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A HISTORY OF THE 
GREEK PEOPLE 

1821-1921 



EX-LIBRIS 




LOUISE ARNER BOYD 






HISTORIES OF THE PEOPLES 

General Editors : 
G. P. GOOCH. 
KATHLEEN E. INNES. 



A HISTORY OF THE GREEK 
PEOPLE 



UNIFORM WITH THIS VOLUME 
A HISTORY OF THE FRENCH PEOPLE 

BY 

GUY DE LA BATUT AND GEORGE FRIEDMANN 



A HISTORY OF THE 
GREEK PEOPLE 

(18211921) 

BY 

WILLIAM MILLER, M.A. 

HON. LL.D. IN THE NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF GREECE 
CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE HISTORICAL AND ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY OF GREECX 



WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY 

G. P. GOOGH 



WITH TWO MAPS 



METHUEN & CO. LTD. 

36 ESSEX STREET W.G. 

LONDON 



First Published in 1922 



INTRODUCTION 

By G. P. GOOGH 

THE outstanding feature of our age is 
neither nationality nor democracy, nor 
applied science, but the growing conscious- 
ness of the essential unity of mankind, both on 
the material and on the spiritual plane. Since 
the murders at Sarajevo in 1914 it can no longer 
be argued that any part of the earth is too remote 
or any country too insignificant to concern the 
life and fortunes of every one of us. The world 
has become a hall of echoes, a vast whispering 
gallery. For good or evil the civilized nations 
form a single family. Isolation spells stagnation 
and hermit kingdoms are out of date. 

The most urgent task of the coming years is to 
substitute the reign of law in the relations of 
States for the moral anarchy which brought the 
old Europe to its doom. But the League of 
Nations will only establish itself as our guardian 
and our guide if it rests on the explicit assent of the 
plain citizen, by whom governments are chosen 
and to whom statesmen are ultimately responsible. 
It is no longer enough to be a good Englishman 



vi A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

or even a good European ; for as members of the 
League we are now also citizens of the world, and 
must never forget that civilization is a collective 
achievement and a common responsibility. 

Our new status brings obligations as well as 
privileges, among them the duty of knowing more 
of our fellow-members in the association of nations. 
Without such knowledge we can never understand 
why they act and think as they do, nor can we 
measure the value of their contribution to the 
making of the world in which we find ourselves. 
The more we can learn of the life and growth of 
other lands the better. There are indeed many 
claims on our energies ; but there should be no 
difficulty in a person of average intelligence finding 
time to master brief narratives of at any rate the 
later chapters of the story of the nations. What 
he wants and what the writer who knows his 
business will give him is not a sterile record of 
wars and dynasties, but a historical interpretation 
of the events and institutions, the social life, the 
ideas and ideals which influence the fortunes or 
express the individuality of organized political 
communities. 

Mr. William Miller is the greatest living British 
authority on mediaeval and modern Greece. His 
larger works are the treasured companions of the 
historical scholar ; but readers of this little volume 
will quickly discover that he carries his learning 
lightly and can adapt himself to the needs of the 
beginner no less than to those of the expert. He 



INTRODUCTION vii 

writes with sympathy yet without flattery of the 
gifted people whom he knows so well. There is 
nothing more romantic than the survival of the 
Greek nation and the Greek language in unbroken 
continuity from classical times ; and no country 
could wish for a more competent recorder and 
interpreter of its trials, its achievements, and its 
aspirations. 



CONTENTS 



CHAP. PAQB 

I THE GREEK PEOPLE UNDER FOREIGN RULE 

(146 B.C.-1821 A.D.) .... 1 

II THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GREEK KINGDOM 

(1821-33) 13 

III BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY (1833^43) . . 23 

IV THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE Two REVOLU- 

TIONS (1843-62) 36 

V THE INTERREGNUM AND THE IONIAN ISLANDS 

(1862-4) 48 

VI THE CONSTITUTION AND THE CRETAN QUES- 
TION (1864-9) ..... 70 

VII THE EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876 TO 1886 . 82 

VIII ECONOMICS, CRETE AND THE GRECO-TURKISH 

WAR (1886-98) 99 

IX THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION (1898-1908) . 114 

X THE INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION OF GREECE 

(1909-12) 121 

ix 



x A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

CHAP. PAOB 

XI THE EXPANSION OF GREECE (1912-13) . 135 

XII GREECE DURING THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 

(1914-21) 150 

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 175 

INDEX 179 



MAPS 



FACING PAOB 

THE TERRITORIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE, 

1832, 1918 142 

GREEK ACQUISITIONS BY TREATY OF SEVRES 
AUGUST, 1920 . 174 



A HISTORY OF THE 
GREEK PEOPLE 



CHAPTER I 

THE GREEK PEOPLE UNDER FOREIGN 
RULE (146 B.C.-1821 A.D.). 

MOST persons, and especially those who 
have had a classical education, are wont 
to be interested in modern Greece because 
of the literary reminiscences of ancient Greece. 
But this habit, which does not affect the public 
judgment of the other states of South-Eastern 
Europe, is both historically defective and practi- 
cally unjust to the Greek people. Greek history 
is a whole ; its stream does not, like some of the 
Greek rivers, disappear underground at the date 
of the Roman Conquest in 146 B.C., to emerge 
again into the light of day with the War of Indepen- 
dence in 1821. For many centuries Greece was 
under foreign rule, Roman, Frankish and Turkish, 
and they have naturally affected to a more or less 
degree the character of her people. To expect, 
as some literary enthusiasts expected, that the 



2 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Greek notables who fought against the Turks in 
the time of Byron, would be endowed with the 
same qualities as the leading Athenians of the age 
of Perikles was as absurd as to imagine that the 
Roman, Saxon and Norman conquests of England 
have not modified the British mentality. 

Modern Greece is politically, and especially in 
foreign politics, far more the child of the Byzantine 
Empire than she is the grandchild of the little 
classical Republics. Nevertheless, the traveller 
will be struck by the similarity between the modern 
Greek character and the real (as distinct from the 
supposititious) qualities of the ancient Hellenes. 
No one now believes the iconoclastic theory of 
Fallmerayer, that the Slavonic and Albanian 
invasions of the Middle Ages uprooted the Greek 
race in Europe. The dogma of 1830 that " not 
a drop of pure and unmixed Greek blood flows in 
the veins of the Christian population of contem- 
porary Greece " is historically false and practically 
absurd. Like the olive-shoot which grew up 
again and bore fruit, although the goat had eaten 
it down to the root, the germs of Hellenism have 
survived the successive blows of alien rulers and 
invaders. The Greeks have absorbed these foreign 
elements, and notably the numerous Albanian 
colonies in their midst, rather than have merged 
in them. Across these long centuries the Greek 
language, modified as all languages are by the 
course of ages, has remained, in a sense in which 
Latin has not remained, a spoken tongue, and 



GREEKS UNDER FOREIGN RULE 3 

Greek literature, which text-books usually cut 
short at the Alexandrian period, really extends 
through the learned scholars of Byzantium and 
the popular " Chronicle of the Morea " down to 
the novelists and poets of to-day. There are 
rival schools of language in modern Greece, the 
" purist " and the " popular " ; but their respec- 
tive instruments are both ultimately derived, 
although by different routes, from the divine 
workshop of Homer and the other classics, largely 
thanks to the immense influence of the New 
Testament. 

From the moment when Rome had emerged 
victorious from her struggle with Carthage, it was 
obvious that she would endeavour to extend her 
sway over the South-Eastern peninsula, just as 
her modern successor has tried to establish her 
influence over Albania. Even before the fall of 
Hannibal, an Akarnanian embassy had given 
Rome a pretext for arbitrating in Greek affairs 
by asking her to bid the ^Etolians desist from 
attacking Akarnania, and Corfu became the first 
of Rome's " allies," the first step towards annexa- 
tion, for the " ally," when he had served his turn, 
ended as a subject. The Federal Greece of 
Polybios was no match for the military power of 
Rome, and the Romanophil historian 1 records 
the current saying of his distracted countrymen: 
** if we had not perished quickly, we should not 
have been saved." There are moments of historic 
'XL, 5. 



4 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

evolution when a foreign occupation may be in 
the ultimate interests of a country ; although 
no material advantage can compensate for the loss 
of national independence. So, while, in Horace's 
phrase, " Captive Greece took her fierce captor 
captive " by the silken chains of her literature and 
art (just as, after 1453, captive Byzantium revived 
Greek letters in Western Europe), Rome gave to 
Greece a better government than the Greeks could 
have then organized. Local autonomies were 
respected, financial administration was admittedly 
purer, and the " Roman peace," except when 
Greece became the battlefield of Rome and 
Mithridates, Caesar and Pompey, Octavian and 
Antony, took the place of an endemic state of war. 
Young Romans, like Cicero and Horace, studied 
at Athens, which became an University town, and 
the Academic conflicts of rival professors and 
their respective bands of students took the place 
of the debates between the practical statesmen of 
the once free city. Then came the greatest event 
in the history of Roman Greece, the introduction 
of Christianity an event which influenced politi- 
cally perhaps even more than religiously the whole 
evolution of the Greek people. The keenly 
dialectical minds of the Greeks found in theology 
an intellectual field of discussion which more 
than compensated for the decay of philosophy ; 
politics at Byzantium were largely a question of 
ecclesiastical dogma, and the Iconoclast contro- 
versy, which divided the Greek Empire into hostile 



GREEKS UNDER FOREIGN RULE 5 

camps, arose out of a question of images in the 
churches. Down to our own day, the Greek 
hierarchy has been in " unredeemed " Greece the 
symbol of Hellenism, and in the dark days of 
Turkish rule the Orthodox Church saved the 
nation. 

The transference of the capital of the Roman 
Empire from Rome to Constantinople, while it 
injured the old Greek lands by draining them of 
their population and reducing them to a mere 
province, residence in which was regarded as an 
exile by the elegant Byzantine courtiers, gave to 
the world a new Greek civilization. It used to be 
the fashion to despise Byzantine culture and 
literature. But Byzantium was a centre of light 
at a time when Western Europe was plunged in 
the darkness of barbarism, nor were the Byzantine 
rulers the effeminate creatures that Western 
prejudice has sometimes depicted them. During 
the eleven centuries of the Eastern Empire great 
soldiers, great lawgivers, great statesmen sat upon 
its throne, and we are apt to forget among the 
scandals of palace revolutions and the intrigues of 
mundane prelates, which fill so many pages of the 
Byzantine historians, the life of the common 
people and the services rendered by Byzantium 
to the world. Nor is the long series of Byzantine 
historians an unworthy supplement to the classical 
writers. The Byzantine writers were often pedantic 
and rhetorical, but they were also often men of 
official experience with a first-hand knowledge of 



6 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

affairs ; and, had it not been for them, large 
portions of not only Greek, but Serbian, Bulgarian 
and Turkish history would have remained unknown. 
Byzantium has exercised, and still exercises, a 
great influence upon Athens. Modern Greek 
statesmen have dreamed of reviving, and M. 
Venizelos realized, the exploits of Nikephoros 
Phokas in liberating Crete and of Basil II, the 
" Bulgar-slayer," in driving the Bulgarians from 
Macedonia. The historical arguments for Greek 
expansion, which have figured before the public 
in recent years, have been drawn, not from the 
small Republics of ancient Greece, but from the 
great Byzantine Empire. 

The Crusades provoked the first serious political 
conflict between the East and the West, already 
ecclesiastically divided by the separation of their 
Churches in 1053. The rough barons from the 
West could not understand the subtle Byzantine 
mentality, and their weapons of steel were often 
powerless against the silken web of intrigue which 
the clever Greek diplomatists wound around them. 
The zeal of the Greek Emperors for the liberation 
of the Holy Places from the Infidels was consider- 
ably tempered by the suspicion realized in 1204 
that the Crusaders might turn aside from their 
avowed object to plunder and partition the rich 
Empire which they traversed. There were faults 
on both sides, but the mutual errors were natural, 
for when have East and West really comprehended 
one another ? To the Franks the Greeks seemed 



GREEKS UNDER FOREIGN RULE 7 

slaves, to the Greeks the Franks seemed savages. 
The Latins represented character, the Greeks 
intellect. So it came to pass that a mere handful 
of miscellaneous adventurers from the West over- 
threw in 1204 the oldest Empire in the world, and 
established the Frankish domination over a large 
part of the Hellenic world. The Greek centre of 
gravity was shifted to Asia Minor and Epeiros ; 
two Greek Empires arose at Nice and Trebizond, 
the former of which merged in 1261 in the restored 
Greek Empire of Constantinople, the latter sur- 
vived as an independent state by eight years the 
Turkish capture of that city ; while in Epeiros a 
scion of the Imperial family of the Angeloi founded 
a Greek principality on " Despotat," which became 
the rallying-point of Hellenic aspirations and the 
refuge of Hellenic refugees in Europe. A network 
of Latin states, radiating from the Latin Empire 
of Romania at Constantinople, was spread over 
Greek lands. The Latin Empire and the Latin 
Kingdom of Salonika soon passed away ; but the 
Duchy of Athens and the Principality of Achaia 
lived far into the fifteenth century ; the Venetian 
Duchy of the Archipelago and the Genoese 
Chartered Company of Chios were not destroyed 
by the Turks till 1566 ; the Lusignan Kings and 
their successor, the Venetian Republic, held the 
Greek island of Cyprus down to 1571 ; Crete 
remained a Venetian Colony till 1669, and three 
strategic points in Cretan waters were held by 
Venetian garrisons for many years longer ; there 



8 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

was a Venetian revival in the Morea, owing to the 
victories of Morosini, between 1685 and 1715 ; 
the island of Tenos was not taken by the Turks 
from Venice till the latter year, and the Seven 
Ionian Islands with their dependencies were 
Venetian as late as 1797. The French then 
succeeded the Venetians, and later on the British 
the French, till in 1864 the Islands were annexed 
to the Greek Kingdom. 

Long as was the Frankish domination over 
Greece, the two races never amalgamated, and 
the so-called gasmouloi, or half-breeds, born from 
mixed Franco-Greek marriages, like the similar 
poulains in the Holy Land, combined the vices, 
rather than the virtues, of both races. The 
Greeks, like the Anglo-Saxons, assimilate other 
races rather than are assimilated by them ; the 
differences of creed formed a further barrier 
between the two peoples ; and a mysterious law 
of population made many Frankish baronies 
descend into the hands of women in an age when 
masculine prowess was the first quality in a ruler. 
Latin rule over the Greeks took several aspects : 
now, as in the Principality of Achaia, that of an 
elaborately organized feudal state ; now, as in 
Crete, that of a colony ; at Rhodes it was exercised 
by a religious Order ; at Chios by a joint-stock 
company. But everywhere, except in a few 
cases, of which the Gattilusj of Lesbos are the most 
noteworthy, the Latin lords remained aliens in 
race and religion, though not, after the first 



GREEKS UNDER FOREIGN RULE 9 

generation, in language, to their subjects, who 
sometimes welcomed the Turks and lived to 
repent their welcome as a relief from the rule of 
Western Christians. No period of Greek history 
is so romantic as this feudal age ; but the charm 
of life in the brilliant mediaeval Courts of Athens 
and Thebes, or in the joysome pleasaunces of 
Cyprus, must not blind us to the fact that Frankish 
domination was an unnatural, and therefore a 
transient, creation. 

The Turks, who captured Constantinople in 
1453, made themselves masters of the Greek 
mainland and the Morea a few years later, except 
for a few Venetian colonies in the latter, which 
became Turkish in 1540. From those dates, with 
the exception of the Venetian revival at the end 
of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth 
centuries, the continental Greeks were united 
beneath a single yoke down to the War of Indepen- 
dence in 1821. The head of their Church lived 
under the control of the Turkish Government at 
Constantinople ; many of their cleverest men 
entered the service of the illiterate conquerors, 
and the posts of Dragoman of the fleet, Grand 
Dragoman of the Porte, and Hospodar of the 
two Danubian principalities of Wallachia and 
Moldavia were often held by able Greeks, who in 
this way were able to serve the interests of their 
poorer compatriots at the same time as their own. 
Like the Franks, the Turks did not amalgamate 
with their Greek subjects. They were a garrison 



10 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

in Europe rather than a permanent population, 
and allowed a considerable measure of self- 
government to the native communities. Most 
towns had their local officials, " elders," archontcs, 
or " primates," as they were called, and an English 
traveller found that the Greeks of Athens, who 
practically administered their own affairs, lived 
" much better here than in any other part of 
Turkey, with the exception of Scio, being a small 
commonwealth among themselves." It was trans- 
ferred in 1760 from the black eunuch to the 
Sultan's privy purse. Maina, after 1770, was 
governed by a local chief, appointed by the Sultan 
for life with the title of bey, the " twenty-four 
hamlets of Volo " flourished under autonomy ; 
Mount Athos was a monastic Republic ; the 
twelve Southern Sporades, the so-called Dodek- 
dnesos, now in Italian occupation, had enjoyed 
special privileges since the conquest of Rhodes. 
Education was not neglected in its ancient seat, 
but it is to Joannina, where Eugenics Boulgaris 
taught, that modern Greece owes the preservation 
of the torch of learning in Turkish times. Koraes 
of Chios founded modern Greek literature ; Rhegas 
of Velestino provided the new Greece with its 
anthem. But for the first two centuries of Turkish 
rule the tribute of Christian children for the 
recruitment of the Janissaries involved an enormous 
loss to the Greek population, which has been 
estimated at about a million. Moreover, most 
of the natural leaders of the Greek people, the men 



GREEKS UNDER FOREIGN RULE 11 

of political, military and intellectual attainments, 
became exiles, so that the local landowners, the 
peasants and the priests remained its sole repre- 
sentatives. But, as under the Romans, so under 
the Turks, the Greeks obtained peace, after the 
disappearance of the Venetian flag from the 
Morea, until Russia began to take the place of 
Venice as a possible redeemer of the subject-races 
of Turkey. Finally, after the failure of the 
Russian expedition of 1770, the Greeks began to 
realize that " those who would be free themselves 
must strike the blow." The Serbs set an example 
to the rest of the Balkan peoples by their successful 
rising in 1804 ; the British protectorate over the 
Ionian Islands gave to one section of the Greek 
race a foreign, but, at the same time, a just and 
benevolent administration, which was no bad 
training for the islanders ; and the Philike Hetairia, 
or " Friendly Society," was founded at Odessa in 
1814 to promote a Greek insurrection against the 
Turks, while Ali Pasha of Joannina appealed in 
his own interests to the Greeks for aid against the 
Sultan. Greek shipowners had, it is true, greatly 
profited by being subjects of a neutral state during 
the early years of the French Revolutionary War ; 
but, despite their comparative prosperity, the 
Greeks were observed to bear " the Turkish yoke 
with greater impatience than other Christians," 
although, on the whole, they suffered least from 
it. 

The " Friendly Society " sent welcome " apostles " 



12 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

to Greece ; many eminent Greeks, like Petrobey 
Mavromichales, the Prince of Maina, in the far 
South of the Morea, joined its ranks ; and its 
leadership, after having been refused by Count 
Capo d'Istria, the distinguished Corfiote, who 
had risen high in the Russian service and was 
destined to become President of Greece, was 
accepted by Prince Alexander Hypselantes, an 
officer in the Russian army and eldest son of a 
Hospodar of Moldavia and Wallachia. He raised 
the standard of revolt in the Danubian Princi- 
palities, with which his family was so closely con- 
nected, and on March 6, 1821, crossed the Pruth, 
at that time the Russo-Turkish frontier. But 
the rule of the Greek Princes was unpopular with 
the Roumanians ; the Latin peasants felt no 
enthusiasm for the Hellenic cause, and a Nationalist 
revolution, with the programme of Greece for the 
Greeks and Roumania for the Roumanians, 
hindered the progress of Hypselantes. His fol- 
lowers fought bravely at Dragashani, and even 
after their leaders' flight, at Skuleni. But this 
prelude to the War of Independence ended in 
failure ; it was on the soil of classic Greece that 
freedom was won. 



CHAPTER II 

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE GREEK 
KINGDOM (1821-33). 

IT was in the Morea, on April 6 (March 25, 
O.S.), that Germanos, the Metropolitan of 
Patras, raised the sacred banner, representing 
the death of the Virgin, in the Church of the 
Monastery of Hagia Lavra near Kalavryta. The 
rising speedily became general and continued till 
1829. The military operations of the war do 
not concern us ; we have only to examine its 
political and social results. The Greeks of that 
period were not, and could not reasonably have 
been expected to be after the long Turkish domina- 
tion, classical heroes and sages, as over-enthusiastic 
Philhellenes, nourished on Plutarch's " Lives," 
insisted that they must be. The result was 
the inevitable disillusionment with corresponding 
damage to the Greek cause, which continued for a 
generation after the establishment of the Greek 
kingdom. The truest friends of a foreign nation 
are never those who idealize it, but those who, 
like Byron, take into consideration its human 
defects as well as its sterling qualities. Tried by 
this standard, the War of Greek Independence was 

13 



14 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

much what might have been anticipated. It 
contained feats of great heroism and deeds of 
considerable atrocity ; at times the Greek leaders 
showed themselves able to rise to a high level of 
patriotism, at others, notably during the " War 
of the Primates," their mutual jealousies plunged 
their country into civil war. 

But at the outset public opinion, especially in 
England, where sentiment plays a larger part in 
politics than among Latin peoples, was on the side 
of the Greeks, and in Canning, who succeeded 
Castlereagh as Foreign Secretary in 1822, and who 
recognized them as belligerents, they found a 
powerful supporter. For the first four years 
they were successful ; from 1825, when Ibrahim 
arrived in the Morea, to the almost complete 
annihilation of the Turkish fleet in the bay of 
Navarino by Admiral Codrington and the Allies 
in 1827, the tide turned ; from that time onward 
till 1829 European intervention secured the 
creation of some sort of a Greek state, of which the 
first diplomatic indication had been the Duke of 
Wellington's successful effort to induce the Tsar, 
Nicholas I, to sign the protocol of April 4, 1826, 
suggesting internal autonomy for the Greeks on 
payment of an annual tribute to Turkey. This 
was followed on July 6, 1827, by the treaty of 
London, by which Great Britain, France, and 
Russia pledged themselves to demand an armistice 
from both parties, with the object of creating such 
a state as Wellington and the Tsar had proposed. 



ESTABLISHMENT OF KINGDOM 15 

In the following year Russia declared war upon 
Turkey, and in 1829 the peace of Adrianople, 
whither the Russians had advanced, thus compelling 
the Sultan to withdraw all his available troops from 
Greece to defend his capital, included his recogni- 
tion of the treaty of London. Thus, as in the 
liberation of Bulgaria fifty years later, the Russian 
sword and English public opinion Byron and 
Gladstone were the main factors in the Turkish 
defeat. 

Meanwhile, it had become obvious that the 
head of the new Greek state must be a foreigner. 
After the failure of the experiment, made by the 
Constitution of Epidavros in 1822, of appointing 
the Phanariote Greek, Alexander Mavrokordatos, 
as President, and of the similar system, elaborated 
by the second National Assembly at Astros in 
1823, it was realized that no Greek would recognize 
another Greek as his sovereign, but that all Greeks 
would be willing to accept the scion of some 
European Royal family as their ruler. Roumania 
(after trial of a native head), Bulgaria and Albania 
much later, all sought their Princes from Germany, 
that nursery of Balkan monarchs ; whereas the 
two Serb states, Montenegro and Serbia, have had 
native dynasties. But Montenegro was a Homeric 
autocracy, while Greece is a democracy, and a 
large part of Serbian history, down to the tragedy 
of 1903, was occupied by the feud of the two great 
native families, that of Obrenovich and that of 
Karageorgevich. There was, indeed, one Greek 



16 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

of commanding experience, Count John Capo 
d'Istria, and the National Assembly of Troizen 
elected him President of Greece for seven years. 
But Capo d'Istria's temperament and Russian 
training both unfitted him to rule over a country 
such as the Greece of 1828, and the latter made 
him unpopular with Great Britain and France. 
The London protocol of March 22, 1829, involved 
his political extinction ; for it provided that the 
Greek territory south of the Gulfs of Arta and 
Volo should be an hereditary monarchy under a 
Christian prince, to be chosen by, but not from, 
the dynasties of the three protecting Powers, 
Great Britain, France, and Russia, under the 
suzerainty of the Porte. The inclusion of this 
protocol also in the treaty of Adrianople ensured 
its recognition by the Sultan. Another protocol, 
of February 3, 1830, was a further advance on the 
road to Greek freedom. The results of the late 
Russo-Turkish War had convinced Wellington 
that the end of Turkey was nigh a foreboding 
shared by many European statesmen since his 
time, but even now not completely accomplished, 
even in Europe, although the Turks now hold in 
that to them alien continent little more than 
Constantinople and its immediate surroundings. 
The corollary of Wellington's conviction was that 
it would be useless to place Greece under so weak 
a suzerain ; but, since he believed that she would 
become a satellite of Russia (as Beaconsfield 
equally erroneously believed of Bulgaria in 1878), 



ESTABLISHMENT OF KINGDOM 17 

his policy was to make her an independent, but 
not too large, state. Nearly a century of Balkan 
history has proved the folly of this argument. 
The real barrier against external intervention 
in the Near East consists of a chain of strong 
Balkan states, which, however much they may 
quarrel among themselves and in that respect 
they resemble their rather Pharisaical and 
" superior " Western critics, the Great Powers 
are united in disliking foreign intervention, be it 
Turkish, Austrian, or Russian, as in the past, or 
Italian, as in the present or future, in their affairs. 
Greeks, Jugoslavs, Bulgarians and Albanians, 
mutually detesting each other, are united in 
desiring " the Balkan Peninsula for the Balkan 
peoples," just as the Iberian Peninsula belongs 
exclusively to the Spanish and Portuguese, and 
the Italian to the Italians, instead of being treated, 
like Greece in the Frankish period, or Africa to- 
day, as colonial territory for European exploitation. 
But the men of 1830 had not the experience of 
1921. Consequently the frontiers of the com- 
pletely independent Greek state, which the protocol 
of February 3 sought to create and the government 
of which it entrusted to a hereditary " Sovereign 
Prince of Greece," chosen outside the reigning 
families of Great Britain, France and Russia, were 
cut down to the mouth of the Spercheios on the 
East and to that of the Acheloos on the West, 
and, while including Euboea and the Cyclades, 
excluded all the other islands and most important 



18 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

of all of them, Crete. This last omission cost that 
island several insurrections, Greece the expenditure 
of large sums upon the relief of Cretan refugees 
(which seriously crippled her finances), and Europe 
an almost constant annoyance and danger to the 
peace of the East in the shape of a " question," 
settled, at last, in 1912-13, after various diplomatic 
makeshifts, by the only natural solution union 
with the Greek kingdom. 

Yet, even in 1830, there was one far-seeing 
statesman, who warned Lord Aberdeen, " that he 
could imagine no effectual mode of pacifying 
Greece without including Candia in the new state." 
This was Prince Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, who had 
been chosen as sovereign of Greece, and who had 
at first accepted. By his withdrawal of his accept- 
ance Greece lost, and Belgium gained, a wise ruler, 
who might have made Athens an Eastern Brussels 
and would, in any case, have been a better ruler 
than Otho. Fairness to the Greeks demands 
that this initial mistake of the Powers should be 
held responsible for many of the troubles of the 
modern kingdom. If Greece was unable to devote 
exclusive attention as her critics, and especially 
her English critics, suggested to her internal 
affairs, that was largely owing to her unsatisfactory 
frontiers and, above all, to the exclusion of " the 
great Greek island," whence, in the end, came her 
greatest statesman. If she was poor and un- 
productive, that was not her fault, but that of the 
Powers, who deliberately shut out from her narrow 



ESTABLISHMENT OF KINGDOM 19 

boundaries the richest Greek lands, leaving to 
her the " thin soil " of Attica, but to the Turks 
the rich mastic-island of Chios and Thessaly, 
(since its annexation in 1881) the granary of 
Greece. 

Thanks, indeed, to Palmerston and Sir Stratford 
Canning (who had been on the spot) the frontiers 
of 1830 were enlarged by the final arrangement of 
1832 as far as the Gulfs of Arta and Volo, including 
the disputed district of Lamia. Greece thus was 
no longer deprived of the brave Akarnanians and 
of many of those ^Etolians who had borne so 
distinguished a part in the war ; she no longer had 
to leave to the Turks the strategic pass of Makry- 
noros. But both the keys of " Ambrakia's Gulf, 
where once was lost the world for woman," the 
town of Preveza and the fort of Punta, the site 
of the classic Actium, remained in Turkish keeping, 
the latter till 1881, the former till 1912. The 
Seven Ionian Islands were under a British pro- 
tectorate ; Crete had been united in 1830 to the 
Egyptian pashalik of Mehemet Ali, as a reward 
for his services to his suzerain, and Egyptian it 
remained till 1840, when, against the wishes of 
the Christian Cretans, who formed the majority 
of the population, it was restored to direct depen- 
dence upon the Turkish Empire, of which, at the 
time of the War of Independence, it had been, 
according to the British traveller, Pashley, " the 
worst-governed province." Another Greek island, 
Samos, which had taken part in the national 



20 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

struggle and, when liberated, had been organized 
by the future Greek Prime Minister, Kolettes, was 
blockaded, and forcibly erected in 1832 into an 
autonomous Christian principality a form of 
government which existed for eighty years. 
Thus the Greece of 1832, which remained un- 
enlarged till the Union of the Ionian Islands in 
1864, was a torso, thanks to one of those partial 
solutions dear to diplomacy but contrary to 
nature and history. Still, the Greeks had obtained 
what they had lacked for nearly four centuries, 
what the Albanians lacked till 1914, what the 
Armenians still lack to-day a national home, 
small, indeed, but their own. Their small kingdom 
became the cynosure of the rich Greek colonies 
of Western Europe and Egypt, the nucleus of the 
greater Greece that was to be, and which, by the 
genius of a great man, was realized four score years 
later. For this little Greece some men lived 
solitary and laborious lives in order that they 
might bequeath to her their fortunes ; and in 
the narrow limits of the classic land the Greeks 
of the dispersion found a country which inspired 
their patriotism. Having gained Greece, they sent 
money to adorn it. 

Meanwhile, the internal condition of the Greeks 
had become chaotic. Capo d'Istria had become 
more and more unpopular ; the French Revolution 
of 1830 had increased the democratic feeling 
against his methods and his family ; and his 
culminating error was to employ the Russian 



ESTABLISHMENT OF KINGDOM 21 

fleet against the " Constitutional Committee " of 
the famous " Nautical island " of Hydra, which had 
seized the Arsenal at Poros. The sack of Poros by 
the presidential troops recalled the Turkish exploits 
of the late war, and an affront to the pride of the 
famous Mainate clan of the Mavromichalai, of 
which Petrobey was the head, led to his assassina- 
tion at Nauplia on October 9, 1831, by Constantino 
and George, two members of that, family, which, 
in our own time, has given a Prime Minister to 
Greece. Anarchy followed this savage act of 
vengeance, typical of the land of Maina, almost 
independent in Turkish days, where, as in modern 
Albania, the vendetta was still the popular usage. 
Civil war followed between the late President's 
brother, Agostino, the chairman of a triumvirate, 
and his colleague, Kolettes, who had been a 
physician at the Court of Ali Pasha of Joannina 
and represented " Rumelia," as continental Greece 
was then called. Finally, the three Powers offered 
the Crown of Greece to Prince Otho, the second 
son of King Louis of Bavaria. The father was 
favourably known in Greece as a Philhellene, the 
son, then a lad of seventeen, had been put forward 
as a candidate by a travelling professor, Thiersch, 
who had acted as his electoral agent among the 
Greek notables. 

The choice was not fortunate, for what was 
wanted was a man of experience ; but it was 
argued that Otho, being young, would the more 
easily assimilate the ideas of his new environment, 



22 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

while the experience of affairs, until he came of 
age, would be provided by a Regency of three 
Bavarians, Count von Armansperg, Dr. Maurer, 
and General von Heideck, of whom the last alone 
had had any practical acquaintance with the 
people placed under his charge. A treaty between 
Bavaria and the three Powers regulated the 
terms of Otho's acceptance of the crown. He 
was to be King, not " of the Greeks," like King 
George, for that would have aroused the sus- 
picions of Turkey but " of Greece," which was 
declared an independent, hereditary monarchy 
under the guarantee of the three not very fairy- 
godmothers. If he died childless his younger 
brother was to succeed him, but in no case was 
the same person to be king of both Greece and 
Bavaria. A corps of Bavarians was to organize 
a native army ; the Powers guaranteed a loan to 
the new kingdom. Such were the auspices under 
which the young King landed at his capital of 
Nauplia from a British frigate on February 6, 
1833. He was young and full of hope ; his advent 
was welcomed as a relief from the anarchy of the 
previous sixteen months ; and it was felt that 
any monarch was better than civil war. 



CHAPTER III 
BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY (1833-43) 

t \HE country which Otho had come to 
rule was in no enviable plight. Any land 
JL which has had the misfortune to be governed 
by the Turks is always devoid of the elements of 
material progress ; roads require making, harbours 
dredging, and marshes draining ; the only means 
of communication are mule-tracks ; broken-down 
wooden jetties take the place of piers ; and malaria 
scourges regions which in the golden age of anti- 
quity nourished flourishing cities. Such as is 
Albania to-day (save for the improvements made 
by the Austrians and the Italians during the late 
war), such was Greece in 1833, with the great 
additional disadvantage of having been the theatre 
of a bitter racial and religious struggle, followed 
by internecine conflicts, for nearly twelve years. 
Centuries of subordination to foreign masters had 
developed that spirit of intrigue which was innate 
in the Byzantine character, while the love of 
politics is as inbred in the Greek as is the love of 
education. It is always harder to govern a highly 
critical and political people than the more stolid 
Northern nations, and the heavy Bavarian intellect 

23 



24 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

was unadapted to deal with the versatile Greek 
mentality. The Regency soon set the gossips of 
the small world of Nauplia talking ; the discord 
between Armansperg and Maurer was enhanced 
by the airs which the former's wife gave herself, 
and the foreign representatives began to interfere 
in internal Greek politics, just as, in the time of the 
Obrenoviches, there were Austrian and Russian 
parties at Belgrade, and in 1914, at the similar 
petty court of Durazzo, the Italian and Austrian 
Ministers intrigued with rival Albanian parties. 
Consequently, the Regency was not a success ; 
it would, indeed, have been a miracle if it had 
succeeded. 

After disbanding the irregulars always a diffi- 
cult problem in the Balkans after the end of a war 
the Regency proceeded to the formation of a Greek 
Ministry under Spyridon Trikoupes, the historian 
of the Revolution and father of the still more 
celebrated statesman of the latter part of last 
century. The Bavarians committed the mistake 
in their internal policy of substituting a highly 
centralized bureaucracy for those ancient muni- 
cipal liberties which even the Turks had respected. 
The kingdom was divided by a paper symmetry 
into ten nomarchies, subdivided into forty-two 
eparchies, and these last again into demes, of which 
the chief, or demarch, was nominated by the 
Crown and could be suspended by the Minister 
of the Interior. A complicated code and a 
theoretical system of education were imposed 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 25 

upon a country as yet unfit for either, and the 
press was manacled by the necessity of depositing 
large sums as caution money for its good behaviour. 
Now to the Greeks, ever eager " to tell or to hear 
some new thing," the newspaper is a necessity 
of existence ; so, when the Regency by its severe 
press restrictions made it impossible for the 
Opposition journals to live, the critical spirit of 
the people was deprived of its natural vent and 
forced into subterraneous channels. 

Upon another palladium of the Greek people 
the daring foreigners laid their profane hands. 
It was necessary to cope with the problem of the 
Orthodox Church now that there was a free Greek 
kingdom, for obviously it would be unwise to allow 
the head of that Church, the (Ecumenical Patriarch, 
who was practically the prisoner of the Sultan in 
the Phanar at Constantinople, to exercise supreme 
authority over the ecclesiastical affairs of the 
independent Greek state, especially as in the 
Near East the barrier between the spiritual and 
the temporal authorities is slender ; for, if few 
Eastern politicians are religious men, nearly all 
Eastern churchmen are politicians. It was natural, 
then, that, in 1833, a decree, signed by thirty-four 
bishops, should proclaim the Orthodox Church 
within the Greek kingdom to be independent, 
and governed by a synod of five prelates, to be 
named by the King. This declaration of ecclesias- 
tical independence would in itself have called 
down the thunders of the Patriarch, for the 



26 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Patriarchs have yielded nothing in ambition, but 
only in the means of gratifying it, to their Western 
rivals, the Popes. But the reformers did not stop 
there. They provided for the reduction of the 
superabundant hierarchy to ten, arguing that 
one bishop apiece was adequate provision for the 
ten nomarchies. Struck with the large number 
of monasteries, whose inhabitants were mostly 
picturesque, but idle, peasants, rather than 
meditative theologians or leisurely scholars, en- 
gaged in research, they suppressed and nation- 
alized (like the Italian Government in 1873) all 
religious houses inhabited by less than six monks. 
Vested interests naturally rallied to the side of 
the Patriarch ; and the monks saw in this measure 
the work of foreigners and schismatics, who 
governed in the name of a Roman Catholic King 
and were engaged in a conspiracy against monas- 
ticism. The Bavarians in this were only following 
the policy of that great Byzantine Emperor, 
Nikephoros Phokas a policy which made him 
unpopular and would make foreigners doubly so. 
Not till 1850 did the Patriarch recognize in a 
" Synodal Tome " the independence of the Ortho- 
dox Church in Greece ; not till 1852 was complete 
peace restored. Since then two events have 
further diminished his authority : the erection of 
the Bulgarian Exarchate in 1870, which raised up 
a formidable rival against him in Macedonia ; and 
the Greek victories of 1912-13, which led to the 
annexation of many Turkish districts, containing 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 27 

Orthodox sees, 1 to the Greek kingdom. Thus, 
Sofia on the one hand and Athens on the other 
alike gained at the expense of the Patriarch, who 
is likely in the future, except for his historic name 
and long traditions, to be less important than the 
Metropolitan of Athens. So, in the last days of 
the Greek Empire, the little strip of territory 
round Constantinople, to which it had shrunk, 
was really less important than the Byzantine 
" Despotat " of Mistra in the South of the Morea, 
which was theoretically only an appanage of it. 

A revolt of the mediaeval land of Maina, where 
every man's tower was his castle and the Bavarian 
policy of pulling down the towers was regarded 
as an infringement of that individual liberty, 
which the Turks had not crushed, completed the 
difficulties of the well-meaning Germans, who had 
undertaken to put Greece in order. Maurer was 
recalled, and while he issued his Apologia pro vita 
sud in the shape of his big book on " the Greek 
people," his more fortunate rival, Armansperg, 
governed it without further restraint from any one. 

In 1834 Athens became the capital of Greece, 
and Nauplia, with its beautiful gulf and picturesque 
Venetian walls, descended to the rank of a pro- 
vincial town. There had been three competitors 
for the honour and profit of being the Greek Royal 
residence Nauplia, which was indicated by 
considerations of economy and vested interests ; 
Corinth, which could point to its central situation, 
1 Not yet, however, definitely regulated. Infra, p. 145. 



28 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

its twin seas to be connected in 1893 by the 
present canal and the ample expanse of building- 
land afforded by the Isthmus ; and Athens, which 
was, for historic reasons, the only possible capital 
of modern Greece, as was Rome of modern Italy, 
until such time so the dreamers of " the Great 
Idea " thought as it should please Providence 
to drive the Turk from Constantinople and replace 
there those who, in those early days long before 
the birth of Bulgaria and the treaty of San Stefano, 
seemed to themselves and to many others his 
only heirs. But the fine modern city which we 
know to-day, with its marble houses and its suburbs 
gradually creeping down to form with its busy 
port a single town, is very different from the 
combination of noble classic monuments and 
sordid ruins the results of the war which greeted 
Otho on December 13, 1834. Prior to the war, 
after the twenty years' exceptional tyranny of 
Hadji Ali, its governor in the last quarter of the 
eighteenth century, Athens had been described 
as " happy and beautiful," occupied with local 
politics and education. But it had not yet 
recovered. The Piraeus, now one of the busiest 
harbours of the Levant, then consisted of three 
wooden shanties, and at Athens the King had to 
live at first in a one-storied house, similar to those 
which in our time served as the residences of 
eminent personages at the Montenegrin capital. 
A lady-in-waiting of Queen Amalia the daughter 
of the Grand-duke of Oldenburg, whom Otho 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 29 

brought back as his bride from his European tour 
two years later has left a graphic description of 
the conditions of social life at Athens in the early 
years of its transformation into a Royal residence. 
Material progress was rapid, perhaps too rapid ; 
for, if the Bavarians drained the poisonous marshes 
and laid out the road to the Piraeus, which became 
the favourite promenade of the Court, they 
sacrificed not a few mediaeval churches in their 
zeal for building a modern city. We may, at 
least, be thankful to the King of Bavaria, that the 
terrible suggestion of imitating the Florentine 
Dukes of Athens in the fifteenth century and 
erecting his son's palace on the Akropolis, was 
abandoned. A spot was chosen out of range of 
a bombardment from the sea as the King of 
Bavaria expressed it a calculation falsified in 
December, 1916. But ignorance of an Eastern 
climate caused the construction of wide and 
shadeless thoroughfares, instead of the narrow 
and shady lanes of Turkish Athens, regardless of 
that scourge of this waterless city, the dust, which 
modern macadam has done something to diminish. 
Among the prominent creations of those early 
years was the foundation of the University, at 
first lodged in a modest house at the foot of the 
Akropolis, and later transferred to the present 
fine building, in which, in 1912 that Annus 
mirabilis of modern Greece was celebrated, 
amidst a concourse of scholars from all over the 
world, its seventy-fifth anniversary. It was pro- 



30 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

phesied by that shrewd old chieftain, Koloko- 
trones, as he pointed first to the University, then 
to the Palace, that the day would come when 
" this house will eat up that one " a prophecy 
fulfilled at the revolution of 1862. For, if the 
Athens University has produced some remarkable 
scholars, it has also produced many politicians, 
who have increased that intellectual proletariat 
which does not tend towards the stability of 
Governments in democratic Southern countries. 
There have been two occasions in our own time 
when the University students have overthrown 
Cabinets by their hostile demonstrations ; but it 
must be set down as a compensation for this draw- 
back that the University has provided " the Great 
Idea " with some of its most fervent apostles. 
The Macedonian, Thracian, Cretan and Asiatic 
Greeks who studied at Athens returned to their 
homes not only with their diplomas as lawyers, 
doctors or teachers, but with the patriotic resolve 
to work for the union of " the outer Greeks " with 
the Greek kingdom. If the University shook 
the throne of Otho, it has also dismembered the 
Turkish Empire. As a powerful dissolvent of 
Turkish rule, it has a place in Greek history, besides 
that to which its scientific achievements entitle it. 
Even after Otho attained his majority in 1835, 
Armansperg, now " Arch-Chancellor," retained 
influence till his policy, become more and more 
autocratic, provoked such continual complaints 
that, in 1837, the King appointed another Bavarian, 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 31 

Herr von Rudhart, to take his place, but with the 
more modest title of Prime Minister and Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. Armansperg had enjoyed the 
support of Great Britain ; his successor's brief 
term of power was embittered by the opposition 
of the British Minister. Nothing can be worse 
for the political development of a young country 
than the dependence of its Cabinets upon foreign 
Legations. But Athens, in the days of Otho, 
was the diplomatic cockpit of the three Powers, 
and " English," "French," and "Russian" parties 
flourished under the respective leadership of 
Mavrokordatos, Kolettes and Kolokotrones. 

An attempt was now made to Hellenise the 
Cabinet, only one place in which was given to a 
Bavarian ; but the King counteracted the popu- 
larity which he would otherwise have obtained 
from this concession to public opinion, by acting 
as his own Prime Minister and presiding over the 
Cabinet Councils, while what was practically a 
privy council of Bavarians stood between him and 
his Ministers. For the criticism, which, under the 
usual constitutional practice, would have been 
diverted to the Premier, was inevitably focussed 
on the person of the King, who was regarded, like 
King Constantine eighty years later, as the party 
chief of a cabal. Other causes contributed to 
bring about the agitation which culminated in 
the revolution of 1843. The application of con- 
scription in the army to the mariners of the 
" Nautical island " of Hydra, already hard hit by 



32 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

the losses of the war and a recent earthquake ; 
an unpopular commercial treaty with Turkey, 
with which, in 1839, Greece for the first time 
entered into official diplomatic relations ; the 
inability of the Greek Government to profit, as 
the Nationalists desired, by the embarrassments 
of the Sultan during his second conflict with his 
rebellious Egyptian Viceroy, Mehemet Ali ; the 
failure of the Cretan insurrection of 1841 ; the 
Russian demand for payment of interest on the 
loan ; and the necessity for economies in official 
salaries all these causes united to provoke the 
movement of September fV, 1843, which is one 
of the red-letter days of modern Greece. British 
statesmen, always convinced that the magic 
word " constitution " will heal all the ills of all 
countries on whatever plane of civilization, be it 
Greece in 1843 or Turkey in 1908, in vain advised 
Otho to grant constitutional government. He 
listened to the advice of his father, who held that 
a constitution would cost him his throne, in 
accordance with the doctrines then current in 
Germany. On this occasion the British theory 
was right, the Bavarian wrong. 

The revolution was largely the work of the 
" English " and " Russian " parties, then led 
respectively by Andrew Lontos and Andrew 
Metaxas. Their collaboration was due to the 
common desire to expel the Bavarians, but for 
different reasons ; for the British objected to 
Otho because he was an autocrat and the Russians 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 33 

because he was a Roman Catholic. London 
wanted a king to be Constitutional, St. Petersburg 
wanted him to be Orthodox. Both leaders wrongly 
calculated upon his obstinacy, believing that he 
would abdicate rather than yield to the demand 
for a constitution. As usual, the revolutionary 
movement mainly interested the politicians, who, 
finding the people, especially the peasants, mostly 
indifferent, invited the army to help them. They 
discovered suitable instruments in Col. Demetrios 
Kallerges, a member of the well-known Cretan 
family, who had nearly lost his life in the War of 
Independence, and in Col. Makrygiannes, who had 
also distinguished himself during that struggle. 
At one in the morning of September i 3 5, the King 
was alarmed at his desk, where he was still 
laboriously studying the details of public business, 
which should have been left to a clerk, by cries of 
" Long live the Constitution ! " Showing himself 
at a window, he asked Kallerges what he wanted ; 
and, when he heard that what was wanted was a 
constitution, ordered the troops to disperse. The 
troops obeyed the orders not of the King but of 
Kallerges ; the artillery, which Otho had called 
to his aid, joined them. The politicians then 
appeared upon the scene ; a deputation of the 
Council of State waited on the King and begged 
him to grant a constitution. At this critical 
moment the diplomatic corps arrived, and requested 
an audience. But Kallerges, prompted by the 
British representative, Sir E. Lyons, who thought 
3 



34 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

that the moral support of his colleagues might 
make the King obstinate and was, therefore, 
anxious to have the Royal promise to grant a 
constitution extracted before they entered, declined 
firmly but politely to admit them until the deputa- 
tion was over. The King, thus left alone, gave 
way, summoned a National Assembly of 225 
members for the purpose of drawing up a constitu- 
tion, dismissed all foreigners from his service, 
except the veterans of the War of Independence, 
and appointed a new Ministry. Shouts of " Long 
live the Constitutional King, Otho I," greeted the 
sovereign, and the revolution of September 3, as 
it is called in Greek history, was over with the loss 
of only one life. 

This peaceful transformation of the Government 
from an autocracy to a democracy, from a foreign 
to a native administration, contrasted markedly 
with the sanguinary revolutions of 1830 and 1848 
in France a country far more civilized than 
contemporary Greece. No party defended the 
old system, which had lasted for ten years and 
had been found wanting ; consequently there was 
no conflict between Greek and Greek. The date 
is still cherished as the birthday of parliamentary 
institutions the only form of Government adapted 
to the Greeks, despite its obvious defects. The 
Bavarians had not governed well ; but, even if 
they had, the Greeks would naturally have pre- 
ferred to be less well governed by themselves. 
Still, like most benevolent autocracies, Bavarian 



BAVARIAN AUTOCRACY 35 

absolutism had done something for the material 
welfare of the governed, although the progress of 
the country during this first decade was largely 
due to the people rather than to its rulers. There 
was more land under cultivation, more silk ex- 
ported, more currants planted ; a National Bank 
had been established, the marble quarries re-opened, 
the mercantile marine had recovered from its 
losses in the war. Athens had a population of 
35,000, or more than thrice its population in 1765 ; 
three other towns, the Piraeus, Patras and Syra 
were acquiring importance. Intellectually, the 
Archaeological Society and the University marked 
an advance ; the language was being purged of 
foreign words ; and the King and Queen had set 
the example of " discovering " the beauties of 
Greece by their constant journeys, often at con- 
siderable personal discomfort, up and down that 
difficult country, as it was in the days before 
railways or even carriage roads. Otho and his 
Queen, whatever their political faults, dearly 
loved their adopted land, as is now generally 
realized, and had they had children, their descend- 
ants might still be sitting on the throne. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE PERIOD BETWEEN THE TWO 
REVOLUTIONS (1843-62) 



" f* ^HE National Assembly of September 3," 
which met to draw up the Constitution, 
-* was composed not only of delegates 
who were Otho's subjects, but also those of " outer 
Greeks " from Crete, Thessaly, Epeiros and Mace- 
donia, who formed so important a factor in the 
history of Hellenism in the nineteenth century. 
There was, however, an " autochthonous " party 
in the Assembly, which succeeded in excluding 
from official posts those Greeks, Turkish subjects 
and, therefore, " heterochthonous," who had 
taken no active share in the war. This distinction, 
while beneficial to those intellectuals who had had 
the good fortune to be born in Greece proper, 
restricted the area of choice, for some of the most 
advanced Greeks were to be found in the " outer " 
Hellenic world. But in those early days there 
was considerable jealousy between the more 
cultured Phanariotes and the native notables ; 
the black coat and the fustanella still represented 
divergent planes of social evolution ; nor has the 
antagonism of Athens and Byzantium, as we have 

36 



BETWEEN TWO REVOLUTIONS 87 

seen in the case of M. Venizelos, unpopular at 
Athens, adored at Constantinople, wholly ceased 
even now. 

On another point, that of the independence of 
the Orthodox Church of Greece from the Great 
Church in Constantinople, except in matters of 
dogma, the Assembly was decided that the former 
should continue to be " autocephalous." It was 
also resolved that the heir to the throne must 
belong to the Greek Church, and that the parlia- 
mentary system should be bi-cameral. The usual 
argument was advanced, that a second Chamber 
would serve as a conservative check upon the 
first. But political experience has shown that a 
check, to be effective, must, except in small 
questions, be exercised by a minority in the lower 
House ; and, so far from being a check, the Greek 
Senate (or reqovoia) furnished the platform for 
the first attacks upon Otho and gave to the 
Opposition the means of criticizing the Govern- 
ment. In 1864 the Greek Senate was abolished ; 
meanwhile it was formed of at least twenty-seven 
persons, who (like the Italian senators) had 
reached the age of forty and (also like the Italians) 
were nominated for life by the Crown from certain 
categories. The numbers of the Senate might be 
increased to one-half of those of the Chamber (or 
Bovlri), which were never to be less than eighty, 
all over the age of thirty (like the Italian deputies), 
and elected for three years by manhood suffrage. 
Members of both Houses were paid a practice 



38 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

only recently introduced into Italy and not yet 
into the Italian Senate. On March 30, 1844, 
Otho took the oath to the Constitution, after a 
discussion of four months, conducted, as a British 
statesman remarked, with " self-command highly 
creditable to the Greek nation." 

The enfranchised Greeks had now obtained 
command of their own destinies ; it lay with the 
native statesmen to determine how the country 
which had been reborn with such great expecta- 
tions should comport herself. There were two 
policies before the country in 1844, for either of 
which there was something to be said. There 
was the homely policy of the " English " party 
under Mavrokordatos, that Greece should first 
put her own house in order before pursuing the 
" Great Idea " of uniting the still scattered frag- 
ments of Hellenism Crete, Epeiros, Macedonia 
and the rest with the small Greek kingdom. 
This latter, according to the programme of the 
" English " party, should by competent internal 
administration, prudent finance and the main- 
tenance of law and order, make Greece a model 
of good government throughout the Near East. 
When these practical, if humdrum, objects had been 
achieved, then, argued the advocates of this policy, 
Europe would recognize, when the break-up of 
Turkey came, that little, but well-governed, Greece 
deserved to be the " sick man's " only heir. 

Kolettes, the Epeirote who led the " French " 
party, supported the to the Greeks more 



BETWEEN TWO REVOLUTIONS 39 

congenial plan of making the territorial expansion 
of Greece the first object. This policy not only 
appealed to the Imperialistic sentiment, which 
animates all Balkan nationalities, and is fostered 
by their long and mutually conflicting historical 
traditions and their strong feeling of exclusive 
nationality, but could also be justified by the 
specious argument that the best forces of the 
nation were still outside the Greek kingdom, and 
that they would not be available for its internal 
regeneration until its frontiers had been enlarged 
so as to include them. Both parties would have 
agreed in considering Greece as the only Balkan 
candidate for the succession to the Turkish 
heritage, and not without reason at that date. 
For, in 1844, no one dreamt of a revived Bulgarian 
state or even of a Bulgarian Exarchate ; no one 
had yet " discovered " the " Macedonian Rouman- 
ians," who then all passed as Greeks the common 
designation of all the Orthodox ; no one imagined 
that the little Serbia of Alexander Karageorgevich 
would become the great Jugo-Slavia of his present 
namesake. At that time " the Hellenic factor in 
the Eastern question " was, if small, still the only 
one within the Balkan Peninsula. Russia or 
Greece seemed in 1844 to be the only alternative* 
and there were Greeks who, despite the lesson of 
1770, believed that because Russia was Orthodox, 
she would also be Philhellene. As might have 
been expected, the programme of Kolettes pre- 
vailed, and that politician for he can scarcely 



40 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

be called a statesman retained power till his 
death in 1847. 

The policy of expansion continued, with occa- 
sional intervals, to characterize Greek public life 
down to the time of Charilaos Trikoupes ; it was 
the line taken by his rival, Deligiannes, and 
triumphed in the skilful hands of M. Venizelos. 
But, looking back over this period of four score 
years, we may ask whether Greece would not have 
profited more in the long run by a stricter attention 
to internal affairs in the reign of Otho. Western 
statesmen are apt to judge the states of South- 
Eastern Europe by their domestic stability ; 
what is reckoned patriotism in the Occidentals is 
considered Jingoism in the Oriental ; and, in the 
still imperfect development of self-determination 
in this world's affairs the opinion of the great 
Powers has much influence on the fate of the small. 
But the initial mistake was with the Great Powers 
themselves, who, in 1832, made the frontiers of 
Greece too small for a growing body. 

Kolettes, who for the next three years dominated 
Greek politics, is one of the most interesting figures 
of modern Greece. In some respects he resembled 
Sig. Giolitti ; for he never indulged in rhetorical 
speeches, but managed the Chamber by personal 
contact with the deputies and small expedients. 
A man without large views, such as could hardly 
have been expected from the ex-physician of Ali 
Pasha's son, he possessed extraordinary skill in 
the useful art of keeping a party together. His 



BETWEEN TWO REVOLUTIONS 41 

supporters, mostly drawn from the less European- 
ized elements in the population, the so-called 
" National party " in itself a handy catchword 
could always drop in upon their affable chief, 
whom they found clad in the fustanella and 
smoking his long pipe, like one of themselves. 
No applicant for office left his presence without 
a promise not always fulfilled of prompt atten- 
tion to his request ; and the indignant visitor, 
who entered the Minister's room with fury, was 
calmed by his " sweet words " till he left it soothed 
by the persuasive tongue of the charmer. To the 
French Kolettes, who had been Greek Minister 
in Paris, was the one and only Greek statesman ; 
like the Allies in our own time in the case of M. 
Venizelos, they " put all their money " upon him 
alone ; and, when he died, they consequently 
found themselves isolated indeed, political im- 
mortality, apart from the natural insecurity of 
life, is the lot of no Eastern statesman ; and a 
policy, based on one man, however eminent, is 
liable to be defeated by the fickleness of his own 
compatriots. Moreover, French support of the 
Premier procured for him British pinpricks, which 
took the form of demanding payment of interest 
on the loan and complaints about brigandage. 
His policy of expansion inevitably provoked 
incidents with Turkey, which culminated in a 
diplomatic question at Athens between the King 
and the Turkish Minister, Mousouros, the trans- 
lator of Dante, which led to the expulsion of Greek 



42 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

consuls from Turkey. The people, however, 
continued to prosper despite the frequent minis- 
terial crises, which followed the death of Kolettes, 
and the sporadic risings in various parts of the 
country. 

In 1850 there occurred the first serious incident 
between Great Britain and Greece an incident 
enormously exaggerated, and unduly honoured 
by being made the occasion for Palmerston's 
historic phrase, Civis Romamis sum. The 
" Roman," or rather British, " citizen " on whose 
behalf the resources of the British Empire were 
invoked by the paternal Minister against a tiny 
state, was a Jew from Gibraltar, a certain Don 
Pacifico, whose house at Athens (where he had 
been Portuguese Consul-General) had been pillaged 
during an anti-Semitic disturbance three years 
earlier, owing to the prohibition of the burning 
of Judas Iscariot in effigy at Easter. For the 
Greeks and the Jews do not usually love each 
other, although before the annexation of Salonika 
there were few Jews in Greece. Don Pacifico, 
relying on his British citizenship, sent in a bill of 
over 30,000 for material and moral damages. 
The opportunity was taken of combining with his 
case five other claims of various British and Ionian 
subjects, besides the contention, advanced eleven 
years earlier, that the islands of Cervi and Sapienza 
off the South Coast of the Morea were part of the 
Ionian Islands. 

Of the personal claims one possesses special 



BETWEEN TWO REVOLUTIONS 43 

interest from the name and fame of the claimant, 
George Finlay, the eminent historian of Mediaeval 
and Modern Greece, who had taken part in the War 
of Independence, had subsequently settled in 
Athens, where he lived till his death, writing his 
great history and for some years acting as corre- 
spondent of The Times. He had bought land 
there, a portion of which had been enclosed in the 
royal garden, and for this he demanded 45,000 dr. 
as compensation. Accordingly, Mr. (afterwards 
Sir Thomas) Wyse, the British Minister, presented 
an ultimatum, followed by a blockade of the 
Piraeus by Sir William Parker the first of the 
three British blockades in modern Greek history. 
Public opinion abroad was generally opposed to 
Palmerston's headstrong action, and even Finlay, 
usually severe in his judgments upon the people, 
whom he had come to emancipate, and whom he 
remained to criticize, confessed that " the British 
Government acted with violence, and strained the 
authority of international law." The House of 
Lords condemned, and the House of Commons 
confirmed, the Minister's Greek policy by small 
majorities ; France and Russia, in their quality 
of protecting Powers, remonstrated with him ; 
and although the Greek Government yielded, his 
roughness had injured British relations with those 
two great states. A mixed commission reduced 
Don Pacifico's claims for the loss of certain vouchers 
for sums, said to be due to him, from over 26,600 
to 150, and nothing more was heard of Cervi and 



44 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Sapienza. The person who benefited most by 
the blockade was Otho, whose popularity with 
his subjects was thereby enhanced at British 
expense, as a German propagandist reminded the 
Greeks in the late war. 

British and Greek policy again clashed four years 
later, at the time of the Crimean War. It was 
natural that Orthodox Greece should sympathize 
with Orthodox Russia in the question of the Holy 
Places, out of which that futile struggle, as the 
late Lord Salisbury considered it, arose. It was 
equally natural that the devotees of " the Great 
Idea " should think the moment come, when 
Turkey was in difficulties, to profit by them for 
the emancipation of Epeiros and Thessaly. But 
a spirited foreign policy requires not only enthu- 
siasm but material force behind it, and the Greece 
of 1854 was not the Greece of 1912. King Otho 
and his patriotic Queen, who had found in the 
politics of her adopted country an outlet for her 
childless energies, were the real leaders of the war 
party, and, as usual in the Balkans, bands crossed 
the frontier with the tacit acquiescence of the 
regular authorities. The enthusiasm spread to 
the Ionian Islands, where, as during the War of 
Independence, the British Protectorate could with 
difficulty make its Greek subjects observe neutrality 
when the opposite continent was ablaze. But the 
insurrection in Epeiros and Thessaly failed, and 
the liberators did not always spare those whom 
they had come to liberate. Thessaly had to wait 



BETWEEN TWO REVOLUTIONS 45 

twenty-seven years more, Epeiros fifty-eight, for 
union with Greece. 

The situation was made worse by a Turkish 
ultimatum, and Greece was on the verge of a war, 
which would probably have been disastrous in 
her then state, had not British and French troops 
occupied the Piraeus. Napoleon III wanted to 
go farther, on the advice of Kallerges, and dethrone 
Otho, whose only crime was his undiplomatic 
patriotism. Instead, Kallerges became the chief 
member of an " Occupation Cabinet," of which 
the old statesman of the War of Independence, 
Alexander Mavrokordatos, was Premier. Relations 
with Turkey were resumed ; the commercial 
treaty of Kanlijeh was signed ; and the Anglo- 
French troops remained at the Piraeus till 1857, 
while their presence there and that of a still less 
welcome visitor, the cholera, at Athens, increased 
the popularity of the martyred king and his plucky 
consort, always at their posts in the hour of danger. 
For two years after the Allies' departure Otho 
continued popular, and Greece, freed from the 
incubus of the Eastern question, made practical 
progress. A cable connected her two chief ports, 
Syra (whose prosperity dated from the Massacre 
of Chios during the War of Independence) and the 
Piraeus ; the narrow strait which separates Eubcea 
from the mainland was made available for vessels ; 
serious steps were at last taken to suppress the 
curse of brigandage, which About had utilized 
for his famous but unfair caricature of Othonian 



46 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Greece ; and, had Otho had children, there would 
have been no awkward question of the succession, 
complicated by the necessity, laid down in 1852, 
of the successor's conversion to the Orthodox 
Church, which seemed to be the only cloud over 
the Palace. 

The Greeks, with their intense love of politics, 
are wont to take great interest in those of their 
neighbours. Every reader of the Greek press is 
struck by the large amount of space given to the 
affairs of other countries ; every one who has 
conversed with Greeks is amazed at their knowledge 
of foreign politicians. Consequently the Austro- 
Italian War of 1859, although not directly con- 
cerning the Greeks, aroused among them immense 
popular enthusiasm for the Italians, just as, in a 
minor degree, the Libyan War of 1911. Otho, 
as a South German, naturally sympathized with 
Austria, and his position towards his people was, 
therefore, somewhat like that of King Charles of 
Roumania during the Franco-German War of 1870 
and at the outbreak of the War of 1914. By this 
time also there had entered politics a new and more 
democratic generation of men, the product of the 
University, whose leader was Epaminondas Dele- 
georges. Moreover, while circumstances had thus 
created a gulf between the Crown and the people, the 
three Powers were indifferent or worse, for Great 
Britain would have preferred some one less inclined 
to a policy of expansion at the expense of herself 
in the Ionian Islands and of her prottgt, the Turkish 



Empire, the integrity of which was then an axiom 
of British statesmanship. Plots and risings became 
frequent ; the garrison of Nauplia, where Otho 
had landed in 1833, revolted, and the revolt was 
suppressed by bloodshed ; an attempt to divert 
attention from home affairs by a repetition of the 
policy of 1854, with the aid of Garibaldi, and an 
alliance with Serbia at a moment when Monte- 
negro was at war with Turkey failed ; and during 
one of the Royal progresses round the Morea, the 
old Venetian fortress of Vonitza on the Ambrakian 
Gulf gave the signal for the revolution of 1862, 
which cost Otho his throne. Before the Royal 
yacht could return, Athens, under the leadership 
of Delegeorges, had proclaimed his deposition ; 
the diplomatists advised him to accept it as an 
accomplished fact. Otho left Greece for ever ; 
but, in exile at Bamberg, he never forgot the 
country which he had loved only too well and had 
governed with only too minute attention. His 
abdication was the result of an almost bloodless 
revolution, like that of 1843 ; but it involved 
Greece in chaos for nearly two years till at last a 
king was found, who maintained his throne for 
nearly fifty by an opposite system to that of 
Otho by letting his Ministers govern as they liked, 
and by signing the documents submitted by them 
without a pedantic study of their contents. Yet 
King George, with all his tact, did not escape the 
dilemma of most Near Eastern monarchs 
abdication or assassination. 



CHAPTER V 

THE INTERREGNUM AND THE IONIAN 
ISLANDS (1862-4) 

UPON Otho's fall a Provisional Govern- 
ment, consisting of Boulgares, Kanares 
and Rouphos, had been formed to direct 
affairs until a National Convention should have 
elected a king, for it was realized that the marked 
individualism of the Greek character and the lack 
of any one commanding personality would render 
a Republic impossible. Even fifty-five years 
later, when there was such a personality, he was 
the first to see that the dethronement of one 
monarch involved the succession of another. But 
the difficulties of selection which faced the National 
Assembly of December, 1862, were far greater 
than those which confronted the Powers upon the 
dethronement of King Constantine. For Otho 
had no offspring, and no Greek wanted one of his 
Bavarian relatives. If the Greeks had had their 
way they would have made Prince Alfred, second 
son of Queen Victoria, their king. Personal, as 
well as practical, reasons were in his favour. He 
had made himself popular during a recent visit 
to Athens, and even before the revolution he had 

48 



THE INTERREGNUM 49 

been mentioned as a possible successor to Otho. 
More important were the hopes of substantial 
favours to come from Great Britain in the event 
of a British Prince being selected. The British 
Government would present him, it was said, with 
the Ionian Islands as a coronation gift, and might 
even persuade, or compel, the Turks to add Epeiros 
and Thessaly thereto. In any case British capital 
would surely follow him, and the resources of 
Greece would be thus developed in a way that 
would have been impossible under the impecunious 
Bavarians. Similarly at present it is the dream 
of the Albanians to find a Prince belonging to an 
affluent nation which will bring them the latest 
inventions and improvements of civilization with- 
out expense to themselves. 

But the Greek supporters of the British Prince 
were met by an official British refusal. It was 
contrary to the protocol of February 3, 1830, that 
a member of any reigning family of the three 
protecting Powers should occupy the Greek throne, 
and this prohibition excluded both Prince Alfred 
and the Duke of Leuchtenberg, the Russian and 
French candidate, who was nephew of Alexander 
II of Russia. Moreover, the Prince of Wales 
was then unmarried, so that Prince Alfred was 
only one degree removed from the succession to 
the British Crown, while he was actually heir- 
presumptive to the Duchy of Saxe-Coburg, to 
which he ultimately succeeded. Queen Victoria 
also refused her consent ; but, in spite of all these 
4 



50 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

denials, the result of the plebiscite of " outer " as 
well as " autochthonous " Hellenes, which was 
held for the election of a king, gave 230,016 votes 
for the British Prince as against 2,400 for the 
Russian Duke, and only 93 for a Republic. There 
were several scattered votes, but not one for a 
Bavarian. Despite the ratification of this popular 
vote by the National Assembly, in the hope that 
the British Government would recognize the 
accomplished fact, it maintained its refusal, but 
promised to find a king somewhere else. The 
promise was hard to fulfil, for not every suitable 
candidate wanted to undertake the romantic but 
difficult task of reigning over Greece. 

After fruitless application to the inevitable house 
of Saxe-Coburg, the British at last found a king in 
Prince Christian William Ferdinand Adolphus 
George, second son of Prince Christian of Schleswig- 
Holstein (who a few months later became King 
Christian IX of Denmark), and then a lieutenant 
in the Danish navy. Once again a youth for 
the new king was only seventeen had been chosen 
to occupy a throne, for which ripe experience 
seemed to be the first essential. It was arranged 
that his title should be " George I, King of the 
Hellenes," that his heirs should belong to the 
Orthodox Church, and that the Ionian Islands 
should be added to his kingdom, on condition 
so a secret Anglo-Danish treaty provided that 
he promised not to encourage insurrections against 
Turkey. Otho had refused to sacrifice the much 



THE INTERREGNUM 51 

worse governed Greek subjects of Turkey as the 
price of liberating the much better governed Greek 
subjects of Great Britain. Generous pecuniary 
provision, partly at the expense of the Ionian 
Government, was made for the new king. That 
Government was to be asked to devote 10,000 a 
year to his maintenance, while each of the three 
Powers relinquished in his favour 4,000 a year out 
of the sums due to them by the Greek Government. 

Meanwhile, during these lengthy negotiations, 
Athens was in a state of civil war. The Assembly 
was divided into the rival factions of " the 
mountain " and " the plain." Athens, fond of 
imitating Paris fashions, had already had, like 
Paris in 1848, her " days of February " ; she now, 
like Paris in 1830, had her " days of July." The 
palace was bombarded, the National Bank be- 
sieged, and some 200 persons fell in a conflict 
which the representatives of the Powers ascribed 
to *' culpable ambitions " the ambitions of the 
rival leaders to be in office at the time of the 
young King's arrival. At last, on October 30, he 
arrived, accompanied by a Danish political adviser, 
Count Sponneck, whose tactlessness soon won for 
him the unpopularity of Otho's Bavarian Regents. 
But King George quickly emancipated himself 
from his Danish privy councillor and placed his 
complete confidence in his native Ministers. 

No one in 1864 could have predicted that this 
young lieutenant, with no previous knowledge of 
the country and no experience of affairs, would 



52 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

have succeeded, as he did succeed, in the difficult 
task before him. But King George possessed a 
royal quality more valuable than genius, diligence 
or commanding ability tact. Placed over an 
extremely democratic people he was at once 
democratic and dignified ; with rare exceptions 
he never interfered with the policy of his Ministers 
at home, while abroad, during his annual journeys 
to " Europe," as the Greeks call the West, he was 
their best Ambassador. His family connections 
were an immense asset to his country ; he never 
allowed personal considerations to prevent him 
from working cordially with a Minister whom he 
might not like, but whom his people supported. 
Like every Greek ruler, he had in his fifty years' 
reign his ups and downs : twice, in 1897, after the 
disastrous war against Turkey, and in 1909, at the 
time of the Military League, he needed all his 
skill ; but he lived to witness not only the union 
with the Ionian Islands and the annexation of 
Thessaly and Arta, but the great triumph of 1912. 
The Ionian Islands, which were the first addition 
to the Greek kingdom, differed from the latter 
and from its subsequent accretions in the important 
fact that only one of them, Santa Mavra (the 
ancient Leukas), had been for any long period 
under Turkish rule, which Corfu, for example, 
had never known. Consequently they had been 
spared that material decay which is implied in 
the proverb that " the grass never grows where 
the Turk's horse has trod." Corfu had been for 



THE INTERREGNUM 53 

more than four centuries under Venetian rule 
prior to 1797, and Venice had, and still has, left 
her mark on the architecture, the speech and the 
manners and customs of the Corfiotes. After the 
(except in the case of Santa Mavra) long Venetian 
occupation, the Seven Islands and their continental 
dependencies, Butrinto, Parga, Preveza and 
Vonitza, were annexed by the French, who sought 
to excite enthusiasm by recalling, at Bonaparte's 
orders, " Greece, Athens and Sparta " in their 
proclamations, by " planting the tricolour on the 
ruins of the palace of Ulysses " at Ithake, and 
by talking of liberty to the newly-emancipated 
Ionian peasants. 

The popularity of the French soon waned ; 
their liberal policy in putting Jews on the pro- 
visional council offended Corfiote anti-Semites ; 
their sarcasms about St. Spyridon, the patron- 
saint of the island, wounded religious suscepti- 
bilities and outweighed the real improvements, 
such as the establishment of the first Greek press in 
Corfu, " that of the nation," and the greater 
security of life under French rule. When Russia 
and Turkey made an unholy alliance against 
France, the (Ecumenical Patriarch bade the faithful 
lonians join those strange allies against " the 
atheistical nation of the French." The success 
of this combination led, on March 21, 1800, to 
the erection of the islands into a "Septinsular 
Republic," a vassal of, and tributary to, the Porte, 
and guaranteed by Russia and Turkey, which 



54 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

were to send troops thither only for defensive 
purposes. The continental dependencies were 
ceded to the Porte. The " Septinsular Republic," 
despite its lamentable failure, its frequent changes 
of constitution, and its indulgence in revolution, 
saw the foundation of the first Greek public school 
in Corfu, and forms a landmark in the history of 
the Greek people as " the first autonomous Greek 
state of modern times." Its first attempt at a 
federal constitution with a local council of nobles 
in each island, and a central senate, presided over 
by an Archon, at Corfu, was a venture in aristoc- 
racy, and its brief career was ended, after the 
treaty of Tilsit, in 1807, by a second French 
annexation. Napoleon reconsidered Corfu exclu- 
sively from the standpoint of his strategic 
plans as " more important than Sicily," and this 
second French administration was purely military. 
France, however, spent 60,000,000 /res. on the 
islands in seven years, and founded an academy 
at Corfu ; but British cruisers and the continental 
blockade injured Corfiote trade, the Corfiote 
nobles were excluded from office, and their olives 
the staple product of the islands-cut down for 
the fortifications without compensation. Mean- 
while, in 1809, the British took the four southern 
islands ; by 1810 Corfu and Paxo alone remained 
to the French, and before the middle of 1814 all 
the islands were in British hands. The Corfiotes 
received the British with enthusiasm ; as yet there 
was no counter-attraction in the shape of a Greek 



THE INTERREGNUM 55 

state. The future gaoler of Napoleon, Sir Hudson 
Lowe, organized the southern islands ; Sir James 
Campbell was the popular Governor of Corfu. 

The principle of Nationality was held in small 
repute by the statesmen who recast the map of 
Europe in 1815. The Convention of November 5 
created " The United States of the Ionian Islands " 
under the protection of the British Crown. The 
new Ionian state was wholly insular ; it consisted 
of the seven islands and their small, dependent 
islets, tacitly including therefore Saseno, l in the 
bay of Valona, of which we have recently heard so 
much in connection with the Albanian question. 
This, like most diplomatic arrangements, was a 
compromise. The British plenipotentiaries at the 
Congress of Paris had asked for the complete 
sovereignty over the islands and also over their 
former continental dependencies. The Russian 
delegate, Capo d'Istria, a Corfiote by birth, who 
had taken an active part in the agitated politics 
of the islands, would yield to Great Britain nothing 
beyond a protectorate over both parts of the state, 
the insular and the continental. To this the 
British answered that, if they could not have full 
sovereignty, they would, at least, have nothing 
to do with the continental dependencies, a pro- 
tectorate over which would have brought them 
into collision with the Turks, to whom the Russo- 
Turkish Convention of 1800 had ceded them, and 

1 See the Author's article on Saseno in The Morning 
Post, May 11, 1913. 



56 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

who or, rather, whose independent satrap, All 
Pasha of Joannina had conquered all the four, 
except the famous Parga. The actual settlement 
was unsatisfactory to the British, who were thereby 
placed in a position peculiarly exposed to criticism 
from people who were adept critics. " Liberated 
nations," wrote Bismarck, " are not grateful but 
exacting," and the lonians had not been fully 
liberated. Whether they could have governed 
themselves, however, in 1815, may be doubted, 
and that is the best defence of the British pro- 
tectorate, which certainly benefited them more 
than their protector. Meanwhile, the islanders 
welcomed with joy the decision of Europe, and, 
with incongruous taste, a still surviving Ionic 
temple was erected at Corfu to the rough, but 
benevolent soldier, " King Tom " (as Sir Thomas 
Maitland was called), who became the first Lord 
High Commissioner of a group of islands steeped 
in the haze of Homeric story and imbued with 
long years of Venetian refinement and state craft, 
alien to the straightforward, blunt but just, 
British system. 

A constitution was, of course, the first British 
measure ; but the Conservative charter of 1817, 
which remained in force till 1849, was intentionally 
so framed as to give to the lonians the shadow, 
while reserving to the High Commissioner (or 
Harmostes, as the Greeks classically styled him, 
with a characteristic allusion to the Spartan 
governors appointed by Lysander in the subject 



THE INTERREGNUM 57 

Greek cities), the substance of power. Ionian 
constitutional history since 1800 had not been 
encouraging, and perhaps the paternal statute 
of 1817 was the wisest instalment of liberty under 
the circumstances in a time of general reaction 
for this was the year of the " Sidmouth circular " 
and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act 
even in England. " King Tom " took as his model 
the second aristocratic Constitution of the Sept- 
insular Republic, which the Russian plenipo- 
tentiary, the Zantiote Count Mocenigo, had drawn 
up for his fellow-islanders in 1803. He first 
nominated a " Primary Council " of eleven Greeks 
under the presidency of a Corfiote noble, who was 
both a patriot and an Anglophil, for the purpose 
of summoning a Constituent Assembly, composed 
of the eleven councillors and twenty-nine others 
elected by the islands from a double list of candi- 
dates, prepared by the " Council," which then 
submitted to this Assembly a draft constitution. 
The islands were thereby endowed with a " Legis- 
lative Assembly " of eleven ex officio and twenty- 
nine elected members, chosen in the above manner, 
and a " Senate " of six, of whom the President 
was an Ionian noble, appointed by the Crown, 
that is, by the High Commissioner, and the others 
were elected by, and from, the members of the 
" Legislative Assembly," subject to his veto. 
Of these five elected senators, four represented 
the larger islands, while the fifth represented by 
rotation the three smaller. The High Commissioner 



58 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

had also the prerogatives of summoning extra- 
ordinary sessions of the Legislature, which normally 
met in the capital of Corfu only every other year, 
and of dissolution ; upon him depended the re- 
nomination of his " Highness," the President of 
the Senate, the chief native official of the insular 
state ; the approval of the High Commissioner, 
who resided in Corfu, was needed to confirm the 
nomination by the Senate of the local " Regents " 
of the other six islands, and the " Regents " could 
not act without that of his " Residents " in their 
respective domains. He and his nominee, the 
President of the Senate, were ex officio members 
of the " Supreme Council of Justice," of whose 
four legal members the two lonians were elected 
by the Senate with his sanction, and the two 
British appointed by the Crown. The press was 
strictly official, for the High Commissioner and 
the Senate could hinder the establishment of any 
private press, and for long the only Ionian news- 
paper was the official Gazette, and that printed in 
Italian. Indeed, Greek was not compulsory in 
the public offices till 1852, and English was the 
language of the postal, police and sanitary depart- 
ments, and Italian till 1849 that of the legislature. 
Yet when the writer visited Corfu in 1914, the 
Jubilee of the Union with Greece, an old Corfiote 
protested strongly against the employment of 
Italian even in private conversation. 

Thus, the Constitution of 1817 left the High 
Commissioner practically supreme, and the polity 



THE INTERREGNUM 59 

aristocratic, as it had been before. Maitland's 
system was to create a large bureaucracy to 
provide posts for the educated natives and so 
keep them contented, to flatter Ionian vanity by 
titles and orders, but to break up large estates, 
to save the peasants from money-lenders, and to 
begin those fine roads which the Greeks allowed 
to fall into disrepair after the protectorate. He 
was no sentimentalist or Philhellene, but a 
benevolent ruler, who tried to improve the people 
without sympathizing with their national ideals. 
But he and all his successors understood the 
importance of recognizing the predominance of 
the Greek Church, and of paying profound respect 
to the processions of St. Spyridon a policy 
repeated by the British " Harmosts " in Cyprus. 
The troubles which the Italians have had with 
the Orthodox Church in Rhodes illustrate the 
sound statesmanship of our administrators in 
this respect. Qui mange du Pape, en meurt applies 
with equal force to the Oriental " pope." 

Maitland's indifference to national sentiment 
caused him to settle on purely material grounds 
a burning question of patriotism which, although 
unduly magnified by poets and Anglophobe 
historians like Pouqueville, was a blow to British 
prestige, and long did us harm in the Greek world. 
Parga, immortalized in the verse of Byron, lies 
on the Epeirote coast opposite Paxo, and formed 
one of those continental dependencies of the 
Ionian Islands which the Convention of 1800 had 



60 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

ceded to Turkey. It had, however, been garrisoned 
by the French during their second occupation of 
the islands, and remained in their hands till, at 
the invitation of the inhabitants, it was occupied 
by the British in 1814. The natives wanted to 
be reunited with the Islands, with which they had 
been united from 1401 to 1797, for no Christian 
community would willingly expose itself to the 
tender mercies of the savage " Lion of Joannina," 
Ali Pasha, whose treatment of the brave Souliotes 
and the heroic leap of their women and children 
from the rock of Zalongo were still fresh in all 
Epeirote memories. They apparently thought 
that their wishes had been granted by the British 
Government, which, in 1815, had expressly re- 
nounced the continental dependencies. Accord- 
ingly, when Turkey demanded the execution of 
the treaty of 1800, Maitland proceeded to hand 
over Parga on the ground that its cession was a 
treaty right, that no " assurance of a more per- 
manent connection " with Great Britain had been 
given in 1814, and that the retention of Parga 
would involve an annual expense of 50,000. 

In 1819, however, Parga, which had never 
known Turkish rule, was the only free Greek 
community in the world, and this fact, combined 
with the touching devotion of the inhabitants 
to their beloved home, aroused an interest out of 
all proportion to the importance of the place, the 
exact position of which was so little known to 
British politicians that two speakers in the debate 



THE INTERREGNUM 61 

at Westminster thought it was an island ! The 
Parguinotes were informed that they would receive 
compensation and a free passage to the Ionian 
Islands, but Maitland greatly reduced the Corfiote 
valuation of their property, and, although an 
international treaty enjoined the cession, the 
substitution of the Turkish for the British flag 
on " Parga's shore " in 1819 was not an incident 
upon which either British or Greeks could look 
with pride. The exiles settled in a suburb of 
Corfu, and deposited the sacred pictures and 
other things belonging to their old church at 
Parga in the garrison-church of that town " until 
the day when the old home " should " once more 
be free." That day came during the first 
Balkan war, when the Greeks captured Parga 
on January 21, 1913. 

The maintenance of neutrality during the War 
of Independence was a strain upon Ionian loyalty, 
which was increased when a Greek kingdom arose 
to exercise a magnetic attraction upon the islanders. 
But while the long war devastated Greece, the 
islands profited from the neutral policy of their 
protector and the losses of their co-nationalists. 
For the destruction of the Moreote currant-fields 
doubled those of Cephalonia an island always 
the " Achilles' heel " of the protectorate. For 
the people of that democratic island, where the 
nobles and the peasants detested each other, 
and both complained that Britain spent too much 
money on Corfu, were more enterprising and more 



62 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

troublesome than the placid descendants of the 
Phaiakians, whose delicious climate and luxuriant 
vegetation invite to repose. But the currants 
of Cephalonia and the sister-islands of Zante and 
Ithake proved a blessing to the Corfiotes also, for 
out of the increased revenue which they produced, 
Maitland's successor, Sir Frederick Adam, was 
able to make the existing aqueduct and continue 
his predecessor's policy of material improvements, 
but no longer by forced labour but by a cattle- 
tax. Nor were the British benefits merely 
material. In 1824 a warm Philhellene, who went 
so far as to be baptized a member of the Orthodox 
Church, founded an " Ionian Academy " and 
Lancastrian schools, while the Ionian Government 
spent a considerable annual sum on education. 
The natural result was the same as at Athens 
the preparation of a generation of critics hostile 
to the Government ; for in Greece education and 
politics go hand in hand. 

Still, except for a few anti-British agitations in 
Santa Mavra and Zante, there was as yet no strong 
movement against the protectorate. The admin- 
istration of Adam's successor, Lord Nugent, a 
man of Liberal views, encouraged the Liberal 
party ; but the famous Corfiote historian, 
Mustoxidi, in a memorandum to Lord John 
Russell, the Colonial Secretary, published in 1841, 
in consequence of the Conservative system of the 
next High Commissioner, Sir Howard Douglas, 
declared independence to be outside the range of 



THE INTERREGNUM 63 

practical politics, agreed that the lonians would 
rather be protected by the British than by any 
other foreigners, and merely demanded Liberal 
reforms, such as a free press, annual sessions, 
and a more democratic method of election. Like 
Maitland, Douglas in his own way benefited the 
islands : he did much, even at the cost of creating 
a national debt, for the schools, roads, prisons 
and the water-supply of Corfu. He was specially 
popular with the landowners, he laid the founda- 
tions of a new code, and made the study of Greek 
compulsory for British officials. But he came 
into conflict with the (Ecumenical Patriarch, and 
his seizure of the papers of Mustoxidi and of two 
members of the Capo d'Istria family (who had 
inherited the former Greek President's dislike of 
Great Britain), on suspicion of complicity with the 
" Phil-Orthodox Society," made him unpopular 
with others. He was succeeded by a Liberal, 
Mackenzie, but it was reserved for a Tory peer, 
Lord Seaton, who followed Mackenzie in 1843, to 
work a complete revolution in the islands and thus 
by his drastic reforms to pave the way for their 
union with Greece. 

Occupied at first with roads and agriculture, 
he was inspired by the spirit of revolution which 
passed over Europe in 1848, to introduce a free 
press, to recognize the Assembly's right of voting 
extraordinary expenditure, and to allow the free 
election of all municipal authorities, as an instal- 
ment of a democratic reform of the Assembly. 



64 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

A riot, culminating in a peasant rising in Cepha- 
lonia, had occurred just before the freedom of 
the press was permitted, and the publication of 
numbers of newspapers, mostly directed against 
the protectorate, fanned the discontent always 
latent in that island. While Seaton arrested two 
Cephalonian politicians for a press attack, he 
disregarded advice from home to advance with 
Whig caution, and, in 1849, proclaimed the reform 
of the Constitution of 1817. Henceforth the 
Assembly, consisting of forty-two members, was 
to be elected by ballot by an electorate more than 
tripled ; yet the High Commissioner was to 
nominate the senators from among the members 
of the Assembly, which was still to be summoned 
biennially. These intended checks had no effect 
in preventing what the Ionian democrats and 
Unionists chiefly sought a means of declaiming 
against the protectorate. Both the Assembly 
and the press were now at their disposal, even 
though in the first Assembly elected under Seaton's 
scheme, the " Radicals " were only eleven, while 
the less advanced " Reformers " formed the 
majority, and a small " Subterranean " party 
still advocated the protectorate. But the 
Radicals, if few, were loud and popular ; in 
Cephalonia they held the majority of the seats ; 
in Zante they were also powerful ; in aristocratic 
Corfu they had little influence. For these reasons 
some had thought that it might have been wiser to 
make Cephalonia the official capital. Meanwhile, 



THE INTERREGNUM 65 

Seaton had been succeeded by Sir Henry Ward, 
who had to face a second peasant rising in that 
island. The new High Commissioner proclaimed 
martial law, and some English Liberals were 
scandalized at the flogging of peasants and the 
execution of the ringleaders among them " Father 
Brigand," a priest by one who had been a 
Liberal Member of Parliament. These Cepha- 
lonian insurrections were the only serious dis- 
turbances during the half century of British rule ; 
and even they were primarily agrarian rather than 
anti-British, although the discontent of the 
peasantry was ably exploited by the Unionist agita- 
tors, who belonged to the educated class, and who 
desired nothing so much as political martyrdom. 

It became immediately evident that the Assembly 
was hard to manage. Well-meaning reforms were 
blocked by an alliance of the two extreme parties, 
because the Radicals did not want to lose their 
grievances and thus jeopardize the Unionist 
movement, while the " Subterranean " party did 
not want to lose its privileges. The High Com- 
missioner committed the tactical mistake of 
catering for the moderate vote at the expense of 
the nobility and gentry who were devoted sup- 
porters of the protectorate, which was thus 
gradually left with little backing. The anti- 
Greek policy of Palmerston in the Don Pacifico 
case and the measures taken against Greece during 
the Crimean War had an unfavourable effect in 
the islands, and in Cephalonian schools " a prayer 
5 



66 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

for the expulsion of the English " was given out 
as a copybook heading ! The foreign press began 
to depict the benevolently governed Ionian 
Islands as a Mediterranean Ireland, and the pro- 
tectors themselves became at last weary of their 
thankless task. In 1858 a London newspaper 
published a secret dispatch of the then High 
Commissioner, Sir John Young, proposing the 
cession of all the islands to Greece, except Corfu and 
Paxo, which should be made a British colony. 
This proposal had the advantage of retaining for 
Great Britain the islands which had most strategic 
value, as commanding the mouth of the Adriatic, 
and were also by far the least disaffected ; but its 
inopportune publication aroused patriotic indigna- 
tion in the Assembly and embarrassed the great 
statesman, who was then on his way out to Corfu 
as " High Commissioner Extraordinary " to the 
islands Gladstone. 

Gladstone possessed two qualifications which 
Avould make him popular with the lonians his 
classical learning and his interest in the Orthodox 
Church, for he reverenced a Greek bishop as much 
as a Greek classic. But he lacked local knowledge, 
and his offers of reform were met, wherever he 
went, with demands for union, particularly loud 
in Cephalonia, but expressed, though with less 
vehemence, in Zante, the stronghold of the Radical 
politician, Lombardos, who was Britain's leading 
opponent in the islands. Undaunted by this 
reception, the great parliamentarian offered, and 



THE INTERREGNUM 67 

was appointed, to succeed Young as temporary 
High Commissioner for the purpose of laying his 
scheme of reform before the Assembly. The 
Assembly replied with a vote for union ; their 
motion, transformed into a petition to the Home 
Government, was rejected, and he introduced a 
sweeping diminution of the Civil Service and 
proposed to halve the deputies' salaries reforms 
economically sound, but politically unwise, because 
they further embittered the Radicals and simul- 
taneously alienated those vested interests which 
were the mainstay of the protectorate. While his 
scheme was still under discussion he had hastily 
to leave for home, while Sir Henry Knight Storks, 
who was destined to be the last High Commissioner, 
had to meet a situation still further injured by 
the Gladstonian mission, and soon made worse 
by the Italian war against Austria. For not only 
had Corfu sheltered Italian exiles, but the public 
utterances of British statesmen in favour of 
Italy's right to self-determination were quoted 
inconveniently by lonians as logically applicable 
to themselves. 

Gladstone from his place in Parliament still 
defended the protectorate, but in 1862 it had 
already been decided to give up the islands, and 
the Queen's speech of 1863 made union contingent 
on the lonians' desire for it a desire too often 
expressed to be uncertain to those who knew the 
real feelings of the politicians. Accordingly, the 
treaty of 1863, which fixed the conditions of King 



68 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

George's accession, pledged the British to cede 
the islands if the Ionian Parliament desired, and 
the Powers consented to a revision of the treaty 
of 1815 in this sense. But there were certain 
local conditions the preservation of the British 
cemeteries, an annual charge on the Ionian treasury 
of 10,000 for the new King, the payment of 
certain pensions by the Greek Government, the 
abandonment of various Ionian claims, and (at 
the wish of Austria and Turkey) the neutralization 
of Corfu and Paxo and the destruction of certain 
of the Corfiote forts. These last two conditions 
caused much criticism, but the neutrality of Corfu 
has been useful to Greece as an argument against 
the modern Italian claim that the channel between 
that island and the mainland might become a 
naval station threatening the Adriatic. On June 2, 
1864, Thrasyboulos Zai'mes formally received the 
islands in the name of King George. 

While the union of the islands was an unmixed 
gain to Greece, whom it provided with politicians 
and diplomatists of a more finished culture than 
was then common on the mainland, it was differ- 
ently viewed by the lonians, or rather by the 
Corfiotes, who lost most by the withdrawal of the 
British garrison and officials, according as it was 
considered from a national or a material stand- 
point. The poor Greek Government did not, 
and could not, spend upon the islands what the 
British had spent. Roads fell into disrepair, the 
gaiety of Corfiote society ceased, money no longer 



THE INTERREGNUM 69 

circulated, and comfortable official jobs were no 
longer common at Corfu. Corfiote titles of nobility, 
accepted by the British, aroused a smile in 
democratic Athens. In place of a constantly 
resident and highly-paid High Commissioner, his 
Corfiote villa of Man Repos was rarely tenanted 
by King George. But these disadvantages were 
outweighed by ethnological and national con- 
siderations, and the profit was shared by Great 
Britain. Her rule had not, and could not have 
been, a success, although no other foreign Power 
and least of all some of her autocratic critics 
could have governed better. There was in the 
latter days of the protectorate a lack of sympathy 
between the governed and their protectors ; 
social intercourse between them became rarer ; 
and while the British became more aggressively 
British, the lonians felt themselves more Greek. 
The cession of the islands serves as several historic 
lessons : it proclaimed in the face of an egoistic 
world the altruism of Great Britain ; it served to 
the Greeks as a stepping-stone for the union with 
Crete ; it may be a warning to the Italians that, 
if the British, admittedly past-masters in the art 
of governing foreign dependencies, failed by 
material benefits to succeed in quenching the 
national aspirations of the Greeks in Corfu and 
Cyprus, they cannot hope to succeed in the Dodek- 
anese. National gratitude is a doubtful quantity ; 
but a possible foreign ally is better than a discon- 
tented foreign subject. 



CHAPTER VI 

THE CONSTITUTION AND THE CRETAN 
QUESTION (1864-9) 

THE eighty-four Ionian deputies elected 
to the National Assembly at Athens 
arrived in time to participate in the long- 
drawn discussion of the new Greek Constitution. 
Months wore on, and at last the King intimated 
that, if Greece were not speedily provided with a 
Constitution, he might return to Denmark. The 
pace was thereupon quickened ; as usually happens 
in parliamentary debates, the last articles were 
hurried through the Assembly ; and before 
November was over, the King had taken the oath 
to the new Constitution, the second since Greece 
had become a kingdom, the sixth since the War of 
Independence began. With a few alterations it 
governed Greece for forty-six years. 

The Constitution of 1864 began by abolishing 
the Senate, and thencefore Greece has had no 
second chamber. The Othonian Senate had not 
justified its existence, and in a country (with the 
exception of the Ionian Islands) so democratic 
and at that time so poor, an aristocratic or pluto- 
cratic second chamber would have been impossible. 

70 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 71 

It was, indeed, attempted to have some check 
upon the Chamber in the shape of a Council of State 
of some fifteen or twenty persons, such as Otho had 
had in the early part of his reign ; but this pro- 
posal, adopted by a small majority, was abolished 
by the next legislature, for the section of the 
Constitution which included it was alone liable 
to immediate revision, while the lapse of ten 
years, a largely supported demand in two successive 
legislatures and a revisionary Chamber of twice 
the ordinary number of deputies were essential 
to the revision of the rest. Thus, Greece was 
committed to an unchecked, omnipotent, single 
Chamber, a pure democracy, tempered only by 
the fact that in all forms of Government, auto- 
cratic, oligarchic or democratic, in practice the 
real power is usually concentrated in the hands of 
a few persons. Still, no country probably presented 
so clear an example of parliamentarism as Greece 
between 1864 and 1910. The Boule was elected 
by manhood suffrage and the ballot for four 
years, in proportion to the population. But 
the historic services of the " Nautical Islands " 
gained special representation for the inhabitants 
of Hydra, Spetsai and New Psara. Obstruction 
was made easy by fixing the quorum at one 
more than half the total number of deputies, 
which varied at different periods between 150 and 
234. Abstention could, therefore, bring business 
to a standstill, and accordingly the Constitution 
of 1911 reduced the quorum to one-third. The 



72 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Italian practice of making thirty the earliest age 
for election as deputies encouraged experience 
at the expense of enthusiasm ; their further re- 
striction to natives or residents in their respective 
constituencies favoured local men and at times 
excluded statesmen of European reputation. The 
admission as deputies of naval and military 
officers tended to sacrifice discipline to politics. 
Payment of members was inevitable ; a less 
desirable feature was the custom of making 
the civil service, instead of being permanent, 
largely depend upon Ministerial crises. This 
turned practically every one into a political 
meteorologist, for upon the political barometer 
at Athens might depend the future of himself or 
his friends. Cabinets came and went rapidly, 
to the detriment of continuous administration, 
but to the great interest of the people, who re- 
gard politics as the most fascinating of pursuits, 
and even that most constitutional sovereign, 
King George, dismissed in his all but fifty years' 
reign six Ministries, which had not been made by 
the Chamber to resign. 

One or two Ionian questions caused difficulties. 
The lonians wanted political union with Greece, 
but ecclesiastical union (which they had retained 
under the protectorate) with the Patriarch at 
Constantinople ; some of them opposed the 
immediate introduction of an uniform fiscal 
system. In the latter they were successful ; the 
Patriarch was induced to abandon his Ionian 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 73 

jurisdiction to the Metropolitan of Athens ; the 
Ionian Church was finally united to that of Greece 
in 1866, but the existing Metropolitan of Corfu 
was allowed to continue the use of that title. 

Scarcely had the Ionian question been settled 
and the new Constitution put into operation than 
a fresh disturbing force diverted attention to 
foreign politics in the shape of a great Cretan 
insurrection. Crete had had an even longer ex- 
perience of foreign domination than Corfu ; like 
Corfu, it had been Venetian for over four centuries ; 
unlike Corfu, it had then been Turkish for nearly 
two. Its history under the first 160 years of 
Venetian rule had been an almost constant record 
of insurrections ; under the Turks it had been 
complicated by the fact that the Cretan Moslems 
were of the same Greek race as the Cretan Christians, 
and, as is usually the case with renegades, more 
fanatical than those born in the religion usually 
associated with their nationality. The Sphakiotes, 
who occupied much the same position in Turkish 
Crete as the Mainates in Turkish Greece, had long 
alone enjoyed practical independence, but even 
they had paid the capitation tax after 1770. 
Soon after the outbreak of the War of Indepen- 
dence, which had at first aroused little excitement in 
Crete, they rose against the Turks, after massacres 
at Canea and Candia ; a Harmostes was sent from 
Greece to govern the island ; but Egyptian troops 
combined with the indiscipline of the Sphakiotes 
to crush the insurrection. It ended in smoke 



74 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

the smoke which suffocated the wretched Christians 
in the cavern, where they had taken refuge. 

A second Cretan insurrection, organized by 
refugees on the islet of Grabousa, the old Venetian 
stronghold, which had remained in the hands of 
the Republic for twenty-two years after the 
Turkish conquest of " the great Greek island," 
broke out after the battle of Navarino, under the 
leadership of Hadji Michales, only to end in failure. 
Crete sent delegates to the National Assembly 
of Argos in 1829, but in 1830 was united to Egypt 
under Mehemet Ali, as payment for the services 
rendered by him to the Sultan during the war. 
The Cretans were, however, to have the right of 
free navigation, their own flag, and their own tax- 
collectors in the persons of their bishops and 
captains. This unnatural union with Egypt 
lasted for only ten years ; in 1840, the revolt of 
Mehemet Ali from his sovereign was punished by 
the retrocession of Crete to Turkey, as one of 
the conditions on which he was to have the 
hereditary Viceroyalty of Egypt. The Egyptian 
rule had been unpopular with Christian and Moslem 
Cretans alike ; for the Christians disliked the 
Egyptians because they wanted to be joined with 
Greece, while the Moslems disliked them because 
they wanted to rule the island, as they had under 
the almost nominal authority of the Sultan's 
representative. Of the two opposing parties, 
the Christians had suffered less from the Egyptian 
connexion, for they were more favoured than the 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 75 

Moslems by their Egyptian governors, one of whom 
proclaimed his policy to be their deliverance from 
their former vexations. They were to have only 
two taxes ; justice was to be administered by 
two mixed councils. But Mehemet, whose govern- 
ment of Egypt was based upon monopolies, soon 
increased the number of the taxes and tampered 
with the work of the councils ; he alarmed the 
landowners by threatening to confiscate all land 
left uncultivated for three years a measure 
which would have made him the landlord of 
much of the island's cultivable area, for the popu- 
lation had sunk in twelve years to only 129,000. 
whereas it had consisted of 160,000 Moslems and 
130,000 Christians at the outbreak of the in- 
surrection of 1821. 

While the Cretan Moslems asked for redress, 
the Cretan Christians agitated for union ; a 
" Central Committee," was started in Greece, 
and in 1841, a fresh insurrection, started by the 
Sphakiotes, began with no better success than 
its predecessors. For the next seventeen years 
the island was quiet ; but in 1858, the Cretans 
threatened to rise, if the reforms promised re- 
mained, like most Turkish reforms a dead letter. 
Again the motives of the Cretans were mixed : 
among the Christians the wish for either union 
or a Cretan principality, whose prince should be 
the famous Kallerges, whose family had long 
been connected with Cretan revolutions ; among 
Christians and Moslems alike the fear of further 



76 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

taxation, foreshadowed by a census never a 
popular institution in the East. The taxes were, 
as a matter of fact, neither heavy nor numerous, 
but the example of Hampden shows that when 
mankind wishes for a revolution, even a small 
tax may serve as the occasion. 

The Porte, as usual, pursued a dilatory policy ; 
it promised, thereby merely delaying the outbreak 
of discontent, which maladministration and two 
bad crops increased. Accordingly, in 1866, a 
fresh agitation among the Christians became 
serious. In its origin this movement was likewise 
fiscal, for the Christians' petition to the Sultan 
referred primarily to the increase on various 
articles of consumption, notably salt, since 1858. 
They drew attention to the usual Turkish neglect 
of all means of communication within the island 
a neglect which continued down to the end of its 
connexion with Turkey ; they demanded a rural 
bank, which should lend money at reasonable 
interest ; they complained that the judgments of 
the courts were given in Turkish, to them a foreign 
language, that a Moslem's word in the witness- 
box outweighed that of a Christian, and that 
schools were lacking. The Porte first delayed, 
and then refused to remit taxes, thus giving the 
party of action in both Crete and Athens time to 
influence the others. The Porte, which by this 
time, like most of their foreign rulers, had found 
the Cretans as hard to govern as England found 
the Irish, then reverted to the policy of 1830, 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 77 

and meditated the reunion of Crete with Egypt, 
indeed, the Egyptians offered to concede several 
of the points in the Cretan petition, if the Cretans 
would join them. The Cretan reply was the 
abolition of Ottoman rule in an Assembly held 
at Sphakia, and the proclamation of union with 
Greece, despite the warnings of Lord Clarendon 
and the lessons which he drew from the material 
results of the union of the Ionian Islands, as if 
Turkish rule were comparable to the British 
protectorate. 

This insurrection, which lasted till 1869, was 
much more serious than those above mentioned. 
The Cretans are the best fighters of all the Greeks ; 
they have the redoubled love of both highlanders 
and islanders for independence, and their moun- 
tainous island is an extremely difficult country to 
subdue. Greece was intensely interested in their 
struggle for union, and there were a number of 
Cretans at Athens who kept up public excite- 
ment. But the Greek Government, warned by the 
example of 1854, remained nominally neutral, 
looking on while volunteers embarked for Crete, 
although Koumoundouros, when Premier, as be- 
fitted an old insurgent of 1841, prepared for war. 
The insurgents, whose chiefs were Zymbrakakes, 
a Cretan officer in the Greek army, and Koronaios, 
the commander of the Greek national guard, met 
with varying fortunes, but the heroism of Maneses, 
the Abbot of Arkadion, who blew up the powder- 
magazine rather than surrender his monastery 



78 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

to the Turks, and the massacre which followed 
greatly assisted the Cretan cause abroad and 
strained Greek neutrality almost to breaking- 
point. Meanwhile, of the Powers, Great Britain 
alone opposed the French proposal for a Cretan 
plebiscite ; France and Russia, in 1867, openly 
advocated union, in the real interest of Turkey, 
as well as of Crete, for the island was an useless 
encumbrance and a source of trouble to the 
Turkish Empire. For the second time union was 
postponed, with the result of further insurrections, 
and the postponement of a final settlement till 
1912. 

The course of the insurrection was marked by 
alternate attempts at conciliation on the part 
of the Porte and atrocities, such as those which 
had been perpetrated in 1823. One general de- 
stroyed 600 villages, but his campaign cost him 
over 20,000 men. Military measures having 
failed, the "Organic Statute of 1868," which 
governed the island till 1878, was compiled to 
pacify the insurgents. Crete, divided into five 
provinces, was provided with a vdli, two Assessors 
(one a Christian), and a mixed Council of Ad- 
ministration ; Greek and Turkish were both to be 
official languages ; a General Assembly was to 
meet annually at Canea, and there were to be no 
fresh taxes. Despite the " Organic Statute," 
however, the provisional government continued 
the languishing struggle with no decisive result 
for either side. But the departure of the Mainate 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 79 

chief, Petropoulakes, from Athens with fresh 
volunteers, provoked a Turkish ultimatum to 
Greece and nearly anticipated the Greco-Turkish 
War of 1897. As Gladstone simultaneously be- 
came Prime Minister, the Greeks hoped that he 
would advocate the union of Crete as he had 
helped the union of the Ionian Islands. Kou- 
moundouros, then in opposition, urged the Govern- 
ment to war, while the presence of many Cretan 
refugees in Athens embarrassed it further. Its 
reply to the ultimatum was such that the Turkish 
Minister left, and the situation became daily more 
critical. Then Bismarck stepped in with the 
proposal of a Conference in Paris of the signatories 
of the treaty of 1856, which had ended the Crimean 
War. Both Greece and Turkey accepted a de- 
claration that Greece would allow neither armed 
bands nor armed vessels for the purpose of aggression 
against Turkey. 

Thus the Cretan question, soluble in 1867, 
was in 1869 left unsolved ; the Cretan insurrection 
died of inanition, a Liberal governor-general was 
sent to the island and diplomatists fondly hoped 
that a formula had quieted Crete. One disastrous 
result of this Cretan insurrection was the lesson 
which it impressed upon Turkish statesmen 
that their wisest policy was to separate the Greeks 
from their other Christian subjects by establishing 
a separate Bulgarian Church. For since the fall of 
the Bulgarian Patriarchate, the seat of which was 
Trnovo, the capital of the mediaeval Bulgarian 



80 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Empire, in 1394, the Bulgarians had been under 
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the (Ecumenical 
Patriarch. Thus the Turks had governed their 
bodies, the Greeks had looked after their souls 
a labour which, in the Near East, is apt to be 
regarded as a branch of political propaganda. 
But, in 1870, a firman was issued, at the in- 
stigation of Ignatyeff, the Russian Ambassador 
at Constantinople, creating a Bulgarian Exarchate, 
which comprised nearly all the Turkish vilayet 
of the Danube, and extending the Exarch's juris- 
diction over such other districts as might welcome 
it by a two-thirds' majority. The (Ecumenical 
Patriarch in vain for two years delayed the 
nomination of the first Exarch, whom he re- 
garded much as a mediaeval Pope regarded an 
anti-Pope. When all else failed, he excom- 
municated the Exarch and his clergy as schismatics. 
Unhappily, the conflict was not limited to these 
purely spiritual weapons. From that moment 
there were sown the seeds of the Macedonian 
question, which was to become the curse of a 
once flourishing region and the riddle of European 
diplomacy. The creation of a Bulgarian princi- 
pality in 1878 increased the struggle. Rival 
Governments at Sofia and Athens intrigued at 
Constantinople, where the Exarch took up his 
residence cheek by jowl with his rival, the Patriarch, 
for the bestowal of every vacant Macedonian 
bishopric upon a divine of their own race, who, 
when appointed, became an ardent nationalist 



THE CRETAN QUESTION 81 

propagandist. As is usual in the Balkans, propa- 
ganda soon took the form of physical violence. 
Armed bands made Macedonia a desert, and 
peasants, described as Exarchists and Patriarchists, 
killed their brethren of the Orthodox or " Schis- 
matic " fold with more zest than if they had been 
Turks. Meanwhile, the Turks had gained their 
object that of dividing the Christian forces. 
When, as in 1912, those forces were united against 
the Turks, the Balkan Christians were irresistible ; 
when, as in 1897, they were disunited, the Turks 
won an easy victory. Tantum religio potuit 
suadere malorum. Other non-Hellenic races, fired 
by the success of the Bulgarians, began to agitate 
for separate Churches of their own the Serbians 
for the restoration of their historic Patriarchate 
of Petch (Ipek) ; the Roumanians for a Rou- 
manian establishment. At present, there is a 
movement for an independent Albanian Church, 
with the object of undermining Hellenism in South 
Albania. Thus, judged by its results, the Bul- 
garian Exarchate was the worst blow which 
Hellenism received during the nineteenth century. 



CHAPTER VII 
THE EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876 TO 1886 

THE seven years following the conclusion 
of the Cretan insurrection were mainly 
occupied with internal affairs. In 1869, 
a most important event occurred the opening 
of the first Greek railway, that uniting the capital 
with the Piraeus. From this modest beginning 
dates the now fairly extended railway system 
which has done so much to improve internal 
communications in a difficult country. Otho's 
reign had been the golden age of the Greek sailing 
vessel, but communication by water, for which 
the configuration of the indented coast and the 
many islands make Greece most suitable, was at 
this date comparatively seldom effected by means 
of steamers, which in 1875 numbered only twenty- 
eight. Since those days, however, both the 
number of the steamers and the mileage of the 
railways have enormously increased. In 1915, 
before foreign sales and submarine warfare had 
diminished their number, there were 474 Greek 
steamers, mostly belonging to certain families, 
with a tonnage of 549,983 tons a total reduced 
to 204, with 161,522 tons in 1919, as the result of the 

82 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 83 

war. In 1912, before her aggrandizement, "Old" 
Greece had 986 miles of railways. It was one of 
the merits of Trikoupes to develop the railway 
system. A girdle of rails was put round the 
Peloponnese ; a disconnected line was built in 
the North- West, from Kryoneri to Agrinion; a 
local line joined Athens with the mines of Lavrion ; 
railway construction was easy in the great plain 
of Thessaly after the annexation of that province 
in 1881 ; but the greatest of all Greek railway 
enterprises, the connexion with the rest of Europe 
by rail, was a long and arduous affair, delayed 
by economic and political obstacles. The nucleus 
of this trunk line, the Pirseus-Larissa railway, 
was begun in 1890, but the first section, including 
the branch to Chalkis, was not opened till 1904. 
Even after Thessaly had at last been connected 
by this railway with the Piraeus, instead of being 
only accessible by steamer to Volo, the Turks 
hindered the much-desired junction with the 
Macedonian system, and thereby with " Europe," 
for strategic reasons. When, after 1912, Greece 
annexed South Macedonia, that obstacle dis- 
appeared ; a junction was finally effected in 1916, 
and an " Akropolis " express now runs through 
from Paris to the Piraeus. 

Hitherto, Athens had had no daily post from 
" Europe," and Greece had been as much isolated, 
so far as railway traffic was concerned, as Dal- 
matia, Montenegro or Albania, and in a far 
inferior position to the other Balkan states. The 



84 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Greeks hope that this through route to the East 
will supplant that by Brindisi, besides facilitating 
a lucrative tourist traffic, from which Greece 
should derive considerable revenue. For that 
end the construction of more " European " hotels 
in country towns is needed ; for the modern 
traveller is usually no explorer, and shrinks from 
the khan, which sheltered his hardier predecessor, 
less sensitive to nocturnal pinpricks as he lay 
on his live mattress on the hard floor. In recent 
years, motors, of which the first was introduced 
in 1901, have supplemented railways, and Sparta 
is thus easily accessible from the Peloponnesian 
line. Let us hope that these greater conveniences 
will not rob Greece of its unique charms of scenery, 
its unrivalled hospitality and the old-world at- 
mosphere which lingers round its mediaeval sites. 
It should be the aim of the Greeks in this matter 
to combine progress with the picturesque. 

Another barrier to travel in Greece received 
its death-blow in 1870, owing to the stir created 
by the seizure of Lord Muncaster and his party 
by brigands at Pikermi, near Marathon, and the 
murder of some of the prisoners. The Balkan 
peninsula had been from time immemorial the 
happy hunting-ground of brigands, for the country 
is mountainous, the peasantry was often friendly, 
and after every war a number of soldiers would 
take to the hills. The stir made by the Marathon 
affair was enormous, and the British public be- 
came violently excited against Greece, although 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 85 

only two of the twenty-one brigands were Greeks, 
and brigandage had diminished during the six 
years preceding the revolution of 1862, but had 
blossomed forth again as the result of the anarchy 
during the interregnum. But this sad affair pro- 
duced good in the end. Vigorous measures were 
taken against brigandage ; no foreigner has been 
captured since 1870, and the last case of the murder 
of a Greek by brigands was nearly thirty years ago. 
A question as to the right of an Italo-French 
company to extract ore from the refuse of the 
ancient mines at Lavrion, where it had bought 
land in 1864, led to a chauvinist agitation, the 
nationalization of these spoil-banks, and an Italo- 
French protest against this action. There followed 
one of those constitutional questions dear to 
parliamentarians, owing to the alleged violation 
of the charter of 1864 by Boulgares, the Premier, 
as to the interpretation of the legal quorum of 
the Chamber. The Cabinet was impeached, and 
two Ministers convicted of bribery in connexion 
with church appointments. These party struggles 
were not a very suitable preparation for the 
greatest crisis in the Eastern question that had 
arisen since the Crimean War, that which began 
with the insurrection in the Herzegovina in 1875 
and led up to the resettlement of the Balkan 
peninsula by the Berlin treaty of 1878. In that 
crisis Greece played a subordinate part ; she 
did not declare war upon Turkey, like Roumania, 
Serbia and Montenegro ; she was not immediately 



86 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

benefited as were the Bulgarians ; but she sub- 
sequently obtained her second accession of territory. 
The Greeks looked on with indifference at the 
Herzegovinian and Bulgarian risings and the 
early efforts of the two Serb states : those people 
were Slavs, and there was little or no sympathy be- 
tween them and the Hellenes. When, however, the 
blessed word " autonomy " began to be murmured 
in connexion with Bosniaks and Bulgars, public 
opinion in Greece awoke to the fact that the word 
was of Greek origin, and that there were Greek pro- 
vinces of Turkey to which it might be applicable. 
In 1877, a situation rather like that of 1854 
arose at Athens, with the entry of Russia into the 
struggle against Turkey. Private jealousies and 
party quarrels were silenced, and the veteran 
Admiral Kanares assumed the presidency of an 
" (Ecumenical," or Coalition Government, in 
which four ex-Premiers also sat. The " (Ecu- 
menical " Government, whose Foreign Minister was 
Trikoupes, declined to follow the advice of those 
hotheads who wanted, as in 1854, to stir up 
Thessaly and Epeiros to revolt ; its policy was 
to trust the British Cabinet for adequate com- 
pensation in due time for Greece's " correct " 
attitude at this crisis. Consequently this Ministry 
refused to join Russia in the war. But when the 
Russians were known to be on the way to Adrian- 
ople, with Constantinople as their objective, the 
cry arose for war. The " (Ecumenical " Govern- 
ment made way for a war Cabinet under Kou- 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 87 

moundouros, whose Foreign Minister was Theodore 
Deligiannes, later identified with the war scare of 
1886, and the war of 1897. Insurrections were 
started in the Greek provinces of Turkey, which 
the Government announced its intention of 
" occupying provisionally." But before the Greek 
troops had reached the frontier, the Russo-Turkish 
armistice was signed, and it was too late. The 
Government recalled the army ; the Epeirote 
insurrection collapsed, but insurgent committees, 
which had their seats in the poetic mountains of 
Pelion and Olympos held out, and it required 
British intervention and promises of goodwill 
before the Thessalians would lay down their arms. 
British mediation ended, too, the insurrection 
which broke out in Crete in 1878, in consequence 
of the Forte's refusals to modify the " Organic 
Statute " of 1868. A Cretan Assembly had asked 
for Autonomy, on payment of a tribute ; and, 
as the Porte did not reply, the islanders appealed 
to arms ; but on neither side was there the vehe- 
mence of the previous rising. Finally, the Porte 
promised " in concert with England " to " make 
arrangements for a new form of Government for 
Crete." This promise was not kept, and the 
result later on was further bloodshed. 

The treaty of San Stefano, which would have 
created a big Bulgaria, was received by the Greeks 
with just protests, addressed to the British Govern- 
ment, against this flagrant sacrifice, in Russian 
interest, of the Hellenic element in Macedonia 



88 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

and Thrace to the Bulgarian. The Beaconsfield 
Cabinet, more anxious to repulse Russian influence 
than to enlarge Greece, found that its interests 
and those of the Greeks coincided, and replied 
that it was "prepared to exert all its influence 
to prevent the absorption into a Slav state of any 
Greek population." British opposition caused the 
treaty of San Stefano to be torn up ; for it was 
substituted that of Berlin. Salisbury in vain 
advocated the admission of Greece to the Con- 
gress, but it was decided that the Greek delegates, 
of whom one was Deligiannes, should be only 
heard, but should have no vote. Even Deligiannes 
limited the Greek claims to the annexation of 
Crete and those Turkish provinces Thessaly and 
Epeiros which marched with the Greek frontier, 
and he pointed out that their cession would promote 
what every one desired the peace of the East. 

The Congress, as usual, adopted a compromise, 
and even that compromise was not immediately 
effected. Crete was to remain Turkish, on the 
promise of the Porte to apply the " Organic 
Statute " of 1868, and Macedonia, Thrace and 
the larger part of Epeiros were to be endowed 
with an administration based on that unsatis- 
factory Cretan model. In both cases the promise 
was unperformed, and the disgusted Cretan Chris- 
tians begged, if they could not have union, for a 
British protectorate, like the Cypriotes. At the 
suggestion of Salisbury, who was a true friend 
of Greece, and on the proposal of the French dele- 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 89 

gate, the Porte was invited to move the Northern 
Greek frontier up to the rivers Peneios on the 
east and Kalamas on the west, thus ceding Thessaly 
and Epeiros, as far as a point on the mainland 
opposite the south of Corfu, to Greece. This 
was all that Greece received at Berlin, beyond 
advice from Beaconsfield that she had a future, 
and could afford to wait. 

Three years passed before even a part of the 
promised territory was assigned to her. For the 
Turks, past-masters in the art of procrastination, 
raised one obstacle after the other to the new 
frontier. Their military experts, as is the way 
with military experts, declared that the suggested 
line was not a strategic frontier; their useful 
supporters against Slavs and Greeks, the Albanians, 
gave signs of a national conscience for the first time 
since the death of Skanderbeg, and an "Albanian 
League " arose to contest the Greek claims to 
Southern Epeiros. Petitions from both races filled 
the waste-paper baskets of the Foreign Office. 

As the conference of the Greco-Turkish Com- 
mission at Preveza proved abortive, the scene 
was changed to Constantinople, with like result, 
although Salisbury again intervened on behalf 
of Greece, reminding the Porte that the defective 
frontier of 1832 had been " rather a source of 
weakness than of strength to the Sultan " and the 
cause of brigandage to the detriment of both 
states. Matters dragged on till the advent of 
Gladstone to power in 1880 led to a fresh con- 



90 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

ference at Berlin, where the Anglo-French proposal 
drew the Greek frontier from the crest of Olympos 
to the mouth of the Kalamas ; thus Joannina 
would have been in Greek territory. Unfortunately, 
a Ministerial crisis in France led to a change of 
her foreign policy. Turkey immediately, as always, 
availed herself of the disunion of the Powers to 
adopt an obstinate attitude ; Greece armed ; 
neither party to the issue would accept arbitration. 
The final settlement was reached in 1881 by 
another conference at Constantinople, but only 
between the Porte and the delegates of the Powers, 
in which, therefore, Greece had no direct voice, 
although Goschen, the British delegate, tried hard 
to obtain for her the line of Olympos on the east 
and Preveza on the west. Instead, the Turks 
actually offered Crete with a slight rectification 
of the land frontier and " a few little islands." 
But the Greeks refused this offer, and the Cretans, 
with admirable self-sacrifice in the interests of 
Hellenism as a whole, acquiesced therein. For 
it was felt that Crete, racially a Greek island, 
must inevitably one day come to Greece, whereas 
an increase of territory in the direction of Mace- 
donia and Albania was more urgent, for in those 
regions there were rival races with claims of their 
own. This offer having been rejected, it became 
evident that the Turks would not cede the Kalamas 
line, but would fight rather than relinquish 
Preveza, which commands the entrance to the 
Ambrakian gulf and is the port of Joannina. As 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 91 

Greece could not light, and the Powers would not 
put forcible pressure upon Turkey, a fresh compro- 
mise was made by the convention of May 24, 1881, 
which fixed the Greek frontier a little north of the 
classic vale of Tempe, through which so many in- 
vaders had entered the rich plain of Thessaly. The 
river of Arta became the Greek boundary on the 
west. Thus Greece obtained nearly the whole of 
Thessaly an enormous gain, owing to its agricul- 
tural value but in Epeiros only the district of 
Arta, the town which, after the Frankish conquest, 
had been one of the few refuges of Hellenism. 

The settlement of 1881, which lasted, with a 
slight strategic modification in favour of Turkey 
in 1898, down to 1912, was admittedly less than 
Greece deserved. An arrangement, which ex- 
cluded Olympos from Greece and compelled the 
people of Arta to cross the famous bridge into 
Turkish territory whenever they visited their 
farms, was geographically and economically ab- 
surd ; but it was a strategic advantage for Greece 
to have Punta, which faces Preveza on the other 
side of the Gulf, and which had been refused her 
in 1832. Even then the Turks refused to give up 
the defile of Karalik-Dervend, near which the 
eastern frontier terminated, and fighting took 
place there in 1882, till a mixed commission finally 
bestowed it upon Greece. Such labour had it 
required to fix her Northern frontier. It had 
been a costly operation to the Greek treasury, for 
to face the Eastern crisis two loans, involving 



92 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

a heavy deficit, and a paper currency had been 
necessary, while Greece had to assume her pro- 
portion of the Ottoman debt for the new provinces. 
She pledged herself to respect the religion and 
religious endowments of the Moslems, who in 
Thessaly were large landowners. The promise was 
kept ; but the Moslem cares not to live under the 
rule of the Giaour, especially when that Giaour has 
been his own rdyah. Consequently, from Thessaly, 
as from Eubcea fifty years earlier, as from Mace- 
donia thirty years later, there was a large Moslem 
emigration ; the large estates came into the market ; 
and, with the advantages incident upon the acquisi- 
tion of Thessaly, Greece inherited a land question, 
which M. Venizelos endeavoured to solve. 

Crete, which had nobly sacrificed herself for the 
general good, had obtained in 1878 an improvement 
on the " Organic Statute " in the shape of the 
Pact of Halepa the suburb of Canea. This 
Pact became the charter of the island, and was more 
favourable to the Christians than any previous 
Turkish reform. It established a Governor- 
General (who for several years was a Greek subject 
of Turkey), with an Assessor of the opposite religion, 
and an annual General Assembly of forty-nine 
Christians and thirty-one Moslems; it proclaimed 
the freedom of the press, made Greek the official 
language of the law-courts and the legislature ; 
and ear-marked half the surplus revenue for those 
local improvements, notably roads and harbours, 
which the island sorely needed, and which 209 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 93 

years of Turkish rule had failed to supply. Union 
remained the ideal of the Christians, but after the 
Pact of Halepa they were more contented than the 
Moslems, and there was no insurrection till 1889. 
Another Greek island had meanwhile passed 
for ever from the direct dominion of Turkey. On 
June 4, 1878, a few days before the Berlin Congress 
met, Beaconsfield had concluded the Cyprus 
Convention with Turkey, which, on payment of 
an annual tribute, allowed Great Britain to occupy 
and administer that island as " a place of arms," 
the better to enable her to execute her pledge to 
defend Asiatic Turkey against further Russian 
encroachments, in return for which aid the Sultan 
promised " to introduce necessary reforms," for 
the benefit of the Armenians, in concert with the 
British Government. Should Russia abandon her 
recent conquests in Asia, Britain would quit Cyprus. 
There was at the moment much talk about Cyprus 
in the British press ; its acquisition was considered 
by some as a great diplomatic triumph, and Richard 
I's conquest of the island in 1191 from its local 
Greek " Emperor " was unearthed as a historical 
precedent for the British occupation. Since then 
Cyprus had never been Greek. Richard had sold 
it to the Templars ; the Templars, unable to 
manage it, handed it back to Richard, who sold 
it, in 1192, to Guy de Lusignan, ex-King of 
Jerusalem ; Guy founded the dynasty which 
ruled it, till, in 1489, it became a Venetian colony, 
absorbed in Turkey in 1571. 



94 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

At the outset the Turks were welcomed as a 
relief from the Latins by the Orthodox Greek 
population ; they restored the Orthodox Arch- 
bishopric and abolished serfdom. But their mal- 
administration was the same as everywhere, and 
oppressed the peasants, Christian and Moslem alike ; 
their local government was constantly changing, 
while the Orthodox Archbishop became all-powerful, 
till in the year of the outbreak of the Greek insur- 
rection he and his three suffragans were murdered. 

A British Vice-Consular report of 1867 depicts 
the decline of Cyprus under Turkish rule. Con- 
sequently it was not much of an asset materially 
when the British took it in charge, while naval 
opinion held that, if a base were wanted in the 
Levant, the small Turkish island of Astypalaia 
(now occupied by Italy), with its two fine harbours, 
would be preferable. It certainly would have 
been less expensive ; for the annual tribute was 
foolishly based upon the average surplus of the 
five previous years, which amounted to 92,800, 
regardless of the fact that the Turks had obtained 
this large surplus upon a total revenue of 147,281 
by their usual practice of spending little upon public 
works, whereas the British had to begin every- 
thing from the beginning. Besides, in 1882, 
nearly 82,000 of the tribute were set aside to pay 
the bondholders of the Turkish loan of 1855. 

As long as the tribute existed it was a great 
handicap to the progress of Cyprus and a burden 
to the British Exchequer, obliged to make up the 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 95 

resultant deficits in the insular budget. But 
when the late war between Great Britain and 
Turkey broke out, Cyprus was, on November 5, 
1914, annexed, and the payment of tribute ceased. 
Turkey renounced in the treaty of Sevres all rights 
to both island and tribute. The annexation was 
specially welcomed by the Cypriote Christians 
because it would enable Britain to dispose freely 
of their destinies, whereas hitherto the official 
British argument in reply to repeated Cypriote 
demands for union with Greece had been that, if 
Britain left Cyprus, it would be her duty under 
the convention to restore it, as she restored Parga, 
to Turkey. She did actually offer to cede Cyprus 
to Greece in October 7, 1915, if the latter " would 
give full and immediate support to Serbia." But 
the Zai'mes Cabinet did not see its way to give 
such support, whereupon Sir E. Grey stated that 
the offer had lapsed. It has not been renewed, 
indeed, on May 9, 1916, the Sykes-Picot agreement 
pledged Britain not to cede Cyprus without 
France's consent although M. Venizelos was 
willing to meet the strategic arguments of the 
British military authorities by allowing them an 
aviation base on the island should it be ceded to 
Greece. Its strategic value, diminished after the 
occupation of Egypt in 1882, is said to have 
increased since the British occupation of Palestine 
and the other changes upon the coast of Asia 
Minor and Syria, and Greek desire for union was 
enhanced by the Venizelos-Tittoni agreement of 



96 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

1919, which pledged Italy to hold a plebiscite in 
Rhodes if Britain should cede Cyprus to Greece. 
This agreement has, however, been disavowed by 
Italy on the ground that the treaty of Sevres, 
with which it was to enter simultaneously into 
force, has been revised. 

The Cypriote Christians, who form the vast 
majority of the population, while admitting the 
justice and material advantages of British rule, 
desire, like the lonians, union with their less well- 
administered motherland, and for the same racial 
reason. The Constitution, granted in 1882, like the 
Ionian Constitution of 1849, has provided them with 
a platform for their propaganda ; the episcopacy, 
as is usual, leads the Unionist Movement, which is 
opposed by the Moslem minority. Strategic reasons 
may delay, but history will doubtless record, the 
inevitable solution of this question. If it be long 
delayed, the Greeks of Athens have themselves to 
blame for rejecting the offer of 1915, for to nations, 
as to individuals, such opportunities rarely recur. 

A lull in Greek affairs occurred between the 
settlement of the Northern frontier and the next 
war scare in 1885. Greek politics at this period 
became largely a personal question between two 
men, each remarkable in his way, the one as a 
statesman of the first rank, the other an unrivalled 
parliamentarian, the Kolettes of modern times. 
Trikoupes, " the Englishman," had broader views, 
but less local knowledge ; Deligiannes pandered 
to the chauvinistic feelings of the people without 



EASTERN CRISIS OF 1876-86 97 

always considering whether there was adequate 
force behind Nationalism. Trikoupes worked hard 
to improve the financial situation, and succeeded, 
by increasing the taxes, in ridding Greece of the 
paper currency. But economy, popular in the 
abstract, makes a Minister enemies in a democratic 
country ; so, unfortunately, the Jingo Deligiannes 
was in power when, in 1885, the Union of Eastern 
Roumelia with Bulgaria by the Philippopolis 
Revolution, and the consequent aggrandizement 
of Bulgaria, aroused the war party alike at Belgrade 
and Athens, where the balance of power in the 
Balkans was declared to be endangered, unless 
Bulgaria's two rivals received territorial com- 
pensation. Some Ministers proposed a naval 
expedition to support the Cretans, who had again 
proclaimed union with Greece, and the occupation 
of the Kalamas line in Epeiros, thus making 
Turkey pay for the act of Bulgaria. 

Greece did not, however, like Serbia, go to war ; 
but the Bulgarian defeat of the Serbians at 
Slivnitza had a great repercussion upon her. 
Demonstrations were held, and Deligiannes dis- 
regarded the warnings alike of Salisbury and of 
his Liberal successor, Lord Rosebery. In vain 
the Powers unanimously told him to disarm and 
that they could not permit a naval attack upon 
Turkey, such as he seemed to contemplate. His 
reply was to go on arming and to demand, not 
without reason, that as Bulgaria was to be allowed 
to keep Eastern Roumelia, Greece should have the 
7 



98 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

frontier which had been promised to her. The 
Powers, except France, who declined to join in 
putting pressure upon Greece, then sent a note 
to Deligiannes, requesting him peremptorily to 
disarm, and, as their request was not fulfilled, 
on May 8, 1886, blockaded the Greek coast. Thus, 
for the second time, a British squadron was 
engaged in a Greek blockade, and on this occasion 
its commander was that same Duke of Edinburgh 
who, as Prince Alfred, had been the elect of the 
Greek people twenty-three years earlier, and who, 
but for the refusal of the British Government, 
might have been blockaded instead of blockading. 
The resignation of Deligiannes followed, when all 
the harm had been done, large deficits had been 
incurred and the paper currency reintroduced, and 
the pacific Trikoupes soon returned with the 
mission of repairing his bellicose rival's mistakes. 
Fortunately, the actual fighting was confined to a 
few frontier skirmishes, the new Cabinet disarmed 
and the blockade was raised after lasting for nearly 
a month. 

Greece gained nothing by this attitude of Ajax 
defying the lightning. If she lost no territory 
she had to bear the loss of a forced currency for 
many years, while the lesson of 1886 was lost upon 
Deligiannes, who eleven years later repeated, with 
far graver results, his warlike policy. For the 
time, however, the long Eastern crisis ended, and 
Greece enjoyed the advantage of repose from the 
excitement of foreign policy. 



CHAPTER VIII 

ECONOMICS, CRETE AND THE GRECO- 
TURKISH WAR (1886-98) 

ECONOMIC questions were the chief concern 
of Greece for nearly nine years after the 
blockade of 1886. This was the period of 
railway extension and of other public works ; 
it was in 1893 that the attempt of Nero, the 
prophecy of Apollonius of Tyana, and the dream 
of Lucan, " to save ships from rounding long 
Cape Malea," was at last accomplished by the 
cutting of the Corinth Canal, Unfortunately, 
the canal was not made sufficiently wide, while 
the strong current rendered navigation difficult. 
But it has proved a great saving of time for those 
steamers which use it and much diminished the 
all-sea route from Brindisi. This rapid transit 
has, however, injured Corinth, which was the 
natural stopping-place for those who traversed the 
Isthmus. While Athens and the Piraeus are 
flourishing modern towns, while Aigion and Patras 
are the outlets of the currant-trade, Corinth, once 
so famous for wealth and luxury, has now none 
but archaeological interest. 

There were, however, checks to economic progress 
99 



100 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

during those peaceful years, culminating in the 
financial crisis of 1893 and a subsequent currant 
crisis, which caused a currency crisis in the winter 
of 1894-5, when the exchange went up to 187f. 
The currant crisis derived its origin from the time 
when the phylloxera in France had created a 
great demand for these serviceable berries, which 
are mentioned as having been cultivated in the 
Morea in the fourteenth century, but were not 
grown in quantities for the consumption of 
Northern Europe until after the Turkish reconquest 
of the Morea in the eighteenth. The currant has, 
like the grape-vine, not been an unmixed benefit 
to mankind. At first, the French demand for all 
the currants that Greece could send her raised 
prices and brought money into the country. 
Thereupon, the peasants, thinking that the demand 
would last for ever, cut down their olive-trees, 
cut up their pasture-land (just as the Italians 
have sacrificed the olive-trees of Bordighera and 
San Remo for the culture of flowers), and planted 
currant-vines wherever there was room to grow 
them. But, while Greek production was thus 
trebled, France recovered from the phylloxera ; 
in 1891 she was able to impose a duty upon 
currants ; Germany and Russia followed her ; 
and the Greek producer had masses of currants 
on his hands, which were a drug in the market. 
The cry went up for artificial measures to redress 
the wrongs inflicted upon nature by the sacrifice 
of the olives, for a good currant crop had become 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 101 

a curse. The result was the Retention Law of 
1899, which allowed the retention of 20 per cent, 
of the crop. As usual, this attempt at regulation 
produced the opposite effect of what was intended. 
Prices were again raised, with the same effect as 
before, that the peasants were eager to put more 
land under currant cultivation, and further over- 
production ensued. The currant question led 
indirectly to the fall of the Theotokes Ministry 
in 1903, and a fresh solution was attempted by 
the formation of an international Privileged 
Company, which endeavoured to increase the 
demand by popularizing the use of currants for 
other purposes besides plum-puddings in the two 
great Anglo-Saxon communities, which are Greece's 
chief customers for this article. It also tried to 
diminish the area under cultivation by compen- 
sating the proprietors for uprooting their currant- 
bushes. 

Scarcely less difficult was the financial crisis 
of 1893, which occupied the politicians to the 
exclusion of most other questions. A British 
expert, Mr. (afterwards Sir) Edward Law, 1 traced 
its origin to " the general disorganization of the 
country produced by political events in 1885-6," 
and " since that date to excessive borrowing 
abroad, and equally to the laxity of an adminis- 
tration which neglected the proper collection of 
taxes, whilst the balance of trade was steadily 

1 Diplomatic and Consular Reports on Trade and 
Finance, 1169, p. 17 ; 1416, p. 4. 



102 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

against the country." The Government had 
temporarily to reduce by 70 per cent, the amount 
paid as interest on the coupons of the Greek gold 
loans ; negotiations with the representatives of 
the foreign bondholders fell through, and the 
apparent increase in the revenue for 1894, which was 
double that for 1885, was partly fictitious, owing 
to the diminution in value of the paper currency. 
It is very creditable to the probity of Greek public 
life that at a time when Ministries came and fell 
upon questions of finance, and when statesmen 
were mainly concerned with financial operations, 
the breath of scandal never once touched any of 
them. The pecuniary prizes of office in Greece 
have always been ridiculously small, but there is 
no example of any Greek Premier having used his 
official opportunities to enrich himself. Trikoupes 
and Deligiannes, the rival protagonists of that 
day, lived and died poor ; nor has even partisan 
acrimony accused their great successor of an 
offence not unknown in some greater countries. 
Another social and economic question first 
appeared in Greek life during this period. The 
depression of the currant trade and the rise in 
prices led to emigration, especially to the United 
States a phenomenon which had not existed 
before 1891. Its chief economic effect was the 
depletion of the agricultural districts ; socially 
it led to the introduction of Western ideas into 
remote parts of Greece. The writer has met 
persons speaking English with a strong American 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 103 

accent in a very inaccessible town of the Pelo- 
ponnese, and to the energy, activity and patriotism 
of some of the emigrants, who hastened from 
overseas at their country's call in 1912, were 
attributed some of the successes of the Greek army 
in the first Balkan war. These " Americans " 
have their newspapers and their organizations, 
and to the already existing Hellenic colonies 
abroad, some dating several centuries back, some 
possessing great influence in politics as well as 
commerce, there have been added in these last 
thirty years those in the United States. The 
official memorandum, presented by M. Venizelos 
to the Peace Congress of 1919, estimated the 
Greeks in North and South America as 450,000. 
These economic crises were succeeded by a 
fresh outbreak of the Cretan question, which 
involved Greece for the first time since the struggle 
for independence in war with Turkey. In 1889 
there had been another Cretan insurrection, which, 
beginning out of a parliamentary fight between 
the two political parties, the so-called Liberals 
and Conservatives, for the spoils of office, developed 
into a religious and national conflict between 
Christians and Moslems. When union with Greece 
was again proclaimed, Trikoupes, then in power at 
Athens, did all he could to damp the untimely 
ardour of the Unionists, for the time was, he 
thought, not yet ripe. A firman, repealing the 
Pact of Halepa, reducing the numbers of the 
Assembly to fifty-seven, and giving Turkish- 



104 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

speaking candidates a better chance for Cretan 
appointments, was subsequently modified by an 
increase of the members of the Assembly to sixty- 
five, of whom forty were Christians, by the sum- 
moning of that body, which had not met for six 
years, and by the appointment of a Christian 
vdli. Both Christians and Moslems remained, 
however, discontented, until the final Cretan 
insurrection, which sounded the death-knell of 
Turkish rule, began at Canea on May 24, 1896. 
The Sultan vainly restored the Pact of Halepa 
and appointed another Christian vdli ; it was now 
too late for " reforms," which the Moslems opposed 
and the Christians suspected. 

An attack upon the Christian quarter of Canea 
by the Moslems on February 4, 1897, drove the 
Christian insurgents (among them the future 
Premier of Greece) to occupy the " peninsula " (or 
Akroteri) which separates Canea from the famous 
bay of Suda. Once again union was proclaimed, 
and this time official Greece did not remain in- 
different to the Cretan proclamation. Deligiannes 
was, as in 1885, in power, and on this occasion 
without a check, for his great rival, whose influence 
had always been on the side of peace, had met 
with the usual fate of Greek statesmen, alike in 
ancient and modern times, the ingratitude of his 
countrymen, and, after being defeated in the 
elections, had died in exile at Cannes the greatest 
figure that modern Greece had so far produced. 

Public opinion at Athens was much excited ; 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 105 

the first revival of the Olympic Games there in 
the previous year had helped to create much the 
same patriotic enthusiasm as was aroused by the 
Italian Jubilee Exhibition on the eve of the Libyan 
war. The large Cretan colony in Greece and the 
Cretan refugees, as always, were further incentives 
to action, and the King's sailor son, Prince George, 
started with a squadron of destroyers for "the 
great Greek island," which he was destined to 
govern, while Col. Vassos landed there in the name 
of the King. The last Turkish governor fled 
ignominiously, and the Admirals of the five 
Powers, then represented off Crete, occupied 
Canea, bombarding the insurgents on Akroteri, 
among them M. Venizelos, who told the writer 
that it was then that he found time to learn 
English ! The Admirals proclaimed the autonomy 
of the island, and instituted a blockade ; but by 
that time the mainland also was in a blaze. The 
so-called " National Society " clamoured and 
agitated for war ; the King was in a difficult 
position ; probably his own sound judgment was 
against the venture ; but he may have hoped that 
the Powers would have helped him to save his 
face by intervening to prevent actual fighting ; 
he would thus have been able to give way to their 
pressure, while having advocated war, like Otho 
in 1854. This is a not uncommon manoeuvre in 
the Near East, where statesmen are sometimes 
thankful to the Powers for forcing them to do what 
they wanted, but had not the courage to do, from 



106 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

fear of public opinion. In 1897, however, the 
Powers did not prevent war ; indeed the action 
of a number of British members of Parliament 
stimulated the war-party at Athens, which mis- 
took them for the British Government, then under 
Salisbury. 

The writer, who was in Greece during the war, 
remembers the combination of patriotic enthusiasm 
with defective organization, which accompanied 
this ill-timed struggle. From the first the conflict 
on land was unequal, for behind the Turks were 
German instructors, while the virtues of democracy 
are not conspicuous on a battlefield, where it 
tends to make every soldier think himself the 
equal of his officer, and of good officers the Greeks 
then had few. Idealists who believed that other 
Christian races of the Balkans would rise and cut 
off the Turkish advance were disappointed, for 
the Sultan paid blackmail to Serbia and Bulgaria 
in the shape of more Macedonian bishoprics and 
schools. Thus Greece and Turkey were left alone. 
Happily this " Thirty Days' War " was short, 
and by land, except for the sturdy resistance of 
Smolenski, the hero of the struggle, who at one 
moment might have made himself dictator, if he 
had had political instinct, was disastrous for the 
Greeks. By sea they were the superiors of the 
Turks, but their fleet did little beyond a desultory 
bombardment of Preveza and Santi Quaranta. 
The presence of large Greek populations in the 
coast-towns of Turkey rendered an attack upon 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 107 

those vulnerable points impossible, for the chief 
sufferers would have been the " unredeemed " 
Greeks ; and it is probable that, just as Austria 
vetoed the bombardment of certain Turkish 
places by the Italian navy in the Libyan war, so 
tie Powers prevented the seizure of practically 
defenceless Turkish islands as a pledge by the 
Greek fleet in 1897. Thus Greece fought with 
one arm, the right, tied behind her back. 

The retreat of the Crown Prince, Constantine 
(the future " Bulgar-slayer," but not yet an 
eminent general), from Larissa, the Greek defeat 
on the famous battlefield of Pharsalos, where 
Caesar and Pompey had contended for the mastery of 
the world, and the culminating battle of Domokos, 
which laid continental Greece south of Thessaly 
open to the invaders, showed that further blood- 
shed was useless, especially as the Sultan knew 
full well that he would not be allowed to retain 
his conquests. For a moment, however, the 
throne was in danger, and the King might have 
fallen, had it not been for the influence of the 
popular democratic Athenian leader, Rhalles, 
who had taken the place of Deligiannes as Premier. 
The position was all the more dangerous owing 
to the return from the front of the Garibaldians, 
who had come to fight for Greece and who might, 
it was feared, remain to sack Athens. Their 
leader, General Ricciotti Garibaldi, wisely removed 
them ; thanks to the tardy, but effective, inter- 
vention of the Powers, the Turkish advance was 



108 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

stayed by an armistice ; and Crete was evacuated. 
The treaty of Constantinople on December 4 
gave back Thessaly to Greece, except a few 
strategic points and a single village, but Greece 
had to pay a war indemnity. The opportunity 
was taken at the same time to establish an Inter- 
national Commission of Control over her revenues, 
upon which the six Powers were each to have a 
delegate. Thus the war brought a solution of the 
financial crisis. In 1898 the last Turkish troops 
left Thessaly, which became more Greek than 
before owing to the simultaneous emigration of 
nearly all the Moslem landlords. Thus, Greece 
had paid comparatively lightly for her venture. 
Nor was the lesson of 1897 thrown away upon the 
Greeks. They learned the necessity of organiza- 
tion and discipline, the hardest of all lessons for 
a Southern people of strikingly individualistic 
tendencies ; for what one Southerner will do 
better than three Anglo-Saxons, three Southerners 
will do worse than one Anglo-Saxon. The war 
of 1912 completely wiped out the memories of 
1897 ; the Greek army which defeated the Turks 
in that year was no more the Greek army which 
had retreated from Larissa than was the Serbian 
army which routed the Turks at Kumanovo the 
Serbian army which had lost Slivnitza. More- 
over, one result of this disastrous war was the 
establishment of Cretan autonomy and the all 
but nominal end of Turkish rule over that sorely- 
tried island. 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 109 

The Powers had at last realized, after the 
experience of two generations, that direct Ottoman 
sway must cease there ; but they were unwilling 
to permit union, and still clung to the idea of a 
foreign governor, selected from one of the small 
Christian states, Switzerland (in the person of 
Numa Droz), Luxemburg (in that of a Greek- 
speaking colonel), or Montenegro (in that of the 
Prince's cousin and Premier). While the question 
was still unsettled, the two Central Empires 
retired from the Concert of Europe, leaving to 
the four other Powers the task of occupying the 
Cretan coast-towns, within which the Moslems 
were concentrated. Thus, Canea became the 
common seat of all four, while Candia was the 
British, Rethymne the Russian, Sitia and Spin- 
alonga the French, and Hierapetra the Italian 
reserve. Outside these places a Christian Assembly, 
whose President was Sphakianakes, dominated 
the country. A British Admiral was destined to 
cut the diplomatic knot, which seemed to have 
become hopelessly entangled, by his strong 
measures against the Moslems at Candia, who, 
in 1898, murdered the British Vice-Consul and 
fired upon the British in the harbour. The 
remaining Turkish troops evacuated Crete, with 
the exception of the islet in Suda bay, over which 
the Turkish flag still floated. Suda had been one 
of the two last places which the Turks had captured 
from the Venetians ; it was the last that they 
retained a mere shadow of their former power. 



110 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Thereupon, at the suggestion of the Tsar, largely 
moved by personal friendship, the four Powers 
offered the still vacant Cretan Governorship to 
Prince George of Greece, who was to act as their 
High Commissioner, while nominally remaining 
the vassal of the Sultan. His appointment was 
to be for three years it really lasted for nearly 
eight. On December 21, 1898 a red-letter day 
in Cretan history the first Greek Governor of 
the island since the Roman Conquest landed in 
Crete. Great was the joy of the Cretan Christians ; 
it was hoped that Crete would no longer vex the 
European diplomatists who sat in Rome to watch 
over their latest creation. But Crete is like 
Ireland : when one grievance is removed, another 
arises ; and the Cretan politicians found that 
autonomy was not a panacea, and that a Prince 
of no political experience and autocratic tempera- 
ment was scarcely likely to work well with his 
local advisers, especially when one of them was a 
statesman, then little known to fame, of the stamp 
of M. Venizelos. 

Cretan history under Prince George consists of 
two parts : his first happy and tranquil five years, 
and the turbulent remainder of his term. He 
began with the best intentions : he meant to be 
the Prince of all Cretans, Moslems and Christians 
alike ; and his respective pilgrimages to the historic 
monastery of Arkadion and to the principal 
mosque of Canea were the outward expressions 
of this excellent policy. One of the first acts of 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 111 

his rule was the appointment of a commission 
of both creeds to compile a constitution, which was 
submitted to an Assembly and by it approved. 
The Prince was to be assisted by five " Councillors," 
of whom one was to be a Moslem and of whom all 
were appointed by himself, and he was further 
entitled to nominate ten deputies to the elective 
Chamber, which was to meet annually and to be 
renewed biennially. Thus he had considerable 
powers, which made all the more important his 
personal qualifications for the difficult art of 
governing Cretans. Autonomy was completed 
by the adoption of a Cretan flag, the issue of 
Cretan stamps and small change, and by the 
creation of a Cretan police force in place of the 
Montenegrins, who had latterly acted in that 
capacity. This force, trained by Italian carabi- 
neers, was very efficient and, after the union, 
rendered service to Greece also, where one tall 
Cretan policeman has been seen to keep a crowd 
in order in a manner that would not disgrace 
Scotland Yard. 

The Powers accordingly thought that young 
Crete might now walk alone ; their authorities 
withdrew from their respective districts, but an 
unfortunate result of the withdrawal of the British 
from Candia, the chief Moslem centre, was such a 
Moslem emigration to Asia Minor that the census 
of 1900 revealed the fact that the Moslems formed 
only one-ninth of the population, and outside 
Canea, Candia and Rethymne were a negligible 



112 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

quantity. This emigration, partly due to the 
natural reluctance of a once dominant minority 
to remain under a formerly subordinate majority, 
partly to artificial stimulants from Constantinople, 
was both a benefit and a loss to the island. 
Politically, it simplified the situation by giving to 
Crete an overwhelmingly Christian and Unionist 
complexion ; economically, it deprived the island 
of a valuable element in its population. But 
this large reduction of the Moslem population 
enabled the large Christian majority to indulge, 
as is the way with large majorities, in the luxury 
of internal disputes. As he gained, or thought 
that he had gained, more experience of local 
conditions, the Prince became more autocratic ; 
he quarrelled with the Assembly over the questions 
of a press censorship and the control of the elections 
of mayors ; he dismissed his wisest Councillor, 
M. Venizelos, accused of preferring to union the 
erection of Crete into a principality like Samos. 
Venetian and Turkish traditions were still strong 
in Crete ; accordingly, M. Venizelos and the 
Opposition followed the time-honoured practice 
of taking to the hills, and established a provisional 
National Assembly, in 1905, at Therisso, a mountain 
village, approached by a narrow defile from his 
birthplace at Mournies, behind Canea. Therisso 
had long been a famous stronghold, whence the 
Turks had found it hard to dislodge the insurgents. 
On this occasion winter alone compelled the 
seceders to yield and then only to the Consuls 



CRETE AND GRECO-TURKISH WAR 113 

of the Powers after having passed the usual 
vote of union with Greece. The incident, however, 
left a rancorous feeling behind it ; for the Prince, 
who in 1906 resigned the High Commissionership, 
found it hard to forgive the daring Councillor 
who had resisted his will. Hence were sown the 
seeds of the future conflict between his elder 
brother and the insurgent of Therisso, become 
King Constantine's Prime Minister. 

Prince George's resignation caused a further 
advance towards union ; for the four protecting 
Powers allowed King George to choose his son's 
successor, and he chose wisely. Instead of an 
inexperienced, autocratic Prince, the new High 
Commissioner was the most moderate and least 
talkative of Greek public men, M. Alexander 
Zai'mes, the descendant of what our ancestors 
would have called " an old Whig family," which 
for generations had been in politics, in which 
M. Zai'mes had twice attained the rank of Premier 
and accomplished the task of making the best 
possible terms for Greece after the disastrous war 
with Turkey. Essentially a " safe man," M. 
Zai'mes succeeded in ensuring quiet ; a further 
step towards union was the substitution of retired 
Greek officers for the Italians in the police, and the 
organization by them of a native militia. Crete 
ceased to make history. 



CHAPTER IX 
THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION (1898-1908) 

AFTER the Turkish war Greece enjoyed 
a period of rest, during which her politics 
were mainly internal. Had this interval 
been employed for the improvement of the parlia- 
mentary system, the " Military League " of 1909 
might have been unnecessary, and the humiliation 
which the country underwent in that year from 
Turkey avoided. But it was still the heyday 
of personal parties, of log-rolling and the " spoils' 
system," and domestic politics were a game of ins 
and outs, in which from 1899 to 1905 Theotokes, 
a lieutenant of Trikoupes, and the first Corfiote 
who attained to the Premiership, contended for 
office with old Deligiannes, till the latter, still 
hale and hearty, fell by the hand of a vulgar 
assassin the first instance since Capo d'Istria 
of the murder of a leading Greek politician, although 
in Deligiannes' case the crime was due not to 
politics but to the aged Minister's severe action 
against gambling-hells, which had become the 
curse of Athens. 

Cabinets fell during this period with frequency 
and on the most frivolous pretexts. Theotokes 

114 



THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION 115 

was on one occasion sacrificed to a violent agitation 
against a vulgar translation of the Gospels. The 
Greeks, fortunate in alone possessing the originals 
of the Gospels in the language of their forefathers, 
are naturally anxious to preserve the ipsissima verba 
of the Evangelists, just as, without so cogent a 
reason, most Englishmen prefer the Authorized 
to the Revised Version of the Bible, even if some 
Jacobean phraseology has a changed, or even 
no meaning for Georgian readers. The motives 
of the Greek Revisers were excellent : they wanted 
the Gospels to be read in the common speech of the 
unlearned people, although the difference between 
New Testament Greek and the Greek of the modern 
Athenian journal is not enormous. But the 
question, like all questions in Greece, soon passed 
from the spheres of religion and philology into 
the all-embracing realm of politics. Opponents 
hinted that Russia was behind the new translation, 
which was the first move in a scheme for depriving 
the Orthodox Greek Church of her most precious 
possession the original language of the Evan- 
gelists. Put in this way, the matter became one 
of national policy, and so deeply was it felt that a 
special addition was made to the revised consti- 
tution in 1911, prohibiting the translation of the 
Scriptures without the consent of both the Church 
in Greece and the (Ecumenical Patriarch. 

A like question, which in any other country 
would have been exclusively literary, but in Greece 
was political and national, agitated Athens in 



116 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

1903. M. Soteriades, a well-known scholar, had 
produced the ^Eschylean Trilogy in a version 
which, according to some of his critics, was not 
free from certain vulgarisms. The students were 
up in arms, the Ministry had, under the pressure 
of public opinion, to prohibit further performances, 
and the attention of foreigners was again drawn 
to the violent feelings which the language question 
evokes in Greece. Just as at one time in Italy it 
was sufficient to condemn a prisoner to say that 
he had " spoken ill of Garibaldi," so to injure an 
Athenian professor it sufficed to accuse him of 
using the vulgar language in his lectures. " By 
their speech ye shall know them." 

Such were the elegant questions which then 
occupied public men, of whom Theotokes, after 
the death of Deligiannes, was the most prominent. 
His handsome presence, his courtly manners and 
his undoubted abilities made him a good second- 
class leader ; for this was the age of the " suc- 
cessors " Theotokes of Trikoupes, Rhalles and 
Mavromichales rival heirs of Deligiannes all 
clever party leaders, but none gifted with the 
statesmanlike gift of reconstruction which Greece 
needed before she could become great. 

Meanwhile, beyond her still narrow borders, 
another question which keenly interested the 
Greek race had taken the place of Crete. Mace- 
donia had long been " the promised land " of 
Greek ambitions. Historical associations play 
a very practical part in the Near East, and 



THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION 11T 

Alexander the Great was a Macedonian. Later in 
Greek history Macedonia had been a portion of 
the Byzantine Empire. But unfortunately other 
rival races had historical claims there also ; the 
Serbs recalled their great Tsar, Stephen Dushan, 
with his capital at Skopje ; the Bulgars pointed 
to their famous Tsar Samuel with his residences 
on the Macedonian lakes of Prespa and Ochrida ; 
while the Turks had been in possession, rather, 
however, as a garrison than as permanent settlers, 
for about five centuries. Political arguments 
drawn from ancient, or even mediaeval history, 
have, however, a mediocre value for Western 
Europeans. No English Jingo would dream of 
claiming the French possessions of Edward III, 
who was Dushan' s contemporary ; no Italian 
Nationalist would advocate the annexation of 
Yorkshire because Septimius Severus died at 
York. Statistics of the present population are 
the usual argument which appeals to the Western 
mentality. But they are precisely the weak 
point of the Eastern, even apart from any desire 
to adapt them to the proof of a national claim. 
" Balkan statistics," it has been said, " are like 
the figures in Herodotus " : they must be received 
with caution. Thus a sincere seeker after truth, 
arriving at Salonika twenty years ago, would have 
had from the Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian 
Consulates there masses of figures proving con- 
clusively that the Macedonian population was 
mainly Greek, Serbian or Bulgarian. Under these 



118 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

circumstances the diplomatist at the Court of 
King Nicholas of Montenegro was wise, who, 
when the King offered him statistics to prove 
Montenegro's indubitable right to certain territory, 
replied to the Royal author of " The Empress of 
the Balkans " : " Sire, I know that Your Majesty 
is a poet ! " Without attempting to fix the 
proportions of the different nationalities, it could 
be asserted that Macedonia was a macedoine 
of races Greeks, Bulgarians, Serbs, Koutzo- 
Wallachs (or " Macedonian Roumanians," formerly 
classified as Greeks), Turks, and at Salonika 
Spanish Jews these last subdivided into practis- 
ing Hebrews and Deunmehs, or Jews converted 
to Islam besides the usual Levantine population 
of an Eastern sea-port people who speak all 
languages, have none of their own, and call them- 
selves subjects of whichever great Power happens 
to be temporarily predominant in Turkey. But 
this was not the whole difficulty. Austria- 
Hungary, installed in Bosnia and the Sanjak of 
Novibazar since 1878, was believed to meditate 
in due time a descent upon Salonika ; it was, 
therefore, her interest to keep the Turkish Empire 
going until that time had arrived. 

Meanwhile, the state of Macedonia had gone 
from bad to worse ; Article 23 of the Berlin treaty, 
which promised reforms, had remained unexecuted, 
while the " big Bulgaria " of the treaty of San 
Stefano was regarded by the Bulgarians as their 
promised charter one day to be realized. The 



THE MACEDONIAN QUESTION 119 

various Macedonian claimants spent money upon 
propaganda there which could sometimes be ill- 
spared ; even Roumania, since the " discovery " 
of the Koutzo-Wallachs as her long-lost children, 
encouraged their schools and, as the weakest of 
the contending Christian races, these " Macedonian 
Roumanians " were also encouraged by Turkey, 
whom they wished to survive until they should 
be strong enough to take her place there. For 
a time the Austro-Russian agreement for main- 
taining the status quo in the Balkans kept Mace- 
donia quiet. But at Sofia, where there were many 
Macedonians, just as there were Cretans at Athens, 
a Macedonian Committee, with a physical force 
section, came into prominence, and Bulgarian 
bands began operations beyond the frontier, 
victimizing Turks and Greeks alike. The latter, 
as neither the various Austro-Russian programmes 
of Macedonian reforms nor the Turkish authorities 
could protect them, took the law into their own 
hands, and in 1904 Greek bands made their 
appearance. Thus Macedonia became the cock- 
pit of Greek and Bulgarian irregulars, at whose 
performances their respective civil and ecclesias- 
tical authorities connived, and whose leaders 
were canonized at home as national heroes. The 
racial conflict between Bulgar and Greek spread 
to Bulgaria, where two Greek colonies were 
destroyed. The British Government preached 
reasonableness at Sofia and Athens, but the bands 
did not listen to reason, and the struggle continued, 



120 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

despite the division of Macedonia into five sections, 
each policed by one of the five Powers. Germany, 
as usual, held aloof. 

Then came the Turkish Revolution of 1908, 
born in Macedonia. The Greeks, with their long 
experience of the Turks, never shared the optimistic 
belief of the British Foreign Secretary that the 
prefix of an adjective and the proclamation of a 
constitution would make the " Young " Turks 
British Liberals, tolerant of other races and creeds. 
A Greek sat in the Turkish Cabinet, eighteen were 
elected to the Turkish Parliament ; but it was 
soon discovered that the latter was strongly 
nationalist, and that the " Young " Turks, like 
some older rulers, might be glad of a war against 
Greece to make their critics forget the blunders 
of their domestic policy. Crete, as usual, furnished 
the opportunity. Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria 
and Austria-Hungary had both seized that of 
the Turkish revolution, the one to have himself 
proclaimed " Tsar of the Bulgarians," not merely 
of Bulgaria, the other to annex the " occupied " 
provinces of Bosnia and the Herzegovina. Crete 
forthwith, in the absence of the prudent M. 
Zai'mes, proclaimed union with Greece. 



CHAPTER X 

THE INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION OF 
GREECE (1909-12) 

THE Cretan question seemed at this 
moment to be in a more favourable con- 
dition than on the occasion of former 
proclamations of union. The Central Empires 
had veered round to support any proposal for this 
solution ; the other Powers were prepared to 
have the subject discussed with Turkey, on 
condition that the lives of the Moslem minority 
were properly protected. Turkey was in a state 
of embarrassment, internal and external ; the 
Bulgarians might make common cause with the 
Greeks and so prevent a repetition of the Thessalian 
invasion of 1897 ; and Abdul Hamid, with whom 
a deal was always possible, was still on the throne. 
The Cretans, on their part, had made full pre- 
parations. A pentarchy, of which one member 
was M. Venizelos, had been appointed to carry 
on the government in the name of King George, 
to whom oaths were taken ; the Greek Constitution 
substituted the Cretan ; philatelists welcomed 
with delight a surcharged issue of Cretan stamps. 
But the then Athenian Government under 

121 



122 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Theotokes, instead of placing the bewildered 
Turks before the accomplished fact of union, 
which the Powers, after a mild protest, would 
probably have recognized, allowed valuable time 
to elapse. 

Meanwhile, the military party got the upper 
hand in Turkey. Abdul Hamid was deposed, 
and the Porte actually tried to restore in Crete 
the state of things existent before 1898. In July, 
1909, Theotokes resigned in favour of Rhalles, 
the Premier of 1897, who had to face a situation 
almost as difficult as that which he had then 
surmounted. For the protecting Powers at this 
moment fulfilled their promise to withdraw their 
remaining troops from Crete, with the result that 
the Cretans immediately hoisted the Greek flag. 
Turkey thereupon demanded from the Greek 
Premier, who was nowise responsible indeed, 
Rhalles was Turkophil for a Greek, and a very 
honest politician a disclaimer of the Cretans' 
action ; simultaneously the modern method of the 
boycott was applied to Greek goods in Turkish 
ports, and the recall of the Turkish Minister was 
threatened. The Turkish notes became stronger ; 
but the Powers, to whom Rhalles appealed, saved 
the situation by sending their marines to cut down 
the Greek flagstaff, which had so greatly incensed 
the Turks, and telling the latter that, if Greece 
had " nothing to do " with Crete, Europe had. 
Thus, the crisis of 1909, which at one time 
threatened to be another 1897, ended. The effect 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 123 

upon the Greeks was much like that of the enforced 
surrender of Serbia in the Bosnian question in 
the same year upon the Serbs : it made them 
resolve to do everything possible to prevent a 
similar humiliation. This was the origin of the 
" revolution " of 1909, as that was the origin of 
M. Venizelos' summons to come from Crete to re- 
organize Greece. Thus the humiliation of 1909 
led to the triumph of 1912. 

Three months earlier a " Military League " 
had arisen among the younger officers, who had 
come to the conclusion that the professional 
politicians were the chief obstacle to the future 
of the country. The surrender to Turkey caused 
this feeling to find vent in action. The officers 
of the League encamped at Goudi, outside Athens, 
under the leadership of Col. Zorbas ; this pro- 
nunciamiento provoked the resignation of Rhalles 
and the appointment as Premier of the docile 
Mavromichales, who reigned while the League 
governed. Its programme was drastic, but popular. 
While disclaiming any anti-dynastic purpose, the 
League insisted on the exclusion of the Royal 
Princes from commands in the army, the appoint- 
ment of professional soldiers and sailors as Ministers 
of War and Marine, and the reorganization of 
both services. A national foreign policy, it was 
realized, must have for its basis a strong army and 
navy, for Turkey recognizes no argument but 
force, whereas previous Greek politicians had 
sometimes had at their disposal no force but 



124 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

argument. The trade guilds, a powerful influence 
at Athens, supported the League ; the provinces 
were on its side ; but the politicians tried to put 
up a last defence of their prerogative of placing 
party before national interests. Thereupon the 
Leaguers, in Cromwellian fashion, intimated their 
intention of seizing the Parliament House. King 
George, however, interposed his good offices, and 
the Chamber turned out military reforms at 
the League's bidding with machinelike rapidity 
Royalty severed its connection with the army, 
of which the Crown Prince ceased to be Commander- 
in-Chief. Efficiency was the order of the day. 
But the League had been too successful. Its easy 
triumph made it arrogant ; it ordered at its good 
pleasure the dismissal of Ministers, the recall of 
diplomatists and the enactment of statutes at 
lightning speed. Athenian democracy had be- 
come a military despotism, necessary perhaps as 
a temporary expedient, but not likely to be lasting. 
The League seems, indeed, to have been con- 
scious of its own defects in the difficult art of 
constructive government, and, in a moment of 
inspiration, decided to import a law-giver from 
outside. Its choice fell upon the Cretan politician, 
M. Venizelos, who was personally known to some 
of its members. Eleutherios Venizelos was then 
without continental experience ; but two sage 
statesmen had already foretold his great future. 
M. Clemenceau had found on a Cretan tour that 
the most remarkable product of the island was a 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 125 

lawyer about whose exact name he was uncertain, 
but of whom he was convinced that ere long all 
Europe would be ringing with it ; M. Zai'mes, when 
High Commissioner, had prophesied that, if this 
Cretan opponent of Prince George could but come 
to terms with the Royal family, he would be the 
saviour of Greece. If he lacked knowledge of 
local Greek affairs, he possessed what the Greek 
politicians lacked a fresh and independent mind, 
untrammelled by party ties and traditions. He 
was that rare phenomenon in Southern public 
life character combined with intelligence, an 
irresistible combination everywhere. Invited to 
give his advice, he recommended the calling of a 
National Assembly to revise the Constitution. 
All three parties concerned accepted his suggestion 
the Crown with reluctance, because of Constitu- 
tional scruples, for it was impossible to go through 
all the previous formalities technically required 
for a revision of the Charter of 1864 ; the politicians 
conditionally on the dissolution of the League ; 
the League patriotically, although it thereby 
committed suicide. Its chief became Minister 
of War in a Cabinet presided over by old 
Dragoumes, in 1910, with the express purpose of 
convening a National Assembly. As soon as the 
bill for that object became law, the League was 
as good as its word, and, having saved Greece by 
its exertions, closed its career with an act of self- 
sacrifice. 

To the National Assembly of 358 deputies M. 



126 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Venizelos, who was still chief of the Cretan Pro- 
visional Government, was elected, and being 
technically a Greek subject, was able to accept 
his election, despite a Turkish protest. He then 
resigned his Cretan office and transferred his 
energies to the bigger stage of Greek politics. He 
was almost immediately put into the foremost 
place. Dragoumes, unable to cope with the 
Assembly, resigned, and on October 18, 1910 
a memorable day in Hellenic history, M. Venizelos, 
then forty-six years of age, was appointed Prime 
Minister by King George, who thus set a noble 
example of subordinating family feeling to the 
public welfare. Thenceforth the King and his 
son's old opponent worked together for Greece, 
as the Emperor William I had worked with 
Bismarck, as Victor Emmanuel II had worked 
with Cavour. 

There were two main currents of opinion in the 
Assembly, one favourable to the idea that it should 
limit itself to the work of revision, the other 
inclined to convert it into a Constituent body. 
Besides this question of principle, in which M. 
Venizelos had adopted the revisionist view, there 
was the natural jealousy of the old party leaders 
to this " new man " from Crete, who was not even 
an Ionian, like Theotokes, nor had worked his way 
up through the hierarchy of office, like the other 
ex-Premiers. The usual Greek device of abstaining 
so as to prevent a quorum, was tried. But the 
Cretan ex-insurgent was a man of rapid decisions ; 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 127 

he instantly resigned ; all the best elements of 
public opinion demanded his recall, and he advised 
the King to dissolve the recalcitrant Assembly. 
A fresh election, from which the old party leaders 
abstained, made him practical dictator with a 
power such as Trikoupes in all his glory had never 
possessed. 

Elected under such circumstances, the " Second 
Re visionary National Assembly " passed the 
Constitution as revised in June, 1911. Warned 
by experience, the legislators reduced the quorum 
to one-third of all the deputies, made soldiers 
ineligible, adopted the British system of removing 
election petitions from the decision of the Chamber 
to a special tribunal ; revived the Council of 
State, which had existed in the early part of 
Otho's reign, but had been eliminated from the 
Constitution of 1864 ; abolished the " spoils' 
system " in the civil service one of the greatest 
plagues of Greek life under the party system ; 
made primary education free and compulsory ; 
and dealt with the agrarian question in Thessaly. 
In the light of later history, special interest attaches 
to the measure making a post, that of Inspector- 
General of the Army, for the Crown Prince, who 
thus, thanks to M. Venizelos, was able to regain a 
military position. Then the National Assembly 
was replaced in 1912 by an Ordinary Chamber of 
181 members, of whom the overwhelming majority 
was Venizelist. To this Chamber the Cretans 
sent a large contingent, but their resolute com- 



128 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

patriot declined to allow them to endanger his 
work of peaceful reorganization by taking their 
seats and so provoking another crisis with Turkey, 
before the British Naval and French Military 
Missions had trained the Greeks. We now know 
that there was a special reason for his action, 
because at that very moment the treaty of alliance 
between Greece and Bulgaria was on the eve of 
signature, an annex to which declared Bulgaria 
to be merely benevolently neutral in the event of 
a Greco-Turkish war arising out of the admission 
of the Cretans to the Greek Chamber. But at 
the time few men in M. Venizelos' position could 
have acted as he acted. The Cretans yielded, 
and the Chamber was adjourned till October. 
When it met, the Premier, with the Balkan League 
duly formed, was able to admit the Cretan deputies 
and declare war on Turkey. 

Already Italy had, in 1911, attacked her in 
Libya, and in April and May, 1912, had occupied 
the thirteen Southern Sporades Rhodes, Kos, 
Kalymnos, Leros, Nisyros, Telos, Syme, Chalke, 
Astypalaia, Karpathos, Kasos, Patmos and Leipso 
known colloquially, but inaccurately, as the 
Dodekdnesos, for the real Dodekdnesos (a term first 
used by Theophanes early in the ninth century) 
excluded Rhodes, Kos and Leipso, but included 
Ikaria, which at this time declared its independence, 
and Kastellorizon. These islands, although they 
had belonged to Turkey since the sixteenth 
century, were inhabited by an almost wholly 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 129 

Greek population ; for out of a total of 118,837 
inhabitants, 102,727 were Greeks, and only 16,110 
Turks, Jews and others, of whom 12,070 were in 
Rhodes, 4,020 in Kos, 20 in Patmos and none in 
the other islands. Before the Latin Conquest 
of Constantinople they had all formed part of the 
Byzantine Empire, and even after that date first 
the Greek family of Gabalas and then the Greek 
Empire of Nicaea had occupied Rhodes, Karpathos 
and Kasos. The islands then fell into three 
groups : the first eight (with Kastellorizon, or 
" Castel Rosso," as the Italians called it) belonged 
to the Knights of Rhodes from 1309 to 1522 (except 
that, in 1450, the Pope gave " the Red Castle " 
to the King of Naples) ; the next three, Astypalaia, 
Karpathos and Kasos, belonged to the Venetian 
families of Quirini and Cornaro (save for a brief 
usurpation of the two last by the Knights) down 
to the Turkish Conquest in 1537 ; Patmos or Pal- 
mosa (with its dependency, Leipso), was regarded 
as a holy island, but paid tribute to the Turks in 
1502. 

The Turks granted special privileges to the 
" Twelve Islands." There are extant firmans 1 of 
Mohammed IV in 1652, Osman III in 1755, Abdul 
Hamid I in 1774, and Mahmud II in 1835, con- 
ceding them complete liberty " from all points 
of view " on payment of a fixed contribution 

1 Aefaiov Tfji; 'lar. xal 'Edv. 'Eraiqlai;, vi. 321-50 ; 
St<phanopoli, Les lies de rfigee : leurs privileges, 162- 
68. 



130 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

in place of all other taxes. Economic reasons 
dictated this liberal policy. The islands were 
poor and barren, their chief industry was sponge- 
fishing, and an elaborate system of tax-gathering 
would have cost more than it yielded. The 
insular provinces were under the jurisdiction of 
the Capitan Pasha ; a Turkish governor and a 
judge resided at Rhodes and another Turkish 
judge at Kos ; but the islanders managed their 
own affairs through elected " Elders of the people," 
who collected the local taxes, chiefly a duty on 
sponges, and transmitted a lump sum to the 
Porte, spending the balance on schools (the first 
necessity for a Greek), doctors and the municipal 
pharmacy, and using Greek for their official 
correspondence. We learn from the firmans that 
rapacious Turkish officials sometimes broke these 
regulations ; but, on the complaint of the islanders, 
backed no doubt by the solid arguments most 
efficacious at the Porte, these irregular exactions 
were prohibited. In the War of Independence 
they suffered severely, notably Kasos and Kos, 
the former of which had been specially prominent 
in the Greek cause, whereas Rhodes was terrorized 
by a Turkish force. Excluded against their 
wishes from the Greek Kingdom, they continued, 
however, to enjoy their ancient privileges undis- 
turbed down to 1867. 

During the Cretan insurrection the Porte re- 
solved to assimilate the administration of these 
privileged islands to that of the other Turkish 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 131 

provinces, and a Turkish Governor, with troops 
to support him, landed at Syme. But the in- 
habitants appealed to the British Foreign Office 
quoting the firman of Mahmud II, and representa- 
tions from the British Government at Constan- 
tinople led to the recall of the Governor and his 
men. But, as soon as the Cretan insurrection 
was over in 1869, the Governor of the Archipelago 
blockaded Syme, installing a Turkish garrison 
and deputy-governors there and in the other 
islands. The islanders thereupon sent a deputa- 
tion to London ; Lord Clarendon communicated 
their complaints to Constantinople, and Aali 
Pasha denied "any intention of modifying the 
fiscal system hitherto prevailing in the islands ; 
the sole object of the Porte was to introduce a 
better system of administration." This denial 
was followed a little later by various encroach- 
ments on their privileges ; seven of the " Twelve 
Islands " were annexed to the Sanjak of Rhodes, 
the other five to that of Chios ; and Syme, always 
the most stubborn, was blockaded in 1886, and 
its notables imprisoned in 1893. Still, despite 
these inroads, the " Twelve Islands " still re- 
tained in part their fiscal autonomy till the 
Turkish revolution of 1908. The "Young" 
Turks wished to establish uniformity there as 
elsewhere ; in 1909, the Porte, with a stroke of 
the pen, suppressed all their privileges, imposed 
Turkish as the official language, and made the 
islanders liable to conscription, which in their case 



132 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

meant starvation for their families who depended 
upon the gains of the sponge-fishing which only 
the young can practise. The islanders protested 
and appealed to the ancient firmans ; the Govern- 
ment stated it could only find in its archives 
those of four islands, but provisionally agreed to 
content itself with the old system of a single tax 
" until a definite decision upon this subject." 
In 1912, this decision was reached ; it consisted 
of the complete annulment of the insular privi- 
leges. But before it could be executed, the 
islands had been occupied by the Italians. 

Under these circumstances the islanders natur- 
ally welcomed them as liberators, and assisted 
them to win the battle of Psinthos, especially as 
General Ameglio on May 4 proclaimed to the 
Rhodians that " the Turkish sovereignty is 
suppressed at Rhodes and in the Dodekanese, 
whose fate could be none other than their auton- 
omy and their ' self-government,' " adding that 
" after the war, your islands, occupied provisionally 
by Italy, will be provided with an autonomous 
regime," while Admiral Presbitero expressed to 
the Kalymniotes his " confidence in their free 
government." The Italians, however, disapproved 
of the decisions of the insular Congress, at Patmos, 
on June 17th, to proclaim the islands the autono- 
mous " State of the ^Egean," with the image of 
the Sun-God (the pagan patron of Rhodes) on a 
blue flag intersected by a white cross as its em- 
blem, until such time as union with Greece could 



INTERNAL RECONSTRUCTION 133 

be accomplished. Nothing was said of either 
union or autonomy in the treaty of Lausanne, 
which closed the Libyan war, and which pledged 
Italy to recall her troops from the islands as 
soon as the Turkish forces and functionaries 
had evacuated Libya, merely contenting herself 
with obtaining a promise of amnesty for the 
islanders. Greece realized during the first Balkan 
war that the Italian occupation was more detri- 
mental to her than the continued rule of Turkey ; 
for as the thirteen Sporades were still held by 
the Italians, her fleet could not capture them 
as it captured the other Turkish islands. For 
that reason during the late war Austria was able 
to obtain popularity in Greece, when Baron 
Sonnino incautiously let out the secret in the 
Italian " Green Book," 1 that Austrian opposition 
had alone prevented the Italian occupation of 
the much more important islands of Chios and 
Lesbos, which Greece would thus have lost, as she 
has lost the Dodekanese. Sig. Giolitti declared 
the occupation to have been " purely military," 
and that Italy " could not pretend to annex 
territories of Greek nationality." Sir E. Grey 2 
stated that " the destiny of these ^Egean Islands 
including those in the temporary occupation of 
Italy is a matter which concerns all the Great 
Powers, and no Great Power is to retain one of 
these islands for itself." Nevertheless Article 
8 of the treaty of London of 1915, which secured 
1 P. 25. a Morning Post, August 13, 1913. 



134 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Italy's entrance into the war, deliberately gave 
her " entire sovereignty " over them. But the 
Venizelos-Tittoni agreement 1 of July 29, 1919, 
which was to come into force contemporaneously 
with the subsequent treaty of Sevres, ceded 
twelve of the islands to Greece, while fifteen years 
after the date of signature of the agreement, 
should Great Britain cede Cyprus to Greece, 
Rhodes would hold a plebiscite under the auspices 
of the League of Nations to decide her own future. 
Meanwhile, in two months' time, Italy would grant 
her " a large local autonomy." 

On July 22, 1920, however, Sig. Tittoni's suc- 
cessor, Count Sforza, denounced this agreement as 
void in view of the changed circumstances. The 
Italians remain in the Dodekanese, where they 
are having much the same difficulty as we had in 
the Ionian Islands, while their islands are much 
less valuable. Indeed, most of them are rocks. 
Meanwhile, the Athenian press contrasts the more 
liberal treatment of the Cypriote clergy by the 
British with that meted out to the Metropolitan 
of Rhodes. That, like Corfu and Cyprus, they will 
ultimately fall to Greece is probable, and a beau 
geste on the part of Italy will cost her little and 
gain her what she has lost that Greek sympathy 
which was unreservedly hers during the Libyan 
war. For from the summer of 1912 dates the 
estrangement of these two formerly friendly 
neighbours. 

1 Corriere delta Sera, Sept. 1, 1920. Also Venizelos- 
Bonin agreement of Aug. 10, 1920. 



CHAPTER XI 
THE EXPANSION OF GREECE (1912-13). 

THE Libyan war, although it injured 
Greece in the JSgean, benefited her on the 
continent, for it provided the occasion 
for the first Balkan war ; indeed, Greece declared 
hostilities against Turkey on the same day that 
Italy signed the treaty of Lausanne. This time 
Greece was well prepared, and did not fight alone. 
Hitherto no statesman had succeeded, although 
Trikoupes had tried in 1891, in forming a Balkan 
League against the Turks, who had always kept 
their Christian neighbours divided by their neutral 
jealousies. It was reserved for M. Venizelos to 
accomplish what had seemed impossible. 

As early as April, 1911, with the approval of 
King George, the only other Greek statesman in 
the secret, he had sent to Sofia through an English- 
man living in Vienna a proposal for a Greco- 
Bulgarian defensive alliance against Turkey. 
Circumstances were favourable ; for the " Young " 
Turkish policy of " Turkification " made the 
Greeks and Bulgarians form a coalition in Mace- 
donia and Thrace for the general election to the 
Ottoman Parliament in 1911. Bulgarian caution, 
however, long delayed the acceptance of his offer. 

135 



136 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

But the Libyan war led Bulgaria to consider the 
opportunity of attacking Turkey ; she concluded, 
on March 13, 1912, a treaty with Serbia, and 
seventeen days later an alliance with Greece 
largely the work of J. D. Bourchier, the famous 
Balkan correspondent of The Times, who en- 
joyed the confidence of both MM. Venizelos and 
Gueshov, the Bulgarian Premier. This treaty 
pledged both parties to mutual aid, should either 
be attacked by Turkey, to ensure " the peaceful 
co-existence " of the Greek and Bulgarian popu- 
lations of Turkey, and to co-operate in securing 
the rights of those nationalities. The treaty 
was to remain valid for three years, and, unless 
denounced, to be automatically renewed. An 
annex provided for the above-mentioned case of 
the admission of the Cretans to the Greek Parlia- 
ment, which should not be a casus feeder is. A 
verbal understanding with Montenegro completed 
the League as far as Greece was concerned. The 
usual incidents and massacres foreboded the ap- 
proaching struggle ; the grant of a sort of autonomy 
to Albania challenged the aspirations of Greece and 
her Allies, who demanded the enforcement of the 
dormant Article 23 of the Berlin treaty, to which the 
Porte replied by exhuming the forgotten law of 1880 
for provincial reforms. There followed the Mon- 
tenegrin declaration of war, the ultimatum of the 
other three Allies, and the scornful Turkish reply. 
Before declaring war, M. Venizelos admitted 
the Cretan deputies to the Greek Chamber, thus 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 137 

recognizing the union with Crete, whither the 
ex-Premier, Dragoumes, was sent as Governor. 
Then came the dramatic collapse of the Turkish 
Empire in Europe, in which all the Allies bore their 
part. The Greek military contribution on the 
East was the victory of Sarantaporon, the capture 
of Southern Macedonia, terminated by the two 
days' struggle at Jenitsd by the Vardar, and the 
capitulation, on November 8, the feast of its 
patron, St. Demetrios (who had so often defended 
it against aliens in the Middle Ages), of Salonika 
to the Crown Prince, after 482 years of Turkish 
domination. On the West, the Greeks took 
Preveza, Metzovon and Cheimarra in Epeiros ; 
by sea they occupied nine islands, and that vener- 
able monastic republic, the " holy mountain " of 
Mt. Athos, while to their Allies, destitute of naval 
power, the Greek fleet rendered the inestimable 
service of shutting up the Turkish navy within 
the Dardanelles and closing the JSgean to Turkish 
transports from Asia Minor. Greece continued 
hostilities, even after the signature of the armistice 
at Chatalja by her three Slav Allies, but partici- 
pated in the Conference between them and Turkey, 
which met in London on December 16. The 
dilatory tactics of the Turkish negotiators and 
the revolution in Constantinople demonstrated 
the wisdom of the Greeks in not allowing the 
Turks to gather reinforcements during the armis- 
tice. The negotiations broke down ; the Allies 
resumed the war, while the Greeks had meanwhile 



138 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

taken the famous Parga, thus obliterating the 
memories of its cession in 1819. On March 6, 
Joannina, which had been Turkish since 1430, but 
had kept alive the torch of Greek culture even in 
the darkest days of servitude, surrendered to the 
Crown Prince ; soon a Greek army entered 
Argyrokastron, the chief town of Northern 
Epeiros, but a hint from Rome caused M. Venizelos 
to forbid the Prince to march upon Valona, where 
Ismail Kemal Bey had proclaimed an independent 
Albania, of which Italy was the champion. 

Nine days after the surrender of Joannina, 
the eighty years' history of Samian autonomy 
ended in union with Greece. Samos, which had 
been, with one brief Byzantine interval, a Genoese 
possession from 1304 till the Turkish conquest 
in 1475, had proclaimed union in 1821, had during 
the insurrection remained practically independent 
under the dictatorship of the Samian, Logothetes, 
had been organized by Kolettes, as " Extraordinary 
Commissioner of the Eastern Sporades," l in 
1830 (when the population was found to be 27,449), 
and, after declaring her independence, had been 
forcibly constituted an autonomous tributary 
principality in 1832. No Turkish troops were to 
land in this essentially Greek island; the Prince 
was to be of the same religion as the islanders ; 
the tribute was a lump sum of 40,000 piastres ; 
the island had its own flag ; and it was hoped 
that the islanders would be contented, as there 
1 dehiov, iv. 575. 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 139 

was no Moslem element to cause difficulties, 
as in Crete, nor were the Samians Cretans. For 
sixty years the Government was usually stable ; 
the first Prince, an absentee, governed Samos 
by lieutenants for nearly twenty, when a re- 
volution led to his resignation and the grant of 
a new charter. Alike during the Eastern crises 
of 1854 and of the seventies, good administrators, 
thanks to British suggestion, killed union with 
kindness, bestowing educational and material 
advantages upon the island. Soon afterwards, 
however, the Samian Assembly discovered the 
fatal secret that it could make and unmake Princes 
by petitions to Constantinople. Like all Greeks, 
the Samians are politicians, and there, as else- 
where, politics became largely a question of spoils. 
" Samian wine " was the occasion of a disturbance, 
for an attempt to extirpate the phylloxera 
caused a revolt, and the Porte broke the promise 
of 1832 that no Turkish troops should be sent 
thither. From 1894 onwards, Princes succeeded 
each other in rapid succession, instead of the long 
reigns of the previous period. A drastic change 
in 1899 forced the Prince to accept (without 
power of dismissal) the four Councillors whom the 
Assembly of forty selected for him, while he was 
debarred from dissolving that body, of which he 
thus became the helpless creature. One Prince, 
the Cretan Kopasses, did, indeed, resist and 
refused to convoke the Assembly, with the result 
that he was blockaded in his palace, and, in 1912, 



140 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

assassinated. One of his last acts was to provoke 
an Italian bombardment of Samos during the 
Libyan war by hoisting the Turkish, instead of the 
Samian, flag over the barracks, where he had 
unconstitutionally quartered Turkish troops. M. 
Sophoules, the most powerful of the islanders, 
who had long led the Opposition, and protested 
to the three protecting Powers against the Turki- 
fication of this autonomous island, in accordance 
with the policy already described in the case of the 
Dodekanese, then took the law into his own hands, 
and deposed the new Prince. In the ensuing Balkan 
war, Samos, like Ikaria, proclaimed union with 
Greece ; but M. Venizelos prudently accepted the 
Assembly's vote with reserve, in view of the peculiar 
international position of Samos. Not till March 15, 
1913, did a Greek force take official possession 
of this island of 53,424 inhabitants. 

In the midst of these Greek triumphs a terrible 
tragedy suddenly saddened the whole Hellenic 
world. After the capitulation of Salonika, King 
George had established his headquarters there, 
standing guard as a sentinel over that coveted 
conquest. On March 18, he went out, attended 
by a single aide-de-camp, to take his usual after- 
noon walk, talking with his customary affability 
to the people. On his way home, at a spot where 
two streets met, a badly-dressed man fired two 
shots at him from a revolver. The King fell 
speechless against the table of an adjoining shop, 
whence he was carried to a hospital, and there 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 141 

expired without uttering a single word. The 
assassin, who was immediately seized by two 
Cretan policemen, turned out to be a Greek named 
Schinas, to whom the late King had once refused 
money. Thus, in the hour of his triumph, on 
the eve of celebrating, under unparalleled circum- 
stances, the jubilee of his accession to the throne, 
King George fell, a victim of duty, in the streets 
of the city which he had just lived to see his own. 
His tact, his long experience, and his love of his 
adopted country had contributed not a little 
to this result. He left behind him a political 
testament, in which he spoke like a father to his 
eldest son. " Love," he wrote, " thy beloved 
little fatherland with all thy heart. . . . Have 
confidence, but have patience also. . . . Let the 
night pass before thou takest thy decision ; be 
not angry, and let not the sun go down upon thy 
wrath . . . and never forget that thou art king 
of a Southern people, whose wrath and excita- 
bility is fired in a moment and in such a moment 
may say and do many things, which after a moment 
it perhaps forgets again. For this reason never be in 
a rage, and do not forget that it is often preferable 
that the King himself should suffer, even morally, 
rather than the people and the country." King 
George evidently knew his son's obstinate character. 
The new King, whom many wished to call 
Constantine XII, thereby regarding him as the 
successor of the last Byzantine Emperor, mounted 
the throne with the laurels of Salonika and Joan- 



nina fresh upon him. His triumphs on the field 
of battle, added to the fact that he was the first 
sovereign of modern Greece born in that country, 
invested him with an immense popularity, while 
the tragic circumstances of his father's death 
won for him sympathy everywhere. 

As far as Greece was concerned, the fighting was 
over : the Allies, except Montenegro, concluded 
an armistice with the Turks at Bulair, and on 
May 30, 1913, the treaty of London ended the 
first Balkan war. The Sultan ceded to the Allies 
" all the territories of his Empire on the European 
continent to the west of a line drawn from ^Enos, 
on the ^Egean Sea, to Midia on the Black Sea, 
with the exception of Albania." The " delimita- 
tion of the frontiers of Albania and all other 
questions concerning Albania," together with 
" the care of deciding on the fate of all the Ottoman 
islands of the Mgean Sea (except the island of 
Crete) and of the peninsula of Mt. Athos " were 
" confided to the Great Powers." Crete was 
ceded to the Allies, i.e. to Greece. Thus, except 
in Thrace, European Turkey had ceased to exist. 

But the Allies' victory had been too over- 
whelming and the spoils too valuable to prevent 
discord, which Austria, who saw her hopes of an 
advance into the Balkans debarred by their 
successes, was interested in promoting, while 
Italy, professing alarm lest the channel of Corfu 
might become a naval base, endeavoured to push 
the Greek frontier back from the bay of Grammata 




THE TERRITORIAL EXPANSION OF GREECE, 1832-1913 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 143 

(where M. Venizelos had placed it so as to include 
Cheimarra) to Cape Stylos opposite the town of 
Corfu, despite his offer to neutralize the Epeirote 
coast. Even before the treaty of London was 
signed, the Bulgarians, jealous of the Greek 
possession of Salonika, attacked the Greeks in 
Mt. Panghaion, while Serbia demanded a revision 
of the Bulgarian pact of alliance. On June 30 
began the second Balkan war, in which the 
Bulgarians were completely defeated by their 
three ex- Allies, joined by Roumania. The Greeks 
bore their part in this war by their victory at 
Kilkich on the railway between Salonika and 
Serres, and their fleet took Kavalla ; but the 
retreating Bulgars fired the Greek part of Serres, 
and " Bulgarian atrocities " were reported from 
Nigrita, Doxaton and Drama. Macedonia and 
a large strip of the Thracian coast remained in 
Greek hands, and his people acclaimed King 
Constantine as a new " Bulgar-slayer," who had 
renewed on the same ground the triumph of 
Basil II over Tsar Samuel almost 900 years earlier. 
Bulgaria was forced to accept on August 10 the 
third treaty of Bucharest, after a diplomatic 
struggle for Kavalla, with its port and famous 
tobacco-plantations. On this point King Con- 
stantine's insistence received unexpected support 
from the German Emperor, who later did not fail 
to claim gratitude for this service. The Greek 
eastern frontier started from the mouth of the 
Mesta, thus leaving Xanthe to Bulgaria, but 



144 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

securing Kavalla, and Bulgaria formally abandoned 
any claims that she might have raised under the 
treaty of London to Crete. Despite Russian 
advocacy of a Bulgarian Kavalla and Austrian 
dislike of an enlarged Serbia, all the Powers 
acquiesced in this, the first experiment of a Balkan 
settlement made by Balkan statesmen. Greece 
and Serbia agreed to the partition of their con- 
quests, and a Greco-Turkish treaty on November 14 
was the last of these instruments. 

Greece emerged from the Balkan wars with her 
territory increased from 25,014 square miles to 
41,933, and with her population augmented from 
2,631,952 at the census of 1907, and about 
2,765,000 in 1912, to about 4,821,300 in 1914. 
While not a single mile of railway existed in 
Epeiros, she acquired in Macedonia 385 miles of 
line, thus making her total mileage 1,371 ; it 
required the construction of only 56 miles between 
Papapouli and Gida to link " Old " with " New " 
Greece by rail a work completed on May 8, 1916. 
The dream of Otho had been realized, all Southern 
Macedonia, most of Epeiros, Crete, Samos and all 
the islands, except Tenedos, Imbros, Kastellorizon 
and the thirteen Sporades occupied by the Italians 
were included in the Greek kingdom. Moreover, 
as M. Venizelos said, it had been " not only doubled 
in area and population, but multiplied in wealth." 
But the racial aspects of the " New " Greece 
differed from those of the " Old," where practically 
all were Greeks, except a considerable number of 
Albanians, a few Turks and a certain number of 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 145 

Koutzo-Wallachs in Thessaly, the " Great Walla- 
chia " of the thirteenth century, and Jewish 
colonies at Corfu and in a few other places. But 
" New " Greece, with a large access of Hellenic 
blood, brought a small number of Albanians, a 
solid mass of Spanish Jews (mainly from Salonika), 
and still bigger contingents of Koutzo-Wallachs, 
Turks and Slavs. Subsequent events have shown 
that politically and, in a less degree, economically, 
" Old " and " New " Greece do not think alike, 
while the relations of the Piraeus and Salonika 
somewhat resemble those of Venice and Trieste. 
But, owing to the European war, Greece has not 
yet had time to assimilate her new conquests, 
while in the Near East appetite is usually stronger 
than digestion. For administrative purposes, they 
were divided temporarily into four general admin- 
istrations and permanently into fourteen provinces 
(five in Macedonia, two in Epeiros, four in Crete 
and three in the other islands), making thirty in 
all for the whole kingdom, to which they have not 
yet been ecclesiastically subordinated. The writer, 
however, found great improvement already in 
1914 at both Salonika and Joannina as compared 
with previous visits in the Turkish days, and the 
commercial value of Ka valla would alone justify 
the tenacity of Greece in declining to cede it to 
Bulgaria. 

There remained to be settled by the Great 
Powers the questions of Albania and the ^Egean 
Islands. Commissioners were appointed to delimit 

the Albanian frontiers, and the " Florence Protocol " 
10 



146 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

of December 17, 1913, assigned to Albania Northern 
Epeiros, including the two important towns of 
Argyrokastron and Koritsa, the port of Santi 
Quaranta and the Acroceraunian community of 
Cheimarra all places captured by the Greeks 
during the first Balkan war together with the 
islet of Saseno in the bay of Valona, which had 
been Greek since 1864. A note of the Powers on 
February 13, 1914, made the definite recognition 
of Greek sovereignty over the captured islands 
contingent upon the previous evacuation of this 
territory. The Greek troops evacuated it, but 
meanwhile an Autonomous Government of Northern 
Epeiros was formed under the presidency of 
Zographos, an Epeirote, who had been Greek 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, with a flag and stamps 
of its own, supported by a " Sacred Battalion " 
on the analogy of that of 1821. Thus an Albanian 
Ulster, led by men of wealth and position, arose, 
and fighting began. On May 17, however, a 
convention was signed at Corfu entrusting the 
organization of the two Southern provinces of 
Argyrokastron and Koritsa to the International 
Commission of Control for Albania ; a local police 
force was to be formed by Dutch officers ; Greek 
was to be the medium of instruction in the higher 
classes of the Orthodox schools and to have the 
same status as Albanian in the lower classes, the 
law-courts and the elective councils. An annex 
contained the demands of the Cheimarriotes for 
the use of their own banner, borne in the rising of 
1770, and against Ali Pasha, and the appointment 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 147 

of a foreigner as governor for ten years under the 
traditional name of " Captain." The Powers 
announced their approval of the Corfu convention 
on July 1 ; but during the chaos which ensued at 
Durazzo, the Epeirotes captured Koritsa. 

The European war broke out soon afterwards, 
and in October Greek troops occupied Northern 
Epeiros, at the request of the Allies, to maintain 
order, whereupon the Autonomous Government 
declared its mission ended. By Article 7 of the 
treaty of London in 1915, Italy secretly agreed 
not to oppose the cession of " Southern Albania " 
to Greece, should her Allies so desire. It looked, 
therefore, as if Northern Epeiros would become 
Greek, and in December, 1915, like Imbros, 
Tenedos and Kastellorizon, it sent deputies to the 
Greek Parliament, who were not allowed to sit. 
But, in 1916, as the Germanophils, then in power at 
Athens, were suspected of using this region as a 
channel of communication with the enemy, Italy 
was allowed to occupy it for purely military reasons. 
The Italians began by appointing a Moslem mayor 
of Cheimarra, whose notables were exiled in 
considerable numbers to the Sicilian islet of 
Favignana, deposed the Greek authorities, and 
on the festival of the Italian Constitution, June 3, 
1917, General Ferrero, without consulting the 
Allies, proclaimed at Argyrokastron, by the order 
of Baron Sonnino, " the unity and independence 
of all Albania under the aegis and the protection 
of the Kingdom of Italy." This proclamation 
wounded French, no less than Greek, susceptibilities, 



148 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

because, on December 12, 1916, France had erected 
an Albanian Republic at Koritsa and had later 
occupied Preveza as the Italians Parga and 
Joannina. But after the deposition of King 
Constantine, M. Venizelos, while refusing to allow 
the Northern Epeirote deputies to sit in the Greek 
Parliament, so as to avoid international complica- 
tions, obtained the Italian evacuation of Joannina 
and Northern Epeiros. The Venizelos-Tittoni 
agreement pledged Italy to support the Greek 
claim to Northern Epeiros at the Paris Conference, 
which accordingly, in January, 1920, assigned the 
provinces of Argyrokastron and Koritsa to Greece, 
subject to American consent. As President Wilson 
categorically refused it, the offer was withdrawn, 
and in November, 1921, the Conference of Ambas- 
sadors definitely awarded both provinces to 
Albania. As for the islet of Saseno, M. Venizelos 
had ceded that to Albania in 1914, but it was 
occupied by Italy towards the end of that year, 
and, in virtue of the Tirana agreement of 1920, 
is still Italian. Thus Northern Epeiros was lost 
for Greece ; from the Italian occupation it, at 
any rate, obtained material advantages in the 
shape of roads and aqueducts ; of the poor 
Albanian state it will be the richest portion, 
probably destined to pay for improvements in 
the more warlike and recalcitrant North. 

In June, 1914, Greece seemed on the brink of 
another war with Turkey. The Germans prompted 
the willing Turks to deport the Greek population, 
which from the dawn of history had inhabited the 



THE EXPANSION OF GREECE 149 

coast of Asia Minor, for the Greek traders were an 
obstacle alike to German expansion and Turkish 
centralization. In April the writer saw shiploads 
of Greeks from Turkish Thrace land at Salonika. 
But the expulsion of the Asiatic Greeks was on a 
larger scale, and the assignment of the big islands 
of Chios and Lesbos, both near the mainland, to 
Greece had alarmed the Turkish Government, 
which feared their use as a base against Asia Minor, 
and had an excuse for its action in the need of 
finding homes for the Moslem refugees from 
Macedonia. Greeks were boycotted ; foreign firms 
were asked to dismiss their Greek employees ; 
and an occasional massacre, as at Phocaea, lent 
point to the statement made by a Turkish diplo- 
matist that " if Greece does not restore the islands, 
we will persecute the Greeks in Turkey." Briefly, 
the Asiatic Greeks were to be treated like the 
Armenians. Only, unlike the Armenians, they 
could appeal to a Government of their own race 
for protection, and they did not appeal in vain. 
M. Venizelos protested strongly against the 
expulsion of 30,000 Greeks, adding that the Greek 
Government would not be responsible for the 
consequences, unless this persecution ceased, and 
purchased two American battleships, thus trump- 
ing the Turkish purchase of a dreadnought then 
being constructed in England for Brazil. The 
Turks, as usual, yielded to the argument of force, 
the Grand Vizier arranged to meet M. Venizelos, 
and their meeting was only prevented by the 
outbreak of the European war. 



CHAPTER XII 

GREECE DURING THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 
(1914-21) 

M. VENIZELOS was at Munich on this 
business when the news of the Austrian 
ultimatum to Serbia reached him. Greece 
was bound to Serbia by the treaty of alliance, 
signed in 1913, and her Premier, interrogated by 
his Serbian colleague, replied that, " while reserving 
his opinion on the application of the treaty in 
the event of an armed conflict between Austria 
and Serbia," Greece would stand by her ally in 
case Bulgaria should attack the latter. He added 
to M. Streit, his Foreign Minister, that "at no 
price should Greece be induced to enter the camp 
opposed to Serbia." Thus, at the outset, the 
Premier clearly and unmistakeably defined his 
policy. 

The position of Greece was difficult. She had 
only a year earlier emerged with considerable 
losses in men from the two Balkan wars ; she had 
just been on the verge of war with Turkey, and 
the Premier confessed that he dreaded the possi- 
bility of a Turko-Bulgarian coalition against her, 
the Turks taking the islands and the Bulgars 

150 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 151 

Macedonia. His own sympathies and convictions 
in the general European struggle were whole- 
heartedly with the Allies ; they were the pro- 
tecting Powers of Greece, while Germany had been 
the power behind Turkey ; and in those early 
days, before the labours of the German propaganda 
and the undiplomatic blunders of the Allies at 
Athens, the Greek people was not Germanophil. 
But King George, an anti-German, who, as a 
Dane, remembered the seizure of Schleswig- 
Holstein, was alas ! dead, his successor was a 
German Field-Marshal, and his successor's wife 
the Kaiser's sister. Besides, on two recent 
occasions, in the question of Kavalla and at the 
Epeirote Conference at Corfu, Germany had 
supported Greece. On these grounds the Kaiser 
appealed to his brother-in-law to enter the war 
as his ally. King Constantine replied on August 7 : 
" The Emperor knows that My personal sym- 
pathies and My political opinions draw Me to His 
side. I shall never forget that it is to Him that 
we owe Kavalla. After ripe reflexion it is, 
however, impossible for Me to see how I could be 
useful to Him, if I mobilized My army immedi- 
ately. The Mediterranean is at the mercy of the 
united British and French fleets. They would 
destroy our navy and merchant marine, they would 
take our islands, and above all they would prevent 
the concentration of My army, which can be 
effectuated only by sea, since a railway does not 
yet exist. Without being able to be in any way 



152 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

useful to Him, we should be wiped from the map. 
I am forced to think that neutrality is imposed 
upon us, which could be very useful to Him, with 
the assurance that we will not touch His friends 
among My neighbours, as long as they do not 
touch our local Balkan interests." 1 

The Premier, however, realized, after Turkey's 
acquisition of the German vessels, Goeben and 
Breslau, that sooner or later she might attack 
Greece, and he, therefore, wished to fight her with 
the help of the Allies, declaring that if Turkey 
went to war against them, Greece " should put 
all her forces at their disposal, on condition of 
being guaranteed against the Bulgarian peril." 
The British Government, in recognition of this 
attitude, told him that the British fleet would not 
allow the Turkish fleet to leave the Dardanelles, 
even for the exclusive purpose of attacking Greece, 
and allowed the Greek troops to re-occupy Northern 
Epeiros. 2 The King, however, went back upon 
this arrangement, informing Admiral Kerr that 
Greece would not go to war against Turkey, unless 
Turkey first attacked her. Thereupon M. Venizelos 
resigned, but his resignation was not accepted, 
and Col. Metaxas, " the little Moltke " of Greece, 
was authorized to submit to the British Authorities 
a plan for taking the Dardanelles. Their rejection 

1 Documents Diplomatiques : 1913-1917 (Athenes, 1917), 
p. 46. 

2 Cinq Am (T Histoire Grecque : 1912-1917 (Paris, 1917), 
pp. 13, 16-17. 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 153 

of this plan, by wounding his professional vanity, 
made him, already German by education, German- 
ophil in politics. Yet Greek aid was regarded as 
valuable by the Allies, especially after the British 
declaration of war against Turkey on November 5. 
A month later they offered South Albania (except 
Valona), if Greece would immediately aid Serbia 
an offer raised on January 23, 1915, for the first 
time, to " very important territorial compensations 
on the coasts of Asia Minor." 1 In two memoranda 
to the King the Premier advocated the acceptance 
of the latter offer, on condition that Bulgarian co- 
operation were secured, to which end he was ready 
to sacrifice the Macedonian districts of Sarishaban, 
Drama andKavalla, or one-sixtieth of the probable 
gains in Asia Minor. But this scheme was aban- 
doned owing to the objections of Col. Metaxas to 
an Asiatic extension of Greek responsibilities, 
and after the proof of Bulgaria's coming co- 
operation with the Central Empires afforded by 
her loan on their money-markets. Then came 
the Allies' attack upon the Dardanelles, to which 
the Premier proposed to contribute one army- 
corps. But here again Col. Metaxas blocked the 
way by tendering his resignation. M. Venizelos 
asked the King to summon a Crown Council com- 
posed of all ex-Premiers, and reduced his proposal 
to the despatch of one division. The Council 
supported him ; but the King refused his consent, 
and M. Venizelos resigned. 

1 Maccas, L' 'Hellenisme de VAsie-M incur e, p. 154. 



154 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

The new Premier, M. Gounares, a lawyer from 
Patras, did not inspire the Allies with the confidence 
which they had bestowed upon the fallen statesman. 
Besides there was a power behind the Cabinet 
and the throne in the persons of the King's con- 
fidential advisers, M. Streit, a German by origin, 
Col. Metaxas and General Dousmanes all three 
for various reasons on the side of Germany. Still 
the Allies continued their offers, promising the 
vilayet of Aidin as the reward of intervention. 
The Cabinet agreed to intervene, if the Allies would 
guarantee Greece's territorial integrity during, 
and for some time after, the war. No reply was 
sent to this answer : it was probably considered 
deceptive. The entry of Italy into the war on 
May 24, 1915, complicated the situation ; for 
beneficial as it was from a military standpoint, 
it increased the Allies' diplomatic difficulties at 
Athens, where Count Bosdari, the Italian Minister, 
did not pursue the same policy as his colleagues. 
Since 1912 Italo-Greek relations had been strained, 
and M. Venizelos, idolized in Britain and France, 
was regarded in Italy as an obstacle to Italian 
expansion, which would profit more from a weak 
than a strong Greece, nor did the Allies' offer of 
Kavalla to Bulgaria make them more popular. 
M. Gounares' Ministry was, however, brief. Beaten 
at the polls by the Venizelists, who had fifty-eight 
majority over all parties, he clung to office for 
seventy days after his defeat, on the pretext of 
the King's illness. The Royal recovery, ascribed 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 155 

by the populace to the intervention of the miracu- 
lous Virgin of Tenos, whose image was brought 
to Athens, greatly enhanced the prestige of the 
monarch who had slain the Bulgars and as his 
escape from the fire at Tatoi' again proved 
obviously enjoyed the special favour of Providence. 
The German propaganda, worked by Baron Schenk, 
further diffused the gospel of neutrality. 

The second Venizelist Cabinet lasted only six 
weeks. The Premier informed Serbia and the 
Powers that Greece " would tolerate no aggression 
by Bulgaria against Serbia," and, when Bulgaria 
mobilized, proposed to the King that Greece 
should mobilize also. The King replied : " I will 
not take part in the war. We should be beaten 
by Germany." When told that it was his duty 
as a constitutional monarch to follow his Minister's 
policy, approved by the country at the recent 
elections, he said : "I recognize my obligation 
to obey the popular verdict whenever it is a 
question of internal questions, but when it is a 
question of external questions, I must insist that 
My idea be followed, for I am responsible before 
God." This was the divine right of Kings, a 
doctrine never claimed by Otho or George, but 
which smacked of Charles I of England and William 
I and II of Prussia. As it was now clear that 
Bulgaria was on the point of attacking Serbia, the 
Premier applied to the Entente for 150,000 men. 
But a few hours before the landing of the first 
Anglo-French detachment at Salonika he had been 



156 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

dismissed because of his reply to Theotokes' 
question as to what he would do if, in aiding Serbia, 
Greece met German troops, viz. that she would 
act as her honour demanded. 

Meanwhile it had long been known at Sofia that, 
whatever happened, Greek neutrality was assured. 
Indeed, the new Premier, M. Zai'mes (the former 
High Commissioner in Crete), remarked that he 
had taken office with the express purpose of not 
executing the Serbian treaty ! Nevertheless, thanks 
to his reputation, he received the confidence 
of the Allies and the offer of Cyprus. But an 
incident, provoked by his Minister of War, caused 
his defeat, the nomination of the aged M.Skouloudes 
as his successor, with a Cabinet of " old men," 
and another General Election, from which the 
Venizelists abstained. It was clear that, as long 
as the King reigned, Greece would not assist the 
Allies, and might even attack them in the rear. Two 
incidents branded the Skouloudes Ministry : its 
refusal to allow the Serbian troops, then in Corfu 
after their retreat across Albania, to traverse the 
Greek railways on their way to join the Allies at 
Salonika, and its ignominious surrender of Fort 
Roupel, which commands the Struma valley, to 
the descendants of those same Bulgarians from 
whom the Greek Emperor, Theodore II Laskaris, 
had captured it in 1255, but to whom Constantine, 
"the Bulgar-slayer," restored it in 1916. This 
cost the Greeks the loss of Northern Epeiros, which 
could no longer be safely entrusted to Greek 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 157 

troops, the proclamation of martial law by General 
Sarrail in Macedonia, and the note of the three 
protecting Powers on June 21, demanding the 
reduction of the army to a peace footing, the 
immediate replacement of the Cabinet by a colour- 
less Government, the dissolution of the Chamber, 
a fresh election, and the removal of certain 
obnoxious police officials. The ever-useful M. 
Zai'mes replaced M. Skouloudes, promising to 
execute these demands. Rarely had an indepen- 
dent state received such a humiliation ; Greece, 
as a Greek diplomatist said to the writer, had 
" become a public place," in which the Allies 
planted themselves where they chose, at Corfu, 
Salonika, Moudros, Joannina and Preveza, while 
the Bulgarians invaded Eastern Macedonia, thus 
making an election impossible. The Bulgars 
occupied Kavalla, and 8,000 Greek soldiers were 
" interned " by the Germans at Gorlitz. This so 
greatly disgusted patriotic officers at Salonika, 
that they formed a Committee of National Defence 
under the Cretan, Col. Zymbrakakes, repudiating 
the Athens Government. This movement, un- 
successful at the moment, was the forerunner of 
the Venizelist Provisional Government of Salonika. 
M. Venizelos had reluctantly come to the 
conclusion that nothing but a revolution would 
change Greek policy, for the new Kalogeropoulos 
Cabinet, although favourable to the Allies, was 
powerless to counteract the King's secret advisers. 
He, therefore, left for Crete on September 25, 



158 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

whence he proceeded to Salonika, where, with 
General Dangles and Admiral Koundouriotes, he 
founded the Provisional Government, while the 
King entrusted the task of forming a Cabinet to 
Professor Lampros, the eminent mediaeval scholar, 
a Germanophil without experience of politics. 
Greece was thenceforth divided into two camps- 
Athens and Salonika, separated by a neutral zone ; 
Greek colonies throughout the world took sides ; 
island after island joined Salonika, and Venizelist 
troops fought by the side of the Allies, while the 
attitude of the Royalists became more and more 
suspicious. Accordingly, the French Admiral 
demanded the surrender of the Greek torpedo 
flotilla, the disarmament of the battleships, the 
control of the Pirseus-Larissa railway, the Piraeus 
harbour and the Salamis Arsenal. He also 
obtained the departure of enemy diplomatists, 
and demanded the delivery of ten mountain 
batteries by December 1. When that day arrived, 
a small Allied force was suddenly attacked by 
the Royalists, many were killed, and the Queen 
triumphantly telegraphed to her brother that 
there had been " a great victory over four Great 
Powers, whose troops fled before the Greeks and 
later retired under the escort of Greek troops," 
adding : " May the infamous swine receive the 
punishment which they deserve ! " a This humilia- 
tion was followed next day by an attack upon the 

1 Documents Diplomatiques : 1913-1917. Supplement, 
pp. 82, 94. 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 159 

persons and property of Athenian Venizelists, 
while the Premier's historical knowledge was 
probably responsible for the " Anathema " of 
stones cast upon their absent leader a reminis- 
cence of the similar " anathema " upon the 
Athenian primates who had supported the tyrant 
Hadji Ali in 1785. For nearly four months no 
Athenian Venizelist newspapers were published. 
Great was the indignation in France and 
England at their humiliation. But the punish- 
ment was limited to a blockade, to the demand 
for the withdrawal of Greek troops within the 
Peloponnese, and to the salute of the Allied flags. 
The Allies were not agreed ; Kings are a trade- 
union ; and King Constantine, in particular, 
had powerful connections. Finally, however, M. 
Jonnart was sent as High Commissioner of the 
protecting Powers to Athens to demand his 
abdication in favour of one of his sons (except 
the Germanophil Crown Prince), while French 
troops entered Thessaly. The duty of communi- 
cating this ultimatum to the King devolved upon 
M. Zai'mes, who for the fifth time had become 
Premier. There was no resistance, for this time 
the Allies had ample forces at hand and the will 
to use them. On June 12, the King " agreed to 
leave the country with the Crown Prince, appoint- 
ing as his successor Prince Alexander," his second 
son. Two days later he embarked quietly at 
Oropos for Switzerland ; the blockade was raised, 
and on June 27 M. Venizelos became Prime 



Minister of King Alexander. The Chamber elected 
in June, 1915, was summoned, on the ground that 
its dissolution was unconstitutional ; Greece 
joined the Allies in the war, and at Skra and else- 
where contributed to their victory upon the 
Macedonian front, thus gaining a claim to com- 
pensation at the Peace Conference, while, in 1920, 
the Greeks, as the police of the Allies, were entrusted 
with the task of fighting the Kemalists in Asia. 
Minor. 

Thanks to the personal authority of M. Venizelos, 
the Greek share was larger than any one else could 
have obtained. By the treaties of Neuilly and 
Sevres, between the Allies and Bulgaria and 
Turkey respectively in 1919 and 1920, Greece 
received Thrace almost up to the Chatalja lines, 
and two of the three remaining Turkish islands 
of the ^Egean, Imbros and Tenedos, subject to 
their disarmament (Kastellorizon being handed 
to Italy). Smyrna and its territory remained 
nominally Turkish, in token of which a Turkish 
flag (following Cretan precedent) was to fly over 
one of its outer forts ; but Greece was to exercise 
the rights of sovereignty over the city and territory 
with a local Parliament, which in five years' time 
might ask the Council of the League of Nations 
for their " definitive incorporation in the Kingdom 
of Greece." Although the Dodekanese was for- 
mally ceded to Italy, the Venizelos-Tittoni agree- 
ment had arranged for its transference (except 
Rhodes) to Greece. These territorial gains were 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 161 

a great triumph for their author, but some doubted 
whether Greece could assimilate them, especially 
as they were not purely Hellenic. It was asked 
whether Bulgaria, now cut off from the JEgean, 
would be permanently content with the " economic 
outlets " promised her there ; whether this double 
acquisition in Europe and Asia would not sow the 
seeds of a future Turko-Bulgarian alliance ; 
whether, after M. Venizelos' time, his gigantic 
creation, like those of the great Serbian Tsar, 
Dushan, and the great Bulgarian Tsars, Simeon 
and John Asen II, would survive their creator. 
Already the arrival of Greek troops in Smyrna in 
1919 had been the signal for a serious riot ; and 
the Greco-Turkish war in Asia has proved to be a 
drawn game. Italy also was opposed to a Greek 
Smyrna, alleging that Mr. Lloyd George had 
promised it to her at the St. Jean de Maurienne 
Conference of 1917. But M. Venizelos argued that 
the Thracian coast in Bulgarian hands might 
become a submarine base and that Bulgaria by 
her conduct had no claim to benevolence, while, 
if Greece were one day to recover Constantinople, 
it was essential that her land continuity should 
not be broken by a Bulgarian Thrace. He applied 
the principle of self-determination to the Greeks 
of Western Asia Minor (whom he estimated at 
818,221), preferring union to autonomy on the 
ground that the latter would only create a larger 
Samian or Cretan question, and indicating the 
difficulty of replacing under Turkish rule the vast 
ii 



162 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

numbers of Asiatic Greeks expelled before, and 
during, the war for since 1915 the persecutions 
and expulsions had increased. These figures 
excluded the Greeks of Trebizond (where a Greek 
Empire existed from 1204 to 1461), whom their 
Archbishop sought to form into an autonomous 
state, but whom the Premier would have attached 
to Armenia, and those of Brusa, whom he left to 
Turkey. Constantinople remained the Turkish 
capital on condition that Turkey executed the 
treaty ; and, despite the historic claims of Greece to 
Santa Sophia, that famous church was left to the 
Moslems. But the " Holy Mountain " of Athos 
remains under Greece a theocratic Republic. 

When we reflect that in 1909 the acquisition of 
Crete alone would have been considered a great 
feat, it might have been thought that the artisan 
of this Hellenic ail-but Empire would have been 
idolized by his countrymen. But three months 
after the treaty of Sevres he was a defeated exile. 
Various causes produced this unexpected result. 
He attributed his defeat to the long mobilization 
of the army ; it was also due to his long absence 
from Greece owing to the protracted peace negotia- 
tions. His lieutenants were far inferior to himself ; 
their unpopularity descended upon him ; and, as 
Gladstone repudiated the title of " Gladstonian," 
so Venizelos might repudiate that of " Venizelist." 
Meanwhile, Royalist intrigues were conducted 
from Switzerland, and the marriage of one of the 
Princes with an American millionairess provided 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 163 

the sinews of propaganda. Constantine had never 
" abdicated " ; he had only " left his country " ; 
his popularity as a soldier was great with the 
people, while the impeachment of Royalist ex- 
Ministers and the expulsion of Royalist supporters 
increased the numbers of the discontented. A 
plot against the Premier was discovered at Athens ; 
two Greek officers tried to assassinate him in 
Paris. Then, on October 25, 1920, the death of 
King Alexander, due to a monkey's bite, created 
a reaction in favour of the exile, and the elections 
were fought on the personal question : Constantine 
or Venizelos. Meanwhile, Admiral Koundour- 
iotes acted as Regent till Prince Paul, the late 
King's younger brother, should make up his mind 
to accept the Crown. But the elections of 
November 14 decided for Constantine ; M. Venizelos 
was not even elected, resigned and left Greece, 
whereupon Rhalles for the fifth time became 
Premier. His first act was to substitute the 
Queen-Mother Olga as Regent for Admiral Koun- 
douriotes, his next to hold a plebiscite for the 
restoration of Constantine. The result was a 
foregone conclusion, and on December 20 Con- 
stantine reached Athens. Great Britain and 
France imposed no obstacle to the will of the 
people, while Italy rejoiced at the downfall of 
the Greek Cavour. The Italians were guided by 
self-interest, but history contains few examples 
of national ingratitude such as that of the 
Greeks. They have already had cause to repent. 



164 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

The Restoration did not, as had been said at 
the elections, bring peace, but a continuation of 
the war in Asia Minor, while it inevitably prolonged 
the domestic discord ; for exiles, returning after 
three years' banishment, wanted the places of 
those in office. Nor were the Royalist leaders 
united : Rhalles soon made way for Kalogero- 
poulos, and the latter for Gounares ; but none of 
them possessed the weight and influence of their 
great rival in the Councils of the Allies. Northern 
Epeiros was lost ; the cry went up for the revision 
of the treaty of Sevres ; two of the Great Powers 
now have Turkophil policies, the third is wavering. 
But it must be remembered that the Greek people 
was tired with eight years of almost constant 
mobilization, that elections are nowhere won on 
foreign policy but on local questions, and that to 
win them election agents are as necessary as 
statesmen. M. . Venizelos, as his friend, the 
Roumanian Minister, T. Jonescu, told the writer, 
was " too big a man for a small country." Greece 
invented ostracism. 

Here, for the present, ends her history. If the 
centenary of the War of Independence did not fall 
on happy times, the Greeks have nevertheless 
made great progress since 1821. First, as regards 
territory : while Turkey, which in 1801 covered 
nearly the whole Balkan peninsula, was left at 
Sevres with only 2,238 square miles and 1,281,000 
inhabitants in Europe, and those chiefly in Con- 
stantinople, Greece contains some 8,000,000 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 165 

inhabitants, of whom, however, about 2,000,000 
are estimated to be non-Greeks ; but outside the 
Kingdom there are still about 2,500,000 Greeks, 
of whom a million are scattered about the world, 
rather over a million remain in Asia Minor, Con- 
stantinople and its European territory, 43,000 
resided in Bulgaria before the Balkan wars, 151,000 
have been lost with Northern Epeiros, and the 
rest may one day come to Greece with Cyprus and 
the Dodekanese. Whether Constantinople will 
become Greek again is uncertain. The treaty of 
Sevres hinted at such an eventuality, but Greece 
is no longer the favourite child of the Entente. 
It may be doubted whether, apart from historical 
arguments, its possession would materially benefit 
" Old " Greece. Indeed, mediaeval history points 
the lesson that Byzantium exploited " Old " Greece 
for its own purposes, and only when the Byzantine 
Empire shrank to a mere fragment of suburban 
territory did Mistra assume importance. To-day 
there is antagonism between Byzantine and 
Athenian Hellenism : the former is Venizelist, 
the latter Constantinian ; and the Royalist 
Government wished to delay the election to the 
Patriarchate, vacant for three years, for fear lest 
a Venizelist Patriarch should be chosen. 1 Greece 
is too small for two great cities ; the question of 
precedence between Athens and Constantinople 
would be difficult, while there would be the danger 
of Bulgarian interruption of the land communica- 
1 As was the case. 



166 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

tion between the two. No Balkan State wants 
Greece at Constantinople : Roumania has lately 
said so ; and the Powers, now that Bolshevism 
has, at least temporarily, eliminated the Russian 
candidature, have acquiesced in the half-measure 
of leaving the Turk there. That this will be 
permanent is improbable ; but, when he finally 
retires to Asia Minor, whence he came, the most 
likely solution, although by no means ideal, would 
seem to be international control. Still, we cannot 
expect the Greeks, with their strong Byzantine 
memories and acute historic sense, to cease regard- 
ing Constantinople as pre-eminently their " City," 
and Santa Sophia their holy of holies. Only, as 
Bismarck said of Prussia before her consolidation : 
" the equipment is too big for the tiny body." 
A scattered state is hard to defend. If Greece 
obtained Byzantium, could she maintain it in 
war, or administer it in peace ? 

But, as no country should know better than 
Greece, the greatness of states does not depend 
upon their mileage. Both intensively, as well as 
in extent, Greece has greatly progressed in the 
century of her independence. Athens is now one 
of the finest cities of the South, and owes its rapid 
development in large measure to that fervent 
patriotism of " the outside Greeks," which prompts 
them to spend their fortunes upon beautifying 
the capital of their free brethren. To Epeirote 
"benefactors" a recognized class in Greece 
Athens owes many public foundations. Intellectu- 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 167 

ally, as is natural in a race so eager to learn, the 
advance has been rapid. Illiteracy has greatly 
diminished ; and, if the figures of illiteracy in the 
census of 1907 for " Old Greece "66-27 per cent. 
seem high, that is partly due to the large proportion 
of elderly illiterates inherited from Turkish Thessaly 
and British Zante, where little was done under 
our protectorate for primary education. By 1914 
the number of pupils in elementary schools had 
already increased by 40,487. The acquisitions 
of the Bucharest and Sevres treaties will give the 
schoolmaster much work to make up for Turkish 
neglect ; but the Greek element in "New" Greece 
already had numerous schools, provided by 
patriotic Hellenes. Greek estimates 1 give them as 
1,011 with 59,640 pupils for Macedonia, 562 with 
42,890 pupils for Thrace, 179 with 22,296 pupils 
for Constantinople and Chatalja, 405 with 56,525 
pupils for the Smyrna vilayet, 1,646 with 108,726 
pupils for the rest of Asia Minor (including the 
Dardanelles), 12 with 1,835 pupils in Imbros and 
Tenedos, and 131 with 11,122 pupils in the Dodek- 
anese and Kastellorizon, besides those in Cyprus, 
Crete, Samos and the other islands conquered 
from Turkey. Here again quality as well as 
quantity must be considered. Greek, like most 
foreign education, is too literary ; it does not 
develop character ; and M. Venizelos, therefore, 

1 Colocotronis, La Macedoine et VHelUnisme (Paris, 
1919), p. 614 ; Soteriadis, An Ethnological Map (London, 
1918), pp. 14-15. 



168 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

desired the experiment of a school on British lines. 
The boy scout movement has to a certain extent 
supplied that physical training which the ancient 
Greeks considered an integral part of education. 
Greek athletes distinguished themselves at the 
Olympic Games of 1896 and 1906 : a Greek won 
the Marathon race at the former, another Greek 
delighted the spectators by his graceful quoit- 
throwing at the latter. But the little Greek 
loves his books far more than does the little 
Briton, and it is pathetic to see the small boot- 
blacks of Athens poring over manuals at night- 
schools. For one class, the clergy, intellectual 
education is far behind ours. The late Metro- 
politan, a Cypriote bishop, resolved to raise the 
educational level of the Greek priest who is often 
a mere peasant, but perhaps for that reason, 
especially as he is married, better able to enter into 
the lives of his parishioners. There are few traces 
in Greece that learning prevents men from excelling 
in commerce ; it has, however, a tendency to 
make the Greeks regard it as the one thing necessary 
to success and to judge less learned Balkan races 
accordingly. 

The language question has handicapped the 
development of a modern literature of the imagina- 
tion ; but, after King Constantine's deposition* 
the " vulgar " tongue was ordered to be the 
medium of elementary instruction, and Venizelist 
journals ridiculed Royalist " smart " society for 
talking French. But the historical studies of 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 169 

Lampros (who would have written better if he had 
written less), Sathas, Meliarakes, Kampouroglos 
and Philadelpheus have illuminated the Mediaeval 
and Turkish periods, while Paparregopoulos wrote 
a masterly " History of the Greek Nation." 
Professor Andreades is an eminent economist, 
known far beyond Greece. Bikelas and Drosines 
produced good novels and devoted themselves 
to the diffusion of useful knowledge by a series of 
popular handbooks. British readers can form 
some idea of the short story from " Tales of a 
Greek Island," by Julia Dragoumis, and " Modern 
Greek Stories," translated by Demetra Vaka. 
Roides and Zampelios published popular historical 
novels, Bernardakes and Rangabes classical and 
historical plays. " Jean Moreas " was a Greek 
of Paris. Greek, like Italian, authors suffer from 
the popularity of translations from the French, 
which all educated Greeks read. In Soures Athens 
lost a modern Aristophanes, for his weekly journal, 
Romeos, written entirely by himself in verse, was 
a genial satire on contemporary events. But 
modern, like Byzantine, Greek literature is rather 
instructive than original, learned than popular, 
historical than romantic. 

There remains journalism, which flourishes to 
an extent unknown in other countries of the same 
size. The Greek press is intensely political, and 
very well written. Every one reads it, many 
believe it. It has played an important part in 
political history, and the " conversion " of many 



170 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

newspapers during the war was one obstacle to 
the Allies. In normal times, when there is no 
censorship, it keeps the people well-informed 
about the political affairs of " mankind from 
China to Peru," and especially about what the 
Briton " intends, and what the French." Its 
caricatures have sometimes been excellent, but 
latterly the paper famine has curtailed its space. 
Unfortunately, those who write in Greek suffer 
in " Europe " from the mediaeval maxim : Grcecum 
est, non legitur. 

The territorial acquisitions of the last nine 
years should greatly increase the economic progress 
of Greece. In 1914 the cultivable area of " Old " 
Greece, largely rocky, was only 24 per cent., even 
after the draining of the Copai'c lake. The 
annexation of Macedonia will ultimately increase 
this percentage, when that troubled province finally 
enjoys peace, and its plains can be scientifically 
cultivated and its marshes drained. Still more 
is hoped from Thrace and the Asiatic territory, 
where, under favourable conditions, the Greek 
is content to till the soil. Elsewhere, he prefers 
the sea or the shop. Goats and intentional forest 
fires have diminished the woods ; but the last 
sixty years have witnessed considerable activity 
in mining, in which British capital has participated ; 
but Greek industries are crippled by the lack of 
coal, and Greece is not, therefore, a manufacturing 
country. A result of this is the tardy appearance 
of Socialism as a political party. Class distinctions 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 171 

are, for historical reasons, less important among 
Greeks than elsewhere. The mediaeval archontes 
have left no successors ; titles are confined to the 
Ionian Islands ; and, although a certain halo 
invests the descendants of Revolutionary families, 
men like Admiral Koundouriotes and M. Za'imes 
the Greek equivalents of our Russells and 
Cavendishes Greece is a country in which a career 
is essentially open to talent. Possibly that fact 
makes Greece more difficult to govern than 
countries where the vast mass occupies itself 
with politics only at elections. 

The present moment is scarcely propitious to 
an optimistic survey of Greece's future. Her 
barometer, after a sudden rise, has as suddenly 
fallen ; her European influence, based upon that 
of one man, has declined with his decline. That 
is the usual lesson of Balkan history, for in South- 
Eastern Europe the individual has always been 
the determining factor. Had such a man arrived 
earlier in the last century, before rival competitors 
to the Turkish heritage had had time to grow up, 
had, for example, Kolettes been a Venizelos, 
Greece would have to-day a less disputed position 
in the Near East. The Turk has now practically 
disappeared from Europe, but the Greek has not 
sole possession of his abandoned territories. The 
late war has left Roumania and Jugo-Slavia far 
larger than Greece, while Bulgaria has not aban- 
doned her aspirations to Thrace and Macedonia. 
Roumania, doubtless, is more a Danubian and 



Carpathian than a Balkan state, and Jugo-Slavia 
(if she holds together) should look Westward 
rather than Southward, to the Adriatic rather than 
to the ^Egean. But experience shows that no 
Balkan settlement is durable, that the Eastern 
question is insoluble. Long before the Turks 
entered Europe, Greeks, Serbs and Bulgars fought 
for the hegemony of the peninsula, in which their 
historic lots have been cast ; nor is there reason 
for believing that their rivalries will cease, now 
that the Turks have practically retired from the 
field. 

A Balkan Confederation is a dream ; even a 
Balkan Alliance, projected by Trikoupes and 
realized by M. Venizelos, lasted but a few months. 
Racial antipathies in the Balkans are so strong 
and so deep, human life is held in so little account, 
and historical traditions play so important a part 
in inter-Balkanic politics, that reason and common- 
sense, or, in other words, compromise, can rarely 
prevail over Chauvinism, even when there is no 
Great Power behind the scenes to encourage dis- 
cord or keep some running sore open. And such 
sores still exist witness the uncertainty whether 
Albania can live, and the interest that some have 
that she shall live precariously or not at all. Yet, 
could the Balkan races but be left alone to manage, 
or even mismanage, their own affairs, and could 
they come to a lasting settlement with each other, 
it would be difficult to find a more talented com- 
bination. The Greeks would contribute the 



THE EUROPEAN CRISIS 173 

intelligence and the superior civilization, the 
Bulgarians the rude tenacity of purpose and 
strength of character, the Jugoslavs the romantic 
element, and, in the case of the Croats, the valuable 
experience gained from a long period of Western 
administration. The Greeks have learned in 
recent times the lesson, inculcated by Byron, to 
" trust not for freedom to the Franks," but to 
their own exertions, to think less of their remote 
ancestors and more of themselves, to realize that 
Marathon should not eclipse Kilkich, and that 
foreign Governments do not direct their policy 
mainly for the furtherance of Hellenic interests, 
unless those happen to coincide with their own. 
And here Greece possesses an advantage, denied 
to all her neighbours, the existence of powerful 
and patriotic Greek colonies in foreign capitals, 
able to collect and impart information for, and 
about, Greece. Probably her greatest obstacle is 
politics in the parliamentary sense of the word : 
the personal rivalry of politicians for power 
money is not a consideration to the Greek states- 
man, who serves his country for a pittance and 
usually leaves office poorer than he entered it. 
Long, stable administrations thus become difficult ; 
and, in the new system of arranging international 
affairs by direct contact between Premiers, a 
nation loses influence when it often changes its 
representative. For this reason a Greek Republic 
seems unthinkable ; what Greek would command, 
and keep, the support of a large majority of his 



174 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

fellow-countrymen ? Yet the late war showed 
that in Greece monarchy has its disadvantages, 
and it is unfortunate that there can be no system 
for the spontaneous generation of Crown Princes, 
so that Balkan monarchs need not seek consorts 
in countries whose interests are widely different. 
But the personal monarchy in Greece is only a 
transient phenomenon : the half-century of George 
is the rule, the early years of Otho and Constantine 
the exception. The present is an uncertain period 
of transition ; whereas Hellenic democracy is 
" half as old as time." 

NOTE. The Paris Conference of March, 1922, revised 
the treaty of Sevres by moving the Greek frontier in 
Thrace back to a line drawn from near Ganos on the Sea 
of Marmora to the Bulgarian frontier on the west of the 
Stranja Mountains, and restoring Smyrna with its Hin- 
terland to direct Turkish rule. This decision has so far 
(July, 1922) not been executed. 



aitd under <3relc administration (Sttvyrna. 

and Hiatcrlaad) . / 



KetrocededtDTurkeyJfarchlSZZ, by the?- 
Fbris conference. 




GREEK ACQUISITIONS BY TREATY OF SEVRES, AUGUST, IQ2O 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A complete bibliography would fill many pages. For 
that of the Prankish period reference may be made to 
the author's work, The Latins in the Levant (London, 
1908), and for that of Modern Greece before 1913 to his 
book, The Ottoman Empire, 1801-1913 (London, 1913). 
For this second period the following may be specially 
recommended : 

Abbott, G. F. [Editor]. Greece in Evolution. London, 

1909. 
Bickford- Smith, R. A. H. Greece under King George. 

London, 1893. 

Christmas, W. King George of Greece. London, 1914. 
Driault, E. La Question cTOrient. 8 e ed. Paris, 1921. 
Fairchild, H. P. Greek Immigration to the United States. 

New Haven, 1911. 
Finlay, G. A History of Greece. Ed. by H. F. Tozer. 

Vols. vi, vii. Oxford, 1877. (The standard work for 

the period up to 1864.) 
Freese, J. H. A Short Popular History of Crete. London, 

1897. 
Gordon, T. History of the Greek Revolution. 2 vols. 

London, 1832. 
Jebb, Sir R. C. Two Lectures on Modern Greece. London, 

1901. 
Jervis, Henry Jervis- White. History of the Island of 

Corfu and of the Republic of the Ionian Islands. 

London, 1852. 

Kerofllas, C. Eleftherios Venizelos. London, 1915. 
Kirk wall, Viscount (Editor). Four Years in the Ionian 

Islands. 2 vols. London, 1864. 
175 



176 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Luke, H. C. Cyprus under the TUT ks, 1571-1878. Oxford, 

1921. 
Luke, H. C. and Jardine D. J. The Handbook of Cyprus. 

London, 1920. 
Martin, P. F. Greece of the Twentieth Century. London, 

1913. 
Miller, W. Greek Life in Toivn and Country. London, 

1905. 

Orr, C. W. J. Cyprus under British Rule. London, 1918. 
Parish, H. H. The Diplomatic History of the Monarchy 

of Greece from the year 1830. London, 1838. 
Pashley, R. Travels in Crete. 2 vols. London, 1837. 
Samuelson, J. Greece ; her Present Condition . London, 

1894. [Financial.] 
Sergeant, L. Greece in the Nineteenth Century. London, 

1897. 
Spratt, T. A. B. Travels and Researches in Crete. 2 vols. 

London, 1865. 
Stephanopoli, J. Z. Les lies de VEgee. Leurs Privileges. 

Athenes, 1912. 

Strong, F. Greece as a Kingdom ; or a Statistical Descrip- 
tion of that Country. London, 1842. 
Thery, E. La Grece actuelle au point de vue economique 

et financier. Paris, 1905. 

Thouvenel, L. La Grece du Roi Othon. Paris, 1890. 
Tuckerman, C. K. The Greeks of to-day. Ed. 2. New 

York, 1886. 
Xenos, S. East and West, a Diplomatic History of the 

Annexation of the Ionian Islands to the Kingdom of 

Greece. London, 1865. 

The treaties affecting Greece up to 1881 may be found 
in Holland's European Concert in the Eastern Question 
(Oxford, 1885), that of 1897 for the retrocession of 
Thessaly in " Turkey No. 2 (1898)." 

For the period 1913-21 the following may be con- 
sulted : 

Anonymous. Handbooks prepared under the direction 
of the Historical Section of the Foreign Office, Nos. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 177 

18,19, 96. Greece, Macedonia, Islands of the Northern 

and Eastern JEgean. London, 1918-19. 
Anonymous. The Greek Army and the recent Balkan 

Offensive. London, 1919. 
Cassavetti, D. J. Hellas and the Balkan Wars. London, 

1914. 

Chester, S. B. Life of Venizelos. London, 1921. 
Cinq Ans d'Histoire Grecque, 1912-1917. Paris-Nancy, 

1917. [M. Venizelos' Speeches in the Chamber in 

August, 1917.] 

Gauvain, A. The Greek Question. New York, 1918. 
Kenneth Brown, Mrs. Constantine, King and Traitor. 

London, 1918. 

Lawson, J. C. Tales of Mgean Intrigue. London, 1920. 
Maccas, L. L" 1 Hellenisme de VAsie-Mineure. Paris- 
Nancy, 1919. 
Melas, Major G. M. Ex-King Constantine and the War. 

London, 1921. 
Price, Crawfurd. Venizelos and the War. London, 

1917. 
Sarrail, General. Mon commandement en Orient (1916- 

1918). Paris, 1920. 
Seligman, V. J. The Victory of Venizelos. London, 

1920. 
Trapmann, Capt. A. H. The Greeks Triumphant. 

London, 1915. 
Tsouderos, E. J. Le Relevement economique de la Grece. 

Paris-Nancy, 1919. 
Villari, L. The Macedonian Campaign : a History of the 

Salonica Expedition (1915-1918). London, 1922. 



DOCUMENTS (1913-21). 

The London and Bucharest treaties of 1913 (ending 
the first and second Balkan wars) are printed in the above 
Handbooks of the Foreign Office, No. 15, Eastern Question. 
Documents Diplomatiques, 1913-1917. Athens, 1917. 
Documents Diplomatiques (Supplement). Athens, 1917. 

[The 2nd Greek edition of 1920 contains some 

additional documents.] 

12 



178 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Greece before the Peace Congress. 1919. [M. Venizelos 1 

official statement of the Greek case.] 
Greece before the Conference. By Polybius [D. Kalo- 

pothakes]. London, 1919. 
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Epeirote case for the Conference.] 
Greek Ministry for Foreign Affairs. Persecutions of 

the Greek Population in Turkey since the beginning 

of the European War. London, 1918. 
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Powers and Bulgaria and Protocol. Signed at 

Neuilly-sur- Seine, November 27, 1919. London, 

1920. 
Treaty of Peace with Turkey. Signed at Sevres, August 

10, 1920. London, 1920. 
Treaty Series. No. 13 of 1920. Cmd. 960. [Greece. 

Sevres.] London, 1920. 



INDEX 



Aali Pasha, 131 
Abdul Hamid I, 128 

II, 121-22 
Aberdeen, Lord, 18 
Achaia, Principality of, 7-8 
Acheloos, The, 17 
Adam, Sir F., 62 
Adrianople, 15, 16, 86 
^Enos, 142 
Agrinion, 83 
Aldin, 154 
Aigion, 99 
Akarnania, 3 
Akroteri, 104-05 
Albania (-ans), 2, 81, 89-90, 

136, 138, 142, 144-48, 153, 

156, 172 

Alexander, King, 159-60, 163 
Alfred, Prince (Duke of Edin- 
burgh), 48-49, 78 
AH Pasha of Joannina, 11, 21, 

40, 56, 60, 146 
Amalia, Queen, 28, 44 
Ambrakia, Gulf of, 19, 47, 

90-91 

Ameglio, General, 132 
" Anathema," The, 159 
Andreades, Prof., 169 
Angeloi, The, 7 
Argos, 74 

Argyrokastron, 138, 146-48 
Arkadion, 77, 110 
Armansperg, Count von, 22, 

24, 27, 30-31 

Armenia (-ans), 93, 149, 162 
Arta, 16, 19, 52, 91 
Asia Minor, 149, 153, 160-61, 

164, 166-67, 170 
Astros, 15 



Astypalaia, 94, 128-29 
Athens, 7, 10, 27 et sqq., 35, 51, 

166 
Athos, Mount, 10, 137, 142, 162 

Balkan League, The, 128, 135 

et sqq. 
Balkan War, First, 137-42, 146 

Second, 143 
Basil II, 6, 143 
Beaconsfield, Lord, 16, 88-89, 

93 
Berlin, Treaty of, 88-89 

Conference of, 89-90 
Bernardakes, 169 
Bikelas, 169 
Bismarck, 79, 166 
Bosdari, Count, 154 
Boulgares (Greek Statesman), 

48, 85 

Boulgaris, Eugenics, 10 
Bourchier, J. D., 136 
Brigandage, 84-85 
Bucharest, Third Treaty of, 

143-44, 167 
Bulgaria (-ans), 6, 28, 39, 79- 

81,86-88,97, 106, 117-20, 

128, 135-36, 143-44, 150, 

153, 155-57, 160, 165, 171 
Butrinto, 53 
Byron, 2, 13, 15, 59, 173 
Byzantine Greece, 5-6 

Campbell, Sir. J., 55 

Candia, 73, 109, 111 

Canea, 73, 78, 92, 104-05, 109, 

111 

Canning, G., 14 
Sir Stratford, 19 



179 



180 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 



Capo d'Istria, Agostino, 21 
Count John, 12, 16, 20, 55, 

63, 114 

Cephalonia, 61-62, 64-66 
Cervi, 42-43 
Chalke, 128 
Chalkis, 83 
Chatalja, 137, 160 
Cheimarra, 137, 143, 146-47 
Chios, 7-8, 19, 45, 149 
" Chronicle of the Morea," 3 
Clarendon, Lord, 77, 131 
Codrington, Admiral, 14 
Constantino, King, 31, 48, 107, 

124, 127, 137-38, 141-43, 

151 et sqq. 
Constantinople, Conference of, 

90 

Treaty of, 108 
Copaic Lake, 170 
Corfu, 3, 52 et sqq., 73, 89, 142- 

43, 145-46, 151, 157 
Corinth, 27, (Canal) 99 
Cornaro, Family of, 129 
Crete, 6-8, 18-19, 36, 38, 73- 

79, 87-88, 90, 92, 97, 

103-13, 120-23, 136-37, 

142, 144-45, 167 
Crusades, The, 6 
Currant Crisis, 100-01 
Currency Crisis, 100-02 
Cyclades, The, 17 
Cyprus, 7, 9, 69, 93-96, 134, 

156, 165, 167 

Dangles, General, 158 
Delegeorges, Epaminondas,46- 

47 
Deligiannes, Th., 40, 87-88, 

96-98, 102, 104, 107, 114, 

116 

Deunmehs, 118 
Dodekanese (Dodek&nesos), 

The, 10, 69, 128-34, 140, 

160, 165, 167 
Domokos, 107 
Don Pacifico, 42-43, 65 
Douglas, Sir H., 62-63 
Dousmanes, General, 154 
Doxaton, 143 



Dragashani, 12 
Dragoumes, S., 125-26, 137 
Dragoumis, Julia, 169 
Drama, 143, 153 
Drosines, 169 
Droz, Numa, 109 
Durazzo, 24, 147 
Dushan, Stephen, 117, 161 

Education, 167-68 

Emigration, 102 

Epeiros, 7, 36, 38, 44-45, 49, 
86, 88-89, 91, 137-38, 
144-48, 152, 156, 164-65 

Epidavros, 15 

Eubcea, 17, 45, 92 

Exarchate, The Bulgarian, 26, 
39, 80-81 

Fallmerayer, 2 

Ferdinand of Bulgaria, 120 

Ferrero, General, 147 

Finlay, G., 43 

" Florence Protocol," The, 146 

Gabalas, 129 
Ganos, 174n 
Garibaldi, 47 

Gen. Ricciotti, 107 
Gasmotiloi, 8 
Gattilusj, The, 8 
George, King, 22, 50 et sqq., 
140-41, 151 

Prince, 105, 110-13, 125 
German Emperor William II, 

143, 151 
Germanos, 13 
Gida, 144 
Giolitti, Sig., 133 
Gladstone, 15, 66-67, 79, 89 
Goschen, 90 
Goudi, 123 

Gounares, M., 154, 164 
Grabousa, 74 
Grammata, Bay of, 142 
Grey, Sir E., 95, 133 
Gueshov, M., 136 

Hadji Ali, 28, 159 
Michales, 74 



INDEX 



181 



Hagia Lavra, 13 
Halepa, Pact of, 92-93, 103-04 
Heideck, General von, 22 
Hierapetra, 109 
Hydra, 21, 31, 71 
Hypselantea, Prince Alexander, 
12 

Ignatyeff, 80 

Ikaria, 128, 140 

Imbros, 144, 147, 160, 167 

Ionian Islands, 8, 11, 19-20, 42, 

44, 46, 49-50, 52-70, 72, 

77 

Ismail Kemal Bey, 138 
Ithake, 53, 62 

Jenitsa, 137 

Jews, 42, 53, 118, 129, 145 

Joannina, 10-11, 90, 138, 145, 

148, 157 

John Asgn II, 161 
Jonnart, M., 159 
Jugo-Slavia, 39, 171-72 

Kalamas, The, 89-90 
Kalavryta, 13 
Kallerges, 33, 45, 75 
Kalogeropoulos, M., 157, 164 
Kalymnos, 128 
Kampouroglos, M., 169 
Kanares, 48, 86 
Kanlijeh, Treaty of, 45 
Karalik-Dervend, 91 
Karpathos, 128-29 
Kasos, 128-30 
Kastellorizon, 128-29, 144, 147, 

160, 167 
Kavalla, 143-45, 151, 153-54, 

157 

Kemalists, The, 160 
Kilkich, 143, 173 
Kolettes, 20-21, 31, 38-42, 96, 

138, 171 

Kolokotrones, 29, 31 
Kopasses, 139 
Koraes, 10 
Koritsa, 146-48 
Koronaios, 77 



Kos, 128-30 

Koumoundouros, 77, 79, 86 

Koundouriotes, Admiral, 158, 
163, 171 

Koutzo-Wallachs (" Macedon- 
ian Roumanians "), 39, 
118-19, 145 

Kryoneri, 83 

Lamia, 19 

Lampros, Prof., 158, 169 

Language Question, 168 

Larissa, 83, 107-08 

Law, Sir E., 101 

Lausanne, Treaty of, 133, 135 

Lavrion, 85 

Leipso, 128-29 

Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, 

Prince, 18 
Leros, 128 
Lesbos, 8, 149 
Leuchtenberg, Duke of, 49 
Lloyd George, Mr., 161 
Logothetes, 138 
Lombardos, 66 
London, Treaty of (1913), 142, 

144 

(1915), 133 
Lontos, A., 32 

Louis of Bavaria, King, 21, 29 
Lowe, Sir Hudson, 55 
Lusignan Dynasty, The, 7, 93 
Lyons, Sir E., 33 

Macedonia, 6, 36-38, 81, 83, 87, 
90, 106, 116-20, 137, 143- 
45, 149, 157, 160, 167, 
170-71 

Mackenzie, Mr., 63 

Mahmud II, 129, 131 

Maina (-ates), 10, 12, 21, 27, 78 

Maitland, Sir T., 56-57, 59-63 

Makrygiannes, 33 

Makrynoros, 19 

Maneses, 77 

Marathon, 84, 168, 172 

Maurer, Dr., 22, 24, 27 

Mavrokordatos, Alexander, 15, 
31, 38, 45 



182 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 



Mavromichales, Constantino, 
21 

George, 21 

Kyriakoules, 116, 123 

Petrobey, 12, 21 
Mehemet All, 19, 32, 74 
Meliarakes, 169 
Mesta, The, 143 
Metaxas, A., 32 

Col., 152-53 
Metzovon, 137 
Midia, 142 
" Military League," The, 114, 

123-25 

Mistra, 27, 165 
Mocenigo, Count, 57 
Mohammed IV, 129 
" Moreas, Jean," 169 
Morosini, 8 
Moudros, 157 
Mournies, 112 
Mousouros, 41 
Muncaster, Lord, 84 
Mustoxidi, 62-63 

Napoleon I, 53-55 

III, 45 

Nauplia, 22, 24, 27, 47 
"Nautical Islands, The," 21, 

31, 71 

Navarino, 14, 74 
Neuilly, Treaty of, 160 
New Psara, 71 

Nice (Nicsea), Empire of, 7, 129 
Nicholas I, Tsar, 14 
Nigrita, 143 

Nikephoros Phokas, 6, 26 
Nisyros, 128 
Nugent, Lord, 62 

Ochrida, 117 

Olga, The Queen-Mother, 163 

Olympic Games, revived, 105, 

168 

Olympos, 87, 90-91 
Oropos, 159 
Osman III, 129 
Otho, King, 18, 21 et sqq. 

Palmergton, Lord, 19, 42-43, 65 



Panghaion, Mt., 143 
Papapouli, 144 
Paparregopoulos, 169 
Parga, 53, 56, 59-61, 138, 

148 

Parker, Sir W., 43 
Patmos, 128-29, 132 
Patras, 35, 99 
Patriarch, The (Ecumenical, 

25-27, 53, 63, 72-73, 80, 

115, 165 

Paul, Prince, 163 
Paxo, 54, 59, 66, 68 
Pelion, 87 
Peneios, The, 89 
Petropoulakes, 79 
Pharsalos, 107 
Philadelpheus, 169 
PhiliM Hetairia, 1 1 
Phocaea, 149 
Pikermi, 84 
Piraeus, The, 28-29, 35, 45, 

82-83, 145, 158 
Polybios, 3 
Poros, 21 
Pouqueville, 59 
Presbitero, Admiral, 132 
Prespa, 117 
Press, 169-70 
Preveza, 19, 53, 89-90, 106, 

137, 148, 157 
Punta, 19, 91 

Quirini, The, 129 

Railways, 82-83 

Rangabes, 169 

Rethymne, 109, 111 

Rhalles, 107, 116, 122-23, 163- 

64 

Rhegas, 10 
Rhodes, 8, 10, 59, 96, 128 et 

sqq., 160 
Richard I, 93 
Roides, 169 
Rome, Rule of, 3-4 
Rosebery, Lord, 97 
Roumania (-ans), 81, 118-19, 

143, 166, 171 



INDEX 



183 



Roupel, 158 
Bouphos, 48 
Rudhart, Herr von, 31 

Salamis, 158 

Salisbury, Lord, 44, 88-89, 97 

Salonika, 7, 42, 118, 137, 140, 

143, 145, 149, 155-58 
Samos, 19, 138-40, 144, 167 
Samuel, Tsar, 117, 143 
San Stefano, Treaty of, 28, 

87-88, 118 
Santa Mavra (Leukas), 52-53, 

62 

Santa Sophia, 162, 166 
Santi Quaranta, 106, 146 
Sapienza, 42, 44 
Sarantaporon, 137 
Sarishaban, 153 
Sarrail, General, 157 
Saseno, 55, 146, 148 
Sathas, 169 
Schenk, Baron, 155 
Seaton, Lord, 63-65 
Serbia (Serbs), 11, 39, 47, 81, 

97, 106, 117-18, 128, 136, 

143-44, 150, 153, 155-56 
Serres, 143 
Sevres, Treaty of, 95-96, 134, 

160, 162, 164-65, 167, 

174n 

Sforza, Count, 134 
Sitia, 109 
Skopje, 117 
Skouloudes, M., 156-57 
Skra, 160 
Skuleni, 12 

Smyrna, 160-61, 167, 174n 
Sonnino, Baron, 133, 147 
Sophoules, M., 140 
Soteriades, M., 116 
Sparta, 84 
Spercheios, The, 17 
Spetsai, 71 
Sphakianakes, 109 
Sphakia (-iotes), 73, 75, 77 
Spinalonga, 109 
Sponneck, Count, 51 
Sporades, Southern, 10, 128 

( Dodekanese) 



Steamers, 82 

St. Jean de Maurienne, Con- 
ference of, 161 
Storks, Sir H. K., 67 
Stranja Mountains, The, 174n 
Streit, M., 150, 154 
Struma, The, 156 
Suda Bay, 104, 109 
Sykes-Picot Agreement, 95 
Syme, 128, 131 
Syra, 35, 45 

Telos, 128 

Tempo, 91 

Templars, The, 93 

Tenedos, 144, 147, 160, 167 

Tenos, 8, 155 

Theodore II Laskaris, 156 

Theotokes, G., 101, 114, 116, 

122, 126, 156 
Therisso, 112-13 
Thessaly, 19, 36, 44, 49, 52, 83, 

86, 88-89, 91-92, 107-08, 

167 
Thrace, 88, 142-43, 149, 160- 

61, 167, 170-71, 174n 
Tirana Agreement, 148 
Trebizond, Empire of, 7, 162 
Trikoupes, Charilaos, 40, 83, 

86, 96, 98, 102-04, 114, 

126, 172 
Spyridon, 24 
Troizen, 16 

University of Athens, 29-30, 
35 

Valona, 55, 138, 146, 153 

Vassos, Col., 105 

Velestino, 10 

Venizelos, M., 6, 37, 40-41, 92, 

95, 103, 105, 110, 112, 121, 

128 et sqq. 

Bonin Agreement, 134n 

Tittoni Agreement, 95, 134. 

148, 160 

Victoria, Queen, 48-49 
Volo, 10, 16, 19, 83 
Vonitza, 47, 53 



184 A HISTORY OF THE GREEK PEOPLE 

Ward, Sir H., 65 Zaimes, M. A., 95, 113, 120, 

Wellington, Duke of, 14, 16 125, 156-57, 159, 171 

Wilson, President, 148 Th., 68 

Wyse, Sir T., 43 Zalongo, 60 

Zampelios, 169 
Zante, 62, 64, 66 

Xanthe, 143 Zographos, 146 

Zorbas, Col., 123 
Zymbrakakes, Col., 123 

Young, Sir J., 66-67 (Cretan Insurgent), 77 



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