scythians, 59. And
hears of their revolt, 61. His pro-
ceedings against the Scythians, 62.
Gains possession of Cyropolis, 62, 63.

Hears of the revolt of Spitamenes, 63.
Founds a colony on the banks of the
Tanais, 63, 64. Resolves to cross that
river, ib. How opposed by Aristander,
ib. He crosses the river Tanais, 65.
Is seized with severe illness, 66. He
pursues Spitamenes, 68. His treat-
ment of Bessus considered, 70, 71.
His dress noticed, 71. He winters in
Zariaspa, 72. Receives an embassy
from Scythia, ib. He makes a treaty
with Pharasmanes, ib. Proceeds
against the Sogdians, 76. He intrusts
the military command to Ccenus, 80.
His appointment of officers at Nautaca,
83, 84. Besieges and takes the fort of
Oxyartes, 85, 86. Marries Roxana,
87. Proceeds against Parstacene, ib.
Reduces Chorienes to submission, 88.
He returns into Bactria, 89. His policy
and line of conduct considered, 90 92.
Philosophers in his court, 93, 94. Ac-
count of the discussion respecting
" Ceremonies," 94 99. Sacrifice per-
formed by him, 99, 100. Slays Clitus,
100. His repentance, ib. Character
of his court, by Plutarch, 101103.
Conspiracy against him, 103107.
Anecdote of a Syrian woman in his
court, 104, 105. War prosecuted ".by
Alexander beyond the bounds of the
Persian empire, 108 166. Amount of
his army, 108. His mental disquietude,
109, 110. His political views in carry-
ing conquest to India, 111, 112. Pro-
ceeds to Alexandria in Paropamisus,
113. Reaches Nicaa, 114. Receives
Taxiles, ib. Despatches Hephsstion
and Perdiccas against Astes, ib.
Crosses the river Choes, 115. And is
wounded, ib. His successes, 116, 117.
Fixes a colony at Arigaum, 118. He
defeats the Ariga?ans, 119. Sends
Indian cattle into Greece, 119, 120.
Besieges and takes Massaga, 121, 123.
His treatment of the Indian merce-
naries, 123. and note. Takes Ora,

124. Garrisons several Indian towns,

125, 126. Besieges and takes Aornos 5
125128. He proceeds towards the
Indus, 129. His desire to procure
elephants, 130, 131. His reception of,
and answer to, the deputation from
Nysa, 132135. His visit to Mount
.Meron, 134. His sacrifices to Bacchus,
135. He crosses the Indus, 137.
Winters at Taxila, 138. Receives
deputations, and fixes a colony there,
ib. Passes the Hydaspes, 140. He
defeats Porus, 144. His interview
with him, 145, 146. Founds two
towns, 147. Anecdote respecting his
horse Bucephalus, ib. Enters into
an alliance with the Glaucees, 149.
Reconciles Porus and Taxiles, 150.
Crosses the river Akesines, 152. Sends
Porus to collect forces, 152. Pursues
" the/bad " Porus, ib. Crosses the
river Hydraotes, 153. Attacks and

* takes Sangala, 154, 155. The loss he

GENERAL INDEX.

389

sustained, 156. and note. Marches to
the river Hyphasis, 158. Discontent
in his army, 158, 159. He summons
a council, 160. His address to his
army, 160 162. Replied to by Ccenus,
162, 163. and notes. Dismisses the
assembly, 163. Orders a sacrifice,
164. His arrangements for the Indian
provinces,* 165, 166. and note. Ac-
count of 'his return from India, 167
215. Commences his return, and
visits his new towns, 167, 168. The
merits of his administration con-
sidered, 169, 170. and notes. Com-
pared to Julius Caesar, 171. and notes.
Remarks on his foundation of cities,
172, 173. Proceeds along the banks
of the Indus, 173. Builds a fleet on
the Hydaspes, 175. Declares Porus
king of India, 176. Performs a sacri-
fice on the banks of the Hydaspes,
177, 178. Offers terms to th e Mallians,
180. Takes their principal town, 181.
Disperses their forces, 181, 182. Takes
the town of the Bramins, 182. Attacks
the capital of the Mallians, 183, 184.
His personal bravery there, 184. Is
dangerously wounded, 185. Anxiety
of his troops respecting his wound,
18d His recovery, 187, 188. He
subjugates the Mallians and Oxydracs,
188. He increases his fleet, 189, 190.
Appoints Oxyartes satrap of Paropa-
misus, 190. Sails down the river Hy-
draotes, ib. His conduct to Musica-
nus, 191. and note. Takes Oxycanus
prisoner, 192. and note. Proceeds to
Sindomana, 194. Sends Craterus into
Persia, ]95. Arrives at Pattala, 196.
His progress down the Indus, 197.
Arrives at the ocean, 199. Makes a
sacrifice, ib. Forms a naval arsenal,
201. Returns to Pattala, ib. Diffi-
culties of the march he proposed to
take, 202, 203. Leaves Pattala, ib.
Establishes a colony at Rambasia, 205.
His proceedings in Gadrosia, ib. and
note. His encouragement of com-
merce noticed, 206. Distresses of his
army, 207, 208. Anecdote of, 210.
Arrives at Poora, 211. Appoints
officers there, ib. Enters Carmania,
212. His punishment of some of his
generals, 214. His march through
Carmania, 215. He receives the
report of Nearchus, 216. His alleged
impatience respecting Nearchus, 257,
258. His kind reception of him, 258.
He reappoints Nearchus to the com-
mand, 260. Transactions in his march
from Carmania through Persia and
Susiana, and his measures for the im-
provement of territory and extension
of commerce, 276 371. He proceeds
towards Parsagarda?, 276. Arrives
there, 278. His indignation at the

6 under of the sepulchre of Cyrus, ib.
is restoration of it, 280. His pu-
nishment of Orxines, ib. Appoints
Peucestas satrap of Persis, ib. His
C C

punishment of the Median rebels, 280,

281. Arrives at Susa, 281. and note.
His punishment of various criminals,

282, 283. His difficulties in arranging
his different governments, 283, 284.
His purpose of unitingvarious nations,
284, 285. His marriage with Barsine,
or Statira, 285. Unites his generals
to Persian princesses, 286, 287. Ac-
count of the festival he gave them,
288. His bounty to the army, 289.
His distribution of honours, 290.
His motives for these measures, 290,
291. Views attributed to him by Ar-
rian, 293. His proceedings respect-
ing the commerce of Assyria, 295. 297.
He embarks on the Eulams, 297. And
proceeds to the gulf, 298. Enters the
Tigris, ib. His improvements of that
river, ib. and note. Spirit of discon-
tent in his army, 300. Celebrates an
Olympic festival at Opis, ib. His ad-
dress, ib. His conduct and speech to
the mutinous army, 301, 302305. His
favour to the Persian officers, 305.
His reconciliation with the army, 308,
309. Sends part of the troops home,
ib. and note. He proceeds northward
into Media, 311. Sends Craterus to
command in Macedonia, 311. Sum-
mons Antipater into Asia, 312. Trans-
actions in his march through Media
to Babylon, and his further mea-
sures for the improvement of terri-
tory, and extension of commerce, and
for civil regulations, to the period
of his death, 328369. He proceeds
to Celona?, 328. Visits the Nysjean
plain, 329. His interference between
Kephjestion and Eumenes, 331. His
grief at the death of Hephajstion,
332. and note. His expedition against
the Cossees, 332, 333. His curiosity
respecting the Caspian sea, 333. Re-
ceives a deputation of the Chaldean

C' tsts, 334. His favours to the Baby-
ans, ib. He enters Babylon, 336.
His reception of the Grecian embas-
sies, 337 339. and notes. Of the fo-
reign embassies, 339. Chooses Baby-
lon for his capital, 340. His measures
to promote discovery and commerce,
341, 342. His improvements at Ba-
bylon, 343. 346348. The story of his
visit to Diogenes, 349. His popularity,
ib. His civil and military arrange-
ments, 350. Anecdotes of, 352, 353.
His measures respecting recruits, 353.
The prognostics respecting his death,
354, 355. His friendship for the Brah-
min Calanus, 356 359. He consults
Pithagoras, 359. Institutes a sacrifi-
cial feast, 363. Chooses Medius as his
confidential friend, ib. Is seized with
illness, 364. Particulars of his illness,
and his behaviour through it, 365
369. His death, 369. The time at
which it happened, ib. His character
by Arrian, 369 371. Extracts from
the royal daybook, of Alexander, ac-

390

GENERAL INDEX.

cording to Arrian and Plutarch, 372
379.

Alexander's Letters, x. 175. note.

"Alexander's Fortune," a treatise by
Plutarch, remarks on, ix. 250252.

Alexander, tyrant of Phere, presses
upon the allies of Thebes,>i. 205. His
rapacity and tyranny, 213. Concludes
a treaty with Pelopidas, ib. But seizes
and imprisons him, ib. Repulses
the Theban army, ib. Kills' Pelo-
lopidas in a drawn battle, 260. Makes
peace under the mediation of Thebes,
261. Sends auxiliaries thither, 284. <8ls
assassinated by Tisiphonus, his wife's
brother, 324.

Alexander, son of Europus, notke of,
ix. 85. Discovered in a plot against
Alexander the Great, 221. Is ar-
rested, 223. Residing at the Persian
court, 263. Tried and executed, x.
33,34.

Alexandria, in Egypt, foundation of, ix.
311,312.

Alexandria, Paropamisan, foundation
of, x. 48. Settlement of a Grecian
colony there, 49, 50. Visited by Alex-
ander the Great, 114.

Alinda, surrendered up to Alexander,
ix. 213.

Allegorical style, origin and purpose of,
i. 3. note.

'AXAopuXsf, signification of, viii. 341.
note.

Ally, import of the Greek term so ren-
dered, vii. 290.

Alphabet, every known one to be traced
to the neighbourhood of Babylon, i. 5.

Alphabetical writing, origin of.i.ll 1,112.
Remarks on the vowels of the earliest
Greek alphabet, compared with those
of some other nations, 120, 121. notes.

Alps, remarks on the inhabitants of the,
x. 45, 46.

Amadocus. See Medocus.

Amalfi, extraordinary prosperity of, in
the middle ages, vi. 325. and note. Al-
lusion to, x. 254. note.

Amanus, notice of the town of, ix. 268.

Amasis, king of Egypt, able reign of, ii.
22. His connection with Polycrates,
tyrant of Samos, 34, 35.
A/u.et%a.i, and "Af^tosra, distinction be-
tween, x. 156. note.

Amazons, the, account of, x. 329. and
note.

Ambraciots, their war with the Acarna-
nians, iii. 116, 117. Their contests with
the Acarnanians, 186193. Peace be-
tween them, 193.

Amiantus, notice of, ix. 21.

Ammon, land of, described, ix. 314, 315.
Oracle of, noticed, 315. Account of
Alexander's visit to, 316319.

Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, anec-
dote of, ii. 192. Funeral honours to
his memory, 200.

Amphictyon, notice of, i. 181.

Amphictyonic city, titles of its repre-
sentatives, viii. 11.

Amphictyonic council, origin and power
of the, i.182 186.

, account of, viii. 2. Its influence,
5. Superintends the temple of Delphi,
8. Regulated by Solon, 9. Alterations
in, 10, 11. System of voting in, 15. and
note. Its authority diminished, 16. La-
cedaemon prosecuted and fined by, 19.
and note. Phocis prosecuted and fined
by, 23 25. Its decrees against Lacedae-
mon and Phocis, 25. Meets at Ther-
mopylae, 39. Philip's letter respecting,
194, 195. Its meeting, 215, 216. Its
judgment on the Phocians, 217219.
The number sent by Athens to, 310.
Proclamation made by, 312. Conse-
quences thereof, 313, 314. General
assembly of, summoned, 314. De-
clares war against the Amphissians,
315. Meets at Thermopylae, 317. Ap-
points Philip their general, 318.

, , Alexander the Great takes his seat

therein, ix. 87.

Amphilochian Argos. See Argos.

Amphimnestus, notice of, ix. 20.

Amphipolis, situation of, iii. 253. Its
importance to the Athenians, ib. Pro-
ject of Brasidas for gaining it to the
Lacedaemonian confederacy, 253,254.
Taken by Brasidas, 255. But the port
of, retained by the Athenians, ib. Bat-
tle of, 277281.

, its conection with Athens and La-

cedaemon, vii. 251. Defended by Mace-
donia against Athens, 261. Colony at,
294, 295. Colonists from Cyrene esta-
blished there, 296. Alliance of, with
Olynthus, 298. Resists the Athenians,
ib. Hostages delivered by, to Iphi-
crates, 303. Measures against Timo-
theus, ib. Yields to the Athenians,
309. Its importance to Athens, 325,
Besieged by the Macedonians and
Olynthians, 328, 329.

f decree of the Athenians concern-
ing, viii. 236.

Amphissa, proposal of, to revolt to the
Lacedaemonian alliance, iii. 184.

, the Amphissians use the devoted

land, viii. 310. Their claim upon the
Athenians, 312. and note Resist the
proclamation of the Amphictypns, 313.
Submit to the Amphictyonic coun-
cil, 315. Again resist it, 316. Assisted
by the Athenian mercenaries, 328.
Reduced to final submission, 329.

, surrender to the Phocians, viii.

Amyntas, nephew of Perdiceas, king of
Macedonia, deprived by him of his
Macedonian principality, iii. 129. Seeks
assistance fromSitalces,king of Thrace,
ib. His restoration, 132.

, several cities desert his allegiance,

and he is nearly expelled from his
kingdom, vi. 88, 89.

, is firmly seated on the throne after

the assassination of Pausanias, vii.
245. Forced by Bardylis to withdraw
to Thessaly, 247. Regains the throne,

GENERAL INDEX.

391

2*8. Removes the seat of government,

f 249. Becomes an ally of Athens, 252,
His marriage, family, and death, 253.

Amyntas, son of Antiochus, defeats
Chares, viii. 301.

, his flight after the death of Phi-
lip, ix. 84,85. His conduct at Ephesus,
198. Resides in the Persian court,
221. His plot against Alexander, ih.
Notice of, 262. His attempts on
Egypt, 306. Is slain, 307.

Amyntas, the Cappadocian chief, ac-
count of, ix. 227, 228.

Amyntas, Alexander's general, sent to
the river Araxes, ix. 355. Tried and
acquitted, x. 32. and note.

Anabasis of Xenophon, the author's age
at the time of his engaging with Cy-
rus, deduced from internal evidence,
v. 267, 268. note. Objection made
against Xenophon's claim to, and the
solution which it is capable of admit-
ting, 271273. note.

' A/3oXvff, meaning of the title, ix. 188.
note.

Anacharsis's Travels. See Barthelemy.

Anacreon, invited to Athens by Hip-
parchus, and maintained there by him,
i.371.

Anactorium taken by the Athenians, iii.

"Ai and R*g-(>.ius, distinction be-
tween, i. 104. note.
Anaxagoras, the philosopher, notice of,

, principles of the philosophy intro-
duced by him, v. 114. How treated
by the Athenians, ib. His principles
laid the foundation for the philosophy
of Socrates, 117.

Anaxarchus, the philosopher, his cha-
racter, x. 93. His arguments respect-
ing the death of Clitus, 101.

Anaxibius, the Lacedaemonian com-
mander-in-chief, political views by
which his conduct to the Cyrean army
was guided, v. 249. His proposal to
lead the; army back again into Asia,
250. His treatment of them, on their
quitting Byzantium, 252. His fur-
ther measures, 254, 255.

, appointed commander-in-chief of

the Lacedaemonian forces in Asia, vi.
65. Is defeated and slain by the
Athenians under Iphicrates, 66. His
bravery, ib.

Anchialus, by whom founded, ix. 257.

Andocides, the oration on peace, attri-
buted to him, probably of his age, ii.
S4C. note.

, notice of, iv. 52.

, account of, and of his ancestors,
v. 89, 90. Implicated, when a youth,
with Alcibiades, in the mutilation of
the terms of Mercury, 90, 91. Pro-
ceedings against him in consequence,
9395. Quits Athens and visits vari-
ous countries, 95. Returns to Athens
after the Peloponnesian war, 96. Af-
terwards retires to Cyprus, ib. Again

C C

returns to Athens, and takes an active
part in public affairs, 97. His age, at
that time, ib. note. Accused of an.
act of impiety in the temple of Ceres,
98. His defence, 98, 99. Prosecuted
for the mutilation of the terms of
Mercury, 100. Account of the ora-
tion of Lysias against him, 100 102.
Of the defence of Andocides, 10*
106. His age at the time of his ac-
cusation, 105. note. Notice of his
second oration, 106, 107. "What is
learned from the prosecutions of An-
docides, 108.

'Av^< 3 'da, a "d AflwXaj, distinction be-
tween, v. 262. note.

Androclesj king of Messenia, notice of,
i. 277. His death, ib.

, assassination of, iv. 188.

Andros, notice of the island of, ix. 5, 6.

Androsthenes, of Thasos, his narrative
of the voyage of Nearchus, x. 226.
note.

Anglo-Saxon annals, notice of, i. 199.
note. Laws, account of, 232, 233.
note.

Anippus, commander of a Syracusan
squadron, kills himself, vi. 150.

Anolympiads, explained, i. 243. note.

Anopsea, mountain of, formerly covered
with oaks,, ii, 126. Now woodless.
127. note. This circumstance noticed
by Statius, ib.

Antalcidas, sent [on an embassy from
Lacedasmon to the satrap of Lydia, vi.
40. His proposal to Tiribazus, 40, 41.
Success of his negotiation, 41. Sent
on a mission to Persia, 74. His suc-
cesses against the Athenians, 75. A
peace concluded by him with Persia,
called " The peace of Antalcidas,"
7881. ' Peace of, what its real dis-
grace principally arose from, 82. Fur-
ther remarks on, 179, 180. Compared
with the king of Persia's rescript,
217.

Antandrians, their gratitude to the Sy.
racusans, iv. 237.

Anthemus, in Macedonia, treatment of
by Philip, vii. 328.

Anticrates, a Laconian, honours and
privileges granted him for killing Epa-
minondas, vi. 303.

Antigonus, appointed satrap of Upper
Phrygia by Alexander, ix. 243.

Antiochus, king of Messenia, i. 277, 278.

Antiochus, the Athenian commander,
defeated by Lysander, in the battle of
Notium, iv. 264, 265.

Antiochus, the Arcadian minister,
slighted by Pelopidas, at Susa, vi. 217.
His description of the Persian empire,
219.

Antiochus, ^Alexander's general, how
employed, x. 129, 130.

Antipater, the Macedonian, sent am-
bassador to Athens, viii. 363.

, his advice to Alexander, ix. 166.

Places a squadron under the com-
mand of Proteas, 242. Receives a

392

GENERAL INDEX.

supply of money from Alexander, 350.
Sends a re-enforcement to him. 350,

Antipater, his embarrassed situation," x.
9. Defeats Agis, ib. Summons a con.
gress at Corinth, 10. Sends recruits

. to Alexander, 70.

Antiphon, a celebrated politician of
Athens, notice of, iv. 192. Measures
of, 21. Condemned to death by the
council of thirty, v. 43.

Antiphon, an Athenian, banished, viii.
321. Treatment of, by Demosthenes,
3-22. Accused of treason, ib. Ac-
quitted, ib. Arrested by order of the
Areopagus, 323.

'AxiSoro, interpretation of, vi. 61. note.

'Atri&ivt, interpretation of, ix. 69. note.

Antisthenes, an Agrigentine, celebrates
his daughter's \vedding with extra-
ordinary magnificence, vii. 26.

Anytus, one of the accusers of Socrates,
notice of, v. 125.

Aorni, garrisoned by Alexander, x. 53.

Aornos, description of, x. 124. Besieged
by Alexander, 126. And taken, 128.
Garrisoned by him, 129.

Apaturia, account of the festival of, iv.
285.

Apeliotes, signification of the word, i. 31.
note.

'A0' *)??ff, computation of the term, vi.
46. note ; 124, note.

Apia, the ancient name of Peloponnesus,
whence derived, i. 25.

Apis, a Pelasgian chief, first made the
Peloponnesus habitable, i. 24.

, sacrifice of Alexander to, ix. 310.

' \vwriivu, variety of its meanings, vi.
118. note.

Apollo, how he became the presiding
divinity at Delphi, i. 175. Temple of,
at Branchidai, the national bank of
the Dorians, 178. Appeal of the Cu-
masans to the oracle at, ii. .15, 16.

Apollocrates, son of Dionysius the
younger, commands at Syracuse,
during his father's absence, vii. 175.
Capitulates to Dion, and retires to
Italy, 180.

Apollodorus, of Amphipolis, appointed
to the military command of Babylon,
ix. 348. Notice of, x. 359.

Apollonia, colony of, when founded,
i. 239. (See Acanthus.)

Apolloniades of Agyrium, resigns to
Timoleon, vii. 216.

Apollophanes, satrap of Gadrosia, his
misconduct, x. 206. 209. 211. Dismissed
from the satrapy, 211.

Apulia, two towns founded on its coast,
vii. 160.

Arabees, notice of the, x. 231.

Arabic language, resemblance of the
Welsh to, i. 114. note. Observations
on the use of vowels in, 115. 117.

Arbela, or Gaugamela, account of the
battle of, ix. 336344.

Arcadia, boundaries of, i. 12. Sketch of
the history of, 243, 244. War of the

Lacedaemonians with the Arcadians,
298.

Arcadia, the Arcadians seek employ-
ment in foreign military service, ii.
138. Their offer of services to Xerxes,
138.

, separate themselves from the mam

body of the Cyrean army, v. 230.
Their marauding expedition against
the Bithynians, 232. Surrounded and
besieged by them, 232. But relieved
by Xenophon, 233, 234,

, proj>osed to be united under one

government by the Tegeans, vi. 185.
The union effected, and Megalopolis,
a common capital, founded, 188191.
The sovereign, or Numberless assem-
bly, of Arcadia, how composed, 189.
and note. Invaded by Agesilaus, 191.
The Arcadians waste Heraea, 192.
Their successes under Lycomedes of
Mantinea, 208, 209. Their high repu-
tation, ib. They oppose the Theban
pretensions at the congress of Thebes,
220. Arcadia enters into an alliance
with Athens, 248. The Arcadians
invade and ravage Elea, 256. 258.
Desist on the interference of the
Achaeans, 258. Again invade Elea,
262. Besiege Cromnus, ib. Exclude
the Eleans from the presidency of the
Olympian festival, 266, 267. Are de-
feated by the Eleans, 268. Rob the
Olympian treasury, 270. The number-
less assembly forbid any further tres-
pass, 272. The interference of Thebes
solicited, 273. Their principal citizens
seized by the Thebans at Tegea, 275.
Reception of their ministers by Epa-
minondas, 277. The Arcadians divided
on the fourth invasion of Pelopon-
nesus, 285.

, the Arcadians oppose Philip's

measures, x. 120122. and note.

Archelaus, king of Lacedaamon, i. 249.

Archelaus, son of Perdiccas, king of Ma-
cedonia, Plato's anecdote of, vii. 237.
note. His measures towards the Pyd-
neans, 240. His improvements in
Macedonia, 241. His encouragement
of science, 242. His institution of
games, ib. His death, 243.

Archelaus, son of Androcles, appointed
to the command of Aorni, x. 53.

Archestratus, appointed one of the ten
generals on the deposition of Alci-
biades and Thrasybulus, iv. 268.

Archias, a Corinthian, leads a colony to
Sicily, i. 318, 319.

Archias, polemarch of Thebes, assassi-
natedbyPhyllidas and Mellon, vi.116.

Archias, "a Macedonian, third in com-
mand to Nearchus, x. 223. Notice of,
247. Accompanies Nearchus to Alex-
ander, 258. Sent to explore the Per.
sian Gulf, 342.

Archidamia, priestess of Ceres, the ser-
vice she rendered to Aristomenes, i.
288.

Archidamus, king of Lacedeemon, sup-

GENERAL INDEX.

393

presses the revolt of the Helots, ii.
309. And blockades them in Ithome,
310.

Archidamus, his speech at the congress
at Lacedsmon, iii. 49 51. Appointed
to command the forces for the invasion
of Attica, 74. His liberal conduct, ib.
Besieges CEnoe, 79. Justness of his
judgment, 79, 80. Invades Attica a
second time, 91. Commands at the
siege of Platam, 109. His proposal to
the Plataans, 101. His solemn address
to the deities of the country, 111. Last
notice of, in history, 176. Specula-
tions as to what might havebeen done
for Greece by him and Pericles, had
their lives been prolonged, 220.

Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, defeats
the forces of Argos, Arcadia, and
Messenia, vi. 211. Invades Arcadia,
262. And takes Cromnus, ib. De-
feats the Thebans in the neighbour-
hood of Sparta, 288. Succeeds his
father on the throne of Lacedasmon,
313.

, assists the Phocians, viii. 29.

Defeats the Argives, and takes Or-
.'nea?, 112. Joins the Phocians, ib.
Takes Plissus, ib. Marches into Pho-
cis, 184. Returns home, 272.

, letter from Socrates to, ix. 63, 64.

and note.

Archipelago, etymology of, i. 139. note.

Architecture, difference between the
style of ;the Attic, and that of the
Sicilian and Pajstan buildings, ii. 248,
249. note. Of the Ionian, Corinthian,
and Doric orders, 249. note.

Archonidas, chief of Erbita, migrates,
and founds Archonidium, vii. 71, 72.

Archonidium, foundation of, vii. 72.

Archons, hereditary, established at
Athens, i. 308.

Ardericcia, in Cissia, settlement of Ere-
trians at, ii. 85.

Areopagitic oration of Isocrates, account
of, and extracts from, viii. fiO 65.

Areopagus, court of, of whom com-
posed, i. 348. Its powers, i. 349. De-
pression of the power of, ii. 318. Cha-
racter of, v. 87. Appoints Hyperides
syndic, viii. 321. Its treatment of
Antiphon, 323.

Arete, daughter of Hermocrates, mar-
ries Dionysius of Syracuse, vii. 47- Is
shamefully abused by the conspirators
against her husband, 54. Destroys
herself, ib.

Arethusa, fountain of, i. 319.

Argffius assumes the rule over Mace-
donia, vii. 247. Is compelled to flee,
248. Resumes his pretensions, 264.
Marches to Edessa, is attacked by
Philip, and slain, 268.

Argaleonis, mother of Brasidas, anec-
dote of, iii. 81.

Arginussa?, sea-fight of, iv. 279. Im-
peachment of the Athenian generals
who commanded at the battle, 282
290.

Argolis ravaged by Agesilaus, vi. 42.
Expedition into, under Agesipolis, 55,

Argonautic expedition, probable history
of, i. 37.

Argos, vale of, i. 12. Foundation of,
involved in uncertainty, 23. An
Egyptian colony, 26. Notices of some
of its early sovereigns, 26 30. Four
places of this name, 41. Its geogra-
phical situation, 42. A republican
government, 231. Effects thereof, ib.
Remarkable combat between the Ar-
gians and Lacedaemonians, 297.

, the Argives apply to the Del-
phian oracle for advice, ii. 108. Their
conduct at the time of the Persian
invasion, ib. 109. War of, with My-
cenae, 311, 312. They take Mycenaj,
and reduce the people to slavery, 313.

, treaty of Lacedasmon with Argos,

111. 304. War with Epidaurus, 322,
323. With Lacedsemon, 324. 343.
Change in the administration of,
343. Alliance with Lacedasmon, 339.
Revolution in, 341. Renewal of alli-
ance with Athens, 342, 343. Three
hundred Argives taken by Alcibiades,'
344,345.

, causes for the alienation of Argos

from Lacedamon, v. 294.

, singular union of, with Corinth, vi.

26, 27. The Argives invade Epidauria,
208. Are intercepted in their retreat
by Chabrias, ib. Are brought off by
the Arcadians, 209. Claim Tricra-
num, and place a garrison in it, 251.
Join Epaminondas on his fourth in-
vasion of Peloponnesus, 284. San-
guinary sedition at Argos, termed the
Scytalium, 316 318.

, war of, with Lacedaemon, viii. 74.

The armies defeated by Archidamus,

112. Isocrates's account of the Ar-
gives, 201.

Argos, Amphilochian, situation of, and
by whom founded, iii. 116. Dissen-
sions which led to its alliance with
Athens, 117. Share of the Amphilo-
chians in the battle of Olpa?, 188.

Aria, description of, x. 40. Revolt in,47.

Ariadne, daughter of Minos, notice of,
L56.

Ariaspes, second son of Artaxerxes
Mnemon, death of, ix. 142.

Ariasps, or Agriasps, account of, x. 43

Ariseus, commander of the Asiatic
forces under Cyrus, his measures after
the battle of Cunaxa, v. 164169.
172.

Arigasum, conquest of the country of,
by Alexander, x. 118120. The city
rebuilt by him, 118.

Arimasps, account of the, x. 44 46.

Ariobarzanes, satrap of Bithynia, me-
diates between the Grecian republics,
vi. 210, 211.

Ariobarzanes, a general of Darius, forms
a connection with Athens, vii. 299.

394

GENERAL INDEX.

Commands the Persians at the Susiad
rocks, ix. 354. Is defeated by Alex-
ander, 355.

Aristagoras. governor of Miletus, ex-
pedition of, against the isle of Naxos,
n. 41, 42. Quarrels with the Persian
commander, Megabates, 43, 44. His
critical situation, 44, 45. Procures a
revolt among the Milesians, 46. So-
licits the aid of the Lacedaemonians in
vain, 46. Obtains assistance from the
Athenians, 52. Retires from Miletus
to Thrace, 54. His death, 55.

Aristander of Telmissus, a soothsayer,
notice of, ix. 221. 235. His explana-
tion of the eclipse of the moon, 332.

, his auguries on the banks of the

Tanais, x.64, 65.

Aristaeus, useful arts introduced by,
into Greece, i. 110.

Aristarchus, how he effects the sur-
render of CEnoe, iv. 221.

, his conduct towards the Cyrean

army at Byzantium, v. 254, 255.

Aristeia, honours of the, to whom they
were decreed, ii 136.

Aristides, son of Lysimachus, first pa-
tronised by Clisthenes, ii. 145. Held a
high military command at the battle
of Marathon, ib. His character com-
pared with that of Themistocles, ib.
Banished by the Athenians, 146. But
his absence generally regretted by
them, ib. A decree passed, putting a
period to his exile, 152. Hastens to
join the fleet at Salamis, ib. Effect
produced on the commanders by his
appearance, ib. Lands on Psyttalea,
at the head of a body of Athenians,
and puts the Persians there to the
sword, 156, 157. Wise measures of
the Attic government attributed to
him, 173, 174. His speeches at the
congress at Athens, 175177. Ap-
pointed to the command of the Athe-
nian forces, 181. His answer to the
Tegeans, on their disputing preced-
ence with the Athenians, 184. The
part he took in the battle of Plata?a,
190, 191. Accompanies Themistocles,

1 on his mission to Sparta, 258, 259.
Causes of his popularity, 269. Wis-
dom of his measures, 278, 279. Last
public act recorded of .him, 279. His
death and poverty, 279,280. Monu-
ment raised to his memory, 279.

Aristippus, the Thessalian, circum-
stances which led him to the court of
Cyrus, v. 137. Obtains his friendship,
ib.

Aristocracy, import of the term, i. 230.

Aristocrates, prince of Orchomenus,
notice of, i. 288. 294.

Aristocrates, king of Arcadia, treachery
of, and its punishment, i. 294.

Aristocrates, an Athenian general, ap-
pointed one of the ten generals,
on the deposition of Alcibiades and
Thrasybulus, iv. 268. Condemned to
death and executed, 282.

Aristodemus, king of Messenia, offers
his daughter for a sacrifice, and after-
wards kills her himself, i. 280. His
death, 282. (See Temenus.)

Aristodemus, the Spartan, disgraced for
having been absent from the battle of
Thermopyla?, ii. 130. Subsequently
distinguishes himself, and his memory
transmitted with honour to posterity,
ib. His bravery at Platasa, 200. Is
slain there, ib. Funeral honours
denied to him, ib.

Aristodemus, the Athenian, sent to Ma-
cedonia, viii. 164. Honours voted to
him, 165. Goes on an embassy, 167.

Aristodemus, prince of Orchomenus,
notice of, i. 288. 294.

Aristodicus, a citizen of Cuma, attempts
to save Pactyas from being delivered
up to the Persians, ii. 15, 16.

Aristogenes, appointed one of the ten
generals on the deposition of Alcibi-
ades and Thrasybulus, iv. 268.

Aristogiton and Harmodius, conspiracy
of, against Hippias and Hipparchus,
i. 372. Extraordinary honours decreed
to the memory of, ii. 87, 88. Song of,
87. and note. Statues of, restored to
Athens, by Alexander, x. 338. note.

Aristomache, daughter of Hipparinus,
marries Dionysius of Syracuse, vii. 85.
Her family by him, 158.

Aristomenes, commander-in-chiefofthe
Messenians, gallant exploit of, i. 285.
His various successes during the war
with the Lacedaemonians, 287 294.
His subsequent adventures, 296.

Aristonicus, a singer, his bravery and
death, x. 78.

Aristophanes, the comic poet, his satire
of the extravagant views and restless
ambition of the Athenians, iii. 229.
His satire of Cleon in his comedy of
" The Knights," 273. Acts the part
of Cleon himself, ib.

, instance from, of the extravagant
use made of public accusation at
Athens, v. 78, 79. note. Introduces
Socrates by name into his comedy of
" The Clouds," 121. Reason for his
hostility to Socrates, ib. Refused the
usual record of a successful dramatist,
on the representation of " The
Clouds," 122. His object in intro-
ducing Socrates into it, 129. note. The
story of his being bribed to write the
comedy denied, ib.

Aristophanes, son of Nicophemus. See
Nicophemus.

Aristophon, the Athenian, conducts the
prosecution against Timotheus and
Iphicrates, vii. 360.

Aristoteles, a Lacedaemonian, com-
mands the Grecian mercenaries in the
pay of Dionysius, vii. 110, 111. Is
sent to Laceda?mon to account for his
conduct, 111.

Aristotle, observations of, on the import
of the terms " Aristocracy" and
" Policy," i. 231.

GENERAL INDEX.

395

Aristotle, his definition of a democracy,
v. 30.

, superintends the education of
Alexander the Great, viii. 394.

, his birth and parentage, ix. 5, 6.

Analysis of his treatise on govern-
ment, 6 13. His account of the con-
stitution of various states, 14, 15. Se-
veral kinds of monarchies specified by
him, 15 17.

Aristus represents the Lacedaemonian

fovernment at Syracuse, vii. 66, 67.
nfprms Dionysius of the Corinthian
sedition, 67.

" AqfjutTot, and "Ayte|;, distinction be-
tween, x. 155, 156. note.

Armene, transactions of the Cyrean
army at, v. 227.

Armenia, severity of the winters in, v.
205.

Armies and armour of the ancient
Greeks, described, i. 130152. 134
147. Composition of the Lacedae-
monian army, 266 271. And of the
armies of the Grecian republics, 351
353. Their officers, 354 356.

, mode of mustering the Persian

army, ii. 95. Absurd attachment of
the Lacedaemonians to the exclusive
use of weapons for close fight, iii. 213.
Practice of the Athenians in this
respect, ib. Advantages of light
troops, ib.

> scarlet or crimson, a common uni-
form of the Greeks, vi. 15.

, account of the arrangement of
Alexander's troops at the battle of
the Granicus, their arms, etc., ix. 186,
187. (See Military Affairs, etc.)

Arrhibaeus, prince of Lyncus, becomes
an ally of Sparta, iii. 250.

Arrian, his report of Alexander's speech,
ix. 67, 68. His account of the con-
spiracy, previous to, and the events
after, the death of Philip, 84, 85. and
note. His account of the Persian
council, 182. And of the battle of the
Granicus, 185193. His description
of Halicarnassus, 214. His account
of the conspiracy against Alexander,
221. OftheGordianknot,246 248. Of
the battle of Issus, 276 288. and notes.
His mode of distinguishing names, 319
522. His account of the battle of
Arbela, 336346. and notes.

, his deficiency in treating on politi-

cal subjects, x. 34, 35. His account of
the Ariasps, 43 47. And of the Scy-
thians, 59, 60. His reflections on the
death of Bessus, 71. His opinion on
Alexander's dress, ib. On the Scythian
character, 74. His account of the con-
troversies on the kingly office, 9298.
Of Alexander's conduct to the Indian
mercenaries, 123. and note. His al-
lusion to Hercules, 124. His account
of Nysa, 132135. Of the discontent
in Alexander's army, 158166. and
notes. Defence of, against an attack
of the writers of the Universal History,

165, 166. note. His anecdote of a
Boeotian officer, 188. His narrative
of the voyage of Nearchus, 216, 217.
note. Omissions in it, 228, 229. Dis-
crepancies in his various narratives,
280282. note. Views attributed to
Alexander by him, 293, 294. His
respect for omens, 355. His anecdote
of a Brahmin, 356 358. His account
of the illness of Alexander, 363369.
His character of him, 369371. Pas-
sage in his history of Alexander,
leading to the extract from the royal
daybook, 372, 373.

Arrows, letters transmitted by means of,
ii. 171.

Arsames, becomes the favourite of Arta-
xerxes Mnemon, ix. 142. Is assas-
sinated, ib.

Arses, son of Artaxerxes Ochus, ascends
the Persian throne, ix. 160. His death,
161.

Arsites, the Persian, appointed lieu-
tenant-governor of Phrygia, ix. 172.
His alarm at the approach of Alex,
ander, 180. Joined by Spithridates
and Memnon, 181. The amount of
their army, ib. and note. Kills him-
self, 192.

Artabazus, satrap of Bithynia, appointed
with 60,000 men to escort Xerxes to
the Hellespont, ii. 161. Returns from
his expedition, and lays siege to Olyn-
thus and Potidea, 170. And takes the
former, ib. His treacherous corre-
spondence with Timoxenus, ib. Raises
the siege of Potidea, and proceeds to
Thessaly, 171. Not engaged in the
battle of Plataea, 195, 196. Retreats
towards Phocis, 196. Mistake of Rol-
lin respecting him, ib. note. Progress
of his retreat to Asia, 203, 204. His
rear harassed by Perdiccas, and a large
part of his army cut off at the battle
of the Strymon, ib.

Artabazus, is assisted by Chares, vii. 362.

, solicits the aid of the Thebans, viiL

45.

, defeats the army sent against Lower

Phrygia, ix. 144, 145. Takes refuge
at the court of Philip of Macedon, 145.
His marriage with a Rhodian lady,
146, 147. and note. Restored to his
satrapy, 156. Called to the Persian
court, 172.

Artabazus, the friend of Darius III.,
his fidelity to Darius, x. 16. Surren-
ders to Alexander, 21. He leads the
Grecians in the Persian service to
Alexander, 23. Appointed satrap of
Bactria, 53. Sent on an expedition
with Pharasmanes, 73. Resigns his
satrapy, 79.

Artachasus, a Persian noble, death of,
and ceremonies at his funeral, ii. 9&

Artaphernes, brother of Darius, sends
an expedition .against Naxos, ii. 42.
Its result, 44. Character of his ad-
ministration, 52. Defeats the Greek*
at Ephesus, 53.

396

GEXERAL INDEX.

Artaphernes, the younger, expedition of,
against Greece, ii. 11. Conquers the
islands in the JEgean sea, 72, 73. In-
vades Attica, 81. Defeat of, at the
battle of Marathon, 8284.

, sent on an embassy to Lacedaemon,

iii. 225.

Artaxerxes, third son of Xerxes, sue-
ceeds to the throne of Persia, ii. 281.
Strength of his government, 285. The
existence of a treaty between him and
the Athenian commonwealth disputed,
287, 288. note. Death of, iv., 145.
Character of his government, ib.

Artaxerxes Mnemon, succeeds to the
throne of Persia, v. 131. Origin of the
enmity between him and his brother
Cyrus, ib. Encourages a civil war
between the commanders of the pro-
vinces, 132. Wounded by Cyrus at
the battle of Cunaxa, 161.

, account of, by Plutarch, ix. 137

142. Conduct of h is eldest son Darius,
141. Plot against him, ib. Favourite
chosen by him, ib. His death, 142.

Artaxerxes Ochus, keeps his father's
death secret, ix. 143. Ascends the
throne, ib. State of Persia at the com-
mencement of his reign, 144146. He
subdues Artabazus, ib. Suppresses the
revolt in Phenicia, 150. Recovers the
island of Cyprus, 151, 152. and note.
His character, as given by Isocrates,
152. Hires Grecian forces, 153. His
expedition to Egypt, 155. His suc-
cesses, ib. Anecdote of, related by
Plutarch, ib. His liberality to Ba-
goas, 156. He restores Artabazus to
his satrapy, ib. His alliance with
Athens, 158. Different accounts of
his death, 160, 161.

Artemisia, daughter of Lygdamis, suc-
ceeds to the throne of Halicarnassus,
ii. 150. Fits out five galleys, and
takes the command of them herself,
ib. Joins the Persian fleet, ib. Her
speech in a council of war, ib. Her
advice rejected, ib. Her extraordinary
bravery and address, 157.

Artemisia, princess of Caria, notice of,
viii. 116. and note.

Artemisium, station of the Greek fleet
at, ii. 116, 117- Engaged by the
Persians there, 117. Sea-fight off, 133

Artillery, the Carthaginian, improved
by the Greeks, and perfected by the
Romans, vii. 30. Invention of the
catapeltic, 82.

Arts, invention and improvement of, in
Egypt, i. 6, 7. State of the art of
music in the Homeric age, 125, 126.
Of masonry, 128. Of the ornamental
arts, 128. Of war, 130132. 134139.
Of navigation, 139. Of astronomy,
141. Of physic and surgery, 144.

, state of the, at Athens under Ci-

mon, it 301.

, state of the, under Pericles, ill 5, 6.

, flourishing state of the arts and

sciences in Greece during the repub-
lican times, vi. 331. And espeL-ially
at Athens, 332.

Arundel marbles, date of the, L 200. ;
viii. 129.

Asdrubal, derivation of the name, vii.
23.

Asia, origin of science in, i. 6, 7.

, treaty for the emancipation of the

Asian Greeks, v. 290.

, notice of the people of, ix. 58, 59.

Remarks on the origin of its name,
193. note, 194. Constitution of the
Asiatic states, 207, 208. Alexander's
winter campaign in Asia, and mea-
sures of the Persian armament under
Memnon against Greece, 217252.
Examples of Asiatic character, 229,
230 ; x. 47. Alexander's second cam-
paign in, 253322. His third cam-
paign in, 323358.

, his fourth campaign in,x. 136. His
conduct to the conquered states in, 4.
Account of the Asiatic mountaineers,
40, 41. Description of the climate of
Asia, 41, 42. Alexander's fifth cam-
paign in Asia, which completed the
conquest of the Persian empire, 37
89. Description of the climate of Asia,
42, 43. and note. Remarks on the or-
thography of Asiatic names, 192, 193.
note.

Asia Minor, early civilisation of, i. 30.
The early inhabitants of, the same
with those who inhabited Thrace and
Greece, 63, 64. Geographical situation
of, 65. Troy, the first powerful settle-
ment on its coast, 66. Early migration
from Greece to, 309. Account of the
JEolic migration, 310. Of the Ionic
migration,3ll. Carian colonies plant-
ed there, 312.

, notice of the Grecian common-
wealths in, ii. 3. Revolt of the Asian
Greeks against Persia, and consequent
war, 44 58. Subjugation of the Asian
Greeks, 58, 59.

, character of the country and

people of, ix. 225229.

Asine, in Laconia, ravaged by the Ar-
cadians, vi. 209.

Asisines, a Persian noble, intercepted
by a Macedonian party, ix. 221. Dis-
covery made in consequence thereof,
ib. r

Asopius, son of Phormion, naval ope-
rations of, iii. 179. Death of, ib.

Asopus, river, account of, ii. 123, 124.

Aspasia, daughter of Axiochus, Pericles
and Socrates indebted to her for the
cultivation of their minds, iii. 2, 3.
Her uncommon beauty and talents, 4.
| Attended by the ladies of Athens for
the instruction of her conversation, 5.
Her attachment to Pericles, ib. Dra-
matic abuse of, 7.

Aspendians, their proposition to Alex-
ander, ix. 230. Their duplicity, 231.
The city of Aspendus described, 232.
It capitulates to Alexander, ib.

GENERAL INDEX.

397

'Afftrif, the shield, always implies a
heavy.armed soldier, iv. 243.

Assakene Indians, oppose Alexander,
X. 121. They retreat to their capital,
ib. Are repulsed in a sally, 122. Repel
an assault, ib. Death of their chief,
ib. Surrender of their town, 123. and
note. Revolt against Alexander, 129.
and note. Their rebellion quelled,
130. They again revolt, 150.

Assassinations, common, among the olig-
archal party at Athens, iv. 188, 189.
Not to be excused, vi. 241. Approved
and rewarded by the Athenians, vii.
346. ; viii. 382. Of his eighty illegiti-
mate brothers by Artaxerxes Ochus,
ix. 143.

Assassins, estimation in which they
were held under the Athenian demo-
cracy, v. 86.

Assyria, one of the earliest civilised
countries, i. 4. Boundaries of the
Assyrian empire, ii. 11. Account of,
x. 294, 295.

Astes, an Indian prince, opposes Alex-
ander, x. 115. Is slain, ib.

Astronomy known to the Babylonians
at a very early period, i. 5. The first
knowledge of, brought to Egypt from
Asia, 6. Improvements in, by the
Egyptians, ib. State of, in the early
ages of Greece, 142144.

Astydamia, daughter of Pelops, i. 31.

Astyochus, the Lacedaemonian com-
mander, operations of, iv. 164 168.

Astypalaaa synonymous with the English
Alton, and Aldborough, vi. 326. note.

Athenagoras, a Syracusan leader, his
speech at the general assembly of the
people, respecting the Athenian in-
vasion, iv. 42.

Athenodorus, the Athenian, sent on an
expedition to Thrace, vii. 352. Fails
in his object, 353. Presides over the
abdication of Kersobleptes, viii. 69.

Athens, origin and rise of, i. 43. Un-
certain succession of the early Athe-
nian kings, 45. note. Account of the
improvements introduced by Theseus
into the Athenian government, 57
62. The Athenians the first civilised
among the Greeks, 61. History of
Athens from the Trojan war, to the
appointment of hereditary archons,
305 308. Administration and powers
of the hereditary archons, 324 327.
Legislation of Draco, 327. History of
Athens to the legislation of Solon,
328 333. Reformation of the Athe-
nian government and jurisprudence

: by him, 333 351. Composition of the
Athenian army, 351355. History of
Athens, from the legislation of Solon
to the expulsion of the Pisistratida?,
and the first public transaction with
Persia, 356379.

, the Athenians solicit the aid of

the Persian king against Lacedae-
mon, ii. 47. '_ Invasion of Attica
by the Peloponnesians, Boeotians, and

Euboeans, ib. The invaders defeated,
48. The Attic coast ravaged by the
jEginetans, 49. Alliance between
Athens and Lacedaemon, 68. War
between Athens and JEgina, 72, 73.
Defeat of the Persians at the battle
of Marathon, 81, 82. Growing am-
bition of Athens, 86. Effects of party-
spirit there, 86 89. Herodotus's opi-
nion of the credit due to the Athenians
in the preservation of Greece against
Persia, 102. Causes for their oppo-
sition to the Persian power, 10S, 104.
First public measure suggested by The-
mistocles for the defence of Athens,104>.
Response of the Delphian oracle, and
its interpretation, which led the Athe-
nians to rely principally on their navy,
105107. Policy of their counsels,
132. Deserted by the Peloponnesians,
they remove their families from
Attica, 144. Nature of " Ostracism "
at Athens, 145. Superstition of the
" serpent at, 146. The city taken by
the Persians, 147. Return of the
Athenians to their country, after the
battle of Salamis, 166. Offer dedi-
cations to the gods, for the victory,
167, 168. And decree honours to
Themistocles, 168, 169. Congress at
Athens, 171177. The Athenians
again abandon their country, and re-
move to Salamis, 177, 178. Their zeal
for the prosecution of the Persian war,
178. Dispute of the Tegeans with,
for precedence, 184. Of their dispute
with the Lacedaemonians respecting
the honours of the " Aristeia," 202.
The Athenians send a colony to Thu-
rium, 239, 240. Honours paid by the
Athenians to those who fell at Mara-
thon, 254. Erect a monument to their
memory, ib. Measures adopted by
Themistocles for rebuilding and forti-
fying Athens, 255. Jealousy of the
Peloponnesians, 256258. Adminis-
tration of Themistocles, 257266.
Parties at Athens, 265270. Banish-
ment of Themistocles, 270. Prosecn-
tion of the war against Persia, 272,
273. Advantages derived to them,
from the treason of Pausanias,' 279.
Athens at the head of a new 'con-
federacy, ib. Changes which took
place in the government, 283. The
seat of science and arts, under Cimon,
301 304. Extension of the power
of Athens, 305. The Athenians re-
duce the Thasians to obedience, 506.
Assist the Lacedaemonians against the
revolt of the Helots, 310. Renounce
the confederacy with Lacedaemon,311.
Form an alliance with Argos and the
Thessalians, ib. Change of admini-
stration at Athens, 313, 314. Circum-
stances which promoted the power of
the commonwealth, 314, 315. Diffi-
culties of the new administration, 315
317. Great men at Athens during
this period, 316, 317. 323, 324. De-

398

GENERAL INDEX.

pression of the court of Areopagus,
318. Gratifications provided for the
Athenians by Pericles, 319. Expe-
dition to Egypt, 320. Involved in a
war with the Corinthians, 322. Hos-
tilities between Athens and Lace-
daemon, 325, 326. Successes of the
Athenians under Myron ides, 327 329.
Important work for the protection of
Athens, 331. Successes of the Athe-
nians under Tolmides, ib. Conclusion
of the expedition to Egypt, 334. War
with Thessaly, 335. Expedition, under
Pericles,to the western coast of Greece,
335, 336. Coalition of parties at, and re-
call of Cimon, 336. Truce of five years
with Lacedaemon, 338. Long walls of
Athens, ib. Restoration of the. order
of knights, or cavalry, ib. Colony of
Athenian families sent to the Cher-
sonese, 341. Expedition to Cyprus,
342. Extent of the Athenian power
at this period, 345. State of parties at
the death of Cimon, 346348. Tol-
mides sent to reduce the Boaotians,
348, 349. Concludes a treaty with
them, 349. A truce of thirty years
concluded with the Peloponnesians,
352.

Athens, state of science, arts, and fine
taste at Athens, under the adminis-
tration of Pericles, iii. 1. 3. 5, 6. Po-
pular licentiousness, 7. The Athenian
empire asserted and extended, 8, 9.
The Athenians interfere in the war
between Samos and Miletus, 13.
Success of the armament under Peri-
cles, ib. General solemnity at Athens
in honour of the slain in their coun-
try's service,.16. War with Macedo-
nia, 35, 36. With Corinth, 3841.
Rejection of the proposals from Lace-
darnion, 62. State of the Athenian
confederacy, 73. Practice since the
first Persian invasion with respect to
the military command, 75. Resources
of the commonwealth in money, and
military and naval force, 75, 76. Ope-
rations connected with the invasion
of Attica, 78, 79. Of the Athenian
fleet in the western seas under Car-
cinus, 81, 82. Ravage of the Pelo-
ponnesian coast, and acquisition of
Cephallenia to the Athenian confede-
racy, 83, 84. Operations of the Athe-
nian fleet in the eastern seas under
Cleopompus, 83. Measures for the
security of Athens, 84. ;Extermin-
ation of the JEginetans, 85. Inva-
sion and ravage of Megaris by the
Athenians, 86. Alliance negotiated
with Sitalces, king of Thrace, and
Perdiccas king of Macedonia, 88, 89.
Public funeral at Athens, in honour of
the slain in their country's service, ib.
Account of the pestilence at Athens,
91 96. Operations of the Athenian
fleet on .the Peloponnesian coast,
under Pericles, 97. And on the
Macedonian coast, under Agnon, 98.

Effects of popular discontent at Athens,
98, 99. An Athenian squadron sta-
tioned in the western sea, 104. Sur-
render of Potidaea to the Athenians,
104, 105. Death of Pericles, 105.
Operations of the Athenians on the
northern coast of the JEgean, 115, 11&
Sea-fight between the Athenian fleet,
under Phormion, and the Pelopon-
nesian fleet, under Machaon, 120 122.
And with the fleet under Cnerous,
124 127. Attempt to surprise Piraeus,
127, 128. Success of Phormion in
Acarnania, 129, 130. Formidable
state of the Athenian navy, 138.
Distress and exertions of Athens, 139,
140. Transactions of Paches on the
Ionian coast, 145149. State of the
Athenian government after the death
of Pericles, 150, 151. Inhuman decree
against the Mitylenaeans, 153 156.
Operations of the Athenian fleets,
under Nicostratus and Eurymedon, at
Corcyra, 168173. A squadron sent
to Sicily, under Laches, 175, 176.
End of the pestilence at Athens, 176.
Power and resources of the govern-
ment, 177. Operations of Nicias on
the eastern side of Greece, 178. And
of Demosthenes on the western, 179.
His defeat near jEgitium, 181, 182.
And important successes in Acar-
nania, 190. Conquest in*Sicily pro-
jected by the Athenian administra-
tion, 193. Pylus occupied by Demo-
sthenes, 195-198. Blockade of Sphac-
teria, 207. Cleon appointed general
of the Athenian forces, 210. Attack
upon Sphacteria, 213 215. Surren-
ders to the Athenian forces, 215.
Decree respecting the prisoners, 217.
Application for peace from Lacedas-
mon, 217. Expedition, under Nicias,
to the Corinthian coast, 221. The
Laceda?monian island of Cythera, and
^Eginetan settlement at Thyrea, taken
by the Athenians, 227, 228. Inhu-
manity of the Athenians, 228. Effects
of the superiority gained by Athens
in the war, 228, 229. How satirised by
Aristophanes, 230. The port of Nisaea
taken by the Athenians, 232. Their
attempt against Boeotia, 241. Battle
of Delium, 244. Siege of Delium, 246,
247. Negotiation for peace with
Lacedaamon, 260. Remarkable in-
stance of Athenian superstition, 271,
272. State of Athens after the death
of Pericles, 272. The Athenians de-
feated at Amphipolis, 277. 280. Nego-
tiation for peace between Laceda?mon
and Athens, '283 287. A partial peace
concluded, 287. Alliance of Lacedae-
mon with, 290. Tyranny and super-
stition of the Athenian people, 298.
Athens at the head of a confederacy
in Peloponnesus, 316. Impatience of
the office of general of the Athenian
commonwealth, 319. Inimical con-
duct to Lacedajmon, 323. Defeat of

GENERAL INDEX.

399

the Athenians" near Mantinea, 333,
334. Overthrow of the Athenian
interest in Peloponnesus, 341. The
Athenians besiege and take Melos,345
346. Their atrocious inhumanity ,347.
Athens, their first interference -in the
affairs of Sicily, iv. 13, 14. Contention
of parties at Athens, 22, 23. Assis-
tance voted to the Egestans, 24. And
Nicias, Alcibiades, and Lamachus
appointed to the command, 26. De-
bates on the Sicilian expedition, 26
32. Mutilation of the terms of Mer-
cury, and its consequences, 34. Com-
pletion of the preparations for the
Sicilian expedition, and departure of
the fleet, 37, 38. Force of the Athe-
nian armament, and its measures, 42,
43. Debate of the generals, 4449.
Intrigues, tumult, popular panic, and
their consequences, at Athens, 5053,
First measures against Syracuse, 55
57. Operations of the army in Sicily,
6870. Siege of Syracuse, 7086.
Hostilities against Athens by Lace-
daemon, 86, 87. Re-enforcements sent
to Sicily, 87. Naval action in the
harbour of Syracuse, 89, 90. The
Athenians suffer from the occupation
of Decelea by the Lacedaemonian*,
92, 93. Distress of Athens, 93, 94.
Tax upon the states subject to, 94.
Naval action in the Corinthian gulf,
98, 99. Naval actions of the Athe-
nians in the harbour of Syracuse, 100,
101. Re-enlorcements sent thither
under Demosthenes and Eurymedon,
104. Assault of Epipolae by the Athe-
nians, 105107. Who were defeated
there, 107, 108. Debates concerning
their retreat, 109111. Effect of an
eclipse of the moon on, 112. Fourth
naval action, 115. The Athenians
prepare for retreat, 117 119. Account
of their retreat from Syracuse, 119
131. Execution of Nicias and Demo-
sthenes, 131. Catastrophe of the Athe-
nians, 132134. Effects, at Athens,
of the news of the overthrow in
Sicily, 135, 136. Council of elders
created, 137, 138. The Athenians
direct their attention to repair their
misfortunes, 143. Their naval success
in the Saronic gulf, 151. Vigorous
measures of the Athenians, 153, 154.
Progress of revolt against Athens,
157 159. Exertions of the Athenians,
159. Recover their naval superiority,
and besiege Chios, 159, 160. Defeat
the Chians, 160. Their success against
the Milesians, 161. Plot for changing
the constitution of Athens, 175, 116.
Proposition to the people, 179. Public
decree : political clubs, 181, 182. Pro-
gress of the plot for a revolution, 187,
188. Violence of the oligarchal party,
188. Proposed new form of govern-
ment, 190. Establishment of the new
council of administration, 192 194.
Measures of the new government, 194,

195. Overtures for peace with Lace-
dasmon, 195. Opposition of the fleet
and army at Samos to the new govern-
ment, 196200. Restoration of Al-
cibiades decreed by the Athenian
armament, 203 206. Elected genera),
204. Critical situation of Athens, 20.
Result of the proceedings of the coir-
raissioners sent to the armament at
Samos, 209, 210. Beneficial conduct of
Alcibiades, 210. Schism in the new go-
vernment of Athens, 212221. A se-
cond revolution, 221, 222. Transac-
tions of the fleet under Thrasyllus and
Thrasybulus, 223. 227. Sea-fight near
Abydus, 231. Naval action near
Cyzicus, and capture of the Pelopon-
nesian fleet, 234, 235. Effects of the
naval successes of the Athenians, 240.
Transactions of Thrasyllus, on the
Asiatic coast, 243248. Important
successes of Alcibiades, 248252.
Captures Byzantium, 252, 253. Strong
party in Athens against him, 254.
His reception by the Athenians, 255,
256. Who elect him governor-gene-
ral, or commander-in-chief, with su-
preme authority, 256, 257. Sea-fight
of Notium, 265. The Athenians dis-
miss Alcibiades and Thrasybulus,
268. Faction at Athens, 269, 270.
Great exertions of the Athenians,
276. Sea-tight of Arginussse, 278
281. Proceedings connected with the
impeachment and condemnation of
the generals who commanded there,
282 291. Defective polity of the
Athenians, and great superiority of
the British government, 291 296.
Instances of Grecian atrocity excul-
pated by instances in France, 291.
Unsteadiness of the Athenian govern-
ment, 305, 306. Measures of the
fleets, 306, 307. Battle of JEgospo-
tami, 309311. Grief and alarm at
Athens in consequence, 313. Siege
of Athens by the Lacedaemonians,
318, 319. Capitulates to them, 321.
The long walls destroyed, 322.
The popular assembly abolished, and
the supreme authority committed to
a council of thirty, ib.
Athens, character of the Athenian de-
mocracy, v. 8 10. Judicature, 10, 11.
Public revenue, 12 22. Sycophancy.
22 24. Tyranny of democracy, 24
26. Theatrical satire, 2628. Law
of treason, 29, 50. First measures of
the supreme council of thirty, 31. Go-
vernment of the thirty, 3387. 3946.
Their further violence, 49, 50. Civil
war against them, 52 55. The thirty
deposed, and a council of ten elected,
5fi. The Athenian democracy re-
stored, 63, 64. Illustrations, from the
orators and philosophers, of the civil
history of Athens, and the condition
of the Athenian people, between the
ages of Pericles and Demosthe
-108.

icnes, 68

400

GENERAL INDEX.

Athens, restoration of the long walls
of Athens, vi. 33. Advantages be-
stowed on the Athenians by Conon,
33. Phliasia ravaged by Iphicrates,
the Athenian general, 37. And Ar-
cadia overrun, 38. His operations in
Corinth, 4648. His further sue-
cesses, 49. A fleet sent to Asia under
Thrasybulus, 60, 61. His successes,
6063. Iph icrates commander of th e
Athenian forces in Asia, 65. Con-
nection of Athens with Cyprus, 69.
Change in the Athenian politics,
adverse to Thebes, 127. The Athe-
nians ally themselves with Thebes,
and declare war against Lacedaemon,
131. Their fleet defeats the Lace-
daemonians near Naxus, 139. They
gain possession of Corcyra, ib. Ac-
commodation, and subsequent breach
between them and the Lacedaemo-
nians, 142. They re-enforce Corcyra,
now besieged by Mnasippus, 145. De-
spatch an expedition to the island
under Iphicrates, 146. Negotiate a
general peace at Lacedaemon, 156.
Recall the fleet under Iphicrates, 160.
Congress of the states of Greece at
Athens, 179, 180. Deliberations on
the danger of Lacedaemon at Athens,
198. The Athenians determine to
assist the Lacedaemonians against
Thebes, 200. Take the command al-
ternately with the Lacedaemonians,
204. Causes of the superiority of
Athens, 207. An Athenian army
sent to Thessaly, 215. Ministers sent
to the congress at Susa, 216. Athens
quiet and flourishing to this time
from that of the restoration of demo-
cracy, 243. Sketch of the state of

I Athens afforded by Isocrates, 245,
246. The Athenian exiles become
masters of Oropus, 246. Athens enters
into an alliance with Arcadia, 248.
Loses the alliance of Corinth, 249.
The Attic territory enjoys peace
during the Theban war, 281. Athens
successfully opposes Epaminondas by
sea, 282. Relieves Mantinea with a
body of horse, 290. Athens, the seat
of science, arts, and commerce, 331,
332.

, the Athenians excite the Pyd-

naeans to revolt, vii. 2.S9. Intercourse
between them and Macedonia, 250.
Hostility of, to Olynthus, 252. War
with Macedonia, 261. The Athenians
join Argaeus, 264. Defeated by Philip
of Macedon, 268. Make peace with
Philip, 270. Affairs of Athens from
the general peace following the battle
of Mantinea, to the renewal of war
between Macedonia and Athens, 276
321. Account of eminent men at
Athens, 277. The commonwealth re-
stored by Thrasybulus, 277, 273. Un-
steadiness of its government, 280, 281.
Its subserviency to popular passion,
283, 284. Theatrical entertainments

at, 284. Decay of military valour, and
employment of mercenaries, 285 28".
Confederacy between Athens and
some small states, 288, 289. Exaction
of tribute from them, 291. Revenue
at Athens, 292, 293. Athenian colony
at Amphipolis, 294, 295. Opposition
of Athens to Olynthus, 297, 298.
Athens forms a connection with
Ariobarzanes, 299. The Athenians
send an expedition to Asia, ib. Take
and garrison Potidaea, and Torone,
300, 301. Their perfidious behaviour
to Philip, 301. Appoint Iphicrates to
the command against Amphipolis,
303. Send Timotheus in his stead,
ib. Their alliance with Cotys, 307.
Acquire Amphipolis, 309. Decree
honours to Charidemus, 310. In-
creased extent of their empire, 311.
Their maladministration, 312. And
oppression of their allies, 314. Re-
volt of their allies, 315, 316. Send
Timotheus against Euboea, 319. Af-
fairs of, from the renewal of hos-
tility between them and Macedonia,
to the end of the war between the
Athenians and their allies, called
the confederate, or social war, 323.
371. Weight of testimony of the
Athenian orators, 323, 324. Surprise
created by the alliance of Olynthus
and Macedonia, 326. Negotiation
with Macedonia and Olynthus, 326
327. War with their allies, 340. The
Athenians assist Miltocythes, 341.
Their conduct to Charidemus, 342.
Decree honours to Python, 346. As-
sassination approved and rewarded by
the Athenians, ib. Send Cephisodotus
to Thrace, ib. Condemn him to pay
a fine, 347. Political principles of
their administration, 348. Encourage
rebellion in Thrace, 349351. Send
Athenodorus thither, 352. Change of
administration, 353. Chabrias ordered
to Thrace, ib. Slow progress of the
social war, 354. Chares and Chabrias
proceed against Chios, 355. Failure
of the enterprise, 356. An expedition
sent against Samos, 358. Character
of the Athenians, 359, 360. They ne-
gotiate with the allies, 364. And con-
clude a peace with them, 370, 371.
Athens, interference of the Athenians
with the temple of Delphi, viii. 9, 10.
Favou r able to the cause of Phocis, 37.
Politics and circumstances of, 51, 52.
Violent measure of, against Mace-
donia, 54. Parties at, Athens, 59, 60.
Banishment of Leosthenes,60. Orators
of Athens, ib. First oration of De-
mosthenes, 66. Proceedings against
Kersobleptes, 68, 69. The Athenians
conquer the Chersonese, 69, 70. Pro-
ceedings of the war party, 73. They
use the treasury at Delphi, 74, 75.
Alarmed at the victories of Philip,
send Diophantus to Thermopylae, 81.
Decree honours to him, 82. Justin'*

GENERAL INDEX.

401

account of the arrogance of the Athe-
nians, 83. Troops furnished by, to
the Phooians, 87. State of parties,
and leaders in Athens, 8992. Its
settlements in Scythia, 94, 95. So-
licited by the Megalopolitans, 109.
Change of policy toward Phocis, 112.
Appoint Phocion against Eubrea, 125.
State of Athens, 131. Triumph of the
war party at, 137. The Athenians send
ministers throughout Greece, Io8.
Their ill success, 139. Chares sent to
Olynthus, 142, 143. His conduct
there defended by his friends at
Athens, 152154. Effects of the fall
of Olynthus, 156, 157. Phrynon and
Ctesiphon sent to Macedonia, 158,
The Athenians annul a decree against
Macedonia, 159. Their connection
with Phocis, 159, 160. Uneasiness of
the public mind, 163. Aristodemus
sent to Macedonia, 164. And an em-
bassy to Macedonia, 166. It proceeds
to Pella, 168. Its audience with Philip,
168, 169. Its report at home, 169.
Policy of the war party at Athens,
170, 171. Meeting of the Synedrians
at, 172. Arrival of the Macedonian
ambassadors at, 173. Peace concluded
with Macedonia, 174. Departure of
the Macedonian ambassadors, 176.
Robbery of the Delphian treasury
by, 179. Send an embassy to Philip,
183. Audience given to it, 188. Its
return home, 19-2. Its report, 193,
194. The Athenians addressed by
Philip, 194. Receive a second address
from Pliilip, and refuse to accede to
his request, 196. Propositions re-
specting Phocis, 197 Panic occasioned
at Athens by the arrival of Dercyl-
lus, 219. The Athenians receive a
letter from Philip, 220. Its effect,
221. Policy of the party of Chares,
225, 226. Popular interest favouring
the party, 227. Prosecution of hostile
purposes against Macedonia, i 7 28.
Oration of Demosthenes on the peace,
228, 229. Invective against Mace-
donia, 234. Accusation of Philocrates,
ib. Decree concerning Amphipolis,
236. Accusation of ^Eschines by Ti-
marchus, 237. Second philippic of
Demosthenes, ib. Accusation of JEs-
chines by him, 238, 239. The island
of Halonnesus claimed from Macedon
by the Athenians, and why, 245. Em-
bassy sent to assert the claim, ib.
Reply of Philip to it, 245, 246. And
oration of Hegesippus on the subject,
247254. Decline of the Athenian
interest in Greece, 257259. Exer.
tions of the war party, 259. A colony
sent to the Thracian Chersonese, 259,
260. Diopithes commander in Thrace,

260. Athenian democratical policy,

261. Oration of Demosthenes on the
Chersonese, 263265. Occasion of
his third philippic, and its effect, 265
268. Hostile conduct against Ma-

VOL. X. D

cedonia, 268, 269. Surrender of Ha-
lonnesus to the Athenians, 269.
Character of the office of h'rst mi-
nister, 270. 273. Negotiations with
Persia, 275, 276. New coalition with
Phocion's party, 277. Embassy of
Demosthenes to the Hellespomine
cities, 277, 278. Subjection of Eubcea,
278. Preponderance procured by De-
mosthenes for the Athenian party in
Perinthus, Selymbria,and Byzantium,
280. Decree proposed by Eubulus
respecting an embassy to Macedonia,
282, 283. Philip's answer to the em-
bassy, 283, 284. Circumstances which
gave rise to Demosthenes's fourth phi-
lippic, 284. The Athenians appoint
Chares to the command in the Helles-
pont, 300. And send Phocion to super-
sede him, 301. The extent of their do-
minion beyond Greece, 304. Privileges
conferred upon them by the Byzan-
tines, 305, 306. By the Chersonesites,
306, 307. Demosthenes goes as an
Amphictyon to Delphi, 307. The
number of Amphictyons sent by the
Athenians, 309. Send JEschines as
an Amphictyon, ib. Claim upon the
Athenians by the Amphissians, 311.
and note. States composing the
Athenian confederacy, 324 326. How
connected with Thebes, 327. Send
their mercenaries to assist the Am-
phissians, 328. Critical situation of
the Athenian war party, 3 L 29. Ad-
vantages to Athens of the Theban
alliance, ib. Contest of parties at
Athens, 333, 334. Decrees against
Philip, 334, 335. The Athenians re-
ceive answers from Philip, 335, 336.
and note. Alarm created at Athens
respecting the garrison of Elatea, 338,
339. Unusual decree of the Athe-
nians, 340, 341. They send an embassy
to Thebes, 343 Alliance between
Athens and Thebes, 34. r >. Their
operations, 345, 346. Debates at
Athens, 348. They refuse to treat
with Philip, 3)9. March of the Athe-
nian and Theban army against Philip,
355. and note. They are defeated at
Chaeronea, 356. Alarm at Athens in
consequence, 356, 357. The Athenians
send ^Eschines to Philip, 360. And
an embassy to him, 362. 'Ihe war
party decree an oration lor the slain
at Chaeronea, o64. And choose De-
mosthenes to deliver it, 365. Elect
him proveditor, 3fi7.
Athens, remarks on the constitution
of, ix. 30. The Athenians send
an embassy to Alexander the Great,
88. Proceedings at Athens, 117. Re-
solutions of the Athenians on the
capture of Thebes, 128. They send
an embassy to Alexander, ib. And
receive a letter from him, ISO. Pre-
sent a petition to him, 131. Receive
a present from Alexander, 193. They
send another embassy to Alexander,

402

GENERAL INDEX.

245. and note. They send a deputa-
tion to Alexander at Tyre, 325. Reject
the bribes offered by Darius, 326.
Present received by them from Alex-
ander, 318, 349.

Athens, the Athenians secretly negoti-
ate with Lacedaemon, x. 6. Amount
of voters in the general assembly at
Athens, 7. State of Athens during
the campaigns of Alexander, 315
318. The Athenians send an embassy
to the queen of Molossis, 319. Contest
between ^schines and Demosthenes
at Athens, 319 323. Accusation of
Demosthenes, 327-

Athos, canal of, motive of Xerxes for
constructing, ii. 92, 93. Historical
testimony for, 92. note.

Atimy, meaning of the term, v. 95. 100.

Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, notice of, ii.
92. note.

Atreus, king of Argos, reign of, i. 33.
Fabulous accounts of him, 33, 34.
notes.

Atrometus, meaning of the word, viii.
92. note.

Atropates, the Persian, made satrap of
Media, x. 83. Subdues a rebellion,
280. His daughter married to Per-
diccas, L'86. He sends a present of one
hundred armed Amazonian women
to Alexander, 329.

Attaginus, the Theban, one of the heads
of the faction which led the Boeotians
to the Persian alliance, ii. 202. Flees
from Thebes on the appearance of
Pausanlas, 203.

Attalup, the Macedonian, sent on an
expedition into Asia, viii. 379.

accused of treason and acquitted,
x. 32. His appointment, 76. Sent
against Ora, li'4. His station at the
passage of the Hydaspes, 140. Notice
of, 195. Passes a night in the temple
of Serapis, 368.

Attic dialect, over what state it ex-
tended, i. 167.

Attica, soil of, i. 11. Natural circum-
stances of, 42. Early population and
civilisation of its inhabitants, 44.
Their condition before the time of
JEgeus, 46. The Attic people divided
into three factions, 333. Manner in
which the country was divided, anal-
ogous to shires, hundreds, and tith-
ings, 340, 341.

, invasion of, by the Peloponnesians,

ii. 350, 351.

invaded and ravaged by the Pelo-
ponnesians, iii. 79, hO. Second in-
Tasion, 91. Third invasion, 132. Fifth
invasion of, 193. (See Athens.)

Auction, farming of the Athenian taxes
by, v. JG4.

Auger, M., remarks respecting various
points of Grecian history, vii. 324.
note; 366. note; viii. 114. note; 120,
121. note; 141143. note; 287. 319.
342. 370. note ; ix. 64. note. Trans-
lation of a passage in letter to Iso-

crates, vi. 265. note. Character of his

translation, viii. 143. note.
Augury, in great repute among the

ancient Greeks,!. 99.
Aulis, assembly of the Grecian chief-
tains at, i. 70.
Austanes, the Parsetac, excites a revolt,

x. 84. Taken prisoner, 84. 89.
Autariats, the, how kept in awe, ix.

103.
Autocles, the Athenian, sent against

Thrace, vii. 341.

A&r*Mfoe, signification of, iv. 256, 257.
Autophradates, the Persian, takes Mi-

tylene, ix. 240. Arrives at Halicar-

nassus, 288.
, Alexander's treatment of, x. 21.

Appointed governor of Mardia, 22.
AVTOV&I'/.VIS , explanation of, ii. 2. note.
Azelmic, king of Tyre, notice of, ix.

296, 297. 302.

Babylon, every known alphabet to be
traced to the neighbourhood of, i. 5.

, notice of, ii. 11.

, account of the Babylonish re-
ligion, ix. 345. Babylon surrendered
by Mazaens to Alexander, 346. Its
foundation and site, 347.

, how embellished by Alexander,

x. 334. Entered by him, 3i6. Ac-
count of the embassies there to Alex-
ander, 337340. Chosen as the
capital of Asia by him, 340. His
improvements there, 342. 346348.
Death of Alexander at, 3ri9.

Babylonians, the, acquainted with as-
tronomy and dialling, at a very early
period, i. 5.

Bacchus, or Dionysus, traditions in
Greece respecting his expedition to
India, x. 130132. The supposed
founder of Nysa, 133. Sacrifices to,
by Alexander, 134, 1 o5.

Bactria, or Bactriana. description of, x.
3P. The Bactrians desert from Bessus,
53. They revolt against Alexander,
61. Macedonian army re-enforced in
the capital, 69. Macedonian garrison
in, 77, 78. Alexander's return to,
89. Discussions at an entertainment
given there by him, 94, 95.

Bag6as, the eunuch, account of.ix. 156,
157. Directs the affairs in the eastern
part of the Persian empire, 157. Said
to have poisoned Artaxerxes, 160.
Also his successor Arses, 161. His
death, ib.

Baia?, bay of, its situation, ii. 245.

Bal, or Baal, meaning of the title, vii.
23. note.

, temple of, at Babylon, rebuilt by

Alexander, x. 334.

Bacchiada?, the, put to death the reign,
ing prince of Corinth, i. 239.

Ballot, judgment on life and death de-
cided by, at Athens, iv. 291. Reproof
of this plan, ib.

Bank, the temple at Delphi became the
great bank of Greece, i. 178. That oi

GENERAL INDEX.

403

Apollo, at Branchidaj, became the
national bank of the Dorians, ib. The
establishment of one at Athens, pro-
jected by Xenophon, v. 20.

Be<*0e<jv, original meaning of, ii. 89.
note.

Barbarity of the Grecian system of war,
iii. 104.

Barber, Athenian, anecdote of his
garrulity, iv. 135. How punished, 136.

Bards, qualifications and authority of,
in the early ages of Greece, i. 156.

Bardylis, prince of Illyria, compels
Amyntas to quit Macedonia, vii. 247.
Is slain, 272.

Barrows, sepulchral, origin of, ii. 99
Alluded to by Homer, ib. note. Still
in use, in Spain, ib. note. Those
erected to the memory of the slain
at Platsea, distinguished to following
ages, 201. Erected by the Athenians,
254.

Barsine,married to Alexander the Great,
x. 285.

Barthelemi, M., his deficiencies and er-
rors exposed, v. 2. note. Has not with
sufficient care distinguished the prac-
tices of distant ageSjSl.'S.note. Implicitly
follows the narrative of Pausanias
respecting Epaminondas, vi. 188. note.
Has done little towards the illustra-
tion of the political history of Greece,
283. note. His panegyric on, and
attempted justification of, Dion, vii.
182. note.

Baryaxes, a Mede, his revolt and ex-
ecution, x. 280.

Barzaentes, assassinates Darius, x. 18.
Condemned to death by Alexander,
26.

Bashaw, remarks on the orthography
of the word, x. 192, 193. note. Dig-
nity of the office, 347.

Beto-iteus and"Av,distinction between,
i. 104. note.

Battering-rams, when first used by the
Greeks, iii. 113.

Battle, order of, as described by Homer,
I 13-2.

. of Marathon, ii. 8181. Of Ther-
mopylae, 124130. Of Platsa, 194
199. Of the Strymon, 204. Of
Himera, 22,3. 228230. note. Of Eu-
rymedon, 286. Of Tanas^ra, 326. Of
(Enophyta, 328. Of Coronea, 349.

of Potidaea, iii. 40. Of Stratus,

118, 119. Near ^Egitium, 183. Of
Olpa?, 189. Of Idomene, 191, 192.
Of Delium, 242244. Of Amphi-
polis, 277279. Near Mantinea, 331
-333.

of Miletus, iv. 161. Of 2Egospo-

tami, 308311.

of Cunaxa, v. 158162. Of the

Pactolus, 317.

of Corinth, vi. 6, 7. Of Coronea,
1517. Of Leuctra, 162166. The
"Tearless" battle, 212. Battle of
Olympia, 268. Of Mantinea. 294
297.

Battle of Crimesus, vii. 211, 212. Of
Edessa, 268.

near the Pagasaean bay, viii. 81.

Of Tamynaj, 126. Of Hyampolis, 18L
Of Hedylium, 182. Near Byzantium,
301. OfChaeronea, 356.

of Pellion, ix. 102. Of the Gra-

nicus, 185193. Of Issus, 277287.
Of Arbela, or Gaugamela, 336 346.

of the Hydaspes, x. 139141. (See

Sea-fight.)

Bayle, M., confirmation of his remark
respecting Miltiades, ii. 89. note.

Bazira, invested by Ccenus, x. 124.
The Bazirenes retreat to Aornos, ib.
They defend it against Alexander,
127. But afterwards capitulate, 128.

Bedoween, or Bedouin, remarks on the
orthography of, x. 193.

Bellerophon,or Bellerophontes, a prince
of Corinth, i. 22. 64.

Bessus, the Bactrian, his treachery to
Darius, x. 16. The command de-
volves to him, 17. Privy to the mur-
der of Darius, 18. Aspires to the
throne of Persia, 19. Allowed to take
the imperial dignity, 25. His mea-
sures to obstruct Alexander, 40. His
retreat to the river Oxus, 53. Sur-
renders to Alexander, 5fi. His treat-
ment, 56, 57. His barbarous death,
70, 71.

Beton, one of the principal engineers
in Alexander's army, notice of, ix.
79.

Bireme, the most perfect representation
of, in the Vatican museum at Rome,
ii. 162.

Bisthanes the Persian, his interview
with Alexander, x. 13. and note.

Bithynians, the, attacked and pillaged
by the Arcadians, v. 231. The latter
besieged and surrounded by the Bi-
thynians, 232, 233. Success of the
stratagem of Xenophon against them,
233. War of the Greeks with, 239
241. Attack the Cyrean army, 233.
238241. Hostile character of, 283.
Dercyllidas winters among them, 283.

Blackstone, Judge, his Commentaries
quoted, ix. 38.

Body- warden, office of, ix. 84. note.

Bosotarchs, power of, i. 304. Office of,
explained, vi. 128, 129. Contest of
Demosthenes with them, viii. 350, 35L
Their assembly noticed, ix. 57.

Boeotia, boundaries of, i. 11. Natural
circumstances of, 38. Sketch of the
history of Boeotia, after the Trojan
war, 302 304. Its government, 304,

, campaign in, ii. 179. et seq. The

towns in, admitted to the Peloponne-
sian confederacy, 327. Revolt of the
Boeotians, 348. They lose Chaaronea,
ib. Defeat the Athenians at Co-
ronea, 349. Concludes a treaty with
them, ib.

, plan for effecting a revolution in

favour of the Athenians, iii. 239.
D D 2

404

GENERAL INDEX.

Attempts of the Athenians against
Boeotia, 241. The forces of the Boeo-
tians assembled at Tanagra, 242 Con-
duct of Pagondas, ib. Battle of De-
lium, 243. Reciprocal imputation of
impiety between the Boeotians and
Athenians, 245, 246. Siege of Delium,
246, 247. Deceive the Lacedaemoni-
ans, 303. Treaty of Lacedasmon with,
304. Their conduct to the Athenians
respecting the fort of Panactum, 305.

Boeotia, massacre in, by the Thracian
auxiliaries, iv. 95.

, insult offered by the Boeotians to

Agesilaus, v. 3t8.

plundered and wasted by Age-
silaus, vi. 133. Reduced to subjection
under Thebes, 140. Enjoys peace
during the war with Athens, 280.

, the Boeotians supplicate Philip,

viii. 209. Arrangement of its affairs,
361. (See Ihebes.)

Boges, the Persian commander, his fe-
rocious heroism at the siege of Eion,
ii. 281.

Bolingbroke, Lord, his remarks on the
qualifications of Demosthenes, viii.

Booanga, or canoe, description of, ii.

164. Its strong resemblance to an

ancient war-galley, 164, 165.
Books, scarcely known in the age of

Pisistratus, iii. 2.
Border lands, of neighbouring Grecian

republics, usually consecrated to some

deity, viii. 22.
Bore, or tide of the Indus, explanation

of, x. 198, 199. note.
Boreas, ancient tradition respecting,

ii. 117. Prayers of the Athenians to,

ib.

Bosporus, toll imposed on vessels pass-
ing the, vi. 70. ; viii. 229.
Boundaries of Greece, i. 10.
Boundary of the Athenian territory

engraved on a pillar, i. 305.
Bowmen, a valuable species of troops in

Greece, i. 353.
Boxing, when introduced into the

Olympian games, i. 194.
Bramin, Indian, account of one, x. 356,

Bramins, account of the siege of the
town of the, x. 182185

Branchidae, temple of Apollo at, i. 178.

Brasidas, the Spartan commander, gal-
lant action of, iii. 82. His bravery at
Pylus, 200. Temper and enterprising
character of, 233. His operations in Me-
gara, 236, 237. Marches into Thrace,
248, 249. Negotiates with Acanthus,
250, 251. Concerts a plan for gaining
Amphipolis to the Lacedaemonian
confederacy, 253256. His wise con-
duct, 257. His successes in Thrace,
258, 259. Means by which he gained
over the town of Scione, 262. Ho-
nours paid to him by the inhabitants,
262, 263. Extends his views to Po-
tidaea and Mende, 262264. Success

of his negotiations, 264. Repulses the
Illyrians, 266. Attempts to surprise
Potidaea, 2/0. Defeats the Athenians
at Amphipolis, 276280. Receives
his death-wound there, 280. Honours
paid to his memory, 281. Reply of
his mother respecting him, 281. Com-
pared by Plato to Achilles, 282. Re-
semblance of his character to that of
General Wolfe, ib. note.

Bribery, universality of, at Athens,
under the democracy, v. 22. The
principal road to honours, 49, 50. Of
the democratical leaders in the Gre-
cian republic, 323.

among the Macedonians, viii. 153

156.

among the Persians, x. 6 9.

Bridges, of boats, built over the Helles-
pont, by Xerxes, ii. 94.

Britain, the silver fir, and evergreen
oak, not found in, in Caesar's time, i.
8. note. Grecian letters used in, 31.
Ancient state of, as described by
Spenser, 50. note.

British constitution, structure of, i.
232. 333. Remarks on, iv. 292-296.
296. note ; ix. 42, 43. 4547.

Islands, earliest mention of the, ii.

251, 252. note.

Brundusium, foundation of, i. 317.

Bryant, Mr. his conjecture respecting
the appellation of ravens, borne as a
distinguishing title by some of the
Egyptian priests, ix. 316.

Bubares, son of Megabazus, commander
of the Persian fleet, ii. 92.

Bucephala, on the Hydaspes, founded
by Alexander, x. 147.

Bucephalus, Alexander's favourite
horse, death of, x. 147.

Byres, Mr. his conjecture concerning
the statue of the " Fighting Gla-
diator," vi. 288. note.

Byzantium, situation and advantages
of, ii. 273. Capitulation of, to Pau-
sanias, ib.

. ,captured by Alcibiades, iv. 252,253.

, transactions of the Cyrean army

at, v. 250252.

, enters into alliance with Thebes,

vi. 282.

, revolts against Athens, vii. 315.

, is assisted by the Chians, Rho-

dians, and Coans, viii. 303. Battle
near, 301. The Byzantines confer
privileges on the Athenians, 305,

Cabala, a town of Sicily, the Carthagi-
nians under Magon defeated at, vii.
135.

Cabiri, i. 17.

Cadmasans, derivation of the name, i.
113. note.

Cadmea, operations in the, ix. 109 112.
121.

Cadmus, king of Thebes, adventures
of, i. 39, 40. His name given to Boe-
otia, 1 13.

GENERAL INDEX.

405

Cadmus, of Miletus, one of the earliest
Grecian prose-writers known to the
ancients, i. 118. 198.

Cadusians, the, negotiate with Darius,
x. 13, 14.

Cajsar, credit of, vindicated, i. 8, 9.
note. Defence of his assertion that
the " fagus " and " abies " were not
found in Britain, 8. note.

, comparison of, with Alexander

the Great, x. 170, 171. and notes.
Notice of, 218. The chief object of
his invasion of Britain, 171. note;
344.

Cairo, origin of, ix. 307.

Calanusthe Bramin, his friendship with
Alexander, x. 356. Account of his
death, 356, 357.

Calaurean confederacy, account of, i.
236, 237.

Calchas, the seer of the Grecian army,
i. 99.

Callas, the Macedonian general, de-
feated, ix. 173. His situation in the
army at the river Granicus, 186. Ap-
pointed satrap of Phrygia, 194.

Callias, Athenian, notice of, ii. 352.
His death, iii. 39, 40.

Callias, founder of the Euboean general
assembly, how received at the Ma-
cedonian court, viii. 276. Favoured
with the title of king's companion, ib.

Callias and Taurosthenes of Euboea,
their projects, viii. 123. 124. The
agents of Demosthenes. 304. Report
of Callias to the Athenians, 3U8. and
note.

Callibius,theTegean, projects the union
of all Arcadia, vi. 185.

Callicratidas, the Spartan, appointed
commander of the Peloponnesian

fleet,

Manner in which he

allays the discontent of the armament,
272, 273. His difficulties, and applica-
tion to Sardis for relief, 273. Takes
Methymne by assault, 274. His li- ,
beral patriotism, 275. Defeats Conon
at Mitylene, ib. Forms the siege
of that place, 276. Defeats Diomedon,
277. His death at Arginussae, 280.

Callines, a Macedonian, his conduct in
the reconciliation between Alexander
and his army, x. 308.

Callippus, an Athenian, taken by Dion
as his confidant, vii. 184. Betrays
and plots against him, ib. Chosen
autocrator-general, 185. Driven from
Syracuse, and assassinated at Rhe-
gium, 189.

Callisthenes, the philosopher, his arro-
gant character, x. 93. His reply to
Anaxorchus, 95, 90. His address to
Alexander, 96, 97- His insolence to
him, 98. His freedom of speech to
Alexander, 102, 103. His apprehen-
sion and death, 106, 107.

Callistratus, the Athenian orator, joined
in command with Iphicrates, vi. 155.
Returns to Athens to forward peace,
ib.

D D 3

Callixenus, the part he took in the

accusation of the Athenian generals

for their conduct at Arginussae, iv,

286288.

Calonne, M., extract from his letter to

Louis XVI., iv. 29ft note.
Calpe. See Port Calpe.
Calydon, one ot' the principal towns in
Greece, at the time of the siege of
Troy, i. 40.

, sketch of its history, iv. 319. ; vi.

52, 53.
Camarina, foundation of, i. 319.

, notice of, ii. 216. Destroyed by

Gelon, 220, 221.

, its political connections, iv. 60.

Answer to the embassy of Hermo-
crates to, 61.

, how affected towards Syracuse,

vii. 70. How governed under Timo-
leon, 223.

Cambyses, accession of, to the throne of
Persia, ii. 21. Invades and conquers
Egypt, 23, 24. Subsequent conquests,
ib.

Carnpanian plain, description of the, ii.
244, 255.

Campanians, origin of the, ii. 246. Ob-
tain a footing in Naples, ib. And
afterwards reduce Cuma, ib.

Campanians, Italian mercenaries so call-
ed, commonly employed on both sides,
in the Sicilian wars, vii. 30. Engaged
for Agrigentum against Carthage,they
now return to the Carthagian service,
34. A body of Campanian horse re-
lieve Dionysius, under the command
of Agyris, 64. Are quartered in En-
tella, 66. Where they settle, after
slaying all the male inhabitants,
ib.

Campanians of JCtna, destroyed by Ti-
moleon, vii. 216.

Canal of Athos. See Athos.

Canasida, notice of the town of, x. 249,
250.

Canoe of the western islands of the
Pacific Ocean, its strong resemblance
to an ancient war-galley, ii. 164
166. How canoes were designated by
the Greeks, i. 7. note.

Canus, disquisition respecting that word,
x. 192194. note.

Cappadocians, the, notice of, ix. 227.
Submit to Alexander, 250.

Capua, foundation of, ii. 246.

Caranus, the Macedonian, his appoint-
ment, x. 47. Notice of, fr'>. Defeated
by S)>itamenes, 68.

Carcinus, operations of the fleet under
his command, iii. 81,82.

Cardians, account of, vii. 350. They
murder Miltocythes, 351.

, their dispute with the Athenians,

ix. 353, 354.

Cardoos, account of the, v. 199. Harass
the Cyrean army on their retreat,
201, 202.

Caria, towns in, reduced to obedience
by Cimon, ii. 284.

406

GENERAL INDEX.

Caria, historical circumstances respect-
ing, ix. 209212.

Carians, from whom they were de-
scended, i. 312.

, conduct of the, at Rhodes, viii.

116.

Carmania, traversed by Alexander, x.
212306. Ancient and modern name
of its capital, 257.

Carnian festival, notice of, iii. 322336.

Carnina, notice of the town of, x. 242.

Carthage, foundation of, ii. 213. Its
eligible situation, 214. Connection
between it and the neighbouring co-
lonies, ib. Sketch of its history,
214, 215. Its constitution best known
to antiquity, 215. Its power of late
growth, 216. Causes which gave rise
to the invasion of Sicily by the Car-
thaginians, 222. They assemble a
powerful armament, and lay siege to
Himera, 222, 223. And are defeated
there, 223. State of, for near a cen-
tury afterward, 227. Particulars in
the history of, 228, 229. note. Earliest
known treaty between Carthage and
Rome, 232.

, a Carthaginian army, under Han-
nibal, arrives in Sicily to protect
Egesta, vii. 11. Besieges and takes
Selinus, 11 14. Storms Himera, 15,
16. Returns to Carthage, ih. Second
invasion of Sicily, 22. Liberal propo-
sitions to Agrigentum refused, 30.
The Carthaginians are defeated by
the Syracusans under Daphnaeus, 31.
Take Agrigentum, and make it their
winter quarters, 36. Destroy that city,
50. Besiege Gela, ib. Defeat Diony-
sius, 53. Are attacked by a pestilen-
tial sickness, 55, 56. Make peace with
Dionysius, 56. The Carthaginian re-
sidents in Syracuse and Sicily lobbed
and cruelly treated, 89. Carthage re-
jects the condition of peace offered by
Dionysius, 90. Makes great prepara-
to renew the war, "3. The civil go-
vernment of Carthage oligarchal, the
military, kingly, ib. note. Difficulties
of the Carthaginians in their passage
to Sicily, 94. They reach Panormus,
95, 96. Retake Motya, 98. Besiege
Syracuse, ib. Level Messina with the
ground, 100. Are attacked by an epi-
demical sickness on the bank of the
Anapus, 105. Defeated by Dionysius,
and their fleet nearly destrojed, 107.
Make peace, and return to Africa,
108, 109. Renew the war with Syra-
cuse, 118. Preserve the attachment
of the Sicels, ib. Stipulate to interfere
no more with that people, 119, 120.
Invade Sicily ami Italy, 134. Treaty
with Syracuse, 13o. War renewed
with Dionysius, 146. A truce con-
cluded, 147. The Carthaginians make
war on the Campanians, 191. Amount
of their army and navy in the war
with Timoleon, 20a Defeated at the
Crimesus, 211, 212.

Carthage, state of, at the accession of
Alexander the Great to the throne of
Macedon, ix. 4.

, the Carthaginians send an embassy

to Ecbatana, x. 2.

Casmenffi, foundation of, i. 319.

Caspian Sea, Alexander's curiosity re-
specting the, x. 333.

Casthanaea, road of, ii. 119. Town of, 120.

Castor and Pollux, i. 34.

Catana, foundation of, i. 319. Cele-
brated lawgiver of, 320.

, the party in, adverse to Dionysius,

sold to slavery, vii. 72. A Campanian
colony established there, ib. Occu-
pied by the Carthaginians under Imil-
con, 99, 100. The dispersed Catanians
assembled at Maize by the Rhegians,
116.

Catanes, the Paraetac, excites a revolt,
x. 85. Is slain, 89.

Catapeltic artillery, when invented, vii.
82.

Cattle, the most usual measure of the
value of commodities before the exist,
ence of coin, i. 128.

Cattle sent from India to Macedonia, by
Alexander, x. 119, 120.

Cavalry, the principal force of, inGreece,
derived from Thessaly, ii. 111. Na-
tureof the Persian cavalry, 182. Their
mode of attack, 183. Celebrity of the
cavalry of Sicily, 218. The Athenian
restored and improved under the ad-
ministration of Cimon and Pericles,
344, 345.

Cecrops, king of Attica, conducts an
Egyptian colony into Attica, i. 42.
The fortress of Cecropia, afterwards
called Athens, founded by him, 43.
Instituted marriage in Greece, 110.

Celaana, the capital of the Greater Phry.
gia, taken by Alexander, ix. 238.

Celts, notice of the, ix. 101.

Centaurs, fabulous history of, explained,
i. 36. note.

Cephallenia, accession of, to the Athe.
nian confederacy, iii. 83. Brought
under obedience to Athens, vi. 149.

Cephision, the Theban, enters Pelopon-
nesus, viii. 112 Takes Anaxander
prisoner, 113. Defeated by the Lace,
dtemonians, ib.

Cephisodotus, the Athenian orator and
general, effects of his harangue at the
general assembly, vi. 204.

, assists Charidemus* vii. 342. Sails

to Perinthus, 347. Besieges Alope-
connesus, ib. Negotiates with Chart-
demus, ib. Is tried and fined, 348.

Cerasus, transactions of the Cyrean
army at, v. 215219. The cherry,
tree fruit carried thence into Italy.
215.

Ceraunian mountains, i. 10.

Chabrias, placed at the head of the
Athenian fleeet, vi. 139. Defeats the
Lacedaemonian commander, Pollis, ib.
Governs at Corinth, 205. Intercepts
the retreat of the Argives, 209. Com-

GENERAL INDEX.

407

mands the fleet of Tacbos, king of
Egypt, 309. In concert with Agesilaus
seats Nectanabis on the Egyptian
throne, 312.

Chabrias, sent toThrace, vii. 353. Treats
with KersoMeptes, 334. Sent against
Chios, 355. Is slain, 356. His charac-
ter, 357.

Chareas, son of Archestratus, sent to
Samos with the news of the change
in the government of Athens, iv. 198.
His conduct on the occasion, ib. 19 ; J.

Chaeronea, battle of, viii. 356. Funeral
oration for those slain at, 3f>5 337.
373377. Different accounts of the
date of the battle of, 383387. and
notes.

Chalcedonians attacked by Alcibiades,
iv. 24P. Surrender their property to
him, ib. Arrangement with the Athe-
nian generals respecting their city,

Chalcideus, appointed to the command
of the Peloponnesian fleet, iv. 149.
Sails for Ionia, 152. Succeeds, with
Alcibiades, in detaching the Chians
and Ervthra?ans from their alliance
with the Athenians, 153. Slain in a
skirmish wit!) them, 15P.

Chalcidi.in or Ionian cities of Sicily,
how affected towards Syracuse, vii. 70.

Chalcidic territory, on 'the 1 hracian
coast, very early settled by Grecian co-
lonies, vi. 87, 88. Its fertility of soil,
and maritime advantages, 88.

Chalcidice, revolt of, from the Persians,
ii. 170. ; iii. 37, 38.

Chalcidon, account of, viii. 119, 120.

Chalcis, an Athenian colony before the
Trojan war, i. 309.

, the principal city of Euboea, vii.

316. Welcomes the Thebans, 318,319.

Ghaldea, the cradle of the arts and sci-
ences, ii 11.

Chaldean priests, their deputation to
Alexander, x. 334. How received by
him, 335.

Chalybs, account of the, v. 207. 208.

Chares, the Athenian general, assists
the Phliasians, vi. 231. Withdrawn
from Peloponnesus, 246 Refused ad-
mission into the Corinthian port of
Cenchrea, 250.

, sent against Chios, vii.35.". His cha-
racter, 356, 357. Ordered to relieve Sa-
mos, 358,35!). Sails to the HeMespont,
359. Impeaches Iphicrates and Timo-
theus, 359. Assists Artabazus, 362.
Operations of his party at Athens,
364. Result of them, 370.

, his ambition, viii. 55. His party

foiled, 6567. Appointed autocrator-
general, 69. Takes Sestus, ib. Sub-
dues the Chersonese, ib. and 70. His
influence, 91. Sails to Olynthus, 143.
Enters Macedonia, 144. His victory at
Pallene, 145. Returns to Athens," ib.
Again sent to Olynthus, 147. Reports
the circumstances of his command, 152.
Measures of his friends for his sup-
D

port, ib. Further charge against him,
161, 162. Arguments of his party, 195.
His partv described by Isocrates, 203,
204. Policy of his party at Athens,
225, 226. Popular interest favourable
to it, 227. Measures of his party, 259.
Appointed to the command in the
Hellespont, 300. Is defeated, 301. And
superseded by Phocion, ib. Is joined
with Lysicles in the command, 354.
Policy of himself and party, 357, 358.

Chares, retires to Sigeum, ix. 176. Com-
pliments Alexander, 177 Joins Mem-
non, 239. Yields up Mitylene, 312.

Charidemus of Euboaa, notice of, vii.
30,~>. Refuses to serve under Timo-
theus. 305. Enters the Olynthian ser-
vice, 309. Is taken prisoner, ib. Ho-
nours decreed to him at Athens, 310.
Passes into the service of Artabazus,
342. Quits it for that of the king of
Thrace, ib. His parentage, 343. Mar-
ries thedaughterofCotys, 344. Takes
Crithote and Eleus, ib. Thwarts Ce-
phisodotus, 3)6, 347. Negotiates with
him. 348. Is blamed by Demosthenes,
ib. Takes Miltocythes', 349. His treat-
ment of him, 34y, 350.

, joins Chares.viii. 144.

, is banished from Greece, ix. 131.

In favour at the Persian court, 262,
263. and note. His death, 258. and
note.

Charilaus, king of Lacedasmon, account
of, i. 249.

Chariot-race, when introduced into the
Olympic games, i. 194.

Chariots, military, much used by the
ancient Greeks, i. 132.

, scythed, used in battle by the Per-
sians, v. 158.

Charitimis leads the Athenian force
against Egypt, ii. 321.

Charon, a party to the democratic plot at
Thebes, vi. llfi. Is raised to the office
of Boeotarch, 128.

Charondas of Catana, a celebrated law-
giver, notice of, i. 320. and note ; 321.
Singular proposal of, 346.

Cherry-tree, the, first carried into Italy,
from Cerasus, v. 215. And afterwards
naturalised in Britain, ib.

Chersonese, peninsula of, when colo-
nised, ii. 60.

, the Chersonesites confer privilege*

on the Athenians, viii. 306, 307.

, Thracian, colonies of Athenians

sent to, ii. 341.

, advantages of the, v. 285. Services

rendered to the inhabitants of, by
Dercyllidas, 286.

, account of, vii. 305, 306. Tributary

to Thrace, 307.

, conquered by Athens, viii. 69, 70.

Complaint of the inhabitants to the
Athenians, 161, 162. Colony of Athe-
nians sent to, 259, 260. Oration of
Demosthenes respecting, 262 265.

X, Greek, what oriental enunciation it

represents, v. lyL note.
D 4

408

GENERAL INDEX.

Chestnuts, reckoned among acorns by
Gerard and others, i. 8. note.

Children, institutions of Lycurgus re-
specting, i. 2.54. 257.

Chilon, the Spartan, slain, vi. 263.

Chios, city of, its foundation, i 311.

, siege of, by the Athenians, iv. 159,

160. Sedition at, and the manner in
which it was suppressed, 298 300.

, marauding expedition of the Chi-
ans, v. 287. They submit to Dercyl-
lidas, ib.

, enters into alliance with Thebes,

vi. 282.

revolts against Athens, vii. 315.
Repels Chares and Chabrias, 356.

assists Byzantium, viii. 300, 301.

- is taken by Memnon, ix. 239. Sub-
mits to the Macedonians, 312, 313.

Chirisophus, the Laceda?monian gene-
ral, act of violence of, v. 206. Chosen
general of the Cyrean army, 228. His
measures, 229. End of his command,
230. His death, ib.

X/gaj, sense of, x. 272. note.

Chorienes excites a revolt in Paraeta-
cene, x. 85. Sends a message to Alex-
ander, 88. His submission to, and
treatment by, Alexander, ib.

Christian morality, near approach to,
made by Socrates, v. 128.

Chronology of the early times of Greece
involved in uncertainty, i. 23. Cause
of this uncertainty, 197. The course or'
events, how described by Herodotus
and Thucydides, 199. Notice of the
chronological history of Greece by
Ephorus, 200. Of the Arundel mar-
bles, ib. Chronological system of Era-
tosthenes, 22. Abstract of the Usse.
rian chronology of Grecian history,

202. Noti ce of corrections of it by Si r
Isaac Newton and others, 205, 206.
Chronlogyof Hesiod, 206. Of Homer,

203. Of the Olympiads, 215219. Re-
result of the author's chronological
researches, 220 223.

- , imperfection of ancient, viii. 129.

Cicero, hyperbole of, respecting the
Areopagus, i. 350. note.

, his eulogy upon Athens, v. 31.

note.

, his notice of Philistus, the his-
torian, vii. 148, 149.

, his treatise de Divinatione, x.

359. 361.

Cilicia, entered by Alexander, ix. 254.
Description of, "255, 256 Notice of
Grecian settlements there, 256
Amount of Persian forces in, 272275.

Cimon, son of Miltiades, one of the
principal landed men of the Athenian
commonwealth, ii. 146. Descended
from a long line of ancestors, ib.
Manner in which he distinguished
himself, ib. Character of, 267. Joins
the party against Themistocles, 268.
Wisdom" of his measures, 277, 278.
Succeeds to the command of the con-
federate forces, 279, 280. Leads the

confederate armament against Eion,

280. Represses piracy in the ^Egean,

281, 282. Proceeds to the Carian
coast, and his successes there, 284.
Lays siege to Phaselis, ib. Sails for
the Eurymedon, 286. Destroys the
Persian fleet there, ib. And defeats
the Persians by land, ib. Singular
honour acquired by him, ib. Returns
to Athens in triumph, 302. His splen-
did, yet polite liberality, SOS. Becomes
the patron of the arts, 303, 304,
Founder of the groves of Academia,
and the first who raised " porticos,"
304. His measure for establishing the
superiority of Athens, 305. Reduces
the Thasians to obedience, 306, 307.
Faction against him at Athens, 307.
His prosecution and acquittal, 308,
309. Circumstances which led to his
banishment, 313. Political reasons
for his recall, 316. His bravery at the
battle of Tanagra, 337. Returns to
Athens, 338. Colonies sent to his
lordship in the Thracian Chersonese,
341. Commands an expedition to
Cyprus, and dies at the siege of
Cittium, 342. Honours paid to his
memory, ib. His character, 343.

Cinadon, his plot for a change in the
Lacedaemonian government, v. 304,
305.

Cinnamon, whence Assyria was supplied
with, x. 252, 253.

Cirrha, destruction of, viii. 7. Restored
by Eurylochus, 8. The Cirrhaeans
attack Delphi, 9.

Cithseron, mount, i. 11.

Citizens, condition of, at Athens, i. 336.

Citron, the, when imported into Greece,
i. 127. note.

Cittium, siege of, ii. 342.

City, what is included in the Greek term
commonly translated " c;ty,"i. 21.

City-guard of Athens, of whom com-
posed, i. 352.

Civilisation, early preserved among a
small portion of mankind, i. 3, 4.
Progress of, in Assyria, Syria, and
Egypt, 57. In Greece, 810. Early
in Asia Minor, 30. Ttie Athenians
the first civilised among theGreeks,61.

Clazomeuae, city of, its foundation, i.
311.

Cleagoras, a painter of celebrity at
Athens, vi. 340. and note.

Cleander, tyrant of Gela, death of, ii.
217.

Cleander, the Spartan general, arrives
at Port Calpe, v. 244. His conduct
respecting a tumult in the army,
244-248.

Cleander, the Macedonian, notice of, x.
33, 34. Recalled from Media, 214.
And is executed, ib.

Cleandridas, the Spartan general, bribed
by Pericles, ii. 351.

Clearchus, the Lacedaemonian, circum-
stances which led him to the court of
Cyrus, v. 135. Munificent present to

GENERAL INDEX.

409

him by Cyrus, 136. Offers his military
services, which are accepted, ib. Abi-
lity displayed by him on the discontent
that arose among the Greeks, respect-
ing the object of Cyrus's expedition,
1*5, 146. His quarrel with Menon,
151. Declares his opinion respecting
the treachery of Orontas, 153. Order
of march persisted in by him, 156. His
laconic answers to Artaxerxes, 165.
169, 170. His wise measures, 166-169.
Seized and massacred by Tissaphernes,
175177.

Clearchus, further notices of, vii. 306,
307.; ix. 163.328.

Clearidas, the part he took in the battle
of Amphipolis, iii. 279, 280. Succeeds
Brasidas, as commander in Thrace,
289. Is remanded, ib.

Cleippides, expedition of, against the
Mitylenaeans, iii. 135.

Cleocritus, notice of, v. 55.

Cleombrotus, brother of Leonidas, suc-
ceeds him in the command of the
army, ii. 143.

takes the command against Thebes,

vi. 12ri. His army assailed by an un-
common storm, ib. Resumes the
command on the illness of Agesilaus,
137, 138. Is unable to pass into
Bo2otia, ib. Again commands against
Thebes, 161. Enters Boeotia by sur-
prise, 1K2. Is defeated and killed at
the battle of Leuctra, 164.

Cleomenes, king of Sparta, defeats the
Athenians and besieges Athens, i.
375. Is himself besieged and obliged
to retire, 378.

, invades Attica, and is defeated

by the Athenians, ii. 47. Abandons
further proceedings, 50. Procures the
deposition of his colleague, 69. His
conduct to the TEginetans. ib. Mas-
sacres the Argives, ib. His flight from,
and return to, Sparta, 71. His insanity
and death, ib.

Cleon, character of, iii. 152. Supports
the inhuman decree against the Mity-
lenaeans, 153. His speech in favour of
it, ib. Acquires favour with the popu-
lace of Athens, 205. Opposes the
Lacedaemonian ambassadors, 205, 206.
Public indignation against him, 208,
209. Greatly favoured by his impu-
dence and his fortune, 209. Appointed
general of the Athenian forces, 210.
His pompous boast, ib. Requests
Demosthenes to be joined with him
in the command, 211. Their attack
upon Sphacteria, 212216. His
boisterous eloquence, 218. Is attacked
on the public stage, 272, 273. Ac-
cused of embezzling the public money,
and fined, 274. Effects of his impru-
dence, '274. His return to power, 275.
Appointed commander in Thrace ib.
His proceedings there, ib. His defeat
and deafh at " Tipb'nolis, 276.

Cleonymus. son of .i.rchidamus, killed
at Leuur:i, vi. 164.

Cleopatra, grand-daughter of Attalus,
married to Philip of Macedon, viii.
380.

, embassy of the Athenians to, x.

319.

Cleophon, the Athenian demagogue, his
arrogance, iv. 314. Accusation against
him, 318. Condemned and executed,
ib.

Cleopompus, operations of the fleet
under his command, iii. 83.

Climate of Greece, i. 13. Of England,
ii. 6. note. Of Asia, x. 42, 43. Of
Wallacnia, 43, 44.

Clinius of Cos, killed in the Egyptian
army, ix. 154.

Clinton, Mr.; his remarks on the aera
of the Trojan war, i. 209. note.

, his defence of Thucydides, ii. 270.

note. Observations on the chronology
of the battle of Tanagra, 328. note.

, remarks respecting the age of

Agesil lus, vi. 124, 125. note. The
general assembly of Arcadia, 189.
note.

, remarks on the time of Timoleon's

campaigns in Syracuse, vii. 05, 206.
note.

, remarks on the wars respecting

Cirrha and Crissa, viii. 7, 8. note.
Observations on the occupation of
Elatea and battle of Chaeronea, 383
3b7. note.

, examination of Mr. Mitford's dates

of the campaigns of Alexander, x.
379-382.

Clisthenes, son of Megacles, head of the
Athenian commonwealth, i. 376. Ex-
pelled from Athens, 377,378.

Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, anecdote
of, ix. 2023. and notes.

Cliteles, the Corinthian minister, decides
the Athenian votes for war with
Thebes, vi. 199.

Clitorians and Orchomenians, war be-
tween the, vi. 132.

Clitus, son of Bardylis, prince of lllyria,
purposes to invade Macedonia, ix.
103. Protects Pel lion, ib. His offer-
ing to the gods, ib. Defeated by
Alexander the Great, 104. Flees with
Glaucias into Taulantia, 106.

Clitus, foster-brother of Alexander the
Great, saves Alexander's life, ix. 189.

, appointed a commander of the

king's companions, x. 36. His conduct
at a festival, 100. His address to
Alexander, ib. Is killed by him,
101.

Clouds, comedy of the. See Aristo-
phanes.

Club-men, the Theban, what, vi. 292.

Clytemnestra, allusions to, i. 34. 157. and
note; 162.

Clytemnestra and jEgisthus, plot of, i.

Cnemus, the Spartan, his attempt upon
Stratus, iii. 118. Action of the fleet
under his command with that of
Phormion, 124127.

410

GENERAL INDEX.

Cnidus, sea-fight near, vi. 13, 14. Shares
in the prosperity of the neighbouring
island of Cos, 329. The Cnidean
Venus, by Praxiteles, one of the most
famous monuments of ancient sculp-
ture, ib.

Codrus, king of Athens, patriotic death
of, i. 307.

Coenus, a Macedonian general, notice
of, x. 76. He defeats the Massagetes,
79. Appointed to the military com-
mand of Sogdiana and Bactria, 80.
He defeats Spitamenes, ib. Is sent
against Bazira, 124. His share in the
battle of the Hydaspes, H3. His
reply to Alexander, 162, 163. His
death, 176.

Coins, of gold and silver, by whom first
struck, ii. 2. Elegant taste and work-
manship of the Lydian coins, 2, 3.
Beauty of the design and workman-
ship of the golden coins of Gelon and
his successor, 226. Of the Sybarite
coins, 233.

, Philip's success in a horse-race

said to have been celebrated by a
golden coin, viii. 57. note.

Colchis, expedition to, i. 37.

Colonies, early Grecian, in Asia Minor,
i. 309. Notice of those founded by
JColian emigrants, 310. By Ionian
emigrants, 311, 312. In the island of
Cyprus, 313. In Africa, 314. In Italy,
315,316. And Sicily, 317-320. Gene-
ral remarks on the Grecian colonies,
S'l.

, sketch of the history of the colonies

of the Phenicians, ii. 213216. Of
the colonies of the Greeks in Sicily,
216228. Account of the Grecian
colonies in Italy, 229 219. Colonies
of Athenians sent to the Chersonese,
341.

Colony, its relation to the mother-
country, iii. 17.

Colophon, city of, its foundation, i. 310.
Political circumstances of, iii. 147,
148.

Columns, or terms, erection of, by the
Athenians, ii. 254.

Combat, a battle decided by one, of
three hundred men on each side, i.
298. Single, frequency of, in ancient
times, 134.

Comedy, the old, practice of, iii. 273.
Political consequences resulting from
it, 274.

Commerce, origin of, i. 7- Carried on,
by way of exchange in ancient Greece,
128. By whom principally carried

" Companions" of the orders of knight-
hood, origin of, viii. 277.

Composition for personal service in
arms, vi. 92.

Confederacy, Grecian, dissolution of the
ancient system of, vi. 315.

Confederate government in Greece, the
first example of, attributed by Poly-
bius to the Achaeans, vii. 122. Is

imitated by the Lucanians of Italy,
123.

Conon commands the Athenian fleet at
Naupactus, iv. 97. Appointed one of
the ten generals, on the deposition
of Alcibiades and Thrasybulus, 268.
Commander-in-chief of the Athenian
fleet, 270. His measures, 270. 275.
Defeated by Calticratidas, 276. His
distressing situation, ib. Defeated
by Lysander, 309. Takes refuge in
Salamis, 312.

, flees to Salamis after the battle

of jEgospotami, vi. 12. Friendship
between him and Evagoras, ib. Be-
comes his confidential minister, ib.
With Evagoras and Pharnabazus
defeats the Lacedaemonian fleet, 13,
14. Successes of Conon and Pharna-
bazus, 20. Invasion of Laconia by
them, 32. Conon obtains some im-
portant advantages for his country,
33. Gratitude of the Athenians to
him, 34. His mission to the satrap
of Lydia, 40, 41. His death, 64.

Constitution, structure and foundation
of the British, i. 232. 333 ; iv. 292
298. note ; ix. 42, 43. 4547.

, outline of the constitution of

Sparta, proposed by Lycnrgus, i. 245
272. OfBceotia,304,305. Of Athens,
proposed by Solon, 333 351.

, of the Persian empire, ii. 26, 27.

Of Carthage, the best balanced and
wisest known to antiquity, 215.

, account of the constitution of

Macedonia, vii. 325, 3z6. ; ix. 27
49.

, of various states in Greece, ix. 14

17. Comparative view of the consti-
tutions of Thessaly, Lacedaemon, and
Rome, 49 57. Indications of the
Thracian constitution, 57 59. Of
Asiatic states, 207210.

Corcyra, at first subject to Corinth, i.
239. Afterwards independent and
wealthy, ib. Founds its own colonies
in Illyria, ib. Tne first sea-fight
recorded in history, between Corcyra
and Corinth, 240.

, its connection with Corinth, iii. 17.

Origin of the war between the two
powers, 18. Progress of the war, and
defeat of the Corinthians, 19. Acces-
sion oftheCorcyrEeanstothe Athenian
confederacy, 24, 25. Defeated by the
Corinthians at Sybota, 28. Termi-
nation of the Corey raean war, 30. Con-
tentions between the aristocratical
and democratical parties in, 164166.
175. 223, 224. Treachery and cruelty
of the democratic party, 224.

, joins the Athenians against Lace-

dEemon, vi. 140. Ravaged by the
Lacedaemonian fleet under Mnasippus,
143. The Corcyraeans send deputies
to Athens, 144. Defeat and kill Mna-
sippus, 148. Raise the siege of their
city, ib.

Corinth, geographical situation of, and

GENERAL INDEX.

411

peculiar commercial advantages, i. 22.
Names of some of its early princes,
ib. History and changes in the
government of, 238940. Pindar's
panegyric upon this city, 240. note.
Corinth, assembly of deputies from the
confederated commonwealths at, ii.

110, 111. Exertions of the assembly at,
to stimulate the Greeks against the
Persian invasion, 115, 116. A colony
from, under Demaratus, settle in
Tarquinii, in Italy, 231. Disputes
between Corinth and Megara, 314,
315. War between the Corinthians
and Athenians, 322. 324.

, origin of the war with Corcyra,

111. 18. Progress of the war, 19. Sea-
fight off Aciium, 22. Victory at
Sybotn, 28. End of the war, 30. War
with Athens, 3841. Enmity of,
against the Athenians, 42. Speeches
of their ambassador at the congress
at Lacedsemon,44 47. 53 55. Their

nterference between the Plataeans
and Thebans, 65. Expedition against
Acarnania and Cephallenia, 90. De-
feat of the Corinthian fleet by Phor-
mion, 120122. The Corinthians de-
feated by Nicias, 222. Their country
plundered by the Athenians, ib. Their
intrigues, 291294.

, congress of the Peloponnesian con.
federacy at, iv. 149.

, causes of its alienation from

Lacedaemon, v. 294. Battle of Co-
rinth, vi. 6. Sedition of, 2.3, 24. Sin-
gular union of, with Argos, 26, 27.
Affairs of, 27, 28. Actions at, 29.
Lon^ walls of, restored, 38. Expedi-
tion of Agesilaus to Corinthia, 42, 43.

, wasted by the army of the Theban

confederacy, vi. 193, 194. Sends mi-
nisters to Athens, 200. Is again
ravaged by the Thebans, 205. Firm-
ness of the Corinthians in resisting
the pretensions of Thebes, 219, 20.
Corinth alienated by an indiscreet
speech in the Athenian assembly, 249.
The Corinthians refuse admission to
the Athenian fleet, 249, 250. And
dismiss the Athenian troops, 250.
Make peace with Thebes, 2.51. Sedition
in Corinth after the battle of Leuctra,
321. Xenophon settles at Corinth,
359.

, a Corinthian party, in opposition

to the Lacedtemonian, at Syracuse,
vii. 67. Which is disarmed by Dio-
nysiu- during the season of harvest,
68. The Corinthians applied to, to
interfere in the affairs of Sicily, 194.
State of affairs there, 194, 195. Timo-
phanes assassinated there, ib.

, political state of, viii. 324, 32.5.

Joins the Athenian confederacy, 326.
Congress of Grecian states at, 378.

, second congress of Grecian states

at, ix. 88.

-, congress summoned there by An-
tipater, x. 10. and uoie.

Corinthian isthmus, names of provinces
without the, i. 11.

Corcebus, victor in the first Olympiad,
date assigned to, i. 216219.

Coronea, battle of, vi. 1517.

Corsica, Phoca?an colony in, ii. 18.

Corybantes, i. 17.

( orylas. See Cotys.

Cos, island and town of, flourish amidst
the general troubles of Greece, vi. 326
328, Description of, in 1776, by
the count de Choiseul-Goufh'er, 327.
note. Revolts against Athens, vii.
315. Assists Byzantium, viii. 300.
Yields to Alexander, ix. 258.

Cossees, the, account of, x, 333. Sub-
dued by Alexander, ib.

Cottyphus, notice of, viii. 313. Ap-
pointed general by the Amphictyonic
council, 315.

Cotyora, transactions of the Cyrean
army at, v. 220226.

Cotys, or Corylas, king of Paphlagonia,
his alliance with Lacedaemon, v. 331,
332.

Cotys, king of Thrace, bribed by Philip
of Macedon, vii. 267. His alliance
with Athens, 507. Assisted by Iphi-
crates, 308. His war with Philip, 335.
His derangement, ib. His conduct to
the Perimhians, 336. Flees from
Philip, 336. Gives his daughter to
Chanuemus, 344. Is assassinated,
345.

Council of Amphictyons. See Amphic-
tyonic Council.

of Elders, created at Athens, iv.

137.

of Five Hundred, at Athens, con-
stitution and powers of, i. 344. Defects
in the election of its members, viiL
192, 193.

of Four Hundred, establishment of,

proposed by Pisander, iv. 190. Decreed
and appointed, 351. Their measures
on displacing the old council, 352.
The Council of Four Hundred dis-
solved, S82. Some remains of the
party, vi. 245.

of State, at Athens, how formed, i.

325.

of Ten, at Athens, appointment of,

v.56. Their proceedings, 56, 57. Over-
thrown by Thrasybulus, vii. 280.

of Thirty, at Athens, formation of,
iii. 252. Government of the, 252. 263,
264. ; v. 3437. 4150. Similarity of
their proceedings to those of the
Committee of Public Welfare at Paris,
50. note. Civil war against them, 52
55. Deposed, and the Council of
Ten elected, 5&

Count, origin of the title, viii. 276, 277.

Court of inquiry into the conduct of the
Greek generals of the Cyrean army,
account of its proceedings, v. 224,
225.

of justice, Homer's account of one,

i. 106.

Courtezan*, Grecian, celebrity of, iii. 4.

412

GENERAL INDEX.

Their education, manners, and influ-
ence, ib. Account of Aspasia, 4, 5.
Courts of judicature in Athens,!. 351.
- of justice, wages for serving in, the
institution of, attributed to Pericles,
v. 9.

Cranaans, the original inhabitants of
Attica, distinguished by the name of,
i. 59. and note.

Cranaus, king of Attica, i. 59. note.
Crassus, the Roman general, his plans
compared with those of Alexander, in
crossing Mesopotamia, ix. 331.
Craterus, the Macedonian general, his
passage over the Uxian mountains,
ix. 352. His conduct at the Susiad
rocks, 355.

, commands the main body, x.

16. Is sent against the Tapoors, 20.
He becomes Alexander's favour-
te general, 30. Invests Cyropolis,
61. Is wounded, ib. Opposes Alex-
ander's marriage, 86. He quells the
rebellion in Paiaetacene, 89. Mea-
sures intrusted to him, 116. Super-
intends the rebuilding of Arigaeuni,
118. Rejoins Alexander, li>0. Is
stationed at Embolinri, 125. Intrusted
with the command of the camp, 139.
His share in the battle of the Hy-
daspes, 144. Superintends the building
of the newly founded towns, 14U. His
appointment, 177. How employed by
Alexander on his return home, 191),
191, 192. Married to a daughter of
Oxyartes, 286. Appointed to super-
sede Antipater in Macedonia, 310.
Cresphontes. See Temenus.
Crete, island of, early history of, i. 17.
Laws of Minos, 18. Observations
thereon, 19, 20. Summary of the
history of Crete, after the Trojan war,
233, 234. Proverb respecting the an-
cient Cretans, 255. note. The Cretans
refuse to join the confederacy against
Persia, ii. 110.

Crimesus, battle of the, vii. 211213.
Crissa, account of, viii. 6, ?
Crisszean, or Cirrhaean plain, notice of,

viii. 5, 6. (See Cirrhaean.)
Crithote taken by Chandemus, vii. 344.
Critias, his connections, character, poli-
tical bias, and views, with respect to
the government of Athens, v. 37 49.
The conduct of Critias and his party
towards the disaffected at Eleusis, 5>.
Proposes the massacre of them, 54.
Killed in battle, 55.
Critobulus, a Grecian, notice of, viii.

174.
Criton, an Athenian, anecdote of, v. 23,

2*.

Croesus, king of Lydia, extent of the
territories of, ii. 8. Pindar's eulogy
upon him, 8. 10. note. Rich presents
made by him to the temple of Delphi,
10. Consults the oracle, 12. And is
defeated and taken captive by Cyrus

deposits treasure at Delphi, viii. 12.

Account of his magnificent sacrifice
at Delphi, 1315. His policy in so
doing, 15. Sends presents to divers
oracles, 13, 14.

Cromnus, town of, taken by Archida-
mus, vi. 262. Besieged by the Arca-
dians, 263. Partially relieved, 265.
The garrison compelled to surrender,
266.

ronium, a town of Sicily, the Greeks
defeated at, by the son of Magon, vii.
134, 135.

Crotona, foundation of, i. 317. Cele-
brated as the residence of Pythagoras,
320.

, the richer Sybarites take refuge in,
ii. 235. War of the Crotoniats with
the Sybarites, and defeat of the latter,
ib. Celebrity of Crotona, and of the
medical school there, 236. Remarks
on the population of, 236. 238. note.
, unites with Rhegium against Sy.
racuse, vii. 125. The Crotoniats and
Rhegians appoint Heloris to the com-
mand, ib. Surrender unconditionally
to Dionysius, ib.
Crown, golden, honorary reward of a, x.

315.
Cryptia, abominable institution of, at

Sparta, i. 265.

Ctesias, the Grecian, his History of Per-
sia noticed, ix. 137, 138.
Ctesiphon, an Athenian, sent to Mace-
donia, viii. 158.

, proposes that a golden crown be

given to Demosthenes, x. 316. Is sent
ambassador to Molossis, 319. Prose-
cuted by J2schines,319. And defended
by Demosthenes, 321, 32-J.
Cuma, in Asia Minor, foundation of, i.

311.

Cuma, Campanian, origin of, i. 316.
Course of the navigation from Euboaa
to, ii. 243, 244 Description of the Cu-
maaan territory, 244246. The Cu-
maeans conquered by the Tuscans,
247. Prosper as a maritime colony,
and found the city of Naples, ib.
Cunaxa, battle of, v. 157162.
Curdles, modern, origin of the, v. 199.

(See Cardoos.)
Curetes, i. 17.
Curtius, Quintus, character of his work,

ix. 344. note,

Cydnus, river, notice of, ix. 254.
Cydonia, town of, founded by the Sa-
mians, but captured by the ^ginetans,
ii. 36, 37.

Cyllene, mount, i. 12.
Cylon, his attempt to usurp the govern-
ment of Athens, i. 326.
Cynos-sema, sea-fight of, iv. 227.
Cyprothemis, revolution effected by him
in Samos, vii. 299, 300. Overcome by
Timotheus, 300.

Cyprus, island of, colonised by Greeks,
i. 314. Whence it derived the wor-
ship of Venus, ib.

, Expedition of the Athenians to, ii.

341.

GENERAL INDEX.

413

Cyprus, summary of its history, vi. 8, 9.
The sovereignty of, surrendered by
Evagoras, 10, 11. This circumstance
a principal source of great revolutions
in Greece, 11. Relations of, with
Athens, 69, 70. Transactions in, dur-
ing the war of Evagoras with Persia,
304 307. Is preserved to the Persian
empire, 307, 308.

, recovered by the Persians, ix. 151,

152. and note. (See Salamis.)

Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, notice of,
i. 239, 240.

Cyratades, a Theban general, proposes
to lead the Cyrean army, and to pro-
vide them subsistence, v. 251, 252.

Cyrean army, retreat of, and their re-
turn to Europe, v. 163 273. (See
Greece.)

Cyrene, a Greek colony in Africa, notice
of, i. 315.

Cyropsedia of Xenophon, the purpose of,
ix. 7, 8.

CyropoJis, in Scythia, foundation of, x.
60. Invested by Craterus, 61. Taken
by Alexander, 62, 63.

Cyrus the Great, king of Persia, defeats
Croesus, ii. 13. Reception given by him
to the Spartan envoys, 14. Takes Ba-
bylon,19. ^Eschylus's character of him,
20. note. Testimony of Isocrates, ib.

, founds a town in Scythia with the

name of Cyropolis, x. 60. Notice of,
202. Description of his sepulchre at
Susa, 278, 279. Its spoliation anil re-
storation, 279, 280.

Cyrus, the younger, son of Darius II.,
appointed viceroy of the provinces
west of the river Halys, iv. 259. Re-
fuses permission for the Athenian
embassy to return to their country,

260. His interview with Lysander,

261, 262. His liberality and con-
descension to him, 302. His haughti-
ness among his own people, ib.

, origin of the enmity between him

and his brother Artaxerxes Mnemon,
v. 131. State of affairs which offended
him, a pretext for collecting a military
force against his brother, 132 134.
Countries of which the province com-
mitted to his government was com-
posed, 134. Circumstances which led
Clearchus, Aristippus, Proxenus, and
Xenophon to his court, 135 138.
Course of Cyrus's inarch from Sardis
to Cunaxa, 139 156. Ostensible pre-
text of the expedition, 139. Amount
of his Grecian and Asiatic forces, ib.
His negotiation with Syennesis, 141.
And review of his troops before the
wife of the latter, 141,142 His gener-
ous conduct on the desertion of Xenias
and Pasion, 148. His speech to the
Greeks on the expected approach of
the enemy, 154. His preparations for
the battle of Cunaxa, 155 157. His
bravery, 160. Wounds Artaxerxes,
ib. Is overpowered and slain, 161.

Cythera, island of, takeu by tne Athe-

nians, iii. 226. Fate of the inhabitants,

228.

Cyzicene, a gold coin, value of, v. 229.
Cyzicus, sea-fight near, iv. 234, 235.

Town of, relieved by Timotheus, v

320.

Damagetus, prince of lalysus, notice of,
i. 295.

Damis, of Syris, notice of, ix. 20.

Damascus, the depository of the king of
Persia's treasure, taken possession of
by Parmenio, ix. 289, 290.

Damocles, allusion to the story of the
feast of, vii. 150.

Damon, the friend of Pericles, notice of
ii. 317.

, a celebrated speculative politician

in the time of Pericles, iii. 2.

Danaoi,an appellation for the southern
Greeks, i. 182. note.

Danaus, king of Argos, sketch of the
history of, i. 2729.

Danube, river, crossed by Alexander
the Great, ix. 100.

D'Anville, M., his map of Thessaly very
incorrect, ii. 111. note. ,

Daphnasus, the Syracusan commander,
defeats Imilcon, vii. 31. Is tried, con-
demned, and executed, with Demar-
chus, 47. His party and that of De-
march us concentrate at Rhegium, 61.
Gain Messena to their cause, ib. At-
tack Dionysius in Syracuse with a
fleet, 62. Besiege him in the island,
ib. Are overcome, and liberally
treated by him, 64, 65.

Dardania, geographical situation of, i.
66. Celebrated for its breed of horses,
67.

Dardanus, founder of the Trojan state,
account of, i. 66.

Darius I., ascends the Persian throne,
ii. 25. ^schylus's character of him,
27. note. His probable motives for
invading European Scythia, 30. Re-
sult of the expedition, 31. His treat-
ment of the conquered inhabitants of
Miletus, 59. Generosity of, to the son
of Miltiades,63. His mild and liberal
government of conquered provinces,
63, 64. His style and title, 66. Settles
his Eretrian prisoners on one of his
estates at Ardericca, 85.

Darius II., succeeds to the throne of
Persia, iv. 145, 146. His death, v.
131.

Darius, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon,
taken by his father as an associate in
the royal power, x. 283. His be-
haviour to his parent, 284. Discovered
in a plot against him, and executed,
285.

Darius Codomannus, satrap of Armenia,
ascends the throne of Persia, ix. 16L
His measures respecting the threaten-
ed invasion of Persia, 163165. Ap-
points Memnon to the^hief command,
(i2. Makes mm admiral of the fleet,
u.e -and-force out of

4-14

GENERAL INDEX.

the Persian fleet, 241. Appoints
Pharnabazus to succeed Memnon,242.
His preparations to oppose Alexander,
248. 259263. Stations himself near
Sochi, 265. Circumstances in which
he was placed, 266 His share in the
massacre of the Macedonian soldiers,
269. and note. His precarious situ-
ation, 271, 272. Amount of his forces,
272275. Situation of his army, 275,
76. Is defeated at Issus, .78283.
His flight, 283. Anecdote of, 291. His
letter to Alexander, 292. Sends a se.
cond deputation to Alexander, 302.
Sends a third embassy to Alexander,
324. Offers a bribe to the Athe-
nians, 326. His policy in Mesopo-
tamia, 331. Pitches his camp at Ar-
bela, 336. The disposition of his
forces, 336, 337. Is defeated at Ar-
bela, 3 JS, 339. His conduct after the
battle, 344, 345. and note.

Darius, proceeds to Ecbatana, x. 1.
State of his affairs, 1, 2. Flees from
Ecbatana, 13. Conspired against by
Bessus, It). Assassinated by Satibar-
zanes and Barzaentes, 18. Honours
paid to his body, 19, 20.

Dascylium, the territory of Pharna-
bazus, its wealth, and sumptuous
palace there, v. 332. Surrenders to
Parmenio, ix 194.

Datames, satrap of Cappadocia, notice
of, ix. 144. 242.

Dates, expedition of, with Artaphernes,
against Greece, ii. 72, Conquests of,
in the islands of the JEgean Sea, 72,
73. Invades Attica, 81. Defeat of,
at the battle of Marathon, 8184.

Daurises, defeat and death of, ii. 54.

Day-book of Alexander the Great, ex-
tracts from, x. 373379.

Dean, old north country term, x. 127.
note.

Death, remark on, by Socrates, v. 125,
li>6.

Debtors, laws respecting, at Athens, i.
330334.

Decelea, in Attica, occupied by the
Lacedsemonians, iv 87. A cause of
alarm and inconvenience to the Athe-
nians, 92, 93.

Deity, tradition respecting the unity of
the, recorded by Plato, i. 85. And
by Aristotle, 86. Various appellations
given to, in different nations, 90. and
ote.

De la Rochette, M., accuracy of his
map of the countries around the
jEgean, ii. 111. note.

Delium, battle of, iii. 242244. Siege
of, 246, 247.

Delolme, M., notice of, ix. 43.

Delos, annual ceremony at, instituted
by Theseus, i. 57.

, meeting of Greek confederates at,

ii. 278, 279.

, cruel act of injustice towards the
inhabitants of, iii. 271, 272.

Delphi, oracle of, noticed, i. 99. Its

origin and progress, 1'
temple at, became the great bank of
Greece, 178. Answer of the oracle
to Iphitus, 191. To Lycurgus, 248.
Answers given by the oracle to the
Mosenians, 279282. And to the
Laceda?monians, 282. Temple of, re-
built by the Alcmasonida?, 374.

, the first foreigner who sent a pre.

sent thither, ii. 7. Rich presents made
to it by Croesus, 10, 11. Answer of
the oracle to the Athenians, 1C4,
10>. The oracles delivered in verse,
105. note. Response to the Delphian
citizens, 117, 118. Attempt of the
Persians against Delphi, and defence
of the place by the citizens, 140142.
Part of the spoil at.Plataea sent to,
199. Statue of gold dedicated at, by
Alexander, king of Macedonia, 204.
Contest for the command of the
temple, 344.

, a congress at, proposed by Philis-

cus, vi. 211. Its result, ib. The
oracle consulted by Xenophon, 336.

, the oracle superintended by the

Amphictyonic council, viii. 8. Delphi
attacked by the Cirrhaeans, 9. Trea-
sures deposited, and sacrifices made
there by Crresus, 1215. Subjected
to Lacedsemon, 16. Taken by Philo-
melus, 30. Fortified by him, 32. Use
made of its oracle by Philomelus, 35.
Retried robbery of its treasure, 49.
How trespassed on, 74, 75. Judicial
inquiry into the dilapidation of the
treasury of, 17P 181.

Delphian games, notice of, i. 195.

Delphion, the Phliasian demagogue,
his extraordinary conduct, vi. 108
110. His escape at the capture of
Phlius, 110.

Demades, the Athenian orator, taken
prisoner by Philip, viii. S60. Is sent
back to Athens, ib. Proposes an em-
bassy to Alexander, ix. 128. Becomes
one of that embassy, ib. and note. His
measures, 130.

Demaratus, king of Sparta, deposition
and exile of, ii 68, 69.

Demaratus, the Corinthian, leads a co-
lony from Corinth into Italy, ii. 231.
And settles in Tarquinii, ib.

Demarchus. See Daphnazus.

, office of the, i. 341.

Democracy, or government by the people
at large, observations on, i. 230. Ana-
lysis of the Athenian democracy, as

. regulated by Solon, 839 343.

and tyranny nearly related, ii. 340.

, tyrannv of, v. 9. 2426. Aristotle's

definition of, 30.

, unfavourable to peace in Greece,

vi. 279, 280. The most ambitious men
zealus for, 280. The source of public
and private insecurity, ib.

Demophoon passes a night in the temple
of Serapis, x. 368.

yftos, import of, at Athens, L 3L note.
Meaning of the term, 340.

GENERAL INDEX.

415

Demosthenes, the Athenian general,
operations of, on the western side of
Greece, iii. 179. In ^Etolia. 181, 182.
His defeat near JEgitium, 183. Elected
general of Acarnania, 188. His plans
previously to the battle of Olpa?, 189.
Account of the battle, ib. Retrieves
the affairs of the Athenians, 189, 190.
His important successes, 190, 191.
Power delegated to him by the Athe-
nians, 194. Embarks in the fleet with
Eurymedon and Sophocles, 195. His
dispute with them, ib. Fortifies the
harbour of Pylus, 196,197. Blockaded
there by the Laced asmoni an s, 1< ; 8.
His plans for the defence of the place,
198, 199. His address to the soldiers,
19M. Compels the enemy to retreat,
200, 201. Accompanied by Cleon,
attacks and takes Sphaeteria, 212
217. His expedition to Naupactus,
2*0.

, measures taken by him for re-

venging on Laceda?mon the evils re-
sulting to Athens from the garrison
at Decelea, iv. 96, 97. Collects re-
enforcements among the allies of
Athens, in western Greece, 97, 98.
Accompanied by Eurymedon, arrives
with his fleet in Sicily, 104. Lands
his troops and joins Nicias, 105. His
measures for the attack of Syracuse,
105, 106. With Eurymedon and Me-
nander, commands at the assault of
of Epipolae, 107- Is defeated there,
108. Advises the return of the ex-
pedition, 109. Opposed by Nicias, ib.
Shows the energy of his mind in a
second proposition to him, 119. Re-
treats from Syracuse, 124127. Sur-
renders to Gylippus, 128. Decreed to
suffer death "by the Syracusans, and
executed, 131.

Demosthenes, the orator, his party at
Athens, vii. 344. His enmity to Chari-
demus, 345. note. Harangues the po-
pulace respecting him, 348, 349. His
apology for Chares, 370.

, his first oration on political sub-
jects (irti iruft/u.o{.), viii. 66. Makes
another oration (xt wr$.), 74. His
origin, 94 96. and note. Account
of, 97. and note. His early defects
as an orator, 9s. and note. His cow-
ardice, 100. His politics and early
orations, 101 104. Joins the party o'f
Chares, 110. His oration for the Me-
galopolitans, 110, 111. Advocates the
cause of the Rhodians, 117121. His
Philippics, 133. and note. His ac-
count of Olynthus, 134, 135. His
proposition to the people, 139, 140.
His Olynthiacs, 139. Persuades the
people to concede the theoric por-
tion of the revenue, ib. Attributes
the fall of Olynthus to bribery, 153.
and" note. His conduct, Ifi4. His
timidity before Philip, 168, 169. His
decrees, 170. Treatment of the Ma-
cedonian embassy, 173. How thwarted,

175. His continued civility to the
embassy, 176. Joins the embassy to
Philip, 185, 186. His disagreements
with the other ambassadors, 187, 188.
Addresses Philip. 189, and note. His
report of the embassy to Macedon,
193. Arguments of his party, 195.
Refuses the office of ambassador, 213,
His invectives against ^schines, 214.
His account of the meeting of the
Amphictyons, 216. and note. Notice
of his ^pee(h on the subject of
acknowledging Philip of Macedon
an Amphictyon, viii. 227230. Fu-
tile objections to its authenticity, 228.
note. Notice of his second Phi-
lippic, 237, Of his subsequent con-
tests with ^schines, 258 i'41. An-
swer to the objections of Plutarch
respecting the speeches of ^Eschines
and Demosthenes on the embassy,
241. note. Arrangement of words
peculiar to, 244. Reasons why the
" oration on Halonnesus " was not
written by him, 247, 248. Measures
of the party of Demosthenes, 257,
258. Opposition to them, i^y, 260.
Circumstances which gave rise to his
" Oration on the Chersonese," 260,
261. Account of, and extracts from
it, 264, 265. Success of this speech,
26.i. View with which he spoke the
third Philippic, 265. Account of,
and observations upon it, 266268.
Becomes effective first minister of
Athens, 268. His ability and in-
telligence in the discharge of this
office, 273. Lord Bolingbroke's re-
marks on his qualifications, 274. His
own character of himself, <^74, 275.
Conducts an embassy to Persia, 275.
Uses and abuses the liberality of
Phocion's party, ib. Opens a com-
munication with Thebes, 277. Re-
stores the liberty of the Eubcean cities,
279. Receives the honour of the golden
crown, ib. Undertakes an embassy
to Thrace, 279, 280. And gains Pe-
rinthus, Selymbria, and Byzantium
to the Athenian party, 280. Circum-
stances which gave rise to his fourth
Philippic, 284, 285. Abstract of it,
ib. His oration on Philip's second
letter to the Athenians, 295300.
His share in the frustration of
the plans of Philip, 300, 3(/l. Dis-
advantageous circumstances in which
he was placed, 303. States of Greece
in which his party preponderated,
3<)4. Appointed an Amphictyon, 30".
Resigns the lead in the adminis-
tration, 309. Is accused by Alschines
of receiving bribes from the Am-
phissians, 311. His artifices, 315. and
note. Secretly supports the Am-
phissians, 31ti. His extraordinary
policy, 320, 321. His use of the court
of Areopagus, 321 323. His account
of the requisitions sent by Philip, 3-27,
328. Critical situation of his party,

416

GENERAL INDEX.

329. The allurements he held out to
Thebes, 333. His oration respecting
the garrison at Elatea, 338, 3 >9. De-
cree proposed by him respecting the
same, 340, 341. Its success, 343. His
harangue at Thebes, 343, 344. His
concessions to the Thebans, 314, 345.
The growth of his power, 345, 34fi.
His immense influence at Athens and
Thebes, 348350. His arrogance to-
wards the Boeotarchs, 351. States from
which he collected his army, and its
amount, 352, 353. and note. The ge-
nerals he appointed, 3 >4. His flight,
357. His return to Athens, 3o4. De-
livers the funeral oration for the slain
at Chaeronea, 365 367. Remarks and
criticisms on it, 370376. His pro-
ceedings at Athens, 367. Supposed
to be privy to the assassination of
Philip, 382. His conduct thereupon,
333. and note.

Demosthenes, his machinations in the
northern states of Greece, ix. 94,
95. His intrigues among the Grecian
republics, 107, 108. His share in the
revolution at Thebes, 113. His in-
fluence at Athens, and in other re-
publics, 117. Undertakes an embassy
to Macedonia, but returns without
executing his commission, ib. His
connection with.Persia, 118. and note.
His meanness, 130. His connection
with the Persian court, 165.

i , his oration against Alexander,

x. 4, 5. His political designs, 6, 7.
He excites revolts in Thessaly, 9.
Remarks on his conduct during the
campaigns of Alexander, 313 316.
His boast, 318. His reply to ^Eschines
on the crown, 320, 321. Is accused of
corruption, and fined, 327. Retires to
^Egina, ib. and note.

Dercyllidas, appointed commander-in-
chief of the Lacedaemonian forces in
Asia, v. 278. Reasons of his acting
contrary to his instructions, ib. Ne-
gotiates with Tissaphernes, who bar-
gains for a particular peace for his
own provinces, 278. His successes in
the satrapy of JEolia, 281. His oper-
ations in Bithynia, 283, 284. Testi-
mony of the Lacedaemonian govern-
ment to his merits, 284. Services
rendered by him to the Thracian
Chersonese, 285, 286. His interview
and treaty with Tissaphernes, 290.
His merits not duly estimated by
Plutarch, 291. note.

Dercyllus, an Athenian, notice of, viii.
219.

Derdas, prince of Elymia, joins the La-
cedaemonians against Olynthus, vi.
102. His activity and bravery, ib.
Assists Amyntas, king of Macedon,
vii. 248, 249.

Dermot, king of Leinster, adventure
of, i. 76.

Dervorghal, rape of, paralleled by that
of Helen, I 77.

Despotic government unknown in
Europe before the rise of republican
government in Greece, ix. 58, 59.

Despotism, what constitutes the essence
of, ii. 318.

Deucalion, flood of, i. 38.

Deucalion, king of Thessaly, division of
his territories, i. 181.

Deuteronomy, ch. 4. v. 2. cited, ix. 39.
note.

Dexippus, the Lacedaemonian commis-
sioner in Sicily, employed by the
Agrigentines, vii. 29. Withdraws
from their service, 34. Resumes his
station at Gela, 42. Obtains the
arrears due to his mercenaries, ib. Is
discovered to have taken part in the
plot of Daphnaeus and Demarchus,
47. And is required to quit Sicily, ib.

Diabaterial, or border-passing sacrifice,
iii. 3-21, 322.

Diactorides, notice of, ix. 21.

Dialects in Greece, i. 10. In Italy and
England, ib. note. Observations on
the use of vowels in the Eastern
dialects, 115. Distinction of, in the
Greek language, 166168.

Dialling, known to the Babylonians at
a very early period, i. 5.

Diaulosj a sort of foot-race, when it
formed a part of the Olympian games,
i. 194.

Dicaearchia, or Puteoli, site and found-
ation of, ii. 246.

Dicast, or juryman, Athenian, daily

fay of, v. 9. Immense number of,
0.

Dictator, how the term was rendered
by the Greeks, iv. 256. note.

Dido, queen, discrepancies in the chro-
nology of the sera of, ii. 213, 214.

Diitriphes, massacre by the Thracian
auxiliaries under his command, iv.
96, 97.

Dilettanti Society, allusions to the
publications of the, x. 170. note; 171.
note.

Dinarchus, the orator, his account of
mercenaries in the Lacedaemonian
league, x. 8.

Dinocrates, the architect, notice of, ix.
311. His celebrity, 311, 312. He
builds Alexandria, 312.

Dinon, the Lacedaemonian polemarch,
killed, vi. 164, 165.

Dinon, the Grecian, his history of
Persia noticed, ix. 137, 138.

Diocles, of Syracuse, overturns the go-
vernment of Hermocrates, vii. 8.
Takes upon himself the office of legis-
lator, ib. Marches to relieve Himera,
14. Is defeated by Hannibal, the Car-
thaginian general, ib. Flees by sea to
Syracuse, 15. Is obliged to abscond,

19. Remarkable account of his death.

20. His character, 21.

Dioclides, his depositions against the
mutilators of the terms of Mercury,
v. 93. Becomes a popular favourite,
and receives public honours, ib. Ac-

GENERAL INDEX.

4-17

knowledges the falsehood of his accu-
sations against Andocides, 95. And
is decreed to death without trial, ib.

Diodorus, the historian, his account of
the Greek gods, i. 83. note.

, inconsistencies in his account of

the affairs of Arcadia and Elis, vi.
278. note.

, his merits as an historian, vii. 2, 3.

Discrepancy between him and Plu-
tarch, with regard to Hippariniis,
autocrator-general of Syracuse, 45,46.
note. His inconsistencies with regard
to Dionysius, 88. note. His observ-
ations on the siege of Rhegium, 130.
note.

Diodotus, son of Eucrates, opposes the
inhuman decree against the Mityle-
na?ans, Hi. 154. His speech on this
occasion, 154, 155.

Diodotus, of Erythrae, one of the com-
pilers of the Royal Day-book of Alex-
ander the Great, ix. 79.

Diogenes, the cynic philosopher, notice
of, viii. 325. Alexander's visit to him,
warranted by Arrian, x. 349.

Diogenes Laertius, the epigram on Xe-
nophon preserved by him, vi. 360.
Remarks on his date for Xenophon's
death, 361. note.

Diognetus, one of the principal engi-
neers in Alexander's army, notice of,
ix. 79.

Diomedon, the Athenian general, reco-
vers Teos to the Athenian alliance,
iv. 158. His success on the Asiatic
coast, 159. Appointed one of the ten
generals on the deposition of Alci-
biades and Thrasybulus, 268. De-
feated by Callicratidas, 77. Con-
demned to death and executed, 291.

Dion son of Hipparinus, patronised by
Dionysius, vii. 142. Educated by Plato,
158. Respective characters and ca-
pabilit'es of Dion and Dionysius the
younger of succeeding Dionysius the
elderin thegovernmentof Syracuse, ib.
Character of Dion, 161. Invites Plato
to revisit Syracuse, 162. Engages in
secret correspondence with the Car-
thaginians, ib. His conspiracy disco-
vered, ib. Circumstances and place of
his banishment, 164. His ingratitude
to Dionysius, ib. Proposes to make
waragai'nst him, ib. And levies forces
in Peloponnesus, 165. Embarks his
troops for Sicily, 166. Arrives at
Syracuse, and becomes master of it,
167, 168. Raised to the office of au-
tocrator-general, 168. Is offered terms
by Dionysius, to which he refuses to
accede, 168, 169. In the encounter
which ensues he is wourded and re-
pulsed, but continues the blockade of
the fortress. 169. Accused of tyranny
by So-is, 173. Marches to Leontini,
lt4. Recalled, and re-elected general-
autocrator, 176. Is defeated by Pha-
rax, 180. Deprives Heraclidesof the
command of the fleet, ib. Perseveres
VOL. X. E

in reforming the constitution. 181.
Irritated by the opposition of Hera-
elides, he causes him to be murdered,
182. Attempted justification of his
conduct by Barthelemi, ib. note. Ac-
count of the hatred his after conduct
excited, by Cornelius Nepos, 183, 184.
Takes Callippus an Athenian for his
confidant, 184. Who conspires against
him, ib. Is assassinated by some
Zacynthian soldiers, 185. Time of
his death, and age, ib. Flight of his
family to Leontini, 187. Their ulti-
mate fate, 192, 1<J3.

Dionysius the elder, tyrant of Syracuse,
the Lacedaemonians request maritime
assistance from him against Athens,
vi. 142. Nine of his ten ships taken
by the Athenians, 1.50. The auxili-
aries he sends to Greece described,
206. Sends assistance to the Lace-
daemonians, 210.

, account of his birth and edu-
cation, vii. 38. and note. Imputes
corruption to the Syracusan gene-
rals, 38. Is fined for his invective,
39. Repeats it, ib. Is chosen one of
the generals, ib. Procures the recall
of the party of Hermocrates, 40, 41.
Is appointed commissioner for the af-
fairs of Gela, 43. Elected autocrator-
general in conjunction with Hippa-
rinus, 45. Increases the pay for mili-
tary service, 47. Is attacked by night
on his way to Leontini, 48. And is
voted a guard of six hundred men in
consequence, ib. Marries Arete,
daughter of Hermocra'es, ib. And
gives his sister to Polyxenus, 49.
Marches to relieve Gela, 51. Is de-
feated by the Carthaginians, 53.
Returns to Syracuse, 54. His assas-
sination proposed on the march, b.
Defeats the attempt of the Syracusan
conspirators, 56. Concludes a peace
with Imilcon, ib. Improves the port
and the maritime power of Syracuse,
58, 59. Makes a division of lands
among the people, 60. Is besieged in
the island or Syracuse by the party of
Daphnseus and Dernarcruis, 63. Re-
gains the city, 64. His liberality to
the defeated insurgents, ib. Disarms
the Corinthian party at Syracuse, 68,
69. Increases the mercenary troops,
69. Besieges and takes JEtiia, 70.
Lead* an army to the Leontine bor-
der, 71. Deposes the tyrant of Enna,
ib. Adds the Erbita?ans to the allies
of Syracuse, 72. Destroys Naxus, ib.
Settles a colony of Cainpanians in
Catana, ib. Admits the Leontines
to the citizenship of Syracuse, 73.
Erects works of -a magnitude before
unknown, 75. Founds Adranum, 77.
Is called by Diodorus " tyrant of the
Sicilian Greeks," 77. and note. Par-
dons the Rhegians and Messenians,
79. His extensive preparations for
war with Carthage, 82. Devises the

4-18

GENERAL INDEX.

last great improvement of the ancient
marine, ib. Grants a tract of land to
the Messenians, 84. Is refused per-
mission to marry the daughter of a
Rhegian citizen, 84, 85. Marries
Doris, daughter of Xenetus, of Locri,
85. Also Aristomache, daughter of
Hipparinus, ib. A love of splendour
his weakness, 86. No " tyrant,"
either in the ancient or modern sense,
87. Proposes war with Carthage to
the Syracusans, ib. Announces the
war to Carthage by an herald, 90.
Besieges Motya, 91, 92. Carries it by
assault, 92. His efforts to save the
Motyenes, ib. Reduces the Halicy-
seans to submission, 94. Besieges
Egesta, ib. But raises the siege, 96.
Fortifies the Syracusan territory, 98.
Retires to Syracuse, 99, 100. Departs
with Leptines to bring in a convoy,
100. Summons an assembly of the
people on his return, 104. His fa-
miliar deportment, 105. Succeeds
in a combined attack on the Cartha-
ginian army and fleet, lOn, 107. Con-
cludes a peace with Imilcon, 1(*8.
His difficulties in satisfying the de-
mands of the mercenaries, 110. Settles
the Greeks at Leontini, 111. Re-
stores Messena, and establishes six
hundred Peloponnesian Messenians
there, 112. Removes them to the
north of Sicily, 113. Is discomfited,
and nearly taken prisoner, in his
attack on Tauromenium, 117. Plun-
ders the Rhegian territory, 118. Con-
ciliates the greater part of the Sicels,
ib. Supports Agyrus, chief of Agy
rium, 119. Concludes a treaty with
Magon, the Carthaginian general,
relative to the Sicels, 120. Reduces
Tauromenium, and confers it on the
Syracusan mercenaries, 121. Leads
an army against Rhegium, 124. En-
ters into an alliance with the Lucani-
ans, ib. His generous treatment of
the Rhegians and Crotoniats, 196.
Grants terms to the Rhegians, 128.
Besieges Rhegium, 129. Is wounded
in a sally, ib. Takes Rhegium, and
behaves with clemency to the inhabit-
ants, ib. Is proposed as an example
by Isocrates, 132. .His measures for
strengthening the Sicilian navy, ib.
Represses the piracy of the Tuscans,
133. Defeats the Carthaginians under
Magon, 135. Concludes a treaty
with Magon, ib. Embellishes and
enlarges Syracuse, 136. His public
revenue, 137141. His propensity
to literature, 143. His poetical
talents, ib. Is unsuccessful at the
Olympic games, ib. Improbable story
of his treatment of Plato, ib. Sends
ten ships to the assistance of Lacedae-
mon at Corcyra, 145. Becomes the
ally of Athens, ib. Assembles a vast
army and fleet for war with Carthage,
146. Takes Selinus, Eryx, and

Entella, 147. Fails in an attempt on
Lilybzeum, ib. Negotiates a truce
with the Carthaginians, ib. His death,
ib. His character, 147155. Abso-
lute in executive power, and so far
not untruly called "tyrant of Sy-
racuse, and of Sicily and Italy,"
155. The family he left behind him,
158.

Dionysius the younger, tyrant of Syra-
cuse, son of Dionysius the elder, by
Doris, vii. 158. Respective characters
and capabilities of Dion and Diony-
sius the younger of succeeding Dio-
nysius the elder in the government
of Syracuse, ib. Dion supported by
Philistus, 159. And elected without
opposition, ib. The flourishing state
of Syracuse not owing to his char-
acter and talents, 160. His love of
pleasure and dissipation, ib. Dis-
covers the treachery of Dion, 163.
Banishes him to Corinth, 164. Al-
lows him the means of living there
splendidly, ib. Receives his wife and
children into his own house, ib.
Goes with Philistus to Italy, to pro-
vide against the preparations of Dion
and Heraclides, 166. Inventions of
historians respecting his treatment of
his sister, Dion's wife, and credit due
to them, 167. He and Philistus, on
their return from Italy, finding them-
selves still in possession of the citadel,
propose an accommodation with
Dion, which is refused, 169. They
resort to arms, ib. On the death of
Philistus, Dionysius again attempts
to negotiate, 172, 173. Offers to sur-
render the citadel, and pass to Italy
on certain conditions, ib. Retires
thither for supplies, and intrusts the
command tohis son Apollocrates, 174.
Quits Locri, 188. Is re-elected nuto-
crator-general, 189. Is defeated by
Icetes, 201. Negotiates with Timo-
lepn, and retires to Corinth, 204.
His distress there, 229 Retires to
Epirus, ib. Fate of his family, ib.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, his remarks
on the funeral oration of Demos-
thenes, viii. 129. 370376.

Dionysus. See Bacchus.

Diophantus sent to Thermopylae, viii.
81. Honours decreed to him, 82.

Diopithes, appointed Athenian com-
mander in Thrace, viii. 259. Defence
of, by Demosthenes, 262. Its effect,
265. His successes against Macedon,
267.

Diphilus, the Athenian commander,
defeats the Corinthian squadron, iv.
99.

Diphridas, appointed commander-in-
chiefof the Lacedasmoni an forces in
Asia, vi. 59. Restores the affairs of
Laced semon there, ib. Takes Tigra-
nes prisoner, ib.

Diridotis, on the Euphrates, account of,
x. 273.

GENERAL INDEX.

419

Dispatches of generals, usually commit-
ted to trusty messengers, iv. b2. The
first sent in writing by Nicias, ib.

Divernois, M., notice of, ix. 43.

Dodona, account of the oracle of, i.

171. Considered by M. Hardion not
to have been the oldest in Greece,

172. note. This opinion controverted,
172, 173. note. Situation of, ix. 18.

Dodwell, Mr., his Ann. Thuc. com-
mended, ii. 271. note. His authority
disputed, and Xenophon supported,
as to the season of the ceremony
called Thermophoria, vi 96.

Pokimasia, or scrutiny, v. 75.

Doloncians colonise the Thracian
Chersonesus, ii. tiO.

Dolphins, use of machines so called, in
naval action, iv. 102.

Dorcis, appointed commander of the
Grecian fleet, ii. 216.

Dorian cities of Sicily, how affected
towards Syracuse, vii. 70.

Sicilians, war between them and

the Ionian Sicilians, iv. 13, 14.

Doric dialect, over what states it ex-
tended, i. 167.

order, not peculiar to the Dorian

Greeks, ii. 249. note. Distinctions
between this order and the Ionic, ib.

Dorieus, eluer brother of Leonidas,
notice of, ii. 221.

Doris, boundaries of, i. 11. War of,
with Phocis, ii. 324. Plundered by
the Phocians, viii. 50.

Doris, daughter of Xenetus of Locri,
marries Dionysius the elder, of Syra-
cuse, vii. 84.

Doriscus, siege of, ii. 281.

Doryphori, or spear- bearers, the atten-
dants of the tyrants, i. 362.

AouAcj and'Avo-ea, distinction be-
tween, v. 177. note.

Downs, ix. 227.

Draco, notice of the legislative code of,
L327.

Dramatic style, a propensity to the,
common in ancient history, ii. 32.

Drangia, notice e f the country and peo-
pie of, x. 39. 191.

Druidical religion, allusion to, i. 100.

Dryden, historical fidelity of, in his
ode of " Alexander's Feast," ix. 356.

Ducetius, king of the Sicels, notice of,
iv. 9 11.

Dying Gladiator, remarks on the statue
of, vi. 288. note.

Dyine, i. 12.

Earth and water given as an acknow-
ledgment of subjection, i. 379.

Earthquake at L icedsemon, account of,
ii. 306, 30y. Notice of earthquakes in
Greece, iii. 176. Effect of the terrors
of one, iv. 148, 149.

Eastern dialects, observations on the
use of vowels in, 115, 116.

nations, politically connected with

Greece, view of, ii. 137.

E E

Hj, signification of *a, t;t)?, vi.
124.

Ecbatana, the capital of Media, arrival
of Darius at, x. 1. Of embassies at,
2. Darius's flight from. 13. Its trea-
sury intrusted to Harpalus, 15. He.
phaestion's neath at, 331.

Eclipse of the moon, its effect upon the-
Athenians at Syracuse, iv. 112.

Ecspondi, and Enspondi, distinction
between, iii. 162. Condition of the
Ecspondi, vi. 83.

Edessa, the Macedonian seat of govern-
ment removed from, vii. 249. Battle
of, 268. Festival celebrated there by
Philip, viii. 381. The place of his
assassination, ib.

Edinburgh, strong resemblance of its
site to that of Argos, Corinth, and
Athens, i. 42.

Edonians, defeated by the Greek army,
ii. 307.

Education, system of, pursued at Sparta,
L 257260.

, what kind of, in request at
Athens, in the time of Plato,
Xenophon, &c., v. 115.

Eetionea, destruction of the fort of, iv.
216, 217.

'Hys/ttoiy, signification of the title, iv.
256, 257.

Egesta, foundation of, i. 318.

, held l.y the Elymians, ii. 216. 224.

. , war between it and Selinus,

iv. 22. Solicits assistance from the
Athenians, 22, 23. Which is granted,
24. Poverty of, 44, 45.

, the Egestans apply to Carthage

for protection against Selinus, vii. 10.
Join the Carthaginian army under
Hannibal, 12. Egesta is besieged by
Dionysius, ^4.

Egypt, advantages presented by, to its
first occupants, i. 6. The first regu-
lar government constituted in, ib.
Tise mother of the arts, ib. Geome-
try invented in, 6, 7. Improvements
attributed to, 7. Early civilisation,
ib. Colonies from, established in
Greece, 25. 42. Causes that rendered
Egypt the great school of superstition,
81. 170. The chief source of the gods
of Greece, 87.

, flourishing state of, previously to

the. Persian invasion, ii. 2022. Con-
quered by Cambyses, king ot Persia,
24. The greater part of, in rebellion,
320. Expedition of the Athenians
to, 320322. The Greeks defeated
there by Megabyzus, 332.

revolts from the Persian empire,

and becomes an independent monar-
chy, vi. 303. Tachos, its king, en-
gages Agetilaus to command his
army, and Chabrias his fleet, 304.
Deserted by his people, Tachos takes
refuge in Sidon, 311. Nectanabis
seated on the Egyptian throne, 312.

, recovered by the Persians, ix. 155.
Egyptian hieroglyphics of Artaxerxe*

420

GENERAL INDEX.

Ochus, 155. Submits to Alexander,
308. His arrangements there, 320 522.

Eion, siege of, ii. 281. By whom colo-
nised, iii. 252, 253. Held by the Athe-
nians, 255, 256.

Elatea, situation of, viii, 337. Garri-
soned by Philip, ib. Observations on
the occupation of, 383 387. note.

Elea, province of, i. 12. Notice of the
Elean games, 189. Advantages pro-
cured to the Eleans, by the establish-
ment of the Olympic games in Elea,
192, 193. Sketch of the history of
Elea, 242. Discordances among
writers relative to its history, 243
244. note.

Elections, English, allusion to, vii. 312.

Elephant- hunters, Indian, account of,
x. 130, 131.

Eleus, taken by Charidemus, vii. 344.

Eleusinian mysteries, probable origin
of, i. 93.

Eleusinians, conduct of Critias and his
party towards them, v. 53. Massacre
of, 54. Fate of the oligarchal leaders,
64.

Eleutheria, or feast of freedom, account
of, iv. 7.

EHs, dispute between Lacedaemon and,
iii. 294, i'9.-). 317,318.

, war with Lacedaemon, v. 296, 297.

Submission of the Eleans, 298.

, the Eleans oppose the universal

independency of the Grecian cities,
at the congress of Athens, vi. 181.
Causes of alienation between Elis
and Arcadia, 209, 210. The Eleans
make themselves masters of Lasion,

255. Engage in war with Arcadia,

256. Elis entered by the Arcadian
army, ib. The democratical leaders
seize its citadel, ib. But are com-
pelled to flee to Pylus, 257. The war
terminated by the interference of the
Acha?ans, 258. Elis returns to its
connection with Lacedaemon, ib. Elea
re-invaded by the Arcadians, 262. The
Eleans defeated, ib. Put to death
their apostate fellow-citizens in Pylus,
266. Are excluded by the Arcadians
from the presidency of the Olympian
festival, 2f>6, 267. Defeat the Arca-
dians, 268. Return to Elis, 269. Meet
deputies from all the Arcadian cities
at Tegea, 274.

^ , conduct of the Eleans after the
combination among the Grecian re-
publics under Demosthenes, ix. 132,
133.

Eloquence, power of, in the courts of
justice at Athens, v. 72, 73. Teachers
of, 116. Study of, very important in
Greece, vi. 3:30.

Elymians of what nations they were
composed, ii. 216.

Emigration of Esau, illustrated, i. 14.
In ancient Greece, 15. (See Migra-
tion.)

Empedion, the Selinuntine, obtains
terms from Hannibal, vii. 13.

Encampments of the ancient Greeks, i.
138.

England, plan to be adopted in case of
the invasion of, ix. 183. note. (See
Britain, British constitution, and Bri-
tish islands.)

Enna, a town of Sicily, the tyrant of,
deposed by Dionysius, vii. 71. Passes
to the dominion of the Messenians of
Tyndaris, 114.

Enotomarch and Enotomy, explanation
of the terms, i. 267 270.

Enspondi and Ecspondi, distinction be-
. tween, iii. 162, 163.

Entella, a town of Sicily, a body of
Campanian horse quartered at, vii.
66. Who settle there, after slaying
all the male inhabitants, ib. Taken
by Dionysius, 147. Besieged by the
Carthaginians, 199.

Epaminondas, character of, vi. 128. At
the head of the Theban ambassadors
at the congress of Lacedsemon, 158.
Directs, with Pelopidas, the Theban
councils, 160. Gains, with his col-
league, the victory of Leuctra, 162,
163. Is appointed to command the
army cf the Theban confederacy, 192.
Wastes Corinthia, 193. Invades La-
conia, 194. Invests Gythium, 197. Is
compelled to withdraw from Laconia,
200. Patronises the build ing of the new
city of Messena, 201. Commands the
confederate army sent into Achaia,
225. His liberal policy to ti:e Achaeans,
2*6. His reception of the Arcadian
ministers, 277. Fails in his maritime
attempts against Athens, 281. Mo-
tives for his fourth invasion of Pelo-
ponnesus, 282, 283. Bartlielemi's view
of his character, 283. note. Is joined
by numerous allies, 284. His inac-
tivity at Tegea commended by Xeno-
phon, 285, ^86. Marches for Sparta,
287. Is disappointed of his hope to
surprise the city, ib. Hastens to the
Mantinean territory, 289. Is worsted
by the Athenian horse, 289, 290.
Gains the battle of Mantinea, 294
296. Is wounded, and dies, t96. note.
His mode of fighting noticed, ix,
338.

Eparites, or select militia of Arcadia,
described, vi. '263. 269. 273.

Ephebi, registry of the, i. 341.

Ephesus, city of, its foundation, i. 311.

, attempt upon, by Thrasyllus, iv.

244, 245.

, circumstances of, ix. 197, 198. Tu-
muli at, 198, 199. Alexander's arrival
there, 199.

Ephialtes, head of a party against Ci-
mon, ii. 316. Brings forward the
measure for depressing the power of
the Areopagus, :318.

Ephors, magistrates so called, when in-
stalled at Sparta, i. 299. Their func-
tions, 3>,0.

Ephorus, the Greek historian, notice of,
i. 200.

GENERAL INDEX.

421

Epicrates, condemned to death, for pro-
curing the escape of the wife and
children of Themistocles, ii. 295.
Epidamnus, colony of, when founded,
i. 239. ; iii. 18. The Epidamnians
apply to the oracle at Delphi, and
send a deputation to Corinth, in con-
sequence, iii. 18. Assistance derived
from that state, 19, 20. Surrenders
to the Corey rasans, 21, 22.
Epidauria, ravaged by the Theban
army, vi. 205. Invaded by the Ar-
gives, 2U9.
Epidaurus, war of Argos with, iii. 321,

322. Siege of, 336.

Epimenides, a philosopher of Crete,
invited by Solon to undertake the
superintendence of the religion of
Athens, i. 331. His disinterested
conduct, 332.
Epipola?, what part of the suburb of

Athens so called, iv. 69.
Epipola?, assault of, at Syracuse, iv. 106
109. Hill of, near Syracuse, forti-
fied by Dionysius, vii. 75.
Epirus, inhabitants of, i. 10. Descrip-
tion of, viii. 53. Notice of, ix. 18.
'E-THrotZou, meaning of, v. 196.
Epistates, office of, at Athens, i. 346,347.
Epistoleus, or vice-admiral, when the
term was first used, iv. 301. Synony-
mous with the Roman " Legatus,"
ib. note.
Epitadas, commander of the Lacedas-

monian forces at Sphacteria, iii. 212.
Epitaph, remarkable, on the daughter

of Hippias, i. 373.
Epiteles, the Argive general, projects

the building of Messena, vi. 2lU.
Epyaxa, wife of SyennesU, attends the
camp of Cyrus with her troops, v. 141.
Effect upon her of the review of the
Grecian troops, 142.
Equal law, right of, peculiar to the
English constitution, how derived, i.
233. note.

Erasinides, appointed one of the ten
generals, on the deposition of Alci-
biades and Thrasybulus, iv. 268. Con-
demned to death and executed, 291.
Eratosthenes, notice of the chronologi-
cal system of, i. 200.

Erbita, a town of Sicily, its chief mi-
grates to Alesa, vii. 72. The Erbi-
ta:ans become allies of Syracuse, ib
Erechtheus, king of Attica, notice of,
i. 44. Erechtheus and Erichthon'
the same person, ib. note.
Eretria, an Athenian colony, before the
Trojan war, i. 309. Siege and cap-
ture of, by the Persians, ii. 74. Hu
mane treatment of the Eretrian pri-
soners, by Darius, 85.

, welcomes the Thebans, vii. 318.

Ergophilus of Athens, sent agains

Thrace, vii. 341.
Erichthonius, king of Dardania, ac

count of, i. 67.

Erygyius, the Macedonian, joins Alex

ander, x. 21. Kills Satizarbanes, 47.

Erythrae, city of, its foundation, i. 311.
Eryx, foundation of the town of, i. 318.

, held by the Elymians, ii. 216.

, taken by Dionysius, vii. 147.
Srzerum, climate of, v. 210. note.
Ssau, migration of, illustrated, i. 14.
Steonicus, the Lacedaemonian general,

stratagem adopted by, on receiving

the news of the defeat of the Pelo-

ponnesians, iv. 281, 282. Suppresses

the sedition at Chios, 292.
Etruria, sketch of the history of, ii.

232
Etruscans, origin of the, ii. 229231.

Their proficiency in the arts, 230.

note. How they were connected with

the Corinthians, 232.
Eubcea, island, power of, i. 309.

, course of the navigation from, to

Cuma, on the Campanian coast, ii.

243, 244. A colony of Eubceans settle
at Cuma, on the Campanian plain,

244, 245. Which is conquered by
them, 246. Revolt of, 350.

, the Eubceans propose to revolt

from the Athenian to the Lacedz-
monian confederacy, iv. 143. Import-
ance of Eubcea to Athens, 219. Re-
volts to the Lacedaemonians, ib.

, account of, vii. 316, 317. Its im-
portance to Athens, 317. Interfer-
ference of Thebes in, 318. Revolt
of the Eubceans against Athens, ib.
They return to their allegiance, 320.

, chosen by Timotheus as his place

of exile, viii. 122. How governed,
123, 124. Troubles of, 123125. Af-
fairs of, 157. The situation of, engages
the attention of Demosthenes, 277.
Its liberties restored by him, 277, 278.
Its subjection to the party of Callias,
278.

Eubulus, decree proposed by him, viii.
282

Eucles, commander, with Thucydides,
of the Athenian forces in Thrace, iii.
252.

Euclides, a soothsayer, anecdote of him
and Xenophon, vi. 340.

Eudamidas, the Lacedaemonian gene-
ral, marches for Thrace, vi. 93. Oc-
cupies Potidaea, 94.

Eulaeus river, notice of, x. 275. Alex-
ander's passage down, 298.

Eumenes, of Cardia, one of the com-
pilers of the royal daybook, ix. 78.
Alexander's principal secretary, x. 84.
Notices of, 156. 286. 351. 364. note.
Married to a daughter of Artabazus,
286. His dispute with Hephaestion,
330.

Eumolpus, settlement of, in Eleusis, i.
45.

Eunuchs, 'at the Persian court, gene-
rally foreigners, ii. 158. Preferred by
Cyrus for his confidants, ib. Great
wealth acquired by traffic in, 159.

Eupatrida?, or nobly born, privileges of,
i. 228.

Euphaes, king of Messenia, prudent
E 3

422

GENERAL INDEX.

conduct of, in training his people for
war, i. 278. His death in battle, 281.

Euphorion, notice of, ix. 21.

Euphrates, the provinces bordering
upon the, first settled after the flood,
i. 4. Crossed by Alexander, ix. 330.
Its source, x. 342. Its course de-
scribed, 343.

Euphron becomes tyrant of Sicyon, vi.
235. Withdraws from JEneas of Stym-
palus, '237. Recovers his ascendancy,
and goes to Thebes, 238. Is assassin-
ated there, 239. Is buried with
public pomp in the agora of Sicyon,
242.

Eupolemus, son of Icetes, his execution,
vii. 217.

Eupolpidas, commander of Plataea, his
plan of escape from the garrison, iii.
140.

Euripides, benefits received by the
Athenian prisoners in Sicily from re-
citing his verses, iv. 13*. His resi-
dence at the Macedonian court, vii.
216.

Europeans, their innate love of free-
dom, ix. 59.

Eurotas, river, i. 12.

Eurybiades, admiral of the Grecian
fleet at Artemisium, ii. 132, 133.
Anecdote of, 148. note. Character of,
151. Receives the reward of the olive
crown, 169.

Eurydice, queen of Macedonia, married
to Amyntas, vii 233. Her interview
with Iphicrates, 2.57. Accused of in-
trigues by Justin, 259. note.

Eurylochus, the Spartan, passes through
Acarnania, iii. 187. And joins the
Ambraciots in Olpa?, ib. Killed in
battle with Demosthenes, 188.

Eurylochus, the Thessalian, destroys
Crissa, viii. 7. Restores Cirrha, 8.
Contradictory accounts respecting,
79.

Eurymachus, plot concerted between
him and Nauclides, iii. 66, 67.

Eurymedon, sea-fight of the, ii. 280.
Battle of, ib.

Eurymedon, the Athenian admiral, im-
policy of his conduct at Corcyra, iii.
173. "Operations of the fleet under
the command of Eurymedon and So-
phocles, 194196. They assist the
democratic against the aristocratic
Corcyramns, 223. Surrender the lat
ter to the fury of the former, 234.
(See Demosthenes.)

Euryptolemus, son of Pisianax, the part
he took in the defence of the Athe-
nians generals impeached for their
coiv uct at the battle of Arginussse,
iv. 287290.

Eurystheus, king of Argos, enmity of,
to Heracles (or Hercules) and the
Heraclidas, i. 31, 32. Slain in Attica,
33.

Eurytus;, Spartan, notice of, ii. 130.

Euthymus, of Leontini, his execution,
vii. 216.

Euthyne, or Scrutiny, i. 348. ; v. 23. ;
viii. 152.

Evagoras, prince of Salamis, his descent,
vi. 10. Revolution effected by him in
Salamis, 10, 11. His character among
the most perfect known to history, ib.
His friendly relations with Athens,
ib. Friendship between him and Co-
non, 12. Relations of, with Athens,
69, 70. Endeavours to unite Cyprus
under his authority, 304. Ravages
Phenicia, and takes Tyre by storm,
306. His fleet defeated by the Per.
sian, ib. He is besieged in Salamis,
ib. Is compelled to surrender all his
acquisitions, but allowed to retain Sa-
lamis, with the title of king, 307. Is
assassinated by the eunuch Nicocles.
ib. note.

Examiners, at Athens, nature of their
office, iv. 50.

Exaenetus, an Agrigentine, victor at
the Olympic games, vii. 27. His re-
turn celebrated with extraordinary
magnificence, ib.

Fate, how personified, i. 91. Office of,
92. Power of, over the gods, ib. note.

Female character, Homer's estimation
of, i. 157.

Festivals, Grecian, how regulated, i.
223. (See Games.)

Feudal vassalage, a near resemblance
to, in the tenures of principalities in
Persia, vi. 307. note.

Fir, the silver, not found in Britain in
Caesar's time, i. 9. note.

" Fish-eaters," the people so called, as
described by Nearchus, x. 240. At-
tacked by him, 241.

Five Hundred, the. See Council.

Fleece, polden, expedition of the, i. 38.

Flood, traditions of all nations bear tes-
timony to a general, i. 3.

Floods of Deucalion, i 38. And of
Ogyges, 41. Of Mesopotamian rivers,
x. 341. 351.

Foot-race, the only game exhibited at
the Olympian festival as established
by Iphitus, i. 194. Another sort of,
termed " Diaulos," afterwards added,
194.

Forty, the itinerant judges appointed by
Soi.)n so designated, i. 351.

Four hundred, the. Sec- Council.

France, atrocities of the revolution in,
illustrate Grecian history, and ex-
culpate the Grecian character, iv.
291, '- ;C 2. Extract from M. Calonne's
letter to Louis XVI., v96. note.

, similarity between the proceedings

of the committee of public welfare at
Paris, and those of the Athenian
council of thirty, v. 50. note.

, comparison between the French

and Greek republics, vi. 236. note.

, measures of the promoters of the

revolution in, noticed, ix. 46.

French mutilation of classical names,
i. 31. note.

GENERAL INDEX.

423

French orthography of Asiatic names,

x. 193. note
Frenet, M., his remarks upon the

Arundel marbles, i. 202. note.
Fruits of Alcinous's garden, i. 127. and

note.
Funeral anniversary instituted by the

Athenians, ii. 2.04.
, ceremonies among the Persians,

98. Of the Athenians, iv. 321, 322.

OftheOdrysians.v. 284.
honours of the slain at Plataja, ii.

200, 201

Furies, office of, i. 91, 92.
Future state of rewards and punish-
ment*, how far known to the ancients,

i. 100.

Gadrosia opposes Alexander, x. 204.
I subdued, 205. Its desert passed
by Alexander, 206210.

Gajsylus, reconciles Dion and Hera-
elides, vii. 179.

Galleys, ancient nature of, ii. 43.
Their form and management in
action, 133. Remarks on, by Ge-
neral Melvill and M. Pages, 162. 165.
The most perfect representation of a
bireme in the Vatican Museum at
Rome, 162.

, improvement in the construction

of the Corinthian galleys, iv. 99.
Dartmen employed in the ancient
galleys, 103, 1(,4. (See Ships )

Games, origin of, i. 187. Notice of the
Pythian games, 188. Elean games,
189. Olympian games, 191. 194. Del-
phian, Isthmian, and Nemean games,
195.

Gaos, son of Tiribazus, revolts, and
joins Acoris, king of Egypt, vi. 307.
Garden, public, the first laid out
by Pisistratus, i. 370.

Gaugamela, or Arbela, account of the
battle of, ix. 336-34a

Gauls, the, send embassies to Alexan-
der the Great, ix. 101, 102. and note.

Gaza, description of, ix. 305. Taken by
Alexander, ib.

Gela, foundation of, i. 319.

, notice of, ii. 217.

, the majority of the Agrigentine

citizens flee to, vii. 35. Dexippus,
the LacedEemonian commissioner, re-
suines his station at, 42. Faction at,
how quelled by Dionysius, 43, 44. Is
besieged by the Carthaginians under
Imilcon, 50. The Geloans evacuate
the place, and reach Syracuse, 53.
How governed under Timoleon, 224.

Gelanor, king of Argos, i. 27.

Gellias, the Agrigentine, his extraordi-
nary magnificence and hospitality,
vii. 26. Perishes by fire at the taking
of Agrigentuin, 35.

Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, notice of, ii.
217. How he acquired the sove-
reignty there, 218, 219. Makes Syra-
cuse the seat of government, 220, 221.
His measures for harmonising and

amalgamating the various petty states
belonging to him, 220. Wisdom and
vigour of his government, 221. Puts
himself at the head of his army, and
engages and defeats Hamilcar, 224,
225, Popularity of his character, 226.
Golden coins of his, yet in existence,
ib. Remarks on his government, ib.
His appeal to an assembly of the
people, 227. A statue decreed to him,
ib. Honourable exception in favour of
this statue in after-times, ib. Parti-
culars in the history of Gelon, 228
234. note. Sketch of the history of,
iv. 2, 3.

General assemblies at Athens, how
often held, and their functions and
power, i. 345, 346.

General-in-Chief, importance of the
office at Athens, iii. 320, 321.

Geneva, allusion to, ix. 9.

Genoa, local advantages of, vi. 325, 326.
note.

Geographical information, deficiency
of, in the time of Alexander, x. 175.
note.

Geometry, invention of, in Egypt, L
6,7.

Geranor, the Lacedemonian polemarch,
defeated and killed by the Arcadians,
vi. 209.

Gerostratus, king of Aradus, submits to
Alexander, ix 290.

Getes, the, notice of, iii. 87. Put to
flight by Alexander the Great, ix.
K.O.

Gibbon, Mr., his elaborate account of
the Scythians noticed, ii. 6. note.

, his comparison of the golden rule

of the Gospel with a precept of
Thales impugned, v. 113. note.

, his remarks on the orthography of

the word " pashaw," x. 193. note.

Gill, old north-country term, x. 127.

Gladiator, Fighting, statue of the, whom
it was supposed to represent, vi. 289.
note.

Glaucias, king of Taulantia, repulsed
by Alexander the Great, ix. 106.

Glaucus, a prince of Corinth, i. 22.

Glausees, or Glaucaneeks, account of,
x. 149. They enter into a treaty
with Alexander, ib.

God, derivation of the Greek name for,
i. 87. note. And good, one word
in Anglo-Saxon, 90. note.

Gods of Greece, Diodorus's account of,
i. 83. note. Whence principally de-
rived, 87. Their characters, 88, 89.
Sum of the duties of men to, 95.
What crime they were supposed
most to avenge, ib. Instances of the
general belief that they interfered in
human concerns, ^7,98. Oracles of,
99. Offerings to the gods after victory,
ii. 167, 168.

Goitre, existence of the, in the valleys
of the Alps, and inWallachia, x. 45,46.

Gold, ancient method of collecting,

from the beds of rivers, i. 37.
L 4,

424

GENERAL INDEX.

Golden fleece, expedition of the, i. 38.

Gongylus, an Eretrian, his treachery
rewarded by Persia, ii. 274. Made
governor of Byzantium, 275. Carries
proposals from Pausanius to the Per-
sian court, ib.

Gongylus, the Corinthian commander,
his operations on the Sicilian coast, iv.
77, 78.

Gordian knot, story of the, ix. 246
249.

Gordium, the ancient capital of Lower
Phrygia, notice of, ix. 235, 236. 244
248.

Gordius, a Phrygian yeoman, history
of, ix. 246248.

Gorgias, of Leontini, the first rhetori-
cian who reduced his profession to an
art, iv. 13. His embassy to Athens,
ib. Nature of his eloquence, and its
effect on the Athenians, ib. His
celebrity as a sophist, v. 115, 116.

Gothic name, supposed founders of the,
iii. 87.

Goths, country of the, ix. 99101.

Government, the first regular one con-
stituted in Egypt, i. 6. Analysis of
the governments of the early Greeks,
101106. What circumstances dis-
tinguished the governments of the
Grecian states from those of modern
Europe, 225, 26. Defects of this
system, 226 22S. Account of the
different forms of government known
to the Greeks, 229231.

, examination of Aristotle's trea-
tise on government, ix. 5 13. De-
spotic government unknown in Eu-
rope, before the rise of republican
government in Greece, 59. Circum-
stances of modern governments con-
trasted with the policy of Philip, 72.
(See Athens, Constitution, Lacedae-
mon, Macedonia.)

Grfficia Propria, geographical descrip-
tion of, i. 913.

V(ciu.u,etret [a-/, : u,x.Tix, Auy|,] explana-
tion of, i. 112. note; 124. note.

Granicus, river, description of, ix. 184.
Battle of, 185193.

Greece, general history of, from the
earliest accounts to the end of the
Trojan war, i. l.etseq. Howtheoldest
traditionary memorials of Greecediffer
from those of barbarous ages, 1, 2.
Greece the first country of Europe that
was civilised, 9, 10. Early known to
the Egyptian and Phenician naviga-
tors, 9. Geographical description of
Gra?cia Propria, 1013. Its climate,
13, 14. Condition of its early inhabit-
ants, 13. Spirit of war and robbery
prevalent among them, 15, 16. Ac-
count of the southern part of Greece,
1724. Piracy repressed and settle-
ments formed, 20,21. Pelasgian do-
minion in Greece, 24 26. Egyptian
colonies there, 25. 2730. Colonies
from Phrygia and Thessaly under
Pelops, 3033. Account of the north-

ern provinces, 35- 61. The Athe-
nians the first civilised people in
Greece, 61. Coincidences, tending
to show that the early inhabitants of
Greece, Asia Minor, and Thrace,
were the same, 63 65. Early hos-
tilities between Greece and Asia, 68,
69. The war of the Greeks against
Troy, 71. Their return thence, 75, 76.
State of religion among the early
Greeks, 80101. Their government
and jurisprudence, 101109. Science,
arts, and commerce, 109144. Their
manners, 145 161. History of, from
the Trojan war to the return of the
Heraclida?, 162. et seq. Return of
the Heraclidaj, 163, 164. Its effects
on the language of Greece, 166168.
Account of Grecian oracles, 173 180.
Investigation of the chronology of
Grecian history, 195223. History
of the southern provinces of Greece,
from the return of the Heraclidae to
the conquest of Messenia by the Lace-
daemonians, 224 29o. Summary view
of the state of the northern provinces
of Greece, and of the establishment of
the early Grecian colonies, 301 321.
Greece, view of the Eastern nations po-
litically connected with Greece, ii. 1
37. First Persian armament against
Greece, 6466. Second Persian arma-
ment, 73 78. Defeat of the Persians,
82 85. History of, from the accession
of Xerxes to the throne of Persia, till
the conclusion of the first campaign
of that monarch's expedition against
Greece, 90. et seq. Arrival of the
Persian army and fleet at Therme in
Macedonia, 99. State of Greece at
the time of the invasion under Xerxes,
100104. Responses of the Delphian
oracle concerning the invasion, 105
107. Measures for forming a con-
federacy of Grecian commonwealths,
107. Disunion among the Greeks,
108110. Assembly of deputies from
the confederated commonwealths at
Corinth, 110. Measures for defending
the pass of Thermopylae, 114. Ex-
ertions of the assembly at Corinth,
115. State of the Grecian army at
Thermopylae, and of the fleet at Arte-
misium, 116. Battle of Thermopylae,
122130. Numbers of the Grecian
fleet, 130132. Sea-fights off Arte-
misium, 135, 136. Retreat of the
Grecian fleet, 137, 138. Unsteady
councils of the Grecian confederacy,
143, 144. Battle of Salamis, 15.5160.
History of, from the battle of Salamis
to the conclusion of the Persian in-
vasion, 166 et seq. Measures of the
Grecian fleet, 166. Congress at Athens,
172177. Campaign in Bceotia, 179.
Battle of Plataea, 186 203 Measures
of the Grecian fleet at Delos, 205.
Battle of Mycale, 206209. View of
the people of the western countries
politically connected with the Greeks,

GENERAL INDEX.

4-25

and of the Grecian settlements in
Sicily and Italy, 212249. Affairs of,
from the conclusion of the Persian
war to the establishment of security
for the Greeks against the barbarians,
by the successes of Cimon, 250. et seq.
Dedications, festivals, and monuments
in Greece, occasioned by the victories
over the Persians, 252, 253. War
prosecuted against Persia under Pau-
sanias and Aristides, 272. New con-
federacy of the Greeks, 279. Successes
of the confederate arms under Cimon,
281. Battle of the Eurymedon, 285.
Affairs of, from the establishment of
its security against Persia, to the truce
for thirty years between Athens and
Lacedamon, 301. et seq. War of Ar-
gos and Mycenae, an instance of the
miseries to which Greece was liable,
from the defects of its political system,
312, 313. Expedition to Egypt, 320,
321. 332,333. War between the different
states of Greece, 322331 Expedition
to Cyprus, 342. Policy of the Grecian
republics for holding the weaker re-
publics in subjection, 346, 347. Thirty
Years' Truce, 352.

Greece, affairs of, from the Thirty Years'
Truce to the Peloponnesian war, iii. 1.
etseq. Project for the union of Greece,
9, 10. War between Samos and Mile-
tus, ] 1. Between Corcyra and Corinth,
19. Sea-fight off Actium, 22. Sea-
fights off Sybota, 26. Infraction of
the Thirty Years' Truce, 30. Wars in
Greece, 31. Battle and siege of Poti-
daea, 39. Assembly of deputies of the
Peloj>onnesian confederacy at Lace-
daemon, 41. Second assembly, 53.
War with Athens resolved, 5ri. At-
tempt of the Mhebans against Plataea,
6470. History of the Peloponnesian
war, from its commencement to the
death of Puricles, 71. et seq. Ex-
pedition of the Corinthians against
Acarnania and Cephallenia, 90. Bar.
barity of the Grecian system of war,
103. Of the Peloponnesian war, from
the death of Pericles, in the third
year, to the application for peace from
Lacedaemon, in the seventh, 119. et
seq. Siege of Plataea by the Pelopon-
nesians, 109115. Affairs of the west-
ern parts of Greece, 116 119. Battle
near Stratus, 119. Sea-h'ght between
the Peloponnesian and Athenian
fleets, 120127. Siege of Mitylene by
Paches, 139 143147. Siege of Platzea,
140 1+3. Plata?a taken, 158. Opera-
tions of the Athenian and Peloponne-
sian fleets, 169175. Operations of the
Athenians, under Nicias, on the east-
ern side of Greece, and under De-
mosthenes on the western, 178 180.
Battle of Olpse, 188. Of Idomene, 191.
Siege of Pylus, 200203. Blockade
of Sphactena, 207. Attack upon the
place by Demosthenes, 213215. Of
the Peloponneaian war, from the ap-

plication for peace from Lacedaempn,
in the seventh year, to the conclusion
of peace between Lacedaemon and
Athens, in the tenth, 219. et seq. Bat-
tle of Delium, 242244. Of Amphi-
polis, 278, 279. Of the Peloponnesian
war, during the peace between Lace,
daemon and Athens, 288. et seq. A
third Peloponnesian confederacy, 305.
Implication of interests of the prin-
cipal Grecian republics, 316. Battle
near Mantinea, 332324. Siege of
Melos, 345, 346.

Greece, account of the expedition into
Sicily, iv. 19134. Affairs of Greece
from the conclusion of the Sicilian
expedition till the return of Alcibiades
to Athens, in the twenty-fourth year
of the Peloponnesian war, 135. et seq.
Effects through Greece of the over-
throw of the Athenians in Sicily, 138.
New implication of Grecian and Per.
sian interests, 144. Affairs of Greece,
from the return of Alcibiades to
Athens till the conclusion of the
Peloponnesian war, 258.

, summary view of the rise of phi-
losophy and literature in, v. 1C9 129.
Transactions of the Greeks in Asia
and Thrace, from the conclusion of
the Peloponnesian war to the renewal
of war between Lacedaemon and Per-
sia, 130 27a Battle of Cunaxa, 157
162. Return of the Greeks, and their
difficulties, 1H3 170. Treaty with the
Persian king, 171. Dissensions of
Greeks and Persians, 172, 173. In-
crease of mutual ill-will, 175. Seizure
of the Grecian generals, 177. Their
fate, 178. State of the army, 181.
Xenophon chosen general, 184. Estab-
lishment of military law, 186, 187.
Retreat of the Greeks; passage of
Mount Taurus; march through Ar-
menia; arrival at Trapezus, 187210.
Transactions at Trapezus, Cerasus,
Cotyora, Sinope, Heraclea, Port Calpe,
211241. Political state of Greece,
241243. March of the army to Chry-
sopolis, 248. Arrival in Europe, 249.
Transactions at Byzantium, 250252.
Service of the army with a Thracian
prince, 261264. Engaged in the
Lacedaemonian service, iJ65. Passage
of the army to Asia, and its march to
join the Lacedaemonian forces, 266,
267. Affairs of the Greeks in Asia,
from the renewal of the war between
Lacedaemon and Persia to the re-
newal of war within Greece, 274
338. Revolt of the Persian Greeks,
276. Condition of the Asian Greeks,
287. Bribery of the democratical
leaders in the Grecian republics, 322.

, affairs of, and transactions of the
Greeks in Asia, from the establish-
ment of the general confederacy
against Lacedaemon, to the treaty
between Lacedaemon and Persia, and
the re-establishment of the Lacedx-

426

GENERAL INDEX.

monian power in Greece, through
the general peace dictated in the
king of Persia's name, commonly
caUed the peace of Antalcidas, vi.
1, et seq. Confederacy in Greece
against Lacedsemon, 1, 2. Prepara-
tions for the invasion of Laconia, 5.
Battle of Corinth, and losses of the
confederate army, 6, 7. Battle of
Coronea, 15 17. Evils of the Grecian
political system, 21 23. Improve-
ment of the Grecian art of war,
35. The peace of Antalcidas, 79.
Affairs of, from the peace of Antal-
cidas to the elevation of Thebes to
supremacy by the battle of Leuctra,
82. et seq. Uncommon tranquillity
in Greece, after the dispersion of the
Mantineans, 87. Inconveniences of
the Grecian political system, 88, 89.
Intermarriages forbidden, 89. State
of the smaller republics of Greece,
132. General congress at Laceda?.
mon, 156. The Lacedaemonians re-
sign their supremacy over the Grecian
cities, 157. State of Greece imme-
diately before the battle of Leuctra,
161. Affairs of, from the battle of
Leuctra to the failure of the attempt
to extend the Theban supremacy over
Greece, through support from Persia,
167. et seq. Congress of the states of
Greece at Athens, 179 181. Greece
no longer fearful of the power of the
*' Great King," or king of Persia, 180.
Incapable of supporting general free-
dom, 182185. Or of a generally
beneficial union, 189. Deficiency of
political principle in Greece, 198, 1H9.
Congress at Delphi, 211. At Susa,
216. At Thebes, 218. Affairs of,
from the failure of the attempt to
extend the Theban supremacy over
Greece, to the dissolution of the
ancient system of Grecian confe-
deracy, through the event of the
battle of Mantinea, 221. et seq.
Greece ill prepared for internal quiet,
222. Similarity between the Greek
and French republics, 236. note. Im-
perfect administration of justice, ex-
amplified in the trial of the assassins
of Euphron of Sicyon, 93 L1 '243. Exile
familiar to the citizens of the Grecian
republics, 244. Insecurity of person
in Greece, 248. The Greeks con-
sidered warfare the natural state of
man, 265. Democracy unfavourable
to lasting peace in Greece, 27!', 280.
The Lacedaemonian supremacy ac-
counted for, 280. Dissolution of the
ancient system of Grecian confede-
racy, 314, 315.

Greece, affairs of the Grecian settle-
ments in Sicily and Italy, from the
Athenian invasion to the settlement
of the Syracusan government under
Dionysius and Hipparinus, vii. 1 49.
Aff.irs of the Greeks in Sicily and
Italy, from the settlement of the

Syracusan government under Dio-
nysius and Hipparinus, to the restor-
ation of the Syracusan supremacy
over the Sicilian, and its extension
over the Italian and Greek cities, 50
79. Affairs of the Sicilian and
Italian Greek cities, from the estab-
lishment of the Syracusan empire to
the death of Dionysius, 80155.
Affairs of the Grecian settlements of
Sicily and Italy, from the death of
the first Dionysius, to the death of
the second Dionysius, 157 189. From
the restoration of the younger Dio-
nysius to the death of Timoleon, 190
-230.

Greece, affairs of, during the first period
of the contest for possession of the
temple and treasury of Delphi, called
the Phocian or the Sacred war, viii.
171. Second period of the Sacred
war, when Macedonia was implicated
72128. Affairs of, during the third
period of the Sacred war, when Athens
and Macedonia became principal par-
ties, 129. et seq. Congress of Grecian
embassies at the Macedonian court,
186188. Removed to Pherae, 190.
and note. Meet at Thermopylae, 214,
215. and note. Affairs of, from the
end of the Sacred war to the acqui-
sition of the lead of the war-party of
Athens, and the authority of first
minister of the republic, by Demo-
sthenes, 223269. From th'is period
till the election of the king of Mace-
donia to the office of general of the
Amphictyonic confederacy, 270319.
From this period till the death of
Philip, 320 104. Congress of Grecian
states at Corinth, 378.

, account of its constitutions, ix. 50
58. And causes of deficient inform-
ation concerning politics in Philip's
age, GO, 61. Affairs of, from the ac-
cession of Alexander, son of Philip,
to the Macedonian throne, till the con-
clusion of the war with the northern
nations, and the restoration of dis-
turbed union among the Grecian re-
publics, 77. et seq. The second con-
gress, at Corinth, 89. Notice of
Grecian representative assemblies, 39.
5456. Account of Grecian pirates,
93, 94. and note State of Grecian
cities in Asia, 178. 196, 197. Affairs
in Greece during Alexander's expe-
dition, 263-266. Notice of Grecian
settlements in Cilicia, 56. Amount
of Grecian troops in th Persian ser-
vice, 2fil.

, affairs in, during Alexander's

fourth campaign in Asia, x. 1 36.
State of, during the Macedonian su-
premacy, 4. Affairs in, during Alex-
ander'smarch from Carmania through
PersiaandSusiana,276 333. Grecian
embassies sent to Alexander at Ba-
bylon, 337, 333. and notes. Respect
for divination in, 359361. (See Ar-

GENERAL INDEX.

427

cadia, Argos, Athens, Boeotia, Lace-
daamon, Macedonia, Mantinea, Pelo-
ponnesus, Persia, Phocis, Thebes,
Thessaly.)

Greeks, various appellations of, i. 182.
and note.

Griffins, fable of, x. 44, 45.

Gryllus, son of Xenophon, his death
gives occasion to many epigrams, vi.
362. The Mantineans cherish his
memory, ib. Is represented, in a
picture of the battle of Mantinea, as
giving the mortal wound to Epami-
nondas, ib. and note.

Grynium, taken by Parmenio, ix. 173.

Guischardt, M., remark upon the tactics
of Xenophon and Thucydides, i. 355.
note.

Gyges, the Lydian, notice of, ii. 4. 10.

Gylippus, son of Cleandridas, appointed
to command the Lacedaemonian forces
sent to the relief of Syracuse, iv. 66.
His operations in Sicily, 7882. 88
91. 100118. Harasses the retreat
of the Athenians from Syracuse, and
captures Nicias and Demosthenes,
126130.

Gylon, an Athenian, his treachery, viii.
95. Grandfather of Demosthenes, 96.
and note.

Gymnasium, or school for exercise, no
Grecian town without one, i. 352.

Gythium, the naval arsenal of Lace-
daemon, besieged by the Theban army
without success, vi. 197.

Hair, the cutting it off, a mark of
mourning among the Argives, i. '298.

Hales, Dr., his treatise on chronology
noticed, i. 196. 217. note.

Halicarnassus, foundation of, i. 312.

, r ascription of the city of, ix. 209.

213, 214. Siege of, 214216.

Halicyaeans, the, submit to Dionysius,
vii. 94. Renew their connection with
Caithage, 95.

Halonnesus, island of, claimed by Athens
from Macedonia, and why, 'viii. '245.
Embassies relative to, ib. Oration on,
246 254. Surrenders to the Pepare-
thians, 269.

Halus, town of, noticed, viii. 167. Blork-
aded by Parmenio, 190, 191. Excluded
from alliance, ib. Its surrender, 207.

Halyattes, king of Lvdia, war of. against
the Milesians, ii. 7, 8.

Hami!car, general of the Carthaginian
forces, ii. '223. Defeated and slain at
Himera, 224.

, derivation of the name, vii. 23.
note.

Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, the
existing towns on the coast of, com-
paratively of recent origin, vii. 241.

Hand. arms, v. 191.

Hannibal, grandson of Hamilcar, leads
a Carthaginian army into Sicily, vii
11. Besieges and takes Selinus, 11
14. Storms Himera, 16. Sacrifices
three thousand prisoners to the manes

of his grandfather Hamilcar, ib. Re-
turns to Carthage, ib. Commands a
second invasion of Sicily, 22. Deri-
vation of his name, 23. note. His
death, 31.

Hanno, derivation of the name, vii. 23.
note. Entella besieged by, 199. Enters
the harbour of Syracuse, 202. Re-
treats from it, 203.

Hardion, M., his opinion respecting the
antiquity of the oracle at Dodona con-
troverted, i. 172, 173

Harmodius. See Aristogiton.

Harmosts, Lacedaemonian, office of the,
iv. 163.

, signification of the word, vi. 46.

note. Withdrawn from the Grecian
cities, 160.

Harmoza, arrival of the Macedonian
fleet at, x. 254. Its history, ib. note.
Conduct of Nearchus at, 255, 256.
Departure of Nearchus from it, 25a
His return thither, 260.

Harpagus, the Persian general, captures
Phocaaa, ii. 17, 18 Subdues the other
Asian Greeks, 18, 19.

Harpalus, a Macedonian, the conduct of
Alexander to, ix. 527.

, appointed treasurer of Ecbatana,

x. 15. His treachery, 323, 324. Pro-
ceeds to Athens, 32f>. Returns toTae-
narus, 32f>. Assassinated, ib.

Harpocn.tion, his account of the Am-
phictyonic council, viii. 3.

Harvest, management of the, in Greece
and Sicily, vii. 68.

Hawkins, Mr., notice of his travels in
Olympia, vi. 3:36.

Hau'gh, north country word, ix. 184.

Hebrew language, uncertainty of the
value of letters in, i. 91. note. Observ-
ations on the vowels in, 116. The
points in, imitated from the vowel
points of the Arabs and Persians,
117. note.

Hecatams of Miletus, one of the earliest
Grecian prose-writers, whose works
had atiy considerable reputation with
posterity, i 118. 192.

Hecatomnus, prince of Caria, assists
Evagoras with money, vi. 3o5.

Hedylium, battle of, viii. 182.

Hegelochus, commands the Athenian
horse which relieve Mantinea, vi. 290.
note.

Hegelochus, the Macedonian, account of
his successes, ix. 312 314.

Hegesippus, the oration on Halonnesus
attributed to him, viii. 247.

Hegesistratus, his conference with Leo-
tychides and Xanthippus, ii. 05.

Helen, rape of, and its consequences,
i. 68, 69.

Helicon, mount, i. 11.

Hellas, an ancient name of Greece, i. 9.
| Hellenes, origin of the name, i. 181.
(See Panhelienes.)

Heilenotamia?, or treasurers of Greece,
their office, ii. 279.

Hellespont, bridges of boats built over,

428

GENERAL INDEX.

by Xerxes, ii. 94. The ridiculous
punishment of, by him, disputed, 97.

Hellespontine cities, embassy of Demo-
sthenes to the, v. iii. 280. War of
Macedonia with, 280282.

Helon, i. 34.

Heloris, a poet, observation attributed
to by Diodorus, vii. 63. note.

Heloris, a Syracusan, placed at the head
of the Rhegian force against Diony-
sius, vii. 116 Appointed to command
the Rhegians and Crotoniats, 126.
His death, ib.

Helos, town of, noticed, i. 264.

Helots, origin of, i. 264. Their unhappy
condition, 264, 265.

, proportion of.attending the Grecian

army, ii. 185. Revolt of the Lacedae-
monian Helots, 309. How suppressed
by Archidamus, ib. Spread them-
selves over the country, and become
formidable in the field, 310. Seize
upon Ithpme, and are blockaded there
by Archidamus, ib. Who is after,
wards joined by the Athenians, 311.

, massacre of, by the Lacedaemo-
nians, iii. 235 How rewarded by them,
296. Rebellion among the, iv. 247.

, enrolled by the Spartans, vi. 195,

196. Their revolt, 201.

Hepha?stia, v. 97.

Hephasstion, the Macedonian, notice of,
ix. 284. Is wounded at Arbela, 341.

, appointed a commander of the
king's companions, x. 35. His em-
ployment in Sogdia, 86. His opi-
nion on Alexander's marriage, 87.
Sent against Astes, 115. Completes a
bridge over the Indus, 125. His ap-
pointment, 177. Joined by Alexander,
187. Proceeds to Pattala, 196. Com-
mands the main body, 203. Joins
Alexander, 204. His appointment in
Carmania, 276. Is married to a daugh-
ter of Darius, 286. His character,
290. Receives a golden crown, 291.
His dispute with Eumenes, 330, 331.
His illness and death, 331, 332.
Heraclea, affairs of the Lacedaemonian
colony of, iii. 319.

, transactions of the Cyrean army

there, v. 228231. Conduct of the
Lacedaemonian government to, 291,
292.

, how treated by Jason of Pherae

vi. 175.

Heracle'. See Hercules.
Heraclidae, expelled from Peloponnesus,
i. 32. They reconquer that country
163, 164. Dissensions among the He-
raclidean princes, 186. Their effects,
187. Form of government establishec
by them, 225.

Heraclides of Syracuse, his character
vii. 161. Opposes the administration
of Philistus, ib. Banished from Syra-
cuse, 163. Levies forces in Pelopon
nesus, 165. Arrives at Syracuse, 169
Appointed to the command of the fleet
ib. Gains a victory, 170. Thwart

Dion in his views, and is chosen one
of the newly elected twenty-five gene-
rals, 173, 174. Becomes unpopular,
and is obliged to concur in an invi-
tation for Dion's return, 176. Is
again appointed to the command of
the fleet, ib. Jealousy between him
and Dion, 178. When sent to oppose
Pharax, separates from him, 179. Is
once more reconciled to him, ib. De-
prived of his command, 180. Assassi-
nated by order of Dion, 182.
rleraclides and Python of JEnus assas-
sinate Cotys, vii. 345.
Heracon, Alexander's general, tried
and acquitted, x. 214. Tried again
and executed, ib.

Heraea, commonwealth of, plundered

and waited by the Arcadians, vi. 192.

Heralds sent into Greece by Darius, ii.

66.

Hercules, or Heracles, history of, 31
51. Capture of Troy by, 67. How his
name became connected with mount
Aornos, x. 124. Alexander sacrifices
to, 128.

Herippidas, his conduct to the inhabit-
ants of the Trachinian Heraclea, v.
291.

Hermocrates, the Syracusan leader, his
character, iv. 18. Effect of his elo-
quence, ib. Procures a peace through-
out Sicily, ib. Measures proposed by
him relating to the Athenian invasion,
39, 40. His speech at the general as-
sembly of the people, 40. How op-
posed by Athenagoras, 41, 42. His
speech at the second assembly, 58, 59.
Appointed commander-in-chief, 59.
His embassy to Camarina. 61. His
measures for the defence of Syracuse,
72, 73. His operations in conjunction
with Gylippus, 100118. His strata-
gem to prevent the departure of the
Athenians from Syracuse, 119, 120.
How he possessed the confidence of his
soldiers, 238. Superseded by the
government, 2"9. Remarkable in-
stance of attachment of the arma-
ment to him and his colleagues, 238,
239. Goes to Laceda;mon, where he
is honourably received, 239, 240. And
afterwards to Pharnabazns, who fur-
nishes him with money, 240.

, at the head of affairs in Syracuse,

vii. 7. His government overthrown
by Diodes, 9. Is banished, ib. Ar-
rives at Messena, 16. Retakes Se-
linus, 17. Returns to Syracuse, and
is killed in the agora, 20.
Hermolaus, a Macedonian page, his
conspiracy against Alexander, x. 103
105. His trial and condemnation,
106.
Hero-worship, not known in the time

ot Homer, i. 94, 95.
Herodotus, veracity of, vindicated, i.

366. ; ii. 33. note.

Herodotus, one of the adventurers in
the colonisation of Thurium, ii. 239.

GENERAL INDEX.

429

Hesiod, citations from, confirming
Scripture history, i. 85, 86. Religious
system of, 91. Import of the title
" king," in his poem of " The Works
and Days," 108, 109. Observations
on his chronology, 207, 208.

Hieroglyphic writing, the supposition
that it preceded alphabetical writing
mere conjecture, i. 112. Picture writ,
ing probably learned from Egypt, ib.

, Egyptian hieroglyphics of Arta-
xerxes Ochus, ix. 155.

Hieromnemon, a representative sent
from every state to the Amphicty-
onic council, i. 184. ; viii. 11.

Hieron of Syracuse, succeeds to the
throne, iv. 2. His character and
talents, 4. His encouragement of
learned men, ib. Duration of his
reign, 5.

Hieron, the Cilician, sent to explore
the Persian gulf, x. 342.

Himera, foundation of, i. 319.

, causes which gave rise to the

battle of, ii. 222, 223. Account of
the battle, 224, 225. 228229. note.

, besieged and stormed by Han-
nibal, vii. 1417. Submits to Imil-
con, 97.

Hipparinus appointed autocrator-gene-
ral, in conjunction with Dionjsius,
vii. 46. and note. His daughter Aris-
tomache married to Dionysius, 85.

Hipparinus the younger, son of Diony-
sius the Elder by Aristomache,
notice of, vii. 158. Obtains the chief
power at Syracuse, 187.

Hippeis, horsemen, or knights, rank of,
i. 342.

Hippias, author of a catalogue of the
victors in the Olympian games, i. 200.

Hippias, the Arcadian commander,
treachery and cruelly of Paches to
him, iii. 149.

Hippias, of EHs, his celebrity as a so-

phist, v. 116.
[ippias ant

Hippias and Hipparchus, sons of Pisis-
tratus, account of the administration
of, i. 3~iQ, 371. Conspiracy against
them, 372. Death of Hipparchus,
373. Subsequent government of
Hippias, ib. Defeated by the La.
cedaemonians, he surrenders Athens
and retires to Sigeum, 375. ; ii. 50.
Solicits the assistance of Persia, 51.

Hippoclides, the richest and the hand-
somest Athenian of his time, ix.
SI.

Hippocrates, tyrant of Gela, notice of.
ii. 218. His death, ib.

Hippocrates, the Athenian, marches to
Delium, and fortifies the post, iii.
242. His preparations for the battle
of Delium, ib. Is slain there, 244.

Hippocrates, the Lacedaemonian, com-
mands in Chnlcedon, iv. 249. Killed
in a skirmish with the Athenians,
250.

Hippodamia, daughter of CEnomaus, i.
30. i

Hippon of Messena, vanquished and put

to death by Tim leon, vii. 218, 219.
Histiaeus, tyrant of Miletus, a favourite
of Daiius, ii. 40. Who grants him
territory in Thrace, 41. He is sum-
moned to the Persian court, ib. Pri-
vately recommends the revolt of the
Milesians, 44. Carries on a piratical
war fare, 55, 56. His death, 59.
Historian, duty of the, ii. 226.
Homer, authority of, in relating the
siege of Troy, vindicated, i. 7577.
His summary of the duty of men to
the gods, 95. The deficiency of his
religious and moral system, remained
to a late age in Greece, 96. note. His
account of the power of th_- early
Grecian princes, 103. Particularly
in the island of Phaeacia, 103, 104.
His representation of the power of
kings, 104, 105. A republic not men-
tioned by him, although hehasshown
a strong tinge of republican principles ,
106, 107. Whether the use of letters
was familiar to him, 118. 124. note.
Notice of the music used in his age,
125, 126. State of the art of masonry
in his time, 128. Of the ornamental
arts, 128, 129. Of the art of war,
130132. 134139. Navigation, 141.
Astronomy, 143. Surgery, 144. Ob-
servations on his chronology, 208
212. His perfect impartiality among
the greatest wonders of his works,
322. The works of Homer first col.
lected by Hipparchus, by whom they
were made more generally ki own,
370, 371. Remarks on passages in,
and citations from, passim. (See Pope,
Mr.)
Hooke, Mr., character of his Roman

History, x. 170. note.
Hoplite, or heavy-armed infantry of the

Greeks, i. 35^.
Horace, his reproach upon Homer, i.

156. and note.
Horsemanship, state of, in ancient

Greece, i. 132134.

Horse-race, when introduced into the
Olympic games, i. 194.

, Philip's success at one, celebrated

by a representation of the animal and
his rider, on the reverse of one of his
golden coins, from the mines of Phi-
lippi, viii. 57. note.

Horses, celebrity of, in Thessaly, i.
36. In Dardania, 67, 68. Abundance
of small, swift horses found in the
country north of the Danube, 123.
133. ( yrene, in Africa, celebrated
for horses, 315.

Hospitality, rights of, respected among
the early Greeks, i. 148, 149. Good
effects thence resulting, 150.
Husbandman's life in Greece, as pic-
tured by Xenophon, vi. 357.
Husbandry, state of, in ancient Greece,

i. 126, 127.

Hyampolis, town of, how treated by
Jason of Pherse, vi. 176,

4-30

GENERAL INDEX.

Hyampolis, battle of, vii. 195.

Hydarnes, the Persian commander,
passes the Phocian guard at Anopaea,
and arrives in the plain of Locris, ii.
127. His attack upon the Greeks at
Thermopylae, 128, 129.

Hydaspes, river, crossed by Alexander,
x. 141. Battle of, 141145. Towns
founded on its banks by Alexander,
147 Fleet built on it by him, 175. Sa.
orifice performed on its banks,177,178.
Dangerous state of its stream, 178.

Hydraotes, river, crossed by Alexander
the Great, x. 153. Its modern name,
153. note. Cities on it entrusted to
Porus, 153, 154.

Hyela, foundation of, ii. 18.

Hyllus, son of Hercules, by Dejanira,
succeeds /Epalius in his Dorian do-
minions, i. 163.

Hypaspists, how they were armed, ix.
18n. note.

, remark concerning the, x. 117.

note ; 184. note.

Hyperbolus, the Athenian, at the head
of a faction against Nicias and Alci-
biades, iv. 23, '-'4. Method by which
his banishment was procured by the
latter, 24.

Hyperides, an Athenian, appointed syn-
dic, viii. 321.

Hyphasis, river, its modern name, x.
157. note. Account of the provinces
beyond it, 157, 158.

Icetes, of Leontini, withdraws from
Syracuse to Leontini, vii. 192. Be-
comes master of Syracuse, 201. Is
defeated by Timoleon, ib. Retires to
Leontini, 2d3. Is repulse.! at Syra-
cuse, 207. Co-operates with Timoleon,
208. Is taken prisoner and put to
death, 217.

Idaei Dactyli, i. 17.

Idolatry, unknown in the early history
of Greece, i. 93.

Idomene, battle of, iii. 191, 192.

Idomeneus, king of Crete, one of the
leaders in the expedition against
Troy', i. 70. Notice of, 97.

lerne, the ancient name of Ireland, ii.
251, 252. note.

He, the name for a troop of horse, i.
155

Ilion, or Troy, foundation of, i. 67.

Illyrians, the, defeated by Brasidas, iii.
266.

, invade Macedonia, vii. 247. Retire

from it, 248. Again invade it, 263.
Are subdued by Philip, 272.

, defeated by Parmenio, viii. 56.

, notiC3 of the Illyrian government,

ix. 59. The Illyrians purpose to in-
vade Macedonia, 102. Defeated by
Alexander the Great, 104.

Ilus, son of Tros, founds Ilion or Troy,
i. 67.

Imi'con, son of Hanno, appointed se-
cond in command under Hannibal,
vil 23. Derivation of the name of

Imilcon, ib. note. Becomes sole com-
mander on the death of Hannibal, 31.
Is defeated by Daphnaeus the Syra-
cusan general, ib. Takes the Syra-
cusan convoy destined to relieve
Agrigeiitum, 34. Enters that city,,
and preserves it for his winter quar-
ters, 36. Besieges Gela, 50. Defeats
Dionysius, 53. Concludes a peace,
56. .Attacks the harbour of Syracuse
in the absence of Dionysius, 91, 92.
Assails the fleet in the harbour of
Motya, 92. Withdraws, and returns
to Africa, ib. Is raised to a dignity
corresponding with the kingly, on
resuming the command, 93 Reaches
the harbour of Panormus, 95. Re-
takes Motya, 97. Obtains possession
of Messena, ib. Which he levels
with the ground, 100. Occupies Ca-
tana, ib. Besieges Syracuse, 101.
Fixes his camp on the unwholesome
bank of Anapus, 106. His army and
fleet defeated .by Dionysius, 106, 107.
Makes peace, and returns to Africa,
108.

Immortality of the soul, how far known
to the ancients, i. 100.

Inachus, the first king of Argos, i. 26.

Inarus, chief of some African tribes,
engages the greater part of Egypt in
rebellion, ii. 320. Offers proposals of
alliance to Athens, ib.

Independency, separate, of cities, evils
of, vi. 184.

India, natural circumstances of, x. 112.
Defeat of the Indians by Alexander,
115. Death of an Indian prince, 118.
and note. The Indians again de-
feated, 119. Indian cattle sent to
Macedonia by Alexander, 119, 120.
Treatment of "Indian mercenaries by
Alexander, 123. and note. Account
of Indian elephant hunters, 130, 131.
Condition of the Indians beyond the
Indus, 13ii. They ally themselves
with Alexander, 137, 138. The In-
dians under Porus defeated by Alex-
ander, 144. Notice of the ancient
and modern descriptions of India,
148. Account of Alexander's return
from, 167 215. Notice of Indian
cruizing, 178. Account of the In-
dian monsoon, 221, 222. Progress of
the Macedonian fleet along the In-
dian coast, with the modern names
of the places mentioned by Arrian,
231254.

Indus, river, bridge built over it by
Hephasstion, x. 125. 137. Crossed by
Alexander, 137. Sacrifice celebrated
there, ib. Description of the country
on its banks, 173. Trade and na-
vigation along it, 174, 175. and note.
The course of the Macedonians along
it, 189 2>;2. and notes. Progress of
the fleet of Nearchus to its mouth,
226232.

Infantry, light and heavy, of the
Greeks, account of, i. 352, 353.

GENERAL INDEX.

431

Inscriptions in honour of those who fell
at Thermopylae, ii. 253, 254. At Ma-
rathon, 255. note.

Interest of money at Athens enormous,

Intermarriages common throughout
Greece, in Homer's age, vi. 89. For-
bidden in later times, 89, 90. Allowed
by the more liberal policy of the
Olynthians, 90.

Invasion of England, plan to be adopted
in cae of, ix. 183. note.

lo, fable of, explained, i. 27.

Ion, son of Xuthus, notice of, i. 60.

Ionia, leaders of the Ionic migration,
and towns founded by them, i. 311.

, flourishing state of, ii. 3. Revolt

of the lonians from Persia, 45, 46.
They obtain assistance from Athens,
51, 52. Operations of the lonians, 53,
54. Events of the war, 55, 56. They
are again reduced under the Persian
dominion, 59. Measures taken for
the protection of the lonians, after
the battle of Mycale, 208, 209. ,

Ionian sea, passage across, from Pelo-
ponnesus to Sicily, how made, vii.
166. Difficulty of this passage for
ships of war, ib.

Ionian Sicilians, war between them
and the Dorian Sicilians, iv. 13, 14.

Ionian cities of Sicily, how affected
towards Syracuse, vii. 70.

lonians, an appellation given to the
Athenians, i. 62. and note. What
part of the Grecian people compre-
hended under this name, 166, 167.
lonians, the general name for the
Greeks among the Orientals, 166.
The name rejected in Greece, and
retained only by those lonians who
migrated into Asia and the islands,
168.

Ionic and Doric orders, distinctions
between, ii. 249. note.

Iphicrates, the Athenian general, his
improvement in the art of war, vi. 35.
Ravages Phliasia, 37. And overruns
Arcadia, 38, 39. His operations in
Corinth, 45 48. His further suc-
cesses, 49. Appointed commander-in-
chief in Asia, 65. Defeats the Lace-
daemonians, under Anaxibius,66. Su-
persedes Timotheus in the command
of the Athenian fleet, 145. Brings
Cephallenia under obedience to
Athens, 149. Xenophon's commend-
ation of him, 150. His severity to
Anippus palliated, ib. Restores" the
Athenian interest in Acarnania, 152.
Recalled, with the fleet, to Athens,
160. I< appointed to the command
against the Theban confederacy, 200.
Blamed by Xenophon for his conduct
in Corinthia and Arcadia, ib.

, his interview with Eurydice, queen
of Macedon, vii. 257. His qualifica-
tions for, and appointment to, the
command against Amphipolis, 302.
Obtains the services of Charidemus,

303. Superseded by Timotheus, ib.
His conduct respecting the hostages,

304. Assists Cotys against Athens,
308. Returns to Athens, 309. His
party there, 344346. Sent to relieve
Samos, 358. Impeached by Chares,
359. Means whereby he was acquitted.
360.

Iphigenia, story of the sacrifice of, how
far authenticated, i. 70, 71. Men-
tioned by Pindar and ^schylus, 97.

Iphitus succeeds to the throne of Elis,
i. 190. His character, ib. Restorer
of the Olympian games, 191, 192.

, notice of, viii. 4.

Ira, siege of,, i. 289.

Ireland, cause of the invasion of, by
Henry II., i. 77.

, how noticed by Diodorus and

Strabo, ii. 251. note.

Isadas, son of Phaebidas, fights naked
at the attempted surprise of Sparta by
Epaminondas, vi. 288. Is rewarded
and fined, ib. The statue called " The
Fighting Gladiator " supposed to be
intended for him, 88, 289. note.

Isagoras, chief of a faction at Athens, i.
376. Gains the ascendancy, 377- I
obliged to depart from Athens, 378.

Isaurians, the, description of, ix. 226.

Islands of Greece, sketch of the history
of, i. 308. et seq.

Ismenias, polemarch of Thebes, im-
prisoned by Leontiades, vi. 96. Tried
and executed by judges appointed by
the Lacedaemonian confederacy, 98.
Xenophon's disapproval of his con-
demnation, 99.

Isocrates, on the import of the term
" aristocracy," i. 231. note.

, his character of Cyrus, ii. 21. note.

, instance of the ostentation and

tyranny of the Athenian people, given
by, iii. 298.

, notice of his oration in favour of

Alcibiades the younger, v. 77, 78.

, sketch of the state of Athens af-
forded by his oration on the peace,
vi. 245. The oration an admirable
political pamphlet, 253. But Wanting
in enlarged views, 2.J4. His sketch of
the political state of Peloponnesus,323.

, his observation on the civil and

military government of Carthage and
Lacedaernon, vii. 94. note. Proposes
Dionysius of Syracuse as an example
to Philip of Macedon, 132. His
various views of Dionysius, 15'J, 153.
Anecdote of, 313. The party for
which he wrote, at Athens, 344. Ex-
tracts from, and remarks on, his
oration on peace, 364 369.

, from his Areopagitic oration, viii.

6064. From his Archidamus, 106.
and note. Measures of his party, 106,
107. Extracts from, and remarks on,
his oration to Philip, 200 206. Its
effect, 207. Sends a third letter to
Philip, 368. Different accounts of his
death examined, 369373.

4-32

GENERAL INDEX.

Isocrates, passages from his letter to Ar-
chidamus.ix. 62 64. note. Account of
his letter to the sons of Jason, 61) 66.
Sends a letter to Alexander the Great,
66.

Issus, massacre of the Macedonians
there, ix. 268. Battle of, 277288.

Isthmian games, notice of, i. 195.

Italy, dialects in, i. 10. note. Resem-
blance of Greece to, in climate and
produce, 13.

.^ , notice of Greek colonies planted
in, ii. 229249. ; iii. 54, 55.

, affairs of the Grecian settlements

of Sicily and Italy from the death of
the first Dionysius to the restoration
of the second Dionysius, vii. 157
189. From the restoration of the
younger Dionysius to the death of
Timoleon, 190-230.

Ithome, account of, i. 279. Destroyed
by the Lacedemonians, 282.

, seized by the Lacedaemonian He-
lots, ii. 309, 310. Besieged by Archi-
damus, 310, 311.

Itinerant judges, appointed by Solon, i.
350-352.

Jason, adventures of, i. 37, 38.

Jason of Pheraj, his extraordinary cha-
racter, vi. 169, 170. His political views
exhibited in conference with Poly-
damas of Pharsalus, 171 173. Elected
tagus of Thessaly, 174. Mediates be-
tween the Lacedasmonians and The-
bans, 175. His treatment of Hyampolis
and Heraclea, 176. Is assassinated,
177. And succeeded by his brothers,
Polydorus and Polyphron, ib.

Javelms, thrown with great force, in-
stance of, i. 134.. and note.

Jews, when a priesthood was first esta-
blished among them, i. 83.

, their institutions noticed, ix. 39.
Submit to Alexander, 304. and note. '

John, or Johannes, derivation of the
name, viii. 93. note.

Johnson, Dr., his opinion respecting
Homer, i. 124. note.

Josephus's account of Alexander's de-
meanour to the Jews, ix. 304. note.

Judicature of the Athenians, account
of, v. 912.

Julius Caesar. See Cffisar.

Jupiter, character and power of, i. 88,
89. Origin of the oracle of, at Do-
dona, 171.

Jupiter and lo, fable of, i. 26, 27.

Jupiter Ammon, Alexander's visit to
the temple of, ix. 314319.

Jupiter Apobaterius, sacrifice of Alex-
ander to, ix. 94.

Jurisprudence of the early Greeks, i.
107109. Source of modern juris-
prudence, 335. Principles of Theban
civil jurisprudence illustrated, vi. 239
243.

Jurors at Athens, how appointed, i. 351.
Daily pay of, v. 9. Immense number
of, 10.

Justin, extravagance of his narrative,
ii. 84. note. His general abridgment
little useful to the historian, vii. 6.

, definition of, ii. 2. note. How
distinguished from otvTtxruhvif, ib.

KxTotppetBufMn, meaning of, explained,
vi. 151.

Kersobleptes, ascends the throne of
Thrace, vii. 346 Is assisted by Cha-
ridemus, ib. Treats about the sur-
render of his dominions, 353. Nego-
tiates on equitable terms, 354.

- , submits to Chares, viii. 69. Sends
a minister to Athens, 174. Yields to
Philip, 175. Notice of, 255.

Khan, or Khaun, etymology of the
word, x. 192. note.

Killuta, island of, its situation, x. 199.

Kings, ancient privileges of, i. 82, 83.
What was implied in this title among
the Greeks and Romans, after the
abolition of royalty, 83. Import of
this term in Hesiod's poem of " The
Works and Days," 108. Their power,
228.

- , distinction between them and
tyrants, ii. 340. Origin of the kingly
office being held by two persons, 335,
335.

- , the title given to one of the
archons, iii 47.

- , controversy on the kingly office, x.
90.

Knighthood, origin of, i. 229.
Knights, or horse-soldiers, order of, at

Athens restored, ii. 339.
K,u.), x. 273. note.
KStMs and XMIML^U, different accept-

ations of these words, x. 372, 373. note.

Lacedsemon, or Sparta, ancient history
of, i. 34. Revolutions in its govern-
ment, 244, "245. Administration of
Lycurgus, and his legislative insti-
tutions, 245272. Causes of the
quarrel between the Lacedaemonians
and Messenians, 275. 277. Account
of the war to the final conquest of
Messena, 277 2P5. War with the
Argives, 297. And Arcadians, 298.
The magistrates called Ephors, when
instituted at Sparta, ^99. Their
powers, 300. Athens besieged by the
Lacedaemonians, to whom it is evacu-
ated by Hippias, 375. Why they
favoured oligarchy, 376, 377.

. - , alliance between Lacedaamon and
Athens, ii. 68. Assistance promised
to the Athenians against Persia, 76.
Which arrives after the battle of
Marathon, 85. Account of the battle
of Thermopylae, 123130. Three hun-
dred Spartans slain at, 130. Their
names upon record in the time of
Herodotus, ib. Two only survived
the battle, ib. Ambassadors sent from
Lacedasmon to the congress at Athens,
173, 174. Speech of t h e ch icf of th em,
175. Answer of Aristides to, 176. Force

GENERAL INDEX.

433

sent by the Lacedaemonians against
the Persians, 179. By what means
they secured the attendance of Tisa-
menus, the Elean prophet, 180, 181.
Numbers of the Lacedaemonians and
Tegeans at Plataea, 193. Remarkable
instance of the severity of discipline
among the Lacedaemonians, 200, 201.
Dispute with the Athenians respect-
ing the Aristeia, 202. Esteemed them-
selves the superior state of Greece,
256, 257. Their jealousy of the Athe-
nians, ib. Their remonstrance respect-
ing the fortifications at Athens, 257.
Result, of their embassy to Athens,
258, 259. Their reception of Themis-
tocles, 259. And of Aristides and
Abronychus, 260. Wisdom of their
reply to Themistocles, 260, 261. Recall
Pausanias from the command of the j
fleet, 275, 276. Appoint Dorus in his [
stead, 27ti. And recall the fleet, ib.
Motives which influence their conduct
on this occasion, 277, 278. Their
jealousy of the Athenians, 304, 305.
Earthquake at Lacedaemon, 308. Re-
volt of the Helots there, 3(>9. How
suppressed in the city by Archidamus,
309, 310. The Helots spread them-
selves over the country, and become
formidable in the field, 310. The
Lacedaemonians seek the assistance
of the Athenians, 310, 311. Become
jealous of them, and dismiss their
forces, 311. Prepare to relieve Doris,
324. Hostilities with At hens, 325. The
Athenians conclude a truce of five
years with, 338. Assist the Delphians
in recovering possession of their
temple, 344. The honours of the
" Promanteia" granted to them, ib.
Lacedaemon, assembly of deputies of
the Peloponnesian confederacy at, iii.
4151. The Thirty Years' Truce de-
clared broken, 52. Second assembly,
53. War with Athens resolved, 56.
Embassies sent to Athens, ib. The
proposals rejected by the Athenians,
63. State of the Lacedaemonian con-
federacy, 72, 73. Join the Pelopon-
nesians in the invasisn of Attica, 74.
Gallant action of Brasidas, the Lace-
daemonian commander, 82. Decline
the offer of Mitylene, 134. But after-
ward send Alcidas to the relief of that
place, 143. Account of his operations
on the Ionian coast, 144 149. Plataea
surrenders to the Lacedaemonians, 158.
And commissioners sent to determine
the fate of the inhabitants, 1591(5-3.
The Lacedaemonians besiege Pylus,

200. Engagement with Euryme'don,

201, 202. Negotiate for peace, 204.
And send an embassy to Athens, ib.
Its failure, 206. Attempt to relieve
Sphactena, 207. Their absurd attach-
ment to the exclusive use of weapons
for close fight, 213. Suffer much for
want of light troops, ib. Commanded
by Epitadas, they attack the Athenian

VOL. X. F F

forces, 213, 214. And are defeated by
them, 215. Apply to Athens for peace,
217. Their intrigues with Persia, 225.
Series of misfortunes and defeats,
232. Origin and nature of negotiations
with Lacedaemon, from Macedonia and
Thrace, 233, 234. Atrocious conduct
of the government towards the Helots,
235. Acanthus and Amphipolis gained
to the Lacedaemonian confederacy,
252 255. Successes of Brasidas in
Thrace, 258260. Negotiation for
peace with Athens, 260, 261. The
Lacedaemonians defeat the Athenians
at Amphipolis, 277281. Negotiate
for peace with Athens, 283 287. A
partial peace concluded, 287. Form a
defensive alliance uith Athens, 290.
Dispute with Elis and Mantinea, 295
297. Reward the valour and zeal
of the Helots, 297. Their arbitrary
severity to their Athenian prisoners,
297, 298. Change of administration
at Lacedaemon, 300. And intrigues of
the new one, 301 303. Treaties with
Boeotia and Argos, 3:,4, 305. Continu-
ation of the dispute with Elis, 317,318.
Affairs of the colony of Heraclea, 319,
320. War with Argos, 324330. Battle
near Mantinea, 332. Peace and alli-
ance with Argos, 339. Inertness of
the Lacedaemonian government, 342.
Feeble conduct of the Lacedaemonians,
347.

Lacedaemon, manner in which Alcibi-
ades received at, iv. 64, 65. Deter-
mines to assist Syracuse, 65. Renews
the war with Athens,ib. And Gylippus
appointed to command the forces, 66.
Their operations, 66, 67. 7882. Oc-
cupy the post of Decelea in Attica, 88.
Cha'nge in the political system of
Lacedaemon, 139141. Prepare a fleet
to rival that Athens, 142. Plans of
Alcibiades, 152,153. His views and
influence in the Spartan councils, 155,
156. Treaty with Persia, 156. Spartan
officers, with the title of" Harmost,"
placed in the cities of the confederacy,
162. New treaty with Persia, 165.
Proceedings of the eleven commis-
sioners from Sparta respecting Asiatic
affairs in general, and particularly the
treaties with the Persian king, 167
169. Treaty of Persia with Lace-
daemon, 183, 1*4. Weakness of the
government, 247, 248. Embassy to
Persia, 259. Lysander appointed com-
mander of the fleet, 261. The Lace-
daemonians defeat the Athenians at
Notium, 265. Policy of the govern,
ment, ib. Athens besieged, 316.
Treaty with the Athenians, 321, 322.

, the Lacedaemonians support the

oligarchial party at Athens, v. 5862.
Importance of the relations of the
Lacedaemonian with the Persian go-
vernment, 242. Arrival of the Lace-
daemonian governor of Byzantium at
Port Calpe, 244. Respect for Lacedae-

434-

GENERAL INDEX.

monian officers, 245249. Politics f
and despotism, 253255. The Ore- |
cian army under Xenophon engaged ;
in the Lacedemonian service, 265.
War resolved against Persia, 274
276. Thimbron appointed commander,
in-chief in Asia, 276. Who is super-
seded by Dercyllidas, 278. His suc-
cesses in JEoMa, 281. Winter opera-
tions in Bithynia, 283, 284. Treaty
concluded between Dercyllidas and
Tissaphernes, for the complete eman-
cipation of the Asian Greeks from
Persian dominion, 290. Despotism of,
291, 292. War with Elis, 296299.
Death of Agis, and succession of Age-
silaus, 300. Domestic affairs, 301
304. Sedition in Lacedtemon, 304.
Government of subject-allies, 305,306.
Expedition to Asia voted, 307. First
campaign of Agesilaus in Asia, 308
314. Preparations for the second
campaign, 314,315. Battle of the Pac-
tolus, 316, 317. Views of Agesilaus in
Asia, 320, 321. Enmity excited against
Lacedaemon, .' : 24, 325. Prosecution
and flight of Pausanias, 328, 329. Plan
of Agesilaus for dismembering the
Persian empire, 329, 3.30. Alliance
with the prince of Paphlagonia, 331,
332. Winter campaign in Bithynia,
332335. Conference between Age-
silaus and Pharnabazus, 335337.
Lacedaemon, confederacy in Greece
against, vi. 13. Recall of Agesi-
laus from Asia, 3, 4. Defeat of the
confederate army at Corinth, 6, 7.
March of Agesilaus to Greece, 8. De-
feat of the Lacedamonian fleet near
Cnidus, 14. Victory of Agesilaus near
Coronea, 15 19. Ruin of the Lace-
daemonian interest in Asia, 20, 21.
Successes of Praxitas near Corinth,
2831. Laconia invaded by Pharna-
bazus and Conon, 31 34. Expedition
of Agesilaus into Argolis and Co-
rinthia, 4244. Slaughter of a Lace-
daemonian mora, 48. War renewed
against Persia, 52. Expedition into
Acarnania, under Agesilaus, 53, 54.
And into Argolis, under Agesipolis,
56, 57. State of affairs in Asia, 59.
Defeat and death of Anaxibius, 66.
Public revenue, 71. Successes of
Teleutias, ib. Antalcidas appointed
ambassador to Persia, 74. His able
conduct in military command and in
negotiation, 7476. Treaty concluded
between Lacedaemon and Persia, and
peace dictated to Greece, by the La-
cedaemonian government, in the king
of Persia's name, commonly called
the peace of Antalcidas, 7981. De-
spotic conduct of the Lacedaemonians
after the peace of Antalcidas, 8286.
Maxim of Agesilaus relative to Lace-
daemon, ib/The Lacedaemonians make
war on Mantinea, 83 86. Require the
Mantineans to destroy their fortifi-
cations, 83. Reduce Mantinea under

the command of Agesipolis, 84, 85.
Oblige the Mantineans to abandon
their city, ib. Demolish the fortifi-
cations and houses, 86. Reduce Man-
tinea to a province of Lacedaeinon, ib.
Procure the return of the exiles to
Phlius, 86, 87. Ambassadors arrive at,
from Acanthus and Apollonia, 88. A
congress of the Lacedaemonian confe-
deracy summoned thereupon, ib. The
congress declares war against Olyn-
thus, 92. Allows a composition for
personal service, ib. The Lacedemo-
nians become masters of Thebes, 100.
First transactions in the war against
Olynthus, 100104. The few remain-
ing Spartans serve only as officers, 104.
The Lacedaemonians reduce Phlius,
110. And render Olynthus dependent,
112. Lacedaemon now at its height of
apparent greatness, 114. Remarks on
the age of military service among the
Spartans, 124, 125. note. Renewed
operations against Thebes, 131 136.
The Lacedaemonian fleet against
Athens under Pollis defeated by Cha-
brias, 139. Their fleet under Nico-
lochus worsted by Timotheus, 140.
Accommodation and subsequent
breach between them and the Athe-
nians, 142. Despatch a fleet against
Corcyra under Mnasippus, 143. Are
compelled to raise the siege by the
Corcyraeans, 148. General congress of
the belligerent republics held at Lace-
daemon, 156. The Lacedaemonians re-
sign their supremacy over the Grecian
cities, 157 Continue hostilities against
Thebes, 160. Are defeated at the
battle of Leuctra, 164 166. Reception
of the news at Lacedaemon, 167. Con-
ference with Polydamas of Pharsa-
lus, 181. They send Agesilaus am-
bassador to Mantinea, 183, 184. Ap-
point Agesilaus to command against
Arcadia, 182. Laconia is invaded by
Epaminondas, 193. Lacedaemon saved
by its reputation, rather than its
strength, 197. The Lacedaemonians
send ministers to Athens, 198. The
late invasion fatal to the power of
Lacedaemon, 201. The Lacedaemonians
finally lose Messenia, 203. Again send
ministers to Athens, ib. Take the com-
mand alternately with the Athenians,
204. The long deference of Greece to
Lacedaemon explained, 206. A Lace-
daemonian more an object of curiosity
at the Olympian games than the con-
querors, 207. The Lacedaemonians
procure the mediation of Persia, 211.
Gain the " Tearless battle," 212.
Advise the Corinthians to make peace,
249. Allow their other allies to form
separate treaties, 252. Persevere in
their claim to Messenia, ib. Recover
Sellasiafrom the revolters, 255. Invade
Arcadia under Archidamus, 2f>2. Are
defeated at Cromnus, 264. Re-unite
with Arcadia, Achaia, and Elis, upon

GENERAL INDEX.

435

humiliating terms, 278. The Lace-
daemonian supremacy accounted for,
279, 280. Their army takes station
near Mantinea, 285. The heavy-
armed reach Pellene under Agesilaus,

287. In :consequence of the latter
movement, Epamftiondas marches
upon Sparta, ib. The army hastens to
his return, 288. Defeats Epaminonda,

288. Loses the battle of Mantinea,
294297. The Lacedaemonians a^
prove the acceptance of command
under Tachos, king of Egypt, by Age-
silaus, 310. Political state of Lace-
daemon at this period, 314.

Lacedaemon, nature of the connection
between it and Syracuse, vii. 66.
The Lacedaemonians prevail with Di-
onysius to remove the Peloponnesian
Messenians to the north of Sicily,
113. Change of the policy of Lace-
daemon towards the conflicting parties
Sicily, 179, 180. The Lacedaemonians
send colonies from Cyrene to Amphi-
polis, 296.

, take Delphi under their protec-
tion, viii. 16. Prosecuted and fined in
the Amphictyonic council, 19. and
note. Assist the Phocians, 29. Ru-
mours against them, 47, 48. and note.
Go to war with Argos, 164. Project
for an arrangement of interests in
Greece, 105107. Intentions of the
Lacedaemonians toward Megalopolis,
109. Defeat the Argives, 112. De-
feated by Anaxander, 113. They de-
feat the Thebans, ib. Negotiate with
them, ib. Their robbery of the Del-
phian treasury, 179. Alarm of, 184.
Send an embassy to Philip, ib. Pro-
posal made to them by the Athe.
mans, 197. Isocrates's account of,
200, 201. Decline the offer of Philip,
207.

, remarks on the constitution of,

ix. 30. Its analogy to those of
Thessaly and Rome, 5055. Its op-
position to the choice of Alex-
ander the Great as commander-in-
chief, 88 91. and note. Negotiations
of the Lacedaemonians with Memnon,
233, 234. Their designs, "63266.

, the Lacedaemonians send an em-
bassy to Ecbatana, x. 2. Account of
the Lacedaemonian constitution, 3, 4.
The Lacedaemonians negotiate with
Athens, 6. Amount of mercenaries
engaged for the Lacedaemonian league,
8. The Lacedaemonians defeated by
the Macedonians, 9. Punishment im-
posed on them, 11. and note. Alex-
ander's treatment of the Lacedaemo-
nian mercenaries in the Persian ser-
vice, 23, 24.

Lacedaemonius, son of Cimon, notice of,
ii. 314.

Laches, the Athenian, sent with a squa-
to assist the Leontines, iii. 175.

. , sent to assist the Leontines, iv. 14.

His successes in Italy and Sicily, 14,
F F

15. Superseded in his command, 15.
His judicious conduct, ib.

Laconia, i. 12.

Laconic style, origin of the term, i. 261.

Laconic writing, curious specimen of
iv. 236.

Lade, account of the sea-fight off it, ii.
57 59. Has ceased to be an island,
56. note.

Lais, the courtezan, notice of, iv. 55.

Lamach us, appointed third in command
of the Athenian expedition to Sicily,
iv. 25. His character, ib. His speech
at the debate of the Athenian gene-
rals, 26. Killed at the siege of Syra-
cuse, 74.

Langarus, prince of the Agrarians-
notice of, ix. 103.

Languages, not any account of the
miraculous division of languages in
the Bible, i. 4. note. Affinity of the
early languages of Asia, Africa, and
Europe, 114. note. Distinctions of
dialects in the Greek languages, 166
168.

Laomedon, king of Troy, fortifies the
city, i. 67.

Laphanes, his splendid hospitality, ix.
21. 49.

Larissa, a' common name through
Greece and Asia Minor, i. 41.

Larissa, in Media, notice of, v. 190. and
note.

Lasion, in Triphylia, the Eleans allow
the establishment of some Arcadian
exiles there, vi. 209. Who oppose the
Elean government, 210. The Eleans
make themselves masters of the place,
255.

Laurium, revenue of the silver mine of,
divided among the Athenian people
for their private use, ii. 104. Decree
procured by Themistocles respecting,
ib. Revenue derived to Athens from
the silver mines of, v. 13, 14. Before
the Persian invasion, the produce of,,
distributed among the people, 14.

Law of nations, opinions of the Greeks
respecting the laws of nature and na-
tions, iii. 162.

, principles of the Grecian law of

nations illustrated, vi. 239243.

, ancient law of nations, x. 168

174. and notes.

Laws, anciently promulgated in verse,
i. 123. Those of Moses the earliest
committed to writing, 112. Of Ly-
curgus, 250271. Of Zaleucus, 320.
Of Draco, 327. Of Solon, 334
352. How enacted at Athens, 346.
Singular proposal of Charondas re-
specting, ib. Coincidence between
the old English and the Athenian law,
352. note.

Lawsuit among the ancient Greeks,
Homer's description of one, 107 109.

Lawsuits the delight of the Athenians,
v. 10.

League among Grecian princes, first
instance of, i. 40.

436

GENERAL INDEX.

Lehedos, city of, its foundation, i. 311.

Leila, i. 34.

Legislation of Lycurgus, account of, i.
248-273.

Legislation of Minos, in Crete, i. 18, 19.
Remarks thereon, 19, 20.

Legislative power of Macedonia, ix. 36
40.

Leland, Mr., remarks on his Life of Phi-
lip of Macedon, vii. 327331. ; viii.
149. note. Mistake of, vii. 352. note.

Leleges, notice of the, i. 312.

Leocedes, notice of, ix. 20.

Leon I., appointed one of the ten gene-
rals, on the deposition of Alcibiades
and Thrasybulus, iv. 2fi8. Condemned
to death by the Council of Thirty, v.
43.

Leon II., ambassador from Athens to
the congress of Susa, vi. 216. Pro-
cures the condemnation of Timocrates
on his return from the Persian em-
bassy, 245.

Leonidas, king of Sparta, commander of
the forces at Thermopylae, ii. 116. His
laconic answer to the heralds of
Xerxes, 124. His wisdom and mag-
nanimity, 127. Attacks the Persians,
and falls at the head of his band, 129.
Fiction of Diodorus respecting, 129.
note. Indignities offered to his body
by Xerxes, 130.

Leonnatus, a Macedonian, his conduct
at a festival, x. 98. Is wounded, 115.
The command he held, 119. His per-
sonal bravery, 184, 185. His appoint-
ment at Rambacia, 205. Defeats the
Orites, 237. Receives a golden crown,
290.

Leontiades, polemarch of Thebes, in-
troduces a Lacedaemonian garrison
into the Cadmea, or citadel, vi. 96.
Harangues for the subjection of his
city at Lacedasmon, 98.- Is assassin-
ated by Phyllidas and Mellon, 117.

Leontini, foundation of, i. 319.

, blockaded by the Syracusans, iv.

13. Assisted by the Athenians, 14.
The blockade abandoned, ib. Dis-
putes respecting the division of lands
there, 19, 20. Migration of the in-
habitants to Syracuse, 20. Partial re-
vival of the democracy of, 20, 21.

held by a mixed Grecian popu-

lation, vii. 47. Its affairs regulated by
Dionysius, ib. How affected towards
Syracuse, 71. Dionysius leads an
army to the Leontlne border, ib. The
Leontines admitted to the citizenship
of Syracuse, 73. Dionysius settles the
Greek mercenaries at, 111. Declares
for Dion, 169. Repels an attack made
by Philistus, ib. Flight of Dion's
family to, 187. Icetes withdraws his
forces to, 192. 203.

Leosthenes, the Athenian, banishment
of, viii. 60.

Leotychides, measures taken by him,
respecting the Grecian fleet, ii. 205,
206. Stratagem practised by, 207.

His preparations for the battle of
Mycale, 208. Returns to Greece after
the battle, 211.

Leotychides, reputed son of Agis, his
claim to the throne of Sparta, v. 300.

Lepreum, account of the affair of, iii.
317, 318.

Leptines, brother of Dionysius, com-
mands the Syracusan fleet, vii. 91.
Sinks some of the Carthaginian ships,
95. Is defeated by the Carthaginian
fleet, 99. His generous conduct to the
defeated Thurians, 124. Is killed at
the battle of Cronium, 135.

Leptines, tyrant of Apollonia, surren-
ders to Timoleon, vii. 207.

Lesbos, conquered by Achilles, i. 73.

, its political circumstances, iii. 133.

Particularly of its principal towns,
Mitylene and Methymne, 133, 134.
How divided among the Athenians.
156.

, the Lesbians propose to revolt from

the Athenian to the Lacedaemonian
confederacy, iv. 143.

partly subdued by Memnon, ix.

239. Reduced by Autophradates, 240.
Submits to the Macedonians, 312.

Ay<r<ri/, doubtful meaning of the word,
viii. 327. note.

Letters, origin of, i. 111,112. Observ-
ations on the Arabic and Hebrew
letters, 115, 116. Causes of the slow
progress of. in Greece, 118 120. Tes-
timony of Herodotus concerning their
first introduction, 120. Changes in
their arrangement, 120, 121. Grecian
letters used in Britain, 122.

, singular method of transmitting

them, ii. 171.

Leucothea, the temple of, plundered by
the troops of Dionysius, vii. 133.

Leuctra, battle of, vi. 162166. The
various feelings it excited throughout
Greece, 179.

Library, the first public one founded by
Pisistratus, i. 370.

Lichas, a Lacedaemonian, affront offered
to him at the Elean games, iii. 318.

Limnae, temple of Diana at, i. 275.

Lions known in Greece at an early pe-
riod, i. 13.

Lissu?, a town of Italy, colony establish-
ed at, by Dionysius, vii. 133.

Lochage, rank of the, i. 355.

A.6%o; and Ao^a.-yo;, remarks on the
terms, i. 3.55, 356. note.

Lochus of the Macedonian army, notice
of. i. 355. note. Rank of the Lochagoi,
356. note.

Locri Epizephyrii, foundation of, i. 317.
Celebrated lawgiver at, 320.

Locrians, boundaries of their country,
i. 11.

Locris, war of, with Phocis, v. 324, 325.
Completely subject to Thebes, vi. 284.

Locris, Ozolian, its alliance with Pelo-
ponnesus, viii. 48, 49. The Locrians
defeated by Philomelus, 31. Locris
ravaged by him, 34. The Locrians

GENERAL INDEX.

437

again defeated by Philomelus, 38.
Apply for relief to Thebes, ib. The
Locrians and Thessalians vanquished
by Philoraelus, 41,4-'.

Locris, Epicnemidian, conquered by
Phayllus, viii. 4. Joins the Phocian
alliance, 87, 88.

Louis XIV., witty remark of, x. 300.

Lucan, allusion of, to the religion of the
Druids, i. 100 note.

Lucanians, the, of Italy, confederate
against the Italian Greeks, vii. '123.
Make war on Thurium, 124. Destroy
more than ten thousand Thurians, ib.
War between them and Syracuse,
160.

Lrucca, allusion to, ix. 10.

Lucullus, wardrobe of, as described by
Horace, vii. 26. note.

Luxury prohibited at Sparta, i. 252.

Lycaonia, description of, ix. 227, 228.

Lycia, Alexander's successes in, ix. 220,
221.

Lycidas, one of the Council of Five
Hundred, stoned to death by the
Athenians, ii. 178. Outrages upon
his family by the Athenian women,
ib.

Lyciscus, his daughter directed to be
sacrificed by the Delphian oracle, i.
279. Flees with her to Sparta, 280.

Lycomedes of Mantinea, the policy sug-
gested by him with respect to Thebes,
vi. 208. Obtains the effective com-
mand of the Arcadian people, ib. His
spirited conduct at the congress at
Thebes, 219. Effects an alliance be-
tween Athens and Arcadia, 248. His
death, ib.

Lycon, one of the accusers of Socrates,
notice of, v. 124, 125.

Lycon, a Syracusan, the part he took in
the assassination of Dion, vii. 185.

Lycophron, tyrant of Phera2, his alii-
ance with the Athenians, viii. 73.
Succoured by Onomarchus, 75. and
note. He and Phayllus are defeated
by Philip, 77. Defeats Philip, 78.
Defeated by, and capitulates to Phi-
lip, 79. Joins the Phocians, 87.

Lycophron, son of Aristolaides, heads
the party of the lowlanders at Athens,
i.358.

Lycurgus, of Sparta, his prudent ad-
ministration, i. 246, 247. Voluntarily
resigns his power, and travels into
Crete, 247. Is invited to return, 248.
His plans sanctioned by the oracle at
Delphi, 249. His gradual measures
for remodelling the constitution of
Sparta, 250. His division of the land,
251, 252. Prohibits the use of all gold
and silver, 252. And even that any
should lie at home, ib. How he ren-
dered slaves necessary in Sparta, 254.
His care of children and of the pur-
suits and condition of the women, 254
256. His system of education, 257
260. At what age Lycurgus allowed
men to engage in public affairs, 258.
FF

Recreations allowed by him, 259. Ob-
servations on his civil constitution,
2fil 264. His regulations concerning
the Helots or slaves, 26i, 265. Outline
of his military code, 266271. Defects
of his system, 272. Plan adopted by
him to secure the duration of his
government, 272, 273. His death,
274.

Lycurgus, the Athenian orator, notice
of, viii. 358. and note. Conducts the
prosecution against Lysicles, 359.

Lydia, early superiority of, in arts and
civilisation, ii. 1, 2. Attempt of the
Lydian king Gyges to reduce the
Grecian states, 4. Incursion of the
Scythians and Cimmerians, 7. Its
effects on the Lydian monarchy, 8.
Reign of Halyattes, ib. Extent of
Croesus's territory, ib. Defeat of him
by Cyrus, 13.

Lyncestis, princes of, noticed, vii. 253.

, account of the people of, ix. 28.

Lynceus, king of Argos, i. 29.

Lyncus, or Lyncestis, nature of its
government, iii. 234.

Lysander,- commander-in-chief of the
Peloponnesian fleet, iv. 261. His
interview with Cyrus, 261, 262.
His victory over the Athenians at
Notium, 261., 265. Superseded in
his command by Callicratidas, 271.
Greatly beloved by the armament,
272. Enumeration of his services,
301. Appointed vice-admiral, ib. In
favour of Cyrus, 302. His measures,
304, i05. Prepares for the battle of
^Egospotami, 307. Defeats the
Athenians there, 308311. His
measures after the battle, 314, 315.
Blockades Athens, 315.

, supports the oligarchial party there,

v. 59, 60. His speech at a congress of
the Asian Greek cities, 307, 308. His
reputation and power in the army,
310, 311. His operations against the
Thebans, 326. Surprised by them and
slain, 326, 3->7. Discrepancies between
later writers and Xenophon, in their
accounts of the conduct and views of
Lysander, 328, 329.

Lysanias, notice of, ix. 21.

Lysias, the orator, one of the adven-
turers in the colonisation of Thurium,
ii. 239.

, his account of the proceedings of

the Council of Thirty, v. 42, 43.
Biographical notice of, 4345. His
narrative confirmed by Xenophon, 45,
45. Points out what part of Solon's
laws had been interpolated or de-
stroyed, 70. Notice of his oration
against Alcibiades the younger, 75
77. Of one for the brother of the
widow of ArUophanes, 8084. Of
his oration against Andocides, 100
103.

Lysicles, the Athenian, joined in the
"commaiu! with Chares, viii. 354. Tried
and executed, 359.

438

GENERAL INDEX.

Lysimachus, son of Aristides, character
of, ii. 279.

Lysimachus, the Macedonian, accom-
panies Alexander across the Hy-
daspes, x. 140, 141.

Lyttelton, Lord,;his remark upon Vol-
taire, x. 198, 199. note.

Maccabees, objections to the credibility
of the book of, ix. o04, 305. note.

Macedonia, inhabitants of, i. 10. Their
language not generally understood by
the Greeks, ib. note.

, conquered by the Persians, ii.

33.

, founder of the government of, iii.

32. Origin of the name of, 33. Divi-
sions of, ib. Origin of the war between
Athens and Macedonia, 35. Battle
and siege of Potida?a, 40. Invasion of,
by Sitalces, king of Thrace, 130133.

, several cities of, join the Olynthian

association, vi. 88, 89. Pella, its
largest town, joins the Olynthians,
89.

, affairs of, from the reign of Per-

diccas, son of Alexander, to the
establishment of Philip, son of Amyn.
tas, vii. 231275. Prominent fea-
tures of its constitution, 231234.
Its resemblance to the Anglo-Saxon
constitution, 233. Advantages of its
territory, 23t. Circumstances relative
to its civilisation, 235. State of, under
Perdiccas, 236, 237. Difference in
character of the Macedonians, 239,
24-0. Macedonia improved by Arche-

. laus, 241. Games instituted there by
him, 242 Disputed succession and
civil war in, 244. 246. Invaded by
the Illyrians, 247. The seat of govern,
ment removed, 2+9. Intercourse
between Macedonia and Athens, 250.
Its disturbed state alter the death of
Amyntas, 256. Goternment of, com-
mitted to Ptolemy Alorites, 258. As-
sisted by the Thebans, and breach of
alliance with Athens, 260, 261. In-
vaded a second time by the Illyrians,
262, 253. Accession of Philip, son of
Amyntas, 263. Pretenders to the
throne of, 264. Paeonia annexed to
Macedonia, 271. Affairs of, from the
establishment of Philip, son of Amyn-
tas, to the renewal of war between
Macedonia and Athens, 276322.
Joins Olynthus against Amphipolis,
323326. Affairs of, from the renewal
of hostilities between them, to the
end of the war between the Athenians
and their allies, called the " Con-
federate or Social war," 323 371.
The Macedonians negotiate with
Athens, 326, 327. Besiege Amphipo-
lis, 328.

, circumstances of, viii. 52. Violent

measure of Athensagainst Macedonia,
54. Confederacy against, 55. Formi-
dable power of the Macedonian king-
dom, 57. Interest of, in Eubcea, 124.

Successes of its fleet, 131. War with
Olynthus, 142146. The successes
of the Macedonians against Olynthus,
147 150. Ambassadors arrive at
Athens, 173. Peace with Athens,
174. Departure of the embassy there-
from, 176. Congress of Grecian em-
bassies at its court, 186 188. Account
of, by Isocrates, 200. State of, after
the peace with Athens and the con-
clusion of the Sacred war, 241, 242.
War with Illyria, 242. Operations in
Thessaly, 243. Extension of Mace-
donian interest in Greece, 244. Hos-
tilities against, without declared war,
327.

Macedonia, state of, when Alexander
succeeded to the throne, ix. 2. Cir-
cumstances of the countries around it,
3, 4. Account of its constitution by
Arrian, 29. and note. The kings of,
never used mercenaries, 31 , 32. Legis-
lation of, 33 40. Resemblances be-
tween its constitution and those of
modern kingdoms, 41 47. Sources
of its royal revenue, 47, 48. Similarity
of the Macedonians to the Thessalians,
49. Speech relative to Macedonia by
Alexander, 67, S8. Times at which
the Macedonian Olympic festival was
celebrated, 69, 70. Threatening aspect
of affairs around Macedonia, 93. Its
defence intrusted to Parmenio, 95.
The Macedonian phalanx described,
96. The Macedonian Olympic festival
celebrated, 133. Conflicting opinions
of the Macedonians respecting Alex-
ander's expedition, 165168. Account
of the Macedonian treasury, 168, 169.
Amount of their forces for the Persian
expedition, 169, 170. Date of their
march for the Hellespont, 171. The
Macedonians gain the battle of the
Granicus, 192. They enter Sardis,
196. And take EfJhesus, 197. Account
of the fleet of Macedonia, 202, 203.
The Macedonians take Miletus, 204.
The fleet sent home, 206. Massacre
of Macedonian soldiers at Issus, 268.
Critical situation of the Macedonian
army, 270. They defeat the Persians
at Issus, 277284. Their loss there,
287. Account of the Macedonian
fleet, 299. Its successes, 312314. and
note. Effect of an eclipse on the
Macedonian army, 331. Its amount
at Arbela, 335. Its disposition, 338.
It defeats the Persian forces, 338
344. Amount of its loss, 343, 344. It
receives a re-enforcement from
Greece, 350, 351. Proceeds over the
Susiad rocks, 355. Winters at Perse-
polis, 357.

, character of the Macedonian con-
stitution marked by the trials for high
treason during Alexander's fourth
campaign in Asia, x. 136. State of
Greece during the Macedonian supre-
macy, 4. Grounds for the confederacy
against Macedonia, 6, 7. The Mace-

GENERAL INDEX.

439

donians defeat the Lacedemonians,
9. Trial of the conspirators in the
Macedonian army, 30. 36. and notes.
The Macedonians build a town in
Paropamisus, 48. and note. The army
strengthened by Asiatic recruits, 50.
Discontent in the army, 5052.
Friendly contest in the army, 58, 59.
Massacre of the Macedonian army in
Scythia, 61. The army taunted by
the Scythians, 64. Part of, defeated
by Spitamenes, 68. The Macedonians
receive recruits at Zariaspa or Bactra,
69. And defeat Spitamenes, 80. They
winter at Bactra, 89. The conspiracy
of the Macedonian pages, 103107.
Conduct of the army at Nysa, 1,34,
135. The Macedonians defeat Porus,
144. Their loss in taking Sangaia,
156. and note. The army advances
to the river Hyphasis, 158. Its dis-
content, 159. Addressed by Alexander
and Coenus, 159 163. Commences
its return, 165. Leaves a colony on
the banks of the Akesines, ib. Pro-
ceeds to Nysia and Bucephala, 168.
A Macedonian fleet built on the river
Hydaspes, 175, 17*'. Its course down
that river, 177, 178. Its critical situ-
ation, 178, 179. Successes against the
Mallians, 181186. Anxiety of the
army respecting Alexander's wound,
186, 187. It subdues the Oxydracs,
188. The Macedonian fleet sails down
the Hydraotes to the Indus, 189.
Reaches Pattala, 196. And the
ocean, 198, 199. and note. The army
winters at Pattala, 203. Subdues the
Gadroses, 204. Its distresses, 206
209. Passes through Carmania, 212
215. Preparations made by the
fleet for its voyage of discovery, 2-22
225. Different accounts of its voyage,
226. and note. Time of its departure,
228. Its arrival at Stoora, ib. At
Caumana, 229. At Coreatis, ib. At
the bar of Sindi, 230. Its progress
along the coast, 231. Detained at
Bibacta, ib. Continuance of its
voyage, 233 236. Slowness of its
progress, 236. It receives a supply of
provisions, 238, 239. Its stay at Ram-
bacia.ib. Reaches the river Tomerus,
239. Passes the country of the " Fish-
eaters," 240, 241. Guided by a Ga-
drosian pilot, 244. Its attack on a
fortified town, 24fi 249. Its further
progress till its arrival at Harmoza,
249 253. It performs a sacrifice
there, 266. The time it left that
place, 267. Is joined by Mazenes,
268. Its further progress to lla, 269,

270. Refits and stays at Sitacus, 270,

271. Enters the river Granides, 271.
Its dangerous situation, 272. Proceeds
to Diridotb, 273. Enters the Pasi-
tigris, 275. The Macedonian army
marches from Carmania, 276. Arrives
at Persepolis, 278. Proceeds to Susa,
81. Marriages among the soldiers

with the Persian women, 286, 287.
Bounties bestowed on the soldiers by
Alexander, 288-290. The army ac-
companies Alexander to Opis, 300.
It mutinies, 302. Its repentance, 306.
Its reconciliation to Alexander, 308.
Part of it returns home, 309, 310.
Craterus appointed viceroy of Mace-
donia, 311, 312. Disturbances therein
through Olympias, ib. The Mace-
donian army reaches Celona?, 328.
Arrives at the Nysaean plain, and
afterwards at Ecbatana, 330. Subdues
the Cossees, 333. Enters Babylon,
336. The Macedonian fleet increased
by Alexander, 341, 342. Its voyages
down the Euphrates, 351. Amuse-
ments among, 354. Uneasiness of the
Macedonians during Alexander's last
illness, 368. Extraordinary measure
of seven of their chiefs, 369.

Ma^a^a and *iQo;, distinction between,
i. 47. "note.

Machaon, the Corinthian, action of the
fleet under his command with that
of Phormion, ii. 120122.

Machiavel, comparison between him
and Polycrates, ii. 33, 34.

Macrons, account of the, v. 209, 210.

Magarsus, magnificent sacrifice of Alex-
amler at, ix. 259.

Magistracy, singular, established by Ti-
moleon, vii. 222.

Magistrates in Bceotia, their title, i.
304. Of Athens, from what ranks
of the people they were taken, 343.

Magon, the Carthaginian general, notice
of, vii. 120.

Mainotes, of Peloponnesus, existence of
their feudal manners in the present
day, vi. 301. note.

Malabar, pirates on the coast of, for-
midable in the time of Strabo, x.
232.

Malea, promontory of, i. 12.

Males, notice of, ix. 20.

Mallians, the, hostile to Alexander, x.
179. Their principal town taken, 181.
Their army scattered, 181. Their se-
vere treatment, 182. They submit to
Alexander, 188, 189.

Mallus, account of the colony of, ix.
259.

Mamercus of Catana, joins Timoleon,
vii. 202. Driven from Catana, 218.
Takes refuge at Messina, ib. Sur-
renders to Timoleon, and is executed,
218.

Mania, satrapess of JEtolia, history of,
v. 279, 280.

Mankind, attempts t<> trace the history
of, i. 24. Generally inspired with a
spirit of migration, 4.

Manners of the ancient Greeks, i. 145
-161.

of the Macedonians, ix. 75, 76.

Mantineans, the, march in pursuit of
Artabazus, ii. 200.

, war between Mantinea and Tegea,

iii. 271. Dispute of Lacedsemon with

440

GENERAL INDEX.

Mantinea, 295. Battle near, 331
333.

Maiitineans, war declared against Man-
tinea by the Lacedasmonians,vi. 82, 83.
Reduced by Agesipolis, 85. The chiefs
of the deraocratical party protected
from the animosity of their fellow-
citizens by the Lacedaemonians, 85,

85. The Mantinean commonwealth
becomes a province to Lacedsemon,

86. The Mantineans rebuild and for-
tify their city, 182185. Refuse the
proposals of Agesilaus, 184. Take a
violent part in the affairs of the Te-
geans, 187. Send a deputation to
Olympia on the robbery of the sacred
treasury, 270. Are cited before the
Numberless assembly of Arcadia, 271.
Remonstrate against the Theban sei-
zure of the Arcadian citizens, 276.
The Mantinean territory attempted
to be surprised by Epaminondas, 289.
Relieved by the Athenian horse, 290.
Battle of Mantinea, 294296 Its un-
important results, according to Xeno-
phon, 297.

Marathon, battle of, ii. 81, 82. Ob-
servations on it, 84, 85. Honours
;aid to those who fell there, 254.
nscription on, ib. note.

Mardians, the, subdued by Alexander,
x. 22. Placed under the government
of Autophradates, ib.

Mardonius, first expedition of, against
Greece, ii 65. He is obliged to return
to Asia, ib. Placed at the head of
300,000 men after the battle of Sa-
lamis, to complete the reduction of
Greece, 160. Endeavours to detach
the Athenians from the Grecian con-
federates, 172178. Advances to-
wards Attica, 177. Fixes his camp
in the Theban territory, 180. Senus
Masistius to attack the Megarian
camp, 181183. Number of his army
encamped ov er against Platasa, 186,187.
Has an Elean prophet in his pay, 187.
His policy in this measure, 188. Deter-
mines to attack the Greeks, 189. Is
defeated and killed at Plata:a, 194,
195.

Marganaea, town of, taken by the Ele-
ans, vi. 26(5.

Marine, ancient, the last great im-
provement in, by whom devised, vii.
82.

Maritime sites on the English coast, vii.
241.

Marmareans, their attack on Alexan-
der, ix. '229. Their barbarities, 230.
and note.

Marriage, institution of, in Greece, as-
cribed to Cecrops, i. 110.

between brothers and sisters es-
teemed cred itable at Athens and in
Caria, ix. 210.

, account of marriages of Greeks

with Persians, x. 286288. (See In-
termarriages.)

Marseilles. See Massilia.

Mascames, the Persian commander, his
defence of Doriscus, ii. 281.

Masclef's account of the Hebrew al-
phabet, notice of, i. 115. 116. note.

Masistius, commander of the Persian
cavalry, attacks the Megarian camp,
ii. 182. Is defeated and slain, ib.
Honours paid to his memory by the
Persians, 183.

Masonry, state of, in Homer's time, i. 128.

Massaga, capital of the Assakenes, be-
sieged and taken by Alexander, x.
121124.

Massagetes, a Scythian horde, account
of, x. 77. They join Spitamenes, ib.
Are defeated by Ccenus, 79. Again
defeated, 80. They murder Spita-
menes, 81.

Massilia, or Marseilles, foundation, of,
ii. 18.

Mast, the, of various trees, the food of
mankind, in a civilised, as well as
a barbarous state, i. 8, 9. and note.

Mausolus, prince of Caria, affords pe-
cuniary support to Agesilaus, vi. 314.
Assists Rhodes, Cos, Chios, and By.
zantium against Athens, vii. 315,316.
His death, viii. 116. Account of his
tomb, ix. 210.

Mazafus, the Persian, his conduct at
the battle of Arbela, ix. 340. Sur-
renders Babylon to Alexander, 346.
Is appointed satrap of Babylon, 347.
His death, x. 84.

Mazenes, the Persian, joins the fleet
of Nearchus, x. 268. His conduct
considered, 273, 274.

Medals, Crotoniat, notice of, ii. 236. (See
Coins.)

Medama, foundation of, i. 317.

Medea, notice of, i. 53.

Media, formation of the kingdom of, ii.
11. Notice of, x. 1. Account of
Alexander's march through it to
Babylon, 328336.

Median wall, account of the, v. 173.

Medical school of Crotona, celebrity of,
ii. 236.

Medius, the Thessalian, becomes the
confidential friend of Alexander the
Great, x. 363. His attention to him
during his last illness, 364 367.

Medocus, king of the Odrysians, notice
of, vi. 60. Sometimes written Am-
adocus, ib. note.

Medon, son of Codrus, first hereditary
arch on at Athens, i. 307.

Megabates, a Persian commander, ty-
ranny of, ii. 43, 44.

Megabyzus, the Persian commander,
attempts to bribe Sparta, ii. 332. De-
feats the Greeks in Egypt, 333.

Megacles, chief of the Alcmzeonida?,
the political antagonist of Pisistralus,
i. 358.

Megacles, brother of Dion, made auto-
crator-general of Syracuse, vii. 168.

Megacles, Athenian, the successful
suitor for the daughter of Clisthenes,
tyrant of Sicyon, ix. 21.

GENERAL INDEX.

441

Megacreon of Abdera, saying of, ii.
98.

Megalopolis founded, as the capital of
all Arcadia, vi. 188. Assembly of
the Arcadian nation in, 219. The
inhabitants, formerly from the coun-
try, wish to return, 300. Prevented
by the Thebans, under Pammenes,
and, their country residences de-
stroyed, ib. Situation and constitution
of, viii. 108, 109. Solicit the Athe-
nians, 109. Besieged by the Lacedae-
monians, x. 8.

Megara, disputes between the Mega-
rians and Corinthians, ii. 314, 315.

322. Relief of Megara by Myronides,

323. Revolt of, 350.

, invasion and ravage of, by the

Athenians, iii. 86. Sedition of, 230.
The Megarian exiles betrayed, 237.
Atrocious measure of the aristocra-
tical party, 238.

, sedition in, after the battle of

Leuctra, vi. 321. Flourishes amidst
the general troubles of Greece, 326.
A manufacture of cloth the chief
source of its wealth, ib. note.
, contest of factions at, viii. 230, 231.

Megara, Hybla^an, foundation of, i.
319.

Megasthenes, leads a colony of Euboeans
to the Italian coast, ii. 245. Founds
Cuma and Dicaearchia, now Puteoli,
ib.

Megon, the Carthaginian general, is
left in command in Sicily, vii. IIS.
Ravages the Messenian territory, 119.
Is powerfully re-enforced from Car-
thage, ib. Assaults Agyris, chief of
Agyrium, ib. Concludes a treaty with
Dionysiu* relative to the Sicels, 120.
Succeeds to the high dignity of Imil-
con, 134. Invades Sicily and Italy,
135. Is defeated and killed at Cabala
by Dionysius, ib. His son defeats
the Greeks at Cronium, ib. And
concludes peace, ib.

Melanthus, prince of Pylus, emigration
of, to Attica, i. 305. Raised to the
throne, 306. His death, 307.

Meleager, i. 40.

Melitus, his charge against Socrates, v.
123. .Account of, and of the party
to which he belonged, 124, 125.

Mellon, a Theban, plots with Phyllidas
a revolution at Thebes, vi. 115. Is
raised to the office of Bceotarch, 128,
129.

M*i>-?o?<w, explanation of the term, ix.
337. note.

Melos, expedition against, under Nicias
iii. 178. An Athenian armament
sent against, 345. Besieged and taken
by the Athenians, 345, 346. Fate of
the surrendered Melians, 349.

Melvill, general, his remarks on the
ancient war-galleys, ii. 162 165.

Memnon, the Grecian, account of, ix.
147. 156. Intrusted with the military
command in the western provinces

of Persia, 171. His critical situation,
172, 173. Fails in his attempt on
Cyzicus, 173. Held in check by Par-
menio, 174. His preparations against
Alexander, 179. Joins Arsites, 181.
His place in the Persian army, 185.
note. Hastens to Ionia, 194. Ap-
pointed commander-in-chief, 201.
Withdraws to Caria, 207. Favours
the cause of Orontobates, 212. With-
draws into Halicarnassus, 213. His
preparations there, ib. Retires from
it, 215. Commands the Persian fleet,
233. His negotiation with Lacedse-
mon, 233, 234. Takes Chios, 239.
Proceeds tp Lesbos, ib. Dies before
Mitylene, 240.

Memorials of Xenophon, account of,
and remarks on, vi. 333361.

Memphis, part of, taken by the Atheni-
ans, ii. 321. Notice of, ix. 307. Fes-
tival celebrated there by Alexander,
308311.

Menander, the comic poet, notice of, ix.
224.

Mende, measures adopted by Brasidas
for the safety of the inhabitants, iii.
264. Defended by Polydamidas, 269.
Entered and pillaged by the Atheni-
ans, ib. Who restore the democratical
form of government there, ib.

Menestheus, notice of, i. 62.

Menidas, the Macedonian, brings re-
cruits to Alexander, x. 353. Passes
a night in the temple of Serapis, 368.

Menon, Thessalian, his conduct in
Cilicia, v. 143, 144. His character,
144. His address in passing the
Euphrates, 149. Quarrel between
him and Clearchus, 151.

Mentor, a Grecian, engages in the
Egyptian service, ix. 147. Gained
over by the Persians at Sidon, 150.
Assists Artaxerxes against Cyprus,
151. Also in the expedition against
Egypt, 154. His connection with
Bagoas, 156. Intrusted with the di-
rection of the western provinces of
Persia, 157. His death, 171.

Mercenary troops, when first formerly
allowed in Greece, vi. 93. Greek
mercenaries in request, in the East,
before the time of the younger Cyrus,
309.

, general increase of, in the Gre-
cian republics, vii. 69.

, account of, in India, x. 121.

Mercury, terms of, their ancient use,
iv. 34. Destruction of, at Athens,
and its consequences, ib.

, prosecutions for mutilating them,

v. 9095. 101106.

Meron, mount, for what celebrated, x.
134.

Mesopotamian rivers, floods of, x. 343.

Mespila, town of, noticed, v. 190, 191.
note.

Messena, in Sicily, gained to the party
of Daphnaeus and Demarchus, vii.
61. Joins Rhegium in a naval attack

442

GENERAL INDEX.

upon Dionysius in Syracuse, 62. Ex-
cited to war against Syracuse, 78. Par-
doned hy Dionysius, 79. Receives a
tract of land from Dionysius, 4.
Falls under the power of Carthage,
97. And is levelled with the ground,
100. and note. Restored by Diony-
sius, 112. Six hundred Peloponne-
siau Messenians established there,
113. Who are afterwards removed
to the north of Sicily, ib. Messena
fruitlessly besieged by the Rhegians,
116.

Messene, foundation of, i. 295.

Messenia, province of, i. 12. Causes of
quarrel between the Messenians and
Lacedaemonians, 275, 276. Various
events of the wars between them,
277294. Colony of Messenians cap-
ture Zancle in Sicily, and settle there,
294, 295. Foundation of, 296, 297.

, the Messenians settled at Naupac-
tus, ii. 331.

, the province of, restored to its

former inhabitants by the Thebans,
vi. 201. The new city of Messena
built under the patronage of Epami-
nondas, ib. By whom peopled, ac-
cording to Pausanias, 202. , Finally
lost to Lacedcemonia, ib. Unites with
Eparninondas on his fourth invasion
of Peloponnesus, 284. Becomes an
independent member of the Greek
nation, 314.

Methone, in Messenia, notice of, i. 289.
Its modern name, ib. note. The
town and territory of, given to the
Nauplians, 296.

Methone, in Macedonia, account of,
viii. 67, 68. Aggressions on Macedo-
nia, 68. Besieged by the Macedo-
nians, ib. Capitulates to Philip, 77.

Methymne taken by Callicratidas, iv.
274. (See Mitylene.)

Metics, or Freemen, not being citizens
of Athens, condition of, i. 337.

, taxes imposed upon them, v. 15.

Migration, spirit of, in the early ages
of the world, i. 4, 5. 14, 15. Migra-
tions of the Ionic Pelasgians, 309.
Of the JEolians, 311. Of the lonians,
312.

Miletus, city of, its foundation, i. 312.

, its flourishing state, ii. 7. War

of Halyattes against, 7, 8. Revolt of
the Milesians against Persia, 45.
Republican government established,
ib. Siege and capture of Miletus, 56
60. Its present state, 56. note.

, war of, with Samos, iii. 11 16.

, battle of, iv. 160. Persian garri-
son expelled from, 207.

, account of, ix. 201, 202. Besieged

and taken by Alexander, 203, 204.

Military affairs of the Greeks, i. 354,
355. Code of Lycurgus, 265271.

duty of the Agrigentines, decree

respecting, vii. 28.

establishment of Athens, i. 354.

manoeuvres connected with the re-

treat'of the ten thousand, account of,
v. 193195. note.

Military service, obligations to, i. 229.
Of the Grecian republics, 351354.

, composition for, vi. 92. Remarks

on the age of, among the Spartans,
124, 125. note.

system of the age of Xenophon,

general spirit of, v. 225, 226.

and naval command, among the

ancients, united in the same person,
iv. 236.

and naval life, comparison be-
tween, v. 215217. note.

Milo, the athlete, general of the Croto-
niats, ii. 235. His wonderful prowess,
236. note.

Miltiades, the elder, by what circum-
stances theThracian Chersonese came
into the possession of, ii. 60, 61.

Miltiades, the younger, tyrant of the
Chersonese, ii. 61. Recommends the
Grecian chiefs to destroy Darius's
bridge over the Danube, 62. Flees to
Athens, ib. Generosity of Darius to
his son, 63. Acquitted of the charge
of tyranny, 77. His "sage advice to
the polemarch Callimachus, 78. Ju-
dicious disposition of the Greek army
to meet the Persians, 80. Defeats
them at the battle of Marathon, 81,
82. Wounded at the siege of Paros,
86. His impeachment and death, 89.
His imprisonment, as related by later
writers, discredited, ib. note. Monu-
ment erected to the memory of, 255.

Milton, his imitation of a passage in
Thucydides noticed, iii. 3S2. note.

Mindarus, transactions of the Pelopon-
nesian fleet under his command, iv.
223229. 232, 233. Defeated and slain,
234, 235.

Minerva, temple of, at Athens, guarded
by a serpent, ii. 146.

Mines, commander of the Camarinean
forces, accuses the Agrigentine gene-
rals of treachery, vii. 33.

Minister of Olympian Jupiter, office of
the, vii. 222.

, character of the office of first

minister of Athens, viii. 270273.

Minos, king of Crete, laws of, i. 18, 19.
21. Remarks thereon, 19, 2(). And
on his reception of Theseus, 56, 57.

Minotaur, fiction of, explained, i. 56.

Mirth, prescribed to his people, by Ly.
curgus, i. 262.

Mitford, gratifying occupation of, on
his history of Greece, ix. 81. note.

Mithranes gives up Sardis to Alexander,
ix. 195. Appointed satrap of Arme-
nia, 347.

Mithridates, harasses the Greeks on
their retreat, v. 188.

Mitylene and Methymne, political cir-
cumstances of, iii. 133, 134. Siege of
Mitylene by Paches, 139. Inhuman
decree of the Athenians against the
Mitylenaeans, 152156.

invested by Memnon, ix. 239. Ca-

GENERAL INDEX.

443

pitulates to the Persians, 240. Subse-
quent circumstances of, 240. Submits
to the Macedonians, 312.

Mnaseas, the Phocian, and Phala?us ap-
pointed generals,viii. 88. And slain, ib.

Mnasippus commands the Lacedascao-
nian fleet, and ravages Corcyra, vi.
143, 144. Killed by the Corcyrseans, 148.

Mnesiphilus, an Athenian officer, his
interview with Themistocles, ii. 1*8.

Modon. See Methone, in Messenia.

Molossis, history of, ix. 1826. Situa-
tion of, 18. Its government, 20.
Themistocles takes refuge at, 22.
Tharyps, king of, joins the Lacede-
monians, 24. and note. The sister of
its king Alexander married to Philip
of Macedon, 25. Ravaged by the
Romans, 26. and.note.

, Athenian embassy to the queen of,

x. 319.

Monarchy, absolute, unknown among
the ancient Greeks, as a legal con-
stitution, i. 103, 104.

, legal and illegal, differences be-
tween, ix. 15. Limited examples of,
in Greece, 16, 17.

Montesquieu, his opinion of what con-
stitutes the essence .of despotism, ii.
318.

, his eulogy of Alexander's adop-
tion of Persian customs, x. 71.

Money of iron, not peculiar to Sparta,
i. 252. note.

Movo|uAa, explanation of the term, i. 7.
note.

Monsoon, Indian, account of the, x.
220,221.

Mora, a division of infantry among the
Lacedaemonians, i. 267 269.

Morality, not better practised in the age
of Plato and Xenophon than in Ho-
mer's time, v. 110. Near approach
made to Christian morality by Socra-
tes, 12S.

Moses, coincidences between the writ-
ings of, and those of Greek authors,
in tracing the history of mankind to
its source, i. 3, 4.

Mosks in Africa, form of, i 94. note.

Mosyneeks, notice of the independent
horde of, v. 218.

Motya, a Phenician settlement in Si-
cily, ii. 215, 216. Becomes an Agri-
gentine garrison, 228.

, besieged by Dionysius, vii. 90.

Is carried by assault, 91, 92. A rem-
nant of the Motyenes saved, but sold
to slavery, ib. Falls again under the
power of Carthage, 97.

Mountainous districts, remarks on the
inhabitants of, x. 45, 4b".

Mountains of Greece, i. 10 13.

Mourning, public, mark of, among the
Argives, i. 298-

Murders, frequency of, in the early
ages of the Greeks, i. 146.

Murichides, his mission to the Athe-
nians, ii. 178.

Mufiet, /. See Numberless.

Musseus, one of the fathers of Grecian
poetry, i. 64.

Music, prevalence of, among ancient
nations, i. 124. Notice of the music
of the ancient Greeks, 124, 125.

Musicanus, the Indian, submits to
Alexander, x. 190. Revolts, 194. And
is executed, ib.

Mycale, battle of, ii. 208, 209.

Mycalessus, massacre of the inhabit-
ants of, by the Thracians, iv. 95, 69.

Mycenas, founded by Perseus, i. 29.

, taken and destroyed by the Ar-
gives, ii. 313.

Myl, a town of Sicily, the dispersed
Catanians and Naxians assembled at
by the Rhegians, vii. 116. Recovered
by the Syracusans, ib.

Myndus, notice of the town of, ix. 213.

Myronides, commander of the Athe-
nian forces against Corinth, ii. 323.
Defeats the Corinthians, 324. De-
feats the Boeotian army at CEnophyta,
338. Character ot this campaign,
329.

Myrrh-bearing trees, notice of, x. 206.

Mysteries, Eleusinian and others, pro-
bable origin and object of, i. 93.

Mystical religion among the Greeks,
nature of, i. 84.

Myus, city of, its foundation, i. 311.

Names, remarks on the modern alter-
ations in Greek names, i. 12. note.
Rise of national names accounted for,
113. Care required, in the consider-
ation of ancient or foreign politics,
not to be misled by names, 230. note.

Naples, a colony from Campanian
Cuma, i. 316. Foundation of, ii. 246.
Allusion to the conquest of, by Spain
and Austria, ix. 211.

N!rf, meaning of, v. 239. note.

Nard. account of, x. 206.

Narsasus, son of Dionysius the elder,
by Aristomache, notice of, vii. 158.

Nauclides, plot concerted between him
and Eurymachus, iii. 66, 67.

Naupactus, settlement of Messenians
at, ii. 331.

, sea-fight near, iii. 124127.

Nauplia, taken by the Argives, i. 237.

NS?, with what limitation the word is
used by Thucydides, iv. 232. note.

Nautical term used by Thucydides, ex-
planation of, ii. 163.

Naval action, the system of, among the
ancients explained, ii. 152, 153. Dif-
ference in the principle on which
Themistocles and the Persian com-
manders respectively manned their
vessels, 153, 154.

Naval and military command, among
the ancients, united in the same per-
son, iii. 236. note.

and military life, comparison be-
tween, v. 215 217. note.

Navarch, rank of, i. 355.

Navarino, ancient name of, i. 289. note.

Navjgation,_ origin of, i. 6. State of

444

GENERAL INDEX.

this art among the early Greeks, 139

Navigation, imperfect state of, among
the Greeks and Syracusans, vi. 148,
149.

of the Indian rivers by Alexander,
x. 189202. Account of ancient
navigation, 219. Difficulties of na-
vigating the Persian Gulf, 268. 271
-273

Navy, Persian, composition and num-
bers of the, ii. 95, 96.

Naxos, island of, factions in, ii. 41, 42.
Persian expedition against, 42. The
siege of Naxos abandoned, 43, 44.
Capitulation of, to the Greek con-
federacy, 283.

Naxus, a city of Sicily, foundation of,
i. 318.

, the party in, adverse to Diony-
sius, sold to slavery, vii. 72. The j
city destroyed, and its territory j
given to the Sicels, ib. Who quit I
Naxus, and originate the town of j
Tauromenium, 99. The dispersed j
Naxians assembled at Mylae by the ;
Rhegians, 108, 109. A new settlement !
formed there by Andromachus, 165. j

N*V/<T*J, and Ngej, sense of, v. 268.
note.

Nearchus joins Alexander with recruits,
x. 69. His expedition against the
Assakenes, 129, 130. and notes. Ac-
count of his voyage, 216 275. Re-
ports the circumstances of his voyage
to Alexander, 216. The vessels 'best
adapted to this expedition, 219, 220.
The amount of his fleet, i20. His
birth and character, 222. The com-
mencement "of his voyage, 226, 227.
His progress during the first six days,
228, 229. Reaches the bar of Sindi,
230. His mode of passing it, ib.
Rests on the island Crocala, 231.
Detained at Bibacta, ib. His fur-
ther progress, 233. Arrives at the
river Arabis, 234. The continuance
of his voyage, and losses, 235, 236.
The slowness of his progress, 236.
Refits at Rambacia, 237259. Arrives
at the river Tomerus, 239. His
description of the country of the
" Fish-eaters," 240. His attack on
them, 242. Arrives at Carnina,
ib. His descriprion of that place,
242, 243. Arrives at Mosarna, 243.
His further progress, 244, 245. His
violence to a fortified town, 246 249.
His further progress, 249, 250. Re-
cruits at a deserted town, 25 1 . Reaches
Badis, 252. His dispute with Onesi-
critus, 253. Reaches Harmoza, ib.
The credit to be attached to his nar-
rative, 254, 255. His conduct at Har-
moza, 256. His journey to Alexander,
258, 259. His reception by him, 259.
His re-appointment to the command,
ib. His return to Harmoza, 260.
Remarks on his narrative and con-
duct, 26:2266. He performs a sa-

crifice, 266. The time he left Har-
moza, 267. His arrival at an island,
ib. Its different ancient and iiiodern
names, ib. Accompanied from
thence by Mazenes, 268. His further
progress to I la, 269, 270. He reaches
Apostani, 270. His stay and prepar-
ation at Sitacus, 271. His progress to
the river Granides, ib. His descrip-
tion of it, 272. and note. Arrives at
the river Arosis, ib. Difficulties of
the navigation, 272, 273. Arrives at
Diridotis, 273. and note. Mysterious-
ness of his narrative, 273, *274. He
enters the Pasitigris, 275. Proceeds
to Susa, ib. and note. Is married to
a daughter of Mentor, 287. Receives
a golden crown, 291.

Nectanabis or Nectanebos, a near kins-
man of Tachos, succeeds him on the
throne of Egypt, vi. 311, 312.

, notice of, ix. 147149. Supports

the Phenicians, 150. Baffles Arta-
xerxes, 152. Is defeated, 154. And
flees into Ethiopia, 155.

Nemean games, notice of, i. 195.

glen, action of, vi. 231.

Neodamodes, explanation of, iv. 143.

Neoptolemus Pyrrhus, descendants of,
ix. 19.

Nepos, Cornelius, character of as a
writer, v. 318. note. His eulogy of
Thrasybulus, vi. 64. note. His cha-
racter of Dionysius of Syracuse, vii.
151. 160. note; 175 note. His account
of the hatred in which Dion was held
after the murder of Heraclides, 182.
184.

Neptune, sacrifice of Alexander to, x.
199.

Nesffius yields the chief power at Syra-
cuse to Dionysius the younger, vii.
189.

Nestor's order of battle, i. 132.

New Forest, observations on the form-
ing of, by William I., x. 198, 199.
note.

News-writing, modern, something ana-
lagous to, in Greece, vii. 3, 4.

Newton, Sir Isaac, his conjecture re-
specting the foundation of Argos and
Sicyon, i. 23. On the identity of
Erectheus and Ericthonius, 45. note.
His chronology of the Amphictyonic
council, 182, 183. note. Observations
on his chronology of Grecian history,
216223.

Nicasa, on the Hydaspes, founded by
Alexander, x. 147.

Nicanor, a Macedonian, notice of, x. 18.
Appointed satrap of northern India,
125.

Niceratus, son of Nicias, condemned to
death by the Council of Thirty, v.
43.

Nicolochus commands the Lacedemo-
nian fleet, vi. 140. Is defeated, ib.

Nicias, son of Niceratus, his character
and talents, iii. 151, 152. Succeeds
Pericles as commander-in-chief, 177.

GENERAL INDEX.

445

His operations at Lesbos and Megara,
178. Goes with the fleet to Melos,
ib. Defeats the Tanagraeans and
Locrians, 178, 179. Mjserably betrays
the dignity of his office, 209. Com-
mands an expedition against the
Corinthians, 221. Takes and burns
Thyrea, 228. His influence in the
Athenian commonwealth, 284, 285.

Nicias, faction against him, headed by
Hyperbolus, iv. 23. His opposition
to the measures of Alcibiades, 25.
Named first in command of the
Sicilian expedition, 26. His speech
on the subject of the expedition, 26
28. His reply to Alcibiades, 31, 32.
His feeble conduct, and oppression
of the Sicels, 54, 55. His official letter
to the Athenian people after the siege
of Syracuse, 8285. Intercepts the
auxiliaries to Syracuse, 100, 101. His
preparations for action with the Syra-
cusan fleet, 101, 102. Opposes the
advice of Demosthenes to return to
Athens, 109, 110. Change in his
character, 117. His excellent speech
to the troops on their retreat, 122,
123. Difference between him and
Demosthenes respecting the conduct
of the retreat, 127, 128. Surrenders
to Gylippus, 130, 131. Decreed to
suffer death by the Syracusans, and
executed, 131.

, proceedings against his nephews,

v. 79, 80.

Nicocles, a eunuch, assassinates Eva-
goras, vi. 307. note.

Nicodemus of Centoripa flees from
Timoleon, vii. 216.

Nicomachus, the transcription of So-
lon's laws committed to him, v. 69.
How interpolated and altered by, 69.
70.

Nicomedes, son of Cleombrotus, relieves
Doris, ii. 325. Winters in Breotia, 326.
Defeats the Athenians at Tanagra,
ib.

Nicophemus and Aristophanes, pro-
ceedings originating in the murder
of, v. 8084.

Nicostratus, operations of the Athenian
fleet, under his command, at Corcyra,
iii. 168173.

Nicoteles, a Corinthian, resides at Syra-
cuse, vii. 67. Is executed for exciting
the Corinthian sedition, 68.

Nile, operation of the waters of the, i. 5.

Nisa?a, port of, taken by the Athenians,
iii. 231, 232.

Nobility, hereditary, decline of, in
Greece, i. 229.

Nomophylaces, office of, at Athens, i.
346.

Nomothetes, office of the, i. 346.

Notium, when separated from Colo-
phon, iii. 148. Taken by Paches, and
made an appendage of Attica, 149.
Sea-fight of, iv. 265.

Numberless assembly of Arcadia, how
composed, vi. 189. and note.

Nypsius conveys a convoy through the
Syracusan fleet, and in a sally gains
two quarters of the city, vii. 175.

Nysa, description of, x. 131. The Ny.
saeans send an address to Alexander,
ib. Account of the Nysa?an constitu-
tion, 133. Notice of antiquities there,
134.

Oak, the evergreen, producing sweet
acorns, not found in Britain, in
Caesar's time, i. 9. note.

Oath, Amphictyonic, form of the, i. 184,
185.

, ceremonies attending the oath of

fidelity, between the Greeks and
Persians, v. 167. The salutary super-
stition which taught to respect the
observance of oaths, fast wearing
away in the time of Aristophanes,

Observer, of Cumberland, observations

on the aspersions on the character of

Socrates contained in this work, v.

129. note.

Ochlocracy, or mob-rule, i. 230.
Ochtts. See Artaxerxes Ochus.
Odrysians, their depredations, v. 284.

Funeral ceremonies of, ib.
CEneus, catastrophe of, i. 40.
CEnoe, siege of, iii. 79. The surrender

of, how affected by Aristarchus, iv.

221.

CEnophyta, battle of, ii. 328.
CEta, mount, i. 11. Ridge of, the

southern boundary of Thessaly, its

situation and advantages, ii. 113.
Ogyges, flood of, i. 38. 40. 203. Ogyges,

king of Attica, and his reign, 40, 41.

"What places were called Ogygian,

Olen, the Lycian, his hymns the oldest
in Greece, i. 63. The inventor of
the Grecian hexameter verse, ib.
One of the fathers of Grecian poetry,
ib.

Oligarchy, import of the term, i. 229.
Account of this form of government,
229, 250.

Olive branch, custom respecting, in the
temple of Ceres, v. b'8. And prose-
cution against Andocides for a breach
of this custom, 98 1(A>.

crown, reward of the, conferred
on Eurybiades and Themistocles, ii.
167.

tree, sacred, at Athens, i. 332.

, prosecution of an Athenian for

removing the decayed stump of one,

Olpas, battle of, iii. 189.

Olympia, account of the oracle at, i.
172. Treaties often proclaimed at,
194.

, battle of, vi. 268. Its sacred trea-
sury robbed by the Arcadians, 270.

Olympiad, remarks on the chronology
of the, i. 217 220.

, the 104th, distinguished by the

battle of Olympia, vi. 268.

446

GENERAL, INDEX.

Olympiad, account of the Macedonian,
ix.70,71. 132, 133.

Olympian games, account of, i. 191 195.
Benefits resulting from them, 195.
Date of the first catalogue of victors
at, 200. 216.

, a Lacedaemonian more an object
of curiosity at, than the conquerors,
vi. 207. The Eleans excluded from
the presidency of, by the Arcadians,
266, 267.

, Dionysius of Syracuse unsuccess-
ful at, vii. 143.

festival at Memphis, ix. ."08.

Olympias, married to Philip of Macedon,
vii. 52, 53. Gives birth to a son, who
is afterwards Alexander the Great,
57. Is repudiated, 380.

, creates disturbances in Macedonia,
x. 311.

Olympiodorus attacks and defeats the
Persians under Masistius, ii. 182183.

Olympus, mount, i. 10. 35.

Olympus, the father of Grecian music,
i. 64.

Olynthiac orations of Demosthenes,
account of, viii. 139141.

Olynthus, besieged and taken by Arta-
bazus, ii. 170

, rise and growing power of the re-
public of, vi. 88. The Olynthians
associate the neighbouring towns in
their civil and political rights, ib.
Several of the Macedonian towns join
the association, 88, 89. System of
government in Olynthus, 88. Inter-
marriages, and intermi xed possessions,
allowed their townships by the Olyn-
thians, 90. The Olynthians successful
in two engagements with the Pelo-
ponnesians, 101 104. Reduced to sub-
jection to Lacedsemon by Polybiades,
112. Remarks on the Olynthian
union, as sketched by Xenophon, ib.
Olynthus re-enforces the Lacedaemo-
nian army, 135.

, the Olynthians gain possession of
Pella, vii. 248. Subdued by the Lace-
daemonians and Macedonians, 249.
Restoration of the confederacy, 250.
Hostility of, to Athens, 252. Account
of the Olynthian confederacy, 296,
298. Its alliance with Amphipolis, 298.
Its opposition to Athens, ib. The
Olynthians compel Timotheus to re-
treat, 305. Take Charidemus into
their service, 310. Join Macedonia
against Amphipolis, 322. 326. Nego-
tiate with Athens, 326, 327. Besiege
Amphipolis, 328.

, political state of, viii. 135. Make
peace with Athens, ib. Their war
with Macedon, 142 145. Remon-
strate with Athens, 146. Defeated
by Philip, 148. Surrender to him,
150. Effects of the conquest of, 156,
157.

Omares, general of the Persians at the
battle of the Granicus. ix. 184. Is
slain, 192.

Omens, abundance of, in the time of
Alexander and following ages, x. 354,
355. (See Prognostics.)
Onesicritus, a Macedonian naval com-
mander, account of, x. 222. Second
in command to Nearchus, 223. His
narrative of the voyage, 225. His
dispute with Nearchus, 253. Notice
of, 264. He proceeds to Susa, 276.
Receives a golden crown, 291.

Onesilus, king of Salamis, revolts against

the Persians, ii. 53.

Onomarchus, appointed general of the
Phocians, viii. 48. Takes Thronium
and Amphissa, 49. Plunders Doris,
50. Gains Orchomenus, ib. Repulsed
at Chaeronea, ib. Sends succours to
Lycophron, 75, 76. and note. Enters
Thessaly, and defeats Philip, 78. De-
feats the Thebans,and gains Coronea,
ib. Is defeated and slain, 80. and
note.

Onomastus, notice of, ix. 21.

Opis, on the Tigris, mutiny of the Ma-
cedonian army at, x. 300310.

"O-^Xat,, meaning of the phrase ils ra., v.
168. n. fcri T, v. 181.

Ora, besieged and taken by Alexander
the Great, x. 124. Garrisoned by him,
125.

Oracles, origin and progress of, i. 168
170. Particulars of the oracle of Do-
dona, 171. Of Olympia, 172. Of
Delphi, 173-480. Of Ammon, ix.
315. (See Delphi, Dodona.)

Oranges, not known in Greece, for ages
after Homer, i. T27, 128. note.

Orators of Athens, weight of their his.
toric testimony, vii. 323, 324. Their
importance, viii. 226, 2^7.

Orchomenus, war between the Orcho-
menians and Clitorians, vi. 132. The
Orchomenians oppose the union of all
Arcadia, 188. Engage a bcdy of mer-
cenaries, ib. Join in a conspiracy
with the aristocratical party in Thebes,
251. Destruction of the Orchomenian
cavalry, 259. Orchomenus levelled,
and its inhabitants slain or sold to
slavery, ib. Date of this event, ac-
cording to Pausanias, and other au-
thors, 259, 260. notes.

, is repeopled, viii. 50. Joins the

Phocian alliance, ib.

, restoration of, ix. 161.

Orestes, son of Agamemnon, compelled
to flee from Argos, i. 75. Returns
thither, and ascends the throne, 162.

Orestes, king of Thessaly, compelled
to flee from his country, ii. 335.

Orestes, son of Archelaus, his death,
vii. 245.

Orites, the, oppose Alexander, x. 204.
Are subdued by him, 205. They re-
volt, 238. Defeated by Leonnatus, ib.

Orcetes, satrap of Sardis, notice of, ii. 37.

Orontas, governor of Sardis, rebellion of,
v. 132. His treachery, 151, 152. His
sentence, 153.

Orontas, the Persian general, accuses

GENERAL INDEX.

447

his superior in command, Tiribazus,
vi. 306. And succeeds him, ib. Makes
peace with Evagoras, tyrant of Sala-
mis, 307. Engages in the rebellion of
the western maritime provinces, 308.
Is elected general of the confederacy,
and betrays it, ib.

Orontobates, the Persian, gains posses-
sion of Caria, ix. 211. Favoured by
Memnon, 212. Withdraws from Ha-
licarnassus, 215. Is defeated, 258.

Oropus, port of, seized by the Athenian
exiles, vi. 246. Held by the Thebans
in trust, 247.

Orpheus, hymns of, noticed, i. 64. One
of the fathers of Grecian poetry, ib.

Orthography of Greek names, observ-
ations on, i. 12. note.

, English, of Greek names, i. 12.

note.

, French, of Asiatic names, x. 193.
note.

O'Ruark, king of Leitrim, anecdote of
i. 76.

Ossa, mount, i. 11. 35.

Ostracism, nature of, ii. 145.

Oxathres, [appointed satrap of Parata-

i cene, x. 12. His execution, 282.

Oxines, a Persian, charges against him,
x. 280. Tried and executed, ib.

Oxus, river, notice of, x. 53 55.

Oxyartes the Bactrian, account of, x.

84. His fort besieged by Alexander,

85. How taken, 86. His daughter
married to Alexander, 87. He sub-
mits to him, ib. His interview with
Alexander, 190. Made satrap of Pa-
ropamisus, ib.

Oxycanus, the Indian, opposes Alex-
ander, x. 192. Is taken prisoner, ib.

Oxydracs, the, submit to Alexander, x.
188.

Oxylus, an ^tolian chieftain, notice of,
i. 163.

Ozolian Locris. See Locris.

Paches, son of Epicurus, takes the com-
mand of the Athenian army in Lesbos,
iii. 139. Besieges Mitylene, 143. Pro-
ceeds to Ionia, 147. His treachery
and cruelty, 147149. Charge o"f
peculation against him, 157. His
death, ib.

Pactolus, river, notice of, ii. 2. Battle
of the, v. 317.

Pactyas, revolt of, from Cyrus, ii. 14.
His subsequent adventures, to his be-
trayal by the Chians, 1517.

Paeonians, the, make an irruption into
Macedonia, vii. 264. Are bribed by
Philip, 267. Become annexed to Ma-
cedon, 271. Are overthrown by
Philip, viii. 56.

Paestum, or Posidonia, site and found-
ation of, ii. '241. Magnificent ruins
of, i. 77. ; ii. 241. Modern opinions
respecting them controverted, 242.
247249. note. Its prosperity, 248.
Destroyed by the Saracens, ib.

Pagasaean Bay, battle near the, viii. 81.

Pages, M., his remarks on the ancient
war galleys, ii. 164, 165.

Pages, probable first institution of by
Philip, ix. 75, 76. Of Alexander,
their conspiracy against him, x. 103
107.

Pagondas, the Theban Boaotarch, his
conduct before, and at the battle of
Delium, iii. 242, 243.

Painters, celebrated, at Athens, in the
time of Pericles, iii. 6.

Palermo. See Panormus.

Pallene, a Laconian town, stormed by
Lycomedes of Mantinea, vi. 203. Dis-
tinguished from the Achaean city so
called, ib. note.

Pallene, peninsula of, viii. 145.

Palm-trees, the summits of, used as
food by Alexander's soldiers, x. 207.

Pammenes, the Theban general, com-
pels the residence of the country
gentlemen in Megalopolis, vi. 300.
Destroys their former seats, ib. Is
sent to Artabazus, viii. 45. His suc-
cesses, 46.

Pan, -worship of, when introduced into
Athens, ii. 76, 77.

Panathenasa, festival of, when esta-
blished, i. 59.

Panaanus, a celebrated painter, notice
of, iii. 6.

Pancration, when introduced into the
Olympic games, i. 194.

Panhellenes and Achaioi, all Greeks
included under these names by Ho-
mer, i. 182. note.

Panic in the camp of Clearchus, iv. 183.

Panionian synod, nature of the, i. 312.

Panoply, what comprehended under the
term, i. 352.

Panormus, or Palermo, a Phenician set-
tlement in Sicily, ii. 215. Imilcon
enters the port of, with the Cartha-
ginian armament, vii. 95.

Pantiles, being disgraced for having
been absent from the battle of Ther-
mopylae, strangles himself, ii. 130. '*

Paper. credit, lines on, from Pope's
Moral Essays, v. 322. note.

Paphlagonia, alliance of, with Lace-
da?mon, v. 331, 332. The Paphlago-
nians enter into a treaty with Alex-
ander, ix. 249.

Paraetacene, subdued by Alexander, x.
12. Revolt at, 85. "Description of,
87, 88. The rebellion there quelled,
89.

Parasang, computation of, v. 166, 167.

Paredri, or assessors to the archons,
how chosen, i. 351.

Parian Chronicle, account of, i. 202.

Paris, rape of Helen by, i. 69.

Parmenio, the Macedonian general,
defeats the Illyrians, viii. 56. Is sent
to Eubcea, 124. Arrives at Athens,
173. Is sent into Asia, 379.

, entrusted with the defence of

Macedonia, ix. 95. His conduct in
JEolia. alluded to, 163,164 His advice
to Alexander, 166. Takes Grynium,

448

GENERAL INDEX.

173. Keeps Memnon in check, 174.
Superintends the passage of the Hel-
lespont, ib. His advice to Alexander
at the river Granicus, 185. His
station in the battle there, 187. Gains
Dascylium, 194. Is sent to Magnesia,
200. His advice at Miletus, 203. The
trust reposed in him by Alexander,
220. Discovers a plot against Alex-
ander, 221. Authorised to arrest
Alexander, son of Aeropus, 1'23. Is
sent by Alexander to secure the pass
into Syria, 256. His situation at the
battle of Issus, 276. Takes Damascus,
290. His advice previously to the
battle of Arbela, 337. His conduct
there, 340342. His passage over the
Susiad rocks, 354.

Parmenio, is sent into Hyrcania, x. 15.
The treachery of his son Philotas dis.
covered, 26. Few accounts remaining
respecting himself, 28. His reproof
to Philotas, 29. Is left with the chief
command in Media, ib. His family
calamities, 30. Is tried and executed,
34. and note.

Parnassus, mount, i. 11.

Parnes, mount, i. 11.

Paropamisan Alexandria. See Alex-
andria.

Paros, siege of, by the Athenians, ii. 86.

Parrhasius, notice of, iii. 6.

Parthians, the, allusion to, ix. 332.

Party spirit, effects of, at Athens, i. 376.
and note; 8689. Observations on,
vii. 334, 335.

Pasimelus, a Corinthian chief, his at-
tempts to overthrow the democratical
party, vi. 25, 26. His plan for the in-
troduction of Praxitas into the city, 28.
Slain in combat with the Argives, 30.

Pasion and Xenias, Grecian generals,
desert from the army of Cyrus, v. 147.
Generous conduct of Cyrus on the
occasion, 148.

Pasinees, notice of the, x. 242.

Pasitigris, river, notice of, x. 275.

Passaron, the capital of Molossis, notice
of, ix. 18.

Paterculus, his eulogy upon Athens, v.
31. note.

Patriotism, Greek terms for, vi. 12-2, 123.

Pattala, its situation, x. 196. Made a
naval station by Alexander, 196, 197.
Alexander's return hither, ','02.

Pausanias, the historian, veracity of, i.
54. note. Notice of, 217.

Pausanias, a Spartan general, com-
mander of the Macedonian army, ii.

179. Attended by an Elean prophet,

180. His altercation with Amom-
pharetus, 19s!. His preparations for
the battle of Platasa, 190. 193, 194.
Anecdote of, 199. Marches against
Thebes, 202. Orders the execution
of Timegenides and some other The-
bans, 203. Appointed commander of
the Grecian fleet, 272. Takes By-
zantium, 273. Instance of his arro-
gance, ib. Particulars of his intrigues

with Persia, 274,275. Charges against
him, 276. His recall, ib. Treasonable
practices and death of, 289292. '

Pausanias, king of Sparta, marches
into Athens, under pretence of sup-
porting the Council of Thirty, but
really with another view, v. 61, 62.
Arrives in the Theban territory with
his army, 327. His pusillanimous
conduct, 328. Is capitally prosecuted,
and flees to Tegea, 328, 329. Passes
his remaining days in banishment,
329.

, his influence exerted with his son

Agesipolis, to protect the democratical
chiefs of the Mantineans, vi. 85.

Pausanias, king of Macedonia, assumes
the throne, vii. 245. His death, ib.

Pausanias, a favourite at the court of
Philip, king of Macedon, stabs Philip,
viii. 381. Account of his death, ib.
His motives for the assassination of
Philip, 381, 382.

Pausanias, son of the former, attempts
to ascend the throne of Macedon, vii.
257. Abandons his enterprise, 258.

Pay of an Athenian soldier, iii. 139. Of
a seaman, 140.

Peculation of the Athenians proverbial,
v. 17.

Peers, title of, among the Spartans, v.
302.

Pelasgians, colonies from the east, i.
24 26. Called Danaans, after the
reign of Danaus, 28. Their religion
not polytheistic, 87. The name of,
grows obsolete at an early period, 166.

Pelion and Ossa, mountains of, i. 11.

Pella, the principal city of Macedonia,
joins the Olynthian association, vi.
88. Becomes the capital of Mace-
donia, vii. 249.

Pellion, the capital of Illyria, ix. 103.
Battle of, 104, 105.

Pelopidas, character of, vi. 127. Is raised
to the office of Boaotarch, 128. In-
trigues to set Athens at variance with
Lacedaemon, ib. Directs, with Epa-
minondas, the Theban councils, after
the congress of Lacedannon, 160.
Shares with his colleague the glory of
the victory of Leuctra, 161166.
Leads an army into Thessaly, 212,

213. Concludes a treaty with Alex-
ander, king of Macedon, 213. Re-
turns to Thebes with Philip, the
future king of Macedon, 213. Re.
arriving in Thessaly, is imprisoned
by Alexander, tagus of Phera?, ib.
Is at length released, ib. Conflicting
accounts of historians as to his merits,

214. note. Sent on the part of Thebes
to the congress at Susa, 216. Slights
Antiochus, the Arcadian minister
there, 217. His complete success and
political abilities, 217, 218. Marches
to support the Thessalian cities, 260.
Is killed in a drawn battle with
Alexander of Phere, ib. His cha-
racter, ib.

GENERAL INDEX.

449

Pelopidas, his embassy to Macedon, vii.
60. Takes Philip, the youngest son
of Amyntas, to Thebes, 261.

Peloponnesian war, history of, from its
commencement to the death of Peri-
cles, iii. 71108. From this period,
in the third year, to the application
for peace from Lacedaemon, in the
seventh, 109 218. From this period
to the conclusion of peace between
Laceda?mon and Athens in the tenth
year, 219287. During the peace
between Lacedasmon and Athens, 288
349.

, recapitulatory synopsis of the, v.

Peloponnesus, boundaries of, i. 11.
Whence it derives its ancient name,
25. Political state of, in the times
described by Homer, 103105. Con-
quered by the Dorians under the
Heraclidae, 163, :164. Its unsettled
state in consequence of the early
dissensions among the Heraclidean
princes, 186, 187. Government estab-
lished there by them, 225.

, force contributed by the Pelopon-
nesian cities to the defence of Ther-
mopylae, ii. 115, 116. The Pelopon-
nesians confine themselves to the
defence of their own peninsula, 143,
144. Their conduct in the defence
of Greece, 178. Their jealousy of
the Athenians, 255 258. Operations
against them, under Tolmides, 330
332. Influence of the Athenians in
Peloponnesus, 336. Expedition of
Pericles to, ib. The Peloponnesians
invade Attica, under Plistoanax, 351.
Cause of their retreat, ib.

, the Peloponnesians deficient in

naval skill, iii. 27. Assembly of de-
puties from, at Lacedaemon, 41.
Second assembly, 58. The Pelopon-
nesians join the Lacedaemonian con-
federacy, 72. Invade and ravage
Attica, 7882. Second invasion, 91,
92. First effort of their fleet, 103.
Attempt to send an embassy into
Persia, 103, 104. Their inducements
to undertake the siege of Plataea, 109.
Account of their operations in the
siege, 110114. Send assistance to
the Ambraciots, 116. Their fleet de-
feated by Phormion, 124127. At-
tempt to surprise Piraeus, 127, 128.
Third invasion of Attica, 132. An
army sent into the western provinces,
184. Ozolian Locris acquired to the
confederacy, ib. Their fifth invasion
of Attica, 193. Besiege Pylus, 200
02.

, Peloponnesian confederacy at

Corinth, iv. 149. Its measures, 150.
Dissatisfaction of the Peloponnesian
armament with its general, 201. 205.
Send assistance to Pharnabazus, 202.
Transactions of the fleet under Me-
ridanes, 223. 228. 232, 233. Their
deet captured at Cyzicus, 235. Dis-
VOL. X. G

tresses of, 236. Liberality of Phar-
nabazus to, ib. Battle at Arginussae
with the Athenian fleet, 279281
And of JEgospotami, 309311. End
of the Peloponnesian war, 322, 323.
Peloponnesus, fatal consequences of so-
vereignty of the people in, after battle
of Leuctra, vi. 319323. Similarity
between its political state and that
of France at the revolution, 319. note.
Sketch of the troubles of, by Isocrates,

, forces levied in, by Dion and He-

raclides, vii. 165. Passage from, to
Sicily, how made, 166.

, its share in the Amphictyonic

rites, viii. 4. War in, 111, 112. Ani-
mosities in, 232, 233.

, the states in, which opposed and

joined the Lacedaemonian league,
x. 8.

Pelops, emigration of from Asia Minor,
i. 30, 31. Settles in Greece, and gives
his name to the peninsula, ib. 64.

Peltast, or middle-armed infantry of
the Greeks, account of, i. 353.

Peneus river, notice of, i. 35.

Penestians, their state of vassalage un-
der the Thessalians, vi. 172.

Pentathlon, the, when introduced into
the Olympic games, i. 194.

Penteconter, a small Grecian vessel, de-
scription of, ii. 130.

Pentecosters, rank of, in the Lacedae-
monian army, i. 267.

Peparethians, surprise the island of
Halonnesus, and carry off the Ma-
cedonian garrison, viii. 269.

Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of
Macedonia, takes the command of
the army, ii. 204. And defeats the
Persians" at the battle of Strymon,
ib.

, the foundation of the Macedonian

monarchy attributed to him, iii. 32.
His intrigues against the Athenians,
35, 36. Instance of his tergiversation,
40. Terms of his treaty with Sitalces,
king of Thrace, 132. His views with
respect to the principality of Lyncus,
249. Disappointed in the conduct of
Brasidas, ib. His operations in
Thrace, 264266.

, state of Macedonia in his reign,

vii. 235, 236. His death, 237.

Perdiccas, son of Amyntas, ascends the
throne of Macedon, vii. 258. Suc-
cessfully defends the Amphipolitans
against the Athenians, 261. Makes
war with Illyria, is defeated and slain,
262, 263.

Perdiccas, Alexander's general, assaults
Thebes, ix. 119. Is overpowered, 120.
Assisted by Amyntas, and again re-
pulsed and wounded, ib.

, is sent against Astes, x. 114. Com-
pletes a bridge over the Indus, 125.
Accompanies Alexander across the
Hydaspes, 140. Notice of, 181. His
appointment, 183. . His success against

450

GENERAL INDEX.

the Indians, 189. Marries a daughter
of Atropates, 286.

Perga, Alexander's route to, described,
ix 224.

Pericecians, a people of Laconia, revolt
from Laceda?mon, vi. 201. Their de-
fection compels the employment of
mercenary forces, 313.

Periander, tyrant of Corinth, notice of,
i 239.

Pericles, the patron of the colonisation
of Thurium, ii. 240. Account of his
descent, 316, 317. His character and
talents, 317. Concurs in the banish-
ment of Cimon, ib. And in the pro-
posal for depressing the power of the
Areopagus, 318. Commands an ex-
pedition to the western coast of
Greece, 336. Moves the decree for
the recall of Cimon, 338. Persuades
the people to pass a decree for con-
structing the 'long walls at Athens,
339. Restores the supremacy of the
temple at Delphi to the Phocians,
344, 345. His conduct in the lifetime
of Cimon, 345. Extraordinary powers
of his eloquence, 346. Defeats the
Megarians, 350. His policy on the
Peloponnesian invasion, 351. Singular
confidence of the Athenians in, ib.
Reduces the island of Euboea, 352.
His power and glory, 353.

, his influence in maturing Attic

genius, iii. 2. Indebted to Aspasia
for the cultivation of his mind, ib.
Great men with whom he associated,
ib. Divorces his wife, and becomes
attached to Aspasia, 5. His private
life, ib. Policy of his patronage of
the arts, ib. Stupendous works un-
dertaken by his direction, 5, 6. How
he confirmed his authority over the
Athenians, 6, 7. Strict economy of,
in his private affairs, 6, 7. Why
compelled to overlook the licentious-
ness of the people, ib. Testimonies
to his integrity, 8. His policy to keep
the people either amused or em-
ployed, 8, 9. His energy in settling
disputes between different states, ib.
Noble project attributed to him by
Plutarch, 10, 11. Takes the com-
mand of a fleet against Samos, and
defeats the Samians, 1315. Honours
received by him for his funeral ora-
tion at the solemnities in honour of
his countrymen, who were slain in the
war with Samos, 16. The Athenians
induced by his eloquence to form an
alliance with Corcyra, 25. His speech
concerning the embassies from Lace-
daemon, 58 63. Prepares the minds
of the Athenians for the invasion by
the Peloponnesians, 73, 74. And dis.
plays the resources of the common-
wealth, 74 76. His measures for the
protection of the city, 81. 83, 84, 85.
Ravages Megaris, 86. His funeral
panegyric over the remains of those
slain in the Peloponnesian war, a

masterpiece of oratory, 90. Takes the
command of the fleet, and ravages
the Peloponnesian coast, 97. Sum-
mons an assembly of the people, 99,
100. His speech to them, 100. Causes
which led to his disgrace, 100, 101.
His domestic misfortunes, 101. Prin.
ciples of philosophy by which he was
influenced, 101, 102. Retires from
public business, 102. Recalled and
appointed commander-in-chief, 102,
103. Falls a victim to an endemial
disorder, 105. Outline of his charac-
ter, 105, 106. Objections against his
political conduct, and the vindication-
of which it is susceptible, 107, 108.
Speculations on the probable effect of
the execution of his project for a
federal union of the Greek nation.
219, 220.

Pericles, notice of his plan for freeing
Attica from a superabundant popula-
tion, vii. 305.

Pericles, the Athenian general, ap-
pointed one of the ten generals, on
the deposition of Alcibiades and
Thrasybulus, iv. 268. Condemned to-
death and executed, 291.
Perinthians, conduct of Cotys, king of

Thrace to the, vii. 336.
Perinthus, siege of, viii. 282 284.
Periphetes, an Epidaurian chief, slain

by Theseus, i. 52.

Perrhaebians, the, revolt of, ix. 112.
Persagada?. See infra.
Persepolis, Pasargada?, or Persagada?,
Alexander's conduct at, ix. 356, 357.
and notes. His stay there, 358.

, he marches from it towards Media,

x. 12. He returns to it, 278. De-
scription of the sepulchre of Cyrus-
there, 278, 279.
Perseus, the founder of Mycenae, notice

of, i. 29.

Persia, origin of the first public trans-
action between Greece and Persia,
i. 378, 379.

, Lydia conquered by the Persians

under Cyrus, ii. 13. Accession and
reign of Cambyses, 20 25. Of Da-
rius, 25. Constitution of the Persian
empire, 26, 27. Religion, 2830.
Immediate causes of the war between
Greece and Persia, 39 41. Persian
expedition against Naxos, and its
results, 4244. Revolt of the Asian
Greeks against the Persian govern-
ment, 44 47. War between them
and Persia, 54 57. Subjugation of
the Asian Greeks to Persia, 59, 60.
Liberal administration of the con-
quered provinces under the Persian
dominion, 63, 64. First Persian ar-
mament against Greece, 64 66., i Se-
cond Persian armament, 73 78. The
Persians invade Attica, 7881. And
are defeated at the battle of Mara-
thon, 81 85. Accession of Xerxes
to the throne, 90. Immense prepar-
ations of the court of Persia for con-

GENERAL INDEX.

451

quest in Europe, 9294. Assembly
of the army at Sardis, 94. March and
muster of the army, 94 96. Account
of the fleet, 96, 97. Rapacity of the
Persians, on their march to Greece,
97. Compel the Grecian and Thra-
cian youth to join the army, 98.
Arrival of the army and fleet at
Therme, in Macedonia, 99. Opinion
of the Greeks respecting the power of,
101, 102. The army crosses the Hel-
lespont, and directs its march west-
ward, 110. The fleet falls in with,
and engages the Greeks at Artemi-
sium, 116. Its progress to Sepias, 118.
In great part destroyed by a storm
there, 119, 120. Progress of the army
to Thermopylae, 118. Numbers of
the Persian forces, 119. The most
numerous ever assembled, ib. Ac-
count of the losses by the shipwreck
of the fleet, 121, 122. Head quarters of
the army at Trachis, 122, 123. At-
tack of the Persian army upon
Leonidas, at Thermopylae, 129130.
The Persians a people of liberal sen-
timents and polished manners, 130.
Sea fight off Artemisium with the
Grecian fleet, 133137. March of
the Persian army towards Athens,

139. Their attempt against Delphi,

140. Take the city of Athens, 147-
Progress of the Persian fleet from
Artemisium, 149. Notice of the he-
roine Artemisia, who commanded five
galleys, 151). Sea-fight of the Persians
with the Greeks off Salamis, 155

157. Importance of Persian histories,

158. Eunuchs at the court of, 159.
The fleet withdraws to the Helles-
pont, and the army to Thessaly, ib.
Three hundred thousand men left
under Mardonius to complete the re-
duction of Greece, 160. Sufferings of
the army on their retreat, 161. The
Persians take Olynthus, 169, 170.
Raise the siege of Potidaea, and pro-
ceed to Thessaly, 171. The fleet
winters at Samos, ib. Encampment
of the army in the Theban ter.
ritory, 180. They attack the Mega-
rian camp, 182. A Greek prophet
attends the army in Boeotia, 187.
Campaign there, 188194. Battle of
Plataea, 195 200. Retreat of the
army towards Asia, 203, 204. A large
part cut off and made prisoners at the
battle of Strymon, 204. Which con-
summates the destruction of the Per-
sians, ib. Measures taken by the Per-
sian fleet at Samos, 296. Defeat of
the Persians at Mycala?, 209, 210.
Death of Xerxes, f and succession of his
third son Artaxerxes to the throne,
280, 281. The Persian cities in Europe
retaken by the Greeks, 281. Their fleet
and army defeated atEurymedon, 285,
286. Their power in Greece de-
stroyed, 28G, 287. Measures taken
for the recovery of Egypt, 332334.

G G

Persia sends an embassy to Lacedaemon.
iii. 225.

, death of Artaxerxes, and succes-
sion of Darius II., to the throne, iv.
145, 146. Implication of Grecian and
Persian interests, 14.5 147. Alliance
with Lacedaemon, 156. Consider-
ation of the treaty with, 168, 169.
New treaty with, 183, 184. State of
the empire. 258, 259.

, death of Darius II., v. 131. Suc-
ceeded by Artaxerxes Mnemon, ib.
Origin of the enmity between him
and his brother Cyrus, ib. State of
affairs which afforded Cyrus a pre-
text for collecting a military force
against his brother, 132 134. Pro-
vince committed to the immediate
government of Cyrus, 134. Course of
the march of Cyrus from Sardis to
Cunaxa, 139 156. Instance of Per-
sian respect for Grecian supersti-
tion, 155. Battle of Cunaxa, 157
162. Cyrus slain, 160. Treaty with
the Greeks on their retreat, 171.
Dissension of Greeks and Persians,
173. Increase of mutual ill-will, 175.
Seizure and massacre of the Grecian
generals by Tissaphernes, 177180.
The Persians harass the Greeks on
their retreat, 189, 190. 197, 198. War
with Lacedaemon, 274289. Treaty
concluded with Dercyllidas for the
emancipation of the Asian Greeks
from Persian dominion, 290. Re-
newal of the war with Lacedaemon,
307. Battle of the Pactolus, 315318.
Death of Tissaphernes, 319. Weak-
ness of the Persian government, 319
321. Tiraocrates sent into Greece
from the satrap of Lydia, 322. Plan
of Agesilaus for dismembering the
Persian empire, 330. His conference
with Pharnahazus, 335.

, Pharnabazus assisted by Conon,

vi. 13, 14. Pharnabazus and Conon
invade Laconia, 31 33. Their opera-
tions, 33, 34. Unsteadiness of the
Persian government, 50. War with
Lacedaemon, 5177. Peace of An-
talcidas, 7881. Influence of the
king of, at the peace of Antalcidas,
179181. Greece no longer fearful of
his power, 180. His rescript to Greece
after th.3 congress at Susa, 217. Com-
pared with the peace of Antalcidas, ih.
The Persians, as described by Antio-
chus, the Arcadian minister, 2 19. Per-
sia loses the dominion of Egypt, 303.
Despatches an army and a fleet for
the Cyprian war, 306. Feudal vas-
salage closely resembled by tenures
in Persia, 307. note. Cyprus preserved
to the Persian empire, 308. Revolt
of the western maritime provinces,
ib. Syria recovered, ib.

, state of, viii. 127, 128. Employs

Grecian mercenaries, 127. War
against, advocated by Isocrates, 200.
204, 205. Jealous of Macedonia, 301.

4.52

GENERAL INDEX.

Persia, summary view of the history
of, from the reign of Darius Nothus,
to the accession of Darius Codoman-
nus, ix. 134 162. Estimation in
which the Persians held the Greeks,
134. Their policy in engaging Greek
mercenaries, 135, 136. Instances of
their liberality to Greeks, ;136. Re-
bellion of Cyrus the younger, 137.
Grecian histories of Persia, 138. Trou-
bles of the Persian court, 139 142.
Naval preparations in the Persian
harbours, 144. The Persians retake
Cyprus, 151. and note. And recover
Egypt, 154. Darius Codomannus as-
cends the throne of Persia, 161. Alex-
ander's expedition against, first cam-
paign, 163 216. Amount of Persian
forces under Memnon, 181. Council
of war in the Persian camp, 182.
Battle with Alexander determined
on, 184. Disposition of their forces,
185. and note. Defeated at the river
Granicus, 187193. Their loss, 192.
Account of the Persian fleet, 201.
They arrive at Miletus, 202. Offer
battle to the Macedonian fleet, ib.
Retire to Samos, 205. Alexander's
winter campaign in Asia, and mea-
sures of the Persian armament under
Memnon against Greece, 217 252.
The Persians take Chios and Lesbos,
239, 240. Gain Tenedos, 242. Alex-
ander's second campaign in Asia, 253.
et seq. Amount of Grecian troops in
the Persian service, 260. Greek agents
at the Persian court, 265. The Per-
sian army reaches Issus, 267. Its
amount, 272275. Defeated at Issus,
277284. Amount of its loss, 285.
and notes. Its retreat, 286. and note.
The Persian fleet proceeds to Chios,
28". Alexander's third campaign in
Asia, 323358. Amount of the Per-
sian forces at Arbela, 334, 335. Their
disposition, 336 338. Account of Per-
sian scythed chariots, 336. Defeat of
their army at Arbela, 339345. and
notes. Amount of their loss, 342, 343.
Treatment of the Persian religion by
Alexander, 350. The Persians defend
the Susiad rocks, 353. Defeated [by
Alexander, 355. His conduct at the
Persian ancient capital, 356, 357. and
notes.

, Alexander's fourth campaign in

Asia, x. 1 36. Account of bribery
among the Persians, 7 10. Alex-
ander's fifth campaign in Asia, which
completed the conquest of the Persian
empire, 37 89. The northern pro-
vinces of the Persian empire de-
scribed, 3842. Different character
of the people of these provinces, 75,
76. Ancient and modern geography
of the Persian gulf, 266, 267. Ancient
and modern names of the places in it,
mentioned in the voyage of Nearchus,
266275. Ancient description of, 277.
and note. Persian officers taken into

favour by Alexander, 305, 306. The
Persian gulf explored by Alexander's
orders, 340343.

Pestilence. See Plague.

Peucestas, the Macedonian, his personal
bravery, x. 184, 185. His preferment,
215. Appointed satrap of Persis,;279.
Receives a golden crown, 290. Notice
of, 300. His arrival at Babylon, 353.
Passes a night in the temple of Se-
rapis, 369.

Phaea, a female robber, notice of, i. 52.

Phaeacia, form of government in the
island of, i. 103, 104.

Pheeax, architect of the famous sewers
at Agrigentum, vii. 25. Whence his
name became the Grecian term for a
sewer, ib.

Phalaecus, the Phocian, and Mnaseas
appointed generals, viii. 88. Checked
at Charonea, ib. Phalaecus invades
Boeotia, but is driven out, 113. Is
deposed, 160. Again predominates,
167. Robs the Delphian treasury,
178. Defeats the Thebans, 181. His
situation, 184. and note. Emigrates,
209. Serves in Crete, 211.

Phalantus, circumstances that led to
the foundation of Tarentum by, i. 284.

Phalanx, description of, i. 130.

Phalaris, tyrant of Agrigentum, notice
of, ii. 217.

Pharacidas, a Lacedaemonian, com.
mands a fleet, destined to relieve Dio-
nysius, vii. 102.

Pharasmanes, king of the Chorasmies,
his visit to Alexander, x. 73, 74.

Pharax defeats Dion, vii. 179.

Pharismanes, the Persian, visits Alex-
ander, x. 213. His appointment, 292.

Pharnabazus, his liberal conduct to the
Lacedaemonans,iv.236. Defeated by Al-
cibiades, 247. His agreement with the
Athenian generals at Chalcedon, 250.

, his sumptuous palace at Dascy-

lium, v. 332. Events of the war in
his satrapy, 332335. His conference
with Agesilaus, 333338.

subdues Tenedos, ix. 242. Notice

of, 287. Taken prisoner, and escapes,
313. and note. (See Conon.)

Pharnuches, the Lycian, sent against
Spitamenes, x. 63. Is defeated, 68.

Pharsalus, a city in Thessaly, its sub-
jection to Polydamas, vi. 170.

Phaselis, siege of, ii. 285. >

Phasians, account of the, v. 207.

Phayllus, general of Phocis, defeated
by Philip, viii. 77. Appointed auto-
crator-general, 86. Conquers Locris,
87. His death, 88.

&iyos, or fagus, not the beech-tree, i.
8, 9. note.

Phenicia, rise of commerce in, i. 6, 7.
Early commerce of, with Greece, 14,
15. 118. 129. With Sicily, 317.

, sketch of the history of the Phe-

nicians, ii. 212216.

, ravaged by Evagoras, tyrant of

Salamis, vi. 307, 308.

GENERAL INDEX.

453

Phenicia, state of the Phenician cities,
ix. 148. Revolt of, 149. Suppression
of the revolt, 150. Parties in, 295.

Phera?, nature of its government, vii.
255. Grecian congress removed thi-
ther, viii. 191. and note.

Pherecydes, of Athens, one of the early
Grecian prose writers, whose works
had any considerable reputation with
posterity, i. 118. 198.

Pherecydes, of Scyrus, one of the earliest
Grecian prose writers known to the
ancients, i. 118. 198.

Phidias, the Athenian, his capacity and
genius, iii. 2. Celebrity of his sculp,
ture, 6.

Phidon, tyrant of Argos, notice of, i.
221, 222. 235. ; ix. 21.

Phigalia, sedition in, after the battle of
Leuctra, vi. 320.

Philip, king of Macedon.son of Amyntas,
first mention of, in Grecian history, vi.
211.

visits Thebes for his education, vii.

261. Ascends the throne of Macedon,
263. How circumstanced, 264. His
qualifications, 265, 266. Defeats Ar-
gjeus and the Athenians, 268. Dis-
misses the prisoners unransomed, 269.
Makes peace with Athens, 270. An-
nexes Pa?onia to Macedon, 271. Sub-
dues the Illyrians, 272, 273. Conflict,
ing accounts of historians respect-
ing, 273275. note. Co-operates with
Athens to reduce Olynthus, 299, 300.
His success, 300. Indignant at the
conduct of the Athenians, 301. His
letter to the Athenians, 326. His
treatment of the town of Anthemus,
327. Besieges Amphipolis, 329. His
treatment of its inhabitants, ib. Takes
Pydna and Potidzea, 330. His cle-
mency, 331. Remarks on his life by
Leland, ib. note. His war with Cotys,
and its causes, 334. His acquisition
and management of the Thracian
mines, 336. Founds the town of Phi-
lippi, 337. Sources of his revenue, ib.
His expedition into Thessaly, 339.
His conduct there, 340.

. , marries Olympias, viii. 52. Over-
throws the Pasonians, 56. Wins the
palm in the Olympian race, 56. Ex-
clamation on his various successes, 57.
His forbearance towards Methone, 67.
Is wounded, 77. Takes Methone, ib.
Defeats Lycophron, ib. Is defeated
by Onomarchus, 78. His retreat, ib.
Defeats Onomarchus and Lycophron,
80. His moderation, 81. Is praised by
Justin, 84. and note. His popularity,
ib. Remarks on his supposed expe-
dition into Peloponnesus, 115, 116.
note. Sends Parmenio to Euboea, 124.
Successes of his fleet, 131. His popu-
larity, 132. His further successes,
135. Enters the Olynthian territory,
144. His successes in Sithonia, 148.
Twice defeats the Olynthians, ib.
Besieges and takes Olynthus, 149, 150.
G G

Revives the Olympian" festival, 151.
and note. Accused of bribery, 154.
and note. His justification, 154 156.
Dismisses Stratocles unransomed, 164.
His reception and treatment of the
Athenian embassy, 168 170. He
vanquishes Kersobleptes, 175. Audi-
ence given by him to the Athenian,
ambassadors, 180. Removes the con-
gress to Pherae, 190, 191. and note.
His settlement of the conflicting in.
terests.of the congress, 192. His letter
to the Athenians, 194. His second
letter, 196. Meets with a denial, ib.
Remarks on, and extracts from, the
oration of Isocrates to them, 200 206.
His offer to Laceda?mon, 207. Marches
to Thermopylae, 208. Is joined by the
Thebans, 2(J9. His spirit of concili-
ation, 209211. Puts an end to the
Sacred war, 211. and note. Invites a
congress, 214, 215. Obtains the Pho-
cian votes, 219. Writes to the Athe-
nians, 220. Result of the letter, 221.
The credit he acquired by it, 222.
Marches to the support of his friends
in Thessaly, 242. His popularity there,
243. The effect of bribery, 244. His
letter to the Athenians respecting the
island of Halonnesus, 245, 246. Ora-
tion attributed to Hegesippus, con-
cerning, 247 254. His operations in
Thrace and Scythia, 255258. Lays
siege to Peririthus, 280282. His
letter in answer to the embassy from
Athens, 283, 1 284. On important occa.
sions his own secretary, 286. His
second letter of remonstrance, 286
294. Speech of Demosthenes on the
same, 295 300. He abandons his
projects in Thrace, 301. Supposed
causes of his so doing, 301, 302. Makes
war against the Scythians, 317. The
office to which he was appointed, 318.
Second epistle of Isocrates to him,
318, 319. and note. Appointed general
of the Amphictyons, ib. Joins the
Amphictyonic meeting at Thermo-
pylae, 323. His requisition to the
Peloponnesians, 328. Reduces the
Amphissians, 329. His moderation
to the Boeotians, 332. Sends letters
to Athens and Thebes, 335, 336. Story
of his demanding ten orators, 336.
note. Garrisons Elatea, 337. Sends
Python to Thebes, 343. Makes fresh
propositions for peace, 348. But they
are rejected at Athens, 349. Appointed
autocrator-general of the Grecian
confederacy, 352. and note. Marches
towards Chaeronea, 355. Defeats the
Athenians, 355, 356. His generous
conduct to them, 359. He proceeds
to Thebes, 360. Sends Antipater am-
bassador to Athens, 362. Restores
Oropus to the Athenians, ib. Is ad-
dressed a third time by Isocrates,
368. His purposes repecting a war
with Persia, 377, 378. Assembles a
congress at Corinth, 378. His measures

454

GENERAL INDEX.

opposed by the Arcadians, 378, 379.
and note. Sends Attalus and Par-
Xnenio into Asia, 379. Repudiates
his queen Olympias, 380. And
marries Cleopatra, ib. Is assassin-
ated by Pausanias, 381. His care of
the civil rights of his subjects, 388,
389. Admissions of Demosthenes re-
specting his character, 390. Anec-
dote of, from Diodorus, ' 391, 392.
Anecdotes of, from Plutarch, 392
395. Account of his encouragement
of literature, from Aulus Gellius, 393.
Cicero's eulogium on his letters, 394.
and note. Further anecdotes of, 395
397. Anecdote of, related by Se-
neca, 398. Refutation of the charge
of bribery against him, 398401. His
character illustrated by Polybius, 400,
401. His eulogy on him, 402, 403.
Adduced as an example by Cicero,
401, 402. Summary of his character
by Diodorus, 403.

. , his policy in reviving the Mace-
donian Olympic festival, ix. 71. De-
scription of his court, 7375. Plans
which he adopted for the education of
the young Macedonian nobility, 75,
76. Arrian's account of the events
succeeding his death, 84, 85. and
note. Alexander's charge against the
Persian court of being implicated in
his assassination, 293 295.

Philip, an Acarnanian, physician to
Alexander the Great, cures Alex-
ander at Tarsus, ix. 255.

Philip, son of Machatas, commands the
garrison of Peucelaotis. x. 125. Is
appointed a satrap, ib. And sent
against the Assakenes, 151. His ap-
pointment, 177. Notice of, 179, 180.
Is made satrap of Mallia, 189. His
death, 212.

Philippi, foundation of, vii. 337.

Philippo, an Armenian, his extraordi-
nary skill in throwing a stick, i. 134.
note.

Philippus, poiemarch of Thebes, assas-
sinated by Phyllidas and Mellon, vi.
115, 116.

Philiscus, of Abydus, arrives as media-
tor for the king of Persia in Greece,
vi. 211. Procures a congress at Delphi,
212. Requires that Messenia should
be again subjected to Lacedaemon, ib.
Levies mercenaries for the Lacedze-
monian service, ib,

Philistus, of Syracuse, notice of, vii. 38.
The want of his history regretted, 41.
Supports the election of Dionysius
the younger, 159. Directs affairs
under his reign, 160. Is opposed by
Dion and Heraclides, 161. Goes with
Dionysius to Sicily, to provide against
the preparations of Dion and Hera-
clides, 166. Returns with Dionysius
to Syracuse, and passes back again to
Italy for assistance, 161. Makes an
assault on Leontini, is repelled, and

[ joins Dionysius in the citadel, ib.

Contradictory accounts respecting his
death, 171. Unanimity of those ac-
counts respecting the indignities
offered to his body, ib. Cicero's opi.
nion of his Sicilian history,ib.and note.

Philocrates, the Athenian, proposes the
admission of heralds from Macedonia,
viii. 158. Is accused in consequence,
but acquitted, 161. Moves a decree
for negotiating for a ransom of pri-
soners with Macedonia, 164. Moves
a decree for sending an embassy to
Macedonia, and accompanies the
same, 166, 167. Notice of, 234, 235.
Accusation of, by Demosthenes, 235.
Seeks safety in flight, ib.

Philomelus, general of the Phocians,
his address to them, viii. 26. Is ap-
pointed autocrator-general, 27. Pro-
ceeds to Laceda?mon, ib. And gains
the assistance of the government, 29.
He recovers Delphi, 30. Defeats the
Locrians, 31. Fortifies Delphi, 32.
Measures taken by him to defend
Phocis, 33. Attacks the Locrians, 34.
Use which he makes of the Delphic
oracle, 35. His manifesto to the Gre-
cian states, 36. Again defeats the
Locrians, 38. Gains two victories, 41.
And is slain, 42.

Philon, the Phocian, is put to death,
viii. 178. "

Philosophers, republican Greek, who
followed the court of Alexander the
Great, x. 9095.

Philosophy, Grecian, origin and pro-
gress of, v. 111116.

Philotas, son of Parmenio, his treach-
ery discovered, x. 27. Former gene-
rosity of Alexander to him, 27, 28.
His private and public .character, 29,
30. Remains in Parthia| 30. Arrested,
ib. His trial, and death, 30, 31. and
note. Anecdote of, 93.

Philoxenus, satrap of Susa, notice of,
ix. 348, 349. Brings recruits to Baby-
lon, x. 353.

Phlius, affairs of the republic of, vi. 36.
Phliasia ravaged by the Athenian
general Iphicrates, 38. Its exiles re-
stored through the influence of the
Lacedaemonians, 87. The Phliasians
deny justice to them, 106. Rebellion
in Phlius against Lacedaemon, 107.
The city besieged by Agesilaus, ib.
Surrenders, and is garrisoned by the
Lacedaemonians, 111. Fidelity of the
Phliasians to Lacedsemon, 2^8. At-
tempt of the exiles in the second
invasion of Peloponnesus, 228, 229.
The Phliasians, reduced to great
exigencies, are assisted by the Athe-
nian general, Chares, 231. Surprise
Thyamia, ib. Incitements to their
spirited conduct, 232, 233. They
evacuate Thyamia, 251. Their exiles
retain Tricranum, ib. Sedition in
Phlius after the battle of Leuctra, 321.

Phoceea, siege and capture of, by the
Persians, ii. 17. Towns settled by

GENERAL INDEX.

455

the Phocaeans after their expulsion
17, 18.
Phocian, or first Sacred war, notice of,

i. 356, 357.

Phocion, the Athenian, account of, viii.
89. Commands against Euboea, 125.
Gains the battle of Tamynae, 126.
Measures of his party at Athens, 194
199. 234. '257. 260,261. 274. His expedi-
tion to Euboea, and operations there,
278, 279. Supersedes Chares in the
Hellespont, ;301. Opposes a decree
proposed by Demosthenes, 343. Con-
duct of himself and party, 364. His
resolution, ix.130.

Phocis, i. 11, 12. Not an object of his-
tory, 40. Government of the Pho-
cians, 180, 181.

, war of, with Doris, ii. 324.
Contest of the Phocians with the
Delphians, for the command of the
temple at Delphi, 344. The supre-
macy restored to them, 344, 345.

. , plan for effecting a revolution in,

iii. 239.

, war of, with Locris, v. 324.

invaded by the Thebans, vi. 140,
141. Evacuated, ib. Asserts its in-
dependency of Thebes, '284.

, summary history of, viii. 5. Joins

the' Lacedaemonians, 6. Subsequent
.conduct. of the Phocians, 16. Prose-
cuted by the Amphictyonic council,
2325. Alarmed thereat, 26. Ap-
point Philomelus autocrator-general,
27. Assisted by the Lacedaemonians,
29. Recover Delphi, 30. Defeat the
Locrians, 31. Defended by Philo-
melus, 3.3. Enter the Theban terri-
tory, 34. Disposition of other Gre-
cian states towards them, 3842.
The treatment of Phocian prisoners
by the Thebans, 42. Their retalia-
tion, ib. Failure of their negotia-
tions with Thebes, 44. and note.
Use the treasury at Delphi, 44, 45.
Appoint Phayllus autocrator-general,
86. Joined by Lycophron, 87. And
by the Locrians, ib. Appoint Mnaseas
and Phalaecus generals, '88. Join the
Lacedaemonians, 112. Revolution in
Phocis, 160, 161. Proposal of the
Phocians to Athens, 161. Counter-
revolution in Phocis, 165. Inquire
respecting the Delphian treasury,
177, 178. Are defeated by the The-
bans, 181. Defeat them, 182. Af-
fairs of Phocis, 196, 197. and note.
Submission of the Phocians, 209, 210.
Judgment on, by the Amphictyonic
council, 217, 218. Their votes trans-
ferred, 219.

Phcebidas, the Lacedaemonian com-
mander, encamps under the walls of
Thebes, vi. 94. Obtains possession of
the Cadmea, or citadel, 96. His con-
duct favoured by Agesilaus, 97. Pro-
tects the allies of Laceda>mon in Thes-
piae, 154. His death, 135.
Phormion, the Athenian commander,
G G

blockades Potida?a, iii. 98. Sent to
blockade the Corinthian gulf, 104.
His brilliant naval victory over the
Corinthians, 120122. And the
Peloponnesians, 124127. His suc-
cess in Acarnania, 129.
Phoroneus, the foundation of Argos
attributed to him, i. 23. Nothing
known of Greece before his time, ib.
Phradaphernes, satrap of Parthia, sur-
renders to Alexander, x. 21. Joins
him at Zariaspa, 69. Employed by
him, 83. Fidelity of, 150. His able
conduct, 211, 212.

Phrynichus, Athenian commander, in-
chief, his opposition to the overtures
of Alcibiades, iv. 176, 177. His con-
duct examined, 177, 178. Joins the
oligarchal party at Athens, 192. Is
assassinated, 214. Proceedings against
those who prosecuted the assassins of,
v. 84, 85.

Phrynon, an Athenian, account of, viii.
157. Accompanies Ctesiphon to Ma-
cedonia, 158.

Phylarchus, office of the, i. 340.
Phyle, proper meaning of the term,i.340.
Phyllidas, secretary to the Thebian pole-
marchs, restores democracy in Thebes,
vi. 115120.

Phylobasileus, office of the, i. 341.
Physic, state of, among the ancient

Greeks, i. 144.

Phyton, commander in Rhegium dur-
ing the siege, is put to death by the
Syracusans, vii. 129, 130.
Picture-writing, notice of, i. 112. (See

Hieroglyphics.)

Pinarus, river, notice of, ix. 275.
Pinaster, remarks on the tree so called,

vi. 355.

Pindar, panegyric of, upon Corinth, i.
240. note. His eulogy upon Croesus,
ii. 8, 9. note.

Pindus, mountains of,i. 11.
Piracy, why held in high estimation in
ancient times, i. 16. Remarks on, x.
262, 263.

Piraeans, their right to the presidency
of the Olympian festival maintained
by the Arcadians, vi. 267.
Piraeus, port of, improved and fortified
by Themistocles, ii. 262264. At-
tempt of the Peloponnesians to sur-
prise it, iii. 128, 129.
Pirates of the JEgean, expedition
against, ii. 284. Or buccaneers,
licensed by the Athenian naval com-
manders for their own profit, ix. 94.
Pisander, the Lacedaemonian admiral
his proposition to the Athenians for a
change of government, iv. 179, jgO.
Inducements used by him to bring
over the general assembly to the
proposals of Alcibiades, 180. Nego-
tiates with him and Tissiphernes
182, 183. Success of Pisanrier and
his colleagues in establishing oligar-
chy, 186, 187. Proposes the new
form of government, 190.

456

GENERAL INDEX.

Pisander, appointed commander of the
Lacedaemonian fleet, v. 321.

, killed in battle, at Cnidus, with

Conon and Evagoras, vi. 14.

Pisidians, the description of, ix. 226.

Pisistratidaj, the nearest approach made
to the virtuous age of Greece under
their government, v. 110.

Pisistratus, descent and character of, i.
358. His political antagonists, ib.
By what circumstance he was raised
to the tyranny of Athens, 360, 361.
By what artifice he recovered his
power, after his first expulsion by his
opponents, 365, 366. Is expelled a
second time, and retires to Euboea,
367. His influence during his exile,
ib. Returns again to Athens, 368.
Observations on his foreign and do-
mestic policy, 369, 370. His death,
370.

Pissuthenes, the Persian satrap, his con-
duct towards Colophon, iii. 148.

ILrref, sense of, v. 154. note.

Pithagoras, the soothsayer, account of,
x. 359, 360.

Pithon, son of Socicles, his bravery, x.
78. Is taken prisoner by the Scy-
thians, ib.

Pittheus, son of Pelops, notice of, i. 46
48.

Places, many of the same name, i. 41.

Plague, at Athens, in the time of Peri-
cles, whence it was supposed to have
been communicated, iii. 91. General
symptoms and nature of the disorder,
9294. The mortality tremendous,
94, 95. Moral effects attributed to it,
95, 96. Continuation of, and number
of those who fell victims to it, 176.

Plane-tree, a prodigious one in the island
of Cos described, vi. 327. note.

Plataea, battle of, ii. 194. 198. Dedi-
cations and festivals in honour of,
252.

, circumstances which led to its de-
pendency upon Athens, iii. 64, 65.
Attempt of the Thebans against, 65
70. Motives which induced the Pelo-
ponnesians to undertake the siege of,
109. Negotiations that took place
prior to the commencement of hosti-
lities, 111, 112. Force of the garrison,
and process of the siege, 111 114.
Flight of part of the garrison, 141

143. Surrenders tolthe Lacedemoni-
ans, 157. Distress of the Platasans, 159.
Exasperation of the Thebans against
them, 160162. Fate of the town
and people, 163.

, the Plataeans expelled by the

Thebans, vi. 153. Find an asylum at
Athens, ib.

, restoration of, ix. 124.

Plato, theory of, on the origin of poly-
theism, i. 8486. The story highly
improbable of his being sold for a
slave by Dionysius of Syracuse, vii.

144. and note. Letters attributed to
him spurious, ib. At the invita-

tion of Dion, revisits Syracuse, 162.
His anecdote of Archelaus of Mace-
donia, 237. note. His attachment to
Philip of Macedon, 264.

Pleuron, one of the principal towns of
Greece at the siege of Troy, i. 40.

Plistoanax, king of Sparta, his conduct
in the invasion of Attica, ii. S5L Is
condemned to pay a heavy fine, ib.

Plutarch, the credit of certain pasages in
his lifeof Themistocles disputed, ii.264,
265. note. His presumptuous criticism
ofClearchus, v. 157. note. Hisinatten-
tion to Xenophon, ib. and 271. ; vi. 159.
note. Inconsistencies in his account
of the delivery of Thebes, vi. 120, 121.
note. His partial views of Pelopidas,
214. note ; 220. note. His merits as a
writer, vii. 4, 5. and note. His ge-
neral account of Dionysius of Syra-
cuse, 149. Incongruity of his accounts
of Dion and Heraclides, 176, 177.
notes. Careless of order in his nar-
rative, 180. note. Remark on a pas-
sage of, 181. note. His attempt to
soften the tyrannical character of
Dion, 183. Account of his treatise
on Alexander's fortune, ix. 250
252.

Plutarch, the writer of Vitae Oratorum,
character of, v. 89. note.

Plutarchus of Eretria, notice of, viii.
124,

Poetry, probable design of the invention
of, i. 1*23. Uses to which it was lap-
plied before the invention of letters,
ib. The general means of popular
instruction in the early ages of Greece,
249.

Point of honour, the rights of hospi-
tality so called in the East, i. 148. j,

Polemarch, office of the, i. 325.

Polemon, son of Andromenes, trial of,
x. 32. and note.

Political clubs at Athens, account of, iv,
181.

Politics,' ancient or foreign, care re-
quired in the consideration of, not to
be misled by names, i. 231. note.

Polity of Aristotle, remarks on, ix.
5-13.

Pollif, commands the Lacedaemonian
fleet against Athens, vi. 139. Is de-
feated by Chabrias, ib.

Polls of Athenian citizens, i. 336.

Polyaces, notice of, x. 208.

Polyanthes, a Corinthian commander,
defeated by Diphilus in the Corinthian
gulf, iv. 98, 99.

Polybiades, succeeds Agesipolis in the
Thracian command, vi, 111, 112. Sub-
dues the Olynthians, 112.

Polybius, his observation on the con-
stitution of Sparta, i. 261.

Polycrates, a private citizen of Samos,
acquires the supreme authority there,
ii. 33. The M-ichiavel of his time, 34.
His favourite maxim, ib. His con.
nection with Amasis, king of Egypt,
and remarkable cause of the rupture

GENERAJL INDEX.

457

between them, 34, 35. Deep stroke
of policy on the part of Polycrates
toward the Samians, 35, 36. His cha-
racter and cruel death, 36.

Polydamas, elevated to supreme power
in Pharsalus, vi. 170. His conference
with Jason of Pherae, 171173. Its
result, 174. Is assassinated, vii. 254.

Polydamidas, the Spartan commander,
his conduct to the Mendians, iii. 268.

Polydorus and Polyphron, brothers to
Jason of Pherae, succeed him in the
office of tagus, vi. 177.

Polytheism, origin of, according to
Plato and Aristotle, i. 8587. Its
progress among the Greeks, 8890.
Not justly charged upon the Persians,
ii. 29, 30.

Polyxenus, married to the sister of
Dionysius of Syracuse, vii. 49. Ob-
tains maritime assistance from the
Italian Greek cities and Greece, 102.

Poor, the, how supported at Athens, i.
339.

Pope's translation of Homer, will sel-
dom answer the end of those who de-
sire to know, with any precision, what
Homer has said, i. 96. note. His mis-
translations of. Homer corrected, i.
107. note; 154. note; 182. note. Ad-
ditions in his translation not war-
ranted by the original, ii. 99. note.
Comment on his distich relating to
" forms of government," v. 50. note.
His probable imitation of Demo-
sthenes, viii. 154. note. Imbibed much
of the French political philosophy, x.
169. note.

Population, where it first rose, after the
flood, i. 4. Of Attica, 44.

Port-Calpe, transactions of the Cyrean
army there, v. 231, 232. Re-union of
the Cyrean army at, 233, 234. Situa-
tion and advantages of, 234. Account
of the stay of the army there, 235
241.

Porticos, the first founder of, ii. 304.

Porus, his ambition, x. 136. Leads his
army to the Hydaspes, 139. Amount
of his forces, 140. Defeated by Alex-
ander, 144. Surrenders to him, 145.
His interview with Alexander, 145,
146. and note. Is reconciled to Tax-
iles, 150. Re-enforces Alexander, 155.
Is declared king of India by Alex-
ander, 176.

Porus, called by Arrian the " Bad,"
sends a deputation to Alexander,
x. 151. Situation of his states,
ib. He becomes hostile to Alex-
ander, ib. Meaning of his name, 153.
note. His kingdom is subdued by
Haephestion, ib.

Posidonia. See Passtum.

Potidaaa, siege of, by Artabazus, ii. 170,
171. Treachery of the commander of
the forces of, discovered, ib. And
the siege raised, ib. Another battle,
and siege of, iii. 40. Blockaded by
Phormion, 98. Besieged by Xeno-

phon, 105. And surrenders to him, ib.
Taken by Timotheus, vi. 282. Gar-
risoned by the Athenians, vii. 300. Its
importance to them, 325. Is taken
by Philip, 330.

Praxitas, the Lacedaemonian general,
his successes near Corinth, vi. 28.

Priam, king of Troy, extent of his terri.
tory, i. 67.

Priene, city of, its foundation, i. 311.

Priestcraft in Egypt, the inheritance of
particular families, i. 81.

Prisoners of war, in ancient times, ge-
nerally condemned to slavery, ii. 224,
Stupendous works executed by those
taken by the Agrigentines, 224, 225.

Private rights, how far respected under
different governments, ix. 208, 209.

Prizes, in poetry and music, contention
for, a favourite entertainment of the
early Greeks, i. 1S8.

Proboulema, or parliamentary bill, i. 347.

Prodicus, of Ceos, his celebrity as a
sophist, v. lid

Proedri, office of, i. 346.

Professions in Egypt, hereditary, i. 82. '

Progeny, numerous, why esteemed a
great blessing among the early Greeks,
i. 147.

Prognostics, respect for, among the an-
cients, x. 359361. (See Omens.)

Promanteia, honours of the, to whom
granted, ii. 344.

Propertv, insecurity of, at Athens, v.
11. '

Prophets, one in attendance upon the
Lacedaemonian army, ii. 180. And
upon the Persian army, 187. Policy
by which their predictions were re-
gulated, ib.

Prose-writers, the earliest in Greece, i.
118. 198, 199. Known as historians in
the times of .ZEschylus and Pindar,
215. note.

Prosecutions, Athenian, of the son of
Alcibiades, v. 7478. Of the nephews
of Nicias, 79. Of a citizen supposed
to have appropriated property forfeited
to the commonwealth, 8084. Of
those who prosecuted the assassins of
Phrynichus, 8486. Of a citizen, for
grubbing the stump of a sacred olive-
tree, 8583. Of Andocides, for im-
piety, 89108.

Prostration, remarks on the ceremony
of, x. 9698.

Protagoras, the philosopher, one of the
adventurers in the colonisation of
Thurium, ii. 239. Constitution framed
for, by him, 240.

Proteas, the Macedonian, defeats Da-
tames, ix. 242, 243.

Protector, the title of, assumed by Ly-
curgus, during the pregnancy of his
brother's widow, i. 246.

Protesilaus, the Grecian, account of, ix.
175.

Protomachus, appointed one of the ten
generals on the deposition of Alci-
biades and Thrasybulus, iv. 268.

458

GENERAL INDEX.

proxenus, the Theban, circumstances

which led him to the court of Cyrus,

v. 137, 138. Seized by Tissaphernes

and beheaded, 177179.
Proxenus, the Tegean, projects the

union of all Arcadia, vi. 185. His

death, 186.
Proxenus, the Athenian, appointed

general, viii. 161. Substance of his

despatches, 165. Retains his com-

mand, 196.
Prytanes, who they were, i. 344. Their

power, ib.
Prytaneum, or council-hall, etymology

of the word, i. 345.
Psammenitus, king of Egypt, subdued

by Cambyses, ii. 24.
'sammitichi

Psammitichus, king of Egypt, reign of,
ii. 21, 22.

T/Ae/, and TC^OTOU, distinction between,
x. 183. note.

Psilus, or light-armed infantry of the
Greeks, account of, i. 352.

Psyttalea, massacre of the Persians at,
ii. 156.

Ptolemy, regent of Macedon, deserts the
Athenian alliance, and engages in the
Theban, vii. 260. Put to death by
Perdiccas, according to Diodorus, 261.
note. Refutation of this opinion, 261,
262. note.

Ptolemy, son of Lagus, who had fled
from Philip's anger, recalled by Alex,
ander, ix. 83. Refutation of the
scandal against his mother, 83, 84.
note.

, appointed one of the lords of the
body-guard to Alexander the Great,
X. 36. Sent to Spitamenes, 55. Or-
dered by Alexander to pursue Bessus,
56, 57. His appointment against the
Sogdians, 76. Is wounded, 115. Kills
an Indian prince, 117. His command
in the army, 119. His share in the
taking of Aornos, 127, 128. His
operations against the Indians, ib.
He accompanies Alexander across
the Hydaspes, 140. His account of
the Macedonian fleet, 176. His ap-
pointment, 179. Anecdote of, 186. Is
married to a daughter of Artabazus,
86. Is chiefly employed by Alexan-
der, 333. Is present at the death of
Calanus, 358.

Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, slain at the
battle of Issus, ix. 286, 287.

Public buildings, nature of those re-
quired in every town in Greece, vi.
330.

funerals, institution of, by the

Athenians, ii. 254.

garden and library, the first,

founded by Pisistratus, i. 360.

Punishments, summary, ordered by
Alexander, x. 306, 307.

Puteoli. See Dica?archia.

Pydna, treatment of, by Archelaus, vii.
239. It revolts at the instigation of
Athens, 301. Is taken by Philip, 330.

Pylee. See Thermopylae

Pylagore, a representative sent from
every state to the Amphictyonic
council, i. 184.

Pylagoras, the title of one of the Am-
phictyonic representatives, viii. 11.

Pylus, or Navarino, harbour of, fortified
by Demosthenes, iii. 195, 196. Situ-
ation of, 198. Besieged by the Lace-
daemonians, ib. Nature of the attack
upon it, 199, 200. Sea-fight between
the Athenian and Peloponnesian fleets
in the harbour of, 201, 202. (See
Sphacteria.)

Pylus, a town of Elea, seized and held
by thedemocratical party, vi. 257,258.
Distinguished from the Triphylian
and Messenian towns so called, 257.
note. Is besieged and taken, 266.

Pythagoras, the philosopher, settles at
Crotona, in Italy, i. 320. His resid-
ence in Sicily, ii. 33. Beneficial
effects of his doctrines there, ib.
Directs his pupils to the study of na-
ture, 236. Mention of, by different
writers, 237. note.

Pythian games, notice of, i. 187.

Python of ^Enus, together with Hera-
elides, assassinates Cotys, vii. 345.
Takes refuge at Athens, 346. Has
honours decreed to him, ib.

Python, the Byzantine, eloquence of,
viii. 343. A worthy rival of Demo-
sthenes, ib. Sent to Thebes by Philip,
ib.

Python, son of Agenor, takes a town of
the Mallians, x. 181. Is sent to the
river Hydraotes, 183. Is made a sa-
trap, 190. Takes Musicanus a pri-
soner, 194. Passes a night in the
temple of Serapis, 368.

Pythoness, etymology of the word, i.
175. How chosen, her office, and
qualifications, 178180.

Quarter not given in ancient times, i.
151, 152.

Ragusa, allusion to, ix. 9.

Kaicewick, Mr., his work on the seat of
Philip of Macedon's winter campaign
in Thrace, noticed, viii. 285. note.

Rajah, Greek word synonymous with,
x. 112. note.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, commendation of,
ii. 40. note.

Rambacia, a Macedonian colony settled
there, x. 204. The Macedonian fleet
refit at, 237 239.

Ranks, distinction of, when first esta-
blished in Greece, i. 79. 229. Solon's
division of the people into four ranks,
342.

of citizens in England, harmony

between, iv. 292, 293. 298. note.

Rapes, prevalence of, among the ancient
Greeks, i. 68. Rape of Helen, by
Paris, 69. Paralleled by that of Der-
vorghal, 76.

Ravens, symbols of the Egyptian priests,
ix. 316, 317. and note. Curious anec-

GENERAL INDEX.

459

dote of the Cheshire raven, 317, 318.
note.
*Pj6/jj or fax,!*), meaning of, x. 235.

note ; 272. note.

Recreations, allowed by Lycurgus, at
Sparta, i. 259.

Reformation of the Athenian govern-
ment and jurisprudence by Solon, i.
333.

Registry of children at Athens, i. 341.
Of youths at eighteen and twenty,
ib.

Religion, origin of, i. 79, 80. Of the
early Greeks, 82 101. Measure
adopted by Solon, with respect to the
religion of Athens, 332. Of the Per-
sians, ii. 2830.

Religious persecution of the Athenians,
instance of, v. ] 14.

Rennell, Major, his observations re-
specting the tide in the Indus, x. 198,
199. note.

Reomithres, his treachery enables the
king of Persia to recover Syria, vi.
308.

Republic, no mention of one in Homer,
i. 106.

Republican government, question of its
fitness for small states, v. 88, 89.

Republican Greek philosophers attend-
ing the court of Alexander, x. 90
95.

Retaliation, law of, generally pleaded
to justify almost any atrocity, lii. 103,
104.

Retreat of the Cyrean army after the
battle of Cunaxa, and their return to

T Europe, v. 163 273. See Greece.

Revenge, prevalence of, in early times,
i. 146.

Revenue, public, of Athens, account
of, v. 1217. Notice of Xenophon's
Treatise on, 1822.

, Syracusan, vii. 137.

of Athens, origin of Xenophon's

treatise on the, vii. 292.

of Macedon, whence it arose, ix.
47.

Rhadamanthus, i. 18.

Rhegium, foundation of, by a Greek
colony, i'. "95. 317.

, the party of iDaphnaeus and De-
marchus concentrate at, vii. 60. Joins
Messena in a naval attack upon Dio-
nysius in Syracuse, 62. The refugees
from JEtna supposed to settle at, 70.
The Rhegians excited to a war with
Dionysius, 77- Are pardoned by him,
79. Refuse him permission to marry
the daughter of a Rhegian citizen, 84,
85. Rhegium becomes the head of
the party adverse to Syracuse, 112.
The Rhegians alarmed by the restora-
tion of Messena, 115. Assemble the
dispersed Catanians and Naxians at
Myla?, 116. Besiege Messena, 117.
Are completely routed by the Syra-
cusans, ib. Their territory plundered
by Dionysius, 118. Rhegium heads
the confederacy, of Italian Greeks,

123. Unites with Crotona, 125. The
Rhegians and Crotoniats defeated
near Caulonia by Dionysius, 126.
Surrender unconditionally, 128. The
Rhegians break the compact entered
into, and are besieged by Dionysius,
129. Their miseries during the siege,
ib. Surrender, and are sent pri-
soners to Syracuse, ib. Allowed to
redeem themselves at the price of a
mina each, ib. Rhegium subsequently
flourishes, 131.

Rhetorician, the first who reduced his
profession to an art, iv. 13.

, cause of the use of, under the

Athenian democracy, v. 73, 74.

Rhodes, island of, opulence and happy
government of, i. 313.

, revolt of, to the Peloponnesian

confederacy, iv. 169.

, affairs of, vi. 58. Ascendancy

of the democratical party there, 60.
Enters into alliance with Thebes, 281.
Extraordinary prosperity of, through
the establishment of a liberal aris-
tocracy, 327, 328.

revolts against Athens, vii. 315.

, sedition at, viii. 116. Calls in the

assistance of the Carians, 116. and
note. The cause of the Rhodians
advocated by Demosthenes, 117 121.
Assists Byzantium, 301.

Rollin, M., how perplexed by the dis-
cordance between Diodorus and Plu-
tarch, viL 77. note. Influenced by the
eloquence of Demosthenes, 212. note.
His entire confidence in Demosthenes,
324. and note ; 326. note.

Rome, remarks on the history of, i. 323.
Earliest known treaty between Car-
thage and Rome, ii. 232. State of, on
the accession of Alexander the Great
to the throne oi\Macedon, ix. 4,5.
Constitution of, compared with those
of Thessaly and Lacedzemon, 4959.
State of, under Augustus, considered,
x. 169, 170. and notes. Allusion to
Roman navigators, 281. Power of, at
the time of Alexander, 294. Respect
for divination there, 360, 361.

Rooke, Mr., his notes to his translation
of Arrian rarely of any value, x. 44.
note.

Rousseau, J. J., his remark on Ly-
curgus's scheme of government, i.
273. note

Roxana, daughter of Oxyartes, married
to Alexander the Great, x. 87.

Royal Daybook of Alexander the
Great, compilers of, ix. 79. Extracts
from, x. 37 J 379.

Russell, Lord, his fate contrasted with
that of Socrates, v. 127, 128.

Sacerdotal character, the, unknown in
the early ages of the world, i. 80.

Sacred \Var, i. 357. ; ii. 344. : viii. 1
211. 223,,224. 316329. '

Sacrifices, how anciently performed in
Greece, i. 93. The omission of, sup-

460

GENERAL INDEX.

posed to excite divine resentment,
P5. Instances of human sacrifices,
97.

Sacrifices, magnificent one at Delphi,
by Croesus, viii. 13 15.

, singular one of the Illyrians, ix.

103, 104.

Saddles, not used by the Greeks and
Romans, v. 196. note.

Sadocus, son of Sitalces, notice of, iii.
103.

Sainte Croix, Baron, his remark on
Plutarch's deficiencies as an historian,
vii. G. Notice of his " Critical Ex-
amination of the Historians of Alex,
ander," ix. 80, 81. note. His opinion
that " only an Englishman could
write a history of Greece," ib.

Salagassians, the, defeated by Alex-
ander, ix. 237. Their town taken,
ib.

Salamis, island, revolt of, from the
Athenians, i. 327. Is subsequently
recovered, 329. Second revolt, 330,
Sea-fight off,i between theJGreeks and
Persians, ii. 155158.

Salamis, in Cyprus, foundation of the
city of, i. 314. Supplies Athens with
corn, and its consequent alliance
with that government, vi. 11. Flight
of Conon to, after the battle of JEgos-
potami, ib. And his importance to
Evagoras, tyrant of Salamis, 12. De-
feat of the Lacedaemonian fleet by
the Salaminians, 13, 14. Its con-
nection with Athens, 69, 70.

Salentum, foundation of, i. 317.

Samarcand, ancient name of, x, 57.

Sambus, an Indian satrap, his revolt
noticed, x. 193, 194.

Samos, city of, its foundation, i. 311.

, reign of Polycrates, tyrant of.

ii. 3335. His deep stroke of policy
towards the Samians, 35. Its result,
ib. The town of Cydonia, in Crete,
founded by the Samians, 36. Samos
subdued by the Persians, ib. The Sa-
mians join the confederacy of the
Ionian cities against Persia, 56. With
whom they privately make peace, and
retire, 58.

, war of, with Miletus, iii. 1114.

its subjection to the Athenian power,

, revolt in, iv. 160. Prevalence

of the democratical party in, 197,

198. Measures adopted by them, 191,

192. y
, subdued by Timotheus, vii. 300.

Attacked by the allies in the Social

war, 357, 358.
Sangala, the people of, defeated by

Alexander the Great, x. 154, 155.

Slaughter of, when their town was

taken, 155, 156.
Sardanapalus, account of his monument,

and traditions respecting him, ix.

257.
Sardis, advantages of its situation, ii.

1,;2. Taken by the Scythians, 7.

Assembly of the Persian army at, 95,
94. Xerxes winters there, ib. Sur-
renders to Alexander, ix. 195.

Saronic gulf, success of the Athenians
in, iv. 151.

Satibarzanes assassinates Darius, x. 18.
Surrenders to Alexander, 25. Re-
stored to his satrapy, ib. His trea-
chery and defeat, 26. Returns into
Asia, 47. Is slain, ib.

Satire, metrical, extent of, at Athens,
v. 26.

Satraps, Persian, jurisdiction of, ii. 26.
Their crimes and" merits,, x. 279
232.

Scanderbeg, allusion to, ix. 104.

Scarlet, or crimson, a common uniform
of the Greeks, vi. 15.

Scepsis, the seat of government removed
from Troy to, i. 73. Successes of
Dercyllidas at, v. 281, 282.

Science, took its origin in Asia, i. 6.
Circumstances of individuals in the
Grecian commonwealth, favourable
to the cultivation of, v. Ill, 11.
(See Arts.)

Scillus, in Triphylia, Xenophon settles
at, vi. 348. His description of the ad-
vantages of its situation, 349.

Scione, why the people of, were disposed
to a Peloponnesian connection, iii.
261. Means used by Brasidas for
gaining the town of, 261, 262.
Honours paid to him by the in-
habitants, 262. Measures adopted by
him for the safety of the Scioneeans,
265. Surrender of Scione, and fate
of the inhabitants, 298.

Scripture history, confirmed by the
traditions of early Greece, i. 3, 4 111.
By Plato and Hesiod, 85.

Scylleticum, or Scyllacium, foundation
of, i. 317.

Scyrus, expedition against, ii. 282.

Scytalism, the sanguinary sedition at
Argos so called, vi. 316, 317.

Scythians, ancient, manner of life of,
ii. 5, 6. Asia Minor overrun by them
and by the Cimmerians, 7. Nature
of their warfare, 31. Invasion of
Europe and Scythia by Darius, ib.
Scythian bowmen, the attendants of
the Athenian magistrates, 340. Three
hundred bought for the use of the
republic, ib.

, Athenian settlements in Scythia,

viii. 94. 95. War of Macedonia with
Scythia, 256, 257.

, the Scythians negotiate with

Darius, x. 13, 14. Description of the
two people of that name, 59. They
negotiate with Alexander, 60. They
revolt against him, 61. Assemble on
the banks of the Tanais, 63. Their
taunts to Alexander, 64. Are dis-
persed by the Macedonians, 65, 66.
Send deputies to Alexander, 66, 67.
Their character, as given by Homer
and Arrian, 74. and note. Circum-
stances relative to Scythia, 81, 82.

GENERAL INDEX.

461

Sea-fight, date of the earliest, i. 241,
242.

, account'of one off Lade, ii.~57, 58.

In the neighbourhood of Artemisium,
116. Off Artemisium, 133137. Off
Salamis, 155157. Of the Euryme-
don, 286.

Off Actium, iii. 21. Off Sybota, 26.
Between the Peloponnesian and
Athenian fleets, 12012-2. 134 136.
200202.

. , in the Corinthian gulf, between

the Athenians and Corinthians, iv. 98,
99. In the harbour of Syracuse, 101
104. 113118. Of Cynos-sema, 230.
Near the Trojan shore, 231. Near
Cyzicus, 234, 235. Of Notium, 264,
265. Of Arginussa?, 279281.

near Cnidus, vi. 13, 14.

near Naxus,vii.214. AtCorcyra,215.

Seaman, Athenian, pay of one, iii. 139.

Seamen, superstition of, ii. 118.

Sea-ports, English, remark on, vii. 241.
note.

Secret service money, how employed by
Pericles, ii. 351.

Seleucus, one of Alexander's captains,
accompanies him across the Hydaspes,
x. 141. His share in the battle there,
143. Marries the daughter of Spita-
menes, 287. Anecdote of, 352. Passes
a night in the temple of Serapis, 368.

Selgians, the, conclude a treaty with
Alexander, ix. 236.

Selinus, foundation of, i. 319.

, war between, and Egesta, iii. 22.

, its ancient magnificence, vii. 11.
Is besieged by the Carthaginians,
under Hannibal, ib. Stormed, and
sixteen thousand of its inhabitants
massacred, 12. The prisoners and
refugees restored to possession, 14.
Retaken by Hermocrates, 17, 18.
Yielded to Carthage, 135. Is retaken
by Dionysius, 147.

Sellasia, town of, recovered by the
Lacedaemonians from the revolters,
vj. 255.

^[JMTIX, Xvy$., explanation of, L 112.

Semiramis, queen of Assyria, notice of,
x. 202.

Senate. See Council.

Sepias, storm and shipwreck of the
Persian fleet at, ii. 119, 120.

Serpent, the divine one, which guarded
the temple of Minerva at Athens, ii.
146.

Servants, occupations of, in the early
ages of Greece, i. 155.

Sestus, Alexander's visit to, ix. 174, 175.

Seuthes, son of Massades, a Thracian
prince, his descent, v. 256, 257. Effects
of his reign, 257. His measures on
arriving at manhood, 258. Distinction
between him and Seuthes, son of
Sparadocus, 257, 258. note. Seeks the
aid of the Cyrean army, 259. Inter-
view between him and Xenophon, 260.
Promises held out by him to the army
in general, and to Xenophon in par.

ticular, ib. Recovers his patrimony,
and becomes a powerful prince, 263,
264. Did not possess any great under-
standing, or just views of honour, ib.
Evades the payment of the Cvrean
army, ib. Manner in which he at
length fulfilled his contract with them,

Seuthes, son of Sparadocus, distinction
between him and Seuthes, son of MJB.
sades, v. 257, 258. note.

Sewers, unknown in Grecian towns, iii
94. Origin of the Cloaca Maximaa,
ib. note. Sewers seen among the ruins
of Carthage, ib. See Phaeax.

Shakspeare, vindication of, i. 134. note.

Shields, of the Grecians, how arranged
in battle, ix. 96.

Ships