FROM THE
EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE CLOSE OF THE GENERATION
CONTEMPORARY WITH ALEXANDER THE GREAT.
BY GEORGE GROTE, F.B.S.,
D.C.L. OXOX. AND LL.D. CAJIB.,
VICE-CHAKCEI/I-OR OF THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.
A NEW EDITION.
IN TWELVE VOLUMES.— VOL. XII.
WITH PORTRAIT AND PLANS.
LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1869.
The right of Translation in re/served.
PLAN.
PAGE
241.
African Territory of Carthage to face
SRLE
URL
.2.1 1
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
PART II— CONTINUATION OF HISTORICAL
GREECE.
CHAPTER XCIV.
MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDEB, AFTER HIS
\VlNTEB-QUABTEBS IN PEBSIS, DOWN TO HIS DEATH AT BABYLON.
Page
The first four Asiatic campaigns
of Alexander — their direct
bearing and importance in
reference to Grecian history 1
His last seven years , farther
eastward , had no similar
bearing upon Greece .... 2
Darius at Ekbatana — seeks es-
cape towards Baktria, when
he hears of Alexander ap-
proaching 3
Alexander enters Ekbatana—
establishes there his depdt
and base of operations . . . . ib.
Alexander sends home the Thes-
salian cavalry— necessity for
him now to pursue a more
desultory warfare 4
Alexander pursues Darius to
the Caspian Gates, but fails
in overtaking him 5
Conspiracy formed against Da-
rius by Bessus and others,
•who seize his person . . . . 6
Prodigious efforts of Alex-
ander to overtake and get
possession of Darius. He
surprises the Persian corps,
Page
but Bessus puts Darius to
death 7
Disappointment of Alexander
when he missed taking Da-
rius alive 8
Regal funeral bestowed upon
Darius. His fate and conduct 9
Repose of Alexander and bis
army at Hekatompylus in
Parthia. Commencing alter-
ation in his demeanour. He
becomes Asiatized and des-
potic 10
Gradual aggravation of these
new habits, from the present
moment t'6.
Alexander conquers the moun-
tains immediately south of
the Caspian. He requires the
Greek mercenaries to sur-
render at discretion . . . . fft.
Envoys from Sparta and other
Greek cities brought to him
— how treated 11
March of Alexander farther
eastward — his successes in
Aria and Drangiana . . . . 12
Proceedings against Philotas,
a 2
iv
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER X.CIV.— continued.
Page
son of Parmenio, in Drangi-
ana. Military greatness and
consideration of the family 13
Bevelation of an intended con-
spiracy made by Kebalinus
to Philotas for the purpose
of being communicated to
Alexander. Philotas does not
mention it to Alexander. It
is communicated to the latter
through another channel . . 14
Alexander is at first angry
with Philotas, but accepts
his explanation, and professes
to pass over the fact . . . . ib.
Ancient grudge against Philo-
tas—advantage taken of the
incident to ruin him . . ; 16
Kraterus and others are jealous
of Parmenio and Philotas.
Alexander is persuaded to
put them both to death . . ib.
Arrest of Philotas. Alexander
accuses him before the as-
sembled soldiers. He is con-
demned . . , . . 16
Philotas is put to the torture,
and forced to confess, botii
against himself and Parmenio i&
Parmenio is slain at Ekbatana,
by order and contrivance of
Alexander , . . 19
Mutiny of the soldiers when
they learn the assassination
of Parmenio — appeased by
the production of Alexander's
order .... 21
Fear and disgust produced by
the killing of Parmenio and
Philotas 22
Conquest of the Paropamisada-,
Ac Foundation of Alexan-
dria id Caucasum ib.
Alexander crosses the Hindoo-
Koogli, and conquers Baktria.
Hi'ssus is made prisoner . . 23
Massacre of the Branchidce and
ilieir families, perpetrated by
Alexander in Sogdrana . . 25
Page
Alexander at Marakanda and
on the Jaxartes 27
Foundation of Alexandria ad
Jaxartem. Limit of march
northward 27
Alexander at Zariaspa in Bak-
tria—he causes Bessus to be
mutilated and slain . . . . ib.
Farther subjugation of Baktria
and Sogdiana. Halt at Mara-
kanda , . . . 30
Banquet at Marakanda. Cha-
racter and position of Kleitns ib,
Boasts of Alexander and his
flatterers — repugnance of
Macedonian officers felt, but
not expressed 31
Scene at the banquet — vehe-
ment remonstrance of Kleitus 32
Furious wrath of Alexander —
he murders Kleitus . . . . ib.
Intense remorse of Alexander,
immediately after the deed 34
Active and successful opera-
tions of Alexander in Sog-
diana . . . « 36
Capture of two inexpugnable
positions— the Sogdian rock—
thero<^kof Chorieues. Passion
of Alexander for Roxana . . ib.
Alexander at Baktra— marriage
with Eoxana. His demand
for prostration or worship
from all 37
Public harangue of Anaxarchus
during a banquet, exhorting
every one to render this
worship ib.
Public reply of Kallisthenes,
opposing it. Character and
history of Kallisthenes . . 38
The reply of KallisthenSs is
favourably heard by the
guests — the proposition for
worship is dropped . . . . 40
Coldness anddisfavour of Alex-
ander toward* Kallisthen&s 41
Honourable frankness andcour-
age of Kallistheucs . . . . ib.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCIV.— continued.
Page
Kallisthencs becomes odious
to Alexander 43
Conspiracy of the royal pages
against Alexander's life — it
is divulged — they are put to
torture, but implicate no one
else; they are put to death t&.
Kallisthenes is arrested as an
accomplice— antipathy mani-
fested by Alexander against
him, and against Aristotle
also 44
Kallisthenes is tortured and
hanged 46
Alexander reduces the country
between the Hindoo-Koosh
and the Indus t&.
Conquest of tribes on the right
bank of the Indus — the Bock
of Aornos 47
Alexander crosses the Indus —
forces the passage of the Hy-
daspes , defeating Porus —
generous treatment of Porus 49
His farther conquests in the
Punjab. Sangala, the last
of them 51
He reaches the Hyphasis (Sut-
ledge), the farthest of the
rivers of the Punjab. His
army refuses to march farther 53
Alexander returns to tbe Hy-
54
He constructs a fleet, and sails
down tbe HydaspSs and the
Indus. Dangerous wound
of Alexander in attacking
the Malli 55
New cities and posts to be
established on the Indus —
Alexander reaches the ocean
— effects of the first sight of
tides 50
March of Alexander by land
westward through the desert
of Gedrosia — sufferings and
losses in the army 57
Alexander and the army come
back to Persia. Conduct of
?**•
Alexander at Persepolis. Pun-
ishment of the satrap Osines 59
He marches to Susa— junction
with the fleet under Near-
clms, after it had sailed round
from the mouth of the Indus 60
Alexander at Susa as Great
King. Subjects of uneasiness
to him — the satraps — the
Macedonian soldiers . . . . «&.
Past conduct of the satraps-
several of them are punish-
ed by Alexander — alarm
among them all — flight of
Harpalus 61
Discontents of the Macedonian
soldiers with the Asiatising
intermarriages promoted by
Alexander 63
Their discontent with the new-
Asiatic soldiers levied and
disciplined by Alexander . . 64
Interest of Alexander in the
fleet, which sails up the Tigris
to Opis «&.
Notice of partial discharge to
the Macedonian soldiers —
they mutiny— wrath of Alex-
ander— he disbands them all 65
Remorse and humiliation of
the soldiers — Alexander is
appeased— reconciliation . . ib
Partial disbanding — body of
veterans placed under com-
mand of Kraterus to return 66
New projects of conquests con-
templated by Alexander —
measures for enlarging his
fleet 67
Visit to Ekbatana— death of
Hepheestion— violent sorrow
of Alexander 66
Alexander exterminates the
Kossn?i 09
March of Alexander to Baby-
lon. Numerous embassies
which met him on the way 70
Alexander at Babylon — his
great preparations for tbe
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCIV.— continued.
Page
circumnavigation and con-
quest of Arabia 71
Alexander on shipboard, on
the Euphrates and in the
marshes adjoining. His plans
far improving the navigation
and flow of the river . . . . 72
Large reinforcements arrive,
Grecian and Asiatic. New
array ordered by Alexander,
for Macedonians and Persians
in the same files and com-
panies 73
•Splendid funeral obsequies of
Hephsstion 74
General feasting and intemper-
ance in the army. Alex-
ander is seized with a danger-
ous fever. Details of his
illness 76
~Ko hope of his life. Conster-
nation and grief in the army.
Last interview with his sol-
diers. His death 78
Effect produced on the imagi-
nation of contemporaries by
the career and death of Alex-
ander 79
Had Alexander lived, he must
have achieved things greater
still 81
Question raised by Livy, about
the chances of Alexander
if he had attacked the -Bo-
mans .. 82
Pago
Unrivalled excellence of Alex-
ander, as a military man . . 82
Alexander as a ruler, apart
from military affairs— not
deserving of esteem . . . . 83
Alexander would have continu-
ed the system of the Persian
empire , with no other im-
provement except that of a
strong organization . . . . 85
Absence of nationality in Alex-
ander—purpose of fusing the
different varieties of man-
kind into one common type
of subjection <6.
Mistake of supposing Alex-
ander to be the intentional
diffuser of Greek civil ization.
His ideas compared with those
of Aristotle 87
Number of new cities founded
in Asia by Alexander . . . . 89
It was not Alexander, but the
Diadocbi after him , who
chiefly hellenized Asia . . 90
How far Asia was ever really
hellenized — the great fact
was, that the Greek language
became universally diffused 92
Greco-Asiatic cities t&.
Increase of the means of com-
munication between various
parts of the world 04
Interest of Alexander in science
and literature ... .03
CHAPTER XCV.
GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING op ALEXANDER IN ASIA TO
THE CLOSE OP THE LAMIAN WAB.
•State of the Grecian world
when Alexander crossed the
Hellespont 97
•Grecian spirit might have been
called into action if the Per-
sians had played their game
well 08
Hopes raised in Greece, first
by the Persian fleet in the
JEgean , next by the two
great Persian armies on land
Public acts and policy at
Athens— decidedly pacific . .
Phokion and Demades were
03
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
Til
CHAPTER XCV.— continued.
Page
leading ministers at Athens
— they were of Macedonizing
politics 100
Demosthenes and Lykurgns,
though not in the ascendent
politically, are nevertheless
still public men of import-
ance. Financial activity of
L ykurgus 16.
Position of Demosthenes — his
prudent conduct 101
Anti -Macedonian movement
from Sparta — King Agis visits
the Persian admirals in the
JEgean. His attempts both
inKreteand in Peloponnesus 102
Agis levies an army in Pelo-
ponnesus , and makes open
declaration against Antipater 104
Agis, at first partially success-
ful, is completely defeated
by Antipater , and slain . . 105
Complete submission of all
Greece to Antipater— Spar-
tan envoys sent up to Alex-
ander in Asia 107
Untoward result of the defen-
sive efforts of Greece — want
of combination ib.
Position of parties at Athens
during the struggle of Agis —
reaction of the Macedonizing
party after his defeat . . . . 108
Judicial contest between
yEschinSs and Demosthenes.
Preliminary circumstances as
to the proposition of Ktesi-
phon , and the indictment
by JKschinCs ib.
Accusatory harangue of JEschi-
iit's , nominally against the
proposition of Ktesiphon,
really against the political
life of Demosthenes . . . . 110
Appreciation of JEschines, on
independent evidence, as an
accuser of DemosthenSs . . 112
Beply of Demosthenes— oration
Tie Corona ib.
Page
Funeral oration of extinct
Grecian freedom 113
Verdict of the Dikasts— triumph
of Demosthenes — exile of
yKschines 114
Causes of the exile of JEschi-
nes — he was the means of
procuring coronation for De-
mosthenes 115
Subsequent accusation against
Demosthen8s, in the affair
of Harpalus 116
Flight of Harpalus to Athens
— his previous conduct and
relations with Athens . . . . tft.
False reports conveyed to Alex-
ander, that the Athenians
had identified themselves
with Harpalus 117
Circumstances attending the
arrival of Harpalus at Su-
nium— debate in the Athen-
ian assembly — promises held
out by Harpalus— the Athen-
ians seem at first favourably
disposed towards him . . . . 118
Phokion and Demosthenes both
agree in dissuading the Athen-
ians from taking up Harpa-
lus 120
Demand by Antipater for the
surrender of Harpalus— the
Athenians refuse to comply,
but they arrest Harpalus and
sequestrate his treasure for
Alexander »6.
Demosthen&s moves the decree
for arrest of Harpalus, who
is arrested, but escapes . . 121
Conduct of Demosthenes in
regard to the treasure of Har-
palus—deficiency of the sum
counted and realized, as com-
pared with the sum an-
nounced by Harpalus . . . . ib,
Suspicions about this money—
Demosthenes moves that the
Areopagus shall investigate
the matter— the Areopagites
viii
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCV.— continued.
Page
bring in a report against De-
mosthenes himself, with De-
rnades and others , as guilty
of corrupt appropriation. De-
mosthenes is tried on this
charge, condemned, and goes
into exile 122
Was Demosthenes guilty of
such corrupt appropriation ?
Circumstances as known in
the case 124
DemosthenSs could not have
received money from Harpa-
lus , since he opposed him
from first to last 125
Had DemosthenSs the means
of embezzling, after the
money had passed out of the
control of Harpalus? Answer
in the negative 126
Accusatory speech of Deinarch-
us against Demosthenes —
virulent invective destitute
of facts 127
Change of mind respecting De-
mosthends , in the Athenian
public , in a few months . . 128
Probable reality of the ca^e,
respecting the money of Har-
palus , and the sentence of
the Areopagus ii;<
Rescript of Alexander to the
Grecian cities, directing that
the exiles should be recalled
in each 130
Purpose of the rescript — to
provide partisans for Alex-
ander in each of the cities.
Discontents in Greece . . . . 131
Effect produced in Greece by
the death of Alexander . . 132
The Athenians declare them-
selves champions of the liber-
ation of Greece, in spite of
Phokion's opposition . . . . 133
The JEtolians and many other
Greeks join the confederacy
for liberation — activity of
the Athenian Leosthenea as
Page
general. Athenian envoys
sent round to invite cooper-
ation from the various Greeks 134
Assistance lent to the Athen-
ian envoys by Demosthenes,
thoughin exile. He is recalled
to Athens, and receives an
enthusiastic welcome . . . . 135
Large Grecian confederacy
against Antipater— neverthe-
less without Sparta. Boaotia
strongly in the Macedonian
interest. Leosthenes with
the confederate army marches
into Thessaly t'6.
Battle in Thessaly— victory of
Leostheues over Antipater,
who is compelled to throw
himself into Lamia, and await
succours from Asia— Leosthe-
nes forms the blockade of
Lamia : he is slain 133
Misfortune of the death of
LeosthenSs. Autiphilus is
named in his place. Belaxcd
efforts of the Grecian army 137
Leonnatus, with a Macedonian
army from Asia , arrives in
Thessaly. His defeat and
death. Antipater escapes from
Lamia, and takes the com-
mand .. 133
War carried on by sea be-
tween the Macedonian and
Athenian fleets 139
Reluctance of the Greek con-
tingents to remain on long-
continued service. The army
in Thessaly is thinned by
many returning home . . . . »&.
Expected arrival of Kraterus
to reinforce Antipater. Be-
lations between the Macedon-
ian officers 140
State of the regal family, and
of the Macedonian generals
and soldiery, after the death
of Alexander t'6.
Philip Aridicus is proclaimed
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCV.— continued.
Page
king : the satrapies are dis-
tributed among the principal
officers 141
Ferdikkas the chief represent-
ative of central authority, as-
sisted by Eumen&s of Kurd in t&.
List of projects entertained by
Alexander at the time of his
death. The generals dismiss
them as too vast. Plans of
Leonnatus and Kleopatra . . 142
Kraterus joins Antipater in Ma-
cedonia with apowerful army.
Battle of Krannon in Thes-
saly. Antipater gains a vic-
tory over the Greeks, though
not a complete one .. . . 143
Antiphilus tries to open ne-
gotiations with Antipater,
who refuses to treat, except
with each city singly. Dis-
couragement among the
Greeks. Each city treats
separately. Antipater grants
favourable terms to all, ex-
cept Athenians and JEtolians il.
Antipater and his army in
Boeotia — Athens left alone
and unable to resist. Demo-
sthenes and the other anti-
Page
Macedonian orators take
flight. Embassy of Phokion,
Xenokratfis , and others to
Antipater 1*4
Severe terms imposed upon
Athens by Antipater . . . . 145
Djsfranchisement and deport-
ation of the 12,030 poorest
Athenian citizens 148
Hardship suffered by the de-
ported poor of Athens — Ma-
cedonian garrison placed in
Munychia 147
Demosthenes, Hyperides, and
others, are condemned to
death in their absence. An-
tipater sends officers to track
and seize the Grecian exiles.
He puts Hyperides to death 1-53
Demosthen&s in sanctuary at
Kalauria — Archias with Thra-
cian soldiers comes to seize
him — he takes poison, and
expires 149
Miserable condition of Greece
— life and character of De-
mosthenes 160
Dishonourable position of Pho-
kion at Athens , under the
Macedonian occupation . . 151
CHAPTER XCVI.
FBOM THE LAMIAN WAB TO THE CLOSE OP THE HISTOBY OF FBEE
HELLAS AND HELLENISM.
Antipater purges and remodels
the Peloponnesian cities. He
attacks the JEtolians , with
a view of deporting them
across to Asia. His presence
becomes necessary in Asia :
he concludes a pacification
•with the JEtolians 154
Intrigues with Perdikkas, and
with the princesses at Pella 155
Antigonus detects the in-
trigues, and reveals them to
Antipater and Kraterus . . 156
Unpropitious turns of fortune
for the Greeks, in reference
to the Lamian war
Antipater and Kraterus in Asia
— Perdikkas marches to attack
Ptolemy in Egypt, but is
killed in a mutiny of his
own troops. Union of An-
tipater, Ptolemy, Antigonus,
&c. New distribution of the
satrapies , made at Tripara-
deisus
War between Antigonus and
16.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII. '
CHAPTER XCVL— continued.
Eumenfisin Asia. Energy and
ability of Eumenes. He is wor-
sted and blocked up in Nora
Sickness and death of Anti-
pater. The Athenian orator
Demades is put to death in
Macedonia
Antipater sets aside his son
Kassander, and names Poly-
sperchon viceroy. Discontent
and opposition of Kassander
Kassander sets up for himself,
gets possession of Munychia,
and forms alliance with Pto-
lemy and Antigonus against
Polysperchon
Plans of Polysperchon— alli-
ance with Olympias inEurope,
and with Kumonos in Asia
—enfranchisement of the Gre-
cian cities
Ineffectual attempts of Eume-
nes to uphold the imperial
dynasty in Asia: his gallantry
and ability : he is betrayed
by his own soldiers, and slain
by Antigonus
Edict issued by Polysperchon
at Pella, in the name of the
imperial dynasty — subverting
the Antipatrian oligarchies
in the Grecian cities, restoring
political exiles, and granting
free constitutions to each . .
Letters and measures of Poly-
sperchon to enforce the edict.
State of Athens : exiles re-
turning : 'complicated polit-
ical parties: danger of Pho-
kion
Negotiations of the Athenians
with Nikanor, governor of
Munychia for Kassander
Nikanor seizes Peirseus by sur-
prise. Phokion, though fore-
warned, takes no precautions
against it
Mischief to the Athenians , as
well as to Polysperchon,
age Paga
from Nikanor's occupation
of Peirxus; culpable negli-
159 gence, and probable collusion,
of Phokion 1C3
Arrival of Alexander (son of
Polysperchon) : his treacher-
160 ous policy to the Athenians :
Kassander reaches Peirseus 169
Intrigues of Phokionwith Alex-
ander— he tries to secure for
161 himself the protection of
Alexander against the Athen-
ians 170
Return of the deported exiles
to Athens— public vote passed
t'5. in the Athenian assembly
against Phokion and his col-
leagues. Phokion leaves the
city, is protected by Alex-
ander, and goes to meet Po-
162 lysperchon in Phokis . . . . 171
Agnonides and others are sent
as deputies to Polysperchon,
to accuse Phokion and to
claim the benefit of the re-
gal edict 173
t'6. Agnonides and Phokion are
heard before Polysperchon —
Phokion and his colleagues
are delivered up as prisoners
to the Athenians i&.
Phokion is conveyed as prison-
er to Athens , and brought
164 for trial before the assembly.
Motion of his friends for ex-
clusion of non-qualified per-
sons 174
Intense exasperation of the
returned exiles against Pho-
166 kion— grounds for that feeling i&.
Phokion is condemned to death
— vindictive manifestation
167 against him in the assembly,
furious and unanimous . . 175
Death of Phokion and his four
colleagues 173
168 Alteration of the sentiment of
the Athenians towards Pho-
kion , not long afterwards.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCVL— continued.
Page
Honours shown to his mem-
ory "8
Explanation of this alteration.
Kassander gets possession
of Athens, and restores the
oligarchical or Phokionic
party ' ''•
Life and character of Phokion 179
War between Polysperchon and
Kassander, in Attica and Pe-
loponnesus. Polysperchon
is repulsed in the siege of
Megalopolis, and also de-
feated at sea 181
Increased strength of Kassan-
der in Greece — he gets pos-
session of Athens 1S2
Eestoration of the oligarchical
government at Athens,
though in a mitigated form,
under the Phalerean Deme-
trius 183
Administration of the Pha-
lerean Demetrius at Athens,
in a moderate spirit. Census
taken of the Athenian popu-
lation 184
Kassander in Peloponnesus —
many cities join him — the
Spartans surround their city
with walls
Feud in the Macedonian im-
perial family — Olympias puts
to death Philip Aridseus and
Eurydikfi— she reigns in Ma-
cedonia: her bloody revenge
against the partisans of An-
tipater 187
Kassander passes into Mace-
donia— defeats Olympias, and
becomes master of the coun-
try — Olympias is besieged
in Pydna, captured, and put
to death 188
Great power of Antigonus in
Asia. Confederacy of Kas-
sander, LysimachuSjPtolemy,
and Seleukus against him . . 189
Kassander founds Kassandreia,
and restores Thebes .. . . t&.
186
Page
Measures of Antigonus against
Kassander — he promises free-
dom to the Grecian cities —
Ptolemy promises the like.
Great power of Kassander in
Greece 190
Forces of Antigonus in Greece.
•Considerable success against
Kassander 193
Pacification between the bel-
ligerents. Grecian autonomy
guaranteed in name by all.
Kassander puts to death Box-
ana and her child 193
Polysperchon espouses the pre-
tensions of Herakles son of
Alexander, against Kassan-
der. He enters into compact
with Kassander, assassinates
the young prince, and is re-
cognized as ruler of Southern
Greece t'6.
Assassination of Kleopatra,
last surviving relative of
Alexander the Great, by An-
tigonus 194
Ptolemy of Egypt in Greece-
after some successes, he con-
cludes a truce with Kassan-
der. Passiveness of the Gre-
cian cities 195
Sudden arrival of Demetrius
Poliorketes in Peirseus. The
Athenians declare in his fa-
vour. Demetrius Phalereus
retires to Egypt. Capture of
Munychia and Megara . . . . ib.
Demetrius Poliorketes enters
Athens in triumph. He pro-
mises restoration of the de-
mocracy. Extravagant votes
of flattery passed by the
Athenians towards him. Two
new Athenian tribes created 196
Alteration of tone and senti-
ment in Athens , during the
last thirty years 198
Contrast of Athens as pro-
claimed free by Demetrius
xii
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCVI.— continued.
Page
Poliorket§s,with Athens after
the expulsion of Hippias . . 199
Opposition made by Democha-
r6s, nephew of Demosthenes,
to these obsequious public
flatteries 200
Demetrius Phalereus condemn-
ed in his absence. Honour-
able commemoration of the
deceased orator Lykurgus . . ib.
Eestrictive law passed against
the philosophers— they all
leave Athens. The law is
repealed next year, and the
philosophers return to Athens 201
Exploits of Demetrius Polior-
ketes. His long siege of
Rhodes. Gallant and success-
ful resistance of the citizens 202
His prolonged war, and ultim-
ate success in Greece against
Kassander . . 203
Eeturn of Demetrius Polior-
ket§s to Athens — his triumph-
ant reception — memorable
Ithyphallic hymn addressed
to him 205
Helpless condition of the Athen-
ians— proclaimed by them-
selves 206
Idolatry shown to Demetrius
at Athens. He is initiated
in the Eleusinian mysteries,
out of the regular season . . 207
March of Demetrius into Thes-
saly— he passes into Asia and
joins Autigonus - great battle
203
209
210
Pago
of Ipsus , in which the four
confederates completely de-
feat Antigonus, who is slain,
and his Asiatic power broken
up and partitioned . .
Restoration of the Kassandrian
dominion in Greece. Lacha-
res makes himself despot at
Athens, under Kassander.
Demetrius Poliorketfis re-
turns , and expels Lacbares.
He garrisons Peireeus and
Munychia
Death of Kassander. Bloody
feuds among his family. De-
metrius acquires the crown
of Macedonia . .
Antigonus Gonatas (son of De-
metrius) master of Macedonia
and Greece. Permanent foot-
ing of the Antigonid dynasty
in Macedonia, until the con-
quest of that country by the
Romans 211
Spirit of the Greeks broken-
isolation of the cities from
each other by Antigonus . . t&.
The Greece of Polybius cannot
form a subject of history by
itself, but is essentially de-
pendent on foreign neigh-
bours 213
Evidence of the political null-
ity of Athens— public decree
in honour of Demochares —
what acts are recorded as his
titles to public gratitude
t&.
CHAPTER XCVII.
SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS— AGATHOKLES.
Constitution established by Ti-
moleon at Syracuse— after-
wards exchanged for an olig-
archy 215
Italian Greeks— pressed upon
by enemies from the interior
— Archidamus king of Sparta
slain in Italy 216
Rise of the Molossian kingdom
ofEpirus, through Macedon-
ian aid — Alexander the Mo-
lossian king , brother of
Olympias 216
The Molossian Alexander cross-
es into Italy to assist the
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
xiii
CHAPTER XCVIL— continued.
Page
Tarentiues. His exploits and
death 217
Assistance sent by the Syra-
cusans to Kroton — first rise
of Agathokles 218
Agathokles distinguished him-
self in the Syracusan expe-
dition— he is disappointed of
honours — becomes discon-
tented and leaves Syracuse 219
He levies a mercenary force —
his exploits as general in
Italy and Sicily 220
Change of government at Sy-
racuse—Agathokles is re-
called— his exploits against
the exiles — his dangerous
character at home 221
Farther internal changes at Sy-
racuse—recall of the exiles
—Agathokles re-admitted—
swears amnesty and fidelity »6.
Agathoklfis, in collusion with
Hamilkar, arms his partisans
at Syracuse, and perpetrates
a sanguinary massacre ofthe
citizens 223
Agathokles is constituted sole
despot of Syracuse 224
His popular manners, military
energy, and conquests . . . . 226
Progress of Agathokles in con-
queringSicily. The Agrigent-
ines take alarm and organize
a defensive alliance against
him t'6
They invite the Spartan Akro-
tatus to command — his bad
conduct and failure . . . . 226
Sicily the only place in which
a glorious Hellenic career
was open 227
Peace concluded by Agathokles
with the Agrigentines — his
great power in Sicily .. .. ib.
He is repulsed from Agrigent-
um — the Carthaginians send
an armament to Sicily against
him 228
Page
Position of the Carthaginians
between Gela and Agrigent-
um— their army reinforced
from home 229
Operations of Agathokles
againstthem— his massacre of
citizens at Gela ib.
Battle of the Himera, between
Agathokles and the Cartha-
ginians 230
Total defeat of Agathokles by
the Carthaginians ib.
The Carthaginians recover a
large part of Sicily from Aga-
thoklSs. His depressed con-
dition at Syracuse 231
He conceives the plan of at-
tacking the Carthaginians in
Africa . . . „ 232
His energy and sagacity in or-
ganizing this expedition. His
renewed massacre and spo-
liation ift.
He gets out of the harbour, in
spite of the blockading fleet.
Eclipse of the sun. He reaches
Africa safely '. . . 233
He burns his vessels — impress-
ive ceremony for effecting
this, under vow to Demeter 234
Agathokles marches into the
Carthaginian territory-- cap-
tures Tungs-- richness and
cultivation of the country 235
Consternation at Carthage — the
city-force marches out against
him — Hanno and Bomilkar
named generals 237
Inferior numbers of Agathokles
— his artifices to encourage
the soldiers 238
Treachery of the Carthaginian
general Bomilkar — victory of
Agathokles 239
Conquests of Agathokles among
the Carthaginian dependen-
cies on the eastern coast . . ib.
Religious terror and distress of
xir
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCVII.— continued.
Page
the Carthaginians. Humau
sacrifice 240
Operations of Agathokles on
the eastern coast of Carthage
— capture of Neapolis, Adru-
metum, Thapsus, &c 241
Agathokles fortifies Aspis — un-
dertakes operations against
the interior country — defeats
the Carthaginians again . . 243
Proceedings of Hamilkar before
Syracuse — the city is near
surrendering — he is disap-
pointed, and marches away
from it 244
Renewed attack of Hamilkar
upon Syracuse— he tries to
surprise Euryalus, but is to-
tally defeated, made prisoner,
and slain 245
The Agrigentines stand for-
ward as champions of Sicilian
freedom against Agathokles
and the Carthaginians . . . . 246
Mutiny in the army of Aga-
thokles at Tunfis — his great
danger, and address in extri-
cating himself 247
Carthaginian army sent to act
in the interior — attacked by
Agathokles with some suc-
cess—his camp is pillaged by
the Numidians 249
Agathokles invites the aid of
Ophelias from Kyren6 . . . . ib.
Antecedent circumstances of
KyrSnfi. Division of coast be-
tween Kyrene and Carthage 250
Thimbrou with the Harpalian
mercenaries is invited over
to Kyrenfl by exiles. His
chequered career, on the
whole victorious in Libya . . 251
TlieKyrenaeans solicit aid from
the Egyptian Ptolemy, who
sends Ophelias thither. De-
feat and death of Thimbron.
Kyrenaica annexed to the
dominions of Ptolemy, under
Ophelias as viceroy . . . . 252
Pago
Position and hopes of Ophelias.
He accepts the invitation
of AgathoklSs. He collects
colonists from Athens and
other Grecian cities 253
March of Ophelias, with his
army, and his colonists, from
KyrenS to the Carthaginian
territory— sufferings endured
on the march 255
Perfidy of Agathokles— he kills
Ophelias — gets possession of
his army — ruin and dispersion
of the colonists 256
Terrible sedition at Carthage—
Bomilkar tries to seize the
supreme power— he is over-
thrown and slain 257
Farther successes of Agatho-
kles in Africa— he captures
Utica, Hippo — Zarytus and
Hippagreta 253
Agathokles goes to Sicily, leav-
ing Archa gathus to com-
mand in Africa. Successes
of Archagathus in the interior
country 259
Redoubled efforts of the Cartha-
ginians—they gain two great
victories over Archagathus 260
Danger of Archagathus — he is
blocked up by the Carthagin-
ians at Tunes 261
Agathokles in Sicily. His ca-
reer at first prosperous. De-
feat of the Agrigentines . . t&.
Activity of Agathokles in Si-
cily— Deinokrates in great
force against him 262
Agrigentine army under Xeno-
dokus — opposed to the mer-
cenaries of Agathoklfis— su-
periority of the latter . . . . 203
Dofoat of Xenodokus by Lep-
tines— Agathokles passes
over into Africa — bad state
of his army there — he is de-
feated by the Carthaginians «&.
Nocturnal panic and disorder
in both camps 264
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCV1L— continued.
Page
Desperate condition of Agatho-
k!6s— lie deserts his army and
escapes to Sicily 264
The deserted army kill the two
sons of Agathoklfis, and then
capitulate with the Cartha-
ginians 265
African expedition of Agatlio-
kles— boldness of the first
conception — imprudently
pushed and persisted in . . 266
Proceedings of Agathoklfis in
Sicily — his barbarities at
Egesta and Syracuse . . . . 267
Great mercenary force under
Doinokratos in Sicily — Aga-
thoklfis solicits peace from
him, and is refused— he con-
cludes peace with Carthage 2G3
Cattle of Torgium— victory
Page
of Agathokl6s over Deino-
krates 269
Accommodation and compact
between AgathoklSs and Dei-
nokratSs 269
Operations of Agathokles in
Liparae, Italy, and Korkyra
— Kleonymus of Sparta.. .. i&.
Last projects of AgathoklSa—
mutiny of his grandson Ar-
chagathus — sickness, poison-
ing, and death of Agathokles 271
Splendid genius of action and
resource — nefarious disposi-
tions—of Agathokles . . . . 272
Hellenic agency in Sicily con-
tinues during the life of Aga-
thokles, but becomes then
subordinate to preponderant
foreigners 273
CHAPTER XCVIII.
OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES.— 1. IN GAUL AND SPAIN. 2. On -ma
COAST or THE EUXINE.
Massalia— its situation and cir-
cumstances 275
Colonies planted by Massalia —
Antipolis, Nikaea, Bhoda,
EmporisB— peculiar circum-
stances of Emporuc 277
Oligarchical government of
Massalia — prudent political
administration 278
Hellenising influence of Mas-
salia in the West— Pytheas,
the navigator and geographer 279
Pontic Greeks— Pentapolis on
the south-west coast . . . . 280
Sin&pS — its envoys present
with Darius in his last days
— maintains its independence
for some time against the
Pontic princes— but becomes
subject to them ultimately . . 281
The Pontic Herakleia — oli-
garchical government — the
native Mariandyni reduced to
serfs 232
Political discord at Herakleia
—banishment of Klearchus—
partial democracy established 283
Continued political troubles
at Herakleia— assistance in-
voked from without t&.
Character and circumstances
of Klearchus — he makes him-
self despot of Herakleia— his
tyranny and cruelty . . . . 284
He continues despot for twelve
years— he is assassinated at
a festival 286
Satyrus becomes despot — his
aggravated cruelty — his mili-
tary vigour ,•&.
Despotism of Timotheus, just
and mild— his energy and
ability 287
Despotism of Dionysius— his
*Ti CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.
CHAPTER XCVIII.— continued.
Page Page
popular and vigorous govern- Olbia pillaged and abandoned
ment — his prudent dealing — afterwards renewed . . . . 2&9
with theMacedonians, during Visit of Dion the Rhetor—
the absence of Alexander in Hellenic tastes and manners
the East 287 —ardent interest in Homer 300
Beturu of Alexander to Susa Bosporus or Pantikapaeum . . 301
— he is solicited by the He- Princes of Bosporus— relations
. rakleotic exiles — danger of between Athens and Bospor-
Dionysiua , averted by the us 16.
death of Alexander . . . . 239 Nymphreum among the tribu-
Prosperity and prudence of tary cities under the Athen-
Dionysius — he marries Ama- ian empire — how it passed
stris— his favour with Anti- under the Bosporanic princes 303
gonns— his death 290 Alliance and reciprocal good
Amastris governs Herakleia— offices between the Bospor-
marries Lysimachus— is di- anic princes Satyrus, Leu-
vorced from him— Klearchus kon, &c. and the Athenians,
and Oxathres kill Amastris Immunities of trade granted
—are killed by Lysimachus ib. to the Athenians 803
Arsinofe mistress of Herakleia. Political condition of the
Defeat and death of Lysima- Greeks of Bosporus — the
chus. Power of Seleukus . . 291 princes called themselves ar-
Herakleia emancipated from chons— their empire over har-
the despots, and a popular baric tribes 304
government established— re- Family feuds among the Bos-
call of the exiles— bold bear- poranic princos — war be-
ing of the citizens towards tween Satyrus and Eumelus
Seleukus— death of Seleukus 292 —death of Satyrus II 305
Situation and management of Civil war between Prytania
Herakleia as a free govern- and Eumelus— victory of
ment— considerable naval Eumelus— he kills the wives,
power 293 children, and friends of his
Prudent administration of He- brother "••,!
rakleia, as a free city, among His reign and conquests — his
the p.owerful princes of Asia speedy death 16.
Minor — general condition and Decline of the Bosporanic dyn-
influence of the Greek cities asty , until it passed into
on the coast ib. the hands of Mithridates Eu-
Grecian Pentapolis on the pator n3
south-west of the Euxine — Monuments left by the Spar-
Ovid at Tomi 294 tokid princes of Bosporus—
Olbia — in the days of Herodo- sepulchral tumulinearKertch
tus and Epliorus — increased (Pantikapjcum) ib.
numbers, and multiplied in- Appendix on Issus and its
roada of the barbaric hordes 296 neighbourhood as connected
Olbia in later days— decline with the Battle ;;12
of security and production 298 INDEX '. .. 317
LIST OF MAPS AND PLANS.
VOL. IV.
PAGE
Plan of Thcrmopylffl to face 417
Battle of Salamis ,, 47J
VOL. V.
Battle of Platsea to face 17
Plan of the Battle between the Athenian Fleet
(under Phormio) and the Peloponnesian Fleet , , 463
VOL. VI.
Plan to illustrate the Battle of Amphipolis .... to face 247
Plan I. — Syracuse before the arrival of Gylippus-j
„ II. — Syracuse after the additional defences ( at the end.
provided by Gylippus )
VOL. VIII.
Plan illustrating the Marches of the Greeks before
and after the Battle of Kunaxa to face 352
VOL. X.
Battle of Mantineia to face 164
Plan III. — Syracuse at the end of the reign of
Dionysius the Elder ,, 316
VOL. XI.
Plan to illustrate the Battle of Issus to face 448
VOL. XII.
African Territory of Carthage to face 241
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PART IL
CONTINUATION OF HISTORICAL GREECE.
CHAPTER XCIV.
MILITARY OPERATIONS AND CONQUESTS OF ALEX-
ANDER, AFTER HIS WINTER-QUARTERS INPERSIS,
DOWN TO HIS DEATH AT BABYLON.
FROM this time forward to the close of Alexander's
life — a period of about seven years — his time B c 330
was spent in conquering the eastern half of (Spring).
the Persian empire, together with various independent
tribes lying beyond its extreme boundary. But neither
Greece, nor Asia Minor, nor any of his previous western
acquisitions, was he ever destined to see again.
Now, in regard to the history of Greece — the subject
of these volumes — the first portion of Alexan-
..... . /r i • • j.u Tne first
der s Asiatic campaigns (trom his crossing the four
Hellespont to the conquest of Persis, a period Asiatic
of four years, March 334 B.C. to March 330 B.C.), o/Aiejf-118
though not of direct bearing, is yet of material an4er,T
• TT • • i • /• j. TAJ then-direct
importance. Having in his nrst year completed bearing
the subjugation of the Hellenic world, he had and import-
by these subsequent campaigns absorbed it as a reference
small fraction into the vast Persian empire, re- *° Grecian
novated under his imperial sceptre. He had
accomplished a result substantially the same as would have
vot.. xii. B
2 HISTORY OF GKEECE. PAET II.
been brought about if the invasion of Greece by Xerxes,
destined, a century and a half before, to incorporate Greece
with the Persian monarchy, had succeeded instead of fail-
ing.1 Towards the kings of Macedonia alone, the sub-
jugation of Greece would never have become complete, so
long as she could receive help from the native Persian
kings — who were perfectly adequate as a countervailing
and tutelary force, had they known how to play their game.
But all hope for Greece from without was extinguished,
when Babylon, Susa, and Persepolis became subject to the
same ruler asPella and Amphipolis — and that ruler too, the
ablest general, and most insatiate aggressor, of his age ; to
whose name was attached the prestige of success almost
superhuman. Still, against even this overwhelming power,
some of the bravest of the Greeks at home tried to achieve
their liberation with the sword: we shall see presently
how sadly the attempt miscarried.
But though the first four years of Alexander's Asiatic
His last expedition, in which he conquered the Western
seven half of the Persian empire, had thus an important
father effect on the condition and destinies of the Gre-
eastward, cian cities — his last seven years , on which we
sTmiiar are now about to enter, employed chiefly in con-
bearing quering the Eastern half, scarcely touched these
upon Greece. c^es jn any way. The stupendous marches to
the rivers Jaxartes, Indus, andHyphasis, which carried his
victorious armies over so wide a space of Central Asia, not
only added nothing to his power over the Greeks, but even
withdrew him from all dealings with them, and placed him
almost beyond their cognizance. To the historian of Greece,
therefore, these latter campaigns can hardly be regarded
as included within the range of his subject. They deserve
to be told as examples of military skill and energy, and
as illustrating the character of the most illustrious gener-
al of antiquity — one who, though not a Greek, had become
the master of all Greeks, But I shall not think it necessary
to recount them in any detail, like the battles of Issus and
Arbela.
1 Compare the language address- Herodotus puts into the mouth of
ed by Alexander to his weary sol- Xerxes, when announcing his in-
diers, on the banks oftheHypha- tended expedition against Greece
sis (Arrian, v. 26), with that which (Herodot. vii. 8).
CHAP. XOIV. ALEXANDER MARCHES TO EKBATANA. 3
About six or seven months had elapsed from the battle
of Arbela to the time when Alexander prepared
., , . T> • B-°- 380.
to quit his most recent conquest — Persis proper. (May-
Curing all this time, Darius had remained at June).
Ekbatana, ' the chief city of Media, clinging to Darius at
the hope, that Alexander, when possessed of the ge1ekstan*~
three southern capitals and the best part of the escape
Persian empire, might have reached the point B^tria*
of satiation, and might leave him unmolested when he
in the more barren East. As soon as he learnt Alexander
that Alexander was in movement towards him, approach-
he sent forward his harem and his baggage to ing*
Hyrkania, on the south-eastern border of the Caspian sea.
Himself, with the small force around him, followed in the
same direction, carrying off the treasure in the city (TOOOta-
lents —a 1,610,000?. in amount), and passed through the
Caspian Gates into the territory of Parthyene. His only
chance was to escape to Bactria at the eastern extremity
of the empire, ruining the country in his way for the pur-
pose of retarding pursuers. But this chance diminished
every day, from desertion among his few followers, and
angry disgust among many who remained.2
Eight days after Darius had quitted Ekbatana, Alex-
ander entered it. How many days had been Alexander
occupied in his march from Persepolis, we cannot ^eTSa Ek~
• -j. if i -j. i j i i« it batana—
say: in itseli a long march, it had been farther establishes
prolonged, partly by necessity of subduing the ^e"t ^fa
intervening mountaineers called Parsetakeni,3 base of
partly by rumours exaggerating the Persian °Peration-
force at Ekbatana, and inducing him to advance with pre-
caution and regular array. Possessed of Ekbatana — the
1 I see no reason for doubting thing can be more rugged and diffi-
that the Ekbatana here meant is cult than the paths which have
the modern Hamadan. See a valu- been cut over the mountains by
able Appendix added by Dr. Thirl- which it is bounded and intersect-
wall to the sixth volume of his ed" (oh. xxiv. vol. ii. p. 525).
History of Greece, in which this In this respect, indeed, as in
question is argued against Mr. others, the modern state of Persia
Williams. .must be inferior to the ancient;
Sir John Malcolm observes — witness the description given by
"There can hardly be said to be Herodotus of the road between
any roads in Persia; nor are they Sardis and Susa.
much required, for the use of * Arrian, iii. 19, 2— 9; iii. 20, 3.
wheel carriages has not yet been » Arrian, iii. 19, 6.
introduced into that kingdom. No-
li 2
4 HISTOKY OF GKEECE. PAKT II.
last capital stronghold of the Persian kings, and their or-
dinary residence during the summer months — he halted to
rest his troops, and establish a new base of operations
for his future proceedings eastward. He made Ekbatana
his principal depot; depositing in the citadel, under the
care of Harpalus as treasurer, with a garrison of 6000 or
7000 Macedonians, the accumulated treasures of his past
conquests out of Susa andPersepolis; amounting, we are
told, to the enormous sum of 180,000 talents= 41,400,000/.
sterling. l Parmenio was invested with the chief command
of this important post, and of the military force left in
Media ; of which territory Oxodates, a Persian who had
been imprisoned at Susa by Darius, was named satrap2.
At Ekbatana Alexander was joined by a fresh force
B.C. 330. of 6000 Grecian mercenaries,3 who had marched
(June- from Kilikia into the interior, probably crossing
* y-) the Euphrates and Tigris at the same points as
send^home Alexander himself had crossed. Hence he was
the Thessa- enabled the better to dismiss his Thessalian
vaLry— " cavalry, with other Greeks who had been ser-
necessity ving during his four years of Asiatic war, and
now to* wno now wished to go home.4 He distributed
pursue among them the sum of 2000 talents in addition
suitory *' to their full pay, and gave them the price of
warfare. their horses, which they sold before departure.
The operations which he was now about to commence
against the eastern territories of Persia were not against
regular armies, but against flying corps and distinct native
tribes, relying for defence chiefly on the difficulties which
mountains, deserts, privation, or mere distance, would
throw in the way of an assailant. For these purposes he
required an increased number of light troops, and was ob-
liged to impose even upon his heavy-armed cavalry the
most rapid and fatiguing marches, such as none but his
Macedonian Companions would have been contented to
execute ; moreover he was called upon to act less with
' Arrian, iii. 19, 14; Diodor. xvii. as 50,000 talents (v. 8, 11). The
80. Diodorua had hefore stated treasure of both places was trans-
(xvii. 66, 71) the treasure in Susa ported to Ekbatana.
as being 49,000 talents, and that 2 Arrian, iii. 20, 4.
in Persepolis as 120,000. Arrian 3 Curtius, v. 23, 12.
announces the treasure in Susa as 4 Arrian, iii. 19, 10: compare v.
50,000 talents — Curtius gives the 27,7.
uncoined gold and silver alone
CHAP. XCIV. PUESUIT OF DARIUS— CASPIAN GATES.
large masses, and more with small and broken divisions.
He now therefore for the first time established a regular
Taxis, or division of horse-bowmen.1
Remaining at Ekbatana no longer than was sufficient
for these new arrangements, Alexander recom- Alexander
menced his pursuit of Darius. He hoped to get pursues
ic T% r ii/^i • /-^ j. i?u Darius to
betore .Darius to tne Caspian <jrates, at tne the Caspian
north-eastern extremity of Media; by which ^}gS?nbut
Gates2 was understood a mountain -pass, or overtaking
rather a road of many hours' march, including him-
several difficult passes stretching eastward along the south-
ern side of the great range of Taurus towards Parthia.
He marched with his Companion-cavalry, the light -horse,
the Agrianians, and the bowmen — the greater part of the
phalanx keeping up as well as it could — to Rhagse, about
fifty miles north of the Caspian Gates; which town he
reached in eleven days, by exertions so severe that many
1 Arrian, iii. 24, 1. 7)87] yop aui<j>
xotl IjcJtoxovtioTai rjootv T<i£t<;.
See the remarks of Kustow and
Kochly upon the change made by
Alexander in his military organi-
zation about this period, as soon
as he found that there was no far-
ther chance of a large collected
Persian force, able to meet him in
the field (Geschichte des Griech.
Kriegswesens, p. 252 aeq.). The
change which they point out was
real — but I think they exaggerate
it in degree.
1 The passes called tbe Caspian
Gates appear to be those described
by Morier, Fraser, and othermodern
travellers, as the series of narrow
valleys and defiles called Ser-Desch,
Sirdari, or Serdara Khan, — on the
southernmost of the two roads
which lead eastward from Teheran
towards Damaghan, and thence
farther eastward towards Mesched
and Herat. See the note of Mutzell
in his edition of Curtius , v. 35, 2,
p. 489; also Morier, Second Jour-
ney through Persia, p. 363; Fraser's
Narrative of a Journey into Khora-
san, p. 291.
The long range of mountains, call-
ed by the ancients Taurus, extends
from Lesser Media and Armenia
in an easterly direction along the
southern coast of the Caspian Sea.
Its northern declivity, covered by
prodigious forests with valleys and
plains of no great breadth reaching
to the Caspian, comprehends the
moist and fertile territories now
denominated Ghilan and Mazan-
deran. The eastern portion of Ma-
zanderan was known in ancient
times as Hyrkania, then productive
and populous ; while the mountain
range itself was occupied by va-
rious rude and warlike tribes — Ka-
dusii, Mardi, Tapyri, &c. The moun-
tain range, now called Elburz, in-
cludes among other lofty eminences
the very high peak of Demavend.
The road from Ekbatana to Bak-
tria, along which both the flight
of Darius and the pursuit of Alex-
ander lay, passed along the broken
ground skirting the southern flank
of the mountain range Elburz. Of
this broken ground the Caspian
Gates formed the worst and most
difficult portion.
6 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT n.
men as well as horses were disabled on the road. But in
spite of all speed, he learnt that Darius had already passed
through the Caspian Gates. After five days of halt at
Rhagae, indispensable for his army, Alexander passed them
also. A day's march on the other side of them, he was
joined by two eminent Persians, Bagistanes and Antibelus,
who informed him that Darius was already dethroned and
in imminent danger of losing his life. *
The conspirators by whom this had been done, were
B.C. 33o, Bessus, satrap of Baktria — Barsaentes, satrap
(July.) of Drangiana and Arachosia — and Nabarzanes,
Conspiracy general of the regal guards. The small force
aHaTnrt °^ Darius having been thinned by daily deser-
Darius by tion, most of those who remained were the con-
^there who tingents of the still unconquered territories,
seize his Baktria, Arachosia, and Drangiana, under the
person. orders of their respective satraps. The Grecian
mercenaries, 1500 in number, and Artabazus , with a band
under his special command, adhered inflexibly to Darius,
but the soldiers of Eastern Asia followed their own satraps.
Bessus and his colleagues intended to make their peace
with Alexander by surrendering Darius, should Alexander
pursue so vigorously as to leave them no hope of escape;
but if they could obtain time to reach Baktria and Sog-
diana, they resolved to organise an energetic resistance,
under their own joint command, for the defence of those
eastern provinces — the most warlike population of the
empire.2 Under the desperate circumstances of the case, this
plan was perhaps the least unpromising that could be pro-
posed. The chance of resisting Alexander, small as it was at
the best, became absolutely nothing under the command of
Darius, who had twice set the example of flight from the
field of battle, betraying both his friends and his empire,
even when surrounded by the full force of Persia. For brave
and energetic Persians, unless they were prepared at once
to submit to the invader, there was no choice but to set
aside Darius; nor does it appear that the conspirators
intended at first anything worse. At a village called Thara
in Parthia, they bound him in chains of gold — placed him
1 Arrian, iii. 20, 21. organise a revolt: see Herodot. ix.
1 Masistes, after the shocking 113— about the importance of that
outrage upon his wife by Queen satrapy.
Amestris, was going to Baktria to
CHAP. XCIV. DARIUS PUT TO DEATH BY BESSUS. 7
in a covered chariot surrounded by the Baktrian troops, —
and thus carried him onward, retreating as fast as they
could; Bessus assuming the command. Artabazus, with
the Grecian mercenaries, too feeble to prevent the proceed-
ing, quitted the army in disgust, and sought refuge among
the mountains of the Tapyri bordering on Hyrkania towards
the Caspian Sea.1
On hearing this intelligence, Alexander strained every
nerve to overtake the fugitives and get pos- ._
f O.T. r i-v • A A J.V. i_ j c Prodigious
session of the person of .Darius. At the head of efforts of
his Companion -cavalry, his light horse, and a Alexander
, , c\ p • 1 j i .? jr • i J.T. to overtake
body of infantry picked out for their strength andgetpos-
and activity, he put himself in instant march, session of
, , . J ' , , r -, , . . ' Darius. He
with nothing but arms and two days provisions surprises
for each man: leaving Kraterus to bring on the the Per-
,-,,'. °. API i sian corps,
main body by easier journeys. A forced march but Bessus
of two nights and one day, interrupted only by Puts Darius
°. Jn ,-V r ,, ' ,r to death.
a snort midday repose (it was now the month
of July), brought him at daybreak to the Persian camp
which his informant Bagistanes had quitted. But Bessus
and his troops were already beyond it, having made con-
siderable advance in their flight; upon which Alexander,
notwithstanding the exhaustion both of men and horses,
pushed on with increased speed through all the night to
the ensuing day at noon. He there found himself in the
village where Bessus had encamped on the preceding day.
Yet learning from deserters that his enemies had resolved
to hasten their retreat by night marches, he despaired of
overtaking them, unless he could find some shorter road.
He was informed that there was another shorter, but lead-
ing through a waterless desert. Setting out by this road
late in the day with his cavalry, he got over no less than
forty-five miles during the night, so as to come on Bessus
by complete surprise on the following morning. The Per-
sians, marching in disorder without arms, and having no
1 Arrian, iii. 21-23. Justin (xi. Hystaspes to the surgeon Derao-
15) specifiesthe name of the place — kSdes, there were two pairs of gold-
Thara. Both he and Curtius men- en chains — AtopisTat 81^ |«v AapsToi;
tion the golden chain (Curtius, v. rcsSiiov );puosiuv 8uo tieoysaiv — Hero-
34, 20). Probably the conspirators dot. iii. 130: compare iii. 16. The
made use of some chains which had Persian king and grandees habitu-
formed a part of the ornaments of ally wore golden chains round neck
the royal wardrobe. Among the and arms,
presents given by Darius son of
8 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAHT II.
expectation of an enemy, were so panic-struck at the sudden
appearance of their indefatigable conqueror, that they
dispersed and fled without any attempt to resist. In this
critical moment, Bessus and Barsaentes urged Darius to
leave his chariot, mount his horse, and accompany them in
their flight. But he refused to comply. They were de-
termined however that he should not fall alive into the
hands of Alexander, whereby his name would have been
employed against them, and would have materially lessened
their chance of defending the eastern provinces; they were
moreover incensed by his refusal, and had contracted a
feeling of hatred and contempt to which they were glad to
give effect. Casting their javelins at him, they left him
mortally wounded, and then pursued their flight.1 His
chariot, not distinguished by any visible mark, nor known
even to the Persian soldiers themselves, was for some time
not detected by the pursuers. At length a Macedonian
soldier named Polystratus found him expiring, and is said
to have received his last words; wherein he expressed thanks
to Alexander for the kind treatment of his captive female
relatives, and satisfaction that the Persian throne, lost to
himself, was about to pass to so generous a conqueror.
It is at least certain that he never lived to see Alexander
himself.2
Alexander had made the prodigious and indefatigable
Disap- marches of the last four days, not without de-
of 'lie*^* structionto many men and horses, for the express
ander when purpose of taking Darius alive. It would have
takim?804 °een a gratification to his vanity to exhibit the
Darius Great King as a helpless captive, rescued from
alive. his own servants by the sword of his enemy, and
1 "Earns apudMedos regumcruor; one of the most authentic chapters
unaque cuncto of his work. He is very sparing in
Poena inanet generi: quamvis telling what passed in the Persian
crudelibus ffique camp ; he mentions indeed only the
Paretur dominis." communications made by the Per-
(Claudian. in Eutrop. ii. p. 478.) sian deserters to Alexander.
Court conspiracies and assassin- Curtius (v. 27 — 34) gives the nar-
ations of the prince, however, were rative far more vaguely and loosely
not unknown either among the than Arrian, but with ample details
Achaemenidae or the Arsakidse. of what was going on in the Per-
1 This account of the remarkable sian camp. "We should have been
incidents immediately preceding glad to know from whom these de-
the death of Darius, is taken mainly tails were borrowed. In the main
from Arrian (iii. 21), and seems they do not contradict the narrative
CHAP. XCIV. REGAL FUNERAL BESTOWED UPON DARIUS. 9
spared to occupy some subordinate command as a token
of ostentatious indulgence. Moreover, apart from such
feelings, it would have been a point of real advantage to
seize the person of Darius, by means of whose name Alex-
ander would have been enabled to stifle all farther resistance
in the extensive and imperfectly known regions eastward
of the Caspian Gates. The satraps of these regions had
now gone thither with their hands free, to kindle as much
Asiatic sentiment and levy as large a force as they could,
against the Macedonian conqueror; who was obliged to
follow them, if he wished to complete the subjugation of
the empire. We can understand therefore that Alexander
was deeply mortified in deriving no result from this ruin-
ously fatiguing march, and can the better explain that
savage wrath which we shall hereafter find him manifesting
against the satrap Bessus.
Alexander caused the body of Darius to be buried,
with full pomp and ceremonial, in the regal Regal
sepulchres of Persis. The last days of this un- fuu"al d
fortunate prince have been described with almost upon
tragic pathos by historians; and there are few ^^fate
subjects in history better calculated to excite and con-
such a feeling, if we regard simply the magnitude duct-
of his fall, from the highest pitch of power and splendour
to defeat, degradation, and assassination. But an impartial
review will not allow us to forget that the main cause of
such ruin was his own blindness — his long apathy after the
battle of Issus, and abandonment of Tyre and Gaza, in the
fond hope of repurchasing queens whom he had himself
exposed to captivity — lastly, what is still less pardonable,
his personal cowardice in both the two decisive battles
deliberately brought about by himself. If we follow
his conduct throughout the struggle, we shall find little of
that which renders a defeated prince either respectable or
interesting. Those who had the greatest reason to denounce
and despise him were his friends and countrymen, whom
he possessed ample means of defending, yet threw those
means away. On the other hand, no one had better grounds
for indulgence towards him than his conqueror; for whom
he had kept unused the countless treasures of the three
of Arrian, but rather amplify and (Alexand. 42, 43), and Justin (xi.
dilute it. 15) give no new information.
Diodorus (xvii. 73) , Plutarch
10 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAKT II.
capitals, and for whom he had lightened in every way the
difficulties of a conquest, in itself hardly less than imprac-
ticable. 1
The recent forced march, undertaken by Alexander
B. o. 330. for the purpose of securing Darius as a captive,
(July). jjad been distressing in the extreme to his sol-
Repose of diers, who required a certain period of repose
Alexander T ?. ml . , j ,
and his and compensation. This was granted to them
army at at the town of Hekatompylus in Parthia, where
Hekatom- .111 • -j. j -n -j i_
pyius, in the whole army was again united. .Besides ab-
Parthia. undant supplies from the neighbouring region,
cing^iter- the soldiers here received a donative derived from
ation in the large booty taken in the camp of Darius. -
his demean- -r j_i • j i 'lit. u
our. He be- J-n the enjoyment and revelry universal througn-
comes out the army, Alexander himself partook. His
and* *' indulgences in the banquet and in wine-drinking,
despotic. to which he was always addicted when leisure
allowed, were now unusually multiplied and prolonged.
Gradual Public solemnities were celebrated, together
ag£ra" , with theatrical exhibitions,by artists who ioined
vatiou of , „ „. T> j *i.i i c
these new the army irom Greece. J3ut the change or most
habits, importance in Alexander's conduct was, that he
from the * , .. .
present now began to feel and act manifestly as successor
moment. of Darius on the Persian throne ; to disdain the
comparative simplicity of Macedonian habits, and to assume
the pomp, the ostentatious apparatus of luxuries, and even
the dress, of a Persian king.
To many of Alexander's soldiers, the conquest of Persia
B.C. 330. appeared to be consummated and the war finish-
tender ) e^> ky the death of Darius. They were reluct-
Aiexander an^ ^° exchange the repose and enjoyments of
conquers Hekatompylus for fresh fatigues; but Alexander,
1 Arrian (iii. 22) gives an indul- running eastward from the Caspian
gent criticism on Darius, dwelling Gates, on the southern flank of
chiefly upon his misfortunes , but Mount Taurus (Elburz). Its local-
calling him <iv5pt ti [AJV 7coXi(xta, ity cannot be fixed with certainty :
eliisp rivl aXXej), (jLaXOaxcji xai o'i 9pe- Ritter (Erdkunde , part viii. 465,
Wjpei, &c. 467) with others conceives it to have
2 Curtiug, vi. B, 10; vi. 6, 15. Dio- been near Damaghan ; Forbiger
dor. xvii. 74. Hekatompylus was (Handbuch der Alten Geographic,
an important position, where sever- vol. ii. p. 549) places it farther
al roads joined (Polyb. x. 28). It eastward, near Jai-Jerm. Mr. Long
was situated on one of the roads notes it on his map, a.s site unknown.
CHAP. XCIV. TREATMENT OF THE GRECIAN PEISONEBS. 11
assembling the select regiments, addressed to *h? »°«n-
them an emphatic appeal which revived the meSLteiy
ardour of all. ' His first march was across one *£u l£ of
of the passes from the south to the north of pian.
Mount Elburz, into Hyrkania, the region bor- He. rev.
,i , J /..i 8/-i • quires the
dermg the south-eastern corner ot the Caspian Greek mer-
Sea. Here he found no resistance; the Hyrka- cenaries
nian satrap Phrataphernes, together with Na- render at
barzanes, Artabazus, and other eminent Persians, discretion.
surrendered themselves to him, and were favourably re-
ceived. The Greek mercenaries, 1500 in number, who had
served with Darius, but had retired when that monarch
was placed under arrest by Bessus, sent envoys requesting
to be allowed to surrender on capitulation. But Alexander —
reproaching them with guilt for having taken service with
the Persians , in contravention of the vote passed by the
Hellenic synod — required them to surrender at discretion;
which they expressed their readiness to do, praying that
an officer might be despatched to conduct them to him in
safety. 2 The Macedonian Andronikus was sent for this
purpose, while Alexander undertook an expedition into the
mountains of the Mardi; a name seemingly borne by several
distinct tribes in parts remote from each other, but all poor
and brave mountaineers. These Mardi occupied parts of
the northern slope of the range of Mount Elburz, a few
miles from the Caspian Sea (Mazanderan and G-hilan). Alex-
ander pursued them into all their retreats — overcame them,
when they stood on their defence, with great slaughter, —
and reduced the remnant of the half-destroyed tribes to
sue for peace.3
From this march, which had carried him in a westerly
direction, he returned to Hyrkania. At the first Envoys ,
i tj. i L i xi /~t • • i fromSparta
halt he was met by the Grrecian mercenaries who and other
'This was attested by his own pian, in Armenia, on MountZagroa,
letters to Antipater, which Plu- and in Persis proper (see Strabo,
tarch had seen (Plutarch, Alexand. xi. p. 608—623; Herodot. i. 125), we
47). Curtius composes a long may note, that the Nomadic tribes,
speech for Alexander (vi. 7, 9). who constitute a considerable frac-
* Arrian, iii. 23, 15. tion of the population of the
* Arrian, iii. 22, 4. In reference modern Persian Empire, are at this
to the mountain tribescalled Mardi, day found under the same name in
who are mentioned in several dif- spots widely distant: see Jaubert,
ferent localities— on the parts of Voyage en Arm6nie et en Perse,
Mount Taurus south of the Cas- p. 254.
12 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Greek cities came *° surrender themselves, as well as by va-
brought to rious Grecian envoys from Sparta, Chalkedon,
t"m7d°W an^ Sinope, wh° na(^ accompanied Darius in his
flight. Alexander put the Lacedaemonians under
arrest, but liberated the other envoys, considering Chalkedon
and Sinope to have been subjects of Darius, not members
of the Hellenic synod. As to the mercenaries, he made a
distinction between those who had enlisted in the Persian
service before the recognition of Philip as leader of Greece,
and those whose enlistment had been of later date. The
former he liberated at once; the latter he required to remain
in his service under the command of Andronikus, on the
same pay as they had hitherto received. *• Such was the
untoward conclusion of Grecian mercenary service with
Persia; a system whereby the Persian monarchs, had they
known how to employ it with tolerable ability, might well
have maintained their empire even against such an enemy
as Alexander.2
After fifteen days of repose and festivity at Zeudra-
B o 33o carta, the chief town of Hyrkania, Alexander
(Sep- marched eastward his united army through
tember.) Parthia into Aria — the region adjoining the
March of modern Herat with its river now known as
farther1 * Herirood. Satibarzanes , the satrap of Aria,
eastward- came to him near the border, to a town named
cesses °in Susia,3 submitted, and was allowed to retain his
Aria and satrapy; while Alexander, merely skirting the
angiana. nor^jiern border of Aria, marched in a direction
nearly east towards Baktria against the satrap Bessus, who
1 Arrian, iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi. 5, west of Herat. Mr. Prinsep (Notes
9. An Athenian officer named De- oil the historical results deducible
mokratus slew himself in despair, from discoveries in Afghanistan,
disdaining to surrender. p. 14) places it at Subzawar, south
2 See a curious passage on this of Herat, and within the region of
subject, at the end of theCyropsedia fertility.
of Xenophon. Tus seems to lie in the line of
• Arrian iii. 25, 3— 8. Droysen and Alexander's march, more than the
Dr.Thirlwallidentify Susia with the other two places indicated; Sub-
town now called Tus or Toos, a few zawar is too far to the south. Alex-
miles north-west of Mesched. Pro- ander appears to have first directed
fessor "Wilson (Ariana Antiqua, p. his march from Parthia to Bactria
177) thinks that this is too much to (in the line from Asterabad to
the west, and too far from Herat: Balkh through Margiana), merely
he conceives Snsia to be Zuzan, on touching the borders of Aria in his
the desert side of the mountains route.
CHAP. XCIV. PKOOEEDINGS OF PHILOTAS. 13
was reported as having proclaimed himself King of Persia.
But it was discovered, after three or four days, that Sati-
barzanes was in league with Bessus; upon which Alexander
suspended for the present his plans against Baktria, and
turned by forced marches to Artakoana, the chief city of
Aria.1 His return was so unexpectedly rapid, that the
Arians were overawed, and Satibarzanes was obliged to
escape. A few days enabled him to crush the disaffected
Arians and to await the arrival of his rear division under
Kraterus. He then marched southward into the territory
of the Drangi, or Drangiana (the modern Seiestan), where
he found no resistance — the satrap Barsaentes having
sought safety among some of the Indians. 2
In the chief town of Drangiana occurred the revolting
tragedy, of which Philotas was the first victim, B c 330
and his father Parmenio the second. Parmenio, (October.)
now seventy years of age, and therefore little proceed-
qualified for the fatigue inseparable from the ™B*
invasion of the eastern satrapies, had been left phllotas,
in the important post of commanding the great son .of Par-
, A. r , -.-,•• i , TT- i •!• memo, in
depot and treasure at Ekbatana. His long mill- Drangiana.
tarv experience, and confidential position even Military
i T-fi •!• j j i_- j.i_ j greatness
under Philip, rendered him the second person and consi-
in the Macedonian army, next to Alexander deration of
himself. His three sons were all soldiers. The *
youngest of them, Hektor, had been accidentally drowned
in the Nile, while in the suite of Alexander in Egypt; the
second, Nikanor, had commanded the hypaspists or light
infantry, but had died of illness, fortunately for himself, a
short time before;3 the eldest, Philotas, occupied the high
rank of general of the Companion-cavalry, in daily com-
munication with Alexander, from whom he received per-
sonal orders.
1 Artakoana, as -well as the sub- is 688 English miles (Wilson, p.
sequent city of Alexandria in Ariis, 149).
are both supposed by "Wilson to 7 Arrian. iii. 25 ; Curtius, vi. 24,
coincide with the locality of Herat 36. The territory of the Drangi, or
(Wilson, Ariana Antiqua, p. 152- Zarangi, southward from Aria, coin-
177). cides generally with the modern
There are two routes from Herat Seiestan, adjoining the lake now
to Asterabad , at the south-east called Zareh , which receives the
corner of the Caspian ; one by waters of the river Hilmend.
Schahrood, which is 533 English * Arrian. iii. 25, 6; Curtius, iv.
miles ; the other by Mesched, which 8, 7; vi. 6, 19.
14 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
A revelation came to Philotas, fromKebalinus, brother
Reveiati °^ a you^n named Nikomachus, that a soldier,
of an in- named Dimnus of Chalastra, had made boast to
tended con- Nikomachus, his intimate friend or beloved
mad*0 by person, under vows of secrecy, of an intended
Kebalinus conspiracy against Alexander, inviting him to
to Philotas, , r J to »
for the pur- become an accomplice.1 Nikomachus, at first
pose of struck with abhorrence, at length simulated
coinmu- compliance, asked who were the accomplices of
nicated to Dimnus, and received intimation of a few names ;
Philotas ' all of which he presently communicated to his
d°n8tiont-t brother Kebalinus, for the purpose of being
to Alex- divulged. Kebalinus told the facts to Philotas,
ander. entreating him to mention them to Alexander.
It is com- -r, , -ryi -I i. j.i_ i_ j •
municated But Philotas, though every day in commum-
to the cation with the king, neglected to do this for
through two days ; upon which Kebalinus began to suspect
another him of connivance, and caused the revelation to
be made to Alexander through one of the pages
named Metron. Dimnus was immediately arrested, but ran
himself through with his sword, and expired without
making any declaration. 2
Of this conspiracy, real or pretended, every thing rest-
ed on the testimony of Nikomachus. Alexander
is a* first' indignantly sent for Philotas, demanding why he
angry with had omitted for two days to communicate what
but accepts he had heard. Philotas replied that the source
his expia- from which it came was too contemptible to
professesto deserve notice — that it would have been ridi-
pass over culous to attach importance to the simple
act' declarations of such a youth as Nikomachus,
recounting the foolish boasts addressed to him by a lover.
Alexander received, or affected to receive, the explanation,
gave his hand to Philotas, invited him to supper, and talked
to him with his usual familiarity.3
1 Curtius, vi. 7, 2. "Dimnus, mo- him, and was killed by him in the
dice apud regem auctoritatis et combat.
gratia;, exoleti, cui Nicomacho erat * Curtius, vi. 7, 33.. "Philotas re-
nomen, amore flagrabat , obsequio spondit, Cebalinum quidem scorti
uni sibi dediti corporis vinctus." sermonem ad so detulisse, Bed ip-
I'lutarch, Alex. 49; Diodor. xvii. 79. gum tarn levi auctori nihil credi-
1 Curt. vi. 7, 29; Plutarch, Alex, disse— veritum , ne jurgium inter
49. The latter says that Dimnus amatorem et exoletum non sine
resisted the officer sent to arrest risu aliorum detulisset."
CHAP. XCIV. CONSPIRACY AGAINST ALEXANDEE. 15
But it soon appeared that advantage was to be taken
of this incident for the disgrace and ruin of Ancient
Philotas, whose freespoken criticisms on the £ru?ge.
pretended divine paternity, — coupled with puuotas—
boasts, that he and his father Parmenio had **£******
been chief agents in the conquest of Asia, — had the incident
neither been forgotten nor forgiven. These and to ruin him-
other self-praises, disparaging to the glory of Alexander,
had been divulged by a mistress to whom Philotas was
attached; a beautiful Macedonian woman of Pydna, named
Antigone, who, having first been made a prize in visiting
Samothrace by the Persian admiral Autophradates, was
afterwards taken amidst the spoils of Damascus by the
Macedonians victorious at Issus. The reports of Antigone,
respecting some unguarded language held by Philotas to
her, had come to the knowledge of Kraterus, who brought
her to Alexander, and caused her to repeat them to him.
Alexander desired her to take secret note of the confi-
dential expressions of Philotas, and report them from time
to time to himself.1
It thus turned out that Alexander, though continuing
to Philotas his high military rank, and talking Kraterus
to him constantly with seeming confidence, had and .ot^ers
„ ,. . ,V ° . , . ' are jealous
lor at least eighteen months, ever since his con- Of Par-
quest of Egypt and perhaps even earlier, disliked P?,6"10 and
°JSi \ -r t • -i i I'hilotas.
and suspected him, keeping him under perpetual Alexander
watch through the suborned and secret commu- *8 £e"ua" .
nication of a treacherous mistress. 2 Some of the them bo?h
generals around Alexander — especially Kra- to death.
terus,the first suborner of Antigone — fomented these suspi-
cions, from jealousy of the great ascendency of Parmenio
and his family. Moreover, Philotas himself was ostentatious
and overbearing in his demeanour, so as to have made
many enemies among the soldiers.3 But whatever may
1 Plutarch, Alexand. 48. Both Ptolemy and Aristobulus
7 Plutarch, Alexand. 48, 49. IIpo? recognised these previous communi-
8s auTOv'AXs£av5pov ex itdvu rcoX- cations made to Alexander against
X<I)v 7p6vtov etuY^avs 8iafhpXy;|Ae- Philotas in Egypt, but stated that
vo<; (Philotas) '0 [ASV ouv he did not believe them (Arrian,
4>iX<i>Tac ercifiouXso6|jievo5 TJYVOEI, *a<l *"• 2<5> 1)-
aovrjv t^j "AiiTtYovfl TioXXa xal itpo? * Plutarch, Alexand. 40-48; Cur-
6pYT)v xtxi |A£Y<*Xau^lav pYjfiaTa xai tius, vi. 11, 3.
Xofou? tou paoiXitu? dviJiiTrjSiiooi;
16 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
have been his defects on this head — defects which he
shared with the other Macedonian generals, all gorged with
plunder and presents * — his fidelity as well as his military
merits stand attested by the fact that Alexander had con-
tinued to employ him in the highest and most confidential
command throughout all the long subsequent interval; and
that Parmenio was now general at Ekbatana, the most im-
portant military appointment which the king had to confer.
Even granting the deposition of Nikomachus to be trust-
worthy, there was nothing to implicate Philotas, whose
name had not been included among the accomplices said
to have been enumerated by Dimnus. There was not a
tittle of evidence against him, except the fact that the de-
position had been made known to him, and that he had
seen Alexander twice without communicating it. Upon
this single fact, however, Kraterus and the other enemies
of Philotas worked so effectually as to inflame the suspicions
and the pre-existing ill-will of Alexander into fierce ran-
cour. He resolved on the disgrace, torture, and death, of
Philotas, — and on the death of Parmenio besides.2
To accomplish this, however, against the two highest
officers in the Macedonian service, one of them enjoying a
separate and distant cornmand-«-required management.
Alexander was obliged to carry the feelings of the soldiers
Arrest of along with him, and to obtain a condemnation
Philotas. from the army; according to an ancient Mace-
acc^seshhn donian custom, in regard to capital crimes,
before the though (as it seems) not uniformly practised.
8oidi"ersed He not only kept the resolution secret, but is
He is con- even said to have invited Philotas to supper
demned. wjth the other officers, conversing with him just
as usual.3 In the middle of the night, Philotas was arrested
while asleep in his bed, — put in chains, — and clothed in
an ignoble garb. A military assembly was convened at
1 Phylarchus, Fragment. 41. ed. * Plutarch, Alexand. 49; Curtius,
Didot. ap. Athenaeum, xii. p. 639; vi. 8.
Plutarch, Alexand. 39, 40. Even * Curtius, vi. 8, 16. "Invitatus est
Eumen6s enriched himself much ; etiam Philotas ad ultimas sibi
though being only secretary, and epulas ; et rex non coenare modo,
a Greek, he could not take the sed etiam familiaritercolloqui, cum
same liberties as the great native eo quern damnaverat, eustiuuit."
Macedonian generals (Plutarch,
Eumenes, 2).
CHAP. XCIV. PHILOTAS CONDEMNED BY THE ARMY. 17
daybreak, before which Alexander appeared with the
chief officers in his confidence. Addressing the soldiers
in a vehement tone of mingled sorrow and anger, he pro-
claimed to them that his life had just been providentially
rescued from a dangerous conspiracy organized by two
men hitherto trusted as his best friends — Philotas and
Parmenio — through the intended agency of a soldier
named Dimnus, who had slain himself when arrested.
The dead body of Dimnus was then exhibited to the meet-
ing, while Nikomachus and Kebalinus were brought for-
ward to tell their story. A letter from Parmenio to his
sons Philotas and Nikanor, found arnqng the papers seized
on the arrest, was read to the meeting. Its terms were
altogether vague and unmeaning; but Alexander chose
to construe them as it suited his purpose. J
We may easily conceive the impression produced
upon these assembled soldiers by such denunciations from
Alexander himself — revelations of his own personal danger,
and reproaches against treacherous friends. Amyntas,
and even Koenus, the brother-in-law of Philotas, were yet
more unmeasured in their invectives against the accused.2
They, as well as the other officers with whom the arrest
had been concerted, set the example of violent mani-
festation against him, and ardent sympathy with the king's
danger. Philotas was heard in his defence, which, though
strenuously denying the charge, is said to have been
feeble. It was indeed sure to be so, coming from one
seized thus suddenly, and overwhelmed with disadvantages;
while a degree of courage, absolutely heroic, would have
been required for any one else to rise and presume to
criticise the proofs. A soldier named Bolon harangued
his comrades on the insupportable insolence of Philotas,
who always (he said) treated the soldiers with contempt,
turning them out of their quarters to make room for his
countless retinue of slaves. Though this allegation (prob-
ably enough well-founded) was noway connected with the
charge of treason against the king, it harmonized fully
with the temper of the assembly, and wound them up to
the last pitch of fury. The royal pages began the cry,
1 Arrian, iii. 26, 2. Aiysi Si HTO- yupux; 'AH£sv5pov, Ac. Curtius, vi.
XejAaio? slaa^Orjvoti i- MotxsSova? 9, 13; Diodor. xvii. 80.
<&i),u>7av, xai xaTTjYopjjuai OUTGO [a- * Curtius, vi. 9, 30.
VOL. XII. C
IS HISTORY OF GREECE. PAHI II.
echoed by all around, that they would with their own
hands tear the parricide in pieces. l
It would have been fortunate for Philotas if their
Philotas • wrath tad been sufficiently ungovernable to
put to the instigate the execution of such a sentence on
torture, the spot. But this did not suit the purpose of
and forced ,. r A j.i i i_ i i i '
to confess, his enemies. Aware that he had been con-
both demned upon the regal word, with nothing
against , . ,, r .-, r • P , /. , *».
himself better than the faintest negative ground ot
and Par- suspicion, they determined to extort from him
a confession such as would justify their own
purposes, not only against him, but against his father
Parmenio — whom there was as yet nothing to implicate.
Accordingly, during the ensuing night, Philotas was put
to the torture. Hephaestion, Kraterus, and Kcenus — the
last of the three being brother-in-law of Philotas2 — them-
selves superintended the ministers of physical suffering.
Alexander himself too was at hand, but concealed by a
curtain. It is said that Philotas manifested little firmness
under torture, and that Alexander, an unseen witness, in-
dulged in sneers against the cowardice of one who had
fought by his side in so many battles.3 All who stood by
were enemies, and likely to describe the conduct of Phi-
Iotas in such manner as to justify their own hatred. The
tortures inflicted,1 cruel in the extreme and long continued,
wrung from him at last a confession, implicating his father
along with himself. He was put to death ; and at the same
time, all those whose names had been indicated by Niko-
machus, were slain also — apparently by being stoned,
without preliminary torture. Philotas had serving in the
army a numerous kindred, all of whom were struck with
consternation at the news of his being tortured. It was
the Macedonian law that all kinsmen of a man guilty of
1 Curtius. vi. 11, 8. "Turn vero deinde cruciatus, ntpote et dam-
universa concio accensa est, et a natus et inimicis in gratiam regis
corporiscustodibus initiumfactum, torquentibus, laceratur. Ac primo
clamantibus , discerpendum esse quidem, quanquamhinc ignis, illinc
parricidam manibus eorum. Id qui- verbera, jam non ad quccstionem,
dem Philotas, qui graviora sup- sed ad poenam, ingerebantur, non
plicia metueret, baud sane iniquo vocem modo, sed etiam gemitug
Riiiino audiebat. " habuit in potestate; sed postquam
1 Curtius, vi.9, 30; vi. 11, 11. intumescens corpus ulceribus fla-
* Plutarch, Alexand. 49. gellorum ictus nudis ossibus in-
• Curtius, vi. 11, 16. "Per ultimos cussoa ferre uoa poterat," <&c.
CHAP. XCIV. PARMENIO SLAIN BY THE OFFICERS. 19
treason were doomed to death along with him. Accord-
ingly, Some of these men slew themselves, others fled
from the camp, seeking refuge wherever they could. Such
was the terror and tumult in the camp, that Alexander
was obliged to proclaim a suspension of this sanguinary
law for the occasion.1
It now remained to kill Parmenio, who could not be
safely left alive after the atrocities used towards T
TYL'i j. j j. i -n i • -L f i Parmemois
Jrhilotas ; and to kill mm, moreover, before he siain at
could have time to hear of them, since he was Ekbatana,
not only the oldest, most respected, and most and°con-
influential of all Macedonian officers, but also trjvance of
j f J.T- ±. j *±. L Alexander.
m separate command of the great depot at
Ekbatana. Alexander summoned to his presence one of
the Companions named Polydamas; a particular friend,
comrade, or aide de camp, of Parmenio. Every friend of
Philotas felt at this moment that his life hung by a
thread; so that Polydamas entered the king's presence in
extreme terror, the rather as he was ordered to bring
with him his two younger brothers. Alexander addressed
him, denouncing Parmenio as a traitor, and intim-
ating that Polydamas would be required to carry a swift
and confidential message to Ekbatana, ordering his exe-
cution. Polydamas was selected as the attached friend of
Parmenio, and therefore as best calculated to deceive him.
Two letters were placed in his hands, addressed to Par-
menio ; one from Alexander himself, conveying ostensibly
military communications and orders ; the other, signed with
the seal-ring of the deceased Philotas, and purporting to
be addressed by the son to the father. Together with
these, Polydamas received the real and important despatch,
addressed by Alexander to Kleander and Menidas, the
officers immediately subordinate to Parmenio at Ekba-
tana; proclaiming Parmenio guilty of high treason, and
directing them to kill him at once. Large rewards were
offered to Polydamas if he performed this commission
with success, while his two brothers were retained as
hostages against scruples or compunction. He promised
even more than was demanded — too happy to purchase
this reprieve from what had seemed impending death.
Furnished with native guides and with swift dromedaries,
he struck by the straightest road across the desert of
1 Curtius, vi. 11, 20.
c 2
20
HISTOKY OF GREECE.
PABT II.
Khorasan, and arrived at Ekbatana on the eleventh day — a
distance usually requiring more than thirty days to tra-
verse. l Entering the camp by night, without the know-
ledge of Parmenio, he delivered his despatch to Kleander,
with whom he concerted measures. On the morrow he
was admitted to Parmenio, while walking in his garden
with Kleander and the other officers marked out by Alex-
ander's order as his executioners. Polydamas ran to em-
brace his old friend, and was heartily welcomed by the
unsuspecting veteran, to whom he presented the letters
professedly coming from Alexander and Philotas. While
Parmenio was absorbed in perusal, he was suddenly assailed
by a mortal stab from the hand and sword of Kleander.
Other wounds were heaped upon him as he fell, by the
remaining officers, — -the last even after life had departed.2
1 Strabo, xv. p. 724 ; Diodor. xvii.
80; Curtiug. vii, 2, 11-18.
* Ourtius, vii. 2, 27. The proceed-
ings respecting Philotas and Par-
menio are recounted in the greatest
detail by Curtius ; but his details
are in general harmony with the
brief heads given by Arrian from
Ptolemy and Aristobulus— except
as to one material point. Plutarch
(Alex. 49), Diodorns (xvii. 79, 80),
and Justin (xii. 6) , also state the
facts in the same manner.
Ptolemy and Aristobulus, accord-
ing to the narrative of Arrian,
appear to have considered that
Philotas was really implicated in
a conspiracy against Alexander's
life. But when we analyse what
they are reported to have said, their
opinion will not be found entitled
to much weight. In the first place,
they state (Arr. iii. 26, 1) that the
conspiracy of Philotas had been be-
fore made known to Alexander while
he was in Egypt , but that he did
not then believe it. Now eighteen
months had elapsed since the stay
in Egypt ; and the idea of a con-
spiracy going on for eighteen
months is preposterous. That Phi-
Iotas was in a mood in which he
might be supposed likely to con-
spire , is one proposition; that he
actually did conspire, is another;
Arrian and his authorities run the
two together as if they were one.
As to the evidence purporting to
prove that Philotas did conspire,
Arrian tells us that "the informers
came forward before the assembled
soldiers and convicted Philotas
with the rest by other indicia not
obscure, but chiefly by this — that
Philotas confessed to have heard of
a conspiracy going on, without men-
tioning it to Alexander, though
twice a day in his presence" — xal
TO'JC p.T)vOToti TOO Ipyo'j -apsXQovTOK
e£sXeY£ai OiXtinav te xai TOO; ajx<p'
OOTOV aXXoi; TS i\if£0\.<; oox
dspaveai, xai (xaXtaTa 8rj OTI
OOTO; <DiXii>Tac itercoaQai (xsv — oov£97),
Ac. What these other indicia were,
we are not told; but we may see
how slender was their value, when
we learn that the non-revelation
admitted by Philotas was stronger
than any of them. The non-reve-
lation, when we recollect that
Nikomachus was the only informant
(Arrian loosely talks of [i.7)voTas,
as if there were more), proves ab-
solutely nothing as to the compli-
city of Philotas, though it may
prove something as to his iudis-
CHAP. XCIV. SAVAGE CONDUCT OP ALEXANDER.
21
The soldiers in Ekbatana, on hearing of this bloody
deed, burst into furious mutiny, surrounded the Mutin of
garden wall, and threatened to break in for the the soldiers
purpose of avenging their general, unless Poly- yrhen th«y
,., i_ij-i_ji- learn the
damas and the other murderers should be dehv- assassin-
ered to them. But Kleander, admitting a few £"££ °' _
of the ringleaders, exhibited to them Alexander's appeased
written orders, to which the soldiers yielded, not b? *^e vro.~
.., e -i 3 • j- L- duction of
without murmurs of reluctance and indignation. Alex-
Most of them dispersed, yet a few remained, adder's
entreating permission to bury Parmenio's body.
cretlon. Even on this minor charge,
Curtius puts into his mouth a very
sufficient exculpation. But if Alex-
ander had taken a different view,
and dismissed or even confined him
for it, there would have been little
room for remark.
The point upon which Arrian is
at variance with Curtius, is that
he states "Philotas with the rest to
have been shot to death by the
Macedonians" — thus, seemingly
contradicting, at least by impli-
cation, the fact of his having been
tortured. Now Plutarch, Diodorus,
and Justin, all concur with Curtius
in affirming that he was tortured.
On such a matter, I prefer their
united authority to that of Ptolen>y
and Aristobulus. These two last-
mentioned authors were probably
quite content to believe in the
complicity of Philotas upon the
authority of Alexander himself;
without troubling themselves to
criticise the proofs. They tell us
that Alexander vehemently de-
nounced (xaTTjYopijoai ta)rup<I>O Phi-
Iotas before the assembled soldiers.
After this, any mere shadow or pre-
tence of proof would be sufficient.
Moreover, let us recollect that
Ptolemy obtained his promotion, to
be one of the confidential tody
guards (uujjj.ocrocpuXaxe?), out of this
very conspiracy, real or fictitious ;
he was promoted to the post of the
condemned Demetrius (Arrian, iii.
27, 11).
How little Ptolemy and Aristo-
bulus cared to do justice to any'one
whom Alexander hated , may be
seen by what they say afterwards
about the philosopherKallisthenes.
Both of them affirmed that the
pages, condemned for conspiracy
against Alexander, deposed against
Kallisthenes as having instigated
them to the deed (Arrian , iv. 14,
1). Now we know, from the author-
ity of Alexander himself, whose
letters Plutarch quotes (Alexand.
55), that the pages denied the pri-
vity of any one else— maintaining
the project to have been altogether
their own. To their great honour,
the pages persisted in this depo-
sition, even under extreme tor-
tures— though they knew that a de-
position against Kallisthenes was
desired from them.
My belief is, that Diodorus, Plu-
tarch, Curtius, and Justin, are cor-
rect in stating that Philotas was
tortured. Ptolemy and Aristobulus
have thought themselves warrant-
ed in omitting this fact, which
they probably had little satisfaction
in reflecting upon. If Philotas was
not tortured, there could have been
no evidence at all against Parme-
nio— for the only evidence against
the latter was the extorted con-
fession of Philotas.
22 HISTOEY OF GREECE PABT II.
Even this was long refused by Kleander, from dread
of the king's displeasure. At last, however, thinking it
prudent to comply in part, he cut off the head, deliv-
ering to them the trunk alone for burial. The head was
sent to Alexander. 1
Among the many tragical deeds recounted throughout
Fear and the course of this history, there is none more
jisBTi8tupro" revolting than the fate of these two generals.
duced by A, ? • i i_ • 11 -L- • t j-i ^
the killing Alexander, violent in all his impulses, displayed
on this occasion a personal rancour worthy of
and Phi- his ferocious mother Olympias, exasperated
iotas. rather than softened by the magnitude of past
services.2 When we see the greatest officers of the Mace-
donian army directing in person, and under the eye of
Alexander, the laceration and burning of the naked body
of their colleague Philotas, and assassinating with their
own hands the veteran Parmeuio, — we feel how much we
have passed out of the region of Greek civic feeling into
that of the more savage Illyrian warrior, partially orient-
alised. It is not surprising to read, that Antipater, viceroy
of Macedonia, who had shared with Parmenio the favour
and confidence of Philip as well as of Alexander, should
tremble when informed of such proceedings, and cast about
for a refuge against the like possibilities to himself. Many
other officers were alike alarmed and disgusted with the
transactions.3 Hence Alexander, opening and examining
the letters sent home from his army to Macedonia, detected
such strong expressions of indignation, that he thought
it prudent to transfer many pronounced malcontents into
a division by themselves, parting them off from the
remaining army.* Instead of appointing any substitute
for Philotas in the command of the Companion-cavalry,
he cast that body into two divisions, nominating Hephaestion
to the command of one, and Kleitus to that of the other.5
The autumn and winter were spent by Alexander in
B.O. 330-329. reducing Drangiana, Gredrosia, Arachosia, and
Conquest the Paropamisadse ; the modern Seiestan, Af-
of the ghanistan, and the western part of Kabul, lying
1 Curtius, vii. 2, 32, 33. Orontfis, as described in Xenophon,
1 Contrast the conduct of Alex- Anabas. i. 6.
ander towards Fhilotas and Par- ' Plutarch, Alexand. 49.
memo, with that of Cyrus the 4 Curtius, vii. 2, 36; Diodor. xvii.
younger towards the conspirator 80; Justin, xii. 6.
1 Arrian i. 27, 8.
CHAP. XCIV.
CAPTURE OF BESSU8.
23
. ,
between Ghazna on the north, Kandahar or
Kelar on the south, and Furrah in the west.
He experienced no combined resistance, but his
troops suffered severely from cold and privation. » „„ „„,._
Near the southern termination of one of the ca»wm.
passes of the Hindoo-Koosh (apparently north-east of the
town of Kabul) he founded a new city, called Alexandria
ad Caucasum, where he planted 7000 old soldiers, Mace-
donians, and others as colonists.2 Towards the close of
winter he crossed over the mighty range of the Hindoo-
Koosh; a march of fifteen days through regions of snow,
and fraught with hardship to his army. On reaching the
north side of these mountains, he found himself in Baktria.
The Baktrian leader Bessus, who had assumed the
title of king, could muster no more than a Alexander
small force, with which he laid waste the crosses the
country, and then retired across the river Oxus Koosh°and
into Sogdiana, destroying all the boats. Alexan- conquers
der overran Baktria with scarcely any resistance ; BelVu^is
the chief places, Baktra (Balkh) and Aornos made
surrendering to him on the first demonstration Prisoner-
of attack. Having named Artabazus satrap of Baktria,
1 Arrian, iii. 28, 2. About the
geography, compare Wilson's
Ariana Antiqua, p. 173-178. "By
perambulator, the distance from
Herat to Kandahar is 371 miles;
from Kandahar to Kabul, 309 miles:
total 680 miles (English)." The
principal city in Drangiana (Seie-
stan) mentioned by the subsequent
Greek geographers, is Prophthasia;
existing seemingly before Alex-
ander's arrival. See the fragments
of his mensores, ap. Didot, Fragm.
Hist. Alex. Magn. p. 135; Pliny,
H. N. vi. 21. The quantity of re-
mains of ancient cities, still to be
found in this territory , is remark-
able. Wilson observes this (p. 154).
2 Arrian, iii. 28, 6; Curtius, vii.
3, 23; Diodor. xvii. 83. Alexandria
in Ariis is probably Herat; Alex-
andria in Arachosia is probably
Kandahar. But neither the one nor
the other is mentioned as having
been founded by Alexander, either
in Arrian or Curtius, or Diodorus.
The name Alexandria does not prove
that they were founded by him ;
for several of the Diadochi called
their own foundations by his name
(Strabo, xiii. p. 593). Considering
how very short a time Alexander
spent in these regions, the wonder
is that he could have found time
to establish those foundations
which are expressly ascribed to
him by Arrian and his other histor-
ians. The authority of Pliny and
Steph. Byzant. is hardly sufficient
to warrant us in ascribing to him
more. The exact site of Alexan-
dria ad Caucasum cannot be deter-
mined, for want of sufficient topo-
graphical data. There seems much
probability that it was at the place
called Beghram, twenty-five miles
northeast of Kabul— in the way be-
tween Kabul on the south side of
the Hindoo-Koosh, and Anderab on
the north side. The prodigious
HISTOKY OF GBEECE.
PAST II.
and placed Archelaus with a garrison in Aornos, l he
marched northward towards the river Oxus, the boundary
between Baktria and Sogdiana. It was a march of ex-
treme hardship; reaching for two or three days across a
sandy desert destitute of water, and under very hot weather.
The Oxus, six furlongs in breadth, deep, and rapid, was
the most formidable river that the Macedonians had yet
seen.2 Alexander transported his army across it on the
tent-skins inflated and stuffed with straw. It seems sur-
prising thatBessus did not avail himself of this favourable
opportunity for resisting a passage in itself so difficult; he
had however been abandoned by his Baktrian cavalry at
the moment when he quitted their territory. Some of his
companions, Spitamenes and others, terrified at the news
that Alexander had crossed the Oxus, were anxious to
make their own peace by betraying their leader.3 They
sent a proposition to this effect; upon which Ptolemy with
number of coins and relics, Greek
as well as Mahometan, discovered
by Mr. Masson at Beghram, supply
better evidence for identifying the
site with that of Alexandria ad
Caucasum, than can be pleaded on
behalf of any other locality. See
Masson's Narrative of Journeys in
Afghanistan, Ac., vol. iii. ch. 7. p..
148 seqq.
In crossing the Hindoo-Koosh
from south to north , Alexander
probably marched by the pass of
Bamian, which seems the.only one
among the four passes open to an
army in the winter. See Wood's
Journey to the Oxus, p. 196.
' Arrian, iii. 29, 3; Curtius, vii.
5, 1.
* Arrian, iii. 29, 4 ; Strabo, xi. p.
609. Evidently Ptolemy and Aristo-
bulus were much more awe-struck
with the Oxus, than with either the
Tigris or the Euphrates. Arrian
(iv. 6, 13) takes his standard of
comparison , in regard to rivers,
from the river Peneius in Thessaly.
•Curtius, vii. 6, 19. The exactness
of Quint us Curtius, in describing
the general features of Baktria
and Sogdiana, is attested in the
strongest language by modern tra-
vellers. See Burnes's Travels into
Bokhara, vol. ii. ch. 8, p. 211. 2nd
edit.; also Morier, Second Journey
in Persia, p. 282.
But in the geographical details
of the country, we are at fault.
We have not sufficient data to
identify more than one or two of
the localities mentioned, in the
narrative of Alexander's proceed-
ings, either by Curtius or Arrian.
That Marakauda is the modern
Samarkand— the river Poly timetus,
the modern Kohik — and Baktra or
Zariaspa the modern Balkh— ap-
pears certain; but the attempts made
by commentators to assign the site
of other places are not such as to
carry conviction.
In fact, these countries, at the
present moment, are known only
superficially as to their general
scenery ; for purposes of measure-
ment and geography , they are al-
most unknown ; as may be seen by
any one who reads the Introduction
to Erskine's translation of the Me-
moirs of Sultan Baber.
CHAP. XOIV. CAPTURE OF BESSUS. 25
a light division was sent forward by Alexander, and was
enabled, by extreme celerity of movements, to surprise
and seize Bessus in a village. Alexander ordered that he
should be held in chains, naked and with a collar round
his neck, at the side of the road along which the army
were marching. On reaching the spot, Alexander stopped
his chariot, and sternly demanded from Bessus, on what
pretence he had first arrested, and afterwards slain, his
king and benefactor Darius. Bessus replied, that he had
not done this single-handed ; others were concerned in it
along with him, to procure for themselves lenient treatment
from Alexander. The king said no more, but ordered
Bessus to be scourged, and then sent back as prisoner to
Baktra l — where we shall again hear of him.
In his onward march, Alexander approached a small
town, inhabited by the Branchidse ; descendants Massacre of
of those Branchidse near Miletus on the coast the Bran-
of Ionia, who had administered the great temple theft" fanf-
and oracle of Apollo on Cape Poseidion, and iiies, per-
who had yielded up the treasures of that temple ^e^ande*/
to the Persian king Xerxes, 150 years before, in So'g-
This surrender had brought upon them so much diana-
odium, that when the dominion of Xerxes was overthrown
on the coast, they retired with him into the interior of
Asia. He assigned to them lands in the distant region
of Sogdiana, where their descendants had ever since
remained; bilingual and partially dishellenised, yet still
attached to their traditions and origin. Delighted to
find themselves once more in commerce with Greeks, they
poured forth to meet and welcome the army, tendering
all that they possessed. Alexander, when he heard who
they were and what was their parentage, desired the
Milesians in his army to determine how they should be
treated. But as these Milesians were neither decided nor
unanimous, Alexander announced that he would deter-
mine for himself. Having first occupied the city in person
with a select detachment, he posted his army all round
1 Arrian, iii. 30, 5-10. These de- that he was brought up in this way
tails are peculiarly authentic , as by Spitamenes and Dataphernes.
coming from Ptolemy, the person Curtius (vii. 24, 36) follows this
chiefly concerned. version. Diodorus also gives an
Aristobulus agreed in the de- account very like it, mentioning
scription of the guise in which nothing about Ptolemy (xvii. 83).
Bessus was exhibited, but stated
26
HISTORY OF GBEECE.
PABT II.
the walls, and then gave orders not only to plunder it, but
to massacre the entire population — men, women, and
children. They were slain without arms or attempt at
resistance, resorting to nothing but prayers and suppliant
manifestations. Alexander next commanded the walls to
be levelled, and the sacred groves cut down, so that no
habitable site might remain, nor any thing except solitude
and sterility. i Such was the revenge taken upon these
unhappy victims for the deeds of their ancestors in the
fourth or fifth generation before. Alexander doubtless
considered himself to be executing the wrath of Apollo
f> gainst an accursed race who had robbed the temple of
the God.2 The Macedonian expedition had been proclaim-
ed to be undertaken originally for the purpose of reven-
ging upon the contemporary Persians the ancient wrongs
1 Curtius, vii. 23; Plutarch de
Sera Numinis vindicta, p. 557 B;
Strabo, xi. p. 518 : compare also xiv.
p. 634, and xvii. p. 814. This last-
mentioned passage of Strabo helps
us to understand the peculiarly
strong pious fervour with •which
Alexander regarded the temple and
oracle of Branchidse. At the time
•when Alexander went up to the
oracle of Ammon in Egypt, for the
purpose of affiliating himself to
Zeus Ammon, there came to him
envoys from Miletus announcing
that the oracle atBranchidze, which
had been silent ever since the time
of Xerxes, had just begun again to
give prophecy, and had certified the
fact that Alexander was the son of
Zens, besides many other encour-
aging predictions.
The massacre of the Branchidse
by Alexander was described by
Diodorus, but was contained in that
portion of the seventeenth book
which is lost; there is a great la-
cuna in the MSS. after cap. 83.
The fact is distinctly indicated in
the table of contents prefixed to
book xvii.
Arrian makes no mention of these
descendants of the Branchidse in
Sogdiana, nor of the destruction of
the town and its inhabitants by
Alexander. Perhaps neither Pto-
lemy nor Aristobulus said anything
about it. Their silence is not at
all difficult to explain, nor does it,
in my judgement, impeach the cre-
dibility of the narrative. They do
not feel under obligation to give
publicity to the worst acts of their
hero.
1 The Delphian oracle pronounced,
in explaining the subjugation
and ruin of Kroesus king of Lydia,
that he had thereby expiated the
sin of his ancestor in the fifth gen-
eration before (Herodot. i. 91 :
compare vi. 86). Immediately be-
fore the breaking out of the Pelo-
ponnesian war, the Lacedaemonians
called upon the Athenians to expel
the descendants of those who had
taken part in the Kilonian sacri-
lege, 180 years before ; they address-
ed this injunction with a view to
procure the banishment of Perikles,
yet still TOIC Oeot? irptitov Ttfxcupouv-
Te« (Thucyd. i. 125-127).
The idea that the sins of fathers
were visited upon their descend-
ants, even to the third and fourth
generation, bad great currency in
the ancient world.
CHAP. XCIV. MASSACRE OF THE BRANCHID^B. 27
done to Greece by Xerxes ; BO that Alexander would
follow out the same sentiment in revenging upon the con-
temporary Branchidse the acts of their ancestors — yet
more guilty than Xerxes, in his belief. The massacre of
this unfortunate population was in fact an example of
human sacrifice on the largest scale, offered to the Gods
by the religious impulses of Alexander, and worthy to be
compared to that of the Carthaginian general Hannibal,
when he sacrificed 3000 Grecian prisoners on the field
of Himera, where his grandfather Hamilkar had been
slain seventy years before. *
Alexander then continued his onward progress, first
to Marakanda (Samarcand), the chief town of Sogdiana —
next to the river Jaxartes, which he and his companions,
in their imperfect geographical notions, believed Alexander
to be the Tanais, the boundary between Asia »t Mara-
and Europe. 2 In his march, he left garrisons in onntdhae and
various towns,3 but experienced no resistance, Jaxartes.
though detached bodies of the natives hovered ^o^o *"
on his flanks. Some of these bodies, having Alexandria
cut off a few of his foragers, took refuge after- juries
wards on a steep and rugged mountain, con- Limit of
ceived to be unassailable. Thither however ^j^r's
Alexander pursued them, at the head of his progress
lightest and most active troops. Though at northw«d-
first repulsed, he succeeded in scaling and capturing the
place. Of its defenders, thirty thousand in number,
three-fourths were either put to the sword, or perished in
jumping down the precipices. Several of his soldiers were
wounded with arrows, and he himself received a shot from
one of them through his leg.4 But here, as elsewhere, we
perceive that nearly all the Orientals whom Alexander
1 Diodor.xiii.62. See Oh. LXXXI. the Araxes Aristotle must mean the
of this History. Jaxartes. We see therefore that
1 Pliny, H. N. vi. 16. In the Me- Alexander and his companions, in
teorologica of Aristotle (i. 13, 15- identifying the Jaxartes •with the
18) we read that the rivers Baktrus, Tanais, only followed the geo-
Choaspes, and Araxes flowed from graphical descriptions and ideas
the lofty mountain Parnasus (Paro- current in their time. Humboldt
pamisus?) in Asia ; and that the remarks several cases in which the
Araxes bifurcated, one branch form- Greek geographers were fond of
ing the Tanais, which fell into supposingbifurcationofrivers(Asie
the Palus Mseotis. For this fact he Centrale, vol. ii. p. 291).
refers to the -(f^ icspioSoi current in s Arrian, iv. 1, 5.
his time. It seems plain that by " Arrian, iii. 30, 17.
28 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAKT n.
subdued were men little suited for close combat hand to
hand, — fighting only with missiles.
Here, on the river Jaxartes, Alexander projected the
B.C. 329. foundation of a new city to bear his name ; in-
(Summer.) tended partly as a protection against incursions
Founda- from the Scythian Nomads on the other side of
Alexandria the river, partly as a facility for himself to cross
teln^Wmit over an(^ su^^ue them, which he intended to do
of march as soon as he could find opportunity.1 He was
northward, however called off for the time by the news of
a wide-spread revolt among the newly-conquered inhabit-
ants both of Sogdiana and Baktria. He suppressed the
revolt with his habitual vigour and celerity, distributing
his troops so as to capture five townships in two days, and
Kyropolis or Kyra, the largest of the neighbouring Sog-
dian towns (founded by the Persian Cyrus), immediately
afterwards. He put all the defenders and inhabitants to
the sword. Returning then to the Jaxartes, he completed
in twenty days the fortifications of his new town of Alex-
andria (perhaps at or near Khodjend), with suitable sacri-
fices and festivities to the Gods. He planted in it some
Macedonian veterans and Grecian mercenaries, together
with volunteer settlers from the natives around.2 An
army of Scythian Nomads, showing themselves on the other
side of the river, piqued his vanity to cross over and attack
them. Carrying over a division of his army on inflated
skins, he defeated them with little difficulty, pursuing
them briskly into the desert. But the weather was intense-
ly hot, and the army suffered much from thirst; while the
little water to be found was so bad, that it brought upon
Alexander a diarrhoea which endangered his life.3 This
chase, of a few miles on the right bank of the Jaxartes
(seemingly in the present Khanat of Kokand), marked the
utmost limit of Alexander's progress northward.
Shortly afterwards, a Macedonian detachment, un-
B.C. 329-328. skilfully conducted, was destroyed in Sogdiana
(Winter.) by Spitamenes and the Scythians: a rare mis-
Alexander fortune, which Alexander avenged by over-
at Zanaspa ' . . ., . ° ,-. . J . A,
in Baktria running the region4 near the river irolytimetus
1 Arrian, iv. 1, 8. 4 Arrian, iv. 6, 11; Carting, vii.
1 Arrian, iv. 3, 17; Curtius, vii. 9, 22. The river, called by the Ma-
6, 25. cedoniang Polytimetus (Strabo, xi.
* Arrian, iv. 6, 6; Curtius, vii. 9. p. 618), now bears the name of
CHAP. XCIV. MUTILATION OF BESSUS. 29
(the Kohik), and putting to the sword the in- —he causes
habitants of all the towns which he took. He J^Stf
then recrossed the Oxus, to rest during the lated and
extreme season of winter at Zariaspa in Baktria, slain-
from whence his communications with the West and with
Macedonia were more easy, and where he received various
reinforcements of Greek troops. 1 Bessus, who had been
here retained as a prisoner, was now brought forward
amidst a public assembly; wherein Alexander, having first
reproached him for his treason to Darius, caused his nose
and ears to be cut off — and sent him in this condition to
Ekbatana, to be finally slain by the Medes and Persians.2
Mutilation was a practice altogether Oriental and non-
Hellenic: even Arrian, admiring and indulgent as he is
towards his hero, censures this savage order, as one among
many proofs how much Alexander had taken on Oriental
dispositions. We may remark that his extreme wrath on
this occasion was founded partly on disappointment that
Bessus had frustrated his toilsome efforts for taking
Darius alive — partly on the fact that the satrap had com-
mitted treason against the king's person, which it was the
policy as well as the feeling of Alexander to surround
with a circle of Deity. 3 For as to traitors against Persia,
as a cause and country, Alexander had never discouraged,
and had sometimes signally recompensed them. Mithrines,
the governor of Sardis, who opened to him the gates of
that almost impregnable fortress immediately after the
battle of the Grranikus — the traitor who perhaps, next to
Darius himself, had done most harm to the Persian cause
— obtained from him high favour and promotion.*
Kohik or Zumfshan. It rises in Borne, when the Emperor Galba
the mountains east of Samarkand, was deposed and assassinated in
flowing westward on the north of the forum, Tacitus observes —
that city and of Bokhara. It does "Plures quam centum et viginti li-
not reach so far as the Oxus; bellos prasmia exposcentium, ob
during the full time of the year, aliquam notabilem ilia die operam,
it falls into a lake called Kara- Vitellius postea invenit, omnesque
kul; during the dry months, it is conquiri et internet jussit: non
lost in the sands, as Arrian states honore Gallce, sed tradito princi-
(Burnes's Travels, vol. ii. ch. xi. pilus more, munimentum ad prce-
p. 299, 2nd ed.). sens, inposterum ttltionem" (Taci-
1 Arrian, iv. 7, 1 ; Curtius, vii. tus, Hist. i. 44).
10, 12. « Arrian, i. 17, 3; iii. 16, 8. Cur-
1 Arrian, iv. 7, 6. tius, iii. 12, 6 j v. 1, 44.
1 After describing the scene at
30
HISTORY OF GKEECE.
PAET n.
The rude, but spirited tribes of Baktria and Sogdiana
were as yet but imperfectly subdued, seconded
as their resistance was by wide spaces of sandy
desert, by the neighbourhood of the Scythian
Nomads, and by the presence of Spitamenes as
a leader. Alexander, distributing his army into
^ve divisi°ns> traversed the country and put
down all resistance, while he also took measures
for establishing several military posts, or new
towns, in convenient places. * After some time the whole
army was reunited at the chief place of Sogdiana — Mara-
kanda — where some halt and repose was given.2
During this halt at Marakanda (Samarcand) the mem-
orable banquet occurred wherein Alexander
murdered Kleitus. It has been already related
that Kleitus had saved his life at the battle of
the Granikus, by cutting off the sword arm of
the Persian Spithridates when already uplifted
to strike him from behind. Since the death of
Philotas, the important function of general of
the Companion-cavalry had been divided between Hephaes-
tion and Kleitus. Moreover the family of Kleitus had been
attached to Philip, by ties so ancient, that his sister,
B.C. 328.
(Summer.)
Farther
subjuga-
tion of
Baktria
and Sogdi
ana. Halt
at Mara-
kanda.
B.C. 328.
Banquet at
Mara-
kanda.
Character
and posi-
tion of
Kleitus.
' Cnrtins (vii. 10, 15) mentions
six cities (oppida) founded by
Alexander in these regions; ap-
parently somewhere north of the
Oxus, but the sites cannot be
made out. Justin (xii. 5) alludes
to twelve foundations in Baktria
and Sogdiana.
* Arrian, iv. 16, 4; Curtius, vii.
10, 1. "Sogdiana regio magn& ex
parte deserta est; octingenta ferd
stadia in latitudinem vastae soli-
tudines tenent."
Respecting the same country
(Sogdiana and Baktria), Mr. Ers-
kine observes (Introduction to the
Memoirs of Sultan Baber, p.
xliii.) :—
"The face of the country is ex-
tremely broken, and divided by
lofty hills ; even the plains are
diversified by great varieties of
soil , — some extensive districts
along the Kohik river, nearly the
whole of Ferghana (along the
Jaxartes) , the greater part of
Kwarizm along the branches of
the Oxus, with large portions
of Balkh, Badakshan, Kesli, and
Hissar, being of uncommon fertil-
ity; while the greater part of the
rest is a barren waste, and in some
places a sandy desert. Indeed the
whole country north of the Oxus
has a decided tendency to degen-
erate into desert , and many of
its most fruitful spaces are nearly
surrounded by barren sands; so
that the population of all these
districts still, as in the time of
Baber, consists of the fixed inhab-
itants of the cities and fertile
lands, and of the unsettled and
roving wanderers of the desert,
who dwell in tents of felt, and
live on the produce of their flocks."
CHAP. XCIV. BANQUET OF MARAKANDA. 31
Lanike, had been selected as the nurse of Alexander
himself when a child. Two of her sons had alreadyperished
in the Asiatic battles. If therefore there were any man
who stood high in the service, or was privileged to speak
his mind freely to Alexander, it was Kleitus.
In this banquet at Marakanda, when wine, according
to the Macedonian habit, had been abundantly Boagtg f
drunk, and when Alexander, Kleitus, and most Alexander
of the other guests were already nearly intoxi- 2nd his
, , ., °. a i, i •* i • flatterers —
cated, enthusiasts or flatterers heaped im- repugnance
moderate eulogies upon the king's past achieve- °f Mace-
ments. l They exalted him above all the most officer* felt,
venerated legendary heroes; they proclaimed but not
,,,,. ° i • j j ' j i_- J- • expressed.
that his superhuman deeds proved his divine
paternity, and that he had earned an apotheosis like He-
rakles, which nothing but envy could withhold from him
even during his life. Alexander himself joined in these
boasts, and even took credit for the later victories of the
reign of his father, whose abilities and glory he depreci-
ated. To the old Macedonian officers, such an insult cast
on the memory of Philip was deeply offensive. But among
them all, none had been more indignant than Kleitus, with
the growing insolence of Alexander — his assumed filiation
from Zeus Ammon, which put aside Philip as unworthy —
his preference for Persian attendants, who granted or re-
fused admittance to his person — his extending to Mace-
donian soldiers the contemptuous treatment habitually en-
dured by Asiatics, and even allowing them to be scourged
by Persian hands and Persian rods.2 The pride of a Mace-
donian general in the stupendous successes of the last five
years, was effaced by his mortification, when he saw that
they tended only to merge his countrymen amidst a crowd
of servile Asiatics, and to inflame the prince with high-
flown aspirations transmitted from Xerxes or Ochus. But
whatever might be the internal thoughts of Macedonian
officers, they held their peace before Alexander, whose
formidable character and exorbitant self-estimation would
tolerate no criticism.
1 Arrian, iv. 8, 7. TU>V ir6NU>
1 Plutarch, Alexand. 61. Nothing 8s TOTJ? TJOTJ -rsQvrjxoTa? icplv erci5=Iv
can be more touching than the MTjSixai; f/dfiSoK; gctivO|iivou{ Maxe-
words put by Plutarch into the Sovoi;, xai Ilspaujv Ssojxsvoui; tva Tiji
mouth of Kleitus— 'AXX' oiSs vuv poutXst irpoaj).9u)(j.ev.
32 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
At the banquet of Marakanda, this long-suppressed
repugnance found an issue, accidental indeed and unpre-
meditated, but for that very reason all the more violent
and unmeasured. The wine, which made Alexander more
boastful, and his flatterers fulsome to excess, overpowered
Scene at altogether the reserve of Kleitus. He rebuked
the banquet the impiety of those who degraded the ancient
remon™ent neroes *n order to make a pedestal for Alexander,
strance of He protested against the injustice of disparaging
Kieitus. the exalted and legitimate fame of Philip; whose
achievements he loudly extolled, pronouncing them to be
equal, and even superior, to those of his son. For the ex-
ploits of Alexander, splendid as they were, had been
accomplished, not by himself alone, but by that unconquer-
able Macedonian force which he had found ready made to
his hands ; l whereas those of Philip had been his own —
since he had found Macedonia prostrate and disorganised,
and had to create for himself both soldiers and a military
system. The great instruments of Alexander's victories
had been Philip's old soldiers, whom he now despised —
and among them Parmenio, whom he had put to death.
Remarks such as these, poured forth in the coarse
Furious language of a half-intoxicated Macedonian veter-
wrath of an, provoked loud contradiction from many,
— hTnmr-1 an<^ gave poignant offence to Alexander; who
ders Kiei- now for the first time heard the open outburst
of disapprobation, before concealed and known
to him only by surmise. But wrath and contradiction, both
from him and from others, only made Kleitus more reckless
in the outpouring of his own feelings, now discharged with
delight after having been so long pent up. He passed from
the old Macedonian soldiers to himself individually.
Stretching forth his right hand towards Alexander, he ex-
claimed:— "Recollect that you owe your life to me; this
hand preserved you at the Granikus. Listen to the out-
spoken language of truth, or else abstain from asking
freemen to supper, and confine yourself to the society of
barbaric slaves." All these reproaches stung Alexander to
the quick. But nothing was so intolerable to him as the
respectful sympathy for Parmenio, which brought to his
memory one of the blackest deeds of his life — and the
1 Arrian, iv. 8. 8, o&xouv (x6vov aXXa ti itoXo (xspo? Maxs86-ju>v slva»
•ft ('AXi£av8pov) xatoi;pd;ai OUTOI, T« spY«, <£c.
CHAP. XCIV. ALEXANDER MURDERS KLEITUS. 33
reminiscence of his preservation at the Granikus, which
lowered him into the position of a debtor towards the very
censor under whose reproof he was now smarting. At
length wrath and intoxication together drove him into un-
controllable fury. He started from his couch, and felt for
his dagger to spring at Kleitus; but the dagger had been
put out of reach by one of his attendants. In a loud voice
and with the Macedonian word of command, he summoned
the body guards and ordered the trumpeter to sound an
alarm. But no one obeyed so grave an order, given in his
condition of drunkenness. His principal officers, Ptolemy,
Perdikkas and others, clung round him, held his arms and
body, and besought him to abstain from violence ; others
at the same time tried to silence Kleitus and hurry him
out of the hall, which had now become a scene of tumult
and consternation. But Kleitus was not in a humour to
confess himself in the wrong by retiring; while Alexander,
furious at the opposition now, for the first time, offered to
his will, exclaimed, that his officers held him in chains as
Bessus had held Darius, and left him nothing but the
name of a king. Though anxious to restrain his move-
ments, they doubtless did not dare to employ much phy-
sical force; so that his great personal strength, and con-
tinued efforts, presently set him free. He then snatched a
pike from one of the soldiers, rushed upon Kleitus, and
thrust him through on the spot, exclaiming, "Gro now to
Philip and Parmenio."1
1 Arrian, iv. 8; Curtius, viii. 1; For Arrian's narrative down to
Plutarch, Alexand. 60, 51; Justin sect. 14 of c. 8 (before the words
xii. 6. The description given by 'AptoTopooXo? 8s) may fairly be
Diodorus was contained in the presumed to be derived from Pto-
lost part of his seventeenth book ; lemy.
the table of contents, prefixed Both Plutarch and Curtius de-
thereunto , notes the incident scribe the scene in a manner more
briefly. dishonourable to Alexander than
All the authors describe in the Arrian; and at the same time (in
same general way the commence- my judgement) less probable. Plu-
ment, progress, and result, of this tarch says that the brawl took its
impressive scene in the banqueting rise from a poet named Pierion
hall of Marakanda; but they differ singing a song which turned into
materially in the details. In derision those Macedonians who
giving what seems to me the most had been recently defeated in Sog-
probable account, I have borrowed diana; that Alexander and those
partly from all, yet following around him greatly applauded this
mostly the account given by Arrian satire; that Kleitus protested
from Ptolemy , himself present, against such an insult to soldiers,
VOL. XII. D
34
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PAET II.
No sooner was the deed perpetrated, than the feelings
intense re- °^ Alexander underwent an entire revolution,
morse of The spectacle of Kleitus, a bleeding corpse on
the floor, — the marks of stupefaction and horror
evident in all the spectators, and the reaction
from a furious impulse instantaneously satiated
— plunged him at once into the opposite extreme of remorse
and self-condemnation. Hastening out of the hall, and re-
tiring to bed, he passed three days in an agony of distress,
without food or drink* He burst into tears and multiplied
Alexander,
immedi-
ately after
the deed.
who, though unfortunate, had be-
haved with unimpeachable brave-
ry; that Alexander then turned
upon Kleitus , saying that he was
seeking an excuse for himself by
extenuating cowardice in others ;
that Kleitus retorted by reminding
him of the preservation of his life
at the Granikus. Alexander is
thus made to provoke the quarrel
by aspersing the courage of Klei-
tus, which I think no way prob-
able; nor would he be likely to
encourage a song of that tenor.
Curtius agrees with Arrian in
ascribing the origin of the mischief
to the extravagant boasts of Alexan-
der and his flatterers , and to
their depreciation of Philip. He
then tells us that Kleitus, on hear-
ing their unseemly talk, turned
round and whispered to his neigh-
t bour some lines out of the Andro-
mache of Euripides (which lines
Plutarch also ascribes to him,
though at a later moment); that
Alexander, not hearing the words
asked what had been said, but no
one would tell him; at length
Kleitus himself repeated the sen-
timent in language of his own.
This would suit a literary Greek;
but an old Macedonian officer
half-intoxicated, when animated
by a vehement sentiment, would
hardly express it by whispering
a Greek poetical quotation to his
neighbour. He would either hold
his tongue, or speak what he felt
broadly and directly. Nevertheless
Curtius has stated two points very
material to the case , which do
not appear in Arrian. 1. It was
Alexander himself, not his flatter-
ers who vilipended Philip; at
least the flatterers only did so,
after him, and following his
example. The topic would be
dangerous for them to originate,
and might easily be carried too
far. 2. Among all the topics touch-
ed upon by Kleitus, none was
so intolerable as the open ex-
pression of sympathy, friendship,
and regret, for Parmenio. This
stung Alexander in the sorest point
of his conscience ; he must have
known that there were many pre-
sent who sympathised with it ; and
it was probably the main cause
which worked him up to phrenzy.
Moreover we may be pretty sure
that Kleitus, while expatiating
upon Philip, would not forget
Philip's general in chief and his
own old friend, Parmenio.
I cannot believe the statement
of Aristobulus, that Kleitus was
forced by his friends out of the
hall, and afterwards returned to
it of his own accord, to defy Alex-
ander once more. It seems plain
from Arrian, that Ptolemy said no
such thing. The murderous im-
pulse of Alexander was gratified
on the spot, and without delay, as
soon as he got clear from the gentle
restraint of his surrounding friends.
CHAP. XCIV.
KEMOHSE OF ALEXANDER.
35
exclamations on his own mad act; he dwelt upon the
names of Kleitus and Lanike with the debt of gratitude
which he owed to each, and denounced himself as unworthy
to live after having requited such services with a foul
murder. l His friends at length prevailed on him to take
food, and return to activity. All joined in trying to
restore his self-satisfaction. The Macedonian army passed
a public vote that Kleitus had been justly slain, and that
his body should remain unburied; which afforded oppor-
tunity to Alexander to reverse the vote, and to direct that
it should be buried by his own order.2 The prophets com-
forted him by the assurance that his murderous impulse
had arisen, not from his own natural mind, but from a
maddening perversion intentionally brought on by the God
Dionysus, to avenge the omission of a sacrifice due to him
on the day of the banquet, but withheld. 3 Lastly, the
Greek sophist or philosopher, Anaxarchus of Abdera,
revived Alexander's spirits by well-timed flattery, treating
his sensibility as nothing better than generous weakness;
reminding him that in his exalted position of conqueror
and Great King, he was entitled to prescribe what was
right and just, instead of submitting himself to laws dic-
tated from without.4 Kallisthenes the philosopher was also
summoned, along with Anaxarchus, to the king's presence,
for the same purpose of offering consolatory reflections.
But he is said to have adopted a tone of discourse alto-
gether different, and to have given offence rather than
satisfaction to Alexander.
1 Arrian, iv. 9, 4 ; Curtius, viii. 2, 2.
* Curtius, viii. 2, 12. "Quoque
minus ctedis puderet, jure inter-
fectum Clitum Macedones decer-
nnnt; sepultura, quoque prohibi-
turi, ni rex humari jussisset."
In explanation of this monstrous
verdict of the soldiers, we must
recollect that the safety of the
whole army (now at Samarkand,
almost beyond the boundary of
inhabited regions, E£u> tj); otxoufii-
vr)O was felt to depend on the life
of Alexander. Compare Justin,
xii. 6, 15.
'Arrian, iv. 9, 6. Alexander
imagined himself to have incurred
the displeasure of Dionysus by
having sacked and destroyed the
city of Thebes, the supposed birth-
place and favourite locality of
that god (Plutarch, Alex. 13).
The maddening delusion brought
upon men by the wrath of Diony-
sus is awfully depicted in the
Bacchse of EuripidSs. Under the
influence of that delusion, Agave,
mother of Pentheus, tears her son
in pieces and bears away his head
in triumph, not knowing what is
in her hands. Compare also Eu-
ripid. Hippolyt. 440—1412.
4 Arrian, iv. 9, 10 ; Plutarch,
Alex. 52.
D 2
36 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
To such remedial influences, and probably still more
to the absolute necessity for action, Alexander's remorse
at length yielded. Like the other emotions of his fiery
soul, it was violent and overpowering while it lasted. But
it cannot be shown to have left any durable trace on his
character, nor any effects, justifying the unbounded admir-
ation of Arrian; who has little but blame to bestow on the
murdered Kleitus, while he expresses the strongest sym-
pathy for the mental suffering of the murderer.
After ten days,1 Alexander again put his army in
B.C. 328. motion, to complete the subjugation of Sog-
Active and diana. He found no enemy capable of meeting
successful him in pitched battle; yet Spitamenes, with the
of AieL°-nS Sogdians and some Scythian allies, raised much
ander in hostility of detail, which it cost another year
Sogdiana. ^ pu{. down. Alexander underwent the greatest
fatigue and hardships in his marches through the moun-
tainous parts of this wide, rugged, and poorly supplied
country, with rocky positions, strong by nature, which his
enemies sought to defend. One of these fastnesses, held by
a native chief named Sisymithres, seemed almost unattack-
able, and was indeed taken rather by intimidation than
by actual force.2 The Scythians, after a partial success
over a small Macedonian detachment, were at length so
thoroughly beaten and overawed, that they slew Spita-
menes, and sent his head to the conqueror as a propitia-
tory offering. 3
After a short rest at Nautaka during the extreme
winter, Alexander resumed operations, by attacking a
strong post called the Sogdian Hock, whither a large
number of fugitives had assembled, with an ample supply
of provision. It was a precipice supposed to be inexpug-
BO 328-327 nable; and would seemingly have proved so, in
(Winter, spite of the energy and abilities of Alexander,
Spring). jjad no£ ^e OCCUpants altogether neglected
Capture of their guard, and yielded at the mere sight of a
pugnnbie handful of Macedonians who had scrambled up
Fi?8itio^~" the precipice. Among the captives taken by
the Sogdian A i i AI • i xi T j
rock— the Alexander on this rock, were the wife and
1 Curtius, viii. 2, 13 — "decem die- * Arrian, iv. 17, 11. Curtius (viii.
bus ad confirmandum pudorem 3) gives a different narrative of
apud JIaracanda consumptis," &c. the death of Spitamenfis.
* Curtius, viii. 2, 20—30.
CUAP. XCIV. . BANQUET AT BAKTRA. 37
family of the Baktrian chief Oxyartes; one of rock of
whose daughters, named Roxana, so captivated Chorines.
Alexander by her beauty that he resolved to Alexander
make her his wife.1 He then passed out of Sog- forRoxana.
diana into the neighbouring territory Paraetakene, where
there was another inexpugnable site called the Rock of
Chorienes, which he was also fortunate enough to reduce.2
From hence Alexander went to Baktra. Sending Kra-
terus with a division to put the last hand to the reduction
of Parsetakene, he himself remained at Baktra,
preparing for his expedition across the Hindoo-
Koosh to the conquest of India. As a security for tran-
quillity of Baktria and Sogdiana during his absence, he
levied 30,000 young soldiers from those countries to accom-
pany him.3
It was atBaktra that Alexander celebratedhis marriage
with the captive Roxana. Amidst the repose B c 327
and festivities connected with that event, the (Spring).
Oriental temper which he was now acquiring Alexander
displayed itself more forcibly than ever. He at Baktra—
could no longer be satisfied without obtaining with'jux-
prostration, or worship, from Greeks and Mace- *na- His,
•j n f -rt • -IT j demand for
domans as well as from Persians; a public and prostration
unanimous recognition of his divine origin and °r worship
superhuman dignity. Some Greeks and Mace-
donians had already rendered to him this homage. Never-
theless to the greater number, in spite of their extreme
deference and admiration for him, it was repugnant and
degrading. Even the imperious Alexander shrank from
issuing public and formal orders on such a subject; but a
manoeuvre was concerted, with his privity, by the Persians
and certain compliant Greek sophists or philosophers, for
the purpose of carrying the point by surprise.
During a banquet at Baktra, the philosopher Anax-
archus, addressing the assembly in a prepared T
j. n T i A i i , i -j r n Public
harangue, extolled Alexander s exploits as greatly harangue of
surpassing those of Dionysus and Herakles. He Anh*~s
proclaimed that Alexander had already done during a
more than enough to establish a title to divine banquet,
1 Arrian, iv. 18, 19. follow Alexander in his marches
2 Arrian, iv. 21. Our geographi- of detail.
cal knowledge does not enable * Curtius, viii. 5, 1 ; Arrian, iv.
us to verify these localities, or to 22, 2.
38 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PABT II.
exhortin honours from the Macedonians; who (he said)
every one to would assuredly worship Alexander after his
worshi this ^eat^' an<^ ought in justice to worship him during
his life, forthwith. 1
This harangue was applauded, and similar sentiments
were enforced, by others favourable to the plan; who pro-
ceeded to set the example of immediate compliance, and
were themselves the first to tender worship. Most of the
Macedonian officers sat unmoved, disgusted at the speech.
But though disgusted, they said nothing. To reply to a
speech doubtless well-turned and flowing, required some
powers of oratory; moreover, it was well known that
whoever dared to reply stood marked out for the antipathy
of Alexander. The fate of Kleitus, who had arraigned the
same sentiments in the banqueting hall of Marakanda, was
fresh in the recollection of every one. The repugnance
which many felt, but none ventured to express, at length
found an organ in Kallisthenes of Olynthus.
This philosopher, whose melancholy fate imparts a
Public peculiar interest to his name, was nephew of
reply of Aristotle, and had enjoyed through his uncle an
nto op- early acquaintance with Alexander during the
posing it. boyhood of the latter. At the recommendation
and'history of Aristotle, Kallisthenes had accompanied Alex-
of KaiH- ander in his Asiatic expedition. He was a man
sthenes. Q£ muc}1 literary and rhetorical talent, which he
turned towards the composition of history — and to the hist-
ory of recent times.2 Alexander, full of ardour for con-
quest, was at the same time anxious that his achievements
should be commemorated by poets and men of letters;3
there were seasons also when he enjoyed their conversation.
On both these grounds he invited several of them to
1 Arrian, iv. 10, 7-9. Curtius from 367 — 846 B.C. 3. To xat'
viii. 6, 9 — 13) represents the speech 'A).e£av8pov. His style is said by
proposing divine honours to have Cicero to have been rhetorical;
been delivered, not by Anaxarchus, but the Alexandrine critics in-
but by another lettered Greek) a eluded him in their Canon of Hist-
Sicilian named Kleon. The tenor orians. See Didot, Fragm. Hist,
of the speech is substantially the Alex. Magn. p. 6—9.
same, as given by both authors. * See the observation ascribed
1 Kallisthenes had composed to him, expressing envy towards
three historical works — 1. Helle- Achilles for having been immor-
nica— from the year 387 — 337 B.C. talised by Homer (Arrian, i. 12, 2).
3. History of the Sacred War—
CHAP. XCIV. BANQUET AT BAKTRA.— KALLISTHENES. 39
accompany the army. The more prudent amongthemdecli-
ned, but Kallisthenes obeyed, partly in hopes of procuring the
reconstitution of his native city Olynthus, as Aristotle had
obtained the like favour for Stageira. » Kallisthenes had
composed a narrative (notpreserved) of Alexander's exploits,
which certainly reached to the battle of Arbela, and may
perhaps have gone down farther. The few fragments of
this narrative remaining seem to betoken extreme ad-
miration, not merely of the bravery and ability, but also of
the transcendent and unbroken good fortune, of Alexander
— marking him out as the chosen favourite of the Gods.
This feeling was perfectly natural under the grandeur of
the events. Insofar as we can judge from one or two speci-
mens, Kallisthenes was full of complimentary tribute to
the hero of his history. But the character of Alexander
himself had undergone a material change during the six
years between his first landing in Asia and his campaign
in Sogdiana. All his worst qualities had been developed
by unparalleled success and by Asiatic example. He
required larger doses of flattery, and had now come to
thirst, not merely for the reputation of divine paternity,
but for the actual manifestations of worship as towards a
God.
To the literary Greeks who accompanied Alexander,
this change in his temper must have been especially palp-
able and full of serious consequence; since it was chiefly
manifested, not at periods of active military duty, but at
his hours of leisure, when he recreated himself by their
conversation and discourses. Several of these Greeks —
Anaxarchus, Kleon, the poet Agisof Argos — accommodated
themselves to the change, and wound up their flatteries to
the pitch required. Kallisthenes could not do so. He was
a man of sedate character, of simple, severe, and almost
unsocial habits — to whose sobriety the long Macedonian
potations were distasteful. Aristotle said of him, that he
was a great and powerful speaker, but that he had no judge-
ment; according to other reports, he was a vain and
arrogant man, who boasted that Alexander's reputation and
immortality were dependent on the composition and tone
1 It is said that Ephorus, Xeno- nantiis, p. 1043). Respecting Me-
krates, and Menedemus, ah de- nedemus, the fact can hardly be
clined the invitation of Alexander so : he must have been then too
(Plutarch, De Stoicorura Kepug- young to be invited.
40 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PART II.
of his history. * Of personal vanity, — a common, quality
among literary Greeks, — Kallisthenes probably had his full
share. But there is no ground for believing that his char-
acter had altered. Whatever his vanity may have been,
it had given no offence' to Alexander during the earlier
years ; nor would it have given offence now, had not Alex-
ander himself become a different man.
On occasion of the demonstration led up by An-
The reply axarchus at the banquet, Kallisthenes had been
of Kaiii- invited by Hephsestion to join in the worship
favourably intended to be proposed towards Alexander ; and
heard by the Hephaestion afterwards alleged, that he had
proposition promised to comply. 2 But his actual conduct
for worship affords reasonable ground for believing that he
is dropped. ma(je no s^h promise; for he not only thought
it his duty to refuse the act of worship, but also to state
publicly his reasons for disapproving it ; the more so, as he
perceived that most of the Macedonians present felt like
himself. He contended that the distinction between Grods
and men was one which could not be confounded without
impiety and wrong. Alexander had amply earned, — as a
man, a general, and a king, — the highest honours compatible
1 Arrian, iv. 10, 2 ; Plutarch, his self-estimation so high. In
Alex. 53, 54. It is remarkable this chapter, Arrian recounts, that
that Timseus denounced Kallisthe- Alexander envied Achilles for
nes as having in his historical having been fortunate enough to
work flattered Alexander to excess obtain such a poet as Homer for
(Polybius, xii. 12). KallistheuSs panegyrist ; and Arrian laments
seems to have recognised various that Alexander had not, as yet,
special interpositions of the Gods, found an historian equal to his
to aid Alexander's successes— see deserts. This, in point of fact, is
Fragments 25 and 36 of the Frag- a rcassertion of the same truth
menta Callisthenis in the edition whichKallistbenfis stands condemn-
of Didot. ed for asserting — that the fame
In reading the censure which even of the greatest warrior de-
Arrian passes on the arrogant pends upon his commemorators.
pretensions of Kallisthenes, we The boastfulness of a poet is at
ought at the same time to read least pardonable, when he exclaims,
the pretensions raised by Arrian like Theokritus, Idyll, xvi. 73—
on his own behalf as an historian *Eaa»7ai OUTCH ovyjp, 5c efieu
(i. 12, 7—9) — xai eici T<j>3e o'J/ aica£iu> xcyprjoet' <ioi6(I),
i|xauTOv Ttbv rcpiuTiov EV T^ (ptovfl 'P4£a<; fj 'AjriXeu? 2saov (x^ya?, TJ
tfl *EXXa8t , etrcsp xai 'AXe^avSpo? P«p<K Ats?
TU>V tv TOIC SitXoi;, <£c. I doubt 'Ev itsStuj 2i|i6tvTOC| 861 Opuyoc
much whether Kallisthenes pitched '',:-'•'" 'iXou.
* Plutarch, Alex. 65.
CHAP. XCIV. FRANKNESS OF KALLISTHENES. 41
with humanity ; but to exalt him into a God would be both
an injury to him and an offence to the Gods. Anaxarchus
(he said) was the last person from whom such a proposition
ought to come, because he was one of those whose only
title to Alexander's society was founded upon his capacity
to give instructive and wholesome counsel. *
Kallisthenes here spoke out, what numbers of his
hearers felt. The speech was not only approved, but so
warmly applauded by the Macedonians present, especially
the older officers, — that Alexander thought it prudent to
forbid all farther discussion upon this delicate subject.
Presently the Persians present, according to Asiatic custom,
approached him and performed their prostration; after
which Alexander pledged, in successive goblets of wine,
those Greeks and Macedonians with whom he had held
previous concert. To each of them the goblet was handed,
and each, after drinking to answer the pledge, approached
the Bang, made his prostration, and then received a salute.
Lastly, Alexander sent the pledge to Kallisthenes, who,
after drinking like the rest, approached him, for the pur-
gose of receiving the salute, but without any prostration.
Of this omission Alexander was expressly informed by one
of the Companions; upon which he declined to admit Kalli-
sthenes to a salute. The latter retired, observing, "Then I
shall go away, worse off than others as far as the salute
goes." 2
Kallisthenes was imprudent, and even blameable, in
making this last observation, which, without Honorable
any necessity or advantage, aggravated the offence frankness
already given to Alexander. He was more im- age ^Kai-
prudent still, if we look simply to his own per- listhenes.
sonal safety, in standing forward publicly to protest against
the suggestion for rendering divine honours to that prince
and in thus creating the main offence which even in itself
was inexpiable. But here the occasion was one serious and
important, so as to convert the imprudence into an act of
genuine moral courage. The question was, not about
obeying an order given by Alexander, for no order had been
given — but about accepting or rejecting a motion made by
Anaxarchus; which Alexander, by a shabby preconcerted
manoeuvre, affected to leave to the free decision of the
1 Arrian, iv. 11. ircl 00910. TS * Arrian , iv. 12, 7. yiXTJjiait
xai itoiSsuost 'AXe$av8poj SUMO^TO. I>.OCTTOV eu>v anetjxi.
42 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
assembly, in full confidence that no one would be found
intrepid enough to oppose it. If one Greek sophist made
a proposition, in itself servile and disgraceful, another
sophist could do himself nothing but honour by entering
public protest against it; more especially since this was
done (as we may see by the report in Arrian) in terms
noway insulting, but full of respectful admiration towards
Alexander personally. The perfect success of the speech
is in itself a proof of the propriety of its tone ; ' for the
Macedonian officers would feel indifference if not contempt,
towards a rhetor like Kallisthenes, while towards Alex-
ander they had the greatest deference short of actual
worship. There are few occasions on which the free spirit
of Greek letters and Greek citizenship, in their protest
against exorbitant individual insolence, appears more con-
spicuous and estimable than in the speech of Kallisthenes.2
Arrian disapproves the purpose of Alexander, and strongly
blames the motion of Anaxarchus; nevertheless such is his
anxiety to find some excuse for Alexander, that he also
blames Kallisthenes for unseasonable frankness, folly, and
insolence, in offering opposition. He might have said with
some truth, that Kallisthenes would have done well to with-
draw earlier (if indeed he could have withdrawn without
offence) from ihe camp of Alexander, in which no lettered
Greek could now associate without abnegating his freedom
of speech and sentiment, and emulating the servility of
Anaxarchus. But being present, as Kallisthenes was, in
1 Arrian, iv. 12, 1. avtouott (tev pirations were followed by the
lArfaXujuTi ' A).s£av8f>ov, Maxe66<ji 8e Nemesis of the Gods. In the dying
icpo? 8u|xoo eiTteiv .... speech which Xenophon puts into
Curtius, viii. 5, 20. ".ZEquis au- the mouth of Cyrus the Great, we
ribus Callisthenes velut vindex find— "Ye Gods, I thank you much,
public* libertatis audicbatur. Ex- that I have been sensible of your
presserat non assensionem modo, care for me, and that I have never
aed etiam vocem, geniorum prse- in my successes raised my thoughts
cipue, quibus gravia erat invete- above the measur* of man" (Cyro-
rati moris externa mutatio." paed. viii, 7, 3). Among the most
* There was no sentiment more striking illustrations of this sen-
deeply rooted in the free Grecian timent is the storj of Solon and
mind, prior to Alexander's con- Crossus (Herodot. i. 32—34).
quests, than the repugnance to I shall recount in the next chap-
arrogant aspirations on the part ter examples of monstrous flattery
of the fortunate man, swelling on the part of the Athenians, pro-
himself above the limits of human- ving how this sentiment expired
ity— and the belief that such as- with their freedom.
CHAP. XCIV. CHAEACTER OF KALLISTHENES. 43
the hall at Baktra when the proposition of Anaxarchus was
made, and when silence would have been assent — his protest
against it was both seasonable and dignified for being
fraught with danger to himself.
Kallisthenes knew that danger well, and was quickly
enabled to recognize it in the altered demeanour Kaiu-
of Alexander towards him. He was, from that sthenes
day, a marked man in two senses : first, to Alex- odious to
ander himself, as well as to the rival sophists and Alexander.
all promoters of the intended deification, — for hatred, and
for getting up some accusatory pretence such as might
serve to ruin him; next, to the more free-spirited Mace-
donians, indignant witnesses of Alexander's increased in-
solence, and admirers of the courageous Greek who had
protested against the motion of Anaxarchus. By such men
he was doubtless much extolled; which praises aggravated
his danger, as they were sure to be reported to Alexander.
The pretext for his ruin was not long wanting.
Among those who admired and sought the conversa-
tion of Kallisthenes, was Hermolaus, one of the Conspiracy
royal pages, — the band, selected from noble Ma- of the royal
cedonian families, who did duty about the person against
of the king. It had happened that this young Aiex-
man, one of Alexander's companions in the chase, i^el'u is
on seeing a wild boar rushing up to attack the divulged—
king, darted his javelin, and slew the animal. puetyto™0r-
Alexander, angry to be anticipated in killing ture, but
the boar, ordered Hermolaus to be scourged n'o^ne^fse:
before all the other pages and deprived him they are put
of his horse. l Thus humiliated and outraged — for to death>
an act not merely innocent, but the omission of which, if
Alexander had sustained any injury from the boar, might
have been held punishable — Hermolaus became resolutely
bent on revenge.2 He enlisted in the project his intimate
friend Sostratus, with several others among the pages; and
it was agreed among them to kill Alexander in his chamber,
on the first night when they were all on guard together.
The appointed night arrived, without any divulgation of
their secret ; yet the scheme was frustrated by the accident,
1 Plutarch, Alexand. 54. He re- bus, the reader attendant on Kal-
fers to Hermippus, who mentions listhenes.
•what was told to Aristotle by Strce- * Arrian, iv. 13 ; Curtius, viii. 6, 7.
44 HISTORY OF GEEECB. PAET II.
that Alexander continued till daybreak drinking with his
officers, and never retired to bed. On the morrow, one of
the conspirators, becoming alarmed or repentant, divulged
the scheme to his friend Charikles, with the names of those
concerned. Eurylochus, brother to Charikles, apprised by
him of what lie had heard, immediately informed Ptolemy,
through whom it was conveyed to Alexander. By Alex-
ander's order, the persons indicated were arrested and put
to the torture ; 1 under which they confessed that they had
themselves conspired to kill him, but named no other
accomplices, and even denied that any one else was privy
to the scheme. In this denial they persisted, though extreme
suffering was applied to extort the revelation of new names.
They were then brought up and arraigned as conspirators
before the assembled Macedonian soldiers. There their con-
fession was repeated. It is even said that Hermolaus, in
repeating it, boasted of the enterprise as legitimate and
glorious ; denouncing the tyranny and cruelty of Alexander
as having become insupportable to a freeman. Whether
such boast was actually made or not, the persons brought
up were pronounced guilty, and stoned to death forthwith
by the soldiers.2
The pages thus executed were young men of good
Macedonian families, for whose condemnation
sthenes is accordingly Alexander had thought it necessary
arrested as ^o invoke — what he was sure of obtaining against
an accora- ,, _,, ,,. ^ 3 . ,,
pHce-anti- anyone — the sentence of the soldiers. To satisfy
F a\hVbani" kis hatred against Kallisthenes — not a Mace-
Aiexander donian, but only a Greek citizen, one of the
against surviving remnants of the subverted city of
agai'nst Olynthus — no such formality was required.3 As
Aristotle ye^ there was not a shadow of proof to implicate
this philosopher; for obnoxious as his name was
known to be, Hermolaus and his companions had, with
exemplary fortitude, declined to purchase the chance of
respite from extreme torture by pronouncing it. Their
1 Arrian, iv. 13, 13. them first, in order to manifest
1 Arrian, iv. 14, 4. Curtius ex- zeal for Alexander (viii. 8, 20).
panda this scene into great detail ; ' "Quern, si Macedo esset, (Calli-
composing a long speech for Her- sthenem) tecum introduxissem, dig-
molaus, and another for Alexan- nissimum te discipulo magistrum:
der (viii. 6, 7, 8). nunc Olynthio non idem juris est"
He says that the soldiers who (Curtius, viii. 8, 19— speech of Al-
executed these pages, tortured exander before the soldiers , ad-
dressing Hermolaus especially).
CHAP. XOIV. KALLISTHENES TORTUEED AND SLAIN. 45
confessions, — all extorted by suffering, unless confirmed by
other evidence, of which we do not know whether any was
taken — were hardly of the least value, even against them-
selves ; but against Kallisthenes they had no bearing what-
ever; nay, they tended indirectly, not to convict, but to
absolve him. In his case, therefore, as in that of Philotas
before, it was necessary to pick up matter of suspicious
tendency from his reported remarks and conversations.
He was alleged l to have addressed dangerous and inflamma-
tory language to the pages, holding up Alexander to odium,
instigating them to conspiracy, and pointing out Athens as
a place of refuge; he was .moreover well known to have
been often in conversation with Hermolaus. For a man of
the violent temper and omnipotent authority of Alexander,
such indications were quite sufficient as grounds of action
against one whom he hated.
On this occasion , we have the state of Alexander's
mind disclosed by himself, in one of the references, to his
letters given by Plutarch. Writing to Kraterus and to
others immediately afterwards, Alexander distinctly stated
that the pages throughout all their torture had deposed
against no one but themselves. Nevertheless, in another
letter addressed to Antipater in Macedonia, he used these
expressions — "The pages were stoned to death by the
Macedonians; but I myself shall punish the sophist, as well
as those who sent him out here, and those who harbour in
their cities conspirators against me."2 The sophist Kalli-
1 Plutarch, Alex. 55 ; Arrian, iv. Iv ft TOUTOI? dTuoxaXurcToiASvoi; irpo?
10, 4. 'AptcJTOTsXiqV, &C.
2 Plutarch, Alo s. 55. Kcni-rot T(JL>V About the hostile dispositions
itspl 'EpjioXaov o68e'n ooSs eayaiT); of Alexander towards Aristotle,
<xvdtYx7]s KaXXtaOevotKxaTETitEv. 'AXXa see Dio Chrysostom, Orat. 64. de
xol "AXs£av8po; aiTO <; 611865 YP"" Fortunft, p. 598.
' '
xoi TOV Ko^AtoHsvTjv ouvsicatTioaafxE- This statement, from the pen of
vo;, Oi (xevTuaiSe?, (prjoiv, UTtOTibv Ma- Alexander himself, distinctly con-
xeSovoJv xaTsXe6a8r)aov, TOV Ss tradicts and refutes (as I have be-
ootpiaTTjv sftb xoXdou), xai fore observed) the affirmation of
to'ic exiti(x(J/avTa? aOTOv,xal Ptolemy and Aristobulus as given
toy; u-o8s)ro(Aevou!; Tat<; it6Xeai TOO? by Arrian (iv. 14 , 1) — that the
ep.ot itcif)ouXt6ovTa{ .... avTixpu; pages deposed against Kallisthenes.
46 HISTORY OP GEEECE. PAST II.
sthenes had been sent out by Aristotle, who is here desig-
nated; and probably the Athenians after him. Fortunately
for Aristotle, he was not at Baktra, but at Athens. That
he could have had any concern in the conspiracy of the
pages , was impossible. In this savage outburst of menace
against his absent preceptor, Alexander discloses the real
state of feeling which prompted him to the destruction of
Kallisthenes; hatred towards that spirit of citizenship and
free speech, which Kallisthenes not only cherished, in com-
mon with Aristotle and most other literary Greeks, but
had courageously manifested in his protest against the
motion for worshipping a mortal.
Kallisthenes was first put to the torture and then
KaiH- hanged. J His tragical fate excited a profound
tortured.18 sentiment of sympathy and indignation among
andhanged. the philosophers of antiquity.2
The halts of Alexander were formidable to friends
B.C. 327. and companions ; his marches, to the unconquer-
(Summer). e(j natives whom he chose to treat as enemies.
rVd^e^the ^n *ke re^urn of Kraterus from Sogdiana, Alex-
country be- ander began his march from Baktra (Balkh)
^ireen the southward tothe mountain range Paropamisus or
Koosn and Caucasus (Hindoo-Koosh) ; leaving however at
the Indus. Baktra Amyntas with a large force of 1 0,000 foot
and 3500 horse, to keep these intractable territories in sub-
jugation.3 His march over the mountains occupied ten days;
1 Arrian, iv. 16, 5. Curtius also for some time; after which he died
says — "Callisthenes quoque tortus of disease and a wretched state of
interiit, initi consilii in caput re- body. But the witnesses here are
gis innoxius , sed haudquaquam persons whose means of inforraa-
aulse et assentantium accommoda- tion we do not know to be so
tns ingenio" (viii. 8, 21). Compare good as those of Ptolemy; besides
Plutarch, Alex. 55. that the statement is intrinsically
This is the statement of Ptole- less probable.
my; who was himself concerned * See the language of Seneca,
in the transactions, and was the Nat. Quest, vi. 23; Plutarch, De
officer through whom the conspir- Adulator, et Amici Discrimine, p.
acy of the pages had been reveal- 65 ; Theophrast. ap. Ciceron. Tusc. .
ed. His partiality might permit Disp. iii. 10.
him to omit or soften what was Curtius says that this treatment
discreditable to Alexander, but he of KallisthenSs was followed by
may be fully trusted when he re- a late repentance on the part of
cords an act of cruelty. Aristo- Alexander (viii. 8, 23). On this
bulus and others affirmed that point there is no other evidence —
KallisthenSs was put in chains nor can I think the statement prob-
and carried about in this condition able. ' Arrian, iv. 22, 4.
CHAP. XCIV. CONQUESTS ON THE INDUS. 47
he then visited his newly-founded city Alexandria in the
Paropamisadae. At or near the river Kophen (Kabool river),
he was joined by Taxiles, a powerful Indian prince, who
brought as a present twenty-five elephants, and whose
alliance was very valuable to him. He then divided his army,
sending one division under Hephsestion and Perdikkas,
towards the territory called Peukelaotis (apparently that
immediately north of the confluence of the Kabool river
with the Indus); and conducting the remainder himself in
an easterly direction, over the mountainous regions between
the Hindoo-Koosh and the right bank of the Indus. He-
phaestion was ordered, after subduing all enemies in his
way, to prepare a bridge ready for passing the Indus by
the time when Alexander should arrive. Astes, prince of
Peukelaotis, was taken and slain in the city where he had
shut himself up; but the reduction of it cost Hephsestion
a siege of thirty days. l
Alexander, with his own half of the army, undertook the
'reduction of the Aspasii, the Gursei, and the
Assakeni, tribes occupying montainous and diffi- B'°'
cult localities along the southern slopes of the fr°besUo8n°f
Hindoo-Koosh; but neither they nor their various the right
towns mentioned — Arigseon, Massaga, Bazira, indus^the6
Ora, Dyrta, &c., except perhaps the remarkable rock of
rock of Aornos,2 near the Indus — can be more Ao.rnos-
exactly identified. These tribes were generally brave, and
1 Arrian, iv. 22, 8 — 12. reason for believing that the Aor-
* Respecting the rock called nos described by Arrian is the
Aornos, a valuable and elaborate Mount Mahabunn, near the right
article, entitled "Gradus ad Aor- bank of the Indus (lat. 34° 20'),
non," has been published by Ma- about sixty miles above its con-
jor Abbot in the Journal of the fluence with the Kabool river.
Asiatic Society of Bengal, No. iv. "The whole account of Arrian of
1854. This article gives much in- the rock Aornos is a faithful pic-
formation, collected mainly by in= ture of the Mahabunn. It was
quiries on the spot, and accompa- the most remarkable feature of
nied by a map, about the very the country. It was the refuge of
little known country west of the all the neighbouring tribes. It
Indus, between the Kabool river was covered with forest. It 'had
on the south , and the Hindoo- good soil sufficient for a thousand
Koosh on the north. ploughs, and pure springs of water
Major Abbot attempts to follow everywhere abounded. It was
the march and operations of Alex- 4125 feet above the plain, and four-
ander, from Alexandria ad Cauca- teen miles in circuit. The summit
sum to the rock of Aornos (p. 311 was a plain where cavalry could
seq.). He shows highly probable act. It would be difficult to offer
43
HISTORY OF GEEECE.
PABT II.
seconded by towns of strong position as well as by a rugged
country, in many parts utterly without roads. J But their
defence was conducted with little union, no military skill,
and miserable weapons; so that they were noway qualified
to oppose the excellent combination and rapid movements
a more faithful description of the
Mahabunn. The side on which
Alexander scaled the main summit
had certainly the character of a
rock. But the whole description
of Arrian indicates a table moun-
tain" (p. 341). The Mahabunn "is
a mountain table, scarped on the
east by tremendous precipices,
from which descends one large
spur down upon the Indus between
Sitana and Umb" (p. 340).
To this similarity in so many
local features, is to be added the
remarkable coincidence of name,
between the town Embolina, where
Arrian states that Alexander estab-
lished his camp for the purpose
of attacking Aornos— and the mod-
ern names Umb and Balimah (be-
tween the Mahabunn and the In-
dus)— "the one in the river valley,
the other on the mountain imme-
diately above it" (p. 344). Mount
Mahabunn is the natural refuge for
the people of the neighbourhood
from a conqueror, and was among
the places taken by Nadir Shah
(p. 338).
A strong case of identity is thus
made out between this mountain
and the Aornos described by Arrian.
But undoubtedly it does not coin-
cide with the Aornos described by
Curtius, who compares Aornos to
a Meta (the conical goal of the
stadium), and says that the Indus
washed its base,— that at the first
assault several Macedonian sol-
diers were hurled down into the
river. This close juxtaposition of
the Indus has been the principal
feature looked for by travellers
who have sought for Aornos ; but
no place has yet been found ans-
wering the conditions required.
We have here to make our elec-
tion between Arrian and Curtiup.
Now there is a general presump-
tion in Arrian's favour, in the
description of military operations,
where he makes a positive state-
ment ; but in this case, the pre-
sumption is peculiarly strong, be-
cause Ptolemy was in the most
conspicuous and difficult command
for the Capture of Aornos, and
was therefore likely to be parti-
cular in the description of a scene
where he had reaped much glory^
1 Arrian, iv. 30, 13. TJ orp-'Tii
auTui (bSoTtOisiro jtpoaw lo'Jao), anopoc
aXXw? ovTa ta ta'JT^ X^P*1 *°-
The countries here traversed by
Alexander include parts of Kafir-
istan , Swart, Bajore, Chitral, the
neighbourhood of the Kameh and
other affluents of the river Kabool
before it falls into the Indus near
Attock. Most of this is Terra In-
cognita even at present; especial-
ly Kafiristan, a territory inhabit-
ed by a population said to be
rude and barbarous, but which has
never been conquered— nor indeed
ever visited by strangers. It is
remarkable, that among the inhab-
itants of Kafiristan — as well as
among those of Badakshan, on the
other or northern side of the Hin-
doo-Koosh— there exist traditions
respecting Alexander, together
with a sort of belief that they
themselves are descended from his
soldiers. See Bitter's Erdkunde
part vii. book iii. p. 200 seq. ; Bur-
nes's Travels, vol. iii. ch. 4. p.
186, 2nd ed. ; Wilson Ariana An-
tiqua, p. 194 scq.
CHAP. XCIV. CONQUESTS ON THE INDUS. 49
of Alexander, together with the confident attack and very
superior arms, offensive as well as defensive, of his soldiers.
All those who attempted resistance were successively
attacked, overpowered and slain. Even those who did not
resist, but fled to the mountains, were pursued and either
slaughtered or sold for slaves. The only way of escaping
the sword was to remain, submit, and await the fiat of the
invader. Such a series of uninterrupted successes, all achieved
with little loss, it is rare in military history to read.
The capture of the rock of Aornos was peculiarly gratifying
to Alexander, because it enjoyed the legendary reputation
of having been assailed in vain by Herakles — and indeed
he himself had deemed it, at first sight, unassailable. After
having thus subdued the upper regions (above Attock or
the confluence of the Kabul river) on the right bank of the
Indus, he availed himself of some forests alongside to fell
timber and build boats. These boats were sent down the
stream, to the point where Hephsestion and Perdikkas
were preparing the bridge. l
Such fatiguing operations of Alexander, accomplished
amidst all the hardships of winter, were followed B c 326-
by a halt of thirty days, to refresh the soldiers, (Spring).
before he crossed the Indus, in the early spring Alexander
of 326 B. c. 2 It is presumed, probably enough, i™usge.ltho
that he crossed at or near Attock, the passage forces the
now frequented. He first marched to Taxila, ^ssgge of
where the prince Taxilus at once submitted, and daspes, de-
reinforced the army with a strong contingent of p at^n^_
Indian soldiers. His alliance and information generous
was found extremely valuable. The whole neigh- treatment
bouring territory submitted, and was placed
under Philippus as satrap, with a garrison and depot at
Taxila. He experienced no resistance until he reached the
river Hydaspes (Jelum), on the other side of which the
Indian prince Porus stood prepared to dispute the passage;
a brave man , with a formidable force, better armed than
Indians generally were, and with many trained elephants;
which animals the Macedonians had never yet encountered
in battle. By a series of admirable military combinations,
1 Arrian, iv. 30, 16 ; v. 7, 2. place in winter, see the valuable
1 The halt of thirty days is men- citation from Aristobulus given
tionedby Diodorus,xvii. 86. For the in Strabo (xv. p. 691).
proof that these operations took
VOL. XII. E
50 HISTORY OP GREECE. PAHT II.
Alexander eluded the vigilance ofPorus, stole the passage
of the river at a point a few miles above, and completely
defeated the Indian army. In spite of their elephants, which
were skilfully managed, the Indians could not long with-
stand the shock of close combat, against such cavalry and
infantry as the Macedonian. Porus, a prince of gigantic
stature, mounted on an elephant, fought with the utmost
gallantry, rallying his broken troops and keeping them
together until the last. Having seen two of his sons slain,
himself wounded and perishing with thirst, he was only
preserved by the special directions of Alexander. When
Porus was brought before him, Alexander was struck with
admiration at his stature, beauty, and undaunted bearing. l
Addressing him first, he asked, what Porus wished to be
done for him. "That you should treat me as a king," was
the reply of Porus. Alexander, delighted with these words,
behaved towards Porus with the utmost courtesy and
generosity; not only ensuring to him his actual kingdom,
but enlarging it by new additions. He found in Porus a
faithful and efficient ally. This was the greatest day of Alex-
ander's life; if we take together the splendour and difficulty
of the military achievement, and the' generous treatment
of his conquered opponent.2
1 Arrian, v. 19, 1. "AXeEavSpo? 8e man of such violent impulses as
ti>5 rcpoaaYOvtot eit69£TO, irpooiin:£'J3a' Alexander , these external im-
itpo TTJ? Ta$siO5 ayv oXtYOK i<I>'< pressions were of no incousider-
tTCtipio-* ditavTa T<j> Ilibpoj, xai erci- able moment.
o-^sa; TOV iTtitov, TO T£ [xEYsflo? sQau- * These operations are described
ftatev oitip IISVTS wr^si? [iiXtaTa in Arrian, v. 9; v. 19 (we may re-
£'J|xfiaivov > **i ToxdXXo? TOO mark, that Ptolemy and Aristobu-
Ilibpou, xoi ZTI 06 8*5ouXu)(iiv05 lus, though both present, differed
T7J YvtufiiQ EtpatvETo, *c. on many points, v. 14) ; Curtius
We see here how Alexander was viii. 13, 14; Diodor, xvii. 87, 88.
struck with the stature and person- According to Plutarch (Alex. 60),
al beauty of Porus, and how Alexander dwelt much upon the
much these visual impressions con- battle in his own letters.
tributed to determine, or at least There are two principal points —
to strengthen, his favourable sym- Jelum and Julalpoor — where high
pathies towards the captive prince, roads from the Indus now cross
This illustrates what I have oh- the Hydaspes. Each of these points
served in the last chapter, in re- has been assigned by different
counting his treatment of the eu- writers, as the probable scene of
nuch Batis after the capture of the crossing the river by Alexander.
Gaza; that the repulsive appear- Of the two, Jclum (rather higher up
ance of Batis greatly heightened the river than Julalpoor) seems the
Alexander's indignation. "With a more probable. Burnes points out,
CHAP. XOIV. VICTOBY OVEE POBU8 ON THE HYDASPES. 51
Alexander celebrated his victory by sacrifices to the
Gods, and festivities on the banks of the Hy- B 0 826i
daspes; where he also gave directions for the (April-
foundation of two cities — Nikaea, on the eastern May)<
bank; and Bukephalia, on the western, so named ^>Inqua/g|>ger
in commemoration of his favourite horse, who in the
died here of age and fatigue.1 Leaving Kra- f"ngaia
terus to lay out and erect these new establish- the last'of
ments, as well as to keep up communication, he them-
conducted his army onward in an easterly direction towards
that near Jelurn the river is di- that it took place after the rainy
vided into five or six channels with season had begun (Arrian, v. 9, 7 ;
islands (Travels, vol. ii. ch. 2, p. v. 12, 6. Curtius, viii. 14, 4).
60. 2nd ed.). Captain Abbott (in Some critics have proposed to
the Journal of the Asiatic Society, read Hetageitnion (July- August)
Calcutta, Dec. 1848) has given an as the month, instead of Muny-
interesting memoir on the features chion; an alteration approved by
and course of theHydaspes alittle Mr. Clinton and received into the
above Jelum, comparing them •with text by Schmieder. But if this
the particulars stated by Arrian, alteration be admitted, the name
and showing highly plausible rea- of the Athenian archon must be
sons in support of this hypothesis altered also ; for Metageitnion of
— that the crossing took place near the archon Hegemon would be
Jelum. eight months earlier (July-August,
Diodorus mentions a halt of 327 B.C.) ; and at this date , Alex-
thirty days, after the victory (xvii. ander had not as yet crossed the
89), which seems not probable. Indus, as the passage of Aristobu-
Both he and Curtius allude to nu- lua (ap. Strab. xv. p. 691) plainly
merous serpents, by which the shows — and asDroysen and Miitzell
army was annoyed between the remark. Alexander did not cross
Akesines and the Hydraotes (Cur- the Indus before the spring of
tins, ix. 1, 11). 326 B.C. If, in place of the archon
1 Arrian states (v. 19, 5) that the Hegemon, we substitute the next
victory over Porus was gained in following archon Chremes (and
the month Munychion of the ar- it is remarkable that Diodorus
chon Hegemon at Athens— that is, assigns the battle to this later ar-
about the end of April , 326 B.C. chousbip, xvii. 87), this would be
This date is not to be reconciled July-August 326 B.C.; which would
with another passage , v. 9, 6 — be a more admissible date for the
where he says that the summer battle than the preceding month
solstice had already passed, and of Munychion. At the same time,
that all the rivers of the Punjab the substitution of Metageitnion is
were full of water, turbid and vio- mere conjecture ; and seems to
lent. This swelling of the rivers leave hardly time enough for the
begins about June; they do not subsequent events. As far as an
attain their full height until Au- opinion can be formed, it would
gust. Moreover , the description seem that the battle was fouglit
of the battle, as given both by about the end of June or begin-
Arrian and by Curtius , implies ning of July 326 B.C., after the
E 2
52 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
the river Akesines (Chenab). J His recent victory had spread
terror around; the Grlaukge, a powerful Indian tribe, with
thirty-seven towns and many populous villages, submitted,
and were placed under the dominion of Porus; while em-
bassies of submission were also received from two con-
siderable princes — Abisares, and a second Porus, hitherto
at enmity with his namesake. The passage of the great river
Akesines, now full and impetuous in its current, was ac-
complished by boats and by inflated hides, yet not without
difficulty and danger. From thence he proceeded onward
in the same direction, across the Punjab — finding no
enemies, but leaving detachments at suitable posts to keep
up his communications and ensure his supplies — to the
river Hydraotes orRavee; which, though not less broad
and full than the Akesines, was comparatively tranquil, so
as to be crossed with facility.2 Here some free Indian
tribes, Kathseans and others, had the courage to resist.
They first attempted to maintain themselves in Sangala by
surrounding their town with a triple entrenchment of
waggons. These being attacked and carried, they were
driven within the walls, which they now began to despair
of defending, and resolved to evacuate by night; but the
project was divulged to Alexander by deserters, and frus-
trated by his vigilance. On the next day he took the town
by storm, putting to the sword 17,000 Indians, and taking
(according to Arrian) 70,000 captives. His own loss before
the town was less than 100 killed, and 1200 wounded. Two
neighbouring towns, in alliance with Sangala, were eva-
cuated by their terrified inhabitants. Alexander pursued,
but could not overtake them, except 500 sick or weakly
persons, whom his soldiers put to death. Demolishing
the town of Sangala, he added the territory to the dom-
inion of Porus, then present, with a contingent of 5000
Indians.3
rainy season had commenced; to- so considerably, that monuments
•wards the close of the archonship and indications of Alexander's
of Hegemon , and the beginning march in that territory cannot be
of that of Chromes. expected to remain, especially in
1 Arrian, v. 20; Diodor. xvii. 96. ground near rivers.
Lieut. "Wood (Journey to the Source * Arrian, v. 20.
of the Oxus, p. 11—39) remarks ' Arrian, v. 23, 24 ; Curtius, ix.
that the large rivers of the Punjab 1, 16.
change their course so often and
CHAP. XCIV. STOPPAGE AT THE HYPHASIS. 53
Sangala was the easternmost of all Alexander's con-
quests. Presently his march brought him to B-0> 326-
the river Hyphasis (Sutledge), the last of the (Summer.)
rivers in the Punjab — seemingly at a point He reaches
below its confluence with the Beas. Beyond SSP*"
this river, broad and rapid, Alexander was in- ledge), the
formed that there lay a desert of eleven days' JSKwi
march, extending to a still greater river called the Punjab,
the Ganges ; beyond which dwelt the Gandaridse, ^fug^y^
the most powerful, warlike, and populous, of all march
the Indian tribes, distinguished for the number farther-
and training of their elephants. J The prospect of a diffi-
cult march, and of an enemy esteemed invincible, only
instigated his ardour. He gave orders for the crossing.
But here for the first time his army, officers as well as
soldiers, manifested symptoms of uncontrollable weariness;
murmuring aloud at these endless toils, and marches they
knew not whither. They had already overpassed the limits
where Dionysus and Herakles were said to have stopped:
they were travelling into regions hitherto unvisited either
by Greeks or by Persians, merely for the purpdse of pro-
voking and conquering new enemies. Of victories they were
sated; of their plunder, abundant as it was, they had no
enjoyment;2 the hardships of a perpetual onward march,
often excessively accelerated, had exhausted both men and
horses; moreover, their advance from the Hydaspes had
been accomplished in the wet season, under rains more
violent and continued than they had ever before ex-
perienced.3 Informed of the reigning discontent, Alexander
assembled his officers and harangued them, endeavouring
to revive in them that forward spirit and promptitude which
he had hitherto found not inadequate to his own.4 But he
1 Curtius, ix. 2,3; Diodor. xvii. aypioi xotTSppaYrjaav £9' T]|ispa? i$-
93 ; Plutarch, Alex. 62. 8o|rqxovTa, xoi ppov-al ouvsysi? xai
* Curtius, ix. 3, 11 (speech of xepauvot xotT£jxT)iiTOv, &c.
Koenus). "Quoto cuique lorica " In the speech which Arrian
est? Quis equum habet ? .Tube (v. 25, 26) puts into the mouth of
quseri, quam multos servi ipsorum Alexander, the most curious point
persecuti sint, quid cuique super- is, the geographical views which
sit ex prffida. Omnium victores, he promulgates.- "We have not
omnium inopes sumus." much farther now to march (he
3 Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p. was standing on the western bank
691-697. 5sa9cu auvs^UK- Arrian, of the Sutledge) to the river Gan-
v. 29, 8 ; Diodor. xviii 93. ^sijjuwvsi; ges , and the great . Eastern Sea
54 HISTOEY OF GREECE. PART IL
entirely failed. No one indeed dared openly to contradict
him. Koanus alone hazarded some words of timid dissuasion;
the rest manifested a passive and sullen repugnance, even
when he proclaimed that those who desired might return,
with the shame of having deserted their king, while he
would march forward with the volunteers only. After a
suspense of two days, passed in solitary and silent mortifi-
cation— he still apparently persisted in his determination,
and offered the sacrifice usual previous to the passage of
a river. The victims were inauspicious; he bowed to the
will of the Gods; and gave orders for return, to the un-
animous and unbounded delight of his army.1
To mark the last extremity of his eastward progress,
he erected twelve altars of extraordinary height and di-
Al mension on the western bank of the Hyphasis,
returns to offering sacrifices of thanks to the Grods, with
the Hy- the usual festivities, and matches of agility and
force. Then, having committed all the territory
west of the Hyphasis to the government of Porus, he
marched back, repassed the Hydraotes and Akesines, and
returned to the Hydaspes near the point where he had first
crossed it. The two new cities — Bukephalia and Nikaea —
which he had left orders for commencing on that river, had
suffered much from the rains and inundations during his
forward march to the Hyphasis , and now required the aid
of the army to repair the damage.2 The heavy rains con-
which surrounds the whole earth, graphy, recognised in the time of
The Hyrkanian (Caspian) Sea joins Columbus, made an error not less
on to this great sea on one side, in the opposite direction, stretch-
the Persian Gulf on the other ; ing it too far to the East. It
after we have subdued all those was upon the faith of this last
nations which lie before us east- mistake, that Columbus projected
ward towards the Great Sea, and his voyage of circumnavigation
northward towards the Hyrkanian from "Western Europe, expecting
Sea, we shall then sail by water to come to the eastern coast of
first to the Persian Gulf, next Asia from the West after no great
round Libya to the pillars of H6- length of voyage,
raklgs ; from thence we shall march ' Arrian, v. 28, 7. The fact that
back all through Libya, and add it Alexander, under all this insuper-
to all Asia as parts of our empire." able repugnance of his soldiers,
(I here abridge rather than trans- still offered the sacrifice prelim-
late.) inary to crossing— is curious as
It is remarkable, that while an illustration of his character.
Alexander made so prodigious an and was specially attested by
error in narrowing the eastern lim- Ptolemy,
its of Asia, the Ptolemaic geo- * Arrian, v. 29, 8; Diodor. xvii. 95.
CHAP. XCIV. VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS. 55
tinued throughout most of his return march to the Hy-
daspes. *
On coming back to this river, Alexander received a
large reinforcement both of cavalry and infant-
ry, sent to him from Europe, together with (Autumn)
25,000 new panoplies, and a considerable stock He co
of medicines.2 Had these reinforcements reached atmcts a
him on theHyphasis, it seems not impossible that fl^*> ***
he might have prevailed on his army to accom- the iiydas-
pany him in his further advance to the Ganges j®^uagnd the
and the regions beyond. He now employed him- Dangerous
self, assisted by Porus and Taxilus, in collecting w?und ?f
i- a L f -V j it° Alexander
and constructing a fleet for sailing down the m attack-
Hydaspes, and thence down to the mouth of the jjjj^j116
Indus. By the early part of November, a fleet
of nearly 2000 boats or vessels of various sizes having been
prepared, he began his voyage.3 Kraterus marched with
one division of the army, along the right bank of the Hy-
daspes — Hephaestion on the left bank with the remainder,
including 200 elephants; Nearchus had the command of the
fleet in the river, on board of which was Alexander himself.
He pursued his voyage slowly down the river, to the con-
fluence of the Hydaspes with the Akesines — with the Hy-
draotes — and with the Hyphasis — all pouring, in one united
stream, into the Indus. He sailed down the Indus to its
junction with the Indian Ocean. Altogether this voyage
occupied nine months,4 from November 326 B.C. to August
325 B.C. But it was a voyage full of active military oper-
ations on both sides of the river. Alexander perpetually
disembarked, to attack, subdue, and slaughter all such
1 Aristobulus, ap. Strab. xv. p. covered the higher course of the
691 — until the rising of Arkturus. Nile, from whence it flowed into
Diodorus says 70 days (xvii. 93), Egypt. This is curious, as an
which seems more probable. illustration of the geographical
2 Diodor. xvii. 95 ; Curtius,ix. 3, 21. knowledge of the time (Arrian,
3 The voyage was commenced a vi. 1, 3).
few days before the setting of the 4 Aristobulus ap. Strab. xv. p.
Pleiades (Aristobulus ap. Strab. 692. Aristobulus said that the
xv. p. 692). downward voyage occupied ten
For the number of the ships, see months ; this seems longer than
Ptolemy ap. Arrian. vi. 2, 8. the exact reality. Moreover Aristo-
On seeing crocodiles in the In- bums said that they had no rain
dus, Alexander was at first led to duringall the voyage down, through
suppose that it was the same river all the summer months: Nearchus
as the Nile, and that he had dis- stated the contrary (Stiabo I. c.).
56 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
nations near the banks as did not voluntarily submit. Among
them were the Malli and Oxydrakae, free and brave tribes,
who resolved to defend their liberty, but, unfortunately for
themselves, were habitually at variance, and could not now
accomplish any hearty cooperation against the common
invader. 4 Alexander first assailed the Malli with his usual
celerity and vigour, beat them with slaughter in the field,
and took several of their towns. 2 There remained only their
last and strongest town, from which the defenders were al-
ready driven out and forced to retire to the citadel.3
Thither they were pursued by the Macedonians, Alexander
himself being among the foremost, with only a few guards
near him. Impatient because the troops with their scaling-
ladders did not come up more rapidly, he mounted upon a
ladder that happened to be at hand, attended only by Peu-
kestes and one or two others, with an adventurous courage
even transcending what he was wont to display. Having
cleared the wall by killing several of its defenders, he jump-
ed down into the interior of the citadel, and made head
for some time, nearly alone, against all within. He received
however a bad wound from an arrow in the breast, and was
on the point of fainting, when his soldiers burst in, rescued
him, and took the place. Every person within — man, wo-
man, and child — was slain.*
The wound of Alexander was so severe, that he was
at first reported to be dead, to the great consternation and
distress of the army. However, he became soon sufficiently
recovered to show himself, and to receive their ardent con-
gratulations, in the camp established at the point of junc-
tion between the Hydraotes (Ravee) and Akesines (Chenab.) 5
B.C. 325. His voyage down the river, though delayed by
New cities *^e care °^ ^is wound, was soon resumed and
and posts prosecuted, with the same active operations by
to be estab- ^g ian(j.force on both sides to subjugate all the
1 Curtius, ix.4, 15; Diodor.xvii.98. « Arrian, vi. 9, 10,11. He notices
* Arrian, vi. 7, 8. the great discrepancy in the various
* This last stronghold of the Malli accounts given of this achievement
if supposed, by Mr. Cunningham and dangerous wound of Alexander,
and others, to have been the modern Compare Diodor. xvii. 98, 99; Cur-
city of Multan. The river Ravee or tius, ix. 4,5; Plutarch, Alex. 63.
Hydraotes is said to have formerly 5 Arrian, xi. 13.
run past the city of Multau into
the Chenab or Akesines.
CHAP. XCIV. SUFFERINGS IN. THE DESERT OF GEDB08IA. 57
Indian tribes and cities within accessible distance. t"8eh^d°n_
At the junction of the river Akesines (Punjnud) Alexander
with the Indus, Alexander directed the founda- reaches the
tion of a new city, with adequate docks and con- effect of the
veniences for ship-building, whereby he expected fljst. si8ht
, , , r. , i • i« TT • of tides.
to command the internal navigation.1 Having
no farther occasion now for so large a land-force, he sent a
large portion of it under Kraterus westward (seemingly
through the pass now called Bolan) into Karmania.2 He
established another military and naval post at Pattala, where
the Delta of the Indus divided ; and he then sailed with a
portion of his fleet down the right arm of the river to have
the first sight of the Indian Ocean. The view of ebbing and
flowing tide, of which none had had experience on the scale
there exhibited, occasioned to all much astonishment and
alarm.3
The fleet was now left to be conducted by the admiral
Nearchus, from the mouth of the Indus round by the Persian
Gulf to that of the Tigris ; a memorable nautical
• n • ' i- -j. AI u- B-°- 325-
enterprise in Grecian antiquity. Alexander him-
self (about the month of August)beganhis march Alexander
by land westward through the territories of the by land
Arabitse and the Oritae, and afterwards through through'fhe
the deserts of Gedrosia. Pura, the principal town desert of
of the Gedrosians, was sixty days' march from ^fffJ^ngT
the boundary of the Oritse.4 and losses
Here his army, though without any formi- inthearmy-
dable opposing enemy, underwent the most severe and
1 Arrian, xi. 16, 5. miles above the sea, its northern
* Arrian, xi. 17, 6; Strabo, xv. apex would be somewhere midway
p. 721. between Hyderabad and Sehwan;
' Arrian, xi. 18, 19 ; Curtius, ix. where local traditions still speak
9. He reached Pattala towards the of ancient cities destroyed, and of
middle or end of July, itepi xuv&s greater changes having occurred
STtttoX^v (Strabo, xv. p. 692). than in any other part of the
The site of Pattala has been course of the Indus. "
usually looked for near the mod- The constant changes in the
ern Tatta. But Dr. Kennedy, in course of the Indus, however (com-
his recent Narrative of the Cam- pare p. 73 of his work), noticed by
paign of the Army of the Indus all observers, render every attempt
in Scinde and Kabool (ch. v. p. at such identification conjectural —
104), shows some reasons for think- see "Wood's Journey to the Oxus,
ing that it must have been con- p. 12.
siderably higher up the river than * Arrian, vi. 24, 2; Strabo, xv.
Tatta ; somewhere near Sehwan. p. 723.
"The Delta commencing about 130
58 HISTOEY OF GREECE. PABT II.
deplorable sufferings; their march being through a sandy and
trackless desert, with short supplies of food, and still short-
er supplies of water, under a burning sun. The loss in
men, horses, and baggage-cattle, from thirst, fatigue, and
disease, was prodigious ; and it required all the unconquer-
able energy of Alexander to bring through even the dimin-
ished number.1 At Pura the army obtained repose and
refreshment, and was enabled to march forward into Kar-
mania, where Kraterus joined them with his division from
the Indus, and Kleander with the division which had been
left at Ekbatana. Kleander, accused of heinous crimes in
his late command, was put to death or imprisoned; several
of his comrades were executed. To recompense the soldiers
for their recent distress in Gredrosia, the king conducted
them for seven days in drunken bacchanalian procession
through Karmania, himself and all his friends taking part
intherevelry; animitationof the jovial festivity andtriumph
with which the god Dionysus had marched back from the
conquest of India.2
During the halt in Karmania Alexander had the satis-
faction of seeing his admiral Nearchus,3 who had brought
B.C. 325-324. the fleet round from the mouth of the Indus to
(Winter), the harbour called Harmozeia (Ormuz), not far
1 Arrian, vi. 25, 26; Curtius, ix. I have already remarked, that
10 ; Plutarch, Alex. 66. the silence of Ptolemy and Aristo-
1 Curtius, ix. 10; Diodor. xvii. bulns is too strongly insisted on,
106; Plutarch, Alex. 67. Arrian both by Arrian aud by others, as
(vi. 28) found this festal progress a reason for disbelieving amrma-
mentioned in some authorities, but tions respecting Alexander,
not in others. Neither Ptolemy Arrian and Curtius (x. 1) differ
nor Aristobulus mentioned it. Ac- in their statements about the treat-
cordingly Arrian refuses to believe ment of Kleander. According to
it. There may have been exagger- Arrian, he was put to death; ac-
ation or falsities as to the details cording to Curtius, he was spared
of the march; but as a general from death, and simply put in
fact, I see no sufficient ground for prison, in consequence of the im-
disbelieving it. A season of ex- portant service which he had ren-
cessive licence to the soldiers, af- dered by killing Parmenio with
ter their extreme suffering in Ge- his own hand; while 600 of his
drosia, was by no means unnatural accomplices and agents were put
to grant. Moreover, it corresponds to death.
to the general conception of the * Nearchus had begun his voyage
returning march of Dionysus in about the end of September, or
antiquity, while the imitation of beginning of October (Arrian, In-
that god was quite in conformity die. 21; Strabo, xv. p. 721).
with Alexander's turn of sentiment.
CHAP. XCIV. ALEXANDEB BEACHES SU8A. 59
from the entrance of the Persian Gulf ; a voyage Alexander
of much hardship and distress, along the barren army'come
coasts of the Oritse, the Gedrosians, and the Ich- back to
thyophagi.1 Nearchus, highly commended and conduct of
honoured, was presently sent back to complete his Alexander
voyage as far as the mouth of the Euphrates ; ^0il^Tae'
while Hephsestion also was directed to conduct Punish-
the larger portion of the army, with the elephants j^trap0^0
and heavy baggage, by the road near the coast sines.
from Karmania into Persis. This road, though circuitous,
was the most convenient, as it was now the winter season;2
but Alexander himself, with the lighter divisions of his
army, took the more direct mountain road from Karmania
to Pasargadae and Persepolis. Visiting the tomb of Cyrus
the Great, founder of the Persian empire, he was incensed
to find it violated and pillaged. He caused it to be care-
fully restored, put to death a Macedonian named Poly-
machus as the offender, and tortured the Magian guardians
of it for the purpose of discovering accomplices, but in
vain.3 Orsines, satrap of Persis, was however accused of
connivance in the deed, as well as of various acts of mur-
der and spoliation: according to Curtius, he was not only
innocent, but had manifested both good faith and devotion
to Alexander;4 in spite of which he became a victim of the
hostility of the favourite eunuch Bagoas, who both poisoned
the king's mind with calumnies of his own, and suborned
other accusers with false testimony. "Whatever may be the
truth of the story, Alexander caused Orsines to be hanged;5
naming as satrap Peukestes, whose favour was now high,
partly as comrade and preserver of the king in his immin-
ent danger at the citadel of the Malli — partly from his
1 Arrian, vi. 28, 7; Arrian, Indica are attested by good contemporary
C. 33-37. evidence, especially the philoso-
* Arrian, vi. 28, 12-29, 1. pher Diksearchus — see Athense.
1 Plutarch, Alex. 69; Arrian, vi. xiii. p. 603; Diksearch. Fragm. 19.
29, 17 ; Strabo, xv. p. 730. ap. Hist. Grrsec. Fragm. Didot, vol.
• Arrian, v. 30, 2 ; Curtius, x. 1, ii. p. 241. Compare the Fragments
23-38. "Hie fuit exitus nobilissimi of Eumenes and Diodotus (_<Elian,
Persarum, nee insontis modo, sed V. H. iii. 23) in Didot, Fragm.
exirnia: quoque benignitatis in re- Scriptor. Hist. Alex. Magni, p.
gem." The great favour •which the 121 ; Plutarch De Adul. et Amic.
beautiful eunuch Bagoas (though Discrim. p. 65.
Arrian does not mention him) en- 5 Arrian, vi. 30; Curtius, x. 1.
joyed with Alexander, and the ex- 22-30.
alted position which he occupied,
60 HISTORY OF GBEECB. PAKT II.
having adopted the Persian dress, manners, and language,
more completely than any other Macedonian.
It was ahout February, in 324 B.C.,1 that Alexander
B.C. 324. marched out of Persis to Susa. During this
(early progress, at the point where he crossed the
Spring). t. v. .' , • • • j i. vr i
Pasitigris, he was again loined by Nearchus,
He marches , P .' i i j O • .•
to Susa- who having completed his circumnavigation
junction from the mouth of the Indus to that of the
fleet under Euphrates, had sailed back with the fleet from
Nearchus, the latter river and come up the Pasitigris.2 It
sailed1 is probable that the division of Hephaestion also
round from rejoined him at Susa, and that the whole army
ofethe°U was there for the first time brought together,
Indus. after the separation in Karmania.
In Susa and Susiana Alexander spent some months.
B.C. 32*. For the first time since his accession to the
(Spring and throne, he had now no military operations in
Summer.) , a • • j-j. ivr
hand or in immediate prospect. No enemy was
a^lsnw^as befc>re nim> until it pleased him to go in quest
Great King, of a new one; nor indeed could any new one be
uneasiness^ f°un(l> except at a prodigious distance. He had
to Mm— emerged from the perils of the untrodden East,
— fhewtace3- an^ ^ad returned into the ordinary localities
donian and conditions of Persian rule, occupying that
capital city from whence the great Achsemenid
kings had been accustomed to govern the Western as well
1 Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hel- Dr. Vincent's remark— that "the
len. B.C. 325, also Append, p. 232) supposition of two winters occur-
places the arrival of Alexander ring after Alexander's return to
in Susiana, on his return march, Susa is not borne out by the histor-
in the month of February B.C. ians" (see Clinton, p. 232), is a
325 ; a year too early, in my opin- perfectly just one ; and Mitford has
ion. I have before remarked on not replied to it in a satisfactory
the views of Mr. Clinton respecting manner. In my judgement, there
the date of Alexander's victory -was only an interval of sixteen
overPorus on the Hydaspes, where months (not an interval of twenty-
following Schmieder's conjecture) eight months, as Mr. Clinton sup-
he alters the name of the month poses ) between the return of
as it stands in the text of Arrian, Alexander to Susa and his death at
and supposes that battle to have Babylon (Feb. 324 B.C. to June
occurred in August B.C. 327 instead 323 B.C).
of April B.O. 326. Mr. Clinton an- * Arrian, vii. 5, 9; Arrian, In-
tedates by one year all the proceed- dica, c. 42. The voluntary death
ings of Alexander subsequent to of Kalanus the Indian Gymnoao-
his quitting Baktria for the last phist must have taken place at
time in the summer of B.C. 327. Susa (where Diodorus places it —
CHAP. XCIV. SEVERITIES TOWARDS THE SATRAPS. 61
as the Eastern portions of their vast empire. To their post,
and to their irritable love of servility, Alexander had suc-
ceeded; but bringing with him a restless energy such as
none of them except the first founder Cyrus had manifest-
ed— and a splendid military genius, such as was unknown
alike to Cyrus and to his successors.
In the new position of Alexander, his principal sub-
jects of uneasiness were, the satraps and the p
Macedonian soldiers. During the long interval duct of the
(more than five years) which had elapsed since satraps—
he marched eastward from Hyrkania in pursuit them are
of Bessus, the satraps had necessarily been left punished
much to themselves. Some had imagined that ander— *"
he would never return; an anticipation noway alarm
unreasonable, since his own impulse towards them1 ail-
forward march was so insatiate, that he was only flight of
constrained to return by the resolute opposition
of his own soldiers ; moreover his dangerous wound among
the Malli, and his calamitous march through G-edrosia, had
given rise to reports of his death, credited for some time
even by Olympias and Kleopatra in Macedonia. l Under
these uncertainties, some satraps stood accused of having
pillaged rich temples, and committed acts of violence to-
wards individuals. Apart from all criminality, real or, al-
leged, several of them, also, had taken into pay bodies of
mercenary troops, partly as a necessary means of author-
ity in their respective districts, partly as a protection to
themselves in the event of Alexander's decease. Respect-
ing the conduct of the satraps and their officers, many
denunciations and complaints were sent in, to which Alex-
ander listened readily and even eagerly, punishing the ac-
cused with indiscriminate rigour, and resenting especially
the suspicion that they had calculated upon his death.2
Among those executed, were Abulites, satrap of Susiana,
with his son Oxathres; the latter was even slain by the
hands of Alexander himself, with a sarissa3 — the dispen-
sation of punishment becoming in his hands an outburst
xvii. 107), and not in Persia; for * Arrian, vii. 4, 2-5; Diodor. xvii.
Nearchus was seemingly present 108 ; Curtius, x. 1, 7. "Coeperat esse
at the memorable scene of the fu- prseceps ad represent and a suppli-
neral pile (Arrian, vii. 3, 9) — and cia, item ad deteriora credenda"
lie was not with Alexander in (Curtius, x. l, 39).
Persis. * Plutarch, Alex. 68.
1 Plutarch, Alex. C8.
62 HISTOKY OF GBEECE. PAKT II.
of exasperated temper. He also despatched peremptory
orders to all the satraps, enjoining them to dismiss their
mercenary troops without delay. l This measure produced
considerable effect on the condition of Greece — about
which I shall speak in a subsequent chapter. Harpalus,
satrap of Babylon (about whom also more, presently), hav-
ing squandered large sums out of the revenues of the post
upon ostentatious luxury, became terrified when Alexander
was approaching Susiana, and fled to Greece with a large
treasure and a small body of soldiers.2 Serious alarm was
felt among all the satraps and officers , innocent as well as
guilty. That the most guilty were not those who fared
worst, we may see by the case of Kleomenes in Egypt,
who remained unmolested in his government, though his
iniquities were no secret.3
1 Diodor. xvii. 106-111. this drama — e5t8a£e Atovucricuv OVTU>V
1 Among the accusations which eiti tou 'TSdottoo TOO itOTaftou
reached Alexander against this (xiii. p. 595) — involve a mistake
satrap, we are surprised to find a or misreading ; and that it ought
letter addressed to him (EV T-JJ upot; to stand srcl TOU Xoaeitou TOO
AXe£av5pov ETCIOTOX^) by the Greek noTajiou. I may remark that the
historian Theopompus ; who set words Medus Hydaspes in Virgil,
forth with indignation the- extra- Georg. iv. 211, probably involve
vagant gifts and honours heaped the same confusion. The Choaspes
by Harpalus upon his two succes- was the river near Susa; and this
sive mistresses— PythionikS and drama was performed before Alex-
Glykera; celebrated Hetserse from ander at Susa during the Dionysia
Athens. These proceedings Theo- of the year 324 B.C., after Harpa-
pompus describes as insults to lus had fled. The Dionysia were
Alexander (Theopompns ap. Athe- in the month Elaphebolion ; now
nse. xiii. p. 686-696; Fragment. 277, Alexander did not fight Porus
278, ed. Didot.). on the Hydaspes until the succeed-
The satyric drama called 'Ayriv, ing month Munychion at the ear-
represented before Alexander at liest — and probably later. And even
a period subsequent to the flight if we suppose (which is not prob-
of Harpalus, cannot have been able) that he reached the Hydas-
represented (as Athenieus states pes in Elaphebolion, he would
it to have been) on the banks of have no leisure to celebrate dra-
the Hydaspes, because Harpalus mas and a Dionysiac festival,
did not make his escape until he while the army of Porus was wait-
was frightened by the approach ing for him on the opposite bank,
of Alexander returning from In- Moreover it is no way probable
dia. At the Hydaspes, Alexander that, on the remote Hydaspes, he
was still on his outward progress ; had any actors or chorus, or means
very far off, and without any idea of celebrating dramas at all.
of returning. It appears to me that • Arrian, vii. 18, 2 j vii. 23, 9-13.
the words of Athenseus respecting
CHAP. XOIV. 8EVEBITIES TOWARDS THE SATRAPS. 63
Among the Macedonian soldiers, discontent had been
perpetually growing, from the numerous proofs Discon-
which they witnessed that Alexander had made *? »»» of tb«-
his election for an Asiatic character, and abne- nia^soi-
gated his own country. Besides his habitual Aj*rl ™ith
adoption of the Persian costume and ceremonial, ising inter-
he now celebrated a sort of national Asiatic mra0rmiagee?
marriage at Susa. He had already married the by°Aiex-
captive Roxana in Baktria; he next took two ander-
additional wives — Statira, daughter of Darius — and Pary-
satis, daughter of the preceding king Ochus. He at the
same time caused eighty of his principal friends and offi-
cers, some very reluctantly, to marry (according to Persian
rites) wives selected from the noblest Persian families,
providing dowries for all of them.1 He made presents be-
sides, to all those Macedonians who gave in their names
as having married Persian women. Splendid festivities2
accompanied these nuptials, with honorary rewards distri-
buted to favourites and meritorious officers. Macedonians
and Persians, the two imperial races, one in Europe, the
other in Asia, were thus intended to be amalgamated. To
soften the aversion of the soldiers generally towards these
Asiatising marriages,3 Alexander issued proclamation that
he would himself discharge their debts , inviting all who
owed money to give in their names with an intimation of
the sums due. It was known that the debtors were nu-
merous; yet few came to enter their names. The soldiers
suspected the proclamation as a stratagem, intended for
the purpose of detecting such as were spendthrifts, and
obtaining a pretext for punishment; a remarkable evidence
how little confidence or affection Alexander now inspired,
and how completely the sentiment entertained towards him
was that of fear mingled with admiration. He himself was
much hurt at their mistrust, and openly complained of it;
at the same time proclaiming that paymasters and tables
1 Arrian, vii. 4, 6-9. By these ander, outdoing even the previous
two marriages, Alexander thus en- Persian kings, see Pylarchus ap.
grafted himself upon the two lines Athence. xii. p. 539.
of antecedent Persian kings. Ochus 2 Chare's ap. Athense. xii. p. 638.
was of the Achsemenid family, but ' Arrian, vii. 6, 3. xcu TOIK
Darius Codomannus, father of Sta- Y"M-OU:; SVTIO v6[Aq> IlipaiituJ^oi^Qi-jTot;
tira, was not of that family ; he 06 itpoq Sujxou fttiatyai. toi<; itoXXot?
began a new lineage. About the orjTibv, o08j TUJV YrjM-^'<TU)'' sotiv OK,
overweening regal state of Alex- &c.
64 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
should be planted openly in the camp, and that any soldier
might come and ask for money enough to pay his debts,
without being bound to give in his name. Assured of se-
crecy, they BOW made application in such numbers that the
total distributed was prodigiously great; reaching, accord-
ing to some, to 10,000 talents — according to Arrian, to not
less than 20,000 talents or 4,600,000?. sterling. 1
Large as this donative was, it probably gave but par-
tial satisfaction, since the most steady and well-
(Spring). conducted soldiers could have received no bene-
Their dis- fit> except in so far as they might choose to come
content forward with fictitious debts. A new mortifi-
new* Asiatic cation moreover was in store for the soldiers
soldiers le- generally. There arrived from the various satra-
discipHned Pies — even from those most distant, Sogdiana,
by Alex- Baktria, Aria, Drangiana, Arachosia, &c. — con-
tingents of young and fresh native troops, amount-
ing in total to 30,000 men; all armed and drilled in the
Macedonian manner. Prom the time when the Macedonians
had refused to cross the river Hyphasis and march forward
into India, Alexander saw, that for his large aggressive
schemes it was necessary to disband the old soldiers, and to
organise an army at once more fresh and more submissive.
He accordingly despatched orders to the satraps to raise and
discipline new Asiatic levies, of vigorous native youths; and
the fruit of these orders was now seen.2 Alexander reviewed
the new levies , whom he called the Epigoni, with great
satisfaction. He moreover incorporated many native Per-
sians, both officers and soldiers, into the companion-cavalry,
the most honourable service in the army; making the im-
portant change of arming them with the short Macedonian
thrusting-pike in place of the missile Persian javelin. They
were found such apt soldiers, and the genius of Alexander
for military organisation was so consummate, that he saw
himself soon released from his dependence on the Macedonian
veterans ; a change evident enough to them as well as to him. 3
The novelty and success of Nearchus in his exploring
interest of voyage had. excited in Alexander an eager appe-
Aiexander tite for naval operations. Going on board his
eet' fleet in the Pasitigris (the Karun, the river on
1 Arrian, vii. 5 ; Plutarch, Alex. 70 ; and discipline these young troops;
Curtius, x. 2, 9 ; Diodor. xvii. 109. Alexander must therefore have
1 Diodor. xvii. 108. It must have sent the orders from India,
taken some time to get together ' Arrian, vii. 6.
CHAP. XCIV. NEW ASIATIC LEVIES. 65
the east side of Susa), he sailed in person down Which galls
to the Persian Gulf, surveyed the coast as far as np the Ti-
the mouth of the Tigris, and then sailed up the 8
latter river as far as Opis. Hephaestion meanwhile, com-
manding the army, marched by land in concert with his voyage
and came back to Opis, where Alexander disembarked. l
Sufficient experiment had now been made with the
Asiatic levies to enable Alexander to dispense Notice of
with many of his Macedonian veterans. Calling partial dis-
together the army, he intimated his intention £berMae°-
of sending home those who were unfit for ser- apnian sol-
vice, either from age or wounds, but of allotting rout*n~— ey
to them presents at departure sufficient to place wrath of
them in an enviable condition, and attract fresh ^£* ^ er
Macedonian substitutes. On hearing this inti- bands them
mation, all the long-standing discontent of the all<
soldiers at. once broke out. They felt themselves set aside,
as worn out and useless, — and set aside, not to make room
for younger men of their own country, but in favour of those
Asiatics into whose arms their king had now passed. They
demanded with a loud voice that he should dismiss them
all — advising him by way of taunt to make his future con-
quests along with his father Ammon. These manifestations
so incensed Alexander, that he leaped down from the elev-
ated platform on which he had stood to speak, rushed
with a few of his guards among the crowd of soldiers, and
seized or caused to be seized thirteen of those apparently
most forward, ordering them immediately to be put to
death. The multitude were thoroughly overawed and re-
duced to silence, upon which Alexander remounted the plat-
form and addressed them in a speech of considerable length.
He boasted of the great exploits of Philip, and of his own
still greater : he affirmed that all the benefit of his con-
quests had gone to the Macedonians, and that he himself
had derived from them nothing but a double share of the
common labours, hardships, wounds, and perils. Reproaching
them as base deserters from a king who had gained for them
all these unparalleled acquisitions, he concluded by giving
discharge to all — commanding them forthwith to depart.2
After this speech — teeming (as we read it in Arrian)
with that exorbitant self-exaltation which formed Kemorae
the leading feature in his character — Alexander and
1 Arrian, vii. 7. Alex. 1; Curtius , jc. 2; Justin,
'Arrian, vii. 9 , 10 ; Plutarch, xii. 11.
VOL. XII. F
66 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
humiliation hurried away into the palace, where he remained
°f the i <• "I j -j.1 j -a..-
«oidiers— shut up lor two days without admitting any one
Alexander except his immediate attendants. His guards
— recon-86 departed along with him, leaving the discon-
oiiiation. tented soldiers stupefied and motionless. Receiv-
ing no farther orders, nor any of the accustomed military
indications, 1 they were left in the helpless condition of sol-
diers constrained to resolve for themselves, and at the same
time altogether dependent upon Alexander whom they had
offended. On the third day, they learnt that he had con-
vened the Persian officers, and had invested them with the
chief military commands, distributing the newly-arrived
Epigoni into divisions of infantry and cavalry, all with
Macedonian military titles, and passing over the Macedon-
ians themselves as if they did not exist. At this news the
soldiers were overwhelmed with shame and remorse. They
rushed to the gates of the palace , threw down their arms,
and supplicated with tears and groans for Alexander's
pardon. Presently he came out, and was himself moved
to tears by seeing their prostrate deportment. After
testifying his full reconciliation, he caused a solemn sacri-
fice to be celebrated, coupled with a multudinous banquet
of mixed Macedonians and Persians. The Grecian prophets,
the Persian magi, and all the guests present, united in
prayer and libation for fusion, harmony, and community
of empire, between the two nations.2
This complete victory over his own soldiers was prob-
Partiai dis- ably as gratifying to Alexander as any one gain-
banding— e(j during his past life; carrying as it did a con-
body of ,. ¥ -1 .• /• .1 J ° i ^
veterans soling retribution for the memorable stoppage
1 See the description given by vero deformis et flens, et praeter
Tacitus (Hist. ii. 29) of the bringing spera iucolumis, Valens processit,
round of the Vitellian. army,— which gaudium , miseratio, favor; versi
had mutinied against the general in Isetitiam (ut est vulgus utroque
Fabius Valens: — "Turn Alphenus immodicum) laudantes gratantes-
Varus, prtefectus castrorum, defla- que, circumdatum aquilis signis-
grante paulatim seditione, addit que, in tribunal ferunt."
consilinm — vetitis obire vigilias Compare also the narrative in
centurionibus , omisso tubae sono, Xenophon (Anab. i. 3) of t'.ie em-
quo miles ad belli munia cietur. barrassment of the Ten Thousand
Igitur torpore cuncti, circumspeo- Greeks at Tarsus, when they at
tare inter se attoniti, et id ipsttm, first refused to obey Klearchua and
quod nemo regeret, paventes ; silen- march against the Great King,
tio, patientia, postremo precibus 7 Arrian, vii. 11.
et lacrymis veniam quserebant. Ut
CHAP. XCIV. MUTINY AND REPENTANCE OF THE 80LDIEK8. 07
on the banks of the Hyphasis, which he had placed '
neither forgotten nor forgiven. He selected 10,000 ™£™ com-
of the oldest and most exhausted among the sol- KrTtems to
diers to be sent home under Kraterus, giving to return.
each full pay until the time of arrival in Macedonia, with
a donation of one talent besides. He intended that Krate-
rus, who was in bad health, should remain in Europe as
viceroy of Macedonia, and that Antipater should come out
to Asia with a reinforcement of troops. l Pursuant to this
resolution, the 10,000 soldiers were now singled out for
return, and separated from the main army. Yet it does not
appear that they actually did return, during the ten months
of Alexander's remaining life.
Of the important edict issued this summer by Alexan-
der to the Grecian cities, and read at the Olym- B.O 324.
pic festival in July — directing each city to recall (Summer.)
its exiled citizens — I shall speak in a future ?^ 0Pfcon-
chapter. He had now accomplished his object quests con-
of organising a land force half Macedonian, half ^Aiex6-*1
Asiatic. But since the expedition of Nearchus, ander—
he had become bent upon a large extension fg^enlarg-
of his naval force also; which was indeed an ing his
indispensable condition towards his immediate fleet-
projects of conquering Arabia, and of pushing both nauti-
cal exploration and aggrandisement from the Persian Gulf
round the Arabian coast. He despatched orders to the
Phenician ports, directing that a numerous fleet should be
built ; and that the ships should then be taken to pieces,
and conveyed across to Thapsakus on the Euphrates, whence
they would sail down to Babylon. At that place, he direct-
ed the construction of other ships from the numerous
cypress trees around — as well as the formation of an enor-
mous harbour in the river at Babylon, adequate to the
accommodation of 1000 ships of war. Mikkalus, a Greek
of Klazomense, was sent to Phenicia with 500 talents, to
enlist; or to purchase, seamen for the crews. It was cal-
culated that these preparations (probably under the superin-
tendence of Nearchus) would be completed by the spring,
1 Arrian, vii. 12, 1-7; Justin, xii. as much as he dared, the Oriental
12. Kraterus was especially popu- transformation of Alexander (Plu-
lar with the Macedonian soldiers, tarch, EumenSs, 6).
because he had always opposed,
68 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PABT II.
for which period contingents were summoned to Babylon
for the expedition against Arabia.1
In the mean time , Alexander himself paid a visit to
Ekbatana, the ordinary summer residence of the
B.C. 3 4. Persian kings. He conducted his army by leisure-
Eitbatana ^v marches, reviewing by the way the ancient
—death of regal parks of the celebrated breed called Ni-
t^n^vo- saean horses — now greatly reduced in number.2
lent sorrow On the march, a violent altercation occurred
of Alex- between his personal favourite, Hephaestion. —
ander. nl- , -n A ,1 ,11 -T
and his secretary, Jiiumenes, the most able, dex-
terous, and long-sighted man in his service. Eumenes, as
a Greek of Kardia, had been always regarded with slight
and jealousy by the Macedonian officers, especially by He-
phaestion: Alexander now took pains to reconcile the two,
experiencing no difficulty with Eumenes, but much with
Hephaestion.3 During his stay at Ekbatana, he celebrated
magnificent sacrifices and festivities, with gymnastic and
musical exhibitions, which were farther enlivened, accord-
ing to the Macedonian habits , by banquets and excessive
wine-drinking. Amidst these proceedings, Hephsestion
was seized with a fever. The vigour of his constitution
emboldened him to neglect all care or regimen, so
that in a few days the disease carried him off. The final
crisis came on suddenly, and Alexander was warned of
it while sitting in the theatre ; but though he instantly
hurried to the bedside, he found Hephaestion already
dead. His sorrow for this loss was unbounded, mani-
festing itself in excesses suitable to the general violence
of his impulses, whether of affection or of antipathy. Like
Achilles mourning for Patroklus, he cast himself on the
ground near the dead body, and remained there wailing
for several hours; he refused all care, and even food, for
1 Arrian, vii. 19. He also sent calls a royal road (xix. 19), is
an officer named Herakleides to traced by Bitter, deriving his in-
the shores of the Caspian Sea, with formation chiefly from the' recent
orders to construct ships and make researches of Sir Henry Bawlin-
a survey of that sea (vii. 16). son. The larger portion of the
1 Arrian, vii. 13, 2; Diodor xvii. way lay along the western side of
110. How leisurely the march was, the chain of Mount Zagros, and
may be seen in Diodorus. on the right bank of the river
The direction of Alexander's Kerkha (Bitter, Erdkunde , part
march from Suea to Ekbatana, ix. b. 3. p. 329, West-Asia),
along a frequented and good road ' Arrian, vii. 13, 1; Plutarch, Eu-
which Diodorus in another place menus, 2.
CHAP. XOIV. DEATH OF HEPHJESTION. 69
two days; he cut his hair close, and commanded that all
the horses and mules in the camp should have their manes
cut close also ; he not only suspended the festivities, but
interdicted all music and every sign of joy in the camp ; he
directed that the battlements of the walls belonging to the
neighbourning cities should be struck off; he hung, or
crucified, the physician Grlaukias, who had prescribed for
Hephsestion ; he ordered that a vast funeral pile should be
erected at Babylon, at a cost given to us as 10,000 talents
(2,300,000?.), to celebrate the obsequies; he sent messengers
to the oracle of Ammon, to inquire whether it was permitted
to worship Hephaestion as a god. Many of those around
him, accommodating themselves to this passionate impulse
of the ruler, began at once to show a sort of worship to-
wards the deceased, by devoting to him themselves and their
arms; of which Eumenes set the example, conscious of his
own personal danger, if Alexander should suspect him of
being pleased at the death of his recent rival. Perdikkas
was instructed to convey the body in solemn procession to
Babylon, there to be burnt in state when preparations
should be completed. *
Alexander stayed at Ekbatana until winter was at
hand, seeking distraction from his grief in exag-
gerated splendour of festivals and ostentation (Winter.)
of life. His temper became so much more iras- Alexander
cible and furious , that no one approached him extermin-
without fear, and he was propitiated by the most Koseai6
extravagant flatteries.2 At length he roused
himself and found his true consolation, in gratifying the
primary passions of his nature — fighting and man-hunting.3
1 Arrian. vii. 14; Plutarch, Alex, pare also Plutarch, Pelopidas, 33;
72; Diodor. xvii. 110. It will not and Euripid. Alkestis, 442.
do to follow the canon of evidence * See the curious extracts from
tacitly assumed by Arrian, who EphippustheChalkidian, — seeming-
thinks himself authorised to dis- ly a contemporary, if not an eye-wit-
credit all the details of Alexan- ness (ap. Athense. xii. p. 537, 538)
der's conduct on this occasion, — euorjp.ia 8s xai 0177) xaTSiys irav-
which transgress the limits of a TO; 6716 8sou? TOVK itopovTai;- acpo-
dignined, though vehement sorrow. pr]70« yap TJV (Alexander) xoci ipovi-
When Masistius was slain, in x6«'£86xsi Y«pslvai jjLEXayyoXixo;, &c.
the Persian army commanded by * I translate here, literally, Plu-
Mardonius in Boeotia, the manes tarch's expression — Too Ss itsvdooc
of the horses were cut, as token TCapr)Y°p'? tip itoXejMjj ^ptb[ji£-jO!; ,
of mourning (Herodot.ix. 24): com- woitsp eici Syjpav xai xovijf e oto v
70 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
Between Media and Persis , dwelt the tribes called Kos-
ssei, amidst a region of lofty, trackless, inaccessible moun-
tains. Brave and predatory, they had defied the attacks
of the Persian kings. Alexander now conducted against
them a powerful force, and in spite of increased difficulties
arising from the wintry season, pushed them from point to
point, following them into the loftiest and most impene-
trable recesses of their mountains. These efforts were con-
tinued for forty days, under himself and Ptolemy, until the
entire male population was slain ; which passed for an ac-
ceptable offering to the manes of Hephsestion. *
Not long afterwards, Alexander commenced his pro-
B.C. 323. gress to Babylon; but in slow marches, farther
(Winter— retarded by various foreign embassies which met
Spring.) kjm on the road. So widely had the terror of
Alexander ^s name au& achievements been spread, that
to Babylon, several of these envoys came from the most distant
embass'ieuf regi°ns- There were some from the various
which met tribes of Libya — from Carthage — fromSicilyand
him on the Sardinia — from the Illyrians and Thracians —
from the Lucanians, Bruttians, and Tuscans, in
Italy — nay, even (some affirmed) from the Romans, as
yet a people of moderate power.2 But there were other
names yet more surprising — ^Ethiopians, from the extreme
south, beyond Egypt — Scythians from the north, beyond
the Danube — Iberians and Gauls, from the far west, beyond
the Mediterranean Sea. Legates also arrived from various
Grecian cities, partly to tender congratulations and compli-
d vO pu> Tttov eSrjXSejxai TO Kcxjsaitov der even by report, but this appears
I9vo<; xaTsaTps'JictTO , ICOVTOK; rjP1/]- to me not credible.
86v an o otpaTTiov. TOUTO 8= 'Hail- On the whole, though the point
cti<jovo<;£vaYia|j.6<; exa),ElTO(Plutarch, is doubtful, I incline to believe
Alexand. 72 : compare Polyrcnus , the assertion of a Roman embassy
iv. 3, 31). to Alexander. Nevertheless, there
1 Arrian, vii. 16 ; Plutarch, Alex, were various false statements which
72; Diodor. xvii. 111. This general afterwards became current about
slaughter, however, can only be it — one of which may be seen in
true of portions of the Kosscean Meranon's history of the Pontic
name; for Kossseans occur in after Herakleia ap. Photium, Cod. 224;
years (Diodor. xix. 19). Orelli Fragment. Memnon, p. 36.
1 Pliny, H. N. iii. 9. The story Kleitarchus (contemporary of Alex-
in Strabo , v. p. 232: can hardly ander) , whom Pliny quotes, can
apply to Alexander the Great, have had no motive to insert false-
I/ivy (ix. 18) conceives that the ly the name of Romans which in
Romans knew nothing of Alexan- his time was nowise important.
CUAP. xcrv. ENVOYS TO ALEXANDEB. JJ
ments upon his matchless successes, partly to remonstrate
against his sweeping mandate for the general restoration
of the Grecian exiles. ' It was remarked that these Grecian
legates approached him with wreaths on their heads, ten-
dering golden wreaths to him, — as if they were coming in-
to the presence of a god.2 The proofs which Alexander
received, even from distant tribes with names and costumes
unknown to him, of fear for his enmity and anxiety for
his favour, were such as had never been shown to any
historical person, and such as entirely to explain his super-
human arrogance.
In the midst of this exuberant pride and good fortune,
however, dark omens and prophecies crowded B.o. 323.
upon him as he approached Babylon. Of these (sPrins->
the most remarkable was, the warning of the Alexander
/-•n i i • • i i • <M a* Babylon
Chaldean priests, who apprised him soon after —his great
he crossed the Tigris, that it would be dan- p«para-
f. •>• , ,r , -, j tionsforthe
gerous for him to enter that city, and ex- circum-
horted him to remain outside of the gates. At navigation
first he was inclined to obey; but his scruples quest of
were overruled, either by arguments from the Arabia.
Greek sophist Anaxarchus, or by the shame of shutting
himself out from the most memorable city of the empire,
where his great naval preparations were now going on. He
found Nearchus with his fleet, who had come up from the
mouth of the river, — and also the ships directed to be
built in Phenicia, which had come down the river from
Thapsakus, together with large numbers of seafaring
men to serve aboard.3 The ships of cypresswood, and
the large docks, which he had ordered to be constructed
at Babylon, were likewise in full progress. He lost
no time in concerting with Nearchus the details of
an expedition into Arabia and the Persian Gulf, by his
land force and naval force cooperating. From various
1 Arrian, vii. 15; Justin, xii. 13; occasioned to the Carthaginians
Diodor. xvii. 113. The story men- serious alarm — but under colour
tioned by Justin in another place of being an exile tendering his
(xxi. 6) is probably referable to services. Justin says that Parmenio
this last season of Alexander's introduced Hamilkar — which must,
career. A Carthaginian named Ha- I think, be an error,
milkar Rhodanus was sent by his * Arrian, vii. 19, 1; \u. 23, 3.
city to Alexander; really as an 'Arrian, vii. 19,612; Diodor.
emissary to acquaint himself with xvii. 112.
the king's real designs, which
72 HISTOBY OF GBEECE. PAET II.
naval officers, who had been sent to survey the Persian
Gulf, and now made their reports, he learnt, that though
there were no serious difficulties within it or along its
southern coast, yet to double the eastern cape which ter-
minated that coast — to circumnavigate the unknown penin-
sula of Arabia, — and thus to reach the Red Sea — was an
enterprise perilous at least, if not impracticable. J But to
achieve that which other men thought impracticable, was
the leading passion of Alexander. He resolved to circum-
navigate Arabia as well as to conquer the Arabians, from
whom it was sufficient offence that they had sent no envoys
to him. He also contemplated the foundation of a great
maritime city in the interior of the Persian Gulf, to rival
in w ealth and commerce the cities of Phenicia. 2
Amidst preparations for this expedition — and while the
B.C. 323. immense funeral pile destined for Hephsestion
(April, was being built — Alexander sailed down the
May-) Euphrates to the great dyke called Pallakopas,
o^ship^6* ahout ninety miles below Babylon ; a sluice con-
board, on structed by the ancient Assyrian kings, for the
tes ^nd^n" PurP°se 0* being opened when the river was too
the marshes full, so as to let off the water into the intermin-
ms>1DiaM a^e marshes stretching out near the western
for im- bank. The sluice being reported not to work
navl^fion6 we^> ^e projected the construction of a new one
and flow of somewhat farther down. He then sailed through
the river. foe Pallakopas in order to survey the marshes,
together with the tombs of the ancient Assyrian kings
which had been erected among them. Himself steering his
vessel, with the kausia on his head) and the regal diadem
above it,3 he passed some time among these lakes and
swamps, which were so extensive that his fleet lost the
way among them. He stayed long enough also to direct,
1 Arrian, vii. 20, 15 ; Arrian, In- Even in the time of Arrian, in
dica, 43. To undertake this circum- the second century after the
navigation, Alexanderhaddespatch- Christian sera, Arabia had never
ed a shipmaster of Soli in Cyprus, been circumnavigated, from the
named Hiero ; who , becoming Persian Gulf to the Bed Sea— at
alarmed at the distance to -which least so far as his knowledge ex-
lie was advancing, and at the tended,
apparently interminable stretch of J Arrian, vii. 19, 11.
Arabia towards the south, returned 'Arrian, vii. 22, 2, 3; Strabo,
without accomplishing the object, xvi. p. 741.
CHAP. XCIV. OBSEQUIES OF HEPHaJSTION. 73
and even commence, the foundation of a new city, in what
seemed to him a convenient spot. l
On returning to Babylon, Alexander found large rein-
forcements arrived there — partly under Philoxenus, Men-
aiider, and Menidas, from Lydia and Karia — partly 20,000
Persians, under Peukestes the satrap. He caused these
Persians to be incorporated in the files of the B c- 323-
Macedonian phalanx. According to the stand- (June),
ing custom, each of these files was sixteen deep, Large rein-
and each soldier was armed with the long pike arrfv^Gre-
or sarissa wielded by two hands ; the lochage, or cian and
front-rank man, being always an officer receiving Newman-ay
double pay, of great strength and attested valour ordered by
— and those second and third in the file, as well ^Biace6-1"'
as the rearmost man of all, being likewise strong doniansand
and good men, receiving larger pay than the ^"same1"
rest. Alexander, in his new arrangement, re- files and
tained the first three ranks and the rear rank ^P*™68-
unchanged, as well as the same depth of file; but he sub-
stituted twelve Persians in place of the twelve Macedonians
who followed after the third-rank man; so that the file was
composed first of the lochage and two other chosen Mace-
donians, each armed with the sarissa — then of twelve Per-
sians armed in their own manner with bow or javelin —
lastly, of a Macedonian with his sarissa bringing up the
rear.2 In this Macedonico- Persian file, the front would
have only three projecting pikes, instead of five, which the
ordinary Macedonian phalanx presented; but then, in com-
pensation, the Persian soldiers would be able to hurl their
javelins at an advancing enemy, over the heads of their
three front-rank men. The supervening death of Alex-
ander prevented the actual execution of this reform, inter-
esting as being his last project for amalgamating Persians
and Macedonians into one military force.
Besides thus modifying the phalanx, Alexander also
passed in review his fleet, which was now fully equipped.
1 Arrian, vii. 21, 11. noXiv s£oj»386- Alexander sat upon the regal throne
(17]<JE T£ xoti ETsiyias. surrounded by Asiatic eunuchs;
* Arrian, vii. 23, 5. Even when his principal officers sat upon
and determining their array , — manners.
74 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Splendid The order was actually given for departing, so
funeral ob- S0on as the obsequies of Hephaestion should be
Hephafs-0 celebrated. This was the last act which remained
tion. for him to fulfil. The splendid funeral pile stood
ready — two hundred feet high, occupying a square area, of
which the side was nearly one furlong, loaded with costly
decorations from the zeal, real and simulated, of the Mace-
donian officers. The invention of artists was exhausted,
in long discussions with the king himself, to produce at all
cost an exhibition of magnificence singular and stupendous.
The outlay (probably with addition of the festivals imme-
diately following) is stated at 12,000 talents, or 2,760,000?.
sterling. ' Alexander awaited the order from the oracle
of Ammon, having sent thither messengers to inquire what
measure of reverential honour he might properly and piously
show to his departed friend. 2 The answer was now brought
back, intimating that Hephsestion was to be worshipped
as a Hero — the secondary form of worship , not on a level
with that paid to the Gods. Delighted with this divine
testimony to Hephsestion, Alexander caused the pile to be
lighted, and the obsequies celebrated, in a manner suitable
to the injunctions of the oracle.3 He farther directed that
magnificent chapels or sacred edifices should be erected
for the worship and honour of Hephsestion, at Alexandria
in Egypt, — at Pella in Macedonia, and probably in other
cities also.4
1 Diodorus, xvii. 115 ; Plutarch, splendid edifices and chapels in
Alex. 72. Hephsestion's honour — as we see
1 Avrian, vii. 23, 8. by Arrian , vii. 23, 10. And Dio-
• Diodor, xvii. 114, 115: compare dorus must be supposed to allude
Arrian, vii. 14, 16; Plutarch, to these intended sacred buildings,
Alex. 75. though he has inadvertently spoken
* Arrian. vii. 23, 10—13 ; Diod. of the funeral pile. Kraterus, who
xviii. 4. Diodorus speaks indeed, was under orders to return to
in this passage, of the itupa or Macedonia, was to have built one
funeral pileinhonourofHephaestion at Pella.
as if it were among the vast ex- The Olynthian Ephippus had
penses included in the memoranda composed a book itspt TJJ<; 'H'foct-
left by Alexander (after his de- ortiovo? xat 'AXs£dtv8pou T<x9>j<;, of
cease) of prospective schemes, which there appear four or five
But the funeral pile had already citations in Athena-us. He dwelt
been erected at Babylon, as Dio- especially on the luxurious habits
dorus himself had informed us. of Alexander, and on bis un-
What Alexander left unexecuted measured potations — common to
at his decease, but intended to him with other Macedonians,
execute if he had lived, was the
CHAP. XCFV. INDULGENCE TOWAKD8 KLEOMENES. 75
Respecting the honours intended for Hephsestion at
Alexandria, he addressed to Kleomenes the satrap of Egypt
a despatch which becomes in part known to us. I have
already stated that Kleomenes was among the worst of the
satraps; having committed multiplied public crimes, of
which Alexander was not uninformed. The regal despatch
enjoined him to erect in commemoration of Hephsestion a
chapel on the terra firma of Alexandria, with a splendid
turret in the islet of Pharos; and to provide besides that
all mercantile written contracts, as a condition of validity,
should be inscribed with the name of Hephsestion. Alex-
ander concluded thus: — " If coming I find the Egyptian
temples and the chapels of Hephsestion completed in the
best manner, I will forgive you for all your past crimes;
and in future, whatever magnitude of crime you may com-
mit, you shall suffer no bad treatment from me."1 This
despatch strikingly illustrates how much the wrongdoings
of satraps were secondary considerations in his view, com-
pared with splendid manifestations towards the Grods, and
personal attachment towards friends.
The intense sorrow felt by Alexander for the death of
Hephsestion — not merely an attached friend, but of the
same age and exuberant vigour as himself — laid his mind
open to gloomy forebodings from numerous omens, as well
as to jealous mistrust even of his oldest officers. Antipater
especially, no longer protected against the calumnies of
Olympias by the support of Hephaestion,2 fell more and
more into discredit; whilst his son Kassander, who had
recently come into Asia with a Macedonian reinforcement,
underwent from Alexander during irascible moments much
insulting violence. In spite of the dissuasive warning of
the Chaldean priests,3 Alexander had been persuaded to
1 Arri.an, vii. 23, 9 — 14. Kai KXeo- (p. 1285), Kleomenes appears as
(ilvsi iv8pl xaxui, xai noXXa d8ixi^- enriching himself by the monopoly
(j.ata dStxTjaavTi e< AiYUTCTUj, eitiateX- of corn exported from Egypt: com-
Xii ETUOToXTJv "Hv Yap xa-a- pare Pseudo-Aristot. CBconom. c. 33.
Xipto gyuj (IXeYs TO YP^H-fJ-aTa) Kleomenes was afterwards put to
TO upa r<x sv AiYUTitip xaXd); XCXTS- death by the first Ptolemy, who
oxeuajfiivot xai TOC rjpiua TO 'H'fai- became king of Egypt (Pausanias,
a-:iu>voq, SITS TI icpoTspov rj|xap7/jxa(; i. 6, 3).
<icj>Y,aio as TO-JTIOV, xai toXoiitiv, 'Plutarch, Alex. 74; Diodor,
oitTjXixov ov afxapTiQ;, oi>8gv ~-i'^] xvii. 114.
e; EJJLOU aj(api. — In the oration of J Arrian, vii. 16, 9; vii. 17, 6.
Demosthenes against Dionysodorus Plutarch, Alex. 73. Diodor. xvii.112.
76
HISTOBY OF GREECE.
PART II.
distrust their sincerity, and had entered Babylon, though
not without hesitation and uneasiness. However, when,
after having entered the town, he went out of it again
safely on his expedition for the survey of the lower Euph-
rates, he conceived himself to have exposed them as deceit-
ful alarmists, and returned to the city with increased con-
fidence, for the obsequies of his deceased friend. l
The sacrifices connected with these obsequies were on
the most prodigious scale. Victims enough were offered
to furnish a feast for the army, who also received ample
distributions of wine. Alexander presided in person at the
feast, and abandoned himself to conviviality like the rest.
Already full of wine, he was persuaded by his friend Medius
to sup with him, and to pass the whole night in yet farther
drinking, with the boisterous indulgence called
by the Greeks Komus or Revelry. Having slept
off his intoxication during the next day, he in
the evening again supped with Medius, and spent
a second night in the like unmeasured indul-
gence.2 It appears that he already had the
seeds of a fever upon him, which was so fatally
with a dan- aggravated by this intemperance that he was too
gerous fe- .,9*? : J •, • •• r TT i_ AI_ i_ 1.1.
ver. Details ill to return to his palace. He took the bath,
of his ill- an(i slept in the house of Medius; on the next
morning, he was unable to rise. After having
been carried out on a couch to celebrate sacrifice (which
B.C. 323.
(June.)
General
feasting
and intem-
perance in
the army.
Alexander
is seized
1 Arrian, vii. 22. 1. AUTOC 8s ib
TEtOtv, ?Tt OuSEV TIETCOvQu)? SlI) £'/ B»P'J-
Xuw «xaPl (<*XX' IcpSt) yap iXaua<; e£u>
Ba^uXuivo; Ttpiv Tt rcaflsiv) <iv£7:XEi
aufti? xotTa IXr) 6a£pu>v. &c.
The uneasiness here caused by
these prophecies and omens, in the
mind of the most fearless man of
his age, is worthy of notice as a
psychological fact, and is perfectly
attested by the authority of Ari-
stobulus and Nearchus. It appears
that Anaxarchus and other Grecian
philosophers encouraged him by
their reasonings to despise all pro-
phecy, but especially that of the
Chaldean priests ; who (they al-
leged) wished to keep Alexander
out of Babylon in order that they
might continue to possess the large
revenues of the temple of Belus,
which they had wrongfully ap-
propriated ; Alexander being dis-
posed to rebuild thatruined temple,
and to reestablish the suspended
sacrifices to which its revenues
had been originally devoted(Arrian
vii. 17; Diodor. xvii. 112). Not
many days afterwards, Alexander
greatly repented of having given
way to these dangerous reasoners,
who by their sophistical cavils set
aside the power and the warnings
of destiny (Diodor. xvii. 116).
* Arrian, vii. 24, 25. Diodorus
states (xvii. 117) that Alexander,
on this convivial night, swallowed
the contents of a large goblet
called the cup of HSrakles, and
CHAP. XCIV. DEATH OF ALEXANDER. 77
was his daily habit) , he was obliged to lie in bed all day.
Nevertheless he summoned the generals to his presence,
prescribing all the details of the impending expedition,
and ordering that the land-force should begin its march on
the fourth day following, while the fleet, with himself
aboard, would sail on the fifth day. In the evening, he was
carried on a couch across the Euphrates into a garden on
the other side , where he bathed and rested for the night.
The fever still continued, so that in the morning, after
bathing and being carried out to perform the sacrifices, he
remained on his couch all day, talking and playing at dice
withMedius; in the evening, he bathed, sacrificed again, and
ate a light supper, but endured a bad night with increased
fever. The next two days passed in the same manner,
the fever becoming worse and worse; nevertheless Alex-
ander still summoned Nearchus to his bedside, discussed
with him many points about his maritime projects, and
repeated his order that the fleet should be ready by the
third day. On the ensuing morning the fever was violent;
Alexander reposed all day in a bathing- house in the gar-
den, yet still calling in the generals to direct the filling up
of vacancies among the officers, and ordering that the arma-
ment should be ready to move. Throughout the two next
days, his malady became hourly more aggravated. On the
second of the two, Alexander could with difficulty support
the being lifted out of bed to perform the sacrifice; even
then, however, he continued to give orders to the generals
about the expedition. On the morrow, though desperately
ill, he still made the effort requisite for performing the
sacrifice; he was then carried across from the garden-house
to the palace, giving orders that the generals and officers
should remain in permanent attendance in and near the
hall. He caused some of them to be called to his bedside;
but though he knew them perfectly, he had by this time
become incapable of utterance. One of his last words
felt very ill after it ; a statement followed them : see Athonreus,
repeated by various other writers x. p. 434.
of antiquity, and which I see no To drink to intoxication at a fu-
reason for discrediting, though neral, was required as a token of
some modern critics treat it with respectful sympathy towards the
contempt. The Eoyal Ephemeri- deceased — see the last words of
des, or Court Journal , attested the Indian Kalanus before he as-
only the general fact of his large cended the funeral pile — Plutarch,
potations and the long sleep which Alexander, C9.
78 HISTORY OF GKEECK. PAKT II.
spoken is said to have been, on being asked to whom he
bequeathed his kingdom, uTo the strongest? one of his last
acts was, to take the signet ring from his finger, and hand
it to Perdikkas.1
For two nights and a day he continued in this state,
without either amendment or repose. Meanwhile
his life.6 ° the news of his malady had spread through the
Conster- army, filling them with grief and consternation.
nation and «• * it ij' i •
grief in the -Many oi the soldiers, eager to see him once
army. Last more, forced their way into the palace, and were
wiuTthe admitted unarmed. They passed along by the
soldiers. bedside, with all the demonstrations of affliction
and sympathy: Alexander knew them, and made
show of friendly recognition as well as he could ; but was
unable to say a word. Several of the generals slept in the
temple of Serapis, hoping to be informed by the God in a
dream whether they ought to bring Alexander into it as a
suppliant to experience the divine healing power. The
God informed them in their dream, that Alexander ought
not to be brought into the temple — that it would be better
for him to be left where he was. In the afternoon he ex-
pired— June 323 B.C. — after a life of thirty-two years and
eight months — and a reign of twelve years and eight
months.2
* These last two facts are men- application to the temple of Se-
tioned by Arrian (vii. 26, 5), and rapis, during the last day of Alex-
Diodorus (xvii. 117), and Justin ander's life. A few months be-
(xii. 15): but they found no place fore, Alexander had hanged or
in the Court Journal. Curtius (x. crucified the physician who attend-
v. 4) gives them with some enlarge- ed Hephaestion in his last illness.
ment. Hence it seems probable that he
1 The details, respecting the last either despised or mistrusted med-
illness of Alexander, are peculiarly ical advice, and would not per-
authentic, being extracted both by mit any to be invoked. His views
Arrian and by Plutarch, from the must have been much altered since
Ephemerides Eegiae, or short Court his dangerous fever at Tarsus, and
Journal; which was habitually the successful treatment of it by
kept by his secretary Eumenes, the Akarnanian physician Phi-
and another Greek named Diodo- lippus.
rus (Athena?, x. p. 434); see Arrian, Though the fever (see some re-
vii. 26, 26; Plutarch, Alex. 76. marks from Littre attached to Di-
It is surprising that throughout dot's Fragm. Script. Alex. Magn.
all the course of this malady, no p. 124) which caused Alexander's
mention is made of any physician death is here a plain fact satisfac-
as having been consulted. No ad- torily made out, yet a different
vice was asked ; if we except the story was circulated some time
CHAP. XCIV. DEATH OF ALEXANDEB. 79
The death of Alexander, thus suddenly cut off by a
fever in the plenitude of health, vigour, and D c 323
aspirations, was an event impressive as well as Effeot PJ0.
important in the highest possible degree, to his duced on
contemporaries far and near. When the first ghU1^" of
report of it was brought to Athens, the orator contempor-
Demades exclaimed — "It cannot be true: if ESift*?
Alexander were dead, the whole habitable world death of
would have smelt of his carcass." 1 This coarse, Alexander-
but emphatic comparison, illustrates the immediate, power-
ful, and wide-reaching impression produced by the sudden
extinction of the great conqueror. It was felt by each of
the many remote envoys who had so recently come to
propitiate this far-shooting Apollo — by every man among
the nations who had sent these envoys — throughout Eu-
rope, Asia, and Africa, as then known, — to affect either
his actual condition or his probable future.2 The first
growth and development of Macedonia, during the twenty-
two years preceding the battle of Chseroneia, from an em-
barrassed secondary state into the first of all known powers,
afterwards, and gained partial cred- against Olympias, and all the fam-
it (Plutarch, De Invidia. , p. 638), ily of Alexander, helped to on-
that he had been poisoned. The courage the report In the life of
poison was said to have been pro- Hyperides in Plutarch (Vit. X
vided by Aristotle, — sent over to Oratt. p. 849), it is stated, that
Asia by Antipater through his son he proposed at Athens public hon-
Kassander, — and administered by ours to lollas for having given
lollas (another son of Antipater), the poison to Alexander. If there
Alexander's cupbearer (Arrian, vii. is any truth in this, it might be
27, 2 ; Curtius, x. 10, 17 ; Diodor. a stratagem for casting discredit
xvii. 118; Justin, xii. 13). It is on Antipater (father of lollas),
quite natural that fever and intern- against whom the Athenians en-
perance (which latter moreover tered into the Lamian war, imme-
was frequent with Alexander) diately after the death of Alexander,
should not be regarded as causes ' Plutarch, Pbokion, 22 ; Derae-
sufflciently marked and impressive trius Phaler. De Elocution, a.
to explain a decease at once so 300. O'j Ts9vT]XEv 'AX£;7v8po<;, u>
unexpected and so momentous. avSps; 'A6r]valoi— iJu^s fnp av TJ
There seems ground for supposing, olx&u[A£v7) too vsxpoo.
however, that the report was in- * Dionysius, despot of the Pon-
tentionally fomented, if not ori- tic Herakleia, fainted away with
ginally broached, by the party-ene- joy when he heard of Alexander's
mies of Antipater andKassander — death, and erected a statue of
especially by the rancorous Olym- E69o|Atcc or Comfort (Memn. He-
pias. The violent enmity after- racl. Fragm. ap. Photium, Cod.
wards displayed by Kassander 221. c. 4).
80 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
had excited the astonishment of contemporaries, and ad-
miration for Philip's organizing genius. But the achieve-
ments of Alexander, during his twelve years of reign,
throwing Philip into the shade, had been on a scale so
much grander and vaster, and so completely without serious
reverse or even interruption, as to transcend the measure,
not only of human expectation, but almost of human belief.
The Great King (as the King of Persia was called by
excellence) was, and had long been, the type of worldly
power and felicity, even down to the time when Alexander
crossed the Hellespont. Within four years and three
months from this event, by one stupendous defeat after
another, Darius had lost all his Western Empire, and had
become a fugitive eastward of the Caspian Gates, escaping
captivity at the hands of Alexander only to perish by those
of the satrap Bessus. All antecedent historical parallels
— the ruin and captivity of the Lydian Croesus, the expul-
sion and mean life of the SyracUsan Dionysius, both of
them impressive examples of the mutability of human con-
dition,— sank into trifles compared with the overthrow of
this towering Persian colossus. The orator ^Eschines ex-
pressed the genuine sentiment of a Grecian spectator, when
he exclaimed (in a speech delivered at Athens shortly
before the death of Darius) — "What is there among the
list of strange and unexpected events, that has not occurred
in our time? Our lives have transcended the limits of
humanity; we are born to serve as a theme for incredible
tales to posterity. Is not the Persian king — who dug
through Athos and bridged the Hellespont, — who demand-
ed earth and water from the Greeks, — who dared to
proclaim himself in public epistles master, of all mankind
from the rising to the setting sun — is not he now struggling
to the last, not for dominion over others, but for the safety
of his own person?"1
1 jEsehinSs adv. Ktosiph. p. 524. Ypaativ STI SSUTTOTY]!; JSTIV ditovTU>v
e. 43. Totyaptoi 71 TUJV avsXniirr«ov av8&ibicu)v dtp' TjXiio aviivToc |A£XPl
xai ditpaa8oxrjTU)vg'.f>' •fjjAUJVj'ifSfovevl Suoptvcu, vuv o'i Ttepl TOO xupio?
oo Y'P P'ov T* ^IP-8'* dv9pu>7tivov itEpcov etvai SiaYtovi^STat, dXX' rj^Tj
f)tf)i(Dxa|j.£Y, aXX' eU 7rapoi6ci£oX<>Yiav tcepi -rijs toy atofxaTO? aco7T)pia«;
TOI« taopivei; fxeQ' T)fxa<: ea'jjjLsv. Compare the striking fragment,
06^ 6 (Aev Ttbv ITspoibv paaiXe'j<;, 6 TOV of a like tenor, out of the lost
"A9u)'v 8iop6£i; xai TOV 'EXXr^irovro-* work of the Phalerean Demetrius—
Ce&£a«, 6fijvxal oSiup TOO? "EXXrjvac FUpi TTJ? -cO'/r,;— Fragment. Histor.
otltuiv, 6 ToXfiiuv tv Taic ixtatoXatt Gra'cor. vol. ii. p. 368.
CHAP. XCIV. IMPRESSION PEODUCED BY HIS DEATH. 81
Such were the sentiments excited by Alexander's
career even in the middle of 330 B.C., more than seven years
before his death. During the following seven years, his
additional achievements had carried astonishment yet
farther. He had mastered, in defiance of fatigue, hardship,
and combat, not merely all the eastern half of the Persian
empire, but unknown Indian regions beyond its easternmost
limits. Besides Macedonia, Greece, and Thrace, he pos-
sessed all that immense treasure and military force which
had once rendered the Great King so formidable. By no
contemporary man had any such power ever been known
or conceived. With the turn of imagination then preval-
ent, many were doubtless disposed to take him for a God
on earth, as Grecian spectators had once supposed with
regard to Xerxes, when they beheld the innumerable Per-
sian host crossing the Hellespont. l
Exalted to this prodigious grandeur, Alexander was
at the time of his death little more than thirty- Had Alex-
two years old — the age at which a citizen of ander lived,
. , , •> . °. , , , he must
Athens was growing into important commands; have
ten years less than the age for a consul at Rome;2 achieved
,1 ?! i-i m- things
two years younger than the age at which Timour greater
first acquired the crown, and began his foreign stin-
conquests.3 His extraordinary bodily powers were un-
abated; he had acquired a large stock of military experi-
ence; and, what was still more important, his appetite for
farther conquest was as voracious, and his readiness to
purchase it at the largest cost of toil or danger, as com-
plete, as it had been when he first crossed the Hellespont.
Great as his past career had been, his future achievements,
with such increased means and experience, were likely to
be yet greater. His ambition would have been satisfied
with nothing less than the conquest of the whole habitable
world as then known;4 and if his life had been prolonged,
he would probably have accomplished it. Nowhere (so far
as our knowledge reaches) did there reside any military
power capable of making head against him; nor were his
soldiers, when he commanded them, daunted or baffled by
any extremity of cold, heat, or fatigue. The patriotic
1 Herod, vii. 56. Petit de la Croix, vol. i. p. 203.
1 Cicero, Philippic, v. 17, 48. « This is the remark of his great
3 See Histoire de Tjmour-Bec, admirer Arrian, vii. 1, 6.
par Cherefeddin Ali, translated by
VOL. XII. G
82 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
feelings of Livy dispose him to maintain » that Alexander,
Question na<i ^e invaded Italy and assailed Romans or
raised by Samnites, would have failed and perished like
SJchanceJ his relative Alexander of Epirus. But this
of Alex- conclusion cannot be accepted. If we grant the
hadYt'tack- courage and discipline of the Roman infantry
ed tha Ro- to have been equal to the best infantry of Alex-
ander's army, the same cannot be said of the
Roman cavalry as compared with the Macedonian Com-
panions. Still less is it likely that a Roman consul, annu-
ally changed, would have been found a match for Alex-
ander in military genius and combinations; nor, even if
personally equal, would he have possessed the same variety
of troops and arms, each effective in its separate way, and
all conspiring to one common purpose — nor the same
unbounded influence over their minds in stimulating them
to full effort. I do not think that even the Romans could
have successfully resisted Alexander the Great ; though it
is certain that he never throughout all his long marches
encountered such enemies as they, nor even such as Sam-
nites and Lucanians — combining courage, patriotism, disci-
pline, with effective arms both for defence and for close
combat.2
Among all the qualities which go to constitute the
Unrivalled highest military excellence, either as a general or
excellence as a soldier, none was wanting in the character
andereXas a of Alexander. Together with his own chivalrous
military courage — sometimes indeed both excessive and
unseasonable, so as to form the only military
1 Livy, ix. 17-19. A discussion ex Grsecis"), who said the Romans
of Alexander's chances against the would have quailed before the
Romans — extremely interesting terrible reputation of Alexander,
and beautiful, though the case and submitted without resistance,
appears to me very partially set Assuredly his victory over them
forth. I agree with Niebuhr in would have been dearly bought,
dissenting from Livy's result; and 2 Alexander of Epirus is said to
with Plutarch in considering it as have remarked, that he, in his ex-
one of the boons of Fortune to peditions into Italy, had fallen
the Romans, that Alexander did upon the dvSpcuvitic or chamber of
not live long enough to attack the men; while his nephew (Alex-
them (Plutarch De Fortuna Roma- ancler the Great), in invading Asia,
nor. p. 326). had fallen upon the TOvaixumtic
IJivy however had great reason or chamber of the women (Aulus
for complaining of those Greek Gellius, xvli. 21 ; Curtius, viii. 1,
authors (he calls them "levissimi 37).
CHAP. XCIV. PROBABLE FUTURE OF ALEXANDER. 83
defect which can be fairly imputed to him — we trace in
all his operations the most careful dispositions taken be-
forehand, vigilant precaution in guarding against possible
reverse, and abundant resource in adapting himself to
new contingencies. Amidst constant success, these precau-
tionary combinations were never discontinued. His achieve-
ments are the earliest recorded evidence of scientific
military organization on a large scale, and of its overwhelm-
ing effects. Alexander overawes the imagination more
than any other personage of antiquity, by the matchless
development of all that constitutes effective force — as an
individual warrior, and as organizer and leader of armed
masses ; not merely the blind impetuosity ascribed by Ho-
mer to Ares, but also the intelligent, methodized, and all-
subduing compression which he personifies in Athene.
But all his great qualities were fit for use only against
enemies ; in which category indeed were numbered all
mankind, known and unknown, except those who chose to
submit to him. In his Indian campaigns, amidst tribes
of utter strangers, we perceive that not only those who
stand on their defence, but also those who abandon their
property and flee to the mountains, are alike pursued and
slaughtered.
Apart from the transcendent merits of Alexander as
a soldier and a general, some authors give him credit for
grand and beneficent views on the subject of imperial
government, and for intentions highly favourable to the im-
provement of mankind. I see no ground for Alexander
adopting this opinion. As far as we can ven- "part* from
ture to anticipate what would have been Alex- military
ander's future, we see nothing in prospect except deserving0*
years of ever-repeated aggression and conquest, of esteem.
not to be concluded until he had traversed and subjugated
all the inhabited globe. The acquisition of universal dom-
inion— conceived not metaphorically, but literally, and
conceived with greater facility in consequence of the imper-
fect geographical knowledge of the time — was the master-
passion of his soul. At the moment of his death, he was
commencing fresh aggression in the south against the Ara-
bians, to an indefinite extent; * while his vast projects
against the western tribes in Africa and Europe, as far as
the Pillars of Herakles, were consigned in the orders and
1 Arrian, vii. 28, 5.
G 2
84 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PART U.
memoranda confidentially communicated to Kraterus. *
Italy, Gaul, and Spain, would have been successively at-
tacked and conquered ; the enterprises proposed to him
when in Baktria by the Chorasmian prince Pharasmanes,
but postponed then until a more convenient season, would
have been next taken up, and he would have marched
from the Danube northward round the Euxine and Palus
Maeotis against the Scythians and the tribes of Caucasus.2
There remained moreover the Asiatic regions east of the
Hyphasis, which his soldiers had refused to enter upon,
but which he certainly would have invaded at a future
opportunity, were it only to efface the poignant humiliation
of having been compelled to relinquish his proclaimed pur-
pose. Though this sounds like romance and hyperbole, it
was nothing more than the real insatiate aspiration of
Alexander, who looked upon every new acquisition mainly
as a capital for acquiring more ;3 "You are a man like all
of us, Alexander (said the naked Indian to him) — except
that you abandon your home like a meddlesome destroyer,
to invade the most distant regions ; enduring hardship
yourself, and inflicting hardship upon others."* Now, how
an empire thus boundless and heterogeneous, such as no
prince has ever yet realized, could have been administered
with any superior advantages to subjects, it would be diffi-
cult to show. The mere task of acquiring and maintaining
— of keeping satraps and tribute-gatherers in authority
as well as in subordination — of suppressing resistances ever
liable to recur in regions distant by months of march5 —
would occupy the whole life of a world-conqueror, without
leaving any leisure for the improvements suited to peace
and stability, if we give him credit for such purposes in
theory.
• Diodor. xviii. 4. Ptolemy, who would give, in all
• Arrian, iv. 15, 11. probability, the substance of this
• Arrian, vii. 19, 12. To 8g AXrjSei;, memorable speech from his own
<!>« fi (AOi fioxtt, an),T)oTo; rjv TOO hearing.
XTauSat TI del 'AXe£aM8po?. Com- 4 Arrian, vii. 1, 8. o>j 8e ov&oiono;
pare vii. 1, 3-7; vii. 15, 6, and the u>v, napaTtXfjoio? tote &XXoi?, icXVp
speech made by Alexander to his ft £7), STI TtoXorpdtfH-iov xai a-rotofla-
soldiers on the banks of the Hy- Xo?, onto TTJ? oixsiot^ ToaauT7]v frfi
phasis when he was trying to per- i-neZip-ffl, •rcpaytxa-a ejrwv T* xai
suade them to march forward , v. itapsyuuv aXXoi?.
26 seq. We must remember that * Arrian, vii. 4, 4, 5.
Arrian had before him the work of
CHAP. XCIV. IMMENSE PROJECTS OF ALEXANDER. 85
But even this last is more than can be granted. Alex-
ander's acts indicate that he desired nothing Alexander
better than to take up the traditions of the Per- JJlffiJSd*
sian empire; a tribute-levying and army-levying the system
system, under Macedonians in large proportion, gianhem-er"
as his instruments; yet partly also under the pire, with
very same Persians who had administered be- {^prove-
fore, provided they submitted to him. It has ment ex-
indeed been extolled among his merits that he Jt8£j*o£
was thus willing to reappoint Persian grandees ganization.
(putting their armed force however under the command
of a Macedonian officer) — and to continue native princes
in their dominions, if they did willing homage to him, as tri-
butary subordinates. But all this had been done before him
by the Persian kings, whose system it was to leave the con-
quered princes undisturbed, subject only to the payment
of tribute, and to the obligation of furnishing a military
contingent when required. i In like manner Alexander's
Asiatic empire would thus have been composed of an aggre-
gate of satrapies and dependent principalities, furnishing
money and soldiers; in other respects, left to the discretion
of local rule, with occasional extreme inflictions of punish-
ment, but no systematic examination or control. 2 Upon
this, the condition of Asiatic empire in all ages, Alexander
would have grafted one special improvement: the military
organization of the empire, feeble under the Achsemenid
princes, would have been greatly strengthened by his ge-
nius, and by the able officers formed in his school, both for
foreign aggression and for home control.3
The Persian empire was a miscellaneous aggregate,
with no strong feeling of nationality. The Macedonian
conqueror who seized its throne was still more indifferent
to national sentiment. He was neither Macedon- Absence of
ian nor Greek. Though the absence of this nationality
1 Herodot. iii. 15. Alexander * The rhetor AristeidSs, in his
offered to Phokion (Plutarch, Phok. Encomium on Rome, has some
18) his choice between four Asia- good remarks on the character and
tic cities, of which (that is, of any ascendency of Alexander, exer-
one of them) he was to enjoy the cised by will and personal author-
revenues ; just as Artaxerxes Lon- ity, as contrasted with the system-
gimanus had acted towards The- atic and legal working of the
mistokles in recompense for his Roman empire (Orat. xvi. p. 332-
treason. Phokion refused the offer. 360, vol. i. ed. Dindorf).
1 See the punishment of Sisam-
nfis by Kambyses (Herodot. v. 25).
86 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAUT II.
in Alex- prejudice has sometimes been counted to him
ans^rofPUr" as a virtue, it only made room, in my opinion,
fusing the for prejudices still worse. The substitute for
different ft wag an exorbitant personality and self-estim-
vaneties of . .„ , * . , . •> ,.
mankind ation, manifested even in his earliest years,
into one an(j inflarned by extraordinary success into the
type of sub- belief in divine parentage; which, while setting
jection. hjm above the idea of communion with any spe-
cial nationality, made him conceive all mankind as subjects
under one common sceptre to be wielded by himself. To
this universal empire the Persian king made the nearest
approach, 1 according to the opinions then prevalent. Ac-
cordingly Alexander, when victorious, accepted the pos-
ition and pretensions of the overthrown Persian court as
approaching most nearly to his full due. He became more
Persian than either Macedonian or Greek. While himself
adopting, as far as he could safely venture, the personal
habits of the Persian court, he took studied pains to trans-
form his Macedonian officers into Persian grandees, en-
couraging and even forcing intermarriages with Persian
women according to Persian rites. At the time of Alexan-
der's death, there was comprised, in his written orders
given to Kraterus, a plan for the wholesale transportation
of inhabitants both out of Europe into Asia, and out of
Asia into Europe, in order to fuse these populations into
one by multiplying intermarriages and intercourse.2 Such
reciprocal translation of peoples would have been felt as
eminently odious, and could not have been accomplished
without coercive authority.3 It is rash to speculate upon
unexecuted purposes ; but, as far as we can judge, such
compulsory mingling of the different races promises nothing
1 Xenopli. Cyropsed. vii. 6, 21 ; "Wesseling'g note— and the eager-
Anahaa. i. 7, 6; Herodot. vii. 8, 13; ness of the Pseonians to return
compare Arrian, v. 26, 4-10. (Herod, v. 98; also Justin, viii. 5).
7 Diodor. xviii. 4. FlpotSs TOUTOK Antipatcr afterwards intended
itAXeiov 9UvOixta|Aoi>< xccl OOJ(JLO;TIUV to transport the jEtolians in mass
|AETaY<i>Ya? ex TTJ? 'Aaia<; eU "TJV from their own country into Asia,
E6pu)itr)v, xal xaTtx TOUVSVTIOV ex if he had succeeded in conqueriug
•tjj? EupuJTiT)? el? Tr)v 'Astav, Sicco; them (Diodor. xviii. 25). Compare
TOI« (xefto-ac Tjitslpouc; TaT?SKtya|jiiai<; Pausanias (i. 9, 8-10) about the
xol rot? oixetiucjsatv eU XOIVTJV 6|xo- forcible measures used by Iiysi-
voiavxal TOYftviXTJv <piXlav xOTaaT^OTJ. machus, in transporting new inhab-
1 See the effect produced upon Hants , at Ephesus and Lysima-
the lonians by the false statement cheia.
of llistiitus (Herodot. vi. 3) with
CHAP. XCIV. ALEXANDER NOT HELLENIC. 87
favourable to the happiness of any of them, though it
might serve as an imposing novelty and memento of im-
perial omnipotence.
In respect of intelligence and combining genius, Alex-
ander was Hellenic to the full; in respect of disposition
and purpose, no one could be less Hellenic. The acts
attesting his Oriental violence of impulse, un- Mistake of
measured self-will, l and exaction of reverence supposing
above the limits of humanity — have been al- to^T^he'
ready recounted. To describe him as a son of intentional
Hellas, imbued with the political maxims of Gr^eTciv?-
Aristotle, and bent on the systematic diffusion nation.
of Hellenic culture for the improvement of man- compared
kind2 — is, in my judgement, an estimate of his with those
character contrary to the evidence. Alexander ofAristotle-
is indeed said to have invited suggestions from Aristotle
as to the best mode of colonizing; but his temper altered
so much, after a few years of Asiatic conquest, that he
came not only to lose all deference for Aristotle's advice,
but even to hate him bitterly. 3 Moreover, though the
philosopher's full suggestions have not been preserved,
yet we are told generally that he recommended Alexander
to behave to the Greeks as a leader or president, or limit-
ed chief — and to the Barbarians (non- Hellenes) as a
master; 4 a distinction substantially coinciding with that
» Livy, ix. 18. "Referre in tanto 2 Among other eulogists of Alex-
rege piget superbam mutationem ander, it is sufficient to name
vestis, et desideratas hurni jacen- Droysen — in his two works, both
tium adulationes, etiain victis Ma- of great historical research— Ge-
cedonibus graves , nedum victori- schichte Alexanders des Grossen—
bus: et foeda supplicia, et inter and Geschichte des Hellenismus
vinum et epulas cisdes amicorum, Oder der Bildung des Hellenisti-
et vanitatem ementiendse Btirpis. schen Staaten-Systemes (Hamburg,
Quid si vini amor in dies fieret 1843). See especially tlie last and
acrior? quid si trux et prsefervida most recent work, p. 27 seqq. p.
ira? (nee quidquam dubimn inter 651 seqq. — and elsewhere passim.
scriptores refero) nullano hsec * Plutarch, Alex. 55 — 74.
damna imperatoriis virtutibus du- 4 Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p.
cimus?" 329. 'AXsiavSpoc; Si T<£ X6y<p TO
The appeal here made by Livy ipyov notpsajrsv ou fdp, UK 'Apia-o-
to the full attestation of these T!).T]S (juvepouXsuev OCOTOJ, TOI; (JLEV
points in Alexander's character "EXXyjjtv TJYSIACWXUK, tot? 6s pappdi-
deserves notice. He had doubtless poi? SEOKOTIXIU; )rpu>|j.£vov .... oXXo
more authorities before him than xoivo? TJXEIV fisoQev apfxoaTT]? xat
we possess. SioXXaxTTji; TUJV 8Xu>v Vo|juCu>v, oO;
88 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
pointed out by Burke in his speeches at the beginning of
the American war, between the principles of government
proper to be followed by England in the American colo-
nies, and in British India. No Greek thinker believed the
Asiatics to be capable of that free civil polity l upon
which the march of every Grecian community was based.
Aristotle did not wish to degrade the Asiatics below the
level to which they had been accustomed, but rather to
preserve the Greeks from being degraded to the same
level. Now Alexander recognised no such distinction as
that drawn by his preceptor. He treated Greeks and
Asiatics alike, not by elevating the latter, but by degra-
ding the former. Though he employed all indiscriminate-
ly as instruments, yet he presently found the free speech
of Greeks, and even of Macedonians, so distasteful and offen-
sive, that his preferences turned more and more in favour
of the servile Asiatic sentiment and customs. Instead of
hellenizing Asia, he was tending to asiatize Macedonia
and Hellas. His temper and character, as modified by a
few years of conquest, rendered him quite unfit to follow
the course recommended by Aristotle towards the Greeks
— quite as unfit as any of the Persian kings, or as the
French Emperor Napoleon, to endure that partial frus-
t«f> XoY4> M 'uvTJye, TO'S SttXoi? 1. See the memorable comparison
ptaCofievo;, £15 TO OOTO auvevefxWN drawn by Aristotle (Polit. vii. 6)
TO icavTO^oQsv, Ac. between the Europeans and Asiat-
Strabo (or Eratosthenes , see ics generally. He pronounces the
Strabo, i. p. 66) and Plutarch un- former to be courageous and ener-
derstand the expression of Aristotle getic, but wanting in intelligence
erroneously — as if that philosopher or powers of political combina-
had meant to recommend harsh tion ; the latter to be intelligent,
and cruel treatment of the non- and clever in contrivance, but de-
Hellenes, and kind treatment only stitute of courage. Neither of them
towards Greeks. That Aristotle have more than a "one-legged ap-
could have meant no such thing, tituden(9'Jaiv(Ar>v6x(oXov) ; the Greek
is evident from the whole tenor alone possesses both the courage
of his treatise on Politics. The and the intelligence united. The
distinction really intended is be- Asiatics are condemned to per-
tween a greater and a less measure petual subjection ; the Greeks might
of extra-popular authority — not govern the world, could they but
between kind and unkind pur- combine in one political society.
poses in the exercise of authority. Isokrates ad Philippum, Or. v.
Compare Tacitus, Annal. xii. 11 — p. 85. a. 18. JCTTI 8s TO JASV rcsiOeiv
the advice of the Emperor Claudius itpo« TOO? "EXXyjvoti; o6|A^spov, TO 84
to the Parthian prince Meherdat&s. '•H'"£:>'''/1 npoj TO(K papfidpoo?
1 Aristot. Politic, i. 1, 5; vii. 6, -/^,-iiJ.ov.
CHAP. XCIV. THE DIADOCHI HELLENIZED ASIA.
89
tration, compromise, and smart from free criticism, which is
inseparable from the position of a limited chief. Among
a multitude of subjects more diverse-coloured than even
the army of Xerxes, it is quite possible that he might have
turned his power towards the improvement of the rudest
Sortions. We are told (though the fact is difficult to cre-
it, from his want of time) that he abolished various bar-
barisms of the Hyrkanians, Arachosians, and Sogdians.1
But Macedonians as well as Greeks would have been pure
losers by being absorbed into an immense Asiatic aggregate.
Plutarch states that Alexander founded more than
seventy new cities in Asia. 2 So large a num- Number of
her of them is neither verifiable nor probable, new cities
unless we either reckon up simple military posts, Asia^y "
or borrow from the list of foundations really Alexander.
established by his successors. Except Alexandria in Egypt,
1 Plutarch, Fortun. Alex. M. p.
328. The stay of Alexander in these
countries was however so short,
that even with the best will he
could not have enforced the sup-
pression of any inveterate customs.
* Plutarch, Fortun. Al. M. p.
328. Plutarch mentions, a few lines
afterwards, Seleukia in Mesopota-
mia, as if he thought that it was
among the cities established by
Alexander himself. This shows
that he has not been exact in
distinguishing foundations made
by Alexander, from those origina-
ted by Seleukus and other Diadochi.
The elaborate article of Droysen
(in the Appendix to his Geschichte
desHellenismus, p.588-G51) ascribes
to Alexander the largest plans
of colonization in Asia, and enu-
merates a great number of cities
alleged to have been founded by
him. But in regard to the majority
of these foundations, the evidence
upon which Droysen grounds his
belief that Alexander was the
founder, appears to me altogether
s ender and unsatisfactory. If Alex-
ander founded so many cities
as Droysen imagines, how does it
happen that Arrian mentions only
so comparatively small a number?
The argument derived from Arrian's
silence, for rejecting what is affirm-
ed by other ancients respecting
Alexander, is indeed employed by
modern authors (and by Droysen
himself among them), far oftener
than I think warrantable. But if
there be any one proceeding of
Alexander more than another, in
respect of which the silence of Ar-
rian ought to make us suspicious
— it is the foundation of anew col-
ony; a solemn act, requiring delay
and multiplied regulations, intend-
ed for perpetuity , and redounding
to the honour of the founder. I do
not believe in any colonies found-
ed by Alexander, beyond those
comparatively few which Arrian
•mentions, except such as rest upon
some other express and good testi-
mony. Whoever will read through
Droysen's list , will see that most
of the names in it will not stand
this test. The' short life, and rap-
id movements, of Alexander, are
of themselves the strongest pre-
sumption against his having found-
ed so large a number of colonies.
90 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
none of the cities founded by Alexander himself can be
shown to have attained any great development. Nearly
all were planted among the remote, warlike, and turbulent
peoples eastward of the Caspian Gates. Such establishments
were really fortified posts to hold the country in subjection :
Alexander lodged in them detachments from his army, but
none of these detachments can well have been large, since
he could not afford materially to weaken his army, while
active military operations were still going on, and while
farther advance was in contemplation. More of these settle-
ments were founded in Sogdiana than elsewhere; but re-
specting the Sogdian foundations, we know that the Greeks,
whom he established there, chained to the spot only by
fear of his power, broke away in mutiny immediately on
the news of his death. 1 Some Greek soldiers in Alexan-
der's army on the Jaxartes or the Hydaspes, sick and wea-
ry of his interminable marches, might prefer being enroll-
ed among the colonists of a new city on one of these
unknown rivers, to the ever-repeated routine of exhausting
duty. 2 But it is certain that no volunteer emigrants would
go forth to settle at distances such as their imaginations
could hardly conceive. The absorbing appetite of Alexan-
der was conquest, to the East, West, South, and North;
the cities which he planted were established, for the most
part, as garrisons to maintain his most distant and most
precarious acquisitions. The purpose of colonization was
altogether subordinate ; ;and that of hellenizing Asia, so
far as we can see, was not even contemplated, much less
realized.
This process of hellenizing Asia — in so far as Asia
it was not was ever hellenized — which has often been
Alexi?nTyr' ascribed to Alexander, was in reality the work of
dociii "after the Diadochi who came after him ; though his
bh-1 flWh° conquests doubtless opened the door and estab-
lenLed * ' lished the military ascendency which rendered
Asia. sucn a W0rk practicable. The position, the aspir-
1 Diodor. xvii. 99 ; xviii. 7. Cur- * See the plain-spoken outburst
tius , vs.. 7, 1. Curtius observes of the Thurian Antileon, one of
(vii. 10, 15) respecting Alexander's the soldiers in Xenophon's Ten
colonies in Sogdiana — that they Thousand Greeks, when the army
were founded "velut freni domi- reached Trapezus (Xenoph. Ana-
tarum gentium ; nunc originis suae baa. v. 1, 2).
oblita serviunt, quibus imperave-
runt."
CnAP.XCIV. THE DIADOCHI HELLENIZED ASIA. 91
ations, and the interests of these Diadochi — Antigonus,
Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus, &c. — were materially dif-
ferent from those of Alexander. They had neither appe-
tite nor means for new and remote conquest ; their great
rivalry was with each other ; each sought to strengthen him-
self near home against the rest. It became a matter of
fashion and pride with them, not less than of interest, to
found new cities immortalising their family names. These
foundations were chiefly made in the regions of Asia near
and known to Greeks, where Alexander had planted none.
Thus the great and numerous foundations of Seleukus Ni-
kator and his successors covered Syria, Mesopotamia, and
parts of Asia Minor. All these regions were known to
Greeks, and more or less tempting to new Grecian immig-
rants— not out of reach or nearing of the Olympic and
other festivals, as the Jaxartes and the Indus were. In
this way a considerable influx of new Hellenic blood was
poured into Asia during the century succeeding Alexan-
der— probably in great measure from Italy and Sicily,
where the condition of the Greek cities became more and
more calamitous — besides the numerous Greeks who took
service as individuals under these Asiatic kings. Greeks,
and Macedonians speaking Greek, became predominant,
if not in numbers, at least in importance, throughout most
of the cities in Western Asia. In particular, the Macedo-
nian military organization, discipline, and administration,
were maintained systematically among these Asiatic kings.
In the account of the battle of Magnesia, fought by the
Seleukid king Antiochus the Great against the Romans
in 190 B.C., the Macedonian phalanx, constituting the main
force of his Asiatic army, appears in all its completeness,
just as it stood under Philip and Perseus in Macedonia
itself, *
When it is said however that Asia became hellenized
under Alexander's successors, the phrase requires explan-
ation. Hellenism, properly so called — the aggregate of
habits, sentiments, energies, and intelligence, manifested
by the Greeks during their epoch of autonomy 2 — never
1 Appian, Syriac. 32. fenst/sfem— is applied to the state
2 This is the sense in which I of things which followed upon
have always used the word Helle- Alexander's death; to the aggre-
nism, throughout the present Work, gate of kingdoms into which Alex-
With Droysen, the word Helle- ander's conquests became distri-
nisnnts — Das Hellenistische Staa- buted, having for their point of
92 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
passed over into Asia; neither the highest qualities of the
HOW far Greek mind, nor even the entire character of
Asia was ordinary Greeks. This genuine Hellenism could
henenizecf no^ subsist under the over-ruling compression
—the great of Alexander, nor even under the less irresistible
that ««' pressure of his successors. Its living force, pro-
Greek lan- ductive genius, self-organizing power, and active
cameeunei- spirit of political communion, were stifled, and
versaiiy gradually died out. All that passed into Asia
iiffused. wag a fajn£ an(j partial resemblance of it, carry-
ing the superficial marks of the original. The administration
of the Greco-Asiatic kings was not Hellenic (as it has been
sometimes called) , but completely despotic, as that of the
Persians had been before. Whoever follows their history,
until the period of Roman dominion, will see that it turned
upon the tastes, temper, and ability of the prince, and on
the circumstances of the regal family. Viewing their
government as a system, its prominent difference, as com-
pared with their Persian predecessors, consisted in their re-
taining the military traditions and organization of Philip
and Alexander; an elaborate scheme of discipline and man-
oeuvring, which could not be kept up without permanent
official grades and a higher measure of intelligence than
had ever been displayed under the Achaemenid kings, who
had no military school or training whatever. Hence a
great number of individual Greeks found employment
in the military as well as in the civil service of these Greco-
Asiatic kings. The intelligent Greek, instead of a citizen
of Hellas, became the instrument of a foreign prince ; the
details of government were managed to a great degree by
Greek officials, and always in the Greek language.
Moreover, besides this, there was the still more import-
Greco-Auiat- ant fact of the many new cities founded in Asia
ic cities. by the Seleukidse and the other contemporary
kings. Each of these cities had a considerable infusion of
Greek and Macedonian citizens, among the native Orientals
located here, often brought by compulsion from neigh-
eimilarity the common use of Greek misaiblo at all) must at any rate
speech, a certain proportion of be constantly kept in mind, in
Greeks both as inhabitants and as order that it may not be confound-
officers, and a partial streak of ed •with hellenism in the stricter
Hellenic culture. meaning.
This sense of the word (if ad-
CKAP. XCIV. HOW FAB ASIA WAS HELLENIZED. 93
bouring villages. In what numerical ratio these two ele-
ments of the civic population stood to each other, we can-
not say. But the Greeks and Macedonians were the leading
and active portion, who excercisedthe greatest assimilating
force, gave imposing effect to the public manifestations of
religion, had wider views and sympathies, dealt with the
central government, and carried on that contracted measure
of municipal autonomy which the city was permitted
to retain. In these cities the Greek inhabitants, though
debarred from political freedom, enjoyed a range of social
activity suited to their tastes. In each, Greek was the
language of public business and dealing; each formed a
centre of attraction and commerce for an extensive neigh-
bourhood; all together, they were the main Hellenic, or
quasi-Hellenic, element in Asia under the Greco-Asiatic
kings, as contrasted with the rustic villages, where native
manners, and probably native speech, still continued with
little modification. But the Greeks of Antioch, or Alex-
andria, or Seleukeia, were not like citizens of Athens
or Thebes, nor even like men of Tarentum or Ephesus.
"While they communicated their language to Orientals, they
became themselves substantially orientalized. Their feel-
ings, judgements, and habits of action, ceased to be Hel-
lenic. Polybius , when he visited Alexandria , looked
with surprise and aversion on the Greeks there resident,
though they were superior to the non-Hellenic population,
whom he considered worthless. * Greek social habits, festi-
vals, and legends, passed with the Hellenic settlers into
Asia ; all becoming amalgamated and transformed so as to
suit a new Asiatic abode. Important social and political
1 Strabo, xii. p. 797. 6 fouv IIo- able monument of what .Droysen
Xii^io?, Yef0"""? &v tifi «6Xei (Alex- calls the Hellenistic period, between
andria), p8sXv>TTeTai TTJV TOCOTIQ XOT<X- the death of Alexander and the
OTBSIV, &c. extension of the Roman empire
The Museum of Alexandria (with into Asia. But this Museum, though
its library) must be carefully dis- situated at Alexandria, had no pe-
tinguished from the city and the culiar connexion with the city or
people. It was an artificial insti- its population ; it was a College
tution, which took its rise alto- of literary Fellows (if we may
gether from the personal taste and employ a modern word) congre-
munificence of the earlier Ptole- gated out of various Grecian towns,
mies, especially the second. It Eratosthengs, Kallimachus, Aristo-
was one of the noblest and most phanes, Aristarchus, were not na-
useful institutions recorded in tives of Alexandria,
history, and forms the most honour-
94 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
consequences turned upon the diffusion of the language,
and upon the establishment of such a common medium of
communication throughout Western Asia. But after all,
the hellenized Asiatic was not so much a Greek as a for-
eigner with Grecian speech, exterior varnish; and super-
ficial manifestations ; distinguished fundamentally from
those Greek citizens with whom the present history has
been concerned. So he would have been considered by
Sophokles, by Thucydides, by Sokrates.
Thus much is necessary, in order to understand the
increase of bearing of Alexander's conquests, not only upon
the means the Hellenic population , but upon Hellenic at-
nication° " tributes and peculiarities. While crushing the
between Greeks as communities at home, these conquests
parts"of the opened a wider range to the Greeks as indivi-
worid. duals abroad; and produced — perhaps the best
of all their effects — a great increase of intercommunication,
multiplication of roads, extension Of commercial dealing,
and enlarged facilities for the acquisition of geographical
knowledge. There already existed in the Persian empire
an easy and convenient royal road (established by Darius
son of Hystaspes, and described as well as admired by Hero-
dotus) for the three months' journey between Sardis and
Susa; and there must have been another regular road from
Susa and Ekbatana to Baktria, Sogdiana, and India. Alex-
ander, had he lived, would doubtless have multiplied on a
still larger scale the communications both by sea and land
between the various parts of his world-empire. We read
that among the gigantic projects which he was contem-
plating when surprised by death, one was, the construction of
a road all along the northern coast of Africa, as far as the
Pillars of Herakles.1 He had intended to found a new
maritime city on the Persian Gulf, at the mouth of the
Euphrates, and to incur much outlay for regulating the
1 Diodor. xviii. 4. Fausanias (ii. between Teos and Klazomenre, so
1, 5) observes that Alexander wish- as to avoid the navigation round
ed to cut through Mount Mimas (in the cliffs of Mimas (oxoTrsXov vi<po-
Asia Minor) , but that this was evTot Mijiarro?— Aristophan. Nub.
the only one, among all his under- 274) between Chios and Erythras.
takings, which did not succeed. Probably this was among the pro-
"So difficult is it (he goes on) to jects suggested to Alexander, in
put force upon the divine arrange- the last year of his life. We have
ments", -afleia ptaaasSai. He wish- no other information about it.
ed to cut through the isthmus
CUAP. XCIV. INCREASED COMMUNICATION. 95
flow of water in its lower course. The river would prob-
ably have been thus made again to afford the same con-
veniences, both for navigation and irrigation, as it appears
to have furnished in earlier times under the ancient Baby-
lonian kings. Orders had been also given for constructing
a fleet to explore the Caspian Sea. Alexander believed
that sea to be connected with the Eastern Ocean,1 and in-
tended to make it his point of departure for circumnavi-
gating the eastern limits of Asia, which country yet re-
mained for him to conquer. The voyage already performed
by Nearchus, from the mouth of the Indus to that of the
Euphrates, was in those days a splendid maritime achieve-
ment; to which another still greater was on the point of
being added — the circumnavigation of Arabia from the
Persian Gulf to the Red Sea; though here we must remark,
that this same voyage (from the mouth of the Indus round
Arabia into the Hed Sea) had been performed in thirty
months, a century and a half before, by Skylax of Karyanda,
under the orders of Darius son of Hystaspes;2 yet, though
recorded by Herodotus, forgotten (as it would appear) by
Alexander and his contemporaries. This enlarged and
systematic exploration of the earth, combined with increased
means of communication among its inhabitants, is the main
feature in Alexander's career which presents itself as pro-
mising real consequences beneficial to humanity.
"We read that Alexander felt so much interest in the
extension of science, that he gave to Aristotle interest of
the immense sum of 800 talents in money, pla- Alexander
cing under his directions several thousand men, and utera-
for the purpose of prosecuting zoological re- ture-
searches.3 These exaggerations are probably the work of
1 Arrian, v. 26, 2. worthy of credit. Moreover, Arri-
* Herodot. iv. 44: compare iii. an's disbelief (even granting that
102. That Arrian had not present such was the state of his mind) is
to his memory this narrative of not to be held as a conclusive dis-
Herodotus, is plain from the last proof of the story. I confess that
chapter of his Indica ; though in I see no sufficient reason for dis-
his history of Alexander he al- crediting the narrative of Herodo-
ludes several times to Herodotus, tus — though some emin-ent modern
Some authors have concluded from writers are of an opposite opinion.
Arrian's silence that he disbelieved .'Pliny, H. N. viii. 17 ; Athenseus,
it, I think that he would have ix. p. 398. See Schneider's Pre-
mentioued the statement of Hero- face to his edition of Aristotle's
dotus nevertheless , with an inti- Histories De Animalibus, p. xxxix
mation that he did not think it scq.
96 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
those enemies of the philosopher who decried him as a pen-
sioner of the Macedonian court ; but it is probable enough
that Philip , and Alexander in the early part of his reign,
may have helped Aristotle in the difficult process of get-
ting together facts and specimens for observation — from
esteem towards him personally, rather than from interest
in his discoveries. The intellectual turn of Alexander was
towards literature, poetry, and history. He was fond of
the Iliad especially, as well as of the Attic tragedians; so
that Harpalus, being directed to send some books to him
in Upper Asia, selected as the most acceptable packet
various tragedies of ^Eschylus, Sophokles, and Euripides,
with the dithyrambic poems of Telestes and the histories
of Phlistus.i
' Plutarch, Alexand. 8.
CHAP.XCV. GRECIAN HOPES FBOM MEMNON. 97
CHAPTER XCV.
GRECIAN AFFAIRS FROM THE LANDING OF ALEX-
ANDER IN ASIA TO THE CLOSE OF THE LAMIAN WAR.
EVEN in 334 B.C., when Alexander first entered upon his
Asiatic campaigns, the Grecian cities, great as „,
,, i i j /• n j.vT • e State of the
well as small, had been robbed 01 all their free Grecian
agency, and existed only as appendages of the Y?rld ^.ben
.9 ,JJ ,, ,, -, • J o 1 c r\ Alexander
kingdom of Macedonia. Several 01 them were crossed the
occupied by Macedonian garrisons, or governed Helie«-
by local despots who leaned upon such armed p
force for support. There existed among them no common
idea or public sentiment, formally proclaimed and acted on,
except such as it suited Alexander's purpose to encourage.
The miso-Persian sentiment — once a genuine expression of
Hellenic patriotism , to the recollection of which Demo-
sthenes was wont to appeal, in animating the Athenians
to action against Macedonia, but now extinct and sup-
planted by nearer apprehensions — had been converted
by Alexander to his own purposes, as a pretext for head-
ship, and a help for ensuring submission during his absence
in Asia. Greece had become a province of Macedonia;
the affairs of the Greeks (observes Aristotle in illustrat-
ing a philosophical discussion) are "in the hands of the
king." l A public synod of the Greeks sat from time to
time at Corinth; but it represented only philo-Macedonian
sentiment; all that we know of its proceedings consisted in
congratulations to Alexander on his victories. There is no
Grecian history of public or political import; there are no
facts except the local and municipal details of each city —
"the streets and fountains which we are whitening," to use
a phrase of Demosthenes2 — the good management of the
1 Aristot. Physic, iv. 3. p. 210 Xi^vtuv, xal 0X10? sv T<{> irptuTtf)
a. 21. it i «b? evpaatXetTo 'EX. x iv T]T i x cj>.
1 Demosthen. Olynthiac. iii. p. 36.
VOL. XII. H
98 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAKT II.
Athenian finances by the orator Lykurgus, and the conten-
tions of orators respecting private disputes or politics of
the past.
But though Grecian history is thus stagnant and sus-
pended during the first years of Alexander's Asiatic
campaigns, it might at any moment have "become animated
with an active spirit of self-emancipation, if he had expe-
rienced reverses, or if the Persians had administered their
Grecian own affairs with skill and vigour. I have already
spirit might stated, that during the first two years of the war,
canedbin?o the Persian fleet (we ought rather to say, the
action, if Phenician fleet in the Persian service) had a de-
iHp®r.s1*"! cided superiority at sea. Darius possessed untold
nau piayea r T-I-I.I • 3 n •*. i •
their game treasures which might have indefinitely mcreas-
wellp ed that superiority and multiplied his means
of transmarine action, had he chosen to follow the advice
of Memnon, by acting vigorously from the sea and strictly
on the defensive by land. The movement or quiescence of
the Greeks therefore depended on the turn of affairs in
Asia; as Alexander himself was well aware.
During the winterof334 — 333B.C., Memnon with the Per-
Hopes s^an fleet appeared to be making progress among
raised in the islands in the .JDgean, > and the anti-Mace-
firste<by the donian Greeks were expecting him farther west-
Persian ward in Euboea and Peloponnesus. Their hopes
^gea™, U B being dashed by his unexpected death, and still
next by the more by Darius's abandonment of the Memnon-
Perstan"^- ^an plans, they had next to wait for the chance
mies on of what might be achieved by the immense Per-
sian landforce. Even down to the eve of the
battle of Issus, Demosthenes2 and others (as has already
been mentioned) were encouraged by their correspondents
in Asia to anticipate success for Darius even in pitched
battle. But after the great disaster at Issus, during a year
and a half (from November 333 B.C. to March or April 331
B.C.), no hope was possible. The Persian force seemed ex-
tinct, and Darius was so paralysed by the captivity of his
family, that he suffered even the citizens of Tyre and Gaza
to perish in their gallant efforts of defence, without the
least attempt to save them. At length, in the spring of
331 B.C., the prospects again appeared to improve. A
second Persian army, countless like the first, was assembling
1 Arriau, ii. 1. * JEschines cont. Ktesiph. 652.
CHAP. XOV. ATHENS DURING ALEXANDER'S LIFE. 99
eastward of the Tigris; Alexander advanced into the in-
terior, many weeks' march from the shores of the Mediter-
ranean, to attack them; and the Persians doubtless trans-
mitted encouragements with money to enterprising men in
Greece, in hopes of provoking auxiliary movements. Pre-
sently (October 331 B.C.) came the catastrophe at Arbela;
after which no demonstration against Alexander could have
been attempted with any reasonable hope of success.
Such was the varying point of view under which the
contest in Asia presented itself to Grecian spectators, during
the three years and a half between the landing of Alex-
ander in Asia and the battle of Arbela. As to the leading
states in Greece , we have to look at Athens and Sparta
only ; for Thebes had been destroyed and demolished as a
city; and what had been once the citadel of the Kadmeia
was now a Macedonian garrison.1 Moreover, besides that
garrison, the Boeotian cities, Orchomenus, Platsea, &c.,
were themselves strongholds of Macedonian dependence;
being hostile to Thebes of old, and having received among
themselves assignments of all the Theban lands.2 In case
of any movement in Greece, therefore, Antipater, the
viceroy of Macedonia, might fairly count on finding in
Greece interested allies, serving as no mean check upon
Attica.
At Athens, the reigning sentiment was decidedly pa-
cific. Few were disposed to brave the prince Public acts
who had just given so fearful an evidence of his "P^?,?110^
force by the destruction of Thebes and the en- decidedly
slavement of the Thebans. Ephialtes and Chari- pacific,
demus, the military citizens at Athens most anti-Macedon-
ian in sentiment , had been demanded as prisoners by
Alexander, and had withdrawn to Asia, there to take ser-
vice with Darius. Other Athenians, men of energy and
action, had followed their example, and had fought against
Alexander at the Granikus, where they became his prison-
ers , and were sent to Macedonia to work in fetters at the
mines. Ephialtes perished at the siege of Halikarnassus,
while defending the place with the utmost gallantry;
Charidemus suffered a more unworthy death from the
shameful sentence of Darius. The anti-Macedonian leaders
1 Vita Demosthenis ap. "Wester- ev TOMS Brfizn; fisto T& xataaxd'Jiai
mann, Scriptt. Biograph. p. 301. toix; 9r(fiai&u? &c.
^•-O'jpav xotTajTrjtjavTot 'AXe;av8pou * Pausanias, i. 25, 4.
II 2
100 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PAET II.
who remained at Athens, such as Demosthenes and Lykur-
gus, were not generals or men of action, but statesmen and
orators. They were fully aware that submission to Alex-
ander was a painful necessity, though they watched not the
less anxiously for any reverse which might happen to him,
such as to make it possible for Athens to head a new struggle
on behalf of Grecian freedom.
But it was not Demosthenes or Lykurgus who now
guided the general policy of Athens. J For the twelve years
between the destruction of Thebes and the death of Alex-
ander, Phokion and Demades were her ministers for for-
eign affairs; two men of totally opposite characters, but
coinciding in pacific views, and in looking to the
Phokion ,, p A i i A i- j.i •
and Dema- iavour of Alexander and Antipater as the prm-
1 68dinerm' c^Pa^ en<^ *° ^e attained. Twenty Athenian tri-
nistenfaT1 remes were sent to act with the Macedonian fleet
Athens— during Alexander's first campaign in Asia; these,
they were , ,=> .,, , , . A , , r P , ,'
of Mace- together with the Athenian prisoners taken at
donising the Granicus, served to him farther as a guaran-
tee for the continued submission of the Athen-
ians generally.2 There can be no doubt that the pacific
policy of Phokion was now prudent and essential to Athens,
though the same cannot be said (as I have remarked in the
proper place) for his advocacy of the like policy twenty
years before, when Philip's power was growing and might
have been arrested by vigorous opposition. It suited the
purpose of Antipater to ensure his hold upon Athens by
frequent presents to Demades, a man of luxurious and extra-
vagant habits. But Phokion, incorruptible as well as poor
to the end, declined all similar offers, though often made to
him, not only by Antipater, but even by Alexander.3 .
It deserves particular notice, that though the mace-
Demo- donising policy was now decidedly in the ascend-
Lykurgus"1 an^ — accepted, even by dissentients, as the only
though not course admissible under the circumstances, and
cendanfpb- confirmed the more by each successive victory
liticaiiy, of Alexander — yet statesmen, likeLykurgus and
1 "Since Macedonian dominion place at Athens for free citizens
became paramount (observes De- and counsellors, but only for men
mosthenus, De Corona, p. 331), who do what they are ordered,
uEschines and men of his stamp and natter the ruling potentate."
are in full ascendency and afflu- * Arrian, i. 29, 8.
ence — I am impotent: there is no * Plutarch, Phokion, SO.
CHAP.XCV. DEMOSTHENES AND LYKURGUS. 101
Demosthenes, of notorious anti-Macedonian sen- are never-
timent, still held a conspicuous and influential tneiesg gtiii
., i <« . • . j . public men
position, though of course restricted to matters Of import-
of internal administration. Thus Lykurgus con- ance-. ,Fi-
.. i , 1 ,, TO.- • • j. fji nancial ac-
tinued to be the real acting minister of nnance, tivity of
for three successive Panathenaic intervals of Lykurgus.
four years each, or for an uninterrupted period of twelve
years. He superintended not merely the entire collec-
tion, but also the entire disbursement of the public
revenue ; rendering strict periodical account , yet with
a financial authority greater than had belonged to any
statesman since Perikles. He improved the gymnasia
and stadia of the city — multiplied the donatives and
sacred furniture in the temples, — enlarged, or con-
structed anew, docks and arsenals, — provided a consider-
able stock of arms and equipments, military as well as
naval — and maintained four hundred triremes in a seaworthy
condition, for the protection of Athenian commerce. In
these extensive functions he was never superseded, though
Alexander at one time sent to require the surrender of
his person, which was refused by the Athenian people. »
The main cause of his first hold upon the public mind, was,
his known and indisputable pecuniary probity, wherein he
was the parallel of Phokion.
As to Demosthenes, he did not hold any such com-
manding public appointments asLykurgus; but Position of
he enjoyed great esteem and sympathy from the Demosthe-
i n f t • i J T c IT nes— his
people generally, for his marked line of public prudent
counsel during the past. The proof of this is to conduct.
'See the remarkable decree in hon- Droysen and Meier prefer the ear-
our of Lykurgus , passed by the Her period — O. Hiiller the later.
Athenian people seventeen or eigh- (Boeckh, Urkunden iiber das Afcti-
teen years after his death, in the ar- sche Seewesen, also the second
chonship of Anaxikrates, B.C. 307 edition of his Staatshaushaltung
(Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 852). The der Athener, vol. ii. p. 114-118.)
reciting portion of this decree, con- The total of public money, re-
stituting four fifths of the whole, corded by the Inscription as hav-
goes over the public conduct of Ly, ing passed through the hands of
kurgus , and is very valuable. Lykurgus in the twelve years, was
It seems that the twelve years 18,900 talents=4,340,000 I., or there-
of financial administration exer- abouts. He is said to have held,
cised by Lykurgus are to be besides, in deposit, a great deal
taken probably, either from 342- of money entrusted to him by pri-
830 B.C.— or four years later, from vate individuals. His official du-
338-326 B.C. Boeckh leaves the point ties as treasurer were discharged,
undetermined between the two. for the first four years, in his own
102 HISTOKY OF GKEECE. PART H.
be found in one very significant fact. The indictment,
against Ktesiphon's motion for crowning Demosthenes, was
instituted by JEschines, and official entry made of it before
the death of Philip — which event occurred in August 336
B.C. Yet JEschines did not venture to bring it on for trial
until August 330 B.C., after Antipaterhad subdued the ill-
fated rising of the Lacedaemonian king Agis; and even at
that advantageous moment, when the macedonisers seemed
in full triumph, he signally failed. We thus perceive, that
though Phokion and Demades were now the leaders of
Athenian aifairs, as representing a policy which every one
felt to be unavoidable — yet the preponderant sentiment of
the people went with Demosthenes and Lykurgus. In fact,
we shall see that after the Lamian war, Antipater thought
it requisite to subdue or punish this sentiment by disfran-
chising or deporting two-thirds of the citizens. l It seems
however that the anti-Macedonian statesmen were very
cautious of giving offence to Alexander, between 334 and
330 B.C. Ktesiphon accepted a mission of condolence to
Kleopatra , sister of Alexander, on the death of her hus-
band Alexander of Epirus; and Demosthenes stands accused
of having sent humble and crouching letters to Alexander
(the Great) inPhenicia, during the spring of 331 B.C. This
assertion of JEschines, though not to be trusted as correct,
indicates the general prudence of Demosthenes as to his
known and formidable enemy.2
It was not from Athens, but from Sparta, that anti-
Anti-Ma- Macedonian movements now took rise. In the
cedqnian decisive battle unsuccessfully fought by Athens
from Sparta and Thebes at Chaeroneia against Philip , the
— KmgAgis Spartans had not been concerned. Their king
Persian ad- Archidamus, — who had been active conjointly
miraju in with Athens in the Sacred "War, trying to up-
Hi6s at?6* hold the Phokians against Philip and the The-
temptsboth bans, — had afterwards withdrawn himself from
and inPeio- Central Greece to assist the Tarentines in Italy,
ponnesus. and had been slain in a battle against the Mes-
name ; during the last eight years, mosthenSs with having sent letters
in the names of two different friends, to Alexander, soliciting pardon
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 28. and favour. He states that a young
1 JEschines (adv. Ktesiph. p. 635) man named Ariston, a friend of
mentions this mission of Ktesiphon DemosthenSs, was much about the
to Kleopatra. He also (in the person of Alexander, and that
same oration p. 650) charges De- through him the letters were sent.
CHAP. XCV. AOIS TAKES ARMS IN GREECE. 103
sapians. J He was succeeded by his son Agis, a brave and
enterprising man, under whom the Spartans, though abstain-
ing from hostilities against Philip , resolutely declined to
take part in the synod at Corinth, whereby the Macedonian
prince was nominated Leader of the Greeks ; and even per-
sisted in the same denial on Alexander's nomination also.
When Alexander sent to Athens three hundred panoplies
after his victory at the Granikus, to be dedicated in the
temple of Athene, he expressly proclaimed in the inscrip-
tion, that they were dedicated "by Alexander and the
Greeks, excepting the Lacedaemonians.'"'1 Agis took the lead
in trying to procure Persian aid for anti-Macedonian oper-
ations in Greece. Towards the close of summer 333 B.C.,
a little before the battle of Issus, he visited the Persian
admirals at Chios , to solicit men and money for intended
action in Peloponnesus.3 At that moment, they were not
zealous in the direction of Greece, anticipating (as most
Asiatics then did) the complete destruction of Alexander
in Kilikia. As soon, however, as the disaster of Issus be-
came known, they placed at the disposal of Agis thirty
talents and ten triremes; which he employed, under his
brother Agesilaus, in making himself master of Krete —
feeling that no movement in Greece could be expected at
such a discouraging crisis. Agis himself soon afterwards
went to that island, having strengthened himself by a di-
vision of the Greek mercenaries who had fought under
Darius at Issus. In Krete , he appears to have had con-
siderable temporary success ; and even in Peloponnesus, he
He cites as his authority the sea- existing Macedonian ascendency,
men of the public Athenian vessel Euxenippus had been accused of
called Paralus, and the Athenian devotion to Macedonia; Hyperi-
envoys who went to Alexander dds strenuously denies it, saying
in Phenicia in the spring or sum- that Euxenippus had never been
mer of 331 B.C. (compare Arrian, in Macedonia, nor ever conversed
iii. 6, 3). Hyperides also seems with any Macedonian who came
to have advanced the like allega- to Athens. Eren boys at school
tion against Demosthenes — see Har- (says Hyperides) know the names
prokation, v. 'Api3~iu>v. of the corrupt orators, or flatterers
The oration of Hyperid&s in de- who serve Macedonia — Euxenippus
fence of Euxenippus (recently pub- is not among them (p. 11, 12).
lished by Mr. Churchill Babington), 'Plutarch, Camill. 19; Diodor.
delivered at some period during xvi. 88 ; Plutarch, Agis, 3.
•the reign of Alexander, gives gen- * Arrian, i. 16, 11: compare Pau-
eral evidence of the wide-spread san. vii. 10, 1.
feeling of jealous aversion to the ' Arrian, ii. 13, 4.
104
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PABT II.
organized some demonstrations which Alexander sent
Amphoterus with a large naval force to repress, in the
spring of 331 B.C.1 At that time, Phenicia, Egypt, and all
the naval mastery of the JEgean, had passed into the hands
of the conqueror, so that the Persians had no direct means
of acting upon Greece. Probahly Amphoterus recovered
Krete , but he had no land-force to attack Agis in Pelopon-
nesus.
In October 331 B.C., Darius was beaten at Arbela and
became a fugitive in Media, leaving Babylon,
Susa, and Persepolis, with the bulk of his
immense treasures, as a prey to the conqueror
during the coming winter. After such prodigious
accessions to Alexander's force, it would
seem that any anti-Macedonian movement, during
the spring of 330 B.C., must have been obviously
hopeless and even insane. Yet it was just then
that King Agis found means to enlarge his scale of opera-
tions in Peloponnesus, and prevailed on a considerable
body of new allies to join him. As to himself personally,
he and the Lacedaemonians had been previously in a state
of proclaimed war with Macedonia,2 and therefore incurred
B.C. 330.
(Spring.)
Agis levies
an army in
Pelopon-
nesus, and
makes open
declaration
against An-
tipater.
1 Arrian, iii, 6, 4; Diodor. xvii.
48 ; Curtius, iv. 1, 39. It is to this
•war in Krete, between Agis and
the Macedonian party and troops,
that Aristotle probably alludes
(in the few words contained, Po-
litica, ii. 7, 8), as having exposed
the weakness of the Kretan insti-
tutions—see Schneider's note on
the passage. At least we do not
know of any other events suitable
to the words.
* Alexander, as soon as he got
possession of the Persian treasures
at Susa (about December 331
B.C.), sent a large remittance of
3000 talents to Antipater, as means
for carrying on the war against the
Lacedemonians (Arrian, iii. 16, 17).
The manifestations of Agis in Pe-
loponnesus had begun in the spring
of 331 B.C. (Arrian, iii. 6, 4); but
his aggressive movements in Pelo-
ponnesus did not assume formi-
dable proportions until the spring
of 330 B.C. At the date of the speech
of .ZEschines against Ktesiphon
(August 330 B.C.), the decisive battle
by which Antipater crushed the
forces of Agis had only recently
occurred ; for the Lacedemonian
prisoners were only about to be
sent to Alexander to learn their
fate (^sch. adv. Kt. p. 624). Cur-
tius (vii. 1 , 21) is certainly mis-
taken in saying that the contest was
terminated before the battle of Ar-
bela. Moreover, there were Lace-
daemonian envoys , . present with
Darius until a few days before his
death (July 330 B.C.), who after-
wards fell into the hands of Alex-
ander (Arrian, iii. 24, 7) ; these
men could hardly have known of
the prostration of their country at
home. I suppose the victory of
Antipater to have taken place
about June 330 B.C. — and the Pelo-
CHAP. XCV. AGIS TAKES ABMS IN GREECE. 105
little additional risk ; moreover, it was one of the effects of
the Asiatic disasters to cast back upon Greece small bands
of soldiers who had hitherto found service in the Persian
armies. These men willingly came to Cape Taeuarus to enlist
under a warlike king of Sparta; so that Agis found himself
at the head of a force which appeared considerable to Pe-
loponnesians, familiar only with the narrow scale of Grecian
war-muster, though insignificant as against Alexander or
his viceroy in Macedonia.1 An unexpected ray of hope
broke out from the revolt of Memnon, the Macedonian
governor of Thrace. Antipater was thus compelled to
withdraw some of his forces to a considerable distance from
Greece; while Alexander, victorious as he was, being in
Persis or Media, east of Mount Zagros, appeared in the eyes
of a Greek to have reached the utmost limits of the habit-
able world.2 Of this partial encouragement Agis took
advantage, to march out of Lakonia with all the troops,
mercenary and native, that he could muster. He called on
the Peloponnesians for a last effort against Macedonian
dominion, while Darius still retained all the eastern half
of his empire, and while support from him in men and
money might yet be anticipated.3
Respecting this war, we know very few details. At
first, a flush of success appeared to attend Agis. B.C. sso.
The Eleians, the Achseans (except Pellene), the Agis, at
Arcadians (except Megalopolis) and some other fi.rs,t, par"
• • • j i_ • L j J.L i i_ tially suc-
Peloponnesians, joined his standard; so that he cessfui, is
was enabled to collect an army stated at 20,000 .j°^}^e|,y
foot and 2000 horse. Defeating the first Mace- Antipater,7
donian forces sent against him, he proceeded to and sia.iu.
jay siege to Megalopolis; which city, now as previously,
ponnegian armament of Agig to ' Alexander in Media, when in-
have been got together about three formed of the whole affair after
months before ('March 330 B.C.). the death of Agis, spoke of it with
Mr. Clinton (East. H. App. c. 4, contempt as a battle of frogs and
p. 284) discusses the chronology of mice, if we are to believe the dic-
tliii event, but in a manner which turn of Plutarch, Agesilaus, 15.
I cannot think satisfactory. He * jEschines adv. Ktesiphont. p.
geems inclined to put it some 553. 6 8' 'AJ.sSavSpo? E?CU T/JS apxtou
months earlier. I see no necessity xsi TTJ; olxou|jLEvrj« oXi-pu 8siv JKXOT;?
for construing the dictum ascribed [AsOt'.aT^xEi, &c.
to Alexander (Plutarch, Agesilaus, J Diodor. xvii. 62; Deinarchus
15) as proving close coincidence cont. Demosth. s. 36.
of time between the battle of Ar-
bela and the final defeat of Agig.
106 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
was the stronghold of Macedonian influence in the pen-
insula, and was probably occupied by a Macedonian gar-
rison. An impulse manifested itself at Athens in favour
of active sympathy , and equipment of a fleet to aid this
anti- Macedonian effort. It was resisted by Phokion and
Demades, doubtless upon all views of prudence, but especial-
ly upon one financial ground, taken by the latter, that
the people would be compelled to forego the Theoric dis-
tribution.1 Even Demosthenes himself, under circum-
stances so obviously discouraging, could not recommend
the formidable step of declaring against Alexander —
though he seems to have indulged in the expression of
general anti -Macedonian sympathies, and to have com-
plained of the helplessness into which Athens had been
brought by past bad policy. 2 Antipater, closing the war
in Thrace on the best terms that he could , hastened into
Greece with his full forces, and reached Peloponnesus in
time to relieve Megalopolis, which had begun to be in
danger. One decisive battle, which took place in Arcadia,
sufficed to terminate the war. Agis and his army, the
Lacedaemonians especially, fought with gallantry and de-
speration , but were completely defeated. Five thousand
of their men were slain, including Agis himself; who, though
covered with wounds, disdained to leave the field , and fell
resisting to the last. The victors, according to one account,
lost 3500 men; according to another, 1000 slain, together
with a great many wounded. This was a greater loss than
Alexander had sustained either at Issus or at Arbela; a
plain proof, that Agis and his companions, however unfor-
tunate in the result, had manifested courage worthy of the
best days of Sparta.
The allied forces were now so completely crushed, that
1 Plutarch, Reipubl.Gerend. Prse- gestion for countenancing it. De-
cept. p. 818. mosthenSs can hardly have lent
1 This is what we make out, as • any positive aid to the proceeding,
to the conduct of Demosthenes, though of course his anti-Macedon-
from -55schine's adv. Ktesiph. p. ian feelings would be counted
653. upon, in case things took a fa-
It his however difficult to be- vourable turn.
lievc, what .ffischinfis insinuates, Deinarchus(u£ supra) also accuses
that Demosthenes boasted of hav- Demosthenes of having remain-
ing himself got up the Lacedce- ed inactive at this critical mo-
monian movement— and yet that ment.
he made no proposition or sug-
CHAP. XCV. DEFEAT AND DEATH OF AGI8. 107
all submitted to Antipater. After consulting
the philo-Macedonian synod at Corinth, he con- submission
demned the Achseans and Eleians to pay 120 °f a11
talents to Megalopolis, and exacted from the Antipater
Tegeans the punishment of those among their —Spartan
i i- t. -LJJ-JJ.I T> j_ i envoys sent
leading men who had advised the war.1 J3ut he Up to Aiex-
would not take upon him to determine the treat- an<Jer in
ment of the Lacedaemonians without special
reference to Alexander. Requiring from them fifty host-
ages, he sent up to Alexander in Asia some Lacedaemonian
envoys or prisoners, to throw themselves on his mercy.2
We are told that they did not reach the king until a long
time afterwards, at Baktra;3 what he decided about Sparta
generally, we do not know.
The rising of the Thebans, not many months after
Alexander's accession, had been the first attempt Untoward
of the Greeks to emancipate themselves from result of the
Macedonian dominion; this enterprise of Agis efforts' of
was the second. Both unfortunately had been Greece-
partial, without the possibility of any extensive combina-
or organized combination beforehand ; both ended tlon-
miserably, riveting the chains of Greece more powerfully
than ever. Thus was the self-defensive force of Greece
extinguished piecemeal. The scheme of Agis was in fact
desperate from the very outset, as against the gigantic
power of Alexander; and would perhaps never have been
undertaken, had not Agis himself been already compromised
in hostility against Macedonia, before the destruction of the
Persian force at Issus. This unfortunate prince , without
any superior ability (so far as we know), manifested a
devoted courage and patriotism worthy of his predecessor
Leonidas at Thermopylae; whose renown stands higher,
only because the banner which he upheld ultimately
triumphed. The Athenians and JStolians, neither of whom
took part with Agis, were now left, without Thebes and
Sparta, as the two great military powers of Greece ; which
will appear presently, when we come to the last struggle for
Grecian independence — the Lamian war; better combined
and more promising, yet not less disastrous in its result.
1 Curtius, vi. 1, 15-20; Diodor. battle— as had been done after
xvii. 63-73. After the defeat, a BUS- Leuktra (Diodor. xix. 70).
pensive decree was passed by the 2 JEschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 524.
Spartans, releasing from d-ifxia 'Curtius, vii. 4, 32.
those who had eseaped from the
108 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Though the strongest considerations of prudence kept
B.C. 330. Athens quiet during this anti-Macedonian move-
Position of ment in Peloponnesus, a powerful sympathy
parties at must have been raised among her citizens while
during" the the struggle was going on. Had Agis gained
struggle of the victory over Antipater, the Athenians might
tion'T/tne" probably have declared in his favour; and al-
Macedon- though no independent position could have been
after huT* permanently maintained against so overwhelm-
defeat. ing an enemy as Alexander, yet considering
that he was thoroughly occupied and far in the interior of
Asia, Greece might have held out against Antipater for an
interval not inconsiderable. In the face of such eventu-
alities, the fears of the Macedonising statesmen now in
power at Athens, the hopes of their opponents, and the
reciprocal antipathies of both, must have become unusually
manifest; so that the reaction afterwards, when the Mace-
donian power became more irresistible than ever, was con-
sidered by the enemies of Demosthenes to offer a favourable
opportunity for ruining and dishonouring him.
To the political peculiarity of this juncture we owe
Judicial ^e judicial contest between the two great
contest be- Athenian orators; the memorable accusation of
t^eejl- * -^Eschines against Ktesiphon, for having pro-
JEschings r »A ,,° r,.n
and Demo- posed a crown to Demosthenes — and the still
sthenes. Pre- more memorable defence of Demosthenes, on
circunv- behalf of his friend as well as of himself. It was
toathe8 aro in the autumn or winter of 337—336 B.C., that
position'of" Ktesiphon had proposed this vote of public
Kt"*Phon> honour in favour of Demosthenes, and had ob-
dictmentby tained the (probouleuma) preliminary acquies-
^schin6s. cence of the senate; it was in the same Attic
year, and not long afterwards, that JEschines attacked the
proposition under the Grraphe Paranomon, as illegal, un-
constitutional, mischievous, and founded on false allega-
tions.1 More than six years had thus elapsed since the
1 Among the various documents have already stated that I agree
real or pretended, inserted in the with Droysen in mistrusting all the
oration of Demosthenes Be Coro- documents annexed to this ora-
na, there appears one (p. 266) pur- tion; all of them hear the name
porting to he the very decree of wrong archons, most of them
moved by Ktesiphon ; and another names of unknown archons ; some
(p. C43) purporting to be the accu- of them do not fit the place in
gation preferred by Machines. I
CHAP. XCV.
JESCHINES AND DEMOSTHENES.
109
formal entry of the accusation; yet JEschine's had not chosen
to bring it to actual trial; which indeed could not be done
without some risk to himself, before the numerous and
popular judicature of Athens. Twice or thrice before his
accusation was entered, other persons had moved to confer
the same honour upon Demosthenes , * and had been indict-
ed under the Graphe Paranom&n; but with such signal
ill success, that their accusers did not obtain so much as
one-fifth of the suffrages of the Dikasts, and therefore in-
curred (under the standing regulation of Attic law) a
penalty of 1000 drachmae. The like danger awaited -^schi-
nes; and although, in reference to the illegality of Ktesi-
phon's motion (which was the direct and ostensible pur-
pose aimed at under the Graphe Paranomon), his indict-
ment was grounded on special circumstances such as the
previous accusers may not have been able to show, still it
was not his real object to confine himself within this nar-
row and technical argument. He intended to enlarge the
range of accusation, so as to include the whole character
and policy of Demosthenes; who would thus, if the verdict
went against him, stand publicly dishonoured both as citizen
which they appear. See my pre-
ceding Chaps. LXXXIX, XC
"We know from the statement of
TKscliinfis himself that the motion
of Ktesiphon was made after the
appointment of Demosthenes to be
one of the inspectors of the forti-
fications of tho city ; and that this
appointment took place in the last
month of the archon Chcerondas
(June 337 B.C. — see zKschines
adv. Ktesiph. p. 421—426). We also
know that the accusation of JEschi-
nes against Ktesiphon was pre-
ferred before the assassination of
Philip, which took place in August
336 B.C. (^Eschin. ib. p. 612, 613).
It thus appears that the motion of
Ktesiphon (with the probouleuma
which preceded it) must have oc-
curred some time during the au-
tumn or winter of 337-336 B.C.— that
the accusation of JEschines must
have been handed in shortly after
it— and that this accusation can-
not have been handed in at the
date borne by the pseudo-docu-
ment, p. 243— the month Elaphe-
bolion of the archon Cheerondas;
which 'would be anterior to the
appointment of Demosthenes. More-
over, whoever compares the so-
called motion of Ktesiphon, as it
stands inserted in Demosth. De
Corona, p. 266, with the words in
which .aSschinSs himself (adv. Kte-
siph. p. 631. S8sv Tr)v apXV' "tou
<]>T)<f>i<j|AotTO<; ercoiVjou), gee also p. 439)
describes the exordium of that mo-
tion, will see that it cannot be
genuine.
1 Demosthengs De Corona, p. 253,
302, 303, 310. He says (p. 267-313)
that he had been crowned often
(icoXXixi;) by the Athenians and
other Greek citizens. The crown
which he received on the motion of
Aristonikus (after the successes
against Philip at Byzantium and
the Chersonesus , <Sc. in 340 B.C.)
was the second crown (p. 253)—
Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 848.
. 110 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART IL
and as politician. Unless this latter purpose were accom-
plished, indeed, jEschines gained nothing by bringing the
indictment into court; for the mere entry of the indictment
would have already produced the effect of preventing the
probouleuma from passing into a decree, and the crown
from being actually conferred. Doubtless Ktesiphon and
Demosthenes might have forced ^Eschines to the alternative
of either dropping his indictment or bringing it into the
Dikastery. But this was a forward challenge, which, in
reference to a purely honorary vote, they had not felt bold
enough to send; especially after the capture of Thebes in
335 B.C., when the victorious Alexander demanded the
surrender of Demosthenes with several other citizens.
In this state of abeyance and compromise — Demo-
sthenes enioying the inchoate honour of a com-
Accusatory ,. j.°f 0.1. o i. ira !• * •
harangue of plimentary vote from the Senate, Aschmes m-
.sischines, tercepting it from being matured into a vote of
against the the people — both the vote and the indictment
proposition had remained for rather more than six years.
phon,ere- But the accuser now felt encouraged to push his
ally against indictment to trial under the reactionary party
cai fife* of feeling, following on abortive anti-Macedonian
Demo- hopes, which succeeded to the complete victory
of Antipater over Agis, and which brought about
the accusation of anti - Macedonian citizens in Naxos,
Thasos, and other Grecian cities also.1 Amidst the fears
prevalent that the victor would carry his resentment still
farther, JEschines could now urge that Athens was dis-
graced by having adopted or even approved the policy of
Demosthenes,2 and that an emphatic condemnation of him
was the only way of clearing her from the charge of pri-
vity with those who had raised the standard against Mace-
donian supremacy. In an able and bitter harangue, ^Eschi-
nes first shows that the motion of Ktesiphon was illegal,
1 Demosthenes De Corona, p. 294. mosthen&s in reply, where he puts
* JEschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 645. up a prayer to the Gods— rjfuv 8e
Siap.epXrjTat 8' T)|XU>V r) 1:6X1? ex T<I>v TOIC XOIITOK TTJV taylaTTjv aitaXXafTjv
AT)(XOo'j£VOU<;iCoXlTEU(J.'iTU)V7cepl TOO? T<I>V ilCT) pT7)(X6VU>V 96 ptO V Six*
v'jv xaipou?' 86?£T£ 8" tov (lev xal atOTTjpitzv <i<J9aXyj.
TOOTOV &Tecpavtu5r,T£, 6jj.o Y~«i> |AOve? The mention hy JEschines (imme-
• Ivai TOI? it apodal vooot trjv diately before) of the Pythian
XOIVTJV elp^vTjv eotv 8e TO'ivotvTiov games, as about to be celebrated in
TOOTOO irpi£r(T£, awoXoaeTe TOV 8yj|j.ov a few days, marks the date of this
tu>v <xtTi<I>v.— Compare with this, the judicial trial— August 330 B.C.
last sentence of the oration of De-
CHAP.XCV. ACCUSATIONS OF JESCHINES. Ill
in consequence of the public official appointments held by
Demosthenes at the moment when it was proposed — next
be enters at large into the whole life and character of
Demosthenes, to prove him unworthy of such an honour,
even if there had been no formal grounds of objection.
He distributes the entire life of Demosthenes into four
periods, the first ending at the peace of 346 B.C. between
Philip and the Athenians — the second, ending with the
breaking out of the next ensuing war in 341 — 340 B.C. — the
third, ending with the disaster at Chaeroneia — the fourth,
comprising all the time following.1 Throughout all the
tour periods, he denounces the conduct of Demosthenes
as having been corrupt, treacherous, cowardly, and ruinous
to the city. What is more surprising still — he expressly
charges him with gross subservience both to Philip and to
Alexander, at the very time when he was taking credit
for a patriotic and intrepid opposition to them.2
That Athens had undergone sad defeat and humili-
ation, having been driven from her independent and even
presidential position into the degraded character of a sub-
ject Macedonian city, since the time when Demosthenes
first began political life — was a fact but too indisputable.
2Eschines even makes this a part of his case ; arraigning the
traitorous mismanagement of Demosthenes as the cause of
so melancholy a revolution, and denouncing him as candi-
date for public compliment on no better plea than a series of
public calamities.3 Having thus animadverted on the conduct
of Demosthenes prior to the battle of Chaeroneia, ^schines
proceeds to the more recent past, and contends that De-
mosthenes cannot be sincere in his pretended enmity to
Alexander, because he has let slip three successive occa-
sions, all highly favourable, for instigating Athens to hostil-
ity against the Macedonians. Of these three occasions, the
earliest was, when Alexander first crossed into Asia; the
second, immediately before the battle of Issus; the third,
during the flush of success obtained by Agis in Pelopon-
nesus.4 On none of these occasions did Demosthenes call
for any public action against Macedonia; a proof (according
to -^Eschines) that his anti-Macedonian professions were
insincere.
1 ^EschinSs adv. Ktesiph. p, 443. ' JEschinfis adv. Ktesiph. pp.526,
» Machines adv. Ktesiph. pp. 449, 538, 641.
456, 467, 651. « ^schines adv. Ktesiph. p. 551-553.
112 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
I have more than once remarked, that considering the
Apprecia- bitter enmity between the two orators, it is
tion of rarely safe to trust the unsupported allegation
™Sh!depend- of either against the other. But in regard to the
ent evid- last mentioned charges advanced by -JSschines,
accuser o'f there is enough of known fact, and we have in-
Demosthe- dependent evidence, such as is not often before
us, to appreciate him as an accuser of Demo-
sthenes. The victorious career of Alexander, set forth in
the preceding chapters , proves amply that not one of the
three periods, here indicated by JEschines, presented even
decent encouragement for a reasonable Athenian patriot
to involve his country in warfare against so formidable an
enemy. Nothing can be more frivolous than these charges
against Demosthenes, of having omitted promising seasons
for anti-Macedonian operations. Partly for this reason,
probably, Demosthenes does not notice them in his reply;
still more, perhaps, on another ground, that it was not safe
to speak out what he thought and felt about Alexander.
His reply dwells altogether upon the period before the
death of Philip. Of the boundless empire subsequently
acquired, by the son of Philip, he speaks only to mourn it
as a wretched visitation of fortune, which has desolated
alike the Hellenic and the barbaric world — in which
Athens has been engulphed along with others — and from
which even those faithless and trimming Greeks, who help-
ed to aggrandise Philip, have not escaped better than
Athens, nor indeed so well.1
I shall not here touch upon the Demosthenic speech
Reply of De Corona in a rhetorical point of view, nor add
^emo- anything to those encomiums which have been
oration~i)e pronounced upon it with one voice, both in an-
Corona. cient and in modern times, asthe unapproachable
masterpiece of Grecian oratory. To this work it belongs
as a portion of Grecian history; a retrospect of the efforts
made by a patriot and a statesman to uphold the dignity
of Athens and the autonomy of the Grecian world, against
a dangerous aggressor from without. How these efforts
were directed , and how they lamentably failed , has been
recounted in my preceding chapters. Demosthenes here
passes them in review, replying to the criminations against
his public conduct during the interval often years, between
1 Uemosthen. De Corona, p. 311—316.
CHAP.XCV. TKIUMPH OF DEMOSTHENFS. 113
the peace of 346 B.C. (or the period immediately preceding
it) and the death of Philip. It is remarkable, that though
professing to enter upon a defence of his whole public life, *
he nevertheless can afford to leave unnoticed that portion
of it which is perhaps the most honourable to him — the
early period of his first Philippics and Olynthiacs — when,
though a politician as yet immature and of no established
footing, he was the first to descry in the distance the perils
threatened by Philip's aggrandisement, and the loudest in
calling for timely and energetic precautions against it, in
spite of apathy and murmurs from older politicians as well
as from the general public. Beginning with the peace of
346 B.C., Demosthenes vindicateshis own share in that event
against the charges of ^schines, whom he denounces as the
cause of all the mischief; a controversy which I have al-
ready tried to elucidate in a former chapter. Passing next
to the period after that peace — to the four years first of
hostile diplomacy, then of hostile action, against Philip,
which ended with the disaster of Chseroneia — -Demosthenes
is not satisfied with simple vindication. He reasserts this
policy as matter of pride and honour, in spite of its results.
He congratulates his countrymen on having manifested a
Pan-hellenic patriotism worthy of their forefathers, and
takes to himself only the credit of having been forward to
proclaim and carry out this glorious sentiment common to
all. Fortune has been adverse; yet the vigorous anti-
Macedonian policy was no mistake; Demosthenes swears
it by the combatants of Marathon , Platsea and Salamis.2
To have had a foreign dominion obtruded upon Greece, is
an overwhelming calamity; but to have had this accomplish-
ed without strenuous resistance on the part of Athens,
would have been calamity aggravated by dishonour.
Conceived in this sublime strain , the reply of Demo-
sthenes to his rival has an historical value, as Funeral
a funeral oration of extinct Athenian and Ore- oration of
cian freedom. Six years before, the orator had Grecian
been appointed by his countrymen to deliver the freedom.
1 Demosthen. De Corona, p. 227. dirivrcuv sXsoQsptai; xal ototTjpia? xt*.
(isX).u>v TOU 7» 18100 piou TCOVTO;, Suvpv apdt|Atvoi — o'!> ai TOO? M7pa9<Iw
UK eatxs, Xoyov 8i86vai T^jispov xott spoxi-jSim'JaavToti; f<I>v rcpOYovtov xoti
Ttbv xoivq s£7toXtT£U(A£vwv, &c. TOO? sv IlXaTaiaT? itapoctot£<x|Asvo'J<;
* Demosth. De Corona, p. 297. xal TOO? sv 2a).a|juvt vaup.s/^3avra;,
oXV o6x SOTIV, oux scmv oitioi; T)(iip- &c., the oath so often cited and acl-
Tets, av8ps« 'A97jvaioi, T&-* Oitep r^ miied.
VOL. xii. I
114 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
usual public oration over the warriors slain at Chaeroneia.
That speech is now lost, but it probably touched upon the
same topics. Though the sphere of action, of every Greek
city as well as of every Greek citizen, was now cramped
and confined by irresistible Macedonian force, there still
remained the sentiment of full political freedom and dignity
enjoyed during the past — the admiration of ancestors who
had once defended it successfully — and the sympathy with
leaders who had recently stood forward to uphold it, how-
ever unsuccessfully. It is among the most memorable facts
in Grecian history, that in spite of the victory of Philip at
Chseroneia — in spite of the subsequent conquest of Thebes
by Alexander, and the danger of Athens after it — in spite
of the Asiatic conquests which had since thrown all Persian
force into the hands of the Macedonian king — the Athenian
people could never be persuaded either to repudiate De-
mosthenes, or to disclaim sympathy with his political policy.
How much art and ability was employed, to induce them to
do so, by his numerous enemies, the speech of JEschines is
enough to teach us. And when we consider how easily the
public sicken of schemes which end in misfortune — how
great a mental relief is usually obtained by throwing blame
on unsuccessful leaders — it would have been no matter of
surprise, if, in one of the many prosecutions wherein the
fame of Demosthenes was involved, the Dikasts had given a
verdict unfavourable to him. That he always came off
acquitted, and even honourably acquitted, is a proof of
rare fidelity and steadiness of temper in the Athenians.
It is a proof that those noble, patriotic, and Pan-hellenic
sentiments, which we constantly find inculcated in his ora-
tions, throughout a period of twenty years, had sunk into
the minds of his hearers; and that amidst the many general
allegations of corruption against him, loudly proclaimed by
his enemies, there was no one well-ascertained fact which
they could substantiate before the Dikastery.
The indictment now preferred by .2Eschines against
Ktesiphon only procured for Demosthenes a new
Verdict of , . *. Tire xi_ cc c J.L T\-I j.
the Dikasts triumph. When the suffrages of the Dikasts
—. tpu™ph were counted, JEschines did not obtain so much
stheneg— as one-fifth. He became therefore liable to the
e1£ilt-of» customary fine of 1000 drachmae. It appears
JEschines. ,1 , , J .. , -, . ,-, . T , i -ft_
that he quitted Athens immediately , without
paying the fine, and retired into Asia, from whence he never
CHAP. XCV. TKITJMPH OF DEMOSTHENES. 116
returned. He is said to have opened a rhetorical school
at Rhodes, and to have gone into the interior of Asia
during the last year of Alexander's life (at the time when
that monarch was ordaining on the Grecian cities compul-
sory restoration of all their exiles), in order to procure
assistance for returning to Athens. This project was dis-
appointed by Alexander's death. l
We cannot suppose that .^Eschines was unable to pay
the fine of 1000 drachmae, or to find friends who causes of
would pay it for him. It was not therefore le- the exile of
gal compulsion, but the extreme disappointment f^e w£86£he
and humiliation of so signal a defeat, which made means of
him leave Athens. We must remember that ^oronaUon
i his was a gratuitous challenge sent by himself; for De-
that the celebrity of the two rivals had brought m°<>theil*»-
together auditors, not merely from Athens, but from va-
rious other Grecian cities ; and that the effect of the speech
of Demosthenes in his own defence — delivered with all his
perfection of voice and action, and not only electrifying
hearers by the sublimity of its public sentiment, but also
full of admirably managed self-praise, and contemptuous
bitterness towards his rival — must have been inexpressibly
powerful and commanding. Probably the friends of JEschi-
nes became themselves angry with him for having brought
the indictment forward. For the effect of his defeat must
have been that the vote of the Senate which he indicted,
was brought forward and passed in the public assembly;
and that Demosthenes must have received a public cor-
onation.2 In no other way, under the existing circumstan-
ces of Athens, could Demosthenes have obtained so em-
phatic a compliment. It is hardly surprising, therefore,
that such a mortification was insupportable to ^Eschines.
He became disgusted with his native city. We read that
afterwards, in his rhetorical school at Rhodes, he one day
declaimed, as a lesson to his pupils, the successful oration
of his rival, De Corona. Of course it excited a burst of
1 See the various lives of .ffischi- ouxotpdvTq (iJv etvai Soxelv 6nip)(st,
no's— in "Westermann , Scriptores xivBuveosn 5k ei-rs 8ei as ITI touto
Biographic!, pp.268, 269. rcoietv, e?t' T)8T] nsirauoOat JAYJ [«T«-
* Demosthen. De Corona, p. 315. Xopovra TO rcsfircTov (xspo? tu>vjng9u>v,
dXXa vuvl Trjpispov eyd) (lev onsp TOO Ac.
rcEcpavioQTptxt Soxi|AaCo[Aai, TO 84 |i^8' Yet jEschinfis had become opulent,
6Tiouv dStxelv <xvit>|AoX6Y7;|j.ai — ooi 8j according to Demosthenes, p. 329.
12
116 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PABT II.
admiration. "What, if you had heard the beast himself
speak it!" — exclaimed JEschines.
From this memorable triumph of the illustrious orator
B.C. 324. and defendant, we have to pass to another trial
Bubse uent — & direct accusation brought against him, from
accusation which he did not escape so successfully. We
moBSfenfis6" &rG comPe^e<i nere *° JumP over &ve years and
in the affair a half (August 330 B.C. to January 324 B.C.) du-
°aiuar~ rwS which we have no information about Gre-
cian history ; the interval between Alexander's
march into Baktria and his return to Persis and Susiana.
Displeased with the conduct of the satraps during his ab-
sence, Alexander put to death or punished several, and
directed the rest to disband without delay the mercenary
soldiers whom they had taken into pay. This peremptory
order filled both Asia and Europe with roving detachments
of unprovided soldiers , some of whom sought subsistence
in the Grecian islands and on the Lacedaemonian southern
coast, at Cape Taenarus in Laconia.
It was about this period (the beginning of 324 B.C.)
Flight of that Harpalus the satrap of Babylonia and Syria,
Harpalus becoming alarmed at the prospect of being pun-
to Athens — • i i -I ° A i i r I- r_t A A- a*
his pre- ished by Alexander for his ostentatious prodi-
vious con- galities, fled from Asia into Greece, with a con-
relations siderable treasure and a body of 5000 soldiers.1
•\\ith While satrap, he had invited into Asia, in suc-
cession, two Athenian women as mistresses, Py-
thionike and Glykera, to each of whom he was much
attached and whom he entertained with lavish expense and
pomp. On the death of the first, he testified his sorrow by
two costly funereal monuments to her memory ; one at Ba-
bylon, the other in Attica, between Athens and Eleusis.
With Glykera he is said to have resided at Tarsus in Ki-
likia — to have ordered that men should prostrate them-
selves before her, and address her as queen — and to have
erected her statue along with his own at Rhossus, a sea-
port on the confines of Kilikia and Syria. 2 To please these
Xv'/i
1 Diodor. xvi. 108. He states the pains was still at Tarsus, and be-
treasure brought out of Asia by fore his flight to Athens— Theo-
Harpalus as 6000 talents. pomp. Fragm. 277, 278, ed. Didot.
* See the fragments of the letter ap. Athenaeum , xiii. p. 680-696.
or pamphlet of Theopompus ad- Theopompus speaks in the present
dressed to Alexander, while Ear- tense — xal 6pa (Harpalus) Ono TOU
CHAP. XCV. HARPALUS AT ATHENS. 117
mistresses, or perhaps to ensure a retreat for himself in case
of need, he had sent to Athens profuse gifts of wheat for
distribution among the people, for which he had received
votes of thanks with the grant of Athenian citizenship. 1 More-
over he had consigned to Charikles, son-in-law of Phokion, the
task of erecting the monument in Attica to the honour of
Pythionike, with alarge remittance of money forthe purpose. 2
Tne profit or embezzlement arising out of this expendi-
ture secured to him the goodwill of Charikles — a man very
different from his father-in-law, the honest and austere
Phokion. Other Athenians were probably conciliated by
various presents, so that when Harpalus found it conve-
nient to quit Asia, about the beginning of 324 B.C., he had
already acquired some hold both on the public of Athens
and on some of her leading men. He sailed with his treasure
and his armament straight to Cape Sunium in Attica, from
whence he sent to ask shelter and protection in that city.3
The first reports transmitted to Asia appear to have
proclaimed that the Athenians had welcomed _,
Harpalus as a friend and ally, thrown off the ports con-
Macedonian yoke, and prepared for a war to ^^^
reestablish Hellenic freedom. Such is the col- that the '
our of the case, as presented in the satyric At?e.^ian8
drama called Agen, exhibited before Alexander tmed them-
in the Dionysiac festival at Susa, in February seizes with
ir i n«j ci i i« M. » Harpalus.
or March 324 B.C. Such news, connecting itself
in Alexander's mind with the recent defeat of Zopyrion
in Thrace and other disorders of the disbanded mercena-
ries, incensed him so much, that he at first ordered a fleet
to be equipped, determining to cross over and attack
Athens in person.4 But he was presently calmed by more
Xdoo 5cpooxuvou(Aev»)v (Glykera), &c. Charikles o/Yer his arrival at Athens.
Kleitarchus stated these facts, as Wo know from Theopompus (Fr.
well as Tbeopompus(Athen». ibid.). 277) that the monument had been
1 Athenams, xiii. p. 596 — the ex- finished some time before Harpa-
tract from the satyrical drama call- lus quitted Asia. Plutarch treats
ed Agen, represented before Alex- it as a mean structure, unworthy
ander at Susa, in the Dionysiac of the sum expended on it; bnt
festival or early months of 324 B.C. both Diksearchus and Pausanias de-
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 22; Pausa- scribe it as stately and magnificent.
nias, i. 37, 4; Diksearchi Fragment. * Curtius, x. 2, 1.
72. ed. Didot. * Curtius, x. 2, 1. "Igitur triginta
Plutarch's narrative is mislead- navibus Sunium transmittunt"(Har-
ing, inasmuch as it seems to imply palus and his company), uunde por-
that Harpalus gave this money to turn urbis petere decreverunt. His
118
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PABT II.
correct intelligence , certifying that the Athenians had
positively refused to espouse the cause of Harpalus. l
The fact of such final rejection by the Athenians is
quite indisputable. But it seems, as far as we can make
out from imperfect evidence , that this step was not taken
B.C. 324. without debate, nor without symptoms of a con-
Circumstan- trary disposition, sufficientto explain the rumours
first sent to Alexander. The first arrival of
Harpalus with his armament at Sunium, indeed,
excited alarm, as if he were coming to take pos-
session of Peirseus ; and the admiral Philokles
was instructed to adopt precautions for defence
of the harbour.2 But Harpalus, sending away
k*s armament to Krete or to Tsenarus, solicited
and obtained permission to come to Athens, with
a single ship ancl his own personal attendants.
ces attend-
ing the ar
rival of
Harpalus
at Sunium
— debate ir
the Athen-
ian as-
sembly—
the Athen-
cognitis, rex Harpalo Atheniensi-
busque juxta infestus, classem pa-
rari jubet, Athenas protinus peti-
turus." Compare Justin, xiii. 5,
7 — who mentions this hostile
intention in Alexander's mind,
but gives a different account of
the cause of it.
The extract from the drama Agen
(given in Athenceus, xiii. p. 596)
represents the reports which excited
this anger of Alexander. It was
said that Athens had repudiated
her slavery, with the abundance
which she had before enjoyed under
it, — to enter upon a struggle for
freedom, with the certainty of pre-
sent privations and future ruin: —
A. ij-t |xev etpocaxov (the Athenians)
SouXov ixtijoflai piov,
Ixavov eSelitvouv' vuv 8 e, tov %i-
8poica |j.6vov
xaiTovfjLspao'ov 8<j9ouoi, itupoo;
V OO (JLOlXl.
B. xol (XT)V oxouu> (xupiiBa? TOV" ApitaXov
aotoiai TUJV 'Ayrjvo^ooxeXdTTovai;
aliou itapajtejupai , xai itoXiTT)v
frpvivat.
A. FXuxepac 6 oTtoc 06704 ^v ESTIV
8' taioi;
a&Totaiv 6Xe9pou xoux eralpa;
I conceive this drama Agen to have
been represented on the banks of
the Choaspes (not the Hydaspes- see
my note in the Chapter immediately
preceding), that is, at Suga, in the
Dionysia of 324 B.C. It is interest-
ing as a record of the feelings
of the time.
1 Nevertheless the impression,
that Alexander was intending to
besiege Athens, must have prevail-
ed in the army for several months
longer, during the autumn of 324
B.C., when he was at Ekbatana.
Ephippus the historian, in recount-
ing the flatteries addressed to Alex-
ander at Ekbatana, mentions the
rhodomontade of a soldier named
Gorgus — r6pyo<; 6 &7tXo<puXa£'AXei-av-
opov "Afijituvoc utov <jTE9avot ^poaoii;
•tpio^iXton, xat?Tav 'AQ^vac no-
Xtopx^, (JLUpiai? icav07:Xiai<; xai TCUS
"<jou<; xoctaiteXTOit; xai itooi toTt; otXXoi;
peXsotv el? TO-; icoXEjxov lxavot<; (Ephip-
pus ap. Athenreum xiii. p. 538. Frag-
ment. 3. ed. Didot.).
1 Deinarchus adv. Philokl. s. 1.
^aoxiov xtuXuaeiv "ApicaXov eU TOV
UJAtbv ETtl ta MEtOpia
Tli)V MOUVJ-
&c. Dein.
CHAP. XCV.
HARPALUS AT ATHENS.
119
What was of still greater moment, he brought iang seem
with him a large sum of money, amounting, we at fim ,f»-
,.,. , *-««A I'A °Ii vourably
are told, to upwards ot 700 talents, or more than disposed
160,000?. "We must recollect that he was al- towardshim.
ready favourably known to the people by large presents
of corn, which had procured for him a vote of citizenship.
He now threw himself upon their gratitude as a suppliant
seeking protection against the wrath of Alexander; and while
entreating from the Athenians an interference so hazardous
to themselves, he did not omit to encourage them by exag-
gerating the means at his own disposal. He expatiated on the
universal hatred and discontent felt against Alexander, and
held out assurance of being joined by powerful allies, foreign
as well as Greek, if once a city like Athens would raise the
standard of liberation. J To many Athenian patriots, more
ardentthanlong-sighted,such appeals inspired both sympathy
and confidence. Moreover Harpalus would of course purchase
every influential partisan who would accept a bribe; in
addition to men like Charikles , who were already in his
interest. His cause was espoused by Hyperides,2 an ear-
nest anti -Macedonian citizen, and an orator second only to
Demosthenes. There seems good reason for believing that,
nrclius adv. Aristogeiton. s. 4. o?
irap' 'ApitdtXou Xapeiv jfp^|AotTa tToX-
jiTjasv, 6v $o9s9' ^xstv xaTaXr)'{»o(XEvov
TTJV i:6Xiv ujiibv, &c.
1 Bee the new and interestingj
though unfortunately scanty, frag-
ments of the oration of Hyperides
against DemosthenSs , published
and elucidated by Mr. Churchill
Babingtonfrom arecently discover-
ed Egyptian papyrus (Cambridge,
1860). From Fragm. 14 (p. 38 of Mr.
Babington's edition) we may see
that the promises mentioned in the
text were actually held out by
Harpalus— indeed we might almost
have presumed it without positive
evidence. Hyperidds addresses De-
mosthenes— TOCUTOtS OlC . . . . t; T<5>
•|rj<pi3|xaTt , aoXXaptbv TOV "ApiraXov
aai to IK |J-£v oXXo'-K anuvTa<; icpso^u-
Eo9ai rsitoiyjxa? ti>? 'AXsJavSpov, oyx
iyovias oXXTjv ouSsjxiav duooTpO'^rjv
TO(K 8s Pappdpoo?, ot auTol 5v
jjxov <pspovTS<; el? -caiTO trjv 8uva|iw,
ejrovTes T« )rp^|AOtTa xal TOO? OTpa-
TiiuTa? 5ao<K IxocctTOi; auxoJv ei^s,
TOOT oo? <jU(Ai:avTa? oo (xovo^
xsxibXoxa? ditoaTTJvai exelvoo
~TQ aoXX^'J/si TOO 'AprcaJ.00, dXXa
xai . . .
From the language thus used by
Hyperides in his accusation, we are
made to perceive what prospects
he (and of course Harpalus, upon
whose authority he must have
spoken) had held out to the people
when the case was first under dis-
cussion.
The fragment here cited is com-
plete as to the main sense, not re-
quiring very great help from con-
jecture. In some of the other
fragments, the conjectural restora-
tions of Mr. Babington, though
highly probable andjudicious, form
too large a proportion of the whole
to admit of our citing them with
confidence as testimony.
1 Pollux, x. 159.
120 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
at first, a strong feeling was excited in favour of taking
part with the exile; the people not being daunted even by
the idea of war with Alexander. 1
Phokion, whom Harpalus vainly endeavoured to cor-
Phokion rupt, resisted of course the proposition of es-
andDemo- pousing his cause. And Demosthenes also re-
ighrwindi°.*h sisted it, not less decidedly, from the very outset. 2
suading the Notwithstanding all his hatred of Macedonian
ftonuaktog supremacy, he could not be blind to the insanity
up Har- of declaring war against Alexander. Indeed
those who study his orations throughout, will find
his counsels quite as much distinguished for prudence as
for vigorous patriotism. His prudence on this occasion,
however, proved injurious to his political position; for while
it incensed Hyperides and the more sanguine anti-Macedon-
ians, it probably did not gain for himself any thing beyond
a temporary truce from his old macedonising opponents.
The joint opposition of politicians so discordant as
Demand by Demosthenes and Phokion, prevailed over the
Antipater impulse which the partisans of Harpalus had
Tender* of*' created. No decree could be obtained in his
Harpalus— favour. Presently however the case was com-
Lns t^.en' plicated by the coming of envoys from Antipater
fuse to and Olympias in Macedonia, requiring that he
thSr 'MM* should be surrendered, s The like requisition
Harpaiua \vas also addressed by the Macedonian admiral
t°adteShisU88~ Philoxenus, who arrived with a small squadron
treasure for from Asia. These demands were refused, at the
Alexander. instanceof Phokionnoless than of Demosthenes.
Nevertheless the prospects of Macedonian vengeance were
now brought in such fearful proximity before the people,
that all disposition to support Harpalus gave way to the ne-
cessity of propitiating Alexander. A decree was passed
to- arrest Harpalus, and to place all his money under se-
questration in the acropolis, until special directions could
be received from Alexander; to whom, apparently, envoys
were sent , carrying with them the slaves of Harpalus to
1 Plutarch, De Vitioso Pudore, 8ia -rovtpopov, 6 Ar)|xoo6tv7n— Tt itoi-
p. 531. TUJvfop 'A9r)vaUoviup|juj|Asvtuv ^oouoiv, 597), rcpo? TOV jjXiov liovrc;,
'ApTtaXtp po7)8sTv, xai xop'jaaovtiov oi JJLTJ BuvdfUvOl rcpo? TOV X6y_vov dv-
titl r6v 'AXe£<xv5pov, ES-ai<pv7]<; giutpavr) TtpXJTtetv;
<I>tX6$£v<K, 6 t(I)v eicl OaXaoaiQ irpsy- a Plutarch, Phokion, c. 21; Plu-
(xatiov 'AXe£avSpo'j oTpa-r/yi?1 exzXa- tarch, Demosthen. 25.
yevTO? 6s TOO 8r,(xou, xat oiouiriovco? ' Diodor. xvii. 108.
CHAP. XCV. HYPERIDE8 AND DEMOSTHENES. 121
be interrogated by him, and instructed to solicit a lenient
sentence at his hands. 1 Now it was Demosthenes who
moved these decrees for personal arrest and for sequestra-
tion of the money;2 whereby he incurred still warmer re-
sentment from Hyperides and the other Harpalian parti-
sans who denounced him as a subservient crea- Demosthe-
ture of the all-powerful monarch. Harpalus P,6s m°™»
_ . , r , j i . * the decree
was confined, but presently made his escape; for arrest of
probably much to the satisfaction of Phokion, Harpaius
Demosthenes, and every one else ; for even those rested* but
who were most anxious to get rid of him would escapes,
recoil from the odium and dishonour of surrendering him,
even under constraint, to a certain death. He fled to Krete,
wherehe was soon after slain by one of his own companions.3
At the time when the decrees for arrest and seques-
tration were passed. Demosthenes requested „
.. I-J.ITT i -Li-i- Conduct of
a citizen near him to ask Harpalus publicly in Demosthe-
the assembly, what was the amount of nis money, n6s ,in re:
i-i iL i i. j • i J j. • fl 8ard to the
which the people had just resolved to impound.4 treasure of
Harpalus answered, 720 talents; andDemosthe- Harpalus —
A r i • j .i • 11 i ji deficiency
nes proclaimed this sum to the people, on the Of the sum
authority of Harpalus, dwelling :with some em- counted
, . J ., r ., ' , -rt P -i ,i and real-
phasis upon its magnitude. .But when the money ized, as
came to be counted in the acropolis, it was dis- compared
covered that there was in reality no more than ^urn an-
350 talents. Now it is said that Demosthenes nounced by
did not at once communicate to the people this
prodigious deficiency in the real sum as compared with the
1 Deinarchus adv. Demosth. a. 69. rpdtYfAaTOq ovtos, tpyXdiTTeiv 'AXe£av
eotv to1!}? rcaiSa? xaT<xrs[A'J;ij (Alexan- 8poj TO el? TTJV 'Ar-rtxrjv a9tx6(x6va
der) itpo? »)[AO<; TOO; vuv sU 4auTOv (JLSTS 'AprcaXou yp^jjiaTa.
dvaxexo|iia(isvou?, xal TOUTIOV a£ioi Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. s. 97-
Tr)v dXT)9eiav ituOeoBai, <tc. 106) accuses DemosthenSs of base
1 See the fragment cited in a pre- flattery to Alexander. Hyperides
ceding note from the oration of also makes the same charge — see
Hyperides against DemosthenSs. the Fragments in Mr. Babington's
That it was Demosthenes who edition, sect. 2. Fr. 11. p. 12 ; sect,
moved the decree for depositing the 3. Fr. 5. p. 34.
money in the acropolis, we learn * Pausan.ii. 33, 4;Diodor. xvii.108.
also from one of his other accu- * This material fact, of the ques-
sers— the citizen who delivered the tion publicly put to Harpalus in
speech composed by Deinarchus the assembly by some one at the
(adv. Demosthen. sect. 68, 71, 89) — request of Demosthenes , appears
ifpa-jiev a '1 to « ev TOJ S^IAM AT)- in the Fragments of Hyperides, p.
[io 3 (J £v TJ ;;, u>c SrjXovoTi Sixaiou TOO 5, 7, 9, ed. Babington — x
122 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
announcement of Harpalus, repeated in the public assembly
by himself. The impression prevailed, for how long a time
we do not know, that 720 Harpalian talents had actually
been lodged in the acropolis; and when the truth became
at length known, great surprise and outcry were excited. '
It was assumed that the missing half of the sum set forth
must have been employed in corruption; and suspicions
prevailed against almost all the orators, Demosthenes and
Hyperides both included.
In this state of doubt, Demosthenes moved that the
Suspicions Senate of Areopagus should investigate the
about this matter and report who were the presumed de-
Demosthe- linquents 2 fi t to be indicted before the Dikast-
n^8 ™°ve8 ery; he declared in the speech accompanying
Areopagus his motion that the real delinquents, whoever
shall inves- thev might be, deserved to be capitally punish-
tigate the , J m,° . ' ., -, , j , i • r
matter— ed. The Areopagites delayed their report
the Areo- for six months, though Demosthenes is said to
bAng ^n a have called for it with some impatience. Search
"port was made in the houses of the leading orators,
nufsVhenes6" excepting only one who was recently married.3
himself, At length the report appeared, enumerating
•with Dema- ,. *.,. ' , , ., ,
des and several names of citizens chargeable with the
others, as appropriation of this money , and specifying
cor1rupt°ap- how much had been taken by each. Among
propria- these names were Demosthenes himself, charged
xdiTU) 6ito Tfl XOTOTO^, exiXsuoe .... Deinarchug— adv. Demosth. s. 6. 62.
TOV YopsuTT)^ ipiotJjaoti tov Apitot).ov 84, Ac.: compare also the Tragm.
61:600 SITJ T<X ypyjixata TO avotoBrjoo- of Hyperides, p. 59, ed. Babington.
(isva e'n tT)v dxpoKoXtv 6 6e one- Deinarchus, in his loose rhetoric,
xpivoTO ?TI inTaxoaia, &c. tries to put the case as if Derao-
The term xctTaTOfXT) (see Mr. Ba- sthenes had proposed to recognise
bington's note) "designates abroad the sentence of the Areopagus as
passage occurring at intervals be- final and peremptory, and as if he
tween the concentrically arranged stood therefore condemned upon
benches of seats in a theatre, and the authority invoked by himself,
running parallel with them." But this is refuted sufficiently by
1 Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 846. the mere fact that the trial was in-
In the life of Demosthenes given stituted afterwards ; besides that it
by 1'hotius (Cod. 265. p. 494) it is is repugnant to the judicial prac-
stated that only 308 talents were tice of Athens,
found. * Plutarch, Demosth. 26. "We learn
* That this motion was made by from Deinarchus (adv. Demosth. 8.
Demosthenes himself, is a point 46) that the report of the Areopa-
atrongly pressed by his accuser gites was not delivered until after
CHAP. XCV. AMOUNT OF THE HARPALIAN TREASURE. 123
with 20 talents— Demades charged with 6000 "^;he^g;
golden staters — and other citizens, with different jg tried on
sums attached to their names. l Upon this re- * ^dccharge»
port, ten2 public accusers were appointed to ed, and*1
prosecute the indictment against the persons soes into
specified, before the Dikastery. Among the
accusers wasHyperides, whose name had not been comprised
in the Areopagitic report. Demosthenes was brought to
trial first of all the persons accused, before a numerous
Dikastery of 1500 citizens,3 who confirmed the report of
the Areopagites, found him guilty, and condemned him to
pay fifty talents to the state. Not being able to discharge
this large fine, he was put in prison; but after some
days he found means to escape, and fled to Troszen in
Peloponnesus, where he passed some months as a dispirited
and sorrowing exile, until the death of Alexander.4 "What
was done with the other citizens included in the Areo-
pagitic report, wedonot know. It appears thatDemades5 —
who was among those comprised, and who is especially
attacked, along with Demosthenes, by both Hyperides and
Deinarchus — did not appear to take his trial, and therefore
must have been driven into exile ; yet if so, he must have
speedily returned, since he seems to have been at Athens
when Alexander died. Philokles and Aristogeiton were
also brought to trial as being included by the Areopagus
in the list of delinquents; but how their trial ended, does
not appear.6
an interval of six months. About ascribed to DemosthenSs (p. 1470,
their delay and the impatience of 1483, 1485), he is made to state,
Demosthengs, see Fragm. Hyperi- that he alone had been condemned
dds, pp. 12-33, ed. Babington. by the Dikastery, because his trial
1 Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 92. had come on first — that Aristogei-
See the Fragm. of Hyperidfis in Mr. ton and all the others tried were
Babiugton, p. 18 acquitted, though the charge against
1 Deinarchus adv. Aristogeiton. s. all was the same, and the evidence
C. Stratokles was one of the against all was the same also—
accusers. viz. nothing more than the simple
1 Deinarchus adv. Demoath. 8. report of the Areopagus. As I agrea
108, 109. with those who hold these epistles
4 Plutarch, Demosth. 26. to be probably spurious, I cannot
1 Deinarchus adv. Demosth. s. 104. believe, on such authority alone,
* See the two orations composed that all the other persons tried were
by Deinarchus , against Philokles acquitted-a fact highly improbable
and Aristogeiton. in itself.
In the second and third Epistles
124 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAHT II.
This condemnation and banishment of Demosthenes —
unquestionably the greatest orator, and one of
mosthenSs the greatest citizens, in Athenian antiquity — is
guilty of the most painful result of the debates respect-
rupt appro- ing the exile Harpalus. Demosthenes himself
priation? denied the charge; but unfortunately we possess
Circum- .,•• i . j ~° ,, /. , " 11 j •
stances as neither his defence , nor the facts alleged in
known in evidence against him; so that our means of form-
ing a positive conclusion are imperfect. At
the same time, judging from the circumstances as far as
we know them, there are several which go to show his
innocence, and none which tend to prove him guilty. If
we are called upon to believe that he received money from
Harpalus, we must know for what service the payment
was made. Did Demosthenes take part with Harpalus,
and advise the Athenians to espouse his cause? Did he
even keep silence, and abstain from advising them to reject
the propositions? Quite the reverse. Demosthenes was
from the beginning a declared opponent of Harpalus,
and of all measures for supporting his cause. Plut-
arch indeed tells an anecdote — that Demosthenes be-
gan by opposing Harpalus, but that presently he was fas-
cinated by the beauty of a golden cup among the Harpalian
treasures. Harpalus, perceiving his admiration, sent to
him on the ensuing night the golden cup , together with
twenty talents, which Demosthenes accepted. A few days
afterwards, when the cause of Harpalus was again debated
in the public assembly, the orator appeared with his throat
enveloped in woollen wrappers , and affected to have lost
His voice; upon which the people, detecting this simulated
inability as dictated by the bribe which had been given,
expressed their displeasure partly by sarcastic taunts,
partly by indignant murmuring. * So stands the anecdote
in Plutarch. But we have proof that it is untrue. Demo-
sthenes may indeed have been disabled by sore-throat from
speaking at some particular assembly ; so far the story may
be accurate. But that he desisted from opposing Harpalus
(the real point of the allegation against mm) is certainly
not true; for we know, from his accusers Deinarchus
and Hyperides , that it was he who made the final motion
1 Plutarch, Demosth. 25: com- p. 846; and Photius , Life of De-
pare also Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. mosth. Cod. 266 p. 494.
CHAP. XCV. DEMOSTHENES CONDEMNED. 125
for imprisoning Harpalus and sequestrating the Harpalian
treasure in trust for Alexander. In fact, Hyper- Demogth
ides himself denounces Demosthenes, as having, neTcouid*
from subservience to Alexander, closed the door not have re.
against Harpalus and his prospects. ' Such direct ney from
and continued opposition is a conclusive proof g}**pahg8»
that Demosthenes was neither paid nor bought opposed
by Harpalus. The only service which he ren- J|im from
i j x ii -i -L c • j v first to last.
dered to the exile was, by refusing to deliver
him to Antipater, and by not preventing his escape from
imprisonment. Now in this refusal even Phokion
concurred; and probably the best Athenians, of all
parties, were desirous of favouring the escape of an
exile whom it would have been odious to hand over to a
Macedonian executioner. Insofar as it was a crime not to
have prevented the escape of Harpalus, the crime was com-
mitted as much by Phokion as by Demosthenes; and indeed
more, seeing that Phokion was one of the generals, exer-
cising the most important administrative duties — while
Demosthenes was only an orator and mover in the assem-
bly. Moreover, Harpalus had no means of requiting the
persons, whoever they were, to whom he owed his escape;
for the same motion which decreed his arrest, decreed also
the sequestration of his money, and thus removed it from
his own control.2
1 See the fragment of Hyperidfis of sentiment was manifested, which
in Mr. Babington's edition , pp. particular acts are described as
37, 38 (a fragment already cited follows) — xotl pouXo|isv(ov TUJv'ASir)-
in a preceding note), insisting valtov 'AvtntoTpcp rcpoSoovoti TOV av-
upon the prodigious mischief which 8pwitov avmitev, Ta TS 'AptdXcia
Demosthenfis had done by his de- ypr,(jiaTa el? axpoftoXtv lypa'^sv d-o-
cree for arresting (ooXXrj'^i?) Har- (tiabott, |ir,8E T<£> S^JJLOJ TOV dpiOjAOv
palus. ociTibv djcOjrifxTjvdfxsvOi;.
* In the Life of Demosthenes That Demosthenes should first
apud Photium (Cod. 265), the ser- oppose the reception of Harpalus
vice alleged to have been rendered — and then afterwards oppose the
by him to Harpalus, and for which surrender of Harpalus to Anti-
he was charged with having receiv- pater's requisition— is here repre-
ed 1000 Darics , is put as I have sented as a change of politics, re-
stated it in the text — Demosthenes quiring the hypothesis of a bribe
first spoke publicly against receiv- to explain it. But it is in reality
ing Harpalus, but presently Aapsi- no change at all. The two proceed-
ao'ji; j(tXiou; (d> <; 90111) Xapibv rcpb; ings are perfectly consistent witli
TOIK Oitep ctuiou XsyovTa? IASTS- each other, and both of them de-
7a£sTO (then follow the particular fensible.
acts whereby this alleged change
126 HISTOEY OF GREECE. PAST II.
The charge therefore made against Demosthenes by
his two accusers, that he received money from
Had Demo- -,-,- , i-inJ1(..iJ
Bthenes the Harpalus, — is one which all the facts known to
means of ua tend to refute. But this is not quite the
ling, after whole case. Had Demosthenes the means of
the money embezzling the money, after it had passed out
had passed c ,-, i. i j? TT i <i m AI.- j.-
out of the of the control of Harpalus f To this question
control of aiso We may reply in the negative, so far as
Harpalus? A ,, ' ,.r J , •, . • j
Answer in Athenian practice enables us to judge.
the nega- Demosthenes had moved, and the people had
voted, that these treasures should be lodged, in
trust for Alexander, in the acropolis ; a place where all the
Athenian public money was habitually kept — in the back
chamber of the Parthenon. "When placed in that chamber,
these new treasures would come under the custody of the
officers of the Athenian exchequer; and would be just as
much out of the reach of Demosthenes as the rest of the pub-
lic money. "What more could Phokion himself have done
to preserve the Harpalian fund intact, than to put it in
the recognized place of surety? Then, as to the interme-
diate process, of taking the money from Harpalus up to
the acropolis, there is no proof, — and in my judgement
no probability, — that Demosthenes was at all concerned in
it. Even to count, verify, and weigh, a sum of above
80,000?. — not in bank notes or bills of exchange, but sub-
divided in numerous and heavy coins (staters, darics, tetra-
drachms), likely to be not even Attic, but Asiatic — must
have been a tedious duty requiring to be performed by
competent reckoners, and foreign to the habits of Demo-
sthenes. The officers of the Athenian treasury must have
gone through this labour, providing the slaves or mules
requisite for carrying so heavy a burthen up to the acro-
polis. Now we have ample evidence, from the remaining
Inscriptions, that the details of transferring and verifying
the public property, at Athens, were performed habitually
with laborious accuracy. Least of all would such accuracy
be found wanting in the case of the large Harpalian trea-
sure, where the very passing of the decree implied great
fear of Alexander. If Harpalus, on being publicly ques-
tioned in the assembly — What was the sum to be carried
up into the acropolis, — answered by stating the amount
which he had originally brought, and not that which he
had remaining — Demosthenes might surely repeat that
OHAP. XCV. CONDUCT OF DEMOSTHENES BEVIEWED.
127
statement immediately after him, without being understood
thereby to bind himself down as guarantee for its accuracy.
An adverse pleader, like Hyperides, might indeed turn a
point in his speech' — "You told the assembly that there
were 700 talents, and now you produce no more than half
— but the imputation wrapped up in these words against
the probity of Demosthenes, is utterly groundless. Lastly,
when the true amount was ascertained, to make report
thereof was the duty of the officers of the treasury. Demo-
sthenes could learn it only from them; and it might cer-
tainly be proper in him, though in no sense an imperative
duty, to inform himself on the point, seeing that he had
unconsciously helped to give publicity to a false statement.
The true statement was given ; but we neither know by
whom, nor how soon. 2
Reviewing the facts known to us, therefore, we find
them all tending to refute the charge against ,
., A o, . , MI i • i i Accusatory
Demosthenes. This conclusion will certainly be speech of
strengthened by reading the accusatory speech Deinarchus
8 j i T\ • i !_• i. • • i j. against
composed by Demarchus ; which is mere virulent Demoathe-
invective, barren of facts and evidentiary mat- nes— yiru-
1 • 11 j.i_ T/- f T\ j.i_ lent mvec-
ter, and running over all the hie ot Demosthe- tive desti-
nes for the preceding twenty years. That the *ute °*
speech of Hyperides also was of the like
1 Fragm. Hyperides , p. 7. ed.
Babington— ev TO! £r;tjL<|> iirTaxoaia
9 1^0 at etvat taXovta, vov ti
7] p. t 37] a va<ps psn;
In p. 26 of the same Fragments,
we find HyperidSs reproaching De-
mosthenSs for not having kept ef-
fective custody over the person
of Harpalus ; for not having pro-
posed any decree providing a spe-
cial custody; for not having made
known beforehand, or prosecuted
afterwards , the negligence of the
ordinary gaolers. This is to make
Demosthenes responsible for the
performance of all the administra-
tive duties of the city ; for the good
conduct of the treasurers and the
gaolers.
We must recollect that Hyperi-
dfis had been the loudest advocate
of Harpalus , and had done all he
couid to induce the Athenians to
adopt the cause of that exile against
Alexander. '.'ne of the charges
(already cited from his speech)
against Demosthenes, is, that De-
mos then8s prevented this from being
accomplished. Yet here is another
charge from the same speaker, to
the effect that Demosthenes did
not keep Harpalus under effective
custody for the sword of the Ma-
cedonian executioner!
The line of accusation taken by
Hyperides is full of shameful in-
consistencies.
2 In the Life of Demosthenes
(Plutarch, Vit X Oratt. p. 846), the
charge of corruption against him
is made to rest chiefly on the fact,
that he did not make this communi-
cation to the people — xal 6i<x TOUTO
(ATjTS TOV iplQfXOV T(i)V OV«XO[ll jfleV-
TCOV (HS(XT)V'JXUJ4 fX»)T2 TU>V <fuXaj30V
TI.OV «|xeX:iav, So. The biographer
128 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
desultory character, the remaining fragments indicate. Even
the report made by the Areopagus contained no recital of
facts — no justificatory matter — nothing except a specifi-
cation of names with the sums for which each of them was
chargeable.1 It appears to have been made ex-parte, as
far as we can judge — that is, made without hearing these
persons in their own defence, unless they happened to be
themselves Areopagites. Yet this report is held forth
both by Hyperides and Deinarchus as being in itself con-
clusive proof which the Dikasts could not reject. When
Demosthenes demanded, as every defendant naturally would,
that the charge against him should be proved by some pos-
itive evidence, Hyperides sets aside the demand as nothing
better than cavil and spec'al pleading.2
One farther consideration remains to be noticed. Only
Change of niQe months after the verdict of the Dikastery
mind re- against Demosthenes, Alexander died. Presently
Dem^stle- the Athenians and other Greeks rose against
nas, in the Antipater in the struggle called theLamian war.
pubHciain a Demosthenes was then recalled; received from
few his countrymen an enthusiastic welcome, such
months. ftg ka(j never been accorded to any returning
exile since the days of Alkibiades; took a leading part
in the management of the war; and perished, on its
disastrous termination, along with his accuser Hyperides.
apnd Photium seems to state it as ginning of the second Demosthe-
if Demosthenes did not communi- nic epistle).
cate the amount, at the time when Hyperid. p. 16, ed. Babingt. Kal
he proposed the decree of sequestra- auxocpavrets TTJV pooX?)?, rpo-
tion. This last statement we are xXrjost? TtpOTtQsU, xai epu>T(I>v et
enabled to contradict, from the T<X!<; rcpoxX^asaiv, rcdQev IXo-
testimony of Hyperidfis. PSC TO ^puoiov, xal ti? ^v aot
1 Hyperid. Fragm. p. 18, ed. Ba- 6 8 o u <; , xai it u> 5 ; TsXsuToTov
bington. TO? fop dnotpaasK; itaeac 8' I a u> < epcuTijasi;, xai el
rot Oirep T<I>v 7pr,(xiTU)v 'ApnaXou, i ^ p IQ a u> tip )rpool(f), (uaitep
itduat DfAoiux; i) pouX?) nenotr]Tat, Tpoite^iTixov Xo^ov napa
X«l TO« oOtO? XOTO ItOvTIOV' Xttl T7JC pouX^<; &1iaiTU>V.
o68e|xia npoafif pays, • 81' ?TI This monstrous sentence creates
IxaoTOv duo^otlvei1 dXX' ejct- a strong presumption in favour of
xe<po Xo lov Ypi'j;3aa,6itdaovexiaTO<; the defendant, — and a still strong-
cfXrjips xpuaiov, TOUT' oov 6tp siXiTu). . . er presumption against the accu-
* Hyperid. Frag. p. 16, ed. Babingt. ser. Compare Deinarchus adv. De-
17(0 8' !TI (isv eXaps; TO ypuoiov, mostb. s. 6, 7.
litavov olfiCd tlvav oT)(JigTov The biographer apud Photium
TOit 8ixajTaT«, TO T'JJV pouXrjv states that Hyperides and four
ooii xaT ayv<i>vai (see Deinarchus other orators procured (xa-soxeua-
adv. Demosth. a. 46. and the be-
CHAP. XCV. SENTENCE POLITICAL MOKE THAN JUDICIAL. 129
Such speedy revolution of opinion about Demosthenes,
countenances the conclusion which seems to me p
suggested by the other circumstances of the reality of
case — that the verdict against him was not iu- the cas.e>
d. . , , .... , ° . .P,I_ i_ respecting
icial, but political; growing out of the embar- the money
rassing necessities of the time. °f Har||a~.
There can be no doubt that Harpalus, to whom sentence o6f
a declaration of active support from the Athe- the Are°-
nians was matter of life and death, distributed p
various bribes to all consenting recipients, who could
promote his views, — and probably even to some who
simply refrained from opposing them ; to all , in short, ex-
cept pronounced opponents. If we were to judge from
probabilities alone, we should say that Hyperides himself,
as one of the chief supporters , would also be among the
largest recipients. l Here was abundant bribery — notorious
in the mass, though perhaps untraceable in the detail — all
consummated during the flush of promise which marked
the early discussions of the Harpalian case. When the
tide of sentiment turned — when fear of Macedonian force
became the overwhelming sentiment — when Harpalus and
his treasures were impounded in trust for Alexander — all
these numerous receivers of bribes were already compro-
mised and alarmed. They themselves probably, in order
to divert suspicion, were among the loudest in demanding
investigation and punishment against delinquents. More-
over, the city was responsible for 700 talents to Alexan-
der, while no more than 350 were forthcoming.2 It was
indispensable that some definite individuals should be pro-
nounced guilty and punished, partly in order to put down
the reciprocal criminations circulating through the city,
partly in order to appease the displeasure of Alexander
about the pecuniary deficiency. But how to find out who
were the guilty ? There was no official Prosecutor-general ;
the number of persons suspected would place the matter
beyond the reach of private accusations; perhaps the
course recommended by Demosthenes himself was the best,
to consign this preliminary investigation to the Areopagites.
oav) the condemnation of Demosth. writer Timoklgs names HyperidSs
by the Areopagus. along with Demosthengs and others
1 The biographer of HyperidSs as recipients (ap. Athenae.viii.p.342).
(Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 48) tells * See this point urged by Dein-
ns that he was the only orator who archus adv. Demosth. s. 69, 70.
kept himself unbribed ; the comic
VOL. XII. K
130 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PART II.
Six months elapsed before these Areopagites made
their report. Now it is impossible to suppose that all this
time could have been spent in the investigation of facts —
and if it had been, the report when published would have
contained some trace of these facts, instead of embodying a
mere list of names and sums. The probability is, that
their time was passed quite as much in party-discussions
as in investigating facts; that dissentient parties were
long in coming to an agreement whom they should sacri-
fice; and that when they did agree, it was a political rather
than a judicial sentence, singling out Demosthenes as a
victim highly acceptable to Alexander, and embodying
Demades also, by way of compromise, in the same list of
delinquents — two opposite politicians, both at the moment
obnoxious. I have already observed that Demosthenes
was at that time unpopular with both the reigning parties;
with the philo-Macedonians, from long date, and not with-
out sufficient reason; with the anti-Macedonians, because
he had stood prominent in opposing Harpalus. His accu-
sers count upon the hatred of the former against him, as a
matter of course; they recommend him to the hatred of the
latter, as a base creature of Alexander. The Dikasts
doubtless included men of both parties; and as a collective
body, they might probably feel, that to ratify the list pre-
sented by the Areopagus was the only way of finally closing
a subject replete with danger and discord.
Such seems the probable history of the Harpalian
transactions. It leaves Demosthenes innocent of corrupt
profit, not less than Phokion; but to the Athenian politi-
cians generally, it is noway creditable; while it exhibits the
judicial conscience of Athens as under pressure of dangers
from without, worked upon by party intrigues within.1
, During the half year and more which elapsed between
B.C. 324. the arrival of Harpalus at Athens and the trial
Rescript of of Demosthenes, one event at least of consider-
Aiexanderto abie moment occurred in Greece. Alexander
cities, di- sent Nikanor to the great Olympic festival held
1 We read in Fausanias (ii. 33, 4) corrupted; and that Demosthenes
that the Macedonian admiral Phi- was not among them. As far as
loxenus, having afterwards seized this statement goes, it serves to
one of the slaves of Harpalus, exculpate Demosthengs. Yet I can-
learnt from him the names of those not assign so much importance to
Athenians whom his master had it as Bishop Thirlwall seems to do.
CHAP. XCV. ORACLE TO RECALL THE EXILES. 131
in this year, with a formal letter or rescript, reeling that
directing every Grecian city to recall all its *)|° ^"{Jl
citizens that were in exile, except such as were recalled in
under the taint of impiety. The rescript, which each-
was publicly read at the festival by the herald who had
gained the prize for loudness of voice, was heard with the
utmost enthusiasm by 20,000 exiles, who had mustered
there from intimations that such a step was intended. It
ran thus: "King Alexander to the exiles out of the Grecian
cities. We have not been authors of your banishment, but
we will be authors of your restoration to your native cities.
We have written to Antipater about this matter, direct-
ing him to apply force to such cities as will not recall you
of their own accord." '
It is plain that many exiles had been pouring out their
complaints and accusations before Alexander, and had
found him a willing auditor. But we do not know by what
representations this rescript had been procured. It would
seem that Antipater had orders farther, to restrain or modi-
fy the confederacies of the Achaean and Arcadian cities;2
and to enforce not merely recall of the exiles, but restitu-
tion of their properties.3
That the imperial rescript was dictated by mistrust of
the tone of sentiment in the Grecian cities gen- Purpose of
erally, and intended to fill each city with de- H1^16^0^1*
voted partisans of Alexander — we cannot doubt, partisans
It was on his part a high-handed and sweeping f"d'^1?x"
exercise of sovereignty — setting aside the con- each of.
ditions under which he had been named leader ">.e citjes—
of Greece — disdaining even to inquire into par- tents in
ticular cases, and to attempt a distinction be- Greece.
tween just and unjust sentences — overruling in the mass the
political and judicial authorities in every city. It proclaim-
ed, with bitter emphasis the servitude of the Hellenic
world. Exiles restored under the coercive order of Alex-
ander were sure to look to Macedonia for support, to de-
spise their own home authorities, and to fill their respect-
ive cities with enfeebling discord. Most of the cities, not
daring to resist , appear to have yielded a reluctant
His narrative of the Harpalian > Diodor. xix. 8.
transactions is able and discrimin- * See the Fragments of Hyperi-
ating (Hist. vol. vii. ch. 56 p. 170 d6s, p. 36, ed. Babington.
seqq.). * Curtius x. 2, 6.
K 2
132 HISTOBY OF GBEECE. PAST II.
obedience ; but both the Athenians and JEtolians are said
to have refused to execute the order. ' It is one evidence of
the disgust raised by the rescript at Athens , that Demo-
sthenes is severely reproached by Deinarchus, because, as
chief of the Athenian Theory or sacred legation to the
Olympic festival, he was seen there publicly consorting
and in familiar converse with Nikanor.2
In the winter or early spring of 323 B.C. several Gre-
cian cities sent envoys into Asia to remonstrate with
Alexander against the measure; we may presume that the
Athenians were among them, but we do not know whether
the remonstrance produced any effect.3 There appears to
have been considerable discontent in Greece during this
winter and spring (322 B.C.). The disbanded soldiers out
of Asia still maintained a camp at Taenarus ; where Leo-
sthenes, an energetic Athenian of anti-Macedonian senti-
ments, accepted the command of them, and even attracted
iresh mercenary soldiers from Asia, under concert with
various confederates at Athens, and with the JEtolians.*
Of the money, said to be 5000 talents, brought by Harp alus
out of Asia, the greater part had not been taken byHarpalus
to Athens, but apparently left with his officers for the main-
tenance of the. troops who had accompanied him over.
Such was the general position of affairs when Alexan-
B.C. 323 der died at Babylon in June 323 B.C. This
(Summer), astounding news, for which no one could have
duced?n°~ been prepared, must have become diffused
Greece by throughout Greece during the month of July. It
ofeAdiexan- opened the most favourable prospects to all
der. lovers of freedom and sufferers by Macedonian
1 Curtius x. 3, 6. The statement a man liberated from a judicial
of Diodorus (xviii. 8)— that the re- fine at his instance. Pseudo-Demos-
ecrlpt was popular and acceptable thenfis, Epistol. 3. p. 1480.
1 o all Greeks, except the Athenians * Diodor. xvii. Ill ; compare xviii.
and .Sitoliaiis — cannot be credited. 21. Pausanias (i. 25, 5; viii. 52, 2)
It was popular, doubtless, with the affirms that Leosthends brought over
exiles themselves, and their im- 50,000 of these mercenaries from
mediate friends. Asia into Peloponnesus, during the
* Deinarchus adv. Demosth. g. 81 : lifetime of Alexander, and against
compare Hyperid. Fragm. p. 36, ed. Alexander's will. The number here
Babington. given seems incredible; but it is
* Diodor. xvlt. 113. There seem probable enough that he induced
to have been cases in which Alex- some to come across.— Justin(xiii.5)
ander interfered with the sentences mentions that armed resistance was
of the Athenian Dikastery against prepared by the Athenians and
Athenian citizens : see the case of ^Etoliaiis against Alexander him-
CHAP. XCV. ALLIANCE OF GREEKS FOR LIBERATION. 133
dominion. The imperial military force resembled the gi-
gantic Polyphemus after his eye had been blinded by
Odysseus:1 Alexander had left no competent heir, nor did
any one imagine that his vast empire could be kept together
in effective unity by other hands. Antipater in Macedonia
was threatened with the defection of various subject neigh-
bours.2
No sooner was the death of Alexander indisputably
certified, than the anti-Macedonian leaders in The Athe-
Athens vehemently instigated the people to de- nlans <|e-
,1 i V r ff-ff n . clare them-
clare themselves first champions of Hellenic selves
freedom, and to organise a confederacy through- champions
, /-. » , 1° , t . -r-k Zi. A e ' of the liber-
OUt ureece tor that object. Demosthenes was ation of
then in exile; but Leosthenes, Hyperides and Greece, in
other orators of the sameparty, found themselves phokion's
able to kindle in their countrymen a warlike opposition,
feeling and determination, in spite of decided opposition
on the part of Phokion and his partisans.3 The rich men
for the most part took the side of Phokion, but the mass
of the citizens were fired by the animating recollection
of their ancestors and by the hopes of reconquering Gre-
cian freedom. A vote was passed, publicly proclaiming
their resolution to that effect. It was decreed that 200
quadriremes and 40 triremes should be equipped; that all
Athenians under 40 years of age should be in military re-
quisition; and that envoys should be sent round to the
various Grecian cities, earnestly invoking their alliance in
the work of self -emancipation.* Phokion, though a
self during the latter months of instigating the war , the other to
his life, in reference to the man- some unknown speaker, supposed
date enjoining recall of the exiles, by C. Mullerto be Phokion, against
He seems to overstate the magni- it(Fragm. Hist. Groec. vol. iii.p. 668).
tude of their doings, before the * Diodor. xviii. 10. Diodorus states
death of Alexander. that the Athenians sent the Har-
1 A striking comparison made by palian treasures to the aid of Leo-
the oratorDemadSs (Plutarch, Apo- sthenSs. He seems to fancy that
phthegin. p. 181). Harpalus had brought to Athens
* See Frontinus, Stratagem, ii. all the 5000 talents which he had
11, 4. carried away from Asia ; but it is
* Plutarch, Phokion, 23. In the certain, that no more than 700
Fragments of Dexippus, there ap- or 720 talents were declared by
pear short extracts of two speeches, Harpalus in the Athenian assem-
seeraingly composed by that author bly— and of these only half were
in hishistory of these transactions ; really forthcoming. ^Moreover,
one which he ascribes to Hyperides Diodorus is not consistent with
134
HISTORY OP GREECE.
PART IX.
— activity
of the Athe-
nian Leo-
sthenes, as
general.
Athenian
pronounced opponent of such warlike proj ects, still remained
at Athens, and still, apparently, continued in his functions
as one of the generals. 1 ButPytheas, Kallimedon, and
others of his friends, fled to Antipater, whom they strenu-
ously assisted in trying to check the intended movement
throughout Greece.
Leosthenes , aided by some money and arms from
The JEto- Athens, put himself at the head of the merce-
nf^8 a"fh naries assembled at Taenarus, and passed across
Greeks join the Gulf into JEtolia. Here he was joined by
theconfede- the ^Gtolians and Akarnanians, who eagerly
liberation entered into the league with Athens for expel-
^ng the Macedonians from Greece. Proceeding
onward towards Thermopylae and Thessaly, he
met with favour and encouragement almost
everywhere. The cause of Grecian freedom was
envoys sent espoused by the Phokians, Lokrians, Dorians,
invite co- jEnianes, Athamanes, and Dolopes; by most of
froemath°n *^e ^-a^ans> CEtaeans, Thessalians, and Achseans
various6 of Phthiotis; by the inhabitants of Leukas, and
Greeks. by gome of the Molossians. Promises were also
held out of cooperation from various Illyrian and Thraciar
tribes. In Peloponnesus, the Argeians, Sikyonians, Epi-
daurians, Troezenians, Eleians, and Messenians, enrolled
themselves in the league , as well as the Karystians in
Eubcea.2 These adhesions were partly procured by Hyper-
ides and other Athenian envoys, who visited the several
cities; while Pytheas and other envoys were going round
in like manner to advocate the cause of Antipater. The
two sides were thus publicly argued by able pleaders be-
fore different public assemblies. In these debates, the
advantage was generally on the side of the Athenian orat-
ors, whose efforts moreover were powerfully seconded by
himself, when he says afterwards
(xviii. 19) that Thimbron, who kill-
ed Harpalus in Krete, got possession
of the Harpalian treasures and
mercenaries, and carried them over
to Kyrfinfi in Africa.
1 It is to this season, apparently,
that the anecdote (if true) must be
referred. — The Athenians were ea-
ger to invade Boeotia unseasonably ;
Phok'ion, as general of eighty years
old, kept them back, by calling
out the citizens of sixty years old
and upwards for service, and offer-
ing to march himself at their head
(Plutarch , Heip. Ger. Praecept. p.
818).
7 Diodor. xviii. 11; Pausanias,
i. 25, 4.
CHAP. XCV. ALLIANCE OF GREEKS FOR LIBERATION. 135
the voluntary aid of Demosthenes, then living as an exile
in Peloponnesus.
To Demosthenes the death of Alexander, and the new
prospect of organizing an anti-Macedonian con- .
... ° . i r i u c Assistance
lederacy with some tolerable chance of success, lent to the
came more welcome than to any one else. He Athenian
gladly embraced the opportunity of joining and De™osthe-
assisting the Athenian envoys, who felt the full .n6s> thou(?h
<?, . ,. i • J.-L • in exile. He
value of his energetic eloquence, in the various is recalled
Pelopennesian towns. So effective was the ser- *° Athens,
vice which he thus rendered to his country, that an entnuVsei-
the Athenians not only passed a vote to enable aatic wei-
him to return, but sent a trireme to fetch him
to Peirseus. Great was the joy and enthusiasm on his ar-
rival. The archons, the priests, and the entire body of
citizens, came down to the harbour to welcome his landing,
and escorted him to the city. Full of impassioned emo-
tion, Demosthenes poured forth his gratitude for having
been allowed to see such a day, and to enjoy a triumph
greater even than that which had been conferred on Alki-
biades on returning from exile ; since it had been granted
spontaneously, and not extorted by force. His fine could
not be remitted consistently with Athenian custom; but
the people passed a vote granting to him fifty talents as
superintendent of the periodical sacrifice to Zeus Soter;
and his execution of this duty was held equivalent to a
liquidation of the fine.1
What part Demosthenes took in the plans or details
of the war, we are not permitted to know. Vigor- B.c. 323.
ous operations were now carried on, under (Autumn).
the military command of Leosthenes. The con- ^ar?.e
federacy against Antipater included a larger confede-
assemblage of Hellenic states than that which racy against
had resisted Xerxes in 480 B.C. Nevertheless, ne'verthe-'
the name of Sparta does not appear in the list, less without
It was a melancholy drawback to the chances Boeotia
of Greece, in this her last struggle for emanci- strongly in
pation, that the force of Sparta had been alto- donianCfn-
gether crushed in the gallant but ill-concerted terest. Leo-
effort of Agis against Antipater seven years be- ^Ith'tne
fore, and had not since recovered. The great confederate
1 Plutarch, Demosth. 27.
136 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART H.
army march- stronghold of Macedonian interest, in the inte-
es into rior of Greece, was Boeotia. Plataea, Orchome-
Thessaiy. nug^ an^ the other ancient enemies ofThebes, hav-
ing received from Alexander the domain once belonging to
Thebes herself, were well aware that this arrangement
could only be upheld by the continued pressure of Mace-
donian supremacy in Greece. It seems probable also that
there were Macedonian garrisons in the Kadmeia — in
Corinth — and in Megalopolis ; moreover, that the Arcadian
and Achaean cities had been macedonized by the measures
taken against them under Alexander's orders in the prece-
ding summer;1 for we find no mention made of these cities
in the coming contest. The Athenians equipped a con-
siderable land-force to join Leosthenes at Thermopylae; a
citizen force of 5000 infantry and 500 cavalry, with 2000
mercenaries besides. But the resolute opposition of the
Boeotian cities hindered them from advancing beyond
Mount Kithseron, until Leosthenes himself, marching from
Thermopylae to join them with a part of his army, attacked
the Boeotian troops, gained a complete victory, and opened
the passage. He now proceeded with the full Hellenic
muster, including ^tolians and Athenians , into Thessaly
to meet Antipater, who was advancing from Macedonia
into Greece at the head of the force immediately at his
disposal — 13,000 infantry and 600 cavalry — and with a fleet
of 110 ships of war cooperating on the coast.2
Antipater was probably not prepared for this rapid
and imposing assemblage of the combined
Battle in ~ , r , m.° , ° „ ,, ,.
Thessaiy— Greeks at Thermopylae, nor for the energetic
victory of movements of Leosthenes. Still less was he
over Anti- prepared for the defection of the Thessalian
pater, who cavalry, who, having always formed an import-
is compel- ,J ' , . ,1 •«• j J •
led to ant element in the Macedonian army , now lent
throw him- their strength to the Greeks. He despatched
self into ,, -.„ ..
Lamia, and urgent messages to the Macedonian commanders
await sue- jn Asia — Kraterus, Leonnatus, Philotas, &c.,
Asia— Leo1- soliciting reinforcements ; but in the mean time
> See the Fragments of Hyperi- that some considerable change was
dSs, p. 36, ed. Babington. xat ictpi made in them , at the time when
TOO TOUC xoivoix; soXXoyou? 'A)(tuu>v Alexander's decree for restoring
TC xol 'ApxdtSu>v. . . . We do not the exiles was promulgated,
know what was done to these di- " Biodor. xviii. 13.
strict confederacies, but it seems
CHAP. XCV. GBEEK OPERATIONS AGAINST ANTIPATER. 137
he thought it expedient to accept the challenge ^rm"*th
of Leosthenes. In the battle which ensued, b°iockadeeof
however, he was completely defeated, and even ^amia : he
cut off from the possibility of retreating into
Macedonia. No better resource was left to him than the
fortified town of Lamia (near to the river Spercheius,
beyond the southern border of Thessaly), where he calcu-
lated on holding out until relief came from Asia. Leo-
sthenes immediately commenced the siege of Lamia, and
pressed it with the utmost energy, making several attempts
to storm the town. But its fortifications were strong, with
a garrison ample and efficient — so that he was repulsed
with considerable loss. Unfortunately he possessed no
battering train nor engineers, such as had formed so power-
ful an element in the military successes of Philip and Alex-
ander. He therefore found himself compelled to turn the
siege into a blockade, and to.adopt systematic measures for
intercepting the supply of provisions. In this he had
every chance of succeeding, and of capturing the person of
Antipater. Hellenic prospects looked bright and encour-
aging, nothing was heard in Athens and the other cities
except congratulations and thanksgivings.1 Phokion, on
hearing the confident language of those around him, re-
marked— "The stadium (or short course) has been done
brilliantly; but I fear we shall not have strength to hold
out for the long course."2 At this critical moment, Leo-
sthenes, in inspecting the blockading trenches, was wounded
on the head by a large stone, projected from one of the
catapults on the city- walls, and expired in two days.3 A
funeral oration in his honour, as well as in that of the other
combatants against Antipater, was pronounced at Athens
by Hyperides.4
The death of this eminent general, in the full tide of
success , was a hard blow struck by fortune at Misfortune
the cause of Grecian freedom. For the last ^ *t^eof
generation, Athens had produced several ex- Leosthenes.
cellent orators, and one who combined splendid Antiphilua
oratory with wise and patriotic counsels. But In hts"e
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 23, 24. 'EjtiTcioio? by Hyperides is pre-
* Plutarch, Phokion, c. 23; Plu- served in Stobreus, Tit. 124. vol. iii.
tarch , Reip. Ger. Praecept. p. 803. p. 618. It is gratifying to learn that
* Diodor. xviii. 12, 13. a large additional portion of this
4 A fine fragment of the A6fo<; oration has been recently brought
138 HISTOKY OF GREECE. PABT II.
place. Be- during all that time, none of her citizens, before
efforts of Leosthenes, had displayed military genius and
the Grecian ardour along with Panhellenic purposes. His
death appears to have saved Antipater from
defeat and captivity. The difficult was very great, of
keeping together a miscellaneous army of Greeks, who,
after the battle, easily persuaded themselves that the war
was finished, and desired to go home — perhaps under pro-
mise of returning. Even during the lifetime of Leosthe-
nes, the -(Etolians, the most powerful contingent of the
army, had obtained leave to go home, from some domestic
urgency, real or pretended. l When he was slain, there
was no second in command; nor, even if there had been,
could the personal influence of one officer be transferred
to another. Reference was made to Athens, where, after
some debate, Antiphilus was chosen commander, after the
proposition to namePhokion had been made and rejected.2
But during this interval, there was no authority to direct
military operations, or even to keep the army together.
Hence the precious moments for rendering the blockade
really stringent, were lost, and Antipater was enabled to
maintain himself until the arrival of Leonnatus from Asia
to his aid. How dangerous the position of Antipater was,
we may judge from the fact, that he solicited peace, but
was required by the besiegers to surrender at discretion3 —
with which condition he refused to comply.
Antiphilus appears to have been a brave and compe-
B.C. 323-322 tent officer. But before he could reduce Lamia,
(Autumn Leonnatus with a Macedonian army had crossed
the Hellespont from Asia, and arrived at the
wmfa1 US> frontiers of Thessaly. So many of the Grecian
Macedon- contingents had left the camp, that Antiphilus
fromarAsia, was not strong enough at once to continue the
arrives in blockade and to combat the relieving army.
His^defeat Accordingly, he raised the blockade, and moved
and death. Off by rapid marches to attack Leonnatus apart
escapes61 from Antipater. He accomplished this opera-
frpm La- tion with vigour and success. Through the
taife/the superior efficiency of the Thessalian cavalry
command, under Menon, he gained an important advantage
from Egypt in a papyrus, and is * Plutarch, Phokion, 24.
about to be published by Mr. Chur- ' Diodor. xviii. 11; Plutarch,
chill Babington. Phokion, 26.
» Diodor. xviii. 13-15.
CHAP.XCV. LAMIAN WAR CONTINUED. 139
in a cavalry battle over Leonnatus, who was himself
slain;1 and the Macedonian phalanx, having its flanks and
rear thus exposed , retired from the plain to more difficult
ground, leaving the Greeks masters of the field with the
dead bodies. On the very next day, Antipater came up,
bringing the troops from Lamia, and took command of the
defeated army. He did not however think it expedient to
renew the combat, but withdrew his army from Thessaly
into Macedonia, keeping in his march the high ground, out
of the reach of cavalry.2
During the same time generally as these operations
in Thessaly, it appears that war was carried „,
, . .• ', rjr ,„ , . , , , Warcarried
on actively by sea. we hear of a descent by On by sea
Mikion with a Macedonian fleet at Eham- ^*^^e
nus on the eastern coast of Attica, repulsed by donian and
Phokion; also of a Macedonian fleet, of 240 sail, A*^tenian
under Kleitus, engaging in two battles with the
Athenian fleet under Eetion, near the islands called Echi-
nades , at the mouth of the Achelous , on the western
-.Etolian coast. The Athenians were defeated in both
actions, and great efforts were made at Athens to build
new vessels for the purpose of filling up the losses sustain-
ed.3 Our information is not sufficient to reveal the pur-
poses or details of these proceedings. But it seems prob-
able that the Macedonian fleet were attacking JEtolia
through GEniadse, the citizens of which town had recently
been expelled by the ^Etolians;4 and perhaps this may have
been the reason why the JBtolian contingent was withdrawn
from Thessaly.
In spite of such untoward events at sea, the cause of
Panhellenic liberty seemed on the whole pros- B c 322
perous. Though the capital opportunity had (Spring).
been missed , of taking Antipater captive in Beiuctance
Lamia, still he had been expelled from Greece, £**£ con.
and was unable, by means of his own forces in tingents to
Macedonia, to regain his footing. The Grecian "main on
7 _ _ Q _ _ . _ s? long-con-
contingents had behaved' with bravery and un- tinued ser-
animity in prosecution of the common purpose; vice- .The
1 i i i i -i i i i - -I*-, army in
and what had been already achieved was quite Thessaly
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 25; Diodor. * Diodor. xviii. 15.
xviii. 14, 15: compare Plutarch, * Diodor. xviii. 15.
Pyrrhus, 1. « Diodor. xviii. 8.
140 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
b8 *maned sufficien* to justify the rising, as a fair risk, pro-
returning raising reasonable hopes of success. Neverthe-
home. iess Greek citizens were not like trained Mace-
donian soldiers. After a term of service not much prolonged,
they wanted to go back to their families and properties,
hardly less after a victory than after a defeat. Hence the
army of Antiphilus in Thessaly became much thinned,1
though still remaining large enough to keep back the Mace-
donian forces of Antipater, even augmented as they had
been by Leonnatus — and to compel him to await the still
more powerful reinforcement destined to follow under
Kraterus.
In explaining the relations between these three Mace-
donian commanders — Antipater. Leonnatus, and
Expected ^r •. • v t T
arrival of Kraterus — it is necessary to go back to June
Kraterus to 323 B.c., the period of Alexander's death, and to
reinforce . ',-, j-j.- • . i_- i i •
Antipater. review the condition into which his vast and
Relations mighty empire had fallen. I shall do this briefly,
between i e -j. r. i
the Mace- and only so far as it bears on the last struggles
donian an(J final subjugation of the Grecian world.
On the unexpected death of Alexander, the
camp at Babylon with its large force became a scene of
state of the discord. He left no offspring, except a child
regal fam- named Herakles, by his mistress Barsine. Rox-
o/'tbe Us* ana, one of his wives, was indeed pregnant; and
cedonian amidst the uncertainties of the moment, the
and^oi-8 first disposition of many was to await the birth
diery, after of her child. She herself, anxious to shut out
of6Aiexan- rivalry, caused Statira, the queen whom Alex-
der. ander had last married, to be entrapped and
assassinated along with her sister. 2 There was however
at Babylon a brother of Alexander, named Aridaeus (son
of Philip by a Thessalian mistress), already of full age
though feeble in intelligence, towards whom a still larger
party leaned. In Macedonia, there were Olympias, Alex-
ander's mother — Kleopatra , his sister, widow of the Epi-
rotic Alexander — and Kynane,3 another sister, widow of
Amyntas (cousin of Alexander the Great, and put to death
by him); all of them disposed to take advantage of their
relationship to the deceased conqueror, in the scramble
now opened for power.
1 Diodor. xviii. 17. * Arrian, De Rebus post Alexan-
* Plutarch, Alexand. 77. drum, vi. ap. Photium, Cod. 92.
CHAP. XCV. MACEDONIANS AFTER ALEXANDER'S DEATH. 141
After a violent dispute between the cavalry and the
infantry at Babylon, Aridseus was proclaimed phul Arf_
king under the name of Philip Aridseus. Per- damn is
dikkas was named as his guardian and chief £j°cl.aitm®d
minister; among the other chief officers , the gatrlpies8
various satrapies and fractions of the empire fc™t^distri~
were distributed. Egypt and Libya were assign- among the
ed to Ptolemy; Syria to Laomedon; Kilikia to p«ncipai
•r.1 -iA, T» I v T i • j !LL officers.
Philotas; Pamphyha, Lykia, and the greater
Phrygia, to Antigonus; Karia, to Asander; Lydia, to Me-
nander ; the Hellespontine Phrygia, to Leonnatus ; Kappa-
dokia and Paphlagonia, to the Kardian Eumenes; Media,
to Pithon. The eastern satrapies were left in the hands
of the actual holders.
In Europe , the distributors gave Thrace with the
Chersonese to Lysimachus; the counti'ies west of Thrace,
including (along with Illyrians, Triballi, Agrianes, and
Epirots) Macedonia and Greece, to Antipater and Kra-
terus. l We thus find the Grecian cities handed over to
new masters, as fragments of the vast intestate estate left
by Alexander. The empty form of convening and con-
sulting a synod of deputies at Corinth , was no longer
thought necessary.
All the above-named officers were considered as local
lieutenants, administering portions of an empire perdikuas
one and indivisible under Aridseus. The prin- the chief
cipal officers who enjoyed central authority, atFve"?*"
bearing on the entire empire , were, Perdikkas, central
chiliarch of the horse (the post occupied by a^isted^by
Hephsestion until his death), a sort of vizir,2 Eumenes
and Seleukus, commander of the Horse Guards. °
No one at this moment talked of dividing the empire.
But it soon appeared that Perdikkas , profiting by the
weakness of Aridseus , had determined to leave to him
nothing more than the imperial name, and to engross for
himself the real authority. Still, however, in his disputes
with the other chiefs, he represented the imperial family,
and the integrity of the empire , contending against
1 Arrian, DeBebus post Alexand. dot (Be Rebus post Alexandra m).
ut supra; Diodor. xviii. 3, 4 ; Cur- s Arrian and Dexippus— De Reb.
tius x. 10; Dexippus, Fragmenta post Alex, ut supra: compare Dio-
ap. Photium , Cod. 82. ap. Fragm. dor. xviii. 48.
Hist. Grace, vol. Hi. p. 667. ed. Di-
142 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II_
severalty and local independence. In this task (besides his
brother Alketas) , his ablest and most effective auxiliary
was Eumenes of Kardia , secretary of Alexander for
several years until his death. It was one of the earliest
proceedings of Perdikkas to wrest Kappadokia from the
local chief Ariarathes (who had contrived to hold it all
through the reign of Alexander) , and to transfer it to
Eumenes , to whom it had been allotted in the general
scheme of division, t
At the moment of Alexander's death, Kraterus was in
List of pro- Kilikia, at the head of an army of veteran Mace-
jects enter- donian soldiers. He had been directed to con-
^I'exaxder duct them home into Macedonia, with orders to
at the time remain there himself in place of Antipater, who
death. The was *° come over to Asia with fresh reinforce-
generais ments. Kraterus had with him a paper of
themes written instructions from Alexander, embodying
too vast. projects on the most gigantic scale; for western
Leonnatus conquest — transportation of inhabitants by
and Kieo- wholesale from Europe into Asia and Asia into
patra. Europe — erection of magnificent religious edi-
fices in various parts of Greece and Macedonia, &c. This
list was submitted by Perdikkas to the officers and soldiers
around him, who dismissed the projects as too vast for
any one but Alexander to think of.2 Kraterus and Anti-
pater had each a concurrent claim to Greece and Mace-
donia, and the distributors of the empire had allotted these
countries to them jointly, not venturing to exclude either.
Amidst the conflicting pretensions of these great Macedon-
ian officers, Leonnatus also cherished hopes of the same
prize. He was satrap of, the Asiatic territory bordering
upon the Hellespont, and had received propositions from
Kleopatra, at Pella, inviting him to marry her and assume
the government of Macedonia. About the same time, ur-
gent messages were also sent to him (through Hekateeus
despot of Kardia) from Antipater, immediately after the
defeat preceding the siege of Lamia, entreating his cooper-
ation against the Greeks. Leonnatus accordingly came,
intending to assist Antipater against the Greeks, but also
to dispossess him of the government of Macedonia and
marry Kleopatra.3 This scheme remained unexecuted,
" Dlodor. xviii. 16. * Diodor. xviii. 4. * Plutarch, Eumenes, 3.
43HAP. XCV. VICTORY OF ANTIPATER AT KRANNON. 143
because (as has been already related) Leonnatus was slain
in his first encounter with the Greeks. To them , his
death was a grave misfortune ; to Antipater, it w as an ad-
vantage which more than countervailed the defeat, since it
relieved him from a dangerous rival.
It was not till the ensuing summer that Kraterus found
leisure to conduct his army into Macedonia. By B.o. 322.
this junction, Antipater, to whom he ceded the Kraterus
command, found himself at the head of a power- •ioaitnesr Anlti"
ful army — 40,000 heavy infantry, 5000 cavalry, Macedonia
and 3000 archers and slingers. He again march- w^e*ful
cd into Thessaly against the Greeks under army.
Antiphilus; and the two armies came in sight Battle of
on the Thessalian plains near Krannon. The i^Thes's'aiy.
Grecian army consisted of 25,000 infantry, and Antipater
3500 cavalry — the latter, Thessalians under fo'ry'over10"
Menon, of admirable efficiency. The soldiers in *£e Greeks,
general were brave, but insubordinate; while a 'complete
the contingents of many cities had gone home one-
without returning, in spite of urgent remonstrances from
the commander. Hoping to be rejoined by these absentees,
Antiphilus and Menon tried at first to defer fighting; but
Antipater forced them to a battle. Though Menon with
his Thessalian cavalry defeated and dispersed the Macedon-
ian cavalry, the Grecian infantry were unable to resist the
superior number of Antipater's infantry and the heavy
pressure of the phalanx. They were beaten back and gave
way, yet retiring in tolerable order, the Macedonian phalanx
being incompetent for pursuit, to some difficult neighbour-
ing ground, where they were soon joined by their victorious
cavalry. The loss of the Greeks is said to have been 500
men; that of the Macedonians, 120.1
The defeat of Krannon (August 322 B.C.) was no way
decisive or ruinous, nor would it probably have
crushed the spirit of Leosthenes, had he been tries to
!• j • i mi • i> n open nego-
alive and in command. The coming up of the tiations
absentee contingents might still have enabled wi*h An.tj-
J.L/^I i 11 T -r-» • * i • i -i i pater, who
the Greeks to make head. But Antiphilus and refuses to
Menon, after holding council, declined to await treatt'w(^
and accelerate that junction. They thought each city
themselves under the necessity of sending to •in81y- ®is-
open negotiations for peace with Antipater; mentage
1 Diodor. xviii. 17; Plutarch, Phokion, 26.
144 HISTOKY OF GREECE. PART II.
Greeks tbe wno nowever returned for answer, that he would
Each city not recognise or treat with any Grecian con-
treats federacy, and that he would receive no propos-
atfey!" An- itions except from each city severally. Upon
*lpntterfa *n*s ^ne Grecian commanders at once resolved
vourabie to continue the war, and to invoke reinforce-
terms to ments from their countrymen. But their own
Athenfa'nT manifestation of timidity had destroyed the
and Mto- chance that remained of such reinforcements
arriving. While Antipater commenced a vigor-
ous and successful course of action against the Thessalian
cities separately, the Greeks became more and more dispir-
ited and alarmed. City after city sent its envoys to entreat
peace from Antipater, who granted lenient terms to each,
reserving only the Athenians and ^Etolians. In a few days,
the combined Grecian army was dispersed; Antiphilus with
the Athenians returned into Attica; Antipater followed
them southward as far as Boeotia, taking up his quarters
at the Macedonian post on the Kadmeia, once the Hellenic
Thebes — within two days' march of Athens. *
Against the overwhelming force thus on the frontiers
B.C. 322. of Attica, the Athenians had no means of de-
Antipater fence. The principal anti-Macedonian orators,
n?dinBceo- especially Demosthenes and Hyperides, retired
tia— Athens from the city at once, seeking sanctuary in the
1n*d unable temples of Kalauria and _<Egina. Phokion and
to resist Demades, as the envoys most acceptable to Anti-
nSiTand16" Pater> were sent to Kadmeia as bearers of the
the other submission of the city, and petitioners for lenient
ana-Hac^- terms. Demades is said to have been at this
ators take time disfranchised and disqualified from public
flight. Em- gpeaking — having been indicted and found guil-
bassy of u • / 4.- \ ±1,
Phokion, ty thrice (some say seven times) under the
Xenokra- Graphe Paranomon; but the Athenians passed
others jo a special vote of relief, to enable him to resume
Antipater. njfl functions of citizen. Neither Phokion nor
Demades, however, could prevail upon Antipater to ac-
quiesce in anything short of the surrender of Athens at
discretion; the same terms as Leosthenes had required
from Antipater himself at Lamia. Kraterus was even bent
upon marching forward into Attica, to dictate terms under
1 Diodor. xviii. 17 ; Plutarch, Phokion, c. 26.
CHAP. XOV. ATHENS SUBMITS TO ANTIPATER. 145
the walls of Athens ; and it was not without difficulty that
Phokion obtained the abandonment of this intention; after
which he returned to Athens with the answer. The people
having no choice except to throw themselves on the mercy
of Antipater, * Phokion andDemades came back to Thebes
to learn his determination. This time, they were accom-
panied by the philosopher Xenokrates — the successor of
Plato and Speusippus, as presiding teacher in the school
of the Academy. Though not a citizen of Athens, Xeno-
krates had long resided there; and it was supposed that
his dignified character and intellectual eminence might be
efficacious in mitigating the wrath of the conqueror. Aris-
totle had quitted Athens for Chalkis before this time;
otherwise he, the personal friend of Antipater, would have
been probably selected for this painful mission. In point
of fact, Xenokrates did no good, being harshly received,
and almost put to silence, by Antipater. One reason of this
may be, that he had been to a certain extent the rival of
Aristotle; and it must be added, to his honour, that he
maintained a higher and more independent tone than either
of the other envoys. 2
According to the terms dictated by Antipater, the
Athenians were required to pay a sum equal to Severe
the whole cost of the war; to surrender Demo- terms im-
sthenes, Hyperides, and seemingly at least two Atnen^by11
other anti-Macedonian orators; to receive a Antipater.
Macedonian garrison inMunychia; to abandon their demo-
cratical constitution, and disfranchise all their poorer
citizens. Most of these poor men were to be transported
from their homes, and to receive new lands on a foreign
shore. The Athenian colonists in Samos were to be dis-
possessed and the island retransferred to the Samian exiles
and natives.
It is said that Phokion and Demades heard these terms
with satisfaction, as lenient and reasonable. Xenokrates
1 Demochares, the nephew of De- ' erected a few years afterwards at
mosthenSs , who had held a hold Athens, representing him in the
language and taken active part costume of an orator, but with a
against Antipater throughout the sword in hand— Plutarch, Vit. X
Lamian war, is said to have de- Oratt. p. 847: compare Polybius,
livered a public harangue recom- xii. 13.
mending resistance even at this * Plutarch, Phokion, 27 ; Diodor.
last moment. At least such was xviii. 18.
the story connected with his statue,
VOL. XII. Ii
146 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PAST II.
entered against them the strongest protest which the occa-
sion admitted,1 when he said — "If Antipater looks upon
us as slaves, the terms are moderate; if as freemen, they
are severe." To Phokion's entreaty, that the introduction
of the garrison might be dispensed with, Antipater replied
in the negative, intimating that the garrison would be not
less serviceable to Phokion himself than to the Macedon-
ians; while Kallimedon also, an Athenian exile there
present, repelled the proposition with scorn. Respecting
the island ofSamos, Antipater was prevailed upon to allow
a special reference to the imperial authority.
If Phokion thought these terms lenient, we must
Disfran- imagine that he expected a sentence of destruction
and" d™ "or agains^ Athens, such as Alexander had pro-
ta\ion>Iofr nounced and executed against Thebes. Under no
the 12,000 other comparison can they appear lenient. Out
Athenian of 21,000 qualified citizens of Athens, all those
citizens. wno did not possess property to the amount of
2000 drachmae were condemned to disfranchisement and de-
portation. The number below this prescribed qualification,
who came under the penalty, was 12,000, or three-fifths of
the whole. They were set aside as turbulent, noisy demo-
crats; the 9000 richest citizens, the "party of order," were
left in exclusive possession, not only of the citizenship, but
of the city. The condemned 12,000 were deported out of
Attica, some to Thrace, some to the Illyrian or Italian
coast, some to Libya or the Kyrenaic territory. Besides
the multitude banished simply on the score of comparative
poverty, the markedanti-Macedonianpoliticians were banish-
ed also, including Agnonides, the friend of Demosthenes,
and one of his earnest advocates when accused respecting
the Harpalian treasures.2 At the request of Phokion,
Antipater consented to render the deportation less sweep-
ing than he had originally intended, so far as to permit
some exiles, Agnonides among the rest, to remain within
the limits of Peloponnesus.3 We shall see him presently
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 27. Oi (xsv * See Fragments of Hyperidfis
ouv SXXoi itpeofUit T)fair7]ijav iu<; 91- adv. Demosth. p. 61—66, ed. Bab-
A.av6ptbitou« TO; 8ia).ujen, jtXrjv TOO ington.
SevoxpoTGUt Ac. Pausanias even ' Diodor. xviii. 18. outoi |xsv ouv
states (vii. 10, 1) that Antipater 8vt8« rcXeiooi; TU>V (xupiuiv (instead
was disposed to grant more lenient of iiejxupltov , which seems a mis-
terms, but was dissuaded from doing take) xai Sia^iXiujv (ieTeoT<x97)3su
BO by DemudCa. ex T»J< TcaTpiSo?' oi 84 TTJV wptopie/Tjv
CHAP. XCV. MACEDONIAN OCCUPATION OF GREECE. 147
contemplating a still more wholesale deportation of the
JEtolian people.
It is deeply to be lamented that this important re-
volution, not only cutting down Athens to less Hardghi
than one-half of her citizen population, but in- suffer'ed1Pby
volving a deportation fraught with individual i]j* deport-
i i i • ir r? • ' • i 3 j. ed poor of
hardship and suffering, is communicated to us Athens-
only in two or three sentences of Plutarch and Macedon-
Diodorus, without any details from contem- son placed
porary observers. It is called by Diodorus a re- »n Muny-
turn to the Solonian constitution; but the com-
parison disgraces the name of that admirable lawgiver,
whose changes, taken as a whole, were prodigiously liberal
and enfranchising, compared with what he found establish-
ed. The deportation ordained by Antipater must indeed
have brought upon the poor citizens of Athens a state of
Buffering in foreign lands analogous to that which Solon
describes as having preceded his Seisachtheia, or measure
for the relief of debtors. l What rules the nine thousand
remaining citizens adopted for their new constitution, we
do not know. Whatever they did, must now have been
subject to the consent of Antipater and the Macedonian
garrison, which entered Munychia, under the command of
Menyllus, on the twentieth day of the month Boedromion
(September), rather more than a month after the battle of
Krannon. The day of its entry presented a sorrowful con-
trast. It was the day on which, during the annual ceremony
of the mysteries of Eleusinian Demeter, the multitudinous
festal procession of citizens escorted the Grod lacchus from
Athens to Eleusis.2
Ti|ATjaiv I^TOVTE? rcspl EvvaxiojriXlou?, Diodorus and Plutarch (c. 29)
dice8ei^9Y)<jav xipioi TTJ? TS itiXetu? mention that Antipater assigned
xai T7J5 X")Pa«) *a' xaT<* t°us 26Xto- residences in Thrace for the ex-
vo« v6(xou<; EJtoXiTEOOvTO. Plutarch patriated. Those who went heyond
states the disfranchised as above the Keraunian mountains must have
12,000. gone either to the Illyrian coast,
Plutarch, Phokion, 28, 29. *0(i(D? Apollonia or Epidamnus— or to the
6" ouv 6 Ocoxtujv xai <puY7J<; dit/jXXa^e Gulf of Tarentum. Those who went
rcoXXo'x 8sn)9si? TOO 'AvTiTtdtTpou- xai beyond Taenarus would probably
(peOfO'jai 8iE7tpi£ato, |ITJ xoQdnep ol be sent to Libya: see ThucydidSs,
Xoiicol T(i)v (jLs9iSTa|Asvu)v urcEp TO vii. 19, 10; vii. 50, 2.
Kepauvia opr) xai TOV Talyjpov Exits- ' Plutarch, Phokion, 28. exite-
osw TJ)? 'EXXoSo?, dXX' EV IlsXoitov- itoXiopxY)(jLSvot? EUJXEtjav: compare
•vr)a<;> xaTOixEiv, <I)v ^v xol 'AYvu>vi8r)? Solon, Fragment 28. ed. Gaisford.
6 ooxo<pivTT)<;. * Plutarch, Phokion, 28.
L 2
148 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PABT II.
One of the earliest measures of the nine thousand was
B.C. 322 to condemn to death, at the motion of Demades,
(October). ^e distinguished anti-Macedonian orators who
nfisTnype- had already fled— Demosthenes, Hyperides, Ari-
ridss, and stonikus, and Himeraeus, brother of the citizen
conde3mnlede afterwards celebrated as Demetrius the Phale-
to death in rean. The three last having taken refuge in
sence.abAn- -^Egina, and Demosthenes in Kalauria, all of them
tipater were out of the reach of an Athenian sentence,
cersd8to°ffi" but not beyond that of the Macedonian sword,
track and At this miserable season, Greece was full of sim-
Grecian6 ^ar exiles> the anti-Macedonian leaders out of
exiles. He all the cities which had taken part in the La-
ridlss ?<f P6: mian war. The officers of Antipater, called in
death. the language of the time the Exile-Hunters,1
were everywhere on the look-out to seize these proscribed
men; many of the orators, from other cities as well as from
Athens, were slain; and there was no refuge except the
mountains of .ZEtolia for any of them. 2 One of these officers,
a Thurian named Archias, who had once been a tragic
actor, passed over with a company of Thracian soldiers to
JEgina, where he seized the three Athenian orators — Hy-
perides, Aristonikus, and Himerseus — dragging them out
of the sanctuary of the JEakeion or chapel of JEakus. They
were all sent as prisoners to Antipater, who had by this
time marched forward with his army to Corinth and Kleonse
in Peloponnesus. All were there put to death, by his or-
der. It is even said, and on respectable authority, that
the tongue of Hyperides was cut out before he was slain ;
according to another statement, he himself bit it out — being
put to the torture, and resolving to make revelation of se-
crets impossible. Respecting the details of his death, there
were several different stories.3
Having conducted these prisoners to Antipater,
1 Plutarch, Demosth. 28. 'Apy_ia; while the fact ia in itself highly
6 xXr,8eU OoYoiSo'J^pon. Plutarch probable.
Vit. X Oratt. p. 846. See Westermann, Geschichte der
* Polybius , ix. 29, 30. This is Beredsamkeit in Griechenland, ch.
stated, as matter of traditional 71, note 4.
pride, by an jEtolian speaker more * Plutarch, Demosthen. 28; Plu-
than a century afterwards. In the tarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 849; Photius,
speechofhis Akarnanian apponent, p. 496.
there ia nothing to contradict it —
CHAP. XCV. PUBLIC CABEER OF DEMOSTHENES. 149
Archias proceeded with his Thracians to Kalauria B.o. 322
in search of Demosthenes. The temple of Posei- (October),
don there situated, in which the orator had taken ^"inVaiic-
sanctuary, was held in such high veneration that tuary at
Archias, hesitating to drag him out by force, f *oh?M*~
tried to persuade him to come forth voluntarily, with Thra-
under promise that he should suffer no harm, ^lers o^mes
But Demosthenes, well aware of the fate which to seize
awaited him, swallowed poison in the temple, ^™e~he
and when the dose was beginning to take effect, poison, and
came out of the sacred ground, expiring imme- e*Pires-
diately after he had passed the boundary. The accom-
panying circumstances were recounted in several different
ways. » Eratosthenes (to whose authority I lean) affirmed
that Demosthenes carried the poison in a ring round his
arm; others said that it was suspended in a linen bag round
his neck; according to a third story, it was contained in a
writing-quill, which he was seen to bite and suck, while
composing a last letter to Antipater. Amidst these contra-
dictory details, we can only affirm as certain, that the poison
which he had provided beforehand preserved him from the
sword of Antipater, and perhaps from having his tongue
cutout. The most remarkable assertion was that of Demo-
chares, nephew of Demosthenes, made in his harangues at
Athens a few years afterwards. Demochares asserted that
his uncle had not taken poison, but had been softly with-
drawn from the world by a special providence of the Grods,
just at the moment essential to rescue him from the cruelty
of the Macedonians. It is not less to be noted, as an illus-
tration of the vein of sentiment afterwards prevalent, that
Archias the Exile -Hunter was affirmed to have perished
in the utmost dishonour and wretchedness.2
1 Plutarch, Demosth. 30. tiuv 8' them. "Whatever bitterness of spir-
SXXtDv, Jooi fzipxyaai TI itspi (XUTOU, it DemosthenSs might choose to
it a|ATCoXXol 3' s'tji, TK: 8ta<popas manifest, at such a moment, would
oux dvaYxolov £ics£eX9sXv, &c. surely be vented on the chief enemy,
The taunts on Archias's pro- Antipater; not upon the mere in-
fession, as an actor, and as an indif- strument.
ferent actor, which Plutarch puts 2 Plutarch , Demosth. 30 ; Pln-
into the mouth of Demosthengs tarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 846; Pho-
(c. 29), appear to me not worthy tius, p. 494; Arrian, De Rebus
either of the man or of the occa- post Alexaud. vi. ap. Photium,
sion ; nor are they sufficiently Cod. 92.
avouched to induce meto transcribe
150 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
The violent deaths of these illustrious orators, the
disfranchisement and deportation of the Athe-
Miserable • T\ • c L-I IT -re-
condition man Demos, the suppression of the public Di-
of Greece— kasteries, the occupation of Athens by a Mace-
character donian garrison, and of Greece generally by
of 1)e?10 - Macedonian Exile-Hunters — are events belong-
ing to one and the same calamitous tragedy, and
marking the extinction of the autonomous Hellenic world.
Of Hyperides as a citizen we know only the general
fact, that he maintained from first to last, and with orator-
ical ability inferior only to Demosthenes , a strenuous op-
position to Macedonian dominion over Greece; though his
persecution of Demosthenes respecting the Harpalian
treasure appears (as far as it comes before us) discreditable.
Of Demosthenes, we know more — enough to form a
judgement of him both as citizen and statesman. At the
time of his death he was about sixty-two years of age, and
we have before us his first Philippic, delivered thirty years
before (352 — 351 B.C.). We are thus sure, that even at that
early day, he took a sagacious and provident measure of the
danger which threatened Grecian liberty from the energy
and encroachments of Philip. He impressed upon his coun-
trymen this coming danger, at a time when the older and
more influential politicians either could not or would not
see it; he called aloud upon his fellow-citizens for personal
service and pecuniary contributions, enforcing the call by
all the artifices of consummate oratory, when such distaste-
ful propositions only entailed unpopularity upon himself.
At the period when Demosthenes first addressed these
earnest appeals to his countrymen, long before the fall of
Olynthus, the power of Philip, though formidable, might
have been kept perfectly well within the limits of Mace-
donia and Thrace; and would probably have been so kept,
had Demosthenes possessed in 351 B.C. as much public
influence as he had acquired ten years afterwards, in 341 B.C.
Throughoutthe whole career of Demosthenes as a public
adviser, down to the battle of Chaeroneia, we trace the
same combination of earnest patriotism with wise and long-
sighted policy. During the three years' war which ended
with the battle of Chaeroneia, the Athenians in the main
followed his counsel; and disastrous as were the ultimate
military results of that war, for which Demosthenes could
not be responsible — its earlier periods were creditable and
CHAP. XCV. CHANCES OF THE LAMIAN WAR. 151
successful, its general scheme was the best that the case
admitted, and its diplomatic management universally
triumphant. But what invests the purposes and policy of
Demosthenes with peculiar grandeur, is, that they were
not simply Athenian, but in an eminent degree Panhellenic
also. It was not Athens alone that he sought to defend
against Philip, but the whole Hellenic world. In this he
towers above the greatest of his predecessors for half a
century before his birth — Perikles, Archidamus, Agesilaus,
Epaminondas; whose policy was Athenian, Spartan, The-
ban, rather than Hellenic. He carries us back to the time
of the invasion of Xerxes and the generation immediately
succeeding it, when the struggles and sufferings of the
Athenians against Persia were consecrated by complete
identity of interest with collective Greece. The sentiments
to which Demosthenes appeals throughout his numerous
orations, are those of the noblest and largest patriotism;
trying to inflame the ancient Grecian sentiment, of an
autonomous Hellenic world, as the indispensable condition
of a dignified and desirable existence ' — but inculcating at
the same time that these blessings could only be preserved
by toil, self-sacrifice, devotion of fortune, and willingness
to brave hard and steady personal service.
From the destruction of Thebes by Alexander in
335 B.C., to the Lamian war after his death, the
policy of Athens neither was nor could be con- able posi-
ducted by Demosthenes. But condemned as he p?£k°*
was to comparative inefficacy, he yet rendered at Athens,
material service to Athens, in the Harpalian «nder the
affair of 324 B.C. 'If, instead of opposing the alii- Edition
ance of the city with Harpalus, he had supported of the
., ITT *j» j.i L -\ people, and
it as warmly as Hyperides — the exaggerated the Mace-
promises of the exile might probably have prevail- doniau
j j 1.3 v C 31 j L occupation.
ed, and war would have been declared against
Alexander. In respect to the charge of having been cor-
rupted by Harpalus, I have already shown reasons for be-
lieving him innocent. The Lamian war, the closing scene
of his activity, was not of his original suggestion, since he
was in exile at its commencement. But he threw himself
into itwith unreserved ardour, and was greatly instrumental
1 Demosthenfes, De Corona, p. itpotspoi<; "EXXfjaiv Spov T<!>V otyot9u>v
824. OUTOI — TTJV eXeu9spiav xoti TO ^oav xai xavovsi;, ovaTe-paipoTe;, &c.
jXTjSsva Ij^eiv SsaitoTrjv aUTu>vs & TOIS
152 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
inprocuringthelargenumberofadhesions which it obtained
from so many Grecian states. In spite of its disastrous
result, it was, like the battle of Chseroneia, a glorious effort
for the recovery of Grecian liberty, undertaken under
circumstances which promised a fair chance of success.
There was no excessive rashness in calculating on distrac-
tions in the empire left by Alexander — on mutual hostility
among the principal officers — and on the probability of
having only to make head against Antipater and Mace-
donia, with little or no reinforcement from Asia. Disastrous
as the enterprise ultimately proved, yet the risk was one
fairly worth incurring, with so noble an object at stake;
and could the war have been protracted another year, its
termination would probably have been very different. We
shall see this presently when we come to follow Asiatic
events. After a catastrophe so ruinous, extinguishing free
speech in Greece, and dispersing the Athenian Demos to
distant lands, Demosthenes himself could hardly have de-
sired, at the age of sixty two, to prolong his existence as a
fugitive beyond sea.
Of the speeches which he composed for private liti-
gants, occasionally also for himself, before the Dikastery —
and of the numerous stimulating and admonitory harangues,
on the public affairs of the moment, which he had addressed
to his assembled countrymen, a few remain for the admira-
tion of posterity. These harangues serve to us, not only
as evidence of his unrivalled excellence as an orator, but as
one of the chief sources from which we are enabled to ap-
preciate the last phase of free Grecian life, as an acting and
working reality.
CHAP. XC VI. ATHENS UNDER ANTIPATER AND PHOKION. 153
CHAPTER XCVI.
FROM THE LAMIAN WAR TO THE CLOSE OF THE
HISTORY OF FREE HELLAS AND HELLENISM.
THE death of Demosthenes, with its tragical circumstances
recounted in my last chapter, is on the whole less melan-
choly than the prolonged life ofPhokion, as agent of Mace-
donian supremacy in a city half-depopulated, where he had
been born a free citizen, and which he had so long helped
to administer as a free community. The dishonour of Pho-
kion's position must have been aggravated by the distress
in Athens, arising both out of the violent deportation of
one-half of its free citizens, and out of the compulsory re-
turn of the Athenian settlers from Samos; which island
was now taken from Athens, after she had occupied it
forty-three years, and restored to the Samian people and
to their recalled exiles, by a rescript of Perdikkas in the
name of Arideeus. l Occupying this obnoxious elevation,
Phokion exercised authority with his usual probity and
mildness. Exerting himself to guard the citizens from be-
ing annoyed by disorders on the part of the garrison of
Munychia, he kept up friendly intercourse with its com-
mander Menyllus, though refusing all presents both from
him and from Antipater. He was anxious to bestow the
gift of citizenship upon the philosopher Xenokrates, who
was only ametic, or resident non-freeman; but Xenokrates
declined the offer, remarking, that he would accept no
place in a constitution against which he had protested as
envoy.2 This mark of courageous independence, not a
'Diodor. xviii. 18; Diogen. Laert. Clinton impugn his statement. The
x. 1 , 1. I have endeavoured to Athenian occupation of Samos
show, in a previous portion of this began immediately after the con-
History (Ch. LXXIX.), that Dio- quest of the island by Timotheus,
dorus is correct in giving forty- in 366—365 B.C.; but additional
three years, as the duration of the batches of colonists were sent
Athenian Kleruchies in Samos ; thither in later years,
although both Wesseling and Mr. 2 Plutarch, Phokion, 29, 30.
154 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
little remarkable while the Macedonians were masters of
the city, was a tacit reproach to the pliant submission of
Phokion.
Throughout Peloponnesus, Antipater purged and re-
B.O. 322-321 modelled the cities, Argos, Megalopolis, and
(i£?tiun\n to others, as he had done at Athens : installing in
Winter). ,. i <• i • i-
Antipater e&ch an oligarchy ot his own partisans — some-
purges and times with a Macedonian garrison — and putting
the" Peio- *° death, deporting, or expelling, hostile, or in-
ponnesian tractable, or democratical citizens.1 Having
attacks ^he completed the subjugation of Peloponnesus, he
.SHoiians, passed across the Corinthian Gulf to attack the
of tdeport-W -^tolians, now the only Greeks remaining un-
ing them subdued. It was the purpose of Antipater, not
Asia88 His merely to conquer thisiwarlike and rude people,
presence but to transport them in mass across into Asia,
necessary an<^ m&rch them up to the interior deserts of
in Asia: he the empire.2 His army was too powerful to be
pacification resisted on even ground, so that all the more
with the accessible towns and villages fell into his hands.
^Etolians. jjut ^e JEtolians defended themselves bravely,
withdrew their families into the high towns and mountain
tops of their very rugged country, and caused serious loss
to the Macedonian invaders. Nevertheless, Kraterus, who
had carried on war of the same kind with Alexander in
Sogdiana, manifested so much skill in seizing the points of
communication, that he intercepted all their supplies and
reduced them to extreme distress, amidst the winter which
had now supervened. The JEtolians, in spite of bravery
and endurance, must soon have been compelled to surrender
from cold and hunger, had not the unexpected arrival of
Antigonus from Asia communicated such news to Anti-
' Diodor. xviii. 55, 56, 57, 68, 69. after the death of Antipater (Diod.
(povepou 8' ovToq, 5tt KdtuaavSpoi; Tibv xviii. 50) — xai TOVX; (iSTauTav-
•xato TTJV 'EXXa8a TtiXsuov av6sq£Tai, T a ? rj (po^ovTa? uito TU>V T)p.e-
8to t6 tat (iiv OVITU)V naipixoi? t£pa>v aTpocTT)Yu)v (i. e. Antipater and
<ppoupa!<; wuXaTTEoSai, TOI; 8' ujt' Kraterus), 019' <I>v ypfauiv 'A XsSotvSpoc
6XiY«p)riu>v SioixsToQai, xupisuofisvo? eU TTJV 'Aolav SiipTj , xaTaYojASv Ac.
61:6 T<I)v ' AvTiTtoTpou (plXiovxal £svtov. l Diodor. xviii. 25. 8isYvtox6-s«
That citizens were not only ban- uoiEpO'j ecutov>4 xaTaitoXs|A^aai , xai
ished , but deported , by Antipater fjLETaoT^oaiwavoixtou? aicav-
from various other cities besides T<X? els TTJV eprjjxiav xal ^oppujTiitu)
Athens, we may see from the edict T^; 'Aotai; xei(x£vrjv j^ibpav.
issued by Polysperchon shortly
CHAP. XOVI. ATHENS UNDER ANTIPATER AND PHOKION. 155
pater and Kraterus, as induced them to prepare for march-
ing back to Macedonia, with a view to the crossing of the
Hellespont and operating in Asia. They concluded a
pacification with the JStolians — postponing till a future
period their design of deporting that people — and with-
drew into Macedonia; where Antipater cemented his alli-
ance with Kraterus by giving to him his daughter Phila in
marriage. l
Another daughter of Antipater, named Niksea, had
been sent over to Asia not long before, to intrigue8
become the wife of Perdikkas. That general, ^ith Per-
acting as guardian or prime minister to the kings ^h"^ *nd
of Alexander's family (who are now spoken of princesses
in the plural number, since Roxana had given Bt Pella-
birth to a posthumous son called Alexander, and made king
jointly with Philip Aridaeus), had at first sought close com-
bination with Antipater, demanding his daughter in mar-
riage. But new views were presently opened to him by
the intrigues of the princesses at Pella — Olympias, with
her daughter Kleopatra, the widow of the Molossian Alex-
ander— who had always been at variance with Antipater,
even throughout the life of Alexander — andKynane (daugh-
ter of Philip by an Illyrian mother, and widow of Amyn-
tas, first cousin of Alexander, but slain by Alexander's
order) with her daughter Eurydike. It has been already
mentioned that Kleopatra had offered herself in marriage
to Leonnatus, inviting him to come over and occupy the
throne of Macedonia: he had obeyed the call, but had been
slain in his first battle against the Greeks, thus relieving
Antipater from a dangerous rival. The first project of
Olympias being thus frustrated, she had sent to Perdikkas
proposing to him a marriage with Kleopatra. Perdikkas
had already pledged himself to the daughter of Antipater;
nevertheless he now debated whether his ambition would
not be better served by breaking his pledge, and accepting
the new proposition. To this step he-was advised by Eume-
nes, his ablest friend and coadjutor, steadily attached to
the interest of the regal family, and withal personally
hated by Antipater. But Alketas, brother of Perdikkas, re-
presented that it would be hazardous to provoke openly
and immediately the wrath of Antipater. Accordingly
Perdikkas resolved to accept Niksea for the moment, but
1 Diodor. xviii. 18-25.
156 HISTORY OF GEEEOE. PART II.
to send her away after no long time, and take Kleopatra ;
to whom secret assurances from him were conveyed by
Eumenes. Kynane also (daughter of Philip aud widow of
his nephew Amyntas), a warlike and ambitious woman,
had brought into Asia her daughter Eurydike for the pur-
pose of espousing the king Philip Aridaeus. Being averse
to this marriage, and probably instigated by Olympias
also, Perdikkas and Alketas put Kynane to death. But
the indignation excited among the soldiers by this deed
was so furious as to menace their safety, and they were
forced to permit the marriage of the king with Eurydike. »
All these intrigues were going on through the summer
Antigonus of 322 B.C., while the Lamian war was still effect-
detects the iyely prosecuted by the Greeks. About the
intrigues, , J r r .1 A A' / n j -»T
and reveals autumn or the year, Antigonus (called Monoph-
them to thalmus), the satrap of Phrygia. detected these
Antipater , . '\ . „£-> -mil e j.i_ i
and Kra- secret intrigues or Perdikkas, who, for that and
terus. other reasons, began to look on him as an enemy,
and to plot against his life. Apprised of his danger, Anti-
gonus made his escape from Asia into Europe to acquaint
Antipater and Kraterus with the hostile manoeuvres of
Perdikkas; upon which news, the two generals, imme-
diately abandoning the .JStolian war, withdrew their army
from Greece for the more important object of counteract-
ing Perdikkas in Asia.
To us, these contests of the Macedonian officers belong
TJnpro- only so far as they affect the Greeks. And we
pitious see by the events lust noticed, how unpropitious
turns of A. *Vi ' i J.T. cc A AI
fortune for to the brreeks were the turns ot fortune, through-
the Greeks, out the Lamian war: the grave of Grecian
to'the^La- liberty, not for the actual combatants only, but
mian war. for their posterity also.2 Until the battle of
Krannon and the surrender of Athens, everything fell out
so as to relieve Antipater from embarrassment, and impart
1 Diodor. xvili. 23; Arrian , De About KynanS, see Duris, Fragm.
Rebus post Alex. vi. ap. Phot. 24, in Fragment. Hist. Grace, vol.
Cod. 92. Diodorus alludes to the ii. p.. 475; Athens, xiii. p. 660.
murder of Kynane or Kynna, in * The fine lines of Lucan (Phars.
another place (xix. 62). vii. 640) on the effects of the battle
Compare Polyaenus, viii. 60— who of Pharsalia, may be cited here:—
mentions the murder of Kynane "Majus ah hac acie , quam quod
by Alketas, but gives a somewhat sua stecula ferrent ,
different explanation of her pur- Vulnus habent populi : plus est
pose in passing into Asia. quam vita salusque
CHAP. XOVI. CASUALTIES OF THE LAMIAN WAE. 157
to him double force. The intrigues of the princesses at
Pella, who where well known to hate him, first raised up
Leonnatus, next Perdikkas, against him. Had Leonnatus
lived, the arm of Antipater would have been at least weak-
ened, if not paralysed ; had Perdikkas declared himself
earlier, the forces of Antipater must have been withdrawn
to oppose him, and the battle of Krannon would probably
have had a different issue. As soon as Perdikkas became
hostile to Antipater, it was his policy to sustain and seek
alliance with the Greeks, as we shall find him presently
doing with the ^Etolians. l Through causes thus purely
accidental, Antipater obtained an interval of a few months,
during which his hands were not only free, but armed with
new and unexpected strength from Leonnatus andKraterus,
to close the Lamian war. The disastrous issue of that war
was therefore in great part the effect of casualties, among
which we must include the death of Leosthenes himself.
Such issue is not to be regarded as proving that the pro-
ject was desperate or ill-conceived on the part of its pro-
moters, who had full right to reckon, among the probabili-
ties of their case, the effects of discord between the Mace-
donian chiefs.
In the spring of 321 B.C., Antipater and Kraterus,
having concerted operations with Ptolemy B.o. 321.
governor of Egypt, crossed into Asia and began Antipater
their conflict with Perdikkas; who himself, hav- terus^n"
ing the kings along with him, marched against Asia-
Egypt to attack Ptolemy ; leaving his brother ^earr^e^a|0
Alketas, in conjunction with Eumenes as gen- attack
eral, to maintain his cause in Kappadokia and Etolerybut
Asia Minor. Alketas, discouraged by the ad- is killed in
verse feeling of the Macedonians generally, threw ? .mutiny of
A • 11 ° -r. i T-i * k18 own
up the enterprize as hopeless. But Jiiumenes, troops,
though embarrassed and menaced in every way Ynl°n *of
•L j.1. i -i c i • -iiti Antipater,
by the treacherous jealousy of his own Macedon- ptoiemy,
ian officers, and by the discontent of the soldiers f^ffJJJ?"1
against him as a Greek — and though compelled distribution
Quod perit: in totum mundi pro- In regnum nasci ?" &o.
sternimur sevum. ' Diodor. xviii. 38. 'A'jTiitd-priu
Vincitur his gladiis omnis, quoe 8' si? TTJV 'Aoiav SiapsfJTjxoTOs, AiTto-
serviet, a>tas. Xol x a 7a Ta« irpot HspBixxav
Proxima quid soboles, aut quid auvfir, xa? soTpa-rsuoav eU t^)''
meruere nepotes, SsTTaXiav, &o.
158 HISTORY OF GKEECE. PAHT II.
of the to conceal from these soldiers the fact that Kra-
satrapies, terus, who was popular among them, command-
made at -, ',, *l-j j-i j ATI
Tnpara - ed on the opposite side — displayed nevertheless
disus. so much ability that he gained an important
victory,1 in which both Neoptolemus and Kraterus perish-
ed. Neoptolemus was killed by Eumenes with his own
hand, after a personal conflict desperate in the extreme
and long doubtful, and at the cost of a severe wound to
himself. 2 After the victory, he found Kraterus still alive,
though expiring from his wound. Deeply afflicted at the
sight, he did his utmost to restore the dying man; and
when this proved to be impossible, caused his dead body
to be honourably shrouded and transmitted into Macedonia
for burial.
This new proof of the military ability and vigour of
Eumenes, together with the death of two such important
officers as Kraterus and Neoptolemus , proved ruinous to
the victor himself, without serving the cause in which he
fought. Perdikkas his chief did not live to hear of it.
That general was so overbearing and tyrannical in his de-
meanour towards the other officers — and withal so unsuc-
cessful in his first operations against Ptolemy on the Pe-
lusiac branch of the Nile — that his own army mutinied and
slew him.3 His troops joined Ptolemy, whose conciliatory
behaviour gained their goodwill. Only two days after this
revolution, a messenger from Eumenes reached the camp,
announcing his victory and the death of Kraterus. Had
this intelligence been received by Perdikkas himself at the
head of his army, the course of subsequent events might
have been sensibly altered. Eumenes would have occupied
the most commanding position in Asia, as general of the
kings of the Alexandrine family, to whom both his interests
and his feelings attached him. But the news arriving, at the
moment when it did, caused throughout the army only the
most violent exasperation against him ; not simply as ally
1 Plutarch, Eumenes, 7; Cornel. Diodorus (xviii. 30, 31, 32) gives
Nepos, Eumen£s, c. 4. Eumenes had an account at some length of this
trained a body of Asiatic and Thra- battle. He as well as Plutarch
cian cavalry to fight in close combat may probably have borrowed from
•with the short pike and sword of the Hieronymus of Kardia.
Macedonian Companions — relin- 2 Arrian , ap. Photium, Cod. 92 ;
qnishing the javelin, the missiles, Justin, xiii. 8; Diodor. xviii. 83.
and the alternation of charging ' Diodor. xviii. 36.
and retiring, usual to Asiatics.
CHAP. XCVI. PEKDIKKAS KILLED IN A MUTINY. 159
of the odious Perdikkas, but as cause of death to the esteem-
ed Kraterus. He, together with Alketas and fifty officers,
was voted by the soldiers a public enemy. No measures were
kept with him henceforward by Macedonian officers or
soldiers. At the same time several officers attached to Per-
dikkas in the camp, and also Atalanta his sister, were slain. l
By the death of Perdikkas, and the defection of his
soldiers, complete preponderance was thrown into the hands
of Antipater, Ptolemy, and Antigonus. Antipater was
invited to join the army, now consisting of the forces both
of Ptolemy and Perdikkas united. He was there invested
with the guardianship of the persons of the kings, and with
the sort of ministerial supremacy previously held by Perdik-
kas. He was however exposed to much difficulty, and even to
great personal danger, from the intrigues of the princess Eu-
rydike, who displayed a masculine' boldness in publicly har-
anguing the soldiers — and from the discontents of the army,
who claimed presents, formerly promised to them by Alexan-
der, which there were no funds to liquidate at the moment.
At Triparadisus in Syria, Antipater made a second distri-
bution of the satrapies of the empire; somewhat modified,
yet coinciding in the main with that which had been drawn
up shortly after the death of Alexander. To Ptolemy was
assured Egypt and Libya — to Antigonus, the Greater Phry-
gia, Lykia, and Pamphylia — as each had had before.2
Antigonus was placed in command of the principal
Macedonian army in Asia, to crush Eumenes War be_
and the other chief adherents of Perdikkas ; most tween An-
of whom had been condemned to death by a Bum^es1"1
vote of the Macedonian army. After a certain in Asia,
interval, Antipater himself, accompanied by the a5b"i[tgyy *fA
kings, returned to Macedonia, having eluded by EumenSs.
artifice a renewed demand on the part of his ^orgted
soldiers for the promised presents. The war of audbioc'ked
Antigonus, first against Eumenes in Kappado- up in Nora-
kia, next against Alketas and the other partisans of Per-
dikkas in Pisidia, lasted for many months, but was at length
successfully finished.3 Eumenes, beset by the constant
1 Plutarch, Humcm's, 8; Cornel. * Arrian,De Rebus post Alexandr.
Nepos, Eutnenfis, 4; Diodor. xviii. lib. ix. 10. ap. Photiura , Cod. 92;
36, 37. Diodor. xviii. 39, 40, 46 j Plutarch,
* Diodor. xviii. 39. Arrian, ap. Eumeuea, 3, 4.
Pbotinm.
160 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
treachery and insubordination of the Macedonians, was
defeated and driven out of the field. He took refuge with
a handful of men in the impregnable and well stored fortress
of Nora in Kappadokia, where he held out a long blockade,
apparently more than a year, against Antigonus. l
Before the prolonged blockade of Nora had been brought
B.C. sag-sis, to a close, Antipater, being of very advanced age,
Si dk a688 ^e^ *n^° ^kness, and presently died. One of his
of Ami*- latest acts was, to put to death the Athenian ora-
pater. The tor Demades, who had been sent to Macedonia
orator' De- as envoy to solicit the removal of the Macedonian
mades is garrison atMunychia. Antipater had promised.
put to ° • i ii J.-PJ.T.T i i-ii
death in or given hopes, that it the oligarchy which he
Macedonia, had constituted at Athens maintained unshaken
adherence to Macedonia, he would withdraw the garri-
son. The Athenians endeavoured to prevail on Phokion
to go to Macedonia as solicitor for the fulfilment of this
promise ; but he steadily refused. Demades, who willingly
undertook the mission, reached Macedonia at a moment
very untoward for himself. The papers of the deceased
Perdikkas had come into possession of his opponents; and
among them had been found a letter written to him by
Demades, inviting him to cross over and rescue Greece
from her dependence "on an old and rotten warp" — mean-
ing Antipater. This letter gave great offence to Antipater
— the rather, as Demades is said to have been his habitual
pensioner — and still greater offence to his son Kassander;
who caused Demades with his son to be seized — first killed
the son in the immediate presence and even embrace of the
father — and then slew the father himself, with bitter invec-
tive against his ingratitude. 2 All the accounts which we
read depict Demades, in general terms, as a prodigal
spendthrift and a venal and corrupt politician. "We have
1 Plutarch, Eumenes, 10, 11; how Deinarchus can have been the
Cornel. Nepos, Eumenes, c. 6; accuser of Demades on such a matter
Diodorns xviii. 41. — as Arrian and Plutarch state.
1 Plutarch, Phokion 30; Diodor. Arrian seems to put the death of
xviii. 48; Plutarch, Demosth. 31; Demades too early, from his an-
Arrian, De Reh. post Alex. vi. ap. xiety to bring it into immediate
Photium, Cod. 92. juxtaposition with the death of
In the life of Phokion, Plutarch Demosthenes, whose condemnation
has written inadvertently Antiyo- Demad&s had proposed in the
nu* instead of Perdiklcas. Athenian assembly.
It is not easy to see, however,
CHAP. XCVI. POLYSPERCHON AND KASBANDER. 161
no ground for questioning this statement: at the same time
we have no specific facts to prove it.
Antipater by his last directions appointed Polysper-
chon, one of Alexander's veteran officers, to be B0 818>
chief administrator, with full powers on behalf Antipater
of the imperial dynasty; while he assigned to sets aside
his own son Kassander only the second place, as Kassander
Chiliarch or general of the body-guard.1 He and names
thought that this disposition of power would be ^Jn^"^.
more generally acceptable throughout the em- roy. Dis-
pire, as Polysperchon was older and of longer oppo^tio^
military service than any other among Alexan- of Kassan-
der's generals. Moreover, Antipater was espe- der-
cially afraid of letting dominion fall into the hands of the
princesses;2 all of whom — Olympias, Kleopatra, andEury-
dike — were energetic characters; and the first of the three
(who had retired to Epirus from enmity towards Antipater)
furious and implacable.
But the views of Antipater were disappointed from the
beginning, because Kassander would not submit Kassander
to the second place, nor tolerate Polysperchon sets UP f°r
as his superior. Immediately after the death of gets pos-
Antipater, but before it became publicly known, Sfssion, .of
Kassander despatched Nikanor with pretended anTforms
orders from Antipater to supersede Menyllus in ^M*n^e
the government of Munychia. To this order i^my an°d
Menyllus yielded. But when after a few days Antigonus
the Athenian public came to learn the real Poiysper-
truth, they were displeased with Phokion for chon-
having permitted the change to be made — assuming that
he knew the real state of the facts, and might have kept
out the new commander.3 Kassander, while securing this
important post in the hands of a confirmed partisan, affect-
ed to acquiesce in the authority of Polysperchon, and to
occupy himself with a hunting-party in the country. He
nt the same time sent confidential adherents to the Helles-
pont and other places in furtherance of his schemes; and
especially to contract alliance with Antigonus in Asia and
with Ptolemy in Egypt. His envoys being generally well
received, he himself soon quitted Macedonia suddenly, and
1 Died, xviii. 48. (xviii. 64) says also that Kikanor
1 Diod. xix. 11. was nominated by Kassander.
' Plutarch, Phokion 31. Diodor.
VOL. XII. M
162 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PABT II.
went to concert measures with Antigonus in Asia.1 It
suited the policy of Ptolemy, and still more that of. Anti-
gonus, to aid him against Polysperchon and the imperial
dynasty. On the death of Antipater, Antigonus had re-
solved to make himself the real sovereign of the Asiatic
Alexandrine empire, possessing as he did the most power-
ful military force within it.
Even before this time the imperial dynasty had been
B.C. 318-317. a name rather than a reality; yet still a respect-
Plans of ed name. But now, the preference shown to
Poiysper- Polysperchon by the deceased Antipater, and
— aniance the secession of Kassander, placed all the great
with oiym- rea| powers in active hostility against the dy-
Etarope, nasty. Polysperchon and his friends were not
and with blind to the difficulties of their position. The
in" Asia— principal officers in Macedonia having been con-
enfran- vened to deliberate, it was resolved to invite
of'thTtfre- Olympias out of Epirus, that she might assume
cian cities, the tutelage of her grandson Alexander (son
ofRoxana) — to place the Asiatic interests of the dynasty in
the hands of Eumenes, appointing him to the supreme
command2 — andto combatKassander in Europe, byassuring
to themselves the general goodwill and support of the
Greeks. This last object was to be obtained by granting
to the Greeks general enfranchisement, and by subverting
the Antipatrian oligarchies and military governments now
paramount throughout the cities.
The last hope of maintaining the unity of Alexander's
ineffectual empire in Asia, against the counter-interests of
attempts of the great Macedonian officers, who were steadily
uphoid^he tending to divide and appropriate it — now lay
imperial in the fidelity and military skill of Eumenes. At
A^Ta-^his11 his disposal Polysperchon placed the imperial
gallantry treasures and soldiers in Asia; especially the
hedislbe1-ty: ^rave> ^ut faithless and disorderly, Argyraspides.
trayed by Olympias also addressed to him a pathetic letter,
soid'iers'and asking his counsel as the only friend and saviour
slain by to whom the imperial family could now look.
Antigonus. Eumenes replied by assuring them of his de-
voted adherence to their cause. But he at the same time ad-
vised Olympias not to come out of Epirus into Macedonia;
1 Diodor. xviii. 64. * Diodor. xviii. 49—58.
CHAP. XCVI. SKILL AND FIDELITY OF EUMENES. 163
or if she did come, at all events to abstain from vindictive and
cruel proceedings. Both these recommendations, honourable
as well to his prudence as to his humanity, were disregarded
by the old queen. She came into Macedonia to take the man-
agement of affairs; and although her imposing title, of
mother to the great conqueror, raised a strong favourable
feeling, yet her multiplied executions of the Antipatrian
partisans excited fatal enmity against a dynasty already
tottering. Nevertheless Eumenes, though his advice had
been disregarded, devoted himself in Asia with unshaken
fidelity to the Alexandrine family, resisting the most tempt-
ing invitations to take part with Antigonus against them. l
His example contributed much to keep alive the same active
sentiment in those around him; indeed, without him, the
imperial family would have had no sincere or commanding
representative in Asia. His gallant struggles, first in Ki-
likia and Phenicia, next (when driven from the coast), in
Susiana, Persis, Media, and Paraetakene — continued for
two years against the greatly preponderant forces of Pto-
lemy, Antigonus, and Seleukus, and against the never-
ceasing treachery of his own officers and troops.2 They do
not belong to Grecian history. They are however among
the most memorable exploits of antiquity. While, even in
1 Plutarch, Eumenes, 11, 12; Cor- Horum ilia nihil fecit. Nam et in
nelius Nepos, Eumengs, c. 6; Dio- Macedonian! profecta est, et ibi
dor. 68—62. crudelissime se gessit." Compare
Diodor. xvii. 58. rjxe 8s xal nap' Justin, xiv. 6; Diodor. xix. 11.
'OXu[X7tid8Q?oijTci) Ypa[Ajxa-a,8so(xsvr](; The details respecting EumenSs
not XiTtapouoT): poujQciv TGI? paoiXsutii may be considered probably as de-
xat 4auTTJg JAO-JOV "(ap EXSWOV IUOTO- pending on unusually good au-
TOI-OV otitoXsXeitfQat TUJV ctXiov, xcci thority. His friend Hieronymus
8'jvdi(A£vov 8iop8iuoo;a8ai Trjv Epr,jjuccv of Kardia had written a copious
TTJ? paoiXixijs olxia?. history of his own time; which,
Cornelius Nepos, Eumenfis, 6. though now lost, was accessible
"Ad hunc (Eumenem) Olympias, both to Diodorus and Plutarch,
quum literas et nuntios misisset Hieronymus was serving with Ba-
in Asiam, consultum, utrum rope- menfis , and was taken prisoner
titum Macedonians veniret (nam along with him by Antigonus;
turn in Epiro habitabat) et eas res who spared him and treated him
occuparet— huic ille primum suasit well , while Eumen6s was put to
ne SB moveret, et expectaret quoad death (Diodor. xix. 44). Plutarch
Alexandri films regnum adipisce- had also read letters of Eumends
retur. Sine aliqua cupiditate rape- (Plut. Eum. 11).
retur in Macedonian!, omnium in- - Diodor. xviii. 63 — 72; xix. 11, 17,
juriarum oblivisceretur, et in ne- 32, 44.
minem acerbiore uteretur imperio.
M 2
164 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
a military point of view, they are hardly inferior to the
combinations of Alexander himself — they evince, besides,
a flexibility and aptitude such as Alexander neither pos-
sessed nor required, for overcoming the thousand difficulties
raised by traitors and mutineers around him. To the last,
Eumenes remained unsubdued. He was betrayed to Anti-
gonus by the base and venal treachery of his own soldiers,
the Macedonian Argyraspides. l
For the interests of the imperial dynasty (the extinc-
tion of which we shall presently follow), it is perhaps to be
regretted that they did not abandon Asia at once , at the
death of Antipater , and concentrate their attention on
Macedonia alone, summoning over Eumenes to aid them.
To keep together in unity the vast aggregate of Asia was
manifestly impracticable, even with his consummate ability.
Indeed we read that Olympias wished for his presence in
Europe, not trusting any one but him as protector of the
child Alexander. 2 In Macedonia, apart from Asia, Eume-
nes, if the violent temper of Olympias had permitted him,
might have upheld the dynasty; which, having at that time
a decided interest in conciliating the Greeks, might prob-
ably have sanctioned his sympathies in favour of free
Hellenic community.3
On learning the death of Antipater most of the Greek
Edictissued cities had sent envoys to Pella.4 To all the
sperchon at governments of these cities composed as they
Pelia, in the were of his creatures, it was a matter of the ut-
imperU*the mos^ moment to know what course the new
dynasty— Macedonian authority would adopt. Polysper-
the Antipa- chon, persuaded that they would all adhere to
triau oh- Kassander, and that his only chance of combat-
rival was by enlisting popular sympathy
1 Plutarch (Eumenes, 16— 18), Cor- particulars must probably be, the
nelius Nepos (10 — 13), and Justin history of Hieronymus of Eardia,
(xiv. 3, 4) describe inconsiderable himself present, who has been
detail the touching circumstances copied, more or less accurately, by
attending the tradition and cap- others.
ture of Eumenes. On this point 2 Plutarch, Eumen6s, 13 ; Diodor.
Diodorus is more brief; but here- xviii. 68.
counts at much length the pre- * Plutarch, EumenSs, 8.
ceding military operations between * Diodor. xviii. 55. £i>9>>« oov tooc
Kumen&s and Antigonus (xiz. 17, duo -w'i rcoXstov notporca; Tt
32, 44). Kpo<ntaXtai|itvoi] &o.
The original source of these
CHAP. XCVI. IMPERIAL EDICT FROM PELLA. 165
and interests in Greece, or at least by subverting cities, re-
these Antipatrian oligarchies — drew up in con- •t9ri"8 P°-
.. -K., , . ,. hticai ex-
junction with his counsellors a proclamation iies and
which he issued in the name of the dynasty. granting
After reciting the steady goodwill of Philip stuutions
and Alexander towards Greece, he affirmed that to each-
this feeling had been interrupted by the untoward Lamian
war, originating with some ill-judged Greeks, and ending
in the infliction of many severe calamities upon the various
cities. But all these severities (he continued) had proceed-
ed from the generals (Antipater and Kraterus) : the kings
were now determined to redress them. It was accordingly
proclaimed that the political constitution of each city
should be restored , as it had stood in the times of Philip
and Alexander; that before the thirtieth of the month
Xanthikus, all those who had been condemned to banish-
ment, or deported, by the generals, should be recalled and
received back; that their properties should be restored,
and past sentences against them rescinded; that they should
live in amnesty as to the past, and good feeling as to the
future, with the remaining citizens. From this act of re-
call were excluded the exiles of Amphissa, Trikka, Pharka-
don, and Herakleia, together with a certain number of
Megalopolitans , implicated in one particular conspiracy.
In the particular case of those cities, the governments of
which had been denounced as hostile by Philip or Alexan-
der, special reference and consultation was opened with
Pella, for some modification to meet the circumstances. As
to Athens, it was decreed that Samos should be restored
to her, but not Oropus; in all other respects she was
placed on the same footing as in the days of Philip and Alex-
ander. "All the Greeks (concluded this proclamation) shall
pass decrees, forbidding every one either to bear arms or
otherwise act in hostility against us — on pain of exile and
confiscation of goods, for himself and his family. On this
and on all other matters, we have ordered Polysperchon
to take proper measures. Obey him — as we have before
written to you to do; for we shall not omit to notice those
who on any point disregard our proclamation." l
1 Diodor. xvii.56. In this chapter Ac., we do not know the grounds,
the proclamation is given verbatim. Reference is made to prior edicts
For the exceptions made in respect of the kings — u(x£ij; oov, xaQiitsr,
to Amphissa , Trikka, Herakleia ujxtv xat itpo-ipov Efpdt'Jiafisv, oxo'ieti
166 . ' . HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
Such was the new edict issued by the kings, or rather
L by Polysperchon in their names. It directed
and the removal of all the garrisons, and the sub-
measures of version of all the oligarchies, established by
chon8to Antipater after the Lamian war. It ordered the
edfct^stsu6 recall °f the host of exiles then expelled. It re-
of 'Athens : vived the state of things prevalent before the
exiles re- death of Alexander — which indeed itself had
cornpiig- been, for the most part, an aggregate of mace-
cated donizing oligarchies interspersed with Mace-
polltical . -° m ,r • ,- A .- / •
parties : doman garrisons. To the existing Antipatrian
danger of oligarchies, however, it was a deathblow; and so
it must have been understood by the Grecian
envoys — including probably deputations from the exiles, as
well as envoys from the civic governments — to whom Poly-
sperchon delivered it at Pella. Not content with the gener-
al edict, Polysperchon addressed special letters to Argos
and various other cities, commanding that the Antipatrian
leading men should be banished with confiscation of prop-
erty, and in some cases put to death;1 the names being
probably furnished to him by the exiles. Lastly, as it was
clear that such stringent measures could not be executed
without force, — the rather as these oligarchies would be
upheld by Kassander from without — Polysperchon re-
solved to conduct a large military force into Greece ; send-
ing thither first, however, a considerable detachment, for
immediate operations, under his son Alexander.
To Athens, as well as to other cities, Polysperchon
addressed special letters, promising^restoration of the de-
mocracy and recall of the exiles. At Athens, such change
was a greater revolution than elsewhere, because the mul-
titude of exiles and persons deported had been the great-
est. To the existing nine thousand Athenian citizens, it
was doubtless odious and alarming; while to Phokion with
the other leading Antipatrians, it threatened not only loss
of power, but probably nothing less than the alternative
of flight or death.2 The state of interests at Athens, how-
ever, was now singularly novel and complicated. There were
TOUTOO (IToXoajtspyo (To?). These this, can have been issued since the
words must allude to written ans- death of Antipater.
wers given to particular cities, in ' Diod. xviii. 57.
reply to special applications. No 7 Plutarch, Phokion, 32. The
general proclamation, earlier than opinion of Plutarch , however,
CHAP. XCVI. NIKANOK SEIZES PEIR-iEUS. 167
the Antipatrians and the nine thousand qualified citizens.
There were the exiles, who, under the new edict, speedily
began reentering the city, and reclaiming their citizenship
as well as their properties. Polysperchon and his son were
known to be soon coming with a powerful force. Lastly,
there was Nikanor, who held Munychia with a garrison,
neither for Polysperchon, nor for the Athenians, but for
Kassander; the latter being himself also expected with a
force from Asia. Here then were several parties; each
distinct in views and interests from the rest — some decid-
edly hostile to each other.
The first contest arose between the Athenians and
Nikanor respecting Munychia; which they re- Negotia.
quired him to evacuate, pursuant to the recent tions of the
proclamation. Nikanor on his side returned an ^jJ^'Nika-
evasive answer, promising compliance as soon nor, gover-
as circumstances permitted, but in the mean 5r°urn°chia
time entreating the Athenians to continue in for Kas-
alliance with Kassander, as they had been with sander-
his father Antipater. *• He seems to have indulged hopes
of prevailing on them to declare in his favour — and not
without plausible grounds, since the Antipatrian leaders
and a large proportion of the nine thousand citizens could
not but dread the execution of Polysperchon's edict. And
he had also what was of still greater moment — the secret
connivance and support of Phokion: who put himself in
intimate relation with Nikanor, as he had before done
with Menyllus2 — and who had greater reason than any one
else to dread the edict of Polysperchon. At a public assembly
held in Peirseus to discuss the subject, Nikanor even ven-
tured to present himself in person in the company and under
the introduction of Phokion, who was anxious that the
Athenians should entertain the proposition of alliance with
Kassander. But with the people, the prominent wish was
to get rid altogether of the foreign garrison, and to procure
the evacuation of Munychia — for which object , of course,
the returned exiles would be even more anxious than the
nine thousand. Accordingly, the assembly refused to hear
any propositions from Nikanor; while Derkyllus with others
that Polysperchon intended this everywhere, and that Phokion was
measure as a mere trick to ruin the leading person of that oligar-
Phokion , is only correct so far — chy at Athens.
that Polysperchon wished to put * Diodor. xviii. 64.
down the Antipatrian oligarchies * Plutarch, Phokion, 81.
168 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
even proposed to seize his person. It was Phokion who en-
sured to him the means of escaping; even in spite of serious
wrath from his fellow-citizens, to whom he pleaded, that he
had made himself guarantee for Nikanor's personal safety, i
Foreseeing the gravity of the impending contest, Ni-
N kanor had been, secretely introducing fresh
Beizes'0pei- soldiers into Munychia. And when he found
raeus by that he could not obtain any declared support
Phokion, from the Athenians, he laid a scheme for sur-
though fore- prising and occupying the town and harbour of
takes no Peirseus, of which Munychia formed the adjoin-
precautipns 'mg eminence and harbour on the southern side
of the little peninsula. Notwithstanding all his
precautions, it became known to various Athenians that
he was tampering with persons in Peirseus, and collecting
troops in the neighbouring isle of Salamis. So much anxiety
was expressed in the Athenian assembly for the safety ofPei-
reeus, that a decree was passed, enjoining all citizens to hold
themselves in arms for its protection, under Phokion as
general. Nevertheless Phokion, disregarding such a decree,
took no precautions, affirming that he would himself be
answerable for Nikanor. Presently that officer, making an
unexpected attack from Munychia and Salamis, took Pei-
rseus by surprise, placed both the town and harbour under
military occupation, and cut off its communication with
Athens by a ditch and palisade. On this palpable ag-
gression, the Athenians rushed to arms. But Phokion as
general damped their ardour, and even declined to head
them in an attack for the recovery of Peirseus before Ni-
kanor should have had time to strengthen himself in it.
He went however, with Konon (son of Timotheus), to
remonstrate with Nikanor, and to renew the demand that
he should evacuate, under the recent proclamation, all the
posts which he held in garrison. But Nikanor would give
no other answer, except that he held his commission from
Kassander, to whom they must address their application.2
He thus again tried to bring Athens into communication
with Kassander.
The occupation of Peirseus in addition to Munychia
Mischief to was a serious calamity to the Athenians, making
the Athe- them worse off than they had been even under
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 32. Phokion, 32 ; Cornelius Nepos, Pho-
* Diodorus , xviii. 64 ; Plutarch, kion, 2.
CHAP. XCVI. INTRIGUES OF PHOKION. 169
Antipater. Peirseus, rich, active, and commer- ^ia.n,(!» as
cial, containing the Athenian arsenal, docks, and poiy8pSer-°
muniments of war, was in many respects more «*on. from
valuable than Athens itself; for all purposes of occupation
war, far more valuable. Kassander had now an of Peirwus ;
excellent place of arms and base, which Munychia negligence
alone would not have afforded, for his operations an(1 prok-
in Greece against Polysperchou ; upon whom aion^of U"
therefore the loss fell hardly less severely than Phokion.
upon the Athenians. Now Phokion, in his function as
general, had he been forewarned of the danger, might have
guarded against it, and ought to have done so. This was
a grave dereliction of duty, and admits of hardly any
other explanation except that of treasonable connivance.
It seems that Phokion, foreseeing his own ruin and that of
his friends in the triumph of Polysperchon and the return
of the exiles, was desirous of favouring the seizure of Pei-
raeus by Nikanor, as a means of constraining Athens to
adopt the alliance with Kassander; which alliance indeed
would probably have been brought about, had Kassander
reached Peiraeus by sea sooner than the first troops of
Polysperchon by land. Phokion was here guilty, at the
very least, of culpable neglect, and probably of still more
culpable treason, on an occasion seriously injuring both
Polysperchon and the Athenians; a fact which we must
not forget, when we come to read presently the bitter an-
imosity exhibited against him. l
The news, that Nikanor had possessed himself of Pei-
rseus, produced a strong sensation. Presently Arrival of
arrived a letter addressed to him by Olympias Alexander
herself, commanding him to surrender the place p07J.s<per-
to the Athenians, upon whom she wished to con- chon) : his
fer entire autonomy. But Nikanor declined ob- p^Hcy6™"8
edience to her order, still waiting for support the Athe-
from Kassander. The arrival of Alexander %£&£**
(Polysperchon's son) with a body of troops, en- reaches
couraged the Athenians to believe that he was Peir8eus-
1 Cornelius Kepos, Phokion, 2. Dercyllo moneretur: idemque po-
"Concidit autem maxima uno cri- gtularet, ut provideret, ne comme-
mine : quod cum apud eum sum- atibus civitas privaretur — huic,
mum esset imperium populi , et audiente populo, Phokion negavit
Xicanorem, Cassandri prsefectum, ease periculum, seque ejus rei ob-
iniidiari Pirseo Atheniensium, a sidem fore pollicitus eat. Neque
170 HISTORY OP GEEECE. PAET II.
come to assist in carrying Peirseus by force, for the pur-
pose of restoring it to them. Their hopes however were
again disappointed. Though encamped near Peiraeus, Alex-
ander made no demand for the Athenian forces to cooperate
with him in attacking it; but entered into open parley with
Nikanor, whom he endeavoured to persuade or corrupt
into surrendering the place. 1 When this negotiation failed,
he resolved to wait for the arrival of his father, who was
already on his march towards Attica with the main army.
His own force unassisted was probably not sufficient to
attack Peirssus; nor did he choose to invoke assistance
from the Athenians, to whom he would then have been
compelled to make over the place when taken, which they
so ardently desired. The Athenians were thus as far from
their object as ever; moreover, by this delay the opportu-
nity of attacking the place was altogether thrown away ; for
Kassander with his armament reached it beforePolysperchon.
It was Phokion and his immediate colleagues who in-
intriguesof duced Alexander to adopt this insidious policy;
Phokion to decline reconquering Peirseus for the Athe-
ander— e* nians, and to appropriate it for himself. To
he tries to Phokion, the reconstitution of autonomous
Mmseifftne Athens, with its democracy and restored exiles,
protection and without any foreign controlling force —
der against was an assured sentence of banishment, if not
the Athe- of death. Not having been able to obtain pro-
tection from the foreign force of Nikanor and
Kassander, he and his friends resolved to throw themselves
upon that of Alexander and Polysperchon. They went to
meet Alexander as he entered Attica — represented the im-
policy of his relinquishing so important a military position as
Peiraeus, while the war was yet unfinished, — and offered
to cooperate with him for this purpose, by proper manage-
ment of the Athenian public. Alexander was pleased with
these suggestions, accepted Phokion with the others as
his leading adherents at Athens, and looked upon Peirseus
as a capture to be secured for himself. 2 Numerous return-
ita multo post Nicanor Pirseo eat ' Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch, Pho-
potitug. Ad quern recuperandura kion, 33.
cum populus armatus concurrisset, 2 Diodor. xviii. 65. T<i)v fap 'Avrt-
ille non modo neminem ad arma itirpcu *(z*(<j-io-u)v <pi^u>v TIVSS (uitTJp-
vocavit, sed lie armatis quidem yov) xai o i us p I <l>ioxi(o va <p oflo'vi-
proeesse voluit , Bine quo A thence jxevoiTatex T <I> v VOJAUJV Ti|xu)-
oranino ease non possunt." pia«) Oitr,vt7)oai» 'AXe;av5p<j), xai
CHAP. XCVI. INTRIGUES OF PHOKION. 171
ing Athenian exiles accompanied Alexander's army. It
seems that Phokion was desirous of admitting the troops
along with the exiles, as friends and allies within the walls
of Athens, so as to make Alexander master of the city —
but that this project was impracticable, in consequence of
the mistrust created among the Athenians by the parleys
of Alexander with Nikanor. l
The strategic function of Phokion, however, so often
conferred and re-conferred upon him — and his Ketum of
power of doing either good or evil — now ap- the deport-
proached its close. As soon as the returning exiles Athens— *°
found themselves in sufficient numbers, they public vote
called for a revision of the list of state officers, tbe^'the-
and for the re-establishment of the democratical nian asse in-
forms. They passed a vote to depose those who photon"8*
had held office under the Antipatrian oligarchy, and his
and who still continued to hold it down to the p°h"Se<I
actual moment. Among these Phokion stood leaves the
first : along with him were his son-in-law Chari- tecteiTby0"
kles, the Phalerean Demetrius, Kallimedon, Alexander,
Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Philokles. SJ^Po'l^
These persons were not only deposed, but con- sperchon in
demned, some to death, some to banishment and Phokls-
confiscation of property. Demetrius, Charikles, and Kalli-
medon sought safety by leaving Attica ; but Phokion and
the rest merely went to Alexander's camp, throwing them-
selves upon his protection on the faith of the recent under-
standing.2 Alexander not only received them courteously,
but gave them letters to his father Polysperchon, requesting
6i8<i!;avT£<; ti> aojj/pspov, iirsicotv OUTOV hand, Plutarch mentions (though
ISia xatsysiv Ta tppo'jpia, xal JAY) Diodorus does not) that Alexan-
irapaStSovoci tot? 'A9T)vaioi<; [xiyptt; der was anxious to seize Athens
ov 6 KdtoaavSpo? xaTOTroXs[j.r/(JT/. itself, and was very near suc-
1 Plutarch, Phokion , 33; Diod. ceeding. Plutarch seems to conceive
xviii. 65, 66. This seems to me the that it was the exiles who were
probable sequence of facts, com- disposed to let him in; but if that
bining Plutarch with Diodorus. had been the case , he probably
Plutarch takes no notice of the would have been let in when the
negotiation opened by Phokion with exiles became preponderant. It
Alexander, and theunderstanding was Phokion, I conceive, who was
established between them; which desirous, for his own personal safe-
is stated in the clearest manner by ty, of admitting the foreign troops.
Diodorus, and appears to me a * Diodor. xviii. 65; Plutarch,
material circumstance. On the other Phokion, 35.
172 HISTORY OF GREECE. FABT II
safety and protection for them, as men who had embraced
his cause, and who were still eager to do all in their power
to support him.1 Armed with these letters, Phokion and
his companions went through Bceotia and Phokis to meet
Polysperchon on his march southward. They were accom-
panied by Deinarchus and by a Platsean named Solon, both
of them passing for friends of Polysperchon.2
The Athenian democracy, just reconstituted, which
. ... had passed the recent condemnatory votes, was
Agnomdes f . J
and others disquieted at the news that Alexander had
de" uste.°* ** espoused the cause of Phokion and had recom-
Poiysper- mended the like policy to his father. It was
chon, to possible that Polysperchon might seek, with his
accuse Pho- * .. 1^1, A ±1 jj.
kion, and powerful army, both to occupy Athens and to
benefitmotfie capture Peiraeus, and might avail himself of
the regal Phokion (like Antipater after the Lamian war)
edict. as a convenient instrument of government. It
seems plain that this was the project of Alexander, and
that he counted on Phokion as a ready auxiliary in both.
Now the restored democrats, though owing their restoration
to Polysperchon, were much less compliant towards him
than Phokion had been. Not only they would not admit
him into the city, but they would not even acquiesce in his
separate occupation of Munychia and Peiraeus. On the
proposition of Agnonides and Archestratus, they sent &
deputation to Polysperchon accusing Phokion and his com-
rades of high treason ; yet at the same time claiming for
Athens the full and undiminished benefit of the late regal
proclamation — autonomy and democracy, with restoration
of Peiraeus and Munychia free and ungarrisoned.3
The deputation reached Polysperchon at Pharyges in
Apnonides Phokis, as early as Phokion's company, which
k?onPare" na^ been detained for some days at Elateia by
heard be- the sickness of Deinarchus. That delay was un-
sperchoif— fortunate for Phokion. Had he seen Polysperchon,
1 Diodor. xviii. 66. ITpoaSEyQJvTSi; Alexander, and the letters obtained
SiOic" a'JTOu (Alexander) 91X0? p6vu>?, to Polysperchon, are not mentioned
Yjjot|A|AaTa i).*3ov tpo? TQV notTEpa by Plutarch, though they are im-
noXusTTSpyovra, ?;CUK (XTjSsv itaQuuuiv portant circumstances in following-
oi Ktpl <I>umu>va Taxsivou ice- the last days of Phokion's life.
<pp«>vT)x6T£«, x«i vov iKiff-.\- * Plutarch, Phokion, S3.
X6(JLSvotndvTaou(utpa5eiv. * Diodor. xviii. 66.
This application of Phokion to
CHAP. XCVI. PHOKION BEFOBE POLYSPERCHON. 173
and presented the letter of Alexander, before Phokion
the Athenian accusers arrived, he might probably *°ad 1^°°^
have obtained a more favourable reception, delivered
But as the arrival of the two parties was nearly Ujig^ers
simultaneous, Polysperchon heard both of them to the
at the same audience, before King Philip Ari- Athenians.
dseus in his throne with the gilt ceiling above it. When
Agnonides, — chief of the Athenian deputation, and formerly
friend and advocate of Demosthenes in the Harpalian
cause — found himself face to face with Phokion and his
friends, their reciprocal invectives at first produced nothing
but confusion ; until Agnonides himself exclaimed — "Pack
us all into one cage and send us back to Athens to receive
judgement from the Athenians." The king laughed at this
observation, but the bystanders around insisted upon more
orderly proceedings, and Agnonides then set forth the two
demands of the Athenians — condemnation of Phokion and
his friends, partly as accomplices of Antipater, partly as hav-
ing betrayed Peirseus to Nikanor — and the full benefit of the
late regal proclamation to Athens. 1 Now, on the last of
these two heads, Polysperchon was noway disposed to yield
— nor to hand over Peirseus to the Athenians as soon as he
should take it. On this matter, accordingly, he replied by
refusal or evasion. But he was all the more disposed to
satisfy the Athenians on the other matter — the surrender
of Phokion; especially as the sentiment now prevalent at
Athens evinced clearly that Phokion could not be again use-
ful to him as an instrument. Thus disposed to sacrifice Pho-
kion, Polysperchon heard his defence with impatience, inter-
rupted him several times, and so disgusted him, that he at
length struck the ground with his stick, and held his peace.
Hegemon, another of the accused, was yet more harshly
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 33; Cornel, thelogographer — of whom we have
Nepos, Phokion, 3. "Hie (Phocion), some8pecimensremaining,andwho
ab Agnonide accusatus , quod Pi- was alive even as late as 292 B.C.
rseum Nicanori prodidisset, ex con- — though he too was a Corinthian,
silii sententia, in cust odium con- Either, therefore, there were two
jectus, Athenas deductus est, ut Corinthians, both bearing this same
ibi de eo legibus fleret indicium." name (as Westermann supposes —
Plutarch says that Polysperchon, Gesch. der Beredtsamkeit, sect. 72),
before he gave this hearing to both or the statement of Plutarch must
parties, ordered the Corinthian allude to an order given, but not
Deinarchus to be tortured and to carried into effect— which latter
be put to death. Now the person seems to me most probable.
BO named cannot be Dcinarckus,
174 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
treated. When he appealedtoPolysperchon himself, as having
been personally cognizant of his (the speaker's) good dis-
position towards the Athenian people (he had been prob-
ably sent toPella, as envoy for redress of grievances under
the Antipatrian oligarchy), Polysperchon exclaimed — "Do
not utter falsehoods against me before the king." Moreover,
king Philip himself was so incensed, as to start from his
throne and snatch his spear, with which he would have run
Hegemon through, — imitating the worst impulses of his
illustrious brother — had -he not been held back by Poly-
sperchon. The sentence could not be doubtful. Phokion
and his companions were delivered over as prisoners to
the Athenian deputation, together with a letter from the
king, intimating that in his conviction they were traitors,
but that he left them to be judged by the Athenians, now
restored to freedom and autonomy. l
The Macedonian Kleitus was instructed to convey them
Phokion is to Athens as prisoners under a guard. Mournful
conveyedas was the spectacle asthey entered the city: being
prisoner to • i i j.i TT- —t i li
Athens, and carried along the Jierameikus in carts , through
brought for sympathising friends and an embittered multi-
the ass^m-6 tude, until they reached the theatre, wherein the
biy. MO- assembly was to be convened. That assembly
friends for was composed of every one who chose to enter,
exclusion and is said to have contained many foreigners
quaimed and slaves. But it would have been fortunate
persons. for Phokion had such really been the case; for
foreigners and slaves had no cause of antipathy towards
him. The assembly was mainly composed of Phokion's keen-
est enemies, the citizens just returned from exile or depor-
tation ; among whom may doubtless have been intermixed
more or less of non- qualified persons since the lists had
probably not yet been verified. "When the assembly was
about to be opened, the friends of Phokion moved, that on
occasion of so important a trial, foreigners and slaves should
be sent away. This was in every sense an impolitic proceeding ;
for the restored exiles, chiefly poor men, took it as an insult
t o themselves, andbecame only the more embittered, exclaim-
ing against the oligarchs who were trying to exclude them.
It is not easy to conceive stronger grounds of exasper-
ation than those which inflamed the bosoms
asperation" of these returned exiles. We must recollect that
' Plutarch, Phokion, 33, 34; Diod. xviii. C6.
CHAP. XCVI. PHOKION CONDEMNED TO DEATH. 175
sat the close of the Lamian war, the Athenian °f the
democracy had been forcibly subverted. Demos- exile"
thenes and its principal leaders had been slain, |?ai.".8t _
some of them with antecedent cruelties; the ground" for
poorer multitude, in number more than half of that feeling.
the qualified citizens, had been banished or deported
into distant regions. To all the public shame and calam-
ity, there was thus superadded a vast mass of individual
suffering and impoverishment, the mischiefs of which were
very imperfectly healed, even by that unexpected con-
tingency which had again thrown open to them their native
city. Accordingly, when these men returned from different
regions, each hearing from the rest new tales of past hard-
ship, they felt the bitterest hatred against the authors of
the Antipatrian revolution; and among these authors
Phokion stood distinctly marked. For although he had
neither originated nor advised these severities, yet he and
his friends, as administering the Antipatrian government
at Athens, must have been agents in carrying them out,
and had rendered themselves distinctly liable to the fearful
penalties pronounced by the psephism of Demophantus, '
consecrated by an oath taken by Athenians generally,
against any one who should hold an official post after the
government was subverted.
"When these restored citizens thus sawPhokionbrought
before them, for the first time after their return, Phokion is
the common feeling of antipathy against him condemned
, . ,. - ° -e , ,• \ •-!* to death-
burst out in furious manifestations. Agnonides vindictive
the principal accuser, supported by Epikurus2 manifes-
, V. r, ., ,, ', .nrjr , J. ,f , tations
and Demophilus, found their denunciations wel- against him
corned and even anticipated, when they arraigned in the as-
TQI i- • • i 1 i j i j. i • i j sembly.
rnokion as a criminal who had lent his hand furious and
to the subversion of the constitution, — to the unanimous,
sufferings of his deported fellow-citizens, — and to the
holding of Athens in subjection under a foreign potentate;
in addition to which, the betrayal of Peiraeus to Nikanor3
constituted a new crime; fastening on the people the yoke
of Kassander, when autonomy had been promised to them
1 Andokides de Mysteriis , sect. * Cornel. Nepos, Phok. 4. "Plu-
96, 97 ; Lykurgus adv. Leokrat. a. rimi vero ita exaouerentur propter
127. proditionis suspicionem Pirsei, ma-
* Not the eminent philosopher ximeque quod adversus populi
BO named. commoda in seuectute steterat."
176 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
by the recent imperial edict. After the accusation was
concluded, Phokion was called on for his defence; but he
found it impossible to obtain a hearing. Attempting several
times to speak, he was as often interrupted by angry shouts ;
several of his friends were cried down in likemanner; until at
length he gave up the case in despair; and exclaimed, "For
myself, Athenians, Ipleadguilty; I pronounce against myself
the sentence of death for my political conduct: but why
are you to sentence these men near me, who are not guilty?"
"Because they are your friends, Phokion" — was the excla-
mation of those around. Phokion then said no more; while
Agnonides proposed a decree, to the effect, that the assem-
bled people should decide by show of hands, whether the
persons now arraigned were guilty or not; and that if
declared guilty, they should be put to death. Some persons
present cried out, that the penalty of torture ought to precede
death ; but this savage proposition, utterly at variance with
Athenian law in respect to citizens, was repudiated not less
by Agnonides than by the Macedonian officer Kleitus. The
decree was then passed; after which the show of hands was
called for. Nearly every hand in the assembly was held up in
condemnation; each man even rose from his seat to make
the effect more imposing ; and some went so far as to put
on wreaths in token of triumph. To many of them doubtless,
the gratification of this intense and unanimous vindictive
impulse, — in their view not merely legitimate, but patriotic,
— must have been among the happiest moments of life. *
After sentence, the five condemned persons, Phokion,
Death- of Nikokles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythokles,
Phokion were consigned to the supreme magistrates of
four col- Police, called The Eleven, and led to prison for
leagues. the purpose of having the customary dose of
poison administered. Hostile bystanders ran alongside,
taunting and reviling them. It is even said that one man
planted himself in the front, and spat upon Phokion; who
turned to the public officers and exclaimed — "Will no one
check this indecent fellow?" This was the only emotion
which he manifested; in other respects, his tranquillity and
self-possession were resolutely maintained, during this
soul-subduing march from the theatre to the prison, amidst
1 Diodor. xviii. 66, 67; Plutarch, Phokion, 34, 35; Cornelius Nepos,
Phokion. 2. 3.
CHAP. XCVI. DEATH OF PHOKION. 177
the wailings of his friends , the broken spirit of his four
comrades, and the fiercest demonstrations of antipathy
from his fellow-citizens generally. One ray of comfort
presented itself as he entered the prison. It was the nine-
teenth of the month Munychion, the day on which the
Athenian Horsemen or Knights (the richest class in the
city, men for the most part of oligarchical sentiments) cele-
brated their festal procession with wreaths on their heads
in honour of Zeus. Several of these horsemen halted in
passing, took off their wreaths, and wept as they looked
through the gratings of the prison.
Being asked whether he had anything to tell his son
Phokus, Phokion replied — "I tell him emphatically, not to
hold evil memory of the Athenians." The draught of hem-
lock was then administered to all five — to Phokion last.
Having been condemned for treason, they were not buried
in Attica; nor were Phokion's friends allowed to light a
funeral pile for the burning of his body; which was carried
out of Attica into the Megarid, by a hired agent named
Konopion, and there burnt by fire obtained at Megara.
The wife of Phokion, with her maids, poured libations and
marked the spot by a small mound of earth ; she also collect-
ed the bones and brought them back to Athens in her bosom,
during the secrecy of night. She buried them near her own
domestic hearth, with this address — "Beloved Hestia, I
confide to thee these relics of a good man. Restore them
to his own family vault, as soon as the Athenians shall
come to their senses." l
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 36, 37. Two him to buy the material. Some
other anecdotes are recounted by hesitation took place, until Pho-
Plutarcb, which seem to be of doubt- kion asked one of his friends to
ful authenticity. NikoklSs entreat- supply the money, sarcastically
ed that he might be allowed to remarking, that it was hard if a
Bwallowhis potion before Phokion ; man could not even die gratis at
upon which the latter replied — Athens.
"Yourrequeat, Nikokl&s, is sad and As to the first of these anecdotes
mournful ; but as I have never yet —if we read, in Plato's Phajdon
refused you anything throughout (152-155), the details of the death
my life, I grant this also." of Sokrates,— we shall see that
After the four first had drunk, death by hemlock was not caused
all except Phokion, no more hem- instantaneously, but in a gradual
lock was left; upon which the and painless manner; the person
gaoler said that he would not pre- who had swallowed the potion
pare any more , unless twelve being desired to walk about for
drachmae of money were given to some time, until his legs grew
VOL. XII. N
178 HISTORY OF GJREECE. PABT II.
After a short time (we are told by Plutarch) the
Alteration Athenians did thus come to their senses. They
of thesenti- discovered that Phokion had been a faithful and
Athenians excellent public servant, repented of their sever-
towards ity towards him, celebrated his funeral obse-
Phokion, •>. ,, ,',. , ,
not long quies at the public expense, erected a statue
afterwards. jn }jjs honour, and put to death Agnonides by
Honours i_v • j- • i L T.-I m -i j
shown to public judicial sentence; while .Lpikurus and
his memory. Demophilus fled from the city and were slain by
Phokion's son.1
These facts are ostensibly correct; but Plutarch omits
Expiana- to notice the real explanation of them. "Within
tiou of tins two or three months after the death of Phokion,
Kassander' Kassander, already in possession of Peirseus and
getspos- Munychia, became also master of Athens; the
Athens °f oligarchical or Phokionic party again acquired
and restores predominance; Demetrius the Phalerean was
cMcai'o"" recalled from exile, and placed to administer
Phokionian the city under Kassander, as Phokion had ad-
party, ministered it under Antipater.
No wonder, that under such circumstances, the mem-
ory of Phokion should be honoured. But this is a very
different thing from spontaneous change of popular opinion
respecting him. I see no reason why such change of opinion
should have occurred, nor do I believe that it did occur.
heavy , and then to lie down in pensive instrument? This is at
bed, after which he gradually chill- variance with the analogy of Athe-
ed and became insensible, first nian practice. If there be any truth
in the extremities, next in the vital in the story, we must suppose that
centres. Under these circumstances, the Eleven had allotted to this
the question — which of the gaoler a stock of hemlock (or tha
persons condemned should swallow price thereof) really adequate to
the first of the five potions — could five potions, but that he by acci-
be of very little moment. dent or awkwardness had wasted
Then, as to the alleged niggard- a part of it, so that it would have
ly stock of hemlock in the Athe- been necessary for him to supply
nian prison— what would have been the deficiency out of his own
the alternative, if Phokion's friend pocket. From this embarrassment
had not furnished the twelve he was rescued by Phokion and
drachmse? Would he haveremained his friend; and Phokion'a sarcasm
in confinement, without being touches upon the strangeness of a
put to death? Certainly not; for man being called upon to pay for
he was under capital sentence, his own execution.
"Would he have been put to death ' Plutarch, Phokion, 88.
by the sword or some other unex-
CHAP. XCVI. POLITICAL CONDUCT OF PHOKION. 179
The Demos of Athens, banished and deported in mass, had
the best ground for hating Phokion, and were not likely
to become ashamed of the feeling. Though he was person-
ally mild and incorruptible, they derived no benefit from
these virtues. To them it was of little moment that he
should steadily refuse all presents from Antipater, when
he did Antipater's work gratuitously. Considered as a
judicial trial, the last scene of Phokion before the people in
the theatre is nothing better than a cruel imposture; con-
sidered as a manifestation of public opinion already settled,
it is one for which the facts of the past supplied ample
warrant.
We cannot indeed read without painful sympathy the
narrative of an old man above eighty, — person- Life and
ally brave, mild, and superior to all pecuniary character
temptation, so far as his positive administration ofPhoklon-
was concerned, — perishing under an intense and crushing-
storm of popular execration. But when we look at the
whole case — when we survey, not merely the details of
Phokion's administration, but the grand public objects
which those details subserved, and towards which he
conducted his fellow-citizens — we shall see that this judge-
ment is fully merited. In Phokion's patriotism — for so
doubtless he himself sincerely conceived it — no account
was taken of Athenian independence; of the autonomy
or self -management of the Hellenic world; of the con-
ditions, in reference to foreign kings, under which alone
such autonomy could exist. He had neither the Pan-hellenic
sentiment of Aristeides, Kallikratidas , and Demosthenes
— nor the narrower Athenian sentiment, like the devotion
of Agesilaus to Sparta, and of Epaminondas to Thebes.
To Phokion it was indifferent whether Greece was an
aggregate of autonomous cities, with Athens as first or
second among them — or one of the satrapies under the
Macedonian kings. Now this was among the most fatal
defects of a Grecian public man. The sentiment in which
Phokion was wanting, lay at the bottom of all those splen-
did achievements which have given to Greece a substantive
and preeminent place in the history of the world. Had
Themistokles, Aristeides, and Leonidas resembled him,
Greece would have passed quietly under the dominion of
Persia. The brilliant, though chequered, century and more
of independent politics which succeeded the repulse of
N 2
180 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Xerxes would never have occurred. It was precisely during
the fifty years of Phokion's political and military in-
fluence, that the Greeks were degraded from a state of
freedom, and Athens from ascendency as well as freedom,
into absolute servitude. Insofar as this great public mis-
fortune can be imputed to any one man — to no one was it
more ascribable than to Phokion. He was strategus during
most of the long series of years when Philip's power
was growing; it was his duty to look ahead for the safety
of his countrymen, and to combat the yet immature giant.
He heard the warnings of Demosthenes, and he possessed
exactly those qualities which were wanting to Demosthenes
— military energy and aptitude. Had he lent his influence
to inform the short-sightednsss, to stimulate the inertia,
to direct the armed efforts, of his countrymen, the kings
of Macedon might have been kept within their own limits,
and the future history of Greece might have been altogether
different. Unfortunately, he took the opposite side. He
acted with JEschines and the philippizers; without receiv-
ing money from Philip, he did gratuitously all that Philip
desired — by nullifying and sneering down the efforts of
Demosthenes and the other active politicians. After the
battle of Chaeroneia, Phokion received from Philip first,
and from Alexander afterwards, marks of esteem not shown
towards any other Athenian. This was both the fruit and
the proof of his past political action — anti-Hellenic as well
as anti- Athenian. Having done much, in the earlier part
of his life, to promote the subjugation of Greece under the
Macedonian kings, he contributed somewhat, during the
latter half, to lighten the severity of their dominion; and
it is the most honourable point in his character that he
always refrained from abusing their marked favour towards
himself, for purposes either of personal gain or of op-
pression over his fellow-citizens. Alexander not only wrote
letters to him, even during the plenitude of imperial power,
in terms of respectful friendship, but tendered to him the
largest presents — at one time the sum of 100 talents, at
another time the choice of four towns on the coast of Asia
Minor, as Xerxes gave to Themistokles. He even expressed
his displeasure when Phokion, refusing everything, consent-
ed only to request the liberation of three Grecian prisoners
confined at Sardis. l
1 Plutarch, Phokion, 18; Plutarch, Apophthegm, p. 188.
CHAP. XCVI. KASSANDER IN PEIR^US. 181
The Lamian war, and its consequences, were Pho-
kion's ruin. He continued at Athens, throughout that war,
freely declaring his opinion against it; for it is to be remark-
ed, that in spite of his known macedonizing politics, the
people neither banished nor degraded him, but contented
themselves with following the counsels of others. On the
disastrous termination of the war, Phokion undertook the
thankless and dishonourable function of satrap under Anti-
pater at Athens, with the Macedonian garrison at Munychia
to back him. He became the subordinate agent of a con-
queror who not only slaughtered the chief Athenian orators,
but disfranchised and deported the Demos in mass. Hav-
ing accepted partnership and responsibility in these
proceedings, Phokion was no longer safe except under the
protection of a foreign prince. After the liberal pro-
clamation issued in the name of the Macedonian kings,
permitting the return of the banished Demos, he sought
safety for himself, first by that treasonable connivance
which enabled Nikanor to seize the Peirseus, next by court-
ing Polysperchon the enemy of Nikanor. A voluntary
expatriation (alongwithhis friend thePhalereanDemetrius)
would have been less dangerous, and less discreditable, than
these manoeuvres, which still farther darkened the close of
his life, without averting from him, after all, the necessity
of facing the restored Demos. The intense and unanimous
wrath of the people against him is an instructive, though
a distressing spectacle. It was directed, not against the
man or the administrator — for in both characters Phokion
had been blameless, except as to the last collusion with
Nikanor in the seizure of the Peirseus — but against his
public policy. It was the last protest of extinct Grecian
freedom, speaking as it were from the tomb in a voice of
thunder, against that fatal system of mistrust, inertia, self-
seeking, and corruption, which had betrayed the once
autonomous Athens to a foreign conqueror.
I have already mentioned that Polysperchon with his
army was inPhokis when Phokion was brought B.C. 317
before him, on his march towards Peloponnesus, -ar**^'
Perhaps he may have been detained by nego- tween
tiation with the ^tolians, who embraced his ^Js£*£
alliance.1 At any rate, he was tardy in his Kassander
1 Diodor. six. 35.
182 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
and^Peh? marcn> f°r before he reached Attica, Kassander
ponnesus. arrived at Peiraeus to join Nikanor with a fleet
Poiysper- of thirty-five ships and 4000 soldiers obtained
puised1Sin " from Antigonus. On learning this fact, Poly-
the siege of sperchon hastened his march also, and present-
po^fs, °and ed himself under the walls of Athens and Pei-
aiso defeat- rgeus with a large force of 20,000 Macedonians,
4000 Greek allies, 1000 cavalry and sixty-five
elephants; animals which were now seen for the first time
in European Greece. He at first besieged Kassander in
Peiraeus, but finding it difficult to procure subsistence in
Attica for so numerous an army, he marched with the lar-
ger portion into Peloponnesus, leaving his son Alexander
with a division to make head against Kassander. Either
approaching in person the various Peloponnesian towns
— or addressing them by means of envoys — he enjoined
the subversion of the Antipatrian oligarchies, and the
restoration of liberty and free speech to the mass of
the citizens. 1 Inmost of the towns, this revolution was
accomplished; but in Megalopolis, the oligarchy held out;
not only forcing Polysperchon to besiege the city , but
even defending it against him successfully. He made two
or three attempts to storm it, by moveable towers, by un-
dermining the walls, and even by the aid of elephants ; but
he was repulsed in all of them,2 and obliged to relinquish
the siege with considerable loss of reputation. His admi-
ral Kleitus was soon afterwards defeated in the Propontis,
with the loss of his whole fleet, by Nikanor (whom Kas-
sander had sent from Peiraeus) and Antigonus.3
After these two defeats, Polysperchon seems to have
• evacua*ed Peloponnesus, and to have carried
strength of his forces across the Corinthian Gulf into Epirus,
Kassander £0 join Olympias. His party was greatly weak-
he gets " ened all over Greece, and that of Kassander
possession proportionally strengthened. The first effect of
of Athens, f, . r ,, * c A ,, mi_ A ii
this was, the surrender or Athens. J he Athen-
ians in the city, including all or many of the restored exiles
could no longer endure that complete severance from the
sea, to which the occupation of Peirseus and Munychia by
Kassander had reduced them. Athens without a port was
hardly tenable; in fact, Peiraeus was considered by its
great constructor, Themistokles, as more indispensable to
' Diodor. xviii. 69. * Diodor. xviii. 70, 71. • Diodor. xviii. 72.
CHA.P. XCVI. ATHENS UNDER DEMETRIUS PHALEREU8. 183
the Athenians than Athens itself.1 The subsistence of
the people was derived in large proportion from imported
corn, received through Peiraeus ; where also the trade and
industrial operations were carried on, most of the revenue
collected, and the arsenals, docks, ships, &c. of the state
kept up. It became evident that Nikanor, by seizing on
the Peirseus, had rendered Athens disarmed and helpless;
so that the irreparable mischief done by Phokion, in con-
niving at that seizure, was felt more and more every day.
Hence the Athenians, unable to capture the port them-
selves, and hopeless of obtaining it through Polysperchon,
felt constrained to listen to the partisans of Kassander,
who proposed that terms should be made with him. It
was agreed that they should become friends and allies of
Kassander; that they should have full enjoyment of their
city, with the port Peirseus, their ships, and revenues; that
the exiles and deported citizens should be readmitted ;
that the political franchise should for the future be enjoyed
by all citizens who possessed 1000 drachmae of property
and upwards; that Kassander should hold Munychia with
a governor and garrison , until the war against Poly-
sperchon was brought to a close; and that he should
also name some one Athenian citizen, in whose hands the
supreme government of the city should be vested. Kas-
sander named Demetrius the Phalerean (i. e. an Athenian
of the Deme Phalerum), one of the colleagues of Phokion ;
who had gone into voluntary exile since the death of
Antipater, but had recently returned.2
This convention restored substantially at Athens the
Antipatrian government; yet without the sever- _
... * i . i P , , i "., • • i ,11-1 Restora-
ities which had marked its original etablish- tion of
ment — and with some modifications in various *^? °iigar-
ways. It made Kassander virtually master of g0vem-
the city (as Antipater had been before him), by ^^ens*
means of his governing nominee, upheld by the though'in a
garrison, and by the fortification of Munychia; mitigated
•L- l. i ii i it form, under
which had now been greatly enlarged and the Phaie-
strengthened, 3 holding apractical command over re.an Deme-
Peirseus, though that port was nominally relin-
quished to the Athenians. But there was no slaughter of
1 Thucyd. i. 93. as it stood ten years afterwards
* Diodor. xviii. 74. (Diodor. xx. 46).
1 See the notice of Munychia,
184 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
orators, no expulsion of citizens; moreover, even the min-
imum of 1000 drachmae, fixed for the political franchise,
though excluding the multitude, must have been felt as
an improvement compared with the higher limit of 2000
drachmae prescribed by Antipater. Kassander was not,
like his father, at the head of an overwhelming force,
master of Greece. He had Polysperchon in the field
against him with a rival army and an established ascend-
ency in many of the Grecian cities ; it was therefore his
interest to abstain from measures of obvious harshness
towards the Athenian people.
Towards this end his choice of the Phalerean Demetrius
Adminis- appears to have been judicious. That citizen
tration of continued to administer Athens, as satrap or
reanPDeme- despot under Kassander, for ten years. He was
trius at an accomplished literary man, friend both of the
a moderate philosopher Theophrastus, who had succeeded
spirit. to the school of Aristotle — and of the rhetor
ta'ken'ofthe Deinarchus. He is described also as a person
Athenian of expensive and luxurious habits ; towards which
population. he devoted the most of the Athenian public re-
venue, 1200 talents in amount, if Duris is to be believed.
His administration is said to have been discreet and moder-
ate. We know little of its details, but we are told that
he made sumptuary laws, especially restricting the cost
and ostentation of funerals. J He himself extolled his own
decennial period as one of abundance and flourishing com-
merce at Athens.2 But we learn from others, and the fact
is highly probable, that it was a period of distress and hu-
miliation, both at Athens and in other Grecian towns ; and
1 Cicero, De Legg. ii. 26, 66; * See the Fragment of Demo-
Strabo, ix. p. 398 ; Pausanias, i. 25, charOs , 2 ; Fragment. Historic.
B. T'jpocvvov TS 'AQrjvaloi; erpa£s Grsec. ed. Didot, vol. ii. p. 448,
fevioQai ATjjjLTjTpiov, &c. Duris ap. ap. Polyb. xii. 13. Demochares,
Athenaeum, xii. 542. Fragm. 27. vol. nephew of the orator Demosthenes,
iii. p. 477. Frag. Hist. Graec. was the political opponent of De-
The Phalerean Demetrius com- metrius Phalereus, whom he re-
posed, among numerous historical, proached with these boasts about
philosophical, and literary works, commercial prosperity , when the
a narrative of his own decennial liberty and dignity of the city were
administration (Diogenes Laert. overthrown. To such boasts of
v. 6, 9; Strabo, ib.)— ittpi TTJ? 8£- Demetrius Phalereus probably be-
xattiac. longs the statement cited from him
The statement of 1200 talents, by Strabo (iii. p. 147) about the
as the annual revenue handled by laborious works in the Attic
Demetrius , deserves little credit, mines at Laureium.
CHAP. XCVI.
CENSUS TAKEN AT ATHENS.
185
that Athenians, as well as others, welcomed new projects
of colonization (such as that of Ophelias from Kyrene) not
simply from prospects of advantage, but also as an escape
from existing evils.1
What forms of nominal democracy were kept up during
this interval , we cannot discover. The popular judi-
cature must have been continued for private suits and ac-
cusations, since Deinarchus is said to have been in large
practice as a logographer, or composer of discourses for
others.2 But the fact that three hundred and sixty statues
were erected in honour of Demetrius while his administra-
tion was still going on, demonstrates the gross flattery of
his partisans, the subjection of the people, and the practi-
cal abolition of all free-spoken censure or pronounced op-
position. "We learn that, in some one of the ten years of
his administration, a census was taken of the inhabitants
of Attica; and that there were numbered, 21,000 citizens,
10,000 metics, and 400,000 slaves. 3 Of this important
1 Diodor. xx. 40. uxjQ' 6iceXdi|x-
potvov IATJ |i6vOv eYxPaT8^ ioeoQai
icoXXtjjv ocY<x6(I>v, dXXa xat TUJV itapov-
TUJV xaxu>v aTtaXXaY^osoQai.
* Dionys. Halic. .Indicium de
Dinarcho, p. 633, 634; Plutarch,
Demetrius, 10. Xiy<p [xsv oXiyocp-
^ixrjS) spYf ^£ (*0vaPXl*'^» xaTadTa-
CJSUK YtvO[l4vJ)s Sia trjv TOO OaXrifEUK
8'ivotjjuv, Ac.
' KtesiklSs ap. Athenaeum, vi. p.
272. Mr. Fynes Clinton (following
Wesseling) supplies the defect in
the text of Athemvus, so as to
assign the census to the 115th
Olympiad. This conjecture may
be right, yet the reasons for it are
not conclusive. The census may
have heen taken either in the 116th,
or in the 117th Olympiad ; we have
no means of determining which.
The administration of Phalerean
Demetrius covers the ten years
between 317 and 307 B.C. (Fast.
Hell. Append, p. 388).
Mr. Clinton (ad ann. 317 B.C. Fast.
Hell.) observes respecting the cen-
sus— "The 21,000 Athenians express
those who had votes in the public
assembly, or all the males above
the age of twenty years; the
10,000 IJLSTOIXOI described also the
males of full age. When the
women and children are computed,
the total free population will be
about 127,660; and 400,000 slaves,
added to this total, will give about
527,660 for the total population of
Attica." See also the Appendix
to F. H. p. 390 seq.
This census is a very interesting
fact; but our information respect-
ing it is miserably scanty, and
Mr. Clinton's interpretation of the
different numbers is open to some
remark. He cannot be right, I
think, in saying— "The 21, 000 Athe-
nians express those who had votes
in the assembly, or all the males
above the age of twenty years."
For we are expressly told, that
under the administration of Deme-
trius Phalereus , all persons wlio
did not possess 1000 drachmae were
excluded from the political fran-
chise ; and therefore a large num-
ber of males above the age of
twenty years would have no vote
186
HISTOKY OF GKKECE.
PART II.
enumeration we know the bare fact, without its special pur-
pose or even its precise date. Perhaps some of those citizens,
who had been banished or deported at the close of the
Lamian war, may have returned and continued to reside
at Athens. But there still seems to have remained, during
all the continuance of the Kassandrian oligarchy, a body
of adverse Athenian exiles, watching for an opportunity
of overthrowing it, and seeking aid for that purpose from
the JEtolians and others. »
The acquisition of Athens by Kassander, followed
B.C. 317 up by his capture of Panaktum and Salamis,
xtsg1 d^ anc^ seconded by his moderation towards the
inPeiopon- Athenians, procured for him considerable sup-
nesus— port in Peloponnesus . whither he proceeded
many cities •,-,•,• . •»«• r ii •!_• • i- • i i j
join him— with his army.2 JUany ot the cities, intimidated
in the assembly. Since the two wholly unrecorded, on Mr. Clin-
categories are not coincident, then,
to which shall we apply the num-
ber 21,000 ? To those who had votes ?
Or to the total number of free
citizens, voting or not voting,
above the age of twenty ? The
public assembly, during the ad-
ministration of Demetrius Pha-
lereus , appears to have been of means, not slaves only, but the
ton's supposition. Now if, for
the purposes of the census, it was
necessary to enumerate the slave
women and children — it surely
would be not less necessary to
enumerate the free women and
children.
The word olxs-at sometimes
little moment or efficacy ; so that
a distinct record, of the number
of persons entitled to vote in it,
is not likely to have been sought.
Then again , Mr. Clinton inter-
prets the three numbers given,
upon two principles totally distinct.
The two first numbers (citizens
and metics) , he considers to de-
signate only males of full age ;
the third number, of oixiTott , he
considers to include both sexes
and all ages.
This is a conjecture which I think
very doubtful , in the absence of
farther knowledge. It implies that
the enumerators take account of
the slave women and children —
but that they take no account of
the free women and children,
wives and families of the citizens
and metics. The number of the
free women and children are
inmates of a family generally-
free as well as slave. If such be
its meaning lure (which however
there is not evidence enough to
affirm), we eliminate the difficulty
of supposing the slave women and
children to be enumerated — and
the free women and children not
to be enumerated.
We should be able to reason
more confidently , if we knew the
purpose for which the census had
been taken — whether with a view
to military or political measures —
to finance and taxation — or to the
question of subsistence and impor-
tation of foreign corn (see Mr. Clin-
ton's Fast. H. ad ann. 444 B.C.,
about another census taken iu refer-
ence to imported corn).
1 See Dionys. Halic. Judic. do
Dinarcho, p. i 58 Beisk.
1 Diodor. xviii. 75.
CHAP. XCVI. CENSUS TAKEN AT ATHENS. 187
or persuaded, joined him and deserted Poly- the spar-
sperchon; while the Spartans, now feeling for round"their
the first time their defenceless condition, thought city with
it prudent to surround their city with walls.1 walls-
This fact, among many others contemporaneous, testifies
emphatically , how the characteristic sentiments of the
Hellenic autonomous world were now dying out every where.
The maintenance of Sparta as an unwalled city, was one of
the deepest and most cherished of Lykurgean traditions;
a standing proof of the fearless bearing and self-confidence
of the Spartans against dangers from without. The erec-
tion of the walls showed their own conviction, but too well
borne out by the real circumstances around them, that the
pressure of the foreigner had become so overwhelming as
not to leave them even safety at home.
The warfare between Kassander and Polysperchon
became now embittered by a feud among the B.C. 317
members of the Macedonian imperial family. J, u*^mn)-
-ir- T»L-T * -j j i_- -r -m JM * Feud in the
King Philip Andaeus and his wife Eurydike, Mace-
alarmed and indignant at the restoration of donian im-
Olympias which Polysperchon was projecting, family—
solicited aid from Kassander, and tried to place oiympias
the force of Macedonia at his disposal. In this death °Phi-
however they failed. Oiympias, assisted not lipAndasus
only by Polysperchon , but by the Epirotic d?ke— she
prince ^Eakides, made her entry into Macedonia reigns in
* i e -c\ • 1-1 ,1 i c nt~ Macedonia:
out or Epirus, apparently in the autumn of 31 < her bloody
B.C. She brought with her E-oxana and her child revenge
— the widow and son of Alexander the Great, partisans of
The Macedonian soldiers, assembled by Philip Antipater.
Aridseus and Eurydike to resist her, were so overawed by
her name and the recollection of Alexander, that they re-
fused to fight, and thus ensured to her an easy victory.
Philip and Eurydike became her prisoners; the former she
caused to be slain; to the latter she offered only an option
between the sword, the halter, and poison. The old queen
next proceeded to satiate her revenge against the family
of Antipater. One hundred leading Macedonians, friends
of Kassander, were put to death, together with his bro-
ther Nikanor;2 while the sepulchre of his deceased brother
1 Justin, xiv. 5; Diodor. xviii. * Diodor. xix. 11 ; Justin, x. 14, 4;
75 ; Pausan. vii. 8, 3 ; Pausan. i. Pausaiiias, i. 11, 4.
25, 5.
188 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
lollas, accused of having poisoned Alexander the Great,
was broken up.
During the winter, Olympias remained thus completely
B.C. sie. predominant in Macedonia; where her position
Kassander seemed strong , since her allies the JEtolians
passes into were masters of the pass at Thermopylae, while
-defeats** Kassander was kept employed in Peloponnesus
oiympias, by the force under Alexander, son of Polysper-
andbecomes cnon< Jjut Kassander, disengaging himself from
ofthecoun- these embarrassments, and eluding Thermopylae
try— piym- ^y a maritime transit to Thessaly, seized the
besie'ged in Perrhaebian passes before they had been put
Pydn,a> d under guard, and entered Macedonia without
and put to resistance. Olympias, having no army competent
death. to meet him in the field, was forced to shut her-
self up in the maritime fortress of Pydna, with Roxaua,
the child Alexander, and Thessalonike daughter of her late
husband Philip son of Amyntas. 1 Here Kassander blocked
her up for several months by sea as well as by land, and
succeeded in defeating all the efforts of Polysperchon and
jEakides to relieve her. In the spring of the ensuing year
(316 B.C.), she was forced by intolerable famine to surren-
der. Kassander promised her nothing more than personal
safety, requiring from her the surrender of the two great
fortresses, Pella and Amphipolis, which made him master
of Macedonia. Presently, however, the relatives of those
numerous victims, who had perished by order of Olympias,
were encouraged by Kassander to demand her life in re-
tribution. They found little difficulty in obtaining a ver-
dict of condemnation against her from what was called a
Macedonian assembly. Nevertheless, such was the senti-
ment of awe and reverence connected with her name, that
no one except the injured men themselves could be found
to execute the sentence. She died with a courage worthy
of her rank and domineering character. Kassander took
Thessalonike to wife — confining Roxana with the child
Alexander in the fortress of Amphipolis — where (after a
certain interval) he caused both of them to be slain.2
While Kassander was thus master of Macedonia — and
while the imperial family were disappearing from the
s
1 Diodor. xix. 36. ' Diodor. xix. 50, 51 ; Justin, xiv. 5 ; Pausan.
i. 25, 5 j ix. 7, 1.
CHAP. XCVI. DEATH OF EUMENE8. 189
scene in that country — the defeat and death of Eumenes
(which happened nearly at the same time as
the capture of Olympias1) removed the last G*e'aj
faithful partisan of that family in Asia. But at power of
the same time, it left in the hands of Antigonus ^"^sia"™8
such overwhelming preponderance throughout Confede'r-
Asia, that he aspired to become vicar and ^assander
master of the entire Alexandrine empire, as Ly si-
well as to avenge upon Kassander the extirpa- ™ac!ius >
,. - ,, if -i -rr- j Ptolemy
tion of the regal family. His power appeared and Seieu-
indeed so formidable, that Kassander of Mace- *™ a8alnst
donia, Lysimachus of Thrace, Ptolemy of
Egypt, and Seleukus of Babylonia, entered into a con-
vention, which gradually ripened into an active alliance,
against him.
During the struggles between these powerful princes,
Greece appears simply as a group of subject BO 315 3U
cities, held, garrisoned, grasped at, or coveted, Kassander'
by all of them. Polysperchon, abandoning all foundsKas-
hopes in Macedonia after the death of Olympias, |*adreia'
had been forced to take refuge among the restores
j/Etoliana, leaving his son Alexander to make Thebes-
the best struggle that he could in Peloponnesus; so that
Kassander was now decidedly preponderant throughout
the Hellenic regions. After fixing himself on the throne
of Macedonia, he perpetuated his own name by founding,
on the isthmus of the peninsula of Pallene and near the
site where Potidaea had stood, the new city of Kassandreia;
into which he congregated a large number of inhabitants
from the neighbourhood, and especially the remnant of the
citizens of Olynthus and Potidsea, — towns taken and destroy-
ed by Philip more than thirty years before.2 He next
marched into Peloponnesus with his army against Alexan-
der son of Polysperchon. Passing through Boeotia, he
undertook the task of restoring the city of Thebes, which
had been destroyed twenty years previously by Alexander
the Great, and had ever since existed only as a military
post in the ancient citadel called Kadmeia. The other
Bosotian towns, to whom the old Theban territory had been
' Even immediately before the est, considered Eumenes to be still
death of Olympias, Aristonous, go- alive (Diodor. xix. 60).
vernor df Amphipolis in her inter- * Diodor. xix. 62; Pausanias, v.23, 2.
190 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
assigned, were persuaded or constrained to relinquish it;
and Kassander invited from all parts of Greece the Theban
exiles or their descendants. From sympathy with these
exiles, and also with the ancient celebrity of the city, many
Greeks, even from Italy and Sicily, contributed to the
restoration. The Athenians, now administered by Deme-
trius Phalereus under Kassander's supremacy, were parti-
cularly forward in the work; the Messenians and Megalo-
politans, whose ancestors had owed so much to the Theban
Epaminondas, lent strenuous aid. Thebes was re-establish-
ed in the original area which it had occupied before
Alexander's siege ; and was held by a Kassandrian garrison
in the Kadmeia, destined for the mastery of Boeotia and
Greece.1
After some stay at Thebes, Kassander advanced to-
B.C. 3H. wards Peloponnesus. Alexander (son of Poly-
Measures of sperchon) having fortified the Isthmus, he was
Antigonus forced to embark his troops with his elephants
against . -»r j J.TCI • tl if j.
Kassander— at Megara, and cross over the baronic Gull to
f eePdomi8teS Epidaurus. He dispossessed Alexander of Ar-
tbe Grecian gos, of Messenia, and even of his position on the
pt^iem Isthmus, where he left a powerful detachment,
pronfiTes and then returned to Macedonia.2 His increas-
the like. jng p0wer raised both apprehension and hatred
Great pow- . °.V , ,, . .. * ,
er of Has- m the bosom ot Antigonus, who endeavoured
pandoi in to come to terms with him, but in vain.3 Kas-
sander preferred the alliance with Ptolemy,
Seleukus, and Lysimachus — against Antigonus , who was
now master of nearly the whole of Asia, inspiring common
dread to all of them.4 Accordingly, from Asia to Pelo-
ponnesus, with arms and money, Antigonus despatched the
Milesian Aristodemus to strengthen Alexander against
Kassander; whom he farther denounced as an enemy of
the Macedonian name, because he had slain Olympias, im-
prisoned the other members of the regal family, and re-
established the Olynthian exiles. He caused the absent
1 Diodor. xix. 52, 64, 78; Pausan. the consequences of his acts. That
ix. 7, 2-6. This ssems an explan- he did BO hate Alexander, is how-
ation of Kassander's proceeding, ever extremely credible: see Plu-
more probable than that given by tarch, Alexand. 74.
Pauranias; who tells us that Kas- 2 Diodor. xix. 54.
sander hated the memory of Alex- ' Diodor. xix. 56.
ander the Great, and wished to undo * Diodor. xix. 57.
CHAP. XCVI. GREECE PROCLAIMED FREE BY ANTIGONUS. 191
Kassander to be condemned by what was called a Mace-
donian assembly, upon these and other charges.
Antigonus farther proclaimed, by the voice of this
assembly, that all the Greeks should be free, self-governing,
and exempt from garrisons or military occupation. 1 It was
expected that these brilliant promises would enlist part-
isans in Greece against Kassander; accordingly Ptolemy,
ruler of Egypt, one of the enemies of Antigonus, thought
fit to issue similar proclamations a few months afterwards,
tendering to the Greeks the same boon from himself.2
These promises, neither executed, nor intended to be ex-
ecuted, by either of the kings, appear to have produced
little or no effect upon the Greeks.
The arrival of Aristodemus in Peloponnesus had re-
animated the party of Alexander (son of Polysperchon),
against whom Kassander was again obliged to bring his
full forces from Macedonia. Though successful against
Alexander at Argos, Orchomenus and other places, Kas-
sander was not able to crush him, and presently thought
it prudent to gain him over. He offered to him the se-
parate government of Peloponnesus, though in subord-
ination to himself: Alexander accepted the offer, becoming
Kassander's ally3 — and carried on war, jointly with him,
against Aristodemus, with varying success, until he was
presently assassinated by some private enemies. Never-
theless his widow Kratesipolis, a woman of courage and
energy, still maintained herself in considerable force at
Sikyon.* Kassander's most obstinate enemies were the
-33tolians, of whom we now first hear formal mention as a
substantive confederacy.5 These ^Etolians became the
allies of Antigonus as they had been before of Poly-
sperchon, extending their predatory ravages even as far
as Attica. Protected against foreign garrisons, partly by
their rude and fierce habits, partly by their mountainous
territory, they were almost the only Greeks who could
still be called free. Kassander tried to keep them in check
through the.ir neighbours the Akarnanians, whom he in-
duced to adopt a more concentrated habit of residence,
Diodor xix. 61. sitt T o u xotvoii ttbv AiTU)X(I>v
Diodor xix. 62. 8ixaio),OYT)3!Z[j.£-jOi;, icposrpj^aTO -ui
Diodor xix. 63, 64. r.\rfii\ poTjQsiv -coic 'Avtifovou JipaY-
Diodor xix. 62, 67. fiasiv, &0.
Diodor xix. 66. 'ApiaT68r,|AO(;,
192 HISTOEY OF GREECE. PART II.
consolidating their numerous petty townships into a few
considerable towns, — Stratus, Sauria, and Agrinium — con-
venient posts for Macedonian garrisons. He also made him-
self master of Leukas, Apollonia, and Epidamnus, defeat-
ing the Illyrian king Glaukias, so that his dominion now
extended across from the Thermaic to the Adriatic Gulf. '
His general Philippus gained two important victories over
the JEtolians and Epirots, forcing the former to relinquish
Borne of their most accessible towns.2
The power of Antigonus in Asia underwent a material
B.C. 312. diminution, by the successful and permanent
Forces of establishment which Seleukus now acquired in
Antigonus Babylonia; from which event the era of the
in Greece. «',. CIII-T J.T -j. •• -r
Consider- succeeding beleukidae takes its origin. In
able ^ Greece, however, Antigonus gained ground on
against Kassander. He sent thither his nephew Pto-
Kassander. lemy with a large force to liberate the Greeks,
or in other words, to expel the Kassandrian garrisons;
while he at the same time distracted Kassander's atten-
tion by threatening to cross the Hellespont and invade
Macedonia. This Ptolemy (not the Egyptian) expelled the
soldiers of Kassander from Eubcea, Bceotia, and Phokis.
Chalkis in Euboea was at this time the chief military sta-
tion of Kassander; Thebes (which he had recently re-
established) was in alliance with him ; but the remaining
Boeotian towns were hostile to him. Ptolemy, having taken
Chalkis — the citizens of which he conciliated by leaving
them without any garrison — together with Oropus, Eretria,
and Karystus — entered Attica, and presented himself be-
fore Athens. So much disposition to treat with him was
manifested in the city, that Demetrius the Phalerean was
obliged to gain time by pretending to open negotiations
with Antigonus, while Ptolemy withdrew from Attica.
Nearly at the same epoch, Apollonia, Epidamnus, and Leu-
kas, found means, assisted by an armament from Korkyra,
to drive out Kassander's garrisons, and to escape from his
dominion.3 The affairs of Antigonus were now prospering
in Greece, but they were much thrown back by the dis-
content and treachery of hie admiral Telesphorus, who
seized Elis and even plundered the sacred treasures of
1 Diodor. xix. 67, 68 ; Justin, xv. .ZEtolischen Volkes und Bundes,
2. See Brandstatter, Geschichte des p. 178 (Berlin, 1844).
1 Diodor. xix. 74. ' Diodor. xix. 77, 78, 89.
CHAP. XCVI. PLANS OF POLY8PERCHON. 193
Olympia. Ptolemy presently put him down, and restored
these treasures to the God. 1
In the ensuing year, a convention was concluded be-
tween Antigonus on one side — and Kassander, B.c. sii.
Ptolemy (the Egyptian) and Lysimachus, on the Pacifl-
other, whereby the supreme command in Mace- cation t>e-
• j j. TT- j.-i j.1. tween the
donia was guaranteed to Kassander, until the bem-
maturity of Alexander son of Roxana; Thrace §."ec°*^
being at the same time assured to Lysimachus, autonomy
Egypt to Ptolemy, and the whole of Asia to guaranteed
»°,- i-i J . ii_ j.- L j m name by
Antigonus. It was at the same time covenanted ail. Kas-
by all, that the Hellenic cities should be free. 2 **n^t£ut8
Towards the execution of this last clause, how- K0xanaand
ever, nothing was actually done. Nor does it her ohild-
appear that the treaty had any other effect, except to in-
spire Kassander with increased jealousy about Roxana
and her child; both of whom (as has been already stated) he
caused to be secretly assassinated soon afterwards, by the
governor Glaukias, in the fortress of Amphipolis, where
they had been confined.3 The forces of Antigonus, under
his general Ptolemy, still remained in Greece. But this
general presently (310 B.C.) revolted from Antigonus, and
placed them in cooperation with Kassander; while Ptolemy
of Egypt, accusing Antigonus of having contravened the
treaty by garrisoning various Grecian cities, renewed the
war and the triple alliance against him.4
Polysperchon, — who had hitherto maintained a local
dominion over various parts of Peloponnesus, Poiysper-
with a military force distributed in Messene and chones-
other towns5 — was now encouragedby Antigonus pretensions
to espouse the cause of Herakles (son of Alex- °^0rfakl6s
ander by Barsine), and to place him on the Alexander,
throne of Macedonia in opposition to Kassander. against
rr\i- . TTA i i» Kassander.
'I his young prince Herakles, now seventeen He enters
years of age, was sent to Greece from Pergamus into co.m,-
r A • j !• • ii pact with
in Asia, and his pretensions to the throne were Kassander,
assisted not only by a considerable party in assassi-
Macedonia itself, but also by the JEtolians. Poly- younV
sperchon invaded Macedonia, with favourable prince, and
1 Diodor. xix. 87. « Diodor. xx. 19.
a Diodor. xix. 105. s MessenS was garrisoned by
3 Diodor. xix. 105. Polyspercbon (Diodor. xix. 64).
VOL. XII. O
194 HISTOKY OF GREECE. PABT II.
is recog- prospects of establishing the young prince:
nizedasrulerr , Z ,, , , ., J
ofSouthern yet he thought it advantageous to accept
Greece. treacherous propositions from Kassander, who
offered to him partnership in the sovereignty of Macedonia,
with an independent army and dominion in Peloponnesus.
Polysperchon, tempted by these offers, assassinated the
young prince Herakles, and withdrew his army towards
Peloponnesus. But he found such unexpected opposition,
in his march through Bceotia, from Boeotians and Pelopon-
nesians, that he was forced to take up his winter quarters
in Lokris1 (309 B.C.). From this time forward, as far as we
can make out, he commanded in Southern Greece as sub-
ordinate ally or partner of Kassander;2 -whose Mace-
donian dominion, thus confirmed, seems to have included
Akarnania and Amphilochia on the Ambrakian Gulf,
together with the town of Ambrakia itself, and a supre-
macy over many of the Epirots.
The assassination of Herakles was speedily followed
by that of Kleopatra, sister of Alexander the
Assassina* Great, and daughter of Philip and Olympias.
tion of She had been for some time at Sardis, nominally
Ust°patra> a^ liberty, ye^ under watch by the governor,
surviving who received his orders from Antigonus; she
Ai^sande/ was now PrePai>ing to quit that place, for the
thereat, purpose of joining Ptolemy in Egypt, and of
by Anti- becoming his wife. She had been invoked as
auxiliary, or courted in marriage, by several of
the great Macedonian chiefs, without any result. Now,
however, Antigonus, afraid of the influence which her
name might throw into the scale of his rival Ptolemy, caused
her to be secretly murdered as she was preparing for her
departure ; throwing the blame of the deed on some of her
women, whom he punished with death, s All the relatives
of Alexander the Great (except Thessalonike wife of Kas-
sander, daughter of Philip by a Thessalian mistress) had
now successively perished, and all by the orders of one or
other among his principal officers. The imperial family,
with the prestige of its name, thus came to an end.
'Diodor. xx.28; Trogus Pompeius 66jt— at least this was the reproach
— Proleg. ad Justin, xv; Justin, xv. 2. of Lysimachus (Plutarch, Pyrrhus,
» Diodor. xx. 100-103 j Plutarch, 12).
Pyrrhus, 6. King Pyrrhus was of * Diodor. xx. 37: compare Justin.
*pOYovU)v «l cioouXe'jxoTOv Maxe- xiii. 6; xiv. 1.
CHAP. XCVI. DEMETRIUS POLIOEKETES AT ATHENS. 195
Ptolemy of Egypt now set sail for Greece with a
powerful armament. He acquired possession of ptoiemy of
the important cities — Sikyon and Corinth — Egypt in
which were handed over to nim by Kratesipolis, a/te^some
widow of Alexander son of Polysperchon. He successes,
then made known by proclamation his purpose ciude^'a
as a liberator, inviting aid from the Pelopon- truce with
nesian .cities themselves against the garrisons pas^iTe"^^
of Kassander. From some he received encour- of the Gre-
aging answers and promises ; but none of them cian Clties-
made any movement, or seconded him by armed demon-
strations. He thought it prudent therefore to conclude a
truce with Kassander and retire from Greece, leaving
however secure garrisons in Sikyon and Corinth.1 The
Grecian cities had now become tame and passive. Feeling
their own incapacity of self-defence, and averse to auxiliary
efforts, which brought upon them enmity without any
prospect of advantage — they awaited only the turns of
foreign interference and the behests of the potentates
around them.
The Grecian ascendency of Kassander, however, was
in the following year exposed to a graver shock B.C. 307.
than it had ever yet encountered — by the sud- Sudden
den invasion of Demetrius called Poliorketes, "einetriu's
son of Antigonus. This young prince, sailing Poliorketes
from Ephesus with a formidable armament, con- xh^Athe-'
trived to conceal his purposes so closely, that mans de-
he actually entered the harbour of Peiraeus (on favour!* *""
the 26th of the month Thargelion — May) without Demetrius
expectation, or resistance from any one; his fleet f^res't'o'
being mistaken for the fleet of the Egyptian Egypt.
Ptolemy. The Phalerean Demetrius, taken un- JSSSSd?
awares, and attempting too late to guard the and Me-
harbour, found himself compelled to leave it in gara-
possession of the enemy, and to retire within the walls of
Athens; while Dionysius, the Kassandrian governor, main-
tained himself with his garrison in Munychia, yet without
any army competent to meet the invaders in the field.
This accomplished the Phalerean, who had administered for
ten years as the viceroy and with the force of Kassander,
now felt his position and influence at Athens overthrown,
1 Diodor. xx. 37.
0 2
196 HIST OK Y OF GREECE. PART II.
and even his personal safety endangered. He with other
Athenians went as envoys on the ensuing day to ascertain
what terms would be granted. The young prince osten-
tatiously proclaimed, that it was the intention of his father
Antigonus and himself to restore and guarantee to the
Athenians unqualified freedom and autonomy. Hence the
Phalerean Demetrius foresaw that his internal opponents,
condemned as they had been to compulsory silence during
the last ten years, would now proclaim themselves with
irresistible violence, so that there was no safety for him
except in retreat. He accordingly asked and obtained
permission from the invader to retire to Thebes, from
whence he passed over soon after to Ptolemy in Egypt.
The Athenians in the city declared in favour of Demetrius
Poliorketes; who however refused to enter the walls until
he should have besieged and captured Munychia, as well
as Megara, with their Kassandrian garrisons. In a short
time he accomplished both these objects. Indeed energy,
skill, and effective use of engines, in besieging fortified
places, were among the most conspicuous features in his
character; procuring for him the surname whereby he is
known to history. He proclaimed the Megarians free,
levelling to the ground the fortifications of Munychia, as
an earnest to the Athenians that they should be relieved
for the future from all foreign garrison. *
After these successes, Demetrius Poliorketes made
B.C. SOT. hi8 triumphant entry into Athens. He announced
Demetrius to the people, in formal assembly, that they were
^uters^6168 now aga^n a ^ree democracy, liberated from all
Athens in dominion either of soldiers from abroad or olig-
trinmph. archs at home. He also promised them a farther
misePs resto- boon from his father Antigonus and himself —
the'd'emo- 150>000 medimni of corn for distribution, and
cracy. ship-timber in quantity sufficient for construct-
Extrava-^ ing JQQ triremes. Both these announcements
of'flauery8 were received with grateful exultation. The
passed by feelings of the people were testified not merely
the Athen- . f> . ,, r, * , , . . -i ,1
ians to- in votes ot thanks and admiration towards the
wards him. young conqueror, but also in effusions of un-
'Philochor.Fragm. 144, ed.Didot; Peirseus by Demetrius Poliorketis
Diodor. xx. 45, 46; Plutarch, De- is related somewhat differently by
metrius, 8, 9. The occupation of Polytenus , iv. 7, 6.
CHAP. XOVI. ATHENS PASSIVE AND SERVILE. 197
measured and exorbitant flattery. Stratokles Two new
(who has alreadybeen before us as one of the tribes"
accusers of Demosthenes in the Harpalian affair) created,
with others exhausted their invention in devising new
varieties of compliment and adulation. Antigonus and
Demetrius were proclaimed to be not only kings, but Gods
and Saviours : a high priest of these Saviours was to be
annually chosen, after whom each successive year was to
be named (instead of being named after the first of the
nine Archons, as had hitherto been the custom), and the
dates of decrees and contracts commemorated; the month
Munychion was re-named as Demetrion — two new tribes,
to be called Antigonis and Demetrias, were constituted in
addition to the preceding ten: — the annual senate was
appointed to consist of 600 members instead of 500; the
portraits and exploits of Antigonus and Demetrius were
to be woven, along with those of Zeus and Athene, into
the splendid and voluminous robe periodically carried in
procession, as an offering at the Panathenaic festival; the
spot of ground where Demetrius had alighted from his
chariot, was consecrated with an altar erected in honour
of Demetrius Katsebates or the Descender. Several other
similar votes were passed, recognizing, and worshipping
as Gods, the Saviours Antigonus and Demetrius. Nay, we
are told that temples or altars were voted to Phila- Aphro-
dite, in honour of Phila wife of Demetrius; and a like
compliment was paid to his two mistresses, Lesena and
Lamia. Altars are said to have been also dedicated to
Adeimantus and others, his convivial companions or
flatterers, i At the same time the numerous statues, which
had been erected in honour of the Phalerean Demetrius
during his decennial government, were overthrown, and
some of them even turned to ignoble purposes, in order to
cast greater scorn upon the past ruler.2 The demonstra-
tions of servile flattery at Athens, towards Demetrius
Poliorketes, were in fact so extravagantly overdone, that
he himself is said to have been disgusted with them, and
to have expressed contempt for these degenerate Athen-
ians of his own time.3
1 Plutarch, Demetrius, 9-11 ; Diod. lost) of the Phalerean Demetrius,
xx. 47; Democharfis ap. Atheneeum, one was entitled "AQr^aiiuv xatoc-
'vi. p. 253. 8pofAT) (ib. v. 82).
1 Diogen. Laert. v. 77. Among J Demochares ap. Atheneeum, vi.
\ the numerous literary works (all p. 253.
198 HISTOBY OF GBEECB. PART II.
In reviewing such degrading proceedings, we must
recollect that thirty-one years had now elapsed
Alteration since the battle of Chseroneia, and that during
of tone and all this time the Athenians had been under the
inDAthens Practical ascendency, and constantly augmenting
during the pressure, of foreign potentates. The sentiment
last thirty of ^jg dependence on Macedonia had been con-
tinually strengthened by all the subsequent
events — by the capture and destruction of Thebes, and the
subsequent overwhelming conquests of Alexander — by the
deplorable conclusion of the Lamian war, the slaughter of
the free-spoken orators, the death of the energetic military
leaders, and the deportation of Athenian citizens — lastly,
by the continued presence of a Macedonian garrison in
Peirseus or Munychia. By Phokion, Demetrius Phalereus,
and the other leading statesmen of this long period, sub-
mission to Macedonia had been inculcated as a virtue,
while the recollection of the dignity and grandeur of old
autonomous Athens had been effaced or denounced as a
mischievous dream. The fifteen years between the close
of the Lamian war and the arrival of Demetrius Poliorketes
(322-307 B.C.), had witnessed no free play, nor public dis-
cussion and expression, of conflicting opinions; the short
period during which Phokion was condemned must be ex-
cepted, but that lasted only long enough to give room for
the outburst of a preconceived but suppressed antipathy.
During these thirty years, of which the last half had
been an aggravation of the first, anew generation of Athen-
ians had grown up, accustomed to an altered phase of poli-
tical existence. How few of those who received Demetrius
Poliorketes, had taken part in the battle of Chaeroneia, or
listened to the stirring exhortations of Demosthenes in the
war which preceded that disaster!1 Of the citizens who
yet retained courage and patriotism to struggle again for
their freedom after the death of Alexander, how many must
have perished with Leosthenes in the Lamian war! The
Athenians of 307 B.C. had come to conceive their own city,
and Hellas generally, as dependent first on Kassander, next
on the possible intervention of his equally overweening
rivals, Ptolemy, Antigonus, Lysimachus, &c. If they shook
1 Tacitus, Annal. i. 3. "Juniores quotusquisque reliquus, qui rom-
post Actiacara victoriam, ocniores publicam vidissct?"
plerique iuter bella civium, uati:
CHAP. XCVI. ATHENS WITHOUT FOBCE OB HOPE. 199
off the yoke of one potentate, it could only be by the pro-
tectorate of another. The sentiment of political self-reli-
ance and autonomy had fled; the conception of a citizen
military force, furnished by confederate and cooperating
cities, had been superseded by the spectacle of vast stand-
ing armies, organized by the heirs of Alexander and of his
traditions.
Two centuries before (510 B.C.), when the Lacedaemon-
ians expelled the despot Hippias and his mer- Contrast of
cenaries from Athens, there sprang up at once Athen? *8
,,.,,. , * _ j j j proclaimed
among the Athenian people a forward and de- free by
voted patriotism, which made them willing to Demetrius
, 11 j • j Pohorketes
brave, and competent to avert, all dangers in de- with
fence of their newly-acquired liberty.1 At that Athens
1_ 1_ j.l_ it. J. J after the
time, the enemies by whom they were threatened, expulsion
were Lacedaemonians, Thebans,.*Eginetans,Chal- of Hippias.
kidians, and the like (for the Persian force did not present
itself until after some interval, and attacked not Athens
alone, but Greece collectively). These hostile forces, though
superior in number and apparent value to those of Athens,
were yet not so disproportionate as to engender hopeless-
ness and despair. Very different were the facts in 307 B.C.,
when Demetrius Poliorketes removed the Kassandrian
mercenaries with their fortress Munychia, and proclaimed
Athens free. To maintain that freedom by their own
strength — in opposition to the evident superiority of organ-
ized force residing in the potentates around, one or more
of whom had nearly all Greece under military occupation,
— was an enterprise too hopeless to have been attempted
even by men such as the combatants of Marathon or the
contemporaries of Perikles. "Who would be free, them-
selves must strike the blow!" but the Athenians had not
force enough to strike it; and the liberty proclaimed by
Demetrius Poliorketes was a boon dependent upon him for
its extent and even for its continuance. The Athenian
assembly of that day was held under his army as masters
of Attica, as it had been held a few months before under
the controlling force of the Phalerean Demetrius together
with the Kassandrian governor of Munychia; and the most
fulsome votes of adulation proposed in honour of Demetrius
Poliorketes by his partisans, though perhaps disapproved
by many, would hardly find a single pronounced opponent.
1 Herodotus, v. 78.
200 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PAST II.
One man, however, there was, who ventured to oppose
Opposition several of the votes — the nephewof Demosthenes
made by — Demochares, who deserves to be commemor-
chares", ated as the last known spokesman of free Athen-
nephew ian citizenship. We know only that such were
8\fhen6s,°to his general politics, and that his opposition to
these obse- the obsequious rhetor Stratokles ended in banish-
puVifc ment, four years afterwards.1 He appears to
flatteries. have discharged the functions of general during
this period — to have been active in strengthening the for-
tifications and military equipment of the city — and to have
been employed in occasional missions.2
The altered politics of Athens were manifested by im-
Demetrius peachment against Demetrius Phalereus and
Phaiereus other leading partisans of the late Kassandrian
°°nh^mned government. He and many others had already
absence. gone into voluntary exile ; when their trials came
ab'ie'com- on> they were not forthcoming, and all were con-
memora- demned to death. But all those who remained,
de°cea0sfedhe and presented themselves for trial, were acquit-
orator ted ; 3 so little was there of reactionary violence
Lykurgus. Qn ^g occasion> Stratokles also proposed a
decree, commemorating the orator Lykurgus (who had been
dead about seventeen years) by a statue, an honorary in-
scription, and a grant of maintenance in the Prytaneum to
his eldest surviving descendant.4 Among those who
1 Plutarch, Demetr. 24. sons of a distinguished patriot.
* Polybius , xii. 13; Decretum Accordingly the Athenians soon
apud Plutarch. Vit. X Oratt. p. 851. repented and released them.
* Philochori Fragm. 144 , ed. Di- This is what we find stated in
dot, ap. Dionys. Hal. p. 636. Plutarch , Vit. X Oratt. p. 842.
« Plutarch, Vit. X Oratt. p. 842- The third of the go-called Demo-
852. Lykurgus at his death (about sthenic Epistles purports to be
324 B.C.) left three sons , who are the letter written on this subject
said, shortly after his death, to by Demosthenes,
have been denounced by Mene- The harsh treatment of the sons
sffichmus, indicted by Thrasikles, of Lykurgus (whatever it may have
and put in prison ("handed over amounted to , and whatever may
to the Eleven"). But Demokles, have been its ground) certainly
a disciple of Theophrastus , stood did not last long; for in the next
forward on their behalf; and De- page of the very same Plutarchian
moathenes , then in banishment life (p. 84:3), an account is given
at Trcezen, wrote emphatic remon- of the family of Lykurgus, which
strances to the Athenians against was ancient and sacerdotal ; and
such unworthy treatment of the it is there stated that bis sons
CHAP. XCVI. ATHENS WITHOUT FORCE OK HOPE. 201
accompanied the Phalerean Demetrius into exile was the
rhetor or logographer Deinarchus.
The friendship of this obnoxious Phalerean, and of
Kassander also, towards the philosopher Theo- Kegtrlctive
phrastus, seems to have been one main cause law 'passed
which occasioned the enactment of a restrictive aBaingt tie
law against the liberty of philosophising. It p'hers-"
was decreed, on the proposition of a citizen Jj^eaU
named Sophokles, that no philosopher should Athens.
be allowed to open a school or teach, except The la^ ia
under special sanction obtained from a vote of nextVear,
the Senate and people. Such was the disgust a£d the
and apprehension occasioned by the new restric- phers8°e-
tion, that all the philosophers with one accord *£™ to
left Athens. This spirited protest, against
authoritative restriction on the liberty of philosophy and
teaching, found responsive sympathy among the Athenians.
The celebrity of the schools and professors was in fact the
only characteristic mark of dignity still remaining to them
— when their power had become extinct, and when even
their independence and free constitution had degenerated
into a mere name. It was moreover the great temptation
for young men, coming from all parts of Greece, to visit
Athens. Accordingly, a year had hardly passed, when
Philon — impeaching Sophokles the author of the law, under
the Graphe Paranomon — prevailed on the Dikastery to find
after his death fully sustained A fragment, of considerable inter-
the dignified position of the eat, from his oration, has been
family. preserved by Apsines (ap. \Valz.
On what ground they -were ac- Rhetor. Grsec. ix. p. 645). TicepslST);
cased, we cannot make out. Ac- ovrsp AuxoopTfoyXsYtov— Tiva<pi^<jouotv
cording to the Demosthenic epistles oi napiovts? OCUTOU tot Tocpov; OUTO«
(which epistles I have before stated e[Ku> fxiv ototppovto; , to^Sei; 8' ir.i
that I do not believe to be au- T^ Sioixr^jsi tibv ypTjjxatiov eups ico-
thentic), it was upon some allega- pouc, <|)xo86|xrj3s 8s TO QsaTpov, TO
tion, which, if valid at all, ought (j'jSeiov , ta vsiupia, Tpir;pSK EitOiig-
to have been > urged against JOITO xal Xifxivaf TOUTOV TJ no).ic
Lykurgus himself during his life r]jj.u>vT)-t[Aio3», x«i to()«ieai8«; £5rjasv
(p. 1477, 1478); but Lykurgus bad ot&tou.
been always honourably acquitted, This fragment of Hyperides was
and always held thoroughly estim- pointed out to my notice by Mr.
able, up to the day of his death Churchill Babington, the editor of
(p. 1475). the recently-discovered portions of
Hyperides exerted his eloquence Hyperides.
on behalf of the sons of Lykurgus.
202
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PART II.
him guilty, and condemn him to a fine of five talents. The
restrictive law being thus repealed, the philosophers re-
turned.1 It is remarkable that Demochares stood forward
as one of its advocates; defending Sophokles against the
accuser Philon. From scanty notices remaining of the
speech of Demochares, we gather that, while censuring the
opinions no less than the characters of Plato and Aristotle,
he denounced yet more bitterly their pupils , as being for
the most part ambitious, violent, and treacherous men. He
cited by name several among them, who had subverted the
freedom of their respective cities, and committed gross
outrages against their fellow-citizens.2
Athenian envoys were despatched to Antigonus in
B c 307 Asia, to testify the gratitude of the people, and
Exploits of communicate the recent complimentary votes.
Demetrius Antigonus not only received them graciously,
^ut sen^ ^° Athens, according to the promise
made by his son, a large present of 150,000
medimni of wheat, with timber sufficient for
100 ships. He at the same time directed Deme-
trius to convene at Athens a synod of deputies
from the allied Grecian cities, where resolutions
might be taken for the common interests of
Greece.3 It was his interest at this moment to raise up
a temporary self-sustaining authority in Greece, for the
Polior-
ketfis. His
long siege
of Rhodes.
Gallant
and suc-
cessful
resistance
of the
citizens.
1 Diogen. Laert. v. 38. It is per-
haps to this return of the philo-
sophers that the tpufotStov xd9ooo<;
mentioned hy Philochorus, as fore-
shadowed by the omen in the Acro-
polis, alludes (Philochorug , Frag.
145, ed. Didot, ap. Dionys. Hal.
p. 637).
1 See the few fragments of De-
mochares collected in Fragmenta
Historicorum Griecorum, ed. Didot,
vol. ii. p. 445, with the notes of
Carl Mttller.
See likewise Athenseus , xiii.
010. with the fragment from the
comic writer Alexis. It is there
stated that Lysimachus also, king
of Thrace, had banished the philo-
sophers from his dominions.
Demochards might find (besides
the persons named in Athense. v.
215, xi.508) other authentic examples
of pupils of Plato and Isokra-
t6s who had been atrocious and
sanguinary tyrants in their native
cities— see the case of Klearchus
of Herakleia, Memnon ap. Photium,
Cod. 224. cap. 1. Cliioii and Leon-
idea, the two young citizens who
slew Klearchus, and who perished
in endeavouring to liberate their
country— were also pupils of Plato
(Justin, xvi. 6). In fact, aspiring
youths, of all varieties of purpose,
were likely to seek this mode of
improvement. Alexander the Great,
too , the very impersonation of
subduing force, had been the pupil
of Aristotle.
1 Diodor. xx. 46.
CHAP. XCVL DEMETBIUS IN ASIA. 213
purpose of upholding the alliance with himself, during the
absence of Demetrius; whom he was compelled to summon
into Asia with his army — requiring his services for the
war against Ptolemy in Syria and Cyprus.
The following three years were spent by Demetrius — 1.
In victorious operations near Cyprus, defeating Ptolemy
and making himself master of that island ; after which
Antigonus and Demetrius assumed the title of kings, and
the example was followed by Ptolemy, in Egypt — by
Lysimachus, in Thrace — and by Seleukus, in Babylonia,
Mesopotamia, and Syria ' — thus abolishing even the titular
remembrance of Alexander's family. 2. In an unsuccessful
invasion of Egypt by land and sea, repulsed with great
loss. 3. In the siege of Rhodes. The brave and intelligent
citizens of this island resisted for more than a year the
most strenuous attacks and the most formidable siege-
equipments of Demetrius Poliorketes. All their efforts
however would have been vain had they not been assisted
by large reinforcements and supplies from Ptolemy, Ly-
simachus, and Kassander. Such are the conditions under
which alone even the most resolute and intelligent Greeks
can now retain their circumscribed sphere of autonomy.
The siege was at length terminated by a compromise; the
Rhodians submitted to enrol themselves as allies of Deme-
trius, yet under proviso not to act against Ptolemy.2
Towards the latter they carried their grateful devotion so
far, as to erect a temple to him, called the Ptolemseum,
and to worship him (under the sanction of the oracle of
Ammon) as a God.3 Amidst the rocks and shoals through
which Grecian cities were now condemned to steer, menaced
on every side by kings more powerful than themselves, and
afterwards by the giant-republic of Rome — the Rhodians
conducted their political affairs with greater prudence and
dignity than any other Grecian city.
Shortly after the departure of Demetrius from Greece
to Cyprus, Kassander and Polysperchon renewed B.C. 307-303.
the war inPeloponnesus and its neighbourhood.4 ^i8 P"j°-
~We make out no particulars respecting this war. war, and
1 Diodor. xx. 53; Plutarch, De- whom had assisted Rhodes) as well
metr. 18. as to Ptolemy — though Diodorus
1 Diodor. xx. 99. Probably this does not expressly say so.
proviso extended valso to Lysi- ' Diodor. xx. 100.
tnacbus and Kassander (both of 4 Diodor. xx. 100.
204 HISTORY OF GEEECB. PABT U.
ultimate The ^Etolians were in hostility with Athens,
Greece" in an(^ committed annoying depredations. * The
against fleet of Athens, repaired or increased by the
Kassander. timber received from Antigonus, was made to
furnish thirty quadriremes to assist Demetrius in Cyprus,
and was employed in certain operations near the island of
Amorgos, wherein it suffered defeat.2 But we can discover
little respecting the course of the war, except that Kas-
sander gained ground upon the Athenians, and that about
the beginning of 303 B.C. he was blockading, or threatening
to blockade, Athens. The Athenians invoked the aid of
Demetrius Poliorketes, who, having recently concluded an
accommodation with the Rhodians, came again across from
Asia, with a powerful fleet and army, to Aulis in Bceotia.3
He was received at Athens with demonstrations of honour
equal or superior to those which had marked his previous
visit. He seems to have passed a year and a half, partly
at Athens, partly in military operations carried successfully
over many parts of Greece. He compelled the Boeotians
to evacuate the Eubcean city of Chalkis, and to relinquish
their alliance with Kassander. He drove that prince out
of Attica — expelled his garrisons from the two frontier
fortresses of Attica — Phyle and Panaktum, — and pursued
him as far as Thermopylae. He captured, or obtained by
bribing the garrisons, the important towns of Corinth,
Argos, and Sikyon; mastering also JEgium, Bura, all the
Arcadian towns (except Mantineia) , and various other
towns in Peloponnesus.4 He celebrated, as president, the
great festival of the Hersea at Argos; on which occasion
he married Deidameia, sister of Pyrrhus, the young king
of Epirus. He prevailed on the Sikyonians to transfer to
1 That the JEtolians were just to the great joy of the people,
now most vexatious enemies to Presently evidences of the defeat
Athens, may be seen by the Ithy- arrived, and the people were anpry
phallic ode addressed to Deme- with StratoklSs. "What harm has
trius PoliorketSs (Athenxus, vi. p. happened to you? — (replied he) —
253). have you not had two days of
* Diodor. xx. 60 ; Plutarch, De- pleasure and satisfaction?" This
metrins 11. In reference to this is at any rate a very good story.
defeat near Amorgos, Stratokles ' Diodor. xx. 100; Plutarch, De-
(the complaisant orator who moved metrius 23.
the votes of flattery towards De- « Diodor. xx. 102, 103; Plutarch,
metrius and Antigonus) is said to Demetr. 23-25.
have announced it first as a victory.
CHAP. XCVI. SUCCESS OF DEMETRIUS IN GREECE. 205
a short distance the site of their city, conferring upon the
new city the name of Demetrias. l At a Grecian synod,
convened in Corinth under his own letters of invitation,
he received by acclamation the appointment of leader or
Emperor of the Greeks, as it had been conferred on Philip
and Alexander. He even extended his attacks as far as
Leukas and Korkyra. The greater part of Greece seems
to have been either occupied by his garrisons, or enlisted
among his subordinates.
So much wasKassander intimidated by these successes,
that he sent envoys to Asia, soliciting peace from Anti-
gonus; who, however, elate and full of arrogance, refused
to listen to any terms short of surrender at discretion.
Kassander, thus driven to despair, renewed his applications
to Lysimachus, Ptolemy, and Seleukus. All these princes
felt equally menaced by the power and dispositions of
Antigonus — and all resolved upon an energetic combina-
tion to put him down.2
After uninterrupted prosperity in Greece, throughout
the summer of 302 B.C., Demetrius returned B.o. 302-301.
from Leukas to Athens, about the month of Return of
September, near the time of the Eleusinian 5emet,rhVA
. TT i i i c j.- Poliorketes
mysteries.3 lie was welcomed by festive pro- to Athens
cessions, hymns, paeans, choric dances, and bac- ~bls, tri.-
i_ i- " J JF • j. i A f\ umphant
chanalian odes ot joyous congratulation. Une reception—
of these hymns is preserved, sung by a chorus ?itmo,ra1?}?
p-i-ii i 11- it 11 -ii A • i i Ithyphallic
of Ithyphalh — masked revellers, with their heads hymn
and arms encircled by wreaths, — clothed in addressed
white tunics, and in feminine garments reaching
almost to the feet.4
This song is curious, as indicating the hopes and fears
prevalent among Athenians of that day, and as affording
a measure of their self-appreciation. It is moreover among
the latest Grecian documents that we possess, bearing on
actual and present reality. The poet, addressing Deme-
trius as a God, boasts that two of the greatest and best-
1 Diodor. xx. 102; Plutarch, De- * Diodor. xx. 106.
metr. 25; Pausanias , ii. 7, 1. The " That he returned from Leukas
city was withdrawn partially from about the time of these mysteries,
the sea, and approximated closely is attested both by Democharos
to the acropolis. The new city and by the Itbyphallicode in Athe-
remained permanently ; but the naeus, vi. p. 253. See also Duris
new name Demetrias gave place ap. Athenaeum xii. p. 635.
to the old name Sikyon. « Semus ap.Athenseum xiv. p. 622.
206 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
beloved of all divine beings are visiting Attica at the same
moment — Demete'r (coming for the season of her mysteries),
and Demetrius, son of Poseidon and Aphrodite. "To thee
we pray (the hymn proceeds); for other Gods are either
afar off — or have no ears — or do not exist — or care no-
thing about us; but thee we see before us, not in wood or
marble, but in real presence. First of all things, establish
peace; for thou hast the power — and chastise that Sphinx
who domineers, not merely over Thebes, but over all
Greece — the -^Etolian, who (like the old Sphinx) rushes
from his station on the rock to snatch and carry away our
persons, and against whom we cannot fight. At all times,
the ^tolians robbed their neighbours; but now, they rob
far as well as near." l
Effusions such as these, while displaying unmeasured
. idolatry and subservience towards Demetrius,
condition are yet more remarkable, as betraying a loss of
of the force, a senility, and a consciousness of defence-
Athenians i j j j j •.•
—proclaim- less and degraded position, such as we are
ed by them- astonished to find publicly proclaimed at Athens.
It is not only against the foreign potentates
that the Athenians avow themselves incapable of self-
defence, but even against the incursions of the vEtolians,
— Greeks like themselves, though warlike, rude, and rest-
less.2 When such were the feelings of a people, once the
most daring, confident, and organizing — and still the most
intelligent — in Greece, we may see that the history of the
Greeks as a separate nation or race is reaching its close —
and that from henceforward they must become merged in
one or other of the stronger Currents that surround them.
After his past successes, Demetrius passed some months
in enjoyment and luxury at Athens. He was lodged in the
Parthenon, being considered as the guest of the Goddess
1 Athenrcus, vi. p. 253. Alt<o).o? ?OTI« e*i ns-pat xo9ig|Aivoc,
'AXXoi fii-; r) |A7.xpav fap oitejrouaiv ujOTtsp TJ iraXata,
»i O'jx ey_ou3iv IUTO, [9soi, to au)(j.a9' r)|xu>v itavt' Avapnaua;
•J) oox elalv, TJ o'i itposs/ouaiv rjjxiv xoux £/u> (li^eaSai' [ipepzi,
ae 8s itapovO' opouptzv, [0085 Iv' AiiioXixovYop aprcaaai. Ta TU>M neXac,
06 SuXtvov, ouoe XlOtvov, dXX' oXT,8tv6v. vuvl 8j xal TO jtoppio —
E6/6jxso9a ?T) ooi* (xaXtata fisv 87) xoXaoov a6i6c el 8t
r.pujTOv (lev tlpr,-(7)v itoi^aov, ^iXtate, Ot8iicouv ttv' eops, (|jLii),
xopio; yap et o'i. T7|v 2<piy7a TOUTTJV 8»Ti« r\ xato-
TT)-/ 5' ou^i 6T)p(L>v, oXX' ?Xrj(; T^? •$) oitivov KOI^OSI. [xpT)|x-n«i,
291770 TtepixpaTOuaav, ['EXXaSo?, * Compare 1'auaanias, vii. 7, 4.
CHAP. XCVI. DEMETBIUS AND THE MYSTEKIES. 207
Athene. But his dissolute habits provoked the louder
comments, from being indulged in such a domicile; B0 30i
while the violences which ne offered to beauti- idolatry of
ful youths of good family led to various scenes Demetrius
i i • i mi_ i_ • -e i i- at Athens.
truby tragical. The subservient manifestations He is ini-
of the Athenians towards him, however, con- t!atep.in
tinued unabated. It is even affirmed, that, in 8inian6u
order to compensate for something which he mysteries,
i j A t * j.1. j f i j out of the
had taken amiss, they passed a formal decree, regular
on the proposition of Stratokles, declaring that season.
every thing which Demetrius might command was holy in
regard to the Gods and just in regard to men. l The banish-
ment of Demochares is said to have been brought on by
his sarcastic comments upon this decree.2 In the month
Munychion (April) Demetrius mustered his forces and his
Grecian allies for a march into Thessaly against Kassander ;
but before his departure, he was anxious to be initiated in
the Eleusinian mysteries. It was however not the regular
time for this ceremony; the Lesser Mysteries being celeb-
rated in February, the Greater in September. The Athen-
ians overruled the difficulty by passing a special vote, en-
abling him to be initiated at once, and to receive, in
immediate succession, the preparatory and the final initia-
tion, between which ceremonies a year of interval was
habitually required. Accordingly he placed himself dis-
armed in the hands of the priests, and received both first
and second initiation in the month of April, immediately
before his departure from Athens.3
1 Plutarch, Demetr. 24. HorketSs, or Stratokl6s. Moreover,
1 Such is the statement of Plu- we cannot determine when the "four
tarch (Demetr. 24) ; but it seems years' war," or the alliance with
not in harmony with the recital the Boeotians, occurred. Neither the
of the honorary decree, passed in discussion of Mr. Clinton (Fast. H.
272 B.C., after the death of Demo- 302 B.C., and Append, p. 380), nor
chares, commemorating his merits the different hypothesis of Droysen,
by a statue, Ac. (Plutarch, Vit. are satisfactory on this point — see
X Oratt. p. 860). It is there re- Carl Miiller's discussion on the
cited that DemocharSs rendered ser- Fragments of DemocharSs, Fragm.
vices to Athens (fortifying and arm- Hist. Gr. v. ii. p. 446.
ing the city, concluding peace * Diodor. xx. 110. 7cotp«5ou<; COM
and alliance with the Boeotians, &c., OUTOV avoTtXov toi? UpsOai, xai itpo
eitl TOO TetpasTOui; iroXsjxou, dv9' u>v TTJ? (bpiO(UvT}4 T)(j.epac [M)l]8«U, ov-
e£sicsoEv 61:6 TU>V xa-aXuoavTiuv T&V sCeu£sv £* TlJi>'' 'A9T)v<I>v.
8rj|AOv. Ol xcxTaXusavTec TOV Srjtxov The account of this transaction
cannot mean either Demetrius Jo- in the text is taken from Diodorus,
208
HISTORY OF GREECE.
PART II.
B O. 301.
March of
Demetrius
into Thes-
saly — he
Demetrius conducted into Thessaly an army of 56,000
men; of whom 25,000 were Grecian allies — so
extensive was his sway at this moment over the
Grecian cities. ' But after two or three months
of hostilities, partially successful, against Kas-
AsiaTand"'" sander, he was summoned into Asia by Anti-
joins Anti- gonus to assist in meeting the formidable army
greaTbattie °f the allies — Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysimachus,
of ipsus, and Kassander. Before retiring from Greece,
theWfourh Demetrius concluded a truce with Kassander,
confeder- whereby it was stipulated that the Grecian
piete°ym~ cities, both in Europe and Asia, should be
defeat Anti- permanently autonomous and free from garrison
or control. This stipulation served only as an
honourable pretext for leaving Greece; Deme-
trius had little expectation that it would be
observed.2 In the ensuing spring was fought
the decivise battle of Ipsus inPhrygia (B.C. 300)
his Asiatic
power
broken up
and par-
titioned.
and is a simple one; a vote was
passed granting special licence to
Demetrius, to receive the mysteries
at once , though it was not the
appointed season.
Plutarch (Demetr. 26) superadds
other circumstances , several of
which have the appearance of jest
rather than reality. Pythod&rus
the Daduch or Torch-bearer of the
Mysteries stood alone in his pro-
test against any celebration of the
ceremony out of time : this is
doubtless very credible. Then (ac-
cording to Plutarch) the Athenians
passed decrees, on the proposition
of Stratokles, that the month Mu-
nychion should be called Anthe-
sterion. This having been done, the
Lesser Mysteries were celebrated,
in which Demetrius was in-
itiated. Next, the Athenians passed
another decree, to the effect , that
the month Munychion should be
called Boedromion — after which,
the Greater Mysteries (which be-
longed to the latter month) were
forthwith celebrated. The comic
writer Philippides said of Strato-
kles, that he had compressed the
whole year into one single month.
This statement of Plutarch has
very much the air of a carricature,
by PhilippidSs or some other witty
man, of the simple decree mentioned
by Diodorus — a special licence
to Demetrius to be initiated out
of season. Compare anotherpassage
of Philippines against Stratokles
(Plutarch, Demetr. 12).
1 Diodor. xx. 110.
1 Diodor. xx. 111. It must have
been probably during this campaign
that Demetrius began or projected
the foundation of the important
city of Demetrias on the Gulf of
Magnesia, whicli afterwards became
one of the great strongholds of the
Macedonian ascendency in Greece
(Strabo, ix. p. 436-443, in which
latter passage, the reference to
Hieronymus of Kardia seems to
prove that that historian gave a
full description of Demetrias and
its foundation). See about Deme-
trias, Mannert, Geogr. v. Griecb.
vii. p. 691.
CHAP. XC VI. BATTLE OF IPSUS. 209
by Antigonus and Demetrius, against Ptolemy, Seleukus,
arid Lysimachus; with a large army and many elephants
on both sides. Antigonus was completely defeated and
slain, at the age of more than eighty years. His Asiatic
dominion was broken up, chiefly to the profit of Seleukus,
whose dynasty became from henceforward ascendent, from
the coast of Syria eastward to the Caspian Gates and
Parthia; sometimes, though imperfectly, farther eastward,
nearly to the Indus. J
The effects of the battle of Ipsus were speedily felt
in Greece. The Athenians passed a decree proclaiming
themselves neutral, and excluding both the belligerent
parties from Attica. Demetrius, retiring with the remnant
of his defeated army, and embarking at Ephesus 0 30Q
to sail to Athens, was met on the voyage by Keatora'_
Athenian envoys, who respectfully acquainted tion of the
him that he would not be admitted. At the *r**8nan~
same time, his wife Deidameia, whom he had dominion
left at Athens, was sent away by the Athenians *n ^ree,ce-
i i 11 i i J ir i -i Lachares
under an honourable escort to Megara, while makes him-
some ships of war which he had left in the "^t'j^g01
Peiraeus were also restored to him. Demetrius, under Kas-
indignant at this unexpected defection of a city ?ander-.
1-S.ij J.IT.J i_- T-J?I Demetrius
which had recently heaped upon him such tul- p0iiorketes
some adulation, was still farther mortified by retu™s,
,1-1 * _A * !• Ai • • and expels
the loss ot most ot his other possessions in Lachargg.
Greece.2 His garrisons were for the most part He g»"i-
expelled, and the cities passed into Kassandrian pe^rajus
keeping or dominion. His fortunes were indeed Jnd
f- 11 j. j i_ i j- -j.1 Munychia.
partially restored by concluding a peace with
Seleukus, who married his daughter. This alliance with-
drew Demetrius to Syria, while Greece appears to have
fallen more and more under the Kassandrian parties. It
was one of these partisans, Lachares, who, seconded by
JCassander's soldiers, acquired a despotism at Athens such
1 Mr. Fynes Clinton (Fast. Hell. Athens in or soon after April 301
B.C. 301) places the hattle of Ipsus B.C., and the battle of Ipsus. More-
in August 301 B.C.; -which appears over Demetrius, immediately after
to me some months earlier than leaving Athens, carried on many
the reality. It is clear from Diod. operations against Kassander in
(and indeed from Mr. Clinton's Thessaly, before crossing over to
own admission) that winter-quar- Asia to join Antigonus (Diodor.
ters in Asia intervened between xx. 110, 111),
the departure of Demetrius from * Plutarch, Demetr. 31.
VOL. XII. P
210 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PABT II.
as had been possessed by the Phalerean Demetrius, but
employed in a manner far more cruel and oppressive.
Various exiles, driven out by his tyranny, invited Deme-
trius Poliorketes, who passed over again from Asia into
Greece, recovered portions of Peloponnesus, and laid siege
to Athens. He blocked up the city by sea and land, so
that the pressure of famine presently became intolerable.
Lachares having made his escape, the people opened their
gates to Demetrius, not without great fear of the treatment
awaiting them. But he behaved with forbearance, and
even with generosity. He spared them all, supplied them
with a large donation of corn, and contented himself with
taking military occupation of the city, naming his own
friends as magistrates. He put garrisons, however, not
only into Peirseus and Munychia, but also into the hill
called Museum, a part of the walled circle of Athens itself1
(B.C. 298).
While Demetrius was thus strengthening himself in
Greece, he lost all his footing both in Cyprus, Syria, and
Kilikia, which passed into the hands of Ptolemy and Seleu-
kus. New prospects however were opened to him in Ma-
B.O. 298-296. cedonia by the death of Kassander (his brother-
Death of in-law, brother of his wife Phila) and the family
Kassander. feu(js supervening thereupon. Philippus, eldest
Bloody f -rr f j i • p ii i i T i
feuds son ot Kassander, succeeded his father, but died
among of sickness after something more than a year.
his family, -p., ,, . . ° . A. J ,
Demetrius -Between the two remaining sons, Antipater and
acquires Alexander, a sanguinary hostility broke out.
the crown A ,. ' , . .° .J> —, •> , .. A
of Mace- Antipater slew his mother Ihessalomke, and
donia. threatened the life of his brother, who in his
turn invited aid both from Demetrius and from the Epiro-
tic king Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus being ready first, marched into
Macedonia, and expelled Antipater; receiving as his recom-
pense the territory called Tymphaea (between Epirus and
Macedonia), together with Akarnania, Amphilochia, and
the town of Ambrakia, which became henceforward his
1 Plutarch, Demetr. 34, 35 ; Pausan. If this be correct, Munychia and
i. 25, 6. Pausanias states (i. 26, 2) Pemeus must have been afterwards
that a gallant Athenian named reconquered by the Macedonians;
Olympiodorus (we do not know for they were garrisoned (as well
when) encouraged liis fellow-citi- as Salamis and Sunium) by Anti-
zens to attack the Museum, Muny- gonus Gonatas (Pausanias, ii. 8,
chia, and Peirseus; and expelled 6; Plutarch, Aratus, 34).
the Macedonians from all of them.
CHAP. XO VI. GKEECE UNDER ANTIGONU8. 211
chief city and residence.1 Antipater sought shelter in
Thrace with his father-in-law Lysimachus; by whose order,
however, he was presently slain. Demetrius, occupied with
other matters, was more tardy in obeying the summons;
but, on entering into Macedonia, he found himself strong
enough to dispossess and kill Alexander (who had indeed
invited him, but is said to have laid a train for assassinating
him), and seized the Macedonian crown; not without the
assent of a considerable party, to whom the name and the
deeds of Kassander and his sons were alike odious. 2
Demetrius became thus master of Macedonia, together
with the greater part of Greece, including Athens, B.C. 294.
Megara, and much of Peloponnesus. He under- Antigonus
took an expedition into Bceotia, for the purpose 8o^1^faDe-
of conquering Thebes; in which attempt he sue- metrius.,
ceeded, not without a double siege of that city, Macedonia
which made an obstinate resistance. He left as and Greece.
viceroy in Boeotia the historian , Hieronymus of footing *of
Kardia,3 once the attached friend and fellow- the Anti-
citizen of Eumenes. But Greece as a whole was na^ty in'
managed by Antigonus (afterwards called Anti- Macedonia,
gonus Gonatas) son of Demetrius, who main- conquest
tained his supremacy unshaken during all his of that
father's lifetime; even though Demetrius was byUthey
deprived of Macedonia by the temporary com- Romans.
bination of Lysimachus with Pyrrhus, and afterwards re-
mained (until his death in 283 B.C.) a captive in the hands
of Seleukus. After a brief possession of the crown of Ma-
cedonia successively by Seleukus , Ptolemy Keraunus,
Meleager, Antipater, and Sosthenes — Antigonus Gonatas re-
gained it in 277 B.C. His descendants the Antigonid kings
maintained it until the battle of Pydna in 168 B.C.; when
Perseus, the last of them, was overthrown, and his kingdom
incorporated with the Roman conquests. 4
Of Greece during this period we can give no account,
except that the greater number of its cities were Spirit of
in dependence upon Demetrius and his son An- ^ken— k8
tigonus; either under occupation by Macedonian isolation of
1 Plutarch, Pyrrhus 6. • Plutarch, Demetr. 39.
* Plutarch, Demetr. 36 ; Dexippus " See Mr. Clinton's Fasti Helle-
ap. Syncell. p. 264 seq. ; Pausanias nici, Append. 4. p. 236-239.
ix. 7, 3; Justin, xvi. 1, 2.
P 2
212 mSTOBY OP GREECE. PAET II.
the cities crarrisons. or ruled by local despots who leaned
from each e • • j -»r j
other by on foreign mercenaries and Macedonian support.
Antigonus. The spirit of the Greeks was broken , and their
habits of combined sentiment and action had disappeared.
The invasion of the Gauls indeed awakened them into a
temporary union for the defence of Thermopylae in 279 B.C. '
So intolerable was the cruelty and spoliation of those bar-
barian invaders, that the cities as well as Antigonus were
driven by fear to the efforts necessary for repelling them. 1
A gallant army of Hellenic confederates was mustered. In
the mountains of .yEtolia and in the neighbourhood of Del-
phi, most of the Gallic horde with their king Brennus
perished. But this burst of spirit did not interrupt the
continuance of the Macedonian dominion in Greece, which
Antigonus Gonatas continued to hold throughout most of
a long reign. He greatly extended the system begun by
his predecessors , of isolating each Grecian city from al-
liances with other cities in its neighbourhood — planting in
most of them local despots — and compressing the most im-
portant by means of garrisons.2 Among all Greeks, the
Spartans and the JEtolians stood most free from foreign
occupation, and were the least crippled in their power of
self-action. The Achaean league too developed itself
afterwards as a renovated sprout from the ruined tree of
Grecian liberty,3 though never attaining to anything better
than a feeble and puny life, nor capable of sustaining itself
without foreign aid.4
With this after -growth, or half -revival, I shall not
meddle. It forms the Greece of Polybius, which that author
treats, in my opinion justly, as having no history of its own,5
1 Pausanias, i. 4 , 1; x. 20, 1. nata8)ejjL'fUT£U<jai8oxeT To
Toi? Si ys "EXXTjai xaTEmitTiwxei |Aev Justin, xxvi. 1.
£4 aiiav to <ppoy>i|xaTa, TO Si ia-/upov * Pausanias vii. 17, 1. "A-re ex
•TOO 8el(ia-to? irporjyev i- dvdqrxTjv rjj SsvSpou XeXu>f}Tj|j.£vou , <wj5X<i<rrT];j£';
lEX).<i8i d(j.y-<eiv- eibptov 8e Tdv -e ev ex TTJC 'EXXaSo? 76 'Axa'ixiv.
T4> itapivTi dytuva, oux unep eXeu9e- « Plutarch, Aratus 47. eQioQerue;
plat? 7tvi)o6}xevov, xiiOa erci toy Mr)6ou y°P oXXoTpioi? aujCeoOai x^p'lv, xoi
*6Tt ..... u>s ouv <zrtoXa>X£vai 5sOv TOI? MaxeSoviov ZitXoi? oOrou^ Oire-
fi intxpaTSOTepou? etvai , xaT1 fivSpa ataXxo-rei; (the Achseans), Ac. Com-
ti I8i« xal ai itoXei? SIEXSIVTO ev pare also c. 12, 13, 16, in reference
xotv<{). (On the approach of the to the earlier applications to Pto-
invading Gauls.) lemy king of Egypt.
1 Polyb. ii. 40, 41. uXetotou^ -jap « Polybius i. 3, 4; ii. 37.
Srj |iovipy_o'j<: OUTO? (Antigonus Go-
CHAP. XCVI. POLITICAL NULLITY OF ATHENS. 213
but as an appendage attached to some foreign centre and
principal among its neighbours — Macedonia, The Greece
Egypt, Syria, Rome. Each of these neighbours of Poiybius
acted upon the destinies of Greece more power- form°a
fully than the Greeks themselves. The Greeks to subject of
whom these volumes have been devoted — those of nVeif^biu
Homer, Archilochus, Solon, .JDschylus, Herodo- *? essen-
tus, Thucydides, Xenophon, and Demosthenes p'emfenVon
— present as their most marked characteristic foreign
a loose aggregation of autonomous tribes or nelehb
communities, acting and reacting freely among themselves,
with little or no pressure from foreigners. The main inter-
est of the narrative has consisted in the spontaneous group-
ing of the different Hellenic fractions — in the self-prompted
cooperations and conflicts — the abortive attempts to bring
about something like an effective federal organization, or
to maintain two permanent rival confederacies — the ener-
getic ambition, and heroic endurance, of men to whom
Hellas was the entire political world. The freedom of Hel-
las, the life and soul of this history from its commencement,
disappeared completely during the first years of Alexander's
reign. After following to their tombs the generation of
Greeks contemporary with him, men like Demosthenes and
Phokion, born in a state of freedom — I have pursued the
history into that gulf of Grecian nullity which marks the
succeeding century; exhibiting sad evidence of the degra-
ding servility, and suppliant king-worship, into which the
countrymen of Aristeides and Perikles had been driven, by
their own conscious weakness under overwhelming pressure
from without.
I cannot better complete that picture than by showing
what the leading democratical citizen became, under the
altered atmosphere which now bedimmed his city. Demo-
chares, the nephew of Demosthenes, has been mentioned
as one of the few distinguishedAtheniansin this lastgenera-
tion. He was more than once chosen to the high- _
i T re .1 • /. i . Evidence
est public omces; i he was conspicuous for his Of the
free speech, both as an orator and as an historian, p°jitical
in the face of powerful enemies; he remained Athen^—
throughout a long life faithfully attached to the Public .
democratical constitution, and was banished for honour 'of
» Polybius xii. 13.
214 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
Dem°-_ a time by its opponents. In the year 280 B.C.,
what "acts he prevailed on the Athenians to erect a public
are record- monument, with a commemorative inscription, to
titles to" his uncle Demosthenes. Seven or eight years
public afterwards, Demochares himself died, aged nearly
eighty. His son Laches proposed and obtained
a public decree, that a statue should be erected, with an
annexed inscription, to his honour. We read in the decree
a recital of the distinguished public services, whereby De-
mochares merited this compliment from his countrymen.
All that the proposer of the decree, his son and fellow-
citizen, can find to recite, as ennobling the last half of the
father's public life (since his return from exile), is as fol-
lows:— 1. He contracted the public expenses, and intro-
duced a more frugal management. 2. He undertook an
embassy to King Lysimachus, from whom he obtained two
presents for the people, one of thirty talents, the other of
one hundred talents. 3. He proposed the vote for sending
envoys to King Ptolemy in Egypt, from whom fifty talents
were obtained for the people. 4. He went as envoy to An-
tipater, received from him twenty talents, and delivered
them to the people at the Eleusinian festival.1
When such begging missions are the deeds for which
Athens both employed and recompensed her most eminent
citizens, an historian accustomed to the Grecian world as
described by Herodotus, Thucydides, and Xenophon, feels
that the life has departed from his subject, and with sad-
ness and humiliation brings his narrative to a close.
1 See the decree in Plutarch, Vit. pater; although it may perhaps
X Oratt. p. 850. The Antipater be true that Demochares was on
here mentioned is the son of Kas- favourable terms with Antigonus
sander, not the father. There is no Gonatas (Diog. Laert. vii. 14).
necessity for admitting the con- Compare Carl Miiller ad Demo-
Jecture of Mr. Clinton (Fast. Hell, cliaris Fragm. apud Fragm. Hist.
App. p. 380) that the name ought Grsec. vol. ii. p. 446, ed. Didot.
to be Antigonus , and not Anti-
CHAP. XU VII. SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS. 215
CHAPTER XCVIL
SICILIAN AND ITALIAN GREEKS.— AGATHOKLES.
IT has been convenient, throughout all this work, to
keep the history of the Italian and Sicilian Constltu.
Greeks distinct from that of the Central and tion estab-
Asiatic. "We parted last from the Sicilian Greeks, 1 58BJ«5
at the death of their champion the Corinthian at syra-
Timoleon (337 B.C.), by whose energetic exploits, exchanged
and generous political policy, they had been for an oiig-
almost regenerated — rescued from foreign archv-
enemies, protected against intestine discord, and invigor-
ated by a large reinforcement of new colonists. For the
twenty years next succeeding the death of Timoleon, the
history of Syracuse and Sicily is an absolute blank; which
is deeply to be regretted, since the position of these cities
included so much novelty — so many subjects for debate,
for peremptory settlement, or for amicable compromise —
that the annals of their proceedings must have been pecu-
liarly interesting. Twentyyears after the death of Timoleon,
we find the government of Syracuse described as an
oligarchy; implying that the constitution established by
Timoleon must have been changed either by violence or
by consent. The oligarchy is stated as consisting of 600
chief men, among whom Sosistratus and Herakleides appear
as leaders.2 We hear generally that the Syracusans had
been engaged in wars, and that Sosistratus either first
originated, or first firmly established, his oligarchy, after
an expedition undertaken to the coast of Italy, to assist
the citizens of Kroton against their interior neighbours
and assailants the Bruttians.
1 See Ch. LXXXV. cumstances of these two leaders;
' Diodor. xix. 3. It appears that but this part of his narrative is
Diodorus had recounted in his lost: see Wesseling's note
eighteenth Book the previous cir-
216 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PAET II.
Not merely Kroton, but other Grecian cities also on
Italian the coast of Italy, appear to have been exposed
Greeks- to causes of danger and decline, similar to those
upe08neby which were operating upon so many other por-
enemies tions of the Hellenic world. Their non-Hellenic
interior— neighbours in the interior were growing too
Archida- powerful and too aggressive to leave them in
TfU|piirta peace or security. The Messapians, the Lucan-
siain in ians, the Bruttians, and other native Italian
tribes, were acquiring that increased strength
which became ultimately all concentrated under the mighty
republic of Rome. I have in my preceding chapters re-
counted the acts of the two Syrac.usan despots, the elder
and younger Dionysius, on this Italian coast.1 Though
the elder gained some advantage over the Lucanians, yet
the interference of both contributed only to enfeeble and
humiliate the Italiot Greeks. Not long before the battle
of Chseroneia (340-338 B.C.), the Tarentines found them-
selves so hard pressed by the Messapians, that they sent
to Sparta, their mother-city, to entreat assistance. The
Spartan king Archidamus son of Agesilaus, perhaps ashamed
of the nullity of his country since the close of the Sacred
War, complied with their prayer, and sailed at the head
of a mercenary force to Italy. How long his operations
there lasted, we do not know; but they ended by his being
defeated and killed, near the time of the battle of Chsero-
neia2 (338 B.C.).
About six years after this event, the Tarentines, being
Rise of the s^iH pressed by the same formidable neighbours,
Moiossian invoked the aid of the Epirotic Alexander, king
or^Epirus °f the Molossians, and brother of Olympias.
by Mace- These Epirots now, during the general decline
-?Aiex-aK °f Grecian force, rise into an importance which
ander the they had never before enjoyed.3 Philip of
k*ing0,Sbn£ Macedon, having married Olympias, not only
therof secured his brother-in-law on the Moiossian
lympias. throne, but strengthened his authority over sub-
> See Chaps. LXXXIII, LXXXV. lemus was father both of Alexander
* Diodor. xvi. 88; Plutarch, Ca- (the Epirotic) and of Olympias.
mill. 19; Pausan. iii. 10, 6. Plu- But as to the genealogy of the
tarch even says that the two preceding kings , nothing certain
battles occurred on the same day. can be made out: see Merleker,
* The Moiossian King Neopto- Darstellung des Laudes und der
CHAP. XCVII. ALEXANDER OF EPIRUB. 217
jects not habitually obedient. It was through Macedonian
interference that the Molossian Alexander first obtained
(though subject to Macedonian ascendency) the important
city of Ambrakia; which thus passed out of a free Hellenic
community into the capital and seaport of the Epirotic
kings. Alexander farther cemented his union with Mace-
donia by marrying his own niece Kleopatra, daughter of
Philip and Olympias. In fact, during the lives of Philip
and Alexander the Great, the Epirotic kingdom appears a
sort of adjunct to the Macedonian; governed by Olympias
either jointly with her brother the Molossian Alexander
— or as regent after his death. 4
It was about the year after the battle of Issus that
the Molossian Alexander undertook his expedi-
tion from Italy;2 doubtless instigated in part by The Mo"_0
emulation of the Asiatic glories of his nephew lossian
and namesake. Though he found enemies more ^.^e^uto
formidable than the Persians at Issus, yet his Italy to
success was at first considerable. He gained a,S81st *he
... . ,, . .1 T • larentmes.
victories over the Messapians, the Liucanians, His ex-
and the Samnites; he conquered the Lucanian ?*°j^ and
town of Consentia, and the Bruttian town of
Bewohner von Epeiros, Konigsberg The' date of this oration is at
1844, p. 2-6. some period during the life of
1 A curious proof of how fully Alexander the Great — but cannot
Olympias was queen of Epirus is be more precisely ascertained. Af-
preserved in the oration of Hype- ter the death of Alexander, Olym-
rides in defence of Euxenippus, re- pias passed much time in Epirus,
cently published by Mr. Babington, where she thought herself more
p. 12. The Athenians, in obedience secure from the enmity of Antipater
to an oracular mandate from the (Diodor. xviii. 49).
Dodoiuean Zeus, had sent to Do- Dodona had been one of the most
dona a solemn embassy for sacri- ancient places of pilgrimage for
fice, and had dressed and adorned the Hellenic race— especially for
the statue ofDi6ne there situated, the Athenians. The order here ad-
Olympias addressed a despatch dressed to them,— that they should
to the Athenians, reproving them abstain from religious manifesta-
for this as a trespass upon her tions at this sanctuary — is a re-
dominions — ujtsp TO'JTCOV ujxTv TCX markable proof of the growing
EYxXTj|JiaTa TjXQs itap' 'OXu(jL7tia5o? ev encroachments on free Hellenism;
Tat« eicioToXai?, u>? r) yibpa EIT) the more so, as Olympias sent of-
T) MoXooaia auTrj?, ev ^ TO ispov ferings to temples at Athens when
eoTiv o&X'Uv rcpoajjxjv Tjfxtv TiLv she chose and without asking per-
txsi 008 j £v xivslv. Olympias took mission — we learn this from the
a high and insolent tone in this same fragment of Hyperides.
letter (TOK; T pctf tyS tot? a-jTrj; xai 2 Livy (viii. 3-24) places the date
Tat xatrjYopiat &c.). of this expedition of the Molossian
218 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Tereina; he established an alliance with the Pcediculi, and
exchanged friendly messages with the Homans. As far as
we can make out from scanty data, he seems to have cal-
. culated on establishing a comprehensive dominion in the
south of Italy, over all its population — over Greek cities,
Lucanians, and Bruttians. He demanded and obtained
three hundred of the chief Lucanian and Messapian families,
whom he sent over as hostages to Epirus. Several exiles
of these nations joined him as partisans. He farther en-
deavoured to transfer the congress of the Greco-Italian cities,
which had been usually held at the Tarentine colony of
Herakleia, to Thurii; intending probably to procure for
himself a compliant synod like that serving the purpose
of his Macedonian nephew at Corinth. But the tide of his
fortune at length turned. The Tarentines became disgusted
and alarmed; his Lucanian partisans proved faithless; the
stormy weather in the Calabrian Apennines broke up the
communication between his different detachments, and ex-
posed them to be cut off in detail. He himself perished,
by the hands of a Lucanian exile, in crossing the river
Acheron, and near the town of Pandosia. This was held
to be a memorable attestation of the prophetic veracity
of the oracle; since he had received advice from Dodona
to beware of Pandosia and Acheron ; two names which he
/ well knew, and therefore avoided, in Epirus — but which
1 he had not before known to exist in Italy. *
The Greco-Italian cities had thus dwindled down into
Assistance a prize to be contended for between the Epirotic
"yracusanjf kings and the native Italian powers — as they
toKroton— again became, still more conspicuously, fifty
AgatiK)-6 °f years afterwards, during the war between Pyr-
kies. rhus and the Romans. They were now left to
seek foreign aid, where they could obtain it, and to become
the prey of adventurers. It is in this capacity that we hear
of them as receiving assistance from Syracuse, and that the
formidable name of Agathokles first comes before us — seem-
ingly about 320 B.C.2 The Syracusan force, sent to Italy
to assist theKrotoniates against their enemies the Bruttians,
was commanded by a general named Antander, whose
Alexander eight years earlier; ' Livy, viii. 17-24; Justin, xii. 2;
but it is universally recognized Strabo, vi. p. 280.
that this is a mistake. * Diodor. xix. 3.
CHAP. XCVII. EARLY CAREEE OF AGATHOKLES. 219
brother Agathokles served with him in a subordinate
command.
To pass over the birth and childhood of Agathokles —
respecting which romantic anecdotes are told, as about most
eminent men — it appears that his father, a Rhegine exile
named Karkinus, came from Therma (in the Carthaginian
portion of Sicily) to settle at Syracuse, at the time when
Timoleon invited and received new Grecian settlers to the
citizenship of the latter city. Karkinus was in comparative
poverty, following the trade of a potter; which his son Aga-
thokles learnt also, being about eighteen years of age when
domiciliated with his father at Syracuse. ' Though starting
from this humble beginning, and even notorious for the
profligacy and rapacity of his youthful habits, Agathokles
soon attained a conspicuous position, partly from his own
superior personal qualities, partly from the favour of a
wealthy Syracusan named Damas. The young potter was
handsome, tall, and of gigantic strength ; he performed with
distinction the military service required from him as a cit-
izen, wearing a panoply so heavy, that no other soldier could
fight with it; he was moreover ready, audacious, and em-
phatic in public harangue. Damas became much attached
to him, and not only supplied him profusely with money,
but also, when placed in command of a Syracusan army
against the Agrigentines, nominated him one of the subor-
dinate officers. In this capacity Agathokles acquired great
reputation for courage in battle, ability in command, and
fluency of speech. Presently Damas died of sickness, leaving
a widow without children. Agathokles married the widow,
and thus raised himself to a high fortune and position in
Syracuse.2
Of the oligarchy which now prevailed at Syracuse, we
have no particulars, nor do we know how it had Agatho-
come to be substituted for the more popular forms I1.163 ^f'
, i -i. i 11 IT.. i -VTT ii 11 tinguishes
established by Timoleon. We hear only generally himself in
that the oligarchical leaders, Sosistratus and He- the syra'
rakleides, were unprincipled and sanguinary pedition-
men.3 By this government an expedition was he.is disaP-
•i , i j ,. °0 ,, -TIT pointed of
despatched from Syracuse to the Italian coast, honours—
1 Timseus apudPolybium, xii. 15; exploits of AgathoklSstohavebeen
Diodor. xix. 2. against the .JEtnseans, not against
2 Diodor. xix. 3; Justin, xxii. 1. the Agrigentines.
Justin states the earliest military J Diodor. xix. 3, 4. Diodorus had
220 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
becomes to assist the inhabitants of Kroton against their
tented'and aggressive neighbours the Bruttians. Antander,
leaves Sy- brother of Agathokles, was one of the generals
commanding this armament, and Agathokles
himself served in it as a subordinate officer. We neither
know the date, the duration, nor the issue, of this expedi-
tion. But it afforded a fresh opportunity to Agathokles to
display his adventurous bravery and military genius, which
procured for him high encomium. He was supposed by
some, on his return to Syracuse, to be entitled to the first
prize for valour; but Sosistratus and the other oligarchical
leaders withheld it from him and preferred another. So
deeply was Agathokles incensed by this refusal, that he
publicly inveighed against them among the people, as men
aspiring to despotism. His opposition being unsuccessful,
and drawing upon him the enmity of the government, he
retired to the coast of Italy.
Here he levied a military band of Grecian exiles and
He levies a Campanian mercenaries, which he maintained by
force^Mif various enterprises for or against the Grecian
exploits as cities. He attacked Kroton, but was repulsed
itaiyr'a1ndn with loss; he took service with the Tarentines,
Sicily. fought for some time against their enemies, but
at length became suspected and dismissed. Next, he joined
himself with the inhabitants of Rhegium, assisting in the
defence of the town against a Syracusan aggression. He
even made two attempts to obtain admission by force into
Syracuse, and to seize the government. 1 Though repulsed
in both of them, he nevertheless contrived to maintain a
footing in Sicily, was appointed general at the town of Mor-
gantium , and captured Leontini , within a short distance
north of Syracuse. Some time afterwards, a revolution took
place at Syracuse, whereby Sosistratus and the oligarchy
were dispossessed and exiled with many of their partisans.
Tinder the new government, Agathokles obtained his
recall, and soon gained increased ascendency. The dis-
written more about this oligarchy In the same manner, the Syra-
in a part of his eighteenth book; cusan exile Hermokratfis had at-
which part is not preserved: see tempted to extort by force his re-
Wesseling's note. turn, at the head of 3000 men, and
1 Diodor. xix. 4 ; Justin, xxii. 1. by means of partisans within ; he
"Bis occupare imperium Syracusa- failed and was slain — B.C. 408
rum voluit; bis in exilium actus (Diodor. xiii. 75).
est."
CHAP. XCVII. INTRIGUES AND DARING OF AGATHOKI/E8. 221
possessed exiles contrived to raise forces, and to carry on
a formidable war against Syracuse from without; change of
they even obtained assistance from the Cartha- g°*em-
ginians, so as to establish themselves at Gela, Syracuse
on the southern confines of the Syracusan terri- — Agatho-
tory. In the military operations thus rendered called— "li
necessary, Agathokles took a forward part, dis- exploits
tinguishing himself among the ablest and most the'exiieg
enterprising officers. He tried, with 1000 soldiers, 7 hif>
• Pi i i • i-j. t. L c J- it. dangerous
to surprise Gela by night; but finding the enemy character
on their guard, he was repulsed with loss and at home,
severely wounded; yet by an able manoeuvre he brought
off all his remaining detachment. Though thus energetic
against the public enemy, however, he at the same time in-
spired both hatred and alarm for his dangerous designs, to
the Syracusans within. The Corinthian Akestorides, who
had been named general of the city — probably from recol-
lection of the distinguished services formerly rendered by
the Corinthian Timoleon — becoming persuaded that the
presence of Agathokles was full of peril to the city, ordered
him to depart, and provided men to assassinate him on the
road during the night. But Agathokles, suspecting their
design, disguised himself in the garb of a beggar, appoint-
ing another man to travel in the manner which would be
naturally expected from himself. This substitute was slain
in the dark by the assassins, while Agathokles escaped by
favour of his disguise. He and his partisans appear to have
found shelter with the Carthaginians in Sicily. 1
Not long afterwards, another change took place in the
government of Syracuse, whereby the oligar- Farther
chical exiles were recalled, and peace made with internal
the Carthaginians. It appears that a senate of a't'syra'-
600 was again installed as the chief political cuse—
body; probably not the same men as before, th^exUes
and with some democratical modifications. Atthe — Agatho-
same time, negotiations were opened, through the admitted-
mediation of the Carthaginian commander Ha- swears
milkar, between the Syracusans and Agathokles. ^d* fide-
The mischiefs of intestine conflict, 'amidst the nty.
1 Diodor. six. 6, 6. A similar That Agathokl6s, on leaving Sy-
stratagem is recounted of the Ka- racuse, went to the Carthaginians,
rian DatamSs (Cornelius Nepos, appears to be implied in the words
Datumos, 9). of Diodorus, c. 6 — TOO? out(j>itp6Ti-
HISTOKY OF GREECE.
PART II.
numerous discordant parties in the city, pressed hard upon
every one, and hopes were entertained that all might be
brought to agree in terminating them. Agathokles affected
to enter cordially into these projects of amnesty and recon-
ciliation. The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, who had so
recently aided Sosistratus and the Syracusan oligarchy,
now did his best to promote the recall of Agathokles, and
even made himself responsible for the good and pacific
behaviour of that exile. Agathokles, and the other exiles
along with him, were accordingly restored. A public as-
sembly was convened in the temple of Demeter, in the pre-
sence of Hamilkar; where Agathokles swore by the most
awful oaths, with his hands touching the altar and statue
of the goddess, that he would behave as a good citizen of
Syracuse, uphold faithfully the existing government, and
carry out the engagements of the Carthaginian mediators
— abstaining from encroachments on the rights and pos-
sessions of Carthage in Sicily. His oaths and promises were
delivered with so much apparent sincerity, accompanied
by emphatic harangues, that the people were persuaded to
name him general and guardian of the peace, for the pur-
pose of realising the prevailing aspirations towards har-
mony. Such appointment was recommended (it seems) by
Hamilkar. l
pov luuiropsoQercoti; npo? Kapy_7)8o-
vioo; (see Wesseling's note on the
translation of it p 6 <;). This fact
is noticed merely incidentally, in
the confused narrative of Diodorus ;
but it brings him to a certain ex-
tent into harmony with Justin (xx.
2), who insists much on the com-
bination between Agathokles and
the Carthaginians , as one of the
main helps whereby he was enabled
to seize the supreme power.
1 The account here given is the
best which I can make out from
Diodorus (xix, 6), Justin (xxii. 2),
— Polyamus (v. 3, 8). The first two
allude to the solemn oath taken
by Agathokles— icotpa^Ssli; eU TO
T7J? Ar,JiT)TpO? UpOV 'JTtO T(I)V 1toXlT(I)v,
ia — "Tune Hamilcari ex-
positis ignibus Cereris tactisque
in obsequia Poenorum jurat." " Jn-
rare in obsequia Poenorum" can
hardly be taken to mean that Sy-
racuse was to become subject to
Carthage; there was nothing ante-
cedent to justify such a proceeding,
nor does anything follow in the
sequel which implies it.
Compare also the speech which
Justin puts into the mouth of Bo-
milkar when executed for treason
by the Carthaginians — "objectans
illis (Carthaginiensibus) in Hamil-
carem patruum suum tacita suf-
fragia, quod Agathoclem socium
illis facere, quam hostem maluerit"
(xxii. 7). This points to previous
collusion between Uamilkar and
Agathokles.
CHAP. XCVII. MASSACRE BY AGATHOKLE8 AT SYRACUSE. 223
All this train of artifice had been concerted by Aga-
thokles with Hamilkar, for the purpose of Agatho-
enabling the former to seize the supreme power. .klft.s> >ncoi-
* i f xv. -j. A j.u i I* i. j fi j- lusion
As general of the city, Agathokles had the di- with Ha-
rection of the military force. Under pretence milkar>.
of marching against some refractory exiles at partisans at
Erbita in the interior, he got together 3000 Syracuse,
soldiers strenuously devoted to him — mercen- trateseaP°~
aries and citizens of desperate character — to sanguinary
which Hamilkar added a reinforcement of ™fatne°re
Africans. As if about to march forth, he muster- citizens.
ed his troops at daybreak in the Timoleontion (chapel or
precinct consecrated to Timoleon), while Peisarchus and
Dekles, two chiefs of the senate already assembled, were
invited with forty others to transact with him some closing
business. Having these men in his power, Agathokles
suddenly turned upon them, and denounced them to the
soldiers as guilty of conspiring his death. Then, receiving
from the soldiers a response full of ardour, he ordered
them immediately to proceed to a general massacre of the
senate and their leading partisans, with full permission of
licentious plunder in the houses of these victims, the richest
men in Syracuse. The soldiers rushed into the streets
with ferocious joy to execute this order. They slew not
only the senators, but many others also, unarmed and un-
prepared; each man selecting victims personally obnoxious
to him. They broke open the doors of the rich, or climbed
over the roofs, massacred the proprietors within, and
ravished the females. They chased the unsuspecting fugi-
tives through the streets, not sparing even those who took
refuge in the temples. Many of these unfortunate sufferers
rushed for safety to the gates, but found them closed and
guarded by special order of Agathokles; so that they were
obliged to let themselves down from the walls, in which
many perished miserably. For two days Syracuse was
thus a prey to the sanguinary, rapacious, and lustful im-
pulses of the soldiery; four thousand citizens had been
already slain, and many more were seized as prisoners.
The political purposes of Agathokles, as well as the passions
of the soldiers, being then sated, he arrested the massacre.
He concluded this bloody feat by killing such of his
prisoners as were most obnoxious to him, and banishing
the rest. The total number of expelled or fugitive
224 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAKT II.
Syracusans is stated at 6000 ; who found a hospitable shelter
and home at Agrigentum. One act of lenity is mentioned,
and ought not to be omitted amidst this scene of horror.
Deinokrates, one among the prisoners, was liberated by
Agathokles from motives of former friendship: he too,
probably, went into voluntary exile. '
After a massacre thus perpetrated in the midst of
Agathokles profound peace, and in the full confidence of a
is consti- solemn act of mutual reconciliation immediately
tuted sole -,. ,-, , j -• f ,1"
despot of preceding — surpassing the worst deeds of the
Syracuse. elder Dionysius, and indeed (we might almost
say) of all other Grecian despots — Agathokles convened
what he called an assembly of the people. Such of the
citizens as were either oligarchical, or wealthy, or in any
way unfriendly to him, had been already either slain or
expelled; so that the assembly probably included few be-
sides his own soldiers. Agathokles — addressing them in
terms of congratulation on the recent glorious exploit,
whereby they had purged the city of its oligarchical tyrants
— proclaimed that the Syracusan people had now recon-
quered their full liberty. He affected to be weary of the
toils of command, and anxious only for a life of quiet
equality as one among the many; in token of which he
threw off his general's cloak and put on a common civil
garment. But those whom he addressed, fresh from the
recent massacre and plunder, felt that their whole security
depended upon the maintenance of his supremacy, and
loudly protested that they would not accept his resignation.
Agathokles, with pretended reluctance, told them, that if
they insisted, he would comply, but upon the peremptory
condition of enjoying a single-handed authority, without
any colleagues or counsellors for whose misdeeds he was
to be responsible. The assembly replied by conferring
upon him, with unanimous acclamations, the post of general
with unlimited power, or despot.2
Thus was constituted a new despot of Syracuse about
fifty years after the decease of the elder Dionysius, and
twenty -two years after Timoleon had rooted out the
Dionysian dynasty, establishing on its ruins a free polity.
On accepting the post, Agathokles took pains to proclaim
that he would tolerate no farther massacre or plunder,
1 Diodor. xix. 8, 9; Justin, xxii. 2. * Diodor. xix. 9.
CHAP. XCVII. AGGRANDISEMENT OF AGATHOKLES. 225
and that his government would for the future be mild
and beneficent. He particularly studied to con-
ciliate the poorer citizens, to whom he promised ™' S17'
,1111 i T i -1 A- <• iiis popu-
abolition of debts and a new distribution 01 iar man-
lands. How far he carried out this project nerrs> mil1-
systematically, we do not know; but he conferred energy,
positive donations on many of the poor — which and con-
he had abundant means of doing, out of the prop- q
crties of the numerous exiles recently expelled. He was
full of promises to every one, displaying courteous and
popular manners, and abstaining from all ostentation of
guards, or ceremonial attendants, or a diadem. He at the
same time applied himself vigorously to strengthen his
military and naval force, his magazines of arms and stores,
and his revenues. He speedily extended his authority over
all the territorial domain of Syracuse, with her subject
towns, and carried his arms successfully over many other
parts of Sicily.1
The Carthaginian general Hamilkar, whose complicity
or connivance had helped Agathokles to this B.C. 317-310.
blood-stained elevation, appears to have per- Progress of
... , , . .., 7 -f.r , -i i -I AgathoklSs
mitted him without opposition to extend his do- in conquer-
minion over a large portion of Sicily, and even »>g Sicily.
to plunder the towns in alliance with Carthage genttalw
itself. Complaints having been made to Carthage, take alarm
... j» * i j j ii -I and orcan-
this officer was superseded, and another general ise a defen-
(also named Hamilkar) was sent in his place. «ve aiii-
We are unable to trace in detail the proceedings against
of Agathokles during the first years of his des- him-
potisra; but he went on enlarging his sway over the neigh-
bouring cities, while the Syracusan exiles, whom he had
expelled, found a home partly at Agrigentum (under
Deinokrates) , partly at lEessene. About the year 314
B.C., we hear that he made an attempt on Messene, which
he was on the point of seizing, had he not been stopped by
the interference of the Carthaginians (perhaps the newly-
appointed Hamilkar), who now at length protested against
his violation of the convention; meaning (as we must pre-
sume, for we know of no other convention) the oath which
had been sworn by Agathokles at Syracuse under the
guarantee of the Carthaginians.2 Though thus disappointed
1 Diodor. xix. 9; Justin, xxii. 2. ^xov ix Korp/rj36voc •Kpia^ziz, ot TIJ>
* Diodor. xix. 65. xaf)' ov 87) /povov (jti-j 'AYoiQoxisi r.tp'i TOJV irpay_9EvTU>v
VOL. XII. Q
226 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
at Messene, Agathokles seized Abakranum — where he
slew the leading citizens opposed to him, — and carried on
his aggressions elsewhere so effectively, that the leaders
at Agrigentum, instigated by the Syracusan exiles there
harboured, became convinced of the danger of leaving such
encroachments unresisted. • The people of Agrigentum
came to the resolution of taking up arms on behalf of the
liberties of Sicily, and allied themselves with Gela and
Messene for the purpose.
But the fearful example of Agathokles himself rendered
They invite them so apprehensive of the dangers from any
the Spartan military leader, at once native and energetic,
to com-US that they resolved to invite a foreigner. Some
mand— his Syracusan exiles were sent to Sparta, to choose
duct°and and invoke some Spartan of eminence and ability,
failure. as Archidamus had recently been called to Ta-
rentum — and even more, as Timoleon had been brought
from Corinth, with results so signally beneficent. The old
Spartan king Kleomenes (of the Eurysthenid race) had a
son Akrotatus, then unpopular at home, 2 and well disposed
towards foreign warfare. This prince, without even consult-
ing the Ephors, listened at once to the envoys, and left
Peloponnesus with a small squadron, intending to cross
by Korkyra and the coast of Italy to Agrigentum. Unfa-
vourable winds drove him as far north as Apollonia, and
delayed his arrival at Tarentum; in which city, originally
a Spartan colony, he met with a cordial reception, and ob-
tained a vote of twenty vessels to assist his enterprize of
liberating Syracuse from Agathokles. He reached Agri-
i7teTiu.7]aav, to? itapa^aivOvTi TOI? been suspended for the occasion;
cu/firjxav tot? 8i Mcaai]vioic elp^r/;v as had been done before, after the
rcotpsaxiuaaav, xai TO cppc/>jpiov avay- defeat of Leuktra. Akrotatus had
7.a30tvTS<; aTtoxaTauT/jaaiTOv Tupar^ov, been the only person ((xovOi;) who
dusTcXeuaav tic TTJV Atp'ivjv. opposed this suspension ; whereby
I do not know what auvO/jxat can he incurred the most violent odium
be here meant, except that oath generally, but most especially from
described by Justin under the the citizens who profited by the
words "in obsequia Pcenorum ju- suspension. These men carried their
rat" (xxii. 2). hatred so far, that they even at-
1 Diodor. xix. 70. JJ.TJ jtspiopav tacked, beat him, and conspired
'AYa8ox).£aau3xi'ja'6|jL:vov:a; -oXsn. against his life (OUTOI fap ouatpa-
1 Diodor. xix. 70. After the de- (pi-nzs itXrjYas « eve?6pTjjav OOTCJ
feat of Agis by Antipater, the se- xai SietsXouv sntpouXEU&v-E?).
rere Lacedaemonian laws against This is a curious indication of
those who fled from battlo had Spartan maiiners.
CHAP. XCVII. WAR WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS. 227
gentuin with favourable hopes, was received with all the
honours due to a Spartan prince, and undertook the com-
mand. Bitterly did he dissappoint his party. He was in-
competent as a general ; he dissipated in presents or luxu-
ries the money intended for the campaign, emulating Asiatic
despots; his conduct was arrogant, tyrannical, and even
sanguinary. The disgust which he inspired was brought
to a height, when he caused Sosistratus, the leader of the
Syracusan exiles, to be assassinated at a banquet. Imme-
diately the exiles rose in a body to avenge this murder;
while Akrotatus, deposed by the Agrigentines, only found
safety in flight. *
To this young Spartan prince, had he possessed a noble
heart and energetic qualities, there was here Sicily the
presented a career of equal grandeur with that °nalwh1ichCa
of Timoleon — against an enemy able indeed and glorious
formidable, yet not so superior in force as to ^eeTwas
render success impossible. It is melancholy to open,
see Akrotatus, from simple worthlessness of character,
throwing away such an opportunity; at a time when Sicily
was the only soil on which a glorious Hellenic career was
still open — when no similar exploits were practicable by
any Hellenic leader in Central Greece, from the overwhelm-
ing superiority offeree possessed by the surrounding kings.
The misconduct of Akrotatus broke up all hopes of
active operations against Agathokles. Peace peace con-
was presently concluded with the latter by the eluded by
Agrigentines and their allies, under the media- wfth'^he163
tion of the Carthaginian general Harnilkar. By Agrigen-
the terms of this convention, all the Greek cities grnea8t~h
in Sicily were declared autonomous yet under power in
the hegemony of Agathokles; excepting only ""
Himera, Selinus, and Herakleia, which were actually, and
were declared still to continue, under Carthage. Messene
was the only Grecian city standing aloof from this conven-
tion; as such, therefore still remaining open to the Syra-
cusan exiles. The terms were so favourable to Agathokles,
that they were much disapproved at Carthage.2 Agathokles
1 Diodor. six. 71. be unterstood as in addition to
1 Diodor. xix. 71, 72, 102. "When the primitive Carthaginian settle-
the convention specifies Herakleia, ments of Solus, Panormus, Lily-
Selinus, and Himera, as being bieum, &c., about which no question
under the Carthaginians, this is to could arise.
Q2
228 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
recognized as chief and having no enemy in the field,
employed himself actively in strengthening his hold on the
other cities, and in enlarging his military means at home.
He sent a force against Messene, to require the expulsion
of the Syracusan exiles from that city, and to procure at
the same time the recall of the Messenian exiles, partisans
of his own, and companions of his army. His generals ex-
torted these two points from the Messenians. Agathokles,
having thus broken the force of Messene, secured to him-
self the town still more completely, by sending for those
Messenian citizens who had chiefly opposed him, and put-
ting them all to death, as well as his leading opponents at
Tauromenium. The number thus massacred was not less
than six hundred. l
It only remained for Agathokles to seize Agrigentum.
He is re- Thither he accordingly marched. But Deino-
puisedfrom Crates and the Syracusan exiles, expelled from
tiun— the Messene, had made themselves heard at Car-
Cartha- thage, insisting on the perils to that city from
fe'nd'an the encroachments of Agathokles. The Car-
armament thaginians alarmed sent a fleet of sixty sail,
against y whereby alone Agrigentum, already under siege
him. by Agathokles, was preserved. The recent con-
vention was now broken on all sides, and Agathokles kept
no farther measures with the Carthaginians. He ravaged
all their Sicilian territory, and destroyed some of their
forts; while the Carthaginians on their side made a sudden
descent with their fleet on the harbour of Syracuse. They
could achieve nothing more, however, than the capture of
one Athenian merchant-vessel, out of two there riding.
They disgraced their acquisition by the cruel act (not un-
common in Carthaginian warfare) of cutting off the hands
of the captive crew; for which, in a few days, retaliation
was exercised upon the crews of some of their own ships,
taken by the cruisers of Agathokles. 2
The defence of Agrigentum now rested principally on
the Carthaginians in Sicily, who took up a position on the
hill called Eknomus — in the territory of Gela, a little to
1 Diodor. xix. 72: compare a dif- times cut off the handa of his
ferent narrative — Polysenus, v. 15. Gallic prisoners taken in arms,
* Diodor. xix. 103. It must be whom he called rebels (Bell. Gall,
noticed, however, that even Julius viii. 44).
Caesar, in his wars in Gaul, some-
. XCVII. WAR WITH THE CARTHAGINIANS. 229
the west of the Agrigentine border. Here Agathokles
approached to offer them battle — having been emboldened
by two important successes obtained over Deino- B0 310
krates and the Syracusan exiles, near Kentoripa pos'itjon of
and Gallaria. J So superior was his force, how- the Cartha-
ever, that the Carthaginians thought it prudent f^een Geia
to remain in their camp; and Agathokles re- and Agri-
turned in triumph to Syracuse, where he adorn- fheiVTrmy
ed the temples with his recently acquired reinforced
spoils. The balance of force was soon altered from home-
by the despatch of a large armament from Carthage under
Hamilkar, consisting of 130 ships of war, with numerous
other transport ships, carrying many soldiers — 2000 native
Carthaginians, partly men of rank — 10,000 Africans — 1000
Campanian heavy-armed and 1000 Balearic slingers. The
fleet underwent in its passage so terrific a storm, that many
of the vessels sunk with all on board, and it arrived with
very diminished numbers in Sicily. The loss fell upon the
native Carthaginian soldiers with peculiar severity; inso-
much that when the news reached Carthage, a public
mourning was proclaimed, and the city walls were hung
with black serge.
Those who reached Sicily, however, were quite sufficient
to place Hamilkar in an imposing superiority operations
of number as compared with Agathokles. He of Agatuo-
T -m in klSs
encamped on or near Jiiknomus, summoned all against
the reinforcements that his Sicilian allies could them-his
furnish, and collected additional mercenaries; citizens at
so that he Was soon at the head of 40,000 infantry Gela-
and 5000 cavalry.2 At the same time, a Carthaginian armed
squadron, detached to the strait of Messene, fell in with
twenty armed ships belonging to Agathokles, and captured
them all with their crews. The Sicilian cities were held to
Agathokles principally by terror, and were likely to turn
against him, if the Carthaginians exhibited sufficient
strength to protect them. This the despot knew and dread-
ed; especially respecting Gela, which was not far from the
Carthaginian camp. Had he announced himself openly as
intending to place a garrison in Gela, he feared that the
citizens might forestal him by calling in Hamilkar. Accord-
ingly he detached thither, on various pretences, several
1 Diodor. xix. 103, 104. * Diodor. xix. 106.
230 HISTORY OF GBEECE. PART IL
small parties of soldiers, who presently found themselves
united in a number sufficient to seize the town. Agathokles
then marched into Gela with his main force. Distrusting
the adherence of the citizens, he let loose his soldiers upon
them, massacred four thousand persons, and compelled the
remainder, as a condition of sparing their lives, to bring
in to him all their money and valuables. Having by this
atrocity both struck universal terror and enriched himself,
he advanced onward towards the Carthaginian camp, and
occupied a hill called Phalarion opposite to it.1 The two
camps were separated by a level plain or valley nearly
five miles broad, through which ran the river Himera.2
For some days of the hottest season (the dog-days),
both armies remained stationary, neither of
B°ttie of them choosing to make the attack. At length
theHimora, Agathokles gained what he thought a favourable
^etv^e" opportunity. A detachment from the Cartha-
Agathokles F*. » ... , „ , . „
and the ginian camp sallied forth in pursuit of some
Cartha- Grecian plunderers: Agathokles posted some
gmians. . ^ _ b r
men in ambush, who fell upon this detachment
unawares, threw it into disorder, and pursued it back to
the camp. Following up this partial success, Agathokles
brought forward his whole force, crossed the river Himera,
and began a general attack. This advance not being ex-
pected, the Grecian assailants seemed at first on the point
of succeeding. They filled up a portion of the ditch, tore
up the stockade, and were forcing their way into the camp.
They were however repulsed by redoubled efforts, and
new troops coming up, on the part of the defenders; mainly,
too, by the very effective action of the 1000 Balearic slingers
in Hamilkar's army, who hurled stones weighing a pound
each, against which the Grecian armour was an inadequate
Total defence. Still Agathokles, noway discouraged,
defeat of caused the attack to be renewed on several
b^*he°klSs P°ints at once, and with apparent success, when
Carthagi- a reinforcement landed from Carthage — the ex-
pectation of which may perhaps have induced
Hamilkar to refrain from any general attack. These new
troops joined in the battle, coining upon the rear of the
Greeks; who were intimidated and disordered by such un-
foreseen assailants, while the Carthaginians in their front,
» Diodor. xix. 107, 108. * Diodor. xix. 108, 109.
CHAP. XCVII. BATTLE OF THE HIMERA. 231
animated to more energetic effort, first repulsed them from
the camp, and then pressed them vigorously back. After
holding their ground for some time against their double
enemy, the Greeks at length fled in disorder back to their
own camp, recrossing the river Himera. The interval was
between four and five miles of nearly level ground, over
which they were actively pursued and severely handled
by the Carthaginian cavalry, 5000 in number. Moreover,
in crossing the river, many of them drank eagerly, from
thirst, fatigue, and the heat of the weather; the saltness
of the water proved so destructive to them, that numerous
dead bodies are said to have been found unwounded on
the banks.1 At length they obtained shelter in their own
camp, after a loss of 7000 men; while the loss of the victors
is estimated at 500.
Agathokles, after this great disaster, did not attempt
to maintain his camp, but set it on fire, and The Car-
returned to Gela; which was well fortified and tuaginians
provisioned, capable of a long defence. Here large part
he intended to maintain himself against Hamil- °f sicUy
kar, at least until the Syracusan harvest (prob- thoklftsf "
ably already begun) should be completed. But Hisdepress-
TT -n f. • . • n .1 . LI. c e(i condi-
Hamilkar, having ascertained the strength ot tion at
Gela, thought it prudent to refrain from a siege, Syracuse,
and employed himself in operations for the purpose of
strengthening his party in Sicily. His great victory at the
Himera had produced the strongest effect upon many of
the Sicilian cities, who were held to Agathokles by no
other bonds except those of fear. Hamilkar issued con-
ciliatory proclamations, inviting them all to become his
allies, and marching his troops towards the most con-
venient points. Presently Kamarina, Leontini, Katana,
Tauromenium, Messene, Abaksenum, with several other
smaller towns and forts, sent to tender themselves as allies ;
and the conduct of Hamilkar towards all was so mild and
equitable, as to give universal satisfaction. Agathokles
appears to have been thus dispossessed of most part of the
island, retaining little besides Gela and Syracuse. Even
the harbour of Syracuse was watched by a Carthaginian
fleet, placed to intercept foreign supplies. Returning to
Syracuse after Hamilkar had renounced all attempts on
1 Diodor. xix. 109.
232 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PAHT II.
Grela, Agathokles collected the corn from the neigh-
bourhood, and put the fortifications in the best state of
defence. He had every reason to feel assured that the
Carthaginians, encouraged by their recent success, and
reinforced by allies from the whole island, would soon
press the siege of Syracuse with all their energy; while
for himself, hated by all, there was no hope of extraneous
support, and little hope of a successful defence. 1
In this apparently desperate situation, he conceived
the idea of a novelty alike daring, ingenious,
ce*ivesnthe and effective ; surrounded indeed with difficulties
plan of in the execution, but promising, if successfully
attacking , , , ' Yi JA. j.
the Cartija- executed, to change altogether the prospects
ginians in of the war. He resolved to carry a force across
from Syracuse to Africa, and attack the Car-
thaginians on their own soil. No Greek, so far as we
know, had ever conceived the like scheme before; no one
certainly had ever executed it. In the memory of man,
the African territory of Carthage had never been visited
by hostile foot. It was known that the Carthaginians would
be not only unprepared to meet an attack at home, but
unable even to imagine it as practicable. It was known
that their territory was rich, and their African subjects
harshly treated, discontented, and likely to seize the first
opportunity for revolting. The landing of any hostile
force near Carthage would strike such a blow, as at least
to cause the recall of the Carthaginian armament in Sicily,
and thus relieve Syracuse; perhaps the consequences of
it might be yet greater.
How to execute the scheme was the grand difficulty —
for the Carthaginians were superior not merely
His energy . -11, &i A,III»II
and saga- on land, but also at sea. Agathokles had no
city in chance except by keeping his purpose secret,
organizing j TT ^LL j
this expe- and even unsuspected. He fitted out an arma-
dition. ment, announced as about to sail forth from
ed mas- Syracuse on a secret expedition, against some
sacre and unknown town on the Sicilian coast. He selected
spoliation. f , . , . , . ,, , .
lor this purpose his best troops, especially his
horsemen, few of whom had been slain at the battle of the
Himera: he could not transport horses, but he put the
horsemen aboard with their saddles and bridles, entertaining
1 Diodor. six. 110.
CHAP. XCVII. SYRACUSE IS BESIEGED. 233
full assurance that he could procure horses in Africa.
In selecting soldiers for his expedition, he was careful to
take one member from many different families, to serve as
hostage for the fidelity of those left behind. He liberated,
and enrolled among his soldiers, many of the strongest
and most resolute slaves. To provide the requisite funds,
his expedients were manifold; he borrowed from merchants,
seized the money belonging to orphans, stripped the women
of their precious ornaments, and even plundered the richest
temples. By all these proceedings, the hatred as well as
fear towards him was aggravated, especially among the
more opulent families. Agathokles publicly proclaimed,
that the siege of Syracuse, which the Carthaginians were
now commencing, would be long and terrible — that he
and his soldiers were accustomed to hardships and could
endure them, but that those who felt themselves unequal
to the effort might retire with their properties while it
was yet time. Many of the wealthier families — to a number
stated as 1600 persons — profited by this permission; but
as they were leaving the city, Agathokles set his mer-
cenaries upon them, slew them all, and appropriated their
possessions to himself.1 By such tricks and enormities, he
provided funds enough for an armament of sixty ships,
well filled with soldiers. Not one of these soldiers knew
where they were going; there was a general talk about
the madness of Agathokles; nevertheless such was their
confidence in his bravery and military resource, that they
obeyed his orders without asking questions. To act as
viceroy of Syracuse during his own absence, Agathokles
named Antander his brother, aided by an ^tolian officer
named Erymnon.2
The armament was equipped and ready, without any
suspicion on the part of the Carthaginian fleet He gets
blockading the harbour. It happened one day ^bouiMn
that the approach of some corn-ships seduced spite of the
this fleet into a pursuit; the mouth of the har- fle°tkading
bour being thus left unguarded, Agathokles Kciipse of
took the opportunity of striking with his arma- !!.ie sun-,
fif A j-i, n He reaches
ment into the open sea. As soon as the Cartna- Africa
ginian fleet saw him sailing forth, they neglected safely-
the corn-ships, and prepared for battle, which they presumed
1 Diodor. xx. 4, 6 ; Justin, xxii. 4. Compare Tolyoenus, v. 3-5.
* Diodor. xx. 4-16.
234 HISTORY OP GREECE. PAST II.
that he was come to offer. To their surprise, he stood
out to sea as fast as he could; they then pushed out in
pursuit of him. but he had already got a considerable ad-
vance and strove to keep it. Towards nightfall however
they neared him so much, that he was only saved by the
darkness. During the night he made considerable way;
but on the next day there occurred an eclipse of the sun
so nearly total, that it became perfectly dark, and the
stars were visible. The mariners were so terrified at this
phenomenon, that all the artifice and ascendency of Aga-
thokles were required to inspire them with new courage.
At length, after six days and nights, they approached the
coast of Africa. The Carthaginian ships had pursued them
at a venture, in the direction towards Africa; and they
appeared in sight just as Agathokles was nearing the land.
Strenuous efforts were employed by the mariners on both
sides to touch land first; Agathokles secured that advantage,
and was enabled to put himself into such a posture of de-
fence that he repulsed the attack of the Carthaginian ships,
and secured the disembarkation of his own soldiers, at a
point called the Latomise or Stone-quarries. *
After establishing his position ashore, and refreshing
He bums his soldiers, the first proceeding of Agathokles
his vessels was to burn his vessels; a proceeding which
ivemcere8-8~ seemed to carry an air of desperate boldness,
mony for Yet in truth the ships were now useless — for,
thiV'umier ^ ^e was unsuccessful on land, they were not
vow' to enough to enable him to return in the face of
tfir' the Carthaginian fleet; they were even worse
than useless, since, if he retained them, it was requisite
that he should leave a portion of his army to guard them,
and thus enfeeble his means of action for the really im-
portant achievements on land. Convening his soldiers in
assembly near the ships, he first offered a sacrifice to
Demeter and Persephone — the patron Goddesses of Sicily,
and of Syracuse in particular. He then apprised his soldiers,
that during the recent crossing and danger from the Car-
thaginian pursuers, he had addressed a vow to these
Goddesses — engaging to make a burnt-offering of his ships
in their honour, if they would preserve him safe across to
1 Diodor. xx. 6. Procopius, Bell. Carthage, as far as Juka, the land
Vand. 1. 16. It is here stated, that is rcavrsXtlx; dXijASvoc.
for nine days' march eastward from
CHAP. XCVII. RICH TERRITORY OF CAHTHAGB. 235
Africa. The Goddesses had granted this boon; they had
farther, by favourably responding to the sacrifice just
offered, promised full success to his African projects; it
became therefore incumbent on him to fulfil his vow with
exactness. Torches being now brought, Agathokles took
one in his hand, and mounted on the stern of the admiral's
ship, directing each of the trierarchs to do the like on his
own ship. All were set on fire simultaneously, amidst the
sound of trumpets, and the mingled prayers and shouts of
the soldiers.1
Though Agathokles had succeeded in animating his
soldiers with a factitious excitement, for the ac- Agathokles
complishment of this purpose, yet so soon as marches
they saw the conflagration decided and irre- carti^agi-
vocable — thus cutting off all their communi- nian terri-
cation with home — their spirits fell, and they tures~Tun§s
began to despair of their prospects. Without —richness
allowing them time to dwell upon the novelty of Ration ^f"
the situation, Agathokles conducted them at the coun-
once against the nearest Carthaginian town, try-
called Megale-Polis.2 His march lay for the most part
through a rich territory in the highest cultivation. The
passing glance which we thus obtain into the condition of
territory near Carthage is of peculiar interest; more espe-
cially when contrasted with the desolation of the same coast,
now and for centuries past. The corn-land, the plantations
both of vines and olives, the extensive and well-stocked
gardens, the size and equipment of the farm-buildings,
1 This striking scene is described face of that projecting tongue of
by Diodorus xx. 7 (compare Justin, land which terminates in Cape Bon
xxii. 6), probably enough copied (Promontorium Mercurii), forming
from Kallias, the companion arid the eastern boundary of the Gulf
panegyrist of Agathokles: see of Carthage. There are stone
Diodor. xxi. Fragm. p. 281. quarries here, of the greatest ex-
4 MegalS-Polis is nowhere else tent as well as antiquity. Dr.Barth
mentioned — nor is it noticed by places Megalfi- Polis not far off
Forbiger in his list of towns in from this spot, on the same western
the Carthaginian territory (Hand- face of the projecting land, and
buch der Alten Geographic, sect, near the spot afterwards called
109). Misua.
Dr. Barth (Wanderungen auf den A map, which I have placed in
Kusten-Landern des Mittelmeeres, this volume, will convey to the
vol. i. p. 131-133) supposes that reader some idea of the Carthagi-
Agathokles landed at an indenta- nian territory.
tion of the coast on the western
236 HISTOEY OF GEEECE. PART II.
the large outlay for artificial irrigation, the agreeable
country-houses belonging to wealthy Carthaginians, &c.,
all excited the astonishment, and stimulated the cupidity,
of Agathokles and his soldiers. Moreover, the towns were
not only very numerous, but all open and unfortified, ex-
cept Carthage itself and a few others on the coast. l The
Carthaginians, besides having little fear of invasion by sea,
were disposed to mistrust their subject cities, which they
ruled habitually with harshness and oppression. 2 The Liby-
Phenicians appear to have been unused to arms — a race of
timid cultivators and traffickers, accustomed to subjection
and practised in the deceit necessary for lightening it.3 Aga-
thokles, having marched through this land of abundance,
assaulted Megale-Polis without delay. The inhabitants,
unprepared for attack, distracted with surprise and terror,
made little resistance. Agathokles easily took the town,
abandoning both the persons of the inhabitants and all the
rich property within, to his soldiers; who enriched them-
selves with a prodigious booty both from town and country
— furniture, cattle, and slaves. From hence he advanced
farther southward to the town called Tunes (the modern
1 Justin, xxii. 6. "Hue accedere, rerum est regie, et imbelles (quod
quod urbes castellaque Africse non pleruraque in uberi agro evenit)
rauris cinctse , non in montibus barbari sunt: priusque quam Car-
posits sint: sed in planis campis thagine subveniretur, opprimi vi-
sine ullis munimentisjaceant : quas debantur posse."
omnes metu excidii facile ad belli About the harshness of the Car-
societatem perlici posse." thaginian rule over their African
* Seven centuries and more after subjects, see Diodor. xi. 77; Polyb.
these events , we read that the i. 72. In reference to the above
Vandal king Genseric conquered passage of Polybius, however, we
Africa from the Eomans— and that ought to keep in mind— That in
he demolished the fortifications of describing this harshness, he speaks
all the other towns except Car- with express and exclusive reference
thage alone — from the like feeling to the conduct of the Carthaginians
of mistrust. This demolition mate- towards their subjects during the
rially facilitated the conquest of first Punic war (against Rome),
the Vandal kingdom by Belisarius, when the Carthaginians themselves
two generations afterwards (Pro- were hard pressed by the Eomans
copius, Bell. Vandal, i. 5; i. 15). and required everything that they
* Livy (xxix. 25) , in recounting could lay hands upon for self-de-
the landing of Scipio in the Car- fence. This passage of Polybius
thaginian territory in the latter has been sometimes cited as if it
years of the second Punic war, attested the ordinary character
says, "Emporia ut peterent, guber- and measure of Carthaginian do-
natoribue edixit. Fertilissimusager, minion; which is contrary to the
eoque abundans omnium copia intention of the author.
CHAP. XCVII. SURPRISE AND TERROR AT CARTHAGE. 237
Tunis, at the distance of only fourteen miles southwest of
Carthage itself), which he took by storm in like manner.
He fortified Tunes as a permanent position; but he kept
his main force united in camp, knowing well that he should
presently have an imposing army against him in the field,
and severe battles to fight. >
The Carthaginian fleet had pursued Agathokles during
his crossing from Syracuse, in perfect ignorance Constema-
of his plans. When he landed in Africa, on their *'on atCar-
own territory, and even burnt his fleet, they at Cityg-force
first flattered themselves with the belief that marches
AI_ i_ u i • • T> j. j.i °u* against
they held him prisoner. .But as soon as they him-
saw him commence his march in military array Hanno and
i. TIT i« i- j.1. j- • j !_• i Bomilkar
against Megalepolis, they divined his real pur- named
poses, and were filled with apprehension. Carry- generals,
ing off the brazen prow-ornaments of his burnt and aban-
doned ships, they made sail for Carthage, sending forward
a swift vessel to communicate first what had occurred. Be-
fore this vessel arrived, however, the landing of Agatho-
kles had been already made known at Carthage, where it
excited the utmost surprise and consternation; since no one
supposed that he could have accomplished such an ad-
venture without having previously destroyed the Carthagi-
nian army and fleet in Sicily. From this extreme dismay
they were presently relieved by the arrival of the mes-
sengers from their fleet; whereby they learnt the real state
of affairs in Sicily. They now made the best preparations
in their power to resist Agathokles. Hanno and Bomilkar,
two men of leading families, were named generals conjointly.
They were bitter political rivals, — but this very rivalry
was by some construed as an advantage, since each would
1 Diodor. xx. 8. Compare Polyb. mercenary soldiers and native
i. 29, where he describes the first Africans against Carthage, which
invasion of the Carthaginian ter- followed on the close of the first
ritory by the Roman consul Re- Punic war (Polyb. i. 73) — and by
gulus. Tunes was 120 stadia or the revolted Libyans in 396 B.C.
about fourteen miles south-east of (Diodor. xiv. 77).
Carthage (Polyb. i. 67). The Tab. Diodorus places Tunes at the
Pouting, reckons it only ten miles, distance of 2000 stadia from Car-
It was made the central place for thage, which must undoubtedly be
hostile operations againstCarthage, a mistake. He calls it White Tu-
botli by Regulus in the first Punic ties; an epithet drawn from the
war (Polyb. i. 30),— by Matho and chalk cliffs adjoining.
Speudius , in the rebellion of the
238 HISTOKY OF GREECE. PART II.
serve as a check upon the other, and as a guarantee to the
state; or, what is more probable, each had a party suf-
ficiently strong to prevent the separate election of the
other. J These two generals, unable to wait for distant suc-
cours, led out the native forces of the city, stated at 40,000
infantry, 1000 cavalry, derived altogether from citizens and
residents — with 2000 war-chariots. They took post on an
eminence (somewhere between Tunes and Carthage) not
far from Agathokles; Bomilkar commanding on the left,
where the ground was so difficult that he was unable to
extend his front, and was obliged to admit an unusual depth
of files; while Hanno was on the right, having in his front
rank the Sacred Band of Carthage, a corps of 2500 dis-
tinguished citizens, better armed and braver than the rest.
So much did the Carthaginians outnumber the invaders —
and so confident were they of victory — that they carried
with them 20,000 pairs of handcuffs for their anticipated
prisoners.2
Agathokles placed himself ontheleft, with 1000 chosen
inferior hoplites round him to combat the Sacred Band;
numbers of the command of his right he gave to his son
Agathokles . , ,1 TT- c<
—his arti- Archagathus. His troops — tsyracusans, mis-
fices to cellaneous mercenary Greeks, Campanians or
the°so™ge Samnites, Tuscans, and Gauls — scarcely equalled
diers. in numbers one-half of the enemy. Some of
the ships' crews were even without .arms — a deficiency
which Agathokles could supply only in appearance, by
giving to them the leather cases or wrappers of shields,
stretched out upon sticks. The outstretched wrappers
thus exhibited looked from a distance like shields; so
that these men, stationed in the rear, had the appearance
1 Diodor. xx. 10. total. The population of Carthage
* Diodor. xx. 10-13. See, respect- is said to have been 700,000 souls;
ing the Sacred Band of Carthage even when it was besieged by the
(which was nearly cut to pieces Romans in the third Punic war,
by Timoleon at the battle of the and when its power was prodigious-
Krimesus), Diodor. xvi .80, 81; also ly lessened (Strabo , xvii. p. 833).
this History, Chap. LXXXV. Its military magazines, even in
The amount of native or citizen- that reduced condition, were enor-
force given here by Diodorus (40, 000 mous,— as they stood immediately
foot and 1000 horse) seems very previous to their being given up
great. Our data for appreciating to the Romans, under the treacher-
it however are lamentably scanty ; ous delusions held out by Rome,
and we ought to expect a large
CHAP. XCVII. VICTORY OF AGATHOKLE8. 239
of a reserve of hoplites. As the soldiers however were still
discouraged, Agathokles tried to hearten them up by an-
other device yet more singular, for which indeed he must
have made deliberate provision beforehand. In various
parts of the camp, he let fly a number of owls, which
perched upon the shields and helmets of the soldiers.
These birds, the favourite of Athene, were supposed and
generally asserted to promise victory; the minds of the sol-
diers are reported to have been much reassured by the sight.
The Carthaginian war-chariots and cavalry, which
charged first, made little or no impression; but Treachery
the infantry of their right pressed the Greeks °,fathi°iCar~
seriously. Especially Hanno, with the Sacred general*11
Band around him, behaved with the utmost Bomiikar —
bravery and forwardness, and seemed to be gain- Agatho-°
ing advantage, when he was unfortunately slain. kles-
His death not only discouraged his own troops, but became
fatal to the army, by giving opportunity for treason to his
colleague Bomiikar. This man had long secretly meditated
the project of rendering himself despot of Carthage. As
a means of attaining that end, he deliberately sought to
bring reverses upon her; and no sooner had he heard of
Hanno's death, than he gave orders for his own wing to
retreat. The Sacred Band, though fighting with unshaken
valour, were left unsupported, attacked in rear as well as
front, and compelled to give way along with the rest. The
whole Carthaginian army was defeated and driven back to
Carthage. Their camp fell into the hands of Agathokles,
who found among their baggage the very handcuffs which
they had brought for fettering their expected captives. l
This victory made Agathokles for the time master of
the open country. He transmitted the news to Conquests ,^
Sicily, by a boat of thirty oars, constructed ex- of Agatho- a «}
1 £ AI_ • i_ — C — T — tr- — _^kles among *
pressly ior_the purpose — since he had no ships the Cartha- \
of his own remaining. Having fortified Tunes, 8inian d.e- *,
j i UT t. j -j. i_- i -j.- i pendencies 'V*
and established it as his central position, he On the east- *K ^
commenced operations along the eastern coast ern coast. ^ * '
(Zeugitana and Byzakium, as the northern and southern /x ^ ,
portions of it were afterwards denominated by the Romans) *v> V
against the towns dependent on Carthage.2 %
1 Diodor. xx. 12. The loss of the men — others at 6000. The loss in
Carthaginians was differently given the army of Agathokles was stated
—some authors stated it at 1000 at 200 men. 2 Diodor. xx. 17.
240 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
In that city, meanwhile, all was terror and despondency
R .. . in consequence of the recent defeat. It was well
terror Tnd known that the African subjects generally enter-
distress of tained nothing but fear and hatred towards the
the Cartha- . •*. -KT -J.-L. J.T. j.- T -i
ginians. reigning city. .Neither the native .Libyans or
Human Africans, — nor the mixed race called Liby-Phoe-
nicians, who inhabited the towns l — could be de-
pended on if their services were really needed. The distress
of the Carthaginians took the form of religious fears and
repentance. They looked back with remorse on the impiety
of their past lives, and on their omissions of duty towards
the Gods. To the Tyrian Herakles, they had been slack in
transmitting the dues and presents required by their re-
ligion; a backwardness which they now endeavoured to
make up by sending envoys to Tyre, with prayers and
supplications, with rich presents, and especially with
models in gold and silver of their sacred temples and
shrines. Towards Kronus, or Moloch, they also felt that
they had conducted themselves sinfully. The worship ac-
ceptable to that God required the sacrifice of young
children, born of free and opulent parents, and even the
choice child of the family. But it was now found out,
on investigation, that many parents had recently put
a fraud upon the God, by surreptitiously buying poor
children, feeding them well, and then sacrificing them as
their own. This discovery seemed at once to explain why
Kronus had become offended, and what had brought upon
them the recent defeat. They made an emphatic atonement,
by selecting 200 children from the most illustrious families
in Carthage, and offering them up to Kronus at a great
public sacrifice; besides which, 300 parents, finding them-
selves denounced for similar omissions in the past, display-
ed their repentance by voluntarily immolating their own
children for the public safety. The statue of Kronus, —
placed with outstretched hands to receive the victim tender-
ed to him, with fire immediately underneath, — was fed at
that solemnity certainly with 200, and probably with 500,
living children.2 By this monstrous holocaust the full
1 Diodor. xx. 55. o-oy;, •j3T3povtl>vOT!>[iiVOiXa9pot:tat8a4
* Diodor. xx. 14. YJTKJJVTO fis xoti xai 9pi'!/cc;7i; Ir:3|Aitov sitl TTJV Quata-r
TOV Kpovov aiioii; svav-touaOai, xa96- xal ^r]7^33<o? .YSV«I|I.SVTJ?, tupsQ^ui-*
8&v ev 7015 eixitposfhv •/povoisO'JovTas TI-/S? TU>V •x.'zQ'.zpvjpfrui.i-Mv Oito^o-
Tip 9s(jj tiJbv ui<i)v Tovx; xpiti-, Xiptaiot Y»T'JVOTi4' touttovSs Xa^ovT*?
CHAP. XCVII. RELIGIOUS ATONEMENT OF CAKTHAGE.
241
religious duty being discharged, and forgiveness obtained
from the Grod, the mental distress of the Carthaginians was
healed.
Having thus relieved their consciences on the score of
religious obligation, the Carthaginians despatch- Operations
ed envoys to Hamilkar in Sicily, acquainting pf Agatho-
, . .,£ ,, i -j. j • • v- A kles on the
him with the recent calamity, desiring him to eastern
send a reinforcement, and transmitting to him the £oaat of _
brazen prow-ornaments taken from the ships of ca*pture8o7
Agathokles. They at the same time equipped Neapoiis,
a fresh army, with which they marched forth to tu
attack Tunes. Agathokles had fortified that 8usi *°-
town, and established a strong camp before it; but he had
withdrawn his main force to prosecute operations against
the maritime towns on the eastern coast of the territory o*
Carthage. Among these towns, he first attacked Neapoiis
with success, granting to the inhabitants favourable terms.
He then advanced farther southwards towards Adrumetum,
of which he commenced the siege, with the assistance of a
neighbouring Libyan prince named Elymas, who now joined
him. While Agathokles was engaged in the siege of Adru-
xa
ou<; irpo?
e8sioi8ai|xovouv tix; xaTaXsXuxo-rscTai;
Ttatpioo? TU>V 6£<I)v 7t(A«i;- 8iop6u>aa-
c9ai 8e 165 devoid; aitsoSovTsc, 8ia-
xoaio'j? JAS-; T(I)v EicitpavsaTaTCUv itai^iov
itpoxpivotvTSi; eQ'jaav S7]|AOsia' aXXot
6' ev SiapoXais OVTSS, sxouatux; £au-
T'-U? ISojav, oux eXaT-ooi; OVTS; -pia-
xooiwv ^v 8e i:ap' aoTOi? av?pia«
Kpovoo 7 aXxoui;,£xTeTaxu)? Ta? Xs'Pa?
OicTtai;EYxsxXt(xiva5 sittTTjv Y^V, aiaTe
Tov eitiTiftsvTa TUJV icaiStov ditoxu-
XUafiai xal JCITCTSIV EI?TI ^a3(jia icX^ps?
icup6«. Compare Festus ap. Lactan-
tium. Inst. Div. i. 21; Justin, xviii.
6, 12!
In this remarkable passage (the
more remarkable because so little
information concerning Carthagi-
nian antiquity has reached as), one
clause is not perfectly clear, re-
specting the three hundred who are
said to have voluntarily given them-
selves up. Diodorus means (I ap-
VOL. XH-
prehend) as Eusebius understood
it , that these were fathers who
gave up their children (not them-
selves) to be sacrificed. The vic-
tims here mentioned as sacrificed
to Kronus were children, not ad-
ults (compare Diodor. xiii. 86);
nothing is here said about adult
victims. Wesseling in his note ad-
heres to the literal meaning of the
words, dissenting from Eusebius:
but I think that the literal mean*
ing is less in harmony with the
general tenor of the paragraph.
Instances of self-devotion, by per-
sons torn with remorse, are indeed
mentioned: see the case of Imil-
kon, Diodor. xiv. 76; Justin,
xhc. 3.
"We read in the Fragment of En-
nius — "Pceni sunt soliti suos sacri-
ficare puellos:" see the chapter iv.
of Hunter's work, Religion der
Karthager, on this subject.
242 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
metum, the Carthaginians attacked his position at Tunes,
drove his soldiers out of the fortified camp into the town,
and began to batter the defences of the town itself. Apprised
of this danger while besieging Adrumetum, but nevertheless
reluctant to raise the siege, — Agathokles left his main army
before it, stole away with only a few soldiers and some camp-
followers, and conducting them to an elevated spot — half-
way between Adrumetum and Tunes, yet visible from both
— he caused them to kindle at night upon this eminence a
prodigious number of fires. l The effect of these fires, seen
from Adrumetum on one side and from the army before
Tunes on the other, was, to produce the utmost terror at
both places. The Carthaginians besieging Tunes fancied
that Agathokles with his whole army was coming to attack
them, and forthwith abandoned the siege in disorder, leav-
ing their engines behind. The defenders of Adrumetum,
interpreting these fires as evidence of a large reinforce-
ment on its way to join the besieging army, were so dis-
couraged that they surrendered the town on capitulation.1
1 Diodor. xx. 17. XiOpo itpotjrjXQev Tunis. Other authors have placed
eitt Tiva7(iitov opjivov, 59sv opauBoci it at Hamamat, more to the north-
SOVOTOV ^v ct&Tov uico TU>V ward than Herkla, and nearer to
'A8pu|A7)Tiv<I>v xotl T(I)v Kapy_7]- Tunis.
Boviiuv T(I)v T6v7)T<z noXiop- Of these three sites , Hamamat
xouvtu>v' VUXTO? 8e auvTa£ot<; TOI<; is the only one which will consist
uTpaTiioTais eiti TtoXov tditov itopa with the narrative of Diodorus.
xaieiv, 86£av ejtolTjas, toT<; |AJV Kap- Both the others are too distant.
XT)8ovt'/ic, u>? [AETa (JtsYdXTji; 8ovd[Ac(u<; Hamamat is about forty -eight
en' auTOvx; rcopsuo|X£vo<;, TOI<; 8s ito- English miles from Tunis (see
Xiopaou|jUvoi<;, u>c aXXr]<; SuvijAsioi; Earth, p. 184, with his note). This
d8po« toTi; icoXsjiioi; si? ou|x(i.oxtov is as great a distance (if not too
nafiifs.f^r^i-i^. great) as can possibly be admitted;
* Diodorus xx. 17. The incident both Herkla and Susaarevery much
here recounted by Diodorus is more distant, and therefore out of
curious , but quite distinct and the question.
Nevertheless, the other evidence
^___ known to us tends apparently to
iF~true7~it~aSords an place Adrumetum at Susa, and not
evidence for determining, within at Hamamat (see Barth, p. 142-154;
some limits, the site of the ancient Forbiger, Handb. d. Geog. p. 845).
Adrumetum , which Mannert and It is therefore probable that the
Shaw place at Herkla— while For- narrative of Diodorus is not true,
biger and Dr. Barth put it near or must apply to some other place
the site of the modern port called on the coast (possibly Neapolis,
Susa, still more to the southward, the modern Nabel) taken by Aga-
and at a prodigious distance from tkoklds, and not to Adrumetum.
CHAP. XCVII.
SURRENDER OF ADRUMETUM.
243
By this same stratagem — if the narrative can be trust-
ed— Agathokles both relieved Tunes, and ac- He fortifies
quired possession of Adrumetum. Pushing his A»pt»—
j. e j.i xi_ i_ i. • J J j. i undertakes
conquests yet farther south, he besieged and took operations
Thapsus, with several other towns on the coast against the
to a considerable distance southward. l He also country—
occupied and fortified the important position defeats the
called Aspis, on the south-east of the headland nfans*8
Cape Bon, and not far distant from it; a point again,
convenient for maritime communication with Sicily.2
By a series of such acquisitions, comprising in all not
less than 200 dependencies of Carthage, Agathokles became
master along the eastern coast.3 He next endeavoured to
subdue the towns in the interior, into which he had ad-
vanced as far as several days' march. But he was recalled
1 Diodor. xx. 17.
» Strabo, xvii. p. 834. Solinus
(c. 30) talks of Aspis as founded
by the StcuZi; Aspis (called by the
Romans Clypea), being on the
eastern side of Cape Bon, as more
convenient for communication with
Sicily than either Carthage, or
Tunis , or any part of the Gulf of
Carthage, which was on the western
side of Cap*e Bon. To get round
that headland is, even at the pre-
sent day, a difficult and uncertain
enterprise for navigators: see the
remarks of Dr. Earth, founded
partly on his own personal ex-
perience (Wanderungen auf den
Kiistenlandern des Mittelmeeres,
i. p. 196). A ship coming from Si-
cily to Aspis was not under the
necessity of gettinground the head-
land.
In the case of Agathoklgs, there
was a farther reason for establish-
ing his maritime position at As-
pis. The Carthaginian fleet was
superior to him at sea; accordingly
they could easily interrupt his mar-
itime communication from Sicily
with Tunis, or with any point in
the Gulf of Carthage. But it was
not so easy for them to watch the
coast at Aspis; for in order to do
this, they must get from the Gulf
round Cape Bon.
' Diodor. xx. 17. The Roman
consul Regulus, when he invaded
Africa during the first Punic war,
is said to have acquired, either by
capture or voluntary adhesion,
two hundred dependent cities of
Carthage (Appian, Punica, c. 3).
Respecting the prodigious number
of towns in Northern Africa , see
the very learned and instructive
work of Movers, Die Phonikier,
vol. ii. p. 454 aeqq. Even at the
commencement of the third Funic
war, when Carthage was so much
reduced in power, she had still
three hundred cities in Libya
(Strabo, xvii. p. 833). It must be
confessed that the name cities or
towns (»c6Xsn) was used by some
authors very vaguely. Thus Po-
seidonius ridiculed the affirmation
of Polybius (Strabo iii. p. 162),
that Tiberius Gracchus had destroy-
ed three hundred TCoXst? of the Celt!
borians ; Strabo censures others who
spoke of one thousand ic6Xei; of
the Iberians. Such a number could
only be made good by including
large xwgxtxi.
R 2
244 HISTORY OF GEEECB. PABT II.
by intelligence from his soldiers at Tunes, that the Car-
thaginians had marched out again to attack them, and had
already retaken some of his conquests. Returning suddenly
by forced marches, he came upon them by surprise, and
drove in their advanced parties with considerable loss;
while he also gained an important victory over the Libyan
prince Elymas, who had rejoined the Carthaginians, but
was now defeated and slain, i The Carthaginians, however,
though thus again humbled and discouraged, still main-
tained the field, strongly entrenched, between Carthage
and Tunes.
Meanwhile the affairs of Agathokles at Syracuse had
Proceed- taken a turn unexpectedly favourable. He had
ings of left that city blocked up partially by sea and
Hamilkar .., . , J . j •.
before with a victorious enemy encamped near it; so
Syracuse— that supplies found admission with difficulty,
nearsurren- In this condition, Hamilkar, commander of the
dering— he Carthaginian army, received from Carthage the
pointed*," messengers announcing their recent defeat in
and Africa; yet also bringing the brazen prow-orna-
away from ments taken from the ships of Agathokles. He
it- ordered the envoys to conceal the real truth,
and to spread abroad news that Agathokles had been de-
stroyed with his armament; in proof of which he produced
the prow -ornaments, — an undoubted evidence that the
ships had really been destroyed. Sending envoys with these
evidences into Syracuse, to be exhibited to Antander and
the other authorities, Hamilkar demanded from them the
surrender of the city, under promise of safety and favour-
able terms; at the same time marching his army close up
to it, with the view of making an attack. Antander with
others, believing the information and despairing of success-
ful resistance, were disposed to comply; but Erymnon the
JEtolian insisted on holding out until they had fuller cer-
tainty. This resolution Antander adopted. At the same
time, mistrusting those citizens of Syracuse who were rela-
tives or friends of the exiles without, he ordered them all
to leave the city immediately, with their wives and families.
No less than 8000 persons were expelled under this man-
date. They were consigned to the mercy of Hamilkar, and
his army without; who not only suffered them to pass, but
« Diodor. xx. 17, 18.
CHAP. XOVII. MEASURES OF ANTANDER AT SYRACUSE. 245
treated them with kindness. Syracuse was now a scene of
aggravated wretchedness and despondency; not less from
this late calamitous expulsion, than from the grief of those
who believed that their relatives in Africa had perished
with Agathokles. Hamilkar had brought up his battering-
engines, and was preparing to assault the town, when
Nearchus, the messenger from Agathokles, arrived from
Africa after a voyage of fire days, having under favour of
darkness escaped, though only just escaped, the blockading
squadron. From him the Syracusan government learnt the
real truth, and the victorious position of Agathokles.
There was no farther talk of capitulation; Hamilkar — hav-
ing tried a partial assault, which was vigorously resisted,
— with-drew his army, and detached from it a reinforce-
ment of 5000 men to the aid of his countrymen in Africa.1
During some months, he seems to have employed him-
self in partial operations for extending the
Carthaginian dominion throughout Sicily. But _ '
ri_ v. -J/L AT. o Renewed
at length he concerted measures with the Syra- attack of
cusan exile Deinokrates, who was at the head Hamilkar
c ,,„,'. ., , upon Syra-
of a numerous body 01 his exiled countrymen, cuse— he
for a renewed attack upon Syracuse. His fleet tries .to
already blockaded the harbour, and he now with Euryaius,
his army, stated as 120.000 men. destroyed the butistotai-
• t_t- • i j t. • L J.T- ly defeated,
neighbouring lands, hoping to starve out the made
inhabitants. Approaching close to the walls of prisoner,
,1 ., •• • j j.i T\I • • j_ -i and slain.
the city, he occupied the Ulympieion, or temple
of Zeus Olympius, near the river Anapus and the interior
coast of the Great Harbour. From hence — probably under
the conduct of Deinokrates and the other exiles, well-
acquainted with the ground — he undertook by a night-
march to ascend the circuitous and difficult mountain track,
for the purpose of surprising the fort called Euryalus, at
the highest point of Epipolse, and the western apex of the
Syracusan lines of fortification. This was the same enter-
prise, at the same hour, and with the same main purpose,
as that of Demosthenes during the Athenian siege, after
he had brought the second armament from Athens to the
relief of Nikias.2 Even Demosthenes, though conducting
his march with greater precaution than Hamilkar, and
1 Diodor. xx. 15, 16. Syracuse, annexed to the volume
5 See Ch. LX. of this History ; in -which that Chapter is contained,
together with the second Plan of
246 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET II.
successful in surprising the fort of Euryalus, had been
driven down again with disastrous loss. Moreover, since
his time, this fort Euryalus, instead of being left detached,
had been embodied by the elder Dionysius as an integral
portion of the fortifications of the city. It formed the apex
or point of junction for the two converging walls — one
skirting the northern cliff, the other the southern cliff, of
Epipolae. * The surprise intended by Hamilkar — difficult
in the extreme, if at all practicable — seems to have been
unskilfully conducted. It was attempted with a confused
multitude, incapable of that steady order requisite for
night-movements. His troops, losing their way in the
darkness, straggled, and even mistook each^other^for^ene-
mies; while the Syracusan guards from Elir^aTiispaTarmed
by the noise, attacked them vigorously and put them to
the rout. Their loss, in trying to escape down the steep
declivity, was prodigious; and Hamilkar himself, making
brave efforts to rally them, became prisoner to the Syra-
cusans. What lent peculiar interest to this incident, in the
eyes of a pious Greek, was that it served to illustrate and
confirm the truth of prophecy. Hamilkar had been assured
by a prophet that he would sup that night in Syracuse;
and this assurance had in part emboldened him to the at-
tack, since he naturally calculated on entering the city as
a conqueror.2 He did indeed take his evening meal in
Syracuse, literally fulfilling the augury. Immediately after
it, he was handed over to the relatives of the slain, who
first paraded him through the city in chains, then inflicted
on him the worst tortures, and lastly killed him. His head
was cut off and sent to Africa.3
The loss and humiliation sustained in this repulse —
The Agri- together with the death of Hamilkar, and the
stand.nfor- discord ensuing between the exiles under Deino-
•ward as krates and the Carthaginian soldiers — com-
pletely broke up the besieging army. At the
1 For a description of the forti- version of the events preceding
fications added to Syracuse by the the capture of Hamilkar.
elder Dionysius, see Ch. LXXXII. J Diodor. xx. 30. TOV 8" ouv
of this History ; also Plan III. at 'AfJ-iXxav ot TU>V aitoXu>X6t<ov 007-
p. 316 of the volume. Yeve^ SsSsjisvov Afufitfce.^ 8ii tij«
1 Diodor. xx. 29, 30. Cicero itdXeux;, xat Beivaii; alxianxar'autou
(Divinat. i. 24) notices this pro- xPT)°*lAe'")li I"T« T7J< *«X"i)« 8flpeu>«
phecy and its manner of fulfilment ; dvetXov.
but he gives a somewhat different
CHAP. XCVII. DEFEAT AND DEATH OF HAMILKAB. 217
same time, the Agrigentines, profiting by the freedom
depression both of Carthaginians and exiles, ^^"h'okie
stood forward publicly, proclaiming themselves an^theCar-
as champions of the cause of autonomous city thaginians.
government throughout Sicily, under their own presidency,
against both the Carthaginians on one side, and the despot
Agathokles on the other. They chose for their general a
citizen named Xenodokus, who set himself with vigour to
the task of expelling everywhere the mercenary garrisons
which held the cities in subjection. He began first with
Gela, the city immediately adjoining Agrigentum, found
a party of the citizens disposed to aid him, and, in con-
junction with them, overthrew the Agathoklean garrison.
The Geloans, thus liberated, seconded cordially his efforts
to extend the like benefits to others. The popular banner
proclaimed by Agrigentum proved so welcome, that many
cities eagerly invited her aid to shake off the yoke of the
soldiery in their respective citadels, and regain their free
governments.1 Enna, Erbessus, Echetla,2 Leontini, and
Kamarina, were all thus relieved from the dominion of
Agathokles; while other cities were in like manner eman-
cipated from the sway of the Carthaginians; and joined
the Agrigentine confederacy. The Agathoklean govern-
ment at Syracuse was not strong enough to resist such
spirited manifestations. Syracuse still continued to be
blocked up by the Carthaginian fleet; though the blockade
was less efficacious, and supplies were now introduced more
abundantly than before.3
The ascendency of Agathokles was thus rather on the
wane in Sicily; but in Africa, he had become Mutiny in
more powerful than ever — not without perilous tne army of
hazards which brought him occasionally to the at^un^s— *
brink of ruin. On receiving from Syracuse the bis great
head of the captive Hamilkar, he rode forth adS in*
close to the camp of the Carthaginians, and extricating
held it up to their view in triumph; they made himself-
respectful prostration before it, but the sight was astounding
1 Diodor. xx. 31. 6i«po7)9sl37)<; 8s the north — east of Agrigentum;
•tijC TU>V 'AYpaY<mlvu>v ETcipoXTJ^xaTa Echetla is placed by Polybius
itaootv T7]v vTJaov, svsitidsv 6p|AT) tal? (i. 16) midway between the domain
icoXeui npoi; TTJV eXsyQsptav. of Syracuse and that of Carthage.
1 Enna is nearly' in the centre * Diodor. xx. 32.
of Sicily; Erbessus is not far to
248 HISTORY OF GKEECE. PAST II.
and mournful to them.1 While they were thus in
despondency, however, a strange vicissitude was on the
point of putting their enemy into their hands. A violent
mutiny broke out in the camp of Agathokles at Tunes,
arising out of a drunken altercation between his son Archa-
gathus and an ^tolian officer named Lykiskus; which
ended in the murder of the latter by the former. The
comrades of Lykiskus rose in arms with fury to avenge
him, calling for the head of Archagathus. They found
sympathy with the whole army; who seized the oppor-
tunity of demanding their arrears of outstanding pay,
chose new generals, and took regular possession of Tunes
with its defensive works. The Carthaginians, informed of
this outbreak, immediately sent envoys to treat with the
mutineers, offering to them large presents and double pay
in the service of Carthage. Their offer was at first so
favourably entertained, that the envoys returned with con-
fident hopes of success; when Agathokles, as a last resource,
clothed himself in mean garb, and threw himself on the
mercy of the soldiers. He addressed them in a pathetic
appeal, imploring them not to desert him, and even drew
his sword to kill himself before their faces. With such art
did he manage this scene, that the feelings of the soldiers
underwent a sudden and complete revolution. They not
only became reconciled to him, but even greeted him with
enthusiasm, calling on him to resume the dress and functions
of general, and promising unabated obedience for the
future.2 Agathokles gladly obeyed the call, and took ad-
vantage of their renewed ardour to attack forthwith the
Carthaginians; who, expecting nothing less, were defeated
with considerable loss.3
1 Diodor. xx. 33. ol 8e Kap^Tj- sently the feeling changes, by the
Soviet, iceptoXfEi^ fev6(i.svoi , xal adroit management of Alphenus
fiappapixuK Ttpoaxuv^oavTiS, <&c. Varus, prefect of the camp) — then,
2 Compare the description in Ta- "silentio , patientia, postremo pre-
citus, Hist. ii. 29, of the mutiny in cihus et lacrymis , veniam quoere-
the Vitellian army commanded by bant. Ut vero deformis et flena,
1'abius Valens, at Ticinum. et prseter spem inuolumis Valens,
"Postquam immissia lictoribus, processit; gaudium, miseratio, fa-
Valens coercere seditionem cojpta- vor : versi in Isetitiam (ut est vul-
bat, ipsum invadnnt (milites), saxa gusutroque immodicum) laudantes
jaciunt, fugientem sequuntur. — gratantesque circumdatum aquilis
Valens , sorvili veste , apud decu- signisque in tribunal iorunt."
rionem equitum tegebatur." (Pre- * Diodor. xx. 34.
CHAP. XCVII. \VAK IN THE INTEBIOR. 249
In spite of this check, the Carthaginians presently
sent a considerable force into the interior, for
,, . . . ' , i B.C. 308-307.
the purpose ot reconquering or regaining the Carthagj.
disaffected Numidian tribes. They met with nian army
good success in this enterprise; but the Numi- J*11*!^*.0*
dians were in the main faithless and indifferent terior—
to both the belligerents, seeking only to turn ^"athokies
the war to their own profit. Agathokles, leaving with some
his son in command at Tunes, followed the Car- ™aC*l?a~ia
thaginians into the interior with a large portion pillaged by
of his army. The Carthaginian generals were ^?e Numi-
cautious, and kept themselves in strong position.
Nevertheless Agathokles felt confident enough to assail
them in their camp; and after great effort, with severe
loss on his own side, he gained an indecisive victory. This
advantage however was countervailed by the fact, that
during the action the Numidians assailed his camp, slew
all the defenders, and carried off nearly all the slaves and
baggage. The loss on the Carthaginian side fell most
severely upon the Greek soldiers in their pay; most of
them exiles under Klinon, and some Syracusan exiles.
These men behaved with signal gallantry, and were nearly
all slain, either during the battle or after the battle, by
Agathokles. l
It had now become manifest, however, to this daring
invader, that the force of resistance possessed Agathokles
by Carthage was more than he could overcome invites the
— that though humbling and impoverishing her Ophelias
for the moment, he could not bring the war to from
a triumphant close; since the city itself, occupy- Kyren6-
ing the isthmus of a peninsula from sea to sea, and sur-
rounded with the strongest fortifications, could not be
besieged except by means far superior to his.2 We have
already seen, that though he had gained victories and seized
rich plunder, he had not been able to provide even regular
pay for his soldiers, whose fidelity was consequently pre-
carious. Nor could he expect reinforcements from Sicily;
where his power was on the whole declining, though Syra-
cuse itself was in less danger than before. He therefore
1 Diodor. xx. 39. oSsrjc 8ia TTJV duo TU>V teijribv xotl
1 Diodor. xx. 59. '0 8s tjji; itoXsco; Trj<; OaX&frijc 6)ryp6T7)Ta.
o6x^vxiv8uvo?,oitpoaiTOO tij^ TniXstot
250 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAEI II.
resolved to invoke aid from Ophelias at Kyrene, and de-
spatched Orthon as envoy for that purpose. J
To Kyrene and what was afterwards called its Penta-
Antecedent P0^8 (*'• e- the five neighbouring Grecian towns,
circum- Kyrene, its port Apollonia, Barka, Teucheira, and
Kyrtnl °f Hesperides), an earlier chapter of this History has
Division of already been devoted.2 Unfortunately informa-
tweenbe" ^on respecting them, for a century and more
KyrenS and anterior to Alexander the Great, is almost
Carthage. wholly wanting. Established among a Libyan
population, many of whom were domiciliated with the
Greeks as fellow-residents, these Kyreneans had imbibed
many Libyan habits in war, in peace, and in religion; of
which their fine breed of horses, employed both for the
festival chariot-matches and in battle, was one example.
The Libyan tribes, useful as neighbours, servants, and
customers,3 were frequently also troublesome as enemies.
In 413 B.C. we hear accidentally that Hesperides was
besieged by Libyan tribes, and rescued by some Pelopon-
nesian hoplites on their way to Syracuse during the Athen-
ian siege.4 About 401 B.C. (shortly after the close of the
Peloponnesian war), the same city was again so hard pressed
by the same enemies, that she threw open her citizenship
to any Greek new-comer who would aid in repelling them.
This invitation was accepted by several of the Meesenians,
just then expelled from Peloponnesus, and proscribed by
the Spartans; they went to Africa, but, becoming involved
in intestine warfare among the citizens of Kyrene, a large
proportion of them perished.5 Except these scanty notices,
we hear nothing about the Greco -Libyan Pentapolis in
relation to Grecian affairs, before the time of Alexander.
It would appear that the trade with the native African
tribes, between the Gulfs called the Greater and Lesser
Syrtis was divided between Kyrene (meaning the Kyrenaic
Pentapolis) and Carthage — at a boundary point called the
Altars of the Philseni, ennobled by a commemorative
legend; immediately east of these Altars was Automala,
the westernmost factory of Kyrene.6 We cannot doubt
1 Diodor. xx. 40. being not dangerous, but suited
2 See Ch. XXVII. for obedient neighbours and slaves.
1 See Isokrates, Or. iv. (Philipp.) « Thucyd. vii. 50.
t. 6, where he speaks of Kyrene ' Pausan. iv. 26; Diodor. xiv. 34.
as a spot judiciously chosen for • Strabo , xvii. p. 836; Sallust,
colonization; the natives near it BeH. Jugurth. p. 126.
CHAP. XCVII. THIMBBON NEAR KYBENE. 251
that the relations, commercial and otherwise, between
Kyrene and Carthage, the two great emporia on the coast
of Africa, were constant and often lucrative — though not
always friendly.
In the year 331 B.C., when the victorious Alexander
overran Egypt, the inhabitants of Kyrene sent
mr • i_ • • j. !_• j Ihimbron
to tender presents and submission to him, and wnh the
became enrolled among his subiects.1 "We hear Hawaiian
., . .,e ,.¥ ,iii f mercenaries
nothing more about them until the last year of i8 invited
Alexander's life (324 B.C. to 323 B.C.). About J™^ b
that time, the exiles from Kyrene and Barka, exiles. ma
probably enough emboldened by the rescript of chequered
Alexander (proclaimed at the Olympic festival the^'hoie
of 324 B.C., and directing that all Grecian exiles, victorious,
except those guilty of sacrilege, should be re-
called forthwith), determined to accomplish their return by
force. To this end they invited from Krete an officer named
Thimbron ; who, having slain Harpalus after his flight from
Athens (recounted in a previous chapter), had quartered
himself in Krete, with the treasure, the ships, and the
COOO mercenaries, brought over from Asia by that satrap.2
Thimbron willingly carried over his army to their assist-
ance, intending to conquer for himself a principality in
Libya. He landed near Kyrene, defeated the Kyrenean
forces with great slaughter, and made himself master of
Apollonia, the fortified port of that city, distant from it
nearly ten miles. The towns of Barka and Hesperides sided
with him; so that he was strong enough to force the Kyre-
neans to a disadvantageous treaty. They covenanted to
pay 500 talents, — to surrender to him half of their war-
chariots for his ulterior projects — and to leave him in pos-
session of Apollonia. While he plundered the merchants
in the harbour, he proclaimed his intention of subjugating
the independent Libyan tribes, and probably of stretching
his conquests to Carthage.3 His schemes were however
frustrated by one of his own officers, a Kretan named Mna-
1 Arrian, vii. 9, 12; Curt ins, iv. be glad to have this statement
7, 9; Diodor. xvii. 49. It is said better avouched,
that the inhabitants of Kyrene * Diodor. xvii. 108, xviii. 19;
(exact date unknown) applied to Arrian, De Rebus post Alexandr.
Plato to make laws for them, but vi. apud Photium, Cod. 92; Stiabo,
that he declined. See Thrige, xvii. p. 837.
Histor. Gyrenes, p. 191. We should • Diodor. xviii. 19.
252 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET H.
sikles; who deserted to the Kyreneans, and encouraged
them to set aside the recent convention. Thimbron, after
seizing such citizens of Kyrene as happened to be at Apol-
lonia, attacked Kyrene itself, but was repulsed; and the
Kyreneans were then bold enough to invade the territory
of Barka and Hesperides. To aid these two cities, Thim-
bron moved his quarters from Apollonia; but during his
absence, Mnasikles contrived to surprise that valuable port;
thus mastering at once his base of operations, the station
for his fleet, and all the baggage of his soldiers. Thimbron's
fleet could not be long maintained without a harbour. The
seamen, landing here and there for victuals and water,
were cut off by the native Libyans, while the vessels were
dispersed by storms. l
The Kyreneans, now full of hope, encountered Thim-
bron in the field, and defeated him. Yet though reduced
to distress, he contrived to obtain possession of Teucheira;
to which port he invoked as auxiliaries 2500 fresh soldiers,
out of the loose mercenary bauds dispersed near Cape Tae-
narus in Peloponnesus. This reinforcement again put him
in a condition for battle. The Kyreneans on their side also
thought it necessary to obtain succour, partly from the
neighbouring Libyans, partly from Carthage. They got to-
gether a force stated as 30,000 men, with which they met
him in the field. But on this occasion they were totally
routed, with the loss .of all their generals and much of their
army. Thimbron was now in the full tide of success: he
pressed both Kyrene and the harbour so vigorously, that
famine began to prevail, and sedition broke out among the
citizens. The oligarchical men, expelled by the mere popu-
lar party, sought shelter, some in the camp of Thimbron,
some at the court of Ptolemy in Egypt. 2
I have already mentioned, that in the partition after
The Kyre- the decease of Alexander, Egypt had been as-
viteTaid1" signed to Ptolemy. Seizing with eagerness the
from the opportunity of annexing to it so valuable a pos-
Pufiemy^ session as the Kyrenaic Pentapolis, this chief
who sends sent an adequate force under Ophelias to put
thithei*8 down Thimbron and restore the exiles. His
Defeat and success was complete. All the cities in the
TMmbron. Pentapolis were reduced; Thimbron, worsted
i Diodor. xvii. 20. * Diodor. xviii. 21.
CHAP. XOVII. KYRENE UNDER PTOLEMY. 253
and pursued as a fugitive, was seized in his flight Kyrfinaica
by some Libyans, and brought prisoner to annexed to
nf i • ii -j.' f i_-S i /T- tne domi-
leucheira; the citizens of which place (by per- nions of
mission of the Olynthian Epikides, governor for J*^lemy'
Ptolemy), first tortured him, and then conveyed Ophelias as
him to Apollonia to be hanged. A final visit viceroy,
from Ptolemy himself regulated the affairs of the Penta-
polis, which were incorporated with his dominions and
placed under the government of Ophelias. l
It was thus that the rich and flourishing Kyrene, an
interesting portion of the once autonomous B0 SM
Hellenic world, passed like the rest under one
of the Macedonian Diadochi. As the proof and guarantee
of this new sovereignty, we find erected within the walls
of the city, a strong and completely detached citadel, oc-
cupied by a Macedonian or Egyptian garrison (like Munychia
at Athens), and forming the stronghold of the viceroy. Ten
years afterwards (B.C. 312) theKyreneans made an attempt
to emancipate themselves, and besieged this citadel; but
being again put down by an army and fleet which Ptolemy
despatched under Agis from Egypt,2 Kyrene passed once
more under the viceroyalty of Ophelias.3
To this viceroy Agathokles now sent envoys, invoking
his aid against Carthage. Ophelias was an officer B 0 308
of consideration and experience. He had served Position
under Alexander, and had married an Athenian a"d) 1l0?1ea
wife, Euthydike, — a lineal descendant from He Accepts
Miltiades the victor of Marathon, and belonging the invita-
f •! i-ii j- i- • i i i A j.i T tion ot
to a tamily still distinguished at Athens. In Agatho-
inviting Ophelias to undertake -jointly the con- k1?3- He
ffC j.i ii i ii L 1. collects
quest or Uarthage, the envoys proposed that he colonists
should himself hold it when conquered. Aga- fi-°™
thokles (they said) wished only to overthrow the otheTare1-
Carthaginian dominion in Sicily, being well cian cities-
aware that he could not hold that island in conjunction with
an African dominion.
1 Arrian , De Rebus post Alex, las "rex Cyrenarum ;" but It is
vi. ap. Phot. Cod. 92; Diodor. xviii. noway probable that he had be-
21; Justin, xiii. 6, 20. come independent of Ptolemy — as
1 Diodor. xix. 79. Ot KupTjvaioi Thrige (Hist. CyrenSs, p. 214) sup-
T/)V axpav itspisaTpaToitsSsuua^, to? poses. The expression in Plutarch
orjTixot |iiXaT7)v9poupav sx3a^°^VTe?i (Demetrius, 14), 'OcpsXXa •:<£ opSa^ti
Ac. Kup^vT)!;, does not necessarily imply
* Justin (xxii. 7,4) calls Ophel- an independent authority.
254 HISTORY OP GBEECB. PART. H.
To Ophelias,1 such a invitation proved extremely
seducing. He was already on the look-out for aggrandise-
ment towards the west, and had sent an exploring nautical
expedition along the northern coast of Africa, even to some
distance round and beyond the Strait of Gibraltar.2 More-
over, to all military adventurers, both on sea and on land,
the season was one of boundless speculative promise. They
had before them not only the prodigious career of Alex-
ander himself, but the successful encroachments of the great
officers his successors. In the second distribution, made
at Triparadeisus, of the Alexandrine empire, Antipater had
assigned to Ptolemy not merely Egypt and Libya, but also
an undefined amount of territory west of Libya, to be after-
wards acquired;3 the conquest of which was known to hava
been among the projects of Alexander, had he lived longer.
To this conquest Ophelias was now specially called, either
as the viceroy or the independent equal of Ptolemy, by the
invitation of Agathokles. Having learnt in the service of
Alexander not to fear long marches, he embraced the pro-
position with eagerness. He undertook an expedition from
Kyrene on the largest scale. Through his wife's relatives,
he was enabled to make known his projects at Athens,
where, as well as in other parts of Greece, they found much
favour. At this season, the Kassandrian oligarchies were
paramount not only at Athens, but generally throughout
Greece. Under the prevalent degradation and suffering,
there was ample ground for discontent, and no liberty of
expressing it; many persons therefore were found disposed
1 Diodor. xx. 40. to recommend it. In my judgement,
* From an incidental allusion Ophelias, ruling in the Kyrfinaica
in Strabo (xvii. p. 826), we learn and indulging aspirations towards
this fact — that Ophelias had sur- conquests westward, was a man
veyed the whole coast of Northern both likely to order, and compe-
Africa , to the Strait of Gibraltar, tent to bring about , an examina-
and round the old Phenician settle- tion of the North African coast.
merits on the western coast of The knowledge of this fact may
modern Morocco. Some eminent have induced AgathoklSs to apply
critics (Grosskurd among them) to him.
reject the reading in Strabo— arco * Arrian, De Rebus post Alex.
TOO '0<p4Xct (or 'OtpeXXot) TteptrcXou, 34, ap. Photium, Cod. 92. AtytiKTov
which is sustained by a very JJLEV -(dp xai Aifiuirjv, xal T»)V eitjxeiva
great preponderance of MSS. But Taoiiji; trjv itoXXrjv, xai ?, ti Jtep 5-<
I do not feel the force of their itpo? TOUTOH 8' '?piov irctxT^aijTai
reasons; and the reading which upo? 8y)|jLsvou vjXioo , ntoXefxaiou
they would substitute has nothing tlvai.
CHAP. XOVII. OPHELLA8 MURDEBED BY AGATHOKLES. 255
either to accept army-service with Ophelias, or to enrol
themselves in a foreign colony under his auspices. To set
out under the military protection of this powerful chief — to
colonize the mighty Carthage, supposed to be already en-
feebled by the victories of Agathokles — to appropriate the
wealth, the fertile landed possessions, and the maritime
position of her citizens — was a prize well calculated to
seduce men dissatisfied with their homes, and not well in-
formed of the intervening difficulties. J
Under such hopes, many Grecian colonists joined
Ophelias at Kyrene, some even with wives and March f
children. The total number is stated at 10,000. Ophelias,
Ophelias conducted them forth at the head of with his
a well-appointed army of 10,000 infantry, 600 hiTcoio"
cavalry, and 100 war-chariots; each chariot nists, from
• ji j • £• !.• Kyr6nS to
carrying the driver and two nghting men. the Oartha-
Marching with this miscellaneous body of sol- ginian
diers and colonists, he reached in eighteen days su?eringr
the post of Automolae, — the westernmost factory endured in
» i£ A A . -El v jj L the march.
of Kyrene.2 From thence he proceeded west-
ward along the shore between the two Syrtes, in many parts
a sandy, trackless desert, without wood and almost without
water (with the exception of particular points of fertility),
and infested by serpents many and venomous. At one time,
all his provisions were exhausted. He passed through the
territory of the natives called Lotophagi, near the lesser
Syrtis; where the army had nothing to eat except the fruit
of the lotus, which there abounded.3 Ophelias met with
no enemies; but the sufferings of every kind endured by
his soldiers — still more of course by the less hardy colon-
ists and their families — were most distressing. After
miseries endured for more than two months, he joined Aga-
thokles in the Carthaginian territory ; with what abatement
1 Diodor. xx. 40. icoXXoi TU>V by a powerful state , see Thucyd.
'A9r)valu>v itpo96|xu>c UTiTiXouaav el? iii. 93, about Herakleia Trachinia
TTJV sTpatsiotv oux oXlyoi 8e xal Ttbv — ic«s fdtp TI?, Aaxs8at(xoviu)v oixi-
aXXuiv ' EXXT)VU)'j, IaiiiU5ov xCitviovfjacri £ivT(O/, QotpatxXgu); !QSt, [)e[)atav vo-
TTJ? eitipoXrji;, eXiti^ovrss rqv T* (xl'cov TTJV rcoXiv.
xpOTldTTjv Trj« AijiuTj? xaTaxXr)pou- * Diodor. xx. 41.
yy^dsiv, xal tov ev Kap)fTj86vi Siap- * Theophrastus , Hist. Plant, iv.
itaoeiv itXouTOv. 8. p. 127, ed. Schneider.
As to the great encouragement The philosopher would hear this
held out to settlers , when a new fact from some of the Athenians
colony was about to be founded concerned in the expedition.
256 HISTOEY OF GKEECE. PAST II.
of number, we do not know, but his loss must have been
considerable. *
Ophelias little knew the man whose invitation and
B.C. E07. alliance he had accepted. Agathokles at first
Perfidy of received him with the warmest protestations of
— h^MUs*8 attachment, welcoming the new-comers with
Ophelias— profuse hospitality, and supplying to them full
possession means °f refreshment and renovation after their
of the past sufferings. Having thus gained the con-
coionists. fidence and favourable sympathies of all, he
proceeded to turn them to his own purposes. Convening
suddenly the most devoted among his own soldiers, he
denounced Ophelias as guilty of plotting against his life.
They listened to him with the same feelings of credulous
rage as the Macedonian soldiers exhibited when Alex-
ander denounced Philotas before them. Agathokles then
at once called them to arms, set upon Ophelias unawares,
and slew him with his more immediate defenders. Among
the soldiers of Ophelias, this act excited horror and in-
dignation, no less than surprise; but Agathokles at length
succeeded in bringing them to terms, partly by deceitful
pretexts, partly by intimidation : for this unfortunate army,
left without any commander or fixed purpose, had no
resource except to enter into his service.2 He thus found
himself (like Antipater after the death of Leonnatus)
master of a double army, and relieved from a troublesome
rival. The colonists of Ophelias — more unfortunate still,
since they could be of no service to Agathokles — were put
by him on board some merchant vessels, which he was
sending to Syracuse with spoil. The weather becoming
stormy, many of these vessels foundered at sea, — some were
driven off and wrecked on the coast of Italy — and a few
only reached Syracuse.3 Thus miserably perished the
1 Diodor. xx. 42. See the striking Durum Her."
description of the miseries of this The entire march of Ophelias
same march , made by Cato and must (I think) have lasted longer
his Roman troops after the death than two months; prohably Diod.
of Pompey, in Lucan, Pharsalia, speaks only of the more distressing
ix. 382-940:— or middle portion of it when he
"Vadimus in campos steriles, ex- says — xaTot TTJV 68outoplav icXsiov
ustaque mundi, f. §,j0 u.jjv<x? xaxoitoS-AoavTe? , Ac.
Qua nimius Titan, et rarse in fon- , j0x
tibus undffi,
Siccaque letiferis squalent ser- * Diodor. xx. 42; Justin, xxn. 7.
pentibus arva. ' Diodor. xx. 44.
<JnAP. XCVII. OPHELLAS MUHDERED BY AGATHOKLEB. 257
Kyrenean expedition of Ophelias; one of the most command-
ing and powerful schemes, for joint conquest and coloniza-
tion, that ever set out from any Grecian city.
It would have fared ill with Agathokles, had the Car-
thaginians been at hand, and ready to attack
him in the confusion immediately succeeding ^[J^1® at
the death of Ophelias. It would also have fared Carthage—
yet worse with Carthage, had Agathokles been f^™1^"
in a position to attack her during the terrible seize the
sedition excited, nearly at the same time, within 8"^er^he
her walls by the general Bomilkar. ' This traitor is Over-
(as has been already stated) had long cherished thrpwn a"d
the design to render himself despot, and had
been watching for a favourable opportunity. Having
purposely caused the loss of the first battle — fought in
conjunction with his brave colleague Hanno, against Aga-
thokles— he had since carried on the war with a view to
his own project (which explains in part the continued
reverses of the Carthaginians); he now thought that the
time was come for openly raising his standard. Availing
himself of a military muster in the quarter of the city called
Neapolis, he first dismissed the general body of the soldiers,
retaining near him only a trusty band of 500 citizens, and
4000 mercenaries. At the head of these, he then fell upon
the unsuspecting city; dividing them into five detachments,
and slaughtering indiscriminately the unarmed citizens in
the streets, as well as in the great market-place. At first
the Carthaginians were astounded and paralysed. Gradu-
ally however they took courage, stood upon their defence
against the assailants, combated them in the streets, and
poured upon them missiles from the house-tops. After a
prolonged conflict, the partisans of Bomilkar found them-
selves worsted, and were glad to avail themselves of the
mediation of some elder citizens. They laid down their
arms on promise of pardon. The promise was faithfully
kept by the victors, except in regard to Bomilkar himself;
who was hanged in the market-place, having first under-
gone severe tortures.2
1 Diodor. xx. 43. defence made by the Carthaginians
2 Diodor. xx. 44; Justin, xxii. 7. in the last siege of the city, against
Compare the description given by the assault of the Eomans from
Appiau (Punic. 128) of the desperate these house-tops and in the stree's.
VOL. XII. S
258 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PABT II.
Though the Carthaginians had thus escaped from an
B 0 307 extreme peril, yet the effects of so formidable a
Farther conspiracy weakened them for some time against
successes of their enemy without; while Agathokles, on the
^Africa1- otner hand> reinforced by the army from Kyrene,
he captures was stronger than ever. So elate did he feel,
HipCpa0'-Za- that he assumed the title of King;1 following
rytus, and herein the example of the great Macedonian
Hippagreta. officerg) Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleukus, Lysi-
machus, and Kassander; the memory of Alexander being
now discarded, as his heirs had been already put to death.
Agathokles, already master of nearly all the dependent
towns east and south-east of Carthage, proceeded to cai-ry
his arms to the north-west of the city. He attacked Utica,
— the second city next to Carthage in importance, and
older indeed than Carthage itself — situated on the western
or opposite shore of the Carthaginian Gulf, and visible
from Carthage, though distant from it twenty-seven miles
around the Gulf on land.2 The Uticans had hitherto
remained faithful to Carthage, in spite of her reverses, and
of defection elsewhere.3 Agathokles marched into their
territory with such unexpected rapidity (he had hitherto
been on the south-east of Carthage, and he now suddenly
moved to the north-west of that city), that he seized the
persons of three hundred leading citizens, who had not
1 There are yet remaining coins perplexing. It must mean that the
— 'AyafioxXsos BaaiXiuK — the ear- Uticans had revolted from Agnt/io-
liest Sicilian coins that bear the Teles ; yet Diodorus has not before
name of a prince (Humphreys, said a word about the Uticans, nor
Ancient Coins and Medals, p. 50). reported that they had either Joined
* Strabo, xvii. p. 832; Polybius Agathokles, or been conquered by
i. 73. him. Everything that Diodorus
* Polybius (i. £2) expressly states has reported hitherto about Aga-
that the inhabitants of Utica and thokles , relates to operations
of Hippu-Akra (a little farther to among the towns castor south-east
the west than Utica) remained faith- of Carthage.
ful to Carthage throughoutthe host- It appears to me that the passage
ilities carried on by Agathokles. ought to stand — STII JASV 'lTuxaiou«
This enables us to correct the saTpitsuasv oox aips aTTjxiTai; ,
passage wherein Diodorus describes i.e. from Carthage ; which intro-
the attack of Agathokles upon duces consistency into the narra-
Utica (xx. 54) — ETCI (xjv 'iTinutiouf tive of Diodorus himself, while it
eoTpaTEuasv d'f s a-rjxoTO?, a'fvto I rings him into harmony with Po-
£e auTtJuv t^j iroXei irpoa-souj'j, Ac. lybius.
The word dupejTTjxotai; here is
CHAP. XCVII. AQATHOKLES CAPTURES UTIOA. 259
yet taken the precaution of retiring within the city.
Having vainly tried to prevail on the Uticans to surrender,
he assailed their walls, attaching in front of his battering
engines the three hundred Utican prisoners; so that the
citizens, in hurling missiles of defence, were constrained
to inflict death on their own comrades and relatives. They
nevertheless resisted the assault with unshaken resolution;
but Agathokles found means to force an entrance through
a weak part of the walls, and thus became master of the
city. He made it a scene of indiscriminate slaughter,
massacring the inhabitants, armed and unarmed, and hang-
ing up the prisoners. He further captured the town of
Hippu-Akra, about thirty miles north-west of Utica, which
had also remained faithful to Carthage — and which now,
after a brave defence, experienced the like pitiless treat-
ment. ' The Carthaginians, seemingly not yet recovered
from their recent shock, did not interfere, even to rescue
these two important places; so that Agathokles, firmly
established in Tunes as a centre of operations, extended
his African dominion more widely than ever all round
Carthage, both on the coast and in the interior; while he
interrupted the supplies of Carthage itself, and reduced
the inhabitants to great privations.2 He even occupied
and fortified strongly a place called Hippagreta, between
Utica and Carthage ; thus pushing his posts within a short
distance both east and west of her gates.3
In this prosperous condition of his African affairs, he
thought the opportunity favourable for retriev-
P. ... . *,*. -,''-, • cv -i j. B.C. aOo-ouo.
ing his diminished ascendency in bicily; to Agathokles
which island he accordingly crossed over, with goes to
2000 men, leaving the command in Africa to f^"^
his son Archagathus. That young man was at Archa-
first successful, and seemed even in course of Rathus to
1 Diodor. xx. 54, 55. In attacking * Diodor. xx. 59.
Hippu-Akra (otherwise called * Appian distinctly mentions
Hippo-Zarytus , near the Promon- this place Hippagreta as having
torium Pulchrura , the northern- been fortified by Agathokles— and
most point of Africa), Agathokles distinctly describes it as being be-
is said to have got the better in a tween Utica and Carthage (Punic,
naval battle— vau(ioyia icsptYsvojis- 110). It cannot therefore be the
»o«. This implies that he must same place as Hippu-Akra (or
have got a fleet superior to the Hippo-Zarytus) ; which was consid-
Carthaginians even in their own erably farther from Carthage than
gulf ; perhaps ships seized at Utica. Utica was.
8 2
260 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
command enlarging his father's conquests. His general
in Africa. T, ° ,° .y1 * * j.
Successes .Lumachus overran a wide range or interior
of Arcka- Numidia, capturing Tokae, Phelline. Meschelse.
gathus in . i • j ii_ j. i •
the interior Akris, and another town bearing the same name
country. of Hippu-Akra — and enriching his soldiers with
a considerable plunder. But in a second expedition, en-
deavouring to carry his arms yet farther into the interior,
he was worsted in an attack upon a town called Miltine,
and compelled to retreat. We read that he marched through
one mountainous region abounding in wild cats — and an-
other, in which there were a great number of apes, who
lived in the most tame and familiar manner in the houses
with men — being greatly caressed, and even worshipped
as Gods. l
The Carthaginians however had now regained internal
B.C. 305. harmony and power of action. Their senate and
Redoubled their generals were emulous, both in vigour and
th^Cartna *n Prov^en^ combinations, against the common
ginia.ns— enemy. They sent forth 30,000 men, a larger
they gain force than they had yet had in the field; forming
two great ,, ,. ,. . J J i TT T -11
victories three distinct camps, under Hanno, Imilkon, and
overArcha- Adherbal, partly in the interior, partly on the
coast. Archagathus, leaving a sufficient guard
at Tunes, marched to meet them, distributing his army in
three divisions also; two, under himself and JEschrion,
besides the corps under Eumachus in the mountainous
region. He was however unsuccessful at all points. Hanno
contriving to surprise the division of JEschrion, gained a
complete victory, wherein ^schrion himself with more than
4000 men were slain. Imilkon was yet more fortunate in
his operations against Eumachus, whom he entrapped by
simulated fight into an ambuscade, and attacked at such
advantage, that the Grecian army was routed and cut off
from all retreat. A remnant of them defended themselves
for some time on a neighbouring hill, but being without
water, nearly all soon perished, from thirst, fatigue, and
the sword of the conqueror.2
1 Biodor. xx. 57, 58. It is vain Akra is supposed to be the same
to attempt to identify the places as Hippo-Regius; Tokae may bo
mentioned as visited and conquer- Tucca Terebinthina, in the south-
ed by Eumachus. Our topogra- eastern region or Byzakium.
phical knowledge is altogether a Diodor. xx. 59, 60.
insufficient. This second Hippu-
CHAP. XCVII. REVERSES OF AGATHOKLE8 IN AFRICA. 261
By such reverses, destroying two-thirds of the Aga-
thoklean army, Archagathus was placed in B.C. soe.
serious peril. He was obliged to concentrate Danger of
his force in Tunes, calling in nearly all his out- gartch'*g_he
lying detachments. At the same time, those is blocked
Liby-Phenician cities, and rural Libyan tribes, cartifa^6
who had before joined Agathokles, now detach- niang at
ed themselves from him when his power was TuniB-
evidently declining, and made their peace with Carthage.
The victorious Carthaginian generals established fortified
camps round Tunes, so as to restrain the excursions of
Archagathus; while with their fleet they blocked up his
harbour. Presently provisions became short, and much
despondency prevailed among the Grecian army. Archa-
gathus transmitted this discouraging news to his father
in Sicily, with urgent entreaties that he would come to the
rescue. '
The career of Agathokles in Sicily, since his departure
from Africa, had been chequered, and on the B.o. 306-305.
whole unproductive. Just before his arrival in Agathokiss
the island,2 his generals Leptines and Demo- HigScareer
philus had gained an important victory over the at first
Agrigentine forces commanded by Xenodokus, 3oe°fea.trof8'
who were disabled from keeping the field. This the Agri-
disaster was a fatal discouragement both to the 8antines'
Agrigentines, and to the cause which they had espoused
as champions — free and autonomous city-government with
equal confederacy for self-defence, under the presidency of
Agrigentum.3 The outlying cities confederate with Agrigen-
tum were left without military protection, and exposed to
the attacks of Leptines, animated and fortified by the recent
arrival of his master Agathokles. That despot landed at
Selinus — subdued Herakleia, Therma, and Kephaloidion,
on or near the northern coast of Sicily — then crossed the
interior of the'island to Syracuse. In his march he assaulted
Kentoripa, having some partisans within, but was repulsed
with loss. At Apollonia,4 he was also unsuccessful in his first
1 Diodor. xx. 61. 'AxpayavTtvoi TOCOTIQ Tfl au[itpopa itepi-
* Diodor. xx. 56. 'AyaQoxXrji; 8£, iteoovtsc, SteX'jaav &XUTUJV (xiv tip
Trj«|AtX;(T)<; apTi ^^fs.'tr^i-ir^, xotTa- xaX).ioTif)v ETtipoXrjv, tu>v 6sa'j|A[Aaj(UJv
nXtueac T^<; 2txsXta? sis SsXwoima, TO? Tyj? iXigStptac iXxiSa;.
&c. 4 Apollonia was a town in the
1 Diodor. xx. 66. Oi jxiv ouv interior of the island , somewhat
262 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
attempt; but being stung with mortification, he resumed
the assault next day, and at length, by great efforts, carried
the town. To avenge his loss which had been severe, he
massacred most of the citizens, and abandoned the town to
plunder. *
From hence he proceeded to Syracuse, which he now
B.C. 306-305. revisited after an absence of (apparently) more
Activity of than two years in Africa. Duringall this interval,
ingsici°ik— " ^e Syracusan harbour had been watched by a
Deino- Carthaginian fleet, obstructing the entry of pro-
kreat8 force visi°ns> an^ causing partial scarcity.2 But there
apainst was no blockading army on land; nor had the
him> dominion of Agathokles, upheld as it was by his
brother Antander and his mercenary force, been at all
shaken. His arrival inspired his partisans and soldiers
with new courage, while it spread terror throughout most
parts of Sicily. To contend with the Carthaginian block-
ading squadron, he made efforts to procure maritime aid
from the Tyrrhenian ports in Italy;3 while on land, his
forces were now preponderant — owing to the recent defeat,
and broken spirit, of the Agrigentines. But his prospects
were suddenly checked by the enterprising move of his old
enemy — the Syracusan exile Deinokrates; who made pro-
fession of taking up that generous policy which the Agri-
gentines had tacitly let fall — announcing himself as the
champion of autonomous city-government, and equal con-
federacy, throughout Sicily. Deinokrates received ready
adhesion from most of the cities belonging to the Agrigen-
tine confederacy — all of them who were alarmed by finding
that the weakness or fears of their presiding city had left
them unprotected against Agathokles. He was soon at the
head of a powerful army — 20,000 foot, and 1500 horse.
Moreover a large proportion of his army were not citizen
militia, but practised soldiers for the most part exiles,
driven from their homes by the distractions and violences
of the Agathoklean aera.4 For military purposes, both he
and his soldiers were far more strenuous and effective than
the Agrigentines under Xenodokus had been. He not only
kept the field against Agathokles, but several times offered
to the north-east of Enna (Cicero, ' Diodor. xx. 61.
Vcrr. iii. 43). * Diodor. xx. 67. xai itivrcov
1 Diodor. xx. 66. TOUTUJV ev 9uyai? xa'i |AsXs-ou« TOO
* Diodor. xx. 62. ITOVEIV atm^d)? YeY0v°TU)v« *c-
CHAP. XCVII. AGATHOKLES IN SICILY. 263
him battle, which the despot did not feel confidence enough
to accept. Agathokles could do no more than maintain
himself in Syracuse, while the Sicilian cities generally were
put in security against his aggressions.
Amidst this unprosperous course of affairs in Sicily,
Agathokles received messengers from his son, Agrfgen-
reporting the defeats in Africa. Preparing im- tinf BI™y
Tii • -j. j.i j i. -L ? i under Xe-
mediately to revisit that country, he was lortu- nodokus—
nate enough to obtain a reinforcement of Tyr- opposed
i i • c i • i_ -LI j !_• j. to the mer-
rheman ships of war, which enabled him to cenaries of
overcome the Carthaginian blockading squadron Ag»thoklid
at the mouth of the Syracusian harbour. A clear uyUoPfeth°er
passage to Africa was thus secured for himself, latter.
together with ample supplies of imported provisions for
the Syracusans. ' Though still unable to combat Deino-
krates in the field, Agathokles was emboldened by his re-
cent naval victory to send for Leptines with a force to in-
vade the Agrigentines — the jealous rivals, rather than the
allies, of Deinokrates. The Agrigentine army — under the
general Xenodokus, whom Leptines had before defeated
— consisted of citizen militia mustered on the occasion;
while the Agathoklean mercenaries, conducted by Leptines,
had made arms a profession, and were used to fighting as
well as to hardships.2 Here, as" elsewhere in Greece, we
find the civic and patriotic energy trampled down by pro-
fessional soldiership, and reduced to operate only as an
obsequious instrument for administrative details.
Xenodokus, conscious of the inferiority of his Agri-
gentine force, was reluctant to hazard a battle. ._
Driven to this imprudence by the taunts of his Xenodokus
soldiers , he was defeated a second time by Lep- ^ACl0ptt]j"63
tines, and became so apprehensive of the wrath kies passes
of the Agrigentines, that he thought it expe- Avf°[c^nl°
dient to retire to Gela. After a period of re- bad state of
ioicing, for his recent victories by land as well I1*3 armj
•L AXTITA -, J A e • there— he
as by sea, Agathokles passed over to Africa, is defeated
where he found his son, with the army at Tunes b/ the. Car-
, ^ i -i'i- 11 j. thagimans.
in great despondency and privation, and almost
mutiny for want of pay. They still amounted to GOOD Gre-
cian mercenaries, 6000 Gauls, Samnites, and Tyrrhenians —
1500 cavalry — and no less than 6000 (if the number be
1 Diodor. xx. 61, C2. * Diodor. xx. C2.
264 HISTORY OF GBEECE. PAET II.
correct) Libyan war-chariots. There were also a numerous
body of Libyan allies; faithless time-servers, watching for
the turn of fortune. The Carthaginians, occupying strong
camps in the vicinity of Tunes, and abundantly supplied,
awaited patiently the destroying effects of privation and
suffering on their enemies. So desperate was the position
of Agathokles, that he was compelled to go forth and fight.
Having tried in vain to draw the Carthaginians down into
the plain, he at length attacked them in the full strength
of their entrenchments. But, in spite of the most strenuous
efforts, his troops were repulsed with great slaughter, and
driven back to their camp. l
The night succeeding this battle was a scene of dis-
order and panic in both camps; even in that of
panic and the victorious Carthaginians. The latter, accord-
disorder in ing to the ordinances of their religion, eager to
return their heartfelt thanks to the Grods for
this great victory, sacrificed to them as a choice offering
the handsomest prisoners captured.2 During this process,
the tent or tabernacle consecrated to the Gods, close to
the altar as well as to the general's tent, accidentally took
fire. The tents being formed by mere wooden posts, con-
nected by a thatch of hay or straw both on roof and sides,
— the fire spread rapidly, and the entire camp was burnt,
together with many soldiers who tried to arrest the con-
flagration. So distracting was the terror occasioned by
this catastrophe, that the whole Carthaginian army for
the time dispersed; and Agathokles, had he been prepared,
might have destroyed them. But it happened that at the
same hour, his own camp was thrown into utter confusion
by a different accident, rendering his soldiers incapable of
being brought into action.3
His position at Tunes had now become desperate.
B.C. 305. His Libyan allies had all declared against him,
Desperate after the recent defeat. He could neither con-
of Agatho- tinue to hold Tunes, nor carry away his troops
kiss— he to Sicily; for he had but few vessels, and the
iiisSearmy Carthaginian were masters at sea. Seing no
1 Diodor. xx. 64; Justin, xxii. 8. handsomest Grecian prisoners whom
* Diodor. xx. 66. See an incident they captured on board the first
somewhat similar (Herod, vii. 189) prize-ship that fell into their bauds.
— the Persians, in the invasion of ' Diodor. xx. 66, 67.
Greece by Xerxes , sacrificed the
CHAP. XOVII. AGATHOKLES DESERTS HIS AEMY. 205
resource, he resolved to embark secretly with his and e«capei
younger son Herakleides; abandoning Archa- to 81oUy-
gathus and the army to their fate. But Archagathus and
the other officers, suspecting his purpose, were thoroughly
resolved that the man who had brought them into de-
struction should not thus slip away and betray them. As
Agathokles was on the point of going aboard at night, he
found himself watched, arrested, and held prisoner, by the
indignant soldiery. The whole town now became a scene
of disorder and tumult, aggravated by the rumour that the
enemy were marching up to attack them. Amidst the
general alarm, the guards who had been set over Agatho-
kles, thinking his services indispensable for defence, brought
him out with his fetters still on. When the soldiers saw
him in this condition, their sentiment towards him again
reverted to pity and admiration, notwithstanding his pro-
jected desertion; moreover they hoped for his guidance to
resist the impending attack. With one voice they called
upon the guards to strike off his chains and set him free.
Agathokles was again at liberty. But, insensible to every-
thing except his own personal safety, he presently stole
away, leaped unperceived into a skiff, with a few attendants,
but without either of his sons, — and was lucky enough to
arrive, in spite of stormy November weather, on the coast
of Sicily. »
So terrible was the fury of the soldiers, on discovering
that Agathokles had accomplished his desertion, The de_
that they slew both his sons, Archagathus and serted army
Herakleides. No resource was left but to elect £^ *£*g of
new generals, and make the best terms they Agathokiss
could with Carthage. They were still a formid- ™* °*$**-
able body, retaining in their hands various other the Car-
towns besides Tunes; so that the Carthaginians, thaginiam.
relieved from all fear of Agathokles, thought it prudent to
grant an easy capitulation. It was agreed that all the
towns should be restored to the Carthaginians, on payment
of 300 talents; that such soldiers as chose to enter into the
African service of Carthage, should be received on full
pay; but that such as preferred returning to Sicily should
1 Diodor. xx. 69; Justin, xxii. 8. E|xf)a; eU t6 itopQjisiov, eXaOev ex-
TO 8s itXijOo?, UK stSsv, elc nXsuaoi; xati TTJV 8uoiv Trj<; IIX7]ia8oc,
iXsov ETpiiti], xat iravTSc eits^otuv ^si|j.u>vo; OVTO?.
dupsivai' 6 6s XuQiit xai (AST' oXiyuv
266 HISTORY OF GKEECB. PAET II.
be transported thither, with permission to reside in the
Carthaginian town of Solus (or Soluntum). On these terms
the convention was concluded, and the army finally broken
up. Some indeed among the Grecian garrisons, quartered
in the outlying posts, being rash enough to dissent and
hold out, were besieged and taken by the Carthaginian force.
Their commanders were crucified, and the soldiers con-
demned to rural work as fettered slaves. l
Thus miserably terminated the expedition of Agatho-
African ex- kles to Africa, after an interval of four years
pedition of frOm the time of his landing. By the vana mi-
Agathokles 1111 j. r • • • -\
-boldness rantes,* who looked out for curious coincidences
of the fir?t (probably Timseus), it was remarked that his
conception v \, . , J „. •,, .'.••, ,-, •, •,, » , .
— impru- ultimate night, with the slaughter of his two
dentiy sons, occurred exactly on the same day of the
pushed and <• 11 • i_- • i.- c f\ i_ n
persisted year following his assassination of Ophelias.3
in- Ancient writers extol, with good reason, the
bold and striking conception of transferring the war to
Africa, at the very moment when he was himself besieged
in Syracuse by a superior Carthaginian force. But while
admitting the military resource, skill, and energy of Aga-
thokles, we must not forget that his success in Africa was
materially furthered by the treasonable conduct of the
Carthaginian general Bomilkar- — an accidental coincidence
in point of time. Nor is it to be overlooked, that Agatho-
kles missed the opportunity of turning his first success to
account, at a moment when the Carthaginians would prob-
ably have purchased his evacuation of Africa by making
large concessions to him in Sicily.4 He imprudently per-
sisted in the war, though the complete conquest of Carthage
was beyond his strength — and though it was still more
beyond his strength to prosecute effective war, simul-
taneously and for a long time, in Sicily and in Africa. The
African subjects of Carthage were not attached to her; but
neither were they attached to him; — nor, in the long run,
1 Diodor. xx. 69. * This is what Agathoklfis might
1 Tacit. Annal. i. 9. "Multus hinc have done, but did not do. Never-
ipso de Augusto sermo , plerisque theless , Valerius Maximus (vii. 4,
vana mirantibus — quod idem dies 1) represents him as havingactually
acccpti quondam imperii princeps, done it, and praises his sagacity
et vitse supremus— quod Nolso in on that ground. Here is an ex-
domo et cubiculo , in quo pater ample how little careful these
ejua Octavius, vitam ^nivisset," &c. collectors of anecdotes sometimes
1 Diodor. xx. 70. are about their facts.
CHAP. XCVII. CRUELTIES IN SICILY. 267
did they do him any serious good. Agathokles is a man of
force and fraud — consummate in the use of both. His whole
life is a series of successful adventures, and strokes of
bold ingenuity to extricate himself from difficulties; but
there is wanting in him all predetermined general plan, or
measured range of ambition, to which these single exploits
might be made subservient.
After his passage from Africa, Agathokles landed on
the western corner of Sicily near the town of Proceed-
Egesta, which was then in alliance with him. '"%a ,ofkl.
He sent to Syracuse for a reinforcement. But i^SicTiy— *
he was hard pressed for money; he suspected, I1'.8 ))arkar-
or pretended to suspect, the Egestseans of dis- Egesta and
affection; accordingly, on receiving his new Syracuse,
force, he employed it to commit revolting massacre and
plunder in Egesta. The town is reported to have contain-
ed 10,000 citizens. Of these Agathokles caused the poorer
men to be for the most part murdered; the richer were
cruelly tortured, and even their wives tortured and mutil-
ated, to compel revelations of concealed wealth; the child-
ren of both sexes were transported to Italy, and there sold
as slaves to the Bruttians. The original population being
thus nearly extirpated, Agathokles changed the name of
the town to Dikgeopolis, assigning it as a residence to such
deserters as might join him.1 This atrocity, more suitable
to Africa2 than Greece (where the mutilation of women is
almost unheard of), was probably the way in which his
savage pride obtained some kind of retaliatory satisfaction
for the recent calamity and humiliation in Africa. Under
the like sentiment, he perpetrated another deed of blood
at Syracuse. Having learnt that the soldiers, whom he had
deserted at Tunes, had after his departure put to death his
two sons, he gave orders to Antander his brother (viceroy
of Syracuse), to massacre all the relatives of those Syra-
cusans who had served him in the African expedition. This
order was fulfilled by Antander (we are assured) accurate-
ly and to the letter. Neither age nor sex — grandsire or in-
fant— wife or mother — were spared by the Agathoklean
1 Diodor. xx. 71. \Ve do not * Compare the proceedings of
know what happened afterwards the Greco -Libyan princess There-
with this town under its new po- time (of the Battiad family) at
pulation. But the old name Egesta Barka (Herodot. iv. 202).
was afterwards resumed.
268 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAKT IL
executioners. We may be sure that their properties were
plundered at the same time ; we hear of no mutilations. J
Still Agathokles tried to maintain his hold on the
Great Sicilian towns which remained to him; but his
mercenary cruelties as well as his reverses had produced
Dei°no"uder a strong sentiment against him, and even his
krates in general Pasiphilus revolted to join Deinokrates.
AgathokWs r^nat exile was now at the head of an army
solicits stated at 20,000 men, the most formidable
Mm"and°£ military force in Sicily; so that Agathokles,
refused— feeling the inadequacy of his own means, sent
chides1" ^° solicit peace, and to offer tempting conditions,
peace with He announced his readiness to evacuate Syra-
Carthage. cuge altogether, and to be content, if two mar-
itime towns on the northern coast of the island — Therma
and Kephaloidion — were assigned to his mercenaries and
himself. Under this proposition, Deinokrates, and the
other Syracusan exiles, had the opportunity of entering
Syracuse, and reconstituting the free city -government.
Had Deinokrates been another Timoleon, the city might
now have acquired and enjoyed another temporary sun-
shine of autonomy and prosperity; but his ambition was
thoroughly selfish. As commander of this large army, he
enjoyed a station of power and licence such as he was not
likely to obtain under the reconstituted city-government
of Syracuse. He therefore evaded the proposition of Aga-
thokles, requiring still larger concessions: until at length
the Syracusan exiles in his own army (partly instigated
by emissaries from Agathokles himself) began to suspect
his selfish projects, and to waver in their fidelity to him.
Meanwhile Agathokles, being repudiated by Deinokrates,
addressed himself to the Carthaginians, and concluded a
treaty with them, restoring or guaranteeing to them all
the possessions that they had ever enjoyed in Sicily. In
return for this concession, he received from them a sum
of money, and a large supply of corn.2
1 Diodor. xx. 72. Hippokratesand grandfather had been banished from
EpikydSs — those Syracusans who, Syracuse as one concerned in kill-
about acentury afterwards, induced ing Archagathus (Polyb. vii. 2).
Hieronyinus of Syracuse to prefer 2 Diodor. xx. 78, 79. Some said
the Carthaginian alliance to the that the sum of money paid by
Roman — had resided at Carthage the Carthaginians was 300 talents.
for some time , and served in the Tim.-uus stated it at 150 talents,
army of Hannibal , because their
CBAP. XCVII. REVIVED POWER OF AGATHOKLE8. 2(J9
Relieved from Carthaginian hostility, Agathokles
presently ventured to march against the army Bttttle of
of Deinokrates. The latter was indeed greatly Torgium—
superior in strength, but many of his soldiers x<Cathok°i«i
were now lukewarm or disaffected, and Aga- over Dei- *
thokles had established among them correspond- nokrat*«-
ences upon which he could rely. At a great battle fought
near Torgium, many of them went over on the field to
Agathokles, giving to him a complete victory. The army
of Deinokrates was completely dispersed. Shortly after-
wards a considerable body among them (4000 men, or 7000
men, according to different statements) surrendered to
the victor on terms. As soon as they had delivered up
their arms, Agathokles, regardless of his covenant, caused
them to be surrounded by his own army, and massacred. '
It appears as if the recent victory had been the result
of a secret and treacherous compact between
Agathokles and Deinokrates; and as if the dati°n"and
prisoners massacred by Agathokles were those compact
of whom Deinokrates wished to rid himself as Agathoklfii
malcontents; for immediately after the battle, an£ Dei-
a reconciliation took place between the two.
Agathokles admitted the other as a sort of partner in
his despotism; while Deinokrates not only brought into
the partnership all the military means and strong posts
which he had been two years in acquiring, but also betrayed
to Agathokles the revolted general Pasiphilus, with the
town of Gela occupied by the latter. It is noticed as
singular, that Agathokles, generally faithless and un-
scrupulous towards both friends and enemies, kept up the
best understanding and confidence with Deinokrates to the
end of his life.2
The despot had now regained full power at Syracuse,
together with a great extent of dominion in B.c. soi.
Sicily. The remainder of his restless existence Operations
was spent in operations of hostility or plunder thotfaVin
against more northerly enemies — the Liparaean the Liparn-,
isles3 — the Italian cities and theBruttians — the Koikyra—
island of Korkyra. We are unable to follow his Kiponymus
proceedings in detail. He was threatened with of 8Parta-
' Diodor. xx. 89. of Agathokles against the Liparttan
* Diodor. xx. 90. isles seems to have been described
'Diodor. xx. 101. This expedition in detail by his contemporary
270 HISTORY OF GKEKCE. PART II.
a formidable attack1 by the Spartan prince Kleonymus,
who was invited by the Tarentines to aid them against the
Lucanians and Romans. But Kleonymus found enough to
occupy him elsewhere, without visiting Sicily. He collect-
ed a considerable force on the coast of Italy, undertook
operations with success against the Lucanians, and even
captured the town of Thurii. But the Romans, now push-
ing their intervention even to the Tarentine Gulf, drove
him off and retook the town; moreover his own behaviour
was so tyrannical and profligate, as to draw upon him uni-
versal hatred. Returning from Italy to Korkyra, Kleony-
mus made himself master of that important island, intend-
ing to employ it as a base of operations both against Greece
and against Italy. 2 He failed however in various expeditions
both in the Tarentine Gulf and the Adriatic. Demetrius
Poliorketes and Kassander alike tried to conclude an alli-
ance with him; but in vain.3 At a subsequent period,
Korkyra was besieged by Kassander with a large naval and
military force; Kleonymus then retired (or perhaps had
previously retired) to Sparta. Kassander, having reduced
the island to great straits , was on the point of taking it,
when it was relieved by Agathokles with a powerful arma-
ment. That despot was engaged in operations on the coast
of Italy against the Bruttians when his aid to Korkyra was
solicited; he destroyed most part of the Macedonian fleet,
and then seized the island for himself.4 On returning from
this victorious expedition to the Italian coast, where he
had left a detachment of his Liguriau and Tuscan mercen-
aries, he was informed that these mercenaries had been
turbulent during his absence, in demanding the pay due to
historian the Syracusan Kallias: see found himself in conflict with the
the Fragments of that author, in Romans, and that their importance
Didot's Fragment. Hist. Grsec. vol. was now strongly felt — we may
ii. p. 383. Fragm. 4. Judge by the fact, that the Syra-
1 Diodor. xx. 104. cusan Kallias (contemporary and
* Diodor. xx. 104; Livy, x. 2. A historian of Agathokles) appears
curious anecdote appears in the to have given details respecting
Pseudo-Aristotle, De Mirabilihus the origin and history of Rome.
(78), respecting two native Italians, See the Fragments of Kallias, ap.
Aulus and Caius , who tried to Didot. Hist. Groec. Fragm. vol. ii.
poison Kleonymus at Tarentum, p. 383; Fragm. 5— and Dionys. Hal.
but were detected and put to Ant. Eom. i. 72.
death by the Tarentines. * Diodor. xx. 105.
That Agathokles, in his operations 4 Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 2. p. 265.
on the coast of southern Italy,
CHAP. XCVII. REVIVED POWER OF AGATHOKLES. 271
them from his grandson Archagathus. He caused them all
to be slain, to the number of 2000. >
As far as we can trace the events of the last years of
Agathokles, we find him seizing the towns of
j T-j" • • T, i ° . i v i • B.C. 300-289. /J
Kroton and Hippoma in Italy, establishing an . e±
alliance with Demetrius Poliorketes,2 and giving jecu of°~ <±/
his daughter Lanassa in marriage to the youth- Agatiiokios („ %
e i -rt i_ i • f-m • A i. e —mutiny ^
fal Pyrrhus king of .Lpirus. At the age of seven- Of ids V
ty-two, still in the plenitude of vigour as well as Rrandson f? ^
*p i. • j.- f i j-i- Archaca- /~\^
ot power, he was projecting a iresh expedition thus— sick- s£
against the Carthaginians in Africa, with two no?s> >
hundred of the largest ships of war, when his antT d"ath'
career was brought to a close by sickness and by of ARa -
, . • ° " * thoklSs.
domestic enemies.
He proclaimed as future successor to his dominion,
his son, named Agathokles ; but Archagathus his grandson
(son of Archagathus who had perished in Africa), a young
prince of more conspicuous qualities, had already been
singled out for the most important command, and was now
at the head of the army near -^Etna. The old Agathokles,
wishing to strengthen the hands of his intended successor,
sent his favoured son Agathokles to ^Etna, with written
orders directing that Archagathus should yield up to him
the command. Archagathus, noway disposed to obey,
invited his uncle Agathokles to a banquet, and killed him ;
after which he contrived the poisoning of his grandfather
the old despot himself. The instrument of his purpose
was Msenon; a citizen of Egesta, enslaved at the time when
Agathokles massacred most of the Egestean population.
The beauty of his person procured him much favour with
Agathokles ; but he had never forgotten, and had always
been anxious to avenge, the bloody outrage on his fellow-
citizens. To accomplish this purpose, the opportunity was
npw opened to him, together with a promise of protection,
through Archagathus. He accordingly poisoned Agatho-
kles, as we are told, by means of a medicated quill, handed
to him fox cleaning his teeth after dinner.3 Combining
1 Diodor xxi. Fragm. 3. p. 266. from the Prologue) , alludes to
* Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 4, 8, 11. p. poison. He represents Agathokleg
266-273. as having died by a violent dis-
1 Diodor. xxi. Fragm. 12. p. 276- temper. He notices however the
278. Neither Justin (xxiii. 2), nor bloody family feud, and the mur-
Trogus before him (as it seems der of the uncle by the nephew.
272 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PABT II.
together the various accounts, it seems probable that
Agathokles was at the time sick — that this sickness may
have been the reason why he was so anxious to strengthen
the position of his intended successor — and that his death
was as much the effect of his malady as of the poison.
Archagathus, after murdering his uncle, seems by means
of his army to have made himself real master of the Syra-
cusan power; while the old despot, defenceless on a sick
bed, could do no more than provide for the safety of his
Egyptian wife Theoxena and his two young children, by
despatching them on shipboard with all his rich moveable
treasures to Alexandria. Having secured this object,
amidst extreme grief on the part of those around, he
expired. l
The great lines in the character of Agathokles are
s lendid we^ marked. He was of the stamp of Gelon
genius of and the elder Dionysius — a soldier of fortune,
resource"^ wno raise^ himself from the meanest beginnings
nefarious to the summit of political power — and who, in
Bitums— of ^ne ac(luisition as well as maintenance of that
Agatho- power, displayed an extent of energy, persever-
kl6s- ance, and military resource, not surpassed by
any one, even of the generals formed in Alexander's school.
He was an adept in that art at which all aspiring men of
his age aimed — the handling of mercenary soldiers for the
extinction of political liberty and security at home, and for
predatory aggrandisement abroad. I have already noticed
the opinion delivered by Scipio Africanus — that the elder
Dionysius and Agathokles were the most daring, sagacious,
and capable men of action within his knowledge.2 Apart
from this enterprising genius, employed in the service of
unmeasured personal ambition, we know nothing of Aga-
thokles except his sanguinary, faithless, and nefarious
dispositions; in which attributes also he stands preeminent,
above all his known contemporaries, and above nearly all
predecessors.3 Notwithstanding his often-proved perfidy,
1 Justin (xxiii. 2) dwells pathet- * Polyb. xv. 35. See above in
ioally on this last parting between this History, Ch. LXXXIII.
Agathokles and Theoxena. It is * Polybius (ix. 23) says that Aga-
difficult to reconcile Justin's nar- thokles, though cruel in the ex-
rative with that of Diodorus; but treme at the beginning of his
on this point, as far as we can career, and in the establishment
judge, I think him more credible of his power, yet became the mild-
than Diodorus. eat of men after his power was
CHAP. XCVII.
DEATH OP AGATHOKLE8.
273
he seems to have had a geniality and apparent simplicity
of manner (the same is recounted of Caesar Borgia) which
amused men and put them off their guard, throwing them
perpetually into his trap.1
Agathokles, however, though among the worst of
Greeks, was yet a Greek. During his govern- „ ,,
• ,1 . f • f Hellenic
ment of thirty-two years, the course of events agency in
in Sicily continued under Hellenic agency, with- flicily con'
out the preponderant intervention of any foreign during the
power. The power of Agathokles indeed rested iife,^Aga'
• i * • • -LJ i_ j J.L i. thokles,
mainly on foreign mercenaries; but so had that and be-
of Dionysius and Gelon before him; and he, as c°™0ersd then
well as they, kept up vigorously the old conflict inatetopre-
against the Carthaginian power in the island, ponderant
/-i I.- i. • cv -i ft. A- j foreigners.
Grecian history in Sicily thus continues down
to the death of Agathokles; but it continues no longer.
After his death, Hellenic power and interests become in-
capable of self-support, and sink into a secondary and sub-
servient position, overridden or contended for by foreigners.
Syracuse and the other cities passed from one despot to
another, and were torn with discord arising out of the
crowds of foreign mercenaries who had obtained footing
once established. The latter half
of this statement is contradicted
by all the particular facts which
we know respecting Agathokles.
As to Tinui'us the historian, in-
deed (who had been banished from
Sicily by AgathoklSs, and who
wrote the history of the latter in
five books), Polybius had good
reason to censure him, as being
unmeasured in his abuse of Aga-
thoklds. For Timceus not only re-
counted of Agathokles numerous
acts of nefarious cruelty — acts of
course essentially public, and
therefore capable of being known—
but also told much scandal about
his private habits, and represented
him (which ia still more absurd)
as a man vulgar and despicable in
point of ability. See the Fragments
of Timsens ap. Histor. Grsec. ed.
Didot, Fragm. 144-150.
All, or nearly all, the acts of
VOL. XII.
AgathoklSs , as described in the
preceding pages, have been copied
from Diodorus ; who had as good
authorities before him as Tolybius
possessed. Diodorus does not copy
the history of Agathoklgs from
Timseus; on the contrary, he_c'en-
sures Timffius for his exaggerated
acrimony and_jnlusjtice towaMs
Ajjathpjtles, in terms not less for-
cible than _those_which Polybiua
empl£ys (Fragm. xxi. p. 279). Dio-
dorus cites Timceus by name, oc-
casionally and in particular in-
stances; but he evidently did not
borrow from that author the main
stream of his narrative. He seems
to have had before him other
authorities — among them some
authors whose feelings would lead
them to favour Agathokles— the
Syracusan Kallias— and Antander,
brother of Agathokles.
1 Diodor. xx. 63.
274 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
among them. At the same time, the Carthaginians made
increased efforts to push their conquests in the island, with-
out finding any sufficient internal resistance; so that they
would have taken Syracuse, and made Sicily their own, had
not Pyrrhus king of Epirus (the son-in-law of Agathokles)
interposed to arrest their progress. From this time for-
ward, the Greeks of Sicily become a prize to be contended
for — first between the Carthaginians and Pyrrhus — next,
between the Carthaginians and Romans * — until at length
they dwindle into subjects of Rome; corn-growers for the
Roman plebs, clients under the patronage of the Roman
Marcelli, victims of the rapacity of Verres, and suppliants
for the tutelary eloquence of Cicero. The historian of
self-acting Hellas loses sight of them at the death of Aga-
thokles.
1 The poet Theokritus (xvi. 75- Hiero seems to have deserved this
fO) expatiates on the bravery of praise — and to have deserved yet
the Syracusan Hiero II. , and on more praise for his mild and pru-
the great warlike power of the dent internal administration of
Syracusans under him (B.C. 260-240), Syracuse. But his military force
which he represents as making the was altogether secondary in the
Carthaginians tremble for their great struggle between Rome and
possessions in Sicily. Personally, Carthage for the mastery of Sicily.
CHAP. XCVIII. SITUATION OF MASSALIA. 275
CHAPTER XCVIII.
OUTLYING HELLENIC CITIES.
1. IN GAUL AND SPAIN.
2. ON THE COAST OF THE EUXINE.
To complete the picture of the Hellenic world while yet in
its period of full life, in freedom and self-action, or even
during its decline into the half-life of a dependent condition
— we must say a few words respecting some of its members
lying apart from the general history, yet of not inconsider-
able importance. The Greeks of Massalia formed its western
wing; the Pontic Greeks (those on the shores of theEuxine),
its eastern; both of them the outermost radiations of Helle-
nism, where it was always militant against foreign elements,
and often adulterated by them. It is indeed little that we
have the means of saying; but that little must not be left
unsaid.
In my twenty-seventh chapter, I briefly noticed the
foundation and first proceedings of Massalia Massaiia-
(the modern Marseilles), on the Mediterranean j^8 «itua-
coast of Gaul or Liguria. This Ionic city, found- olroum-
ed by the enterprising Phokseans of Asia Minor, stances,
a little before their own seaboard was subjugated by the
Persians, had a life and career of its own, apart from those
political events which determined the condition of its
Hellenic sisters in Asia, Peloponnesus, Italy, or Sicily.
TheMassaliots maintained their own relations of commerce,
friendship or hostility with their barbaric neighbours, the
Ligurians, Gauls, and Iberians, without becoming involved
in the larger political confederacies of the Hellenic world.
They carried out from their mother-city established habits
of adventurous coast-navigation and commercial activity.
Their situation, distant from other Greeks and sustained
T2
276 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PART II.
by a force hardly sufficient even for defence, imposed upon
them the necessity both of political harmony at home, and
of prudence and persuasive agency in their mode of dealing
with neighbours. That they were found equal to this ne-
cessity, appears sufficiently attested by the few general
statements transmitted in respect to them; though their
history in its details is unknown.
Their city was strong by position, situated upon a
promontory washed on three sides by the sea, well fortified,
and possessing a convenient harbour securely closed against
enemies.1 The domain around it however appears not to
have been large, nor did their population extend itself
much into the interior. The land around was less adapted
for corn than for the vine and the olive; wine was supplied
by the Massaliots throughout Gaul.2 It was on shipboard
that their courage and skill was chiefly displayed; it was
by maritime enterprise that their power, their wealth, and
their colonial expansion were obtained. In an age when
piracy was common, the Massaliot ships and seamen were
effective in attack and defence not less than in transport and
commercial interchange; while their numerous maritime
successes were attested by many trophies adorning the
temples.3 The city contained docks and arsenals admirably
provided with provisions, stores, arms, and all the various
muniments of naval war.* Except the Phenicians and Car-
thaginians, these Massaliots were the only enterprising
mariners in the "Western Mediterranean; from the year
500 B.C. downward, after the energy of the Ionic Greeks
had been crushed by inland potentates. The Iberian and
Gallic tribes were essentially landsmen, not occupying
permanent stations on the coast, nor having any vocation
for the sea; but the Ligurians, though chiefly mountaineers,
were annoying neighbours to Massalia as well by their
piracies at sea as from their depredations by land.5 To all
these landsmen, however, depredators as they were, the
visit of the trader soon made itself felt as a want, both for
import and export; and to this want the Massaliots, with
1 Caesar, Bell. Gall. ii. 1; Strabo, salia in the same rank as Kyzikus,
lv. p. 179. Rhodes, and Carthage; types of
2 See Poseidonius ap. Athenaeum, maritime cities highly and effect-
iv. p. 152. ively organized.
» Strabo, iv. p. 180. • Livy, xl. 18; Polybius xxx. 4.
4 Strabo (xii. p. 575) places Mas-
CHAP. XCVIH. COLONIES OF MASSAMA. 277
their colonies, were the only ministers, along the Gulfs of
Genoa and Lyons, from Luna (the frontiers of Tuscany)
to the Dianium (Cape della Nao) in Spain. » It was not
until the first century before the Christian era that they
were outstripped in this career by Narbon, and a few other
neighbours, exalted into Roman colonies.
Along the coast on both sides of their own city, the
Massaliots planted colonies, each commended to Colonies
the protection, and consecrated by the statue planted by
and peculiar rites, of their own patron Goddess, Anti8pYu«7
the Ephesian Artemis.2 Towards the east were Nikiea,
Tauroentium, Olbia, Antipolis, Niksea, and the EmpoVia
Portus Monoeki ; towards the west, on the coast —peculiar
of Spain, wereRhoda, Emporise, Alone, Hemero- stance's of
skopium, and Artemisium or Dianium. These Emporise.
colonies were established chiefly on outlying capes or
sometimes islets, at once near and safe; they were intended
more as shelter and accommodation for maritime traffic,
and as depots for trade with the interior, — than for the
purpose of spreading inland, and including a numerous
outlying population round the walls. The circumstances
of Emporiae were the most remarkable. That town was
built originally on a little uninhabited islet of the coast of
Iberia; after a certain interval it became extended to the
adjoining mainland, and a body of native Iberians were ad-
mitted to joint residence within the new-walled circuit
there established. This new circuit however was divided
in half by an intervening wall, on one side of which dwelt
the Iberians, on the other side the Greeks. One gate alone
was permitted, for intercommunication, guarded night and
day by appointed magistrates, one of whom was perpetually
on the spot. Every night, one third of the Greek citizens
kept guard on the walls, or at least held themselves pre-
pared to do so. How long these strict and fatiguing precau-
tions were found necessary, we do not know; but after a
certain time they were relaxed and the intervening wall
disappeared, so that Greeks and Iberians freely coalesced
into one community.3 It is not often that we are allowed
1 The oration composed by De- trade between Athens and Syra-
mosthenes itpo<; ZrjvoQzpiiv, relates cuse (Demosth. p. 682 seq.).
to an affair wherein a ship, captain, * Bruckner, Histor. Massiliensium
and mate , all from Massalia , are c. 7 (Gottingen).
found engaged in the carrying * Livy, xxxiv. 8 ; Strabo , iii. p-
278 HISTORY OP GREECE. PABT II.
to see so much in detail the early difficulties and dangers
of a Grecian colony. Massalia itself was situated under
nearly similar circumstances among the rude Liguriau
Salyes; we hear of these Ligurians hiring themselves as
labourers to dig on the fields of Massaliot proprietors. l
The various tribes of Ligurians, Gauls, and Iberians ex-
tended down to the coast, so that there was no road along
it, nor any communication except by sea, until the conquests
of the Homans in the second and first century before the
Christian era.2
The government of Massalia was oligarchical, carried
OiigarcM- on chiefly by a Senate or Great Council of Six
cai govern- Hundred (called Timuchi), elected for life — and
Massalia— by a small council of fifteen, chosen among this
prudent larger body to take turn in executive duties.3
admin0-* The public habits of the administrators are said
istration. to havebeen extremely vigilant and circumspect;
the private habits of the citizens, frugal and temperate — a
maximum being fixed by law for dowries and marriage -
ceremonies.4 They were careful in their dealings with the
native tribes, with whom they appear to have maintained
relations generally friendly. The historian Ephorus (whose
History closed about 340 B.C.) respected the Gauls as
especially phil-Hellenic;5 an impression which he could
160. At Massalia, it is said that generally— as far as we can judge
no armed stranger was ever allow- by a brief allusion in Aristotle
ed to enter the city, without de- (Polit. vi. 7). From another passage
positing his arms at the gate (Ja- in the same work, it seems that
etin, xliii. 4). the narrow basis of the oligarchy
This precaution seems to have must have given rise to dissensions
been adopted in other cities also: (v. 6). Aristotle had included the
see -ZEneas, Poliorket. c. 30. Ma9eaXiU)t(I>v itoXiTsia in his lost
1 Strabo, iii. p. 165. A fact told work Ilspl OoXfreiujv.
to Poseidonius by a Massaliot pro- 4 Strabo, 1. c. However, one
prietor who was his personal friend, author from whom Athenseug bor-
In the siege of Massalia by Cse- rowed (xii. p. 623), described the
sar, a detachment of Albici— moun- Massaliots as luxurious in their
taineers not far from the town, habits.
and old allies or dependents — 5 Strabo , iv. p. 199. "Etpopo? 8i
were brought in to help in the bmpfUXXooaetv ttji (u^sS'1 Xsysi TTJV
defence (C:csar, Bell. G-. 1. 34). KeXtixT)v, J>3Ts r^ansp viiv 'I^Tjpia;
4 Strabo, iv. p. 180. xaXoO[/.*v exsivoic ta TtXeiOTa itpo;-
* Strabo, iv. p. 181; Cicero, De vejxsiv (jLiypiFaOiiptov, 91X6), XTJV««
Republ. xxvii. Fragm. Vacancies ttdticotpaiveiTO'JC ovQpibitou*;,
In the senate seem to have been xal itoXXa I8lu><; Xfyei itxpi auiibv
filled up from meritorious citizens o'ix eoixota tot<; viiv. Compare p. 181.
PYTHEAS OF MA88ALIA. 279
hardly have derived from any but Massaliot informants.
The Massaliots (who in the first century before Christ
were trilingues, speaking Greek, Latin, and Gallic1) con-
tributed to engraft upon these unlettered men a certain
refinement and variety of wants, and to lay the foundation
of that taste for letters which afterwards became largely
diffused throughout the Roman Province of Gaul. At sea,
and in traffic, the Phenicians and Carthaginians were their
formidable rivals. This was among the causes which threw
them betimes into alliance and active cooperation with
Borne, under whose rule they obtained favourable treat-
ment, when the blessing of freedom was no longer within
their reach.
Enough is known about Massalia to show that the
city was a genuine specimen of Hellenism and n k
Hellenic influences — acting not by force or con- ising in-
straint, but simply by superior intelligence and ^enc?j0j
activity — by power of ministeringto wants which theNveat—
must otherwise have remained unsupplied — and Pytheas,
by the assimilating effect of a lettered civiliza- igator Vand
tion upon ruder neighbours. This is the more ge°"her
to be noticed as it contrasts strikingly with the e
Macedonian influences which have occupied so much of
the present volume; force admirably organized and wield-
ed by Alexander, yet still nothing but force. The loss of
all details respecting the history of Massalia is greatly to
be lamented; and hardly less, that of the writings of
Pytheas, an intelligent Massaliotic navigator, who, at this
early age (330 — 320 B.C.),2 with an adventurous boldness
It Is to be remembered that lected by Arfwedson , Upsal 1824.
Ephorus was a native of the Asiatic He wrote two works — 1- FTJC IIs-
Kyme , the immediate neighbour pi/joo;; 2. Ilept "Qxeavoo. His
of Phokcea, which was the metro- statements were greatly esteemed,
polis of Massalia. The Massaliots and often followed, by Eratosthe-
never forgot or broke off their con- nes; partially followed by Hippar-
nexion withPhoksea: seethe state- chus ; harshly judged by Polybius,
ment of their intercession with whom Strabo in the main follows,
the Romans on behalf of Phoktea Even by those who judge him most
(Justin, xxxvii. 1). Ephorus there- severely, Pytheas is admitted to
fore had good means of learning have been a good mathematician
whatever Massaliot citizens were and astronomer (Strabo, iv. p. 201)
disposed to communicate. — and to have travelled extensively
1 Varro , Antiq.. Fragm. p. 360, in person. Like Herodotus , he
ed. Bipont. must have been forced to report
1 See the Fragment^ Pythese col- a great deal on hearsay; and all
280 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
even more than Phokaean, sailed through the Pillars of
Herakles and from thence northward along the coast of
Spain, Gaul, Britain, Germany — perhaps yet farther.
Probably no Greek except a Massaliot could have ac-
complished such a voyage; which in his case deserves the
greater sympathy, as there was no other reward for the
difficulties and dangers braved except the gratification of
an intelligent curiosity. It seems plain that the publication
of his "Survey of the Earth" — much consulted by Era-
tosthenes, though the criticisms which have reached us
through Polybius and Strabo dwell chiefly upon its
mistakes, real or supposed — made an epoch in ancient geo-
graphical knowledge.
From the western wing of the Hellenic world, we pass
Pontio to the eastern — the Euxine Sea. Of the Penta-
Greeks— polis on its western coast south of the Danube
on'the*01' ' (Apollonia, Mesembria, Kalatis, Odessus, and
south- west probably Istrus) — and of Tyras near the mouth
coast. Q£ j.ne rjver go caiied (now Dniester) — we have
little to record; though Istrus and Apollonia were among
the towns whose political constitutions Aristotle thought
worthy of his .examination. J But Herakleia on the south
coast, and Pantikapaeum or Bosporus between the Euxine
and the Palus Maeotis (now Sea of Azof), are not thus un-
known to history; nor canSinope (on the south coast) and
Olbia (on the north-west) be altogether passed over.
Though lying apart from the political headship of Athens
or Sparta, all these cities were legitimate members of the
Hellenic brotherhood. All supplied spectators and compe-
titors for the Panhellenic festivals — pupils to the rhetors
and philosophers — purchasers, and sometimes even rivals,
to the artists. All too were (like Hassalia and Kyrene)
that he could do was to report affords presumption that the cel-
the best hearsay information which ebrity of Massalia as a place of
reached him. It is evident that Grecian literature and study (in
his writings made an epoch in which character it competed with
geographical inquiry; though Athens towards the commence-
they doubtless contained numerous ment of the Komaii empire) had
inaccuracies. See a fair estimate its foundations laid at least in the
of Pytheas in Mannert, Geog. der third century before the Christian
Gr. und Homer, Introd. i. p. 73-86. era.
The Massaliotic Codex of Homer, « Aristotle, Politic, v. 3, 11; v.
possessed and consulted among 6, 2.
others by the Alexandrine critics,
CHAP. XCVIII. 8INOPE. 28 1
adulterated partially — Olbia and Bosporus considerably —
by admixture of a non-hellenic element.
Of Sinope, and its three dependent colonies Kotyora,
Kerasus and Trapezus, I have already said some- ginap4 _
thing,1 in describing the retreat of the Ten it« envoys
Thousand Greeks. Like Massalia with its depend- wu^Darim
encies Antipolis, Nikaea, and others — Sinope in his last
enjoyed not merely partial independence, but j^ntaim
considerable prosperity and local dignity, at the its inde-
time when Xenophon and his companions march- f^ "tome
ed through those regions. The citizens were on time
terms of equal alliance, mutually advantageous, Poetic* the
with Korylas prince of Paphlagonia, on the princes-
borders of whose territory they dwelt. It is come^'sub-
probable that they figured on the tribute list jecttothem
of the Persian king as a portion of Paphlagonia, ultimatelT-
and paid an annual sum; but here ended their subjection.
Their behaviour towards the Ten Thousand Greeks, pro-
nounced enemies of the Persian king, was that of an in-
dependent city. Neither they, nor even the inland Paphla-
gonians, warlike and turbulent, were molested with Persian
governors or military occupation. 2 Alexander however
numbered them among the subjects of Persia; and it is a
remarkable fact, that envoys from Sinope were found
remaining with Darius almost to his last hour, after he
had become a conquered fugitive, and had lost his armies,
his capitals, and his treasures. These Sinopian envoys fell
into the hands of Alexander; who set them at liberty with
the remark, that since they were not members of the Hellen-
ic confederacy, but subjects of Persia — their presence
as envoys near Darius was very excusable.3 The position of
Sinope placed her out of the direct range of the hostilities
carried on by Alexander's successors against each other; and
the ancient Kappadokian princes of the Mithridatic family
(professedly descendants of the Persian Achaemenidse),4
who ultimately ripened into the kings of Pontus, had not
become sufficiently powerful to swallow up her independ-
ence until the reign of Pharnakes, in the second century
1 See Ch. LXXI. 36^-350 B.C. (cap. 7, 8). Compare
1 See the remarkable life of the Xenoph. Hellenic, iv. 1, 4.
Karian Datames, by Cornelius Ne- * Arrian , iii. 24, 8; Curtius, vi.
pos, which gives some idea of the 5, 6.
situation of Paphlagonia about * Polybius, v. 43.
232 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II
before Christ. Sinope then passed under his dominion;
exchanging (like others) the condition of a free Grecian
city for that of a subject of the barbaric kings of Pontus,
with a citadel and mercenary garrison to keep her citizens
in obedience. "We know nothing however of the inter-
mediate events.
Respecting the Pontic Herakleia, our ignorance is
not so complete. That city — much nearer than
Herakleia0 Sinope to the mouth of the Thracian Bosporus,
—oligarch- an(j distant by sea from Byzantium only one
eminent " long day's voyage of a row-boat — was establish-
— the ed by Megarians and Boeotians on the coast of
Mariandyni the Mariandyni. These natives were subdued,
reduced to an(j reduced to a kind of serfdom; whereby they
became slaves, yet with a proviso that they
should never be sold out of the territory. Adjoining, on
the westward, between Herakleia and Byzantium, were
the Bithynian Thracians — villagers not merely independ-
ent, but warlike and fierce wreckers, who cruelly mal-
treated any Greeks stranded on their coast ». We are
told in general terms that the government of Herakleia
was oligarchical; 2 perhaps in the hands of the descendants
of the principal original colonists, who partitioned among
themselves the territory with its Mariandynian serfs, and
who formed a small but rich minority among the total po-
pulation. We hear of them as powerful at sea, and as
being able to man, through their numerous serfs, a con-
siderable fleet, with which they invaded the territory of
Leukon, prince of the Kimmerian Bosporus. 3 They were
also engaged in land-war with Mithridates, a prince of the
1 Xenoph. Anab. vi. 6, 2. many towns of that name) , the
4 Aristot. Polit. T. 6, 2; v. 6, 5. government must have been ori-
Another passage in the same work, ginally democratical. But the serf-
however (v. 4, 2), says, that in dom of the natives seems to imply
Herakleia, the democracy was sub- an oligarchy.
verted immediately after the found- * Aristot. Polit. vii. 6, 7; Polyaen.
ation of the colony, through the vi. 9, 3, 4: compare Pseudo-Ari-
popular leaders j who committed stotle, (Economic, ii. 9.
injustice against the rich. These The reign of Leukon lasted from
rich men were banished, but col- about 392-352 B.C. The event al-
lected strength enough to return luded to by Polysenus must have
and subvert the democracy by occurred at some time during this
force. If this passage alludes to interval,
the same Herakleia (there were
CHAP. XCVIII. PONTIO HKRAKLBIA. 283
ancient Persian family established as district rulers in
Northern Kappadokia. l.
Towards 380-370 B.C. the Herakleots became disturbed
by violent party -contentions within the city. p0nticai
As far as we can divine from a few obscure discord at
hints, these contentions began among the olig- bVnUh-61*'
archy themselves;2 some of whom opposed, ment of
and partially threw open, a close political mon- ^partiaT"
opoly — yet not without a struggle, in the course democracy
of which an energetic citizen named Klearchus established-
was banished. Presently however the contest assumed
larger dimensions; the plebs sought admission into the
constitution, and are even said to have required abolition
of debts with a redivision of the lands.3 A democratical
constitution was established; but it was speedily menaced
by conspiracies of the rich, to guard against which, the
classification of the citizens was altered. Instead of three
tribes, and four centuries, all were distributed anew into
sixty -four centuries, the tribes being discontinued. It
would appear that in the original four centuries, the rich
men had been so enrolled as to form separate military
divisions (probably their rustic serfs being armed along
with them) — while the three tribes had contained all the
rest of the people; so that the effect of thus multiplying
the centuries was, to divest the rich of their separate milit-
ary enrolment, and to disseminate them in many different
regiments along with a greater number of poor.4
Still however the demands of the people were not fully
granted, and dissension continued. Not merely B-c 36t_
the poorer citizens, but also the population of Continued
serfs — homogeneous, speaking the same Ian- Pol>ticai
j xi • • -j.u \. j.1. vi troubles at
guage, and sympathising with each other, like Herakieia
Helots or Penestse — when once agitated by the -assist-
hope of liberty, were with difficulty appeased, yoked' from
The government, though greatly democratised, •without.
1 Justin xvi. 4. (sxarooTOs?) prevailed also at By-
7 Aristot. v. 6, 2; B, 10. zantium; see Inscript. No. 20CO ap.
1 Justin, xvi. 4. Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Grsec. p. 130.
4 jEnea8, Poliorket. c. 11. I have A citizen of Olbia, upon whom
given what seems the most prob- the citizenship of Byzantium is
able explanation of a very ob- conferred , is allowed to enroll
scure passage. himself in any one of the exafoj-
It is to be noted that the ills- tus« that he prefers,
tribution of citizens into centuries
284 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
found itself unable to maintain tranquillity, and invoked
assistance from without. Application was made first, to
the Athenian Timotheus — next, to the Theban Epaminon-
das; but neither of them would interfere — nor was there,
indeed, any motive to tempt them. At length application
was made to the exiled citizen Klearchus.
This exile, now about forty years for age, intelligent,
Character audacious and unprincipled, had passed four
and cir- years at Athens partly in hearing the lessons
SISSS?" of Plato and Isokrates— and had watched with
elms— he emulous curiosity the brilliant fortune of the
Self "espot despot Dionysius at Syracuse, in whom both
of Hera- these philosophers took interest. l During his
tyranny18 banishment, moreover, he had done what was
and cruelty, common with Grecian exiles; he had taken ser-
vice with the enemy of his native city, the neighbouring
prince Mithridates,2 and probably enough against the city
itself. As an officer, he distinguished himself much; ac-
quiring renown with the prince and influence over the
minds of soldiers. Hence his friends, and a party in Hera-
kleia, became anxious to recall him, as moderator and
protector under the grievous political discords prevailing.
1 Diodor. xv. 81. e'^Xtoss jxsy collected out of Photius, together
•zifi Aiovuoiou too 2'jpiy.O'j lion 8ta- with those of Nymphis and other
YU>YT)V> *c> Memnon, Fragm. c. 1; Herakleotic historians, and illust-
Isokratos, Epist. vii. rated with useful notes and cita-
It is here that the fragments of tions , in the edition of Orelli; as
Memnon, as abstracted by Photius well as by K. Muller, in Didot'g
(Cod. 224), begin. Photius had seen Fragm. Hist. Gnec. torn. iii. p. 525.
only eight books of Memnon's Hi- Memnon carried his history down
story of Herakleia (Books ix.-xvi, to the time of Julius Caesar, and
inclusive); neither the first eight appears to have lived shortly after
books (see the end of his Excerpta the Christian era. Nymphis (whom
from Memnon) , nor those after he probably copied) was much
the sixteenth, bad come under his older; having lived seemingly from
view. This is greatly to be re- about 300-230 B.C. (see the few
gretted , as we are thus shut out Fragmenta remaining from him,
from the knowledge of Heraklean in the same work, iii. p. 12). The
affairs anterior to Klearchus. work of the Herakleotic author
It happens, not unfrequently, Herodorus seems to have been
with Photius , that he does not altogether upon legendary matter
possess an entire work, but only (see Fragm. in the same work, ii.
parts of it; this is a curious fact, p. 27). He was half a century
in reference to the libraries of the earlier than Nymphis.
ninth century A.D. * Suidas, v. KXsotp^o;.
The Fragments of Memnon are
CHAP. XCVUI. KLEARCHU8 OF HERAKLEIA. 285
It was the oligarchical party who invited him to come
back, at the head of a body of troops, as their auxiliary in
keeping down the plebs. Klearchus accepted their invita-
tion; but with the full purpose of making himself the Dio-
nysius of Herakleia. Obtaining from Mithridates a power-
ful body of mercenaries, under secret promise to hold the
city only as his prefect, he marched thither with the pro-
claimed purpose of maintaining order, and upholding the
government. As his mercenary soldiers were soon found
troublesome companions, he obtained permission to con-
struct a separate stronghold in the city, under colour of
keeping them apart in the stricter discipline of a barrack. >
Having thus secured a strong position, he invited Mithri-
dates into the city, to receive the promised possession; but
instead of performing this engagement, he detained the
prince as a prisoner, and only released him on payment of a
considerable ransom. He next cheated, still more grossly,
the oligarchy who had recalled him; denouncing their past
misrule, declaring himself their mortal enemy, and espous-
ing the pretensions as well as the antipathies of the plebs.
The latter willingly seconded him in his measures — even
extreme measures of cruelty and spoliation — against their
political enemies. A large number of the rich were killed,
imprisoned, or impoverished and banished; their slaves or
serfs, too, were not only manumitted by order of the new
despot, but also married to the wives and daughters of the
new exiles. The most tragical scenes arose out of these
forced marriages; many of the women even killed them-
selves, some after having first killed their new husbands.
Among the exiles, a party, driven to despair, procured
assistance from without, and tried to obtain by force re-
admittance into the city; but they were totally defeated
by Klearchus, who after this victory became more brutal
and unrelenting than ever.2
He was now in irresistible power; despot of the whole
city, plebs as well as oligarchy. Such he continued to be
• Polysenus, li. 30, 1; Justin, xvi. party, in calling in a greater
4. "A quibus revocatua in pa- number of mercenary auxiliaries
triatn, per quos in arce collocatus than they could manage or keep in
fuerat," Ac. order.
JEneas (Poliorket. o. 12) cites » Justin , xvi. 4, 5; Theopompus
this proceeding as an example of ap. Athense. iii. p. 86. Fragm. 200,
the mistake made by a political ed. Didot.
286 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
for twelve years, during which he displayed great warlike
He con- energy against exterior enemies, together with
"o^for*6"" una^ate(^ cruelty towards the citizens. He
twelve farther indulged in themost overweening insol-
years— he ence of personal demeanour, adopting an Orien-
n8atedaat a tal costume and" ornaments, and proclaiming
festival. himself the son of Zeus — as Alexander the
Great did after him. Amidst all these enormities, however,
his literary tastes did not forsake him; he collected a
library, at that time a very rare possession. l Many were
the conspiracies attempted by suffering citizens against
this tyrant; but his vigilance baffled and punished all. At
length two young men, Chion and Leonides (they too
having been among the hearers of Plato), found an op-
portunity to stab him at a Dionysiac festival. They, with
those who seconded them, were slain by his guards, after a
gallant resistance ; but Klearchus himself died of the wound,
in torture and mental remorse.2
His death unfortunately brought no relief to the He-
B.O. 352. rakleots. The two sons whom he left, Timo-
Satyrus theus and Dionysius, were both minors; but his
becomes brother Satyrus, administering in their name,
his^ggrav- grasped the sceptre and continued the despot-
ated cruel- jsm with cruelty not merely undiminished, but
ty— his mil- , jf , , J -, , , ,
itary even aggravated and sharpened by the past
vigour. assassination. Not inferior to his predecessor
in energy and vigilance, Satyrus was in this respect differ-
ent, that he was altogether rude and unlettered. Moreover
he was rigidly scrupulous in preserving the crown for his
brother's children, as soon as they should be of age. To
A ensure to them an undisturbed succession, he took every
/precaution to avoid begetting children of his own wife.3
1 Memnon , c. 1. The seventh TTJ? aiTcJbv xr)8;|AO«a« X6yov 4Tl9sTO,
epistle of Isokrates, addressed to ib? xocl fuvaixl aovtbv, xai TOTS Xiiv
Timothens son of Klearchus , re- oTEp70|Aivg , (J.TJ avaajrsaQoct iraioo-
cognises generally this character notTJaai, dXXa |xT)yavjj itaafl yovijc
of the latter; with whose memory oT£pr)oiv sauTtji Sixiaai, u>$ d-< |xr,3'
IsokratSs disclaims all sympathy. ?Xcu« uicoXlitoi -ivot e^psSpsuovTO TOit
* Memnon, c. 1; Justin, xvi. 6; TOO 081X900 icoiolv.
Diodor. xvi. 36. In the Antigonid dynasty of Ma-
1 Memnon, c. 2. ettl S» T^ 91X5- cedouia, we read that Demetrius,
8sX9ia TO itpu)TO/ r]veyxaTO' TYJV fop son of Antigonua Gonatas , died
opX')'' T<HS TOU 084X900 nociuiv ove- leaving his son Philip a boy. An-
r^pjasTOv uuvTTjpcLv, E-l T090UTOV tigonua called Doion , younger
CHAP. XCVIIL TIMOTHEU8 DESPOT. 287
After a rule of seven years, Satyrus died of a lingering and
painful distemper.
The government of Herakleia now devolved on
Timotheus, who exhibited a contrast, alike B0 M8
marked and beneficent, with his father and uncle. Despotism
Renouncing all their cruelty and constraint, he of Timo-
set at liberty every man whom he found in prison, and* mild—
He was strict in dispensing justice, but mild and his energy
even liberal in all his dealings towards the and a
citizens. At the same time, he was a man of adventurous
courage, carrying on successful war against foreign enemies,
and making his power respected all around. With his
younger brother Dionysius, he maintained perfect harmony,
treating him as an equal and partner. Though thus using
his power generously towards the Herakleots, he was, how-
ever, still a despot, and retained the characteristic marks
of despotism — the strong citadel, fortified separately from
the town, with a commanding mercenary force. After a
reign of about nine years, he died, deeply mourned by
every one.1
Dionysius, who succeeded him, fell upon unsettled
times, full both of hope and fear; opening B.C. 336.
chances of aggrandisement, yet with many new Despotism
dangers and uncertainties. The sovereignty 8ius— Ms
which he inherited doubtless included, not popular
simply the city of Herakleia, but also foreign g0rous go-
dependencies and possessions in its neighbour- ve"»ment
hood; for his three predecessors2 had been all prudent
brother of Demetrius, assumed the not bring up a newborn child,
regency on behalf of Philip; he The obligation was only supposed
married the widow of Demetrius, to commence when he accepted
and had children by her; but he or sanctioned it, by taking up the
was so anxious to guard Philip's child.
succession against all chance of ' Memnon, c. 3. The Epistle
being disturbed, that he refused to of Isokratgs (vii.) addressed to Ti-
bring up his own children— '0 8s motheus in recommendation of a
itai8u)v Y£vO(jisv(ov 4x Trj? Xp'ja7)t8o<;, friend, is in harmony with this
oix dvs9ps'J»ato, r/)v apy.T]' t<j> Qi- general character, but gives no
Xiintu)i:spi3U>Ciov(PorphyryjFragm. new information,
ap. Didot , Fragm. Histor. Grsec. Diodoms reckons Timothens as
vol. iii. p. 701). immediately succeeding Klearchus
In the Greek and Roman world, his father — considering Satyrug
the father was generally consider- simply as regent (xvi. 36).
ed to have the right of detennin- * We hear of Klearchus as hav-
ing whether he would or would ing besieged Astakus (afterwards
288 HISTOEY OF GREECE. PA.BT II.
de.alin? enterprising chiefs, commanding a considerable
Mace- 6 aggressive force. At the commencement of his
donians, reign, indeed, the ascendency of Memnon and
during the ,, ^f! P ' . ,, f, . -
absence of the Jrersian force in the north-western part of
Alexander Asia Minor was at a higher pitch than ordinary;
in the East. ., ,, , T,S , , f '
it appears too that Klearchus — and probably
his successors also — had always taken care to keep on the
best terms with the Persian court. 1 But presently came
the invasion of Alexander (334 B.C.), with the battle of the
Granikus, which totally extinguished the Persian power
in Asia Minor, and was followed, after no long interval,
by the entire conquest of the Persian empire. The Persian
control being now removed from Asia Minor — while Alex-
ander with the great Macedonian force merely passed
through it to the east, leaving viceroys behind him — new
hopes of independence or aggrandisement began to arise
among the native princes in Bithynia, Paphlagonia, and
Kappadokia. The Bithynian prince even contended success-
fully in the field against Kalas, who had been appointed
by Alexander as satrap in Phrygia.2 The Herakleot Diony-
sius, on the other hand, enemy by position of these Bithyn-
ians, courted the new Macedonian potentates, playing his
political game with much skill in every way. He kept his
forces well in hand, and his dominions carefully guarded ;
he ruled in a mild and popular manner, so as to preserve
among the Herakleots the same feelings of attachment
which had been inspired by his predecessor. While the
citizens of the neighbouring Sinope (as has been already
related) sent their envoys to Darius, Dionysius kept his
eyes upon Alexander; talcing care to establish a footing at
Pella, and being peculiarly assiduous in attentions to Alex-
ander's sister, the princess Kleopatra.3 He was the better
qualified for this courtly service, as he was a man of ele-
gant and ostentatious tastes, and had purchased from his
namesake, the fallen Syracusan Dionysius, all the rich
furniture of the Dionysian family, highly available for
presents.4
Nikomedia) — at the interior extrem- ' Memnon, c. 1.
ity of the north - eastern inden- * Memnon, c. 20.
tation of the Propontis, called the * Meranon, c. 3.
Gulf of Astakus (Polycenus, ii. 4 Memnon, c. 3. See in this Hia-
30, 3). tory, Ch. LXXXV.
CHAP. XCVIII. FORTUNE AND POWER OP DIONYSIUS. 2S9
By the favour of Antipater and the regency atPella,
the Herakleotic despot was enabled both to Return of
maintain and extend his dominions, until the Alexander
return of Alexander to Susa and Babylon in he igU88^H-
324 B.C. All other authority was now super- cited by
seded by the personal will of the omnipotent con- kieotio'*
queror; who. mistrusting all his delegates — Anti- exiles—
ir • j J.-L v i j danRer of
pater, the princesses, and the satraps — listened Dionysius,
readily to complainants from all quarters, and averted by
j. i i.- i -j • • ii the death
took particular pride in espousing the preten- Of Aiex-
sions of Grecian exiles. I have already recount- »nder.
ed how, in June 324 B.C., Alexander promulgated at the
Olympic festival a sweeping edict, directing that in every
Grecian city the exiles should be restored — by force, if
force was required. Among the various Grecian exiles,
those from Herakleia were not backward in soliciting his
support, to obtain their own restoration, as well as the
expulsion of the despot. As they were entitled, along with
others, to the benefit of the recent edict, the position of
Dionysius became one of extreme danger. He now reaped
the full benefit of his antecedent prudence, in having main-
tained both his popularity with the Herakleots at home,
and his influence with Antipater, to whom the enforcement
of the edict was entrusted. He was thus enabled to ward
off the danger for a time; and his good fortune rescued
him from it altogether, by the death of Alexander in June
323 B.C. That event, coming as it did unexpectedly upon
every one, filled Dionysius with such extravagant joy, that
he fell into a swoon; and he commemorated it by erecting
a statue in honour of Euthymia, or the tranquillising
Goddess. His position however seemed again precarious,
when the Herakleotic exiles renewed their solicitations to
Perdikkas; who favoured their cause, and might probably
have restored them, if he had chosen to direct his march
towards the Hellespont against Antipater and Kraterus,
instead of undertaking the ill-advised expedition against
Egypt, wherein he perished. '
The tide of fortune now turned more than ever in
favour of Dionysius. With Antipater and Kraterus, the
preponderant potentates in his neighbourhood, he was on
the best terms; and it happened at this juncture to suit
1 Memnon, c. 4.
VOL. xn. u
290 HISTORY OF GREECE. PART II.
the political views of Kraterus to dismiss his Persian wife
Amastris (niece of the late Persian king Darius,
B.C. 322-304. , ,,v , -fr
Pros erity anc* conferred upon Kraterus by Alexander
and pru- when he himself married Statira), for the pur-
Dioii6 s°ius Pose °f espousing Phila daughter of Antipater.
—he mar- Amastris was given in marriage to Dionysius;
tris-^Ms33" ^or kim ' a splendid exaltation — attesting the
favour with personal influence which he had previously ac-
Antigonus quired. His new wife, herself a woman of ability
—his death. * . , i./v- -\ c ,1
and energy, brought to him a large sum from the
regal treasure, as well as the means of greatly extending
his dominion round Heraldeia. Noway corrupted by this
good fortune, he still persevered both in his conciliating
rule at home, and his prudent alliances abroad, making
himself especially useful to Antigonus. That great chief,
preponderant throughout most parts of Asia Minor, was
establishing his ascendency in Bithynia and the neigh-
bourhood of the Propontis, by founding the city of Anti-
gonia in the rich plain adjoining the Askanian Lake.1
Dionysius lent effective maritime aid to Antigonus, in that
war which ended by his conquest of Cyprus from the
Egyptian Ptolemy (307 B.C.). To the other Ptolemy, nephew
and general of Antigonus, Dionysius gave his daughter in
marriage; and he even felt himself powerful enough to
assume the title of king, after Antigonus, Lysimachus, and
the Egyptian Ptolemy had done the like.2 He died, after
reigning thirty years with consummate political skill and
uninterrupted prosperity — except that during the last few
years he lost his health from excessive corpulence.3
Dionysius left three children under age — Klearchus,
B c 304 Oxathres and a daughter — by his wife Amastris;
Amastris whom he constituted regent, and who, partly
governs through the cordial support of Antigonus, main-
— marrie* tained the Herakleotic dominion unimpaired.
Lysima- Presently Lysimachus, king of Thrace and of
divorced ^ne Thracian Chersonese (on the isthmus of
from him— which he had founded the city of Lysimacheia),
a^d^Oxa1-8 coveted this as a valuable alliance, paid his
thres kill court to Amastris, and married her. The Hera-
1 Strabo, xii. p. 565. * Nymphis, Fragm. 16. ap. Atlie-
1 Meranon , c. 4: compare Diod. nteum, xii. p. 649; JElian, V. H.
xx. 53. ix. 13.
CHAP. XO VIII. AMASTRIS— KL.EARCHU8. 291
kleotic queen thus enjoyed double protection, AmastrU—
, u iijj.-jj.i- j. • ii_ are killed
and was enabled to avoid taking part in the by Lysima-
formidable conflict of Ipsus (300 B.C.); wherein chus-
the allies Lysimachus, Kassander, Ptolemy, and Seleukus
were victorious over Antigonus. The latter being slain,
and his Asiatic power crushed, Lysimachus got possession
of Antigonia, the recent foundation of his rival in Bithynia,
and changed its name to Niksea. 1 After a certain time,
however, Lysimachus became desirous of marrying Arsinoe,
daughter of the Egyptian Ptolemy; accordingly, Amastris
divorced herself from him, and set up for herself separately
as regent of Herakleia. Her two sons being now nearly of
age, she founded and fortified, for her own residence, the
neighbouring city of Amastris, about sixty miles eastward
of Herakleia on the coast of the Euxine.2 These young
men, Klearchus and Oxathres, assumed the government
of Herakleia, 'and entered upon various warlike enterprises;
of which we know only, that Klearchus accompanied Lysi-
machus in his expedition against the Getae, sharing the
fate of that prince, who was defeated and taken prisoner.
Both afterwards obtained their release, and Klearchus
returned to Herakleia; where he ruled in a cruel and
oppressive manner, and even committed the enormity (in
conjunction with his brother Oxathres) of killing his mother
Amastris. This crime was avenged by her former husband
Lysimachus; who, coming to Herakleia under professions
of friendship (B.C. 286), caused Klearchus and Oxathres
to be put to death, seized their treasure, and keeping
separate possession of the citadel only, allowed the Hera-
kleots to establish a popular government. 3
Lysimachus, however, was soon persuaded by his wife
Arsinoe to make over Herakleia to her, as it Arsinoe
had been formerly possessed by Amastris; and mistress of
A • A ,, -/i r -rr 01 j Herakleia.
Arsinoe sent thither a Kymsean omcer named Defeat and
Herakleides, who carried with him force sufficient death of
to re-establish the former despotism, with its dfus!™*
oppressions and cruelties. For other purposes Power of
too, not less mischievous, the influence of Arsinoe
1 Strabo, xii. p. 5G5. So also also previously founded by Anti-
Antioch, on the Orontes in Syria, gonus Monophthalmus (Strabo, xv.
the great foundation of Seleukus p. 750).
Kikator, was established on or » Strabo, xii. p. 644.
near the site of another Antigonia, * Memnon, c. 6.
u 2
292 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
was all-powerful. She prevailed upon Lysimachus to kill
his eldest son (by a former marriage) Agathokles, a young
prince of the most estimable and eminent qualities. Such
an atrocity, exciting universal abhorrence among the sub-
jects of Lysimachus, enabled his rival Seleukus to attack
him with success. In a great battle fought between these
two princes, Lysimachus was defeated and slain — by the
hand and javelin of a citizen of Herakleia, named Halakon. l
This victory transferred the dominions of the van-
B.O. 28i. quished prince to Seleukus. At Herakleia too,
Herakleia its effect was so powerful, that the citizens were
f™n?theated enal:)led to shake off their despotism. They at
despots, first tried to make terms with the governor
andapopu- Herakleides, offering him money as an induce-
lar govern- ?.. o J .
mentestab- ment to withdraw. ±rom him they obtained
lished— onjy an angry refusal ; yet his subordinate officers
—recall of •> o J ' J rjiuj
the exiles— of mercenaries, and commanders' of detached
bold J^*r' posts in the Herakleotic territory, mistrusting
ing of the f , . „ , , ,. ,**
citizens their own power oi holding out , accepted an
sT^kM— amicable compromise with the citizens, who
death of tendered to them full liquidation of arrears of
Seleukus. pav> together with the citizenship. The Hera-
kleots were thus enabled to discard Herakleides, and
regain their popular government. They signalised their
revolution by the impressive ceremony of demolishing
their Bastile — the detached fort or stronghold within the
city, which had served for eighty -four years as the
characteristic symbol, and indispensable engine, of the
antecedent despotism.2 The city, now again a free common-
wealth, was farther reinforced by the junction of Nymphis
(the historian) and other Herakleotic citizens, who had
hitherto been in exile. These men were restored, and
welcomed by their fellow-citizens in full friendship and
harmony; yet with express proviso, that no demand
should be made for the restitution of their properties, long
since confiscated^ To the victor Seleukus, however, and
his officer Aphrodisius, the bold bearing of the newly-
emancipated Herakleots proved offensive. They would
probably have incurred great danger from him, had not
his mind been first set upon the conquest of Macedonia,
i Memnon, c. 7, 8. * Memnon, c. 9; Strabo, xii. p. 642.
•' Memnon, c. 11.
CHAP. XCVIII. PENTAPOLI8 ON THE EUXINE. 293
in the accomplishment of which he was murdered by
Ptolemy Keraunus.
The Herakleots thus became again a commonwealth
of free citizens, without any detached citadel ,
, , f i . , Situation
or mercenary garrison; yet they lost, seemingly and man-
through the growing force and aggressions of agement
some inland dynasts, several of their outlying kie^as a
dependencies — Kierus, Tium, and Amastris. 'ree govern-
The two former they recovered some time after- cTnsiTer-
wards by purchase, and they wished also to able naval
purchase back Amastris; but Eumenes, who p
held it, hated them so much, that he repudiated their money,
and handed over the place gratuitously to the Kappadokian
chief Ariobarzanes. * That their maritime power was at
this time very great, we may see by the astonishing account
given of their immense ships, — numerously manned, and
furnished with many brave combatants on the deck — which
fought with eminent distinction in the naval battle between
Ptolemy Keraunus (murderer and successor of Seleukus)
and Antigonus Gronatas.2
It is not my purpose to follow lower down the destinies
of Herakleia. It maintained its internal auto- Prudent ad-
nomv,' with considerable maritime power, a ??ini9tr.a'
j- -A j j j • • i. L- j tion ofHe-
digmned and prudent administration, and a rakieia, as
partial, though sadly circumscribed, liberty of a free oi**»
e .. ° .-i.i PI c VL-L among the
ioreign action — until the successful war or the powerful
Romans against Hithridates (B.C. 69). In Asia PJ™C *a
Minor, the Hellenic cities on the coast were MinoSr—
partly enabled to postpone the epoch of their general
r r . J ,. , ,ir ,. . . r c condition
subjugation, by the great division of power and influ-
which prevailed in the interior; for the poten- ?,nce of the
e TV..I • T» rr j i • Greekcitiea
tates of Bithynia, Pergamus, Kappadokia, On the
Pontus, Syria, were in almost perpetual discord coast.
— while all of them were menaced by the intrusion of the
warlike and predatory Gauls, who extorted for themselves
1 Memnon, c. 16. The inhabitants chase. Acquisitions were often
of Byzantium also purchased for a made in this manner by the free
considerable sum the important German, Swiss, and Italian cities
position called the 'Ispov, at the of mediaeval Europe; but as to the
entrance of the Euxine on the Hellenic cities, I have not had
Asiatic side (Polybius, iv. 60). occasion to record many such trans-
Thtae are rare examples, in an- actions in the course of this History,
cient history, of cities acquiring * Memnon, o. 13: compare Poly b.
territory or dependencies 6y pur- xviii. 84.
294 HISTOBT OF GREECE. PABT II.
settlements in Galatia (B.C. 276'). The kings, the enemies
of civic freedom, were kept partially in check by these new
and formidable neighbours, * who were themselves however
hardly less formidable to the Grecian cities on the coast. 2
Sinope, Herakleia, Byzantium, — and even Rhodes, in spite
of the advantage of an insular position, — isolated relics of
what had once been an Hellenic aggregate, become from
henceforward cribbed and confined by inland neighbours
almost at their gates3 — dependent on the barbaric poten-
tates, between whom they were compelled to trim, making
themselves useful in turn to all. It was however frequent
with these barbaric princes to derive their wives, mistresses,
ministers, negotiators, officers, engineers, literati, artists,
actors, and intermediate agents both for ornament and
recreation — from some Greek city. Among them all, more
or less of Hellenic influence became thus insinuated; along
with the Greek language which spread its roots everywhere
— even among the Gauls or Galatians, the rudest and latest
of the foreign immigrants.
Of the Grecian maritime towns in the Euxine south
Grecian of the Danube — Apollonia, Mesembria, Odessus,
Pentapolis Kallatis , Tomi, and Istrus — five (seemingly
south-west without Tomi) formed a confederate Pentapolis.4
of the About the year 31 2 B.C., we hear of them as under
Ovid at~ the power of Lysimachus king of Thrace, who
Tomi. kept a garrison in Kallatis — probably in the
1 This is a remarkable observa- B.C.) somewhere between Mount
tion made by Memnon, c. 19. Hremus and the Danube (Justin,
1 See the statement of Polybius, ix. 2). But the relations of Ateas
xxii. 24. with the towns of Istrus and
1 Contrast the independent and Apollonia, which are said to have
commanding position occupied by brought Philip into the country,
Byzantium in 399 B.C. , acknow- are very difficult to understand,
lodging no superior except Sparta It is most probable that these
(Xenoph. Anab. vii. 1) — with its cities invited Philip as their de-
condition in the third century B.C. fender.
—harassed and pillaged almost to In Inscription, No. 2056 c. (in
the gates of the town by the neigh- Boeckh's Corp. Inscript. Grsec. part
bouring Thracians and Gauls, and xi. p. 79) , the five cities constitu-
only purchasing immunity by con- ting the Pentapolis are not clearly
tinued money payments: see Po- named. 1'oeckh supposes them to
lybius, iv. 45. be Apollonia, Mesembria, Odessus,
« Strabo, vii. p. 319 — Philip of Kallatis, and Tomi; but Istrus
Macedon defeated the Scythian seems more probable than Tomi.
prince Atheas or Ateas (about 340 Odessus was on the site of the
CHAP. XCVIII. PENTAPOLIS ON THE EUXINE. 295
rest also. They made a struggle to shake off his yoke, ob-
taining assistance from some of the neighbouring Thracians
and Scythians, as well as from Antigonus. But Lysimachus,
after a contest which seems to have lasted three or four
years, overpowered both their allies and them, reducing
them again into subjection. ! Kallatis sustained a long siege,
dismissing some of its ineffective residents; who were re-
ceived and sheltered by Eumelus prince of Bosporus. It
was in pushing his conquests yet farther northward, in the
steppe between the rivers Danube and Dniester, that Lysi-
machus came into conflict with the powerful prince of the
Getae — Dromichaetes; by whom he was defeated and cap-
tured, but generously released.2 I have already mentioned
that the empire of Lysimachus ended with his last defeat
and death by Seleukus — (281 B.C.). By his death, the cities
of the Pontic Pentapolis regained a temporary independ-
ence. But their barbaric neighbours became more and
more formidable, being reinforced seemingly by immigra-
tion of fresh hordes from Asia; thus the Sarmatians, who
in Herodotus' time were on the east of the Tanais, appear,
three centuries afterwards, even south of the Danube. Bj'
these tribes — Thracians, Getae, Scythians and Sarmatians
— the Greek cities of this Pentapolis were successively
pillaged. Though renewed indeed afterwards, from the
necessity of some place of traffic, even for the pillagers
themselves — they were but poorly renewed, with a large
infusion of barbaric residents.3 Such was the condition in
which the exile Ovid found Tomi, near the beginning of the
Christian era. The Tomitans were more than half barbaric,
and their Greek not easily intelligible. The Sarmatian or
modern Varna, where the Inscrip- ' Diodor. xix. 73; xx. 25.
tion was found; greatly south of * Strabo , vii. p. 302-305; Pausa-
the modern town of Odessa, which nias, i. 9, 5.
is on the site of another town * Dion Chrysost. Orat. xxxvi.
Ordesus. (Borysthenitica) p. 75, Reisk.
An Inscription (2056) immediately eiXov 8s xal Tautrjv (Olbia) Fstai,
preceding the above, also found xal ret? aXXoti; Ta; sv TO!; apistspotc
at Odessus , contains a vote of TOO IT6-/TOo itoXst;, [As^p1 'AitoXXco-
thanks and honours to a certain vias' SQiv STJ xal a'poSpa tansiva TO
citizen of Antioch , who resided •Kpifp.xta. xotTsaTT) TU>V TOCUTTJ 'EX-
with (name imperfect), king of Xr,-<u)V TIOV (Aevoux£Tt oyvoixiaSiiaibv
the Scythians, and rendered great uoXeiov, TU>V ?E cpauXcis, xal TWV
service to the Greeks by his influ- nXeljTUJv fiappipiuv el? oc'JT<i« auppe-
euce. 6vTU)v.
296 HISTORY OP GREECE. PAKT II.
Gretic horse-bowmen, with their poisoned arrows, ever
hovered near, galloped even up to the gates, and carried
off the unwary cultivators into slavery. Even within a
furlong of the town, there was no security either for person
or property. The residents were clothed in skins or leather;
while the women, ignorant both of spinning and weaving,
were employed either in grinding corn or in carrying on
their heads pitchers of water. '
By these same barbarians, Olbia also (on the right
oibia— in bank of the Hypanis or Bug near its mouth)
the days of became robbed of that comfort and prosperity
Herodotus •!_• i_ -j. i_ j • Jt- ••AJI_TT ix
and Epho- which it had enjoyed when visited by Herodotus,
rus— in- Jn his day, the Olbians lived on good terms with
numbers, the Scythian tribes in their neighbourhood. They
and inroads paid a stipulated tribute, giving presents besides
of the j i • • j- P /• -i
barbaric to the prince and his immediate favourites; and
hordes. on these conditions, their persons and properties
1 The picture drawn by Ovid, of Vix ope castelli defendimur : et
his situation as an exile at Tomi, tamen intus
can never fail to interest, from Miata facit Gr8ecis barbara turba
m 6 1 u m .
the mere beauty and felicity of Quippe. simul nobis habitat discri-
his expression; but it is not less mine nullo
interesting, as a real description Barbarus, et tecti plus quoque
of Hellenism in its last phase, de- » Par.te t/.net-
Quos ut non timeas, possis odisse,
graded and overborne by adverse videndo
fates. The truth of Ovid's picture is Pellibus et longa corpora tecta
fully borne out by the analogy of coma.
Olbia, presently to be mentioned. Hos 1uoiue, qui geniti Graia cre-
„. duntur ab urbe.
His complaints run through the Pro patrio cuUu i>ersica bracca
five books of the Tristia, and the tegit," Ac.
four books of Epistolse ex Ponto „,, . .
(Trist v 10 15) 1S * 8Peclmen out of manv
lirist. v. 10, 16). others: compare Trist. iii. 10, 53;
"Innumerae circa gentes fera bella . „ _ ...
minantur, lv- *• 67i Ex Pont°« »J- 1-
Quse sibi non rapto vivere turpe Ovid dwells especially upon the
putant. fact that there was more of bar-
Nil extra tutum est^ tumulus^ de- bario than of Hellenic speech at
Momibus exiguis ingTmo^eloli. Tomi-«Graiaque quod Getico victa
Cum minime credas, ut avis, den- loquela sono est" (Trist. v. 2, 68).
sissimus hostis Woollen clothing, and the practice
Advolat, et pradam vix bene vi- of Bpinning and weaving by the
Sa-oe intra muros clausis v'e'ni^ntia ^ree women °^ the family, were
portis among the most familiar circum-
Per medias legimus noxia tela stances of Grecian life; the absence
yias. Of these feminine arts, and the use
Est igitur rarus, rus qui colere au- , , .
doat, isque of 8klu8 or leather for clothing,
Hac arat infelix, hac tenet arma were notable departures from Gre-
manu. cian habits (Ex Ponto, iii. 8): —
CHAP. XCVIII. OVID AT TOMI. 297
were respected. The Scythian prince Skyles (son of an
Hellenic mother from Istrus, who had familiarised him with
Greek speech and letters) had built a fine house in the
town, and spent in it a month, from attachment to Greek
manners and religion, while his Scythian army lay near the
gates without molesting any one.1 It is true that this pro-
ceeding cost Skyles his life; for the Scythians would not
tolerate their own prince in the practice of foreign religious
rites, though they did not quarrel with the same rites when
observed by the Greeks.2 To their own customs the
Scythians adhered tenaciously, and those customs were
often sanguinary, ferocious, and brutish. Still they were
warriors, rather than robbers — they abstained from hab-
itual pillage, and maintained with the Greeks a reputation
for honesty and fair dealing, which became proverbial with
the early poets. Such were the Scythians as seen by Hero-
dotus (probably about 440 to 430 B.C.); and the picture
drawn by Ephorus a century afterwards (about 340 B.C.)
appears to have been not materially different.3 But after
that time it gradually altered. New tribes seem to have
come in — the Sarmatians out of the East— the Gauls out of
the West; from Thrace northward to the Tanais and the
Palus Maeotis, the most different tribes became inter-
mingled— Gauls, Thracians, Getae, Scythians, Sarmatians,
&c.4 Olbia was in an open plain, with no defence except its
walls and the adjoining river Hypanis, frozen over in the
winter. The hybrid Helleno-Scythian race, formed by inter-
marriages of Greeks with Scythians — and the various
Scythian tribes who had become partially sedentary culti-
vators of corn for exportation — had probably also acquired
"Vellera dura ferunt pecudes; et ' Strabo, vii. p. 302; Skymnus
Palladia uti Chius, v. 112. who usually follows
Arte Tomitanse non didicere Enhorus
Fcmina pro lana Oerealia munera Th<» rhetor Dion tells us (Orat.
fraugit, xxxvi. init.) that he went to Olbia
Suppositoquegravemverticepor- jn order that he might go through
tat aquam." the Scythians to the Oetce. This
1 Herodot. iv. 16 — 18. The town shows that in his time (about A.D.
•wtis called Olbia by its inhabitants, 100) the Scythians must have been
but Borysthenes usually by foreign- between the Bug and Dniester— the
ers ; though it was not on the Get» nearer to the Danube— just
Borysthenes river (Dnieper), but as they had been four centuries
on the right bank of the Hypanis earlier. But many new hordes were
(Bug). mingled with them.
* Herodot. iv. 76—80. « Strabo, vii. p. 296-304.
298 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET U.
habits less warlike than the tribes of primitive barbaric
type. At any rate, even if capable of defending themselves,
they could not continue their production and commerce
under repeated hostile incursions.
A valuable inscription remaining enables us to com-
oibia in* pare the Olbia (or Borysthenes) seen by Hero-
later days— dotus, with the same town in the second century
decline of . '. , ,, . •, , . j ,-. ., ....,-'
security and B.C. l At this latter period, the City was dimmish-
production. e(j in population, impoverished in finances, ex-
posed to constantly increasing exactions and menace from
the passing barbaric hordes, and scarcely able to defend
against them even the security of its walls. Sometimes
there approached the barbaric chief Saitapharnes with his
personal suite, sometimes his whole tribe or horde in mass,
called Saii. Whenever they came, they required to be ap-
peased by presents, greater than the treasury could supply,
and borrowed only from the voluntary help of rich citizens;
while even these presents did not always avert ill treat-
ment or pillage. Already the citizens of Olbia had repelled
various attacks, partly by taking into pay a semi-Hellenic
population in their neighbourhood (Mix-Hellenes, like the
Liby-Phenicians in Africa) ; but the inroads became more
alarming, and their means of defence less, through the un-
1 This inscription — No. 2058 or western bank of the Hypanis
— in Boeckh's Inscr. Graec. part xi. (Bug) river: not far from tho mod-
p. 121 seq.— is among the most inter- ern Oczakoff.
esting in that noble collection. The date of the above Inscrip-
It records a vote of public grati- tion is not specified, and has been
tude and honour to a citizen of differently determined by various
Olbia named Protogenfes , and re- critics. Kiebuhr assigns it (Untor-
cites the valuable services which he suchungen iiber die Sky then, &c.
as well as his father had rendered in his Kleine Schriften, p. 387) to
to the city. It thus describes the a time near the close of the second
numerous situations of difficulty Punic war. Boeckh also believes
and danger from which he had that it is not much after that epoch,
contributed to extricate them. A The terror inspired by the Gauls,
vivid picture is presented to us of even to other barbarians, appears
the distress of the city. The intro- to suit the second century B.C.
duction prefixed by Boeckh (p. better than it suits a later period.
80- 89) is also very instructive. The Inscription No. 2059 attests
Olbia is often spoken of by the the great number of strangers re-
name of Borysthenes, which name sident at Olbia; strangers fromeigh-
was given to it by foreigners, but teen different cities, of which the
not recognized by the citizens, most remote is Miletus, the mother-
Nor was it even situated on the city of Olbia.
Borysthenes river; but on the right
Cnxp.XCVIII. OLBIA IN ITS DECLINE. 299
certain fidelity of these Mix-Hellenes, as well as of their
own slaves — the latter probably barbaric natives purchas-
ed from the interior.1 In the midst of public poverty, it
was necessary to enlarge and strengthen the fortifications;
for they were threatened with the advent of the Gauls —
who inspired such terror that the Scythians and other
barbarians were likely to seek their own safety by extort-
ing admission within the walls of Olbia. Moreover even
corn was scarce, and extravagantly dear. There had been
repeated failures in the produce of the lands around,
famine was apprehended, and efforts were needed, greater
than the treasury could sustain, to lay in a stock at
the public expense. Among the many points of contrast
with Herodotus, this is perhaps the most striking; for in
his time, corn was the great produce and the principal ex-
port from Olbia; the growth had now been suspended, or
was at least perpetually cut off, by increased devastation
and insecurity.
After perpetual attacks, and even several captures, by
barbaric neighbours — this unfortunate city, oibia pii-
about fifty years before the Christian era, was laged and
at length so miserably sacked by the Getse, as lifter-118
to become for a time abandoned.2 Presently, wards
however, the fugitives partially returned, to renewed-
re-establish themselves on a reduced scale. For the very
same barbarians who had persecuted and plundered them,
still required an emporium with a certain amount of import
and export, such as none but Greek settlers could provide;
moreover it was from the coast near Olbia, and from the
care of its inhabitants, that many of the neighbouring tribes
derived their supply of salt.3 Hence arose a puny after-
growth of Olbia — preserving the name, traditions, and part
of the locality, of the deserted city — by the return of a
portion of the colonists with an infusion of Scythian or
Sarmatian residents; an infusion indeed so large, as seri-
ously to dishellenise both the speech and the personal
names in the town.4
1 On one occasion, wo know not era (Macrobius, Satuinal. i. 11).
•when, the citizens of Olbia are * Dion Chrys. (Or. xxxvi. p. 75)
said to have been attacked by — as't (xsv no).E|A£iTai, noX).dxi; 8g
one Zopyrion , and to have sue- xal £i).coxs, <tc.
ceeded in resisting him only by J Dion Chrysost. Orat. (xxxvi.
emancipating their slaves, and Borysthenit.) p. 75, 76, Eeiske.
granting the citizenship to foreign- 4 See Boeckh's Commentary on
300 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST H.
To this second edition of Olbia, the rhetor Dion Chry-
visit of sostom paid a summer visit (about a century
Dion the after the Christian era), of which he has left a
Hellenic brief but interesting account. Within the wide
tastes and area once filled by the original Olbia — the former
TrdentrS~ circumference of which was maked by crumbling
interest in walls and towers — the second town occupied a
narrow corner; with poor houses, low walls, and
temples having no other ornament except the ancient
statues mutilated by the plunderers. The citizens dwelt
in perpetual insecurity, constantly under arms or on guard ;
for the barbaric horsemen, in spite of sentinels posted to
announce their approach, often carried off prisoners, cattle,
or property, from the immediate neighbourhood of the
gates. The picture drawn of Olbia by Dion confirms in a
remarkable way that given of Tomi by Ovid. And what
imparts to it a touching interest is, that the Greeks whom
Dion saw contending with the difficulties, privations, and
dangers of this inhospitable outpost, still retained the act-
ivity, the elegance, and the intellectual aspirations of their
Ionic breed; in this respect much superior to the Tomitans
of Ovid. In particular, they were passionate admirers of
Homer; a considerable proportion of the Greeks of Olbia
could repeat the Iliad from memory. l Achilles (localised
under the surname of Pontarches, on numerous islands and
capes in the Euxine) was among the chief divine or heroic
persons to whom they addressed their prayers.2 Amidst
Grecian life, degraded and verging towards its extinction,
the language and the personal with genuine Ionic features, and
names of the Olbian Inscriptions, conspicuous for his beauty (eijrt
part xi. p. 108-116. rcoXXoo; epaoTas); a zealot for lite-
1 Dion, Oral, xxxvi. (Borysthenit.) rature and philosophy , but espe-
p. 78,Reiske . xou TaXXa cially for Homer; clothed in the-
|xsv ouxaTi jcc<f>(I>(; iXXrjvRemei;, 8ii costume of the place, suited
TO ev (Jisooi? olxeiv TOI<; psp^dp&K;, for riding— the long leather trow-
3|Acu? T^v fe "IXtoSa 6XifOu icavTSs sers, and short black cloak; con-
ijooiv ono oTofiaTOs. I translate stantly on horseback for defence
the words 6Xlyou itivrst with some of the town, and celebrated as a.
allowance for rhetoric. warrior even at that early age,
Therepresentation given by Dion having already killed or made
of the youthful citizen of Olbia— prisoners several Sarmatians (p. 77).
Kallistratus — with whom he con- J See Inscriptions, Nos. 2076, 2077,
versed, is curious as a picture of ap. Tioeckh; and Arrian's Periplus.
Greek manners in this remote land ; of the Euxine , ap. Geogr. Minor,
a youth of eighteen years of age, p. 21, ed. Hudson.
OHA.P. XOVIII. GREEKS OF B08POKTJS. 301
and stripped even of the purity of living speech — the thread
of imaginative and traditional sentiment thus continues
without suspension or abatement.
Respecting Bosporus or Pantikapseum (for both names
denote the same city, though the former name often com-
prehends the whole annexed dominion), founded Bosporus
by Milesian settlers1 on the European side of <>«• Panti-
the Kimmerian Bosporus (near Kertch), we kaPa?um-
first hear, about the period when Xerxes was repulsed from
Greece (480-479 B.C.). It was the centre of a dominion in-
cluding Phanagoria, Kepi, Hermonassa, and other Greek
cities on the Asiatic side of the strait; and is said to have
been governed by what seems to have been an oligarchy
— called the Archaeanaktidae , for forty -two years2
(480-438 B.C.).
After them we have a series of princes standing out
individually by name, and succeeding each other princeg of
in the same family. Spartokus I. was succeeded Bosporus —
by Seleukus; next comes Spartokus II.; then ™^°™
Satyrus I. (407-393 B.C.); Leukon (393-353 B.C.); Athens and
Spartokus III. (353-348 B.C.); Parisades I. Bosporus.
(348-310 B.C.); Satyrus II., Prytanis, Eumelus (310-304
B.C.); Spartokus IV. (304-284 B.C.); Parisades II. 3 During
the reigns of these princes, a connexion of some intimacy
subsisted between Athens and Bosporus; a connexion not
political, since the Bosporanic princes had little interest
in the contentions about Hellenic hegemony — but of
private intercourse, commercial interchange, and reci-
procal good offices. The eastern corner of the Tauric
Ghersonesus, between Pantikapaeum and Theodosia, was
well suited for the production of corn; while plenty of
fish, as well as salt, was to be had in or near the Palus
Maeotis. Corn, salted fish and meat, hides, and barbaric
slaves in considerable numbers, were in demand among all
the Greeks round the JEgean, and not least at Athens,
where Scythian slaves were numerous;* while oil and
1 Strabo, vii. p. 310. « Polybius (iv. 88) enumerates
' Biodor. xii. 31. the principal articles of this Pon-
1 See Mr. Clinton's App. on the tic trade ; among the exports -ci
Kings of Bosporus — Fast. Hellen. TE SspjAotTa xal TO tiuv sU ta? 800-
App. c. 13. p. 2SO, Ac.; andBoeckh's Xslat <i-|fO;Ojj.s*<ov ato|xiTU)v 11X7)805,
Commentary on the game subject, Ac. , where Schweighiiuser has
Inscript. Grsec. part. xi. p. 91 seq. altered Ssp(J.aTa to Ops|X|iaTa,
302 HISTORY OF GREECE. PABT II.
wine, with other products of more southern regions, were
acceptable in Bosporus and the other Pontic ports. This
important traffic seems to have been mainly carried on in
ships and by capital belonging to Athens and other ^Egean
maritime towns; and must have been greatly under the
protection and regulation of the Athenians, so long as
their maritime empire subsisted. Enterprising citizens of
Athens went to Bosporus (as to Thrace and the Thracian
Chersonesus) to push their fortunes ; merchants from other
cities found it advantageous to settle as resident strangers
or metics at Athens, where they were more in contact
with the protecting authority, and obtained readier access
to the judicial tribunals. It was probably during the period
preceding the great disaster at Syracuse in 413 B.C., that
Athens first acquired her position as a mercantile centre
for the trade with the Euxine; which we afterwards find
her retaining, even with reduced power, in the time of
Demosthenes.
How strong was the position enjoyed by Athens in
Nymphasum Bosporus, during her unimpaired empire, we
{"•h*1^ tbe mav Ju(^ge from ^e fact, that Nymphseum (south
cities u'fder of Pantikapseum, between that town and Theo-
the Athe- dosia) was among her tributary towns, and paid
man em- , •, ' . -,.T . ..r ,-. . c .
pire-here a talent annually.1 .Not until the misfortunes
it passed of Athens in the closing years of the Pelopon-
under the . T j XT i -J.J.T-I.J
Bosporanic nesian war, didrJymphseum pass into the hands
princes. of the Bosporanic princes ; betrayed (according
to^Eschines) by the maternal grandfather of Demosthenes,
the Athenian Gylon; who however probably did nothing
more than obey a necessity rendered unavoidable by the
fallen condition of Athens.2 We thus see that Nymphaeum,
seemingly on the authority of one Some of the salted preparations
MS. only. I doubt the propriety from the Pontus were extravagantly
of this change, as well as the fact dear; Cato complained of a lupijinv
of any large exportation of live Oovrtxiov T0tpi)fiov as sold for £00
cattle from the Pontus; whereas drachmas (Polyb. xxxi. 24).
the exportation of hides was con- ' Harpokration and Photius, v.
siderable : see Strabo, xi. p. 493. Ni>[Ji?aiov — from the -{/Ti^iajxoTa
The Scythian public slaves or collected by Kraterus. Compare
policemen of Athens are well Boeckh, in the second edition of
known. SxoQatva also is the name his Staatshaushaltung der Atho-
of a female slave (Aristoph. Ly- ner, vol. ii. p. 658.
sistr. 184). 2xu8rj<;, for the name 2 JEschines adv. Ktesiph. p. 78.
nf a slave, occurs as early as c. 57. See my preceeding Ch.
Theognis, v. 826. LXXXVII.
CHAP. XCVIII. CONNEXION OP ATHENS WITH BOSPOBU8. 303
in the midst of the Bosporanic dominion, was not only a
member of the Athenian empire, but also contained in-
fluential Athenian citizens, engaged in the corn -trade.
Grylon was rewarded by a large grant of land at Kepi —
probably other Athenians of Nymphaeum were rewarded
also — by the Bosporanic prince; who did not grudge a
good price for such an acquisition. We find also other
instances, — both of Athenian citizens sent out to reside
with the prince Satyrus, — and of Pontic Greeks who,
already in correspondence and friendship with various in-
dividual Athenians, consign their sons to be initiated in
the commerce, society, and refinements of Athens. l Such
facts attest the correspondence and intercourse of that
city, during her imperial greatness, with Bosporus.
The Bosporanic prince Satyrus was in the best rela-
tions with Athens, and even seems to have had Alliance
authorised representatives there to enforce his ail<1 reci-
requests, which met with very great attention. 2 offices g°
He treated the Athenian merchants at Bosporus between
with equity and even favour, granting to them Lelfkon'
a preference in the export of corn when there *c- a™1 tha
was not enough for all.3 His son Leukon not immunities
only continued the preference to Athenian ex- of trade
porting ships, but also granted to them re- fhenAthe-°
mission of the export duty (of one-thirtieth part), nians.
which he exacted from all other traders. Such an ex-
emption is reckoned as equivalent to an annual present
of 13,000 medimni of corn (the medimnus being about
lf/3 bushel); the total quantity of corn brought from Bos-
porus to Athens in a full year being 400,000 medimni.1
1 Lysias, pro Mantitheo, Or. xvi. in the Pontus, and had been ar-
8. 4; Isokrates (Trapezitic.) , Or. rested; upon which Satyrus sends
xvii. s. 5. The young man, whose to Athens to seizo the property
case Isokrates sets forth, was sent of the son, to order him homo, —
to Athens by his father Sopaeus, and if he refused, then to require
a rich Pontic Greek (s. 52) much the Athenians to deliver him up —
in the confidence of Satyrus. So- eiciaTsXXsi -os toU svQiSs ETCi87)[AO\J3iv
pjEus furnished his son with two ex TOO OOVTOU -i TS ypr^i-a rip'
ship loads of corn, and with mo- EJXOU xo^iaoiaOai , <Jc.
ney besides — and then despatched 3 Isokrates, Trapezit. s. 71. De-
liim to Athens 3[xa xat' £(X7toplav mosthenes also recognizes favours
xai xo-ra Ssujpiotv. from Satyrus — xai auTO? (Leukon)
* Isokratos , Trapezit. s. 5 , 6. xai oi r.pb~(Qvo<., Ac. (adv. Leptin. p.
Sopieus, father of this pleader, had 467).
incurred the suspicions of Satyrus 4 Demosth. adv. Leptin. p. 4G7.
304 HISTOET OF GBEECE. PAST II.
It is easy to see moreover that such a premium must have
thrown nearly the whole exporting trade into the hands
of Athenian merchants. The Athenians requited this
favour by public votes of gratitude and honour, conferring
upon Leukon the citizenship, together with immunity from
all the regular burthens attaching to property at Athens.
There was lying in that city money belonging to Leukon; '
who was therefore open (under the proposition of Leptines)
to that conditional summons for exchange of properties,
technically termed Antidosis. In his time, moreover, the
corn-trade of Bosporus appears to have been farther ex-
tended; for we learn that he established an export from
Theodosia as well as from Pantikapseum. His successor
Parisades I. continuing to Athenian exporters of corn the
same privilege of immunity from export duty, obtained
from Athens still higher honours than Leukon; for we
learn that his statue, together with those of two relatives,
was erected in the agora, on the motion of Demosthenes.2
The connexion of Bosporus with Athens was durable as
well as intimate; its corn-trade being of high importance
to the subsistence of the people. Every Athenian exporter
was bound by law to bring his cargo in the first instance
to Athens. The freighting and navigating of ships for
that purpose, together with the advance of money by rich
capitalists (citizens and metics) upon interest and con-
ditions enforced by the Athenian judicature, was a standing
and profitable business. And we may appreciate the value
of equitable treatment, not to say favour, from the kings
of Bosporus — when we contrast it with the fraudulent and
extortionate behaviour of Kleomenes, satrap of Egypt, in
reference to the export of Egyptian corn.3
The political condition of the Greeks at Bosporus
was somewhat peculiar. The hereditary princes
Political , , r. ,. , , , ,. J r, .
condition (above enumerated), who ruled them substan-
ce* thk f tially as despots, assumednoothertitle(inrespect
Bosporus to the Greeks) than that of Archon. They paid
1 Dcmosth. adv. Leptin. p. 469. designated. See Boeckh , Introd.
' Demosth. adv. Phormion. p. ad Inscr. No. 2056, p. 92.
917; Deinarchus adv. Demosth. p. Deinarchus avers, that Demosthe-
34. The name stands Berisadfis as n&s received an annual present of
printed in the oration ; but it is 1000 modii of corn from Bosporus,
plain that I'ariaades is the person ' Demosth. adv. Dionysidor. p.
1285.
CHAP. XCVIII. FEUDS OF THE BOBPOBANIC PRINCES. 305
tribute to the powerful Scythian tribes who — the Pr!n-
bounded them on the European side, and even themfeivei
thought it necessary to carry a ditch across the archons —
narrow isthmus, from some point near Theodosia ph/oVer
northward to the Palus Majotis, as a protection barbaric
against incursions. l Their dominion did not ex-
tend farther west than Theodosia; this ditch was their
extreme western boundary; and even for the land within
it, they paid tribute. But on the Asiatic side of the strait,
they were lords paramount for a considerable distance,
over the feebler and less warlike tribes who pass under
the common name of Maeotse or Maeetse — the Sindi, Toreti,
Dandarii, Thates, &c. Inscriptions, yet remaining, of Pari-
sades I., record him as King of these various barbaric
tribes, but as Archon of Bosporus and Theodosia.2 His
dominion on the Asiatic side of the Kimmerian Bosporus,
sustained by Grecian and Thracian mercenaries, was of
considerable (though to us unknown) extent, reaching to
somewhere near the borders of Caucasus.3
Parisades I. on his death left three sons — Satyrus,
Prytanis, and Eumelus. Satyrus, as the eldest, „ c 310.3oj.
succeeded; but Eumelus claimed the crown, Family
sought aid without, and prevailed on various fcuds
• LI ii_ c t mu • among the
neighbours — among them a powerful Thracian Boaporanio
king named Ariopharnes — to espouse his cause. ^jjn(j?|~
At the head of an army said to consist of 20,000 tween Sa-
horse and 22,000 foot, the two allies marched ^J^f^
to attack the territories of Satyrus, who advanced death of
to meet them, with 2000 Grecian mercenaries, Satyrus n-
1 Strabo, vii. p. 310, 311. Sokrates and the Athenians had
1 See Inscript. Nos. 2117 , 2118, good means of being informed
2119, in Boeckh's Collection, p. about the situation of the Bospo-
156. In the Memorabilia of Xeno- rani and their neighbours on both
phon (ii. 1, 10), Sokrates cites the sides. See K. Neumann, Die Hel-
Scythians as an example of ruling lenen imSkythenlande, b. ii.p. 218.
people, and the Mseotce as an ex- * This boundary is attested in
ample of subjects. Probably another Inscription, No. 2104, of
this refers to the position of the same collection. Inscription
the Bosporanic Greeks, who No. 2103 seems to indicate Area-
paid tribute to the Scythians, but dian mercenaries in the service
ruled over the Ma?otse. The name of Leukon: about the mercenaries.
Ilceotce seems confined' to tribes, see Diodor. xx. 22.
on the Asiatic side of the Palus Parisades I. is said to have lieeij
Jfteotia; while the Scythians were worshipped as a trod, after hi»
on the European side of that sea. death (Strabo, vii. p. 310).
VOL. XII. X
306 HISTORY OF GEEECE. PABT II.
and 2000 Thracians of his own, reinforced by a numerous
body of Scythian allies— 20,000 foot, and 10,000 horse, and
carrying with him a plentiful supply of provisions in wag-
gons. He gained a complete victory, compelling Eumelus
and Ariopharnes to retreat and seek refuge in the regal
residence of the latter, near the river Thapsis; a fortress
built of timber, and surrounded with forest, river, marsh,
and rock, so as to be very difficult of approach. Satyrus,
having first plundered the country around, which supplied
a rich booty of prisoners and cattle, proceeded to assail his
enemies in their almost impracticable position. But though
he, and Heniskus his general of mercenaries, made the
most strenuous efforts, and even carried some of the out-
works, they were repulsed from the fortress itself; and
Satyrus, exposing himself forwardly to extricate Meniskus,
received a wound of which he shortly died — after a reign
of nine months. Meniskus, raising the siege, withdrew the
army to Gargaza; from whence he conveyed back the regal
corpse to Pautikapaeum. l
Prytanis, the next brother, rejecting an offer of parti-
tion tendered by Eumelus, assumed the sceptre, and march-
ed forth to continue the struggle. But the tide of fortune
now turned in favour of Eumelus; who took Gargaza
with several other places, worsted his brother in
1 Diodor. xx. 24. The scene of gen iiber die Skythen , 4c. (in his
these military operations (as far as Kleiiie Scliriften , p. 380), with
we can pretend to make it out Boeckh's Commentary on the Sar-
from the brief and superficial nar- matian Inscriptions, Corp. Ins.
rative of Diodorus) seems to have Grrec. part xi. p. 83-103.
been on the European side of Bos- The mention by Diodorus of a
porus ; somewhere between the wooden fortress, surrounded by
Borysthenes river and the Isthmus morass and forest , is curious , and
of Perekop, in the territory called may be illustrated by the descrip-
by Herodotus Hylcea. This is Nie- tion in Herodotus (iv. 108) of the
buhr's opinion, which I think more city of the Budini. This habit, of
probable than that of Boeckh, building towns and fortifications of
who supposes the operations to wood, prevailed amongtheSlavonic
have occurred on the Asiatic ter- population in Russia and Poland
ritory of Bosporus. So far I con- until far down in the middle ages.
cur with Niebuhr; but his reasons See Paul Joseph Schaffarik, Sla-
for placing Dromichaetes king of vische Alterthiimer, in the German
the Gets (the victor over Lysima- translation of "Wuttke, vol. i. ch.
elms), east of the BorysthenSs, are 10 p. 192; also K. Neumann, Die
noway satisfactory. Hellenen im Skythenlande,
Compare Niebuhr's Untersuchun-
CHAP. XOVIII. DEATH OF EUMELUS. 307
battle, and so blocked him up in the isthmus
near the Palus Mseotis, that he was forced to c.*j?'
capitulate and resign his pretensions. Eumelus between
entered Pantikapaeum as conqueror. Neverthe- Pr?1?;nis
i J.T- J e j. j Tt i ---j. el.- i. and kume-
less, the defeated Prytams, in spite of his recent IUB—
covenant, made a renewed attempt upon the I,ictor7 of
u •!_ • i ra i f i i Eumelus—
crown; wherein he was again bamed, forced to heknu tiie
escape to Kepi, and there slain. To assure him- "A^8'
self of the throne, Eumelus put to death the and friends
wives and children of both his two brothers, °* ^is
Satyrus and Prytanis — together with all their
principal friends. One youth alone — Parisades, son of
— Satyrus escaped and found protection with the Scythian
prince Agarus.
Eumelus had now put down all rivals; yet his recent
cruelties had occasioned wrath and disgust His reign
among the Bosporanic citizens. He convoked and f°\-
them in assembly, to excuse his past conduct, speedy
and promised good government for the future; death,
at the same time guaranteeing to them their full civic con-
stitution, with such privileges and immunities as they had
before enjoyed, and freedom from direct taxation. ' Such
assurances, combined probably with an imposing mercen-
ary force, appeased or at least silenced the prevailing
disaffection. Eumelus kept his promises so far as to govern
in a mild and popular spirit. While thus rendering him-
self acceptable at home, he maintained an energetic foreign
policy, and made several conquests among the surrounding
tribes. He constituted himself a sort of protector of the
Euxine, repressing the piracies of the Heniochi and Achasi
(among the Caucasian mountains to the east) as well as of
the Tauri in the Chersonesus (Crimea); much to the satis-
faction of the Byzantines, Sinopians, and other Pontic
Greeks. He received a portion of the fugitives from Kalla-
tis, when besieged by Lysimachus, and provided for them
a settlement in his dominions. Having thus acquired great
reputation, Eumelus was in the full career of conquest and
aggrandisement, when an accident terminated his life, after
a reign of rather more than five years. In returning from
Scythia to Pantikapseum, in a four-wheeled carriage (or
waggon) and four with a tent upon it, his horses took fright
1 Diodor. xx. 24.
308 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAST II.
and ran away. Perceiving that they were carrying him
towards a precipice, he tried to jump out; but his sword
becoming entangled in the wheel, he was killed on the
spot. * He was succeeded by his son Spartokus IV., who
reigned twenty years (304-284 B.C.); afterwards came the
son of Spartokus, Parisades II. ; with whose name our in-
formation breaks off. 2
This dynasty, the Spartokidse, though they ruled the
Decline of Greeks of Bosporus as despots by means of a
the Bospo- mercenary force — yet seem to have exercised
nasty, y" power with equity and moderation. 3 Had
untiii' it Eumelus lived, he might probably have establish-
fhThands*0 e^ an extensive empire over the barbaric tribes
of Mithri- on all sides of him. But empire over such sub-
dates, jects was seldom permanent; nor did his succes-
sors long maintain even as much as he left. We have no
means of following their fortunes in detail; but we know
that about a century B.C. the then reigning prince, Parisa-
des III., found himself so pressed and squeezed by the
Scythians,4 that he was forced (like Olbia and the Penta-
polis) to forego his independence, and to call in, as auxil-
iary or master, the formidable Mithri dates Eupator of
Pontus; from whom a new dynasty of Bosporanic kings
began — subject however, after no long interval, to the
dominion and interference of Home.
The Mithridatic princes lie beyond our period; but
the cities of Bosporus under the Spartokid
Monuments . ,, ,, r., •. r . ,
left by the princes, in the fourth century B.C., deserve to be
Spartokid ranked among the conspicuous features of the
princes of ,. . TT n • u mi. j. • j i
Bosporus— living Hellenic world. They were not indeed
sepulchral purely Hellenic, but presented a considerable
tumuli near r -, . •', r- ci ii • r\ • j. i
Kertch admixture ot ocythian or Oriental manners;
(Pantika- analogous to the mixture of the Hellenic and
Libyan elements at Kyrene with its Battiad
princes. Among the facts attesting the wealth and power
1 Diodor. xx. 26. nlc Inscription, No. 2107 — seeming-
* Diodor. xx. 100. Spartokus IV. ly also in No. 2120 6.
—son of Eumelus — is recognized ' Strabo, vii. p. 310. Deinarchus
in one Attic Inscription (No. 107), however calls Parisades , Satyrus
and various Bosporanic (No. 2105, and Georgippus, TOIK s-/8loTOt»«
2106, 2120) in Boeckh's Collection. TUpdcvvous (adv. Demosth. s. 44).
Parisades II. — son of Spartokus— * Strabo, vii. p. 310. oijr oio« tt
is recognized in another Bospora- u>v avriyaiv np6( TOO; [tapfixpou;
CHAP. XCVIII. HELLENIC ABT AT BOSPORUS.
309
of these Spartokid princes, and of the Bosporanic commun-'
ity, we may number the imposing groups of mighty sepul-
chral tumuli near Kertch (Pantikapseum); some of which
have been recently examined, while the greater part still
remain unopened. These spacious chambers of stone —
enclosed in vast hillocks (Kurgans), cyclopian works piled
up with prodigious labour and cost — have been found to
contain not only a profusion of ornaments of the precious
metals (gold, silver, and electron, or a mixture of four parts
of gold to one of silver) , but also numerous vases, imple-
ments, and works of art, illustrating the life and ideas of
the Bosporanic population. "The contents of the tumuli
already opened are so multifarious, that from the sepul-
chres of Pantikapseum alone, we might become acquainted
with every thing which served the Greeks either for neces-
sary use, or for the decoration of domestic life." ' Statues,
reliefs, and frescoes on the walls, have been found, on
varied subjects both of war and peace, and often of very
fine execution; besides these, numerous carvings in wood,
and vessels of bronze or terra cotta; with necklaces, arm-
lets, bracelets, rings, drinking cups, &c. of precious metal
— several with coloured beads attached. 2 The costumes,
equipment, and physiognomy represented, are indeed a
pov, Ac.
' Neumann, Die Hellenen 1m
Skythenlande, p. 603.
* An account of the recent dis-
coveries near Kertch or Pantika-
pa-um, will be found in Dubois de
Montpereux, Voyage dans le Can-
case, vol. v. p. 136 seqq. ; and in
Neumann, Die Hellenen im Sky-
thenlande , pp. 483-533. The last-
mentioned work is peculiarly co-
pious and instructive ; relating what
has been done since Dubois' tra-
vels, and containing abundant in-
formation derived from the recent
memoirs of the St. Petersburg Li-
terary Societies.
The local and special type, which
shows itself so much on these works
of art, justifies the inference that
they were not brought from other
Grecian cities, but executed by
Grecian artists resident at Panti-
kapaeum (p. 507). Two marble sta-
tues , a man and woman , both
larger than life , exhumed in 1850,
are spoken of with peculiar admir-
ation (p. 491). Coins of the third
and fourth century B.C. have been
found in several (p. 494-496). A
great number of the so-called Etrus-
can vases have also been discov-
ered, probably fabricated from a
species of clay still existing in
the neighbourhood : the figures on
these vases are often excellent,
with designs and scenes of every
description, religious, festal, war-
like , domestic (p. 622). Many of
the sarcophagi are richly orna-
mented with carvings, in wood,
ivory, &c. ; some admirably exe-
cuted (p. 621).
Unfortunately, the belief prevails
and has long prevailed , among
310 HISTOKY OP GREECE. PART II.
mixture of Hellenic and barbaric; moreover, even the pro-
fusion of gold chains and other precious ornaments, in-
dicates a tone of sentiment partially orientalized, in those
for whom they were destined. But the design as well as
the execution comes clearly out of the Hellenic workshop ;
and there is good ground for believing, that in the fourth
century B.C., Pantikapaeum was the seat, not only of enter-
prising and wealthy citizens, but also of strenuous and well-
directed artistic genius. Such manifestations of the refine-
ments of Hellenism, in this remote and little-noticed city,
form an important addition to the picture of Hellas as a
whole, — prior to its days of subjection, — which it has been
the purpose of this history to present.
I have now brought down the history of Greece to
the point of time marked out in the Preface to my First
Volume — the close of the generation contemporary with
Alexander — the epoch, from whence dates not only the
extinction of Grecian political freedom and self-action, but
the neighbouring population, that vation and gradual excavation of
these tumuli contain hidden these monuments , but have had
treasures. One of the most strik- to contend against repugnance and
ing among them— called the Kul- even rapacity on the part of the
Obo — was opened in 1830 by the people near.
Russian authorities. After great Dubois de Montpgreux gives an
pains and trouble, the means of interesting description of the open-
entrance were discovered, and ing of these tumuli nearKertch—
the interior chamber was reached, especially of the Kul-Obo, the
It was the richest that had ever richest of all, which ho conceives
been opened; being found to con- to have belonged to one of tho
tain some splendid golden orna- Spartokid kings, and the decora-
ments; as well as many other tions of which were the product of
relics. The Russian officers placed Hellenic art: —
a guard to prevent any one from "Si 1'on a enterr6 (he observes)
entering it; but the cupidity of unroientoure d'un luxe Scythique,
the population of Kertch was so ce sont des Grecs et des artistes
inflamed by the report of the ex- de cettc nation qui ont travaille
pected treasure being discovered, a ses fune>ailles" (Voyage autour
that they forced the guard, broke du Caucase , pp. 195 , 213 , 227).
into the interior, and pillaged Pantikapseum and Phanagoria (he
most of the contents (p. 609). The says) "se reconnoissent de loin
Russian authorities have been a la foule de leurs tumulus" (p.
generally anxious for the preser- 137).
CHAP. XOVIII. CLOSE OF GRECIAN HISTOEY. 311
also the decay of productive genius, and the debasement
of that consummate literary and rhetorical excellence which
the fourth century B.C. had seen exhibited in Plato and
Demosthenes.1 The contents of this last Volume indicate
but too clearly that Greece as a separate subject of history
no longer exists; for one full half of it is employed in
depicting Alexander and his conquests — aypiov aty[*Tjf?)v,
xparepov (j-^oTtopa cp6poio2 — that Non-Hellenic conqueror
into whose vast possessions the Greeks are absorbed, with
their intellectual brightness bedimmed, their spirit broken,
and half their virtue taken away by Zeus — the melancholy
emasculation inflicted (according to Homer) upon victims
overtaken by the day of slavery.3
One branch of intellectual energy there was, and one
alone, which continued to flourish, comparatively little
impaired, under the preponderance of the Macedonian
sword — the spirit of speculation and philosophy. During
the century which we have just gone through, this spirit
was embodied in several eminent persons, whose names
have been scarcely adverted to in this History. Among
these names, indeed, there are two, of peculiar grandeur,
whom I have brought partially before the reader, because
both of them belong to g'eneral history as well as to
philosophy; Plato, as citizen of Athens , companion of
Sokrates at his trial, and counsellor of Dionysius in his
glory — Aristotle^ as the teacher of Alexander. I had at
one time hoped to include in my present work a record of
them as philosophers also, and an estimate of their specula-
tive characteristics; but I find the subject far too vast to
be compressed into such a space as this volume would
afford. The exposition of the tenets of distinguished thinkers
is not now numbered by historians, either ancient or
1 How marked that degradation el? TsXo? rj'-pavisjQai. Compare Dio-
was , may be seen attested by nys. De Composit. Verbor. p. 29,
Dionysius of Halikarnassus , De 30, Beisk. ; and "Westermann , Ge-
Antiquis Oratoribus , pp. 445, 446, schichte der Griechischen Beredt-
Eeiske — sv Y«p Srj toi; itpo yjfxibv samkeit, s. 75-77.
)rp6vOi; 1) (A£v* opyaia xai tpiX6aocpo« * Horn. Iliad, vi. 97.
p/jTopixT] itp07CT)Xaxi'0|isvrj xai 8stvi<; * Horn. Odyss. xvii. 322: —
33pEU urcop-svouaa xatsX'Jsto. dp£a- yjjjuau Y«p *' apstjjs aicoalvoTaieft-
IASVT) |ASV aito trj<; 'AXg;av8pou too pOoita Z;VK
Maxs86-;o« TeXeu-rii« EXTCVSIV xal u.a- dvspo«, eu-e' ay |xiv xaTa 606X10,
, ,,'. . , ,, - r.u.io eXTjaiv.
paivsorOai xax oXtYOv , siti os trj?
xa8' TJ[AO« TjXixia; (xtxpoO oeTjOasa
312 HISTOBY OF GREECE. PAST IL
modern, among the duties incumbent upon them, nor yet
among the natural expectations of their readers; but is
reserved for the special historian of philosophy. Accord-
ingly, I have brought my history of Greece to a close,
without attempting to do justice either to Plato or to
Aristotle. I hope to contribute something towards supply-
ing this defect, the magnitude of which I fully appreciate,
in a separate work, devoted specially to an account of
Greek speculative philosophy in the fourth century B.C.
APPENDIX.
ON ISSUS
AND ITS NEIGHBOURHOOD AS CONNECTED WITH
THE BATTLE.
THE exact battle-field of Issus cannot be certainly assigned upon the
evidence accessible to us. But it may be determined, within a few
miles north or south; and what is even more important — tho general
features of the locality, as well as the preliminary movements of the
contending armies, admit of being clearly conceived and represented.
The Plan, of the country round the Gulf of Issus, will enable
the reader to follow easily what is certain, and to understand the
debate about what is matter of hypothesis.
That the battle was fought in some portion of the narrow space
intervening between the eastern coast of the Gulf of Issus and the
western flank of Mount Amanus — that Alexander's left and Darius's
right, rested on the sea, and their right and left respectively on the
mountain — that Darius came upon Alexander unexpectedly from the
rear, thus causing him to return back a day's march from Myriandrus,
and to reocoupy a pass which he had already passed through and
quitted— these points are clearly given, and appear to me not open to
question. We know that the river Pinarus, on which the battle was
fought, was at a certain distance south of Issus, the last town of
Kilikia before entering Syria (Arrian, ii. 7, 2)— is t7)v iiptspaiav irpoi-
X«i>pai (Darius from Issus) eni tov ito-ajxciv TOV flivapov— Ritter erroneously
states that Issus was upon the river Pinarus, which he even calls the
Issus river (Erdkunde, Theil iv. Abth. 2. p. 1797-1806). We know also
that this river was at some distance north of the maritime pass called
the Gates of Kilikia and Assyria, through which Alexander passed
and repassed.
APP. LOCALITIES NEAB I88U8. 313
But when we proceed, beyond these data (the last of them only
vague and relative), to fix the exact battle-field, we are reduced to
conjecture. Dr. Thirlwall, in an appendix to the sixth volume of his
History, has collected and discussed very ably the different opinions
of various geographers.
To thoso whom he has cited, may be added— Mr. Ainsworth's Essay
on the Cilician and Syrian Gates (in the Transactions of the Geograph-
ical Society for 1837)— Mutzell's Topographical Notes on the third book
of Quintus Ourtius— and the last volume of Hitter's Erdkunde, publish-
ed only this year (1865); ch. xxvii. p. 1778 teqq.
We know from Xenophon that Issus was a considerable town close
to the sea — two days' march from the river Pyramus, and one day's
march northward of the maritime pass called the Gates of Kilikia and
Syria. That it was near the north-eastern corner of the Gulf, may also
be collected from Strabo, who reckons the shortest line across Asia
Minor, as stretching from Sinope or Amisus to Issus — and who also lays
down the Egyptian sea as having its northern termination at Is.iun
(Strabo, xiv, p. 677; xvi. p. 749). The probable site of Issus has been
differently determined by different authors; Bennell (Illustrations of
the Geography of the Anabasis, p. 42 — 48) places it near Oseler or Yus-
ler; as far as I can judge, this seems too far distant from the head of
the Gulf, towards the south.
In respect to the maritime pass, called the Gates of Kilikia and
Syria, there is much discrepancy between Xenophon and Arrian. It is
evident that, in Xenophon's time, this pass and the road of march
through it lay between the mountains and the sea, — and that the ob-
structions (walls blocking up the passage), which he calls insurmount-
able by force, were mainly of artificial creation. But when Alexander
passed no walls existed. The artificial obstructions bad disappeared
during the seventy years between Xenophon and Alexander; and we
can assign a probable reason why. In Xenophon's time, Kilikia was
occupied by the native prince Syennesis, who, though tributary, main-
tained a certain degree of independence even in regard to the Great
King , and therefore kept a wall guarded by his own soldiers on his
boundary towards Syria. But in Alexander's time, Kilikia was occupied,
like Syria, by a Persian satrap. Artificial boundary walls, between
two conterminous satrapies under the same master, were unnecessary;
and must even have been found inconvenient, during the great collect-
ive military operations of the Persian satraps against the revolted Eva-
goras of Cyprus (principally carried on from Kilikia as a base, about
380 B.C., Diodor. xv. 2) — as well as in the subsequent operations against
the Phenician towns (Diodor. xvi. 42). Hence we may discern a reason
why all artificial obstructions may have been swept away before the
time of Alexander; leaving only the natural difficulties of the neigh-
bouring ground, upon wich Xenophon has not touched.
The spot still retained its old name — "The Gates of Kilikia and
Syria" — even after walls and gates had been dispensed with. But that
name, in Arrian's description, designates » difficult and narrow point
of the road over hills and rocfcs; a point which Major Bennell (Illust-
rations , p. 54) supposes to have been about a mile south of the river
and walls described by Xenophon. However this may be, the precise
spot designated by Xenophon seems probably to be sought about seveu
314 HISTORY OP GREECE. PART II.
miles north of Scanderoon, near the ruins now known as Jonas's
Pillars (or Sakal Tutan), and the Castle of Merkes, where a river call-
ed Merkes, Ulahersy , or Kara-su, flows across from the mountain to the
sea. That this river is the same with the Kersus of Xenophon, is the
opinion of Rennell, Ainsworth, and Mutzell ; as well as of Colonel
Callier, who surveyed the country when accompanying the army of Ib-
rahim Pacha as engineer (cited by Ritter, Erdk. p. 1792). At the spot
here mentioned, the gulf indents eastward, while the western flank of
Amanus approaches very close to it, and drops with unusual steepness
towards it. Hence the road now followed does not pass between the
mountain and the sea, but ascends over a portion of the mountain,
and descends again afterwards to the low ground skirting the sea.
Northward of Merkes , the space between the mountain and the sea
gradually widens, towards Bayas. At some distance to the north of Bay as
occurs the river now called Delle Tschai, which is considered, I think
with probability, to be the Pinarus, where the battle between Alexan-
der and Darius was fought. This opinion however is not unanimous ;
Kinneir identifies the MerTces with the Pinarus. Moreover, there are
several different streams which cross the space between Mount Amanus
and the sea. Des Monceaux notices six streams as having been crossed
between the Castle of Merkes and Bayas; and five more streams be-
tween Bayas and Ayas (Mutzell ad Curtium, p. 105). "Which among these
is the Pinarus, cannot be settled without more or less of doubt.
Besides the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, noted by Xenophon and
Arrian in the above passages, there are 'also other Gates called the
Amanian Gates, which are spoken of in a perplexing manner. Dr. Thirl -
wall insists with propriety on the necessity of distinguishing the mar-
itime passes, between Mount Amanus and the sea — from the inland
passes, which crossed over the ridge of Mount Amanus itself. But this
distinction seems not uniformly observed by ancient authors, when we
compare Strabo , Arrian and Kallisthenes. Strabo uses the phrase,
Amanian Gates, twice (xiv. p. 676; xvi. p. 751); in both cases designa-
ting a maritime pass, and not a pass over the mountain — yet designa-
ting one maritime pass in the page first referred to, and another in the
second. In xiv. p. 676— he means by cci 'AjxaviSi? icuXai, the spot called
by modern travellers Demir Kapu, between JEgs and Issus, or between
Mopsuestia and Issus; while in xvi. 751— he means by the same words
that which I have been explaining as the Gates of Kilikia and Syria,
on the eastern side of the Gulf of Issus. In fact, Strabo seems to con-
ceive as a whole the strip of land between Mount Amanus and the
Gulf, beginning at Demir Kapu, and ending at the Gates of Kilikia
and Syria — and to call both the beginning and the end of it by the
same name— the Amanian Gates. But he does not use this last phrase
to designate the passage over or across Mount Amanus; neither does
Arrian ; who in describing the march of Darius from Sochi into Kili-
kia, says (ii. 7, 1)— u7rtpP<xX(i>v STJ TO opoi; Aip'To? TO XCCTOI TO? ituXa?
to? 'A|Mvlx&4 xaXoofxsvas, ib; eirl "laaov itpo/JYs, xal EYSV;TO xaToni-*
'AXi£av?pou Xa9u>v. Here, let it be observed, we do not read uirsppaXib-*
Ta<; ic6).a<; — nor can I think that the words mean, as the translator gives
them— "transiit Amanum, eundo per Pylas Amanicas." The words rather
signify , that Darius "crossed over the mountain where it adjoined the
Amanian Gates" — i. e. where it adjoined the strip of land skirting the
APP. LOCALITIES NEAB ISSU8. 315
Gulf, and lying betweenthose two extreme points which Strabo denom-
inates Amanian Gates. Arrian employs this last phrase more loosely
than Strabo, yet still with reference to the maritime strip, and not to
a col over the mountain ridge.
On the other hand, Kallisthen6s (if he is rightly represented by
1'olybius, who recites his statement, not his words, xii. 17) uses the
words Amanian Gates to signify the passage by which Darius entered
Kilikia-that is, the passage over the mountain. That which Xenophon
and Arrian call the Gates of KViltia, and Syria — and which Strabo
calls Amanian Gates -is described by Polybius as tit oieva, xai Tat
Xsyo[j.iva? ev TIJ KiXtxta itoXai;.
I have marked on the Plan the pass by which Darius crossed Mount
Amanus, as it stands on Kiepert's Map, and on Chesney's Map; in the
line from Aintab to the head of the Gulf, near the 87th parallel. It
seems pretty certain that this must have been Darius's line of march,
because he came down immediately upon Issus , and then marched
forward to the river Pinarus. Had he entered Kilikia by the pass of
Beylan , he must have passed the Pinarus before he reached Issus.
The positive grounds for admitting a practicable pass near the 37th
parallel, are indeed called in question by Mutzell (ad Ourtium, p. 102,
103), and are not in themselves conclusive; still I hold them sufficient,
when taken in conjunction with the probabilities of the case. This
pass was, however, we may suppose, less frequented than the maritime
line «f road through the Gates of Kilikia and Syria, and the pass of
Beylan ; which, as the more usual, was preferred both by the Cyreians
and by Alexander.
Respecting the march of Alexander, Dr. Thirlwall here starts a
question, substantially to this effect: "Since Alexander intended to
march through the pass of Beylan for the purpose of attacking the
Persian camp at Sochi, what could have caused him to go to Myriandrus,
which was more south than Beylan, and out of his road?" Dr. Thirl-
wall feels this difficulty so forcibly, that in order to eliminate it, he
is inclined to accept the hypothesis of Mr. Williams, which places
Myriandrus at Bayas, and the Kiliko-Syrian Gates at Demir-Kapu ; an
hypothesis which appears to me inadmissible on various grounds, and
against which Mr. Ainsworth (in his Essay on the Cilician and Syrian
Gates) has produced several very forcible objections.
I confess that I do not feel the difficulty on which Dr. Thirlwall
insists. When we see that Cyrus and the Ten Thousand went to
Myriandrus, in their way to the Pass of Beylan, we may reasonably
infer that, whether that town was in the direct line or not, it was at
least in the usual road of march — which does not always coincide with
the direct line. But to waive this supposition, however— let us assume
that there existed another shorter road leading to Beylan without
passing by Myriandrus — there would still be reason enough to induce
Alexander to go somewhat out, of his way, in order to visit Myriandrus.
For it was an important object with him to secure the sea-ports in
his rear, in case of a possible reverse. Suppose him repulsed and
forced to retreat, — it would be a material assistance to his retreat, to
have assured himself beforehand of Myriandrus as well as the other
sen-ports.
In the approaching months, we shall find him just as careful to
316 HISTORY OF GREECE. PAET H.
make lure of the Fhenician cities on the coast, before he marches
into the interior to attack Darius at Arbela.
Farther, Alexander, marching to attack Darius, had nothing to
gain by haste, and nothing to lose by coming up to Sochi three days
later. He knew that the enormous Persian host would not try to
escape ; it would either await him at Sochi, or else advance into Kilikia
to attack him there. The longer he tarried, the more likely they were
to do the latter, which was what he desired. He had nothing to lose
therefore in any way, and some chance of gain, by prolonging his
march to Sochi for as long a time as was necessary to secure Myriandrus.
1 here is no more difficulty, I think, in understanding why he went to
Myriandrus than why he went westward from Tarsus (still more out
of his line of advance) to Soli and Ancbialus.
It seems probable (as Rennell (p. 56) and others think), that the
site of Myriandrus is now some distance inland ; that there has been
an accretion of new land and morass on the coast.
The modern town of Scanderoon occupies the site of "AXefavSpeiot
xat"Is<jov, founded (probably by order of Alexander himself) in com-
memoration of the victory of Issus. According to Ritter (p. 1791),
"Alexander had the great idea of establishing there an emporium for
the traffic of the East with Europe, as at the other Alexandria for the
trade of the East with Egypt." The importance of the site of Scande-
roon, in antiquity, is here greatly exaggerated. I know no proof that
Alexander had the idea which Ritter ascribes to him; and it is certain
that his successors had no such idea; because they founded the great
cities of Antioch and Seleukeia (in Pieria), both of them carrying the
course of trade up the Orontes, and therefore diverting it away from
Scanderoon. This latter town is only of importance as being the
harbour of Aleppo; a city (Beroea) of little consequence in antiquity,
while Antioch became the first city in the East, and Seleukeia among
the first: see Ritter, p. 1152.
INDEX.
A.
Alantes, iii. 166.
Abdera, the array of Xerxes at, iv.
388.
Akrokomas, viii. 328. 333.
Abydos, march of Xerxes to, iv.
381. revolt of, from Athens, vii.
335. Athenian victory at, over the
Peloponnesians. vii. 358, Atheni-
an victory over Pharnabazus at,
vii. 371; Derkyllidas at, ix. 143
seq.; Anaxibius audlphikratgs at,
ix. 196 seq.
Achaean origin affected by Spartan
kings, ii. 11 ; league, xii. 212.
Acfutans, various accounts of, i. 103;
effect of the Dorian occupation
of Peloponnesus on,ii. 12 ; Homer-
ic view of, ii. 13; of Phthiotis
and Peloponnesus, ii. 285; of Pe-
loponnesus, ii. 305. 335.
Achaimenes, iv. 443.
Achceus, i. 103.
Achaia, ii. 302 ; towns and terri-
tory of, ii. 456 seq. ; Epaminondas
in, B.C. 367, x. 25; proceedings of
the Thebans in, B.C. 365, x. 28;
alliance of, with Sparta andElis,
B.C. 365, x. 73.
Acharna, Archidamus at, v. 394
•eg.
Achelous, i. 275.
Achilleis, the basis of the Iliad, ii.
177.
Achilles, i. 284 seq.; 290 seq.
AEGIKA.
Achradina, capture of, by Neon, x.
436.
Acropolis at Athens, flight to, on
Xerxes's approach, iv. 455; cap-
ture of, by Xerxes, iv. 461 seq. ;
visit of the Peisistratids to,
after its capture by Xerxes, iv.
465 ; inviolable reserve fund in,
v. 401 seq.
Ada, queen of Karia, xi. 420, 424.
Adeimuntus, of Corinth, and The-
mistokles, at Salamis, iv. 470.
Admetus and Alkestis, i. 113 seq.
Admetus and Themistokles, v. 138.
Adranum, Timoleon at, x. 428, 436.
Adrasttts, i. 265, 267, 271 seq., iii. 33.
AiJrastus, the Phrygian exile, iii.
34.
Adrumctum, captured by Agatho-
kles, xii. 242.
/En. i. 243 seq.
JZakid genealogy, i. 177, 185 seq.
jEaliUS, i. 179 seq.
JSetes, i. 119 ; and the Argonauts,
i. 230 seq. ; and Circe, i. 245.
Mg&, iii. 191.
Xgea, islands in, ii. 236; the Mace-
donian fleet master of, xi. 46(5.
JE?</ean islands, effect of the battle
of Chaeroneia on, xi. 309.
JEgeids at Sparta, ii. 361.
JSgeus, i. 206 ; death of, i. 216.
JSgialeus, i. 82.
JEgina, i. 179 ; war of, against Ath-
ens, at the instigation of the
Thebans, iv. 98,99, 242 ; submission
318
AEGINAEAN.
INDEX.
AETOLIANS.
of, to Darius, iv. 243; appeal
of Athenians to Sparta against
the Medism of, iv. 245 ; attempt-
ed revolution at, by Nikodro-
inus, iv. 394 seq. ; from B. o. 488
to 481, iv. 394, 397 seq. ; and A-
thens, settlement of the feud be-
tween, iv. 404 ; removal of Athen-
ians to, on Xerxes' s approach,
iv. 455; Greek fleet at, in the
spring of B. c. 479, v. 1 ; war of
Athens against, B.C. 459, v. 178 ;
subdued by Athens, v. 187; expul-
sion of the 2E:jinetans from, by
the Athenians , vi. 145 ; and
Athens, B. o. 389, ix. 198 seq. ; Gor-
gopas in, ix. 200 seq. ; Teleutias
in, ix. 198, 202.
JSgincean scale, ii. 319, 324, iii. 172
aeq.
jEginetans, and Thebans, i. 179;
and the hostages taken from them
by Kleomenes and LeotychidSs,
iv. 393 seq. ; pre-eminence of, at
Salamis, iv. 491 ; at Thyrea, cap-
ture and death of, B.C. 424, vi. 144.
jEgistheus, i. 158.
^gospotami, battle of, viii. 8 seq. ;
condition of Athens and her de-
pendencies after the battle of,
viii. 14 seq.
JEgyptos, i. 86.
Aeimnestus and Dionysius, x. 230.
&neadce at Skepsis, i. 308.
.<£neas, i. 297, 306 seq.
JEnianes, ii. 287.
JEolic Greeks in the Tr&ad, i. 326 ;
emigration under the Pelopids,
ii. 19 ; Kyme, custom at, in cases
of murder, ii. 93 n. ; and Doric
dialects, ii. 336 ; cities in Asia,
iii. 191 seq. ; emigration, iii. 192,
196; establishments near Mount
Ida, iii. 196.
JEolid line, the first, i.l06«cg. ; the
second, i. 112 teq. ; the third, i.
118 seq. ; the fourth, i. 121 seq.
JEolis, iii. 196 ; the subsatrapy of,
and Pharnabazus, ix. 31 seq.
JEolus, i. 98, 106 seq.
JEpytus, i. 172.
JZschines, at the battle of Tamynn>,
xi. 146; proceedings of, against
Philip, after his capture of Olyn-
thus, xi. 170; early history of, x,;.
171 ; as envoy of Athens in Ar-
cadia, xi. 171 ; desire of, for peace,
B.C. 347, xi. 172; and the em-
bassies from Athens to Philip,
xi. 184, 211, 216, 218, 226 seq. ; and
the motion of PhilokratSs for
peace and alliance with Philip, xi.
195 seq. ; fabrications of, about
Philip, xi. 202, 212, 216 seq. ; visit
of, to Philip in Phokia, xi. 22S;
justifies Philip after his conquest
of Thermopylae, xi. 230 ; corrup-
tion of, xi. 235 seq.; at the Amphik-
tyonic assembly at Delphi, B.C.
3y9, xi. 276 seq.; On the special
Amphiktyonic meeting at Ther-
mopylae, xi. 284; conduct of, af-
ter the battle of Chaeroneia, xi.
311 ; accusation against Ktesiphon
by, xii. 108 seq. ; exile of, xii. 114
seq.
JEschylus, Prometheus of, i. 77, 369
n. 2 ; his Eumenides and the Areo-
pagus, iii. 80 n. ; his treatment of
mythes, i. 367 seq. ; Sophokles,
and Euripi'dfis, viii. 123 seq.
JEsculapius, i. 174 seq.
JEscn, death of, i. 114.
JEsymnete,iii.l9.
^Ethiopia of Arktinus, ii. 156.
Aethlivs, i. 99.
JEtna, foundation of the city of,
v. 82; second city of, v. 91; re-
conquered by Duketius, vi. 393;
conquest of, by Dionysius, x. 230;
Campanians of, x. 259.
Mtolio., legendary settlement of, i.
135 ; expedition of Demosthenfis
against, vi. 76.
Italian genealogy, i. 133.
jEtolians, ii. 291 ; rude condition
of, ii. 292; immigration of, into
Peloponnesus, ii. 326 seq. ; and
Akarnanians, iii. 403; and Pelo-
ponnesians under Eurylochus at-
tack Naupaktus, vi. 80 ; contest
and pacification of, with Anti-
AETOLO-BLEIANS.
IXUKX.
AOESILAUB.
319
pater, xii. 164; Kassander'g at-
tempts to check, xii. 191.
Xiolo - ffleians, and the Olympic
games, ii. 318.
Etolus, i. 101, 102 ; and Oxylus, 1.
149.
Africa, circumnavigation 'of, by the
Phenicians, iii. 283; expedition
of Agathokles to, against Car-
thage, xii. 233 seq., 266.
Agamedes, and Trophonius, 1. 127.
Agamemnon, pre-eminence of, i.
160 seq. , 158, 159; and Orestes
transferred to Sparta, i. 212; and
the Trojan expedition, i. 282,
286.
Agariste and Megaklfis, iii. 38.
Agasias, viii. 451 seq.
Agathokles, first rise of, xii 218;
distinction of, in the Syracusan
expedition to Kroton, xii. 219 ;
retires from Syracuse to Italy,
xii. 220; exploits of, in Italy and
Sicily, about B.C. 320, xii. 220 ;
first ascendency of, at Syracuse,
xii. 221 ; his re-admission to Sy-
racuse, xii. 221 ; massacres the
Syracusans, xii. 223 seq. ; consti-
tuted despot of Syracuse, xii.
224; his popular manners and
military success , xii. 224 seq. ;
and the Agrigentines, xii. 226,
227, 228; and DeiuokratSs, xii.
229, 262, 268 seq. ; massacre at Ge-
la .by, xii. 229 ; defeat of, at the
Himera, xii. 230; expedition of,
to Africa, xii. 232 seq., 266 ; cap-
ture of Megalopolis and Tunes
by, xii. 236 ; victory of, over
Hanno and Bomilkar, xii. 239
seq. ; operations of, on the east-
ern coast of Carthage, xii. 241
seq. ; mutiny in the army of, at
Tunfis, xii. 247; in Numidia, xii.
249; and Ophelias, xii. 249, 253
teq.; capture of Utica by, xii.
253; goes from Africa to Sicily,
B.C. 306-305, xii. 259^ in Sicily,
B. o. 306-305, xii. 260 seq. ; returns
from Sicily to Africa, where he
is defeated by the Carthaginians,
xii. 264; deserts his army at Tu-
nes, and they capitulate, xii, 266;
barbarities of, at Egosta and Sy-
racuse, after his African expe-
dition, xii. 267; operations of,
in Liparte, Italy, and Korkyra,
xii. 269; last projects and death
of, xii. 271 seq. ; genius and char-
acter of, xii. 271 seq.
Agave and Pentheus, i. 234.
Agema, Macedonian, xi. 390.
Agen, the satyrio drama, xii. 117,
and n. 1.
Agenor, and his offspring, i. 251.
Agesandridas, vii. 308, 312.
Agesilaus, character of, ix. C4, 68,
102 ; nomination of, as king, ix.
66*63.; popular conduct and par-
tisanship of, ix. 68 ; expedition of,
to Asia, B.C. 397, ix. 78 seq. ;
humiliation of Lysander by, ix.
82 seq. ; Tissaphernes breaks the
truce with, ix. 84 ; attacks of,
on the satrapy of Pharnabazus,
ix. 84, 97 seq. ; his enrichment of
his friends, ix. 85; humanity of,
ix. 86 ; naked exposure of Asiat-
ic prisoners by, ix. 87 seq.; at
Ephesus, ix. 88; victory of, near
Sardis , ix. 90; negotiations of,
withTithraustes, ix. 91 ; appoint-
ed to command at sea and on
land , ix. S2 ; efforts of, to aug-
ment his fleet, ix. 97; and Spitli-
ridates, ix. 97; and Pharnabazus,
conference between, ix. 100 seq.;
large preparations and recall of,
from Asia, ix. 103, 127, 133 neq.;
relations of Sparta with her
neighbours and allies after the
accession of, ix. 108; on the north-
ern frontier of Boeotia, ix. 135;
victory of, at Koroneia, ix. 137
seq. ; 'and Teleutias, capture of
the Long "Walls at Corinth, and
of Lechseum by, ix. 163 seq.; cap-
ture of Peirseum and CEnoft by,
ix. 168 seq. ; and the Isthmian
festival, ix. 169 ; and the envoys
from Thebes, ix. 172, 178; and
the destruction of the Lacedae-
320
AGESIPOLIS.
INDEX.
AKASTCS.
monian tnora by IphikratSs, ix.
173, 178; expedition of, against
Akarnania, ix. 179; and the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 213 seq. ; miso-
• Theban sentiment of, ix. 242,
248; his defence of Phcebidas, ix.
277; subjugation of Phlius by,
ix. 286 seq.; and the trial of
Sphodriag, ix. 317; expeditions of,
against Thebes, ix. 343 seq. ; and
Epaminondas , at tbe congress
at Sparta, B.C. 371, ix. 386; and
the re-establishment of Manti-
neia, ix. 423 seq. ; feeling against,
at Sparta, B.C. 371, ix. 425 ; march
of, against Mantineia, ix. 429
seq. ; vigilant defence of Sparta
by» against Epaminondas, ix. 439,
x. 90; in Asia, B.C. 366, x. 54, 56;
in Egypt, x. 122 seq. ; and the
independence of Messend , x. 120 ;
death and character of, x.124 seq.
Agesipolis , ix. 182 seq. , 249 seq. ,
281, 285.
Agetus and Aristo, iv. 252.
Agis II., invasion of Attica by,
B.C. 425 , vi. 92 ; advance of, to
Leuktra , B.C. 419, vi. 335; inva-
sion of Argos by, vi. 341 seq. ;
retirement of, from Argos, vi.
344 seq. ; at the battle of Manti-
neia, B.C. 418, vi. 347 seq. ; inva-
sion of Attica by,vii. 129, 193;
movements of, after the Athen-
ian disaster in Sicily , vii. 204 ;
applications from Eubcea and
Lesbos to, B.C. 413, vii. 204; over-
tures of peace from the four
hundred to, vii. 285 ; repulse of,
by Thrasyllus, Vii. 369; fruitless
attempt of, to surprise Athens,
vii. 392; invasions of Elis by,
ix, 45 seq.; death of, ix. 64.
Agis III., ii. 398 seq., xi. 452, xii.
102 seq.
Aglaurion, iv. 464 n.
Agnonidis, xii. 172.
Agones and festivals in honour of
gods, i. 61.
Agora, Homeric, ii. 66 seq.; and
Boule, ii. 77.
Agoratus, viii. 26, 31.
Agrigentine generals , accusation
and death of, x. 189.
Agrigentines, and Agathokles, xii.
225, 226, 247 ; defeat of, by Lep-
tinSs and Demophilus, xii. 261;
defeat of, by lieptines, xii. 263.
Agrigentum , iii. 363; Phalaris of,
iv. 305, v. 58 ; and Syracuse, be-
fore, B.C. 500, v. 58 ; prisoners sent
to, after the battle of Himera,
v. 79 ; and Syracuse, B.C. 446, vi.
396; after the Theronian dynasty,
vi. 397 ; and Hannibal's capture
of Selinus, x. 168 ; defensive pre-
parations at, against Hannibal
and Imilkon , x. 183 ; strength,
wealth, and population of, B.C.
406, x. 184 seq. ; blockade and
capture of, by the Carthaginians,
x. 186 seg.; complaints against
the Syracusan generals at, x. 189,
192, 195 seq. ; declaration of,
against Dionysius, x. 283; Ti-
moleon and the fresh coloniza-
tion of, x. 467 ; siege of, by Aga-
thoklSs, xii. 227.
Agylla , plunder of the temple at,
x. 302.
Agyrium, Dionysius and Magon at,
x. 284.
Agyrrhius, ix. 194..
Ajax, son of Telamon, i. 184, 2f2.
Ajax, son of Oileus, i. 185, 297, 302
Akanthus, iii. 441; march of Xer-
xes to, iv. 388; induced by Bra-
sidas to revolt from Athens, vi.
181 seq.; speech of Brasidas at, ix 13
seq., opposition of, to the Olynth-
ian confederacy, ix. 266 seq., 272.
Akarnan and Amphoterug, i. 274.
4karnania, Demosthenes in, B.O
426, vi. 75 ; expedition of Agesi-
laus against, ix. 179.
Akarnanians , ii. 292 seq. , iii. 408
seq.; and Athens, alliance be-
tween, v. 384; under Demosthenes,
save Naupaktus , vi. 80 ; and
Amphilochians, pacific treaty of,
with the Ambrakiots, vi. 90.
Akastus, wife of, andPeleus, i. 113.
AKDSINKS.
INDEX.
AI.1.XA.N M II.
321
>l/.Tsinrs, crossed by Alexander,
xii. 52.
Akrce in Sicily, ill. 363.
Akragas, Hi. 363.
^1 '.ri.si'n.v, DuiKii- and Perseus, i.89seg.
Akrotatus, xii. 226.
Aktcedn, i. 253.
A'c<e, Brasidas in, yi. 19P.
Anusiluus, his treatment ofmythes,
i. 876.
AJcesa, foundation of, x. 231.
AlaHa, Phokaean colony at, iv. 131.
Alazones, iii. 240.
Alcyone and Keyx, i. 133.
Aletes, ii. 9.
Alcus, i. 172.
.Afejranrter of Macedon, and Greeks
at Temp6, on Xerxes's invasion
iv. 415; embassy of, to Athens,
v. 4. seg. ; and the Athenians be-
fore the battle of Plataa, v. 24.
Alexander the Great , his visit to
Ilium, i. 316. xi. 395; successors
of, and Ilium, i. 316 ; comparison
between the invasion of, and
that of Xerxes, v. 96; birth of,
xi. 44; at the battle of Charoneia,
xi. 304; quarrels of, with his
father, xi. 318, 330; accession of,
xi. 322, 328, 333; character, edu-
cation, and early political action
of, xi. 329 seg.; uncertain posi-
tion of, during the last year of
Philip, xi. 331 ; Amyntas put to
death by, xi. 334; march of, in-
to Greece, B.C. 336, xi. 338 ; chosen
Imperator of the Greeks, xi. 339;
convention at Corinth under B.C.
336, xi. 340; authority claimed
by, under the convention at Cor-
inth, xi. 342; violations of the
convention at Corinth by, xi. 344
seg.; expedition of, into Thrace,
xi. 348 seg., 351 , n. 2 ; embassy
of Gauls to, xi. 352 ; victories of.
over Kleitus and the Illyrians,
xi. 353 seq. • revolt of Thebes
against , xi. 355 seg. ; march of,
from Thrace to Thebes, xi. 361;
capture and destruction of The-
bes by, xi. 364 seg. ; demands the
surrender of anti-Macedonian
leaders at Athens, xi. 370 ; at Cor-
inth, B.C. 335, xi. 374; and Dio-
genes, xi. 374; recongtitution of
Bceotia by, xi. 374; Grecian hist-
ory a blank in the reign of,
xi. 376; connexion of his Asiatic
conquests with Grecian history,
xi. 376, xii. 1 seg. ; Pan-Hellenic
pretences of , xi. 377; analogy of
his relation to the Greeks with
those of Napoleon to the Confe-
deration of the Rhine, xi. 378 n.
1 ; military endowments of, xi.
379; military changes in Greece
during the sixty years before
the accession of, xi. 380 seg.;
measures of, before going to Asia,
xi. 393; his march to the Helles-
pont and pa-sage to Asia , xi.
394,403; analogy of, to the Greek
heroes, xi. 397; review of his
army in Asia, xi. 397 ; Macedon-
ian officers of his army in Asia,
xi. 399; Greeks in his service
in Asia, xi. 399; defensive pre-
parations of Darius against , xi.
402 ; victory of, at the Granikus,
xi. 407 seg.; submission of the
Asiatics to, after the battle of
the Granikus, xi. 413 ; and Mith-
rines, xi. 415, xii. 29; capture of
Ephesus by, xi. 415; capture of
Miletus by, xi. 418; debate of,
with Parmenio at Miletus, xi.
417; disbands his fleet, xi. 418;
capture of Halikarnassus by, xi.
423 seg. ; conquest of Lykia,
Pamphylia, and Pisidia by. xi.
424 ; at Kel.-ense, xi. 425 ; cuts the
Gordian knot, xi. 429 ; refuses to
liberate the Athenians captured
at the Granikus, xi. 430; subju-
gation of Paphlagonia and TCap-
padokia by, xi. 435 ; passes Mount
Taurus and enters Tarsus, xi. 437
seq.; operations of, in Kilikia,
xi. 438; march of, from Kilikia
to Myriandrus, xi. 439; return
of, from Myriandrus , xi. 442 ;
victory of, at Issus, xi. 445 seg. ;
VOL. XII.
322
ALEXANDER.
INDEX.
ALEXANDER.
his courteous treatment of Da-
rius's mother, wife , and family,
xi. 448, 478; his treatment of
Greeks taken at Damascus, xi.
454 ; in Phoanicia, xi. 454 seq., 474 ;
his correspondence with Darius,
xi. 455, 465; siege and capture
of Tyre by, xi. 457 seq. ; surren-
der of the princes of Cyprus to,
xi. 462 ; his march to wards Egyptj
xi. 467, 471; siege and capture
of Gaza by, xi. 463 seq. ; his
cruelty to Batis, xi 469; in Egypt
xi. 471 seq. ; crosses the Euphra-
tes at Thapsakus, xi. 475 ; fords
the Tigris , xi. 476 ; continence
of, xi. 478 , n. 1; victory of, at
Arbela, xi. 484 seq.; surrender
of Susa and Babylon to, xi. 493;
his march from Susa to Perse-
polis, xi. 494 seq.; at Persepolis,
xi. 497 seq. ; subjugation of Per-
sis by, xi. 602 ; at Ekbatana xii.
3, 68 seq. ; sends home the Thes-
salian cavalry, xii. 4; pursues
Darius into Parthia, xii. 5 seq. ;
disappointment of, in not taking
Darius alive , xii. 7 ; Asiatizing
tendencies of, xii. 10, 37, 88; at
Hekatompylns, xii. 10; in Hyr-
kania , xii. 12 ; his treatment of
the Grecian mercenaries and en-
voys with Darius , xii. 12 ; in
Aria and Drangiana, xii. 12 seq.,
22 ; Parmenio and Philotaa put
to death by, xii. 18 seq. ; in Ge-
drosia, xii. 22, 59; foundation of
Alexandria ad Caucasum by, xii.
23; inBaktria and Sogdiana, xii.
23 seq. ; and Besaus, xii. 25, 29;
massacre of the Branchidce by,
xii. 25 seq. ; at Marakanda, xii.
27, 30 seq.; and the Scythians,
xii. 28, 36; Kleitus killed by,
xii. 31 seq., 33 seq., 38 seq. ; cap.
ture of the Sogdian rock and
the rock of Chorignes by, xii. 36 ;
and Koxana, xii 37; and Kalli-
sthenes, conspiracy of royal
pages against, xii. 43; reduces
the country between Hindoo-
Koosh and the Indus, xii. 46 seq. ;
crosses the Indus and the Hy-
daspes, and defeats Porus , xii.
49 seq., 50 n. 1 and 2; conquests
of, in the Punjab, xii. 50 seq. ;
refusal of his army to march
farther, xii. 53 ; voyage of, down
the Hydaspes and the Indus,
»xii. 64; wounded in attacking
the Malli , xii. 56 ; posts on the
Indusestablished by, xii. 57 ; his
bacchanalian procession through
Karmania, xii. 59; and the tomb
of Cyrus the Great, xii. 59; sa-
traps of, xii. 61 seq. ; discontents
and mutiny of his Macedonian
soldiers , xii. 63 aeq. ; Asiatic
levies of, xii. 64; sails down the
Pasitigris and up the Tigris to
Opis, xi;. 65; partial disbanding
of his Macedonian soldiers by,
xii. 65 ; preparations of, for the
conquest and circumnavigation
of Asia, xii. 67, 71; his grief for
the death of Hephaestion, xii. 68,
75 ; extermination of the Kosssei
by, xii. 70; his last visit to Ba-
bylon, xii. 71 seq.; numerous em-
bassies to, B.C. 323, xii. 70; his
sail on the Euphrates, xii. 72;
his incorporation of Persians in
the Macedonian phalanx, xii. 73 ;
his despatch to KleomenSs , xii.
75; foreboding-s and suspicion of,
at Babylon, xii. 76, n.; illness
and death of, xii. 76 seq. ; ru-
moured poisoning of, xii. 78 n.
2 ; sentiments excited by the
career and death of, xii. 79 seq. ;
probable achievements of, if he
had lived longer, xii. 81 seq.;
character of, as ruler, xii. 83 seq. ;
absence of nationality in, xii. 86 ;
Iiivy's opinion as to his chances
if he had attacked the Romans,
xii. 82; unrivalled excellence of,
as a military man, xii. 83; not
the intentional diffuser of Hel-
lenic culture, xii. 87 seq. ; cities
founded in Asia by , xii. 89 ;
Asia not Helleuized by, xii. 91;
ALKXANDEB.
INDEX.
ALKIBIADES.
323
Increased Intercommunication
produced by the conquests of,
xii. 94 seq. ; his interest in science
and literature, xii. 95; state of
the Grecian world when he cross-
ed the Hellespont, xii. 97 ; pos-
sibility of emancipating Greece
during his earlier Asiatic cam-
paigns, xii. 97; his rescript di-
recting the recall of Grecian
exiles , xii. 130 seq. ; his family
and generals, after his death,
xii. 139 seq. ; partition of the
empire of, xii. 141 , 157 ; list of
projects entertained by , at the
time of his death, xii. 142.
Alexander, son of Alexander the
Great, xii. 165, 162, 187, 189, 193.
Alexander, son of Polysperchon,
xii. 169, 187, 189.
Alexander, son of Kassander,xii.210.
Alexander, king of theMolossians,
xii. 216 seq.
Alexander, son of Amyntas, x. 8.
Alexander of Epirus, marriage of,
xi. 3'JO.
Alexander, the Lynkestian, xi.
322 seq.
Alexander of Phera , x. 8 ; expe-
ditions of Pelopidas against,
x. 22, 63, 67, 69, n. 4; seizure of
Pelopidas and Ismenias by, x.
42 seq. ; release of Pelopidas and
Ismenias by, x. 44; subdued by
the Thebans , x. 69 seq.; naval
hostilities of, against Athens, x.
130 ; cruelties and assassination
of, xi. 7 seq.
Alexandreia Troas, i. 816.
Alexandria in Egypt , xi. 472 ; ad
Caucasum, xii. 23 ; in Ariis, and
in Araohosia, xii. 23, n. 6; ad
Jaxartem, xii. 28.
Alexandrine chronology from the
return of the Herakleids to the
first Olympiad, ii. 306.
Alexikles, vii. 306, 308, 310.
Alkaus, Herodotus's mistake about,
iii. 155 n. 1 ; his flight from battle,
iii. 200; opposition of , to Pitta-
kus, iii. 200, iv. 17 seq. ; collected
works of, iv. 18 n. ; subjective
character of his poetry, i. 362.
AJkamenes, son of Teleklus, ii. 420.
Alkamenfs, appointment of, to go
to Lesbos, vii. 204; defeat and
death of, vii. 209.
Alkestis and Admetus, i. 113 seq.
Alketas, ix. 355, 363 n., 370, x. 301.
Alkibiades, reputed oration of An-
dokides against, iv. 78 n. 2, v.
269 n. 2 ; alleged duplication of
the tribute - money of Athenian
allies by, v. 269 n. 2 ; at the battle
of Delium, vi. 175; education
and character of, vi. 301 seq. ;
and Sokratea, vi. 306 seq.; con-
flicting sentiments entertained
towards , vi. 312 ; attempts of,
to revive his family tie with
Sparta, vi. 313; early politics
of, vi. 312 ; adoption of anti-
Laconian politics by, vi. 313;
attempt of, to ally Argos with
Athens, B.C. 420, vi. 314; trick of,
upon the Lacedaemonian envoys,
vi. 316 seq. ; display of, at the
Olympic festival , vi. 323 seq. ;
325 n. ; intra-Peloponnesian po-
licy of, B.C. 419, vi. 332 seq. ; ex-
pedition of, into the interior of
Peloponnesus, B.C. 419, vi. 334;
at Argos, B.C. '418, vi. 345; and
B.C. 416, vi. 371; and Nikias,
projected contention of ostracism
between, vi. 376 seq. ; his support
of the Egestsean envoys at Athens,
B.C. 416, vi. 415; and the Sici-
lian expedition, vi. 418, 422 seq.,
430 seq. ; attack upon , in con-
nexion with the mutilation of
the Hermse, vii. 8, 13, 46 seq. ;
the Eleusinian mysteries and,
vii. 13 seq., 46 seq., 391 ; plan of
action in Sicily proposed by, vii.
29; at Messfine in Sicily, vii. 31 ;
at Katana, vii. 32; recall of, to
take his trial, vii. 33, 49 seq.;
escape and condemnation of, vii.
49 seq. , 73 n. 1 ; at Sparta, vii.
73 seq. ; Lacedaemonians per-
suaded by, to send aid to Chios,
T 2
324
AL.KIBIADES.
INDEX.
vii. 210; expedition of, to Chios,
vii. 210 seq. ; revolt of Miletus
from Athens, caused by, vii. 214;
order from Sparta to kill, vii. 244 ;
escape of, to Tissapherues, vii.
244; advice of, to Tissaphernes,
vii. 244; acts as interpreter be-
tween Tissaphern&s and the
Greeks, vii. 246 seq. ; oligarchical
conspiracy of, with the Athenian
officers at Samos, vii. 249 seq. ;
counter-manoeuvres of, against
Phrynichus , vii. 253; proposed
restoration of, to Athens, vii.
253, 255; negotiations of, with
Peisander, vii. 256, 262 seq. ; and
the Athenian democracy at Sa-
mos , vii. 290 seq. , 295 seq. ; at
Aspandus , vii. 341 ; return of,
from Aspendus to Samos , vii.
357; arrival of, at the Helles-
pont, from Samos, vii. 358; arrest
of Tissaphernes by, vii. 361;
escape of, from Sardis , vii. 361 ;
and the Athenian fleet, at the
Bosphorus, vii. 367 ; attack upon
Chalkedon by, vii. 368; occupa-
tion of Chrysopolis by', vii. 368 ;
and Thrasyllus , at the Helles-
pont vii. 371; capture of Chalke-
don by, vii. 372; and Pharnaba-
zns, vii. 375; proceedings of, in
Thrace and Asia , B.C. 407 , vii.
385; return of, to Athens, B.C.
407, vii. 386 seq.; expedition of,
to Asia , B.C. 407 , vii. 393 stq. ;
dissatisfaction of the armament
at Samos with, vii. 396 ; accusa-
tions against, at Athens, B.C.
407, vii. 397; alteration of senti-
ment towards, at Athens, B.C.
407, vii. 397 seq.; and Nikias,
different behaviour of the Athen-
ians towards, vii. 399; dismissal
of, from his command, B.C. 407,
vii. 401; at -33gO8potami, viii. 7;
position and views of, in Asia,
after the battle of JEgospotami,
viii. 113 seq.; assassination of,
viii. 115 seq. ; character of, viii.
116 seq.
Alkidas, vi. 17, 19 seq., 51.
Alkmceon, i. 273 seq.
Alkmwonids, curse, trial, and con-
demnation of, iii. 84; proceedings
of, against Hippias, iv. 46; re-
building of Delphian temple by,
iv. 48; false imputation of
treachery on , at the ba ttl e of Mara-
thon, iv. 282 ; demand of Sparta
for the expulsion of, v. 360.
AlTtman, iv. 5, 10, 13 seq.
Alkmene, i. 91.
Allegorical interpretations of my-
thes, i. 405 seq., 409, 419.
Allegory rarely admissible in the
interpretation of mythes, i. 2.
Aloids, the, i. 134.
Alos, sanguinary rites at, i. 123.
Althaea, and the burning brand, i.
141.
Althcemene's , founder of Rhodes,
ii. 29.
Alihcemenes, and Katreus, i. 218.
Alyattes and Kyaxares, iii. 232;
war of, with Miletus, iii. 257
seq. ; sacrilege committed by, iii.
257; long reign, death, and se-
pulchre of, iii. 258.
Amaltheia, the horn of, i. 146.
Amanus , Mount, march of Darius
to, xi. 440.
Amasis, iv. 167 seq. ; death of, iv. 146.
Amasis and Polykrates, iv. 167.
Amastris, xii. 290 seq.
Amazons, legend of, i. 2D2 seq.
Amlrakia, iii. 402.
AnibraUiots , attack of, upon Am-
philochian Argos, v. 443 ; attack
of, upon Akaruania, v. 456 seq. ;
projected attack of, on Amphi-
lochian Argos, vi. 81 ; defeat of,
at Olpse, vi. 82 ; Menedseus's de-
sertion of, vi. 85 seq. ; Deinosthe-
nfis's victory over, vi. 85 seq. ;
pacific convention of, with the
Akarnauians and Amphilochians,
vi. 90.
Ambrystts , re-fortification of, xi.
299.
Ammon, Alexander's visit to the
oracle of, xi. 472.
AMN1.STV.
INDEX.
ANDOKIDKB.
325
Amnesty decreed by Solon, ill. 102;
proposed by PatrokleidCs , viii.
15; at Athens, B.C. 403, viii. 94, 100
»eq.
Amompharetus, v. 28.
Amor gee, vii. 206; capture of, vii.
228.
Amphiaratts, i. 266, 267.
Amphiktyon, i. 99, 102.
A inphiktyonic assembly, i. 99, ii.
247 ii''i. i xi. 45 ; condemnation of
Sparta by, ix. 420 seg. ; accusation
of Thebes against Sparta before,
xi. 46; accusation of Thebes
against Fhokis before, xi. 47;
resistance of I'hokis to , xi. 48
seq. • sentence of, against the
Phokians, and honours conferred
upon Philip by, xi. 230, 232; at.
Delphi, B.C. 839, xi. 276 seq.
Amphiktyonies , or exclusive re-
ligious partnerships , ii. 245 seq.
Amphiktyons , punishment of the
Kirrhaeans by, iii. 477 ; establish-
ment of the Pythian games by,
iii. 479; violent measures of,
against the Amphissians, xi. 278
seq.
Amphiktyony at Kalauria, i. 132.
Amphilochian Argos, Eurylochus's
projected attack upon, vi. 81.
Amphilochians and Akarnanians,
pacific treaty of, with the Am-
brakiots, vi. 90.
Amphilochus, i. 276; panderings of
i. 304.
Amphion and Zethus , i. 256 seq. ;
Homeric legend of, i. 250.
Amphipolis , foundation of, v. 274
seq. ; acquisition of, by Brasidas,
vi. 187 seq. ; proceedings of Bra-
sidas in, vi. 198; policy of Kleon
and Nikias for the recovery of,
vi. 235 seq. ; Kleon's expedition
against, vi. 240 seq. ; topography
of, vi. 242 seq. ; battle of, vi. 247
seq. ; negotiations for peace after
the battle of, vi. 267; not re-
stored to Athens, on the peace of
Nikias, vi. 275; neglect of, by
the Athenians, vi. 374, xi. 39;
claim of Athens to , x. 5 seq.,
63; Iphikrates at, x. 68; failure
of Timotheus at, x. 61; nine de-
feats of the Athenians at, x. 61 ;
KallisthenSs at, x. 131; Philip
renounces his claim to, xi, 17;
siege and capture of, by Philip,
xi. 36 seq. ; Philip's dealings
•with the Athenians respecting,
xi. 39.
Amjihissa, capture of, by Philip,
xi. 302.
Amphissians, accusation of, a gainst
Athens, xi. 276 seq. ; violent
proceedings of the Amphiktyons
against, xi. 278 seq.
Amphitryon, i. 91.
Amphoterus and Akarnan, i. 275.
Amyklce, ii. 327; conquest of, ii. 419.
Amyklas, i. 164.
Amyntas, and the Feisistratids.
iii. 435.
Amyntas, father of Philip, ix. 263
seq., x. 2 seq. ; and the Olynthian
confederacy, ix. 264, 270, 272, 279 ;
and Iphikratgs, ix. 3^4. and Athens,
x. 2, 6; death of, x. 7 ; assistance
of Iphikrates to the family of,
x. 8.
Amyntas, son of Antiochus, xi.
334, 441, 450.
Amyntas, son of Perdikkas, xi. 33 1.
Anaktorium, iii.402»eg., vi. 138.
AnaphS, i. 233.
Anapus, crossing of, by Dion, x. 369.
Anaxagoras, v. 365.
Anaxandrides, bigamy of, ii. 386.
Anaxarchus of Abdera, xii. 36 seq.
Anaxibius , viii. 456 aeq. , 465 seg. ;
in the Hellespont, ix. 195; death
of, ix. 196 seq.
Anaxikrates, v. 191.
Anaxilaus, v. 66, 84.
Anaximander, iv. 311 seq. ; map of,
iv. 213.
Anaximenes of Lampsacus , i. 394.
Andokides , reputed oration of,
against Alkibiades, iv. 78, n. 2,
v. 269, n. 2 ; de Mysteriis, iv. 50,
n. 3 ; and the mutilation of the
Hermoe, vii. 37, 41 seq.
326
ANDBOGEOS.
INDEX.
Androgeos, death of, i. 214.
Androklus, Hi. 181.
Andromache and Helenas, i. 297.
Andromachus, x. 426.
Andron, story of, respecting KrSte,
ii.28.
Andros, siege of, by Themistokl6s,
iv. 488; siege of, by Alkibia-
dfis and Konon, vii. 393.
Animals, worship of, in Egypt,
iii. 322.
Ankceus, i. 173.
AntalTcidas, embassy of, to Tiriba-
zus, ix. 184 seq. ; embassies of, to
Persia, ix. 219, 374; in the Hel-
lespont , ix. 210 ; the peace of,
ix. 212 seq., 215 seq.
Antandrus , expulsion of Arsakcs
from, yii. 365; the Syracusans at,
x. 147.
Ante-Hellenic inhabitants of Greece,
ii. 263 ; colonies from Phoenicia
and Egypt not probable, ii. 268.
Antenor, i. 297, 310.
Antigone, i. 269.
Antigonus and Perdikkas, xii. 156 ;
and EumenSs, xii. 160; great pow-
er of, xii. 189; alliance ofKas-
sander, Lysimachus, and Ptol-
emy, against, xii. 189, 193, 204,
208; measures of, against Kas-
sander, xii. 190,192; pacification
of, with Kassander, Lysimachus,
and Ptolemy , xii. 193 ; Koxana
and her son Alexander put to
death by, xii. 193; murders
Kleopatra , sister of Alexander,
xii. 194 ; Athenian envoys sent
to, xii. 202 ; death of, xii. 209.
Antigonun Gonatas, xii. 211.
Antilochus, death of, i. 291.
Antimachus of Koloph6n, i. 261.
Antiochun, at Samos and Notium,
vii. 394.
Antiochus, the Arcadian, x. 39.
Antiope, i. 256 seq.
Antipater , embassy of, from Phi-
lip to Athens , xi. 191, 194, 195,
201, 205; made viceroy of Mace-
donia, xi. 393; and Olympias,
xi. 394, xii. 77; defeat of Agis
by, xii. 105; submission of all
Greece to, xii. 107 ; Grecian host-
ilities against, after Alexan-
der's death , xii. 135 seq. ; and
Kraterus, xii. 143 seq., 157; victory
of , at Krannon , xii. 143 ; terms
imposed upon Athens by, xii. 145
seq. ; remodels thePeloponnesian
cities, xii. 154; contest and pa-
cification of, with the .aHolians,
xii. 154; made guardian of Alex-
ander's family, xii. 159; death
of, xii. 160 ; last directions of,
xii. 161.
Antipater, son of Kassander, xii.
210.
Antiphiltts, xii. 138, 144.
Antiphon, vii. 259, 271 seq. ; 304
seq. ; 326 seq.
Antiquity, Grecian, a religious con
ception , i. 429; stripped of its
religious character by chrono-
logy, i. 429.
Antisthenes, at Kaunus, vii. 236.
Antistrophe, introduction of, iv. 75
Anytus, vii. 372, viii. 33.
Aornos, rock of, xii. 47 and n.
Apate, i. 7.
Apaturia, excitement at the, after
the battle of Arginusos, vii. 434
seq.
Aphareus, i. 168.
Apheidas, i. 172.
Aphepsion and Mantitheus, vii. 38.
Aphetce, Persian fleet at, iv. 444,
446, 447.
Aphrodite, i. 5, 53.
Apis, i. 83.
ApodeTctce, iv. 65.
Apollo, i. 10 ; legends of, i. 44 seq.,
50; worship and functions of, i.
49 seq., iii. 177; and Laomedon,
i. 56, 279; and Hermfis, i. 58;
types of, i. 59; and Admetus, i.
112; and Kor6nis, i. 174; Smin-
thius , i. 327 ; evidence of the
Homeric Hymn to , as to early
Ionic life, iii. 170 ; temple of, at
Klarus, iii. 185; reply of Del-
phian, to the remonstrance of
Crcesus, iv. 120.
APOLLODORTJ8.
INDEX.
AREOPAGUS.
327
Apollodonu , his genealogy of
Hellen, i. 98 seq.
Apollodorus and the Thedrio fund,
xi. 162.
Apollolcrattt, x. 383, 385, 396.
Aphonia, ill. 404 seq.; and the
Illyrians, iii. 422 seq. ; and the
Olynthian confederacy, ix. 266.
Apollonides, xi. 466, 474.
Apt ics, reign and death of, iii. 333
seq.
Apsyrtus, I. 233.
Arabia, Alexander's project with
regard to, xii. 67. 71.
Arachosia, Alexander in, xii. 22.
Aradus, surrender of, to Alexan-
der, xi. 454.
Arbela, hattle of, xi. 484 seq.
Arbitration at Athens, v. 213.
Arcadia, ii. 302; state of, B.C. 560,
ii. 441 seq. ; and Sparta, ii. 445
seq., v. 171; proceedings in, after
the battle of Leuktra, ix. 422
seq. ; invasions of, by Archida-
7iius , x. 24, 76 seq. ; mission of
Epaminondas to, x. 48; dissen-
sions in, x. 82 seq. ; embassy of
jEschines to, xi. 171.
Arcadians , ii. 304 , 441 seq. ; sym-
pathy of, with Messenians , ii.
434 ; impulse of, towards a Pan-
Arcadian union , ix. 426 ; appli-
cation of, to Athens and Thebes,
for aid against Sparta, ix. 431;
Epaminondas and the consolida-
tion of, ix. 434 ; energetic action
and insolence of, x. 18 seq. ; en-
voy to Persia from, x. 37, 39;
protest of, against the headship
of Thebes, x. 39; alliance of
Athens with, x. 47; and Eleians,
x. 76 seq. , 83 ; occupation and
plunder of Olympia by, x. 74, 81
seq. ; celebration of the Olympic
games by, x. 78 seq. ; seizure of,
at Tegea, by the Theban har-
raost, x. 84 seq.
Archagathtts, xii. 260, 265.
Archegetes, Apollo, i. 49.
Archelaus, vii. 360 seq.; siege of
Pydna by, vii. 359.
Archeptolemut, vii. 825 seq.
Archias, oekist of Syracuse, iii. 860.
Archias, the Theban, ix. 299, 301.
Archias, the Exile-Hunter, xii. 148
seq.
Archidamus II., speech of, against
war with Athens, v. 361 seq. ; In-
vasions of Attica by, v. 389 seq.,
417, vi. 1 ; his expedition to Pla-
tsea, v. 448 seq.
Archidamvs III., invasions of Ar-
cadia by, x. 24, 75 seq. ; and the
independence of Messene, x. 52,
120 ; and Philomelus, xi. 51 ; ex-
pedition of, against Megalopolis,
xi. 104; aid to the Pliokians at
Thermopylffi under, xi. 221, 225,
xii. 102, 216.
Archilovhus , i. 351, iii. 442 , ir. 6,8
seq.
Archinus , decrees of, viii. 100,
109.
Architects at Athens , under Peri-
kles, v. 286.
Architecture, Grecian, between B.C.
600-550, iv. 27.
Archonides, x. 231.
Archons after Kodrus , iii. 48 , the
nine, iii. 74 ;judgeswithoutappeal
till after Kleisthenfis, iii. 130;
effect of Kleisthenes's revolution
on, iv. 63 seq. , 70 seq. ; limited
functions of, after the Persian
war, v. 132 ; limitation of the
functions of, by Perikles, v. 213,
223.
Ardys, ill. 426.
Areopagus, senate of, iii. 72; and
the Ephetse, iii. 79 ; and the Eu-
menides of .ffischylus, iii. 80 n.
2; powers of, enlarged by Solon,
iii. 123; under the Solonian and
Kleisthenean constitutions , iv.
76 ; in early Athens, v. 208 Seq. ;
oligarchical tendencies of, v. 210 ;
venerable character and large
powers of, v. 214; at variance
with the growing democratical
sentiment, B.C. 480-460, v. 215; a
centre of action for the oligarchi-
cal party, v. 216; power of,
328
INDEX.
abridged byTerikles andEpkial-
tes, v. 222 seq.
Ares, i, 10.
Arete, x. 332, 361, 408.
Argadeis, iii. 61.
Argtzus and Philip, xi. 16.
Arganthonius and the Fhdkaeans,
iv. 129.
Argeian Demos , proceedings of,
vi. 370.
Argeian genealogies, i. 82.
Argeians , attempts of, to recover
Thyrea, ii. 449; defeat and de-
struction of, by Kleomen&s, iv.
247 ; trick of, with their calendar,
vi. 335; at Epidaurus, vi. 341,
360 ; at the battle within the
Long "Walls of Corinth, ix. 158;
manoeuvres of, respecting the
holy truce, ix. 182; and the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 213 ; and Mar-
donius, v. 11.
Arges, i. 5.
Argilus, acquisition of, by Brasi-
das, vi. 185 seq.
Arginusce, battle of, vii. 411 seq. ;
recall, impeachment, defence,
and condemnation of the gener-
als at the battle of, vii. 420 seq. ;
inaction of the Athenian fleet
after the battle of, -viii. 6.
Argo, the, i. 225.
Argonautic expedition , i. 225 seq. ;
monuments of, i. 236 seq. ; how
and when attached to Kolchis,
i. 243; attempts to reconcile the,
with geographical knowledge,
i. 246 seq. ; continued faith in, i.
248 ; Dr. Warton and M. Ginguen6
on the, 1. 464 n. 1.
Argos, rise of, coincident with the
decline of Mykense, i. 162 ; occu-
pation of, by the Dorians, ii .
8 : and neighbouring Dorians
greater than Sparta in 776 B.C.,
ii. 309; Dorian settlements in,
ii. 310, 312 ; early ascendency of,
ii. 313 , 320 ; subsequent decline
of, ii. 321; acquisitions of Sparta
from, ii. 448 seq. ; military classi-
fication at, ii. 460 ; struggles of,
to recover the headship of Greece,
ii. 462 seq. ; and Kleoiise, ii. 464 ;
victorious war of Sparta against,
B.o. 496-5, iv. 247 aeq. ; prostration
of, B.C. 496-5, iv. 251 ; assistance
of, to .angina, iv. 395; neutrality
of, on the invasion of Xerxes,
iv. 410 seq. ; position of, on its
alliance with Athens about B.C.
461, v. 175 seq. ; uncertain re-
lations between Sparta and, B.C.
421, vi. 274; position of, on the
Peace of Nikias, vi. 282 seq. ; the
Thousand-regiment at, vi. 282;
induced by the Corinthians to
head a new Peloponnesian al-
liance, B.C. 421, vi. 283; joined
by Mantineia, vi. 284 ; joined by
the Corinthians , vi. 288 ; joined
by Elis, vi. 289; refusal of Te-
gea to join, vi. 290; and Sparta,
projected alliance between, vi.
294; and Bceotia , projected al-
liance between, vi. 295 seq. ; con-
clusion of a fifty years' peace
betwe n Sparta and, vi. 299 seq. ;
and Athens, alliance between,
vi. 315, 319 seq. ; embassy from,
for alliance withCorinth, vi. 332 ;
attack of, upon Epidaurus, vi.
334, 336 ; invasion of, by the La-
cedaemonians and their allies,
B.C. 418, vi. 341 seq. ; Alkibiades
at, B.C. 418, vi. 345; political
change at, through the battle
of Mantineia, B.C. 418, vi. 361
seq. ; treaty of peace between
Sparta and, B.C. 418, vi. 362 seq. ;
alliance between Sparta and,
B.C. 418, vi. 362; renounces
alliance with Athens, Elis, and
Mantineia, vi. 364; oligarchical
revolution at, vi. 366, 368; resto-
ration of democracy at, vi. 370;
renewed alliance of, with Athens,
vi. 370; Alkibiades at, B.C. 416,
vi. 371 ; Lacedaemonian interven-
tion in behalf of the oligarchy
at, vi. 371 ; envoys from , to the
Athenian Demos at Saraos , vii.
298; alliance of, with Thebes,
IXDEX.
AUNOMi.
329
Athens , and Corinth , against
Sparta, ix. 126 ; consolidation of
Corinth with, ix. 167; expedition
of Agesipolis against, ix. 181
seq.; violent intestine feud at,
ix. 417 seq.
Argos, Amphilochian , capture of,
by Phormio , v. 384 ; attack of
Ambrakiots on, v. 443 ; Fairy lo-
ohus's projected attack upon,
vi. 81.
Argus, destruction of Argeians in
the grove of, iv. 248.
Aria, Alexander in, xii. 13.
Ariadne, i. 215 seq,
Ariceu.t, flight of, after the battle
of Kunaxa, viii. 347; and Klear-
ohna , viii. 353 , 355 ; and the
Greeks after the battle of Ku-
naxa, viii. 356, 358, 363, 377.
Aridceus, Philip, xii. 141, 155.
Ariobarzanes , intervention of, in
Greece, x. 20; revolt of, x. 64
seq. ; at the Susian Gates, xi. 496 ;
death of, xi. 497.
Arion, iv. 16 seq.
Aristagoras and MegabatSs, iv.
209; revolt of, iv. 210 seq. , 211;
application of, to Sparta, iv. 212
seq., application of, to Athens,
iv. 215; march of, to Sardis, iv.
216; desertion of the Ionic revolt
by, iv. 222 seq.
Aristarchus, the Athenian, vii. 323.
Aristarchus , the Lacedaemonian,
viii. 466 seq.
Aristeides , constitutional change
introduced by, iv. 73 ; character
of, iv. 265 seq. ; elected general,
iv. 267 ; banishment of, by ostra-
cism, iv. 396 ; and Themistokles,
rivalry between, iv. 396, v. 129 ;
restoration of, from banishment,
iv. 457 ; joins the Greek fleet
at Salamis, iv. 477; slaughters
the Persians at Psyttaleia , iv.
484 ; equitable assessment of, upon
the allied Greeks , v. 119 seq. ;
popularity of, after the Persian
war , v. 133 ; death and poverty
of, v. 144.
Aristeus, v. 333, 336 seq., 440.
Arista and Agetus, iv. 252.
Aristocrats, Grecian, bad morality
Of, vi. 62.
Arixliiil'-intix, ii. 2 seq.
Aristodemus, king of Messenia, ii.
426.
AristodSmns Malakus, iii. 356.
Aristodemus, "the coward," iv. 440,
v. 41.
Aristodemus the actor, xi. 177.
Aristodikus, iv. 128.
Aristogeiton and Harmodius, iv.
38 se</.
Aristokles and Hipponoidas, vi.
365, 359.
Aristokrates, king of Orchomenus,
ii. 428, 436.
Aristokrates, the Athenian, vii. 208.
Aristomache, x. 243.
Aristomenes, ii. 422, 428 seq.
Aristonikus of Methymna, xi. 466,
474.
Aristophanes, viii. 129 ; his reason
for showing up Sokrates, viii.
213; his attack upon the alleged
impiety of SokratSs, i. 384 «.;
and Kleon, vi. 258 seq., 265.
Aristoteles the Spartan, x. 279.
Aristotle on Spartan women , ii.
383 ; on the Spartan laws of prop-
erty, ii. 409 ; meaning of the
•word Sophist in, viii. 155 ; form-
al logic of, viii. 234; novelties
ascribed to Sokratgs by , viii.
228; and Hermeias, xi. 245, 246
n. 2; instruction of Alexander
by, xi. 330; and Alexander, po-
litical views of, compared , xii.
87 seq.
Aristoxenus of Tarentum, x. 434.
Aristus and Nikoteles, x. 228.
Arkas and Kallisto, i. 171.
Arkesilaus the Second , iii. 458 ;
the Third, iii. 460 seq.
Arktinus, .^Ethiopia of, ii. 156.
Armenia, the Teii Thousand Greeks
in, viii. 404 seq.
Armenus, i. 236.
Arnold, his edition of Thucydidfis,
vii. 357 n. 1.
330
ABBHIBAEtTS.
INDEX.
Arrhibceus, vi. 177, 217, 220 seq.
Arrian on the Amazons, i. 209 seq. •
conjecture of, respecting Gery6n,
i. 242 ; on Darius's plan against
Alexander, xi. 435.
Arsakes at Antamlrus, vii. 355.
Arsames, xi. 437.
Arsinoe, xii. 291 seq.
Arsites, xi. 403.
Art, Grecian, iv. 25 seq.
Artabanus, iv. 351 seq.
.Artabazus, Xerxes'1 general, siege
of Potidsea and Olynthus by , v.
2; jealousy of, against Mardo-
nius, v. 14; conduct of, at and
after the battle of Platsea, v. 34;
and Pausanias, v. 110, 123.
Artabazus , satrap of Daslcylium,
xi. 34, 61, 103.
Artabazus , Darius's general , xii.
7, 11.
Artaphernes , satrap of Sardis,
Hippias's application to, iv. 208;
and Histiseus, iv. 224, 235; pro-
ceedings of, after the reconquest
of Ionia, iv. 238; and Datis,
Persian armament under, iv. 255 ;
return of, to Asia, after the
battle of Marathon, v. 288.
Artaphernes, the Persian envoy,
vi. 139 seq.
Artaxerxes Longimanus , v. 142
seq., vi. 140 seq.
Artaxerxes Hnemon, accession of,
viii. 308 ; and Cyrus the Young-
er , viii. 113 , 308 , 343 seq. ; at
Kunaxa, viii. 345, 350, 353 ; death
of, x. 127.
Artayktes, v. 54 seq.
Artemis, i. 10 ; worship of, in Asia,
iii. 177.
Artemis, Limnatis, temple of, ii.
425.
Artemisia, iv. 466, 482, 487.
Artemisium , resolution of Greeks
to oppose Xerxes at , iv. 417 ;
Greek fleet at, iv. 426, 443
seq. ; sea-fight of, iv. 446 ; retreat
of the Greek fleet from, to Sa-
lamis, iv. 449.
Arthur, romances of, i. 458.
Artisans, at Athens, iii. 137 seq.
Arts, rudimentary state of, in Ho-
mericandHesiodic Greece, ii. 116.
Aryandes, Persian satrap of Egypt,
iii. 463.
Asia , twelve Ionic cities in , iii.
137 seq. ; JEolic cities in, iii. 191
seq. ; collective civilisation in,
•without individual freedom or
development, iii. 304; state of,
before the Persian monarchy, iv.
109 ; conquests of Cyrus the Great
in, iv. 136 ; expedition of Greek
fleet against, B.C. 478, v. 108;
Alkibiades in, vii. 385, 393 seq.,
viii. 112 seq. ; expedition of Ti-
motheus to, x. 11, 54 seq.: Agesi-
laus in, x. 54 ; measures of Alex-
ander before going to , xi. 393 ;
passage of Alexander to, xi. 394;
review of Alexander's army in,
xi. 397 ; cities founded by Alex-
ander in, xii. 89 ; Hellenized by
the Diadochi, not by Alexander,
xii. 90; how far really Hellen-
ized, xii. 92.
Asia Minor, Greeks in, ii. 236;
non-Hellenic people of, iii. 205
seq. ; features of the country of,
iii. 206 ; Phrygian music and
worship among Greeks in , iii.
215; predominance of female in-
fluence in the legends of, iii.
224 ; Cimmerian invasion of, iii.
251 seq.; conquest of, by the
Persians, iv. 134 ; arrival of Cy-
rus the Younger in, vii. 377, 380.
Asia, Upper, Scythian invasion of,
iii. 255.
Asiatic customs and religion blend-
ed with Hellenic in the Tr6ad,
i. 328.
Asiatic Dorians, iii. 203.
Asiatic frenzy grafted on the Jov-
iality of the Grecian Dionysia,
i. 35.
Asiatic Greece , deposition of des-
pots of, by Aristagoras , iv. 211.
Asiatic Greeks, conquest of, by
Croesus , iii. 259 seq. ; state of,
after Cyrus's conquest ofLydia,
INDEX.
ATIIKM AN.
331
iv. 125 ; application of, to Sparta,
B.C. 546, iv. 125; alliance with,
against Persia , abandoned by
the Athenians, iv. 217; successes
of Persians against, iv. 220; re-
conquest of, after the fall of
Miletus, iv. 232; first step to the
ascendency of Athens over, v.
62; not tributary to Persia, be-
tween B.C. 477 and 412, v. 193 n.
2 ; surrender of, to Persia, by
Sparta , ix. 26 ; and Cyrus the
•Younger, ix. 26; and Tissapher-
nfis , ix. 27; application of, to
Sparta for aid against Tissa-
phernes , ix. 29 ; after the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 240 seq. ; Spar-
tan project for the rescue of, ix.
258.
Asidatfs, viii. 475.
Askalaphus and lalmenus, i. 128.
Asklepiades of Myrlea, legendary
discoveries of, i. 241 n. 3.
Asklepiads, i. 176.
AsTdcpius, i. 174 seq.
Asopius, son of Phormio, vi. 11.
Asopus, Greeks and Persians at, be-
fore the battle of Platcea, v. 18
seq.
Aspasia, v. 361 seq.
Aspendus , Phenician fleet at, B.C.
411, vii. 341, 356 ; Alkibiades at,
vii. 341 ; Alkibiades' return from,
to Samos , vii. 357 ; Alexander
at, xi. 425.
Aspis, xii. 243.
Assembly, Spartan popular, ii. 345,
357; Athenian judicial, iv.
64, 68 seq. ; Athenian political
iv. 66.
Assyria, relations of, with Egypt,
iii. 324.
Assyrian kings, their command of
' human labour, iii. 303.
Assyrians and Medes , iii. 226 seq.,
291 seq. ; contrasted with Pheni-
cians, Greeks, and Egyptians, iii.
304 ; and Phenicians , effect
of, on the Greek mind, iii. 340
seq.
Astakus, v. 398, 404.
Asteria, I. 6.
Asterius, i. 213,
Astrceus , i. 6 ; and E6g , children
of, i. 6.
Astronomy, physical , thought im-
pious by ancient Greeks, i. 33^
n. ; and physics, knowledge of,
among the early Greeks, ii. 114.
Astyagcs, story of, iv. 110 seq.
Astyanax, death of, i. 297.
Astyochus, expedition of, to Ionia,
vii. 221; at Iiesbog, vii. 223; at
Chios and the opposite coast,
vii. 230 ; accidental escape of,
vii. 232; and Pedaritns, vii. 231;
and Tissaphernes , treaty be-
tween, vii. 234 seq. ; mission of
Lichas and others respecting,
vii. 235; victory of, over Char-
minus, and Junction with Anti-
athenes, vii. 236; at Rhodes, vii.
336; at Miletus, vii. 339; recall
of, vii. 340.
Atalanta, i. 55, 142 seq.
Atarneus, captured and garrisoned
by Derkyllidas, ix. 40; Hermeias
of, xi. 246 and n. 2.
Ate, i. 7.
Athamas, i. 121 seq.
Athenagoras, vii. 23 seq.
Athene, birth of, i. 9; various re-
presentations of, i. 54 ; her dis-
pute with Poseidon, i. 56, 189;
Chalkioakus, temple of, and Pau-
sanias , v. 127; Polias, reported
prodigy in the temple of, on
Xerxes' approach, iv. 456.
Athenian victims for the Min&taur,
i. 214; ceremonies commemor-
ative of the destruction of the
Min6taur, i. 215; democracy,
Kleisthenes the real author of,
iv. 67 ; people , judicial attri-
butes of, iv. 68; nobles, early
violence of, iv. 80; energy, de-
velopment of, after Kleisthenes's
revolution, iv. 103 ; seamen, con-
trasted with the lonians at Lade,
v. 229; dikasts, temper of, in
estimating past services, iv. 298 ;
democracy, origin of the ap-
332
ATHENIAN.
IXDEX.
ATHENIANS.
parent fickleness of, iv. 302 seq.;
envoy, speech of, to Gelo, v. 71 ;
parties and politics, effect of the
Persian war upon, v. 129 seq. ;
empire, v. 146 seq., 160 n.2, 198, v.
302, 306 n. 1, 309, viii. 71, 80 ; power,
increase of, after the formation
of the Delian confederacy, v. 169;
auxiliaries to Sparta against the
Helots, v. 172 seq. ; democracy,
consummation of, v. 236 ; arma-
ment against Samos , under Pe-
rikles, Sophokles, Ac., v. 290
seq. ; private citizens, redress of
the allies against, v. 303; as-
sembly, speeches of the Korkyr-
sean and Corinthian envoys to,
v. 320 seq. ; naval attack, v. 326;
envoy, reply of, to the Corinth-
ian envoy, at the Spartan as-
sembly, v. 348 seq. ; expedition
to ravage Peloponnesus , B.C.
431, v. 398 ; armament to Potidaea
and Chalkidic Thrace, B.C. 429,
v. 455 ; assembly, debates in, re-
specting Mitylfine, vi. 24, 28 seq. ;
assembly , about the Lacedaemo-
nian prisoners in Sphakteria,
vi. 104 seq. ; assembly, on Demo-
sthenes'application for reinforce-
ments to attack Sphakteria, vi.
113 seq. ; hoplites, at the battle
of Amphipolis, vi. 255; fleet,
operations of, near MessenS and
Rhegium , B.C. 425, vi. 404 ; as-
sembly , and the expedition to
Sicily, vi. 418 seq., 420 ; treasury,
abundance in, B.C. 415, vii. 3;
fleet in the harbour of Syracuse,
vii. 136, 137 seq., 155 seq., 163 seq.;
prisoners at Syracuse , vii. 184
seq. ; fleet at Samos, B.C. 412, vii.
230; democracy, securities in,
against corruption, vii. 241 ; as-
sembly, vote of, in favour of
oligarchical change, vii. 257 ; as-
sembly, at Kolonus, vii. 276; de-
mocracy, reconstitution of, at
Samos, vii. 288 ; squadron, escape
of, from Sestos to Elaeus , vii.
847 ; fleet at Kynossema, vii. 351
seq. ; fleet at Abydos , vii. 353 ;
fleet, concentration of, atKardia,
vii. 361 ; fleet at the Bosphorus,
B.C. 410, vii. 367; fleet at Arginu-
Bffl, vii. 411 seq. ; assembly, de-
bates in, on the generals at Ar-
ginusae, vii. 423-434, 437-446; fleet,
inaction of, after the battle of
Arginusoe, viii. 6 ; fleet, removal
of, from Samos to ^Egospotami,
viii. 7; fleet, capture of, at
-ZEgospotami , viii. 8 seq. ; kle-
ruchs and allies after the battle
of JEgospotami, viii. 14; tragedy,
growth of, viii. 119; mind, in-
fluence of comedy on, viii. 130
seq. • character not corrupted be-
tween B.C. 480 and 405, viii. 175
aeq. ; confederacy, new, B.C. 378,
ix. 318 seq. ; and Theban cavalry,
battle of, near Mantineia , B.C.
362, x. 93 seq. ; marine, reform in
the administration of, by Demo-
sthenes, xi. 267 seq.
Athenians and the Herakleids, i.
93 ; and Sigeium, i. 330 ; and Sa-
mians, contrast between, iv. 173 ;
active patriotism of, between
B.C. 500-400, iv. 107; diminished
active sentiment of, after the
Thirty Tyrants iv. 107 ; alliance
with Asiatic Greeks abandoned
by, iv. 217; Darius's revenge
against, iv. 223 ; terror and sym-
pathy of, on the capture of Mi-
le'tus, iv. 236; appeal of, to
Sparta, against the Medism of
JEgina, iv. 245; condition and
character of, B.C. 490 , iv. 260 ;
application of, to Sparta, before
the battle of Marathon, iv. 268;
victory of, at Marathon, iv. 270
•ic<i-, 282; alleged fickleness and
ingratitude of, towards Miltiades,
iv. 296 seq.; answers of the Del-
phian oracle to, on the eve of
Xerxes's invasion, iv. 407; Pan-
Hellenic patriotism of, on Xer-
xes's invasion, iv. 408 seq. ; hope-
less situation of, after the battle of
Thermopylae, iv. 454 ; conduct of,
ATHENIANS.
INDEX.
ATHENIANS.
333
on the approach of Xerxes, iv.
455 seq. ; victory of, at Salamis,
iv. 460, 466 seq. ; honour awarded
to, after the battle of Salamis,
iv. 491 ; under Pausanias in
Breotia, v. 17; and Alexander of
Macedon, before the battle of
Plataa, v. 24; and Spartans at
Platsea, v. 24 ; victory of, at Pla-
t;ea, v. 31 seq.; and continental
lonians, after the battle of My-
kale, v. 51; attack the Cherso-
nese, B.C. 479, v. 53 ; the leaders
of Grecian progress after the
battle of Salamia, v. 97; rebuild
their city, after the battle of
Platsea, v. 100 ; effect of the op-
position to the fortification of
Athens upon, v. 102; induced by
Themistokles to build twenty
new triremes annually, v. 107;
activity of, in the first ten years
of their hegemony, v. 150 seq.,
159 ; renounce the alliance of
Sparta, and join Argos and Thes-
saly , v. 175 seq. ; proceedings
of, in Cyprus, Phoenicia, Egypt,
and Megara, B.C. 460, v. 177 ; de-
feat the .ZEginetans, B.C. 459, v.
178; defeat of, at Tanagra, v.
184 ; victory of, at CEnophyta, v.
186; sail round Peloponnesus
under Tolmides, v. 188; march
against Thessaly, v. 188; defeat
and losses of, in Egypt, B.C. 460
-455, v. 188; victories? of, at Cy-
prus, under Anaxikrates, v. 191;
defeat of, at Kor&neia , v. 202;
personal activity of, after the
reforms of Perikles and Ephial-
tes, v. 263 ; pride of, in the em-
pire of Athens , v. 272 ; settle-
ments of, in the .SSgean, during
the Thirty years' truce, v. 274;
decision of, respecting Corinth
and Korkyra, v. 324 ; victory of,
near Potidwa, v. 336 ; blockade
of Potidsca by, v. 337; counter-
demand of, upon Sparta, for ex-
piation of sacrilege, v. 3C9 ; final
answer of, to the Spartans be-
fore the Peloponneslan war, T.
374 ; expel the .aSginetans from
JEgina. , B.C. 431, v. 399; ravage
of the Megarid by, in the Pelo-
ponnesian war, v. 400 ; irritation
of, at their losses from the plague
and the Peloponnesians, v. 428 ;
energetic demonstration of, B.O,
428, vi. 10; their feeling and con-
duct towards the revolted Mity-
lenceans, vi. 28 seq., 36 seq. ; and
Lacedremoninns at Pylus , armi-
stice between, vi. 102 ; demands
of, in return for the release of
the Lacedremonians in Sphak-
teria, vi. 106 ; and Boeotians, de-
bate between, after the battle
of Delium, B.C. 424, vi. 169 seq. ;
discontent of, with Sparta, on
the non-fulfilment of the peace
of Nikias , vi. 279; recapture of
SkionS by, vi. 293; and Amphi-
polis, vi. 374, xi. 19, 39 seq. ; siege
and capture of Melos by, vi. 384
seq. ; treatment of Alkibiades by,
for his alleged profanation of
the mysteries, vii. 49 seq. ; victory
of, near the Olympieion at Syra-
cuse, vii. 57 seq. ; forbearance of,
towards Nikias, vii. 63 seq. ; not
responsible for the failure of the
Sicilian expedition, B.C. 415, vii.
63 n. 2; defeat of, at Epipola:,
B.C. 414, vii. Ill ; conduct of, on
receiving Nikias's despatch, B.C.
414, vii. 118, 121 seq. ; victory of,
in the harbour of Syracuse, B.C.
413, vii. 131 ; andSyracusans, con-
flicts between, in the Great Har-
bour, vii. 134, 138 seq. , 155 seq.,
163 seq. ; postponement of theii
retreat from Syracuse by an ec-
lipse of the moon, vii. 154 ; block-
ade of, in the harbour of Sy-
racuse, vii. 158 seq., 169 seq. ; and
Corinthians near Naupaktus, vii.
197 seq. ; resolutions of, after
the disaster at Syracuse, vii. 201
seq. ; suspicions of, about Chios,
vii. 208 seq. ; defeat Alkamenfes
and the Peloponnesian fleet, vii.
334
ATHENIANS.
INDEX.
209; effect of the Chian revolt
on, vii. 213; harassing operations
of, against Chios, B.C. 412, vii.
224 seq. , 230; victory of, near
Miletus , B.C. 412 , vii. 225, 226 ;
retirement of, from Miletus, B.C.
412, vii. 226; naval defeat of,
nearEretria, B.C. 411, Tii.312seg. ;
moderation of, on the deposition
of the Thirty and the Four
Hundred , vii. 332 seq. , viii. 101
seq. ; victory of, at Kyzikus, vii.
363; convention of, with Phar-
nahazus, about Chalkfedon , vii.
373 ; capture of Byzantium by,
vii. 374 ; different behaviour of,
towards Alkibiades and Nikias,
vii. 399 ; victory of, at Arginusse,
vii. 412 seq. ; remorse of, after
the death of the generals at Ar-
ginusiE, vii. 447; first proposals
of, to Sparta after the battle of
.aSgospotami, viii. 17; repayment
of the Lacedaemonians by , after
the restoration of the democracy,
B.C. 403, viii. 106; their treatment
of Dorieus, ix. 94 seq. ; restoration
of the Long "Walls at Corinth
by, ix. 163; and Evagoras of Cy-
prus , ix. 191 , 201 ; successes of
Antalkidas against, ix. 210 ; their
alleged envy of distinguished
generals, ix. 323 n. 4; and Alex-
ander of Pherae , x. 42; project
of, to seize Corinth, B.C. 366 , x.
49; and Charidemus in the Cher-
sonese, B.C. 360-358, x. 136 seq. ;
the alliance of Olynthus rejected
by, B.C. 358, xi. 39 ; their remiss-
ness in assisting Methflne, xi. 63;
change in the character of, be-
tween B.C. 431 and 360 , xi. 83 ;
prompt resistance of, to Philip
at Thermopylse , xi. 100 ; expe-
dition of, to Olynthus, B.C. 349,
xi. 149 ; capture of, at Olynthus,
xi. 169, 176 ; letters of Philip to,
xi. 216, 221; and the Phokians at
Thermopylw, B.C. 347-346, xi. 222
seq. ; letter of Philip to , decla-
ring war, B.C. 340, xi. 260 aeq. ;
refusal of, to take part in
the Amphiktyonic proceedings
against Amphissa, xi. 283 ; Philip
asks the Thebans to assist in
attacking, xi. 288 seq. ; and The-
bans, war of, against Philip in
Phokis, xi. 298 seq. ; and Philip,
peace of Demadgs between, .xi.
312 seq. ; their recognition of
Philip as head of Greece, xi.
312, 315 aeq. ; captured at the
Granicus , xi. 408; champions of
the liberation of Greece, B.C. 323,
xii. 133; helpless condition of,
B.C. 302-301, xii. 206.
Athens , historical , impersonal
authority of law in, ii. 85; treat-
ment of homicide in, ii. 81 seq. ;
military classification at, ii. 461 ;
meagre history of, before Drako,
iii. 48 ; tribunals for homicide
at, iii. 77; local superstitions at,
about trial of homicide , iii. 80 ;
pestilence and suffering at, after
the Kylonian massacre, iii. 85;
and Megara, war between, about
Salamis, iii. 91 seq. ; acquisition
of Salamis by, iii. 92 ; state of,
immediately before the legis-
lation of Solon, iii. 94 seq.;
rights of property sacred at, iii.
106, 114 seq. ; rate of interest free
at, iii. 113; political rights of
Solon's four classes at, iii. 121
seq. ; democracy at, begins with
Kleisthenes, iii. 128; distinction
between the democracy at, and
Solon's constitution, iii. 129;
Solon's departure from, iii. 148;
Solon's return to, iii. 154; con-
nexion of, with Thracian Cherso-
nesus, under Peisistratus, iv. 43
seq. ; after the expulsion ofHip-
pias, iv. 54; introduction of uni-
versal admissibility to office at,
iv. 70 ; necessity for creating a
constitutional morality at , in
the time of Kleisthenes , iv. 81;
application of, for alliance with
Persia, iv. 92 ; and Platsea , first
connexion between, iv. 93 ; sue-
INDEX.
335
crises of, against Boeotians and
Cualkidiana, iv. 96 ; war of JKgina
against, iv. 99, 242; application
of Aristagoras to, iv. 215; treat-
ment of Darius's herald at, iv.
243 ; traitors at, B.C. 490, iv. 277,
232; penal procedure at, iv. 292
11.; and jEgina, war between,
from B.C. 488 to 481, iv. 394, 399
seq., 409, v. 187 ; first growth of
the naval force of, iv. 397 ; fleet
of, the salvation of Greece, iv.
399; and Sparta, no heralds sent
from Xerxes to , iv. 403 ; Pan-
Hellenic congress convened by,
at the Isthmus of Corinth, iv.
403 seq. ; and JEgina, occupation
of, by Xerxes, iv. 460 seq. ; Mar-
donius at, v. 40 seq.; first step
to the separate ascendency of,
over Asiatic Greeks, v. 52 ; con-
duct of, in the repulse of the
Persians, v. 97; Long Walls at,
v. 100 aeq., 180 seq., ix. 147 seq. ;
plans of ThemistoklSs for the
naval aggrandisement of, v. 103
xeq.; increase of metics and
commerce at, after the enlarge-
ment of Piraeus, v. 106; head-
ship of the allied Greeks trans-
ferred from Sparta to, v. 112 seq.;
and Sparta, first open separation
between, v. 113 seq., 146; pro-
ceedings of, on being made loud-
er of the allied Greeks, v. 118
seq. ; stimulus to democracy at,
from the Persian war, v. 130;
changes in the Kleisthenean con-
stitution at, after the Persian
war , v. 131 seq. ; long-sighted
nmbition imputed to, v. 149 ; en-
forcing sanction of the confeder-
acy of Delos exercised by, v.
154; increasing power and un-
popularity of, among the allied
Greeks, v. 157 seq. ; as guardian
of the .ZEgean against piracy, be-
tween B.C. 476-466, v. 160 ; bones
of Theseus conveyed to , v. 160 ;
quarrel of, with Thasos, B.C. 465,
v. 165; first attempt of, to found
a city at Ennea Hodoi on the
Strymon, y. 166; alliance of,
with Megara, B.C. 461, v. 176;
growing hatred of Corinth and
neighbouring states to, B.C. 461,
v. 176; war of, with Corinth,
JEgina, Ac., B.C. 459, v. 178 aeq. ;
reconciliation between leaders
and parties at, after the battle
of Tanagra, v. 185 ; acquisition
of Boeotia, Phokis, and Lokris
by, v. 186; and the Pelopon-
nesians, five years' truce be-
tween, v. 189 ; and Persia, treaty
between, B.C. 450, v. 190 seq. ;
fund of the confederacy trans-
ferred from Delos to, v. 198 ; pos-
ition and prospects of, about
B.C. 448, v. 199 seq. ; commence-
ment of the decline of, v. 201
seq. ; and Delphi, B.C. 452-447, v.
201 ; loss of Boeotia by , v. 201
seq. ; despondency at, after the
defeat at Kordneia, v. 205; and
Sparta, thirty years' truce be-
tween, v. 205; and Megara, feud
between, v. 206 ; magistrates and
Areopagus in early, v. 208 ; in-
crease of democratical sentiment
at, between the time of Ari-
steidea and of PeriklSs, v. 210;
choice of magistrates by lot at,
v. 210; oligarchical party at, v.
216; maritime empire of, v. 263
seq., viii. 71-80, ix. 319 seg. ; mari-
time revenue of, v. 266 seq. , 269
n. 2, 299 ; commercial relations
of, in the thirty years' truce, v.
274; political condition of, be-
tween B.C. 445-431, v. 278 seq. ;
improvements in the city of, un-
der Perikles, v. 283 seq., 286 seq. ;
Periklfis's attempt to convene
a Grecian congress at, v. 287;
application of the Samians to
Sparta for aid against, v. 293;
funeral ceremony of slain war-
riors at, v. 295 ; and her subject-
allies, v. 295 seq., 310 ; and Sparta,
confederacies of, v. 312; rein-
forcement from, to Korkyra
336
ATHENS.
INDEX.
against Corinth , v. 325 seq., 329 ;
and Corinth, after the second
naval battle between Corinth
and Korkyra , v. 329 seq. \ and
Perdikkas , v. 331 seq. , vi. 226
seq., 374 ; non-aggressive, between
B.C. 445-431, v. 339 ; Megara pro-
hibited from trading with, v. 339 ;
hostility of the Corinthians to,
after their defeat near Potidaea,
v. 342; discussion and decision
of the Spartan assembly upon
•war with, B.C. 431, v. 343 seq. ;
position and prospects of, on
commencing the Peloponnesian
•war, v. 357 seq., 374 seq., 385 seq.;
requisitions addressed to, by
Sparta, B.C. 341, v. 360 seq. , 368
seq. ; assembly at, on war with
Sparta, B.C. 431, v. 371 seq. ; con-
duct of, on the Theban night-
surprise of Platasa, v. 382 seq. ;
and the Akarnanians , alliance
between, v. 384; crowding of
population into, on Archidamus's
invasion of Attica, v. 393; cla-
mourat, on Archidamus's ravage
of Acharnae, v. 395 ; measures
for the permanent defence of,
B.C. 431, v. 401 seq. ; alliance of
Sitalk6s with, v. 404 , '475 seq. ;
freedom of individual thought
and action at, v. 411 seq. ; position
of, at the time of Perikles's
funeral oration, v. 415; the
plague at, v. 418 seq., vi. 72 ;
proceedings of, on learning the
revolt of Mitylene, vi. 3 ; ex-
hausted treasury of, B.C. 428, vi.
12 ; new politicians at, after
Perikles, vi. 24 seq. ; revolutions
at , contrasted with those at
Korkyra, vi. 61 ; political clubs
at , vi. 69 ; and the prisoners in
Fphakteria, vi. 104 seq., 129 seq.,
276 seq. ; fluctuation of feeling
at as to the Peloponnesian war,
vi. 133 ; and her Thracian sub-
ject-allies, vi. 184 seq. ; and Bra-
sidas'8 conquests in Thrace, vi.
190 ; and Sparta, one year's truce
between, B.C. 423, vi. 210 seq. ;
and Sparta, relations between,
B.C. 423-422, vi. 227 seq. ; necessity
for voluntary accusers at, vi.264;
and Sparta, alliance between,
B.C. 421, vi. 275 ; application of
Corinthians to, B.C. 421, vi. 291;
Lacedaemonian envoys at, about
Panaktum and Pylus, B.C. 420, vi.
300; and Argos, alliance between,
B.C. 420, vi. 315 seq. ; convention
of, with Argos, Mantineia, and
Elig, B.C. 420, vi. 319 seq. ; policy
of, attempted by Alkibiades, B.C.
419, vi. 332; attack of, upon
Epidaurus, B.C. 419, vi. 334 ; and
Sparta, relations between, B.C.
419, vi. 340; and Argos, renewed
alliance between , B.C. 417, vi.
370; and Sparta, relations be-
tween, B.C. 416, vi. 373 ; and the
Sicilian expedition, vi. 403, 413,
415 seq., 431 seq. , vii. 199; and
Sicily, relations of, altered by
the quarrel between Corinth and
Korkyra, vi. 400; mutilation of
the Hermse at, vii. 4 seq. , 33
seq. ; injurious effects of Alki-
biad6s's banishment upon, B.C.
415, vii. 53 ; Nikias's despatch
to, for reinforcements, B.C. 414,
vii. 114 seq. ; and Sparta, viola-
tion of the peace between, B.C.
414, vii. 125; effects of the Lace-
daemonian occupation of Dekeleia
on, vii. 193; dismissal of Thra-
cian mercenaries from, vii. 196
seq. ; revolt of Chios, Erythrae,
and Klazomense from, B.C. 412,
vii. 212; appropriation of the
reserve fund at, vii. 213; loss of
Teos by, B.C. 412, vii. 214 ; revolt
of Lebedos and Erse from, B.C.
412, vii. 215; loss and recovery
of Lesbos by, B.C. 412, vii. 222
seq. ; recovery of Klazomenae by,
B.C. 412, vii. 225 ; rally of, during
the year after the disaster at
Syracuse, vii. 243; conspiracy of
the Four Hundred at, vii. 243,
249 seq., 270 »eq. ; loss of Orftpus
INDEX.
337
hy, vii. 267 ; arrival of the Paralns
at, from Samos, vii. 271; con-
stitutional morality of, vii. 283;
restoration of Democracy at, B.C.
411, vii. 315 seq. ; contrast between
oligarchy at, and democracy at
Samos, B.C. 411, vii. 332 aeq. ;
revolt of Abydos and Lampsakus
from, vii. 336; revolt of By-
zantium from, B.C. 411, vii. 338 ;
revolt ofKyzikus from, vii. 354;
zeal of Pharnabazus against, vii.
354; proposals of peace from
Sparta to, B.C. 410, vii. 363 aeq. ;
return of Alkibiad6s to, B.C. 407,
vii. 386 aeq. ; fruitless attempt of
Agis to surprise, B.C. 407, vii.
392; complaints at, against Alki-
biadds, B.C. 407, vii. 397 seq. ;
conflicting sentiments at, caused
by the battle of Arginusae, vii.
416; alleged proposals of peace
from Sparta to, after the battle
of Arginusie, viii. 1; condition
of her dependencies, after the
battle of JKgospotami, viii. 14
aeq. ; oath of mutual harmony at,
after the battle of .^Egospotami,
viii. 16; surrender of, to Lysan-
der, viii. 17 seq. ; return of olig-
archical exiles to, B.C. 404, viii.
21; oligarchical party at, B.C.
404, viii. 24 seq. ; imprisonment
of Strombichides and other demo-
crats at, B.C. 404, viii. 26; the
Thirty Tyrants at, viii. 27, 29
»eq. , ix. 2 seq. , 18 seq. ; Lace-
daemonian garrison at, under Kal-
libius, viii. 33; alteration of feel-
ing in Greece after the capture
of, by Lysander, viii. 50, 55,
66; restoration of Thrasybulus
and the exiles to, viii. 70; re-
storation of the democracy at,
B.C. 403, viii. 71, 93 seq., 107 seq. ;
condition of, B.C. 405-403, viii.
92; abolition of Hellenotamiia
and restriction of citizenship at,
B.C. 403, viii. Ill seq. ; develop-
ment of dramatic genius at, be-
tween the time of Kleisthenes
and of Kukletdes, viii. 118 •<;.,
126 »eq. ; accessibility of the
theatre at, viii. 121; growth of
rhetoric and philosophy at, yiii.
141 aeq.; literary and philoso-
phical antipathy at, viii. 148;
enlargement of the field of edu-
cation at, viii. 150; sophists at,
viii. 151 seq., 200; banishment of
Xenophon from, viii. 478 ; Theban
application to, for aid against
Sparta, B.C. 395, ix. 115 seq.; alli-
ance of Thebes, Corinth, Argos
and, against Sparta, ix. 125;
contrast, between political con-
flicts at, and at Corinth, ix. ISO
n. ; alarm at, on the Lacedaemon-
ian capture of the Long Walls
at Corinth, ix. 166; and .2Egina,
B.C. 389, ix. 198 seq. ; financial
condition of, from B.C. 403 to
387, ix. 205 seq.; creation of the
The6ric Board at, ix. 205; pro-
perty-taxes at, ix. 206 n. 3; and
the peace of Autalkidas, ix. 215,
226; applications of, to Persia,
B.C. 413, ix. 220 ; and Evagoras,
ix. 233 seq.; naval competition
of, with Sparta, after the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 256 seq. : and
Macedonia, contrast between, ix.
261; Theban exiles at, after the
seizure of the Kadmeia by Phoa-
bidas, ix. 276, 295 seq. ; condem-
nation of the generals at, who
had favoured the enterprise of
Pelopidas, ix. 311; contrast be-
tween judicial procedure at, and
at Sparta, ix. 317; hostility of,
to Sparta, and alliance with
Thebes, B.C. 378, ix. 318 ; exertions
of, to form a new maritime con-
federacy, B.C. 378, ix. 318 seq. ;
absence of Athenian generals
from, ix. 324. n. 3; synod of new
confederates at, B.C. 378, ix. 326;
nature and duration of the Solon-
ian census at, ix. 329 aeq. ; new
census at, in the archonship of
Nausinikus, ix. 331 seq.; sym-
mories at, ix. 333 seq.; financial
VOL. XII.
338
INDEX.
difficulties of, B.C. 374,- ix. 349;
displeasure of, against Thebes,
B.C. 374, ix. 350, 376; separate
peace of, with the Iiacedsemon-
ians, B.C. 374, ix. 353, 358; dis-
position of, towards peace with
Sparta, B.C. 372, ix. 374, 381 ; and
the dealings of Thebes with
Plataea and Thespise, B.C. 372, ix.
381 seq. ; and the peace of, B.C. 371,
ix. 384, 388; and Sparta, difference
between , in passive endurance
and active energy, ix. 405; the
Theban victory at Leuktra not
well received at, ix. 406 ; at the
head of a new Peloponnesian
land confederacy, B.C. 371, ix.
419 ; application of Arcadians to,
for aid against Sparta, B.C. 370,
ix. 431 ; application of Sparta,
Corinth, and Phlius to, for aid
against Thebes, B.C. 369, ix. 453
seq. ; ambitious views of, after
the battle of Leuktra, x. 3 seq.;
and Sparta, alliance between,
B.C. 369, x. 13 ; embassies from,
to Persia, x. 36, 39, 53; loss of
Oropus by, B.C. 366, x. 46; alli-
ance of, with Arcadia, B.C. 366,
x. 47 ; partial readmission of, to
the Chersonese, B.C. 365, x. 56
aeq. ; and Kotys, x. 58 seq., 133;
Theban naval operations against,
under Epaminondas, x. 63 seq. ;
naval operations of Alexander
of Pherae against, x. 130; and
Miltokythes, x. 132; restoration
of the Chersonese to, B.C. 358, x.
140 ; transmarine empire of, B.C.
858, x. 141; condition of, B.C.
360-359, xi. 2 ; proceedings of
Philip towards, on his accession,
xi. 16; and Euboea, xi. 20 seq.,
45 seq. ; surrender of the
Chersonese to, B.C. 358, xi. 23;
revolt of Chios, Kos , Rhodes,
and Byzantium from, B.C. 358,
xi. 23 seq., 35; armaments and
operations of, in the Hellespont,
B.C. 357, xi. 28: loss of power
to, from the Social War, xi. 35 j
Philip's hostilities against, B.C.
358-356, xi. 40; recovery of Sestos
by, B.C. 353, xi. 62; intrigues of
Kersobleptes and Philip against,
B.C. 353, xi. 62; countenance of
the Phokians by, B.C. 353, xi. 66;
applications of Sparta and Mega-
lopolis to, B.C. 353, xi. 67, 94;
alarm about Persia at, B.C. 354,
xi. 89; Philip's naval operations
against, B.C. 351, xi. 108 seq. ; and
Olynthus, xi. 131, 135, 139, 150
seq., 169, 176; and Philip, over-
tures for peace between, B.C.
348, xi. 172 seq. ; application of
the Phokians to, for aid against
Philip at Thermopylae, xi. 180
seq. ; embassies to Philip from,
xi. 184 seq., 206 seq., 227, 234
seq.; resolution of the synod of
allies at, respecting Philip, xi.
194; assemblies at, in the pre-
sence of the Macedonian envoys,
xi. 195 seq. ; envoys from Philip
to, xi. 191, 194, 202, 205; motion
of Philokrates for peace and
alliance between Philip and, xi.
195 seq. ; ratification of peace
and alliance between Philip and,
xi. 200 seq., 234 seq. ; alarm and
displeasure at, on the surrender
of Thermopylae to Philip, xi. 227 ;
professions of Philip to, after
his conquest of Thermopylae, xi.
229; and the honours conferred
upon Philip by the Amphiktyons,
xi. 232 ; and Philip, formal peace
between, from B.C. 346 to 340, xi.
246; mission of Python from
Philip to, xi. 249; and Philip,
proposed amendments in the
peace of B.C. 646, between, xi.
249 seq. ; and Philip, disputes be-
•tsveen, about the Bosporus and
Hellespont, xi. 255; increased
influence of Demosthenfis at,
B.C. 341-338, xi. 256; services of
Kallias the Chalkidian to , B.C.
341, xi. 257; and Philip, declara-
tion of war between, B.C. 340,
xi. 260 seq.; votes of thanks from
INDEX.
339
Byzantium and the Chersonese
to, xi. 265 ; accusation of the
Amphissians against, at the
Ainphiktyonlo assembly, B.C. 339,
xi. 274 seq.; and Thebes , un-
friendly relations between, B.C.
339, xi. 283; proceedings at, on
Philip's fortification of Elateia
and application to Thebes for
aid, xi. 289 seq., 295; and Thebes,
alliance of, against Philip, B.C.
339, xi. 294 ; Demosthenes crowned
at, xi. 298, 301; proceedings at,
on the defeat at Cheeroneia, xi.
306 seq. ; lenity of Philip towards,
after the battle of Chseroneia, xi.
309; means of resistance at, after
the battle of Choeroneia, xi. 313;
honorary votes at, in favour of
Philip, xi. 314; sentiment at, on
the death of Philip, xi. 335; sub-
mission of, to Alexander, xi. 338 ;
conduct of, on Alexander's viola-
tion of the convention at Corinth,
xi. 345 seq. ; proceedings at, on
the destruction of Thebes by
Alexander, xi. 370; Alexander
demands the surrender of anti-
Macedonian leaders at, xi. 370;
pacific policy of, in Alexander's
time, xii. 99 seq. ; position of
parties at, during and after the
anti -Macedonian struggle of
Agis, xii. 108; submission of, to
Antipater, xii. 145 seq. ; state of
parties at, on the proclamation
of Polysperchon, xii. 167; Kas-
s finder gets possession of, xii.
182; under Demetrius Phalereus,
xii. 184 seq. ; census at, under
Demetrius Phalereus, xii. 184;
Demetrius Poliorketes at, xii. 195
scq., 203, 205 seq., 209 ; alteration
of sentiment at, between B.C.
338 and 307, xii. 198 ; in B.C. 501
and 307, contrast between, xii.
198; restrictive law against
philosophers at, B.C. 307, xii. 201 ;
embassy to Antigonus from, xii.
202; political nullity of, in the
generation after Demosthenes,
xii. 213; connexion of, with
Bosporus or Pantikapteum, xii.
301 seq.
Athos, Hi. 441 ; colonies in, iii. 441;
Mardonius's fleet destroyed near,
iv. 240 ; Xerxes' canal through,
iv. 368 seq.
Atlas, i. 6, 8.
Atossa, iv. 179.
Atreids, i. 152.
Atretts, i. 156 seq.
Atropos, i. 7.
Af talus, the Macedonian, xi. 317 ;
and Pausanias, xi. 320; death of,
xi. 323.
Attalus, uncle of Kleopatra, death
of, xi. 335.
Attic legends, 1. 187 seq.; chrono-
logy, commencement of, iii. 49 ;
gentes, iii. 53 seq. ; demes, iii. 63,
67, 71, iv. 56, n. 1 ; law of debtor
and creditor, iii. 96, 106, «. 1 ;
scale, ratio ofjtothe-ZEginseanand
Euboic, iii. 172 ; Dionysia, iii. 486.
Attica, orignal distribution of,
i. 187 ; division of, by Kekrops,
i. 190 ; obscurity of the civil con-
dition of, before Solon, iii. 50 ;
alleged duodecimal division of,
in early times, iii. 50 ; four Ionic
tribes in, iii. 51 seq. ; original
separation and subsequent con-
solidation of commnuities in,
iii. 68; long continuance of the
cantonal feeling in, iii. 69 ; state
of, after Solon's legislation,
iii. 154; Spartan expeditions to,
against Hippias, iv. 49 ; Xerxes
in, iv. 455 seq. ; Iiacedtemonian
invasion of, under Pleistoanax,
v. 203; Arcliidamus's invasions
of, v. 390 seq., 417, vi* 1 ; Lace-
dcemonian invasion of, B.C. 427,
vi. 18; invasion of, by Agig,
B.C. 413, vii. 128; king Pausa-
nias's expedition to, viii. 65 seq.
Aiige, i. 173.
Augeas, i. 136.
Aulis, Greek forces assembled at,
against Troy, i. 282 seq.; Agesi-
laus at, ix. 81.
z2
340
AUSONIANS.
INDEX.
BOEOTIANS.
Ausonians, iii. 349.
Auiokles at the Congress at Sparta,
B.C. 371, ix. 382 ; in the Helles-
pont, x. 132 seq.
Autolykus, i. 118.
Azan, i. 172.
B.
Babylon, iii. 296 seq. ; Cyrus's cap-
ture of, iv. 136 seq. ; revolt, and
reconquest of, by Darius, iv. 157
seq. ; Alexander, at xi. 493 seq.,
xii. 71 seq. ; Harpalus satrap of,
xii. 61.
Babylonian scale, ii. 319 ; kings,
their command of human labour,
iii. 303.
Babylonians, industry of, iii. 301 ;
deserts and predatory tribes sur-
rounding, iii. 304.
Baccha of EuripidSs, i. 256 n. 1.
Ilacchiads, ii. 308, iii. 2.
Bacchic rites, i. 29, 30, 35, 255.
Bacchus, birth of, i. 253 ; rites of,
i. 255.
Bacon and Sokrates, viii. 254, n. 1 j
on the Greek philosophers, viii.
258, n. 2.
Bad, meaning of, in early Greek
writers, ii. 64 ; double sense of
the Greek and Latin equivalents
of, iii. 45 n. 3.
Bagceus and Orates, iv. 154.
Bagoas, xi. 243, 401, xii. 69.
Baktria, Alexander in, xii. 23, 28,
36 seq.
Barbarian, meaning of, ii. 238 ;
and Grecian military feeling, con-
trast between, vi. 223.
Bards, ancient Grecian, ii. 135, 145.
Bardylis, defeat of, by Philip, xi. 18.
Barka , modern observations of,
iii. 448, n. 2, 452, n. 3, 453, n. 1 ;
foundation of, iii. 458 ; Persian
expedition from Egypt against,
iii. 463; capture of, iii. 464; sub-
mission of, to Kambyses, iv. 147.
Basilids, iii. 183 n. 1, 188.
Butis, governor of Gaza, xi. 469.
Battus, founder of Kyrt-nO, iii. 446
seq. ; dynasty of, iii. 456 seq.; the
Third, iii. 459.
BebryTcians, iii. 209.
Bellerophon, i. 120.
Belus, temple of, iii. 297.
Bequest, Solon's law of, iii. 139.
Beroea, Athenian attack upon, v.
334 n. 1.
Bessus, xii. 6 seq., 25, 29.
Bias, i. 88, 108 seq. ; of Priene, vi.133.
Bisalice, the king of, iii. 437, iv. 389
Bithynia, Derkyllidas in, ix. 37.
Jiitiiynians, iii. 207.
Boar, the Kalyd6nian,i. 139, 141 seq.
Bceotia, affinities of, withThessaly,
ii. 16 ; transition from mythical
to historical, ii. 17 ; cities and con-
federation of, ii. 296 ; Mardonius
in, v. 3, 11 ; Pausanias's march to,
v. 17 ; supremacy of Thebes in, re-
stored by Sparta, v. 170, 182 ; ex-
pedition of the Lacedaemonians
into, B.C. 458, v. 182 seq. ; acqui-
sition of, by Athens, v. 186 ; loss
of, by Athens, v. 201 seq., 206
n. 1 ; scheme of Demosthenes and
HippokratSs for invading, B.C.
424, vi. 157 ; and Argos, projected
alliance between, B.C. 421, vi. 295
seq. ; and Sparta, alliance be-
tween, B.C. 420, vi. 297; and
Euboea, bridge connecting, vii.
353, 359 ; Agesilaus on the north-
ern frontier of, ix. 135; exped-
itions of Kleombrotus to, ix.
311 seq., 345 ; expulsion of the
Lacedaemonians from, by the
Thebans, B.C. 374, ix, 351 ; pro-
ceedings in, after the battle of
Leuktra, ix. 406 ; retirement of
the Spartans from, after the battle
of Leuktra, ix. 409; extinction
of free cities in, by Thebes, xi.
4 ; successes of Onomarchus in,
xi. 97 ; reconstitutionof, by Alex-
ander, xi. 374.
Boeotian war, ix. 113 seq. ; cities
after the peace of Antalkidas,
ix. 242, 246.
Boeotians, ii. 15 seq.; 294 seq. ; and
Chalkidians, successes of Athens
against, iv. 96; and Athenians,
debate between, after the battle
BOKOTIAKB.
INDEX.
341
of Delium, vi. 169 »eq. ; at peace
duriiig the One year's truce be-
tween Athens and 8 part a, vi. 'j:!0 ;
repudiate the peace of Nikias,
vi. 271, 273 ; refuse to Join Argos,
B.C. 421, vi. 287.
Baotns, genealogy of, i. 250 n. 1,
ii. 18 n. 3.
liomilkar, xii. 239 seq., 257.
Koreas, i. 6, 192, 193.
Bosphvrus, AlkibiadSa and the
Athenian fleet at the, vii. 367;
Aut okli-a in the, x. 132; disputes
between Philip and Athens about,
xi. 255.
Bosporus or Pantikapeeum, xii. 301
»eq.
Botticeans, iii. 429, 434 n. 1.
Boule, Homeric, ii. 66 ; and Agora,
ii. 76.
Branchidas and Alexander, xii. 25
seq.
Brasidas, first exploit of, v. 398;
and Knemus, attempt of, upon
Peireus, v. 473 ; at Pylus, vi. 99 ;
sent with Helot and other Pelo-
jionnesian hoplites to Thrace,
vi. 148 ; at Megara, vi. 153 seq. ;
inarch of, through Thessaly to
Thrace, vi. 175 seq. ; and Perdik-
kas,relationsbetween, vi. 177, 218,
220 seq. ; prevails upon Akanth-
us to revolt from Athens, vi.
179 seq. ; proceedings of, at Argi-
lus, vi. 184; at Amphipolis, vi.
187 seq., 245 seq. ; repelled from
Eion, vi. 188 ; capture of Leky-
thus by, vi. 202; revolt of Ski6nS
to, vi. 213 seq.; and Perdikkas,
proceedings of, towards Arrhi-
ba-us, vi. 177, 217, 220 seq. ; per-
sonal ascendency of, vi. 190, 203 ;
operations of, after his acquis-
ition of Amphipolis, vi. 198 ; sur-
prises and takes Tor6ne, vi. 199 ;
acquisition of Mende by, vi. 216 ;
retreat of, before the Illyrians,
vi. 222 seq. ; Lacedjemonian rein-
forcement to, vi. 227; attempt of,
upon Potidsea, vi. 228 ; opposi-
tion of, to peace on the expir-
ation of the One year's truce,
vi. 233; death and character of,
vi. 250, 257 seq. ; speech of, at
Akanthus, ix. 13 seq. ; language
of, contrasted with the acts of
Lysander, ix. 15.
Brazen race, the, i. 64.
Brennus, invasion of Greece by,
zii. 212.
Briareus, i. 5.
Bribery, judicial, in Grecian cities,
v. 40.
Brisiis, i. 286.
Bromias, xi. 102.
Brontes, i. 6.
Brundusium, ii. 388.
Brute, the Trojan, i. 465 seq.
Bruttians, x. 287, 412.
Bryant, hypothesis on the Trojan
war, i. 320 n. 3; on Palajphatus,
i. 402 n. 1.
Bryas, vi. 369.
Bmlini, iii. 246.
Bukephalia, xii. 51, 54.
Bull, Phalaris's brazen, v. 59, n. 1.
.Euro, destruction of, ix. 374.
Butadce, i. 192.
Bylilus, surrender of, to Alexander,
xi. 454.
Byzantium, iii. 443 ; extension of
the Ionic revolt to, iv. 218; Pau-
ganias at, v. 108, 123; revolt of,
from Athens, B.C. 411, vii. 338 ;
Klearchus, the Lacedaemonian,
sent to, vii. 369 ; capture of, by
the Athenians, vii. 376 ; mission
of Cheirisophus to, viii. 425; re-
turn of Cheirisophus from, viii.
446 ; the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 456 seq. ; revolt of, from
Athens, B.C. 358, xi. 23 seq., 34 ;
mission of Demosthenes to, xi.
258; siege of, by Philip, xi. 264;
vote of thanks from, to Athens,
xi. 265; Philip concludes peace
with, xi. 266.
c.
Calabrian peninsula, Dionysins's
projected wall across, x. 321.
Calyce, i. 135.
342
CAMPANIANS.
INDEX.
CHAERONEIA.
Campanians, x. 285 ; of .ffitna, x. 260.
Canace, i. 134 n. 1.
Carthage, Hi. 271; foundation and
dominion of, iii. 343 seq.; and
Tyre, amicable relations of, iii.
345 ; projected expedition of Kam-
bysfis against, iv. 147; empire,
power, and population of, x. 152
seq. ; and her colonies, x. 156 ;
military force of, x. 156 seq. ;
political constitution of, x. 158
seq. ; oligarchical system and sen-
timent at, x. 159 seq.; powerful
families at, x. 161; intervention
of, in Sicily, B.C. 410, x. 163 seq. ;
and Dionysius, x. 232, 235, 244,
246 ; distress at, on the failure
of Imilkon's expedition against
Syracuse, x. 275 ; danger of, from
her revolted Lybian subjects,
B.C. 394, x. 275; Dionysius renews
the war with, x. 318 seq. ; Dio-
nyaius concludes an unfavour-
able peace with, x. 319 ; new war
of Dionysius with, x. 322 ; danger
from, to Syracuse, B.C. 344, x. 414;
operations of Agathoklgs on the
eastern coast of, xii. 241 seq. ;
sedition of Bomilkar at, xii. 257.
Carthaginian invasion of Sicily,
B.C. 480, v. 74 seq. ; fleet, entrance
of, into the Great Harbour of
Syracuse, x. 262.
Carthaginians and Phenicians, dif-
ference between the aims of, iii.
276; and Greeks, first known col-
lision between, iii. 344 ; peace
of, with Gelo, after the battle of
theHimera, v.77; and Egestseans,
victory of, over the Selinuntines,
x. 165; blockade and capture of
Agrigentum by, x. 186 seq. ; plun-
der of Syracuse by, x. 245; in Si-
cily , expedition of Dionysius
against, x. 246 seq. ; naval victory
of, off Katana, x. 258 ; before
Syracuse, x. 262 seq., 269 seq. ;
defeat of, in the Great Harbour
of Syracuse, x. 264; in Sicily,
frequency of pestilence among,
x. 278; purchase the robe of the
Lakinian Hgrfe, x. 300 ; and Hip-
poninm, x. 320; invade Sicily,
B.C. 340, x. 452 ; Timoleon's victory
over, at the Krimesus, x. 456 seq. ;
peace of Timoleon with, x. 463;
their defence of Agrigentum
against AgathoklSs, xii. 228 seq. ;
victory of, over Agathokles at tlio
Himera, xii. 230 seq. ; recover great
part of Sicily from Agathokles,
xii. 231 ; expedition of Agatho-
kles to Africa against, xii. 232
seq. ; religious terror of, after
the defeat of Hanno and Bomil-
kar, xii. 240; success of, against
Agathokles in Numidia, xii. 241 ;
victories of, over Arcbagathus,
xii. 260; Archagathus blocked up
at Tunes by, xii. 261, 265 ; victory
of, over Agathokles near TunSs,
xii. 263; nocturnal panic in the
camp of, near Tun6s, xii. 264; the
army of Agathokles capitulate
with, after his desertion, xii. 265.
Caspian Gates, xii. 5, n. 1.
Castes, Egyptian, iii. 315 seq.
Catalogue in the Iliad, ii. 157. 235.
seq.
Cato the elder, and Kleon, vi. 261,
n. 2, 262, n. I.
Census, nature and duration of tho
Solonian, ix. 329 seq. ; in tho
Archonship of Nausinikus, ix.
331 seq.
Centaur Nessus, i. 146.
Centimanes, i. 8.
Ceremonies, religious, a source of
mythes, i. 61.
Cestus, iii. 473, n. 2.
Chaltrias, conduct of at Naxos,
vii. 452; defeat of Gorg6pas by,
ix. 201 ; proceedings of, between
B.C. 387—378, ix. 322 ; at Thebes,
ix. 343 ; victory of, near Naxos,
ix. 346 seq.; at Corinth, x. 17 ; in
Egypt, x. 123 ; and Charidemus,
x. 138 ; death of, xi. 27.
Chasreas, vii. 271, 286.
Chasroneia, victory of the Thebans
over Onomarchus at, xi. 61 ;
battle of, B.C. 338, xi. 304 seq.
CHALDAEAN.
INDEX.
343
Chaldaan priests and Alexander,
xii. 71, 75.
Chalrfaans, Hi. 292 seq.
Chalkedon and Alkibiades, vii. 367,
373.
Chalkideus, expedition of, to Chios,
vii. 207, 210 seq ; and Tissapher-
iii''s, treaty between, vii. 216;
defeat and death of, vii. 224.
Chalkidians, Thracian, iii. 438 seq.,
v. 456, vi. 147; of Euboea, suc-
cesses of Athens against, iv. 96.
Chalkidike, success of Timotheus
in, x. 60; three expeditions from
Athens to, B.C. 349—348, xi. 139
n. 1, 153; success of Philip in,
xi. 155 seq., 168.
Chalkis, iii. 165 seq. ; retirement
of the Greek fleet to, on the loss
of three triremes, iv. 427.
Chalybes, iii. 253, viii. 408 seq., 411.
Champions, select, change in Gre-
cian opinions respecting, ii. 451.
Chaonians, iii. 140 seq.
Chaos, i. 4; and her offspring, 1. 4.
Chares, assistance of, to Phlius,
x. 30; recall of, from Corinth,
x. 46; unsuccessful attempt of,
to seize Corinth, x. 49 ; in the
Chersonese, B. o. 358, x. 139; at
Chios, xi. 27; in the Hellespont,
xi. 28 ; accusation of Iphikrates
and Timotheus by, xi. 28 seq. ;
and Artabazus, xi. 34 ; conquest
of Sestos by, xi. 62; expedition
of, to Olynthus, xi. 154; at the
tattle of Chseroneia, xi. 306; ca-
pitulation of, atMitylene, xi.466.
Charidemus, x. 11 ; and Iphikrates,
x. 58 ; and Timotheus, x. 61 ; and
Kephisodotus, x. 135; and Kerso-
blept&s, x. 136, 139; and the
Athenians in the Chersonese, B.C.
360—358, x. 136 seq. ; and Milto-
kythes, x. 138 ; his popularity and
expedition to Thrace, xi. 112 ; ex-
pedition of, to Chalkidik6, xi. 153 ;
put to death by Darius, xi. 433.
Charidemus, and EphialtSs, banish-
ment of, xi. 372.
Charikles and Peisander, vii. 36 ;
expedition of , to Peloponnesus,
B.C. 413, vii. 128.
Charilaus and Lykurgus, ii. 344 ;
the Samian, iv. 176.
Charites, the, i. 10.
Charitesia, festival of, i. 126.
Charlemagne, legends of, i. 458.
Charmande, dispute among the Oy-
reian forces near, viii. 336.
Charminus, victory of Astyochus
over, vii. 236.
Charon the Theban, ix. 298 seq.
Charondas, iv. 342.
Charopinus, iv. 216.
Cheirisophus, viii. 382; and Xeno-
phon, viii. 394, 398, 408 seq. ; at
the KentritSs, viii. 401 ; mission
of, to Byzantium, viii. 425 ; return
of, from Byzantium , viii. 445 ;
elected sole general of the Ten
Thousand Greeks, viii. 447; death
of, viii. 449.
Chersonese, Thracian, iv. 443 ; con-
nexion of, with Athens under
Peisistratus, iv. 43; attacked by
the Athenians, B.C. 479, v. 63 ;
operations of PeriklSs in, v. 273 ;
retirement of Alkibiades to, B.C.
407, vii. 401 ; fortification of, by
Derkyllidas, ix. 38 ; partial re-
admission of Athenians to, B.C.
365, x. 56 seq.; Epaminondas
near, x. 63, 66; Timotheus at,
x. 63, 66, 129; Ergophilus in the,
x. 129 seq. ; Kotys in the, x. 132 ;
Kephisodotus in the, x. 134;
Charidemus and the Athenian,
in the, x. 136 seq. ; restoration of,
to Athens, B.C. 358, x. 139, xi.
23; KersobleptSs cedes part of,
to Athens , xi. 62 ; speech of
Demosthenfis on, xi. 255; mission
of DemosthenSs to, xi. 258; votes
of thanks from, to Athens, xi. 265.
Chians at Lade, iv. 231 ; activity
of, in promoting revolt among
the Athenian allies, vii. 214;
expedition of, against Lesbos,
vii. 222 seq. ; improved condition
of, B.C. 411, vii. 336.
Chimcera, the, i. 7.
344
INDEX.
Chios, foundation of, iii. 187;
HistiiEus at, iv. 224; an auto-
nomous ally of Athens, v. 264;
proceeding of Athenians at, B.C.
425, vi. 138 ; application from,
to Sparta, B.C. 413, vii. 205 ; the
Lacedaemonians persuaded by
Alkibiades to send aid to, vii
207; suspicions of the Athenians
about , B.C. 412 , vii. 208 ; ex-
pedition of Chalkideus and Alki-
biades to, vii. 210 seq. ; revolt of,
from Athens, B.C. 412, vii. 211
seq. ; expedition of Strombichides
to, vii. 214; harassing operations
of the Athenians against , B.C.
412, vii. 224 seq., 230; prosperity
of, between B.C. 480-412, vii. 225 ;
defeat of Pedaritus at, vii. 261 ;
removal of Mindarus from Mil6tus
to, vii. 343; voyage of Mindarus
from, to the Hellespont, vii. 356
and n. 3 ; revolution at, furthered
byKratesippidas, vii. 381 ; escape
of Eteonikus from MitylenS to,
vii. 416, 431 ; Eteonikus at, viii.
2 ; revolt of, from Athens, B.C.
358, xi. 23 seq., 35 ; repulse of the
Athenians at, B.C. 358, xi. 27;
acquisition of, by Memnon, xi.
430; capture of, by Macedonian
admirals, xi. 466.
Chivalry, romances of, i. 458 seq.
Chlidon, ix. 299.
Chcerilus, Nake's comments on, ii.
137 n. 1 ; poem of, on the ex-
pedition of Xerxes into Greece,
iv. 384 n. 1.
Choric training at Sparta and Krete,
iv. 10 seq.
Cliorienes, Alexander's capture of
the rock of, xii. 37.
Chorus, the Greek, iv. 10 ; improve-
ments in, by Stesichorus, iv. 15.
Chronicle of Turpin, the, i. 458.
Chronological calculation destroys
the religious character of mythi-
cal genealogies, i. 429; table
from Clinton's Fasti Hellenic!,
ii. 35 seq. ; computations , the
value of, dependent on the trust-
worthiness of the genealogies,
ii. 40; evidence of early poets,
ii. 44.
Chronologists, modern, ii. 37.
Chronologizing attempts indicative
of mental progress, ii. 56.
Chronology of mythical events,
various schemes of, ii. 34 seq. ;
Alexandrine, from the return of
the Herakleids to the first Olym-
piad, ii. 306; of Egyptian kings
from Psammetichus to Amasis,
iii. 330 n. 1; Grecian, between
the Persian and Peloponnesian
wars, v. 160 n. 2 ; of the period
between Philip's fortification of
Elateia and the battle of Chajro-
neia, xi. 299 n. 6.
Chrysaor, i. 1, 7.
Chryseis, i. 287.
Chrysippus, i. 156.
Chrysopolis, occupation of, by the
Athenians, vii. 368.
Cimmerian invasion of Asia Minor,
iii. 247 seq.
Cimmerians, iii. 235 ; driven out of
their country by the Scythians,
iii. 248 seq.
Circe and ^Eetes, i. 245.
Clinton's Fasti Hellenici, chrono-
logical table from, ii. 35 seq. ;
opinion on the computations of
the date of the Trojan war, ii.
38; vindication of the genealo-
gies, ii. 41 seq.
Coined money, first introduction
of, into Greece, ii. 319.
Comedy, growth, development, and
influence of, at Athens , viii.
126 seq.
Comic poets, before Aristophanes,
viii. 128; writers, mistaken est-
imate of, as witnesses and critics
viii. 132 seq.
Commemorative influence of Gre-
cian rites, i. 439 seq.
Congress at Corinth, B.C. 421, vi.
285; at Sparta, B.C. 421, vi. 295;
at Mantineia, B.C. 419, vi. 337 «<^.
Conon on the legend of Cadmus,
i. 251.
CONSTITUTIONAL.
INDEX.
CIIKINTIIIANS.
345
('•>n<iHtuti-»i<il forms, attachment
of the Athenians to, vii. 283;
morality, necessity for creating,
in the time of KleisthenSs, iv. 81.
Curinth, origin of, i. 119 seq. ;
Dorians at, ii. 9; early distinc-
tion of, ii. 113.; Isthmus of, ii.
224 ; Herakleid kings of, ii. 307 ;
Dorian settlers at, ii. 310; despots
at, iii. 39 seq. ; great power of,
under Periander, iii. 42 ; Sikydn
and Megara, analogy of, iii. 47 ;
voyage from, to Gadfis in the
seventh and sixth centuries, B.C.,
iii. 278 ; relations of Korkyra
with, iii. 400 seq. ; and Korkyra,
joint settlements of, iii. 402 seq. ;
relations between the colonies
of, iii. 405; decision of, respect-
ing the dispute between Thebes
and Platcea, iv. 95 ; protest of,
at the first convocation at Sparta,
iv. 101; Pan - Pellenic congress
at the Isthmus of, iv. 403 seq. ;
rush of Peloponnesians to the
Isthmus of, after the battle of
Thermopylae, iv. 553; growing
hatred of, to Athens, B.C. 461, v.
176; operations of the Athenians
in the Gulf of, B.C. 455, v. 187;
and Korkyra, war between, y.
S18 seq. ; and Athens, after the
naval battle between Corinth
and Korkyra, v. 328 seq. ; congress
at, B.C. 421, vi. 284 seq. ; and Syra-
cuse, embassy from, to Sparta,
vii. 73 ; synod at, B.C. 412, vii.
207; altered feeling of, after the
capture of Athens by Lysander,
i-iii. 50, 55, 66; alliance of, with
Thebes, Athens, and Argos,
against Sparta, ix. 125; anti-
Spartan allies at, ix. 127; battle
of, ix. 130 seq., 141 ; Pharnabazus
and the anti-Spartan allies at,
ix. 146 ; philo-Laconian party at,
B.C. 392, ix. 153 seq. ; coup d'etat
of the government at, ix. 154 ;
contrast between political con-
flicts at, and at Athens, ix. 156
ti. ; and Argos, consolidation of,
B.C. 392, ix. 157 ; victory of the
Lacedaemonians within the Long
Walls at, ix. 158 aeq. ; the Long
Walls of, partly pulled down
by the Lacedaemonians, ix. 160 ;
the Long Walls of, restored by
the Athenians , and taken by
Agesilaus and Teleutias, ix. 163
aeq. ; and the peace of Antalkidas,
ix. 212, 215; application of, to
Athens, for aid against Thebes,
ix. 453 seq. ; Iphikrates at, ix.
456 ; and the Persian rescript in
favour of Thebes, x. 41; project
of the Athenians to seize, B.C.
866, x. 49; peace of, with Thebes,
B.C. 366, x. 52 seq.; application
from Syracuse to, B.C. 344, x.
411; message from Hiketas to>
x. 423 ; Dionysius the Younger
at, x. 431 seq.; reinforcement
from, to Timoleon, x. 432, 436,
438; efforts of, to restore Syra-
cuse, x. 447; Philip chosen chief
of the Greeks at the congress
at, xi. 316 ; convention at, under
Alexander, B.C. 336, xi. 339 seq.;
violations of the convention at,
by Alexander, xi. 344 seq. ; Alex-
ander at, B.C. 335, xi. 373.
Corinthian envoys, speech of, to
the Athenian assembly, in reply
to the Korkyraeans, v. 322 ; speech
of, to the Spartan assembly
against Athens, v. 343 seq. ; speech
of, at the congress of allies at
Sparta, v. 355 seq.
Corinthian genealogy of Eumelus,
i. 119 seq.
Corinthian territory, Nikias's ex-
pedition against, vi. 134 seq ; war,
commencement of, ix. 125 ; Gulf,
naval conflicts of Corinthians
and Lacedaemonians in, ix. 151.
Corinthians, early commerce and
enterprise of, iii. 1 ; behaviour
of, at Salamis, iv. 492; defeated
by Myronides, v. 180 ; procure
the refusal of the Samians' ap-
plication to Sparta for aid against
Athens, v. 293 ; instigate Potidaea,
346
INDEX.
the Chalkidiang, and Bottiseans,
to revolt from Athens, v. 333
seq. ; defeat of, near Potidsea, v.
336 ; strive to excite war against
Athens after their defeat near
Potidsea, v. 341; repudiate the
peace of Nikias , vi. 271, 273 ;
induce Argos to head a new
Peloponnesian alliance, vi. 283 ;
hesitate to join Argos, vi. 287,
322 ; join Argos, vi. 288 ; applica-
tion of, to the Buuotians, and
Athenians, B.C. 421, vi. 290, 291 ;
and Karneia, ii. 307 n. 2; and
Athenians, naval battle between,
near Naupaktus, vii. 198 seq. ;
and Lacedaemonians, naval and
land conflicts between, B.C. 393,
ix. 151 seq.
Courts of Bequests, their analogy
to Athenian dikasteries, v.254 n. 1.
Creditor and debtor, law of, at
Athens, before Solon, iii. 96;
Koman law of, iii. 161.
Croesus and Solon, alleged inter-
view between , iii. 149 seq. ;
moral of Herodotus's story about,
iii. 153; reign and conquests of,
iii. 259 seq. ; power and alliances
of, iv. 109 ; and Cyrus, war be-
tween, iv.HSseg.; and the oracles,
iv. 116, 220; solicits the alliance
of Sparta, iv. 117; fate of, im-
pressive to the Greek mind, iv. 122.
Cumaa in Campania, iii. 353 seq.
Cydades , iii. 164 ; Themistoklgs
levies fines on, iv. 488.
Cycle, epic, ii. 122 seq.
Cyclic poets, ii. 122 seq.
Cyclopes, i. 4.
Cyprus, influence of Aphrodite
upon, i. 5 ; Solon's visit to, iii.
148; Phenicians and Greeks in,
iii. 277 ; extension of the Ionic
revolt to, iv. 218 ; subjugation
of, by Phenicians and Persians,
iv. 219; conquest of, by the
Turks in 1570, iv. 220 n. 1 ; ex-
pedition to, under Kimon, v. 191 ;
before and under Evagoras, ix.
228 seq. ; subjugation of, to the
Persian king Ochns, xi. 242 ; sur-
render of the princes of, to
Alexander, xi. 462.
Cyrenaica, iii. 452 n. 3, 453 n. 1.
Cyrop&dia, Xenophon's, iv. 110.
Cyrus the Great, early history and
rise of, iv. 110 seq. ; and Croesus,
war between, iv. 115 seq. ; and
the Lacedaemonians, iv. 126; con-
quests of, in Asia, iv. 136 ; cap-
ture of Babylon by, iv. 136 seq. ;
exploits and death of, iv. 142 ;
effects of his conquests upon
the Persians , iv. 143 seq. ; the
tomb of, xii. 59.
Cyrus the Younyer, arrival of, in
Asia Minor, B.C. 408, vii. 377, 379 ;
Lysander's visits to, at Sardis,
vii. 381 seq. , viii. 3 ; pay of the
Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 384;
and Kallikratidas , vii. 404 ; en-
trusts his satrapy and revenues
to Lysander, viii. 5 ; and Arta-
xerxes Mnemon, viii. 113, 308 seq. ;
you-th and education of, viii. 306 ;
his esteem for the Greeks and
hopes of the crown, viii. 307;
charge of Tissapherngs against,
viii. 308; strict administration
and prudent behaviour of, viii.
311 ; forces of, collected at Sar-
dis, viii. 312; march of from
Sardis to Kunaxa, viii. 315 seq.;
assistance ofEpyaxato, viii. 319;
review of his troops at Tyriseum,
viii. 320; and Syennesis, viii. 323 ;
at Tarsus, viii. 323 seq. ; desertion
of Xenias and Pasion from,
viii. 329; at Thapsakus, viii. 331
seq. ; in Babylonia, viii. 337;
speech of, to his Greek forces
in Babylonia, viii. 338; his con-
ception of Grecian superiority,
viii. 338 ; his present to the pro-
phet Silanus , viii. 341 ; passes
the undefended trench, viii. 341 ;
at Kunaxa, viii. 343 seq. ; character
of, viii. 350; probable conduct
of, towards Greece, if victorious
at Kunaxa, viii. 352; and the
Asiatic Greeks, ix. 26.
DAEDALUS.
INDKX.
DEBTS.
347
D.
DotfoZus, 1. 214, 218 seq.
Daemon of Sokrates, viii. 216 seq.
Damons, i. 64 , 66 , 69 seq. ; and
gods, distinction between, i. 407
seq. ; admission of, as partially
eyil beings, i. 410.
Damascus, capture of, by the Ma-
cedonians, xi. 453.
Damasit/iymus of Kalyndus, iv.482.
Danae, legend of, i. 89.
Danaos and the Danaides, i. 86.
Dancing, Greek, iv. 13.
Daphnceus, at Agrigentum, x. 188
seq. ; death of, x. 206.
Dardanus, son of Zeus, i. 277.
Doric, the golden, iv. 166 n. 2.
Darius Hystaspes , accession of,
iv. 150 seq. ; discontents of the
satraps under, iv. 153 seq.; revolt
of the Modes against, iv. 153 n.
2 ; revolt of Babylon against, iv.
156; organization of the Persian
empire by, iv. 160 seq. ; twenty
satrapies of, iv. 162 seq. ; organ-
izing tendency, coinage, roads,
and posts of, iv. 165 seq. ; and
Syloson, iv. 167; conquering
dispositions of, iv. 179 ; probable
consequences of an expedition
by, against Greece before going
against Scythia, iv. 186 seq. ; in-
vasion of Scythia by, iv. 188 seq.;
his orders to the louians at the
bridge over the Danube, iv. 197 ;
return of, to Susa from Scythia,
iv. 207; revenge of. against the
Athenians, iv. 223 ; preparations
of, for invading Greece, iv. 242 ;
submission of Greeks to, before
the battle of Marathon, iv. 242 ;
heralds of, at Athens and Sparta,
iv. 243 ; instructions of, to Datis
and ArtaphernSs, iv. 255 ; resolu-
tion of, to invade Greece a second
time, iv. 345; death of, iv. 345.
Darius, son of ArtaxerxesMnemon,
x. 127.
Darius CcxZomannus , encourage-
ment of anti- Macedonians in
Greece by, xi. 345; his accession
and preparations for defence
against Alexander, vi. 401; irre-
parable mischief of Memnon's
death to , xi. 431 ; change in the
plan of, after Memnon's death,
xi. 432, 434 ; puts Charidemus to
death, xi. 433; Arrian's criticism
on the plan of, against Alex-
ander, xi. 435; at Mount Amanus,
xi. 440 seq. ; advances into Kilikia,
xi. 441 ; at Isaus before the battle,
xi. 442; defeat of, at Issus xi.
446 seq. ; capture of his mother
wife, and family by Alexander,
xi. 449 , 477 ; his correspond-
ence with Alexander, xi.
455, 465 ; inaction of, after
the battle of Issus, xi. 477 ; defeat
of, at Arbela, xi. 484 seq.; a fu-
gitive in Media, xi. 502, xii. 3;
pursued by Alexander into
Farthia, xii. 5 seq. ; conspiracy
against, by Bessus and others,
xii. 6 seq.; death of, xii. 8;
Alexander's disappointment in
not taking him alive, xii. 8;
funeral, fate and conduct of, xii. 9.
Darius Nothus, viii. 305 seq.; death
of, viii. 308.
Das/con, attack of Dionysius on
the Carthaginian naval station
at, x. 272.
Datames, x. 121.
Datis, siege and capture of Eretria
by, iv. 258 seq. ; conquest of Ka-
rystus by, iv. 258 ; Persian arm-
ament at Samos under, iv. 255;
conquest of Kaxos and other
Cyclades by, iv. 256 seq. ; forbear-
ance of, towards Delos, iv. 257;
at Marathon, iv. 260, 278 seq. ;
return of, to Asia, after the battle
of Marathon, iv. 188.
Debtor and Creditor , law of, at
Athens before Solon, iii. 96;
Roman law of, iii. 161 seq.
Debtors, Solon's relief of, iii. 100;
treatment of, according to Gallic
and Teutonic codes, iii. Ill n. 1.
Delis, the obligation of, inviolable
348
I:NDEX.
at Athens, iii. 106,114; distinction
between the principal and in-
terest of, in an early society,
iii. 108.
Defence, means of, superior to
those of attack inancient Greece,
ii. 110.
Deianeira, i. 146.
Deinokrates, xii. 228, 262, 268 seq.
Deiokes, iii. 229 seq.
Deities not included in the twelve
great ones, i. 10; of guilds or
trades, i. 335.
DeTeamnichus, ix. 262.
Delcarchies established by Lysander,
ix. 4 seq., 17.
Dekeleia, legend of, i. 168 ; fortifi-
cation of, by the Lacedaemonians,
vii. 126, 128, 193; Agis at, vii.
193, 391.
Delian Apollo, i. 45.
Delian festival, iii. 168 seq. ; early
splendour and subsequent de-
cline of, iii. 470 ; revival of, B.C.
426, vi. 91.
Delium, Hippokratfes's march to,
and fortification of, B.C. 424, vi.
158 seq.; battle of, B.C. 424, vi.
166 seq. ; siege and capture of,
by the Boeotians, B.C. 424, vi. 173 ;
Sokrates and Alkibiades at the
battle of, vi. 174.
Delos, Ionic festival at, iii. 168
seq,, 470; forbearance of Datis
towards, iv. 256 ; the confederacy
of, v. 119 seq., 146 seq. ; the synod
of, v. 157 ; first breach of union
in the confederacy of, v. 162;
revolt of Thasos from the con-
federacy v. 165, to Athens, v. 198 ;
transition of the confederacy of,
into an Athenian empire, v. 198 ;
purification of, by the Athenians,
vi. 91 ; restoration of the native
population to, B.C. 421, vi. 293.
Delphi, temple and oracle of, i. 47
seq., ii. 254; oracle of, and the
Jiattiad dynasty , iii. 461 ; early
state and site of, iii. 474 ; growth
of, iii. 477; conflagration and
rebuilding of the temple at , iv.
47 seq. ; the oracle at, worked by
Kleisthenes, iv. 48; oracle of,
and Xerxcs's invasion, iv. 423
sc</.; Xerxes's detachment against,
iv. 461 ; proceedings of Sparta
and Athens at, B.C. 452-447, v. 201;
answer of the oracle of, to the
Spartans on war with Athens,
B.C. 432 , v. 355 ; reply of the
oracle at, about Sokrates, viii.
217 seq.; Agosipolis and the oracle
"at, ix. 182 ; claim of the Pho-
kians to the presidency of the
temple at, xi. 49 seq. ; Philome-
lus seizes and fortifies the
temple at . xi. 53 ; Philomelus
takes part of the treasures in
the temple at, xi. 55 ; employment
of the treasures in the temple
at, by Onomarchus , xi. 59;
Phayllus despoils the temple
at, xi. 101; peculation of the
treasures at , xi. 178 ; miserable
death of all concerned in the
spoliation of the temple at , xi.
238 ; relations of the Lokrians
of Amphissa with, xi. 274 ; Am-
phiktyonic meeting at, B.C. 339,
xi. 274 seq.
Delphian Apollo , reply of, to tho
remonstrance of Croesus, iv. 120.
Delphians and Amphiktyons, attack
of, upon Kirrha, xi. 279.
Delphinium at Athens, iii. 80, n. 1.
Deluge of Deucalion, i. 96 seq.
Demades, reproof of Philip by,
xi. 311; peace of, xi. 312 seq.;
remark of, on hearing of Alex-
ander's death, xii. 79 ; Macedon-
izing policy of, xii. 99; and
Phokian, embassy of, to Anti-
pater, xii. 14f; death of, xii. 160.
Demagogues, iii. 18, 21 seq., vii.
284.
Demaratus and Kleomenes, iv. 252
seq. ; conversations of, with Xer-
xes, iv. 375, 431, 442; advice of,
to Xerxes after the death of
Leonidas, iv. 442.
Demes, Attic, iii. 63, 67, 71, iv. 55
seq.
INDEX.
DEM08THKXE8.
349
Demfter. 1. 6, 10 ; foreign influence
on the worship of, 1. 23 ; how
represented in Homer and Hesiod,
i. 87 ; Homeric hymn to, i. 37 seq.;
legends of, differing from the
Homeric hymn, i. 43 ; Hellenic
importance of, i. 43.
Demetrius of Skepsis, on Ilium,
i. 319.
Demetrius Phalereus, administ-
ration of, at Athens, xii. 184
»eq.; retires to Egypt, xii. 195;
condemnation of, xii. 200.
Demetrius Poliorketes, at Athens,
xii. 196 seq., 204, 205 seq., 209;
exploits of, B.C. 307-304, xii. 202;
his successes in Greece against
Kassander, xii. 204 ; march of,
through Thessaly into Asia, xii.
208 ; return of, from Asia to
Greece, xii. 209 ; acquires the
crown of Macedonia, xii. 210;
Greece under, xii. 211 ; captivity
and death of, xii. 211.
Demiurgi, iii. 72.
Demochares, xii. 202, 207, 214.
Democracies, Grecian, securities
against corruption in, vii. 241.
Democracy, Athenian, iii. 126, 139,
v. 236; effect of the idea of
npon the minds of the Athen-
ians, iv. 104 seq.; at Athens,
stimulus to, from the Persian
war, v. 130; reconstitution of,
at Samos, vii. 288 seq.; restoration
of, at Athens, B.C. 411, vii. 315
seq., 321 seq., and B.C. 403, viii.
71, 93; moderation of Athenian,
vii. 332, viii. 101 seq. ; at Samos
contrasted with the oligarchy of
the Four Hundred, vii. 332 seq.
Democratical leaders at Athens,
and the Thirty, viii. 26, 30 seq. ;
sentiment, increase of, at Athens
between B.C. 479-459, v. 210.
Demokedes, romantic history of,
iv. 180 seq.
Demonax, reform of KyrSuS by,
iii. 459; constitution of, not
durable, iii. 465.
Demophantus, psephism of, vii. 321.
Demos, at Syracuse, v. 600.
Demosthenes the general, in Akar-
nania, vi. 75; expedition of,
against JEtolia, vl. 76 seq. ; saves
Naupaktus, vi. 80 ; goes to protect
Amphilochian Argos, vi. 81; his
victory over Eurylochus at Olpic,
vi. 82 seq. ; his triumphant return
from Akarnania to Athens, vi. 90;
fortifies and defends Pylus, vi.
93 seq. ; application of, for
reinforcements from Athens, to
attack Sphakteria, vi. Ill seq. ;
victory of, in Sphakteria, vi.
119 seq. ; attempt of, to surprise
Megara and Nisaea, vi. 150 seq. ;
scheme of, for invading Bceotia,
B.C. 424, vi. 157; unsuccessful des-
cent upon Bceotia by, vi. 158; his
evacuation of the fort at Epi-
daurus, vi. 366; expedition of,
to Sicily, vii. 120, 128, 140; arrival
of, at Syracuse, vii. 140 ; plans
of, on arriving at Syracuse, vii.
143; night-attack of, upon Epi-
polse, vii. 143 seq. ; his proposals
for removing from Syracuse, vii.
148 seq.; and Nikias, resolution
of, after the final defeat in the
harbour of Syracuse, vii. 169 ;
capture and subsequent treat-
ment of, vii. 179 seq., 186; respect
for the memory of, vii. 188;
death of, vii. 187.
Demosthenes, father of the orator,
xi. 67.
Demosthenes the orator, first ap-
pearance of, as public adviser in
the Athenian assembly, xi. 67;
parentage and early youth of,
xi. 67 seq. ; and his guardians,
xi. 69 ; early rhetorical tendencies
of, xi. 70 ; training and in-
structors of, xi. 72 seq. ; action
and matter of, xi. 75 ; first known
as a composer of speeches for
others, xi. 76; speech of, against
Leptinfis, xi. 76; speech of, on
the Symmories, xi. 89 seq. ; ex-
hortations of, to personal effort
and sacrifice, xi. 93, 162; recom-
350
DEMOSTHENES.
INDEX.
DIDO.
mentations of, on Sparta and
Megalopolis, xi. 94; first Philip-
pic of, xi. 113 seq. ; opponents
of, at Athens, B.C. 351, xi. 122;
earliest Olynthiac of, xi. 131 seq. ;
practical effect of his speeches,
xi. 133; second Olynthiac of, xi.
136 seq. ; allusions of, to the
Theoric fund, xi. 138, 142; third
Olynthiac of, xi. 140 seq. ; insult-
ed by Meidias, xi. 147; reproach-
ed for his absence from the
battle of Tamynce, xi. 148 ; serves
as hoplite in Eubcea, and is
chosen senator for, B.C. 349-348,
xi. 149; order of the Olynthiacs
of, xi. 163 seq. ; and ^Eschines,
on the negotiations with Philip,
B.C. 347-346, xi. 175 n. 1, 182 n.
1 ; speaks in favour of peace,
B.C. 347, xi. 177; and the first
embassy from Athens to Philip,
xi. 184 seq., 191 ; failure of, in
his speech before Philip, xi.
186; and the confederate synod
at Athens respecting Philip, xi.
193 n. 1, 196, 197 n. 2; and the
motion of Philokrates for peace
and alliance with Philip, xi.
196 seq. ; and the exclusion of
the Phokians from the peace and
alliance between Athens and
Philip, xi. 204 seq. ; and the second
embassy from Athens to Philip,
xi. 207, 211 seq., 217, 219; and
the third embassy from Athens
to Philip, xi. 226 ; charges of,
against .HEscbines, xi. 235; and
the peace and alliance of Athens
with Philip, B.C. 346, xi. 237 ;
recommends acquiescence in the
Amphiktyonic dignity of Philip,
xi. 239; vigilance and warnings
of, against Philip, after B.C. 346,
xi. 248 ; speech on the Chersonese
and third Philippic of, xi. 255 ;
increased influence of, at Athens,
B.C. 341-338, xi. 256 ; mission of,
to the Chersonese and Byzantium,
xi. 258 ; vote of thanks to, at
Athens, xi. 265 ; reform in the
administration of the Athenian
marine by, xi. 267 seq., 268 n. I ;
his opposition to the proceed-
ings of ./Eschines at the Am-
phiktyonic meeting, B.C. 339, xi.
282 ; on the special Amphikty-
onic meeting at Thermopylae, xi.
283 ; advice of, on hearing of
the fortification of Elateia by
Philip, xi. 291; mission of, to
Thebes, B.C. 339, xi. 291 seq. ;
crowned at Athens, xi. 298, 301;
at the battle of Chseroneia, xi.
304 seq., 306 ; confidence shown
to, after the battle of Chssroneia,
xi. 307, 314 ; conduct of, on the
death of Philip, xi. 336 ; corre-
spondence of, with Persia, xi.
347 seq. ; accusation against,
respecting the revolt of Thebes
against Alexander, xi. 360 ; posi-
tion and policy of, in Alex-
ander's time, xii. 101 seq. ; and
JEschines, judicial contest be-
tween, xii. 108 seq. ; accusation
against, in the affair of Harpalus,
xii. 116 seq. ; recall of, from
exile, xii. 135; flight of, to
Kalauria, xii. 144 ; condemna-
tion and death of, xii. 148 seq. ;
life and character of, xii. 150 seq.
Derflas, at Olynthus, ix. 280.
Derkylliflas, in Asia, ix. 31 seq.,
40 seq., 77; atAbydosand Sestos,
ix. 144; superseded by Anaxibius
at Abydos, ix. 195.
Despots, in Greece, iii. 4, 18 seq. •
at Siky&n iii. 31 seq., 37; at Cor-
inth, iii. 39 seq. ; of Asiatic
Greece, deposition of, byArista-
goras iv. 212; Sicilian, v. 60, 89.
DeukaUon, i. 95 seq.
Dexippus, viii. 427, 452 seq. ; x. 184,
190, 205.
Diadochi, Asia Hellenised by, xii.
91.
Diagorus, prosecution of, vii. 46.
Dialectics, Grecian, iv. 23, viii. 141,
147 seq., 257 seq.
Dictators in Greece iii. 19.
Dido, legend of, iii. 343.
DIOAMMA.
INDEX.
DIONYS1UB.
351
Digamma and the Homeric poems,
ii. 147.
Diitrephfs, vii. 196 seq.
Dikceus, vision of, IT. 465.
Dikasterits not established by
Solon, ill. 126; Athenian, iv. 68
seq., v. 242 seq., 25C, 261 ; consti-
tution of, byPerikles, v. 211 seq.,
222 ; working of, at Athens, v.
237 seq. ; at Rhodes, and other
Grecian cities, v. 240 n, 2; juris-
diction of, over the subject-allies
of Athens, v. 299 seq., 303.
Dikasts, oath of, at Athens iii. 106,
viii 100; Athenian, iv. 69, 298;
under Perikles, v. 213, 222, 233
,-•••/., 244.
Dikon of Kaulonia, x. SOS.
Dimnus, xii. 14, 17.
Diodonis, his historical versions of
mythes, i. 398; statement of, re-
specting the generals at Argi-
nusK, vii. 426.
Diodotus, speech of, vi. 33 seq.
Diogenes and Alexander, xi. 373.
Diokleides, vii. 36, 42.
Diokles the Corinthian, ii. 297.
Diokles the Syraeusan, the laws of,
x. 150 seq. ; aid to Himera under,
x. 171; banishment of, x. 179.
Dto Chrysostom's attempt to hist-
oricise the legend of Troy, i.
312.
Dio Chrysostom at Olbia, xii. 300
seq.
DiomSdes, return of, from Troy,
i. 302.
Diomedon, pursuit of Chians by,
vii. 215; at Teos and Lesbos, vii.
223; at Miletus and Chios, vii.
225 seq. ; at Samos, vii. 269 ; defeat
of, by Kallikratidas, vii. 411.
Dion, his Dionysian connexion, and
character, x. 334 ; Plato and the
Pythagoreans, x. 334 seq. ; politi-
cal views of, x. 336 seq. ; main-
tains the Elder to the last, x. 338 ;
his visits to Peloponnesus and
Athens, x. 339 ; conduct of, on
the accession of Dionysius the
Younger, x. 341 seq. ; efforts of,
to improve Dionysius the Young-
er, x. 344 seq. ; entreats Plato to
visit Dionysius the Younger, x.
346 ; and Plato urges Dionysius
the Younger to reform himself,
x. 351; and Plato, intrigues of
Philistus against, x. 354 ; aliena-
tion of Dionysins the Younger
from, x. 355 -r banishment of, x.
356; property of, confiscated by
Dionysius the Younger, x. 359;
resolution of, to avenge himself
on Dionysius the Younger, and
free Syracuse, x. 360 seq., 363 ;
forces of, at Zakynthus, x. 362,
866; expedition of, against Dio-
nysius the Younger, x. 363 seq. ;
entry of, into Syracuse, B.C. 357,
x. 373 seq. ; chosen general by
the Syracusans, x. 372; captures
EpipoltB and Euryalus, x. 373 .
blockade of Ortygia by, x. 374,
377, 393; negotiations of Dio-
nysius the Younger with, x. 374,
383; victory of, over Dionysius
the Younger, x. 375 seq. ; intrigues
ofDionysiusthe Younger against,
x. 379, 382; suspicions of the
Syracusans against, x. 379, 382,
397; and HerakleidSs, x. 379, 383,
391, 395 seq., 400 ; deposition and
retreat of, from Syracuse, x. 383 ;
at Leontini, x. 385, 387; repulse
of Nypsius and rescue of Syra-
cuse by, x. 390 seq. • entry of,
into Syracuse, B.C. 356, x. 389;
entry of, into Ortygia, x. 396 ;
conduct of, on his final triumph,
x. 396 seq. ; his omission to grant
freedom to Syracuse, x. 398 seq. ;
opposition to, as dictator, x. 400
seq. ; tyranny, unpopularity and
disquietude of, x. 401 seq. ; death
and character of, x. 404 seq. ; and
Timoleon, contrast between, x.
4 76 seq.
Dionysia, Attic, i. 30, iii. 485.
Dionysiac festival at Athens, B.C.
349, xi. 147.
Dionysius, Phoktsan, iy. 228 seq.,
231.
352
DIONYSltTS.
INDEX.
DIONYSIUS.
Dionysius the Elder, and Konon,
ix. 150; demonstration against,
at Olympia, B.C. 384, ix. 290 seq.,
x. 304 seq. ; triremes of, captured
by Iphikrates, ix. 367; first ap-
pearance of, at Syracuse, x. 181 ;
movement of the Hermokratean
party to elevate, x. 194; harangue
of, against the Syracusan gener-
als at Agrigentum, x. 195 seq.;
one of the generals of Syracuse,
x. 196 seq. ; first expedition of, to
Gela, x. 200; accusations of,
against his colleagues, x. 201 ;
election of, as sole general x.
201 ; stratagem of, to obtain a
body-guard, x. 202 seq. ; establish-
es himself as despot at Syra-
cuse, x. 205 seq., 216; second
expedition of, to Gela, x. 208 seq.;
charges of treachery against, x.
213, 217; mutiny of the Syracusan
horsemen against, x. 213 neq. ; and
Imilkon, peace between, x. 217
seq. ; sympathy of Sparta with,
x. 219, 267; strong position of,
after his peace with Imilkon, x.
220; fortification and occupation
of Ortygia by, x. 220 seq. ; re-
distribution of property by, x.
221 seq. ; exorbitant exactions of,
x. 223; mutiny of the Syracusan
soldiers against, x. 224 seq. ; be-
sieged in Ortygia, x. 224 seq. ;
strengthens his despotism, x. 229
aeq. ; conquers JEtna, Naxus, Ka-
tana, and Leontini, x. 230; at
Enua x. 230; resolution of, to
make war upon Carthage B.C. 400,
x. 232; additional fortifications
at Syracuse by, x. 233 seq. ; pre-
parations of, for war with Car-
thage, B.C. 399-397, x. 235, 240 seq. ;
improved behaviour of, to the
Syracusans, B.C. 390, x. 236 ; con-
ciliatory policy of, towards the
Greek cities near the Strait of
Messen6 B.C. 399, x. 238 seq.;
marriage of, with Boris and
AristomaoliS, x. 239,243; exhorts
the Syracusan assembly to war
against Carthage, x. 244 ; permits
the plunder of the Carthaginians
at Syracuse, x. 245 ; declares war
against Carthage, B.C. 397, x. 246;
marches against the Carthaginians
in Sicily, B.C. 397, x. 246 seq. ;
siege and capture of MotyS by,
x. 248 seq. ; revolt of the Sikels
from, x. 256 ; provisions of, for
the defence of Syracuse against
the Carthaginians, B.C. 396, x.
257; naval defeat of, nearKatana,
x. 258; retreat of, from Katana to
Syracuse, B.C. 395, x. 260 ; Syracu-
san naval victory over the Car-
thaginians in the absence of, x.
264 ; speach of Theod&rus against,
x. 265 seq. ; discontentof the Syra-
cusans with, B.C. 395, x. 265 seq.;
and Pharakidas, x. 268; attacks
the Carthaginian camp before
Syracuse and sacrifices his mer-
cenaries, x. 271; success of, by sea
and land against the Carthagin-
ians before Syracuse, x. 272;
secreat treaty of, with Imilkon
before Syracuse, x. 273; and the
Iberians, x. 274; capture of Li-
byans by, x. 275; difficulties of,
from his mercenaries, x. 279 ; re-
establishment of Messdnfi by, x.
280 ; conquests of, in the interior
of Sicily, B.C. 394, x. 281; at
Tauromenium, x. 281, 285 ; and
the Sikels, B.C. 394-393, x. 281;
declaration of Agrigentum
against, B.C. 393, x. 283; victory
of, near Abaksena, x. 283 ; expe-
dition of, against Rhegium, B.C.
393, x. 283 ; repulses Magon at
Agyrium, x. 284 ; plans of, against
the Greek cities in Southern
Italy, x. 285 ; alliance of, with
the Lucanians against the Italiot
Greeks, x. 287; attack of, upon
Rhegium, B.C. 390, x. 288; expe-
dition of, against the Italiot
Greeks, B.C. 389, x. 291 seq. ; his
capture and generous treatment
of Italiot Greeks, x. 292; besieges
and grants peace to Rhegium, x.
DIONYSIUS.
INDEX.
353
293 ; capture of Kaulonia and
Hipponium by, z. 294; capture
of Rhegium by, x. 295, 298 ; cruel-
ty of, to Phyton, x. 297; and
Sparta, ascendancy of, B.C. 387,
x. 299; capture of Kroton by, x.
300; schemes of, for conquests in
Kpirus and Illyria, x. 300 ;
plunders Latium, Ktruria, and
the temple of Agylla, x. 302 ;
poetical compositions of, x. 302 ;
dislike and dread of, in Greece.
x. 303, 307 ; harshness of, to Plato,
x. 315 ; new constructions and
improvements by, at Syracuse,
B.C. 387 383, x. 316; renews the
war with Carthage B.C. 383, x. 318
seq. ; disadvantageous peace of,
with Carthage, B.C. 383, x. 319;
projected wall of, across the Ca-
labrian peninsula, x. 320 ; re-
lations of, with Central Greece.
B.C. 382-369, x. 321 ; war of, with
Carthage, B.C. 368, x. 322; gains
the tragedy prize at the Lensean
festival at Athens, x. 323; death
and character of, x. 323 seq., 340 ;
family left by, x. 332, 340; the
good opinion of, enjoyed by
Dion to the last, x. 338; drunken
habits of his descendants, x. 411..
Dionysius the Younger, age of, at
his father's death, x. 333, n. 1;
accession and character of, x. 340;
Dion's efforts to improve, x. 344
aeq.; Plato's visits to, x. 346 seq.;
Plato's injudicious treatment of
x. 350 seq. ; his hatred and injuries
•to Dion, x. 354, 359 seq. ; deten-
tion of Plato by, x. 356; Dion's
•expedition against, x. 363 seq. ;
weakness and drunken habits of,
x. 365 ; absence of, from Syra-
cuse, B.C. 857, x. 36&; negotia-
tions of, with Dion and the Sy-
racusans, x. 374, 383; defeat of,
by Dion, x. 375 seq. ; blockaded
in Ortygia by Dion, x. 377; in-
trigues of, against Dion, x. 379,
381; his flight to Lokri, x. 383;
return of, to Syracuse, x. 411 ; at
VOL. XII.
Iiokri, x. 412 ; his surrender of
Ortygia to Timoleon, x. 431; at
Corinth, x. 431 seq.
Dionysius of the Pontic Herakleia,
xii. 287 seg.
Dtonysos, worship of, i. 23, 29, 33;
legend of, in the Homeric hymn
to, 1. 32 ; alteration of the primi-
tive Grecian idea of, i. 35 seq.
Diopeithes, xi. 254.
Dioskuri, i. 167.
Diphilus at Naupaktus, B.C. 413,
vii. 198.
Diphridas, in Asia, ix. 189.
Dirlce, i. 257.
Discussion, growth of, among the
Greeks, iv. 23.
Dithyramb, iv. 15.
Dodona, i. 382 seq.
Doloneia, ii. 189, 201.
Dolonkians and Miltiadgs the first,
iv. 44.
Dorian cities in Peloponnesus
about 450 B.C., ii. 300; islands in
the JEgean and the Dorians in
Argolis, ii. 322; immigration to
Peloponnesus, ii. 305; settlers at
Argos and 'Corinth, ii. 310 seq.,
311; settlement in Sparta, ii. 328;
allotment of land at Sparta, ii.
416 seq.; mode, the, iii. 214;
states, inhabitants of, iii. 31 ; tribes
at SikyOn, names of, iii. 32, 36.
Dorians, early accounts of, i. 101
seq., ii. 1; mythical title of, to
the PeloponnSsus, ii. 6 ; their
occupation of Argos, Sparta,
Messenia, and Corinth, ii. 8; ear-
ly Kretan, ii. 311; in Argolis and
the Dorian islands in the JEgean,
ii. 323; of Sparta andStenyklerus,
ii. 327 seq. ; divided into three
tribes, ii. 361; Messenian, ii. 433;
Asiatic, iii. 203; of -SCgina, iv. 99.
Doric dialect, ii. 336 seq., iv. 14 ;
emigrations, ii. 25 seq.
Dorieus, the Spartan prince, aid
of, to Kinyps, iii. 455; and the
Krotoniates, iv. 336, 340; Sicily,
v. 61.
Dorieus, the Rhodian, vii. 233,
2 A
354
INDEX.
358; capture and liberation of,
vii. 401; treatment of, by the
Athenians and Lacedemonians,
ix. 94 seq. ; and Hermokrates in
the -SSgean, x. 146.
Doris, i. 100, ii. 290.
Doris, wife of Dionysius, x. 239,
243.
Doriskus, Xerxes at, iv. 378 seq.
Dorkis, v. Ill, 113.
Durus, i. 98 seq.
Drako and his laws, iii. 76 seq.
Dramatic genius, development of,
at Athens, viii. 118 seq.
Drangiana, Alexander in, xii. 13
seq., 22.
Drepane, i. 232.
Dryopiana, settlements of, formed
by sea, ii. 312.
Dryopis, ii. 290.
Duketius, the Sikel prince, iii. 370,
vi. 393 seq.
Dymanes, Hylleis, and Pamphyli,
ii. 361.
Dyrrhachium, iii. 404 seq.
E.
Earliest Greeks, residences of, ii.
108 seq.
Early poets, historical value of, ii.
44.
Echemus, i. 94, 173.
Echidna, i. 7.
Eclipse of the sun in a battle be-
tween Medes and Lydians, iii.
233 ; of the moon, B.C. 413, vii.
155; of the moon, B.C. 331, xi. 476.
Edda, the, i. 462.
Edessa, the dynasty of, iii. 432, 434.
Eetioneia, fort at, vii. 299, 305, 309.
Egesta, application of, to Athens,
vi. 415 seq. ; application of, to
Carthage, x. 163 seq. ; Syracusan
attack upon, x. 253 ; barbarities
of Agathokles at, xii. 267.
Egypt, influence of, upon the
religion of Greece, i. 23, 28, 31 ;
the opening of, to Grecian com-
merce, i. 353 ; ante - Hellenic
colonies from, to Greece not
probable, ii. 268; Solon's visit
to, iii. 148; Herodotus's account
of, iii. 308 seq.; antiquity of,
iii. 311; peculiar physical and
moral features of, iii. 311 ; large
town-population in, iii. 319; pro-
found submission of tho people
in, iii. 320 ; worship of animals
in, iii. 322; relations of, with
Assyria, iii. 324 ; and Kyrene,
iii. 456 ; Persian expedition from,
against Barka, iii. 462; Kam-
bysSs's invasion and conquest of,
iv. 145; revolt and reconquest of,
under Xerxes, iv. 346; defeat and
losses of the Athenians in, v.
188; unavailing efforts of Persia
to reconquer, ix. 227 ; Agesilaus
and Chabrias in, x. 122 seq. ; re-
conquest of, by Ochus, xi. 243 ;
march of Alexander towards, xi.
467, 470; Alexander in, xi. 470
seq.
Egyptians, ethnography of, iii.
265; contrasted with Greeks,
Phenicians, and Assyrians, iii.
304; and Ethiopians, iii. 314;
effect of, on the Greek mind, iii.
340.
Eileithyia, i. 10.
Eton, capture of, by Kimon, v.
150 seg. ; defended by Thucy lides
against Brasidas, vi. 188; Kleon
at, vi..240.
Eklatana, foundation of, iii. 230;
Darius at, xii. 3; Alexander at,
xii. 3 seq., 68 seq.; Parmenio at,
xii. 4, 19 seq.
Ekdikus, expedition of, to Khodes,
ix. 189.
Ekklcsia, Athenian, iv. 66.
Elcea, iii. 191. •
Elceus, escape of tho Athenian
squadron from Sestos to, vii.
347; Mindarus and Thrasyllus
at, vii. 351, 354.
Elateia, refortiflcation of, by
Philip, xi. 287.
Elatvs, i. 172.
Elea, Ph6ksean colony at, iv. 122,
vi. 397.
Eleatic school, viii. 142 seg., 173.
INDKX.
EPEIANS.
355
Elegiac verse of KalHnns, Tyrtfeus,
and Mini 11 crni us, iv. 9.
I'.ii-i'in genealogy, i. 135 seq.
Eleiana excluded from the Isthmian
games, i. 137; and the Olympic
games, ii. 10, 318; and Pisatans,
ii. 434, 439; their exclusion of
the Lacedaemonians from the
Olympic festival, vi. 326 aeq. ;
desert the Argeian allies, vi.
346 ; and Arcadians, x. 74 aeq.,
83 ; exclusion of, from the
Olympic festival, B.C. 364, x. 78
aeq.
Elektra and Thaumas, progeny of,
i. 7.
Elelctrydn, death of, i. 90.
Eletisinian mysteries, i. 37, 40 ;
alleged profanation of, by Alki-
biadds and others, vii. 13 aeq.,
46 aeq. ; celebration of, protected
by Alkibiades, vii. 392.
Eleusinians, seizure and execution
of, by the Thirty at Athens, viii.57.
Eleusis, temple of, i. 39; import-
ance of mysteries to, i. 42 ; early
independence of, iii. 71 ; retire-
ment of the Thirty to, viii. 62;
capture of, viii. 71.
Eleutheria, institution of, at Plattea,
v. 42.
Elis, genealogy of, i. 135 seq. ;
Oxylus and the JEtolians at, ii.
10 ; Pisa, Triphylia, and Lepreum,
ii. 439 ; formation of the city of,
v. 171; revolt of, from Sparta to
Argos, vi. 289 seq. ; and Lepreura,
vi.288; and Sparta, war between,
ix. 45 seq. ; claim of, to Triphylia
and the Pisatid, x. 20 seq., 73;
alienation of, from the Arcad-
ians, x. 20; alliance of, with
Sparta and Achaia, x. 73.
Elymi, iii. 346.
Emigrants to I&nia, the, ii. 24 seq.
Emigration, early, from Greece,
iii. 346.
Emigrations consequent on the
Dorian occupation of Pelopon-
nesus, ii. 12 ; AOolic, Ionic, and
Doric, ii. 17 seq.
EmpedoTtUa, i. 408 seq., vi. 398, yiii.
141.
Emporice, xil. 277.
Endius, vii. 364 seq.
Endymion, stories of, i. 136.
F.ni-ti, the, i. 310.
England, her government of her
dependencies compared with the
Athenian empire, v. 311 n. 1.
Enienes, ii. 287
Enna, Dionysius at, x. 230.
Ennea Hodoi, v. 166, 274.
Enomoties, ii. 456 aeq.
Entella, Syracusan attack upon,
x. 253, 260.
Eos, i. 6.
Epaminondaa, and the conspiracy
against the philo-Laconian olig-
archy at Thebes, ix. 298, 303,
340 seq.; training and character
of, ix. 336 seq. ; and Pelopidas,
ix. 338 ; and Kallistratus, ix. 381,
x. 48; and Agesilaus at the con-
gress at Sparta, ix. 384 seq., 390;
at Leuktra, ix. 395; and Orcho-
menus, ix. 412 ; proceedings and
views of, after the battle of
Leuktra, ix. 431 seq.; expeditions
of, into Peloponnesus, ix. 434
aeq., x. 13 seq., 25 seq., 89 seq. ;
foundation of Megalopolis and
MessSne by, ix. 442 seq. ; his re-
tirement from Peloponnesus, ix.
451; his trial of accountability,
ix. 458 seq. ; mildness of, x. 18;
and the Thehan expedition to
Thessaly, to rescue Pelopidas,
x. 42; mission of, to Arcadia,
x. 48; Theban fleet and naval
expedition under, x. 63 seq.; and
Menekleidas, x. 27, 64 seq. ; and
the destruction of Orchomenus,
x. 71; and the arrest of Arcad-
ians by the Theban harmost at
Tegea, x. 85 seq. ; attempted sur-
prise of Mantiueia by the cavalry
of, x. 90 seq. ; at the battle of
Mantineia, x. 95 seq. ; death of,
x. 108 seq.; character of, x. 112
seq.
Epeians, i. 136 seq., ii. 12.
2 A 2
356
INDEX.
Epeius of PanopeuB, i. 295, 304.
EpeunaMos, iii. 383.
Ephesus , iii. 181 seq. ; capture of,
by Croesus, iii. 261; defeat of
Thrasyllus at, vii. 370 ; Lysander
at, vii. 394, viii. 3; capture of,
by Alexander, xi. 416.
Epheice, iii. 78 seq.
Ephialtes, the Aloid, i. 184.
Ephialtes, the general, xi. 372, 420.
Ephialtes, the statesman, v. 220, 225;
and I'crikles, constitution of
dikasteries by, v. 211 seq.; ju-
dicial reform of, v. 221.
Ephors, Spartan, ii. 348, 350 seq.,
351 ; vi. 294 ; appointment of, at
Athens, viii. 25.
Ephorus, i. 394, ii. 369.
Epic cycle, ii. 122 seq.
Epic poems, lost, ii. 120; recited
in public, hot read in private,
ii. 135 ; variations in the mode
of reciting, ii. 141 eeq. ; long,
besides the Iliad and Odyssey,
ii. 156.
Epic poetry in early Greece, ii. 116
seq.
Epic poets and their dates, ii. 122.
Epic of the middle ages, i. 462.
Epical localities, transposition of,
i. 242; age preceding the lyrical,
iv. 1.
Epicharmus, i. 363 n. 1.
Epidamnus, iii. 404 seq. ; and the
Illyrians, iii. 419 seq. ; foundation
of, v. 314 ; application of the
democracy at, to Korkyra and
Corinth, v. 315 ; attacked by the
Korkyrseans, v. 316; expeditions
from Corinth to, v. 316.
Epidaurus, attack of Argos and
Athens upon, vi. 336 ; ravaged by
the Argeians, vi.339 ; Lacedaemon-
ian movements in support of, vi.
340; attempts of the Argeians to
storm, vi. 341; operations of the
Argeian allies near, vi. 360;
evacuation of the fort at, vi. 366.
Epigoni, the, i. 272, ii. 129, n. 3.
Epimenides, visit of, to Athens, i.27.
Epimenides, of Krete, iii. 86 seq.
Epimetheus, i. 6, 73.
Epipolce, vii. 83 ; intended occupa-
, tion of, by the Syracusans, vii.
86; occupation of, by the Athen-
ians, vii. 86 ; defeat of the Athen-
ians at, vii. 112; Demosthenes's
night-attack upon, vii. 143 seq. ;
capture of, by Dion, x. 372 ;
capture of, by Timoleon, x. 440.
Epirots, ii. 234, 348, 410 seq. ;
attack of, upon Akarnania, v.
457 seq.
Epirus, discouraging to Grecian
colonisation, iii. 414; Dionysius's
schemes of conquest in, x. 300;
government of Olympias in, xii.
217 n. 1.
Epistates, iv. 66
Epitadas, vi. 121.
Epitadeus, the Ephor, ii. 406.
Epodits, introduction of, iv. 16.
Epyaxa, and Cyrus the Younger,
viii. 320.
Era, revolt of, from Athens, vii.
215.
Erasinides, trial and imprison-
ment of, vii. 421.
Eratosthenes, viii. 39, 62, 94.
Erechtheion, restoration of, v. 284.
Erechtheus, i. 186 seq., 192, 196.
Eresus, Thrasyllus at, vii. 343.
Eretria, iii. 165 seq., 170 seq.;
assistance of, to the Milesians,
iv. 216; siege and capture of,
by Datis, iv. 258 seq.;- fate of
captives taken by Datis at, iv.
289 ; naval defeat of the Athen-
ians near, vii, 312 seq. ; Phokion
at, xi. 144; Philippising faction
at, xi. 254; liberation of, xi. 257.
Ergokles, ix. 194 n. 1.
Ergop}iilus, x. 129 seq.
Erichthonius, i. 187, 190, 278.
Eriphyle, i. 265 seq.
Eros, i. 4 ; and Aphrodite, func-
tion of, i. 5.
Erytheia, i. 242.
Erythras, iii. 187, yii. 211.
Eryx, defeat of Dionysius at, x. 322
Eryxo, and Learchus, iii. 458.
EteoMes, i. 128, 261, 273.
ETEOKLEB.
INDEX.
EUKYNOMK.
357
Eteonikus, expulsion of, from
Pliasos, vii. 369; at Mitylene,
vii. 412 ; escape of, from Mity-
lene to Chios, vii. 416, 430; at
Chios, viii. 2; removal of, from
Chios to Ephesus, viii. 3; in
JEginz, ix. 198, 201.
Ethiopians and Egyptians, iii. 314.
Etruria, plunder of, by Dionysius,
x. 302.
Eucephnus and Polychares, ii. 425.
Eubcea, iii. 164 seq. ; resolution of
Greeks to oppose Xerxes at the
strait on the north of, iv. 417;
advance of the Persian fleet to,
iv. 449 ; revolt and reconquest
of, by Perikles, v. 203 ; applica-
tion from, to Agis, vii. 204; re-
volt of, from Athens, B.C. 411,
vii. 313 ; Peloponnesian fleet
summoned from, by Mindarus,
vii. 351; bridge joining Boeotia
and, vii. 353, 359 ; rescued from
Thebes by Athens, B.C. 358, xi.
21 seq. ; revolt of, from Athens,
B.C. 350-349, xi. 143 seq. ; intrigues
of Philip in, xi. 143; expedition
of Fhokion to, B.C. 342, xi. 145
seq. ; hostilities in, B.C. 349-348,
xi. 149; Philippizing factions in,
B.C. 342, xi. 254 ; expedition of
Phokion to, B.C. 341, xi. 257.
Eubcea in Sicily, v. 68.
Euloic scale, ii. 317, 324, iii. 172.
Euboic synod, xi. 257.
Eululus, xi. 80, 112, 170, 172, 198.
Eudamidas, ix. 273, 279.
Euemerus's treatment of mythes
i. 396.
Eukleides, archonship of, viii. 110.
Hukles, vi. 187, 188, 191 seq.
Eumachus, xii. 259, 260.
Eumelits of Bosporus, xii. 305.
Eumelus, the poet, i. 119 seq.
Euments, xi. 399; and Hephsestion
xii. 68; and Perdikkas, xii. 141;
victory of, over Kraterus and
Neoptolemus, xii. 157 seq. • at-
tempts of, to uphold Alexander's
dynasty in Asia, xii. 162 seq. ;
and Antigonus, xii. 159.
Eumeni/Jes, -SSschylus'B, and the
Areopagus, iii. 80, n. i.
Eumolpus, i. 194 seq.
Ettnomus, ix. 200.
Eupatridce, iii. 71.
EuphaFs, ii. 426.
Euphemus, speech of, at Kamarina,
vii. 68.
Euphiletus and Meldtus, vii. 41.
EuphrcBus, xi. 10, 253.
Euphrates, Cyrus the Younger at,
viii. 332; the Ten Thousand
Greeks at, viii. 405 ; Alexander
at, xi. 475, xii. 72.
EupJiron, x. 28 seq.
Euripides, faults imputed to, i.
372 seq. ; story about the dramas
of, and the Athenian prisoners
in Sicily, vii. 186 ; number of
tragedies by, viii. 120, n. 1;
JEschylus and Sophoklfis, viii.
123 seq. ; and Dekamnichug, ix.
262.
Euripides, financial proposal of,
ix. 206 n. 1.
Euripus, bridge across, vii. 353,
359.
Eurdpa, i. 212 seq., 252.
Eurotas, crossed by Epaminondas.
ix. 436.
Euryalus, Hamilkar's attempt on,
xii. 245.
Eurybates, iv. 395.
Eurylnades, iv. 425, 467 seq.
Eurydik?, widow of Amyntas, x. 9.
Eurydike, granddaughter of Philip,
xii. 156, 159.
Euryleon, v. 61.
Eurylochus, vi. 80 — 82.
Eurymedon, victories of the , v. 163.
Eurymedon, at Korkyra, vi. 54 seq.;
and SophoklSs, expedition of,
to Korkyra and Sicily, vi. 92seq. ;
136 seq. ; at Pylus, lOOseg., Ill;
expeditions of, to Sicily, vi. 404»
407, vii. 119; return of, from Si-
cily to Athens, vi. 410.
Eurynome, and Zeus, offspring of,
i. 10.
Eitryptolemus, vii. 418, n. 2, 425,
439, 443 seq.
358
ETTRyPTOLEMUS.
INDEX.
GENEALOGY.
Eurypylus, i. 274.
Eurystheus, i. 92, 97, 156.
Eurytos, i. 137 *eq.
Eurytus, iv. 440.
Eutcea, Agesilaus at, B.C. 370, is,
429.
Euihydemus, Plato's, viii. 197 n. 1.
Euthykrates and Lasthenos, xi. 155.
Euxine, Greek settlements on, ill.
237, 444, viii. 422; first sight of,
by the Ten Thousand Greeks,
viii. 412 ; indigenous tribes on,
viii. 423; the Greeks on, and the
Ten Thousand, viii. 424; Xeno-
phon's idea of founding a new
city on the, viii. 433 seq.
Evagoras, ix. 191, 201, 228 seq.
F.
Family tie, in legendary Greece,
ii. 83 ; rites in Greece, iii. 57.
Fates, i. 7; and Croesus, iv. 122 seq.
Ferdousi, Persian epic of, i. 463
n. 1.
Festivals, Grecian, i. 50, ii. 229, iii.
469, 483 seq. ; 486 seq. ; at Athens,
viii. 132.
Fiction, plausible, i. 419, ii. 44.
Fictitious matter in Greek tradi-
tion, i. 417.
Financial changes, Kleisthenean,
iv. 65.
Five Th-jusand, the, at Athens, vii.
278, 294 n. 4, 303, 316 n. 2, 319.
Flaying alive by Persians and
Turks, iv. 220 n. 1.
Fleece, Golden, legend of, i. 122.
Flute, use of, in Sparta, iv. 11.
Fortification of towns in early
Greece, ii. 107 seq.; of the Grecian
camp in the Iliad, ii. 188.
Four Hundred, the oligarchy of,
vii. 277 seq.
Frenzy, religious, of women, i. 28
seq.
Funeral, ceremony at Athens over
slain warriors, v. 294; orations,
besides that of Perikles, v. 405
n. 2 ; obsequies of Hephsestion,
xii.74, 75.
Funerals, Solon's regulations ab-
out, iii. 141.
G.
Gades, iii. 272 seq. ; voyage from
Corinth to, in the seventh and
sixth centuries B.C., iii. 278.
Gcea, i. 4, 6, 8.
Gcesylus, x. 395.
Games, Olympic, i. 99, ii. 243 seq.,
319 seq. , iii. 469 seq. ; Isthmian,
i. 122, ii. 307 n. 2, iii. 481 ; the
four great Grecian, ii. 242, iii.
482, 486 seq. ; Solon's rewards to
victors at, iii. 142 ; Pythian, iii.
474, 479 seq. ; Nemean, iii. 481.
Gamori, iii. 27; at Syracuse, v. 601.
Ganymedes, i. 278.
Gargaphia, fountain of, v. 19 n.
Gav.gam.ela, battle of, xi. 484 seq.
Gauls, embassy of, to Alexander,
xi. 352; invasion of Greece by,
xii. 212.
Gaza, capture of, by Alexander,
xi. 467 seq.
Gedrosia, Alexander in, xii. 22, 67.
Gela, iii. 362; and Syracuse, before,
B.C. 500, v. 58 ; Kleander of, v.
61; Gelo despot of, v. 61 seq. ;
congress of Sicilian cities at,
vi. 407 ; and Hannibal's capture
of Selinus, x. 168; expeditions
of Dionysius to, x. 200, 209 seq. ;
capture of, by Imilkon, x. 208
seq. ; Timoleon and the fresh
colonization of, x. 467 ; Agatho-
kles at, xii. 229.
Geleontes, iii. 51.
Gelo, iv. 413, v. 62-80.
Geloni, iii. 246.
Gelonian dynasty, fall of, v. 86;
citizens of Syracuse, v. 86 seq.
Genealogies, Grecian, i. 80 seq.,
431 ; Argeian i. 82 ; mythical, i.
185, 429 seq. ; Egyptian, i. 431 ;
Clinton's vindication of, ii. 40
seq.
Genealogy, Corinthian, of Eumelns,
i. 119 seq. ; of Orchomenos, i.
129 seg. ; Eleian, i. 135; 2EHolian,
INDEX.
359
i. 138; Laconian, i. 164; Mos-
senian, 1. 168; Arcadian, i. 169.
Generate, Kleisthenean, iv. 63.
Gerties, Attic, iii. 63 sec;., 64 seq. ;
analogy between those of Greece
and other nations, ii. 60 seq. ;
Grecian, patronymic names of,
ii. 62; difference between Grecian
and Roman, ii. 64; non-members
of, under Solon, iii. 133.
Geographical knowledge, Hesiodic
and Homeric, ii. 113; views of
Alexander, xii. 64 n. 4.
Geography, fabulous, i. 238 seq. ;
Homeric, iii. 205 ; of the retreat
of the Ten Thousand, viii. 417
seq.
Geological features of Greece, ii. 217.
Geomori, iii. 29, 72.
Gergis, iii. 198; Derkyllidas at,
ix. 33.
Gergithes, iii. 198.
German progress brought about
by violent external influences,
i. 447; mythes, i. 448.
Gerontes, ii. 66.
Qeronthroe, conquest of, ii. 419.
Geryon, i. 7, 242.
Geta, Alexander's defeat of, xi.
350.
Gigantes, birth of, i. 5, 9 n. 1.
GiHus, iv. 185.
Giskon, x. 163 and 164 n. 2, 461.
Glaulcce, xii. 52.
Glauke, i. 117.
Glaulcon, discourse of, in Plato's
Republic, viii. 196.
Glaukus, i. 217.
Gnomic, Greek poets, iv. 18 seq.
Gnomon, whence obtained by the
Greeks, iii. 341.
Goddesses, and Gods, twelve great,
i. 1.0.
Gods, Grecian, how conceived by
the Greeks, i. 3 seq., 336 seq. ;
and daemons, i. 408 seq. ; and
men, i. 432.
Golden Fleece, legend of, i. 122.
Golden race, the, i. 64.
Gongylus, the Corinthian, vii. 104,
111.
Good, Ac., meaning of, in early
Greek writers, ii. 64; double
sense of the Greek and Latin
equivalents of, iii. 46 n. 3.
Gordian knot, Alexander cuts the,
xi. 429.
Gordium, Alexander's march from,
xi. 436.
GoriHus, legend of, iii. 219.
Gorgias of Leontini, vi. 398, 402,
viii.172, 187.
Gorgons, i. 89.
Gorgopas, at -ZEgina, ix. 200 seq.
Government of historical andlegen-
dary Greece , ii. 60 seq. ; heroic,
ii. 75 ; earliest changes of, in
Greece iii. 5 seq. ; kingly, iii. 7
seq. ; change from monarchical
to oligarchical in Greece, iii. 15
seq.
Governments, Grecian, weakness
of, iv. 79.
Graces, the, i. 10.
Greets, i. 7.
Greed, ii. 269.
Grcecia Magna, iii. 394.
Graco-Asiatic cities, xii. 92.
Granikus, battle of the, xi. 407 seg.;
Athenians captured at the, xi.
430.
GraphS ParanomSn, v. 230 seg.;
abolition of, B.C. 411, vii. 277.
Grecian mythes, i. 50, 442 seg.;
genealogies, i. 80 seg. ; mytho-
logy, sources of our information
on, i. 105; intellect, expansive
force of, i. 350; progress between
B.C. 700 and 500, i. 354 seq.; anti-
quity, i. 429, 432; genealogies,
i. 432; townsman, intellectual
acquisitions of a, i. 441; poetry,
matchless, i. 445; progress, self-
operated, i. 445 ; mythology, how
it would have been affected by
the introduction of Christianity,
B.C. 500, i. 451; mythes, proper
treatment of, i. 471 seg.; com-
putation of time, ii. 115 n. 1;
festivals, intellectual influence
of, ii. 229 ; history, first and
second periods of, ii. 271 seg.,
360
INDEX.
GREECE.
iii. 466; opinion, change in, on
the decision of disputes by cham-
pions, ii. 451; states, growing
communion of, between B.C. 600
and 647; ii. 461; "faith," iii. 115;
settlements on the Euxine, iii.
237; marine and commerce, growth
of, iii. 239; colonies in Southern
. Italy, iii. 371 aeq. ; world about
660 B.C., iii. 394; history, want
of unity in, iii. 466 ; games, influ-
ence of, upon the Greek mind,
iii. 486 seq.; art, beginnings and
importance of, iv. 25 seq. ; archi-
tecture, iv. 27; governments,
weakness of, iv. 79; world, in
the Thirty years' truce, v. 312;
and barbarian military feeling,
contrast between, vi. 223; youth,
society and conversation of, vi.
304 n. 1; states, complicated re-
lations among, B.C. 420, vi. 322;
and B.C. 366, x. 52; philosophy,
negative side of, viii. 146; dia-
lectics, their many-sided hand-
ling of subjects, viii. 257 seq. ;
states, embassies from, at Fella,
B.C. 346, xi. 209 seq.; captives,
mutilated, at Persepolis, xi. 497;
history, bearing of Alexander's
Asiatic campaigns on, xii. 1 seq. ;
mercenaries under Darius, xii.
7, 11 ; envoys with Darius, xii.
11; world, state of, B.C. 334, xii.
97; exiles, Alexander's rescript
directing the recall of, xii. 130
seq.
Greece, legends of, originally isol-
ated, afterwards thrown into
series, i. 105; legendary and
historical state of society and
manners in, ii. -58-117; subter-
ranean course of rivers in, ii.
220 ; difficulty of land communi-
cation in, ii. 222 ; accessibility
of, by sea, ii. 224 ; islands and
colonies of, ii. 225 ; difference
between the land-states and sea-
states in, ii. 227; effects of the
configuration of, ii. 227 aeq. ; mi-
neral and other productions of,
ii. 230 aeq.; climate of, ii. 233;
difference between the inhabit-
ants of different parts of, ii. 233;
ante-Hellenic inhabitants of, ii.
263; discontinuance of kingship
in, iii. 7 ; antimonarchical sen-
timent of, iii. 11, iv. 103; the
voyage from, to Italy or Sicily,
iii. 358, seven wise men of, iv.
21 seq. ; first advance of, towards
systematic conjunction, iv. 101;
probable consequences of a Per-
sian expedition against, before
that against Scythia, iv. 186 seq. ;
on the eve of Xerxes's invasion,
iy. 403; first separation of, into
two distinct parties, v. 113 aeq.,
146; proceedings in central, be-
tween B.C. 470-464, v. 169; state
of feeling in, between B.C. 445-
431, v. 339 ; bad morality of the
rich and great in, vi 62; atmo-
spherical disturbances in, B.C. 427,
vi. 72; warlike preparations in,
during the winter of B.C. 414-413,
vii. 127 ; alteration of feeling in,
after the capture of Athens by
Lysander, viii. 50, 55, 66 ; disgust
in, at the Thirty at Athens, viii.
53 ; degradation of, by the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 216 seq., 224;
effect of the battle of Leuktra on,
ix. 401, 404, 412; relations of
Dionysius with, B.C. 382-369, x.
321; state of, B.C. 360-359, xi. 3;
decline of citizen- soldiership
and increase of mercenaries in,
after the Peloponnesian war, xi.
83 seq.; effect of the peace and
alliance between Philip and
Athens upon, xi. 234; movements
and intrigues of Philip through-
out, after B.C. 346, xi. 247 seq. ;
state of, on Alexander's ac-
cession, xi. 328, 336 seq. ; march of
Alexander into, B.C. 336, xi.338;
Macedonian interventions in, B.C.
336-335, xi. 342 seq. ; terror in, on
the destruction of Thebes by
Alexander, xi. 369; connexion of
Alexander with, history of, xi.
INDEX.
361
376 ••-•"/• xi. 1 M 7. ; an appendage
to Macedonia under Alexander,
xi. 379; military change* in,
during tbe sixty years before
Alexander's accession, xi. 379
seq. ; possibility of emancipating,
duringAlexander's earlier Asiatic
campaigns, xii. 97 ; hopes raised
in | by the Persian fleet and
armies, B.C. 334-331, xii. 98; sub-
mission of, to Antipater, xii. 107;
effect of Alexander's death on,
xii. 132; confederacy for liber-
ating, after Alexander's death,
xii. 133 seq. ; Ptolemy of Egypt in,
xii. 195 ; success of Demetrius
Poliorkfites in, against Kassan-
der, xii. 203; under Demetrius
Foliorketes and Antigonus Go-
natas, xii. 211 ; invasion of, by
the Gauls, xii. 212; of Polybius,
xii. 212.
Greece, Proper, geography of, ii.
213 seq.
Qreek forces, against Troy, i. 282
seq. ; language and the mythes,
i. 341 ; tradition, matter of, un-
certified, i. 416; language, various
dialects of, ii. 241 ; alphabet, ori-
gin of, iii. 340 n. 2; Latin and
Oscan languages, iii. 351; settle-
ments, east of the Strymon in
Thrace, iii. 441 ; settlements on
the Euxine south of the Danube,
iii. 444; settlements in Libya,
and the nomads, iii. 453 ; cities,
local festivals in, iii. 470, 484
seq. ; lyric poetry, iv. 1, 20;
poetry about the middle of the
seventh century, B.C., iv. i. ;
music, about the middle of the
seventh century, B.C., iv. 3;
poetry, after Terpander, iv. 3 ;
hexameter, new metres superadd-
ed to, iv. 6; chorus, iv. 11, 15;
dancing, iv. 13 ; mind, positive
tendencies of, in the time of
Herodotus, iv. 32 «. 1 ; philo-
sophy in the sixth century B.C.
iv. 306 seq. ; fleet at Arteinisium,
iv. 425 seq., 429 seq.; fleet at
Salamis, iv. 458 ; fleet at Mykalfi,
v. 43 seq.; fleet after the battle
of Mykalfi, y. 63 seq. ; fleet, ex-
pedition of, against Asia, B.C.
478, v. 107 ; generals and cap-
tains, slaughter of Cyreian, viii.
373 s*',q.; heroes, analogy of Alex-
ander to the, xi. 396.
Qreeks, return of, from Troy, i. 301
seq. ; their love of antiquities, i.
338; their distaste for a real hist-
ory of the past, i. 346 ; Homeric,
ii. 97, 116 ; in Asia Minor, ii. 236,
iii. 215; extra-Peloponnesian
north of Attica in the first two
centuries, ii. 272 seq.; advance
of, in government in the seventh
and sixth centuries, B.C., iii. 17 ;
musical modes of, iii. 214 ; and
Phenicians in Sicily and Cyprus,
iii. 277; contrasted with Egyp-
tians, Assyrians, and Phenicians,
iii. 304; influence of Phenicians,
Assyrians, and Egyptians on,
iii. 340 seq. ; and Carthaginians,
first known collision between,
iii. 344; Sicilian and Italian,
monetary and statical scale of,
iii. 366 ; in Sicily, prosperity of,
between B.C. 735 and 485, iii. 357
seq. ; in Sicily and in Greece
Proper, difference between, iii.
368; Italian, between B.C. 700-500
iii. 388 seq. ; their talent for com-
mand over barbarians, iii. 433;
first voyage of, to Libya, iii. 445 ;
and Libyans at Kyrenfi, iii. 455;
political isolation of, iii. 466;
tendencies to political union
among, after B.C. 560, iii. 467;
growth of union among, between
B.C. 776-560, iii. 467 ; rise of philo-
sophy and dialectics among, iv.
23; writing among, iv. 24; Asia-
tic, after Cyrus's conquest of Ly-
dia, iv. 125; Asiatic, application
of, to Sparta, 546 B.C., iv. 125;
and Darius, before the battle of
Marathon, iv. 242 ; eminent, liable
to be corrupted by success, iv.
292 seq. ; and Persians, religious
362
INDEX.
HEKATAEUS.
conception of history common
to, iv. 353 ; northern, and Xerxes,
iv. 410, 415 ; confederate, engage-
ment of, against such as joined
Xerxes , iv. 417 ; effect of the
battle of Thermopylae on, iv. 452
seq. ; and the battle of Salamis,
iv. 466 seq. ; Medising, and Mar-
donius, v. 3 ; Medising, at Pla-
toea, v. 17 ; at Platsea, v. 18 seq. ;
at Mykal6, v. 44 seq. ; Asiatic,
first step to the ascendency of
Athens over, v. 52; Sicilian, early
governments of, v. 60; Sicilian,
progress of, between the battle
of Salamis and Alexander, v. 96 ;
allied , oppose the fortification
of Athens, v. 98 seq. 101 ; allied,
transfer the headship from Sparta
to Athens, B.C. 477, v. 112 seq. ;
allied, Aristeides' assessment of,
v. 119 ; allied, under Athens, sub-
stitute money-payment for per-
sonal service, v. 154 seq. ; effect
of the Athenian disaster in Sicily
upon, vii. 203 ; and Tissaphernes,
Alkibiadea acts as interpreter
between, vii. 246 seq. ; Asiatic,
surrender of, by Sparta to Persia,
ix. 26; Asiatic, and Cyrus the
Younger, ix. 27; Asiatic, and
Tissaphernfis, ix. 28; the Ten
Thousand, their position and cir-
cumstances, viii. 313; Ten Thou-
sand at Kunaxa, viii. 343 seq. •
Ten Thousand, after the battle
of Kunaxa, viii. 349 seq. ; Ten
Thousand, retreat of, viii. 357,
417, 482 aeq. ; Ten Thousand, after
their return to Trapezus, viii.
422 — 483 ; Asiatic, their applica-
tion to Sparta for aid against
Tissaphern&s, ix. 29; in the ser-
vice of Alexander in Asia, xi. 399 ;
unpropitious circumstances for,
in the Lamian war, xii. 156;
Italian, pressed upon by enemies
from the interior, xii. 216.
Gryllus, death of, x. 95.
Guilds, Grecian deities of, i. 334;
German and early English, iii.
60 n. 2; compared with ancient
political associations , vii. 258,
n. 1.
Gyges, i. 5, aii, 222 seq.
Gylipptts, expedition of, to Syra-
cuse, vii. 80, 100 seq., 110 seq.,
130 seq., 156, 162 seq.
Gylon , father of KleobulS , the
mother of Demosthenes, xi. 67
n. 2.
Gymnesii, iii. 35.
Gyndes, distribution of, into chan-
nels by Cyrus, iv. 139.
H.
Hades, i. 9 seq.
Hcemon and AntigonS, i. 269.
Haliartus, Lysander at, ix. 118.
Halikarnassus , ii. 30, iii. 204 ; cap-
ture of, by Alexander, xi. 423 seq.
Halonnesus, dispute between Phi-
lip and the Athenians about,
xi. 251 seq.
Halys, the, iii. 206.
Hamilkar, defeat and death of, at
Himera, v. 75 seq.
Hamilkar, collusion of, with Aga-
thoklC-s, xii. 221 ; superseded in
Sicily by another general of the
same name, xii. 226.
Hamilkar, victory of, at the Hi-
mera, xii. 230 seq. ; attempt of,
upon Syracuse, xii. 244 ; defeat
and death of, xii. 245.
Hannibal, expeditions of, to Sicily,
x. 166 — 176, 183 seg.
Hanno, silly fabrication of, x. 438.
Harmodius and Aristogeiton, iv.
38 seq.
Harmosfs, Spartan, ix. 9 seq., 17, 21.
Harpagus, iv. 129, 133.
Harpalus, xii. 62, 115 seq.
Harpies, the, i. 1, 229.
Hebe, i. 10.
Hector, i. 280, 290.
Hegemony, Athenian, v. 148 aeq.
Hegesippus, xi. 250.
Hegesistratus, v. 23,v. 45,xi.415, 416.
HeTcabe, i. 279.
Helcat&us on Geryftn, i. 242; on the
Argonauts, i. 246; and the mythes,
HEKA.TOMPYLU8.
INDKX.
i. 376 ; and the Ionic revolt, iv.
311, 222.
]I< kdtumpyliis, Alexander at, xii.10.
2!' katoncheirea, tbe, i. 6. 6.
Hi'katonymus and the Ten Thous-
and Greeks, viii. 430 aeq.
Helen , i. 160, 165 ; necklace of,
i. 274; and Paris, i. 281; and
Achilles, i. 287; various legends
of, i. 298 seq.
Helenus and Andromache1, i. 297.
Helicea, iii. 129, iv. 64, 68 seq.
Heliasts, iv. 69.
Helike, destruction of, iz. 374.
Helios, i. 6, 335.
Helixus, vii. 375.
Hillanikus,lns treatment of mythes,
i. 376 ; contrasted with Saxo Gram-
maticus and Snorro Sturleson,
i. 452.
Hi-lias, division of, i. 99 seq. ; prop-
er, ii. 214; mountain systems of,
ii. 213 seq.; islands and colonies
of, ii. 225; most ancient, ii. 269.
Helle and Phryxus, i. 122.
Hellen and his sons, i. 98 seq.
Hellenes, i. 98, ii. 238 seq., 256 seq.
Hellenic religion and customs in
the Troad, i. 328; cities, ii. 259.
Hellrnion at Naukratis, iii. 336.
Hellenism, definition of, xii. 91.
Hellenfftamia, v. 120, viii. 111.
Hellespont, bridges of Xerxes over,
iv. 358 seq., 362 «. 2; crossed by
Xerxes, iv. 377 ; retreating march
of Xerxes to, iv. 489 seq. ; Gre-
cian fleet at, B.C. 479, v. 53 ; Strom-
bychide's at, vii. 336; Peloponne-
sian reinforcement to, B.C. 411,
vii. 338 ; Miudarus and Thrasyllus
at, vii. 343, 349, 358; Athenians
and Peloponnesians at, after the
battle of Kynossema, vii. 358;
Thrasyllus and AlkibiadSs at,
vii. 371 ; Thrasybulus at, ix. 192 ;
Iphikrates at, ix. 196 seq.; An-
talkidas at, ix. 210; Epaminon-
das at, x. 63, 66; Timotheus at,
x. 62, 66, 129; Autokles at, x. 132
seq.; operations of the Athenians
at, B.C. 357, xi. 28; disputes be-
tween Athens and Philipp about,
xi. 254; imprudence of the Per-
sians in letting Alexander cross
the, xi. 403.
Heloris , unsuccessful expedition
of, x. 281, 284, 292.
Helots, ii. 373 seq. ; Pausanias and,
v. 125; revolt of, v. 172 seq. ; at
IthOmd, capitulation of, v. 189;
assassination of, vi. 146 seq. ; Bra-
sidean, vi. 292 ; brought back to
Pylus, vi. 341 ; and the invasion
of Laconia by Epaminondas, ix.
435 ; establishment of, with the
Messenians, ix. 447 seq.
Helus conquered by Alkameneg,
ii. 420.
Hephcestion, xii. 68, 74, 75.
Hephasstos, i. 10, 57.
Herason near Myk&nse, i, 161.
Herceon Teichos, siege of, by Phi-
lip, xi. 110.
Herakleia Pontica, i. 235, xii. 282
seq.; the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 447.
Herakleia in Italy, iii. 381, v.
277.
Herakleia in Sicily, v. 61 ; Dion at,
x. 367 seq.
Herakleia Trachinea, vi. 72 seq.,
331, ix. 109, 126, x. 3675^3.,
Herakleid kings of Corinth, ii. 307
Herakleides the Syracusan, exile of,
x. 364; victory of, over Philist-
us, x. 378 ; and Dion, x. 379,
380, 383, 388, 391 seq., 400 ; victory
of, over Nypsius, x. 386 ; death
of, x. 401.
Herakleides, governor of the Pon-
tic Herakleia, xii. 291.
HeraTcleids, i. 93, 94, ii. 1 seq. ; Ly-
dian dynasty of, iii. 222.
Herakles, i. 92 seq.; attack of, on
Pylos, i. 110; and Alkestis, i. 113;
overthrows Orchomenos, i. 127;
death of, i. 148; and Hylas, i.
228; and Laomed&n, i. 239; Tyrian,
temple of, iii. 270.
Herakles, son of Alexander xii. 193.
Here, i, 6, 10, 57 ; and Mykgnte, i.
161; temple of, near Argos,
364
HEEIPPIDAS.
INDEX.
burnt, vi. 229 ; Lakinian, robe
of, x. 300.
Herippidas, ix. 99, 138, 161.
Hermce, mutilation of, at Athens,
vii. 4 seq. , 33 seq.
Hermeias of Atarneus, xi. 245.
Hermes, i. 10, 68 seq.
Hermione, i. 160.
Hermokratean party, x. 194; ex-
iles, x. 199.
Hermokrates, at the congress at
Gela, vi. 407 ; and the Athenian
armament, vii. 19 ; recommenda-
tions of, after the battle near
Olympieion, vii. 65; speech of, at
Kamarina, vii. 68; urges the Sy-
racusans to attack the Athenians
at sea, vii. 130 ; postpones the
Athenians' retreat from Syracuse,
vii. 170; and Tissaphernes, vii.
229, 339; in the J&gean, x. 146
seq. ; banishment of, x. 148 seq.;
his return to Sicily, and death,
x. 176—181.
Hermolaus, xii. 43.
Hermotybii and Kalasiries, iii. 316.
Herodotus, on Min6s, i. 221, 222 ;
on Helen and the Trojans, i. 301;
treatment of mythes by, i.379«eg.;
his view of Lykurgus, ii. 343 ; his
story of Solon and Croesus, iii.
149 seq.; chronological mistakes
of, iii. 155 n. 1, 200 n. 3 ; chrono-
logical discrepancies of, respect-
ing Kyaxar6s, iii. 234 n. 1; his
description of Scythia, iii. 238
seq.; his account of Babylon,
iii. 291 seq., 298 n. 1; distinc-
tion between what he professes
to have seen and heard, iii. 308 ;
on the effects of despotism and
democracy upon the Athenians,
iv. 104 ; and Ktgsias, on Cyrus,
iv. 112; chronology of his life
and authorship iv. 153 n. 6, 395
n. 1 ; his narrative of Darins's
march into Scythia, iv. 192 seq. ;
does not mention Pythagoras in
connexion with the war be-
tween Sybaris and Kroton , iv.
342; historical manner and con-
ception of, iv. 349, 354 n. 2; his
estimate of the number of Xer-
xes's army, iv. 380 seq.; doubts
about the motives ascribed to
Xerxes at Thermopylae by, iv. 433;
a proof of the accuracy of, iv.
435 n. 1 ; on the movements of the
Persian fleet before the battle
of Salamis, iv. 476, n. 1 and 2.
Heroes appear with gods and men
on mythes, i. 63; Greek, at Au-
lis, i. 282 seq.; Greek, analogy
of Alexander to, xi. 396.
Heroic race, i. 67; legends, i. 407.
Hesiod, theogony of, i. 4-12, 20,
75 ; family affairs of, i. 71 ; Ja-
petis in, i. 73; complaints of,
against kings, ii. 74; dark pic-
ture of Greece by, ii. 91.
Hesiodic mythes traceable to Krfete
and Delphi, i. 15 ; "Works and
Days," i. 64 seq. ; philosophy, i.
356; Greeks, ii. 113 seq. ; epic,
ii. 119.
Hesione i. 279.
Hesperides, dragon of, i. 7.
Hesperides, town of, iii. 448, n. 2,
458.
Hestia, i. 6, 58.
Hestieeea on Ilium, i. 319.
Het&rcc, v. 365. ,
Hetceries at Athens, v. 69, vii. 257.
Hexameter, the ancient, i. 72; new
metres superadded to, iv. 6.
Hierax, ix. 199.
Hiero of Syracuse, v. 81 seq.
Hieromnemon, ii. 248.
Hiketas, x. 403 ; and the Syracu-
sans, x. 414; message of, to Co-
rinth and to Timoleon, x. 423 ;
defeat of, at Adranum, x. 428 ;
and Magon, x. 436 seq., 439; flight
of, from Syracuse to Leontini, x.
440; capitulation of, with Timo-
leon, x. 451 ; invites the Cartha-
ginians to invade Sicily, x. 451 ;
defeat, surrender, and death of,
x. 462.
Himera, iii. 362; battle of, v. 75
seq. ; treatment of, by ThSro, v.
81 ; capture of, by Hannibal, x.
INDEX.
HORSEMEN.
3G5
1T1 aeq. ; defeat of Agathoklfis at
the, xii. 230 aeq.
Hindoos, rivers personified by, i.
333 n. 2; their belief with regard
to the small-pox, 1. 350 n. ; belief
of, in fabulous stories, i. 414 n.
1 ; expensiveness of marriage
among, iii. 141, n. 4; sentiment
of, with regard to the discontin-
uance of sacrifices, xi. 368 n. 3.
.Hindoo Koosh, Alexander at, xii.
23; Alexander reduces the coun-
try between the Indus and, xii.
46 seq.
Hindoatan, hoarding in, xi. 499 n. 3.
Hipparchus, ii. 153, n. 2, iv. 37
»eq.
Hipparinus, eon of Dionysiua, x.
409.
Hippeis, Solonian, iii. 119.
Eippias of Elis, viii. 185 seq.
Hippias the Peisistratid, iv. 38 sej.,
45 seq. , 203, 281 n. 4.
Hippo iv. 311.
Hippodameia, i. 165, 156.
Hippodamus, v. 283.
HippoMeides, iii. 38.
Hippokratea the physician, i. 359,
viii. 231 n. 1.
Hippokratea of Gela v. 64 seq.
Hippokrates. the Athenian general,
vi. 150 seq., 157, 158 seq., 165.
Hippon, x. 464.
Hipponiktis, iii. 103.
Hipponium, capture of, x. 294. ; re-
establishment of, x. 320.
Hipponoidas, vi. 355, 359.
J li.it iitus and the bridge over the
Danube, iv. 196; and Myrkinus,
iv. 200, 203; detention of, at Su-
sa, iv. 203; and the Ionic revolt,
iv. 210, 222 seq., 235.
Historians, treatment of mythes
by, i. 378 aeq.
Historical proof, positive evidence
indispensable to, i. 414; sense of
modern times not to be applied
to an unrecording age, i. 416;
evidence, the standard of, raised
with regard to England, but not
with regard to Greece, i. 468;
and legendary Greece compared,
ii. 60 aeq.
Hiatoricising innovations in the
tale of Troy, j. 312 ; of ancient
mythes, i. 395 seq. • applicable to
all mythes or none, i. 426.
History, uninteresting to early
Greeks, i. 346; of England, how
conceived down to the seven-
teenth century, i. 465 seq.; and le-
gend, Grecian, blank between,
ii. 31 aeq. ; Grecian, first period
of, from B. 0. 776 to 560, ii. 271,
274; Grecian, second period of,
from B. o. 560 to 300, ii. 272 seq. ;
religious conception of, common
to Greeks and Persians, iv. 353.
Homer and Hesiod, mythology of,
i. 11-16; personality and poems
of, ii. 128 seq.
Homeric Zeus, 1. 13 ; hymns, i.
33, 37 seq., 44, 58, 60, ii. 168 seq.;
legend of the birth of Herakles,
i. 92 aeq. ; Pelops, i. 153; gods,
types of, i. 339; age, mythical
faith of, i. 347; philosophy, i.
856 ; account of the inhabitants
of Peloponnesus, ii. 13; BoulS and
Agora, ii. 66 aeq.; Greeks, social
condition of, ii. 96 seq., 104;
Greeks, unity, idea of, partially
revived, ii. 162 seq. ; mode of fight-
ing ii. 462 ; geography, iii. 205.
Homerids, the poetical gens of,
ii. 132.
Homicide, purification for, i. 24;
mode of dealing with, in legen
dary and historical Greece, ii. 92
seq. ; tribunals for, at Athens,
iii. 77; Drako's laws of, retained
by Solon, iii. 134; trial for, and the
senate of Areopagus, v. 223 n. 1.
Homoioi, Spartan, ii. 363, 417.
Hopletes, iii. 51.
Hdroe, the, i. 10.
Horkos, i. 7, 8.
Horse, the -wooden, of Troy, i. 296,
301.
Horsemen at Athens, after the re-
storation of the democracy, c.o.
403, viii. 106.
HOSPITALITY.
INDEX.
Hospitality in legendary Greece,
ii. 85
Human sacrifices in Greece, i. 125
seq.
Hyakinthia and the Lacedaemon-
ians, y. 7.
Hyakinthus, i. 164.
Hyblcean Megara, iii. 362.
Hydarnes, iv. 435.
Hydaspes, Alexander at the, xii.
49 seq. ; Alexander sails down
the, xii. 55.
Hydra, the Lernsean, i. 7.
Hydra, sailors of, iv. 397, n. 2.
Hykkara, capture of, vii. 55.
Hylas, and HSrakles, i. 228.
Hylleis, ii. 361.
Hyllus, i. 94, 173.
Hymns, Homeric, i. 33, 37 seq., 44,
58, 60, ii. 168; at festivals in
honour of gods, i. 50.
' Hypaspistce, xi. 387.
Hyberbolus, iv. 78, vi. 376 seq.
Hyperides, xi. 314, xii. 120 n. 1,
127 n. 1, 148.
Hyperion, i. 4, 6.
Hypermenes, ix. 362.
Hypermnestra, i. 87.
Hyphasis, Alexander at, xii. 54.
Hypomeiones, Spartan, ii. 379, 417.
Hyrkania, Alexander in, xii. 12.
I.
lalmenos and Askalaphos, i. 128.
Japetids in Hesiod, i. 73.
lapeios, i. 5, 6.
Japygians, iii. 387.
lasus, capture of, vii. 228.
Iberia in Spain, iii. 278.
Iberians and Dionysius, x. 273.
Ida in Asia, iii. 196, 197.
Ida in Crete, Zeus at, i. 6.
Idanthyrsus, iv. 194.
Idas, i. 166.
Idomene, DemosthenSs at, vi. 85
ieq.
Idrieus, xi. 242.
Ikarus, i. 218.
Iliad and the Trojan war, i. 290;
and Odyssey, date, structure, and
authorship of, ii. 127-209.
Ilium, i. 278, 313 seq.
Illyria, Dionysius's schemes of con-
quest in, x. 300.
Illyrians, different tribes of, iii.
417 seq. ; retreat of Perdikkas
and Brasidas before, vi. 225 seq.;
victory of Philip over, xi. 18
seq. ; defeat of, by Alexander,
xi. 353 seq.
Ilus, i. 278.
Imbros, iii. 444, iv. 203 seq.
Imilkon and Hannibal, invasion of
Sicily by, x. 183 seq. ; at Agri-
gentum, x. 186 seq. ; at Gela, x.
208 seq.; and Dionysius, x. 216 seq.;
atMotyS, x. 253 ; capture ofMes-
sene by, x. 255 seq. , and the
Campanians of-^Etna, x. 259; be-
fore Syracuse, x. 262 seq. ; flight
of, from Syracuse, x. 273 ; miser-
able end of, x. 275.
Inachus, i. 82.
Indus, Alexander at, xii. 47 seq.,
55 seq. ; voyage of Nearchus from
the mouth of, to that of the Ti-
gris, xii. 57.
Industry, manufacturing, at Athens,
iii. 136 seq.
Infantry and oligarchy, iii. 31.
Inland and maritime cities con-
trasted, ii. 226.
Ino, i. 122 seq.
Inscriptions, ii. 41.
Interest on loans, iii, 108 seq., 160.
Interpreters, Egyptian, iii. 327.
Jo, legend of, i. 83.
Ion, i. 192. 197.
Ionia, emigrants to, ii. 24 seq., con-
quest of, by Harpagus, iv. 129 ;
Mardonius's deposition of des-
pots in, iv. 239; expedition of
Astyochus to, vii. 221 ; expedi-
tion of Thrasyllus to, vii. 370.
loniin, the name a reproach, iv.
170.
lonians, ii. 12 ; and Darius's bridge
over the Danube, iv. 198 seq.;
abandonment of, by the Athe-
nians, iv. 217; at Lade, iv. 227.
seq. ; at My kale, v. 46 seq. ; after
the battle of My kale, v. 60.
INDEX.
KALAUKIA.
367
Ionic emigration, ii. 21, 25 seq., iii.
173; tribes in Attica, iii. 51, 52
aeq. ; cities in Asia, iii. 173 seq.,
259; and Italic Ore ks, iii. 395;
revolt, iv. 212 seq., 232 n. 2 ; phi-
losophers, iv. 307 aeq.; Sicilians
and Athens , vi. 403 ; alphabet
and the Athenian laws, viii. 109.
Iphigeneia, i. 286.
Iphikloa, i. 108.
Iphiltrates, destruction of a Lace-
daemonian mora by, ix. 152 n. 1,
166 n. 2, 173 seq. ; military im-
provements and successes of, ix.
160 aeq., 178; defeat of Anaxibius
by, ix. 196 seq.; proceedings of,
between B.C. 387-378, ix. 322 seq. ;
and K.itys, ix. 323, x. 60, 129,
134 ; expedition of, to Korkyra,
ix. 366 seq., 371 n. 1 ; and Timo-
thens, ix. 364, x. 59, xi. 28 seq. ;
expedition of, to aid Sparta
against Thebes, ix. 455 seq. ; in
Thrace and Macedonia, x: 8 seq.,
58 ; in the Hellespont, xi. 28; and
Chares, xi. 28 seq.
Iphikrates the Younger, xi. 454.
Ip.ius, battle of, .xii. 209.
Iran, territory of, iv. 114.
I rasa, iii. 448.
Iris, i. 7.
Iron race, the, i. 65.
Isagoras, iv. 54, 92 seq,
Ischagoras, vi. 227.
Ischolaus, ix. 436.
Ischys, i. 173.
laid/is, x. 92.
Islands in the JEgean, ii. 236.
Ismenias Leontiades, ix. 275 ; trial
and execution of, ix. 278.
Ismenias and Pelopidas, x. 37 seq.,
42, 44.
IsoTcrates, his treatment of mythes
i. 392 «. 2; on the origin of Peri-
ceki, ii. 367; panegyrical oration
of, ix. 258, 292; the Plataic ora-
tion of, ix. 379; the Archidamus
of, ix. 449 n. 1, x. 51 n. 2 ; his
letter to Philip, xi. 240. »
Issedones, iii. 246.
Issus, Alexander at, before the
battle, xi. 439 ; Darius at, before
the battle, xi. 442; battle of, xi.
446 seq. ; inaction of Darius after
the battle of, xi. 477 ; and its
neighbourhood, as connected
with the battle, xii. 312 aeq.
Isthmian games, i. 122, ii. 243, 480
seq.; Eleians excluded from, i.
137, ii. 307 n. 1 ; B.C. 412, vii. 208 ;
and Agesilaus, ix. 169.
IstonS, Korkyrtcan fugitives at, vi.
67, 136 seq.
Italia, iii. 346.
Italian Greeks, iii. 865, 888, 389
aeq., x. 298, xii. 216.
Italians, iii. 872.
Italy and Sicily, early languages
and history of, iii. 351 n. 1.
Italy, the voyage from Greece to,
iii. 358; Grecian colonies in, iii.
353, 857, 371 seq.; decline of
Greek power in, after the fall of
Sybaris, iv. 339; Southern, affairs
Of, B.C. 382-369, x. 320.
Ithoml, ii. 426, v. 172.
J.
Jason, i. 114 seq., 225, 226 seq.
Jason of Pherce, ix. 355 seq., 364 n.,
370, 407 seq., 413 aeq.
Jaxartes, Alexander at the, xii. 27
seq.
Jocasta, i. 259 seq.
Jurka, iii. 246.
Jury-trial, characteristics of, ex-
hibited in the Athenian dikas-
teries, v. 242 seq.
K.
Eabala, victory of Dionysius at,
x. 318.
Kabeirichus, ix. 301.
Kadmeia at Thebes, seizure of, by
Phosbidas, ix. 274 seq. ; surrender
of, by the Lacedaemonians, ix.
306 seq.
Kadmus, i. 251 aeq.
Kalais and Zetes, i. 192.
Ealasiries and Hermotybii, iii. 317.
Kalauria, i. 56; Amphiktyony, at,
i. 132; the Athenian allied anna-
368
KALCHAS.
INDEX.
KAULONI.V.
ment at, ix. 364; death of Demo-
sthenes at, xii. 149 seq.
Kalchas, wanderings and death of,
i. 303.
Kale Akte, foundation of, vi. 395.
Kullias, treaty of, v. 192 seq.
Kallias, son of Kalliades, v. 333,
337.
Kallias at the congress at Sparta,
B.C. 371, ix. 382.
Kallias of Challcis, xi. 145 seq., 257.
Kallibius, the Lacedaemonian, viii.
33, ix. 9.
KalliMes, in Plato, viii. 187 8eq.
Kallikratidas, vii. 402 seq., viii. 54.
Kallimachus, the polemarch, iv. 269.
Kallinus, iv. 6, 9.
Kallipidoe, iii. 240.
Kallippus, x. 404 seq., 408 seq.
Kallirrhoe, i. 7, 275.
Kallisthenes, the historian, i. 395.
Kallisthenes, the general, failure
and condemnation of, x. 131, xi.
227.
Kallisthenes of Olynthus, xii. 35,
38 seq., 46 seq.
Kallisto, i. 171.
Kattistratus, ix. 326, 381 seq., 389,
x. 48, xi. 70. •
Kallixenus, vii. 436 seq., 444, 447.
Kalpe, the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 450 seq.
Kalydonian boar, i. 139, 142 seq.
Kamarina, iii. 363 ; restoration of
to independence, v. 92 ; and the
Athenians, vii. 32; Athenian
and Syracusan envoys at, vii. 68
seq.; neutral policy of, B.C. 415,
vii. 71; evacuation of, x. 211;
and Timoleon, x. 467.
Karribyses, iii. 462, iv. 145 seq.
Kandaules, iii. 222.
Kannonvs, psephism of, vii. 438 n.
Kanopic branch of the Nile, open-
ing of, to Greek traffic, iii. 327.
Kapanetts, i. 266, 271.
Kappadokia subdued hy Alexander,
xi. 435.
Kardia, Athenian fleet at, yii.
361; alliance of, with Philip, xi.
254; Eumenes of, xi. 399.
Earduchians, and the Ten Thons-
and Greeks, viii. 397 seq.
Karia, resistance of, to Daurises,
iv. 221.
Karmania, Alexander's bacchana-
lian procession through, xii. 58.
Karneian festival, ii. 307 n. 2, iv.
424.
Karneius Apollo, i. 49.
Karnus, ii. 3.
Karpathtts, ii. 30.
Karystus, iv. 216, v. 159.
Kassander, Alexander's treatment
of, xii. 160 ; schemes of, on Anti-
pater's death, xii. 161; and Poly-
sperchon, war between, xii. 181 ;
gets possession of Athens, xii.
182; in Peloponnesus, xii. 186;
defeat of Olympias by, xii. 188;
confederacy of, with Lysimachus,
Ptolemy, and Seleukus against
Antigonus, xii. 190, 193, 204, 208 ;
founds Kassandreia and restores
Thebes, xii. 189; and Alexander,
son. of Polysperchon, xii. 190,
191 ; and the JEtolians, xii. 191 ;
measures of Antigonus against,
xii. 190, 192 ; great power of, in
Greece, xii. 192; Ptolemy, and
Iiysimachus, pacification of, with
Antigonus, xii. 193; compact of
Polysperchon with, xii. 193;
Ptolemy makes a truce with, xii.
195; success of Demetrius Poli-
orkStes in Greece against, xii.
204; truce of, with Demetrius
Poliorketes, xii. 209; death of
xii. 210.
Kassandra, i. 297.
Kastor and Pollux, i. 165 seq.
Katabothra, ii. 220.
Eatana, iii. 361; and .Etna, v. 91;
AlkibiadSs at, vii. 31 ; Kikias at,
vii. 72; conquest of, by Diony-
sius, x. 231; Carthaginian naval
victory near, x. 258 ; Hiketas and
Magon at, x. 436.
Katonakophori, iii. 85.
Katreus and Althsemenes, i. 217.
Kaulonia, iii. 380, x. 292, 294;
Dikon of, x. 305.
INDEX.
KLEOSIENES.
369
JTawnus, AntisthenSs at, vii. 238.
Kayatrtt-Pedion, march of Cyrus
from Keramdn-Agora to, viii.
819 n.
Kelalimu, xii. 14, 16.
Eekrops, i. 189 seq. ; the second, i.
197.
Kelcence, Alexander at, xi. 425.
Keleos, i. 38 seq., 195.
Keleustes, v. 463 n. 1.
Kentrites, the Ten Thousand
Greeks at the, viii. 401 seq.
Kephallenia, iii. 406, v. 398, 404.
Kephalus and Dionysius at Syra-
cuse, x. 447.
Kephisodotus, x. 135, 137.
Kerasus, the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 428.
KersoWeptes, x. 136; and Chari-
(1 Minis, x. 137, 138 ; intrigues of,
against Athens, xi. 62; and tho
peace and alliance between
Athens and Philip, xi. 199 seq. ;
defeat of, by Philip, xi. 248.
Kertch, tumuli near, xii. 309 seq.
Seto, i. 7.
Keyx and Alcyone, i. 133.
Kilikia, Alexander in, xi. 438;
Darius in, xi. 441.
Kiinon and Themistokles, v. 134,
136 ; capture of Skyros by, v. 160,
and n. 2; victories of, at the
Eurymedon, v. 164; trial and
acquittal of, v. 168, 221; and the
Spartan application for aid
against the Helots, v. 172, 221 ;
recall of, from ostracism, v. 184;
death of, v. 191; political party
of, v. 216; and Perikles, v. 185,
217 seq., 225; character of, v. 217;
ostracism of, v. 221.
Kimonian treaty, the so-called, v.
192 seq.
Kinadon, conspiracy and character
of, ix. 70 seq.
King, the, in legendary Greece, ii.
61 seq., 74 seq.; the, in histori-
cal Greece, ii. 76; English theory
of a, iii. 12.
Kings, Egyptian, iii. 323, 330 «. 1.
Kingship, discontinuance of, in
VOL. XII.
Greece generally, ii. 76, iii. 8;
in medieval and modern Europe,
iit. 8 seq.
Kinyps and Dorieus, iii. 455.
Kirrha, iii. 476 seq. and n. 1, xi.
272 seq., 279.
Kirrhcsans, punishment of, iii. 477
seq.
Kissidas, x. 24.
Klarus, temple of Apollo at, iii.
184.
Klazomena, iii. 189, vii. 212, 224,
230.
Kleander of Gela, v. 61.
Kleander the Lacedcemonian, viii.
451 seq., 454, 457, 467, xii. 19.
Kleandridas, v. 272.
Kleandrides, v. 204.
Klearchus the Lacedasmonian, at the
Hellespont, vii. 338; at Byzan-
tium, vii. 369; and Cyrus the
Younger, viii. 310, 324 seq. ; and
Menon's soldiers, viii. 336; and
Ariseus, viii. 353; and Tissapher-
n6s, viii. 362, 372 seq.
Klearchus of the Pontie Heralcleia,
xii. 284 seq.
Klearidas, vi. 274.
Kleinias, iii. 103.
Kieisthenes of Silcyon, i. 272, ii. 129,
iii. 132 seq.
Kleislhenes the Athenian, revolu-
tion in Attic tribes by, iii. 63,
67; retirement and recall of, iv.
92; development of Athenian
energy after, iv. 103; changes in
the constitution of, after the
Persian war, v. 131.
Kle't'ppides, vi. 4 seq.
Kleitarchus, xi. 254, 257.
Kleitus the Illyrian, xi. 353 seq.
Kleitus, Alexander's general, xi.
410, xii. 32 seq.
Kleolule, mother of Demosthenes,
xi. 67 n. 2.
Kleobulus and Xenar6s, vi. 295 seq.
KleoTcritus, viii. 61.
Kleombrotus, ix. 311 seq., 345, 353,
393 seq., 399 seq.
Kleomenes I., his expeditions to
Athens, iv. 49, 91 seq. ; and
2 B
370
KLEOMENBS.
INDEX.
Aristagoras, iv. 213; defeat of
Argeians by, iv. 247 seq. ; return
of, without attacking Aigos, iv.
249 ; trial of, iv. 250 ; and the
jEginetans, iv. 252, 255; and De-
mara tus, iv. 252 seq. ; violent
proceedings and death of, iv. 391.
Kleomenes III., ii. 350.
Kleomenes, Alexander's satrap, xii.
62, 75 n. 1.
Kleon the Athenian, first mention
of, by Thucydides, vi. 24 ; policy
and character of, vi. 26, 258 seq. ;
and MitylSnS, vi. 30 seq. ; poli-
tical function of, vi. 68, 69 ; and
the prisoners in Sphakteria, vi.
106 seq. ; expedition of, to Pylus,
vi. 113 seq. ; warlike influence of,
vi. 133. 233 seq. ; at Araphipolis,
vi. 239 seq. ; capture of Xor&ne
by, vi. 240 ; at Eion, vi. 240 ; Thu-
cydidSs's treatment of, vi. 257, 260
seq. ; and Aristophanes, vi. 260,
265.
Kleon, of Halikarnassus, ix. 59,124.
Kleonce, and Argos, ii. 464, iii. 481
n. 1.
Kleonike and Pausanias, v. 111.
Kleonymits, xii. 270.
Kleopatra, wife of Philip, xi. 317
seq., 323 n. 2, 331, 335.
Kleopatra, daughter of Philip, xi.
319, xii. 140, 194.
Kleophon, vii. 364, viii. 18.
Kleopvs, iii. 188.
Kleruchies , Athenian, revival of,
B.C. 365, v. 299 n. 2, x. 57 seq.
Kleruchs, Athenian, in Chalkis,
iv. 97; in Lesbos, vi. 37; after
the battle of JKgospotami, viii. 15.
Klonas, musical improvements of,
iv. 4.
Klotho, i. 7.
Klymene, i. 6.
Klytcemnestra, i. 158.
Knemus, v. 456 seq., 466, 473.
Knidus, settlement of, ii. 30.; mari-
time contests near, B.C. 412, vii.
233; Antisthenfis and Astyoclius
at, vii. 235; the battle of, ix. 106;
and Agesilaus, ix. 136 ; reverses
of Sparta after the battle of, is.
142.
Knights at Athens, viii. 106.
Knopus, iii. 188.
Kodrids, i. 111.
Kodrus, ii. 23 ; archons after, iii. 48.
Kcenus, xii. 17, 18.
Kceos, i. 4, 6.
Kceratadas, vii. 375, viii. 462, 465.
Koes, iv. 196, 200, 212.
Kokalus, i. 218 seq.
Koloeus, hia voyage to TartSssus,
iii. 279.
Kolakretce, iv. 65.
Kolchians and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 414, 427.
Kolchis, and the Argouautic expe-
dition, i. 230, 243.
Kolophon, iii. 183 seq.
Konipodes, iii. 35.
Eonon, at Naupaktus, vii. 198; at
Andros, vii. 393; appointment of,
to succeed Alkibiades, vii. 401;
at Samos, vii. 402; at Mitylene',
vii. 408 seq. ; escape of, from
JEgospotami, viii. 9; renewed
activity of, ix. 78, 92; at Rhodes,
ix. 93; visit of, to the Persian
court, ix. 103 seq. ; and Pharna-
bazus, ix. 105, 142, 145 seq. ; re-
builds the Long Walla at Athens,
ix. 147; large plans of, ix. 150;
sent as envoy to Tiribazus, ix.
185; arrest of, ix. 187; long ab-
sence of, from Athens, ix. 324
n. 3.
Kopa'is, lake of, i. 130.
Korkyra and the Argonauts, i. 233;
early inhabitants of, iii. 399 ; re-
lations of, with Corinth, iii. 400
seq. ; relations of, with Epirus,
iii. 401; and Corinth, joint settle-
ments of, iii. 402 seq. ; commerce
of, iii. 405; and Corinth, disputes
between, v. 314 seq.; application
of the Epidamnian democracy
to, v. 315; and Corinth, hostilities
between, v. 318, 325 seq. ; and
Corinth, decision of the Athen-
ians between, v. 324; oligarchical
violence at, vi. 49»eg.; vengeance
KORKYRAKAIT.
INDEX.
KTESIPHON.
371
of the victorious Demos at, B.C.
427, vi. 64 seq.; Nikostratus and
Alkidas at, vi. 61 ; revolutions
at, contrasted •with those at
Athens, vi. 61; distress at, B.C.
425, vi. 92; expedition of Enry-
medon and Sophoklds to, vi. 92
si1'/., 136 seq.; muster of the
Athenian armament at, vii. 18;
Demosthenes's voyage from, to
Sicily, vii. 141 ; renewed troubles
at, vii. 360 ; Lacedeemonian ex-
pedition against, ix. 359 seq.; ex-
pedition of Iphikratos to, ix.
3G4 seq. ; Kleonymus and Aga-
thokles in, xii. 270.
Korkyrcean envoys, speech of, to
the Athenian assembly , v. 320
seq. ; captives return home from
Corinth, vi. 46 seq.; oligarchical
fugitives at Ist6n6, vi. 67, 136 seq.
Eorkyrasans and Xerxes's invasion,
iv. 412 ; attack Epidamnus, v. 316 ;
remonstrate with the Corinthians
and Peloponuesiang, v. 317; seek
the alliance of Athens, v. 319
seq.
Ii'oroMus and the foundation of
Kyrene, iii. 446.
I'oroneia , Athenian defeat at, v.
202; Theban victory at, ix. 137
seq., 141.
Koronis and Asklfipius, i. 174.
Eorynephori, iii. 35.
A'cis, settlement of, ii. 30. ; capture
of, by Astyochus, vii. 236; revolt
of, from Athens, xi. 25 seq., 35.
JTosscEt, xii. 69.
Eottos, i. 5.
Eottyphus, xi. 280, 284.
Eotyora, the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 429 seq.
Kotys and IphikratSs, ix. 323, x.
60, 129, 134; and Athens, x. 58
seq., 132, 135; and Timotheus, x.
62, 129; and Miltokythes, x. 132;
capture of Sestos by, x. 133;
assassination of, x. 135.
Kranaus, i. 190.
Erannon, battle of, xii. 143.
Eraterus and 1'hilotas, xii. 16 seq.;
and Antipater, xii. 141 seq., 168;
death of, xii. 158.
Erates, comedy of, viii. 129.
Eratesippidas, vii. 369, 381.
Eratinus, viii. 128, 133 n. 1.
Eredn, Icing of Thebes, i. 117, 389.
Ercdn, arc/ton at Athena, iii. 49.
Eresphontes, ii. 2 seq., 330.
Kri'tan settlements on the Gulf of
Tarentum, i. 219; and Phrygian
worship, iii. 216.
Eretans and Minfta, i. 219 ; in the
time of Homer, ii. 102 ; and
Xerxes, iv. 412.
Erete, migrations of Dorians to,
ii. 27; early Dorians in, ii. 311;
Periieki in, ii. 365 n. 1 ; Phalsekus
in, xi. 238.
Eretheis and Pelens, i. 113.
Eretheus, descendants of, i. 112.
Ereusa, i. 192, 197.
Erimesus, Timoleon's victory over
the Carthaginians at the, x. 454
seq.
Erios, i. 4, 6.
Erissa, iii. 475 seq.
Eritias and SokratSs, iv. 308 seq. ;
return of, to Athens, viii. 23 seq. ;
and Theramenes, viii 32 seq., 40
seq. ; death of, viii. 59.
Krius, iv. 252, 255.
Erommyon , capture of, Ix. 160;
recovery of, ix. 179.
Eromnus, capture of Lacedaemo-
nians at, x. 76 seq.
Eronitim, Dionysius at, x. 319.
Eronos, i. 5 seq., 8.
Erotyn, foundation, territory, and
colonies of, iii. 373 seq. ; fall of,
iii. 388 ;. maximum power of, iii,
389 ; citizens and government of,
iii. 396 ; and Pythagoras, iv. 324
seq. ; and Sybaris, iv. 338 seq.;
capture of, by Dionysius, x. 299;
expedition from Syracuse to,
xii. 218.
Erypteia, ii. 378.
Eteatos and Eurytos, i. 137.
Ktesias and Herodotus on Cyrus,
iv. 112; on Darius, iv. 191.
Etcsiphon, xii. 108 seq.
2s 2
372
INDEX.
LACEDAEMONIANS.
Kunaxa, battle of, viii. 346 seq.
Kuretes, ceremonies of, i. 31.
Eyaxart's, iii. 232, 255.
Kydonia, v. 466.
Eyknus, i. 286.
Kylon the Athenian, attempted
usurpation of, iii. 82 seq.
Kylon of Kroton, iv. 334.
Eyllyrii at Syracuse, v. 60.
Eymceans 'and Pactyas, iv. 127.
Eyme, iii. 171 ; Alkibiade s at,
vii. 395.
Kynegeirus, iv. 277.
Kynossema, battle of, vii. 351 seq.
Kynurians, ii. 304; in Argolis,
ii. 451.
Ki/pselus, iii. 39 ; fall of the dynasty
of, iii. 42.
Eyrene, foundation of, iii. 445 seq. ;
situation, fertility, and prosperity
of, iii- 448 seq. ; and the Libyans,
iii. 451 seq., 457 seq.; second
migration of Greeks to, iii. 456;
and Egypt, iii. 457; reform of,
by Dem&nax, iii. 459; Perioeki
at, iii. 459; third immigration to,
iii. 461; under Arkesilaus the
Third, iii. 462; submission of, to
Kambyses, iv. 147; history of,
from about B.c.450 to 306, xii. 250
seq.; Ophelias, viceroy of, xii. 252
seq.
Eythera, capture of, by the Athen-
ians, vi. 142 seq.
Ki/tinium , occupation of, by
Philip, xi. 287.
Kyzikus and the Argonauts, i. 228;
revolt of, from Athens, vii. 354;
siege of, by Mindarus, vii. 361;
battle of, vii. 362.
L.
Laldalum, vii. 88, 108.
Lacedemonian envoys to Persia,
B.C. 430, v< 445; embassy to
Athens about the prisoners in
Sphakteria, vi. 115 seq.; reinforce-
ment to Brasidas in Chalki-
dik&, vi. 227; envoys, at the
congress at Corinth, B.C. 421,
vi. 285; envoys at Athens, about
Panaktum and Pylus, vi. 300;
embassy to Athens, against the
alliance of Athens with Argos
vi. 315 seq.; army, vi. 349, 351 n.
2; assembly, speech of Alkibia-
d6s in, vii. 74 seq. ; fleet under
Agesandridas, vii. 308, 312; fleet,
victory of, near Eretria, vii. 312
seq. ; mora, destruction of a, by
Iphikrates, ix. 173 seq.; auxilia-
ries to the Phokians at Thermo-
pylae, xi. 222.
Lacedemonians and Cyrus the
Great, iv. 126; attack of,
upon Polykrat&s, iv. 169; and
Tbemistokl&s, v. 135, 137; and
Mardonius's offer of peace to
the Athenians, v. 4 seq.; invoke
the aid of their allies against the
Helots, v. 172; dismiss their
Athenian auxiliaries against the
Helots, v. 174 seq.; expedition
of, into Bceotia, B.C. 458, v. 182
seq. ; victory of, at Tanagra,
v. 184; proceedings of, on Phor-
mio's victory over the Pelopon-
nesian fleet near Rhium, v. 466;
proceedings of, for the recovery
of Pylus, vi. 97 seq.; occupation
of Sphakteria by, vi. 98; block-
ade of, in Sphakteria, vi. 102
seq., Ill seq., 119 seq.; offers of
peace from, after the capture of
Sphakteria, vi. 131; assassination
of Helots by, vi. 146 seq. ; and
the Peace of Nikias, vi. 272; libe-
rate the Arcadian subjects of
Mantineia, and plant Helots at
Lepreum, vi. 292; exclusion of,
from the Olympic festival, vi. 326
seq. ; detachment of, to reinforce
Epidaurus, B.C. 419, vi. 340; and
their allies, invasions of Argos
by, vi. 341 seq.; Gylippus sent
to Syracuse by, vii. 80; fortifica-
tion of Dekeleia by, vii. 128, 193;
and the Four Hundred, vii. 306;
recapture of Pylus by, vii. 371;
defeat of, at Arginusaj, vii. 414
seq.; repayment of, by the Athen-
ians, after the restoration of
LACEDAEMONIANS.
INDEX.
373
democracy, n.c. 403, viii. 106 ; as-
sassination of AlkibiadSs demand-
ed by, viii. 114; the Cyreians
under, viii. 472, 477, ix. 29, 36,
137; and Dorieus, ix. 94 seq. ; and
Corinthians, conflicts between,
B.C. 393, ix. 151 seq. ; victory of,
within the LongWalls of Corinth,
ix. 158 seq. ; and the Olynthian
confederacy, ix. 271; seizure of
the Kadmeia at Thebes by, ix. 274
seq.; trial and execution of Is-
mcnias by, ix. 279; their surrender
of the Kadmeia at Thebes, ix. 306
seg.; defeat of, at Tegyra, ix. 351;
expulsion of, from Boeotia, B.C.
884, ix. 351; at Kromnus, x. 76
seq.; at Mantineia, B.C. 362, x. 89,
95, 98 seq.; and Alexander, xi.339.
Laches, expedition to Sicily under,
vi. 403.
Lachesis, i. 7.
Laconia, genealogy of, i. 164; po-
pulation of, ii. 363; gradual con-
quest of, ii. 416; modern, ii. 418
it. 1, 454 «. 1; invasions of, by
Epaminondas, ix. 434 seg., x. 90
seq. ; western abstraction of, from
Sparta, ix. 445 seg.
Lade, combined Ionic fleet at, iv.
227 seg. ; victory of the Persian
fleet at, iv. 231.
Laius and (Edipus, i. 259.
Lakes and marshes of Greece, ii. 219.
Lamachus, vi. 418, vii. 29 seq., 93.
Lamia, Antipater at, xii.137 seg.
Lamian war, xii. 137 seg., 156.
Lampsakus, revolt of, vii. 336 ; reco-
very of, by StrombichidSs, vii.337.
Language, Greek, dialects of, ii.
240.
LaniTce, xii. 31.
Laokoon, i. 295.
Laomedon, i. 56, 278.
Laphystios, Zeus, i. 123.
Laphystius and Timoleon, x. 472.
Zartssa, Asiatic, iii. 191 «. 2, 193.
Lash, use of, by Xerxes, iv. 370. 377.
Lasthenes und Euthykrat&s, xi. 155.
Latin, Oscan, and Greek languages,
iii. 351,
Latins, (Enotrians and Epirotg, re-
lationship of, iii. 348.
Latium, emigration from Arcadia
to, iii. 348 n. 1 ; plunder of, by
Dionysius, x. S02.
Latona, and Zeus, offspring of,
i. 10.
Laurium, mines of, iv. 400 seq.
Laws, authority of, in historical
Athens, ii. 81 ; of Solon, iii. i:u
seq. ; of Zaleukus, iii. 378 ; and
psephisms, distinction between,
v. 228; enactment and repeal of,
at Athens, v.'228 seq.
Layard's Nineveh and its Remains,
iii. 306.
Lebedos, revolt of, from Athens,
vii. 215.
Lechcsum, capture of, by the Lace-
daemonians, ix. 160 n. 2, 163.
Leda and Tyndareus, i. 164 seq.
Legend of Demfiter, i. 43 seq. ;~ of
the Delphian oracle, i. 47. ; of
Pandora, i. 75 n. 2; of lo, 1. 83
seq. ; of Herakl6s, i. 92 seg.;
Argonautic, i. 225 n. 2, 237 seg.,
246 seq. ; of Troy, i. 277 seg. ; of
the Minyse from Lemnos, ii. 26 ;
and history, Grecian, blank be-
tween, ii. 31 seg.
Legendary Greece, social state of,
ii. 61—118 ; poems of Greece,
value of, ii. 58 seg.
Legends, mystic, i. 31 seq. ; of
Apollo, i. 45 seg. ; of Greece,
originally isolated, afterwards
thrown into series, i. 105 ; of
Medea and Jas6n, 117 n. 1 ; change
of feeling with regard to, i. 181 ;
Attic, i. 187 seg. ; ancient, deeply
rooted in the faith of the Greeks,
i. 209, 343; of Thebes, i. 250 seg. ;
divine allegorised, heroic histori-
cised, i. 407; of saints, i. 454 seg. ;
of Asia Minor, iii. 224.
Lekythus, capture of, by Brasilia*,
vi. 202.
Leleges, ii. 266.
Lelex, i. 164.
Lemnos and the Argonauts, i. 227 ;
early condition of, iii. 444 ;
374
INDEX.
conquest of, by Otanes, iv. 203 ;
Miltiades at, iv. 202 seq.
Lending houses, iii. 162.
Leokrates, xi. 309.
Leon and Diomedon, vii. 224seg., 269.
Leon the Spartan, vii. 261, 336.
Leon, mission of, to Persia, x. 37, 39.
Leonidas at Tbennopyla;, IT. 421
seq., 431 seq.
Leonnatus, xii. 138, 142.
Leontiades, the oligarchy under,
ix. 243 n. 1 ; conspiracy of, ix.
273 seq.; at Sparta, ix. 277;
Thebes under, ix. 294, 296; con-
spiracy against, ix. 297 seq. ; death
of, ix. 302.
Leontini, iii. 361; intestine dis-
sension at, vi. 410; Demos at,
apply to Athens, vi.. 413, 414;
Dionysius at, B.C. 396, x. 203, 230,
•257; the mercenaries of Dionysius
at, x. 279; Fhilistus at, x. 378;
Dion at, x. 385, 387; Hiketas at,
x. 441, 451 ; surrender of, to Ti-
moleon, x. 462.
Leosthenes the admiral, x. 130.
Leosthenes the general, xii. 134 seq.
Leotychides the Prokleid, ii. 430;
chosen king of Sparta, iv. 253;
and .ZEginetau hostages, iv. 255,
392 ; at Mykale, v. 47 ; banishment
of, v. 114.
Leotychides, son of Agis II., ix.
64, 66.
Lepreum and Elis, ii. 439, vi. 288 ;
Brasidean Heliots at, vi. 292.
Leptines, brother of Dionysius, x.
253, 254, 259, 291, 310, 319.
Leptines the Athenian, xi. 76.
Leptines, general of AgathoMes,
xii. 261, 263.
Lesbians, their application to
Sparta,- v. 339.
Lesbos, earlyhistory of, iii. 195«eg. ;
an autonomous ally of Athens,
v. 264 ; Athenian kleruchs in, vi.
87 ; application from, to Agis,
vii. 204; expedition of the Chians
against, vii. 222 seq. ; Tbrasyllus
at, vii. 343; Kallikratidas in,
vii. 406; Thiasybulus in, ix.
193 ; Memnon in, xi. 430 ; recovery
of, by Macedonian admirals
xi. 466.
LSthe, i. 7.
Leto, i. 6, 10.
Leukas, iii. 402 seq.
Leukon of Bosporus, xii. 303.
Leukothea, the temple of, i. 235.-
Leuktra, the battle of, ix. 393 seq. ;
treatment of Spartans defeated
at, ix. 410 seq. ; extension of
Theban power after the battle of,
ix. 412 ; proceedings in Pelopon-
nesus after the battle of, ix. 416,
x. 1 ; position of Sparta after the
battle of, ix. 419 ; proceedings in
Arcadia after the battle of, ix.
422 seq. ; proceedings and views
of Epaminondas after the battle
of, ix. 431 seq.
Libya, first voyages of Greeks to,
iii. 445 ; nomads of, iii. 451 seq. ;
expedition of Kambyses against,
iv. 147.
Libyans and Greeks at Kyren6, iii.
455 seq. ; and Dionysius, x. 275.
Liby. Phoenicians, x. 154.
Lichas and the bones of Orestes,
ii. 447; and the Olympic festival,
iii. 488 n. 1, vi. 325 «. 1, 329 ;
mission of, to Miletus, vii. 236,
238, 339.
Lilybceum, defeat of Dionysius near,
x. 322.
Limos, i. 7, 10 n. 6.
Lion, the Nemean, i. 7.
Lissus, foundation of, x. 301.
Livy, his opinion as to the chances
of Alexander, if he had attacked
the Romans, xii. 82 ; on the char-
acter of Alexander, xii. 87 n. 1.
Lixus and Tingis, iii. 274 n. 1.
Loans on interest, iii. 108, 161.
Localities, epical, i. 242.
Lockages, Spartan, ii. 459.
Lochiis, Spartan, ii. 458 seq. ; Mace-
donian, xi. 386.
Logographers and ancient mythes,
i. 363, 375 seq.
Lokri, Epizephyrian, early history
Of, iii. 375 seq. ; and Dionysius,
INDEX.
MACEDONIA.
375
x. 238, 294, 298, 800; Dionygius
the Younger at, z. 383, 413 teq.
Lokriun coast opposite Euboea,
Athenian ravage of, v. 399.
Lokriana, li. 287; Ozolian, ii. 293;
Italian, iii. 376 867., iv. 99 n. 1 ;
of Opus and Loonidas, iv. 422;
and Phokians, xi. 65, 57; of Am-
phissa, zi. 273.
LoTtris and Athens, v. 186, 203.
Long Walls at Megnra, v. 178 ; at
Athens, v. 181 seq., 183, 187, 283,
viii. 21, ix. 148 seq. ; at Corinth,
iz. 158 seq.
Lucanians, x. 286 seq., 412.
Lucretius and ancient mythos, i.
404 n. 2.
Lydia, early history of, iii. 221 seq.
Lytliun music and instruments, iii.
214, 221; monarchy, iii. 264, iv.
118 seq.
Lydians, iii. 216 seq., 221, iv. 126.
Lykiru.f, Zeus, i. 169.
Lykambes and Archilochus, iv. 9.
Lykaon and his fifty sons, i. 169 seq.
Lykia, conquest of, by Alexander,
zi. 424.
Lyleidas, the Athenian senator, v. 9.
Lykomed.es, z. 18 seq., 41, 48.
Lykophron, sonofPeriander, iii. 41.
Lykophron, despot of Pheros, zi. 65,
96, 98.
Lykurgus the Spartan, laws and dis-
cipline of, ii. 338—420.
Lykurgus the Athenian, zii. 100, 200.
Lykus, i. 198; and Dirkd, i. 257.
Lynlteus and Idas, i. 166.
Lyre, Hermfis the inventor of, i. 58.
Lyricpoetry, Greek, ii. 137, iv. 1, 20.
Lysander, appointments of, as ad-
miral, vii. 379 n. 2 ; character and
influence of, vii. 380, ix. 123; and
Cyrus the Younger, vii. 381 seq.,
viii. 5, 6 ; factions organized by,
in the Asiatic cities, vii. 384 ; at
Kphesus, vii. 394, viii. 3 ; victory
of, atNotium, vii. 395 ; superseded
by Kallikratidas, vii. 402; re-
volution at Miletus by the parti-
sans of, viii. 4; operations of,
after the battle of Arginusw, viii.
6 seq. ; victory of, at .2Egogpotami,
viii.8 seq.; proceedings of, after the
battle of jEgospotami, viii. 13; at
Athens, viii. n seq., 28; conquest
of Samoa by, viii. 28; triumphant
return of, to Sparta, viii. 29 ; as-
cendency and arrogance of, after
the capture of Athens, viii. 52,
Ix. 24, 58 seq. ; opposition to, at
Sparta, viii. 53, iz. 25 ; contrasted
with Kallikratidas, viii. 64; ex-
pedition of, against Thrasybulus,
viii. 65 ; dekarcbies established
by, ix. 4 seq., 17; contrasted with
Brasidas, ix. 15 ; recall and tempo-
rary expatriation of, iz. 25 ; intro-
duction of gold and silver to
Sparta by, iz. 52 seq. ; intrigues
of, to make himself king, iz. 60
seq., 124 ; and Agesilaus, iz. 64,
78, 82 seq. ; and the Boeotian war,
ix. 118 ; death of, ix. 118.
Lysias, seizure of, by the Thirty, at
Athens, viii. 38 ; speech of, against
Phormisins's disfranchising pro-
position, viii. 96; proposed
citizenship of, viii. Ill ; oration
of, against Ergoklfis, iz. 194;
oration of, at Olympia, B.C. 384,
iz. 289 seq. ; panegyrical oration
of, x. 306 seq., 308.
LysikUs, vi. 13.
Lysikles, general of Chceroneia, xl.
307.
Lysimachus, confederacy of, with
Kassamler, Ptolemy and Se-
leukus, against Antigonus, xii.
189, 193, 203, 208; Kassander,
Ptolemy, and Seleukus. pacifica-
tion of, with Antigonus, xii. 193;
and Amastris, xii. 291 ; and Ar-
sinoe, xii. 291 seq. ; death of, xii.
291 ; and the Pentapolis on the
southwest coast of the Euxine,
xii. 294.
M.
Macedonia, Mardonius in, iv. 240 ;
Perdikkas and Brasidas in, vi.
217 seq. ; increasing power of,
from B.C. 414, ix. 259 ; and Athens,
376
MACEDONIAN.
INDEX.
MABDONIUS.
contrasted, ix. 261 ; kings of,
after Archelaus, ix. 263; state of,
B.C. 370, x. 7, 8; IphikratSs in,
x. 9 seq. ; Timotheus in, x. 60 ;
government of, xi. 14 seq. ; mili-
tary condition of, under Philip,
xi./ 86 seq., 382 seq. ; and conquer-
ed Greece, xi. 328, 380 ; and the
Greeks, on Alexander's accession,
xi. 335; Antipater, viceroy of,
xi. 393 ; and Sparta, war between,
xii. 102 seq. ; Grecian confederacy
against, after Alexander's death,
xii. 134 seq. ; Kassander in, xii.
188; Demetrius Poliorketfts ac-
quires the crown of, xii. 211.
Macedonian dynasty, iii. 432, 433 ;
envoys at Athens, xi. 194, 201,
205 ; phalanx, xi, 305, 385 seq.,
xii. 73 ; interventions in Greece,
B.C. 336-335, xi. 342 seq. ; pike,
xi. 383, 426 seq. ; troops, xi. 388
seq. ; officers of Alexander's army
in Asia, xi. 399; fleet, master of
the .ZEgean, xi. 466 ; soldiers of
Alexander, mutiny of, xii. 6iseq.
Macedonians, ii. 234, iii. 417 n., 426
stq.; conquered by Megabazus,
iv. 201 ; poverty and rudeness of,
xit 87 ; military aptitude of, xi.
392; small loss of, at the battle
of the Granikus, xi. 411.
Machadn and Podaleirius, i. 176.
Mceundrius, iv. 172 seq.
Mceonians and Lydians, iii. 221.
Magians, massacre of, after the as-
sassination of Smerdis, iv. 152.
Magistrates of early Athens, v. 208
seq. ; Athenian, from the time of
Perikles, v. 211, 213, 222 seq.
Magna Gratia, iii. 394.
Magnesia, iii. 180, 193 ; Xerxes' s
fleet near, iv. 430 seq. ; on the
Pagassean Gulf, xi. 108 n. 4.
Magnetes, Thessalian and Asiatic,
ii. 285.
Magon , off Katana, x. 258 ; near
Abaksena, x. 283; at Agyrium,
x. 284; death of, x. 318.
Magon and Hiketas , x. 436 seq. ;
death of, x. 451.
Maia and Zeus, offspring of, i. 10.
Makrones and the Ten Thousand,
viii. 413.
Malians, ii. 286.
Malli, xii. 65.
Mallus, Alexander at, xi. 489.
Mamerkus and Timoleon, x. 460 seq.
Mania, sub -satrap of .ZEolis, ix.
31 seq.
Mantineia and Tegea, ii. 442 seq.,
vi. 230, 284, 285; and Sparta, ii.
443, vi. 392, 364, ix. 249 seq. ; and
Argos, vi. 292; congress at, vi.
338 seq. ; battle of, B.C. 418, vi.
347 seq. ; expedition of Agesipolis
to, ix. 250 seq. ; and the river
Ophis, ix. 250 n. 1 ; reestablish-
inent of, ix. 423 seq.; march of
Agesilaus against, ix. 429 seq.;
muster of Peloponnesian enemies
to Thebes at, x. 89; attempted
surprise of, by the cavalry of
-Kpaminondas, x. 90 seq. ; battle
of, B.C. 362, x. 95 seq., Ill;
peace concluded after the battle
of, x. 111.
Mantineians and the Pan-Arcadian
union, x. 82 seq.; opposition of,
to Theban intervention, x. 86.
Mantinieo-Tegeatic plain, x. 98.
Mantitheus and Aphepsion, vii. 39
seq.
Manto, iii. 185.
MaraJcanda, Alexander at, xii. 27,
30 seq.
Marathon, battle of, iv. 275 seq.
Marathus surrenders to Alexander,
xi. 455.
Mardi and Alexander, xi. 502, xii. 11.
Mardonius, in Ionia, iv. 239; in
Thrace and Macedonia, vi. 240;
fleet of, destroyed near Mount
Athos, iv. 240 ; urges Xerxes to
invade Greece, iv. 347 seq., 351;
advice of, to Xerxes after the
battle of Salamis, iv. 486 ; forces
left with, in Thessaly, iv. 489;
and Medising Greeks, after Xer-
xes's retreat, v. 2; in Boeotia,
v. 3, 11 seq. ; offers of peace to
Athens by, v. 4, 8 seq. ; at Athens,
INDEX.
MENEDAEUS.
377
y. 8 ; and his Phokian contingent,
v. 14; on the Asdpus, v. 20; at
1'latira, T. 21 seq.
Marine, military, unfavourable to
ollgarohy, iii. 31.
Maritime and inland cities con-
trasted, ii. 216.
Marpessa and Idas, i. 166.
Mariage in legendary Greece, ii. 83 ;
among the Spartans, ii. 384;
among the Hindoos, iii. 141 n. 3.
Mar.ih s and lakes of Greece, ii. 219.
Marsyus, iii. 215 n. 1.
Masistius, v. 17.
Maskames, v. 151.
3lansagctiE, iii. 246.
Massalia, iii. 281, 344, 396 seq., xii.
275 seq.
Mausolus and the Social War, xi. 27.
Maiceus at Thapsakus, xi. 474; at
the battle of Arbela, xi. 488; sur-
render of Babylon by, xi. 493;
appointed satrap of Babylon by
Alexander, xi. 494.
Mazarls, iv. 127 seq.
Medea and the Argonauts, i. 230 seq.
Medes, early history of, iii. 226 seq.
Media, the wall of, iii. 305 «. 1,
viii. 341 n. 1; Darius a fugitive
in, xi 502, xii. 3.
Medius, xii. 77.
Medus, i. 199, n. 1, 236.
Medusa, i. 7, 89.
Megabates, iv. 209.
Megalazus, iv. 199, 201.
Megabyzus, v. 188.
Megakles, iii. 83, 84.
Megalepolis, capture of, by Aga-
thokles, xii. 236.
Megalopolis, foundation of, ii. 445,
ix. 442 seq., 452 n. 2; the centre of
the Pan-Arcadian confederacy,
ix. 450; disputes at, x. 119; and
Sparta, xi. 2, 3, 66, 93, 103 seq.
Megapenthes and Perseus, i. 90.
Megara, early history of, iii. 2, 43
seq. ; Corinth and Sikyon, analogy
of, iii. 46; and Athens, iii. 91 seq.,
v. 176, 203, 206 and n.-, 339, vi. 148
seq. ; Long Walls at, v. 178 ; Bra-
gidas at, vi.153 seq.; revolution at,
vi. 155 seq.; Philippising faction
at, xi. 253.
Megara in Sicily, iii. 361, T. 68.
Megarian Sicily, iii. 361.
Megarians under Pausanias, and
Persian cavalry under Masistius,
v. 17; repudiate the peace ofNi-
kias, vi. 271, 273; refuse to join
Argos, vi. 287; recovery of Nissea
by, vii. 372.
Megarid , Athenian ravage of, in
the Peloponnesian war, v. 399.
Meiiiias of Skepsis, ix. 32 seq.
Meidias the Athenian, xi. 146 n. 2,
147.
Meilanion and Atalanta, i. 145.
Meilichios, meaning of, viii. 474 n.
Melampus, i. 32, 109, 383, iv. 436.
Melanippus and Tydeus, i. 267,
272.
Helanthus, ii. 23.
Meleager, legend of, i. 139 seq,
Meleagrides, i. 141.
Melesippus, v. 390.
MeJian nymphs, i. 5.
Melissus, v. 291, viii. 142, 144.
Melkarth, temple of, iii. 270.
Mellon, ix. 297, 304.
Melos, settlement of, ii. 27; ex-
pedition against, under Nikias,
vi. 74 ; capture of, vi. 384 seq. ;
Antisthenes at, vii. 235.
Memnon, son of Tithdnus, i. 291.
Memnon the Rhodian, operations of,
between Alexander's accession
and lauding in Asia, xi. 374,
402 ; and Mentor, xi. 400 ; advice
of, on Alexander's landing in
Asia, xi. 404; made commander-
in-chief of the Persians, xi. 417;
at Halikarnassus, xi. 424 seq.; his
progress with the Persian fleet,
and death, xi. 430 seq.; change
in the plan of Darius after his
death, xi. 432 seq.
Memphis, Alexander at, xi. 470.
Men, races of, in "Works and
Days," i. 64 seq.
Mende and Athens, vi. 216 seq.
Menedceus and the Ambrakiots,
vi. 84 seq.
378
MENEKLEIDAS.
INDEX.
MILTIADES.
MeneMeidas and Epaminondas,
x. 27, 64 seq.
MeneMes, vii. 444.
Menelaus, i. 158 seq., Hi. 270 n. 4.
ifenesMeus, i. 304, ii. 21.
Mencekeus, i. 266.
Mentetius, i. 6, 8.
J/enon the Thessalian, viii. 332,
374.
Menon the Athenian, x. 133.
Mentor the Rhodian , xi. 244 ttq.,
400.
3/ercenarj/ soldiers, multiplication
of, in Greece after the Pelopon-
nesian war, xi. 84 seq.
Mermnads, Lydian dynasty of,
iii. 223.
Meroe, connection of, with Egyp-
tian institutions, iii. 314.
Mejsapians, iii. 388 ; and Tarentines,
xii. 216.
.jr<>S8ene,foundationof,ii.422,iii.362;
foundation of, by Epaminondas,
ix. 444, 452 n. 2, x. 21 ; and Spar-
ta, x. 50, 110, xi. 66, 94.
Messene, in Sicily, chorus sent to
Khegium from, iii. 469 n. 1;
re-colonisation of, by Anaxilaus,
v. 66 ; Laches at, vi. 403 ; Athen-
ian fleet near, vi. 406; Alkibia-
des at, vii. 31 ; Nikias at, vii. 61 ;
and Dionysius, x. 237 seq., 280;
Imilkon at, x. 238 seq.; and Ti-
moleon, x. 438.
Meisenia, Dorian settlements in,
ii. 8, 313.
Mesaenian genealogy, i. 168 ; wars,
ii. 421—440 ; victor proclaimed at
Olympia, B.C. 368, x. 22.
Messenians and Spartans, early
proceedings of, ii. 331; expelled
by Sparta, ix. 50, x. 280; plan of
Epaminondas for the restoration
of, ix. 432.
Messenians in Sicily, defeated by
Kaxians and Sikels, vi. 406.
Mctaneira, i. 38.
Metapontium, iii. 383.
Mtthana, Athenian garrison at,
vi. 136.
Methane, iii. 439; Philip at, xi. 63.
Methane in Peloponnesus, Athenian
assault upon, v. 398.
Methymna, vi. 2, 5; Kallikratidaa
at, vii. 406.
Metics, and the Thirty at Athens,
viii. 38.
Mttis and Zeus, daughter of, i. 9.
Metrodorus, i. 404, 427 n. 1.
Metropolis, relation of a Grecian,
to its colonies, v. 323 n. 2.
Midas, iii. 211, 219.
Middle ages, monarchy in, iii. 8
seq.
Mikythus, v. 84, 93.
Milesian colonies in the Trdad,
i. 329.
Milesians and Lichas, vii. 339;
and Kallikratidas, vii. 404.
Milfttts, early history of, iii. 177
seq. ; and Alyattes, iii. 256 seq.;
and Croesus, iii. 258 ; sieges of,
by the Persians, iv. 216, 232;
Histiteus of, iv. 198, 203 seq., 207,
210, 223 seq. ; Phrynichus's .tra-
gedy on the capture of, iv. 236;
exiles from, at Zankle, v. 65 seq.;
and Samos , dispute between,
v. 288 ; revolt of, from Athens,
vii. 213, 225 seq. ; Tissaphernes at,
vii. 216, 238; Lichas at, vii. 238;
Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 267,
337, 339 seq., 343; revolution at,
by the partisans of Lysander,
viii. 3 ; capture of, by Alexander,
xi. 418 seq.
Military array of legendary and
historical Greece, ii. 108 seq. ; di-
visions not distinct from civil in
any Grecian cities but Sparta,
ii. 460; force of early oligarchies,
iii. 30; order, Egyptian, iii. 316 ;
arrangements ,vi. 63Kleisthenean,
iv. 63.
MiUas, x. 367.
Mil Hades the First, iv. 44.
Miltiades the Second, iv. 46; and
the bridge over the Danube,
iv. 198, 200 n. 1 ; his retirement
from the Chersonese, iv. 200; cap-
ture of Lemnos and Imbros by,
iv. 202; escape of, from Persian
INDEX.
M'.HV.
379
pursuit, IT. 234; adventures and
character of, iv. 261 seq. ; elected
general, 490 B.C., iv. 2C7; and the
battle of Marathon, iv. 269 seq. ;
expedition of, against Faros,
iv. 290 ; disgrace, punishment, and
death of, iv. 291 «<•</.
Mi:to, viii, 349 n. 1.
MiltoTcythes, x. 132, 138.
Hilton on the early series of Brit-
ish kings, i. 467, 468; his treat-
ment of British fabulous history,
i. 470.
Mimnermus, iv. 10.
Mindarus, supersedes Astyochus,
vii. 340 ; deceived by Tissapher-
nds, vii. 341 ; removal of, from
Miletus to Chios, vii. 342; eludes
Thrasyllus and reaches the Hel-
lespont, vii. 343, 344 n. 1 ; at the
Hellespont, vii. 350; Pelopon-
nesian fleet summoned from
Kulioea by, vii. 352; siege of
Kyzikus by, vii. 361 ; death of,
vii. 362.
Mineral productions of Greece,
ii. 230.
Minoa, capture of, by Nikias, vi. 64.
Minos, i. 212 seq.
Minotaur, the, i. 214 seq.
Minycs, i. 130, ii. 26 seq.
3/ in i/as, i. 126 seq.
Miraculous legends, varied inter-
pretation of, i. 456 n. 1.
Mistake of ascribing to an nn-
recording age the historical sense
of modern times, i. 416.
Mitford, his view of the anti-mon-
archical sentiment of Greece,
iii. 11 seq.
Mithridates the Persian, viii. 389
seq.
Mithridates of Pontus, xii. 285.
Mithrines, xi. 414, xii. 29.
Mitylencean envoys, speech of, to
the Peloponnesians at Olympia,
vi. 6 seq. ; prisoners sent to
Athens by Pachfes, vi. 24, 25.
Mitylenaans at Sigeium, i. 329.
Mitylene, iii. 194 ; political dissen-
sions and poets of, iii. 198 ; re-
volt of, from Athens, vi. 2 seq.;
blockade of, by Paches , ri. 17
seq. ; and the Athenian assembly,
vi. 24, 28 seq. ; loss and recovery
of, by Athens, B.C. 412, vii. 223;
Kallikratidas at, vii. 408 seq. ; re-
moval of Kallikratidas from,
vii. 411 ; Eteonikus at, vii. 412,
416, 430; blockade of, by Mem-
non, xi. 430; surrender of, by
Chares, xi. 466.
Mnasippus, expedition of, to Kor-
kyra, ix. 369 seq,
Mnemosyne, i. 6, 10.
M nesiphttus , iv. 469.
Mterce and Croesus, iv. 122 seq.
Mceris, lake of, iii. 322 n.
Molionids, the, i. 137.
Molossian kingdom of Epirus, xii.
216.
Molossians, iii. 410 seq.
Molossus, i. 184.
Momus, i. 7.
Monarchy, in mediaeval and mo-
dern Europe, iii. 8 seq.; aversion
to, in Greece, after the expul-
sion of Hippias, iv. 130.
Money, coined, not known to Ho-
meric or Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116 ;
coined, first introduction of, into
Greece, ii. 319.
Money-lending at Florence in the
middle ages, iii. 110 n. 1 ; and
the Jewish law, iii. 112 n. 1 ; and
ancient philosophers, iii. 114.
Money-standard, Solon's debase-
ment of, iii. 101 ; honestly main-
tained at Athens after Solon,
iii. 115.
Monsters, offspring of the gods, i.ll.
Monstrous natures associated with
the gods, i. 1.
Monts de Piete, iii. 162.
Monuments of the Argonautic ex-
pedition, i. 234 seq.
Moon, eclipse of, B.C. 413, vii. 154;
eclipse of, B.C. 331, xi. 476.
Mopsus, iii. 185.
Mora, Spartan, ii. 458 seq. ; de-
struction of a Spartan, by Iphi-
krates, ix. 173 seq.
380
INDEX.
Moral and social feeling in legend-
ary Greece, ii. 79.
Moralising Greek poets, iv. 18 seq.
Mosynceki and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 429.
Mothakes, ii. 417.
Motye, capture of, by Dionysius,
x. 250 seq.; recapture of, by Imil-
kon, x. 254.
Motyum, Duketius at, vi. 393.
Mountainous systems of Greece,
ii. 213 seq.
Muller on Sparta as the Dorian
type, ii. 341.
Multitude, sentiment of a compared,
with that of individuals, vii. 333
Munychia and Pirseus , Themisto-
klSs's wall round, v. 105; M enyllus
in, xii. 147, 161 ; Nikanor in, xii.
187.
Muse, inspiration and authority
of the, i. 344.
Muses, the, i. 10.
Music, ethical effect of old Gre-
cian, ii. 432 ; Greek, improve-
ments in, about the middle of
the seventh century B.C., iv. 3.
Musical modes of the Greeks, iii.214.
Musicians, Greek, in the seventh
century B.C., iv. 3 n. 1.
MuScK, i. 345, 415 n. 1, 445.
Mutilated Grecian captives at Per-
sepolis, xi. 497.
Mutilation of dead bodies in le-
gendary and historical Greece,
ii. 91 ; of Bessus, xii. 28.
Mutiny at Athens immediately
before Solon's legislation, iii. 98.
Mygdonia, iii. 211.
Mykale, Pan-Ionic festival at, iii.
178; the battle of, v. 46 seq.
Mykalessus, massacre at, vii.l96seg.
Mykence, i. 90 seq.
Myriandrus, Alexander's march
from Kilikia to, xi. 440; Alex-
ander's return from, xi. 443.
Myrkinus, iv. 199, 222.
Myrmidons, origin of, i. 179.
Myron, iii. 32.
Myronides, v. 180.
Myrtilus, i. 155.
Mysia, the Ten Thousand Greeks
in, viii. 474 seq.
Mysians, iii. 197, 208 seq., 217.
Mysteries, principal Pan-Hellenic,
i. 28, 37, 40, 42, v. 63 n. ; and
mythes, i. 420.
Mystic legends, contrast of, with
Egypt) i- 32; legends, contrast
of, with Homeric hymns, i. 33;
brotherhoods, iii. 85.
Mythe of Panddra and Prometheus,
how used in '"Works and Days,'
i. 71 ; meaning of the word, i. 343.
Mythes, how to be told, i. 1 ; He-
siodic, traceable to Krete and
Delphi, i. 15, 16 ; Grecian, origin
of, i. 3, 52, 60 seq., 332 seq.; con-
tain gods, heroes and men, i. 63;
formed the entire mental stock
of the early Greeks, i. 331, 347 ;
difficulty of regarding them in
the same light as the ancienta
did, i. 331 ; Grecian, adapted to
the personifying and patriotic
tendencies of the Greeks, i. 337
seq.; Grecian, beauty of, i. 341;
Grecian, how to understand prop-
erly, i. 341 seq. ; how regarded
by superior men in the age of
Thucydides, i. 362 ; accommodated
to a more advanced age, i. 364
seq.; treatment of, by poets and
logographers, i. 364 seq. ; treat-
ment of, by historians, i. 377 seq.;
historicised, i. 396 seq. ; treat-
ment of, by philosophers, i. 402
seq.; allegorized, i. 405 seq.; semi-
historical interpretation of, i. 412 ;
allegorical theory of, i. 419 ;
connexion of, with mysteries, i.
420; supposed ancient meaning
of, i. 423 ; Plato on, i. 424 seq. ;
recapitulation of remarks on,
i. 434 seq. ; familiarity of the
Greeks with, i. 438 seq. ; bearing
of, on Grecian art, i. 442 seq. ;
German, i. 448; Grecian, proper
treatment of, i. 471 seq. ; Asiatic,
iii. 224.
Mythical world, opening of, i. 1 ;
sentiment in '"Works and Days,'
MYTHOLOGY.
INDKX.
381
I. 71 »eq. ; geography, 1. 238 seq.;
faith in the Homeric age, i. 347;
genealogies, i. 430 seq.; age, gods
and men undistinguishable in,
i. 432 ; events, relics of, i. 440 ;
account of the alliance between
the H£rakleids and Dorians, ii.
3 ; races of Greece, ii. 19.
Mythology, Grecian, sources of our
information on, i. 105; German,
Celtic, and Grecian, i. 446 ; Gre-
cian, how it would have been
affected by the introduction of
Christianity, B.C. 500, i. 451.
Xythopceic faculty, stimulus to, i.
340 ; age, the, i. 350 ; tendencies,
by what causes enfeebled, i. 350
seq. ; tendencies in modern Eu-
rope, i. 453 seq.
ityus, iii. 179.
N.
Napoleon, analogy between his re-
lation to the confederation of
the Rhine, and that of Alexander
to the Greeks, xi. 378.
Nature, first regarded as imperson-
al, i. see.
Naukraries, iii. 52, 68.
Naultratis, iii. 327, 335 seq.
Naupaktus, origin of the name, ii.
4 ; Phormio's victory near, v. 469
seq.; Eurylochus's attack upon,
yi. 80; Demosthengs at, vi. 81;
naval battle at, B.C. 413, vii. 197
seq.
Nausinikus, census in the archon-
ship of, ix. 831 seq.
Naval attack, Athenian, v. 326.
Naxians and Sikels , defeat of
Messenians by, vi. 406.
Naxos, early power of, iii. 167; ex-
pedition of Aristagoras against,
iv. 209 seq.; Datis at, iv. 257 : re-
volt and conquests of, v. 163 ;
Chabrias at, vii. 452, ix. 346 seq.
Naxos in Sicily, iii. 358, vii. 31,
x. 230.
Nearchus, voyages of, xii. 55, 67.
Nebuchadnezzar, iii. 331.
Necklaces of Eriphyle and Helen,
i. 275 seq.
Nectanelus, xi. 244.
Negative side of Grecian philo-
sophy, viii. 145.
Neiletts, or Neleus, i. 110, ii. 24,
iii. 177.
NekSs, iii. 330 seq.
Nektanebis, x. 123, 127.
Neleids down to Kodrus, i. 111.
Neleus and Pelias, i. 108 seq.
Nemean lion, the, i. 7; games, ii.
464, iii. 480 seq.
Nemesis, i. 7.
Neotule and Archilochus, iv. 9.
Neon the Cyreian, viii. 438 seq., 449.
Neon the Corinthian, x. 436 seq.
Neoptolemus, son of Achilles, i. 143,
293, 303.
Neoptolemus the actor, xi. 177.
Nephele, i. 122 seq.
Nereus, i. 7.
Nereids, i. 7.
Nessus, the centaur, i. 146.
Nestor, i. 110.
Niebelungen Lied, i. 462.
Nikcea on the Hydaspes, xii. 51, 54.
Nikanor, xii. 161, 167 seq.
Nikias, at Min6a, vi. 64 ; position
and character of, vi. 64 seq.; and
Kleon, vi. 69 seq. ; at Melos, vi.
74 ; in the Corinthian territory,
vi. 134 seq.; at Mende and Skione,
vi. 218 seq.; peace of, vi. 268 seq.,
272 seq.; and the Spartans taken
at Sphakteria, vi. 276, seq. ; em-
bassy of, to Sparta, vi. 319 ; and
Alkibiades, vi. 376 seq., vii. 399 ;
appointed commander of the Si-
cilian expedition, B.C. 415, vi.
418 ; speeches and influence of,
on the Sicilian expedition, B.C.
415, vi. 420 seq., 426, 429; his plan
of action in Sicily, vii. 26 ; dila-
tory proceedings of, in Sicily,
vii. 56, 61, 99 seq. ; stratagem of,
for approaching Syracuse, vii. 56;
at the battle near the Olympieion
at Syracuse, vii. 59 ; measures
of, after his victory near the
Olympieion at Syracuse, vii.
HIKODBOMUS.
INDEX.
60 ; at Messene in Sicily, vil. 61;
forbearance of the Athenians to-
wards, vii. 63 seq. ; at Katana,
vii. 72 ; in Sicily in the spring
of B.C. 414, vii. 82; his neglect
in not preventing Gylippus's
approach to Sicily and Syracuse,
vii. 102 seq., 106 seq.; fortification
of Cape Plemmyrium by, vii.
109 ; at Epipolse,vii. Ill ; despatch
of, to Athens for reinforcements,
vii. 114 seq., 120 seq. ; opposition
of, to Demosthenes's proposals
for leaving Syracuse, vii. 148
seq.; consent of, to retreat from
Syracuse, vii. 153; exhortations
of, before the final defeat of the
Athenians in the harbour of Sy-
racuse, vii. 160 seq. ; and Demo-
sthenSs, resolution of, after the
final defeat in the harbour of
Syracuse, vii. 169 ; exhortations
of, to the Athenians on their
retreat from Syracuse, vii. 173
seq, ; and his division, surrender
of, to Gylippus, vii. 181 seq., 187
n. 2; and Demosthenes, treatment
of, by their Syracusan conquer-
ors, vii. 186 ; disgrace of, at
Athens after his death, vii. 188 ;
opinion of ThucydidSs about,
vii. 188; opinion and mistake of
the Athenians about, vii. 190.
Nikodromus, iv. 394.
Nikokles, ix. 239.
Nikomachus the Athenian, viii. 107
seq.
Nikomachus the Macedonian, xii.
14, 17.
Nikostratus, vi. 51 seq., 218 seq.
Nikoteles, x. 228.
Nile, the, iii. 109.
Nineveh, or Ninus, siege of, iii.
235; capture of, iii. 255; and
Babylon, iii. 291 ; site of, iii.
295 n. 1 ; and its remains, iii.
306.
Nine Ways, nine defeats of the
Athenians at the, x. 61 n. 2.
Ninon and Kylon, iv. 335.
Niobe, 1. 154.
Niscea, alleged capture of, by Pei-
sistratus, iii. 155 n. 1 ; connected
with Megara by "Long Walls,"
v. 178 ; surrender of, to the Athen-
ians, vi. 152 seq.; recovery of, by
the Megarians, vii. 372.
Nisus, i. 198, 214.
Nobles, Athenian, early violence
of, iv. 80.
Nomads, Libyan, iii. 453 seq.
Nomios Apollo, i. 60.
Nomophylakes, v. 226.
Nomothetai, iii. 123, 125, v.228,viiL
97.
Non-Amphiktyonic races, ii. 271.
Non-Hellenic practices, ii. 258.
Non- Olympiads, ii. 434.
Notium, iii. 184; Paches at, vi.22;
recolonised from Athens, vi. 23 ;
battle of, vii. 395.
Notus, i. 6.
Numidia, Agathokles and the Car-
thaginians in, xii. 249.
Nymphceum, xi. 67, n. 2, 302.
Nymphs, i. 4, 7.
Nypsius, x. 385, 388, 389.
Nyx, i. 4, 7.
0.
Oarus, fortresses near, iv. 193.
Oath of mutual harmony at Athens,
after the battle of JEgospotami,
viii. 16.
Obce or Ob6s, ii. 362.
Ocean, ancient belief about, iii.
287, n. 1.
Oceanic nymphs, i. 6.
Oceanus, i. 6, 7.
Ochus, x. 128, xi. 241 seq. , 400 seq.
Odeon, building of, v. 284.
Odes at festivals in honour of
gods, i. 51.
Oilin and other gods degraded into
men, i. 449.
Odrysian kings, v. 475 seq.
Odysseus, i. 284 ; and PalamedSs, i.
287 ; and Ajax, i. 292 ; steals away
the Palladium, i. 294; return of,
from Troy, i. 301; final adven-
tures and death of, i. 309 seq.; at
ODYSSEY.
INDEX.
OLYNTHUB.
383
the agora in the second book of
the Iliad, ii. 70 seq.
Odyssey and Iliad, date, structure,
authorship and charactet of, ii.
127-209.
(Echalia, capture of, i. 147.
(Edipus, i. 269 seq.
(Eneus and his offspring, i. 139 seq.
(Enoe, v. 890, vii. 324, ix. 171.
(Enomaus and Pelops, i. 154.
(Kndm~-, i. 293 n. 4.
(Eenophyta, Athenian victory at,
v. 186.
(Knot ritt, iii. 347 seq.
(Enotrians, iii. 848, 372, 389.
(Eta, path over Mount, iv. 425.
(Etaii, ii. 287.
Office, admissibility of Athenian
citizens to, iv. 73.
Ogyges, i. 189.
Okypete, i. 7.
Olbia, xii. 296 seq.
Oligarchical government, change
from monarchical to, in Greece,
iii. 15 seq. ; party at Athens, v.
216, viii. 24 seq., 103 seq. ; Greeks,
corruption of, vii. 241 ; conspi-
racy at Samos,vii. 249 seq., 268 seq.;
conspiracy at Athens, vii. 257,
271 seq. ; exiles, return of, to
Athens, viii. 21.
Oligarchies in Greece, iii. 16, 28,
SO, 31.
Oligarchy, conflict of, with despot-
ism, iii. 28; vote of the Athen-
ian assembly in favour of, vii.
256; establishment of, in Athen-
ian allied cities, vii. 274; of the
Four Hundred, vii. 277 seq., 284
seq., 316, 332 seq.
Olive trees, sacred, near Athens,
iii. 136 n. 1, vi. 47 n. 1.
Olpce, . DemostheneVs victory at,
vi. 82 seq.
Olympia, Agesipolis, and the oracle
at, ix. 182; Lysias at, ix. 289 seq.;
panegyrical oration of Isokrates
at, ix. 292 ; occupation of, by the
Arcadians, x. 74, 81; topography
of, x. 79 n. 3 ; plunder of, by the
Arcadians, x. 81 seq.
Olympias, xi. 44, 817, 320, 323 ; and
Antipater, xi. 394, xii. 75, 78 n.
2; intrigues of, after Alexander's
death, xii. 165 ; return of, from
Epirus to Macedonia,*!! 162 seq.,
187; death of, xii. 188; Epirus
governed by, xii. 217 n. 1.
Olympic games, and Aethlius, 1.
99 ; origin of, i. 138 ; presidency
of, ii. 10, 319 seq. ; nature and
importance of, ii. 243 ; the early
point of union between Spartans,
MessSnians, and Eleians, ii. 334;
and the Delian festival, iii. 470;
celebrity, history, and duration
of, iii. 471 seq. ; interference of,
with the defence of Thermopylae,
iv. 436; and the Karneia, iv. 423
n. 4; conversation of Xerxes on,
iv. 460; of the 90th Olympiad, vi.
322 seq. ; celebration of, by the
Arcadians and Fisatans, x. 78 seq.;
legation of Dionysius to, x. 304.
Olympieion near Syracuse, battle
of, vii. 57 seq.
Olympus, ii. 213.
Olympus, the Phrygian, iii. 215 n.
1, iv. 3.
Olynthiac, the earliest, of Demo-
sthenes, xi. 131 seq. ; the second,
of Demosthenes, xi. 136 seq. ; the
third, of Demosthenes, xi. 140 seq,
Olynthiacs of Demosthenes, order
of, xi. 163 seq,
Olynthian confederacy, ix. 266 seq.,
283, x. 141, xi. 128; war, xi. 130-167.
Olynthus, iii. 440; capture and re-
population of, by Artabazus, T.
2; increase of, by Perdikkas, v.
382; expedition of Eudamidas
against, ix. 272; Teleutias at, ix.
279 seq. ; Agesipolis at, ix. 281;
submission of, to Sparta, ix. 283 ;
alliance of, rejected by the Athen-
ians, xi. 39 ; alliance of, with
Philip, xi. 39 seq. ; secedes from
the alliance of Philip, and makes
peace with Athens, xi. 124; host-
ility of Philip to, xi. 125 ; Phil-
ip's half-brothers flee to, xi.
126 ; intrigues of Philip in, xi.
384
INDEX.
126 ; attack of Philip upon, xi.
130, 135 ; alliance of, with Athens,
xi. 131 ; renewed application of,
to Athens, against Philip, xi.
135; assistance from Athens to,
B. o. 350, xi. 138 ; three expedi-
tions from Athens to, B. 0. 349-
348, xi.'139. n. 1, 151; expedition
of Athenians to, B.C. 349, xi. 149,
151 ; capture of, by Philip, xi. 154
seq., 169, 176.
Oneirus, i. 7, ii. 185.
Oneium, Mount, Epaminondas at,
x. 13.
Onesilus, iv. 218 seq.
Onomakles, vii. 325 seq.
Onomaltritus, iv. 347.
Onomarchus, and the treasures in
the temple at Delphi, xi. 59 ;
successes of, xi. 65, 96; at Chse-
roneia, xi. 61; power of the Pho-
kians under, xi. 65 ; aid to Ly-
kophron by, xi.96 ; death of, xi. 98.
Ophelias, xii. 251, 253 seq.
Ophis, the, ix. 250.
Opicif iii. 350.
Opts, Alexander's voyage to, xii.65.
Oracle at Delphi, legend of, i. 47;
and the KrStans, i. 219 n. 2; and
the Battiad dynasty, iii. 461;
answers of, onXerxes's invasion,
iv. 405 seq.
Oracles, consultation and authority
of, among the Greeks, ii. 256;
in Boeotia consulted by Mardo-
nius, v. 3.
Orations, funeral, of Periklfis, v.
294, 405 seq.
Orchomenians, I. 305.
Orchomenus, ante-historical, i. 126
seq. ; and Thebes, i. 133, v. 13 n. 4,
ix. 412.
Orchomenus, early historical, ii.
294 ; capitulation of, B.C. 418, vi.
345; revolt of, from Thebes to
Sparta, ix. 117 ; and the Pan-Ar-
cadian union, ix. 428 ; destruc-
tion of, x. 71.
Oreithyia, i. 192.
Orestes, i. 159 seq. ; and Agamem-
n6n transferred to Sparta, i. 163.
Orestes, bones of, ii. 447.
Oreus, xi. 253, 257.
Orgies, post-Homeric, i. 25.
Orates, iv. 155, 171.
Orontes, the Persian nobleman, viii.
338, 341 n. 2.
Orontes, the Persian satrap, ix. 236.
Oropus, vi. 161 n. 2, vii. 267, x. 46.
Orphans in legendary and histor-
ical Greece, ii. 91.
Orpheotelestcs, iii. 89.
Orpheus, i. 21, 22.
Orphic Theogony, i. 16 seq. ; egg,
i. 17 ; life, the, i. 22 ; brotherhood,
i. 33.
Orsines, xii. 59.
Orthagoridce, iii. 32 seq.
Orthros, i. 7.
Ortyges, iii. 188.
Ortygia, iii. 360; fortification and
occupation of, by Dionysius, x.
220 seq. ; Dionysius besieged in,
x. 224 seq. ; blockade of, by Dion,
x. 373, 377, 393; sallies of Nyp.
sius from, x. 385, 388 ; Dion's
entry into, x. 396; surrender of,
to Timoleon, x. 431 seq. ; advan-
tage of, to Timoleon, x. 435;
siege of, by Hiketas and Magon,
x. 436 seq. ; Timoleon's demoli-
tion of the Dionysian works in,
x. 445 ; Timoleon erects courts
of justice in, x. 466.
Oscan, Latin and Greek languages,
iii. 351.
Oscans, iii. 351.
Ossa and Pelion, ii. 216.
Ostracism, similarity of, to Solon's
condemnation of neutrality in
sedition, iii. 146 seq., vi. 377
seq. ; of Hyperbolus, iv. 78, vi.
376; of Kimon, v. 221; ofThucy-
dides, son of Melfisias, v. 282;
projected contention of, between
Nikias and Alkibiades, vl. 376
seq. ; at Syracuse, vi. 392.
Otanes, iv. 150, 175 seq., 204.
Othryades, ii. 449.
Othrys, ii.215 seq.
Otos and Ephialtes, i. 134.
Ovid at Tomi, xii. 296 n. 1.
INDEX.
PARTITION.
385
Oxus crossed by Alexander, xii. 23.
Oxylus, i. 149, ii. 4, 9.
Oxythemia Kor6naius. ii. 333, 334.
P.
Pachfs, ntMitylfine, vi. 6, 17 »eq. \
at Notium, vi. 22; pursues the
fleet of Alkidas to Patmos, vi. 22 ;
sends Mytyleurean prisoners to
Athens, vi. 24 ; crimes and death
of, vi. 38.
Pce'inians, Hi. 431; conquest of, by
Megabazus, iv. 201; victory of
Philip over, xi. 18.
Pagusce, conquest of, by PMHpj
xi. 98; importance of the Gulf
of, to Philip, xi. 108.
Pagondas, vi. 161 seq.
Paktyas, the Lydian, iv. 126 seq.
Palcemon and In6, i. 122.
Pala>phatus,his treatment of mythes,
i. 400 seq.
Palamedes, i. 287.
Palilct, foundation of, vi. 393.
Palladium, capture of, i. 294.
Pallalcopas, xii. 72.
Pallas, i. 6, 7.
Pallas, son of Pandion, i. 198.
Palus MoBOtis, tribes east of, iii.
245.
Pammrnes, expedition of, to Me-
galopolis, x. 119, xi. 61, 103.
Pamphyli, Hylleis, and Dymanes,
ii.,361.
Pamphylia, conquest of, by Alex-
ander, xi. 424.
PanaMum, vi. 297, 300.
Pan-Arcadian Ten Thousand, ix.
4r.O, x. 82.
Pan-Arcadian union, ix. 426 seq.,
x. 82 seq.
Pandion, i. 190. »
Pandion, son of Phineus, i. 193.
Panrfion II., i. 197.
Pandora, i. 71, 75 seq.
Pan-Hellenic proceeding, the ear-
liest approach to, iii. 467; feel-
ing, growth of, between B.C.
776-560, iii. 467; character of the
four great games, iii. 482; con-
gress at the Isthmus of Corinth,
VOL. XII.
iv. 403 seq. ; patriotism of the
Athenians on Xerxes's invasion,
iv. 408; union under Sparta after
the repulse of Xerxes, T. 115;
schemes and sentiment of Pe-
rikles, v. 281; pretences of Ale-
xander, xi. 376.
Pan-Ionic festival and Amphikty-
ony in Asia, iii. 178.
Panoptis Argos, i. 83.
PontaZedn, ii. 434.
Pantikapantm, xii. 301 seq., 309.
Pantites, story of, iv. 441 n. 1.
Paphlagonia , submission of, to
Alexander, xi. 435.
Pa;p7i'rt<70nians, and the Ten Thou-
sand Greeks, viii. 445.
Paragraphs, viii. 100.
ParaZi, at Samos, vii. 270.
ParaZii, iii. 95.
Paralus, arrival of, at Athens from
Samos, vii. 271.
Paranomon, Graphg, v. 230 seq., vii
277.
Parasang, length of, viii. 316 n. 3.
Paris, i. 230 seq., 293.
Parisades I., xii. 304.
Parmenides, viii. 143, 145 n. 2.
Parmento, embassy of, from Phil-
ip to Athens, xi. 191, 195, 196,
202; operations of, in Asia Minor
against Memnon, xi. 374; debate
of, with Alexander at Miletus,
xi. 417 ; captures Damascus, xi.
453; at the battle of Arbela, xi.
482, 488, 490 ; invested with the
chief command at Ekbatana, xii.
4; family of, xii. 13; alleged
conspiracy and assassination of,
xii. 19 seq.
Paropamisadce, subjugation of, by
Alexander, xii. 22.
Pares, Theramenes at, vii. 359.
Parthenice, iii. 284.
Parthenon, v. 284, 285 ; records of
offerings in, xi. 53 n. 1, 56 n. 3.
Parthia, Darius pursued by Alex-
ander into, xii. 5 seq.
Partition of lands ascribed to
Lykurgus, ii. 380, 393 seq., 400
seq. ; proposed by Agis, ii. 400.
2 c
386
PABYSATIS.
INDEX.
PELOPIDA3.
Parysatis, wife of Darius Nothus,
viii.362, 374.
Parysatis, daughter of Darius
Nothus, xii. 63.
Pasimehts, ix. 155.
Pasion and Xenias, viii. 329.
Pasiphae and the Minotaur, i. 214.
Pasippidas, banishment of, vii. 369.
Patizeithes, conspiracy of, iv. 149.
Patrokleides, amnesty proposed by,
viii. 15.
Patroklus, treatment of, in the
Iliad, ii. 177.
Patronymic names of demos, iii.
63 n. 3.
Patrous Apollo, i. 49.
Pattala, xii. 57 n. 3.
Pausanias the historian, on the
Achreans, i. 103 ; his view of
mythes, i. 399 ; his history of the
Boeotians between the siege of
Troy and the Return of the
HSrakleids, ii. 16; his account
of the Me"senian wars, ii. 423
seq., 428 seq.; on Iphikrates 'at
Corinth, B.C. 369, ix. 456 n. 3.
Puusanias, the Spartan regent, at
the Isthmus of Corinth, v. 11 ;
at Plataea, v. 16 seq., 24 seq. ;
misconduct of, after the battle
of Plataea, v. 109' seq.; conduct
of, after losing the command of
the Greeks, v. 123; detection and
death of, v. 125 seq. ; and The-
mistokles, v. 128, 137.
Pausanias, the Spartan king, and
Lysander, viii. 53 ; his expedition
to Attica, viii. 64 seq. ; his at-
tack upon Peirseus, viii. 67; his
pacification between the Ten at
Athens and the exiles at Peiraeus,
viii. 69 seq.; in. Bceotia, ix. 119
seq.; condemnation of, ix. 120
seq. ; and the democrat Seal leaders
of Mantineia, ix. 251.
Pausanias the Macedonian, x. 9,
xi. 320 seq.
Pedaritus, vii. 231 seq., 261.
Pedieis, iii. 94.
Pedigrees, mythical, connect gen-
tes, i. 185.
Pegasus, i. 7.
Peirceum, Athenian victory near,
vii. 209; defeat of the Athenian
fleet near, vii. 221; capture of,
by Agesilaus, ix. 170 seq. ; re-
covery of, by Iphikrat&s, ix. 178.
' Peirceus, fortification of, by Themis-
tpkles, v. 103 seq. ; and Athens,
Long Walls between, v. 180 seq.,
viii. 20, ix. 147 seq. ; improve-
ments at, under Periklfes, v. 283;
departure of the armament for
Sicily from, vii. 16; walls built
at, by the Four Hundred, vii. 304 ;
approach of the Lacedaemonian
fleet under Agesandridas to, vii.
308, 312; Thrasybulus at, viii. 59
seq. ; king Pausanias's attack
upon, viii. 67 ; attackof Teleutias
on, ix. 203 seq. ; attempt of Spho-
drias to surprise , ix. 314 seq. ;
seizure of, by Nikanor, xii. 168.
Peisander, and the mutilation of
the Hermae, vii. 36; and the con-
spiracy of the Four Hundred,
vii. 250, 255 seq., 262 seq., 267 seq.,
274 seq. ; statements respecting,
vii. 274 n. 1; punishment of, vii. 32U.
Peisander, the Lacedcemonian ad-
m ral, ix. 97, 106.
Peisistratids and Thucydid6s,iv. 34
«. 2; fall of the dynasty of,
iv. 54; with Xerxes in Athens,
iv. 463 seq.
Peisistratus, iii. 155 seq., iv. 29 seq.,
46.
Peithias, the Korltyrcean, vi. 48 seq.
Pelasgi, ii. 263 seq. ; in Italy, iii.
347 ; of Lemnos and Imbros, iv.203.
Pelasgikon, oracle about the, v.392
n. 3.
Pejasgus, i. 169.
Peleus, i. 113, 181.
Pelias, i. 108, 113.
PeZt'on and Ossa, ii. 216.
Pella, embassies fromGrecian states
at, B.C. 346, xi. 209 seq. ; under
Philip, xi. 392.
Pellene, i. 304; and Phlius, x. 30.
Pelopidas, escape of, to Athens,
ix. 274; conspiracy of, against
PELOPIDS.
INDEX.
PENTF.KONTEBg.
387
the philo-Laconian rulers at
Thebes, iz. 297 seq.; slaughter
of Leontiades by, ix. 302; and
Epaminondas, ix. 336; victory of,
at Togyra, ix. 351; in Thessaly,
x. 8, 22, 42 seq., 63, 67 seq.; and
Philip, x. 8 n. 1, 23 ; and Alex-
ander of Pherse, x. 42 seq.; death
of, x. 68.
Pelopids, i. 150 seq., 157.
Peloponnesian war, its injurious
effects upon the Athenian empire,
T. 309; war, commencement of,
v. 399-416; fleet, Phormio's victo-
ries over, v. 463 seq., 466 seq.;
war, agreement of the Pelopon-
nesian confederacy at the com-
mencement of, vi. 290 n.; allies,
synod of, at Corinth, B.C. 412,
vii. 207; fleet, under TheramenSs,
vii. 226 seq.; fleet at Rhodes,
vii. 239 seq., 335; fleet, return
of, from Rhodes to Miletus, vii.
267; fleet, discontent in, at Mile-
tus, vii. 336, 339 seq.; fleet, cap-
ture of, at Ky/.icus, vii. 362; fleet,
pay of, by Cyrus, vii. 384; con-
federacy, assembly of, at Sparta,
B.C. 404, viii. 19; confederacy,
Athens at the head of, B.C. 371,
ix. 419; allies of Sparta after
the Peloponnesian war, xi. 84.
Peloponnesians, immigrant, ii. 305 ;
conduct of, after the battle of
Thermopylae, iv. 452; and Mar-
donius's approach, v. 6 seq.; and
the fortification of Athens, v. 98
seq., 103; five years' truce of,
with Athens, v. 189; position and
views of, in commencing the
Peloponneaian war, v. 357 seq.,
375, 387 seq. ; invasions of Attica
by, under Archidamus, v. 388
seq., 417; slaughter of neutral
prisoners by, v. 444; and Am-
brakiots attack Akarnania, v. 456
seq.; applicationofrevoltedMity-
lenaeans to, vi. 6 seq.; and .<Eto-
lians attack Naupaktus, vi. 80 ;
and Tissaphernes, vii. 216, 234
seq., 246, 264 seq., 355 seq. ; defeat
of, at Kynossema, vii. 351 seq.;
at Abydos, vii. 358; aid of Phar-
nabazus to, vii. 367; letters of
Philip to, xi. 297.
Peloponnesus, eponym of, 1. 160;
invasion and division of, by the
Herakleids, ii. 5; mythical title
of the Dorians to, ii. 6; exten-
sion of Pindus through, ii. 215;
distribution of, about B.C. 450,
ii. 300 seq. ; difference between
the distribution, B.C. 450 and 776,
ii. 303; population of, which was
believed to be indigenous, ii. 304;
southern, inhabitants of, before
the Dorian invasion, ii. 335 ;
events in, during the first twenty
years of the Athenian hegemony,
v. 171 seq. ; voyage of Tolinides
round v. 187; ravages of, by
the Athenians, v. 399, 427 ; polit-
ical relations in, B.C. 421, vi .
294; expedition of Alkibiades
into the interior of, vi. 333;
expedition of Konon and Phar-
nabazus to, ix. 145; circum-
navigation of, by Timotbeus,
ix. 348; proceedings in, after the
battle of Leu.ktra, ix. 416, x. 2;
expeditions of Epamiuondas to,
ix. 436 seq., x. 13 seq., 26 seq.,
89 seq. ; state of, B.C. 362, x. 73
seq. ; visits of Dion to, x. 338 :
disunion of, B.C. 360-359, xi. 1 ;
affairs of, B.C. 354-352, xi. 93 seq.;
war in, B.C. 352-351, xi. 103 ; in-
tervention of Philip in, after
B.C. 346, xi. 247 ; expedition of
Philip to, xi. 315 ; Kassander and
Polysperchon in, xii. 181, 186 ;
Kassander and Alexander, son
of Polysperchon in, xii. 171.
Pelops, i. 150 seq.
Pelusium, Alexander at, xi. 470.
Penal procedure at Athens, iv. 292
n. 1.
Penestcs, Thessalian, ii. 280 seq.
Pentakosiowiimni, iii. 118.
Pentapolis 011 the south-west coast
of the Kuxine, xii. 294.
Pentekonters, Spartan, ii. 45it| seq.
2 c 2
388
PENTEKOSTYS.
INDEX.
Pentekostys, ii. 458.
Penthesileia, i. 202, 290.
Pentheus and Agave, i. 254 seq.
Perdikkas I., iii. 432.
Perdikkas II., relations and pro-
ceedings of, towards Athens, v.
331 seq., 335, 404, vi. 147, 225 seq. ,
366, 374; and Sitalkfis, v. 476;
application of, to Sparta, vi. 147 ;
and Brasidas, relations between,
vi. 147, 219, 220 seq. ; joins Sparta
and Argos, vi. 366 ; death of, ix.
260.
Perdikkas, brother of Philip, x. 60,
131, 142, xi. 9 seq.
Perdikkas, Alexander's general, xii.
78, 141, 155 seq., 158.
Pergamum, i. 279 n. 6, 314.
Pergamus, custom in the temple
of Asklepius at, i. 294 n. 1.
Pergamus in Mysia, the Ten Thou-
sand Greeks at, viii. 474 seq.
Periander, the Corinthian despot,
power and character of, iii. 39
seq.
Perikles, difference between the
democracy after, and the consti-
tution of Kleisthenes, iv. 75;
effect of, on constitutional mor-
ality, iv. 88 ; at the battle of
Tanagra, v. 184 ; expeditions of,
to Sikyon and Akarnania, v. 187;
policy of, B.C. 430, v. 196 ; recon-
quest of Euboaa by, v. 204 ; and
Ephialtes, constitution of dikas-
teries by, v. 211 seq. ; and Kimon,
v. 217 seq. ; public life and char-
acter of, v. 217 seq. ; and Ephi-
sltSs, judicial reform of, v. 211
»eq., 222 seq. ; real nature of the
constitutional changes effected
by, v. 222 seq. ; commencement
of the ascendency of, v. 226; and
Kimon, compromise between, v.
184, 225 ; his conception of the
relation between Athens and her
allies, v. 266; and Athenian
kleruchs by, v. 273 ; and Th:i3y-
dides. sor. of Melesias, v. 278
seq. ; Pan-Hellenic schemes and
sentiment of, v. 281 ; city-improve-
ments at Athens under, v. 283
seq., 285 seq.; sculpture at Athens
under, v. 285 ; attempt of, to
convene a Grecian congress at
Athens, v. 287 ; Sophoklfis, 4c.,
Athenian armament under, v. 290
seq. ; funeral orations of, v. 294,
405 seq. ; demand of the Spartans
for his banishment, v. 360, 368;
indirect attacks of his political
opponents upon, v. 361 seq. ; his
family relations, and connexion
with Aspasia, v. 364, 365 ; charge
of peculation against, v. 366 seq. ;
stories of his having caused the
Peloponnesian war, v. 367 n. 2;
speech of, before the Pelopon-
nesian war, v. 371 seq. ; and the
ravages of Attica by Archida-
mus, v. 390 seq. ; last speech of,
v. 429 seg. ; accusation and punish-
ment of, v. 431 seq. ; old age and
death of, v. 431 seq. ; life and
character of, v. 435 seq. ; new
class of politicians at Athens
after, vi. 24 seq.; and Nikias
compared, vi. 64.
Periklymenos, i. 109 seq.
Perinthus, iii. 443 ; and Athens,
vii. 367; xi. 265; siege of, by
Philip, xi. 258, 262.
Perioeki, ii. 364 seq., 370, 372 n. 3 j
Libyan, iii. 455, 457, 459.
Pero, Bias and Melampus, i. 108
seq.
Perseid dynasty, i. 90.
Persephone, i. 10; mysteries of, v.
C2 n.
Persepolis , Alexander's march
from Susa to, xi. 495 seq. ; Alex-
ander at, xi. 497, xii. 59 seq. ;
Alexander's return from India
to, xii. 60.
Perses, i. 6.
Perseus, exploits of, i. 89 8*3.
Persia, application of Athens for
alliance \rfiJi, iv. 92 ; state of,
on the formation of the confeder-
acy of Delos, v. 124; treatment
of Themistoklds in, v. 141 seq. ;
operations of Athens and the
INDEX.
389
Delian confederacy againat, v.
162 aeq. ; and Athena, treaty
between, n.o. 450, v. 191 aeq. ;
Asiatic Greeka not tributary to,
between B.C. 477 and 414, r. 193
n. 2; surrender of the Asiatic
Greeks by Sparta to, ix. 26 ; and
the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 212
seq., 215 aeq., 374; applications
of Sparta and Athens to, ix. 219
aeq. ; hostility of, to Sparta after
the battle of JEgospotami, ix.
221 ; unavailing efforts of, to
reconquer Egypt, ix. 226; and
Evagoras, ix. 233 aeq. ; Spartan
project against, for the rescue
of the Asiatic Greeks, ix. 258 ;
application of Thebes to, x. 36
seq. ; embassy from Athens to,
B.C. 366, x. 53; state of, B.C. 362,
x. 121, 127; alarm at Athens
nbout, B.C. 354, xi. 88; projected
invasion of, by Philip , xi. 315
seq. ; correspondence of Demo-
sthenes with, xi. 347 seq. ; accu-
mulation of royal treasures in,
xi. 499 n. 3 ; roads in, xii. 3 n. 1.
Persian version of the legend of
lo, i. 84 ; noblemen, conspiracy
of, against the false Smerdis, iv.
150 aeq. ; empire, organization of,
by Darius HystaspSs, iv. 160 seq. ;
envoys to Macedonia, iv. 202;
armament against Cyprus, iv.
219 ; force against Miletus, iv.
226; fleet at Lade, iv. 231; fleet,
and Asiatic Greeks, iv. 231 ;
armament under Datis, iv. 252
seq., 279 aeq. ; fleet, before the
battle of Salamis, iv. 430 seq., 445
seq., 460, 466, 472 n. 2; army,
march of, from Thermopylae to
Attica, iv. 461 aeq. ; fleet at Sa-
lamis, iv. 479 seq. ; fleet after
the battle of Salamis, iv. 487,
v. 1; army under Mardonius, v.
11 seq. ; fleet at MykalS, v. 46;
army at Mykale, v. 50; army,
after the defeat at MykalS, v.
61; war, effect of, upon Athenian
political sentiment, v. 130; kings,
from Xerxes to ArtaxerxC'S
Mnemou, vi. 140 aeq.; cavalry,
and the retreating Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 390 seq.; empire,
distribution of, into satrapies
and subsatrapies, ix. 30; prepar-
ations for maritime war againat
Sparta, B.C. 397, ix. 78, 92; king,
Thebans obtain money from, xi.
105; forces in Phrygia on Alex-
ander's landing, xi. 400, 403;
Gates, Alexander at, xi. 496;
fleet and armies, hopes raised in
Greece by, B.C. 334-331, xii. 98.
Persians, condition of, at the rise
of Cyrus the Great, iv. 113; con-
quests of, under Cyrua the Great,
iv. 134, 143 aeq.; the first who
visited Greece, iv. 183 seq. ; con-
quest of Thrace by, under Darius
Hystaspes, iv. 199; successes of,
againat the revolted coast of
Asia Minor, iv. 215; attempts of,
to disunite the lonians at Lade,
iv. 226 ; narrow escape of Miltia-
des from, iv. 234 ; cruelties of,
at Miletus, iv. 235 ; attempted
revolt of Thasos from, iv. 242;
at Marathon, iv. 260, 279 seq.;
after the battle of Marathon, iv.
277 seq. ; change of Grecian feel-
ing towards, after the battle of
Marathon, iv. 281 ; their religious
conception of history, iv. 354;
at Thermopylae, iv. 429, 432 seq. ;
in Psyttaleia, iv. 476, 484; at
Salamis, 479 seq. ; at Platoea, v.
19 aeq. ; at MykalS, iv. 50; be-
tween Xerxes and Darius Codo-
mannus, v. 96; necessity of Gre-
cian activity against, after the
battles of Platsea and MykalS, v.
152; mutilation inflicted by, viii.
811 n. 3; heralds from, to the
Ten Thousand Greeks, viii. 359;
impotence and timidity of, viii.
376; imprudence of, in letting
Alexander cross the Hellespont,
xi. 403; defeat of, at the Grani-
kus, xi. 407 seq. ; defeat of, at
Issus, xi. 445 seq. ; incorporation
390
INDEX.
PHENICIANS.
of, In the Macedonian phalanx,
xii. 73.
Persia, subjugation of, by Alex-
ander, xi. 502; Alexander's return
from India to, xii. 60.
Personages, quasi-human, in Gre-
cian mythology, i. 333 seq.
Personal ascendency of the king
in legendary Greece, ii. 63 ; feel-
ing towards the gods, the king,
or individuals in legendary
Greece, ii. 79 seq.; sympathies
the earliest form of social exist-
ence, ii. 86.
Personalities, great predominance
of, in Grecian legend, ii. 75.
Personality of divine agents in
mythes, i. 2.
Personification, tendency of the
ancient Greeks to, i. 332 seq. ; of
the heavenly bodies by Boioca-
lus, the German chief, i. 336 n.
Pestilence and suffering at Athens
after the Kylonian massacre, iii.
86.
Petalism at Syracuse, iv. 90, vi.
392.
PeuTce, xi. 350, 351 n. 2.
PeuTtestes, xii. 56, 59.
Pezetceri, xi. 385.
Phceax, expedition of, to Sicily,
vi. 414.
Phalaikus succeeds to the command
of the Fhokians, xi. 105; decline
of the Phokians under, xi. 178,
222; opposition to, in Phokis,
xi. 179; opposition of, to aid
from Athens to Thermopylae, xi.
181 ; position of, at Thermopylae,
xi. 179, 223 seq. ; death of, xi. 238.
Phalanthus, oekist of Tarentum,
iii. 384 seq.
Phalanx, Macedonian, xi. 305, 384
seq., xii. 73.
Phalaris, iv. 305, v. 59.
Phalerum, Xerxes at, iv. 466.
Phalinus, viii. 354.
Phones and Zeus, i. 18.
Phanosthenes, vii. 401.
Pharakidas, x. 268 seq.
Pharax, ix. 93, 94 n. 6.
Pharax, the officer of Dionysiust
x. 394, 413.
Pharis, conquest of, ii. 419.
Pharnabazus and Tissapherngs,
embassy from, to Sparta, vii.
205; and Derkyllidas, vii. 336,
ix. 30, 40, 77 ; and Athens, vii.
354, 368; Athenian victory over,
vii. 371 ; convention of, about
Chalkedon, vii. 374; and Alki-
biades, vii. 374, viii. 112 seq. ;
and Greek envoys, vii. 375, 378;
after the battle of -ZEgospotami,
viii. 113; and Anaxibius, viii.
456, 468; and Lysander, ix. 25;
and the subsatrapy of JEolis, ix.
31 seq. ; and Agesilans, ix. 84,
97 seq.; and Konon, ix. 105, 142,
145 seq. ; and Abydos, ix. 143 ;
and the anti-Spartan allies at
Corinth, ix. 147 ; and the Syra-
cusans, x. 147; anti-Macedonian
efforts of, xi. 452; capture of,
with his force, at Chios, xi. 466.
Pharsalus, Polydamas of, ix. 354
seq. ; and Halug, xi. 215.
PhaseUs, Alexander at, xi. 424.
Phayllus, xi. 96, 101 seq.
Pheidias, v. 285, 366.
Pheidon the Temenid, ii. 315;
claims and projects of, as repre-
sentative of HeraklSs, ii. 318;
and the Olympic games, ii. 319
seq.; coinage and scale of, ii.
319 seq., 324 seq. ; various descrip-
tions of, ii. 322.
Pheidon, one of the Thirty, riii.
62, viii. 94.
Phenicia, ante-Hellenic colonies
from, to Greece not probable,
ii. 268; situation and cities of,
iii. 267 seq. ; reconquest of, by
Darius Nothus, xi. 241, 244 n. 3;
Alexander in, xi. 454 seq., 474.
Phenician version of the legend
of lo, i. 84; colonies, iii. 272
seq. ; fleet at Aspendus, vii. 341,
356 ; towns, surrender of, to Alex-
ander, xi. 454, 456.
Phenicians in Homeric times, ii.
102 seq.; historical, iii. 265, 290,
PHERAE.
INDEX.
391
S04, 308, 339 aeq. ; and Persians,
subjugation of Cyprus by, iv.
219; and Persians at Mitt-tun, iv. •
225 sfi/.; and Persians, recon-
quest of Asiatic Greeks by, iv.
234; and the cutting through
Athos, iv. 368; and Greeks in
Sicily, v. 61 ; in Cyprus, ix. 228
aeq.
Pherce, Jason of, ix. 355 aeq., 363
n., 370, 407 seq,, 413 aeq.
Pherce, Alexander of, x. 7, xi. 7
aeq.; despots of, xi. 6 aeq. ;
Philip and the despots of, xi. 65,
96, 98 aeq. ; Philip takes the oath
of alliance with Athens at, xi.
214; Alexander of, and Pelopi-
das, x. 23, 42 seq., 63, 66 seq.;
Alexander of, subdued by the
Thebans, x. 70 seq. ; hostilities
of Alexander of, against Athens,
x. 130.
Pherekydes, i. 375, iii. 316.
Pheretime, iii. 461 aeq.
Philosua, eponym of an Attic dome,
i. 184.
Philaidce, origin of, i. 184.
Philip of Macedon, detained as a
hostage at Thebes, x. 8 n. 1, 23,
xi. 11 seq.; accession of, x. 142,
xi. 14 seq. ; as subordinate gover-
nor in Macedonia, xi. 10, 11, 12;
position of, on the death of
Perdikkas, xi. 13; capture of
Amphipolis by, xi. 36 aeq.; his
alliance with Olynthus and host-
ilities against Athens, xi. 39
atq. ; capture of Pydna and Poti-
daea by, xi. 40 seq. ; increased
power of, B.C. 358-356, xi. 43;
marriage of, with Olympias, xi.
44; intrigue of, with Kersoblep-
tes against Athens, xi. 62; his
activity, and conquest of Me-
th6ne, xi. 63 seq.; and the des-
pots of Pherse, xi. 65, 96 aeq. ;
development of Macedonian mili-
tary force under, xi. 86 seq. ; and
Onomarohus, xi. 97; conquest of
Pherte and Pag.isru by, xi. 98;
checked at Thermopylse by the
Athenians, xi. 100; power and
attitude of, B.C. 362-351, xl. 106;
naval power and operations of,
B.C. 351, xi. 107 seq. ; in Thrace,
B.C. 351, xi. Ill; hostility of, to
Olynthus, B.C. 351-850, xi. 125;
flight of his half-brothers to
Olynthus, xi. 126 ; intrigues of,
in Olynthus, xi. 126 ; destruction
of the Olynthian confederacy by,
xi. 128, 130, 135, 154 seq., 169;
Athenian expedition to Olynthus
against, xi. 138 ; intrigues of, in
Euboea, xi. 143; and Athens,
overtures for peace between, B.C.
348, xi. 172 aeq. ; Thebans invoke
the aid of, against the Phokians,
xi. 179; and Thermopylae, xi. 182,
212, 215, 221, 226, 229; embassies
from Athens to, xi. 189 aeq., 206
aeq., 228; envoys to Athens from,
xi. 191, 194, 196, 201, 205; synod
of allies at Athens about, xi.
194; peace and alliance between
Athens and, xi. 194 seq., 215, 234
aeq., 246, 249 seq. ; fabrications of
JEschings and Philokrates about,
xi. 202, 212, 214, 216 seq.; in
Thrace, xi. 207, 208, 254 aeq. ;
letter of, taken by jEscbines to
Athens, xi. 215, 220; surrender of
Phokis to, xi. 226; declared sym-
pathy of, with the Thebans, B.C.
346, xi. 226 ; visit of JEschines
to, in Phokia, xi. 228; admitted
into the Amphiktyonic assembly,
xi. 230; ascendency of, B.C. 346,
xi. 232 seq. ; named president of
the Pythian festival, xi. 232 ;
position of, after the Sacred
War, xi. 239 ; letter of Isokrates
to, xi. 240; movements of, after
B.C. 346, xi. 247 seq. ; warnings
of Demosthenes against, after
B.C. 346, xi. 248; mission of Py-
thon from, to Athens, xi. 249 ;
and Athens, dispute between,
about Halonnesus, xi. 251 seq. ;
and Kardia, xi. 254 ; and Athens,
disputes between, about the Bos-
phorus and Hellespont, xi. 253;
392
INDEX.
PHOENIX.
at Perinthus and the Chersonese,
xi. 258, 262 seq. ; and Athens, de-
claration of war between, xi. 260
seq. ; makes peace with Byzan-
tium, Chios, and other islands,
attacks the Scythians, and is
defeated by the Triballi, xi. 266;
and the Amphissians, xi. 284 seq.,
302; re -fortification of Elateia
by, xi. 287, 289, 290 seq. ; applica-
tion of, to Thebes for aid in
attacking the Athenians, xi. 288
seq., 294; alliance of Athens and
Thebes against, xi. 295 seq., 293
seq. ; letters of, to the P^elopon-
nesians for aid, xi. 297 seq.;
victory of, at Chaeroneia, xi. 304
seq., 311 ; military organization of,
xi.306,383seg. ; and the Athenians,
peace of DemadSs between, xi.
312 seq. ; honorary votes at Athens
in favour of, xi. 314; expedition
of, into Peloponnesus, xi. 315;
at the congress at Corinth, xi.
316; preparations of, for the in-
vasion of Persia, xi. 317; repu-
diates Olympias, and marries
Kleopatra, xi. 317; and Alex-
ander, dissensions between, xi.
318; assassination of, xi. 320 seq.,
333 seq. ; character of, xi. 324
seq. ; discord in the family of,
xi. 330; military condition of
Macedonia before, xi. 382.
Philip Aridczus, xii. 141, 155.
Philippi, foundation of, xi. 43.
Philippics of Demosthenes, xi. 113
seq., 249, 256.
Philippising factions in Megara
and Eubcea, xi. 253.
Philippus, the Theban polemarch,
ix. 296, 301.
Philippus, Alexander's physician,
xi. 438.
PhilisTcus, x. 20.
Philistides, xi. 253, 257.
Philistus, his treatment of mythes,
i. 395; banishment of, x. 311;
recall of, x. 344; intrigues of,
against Plato and Dion, x. 354;
tries to intercept Dion in the
Gulf of Tarentnm, x. 367; at
Leontini, x. 378; defeat and
death of, x. 378.
Philokrates, motion of, to allow
Philip to send envoys to Athens,
xi. 175; motion of, to send en-
voys to Philip, xi. 183; motions
of, for peace and alliance with
Philip, xi. 195 seq., 220; fabrica-
tions of, about Philip, xi. 202,
214, 216; impeachment and con-
demnation of, xi. 237.
PhiloMetes, i. 293, 303.
Philolaus and Diokles, ii. 297.
Philomela, i. 190 seq.
Philomeltts, xi. 48 ; seizes the temple
atDelphi, xi. 52; and Archidamus,
xi. 51 ; and the Pythia at Delphi,
xi.54; successful battles of, with
the Lokrians, xi. 55 ; defeat and
death of, xi. 58; takes part of
the treasures in the temple at
Delphi, xi. 56.
Philonomus and the Spartan Dor-
ians, ii. 327.
Philosophers, mythes allegorised
by, i. 403 seq.
Philosophy, Homeric and Hosiodic,
i. 356 ; Ionic, i. 361 ; ethical and
social among the Greeks, iv. 23.
Philotas, alleged conspiracy, and
execution of, xii. 14 seq., 18 n.
Philoxenus and Dionysius, x. 303.
Phineus, i. 193, 229.
Phlegyce, the, i. 126.
Phlius, return of philo-Laconian
exiles to, ix. 256; intervention
of Sparta with, ix. 284; surrender
of, to Agesilaus, ix. 286 seq. ;
application of, to Athens, ix.
453 seq. ; fidelity of, to Sparta,
x. 15,29 ; invasion of, byEuphron,
x. 29; and Poll cue, x. 30; assist-
ance of Chares to, x. 31 ; and
Thebes, x. 62 seq.
Phcele, i. 5, 6.
Phcebidas, at Thebes, ix. 272, 276,
278, 344.
Phrr.nissa of Phrynichus, iv. 485
n. 2.
Ph<enix, i. 251.
INDEX.
PIinYNICHUS.
393
PhoTccea, foundation of, HI. 189 ;
surrender of, to Harpagus, iv.
129; Alkibiadfis at, vii. 394.
Pholtcean colonies at Alalia and
Elea, iv. 131.
PhoTtceans, exploring voyages of,
iii. 281 ; effects of their exploring
voyages upon Grecian knowledge
and fancy, iii. 281 ; emigration
of, iv. 131 seq.
PTiofctan defensive wall at Thermo-
pylse, ii. 284 ; townships, ravage
of, by Xerxes's army, iv. 461.
PhoTcians, ii. 287; application of
Leonidas to, iv. 422; at Leuktra,
ix. 400 ; and the presidency of
the temple at Delphi, xi. 49 seq. ;
Thebans strive to form a con-
federacy against, xi. 55 ; take the
treasures in the temple atDelphi,
xi. 56, 60, 101, 179 ; war of, with
the Lokrians, Thebans, and Thes-
ealians, xi. 58 ; under Onom-
archus, xi. 65, 97 ; under Phayl-
lus, xi. 101 seq,; under Phalsekus,
xi. 178, 222 ; Thebans invoke the
aid of Philip against, xi. 179;
application of, to Athens, xi.
180 ; exclusion of, from the peace
and alliance between Philip and
Athens, xi. 201 seq., 216; envoys
from, to Philip, xi. 209, 213 ; motion
of Philokratgs about, xi. 220 ; at
Thermopylae, xi. 223 seq. ; treat-
ment of, after their surrender to
Philip, xi. 230 seq. ; restoration
of, by the Thebans and Athen-
ians, xi. 298.
PiioTeion, first exploits of, ix. 348;
character and policy of, xi. 77
seq., 112, xii. 100, 133, 179 seq. ; in
F.ubcea, xi. 144 seq., 256 ; at Me-
gara, xi. 253; in the Propontis,
xi. 264; and Alexander's demand
that the anti-Macedonian leaders
at Athens should be surrendered,
xi. 371, 372 ; and DemadSs, em-
bassy of, to Antipater, xii. 144 ;
at Athens, under Antipater, xii,
153; andNikanor, xii. 168, 173 seq.;
and Alexander, son of Poly-
sperchon, xii. 171; condemnation
and death of, xii. 171 seq. ; alter-
ed sentiment of the Athenians
towards, after his death, xii. 178.
PhoMs, acquisition of, by Athens,
v. 186; loss of, by Athens, v. 203;
invasion of, by the Thebans, B.C.
874, ix.352; accusation of Thebes
againRt, before the Amphiktyonic
assembly, xi. 47 ; resistance of,
to the Amphiktyonic assembly,
xi. 48seg.; Philip in, xi. 227, 287,
297 seq.
PhoTtus, i. 181.
PhoTcy\idSs, iv. 20.
Phorkys and Kfetfl, progeny of, 1. 7.
Phormio at Potidsea, v. 337; at
Amphilochian Argos, v. 384; at
Naupaktus, v. 443 ; his victories
over the Peloponnesian fleet, v.
463 seq., 469 seq.; in Akarnania,
v. 472 ; his later history, vi. 56
n. 2.
Phormisius, disfranchising propo-
sition of, viii. 96.
Phoroneus, i. 82.
Phraortes, iii. 232.
Phratries, iii. 52seg., 65 ; and gentes,
non-members of, iii. 65.
PhriTconis, iii. 192.
Phrygia, Persian forces in, on Alex-
ander's landing, xi. 400, 403 ; sub-
mission of, to Alexander, xi. 414.
Phrygian influence on the religion
of the Greeks, i. 24, 26 ; music
and worship, iii. 214 seq.
Phrygians and Trojans, i. 325 ; and
Thracians, iii. 212, 214 seq. ; ethni-
cal affinities and early distribu-
tion of, iii. 210.
Phrynichtts the tragedian, his cap-
ture of MilStus, iv. 236 ; his Phoe-
nissse, iv. 485 n. 2.
Phrynichua the commander, at Mi-
l&tus, vii. 227 ; and Amorgfis, vii.
228 n.l; and Alkibiades,vii. 252
seq. ; deposition of, vii. 257; and
the Four Hundred, vii. 260, 305
seq.; assassination of, vii. 307,
325 n. 2 ; decree respecting the
memory of, vii. 325.
394
INDEX.
Phrynon, xi. 174.
Phryxus and Hello, i. 122 seq.
Phthiotis and Deukalion, i. 97.
C>'J jic, first use of, in the sense of
nature, i. 356.
Phye-Athene, iv. 31.
Phylarch, Athenian, ii. 460.
Phyle, occupation of, by Thrasy-
bulus, viii. 65.
Phyllidas and the conspiracy
against the philo-Laconian olig-
archy at Thebes, ix. 299.
Physical astronomy thought im-
pious by ancient Greeks, i. 337
n. ; science, commencement of,
among the Greeks, i. 356.
Phytalids, their tale of Demeter, 1.43.
Phyton, x. 296 seq.
Pierians, original seat of, iii. 425.
Pitte, Monts de, iii. 162.
IliXoi of the Lacedemonians in
Sphakteria, vi. 122 n. 2.
Pinarus, Alexander and Darius on
the, xi. 443 seq.
Pindar, his treatment of mythes,
i. 365 seq.
Pindus, ii. 214 seq.
Piracy in early Greece, ii. 90, 111.
Pisa and Elis, relations of, ii. 439.
Pisaians and the Olympic games,
ii. 318, 434, ix. 50; and Eleians,
ii. 434, 439.
P»so<tc sovereignty of Pelops, i. 153.
Pisidia, conquest of, by Alexander,
xi. 425.
Pissuthnes, v. 289, viii. 305.
Pitane, iii. 191.
Pittakus, power and merit of, iii.
199 seq.
Plague at Athens, v. 418 seq.; revi-
val of, vi. 72.
Platcea and Thebes, disputes be-
tween, iv. 93; and Athens, first
connexion of, iv. 93 ; battle of, v.
16 seq. ; revelation of the victory
of, at MykalS the same day, v.
51 ; night-surprise of, by the
Thebang, v. 376 seq. ; siege of,
by Archidamus, v. 448 seq. ; sur-
render of, to the Lacedaemonians,
vl. 39 seq. ; restoration of, by
Sparta, ix. 245 seq. ; capture of,
by Thebans, ix. 377 seq.
Platceans at Marathon, iv. 269.
Plato, his treatment of mythes, i.
424, 426 seq. ; on the return of
the Herakleids, ii. 7 ; on homi-
cide, ii. 94 n. 1 ; his Republic and
the Lykurgean institutions, ii.
390; and the Sophists, viii. 153-
204 ; and Xenophon, evidence of,
about Sokratfis, viii. 210, 248 n.
1, 253 n. 1; his extension and im-
provement of the formal logic
founded by Sokratgs, viii. 234 ;
purpose of his dialogues, viii.
257 ; incorrect assertions in the
Menexenus of ix. 185 n. 2 ; the
letters of, x. 329 n. 2 ; and Dio-
nysius the Elder, x. 315, 338; and
Dion, x. 315, 334 seq., 346, 362 ; and
Dionysius the Younger, x. 329, 346
-361 ; Dion and the Pythagoreans,
x. 334seg. ; statements and advice
of, on the condition of Syracuse,
x. 409 seq.; and the kings of
Macedonia, xi. 10.
Plausible fiction, i. 419, ii. 44.
Pleistoanax, r. 204 seq.
Plemmyrium, vii. 110, 132 seq.
Plutarch and Lykurgus, ii. 338, 344,
403 seq. ; on the ephor Epitadeus,
ii. 406 ; and Herodotus, iv. 128
n. 1, 350 n. ; on Perikles, v. 436.
Plutarch of Eretria, xi. 144.
Plynteria, vii. 386.
Podaleirius and Macha&n, i. 176.
Podarkes, birth of, i. 109.
Poems, lost epic, ii. 120 ; epic,
recited in public, not read in
private, ii. 135.
Poetry, Greek, transition of, from
the mythical past to the positive
present, i. 351 ; epic, ii. 116 seq. ;
epic, Homeric and Hesiodic, ii.
119 seq. ; didactic and mystic
hexameter, ii. 119 ; lyric and
choric, intended for the ear, ii.
137; Greek, advances of, within
a century and a half after Ter-
pander, iv. 6.
Poets inspired by the Muse, i.
POLKMAHCH.
INDEX.
PROPHECIES.
395
S44; Iambic, elegiac, and lyric,
predominance of the present in,
i. 353; and logographerg, their
treatment of mythes, i. 364 aeq. ;
early, chronological evidence of,
ii. 44 aeq. ; epic, and their prob-
able dates, ii. 122; cyclic, ii. 122
seq. ; gnomic or moralising, "iv.
18 teq.
Pitlemarch, Athenian, iii. 74.
Polemarchs, Spartan, ii. 459.
Polemarchus, viii. 38.
Political club at Athens, vii. 257.
Politicians, new class of, at Athens,
after PeriklSs, vi. 24 aeq.
Pollis, defeat of, by Chabrias, ix.
346.
PolJux and Castor, 1. 164 seq.
Polyarchus, x. 434.
Polybiades, ix. 282.
Polybius, his transformation of
mythes to history, i. 398; per-
plexing statement of, respecting
the war between Sybaris and
Kroton, iv. 342 ; the Greece of,
xii. 212.
Polychares and Eucephnus, ii. 425.
Polydamas ofPharsalus, ix. 354 seq.
Polydamas the Macedonian, xii. 19.
Polydamidas at Mendg, vi. 219 seq.
Polykrates of Samos, iv. 167 aeq.
Polykratea the Sophist, harangue
of, on the accusation against
Sokratfis, viii. 275 n. 1.
Polynikes, i. 261, 263 seq., 267, 273.
Polyphron, x. 7.
Polysperchon, appointed by Anti-
pater as his successor, xii. 161 ;
plans of, xii. 162 ; edict of, at
Pella, xii. 164 seq.; Phokion and
Agnonides heard before, xii. 172
seq. ; and Kassander, xii. 181, 193,
204 ; flight of, to .SEtolia, xii. 189.
Polystratus, one of the Four Hun-
dred, vii. 309 n. 1, 310 n. 1, 319, 329.
Polyxena, death of, i. 297.
Polyzelus and Hiero, v. 80.
Pompey in Colchis, i. 236.
Pontic Greeks, xii. 280 seq.
Pontic Heralcleia, xii. 282-294.
Pontus and Gsea, children of, i. 7.
Popular belief in ancient mythes
i. 410, 414.
Poms, xii. 50 seq.
Poseidon, i. 6, 10 ; prominence of,
in .ffiolid legends, i. 107 ; Erech-
theuB, i. 186 ; and Athend, i. 189;
and Laomed6n, i. 278.
Positive evidence, indispensable
to historical proof, i. 414.
Positive tendencies of the Greek
mind in the time of Herodotus,
iv. 32.
Post-Homeric poems on the Trojan
war, i. 290.
Potidcea and Art aba z us, v. 2; rela-
tions of, with Corinth and Athens,
v. 330; designs of Perdikkas and
the Corinthians upon, v. 332 ; re-
volt of, from Athens, v. 332 seq.;
Athenian victory near, v. 335;
blockade of, by the Athenians,
v. 337, 404, 427, 447; Brasidas's
attempt upon, vi. 227 ; capture
of, by Philip and the Olynthians,
xi. 40.
Prasice, expedition of Pythod6rus
to, vii. 125.
Praxitas, ix. 152 n. 1, 158 aeq.
Priam, i. 279, 285 n., iv. 199
Priene, iii. 173, 182V.289.
Priests, Egyptian, iii. 315.
Primitive and historical Greece,
ii. 95-118.
Private property, rights of, at
Athens, viii. 105.
Probability alone not sufficient for
historical proof, i. 412.
Pro-Bouleutic Senate, Solon's,
iii. 122.
Probiili, board of, vii. 202.
Prodikus, viii. 169, 179 seq.
Prcetos and his daughters, i. 87 867.
Prokne, i. 190 seq.
Prokris, i. 192.
Prometheus, i. 6; and Zeus, i. 62,
74, 77 seq. ; and Panddra, i. 71;
and Epim&theus, i. 64; JEschy-
lus's, i. 370 n. 3.
Property, rights of, at Athens,
iii. 106, 114 seq.
Prophecies, Sibylline, i. 328.
396
PBOFONTIS.
INDEX.
BELIGIOUS.
Propontis, Phokion in, xi. 263.
Propylcea, building of, v. 284, 286
n. 4.
Protagoras, viii. 165, 169 seq., 181
seq., 184 n. 1.
Protesilaus, i. 286, v. 54.
Prothous, ix. 393.
Proxenus of Tegea, ix. 427.
Prytaneium, Solon's regulations
about, iii. 143.
Prytanes, iv. 65.
Prytanies, iv. 65.
Prytanis, xii. 306.
Psammenitus, iv. 146.
Psammetichus I., iii. 323 seq.
Psammetichus and Tamos, ix. 227.
Psammis, iii. 333.
Psephism , Demophantus's demo-
cratical, vii. 321.
Psephisms and laws, distinctions
between, v. 228.
Psyttaleia, Persian troops in,
iv. 475, 484.
Ptolemy of Alorus, x. 8; and Pelo-
pidas, x. 23 ; assassination- of,
x. 60.
Ptolemy of Egypt, attack of Per-
dikkas on, xii. 158 ; alliance of,
with Kassanfler, Lysimachus and
Seleukus against Antigonus,
xii. 189, 193, 205, 208; procla-
mations of, to the Greeks, xii. 191 ;
Lysimachus and Kassander, pa-
cification of, with Antigonus,
xii. 193; in Greece, xii. 195.
Ptolemy, nephew of Antigonus,
xii. 192.
Public speaking, its early origin
and intellectual effects, ii. 77 seq.
Punjab, Alexander's conquests in
the, xii. 52 seq.
Purification for homicide, i. 24.
Pydna, siege of, by Arcbestratus,
v. 333 ; siege of, by Archelaus,
Yii. 359; and Philip, xi. 39.
Pyla, in Babylonia, viii. 337 n. 2,
342 n. 2.
Pylagorce, ii. 248.
Pylians, ii. 12, 335.
Pylus, attack of Heraklfis on, i. 110 ;
long independence of, ii. 332 n. ;
occupation and fortification of,
by the Athenians, vi. 93 seq. •
armistice concluded at, vi.102, 111;
Kleon's expedition to , vi. 113
seq. ; cession of, demanded by
the Lacedaemonians, vi. 300; hel-
ots brought back to , by the
Athenians, vi. 340 ; recapture of,
by the Lacedemonians, vii. 371.
Pyramids, Egyptian, iii. 321.
Pyrrha and Deukali&n, i. 96.
Pyrrho and SokratSs, viii. 294 n.
PyrrTius, son of Achilles, i. 183.
Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and An-
tipater, son of Kassander, xii. 211.
Pythagoras, the philosopher, i. 358
seq., iv. 316—336, 342.
Pythagoras, the Ephesian despot,
iii. 183.
Pythagorean order, iv. 323, 330 seq.t
342.
Pythagoreans, logical distinction
of genera and species unknown
to, viii. 232 n. 2 ; Plato and Dion,
x. 335 seq.
Pytheas, xii. 279.
Pythia, the, at Delphi, and Philo-
melus, xi. 54.
Pythian Apollo, i. 46.
Pythian games, ii. 244, 245, iii. 474,
479seg.,482, ix. 353 n. 3,413, xi. 232.
Pythius, the Phrygian, iv. 373.
Pythodorus, vi. 403, 410, vii. 125.
Python, mission of, to Athens, xi.
249.
Pythoniltus, vii. 13, 34.
QuadHremes, x. 241.
Quinquerem.es, iv. 393 n. 2, x. 241.
E.
Races of men in 'Works and Days,'
i. 64 seq.
Religious ceremonies a source of
mythes, i. 61, 439 seq. ; views
paramount in the Homeric age,
i. 347 ; views, opposition of, to
scientific, among the Greeks,
1NDKX.
BAGKNPOESIE.
397
1. 347, 358 seg. ; festivals, Grecian,
iii. 469, 483 seg., xi. 158; associ-
ations, effect of, on early Grecian
art, iv. 26.
Reply to criticisms on the first two
volumes of this history, i. 393 n.
Rhadamanthus and Minds, i. 218.
Rhapsodes, ii. 129, 138 seg.
Rhea, i. 5, 6.
Rhegians and Tarentines, expe-
dition of, against the lapygians,
v. 93.
Rhegium, iii. 379; the chorus sent
from MessSne to, iii. 469 n. 1;
and Athens, vi. 399 n. 2 ; the
Athenian fleet near, B.C. 425,
vi. 404; progress of the Athenian
armament for Sicily to, vii. 19;
discouragement of the Athenians
at, vii. 28 ; relations of, with
Dionysius, B.C. 399, x. 238 seq.;
and Diouysius, x. 281, 283, 288,
293 seq.; and Dionysius the
Younger, x. 412; Timoleon at,
x. 424 seq.
Rhetoric, v. 257, viii. 141, 147 seq.
Rhetors and sophists, v. 257 seq.
Rhetra, the primitive constitution-
al, ii. 345 n.
Rhetra, the Three Lykurgean,
ii. 355 n.
Rhianus and the second Messenian
war, ii. 429.
Rhium, Phormio in the Gulf at,
v. 460 seg.
Rhodes, founder of, ii. 29; dikas-
teries at, v. 240 n. 1 ; and the
Olympic games, vi. 323 n. ; the
Peloponnesian fleet at, vii. 238,
ix. 189, 194 seg., vii. 3S6;Dorieus at,
vii. 358; revolt of, from Sparta,
ix. 93; revolt of, from Athens,
xi. 25 seq. ; siege of, ty JDeme-
trius Poliorketes, xii. 202.
Eitodians and the battle of Chae-
roneia, xi. 311.
Rhodopis, iii. 337 n. 1.
Rhcekus of Samos, iv. 25.
RhcesaTces, xi. 410.
Kites, post-Homeric, i. 25; ecstatic,
i. 28 seg.
Rivers, mythical personages iden-
tified with, i. 333 n. 2; of Greece,
ii. 219.
Robbery, violent, how regarded in
Greece and Europe, ii. ill n. 1.
.Romances of chivalry, i. 458, ii. 156
n. 2.
Roman Icings, authority of, ii. 69
n. 2.
Roman law of debtor and creditor,
iii. 160 seq.
Romans, respect of, for Ilium,
i. 318; belief of, with regard to
earthquakes, i. 384 n. 2; dislike
of, to paid judicial pleading,
viii. 154 n. 1; embassy from, to
Alexander, xii. 70 n.; Livy's
opinion as to the chances of Alex-
ander, if he had attacked the,
xii. 82.
Rome, reduction of the rate of in-
terest at, iii. 113 n. 1; debase-
ment of coin at, iii. 115; new
tables at, iii. lie n. 2; law of
debtor and creditor at, iii. 160
seq.; political associations at,
vii. 258 n.l; and Carthage, treat-
ies between, x. 153 n. 1.
Roxana, xii. 36, 140, 155, 188, 193.
s.
Sacred^ games, Solon's rewards to
victors at, iii. 142; objects, Greek
view of material connexion with,
iii. 84 n. 1, 261.
Sacred War, the first, iii. 479 seq.,
v. 201; the second, xi. 45 seg.,
178 seg.; position of Philip after
the second, xi. 239; the third,
xi. 272.
Sacrifices, i. 61 ; human, in Greece,
i. 125 seq.
Sacrilege, French legislation upon,
vii. 50 n. 1.
Sadyattes, iii. 254.
Saga, the, Ampere on, i. 345 n.
Sage, a universal manifestation of
the human mind, i. 445.
Sagenpoesie, applied as a standard
to the Iliad and Odyssey, ii. 162.
398
INDEX.
SAUDIS.
Sagra, date of the battle at, iy. 337
n. 1.
Saints, legends of, 1. 454 seq.
SaTcadas, iv. 16.
Salcethus, vi. 17 seq.
Salamis, the serpent of, i. 181;
war between Athens and Megara
about, Hi. 91 seq. ; retreat of the
Greek fleet from Artemisium to,
iv. 449, 454; the battle of, iv. 452-
494 ; Persian and Greek fleets
after the battle of, vi. 1; migra-
tion of Athenians to , on Mar-
donius's approach, v. 8; seizure
of prisoners at, by the Thirty
Tyrants at Athens, viii. 58.
Salamis in Cyprus, i. 185, ix. 228
seq.
Salmoneus, i. 107.
Samian exiles, application of, to
Sparta, iv. 169; attack of, on
Siphnos, iv. 170 ; at Zankle, iv. 65.
Samians and Athenians , contrast
between, iv. 173; slaughter of,
by OtanSs, iv. 176; at Lade,
iv. 177; migration of, to Sicily,
iv. 231; transfer of the fund of
the confederacy from Delos to
Athens proposed by, v. 1.98; ap-
plication of, to Sparta for aid
against Athens, v. 293.
Samnites, x. 285.
Samoa, foundation of, iii. 177 ; con-
dition of, on the accession of
Darius Hystaspes, iv. 166; Lace-
daemonians and Polykrates at,
iv. 169; Persian armament under
Datis at, iv. 255; Persian fleet
at, after the battle of Salamis,
v. 1, 45; Greek fleet moves to
the rescue of, from the Persians,
v. 44; an autonomous ally of
Athens, v. 264; revolt of, from
the Athenians, v. 288 seq., 293;
and Miletus, dispute between,
about Priene, v. 289 ; Athenian
armament against , under Peri-
kles, 8ophokl6s, &c., v. 290 seq.;
blockaded, v. 291; government
of, after its capture by Periklfis,
v. 293; democratical revolution
at, vii. 217 seq. ; powerful Athen.
ian fleet at, B.C. 412, vii. 230;
oligarchical conspiracy at, vii. 249
seq., 267 seq. ; embassy from the
Four Hundred to, vii. 286, 294
seq., 297; Athenian democracy
reconstituted at, vii. 288 seq. ;
the Athenian democracy at, and
Alkibiades, vii. 290 seq. ; eager-
ness of the Athenian democracy
at, to sail to Peirams, vii. 295,
296; envoys from Argos to tha
Athenian Demos at, vii. 297;
Athenian democracy at, contrast-
ed with the oligarchy of the Four
Hundred, vii. 332 seq.; Strombi-
chides's arrival at, from the Hel-
lespont, vii. 337; AlkibiadSs's re-
turn from Aspendus to, vii. 357 ;
Alkibiades sails from, to tho
Hellespont, vii. 339; Alkibiadfis
at, B.C. 407, vii.- 339; Alkibiadea
leaves Antiochus in command at,
vii. 394; dissatisfaction of the
armament at, with AlkibiadSs,
vii. 396.; Konon at, vii. 402; Ly-
sander- at, viii. 13, 28; conquest
of, by Timotheus, x. 55, 57 n. 1.
Samothracians, exploit of, at Sa-
lamis, iv. 482.
Sangala, capture of, by Alexander,
xii. 52.
Sappho, i. 352, iii. 17 seq.
Sardinia, proposition of Bias for
a Pan-Ionic emigration to, iv. 134.
Sardis, iii. 221 ; capture of, by Cy-
rus, iv. 119; march of Aristagoras
to, and burning of, iv. 216 ; march
of Xerxes to, and collection of
his forces at, iv. 358; march of
Xerxes from, iv. 372; retirement
of the Persian army to, after
their defeat at Mykal6, v. M ;
Alkibiades's imprisonment at,
and escape from, vii. 361 ; forces
of Cyrus the Younger collected
at, viii. 312; march of Cyrus tlie
Younger from, to Kunaxa, viii. 816
seq. ; victory of Agesilaus near,
ix. 90 ; surrender of, to Alexan-
der, xi. 414.
IN DUX.
399
xi. 383, 426 seq.
Sarmatians, Hi. 244.
Sarpedon, i. 213.
Sataspes, Hi. 286, 289 n. 1.
Satrapies of Darius Hygtaspfis,
iv. 163 seq.
Satraps under Darius Hystaspfis,
discontents of, iv. 154 seq. ; of
Alexander, xii. 60 seq.
Satyrus of Herakleia, xii. 286.
Satyrus I. of Bosporus, xi. 67 n. 2,
xii. 303.
Satyrus the actor, xi. 74, 169.
Satyrus II. of Bosporus, xii. 305.
Saxo Grammaticus and Snorro
Sturleson contrasted with Phe-
rekydes and Hellanikus, i. 462.
Scales, .ZEginsean and Euboic, ii. 319
seq., 324 ; JEginsean, Euboic, and
Attic, Hi. 172.
Scandinavian mythical genealo-
gies, i. 449 n. 2; and Teutonic
epic, i. 462 seq.
Scardws, ii. 214.
Science, physical, commencement
of, among the Greeks, i. 357.
Scientific views, opposition of, to
religious, among the Greeks, i.
347-358 seq.
Scission between the superior men
and the multitude among the
Greeks, i. 362.
Sculpture at Athens, under Peri-
k!6s, v. 284.
Scurrility at festivals, iv. 8 n. 2.
Scylla, i. 1, 214.
Scythia, Hi. 237; Darius's invasion
of, iv. 188 seq.
Scythians, Hi. 236 seq. , xii. 297 ;
invasion of Asia Minor and
Upper Asia by, iii. 247 seq. ;
strong impression produced by,
upon Herodotus's imagination,
iv. 194 ; attack of Philip on, xi.
266; and Alexander, xii. 28, 36.
Secession of the mythical races
of Greece, ii. 19.
Seisachtheia, or debtor's relief-law
of Solon, iii. 100 seq.
Selene, i. 6, 337 n. 1.
Seleukus, alliance of, with Kas-
sander, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy
against Antigonus, xii. 189, 193,
205, 208 ; Kassander, Lysimachus,
and Ptolemy, pacification of,
with Antigonus, xii. 193;. and the
Pontic Hfirakleia, xii. 291; death
of, xii. 291.
Selinuntines, defeat of, by the
Egestaans and Carthaginians, x.
164.
Selinus, iii. 363 ; and Egesta, vi.
415, x. 163; application of, to
Syracuse, x. 163 ; capture of, by
Hannibal, x. 167 seq. ; abandon-
ment of, by the rest of Sicily,
x. 169 ; HermokratSs at, x. 178.
Selli, ii. 269.
Selymbria, iii, 443, vii. 367, 374, xi.
259 n. 3.
Semele, i. 253.
Semi-historical interpretation of
ancient mythes, i. 412.
Senate and Agora subordinate in
legendary, paramount in histor-
ical Greece, ii. 76; Spartan, ii.
345, 358; of Areopagus, iii. 73;
powers of, enlarged by Solon,
iii. 123; of Four Hundred, Solon's,
iii. 122; of Five Hundred, iv. 65;
at Athens, expulsion of, by the
Four Hundred, vii. 279.
Senators, addition to the oath of
Athenian, viii. 100.
Sentiment, mingled ethical and
mythical, in 'Works and Days,'
i. 67 seq.
Sepias Akte, Xerxes's fleet at, iv.
430 seq.
Servitude, temporary, of the gods,
i. 57, 112 n. 4.
Sestos, capture of, B.C. 476, v. 55
seq. ; escape of the Athenian
squadron from, to Elams, vii.
346; Derkyllidas at, ix. 144; cap-
ture of, by Kotys, x. 132; surrend-
er of, to Athens, B.C. 358, x. 140 n.
2; conquest of, by Chares, xi. 62.
Seuthes, and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 456, 469 seq.
Seven chiefs against Thebes, the,
i. 266.
400
INDEX.
Sevenwise men of Greece, iv. 21 seq.
Sibyl, the Erythraean, i. 27.
Sibylline prophecies, i. 27, 329.
Sicilian Greeks, prosperity of, be-
tween B.C. 735 and 485, iii. 364
»eq. ; Greeks, peculiarity of their
monetary and statical scale, iii.
366; comedy, iii. 370; Greeks,
early governments of, iv. 60 ;
Greeks and Phenicians, iv. 61;
cities, B.C. 431, vi. 398, 402; and
Italian Dorians, aid expected
from, by Sparta, vi. 400 ; cities,
general peace between, B.C. 424,
vi. 409; aid to Syracuse, B.C. 413,
vii. 135.
Sicily, Phenicians and Greeks in,
iii. 272; ante-Hellenic population
of, iii. 346, 359, 370; and Italy, early
languages and history of, iii. 351
«.;andltaly, date of earliest Gre-
cian colony in, iii. 353 ; rapid
multiplication of Grecian colo-
nies in, after B.C. 735, iii. 357;
the voyage from Greece to, iii.
358; spot -where the Greeks first
landed in, iii. 358 ; Megarian,
iii. 361 ; subcolonies from, iii.
363; Sikel or Sikan caverns in,
iii. 364 n. ; mixed population of,
iii. 366; difference between Greeks
in, and those in Greece Proper,
iii. 368; despots in, about B.C.
500, v. 61; Carthaginian invasion
of, B.C. 480, v. 74; expulsion of
despots from, B.C. 465, v. 88;
after the expulsion of despots,
B.C. 465, v. 89, 91 seq., vi. 389 ;
return of Duketius to, vi. 395 ;
intellectual movement in, be-
tween B.C. 461-416, vi. 397; rela-
tions of, to Athens and Sparta,
altered by the quarrel between
Corinth and Korkyra, vi. 400;
Dorians attack the lonians in,
about B.C. 427, vi. 402; Ionic
cities in , solicit aid frcm
Athens, against the Dorians,
B.C. 427, vi. 403 ; Athenian expe-
dition to, B.C. 427, Ti. 403; Athen-
ian expedition to, B.C. 425, vi.
404; Athenian expedition to, B.C.
422, vi. 413; Athenian expedition
to, B.C. 415, vii. 1 seq.; Athenian
expedition to, B.C. 413 , vii. 127
seq. ; effect of the Athenian
disaster in, upon all Greeks, vii.
203; intervention of Carthage in,
B.C. 410, x. 163 seq. ; invasion of,
by Hannibal, B.C. 409, x. 166 seq. ;
abandonment of Selini's by the
Hellenic cities of, B.C. 409, x. 168;
Hannibal's return from, B.C. 409,
x. 175 ; return of Hermokrates
to, x. 176; invasion of, by Han-
nibal and Imilkon, x. 183 seq. ;
southern, depressed condition of,
B.C. 405, x. 219; expedition of
Dionysius against the Cartha-
ginians in, x. 246 seq.; frequency
of pestilence among the Cartha-
ginians in, x. 278; Dionysius's
conquests in. the interior of, B.C.
394, x. 281; condition of, B.C. 353-
344, x. 409; voyage of Timoleon
to, x. 423 seq. ; invasion of, by
the Carthaginians. B.C. 340, x. 452 ;
Timoleon in, x. 451-475; expedi-
tion to, under Giskon, x. 461 ;
Agathokles in, xii. 258 seq. ;
ceases to be under Hellenic
agency after Agathokles, xii.
273.
Sidon, iii. 267; conquest of, by
Darius Nothus, xi. 243; surrender
of, to Alexander, xi. 454.
Sidus, capture of, by the Lace-
daemonians, ix. 160 ; recovery of,
by Iphikrates, ix. 179.
Siege of Troy, i. 279-296.
Sigeium, Mitylenseaus at, i. 329;
and Peisistratus, iv. 45.
Sileans, iii. 347, 348 n. 1, 367.
Sikel prince, Duketius, iii. 370.
Sikels, iii. 347; in Italy, iii. 349,
372; migration of, from Italy
to Sicily, iii. 851 n. 1; in Sicily,
iii. 367, x. 256, 281 n. 1.
Sikinnus, iv. 474. 497, V. 169 n. 1.
Sikyon, origin of, i. 272 seq. ; early
condition of, iii. 4; despots at,
iii. 31 seq., 37; classes of people
INDEX.
80FHOKLES
401
at, Hi. 45; names of Dorian and
non-Dorian tribea at, 111. 33, 36;
Corinth and Megara, analogy of,
iii. 46; Athenian attacks upon,
y. 187; Sparta: and Argeian ex-
pedition against, vi. 368; deser-
tion of, from Sparta to Thebes,
x. 16; intestine dissensions at,
B.C. 367-36*, x. 28 seq. ; Euphron
at, x. 28 keq., 31, 32.
Si?p7i»um, iii. 450.
Silver race, the, i. 65.
Simonides of Eeos, epigram of, on
the battle of Therraopylte, iv.
451; mediation of, between Hiero
and Thero, v. 81.
Simonides of Amorgus, poetry of,
i. 352, iv. 9, 18.
Sinon, i. 296.
Sinope, and the Amazons, i. 206
n. 4; date of the foundation of,
iii. 251 n. 2; PerikleVs expedition
to, v. 273; and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 430 seq., 446; long
independence of, xii. 281; envoys
from, with Darius, xii. 281.
Siphnus, iii. 167; attack of Samian
exiles on, iv. 169.
Sirens, the, i. 1.
Siris, or Herakleia, iii. 381.
Sfst/jromWs, xi. 489, 495.
Sisyphus, i. 118 seq.
Sitalkes, v. 405, 475.
Sithonia, iii. 441.
Sittake, the Ten Thousand Greeks
at, viii. 365.
Skalds, Icelandic, songs of, ii. 151
n. 1, 156 n. 2.
Skedasus, ix. 396.
Skepsis, Derkyllidas at, ix. 34.
Skillus, Xenophon at, viii. 479 seq.
Skione, revolt of, from Athens to
Brasidas, vi. 213 seq. ; dispute
about, after the One year's truce
between Athens and Sparta, vi.
216; blockade of, by the Athen-
ians, B.C. 123, vi. 220; capture of,
by the Athenians, B.C. 421, vi.
80S.
Skiritv, vi. 350, 351, ix. 451.
Skylax, iv. 163, 209, ix. 446.
VOL. XII.
SkyllStiitm, iii. 380.
Skyros, conquest of, by Kimon,
v. 159.
Skytalism at Argos, ix. 418 seq.
Skythini, and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 412.
Slavery of debtors in Attica before
Solon, iii. 96.
Slaves in legendary Greece, ii. 93
seq.
Smerdis, iv. 148 seq,
Sminthian Apollo, i. 49, 327.
Smyrna, iii. 183, 189.
Social War, xi. 24, 35.
Socratic philosophers, their unjust
condemnation of rhapsodes, ii.
139.
Socratici viri, viii. 208 n. 1.
Sogdian rock, capture of, by Alex-
ander, xii. 36.
Sogdiana, Alexander in, xii. 25
seq., 30.
Sokrates, his treatment of the dis-
crepancy between scientific and
religious views, i. 358 ; treatment
of, by the Athenians, i. 362 seq.\
alleged impiety of, attacked by
Aristophanes, i. 384 n.; and the
sophists, v. 260, vi. 308 n., viii.
182 n. 1, 205, 239 n. 1 ; at the
battle of Delium, vi. 174; and
Alkibiadgs, vi. 306 seq. ; and
Kritias, vi. 306 seq. ; at the
Athenian Assembly, on the
generals at Arginusse, vii. 442 ;
and the Thirty, viii. 34, 49; and
Parmenides, viii. 145 n. 2 ; dis-
like of, to teaching for pay, viii.
153; life, character, philosophy,
teaching, and death of, viii. 205-
302.
Solemnities and games, i. 99.
Soli in Cyprus, iii. 149.
Sollium, Athenian capture of, v.
398.
SoZoeis, Cape, iii. 273 n. 2.
Solon and the Iliad, ii. 153 n. 2;
civil condition of Attica before,
iii. 50; life, character, laws, and
constitution of, iii. 90-160.
SophoklSs, his (Ed i pus, i. 260; his
2 D
402
SOPHOKLES.
INDEX.
treatment of mythes, i. 367 seq.,
871 ; PeriklSs, Ac., Athenian ar-
mament under, against Samos,
v. 290 seq. ; number of tragedies
by, viii. 120 w. 1 ; .ZEschylus and
Euripides, viii. 123; and Hero-
dotus, viii. 124, w. 1.
S phoMes and Eurymedon, expe-
ditions of, to Sicily and Korky-
ra, vi. 95 seq., 136 aeq. , vi. 407
seq.
Sosis, x. 382.
Sosistrattts, xii. 215, 219, 227.
Sparta and Mykense, i. 160 seq.\
occupation of, by the Dorians,
ii. 8, 312, 328 seq., 361; and the
disunion of Greek towns, ii. 260;
not strictly a city, ii. 262; inferior
to Argos and neighbouring Dor-
ians, B.C. 776, ii. 309; first histor-
ical view of, ii. 329 ; not the
perfect Dorian type, ii. 341 ; pair
of kings at, ii. 349; classification
of the population at, ii. 361 seq.\
syssitia and public training at,
ii. 381 seq. ; partition of lands
at, ascribed to Lyku'rgus, ii. 393-
417 ; progressive increase of, ii.
420 ; and Lepreum, ii. 439 ; Argos,
and Arcadia, relations of, ii. 443
n. 2; and Mantineia, ii. 444; and
Arcadia, ii. 445 seq. ; and Tegea,
ii. 446 seq. ; bones of Orestes
taken to, ii. 447; acquisitions of,
towards Argos, ii. 448 seq. ; ex-
tensive possessions and power
of B.C. 540, ii. 452 seq. ; mili-
tary institutions of, ii. 456 seq. ;
recognized superiority of, ii. 461,
iii. 245 ; peculiar government of,
iii. 6 ; alleged intervention of,
with the Nemean and Isthmian
games, iii. 481 n. 3; exclusive
character of herfestivals, iii. 485;
musical and poetical tendencies
at, iv. 10 aeq. , 13 «. 2; choric
training at, iv. 10 seq. ; first ap-
pearance of, as head of Pelo-
ponnesian allies, iv. 96, 100 seq.;
preparations at, for attacking
Athens, after the failure of Kleo-
menes, iv. 100 seq. ; and Croesus,
iv. 117; and Asiatic Greeks, iv.
125, x. 26, 29; and S ami an exiles,
iv. 169; and Aristagoras, iv. 212
seq.; treatment of Darius's herald
at, iv. 243; appeal of Athenians
to, against the Medism of .2Egina,
iv. 245; war of, against Argos,
B.C. 496-495, iv. 247 seq.; no
heralds sent from Xerxes to, iv.
403 ; Pan-Hellenic congress con-
vened by, at the Isthmus of
Corinth, iv. 403 seq. ; leaves
Athens undefended against Mar-
donius, v. 6 seq.; headship of
the allied Greeks transferred
from, to Athens, v. 112 seq. ; and
Athens, first open separation be-
tween, v. 114, 116 seq., 146 ; secret
promise of, to the Thasians, to
invade Attica, v. 167 ; restores
the supremacy of Thebes in
Boeotia, v. 170, 182; and the rest
of Peloponnesus, between B.C.
477-457, v. 171 ; earthquake and
revolt of Helots at, B.C. 464, v.
171 seq. ; Athenian auxiliaries to,
against the Helots, v. 172 seq. ;
Athenians renounce the alliance
of, B.C. 464, v. 175; and Athens,
five years* truce between, v. 190;
and Delphi, B.C. 452-447, v. 202;
and Athens, thirty years' truce
between, v. 205; application of
Samians to, v. 293; imperial,
compared with imperial Athens,
v. 302, ix. 10 seq. ; and her sub-
ject-allies, v. 303; and Athens,
confederacies of, v. 312; promise
of, to the Potidreans, to invade
Attica, v. 333; application of
the Lesbians to, v. 339 ; assembly
at, before the Peloponnesian war,
v. 341 seq. ; relations of, with
her allies, v. 342; congress of
allies at, B.C. 432, v. 355 seq.;
requisitions addressed to Athens
by, B.C. 431, v. 360 seq. , 369 seq. ;
efforts of, to raise a naval forco
on commencing the Peloponnes-
ian war, v. 388; and the Mity-
INDEX.
403
lenerans, vi. 6 seq. ; despatches
from Artaxerxfis to, vi. 140 aeq. ;
and Athens, one year's truce be-
tween, B.C. 423, vi. 210 aeq., 227,
2:30 seq. ; and the Peace of Nikias,
vi. 273, 275; and Argos, uncer-
tain relations between, B.C. 421,
vi. 374 ; and Athens, alliance be-
tween, B.C. 421, vi. 275; revolt
of Elis from, vi. 288 seq. ; con-
gress at, B.O. 421, vi. 295; and
Boeotia, alliance between, B.C.
420, vi. 297; and Argos, fifty
years' peace between, vi. 299
seq. ; embassy of Nikias to, vi.
319; and Athens, relations be-
tween, B.C. 419, vi. 340; and the
battle of Mantineia, B.C. 418, vi.
369 ; and Argos, peace and alli-
ance between, B.C. 418, vi. 362
seq. ; submission of Mantineia to,
vi. 365 ; and Athens, relations
between, B.C. 416, vi. 373; and
Sicily, relations of, altered by
the quarrel between Corinth and
Korkyra, vi. 400; aid expected
from the Sicilian Dorians by,
B.C. 431, vi. 400; embassy from
Syracuse and Corinth to, B.C.
415, vii. 73 seq.; Alkibiades at,
vii. 74 seq., 243; and Athens,
violation of the peace between,
B.C. 414, vii. 125; resolution of,
to fortify Dekeleia and send a
force to Syracuse, B.C. 414, vii.
125; application from Chios to,
vii. 205 ; embassy from Tissapher-
nes and Fharnabazus to, vii. 205;
embassy from the Four Hundred
to, vii. 299, 304; proposals of
peace from, to Athens, B.C. 410,
vji. 363 aeq. ; alleged proposals
of peace from, to Athens, after
the battle of Arginuase, viii. 1;
first proposals of Athens to,
after the battle of JEgospotami,
viii. 18; embassies of Theramends
to, viii. 18, 19 ; assembly of the
Peloponnesian confederacy at,
B.C. 404, viii. 19 ; terms of peace
granted to Athens by, B.C. 404,
viii. 20; triumphant return of
Lysander to, viii. 29 ; and her
allies, after the capture of Athens
by Lysander, viii. 50; oppressive
dominion of, after the capture
of Athens by Lysander, viii. 61 ;
opposition to Lysander at, viii.
53; pacification by, between the
Ten at Athens and the exiles at
Peirseus, viii. 69 ; empire of, con-
trasted with her promises of
liberty, ix. 10 seq ; change in
the language and plans of, to-
wards the close of the Pelopon-
nesian war, ix. 14; and the Thirty
at Athens, ix. 18; opportunity
lost by, for organising a stable
confederacy throughout Greece,
ix. 22 seq.; alienation of the
allies of, after the battle of
yKgospotami, ix. 43 aeq. ; and
Elis, war between, ix. 45 aeq. ;
refuges to restore the Olympic
presidency to the Pisatans, ix.
50; expels the Messenians from
Peloponnesus, ix. 51; introduc-
tion of gold and silver to, by
Lysander, ix. 52 seq. ; in B.C. 432
and after B.C. 404, contrast be-
tween, ix. 54; position of kings
at, ix. 60 seq. ; conspiracy of
Kinadon at, ix. 70 seq. ; Persian
preparations for maritime war
against, B.C. 397, ix. 78, 93; revolt
of Rhodes from, ix. 93; relations
of, with her neighbours and
allies, after the accession of
Agesilaus, ix. 108; and HSrakleia
Trachynia, ix. 109, 126; and
TimokratSs, ix. 110 seq. ; and
Thebes, war between, B.C. 395,
ix. 113 aeq. ; alliance of Thebes,
Athens, Corinth, and Argos
against, ix. 125; proceedings of,
against Thebes, Athens, Corinth,
and Argos, ix. 127, 129 aeq. ; con-
sequences of the battles of Cor-
inth, Knidus, and Kordneia to,
ix. 141 aeq. ; hostility of, to
partial land confederacies in
Greece, ix. 186; congress at, on
2D 2
404
INDEX.
SPARTANS.
the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 212;
and the peace of Antalkidas, ix.
215 seq., 222 seq., 242; applica-
tions of, for Persian aid, ix. 219
seq. ; and Persia after the battle
of JEgospotami, ix. 221; and
Grecian autonomy, ix. 225 seq.,
242; miso-Theban proceedings of,
after the peace of Antalkidas,
•ix. 242 seq. ; restores Viatica, ix.
244 seq. ; oppressive conduct of,
towards Mantineia, B.C. 386, ix.
249 seq. ; mischievous influence
of, after the peace of Antalki-
das, ix. 254 seq. ; naval compe-
tition of Athens with, after the
peace of Antalkidas, ix. 256 seq.;
and the Olynthian confederacy,
ix. 26S seq., 272, 279 seq.; and
the surprise of Thebes by Plioe-
bidas, ix. 276 seq.; and Phlius,
ix. 286; ascendency and un-
popularity of, B.C. 379, ix. 288
seq.; Xenophon on the conduct
of, between B.C. 387-379, ix. 293;
effect of the revolution at Thebes,
B.C. 379, on, ix. 310; trial of
Sphodrias at, ix. 316 seq.; war
declared by Athens against, B.C.
378, ix. 318; separate peace of
Athens with, B.C. 374, ix. 353,
358; and Polydamas, ix. 354 seq.;
decline of the power of, be-
tween B.C. 382-374, ix. 357; dis-
couragement of, by her defeat
at Korkyra and by earthquakes,
B.C. 372, ix. 373; disposition of
Athens to peace with, B.C. 372,
ix. 375, 381 ; general peace settled
at, B.C. 371, ix. 381 seq., 388, 416;
effect of the news of the defeat
at Leuktra on, ix. 404; and
Athens, difference between, in
passive endurance and active
energy, ix. 405; reinforcements
from, after the battle of Leuktra,
ix. 406 ; treatment of defeated
citizens on their return from
Leuktra, ix. 410 seq. ; and
Thebes, alleged arbitration of
the Acheeans between, after the
battle of Leuktra, ix. 417 n. 1;
position of, after the battle of
Leuktra, ix. 419; and the Am-
phiktyonic assembly, ix. 420 seq.,
xi. 46; feeling against Agesilaus
at, B.C. 371, ix. 425; hostile ap-
proaches of Epaminondas to,
ix. 436 seq., x. 90 seq. ; abstrac-
tion of Western Laconia from,
ix. 445 seq.; application of, to
Athens for aid against Thebes,
B.C. 369, ix. 453 seq. ; and Athens,
alliance between, B.C. 369, x. 12 ;
reinforcement from Syracuse in
aid of, x. 17; peace of her allies
with Thebes, x. 52 seq. ; alliance
of Elis and Achaia with, B.C.
365, x. 73; and Dionysius, x. 218,
267, 298; degradation of, B.C. 360-
359, xi. 2 seq.; countenance of
the Phokians by, B.C. 353, xi.
65; plans of, against Megalo-
polis and Messene, B.C. 353, xi.
66, 93; decline in military readi-
ness among the Peloponnesian
allies of, after the Peloponnesian
war, xi. 84; ineffectual campaign
of, against Megalopolis, xi. 103
seq. ; envoys from, to Philip, xi.
210, 213; envoys from, with
Darius, xii. 12; anti-Macedonian
policy of, after Alexander's
death, xii. 102 seq.
Spartan kings, ii. 11, 77, 351 seq.\
senate, assembly, and ephors, ii.
345 seq.; popular assembly, ii.
357 ; constitution, ii. 359 seq. ;
government, secrecy of, ii. 377,
378; discipline, ii. 381 seq.;
women, ii. 383 seq.; law and
practice of succession, erroneous
suppositions about, ii. 409 seq.;
arbitration of the dispute be-
tween Athens and Megara about
Salamis, iii. 93 ; expeditions
against Hippias, iv. 49; empire,
commencement of, ix. 1, 4 s«/.,
10 seq.; empire, Tlieopompus on,
ix. 16 n. 1; allies at the battle
of Leuktra, ix. 401.
Spartans, and Pheidon, ii. 319;
INDKX.
405
and Messenians, early proceed-
ings of, ii. 331; local distinctions
among, ii. 362; the class of, ii.
362 seq.; and Helots, ii. 374 seq.;
marriage among, ii. 384; their
ignorance of letters, ii. 390 n.
2; musical susceptibilities of, il.
432; and the second Messenian
war, ii. 433,437; careful training
of, when other states had none,
ii. 454; and the battle of Mara-
thon, iv. 368, 386; unwillingness
of, to postpone or neglect festi-
vals, iv. 424; at Plataea, v. 17;
and the continental lonians after
the battle of Mykale, v. 51;
favourable answer of the oracle
at Delphi to, on war with Athens,
B.C. 432, v. 355; final answer of
the Athenians to, before the
Peloponnesian war, v. 374; their
desire for peace, to regain the
captives from Sphakteria, vi. 129
seq. ; and Thebans, at the battle
of Koroneia, ix. 137; project of,
for the rescue of the Asiatic
Greeks, ix. 258 ; miso - Theban
impulse of, B.C. 371, ix. 392;
confidence and defeat of, at
Leuktra, ix. 397 seq.; retirement
of, from Bceotia after the battle
of Leuktra, ix. 410; refusal of,
to acknowledge the independence
of Messene, x. 50, 53, 110 ; and
Dion, x. 339.
Sparti, i. 252, 254.
Spartokidce, xii. 301 seq.
Speaking, public, its early origin
and intellectual effects, ii. 77
seq.
Sperthies and Bulis, v. 446 n. 1.
Speusippus, indictment of, by Leo-
goras, vii. 44 n. 3.
Sphakteria, locality of, vi. 93;
occupation of, by the Lacedae-
monians, vi. 98, 121 ; blockade
of Lacedaemonians in, vi. 103, 111
seq. ; Lacedaemonian embassy to
Athens for the release of the
prisoners in, vi. 104 seq. ; Demo-
sthenes's application for rein-
forcements to attack, vi. 113 seq.',
condition of, on the attack by
Demosthenes and Klcon, vi. 12<>;
victory of Demosthenes ftnil
Klcon over Lacedaemonians in,
vi. 120 seq. ; surrender of Lace-
daemonians in, vi. 124 seq.; arri-
val of prisoners from, at Athene,
vi. 130 ; restoration of prisoners
taken at, vi. 276 seq. ; disfrftn-
chisement of restored prisoners
from, vi. 293.
Sphendaleis, Attic deme of, v. 13
n. 2.
Sphinx, the, i. 7, 260.
Sphodrias, attempt of, to surprise
Peiraeus, ix. 314 seq.
Spitamenes, xii. 30, 36.
Spithridates and the Lacedaemon-
ians, ix. 83, 97 seq.
Stable, the Augean, i. 136.
Stageira, iii. 441.
Standard of historical evidence
raised with regard to England,
bnt not with regard to Greece,
i. 468.
Stasippus, ix. 427.
Statira, xi. 449, 478, xii. 63.
Statues, Greek, identified with the
beings they represented, i. 443.
Stenyklerus, Dorians of, ii. 327 seq.
Steropes, i. 5.
Stesichorus, the lyric poett and
Helen, i. 298 seq.; dialect of, iv.
15 seq.
StesiTeles, ix. 360, 363 n.
Sthenela'idas, the ephor, v. 353 seq.
Story of striking off the over-
topping ears of corn, iii. 24 H. 1.
Strabo on the Amazons, i. 207 ;
his version of the Argonautic
expedition, i. 248 ; on Old and
New Ilium, i. 319 seq. ; his
transformation of mythes to
history, i. 397.
Strangers, supplication of, ii. 80
n. 2; reception of, in legendary
Greece, ii. 85.
Strategi, Kleisthenean, iv. 63; en-
larged functions of Athenian,
after the Persian war, v. 132.
406
6TRATOLAS.
INDEX.
SYRACUSANS.
Stratolas, x. 80.
Stratus, attack of Peloponnesians,
Ambrakiots and Epirots upon,
B.C. 429, v. 457.
Streliizes, suppression of the revolt
of, by Peter the Great, iv. 159
n. 1.
Strombichides, pursuit of Chalki-
deus and Alkibiadgs by, vii. 211 ;
expedition of, to Chios, vii. 214,
229; removal of, from Chios to
the Hellespont, vii. 336; arrival
of, at Samos, from the Helles-
pont, vii. 337 ; and other Athenian
democrats, imprisonment of, viii.
26: trial and execution of, viii.
SO seq.
Strophe, introduction of, iv. IB.
Struthas, victory of, over Thim-
bron, ix. 188.
Strymon, Greek settlements east
of, in Thrace, iii. 441 ; Xerxes's
bridges across the, iv. 371.
Styx, i. 7.
Styx, rocks near, ii. 303 n.
Subterranean course of rivers in
Greece, ii. 220.
Succession, Solon's laws of, iii.
139.
Suli, iii. 415.
Suppliants, reception of, in legen-
dary Greece, ii. 85.
Supplication of strangers, ii.80 n. 1.
SMSO. sum found by Alexander the
Great at, iv. 162 n. 1 ; Pharna-
bazus conveys Greek escorts to-
wards, vii. .870 ; Alexander at, xi.
493, xii. 60 ; Alexander's march
from, to Persepolis, xi. 495
teq.
Susia, xii. 12.
Susian Gates, Alexander at, xi.
496.
Syagrus, reply of, to Gel&n, i. 162.
Sybaris, foundation, territory, and
colonies of, iii. 373 seq. ; fall of,
iii. 388, 395, iv. 338 seq. ; maxi-
mum power of, iii. 390 seq. ; and
Krotftn, war between, iv. 337.
Sybarites, character of, iii. 389 seq. ;
defeat of, by the Krotoniates,
iv. 338; descendants of, atThurii,
v. 276.
"Sybaritic tales," iii. 390.
Syennesis of Kilikia, and Cyrus
the Touuger, viii. 323.
Syloson, iv. 174 seq.
Symmories at Athens, ix. 333 seq. ;
speech of Demosthenes on the,
xi. 89 seq.
Symplegades, the, i. 229.
Syntagma, Macedonian, xi. 386.
Syracusan assembly, on the ap-
proaching Athenian expedition,
B.C. 415, vii. 19 seq. ; ships, im-
provements in, to suit the nar-
row harbour, vii. 136; squadron
under Hermokrates against
Athens in the JEgean, x. 146
seq. ; generals at Agrigentum,
complaints against, x. 189, 193 ;
generals at Agrigentum, speech
of Dionysius against, x. 195 seq. ;
horsemen, mutiny of, against
Dionysius, x. 213 seq. ; soldiers,
mutiny of, against Dionysius,
x. 224.
Syracusans , confidence and pro-
ceedings of, after the capture of
Plemmyrium, B.C. 413, vii. 133
seq. ; and Athenians, conflicts
between, in the Great Harbour,
vii. 134, 138 seq., 150 seq., 163 seq. ;
defeat of the Athenian night-
attack upon Epipolse by, vii. 144
seq. ; their blockade of the Athen-
ians in the harbour , vii. 158 ;
captured by Thrasyllus, vii. 370;
delay of, in aiding Selinus, B.C.
409, x. 165, 169 ; improvement in
Dionysius's behaviour towards,
B.C. 399, x. 236; victory of, over
the Carthaginians in the Great
Harbour, x. 264; negotiations of
Dionysius the Younger with
Dion and the, x. 374; defeat of
Dionysius the Younger, by Dion
and the, x. 375 seq. ; application
from, to Dion at Leontini, x. 387;
gratitude of, to Dion, x. 391 ; op-
position of, to Dion as dictator,
x. 397 seq. ; application of, to
SYRACUSE.
INDEX.
SYKACUSE.
407
Hiketas and Corinth, B.C. 344, x.
414 aeq.; and Timoleon, appli-
cation of, to Corinth, x. 446.
Syracuse, foundation of, iii. 360;
petalism or ostracism at, iv. 90 ;
inferior to Agrigentum and Gela,
before B.C. 600, v. 68 ; in B.C. 600,
v. 68; increased population and
power of, under Gelo, v. 70 aeq. ;
prisoners awarded to, after the
battle of Himera, v. 79; topo-
graphy of, B.C. 465, v. 87 n. 1;
fall of the Gelonian dynasty at,
v. 88 seq.; Gelonian citizens of,
v. 89 seq.; reaction against des-
potism at, after the fall of the
Gelonian dynasty, v. 92; polit-
ical dissensions and failure of
ostracism at, vi. 392 ; foreign ex-
ploits of, B.C. 452, vi. 392; Du-
ketius at, vi. 393; and Agrigen-
tum, hostilities between, B.C. 446,
vi. 396 ; conquests and ambitious
schemes of, B.C. 440, vi. 396; in-
credulity and contempt at, as to
the Athenian armament for Si-
cily, B.C. 415, vii. 19 ; quiescence
of the democracy at, vii. 21 n.
1 ; preparations at, on the ap-
proach of the Athenian arma-
ment, B.C. 415, vii. 28 ; empty
display of the Athenian arma-
ment at, B.C. 415, vii. 31 ; increas-
ed confidence at, through Ni-
kias's inaction, B.C. 415, vii. 56;
landing of Nikias and his forces
in the Great Harbour of, B.C.
415, vii. 67; defensive measures
of, after the battle ~near the
Olympieion, vii. 65; embassy
from, to Corinth and Sparta, B.C.
415, vii. 73; local condition and
fortifications of, in the spring of,
B.C. 414, vii. 83; localities out-
side the walls of, vii. 83; possi-
bilities of the siege of, B.C. 415
and 414, vii. 84 ; siege of, B.C.
414, vii. 88 seq. ; battle near, B.C.
414, vii. 93 seq. ; entrance of the
Athenian fleet into the Great
Harbour at, B.C. 414, vii. 95 ; ap-
proach of Gylippus to, vii. 100
seq.; arrival of Gylippus and
Gongylus at, vii. 103; expedition
to, under Demosthenes, B.C. 413,
vii. 128; Athenian victory in the
harbour of, B.C. 413, vii. 131 ; de-
feat of a Sicilian reinforcement
to, B.C. 413, vii. 135 : disadvan-
tages of the Athenian fleet in
the harbour of, vii. 136 ; arrival
of Demosthenes at, vii. 140, 141 ;
philo-Athenians at, during the
siege, vii. 151 n. ; increase of
force and confidence in, after
the night attack upon Epipolae,
vii. 153; postponement of the
Athenians' retreat from, by an
eclipse of the moon, vii. 154;
number and variety offerees en-
gaged at, vii. 158 ; postponement
of the Athenians' retreat from,
by Hermokrates, vii. 170; retreat
of the Athenians from, vii. 17]
aeq.; number and treatment o
Athenian prisoners at, vii. 184
seq. ; topography of, and the
operations during the Athenian
siege, viii. 81 seq. ; rally of Athens
during the year after the disaster
at, vii. 243 ; reinforcement from,
in aid of Sparta, B.C. 368, x. 17 ;
after the destruction of the Athen-
ian armament, x. 144, 148 seq. ;
and the quarrel between rielinus
and Egesta, B.C. 410, x. 165 seq. ;
embassy from, to Hannibal, at
Selinus, x. 169; aid from, to Hi
mera, against Hannibal, x. 171,
172 ; attempts of Hermokratds to
re-enter, x. 177 seq. ; first appear-
ance of Dionysius at, x. 181;
discord at, B.C. 407, x. 183 ; rein-
forcement from, to Agrigentum,
x. 187; movement of the Hermo-
kratean party at, to raise Dio-
nysius to power, x. 193; Dio-
nysius one of the generals at,
x. 195 seq. ; return of the Hermo-
kratean exiles to, x. 198; return
of Dionysius from Gela to, B.C.
405, x. 200; establishment ofDio-
408
INDEX.
nysius as despot at, x. 205 seq.,
216; redistribution of property
at, by Dionysius, x. 221 seq.; lo-
cality of, x. 232 ; additional for-
tifications at, by Dionysius, x.
233 seq. ; plunder of Carthaginians
at, by permission of Dionysius,
x. 216; provisions of Dionysius
for the defence of, against the
Carthaginians, B.C. 396, x. 257;
retreat of Dionysius from, to
Katana, B.C. 395, x. 259 ; siege of,
by Imilkon, x. 262 seq. ; Cartha-
ginians before, x. 262 seq., 270
seq. ; exultation at, over the burn-
ing of the Carthaginian fleet at
Daskon, x. 273 ; new construc-
tions and improvements by Dio-
nysius at, x. 316; feeling at,
towards Dionysius the Younger
and Dion, B.C. 357, x. 363 ; Dion's
march from Herakleia to, x. 368;
Timokrates, governor of, x. 370
seq. ; Dion's entries into, B.C. 357
and B.C. 356, x. 371 seq., 389 ; flight
of Dionysius the Younger from,
to Lokri, x. 383; rescue of, by
Dion, x. 388 aeq. ; condition of,
B.C. 353-344, x. 410 seq. ; return of
Dionysius the Younger to, x.
411; first arrival of Timoleon at,
x. 429; return of Timoleon from
Adranum to, x. 438 ; flight of
Magon from, x. 439 seq. ; Timo-
leon's temptations and conduct
on becoming master of, x.444«eg. ;
Timoleon's recall of exiles to,
x. 447 ; desolate condition of, on
coming into the hands of Timo-
leon, x. 447; efforts of Corinth
to re-constitute, x. 447 ; influx
of colonists to, on the invitation
of Corinth and Timoleon, x. 448;
Timoleon marches from, against
the Carthaginians, x. 452 seq. ;
Timoleon lays down his power
at, x. 465; great influence of Ti-
moleon at, after.rhis resignation,
x. 466, 472; residence of Timo-
leon at, x. 470; Timoleon in tl.e
public assembly of, x. 471 seq.;
the constitution established by
Timoleon at, exchanged for a
democracy, xii. 215 ; expedition
from, to Krotfin, about B.C. 320,
xii. 218 ; revolutions at, about
B.C. 320, xii. 220, 221 ; massacre
at, by Agathoklgs in collusion
with Hamilkar, xii. 223 seq. ; Aga-
thokles constituted despot of,
xii. 224 ; Hamilkar's unsuccess-
ful attempt to take, xii. 244 seq. ;
barbarities of AgathoklSs at,
after his African expedition, xii.
267.
Syrians not distinguished from
Assyrians in Greek authors, iii.
291 n.
Syrphax, xi. 415.
Syssitia, or public mess at Sparta,
ii. 380.
T.
Tachos, x. 122 seq.
Togrus, Thessalian, ii. 282.
Talos, i. 234.
Tamos, ix. 227.
Tamynic , Phokion's victory at,
xi. 14C; Demosthenes reproached
for his absence from the battle
of, xi. 148.
Tanagra, battle of, v. 184; recon-
ciliation of leaders and parties
at Athens, after the battle of,
v. 185.
Tantalus, i. 153.
Taochi, and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 408 seq.
Taphians in Homer's time, ii. 102.
Tarunto, fishery at, iii. 385 n.
Tarentines and Bhegians, expedi-
tion of, against the lapygians,
v. 93 ; and Messapians, xii. 216.
Tarentum, foundation of cities in
the Gulf of, i. 219; Greek settle-
ments on the Gulf of, iii. 380;
foundation and position of, iii.
383 seq.
Tarsu?, origin of, i. 84 n. 1, iii. 278;
Cyrus the Younger at, viii. 323
seq.; Alexander at, xi. 437.
TARTARUS.
INDEX.
TEN THOUSAND.
409
Tartarus, i. 4, 8, 9.
Tartessus, iii. 276; not visited by
Greeks before B.C. 630, iii. 278 ;
Kolrcus's voyage to, ii.*46 , iii. 279.
Tauri in the Crimea, HI. 246.
Tauromentum, iii.. 866; commence-
ment of, x. 258 ; repulse of Dio-
nysius at, x. 282 ; capture of, by
Dionysius, x. 285; Timoleon at,
x. 426.
Taurus, xii. 6 n. 2.
Taurus, Mount, Alexander at, xi.
436.
Taxiarch, ii. 460.
Taxila, Alexander at, xii. 49.
Tearless Battle, the, x. 24 seq.
Tegea and Mautineia, ii. 442, vi.
229 seq., 285 ; and Sparta, ii. 446
seq. ; bones of Orestes taken from,
ii. 447; refusal of, to join Argos,
B.C. 421, vi. 290; plans of the Ar-
geian allies against, B.C. 418, vi.
346 ; march of Agis to the relief
of, B.C. 418, vi. 346; revolution
at, B.C. 370, ix. 427; seizure of
Arcadians at, by the Theban
harmost, x. 84 seq.; Epaminon-
das at, B.C. 362, x. 90, 93, 95 seq. ;
march of Epaminondas from, B.C.
362, x. 98.
Tegyra, victory of Pelopidas at,
ix. 351.
Teian inscriptions, iii. 187 n. 1.
Telamon, i.181 seq.
Telegonus, i. 306.
Telefc,'up,conquests of, ii. 419 ; death
of, ii. 419.
Teleontes, iii. 61.
Telephus, i. 172, 285.
Telmtitts and Agesilaus, capture
of the Long Walls at Corinth,
and of Lechaum by, ix. 163 seq.;
expedition of, to Rhodes, ix. 189,
194; at JBgina, ix. 198, 201; attack
of, on the Peirseus, ix. 203 seq.;
at Olynthus, ix. 279 seq.
Telines, iv. 32 n. 1, v. 62 seq.
Telys, of Sybaris, iv. 337 seq.
Temenion and Solygeius, ii. 310.
Temenus, Kresphontes, and Aristo-
demus, ii. 1 seq. ; and Kresphon-
tes, family of, lowest in the
series of subjects for heroic
drama, ii. 10.
Temnos, situation of, iii. 192 n. 2.
Tempi, remarks of Herodotus on
the legend of, i. 384; Delphian
procession to, ii. 277 n. 2 ; Gre-
cian army sent to defend, against
Xerxes, iv. 413; abandonment
of the defence of, against Xer-
xes, iv. 415 seq.
Temple of Eleusis built by order
of Demeter, i. 39.
Tenedos, continental settlements
of, iii. 196; recovery of, by Ma-
cedonian admirals, xi. 466.
Ten, appointment of the, at Athens,
viii. 62 ; measures of the, at
Athens, viii. 63 ; peace between
the, at Athens, and Thrasybulus,
viii. 68 seq. ; treatment of the, at
Athens, B.C. 403, viii. 94.
Ten generals appointed to succeed
Alkibiades, vii. 400.
Tennes, the Sidonian prince, xi.242.
Ten Thousand Greeks, position and
circumstances of, viii. 313 ; com-
mencement of their retreat, viii.
357; Persian heralds to, on com-
mencing their retreat, viii. 359;
negotiations and convention of
Tissaphernes with, viii. 361 seq.;
quarrel of, with Ariseus, viii.
363; retreating march of, under
Tissaphernes, viii. 364 seq. ; at
the Tigris, viii. 366 seq. ; at the
Greater Zab, viii. 371; summon-
ed by Ariseus to surrender, viii.
378; distress of, after the seizure
of the generals, viii. 378; new
generals appointed by, viii. 381 ;
great ascendency of Xenophon
over, viii. 386 seq. ; crossing of
the Great Zab by, viii. 390;
harassing attacks of the Persian
cavalry on, viii. 391 seq. ; retreat
of, along the Tigris, viii. 392
seq.; and the Karduchians, viii.
396 seii.; at the Kentrites, viii.
401 seq. ; in Armenia, viii. 404
seq.; and the Chalybes, viii. 408
410
TEN THOUSAND.
INDEX.
seq. ; and the Taochi, viii. 408
seq.; and the Skythini, viii. 411 ;
first sight of the Euxine by, viii.
412 ; and the Makr6nes, viii. 413 ;
and the Kolchians, viii. 414, 427 ;
at Trapezus, viii. 415, 428 seq. ;
geography of the retreat of, viii.
417 seq.; feelings of the Greeks
on the Euxine towards, viii. 424
seq. ; leave Trapezus , viii. 428 ;
at Kerasus, viii. 428 ; march of,
to Koty&ra, viii. 429 ; at Kotyftra,
viii. 430 seq.; and the Paphlagon-
ians, viii. 445 ; sail to Sinopg,
viii. 446 ; at Herakleia, viii. 447;
at KalpS, viii. 450 ; and Kleander,
viii. 451 seq., 467 ; and Anaxibius,
viii. 455 seq., 468; and Seuthes,
viii. 456, 469 seq. ; after leaving
Byzantium, viii. 466 seq. ; and
Aristarchus, viii. 467 seq. ; under
the Lacedaemonians, viii. 472,
477, ix. 29, 35 ; in Mysia, yiii.
474 seq.; Xenophon's farewell
of, viii. 476 ; effects of their
retreat on the Greek mind, viii.
482 seq.
Ten Thousand, the Pan- Arcadian,
ix. 450.
Teos, foundation of, iii. 185 ; in-
scriptions of, iii. 186 n. 2; emi-
gration from, on the conquest
of Harpagus, iv. 129 ; loss of, to
Athens, B.C. 412, vii. 214; capture
of, by the Lacedaemonians, vii.
396.
Tereus, i. 190.
Terpander, ii. 141 ; musical im-
provements of, iv. 8.
Tethys, i. 6.
Teukrians, the, i. 325 ; and My-
sians, ethnical affinities and mi-
grations of, iii. 210 seq.
Teukrus, i. 184.
Teukrus the metic, vii. 33, 43 n. 1.
Teuthrania mistaken by the Greeks
for Troy, i. 285.
Teutonic and Scandinavian epic,
its analogy with the Grecian, i.
462 seq. ; points of distinction
between the Grecian and, i. 466.
Thais and the burning of the
palace of Persepolis, xi. 501 n. 2.
Thales, Xenophands, and Pytha-
goras, i. 356 seq.; predictions
ascribed to, ii. 114 ; alleged pre-
diction of an eclipse of the sun
by, iii. 233 n. 1; suggestion of,
respecting the twelve Ionic
cities in Asia, iii. 260 ; philo-
sophy and celebrity of, iv. 306
seq.
Thaletas, iv. 10, 12.
Thamyris, analogy between the
story of, and that of Marsyas,
iii. 215.
Thanatos, i. 7.
ThapsaTcus, Cyrus the Younger and
his forces at, viii. 330 seq.; Alex-
ander crosses the Euphrates at,
xi. 475.
Thasos, island of, iii. 442; attempted
revolt of, from the Persians, iv.
241 ; contribution levied by Xerx-
es on, iv. 387; revolt of, from
the confederacy of Delos, v. 165 ;
blockade and conquest of, B.C.
464-463, v. 167 ; application of,
to Sparta, for aid against Athens,
v. 167; expulsion of the Lacedoe-
monians from, vii. 368; reduction
of, by Thrasyllus, vii. 385; slaugh-
ter at, by Lysander, viii. 13.
Thaumas, i. 7.
Theagenes of Rhegium, the first
to allegorise mythical narratives,
i. 403.
Theagenes, despot ofMegara, iii. 43.
Theagenes of Thastts, statue of, iv.
361, n. 1.
Theatre, Athenian, accessibility
of, to the poorest citizens, viii.
121.
Theba'id of Antimachus, i. 261.
Theba'is, the Cyclic, i. 262 ; ascribed
to Homer, ii. 128.
Theoan contingent of Leonidas,
doubts about, iv. 438, 442; leaders
put to death after the battle of
Platica, v. 40; prisoners in the
night-surprise at Platrea, slaugh-
ter of, v. 381 seq.; military column,
INDEX.
411
depth of, vi. 167, 166; band of
Three Hundred, vi. 164 ; exiles
at Athens, ix. 275, 295 aeq.
Thebans and -2Eginetans, i. 179;
against the seven chiefs , i. 266 ;
application of, to -ZEgina for
assistance against Athens, iv. 98 ;
and Xerxes's invasion, iv. 422;
defeated by the Athenians at
Pliitioa, v. 33; night-surprise of
Platsea by, B.C. 431, v. 376 «eg. ;
capture of, in the night-surprise
of Plattea, v. 378 seq.; captured
in the night-surprise of Platoa,
slaughter of, v. 381 seq. ; oppo-
sition of, to peace with Athens,
B.C. 404, viii. 20 n. 1 ; humiliation
of Agesilaus by, ix. 80, 81 ; appli-
cation of, to Athens for aid
against Sparta, B.C. 395, ix. 115
seq.; at the battle of Corinth,
ix. 130 n. 1 ; and Spartans at
the battle of Kor6neia, ix. 137 ;
and the peace of Antalkidas, ix.
212 ; expulsion of the Lacedae-
monians fromBceotia by, B.C. 374,
ix. 351 ; invasion of Phokis by,
B.C. 374, ix. 352 ; discouragement
and victory of, at Leuktra, ix.
393 seq.; and allies, invasion of
Laconia by, B.C. 370, ix. 434 seq.;
displeasure of, with Epaminon-
das, B.C. 367, x. 27 ; expeditions
of, to Thessaly, to rescue Pelo-
pidas, x. 42, 63 seq.; destruction
of Orchomenus by, x. 71 ; under
Pammengs, expedition of, to
Megalopolis, x. 119 ; extinction
of free cities in Bceotia by, xi.
5 ; exertions of, to raise a con-
federacy against the Phokians,
B.C. 356, xi. 55 ; Lokrians and
Thessalians, war of, against the
Phokians, B.C. 355, xi. 57, 58;
assistance under Pammenes sent
by, to Artabazus, xi. 61, 103 ;
assistance of, to Megalopolis
against Sparta, B.C. 352-351, xi.
103 seq. ; obtain money from the
Persian king, B.C. 350-349, xi. 105 ;
invoke the aid of Philip to put
down the Phokiang, xi. 179;
Philip declares his sympathy
with, B.C. 346, xi. 226; invited
by Philip to assist in an attack
upon Attica, B.C. 339, xi. 288 seq.;
and Athenians, war of, against
Philip in Phokis, xi. 298, 299
seq.; revolt of, against Alexander,
xi. 355 seq.
Thebe, xi. 8 aeq.
Thebes and Orchomenos, i. 132 ;
legends of, i. 251 seq. ; how found-
ed by Kadmus, i. 252; five prin-
cipal families at, i. 253; foun-
dation of, by AmphiOn, i. 257 ;
poems on the sieges of, i. 261
seq.; sieges of, i. 262 seq.;
the seven chiefs against, i. 266
aeq. ; repulse of the seven
chiefs against, i. 267 seq. ; the
seven chiefs against, death of
all but Adrastus , i. 267 ; the
seven chiefs against, burial of
the fallen, i. 270 ; second siege
of, i. 270 seq. ; early legislation
of, ii. 297; and Platsea, disputes
between, iv. 93; summoned to
give up its leaders after the
battle of Plataea, v. 40; discred-
it of , for its M edism , v. 169 ;
supremacy of, in Bo3otia restored
by Sparta, v. 170, 182 ; mastery
of Athens over, B.C. 456, v. 186;
reinforcements from, in support
of the night-surprise at Platsea,
v. 381 seq. ; hard treatment of
Thespia: by, B.C. 423, vi. 230 ;
altered feeling of, after the
capture of Athens by Iiysander,
viii. 50, 65, 66; and Sparta, war
between, B.C. 395, ix. 113 aeq.;
revolt of Orchomenus from, to
Sparta, ix. 118 ; alliance of, with
Athens, Corinth, and Argos,
against Sparta, ix. 125; increas-
ed importance of, B.C. 395, ix.
125; alarm at, and proposals of
peacefrom, on the Lacedaemonian
capture of the Long Walls at
Corinth, ix. 166 ; envoys from,
to Agesilaus, ix. 172, 179; and
412
INDEX.
THEMISTOKLES.
the peace of Antalkidas, ix. 215;
proceedings of Sparta against,
after the peace of Antalkidas,
ix. 254 seq. ; seizure of the Kad-
meia at, by Phcebidas, ix. 274
seq.; government of, B.C. 382, ix.
273 n. 2 ; under Leontiades and
other philo-Laconian oligarchy,
ix. 294 seq. ; conspiracy against
the philo-Laconian oligarchy
at, ix. 297 seq.; alliance of, with
Athens, B.C. 378, ix. 318 ; state
of, after the revolution of, B.C.
379, ix. 335 ; the Sacred Band
at, ix. 336; expeditions of Age-
silaus against, B.C. 378 and 377,
ix. 342 seq.; displeasure of Athens
against, B.C. 474, ix. 350, 375;
dealings of, with Platea and
Thespise, B.C. 372, ix. 377, 379 seq.;
exclusion of, from the peace of
B.C. 371, ix. 387 seq. ; increased
power of, after the battle of
Iieuktra, ix. 412; and Sparta,
alleged arbitration of the Achse-
ans between, after the battle of
Leuktra, ix. 417 n. 1 ; influence
of, in Thessaly, B.C. 369, x. 7;
alienation of the Arcadians from,
B.C. 368, x. 19 seq.; assassination
of Euphron at, x. 32 seq. ; appli-
cation of, to Persia, B.C. 367, x.
37 seq.; Persian rescript in favour
of, x. 38 seq. ; protest of the Ar-
cadians against the headship of,
x. 41; peace of Corinth, Epidau-
rus and Phlius with, B.C. 366,
x. 52 seg. ; opposition of the Man-
tineians and other Arcadians to,
B.C. 362, x. 84 seq.; power of, B.C.
360-359, xi. 4 seq.; Philip at, xi.
11 seq. ; Eubcea rescued from, by
Athens, B.C. 358, xi. 21 seq.; ac-
cusation of, against Sparta be-
fore the Amphiktyonic assembly,
xi. 46; accusation of, against
Phokis before the Amphiktyonic
assembly, xi. 47; the Phokians
countenanced by Athens and
Sparta as rivals of, xi. 66; en-
yoys to Philip from, B.C. 346,
xi. 209; and Athens, unfriendly
relations between, B.C. 339, xi.
288; mission of Demosthenes to,
B.C. 339, xi. 292 seq.; and Athens,
alliance of, against Philip, B.C.
339, xi. 295; severity of Philip
towards, after the battle of Cha?-
roneia, xi. 309; march of Alex-
ander from Thrace to, xi, 361;
capture and destruction of, by
Alexander, xi. 364 seg.; restored
by Kassander, xii. 190.
Theles in Egypt, iii. 312.
Theft, laws of, at Athens, iii. 143.
Theia, i. 5.
Themis, i. 5, 10.
Themistokles, character of, iv. 263
seq.; and Aristeidgs, rivalry be-
tween, iv. 396, v. 129; change of
Athens from a land-power to a
sea-power proposed by, iv. 397;
long-sighted views of, in creating
a navy at Athens, iv. 398, v. 149
n. 2 ; and the Iiaurian mines,
v. 401 ; his explanation of the
answer of the Delphian oracle
on Xerxes's invasion, iv. 40G:
prevails upon the Greeks to
stay and fight at Artemisiuui,
iv. 444 seg.; inscribed invitations
of, to the lonians under Xerxes,
iv. 449; activity and resource
of, on Xerxes's approach, iv. 457;
opposes the removal of the Greek
fleet from Salamis to the isthmus
of Corinth, iv. 469 seq.; and Eu-
rybiades at Salamis, iv. 470 n. 1 ;
and Adeimantus of Corinth, at
Salarais, iv. 470; his message
to Xerxes before the battle of
Salamis, iv. 473 ; his message to
Xerxes after the battle of Sa-
lamis, iv. 487; levies fines on
the Cyclades, iv. 488; honours
rendered to , after the battle of
Salamis, iv. 493; alleged pro-
posal of, to burn all the Gre-
cian ships except the Athenian,
v. 56 n. 2 ; stratagem of, re-
specting the fortification of
Athens, v. 100 seg.; plans of, for
THEODOBU8.
INDEX.
THERMOPYLAE.
413
the naval aggrandisement of
Athens, v. 103 8eq.; persuades
the Atheniane to build twenty
new triremes annually, v. 107;
and Pausanias, v. 129, 138; op-
ponents and corruption of, after
the Persian war, v. 134 seq.; and
Timokreon, T. 134 ; first accusa-
tion of treason against, v. 135;
two accusations of treason
against, v. 136 ti. ; ostracism of,
v. 137 and n. 1 ; second accu-
sation of treason against, v. 138;
flight and adventures of, on the
second charge of Medism, v. 138
seq. ; and Admetus, v. 138 ; and
Artaxerxes Longimanus, y. 141
seq.; in Persia, v. 140 seq.; re-
wards and death of, v. 143 seq.
Theodorus of Samoa, iv. 25 n. 1.
Theodorus the Syracusan, speech
of, against Dionysius, x. 265 seq.
Theognis, Hi. 44, iv. 19.
Theogony of the Greek not a cos-
mogony, i. 3 ; of Hesiod, i. 4 ;
Orphic, i. 16 seq. ; Hesiodic and
Orphic, compared, i. 20 ; Hesiodic
legend of Pand&ra in, i. 75.
Theokles, the founder of Naxos in
Sicily, iii. 358 ; expels the Sikels
from Leontini and Katana, iii. 361.
Theology, triple, of the pagan world,
i. 423.
Theophrastus, the phytologist, 1.
349 n.
Theopompus, the Spartan king, ii.
423 nn.
Theopompus, the historian, his treat-
ment of mythes, i. 395 ; on the
Spartan empire, ix. 16 n. 1.
Theorie Board at Athens, creation
of, ix. 205.
Theorie Fund, allusions of Demo-
sthenes to, xi. 138, 142 ; motion
of Apollodorns about, xi. 152 ; not
appropriated to war purposes till
Just before the battle of Chsero-
neia, xi. 157; true character of,
xi. 158 seq.; attempt of the
Athenian property-classes to
evade direct taxation by recourse
to, xi. 161 ; application of, to
military purposes, xi. 296.
TheSrikon, viii. 122.
TheSrs, ii. 245.
ThSra, ii. 25; foundation of Eyren6
from, iii. 445 seq.
Theramenes, Peloponnesian fleet
under, vii. 227; statement of, re-
specting the Four Hundred, vii.
255 n. 1 ; expedition of, to the
Hellespont, vii. 358 ; accusation
of the generals at Arginusie by,
vii. 423. seq.; probable conduct
of, at Arginuste, vii. 427, 429 seq. ;
first embassy of, to Sparta, viii.
18; second embassy of, to Sparta,
viii. 19 ; and the executions by
the Thirty, viii. 32, 33, 36 ; and
Kritias, dissentient views of,
viii. 33 seq., 40 seq. ; exasperation
of the majority of the Thirty
against, viii. 40 ; denunciation
of, by Kritias in the senate, viii.
40; reply of, to Kritias's denun-
ciation in the senate, viii. 42 ;
condemnation and death of, viii.
44 seq.
Theramenes the Athenian, vii. 260 ;
his opposition to the Four Hun-
dred, vii. 299 seq. ; his impeach-
ment of the embassy of the Four
Hundred to Sparta, vii. 324 seq.
Therimachus, ix. 192.
Therma, Xerxes's movements from,
to TbermopylK, iv. 428 ; capture
of, by Archestratus, v. 333.
Thermaic Gulf, original occupants
on, iii. 425..
Thermopylae, Greeks north of, in
the first two centuries, ii. 275 ;
Phokian defensive wall at, ii.
284; resolution of Greeks to de-
fend against Xerxes, iv. 417; the
pass of, iv. 418 seq. ; path over
Mount (Eta avoiding, iv. 425 ;
movements of Xerxes from
Therma to, iv. 428 ; impressions
of Xerxes about the defenders
at, iv. 432 ; repeated Persian at-
tacks upon, repulsed, iv. 434;
debate among the defenders of,
THEKMUS.
INDEX.
THESSAliY.
when the Persians approached
their rear, iv. 436 ; manoeuvres
ascribed to Xerxes respecting
the dead at, iv. 449 ; numbers
slain at, on both sides, iv. 450 ;
inscriptions commemorative of
the battle at, iv. 450 ; effect of
the battle of, on the Greeks and
Xerxes, iv. 452 seq. ; conduct of
the Peloponnesians after the
battle of, iv. 453 ; hopeless situa-
tion of the Athenians after the
battle of, iv. 454 ; Onomarchus
at, xi. 59 ; Philip checked at, by
the Athenians, xi. 100; position
of Phalsekus at, B.C. 347-346, xi.
178, 222 ; application of the Phok-
ians to Athens for aid against
Philip at, B.C. 347, xi. 180-, 181 ;
importance of, to Philip and
Athens, B.C. 347, xi. 182; march
of Philip to, B.C. 346, xi. 212 seq. ;
plans of Philip against, B.C. 346,
xi. 215 ; letters of Philip inviting
the Athenians to join him at,
xi. 222; Phokians at, B.C. 347-346,
xi. 222 seq. ; surrender of, to Phi-
lip, xi. 225 ; professions of Philip
after his conquest of, xi. 229;
special meeting of the Amphik-
tyons at, B.C. 339, xi. 284.
Thermus, ii. 291.
Thero of Agrigentum and Gelo, v.
70 seq. ; and Hiero, v. 81; severe
treatment of Himertrans by, v.
81; death of, v. 84, 85.
Thersander, the Orchomenian, at
the Theban banquet to Mardonius,
v. 13.
Thersites, i. 290, ii. 71.
Theseium at Athens, v. 162.
Theseus, i. 166, 199 seq. ; and the
Min&taur, i. 215; obtains burial
for the fallen chiefs against
Thebes, i. 270 ; the political re-
forms of, ii. 21; and Menestheus,
ii. 22; restoration of the sons
of, to his kingdom, ii. 22; con-
solidation of Attica by, iii. 68 ;
bones of, conveyed to Athens,
v. 160.
Thesmoi, iii. 76.
Thesmophoria, festival of, 1. 44*
Thesmothetce, iii. 74.
Thespia, hard treatment of, by
ThSbes, B.C. 423, vi. 230; severity
of Thebes towards, B.C. 372, ix.
380.
Thespian contingent of Leonidas,
iv. 437.
Thespians, distress of, caused by
Xerxes's invasion, iv. 438 n. 1 ;
at the battle of Leuktra, ix. 398 ;
expulsion of, from Bceotia, after
the battle of Leuktra, ix. 413.
Thespis and Solon, story of, iii. 147.
Thesprotians, iii. 410 seq.
Thessalian cities, disorderly con-
federacy of, ii. 283; and Athenian
cavalry, skirmishes of, with
Archidamus, v. 397 ; cavalry sent
home by Alexander, xii. 4.
Thessalians, migration of, from
Thespr&tis to Thessaly, ii. 14;
non-Hellenic character of, ii. 15 ;
and .their dependents in the first
two cent uries,ii. 276seg.; character
and condition of, ii. 278 seq. ; and
Xerxes's invasion, iv. 413, 416;
alliance of, with Athens and
Argos, about B.C. 461, v. 177- ;
Thebans, and Lokrians, war of,
with the Phokians, B.C. 355, xi. 58.
Thessalus, son of Kimon, im-
peachment of Alkibiades by, vii.
48.
Thessaly, affinities of, withBosotia,
ii. 16 ; quadruple division of, ii.
282; power of, when united, ii.
284; Athenian march against,
B.C. 454, v. 188 ; Brasidas's march
through, to Thrace, vi. 175 seq. ;
Lacedsemonian reinforcements to
Brasidas prevented from passing
through, vi. 227 ; state of, B.C.
370, x. 7 ; influence of Thebes in,
B.C. 369, x. 8; expedition of Pelo-
pidas to, B.C. 369, x. 8; expedi-
tion of Pelopidas to, B.C. 363,
x. 23; expedition of Pelopidas to,
B.c.366, x. 23 n. 2 ; mission of Pelo-
pidas to, B.C. 366, x. 42 ; expedition
INDEX.
THBA8YBULUS.
415
of Pelopidas to, B.C. 863,
x. 63, 67 seq.; despots of, xi. 8
seq. ; first expedition of Philip
into, against the despots of
Pherse, xi. 65, 96, 99 n. 2 ; second
expedition of Philip into, against
the despots of Pheree, xi. 97 seq. ;
victory of LeosthenSs over Anti-
pater in, xii. 136.
Titties, in legendary Greece, ii. 100 ;
in Attica immediately before
Solon's legislation, iii. 95 seq. •
mutiny of, iii. 98.
Thetis and Pfileus, i. 182.
Thimbron, expedition of, to Asia,
ix. 29 ; defeat and death of, ix.
189, xii. 252 seq.
Thirlwall's opinion on the parti-
tion of land ascribedto Lykurgus,
ii. 401 seq., 406, 409 seq.
Thirty at Athens, nomination of,
viii. 27 ; proceedings of, viii. 29
865. ; executions by, viii. 30 seq.,
S3 seq., 38 seq. ; discord among,
riii. 32; three thousand hoplites
nominated by, viii. 36; disarming
of hoplites by, viii. 37 ; murders
and spoliations by, viii. 38, 47;
tyranny of, after the death of
TheramenSs, viii. 46; intellectual
teaching forbidden by, viii. 47;
and Sokrates, viii. 49; growing
insecurity of, viii. 49; disgust in
Greece at the enormities of, viii.
53 ; repulse and defeat of, by
Thrasybulus at PbylS, viii. 56;
seizure and execution of prisoners
at, Eleusis and Salamis by, viii.
67 ; defeat of, by Thrasybulus at
Peireeus, viii. 58 seq. ; deposition
of, viii. 62; reaction against, on
the arrival of King Pausanias,
viii. 66 ; flight of the survivors
of the, viii. 71 ; treatment of,
B.C. 403, viii. 94 ; oppression and
suffering of Athens under the,
ix. 2; Athens rescued from the,
ix. 3 ; the knights or horsemen
supporters of the, ix. 3; Athens
under the, a specimen of the
Spartan empire, ix. 4; compared
with the Lysandrian Dekarchiei,
ix. 8; and Kallibius, ix. 9; put
down by the Athenians them-
selves, ix. 19.
Thorax andXenophon, viii. 435 seq.
Thrace, Chalkidic colonies in, iii.
438 seq. ; Greek settlements east
of the Strymftn in, iii. 441; con-
quest of, by the Persians under
Darius, v. 200; and Macedonia,
march of Mardonius into, iv. 240;
contributions levied by Xerxes
on towns in, iv. 140; Brasidas'g
expedition to, vi. 148, 175 seq. ;
war continued in, during the one
year's truce between Athens and
Sparta, vi. 213; Alkibiad6s and
Thrasybulus in, B.C. 407, vii. 386 j
IphikratSs in, between B.C.
387-378, ix. 323 seq. ; Iphikrates in,
B.C. 368-365, x.9seg.; Philip in,B.o.
851, xi. 110; and B.C. 346, xi. 206,
208; and B.C. 342-341, xi. 254 seg.;
Alexander's expedition into, xi.
348 seq. ; march of Alexander
from, to Thebes, xi. 361.
Thracian influence upon Greece,
i. 31; race in the North of Asia
Minor, iii. 208 ; Chersonesus, iii.
443; subject-allies of Athens not
oppressed by her, v. 182 seq. ;
mercenaries under Diitrephes,
vii. 196 seq.
Thracians, in the time of Hero-
dotus and ThucydidSs, ii. 88 ;
and Phrygians, affinities between,
iii. 210 seq., 214 ; affinities and
migrations of, iii. 210 seq. ; num-
bers and abode of, iii. 436 ; gener-
al character of, iii. 436 seq. ;
Asiatic characteristics of, iii. 438 ;
venality of, v. 477 n. 2.
Thrasius, x. 453, 460.
Thrasybulus of Syracuse, v. 86 seq.
Thrasybulus, the Athenian, speech
of, at Samos, vii. 289 ; efforts of,
at Samos, in favour of Alkibia-
d6s, vii. 291; in Thrace, vii. 386;
accusation of the generals at
Arginusse by, vii. 424 seq. ; flight
of, from Attica, viii. S3 ; occu-
416
THBASIDAEUS.
INDEX.
pation of Fhylo, and repulse and
defeat of the Thirty by, viii. 56 ;
occupation of Peiraeus by, viii.
59; victory of, over the Thirty
at Peirseus, viii. 59 seq. ; increas-
ing strength of, at Peirseus, viii.
64; straitened condition of, in
ruinous, viii. 67; at Peiraeus,
king Pausanias's attack upon,
viii. 67; and the Ten at Athens,
peace between, viii. 68; and the
exiles, restoration of, to Athens,
viii. 70 ; assistance of, to Evander
and others, viii. 107 n. 2; honor-
ary reward to, viii. 112 ; aid to
the Thebans by, ix. 119; acqui-
sition of, in the Hellespont and
Bosphorus, ix. 192; victory of,
in Lesbos, ix. 193 ; death and
character of, ix. 193.
Thrasidcsus, v. 81; cruel govern-
ment, defeat and death of, v. 84,
ix. 45, 48.
Thrasykles and Strombichides, ex-
pedition of, to Chios, vii. 214.
Thrasyllus, vi. 343, 344; at Samoa,
B.C. 411, vii. 289; at Lesbos, vii.
342 ; eluded by Mindarus, vii.
343; at Elaeus, vii. 350 repulse
of Agis by, vii. 369; expedition
of, to Ionia, vii. 370 ; and Alki-
biades, at the Hellespont, viir 373.
Thrasylothus and Demosthenes, xi.
72 »». 2.
Thrasymachus, rhetorical precepts
of, viii.!69;doctrine of, in Plato's
Republic, viii. 194 seq.
Three thousand, nominated by the
Thirty at Athens, viii. 86.
Thucydides, altered intellectual
and ethical standard in the age of,
i. 355 ; his treatment of ancient
mythes, i. 377, 388 seq. ; his ver-
sion of the Trojan war, i. 389
teg. ; on the dwellings of the
earliest Greeks, ii. 108; his date
for the return of the Herakleids,
ii. 14; silence of, on the treaty
between Athens and Persia, v.
192 ; descent of, v. 275 n. 2 ; va-
rious persons named, v. 291 n.
2 ; his division of the year, vi.
336 n. 1 ; his judgment respect-
ing Periklfts, v. 436, 439 ; first
mention of Kleon by, vi. 24, 26;
reflections of, on the Korkyrsean
massacre, B. o. 427, vi. 58 seq. ;
structure of his history, vi. 88
n. 1 ; judgment of, on Kleon's
success at Pylus, vi. 126 seq.; on
Kythgra, vi. 143 n. 1 ; and the
capitulation of Amphipolis to
Brasidas, vi.187 seq.; banishment
of, vi. 191 seq.; on Kleon's views
and motives in desiring war, B.C.
422, vi. 233 seq. ; passages of, on
the battle of Amphipolis , vi.
242 seq. nn. ; feelings of, towards
Brasidas and Kleon, vi. 252; treat-
ment of Kleon by, vi. 252, 255
seq. ; dialogue set forth by, be-
tween the Athenian envoys and
Executive Council of M61os, vi.
379 seq. , 386 seq. ; his favourable
judgment of the Athenians at
the restoration of the democracy,
B.C. 411, vii. 330 seq. ; study of,
by Demosthenes, xi. 73.
Thucydides, son of Melesiastv. 196;
rivalry of, with Perikles, v. 278
seq.; ostracised, v. 282; history
of, after his ostracism, v. 291 n. 2.
Thurians, defeat of, by the Luca-
nians, x. 289.
Thurii, foundation of, v. 276 seq.-
few Athenian settlers at, v. 278;
revolution at, B.C. 413, x. 146.
Thyamia, surprise of, by the Phli-
asians and Charts, x. 31.
Thyestean banquet, the, i. 158.
Thyestes, i. 157 seq.
Thymochares, defeat of, near Eret-
ria, vii. 313 seq.
Thymodes, xi. 441, 450.
Thynians, iii. 209.
Thyrea, conquest of, ii. 449; capture
of, by Nikias, B.C. 424, vi. 144; sti-
pulation about, between Sparta
and Argos, B.C. 420, vi. 299.
Thyssagette, iii. 246.
Tigris, the Ten Thousand Greeks
at the, viii. 365 seq.; retreat 01
TILPHUSIOS.
INDEX.
TIMOTHEUS.
417
the Ton Thousand along the, viii.
892 seq. ; forded by Alexander,
xi. 476; voyago of Nearchus from
the mouth of the Indus to that
of the, xii. 67 ; Alexander's voy-
age up the, to Opis, xii. 64.
Tilphusios Apollo, origin of the
name, i. 46.
Timceus's treatment of mythes, i.
395.
Timagoras, his mission to Persia,
and execution, x. 37, 39 and «. 2.
Timandra, i. 165.
Timarchust decree of, xi. 173 and
n. 1.
Timasion and Xenophon, viii. 435
seq.
Time, Grecian computation of, ii.
115 n. 5.
Timegenidas, death of, v. 40.
Timocracy of Solon, iii. 121 seq.
Timokrates the Rhodian, ix. 110
seq.
TimoTcrates of Syracuse, x. 370
seq.
Tirnokreon and Themistokles, v.
134.
Timolaus, speech of, ix. 129.
Timoleon, appointment of, to aid
Syracuse, x. 416, 421; life and
character of, before B.C. 344, x.
416 seq. ; and Timophands, x. 416
seq. ; preparations of, for his ex-
pedition to Syracuse, x. 422;
voyage of, from Corinth to Sici-
ly, x. 423 seq. ; message from
Hiketas to, x. 423 ; at Bhegium,
x. 424 seq.; at Tauromenium, x.
426 ; at Adranum, x. 423, 435 ;
first arrival of, at Syracuse, x.
429 ; surrender of Ortygia to, x.
431 seq. ; reinforcement from
Corinth to, x. 432, 436, 438; ad-
miration excited by the success-
es of, x. 432, 442 ; advantage of
Oitygia to, x. 436 ; return of,
from Adranum to Syracuse, x.
438; MesseiiS declares in favour
of, x. 439; capture of Epipola?
by, x. 440; favour of the gods
towards, x. 442, 459 ; ascribes his
VOL. XII.
successes to the gods, x. 443 ;
temptations and conduct of, on
becoming master of Syracuse,
x. 444 seq. ; demolition of the
Dionysian stronghold in Ortygia
by, x. 445; erection of courts of
justice at Syracuse by, x. 446 ;
recall of exiles to Syracuse by,
x. 447; capitulation of Hiketas
•with, at Leontini, x. 451; puts
down the despots in Sicily, x.
451, 465 seq. ; march of, from
Syracuse against the Carthagin-
ians, x. 452 seq. ; and Thrasius,
x. 460; victory of, over the
Carthaginians at the Krimesus,
x. 457 seq.; and Mamerkus, x.
461 seq. ; partial defeat of his
troops, x. 461; victory of, over
Hiketas at the Damurias, x. 462 ;
surrender of Leontini and Hike-
tas to, x. 462; peace of, with the
Carthaginians, x. 463; capture
of Mess6ne and Hipp on by, x.
464; lays down his power at
Syracuse, x. 465 ; great influence
of, after his resignation at Syra-
cuse, x. 466, 472 ; and the immi-
gration of new Greek settlers
into Sicily, x. 467 seq.; residence
of, at Syracuse, x. 471 ; in the
public assembly at Syracuse, x.
471 seq, ; uncorrupted moderation
and public spirit of, x. 473 ;
freedom and prosperity in Sicily,
introduced by, x. 474 ; death and
obsequies of, x. 475 ; and Dion,
contrast between, x. 476 seq.; the
constitution established at Syra-
cuse by, exchanged for an oli-
garchy, xii. 215.
Timomachus in the Hellespont, x.
133.
Timophanes and Timoleon, x. 416
seq.
Timotheus, son of Eonon, ix. 326;
circumnavigation of Peloponne-
sus by, ix. 348; at Zakynthus,
ix. 358 ; appointment of, to aid
Korkyra, B.C. 373, ix. 360; delay
of, in aiding Korkyra, ix. 363
2 E
418
TIMOTHBTTS.
INDEX.
TOWS- OCCUPATIONS.
seq., 363 n. ; and Iphikrates, ix.
364, x. 59, and n. 1 ; trial and
acquittal of, ix. 370 seq., 371 n. 1 ;
expedition of, to Asia Minor,
B.C. 366, x. 54 seq. ; and Chari-
demus, x. 59, 61; successes of,
in Macedonia and Chalkidike,
B.C. 365-364, x. 60; failure of, at
Amphipolis, B.C. 364, x. 61; and
Kotys, x. 62 ; in the Chersonese,
B.C. 363, x. 129; in the Hellespont,
B.C. 357, xi. 28; accusation of, by
Chares, xi. 29 seq., 32 «. ; arro-
gance and unpopularity of, xi.
31; exile and death of, xi. 33.
Timotheus, of the Pontic Herakleia,
xii. 286.
Tiribazus, and the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 401, 404; embassy
of Antalkidas, Konon, and others
to, ix. 184 seq. ; and Antalkidas
at Susa, ix. 210 ; and the peace
of Antalkidas, ix. 212; and
Orontes, ix. 237.
Tisamenus, son of Orestes, ii. 4,
7, 8 n.
Tisamenus, the Athenian, decree
of, viii. 97.
Tisiphonus, despot of Pherse, xi. 9.
Tissaphernes and Pbarnabazus,
embassy from, to Sparta, B.C.
413, vii. 205; and Chalkideus,
treaty between, vii. 216; first
treaty of, with the Peloponnes-
ians, vii. 216; payment of the
Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 229;
and Astyochus, treaty between,
vii. 234 seq. ; second treaty of,
with the Peloponnesians, vii. 234
seq. ; and Lianas, at Miletus, vii.
238; doubledealing and intrigues
of, with the Peloponnesian fleet,
vii. 238, 240 seq. ; escape and ad-
vice of Alkibiades to, vii. 244
seq. ; and the Greeks, Alkibiades
acts as interpreter between, vii.
246 ; reduction of pay to the
Peloponnesian fleet by, vii. 247 ;
third treaty of, with the Pelo-
ponnesians, vii. 265 seq. ; envoy
from, to Sparta, B.C. 411, vii. 339;
false promises of, to Mindarus,
vii. 340 ; and the Phenician fleet
at Aspendus, vii. 341, 356; and
thePeloponnesians at the Helles-
pont, vii. 355 seq. ; Alkibiades
arrested by, vii. 361; charge of,
against Cyrus the Younger, viii.
309; negotiations and convention
of, with the Ten Thousand Greeks,
viii. 361 seq. ; retreating march
of the Ten Thousand under, viii.
364 seq. ; treachery of, towards
Klearchus and other Greeks, viii.
373 seq. ; plan of, against the
Ten Thousand Greeks, viii. 376;
attack of, on the Ten Thousand
Greeks, viii. 391 ; and the Asiatic
Greeks, ix. 28; and Derkyllidas,
ix. 30, 40 seq. ; and Agesilaus, ix.
84, 90 ; death of, ix. 91.
Titanides, the, i. 4, 5.
Titans, the i. 4, 8 ; the Orphic, i. 17.
Tt9sa8at -ra SicXa, meaning of, v.
378 n. 1, vi. 135 n. 2, 151 n. 1,
162 n. 3, 168 n. 2.
Tithraustes supersedes Tissapher-
nes, and opens negotiations with
Agesilaus, ix. 91; sends an en-
voy to Greece against Sparta,
ix. 110 seq. • victory of Chares
and Artabazus over, xi. 34.
Tolmides, voyage of, round Pelo-
ponnesus, v. 187; defeat and
death of, v. 203.
Tomi, legendary origin of the
name, i. 232 n. 2, xii. 294.
Topographical impossibilities in
the legend of Troy no obstacles
to its reception, i. 321; criticisms
inapplicable to the legend of
Troy, i. 323.
Torgium , victory of AgathoklCs
over Deinokrates at, xii. 269.
Torone, surprise and capture of,
by Brasidas, vi. 199; capture of,
by Kleon, vi. 240.
Torrhebia, iii. 225.
Torture, use of, to elicit truth, vii.
39 n.
Town-occupations, encouragement
to, at Athens, iii. 13a
INDEX
419
Towns, fortification of, in early
Greece, ii. 107 seq.
Trades, Grecian deities of, i. 334.
Tradition, Greek, matter of, uncer-
tified, i. 416; fictitious matter in,
does not imply fraud, i. 417.
Tragedies, lost, of Prometheus, i.
77 n.
Tragedy, Athenian, growth of, viii.
119; Athenian, abundant produc-
tion of, viii. 120; Athenian, ef-
fect of, on the public mind, viii.
122 ; ethical sentiment in, viii. 137.
Trapezus, legendary origin of, i.
169; date of the foundation of,
iii. 251 n. 1 ; the Ten Thousand
at, viii. 415, 426 seq. ; departure
of the Ten Thousand from, viii.
428.
Trench of Artaxerxfis from the Eu-
phrates to the wall of Media,
viii. 341, 343 n. 1.
Triballi, defeat of Philip by, xi. 266;
victory of Alexander over, xi. 348.
Tribes and denies of Kleisthenfis,
iv. 55.
Tribute of the subject - allies of
Athens, v. 266 n. 4, 269 n. 2.
Trinalcia, town of, vi. 396.
Triphylia,M.iny& in, ii. 26; anclEHs,
ii. 439, x. 20, 73.
Triphylians, ii. 305.
Triple theology of the pagan world,
i. 423; partition of past time by
Varro, i. 424.
Tripolis, iii. 267.
Trireme, equipment of a, v. 463 n. 1.
Tritantcechmes, exclamation of, on
the Greeks and the Olympic ga-
mes, iv. 460.
Triton and the Argonauts, i. 233.
Tritonis, Lake, iii. 451 n. ; prophe-
cies about, iii. 454.
Trittyes, iii. 52, 65 n.
Troad, the, i. 324.
Troas Alexandreia, i. 316.
Troas, historical, and the Teukri-
ans, i. 325.
Trcszen, removal of Athenians to,
on Xerxes's approach, iv. 454.
Trojan war, Thucydides's version
of, i. 388 seq.; tlle date of, ii.
88, 55.
Trojans, allies of, i.286; now allies
of, i. 290 ; and Phrygians, i. 326.
Trophonius and Agamcde's, i.127.
Tros, i. 278.
Troy, legend of, i. 277 seq.
Tunes, capture of, by Agathokle's,
xii. 236; mutiny in the army of
Agathoklfis at , xii. 247 ; Archa-
gathus blocked up by the Or-
thaginians at, xii. 261, 264; vic-
tory of the Carthaginians over
Agathoklfis near, xii. 263; noc-
turnal panic in the Carthaginian
camp near, xii. 264; Agathokles
deserts his army at, and they
capitulate, xii. 265.
Turpin, chronicle of, i. 458.
Tyche, near Syracuse, vii. 83.
Tydeus, i. 148, 265.
Tyndareus and Leda, i. 164 seq.
Tyndarion, vi. 392.
Tyndaris, foundation of, x. 281.
Types, manifold, of the Homeris
gods, i. 339.
Typhoon and Echidna, offspring
of, i. 7.
Typhoeus, i. 9.
Tyre, iii. 267 seq. ; siege and sub-
jugation of, by Nebuchadnezzar,
iii. 332 ; and Carthage, amicable
relations between, iii. 345; siego
and capture of, by Alexander,
xi. 457 seq.
Tyro, different accounts of, i. 107.
Tyrrhenians, O. Muller's view of
the origin of, iii. 180.
Tyrtceus and the first Messenian
war, ii. 421, 422, 426 ; efficiency
of, in the second Messenian war,
ii. 430 seq. ; poetry of, iv. 10; age
and metres of, iv. 5.
u.
Vranos, i. 5.
Usury, and the Jewish law, iii.
112 n. 1.
Utica, iii. 272; capture of, by
AgathoklSs, xii. 258.
2 E 2
420
INDEX.
XENOPHON.
Uxii, conquest of, by Alexander,
xi. 495.
V.
Varro's triple division of pagan
theology, i. 423; his triple parti-
tion of past time, i. 472.
Veneti, the, i. 310.
Villagers regarded as inferiors by
Hellens, ii. 2GO, 262.
Villages numerous in early Greece,
ii. 261.
Volsunga Saga, i. 462.
w.
War, the first sacred, iii. 479 seq.,
v. 201 ; the social, xi. 24, 35 ; the
second sacred, xi. 45 seq. , 178
seq. ; the third sacred, xi. 272.
Wise men of Greece, seven, iv.21 seq.
Wolfs Prolegomena to Homer, ii.
144; his theory on the composition
of the Iliad and Odyssey, ii',151 seq.
Women, Solon's laws respecting,
iii. 140.
Wooden horse of Troy, the, i. 296, 301.
' Works and Days'1, races of men
in, i. 64 seq. ; differs from the
Theogony and Homer, i. 66 ;
mingled ethical and mythical
sentiment in, i. 67, 68; the ear-
liest didactic poem, i. 69; person-
al feeling pervading, i. 71; prob-
able age of, i. 72; legend of
Pand&ra in, i. 75 ; general feeling
ofthepoetin, i.76; on women,i.77.
Writing, unknown to Homeric and
Hesiodic Greeks, ii. 116; few traces
of, long after the Homeric age,
ii. 144; among the Greeks, iv. 24.
X.
Xanlhippus and MiltiadSs, iv. 283,
291.
Xanthippits, son of Perikles, v. 364.
Xenarfs and Kleobulus, the anti-
Athenian ephors, vi. 295 seq.
Xenias and Pasion, desertion of
Cyrus by, viii. 329.
Xenodokits, xii. 247, 261, 263.
Xenokrates, embassy of, to Anti-
pater, xii. 145, 153.
Xenophanes, his condemnation of
ancient legends, i. 356; ThalSs, and
Pythagoras, i. 357 seq. ; his treat-
ment of ancientmythes,i.403; phi-
losophy and school of, iv. 313 seq.
Xenophon, his treatment of ancient
mythes, i. 395 ; on Spartan women,
ii. 385, 386 n. 1; his Cyropsedia,
iii. 231 n., iv. 110; his version of
Cyrus's capture of Babylon, iv.
140 n. 1 ; on the dikasteries, v.
305, 309 n. 2 ; and Plato, evidence
of, about SokratSs, viii. 208 seq.,
248 n. 1; the preceptorial and
positive exhortation of Sokrates
exhibited by, viii. 250; remarks
of, on the accusation against
Sokrat&s, viii. 278; on the con-
demnation of SokratSs, viii. 286 ;
and his joining of the Cyreian
army, viii. 314; length of the
parasang in, viii. 316 n. 2; dream
of, after the seizure of the
generals, viii. 379; address of,
to the'captains of the Ten Thou-
sand, after the seizure of the
generals, viii. 381; chosen a
general of the Ten Thousand,
viii. 381; first speech of, to the
Ten Thousand, after being chosen
a general, viii. 382 seq. ; great
ascendency acquired by, over
the Ten Thousand, viii. 385 seq. •
and Cheirisophus, viii. 394, 398,
408; prowess of, against the
Persians, viii. 395 seq. ; in the
mountains of the Karduchians,
viii. 397 seq. ; at the Kentrites,
viii. 401 seq.; propositions of, to
the Ten Thousand at Trapezus,
viii. 426 ; his idea of founding a
new city on the Euxine, viii.
433 seq. ; charges against, and
speeches of, at Kotyora, viii. 436
seq. ; offered the sole command of
the Ten Thousand, viii. 446; at
Herakleia and Kalpfe, viii. 447
seq. ; andKleander, viii. 454, 456;
at Byzantium, viii. 456; and
Anaxibius, viii. 465, 466 seq.;
takes leave of the Ten Thousand,
XERXES. INDEX. XEBXES. 421
rlli. 465; rejoins the Ten Thou- to Doriskus, iv. 378; review and
aand, viii. 467 ; and Aristarchus, master of the forces of, at Doris-
viii. 468; and Seuthfis, viii. 4G9, kus, iv. 375, 378; numbering of
470 seq. ; his poverty and the army of, at Doriskus, iv. ,
sacrifice to Zeus Meilichios, viii. ' 878 ; number of the army of, iv.
473 seq. ; at Pergamus in Mysia, 380 seq.; conversations of, witli
viii. 474 seq. ; takes his second Demaratus, iv. 385, 432, 442;
farewell of the Ten Thousand, march of, from Doriskus along
viii. 476; and the Cyreian army Thrace, iv. 387 seq.; crosses the
under the Lacedtemonians, viii. Strym&n and marches to Akanth-
477, ix. 30 n. I, 134, 138 ; banish- us, iv. 388; march of, to Therma,
ment of, by the Athenians, viii. iv. 389; favourable prospects of,
478 and n. 1; at Skillus, viii. on reaching the boundary of
479 seq. ; later life of, viii. 480; Hellas, iv. 390; preparations of,
and Deinarchus, viii. 481 n. 2; known beforehand in Greece, iv.
on the conduct of Sparta be- 403; heralds of, obtain sub-
tween B.C. 387-379, ix. 293; par- mission from many Grecian cities,
tiality of, to Sparta in his Hel- iv. 403; alarm and mistrust in
lenica, ix. 449 n. 1; on the re- Greece on the invasion of, iv.
suits of the battle ofMantineia, 405 ; unwillingness or inability
x. 114. of northern Greeks to resist, iv.
Xerxes, chosen as successor to 410 ; inability of Gelon to join
Darius, iv. 346 ; instigated to in resisting the invasion of, iv.
the invasion of Greece, iv. 347; 413; the Thessalians and the in-
resolves to invade Greece, iv. vasion of, iv. 413; Grecian army
348; deliberation and dreams of, sent to defend Tempe against,
respecting the invasion of Greece, iv. 413; abandonment of the
iv. 351 seq. ; vast preparations of, defence of TempS against, iv.
for the invasion of Greece, iv. 414 seq. ; submission of northern
357 seq.; march of, to Sardis, and Greeks to, after the retreat from
collection of his forces there, iv. Tempe, iv. 416; engagement of
358; throws two bridges across confederate Greeks against such
the Hellespont, iv. 358; wrath of, as joined, iv. 417; first encounter
on the destruction of his bridges of the fleet of, -with that of
across the Hellespont, iv. 369; the Greeks, iv. 427; movements
punishment of the Hellespont of, from Therma to Thermo -
by, iv. 361 seq. ; second bridges pylse, iv. 428; movements of the
of, over the Hellespont, iv. 362 neet of, from Therma to Thermo-
seq. ; sbipcanal of, across the pyl®, iv. 429 n. 1; destruction of
isthmus of Mount Athos, iv. 368 the fleet of, by storm at Magne-
seq. ; bridges of, across the S try- sia, iv. 430 seq.; delay of, with
mfln, iv. 371 ; demands of, sent his land force near Trachis, iv.
to Greece before his invasion, 432 seq. ; impressions of, about
iv. 371, 403 ; and the mare which the defenders at Thermopyla,
brought forth a hare, iv. 371 n. iv. 433; at Thermopylae, doubts
1; match of, from Sardis, iv. 372; about the motives ascribed by
and Pythius, the Phrygian, iv. Herodotus to, iv. 433 ; the moun-
373 ; march of, to Abydos, iv. tain-path avoiding Thermopylae
373; respect shown to Ilium by, revealed to, iv. 435; impressions
iv. 375; crossing of the Helles- of, after the combat with Leoni-
pont by, iv. 377 seq. ; march of, das, iv. 442 ; Demaratus's advice
422
INDEX.
to, after the death of Leonidas,
iv. 442; manoeuvres ascribed to,
respecting the dead at Thermo-
pylae, iv. 449; losses of, repaired
after the battle of Thermopylae,
iv. 452; abandonment of Attica
on the approach of, iv. 455 seq. ;
occupation of Attica and Athens
by, iv. 460 ; conversation of, with
Arcadians, on the Olympic games,
iy. 460; detachment of, against
Delphi, iv. 460; capture of the
Acropolis at Athens by, iv. 462
seq. ; number of the fleet of, at
Salamis, iv. 466 n. 1 ; reviews
his fleet at Phalerum, and calls
a council of war, iv. 466 ; reso-
lution of, to fight at Salamis,
iv. 467 ; ThemistoklSs's message
to, before the battle of Salamis,
iv. 472; surrounds the Greeks at
Salamis, iv. 474 seq. ; and the
fleets at Salamis, position of,
iv. 478; story of three nephews
of, at Salamis, iv. 479 n. 1 ; fears
of, after the battle of Salamis,
iv. 484 ; resolves to go back to
Asia after the battle of Salamis,
iv. 486 seq. ; sends his fleet to
Asia after the battle of Salamis,
iv. 486 ; Mardonius's proposal to,
after the battle of Salamis, iv.
486; Themistokles's message to,
after the battle of Salamis, iv.
487; retreating march of, to the
Hellespont, iv. 488 seq. ; and
Artayktes, v. 65 ; causes of the
repulse of, from Greece, v. 95;
comparison between the invasion
of, and that of Alexander, v. 96;
death of, viii. 304.
Xuthus, i.98 seq., 102 ; and Kreusa,
i. 192.
z.
Zab, the Great, the Ten Thousand
Greeks at, viii. 371 seq.; crossed by
the Ten Thousand Greeks, viii.390.
Zagreus, i. 18, 19 n.
Zakynthus, Hi. 406 ; Timotheus at,
ix. 358 ; forces of Dion mustered
at, x. 362, 366; Dion's voyage
from, to Herakleia, x. 367.
Zaleulcus, Hi. 378,
Zalmoxis, i. 432.
Zankle, Hi. 362; fate of, v. 65 seq.
Zariaspa, Alexander at, xii. 29.
Zelos, i. 8.
Zeno of Elea, viii. 142, 144.
Zephyrus, i. 6.
Zetes and Kalais, i. 192.
Zethus and Amp'hi6n, Homeric
legend of, i. 250, 256 seq.
Zeugitce, Hi. 119; Boeckh's opinion
on the pecuniary qualification
of, iii. 119 n. 1.
Zeus, i. 2, 6, 7, 8, 12; Homeric, i.
13; account of, in the Orphic
Theogony, i. 17, 18; mythical
character, names, and functions,
i. 60 seq. ; origin of the numer-
ous mythes of, i. 63; and Prome-
theus, i. 62, 74 ; and Danae, i. 89 ;
and Alkmene, i. 91; and ^Kgina,
i. 179; and Eur6pa, i. 251; and
Ganymedfes, i. 278; in the fourth
book of the Iliad different from
Zeus in the first and eighth, ii.
190; fluctuation of Greek opinion
on the supremacy of, iv. 122 n. 1.
Zeus AmrAon, Alexander's visit to
the oracle of, xi. 472.
Zeus Laphyslios, i. 124.
Zeus Lykaus, i. 169.
Zeus Meilichios, Xenophon's sa-
crifice to, viii 473 seq.
Zopyrus, iv. 158.
THE END.
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